$ 12.75
DEO REIPUBLICÆ ET AMICIS
SEMPER FIDELIS.
w
ESTO
Gee Brafilide
Sution
NO
Geomeffield
-
1843
Tappan Presbyterian Association
LIBRARY.
Presented by HON. D. BETHUNE DUFFIELD.
From Library of Rev. Geo. Duffield, D.D.
2.
35
232
123

TERARY OF THE
TAPPARATTERIAK
A PERPETUAL
228.De
27.8.11
COMMENTARY
1/031)
ON THE
Revelation of St. John.
Wherein is contain'd,
I. The Original Sacred Text, and the Engliſh Tranſla-
tion, laid down and compared together; and their true Literal and
Myſtical Senſe opened and explained.
II. The Nature of the Prophetick Stile, and the Uſe of
Symbolical and Myſtick Terms is ſhewed and illuſtrated from nu-
merous Inſtances drawn from Chriſtian and Pagan Antiquities.
III. The Hiſtory of the Church of Chriſt in the ſeveral
great Periods of its Militant State here upon Earth, is ſet forth;
the whole Series of the more extraordinary Events, and all its
more diſtinguiſh'd Epocha's, marked out and explained.
WITH A
Preliminary Diſcourſe,
CONCERNING
The Certainty of the Principles upon which the REVE-
LATION of St. JOHN is to be underſtood
1673-1117
B Y
CHARLES DAV BUZ, M. A.
Late Vicar of Brotherton in Yorkſhire.
LONDON:
Printed for Benj. Took e, at the Middle-Temple Gate in Fleet-
Street. M DCC XX.
Jafaban Press Axsoen.
4-16-1423
М.

I
A
San. 2.4.
bre
Preliminary Diſcourſe
CONCERNING
200

ro
The Certainty of the Principles upon which the te
REVELATION of St. John is to be
underſtood.
Ho
In TWO PARTS.
ter

PARI I. Treating of the Origin of the Symbolical or Prophe-
tical Language.
PART II. Of the Rules by which the Knowledge of the
Symbolical Language is to be applied to the Revelation.
Wherein it is demonſtrated, that Days in the Prophetical Language
ſometimes fignify Y EARS.
PART 1. weet oor die alle
a borova
Of the Origin of the Symbolical or Prophetical Language.
521
1.
HE intellectual Faculty of Man exerts it ſelf Two Ways: First,
By a Notion conceived in the Mind,; and then, Secondly, By
thoſe Signs, or Words, which expreſs that Notion outwardly.
Both theſe are in the Greek Tongue comprehended in the
word Aón 6, which is therefore according to theſe Two De-
grees diſtinguiſhed by the Philoſophers into o čors aóz G ,and o esco
aógG, the internal Reaſon, and the external Reaſon, or Speech,
By ſome others theſe Two have alſo been called aó o evdikler G, and aóG megoogia
zo's, to the very fame Purpoſe. Further, the Way of exerting our inward Concepti-
ons is Twofold : Either by
. Signs, which are viſible Repreſentations, as the Geſtures
of the Body, Pictures, and the like ; or elſe by articulate Sounds, as Words, which
by Appointment or Agreement expreſs our Conceptions. In the ſame Manner the
Method of tranſmitting preſent Notions to laſting Monuments, for the ſake of thoſe
who can neither fee our preſent and tranfitory Signs, nor hear our Words, is either
by exhibiting outwardly, as in a Pi&ture or Statue, fome laſting Symbols, Types ,
or Images of our Conceptions; or elſe by ſuch Figures as are agreed upon, and known
B
by

to find out Signs to expreſs the Words ; which is indeed the framing of fome Signs
2 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
by Tradition, to expreſs the Words in which our Conceptions ſhould be couch’d, if
we were preſent to ſpeak them. Let us now apply this to the Matter of fact, and
conſider what Ways have been found out to ſupply this according to the moſt ancient
and authentical Hiſtories of the World.
2. We know at preſent but of Three Sorts of Writing, or rather Methods of
tranſmitting the Conceptions of the Mind, which can pretend to any Antiquity; and
what may ſerve for our Purpoſe, were in Uſe as high as the Times of Mofes
. Theſe
Three Kinds I call the Chineſe, Mofaical, and Egyptian ; which were învented, or at
leaſt practisd by the following Nations : The Firſt by the Chineſe and their Neigh-
bours; the Second by the Ifraelites
, Phænicians, and others fince; and the laft by the
Egyptians, Chaldeans, and perhaps many others before the Mofaïcal Character was
tranſmitted to them.out
3. To begin with the Chineſe. If I am not miſtaken, I have read (a) ſomewhere,
that this Nation at firſt made their Characters wholly Hieroglyphical
, as thoſe of the
Egyptians, which were made up of Figures of Animals, Inſtruments
, and the like.
Upon which Account that Character is of the fame Sort as that of the Egyptians.
But they being a very ingenious Nation, and finding their Characters troubleſome
and tedious, invented another, the very ſame as they now have. By what we can
learn about it, that Character ſeems nothing to our Purpoſe. It may be fufficient to
obſerve, that 'tis in fome Meaſure Hieroglyphical, or Symbolical, tho' not quite fo
much as that of the Egyptians ; as if the Characters of it bore an entire Analogy and
Similitude to the Conceptions; becauſe they do not expoſe to the Eye the Nature of
the Things fignified by ſome Analogy, or Reſemblance. They are therefore a kind
of Univerſal and Philoſophical Characters, which may equally ſerve to all Languages ;
not being ty’d to the Sound of Words, but to their Signification, or the Conception
of the Mind. However, when we conſider the Antiquity of thoſe Characters, and
the Politeneſs of that Nation beyond moſt others, and perhaps the Improvement or
Change made therein from the Hieroglyphical to the preſent Philoſophical Character,
it ſeems to demonſtrate to us, that the Wit of Man, being bent upon the Invention
of fome Method to expreſs the Conceptions of our Underſtanding, rather inclin'd
to uſe Hieroglyphicks, or ſome Chara&ter that expreſſes the Conception it felf, than
(6) Signs of the Things conceived. “If Writing, ſays an ingenious modern (c) Au-
thor, was purely of human Invention , and that it had but
one Origin, one might
« believe that the Chineſe Manner of Writing is the moſt Ancient of all. For 'tis
much more eaſy to invent all thoſe fingle Figures, which repreſent at once a whole
Word, or one whole Thing ; than to invent all thoſe different Figures, which we
“call Letters, all which concur to the framing of a ſingle Word”. And ſtill it is as
probable, that the Character would be rather Symbolical , as that of the Egyptians ;
ſince we find that the Americans, who knew nothing of Letters, till the Europeans
diſcovered their Continent, had only, and ſtill retain the Uſe of the Hieroglyphical
Characters.
4. But leaving theſe, let us proceed to enquire into the Moſaïcal Characters, fince
we are ſure that Mofes made uſe of Letters to expreſs Words as well as Things; and
let us endeavour to find out how he came by them, to diſtinguiſh whether he, who
was brought up in the Learning and Manners of the Egyptians , had theſe Characters
from them as well as the Hieroglyphical, which ſurely were of their Invention. It is
the Opinion of the Learned M. Gouſſet, in his laborious Commentary upon the He-
brew Tongue, that the Characters wherein the Decalogue, given by God to Mofes,
was written, and by conſequence all that Moſes wrote afterwards of the Law, were
of Divine Invention. For, beſides the Arguments üs’d by him, drawn from the ad-
mirable Artifice of expreſſing Sounds articulate by Characters, which ſeems to exceed
the Reach of Human Wit; and from the Silence or Want of Letters, which he
proves before the Times of Moſes; it ſeems to me that God himſelf challengeth to
be the Author of thoſe Characters, when he ſays, (d) He has written them, that Mo-

(a) Vid. H. Reland. Differtat. Miſcell. P. III. Diff. II. P. le Compte's Memoirs, &c. of China, Letra
VII.
(6) Táte övércolch
, olubona ovie oft vonuc test. Clem, Alex, Strom, Lib. VIII. Pag. 331.
(c) Vid. M. Bernard. Rep. d. Lect. Mar. 1708.
(d) Exod. xxiv. 120
ses

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
3
ſes might teach them ; and becauſe this Writing is (e) elſewhere ſaid to be done with
the Finger of God. For, with Submiffion to the Judgment of thoſe that are well
vers'd in the Stile of Holy Writ, I conceive, this Phraſe imports Invention ; that it
was a Work of God's Deſign and Contrivance ; ſo proper to him, that it was not to
be done by any other. This Conjecture will appear true, by comparing ſome other
Places, where that and the like Expreſſions are us’d. Thus, for inſtance, in Pſalm
xcv. it is ſaid, that Iſrael is the Sheep of his Hand : For God had a peculiar Pro-
priety in them by Acquiſition, which no other could challenge. Now that Phraſe muſt
either denote ſuch a Thing, or it is ſuperfluous ; and yet we find it is ſpoken emphatical-
ly. Nay, that of Finger of God, is the very fame in Senſe as Spirit of God; by which,
ſurely, none can underſtand any thing elſe, but that the Thing done thereby is
a Work fo peculiar to God, that it can never be conceived nor acted by any other
but himſelf. Thus when our Saviour ſays of himſelf, that he caſts out Devils
() with the Finger of God, this is ſaid by another (3) Evangelift to be done by the
Spirit
. And I hope every one will acknowledge, that what is ſo done, as it is done
by the Finger of God, ſo it implies that it is abſolutely proper to God, both as to
the Inveniion and Execution. For the Spirit more ſtrictly denotes the Inveniion,
and the Finger the Execution ; which are ſynonymous as to God, in whom the Will
and the Deed are all one : Therefore thoſe who ſlander'd our Saviour therein, are
faid to Sin againſt the Holy Ghost ; becauſe they denied that to be done by the Holy
Ghoſt, which had fo peculiar a Mark of his Operation. For the ſame Reaſon, Idoſs
are called the Works of Men's Hands, and elſewhere, their Inventions ; and fome-
times both are us’d together, as ſynonymous, and explaining each other; as in
Pfal. 106. 39. Thus I am ſure, that the Egyptian Magicians underſtood this Phraſe,
or ar leaft Mofes himſelf; who relates, how they having tried to bring Lice upon
Men and Beaſts, and being not able to effect it, as Moſes had done before, owned to
the King, (h) This is the Finger of God. David likewiſe underſtood the Phraſe fo,
when he ſaid, (i) When I conſider thy Heavens, the Work of thy Fingers. The Fin-
ger of God is the Power of God, as (k) Tertullian and (7) Clemens of Alexandria
have obſerv’d; the latter of which (in the ſame Place) goes further, and compares
the Creation to the Decalogue, as being both equally the Effects of God's Invention
and Power. Therefore if it be granted, that the writing of the Decalogue was the
Work of God, in the ſame manner as the Heavens are created by him, there needs
no more to perſuade us, that the Invention of that Writing is due to him. What
need was there for God to write the Decalogue himſelf, if that Invention was al-
Teady among Men ; eſpecially after the Breach of the Firſt Tables, made of a very
precious Subſtance ; when Mofes might as well have written the Decalogue, as have
furniſli'd the Second Stones; but that God would not have the Invention loft by
that Accident ? But when Mofes was already fully inſtructed in this, and was to en-
grave Names on the Stones of the Urim and Thummim, it was needleſs for God to
do it, and fo Mofes is commanded to get it done. And yet theſe Stones with
that Engraving, were deſign’d to Thew the Operation of God's Spirit, and its Pre-
ſcience and Decrees, which are peculiarly God's Invention ; whereas the Two Tables
of the Decalogue could properly be no other Monument but of God's giving them
that Invention, which is the Foundation of all Solid and True Learning. For as
they were never ſhewn to the People, the Force of the Laws contain'd therein
might as well be exerted, by having thoſe Commandments inſerted with the other
Laws, as well as thoſe other Laws, which were only written in a Roll
. So that
theſe Tables put the People in mind, that this Invention of God was the Founda-
tion of all their Wiſdom; and that too more folid than that of the Egyptians,
whoſe Laws, as (m) Diodorus ſays, firſt impoſed by Mnevis, and by him prerend-
ed to come from the God Mercury, were not written, and ſo only handed by Tra-
dition ; and being kept among the Prieſts, rather kept the People in Ignorance.

(e) Exod. xxxi. 18. and xxxii. 15. Deut. ix. 10.
(f) Luk. xi. 20.
(8) March. xii. 28.
(b) Exod. viii. 19.
(i) Pfal. viii. 3.
(*) A pud Pharaonem enim venefici illi adhibiti adverſus Moyſem, Virtutem Creatoris, Digicum Dei
appellaverunt. Tertul. adv. Marcion, Lib. iv. c. 26.
(1) Adulunos zcie ocê, dúvaxis voituu Joã. Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. vi. pag. 289. Ed. Sylb.
(m) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. 1. p. 59. Vid. Juſtin M. Paræn. ad Græc.
But



4
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
But undoubtedly they had been then written, if the Uſe of Letters had been found;
as we find it was practiſed by all other Lawgivers afterwards.
5. Indeed, this gives the beſt Solution to that Obſervation made by fome, That
the Chara&ters or Letters of all Nations, which repreſent only Sounds or Words,
are derived from the Moſaical
. This Obſervation many Learned Men have made,
and proved. The Ancient Greeks ſeem in part to own it likewiſe, when they attri-
bute the Invention, or Introduction of Letters, to Cadmus a Phænician : For he only
brought them from that Country, where they were already ; as we learn by ſeve-
ral Authors, and in particular from theſe Words of the Poet Critias, (n) Wouvines
Mi çữeen ysáupet' dretino;a ; the Meaning of which I take to be, That Letters help
out Words, by repreſenting their Sounds and Articulations. For Sound cannot in-
deed fall under Sight ; yer Letters repreſent our Words fo, that we can, as it were,
ſee and remember their Sound by them ; which no Hieroglyphicks, nor Philoſophi-
cal Character can do, and therefore are univerſal : Whereas Letters are tied to one
Language ; but with this Advantage, that they expreſs the Language, as well as the
Conceptions of the Mind. Perhaps the laſt Word ſhould be read in that Verſe,
danžiroze, to fignify that the Phænicians invented thoſe Letters, that never ceaſe to
Speak, and are therefore, as Euripides ſpeaks, () avgus ode penet, Antidotes againſt
Oblivion : So that Lucan has indeed given us a Tranſlation of that Verſe, in thefe
Two noted ones ;
at (o) Phenices primi, fame ſi creditur, auſi
berto Alanfuram rudibus vocem fignare figuris.
Now as thoſe Authors either confounded the Fews with the Phænicians, or elſe at
beſt knew little of them ; ſo they attributed to the Neighbouring Phænicians, what
was really due to the others. From the Times of Foshua, they had been ſo near, and
mix'd together, that it was impoſſible the Iſraelites could have this Art long, but the
Phænicians muſt have it too ; being an Induſtrious and Trading Nation, and for
thát reaſon apt to catch any new Invention ; eſpecially this, ſo advantageous to
Trade. In ſhort, the Fewiſh Hiſtorians affert, That Moſes firſt taught the Iſraelites
the Art of Writing, as Eupolemus, who was a (7) Few, and wrote the Hiſto-
Ty of the Kings of Judæa, ſays. His Words are cited by (o) Clemens Alexandri-
nus, and (s) Eufebius. He ſays, "" That Moſes was the firſt Wiſe Man, who taught
“ firſt the Art of Grammar, or Writing, to the Jews ; That the Phænicians received it
s from them, and the Greeks from the Phænicians. (t) Gregory Nazianzen is of
this Opinion too ; for in ſpeaking of the Inventors of Arts, he hints, That the
Fews believe, that their Law was written on Tables of Stone, engraven by God
" himſelf;” implying thereby, that theſe Tables are the firſt Original Writing.
There is no Ancient of any Authority, but Pliny, that ſeems to contradi&t this
.
(u) He ſays, indeed, that he looks upon Letters as of Aſſyrian Origin ; and preſently
after, that the Uſe of them is eternal. But as the Greeks and Latins are apt to
confound the Fews with the Syrians, and theſe with the Aſſyrians and Chaldæans, (by
which Name the fews are ſometimes called) it will be found, this Obſervation is
not fo contrary to ours, as may be imagined at firſt fight. And as to his ſaying,
the Uſe of them is eternal ; I dare ſay, there is a Miſtake in the writing of the
word eternus, which ſhould rather be externus. And this is confirmed by the Words
that follow, wherein he ſays, that Letters were brought into Latium by the Pelafgi.
'Tis uſual with Pliny to ſpeak of the Uſe of ſeveral Things ; and to diſtinguiſh what


ככ
(n) Apud Athen. Lib. 1. Cap. 22.
DE Euripid. Palamed. Vid. et Clement, Alex. Stromat. Lib. I. p. 118.
(D) Lucan. Pharf. Lib. III.
() Vid. Il. Vofl. de LXXII. Int. Cap. 27. & I Maccab, viii. 17.
( Clem. Alex. Strona. Lib. I. p. 148.
(5) 'Ευπόλεμος δέ φησι ή Μωσία αρώτον σοφόν θυές, και γράμματα παραδούναι τοις Ιεδα τους
πρώτον, που θα δε Ιεδαίαν Φοινικας παραλαβείν, "Ελλωνας δε παρά Φοινίκων, νόμες τε πρώτον γράψει
Mools tor's 'Ir dalols. Apud Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX. p. 252.
(t) Gregor. Naz. adv. Julian. Orat. III.
(u) Literas ſemper arbitror Affyrias fuiſſe ; fed alii apud Ægyptios à Mercurio, ut Gellius ; alii
apud Syros repertas volunt...
Ex quo apparet æternus Literarum uſus. Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. VII. Cap. 56.

3
has
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
5

has been practis'd Abroad from what has been done in Italy. This place is of that
Sort. To ſuppoſe the Invention of a Thing, and that the Invention is eternal
, is a flar
Contradiction. This may ſuffice about this Subject. Though I ſhall have Occaſion
to produce ſome Evidences, that will further confirm what I have ſaid ; nevertheleſs
I do not lay ſo much Streſs upon it, as to make it a neceſſary Principle, but only to
illuſtrate this Matter. For if it be true, we ſhall not need to wonder, that if Men
went about to find Ways to communicate their Thoughts, they ſhould rather light up-
on a Symbolical Character. Which Obſervation will be of Uſe, when we come to
conſider, how ſuch a Symbolical Character may in Time produce a Symbolical Lan-
guage.
6. Let us therefore proceed to conſider the Third Sort of Chara&ters, to tranſmit
the Conceptions of the Mind to others abſent, which we find was pra&tis’d by the
Egyptians, Chaldeans, and others; and which was only Symbolical, or as the Greeks
have nam'd it, Hieroglyphical; becauſe moſt of the Egyptian Monuments of Learning
were laid up in their Temples, and their Learning was kept up by their Prieſts, as
among the Chaldeans by their Magicians. Here I join the Chaldeans and Egyptians
together, as to their Characters, becauſe not only thoſe who have treated of their
Religion have done fo before, but in Particular, becauſe the Hieroglyphical Chara-
Eters are alſo called Chaldean and Magical, as well as Egyptian. The Learned (*) Cas-
fiodorus ſpeaking of the Obelisks of the Roman Circus, which were fetch'd from
Egypt , calls them more than once Chaldaïca ſigna, and equaſi Litere , becauſe in-
deed they differ from Letters, fignifying Notions, not Words. The ſame are by Lua
can called (y) Magical Languages. Now theſe are by (2) Pliny called Egyptian Let-
ters, Ægyptie Liter& ; and by (a) Claudian, Signa Ægypti, the Characters of Egypt, as
moſt others do. And indeed when Jamblichus goes about to write of the Egyptian
Myſteries, he argues as well upon the Chaldean as the Egyptian Notions. And Au-
ſonius likewiſe hints, that the Chaldeans had receiv'd their
Religion from the Egypti-
ans: (b) Quique Magos docuit myſteria vana Necepſis. Which is very agreeable to
that Affertion of the
Egyptians (c) in Diodorus, that the Chaldeans were a Colony of
the Egyptians. However we know from Holy Writy, that they and the Canaanites
were all of the Pofterity of Cham. Therefore no wonder that they ſhould ſtick to
the ſame Religion, when their Prieſts might at firſt communicate together in their
Learning; and we find, that both practis'd the ſame Magical Arts. I ſhall conclude
this with the Teſtimony of an Old Anonymous Author, who has treated of the Di-
vine Wiſdom according to the Egyptians, and gives us this Account of the Mátter:
(d) The wiſe Babylonians and Egyptians penetrating by the Sharpneſs of their Wit
“ into the Secrets of the Supreme World, deſcribed by Figures upon Stones the
“ Conceptions of their Minds, as we may ſee ſtill with our own Eyes; and did the
“ fame in all Arts and Sciences
. Afterwards they placed the Stones in which thoſe
Things were deſcribed in the Temples, and exhibited them like Books to be read;
" and theſe were uſed by them inſtead of Books. Thus far he. Let us now go
on to conſider the Stile or Manner of this Writing.
7. Diodorus gives us a very good Deſcription of this Symbolical Way of Writing
after this Manner : (e) “ Now as concerning the Ethiopick Letters, which are called
among the Egyptians Hieroglyphical, we muſt ſay ſomething, that we may not
כל
66

(2) Ubi Sacra priſcorum Chaldaïcis fignis, quafi literis, indicantur. Caſſiodor. Var. Lib. III. Ep.. 51.
Vid. Lib. III. Ep. 2.
(9) Sculptaque fervabant Magicas animalia linguas. Lucan. Pharſal. Lib. III.
() Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XXXVI. cap. 8.
(a)
Novi quid figna fagacis Ægypti valeant. Claudian, in Ruff. L. V. 148.
(6) Auſon. Epift. xix.
(cDiodor. Sic. Lib. I. P. 17.
(d) Sapientes Babylònii & Ægyptii mentis acumine ad illa fupremi mundi abdita penetrantes, ani-
morum conceptus, ficut ipfi oculati teftes fumus, in lapidibus per figuras deſcribebant
. Idemque in
omnibus artibus & fcientiis faciebant. Deinde lapides in quibus illa erant deſcripta in templis colloca-
bant
, & quafi paginas perlegendas exhibebant, talefque librorum loco illis erant in ufu. Lib. XIV,
STONE
(0) Περι η Αίθιοπικών γραμμάτων και παρ Αίγυπλίους καλεμίων ιερογλυφικών ρητέον,ίνα μηδεν πει-
eαλά πωμα στην αρχαιολογείλων. συμβέβηκε τoίνων τύπους υπαρχειν αυτ' ομοίες ζώοις παν-
Ποδα πεις και ακρωτηeίοις ανθρώπων, έπ δ' οργάνοις, και μάλιστα τεκβονικούς. ε 8 εκ τ η συλλαβών συν-
θέσεως ή χαμμαζική παρ αυτούς και υποκεί αύον λόγον αποδίδωσιν, αλλ' εξ εμφάσεως και μελαγραφομένων
aj uetipoeãs uvuun. ourn Sangfonso Diod. Sicul. Lib. III. P. 101.
с
SOC omit
c. 14.

6
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

2)
66 omit any Thing that belongs to Antiquity. It happens therefore that their Cha-
66 ra£ters are like all kinds of Animals and Members of Men, and working Tools,
eſpecially thoſe of Carpenters. For their Writing does not ſhew the Diſcourſe
about the Subject Matter by the Compoſition of Syllables, but by the Emphaſis
“ of the Figures and Metaphor exercis’d by Memory.
Then after he has given
fome Inſtances of it, he proceeds to ſhew, how they ſtudied and practis’d the read-
ing of this kind of Writing : (8) For following thus the Signification or Emphaſis
“ and Nature of every Figure, and exerciſing their Minds by long Study and Me
mory, they get an habitual Faculty to read every Thing that is written.” "Tis
true that he ſpeaks here of the Ethiopians ; but at the fame Time ſays, That they
åre likewiſe Egyptian ; to make out which, he reports that the Ethiopick Letters were
common but in Egypt only among the Prieſts, and that the Egyptians themſelves
were a Colony of the Ethiopians, led into Egypt by Oſiris, who at the ſame Time
brought away that Sort of Learning. By this Deſcription we find that the Symboli-
cal or Hieroglyphical Character is an Art of communicating the Conceptions of the
Mind by viſible Figures, which having a Metaphorical Relation or Similitude, or at
leaſt Affinity to the Conceptions , excite in others the ſame Conceptions. I have added
Affinity, becauſe we find that the Parts or Adjuncts of Things are apt to excite in us
the Ideas of the Things themſelves. So that it may be a ſtanding Rule in this Art,
that the Figures, which are related to the Things by Metonymies and Synecdoches,
are as apt to repreſent the Things, as thoſe which are only Metaphorical. This í
ſhall illuſtrate in the Second Part.
8. Now though (8) Diodorus, and ſome other late Authors, (b) as Porphyrius,
have aſſerted that the Egyptians had Two Sorts of Characters, and even Three ; yer
this ſeems not be ſpoken of the more ancient Egyptians , living in or before the Mo-
ſaïcal Age ; but of the more modern, who were mixt afterwards by Trade and fre-
quent Conqueſts with other Nations, and from them learnt the uſe of Letters. Their
having Letters in latter Times no more argues, that they had them in the Moſaï-
cal ; than becauſe they have ſince learned the Greek and Arabick Tongues, and mixt
them with their Language, this muſt imply that they ſpake Greek and Arabick
in the Moſaïcal Times, and ſome Ages fince. (i) Bochart having ſhewn that Pro-
teus was a Phænician, who removed into Egypt, hints that in his Time they might
get the Uſe of the Phænician Chara&ters
. And indeed why ſhould it be wondred at,
that they ſhould, after having invented the Hieroglyphical Character, learn alſo to
write by Letters ? Seeing that towards the Babylonian Captivity of the Jews, and
even from the Times of Solomon, they had been almoſt in a continual Alliance with
the Iſraelites and Fews, in Oppoſition to the growing Power of the Kings of Aſſyria
and Chaldea their common Enemies. In ſhort, all Authors agree, who ſpeak on Pur-
poſe of the Matter, that the Hieroglyphical Character was us'd before the Invention
of Letters. Servius ſays, (k) that the Year, according to the Egyptians, before
Lettters were invented, was deſcribed by a painted Snake biting his Tail, becauſe
“the Year returns within it felf.” The Poet Lucan faith plainly, That Books and
Letters were invented after the Hieroglyphical Character, which was engraven upon
Columns of Stone. His Words are,
(1) Nondum flumineos Memphis contexere Biblos
Noverat ; in jaxis tantum volucreſque ferafque
Sculptaque ſervabant Magicas animalia linguas.

(1) Ταϊς δεν εκάτοις ανέσεις εμφάσεσι σνακoλεθδνες, και μελέτη πολυχρονίω και μνήμη γρμνάζον-
Tes Tei's fugee's, ŠUTIxs é nasa ili bezpeupefebvwv evazavárakon. Diodor. Sicul. ibid.
(4) Παιδαύεσι δε τους τους οι μάο ιερείς γράμματα διήα, τότε ίερς καλέμμα και το κοινοτέραν
e xovla Thw ude Snow. Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. P. SI.
(h) Porphyr. de Vit. Pythag. Pag. 185. Koi ' 'Asgúzq ufo Tois ispevol avlo, je a piav JE po Pay
κτίω Αιγυπτίων φωνώ. Τραμμάτων και βιωας διαφορες,βπιπλo eaφικών τε, ιερογλυφικών και συμβολικώ.
Šed legendum puto deavis non telaris, & mox, i rombonecas, non sj. Nam Symbolica exdein quæ Hierca
glyphice. Vide Herodot. Lib. II. cap. 36. vel retinendo Sravi's legendum eſt isegiãy pro iccolaupixõ v.
Quod explicat Clemens Alex. Strom. Lib. V. P. 237.
(i) Bochart. Canaan, Lib. I. cap. 20.
v (k) Annus enim fecundum Ægyptios indicabatur ante inventas Literas, pi&to Dracone caudam ſuam
mordente, quia in fe recurrit, Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. V.
(1) Lucan. Pharf. Lib. III.
(m) Ta.
3
A. PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
7

Ægyptus being indeed the Tranſlation of the word Amún, or Miamấn with the Heea
(m) Tacitus and (n) Ammianus Marcellinus ſay the very ſame. Thoſe who have
written purpoſely of the Egyptian and Phænician Antiquities, unanimouſly confirm
the ſame;
and ſay that Mercury, called by the
Egyptians Thoth, and by the Phænicians
Taautus, who firſt made a Syſtem of their Divinity, and all their other Sciences,
did it in Hieroglyphicks; and that this was afterwards interpreted, that is, written
in plain Language, or literal Writing, by a Second Mercury. So faith Manetho the
Egyptian Prieſt and Hiſtorian cited by G. Syncellus. 6) ſamblichus tells us further,
that this ſecond Mercury was called Bitys, an Egyptian Prophet, who lived in the
Times of King Ammon, who is thought to be the ſame as Amoſis, or Amaſis, and is
therefore far inferior to Moſes : If that Amoſis be the ſame as Amaſis, who being ap-
pointed as a Governor by Nabuchodonofor over Egypt, did ſet himſelf up as King.
Though it muſt be obſerv'd, that there is another Amofis , or Tethmoſis, or
Themofis,
or Thummaſis, the Word being written different Ways, who was the Firſt of the
Eighteenth Dynaſty, according to the Account of Manethi, and is thought to have
reign’d immediately after the Departure of the Iſraelites out of Egypt, as the Learn-
ed (P) Perizonius thinks. But it ſeems to me moſt likely, that this Ammon of Fam-
blichus is the ſame as the Arnteſſes Miamún (9) in Joſephus, which is called Rameſes
Ægyptus, and Ammeſes Ægyptus in Africanus, Eufebius, and Synčellus : The word
mantical ; who being the XVlth of the XVIIIth Dynaſty, is thought to have reign'd
about the Times of the Trojan War, and the latter Judges of Iſrael
. Or elſe, that
Jamblichus ſhould be corrected ; ſo that the true Name of the King then living is
Amús, and ſo is the ſame as the Amoſis or The moſis, Firſt King of the Eighteenth Dy-
nafty, who lived immediately after the Departure of the Iſraelites : Wherein Fam-
blichus may be confirmed by the Authority of Plato, who aſcribes the Invention of
Letters to the Egyptian (r) Theuth. And in another (1) Place farther obſerves, that
this Theuth lived in the Times of King Thamús. So that this Theuth of Plato is the
Second Mercury, and very likely the Bitys of Jamblichus. As to the Phænician Se-
cond Mercury, we find in Philo Biblius the Interpreter of Sanchuniathon cited by
(s) Euſebius, that he was called Sour moubel ; wherein he was aſſiſted by Thouro Chou-
Jartis. It may be that each did this for their reſpective Nations. However the Di-
vinity of this Firſt Mercury was all obſcured by Allegories ; which is a plain Indica-
tion, that it was written in Hieroglyphicks, and that theſe were invented before Let-
Now all this agrees very well with that Hint found in Homer, that in the Times of
Bellerophon, Symbols or Signs were us'd like Hieroglyphs inſtead of Letters. This
Bellerophon is ſaid to be Grandfather to Glaucus, who was at the War of Troy; but
a (t) Learned Man now thinks, that Homer has only introduced this Perſon to adorn
his Poem ; and that Bellerophon muſt have been more Generations than fo before
that War. For Prætus being Brother to Acriſius, who was Grandfather to Per-
ſeus, which laft was Great-Grandfather to Hercules, this ſeems to make Bellerophon
Five or Six Generations before the Trojan War, and to have lived about the Times
of Cadmus, who firſt brought Letters from Phænicia into Greece. However, this
may not hinder the Story from being true as to Bellerophon, who is by Homer ſaid to
have carried Symbols inſtead of Letters. The Words of Homer are,
(0) Πέμπο δέ μιν Λυκίζω δε. Πόρεν δ' όγε σήματα λυγες και τους ευελ
dugo darya
Γράψας αν πίνακα πλυκο θυμοφθόρα πολλά.
to boni
Δάξαι δ' ώώγει ο πον θερά, όφρ απόλοίο.
bus toto
BI
Theſe Words are ſo underſtood by the Ancients, to exclude Letters ; and I fee no
DA
ters.

(m) Tacit. Annal
. Lib. XI. cap. 14.
(n) Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XVII.
6) Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. Sect. VIII. cap. s.
(0) J. Perizon. Origin. Ægypt.
(9) F. Joſeph. c. Appion. Lib. I.
Platon, Phileb. P. 157.
(6) Placon. Phædr. P. 213.
(s) Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. I. P. 26.
(t) Jae, Perizon. Ægypt. Origin, cap. Is. Comp. Yell. Patercul. Lib. I. cap. 3.
(u) Homer. Iliad. Z. V. 1686
JM
Reaſon
8
A PRELIMIN ARY DISCOURS E.


Reaſon to take them any other Way. For the word (x) vegfas needs not, as ſome
would have it, imply Writing in our Way of Letters
, but may well ſignify either
Painting or Engraving Symbolical Characters. (y) Pliny indeed proves from thence,
that Codicils of Boards were then uſed, but determines nothing of the Characters
being either Literal or Symbolical. The Letter of Sarpedon , mention'd there by
Pliny as ſtill extant in his Time, was a Curioſity indeed if genuine ; but would not
ſpoil our Concluſion : Since 'tis own'd, that Letters might come into Greece to be
common at, and ſome Generations before, the War of Troy. But we may rationally
infer, that Prætüs could not write, and was obliged to uſe Signs or Symbolical Cha-
racters: So that the Invention of Letters had not yet reach'd him. Though Cadmus
were his Contemporary, or even before him, it does not follow, that his Nation
had receiv'd that Invention. Some Nations receivd it but lately. We find in
(2) Clemens Alex. who cites Pherecydes for it ,, that Idanthour King of Scythia fent
to Darius Symbols inſtead
of Letters. The Phoceans, who firſt ſettled at Marſeilles,
brought the Greek Characters into the Gauls ; the Druids making no Uſe of Let-
ters. The Goths receiv'd Letters with the Chriſtian Religion. (a) Many Nations
would not trouble themſelves to learn them : And there are ſtill ſuch. But it is
Time to return to the main Point.
9. Theſe Nations then, the Egyptians, Chaldeans, and Phænicians, having at firſt
no Characters to expreſs the Sound of their Words, fell upon contriving and framing
a Symbolical Way of Writing, to repreſent their Conceptions by ſuch Figures of vi-
fible Objects, as did according to their Notion of them, bear fome Analogy and
Affinity to the Objects of their Conceptions ; adapting thus the viſible Images vari-
ouſly modelled or compounded together, according to the preſent Notions and De-
fign of the Author, who by a certain Combination of ſeveral viſible Images, ordered
according to Analogy, made a full Deſcription of his Thoughts. Or at leaſt, if it
may not be granted that they wanted then the literal Characters, they made uſe of
this abſtruſe and myſterious Character, and the Language ariſing from it, to keep
their knowledge from the Eyes and Reach of the People; “ Truth appearing greater
" and more venerable, when it has paſt through the Veil of Hieroglyphical Sym-
bols; ” as (6) Clemens Alex. has ſwell obferv’d. However, from this way of
Writing aroſe a Symbolical Way of Speaking too ; the Symbolical Characters, which
they were fo converſant in, furniſhing them continually with Metaphors and other
Tropes, firſt in their Myſterious or Religious Speeches, and from thence eaſily puf-
fing on to the vulgar Matters : Which Kind of Speech ſet up the Prieſts and wiſer
Sort of Men above the Level of the Vulgar : Becauſe ſuch a figurative and florid
Kind of Speech and Notions ſeem'd to add a great Beauty to their Thoughts, and
diſtinguiſhed that of wiſe Men from the plain Stile of the reſt. Hence it comes
that moſt of the Oriental Languages, eſpecially that of the Poets, affect this Way;
and we find ſtill in the Modern ſome Relicks thereof. Nay, this paſs’d into their Sci-
ences ſo far, that moſt of their Rules and Maxims of Wiſdom were couched ſome
Way or other in ſuch Figures or Symbols; and from them was communicated to the
firſt Philoſophers among the Greeks, who went into Egypt or Chaldea for Inſtruction.
This Obfervation needs now no farther Proof. But it will be proper to conſider the
Grounds, whence the Rules and Meaſures of this Hieroglyphical Character, and the
Symbolical Language ariſing from it, were fetch'd. To this End we muſt dive a
little further into the general Notions, which thoſe who invented and uſed them,
had of Things : It being evident, that their Notions and Studies muſt needs give
Occaſion to, and affe&t their Inventions and other Practices.
10. Firſt it is to be obſerv'd, that the (c) Egyptians, and
and Chaldeans for the
Studies
were great
Admirers of Aſtronomy , judiciary Aſtrology, Geometry, and the like; and alſo

"
לכ
where
(a) Comp. Homer. Iliad. H. v. 175, & v. 187. 959, veloides
() Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XIII. cap. 13.
30 Ost
(2) Clem. Alex, Stromat. Lib. V. P. 242.
1. moloto
(a) Vid. Ælian. Var. Hiſt. Lib. VIII. cap. 6.
(1) "Αλλως τε και παν ' όσα δια την ωρακαλύμματα ιατφαίνεται και μείζονα ε και σεμνοτέραν δεί-
HVUTE TW diañ getoy. Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. V. P. 245.
(c) Diodor. Sic. Lib. I. P. $1. &. Lib. II. P. 81. Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. I. P. 148. Juſtin.
Mart. Q. Reſp. ad Orthodox, S. XXV.
ridism
great

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
9

great Searchers into all the Ways of knowing future Events, which were of old pra-
átis'd by the idolatrous Nations ; fo that it may not be amiſs to ſay, that other Na-
tions deriv'd all this Learning from them. Now ſeeing that the Religion of the
Heathens was for the moſt Part of human Invention , which through the Corruption
of their Manners and prevailing Cuſtoms, came to be modelled by the wiſer Sorr in-
to fome Form; therefore, as they fetch'd their Religion from their Studies, and
ſuited it to their Notions, we muſt not wonder if their Religion and their other
Studies, Arts and Sciences, had ſome mutual Relation. And as they held for their
(d) Principle, when for Want of ſtanding Records in Literal Writing they had for-
gotten the Hiſtory of the Creation, that the World was Eternal, and that the Mighty
Univerſe was God; ſo the moſt glorious Parts of it were look'd upon as ſo many leſs
Gods, Attendants of the One Eternal Univerſe. Or rather, becauſe we find Fambli-
chus diſtinguiſhes the Spiritual Gods from the Material World; as they (e) look'd
upon the Heavens and its Parts, as Repreſentatives and Symbols of the Inviſible Di-
vinities, the Supreme, and its Angels and Minifters; fo, in Proceſs of Time, they
began to think the viſible Symbols to be the Deity it ſelf and its Angels, whoſe
Glory and Majeſty, as well as Offices and Works, they believed did appear in the
Sun, Planets and Stars, and in their Motions, Revolutions and Relations, or Aſpects.
Then, to ground their Adoration of the Viſible World, they ſuppoſed an intimate
(f ) Union between the Viſible Bodies in Heaven, and the Inviſible Deities; and to
ground their Judiciary Aſtrology, they ſuppoſed the Political World likewiſe united
to the Two former, by ſuch Concatenations from the Supreme to the loweſt, that
the Affections of the ſuperior Links reach'd the inferior throughout the ſame Chain,
By which we ſee, that they divided the Univerſe into a Threefold World, the Invi-
fible; the Viſible, or Natural ; and the Political, or Human : Which Diviſion is plain-
ly mentioned in the Poet (8) Statius, and, I think, hinted at by (h) St. Paul himſelf
.
Therefore when by the Motions in Heaven, any Parts of the Heavenly Bodies ſeem'd
affected, or ſtood in ſuch Relations to each other ; or elſe when in a Dream, or ecſta-
tick Viſion, any of thoſe Heavenly Bodies were ſeen affected; they concluded, that
this portended and fignified the Affections of the Parts of the Inferior and Political
World. And then further, as from the very Beginning, the Gods, and conſequently
the Heavenly Bodies, came under the Notion of Elohim, or Powers of the World,
and that all Monarchs and Princes came alſo under the Notion of Powers in the In-
ferior World, as Vicegerents of the Gods ; ſo we may eaſily imagine, that for the
Sake of adding a greater Luftre to the Majeſty of Kings, they aſſumed the Titles of
the Divinity, and all that belongʻd to it, to denote that of their Vicegerents. Whence
not only in the Hieroglyphical Character, the Symbols of the Celeſtial or Viſible Go-
vernment were appropriated to denote the Terreſtrial Polity ; but alſo in the Symbo-
lical Language the fame was us'd, becauſe it added a greater Luftre, and gave more
Authority to the Government. And the Prieſts, who at firſt bore a Share therein,
being the principal Counſellors and chief Managers of all Religion and Learning,
made uſe both of the Characters and Language, both as theſe Matters were a-kin in
their Notions, and becauſe it was the only proper Way they could think of, to re-
preſent upon Record, with any Advantage, what they conceived to be worthy of Me-
mory. This is the Origin and true State of the Myſtical and Symbolical Theology
among the Egyptians, as we learn from (i) Famblichus, a proper and ſufficient Author,
who confirms at leaſt moſt of what I ſay.dk
11. From this it came to paſs, that the Elements, that is, the Heavenly Bodies,
being uſed by theſe Men to repreſent the Notions of their Minds, the Chara&ters or
Figures of theſe Elements were themſelves called Elements; whether they were fpo-
ken, carved, painted, or only decypher’d by ſome peculiar Marks, as we ſee in the
of Aſtronomy: Which Figures, as well as Learning, came certainly from
Egypt and Chaldea. And ſo this Word, Elements, came afterwards to fignify likewiſe,
by plain Analogy, the Letters themſelves, and Characters expreſſing Words or arti-
Books
1990 .bid

(d) Vid. Joh. Spencer. de Leg. Hebr. Lib. I. cap. 4. S. 7. & Lib. II. cap. I. §. 2.
(0) Vid. Platon. Timæi fin.
(f) Jamblich. de Myſt. Ægypt. S. 1. cap. 19. Vid. Verba Procli de Anim. & Dæmone, infr. cit.
Part. 2. S. 67.
(3) Et triplicis mundi fummum, quem ſcire nefaftum. Papin. Statii Thebaid. Lib. IV.
(h) 2 Cor. xii. 2.
(i) Jamblich. de Myft. $. 7. cap. 1, 2, &c.
bro
D
culate
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

culate Sounds ; which tho only Things viſible in Heaven, proceeded thus ſo far as to
fignify, or to be applied to the Signs of theſe Things; and then afterwards to fig-
niiy or denominate thoſe arbitrary Characters of the Sounds of the Words, by
which the Things were denominated. So that this Word, Elements, may be an Ar-
gument to us, that Letters are of a later Invention than Hieroglyphical Characters;
feeing they received the Name which belong’d at firft, even improperly, to the
Hieroglyphical Characters of the Elements : For that Name was only given to the
Hieroglyphical principal Chara&ters
, becauſe they conſiſted of the ſeveral Figures
and Repreſentations of the Things, or Elements themſelves : It being evident in all
Languages, that thé Types or Symbols, Statues and Pi&tures, get at laſt
, by frequent
Ule, the Names of the Things which they repreſent. Now that the Uſe of the
Word Element, sorzeiov, firſt came from Egypt to fignify the Letters, is plainly af-
fërted by (k) Plato in that very Place, where he aſcribes the Invention thereof to
Theuth, or Mercury.lodive saving
12. This will appear more clearly, if we may be permitted to explain further the
true Notion of the Word sugerov, Element, which is uſed by Fezviſh and Prophane
Writers to fignify the Stars, Planets, and Conſtellations, and anſwers to the Hebrew
maly, which fignifies an Army, and is uſed by (?) Moſes to ſignify the whole Colle-
&tion of the Stars and Planets. For tho' the Word originally, both in Hebrew and
Greek, ſignifies an Army, yet the Jewiſh Writers take it to fignify, what we after
them call
the Host of Heaven. Becauſe from the Confideration of the Sun's being as
the King, the Moon as his Vicegerent or Prime Miniſter in Dignity, the Stars and
Planets are look'd upon as their Attendants, and by Conſequence the Conſtellations,
which are properly the sorgeict, are conſider'd as the Battalions and Squadrons of the
Army drawn up in Order; that they may concur with their Leaders to execute the
Deſigns and Commands of the Sovereign. According to which Notion we read in
the Song of Deborah, (m) The Stars in their Courſes fought againſt Siſera. Now that
sorneice may fignify, according to the Genius of the Greek Tongue, the Battalions and
Squadrons of an Army, is plain, becauſe the Word seiga, from which it is deriv'd,
is a Military Term, and fignifies to march in Order. Hence in Heſychius, sizes, ticeasca
and sosyalde, xa težav, zato sorxcio, and the like. As for the Word surxeñor, fignifying
alſo the Stars and Conſtellations, this is alfo plain. (n) Famblichus uſes it in Oppo-
fition to any fingle Part of Heaven, becauſe it really ſignifies a Conſtellation, or aggre-
gate Number of them ; ſuch as are the Signs of the Zodiac, which the Judiciary
Aſtrologers made uſe of to find the Lord of the Houſe in the Nativity, by erecting a
Scheme of the Aſpects, which the fame (6) Author, a little before, calls by the Name
of soyee. In the firſt of thoſe Significations we muſt alfo take the Word, as us’d
by (P) Philo Biblius in this Saying: “They owned no Gods, but thoſe of Nature,
the Sun, and Moon, and the reſt of the Planets, the Stars and Conſtellations, and
" thoſe which are a-kin, or join'd to them”. Then, as from (9) Sańchuniathon, he
has theſe Words: “But before theſe the God Taautus imitating Heaven, de-
“ fcribed the Similitudes of the Gods, of Saturn and of Dagon, and the Sacred Cha-
“ racters of the reſt of the Conſtellations, solychov". From theſe Words it appears
farther, that the Phænician, and by Conſequence Egyptian and
Chaldean Hieroglyphicks,
aroſe firſt from their Studies of the Heavenly Bodies, and the Neceſſity of repre-
ſenting the Chara&ters of them ; whence, becauſe they thought that the Heavenly
Bodies influenced the Terreſtrial, it was the eaſieſt way to repreſent the Affections of
Terreſtrial Matters by the Chara&ters of thoſe Heavenly Bodies which correſponded,
to them. This is the firſt Principle of all the Symbolical Character and Language.
Whence alfo all the reſt of the Characters or Signs, which have been either invented
or us’d afterwards to fignify other Matters, have gotten the general Name of sogeid,
Elements; becauſe all the Greeks and Alexandrians, whether Poets or Philoſophers,
at wall ting
Vinsloch
2 bio vain ol brand
DUA 70 DTO W garion29 20
(k) Platon. Phileb. pag. 157.
(1) Genef. ii. I.
(m) Judg. v. 20.
(n) Jamblich. de Myft
. Ægypt. $. 9. cap. 6.
(0) Jamblich. ibid. cap. 5.
(2) Φυσικές και ήλιον κ σελιών, ε του λοίπες πλάνητας αέρος, και τα στοιχείατα τέτοις συναφή,
gelis jóvas szíveso xov. Philon. Bibl. Præf. ad Hift. Sanchuniath. apud Eufeb. Præpar. Evang. Lib. I.
Pag: 21.
(0) Πρo και τέτων δεδς ΤάαυτG- μιμησίμG- ή έρανόν, ήν θεών όψεις, Κρόνε τε και Δαγών,
I 201 Tūv de Tú mo TOV Towegges tid sorzelcox Jaeg: KTNERS. Sanchuniath. apud Euſeb. Præp. Evang.
Lib. I. pag. 256
grua
ow'd

wote
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

ow'd their Notions and Learning to the Egyptians and Phænicians. So thar as they
borrowed the Notions and Arts, it ſeem'd unavoidable, but yet very proper, to bor-
row the Words proper to thoſe Notions and Arts which they had from others.
Much leſs muſt we wonder that the Fews, who dwelt among the Egyptians, and
learn’d their way of Philoſophizing, and had already Notions which were nearer to
theirs than thoſe of the Greeks, ſhould uſe the Word in that Senſe, for which they
had the Authority of Holy Writ. So that we ſee that the Author of the Book of
the Wiſdom of Solomon has us’d (,) evépgelev sorgelov, to ſignify the Influence of the
Stars or Conſtellations. And in this Senſe the Writers of ſome of the Books of the
New Teſtament have alſo us’d the Word, as Learned Men have ſhewn already. Be-
fides all this, becauſe the Interpretation of Dreams was a Science deem'd Sacred,
and a-kin to the reſt of the Prieſtly Learning; the Viſions or Images ſeen in them
are alſo called soeyeit, Elements, as appears by a Place in Suïdas, which ſeems to be
taken from fome Ancient Author : (s) sosyetlleoi et séves, sj dane ohts os óveiscou, ai
ολίου πολλά χρόνε τιμω έκβασιν έχεσαι.
13. This brings me to conſider that other Branch of Learning among the Nations
nam'd before, which conſiſted in the (t) Obſervation of Dreams and Prodigies,
which they look'd upon as ſent from God ; and that this was the Method the Deity
took to communicate it ſelf to Mankind, whether it were to thew its Approbation or
Condemnation of any thing done and paſt, or elſe its Will and Deſign about any
thing to come. Moreover, they pretended very much to (u) Viſions of their Gods,
both plain and ecſtatical ; ſuppoſing that the Gods ſpake thus to them in Allegorical
Images, which were then the Sacred Stile of their Theology, and alſo the Means by
which their Divines communicated and tranſmitted all Divine Learning to their Dif-
ciples and Poſterity. For as theſe (x) Terms of Sacred Language were believed to
come from the Gods, and to be uſually ſpoken by them, when they communicated
themſelves to Men: So they thought that the Exhibition of Dreams by Allegorical
Apparitions was of the fame Strain, becauſe coming from the fame Hands. Hence
(y) Plato, as Clemens Alex. has obſerv'd, conje&tured, that the Gods had a peculiar
Diale&t. For they thought that there was a Mantical Virtue, or Prophetical Spirit,
ranging throughout the World at the Pleaſure of the Gods, which ſhew'd it felf in
all the Methods of Prediction, the Oracles and Prodigies, according to the ſame Prin-
ciple of the Sacred Language: Which is the Account (2) Famblichus gives of this
Matter. For theſe Reaſons, they explain'd Oracles, Viſions, Dreams, and Prodi-
gies, according to the Symbols exhibited to them, whoſe Signification they fetch'd
from that one and the fame Sacred Principle of Allegorical Interpretation. ut omni
14. Such then was the State of Learning among theſe Nations at and before the
Times of Moſes, when he was inftru&ted in the Wiſdom and Learning of the Egye-
tians, That either this Sacred and Myſtical Way of Writing and Language did pre-
vail the moſt, or elſe was the only Way then known by them, at leaſt as to Writing.
For that it was ſo before the Times of Mofes, as to the Symbolical Way of explain-
ing Dreams, is plain from the Two Dreams of Foſeph explain’d by his Father Jacob,
and thoſe others which himſelf explain’d according to theſe very Principles ; in
which way theſe Two Patriarchs may have been taught by the Tradition deriv'd to
them from Abraham, who coming from Chaldea, and having travelled into Egypt,
might in either of them learn that Symbolical Way; if it was not even more Anci-
ent, and ſo communicated to all Mankind; becauſe we ſee all the Pagans every
where involv'd into Idolatry by the Symbolical Repreſentations of their Gods. But
KO
Paul
YOS 20 for 20 cm vd
10
*(r) wiſd. of Sol. vii. 17.agus
di bn
bnA :
bon 910W bonici
(s) Suid. Voc. cox cid. conf. Artemidor. Onir. Lib. IV. cap. 3.
(t) Vid. Diodor. Sic. Lib. II. pag. 81. Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. $. 3. cap. 2. Achmer. Oniro-
crit. cap. 2.
(u) Jamblich. de Myft. §. 2. cap. 3. Vb of () Jamblich. de Myft
. S. 7. cap. 1, 2, 3, 4.
Ο) Ο Πλάτων και και τους θεούς διάλεκτον πονέμει τινα μάλιστα
ο απο η' όνειράτων τεκμαιρόμμΘ,
By ste zeno pôv. xa. Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. I. pag. 146. Vid. Platon. Symp. pag. 187.
(z) Jamblich. de Myſt. Æg. S. 3. cap. 12. Eft enim vis, & natura quædam, quæ cum obſervatis
longo tempore fignificationibus, tum aliquo inſtinctu inflatuq; divino futura prænuntiat
. M. T. Cic. de
Divinat. Lib. I. Puder me non tui quidem, cujus etiam memoriam admiror, fed Chryfippi, Antiparri,
Poſidonij, qui idem iftuc quidem dicunt, quod eſt dictum à te, ad hoftiam deligendam ducem efle
vim quandam ſentientem, atq; divinam, quæ toto confufa mundo fit. M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. II.
Vid, Ammian, Marcellin. Lib. XXI. init.
to

12
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

ככ
to return to Moſes : It is evident, that he was brought up in (a) all the Learning of
the Egyptians; and to be ſure in the Hieroglyphical Way. But we have likewiſe
good Evidence for that. For (b) Philo the few rells us, that Mofes learnt in Egypt
according to that Method; wherein he is follow'd by (c) Clemens Alex. and (d) Juſtin
Mart. if the Work be his: Which laſt farther ſays, that he was inſtructed in all their
Learning, even to the Theurgical, though he made no Uſe of it. And Philo ſays fur-
ther, that he had his Learning from the Chaldeans, as well as from the Egyptians
Whence it is clear, that the State of Learning and Religion was much the ſame
among both. On which Account Clemens Alex. fays in general, that (é)“ not only
“ the Wiſeſt of the Egyptians, but all other Barbarians that fought after Wiſdom,
“ followed the Symbolical Method”. And Philo, ſpeaking of the (f) Ejens, who
ſtill kept up the Allegorical Way, ſays, That it was the Old Way of Philoſophizing
So 15. Now when God decreed to deliver the Ifraelites out of Egypt under the Con-
du&t of Moſes, that he might make them a People peculiar to himſelf; it ſeem'd ne-
ceſſary that God ſhould remove the Prejudices of their Education, and the Cuſtoms
they had taken up in Egypt, both in Religion and Learning; and furniſh them with
ſuch a Method in Learning and Religion, as might take off the former with Advan-
tage. It is evident, that the Veneration paid to the Dead was one of the firſt Cauſes
of Idolatry ; and that Symbols were afterwards the Cauſe of worſhipping, not only
the Images of the Dead, but alſo the true Deity under viſible Repreſentations made
up of Symbolical Images. Theſe erroneous Practices crept in for want of Means to
keep up the Memory of Things done by thoſe, who were to be reſpected even after
Death, any other way but by Symbols in Carved, Imboſſed, and Engraven Works
or Paintings. The Error once admitted was eaſily kept up by the Pranks of wicked
Angels, who took Occaſion from thence to ſpeak Oracles, and appear to their Vota-
ries the Prieſts; who finding their Account in it, carried on the Cheat. This being
prejudicial and contrary to the Glory of God, who deſign'd to make the Iſraelites
his peculiar People; it was very proper, in order to take off that Inclination to the
Symbolical Idolatry for ever, and to ſupply the Uſe of Symbols, without which the
Memory of any thing could not be tranſmitted to Poſterity, to give the Iſraelites the
Uſe of Writing by Letters ; which was not liable to the former Inconvenience. This
is abſolutely ſuitable to the Divine Goodneſs and Wiſdom. And thus we find the
fame Providence has acted ſince the Chriſtian Church became corrupted. For when
the Clergy, who fince the Irruption of the Barbarians into the Roman Empire had
almoſt alone the Uſe of all Literal Learning, being over-grown with Power, and funk
into Luxury, had reſolv’d, to prevent a Reformation, to keep the Laity in continual
Ignorance ; ſo that the Chriſtian Church was involv'd in as groſs Idolatry as ever the
Heathens were, without any Poſſibility of Redemption by Human Means, which the
Tyranny of the Clergy, had found ways to fupprefs; neither were they to be corrected,
for fear of loſing what they had gain'd by the Ignorance of the People: Then God
permitted and directed a further Improvement to be made in the way of tranſmitting
Knowledge univerſally, for which even the Invention of Letters was by Experience
found inſufficient. It was done by the Art of Printing, by which Learning became
common, and the reading of God's Word univerſal. By the fame Means the Do-
trine of the Reformers was carried on more eaſily than by Writing.
16. To return to the Buſineſs before us: On the other hand, it was neceſſary to
furniſh the Iſraelites with ſuch a Method of Knowledge, as might effectually take
from them that Opinion, which they had conceiv'd of the Wiſdom of the Egyptians,
by making them as wiſe as any other Nation. Now they thought none wiſe, urteſs
he could divine. Even in Egypt, and elſewhere, the Occult Sciences and Ways of
Divination were practis’d : And the (8) Egyptians look'd upon Aſtronomy, Aſtrology,

ܐܠ.܀
(a) Acts vii 22. Dildren (6) Philo Jud. Vit. Mof. Lib. I. pag. 412.
(c) Clem. Ales. Strom, Lib. I. pag. 148,
(d) Qu. & Reſp. ad Orthodox. Qu. XXV.
(e) 'Αλλα δε μόνον Αιγυπτίων οι λογικό τατοι, ωρός δε και άλλων βαρβάρων, όσοι φιλοσοφίας ωρέχ-
Inoue, o que foronòrdi dodárea. Clem. Al. Strom. Lib. V. p. 242.
nemas
(f) Τα ο πλείσα δια συμβόλων αρχαιόλρόπο ζηλώσει πως αυτοίς φιλοσοφείται. Philo, Quod om-
ris bonus fit liber. pag. 601. in mo
(8) Vid. Juſtin. M. Q. Reſp. ad Orthod. Q. XXV. Platon. Sympof. pag. 187. ibi Vares Diocima :
Και
ο με ωει τα τοιαυτο σοφός, δαιμόνι ανής: ο και άλλο η σοφός ών, ή «ει τις τέχνας, ή χειμερίας
Tvás, Beyouro
3
and
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE
13

و
and Geometry, ordinary and trivial Sciences, unleſs they were accompanied with the
Hieroglyphical and Occult
. Beſides, we find that the Iſraelites had a ſtrong Inclina-
tion for Predictions, and would upon every Occafion conſult the Diviners. If God
had given them no Means to ſatisfy that Curiofity, they would have run to the Pagan
Soothſayers. To rectify this, fince God had promiſed them not only the worldly
Advantages of Proſperity and Plenty, but alſo of Laws, Religion, and Wil
dom above all other Nations, to perform this Promiſe, he not only imparted to them
the Uſe of Letters, but alſo that of Prophecy and Divination. For the general Uſe
of the Nation, they had the Urim and Thummim, and almoſt a continual (5) Succeſſion
of Prophets : And God promiſes ſtill, that their Sons and Daughters ſhould prophe-
fy again, their Old Men ſhould have Dreams, and their Young Men Viſions , which
were to be the Advantages of the New Diſpenſation under the Meſſias. And thus,
when the Diabolical Divinations were taken away, there was no Reaſon to make any
Change in the Stile and Strain of theſe Viſions and Dreams, which were indeed
made according to the Symbolical Method, but not unknown even to the Patriarchs,
who were no ways involv'd in the Practices and Superſtition of the Heathens. The
Abuſe being taken away by the Direction of it to a good End, and its proceeding
from a good Principle, the Ufe might remain and become holy.
17. Now if we find, that in the Prophecies and Viſions of the Old Teſtament
and of the New, and particularly in thoſe of the Revelation, the Holy Ghoſt has
made uſe of ſuch Symbolical Terms, Images, or Types, as were in uſe amongſt the
Egyptians and Chaldeans, or other Nations, which followed thoſe Studies and Learn-
ing, and pratisºd all thoſe Sorts of Divination that are Conſequences of thar Learn-
ing; we have all the Reaſon in the World to think, that the Holy Ghoſt has therein
adopted this Symbolical Language ; whether they be Viſions and Prophecies given to
the Iſraelites, or afterwards to the Chriſtian Church. So that it muſt needs happen,
that the Symbolical Language and Character of the Egyptians, and other Nations, is
like the Symbolical Language of the Holy Ghoſt; and conſequently, that the Reve-
lation of St. John, being
written in that Symbolical Latiguage, and giving an Account
of Viſions ſuitable to the Symbolical Character, may be illuſtrated thereby, and ought
indeed to be explain'd accordingly: Whether the Symbolical Characters be taken
from the Mofaical Books, and other ſubſequent Prophecies, or even from the like
Analogical Characters, not us’d in thoſe Ancient and Divine Prophecies; becauſe the
Chriſtian Diſpenſation, which that Revelation deſcribes, may have ſome peculiar Pro
perties ſomewhat different from the Moſaïcal. . And I cannot ar preſent fee, what any
reaſonable and unprejudiced Man can obje&t againſt it.
- 18. There are ſome Learned Men, who are ſtrangely prejudiced againſt thoſe
who go about to illuſtrate the Divine Writings by the Cuſtoms, Notions, and Learn-
ing of the Idolaters, and ſuch as think that God has inſtituted his Religion with a
View to Heatheniſh Practices, and by Conſequence will be ſo againſt me, who pre-
tend to underſtand the Stile of the Prophets, by comparing it with that of the Falfe
Prophets, the Miniſters of Satan, as if God had made uſe of his Language. Where-
upon they tell us perpetually, Diabolus eſt Dei Simia, the Devil is God's Ape. Twere
eaſy to anſwer in the ſame Stile, that if the Apes, brought to us out of the Indies,
could ſpeak the Language of the Natives, and were converſant in their Cuſtoms and
Notions ; who can queſtion, but we might learn by them the Language of thoſe
Natives, and underſtand their Cuſtoms and Notions. But to anſwer ferioufly and
preciſely ; I grant the Principle in its utmoſt Extent, and deny the Conſequence
which, at firſt sight; one may think is ready to be drawn upon us from it. There-
fore I'll ſtate the Matter right. mindolo
bor 10
br 19. If the Devil did not imitate God's A&tions, he were not what he is, and pre-
tends to be. 'Tis even the Confeſſion of Porphyrius, the great Enemy of the Chriſtian
Religion, that (i) “ the wicked Dæmons defire to be Gods, and the Power preſiding
over them to be the higheſt God”. Therefore Satan muft needs imitate that God,
whom he pretends to repreſent, and appear in his ftead. Upon which Account the
Holy Scripture tells us, that he transforms himſelf into an Angel of Light. He cor-
(h) Vid. Juftin. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. Jud. pag. 211. Ed. Sylb.
(i) Bézovta is 2Seoi, rj i megesãou a J dwód pussy
Sorcir Beds to é ubys. Porphyr. de
Abſtin. Lib. Ik Ś. 42. Vid. Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IV. pag. 102, 103, 104.
E
rupts.
14
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

tupts the Works of God by imitating them; and by ſuch Infinuations inſtilling at laſt in-
to the Minds of Men, that he is the Author of the Original, and by Conſequence is the
Great God. Were he to appear at firſt in his proper Colours, Men would be aware
of his Devices ; but his great Principle is to lie by Diffimulation ; that is, by an Ap-
pearance and Mixture of Truth. Truth is Divine, and the Original : Error is of the
Devil, and a depraved Copy of Truth. But ſtill it is a Copy, which, by Compa-
riſon, may ſhew the Beauty of the Original, and the Intention of the Author.
20. To come to Particulars
. (k) God at firſt ſhew'd himſelf to Mankind in plain
Viſion, and gave out his Oracles in plain Speech : The Devil imitated him, and
thus ſeduced our firſt Parents, and the Poſterity of Cain. God at firſt either com-
manded or accepted the Sacrifices of Abel and Noah: Afterwards the Devil found
means to transfer thoſe Sacrifices to himſelf, which the Poſterity of Noah perform'd
in Imitation of that Patriarch. God was pleas'd ſometimes to ſhew his Acceptation
of Mens Prayers and Sacrifices, by exhibiting thereupon ecſtatick Viſions and Dreams:
The Devil imitated this alſo ; and we find in Prophane Authors, many Inſtances of
ſuch Rites being perform’d, in order to obtain ſuch Viſions and Dreams ; in Expe&ta-
tion of which, they lay in the Temples, and upon the Skins of the Beaſts ſacrificed,
or in ſome Grotto, and the like. It remains to ſpeak of the Manner and Stile of
ſuch Viſions and Dreams, which were ſometimes plain, and ſometimes Symbólical.
I am apt to think that Symbols are, if not wholly, yet the greateſt Part of them, of
Human Invention : But what then? Might not God take Men then in their own
Way? When God had once done fo, 'twas eaſy for the Devil to imitate him, and
favour his Votaries with the like, fince they knew that God had done fo before with
Holy Men. Even God might give Occaſion to ſuch Symbols, by making uſe of one,
when he made that general Promiſe and Covenant with Mankind after the Deluge,
and appointed the Rainbow to be a Token of his Reconciliation, and that he would
deſtroy the World no more with a Deluge. From this Hint, Men might ſettle the
Notion of Symbolical Chara&ters: Or elſe, if theſe were invented before, then it
ſhews God's Condeſcenſion to give them an Earneſt of his Promiſe in their own
Way. From this likewiſe, the Devil inſtill'd into Men a ſuperſtitious Notion to ob-
ſerve Signs from Heaven, as declarative of the Divine Will, and by Conſequence of
future Events : And then it was very natural to transfer that Way to Viſions and
Dreams. And thus (2) fome Learned Men have conjectured, that Noah having made
uſe of a Raven and a Dove, which he turn’d out of the Ark to diſcover whether the
Waters of the Deluge were abated ; this gave Occaſion afterwards to receive a No-
tion, that by the Flight of Birds, Men might have Symbols of Divination ; from
whence came at laſt the Art of Auguries and Auſpicia. This Art (m) Æſchylus attri-
butes, as to the Invention of it, to Prometheus, who being the Son of Faphet, is
therefore Grandſon to Noah, and thought by (n) Bochart to be the ſame as Magog
And indeed Æſchylus makes him the Inventor of Onirocriſy, and ſome other Arts of
Divination. And in the Tragedy, Prometheus acts the Part of a Prophet. Had we
indeed a full Account of theſe ſeveral Steps and Progreſs of Things, and Commenta-
ries of the Notions and Ways of Men before the Introdu&tion of Idolatry, whilſt the
Patriarchs kept ſtill to the Knowledge and Worſhip of the true God; theſe would
be more proper to illuſtrate the Language of the Holy Ghoft: But ſince we can have
no ſuch Things, we may look upon the Remnants of the Pagan Notions in this Mat-
ter, as Relicks of thoſe Ancient Notions, upon which the Prophetical Language is
grounded. vast breyttar slauni: TELET I
бойотсу
21. But even upon Suppofition, that the Symbolical Language and Character is of
Human, and if you will go farther, of Pagan Inſtitution, what harm will there be
to ſuppoſe, that God might comply with this Way in Vifions land Dreams, ånd
adopt therein the Symbolical Method? And why might not God, in this particular
Caſe, do, as he has done in general, when he retriev'd the Iſraelites from Idolatry by
the Moſaïcal Religion, and all Mankind by the Chriſtian? Thele Two Inſtitutions have
evident Marks of the Divine Condeſcenſion to the Notions of Men.91 We are afſu-
al del
20 doleren od 20 eller anne vloH
(4) Μεγάλίω και ούτοι τιμίω εγχώνεσιν αγγέλοις όμιλήσαντες, και η θεόν ύπας ουκ όναρ θεασάμβροι-
Method. Ep. & Mart. De Caſticat. apud Phot. Cod. 237. De Tam hot biv (d)
(1) Vid. Ezech. Spanhem. Nor. in Callimach. Hymo, in Pallad. v. 123. pag, 630, no ona
Æſchyl. Prometh. Vinct. v, 486. 3h VI.di sura) Bochart. Phal. Lib. I, cap. 2. 1) Cida
red

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
15
red by the Living Oracle, that Mofes made even ſome Moral Laws with a view to
the Hardneſs of Heart in the Iſraelites: All their Sacrifices, and by Conſequence the
whole Conſtitution of their Tabernacle and Temple, were appointed as it were at
their Deſire, and to fix their minds upon the True God, by the very fame Ways
whereby they had been allured to worſhip the falſe Deities : And indeed one may fay,
that their whole Conſtitution in general had their former Ways in Vievt. That God
ſhew'd his Condeſcenſion to the former Ways, Notions, or, to ſpeak properly, the
Prejudices of Men, in the Inſtitution of the Chriſtian Religion, needs not now be
proved by me: The very Writings of the Apoſtles are ſufficient Teſtimonies. In
the Inſtitution of a Religion, God deſigns to thew his Goodneſs to Mankind : But his
Condeſcenſion is a neceſſary Effect of it. For as he acts with us as Creatures endued
with Reaſon, and that we muſt be drawn by Reaſoning; he knows that the Principles
of our Reaſoning are not ſtrict, preciſe, and metaphyſical, but that our Notions and
former Practices or Cuſtoms are made ſtanding Principles of our Actions, which even
for the moſt part ſway the cleareſt Demonſtrations. And then indeed, provided our
Worſhip be wholly directed towards him, ſo that our Ations therein may be of
Faith, in the firſt Eſtabliſhment of the Ceremonies thereof, any are indifferent to the
Divine Majeſty ; and ſo may very conveniently be taken from the former Practices
and Inſtitutions.
22. There is but one Objection more, that I think of, that can be made againſt our
Method, which is this : Thar it has been obſerv’d by (Ó) Learned Men, that the Prea
di&tions of Satan, or, which is the ſame, of his Votaries the Magicians and Obſervers
of Prodigies, are often low, mean, and trifling. That the Oracles of the Heathens
were either falfe, or dubious, and equivocal. Porphyrius objected this to the Egyp-
tians. (P) Famblichus indeed denied it ; but, as Dr. Gale has well obſerv'd, we have
only his Word for it. Whereas the Oracles of God, like his other Works, are Great
and Noble, the Effects of an abſolute Prefcience of all future Events, and Proofs of
his Omnipotence to effect all that he has foreknown and decreed. That therefore
there is no Compariſon to be made between them. I grant the Ground of the Obje-
&tion, but deny the Conſequence : For indeed the Objection furniſhes us with an An-
ſwer. 'Tis true, the Works of God are magnificent ; and the Devil's, Imitations,
Tricks, and Trifles: But they are ſtill Imitations; the Difference between them is to
be conſidered, not as to the Quality, but the Quantity. Prophetia eg Divinatio con-
veniunt in genere, ſays (2) Dr. Gale. I have as mean an Opinion of the Pagan Pre-
di&tions as any Body, tlfo I aſſert, that they are written in Terms like the Divine
Prophecies. We muſt conſider the Symbols with a conſtant View towards God's in-
finite Knowledge, and the vaſt Comprehenſion of his Deſigns. A Flea in the Mi-
croſcope may give a Man fome Notion of the Proboſcis of an Elephantz and even his
Pi&ture in Miniature, or upon a Medal, that of the whole Symmetry of that huge
Animal, whoſe true Idea we may form by magnifying proportionably the Quantities
or Meaſures of his Parts. Even the Symbols us'd in the Divine Prophecies ſtand in
need of this Allowance; or elſe how could it be, for Inſtance, that a Woman ſhould
repreſent the Catholick Church, or a Lamb the Monarch of the whole World?
When therefore the Symbols of the Pagan Predi&tions are produced to be compared
with thoſe of the Divine Prophecies, a greater Allowance is to be made; but how-
ever, the Analogy remains in both. 'Tis the Part of the Interpreter to make his Al-
lowances ſuitable to the Matters before him.
Oslo
23. This laſt Obſervation brings me to conclude, that all the ſneaking and mean
Interpretations of the Holy Prophecies are, upon that very Score of their Meanneſs, to
be rejected ; eſpecially when great and noble Events ſuit the Symbols of the Prophecy
as well, if not better. Thus, when ſuch mean Interpreters of the Divine Law would
explain only literally that Law, which forbids the muzzling of the Ox that treadeth
out the Corn, St. Paul ſays, Doth God care for Oxen? As if he had ſaid, When God
made this Law, do you think that he had not a nobler Deſign than that of barely
taking Thought, and ſhewing Kindneſs to the labouring Beaſts ? Yes ſurely, he de-
fign'd that it ſhould be applied to them that labour in the Word and Doctrine of his
(6) Euſeb. Demonſtr. Evang. Lib. V. cap. I. pag. 129, and Præp. Evang. Lib. V. pag. 131. bratot
(0) Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. S. 10. cap. 7. Vid. Nor, Gala
di wila
(9) Gal. Not. in Jamblich. de Myft
. $. 3. cap. 17.
Law,
16 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

Law; and who, by fowing among Men Spiritual Things, deſerve at leaſt to reap of
them the Benefit of Worldly Maintenance. This (r) Conſideration will at once cruſh
all the Interpretations of Grotius, eſpecially upon the Revelation. He applies this
Prophecy to mean Matters, and makes Trifles to be the Objects of theſe Divine
Oracles. He that will explain it right, muſt enlarge his Thoughts, and comprehend
at once the whole Extent and Duration of the Chriſtian Religion. But I muſt give
over in this place the Confideration of ſuch general Principles, to fhew diftinčtly
what Rulės muſt be followed, to apply the Knowledge of the Symbolical Character
to the particular Interpretation of this Sacred Books which muſt be the Subjekt
of the next Part.
PART II.
Of the Rules by which the Knowledge of the
Symbolical Language is to be applied to the
REVELATION.
Wherein it is demonſtrated, that Days in the Prophetical Language
ſometimes ſignify YEAR S.

HA
Aving ſhewn in the former Part of this Diſcourſe, the Origin of the Propheti-
cal Language, or, which is the ſame, the Origin of the Uſe of thoſe Images
or Symbols, which are exhibited to the Prophets in their Viſions, to fignify the
Events of Things in the Political World concern d or deſcrib'd in the Prophecy; and
the Revelation appearing to be an Account of Prophetical Viſions, deſign d to ſhew
the State of the Chriſtian Church, which are compos’d of ſuch Symbols : It is now
proper to Thew, by what particular Rules, and with what Inſtruments, we muſt
manage the Expoſition of the whole. In order to this, I ſhall take the following
Method: Firſt, I fhall give a general Account of the Difficulties which are to be
clear’d, in order to underſtand the Revelation, and how they are to be remov'd ; and
in particular, how the Symbols, wherein the greateſt Difficulty conſiſts, ariſing from
different Springs, are to be explain'd ; together with what Helps we have to that
End. Secondly, I ſhall lay down fome ſpecial Obſervations, which are of Neceſſity
to be premis’d, in order to underſtand the Method of our Application of the former
Rules for the removing of the Difficulties, and the explaining of the Symbols :
Wherein I ſhall, in a ſpecial manner, explain and prove that Paradox of the Apoca-
lyptical Interpreters, that a Day fignifies an Year, by ſhewing how ſuitable it is to
the Method of the Symbolical Character, and indeed to the Deſign and Method of
the Holy Ghoſt in all the reſt of the Symbols.
2. To begin with the Firſt of theſe: "Tis not ſo much the Difficulty of this Pro-
phecy that has occaſioned ſo many different and abſurd Interpretations thereof, to be
ſeen as well in the numerous Colleětion of the Books written upon it, as in the general
Tenets of the ſeveral Sects into which the Church of Chriſt is now miſerably divi-
ded, as the Emulation and Partiality of the contending Parties. Whilft each endea-
vours to draw it to his Side, or at leaſt to Thew that his Adverſaries can from thence
take no Advantage againſt him. This ariſes from that true Foundation and firm Be-
lief, that the Holy Ghoſt has therein given us a clear and ſuccinct Hiſtory of the
Their expounding the Apocalypſe generally of leffer Matters, and of particular Concernments, if com-
pard with Mr. Mede's Interpretations, which are applied to Matters of more Importance for Chriſtians to ob-
ferve, and to the more illuſtrious and aſtoniſhing Magnalia of Divine Providence; I say, theſe and the like
Conſiderations de leſſen the Repute of their New Method; and are no Small Arguments, that Mr. Mede hath
, Help of
paffus Apocalypticus, as he calls his Synchroniſms, to the attaining the moſt probable and leaſt exceptionable
Senſe of the Apocalyptical Viſions. Worthington's Obſervat. concerning the Millennium, pág. 59.
Fates
2
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
17

Fates of the Chriſtian Church, from its firſt Propagation to its Conſummation in
Glory. Hence, on the one hand, either they expect to find therein the Characters of
ſuch a Church, as ſuits with their Notions ; or at leaſt, on the other, ſet themſelves
to ward off the Blows given them from the Chara&ters of the Enemies of Chriſt fet
forth therein, and which their Antagoniſts apply to them. This is the Caſe of the
Romiſ Commentators, who therein follow the common (s) Method of theſe Ancient
Hereticks, who in the handling of the Holy Scriptures make them ſpeak as they de
fire for the
Defence of their Cauſe.
Cauſe. So that whilſt they have pretended to explaint
Sacred Book, they have really made ſuch Expoſitions thereof, as are abſolutely
abſurd in the Opinion of all unprejudiced Men; and, in my Opinion, not even be-
liev'd by themſelves; but ſuch as are mere Amuſements to their own Party, and ſerve
only for a Pretence to ſay, that this Prophecy may be otherwiſe interpreted than as
the others do it againſt them; and that no Argument can be drawn from it to preju-
dice their Cauſe.
3. However, this muſt be own'd at laſt to be a juſt Complaint, That hitherto no
Man has given out ſo füll an Account of this Prophetical Ænigma, as that the Expo-
ſition thereof has run throughout the whole, being able to bear it ſelf out with ſuch
Clearneſs, as to convince all Men that the whole is underſtood. And yet 'tis evi-
dent, that the true Key of an Ænigma muſt maſter all the Circumſtances, and ſolve
all the Difficulties therein, by giving a Solution of all the ſeeming Contradictions
purpoſely fram'd to make it obſcure. There are indeed ſome Expoſitions of many
general Symbols
, or particular Places and Deſcriptions, which carry with them a great
Appearance of Truth; but after all, for want of giving us a full Account of the reſt
of the Circumſtances, and beſides that of ſeveral other great Parts of the reſt of the
Prophecy, the whole Expoſition already made, tho' it may be very true in it ſelf, muſt
neverthelefs fail of obtaining that Degree of Perfection, which alone produces a full
Perfuafion and Conviction of its Truth : Which every Man, who ſtudies to find any
thing out, muſt propoſe to himſelf as his main End; eſpecially in this Caſe, where
the Parts are ſo cloſely link'd together. Let therefore the Author of ſuch partial Ex-
pofitions be never fo acute in his Conjectures, till the whole be perform'd in the mari-
ner I have propos’d, ſuch a failing will always be obje&ted againſt him, as an unan-
ſwerable Argument againſt the Evidence of any Explication ; ſeeing the Revelation is
a Riddle of great Extent, and yet the whole depends upon the admirable Contexture
of its Parts, and their mutual Relation. Particular Conjectures will never fully ſatisfy
the Mind ; and unleſs the Principles, upon which they are built, can bear the Expo-
ſition quite through the whole Prophecy, the reſt is but an ingenious Gueſs. By all
that ever I could read, or hear of, it does not appear to me, that any one has yet done
it thus. And therefore, whoſoever ſhall pretend for the future to ſtudy, or write up-
on this Prophecy, let him take notice, that he muſt aim at this Univerſal Principle.
For it ſtands to Reaſon, not only in this Caſe, but alſo in general, that the ſureft, and
perhaps the only Mark of Truth, is, when one and the ſame Principle is ſufficient to
explain all the Difficulties. And, as (t) one ſays, “in the framing of Syſtems, whe-
“ther they be of Principles and Concluſions, or of Events, contain'd in Prophecies,
" we muſt pierce through them all, that we may ſee them clearly, and be aſſured
" of their Truth”. And to cite an Author, whoſe Deſign is of the fame Nature
as that we are upon, Artemidorus the Onirocritick, or Interpreter of Dreams, ap-
plies this very Principle to his own Cafe. Whoſe Words, being remarkable, I ſhall
here cite at large. (u)“ Thoſe Dreams, ſays he, which are not entirely remembred,
“muſt be look'd upon as unfit to be decided, whether the Middle or whether the
“ End be forgotten. For, to make a found Judgment, one muſt ſearch out all that is
“ ſeen in order to come to paſs. And that alone is fit to be comprehended, which is
(8) Immoderata enim eſt omnis fuſce pracum volunratum pertinacia, & indeflexo motu adverfandi
ftudium perfiftit ; ubi non rationi voluntas ſubjicitur, nec ftudium doétrinæ impenditur, ſed his quæ
yolumus, rationem conquirimus, & his quæ ſtudemus doctrinam coaptamus. Hilar. Pi&t. de Trinitat.
Lib. X. init.
M. Jurieu's Accompl. of Proph. Lib. II. C. 9.
(0) Ετι και τα μη δξ ολοκλήρε μνημον Δομία, αδιάκριται, εάν τε το μέσον, εάν π το πέρας απελάθη-
τα τις. Εις μας γδ ή υμά λόγον, δεα ξετάζειν παν το δρώμεμον αποβαίνειν μόνον 3 ος και τα ληψιν Κρ-
γεται, το ξ ολοκλήρου μνημονδόμυον. ώσπερ οώ οι θύτα τα αμφίβολα και σημείων, έχ μη αληθή φασιν
εί), αλλ' αυτοι μη καταλαμβάνειν δι' ών επιλύονται" έτω και ονειροκρίτου, ών μή ακριβή τίω κατάληψιν
διμύαται λαβών, αει τέτων και κή απεραίνεις, δε αποκολαζαν.
Artemid. Lib. I. c. 13.
F
“ entirely

18
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

“ entirely remembred. As therefore the Aruſpices meeting with doubtful Signs, do
not ſay that they are not true, but that themſelves do not comprehend them by
“ what they ſacrifice : So neither muſt the Onirocritick either anſwer or conje&ture at
random, about thofe Things of which he cannot have an exact Underſtanding
By this we ſee, that even in this kind of Prophetical Riddles about the future, the
Heathens infifted upon a thorough underſtanding of the Whole, before they would pre-
tend to determine certainly concerning any Part.
4. Now it appears to me, that towards the underſtanding of the Revelation, and
conſequently to make a full Commentary upon it, theſe Four Things are of Neceflity
to be perform’d. Firft, To explain the Literal Meaning of the Words of St. John
and to ſettle the true Reading of them. Secondly, To ſettle the Matter of the Vi-
fions, and to obſerve the Coincidence of the Events foretold. Thirdly, To explain
all the Prophetical Symbols, and to diſtinguiſh the reſt of the proper Terms from
thoſe that are merely Prophetical or Metaphorical, and ſo peculiar to the Symbolical
Language. Fourthly, To apply at laſt the Events of Things, ſo far as they ſhall ap-
pear to be accompliſh'd, to the Prophetical Vifions explain d according to the Expo-
fition of the Symbols and Terms throughout the Prophecy; and, by Analogy, to con-
jecture how the Parts of the Prophecy, not yet accompliſh'd, may be fulfilled here-
after.
5. This Way of proceeding appearing at the very firſt Sight to be the moſt natural,
it muſt be a ſtrong Preſumption againſt any Interpreter, who ſhall go about to invert
it, and to overthrow this Foundation, by laying that firſt down, which ſhould be the
Reſult of the whole Enquiry; as they all do, who firſt reſolve to find ſuch and ſuch
Events in the Viſions. Who can think, but ſuch a Man is a Slave to an Hypotheſis
who from ſome flight Hint ſhall form a Deſign to find out ſome likely Explication
and ſhall therefore by all means force all the firſt Principles into a ſuitable Condeſcen-
fion, which are the plain Directions of the Holy Ghoſt, and the innate Characters of
the Viſions. Wherefore it being my Deſign not to be tied to any Hypotheſis
, altho' it
muſt be acknowledg’d, that ſome have already diſcover'd many general Truths there-
in ; none muſt wonder, that this ratural Order is conſtantly obſerv'd in the following,
Commentary. For though in fome Notes the Event be firſt nam'd ; this happens for
the moſt part, becauſe the End of the former Note having ſpoken of the main
Part of the Event juſt before, it ſeem'd more eaſy to paſs thus to the fame Matter.
However, that Application of the Event entirely depends on the following Explica-
tion of the Symbols, which was firſt in the Intention; though upon ſuch Occaſions it
ſeems to be brought in only by way of Proof. For my part, being reſolv’d to pro-
ceed conſtantly upon rational Grounds, and to follow the Method preſcribd already ;
I ſhall here fet down by what means my Deſign is to remove all Difficulties, which,
for that reaſon, I ſhall now prove to be folid by theſe Three Reaſons. Firſt, That I
follow the ſtriéteſt Rules of the beſt Interpreters of Holy Writ, and particularly up-
on this Prophecy. Secondly, That I ſtick cloſe to the Rules, Principles, and Expo-
fitions of the Symbolical or Prophetical Character, which I ſhall ſhew are ſuitable to
the Notions of the Fews and Primitive Chriſtians, and even of the very Diſciples of
St. John, which I ſhall ſhew are probably deriv'd from that Apoſtle. And Thirdly,
That I ſhall give no Expoſition of any Point of Do&trine, but what is Primitive and
Orthodox, and according to the Analogy of Faith receiv'd in that Church whereof I
am a Member. All this will appear in the following general Account of the Means
to remove the Difficulties.
6. Firſt
, For the underſtanding of the Literal Meaning of the Words in general,
and the fettling of the true Reading, this being a Matter common to this Prophecy,
and to all the reſt of the Holy Writings, the fame Ways and Means may ſerve in this
Prophecy. There is no great Need to enlarge upon this: But this is to be obſerv'd,
That as no Man ought to pretend to criticiſe upon the Ancient Readings of Authors,
and explain them before he has a thorough Underſtanding of the Matters treated by
the Authors, fo 'tis in this Caſe; and therefore the Tranſlation and Reading of this
Prophecy depends abſolutely upon the underſtanding of the whole; the Obſervation
of the Analogy of the Parts being the beſt Guide. It may be obſerv’d, that there
are few Authors, who take Occaſion to cite this Sacred Book by way of Proof for
what they ſay upon many Points of Doctrine, without having a fufficient Knowledge
of the Book it felf, but what are guilty of great Miſtakes upon that Account. Thus,
for Inſtance, who can determine the Signification of the Particle én in this Expreſſion,
"OR

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
19

"On zgor Gåre és un én, in Chap. x. 6. without underſtanding the Oeconomy of the
whole Vifion. For én fignifies ſometimes any longer, and ſometimes as yet ; and till
it be determined which of theſe Two Significations it muſt have there, the Word
geór G is alſo equivocal, as may be ſeen in our Note thereupon. As to the Reading
of the Text, it is own'd by all ſober Interpreters, that the Word of God does not lie
in this or that Copy; but is to be found in all the Copies compar’d together with a
pious and accurate Judgment; ſo that we are not tied to any ſingle Copy. However,
to come to a ſettled Courſe in this Matter, I thought it proper to ſtick in general to
one Edition. In the Choice of which, the Complútenfian follow'd by Arias Montanus,
as being the firſt in Poſſeſſion of the Preſs, and perform'd with ſo much Care, that I
look upon it as the neareſt of any to the Intent of the Holy Ghoſt, appear’d to me
to be the moſt proper : But however, when any other Reading ſeem'd more congruous
to the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt, Notice is taken thereof accordingly. The Ex-
cellent Work of Dr. Mill has been of great Uſe to me, though 'tis not brought to
that Perfection yet, which, in my Opinion, it may receive; but his Deciſions about
the Readings, at leaſt as to this part of the New Teſtament, ſeem not to be ſo true,
as one would expect from ſo exact a Man, and ſo throughly vers’d in the Text of the
New Teſtament. He reje&ts many Words, and whole Phraſes too ſlightly, being apt
to ſuſpect as an Interpolation, whatever he has not found in ſome other Copies, whoſe
Authority he preſſes too much. The Reaſon of which proceeds in my Judgment
from this, that he has proceeded in that Work more like a Grammarian than a Com-
mentator. But nothing can give a Man a more diſcerning Senſe in theſe Matters, than
the Study of thoſe Writings with a Deſign to explain them exactly. Such a Deſign
gives a Student more Views of the Matter than what can come into that Man's Head,
who barely judges of the Text by comparing the different Copies. Hence it comes,
that the moit exa&t Commentators are the moſt ſhy of rejecting the Readings found
in good Copies. Nevertheleſs, left any ſhould think, that I take too much upon
me in this Matter, and pretend to impoſe my fingle Authority on the Chriſtian
Readers; my Expoſitions commonly take in ſuch Varieties, leaving the Judgment of
all to the Diſcretion of the Learned. Therefore having thought it neceſſary, for Rea-
fons mention'd elſewhere to premiſe to my Commentary a Tranſlation of the Pro-
phecy, I have made it accordingly ; following however, as near could be, the Terms
already us’d in that which is publiſh'd by Authority, and giving in the Commentary
the Reaſons of all the notable Changes therein. I ſhall not here ſpeak of the parti-
cular Expofition of Terms and Phraſes which need it, becauſe it will more properly
come in hereafter.
7. The Second Thing neceſſary to the underſtanding of the Revelation is, That the
Matter of the Viſions, their Order and Coincidence, be well ſettled. This is truly the
firſt and main Difficulty of this Prophecy; and Foſ. Mede is the firſt who found it to
be fo, and made fome Diſcovery therein. For this Prophecy giving an Account of
the whole State of the Chriſtian Church, and of the Temporal State, ſo far as this
is coincident with t’other : Now becauſe the Viſions are repreſented by Symbols,
which muſt bear a certain Analogy to each other, and carry throughout a certain De-
corum, it is not poſſible that the fame Strain of Symbols ſhould repreſent all the va-
rious Circumſtances of the Church, and of its Enemies. Therefore when the Mat-
ters require that they ſhould be conſidered under another Aſpect; the Strain of the
Symbols muſt change, and the Scene of the Viſion alters. Now the Holy Ghoſt has
put therein ſuch inward Marks, which belong to every Part of a Viſion, that we may
thereby diſcover, how the Matters of that Vifion are related to the reſt. Thus we
find what is antecedent and conſequent, or what is only collateral : And fo it appears
what Viſions and their Parts ſynchroniſe, or not. By this Method the Holy Ghoſt
has Opportunity to enlarge and demonſtrate more fully, what is elſewhere treated of
more ſuccinctly ; it being the conſtant Practice of the Holy Ghoſt herein, to give us,
firft, ſome general Hints of Things; and then, afterwards, to take them up again to
give us a more ample Deſcription thereof. Thus the Holy Ghoſt does not follow in
this Prophecy the Way of Annaliſts
, who being content to reduce all Matters to a
Chronological Series, only relate fuccinctly what happens every Year, without en-
larging upon the Intrigues or Cauſes of the Events, and omitting for the moſt part
the Conſequences; but that of the more Judicious (x) Hiſtorians, who endeavour to
و
(x) Vid. Q. Curt. Lib. V. init.
give
20 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

give a full Account of every Matter as they take it in hand, to make a compleat
Syſtem of the whole, interpofing Digreffions, and then returning to the principal
Matters, by giving fuch Hints and Tranſitions, as fuffice to let us underſtand to what
they belong, and how, as to Point of time, they come in or end with the reſt.
8. The whole Revelation is indeed but one Viſion, having ſeveral Parts ; or elſe,
that none may have Occaſion to cavil at ſmall Matters, and becauſe (y) Irenæus ſpeaks
of a Second Viſion in this Prophecy, we may fay there are Two great Parts or Viſions
join’d together, though both were ſeen on the ſame Day without any apparent Inter-
miſfion. The Firft is concerning the preſent State of the Church at the time of the
Viſion, and particularly that of the particular Churches which are nam'd therein, they
being then under the more immediate Care of St. John, as being either nearer than
others the Place of his Baniſhment, and his former fettled Abode; or elſe rather be-
cauſe he had conſtituted them, and as (2) Tertullian ſays, placed the Biſhops therein ;
who is in that back’d by the Authority of (a) Clemens Alex. who ſays, that St. John
travelled in Aſia to confirm the Churches, or ſettle New
ones. So that he then per-
form’d therein that, which was afterwards the Office of a (b) Metropolitan. The
Second Viſion treats concerning the whole Conftitution and Fates of the
Chriſtian Church, from the very Beginning thereof to its Conſummation in Glory.
This latter Part, comprehending a larger Deſign than the former, is therefore of
greater Extent, and ſo ſeems to be divided into other Parts; though the whole makes
an entire and compact Syſtem. It is a great Miſtake, and utterly void of Proof, to
think, that it was delivered at ſeveral times, as ſome other Prophecies in the Old
Teftament. The Firſt Viſion, or Part of the Viſion, reaches to the End of the Third
Chapter; the Second begins at the Fourth Chapter, and goes on to the very End.
9. This Deſcription of the Chriſtian Oeconomy is made in one continued Strain of
Symbols, which deſcribe the Fates of the Church, through its various Periods of
Propagation and Depreſſion in its corrupted State, and then of Amendment and Glo-
Ty, from the (c) Fourth Chapter to the Eleventh, both inclufively : Saving that the
Holy Ghoſt gives at the End of this firſt Strain of Symbols but a ſhort Account of
the future Glory, reſerving that to the End of the Prophecy. The ſame Church, and
its Enemies, and all their ſeveral refpe&tive A&tions and Sufferings, in the mean time,
are conſidered with more ſpecial Views and Chara&ters, till thoſe Enemies are deſtroy'd
by the Ways and Means laid down, from the Twelfth Chapter to the Twenty Firſt
excluſively: Though in the Nineteenth and Twentieth, together with the riſing Glo-
ry of the Church, there are found Deſcriptions of the laſt and utmoſt Deſtruction of
Chriſt's Enemies, even to that of Satan and Death it ſelf, which is ſwallow'd up in
Victory by the laſt Judgment, deſcrib'd at the End of the Twentieth Chapter : So
that the Twenty Firſt, and Part of the laſt, contain a fuller Deſcription of that State
of Glory, which was hinted at before, or elſe only ſhewn as growing ; leaving thus
the full Deſcription of it to the End, that there might be no Interruption in the de-
fign’d Deſcription of Chriſt's Victories over all his Enemies, nor that the Glory ſhould
be ſet forth in its full View, whilſt there was any Power left to interrupt it.
We find in the New Teſtament ſome Hints concerning the Fates of the Chri-
ſtian Oeconomy; but indeed they are couched in very general Terms by the Inſpir'd
Writers, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt reſerv’d the full Account thereof to be tranſmitted
to St. Fohn in the Viſions reported in this Sacred Book. However, that in St. Paul's
Second Epiſtle to the Theſſalonians, Chap. ii. is the more conſiderable, becauſe the
Apoſtle, in ſhewing us what is to anticipate the Second Coming of Chriſt, divides
the future State of the Church into Three diſtinct Periods; and we ſee plainly, that
the Holy Ghoſt has done the ſame in the Revelation. Now this being of great Con-
ſequence towards the underſtanding of this Prophecy, we muſt conſider that Diviſion
in this place. Firſt, The Apoſtle warns the Theſſalonians about the Coming of our
IO.

7
cap. s.
(y) Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 37,
) Habemus & Joannis alumnas Ecclefias. Nam etfi Apocalypſin ejus Marcion reſpuit, ordo tamen
Epiſcoporum ad originem recenſus, in Johannem ſtabit auctorem. Tertullian. adv. Marcion. Lib. IV.
(a) Clem. Alex. de Divit. Salu. Vid. Euſeb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. III. cap. 23. Dodwell
. Difl. in Iren. I.
S. 3. and Diff. III. S. 35.
(b) Vid. Jo. Mill. Prolegom. in Nov. Teft. pag. 20.
) Vid. Du Moulin Accompl
. des Proph. Chap. ix.
1
Lord
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
21

Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and our gathering together about him, or unto him. Secondly,
We are inform’d, that this Second Coming of Chriſt could not be foon neither, be
cauſe there muſt be firſt an Apoſtaſy, and that the Man of Sin muſt firſt be revealed,
who is to oppoſe God, and to ſet himſelf up above him, even in his Temple ; that is,
in the Chriſtian Church. And Thirdly, To ſhew that this Apoſtaſy likewiſe could
not happen very ſoon, we are further told, that this Apoſtaſy and Coming of the
Man of Sin is hindred by ſome thing, or Some body, that with-holds or hinders it ;
and therefore this, ſtanding in the Way of the Man of Sin, muſt firſt beremov'd before
he appears. To take theſe in Order by Retrogradation, we find therein Three Pe.
riods, which muſt apparently happen thus in Order of Time. I. Oʻ ne tézou, of me
notizov, the With-holder or Preventer of the Man of Sin, which muſt be remov'd be
fore the Apoſtaſy and Man of Sin are revealed, who cannot before that Removal be
advanced to their Height. II. The Apoftafy and Man of Sin are to laſt during their
appointed Time, until the Preſence of Jeſus Chriſt, who then by the Word of his
Mouth is to conſume them. III. The Preſence of Chriſt makes the laſt Period, called
by St. Paul, mopxoia t weis nicão Incê xeisë, rij bielov om wegwys ém' diziy, the Coming,
or Preſence, of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, and our Meeting together unto him. Which
Expreſſion is too ſtrong to be underſtood of any thing, but of Chriſt's Coming to
Judgment and the Reſurrection. And ſo the Text is generally underſtood.
11. In like manner, the Revelation ſets forth to us Three diſtinct Periods of the
Chriſtian Oeconomy, in all the ſeveral Vifions, which reſpectively conſider ſome one
Proſpect of it. Thus in the firſt and great Strain of Symbols we have Three Periods,
one of the Seals, another of the Trumpets, and the Third that of Chriſt's Univerſal
Kingdom, the Judgment and Reward of the Saints after the Deſtroyers are deſtroy’d.
So again, upon the opening of another Kind of Scene, the Church, which in the
former was but implied, is here ſet forth under the Symbol of a Woman ; and under
that View ſhe has Three plain and diſtinct Periods, one of her Travail and Child-
bearing, the other of her Flight and Abode in the Wilderneſs : And at the ſame time
the Holy Ghoſt thinks fit to ſhew us her Enemies, and what becomes of them. Theſe
are likewiſe diſtinguiſhed according to theſe Two Periods; in the firſt, the Dragon;
in the ſecond, the Beaſt with Seven Heads and Ten Horns, Succeſſor to the Dragon's
Power, together with the Falſe Prophet or Beaſt with Two Horns like the Lamb.
Then we have ſeveral Scenes of Acts and Judgments collateral to theſe Two Periods;
and at laſt the Third Period of the Woman, when ſhe becomes the Lamb's Bride.
Upon which, her Husband, the Lamb, appearing as the Logos of God, deſtroys at
laſt the Enemies of his Church, gets the Dragon tied up, and reigns with his Saints,
till he proceeds to the final Judgment; which are all the Events of the Third Period.
All other Matters, which ſeem to be Digreſſions, are only fuller Expoſitions of what
is contain’d, or may be reduced to theſe Three general Periods; or, as we may fay,
thew the Means whereby they are begun and fulfilled, or the intermediate Accidents,
which introduce thoſe great Changes and Revolutions in Chriſt's Kingdom and the
Church, during the whole Chriſtian Oeconomy; ſo conſpicuous as to deſerve, that
the Deſtinies of the Church would be thus diſtinguiſhed by theſe Three remarkable
Periods.
12. But that we may make theſe Periods more plain to ſuch as are ſuppos’d not to
underſtand as yet the Symbolical Terms us’d by the Holy Ghoſt, by fetting them
out in plain Terms, and applying them to St. Paul's Prophecy mention'd before: We
have, I ſay, theſe Three Periods of the Kingdom of Chriſt, and the Chriſtian Church,
foretold and deſcrib'd in the Revelation. The firſt is that of Chriſt's taking Poſſeſſion
of his Kingdom, and by the Propagation of the Goſpel colle&ting Numbers of Faith-
ful to conſtitute the Church, till ſuch time as that Church gain'd the_Temporal
Power. The Enemies that oppos’d this viſibly, were the Pagan Roman Emperors ;
who were the With-holder, that obſtructed the Appearance of the Man of Sin. The
Second Period is that of the Church ſettled under the Prote&tion of the Civil Power
without External Enemies, but ſuffering it ſelf to be corrupted, and breeding Internal
Enemies to the Purity of its Worſhip; who perſecute thoſe that oppoſe its Corrup-
tions, and ſtand up for the pure Worſhip againſt the Idolatrous Tyrants therein :
Theſe are the Secular Powers which broke in upon the Roman Empire, in which the
greateſt Part of the Church was planted ; and they having ſettled therein, encouraged
the corrupted in their Pra&tices, and ſupported the Spiritual Tyranny of the Two
great Heads of the corrupted Clergy, the Biſhop of Rome, and the Biſhop of Con-
G
ſtantinople.
22 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

ftantinople. And theſe all together make up the Man of Sin in St. Paul, and are
guilty of ſetting up and maintaining the great Apoftafy, under which the Church in
a great meaſure ſtill labours. The Third is the Triumphant State of the Church at
the Coming of our Lord Jeſus Chriſt, when all his Enemies, Internal and External,
ſhall be fubdued, the Church enlarg'd, and the Saints ſhall riſe again, and all Men
too for the General Judgment. This being thus fairly expos’d, it will be afterwards
very eaſy to find out, in every Viſion, or Part of a Viſion, to what Period the Mat-
ters contain'd therein belong. Therefore to eaſe the Reader, my Tranſlation of this
Sacred Book is ſo divided, and has ſuch Arguments placed before each Diviſion, to
give at one View ſuch an Account of the Connexion of Matters therein, that together
with a ſingle Table, or Scheme of the chief Matters, it will be ſufficient to give a
true Notion of the whole Prophecy, which concerns the future State of the Church,
and make the Underſtanding and Comprehenſion of the whole Commentary very eaſy
to any ordinary Study.stadi orlov inst
as
93. As this is defign’d to eaſe the Reader, fo 'tis plain that it will not be neceſſary
to have Recourſe hereafter to the Works of Fof. Mede, which treat of the Synchro-
niſms of the Apocalyptical Vifions; the prefixed Arguments appearing to me to be
lefs incumber'd, and therefore more eaſy to be underſtood. Beſides, ſome of Mede's
Synchroniſms are precarious and doubtful, and ſome erroneous; ſo that his Authority
has led fome Men into Miſtakes. He is indeed the firſt who has diſcover'd, that
there were Matters deſcrib'd in this Sacred Book in different Places, which neverthe-
leſs are contemporary; and he has endeavour'd to ſhew, and prove theſe Synchro-
niſms by their innate Chara&ters, being ſenſible that this was abſolutely neceſſary in
order to make a right Expoſitions and therefore calld his Diſcovery, The Key of the
Revelation.. This is true in a great meaſure, and we are oblig'd to him for ſo neceffa-
ry a Diſcovery, for which he deſerves a juſt Praiſe. What Obligation likewiſe he
has laid upon all ſucceeding Interpreters, is made out ſufficiently by the general Re-
ception it has met with: So that his Synchroniſms are univerſally admitted al-
moſt without Contradi&tion. But having not ſet out with ſuch Univerſal Principles
for the underſtandiug of all the Symbols and Oeconomy of this Prophecy, which ne
vertheleſs muſt be well underſtood, to find out the very innate Characters of the Vi-
fions; he has admitted fome Notions, which have ſometimes led him afide, and
made him admit fome Synchroniſms, which are plainly falſe. I think it neceſſary,
becauſe of the Authority of this Excellent Man, to infilt a little upon this.
16 14. To begin with one of his general Notions, which has caus’d a very fatal
Miſtake in the whole Compoſure of his Scheme, and ariſes merely from his Want of
underſtanding fome Symbols. In the Fifth Chapter, there is a Book ſeald, which is
delivered to the Lamb, who is to open the Seals thereof: And in the Tenth Chapter,
a little Book open in the hand of an Angel. Theſe Two, it ſeems, he takes to be
the ſame, and to fignify the very Book of the Revelation : That the firſt is one Pro-
phecy, and the latter another ; ſo that by theſe Means the whole Revelation ſhould
contain, at leaſt as to this part of it, beginning at the Fourth Chapter, which is in-
deed the main Prophecy, becauſe the Viſion of the firſt Chapters ſeems to be a Kind
of Preface and Dedication ; the Revelation, I fay, ſhould contain Two Prophecies,
beſides that concerning the Seven Churches; the Firſt of the Sealed Book, containing
the Fates of the Empire ; and the Second of the open Codicil, or the Fates of the
Church. Whereas it appears, that they fignify quite
different Matters than the bare
Diftin&tion of Two Prophecies. It is certain, that there are fome Matters of the
Seals, according to his Way of including the Seven Trumpets in the laſt of the
Seals, which are mention'd' after the open Codicil, as Matters depending upon that
open Codicil, without any Character to make us think, that they are Parts of a new
Prophecy, begun in that open Codicil
, as it were, a-new ; but rather that they are a
Continuation of the former Prophecy, and even Incidents of one of the latter Epo-
cha's of that Prophecy. Beſides, it ſeems incongruous, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould
thus, if Mede's Account were true, foiſt Accidents of the firſt Prophecy into the ſe-
cond, by breaking off thus the firſt Prophecy, before the full Account of it was fi-
niſhed; and then when the ſecond is begun, as if the Holy Ghoſt had forgot it felf,
there ſhould be intruded into it ſome conftituting Parts of the firſt Prophecy; as
undoubtedly the whole Account of the Seventh Seal muſt be ſuppos’d. All which
Buſtle ariſes only from his miſtaking likewiſe the Meaning of the Word to propheſy,
ſpoken by the Angel of the Codicil to St. John, who has receiv'd the Codicil from
him.
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
23

him. For indeed to propheſy is there taken in a quite different Senſe than what we
uſually underſtand by it, to ſee Prophetical Viſions, and to write Predi&tions.
St. John is there an AEtor in the Viſion, and not barely a Scribe ; and therefore a Sym-
bolical Perſon. So likewiſe the Book feald, and the open Codicil
, do not ſignify the
Revelation it ſelf, but are proper Symbols of Matters in their place, and ſignify things
different from Mede’s Notion. This is more fully made out in my Commentary,
from which the Proof of what I ſay here muſt be drawn. After all, it is not true
that the Holy Ghoſt thus divides the Prophecy, and allots one Part to deſcribe the
State of the Empire, and t'other the Church. The Holy Ghoſt deſcribes the Growth
of Chriſt's Kingdom, and the State of the Church, through all Ages; the Kingdoms
of this world being only concern'd in the Deſcription occaſionally, as they ſtand af-
fected towards the Church. The Period of the Seals fays nothing of the Empire,
but at the Sixth ; unleſs it be as they are Heathens, and refuſe to embrace Chriſtianity;
that of the Trumpets affe&ts them throughout, becauſe the Power of the Empire
was then mix'd with the Church. Mede’s Deſign in the Synchroniſms was to be de-
voted to no Hypotheſis : But it is not by the bare reading of the Text, that we can
diſcover the innate Characters of the Viſions. We muſt alſo fully underſtand the
Symbols, or 'tis impoſſible to avoid Miſtakes about them. b som bson
15. Another of Mede’s erroneous Norions is this, that he looks upon the opening
of the Seventh Seal, and the blowing of the laſt Trumpet, as not barely antecedent,
but containing all the Matters following ; that is, the Seventh Seal contains the whole
Syſtem of the Seven Trumpets, and that Syſtem withal, which the Seventh Trumpet
contains. Whereas the Seven Seals and Seven Trumpets are only ſo many Epocha's,
or diſtinguiſhing Beginnings of Time, dividing thus into ſo many Parts fome general
Period of Time, which are therefore perfected within that Period ; and having no
other Relation to the reſt, but only as they are antecedent, or at furtheſt prepare
Matters for the Revolutions of the next Period. For they make this Diſtinètion by
ſome remarkable Change in the Courſe of Things during their Period, from which
they receive their reſpective Denominations; as the Periods themſelves are diſtinguiſh-
ed from each other by ſome greater Change, which the leſs Epocha's had not effected,
in the Conftitution of the Church. Again, the making of the laſt of theſe Epocha's
to be the containing Period of the following Matters reſpectively, as the laſt Seal of
the Trumpets, and the laſt Trumpet of the whole Period following, brings this Ab-
ſurdity upon his Scheme, That the laſt Trumpet being a dreadful Woe, falls by theſe
Means upon the Glorious and Happy Millennium of Chriſt's Kingdom; as if thár
Woe, or the Miſery of it, was not paſt before that Time ; ſo that they cannot, but
very improperly, be both brought under the fame Denomination; or that this Third
Woe could be ſaid to ſtretch out as far as the looſing of Satan after the Millennium,
and as far as the Laſt Judgment of the Wicked ať the General Reſurrection : which is
very abſurd. Therefore the Scheme muſt be reform'd, and intermediate Spaces mult
be allowed, both after the Seventh Seal for the Accompliſhment thereof, and after
the Seventh Trumper for the Accompliſhment of the Woe, before you connect the
Millennium to it: Which Space ſhall contain the Deſtruction of Babylon, with the
Marters conſequent upon it, as alſo the Deſtruction of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet,
together with the binding of Satan. Now all theſe great Matters are indeed ſubſe-
quent to the blowing of the Seventh Trumpet, which is the Epocha or Beginning
thereof; ſome of them being Parts of the Woe pronounced before ; but the reſt is of
another Nature, and begins to conſtitute a different period in the Church.
16. A Third Miſtake of his
, which is indeed of great Conſequence, and ſeems to
be deriv'd from the former, is this, That he has thought that the Viſions of the Se-
venth Chapter, which conſiſt of the Sealed Servants and of the Palm-bearing Compa-
ny, belong to different Periods : So that with him the Sealed Servants belong to the
Times of the Trumpets, and the Palm-bearing Company to the Millennium ; and by
Conſequence, that the Promiſes made at the End of the Chapter, are ſuch as deſcribe
the State of the Saints in the Millennium. But all this is falſe : For the whole be-
longs properly, as it is placed, to the Sixth Seal ; and the Promiſes, made there in
the future, are fuch as are accompliſhed at the opening of the Seventh Seal; and
tho' thefe Promiſes are very magnificent, yet they are below thoſe that ſuit to the
Millennial State, becauſe they belong to a State which is ſubject to Revolutions, as
thall be fully demonſtrated in the Commentary. Theſe therefore, and ſome other
Miſtakes of the like Nature, in explaining the Symbols, have made that Excellent
concis
Man
24
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

Man give us fome Matters as Contemporary, which are dubious, or rather altogether
falſe.
1002
ban
17. The main Matter to be obſerv'd in this admirable Prophecy, is the Harmony
in the Diſpenſations of the Divine Providence, which is to be ſeen in the Correſpon-
dence of its Parts together ; but moſt viſibly in the Diſtribution of the Periods, and
their reſpective Parts, which wholly correſpond in the Numbers of their reſpe&tive
Epocha’s, and
their mutual Relation and Similitude. Thus the Seven Seals correſpond
to the Seven Trumpets ; and their Epiſodes too, placed in the very fame Order and
Place. Thus alſo the Seven Bowles of God's Wrath upon the Members of the Beaſt,
correſpond to the Seven Trumpets of external Alarms to the Church. The Epiſodes
are likewiſe placed in the ſame harmonious Order. But more eſpecially in the con-
ſtant and perpetual Oppoſition between Chriſt and his Enemies, and the Church's
,
which is obſerved in every Branch and Species of Symbolical Signs. All theſe
Matters, God willing, ſhall be obſerv'd in the Commentary.
10
18. The Third Difficulty neceſſary to be remov’d, is this, That the Prophetical
Symbols be duly explain'd, and the reſt of the Terms usd in a plain or proper Sig-
nification be exactly diſtinguiſhed from thoſe that are Symbolical or Prophetical.
This is indeed the moſt difficult Part of the Work; for, if theſe be once well under-
ſtood, the Matters of the
Viſions have in themſelves the Characters of their
Synchro-
niſms and Correlations. But however, both theſe, as well as all other neceſſary Mat-
ters, have ſuch a Coherence together, that the underſtanding of one depends alſo up-
on the underſtanding of the reſt. This Difficulty is alſo much increasd by the va-
rious kinds, and valt Numbers of Symbols, which are not all fetch'd from the fame
Principles; and conſequently have not the ſame Analogy : So that theſe Symbolical
Images are to the Interpreters like the Figures in the Clouds to Children, about which
the Judgment varies according to the Diſpoſition and Fancy of the Spectator. And
whereas they ought to be (d) fix'd and certain in themſelves, as they really are ; yet
by the great Diſtance and Obſcurity of the Object and its Deſigns, together with our
Ignorance, Prejudice, and even Sloth, they are on the contrary diſtorted ſeveral Ways:
And they which ought to lead us towards the Diſcovery of the hiſtorical Accompliſh-
ment of the Prophecy, are rather explain'd according to fome Hypotheſis about the
Accompliſhment of the Prophecy before laid down, whereby the Interpreters do not
endeavour to find out the Truth, but to ſerve their own Turns and Fancies. Beſides
all this, I have not yet, to the beſt of my knowledge, met with any one, who has
pretended to ſettle any Univerſal Principle about the Prophetical Character, tho' there
have been ſome ſlender Attempts that Way; or any who thereupon has given Reaſons
why the Holy Ghoſt has us'd this Symbolical Way, or any Reaſons why the Symbo-
lical Viſions are mix'd with plain Expreſſions, or how we muſt diſtinguiſh theſe Two
Sorts of Language. Theſe are all very eſſential Points. There is alſo ſtill a greater
Failure amongſt the Interpreters, that when they think to have found out ſome of
the principal Symbols, they never heed further to find out and fix the Signification of
the reſt, which are as Circumſtances, ſometimes couch'd alſo in analogous Symbols,
and ſo depend on the Signification of the Principal ; or elſe even indicate and prove
where to find out the hiſtorical Antitype. For unleſs the Circumſtances of the Type
and Antity pe jump in together like Two Tallies, there can be no Certainty in the Ap-
plication. Wherefore all this being neceffary to be underſtood and well diſtinguiſhed,
it muſt be our chief Buſineſs to conſider this exactly, as the Matter plainly requires.
19. All the Symbols, or rather Prophetical Terms us'd in the (e) Revelation, may
be reduced to theſe Six Kinds. I. Firſt, Such as are borrowed from the Mofaical Diſ-


(d) “ To the skilful the Myſtical Senſe of the Apocalypſe is as certainly determinable one way, as any Scri-
pture is in the Litteral Senſe thereof”. H. More's Epilog. to Apoc. Apocal. pag. 304. This ſeems to be
contrary to the Rule in the Schools : Theologia Symbolica non eſt argumentativa ; and to that of the Rabbies,
which expreſs ,
fenfum ex myſtica interpretatione, neque argumencantur ex hiftorica narratione. But theſe two Rules
may be allowed as to the Obje&t upon Sight of which they are made, becauſe it is indeed without any ſolid Prin-
ciple, and managed in a looſe Way. Vid. Voiſin de Leg. Divin. Cap. 17. and G. H. Vorftij Præfat. in Pirke
R. Eliefer,
(e) The Stile is very Prophetical, as to the Things Spoken, and very hebraizing, as to the Speaking of them.
Exceeding much of the Old Prophets Language, and Matter adduced to intimate new Stories : And exceeding
much of the Jews Language, and Allufion to their Cuſtoms and Opinions, thereby to ſpeak the Things more fa-
miliarly to be underſtood. Lightfoot's Harm, of New Teſt.
penſation,
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 25

penſation, as the Tabernacle, the Temple, and other Matters contain'd in the Wri-
tings of Mofes, and in the Hiſtory of the Republick and Religion of the Hebrews.
II. The Second Sort are taken from the viſible Works of Nature, as the Sun, Moon,
Stars, Animals, and the like. III. The Third are the Enuce, Signs; that is, ſuch
Symbols as are us’d by the Prophets to ſet forth ſome extraordinary Matter or Cafe,
which are then newly invented and adapted to the ſame. IV. The Fourth Sort are
the Symbols, which depend upon, or are taken from the Sciences, Arts and Cuſtoms
of Men. V. The Fifth are all ſuch Terms as the Holy Ghoſt has either taken or
ſuited to the Language of Men, and their Notions and Reaſonings : Which muſt be
ſolely underſtood of that Language in which the Old Prophets wrote, and which is
imitated in this Sacred Book. VI. The laſt Sort are all the proper or plain Terms
diſpers'd throughout, which cannot any way be taken in a Symbolical Senſe; but
have the ſame in the Prophecy, as they occur in our Modern Language and Notions.
The firſt Four Sorts are merely Symbolical or Prophetical Expreſſions, and in a man-
ner peculiar to thoſe who dealt in Prophecies, Viſions, Dreams, Oracles, and Sooth-
Sayings : And God ſeems to have adopted the Uſe of them, in Conformity and Con-
deſcenſion to the vulgar Practice of the World; whence it comes, that they were alſo
uſed in the Viſions of the Old Prophets truly inſpired; ſo that they uttered the De-
ſigns of God in theſe Expreſſions. Which makes us look upon them as the peculiar
Stile of God, proper for inſpired Diſcoveries. But in the Two laſt Sorts, which as
to the Original Language us'd by the Holy Prophets are but one, God ſeems to have
us’d the plain Language and Notions of Men, for their more eaſy and clear under-
ſtanding, and avoiding Mifapprehenſions of thoſe Things, of which he would have
them to have ſome clear, tho' not adequate Notion before-hand, till the Accompliſh-
ment made a full Diſcovery, and compleated their Faith and Hope by Sight.
Therefore to underſtand and diſtinguiſh the Symbols and their Signification, which
belong to each of theſe kinds, we muſt find out ſo many Principles, eaſy, certain
and authoriz’d, in order to be applied to each. Theſe Principles we ſhall now lay
down in their Order, with ſome Obſervations upon their Origin, Uſe and Certainty :
and then reſerve their proper Application for the Commentary.
20. The firſt and chief Principle for the underſtanding of the Symbols of the firſt
Kind, is to be found in the Works of Irenæus, a Diſciple of the Apoftolical Fathers.
His Words are theſe : (f) “ The whole Progreſs of the People out of Egypt, by
“ God's Appointment, was a Type and Image of the future Progreſs of the Church
“ from the Gentiles: For this Reaſon alſo bringing it out in the End into his Inheri-
tance, which not Mofes indeed the Servant of God, but Jeſus the Son of God,
“ ſhall beſtow upon the Inheritance. But if any one attend diligently to thoſe Things
" which are ſaid by the Prophets of the End, and whatſoever Fohn the Diſciple of
< the Lord ſaw in the Apocalypſe, he will find the Nations univerſally receiving the
" fame Plagues, which Egypt in particular then receiv'd. A certain Old Man of the
“ Ancients, by the Recital of ſuch things, inſtructed us”. To which may be ad-,
ded another Paſſage of the fame Author, which not only proves the ſame thing, but
Thews alſo that the Celeſtial Things and the Ecclefiaftical are antitypical, and that the
Moſaïcal Oeconomy was a proportional Type between both. The Words are theſe :
(8)“ And that the former Teſtament was not given idly, nor in vain, or by Chance ;
" but that they might ſerve God, to whom it was given, and for their Advantage:
Shewing alſo a Type of Celeſtial Things, becauſe Man was not yet able with his
own Sight to ſee the Things of God: And Images of the Things which are in the
“Church being prefigurated thereby, that the Faith which is according to us, might
“ become firm ; and that it might contain a Prophecy of future Things that Man
(f) Univerſa enim quæ ex Ægypto profectio fiebat populi, à Deo, typus & imago fuit profectionis
Ecclefiæ, quæ erat futura ex gentibus : propter hoc & in fine educens eam hinc in luam hæreditatem;
quam non Moyfes quidem famulus Dei, fed Jeſus Filius Dei in hæreditatem dabit. Siquis autem dili-
gentius intendat his quæ à Prophetis dicuntur de fine, & quæcunq; Johannes Diſcipulus Domini vidit in
Apocalypfi
, inveniet eafdem plagas univerſaliter accipere gentes, quas tunc particulatim accepit Ægyp
tus. Talia quædam enarrans de Antiquis Presbyter, reficiebat nos. Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 5o.
(3) Et quoniam non oriosè, nec fruftra, aut ur obvenit, darum eft prius teſtamentum : fed illos
quidem quibus dabatur in fervitutem Dei, concurrens ad utilitatem eorum : typum autem coeleſtium
oftendens, quoniam nondum poterat homo per proprium viſum videre quæ funt Dei: Et imagines eorum
quæ ſunt in Ecclefia præfigurans, ut firma ea quæ fecundum nos eft, fiat fides : Et propheciani futuro-
rum continens, ut diſceret homo præſcium effe omnium Deum. Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 52.
G
"might
H -
26 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

ככ
might learn, that God is the Fore-knower of all things”. Theſe Two Paſſages,
together with the whole Drift of his Diſcourſe, are of great Importance towards the
underſtanding of the Apocalypſe. For, firſt, they give us a key to underſtand and
explain all the Alluſions made to, or Symbols fetch'd from the Mofaical Oeconomy,
and the reſt of the Prophetical Scriptures
. They ſhew us alſo the Reaſon, why the
Holy Ghoſt made uſe of Types and Symbols borrowed from them; and conſequently
fully determine, that they are only to be applied to the Chriſtian Church ; and by
that Means confure, without any Poſſibility of Reply, all thoſe who have underſtood
thoſe Types and Symbols of the End of the Jewiſh Diſpenſation : As if the Types
alluding to, or borrowed from it, were to be fix'd upon, and had their full Accom-
pliſhment within that Land and Nation; and had not rather a quite different and
more noble Aſpect, to deſcribe the State, Conſtitution and Fates of the Chriſtian
Oeconomy, the New and Spiritual Iſrael, of which the Carnal, with all its Attributes,
were but ſlender Repreſentations. But Irenæus was better inform’d, and knew the
true State of both, having better Teachers than our new Doctors.
21. That therefore we may be convinc'd of this Truth, and of the Importance of
it, let us conſider a little from whom we have it. This Presbyter, or Old Man, as
we have tranſlated the Word, is undoubtedly no other than Polycarpus, that Holy
Martyr and Diſciple of St. John himſelf, who was Preceptor to Irenæus as appears
from his Epiſtle to Florinus cited by (h) Euſebius : From which it is evident, that
Irenæus did uſe to call him ſo, as it is cuſtomary to ſpeak thus, not only now, bur
in (i) former Ages, of Fathers and Maſters; and alſo that he had receiv'd ſeveral In-
Structions and Traditions from him, as coming from St. John himſelf. Now theſe
very Places are Part of theſe Inſtructions Irenæus had from this Maſter : And perhaps
we may not be miſtaken if we aſſert, that the firſt came from St. John too: For lo
we may very properly underſtand the Words Enarrans de antiquis, which being com-
par’d with what is ſaid concerning Polycarpus in that Epiſtle, about his converſing
with St. John, and the reſt of thoſe who had ſeen the Lord, and what Polycarpus had
learn’d from them, and thus tranſmitted to Irenæus, makes it amount almoſt to a De-
monftration, that if this very Principle comes not from St. John himſelf, which ne-
vertheleſs we have Reaſon enough to believe, yet at leaſt it is the Senſe of an Apo-
Itolical Father and Diſciple of the Writer of the Apocalypſe : and that too, what kind
of Man I beſeech you ? even ſuch a one as was then one of thoſe very Angels or
Biſhops, to whom the Apocalypſe was directed as a very Sacred Depofitum, by the ſpecial
Command of our Saviour himſelf; whom by that Direction it did moſt particularly
concern, that they ſhould underſtand what was reveal’d. Yea, he is the only Angel
of the Seven, in whom our Saviour finds nothing blame-worthy. If this be not ſuf-
ficient to convince any unprejudiced Man, we ſhall
, I hope, make it appear after-
wards, that this Principle is not only authorized by many other Prophetical Hints
found in the New Teſtament, but even by the whole Tenor of the Apocalypſe it
Telf. So that this firm Principle coming from good Hands is beyond all other Con-
je&tures, none of which fuit with the Prophecy like this; and are therefore not to be
any more heeded. But I ſhall even go further upon Occaſion, and ſhew, that this ve-
ry Principle is ſuitable to the general and particular Notions and Method of the Hiero-
glyphical Character.
22. The Second Sort of Symbols are ſuch as are taken from the Viſible Works of
the Creation. The Hint to find out the Meaning of theſe, is given us by the fame
Hand as the former ; and probably from the fame Maſters, as may be ſeen by the
Words of the Author ; where ſpeaking of the New Heavens and New Earth predicted
in the Revelation, he has afterwards the following Words, to determine, that the
Holy Ghoſt does not mean of the Subſtance and Form of the Viſible Creation, but of
that Figure of the Political World or Mankind, who are become guilty of Tranſgref-
fion, and are therein grown old, or corrupted, and muſt be renew d. (k) “ For, ſays
“ he, neither the Subſtance nor Marter of the Creation is deſtroy'd, becauſe he is
(b) Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. 19.
Senex fi quærer me. Terent. Hecyr. A&. 1. So, ti. ES'négap abumia. Ariſtophani, Equit.
"Omws åv ó pápa unde nu egrúnkn zen. Id. Crabr.
(k) Non enim fubftantia, neque materia conditionis exterminatur, verus erim & firmus qui conſti-
tuit illam, ſed figura tranfit mundi hujus, hoc eft, in quibus tranfgreffio facta eft, quoniam vereracus
eft homo in ipfis. Iren. Lib. V..cap. 36. Vid. Lib. IV. cap. 6.
66 true

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
27
as
.
true and firm that has created it ; but the Figure of this World paſſes, in which
“ the Tranſgreſſion is committed, becauſe Man is grown old in them The Word
Subſtance here anſwers to the Greek waisuots, which is ſtill preſerv'd by Andreas Cefa-
rienſis, and being fer with one ought to be fo explain'd, that the one fignifies the
Matter of the World, the other the Form and Conſtitution. The Meaning of Irenæus
being plainly, that in theſe Places of Holy Writ
, where 'tis ſaid the World, Sun,
Moon, and Luminaries, with other Elements are to be chang’d ; 'tis not ſo to be un-
derſtood, as if the Form or Matter of theſe Created Beings was to be chang’d or de-
ſtroy'd; but that this is to be taken of the Human World. The Citation in this
place out of St. Paul's Epiſtle to the Corinthians, determines what is to be underſtood
by the World, and the Elements of it, in the Metaphorical Stile; which is frequently
us'd even when no Prophecies are in View. Nothing can be plainer, that this is the
Meaning of St. Pauli (1) And they that uſe this World, as not abuſing it : for the
Faſhion of this World paſſeth away. Which Words can no ways be underſtood of the
Material, but plainly of the Political World. The Reſult of the Reaſoning of Irenæus
being this
, That as the Holy Scriprure frequently uſes the Terms of World and. Ele
ments in a Symbolical Way, for the Political World; fo in the Revelation, which is
wholly writ in that way, we muſt not underſtand ſuch Terms of the Material, but
Political World. From which Obſervation 'tis further evident, that the Inſpired Wri-
ters, even in their Didactical or Hiſtorical Diſcourſes, having always in View the future
State of Things, as well as the Union between Celeſtial and Human Affairs, are apt
to fally out into ſuch Expreſſions ; fo that the Study of this Symbolical Language is
not only neceſſary to underſtand Prophecies, but even the whole Scriptures, by thew-
ing us a Way to determine the Senſe of a multitude of metaphorical Expreſſions, a
we ſhall perhaps ſhew upon ſome other Occafion; whereas without this Study to
aſcertain the Senſe of the Terms, they are variouſly interpreted, becauſe the Com-
mentators hitherto have wanted this fix'd Rule by which they might proceed. From
all this, I draw this Concluſion, for the Eſtabliſhment of a Second Principle to ex-
plain the Types usd in the Revelation, and drawn from the Works of Nature ; That
theſe Works correſpond to the Political World, and that they are to be explain'd ac-
cording to the Offices which thoſe Works ſeem to have in Nature, to which thoſe
of human Policy anfwer.
23. Having thus found out the Principles by which we are to explain theſe Two
firſt Sorts of Symbols, which are the principal, and upon the underſtanding of which
we muſt rely to explain the reſt ; before I proceed further, I think it proper to ſhew
by what Means we may make ufe of them. The Chriſtian Religion being deſign'd
to be advanc'd and placed inſtead of the Mofaical, it was very proper to uſe the
Symbols, or glorious Attributes thereof, with the Steps of its Advancement and De-
cay, to apply them to the Chriſtian Church ; becauſe that Oeconomy was but a Sha-
dow of good Things to come, whereof the Chriſtian Church is the Antity pe: As
even that Oeconomy was alſo of the heavenly Things, becauſe God deſign'd in all
Religion to Mew Men by ſenſible Objects the Conſtitution of his Celestial Govern-
ment. That his Kingdom of Heaven might be repreſented by his Kingdom on
Earth, as he deſign'd that his Will ſhould be perform'd upon Earth, as it is in Heaven.
Whence we ſee in this Caſe, that there is a Kind of Mixture of the heavenly Govern.
ment, together with the external and viſible Attributes of the Mofaical; and the
Symbols fetch'd from Heaven and the Celeſtial Government, ſhew, by the Union
and Relation between thoſe Two States, that what is ſaid to be done in Heaven has
likewiſe its Accompliſhment in the Church upon Earth. The Mofaical Matters were
plain and viſible, being already effected; the Conſtitution and Fates of the Church
were ſtill inviſible, becauſe future: Therefore the way to make Men underſtand theſe
Futurities, was to repreſent them in Symbols of Things that had been ſeen. And this
is the leſs to be admired, becauſe we ſee that even in the common Speech of the firſt
Author and Publiſhers of the Chriſtian Religion, the Words and Names applied to
it were borrow'd from the Mofaical. And therefore, if the Words and Names were
fitly applied thereto, which were themſelves Signs and Symbols, it was as proper to
apply the viſible Things and Fates thereof, as Symbols to repreſent in a Prophetical
Viſion the Conſtitution and future State of the Chriſtian Oeconomy.
3
(1) 1 Cor. vii. 31.
24. God
28
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

24:
God the Father is repreſented to us in Holy Writ under the Notion of a King,
he being Creator, and by Conſequence Lord Proprietary and Ruler of the whole
World in general; and by Covenant alſo he became the (m) peculiar King of the
Jews or Iſraelites, and therefore ſettled among them a Viſible and Standing Govern-
ment, which bore a (n) Reſemblance with that which God enjoy'd already over the
whole World, as the Jewiſh Allegoriſts do plainly own. Wherefore ſeeing that in the
Chriſtian Diſpenſation the Son of God is repreſented to us as Heir of his Father's
Kingdom, and by Conſequence to be conſtituted King of the whole world, and
more peculiarly of his Church made up of Jews and Gentiles ; there could not be a
more eaſy and exact Deſcription and Repreſentation of this Matter, than by theſe
Symbols, both of Heavenly Things and Mofaical, which did already ſet forth the
general and peculiar Kingdom of the Father over the World and Fews, even according
to the Notions of the Fews and of the Primitive Chriſtians who had admitted them.
So that the whole Oeconomy of this Prophecy, which is to deſcribe the State and
Fates of that Kingdom, is founded on this, That Jeſus Chriſt is ſhewn therein as In-
augurated, Inthroned, and receiving by degrees Poffeſfion of the fame general and
peculiar Kingdom, which the Father had before; with this particular Difference,
that the peculiar Kingdom is to become univerſal, as well as the general. And I may
here by the by obſerve, that this Inauguration and Inthronization is perform'd in the
moſt regular and exact Forms of Heraldry. For as he is ſhewn as a King over the
World, and in the Church in the Similitude of Terreſtrial Monarchs; fo the Ceremo-
nies of his Inauguration and Inthronization are perform’d according to the Ways of
Men; and upon that Inthronization, Homage and Worſhip are given to him likewiſe
by the reſpective Members of the Celeſtial and Ecclefiaftical State. Upon that Ac-
count the reſt of the Prophecy deſcribes the ſeveral Steps he makes to take Poffeffion
of his Kingdom, what Enemies external and internal oppoſe him, how they are van-
quiſh’d, and he at laſt becomes fully Maſter of all, and is to reign therein. By this
Method, this Prophecy gives us a full Account of the whole Oeconomy of the
Goſpel throughout all Ages, from the very Beginning to its Conſummation or Per-
fection; and 'tis for that Reaſon juſtly ſaid to contain an entire Syſtem of Chriſtian
Theology.
25. Now 'tis to be well obſerv'd further, that all this is very ſuitable to the Hie-
roglyphical or Myſtical Notions of the Egyptians: For firſt, they alſo ſuppos’d that
the Heavenly Things were Examples of, and were united to, the Terreſtrial. Jam-
blichus makes it a Principle upon which he argues to defend and explain their Notions,
that (0) “ Second Things are always turn’d towards the firſt ; and
the ſuperior, as be-
ing Exemplars, draw the inferior ; that Effence and Form is deriv'd from the better
to the worſe, the better Things firſt producing the worſe; ſo that the worfe have
“ their Meaſure and Order from the better". From whence the Platoniſts have
drawn this Fundamental Notion, (p)“ That the Creator having conceiv'd in himſelf
“ the Exemplars of all Things, produces them from him in Images”; that is, to
ſpeak according to our Notions, God has ſtampt upon all his Works of Creation,
Providence and Redemption, ſuch an Image of himſelf, and of his Government and
Decrees, that it has paſt through them all, and has therefore the ſame Impreſſion up-
on them, by which they fully repreſent one another. Moreover, the fame Egytians
held this for a Principle, which is akin to the former, (1) “ That all their Religious
“ Ceremonies were from the Beginning inſtituted according to the Will and politive
“ Laws of their Gods, and imitated the Orders of the Gods, both the Intellectual,
" and the Celeſtial, or Viſible: That they contain’d the eternal Meaſures of Beings,
(m) Vid. Joh. Spencer. Diſſert. de Theocrat.
(n) Vid. Flav. Joſeph. Antiq. Jud. Lib. III. cap. 9. Philo Jud. Op. paffim.
Α’εί ο όσρεφομείων ατέρων ότι τα ωeάτα, και την ανωτέρων ως αδειγμάτων υξηγκ-
κλόων και υποδεεστρων, από τη κρειτόνων τους χειροσιν ήτε εσία και το 3G- ωραίνεται, αν αυτοίς τελούς
βελτίοσι ορτως ωοάγεται το θερα, ώςε απ' αυτή εφήκει και η τάξις και το μέτρον τοίς χίευσι. Jam-
blich. de Myſt. s. 1. cap. 8.
(P)ο δημιουργικός νες πάντα εν εαυτο δειειληφως ραδειγματικώς, αραγει αφ' εαυτο εικονικώς.
Vid. Gal. Not. in Jamblich. ibid.
(α) Ουχ' άυτη μου και θεσμους θεών, νοερώς τε κα)' αρχάς νομοθετηθη και μιμείται και των 80 ετών
ταξιν , τίω τε νίητων και των έρανώ έχει και μέσα του όντων αΐδια, και αν θήματα θαυματα, οία απο τα
δημιεργα και πατρός και όλων σας καταπεμφθέντα, οίς και τον κο αφύγκται δια συμβόλων απορρήτων
en paveitu Jamblich, de Myfter. Æg. $. 1. cap. 21.
and

GC
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 20

CC
66 and wonderful Pledges, as being ſent down hither from the Creator and Father of
“ all things, in which alſo the ineffable Things are manifeſted by the myſterious
Symbols”. Now is not all this conformable to the Fewiſh and Primitive Doétrine
of the Apoſtles and their Diſciples ? (v) Euſebius has a whole Chapter to prove, that
they thought the inviſible Glory and Government of God in Heaven was repreſented
by the viſible heavenly Bodies; and I ſhew'd before, that they believ'd the Conſtitut
tion of their Tabernacle and Worſhip was made accordingly. How that likewiſe was
the Pattern of heavenly Things, and of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation, or the World to
come, no Man can deny, who is a Chriſtian, and believes the Inſpiration of St. Paul's
Writings. Therefore the Mofaical Diſpenſation and Works of the Creation, may
very well afford Symbols to deſcribe ours.
26. This being thus ſettled, 'twill be evident, that the Means which I have us’d to
explain thoſe Symbols, fetch'd from the Mofuical Diſpenſation, and the Works of the
Creation, are abſolutely proper. They are as follows. The Works of Mofes, and
of the Old Prophets, which I have diligently peruſed, and endeavour'd to find out
the Deſign of God by Moſes, in the framing of the Tabernacle and Conſtitution of
the Levitical Service. To this may be added the Hiſtory of that Church. So that
we may fay, that the Knowledge of the Jewiſh Antiquities is the Key of all this Sort
of Symbols. To this is to be added the Reading of the Prophets. They have in a
manner us'd all the Symbols of St. John; fo that we have here not only the Advan-
tage of comparing them together, but alſo their Targums, which being of ſome An-
tiquity, and made by ſuch as underſtood the Symbolical Chara&ters
, they have in their
Paraphrafes commonly us'd literal Expreſſions inſtead of the Symbolical. Theſe I
have collected, and cite upon Occaſion. Beſides, it often happens, that the Prophets
explain themſelves by uſing both theſe Sorts of Expreſſions together, the Symbolical
and the Proper ; being thus their own Interpreters. And few of them having long
infifted together in this Symbolical Language, it is the more eaſy to find out their
Meaning therein by the Scope of the Places. Daniel muſt be excepted, who has ſome
Viſions in a cloſe Symbolical Character ; but then he has this Advantage, that his
Viſions have many of them an Interpretation or further Enlargement, which explains
not a little the whole Matter. Indeed the Jews have made no Targům upon this
Prophet, either upon that Account, or elſe rather becauſe ſpeaking too plain of the
Coming of the Meſſias
, whom they will not receive, they eject him out of the Num-
ber of the Prophets, or make none but very Sophiſtical Interpretations. However,
their preſent Prejudices do not leſſen his real Value and Authority. Now theſe being
ſelf-ſufficient Authorities of the Language of the Holy Ghoſt, are to have their place
accordingly ; but they alſo give Authority to thoſe that are not of Sacred Extraction,
becauſe we find the Prophane exactly ſuitable to them.
ordt
door
27. The next beſt Help we have for the Interpretation of the Symbols, is that Col-
lection of the Interpretation of Dreams made out of Three Authors, one Egyptian,
another Perſian, and the third an Indian ; among which are intermix'd ſome few
Obſervations out of ſome Arabian Authors, one of which being named Achmer, the
whole Collection, I know not why, bears his Name. This is an Excellent Work for
our Purpoſe ; and the Reader may judge of it by the Uſe I have made. Together
with this is printed the Work of Artemidorus, an Epheſian Prieſt, and Contemporary
with St. John. His Interpretations are not ſo proper to our Purpoſe indeed as the
former, becauſe he fitted them to the Grecian Cuſtoms ; but his work is very valua-
ble upon this Account, That he has endeavour'd to reaſon upon Things, and to reduce
his Art into a Syſtem: And I muſt confeſs he is the Man, who has put it into my
Head to interpret the Revelation by Rule, and to form, for that Purpoſe, a Syſtem
of Principles to underſtand the Prophetical Language, and he has ſome few Obſer-
vations and Interpretations which exceed the reſt, as coming nearer to the Intention of
the Holy Ghoſt in the Apocalypfe. For theſe Reaſons I wonder that Mede and Gron
tius, who have ſeen the Uſefulneſs of theſe Books, have not made better Uſe of
them, but that now they are deſpis’d, of only put into the Hands of ſuch as make a
ſuperſtitious Uſe of them.
28. However 'tis certain, that Dreams were thought to be conceiv'd in Hierogly-
phical Characters, and that ſome of them have been truly prophetical, ſo that
90
(v) Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. VII. pag. 191.
1
their
30 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
their Viſions (s) were Symbolical, like the Ecſtaſies of the Holy Prophets ; and that
they who have given Interpretations of them, have done it according to the Method
of explaining Hieroglyphical Characters. And tho' fome may have a mean Opinion
of them, and of the Judgment made about them; this makes no Difference as to
their Stile, which is accounted abſolutely prophetical. The (t) Egyptians look'd up-
on Dreams as the higheſt Kind of Divination ; that is, above the Judgments drawn
from Aſtrology, Portenta, Omina, Auſpicia, and the like; and that the Mantical
Virtue, of which I have ſpoken in the former Part, was moſt exerted in them.
And therefore the Alexandriants call d Dreams (u) zenoušs, Oracles, making them thus
equal to the Mantical Ecſtafies, and Divine. And Orpheus addreſſing himſelf to the
Dream as a Deity, calls him the greateſt Prophet : (*) men operates mézest; literally,
Singer of Oracles. Moſes, in his (y) Writings, puts the Prophets and Dreamers, or
Interpreters of Dreams, upon the ſame Level ; and ſo does God in the Prophet (2)
Foel. Philo has written a Treatiſe on purpoſe to ſhew there are Inſpired Dreams.
The Author of the Book of Maccabees reaſons upon a Dream in the fame manner as
Artemidorus, as I ſhall ſhew by and by. That few who wrote the Teſtaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs, had the ſame Notion of them; and ſo had Foſephus, as appears
by a remarkable (a) Paſſage in his Hiſtory, where he makes his being a Prieſt the
Foundation of his underſtanding Prophecies and Dreams, and having ſuch as are
truly inſpired. Hence the Saying in Moſes Maimonides, (b) Deciduum Prophetie foni-
nium, Dreams are the Off-ſets of Prophecy. And though other Rabbies, ſpeaking of
common Dreams, ſay, that they are but the Sixtieth Part of a Prophecy ; yet they
deny not but that they are in the ſame Stile, and have Books written to explain them
according to the Symbolical Method. This therefore is fufficient to authorize the
Uſe we make of them in our Commentary.
29. Though this Method of proceeding be ſufficient to authorize and explain the
Symbols and Method of this Prophecy; yet, by way of Supererogation, I have
thought fit, in moſt places, to explain their Metaphorical Notions by Inſtances
fetch'd from ſuch Ancient Authors, as have usºd bold Metaphors to illuſtrate their
Meaning ; ſuch as Pindar, Horace, the Greek Tragicks, ſome Orators and others,
together with the Expoſitions of Dreams, Portenta and Omens, given in ſuch Authors
as I have read, exactly ſuitable to the very Notions for which the Holy Ghoſt here
employs the like. For it appears to me, that (c) Poetry is a-kin, and owes its Ori-
gin to the Religion of the Ancients, and to the Hymns and Oracles given out in Verſe.
Whence Poets were the only Hiſtorians to record the Actions of Gods and Men,
which were the proper Subjects of Hymns. And as to the Soothſayings drawn from
the Omens and Portenta, it is not only evident from all the Inſtances and Expoſitions
remaining, that they were grounded upon the fame Symbolical Notions, but we have
the poſitive Teſtimonies of ſuch of the (d) Ancients as were acquainted with theſe
Arts, who ſay, that they depended on each other. And a compleat Prophet muſt
have them all. This I thought would not only be of ſome Uſe to ſatisfy the learned
Chriſtian Readers, but alſo to confute and ſtop the Mouths of the Infidels and Pyr-
rhonians of the Age, by ſhewing them the Condeſcenſion of the Holy Ghoſt in ſet-
Bloq




5) Eadem eft ratio fomniorum veridicorum & typicarum adumbrationum. Hoffman, in Chronot aści
Apocal. cap. 6. Atque hæc quidem vatum ratio eſt: Nec diffimilis fane fomniorum. M. T. Cie. de
Divinat. Lib. I. Hic magna quædam exoritur, neque ea naturalis, fed artificioſa fomniorum Antiphon-
tis interpretatio, eodemq; modo & oraculorum & vaticinationum: ſunt enim explanacores, ut gramma-
tici poetarum. M.T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I.
(t) vid. Jamblich. de Myſt
. 9. 3. cap. 2.
(u') Kde 78 év cípes créivo da rašto vj vrü genouicu's ovquá (von Damaſc. in Vit. Ifidor. apud
Phot. Cod. 242.10. 30 en ont bao
brcano
(x) Orphei Hymn. in ſomn.
poh () Deuț. xiii. 1, 5.
(2) Joel. ii. 28. sep
(α) Ην 3 δει κρίσεις ονείρων ικανός συμβάλλειν το αμφιβόλως του τα θεία λεγόμυα: 3 και μία
Σερών ρίζλων εκ ήγνόει τις προφητείας, ως αν αυτός τε ών ιερους και ιερέων έκαν©· ος όλο της τότε ώρας
ένθος γυόμως, και τα φρικώδη των ωeoσφατων ονείρων σπάσας φαντάσματα, τoeοσφέρει τω θεώ λέληθύα»
dixwu. Jofeph. de B. Jud. Lib. III. cap. 24.
(6) Moſ. Maim. More Nevochim, Part. II. cap. 36. TV 03150, WOHG
eipzálovit
. Epiſt
. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. VII. Koloi Sewu o cüdes montal rij moes onde os seu gerópukjol
.
Platon. de Rebuſpubl
. Lib. II. p. 385. conf. Phædr. ejuſd. pag. 202.
(d) Vid. Servium in Virg. Æneid. Lib. III. Trojugena Interpres. Nigid. Figulum apud eund. in Virg.
Æneid. Lib. X. Divûmque Interpres Aſylas, citat. in Not. ad Cap. 13. 18 B.

II.
3
ting
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
31

ting out the Prophecies concerning the Fates of the Church in the ſame manner as all
other Predictions, whether true or falſe; which were generally expreſs’d by Symbols;
or Symbolical Viſions, and Dreams. So that they have no Reaſon to complain againſt
the Holy Ghoſt for uſing this myſterious Way, becauſe it is proper to the Matter :
Whom otherwiſe they would condemn, if the Viſions were deſcribed as exhibited in
plain Şight, for ſpeaking improperly. Which Piece of ill Nature was long fince ob-
fery'd by (e) Plutarch, in a Caſe of the fame Nature. Thus alſo on the other hand,
many are ſtill apt to ſay with (F) Lucretius, that Fools love Myſteries. But what if
they do ; fince by far the greateſt Part of Mankind are ſuch Fools, is it not fitteſt,
that God ſhould condeſcend to the Difpofition, and by Conſequence, Weakneſs of
the greateſt Part? The reſt, if they be really wiſe, muſt think it is fitteſt, ſince they
are fo few in Number, to ſubmit to a ſuperior Wiſdom, which muſt áęt in ſuch a
manner. The Rule holds in Human Government; and who can ſay it muſt not hold
in the Divine, ſeeing God draws us to his Obedience by Moral Arguments, as Men.
30. The Third Sort of Symbols are the Enucid, Signs; that is, ſuch Symbols as
are us’d by the Prophets to ſet forth ſome extraordinary Matter, or complicate No-
tion, which are then newly invented and adapted to the Nature of the Caſe foretold.
I have explain'd further the Meaning of the Word, and the Nature of the Thing, in
my firſt Note upon the Twelfth Chapter, becauſe the Word is us'd there. By that
it will appear, that the Sign exhibited muſt always be ſome new and extraordinary
Thing, either preternatural Production, or fomie Aation out of the common Way.
An ordinary A&tion or Production cannot be the proper Subject of a Sign; becauſe it
cannot draw Men into Admiration and Contemplation, which is the true Intention of
exhibiting the Sign: Whence it comes, that the Word is alſo tranſlated by that of
Wonder; and the Hebrew Words anſwering to both theſe are alſo frequently ſynony-
mous. Thus, for Inſtance, a Woman travailing in Birth is no Sign to make a Won-
der ; but a Woman cloathed with the Sun, having the Moon under her Feet, and
upon her Head a Crown of Twelve Stars, is quite out of the ordinary Courſe of Na-
ture; and therefore ſuch a Woman, in the Prophecy, is called a Sign or Wonder.
The ſame may be ſaid of the Dragon, and of ſome extraordinary A&tions, as that of
the Seven Angels in extraordinary Habits pouring out the Seven Bowls. And indeed
the Word Sign may have a general Signification for any prophetical Symbol what-
foever, ſingle or complicated.
31. In the Expoſition of theſe Signs we muſt only follow the Rule of Analogy, by
applying like to like ; for the Interpretation of theſe is like that of Dreams, wherein
when ſome extraordinary Matter appears, we are to follow this Rule according to
(8) Artemidorus, which is indeed the conſtant Maxim in all Conjectures about Dreams,
as (h) Ariſtotle and (i) Tully have obſerv'd before him. And it is alſo applied by (k)
Jamblichus to all the Kinds of artificial Divination. According to this Rule, we muſt
explain, in thoſe extraordinary Symbols, ſo much of them as appears natural and or-
dinary, as we ſhould do the ordinary Symbols fetch'd from Nature and Art, or the
Moſaical Tabernacle, which are very complicated, or from the reſt of the Prophets ;
and what remains extraordinary, by the Analogy they have to the ordinary Symbols,
By diſtinguiſhing thus accurately, and proceeding gradually, we ſhall overcome, God
willing, all theſe Difficulties; which only appear’d ſo at firſt, through the Confu-
fion of our underſtanding, which is dazzled by the Multiplicity of Objects offered to

(e) 'Αλ' ώασες ον τοίς τότε χρόνοις ήσαν οι τώ λοξότητα και χρησμών και ασάρειαν αλπώμθμοι, και να
εισιν οι το λίαν απλού συκοφαντεντες, ως και αθλκόν όξι κομισή και ασέλερον το πάθG. Plutarch, ωθεί
pri
0 Omnia enim ftolidi magis admirantur, amantq; inverſis quæ fub verbis latitantia cernunt. Lui-
cret. Lib. I. v. 642.
(8) Xρή ποιείς τας κρίσεις, ραλαμβάνοντας αει τα όμοια ταϊς αποζάσεσι, και γδ έδέν άλλο όξιν ή
övetegxploid, ouoic acige Seois. Artemid. Lib. II. cap. 25.
dorlog
(0) Τεχνικώτα/G- όξί κριτής ενυπνίων, όσες διαται τις ομοιότητας θεωρείν. ταις 8 'θυονειρίας
κρίνειν παντος . Αriftot. καθ' ύπνον μαντικής.
(i) Aut enim divina vis quædam, conſulens nobis, fomniorum fignificationes facit: aut Conjectores
ex quadam convenientia, & conjunctione naturæ quam vocant oww.zenetell
, quid cuique rei conveniat,
& quid quamque rem fequatur, intelligunt, M.T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. II.
(4) 'Απο 5 ο θείων τεκμηρίων, και τίω συγγλύειαν ' πραγμάτων προς τα δεικνύ μένα σημεία
συμβάλλει πως η τέχνη, και τεχίζεται της μαντείας, εξ εικόνων πνών ωτίωσυλλογίζομδύης Jamblichs
de Myſt. §. 3. cap. 15.
Mike
its
32
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

explain'd; no more than it was neceſſary that it thou sen by the Myitical Interpre-
its Conception all at once, and by that means appearing only confuſedly. For when
all is done, theſe Signs are nothing elſe but the Union or Complication of many
Symbols together, according to the Hieroglyphical Method, as it might be made out
by many Examples out of the Remainders or Deſcriptions of thoſe Symbolical Figures
of the Deities of the Egyptians, and others, who followed the ſame way.
32. The Fourth Sort of Symbols are fuch as depend, or are taken from the Arts,
Sciences, Cuſtoms, and Practices of Men; as the Habit or Clothing, Colours and
all the Parts of it, a Crown, a Sword, a Bow, a Balance, and the like. All of them
muſt be explain'd' in like manner by Analogy, according to the Uſe, Deſign, Cauſes,
and Effects of the Matters to which they belong by Inſtitution. For this Symbolical
Charaéter and Language fetches Symbols, not only by way of Metaphor, but alſo of
Metonymy and Synecdoche, which (1) anciently were put in the Number of Meta-
phors, and are abſolutely tropical
, feeing one thing is by them put for another. So
that they were accounted a Species each of Metaphors: Of which alſo the Metonymy
is for the moſt part us’d in the Symbolical Chara&ter. By this the Habit may, for
Inſtance, fignify the Diſpoſition of a Man inwardly, as the Habit ſhews his ourward
Form: So the Crown may ſignify his reigning, becauſe Crowns are worn by Princes;
his Bow his vanquiſhing, becauſe it is the Inſtrument of War and Victory ; the Buck-
ler, or Breaſt-plate
, his Courage, becauſe they are Inſtruments of Defence, which
giving Security, therefore add Courage to the Bearer. In like manner, 'tis a Princi-
ple of the Theurgical Science, akin to the Symbolical, and indeed ariſing from it
,
that (m) Affinity works an Union, as well as Similitude. In explaining this kind of
Symbols
, 'tis but knowing the Arts, Sciences, Cuſtoms and Practices of the Ancients
.
But we have a more ready way by finding them already explain’d. However, in the
Expoſition of theſe we are to conſider this
, That the Inſtitution of theſe being of Hu-
man Invention, which the Holy Ghoſt thinks fit to uſe as Symbols, we are therefore
to take them according to the Notions of Men , which are not only liable to many
Changes, but alſo Errors: And yet very certain Truths may be grounded on them.
To explain this, 'tis beſt to produce Inſtances. Thus, in former Times, Fortifications
were look’d upon as invincible, if built very high, and upon high Places: But now
we think the low beſt. Therefore a (n) Wall of great Height on a high Mountain
may be us’d as a Symbol of Strength and Safety, though our Notions, as to that
Point, be quite chang’d. Thus alſo a (0) Tradition commonly received as true, tho
falſe or uncertain, may ſtill make a proper Symbol, the Event being to anſwer to the
Notion implied in the Tradition, but not to confirm the Truth of it. An Opinion in
Phyfiology may be falſe, and yet make a good Symbol, and ſufficiently anſwer all the
Intention of the Holy Ghoſt
. Thus the Moon, as we are now convinced by modern
Diſcoveries, is very far from being in the Heaven the next Luminary to the Sun in
real Dignity or Excellency above all the reſt of the Stars, fix'd, or Planets : Yet be
cauſe the Ancients did think ſo, judging only by Sight, 'tis enough in the Symbolical
Character to make the Moon the Symbol of a Dignity next to the Supreme. The
Holy Ghoſt intended to be underſtood by the Language and Notions of Men, who
lived when the Viſion was ſeen, and the Stile of it underſtood. 'Tis not reaſonable
to expect, that our preſent Notions and Diſcoveries ſhould have been obviated and
be modern
guage. (D) " Pretended Phyſiology, fays Dodwell, is
ters of the Old Teſtament, as a Rule of Myſtical Interpretation, and might really
" ſerve the End of God for recommending Myſtical Senſes to the Obſervation of the
Reader, better than truer Phyſiology, that had not been fo well underſtood by the
6 Readers of thoſe Times”.
33. The Symbols fetch'd from the Works of the Creation may indeed deſcribe the
general Occurrences in the Political World, and thoſe fetch'd from the Mofaical
Oeconomy may give a general Account of the Conſtitution and Fates of the Chriſtian
Church; but it is impoſſible to enter upon the vaſt Variety of Circumſtances in the
Deſcription of the moſt minute Qualifications of the Inſtruments that are to accom-
Loire
CP
LIST
(1) Vid. Ariſtorel. Poetic. cap. 22.
(m) Vid. Jamblich. de Myft. S. 1. cap. 15. Vid. er cap. II. & S. 5. cap. 1o.
(n) Vid. Not, on Chap. 21. 17. A.
) Vid. Nor. on Chap. II. 19. C:
(D) Dodwell's Treatiſe of the Lawfulneſs of Church Muſick, $. 12,
293 2 M 96

plish
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E. 33

pliſh the Deſigns of God, without excurring into Symbols of another Nature ; and
fuch, as entring into the Detail of Humane A&ions and Diſpoſitions of Minds
and Body, muſt therefore be fetch'd by the Rule of Analogy, the great Principle of
the Symbolical Language, from the Adjuncts of Human Life. Now as the Egyp-
tians, and other Nations, when wanting the Uſe of Letters, were forced to invent
Symbolical Characters; and when they had Occaſion to Record ſeveral Parts of their
Hiſtory, and thus to enter into a Detail of the Actions
of their Kings and People,
they were alſo forced to have Symbols ſuited to every Circumſtance of Human Life:
So we find that the Egyptians, the moſt Skilful of any other Nation in this Way,
or perhaps becauſe we have more Records remaining of them than of the reſt, made
Uſe of Symbols drawn not only from Nature and its Parts, but alſo from the Arts,
Sciences, Cuſtoms and Practiſes, and Laws eſtabliſhed among them. Diodorus
Siculus has obſerv'd, that they us’d therein all Sorts of Inſtruments, eſpecially thoſe
that belong'd to Wrights and Builders: And we find by the Onirocriticks, that all
the
Attributes and external Appurtenances of the Royal Authority were alſo employd,
as Thrones, Crowns, Attendants, Armies, Chariots, Weapons, and the like. So
that theſe applied to any other Symbols fignifying Nations or Perſons, portended and
ſignified the Accidents that had happened, or might happen to them reſpectively,
towards the Advancement, Fall, or Execution of their Power, according to the reſt
of the Concomitant Symbols. Therefore the Expoſition of theſe Characters is alſo
proper to our Purpoſe.
34. I might here inſiſt upon the Compariſon of my way of diſtinguiſhing Symbols
with that of (1) Artemidorus. He diſtinguiſhes them firſt into Two general Sorts,
according to the Nature of Things, which exiſt by Nature or Inſtitution; and then
ſubdivides them ſeveral ways. But as theſe Diviſions are moſtly Arbitrary, and that
our Symbols are drawn from Topicks he knew not, as he has from Topicks for
which the Holy Ghoſt had no Occaſion, it may be ſaid in general, that our way is
like his. For our Symbols are likewiſe in general drawn from Nature and Inſtitu-
tion. From Nature are drawn thoſe which we have placed in the Second Sort:
Thoſe that are placed in the Firſt, Third, and Fourth Sort, the Mofaical, the Signs
and the Symbols drawn from Arts, Sciences, and Cuſtoms, are lo by Inſtitution,
fpecial or general, or elſe mix'd; and that Mixture is in it félf by Inſtitution. Our
Caſe is therefore ſomewhat different; but the Grounds on which they are uſed are
both the ſame; as any one may be ſatisfied upon Reading of the Chapter quoted,
and in our Commentary.
-35. But when none of theſe Symbols are uſed, and that by Conſequence we have
no need to apply our ſelves to theſe Principles to help us out, then we muſt look
about, and conſider whether the Terms be not ſuch as the Holy Ghoſt has ſuited
either to the Language, or even Notions of Men, or both together : And conſequently
being diſtinct from the Symbols and Types us’d in the Mofaical Law, and the old
Prophets, or thoſe that are taken from Nature, and the reſt already mention'd,
ariſe from ſome Cuſtom, Notion, or manner of Speech peculiar to the Iſraelites, or
the reſt of the Eaſtern Nations, not excluding the Greeks, eſpecially in ſuch Places
where the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to ſpeak of Gentile Matters. For we ſhall find, that
the Holy Ghoſt introduces the Enemies of the Church ačting and ſpeaking according
to their Notions. Further, there are many Words in the Holy Scriptures, Tranſlated by
the LXX, as alſo in other Fewiſh Writings in the ſame Language, which are uſed ac-
cording to the Notions of the Hebrews, and not of the Greeks; and there are many
Phrafes and Alluſions depending thereon, refpe&ting ſome Conformity or other in the
Hebrew Tongue. Now the Revelation is written in this Language, which was then
the common Dialect of the Jews, who learning the Greek Tongue, did intermix
therein Hebrew Idioms, as 'tis uſual in conquer'd Nations. Now though it might
be that St. John wrote it himſelf, or elſe that the Viſions being in his ecſtaſy con-
ceiv'd in the Hebrem Tongue, and that he had the Afliſtance of fome Diſciple to
Pen it in Greek, this Hebrew Idiom has however paft into it. So that it is no
wonder if the Holy Ghoſt ſeem here to fetch many Terms and Phraſes, as alfo Rea-
ſonings ſuitable to the Notions of thoſe Fews ; and eſpecially ſuch as are already au-
thorized, by being us'd in the Sacred Books of the Law and the Prophets. For



(9) Artemidor. Onirocr. Lib. IV. cap. 3.
K
which
34
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
which Reaſon, the only Rule and Means to find out their Meaning, is to compare
them with the like found in thoſe Holy Writings; calling at the fame Time for the
Afliſtance, which the Knowledge of the Cuſtoms, Language, and Notions of the
Ancients may afford us.
36. Theſe peculiar Notions of Terms are found both in the fimple Words and
Phraſes; becauſe through the Poverty of all Languages, and eſpecially of the Hebrew,
it happens that the ſame Word has many Significations, ſome of which are General,
and others Particular ; as when that Word is found in ſuch a Poſition with other
Words or Particles, which by Cuſtom or Idiom are allowed to denote fome pecu-
liar Notion. Wherefore (r) Learned Men have diſcovered, that every Word has a
Formal or Special Signification ; which is alſo general, in reſpect of ſome other pe-
culiar Significations derived from it by fome Analogy. Diſcoveries made according
to this Principle, may help to explain many places; and more particularly to find
out the Connexion of ſeveral Inferences and Reaſonings, which otherwiſe appear
abrupt and far-fetch'd. It is not to be imagined eaſily without Trial, what Light this
may afford. Thus for Inſtance, by finding out, that the Original Notion of the
Hebrew Word, which anſwers to the Word region to Write, as uſed by St. John,
ſignifies not barely to Write, according to our Notion, in which we uſe it to fignifý
committing our Notions to Paper, by drawing on it Characters to expreſs them;
but rather in General to Publiſh or Notify; by finding this, I ſay, we perceive very
well the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt in many Places, wherein not only the Word to
Write is uſed, but alſo ſeveral other Matters Collateral or a-kin to it, as a Book, the
Opening of a Book, the Sealing of it, and the like : Becauſe the Holy Ghoſt uſes that
Word all along in this Book, according to that Original Notion. Therefore 'tis
from thence eaſy to fee, how eaſily by a Metonymy a Book becomes the Symbol of
ſome Matter therein contain’d to be made Publick, and that the Seals are Symbols of
the Delay in the Publication, and the opening of the Book a proper Symbol of the
actual Publication. To give another Example; the Word Prophecy ſignifies con-
ftantly in this Book, the Teſtimony of the Truth, and the Publick Profeffion and Vin-
dication of it ; which Notion, as I have ſhewn it, is derived from the Uſe of that
Word among the Hebrews; and perhaps it was the Primitive and Formal Notion of
the Word. This Notion is of great Uſe in fome Places particularly, which never
were underſtood before ; and the want of obſerving it has been the Cauſe of great
Errors. Therefore, although theſe Terms were proper in themſelves, as to the
Hebrew Tongue; yet as to us, who cannot without diligent Study fo well under-
ſtand the Idiom thereof, they are improper, and obſcure, and need a careful Exami-
nation and Diſcovery, to remove the Difficulty lying therein.
37. The Sixth and laſt Sort of Expreſſions are the proper Terms diſpers’d through-
out, which cannot be any ways taken in a Symbolical Senſe
, nor according to the
Idiom of the Hebrew Tongue only, but plainly. Theſe therefore can raiſe no great
Difficulty, ſaving that of diſtinguiſhing them from the reſt. As to the Hebrew
Idiom, theſe make no Difference from the former which are proper to it, but make
one Sort with them. However, ſeeing that as to us they ſeem to conſtitute another
Species, they are here nam'd diſtinctly. But as to both theſe laſt Sorts of Terms,
we have one general Point to confider; which is, why the Holy Ghoſt has thus
mixed in this Prophecy, Symbolical and plain Terms together. This will appear
from the Deſign and Method of Prophecies.
138. The Deſign and Method of Prophecies is very well expreſſed in that Saying of
Heraclitus, the Epheſian Philofopher, cited out of his obſcure Book by (s) Plutarch,
and alluded to in (r) Famblichus ; wherein ſpeaking concerning the Delphian Oracle,
he has made this Defcription of it: "Ουτε λέγει, έτε κρύσει, αλλά σημαίνει, It neither
ſpeaks, nor hides, but ſignifies: That is, the Deity in the Oracle does not ſpeak
plainly of the Event, nor yet abſolutely hide it from our Knowledge ; but ſets it out
in Signs or Symbols ; which bearing Analogy to the Event, give us ſome implicit
Knowledge of it beforehand. This I have further explain'd in my Notes upon the
Title of the Revelation. From which it appearing that God, who will not deceive
Als Vorm 19 20 ut viisipogla bits sont
dom




-fr) Vid. Guffer. Commenr. Ling. Hebr. in Præfar.
coPlutarch. Lib. men er usi zogv fu péleg. Pag. 962.
të g voi
(t Jamblich. de Myſter. Æg. Sect. 3. cap. 15.
Us

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
35
us by Equivocations, as the Pagan Oracles were ſometimes forced to do, has con-
defcended indeed to the Ways of Men, in giving out Oracles or Prophecies in an
obſcure and difficult Stile ; but yet deſigns that by Study we ſhould arrive to fome
Knowledge therein, fufficient to the ſtrengthening of our Faith, and to keep up our
Hopes of the future Things, that we may have proper Encouragements to undergo
the Temptations which he foreſees. This is one of the Reaſons (u) St. Auguſtin
gives in this Matter. The like may be ſeen alſo in (m) Tertullian. And this Hint
may fuffice to ſhew, why God has us’d intricate Symbols, being laid to that which
we have ſaid before upon this Subject. For indeed, as ſuch (4) Difficulties give
a Luſtre to the Divine Oracles, and ſhew their Sublimeneſs; ſo they give a pleaſant
Sting, and alluring Appetite to a Pious Soul, puſhing it on to the Angelical Curio-
ſity of prying into God's Myſteries.
39. As to the plain or literal Terms, that there muſt be fuch, for the more eaſy
underſtanding of the Vifions deſcrib'd in this Prophecy, can be no Wonder to us, if
we conſider, that the Nature of the Thing does abſolutely require it; becauſe it ap-
pears by the very Title of the Book, that God deſign’d it ſhould be underſtood, and
that we ſhould not be puzzled with Oracles full of Equivocations, like the Pagans.
If the Prophecy of St. John had been altogether like the Dream of Nabuchodonoſor
about the great Image, it would never have been intelligible, till fuch Time as God
had ſent us an Inſpired Prophet, like Daniel, to interpret it. And then inſtead of
ſeeking the Bleſſing, which is therein pronounc d upon them that read and under-
ſtand it
, our Minds would (y) abhor the Study, and repine at the Wiſdom of God,
who being the Father of Light, had thus involv'd it in Obſcurity. Darkneſs frights
Men, but a dawning Light makes them wait chearfully for the riſing of the Sun.
Now therefore we find, that God has eas'd us in this Matter ; and at the ſame Time,
by the Myſtical Veil of the Symbolical Viſions quickened our Faith, to pry by Study
into theſe Myſteries. So that by involving the Symbols with literal Terms, and
ſometimes inferting ſome Interpretations into the Syſtem of the Prophecy , the Sym-
bols in ſuch Company ſeem to ſpeak for themſelves, and thew us exactly to what we
muſt apply them. All which is ſuitable to the (2) Rule of Allegories, that are not
meer Enigma's.
SU
40. And as the Nature of the Thing requires this, fo'tis authoriz’d by the Ex-
ample of Things of the like Nature ; fome of which I will here name. The firſt
is of thoſe Symbolical Expreſſions, which are called Devices or Impreſſes; in which
there is a Type, or viſible Image, and a Motto, or literal Expreſſion. Both which
together, expreſs ſome Conceit or Quality in the Bearer ; the Reſemblance of which
is ſeen in the Figure or Type, and explained in the Motto, in order to apply the De-
fign of it particularly. In the ſame manner the Viſions of St. John are Emblems, or
Prophetical Impreſſes; having Figures expoſed to the Sight, and Motto's to explain
the preciſe Meaning of the Symbol or Figure, and to determine its Accidents or At-
tributes according to the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt, and the Deſtiny of the Thing
repreſented, which the Holy Ghoſt deſign’d to foretell and deſcribe, that it might be
accordingly applied. And the Symbols in the Viſions ſeem to be in themſelves ge-
neral Terms, which are made ſpecial and ſingular by the Concurrence of the ſpecial
Symbols and Interpretation join'd to them.
e aid yd 195.25
2.
Owl
(u) Locutiones enim tropicæ propriis prophetico more miſcentur : Ut ad intellectum fpiritalem in-
tentio fobria cum quodam utili ac ſalubri labore perveniat. Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XX. cap. 21.
(w) Vid. Tertullian de Reſurr. Carn. cap. 19, 20.
, (α) και του και αυτό το κεκρύο
θαι τα θεία νοήμαα, το τμιώταβον ω' τοϊς υψηλών όπιμαρlύρεται:
και πόθον εΓκενείζει μάλλον ζήσεG- ή ψυχάις, δσαι ο τ δασώνης το θεοφιλές τε και φίλο πονος έμονοδεν
š7801
. Jobius Monach. apud Phot. Cod. CCXXII. pag. 626. Ideo in Libris fanctis quædam oba
ſcura, quædam aperta reperiuntur, ut intellectus lectoris, & ſtudium augeatur. Nam fi cuncta pate-
rent
, ftatim intellecta vileſcerent. Rurſus ſi cuncta clauſa exiſterent; confeſtim diffidenciam gignerent.
Ne ergo de obſcuris deſperatio fiat, ea quæ manifeſta funt, faciant, & ne de intellectis faftidium exiſtat,
ea quæ claufa funt, defiderium excitant. Nam pleraque quanto magis latent, canto magis defiderium
præbent. Ifidor. fun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib I. cap. 18.
(y) Nifi enim in tam obfcuris locutionibus effene quædam ipfo quo edita funt, ſtylo dilucidata, quis
legentium non abhorreret, cum totum obſcurum cernerer ? Rurſus niſi effent quædam obſcura relicta,
quis prudentum non faftidiret, cum omnia in promptu effe conſpiceret. Ambroſ
. Ansbert. in Apoci
(3) In Allegoria obfervandum Oratori, ut fi obſcurior fit , proprium admifceat ad claritatem. G.I.
Vol. Rhet. Contra&. Lib. IV, Vid. Ariftotel. Poet. cap. 234

cap. I. 20.
41. But
1
36 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

41. But to bring ſomething of more Antiquity and Weight ; by the Intricacy of
the Allegory, the Greeks fetching all their Religion and Learning from Egypt, have
attempted to imitate the Hieroglyphical Way. Homer's Deſcription of the Shield of
Achilles, is one Example ; and (a) Pythagoras, who learn°d in Egypt moſt of his No-
tions, imitated their Way in his Maxims of Morality, which are all involv'd in Sym-
bols. Cebes, one of his Sect, has given us in the Account of a Pi&ture, a Symboli-
cal Deſcription of human Life. Now as the Poet, and the laſt Philoſopher, have
not been contented to give us a bare Deſcription of the outward Appearance of the
Figures, but have pried into the very Thoughts and Deſigns of the Figures, and to
what the whole tended : So here in the Revelation, the Holy Ghoſt not only gives
us an Account of each Vifion, or viſible Symbols, but alſo , left that ſhould be too
bare, we have a Deſcription of all the circumſtances neceſſary to be known con-
cerning the Origin, Progreſs, Qualities, Duration, and all other Accidents thereof,
which cannot otherwiſe be inferred from the bare Sight, or Deſcription of the viſible
Object. Now as it was not ſufficient, for a thorough Underſtanding of the Event,
to let us know, what the Objects of the Viſions were, by giving us an Account of
their Names ; but it was alſo neceſſary to deſcribe the leſs Circumſtances, and to fup-
ply by other proper Hints, what could not come under Sight : So likewiſe we may
obſerve, that as to the Objets, the Names are proper, and only become Symbolical
as to the Deſign or Event ſignified by them. Thus, for Inſtance, the Dragon, who in
the Viſion has Seven Heads and Ten Horns, can be properly called by no other Name,
but that of Dragon ; but the Dragon is Symbolical, as to the Deſign or Signification
it being there ſet to repreſent quite another Thing in Reality, but ſtill a Thing that
bears an Analogy with ſuch a Dragon, Now ſuch a Dragon may be faid to act or
Suffer many Ways ; which Actions or Sufferings may be expreſſed in Words as pro-
per and common as if they were ſpoken of that which the Dragon repreſents. In
ſuch a Caſe the Dragon is indeed Symbolical , but the Words expreſſing his Actions
and Sufferings are plain, proper or literal
. Hence it comes, that we may chiefly ex-
pect Symbolical Terms only in thoſe Things which concern the Object, as to its Qua-
lities
, but not in thoſe Matters or Expreſſions which ſpeak of its A&tions or Sufferings :
unleſs it be ſometimes that the Holy Ghoſt carries on the Expoſition of all, according
to the Nature of the Symbolical Object
, conſidered as
a Natural or Artificial Being
Which Expoſition is what is called Circumſtances of Decorum, of which more here-
after ; wherein the Holy Ghoſt holds on ftill diſcovering the Circumſtances of the
Symbolical Object, not with reſpect to the Obje&t foreſeen, but according to the Na-
tural or Artificial Qualities of the Objects uſed as Symbols, as we may perceive them
in the Natural or Artificial Beings, which bear the ſame Name. In which the pro-
phetical Viſion ſeems more beautiful and lively ; but at the fame Time is much more
intricate and difficult to the Interpreter, obliging him to ſtudy very diligently each of
thoſe Symboles, till he can extricate himſelf by the Help of the Analogy.
42. We may likewiſe apply to this Matter very fitly, what the Onirocriticks have
obferv'd concerning Dreams, fince they are ſo much a-kin to prophetical Vifions.
Now Dreams are by thoſe Maſters faid to be of Two Sorts, (b) Theorematical, and
Allegorical ; that is, Proper and Figurative. This Divifion was obſerv'd by Ariſtotle,
as appears by his Words cited before ; tho' if we follow the (c) Definition of Macro-
bius, all right Dreams are Allegorical. We have in Holy Writ of both theſe Sorts.
Thus alſo we find the Prophetical Viſions to be of Two Sorts, fome expreſſing the
Thing predicted plainly, others allegorically in various kinds of Symboles
. Moreo-
ver, as the Allegorical Dreams contain ſometimes but One Thing, called Déu d, the
Apparition ; and ſometimes Two, which then are called 'Oeque and xpnredlismos, the
Viſion and the Oracle ; fo do we find ſome Prophecies to have the fame Conſtitution,
whether God delivers them in Dreams, or ecſtatick Viſions. In that which Nabucho"
donofor had, at firſt it was but a beojue or "O equiel, an Apparition or Viſion of a great
Image. Afterwards by the Miniſtry of Daniel there was joyn'd to it the Oracle or Ex-
poſition. The Revelation of St. Föhn is altogether of this latter Sort. We find there-
(a) Vid. Plutarch, de Iſid. & Ofirid. Pag. 394.
b) Artemidor. Onirocr. Lib. I. cap. 2. & Lib. IV. cap. 2.
TO ITALO halik for best top
(c) Somnium propriè vocatur, quod tegic figuris & velur ambagibus non niſi interpretatione intelli-
gendam fignificationem rei quæ demonftrarur. Theod. Macrob. in fomn. Scipion. Lib. I. cap. 3.
in
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 37 .

in Viſions; and Oracles, which explain the Viſions by an Enlargement upon many At-
tributes of the Vifions, which could not be ſuppos’d to fall eaſily under Sight; and
through the Want of ſuch Enlargement, muſt therefore make the Expoſition of the
Viſion either obſcure and equivocal, or abſolutely impoſſible. Now theſe Oracles
themſelves are laid down partly in allegorical, and partly in plain Terms. The Alle-
gorical make up the moſt intrinſical Deſcription of the Object of the Viſion, which
being it ſelf a Symbolical Character , draws on neceffarily the uſe of Symbolical
Enlargements along with it, that the Allegory may become uniform, through the
ſame Order of Things. But as I ſaid before, when the Holy Ghoſt explains the
Deſign of the Symbolical Object, its A&tions and Paſſions, then nothing hinders, but
that Explanation may be made, by flying off into a Language more eaſy to be under-
ſtood. Upon this Account we muſt firſt of all ſtudy, and endeavour to underſtand
well the true Meaning of the Viſions, and that Part of the Oracle, which is deliver'd
in Symbolical Terms ; making them as it were the Foundation of the whole Interpre-
tation : In which we cannot miſs, if we rightly apply the general Signification of the
Symbols to the particular Event which the Holy Ghoſt had in View. By theſe
Means the difficult Terms will be found to be very few; but theſe latter and plain to
be in a very great Number. So that the Prophecy is not ſo difficult as moft Men
have hitherto fancied. To the diſcerning of which Terms, if we duly follow the
Principles already laid down, as moſt eſſential and difficult, we ſhall find, that it will
ſuffice to help us out, to keep always in our Eye this Obſervation: That the Holy
Ghoſt being content to deſcribe in general the Scene of the Action, the principal
Actors and Sufferers Symbolically, diſcovers for the moſt part all the reſt of the Con-
ſequences in plainer Terms. So that having found out at firſt the Senſe or Deſign of
the principal Symbols, this muſt ferve afterwards to explain all the reſt; and there-
fore to diſtinguiſh eaſily the plain Terms from the Symbolical, and to diſcover the
preciſe Meaning of both.
43. From what I have ſaid, ariſes this following Rule, That the Scene of Aktion,
the Actor and Sufferer determine the senſe of all the Accidents deſcrib'd in any general
Viſion, or part of a Viſion where new appear. This Rule is ſo univerſal and true, that
it needs no more to draw every Man's Senſe to acquieſce therein, but to explain the
Meaning of it, by what is obſerv'd even in common Diſcourſe. 'Tis evident that
when once the general or appellative Terms in all Languages are fixed to a particular
Signification by fome Pronoun, proper Name, Article demonſtrative, or even the
Time, Place or Circumſtance, then they loſe their general Signification in all the
following Diſcourſe, though the determining Words, or Particles, be not applied to
each fingle Term afterwards. Thus if Britain be the fixed Subject of the Diſcourſe,
if we go on to ſpeak of the King or Queen, Lords, Commons, Clergy, Church,
Courts, Laws, and the like, all which are general Terms, as being common with
us to ſeveral Countries ; though we do not at every one of them add the Reſtriction,
yet it is certain that we do it tacitly: And thus all our Diſcourſe muſt be determined
by the firſt Mention of the Subject thereof; yea, though we ſhould not uſe the
Terms common in the Country to denote thoſe Matters, but others Analogical, and
us'd in other Countries; it is plain that we have ſertled the true Notion of them by
the firſt Reſtri&tion. This is the very Key of all Diſcourſe, and conſequently muſt
be fo too in this Prophecy, which is written in a diſcurſive Method.' So that if
any Thing may be made plain in this Myſterious Book, it is moſt certainly done by
the moſt conſtant Application of this Rule to the Whole, and to every fingle Part, as
there is Occaſion for it ; which muſt be found by a diligent and diſcerning Judgment,
upon the Hints of the Holy Ghoſt. And here perhaps it may not be improper to
make an Obſervation, in order to ſhew the admirable Compoſures of this Prophecy,
by thoſe very Rules by which others have diſcovered the Excellency of human Per-
formances in Writing. It is obſerv'd of Virgil, which is alſo true of Homer, that
the (d) Poet commonly uſes an Epithet, or other Expreſſion, which ſhews the Na-
ture of the following Speech. But if this be ſlight, yer, it is alſo to be obſerv'd,



(d) Uno autem Epitheto more fuo habitum futuræ orationis oftendit, ut alibi uno ſermone.: Tunc
quaffans capuc. Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. col. 411. in verb. Placidum caput.
L
her that
38
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

that (e) Virgil never deſcribes the Appearance of the Day, but he does it with ſuch
a Deſcription as ſuits the Work of the Day. Now the Holy Ghoſt has done the like
throughout this Prophecy. No A&tor or Scene appears therein , but we may dif-
cover immediately by them, what Action is to be perform’d. But now to return
to the Buſineſs before us, in order to conſider further the Rule laid down be-
fore. soil
od spice
spilqini
ODEBGU
44: Now this Rule is alſo conſtantly obferv'd by the Onirocriticks, who fuit their
Interpretations not only to the general Object, but alſo to the Condition of the Party
receiving the Dream, as the proper Scene or Subje& thereof. (f) Artemidorus
in Particular, lays it down among the Rules which he gives concerning the 'AĞzómsei,
which in Dreams anſwer exactly to the Offices of the Angels, and other Actors re-
preſented in the Revelation. So that this Author makes the whole to depend in a
great Meaſure on the Credit, Power and Veracity of the Actor or Inſtructor in the
Dream; and the Events muſt correſpond to his Sayings. In this he ſays nothing but
what is conſonant to the Notions of the Fews, when they had no more ſtanding
Prophets, but truſted more to Dreams. For Judas the Maccabee, having had a
Dream of the Prophet Jeremiah delivering him a Golden Sword to ſubdue his Ene-
mies, he expected thereupon ſome extraordinary Aſſiſtance and Succeſs; and there-
upon calls the Dream, (g) Aguo msov zap. When there is a Multiplicity of Incidents,
which are all to be reduced into one Syſtem, what Guide can we have, or what
Method take, but by conſidering the Actor and Scene firſt? And when thoſe Two are
determined, to bring all the reſt to ſuit with them. This is wholly conſonant to the
Practice of the ſame Author, and plainly laid down by him in theſe Two rational
Rules; which, to ſhew the Fairneſs of our Method, ſhall be here ſet down in his
own Words. The firſt is as follows: (b)“ We muſt obſerve, that there is nothing
ſo difficult and hard, as when we ſee the Complication and Mixture of the Viſions
in Dreams, to make one Anſwer of all; becauſe it often happeneth that we fee
“ them contrary to each other.” And ſoon after ; “ Now according to this Me-
46 thod we muſt make our Judgments of all the Dreams that are various, by bring-
“ ing together and making one Body, or Syſtem, of all the particular Heads."* In
another Place he lays down a Rule how to explain the fame Symbols, with reſpect
to their being placed in different Viſions. (i), “When the Diſtances are great
, the fame
“ Dream being ſeen, we muſt look upon that ſame Dream to fignify ſometimes one
“ Thing, and ſometimes another. For as many ſee the ſame Dream, and it ſhall
happen to each differently, becauſe they are not all in the fame Circumſtances;
“ fo likewiſe, if one Man ſee the fame Dream at different Times, it ſhall happen to
« him in different Manners, becauſe he is not altogether in the very fame Circum-
“ ſtances.” On this Account we find thefe Men explaining the Symbols in different
Manners, according to the different Conditions of Men. Kings, private Men and
Women, receive always different Interpretations, but in proportion to their Condi-
tion the fame. The very fame Rule is alſo laid down in the Collection of the
Perſian, Indian, and Egyptian Interpreters, towards the End. Which ſhews that the
Change of the Subje&t, or Scene, changes the Signification of the whole. Thus alſo
(k) Hippocrates, who has written a Treatiſe of Dreams, the moſt ancient of any we
now have, conſidered them according to his Art, and with the different Views of
CC
כל

(e) Afinius Pollio dicit ubique Virgilium in diei deſcriptione fermonem aliquem ponere faptum præ-
ſentibus rebus : ut hoc loco, quo funerum & fepulturarum res agitur , dicit extulerat: Nam & efferre
eft ad ſepulturam ferre. Terent. effertur , imus.
Item in quarto, quia eſt navigaturus Æneas & re-
licturus Didonem , dicit : Tithoni croceum linquens aurora cubile : quòd licet fuperfluum fie, in nudis
tamen locis invenitur. Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. XI. col. 1619.
(f) Artemidor. Onirocrit, Lib. II. Cap. 74.
Maccab. Lib. II. cap. 15. 11.
() Xρή και γινώσκειν όπ δεν έτως χαλεπόν όξι και δύσκολον, έως το τίω κρίσιν και των ειξιν δρωμδύων
εν τοις ύπνους (υνιδόντα,μίαν εκ πάντων Σπόφασιν ποιήσας, επειδή πολλάκις έμεια αλλήλοις,κι έδέν όμοιον
'Αδύνατον 3 μαχόμιμα είναι τα σημαινόμενα αλλήλοις. Et paulo poft , τετον δε και
όλι πάντων και ποικίλων ονείρων και ποιείς τας κρίσεις, σνάγονται. κ τπιέμαι καθ' έκασον η
seper clav ozice &v. Artemidor. Lib. 111. cap. 67.
(i) "Οταν μεγάλα τα διαστήματα, τω αυτό πολλάκις δρωμένων ονείρω, άλλοτε άλλα σημαινειν η α-
τον νόμιζε. ώςπερ γδ οι πολλοί ή αυτον ίδιον όνειρον, διαφόρως εκάσω αποβήσεται, δια το μη πείνας αν
τοίς τις ε) ωράγμασιν. ούτω και εαν ότι διαφόρους το αυτο' τις ίδη, διαφόρως αυτό αποβήσε]αιδια
To les Tráv TWS CN Tois ou mois e) opcy radny. Artemidor. Lib. IV, cap. 29.
(k) Vid. Hippocrat. Lib. de infomniis
.
3
Health
égov tí Bavid
av
τρόπον
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
39

Health and Sickneſs, Life and Death, according to the Condition of the Dreamer.
So that the fame Symbols are by him explain’d of different Events, and even con-
trary, as the Receiver is in a different State of Health or Sickneſs. If I have not
cited him, it is becauſe his Expoſitions would in every Place require a longer Ap-
plication to ſew the Analogy, than I was willing to allow, having ather Helps,
which made my Work ſhorter. The like Method was obſerv'd by the (1) Aruſpices,
and the (m) Interpreters of Thunders and Lightnings. So that, as in Dreams to
bring them to one Head, and even that the fame Dreams ſeen by different Perſons
may be exa&ly explain’d, we muſt conſider the 'açzómsvi 3 that is, the Perſons who
are Dreamed of, as delivering the Oracles of Dreams'; and alſo diſtinguiſh the Per-
ſons who receive the Dreams, and their Oracles, according to their various Circum-
ſtances ; looking upon the firſt as the Actors, and the latter, as the Scenes of the
A&tions; we find that the Rules of theſe prudent Maſters of the Symbolical Lan-
guage are neceſſary to be obſerv'd, and that our Method is exa&tly like theirs: So
likewiſe we muſt infer in expounding the Revelation; that although we have the fame
Symbols over and over again , yet we muſt in every particular Caſe refer them to
the immediate Scenes and Actors from whence they proceed, and to which they are
related : And by Conſequence reſtrain their general Signification to the particular
Caſe, in which the Holy Ghoſt employs them. Thus the Sun, Moon, and Stars,
are us’d in the Viſions of the Seals, the Trumpets, the Sign of the Woman in
Travail, and the Bowles ; and yet muft there be interpreted of Things vaſtly diffe-
tent and oppos'd ; as the Pagan Emperors were to the Son of God, the Holy Ghoſt,
and the Apoſtles. Though all this Time theſe in the View of the Holy Ghoſt are
really Analogous. I know no Interpreter that has exa&tly follow'd this neceſſary
Rule, and therefore can't forbear to wonder at their Negligence.gols dont sh 1911
45. The fourth and laſt Thing neceſſary for a thorough underſtanding of the Re
velation, is, That the Event of the Matters predicted, as far as they are already ac-
compliſhed, be, according to Hiſtory, applied to the prophetical Viſions, as they are
explain'd according to the Principles laid down before : And that we give Conje-
Eures to diſcover analogically what future Everits may accompliſh what remains.
This is the point that all aim at, who ſet upon the Interpretation of this facred
Book ; And as it is the firſt in the Intention, fo to thofe who deſign to proceed gra-
dually and ſafely, it muſt be the laſt in the Execution ; becauſe the Holy Ghoſt has
thrown a Vail before it of myſterious and fymbolical Images, through which we muſt
penetrate before we can reach the other, without tying our félves to any defirable Hy.
potheſis, or ſturdy Conceit of our own. noftrieva 10 guin
46. Now it appearing, that the Revelation is a Prophecy concerning the Fates of
the Chriſtian Church, whereof we have ſeveral Hints in other parts of the new Te-
ſtament; and on the other Hand, that the Fews are to be called to the Knowledge of
Jeſus Chriſt, there being to be a general Converſion of them, and of the Gentiles;
and that the Prophecies of the Old Teſtament are ſtill in a great Meaſure left to be
accompliſhed ; and the Providence of God Thould feem to have preſerv'd them to this
Day in vain, were it not that God is one Day to be glorified in them ; and that in
the mean Time, their Sufferings are in their own Prophets deſcrib'd in the fame Man-
ner as thoſe of the faithful Chriſtians ; fo that they ſeem to Synchroniſe therein,
becauſe they come from the ſame Hands; therefore, ſay they, that have a mind to ex-
plain the Revelation, or ſome Parts of it, concerning the Reſtoration of the Fews,
the Application of the Events foretold in this Book ought to be ſuited to both theſe
Sorts of Events. But this Conſequence I abſolutely deny : Becauſe this Prophecy con-
cerns only the Jews, as they are already converted to Chriſtianity. The Fews as un
converted, are but once ſpoken of in the whole Book, and that too in a Place, where
they are ſpoken of with great Contempt, and with a Prediction of their being to be
abſolutely depreſſed, without one ſingle Word of any Reſtoration to be expected by
them, any other way but implicitly, as they may have a Share in the Benefits of a
general Converſion of Men. Thus far I will allow.
woodlande om
(?) Regalia exta appellantur, quæ potentibus infperatum honorem pollicentur, privatis & humiliori-
bus hereditates, filio familiæ doininationem. (Feſt. Voc. Regalia. Regalia (Fulmina,) quorum vi cangitur vel
comitium, vel principalia urbis liberæ loca : Quorum fignificatio regnum civitati minatur. Senec. Nat.
Quæft. Lib. II. cap.49.
(m) Vid. Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. II. cap. 49.
47. As
40
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

47. As to the Prophecies of the Old Teſtament, which ſome fay are ſtill to be aci
compliſhed ; and others, that they have had their Accompliſhment in the Reſtorati-
on of the Fewiſh Commonwealth, after the Babylonian Captivity ; I muſt here de-
clare, that I am not willing to enter into diſpute, nor pretend to decide about
them; for I take that Queſtion to be foreign to my Deſign. The only uſe I deſign
to make of them is, for the clearing of the Symbols, without any ſpecial Reſpeet to
their Event. It fuffíceth to me, that they are underſtood of Matters which bear a
Reſemblance to each other, being of the fame Nature ; and that therein the Inter-
preters are pretty well agreed. Thus whether the Sprout or Branch in Iſaiah xi. 2.
or in Zech. iii. 8. and Chap. vi. 12. mean Zorobabel, or Chriſt
, 'tis equal to my
Purpoſe ; provided it be granted, that this fignifies a Prince ariſing out of the Fami-
ly of David ; which is agreed upon by all. My Application of it in the Revelation is
fufficiently eſtabliſhed by the Text of St. John: That as in the one it fignifies a Prince
ariſing to reſtore Iſrael ; fo in the other, a Prince ariſing to ſet up the Spiritual If-
rael. In the Revelation, there can be no ſuch equivocal Symbols about the general
Matters of the Viſion : But in the Prophets of the Old Teſtament, it is unavoidable
but there muſt be ſuch. The Reaſon of it in ſhort is this. The Revelation only con-
cerns the Chriſtian Oeconomy ; and there can be but one Event to fulfil the Symbols
of the Prophecy : But the Events of the Moſaïcal Oeconomy, were themſelves ty-
pical of the Events in the Chriſtian. Therefore thoſe Symbols, which the old Pro-
phets us’d to denote ſome of the chief Events of their Oeconomy, had a double
Stamp, which primarily repreſented Events in their Oeconomy, and alſo ſecondarily
reach'd to the Chriſtian. o od
48. But the Streſs of the Queſtion, as far as it concerns me, conſiſts in this ; whe-
ther we muſt altogether explain the Revelation according to the Underſtanding that
we have, or think to have of thoſe old Prophecies, and other Hints found in the
New Teſtament: Or elſe rather, whether we ought not firſt to endeavour to under-
ſtand fully the Revelation ; and when we can do it, explain thereby all the other old
Prophecies, and later Hints in the New Teſtament, as Matters, which being either
given out obliquely, or elſe more ſuperficially, and by Conſequence obſcure, are more
fully explain'd in the Revelation , according to the utmoſt and laſt Intention of the
Holy Ghoſt. I am fully perſuaded, that we ought to follow this laſt Courſe ; and
look upon the Revelation as the moſt explicite Commentary upon the Deſtinies of
the Church, and the plaineſt Expoſition of God's Decrees concerning Mankind, and
the Divine Oeconomy of their Salvation through Jeſus Chriſt to the Confummation
of all Things. For the Revelation being the End and Cloſe of all the Divine Wri-
tings ; and it being evident, that the Holy Ghoſt has therein purpoſely diſcover'd and
fully deſcrib'd the Myſtery and Defign of God, it is prepoſterous to think, that any
former Hints can be fo plain and full; and abſurd to affert, that the Holy Ghoſt
ſhould here go about to ſet forth Things ſo obſcurely, if they had been more plainly
declar'd before. That is contrary to the conſtant Method of God, who proceeds by
Degrees, revealing his Will by little and little. The Revelation then, being the laſt
Prophecy of the new and laſt Diſpenſation of God, we muſt conclude, is the plaineſt
and fulleſt of all the reſt ; and therefore the former muſt be explain’d by the Revela-
tion. And it is Preſumption and Raſhneſs to pretend to have an explicite Knowledge
of the future State of Men, by ſuch Hints as are given elſewhere, without having
antecedently a thorough Underſtanding of the Revelation.
49. The Oeconomy of the Holy Ghoſt is fuch, as ſome (n) Learned Men have al-
ready obſerv’d, in the Prophecies of the Old Teſtament, thar commonly Two or more
different Accidents are folded up in the fame Predi&tion; ſo that ſuch Prophecies
have their Accompliſhment in a Fluxion or Progreſſion ; and they have therefore ſeve-
ral Degrees of Complement. As for Inſtance, the Advent of the Meffias is fo laid
down in thoſe old Prophecies, that both the firſt and ſecond are as it were confounded
into one : And theſe were never clearly diſtinguiſhed before the firſt Advent ; ſince
which we have a clear Revelation of the ſecond. Thus alſo I own in particular, that
ſome of the Prophecies of Daniel ſpeak of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation to its Conſum-
mation, but yet very ſuccinatly and confuſedly too in reſpect of the Revelation. The



(n) Vid. Worthington's Notes on Scripture miſapplied, pag. 103. And Diſſert. de Eccl. fut. Felicit.
D. Bacon. de Augm. Scient. Lib. II. cap. 11. M. Amyrault. Vec. d. Paft. Lib. II. pag. 117.
New
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 41

proper about it.
New Teſtament alſo has ſtill a much clearer Account of ſeveral Parts of the Deſti
nies of the Church, and more particularly of the Reſurrection and Happineſs of the
Saints in their everlaſting Reft; but all theſe Matters are more fully treated of in
the Revelation : Becauſe this Prophecy was given to make up all the reſt of the
Deficiencies, and indeed to give a compleat Syſtem of the Conſtitution and Fates of
the Church. The Prophecies therefore in the New Teſtament, in reſpect of the
Revelation, are involv'd, and the Revelation unfolds them. Thus the Deſtruction
of the Enemies of Chriſt in this World, is very frequently ſet forth as one Accident ;
which nevertheleſs is clearly diſtinguiſhed by St. John into ſeveral ; eſpecially thoſe
Two great ones of the old Paganiſm, and of the ſubſequent Corruption of Chri-
ftianity. Yea, and this latter is again fubdivided , beſides the ſubſequent Deſtruction
of ſeveral other Enemies. And ſo the Reward of the Juſt is often mention'd as one
Event, which is likewiſe clearly diſtinguiſh'd here into a firſt, and then a general
Reſurrection; with many ſuch Inſtances. Nay, even the Revelation contains Pre-
di&tions of many Accidents involv’d, which are afterwards diſtinguiſhed and ex-
plain’d. So that it can be no prudent Courſe to pretend to make the Expoſition of
this laſt Prophecy, the Revelation, to truckle to the Prejudices conceiv'd about ſome
antecedent Predi&tions, ſcartered like Hints in the other Parts of the New Teſtament.
If ſuch had been ſufficient to give the Church a clear Notion of ſuch Events, the
Revelation had been unneceſſary. But after theſe previous Obſervations about the
way to apply the Events to the Predictions, it is Time to come up to what I think
so. The Accompliſhment of the Prophecy muſt be conſidered, and conſequently
applied according to the Signification of the Terms by which it is expreſs’d. This
Signification is Twofold, either Symbolical or Literal. But it happens ſometimes
that there are Occafions in which the Event appears to be ſuitable to both theſe.
The firſt signification, if the Terms are in their Nature Symbolical, is the Principal
in the Intention; the Second, if join’d with the other, is only concurrent. If both
ſuit the Terms, the firſt muſt always have the Preference, as being more Noble, and
worthy of the Holy Ghoſt's Care to foretel it; and then we may give way to the
latter, where it will concur. The Principal Event is, that which anſwers fully to
the Majeſty and firſt Intention of the Symbols; in which God does, as it were, ſpeak
in his own Dialect, and fo is always of greater Extent, and more comprehenſive
than any other. The Secondary Event of a Symbolical Prediction is, when ſuch an
Event, being alſo concomitant with the other, anſwers more nearly to the literal
Signification of the Terms in which the Symbolical Predi&tion is expreſſed ; and as
it were alters the Nature of the Symbols, as if they were literal Chara&ters of the
Things meant by them. In this the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to condeſcend to the Lan-
guage and Notions of Men; by making a Coincidence of the Event to the literal
Meaning of the Terms, which are really in themſelves Symbolical. When this
happens, we may fay, that the Holy Ghoſt has ſet a double Mark upon the Event,
in condeſcending not only to denote it in the Symbolical and Myſterious Language,
but alſo aſcribing to it that very Name or Attribute, which Men themſelves would
do ; ſo that the Event ſhall thus have a double Stamp, that we may know it the
more eaſily. One Example by way of Anticipation, will ſet this in its due Light.
The Seven Heads of the Dragon, and of the Beatt, which are explain'd afterwards
by the Type of Mountains, and their Ten Horns by the Type of Kings, or Monar-
chies, fignify the Collection of Seven great Kingdoms, out of which the Pagan
Roman Empire was compos’d; and on the Ruins of which Empire the Beaſt, or
Barbarian Invaders thereof, founded their Dominions; ſo that the firſt broken Power
was tranſmitted to Ten Horns, or Monarchies. This is the primary and principal
Meaning of thoſe Symbols. But if we find it literally true, that the Capital City
in theſe Dominions is accordingly built upon Seven Mountains ; this is Secondary,
and a fatal Coincidence of the Symbolical and literal Signification of the Seven
Heads and Mountains : For the Capital City, according to the conſtant Uſe of the
Holy Ghoſt, denotes all the Dominions ſubject to the Monarchy that makes its
Reſidence therein, and from thence governs all the Dominions: Unleſs the Holy
Ghoſt think fit to diſtinguiſh it from its Dominions, when ’tis neceſſary to foretel
its Fate diftin&tly from that of its Dominions. Such Coincidences may happen
ſometimes, and then it is fit they ſhould be obſerv’d. However, if we can but
find the primary Signification, we may reſt there without any further anxious Inqui-
M
fition





42 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
But I ſay
fition about ſuch Matters, which cannot be faid to have been primarily intended by
the Holy Ghoſt.
51. And here it may not be improper to confider further, what has been obſerv'd
in the Conclufion of the former Part of this Diſcourſe ; that an Interpreter of this
Prophecy muſt enlarge his Thoughts, and embrace at once the whole Extent and
Duration of the Chriſtian Religion or Church. For it is evident upon the bare
Reading of the Text, that the Revelation deſcribes the Fates of the whole Church,
which the Holy Ghoſt has caſt into general Periods, and thoſe general Periods into
leſs, which are nevertheleſs diſtinguiſhed by eminent Revolutions of Affairs. And
that therefore the whole Church is concern'd in the Events ; and that all thoſe Events
muſt be proportionable to the Extent of the Church, which is the Scene thereof.
So that when large and noble Events, or Revolutions fit the Symbols exactly, it is
unworthy of the Holy Ghoſt to think they are applicable to leſs and trivial: As if
the Holy Ghoſt could not have foreſeen the large and noble, but the leſs; or would
have neglected the former, to deſcribe the latter; which is equally abſurd, and de-
grades thoſe Prophecies to the lucky or likely Conjectures of the Demoniacal Ora-
cles, which feldom comprehended above One or Two Events; and thoſe too not of-
ten very confiderable, nor deſcribed with any Number of Adjuncts ſufficient to de-
monſtrate that they proceeded from a certain Preſcience of the future.
further, ſuch great Events as we are to apply, muſt wholly fulfil the Prophecy in
the moſt minute Circumſtances : But the little Events which ſome fancy, can never
do it. And if I was to beſtow my Labour, and try the Reader's Patience to prove
this upon ſuch Applications as Grotius, and others of that Stamp make of theſe Pro-
phecies, I could ſhew therein innumerable Deficiencies. Surely the Wiſdom of God
is inconſiſtent with equivocal Prophecies. For though in the Mofaical Oeconomy
there might be Prophecies of Events, which were themſelves Types; it is not the
fame Cafe here. For in the Chriſtian Oeconomy, all the Myſteries of God are to
be revealed. And Typical Events are very different from Equivocal. Prophecies are
not equivocal, when they make a double Stamp, and in different Oeconomies.
52. Beſides theſe Two general Obſervations for the expounding of the Revelation,
by the Application of the Events to the Predi&tions, we have another to make, which
is likewiſe general, but ſerves not only for the Application of the Event, but alſo is
of great importance to the underſtanding of the Symbols, and of the whole Oeconomy
of this Prophecy. 'Tis this, that as the Holy Ghoſt has us’d Symbols, eſpecially in
the Deſcription of the Conſtitution of the Chriſtian Oeconomy, fetch'd from the
Mofaical Oeconomy; fo the Deſtinies of the Chriſtian Church, both as to its Pro-
pagation and Conſummation, are compared to thoſe of the Mofaical. It is to have
the ſame periods, ſuffer the like Corruptions, and have the like Reſtoration; and
almoſt conſtantly the Symbols are drawn from the correſponding Periods. This
Obſervation is almoſt of perpetual Uſe, and therefore muſt be well heeded : But the
Inſtances being too long and numerous to make it out, they muſt be ſeen in the
Commentary; and the Reader may ſuſpend his Judgment thereupon, till he fees it
fully made out; and how clearly at the fame Time this ferves to interpret theſe very
Places which have been too hard for the Interpreters. And indeed, if we conſider
right, this is but a Conſequence of that Principle laid down in the Inſpired Writings,
that the Law was the Shadow of good Things to come. So that Fuſtin Martyr ſays
upon that View, () “That God favour'd the fewos beforehand, in laying open to
them his Myſteries before their proper times of Accompliſhment.” And though in
that Dialogue he applies all to Chriſt, yet Chriſt himſelf is the great Exemplar of
his Church, both as to his Sufferings and Glory ; to whom not only the individual
Members muſt be made conformable, but alſo his whole Body, the Church ; that the
Seal of God's Decrees may be ſeen throughout all his Works.
53. Having thus laid down, as plainly as it was poſſible, in a Matter of ſuch
Difficulty, upon the Account of the abftrufe Notions in which it is involv’d, the
Principles upon which the Revelation is to be explain'd, by fewing wherein the
Difficulties thereof confiſt, and by what Helps they may be remov'd ; and alſo given
ſome general Rules to be obſerv'd in the Application of the Principles to the Ex-



() Tielvta megrabelvorios weg es ist av recepcór ti pusúere quelleats gây rĞ #SO Juſtin. Dial. c.
Tryph, pag. 283.
poſition :
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
43

poſition: Let us now proceed to the Second Thing I promiſed to perform in the
latter part of this Diſcourſe; namely, to lay down ſome particular Obſervations for
the orderly Application of the Principles in more ſpecial Cafes , as Need requires.
The Neceſſity of them ſeems to ariſe from the Nature of a Prophetical Viſion, and
the Manner in which the Holy Ghoſt communicates the Viſion to the Pro-
phet;
and alſo that whereby the Prophet communicates it to others in
Writing
54. Firſt
, we are to obſerve, that God's Knowledge being a preſent Inſight into
all Things, paſt, preſent, and future, and for that Reaſon called intuitive, becauſe
all future Things depend upon his Knowledge and Decrees, yet Man is not capable
to receive it in the ſame manner : Or, however, though a Prophet might ſo receive
it, being caught up in the Spirit, and by Conſequence nearer the intuitive Knowledge,
yet becauſe other Men, who are to be inſtructed by Diſcourſe cannot have that
Faculty communicated to them; therefore in the manner of the Delivery and Com-
munication, the Viſions or Intuitions are ſometimes broken off, being continued in
a Series of Diſcourſe as long as the preſent Matter requires; with Tranſitions and
convenient Repetitions to connect the Matters, according to the Meaſure, Manner
and Progreſs of Human Underſtanding, which cannot receive too many Things at
once. So that they muſt give Occaſion to frequent Tranſitions, wherein the Prophet
ſeems to caſt the Eyes of his inſpired Sight upon different Objects; which being
thus ſeen one after another, the Particles which exprefs it, may ſeem to imply a
Pofteriority, in a Matter which may be Synchronal, and even may have its Origin
higher than that whoſe Deſcription preceded it in the Account. And this is the
Method not only of the moſt exact Diſcourſes and Hiſtories, but in a ſpecial Manner
that of all the inſpired Writers; “ In whom (p) the conjunctive Particles do rather
“ import that one Paffage comes to be related after another, than that it was really
" tranſacted after it.” The Holy Ghoſt has taken exact Care to mark out the Suc-
ceſſion of Time by certain Epochas, ſubdivided as Occaſion ſerves into leſs, and
rank'd by Numbers of Order, Thewing their Succeffion to each other: And the
Things contain'd in the Hiſtory of the Viſions, either fucceed each other, or are
Collateral, or preceed according to their innate Characters, which ſhew their Re-
lation to each other.
55. Beſides this, it is to be obſerv’d, that 'tis the uſual Stile of the Prophets to
write of Things as already done and paſt, though they are only to happen afterwards.
'Tis commonly () ſaid, That this is a Sign of Certainty, that the Things ſhall as
ſurely happen, as if they were already paſt. But I muſt crave leave to diffent ; for
I think that this rather happens from the Manner of the Prophecy, wherein the
Knowledge of future Events is exhibited in a Vifion feen by the Prophet under Sym-
bolical Perſons and A&tions, which repreſent thoſe that happen afterwards. Thus
the Prophet has really ſeen the future (*) Events tranfa&ted in their Symbols : And fo
the Words in the Time paſt are ſuitable to the Cafe, the Things having paſt in his
Mind. This being once ſettled as the proper Stile of a Prophet, 'tis no wonder if the
fame be uſed, tho the Prophet by an immediate Inſpiration or Impulſe of God ſpeaks
of any Event in plain Terms, without having before-hand any Symbolical Vifion about
it. For the fame Reaſon the Oracles of the Greeks, and the Poets, Greek and Ro-
man, who frequently imitate fuch Oracles, ſpeak in the preſent Time ;
becauſe the
Prophet, or Poet who commonly pretends to be a (s) Prophet, fuppoſes the Matters
preſent before his Eyes. But the Hebrew has no Preſent Tenſe, and ſo uſes the Pre-
terit inſtead of it.
56. Secondly, We muſt confider likewiſe, that where the Holy Ghoſt mentions
any Thing that has a Quantity, either of Number, or vaft Extent, as the viſible Ob-
Stebino
ges
(D) Vid. Biſhop of Sarum's Expoſition on the Sixth Article of the Church of England. Poftquam : Hæc
particula connectendis adjungitur rebus : ut poftquam altos tecigit fluctus : fic enim dictis fequentia co-
pulantur. Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. III. v. I.
(9) vid. Iſidor. Jun. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. I. cap. 18.
(r) Vid. S. Glaff
. Philol. facr. de ftilo Prophet. Can. IV. & Scholiaft. in Horat. Lib. I.
Nereum bene vaticinantem facer Horatius, nam futura ponit quafi præfentia. Lucan. Hunc ego flumi-
nca deformis truncus arena qui jacer agnofco. Vid. & Lactant. Placid. in P. Sratij. Theb. Lib. II.
V. 569. citat. in Nor. ad Cap. 22. 8. A. Ef Gregor. M. Expofit
. Mor. in Job, Lib. XXXIV. cap. 7.
() Virgil ſays; Quarum facra fero. Servius : Poeta enim quafi Mufarum facerdos eſt. Georg. Lib. II.
Horace; Carmina non prius audita, Mufarum Sacerdos, Virginibus pueriſque canto. Lib. III. Od. 1.




196 od Bom
od: xv.

3
ject
44
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
ject of each Vifion ſhould have, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt has given us the Hiſtory of
the Church in general Draughts, reducing Matters as much as poſſible into Univer-
fals; it is not neceffary, that every Accident or general Quality mention’d as belong-
ing to it, ſhould be underſtood to belong ſo entirely to the whole throughout, and to
every ſingle Part or Individual which compoſes that, but only that it be ſo of the
principal Parts, or in the greateſt Number, and that the reſt make no remarkable
Exception ; which if any of them do, the Holy Ghoſt fails not to give ſome Hint of
it; provided that at one Time or other theſe Parts have been reducible to that general
Denomination which is given to the whole. That is, in Bodies politick and conti-
nual, for of ſuch the principal Symbols of the Viſions are to be underſtood, where
we find a Collection of Individuals of different Denominations, that is ſaid in general
of the whole, which is true of the principal and greateſt Part : And when we confi-
der them from their Beginning to their End, that may be ſaid of them in general,
which is true of them during the greateſt Part of their Time, or when they were in
their moſt flouriſhing State. From whence 'tis reaſonable to think, that the Holy
Ghoſt in giving the Name or Symbol, takes notice chiefly of the cenuw or eminent
Point of Things, which ſerves to give them their Denominations. For as it is in a
Picture, which is a kind of Viſion of human Invention made to communicate fome
Remembrance of an Action or Accident to others, the principal and faireft Part of
the Object for the Sight, and to ſtrike in the Spectator the greateſt Attention, is
placed in the fairelt Light, and its chief Part the moſt expoſed to the Sight, and the
reft is by Shadows inſenſibly withdrawn from the Eye, as if the Painter would have
us to take little Notice of it, and that the Shadows averting our Senſe from them
might force it to attend to the faireft Part, which he would have us to obſerve the
moſt : So it is the Method of the Holy Ghoſt, in ſetting forth Matters under one ge-
neral Extent and Duration,to give the whole but one Name to expreſs it fymbolically,
and the faireſt and largeſt Proſpect thereof.
57. Thirdly, This brings us to another Obſervation, which may ſerve to find out
fome Criterion, by which we may diſtinguiſh when the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to fet out
before us ſome colle&tive Body, or univerſal Theme ; or elſe only fome Singulars or
Individuals of ſome collective Body; or elſe as excepted out of it. Now the Way
to find this out is by obſerving, That the Holy Ghoſt always determines collective
Bodies by ſome proper Symbol, either fingle, or compriz’d within ſome myſtical or
fymbolical Numbers ; whereas the Individuals or ſuppoſita, eſpecially when excepted
out of the collective Body there mention'd, are expreſs’d by no ſuch Symbol, but a
more litteral and familiar Word. For a collective Body may eaſily come under one
Name; but the Individuals, being then barely excepted, are undetermined, and conſe-
quently admit of no ſuch Comprehenſion under one general Name, which is only ca-
pable of being expreſſed by one Symbol. A collective Body is a Totum, and as ſuch
is One ; and fo may be expreſs’d by a proper ſingle Symbol, or Number myſtical and
ſymbolical ; either of which may ſhew its Conſtitution as colle&tive. So that if
any
Number of Individuals make a remarkable Exception, ſo as to become one Body by
themſelves, they may then be repreſented by a proper Symbol : But whilſt they are
conſidered as undetermined, they cannot. Therefore when we fee fome Individuals not
limited by any Syınbol or Symbolical Number, but defcrib'd by ſuch Names or Terms
as are own'd to belong to Individuals, we muſt think, that the Holy Ghoſt did confi-
der them as Individuals, and under that Notion incapable to be compriz’d under a
colle&tive Body ; and ſo not proper to be repreſented by one Symbol or Symbolical
Number which belongs to colle&tive Bodies. This happens when the Holy Ghoſt
propoſes the Individuals as doing or ſuffering ſomething diſtinctly from the colle&tive
Body to which they belonged before. So that this hinders not but that the Holy Ghoſt
conſidering them in another place as a ſeparate Body, and oppoſed to that out of which
they were before excepted, may comprize them under a Symbol expreſſing a colle-
Etive Body. Yea, and the former collective Body then may become an Exception to
them, and be conſidered as Individuals. Wherefore, whatever is then ſpoken of them
as Individuals, muſt be applied to them as ſuch ; and their Rights and Demerits re-
ſpect them not only as a Body, but belong to each of the Suppoſita. So that their
Attributes are then inherent to their Perſons, and cannot be fully accompliſhed by ap-,
plying them to the collective Body only; becauſe in the Matter of Rewards and Pu-
niſhments between God and Man, we are ſure, that they niay be in this world and
the next, and that the collective Bodies of this World can be affected by no Reward or
Puniſh-






A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 45
Puniſhment but whilſt they perfift in the ſame State : Whereas Individuals may receive
Rewards and Puniſhments after their Reſurrection. But we ſee that the Holy Ghoſt
takes care to ſhew us the different State both of the collective Bodies and of the In-
dividuals.
bob tot 279dme M Isen
$8. Now as this Matter concerns in a ſpecial Manner the true underſtanding of
the Promiſes and Threatnings made in this Prophecy, the Accompliſhment of which
is alſo ſhewn therein ; ſo we may truly fay, That on the exa&t Diftin&tion and clear
Perception of this depends the true underſtanding of the whole, but moſt particular-
ly that of the true State of the Millennium. For they that partake thereof are ſpo-
ken of as Individuals, and are not deſcrib’d by a ſingle Symbol or myſtical Number
as a colle&tive Body. Now becauſe by the diligent Study of this Prophecy, and a
Itri&t Examination of the moſt minute Expreſſions therein, I have been oblig'd, whe-
ther I would or not, to explain the Millennium of the Reign of the Saints with Chriſt,
by a real Reſurre&tion of their Bodies, following therein the conſtant Opinion of the
primitive Chriſtians, which held out to the Council of Nice ; which Opinion is now by
many ftiffly contradi&ted, but ſlightly confuted ; ſo that they labour hard, and ſweat
to no Purpoſe, in ſtriving to make the Prophecy ſpeak according to their Prejudices,
which they perfifting in, will never be able to give any Account of the Prophecy con-
ſiſtent with Senſe and Grammar, nor be able to anſwer the Argument made on our Side
from the Conſent of Primitive Antiquity : for this Reaſon I will endeavour to ſtate
the Caſe in this place, becauſe it depends upon the Force of the Obſervation or Rule
I am now upon : And may not only ſerve as an Inſtance of it, but alſo of the Neceſ-
ſity of laying down firſt rational Rules to explain the Prophecies, before we embrace
any Opinion or Prejudice, which will moſt certainly obſtruct the Truth. Nousia
59. This Prophecy, as I obſerv'd before, contains the whole Veconomy of God to-
wards Mankind under the Goſpel, to the Conſummation of all Things. Therein
Mankind is conſidered, as divided into Two diftin&t Bodies; with reſpect to God, and
to his Enemies Satan and all his Agents. Again, theſe Two Bodies are not only con-
ſidered collectively, but alſo with reſpect to their Individuals. The colle&tive Bodies
are the Church or Kingdom of Chriſt, both the Intellectual and the Viſible on the
one Hand; and on the other the Kingdom of Satan ; being inviſible, and in Enmity
againſt Chriſt and his Kingdom ; together with the Kingdoms of this World; who
by their Enmity againſt the true Church and its Members, are become the viſible
Kingdom of Satan. But to the preſent Purpoſe it is ſufficient for us to conſider of
theſe only what is Viſible. The Two Bodies are both compounded of Individuals
taken out of Mankind. Further, as the Diſpenſation of God with Mankind is
grounded upon Covenant and mutual Stipulation, ſo we find that to draw the Indi-
viduals of Mankind out of the Collective Body of the World united to Satan's
Kingdom, and bring them to the Unity of the Church, God gives out ſeveral
Threatnings of Torment, and even Deſtruction ; ſo on the other Hand, to keep the
Individuals of the Church to the Unity of their Head, he makes them ſeveral Pro-
miſes of Reward, Life and Happineſs. Now Mankind is in a double Capacity of
receiving ſuch Rewards, as they are Members of a Society, and perſonally. The
ſame is true of Puniſhments. Therefore the Puniſhments and Rewards of God are
declared both theſe Ways, to the Collective Bodies, and to the Individuals. To give
an Inſtance of this Matter, it is proper to conſider how Men acquire Rights in Cor-
porations. If a College be founded with Privileges to the Community, and Emo-
luments to the Students therein, every Student has a Right inherent to his perſon in
the Privileges and Emoluments, even in fome Cafes exclufively from the Society
Thus though he goes off by Celfion or Death, his Right remains as to that which
became due during the Time he was a Member of the Society, the Intereſt being
inherent to his Perſon, which he obtains by way of Stipulation, inaſmuch as he be-
ing Member of the Society did for his Time perform his Part. So that the Profit
or Adyantage accruing to him, being either paid to the Community or his
Succeſſor, takes not away the Obligation; and he or his Heir may demand thoſe
mean Profits.
60. Now to apply this to the Matter in Hand: If God makes a Promiſe to his
Church, and ſuch Promiſe is a Stipulation, that every Member thereof, who dies a
Martyr for his Cauſe, ſhall have ſuch a Reward ; it is evident, that every Member
who performs his Part, acquires a Right to the Reward inherent to his Perſon, and
diftin&t from any Reward or Happineſs, which is given in general to the Church
N
FOR
46 A PRELIMINARY Disco URS E.

For we are not in ſuch a manner in the Church, as to acquire wholly and ſolely to
the Uſe of the Church. The Church indeed being a collective Body, it muſt be fup-
pos' that it has common Advantages; but all of theſe for the sake of the indivi-
dual Members thereof; God dealing with the Church for the Sake of the Members.
To deny this Right inherent to the Faithful
, would fruſtrate all our Hopes, and ſo
farewel all Rewards ; when we ſhould not acquire to our felves, but merely to the
Benefit of the Corporation perpetual. The ſame may be ſaid of Puniſhments;
than which nothing could be more abfurd, and contrary to the Holy Scriptures,
which plainly propoſe Rewards and Puniſhments, as perſonally inherent according
to the Merit. So that nothing belongs to the Church colle£tively, but what is pro-
miſed accordingly. It is true that when the Meaſure of Sins in the Individuals is
compleated, the Holy Scriptures tell us, that a Puniſhment will come upon the
whole: But then ſuch a Meaſure becomes a publick Sin, becauſe tolerated by the
Body Politick, and generally accompanied with ſuch Sins as are alſo National
. Thus
alſo concerning the Sufferings of the Faithful, a Reward ſhall accrue not only to the
Individuals
, but alſo to the Whole, when the Meaſure of the Sufferings of the Mem-
bers is compleated; but then the Whole has ſuffered at the ſame Time. Therefore
both muſt be rewarded reſpectively, according to their ſeveral Capacities. Which we
find accordingly is to be done in this Prophecy.
3861. Indeed, as Bodies Politick have only their Life or Being in their preſent Sub-
fiſtence, fo 'tis plain that their Rewards and Puniſhments mult be beſtow'd on them
as they fubfift
. And therefore Divines do rightly argue, that the Threatnings of
God againſt them, muſt have their Effects in this Life during their Subſiſtence. The
Divine Juſtice cannot take place in their Puniſhment, but whilſt they exiſt; and the
Sentence of Condemnation can be only executed againſt them accordingly, by
their Deſtruction, or cauſing them to ceaſe and exiſt no more: But the Individuals of
Mankind are in a double Capacity, and ſo their Rewards, as well as Puniſhments,
may reach both; the Holy Scripture having alſo informed us that it will happen fo.
Therefore the Individuals muſt be conſidered ſeparately from the Whole. And al-
though we find the fame Terms predicated of the collective Body, and of the Indivi-
duals too in different Places; yet where the Individuals are conſidered as an Excep-
tion, in Contradiſtinction and a kind of Oppoſition to the collective Body, the pre-
dicated Terms muſt be explain’d in different Manners, becauſe the Subjects are very
different. Thoſe Things may be ſaid of them as Individuals, which are to be un-
derſtood otherwiſe when conſidered as a collective Body. And ſurely the Holy Ghoſt
deſign'd to make a Difference, by thus conſidering them apart. There the former
Rule takes place as properly as any where, that every Term muſt be explain d ac-
cording to the Nature of the particular Subject, then and there treated of; and not
according to the Signification which general Terms may have in other Places, where
the Subjects are of a different Nature. Thus 'tis a ſtanding Rule in the Civil Law,
(t)" That general Words are reſtrain’d to the Capacity of the Perſon, or Aptitude
* of the Thing.” And in Philoſophy, (u) “ That whatſoever is receiv'd, is receiv'd
according to the manner of the Recipient.” And in (20) Logick, that the Quan-
tity of the Predicate, howſoever general
, truckles to the Quantity of the Subje&t:
And in the Onirocriticks, that the Symbols muſt be ſuited to the Condition of the
Perſon to whom they are to be applied. When therefore we look out for the true
Signification of the Predicate in any Propoſition, after we have found out the Sig-
nification of the Subject, we muſt not be content as ſome Criticks, ſeeking rather to
vend or eſtabliſh their own Notions than the Truth, to find out a parallel Place to
explain the Signification of the Predicate, in ſuch a manner as it ſtands in any other
Place; by which they pretend to make the Holy Scripture authorize their Fancies:
But Words being frequently ambiguous in Holy Writ, as well as elſewhere, we muſt
take that Signification of the Word, amongſt all thoſe which are to be found in Holy
Writ, which only fits the Subject of the Propofition in that place. To be reſolv'd
beforehand to take the Predicate in a Signification ſuitable to our Fancy, becauſe we
64
bu
(t) Verba generalia reſtringuntur ad habilitatem perfont, vel ad aptitudinem rei.
19(u) Quicquid recipitie, per modum recipientis recipitur.
(w) Talia funt prædicata, qualia permittuntur effe à fuis fubje&tis, & vice verſa. Hoffman. in Chro-
not ax. Apocalypt. Cap. V. Obſerv. 3.
mo
think
A PRELIMINARY DISCOU R S E.
47

TOOTO
think it is conſiſtent with our Senſe of ſuch Matters, and then to make the Signifi-
cation of the Subjeĉt yield to it, is falſe Logick, and ſo to be ſure an erro-
neous way to interpret Holy Writ, and unbecoming the Profeſſion of a fincere
19V 19079303 306 or to
Chriſtian. io nontos bords ves
62. But to come to a Concluſion of this Matter, we ſhall find in the Account
given by the Holy Ghoſt of the Accompliſhment of the Threatnings and Promiſes,
that there is on the one Hand an Account of great Torments inflišted in this Life
upon the very Individuals among Chriſt's Enemies ; and on the other, a Reward of
Life and Happineſs promiſed and beſtow'd upon the Individuals of Chriſt's Church,
even after they are Dead, over and beſides what is threatned and inflicted, promiſed
and beſtow'd upon their reſpective colleétive Bodies. This is the key which ſerves
to underſtand the Viſion of the Seven laft Plagues of the Bowles, which peculiarly
concerns the Individuals; ſhewing their continual Torment, and miſerable Deſtru-
&tion, even during the Subſiſtence and Vigour of the collective Body. This
is alſo
the Key of the Millennium: For ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt makes every where a Com-
pariſon between the idolatrous Part of Mankind, and the true Chriſtians, and their
reſpective Bodies; fo muſt there be a Deſcription of the Reward promiſed and be-
ſtow'd upon the ſuffering Individuals of the true Church, as well as there has been
a Deſcription of the Torments of the Idolaters and Perfecutors. Now this is plainly
done in the Deſcription of the Millennium, which ſhews us in that place a brief Aca
count of their State, which is more amply deſcrib'd afterwards, when other Faithful
are alſo come into it. In that Propoſition which ſets forth, who are to Reign with
Chriſt, the Subject evidently ſhews, that the Holy Ghoſt means Individuals, Souls
which have been ſlain for the Teſtimony of Chriſt, and have refus'd to Worſhip the
Beaft. Now their Life and Reſurrection muſt be ſuch as is applicable to fuch Souls.
The collective Body of the Church Triumphant, was long before deſcribed in the
ſingle Symbol of the Invitation and Bleſſing pronounced to them that are invited to
the Marriage of the Lamb; together with that of the Hallelujah made upon the Ex-
pečtation to ſee the Bride, and in that of the Bride, the Lamb's Wife, which is pre-
pared for his Marriage. To apply therefore to them the Predicate of the former Pro-
poſition, laid down in Matters concerning the Millennium, in ſuch a manner as only
fuits to the Symbol of the Hallelujah, and Invitation to come in and ſee the Bride,
and that of the Bride and her Marriage; that is, the collective Church reſtord, en-
larg’d and beautify'd with perfe& Holineſs, and cannot ſuit with the Individuals
mention'd there, is evidently to force the Text, and make it authorize Abſurdities.
And fo 'tis no wonder if ſuch an Expoſition is inconſiſtent with the Senſe of the
Holy Ghoſt, and fills accordingly the whole Account of that firſt Reſurrection
with incoherent Propoſitions. When, I ſay, that theſe Men ſuit the Predicate to
the Symbol of the Bride, that is, of the collective Church; I mean it as they un-
derſtand themſelves the Symbol of the Bride, of a flouriſhing State of the Church :
But I ſhall ſhew in its proper Place, that this Bride has ſome Attributes, which
not only demonſtrate that happy State, but alſo that ſhe has others, which ſhew,
that the Holy Ghoſt intended to inform us by them, that the Church ſhall then
conſiſt alſo of Saints in their Perfe£tion of Holineſs and Glory; and by Conſequence
ſuch as are not in a mortal Life, but a State of Reſurrection. And by Conſequence,
there is more than one place in the Prophecy, that ſpeaks of a Reſurrection ante-
cedent to the General, which however is made a trifling Objection to ſuch as me,
But I return to my firſt Deſign.
- 63. Fourtbly, We muſt obſerve very carefully the Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt in
exhibiting many Symbols to denote the very ſame Thing; as Head, Mountain, Horn,
Eagle, Wing of an Eagle, Beaft, Sun, and the like ; all which fignify a Monarchy
or Kingdom. But then it is always in different Reſpects, to denote the different
Parts, Qualities, and Relations of its Conſtitution. Thus the Head fignifies a Mo-
narchy in reſpect of the Dominion or Members thereof, as it is a Body Politick ;
the Mountain in reſpect of its Capital City fcituated thereon, for Strength and De-
fenſe of the Parts under it ; the Horn, its Power to defend its Subjects and remove
Enemies ; the Eagle, its protecting of the Subjects ; the Beaſt,
its Tyranny , the
Sun, its Glory, and Dominion, and Power to give Laws for the Condućt of the Sub-
jects ; Light fignifying Government. By this Variety the Holy Ghoſt finds Ways to
deſcribe the Nature and Qualities of the Matters foreſeen, and the ſeveral Degrees of
their Riſe and Fall ; and by Conſequence to give by different Views, a full Account
of
ز
48
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

of all that is neceſſary to be known. Beſides, fome Symbols will fuit fome Allego-
ries, which others would not ; the Holy Ghoſt in every Thing obſerving what we call
their Decorum, beyond any Man that ever wrote : So that all the Viſions, and Parts
of Viſion, hang together very properly, without any abſurd Coheſion of inconſiſtent
Matters. Nay, fome Symbols are affectedly choſen to expreſs the Fate of the Things
foreſeen ; thus great and noble Men come under the Symbol of Trees, when they are
to be deſtroy'd, but they are called Birds, that is, of Prey, when they are conſidered
as Devourers of Plunder, ſeizing the Spoils of vanquiſh'd Enemies, and gorging or
enriching themſelves therewith.
had bro bolnione Delag si
64. Fifthly, We are to obſerve further, That the Symbols have ſometimes a doubt-
ful Signification, whether it is active or paffive. So that the one reflects internally
upon the Subject acting, the other externally on the Subject which is a&ted upon. So
Armour or a Breaft-Plate is a Symbol fignifying an undaunted Courage in the Poſlef-
for ; and on the other Hand, a great Terror on them againſt whom he comes. You
may, if you pleaſe, diſtinguiſh theſe Two Sorts of Signification thus : That the paf-
five or internal Signification is primary, and the other reflekted, being a conſequent of
the former. Some Symbols are found to be merely active, and others merely paſſive,
and ſome to partake of both theſe Qualities. Theſe muſt be diſcovered by a diſcern-
ing Judgment upon View of the Circumſtances.
65. Sixthly, It will be proper in this place to conſider, what we are to hold con-
cerning the Aétors in the Viſions, and ſpecially thoſe who are called Angels. The
A&tors are of Two Sorts ; either ſuch as are deſcrib’d by fingular Symbols, with feve-
ral Attributes diſtin&t from each other, or elſe they who are called by the general
Name of Angels. As to the firſt Sort, they muſt be explain d according to the Prin-
ciples laid down already, as all the reſt of the Symbolical Characters of this Prophe-
cy: And ſo muft we do even about all the Attributes given to the Angels, which de-
fcribe fome Property in the A&tor, which is to have a ſuitable Effect upon the Event.
As to the Angels, fo called by Name, we are to follow theſe Obſervations. That
every Miniſter of God, as even his Son in ſome Caſes, the good Angels and the
wicked may be called by that Name ; and ſo muſt be diſtinguiſhed according to the
Symbolical Characters of its Attributes. Secondly, we are to take notice, that tho?
in the Viſions or Prophetical Method of communicating the Fore-knowledge of future
Things, the Repreſentation of each Aētion be Symbolical only, and that therefore the
Angels are introduced upon each Scene in a Manner for Form's ſake, becauſe it is the
Way of Prophecies, even to make Perſons of the Conceptions of the Mind; yet this
Method is altogether founded upon a true Bottom and a real Event ; for the Angels
are the Miniſters and Officers of the Divine Court and Providence in the inviſible Go-
vernment of the World ; and being now become (x) ſubject to Chriſt, they ſerve in
the inviſible Government, and that of the Church and of the World, that it may be
brought to the Purpoſe of God in Behalf of his Church ; of which both together the
Secular Princes with the Biſhops and Clergy are the viſible Miniſters. So that theſe
inviſible Agents denote and imply the viſible ; which alſo for this Reaſon are called
Angels in this Prophecy, in the ſame Manner as in other Books of Holy Writ, the
G) Secular Princes or Magiſtrates have the ſame Attributes given to them as the
Angels, and the very (2) Name too ; even tho' (a) Heathens, they might be fo
called.
66. (b) Epiphanius explains this Matter thus, and defends this Sacred Book againſt
the Alogi, who ridiculed the Method thereof, by arguing, that the Nations were ſub-
ject to the Angels ; and ſays, that when the Angels are moved, they move the Nati-
ons : And to prove this he cites the Words of Mofes, Deut. xxxii
. 8. according to
the LXX. He ſet the Bounds of the Nations according to the Number of the Angels of
God. Which is no new Doctrine of his, but alſo that of more ancient Fathers, as
Fuſtin Martyr, Clemens Alex. and many others fince. The (c) old Prophecies plainly
ſuppoſe it ; and we ſee in Daniel, that Michael the Archangel had then the Iſraelites
2
(x) Hebr. i. 6.
(y) Comp. Rom. xiii. 6. with Hebr. i. 14.
i 2 Sam. xiv. 17, 20. (a) Eſth. xv. II.
b) Epiphan, Panar. Hær. LI. S. 34.
"Agzev 38 S entrar nou's Taclove, bvxs xj qua ñiss man ge This goxoñs idios Aditórypce Sus Me-
thodius de Cafticat, apud Phos. Cod. CCXXXVII.
for
A PRELIMINARY DISCOU.RS E. 49

for his Share. The (d) Tranſlation of the LXX ſeems in that place to make a plain-
er Senſe than the common Reading. This Notion after all appearing to be true ;
and tho’ it has given Occafion to Idolatry, yet being taken in a right Senſe, is autho-
riz’d by Holy Writ, and ſerves to explain many Allufions of the Prophets
.
67. But to go to the Bottom of the Thing; the Foundation of all this is built up-
on that (e) Principle of all Myſteries, That the intellectual World is an original Copy
and Idea of the viſible ; and that there is ſuch an Union and Affinity between theſe
Two, that nothing is done in the Viſible, but what is decreed before and exemplified
in the Intellectual. That therefore in a Prophecy which is to declare the Decree of
God, both poſitive and permiſſive ; that is, what he is reſolv'd ſhall be perform'd in
his Kingdom, both Intellectual and Viſible, and what he will permit to be done in
that of Saran to obſtruct his Deſigns, but in Reality to magnify his Glory the more :
In a Propheſy, I ſay, wherein the Prophet is caught up in the Spirit to ſee the firſt
Springs of Events, it is ſufficient, and much more lively to ſet down, what is done
in the intellectual World : For the Symbols, that deſcribe thoſe Events, muſt by (8)
Conſequence deſcribe thoſe of the Viſible. And by this we ſee likewiſe why the Dra-
gon, which is the Symbol of the Supreme Power of the Kingdom of Darkneſs
, ap-
pearing at firſt with ſome ſpecial Attributes, which demonſtrate that his viſible Agents
and Minifters were then the Roman Pagan Emperors ; yet when theſe are remov'd,
the Dragon ſtill appears acting through ſeveral Occurrences till the laſt Judgment
becauſe that Symbol implies as well the inviſible Powers as the Viſible. Thus all this
Matter becomes clear.
68. There is a Rule laid down by Mede concerning Symbols, and the Application
of the Events to them, which I ſhall now treat of, not with a Deſign to make ufe of
it, but rather to give warning againſt putting it into Practice. It is this, to uſe his
Words : (8) “That in Types and Parables, non oportet quidlibet in ſignificationem tra-
hi, becauſe ſome Circumſtances may be of Decorum, and ſome of Neceſſity.” As
in an Hiſtorical Picture, the Painter to ſet off his Obje&t the better, is frequently ob-
lig'd to add to it ſome Circumſtances, which, if the Action was acted before the Eyes
of the Spectator, would be needleſs: So in Allegories fome Things may be added to
determine the more eaſily the Signification thereof, and apply them to the Events
fore-known by the Holy Ghoſt. And it inuſt be ſaid for Mede, that a great Maſter
of Symbolical Learning, Artemidorus, has thought of the fame Rule, and obſerves,
that ſome Things in Dreams are ſeen (h) xóous šverd, for the Sake of Decoration : Of
which he alſo gives fome Reaſons and Examples. I will not enter into Diſpute with
this Author upon that Subject. But even allowing him this as to his caſe, it muſt
be obſerv’d, that we are now upon a Book diệtated by the Holy Spirit ; of whom it is
unworthy to think, that any Word can be of ſo little Signification: And therefore, I
ſay, this Rule might be allow'd with great Circumſpection, or rather not at all ; be-
cauſe 'tis found, that this Conceſſion, for ſo it muſt be called, giving ſo much Liber-
ty to the Interpreter, to ſhake off ſometimes Things which otherwiſe would puzzle
him ; has been ſo far abus'd, that ſome whole Chapters of this Prophecy have there-
upon been flurrd over, as if they fignified little to the underſtanding of the Pro-
phecy. Becauſe they look'd upon them as only an Apparatus or Decoration of the
Vifions. But what then? Is not the Decoration of a Theatre, and the Preparation of
the Scenes, as neceſſary to the full Repreſentation of the A&tion, as even the very
Deſcription of it in Words by the A&tors ? And does not that Decoration often
ſupply what the Poet would be hard ſet to diſcover to the Spectators, without a
Profufion of Words : Which as they may be ſupplied by the outward Shew of the

(d) Vid. Not. T. Gale in Jambl. de Myſt. Sect. V. cap. 25. &c. Nor. A. Downæi ad Johan. Chry-
foft. Hom. III. ad Coloff.
(e) Quæ perfectiora ſunt ubique, & quæ rationem exemplaris habent, actiones prorſus imaginum
comprehendunt, adeo ut deteriora nulli uſquam adfint, cui perfectiora quoque non multò prius aliquid
ex fe tradiderint. Quinetiam per omnes rerum ordines ipfum unum alia comprehendit, atque ante illa,
& poft illa, & una cum illis agit
. Proclus de Anim. Demon. ex Marſ. Ficini vers. Edit. Tornel. pag185.
(f) His quidem è proximo dæmones ducum fuorum munera largiuntur, eminentius verò dii deſu-
per dæmonibus præſidentes, quamobrem poftrema primis in paffione conſentiunt. Primorum enim no-
tæ funt in poftremis ; & poftremorum in primis caufæ comprehenduntur, &c. Proclus de Anim. G De-
mon. Edit. Tornaf. pag. 198. Confer. Platon. Gorgiam. pag. 326.
(8) Vid. Mede's Epiſt. LXI. Winter
6 Artemid. Onirocr. Lib. IV. cap. 44. doneW
o
Scenes,
50 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

L
Scenes, become needleſs in a great Meaſure: So that the Poet needs only to ſhew
how the AEtors come there. Without theſe Decorations of the Theatre, and parti-
cular Scenes of the A&tions in theſe Apocalyptical Viſions, they would be inexplicable,
or at leaſt admit only of very uncertain Interpretations. Whereas theſe Decorations, by
fixing the Scene, and deſcribing the Actors, determine the whole Syſtem of the
A&tions, and by Conſequence the Interpretation of the whole ſo far ; that if this Mat-
ter be throughly conſidered and underſtood, it may be affirm'd that the Expofition
of this Sacred Book may become eaſy, and proved by a Demonſtration as certain and
evident as that of Geometrical Theorems. But theſe Apparatus to the Apocalyptical
Viſions are not only Decorations, but as Prologues to the Drama; that is, of ſuch
fort of Prologues as explain, by way of Introduction, the Subject of the whole
A&tion; ſo that they are abſolutely neceſſary.
69. Seventhly, The Symbolical Terms of Time, or implying it, and the Duration
of the Things mention'd, are to be well conſidered, and we muſt go upon ſome
fix'd Principles about them, as well as in the other Parts of the Propheſy; or elſe it
cannot be ſaid, that we have explained the Whole: Becauſe theſe being part of the
Deſcription, they muſt be ſuited to the Event, as well as the reſt of the Symbols.
When the Matter of the Viſions is fully accompliſhed, and by Conſequence the Term
of their Duration is fulfilled, I muſt own that an Interpreter is obliged to anſwer
preciſely. But in thoſe that are not yet run out, though in the main the Prediction
is come to a fort of Accompliſhment, ſo that the Event is running on and a doing,
the Term of the Duration is ſtill in the ſame Cafe as thoſe Events that are ſtill fu-
ture: And conſequently a reaſonable Man ought to expect only Conjectures from
an Interpreter, who goes about his Work without pretending to Inſpiration, or any
other but the ordinary Means of the Divine Grace. Therefore this is one of the
niceſt and moſt dangerous Parts of an Interpreter ; and we muſt be very ſober and
moderate about it, to avoid Error and Offence to others, by preſuming to underſtand
too nicely the Secrets of the Divine Providence. This ſort of Terms are us'd by the
Holy Ghoſt for Two Purpoſes. Firſt, to ſhew in fome Caſes the Affinity or collate-
ral Relation of ſeveral Things together, by which they are known to Synchroniſe, thar
is, to begin and end together; and Secondly, to fix and declare the preciſe Extent of
their Duration. Which laſt is done for Reaſons to be diſcovered in their proper
Places. Now indeed having found out the Signification of the Symbolical Terms of
Time, according to the Rules and Principles of the Prophetical Language, and dif
covered that the Holy Ghoſt did by them expreſs fome definite Quantity of Time,
we may fafely hold that the Event does, and will moſt exactly ſuit with it : But
whether till the Term be fully run, ſo that we ſee all the Characters of the Prediction
are fulfilled, and the Term is paſt, we ought to pretend to give any Deciſion about
them, is another Queſtion. In my opinion we ought not to be peremptory therein,
but ttill cautious; and that too for the Reaſons following, which I will here fet down
briefly, and ſhall enlarge upon them afterwards, as Occaſion ſhall offer it ſelf. Per-
haps with this cautious Proceeding we ſhall afford more Certainty and Plenitude of
Perſuaſion to the hopeful Chriſtian, than others with their poſitive Definitions, and
groundleſs Conjectures, which rather deter Men from the Study of the reſt of the
Predi&tions, which are certain.
70. I ſay then that we ought not to be too poſitive, becauſe in the firſt place we
cannot even attain to a Chronological Exactneſs, where Prophecies are not concern'd,
but Events reported by Hiſtorians. The Diſputes of Learned Men in theſe Matters
are infinite, and undecided to moſt of them, as every one may perceive. Much more
therefore where Prophecies are concern'd, as we may ſee in the very Caſe of Chriſt's
firſt Coming predi&ted by Daniel, and determined by Weeks. The Event is plain
enough, and that it happened at or about the Time Predicted. But who has num-
bred exactly the Years ? Notwithſtanding all the Helps we have, and the Event to fix
all, thoſe Weeks are not without Diſpute. Secondly, becauſe the Matters of the
Predi&tions may be incapable of being preciſely fixed to one Year, both as to Be-
ginning and End. Some Things are predicted which riſe gradually, and almoſt in-
ſenſibly. The Holy Ghoſt has not nicely determined the Epocha or Beginning, by
which the Time of their Duration running after it is to be ſettled. We want ſome
very remarkable Accident, of ſuch a certain and remarkable Quality, and quick
Origin fixed to one Year, that the Holy Ghoſt might, if it had been fit for us to
know it, declare that it was to be the Epocha of the Term of Duration. Neither
has

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
51

has the Holy Ghoſt mark'd out
ſuch another Accident to be the End of it. But has
left the whole in ſuch general Terms, that it cannot be circumſcrib’d, without in-
cluding therein a great Number of Years: And we are left to conjecture about ſuch
a remarkable Accident. Thus we know not exactly how to begin; and by Confe-
quence how to end. It is only to be found out when all is accompliſhed. The
Event muſt be the beſt Interpreter of the Prophecy in ſuch Caſes. And I ſuppoſe the
Holy Ghoſt expects, that in the mean Time we ſhould poffefs our Souls in
Patience.
71. Further we are to obſerve, that in the Revelation there are ſome Expreſſions,
which have been taken to fignify Time, whereas they really ſignify no ſuch thing
Thus Mede has taken the meaſuring of the Temple, and its Court, and the outer
Courts being rejected, to be a meaſuring of Time, and that the whole contains an
entire Line of Time. The outer Court with him implies a Line of Time of Forty
Two Months, becauſe ºtis ſo long delivered to the Gentiles. Upon this Notion he
proceeds, and endeavours to fhew, that the Temple and its Court
, being according
to Villalpandus, one Part of what the Outer-Court is Three and a Half; then by the
Rule of Proportion, the Three and a Half being Forty Two Months, or One Thou-
fand Two Hundred and Sixty Years, the other muſt fignify Three Hundred and Sixty
Years, or Sixty Five. So here is a Line of Time of about Sixteen Hundred and Twen-
ty Years, the firſt part of which, that is, the Three Hundred and Sixty Years, being
allotted to the Primitive Church, and the latter to the State of Corruption, after which
'tis thought the Millennium muſt commence, we ſhould have a preciſe Number of
Years for the Duration of all the Apocalyptical Events to the general Reſurrection.
But this pretty Scheine is like thoſe of the modern Philoſophers, who build them in
the Air ; which make a fine Shew, but are thrown down with the fingle Blaſt of a De-
nial. For this meaſuring of the Temple is not a meaſuring of Time, but of taking
Poffeſſion of the Temple, and is therefore an Accident or Event falling out after the
blowing of the Sixth Trumpet. Thus likewiſe the Euphratean Angels are ſaid to be
prepared at an Hour, a Day, a Month, and a Year. Theſe Words are thought to fig-
nify a Line of Time of the Duration of the Actions of theſe Angels; but after all,
'tis only an emphatical Expreſſion to ſhew the ſudden Concurrence of theſe Angels to
execute their Deſign in common.
72. Beſides, we are likewiſe to obſerve, that there are not in the Revelation any
Symbol or Symbols implying or fignifying any perpetual Line of Time, through
which all the Events therein predicted muſt paſs in a Chronological Series. We find
only therein ſome Hints of ſpecial Events, whofe Duration is ſpecified for particular
Reaſons. We muſt therefore expect to find ſeveral intermediate Spaces of Time for
Events, which are not determind by any Symbol of Time : And ſo thoſe Events, as
to their Duration, can only be determined when they are fully accompliſh'd ; and
that we ſee the Events which follow them, are at leaſt begun. The ſame may be
alſo ſaid of ſuch Terms as are really fix’d to fignify a preciſe Time. As for Inſtance ;
between the opening of the Seventh Seal, and the founding of the firſt of the Seven
Trumpets, there is a limited Space of Time, called Half an Hour, and afterwards an
Event of unlimited Duration, called the Preparation of the Angels to blow the Seven
Trumpets. Now it is uncertain, whether this Preparation be included in the Half
Hour or Succeſſive ; and again, we can only gueſs at this Symbol of the Half Hour,
having no certain Rule in the Prophetical Language by which to decide it. But
by the Confideration of the Decorum, or Alluſion, we find the Intent of the Holy
Ghoft; and by comparing of the Event of the Seventh Seal, and that of the firſt
Trumpet, we find moſt evidently the Term of Duration both of the Half Hour and
Preparation. Thus again there is an intermediate Space of Time between
great Periodical Terms of Time, ſuch as the Forty Two Months of the Reign and
War of the Beaſt againſt the Saints; together with the Events contemporary to this,
and the Millennium : And in that Space many Events are to occur, which are pre-
paratory to the Millennium. The Holy Ghoſt ſays not that the Beaſt laſts only for
that Time, but makes War and proſpers : It may ſubfiſt a while after, like a weak
Enemy, that ſtruggles rather for Self-Preſervation than Conqueft
. We find ſeveral
other Events mention’d to go between, as the Marriage of the Lamb, the final De-
ſtruction of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, the great Banquet of God, and even the
tying of the Dragon. All theſe are Preparations for the bleſſed Millennium: And
none of them are limited by any Symbols of preciſe Time. By all which we may
fee,
Two
52
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

ſee, that the Holy Ghoſt would not have us to be too curious and poſitive about
ſucha Matters: But that we muſt be contented with a general Knowledge and Proſpect
of Things : And that we might therefore always expect the Second Coming of
Chriſt, which muſt be ſudden and unexpected, whenever it happens. But for the
very Point of Time, that is abſolutely kept from our Knowledge. For this Reaſon
we may fafely pronounce it to be a vain and preſumptuous Undertaking for any to
fay, the Millennium is to begin on this or that Year. For my Part, I am reſolv'd
not to be guilty of any ſuch Folly ; nor pretend to be wiſe above what is written, at
leaſt in this Prophecy.
73. However, if we cannot gueſs at the unlimited Spaces of Time, where there
are no Symbols of fixed Duration ; yet we may come to ſome kind of Certainty, and
find out what the limited Symbols fignify. This certainty is not to be obtain'd by
the ſingle Confideration of the Symbolical Terms expreſſing Time ; but by confer-
ring with it the Practice of the Holy Ghoſt elſe where, and the Nature of the Things
to which the Terms are applied. We have therefore this Advantage in the Revela-
tion, that the Symbols of Time may be compar’d, not only with ſome other parallel
Terms ſometimes, but alſo with other Matters antecedent, concurrent, and conſe-
quent. From the Conſideration of all it is that we muſt determine the Signification
of every Term.
74. Now that the Symbolical Terms denoting Time, are not in every Place to be
taken in the literal Signification, is plain by this, that the Holy Ghoſt has, as it ap-
pears, affected to make uſe of ſuch of them, as rather denote ſo many Revolutions
of appointed Time, which are to be determined according to the Nature of the E-
vent, than the preciſe Time, which the Terms ſeem to have in a more common Ac-
ceptation ; and that, as it ſhall be proved in a proper Place, moſt of them, accord-
ing to the Stile of the Sacred Language, and the particular Uſe of the old Prophets,
may be ſaid to be Synonymous to each other : So that very likely when the Symbo-
lical Language was firſt invented, they were uſed promiſcuouſly upon the Account of
the different Ways of reckoning. And thus Seaſon and Day have ſtill with us many
unlimited Significations. The Origin of that Practice ſhall be enquired into by and
by : In the mean while I ſhall obſerve, that this Way of Interpretation is uſed by the
Onirocriticks in their own Caſes, as may be ſeen in theſe remarkable Words of Arte-
midorus : (i) “Further, Days, and Months, and Years, are thus to be diſtinguiſhed
“ for the moſt Part. For we don't find them to have always their proper Significati-
on : For Months are ſometimes denoted by Years, and Days too ; and Years and
Days by Months ; and Months and Years by Days. But that this may not become
doubtful; when Years are mention'd, if they be proportionable and ſuitable, they
may be accounted as Years ; but if many, as Months ; if over many, as Days.
The ſame Rule holds reciprocally for Days ; for if they be many, let them be ac-
“ counted as Days; if leſs, as Months ; if few, as Years : Likewiſe of Months,
let them be taken according to the preſent Occaſion. Now where there is Occaſi-
on, or not, and what it is
, will be ſhewn , over and beſides the due Proportion
of Life, by the Age of the Dreamer ; and in other Caſes, by the Confideration of
the Neceſſity; Theſe are admirable Words ; for they ſettle in this Matter the
great Rule of Decorum or Proportion, which is the fundamental Principle of the
Symbolical Language ; and ſhew, that Terms of Time are therein Symbolical, and
fometimes by the ſame Rule, litteral. Of which Rule I ſhall treat more amply by
Inſtances preſently.
75. From this however it is plain, that theſe Terms ſignifying Time, were in the
Symbolical Language ſynonymous, as well as in the Oriental Languages. For this
Artemidorus ſeems to have followed in his Book the Maxims of the Egyptian and
Chaldean Authors, from whom that Sort of Learning came among the Greeks. From
06
06
66
COV
SU

(i) "Ετι κακείνο, τας ημέρας και τους μας και τα έτη ως σπιτιπλέϊσον έτως διακρίνειν· δ πάντως
αεί ισοδυναμούλα Δρίσκομύ. και απο ετών μες, και ημέραι δεί κνιωθαι, και απο μίμών έτη και ημέραι
και απο ημερών μιλίες και έτη. ίνα και τετο μη εις αμοίβολον πιο , όταν είπη πς. έτη , έαν με σύμμελες
και ενδεχόμενα, έτη νομιζέδωσαν
· έαν και πολλά, μύες, αν και αρμέeg, ημέραις ανασρέφει και ο λόγος και
Σπο ημερών. εαν δώσει πολλαι , ημέραι νομιζέδωσειν· έαν και συμμε]est, μες σαν ολίγαι, έτη. ομοί.
ως και οι μύες, προς το ενδεχόμδυον εκλαμβανέσθωσαν» ο ενδεχόμενον, ή μη, ενδείξει ότι τον τα οι
28,61% Laws nózov, ni dnevice
, te iMv6: Hà ģi no es o mwv wey Teo jibov, mezodonía off gettivo Arte-
mid, Onir. Lib. II. cap. 75.
hool
this
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E. 53

this it is alſo plain, that the Scope and Collation of the Prophetical Viſions, and of
the Matters contain’d in them, with the Examination of the Terms themſelves, is
the fureſt Guide. For which Reaſon I think the Periods, which are ſo clearly diſtin-
guiſhed in this Prophecy, each of them into Seven ſmaller Epocha's, or great and re-
markable Events, are a furer Guide than any other Conjecture : And we muſt always
apply the Symbolical Terms or Numbers of Time proportionably to the Matters con-
tain' therein, and limited by thoſe Epocha's; which ſeem to be ſo many critical
Marks, to find out the true Meaſure of the Duration of the Events predi&ted in the
Revelation. Thus, whereas the Holy Ghoſt fets forth by many Strains of Symbols,
in the ſecond great Period of the Church , a cruel Perſecution by great and extenfive
tyrannical Powers, as laſting only fome Days or Months, or few Years or Seaſons
but by other Characters appearing to be of great Extent ; ſo that the Predi&tions of
the Matters perform’d by them, can by no Means be perform'd in ſo ſmall a Term :
It would therefore be ridiculous they ſhould be limited to thoſe few Days, or Months,
or Years, literally underſtood. It remains therefore, that we conclude, the Holy
Ghoſt deſign’d by thoſe Days to determine the Number of Solar Years. And we
may ſafely rely upon this, if we find that the reſt of the Circumſtances deſcrib'd, of
the Riſe, Growth, and Fall, which we find in a great Meaſure already accompliſh'd,
did require and determine that we ſhould take ſo great a Compaſs of Time ; which
by the Antecedents of the Fall of that perſecuting Power, gave us reaſon to expect
the End of that Term, in the preciſe Number of Solar Years, conſonant to the Num-
ber of Days in the Prophecy.
102 1901
76. But becauſe we live in a ſceptical and inquiſitive Age, in which Men will not
be eaſily ſatisfied, but one or other will have in their Mouth a Why to every Thing
that is propos d ; I will here endeavour to prevent Objections, by examining upon
what Grounds we preſume to explain the determined Symbols of Time, exhibited by
the Holy Ghoſt in ſuch Expreſſions as literally ſignify but a ſmall Time, of ſuch
Iong Spaces, as ſometimes to make a Day fignify a Tear ; and even to the ſtretching
of the Three Days and a half of the Witneſſes propheſying and lying dead, into an
equal Space, as the Forty Two Months, or the Twelve Hundred and Sixty Days, or
the Three Years and a half
. So that Three Days and a half are as Three Years and a
half, of ſuch Years, whereof every Day muſt be underſtood to figniſy one yearly Re-
volution of the Sun in the Accompliſhment. In the doing of which I ſhall anſwer
that Queſtion, Why the Holy Ghoſt has us’d ſuch a Method, and demonſtrate at the
ſame Time the Origin of it. But it muſt not be expected that we ſhould give philo-
ſophical Demonſtrations of theſe Matters, they will not bear it, as (k) Plutarch has
obferv'd of the Myſteries : And (1) Famblichus diſtinguiſhes reaſoning philoſophically
from reaſoning theurgically, which is the ſame as myſtically, or in the Principles of
the Hieroglyphical Learning; of which the Theurgical is a Part : Whence we fee
(m) Lucan has called the Hieroglyphical Characters Magical. There is no efficient
Cauſe in the Symbols, upon which alone philoſophical Reaſonings and Demonſtrati-
ons are grounded. Their whole Power and Signification is ex inftituto, from Con-
ſent and Agreement. Afinity and Similitude are the Principle they go upon. (n) Fam-
blichus inſiſts upon it, and calls that Affinity and Similitude fometimes ovyslúcia and
ομοιό της και Τometimes αφομοίωσις and οικείωσις; and Tometimes επιτηδειότης and συμπάθεια.
Even the Similitude is ſufficient, as (0) Proclus defines. This is all the ſame as what
we ſaid before of the Symbolical Chara&ter and Language, that it is drawn from the
Metaphor, Metonymy, and Synecdoche. For a Metaphor is an Expreſſion borrowed
from ſome Matter that bears a Reſemblance to the Motion deſign d ; and the Meto-
nymy and Synecdoche is when ſome Adjunét, Relation, Part, or Circumſtance is us’d,
to raiſe in the Mind the Idea of the Subject it ſelf defign’d to be underſtood. So
that the Affinity, or even the Similitude, is ſufficient to make one Thing the Symbol
of another. From theſe we muſt fetch our Proofs, as in all other Symbols, ſo in
theſe. And if we may call that a Demonſtration, which fully proves the Truth of
ororgo
anotti
(k) Plutarch de Déf. Orac. pag. 282. conf. Not. Tho. Gale in Jambl. Sect. I. cap. 15. 2011
(L) Jamblich. Sect. II. cap. II. & Prorrept. in Symb. 25.
(m) Lucan.
(n) Jamblich, de Myſt
. Ægypt. Sect. I. cap. 10, 11, 15.
Blog slip. Free dobibo
file contains ou os dovboy
6) Proclus de Mag. apud î. Gale Not, ad Jamblich. Sect. I. cap. 15. Verba ex Marfil. Ficini verſi-
one hæc funt : Nempe fimilitudo ipſa fufficiens cauſa est, ad res fingulas invicem vinciendas. "I Nega
bylon
P
the

54
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

כר
the Propoſition by ſuch Arguments as are proper to the ſubject Matter, then we may
have Demonſtration even in this Matter ; and that too very full.
77. The firſt Reaſon proper to be alledged, is the Example and Precedent of the
like Pra&tice of the Holy Ghoſt in former Prophecies or typical Subjects. The Sym-
bolical Language of the Holy Ghoſt is moſtly grounded upon Example and Precedent
becauſe it is a Thing ex inftituto. The Holy Ghoſt has ſuited its Stile to that which
was already us’d about Prophecies and typical Subjects. It is therefore fufficient to
thew ſuch Examples and Precedents. And who can reaſonably find Fault with it ?
Have not all other Languages their Proprieties, and even their Írregularities, eſtabliſh-
ed by Uſe, where Words and Conſtručtions cannot be accounted for by Analogy and
Syntax? In ſuch Caſes the Uſe prevails, which is ſupreme Judge in ſuch Matters.
No reaſonable Man will find Fault with ſuchExpreſſions as are not indeed Grammatical,
but however proper, becauſe uſual. Gainſayers muſt be turn’d over to conſult the Ob-
ſervation of Quinctilian : who ſays to this purpoſe, (p) “ That Analogy came not
« down from Heaven to teach Men a Form of Speaking, but was found out after
“ Men had ſpoken , and it was obſerv'd in Diſcourſe, how every Part fell in therein.
“ So that it is not founded upon Reaſon, but Example. There is no Law of Speaking,
“ but Obſervation ; and Cuſtom it ſelf made Analogy”. Whence he concludes with
the common Obſervation, that “ 'tis one Thing to ſpeak Latin, and another to ſpeak
( Grammatically.” For though this might be denied of the original Language, which
God at firſt infus’d into Man ; yet 'tis true of all derived Languages, as they ſtand im-
prov'd, or rather confounded and corrupted. And 'tis as true of the Symbolical
,
which merely aroſe from the Opinions of Men, and their Obſervations of Simi-
litude and Affinity. So that Practice and Example are abſolutely to rule in this
Cafe.
78. For prophane Examples, that may ſuffice which I have already cited out of
Artemidorus. Sacred Inſtances may be ſeen in Numb. xiv. 34. Ezek. iv. 4, 6. and
what (9) M. Jurieu has written on this Subject, both to ſhew the Pra&tice of the
Holy Ghoſt, and the Neceſſity of applying it to the Caſe of Apocalyptical Prophe-
cies, and therefore 'tis needleſs to infiſt further upon it. But for a further Illuſtra-
tion and Confirmation of this Matter, I ſhall give one Example or Two of the Pra-
Etice of the Primitive Chriſtians, whilſt prophetical Vifions were ſtill in the Church.
The firſt is of St. Cyprian, who in a Viſion had a Forewarning of his Martyrdom,
and of the Time, thus expreſſed : (n)“ I underſtood, ſays he, that the Sentence of
my Paſſion was to come. I began to intreat and beg preſently, that I might have
a Reprieve but for one Day, till I could diſpoſe my Affairs in a legal Manner.”
Upon which Pontius obſerves, that (s) “ This one Day fignified a Year, during
« which he was to remain in this Life after the Viſion.” In the Aets of the Mar-
tyrdom of St. Sadoth, Biſhop, and others, we find the like: (t) “ Now in that he
ſaid, I aſcended Yeſterday, but thou ſhalt afcend to Day: This fignified that he had
« fuffer'd Martyrdom on the Year before, and that ſhould füffer it and die this
“ Year.” Now theſe were Perſians.
79. Thus far may ſerve to prove the Thing to be ſo in Faềt and Cuſtom: But if
we have a mind to go further, and pry into the very Origin of it, we cannot find
any other efficient Cauſe or Reaſon, but the Ignorance of Men at firſt in ſettling
Words to expreſs the determined Spaces of Time. A Day with them was a Tear;
a Monih, a Tear ; Three Months, a Year; Four Months, a Year ; Six Months, a Year,
as well as the whole Yearly Revolution of the Sun. 'Tis worth obſerving, that the
Egyptians, from whom the Symbolical Language did chiefly come at firſt, were in-
asso

() Non enim cum primum fingerentur homines, analogia demiffa cælo formam loquendi dedit; ſed
inventa eſt poftquam loquebantur, & notatum in ſermone, quid quomodo caderer. Itaque non ratio-
ne nicicur, fed exemplo: Nec lex eft loquendi , ſed obſervatio, ut ipſam analogiam nulla res alia feces
rit, quam confuetudo. Quin&tilian Inſtit
. Orat. Lib. I. cap. 6.
(9) M. Jurieu's Accompl. of Proph. Part. II. cap. I.
() Intellexi fententiam paffionis futuram. Rogare cæpi, & petere continuo, ur dilatio mihi vel
unius diei prorogaretur, donec res meas legitima ordinatione difponerem. D. Cyprian, in Vit. per Pont.
Diacon.
silnya
(s) Hic dies unus fignificabat annum, quo ille poft vifionem acturus in feculo fuerat. Pontius D. ibid.
t) Quod verò ab eo dictum eft, Ego heri aſcendi ; tu verò hodie aſcendes : Significavit eum anno
ſuperiore fubiifle martyrium, me verò hoc anno effe fubiturum, & neci dandum. Ata Pal. S. Sadoth
de alior. in Coll. Theod. Ruinart.
volv'd
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
55

volv'd in this Uncertainty, and gave the Name of Tear to ſeveral Sorts of Revo-
lutions of Time, or determined Spaces thereof. (u) Fohn Malela, who in his Work
has copied more Ancient (w) Authors, ſays plainly, that they called a Day, Year.
The Day is a Period and Revolution ; and ſo it is an er tautos, a Year. From the
fame Author, and feveral (x) others we learn alſo, that they accounted a Month,
a Year. But (y) Cenforinus ſays, their old Years were of Two Months; but 'tis
doubtleſs a Fault either of the Author, or rather of the Copies
. He alſo, and (x)
Plutarch, and (a) Diodorus ſay, that Four Months, or a Seafon, were called a Year.
As for the Revolution of the Sun, which is done in that Space of Time which we
call a Year, 'twas called by them the Year of the Sun, or the Year of the God, as (b)
Horus Apollo ſays, and Cenforinus too, if he be underſtood right. But this way of
counting by Solar Years, was not us’d among them till they were put under Tri-
bute, as ſeveral (c) Authors ſay. By which we ſee, that the conſtant Account by
Solar Years can be no older than the Times of Foſeph, who firſt put that Nation
under Tribute. As for their other great Revolutions mention'd in many Authors,
they are not for our preſent Purpoſe. If we launch out among other Nations, we
ſhall find, that ſome Barbarians, as (d) Plutarch fays, had Years of Three Months ;
as alſo the Arcadians among the Greeks, if we may ſtand to the Teſtimony of (e)
Pliny and (f) Cenforinus. But Plutarch ſays, they made them of Four Months :
And theſe Two laft Authors ſay, the Carians and Acarnanians made their Years of
Six Months. By which we may fee, that the Word 'Evecuies muſt have been very
equivocal at firſt, even among the Greeks. Hence perhaps (8) Lycophron, who
affects old Ways, and was acquainted with Egyptian Notions, calls a full Year,
puézar aakõva, a great Year, becauſe there were leſs Years in Ancient Times. And in
this he is imitated by Virgil, who ſays, (h) Interea magnum fol circumvolvitur annum.
And therefore I ſhall leave it to be examin'd, whether Homer, who was ſaid to be an
Egyptian by the Ancients, as (i) Clemens Alexandrinus ſays, or born of Egyptian Pa
rents, as (k) others, in giving to that Word the Expoſition of (1) Adds desáns, has
not alluded to the Egyptian Stile mention'd before: And perhaps too in that of (m)
Tengopó, of, which Word commonly implies the Payment of Tribute. Thus alſo the
Romans thought, that the Year belongs to Fupiter, and the Months to Juno. The
Reaſon given by (n) Plutarch for it is, that as Fupiter and Funo reign over the in-
viſible and intellectual Gods, ſo the Sun and Moon, which make the Year and
Months, reign over the Viſible; and that they are not only. Images, but a&tually
united with them. Wherein that Author ſpeaks according to the Egyptian Notions.
For we ſee that (0)Timaus the Pythagorean, whoſe Philoſophy was of Egyptian Ex-
traction, makes Time, as meaſured by the Celeſtial Bodies, the viſible Type of the
inviſible Duration, as Heaven and the Celeſtial Bodies are of the Ideal World. As
therefore the Ambiguity of theſe Terms was obferv'd in the Language of the An-
cients ; fo 'tis likely, that the Egyptians, who fancied their Gods formerly dwelt
among Men, and ſertled the Rules of all Language, Plain and Symbolical, Sciences
and Arts, as indeed ſo they had, being mortal Men Deified ; and that they ſent
Dreams to Men in ſuch a Language as was peculiar to them, and agreeable to the
Ancient Stile ; did therefore conclude, that ſuch Expreſſions of Time were Myſtical
and Symbolical, which muſt be therefore taken otherwiſe than literally, and rather
TOTO
63. Cidades
bas
(u) oi ö ti's metodos os nues wv s s'étn 'ét housov. Joh. Mal. Chronogr. Lib. II. init. ex Palæphato.
(2) vid. Suid. V."HAG. "Hooso.
(x) Diodor. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 15. Varro apud Lactant. Lib. II. cap. 13. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VII.
cap. 48. Eudoxus apud Procl. in Tim. Platon. Lib. I. & alij.
(1) Cenſorin. de Die Nat. cap. 19.
(<) Plutarch. Vit. Numa Pompa (a) Diode
rus Sic. ibid. pag. 16. (6) Hor. Apoll. Hierogl. V.
(c) Palæphatus. Chron. Alex, Suidas V. "HAG. Joh. Malel.
(d) Plutarch. Vit. Numx. (e) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VII. cap. 48.
(f) Cenforin, de
Die Nat. cap. 19. (8) Lycophr. Alexandr. v. 1039.
(h) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
(i) Clem. Alex. Strom. I. pag. 130.
(6) Alexander Paphius apud Euftach. Vid. Barnef. in Odyff. M. v. 63.
(1) Homer. Iliad. B. v. 134. (m) Homer. Iliad. T. v.32, &c. Odyſf. A. v. 86.
in Plur. Qu. Rom. pag. 251.
Ου γδ ω ωεο κόσμω άςρα" διόπερ α' ενιαυτός. δ' ώραν αδειοδοι, αίς μετρία3 γλωνατος χρόνο
ούτΘ.εικών και ότι το αλωνάτω χρόνω, όν αιώνα ποθαρρδομες. ως ου ποτ' αΐδιον Φράδειγμα η ιδα-
γικόν κόσμον όδε ωεανός ευνάθη, έτως ώς ωeός είδαγμα ή αιώνα και μόνο σαν κόσμο έδαμιερ-
gh gn. T'imzus Locr, de An. Mund. Vid. Platon. Timæ. pag. 489.
by
56 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

by the Rule of Proportion, to be determined by the Circumſtances. Thus if Days
were mentioned of a Matter of great Importance and Duration, they muſt be ex-
plain’d by Solar Years: If Years were ſpoken of a mean Subject, as of the Perſons of
Men, and ſeem'd to be above Proportion, they muſt be explain’d of fo many Diurnal
Years, or common Days. This is evidently the Principle of Artemidorus, who finds
Myſteries in all Numbers, and all Expreſſions determining Spaces of Time. Upon
this alſo are grounded Foſeph's Expoſitions upon the Dreams of the chief Butler and
chief Baker. For otherwiſe Three Branches ſhould rather fignify Three diſtinct
Springs, or Solar Tears, as the Seven Ears of Corn in Pharaoh's Dream portended
Seven diſtinct Crops, and by Conſequence Seven Solar Years. But the Subject Mat-
ter altered the Property. Pharaoh's Dream concern’d the whole Nation, the King
being a Repreſentative of the People : But the chief Butler's Dream only concernd
his own perſon. Though it may be ſaid of Joſeph, that he was an inſpired Perfon,
yet his Interpretations are all conformable to the Principles and Rules of the Sym-
bolical Language.
80. This brings me to a Second Obſervation, which will not only ſerve as an Ar-
gument to prove what I am upon ; but will alſo ſet this Practice in a plainer Light.
Tis fetch'd from the manner of Predictions, or the Nature of Prophetical Viſions,
A Prophecy concerning future Events, though it contains the Hiſtory of future. Acti-
ons, yet it is very different in one point from the Hiſtory of Times paſt. An
Hiſtorian ſets out the Matters he relates in proper Words, ſuch as we expreſs our
Conceptions by, and therefore ſhews the full Extent of the Things acted, becauſe his
Words are adequate to our Notions: But a Prophecy is a Picture or Repreſentation
of the Events in Symbols; which being fetch'd from Objects viſible at one View, or
Caſt of the Eye, rather repreſent the Events in Miniarure, than full Proportion;
giving us more to underſtand than what we fee. This is therefore a conſtant Rule
in all Myſtical Repreſentations, authoriz’d by the Obſervation of Sacred and Pro-
phane Authors. For undoubtedly this is the Meaning of our inſpired Orators, when
they call the Types, Shadows and Images ; but the Antitypes, Body and Subſtance.
From whence it comes that Origen, an Author well skilled in theſe Matters, has
made this Obſervation; “ That (P) all Symbols and Types, in Compariſon of the
true and intellectual Things, are little and terreſtrial.” And this is even true in
the (9) Myſtical Symbols of the Chriſtian Religion, in our Baptiſm and Commu-
nion; whoſe Symbols are infinitely below the Majeſty and Value of the Things re-
preſented by them. Upon this Ground, when Porphyry from the myſtical Symbols
of the Egyptians, inferr'd indecent Things of the Objects of their Worſhip, (r) Fam-
blichus retorts upon him from this Principle in a Chapter, which may be conſulted ;
the Subſtance of which is laid down by D. Gale, in his Notes thereupon to this
Purpoſe : That “ there is the ſame Order in Theurgy as there is in Demiurgy; but
that Theurgy is deficient in the Adequation of the Repreſentation: All Things there-
in being more languid and imperfečt." Tis true that in the Apocalyptical Pro-
phecies, the Oracle annex'd frequently ſupplies that Defect, when there are Celeſtial
and Divine Matters repreſented and thele Oracles give us to underſtand in ſome
Meaſure what thoſe Things really are: But yet even in them the Apparition ſeems
circumfcrib°d within a narrow Compaſs ; and its Extent is rather ſupplied than ex-
preſsd, rather underſtood than ſeen. But then in moſt Caſes, and about the politick
State of the World, the Oracle it ſelf generally follows the Analogy or Decorum of
the Symbols, and ſo keeps on in the Allegory and Proportion of the Vifion : For it
would be monſtrous and indecent to deſcribe a Beaſt ravaging during the Space of
Twelve Hundred and Sixty Years; or a Witneſs, which is a Man, Propheſying fo
Tong; a Woman dwelling in the Wildernefs ſo many Years. Therefore, that the
Duration of the Events may be repreſented in Terms ſuitable to the Symbols of the
Vifions, 'tis reaſonable to expect, that the Symbols of Duration be alſo drawn in
00
CC
(Φ) Πάνθάτε τα συμβολικα και τυπικα, συγκρίσει σ' αληθινών και νοητών και μικρά όξι και επίγεια. Ori-
gen. de Orat. Parr. I. S. 43.
(9) Si enim facramenta quandam fimilitudinem earum rerum quarum facramenta ſunt non haberent,
omnino ſacramenta non effent. Ex hac autem fimilitudine plerunque etiam ipſarum rerum nomina ac-
cipiunt. Auguſtin. Epift. ad Bonifac. Epift. XXIII
..
- (1) Idem eft ordo in Theurgia, qui eft in Demiurgia : fed Theurgia deficit in repræſentandi adæqua.
tione omnia quippe Janguidiora funt & imperfectiora. Th. Gale Not. in Jamblich. ibid.
Minia-
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 57

2
Miniature, or in a proportionable Arithmetick to the Symboles of the Event, which
are alſo drawn in Miniature. So that as a Lion, a Leopard, or a Bear, may repreſent
vaſt Empires, and a Woman the whole Church, and the like ; ſo 'tis more proporti-
onable to the Nature of thoſe Things, that are thus us'd for Symbols, to expreſs
their Acts by ſuch ſhort Meaſures of Time, as bear the ſame Proportion to the Du-
ration of that great Event, which is repreſented by ſuch ſmall Matters. And thus a
Day may imply a Year, becauſe that ſhort Revolution of the
Sun bears the ſame Pro-
portion to the Yearly, as thoſe Types to the Antitypes. Extent ånd Duration are
both Quantities of the ſame Kind, and commonly in Animals are ſuitable to each
other. The one is continual, the other divided and fuccellive. If therefore 'tis pro-
per in the Symbolical Language to repreſent the Extent of Things in Miniature, why
ſhall we think it improper to repreſent their Duration in a proportionable Manner,
by Revolutions ſhorter in Proportion than the Duration of the Event repre-
ſented ?
81. Nay, the Holy Ghoſt in this Prophecy is more reſerv'd in uſing Liberty, and
taking all the Latitude in theſe Matters, which the Principles and Practice of the
Symbolical Language allow. For it would be no Soleciſm therein to uſe Obje&ts of
extended Quantity to repreſent Time, which is only ſucceſſive. I have Examples of
that too, both ſacred and prophane. In the Dream of Pharaoh's Chief Buttler, the
Three Branches of the Vine are explain’d by Foſeph to fignify Three Days. In that
of the Chief Baker, the Three Baskets fignified Three Days. In the Dreams of
Pharaoh, the Seven good Kine and the Seven lean Kine portended fo many Years of
Plenty and Famine after it ; as alſo the Seven good Ears, and the Seven bad Ears of
Corn. So likewiſe in the Statue of Nabuchodonofor, the Proportion and Order of the
Members fignifies the Order of Succeſſion and Time : The Head begins, and ſignifies
the Babylonian Monarchy ; and fo on to the Legs, Feet and Toes, ſignifying the laſt
tyrannical Powers exerciſing Cruelty againſt the Saints and Church of God. Thus
alſo in the Portentum exhibited to the Greeks in Aulis, and there explain'd by Cal-
chas; (s) as Homer reports it, the Eight young Birds with the Mother, which is the
Ninth, being ſwallow'd up by a Dragon, who is after that turn'd into a Stone, figni-
fy that the Greeks ſhould ſpend Nine Years in their War againſt Troy, and that in the
Tenth Year they ſhould take the Town. There is ſuch another in (t) Virgil ; where
we find a white Sow farrowing Thirty white Pigs. This Omen is explain’d to ſignify
the Building of the City Alba longa within Thirty Years. So Dionyſius underſtands
the Story, and the Poet's Words will bear that Senſe : But Tib. Donatus on that
Place, and (u) Servius elſewhere , underſtand it thus ; that Aſcanius ſhould reign
Thirty Years in Alba longa. Either Way 'tis equal to my Purpoſe : For however the
Pigs fignify Years, much after the fame Manner as Pharaoh's Kine. In the ſame Man-
ner (w) Silius Italicus ſets down an Augurium of an Hawk purſuing and killing Fif-
teen Doves ; and whilſt he was ſtooping upon another, an Eagle comes and forces the
Hawk away. This is there explain’d of Hannibal's waſting Italy during Sixteen Years,
and his being driven away by Scipio. And Virgil himſelf has an optimum figmentum,
as Servius calls it, of a (x) Serpent which by Seven Foldings did repreſent the Seven
Years of the Wandrings of Æneas. I ſay therefore, that the
Holy Ghoſt has not made
uſe of the full Liberty of the Symbolical Method ; we find in the Revelation no Sym-
bols of that Sort. But in taking Days for Tears, or Months and Years of Days for
Months and Years of ſo many a&tual Revolutions of the Sun, as there are Days in thoſe
Months and Tears usd ſymbolically ; the Holy Ghoſt has made this Prophecy much
more eaſy to be interpreted, and with much more Certainty. For to ſuch Symbols as
Pharaoh's Dreams contain, and the like, we ſhould ſtill want a Foſeph, or a Daniel, in-
ſpired Men, to give us their Interpretation; or elſe we muſt rely upon bold Conjectures.
82. The Arguments and Obſervations already made, fhew fufficiently the Reaſona-
bleneſs of the Practice of the Holy Ghoſt in uſing Days fymbolically to fignify Years.
But becauſe we find that the Holy Ghoſt has not always followed that Method exa&tly,
but varied fo the Uſe of Symbolical Terms of Time, as once or twice to have uſed
2
cla od
(s) Homer. Iliad. B. v. 308. Vid. M. T. Cic. de Divinar. Lib. II.
(t) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. VIII. v. 42.
u) Servius Honorat. in Virgil Æneid. Lib. III. v. 39º.
(x) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. Y.
hogy blog A
Q
im Sil. Italic. de Bello Punic. Lib. IV.
yd
Days,
58 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.

Days, and a ſmall Part of a Day, ſuch as is Half an Hour, to ſignify each much
above a Solar Year ; and beſides, in one Vifion of the Millennium, has us'd the Word
Years, as we believe and explain, in an exact and litteral Senſe : The next Obſervati-
on that we ſhall make, is to give, not only a full Account of this, but alſo further,
to ſatisfy thoſe who may be apt to fay, Might not the Holy Ghoſt inſtead of uſing
ſometimes the Symbolical Way, have expreſſed every where the Number of Years in
that Senſe of the Word, as we commonly underſtand it ? To this I anſwer, firſt,
That Men ſhould be eafy under theſe Difficulties, which for want of Patience to con-
ſider them throughly, ſeem to be Abſurdities. To make us eaſy and patient, we ought
to conſider the general Deſign of God, in granting us the Favour to diſcover fome-
thing of his Deſigns. No Diſcovery therein is full
, till the Accompliſhment. Theſe
ſeeming Abſurdities are not all irregular, but an Effect of the greateſt Art and Me-
thod. The Principle upon which they are grounded is but one and conſtant ; though
the Pra&tice is full of Varieties. Therefore Prophecies muſt in one Senſe be ſtill My-
kteries, till the Time of the Accompliſhment, which reveals all perfectly : for then
we may pitch exactly upon all the Circumſtances of the Prophecy and Event, and ad-
juſt them together, like Two Tallies or Indentures. The Prophecies are given us to
ſtrengthen our Faith, and raiſe our Hopes ; and at the fame Time our Attention and
Diligence to pry into the Myſteries of the Divine Providence, which God has thought
fit before to diſcover to us in fome Meaſure; and the reſt is to be found out by Study
and Diligence. Therefore a Bleſſing is pronounc'd upon the Reading and Under-
ſtanding of this admirable Prophecy; and Exhortations are made therein, to make
us ſtrive to gain that Wiſdom, which conſiſts in diſcovering ſome ſpecial Myſteries
therein. Theſe are ſufficient Indications, that the Holy Ghoſt intended the (y) Pro-
phecy ſhould not without diligent Study become plain, even to thoſe who muſt pro-
fit thereby.
83. In the next Place, whatever the Holy Ghoſt might have done, as ſometimes
where it was abſolutely neceffary, conſidering the Circumſtances of God's People, to
ſpeak plainly, the Prophets have accordingly expreſs'd the exa&t Number of Years
literally ; yet fince this is abſolutely dependant upon the Choice of the Holy Ghoſt,
and that the Holy Ghoſt ſhews theſe Prophetical Vifions in Symbolical Characters,
there are ſome Caſes wherein the Strain of the Viſion, and the Decorum of the Sym-
bols require another Method. So that the Holy Ghoſt is as it were oblig’d by the
Analogy of the Cortex, or Letter of the Symbols
, to keep within the Bounds and
Terms of an exact Allegory: And therefore to ſuit the Terms of Duration to the Ex-
tent and natural Diſpoſition, or Properties of the Matters usºd as Symbols. As this
deſerves Explanation, becauſe it fully refolves all the Difficulties in this Matter ; fo I
ſhall Evidently do it, by producing all the Examples which are to be found in the
whole Prophecy. And theſe we ſhall find are not many. For fince my Buſineſs is to
explain this Prophecy, and fo to make the Expoſition thereof eaſy, and at the ſame
Time the Demonſtration as full as poſſible: Therefore, as I have ſtudied to reduce
all into a Syſtem of certain Principles, fo to make it eaſy, I think it proper to bring
all the Difficulties into a narrow Compaſs; and thoſe to fo ſhort and few Iſſues, as
the Matters will bear. Upon this View, all the Symbols determining Spaces of Time
in this Prophecy may be reduced to Four, one of which will further admit of a
Subdiviſion into Two.
84. The firſt Symbol determining a Space of Time, ſhews abundantly the great Ne-
cellity, to follow the Decorum of the main Symbols. This is the Half Hour of Si-
lence in Heaven. Every one may ſee, that the Holy Ghoſt was here tied up to the
Symbol, or Practice of the Mofaical Tabernacle and Temple : But as I have ſhewn
it plainly, that this fignifies the Liberty which the Primitive Church enjoy'd after the
Perfecutions, to pray to God publickly, and without any War or Oppoſition from
Paganiſm ; and that this Space of Time, or Half Hour, is plainly determined by the
confequent Preparation to Alarms by the Seven Trumpets ; 'tis plain that this Half
Hour fignifies all the Time that the Church was protected by the Chriſtian Emperors
to ſerve God publickly, till Corruptions coming on, God thought fit to have that
Empire diffolv'd, of which Notice is given by the Alarms of the Trumpets: And
10
UN
808
"Ωδε γδ ηος Βίλες ανθρώποις βιδέα θέσφατοι φαινειν Μαιοσύνης, ίνα κρί η θεών χαθέ-
00 01 vócrco Apollon, Rhod. Argonaut. Lib. II. v. 314,
by
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 59

by Conſequence the Half Hour ſignifies all the Time running between Conſtantine the
Great, fince he declared himſelf a Chriſtian, and Protector of the Church, to the
Death of Theodoſius the Great, that is, about One Hundred Years. Here is then an
huge Space of Time, as to us, couched under the Symbol of an Half Hour, without
any Proportion of the Symbol to the Event, which is wholly to be determined by the
conſequent Circumſtances. So that here you ſee what it is to be bound to the De-
corum of Symbols; and the Alluſion of the Holy Ghoſt to a Jewiſh Precedent, forms
an unexpected Symbol of Time, no ways proportion’d to the Time of the Event
foreſeen; which therefore can be only determined by the Event
. But if it be ob-
jested, that this is a ſort of begging the Queſtion, and that thus we do not give a
certain Interpretation of all the Symbols, becauſe we ſeem to fail in this one : I ſay
this is too hard upon any Interpreter of theſe dark Myſteries, to require, after he
has adjuſted all other Matters together, that he may not conje&ture about the Mean-
ing of one ſingle Symbol, which by the jumping in of all the reſt with the Event,
fails in this way very handſomly. When Matters are once come to that, 'tis to be
hop'd few Men will diſſent from him. But ſtill I have ſomething more preciſe in
this Matter ; and if we cannot ſhew the Proportion of this Half Hour to the Event,
as we have done to the reſt of the Symbols in Concert with it, to which it is moſt
certainly ſuited : Yet we can give other Reaſons, that this Symbol is here propor-
tioned to the Event, in reſpect of other Events, to which the Holy Ghoſt deſign d it
ſhould be compar'd.
85. In order to make this out, it muſt be obſerv'd that the inſpired Writers of
the New Teſtament give us Notice, that we have no remaining City, no full Reſt
or Sabbatiſm, but that the Church and its Members muſt conſtantly expect Perſecu-
tion, till Chriſt has fubdued his and their Enemies. However, as God thought fit
to give fome Reſpite to the Church after the cruel Perſecution, which is deſcrib'd ar
the opening of the Fifth Seal, and for which Way was made at the opening of the
Sixth by the Fall of the Pagan Power, this Reſpite is accordingly fulfilled at the open-
ing of the Seventh by the Interceſſion of God's High-Steward, in ſtopping the Winds
or Wars againſt them ; during which Time they have publick Liberty to pray in the
Temple. But that they may not be ſecure, it muſt not be long neither : And there-
fore the Holy Ghoſt ſtints the Duration of that Liberty to pray for Half an Hour ;
and then Preparation is made for freſh Alarms by the founding of the Trumpets.
Now this ſhort Reſt, which is nevertheleſs deſcrib'd by ſome Symbols fo Majeſtick,
that moſt Interpreters have already taken it for the Everlaſting Reft, or at leaſt the
Millenary, is chiefly by this Symbol of the Half Hour, together with ſome few
other more ſlender Circumſtances, diſtinguiſhed from them; and therefore in Com-
pariſon of the triumphant State of the Millennium, and the Everlaſting Reſt of the
Saints after the general Reſurrection, is but as an Half Hour, a very Thort Space of
Time. If the Holy Ghoſt had us'd the Symbol of an Hour ; that Term is of ſuch a
Latitude in Holy Writ, that in ſome Places it implies whole Ages: For the Ex-
preſſion Your Hour, and the Power of Darkneſs, are Synonymous in Luke xxii. 53:
is
.
an Hour is a limited Term, and implies a ſhort Duration; and ſo is that Time of the
Churches Reſt, in reſpect of the great Sabbatiſm, the Reſt of God, the Millennium,
and the Everlaſting Rett of the Saints. In this Caſe therefore, we muſt come to the
ftanding Principle of Analogy; the Conſideration of the Circumſtances is to be the
only Guide to ſettle this Term, and to adjuſt it to the Event, by giving us the true
Rule of theſe Proportions.
по
Deco
86. The Second Symbol of Time, mention’d by the Holy Ghoſt, is the Five
Months of the Locults to torment Men. This Term is abſolutely ſuitable to the
whole Allegory. The natural Locuſts are obſerv'd to laſt no longer ; that is, as to
their ravaging the Fruits of the Earth ; and even when they do ſo, 'tis thought a
great while ; for frequently they do not laſt ſo long. Now God having decreed,
thar Enemies ſhould ravage Chriſtendom like Locuſts, and deſigning beforehand to
give Warning of that Plague under that Allegory, but that it ſhould not be perpe-
tual
, and fo not to proceed to Extremities, has therefore limited the Power of ra-
vaging to the Term of One Hundred and Fifty Years. Thus the Symbols and the
Event
have the fame Proportions, both as to their Qualities and the Duration of their
Power to Deſtroy and Ravage. But if Locufts were repreſented as laſting One Hun-
dred and Fifty Years, this would make a monſtrous Appearance : But when once we
conceive,
60
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.

conceive that ſuch Inſects as the Locuſts, may very well repreſent vaſt Armies of
ravaging Enemies; and on the other Hand, that Five Months, or One Hundred and
Fifty Days, underſtood literally of Men ravaging, can make no ſuch intolerable Tor-
ment, as thoſe are repreſented to produce, we may eaſily imagine, that there is alſo
a Myſtery in thoſe Five Months. And fince the daily Revolutions of the Sun may
repreſent ſo many of its Yearly Revolutions, we find immediately that all is in a due
Proportion, and we need no Compulſion to oblige us to aſſent to ſuch an Expoſition
of the Symbols, when the Event concurs with it.
87. The Third Term expreſſed in Prophetical Symbols, is that which determines
the Duration of the perſecuted State of the true Church. Theſe Symbols muſt be
diſtinguiſhed into Two Sorts; and therefore I ſhall ſpeak of them ſeparately. Firſt
then, it will be obferv'd, and proved in its proper Place, that all theſe Symbols of
the firſt Sort are fetch'd from the Hiſtory of Elias and Jezabel, and that the Term
of that perſecuted State of the Church is
, as to the literal Expreſſions, the very fame
as the Term of the long Drought, during the Concealment of Elias, and the Per-
ſecution of the other Prophets of the Lord, who repreſented our Martyrs their true
Succeſſors. So that the Holy Ghoſt is as it were bound to thoſe Expreſſions of the
Term of Time, by the Decorum of the main Symbol. The fame Term is expreſs'd feve-
ral Ways in Alluſion to ſeveral Parts of the ſame, or the like State. And ſo we find
the Term of Three Years and an half, ſometimes expreſſed by Forty Two Months,
and ſometimes by Twelve Hundred and Sixty Days, and ſometimes by Three Sea-
ſons and a half. 'Tis true, that the Forty Two Months may allude allo to another
Thing, of which I have taken Notice in its proper Place : But the Reaſon of it is
this, that the Jewiſh principal Type of the Hiſtory of Elias, was not ſufficient to re-
preſent all the Latitude and Variety of Events in the like State of the Chriſtian
Church, which is of far greater Extent than that Oeconomy. For which Reaſon the
Holy Ghoſt has fetch'd from ſome other Parts of that Oeconomy Symbols, which
bore an Analogy to the Fates and State of the Church ; and has made up thus the
Deficiency of the principal Type, by complicating ſome other proper Symbols fetch'd
from the fame Oeconomy. The like is practis'd in ſeveral other places. But all
this is very ſuitable to the Rules of the Symbolical Character ; and creates no Diffi-
culty or Confuſion in the Expoſition.
88. But how ſhall we bring the Three Days and a half of the Witneſſes lying
unburied, to fignify preciſely the ſame Term of Time, as the One Thouſand Two
Hundred and Sixty Days; for ſo we ſhall explain it, having ſufficient Authority from
the Text for ſo doing? This is therefore what we may call a Symbol involu'd : For
which Reaſon I ſhall treat of it diſtinctly. And firſt we ſee plainly in this Cafe like-
wiſe, that the Holy Ghoſt was tied to the Decorum of the main Symbol of a dead
Body, that will keep no longer unburied without Corruption. But as God did de-
fign to fhew, that what is fignified by the Dying of the Witneſſes, was not defign'd
to imply, that what is repreſented by the propheſying of the Witneſſes, ſhould come
to an utter Ceffation ; ſo it was neceſſary, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould to that Pur-
poſe employ a Symbol, which being ſuited to the former Symbols of Slaughter and
dead Bodies, might imply their Continuation in that State without Corruption. Thus
far all is right. It follows next that we fhew,, upon what Principles this Symbol
thus involv'd is us’d, and how it muſt be evolv'd. This indeed looks like a knotty
Queſtion : But I believe my Principles to be true and ſolid, becauſe they are fruitful,
and ſufficient to explicate all Difficulties
. Symbols and Types are frequently like a
Neſt of Boxes, one within another. We cannot reach to the laſt Antitype, before we
have found the intermediate. This was conſtantly obſerv’d in all thoſe Prophecies of
Events in the Mofaical Diſpenſation, which were themſelves Types of Events in the
Chriſtian. Even in the Revelation, fome Symbols repreſent celeltial and other invifi-
ble Matters, which are ideal Originals of viſible and terreſtrial Matters ; and by Force
of the Union between thoſe States reſpectively, the Types repreſent them both, as I
have before obſerv'd. And now, why may not, in the fame Männer, theſe Three Days
and a half repreſent a great Orbis or Term of Years, made up of ſo many Solar
Years, as there are Days in thoſe Solar Years, which are involv'd in theſe prophetical
Days ? Eſpecially fince the Text is plain enough, that theſe prophetical Three Days
and a half are fynchronal and adequate to the Three Seaſons and a half, and the
Twelve Hundred And Sixty Days; the Matters implied by the main Symbols being
abſolutely ſynchronal. Thus in the Number of the Beaſt there is to be found a Name,
a Cha-

A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE. 61
a Character, and a Number expreſſing the Intention of the whole, all included into
one : So that from the Number we muſt find out the Character ; from the Character
we muſt find out the Name, and from the Name we muſt find out the Beaſt, which
has impos’d that Number upon ſpecial Views. Nay, ſome of the former Symbols
of this very Claſs are likewiſe involv’d, tho' not ſo much, and in ſuch a Way as this.
The Twelve Hundred and Sixty Days are indeed explicite, and fignify directly fo ma-
ny Solar Years ; but the Three Seaſons and a half, and the Forty Two Months , muſt
firſt fuffer an Evolution, becauſe they are to be firſt reſolved into the Twelve Hundred
and Sixty Days, which each of them reſpectively contains ; and thoſe Days thus
evolved ſignify ſo many Solar Years. Wherein however there is a proportional Rela-
tion obſerv’d, of the very fame Progreſſion as in the more involved Symbol of Three
Days and a half ; the Twelve Hundred and Sixty Days, which is the middle Term,
being equally, or at leaſt, proportionably diſtant from the Twelve Hundred and Sixty
Years, -as they are from the Three Days and a half, which are the Two Ex-
treams: That is, Three Days and a half bear the ſame Proportion and Relation
to the Thee Seaſons and a half, as thoſe Three Seaſons and a half bear to the
Twelve Hundred and Sixty Solar Years, or the prophetical Seaſons to the Term of
Time belonging to the Event. For in the making of theſe Evolutions we have plain
Indications, that the conſtant Method of the Holy Ghoſt in exhibiting Terms of
Time concerning political Bodies, which are involvd, is always in ſuch a Manner,
that Months and Seaſons are to be evolv’d into Days, and that Days are to be evolv'd
into Solar Years : And that therefore this is the Rule of Proportion for the myſtical
Involutions and Evolutions of the Holy Ghoſt, which concern Time, or Spaces of
Time, laid down in myſtical Numbers. For though as to the Line of Time, of
which we now treat, we have not that full Certainty, which ariſes from the full Ac-
compliſhment , becauſe the Time is not yet run out, and ſo we want alſo the Ac-
compliſhment of fome ſubſequent Event, which might ſerve to confirm it ſtill more:
Yet the Rule is confirm'd in the Evolution made of the Five Months of the Locuſts
into One Hundred and Fifty Days, and of thoſe Days into ſo many Solar Years. For
the Accompliſhment of that Prediction is ſet in ſo clear a Light, that I believe no
folid Obječtion can be made againſt it. On which Account I preſume to lay it down
as a ſtanding Precedent for ſuch Symbolical Terms of Time in this Prophecy.
89. We need not to wonder at this Practice, becauſe thoſe Nations, which invent-
ed and admitted the Symbolical Language, were at the ſame Time ſtudious of all
Sorts of Queſtions in Geometry, and Numbers many Ways conſidered ; about which
they form’d Problems and Queſtions like Myſteries, propoſing them to be reſolv'd, to
Thew the Penetration and Wiſdom of the Inventor, and to try thoſe of the Reſolver ;
and by conſequence they muſt be well acquainted with ſuch İnvolutions and Evoluti-
ons. But further we muſt here obſerve by the by, that as there are different Propor-
tions according to the different kinds of Quantity, in plain Numbers or Arithmetick,
in Geometry or extended Quantity, in Harmony or Sounds; all which are different
from each other, but ſuch as may be demonſtrated in plain Numbers, with reſpect
to the Nature of each of thoſe Proportions, as they all know who are acquainted.
with thoſe Parts of the Mathematicks : So there are particular Proportions and Ways
to find them out in Symbolical Numbers ; that is, myſtical or Prophetical Chrono-
logy ; which therefore conſtitute a ſpecial Kind of Proportion unknown to our preſent
Mathematicians. There is a progreſſive Relation between Arithmetick, Geometry,
Aſtrology, or as we now ſpeak, Aſtronomy, and Harmony. Arithmetick conſiders
the Relation and Progreſs of Numbers; Geometry adds to this the Confideration of
extended Quantity, and the Proportions of the Diviſions thereof to each other. Aſtro-
logy conſiders the Motions of the ſeveral Parts of the World, eſpecially the Heavenly
Bodies, and the Meaſures of Time wherein thoſe Motions are made; Harmony conſi,
ders the Sounds which are made by the ſtriking of certain Bodies againſt others, and
compares the Vibrations which that mutual Striking cauſes in the Air ; and finds to
accord in a mixt Proportion between the Arithemical and Geometrical. "Tis not our
Buſineſs to conſider theſe Arithmetical, Geometrical, and Harmonical Proportions
But the Aſtrological or Aſtronomical muſt come under our Conſideration in one Senſe,
but different from that wherein our Mathematicians employ their Study. They con-
ſider the Quantities, Diſtances and Motions of the heavenly Bodies, with Reſpect to
each other, and the Quantities of Time which thoſe Bodies take in their Motions,
and they endeavour to meaſure thoſe Times and their Proportions. Theſe they find
may be aſcertain'd by proper Involutions and Evolutions. But our Buſineſs is not to
R

con-
62 A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E.
conſider thoſe Proportions with Reſpect to each other, but to the Time of human
Life, and more ſtrictly in our Cafe to that of the Life of political Bodies, which,
as we ſhew elſewhere, have alſo their proper Life or Duration. Therefore we com-
pute and argue thus : As natural Locuſts bear a due Proportion to Five Months, or
One Hundred and Fifty Days; fo a Body Politick of Rovers to One Hundred and
Fifty Years. And ſo of the reſt
. What Error is there in this ? However, as ſuch
a Speculation is not common, ſo it requires to be illuſtrated by other Inſtances,
at leaſt of the like Nature. Thus to give an Inſtance in another part of the myſti-
cal Way, ſuch as the Fewiſh Cabala is, which undoubtedly firſt aroſe in Egypt ; who,
that is acquainted with the ſeveral Parts of it, but more particularly the Theoremati-
cal, ſuch as Gematria, Notaricon, and Temourah, which afford each other Help in
complicated Propoſitions, does not ſee that there is a various Progreſs in finding out
the Proportions and Relations of Things, quite different from any other of the Ma-
thematical Ways. Now Learned Men have not only obſerv'd already, that the Holy
Ghoſt alludes, and argues ſometimes upon Cabbaliſtical Notions, but we have alſo
prov'd it in our Commentary ; and therefore ſuch an Inſtance is proper in our Caſe.
For indeed the other Part of the Cabbala, called Practical, is the very fame as Magick,
which I have hinted before, is an Hieroglyphical or Symbolical Science. But to give
an Inſtance even in the Myſtical or Prophetical Chronology; (2) Artemidorus has given
us an Account of ſeveral Ways to reſolve theſe Symbolical Numbers of Time in
Dreams, there being but few Caſes in which they are to be taken literally. As to the
Symbolical, he gives us ſeveral Methods to reſolve them, that is, to find their Propor-
tions, which are very different from each other : And yet all his Ways are only with
Reſpect to human Life, and the Proportion of it; not to political Bodies. I might
here give an Account of theſe for Satisfa&tion in the Matter, but it would carry me
too far now, when I am juſt coming to a Concluſion; ſo that 'tis more proper to re-
fer the kind Reader to the Author himſelf, the Meaning of whoſe Reaſonings will
now more eaſily be underſtood, by what I have ſaid on this Subject ; whereas other-
wiſe thoſe Reaſonings would appear to be very fantaſtical and groundleſs. But whe-
ther true or falſe, they ſhew the Notions and Practice of this Myſtical Chronology, as
their other Expoſitions of Symbols, whoſe Method the Holy Ghoſt follows. For tho'
their Predictions thereupon were all vain, thoſe of the Holy Ghoſt cannot deceive us :
And in this Caſe we only infiſt upon the Manner and Precedent, not the Matter or
Truth of the Prediction. And that Author is ſo much the more to be valued, becauſe
he ſeems to me to have taken his Maxims from fome Egyptian or Chaldean Maſters,
whoſe Works being now loft, theſe make up the Deficiency. But, as I ſaid juſt now,
thoſe Rules of myſtical Chronology made by that Author, only concern and are ad-
Juſted to the Proportion of human Life ; whereas thoſe in the Revelation and its In-
terpretation are to be ſuited to political Bodies: And ſo we muſt ſtretch the Propor-
tions much further with a view to their Circumſtances. Of this too we have a very
remarkable Inſtance in (2) Cenforinus, who out of Varro tells us, that Vettius an emi-
nent Augur, concluded from the Auſpicium of the Twelve Vultures ſeen by Romulus,
that ſeeing the Roman People had paſſed over One Hundred and Twenty Years, they
might reach to One Thouſand Two Hundred. By which 'tis evident, that he under-
ſtood this Auſpicium thus applied to the Foundation of a City, as being apt to fignify
one Way an Orbis of Ten Years for each Vulture : But that upon View of other Cir-
cumſtances, thoſe Ten Years might, by a further Evolution into 'Ten each, fignify
Twelve Hundred, or each Vulture a Century. And yet this Orbis of Ten Years, in
Reſpect of the Sun's Courſe, might be applied to a Man's Life upon View of the Cir-
cumſtances, by the fame Principle as we find the Magicians did interpret it in the
Dream of Cyrus, as (b) Tully relates it out of the Perſian Hiſtory of Dinon, And that
the Roman Augurs and Diviners had a Notion of ſuch (c) Periods or Revolutions of
bas





(v) Artemidor. Onirocrit. Lib. II. cap. 75. ut fupr.
(a) Cenſorin. de Die Natal. Cap. XVII.
ro) Quid ego, quæ magi Cyro illi principi interpretati funt, ex Dinonis Perſicis libris proferam?
Nam cum dormienti ei fol ad pedes vifus effet, ter eum ſcribit fruftra apperiviffe manibus, cum ſe con-
volvens fol elaberetur & abiret : ei magos dixiffe, quod genus ſapientum & doctorum habebatur in
Perfis, ex triplici appetitione folis, xxx annos Cyrum regnaturum effe portendi. Quod ita contigit
.
M. T. Cic, de Divinat. Lib. 1.
(C) M. T. Cic. in Catalin. III. Fatalem hunc effe annum, &c. Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. II. cap. 47, 48.
Vid. Sery. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. VII. Nec fata vetabant, &c. col. 1325. & col
. 864, 1181, 1252.
Time,
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURS E. 63

Time, will fully appear to any one who will give himſelf the Trouble to conſult the
Paſſages of Tully and Seneca, which are noted in the Margin. So likewiſe the (d) 04
nirocriticks. The Reaſon of this muſt be, that in old Times the Aſtrologers, being
Magicians, had reduced the Revolutions of the Sun into certain Cycles, not grounded
upon exact Obſervations in Aſtronomy, but myſtical Notions and Numbers
. The
Tartars of Cathay and Eastern Turks obſerve ſtill a (e) Cycle of Twelve Years, which
one may ſuſpect had at firſt ſuch an Origin, by the very Names it has. Thus alſo
with Reſpect to the whole world and its Duration, the Feves had a Notion of a great
Year conſiſting, as (f) Foſephus informs us, of Six Hundred Years ; in which it is
evident, that they took the Period of a Jubilee, or Fifty Years, for one great Month
of the great Year : So that with a view to the Six Thouſand Years of the World's
Duration, as they ſuppoſed, they accounted theſe great Years as fo many Generations
or Periods. But in another View, that is, of the Creation of the World being a
Symbol of its Duration, theſe Generations are compriz’d in Six Thouſand Years, of
which each Millennium becomes a Day, as we ſhall Thew in another Place : And alſo
that the Tuſcans had ſome Knowledge of theſe Millennial Periods. By this we may
anſwer thar flurting Objection of (8) Tully againſt the Interpretation of Calchas, thar
the Birds fignified ſo many Years. For it is now evident, that he took ic of Years
rather than Months or Days, becauſe Years were proportionable to the Event in Que-
ſtion, and the Way of managing Wars in thoſe Days. By this then we fee, that the
Rule of Proportion is to be fram'd upon the Circumſtances. And as theſe Numbers
are the moft abftrufe Symbols, and ſubject to more myſtical Evolutions ; ſo we muſt
proceed therein with a ſuitable Caution and Study. In ſhort theſe Things are My-
Iteries ; and ſo they require Meditation, which I would rather beg of the Reader,
than uſe any more Profufion of Words, to explain that, of which (h) ſufficient Hints
are given already to a thinking Man.
90. The Fourth Term of Time found in the Revelation, is that of the Millen-
nium. Some will think, that this is rather an Objection to our Principles, than a
proper Inſtance to prove them: Becauſe in this we take the Words in a literal Senſe
to fignify juſt a Thouſand Years. But I conceive, that ſuch an Expofition is very con-
fiſtent with them. For, as I have hinted before, thoſe that deal in ſuch Matters, own
there are Occaſions, wherein the Terms of Time may be taken as they lie: And in
this Caſe we have ſufficient Reaſons for ſo doing. Firſt, becauſe we obſerve, that
when the Holy Ghoſt comes to treat of this Term, or Line of Time, there is a re-
markable Change in the Stile and Manner of the Expreſſions. For when the Holy
Ghoſt treated of the diſtreſſed State of the Church, the Expreſſions, which are there
us'd to determine the Duration of it, have a more Symbolical Aſpeet. Symbolical
Years are there called xoreon, Seafons, but the Term of the Millennium is called
génic léta, a Thouſand Years. In ſo exact and myſtical a Book as the Revelation, this
makes a vaſt Difference: Such Varieties are not without Myſtery. Again, when the
Holy Ghoſt treats of that Term of the perfecuted State of the Church, becauſe the
Words that expreſs it are Symbolical and Myſterious, for which Reaſons they muſt
be reſolv'd by the Rule of myſtical Evolutions, there ſeems to be an Affe&tation to
expreſs the Term ſeveral ways, to give us Notice, that there is Myſtery in them;
and accordingly we find the Words to be fometimes Seafons, ſometimes Months, and
ſometimes Days. In treating of the Millennium, the Holy Ghoſt keeps conſtantly to
the fame Expreffion; and it is found without Variation, though us’d Six ſeveral
Times. For firſt we find base érn, a Thouſand Years, and afterwards zal genre érn, the
Thouſand Tears, with the Article demonſtrative, to ſhew that they are the ſame
Thouſand Years at firſt mention'd; and that all the Matters are Synchronal. Thirdly,
The Words us'd about the former Term, Seafons, Months and Days, feem to be of
an ambiguous Nature, being often uſed Synonymouſly, as has been obſerv'd, and ſo
bath Of A SONG
more than
(d) Achmet. Onirocr. cap. ult.
.bood tohto
(C) Vid. Herbelot, tit. Ilan, & Giagh. & Tho. Hyde, Hift. Relig. Perſ. cap. 18.
(f) Joſeph. Archäolog. Lib. I. cap. 4.
() M.T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. II. Quæ tandem iſta auguratio eft ex pafferibus, annorum pocius,
quam aur menfium, aut dierum?
(5) Verum animo fatis hæc veſtigia parva ſagaci
Sunt, per quæ poffis cognoſcere cætera rute.
Lucret. Lib. I. V. 403.
may



64
A PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
may be thought to be proper for myftical Interpretations, and capable of being
ſtretch'd; but to génece érn, the Thouſand Years, has the Appearance of a fix'd and
plain Determination. Upon which our Commentary may be conſulted. Now theſe
Three Reaſons drawn from the Change of Stile, the Combination or mutual Exchange
of the former Symbols, and their Ambiguity proper for a myſtical Way, are at leaſt
fufficient to thew us, that the Holy Ghoſt, in treating of the Millennium, deſign’d to
ſhew the Line of that Time in a manner quite different from the former; and indeed
to ſpeak more literally. So that we muſt proceed upon it with a different View, and
ſeek for ſome other Point, upon which it may be fix'd. Fourthly therefore, it may
he obſerv'd, that as the Jewiſh Church had no abſolute Reſt or Sabbatiſm, as the
Millennium is; ſo the Holy Ghoſt could not fetch the Symbol from that Oeconomy,
and was, as it were, obliged to draw it from an higher Fountain, or Original of ideal
Types and Events. But however, even this Original Idea was known to the Fews.
They had a Tradition of it, and the Notion was current, even before St. John wrote.
He has not then treated of the Millennium as a new Thing; but has deſcrib'd it in
ſome Meaſure by the old Notions with Improvements : And beſides that, ſhew'd us
how it is accompliſh'd by Chriſt, by giving us a full Account of the Antecedents and
Conſequents. Now that Tradition was grounded upon the Allegorical Expoſition of
the Creation of the World in Six Days, and the Reſt of God in the Seventh: And
that a Thouſand Years are with God as one Day. Whence it is argued, that as God
created the World in Six Days, and reſted on the Seventh, ſo he will redeem Man-
kind, and work out their Redemption in Six Thouſand Years, and procure his and
their Sabbatiſm in the Seventh Thouſand; this Reft being to be proportionable to the
Duration of the Work. And by Conſequence that Term of One Thouſand Years is
to be taken in a literal Senſe, and muſt conſiſt juſt of a Thouſand Years, in the
common Acceptation of the Word ; and needs no further Evolution, as ſome of late
have pretended, becauſe it is fixed by that traditional Allegory. Now that the Jews
had it, muſt be plain from this, that we find it in St. Barnabas, who wrote before
St. John many Years. And indeed we give very good Reaſons in our Commentary
to think, that the Notion is as old as the Deluge, becauſe we find it pretty plainly to
be alſo the Tradition of the Chaldean Magi; and perhaps too of the Egyptians.
Thus we ſee, that the Confideration of the Terms, and their Original, is to thew us,
whether they are to be literally explain’d, or elſe by what Sort, and how many Evo-
lutions they muſt be reſolv'd: IsoT és
Y 91. Having thus laid down my Principles, upon which the Revelation may be
explain'd, and proved them ſufficiently ; before I conclude, it may be proper to caſt
an Eye back upon the whole Method of our Progreſs, for the finding out of the Senſe
of this hitherto myſterious and obſcure Prophecy. Therefore, if by calling for the
help of the Ancient Sages, the firſt Inventors and Improvers of the Symbolical way
of Writing and Speaking; if by applying the Words and Notions of the old Pro-
phets divinely inſpired; to which the Holy Ghoſt in this Prophecy moſt undoubt-
edly alludes, and from whom moſt of the Symbols are borrowed ; if by joining to
them other Hints of the Holy Ghoſt in the ſeveral inſpired Writings of the Old and
New Teſtament ; if by the Aſſiſtance of the Heathen Writers, who dealt in ſuch
kind of Learning, and ſome of which were Neighbours, and even Contemporaries
to St. John; and if by making uſe of the Hints and Principles, which the very Dif-
ciples of St. John have left us, even thoſe to whom he directed this very Prophecy,
by the command of the Holy Ghoſt; and laſtly, bringing all theſe Helps together
to concur and ſerve to one End, we can ever hope to find out the Meaning of
this myſterious and obſcure Prophecy. Then may we conclude, that we are
now in a fair way to obtain that End, if we can but ſtrictly follow theſe Guides,
and their Rules, which are now proved to be proper to our Deſign, and have
put us into a way to find out thoſe that are neceſſary to the underſtanding of
this particular Prophecy, which moſt certainly the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd ſhould be
underſtood.
81 qm 1999 gilthyHPT 35 Liga 36 mJoladih
CRNO TUTOos auditoring you the oisinag ni ti mobag II. surisht
மாதபாடி higilla ossain oric பார்
03599739 9199209g tilloc suppo
A PER-
SOBU





6
65
TUCIS
REVELATION
Saint J OH N.
bolus
of it; that we may not only underſtand what this Prophecy
alcool ani oil has suced Bull Bano
absold indian bisnis pasados bus net od oj
tingi? sledo stood af bio
Wisation contohi to dood or
(w) chasi ham Ad Stoyni bosio ai si e moit
Sustas 31 ond on le quarta ennus
PERPETUAL COMMENTARY
SOWIEDA
OSS TOU
o broW via sro ylingit
70 Tort zamor, yodgorlarning
Telodove malo dle to UPON THE 104 mini ad of as boa
12 (4)
dignidlo sough to afod mye
it and I
am
71 [DO,
၁၁။
also ice 12 tot bit srl o nos atsis ni bsłu nisiselt
sebatas Weiris nisiw niggd
w cz bada de laid OF To nomine broas to this
cored svou lloc es bus 991
basdistrative
03 9d ot to
V. bres y
worlqori cids or an
bodd fatoreig
110M Salt 2 portiu Jits
GO
10. Vtovosadi vho visit of
Geos of gas brouge
СНА Р. І. red of batcaqui od yst
o stovig won bos,
Doub
A. Verſ, 1. ) TOKA'ATYIE, THE REVELATION.] St. John having
himſelf prefixed the Title of his Book as a neceffary Part
thereof; it is requiſite, that we ſhould conſider the Meaning
means; but alſo why this Name was thus impoſed on it. Which to be ſure reſpects
chiefly the Diſcovery of God's Deſigns towards the Government of the World.
What is done in the World, depending on the Power which God hath over it, to
rule and order all Things according to his Will; all future Accidents do therefore one
way or other depend on his Will, either commanding, or elſe permitting, what he
afterwards brings to his Purpoſes. Now becauſe God decrees nothing but according
to his premeditated Counſel, that Counſel of God, till ſuch Times as it is diſcovered
by the Effe£ts of it, is obſcure, ſecret, and only known to himſelf: For which
Reaſon the Will of God, until ſuch Times as it is known about the future, is by
the Holy Writers called, 770, which fignifies not only Counſel, but alſo Secret, as if
the formal Notion of Counſel conſiſted in the Secrecy. This ſecret Will of God, for
Io every future Contingency is
, as long as it remains undone, is diſcovered or made
known by Two Ways, or different Steps: By Perfe&tion and Revelation. Perfektion
is, when the Subje&t Matters of God's Counſel are actually accompliſhed and per-
formed. Then to be ſure the Will of God is known, and no more a ſecret Counſel ;
for nothing happens in the World, but one way or other it is according to the Will
and Counſel of God, which, until the Perfection thereof, as to us, is to be accounted
Secret. So that this perfection is the abſolute Manifeſtation thereof. Revelation, as
we now generally take the Word, being the antecedent Diſcovery of God's Deſigns,
is the ſame as Prophecy, and happens when God is pleaſed to communicate or make
known his Will and Deſigns to Men before they be perfected or accom-
pliſhed.
In the firſt Senſe, the Man of Sin is ſaid to be revealed, that is accompliſhed, by
St. Paul, 2 Theſſ
. ii. 3, 6, 8. So likewiſe Jeſus Chriſt is ſaid to be revealed,
Luke xvii. 30. when he ſhall be brought to the Perfe£tion of his Glory, according to
the premeditated Counſel of God concerning him. So that Revelation in thar Senſe
is Perfe&tion. In the Second Senſe, Revelation is the ſame as Prophecy, becauſe
God therein diſcovers his Deſigns, and how he will perform and finiſh his ſecret
S
Counſel.

66
Ch. 1. v. I.
The Title.
Counſel. And becauſe he is true, whatſoever he thus reveals, is as certainly known
to be real, and to have a certain End, as if it exiſted already.
The Book of Hermas confirms this, and takes the Word in both theſe Significa-
tions, as it is cited in Greek by Clemens Alexandrinus, (a) “O er en de gere's one distan
sekumdle, datoreau Júce). Whatſoever happens to be reveal'd to thee, Shall be accom-
pliſhd;
the Deeds muſt be ſuitable
, or follow the Words, as Clemens explains it ;
βάλε
μια και δια τέτων δείξει exóns dat dit sluréate todaőgo tail ligge.
Befides theſe Two Senſés, there is another faſtned upon the Word Revelation, to
ſignify the very Words or Book which contains this Prophecy, revealing the Will of
God as to the future. For it is in this caſe, as in that of all other Symbols: The
Symbols, or Figures of Things, by Uſe acquire the very Names of the Things which
they repreſent. In the Title of this Prophecy, which ſeems not to have been ſet
thereto by St. John himſelf, but by others afterwards, running thus, The Revelation
of John the Divine , no Queſtion is to be made, but that the Word Revelation is
therein uſed in this laſt Senſe. But in the Title ſet by St. John himſelf, which alſo
begins with this Word Revelation, it ſeems doubtful whether it muſt be taken in the
Firſt or Second Signification. For the Word é dov, which is attributed to this Mat-
ter, and as I ſhall prove hereafter, denotes peculiarly to give Power and Authority,
may imply, that ſeeing Chriſt hath received Power from God to have this Revelation,
or to be revealed, this Revelation of Jeſus Chriſt muſt fignify and contain all the Oecono
my and Glory which concerns and belongs to Jeſus Chriſt
. So that Chriſt is to be,accord-
ing to this Prophecy, revealed in the fame Senſe as the Man of Sin is ſaid to be re-
vealed. But then, as the Matters contained and propheſied in this Book, intimate
by what Degrees and Accidents Chriſt is thus revealed; and conſequently may ſeem
to ſignify only the Diſcovery of God's Will and Counſel about him before-hand,
according to the Second Signification of the Word Revelation : So this Word here
may be ſuppoſed to be taken in a double Senſe; and that the Holy Ghoſt means, that
as God hath given a Power unto Chriſt, which is to be revealed or perfected'in its
due Time; ſo he hath beforehand given him a Power to diſcover or reveal that De-
fign to his Servants, for the Ends and Purpoſes hereafter mentioned: Both which
Purpoſes of God are here handled together; this Prophecy fhewing what Power
Chrift hath, and is to have; and Secondly, diſcovering the Deſign of God therein
before the Accompliſhment of it.ro 300
* Wherefore we muſt look upon this Prophecy as that which diſcovers all that con-
cerns the economy of the Goſpel; what God deſigned it to be, and what he would
havé us to know of all its State, both preſent and future ; and by Conſequence all
that ſhall certainly befal to Jeſus Chriſt and his Church. So that this myſterious
Book thews not only the future State of the Church, as to the Times which went
before St. John received the Viſions, but is rather a compleat Syſtem, beginning at
the Foundation on which the Glory of Chriſt is begun : And that is his Death, which
hath given him a Title to his future Glory. Thus the Methods of God's Providence,
and the Glory, Power, and Actions of our Saviour, fince his Aſcenſion into Heaven,
in the Government of his Church, are here deſcribed more particularly and explicitly,
than is otherwiſe laid down in the reſt of the Holy Scriptures; which ſeem only to
give us fome Hints thereof. In ſhort therefore, the Words, The Revelation of Jeſus
Chriſt
, which God gave unto him, ſeem to be taken chiefly in the Firſt Senſe; and the
Words, to fhezo unto his Servants, have a reſpect to the Second Senſe of the Word
Revelation. 1 stort on Las
Il And to confirm this further from the Notions of the Hebrew Language, upon
which the Holy Ghoſt often argues ; it being owned by them, that God was the
Ruler and Diſpoſer of all Ages, Times and Seaſons, and in particular the Chriſtian
Oeconomy being called the future Age ; whence our Saviour is called, ô math'ę to
prémiov 16 bar, Iſaiah ix. 6. in the LXX, according to the Complut, and the Alex.
Manuſcript, which the Epiſtle to the Hebr. ii. 5. calls orxou pet les prémbe ; and in
Feremiah x. 10. he is alſo ſtiled any 750, as alſo in Revelations xv. 3. Beards ain's
vwv: Now this Diſpenſation, or ev, is in the Hebrew any from ou to hide, and
conſequently Secret. Wherefore as it was ſtill to come and be perfe&ted, we fee
eaſily why the Performance of it, and the Writing of God's Defign about it, ſhould

ESTETIS
000
9(a) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. II. Pag. 155. ex Herm. Paft
. Lib. I. Vif. III. S. 3. ]
Islas
have

Ch. I. v. 1.
The Title.
67
have the Name of Revelation, or Diſcovery
y of that. Age, azy, ſecret and hidden
Age in the Deſign of God. (6) Nota eft enim, ſays Seneca, illi operis fui feries.
Omnium illi rerum per manus fuas iturarum fcientia, in aperto ſemper est: Nobis ex
ABDITO ſubit. See the Note on Chap. xi. 19. C. d 2297 bricano di
All that we have further to obſerve as to this caſe, is only this, that St. John hath
herein followed the Cuſtom of the Hebrews, and eſpecially the Prophets, of begin-
ning his Book with the Title and Expoſition of the Subje& Matter thereof. And
this ſeems to have been the Praćtice of the moſt Ancient Authors, Sacred and Pro-
phane; for even in the Poems of Homer, the firſt Verſe ſets forth the Subject of the
whole, and may ſtand for the true Title of the Poem. So Ocellus Lucanus begins
his Book, (c) T&de owézsenter Dreng & Acurepàs wel of aš tautos pusias. And ſo
Timæus too: (d) Tiue é foxes's Tádépe. As alſo Herodotus,
Us
B. 'Inoš xgiss, Of Feſus Chrift
. ]. Jeſus Chriſt in this caſe is both Paſſive and
Aflive ; and conſequently the Revelation is his both Paſſively and Actively. It is his
Paſſively, in that God hath given it to him; as it followeth , luis dorsv currin e @sos;
it is his actively, in that he received to communicate it to others, as it followeth alſo,
Senças rois sárols ours, to Shew unto his Servants. Jeſus, as Chriſt, is a Mediator, a
Perſon in a double Capacity ; and as ſuch hath nothing but what he hath received.
His Humanity and Sufferings are the Foundation and impulfive Cauſe, why
God hath given him Power, which is to be revealed. So it is conſtantly ob-
ſerved in this Book. See our Notes upon Chap. I. 13. B. and Chap. V. 6. D. Which
is alſo the Reaſoning of St. Paul, Phil. ii. S--- 11. Upon which Words Hilarius
Pi&t. obſerves : (e) Et hæc non de divinitatis Suæ dicta ſunt poteſtate, Illa
enim ut ſemper ell dominans, ita & dominabitur femper ; Sed in aternam gloriam ejus
aſſumptæ ex Virgine carnis natura transfertur. Ignatius, in his Epiſtle to the Phila-
delphians, expreſſes it thus, os mór G. Teisev ] Tri apud i @sou, who alone is intruſted
with the Myſteries of God ; that is, to diſcover and bring them to Perfection. See
John v. 20. and our Notes on Chap. III. 7. A. and Chap. XIX. 13. B.
C. Aci Eau Tois démous ass, To ſhew unto his Servants. J Chriſt is by this Power and
Revelation not only to ſhew his Power, but alſo to ſhew God's Deſigns and Coun-
ſels about it beforehand. Thus therefore it is plain, that the Holy Ghoſt did not
deſign that this Book ſhould it ſelf be an abſolute Myſtery, but the very Diſcovery
of the moſt myſterious Things, which are therein laid open and demonſtrated. And
indeed if we do but give Attention, and ſeriouſly conſider the Matter as we ought to
do, we ſhall find that the Meaning of this book is as capable of being underſtood,
as that of any other Sacred Author. But you will ſay, the Language and Style of
it is not the ſame, and the Prophecies are involved in a Sacred Veil of Symbolical
Viſions, which are now in a manner unſearchable to us. True, but then you muſt
ſtudy that Style and Language, as well as that of others; and this very Language is
founded upon more certain Grounds, than even the peculiar Style of the Authors of
the New Teſtament, which therefore requireth a peculiar Study as well as this. So
that the Difficulty, or Obſcurity of this, ariſes as much from our Negligence, as
from the Nature of the Subject, and perhaps much more: Not to mention here
other concurrent Cauſes.
For why ſhould we think, that God is as it were oblig'd to diſcover all Things
with the minuteſt Circumſtances of Time and Place? It is enough for us to have a
competent Knowledge of what we are to expect and hope ; but no ways neceſſary to
know Things ſo particularly before their Accompliſhment, when ſuch a Knowledge
is apt to make us ſecure, and as it were withdraws us from that perpetual Depen-
dance upon God, in which we are to be for our own Good. This is a Truth even
feen by the Heathens, as appears by the Reaſon given of the Deficiency of the Ora-
cles in Apollonius, who introduces the Prophet Phineus ſpeaking thus:
มา - 2
2 de doutes
BOVE TOO FOR
BS in )
Βάλεθ ανθρώποις όλαδευέα θέσφατα φαίνεων Ιμίλου για
3
Η Μαλοσυνης, ίνα και η θεών χατέωσι νοοιο.
100 assistant
ZERTELE
(b) Senec. de Benef. Lib. IV. Cap. xxxii.
(d) Timæ, de Anim. Mund,
(c) Ocell. Lucan. de Univ.
(f) Apollon. Argon, Lib. II. V. 314. (0)
(2) Hilar. Pietav. in Pfal. LXV.
Now
salto
(f)

68
Ch. 1. v. 1.
The Title.
.
93
58 Now as 'tis ſhewn hereafter, that 'tis an Honour to Man, that God deals with him
by way of Deliberation and Council; for which ſee the Note upon Chap. XIX. 8. B.
So it is much more Honour to us Chriſtians, that he ſhews us beforehand thoſe
Deliberations and Decrees by the way of Prophecy, or Revelation. This the
Pſalmiſt has ſaid, Pſal. cxlvii
. 20. And fo the very Heathens have acknowledged
it: For Homer ſays, in ſpeaking of Sarpedon, to whom Jupiter gives an Omen of
19330
to DOO,
OS Debiasa Produf (8) Taiche oínov*fiqñ.
Sof Bato non so 2099zi
Sant to Bsidue or to 1999
to 2009 m999 707 ustig
This Holy Book being therefore given to St. John, to be tranſmitted to all the Ser-
vants of God; 'tis very plain that the Perſon of St. John, in all the Vifions, muſt
be the Repreſentative of God's Servants. Of which more hereafter.
D. "A dei glué
sur év tázet, The Things which
muſt ſhortly come to paſs.] Theſe Words
are very Material, as being the Key of the Revelation, and determining its Epocha in
a great Meaſure ; for they prove, that the Holy Ghoſt deſigns by it to fhew Things
to come, which concern merely the Chriſtian Church, or the Servants of Jeſus
Chrift: And that the Beginning of thoſe Events muſt not be fetch'd afar off, but
concerns the very Times in which this Prophecy was delivered, eſpecially the firſt
Part of it. This is all that can be inferred from them. Dr. Hammond's Opinion,
that this and the like Expreſſions occurring hereafter in this Book, ſhew, that all the
Events foretold in the Revelation muſt be huddled up together to fall out within a
ſhort Space, which he limits to Three or Four Hundred Years, is not to be admit-
ted : And yet it is upon that Suppoſition he hath built all his Expoſitions. Now be-
ſides that it is contrary to the very Principles on which this book is to be explained,
and that it hath now fixed of its own, the Hypotheſis is plainly repugnant to it ſelf:
For according to that Account the Millennium and its Conſequences, which appear by
their own Expoſitions to reach to the End of the World, muſt come within that ſhort
Space, being all propheſied of in this Book, and introduced without Diſtinction by
theſe very Words. As for the Antitheſis which ſome imagine there is between thelé
Words, and thoſe that we meet withal in the beginning of the Fourth Chapter, a să
guésre metai toute the Things which muſt be hereafter ; as if the former were a Pre-
face to the firſt Three Chapters, and theſe to the reſt ; neither hath this any Ap-
pearance of Truth, nor are theſe Two Phraſes oppofite, or ſet to diſtinguiſh different
Matters, but rather on the contrary, to ſignify Things of the like Nature. For they
are the ſame in Senſe, and might without any Alteration, as to the Senſe, be uſed
promiſcuouſly, and even joined together ; as thus, å di globates letae tu te reizes, the
Things which muſt be hereafter ſhortly. So that we need not to ſeek for any other My-
ſtery in them, beſides what I have ſaid to be the plain Meaning of them. In ſhort,
all the Expreſſions concerning future Things happening ſhortly, are but to keep us
awake and attentive to the Coming of Chriſt, leſt we be found unprepared. (h) Nam-
que dum monet nos irremiſſa fide intentos ſemper manere, ſecuritatem cognitionis ade-
mit, ut pendula expe&tationis incerto mens ſolicita feſtinans, & adventus diem ſemper
expe&tans, ſemper expectando ſperet, curamque pervigilem incertum ipſum, non ambi-
gendi tamen temporis detineret, faith Hilary. And further, that which may ſeem to
confirm all this, is, that the Hebrew Root 70, the Notion of which conliſts in de-
noting Speed or Hafte, whoſe Derivatives are therefore tranſlated by réxo, taze's,
ταχέως, εν τοίχει, ταχώω and ταχνός, have not only that Signification, but fome of them
that of Raſhneſs, Folly, Error, Unwarineſs, and want of Attention, even as Hafty
hath it in our Language : So that what is ſaid to be done in baſte or ſuddenly, is done
when Men are not aware, and conſider not with due Attention, although the Things
in themſelves take up a great deal of Time to perform them. So gotov in the Greek
Tongue is put ſometimes for icoavisws without conſideration, as Caſaubon hath ob-
ſerved upon Theophraſtus. So the Poet called Raſh Oaths tu gu bé covets ogrous in Hefy-
chius. Accordingly when our Saviour ſpeaks of his ſecond Coming in this Book, he
expreſſes it by coming quickly : But in the Goſpels he ſpeaks of his Coming, in an
Hour which 20 Man knows , in ſuch an Hour as Men think not of, Matth. xxiv. 42,
44. And, in a Day when Men look not for him, and in an Hour that they are not
aware of, v. 50. So that the Things which muſí ſhortly come to paſs, fignify the Things
(8) Hom. Iliad. II. V. 460.
(6) Hilarius de Trinit. Lib. IX. Page 184.
which

Ch. I. v. I.
The Title.
69
XV,
CSW
which ſhall happen when Men are not aware of them. In Ezekiel xii
. 37. They who
fay, The Viſion that he feeth is for many Days to come, and he propheſieth of the Times
that are far off, are faid to exaſperate the Lord ; for in the LXX we read, ist á eixog
ισραήλ και παραι πικράινων, λέγοντες λέγεσιν, ή όρασις, &c.
E. 'Esnuovev, He ſignified.] This Word is proper and emphatical to the Matter of
this Prophecy ; and therefore ſome of the moſt confiderable Viſions therein are called
onucie Signs
. That this Word is proper , may be proved from the Uſe that Jambli-
chus makes of it, Sect. III. cap. 15.
where the Author explains it by ſuch Obſervati-
ons as are very applicable to this Caſe ; And moreover cites Heraclitus as having uſed
the fame ; fo that it is ancient as well as proper. Hence comes wegenyéively to foretel
or ſhew future Events by ſuch Signs. The Words of Heraclitus are preſerved by
(1) Plutarch, mei si un seco lépe usnece tlu nu sier. O žvať s to recolectór ose l N AEX-
çois, šte aéget, čts xp 77et, and onedive. In the fame Manner Plutarch himſelf a little
after uſes the Words onpa world and onucid towards the End, to this ſame Purpoſe. So
Tully ſpeaks, (k) Quæ eft enim ifta à diis profe&ta ſignificatio & quaſi denunciatio cala-
mitatum? Quid autem volunt dii immortales primum ea ſignificantes, quæ fine interpre-
tibus non poſſumus intelligere? Obſerve therefore the accurate Diſtinction of the Ho-
ly Ghoſt. The Tranſa&tions between God and Chriſt are expreſſed by the word 'dam
which implies a Power given, as that Word fignifies throughout. See the Note
on Chapt. 9. 5. A. And thoſe between Chriſt and St. John, or the Church, by the
Word Eosuavev, which only implies a bare Declaration by proper Methods of God's
Deſigns to be effected by Chriſt according to the Power given..
F. Asd fi anérou
durš, By his Angel.] This Angel often takes upon him the Cha-
racter of an Ambaſſador, who, as it is frequently to be obſerved in the Old Teſta-
ment, and other Authors, ſpeaks ſometimes in his own Perſon, and ſometimes in
that of his Maſter, whom he repreſents. Miſtakes have been committed for want of
obſerving this. Thus H. Grotius ſeems to explain this Matter. But why may not
we ſay, that this and the like Phraſes in the Sacred Writings are according to the
Oriental Stile and Notions, which in ſpeaking of the A&tions of a King, or even of
God himſelf, uſe to ſay, that it is done by his
Servants, and look upon that Way and
Stile to imply more Majeſty in it, than to ſay bluntly, that the King did it. But
ſtill to go further, it is certain that whenever God hath appeared viſibly to Men, of
wherever he is faid to be, he hath the Schekinah or glorious Attendance of Angels
about him ; which ſometimes were commiſſioned to ſpeak and act. And thus what
God faith or acts, may be ſaid to be done by his Angels, becauſe of their conſtant At-
tendance upon him, and that the very Preſence of God was denoted by his Angels
Appearing or Speaking. Therefore when St. Paul faith, that (l) the Woman ought to
bave Power over her Head, becauſe of the Angels ; this ſignifies, that the Woman
being under the Power of the Husband, ought to ſhew the Tokens of it, and her
Subjection, eſpecially in that place where ſhe ought to thew all due Reverence, which
is the Preſence of God, which is known to be there molt eminently by the Preſence
of his Angels. This alſo gives Light to the Saying of the fame Apoſtle, whereby
he begins his Epiſtle to the Hebrews, God, who at ſundry Times, and in divers Man-
mers, Jpake unto the Fathers by the Prophets , hath in theſe laſt Days ſpoken to us by
his Son. Now this Son appeared in a viſible Manner to us, and yet God is ſaid to
ſpeak through him. This being the Reaſon, why God is ſaid to do any Thing by the
Angels, we may alſo apply it to Jeſus Chriſt. As Chriſt did formerly ſpeak to Men
by himſelf in a viſible Manner, but now being taken up into Heaven, and at the
Right Hand of God, acts as God, and ſpeaks by his Angels, as formerly God the
Father did. He is the ſame in Power and Condition, and therefore he acts and is
ſpoken of in the fame Stile, as when God the Father is elſewhere ſpoken of, or ſaid
to act. This Expreſſion therefore implies the greateſt Mark and Honour of the Di.
vine Majeſty, becauſe it ſuppoſes the Angels made ſubje&t to Chriſt. And even this
does not exclude the Operation of the Holy Ghoſt, who is now the Vicegerent, High
Steward, and Prime Miniſter of Chriſt, as I prove elſewhere, to whom the Inſpira-
tion of the Prophets more peculiarly belongs. Hence Hermas faith: (m) Nunc autem
per Nuncium illuftraris, per eundem quidem Spiritum. Now the Author of this
(i) Ald. Edit. Page 962.
) Herm. Paftor, Lib. III. Sim. ix.
(k) De, Divinar. Lib. II.
2.vi.
(1) 1 Cor. xi. 10.
bir
Prophecy
T
70
The Title.
Ch. I. v. 1.

Prophecy touchés this point not only not flightly, but endeavours every where to
prove the ſame ; and ſhews the Means and Steps whereby it is effected and comi-
pleated, as we ſhall have further Occaſion to obſerve and prove.
G. 'Appéas wirs, His Angel.] This art is very emphatical, and denotes more par-
ticularly one of thoſe Seven Angels of the Preſence, of which more hereafter. See
the Notes upon Chapt. 17. 1. A. and Chapt. 21. 9. A.
H. Tộ dáng cuts, To his Servant.] This is an Expreſſion which is appropriated to
the Prophets and Apoſtles. They took that Title, to ſhew their Piety and Humility
to Godward, and the Dignity of their Offices towards Men, that they might obtain a
ſuitable hearing. It ſhews that they were proper (n) Stewards of God's Myſteries,
and fit to be entruſted with them. When Elias faith, (o) As the Lord God of Iſrael
liveth, before whom I ſtand, it is the ſame as if he had ſaid, I swear by the God of
Ifrael
, whose Servant I am. For tħe Phrafe to ſtand before, ſignifies to ſerve or wait
upon. See Iſaiah xlix. 5. Dan. ix. 17. Rom. i. 1. Phil
. i. 1. 2 Pet. i. 1. Fud. i.
I. 'Ivávvn, Fohn.] The old Prophets always prefix their Names to their Prophe-
cies, becauſe the Truth of them, in order to make them be believed , depends upon
the Credit of the Deliverer : And this were a ſufficient Reaſon for this Author's do-
ing it here, whatſoever his Cuſtom might be in ſome other Caſes. It is to be admi-
red, that any ſhould fetch an Argument from this to prove that St. John was not the
Author, when he takes all the Cautions neceſſary to make us believe ſo. Nay, it
was abſolutely neceſſary that he ſhould do it here : For no Viſions were received in
the Church without Examination , and the Approbation of ſuch as had fufficient
Means to perform it. For as they were forbidden to deſpiſe Prophecies, ſo they
were commanded to (p) prove all Things, that they might hold faſt that which is good.
And for that Reaſon they had ſome who had the extraordinary Gift (9) of diſcerning
Spirits. Which undoubtedly they never failed to do. Now this ſhews that the Ap-
probation of the Church in thoſe Times, was of great Weight to make any Writing
be received as Canonical, or Prophecy as Authentical, when they had ſuch Helps to
diſtinguiſh what was inſpired, and what not ; and conſequently it was neceſſary,
that the Prophecies ſhould not come from unknown Hands.
Thoſe who were not content with that Title, which St. John himſelf had ſet to his
Book, did add one to his Name, declaring his Office ; viz. Osorógs, the Divine ;
which to be ſure is very ancient. And the whole Book ſeenis by ſome of the Anci-
ents to have been called @tonozíc, Divinity, as we learn from Suidas, who cites the
Words, as it is uſual with him, (~) o 080169 o rij beggenesis and on èv letu.w Szoelens
επανελθών, στείλει και
σωτήeι το διαγγέλιον ών ετών 'ρ. διαρκέσας έως κ'. εκεί και διάσων συγγράφεδ θεολο-
Slav. John the Divine and Evangeliſt returning from his Baniſhment in Patmos, writes
the Goſpel, being One Hundred Years old, having reach'd to One Hundred and Twenty
Years; and whilſt he was there, he writes his Divinity. From this uncommon Way
of ſpeaking, and the Author's Words, Two Things are to be obſerved proper for
this Place: Firſt, that the Revelation is here called Theology or Divinity; and fo in-
deed the Author herein not only calls Jefus ó rózov og Seðu, the Word of God, but
every
where demonſtrates this Word to be God, which was the Reaſon why St. Fohn
in particular hath been called Odorógo, the Divine. Hence alſo forogciv is uſed to
expreſs aſſerting the Divinity of our Saviour, the Word of God. Whence we ſee the
Reaſon why thoſe ancient Hereticks called "A2030, becauſe they denied this principal
Doctrine, did alfo (s) reject the Revelation of St. John as well as his Goſpel. Yea,
and though we take the Word Theology, according to our Notion, for a Syſtem of
Chriſtian Doctrine, we ſhall find that the Revelation is ftri&tly fuch, and contains a
compleat and methodical Syſtem, which with all Brevity comprehends the Defcri-
ption of the true State of the Goſpel
, from the very Beginning to the Conſummati-
on of all Things ; not by Hints or Parcels, as the other Books of Holy Scripture, but
in a continued Strain, moſt admirably contrived.
The other Particular, worthy of Obſervation, is this, that it appearing that
St. John was very Old when he had theſe Viſions of the Revelation ; (for Domitian's
Perſecution, by whom St. John was exiled into Patmos, began A. C. XCV, which
21.1
(n) i Cor. iv. I.
O Kings xvii. 1.
(p) 1 Theff
. v. 20.
(9) 1 Cor. xii, 10 See Dodwell's Cyprianick Diſſert. Num. IV. De Vifionibus.
() Suid. V. 'Iwaving
() Epiphan. Panar. Hæreſ. SI.
tasdiqoz
Year

Ch. I. v. 2.
The Title.
70
Year we may believe to have been very near the ſame as that of St. Fohn's Age ;) there-
fore we cannot think that Rule, which ſome think may be drawn from the Words
of Foel ii
. 28. as if prophetical Viſions had been only proper to young Men, can
hold good in this caſe. Indeed the great Concuſſion of the Pagan Enthuſiaſins, oc-
cafioned by their Dæmons , was not to be endured by old Men, whoſe Conſtitution
that Hurry of the Humours of the Body would quite have broken : But the Spirit of
Chriſt, which inſpired the Prophets, and ſhewed them Vifions, was of a milder Dif
pofition; and did very ſoon quiet and fedate the firſt Commotion. See our Notes
S107 con
upon Ver. 10 and 17.
A. Verf. 2. “ος εμαρτύρησε ο λόγον σε θεϊ, και τις μαρτυρίαν 'Ιησε Χριςου, Who witneffed
the Word of God, and the Teſtimony of Féſus Chriſt
. 1 To diſtinguiſh himſelf from
others of the fame Name, and to give ſome Authority to his Prophecy, he adds to
his Name the particular Favour which God had done him, to become a Martyr of
God and Chriſt
. So that theſe Two Expreſſions fignify both that one Thing by an
dia doir, which Figure is very frequent in the Stile of the Holy Scriptures, and
particularly in this very, Book. But if this be not admitted, then by the firſt he
means, that he is that John the Apoſtle, who had preach'd the Goſpel ; and by the
other, that he had made that publick Confeffion of it, which is by us now more em-
phatically called, Martyrdom. This is certainly the true Notion of the Word in this
Place; and St. John was a Martyr, though he did not die thereupon ; for the Title of
Martyrdom was ſufficiently gained by the publick Confeſſion at the Peril of Life. So
our Saviour himſelf is ſaid to have been a Martyr, for having (t) witneſſed a good
Confeffion before Pontius Pilate. See St. Cyprian's (u) Epiſtle directed to the Mar-
tyrs, and the Epiſtle of the Martyrs to him, where they having firſt taken upon
themſelves the Latin Name of Confeſſores, uſe afterwards for it the word Martyrs,
(w) Optamus te cum fan&tis Martyribus pacem habere. Some indeed diſtinguiih be-
tween theſe Two, but perhaps it is more fubtilly than ſolidly ; and we have no need
to do it here. If we conſider the Two Parts of this Propofition, which make up the
Deſcription of a Chriſtian Martyr, we ſhall find that the Word of God reſpects
the Confeſſion of the One True God, in Oppolition to the falſe Gods; and the Teſti-
mony of Chriſt is an Addition now neceſſary, that Chriſt is to be worſhipped as
God: A Few might be a Martyr for the Word of God : But that is not all, he muſt
be a publick Profeſſor and Confeffor of Jeſus Chriſt, that aims to be a complear
Martyr both againſt the Pagans, and the miſtaken Fews, who are now the Synagogue
of Satan. See alſo our Note on Chap. 20. 4. E. at the End. However, it was very
Material for St. John's Purpoſe to ſet down this, becauſe of the uncommon Graces
and Inſpirations given to the Martyrs. On this Account it is, that St. John forgets
not afterwards to obſerve, that theſe Vifions were ſeen by him, whilſt he was in that
State of Martyrdom in the Iſland of Patmos. To this we muſt join this other Rea-
fon, that he was the beloved Diſciple of our Saviour. Ambr. Ansbertus hath feen
both : He faith, (x) Cui autem talia revelarentur ac tanta, nifi illi quem Dominus fe
ſus Chriſtus pré cæteris diſcipulis fic precipuo amore dilexit , ut hic adhuc pofitus pre-
ſentia corporali, ſuper ſuum pe&tus faceret felici forte diſcumbere, &c. And a little
after, Ubi vero talia videre ac tanta promeruit? Nunquid in urbibus ? Nunquid in re-
gum ædibus ? Nunquid in locis ſublimibus ? Non, fed in Inſula Patmos, a Domitiano
relegatus, exilio deportatus, metallo damnatus. That which follows here concerning
Viſions of Things preſent and future, which he
ſaw, is very proper and natural to be
added to his Title of Martyr of God and Jeſus Chriſt.
Β. "Οσατε εσε, και άτινα είστ, και έχει οξυές μεθα ταύτα, And the Things that he fata,
both the Things that are, and the Things that muſt be hereafter.] That is
, he had
Viſions and prophetical Inſtructions, concerning Things Preſent and Things to Come;
both wherein the preſent State of the Church of Chriſt is conſidered, and alſo the
whole future State of it. So the Vifion of the Seven Churches, and the Epiſtles
ſent to them merely concern the preſent or primitive State of the Church in
St. John's Time; but the following Vifions deferibe the State of the Church from the
very Beginning to the End, even anticipating the Time of St. John, becauſe the Holy
Ghoſt begins at the very Foundation of it. As for the reading of this Place, it is accord-
(t) 1 Tim. vi. 13.
Oxon,
(n) Epiſt. X. Ed. Oxon.
(x) Ambr. Ansbertus in Præfac.
(2) Epift. XXIII. Edit.
ing

72
The Title.
Ch. I. v. 3
ing to the Complutenfian Edition followed by Arias Montanus, made after good Ma-
nuſcripts. And therefore I ſee no Reaſon why it ſhould be rejected. As for what
is pretended, that the latter Part of the Words crept in from the end of the Chapter,
where they are alſo found, this is mere. Conje&ture: Neįther is it likely. For the
Copyiſts are more apt to forget, than to put more in; eſpecially from ſuch Words as
come in to be ſeen after, and not before. And why might not St. John put that in the
Title, which our Saviour bids him afterwards to do ; that fo the Title of the Book
might be adequate to the Subject, and fully anſwer to the Command of our Saviour,
laid down in the Nineteenth Verſe.
be
A. Verf. 3. Marghero o dvazvaorwv, xj o dubovlss Toy's aózous Dñs reovlecies, Bleſſed is
he that readeth, and they who hear the Words of this Prophecy. ] This ſignifies in
general, that the Prophecies concerning the future State of the
Church, as they fore-
tel of Perfecutions, ſo they comfort the affli&ted, when they ſee by them, that ſuch
was the Pleaſure of God, and that there ſhall be an end of them; and that their
Reward ſhall as certainly come, as the Troubles that have been foretold. So that, to
encourage Men to apply themſelves to the Study of that which Jeſus Chriſt hath
thought
fit to impart to the Church for its Comfort, the Author by his Order af
ſures them of a Bleſſing attending the very Reading of this Book, the hearing of it
read, and the due conſidering and obſerving the Matters contained therein. Now he
ſeparates the Reading from the Hearing, both becauſe it was the Cuſtom of that
Age to have the Apoftolical Writings, and all other Ecclefiaftical Matters, publickly
read; ſo that Reading was one Thing, done by the Clergy; and hearing another,
more proper to the Laity : And beſides, Books were then ſcarce, and few could
Read; fo that the Method of publiſhing a Prophecy could not be ſo well by difper-
fing Copies, as by publick Reading: Therefore the Reading and the Hearing are dif-
ferent Matters, proper to different Perſons, and deſerve to be thus diſtinguiſhed.
And a Bleſſing is pronounced upon both, to fhew that it equally belongs to the
Clergy and Laity, to the Wiſe and Learned, as well as the Ignorant.
B. Kui TheSu TES Tai įv avtñ zag eguptóc, And obſerve what Things are written thered
in.] The Word theguires here, as in many other places of the New Teſtament,
ſignifies to put into Praktice. For in this Prophecy there being contained many Ob-
ſervations concerning the Degeneracy of Chriſtians, even in the Primitive Church
and beſides that there being diſcovered the almoſt univerſal Apoftacy of Men, the
Holy Ghoſt hath throughout mixed Exhortations to the Chriſtians to beware of Ido--
latry, and carnal Pollutions; and ſets forth the Rewards due to them that ſhall take
Heed. So that they who Read, or Hear, and obſerve alſo what they are commanded,
ſhall not fail of the Bleſſing attending ſuch upon the Promiſes of God. Beſides, as
theſe Predi&tions ſet forth the Perſecutions which are to be brought againſt the
Church; it is a happy Thing to them who are to ſuffer, to be prepared for it before-
hand by the Knowledge of them. Hilary faith : (y) Multum proficit ad tolerantie
asſumptionem rerum imininentium cognitio.
C. 'O g8 seues's épous, For the Seaſon is at Hand.] This is the Reaſon why the
Revelation is neceſſary to be read and obſerved ; namely, becauſe it foretels Things
that are not afar off, at no Time within the Chriſtian Oeconomy. And this pre-
vents the Obje&tions of negligent Chriſtians, who care not for what is far from
them, and of Atheiſts, who from the imaginary Slowneſs of the Divine Providence,
would draw Arguments againſt it. See Ezekiel, Chap. 12. 22, 23, 27, 28. and 2 Pet.
3.4. and our Note upon Chap. 1. 1. D. on the Words en Té .
Å. Verf. 4. 'Ielyyns tais êt čuxandi uus mals in the 'Adid, John to the Seven Churches
which are in Afia.] The Number Seven throughout this Prophecy being Symbolical,
to repreſent Univerſality , becauſe it anſwers to the Seven Spirits of God, as we
Thall ſee hereafter, which go to and fro the whole Earth ; therefore theſe Seven
Churches Symbolically repreſent the whole Catholick Church of that Time, dif-
perſed over the whole Earth. All this ſhall be proved preſently. For that Reaſon
the whole Revelation is Dedicated to them by St. John, and ſent by our Saviour's
Order. See Verſe 11, wherein alſo their Names are ſet down. Now as to the par-
ticular
Reaſons of the Choice of each of them, it was either becauſe they were im-
mediately under (2) St. John's Eye, and that perhaps he had conſtituted moſt of the
(y) B. Hilar. Pictav. Com. in Matth. Can. X.
Diſcoarſe, P. II. S. 8. phich proves it out of Tertulliana
() See the Preliminary
Bi.
1

Ch. I. v.4.
The Dedication.
73
Biſhops over each of them, or elſe becauſe in theſe Seven he found typically all the
Things that were requifite to be obſerved as worthy of Praiſe, or fit to be amended
in the whole Church of that Time. However, I ſee no Reaſon to believe them to
be Types of the future State of the Catholick Church, but many againſt it. (a)
There are innate Characters in theſe, which ſhew that they repreſent only the State
of the Church, as it ſtood in the Times of St. Fohn, labouring undelt the Oppreſ-
fion of Perſecutors, as it will be fully made out afterwards; and not onesto fhew ſuch a
quiet State, as it enjoyed under Conſtantine the Great. So that theſe reach not fo far. St.
Auſtin faith : (b) Et multa hujuſmodi in divinis autoritatibus reperiuntur, in quibus fep-
tenarius numerus,ut dixi, pro cujuſque rei univerſitate
poni folet. Propter hoc eodem
ſépe
numero ſignificatur Spiritus fanétus. But ſtill nearer to our Purpoſe: (€) Hic totum
quod prophetabatur, eluxit agnofcentibus numerum feptenarium , quo eſt univerſa
Ecclefiæ fignificata perfe&tio. Propter quod & Fohannes Apoftolus ad feptem fcribit
Eccleſias, eo modo fe oftendens ad unius plenitudinem ſcribere. But Irenæus long be-
fore had ſaid ; (d) Ubique enim Eccleſia prædicat veritatem ; & hæc eft & duurd. Lu-
cerna, Chriſti bajulans Lumen.
B. 'Ano fã é eøv, rj é bi, vej o'èpzóulo, From him which is, and which was, and
which is to come. ] The whole fignifies, from God who is Eternal, according to the
Hebrew Stile, which affe&ts to expreſs Univerſals by an Enumeration of the Parts, as
Heaven and Earth, to fignify the whole world, and the like. So the Time paſt,
preſent, and to come, comprehends all Time, and conſequently Eternity. As to the
Phraſe, we muſt obſerve, that the Words are here taken abſolutely and artificially, as
invariable Names betokening God's eternal Exiſtence, and are therefore without Con-
ſtruction, as many other Words of the like Nature, eſpecially in this Author, who
doth not much affect to ſpeak Grammatically. So that it was ino Wiſdom in Frafa
mus Rot. to ſay, that this Expreſſion was not Senſe. However, as to the Application
of it here, we find by this, that St. John takes care immediately to tell us by what
Authority, and by whoſe Commiſſion he writes. And that is from the Eternal God,
Father and Son, and from the Holy Ghoſt. But we ſee that he doth not name God,
but deſcribes him. True, for it is to be further obſerved, that this Author loves
mightily to uſe Attributes rather than Names, becauſe they make a more fublime
and lively Stile and Repreſentation of Things, which is every where fought for by
the Prophets, and becoming their Enthuſiaſms. Beſides that, it being ſuitable to the
Hebrew Notions to give Names according to the Eſſence of Things, God hath af
fe£ted no other but that which expreſſes his; therefore he is called (e) é oy, the exi-
fient God, that is, true God; for falſe Gods exiſt not. So in another Reſpect he is
The which is, which was; and which is to come ; that is, Eternal. Deus ergo fempi-
ternus, Deus æternus, nec naſci poteft, nec potuit, Hic eft, hic fuit, hic erit ſemper,
faith the Author of Aſclepius. The ſame Notion is alſo contained in theſe Verſes
of Orpheus :
of wölls bolo si mallwomb.
libbe intors did to be bani
ghi (f) zdis mõro gero
, zd's sul@ Aggsniegur@, bra vigil maili HDR
Lohistoba zás kepanii, zdas usave. Ands d'én mé vlc rétux T. l sont alegna basata si es
Orion Oleg words and horror, vinsipinos hos
Which Verſes are alluded to by (8) Plato, and out of him by (h) Ireneus. See alſo
our Note upon Chep. 4. 8. 1.
nog aflsirt to capitals
C. Koù arto S ed è tovo pucé rov, ő ésto escómov iš Jeśvo atš, And from the Seven Spirits
which are before his Throne. ] This Throne is deſcribed (i) hereafter, and thereon
fitteth God Almighty and the Lamb, that is, Jeſus Chriſt his Son, after his Cruci-
fixion and Aſcenſion into Heaven. Wherefore as Chriſt fitteth there equally with the
Father, and that theſe Seven Spirits there alſo wait upon him, he is alſo the Eternal
God. Theſe Seven Spirits which repreſent the Holy Ghoſt, waiting upon none leſs
than the Divine Majeſty. Theſe Seven Angels or Spirits, in the Old Teſtament,
are called the Seven Eyes of the Lord, Zach. 4. 10. Compare Tobit 12. 15. and
biustus
LONDO
sni
(a) Etenim fi omnia aptiffime conveniant ætacibus, ego adhuc deſidero divinam vocem qua conve-
nientiam hanc in cypum ordinarit. Joh. Marckij Præfat. §. 75.
(b) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. xi. cap. 31.
(c) Lib. xvii. cap. 4.
(d) Iren. Lib. V. cap. xx. Vid. Opus Imperf. in Match. xix. 28.
(e) Exod. iii. 14. in the LXXII.
(f) Apud Proclum.de (8) Plar. de
Leg. Lib. IV.
(h) Iren. Lib. III. cap. xlv. x dins () Chap. iv.
U
Rev.
ba7970

74
The Dedication.
Ch. I. v. 4.
so
Rev. 5.6. and Chap. 8. 2. I fay that theſe Seven Spirits, whatſoever may be faid of
them afterwards, đo repreſent here and elſewhere the (R) Holy Ghoſt, or as we com-
monly underſtand it, the Third Perſon in the Trinity; and Learned Men are wont to
prove the Divinity of the Holy Ghoſt from theſe Words.
But becauſe this is not done very explicitly, let us here enquire how this is to be
underſtood, and how it comes to paſs, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould here in a Viſion
to St. John, deſcribe it ſelf under the Repreſentation of Seven Spirits, or Seven
Lamps of Fire. For theſe Seven Angels appearing afterwards viſibly to St. John
like Perſons acting, and conſequently more like created Beings than the Third Per-
ſon in the Trinity, if theſe are themſelves the Holy Ghoſt, or can prove it to te a
Divine Perſon diſtin&t from that of the Father and the Son, it muſt be only Symbo-
lically, by repreſenting its Preſence and Operations: Which is no ſtrange Thing in
this myſterious Book, wherein the (1) inviſible Beings, and even Conceptions of the
Mind, as colle&tive Notions are reckoned, come under viſible Shapes ; which Shapes
are borrowed from fome of thoſe viſible Adjuncts that either attend continually, or
may at any Time have attended the inviſible Object; ſo that they may abſolutely de-
termine it to be that Obje&t deſigned, and none other. For thus even Jeſus Chriſt, or
the Son of God, or the Word of God, which is worſhipped as God with all the
Divine Attributes, becauſe he hath in him the Divine Nature, is repreſented in theſe
Prophetical Vifions like a Lamb, and like the Son of Man, from ſuch Adjuncts to
this Divine Perſon ; whereby he hath once been viſible to Mankind, being a Man,
and like a Man in his Humiliation, and like a Lamb in his Paſſion and Death. From
theſe viſible A&tions and Adjuncts of the Son of God once ſeen about him, whereby
this Divine Perſon, became Viſible, the fame Son of God is therefore repreſented
here as a Lamb, and under that viſible Shape is Worſhipped, and receives Divine
Honours with Words that Characterize the Divine Nature, which is otherwiſe In-
viſible. Not that the Lamb in it felf can have theſe, but as it Symbolically repreſents
the Divine Perſon, which became like a Lamb, by ſuffering for the Sins of Men.
Now theſe Seven Angels here, which are plainly the Seven Archangels, having all the
reſt of the Lord's Hoft under them, and conſequently approaching more nearly the
Divine Preſence, ſeem as well as the reſt of the Angels their Companions, to be
created Beings.
Firſt
, theſe Seven Angels a&t in this Prophetical Viſion diftinétly from each other,
and therefore are in themſelves diviſible Perſons; and when ſo a&ting are barely cal-
led Angels, not deſerving Adoration. This may be eaſily made our thus. Theſe
Seven Spirits are undoubtedly the ſame as the Seven Angels, which in the Fourth
Chapter, and. Fifth Verſe , are repreſented under the viſible Symbols of Seven
great Torches : And it is ſaid of them there, as here of theſe, that they are before
the Throne ; and they are called or explained to be the Seven Spirits of God. And
again they are the very fame which are called elſewhere, the Seven Angels which
Stand before God, Chap. 8. 2, 6. which there receive each diſtin&t Commiſſions, and
execute them fingly. And that which proves them the more to be miniſtring Spirits,
as the created Angels, not having any Power of themſelves, or deſerving Adoration,
and conſequently created ; is, that they perform their Office like Fewiſh Prieſts, in
the founding of the Trumpets. They are in like manner the fame which perform
the ſame Offices of Prieſts, by pouring out the Seven Bowls, in the Fifteenth and
Sixteenth Chapters. Now further it is manifeſt, that it is one of theſe Seven which
fhews the Myſtery of the great Whore, Chap. 17. I. to St. John : And it is one of
theſe alſo which ſhews him the New Jeruſalem, Chap. 21. 9. But when St. John
would have worſhipped him, Chap. 22. 9. this fame Angel refuſes that Worſhip,
profefling himſelf to be one of his Fellow-Servants. Therefore he is a created Be-
ing: -And if one of them be fo, then all the Seven are fo too. Thus likewiſe in
St. Luke's Goſpel, Chap. 1. 19. when Gabriel the Archangel was ſent to Zachary,
and there names himſelf fo, and faith that he ſtands before God, as theſe Seven Spirits
or Angels are ſaid to do here : Yet afterwards the fame being ſent to the Virgin
Mary, (m) ſpeaks of the Holy Ghoſt, and the Power of the moſt High, as a Being
quite different from himſelf, as it is evident to any one. So that theſe being
ab alflugi
8s
DY
(K) Ambr. Ansbert. Præf. A patre, & a filio, & a fpiritu ſancto hæc Apocalypfis miſla prædicitur,
i Conf. B. Hilarij de Trinic. Lib. XII. Page 242.
(m) Luke i, 35.
created

Ch. I. v. 4.
The Dedication.
75
created Beings, cannot be the Holy Ghoſt himſelf, as fome have vainly imagined, but
collectively taken, are the Repreſentatives of the Holy Ghoſt, which is the Third Per-
ſon in the Trinity, whoſe Will they execute as its immediate Agents, or Miniſters.
And becauſe they are his conſtant Attendants, and conſequently Adjuncts which de-
note the Preſence and Efficacy of the Holy Ghoſt, eſpecially when they are repre-
ſented together, and that too in the Preſence of God the Father and the Son, they
repreſent then alfo Symbolically the Holy Ghoſt, after the fame manner as the invi-
fible God, and his Government, is repreſented only by his Throne, with ſome other
Circumſtances; and his Son is repreſented by a Lamb. For the Lamb in theſe Vifi-
ons repreſents viſibly the Son of God, the Word of God, even Jeſus Chriſt, which
according to his Divine Nature would otherwiſe be Inviſible, were it not that the
Word of God having taken Human Nature upon him, and having thus fuffered, and
been flain as a Lamb Sacrificed, whereby he comes to be called the Lamb of God,
became thus viſible by his Adjuncts of Human Nature, and his being facrificed as a
Lamb; whence in theſe Viſions he is repreſented fometimes as Son of Man, and
ſometimes as a Lamb. From all which we may collect here what hath been hinted
before, and may be ſerviceable for the underſtanding of ſeveral Particulars after-
wards, that St. John had the inviſible Beings repreſented to him, by ſuch 'Tokens or
Adjuncts as thoſe Beings have aſſumed, or may do afterwards, to become Viſible, or
at leaſt to ſhew their Preſence and Operations. Which Adjunêts are the proper Mat-
ter of Symbols ; becauſe, as we (n) have obſerved, the Metaphorical or Symbolical
Language and Character takes its Metaphors or Figures not only from the plain Si-
miles, but alſo from Metonymies and Synecdoches.
Thus then God the Father himſelf, who is inviſible, is repreſented in the Viſion to
St. John, not by any Likeneſs, for none can be made of him, but by thoſe viſible
Adjuncts which he ſhewed once to the Iſraelites, or left them the Pattern of in the
Tabernacle. So the Word of God is repreſented as a Man, or a Lamb, becauſe he
hath ſhewn himſelf to the World under the viſible Shape of a Man, and in the
Similitude of a Lamb, by thoſe Actions which properly belong to a Lamb. And the
Holy Ghoſt too, ſince he muſt be viſibly repreſented, is Symbolically ſhewn here-
after by Seven Fires, or Seven Angels, becauſe the viſible Appearance of the Holy
Ghoſt hath been by and under the Similitude of viſible Fires or Lights, which fell on
the Diſciples of Chriſt
. And this too in the very fame Manner as the Angels, its
Miniſters and conſtant Attendants, have at any other Time appeared, which was
always like glorious Lights and Fires. Therefore here theſe Seven created Spirits,
as the immediate Attendants of the Holy Ghoſt, do Symbolically repreſent and fig.
nify, wherever they are faid to be, the a&tual Preſence of the Holy Spirit of God,
which in its Nature is Inviſible. Thus likewiſe, becauſe the Breath of Man bears à
Reſemblance to a Spirit, and more eſpecially to the Spirit of God, who to create
him after his own Image, breathed into his Noſtrils: So when Chrift gave the Holy
Ghoſt to his Diſciples, it was by breathing on them. And therefore becauſe the
Winds are like Spirits, the Approach of the Holy Ghoſt was fignified by a ſtrong
Blaſt of Wind. Upon which a learned Man hath well obſerv'd ; (6) Cum enim Spi-
ritus San&tus inviſibilis perſona fit, aliquo ſenſibili figno ejus adventus ſignificari debuit :
Quam ad rem aptius nihil fuit 'vento : Nulla enim fenfibilis res eft Similior Spiritui.
If any one will conſider the laſt Viſion of (p) Hermas, it will be found that our Ex-
poſition of this Symbol is very True and Rational. For there the Holy Ghoft is re-
preſented by a colle&tive Body of Twelve Virgins, whoſe Names are, Faith, Abftinence,
Power, Patience, Simplicity, Innocence, Chaſtity, Chearfulneſs, Truth, Underſtanding,
Concord and Charity. That is, ſo many Graces or Effects of the Holy Ghoft work-
ing in Men. The Author thus by a Metonymy of the Effe&ts for the Efficient, re-
preſents that Holy Ghoſt
, which a little after he ſays is one : Juſt as here by a Me-
tonymy of the Adjuncts
, the Seven Miniſters or Ángels repreſent the Holy Spirit
,
who directs them in the Government of the Church. And thus by making a Di-
ſtinction between the Type and the Thing repreſented thereby, we may give an Ac-
count of the Variety of Expreſſions uſed about them, which ſometimes may re-
sit On Tod ni boszowo i basalto poilsstommi bas viola. Louisido Telmid 101
In the Preliminary Diſcourſe.
Jof. Placæi Refut. J. Crellij de Uno Deo, Sect. III. Page 354, anda bucsola lola (0
late

75
The Dedication.
Ch. 1. V. 5.
21
late only to the Type, and fometimes only to the Antity pe, or Thing deſigned to be
repreſented.
ode
2 Laſtly, Since we ſee that St. John here ſends Grace from the Holy Ghoſt, repre-
ſented by theſe Seven Spirits, diſtinętly from God and from Jeſus Chriſt, and that
in other places it is conſtantly to be obſerved, that the Symbols to fignify the Holy
Ghoſt, and its Operations, do always conſtitute a Train by themſelves, circumſcribed
within their own Compaſs, and quite diſtinct from thoſe of the Father and the Son,
we may conclude, as other Orthodox Divines have done, that the Holy Ghoft by
them repreſented is a diſtinêt Perfon, as well as the Father and the Son are from each
other, though united in ſome Cafes, and as to ſome other Reſpects. See Ignatius
his Epiſtle to Heron the Deacon, wherein the Holy Ghoſt is clearly diſtinguiſhed from
the Angels, or miniſtring Spirits. Ildeggyéma rol on to Ofð ofs onwv, rj o po Xerso za-
eve, još dzix llydrelo, aj s aerlxgyen@or tag petar. But the Holy Ghoſt is likewiſe
called ſometimes Alexovexor. becauſe ſerving to the Father and the Son, which is the
fame as being before his Throne : Which Dionyſius Alexandrinus expreſfes thus; (2)
évrs tuis negoiu aj tõv 01 To Ilydece
. And Ireneus: (-) Dominatione quoque dominaris
Spiritus Sanéti ; if the Place be truly read. See Note on Chap. 12. 1. F. Though the
Fathers aſcribe to him Self-Power and Adoration. And therefore Hermas ſuppoſes
the Office of the Holy Ghoſt to be like that of an Apparitor, Officer of State, or
Miniſter, often appearing in God's Preſence. Which is the very Notion St. Fohn
gives us about it here, and in the Fourth Chapter. His Words are: (s) Continuò
Spiritus fan&tus, qui in te eft
, anguftiabitur, &* quæret diſcedere. Suffocatur enim
aſpectu nequiſimo, & non habet locum apparendi Domino, ſicut vult: tribulatur enim
ab iracundia.
A. Verf. 5. Kul ard 'Insi xesē, And from Jeſus Chrifl.] In this Prophecy Jeſus
Chriſt is ſhewn, as well according to his Human Nature and Humiliation, as his Di-
vine Eſſence and Power. In other Places it is ſhewn, that he is the Eternal God, and
conſequently that he is alſo comprized under that Title in the foregoing Verſe: But
fince it is by his Humiliation and Paſſion that he hath obtained eternal Salvation for
us ; and that, as is obſerved in ſeveral Places, the Holy Ghoſt exhibits that as the Foun-
dation of his acquired Glory ; therefore the Apoſtle here mentions him diſtinctly, and
deſcribes him by his Attributes of Humility and acquired Glory, and puts him after
the Holy Ghoſt, to have occafion to enlarge on his Titles to ſhew that theſe Salutati-
ons, and the Effects of them, ſhall come upon the Obſervers of this Prophecy, not
only from the general Providence and Power of the Eternal God, but alſo from his
particular Promiſes made to Mankind by Jeſus Chrift, in the Chriſtian Oeconomy,
who by ſuffering hath obtained, that the general Mercy, or Grace of God, ſhould be
hugely enlarged, and more abundantly poured out.
- B. o Melpois o mais, The faithful Martyr.] There are many Obſervations made to
ſalve this Conſtruction, which ſeems not to be grammatical ; however, mine ſhall
be fetch'd from the common Grammarians, who obſerve, that it is ſometimes practiſed
in the Greek Tongue, where the ſubjunctive Article ſhould be, there to put the Pre-
poſitive ; that is, the Article inſtead of the Relative. As in Homer:
hin zuforglede
2 22 2471
te () z4, dve oss tjourds, ue merec- veixe? 'ogge. easies hoe
- tos baud
onsbildoa lliw sto vas ?
So that this is the ſame as if it was, às o peche zus é msds, who is the faithful Martyr.
As to the Senſe, I have ſhown before, that Chriſt himſelf was a Martyr: Yea, he
was the Martyr above all, and in whom only the reſt of the Martyrs had or deſerved
that Name, by being united to him by Faith and Likeneſs of Sufferings more peculi-
arly than others. See Dodwell's Cyprianick Differt. N. XII. §. 34, &c. and Dif-
ſert. XIII. The Meaning of this Expreſſion, and the Two next, ſeems therefore to
be this, That Jeſus Chriſt, who, with the Holy Trinity, fends them this Salutation,
is he, who died to ſeal with his Blood the Truth of his Doctrine, and after that roſé
again the firſt from the Dead, to give us an Earneſt and certain Affurance of the
Reſurrection which he hath promiſed us; and by his Death and Reſurrection hath
for himſelf obtained Glory and Immortality, Rule and Power ; and in ſhort, to fit
Or Grace of God, iha
oud se
(9) Dionyf. Alex. apud Athanaf.
s Herma Paſtor. Lib. II. Maud,
SC
(r) Irenæus, Lib. III. Cap. 6.
(6) Homer. Iliad. III. 9.351.
S.
2
at

Ch. I. v. 6. O
The Dedication.
77
nog
Glory. Ono
at the Right Hand of God, to participate with him, who was before the Chriſt's
of
, his After this of
C. dtparotox G- ek doen vergor, The first-born of the Dead. ] St. Paul ſaith thus, that
Chriſt is the Firſt-Fruits of the Reſurrection, di waszeh Xesso's, 1 Cor. 15. 23. And in
Col. 1. 18. he hath theſe very Words, mclótox & in its vergov, Chewing the Reaſon to
be, that in all Things he might have the Preeminence ; and by his Primogeniture
have a Right to govern all according to the old Patriarchal Way, which founded all
Prieſthood and Dominion in Birthright. But this Right having been laid aſide, by
the Pereniffion and Ordinance of God, is to be renew'd in Chriſt, at the Reſtitution
of all Things, to be effected by him. So St. Paul argues, that
Man ought to govern
the Woman, becauſe Adam was firſt formed, and then Eve, 1 Tim. 2. 13. And this
amongſt others, is one Reaſon why the firf Reſurrection is ſo called, Revel. 20. 6. be-
cauſe the Partakers of it are to reign with Chriſt : For that others are riſen before
them, is plain from Matth. 27, 52. See the Sermon of Thaddæus in Eufeb. Eccl. Hij.
Lib. I. cap. ult. Tertullian. Carm. de Judic. Dom. cap. 11. Ignat. ad Trall. Ep. Interp.
Cyrill. Catech. XIV. and Tertullian. Carm, adv. Marcion. Lib. V. cap. 10. Ignat. Epift.
ad Magneſ. genuin.
D. Kai dp gar? B2014 barv igñs, And the Prince of the Kings of the Earth.] Becauſe he
hath Power to bring them into Subjection to himſelf, even as God hath. It is a
Divine Title, and it will be further conſidered afterwards upon Chap. 17, 14. and 19.
16. The reſt of the Verfe hath nothing but what is explained by many Interpreters
in other places of Holy Writ.
A. Verf. 6. Kai éténov
ipuis pamatās uz iegris, And made us Kings and Prieſts.] It
is an Hebraiſm, inſtead of Racineto isegi di po, a Royal Prieſthood, as St. Peter ſpeaks,
1 Epiſt
. 2. 9. as it is further plain from the Alluſion to Exod. 19. 6. from which
this Expreſſion is borrowed, in which Place the LXXII have fo tranſlated the Hebrew
Words Kingdom of Prieſts, namely, by Badínston lepotope, and the Vulgar Regnum ſa-
cerdotale. All which Expreſſions are to the fame Purpoſe. And this therefore implies
that the Chriſtian Church is now the ſpiritual Ifrael
, ſubſtituted and enjoying the
fame Titles, Privileges, and Prerogatives. But for our modern Enthuſiaſts, and ſome
others, to pretend, that from this and the like Places, every Chriſtian hath Power to
take upon him the Prieſthood, without any Call or Confecration, is mere trifling.
They might as well ſay, that every carnal Iſraelite might have been a Prieſt too, by
this Text; which is a great Abſurdity ; and God never explained his Meaning fó.
But, however, this is true, that every Chriftian Man hath now a Right to the Prieſt-
hood; that is, to be ſet a-part for it, according to the Rules and Diſcipline eſtabliſhed
in the Church ; and that there is now no Diſtin&tion of Families as to that Point;
which is no more than what was the Right of the Family of Aaron. They of that
Family had a Right, but were not Prieſts, till they were conſecrated. Before that
Conſecration, to have attempted to do any part of the Prieſtly Office , had been a Sa-
crilege and Prophanation, as much as it would have been in any common Iſraelite.
Therefore we muſt by no Means allow the Concluſion of H. Grotius : (u) Jus fan-
guinis in lege Moſaïca reſpondet manuum impoſitioni in lege Chriſtiana , ut quidam Pa-
tres exiſtimarunt. Their Confecration correſponds to our Ordination. The Sons
of Aaron were not Prieſts till they were conſecrated; they had only a Right to it ;
and ſo we have. And how God would have taken it, may be ſeen by the Caſe of
Corah, Dathan and Abirom, and their Puniſhment. So that this Sentence, that God
hath made the Chriſtian Church a ruling Prieſthood, or Kingdom of Prieſts, muſt
be taken in a divided Senſe; that it hath a ruling Prieſthood therein, and that the
People thereof, fubmitted to that Prieſthood, are a peculiar People: Whoſe great
Priviledge is to have Rulers over them, which are the true Prieſts of the Living
God, and can daily intercede for them, as that God hath preſcribed. Now
this Notion of a Prieſthood bearing Rule, is ſo far from being falſe, that the
very oldeſt Notion of a Prieſt is of one that hath Power over others, both in Civil
and Religious Matters, as it was in the Patriarchal State, wherein the Birth gave a
Right to preſide over all the Kindred. Hence 2010, Coben, a Prieſt, ſignifies alſo a
Prince or Ruler. So that tho' the Word after the Delivery of the Law, was parti-
(u) H. Grot. de Imp. S. Poteſt. Cap. x. §. 17.
X
cularly
78
The Dedication.
Ch. I. v. 7, 8.

zier;
3
fo
cularly applied to the Prieſthood, yet ſometimes 'tis ſpoken of a Prince, as in 2 Sam.
8. 18. the Sons of David are ſaid to be Duiin the LXX ourde goe, Chief Cour-
tiers, for which we read in 1 Chron. 18. 17. SUUNT, Prime Miniſters of State;
in the LXX meõme sedogen, firſt Lieutenants to the King Such as the Turks call Vi.
that is, Lieutenant : The Perſians, Chan, a Word derived from 173. And in
2 Sam. 8. 1'2127, Princes
. Thus in Exod. 2. 16. Jethro is called Cohen of Midian,
Prieſt
, but in the Targum 827,Prince. And we learn from Hecateus, cited by (w)
Plutarch, that the Ancient Kings of Egypt were Prieſts, either being choſen out of
the Prieſts, or if from the Army, then immediately made Prieſts. See the Notes
on Chapt. 5: 10. A. And on Chap. 20. 6. D.
B. 'Auzel i S8 Ede ry to regroe's Tès aiĝo es coses aiórov, To him belongs Glory and Do-
minion for ever and ever.] This Expreſſion is only Affirmative , as all the reſt before
and after, to fignify the Attributes of Chriſt only, and not of Wiſhing, as they ſeem
for the Amen added to this, is only for Confirmation fake. As for the Words
Glory and Power, or Dominion, they ſhall be conſidered afterwards in other Places,
where they are more enlarged upon.
A. Verf. 7: 'Idéexe) petal or repenæv, Behold he cometh with the Clouds.] Our Sa-
viour faith this of himſelf in other Places, as Matth. 24. 30. And the Throne of
God, on which Chriſt now fits, is alſo thus deſcribed, Pfal. 104. 3. and Iſaiah 19.1.
The Clouds having always a Reſpect to ſome preſent or future Aét of Juſtice, to be
executed by God, with Rewards and Puniſhments
. And ſo this implies, that as this
Jeſus, by whoſe Order he writes, hath ſuffered, and hath thereby obtained a Right
ment with Power. See Note on Chap. 10. I.
B. Kal outc) kutòv räs op Sarpos, And every Eye Shall se bim.] To ſee, (x) as I
ſhall prove afterwards, ſignifies in this Book more than a bare Affirmation, that
Chriſt ſhall be ſeen by all Men ; for here, as elſewhere, it denotes the Effects which
that Sight muſt produce to them that ſhall ſee ; namely, Joy to them who hope du-
ly for his Coming, Sorrow to them who have offended him. Thus the Judgment of
Chriſt, to be executed on all Men , ſhall have different Effects, according to the Dif-
poſitions of Men. See the Note upon Chap. 22. 4. A.
C. Kai dinvesævtor éčenévrhe, And they alſo who pierced him.] Even thoſe who cru-
cified Jeſus Chriſt ſhall be raiſed again, that in his Judgment he may execute Ven-
geance to the full upon them. This Expreſſion is taken out of Zachary 12. 10, &C.
as well as the following, according to the LXX, the beſt Editions of which have theſe
very Words. This Expreſſion here contains and implies thoſe that were Chriſt's firſt
Enemies; the next that followeth, implies thoſe that were to be ſo afterwards.
D. Kai kóstov 9 ta' autor meiore ai qura i zas, And all the Tribes of the Earth Shall la-
ment upon him.] We ſhall prove hereafter, that the Earth, and Tribes of the Earth,
are Expreſſions which denote Idolatrous People. And it is even plain from this, that
this Sorrow can fall upon no others. For who, at the Second Coming of Chriſt,
fhall lament, but the obſtinate Idolaters and Oppoſers of Chriſt? Theſe, which ſhalí
remain at that Coming, and perſiſt in their Enmity to Chriſt, ſhall be the Subject of
his Judgment and Vengeance, and ſhall therefore have Occaſion to lament ; but others
ſhall have no ſuch Reaſon. So that the Tribes of the Earth include none but Chriſt's
Enemies.
E. Nah, 'Agilus, Even ſo, Amen.] A double Affirmation, to ſhew the Certainty of
it. It ſeems to be doubled, becauſe it concerns Men to beware being found in the
Number of theſe Tribes; and the Holy Ghoſt would have them to take it into ſpeci-
al Confideration. For that Chriſt ſhall have an everlaſting Glory and Power, is a cer-
tain Truth, which needs no Proof: But that he ſhall execute Judgment on his Ene-
mies, is a fad Truth, which behoves them to conſider more than once. As to the Sig-
nification of Amen uſed here, and a little before, we ſhall ſpeak of it upon Chap. 5.
14. as to the general Uſe of it ; and upon Chap. 3. 14. as to the intrinſecal Significati-
on thereof, whereby it comes to be applied to affirm and confirm.
A. Verf. 8. 'Ega ei lue to A' sj To 2', I am the Alpha and the Omega. ] This is imme-
diately explained by Two ſeveral fynonymous Expreſſions; for the Aīpha and Omega is
(20) Plutarch. de Ifid. pag. 392. Ald. Vid. etiam pag. 393. & Platon, politic. pag. 129,
C) Vid. Note upon Chap. xi. 9, 10.
the
Ch. 1. v. 9.
The Preface, or Firſt Viſion.
79

the Beginning and End of the Alphabet, as Jeſus Chriſt is the Beginning and End of
all Things : And to be the Beginning and End of all Things, is to be that which is,
and which was, and which is to come. All which Expreſſions together fignify, that
Jeſus Chriſt is the Eternal God, and Lord, having the fame Titles as his Father.
Theſe Titles ſhall be further conſidered hereafter upon Chap. 21. 6. However, it is,
methinks, an odd Kind of a Thing, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould here make uſe of a
Phraſe fo extraordinary, which is uſed by none that we read of, but the Poet Mar-
tial, who indeed wrote much about the Times of St. John, but at a great Diſtance of
Deſigns and Studies. He calls a certain Codrus, (y) Alpha Penulatorum, to denote
the Prince of Beggars ; and afterwards excuſes the Uncouthneſs of this Expreſſion by
a Repetition of the like, ſaying,
Esd mob
img ibotos
(2) Quod Alpha dixi Codre penulatorum, &c. Ky domingo
Dicas licebit Beta me togatorum.
по
We find however that the Greeks uſed this Beta, calling Eratoſthenes ſo, (a) sa te den
Top d'ev en mavi đSH troud chas toas aneges érzious. But, as it is ſhewn in other Places, that
the Egyptians had this Way of deſcanting upon Letters, by Anagrams, Numbers, and
the like, and that the Greeks, Fews, and Gnoſticks, did deſcant upon Names in theſe
Methods, it is very likely, that the Greeks took it from thence. And as theſe Ways
were adopted by the Cabaliſts , ſo in the myſterious Books of thoſe Writers (6) 'X
equivalent to A and 2, are ſtill found to denote God the Eternal Being. u 10
B. O resvlorestas, The Almighty. ] Dr. Hammond tranſlates this, the Ruler of all
Things; and ſo every where elſe. I own that this Word may fignify ſo much, it be-
ing equivalent to movlev meg. Toy, and an Attribute of God, as Heſychius explains the
Word; becauſe as (c) Menander faith, to regsteuü 28 vuð vouise J Jebs, that which hath
Power is accounted as God, according to the common Notions of Men ; and much
more is it true in Reſpect of God, the ſupreme Power of all; and resto ſignifies
Majeſty and Authority alfo in Reſpect of Kings, which are God's Vicegerents, as we
find in Æſchylus, one thus addreſſing Queen Clytemneſtra,
som en
(d) "Ηκω στείζων σον, Κλυταιμνήσeα, κράτG-. 2 for YIO
O Clytæmneſtra, I come to worſhip your Majeſty.pno molto una
And as regtév is often uſed to ſignify to reign : So Horace, how to Yo
(e)
Tenente Cefare terras. E o amor frings 20
Home
So (f) Potens Cypri in one place, is expreſſed in another Place by, (8) Tenes Cyprum,
to which refembles this, (h) Fulgenteſque tenet Cycladas, & Paphon. So Bacchus
is, (i) Naïadum Potens, King, Maſter of the Naiades. All which is founded on
this, that Power gives a Right to govern the Subject, as the Conſtitution of the
World ſtands ; which Power none could have, unleſs it were given them of God,
by Command, or at leaſt Permiſſion. But as to God, his Power and Right to rule in-
clude each other, he being the Fountain of all Power and Dominion as well as Right.
And methinks it is not ſo proper, neither here nor elſewhere, in ſpeaking of God and
of Chriſt that they ſhould be called the Rulers of the Univerſe, when there is mention
of Promiſes and Predi&tions of future Events, which wholly depend on their Might,
by altering the Courſe of the whole world, according to their Mind, as to ſay that
they are Almighty, and conſequently fully able to perform them. For the Notion of
Rule and Government with us now doth not always imply Power over future Con-
tingencies. And this may ſerve once for all. Thus far St. John hath diſcovered the
Authority of them who have ſet him to write : Now he will proceed to ſhew, how
he came by his Credentials.
:A. Verf
. 9. ?Ezwi Icévvas
ó xj i darços vietosI John who am alſo your Brother. ] St.
John having informed the Churches, who ſent him, and given their Characters, tells



(y) Lib. II. Epigr. 57,
(<) Lib. V. Epigr. 27.
(a) Suidas in v. 'Ege To DÉVN.
(6) Gualt. Keuchen. in Raſche Theboth.
(c) In Scoba. Serm. xxx. de Impud.
chyl. Agam. v. 266. (e) Horat. Lib. III. Ode 14.
(1) Horat. Lib. I. Ode
3.
(8) Idem Lib. III. Ode 26. (b) Idem Lib. III. Ode 28 (i) Idem Lib. III. Ode 25.
them
(d) Ær.
80
son The Preface. 14
Ch. 1. v. 9.

them in this what he is himſelf, who is thus deputed. And by fo much as he mag.
nifies his Maſters, by fo much he humbleth himſelf. Thus he ſhews, that through
the Abundance of the Revelations he hath not forgotten his Brethren, but owns him
ſelf ſtill to be one of them.
Barbro leto
ula
B. Kas nosverds ev qñ drinker vi en tr Booracie ry wokovnurš zersé, And Partner in the
Afliktion; and in the Kingdom and Patience which is in fefus Chriſt
. ] Theſe Words
may be thus Tranſlated, the Apoſtle chiefly regarding the Sufferings of the Chriſti-
ans for the Sake of Chrift; though it may be ſaid that even in this Cafe, thoſe who
ſuffer become Partakers of Chriſt's proper Sufferings. The Primitive Church is al-
ways conſidered as in a State of Suffering; and conſequently St. John having now
in his State of Martyrdom had his Share of them, he becomes thereby united as well
to them as to Jeſus Chriſt.
C. Έγχυόμω ον τη νήσω τη καλα και η Πάτμο δια ή λόγον το Θεξ και δια του μαρτυρίαν 'Ιυσε
Weiss, I was in the Iſland which is called Patmos, for the Word of God, and for the
Teſtimony of Jeſus Chrift] This Expreſſion, which is the ſame as that we meet with-
al in Chap. 6. 9. in a place where it can bear but this one Senſe concerning Martyr-
dom, determines plainly that this papqueia, Teſtimony, or Martyrdom mentioned here,
and before at the Second Verſe, is not a bare Preaching, but that kind of Martyrdom
or publick Confeffion of the Chriſtian Faith, at the Peril of ones Life, of which we
fpake before. For this Iſle of Patmos is mentioned here, as betokening the Puniſh-
ment by way of Baniſhment, which was inflicted upon him for his Martyrdom in-
ſtead of Death: And it doth really bear a Token of him that did infli& it; for
Domitian is reported to have laid no heavier or more capital Puniſhment upon
Chriſtians but this
. All that came under his Hand were only Exiled, and he would
and did foon recal them from it, though his Death prevented the Time, ſo that it
was not performed till that of his Succeffor. For, that St. John was there in the
Ifle of Patmos as an Exile, he faith it here exprefly; and it is ſufficiently averr’d by
the Ancients. Ignatius in his Epiſtle to the Tarſenſes faith ; Iedrons de epugad dieto ir
Tátu. Beſides that, by the Roman Laws, this was the Puniſhment of Seditious
Perſons, among which were reckoned thoſe who broached and publiſhed new Super-
ititions, as Grotius hath well obſerved. I have given fome Reaſons why St. John
inſiſts ſo much upon his Martyrdom. As for the Name of the Ifland in which the
Revelation was ſeen, it is to be ſuppoſed, that St. John would have us take Notice
of the very Time and Place in which he ſaw the Viſions
. And this ſeeming to be
very Eſſential, we muſt ſay fomething of it here; eſpecially becauſe Two Learned
Men, to back an ill-grounded Hypotheſis, have been forced to antedate the Revela-
tion, againſt the expreſs Tradition and Belief of the moſt Ancient Writers which
have ſpoken of it ; and to fix it to the Times of Claudius Cæfar. Let us ſee what
can be ſaid about it.
Firſt of all, Irenæus the Difciple of Polycarp, who was himſelf St. John's Diſci-
ple, tells us roundly, that the Revelation was ſeen about the End of Domitian's
Reign. And this full Evidence is back’d by another of Tertullian, who faith, that
Domitian having commanded that St. John ſhould be thrown into Boyling Oií, but
he coming out again Alive, was Exiled into Patmos, where, as he tells us, he ſaw
theſe Viſions. What faith now Dr. Hammond to elude this Evidence? Firſt, he tells
us that theſe Viſions were not ſeen at one Time, all of them, but at different. I
wonder he dares ſay fo, when St. Fohn hath aſſerted, that it was all at once, on a
Lord's Day; and there is not one Expreſſion afterwards, which by way of Expofition,
feems to intimate the contrary. Some indeed are pretended, but it is clear to any
one, that the Places are mifconftrued. Secondly, he faith, that Ireneus doth not pre-
tend to affirm, that the whole Revelation was ſeen at the End of Domitian's Reign,
but only the Name of the Beaſt: And that his Words will bear that Conſtruction.
But I anſwer, Suppoſing this were true, thar Irenæus did think that the Revelation
was ſeen by Parcels at different Times, it would nor deſtroy what we ſay, that it is
but one entire Syſtem of Prophetical Viſions, all tending to one End: And this Opi-
nion of Irenæus would only be a Miſtake. But he faith no ſuch Thing. It is true
indeed, that he ſpeaks of the Revelation there only upon Occaſion of the Name of
the Beaſt : He doth not limit the Time of the Viſion of the whole, to be different
from that Time wherein the Number of the Name of the Beaſt was feen, as Dr.
Hammond ſuppoſeth: But he ſhews that the Number was ſeen but lately, becauſe
the Revelation it felf was ſeen but lately, at the end of Domitian's Reigns. His Words


are

Ch. I. v. 1o.
The Preface.
81
are theſe, às cited by (k) Eufèbius in Two ſeveral Places, (1) Ei se ka dyapardin en tres
v Lữ xeugós ungutes otropice bute, s éneivs av eppni'sn að sj the arroxe aur liv èweginóro, de 28 mei
muš zeóvo ecessi, ámde geder en is hus tęsis gleãs, megis meaed Teace of mouetiavé diezās. That
is, if the Name of Antichriſt ought to be proclaimed now, it would have been declared
by him that ſaw the Revelation, for it was ſeen not long ſince, almoſt in our Age
, about
the end of Domitian's Reign. I do now appeal to any Grammarian to judge, whe-
ther the Word ćwcó.9n be not to be referred to the former éweg.xóta ? So that the
Apocalypſe muſt be underſtood to be the Nominative Cafe to it. The Latin Ver-
fion can avail nothing here, in making this ecsegl.In to belong only to the Word ovopece;
becauſe it is of no Authority in Compariſon with the Greek Words preſerved by
Euſebius, which decide fully for us: And Ruffinus, who underſtood Greek and Latin
as well at leaſt, as the Interpreter of Ireneus, doth fo too, when he turns it thus,
Neque enim multum temporis eſt quod revelata eſt
. But Hammond ſeems to miſtrust
this Proof, and therefore waving it, and putting up a better Witnefs, as he thinks,
than Ireneus , he lays a great Streſs upon the Teſtimony of (m) Epiphanius; who
faith, that St. John Propheſied in the Times of Claudius Cæfar, when he was in the
Iſle of Patmos. To ſay nothing here concerning the little Regard that is to be given
to Epiphanius, who lived fome Hundred of Years after St. John, in reſpect of Ire-
neus, who lived ſo little after him, infomuch as he faith that the Revelation was al-
moſt feen in his Age ; nor to ſay any Thing concerning the want of Exactneſs, which
is generally obſerved in Epiphanius, he affirms a Thing which is contrary to the Opi-
nion of all the moſt Ancient Fathers, who were of more diſcerning Judgments than
Epiphanius, ſuch as Ireneus , Hippolytus, Tertullian, Euſebius, and Hierom : Yea,
and in ſpeaking of the Revelation in this very Place, Epiphanius hath committed
prodigious Errors, or Blunders, as (n) Petavius owns in his Notes. The Argu-
ments following, whereby Hammond backs Epiphanius, are not worth anſwering : And
the laſt of them, which is fetch'd from his ſuppoſing an Impoſſibility to explain
otherwiſe ſome Places of the Revelation, is intolerable, and thews how precarious
that Hypotheſis muſt be, which muſt truckle to the Ignorance of Men ; that becauſe
we cannot find it otherwiſe, therefore it muſt be done only that way which we have
imagined. It remains then for us to admit the Teſtimony of Irenæus as a ſufficient
Wineſs, to ſhew us that the Revelation was ſeen about the Year of our Lord XCV,
or a little after, in which Domitian's Perſecution began, as the Learned Mr. Dodwell
hath proved in his Cyprianick (0) Diſſertations. But his (p) Rule, that Viſions with
Ecſtaſy, the moſt genuine, were proper to young Men, is not adequate and general ;
for by this it appears that St. John, at the Time of this great and long Vifion, was at
leaſt Eighty Years Old, and more.
A. Verf. 10. 'Eyuóul ev rovopecele, I was in the Spirit.] That is, I was in a Trance,
or Ecſtaſy, I fell into a Trance. This is thus expreſſed elſewhere, éme TV &i? eu
iu suas, a Trance fell upon him, Acts 10. 10. Which St. Peter himſelf explains by
ſaying, swġ & Sov in insuloet opgpee, And in a Trance I ſaw a Viſion, A&ts 11. 5. Daniel,
Chap. 8. 18. and 10. 9. expreſſes this Ecſtaſy by the Word 977, to be a Sleep, or ra-
ther Slumber ; in the latter Place the Greek hath mulu xalaverunesco, which fignifies
ſunned, or aſtoniſhed; for by this the LXX turn the Word gry, Gen. 34. 7. to
Trouble, or to Grieve. As to the manner how theſe Prophetical Ecſtaſies are per-
formed , we can no more pretend to Diſcourſe of them, than the Blind about
Colours : Only ſo much we may fay, that the Ecſtaſies in which the Prophets Divinely
inſpired fell, were of another Nature than the Poffeffions of thoſe who were inſpired
by wicked Angels. And the Difference confifted in this, that the falſe Prophets were
poſſeſſed with mighty and extravagant Diſtortions, and knew not, during the Poffef-
fion, what they did, nor what they ſpake ; whereas the Ecſtafies of the Prophets Di-
vinely inſpired were of a gentler Nature; and though they might at firſt be terrible
in the Viſions, and did always ſtrike a great Fear on them in the firſt Onfet, yet
the (9) Holy Ghoſt always compoſed it
, ſo that they kept their Reaſon, and other
Faculties of Senſe and Perception, and knew and underſtood well what they did or
(k) Eufeb. H. Ecc. Lib. III. Cap. 18. L. V. C. 8.
(1) Irenæus, Lib. V. Cap. xxx.
(m) Epiphanius Pan. Hæreſ. Ll. Sect. 33.
(n) Dio. Petav. Not. in Epiph, Page 213.
Diff. XI. Sect. 16.
(D) Differt. IV. Sect. 40.
Vid. Hermæ Paft. Lib. III. Simil, ix, Sect. I.
Y
ſpake,
82
Ch. I. v. 10.
The Preface.

ſpake. This is what is eſtabliſhed by (r) Origen againſt Celfus, and (s) St. Chryfo-s
fiom : And this was the Argument whereby the Catholick Church confüred and dif-
proved the Poffeffions of the Montaniſts ; as among the reſt may be made out from
(t) Epiphanius. (u) Famblichus, who has written the beſt of any Philofopher upon
Inſpiration, and well he might, being a great Magician, obſerves, that Ecſtaſy is nor
the Effence of Inſpiration, but an Effect or Conſequence thereof. The Power of the
Holy Ghoſt was then exerted upon the Prophet, as I ſhall fhew preſently; that this
Effeet was ſoon removed, though the firſt Cauſe remain'd. I queſtion whether the
Demons, who inſpired the Pagan Prophets, could do this. The contrary rather ap-
pears; and that the Diſturbance continued during the Inſpiration ; Enthuſiaſm being
therefore accounted a ſort of Prophecy. So that by this we have a Character of the
truly Divine Inſpiration. It only remains for us to determine whether the Expreſs
fion è Ilvdjuan, in the Spirit, is to be underſtood of the Spirit of the Prophet, as
if he was caught up by his own Spirit, or that his Spirit was raviſh'd up; or elſe
that we muſt underſtand it of his being raviſh'd up, or overſhadowed by the Spirit
of God. Both theſe are true ſometimes, and the Expreſſion and Circumſtances will
bear it in what is ſaid afterwards, Chap. 17. 3. Chap. 21. 10. But yet this particular
Phraſe in this and the like Places, is chiefly to be underſtood of the Holy Ghoſt, as
will
appear by the Oppoſition made between this Holy Poſſeſſion, and the contrary
faid to be made by an unclean Spirit. For thoſe that are poffeffed of Devils, are
ſaid to be èv Tivduat end Sopta, in an unclean Spirit, Mark 1. 23. 5. 2. For it is
plain that this unclean Spirit is not ſpoken of the internal Spirit of the Man, but
an external one, which ads upon him contrary to his Will for the moft Part. There-
fore égleópiles Tlodipeat muſt be the ſame as étrýchlu Ilyd'uato dzis, uſed by St.
Luke 1. 41, 67. and the fame as no diuet a znov l én' a'niv, The Holy Ghoſt was upon
bim, Luke 2. 25. And this may ſuffice to fhew in what Diſpoſition St. John was at
the fame Time as he faw the Viſions. The old Prophets explain it thus, The Hand of
the Lord was upon him. as Ezekiel ſpeaks of himſelf, Chap. 1. 3. See 2 Kings 3. 15.
where we find the fame Expreſſion, which implies the immediate Operation of God,
or his Holy Spirit, upon the Soul and Body of the Prophet.
B. 'Ev Tň svercxñ nu go, On the Lord's Day.] It is very likely that St. John was
Éxiled into the Iſland of Patmos, becauſe there were as yet no Chriſtians therein.
For ſeeing that the Perſecutors generally made their Fury to fall upon the Biſhops,
as Heads of the Churches, and in their Opinion conſequently the chief Seducers,
they fancied that by withdrawing them, this would either terrify the reſt, or at leaft
leave them without ſuch as could maintain them in their ſettled Purpoſe to continue
as Chriſtians. According to which Notion, to have Exiled a Biſhop, or Apoſtle, in-
to a Place full of Chriſtians, would have been adding Fuel to the Zeal of the Chri-
ſtians there, and no great Puniſhment to the Exiled Perſon. Wherefore St. John
having no Church in that Place, and conſequently no Aſſembly on the Lord's Day,
for want of a Number of Faithful to meet with him, he was employed in ſolitary
Meditations, and at ſuch a Time the Holy Ghoſt found his Soul ready to receive the
Vifions, and fitly prepared for ſuch a ſublime Miniſtry. How neceſſary the Prepa-
ration of the Soul is for ſuch a Grace, is evident by the Hiſtory of Eliſeus, whoſe
Soul being full of Indignation and Anger at the very Sight of that Rebellious and
Idolatrous King, who in a kind of Defiance put him upon Propheſying, was unfit
to receive the loft Inſpirations of the Holy Ghoſt, till it was quieted by the Singing
of God's Praiſes by a Levite, 2 Kings 3. 15. So Daniel prepared himſelf by Prayers,
Supplications, Faſt, Sackcloth, and Confeffion of Sins ; and accordingly had a Via
fion which informed him of the Number of Days during which the Captivity ſhould
laſt, Daniel 9. 3, 4, 5, 21. I muſt not forget to obſerve here, that P. Colomefius
hath conjectured, that this Lord's Day might be the Anniverſary Day of our Lord's
Reſurrection, and not that which hath been obſerved Weekly.' And Dr. Hammond
did fo before him, as appears from (2) Two ſeveral Places. And indeed the Ethi-
opians ſtill call (*) Schambatah Croſtos, the Sabbath of Chriſt, the Eaſter Holy-Days.
1 300 SW
Orig. c. Cell. Lib. VII.
(s) Hom. xxix, in 1 Cor.
(t) Hæref. xlviii. Sect. 3.
(u) Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. iii. Cap. 79
(w) Hammond on Rev. 1. 10. in the Paraphrate ; and Nore on Chap. 18.2.
(2) Herbeçot. Tic. Schambacah.
If

Ch. I. v. 1o.
The Preface.
83
ſure muſt have at to conſider more nicely why this comes behind. And this to be
If I am not miſtaken, Tertullian hath alſo us’a Dominicum Diem for Eaſter, in theſe
Words ; (y) O melior fides nationum in fuam fe&tam: quæ nullam folemnitatem Chri-
ftianorum fibi vindicat, non Dominicum diem, non Pentecoſten. Though we muſt not
give this out for an abſolute Proof. It may have there the common Signification,
Yet he ſaith thus in another Place , (3) Cur Paſcha celebramus animo circulo in menſe
primo ? Cur quinquaginta exinde diebus in omni exiultatione decurrimus? Arę not
theſe alike?
C. Kai insya perlu) özi on pee peeialw, And I heard behind me a great Voice.] Divine
Inſpiration, and Vifions thereupon, are not an habitual or natural, but actual and
contingent Gift, depending not upon the Will and Study of Man, but the mere
Pleaſure of God. The Prophet doth not purſue and overtake, but
God comes be
hind and calls him back to confider
. But as theſe Obſervations are too general to
give Satisfaction, why God did not as well ſend the Voice before the Prophet as
, we
fure muſt have ſome Reaſon fetch'd from the very Deſign of the Viſion ; and by Con-
fequence theſe Words, behind me, muſt have a Symbolical Signification, which dif-
covers fornething proper to theſe Viſions in this particular. It is plain then firſt,
that this Voice only belongs to this firſt part of the Viſion, as far as the Fourth
Chapter, and not to what follows it; becauſe that which is contained therein to the
End of the whole Book, is introduced by another Voice like this. So that this
Voice which came behind, muſt only belong to this firſt Viſion of Jeſus Chriſt walk-
ing in the midſt of the Seven Lamp-fconces. Therefore if the Viſion, or the Voice
that introduces the Vifion, had juſt appeared before him, he might have thought,
that as it roſe up juſt then before him, ſo it muſt fignify an Event to come as yet, or
at leaſt juſt beginning; but by being called thereby to reflect and ſee a Viſion already
exiſtent, it gives him to underſtand, that the Viſion concerns a Thing already begun
and exiſtent before he confidered it, and to be obſerved as well backwards towards
the Time paſt, as forwards towards that which is to come. Retro eſt enim omne quod
tranſit ; ante eſt omne quod veniens permanet, faith Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. IV. Page 168.
Thus for Inſtance in the like Matter, the Dragon with Seven Heads repreſenting the
Roman Empire Pagan, already exiftent and formed before the Times of St. John, is
ſeen already formed ; but the Beaſt, which was to begin to exiſt afterwards, is féen
riſing out of the Sea. Theſe Matters are therefore to be nicely conſidered : For not
one Word of this Sacred Book is written therein, but what harh ſome Myſtery and
Signification, which is neceſſary to be well obſerved. We muſt therefore ſtart Que
ſtions upon every Thing, if we aim to underſtand the Whole. Such Particles de
termine abſolutely, how we muſt conſider the Events. But perhaps this may be
thought too ſubtile: And therefore we muſt think of ſomething elſe. Now it may
be obſerved, that as all this Vifion conſiſts of Monitions and Corrections, ſo the cal-
ling back from behind, is a Token that the Party called back hath gone out of the
Way, and ſo muſt be recalled, to turn back, which implies a Repentance : As it is
uſual to be done with any wandring Animal, as Sheep, or even Children. So in
Iſaiah, Chap: 30. 21. And thine Ears Mall hear a Word behind thee, ſaying, This is
the way,
walk in it, when ye turn to the Right Hand, and when ye turn to the Left.
And ſo it is obſerved, that when our Saviour gave Peter the odious Name of Satan;
becauſe he ſaid it to one capable of Repentance ; he added,, Get thee behind me; but
the Devil himſelf he commanded to be gone. See Matth. 4. 10. and Chap. 16. 23.
Whereupon Ignatius deſcants thus: (a) "Trays Eataydi, 8x TV, rays on ou pro š 38
τρέψαι ολός τε, αλλ' ύπας Σατανά, εν οίς επιλέξω. Now as the Perfon of St. fohn in this
Prophecy is always Symbolical, which ſhall be proved hereafter ; ſo here he muſt be
recalled in the fame Manner as thoſe whom he repreſents muſt be recalled.
This I take indeed to be the true Meaning; but according to the Greek and Roman
Authors, as the Back-parts, accounted behind, follow the Face as Leader ; ſo what-
foever is ſaid to be Poft, behind or after, is accounted as future, coming after, and
not as paft. Therefore in Artemidorus, Lib
. I. Cap. st. the Back fignifies the Old
Age, or future Time of the Party. So in Suetonius, the Dream of Domitian is ex-
plained of the Time to come. His Words are ; (6) Ipſum etiam Domitianum ferunt
(y) Tertullian, de Idololatr. Cap. xiv.
(a) Ignac. Ep. ad Philipp.
(3) Tertull
. de Jejun. Cap. xiv. 1728
(b) Suecon. in Domitian, Sect. 23.
fomnia

84
Ch. I. v. 11.
The Preface.
Tor,
ma
fomniaſſe, gibbam ſibi pone cervicem auream 'enatam : pro certoque habuiffe ,
beatiorem
poft sé, laetioremque portendi ſtatum Reipublicæ. Sicut fane brevi evenit, abſtinentia
& moderatione inſequentium principum. And as it muſt be confeſſed that the Word
orion will bear this Signification, anſwering frequently to the Hebrew 178, which, as
we ſhew in our Note on Chap. 1. 17. D. hath commonly a Reſpect to the future: So
then the Back will be a proper Symbol of the future. Thus Tertullian deſcanting up-
on Exod. 33. 23. (c) Et dominus fimiliter de futuro : Ego præcedam in gloria mea, &
reliqua. Et in noviſſimo. Et tunc videbis poſteriora mea. Non lumbos nec Juras, ſed
quam deſideraverat gloriam in pofterioribus temporibus revelandam. Virgil ſayssamistoa
sd earn (d) Necdum etiam geminos à tergo refpicit angues. ved min eli sa bros brin
nicorsi 90 hoto 910
Ju lutego
bod vw to Bitina ovis
On this Servius ſays ; Hoc eſt,
nondum videbat mortem futuram
D. 'as ooAmaya , As of a Trumpet.] The Voice of the Trumpet is obſerved elſe-
where to be the forerunner of the Appearance of God. So God going to appear and
ſpeak to the Iſraelites, was preceeded by the Voice of the Trumpet, Exod. 19. 16.
See Pſal. 47. 5. Zach. 9. 14. Jeſus Chriſt, who is God, and takes the moſt incom-
municable Attributes of the Divinity, as appears even by the next Words, may alſo
make now his Appearance in the ſame Manner. Add to this what we have to ſay
upon Chap. 4. 1. F. Now further, as the Trumpet is the Adjunct of publick Pro-
clamations, fo here the Holy Ghoſt makes uſe of it to give notice, that the Will of
God is going to be proclaimed, to the hearing of which, St. John, as the Repreſen-
tative of the Church, is called. So that this implies, that the Viſions of the Revela-
tion are deſigned for the publick Uſe of the Church.
A. Verſ. 11. 'Ezáciu To A', wj zo s'uéza, I am the Alpha and the Omega.] In the
Beginning of the Viſion, or if you will, in the firſt of the Vifions, there is but one
Astor, and one Scene deſcribed, that is, the Place where he is ſaid to ſtand and walk.
So that the whole Viſion, till a new Scene appears, which happens not before we
come to the Fourth Chapter, muſt be explained accordingly. This A&tor here is cer-
tainly Jeſus Chriſt ; and the Place or Scene is the Seven Churches, repreſented by the
Seven Lamp-Sconces. The Power and Attributes of this Actor are no further diſco-
vered, than is requiſite to thew the State and Condition of the Churches; and that
is only their Eccleſiaſtical State. To which the State of the Actor is proportioned
in ſuch a Manner that it is viſible that the Symbols, which repreſent the Actor,muſt be
confidered with Reſpect to the State of the Churches, which are the Scene of his
A&tions. There is no mention therein of the Government of the World, nor any
Tranſactions therein, as concerning this Viſion. For if that were fo, it would have
been accompanied with a Deſcription of a larger Scene, and 'Actors ſuitable to the
Tranſactions of the World, as we find it done in the following Viſion, to which the
full Expoſition of ſuch Matters is fully reſerved. So then, if any Thing be mention-
ed here of worldly Concerns, it is done only obliquely, becauſe the State of the
Church could not otherwiſe be deſcribed, nor the Exhortations, Promiſes, and Threat-
nings be explained. We may obſerve therefore that the Power of Jeſus Chriſt, and
his Office in governing theſe Churches, as it is diſtinct from that of his Father, is
merely Ecclefiaftical
. I would not be ſo underſtood, as if I meant, that Chriſt was
wholly excluded from all Temporal Power in this Caſe ; for even this Expreſſion, I
am the Alpha and the Omega, includes ſuch a Power ; he hath Power with his Father
even to deſtroy and judge his Enemies : But I mean that theſe Symbolical Expreſ-
fions, wherein Chriſt is only repreſented as A&or, lead us to determine that this Vi-
fion, or part of the Prophecy, merely concerns the internal State of the Church,
which is the peculiar Care and Charge of Jeſus Chriſt, as all the Symbols ſeem to
denote, and our Saviour before his Afcenfion promiſed to his Diſciples, Matt. 28. 20.
And ſo theſe Epiſtles to the Seven Churches are an Effet of Chriſt's Care for the
whole Church, which is fymbolically repreſented by theſe Seven ; their Number, as all
Interpreters agree, fignifying Univerſality, As for the Acts of Chriſt on the tempo
ral Government, theſe are ſhewn more peculiarly in the ſecond Part. About this Ti-
tle of Chriſt fee before, Note upon Chap. 1. 8. A. and Chap. 21. 6. A.

(c) Tertull
. adv. Marc. Lib. IV, cap. 22; conf. Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. 37: the builders
d) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VIII. *****
Β. και

Ch. I. v. 11.
The Preface.
85
(i) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI. Vid. Senec. Agam, V. 46.731, Ec Papin. Scat.
B. Kai, à Brémes zár Lov eis Bilríov, And, what thou ſeeſt vorite in a Book.] He re-
ceiveth a Commandment, not only to write the Seven Epiſtles, but alſo the whole
Revelation ; and this ſhews the Reaſon why he dedicated the whole Revelation to
theſe Seven Churches. Let us now conſider the Signification of the Terms and their
full Importance. To ſee is a prophetical Expreſſion, and Thews their proper Work,
for he that is now called a Prophet, was beforetime called a Seer, 1 Sam. 9. 9. And there-
fore when their Inſpiration was given them by Symbols, it comes under the Name of
Seeing or Viſion. See Numb. 24.4. 16. And this is the very Style of the Heathens.
Euripides faith on this Account,
Lot so bad
door to noisex
deq (e) Koaxes g8 ókein', & eonunve spero
ΟΙ Η Νεφέλης ύπερ θνήσκονίας εισορώ φίλες. W. Jo
vola vi yino boilin
lo soittoriogia loilodove si am
And Ariſtophanes, las
er bis domas storiw sd yd boring
KATE (S) 'Evogcö piegulee täide od Espelewer his logro de or solo
Yogut exortwo brow o balsot
And in another Place,
oillots os Proto vino bib am
ago I had todas pamokas
da bi (8) 'Ogô mv, bo på Bńuello vse Se dépeluang bisngan siad arrabasmmo
odt ils ont ole si svolg
In this Senſe Lycophron uſes the Word Adio, V. 52,86, 216. Hefych. hence (h) Touko
is the ſame as Mévtis a Prophet, à und og ogãy. Tzetzes. Thus alſo the Sibyl in
Virgil: ni
slondarymi word
-Bella horrida, bella,
Et Tibrim multo spumantem fanguine cerno. Lahko i
bo variaort
As to the Signification of Writing, it appears to me, that the primitive Notion or
formal Signification of the Hebrew Word and to write, implies rather to publiſh or
notify. Becauſe the firſt Intention of Writing was to publiſh any Thing, or notify it.
This appears fully by the Oppoſition made in this very Prophecy between goegezin
Çev and yegoev, to ſeal and to write, Chap. 10. 4. for the former plainly ſignifies to
conceal or hide ; and therefore to write muſt fignify to publiſh or diſcover : Becauſe at
firſt no Writings were made, but upon Pillars and other Monuments, merely to noti-
fy Things. Thus when God faith in Iſaiah, Chap. 65. 6. Behold, it is written before
me, it follows immediately , I will not keep ſilence, as Synonymous. And in ferem.
22. 30. Write
that Man childleſs, &c. that is, publiſh and let all Men know, that this
Fechoniah ſhall die Childleſs, and none of his Children ſhall fit on the Throne of
David. And to read is therefore to know or underſtand, and even to publiſh likewiſe.
So the Hebrew 89 ſignifies to call on, or to call together an Aſſembly, to publiſh,
to read ; 781*7 fignifies Reading or Leſſon, Preaching or Proclamation; and nipo
a Convocation, and alſo Leſſon or Reading. So that xp is by the LXX ſometimes
turned by the Words Boda, 'Avanesw, xngu'ara, and the like. So even in the Greek
Tongue dyanvéone fignifies both to know and to read. And in Heſychius véyvwors, is
explained by evægumelouos, and evayuvcó su ey by évægeweilev, to read or know by the
Word to acknowledge or diſcover. And this Word evazvessia which fome explain by
me to or kardio to perſuade or to command, fignifies rather to give notice to any one to
do ſomething, to let them underſtand their Duty or the Time to do it. Upon theſe Aca
counts the Publication of the Goſpel is here fymbolically repreſented by the Reading or
Opening of a Book , Chap 5.4. Yea, and the Word uſed by Iſaiah, Chap. 8. 1. to
fignify a Book, whereby he was to publiſh ſome future and dreadfúl Évents is 79173 which
comes from 192, which in Pibel (ſignifies to diſcover, open or reveal
. From which
Word the Learned Gouſſet derives many others of a cognate Signification. But if we
take the more general Word 750 for a Book, then, as I have elſewhere proved, that
Word fignifying originally a Stone, which of old were uſed for Monuments, that No-
Band Starsmo tror in your eyewis world anoiul doul 916 rolli sredw
(e) Euripid. Helen. v. 755. (f) Ariſtoph. Acharn.
(h) Lycoph. v. 223.
(8) Ariſtoph. Plut.
Achilleid. Lib. I. v. 34. Theb. Lib. IV. v. 587.
CC៖
Z
tion

86
Ch. I. v. II.
The Preface.
tion ftill makes the Book to have been deſigned to publiſh, diſcover, reveal or notify
any Thing to others
. See our Note upon Chap. 2. 17. C, and then, Exod. 17. 14. and
Iſaiah 30. 8. Tully : (k) Perinde quali , quod à nobis di&um aut aftum fit, id niſi li-
teris mandaverimus, hominum memoria non comprehendatur. Thus alſo Hilary faith
of God's Laws: (1) Nam utique non ob aliud confignatæ literis manent, quam ut ad
univerſorum ſcientiam notionemque defluerent. And thus perhaps from the Participle
and may come, Tuba, a Trumpet to call People together, and publiſh any Thing to
them, or to make them know what to do. See our Notes upon Chap. 10.4. A. Chap.
14.13. B. And Chap. 19.9. A. Therefore, Thirdly, as to the Book, although we
need not to think, that it ſignifies any Thing elſe, but that it was neceſſary for the
Execution of the Commandment to write, as if the Holy Ghoſt bid him publiſh the
Vifions only by the Way of Writing ; yet if we conſider further, and take along with
us the Symbolical Signification of the Book, then the Writing in a Book fignifies,
that Jeſus Chriſt would have theſe Viſions publiſhed and ſpread, conſidered and ad-
mired by the whole Church, and that this Book is to be a ſtanding Monument, that
what he hath foretold, ſhall certainly come to paſs ; and that this Book may be ap-
pealed to. I wonder where Hugo Grotius found the Reſtriction, that this Command-
ment did only extend to the firſt Viſion, that is, of the Seven Churches. The Words
BAémhs, what thou ſeeft, are general enough, and if they were not, yet I think the
Commandment being repeated afterwards, Verſ 19. and being fo full, and as I ſhall
prove it alſo, extending to all the Viſions, one would think that this were to be ex-
plained by that. But by this one may ſee, that ſome Men have ſo great a Deſire to
be thought the Authors of extraordinary Conceits and Diſcoveries, that they care not
how improbable and extravagant they appear to be in themſelves to ſuch Perſons as ex-
amine ftriatly into Things.
C. Και πέμψον ταϊς επτα' όκκλησίαις ταις εν τη Ασία, And fend it to the Seven Churches
which are in Aſia.] We find in the Prophecy of Jeremiah, Chap. 36. an Example of
a Prophecy commanded to be written and ſent away. The Deſign is here the fame,
namely, becauſe this Prophecy chiefly concerns thoſe to whom it was ſent ; and
therefore it behoved them to give Attention to it. The Caſe of Jeremiah was like-
wife partly the ſame as that of St. John : The one was exiled and confined in a ſmall
Ifand, the other was in Priſon too. I need not here obſerve further the Cuſtom
of that Age, which was to communicate all the Accidents befalling the Holy Martyrs
during their Sufferings, to other Churches, becauſe this ſeems rather to be done by a
ſpecial Order, than by Virtue of that Cuſtom. As to the Number Seven, we have
already obſerved, that it is ſymbolical to denote an Univerfality of the Matters com-
prized : And indeed it appears, that the Holy Ghoſt did chuſe theſe Seven to make
them Repreſentatives of all the reſt, becauſe in their Conditions and Deſcriptions we
find all the Topicks which may ferve to apply to all others, through the whole World
during that Time. The Commentator Aretas has ſeen this. His Words are indeed
ſaid upon the Third Verſe, but ſhall be cited here: Add as fra det innangão, sej te cdo picta
δικά αιθμες το και απανταχύ οκκλησιών εσήμανε πλήθG και των παρόντι βίω συσόιχων.
D. Eis "Egerov, rj dis &uugvæv, wes Trézga qov, zjes @vátheg, rj cis Esglas, rj cis 0
ad Napeter, i s'e Acosinerdy, To Epheſus, and to Smyrna, and to Pergamus, and to Thy-
atira, and to Sardis, and to Philadelphia, and to Laodicea. ] Some Interpreters find
out very great Myſteries, as they think, in theſe Names, to Thew why the Holy
Ghoſt made choice of theſe Seven Churches above others ; and the great Grotius
hath dabled in this as well as others. But ſome have ſtill proceeded further, and af-
firmed that theſe Names, and the Churches contained under them, were Symbolical,
to ſhew alſo the State of the Church, as to its moral Qualities, throughout ſo many
Periods ; not taking theſe altogether as exiſtent at one Time, but ſucceſſively, in the
ſame Manner as the Seals, Trumpets and Bowls fucceed each other. But where ap-
pears, I pray you, the Succeffion, as it doth in the Seals
, Trumpets and Bowles
Theſe Men have therefore erred fo palpably, that they are not to be excuſed for in-
dulging their Fancies ſo much. I own that the Holy Ghoſt frequently alludes to the
Name of a Thing, to fignify ſomething real... But then I contend, that in this Book,
where there are ſuch Allufions, they always carry with them fome innate Charaĉter,
that-the Holy Ghoſt deſigned a Paronomafia, or Allufion to the Name. Now here
IQOT
Svi qooyi
1 (k) M.T. Cic. Orat. pro A. Cluentio. (1) Hilar. Pict. in Pfal. 118. Rendban
appears
TV.lt

Ch. I. v. 12.
The Preface.
87
appears no ſuch Matter. As for Inſtance, when the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to allude to
the Signification of the Name, to expreſs the Nature of the Thing , it firft tells us
of the
Thing, and then faith, that its Name is fo and fo. By this Hint we perceive
,
that the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to expreſs the Nature of it. Now this is according to
the Idiom of the Hebrew
Tongue, and the Notions of them that uſed it ; wherein for
the moſt Part the Name of a Thing ſignifies not the bare Defignation of an indivi-
dual, but frequently the Accidents and Nature of it; as when it is ſaid in the Pro-
phet
, that
he ſhall be called Emmanuel ; the Meaning of it is, that the Child ſhall
be God with us, dwelling amongſt us. Such Inſtances there are in the Revelation,
which ſhall be obſerved in their due Places. This ariſes from the Cuſtom of impo-
fing Names upon Things or Perſons, either to keep up the Memory of their Inſtitu-
tion, or to preſerve that of ſomething elſe, or even to denote fome Quality in them:
Examples of which occur frequently,
Why theſe Seven Churches are pitched upon rather than others, hath been conſi-
dered in another place. However, we muſt here obſerve, that Epheſus was the Me-
tropolis or Capital City of Aſia, as ſhall be proved (m) elſewhere ; and therefore it
is here put the firſt : Or perhaps rather, becauſe it was the Place of St. John's Refi-
dence for the moſt Part : And the Holy Ghoſt might have a Reſpect to that.
A. Verf. 12.
και εμεί επέστρεψα βλέπεις τίω φωνω ήπς ήλάλησε μετ' εμέ, And there I turned
back to ſee the Voice that Spake with me.] That is, I turned about to conſider who
it was that uttered this Voice. St. John begins now to conſider by Retroſpection
what theſe Churches mean, or how they are to be repreſented to him. Caft an Eye
back upon our Note on the Word oríow les in the roth Verſe. Béary. This paplu, to ſee
the Voice, is no ſuch Incongruity neither, for thoſe Verbs that belong to the human
Senſes, are often put for one another in the beſt Authors. So in Ariſtophanes we read
(n) gśü orue os Juegs, taſte the Door, inſtead of feel the Door. Which very Expreſſion
is uſed by Petronius, a nice Author as to Matter of Style, who faith, necdum libave-
ram cellule limen. Thus alſo we read in Æſchylus,
moi SA is to brviZO STOJEV
(0) "Iv?&ta perlu', $7% 7% yogplu' Begonte VIOS 10 long
Potat.
A : 9000. Bomo busetingar
no to edit 2 Boboto 19 Lilo tolto
And elſewhere,
To hods or
si Tornbabbits
Suomen itseva to'I BITICI
(p) Κτύπον δέδορκα Πάταόν τ' έχ ενός δορός.
ahults
And in Lucretius :

dud arv (9) Sex etiam aut feptem loca vidi reddere voces store ari god W
Delta ES
Unam cum jaceres.
COM
SOVEone
ab
And indeed the Verbs that belong to Seeing, are promiſcuouſly ufed for any other
Senſe. So in Exod. 20. 18. Tās i ndès çus eg. tu parle, all the People ſapo the Voice, and
the Lightnings ; rj le parole of many soand the Voice of the Trumpet, even as here.
(r) Philo indeed thinks, that there is more Myſtery in this Expreſſion : But I cannot
ſee any more than what I ſay here. So in Genef. 42. 1. when Facob Saw, the LXX
have isov, but the Vulg. Audiens : As St. Stephen in the Acts 7. 12. repeating this, uſes
the Word énkous. So in Genef. 27. 27. See the Smell
, in lieu of Smell : Šo in John
20. 29. to ſee is equivalent to the Word to touch or to feel.
B. Keà étisgélos ditor età suxxías zquore's
, And being turned, I ſaw Seven golden
Lamp-Sconces. ] AuxrQ properly is a Lamp, and Auxuícen a Sconce whereon are fet
many Lamps, and for that reaſon I tranſlate it Lamp-Sconces ; becauſe the Word
Candleſtick makes a Kind of Equivocation, and doth not fhew that the Auxvia or
Lamp-Sconce doth neceſſarily ſuppoſe many Lamps upon it. In the Moſaical Taber-
nacle there was but one Auxería Lamp-Sconce, which had Seven Aúgvxe Lamps, for ſo
they are conſtantly called by the LXX. See Exod. 25. 31, 37. and Chap. 40. 24, 25.
v. 21.
(m) See Note on Chap. 12.3. IV.buls 90 (n) Ariſtoph. Ran,
6) Æſchyl, Prom.
(1) Philo de Peregr. pag. me. Theb. V. 103,
(9) Lucret. Lib. IV. V. 581.
181 bodi 35 ton
merit
And
1.8.19.

88
The Preface.
Ch. I. v. 13.
(u) Homer. Iliad. A.
And ſo doth (s) Foſephus diſtinguiſh them; and (t) elſewhere he makes this an effen-
tial Difference between the Temple of Onias near Heliopolis, and that of Jeruſalem;
for Onias made no Lamp-Sconce , but only a bright Lamp of Gold, and hung by a Gol-
den Chain, και γδ εποίησε λυχνίαν αυτόν δε χαλκάσα μG- ή λύχνον γευστω επιφάινονα σέλας,
gevows dau'rews Jeexpéricos; which Words may alſo be ſo conſtrued as if the Lamp was
of Braſs ſhining like Gold, and hung up by a golden Chain. So in the Hebrew, the
one is 13, or 9), or 71), and the other 7710, as appears in the Two Places afore-
cited, and from Numb. 8. 2. Obſerve therefore the difference between the Mofaical
Tabernacle and the Chriſtian Diſpenſation : The former hath but one Lamp-Sconce
with Seven Lamps, becauſe that Church was confined to one Place, and to one Taber-
nacle. But the Chriſtian Church is univerſal, and therefore hath Seven Lamp-Scon-
ces to repreſent it; that Number fignifying Univerſality. Our Saviour himſelf.ex-
plains the Meaning of theſe more particularly afterwards.
in w
C. Auxvius nguorz's
, Golden Lamp-Sconces. ] Gold
fignifies incorruptible and ſtable,
as we ſhall prove hereafter. See our Notes upon Chap. 10. 1. Chap. 21. 15. and 18.
and elſewhere frequently. This therefore ſignifies the Stability of the Chriſtian
Church againſt all Oppoſition.
A. Verf. 13. και εν μέσω της επτα λυχνιών όμοιον των ανθρώπε, And in the mid/d of the
Seven Lamp-Sconces, one like the Son of Man.] It is not faid here what this perſon
did in the midſt of the Seven Lamp-Sconces, but afterwards it is ſaid that he walked
in the midſt of them, meitenes en jukow, Chap. 2. I. This Perſon is certainly our Sa-
viour ; and this walking, and being in the midſt
, are Expreſſions uſed about God the
Father prote&ting and governing the Iſraelites, Levit. 26. 12. eu.wiec na thow er vfiv, I
will walk among you. See Iſaiah 12. 6. So in Virgil, Funo faith, Incedo Regina.
Servius, Incedere propriè eſt nobilium Perſonarum. Æneid 1. which Horace uſes to
the fame Purpoſe, Superbus incedis. Epod. 15. 'Tis a Word of Dignity and Autho-
tity. Now amongſt other Particulars worthy of Obſervation, we muſt not neglect to
conſider the Poſture of the Perſons acting ; for that determines in ſome Meaſure the
Nature or Kind of their A&tions. Standing ſignifies, refifting, defending, ſtrugling
and contending for Vi&tory againſt ſome preſent Enemy : Sitting fignifies ruling,
reigning, judging, and enjoying Peace : And Walking, as we ſee it in this and the
other Parallel Place cited, is a Poſture Satagentis, of one that is buſy, and watching,
and defending thoſe whom he walks about or amongſt
. This can admit of no Dif-
pute. For even in Homer, fo we read of Apollo :
ముందు
(u)
“ος Χρυσίω αμφιβίβυκας,
κίλλαν τα ζαθίω, Τεγέθοιότο Τρι ανάσες.
quistan Ibn
Where the Scholiaſt explains cumuléennes by crepea zais. For indeed ipe ávdwus is but
Synonymous to it. Hence alſo the protecting Angel in Dan. 4. 13, 23. is called
riy eis in Aq. and Symm. 'Ezgázoso, a Watchman or Patroller, that goes about to de-
fend from any Surprize. » () Æſchylus hath imitated Homer herein:: bobul bra
Dux. 02 2092
τοί πονο 15 Υ Ιω φίλοι δαίμονες
Bontona : Toto Authienos šupicávles zónov. di grandtasks cánti foshni old ()
XXI, do sada
otot yet I molt som to 8
And Callimachus ſpeaking of Apollo protecting Delos :zivathaf 210V dood voli svet
ni 02:33
Teos om te bro Wata
(x) Tojás os. Bonho dụpicsonxav. To W Ods o melsvitspo aj 9s| 01.pnos
blog 2015
Pa doua Clee tosta sadis yang 412
Thus alſo Horace ſays to Faunus : , B i virgota foi
di vitagora fwych [.2998033cm
brow ay susod
Bring I notca Hostin hot bns zoon vaste
od 7 (y) Per meos fineis, & aprica rura Lenis incedas. Ist zbiebe
-T90CT JUDIS Madini
Ji norus
យនេះ.. នង
1903 rizob sono me.I
Jeſus Chriſt ſhews us here, that the State of his Church is ſuch that it is ſurrounded
with Enemies on all sides, that it wants a continual Defence and Prote&tion againſt
(5) Orig. Jud. III. C. 7.
rollid (t) De B. Jud. VII. C. 37. stol 1:2 (R)
(W) Æſchy, Sept. C. Theb. 280.
(x) Callimach. Hyma, in Del. 39191 ob olin (u
(y) Horat, Lib. III. Od. 18.
bus

them,
Ch. I. v. 13
The Preface.
89

them;
and by Conſequence that he is executing the Promiſe which he made former
ly to his Diſciples before his Afcenfion, Matth. 18. 20. and Chap. 28.20. And as
Ignatius faith : (2) "Otr ev ñ xges's 'Ingés , ēnei i vee. Sonixon 'Exxanoia.
B. Olotov úſ er Igame, One like the Son of Man. ] This is an Expreſſion taken from
Daniel, Chap. 7. 13. and ſeems in him, and in the Goſpels, fo appropriated to Jeſus,
that it cannot well be ſaid of any other. It fignifies Chriſt in his State of Humi.
liation, not yet raiſed up to the higheſt Pitch of his Glory; and that his Church
partakes with him. This Hebrew Phraſe Son of Man, which the Prophet Ezekiel
fo ofren is called by, ſignifies a Slave, a Captive, or mean Perſon. Though I do nor
deny that our Saviour is ſo called, becauſe he took Human Nature upon him ; but
yet I think this Title hath a peculiar Aſpect to his Humiliation, which the taking of
Human Nature upon him brought him to, that ſo he might undergo all that Hu-
man Nature is ſubject to, that he might afterwards exalt it to the higheſt Pitch of
Glory. Howſoever it is plain, and without Diſpute, that our Saviour is meant
by it.
Our Saviour, though he be now at the Right Hand of God, is not yet arrived to
the laſt Pitch, or higheſt Step of Glory : That is reſerved till all his Enemies are
ſubdued : And therefore this Title ſtill belongs to him, and is affected now, becauſe
the Holy Ghoſt is going to conſider chiefly the Church in an afflicted State, and
Jeſus Chriſt is to be inveſted with ſuch Qualities as his Church harh, that in all
Things he may Sympathize with her. Irenæus having proved this by ſeveral Con-
fiderations, concludes thus; Sic ſemper Verbum Dei velut lineamenta rerum futu-
rarum habet, & velut Species diſpoſitionum Patris hominibus oftendebat, docens nos
quæ funt Dei. Lib. IV. Cap. 37. I would here deſire the Reader to conſider that
whole Chapter, and alſo to read the firſt Note of Brightman on this Verſe, which is
very judicious. Irenæus in that Chapter gives Rules to underſtand all the various
Forms wherein God and Chriſt are ſaid to appear in Holy Writ; namely, to ſignify
the State of the Church. This is the Principle which we muſt follow hereafter upon
all Occaſions. In this Caſe Chriſt was already exalted to Glory, but in vifiting his
afflicted Church, he ſhews that he ſympathizes with it. And therefore fuftin
Martyr faith truly : (a) και υπέρ τέτων δελδει μέχρι νώ ο Χριςός, και 8 εν αμφοτέραις δέλων,
It was upon this Principle that the Primitive Fathers, and others, allegoriz'd all the
A&tions and Accidents of our Saviour's Life, applying them to the State of the
Church: In which way Hilarius Pietav. hath commented upon the Goſpel of St.
Matthew. But this was not new: For Philo the few hath done the ſame by their
Church, as to the Apparitions of God therein. Of which ſee an Inſtance in our
Note upon Chap. I. 15. B. Hilary lays down his Principle thus: (6) Omnes factorum
veritates in ipfis illis geſtorum effeétibus fui fimilem atque ex fe intelligendam future
veritatis imaginem conſequuntur. See alſo Lactantius, Lib. IV. Cap: 26.
But now that I have laid down this, that Son of Man being ſpoken of Chriſt, be-
tokens his State of Humiliation, I muſt ſhew here how this Phraſe comes to imply
ſo much. Firſt then it is to be obſerved that according to the Hebrew Idiom, any
Adje&tive denoting ſome Quality in a Man, may be expreſſed by a Circumlocution,
in putring the Word Son, and adding the abſtracted Word of that Quality, as of
Sorrow, Power, and the like : Yea it may be applied more generally than fo, even
to ſignify any Thing elſe Analogically. As for Inſtance, the Son of the Bom
nu-12 fignifies an Arrow in Job 41. 19. but in our Engliſh Tranſlation, Chap. 41.
28. fo 110 -12 ýds Jardile, the Son of Death, fignifies a Man guilty of Death, or
condemned to die, 1 Sam. 20. 31. which Expreſſion is uſed alſo in 1 Sam. 26. 16.
0-2 üòr suvel társas. Thus alſo in Ifaiah 21. 10. 17-42, the Sons of my
Floor ; that is, the Fruit or Corn of my Threſhing-Floor, thoſe that I have threſhed,
which fignify thoſe that I have puniſhed, beaten and afflicted; whence the LXX
minding more the Intent of the Words, than the literal Signification, have turned ir
by, oi fumcócefial. So likewiſe nin1-1], the Sons of Earneſts fignifies Hoſtages,
in 2 Kings 14. 14. and 2 Chron. 25. 24. in both which Places the LXX ſay, you's uds
S ou pizcar ; that is, the Sons of the Bargains, or Covenants, becauſe theſe are a
kind of Mixture among Men, the Commerce being an Interchange, whence the
(a) Juſtin M. Dial. c. Tryph, Page 285.
(3) Ignat. Epift. ad Smyrn.
(b) Hilar. Piētay. Com. in Matth. Can, xii.
og
Аа
Notion
The Preface.
90
Ch. I. v. 13.

.ערב the Word
Notions of Bargains and Mixture are akin in the Hebrew, being both derived from
. The ſame Notion alſo appears to have been in the Greek
Tongue, as it is proved in our Note on Chap. 18. 17. B. So likewiſe in Ferem.
48.45. 1180 - 37, Sons of Noiſe fignify the Muſicians, or merry Drunkards, that
Sing and make a Noiſe. So in the fame Ferem. 26. 23. Oyn Ja jy netõu, Sons of
the People, fignifies common Men. And thus alſo the Son of Twenty Years, ſignifies a
Man Twenty Years Old, 2 Chron. 28. 1. By this Rule we may explain in iſa. 7.6.
28 20-77, which is commonly turned by the Son of Tabeal, but may as well be
turned by the Son of the good God; that is, one to whom God ſhall ſhew Favour,
ſome lucky Upſtart, a Man of Fortune, ýòv digans & ebehuoro, & Sock pove. And ſo the
Targum ſeems to have underſtood it, of a Perſon undetermined, x3, 1077, Qui
placuerit nobis ; ſuch a Man as we ſhall appoint. So Oedipus calls himſelf () Trei de
a Túnis, Son of Fortune : Fortuna filius, being likewiſe ſaid by Horace (d) for a
lucky Upſtart. In like Manner the Word Wya, which fignifies Lord or Maſter, and
vwa Man, are uſed in a Periphraſis to ſignify fome Quality. So r70717-ys,
the Maſter of Dreams is a Dreamer, ĉnuaviasás, Gen. 37. 19. where it is ſpoken of
Foſeph. And ſo wu yi Maſter of Hair, is an Hairy Man, 2 Kings 1. 8. ſpoken
of Elias the Tiſhbite ; after which Manner the Greek Word "Avce is uſed ; as "Avce
in turns , fignifies a Man with a great Beard ; an Expreſſion uſed by (e) Plato the
Comedian, and meatus arag is a Man armed with a Shield, mentasis, in Euripides,
Alceft. Vers. 498. and (f) zecimas drag for nometns, a Rower, in Æſchylus. So
218 maya, the Miftreſs of the Belly, is a Ventriloquiſt
, as the Woman at Endor,
1 Sam. 28. 7. Thus alſo of 08, which implies alſo a Superlative or Eminent Qua-
lity, we read in Pſal. 80. 18. 7UO' W'Y, the Man of thy Right Hand, that is, thy
handy Work, or thy Maſter-piece. So 77928JA W'N a Man of Sorrows, in Ifa. 53.
3. fignifies an aflifted Man, a Man eminently affli&ted, an excellent Perſon in Afliktion :
And being ſpoken of the Meſſias, really expreſſes the fame Thing with that Addi-
tion, as Son of Man. So in Pſal. 49. 2. U'R is oppoſed to 078, and (8) Selden
takes it to ſignify a Nobleman. So OSU-UX Men of Peace, fignifies Familiars, in
Fer. 20. 10. and 28. 22. So in Iſa. 45. 14. 1770, UX, Men of Meaſure, is the fáme
as tall Men, as the LXX expreſſes it öveges úfnaoi; fo in i Chron. 20. 6. theſe Words
are turned by avis casqueza.sas, but in 1 Chron. 11. 23. by ävdege degrov. In Numb. 13.
33. 17190 3x a re avdees va equý neis. The Word 12 is uſed to the ſame Purpoſe : For
in 2 Chron 26. 17. the Words Sons of Courage, are the ſame as the Greek
voi sweetdi
, ſtout Fellows. And for that Reaſon 1987 Sons of Gods, or Sons
of Powers, in Gen. 6. 2. fignifies Potentates, Powerful Men, or Princes, becauſe the
Notion of Power and Dominion is included in the Word 9798; and accordingly
Son of God, when it is applied to Chriſt, fignifies Chriſt in a State of Power, Glory
and Dominion, exerting his Divine Power to the Full: And Son of Man ſignifies
one in a State of Infirmity or Humiliation ; becauſe, whether it be uſed to explain
the Chaldee Word Vix-2, as in Daniel 7. 13. or the Hebrew 78-75 frequently
uſed, or wx 2 uſed in Pfal. 144. 3. both the Words us and D7, imply in
the Notion which they have in the Hebrew Tongue, Infirmity, Deſpicableneſs, Af
fiction, Sorrow, Pain, Sickneſs, Miſery, and Death or Mortality. So wir figni-
fies commonly to be Sick or Weak, and Words implying Death are derived from it;
hence to be infirm dieveiv
, and devetce in St. Paul, do not only imply Infirmity by
Sickneſs, but alſo by Perfécution, as the Word is uſed in 2 Cor. 11. 36. and rightly
explained by St. Chryfoftom. So 078 is a contemptible Man, becauſe made of 1078
which is Clay. And thus alſo in Ezekiel 24, 17, 22. DBX D0%, ägzom dvd grðv, the Bread
of Men, is the Bread of Mourners, the Targum hathrax M2, Bread of
Mourners ; a vile Bread, or a mourning Feaft. Which in Hofea 9. 4. is called
D'six on, åsta név Jos; and in Pſal. 127. 2. O'ZBYT ONS åstov od wins; and in
Fer. 16. 7. ésto, è méve, where they ſeem to have read only, and not on 5, as it is
in the preſent Hebrew Copies. And indeed the Word Man being added as a Geni-
tive to any other Subſtantive, ſeems to fignify that it is common, and of no great
0 0
(c) Soph. Oed. Tyr. Pag. 195.
(d) Horat. Lib. II. Sat. 6. Vid. Petron. Arb, in Cæna Trimalch. Page 153.
(e) In Ariſtoph. Schol. ad Concion.
(f) Æſchyl. Perf. Page 378. igjerne
(6) Selden's Titles of Honour, Page 11. Chap. 8.
I
Account,
Ch. I. v. 13.
The Preface.
91

Account. See our Notes upon Chap. 13. 18. Laſtly, What did the Pſalmiſt, 146. 3.
defign by ſaying, Put not your Truft in Princes, nor in the Son of Man, but that we
muft truſt none, from the higheſt to the loweſt, from Pharaoh, to the Son of the
Slave at the Mill, Exod. 11. 5. So in fer. 17. 16. WIR OT, kipéega dySpas 78, Dies
hominis in the Vulgat. Lat. but in our Engliſh, the woful Day; the Senſe is the
ſame. Hence we find in Seneca : (h) Quemcunque miſerum videris
, hominem ſcias.
And thus Son of Man, according to the Hebrew Idiom, muſt denote, according to
our Language, a Man in a State of Contempt and Infirmity, Ami&tion, and all
Kinds of Miſeries that attend Human Nature : All which is proper to be applied to
Chriſt in his firſt Coming, who therefore calls himſelf frequently Son of Man. So
that in this Viſion, Son of Man, an Attribute of Chriſt, doth correſpond to that
other, where he is repreſented by a Lamb, as having been ſlain, 'Apríor cos és çay iloon,
Chap. 5. 6. in the other Viſion. Thus we may eaſily explain thoſe Two perplexed
Texts in Genef. 6. 2. and Dan. 7. 13. For the firſt of them implies, that Men of
Power became at laſt ſo tyrannical over others, that they oppreſſed them exceedingly,
by raviſhing their Daughters, becauſe theſe were Daughters of Men ; that is, inferior
Perſons, and ſubject to the Oppreſſion and Tyranny of the great Ones, which they
uſed according to their Luft
. That of Daniel ſignifies, that One, which is Chriſt, ha-
ving firſt appeared in a state of Contempt and Affliction, ſhall at laſt obtain a Share
in the Divine Power, and to ſubmit the World, over whom God hath Power ; and
is therefore the Ancient of Days, or Father of Ages. So that this paſſage of Daniel
plainly implies the two different States of the Meſhas ; one of Humiliation, the other
of Glory; and by Conſequence the firſt and ſecond Advent of the Meſias. As for
Ezekiel, who is ſo frequently called Son of Man, this is done becauſe he was a Slave
or Captive, which is the moſt humble, afflicted and miſerable State of Man next to
Death, in that his Life is in the Power of his Maſter. Yea, our Saviour himſelf, as
being the Son of Man, is by St. Paul ſaid to be in the Form of a Servant, Philip.
2. 7. thoſe Two Expreſſions being ſynonymous. How and in what particular Cafe
Chriſt became actually a Slave or Servant, ſhall be ſhewn and proved elſewhere here-
after in a convenient Place. See Note upon Chap. 13. 17. E. Whence we fee, that
St. Paul ufes fometimes the Word ev spomy @, to ſignify mean, little, ſhort, or mode-
rate, as in 1 Cor. 10. 13. where St. Chryfoftom faith well, ó uil ev.Spcómy C, T8TÉS,
κρός, βραχυς, συμμε/G' ο γδ ανθρώπινον ότι σε μικρά λέγει. ώς όταν λέγη, ανθρώπινον λέω ολα
ole catererar os ougro's vuit. Which Words are taken out of Rom. 6.19. whereupon he
faith, Tò 78 cúmuz' Sov rñ merosgoeią rõ åv Spettive Snacī. So Plutarch (i), xj to perei as sy
ev spomires tregoU TIOMNU 807. Thus alſo fames the Fuſt
, being asked in Derifion by the
Jews, (k) vis v sueg ’InoS të saugogna, What Advantage is there from Jeſus crucified?
He made Antwer,
ή με επερωτάτε του Ιησε σε υε σε ανθρώπε, και αυτές και εν τω έρανώ, &c.
that is, Why do ye ask me of Jeſus in his humble and deſpicable State, where as he not
fits in Heaven on the Right Hand of the great Power. And thus alfo an Oppofition
is found between uéza çeveſ and evapeshyws in the Conference between Hannibal and
Scipio : (1) παρακαλά σε μι μέγα φρονείν, αλλ' ανθρωπίνως βελάδες οι ' ονετώτων.
C. 'Ev & Julúov mosáign, Cloathed with a Garment down to his Foot.] Our Saviour ap-
pearing here as the Governor of his Church, which is Badínetov iseerdud, a Royal
Prieſthood, whereof he is the High Prieſt, it is fitting he ſhould appear cloathed ac-
cordingly. Modugns is a long Tunick, which the Prieſts wore, as it is deſcribed by (m)
Foſephus, where he calls it 7oJáens geleòv, as well for the ordinary as the High Prieſt
and faith further, it was called commonly uegeis, which might be an affected Word
for that particular Garment of the Prieſts: But in the Inſtitution of it, we do not
find it to be called by any other than the general Name of Jnd, gelev, Exod. 28.
4, 40. But this is not all that is to be done here : We muſt further know what this
ſignifies ſymbolically, that ſo we may underſtand what Relation it hath to the Church.
Now theſe sind ztrūves were given to the Prieſts (n) es mule nj star
, for Honour and
Glory, and conſequently this moshens fignifies the Glory of Chriſt'; as much as if the
Holy Ghoſt had ſaid, he is the Son of Man, he was contemptible, but he is now exalted
to Honour ; and his Church too is now afflicted and perſecuted, but it will be ex-
70
D10
W
j
(b) Senec. Herc. Fur. v. 462.
Euſeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. II. Cap. 23.
(m) Antiq. Jud. Lib. III. Cap. 8.
:) Plut. de feipfo Laudand. Page 444
(1) Polyb. Exc. Lib. xv. Page 695.
(n) Exod. 28. 40.
alted
The Preface.
92
Ch. I. v. 13

Gold;
alted to Proſperity and Authority. Whence we find that the Son of Sirach to figni-
fy Honour and Glory in general, faith of him that followeth Righteouſneſs, Chap.
27. 9. xj in Suon autò ass mosógu sens, thou ſhalt cloath it as a long Tunick of Glory. And
accordingly we find, that the Onirocriticks explain the Garments of the Credit, Pow-
er, Fame, and Honour; if beautiful, of Good ; if dirty , in bad Part. So the In-
dian Interpreter faith, Chap. 157. 'E@vida mis on é óget rép. Cu to aspó lelov Crateg.ped ſuctos
Caeικόν άρήσει αξεσίαν και αξίωμα ανάλουν τα καλλες και η τέχνής αυτέ. And on the other
Hand, "Οσα η ιματίων τα κριθέντα εις του πίςιν ερρυπώθη, είς ρύπον η πίστώς εισι. And of
Garments as they belong to Prieſts it is ſaid, Chap. 149. 'Edv idim mis on nairos div seteg-
τονήθη τεράς, είμ' όξι βασιλικός μεγίσω» και «ρότίω αερήσει παρ' αυτό βασιλέως τιμώ. Ει δε σε κοινό
λας, ή τίωχός, μεγίσω ακολουθήσει, και πμό και χαρούν άρήσει παρ' αυτά.
'Eevida iegds eróasse ruw is egtinào sonày, an å'ne doned Shox]. And therefore the
Prieſtly Garments are Symbols of Honour, Power and Dominion. However, we muſt
here obſerve, that Chriſt in Reſpect of the Militant State of the Church, has only a
Tunick, but when he comes in his higheſt Glory, Chap. 19. 13. he has incórrov, a Gar-
ment, or upper Garment, like a great Cloak or Robe. This is accounted for in the
Note upon Chap. 6.11.C.
D. Kei were corektov med's mois persois Cabrny zgroñv, And girt about the Paps with a gol-
den Girdle.] This Way of girding high, up to the (0) Paps, was cuſtomary to the
Jewiſh Prieſts, as we learn from Fofephus one of them. That of the High Prieſt
was, as the ſame faith, date for a refon x suoc sunupugufés, embroidered with interwoven
but this of Chriſt is all of Gold, to fhew from the Symbolical Signification
of Gold the Perpetuity of his Office. Michael the Archangel is ſo deſcribed in Da-
niel 10. 5. being concerned in that Prophecy, in the ſame Kind of Buſineſs as here
Chriſt is, or rather as ſome think, it is Chriſt himſelf, to deliver the Jews out of
their Captivity, as here to defend the Church, and bring it into the World to over-
tule all the Power of Paganiſm. The Girdle is ſaid to be the Symbol of Power and
Strength, and Defenſe or Honour. So in fob 12. 18. (p. He girdeth their Loins with
a Girdle, is explained to fignify that God gives them their Honour and Strength to
defend themſelves and be obeyed; and by and by Verſ. 21. and looferh the Girdle of
the Strong, is explained by, he weakeneth the Strength of the Mighty. So fob 30.
11. Becauſe he hath looſed my Cord , and afflited me.
The latter Expreſſion
explains the former ; my Cord is on the fame Word fignifies Excellency.
The ſame Signification is alſo collected from Iſa. 11. 5. Chap. 22. 21. the
Prophet ſaith, will ſtrengthen him with thy Girdle, and I will commit thy Government
into his Hand; where this latter Expreſſion appears to be Synonymous to the former,
as it often happens in the Prophets. Iſa. 23. 10. There is no more Girdle, is explain-
ed in the Tranſlation by Strength : So in Iſa. 45. 1. I will loose the Loins of Kings,
fignifies, I will take away their Strength : So in the 5th Verſe, I girded thee, fignifies
I ſirengthned thee, as the LXX have tranſlated there, évigu oré os.
And indeed nio
fignifies both Strength and a Girdle ; and therefore we need not wonder , that the
Word 798, which fignifies a Girdle or to gird, ſhould alſo denote Strength, becauſe
it is Synonymous to the former. The Onirocriticks explain a Girdle, of the Principal
Servant or Keeper of the Houſe, which is indeed the Strength thereof. The Perſian
and Egyptian Interpreters Chap. 244. ſay thus,
Ει δε ίδιη όπ ή ζώνη σε βegχία αυτά νέα όξι" νέον φύλακα σε οίκε αυσά κλήσεαναλόγως το κάλλες
wurt. And by and by, 'El de Edy on vi ſóun ditensis üv, evinder o rý utsass say Kreg Tonger
τω οίκω αυτό.
also a
And Chap. 258. the Indian, Perſian, and Egyptian ſay thus,
Ει δε ίδιη ότι έφορει ζώνην υπό ευσε και λίθων και μαργείρων, ήτοι λώρος" ευρήσει εν τω μέσω
{ons devrå, ici av rezisluw wġ övque uérisev xj ténvoy ágoev e’s gugluerer curš. In the Teſta-
ment of Judah, he explains it ſo : (9) sij The (có lw res, Torist suve qev.
Since therefore Chriſt our Leader hath a golden Girdle, it implies that his Church
ſhall be defended and honoured hereafter, when it ſhall have paſſed through the Times
of Trial : For Chriſt its Lord hath invincible and alſo incorruptible Strength, as the
Gold implies. Thus in the Viſion of St. Jacobus, Purple Girdles are the Symbols of
!
(0) See J. Spencer. de Leg. Hebræor. iLib. III. Diff. I. Cap. 5. Sect. 2.
(P) See Pineda on the place.
(9) Teftam. XII. Parr. Jud. Ş. 15.
lampin the
Ch. I. v. 14.
I be Preface.
93

10. 14.
the Stout Sufferings of the Martyrs, their Conflict unto Death. The Words of that
bleſſed Martyr are as follows, (-) Vidi, inquit, juvenem inenarrabili & fatis ampla
magnitudine, cujus veſtis difcin&ta erat in tantum candida luce, ut oculi in eam con-
Stanter intendere non poſſent : cujus pedes terram non calcabant ; & vultus oris fuper
nubes erat
. Is cum tranſcurreret, unam tibi Mariane, & unam mibi, Zonas purpú-
reas in finus noftros jaculatus eft, & ait : Sequimini mé cito.
E. meis mois uasais, About the Paps.] The Paps in the Onirocriticks are explained
of Sons and Daughters. See Artemidorus, Lib. I. cap. 43. and Lib. V. cap. 37. and
the Indian, cap. 80. The Symbol is very adequate, the Breaſts being defign’d for the
Nurture of Children. Hence fob 21. 24. faith, His Breaſts are full of Milk, to ex-
preſs that a Man hath great Subſtance to uphold his family. In Hof. 9. 14. A mil-
carrying Womb and dry Breaſts, fignify lofs or want of Children. Therefore the Gir-
dle about the Paps fignifies, that Chriſt hath and uſes his Strength to prote&t and in
creaſe his Sons; that is, the Church, thoſe who come to him as Children, Mark
A. Verf. 14. 'H ĝi repand our rij reizes a dirge', wrei ce cos adrov, cis zeer, But his
Head and his Hairs were white like Wool, as white as Snow.] Daniel in his Viſion faith,
Chap. 7. 9. 1 Spig of zapoañs áurš worel česov nes Je cor, the Hair of his Head was like pure Wool,
So in Sophocles white Garments are called the Wings of white Snow. (s) Adrñs zeávo
magune sezavès. Therefore in theſe Words of St. John there ſeems to be an še ne rõrv,
familiar to the facred Writers, his Head and his Hair, to fignify the Hairs of his
Head, as it is in Daniel. But now to come to the Symbolical Signification of this
white Hair, or hoary Head. Firſt, God himſelf ſays, that the hoary Head is the Sym
bol of the Reſpect and Honour due to the Perſon that hath it, Levit. 19. 32. Ama
megoríte zoneš Igavasáon, weh Tapan ons weet mor mpsoßu régs. Thou shalt riſe up before the
hoary Head, and honour the Face of the old Man. And the wife Man, Proverbs 16.
31. faith, The boary Head is a Crown of Glory. Hence we find in Daniel 7, 9, God
takes upon him the Title of Ancient of Days, may pry, marcuès siue, w : The Word
piny, fignifying both old and ſtrong, or powerful. So that this implies, that God
is the Lord and Maſter of Seaſons ; that is, as it ſhall be proved elſewhere, the Ru-
ler of the World. The boary Head is therefore the Symbol of Authority, and Domi-
nion, and Honour enſuing thereupon : And the Onirocriticks agree all to this. The
Indian, Chap. 20.
PER Gv ónomóno xj de rupu , [this is play exa&tly, ) onéovicom i ogão ditugal'sa
Εάν τις ίη κατ' όνας ότι νεώτερG- ών εγχύετο μιξοπόλις, εις τιμήν ήξε.
Ειδε όξι μιξοπόλις, αν ίδιο όπ εγγύετο πλείονας έχων πολιας, ομοιως πλείον αυξήσει αν
τιμή. .
And in general long and beautiful Hair, ſuch as the White was always reckonid of
old , fignifies the ſame. For the ſame faith,
"Έαν ης ίση ότι οι τείες η κεφαλής αυτά έμηκύθη και έπληθωώθη, εάν όζη βασιλάς, αλάτων και
λαόν πλείονα κά9 και άρματα, και κόσμια έσται τω λαώ αυτά. ει δέ όξιν εκ τέ λαέ, αφήσει πλάτον.
The Perſian agrees with it, Chap. 21.
Εάν ίση ο βασιλάς τις τάχας η κεφαλής αυτό καλας και μεγάλας, εις τον λαόν αυτά έσαι χαρά και
αμεριμνία πολέμε.
To which the Egyptian conſents in the next Chapter. And in general both of them
obſerve about the Hair, Chap. 33.
Αί τι χες διώαμιν και πλέον το ανθρώπε σημαινεσιν. έτη και η αίμα. And on the contrary,
the Loſs or cutting off the Hair fignifies the Loſs of Honour, Power, and Domi-
nion. For the Indian Interpreter, Chap. 30. faith concerning Hair cut off,
'Ε3 έα βασιλάς και τετο ιδών, αποβαλά τίω εξεσίαν τε λα αυτά και τίω βασίλεια», και μετα
Sabtews Strogom cho ragu.
The Perſian and Egyptian, Chap. 31.
Εάν τις ίδη ότι ακερεύστειο τίω κεφαλήν αυτά δι' όλε, ει με όξιν εξίσΘ, απολέσει ή έξεσιά
ζονα αυτόν, και έτως ως θλίψιν μεγείλαν έλασε 9. είε όξιν αυτεξίσης, ατίμιως θεατειθή στο και
αν ήωχεία τελετήσει.
And fo likewiſe Sheeps Wool, to which this Hair is compared, fignifies the fame,
as the Oriental Interpreters ſay, Chap. 222.

SU
(n) Acta S. S. Jacobi & Mariani & aliorum.
Ed. H. Steph.
2
(5) Sophoc. Antigon. pag. 218.
Bb

94
The Preface.
Ch. I. v. 14.
PER ö isiy mis tezov to ormà us egos megbetav, eusúcez monitor mòr nj iguegy durid peeglisero dodgovor
Nice to xéegs på megbáty.
Το έρμον καθόλα είς χρυσίον καθαρόν κρίνες.
The like to which we find in Iſa. 7. 20. wherein Naving with a Razor hired the
Head, the Hair of the Feet and the Beard fignifies the killing and deſtroying of the
Aſyrian King and his Army, 2 Kings 14. 35. Hence alſo in Ferem. 47. Š. Baldneſs
is Deſtruction. Euſebius upon View of theſe Paſſages fays: (t) Tetése in scouor euis
και τίω δόξαν Θεμελών, δια η Ο καθόλα όπικρgθέντων αρχώς. The like may be collected out
of the Arabian Learning. For (u) Hegiage Ben Foſef having dream'd that he ſhaved
the Head and Beard of Abdallah, who was then proclaimed and confirmed Khalife at
Mecca ; Abdel Melek his Enemy took this for a good Omen, that Hegiage ſhould
overcome Abdallah, and therefore made him General of that Expedition he undertook
againſt him. According to this therefore, the Honour and Dominion of Chriſt muſt
ariſe from the Downfall of the Monarchies of this World, which is certainly true.
(w) Artemidorus is not wanting in this Caſe to explain the Signification of Hair to the
fame Purpoſe ; for he faith alſo, Teizas 'zevy puezainers vſ Ketnes, zý ' dutais dzemeat, dzam
so'n. αγαθών και σοφό ανδρι και μένει και βασιλεί καρονι. αυτο γδ ευπορία»
μόνον σημαίνει, έχ ήδεί αν, αλλ' επίμοχθον δια το πολλά καμά του δείν εις τίω κομιδω και μεγάλων
reiz@v. So Ifai.47. 2. ſpeaking of Babylon, faith, Uncover thy Locks ; and the Tor-
gum puts for it, revela gloriam regni tui. The Glory, Strength, and Riches of a
King being the Multitude of his Subjects, this may denote the Multitude of
Converts to Chriſtianity. Tychonius ; Capillos albos multitudinem albatorum, id eff
,
neophytorum ex baptiſmo prodeuntium dicit
. Lanam dixit, qui oves Chrifti funt. But
if we preſs the Compariſon a little further, we ſhall find that this Authority of
Chriſt muſt be attended at firſt with Poverty , Cares, and Torments, but with great
Fertility and good Succeſs. The Coldneſs of the Snow implies ſo much, as the Oni-
rocriticks explain it. Firſt of Cold the Indian faith 165. xj Ę dveur fórs mw yeier
εισκόσμησιν σάρξεως σημαίνει διότι και απο 7ωχείας βειν ή ψύξις. And of Snow all day thus
in Chap. 191. Η χων, η χάλαζα, και ο παγΘ, θλίψεις, μερίμνας και βασανες σημαίνεση. Εάν
ίδι και τις ότι έχιονίδη οι μέρες τόπος ή χώρα, εν οίς εκ ώ έθος χιονίζαν ευρήσεσιν οι κατοικέντες
poeiav. And indeed in Perſia to this Day, as Tavernier vouches, they gueſs at the Fer-
tility of the following Year by the Fall of the Snow. Join to all theſe before-cited,
that of Aſtrampſychus and Nicephorus, C.P. Xicoy qeveica do refleõv gg Spels pépet. Now
this Symbol of Hair is according to the Deſign of God, which was given for Honour
to Man. (x) xj reizes megs sókav, faith the Author of the Teſtaments of the Patriarchs.
Thus alſo Virgil tells us of a Portentum to this purpoſe, which thews that he was
well skilled in the Symbolical Language, for he explains it himſelf
. He faith that
Lavinia ſtanding by her Father Latinus at Sacrifice, ſhe ſeem'd to have her Hair ſer
on fire and her Crown, and that being all ſmoaky with an yellow Light, ſhe fet fire
to the Palace. The Poet explains it thus immediately :
(y) Namque fore illuftrem fama, fatiſque canebant
Ipfam, fed populo magnum portendere bellum.
And ſo we are here alſo given to underſtand, that the Power and Dominion of Chriſt,
without much Trouble and Sufferings to him and to his Church, ſhall not be per-
fe&ted : All which Particulars need not here to be enlarged upon, but ſhall be made
out by all that followeth in this Prophecy..
1500
B. Kaoi op Jen pòi duts ass or de toeós
, And his Eyes were as a Flame of Fire.] This
is alſo to be found in Dan. 10. 6. oi op Sanyoe duri coci acuerde das Truegs, His Eyes were
like Lamps or Torches of Fire. The Compariſon of a beautiful or good Eye to Fire
is very proper, becauſe the Eyes are the Lights of the body, or the Lamps of the Bow
dy, as our Saviour faith, Matth. 6. 22. I ſhall prove in (2) another place, that the
Eyes fignify the Juſtice and Government of Chriſt, and that Fire fignifies, not only
the enlightning or ruling of People, but alſo the Deſtruction of Enemies ; ſo that
the whole implies, that Jeſus Chriſt ſhall ſo rule his Church as to execute Juſtice to
the Deſtruction of all Enemies.
GE
(t) Euſeb, Dem. Evang. Lib. VII. pag. 199.
(u) Harbelor. tit. Meccah.
(Lib. I. cap. 19.
(2) Teftam. XII. Patr. Nephthal. S. II.
Æneid. Lib. VII.
(3) See Note upon Chap. 4.6. F.
(y) Virgil.
More

Ch. 1. v. 15.
The Preface.
95
ز
Moreover it is here to be obſerved, that ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt háth in many Pla-
ces ſhewn us, that David was the Type of the Meſſias ; fo in this and the former
Caſe, there may be fome Allufion to the Deſcription given of David : For the Holy
Ghoſt by the Sacred Hiftorians, to give us to underſtand that David was of a noble
Aſpect and Countenance, and conſequently worthy to be a Prince, tells us, that he
had fair or yellow Hair, and good Eyes. In 1 Sam. 16. 12. and Chap. 17. 42. the
LXX ſay, that he was truppánns, which may be underſtood of his Hair. For fo He-
ſychius and Suidas explain the Word Iluppeé uns, Ecev St's ; which is always ſpoken of the
Colour of the Hair ; as alſo of Eſau, Genef. 25. 25. And by thoſe Oriental Nations
taken to be a Token of great Beauty. Hence we find that (a) Artapanus deſcribing
Moſes to be a goodly Perſon fit to command, obſerves him to have been wanego, zupa
bu xí, comedy, xopílu, daca punto nóv ; tall, golden-haired, fair, long-haired, and graceful
.
And therefore I gueſs that Solomon the Son of David was of the ſame Colour as his
Father, by the Practice of his Courtiers mentioned by Foſephus, who being them-
ſelves, as generally moſt of the Eaſtern Nations are, black-haired, fifted Gold-Duſt
upon their Hairs daily, (b) pony fece ö zeudis rassic'épger å uses émion son of sópurus. And as
David's Hair is obſerved in his Deſcription, to are his
Eyes faid
to be good ,
2101 Dijiy in', fair of Eyes and good : And Sparkling like Fire is even among us
ſaid hyperbolically of good Eyes. So here of Chriſt, to deſcribe the Goodlineſs of
his Perſon, he is ſaid to have had delicate white Locks and Eyes ſparkling like Fire :
And by Conſequence a comely and beautiful Prince, fit to govern all the World. And
ſymbolically that Deſcription tends alſo to the fame Purpoſe. If any one think this
too flight, let them obſerve, that there is ſuch a Deſcription made of the Bridegroom
in the Canticles, which is typically true of Chriſt.
A. Verſ. 15. Kai oi ó des au 78 ÖLLO101 J0A xone6ávo, And his Feet like fine Braſs. ]
There is ſome Diſpute about the Signification of this Word guaroxícaro : So that
the firſt Thing we muſt do here, is to endeavour to clear it. In Ezekiel 1. 27.
where the Prophet deſcribes the Appearance of God, he reſembles his lower Parts to
Tour, which the LXX have explained by řaeusov Amber, as well as in the Fourth
Verſe; but even this is much diſputed of. Though there appears not much Reaſon
to ſuppoſe that in theſe Two Places this Word muſt fignify fome Metal, becauſe it
followeth, as if heated in a Furnace, yet we muſt enquire whether it is not more
proper to underſtand it of ſome Metal, than of that Aromatick and Condenſed Juice,
or Ġum called by us Amber. The Æs livianum pitched upon by fome Authors, nor
the Electrum, or mix'd Metal mentioned by Suidas, cannot well be applied to the
Times and Notions of Ezekiel: The firſt being only ſo called, as Pliny obſerves,
from the Owner of the Quarry in Gallia, who was a Roman, and gave his Name to
that kind of Braſs; and the latter being a later Invention of mix d Metals, which
from its Reſemblance to Amber, was called by that Name. But then if we obſerve,
that St. John might allude to Daniel's Deſcription of the Viſion, which for the moſt
part agrees, and is the ſame with St. John's, we ſhall find therein ſomething that
may determine the Diſpute, Chap. Io. 6. he faith, Kai Tod ozean ass o escons zurri
s'a60116, And bis Legs as the Sight, or Reſemblance, of shining Braſs; and imme-
diately there followeth theſe Words, rý v poovid S rozwv elurõ css owvi ogas, And his Words
like the Voice of a Multitude : So that this makes it highly probable
, that St. Fohn
borrowed his Deſcription from Daniel; becauſe the following Words of St. John
ſeem to be borrowed alſo from the ſame Place; the Multitude and the Waters being
the ſame, as we ſhall ſhew in its Place. Therefore, becauſe it is certain that Daniel's
Words 32p nun) fignify Shining or poliſh'd Braſs, we muſt think that St. John hath
uſed the juaxoníbavo
to the ſame Purpoſe, making or finding this Word already thus
compounded out of Two Languages, of which kind Inſtances might be given, as if
it came from manxo's, and tab, ſining, bright or white Braſs. And indeed Virgil
gives the Orichalcum the Epithet of White :
sret us
Alboque Orichalco. bw balon
Of which more by and by.blotti e lodiny
181 booki yao
See today ons ten bulshod
Boga i desnubito do
(c)
(a) Ápud Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX.
(c) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. XII. Vid. Serv. ibid.
(6) Antiq. Jud. Lib. VIII. cap. 2.
I
But

96
Ch. 1. v. 15.
The Preface.
But then ſome object, that this way of explaining the Word is againſt the
Analogy of compounded Words, eſpecially in the Greek Tongue, in which
the firſt Word in the Compoſition muſt not denote the Subject of the Notion,
but only ſome Quality thereof, as gora xogé twves is not Braſs that hath Coats, but
Men that have Coats made of Brafs, or brazen Armour. So that they rather incline
to ſay, it is Amber that looks like Brafs, called the Male Amber, which being put
into the Fire, fends out a Perfume, as Andreas Cæfarienſis and Aretas, Two Ancient
Commentators, explain it, being as they ſay, jaarortslis aícaro, an Incenfe like Brafs
in Colour, Brightneſs, and with fome Hardneſs too: Which may very well anſwer
the Difficulty made againſt this Expoſition, and fetched from the following Words,
as if heated in a Furnace, becauſe this Amber is therefore thrown into the Fire, that
it may emit its Scent, as we find it is at this Day pra&tiſed among the Chineſe, who
burn it even in their ordinary Banquets for a Perfume. But I anſwer, that as to the
Incongruity of the Compoſition, it is no material Obječtion, becauſe thoſe who gave
it that Name, being ſuch as underſtood rather the Oriental Tongues than the Greek,
and being Artificers, did not ſo well obſerve the Analogy of the Tongue. And Se-
condly, if we underſtand it of Amber, then ſeeing the Feet are to ſhew Symbolically
the Subjects of Chriſt's Kingdom, the Corruption of Amber thrown upon Fire, being
inconſiſtent with the Durableneſs which we are given to underſtand it ſhall have,
notwithſtanding the fiery Tryals of Perſecution, we muſt determine our Affent for
ſome laſting Metal, which notwithſtanding it is melted in the Fire, rather comes out
more bright. Tychonius, Ideo aurichalco fimulavit, quod ex ære Ego igne multo ac
medicamine perducitur ad auri colorem. See Feftus, Voc. Aurichalcum, and Plato in
Critia, Page 54, 55. And accordingly we ſhall find that Braſs anſwers very well
to this Intention. And after all, the plain Allufion which is here made to Daniels
Words aforecited, makes me incline to think, that St. John meant likewiſe fine,
ſhining Brafs too. For theſe Alluſions are furer Guides than Grammatical Conje-
Etures, and that it muſt be fo underſtood in Ezekiel, Chap. 1. 4, 28. and Chap. 8. 2.
Note alſo, that Hilarius Diaconus, who goes under the Name of Ambrofius, in his
Commentaries, hath turned this Word by Æramento Tyrino. Mill's Prolegom.
Page 75. and Tychonius hath Aurichalco Libani. Proleg: Page 79. But my Edition
hath Clíbani. So that I am apt to think, that as this Braſs, called (a) Aurichalcum,
or Orichalcum, was thus named from the Hills out of which it came ; fo the Jews,
becauſe it came to them from Mount Libanus, call'd it Chalcolibanus, or Brafs of
Libanus. slags
Let us now enquire into the Signification of theſe Feet like ſhining Braſs. As Feet
are the Members whereon a Man ftands, and are therefore compared to Columns
or Pillars, which ſupport an Edifice, ſo they muſt fignify the Members of the
Church, whoſe Courage in Suffering makes Stability of Chriſt's Kingdom. So
that as the former Symbols have expreſſed the Glory, Honour, Juſtice, and Inſtitu-
tion thereof; fo this may fignify its Permanence. Brafs denotes that it ſhall ſtand
firm for a great Number of Years, ſhall be of a conſiderable Duration. So Braſs is
metaphorically taken for Strength, Pfal. 107. 16. He hath broken the Gates of
Braſs, and cut the Bars of Iron in Sunder. Which Expreſſion is repeated by Iſaiah,
Chap
. 45. 4. So in fer. 1. 18. and 15. 20. Brazen Wals fignify a ſtrong and laſting
Adverſary or Oppoſer. Yet Braſs is not fo ſtrong as Gold, nor ſo permanent and in-
corruptible. Hence in Daniel 2. 32, 39, 45. the Thighs of Braſs fignify a ſtrong and
permanent Monarchy, but which ſhall at laſt be broken. Therefore theſe Feet of
Braſs are here given to Chriſt in this State of the Primitive Church, to ſhew that
it fhall laſt indeed, notwithſtanding all the Fire of Perſecution, which ſhall rather
make them more bright, but that this State ſhall not always laſt fo; that it ſhall be
after a Length of Time, changed into a more glorious and incorruptible State of
Glory, without Perſecution; at which Time, that is, in the New Jerufalem, the
State of it ſhall be incorruptible and unchangeable as Gold ; whence it comes that it
is meaſured with a Golden Rod, Rev. 21. 15. and its Broad Place and the whole
City is of Gold, Rev. 21. 18, 21. Whence it appears how improper it would have
been to have uſed here the Symbol of Gold inſtead of Braſs, which is indeed a Metal
that endures the Fire, but is neither fo perfe&t nor incorruptible as Gold. To con-
(d) Vid. Strab. Georgr. Lib. XIII. pag. 610, Apollon. Arg. Lib. IV. V. 973,
clude

Ch. 1. y. I5
The Preface.
97
clude this, let us add here what the Onirocriticks have delivered about Feet to this
Purpoſe. The Indian Interpreter, Chap. 114. hath theſe remarkable Words ;
'Edv isa mis on tei oxéan eri égfúovlo adesso ng oi móds, é efet Bat Barrab's, pareglavitoong sig
κατι παθήσει τις έχθρες αυτέ, και η ποθεινόταθον δάλων αιτά δοξάσει μεγάλως, το
Έι και τα κοινά λαέ, άρήσει πλέον σώον και στερεών και άζωΐαν, ας
ad 2 do: baibal
'Εαν ίδλη της ότι υελινα εγγύονlo τα σκέλη αυτή, ολιάζωG έσαι και αθρόως τελετήσει και δια το
d'Inason og vens.
Vio
vimo ji bezobruar
Therefore according to the Matter of the Legs, we muſt judge of the Duration,
Happineſs and Proſperity of the Subject. Iron is indeed of an hard Nature, but not
ſo bright as Braſs, therefore Braſs was proper to expreſs a laſting Foundation for the
Church againſt all Perſecution, and at the fame Time a great Purity and Glory, more
bright for having gone through the Fire. For here we muſt ſtill repeat, that the At-
tributes given to Chriſt reflect always upon his Church in that State now treated
upon. There is another way to account for the Feet, but it comes to the fame at laſt.
The ſame Indian Interpreter joins it in the following Words alſo to the former
Interpretation : And that is, to ſignify the Subje&ts or Servants : fort sw as
Εάν πς ήδη όπ αποκόπησαν οι δύο πο δες αυτέ, ει μεν και βασιλάς, ολιός.G- έσαι, και we θαλάτα,
pixeles zij msgs amonéost. To which Artemidorus, Lib. I. cap. 50. is altogether confor-
mable. And ſome Hebrew Expreſſions are ſuitable to it; as in Exod. 11. 8. All the
People at thy Feet, LXX. rãs nebs os T ou douziñ,all the people which thou commandeſ
or leadeft. Vulg. Omnis populus qui ſubje&tus eſt tibi. The like Phraſe is found in
Judg. 8.5. 1 Kings 20. 10. 2 Kings 3.9. The Targum on Ezek. 32. 2. explains
the Feet of the Auxiliaries : 'Tis cited on Chap. 17. 1. E. See the Note on Chap.
10. 1. F. This will imply that the Servants or Subjects of Chriſt ſhall ſuffer Perſe-
cution, in order to be refined thereby, which the next Symbol demonſtrates.
B. 'as ir notivo ne tugeouévoi, As if heated in a Furnace. ] The LXXII, in Ezekiel
1.4. having Tranſlated soon by vasxşov, have theſe Words following, in ukon të
Trueós, in the midſt of the Fire ; and Verſe 27. xj fas resto i opoegav muess, And from
the Appearance of his Loins, and even downward, I ſaw as it were the Appearance
of Fire ; to which St. John ſeems to have alluded; and in Daniel 10. 6. the Word
siacov1G ſeems to anſwer to this. The Word noun turned by ñaeusov, the ſame as
Jerrorífero, ſignifying alſo hot Coals of Fire, it is eaſy to perceive how the Notion,
or Idea of the one, may bring the other along with it for Expofition, which the
Holy Ghoſt frequently uſes, expreſſing one Thing by Two different Terms imme-
diately joined. The Furnace is uſed in Holy Scriprure, to explain Metaphorically
a Place of great Affli&tion; ſo Deut. 4. 20. The Lord hath taken you, and brought you
forth out of the Iron Furnace. 179977 7100, én is nouive in answeĝis : but in i Kings 8.
51. where the ſame Expreſſion is uſed, we find in the LXX, én ukos gav de their ordvies.
See Fer, 11. 4. So in Ezekiel 22. 20. the Metals are put eis décor retuíve, tó enquansole
es diutò trüp o zwrd Hill. So that this Furnace is to purify the Metals, and not to
burn as the Potter's Furnace ; whence, as Druſius well obſerves, Fornax Symbolum
eft rerum adverſarum: Nam ut fornax metalla explorat, fic res adverſe homines juftos.
Řadulphus Flaviacenfis faith; (e) Quid namque per clibanum, qui ſibi commiſſa &ftu 8%
ardoris nimietate involvit, niſi preſJura hujus mundi & tribulatio, fideles undique co-
anguftans, intelligitur ? Fire, and to be burned, as we ſhall prove hereafter, fignifies
the Torment and Deſtruction of the Subject, and therefore is generally applied by way
of Puniſhment, unleſs ſome other Adjunct ſhew it to be for a good End : But the
Fire of the Furnace being for the purifying of Metals, is always taken to fignify
ſuch Ami&tions as God fends for the Amendment of Men. Which Particulars need
not to be proved to be applicable to the Church. So in fer. 9.7. I will melt them,
and try them. The Targum faith, Ecce ego inducam fuper eos anguſtiam, & conflabo
eos, & probabo eos. I ſhall only do it in the Words of Ireneus, f) Quemadmodum
chalcolibanum in camino fuccenfum, quod eſt fortitudo fidei , & perſeverabile orationum,
propter adveniens in fine temporum fuccenſionis incendium. Whereby it appears that
he read_me mugcweeków. As Cyprian and the Syriac, Arabian and Ethiopian Verſions,
which Dr. Mill approves, Page 50. Prol. Í ſhall add here, that this whole Viſion
concerning the preſent State of the Church in Perſecution, and more particularly
07.
(e) Rad. Flav. in Levit. Lib. I. cap. 5. Vid. ejufd. Lib. VIII. cap. 4.
(f) Lib. IV. cap. 37.
1
e bril (6)
Сс
200 A di
this

98
Ch. I. v. 16.
The Preface.
this Symbol of Fire, is mightily illuſtrated by the Obſervation of (8) Philo, that the
Viſion of God in the Buſh that was not burnt by the Fire, appearing in it, did Sym-
bolically repreſent at that Time the State of Iſrael. The whole Paffage deſerves to be
conſulted. "Tychonius gives me an Hint about theſe Feet, which muſt not be neg-
lected ; that as the Feet are the Extremities of the Body, ſo this ſignifies, that to-
wards the End the Tribulations of the Chụrch ſhall be the greateſt ; which whether
we underſtand it only of the Primitive Chriſtianity, is true : The Perſecution under
Diocletian being the greateſt 3 of of the Times of Antichriſt
, which exceed all before
.
In pedibus ignitis Ecclefia intelligitur: Que-imminente dié judicij, nimietate preſſura-
rum probanda, & igne examinanda eſt
. Et quia pes noviſſima pars eft corporis, es
pedes'ignitos dixit eſſe, ideò in pedibus Ecclefia noviſſimi temporis intelligitur, multis tri-
bulationibus velut aurum in fornace probanda. So in Daniel
, the Feet and Legs of
the Image denote a Monarchy ſucceeding all the reſt
, and being the laſt svig
SIC Kain our ups, as peovn udi Toy Tomov, And his Voice as the found of many Wa-
ters. ] Waters, in the Symbolical Language, fignify Peoples, and thoſe too in Com-
motion, as we ſhall ſhew afterwards upon other Occaſions: And if there were no
more, yet the plain Alluſion to Daniel 10. 6. cited before, os pavà oxas as the Sound
of a Multitude, would confirm it
. Ezekiel alſo uſes this Compariſon in the Place
cited Chap. 1. 24. nj vnesov rlw qaylw $S medu za đutior en Ted rap deus autel cis ocW2070
ZOMBAnd I heard the Noiſe of their Wings as they went, as the Noiſe of many
Waters. The fame is repeated in Chap. 43. 2. This Expreſſion is alſo found in
4. Efdras 6. 17. So the Noife of a Multitude is compared to the Noiſe of Waters
in Homer, (b) and in () Apollonius; as alſo in Æſchylus, who ſays, 10
191 alin. lo esberdi so envio di viam T. 101
Bpéuer ve zent oris noirlw udstedt bentler od of sto mi sono
Isis I i XX Aduagerou Pixgy üdam Goegulurs. 2h ohung waraya Ho &
guiwollot CW si
vous boisesti ymus
As we find that the Waters fignify a Multitude, ſo let us enquire what the Voice figni-
fies. The Indian Interpreter tells us that it fignifies the Fame and Reputation of a
Man among the People; for thus he determines it, Chap 50.
30
a 'H provele të dudpós rj ónóg lui, si cúpen zij To nelu so puc diurg Osiv ev uéow iš 108.
η 'Εαν 12η ης κατ' όνας ότι ψάλλει και όξιν άφωνο, άρήσει χάραν και έπαινον εν μέσω σε λαϊ.
SulPEc Nh Baccadis ò roto idor, do Juarisu gause syy pes veusi 67 TS nacocture, aj & z47.3v-
ozgu ST 9r91916
20
30 31
toupe
Vi This laſt Note is very remarkable, for it Mews us that this Voice of Jeſus argues
his Fame and Reputation among Nations, and that he hath or ſhall proclaim a new
Law, which ſhall be grateful to the People, and cauſe him to be beloved of them.
All which is certainly very true of Chriſt in every Reſpect, his Goſpel having ſpread
it ſelf, and cauſed univerſal Joy among ſuch as have received it. Tychonius, Hom. I.
Aquæ multe, populi intelliguntur ese : in voce, prædicatio Apostolorum. And Clemens
Alexand. faith, (l) i povo ö, DeEce čuzcesc, ev dxOTA TA's Jeweld.
A. Verf. 16. kaì'éger én tñ negrą auts "hel ése' sees a ta', And having in his Right
Hand Seven Stars.] This Word é goso having, is explained elſewhere, Chap. 2. 1. by
the Word x@gtūv, holding , which latter Word might as well be tranſlated ruling, gó-
verning, dire&ing, managing ; being, as hath been hinted before, a Word of a peculi-
ar Signification to expreſs the Majeſty, Power, and Authority of Kings ; and of God
himſelf, who is therefore called marox eystrip, Almighty, or the Ruler of the Univerſe.
(m) In ſcriptura facra fæpè per manus, poteftas intelligitur, faith Ambroſius Ansbertus.
Now this Expreſſion, holding Seven Stars in his Right Hand, is there affumed by Je-
ſus Chrift, and here attributed to him, to fignify Symbolically, that Jeſus Chriſt is
the Ruler and Lord of the Catholick Church, as far as it extended at the Time of
the Viſion, or is hereafter to be ; and therefore that theſe Seven Stars, which repre-
ſent the Angels or Deputies under Chriſt of the Seven Churches, as this Symbol is
explained at the 20th Verſe, fignify all the Governors of Chriſt's Catholick Church.
This is proved thus. The Power of Jeſus Chriſt extends it felf over the Catholick
Church, and the Holy Ghoſt in the Revelation deſcribing the Attributes of Chriſt,
VOEL SUOMI toitust
sa ndior or 30
(8) Philo Lib. I. de Vit. Mofis pag. 417. V. Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. V. pag. 151.
(b) Hom. Iliad. B. 394.
(i) Apollon. Arg. Lib. III. v. 1368.
(k) Sept.
c. Thebas, v. 85
I(1) Clem. Alexand. Strom. Lib. V.
te (m) Amb. Ansb.
Lib. IV. in Apoc. 7.9.
always
aid
330

Ch. I. v. 16.
The Preface.
99
Power of Chriſt; and therefore this Number of Seven repreſents all the Angels or
always extends them to the utmoſt of that Power which he then hath, making his
Perſon as Divine and Powerful as God the Father. Now the Holy Ghoſt expreſfing
this Power ſymbolically, but yet fully, uſes the Number of Seven, to expreſs the full
Governors of the whole Catholick Church. What the Stars fignify will be better
explained afterwards. But as for the Right, it is the Symbol of Power and Authority,
as even it is plain by this Expreſſion, Mark 16. 19. He ſat at the Right Hand of God;
which is equivalent to the Expreſſion of our Saviour, Mark 14. 62. Sitting at the
Right Hand of Power ; and fignifies that the Divine Power and Authority is commu-
nicated to him. So the Right Hand of Fellowſhip, Galat. 2. 9. fignifies a Communi-
cation of the fame Power and Authority, SAMT bobuoto b9189946 h
B. kaì in tê sóced] O edutis, And out of his Mouth. ] The Expoſition which the
Oriental Onirocriticks give of the Mouth is very remarkable, as determining whence,
and by what Inſtruments the Deſtruction of Chriſt's Enemies, which is to be done
by the Two-edged Sword, proceeds: So that we ſhall find thereby; who are to han-
dle the Sword, or Inſtruments that ſhall effect this Deſtruction, and conſequently
make Way for Chriſt's Kingdom. Now they tell us roundly, that the Mouth denotes
the Houſe of the Man. And therefore the Church being the Houſe of God and
Chriſt, as it ſhall be proved hereafter, it is by the Church it ſelf that all thoſe glo-
rious Actions are to be performed according to Chriſt's Dire&tion. But we muſt not
limit the Signification of the Mouth too narrowly in the Execution of Chriſt's Judg-
ments and Puniſhments, to the Church alone, as being more peculiarly the Houſe of
Chriſt. For his Dominion extending over all the Creation, as we ſhall ſee in thei
next Viſion, the whole World in one Senſe is his Houſe. And ſo he may fetch his
Inſtruments from any Nation. Yet it is true, that his Houſe the Church is to deſtroy
Paganiſm.
sw Koi to zais
The Indian Interpreter, Chap. 58. hath theſe Obſervations ;.90 ali i si
Το όμα ο δικός όξι το ανθρώπε, ώ συ Γκλείες πινία τα εν αυτώ. Ojolle bilggo ndu.
Εάν οι ίδη της ότι έμεγεθώθη και ένεσιαμώθη το κόμμα αυτό, τοσούτον έν έρωί μεγάλωθή π) και
οίκος αυτου. .
2 st bar
Stok i
VM
And in the next Chapter the Perſian and Egyptian ſays thus : ca srit ni bunia
'Edv mis idin ai nospelde sig ár ulu'zgjes zij zo
' sodele duTiù €Tacluúəng xospícase di pesc 63 64-
σιλευς ή κυριεύων λαϊ, καύχημα δόξαν εν πολέμων νοείτω,
old
Εάν τις ίδη ότι το στόμα αυτό πέπoνθ ο αείς και εμποδισμόν τε λαλείν ή φαγείν, ο μιξε όζη βασι-
λευς, θλίψν ευρήσει εις τες θησαυρές αυτέ, και απο κοπίω και ελάβωσιν 80σεσόδων αυτ8, See On
Chat. 16. 13. B.o.
ond
Dnes
Ć. 'Popochce Sy sou o cerce en moedondon, A Sharp two-edged Sword proceeding. ] This
ſharp Two-edged Sword is the Word of God and of Chriſt proceeding out of his
Mouth; which Word in Holy Scripture is often compared to a Sword, as by St. Paul,
Epheſ. 6. 17. x sleeué qolagay po mudiputa, 65 piñece Jef, And the Sword of the Spirit,
which is the Word of God. Heb. 4. 12. Zə iS o aózos aš eš, vjevegylis, iġ tous tepO
lade mãos pel ze çay disomov, For the Word of God is quick and powerful, and ſharper
than any Two-edged Sword. And in Hoſea 6. 5. the Word of God is ſaid to deſtroy
all his Énemies:
Therefore have I mowed down your Prophets, I have ſain them by the
Words of my Mouth, and my Fudgments go out as the Light. Now it is evident that
the Word of God, ſaid to proceed out of his Mouth, fignifies the Commandments of
God declaring his Will, or elſe his Counſel ready to be executed; therefore this Sym-
hol of the Two-edged Sword, Thews that nothing is or ſhall be able to withſtand the
Will of God, which he hath once declared to be fo; and that every thing that he
hath ſpoken ſhall certainly come to paſs, when the determinate Time ſhall come ;
and in particular the Deſtru&tion of his Enemies, to which the Sword hath a ſpe-
cial Regard; all which ſhall be effected by Inſtruments fetch'd from his Church,
which is the Depofitary of it, and ſhall accordingly overcome at laft all his Ene
mies, and proclaim his Laws all over the World.". Tertullian having cited theſe
Words, explains them thus: (n) Quem intelligi oportet fermonem divinum, bis acu-
tum duobus Teſtamentis, Legis & Evangelij, acutum Sapientia, infeftum Diabolo, a? -
mantem nos adverſus hoftes Spiritales nequitiæ & concupifcentiæ omnis
. But Tychonius
more cloſely and properly faith; (e) Gladius bis acutus, id eft
, potestas de qua defendun-
Toga
(n) Terruil, adv. Marcion. Lib. III. cap. 14. VE @ Tychon. Homil. XV. s 46 Vida

100
The Preface.
Ch. 1. v. 17
25
tur juſti, puniuntur injuſti. As to the Word en mop doopéyn , when to be underſtood
of the Inſtruments of Chriſt's Judgments, ſee our Notes upon Chap. 16. 14. B.
and Chap. 19. 15. A. The former Expreſſion, Having in his Right Hand Seven
Stars, ſheweth the univerſal Extent of the Power of Jeſus Chriſt within his Church,
and this ſhews the Eminency of that Power without the Church; that as the former
diſcovers the inward Power of Chriſt to govern his Church, fo this ſhews that he
hath an irreſiſtible Power to deſtroy all that oppoſes it outwardly. d nisig
D. kei bóndas wars cos i inso çalve én tiſ - whyer nú ste, And his Countenance, as the Sun
Shineth in his Strength.] That is, the Appearance of Jeſus Chriſt was with the
Brightneſs of the Schekinah, with that glorious Light which appeared when the
Angels appeared and attended the Majeſty of God, being a dazzling Sight for Glory
and Brightneſs ; as the Sun when he thineth at Noon-day in his full Strength is to
Glorious, that he overcomes our Sight. In the Transfiguration, the Brightneſs of
Chriſt's Appearance is thus alſo compared to the Sun's. Matth. 17. 2. nj Encepte to
rebon may cúti cs ó órg, And his Face did shine as the Sun. And the Righteous, who
are promiſed that they ſhall become like Chrift, are alfo then to Shine like the Sun,
when they ſhall riſe again, Matth. 13. 43. See Judg. 5. 31. but this Promiſe is Sym-
bolical, as well as the Viſion here, for the Sun fignifies the Monarch, or Chief Ruler,
as we ſhall prove elſewhere, and conſequently this fignifies that Chriſt ſhall and
doth become a mighty and glorious King. This Compariſon ſeems to denote, that
as" when the Sun ſhineth in his full Strength, (P) no Eye can ſet it ſelf againſt it: So
nothing ſhall be able to withſtand the Power of Chriſt, when he is pleaſed to exert
it in due Time. And as the Sun then gives Vigor to all Things he ſhines upon, fo
Chriſt will comfort and warm with Zeal, and protect for ever, thoſe who are guided
by his Light, or follow his Do&trine. This Expreſſion is found in the Titles of the
King of Siam, where 'tis ſaid he (9) Shines like the Sun at Noon Day: As alſo that
he is like the Moon at Full, and his Eyes Shine like the Morning-Star ; which laſt is by
St. John applied alſo to Chriſt.
It is not ſtrange that a King ſhould be repreſented by the Sun, when the Divine
Majeſty it ſelf, and the Glory of God is compared to the Sun, yea, and ſaid to be
placed in the Sun. So the Pſalmiſt
, Pfal. 19.4. expreſſes it according to the LXX.
Ey salo & Seto to oxíveu durš, In the Sun hath he ſet his Tabernacle, his Shekinah, or
Glory : That is, the glorious Appearance of the Sun repreſents the Glory of God, as
it is expreſſed at the firſt Verſe, the Heavens declare the Glory of God; the former
being an Explication of this latter. On this Account the Eſenés, a Sect of the Jews,
and Joſephus the Hiſtorian, one of their Diſciples, ſay, that the doing of any Thing
that is indecent in the face of the Sun, is (r) belev Ta's duga's Fě Oss, to put an Af-
front upon the bright Beams of God; and elſewhere, (s) owp.peãyou to Ocio, io defile the
Deity. The old Prophets have alſo uſed this Compariſon ; Malachi 4. 2. calls the
Meñas the Sun of Righteouſneſs; and Habakkuk 3. 4. in the LXX , Kai déno durš
as pães 'ésoy, And bis Erightneſs shall be as the Light; that is, of the Sun, which is
the Principle of it. All this expreſſes the Glory of the Kingdom of the
Meſas.
A. Verf. 17. Kai TS A dor dutùy, emos men's tes módus aurê a's veness, And when I
ſap him, I fell at his Feet as Dead.] The Appearance of Chriſt was as glorious as
that of God: And how terrible that was, we may learn by the Iſraelites, and what
they ſaid thereupon, Exod. 20. 19. Speak thou with us, and we will hear : But let not
God Speak with us, left we die : As if it had been impoſſible, that a Man ſhould hear
the Voice of God, and Live. So (t) Irenæus explains it, by applying this as we
have done. Compare alſo Deut. 5. 24. and 18. 16. This was alſo the Caſe of
other Prophets, as may be ſeen by Daniel 8. 17. and 10. 8, 9. the like happened to
Chriſt's Diſciples, when they fáw him Transfigured on the Mount, Matth. 17. 6.
and to Ifaiah, 6. 5. and to Foſhua, Chap. 5. 14.
B. kei éré Sure Thù NErà duré zeies én éué, And he laid his Right Hand upon me.]
This ſeems to be fo neceſſary to one in an Écſtafy, cauſed by a Divine Inſpiration or
Viſion, that this very Expreſſion ſignifies to be in a Divine Écſtaſy, Ezekiel 1. 3. and
) 92 pender dyrumoal 633 egliws, excerpt. ex Theodot. p. 336.
(9) John Struy's Voyage I. Chap. 10. (r) De Bell. Jud. Lib. II. cap. 12.
Jud. Lib. IV. cap. 22. () Lib. IV. cap. 37:
2
(s) De Bell.
3. 28.

Ch. I. v. 17
The Preface.
ÍQÍ
to 300
3. 22. and 8. I. See our Note upon Verſe 10. A. This A&tion of Jeſus Chriſt puts
St. Fohn into a ſedate Temper, and makes him underſtand, act, reaſon, and (w) re-
member as a rational Man out of any Ecſtaſy: And this very Circumſtance puts an
eſſential Difference between a Perſon Divinely Inſpired, and an Enthufiaft poffeffed.
with a wicked Dæmon, whoſe Paroxyſms of Rage continue during the Poffeffion,
and make him alt for the moſt part without Reaſon and Memory · which Paroxyfm
it is not in the Power of the wicked Spirit to allay; the Divine Providence having
ſo ordered the Matter, that though he permits the Devil to play the Ape with him,
and imitate his Actions, yet this ſhould always be with ſome Signature, or eſſential
Character, to diſtinguiſh them plainly, that Holy Men may not be deceived by
them, if they pleaſe to give due Attention to all the Circumſtances. Wherefore,
this Expreſſion betokens an immediate and miraculous Aſſiſtance of God to fortify a
Man, in order to ſuffer or perform ſomething; as when Elijah was on Foot to go by
the Chariot of Achab, who drove as faſt as he could, it is ſaid that the Hand of the
Lord was upon him for that Purpoſe, 1 Kings 18. 46. And in general, the Hand
of God fignifies an immediate Affiſtance of the Divine Power, Exod. 15. 9.
Ruth 1. 13. i Sam. 5. 7. Ezra 7. 28. and 8. 18, 22, 31,
C. Nézev yol, Mà cobi, Saying to me, Fear not.] The Words of God, according to
the Stile of the Holy Writings, and the Idiom of the Tongue uſed therein, always
fignify his Actions; for what
God ſpeaks, is certainly performed, á que éro, d pa še
gov. And we ſhall find it conſtantly true in this Book, that all Words of any Agent
denote his Actions, either done, or going to be done hereafter, as the Terms
import.
D. 'Ezó ciue o mejor sej o tě9470, I am the Firſt and the Laſt.] Theſe Words,
which occurred before, are now repeated here by our Saviour himſelf to fignify, that
he is Almighty and Eternal, and conſequently able to protect and defend him; and
that therefore he ought to be in no fear of any Danger. The Expoſition of Hugo
Grotius, that by laſt is meant contemptible, as the Meſſias is ſaid to be in Iſaiah 53.
3. is not at all ſuitable to this place, which is manifeſtly Synonymous to the Ex.
preſſion of the Eighth Verſe, the Beginning and the End : Not to ſay here, that it
is an ill kind of Reaſoning to ſay to a Man, fear not, becauſe I am one of the moſt
miſerable of Mortals. I am the Alpha and the Omega, the Beginning and the End ;
the Firſt and the Laſt
, are Expreſſions tending all to the fame Purpoſe. Now this
is fully proved by this, that God the Father aſſumes them as Titles expreſſing his
Effence and Prerogatives. So in Iſaiah 41. 4. I the Lord the firſt, and with the laſt,
Dum&1781 xj eis zelészóupu et, I am from everlaſting from the Beginning, and to ever-
laſting in the End ; that is , Eternal à parte antè, & a parte poſt, as the Schoolmen
ſpeak. The Word ons from 778 having always a Refpe&t to what is future, or
to come after. Thus in Deut. 32. 29. the Hebrew unin, is in the Greek,
eis imóvta zeórov. From this the modern Fews have taken their Periphrafis of the
Name of God, ſaying, 117781 710x7, the Firſt and the Laſt. And ſo indeed the
Greek, (x) werózadev, and (y) Ebonior, fignifying the future. Heſych. Mcómdır,
iseegv, uste zute. And in Homer, (2) "Auas ceboo.o vj oth wc, is explain’d by the Scho-
liaft, Eis to seegv, rj els tò mémov. See the Nore on Verſ. 10. C. Thus in Statius:
(a) Fatumque quod ultra eſt
. That is, the future. So Iſaiah 44. 6. I am the firſt,
and I am the laſt. 71708 389 70X7 "X, ?Epo mere, rj égao se tai taūta. Which He-
brew Words being repeated in Iſaiah 48. 12. are thus turned by the LXX, 'Egó el que
meðTO, xjfgó el uris okove, that is, I am the firſt, and I am for ever: Where they
are well taken by Grotius. So that it is to be wondred at, why he ſhould here de-
part from his former Expoſitions, when it is plain, that Śt. Föhn in the firſt Place,
alluded to theſe Words of Fefus, as they are laid down in the Second, and ſo that
both were aimed to fignify one and the fame Thing. Either Grotius ran in his
Mind to the Signification of laſt, as it is ſometimes taken in the Latin Tongue for
the loweſt, or moſt contemptible : Or elſe he had a Mind to debaſe our Saviour, not-
withſtanding that St. John endeavours every where to magnify him. d But to let this
Matter reſt here.
ewania stod ono ora lo egoiste STI
sond works boog lime pini salom begs et list os olds
(u) Vid. Irenæ. Lib. II. Cap. 60. Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. V. Cap. I.
() Hefiod. Theog. V. 210.
j) Hefiod. Ibid. v. goo.
(5) Hom. Iliad. r. V. 110.
(a) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. I. V. 696. Vid. Lib. III. V. 626.
100
Ꭰ ;
As

102
Ch. I. v. 18.
The Preface.
As to the Repetition of this Expreſſion, and of ſeveral other Things, as namely of
Vifions, which are repeated, and expreſs the fame Things under Symbols of diffe-
tent Kinds; beſides the obvious Reaſons, which may be drawn from this, that theſe
Symbols, though they ſeem to expreſs the fame Things, yet do fhew them thus
under different Afpe&ts
, and ſo on different Sides or Accidents of the ſame Things ;
we may conclude in general, that any Repetition ferves to ſignify the Certainty of
the Events, and their ſpeedy Accompliſhment. This is the Reaſon which one of the
firſt and fureſt Interpreters of Dreams gave once, and that is Joſeph to Pharaoh, as we
read it in Gen. 41. 32. And for that the Dream was doubled unto Pharaoh Twice, it
is becauſe the Word of God ſhall be true, and God will shortly bring it to paſs. Con-
ſonant to which, are the Principles of the other (b) Onirocriticks, who are not ne-
ceſſary to be cited after ſo great a Mafter. For indeed the Repetition of any Thing
ſtrikes more our Senſes, and makes us the more attentive: And this is certainly the
Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt in it
. But more of this on Chap. 14. 8. B.
A. Verf. 18. kad å (@v, And he that liveth.] This is an Attribute of God the Fa-
ther, of which the Son participates, John 5. 26. For as the Father bath Life in him-
self, so hath he given to the Son to have Life in himfelf
. Which Expreſſion ſeems to
be uſed to prove what was ſaid before, Verſ 21. As the Father raiſeth up the Dead,
and quickeneth them ; even fo the Son quickeneth whom he will. God faid to live
in Oppoſition to the Idols and pretended Gods of the Gentiles ; and it fignifieth, that
God is able to act as a God, whereas they cannot, For to live, in Scripture Phraſe,
fignifies to be in a State or Power to act." See John 6. $1.
and what hath been cited
out of Hebrews 4. 12. where Sæv, living, and éreggis, Efficacious, or Powerful, are
put together as Synonymous, and explaining each other. That Chriſt can, as well
as the Father, give Life or Power to act, is alſo proved from his own Words, Fohn
10. 28.
B. Kai équówlw vexeds, sy ide for eius eis mis aisras, And I was dead, and behold I
live for evermore.] That the World, and St. John in Particular, may know that
Chriſt is fo Living, as to have Power to give Life to others, he faith, that he hath
been Dead, and raiſed himſelf again. Which Power is further proved by what
followeth.
C. 'Allelui, Amen. ] This is an Affeveration to prove the great Certainty of Chriſt's
Refurrečtion and Immortality, which is to ſerve as an Earneſt of that which he hath
promiſed to the Faithful. The Word ſhall be further explained hereafter, as to its
general Signification.
D. Kaizes mal'sxaris made sig på Sardts, And I have the Keys of Hades and Death.]
This is the common Reading, but Arias Montanus, who followeth the Complutenſian
Edition, tranfpofes them thus, på Sunete Friss, of Death and Hades, or Hell. In
this Order we read them elſewhere, as Rev. 6. 8. Chap. 20. 13. and Chap. 20. 14. It
is obvious that Death precedes the Grave, or the inviſible State after it. And thus
alſo the Vulgar Latin reads them. The Word Hades is neceſſary here to fix the Sig-
nification of the former, as will be ſhewn in the Note on Chap. 20. 14. A. Now as it
hath been ſaid, that Chriſt was dead, and is alive again, it is proper to obſerve, that
he has overcome Death. As to the Symbol of the Keys, it is conſidered in our Note
on Chap. 9. 1. B. And more particularly what Notion even the Pagans had of the
Key of Hell. But Pluto had it only to fhut, but Chriſt alſo to open, Ifa. 22. 22.
Note on Chap. 5. 13. E. Thus we ſee that the former Expreſſion is a proper Intro-
du&tion to this. So that we may be fure of the Truth of this, by the bare Conſide-
ration of the former. The Keys, it is plain, fignify Power and Truſt committed.
This appears from all the Places of Holy Scripture like this, and is conformable to
the Expofition of it given by Artemidorus, Lib. III. Cap. 54. Se'varG and ads, fig-
nify the Death of the Body, and the inviſible State of the Soul after it, whilſt the
Body remains in the Grave: And conſequently he that hath Power over theſe, to
open and to ſhut, hath undoubtedly Power to bring to Life again. Now this is
very proper to be mentioned here, antecedently to the Prophecies concerning the fu-
ture Sufferings of the Church, becauſe it fhews, that notwithſtanding that, Chriſt is
able to raiſe us again, and make his Promiſes good. Now ſince the Souls of Dead
Men are faid to be in Hades, and Chriſt is ſaid to be Maſter of this State, being
(b) Artemidor. Lib. IV. cap. 29.
accord-

Ch. I. v. 19.
The Preface.
103
accordingly recognized as ſuch ar his Inauguration, as we ſhall find in the proper
Place, we may conclude that the Devils have no Powet over theſe, and by Confe-
quence that the Magicians do not evocate them, but Demons appear in their Stead,
as it has been ſhewn by (c) Euſtathius againſt Origen, and by others after him.
Though the Author of Ecclef. 46. 20. favour that Opinion.
A. Verf. 19. Tega so owns a dides, Write therefore the Things which thou haſt ſeen. ]
Here is a Repetition deſigned to the Purpoſe already mentioned ; and perhaps too,
that St. Fohn might not miſtake, and omit the foregoing part of the Viſion already
paft: Whereas the Words following might ſeem to concern only what is to come af
ter ; to wit, the Seven Epiſtles, and the Prophecy of future Things, beginning at the
Fourth Chapter. In this Book every Part is ſet in due Order.
B. Koù es, xj e uémet niveaus uesta Tutu, Both the Things which are, and the Things
which ſhall be hereafter.] St. Fohn in his Title and Dedication having uſed the very
Words which our Saviour had put into his Mouth, in the very Beginning of the Ví-
lions ; it is no Wonder that I ſhould think, that he did alſo put theſe Words in the
Title, which are fo eſſential here, and may ſerve as a key to the whole Revelation
The Criticks certainly ſhew their Moroſenieſs, in reje&ting them there under Pre-
tence, that they are wanting in ſome Copies : But other Copies, ſo many and fo
ancient, having them, ſhew that they ought to be retained, and that the Want of
them in ſome muſt be thrown upon the Fault of the Copyiſts, who may indeed ſome
times repeat a Thing that was ſaid before through Miſtake, but ſeldom look forwards
into the Book to intrude backwards any Thing that occurs there. Beſides that ithey
are more apt to omit Things by Negligence, than to write too much by overmuch
Diligence.
But now let us look here to the Words themſelves. We ſee here plainly, that
the Holy Ghoſt divides this Prophecy into Two Parts; the one concerning Things
preſent, the other concerning Things to come. The Things to come are begun to be
predicted at the Fourth Chapter, as the Holy Ghoſt hath taken great Care to warn us
by theſe Words, rj dis one o di alueety weten' TOūr, And I will shew thee Things that muſt
be hereafter. So that by Retroſpection the firſt Viſion, and the Seven Epiſtles to
the Seven Churches immediately depending upon it, muſt be looked upon as a Pro-
phecy concerning the Things preſent ; that is, the preſent State of the Church at the
Time of the Viſion. I do not ſee what can be objected againſt this.
Do not other Prophets uſe this Method, and in their Prophecies lively deſcribe the
State of the Jewiſh Church in their Times ? Had not Zachary a Viſion concerning
the State of that Church, even during the Babylonian Captivity? But moreover,
there are neceſſary Reaſons why the Holy Ghoſt Thould here take this Courſe. The
Prophecies are written, and the Knowledge of future Things, which are the Deſign
or Counſel of God, is imparted to the Church, not to ſatisfy Men's Curioficy, but
to ſerve as a good Argument to try their Faith, ſtrengthen their Hopes, awaken them
from their Sins, prepare them to ſuffer, and to encourage them to undergo cheer-
fully and patiently preſent Affli&tions, through the certain
Proſpeet of future Delive-
rance, and plentiful Rewards for ſo doing ; and by thoſe Means to ſet forwards the
very Deſigns or Counſel of God contained in the fame Prophecies. From all which
it appears, that the Delivery of ſuch Predi&tions of future Things, is but a ſecon-
dary Intention of the Holy Ghoſt to make good the firſt ; which is to increaſe their
Faith, Hope, and Patience. So that it is natural to make the Exhortations and Cora
rections precede the Knowledge of future Things, or at leaſt to join them together.
(d) Unuſquiſque, ſays Iſidorus Hifpalenfis, ad tentationes animum præparare debet
,
Minus enim dum fperatur tentatio , gravat : Durè autem premit, si non ſperata ad-
venerit. The Holy Ghoſt here endeavours, firſt to lay down that which may anſwer
to the firſt Intention; and then proceeds to lay down that which ſerves for the Secon-
dary: Which in moſt of the other Prophets are both huddled together throughout
their Prophecies : And in particular ones, ſometimes the Exhortations precede the
Prophecy, or Predi&tion of future Things, as in the firſt Chapter of Iſaiah; and
ſometimes the Predi&tions precede the Corre&tions, as in the ſecond Chapter of the
fame. Though in general it may be ſaid too, that their Exhortations go before, and
the Predi&tions after, as to the whole Compoſure : Iſaiah concludes his, with forex
(c) Euſtath. Differt. de Engaftrimutho, p. 349.
2
(d) Ifidor: Hiſpal: Sentent. Lib. III. cap.62.
telling

v. 20.
104
The Preface.
I. Ch. 1. .
telling Things to come, in the moſt part of his laſt Chapters, which concern the
Times of the Meſſias ; and ſo do moſt others, as Ezekiel, Daniel
, Zachary, Foel and
Malachi. The Revelation being a moſt accurate Prophecy, doth not at all blend
Things together, but obſerves a great Decorum and exa&t Order. The Holy Ghoſt
hath placed therein the Exhortations, Corrections, and Threatnings all together, and
the Predi&tions of future Things by themſelves; that the Series, Order, and Clear-
neſs of the Predi&tions might not be interrupted by any interloping Corrections or Ex-
hortations to be applied to the Church Miſitant, unleſs very ſhort ones, and thoſe
too then being partly prophetical ; that is, implying ſomething really done ſuitable
to that, as ſhall be ſhewn hereafter in their proper Places. Therefore the whole is
caſt into Two diftin&t Syſtems, the firſt of the firſt Vifion and the Epiſtles to the Se-
ven Churches which belong to it ; and the ſecond, merely concerning future Things,
and diſcovered in a great and magnificent Viſion, which hath ſeveral Parts, and they
may be called ſo many differentViſions, though they have an immediate Relation to the
principal, as being Parts of the whole.The Holy Ghoſt therein by the glorious Symbols,
and a viſible Repreſentation of God's Throne, Chriſt's Inauguration, Aats and Judg-
ments, and of his future Kingdom, as well as preſent, ſhewing the whole State of
the Chriſtian Church, from its Beginning to its Confummation in Glory and Happi-
neſs. This is the general Scheme of the Revelation, which in particular opens the
Myſtery of the Seven Epiſtles ; about which there have been more Miſtakes than
one could imagine, though they ſeem to be the eaſieſt. For I dare aſſure, that the
Holy Ghoſt hath given all the poſſible Marks of Diſtinction, to make us ſtate the Re-
velation after this Manner. And thoſe who have thought that theſe Epiſtles were
typical, to fignify not only the preſent State of the Church in general, but alſo the future,
by ſo many ſucceſſive Epocha's as there are Epiſtles, have had no Manner of Encourage-
ment for ſo doing, by any Thing ſaid in the whole Book ; and feem rather to have
endeavoured to find Myſteries of ſuch a Nature, as the Holy Ghoſt never meant, to
give Way to their own Fancies. For though the Perſon in this firſt Viſion, and the
Place or Scene of the Seven Lamp-Sconces be typical or fymbolical, to thew Jeſus
Chriſt governing the Catholick Church, it doth not follow, that the ſubject Matter
ſhould be about a future State of it; for it is no new Thing in the Prophets to have
the preſent State of Things Symbolically repreſented in a Viſion. And after all, the
manifeſt Errors and Contradiétions of thoſe who have meddled with them after this
Way, which is fo precarious, and over-ſets all Order of Time, which the Holy
Ghoſt elſewhere obſerves ſo nicely, is more than ſufficient to convince us of the Falſe-
hood of that Principle, and the Truth of ours, which is ſo eaſy and natural, and
exa&tly anſwers to all the Characters which the Holy Ghoſt hath given us in this
Viſion.
A. Verf. 20. Tè pusheron goes are åségeor, The Myſtery of the Seven Stars. ] The
Word pushevoy ſignifies any private or ſecret Deſign: And here it ſeems to be uſed to
ſignify, that the ſecret Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt was to ſet forth ſomewhat in a dark,
hidden, or fymbolical Method, but which notwithſtanding is thought fit to be ex-
plained to St. John. So the Word uusaecor is, I think, taken in ſeveral Places, as
Daniel 2. 27. in the LXX. Ephef. 5. 32. and Rev. 17: 7. to fignify the Intention of
the Holy Ghoſt, or the Expoſition of the myſtical Symbols, when it is thought pro-
per to make them clearer. This therefore being a Phraſe to demonſtrate, muſt be
ſupplied by ſome Adverb or Verb demonftrative, as “ N 331, or totó 631: For Jeſus Chriſt
explains himſelf the Types exhibited before. By this he performs Two Things ;
Firſt, it explains in general the whole Viſion, by determining to what the Lamp-
Sconces, Stars, and other Matters, were to be applied : And , Secondly, connects the
Viſion going before, and which ſeemed to be interrupted by the laſt Verſe, with the
following Part of the Seven Epiſtles; and conſequently ſhews, that theſe Epiſtles are
the full and entire Expoſition of what was only mentioned briefly at the Eleventh
Verſe: And by theſe means, that this is the Viſion which ſpeaks of the preſent
State of the Church, becauſe it is fixed to thoſe Seven Churches only, which were
then actually exiftent. Such Expoſitions as this we ſhall often meet withal here-
after : Whereby it appears, that our Saviour deſigned, as to theſe in particular, no
other Myſtery than to ſignify, that thoſe Seven Churches, amongſt which he is faid
to walk, were the Subject of his Care and Study; and that he looked upon them as
they ſtood then, and did deſign to prepare them for to undergo what he propheſies
пізніше.
after-

Ch. I. v. 20.
The Preface.
ros
afterwards ; by firſt enquiring into their State, and corre&ting what was amiſs in
them : And as theſe repreſented the whole Church, fo of that.
B. Oi šnd áséges, únano. Send Enxanowy do, The Seven Stars are the Angels of
the Seven Churches.] This is the Stile of the ſymbolical Language to fay, the Stars
are the Angels, inſtead of, the Stars ſignify the Angels. For its Intention being to
demonſtrate, or to ifhew one Thing by another, an Adverb, or a. Pronoun Demono
ſtrative, and the Verb Subſtantive, are proper to that Purpoſe ; all theſe, and eſpe-
cially the laſt, being uſed as Copula , to ſhew the Connexion and Relation of Things
to each other. Beſides all this, the Phraſe is ſuitable to the Hebrew Idiomi, and is
almoſt affected to the Interpretation of Dreams and Prophecies, and by Preſcription
appropriated to them. So Joſeph interpreted the Dreams of Pharaoh and others, as
may be ſeen in Genef.40. 12, 18. and 41. 26. wherein the LXX uſe the Word lidi,
but the Hebrew, which affects to omit it, hath the Demonftrative Pronouns,
and 237, inſtead of the Verb Subſtantive. So in Ezek. 5. s. we find 01:1, and in
the LXX cũn: So in Dan. 4. 22. in the Chaldee is read 111x, Tu ipſe; but in
the LXX, d, the Verb : And in Dan. 7. 23. we have in the Chaldee the Verb 217;
in the LXX és 4. This is alſo the Stile of our Saviour's Parables, which are a Spe.
cies of Symbolical Deſcriptions. See Luke 8. 11. --- 15. Matth. 13. 19. Mar. 4. 192
And ſo therefore muſt we underſtand the Words of Chriſt, Matth. 26. 26. răto's To
orð pó us, This is my Body ; this being plainly a Symbolical Expreſſion, the Bread and
Wine being Symbols, as it is owned and aſſerted by every one ; and ſo the Expreſſion
is to be underſtood thus: This, that is the Bread, is my Body, or ſignifies and repre-
ſents my body. And fo Clemens Alexandr. hath plainly averred it, (e) 'Arregós ĝo xj
ο ΚύεμG εν τω κατα Ιωάννην Ευαγγελίω, ετέρως εξώεγκεν δια συμβόλών, Φάγεψε με τους σταρ-
xels, cinev, xj zhe dhe per to cei dece éveszes of misecas sy nie gray Seabus To Tómuov ev.cepopcor, de er i
εκκλησία, καθάπερ άνθρωπG, εκ πολλών σμυςηκτα μελών, άρδεθαί τε και αξε, συ Γκερεί ταί τε και
ou je máy rug e di uporvºoráciclo ele, missus fugcis ö; mennino. Tis alſo the Stile of
the Latin Tongue, ſometimes even in the Explication of Dreams, as in Plautus,
when Demipho hath told his Dream about a fair Goat, a proper Symbol for å Miſs,
and comes to conſider, that he had ſeen a fair Slave, he fell in Love withal, he faith,
(f) Niſi capram illam fufpicor jam me inveniſſe que fit, aut quid voluerit
. I be's
gin to fufpečt that I have found what this Goat is, and what it means. And again,
(g) Hec illa est Capra : That is, This is the Woman ſignified by the Goat. Again,
(6) Dæmones had á Dream about a Baboon, ſtriving to get a Neſt of Swallows : This
being very fit to repreſent an impure Pander, the Baboon being (i) turpiffima beſtia,
a filthy Beaſt
, which is always the Character of ſuch Men ; and the Swallows by
their Chattering well repreſenting Women, as the Greeks uſe it commonly : And
more particularly from the Story of Philomela and Progne thoſe of Athens : From
this upon the Sight of the Pander, Labrax ſtriving to get his Two Slaves fled to
the Temple of Venus, he cries out, that this is the Accompliſhment of his Dream,
uſing theſe Words : (k) Cum conje&turam egomet mecum facio , hæc illa eft fimia,
que
has hirundines ex nido vult eripere ingratiis. This is alſo ſometimes the Stile of the
Greek Tongue, even in prophane Authors. There is a notable Inſtance of it in (1)
Homer, too long to be inſerted. So Diogenes Laertius mentioning a Dream of So-
crates concerning Plato, under the Symbol of a Swan, adds, that Socrates explain'd
his Dream in this wife ; (m) Tò, ý, tătoveitiv eivorst ogver. Which is by Apuleius
tranſlated thus ; (n) Hic ille erat, amici, inquit, de Academia Cupidinis Cygnus. The Sto-
Iy of it is alſo mentioned by (6) Pauſanias, and by Tertullian , who uſes the very
ſame Phrafe (p): Cycnus de Sinu Socratis demulcens homines, diſcipulus Plato eft.
Compare with this one of the Elegies of (1) Ovid, and (-) Ariſtophanes. We ſhall
ſhew in another Place, that a (s) Star fignifies a Prince, or inferior Ruler ; and that
the Notion of an (t) Angel was, that he was a ruling Power ; and conſequently the
(e) Pædag. Lib. I. cap. 6. (f) Plaut. Mercat. Act. II. Sc. I. V. 29.
(8) Ibid. v. 44
(b) Idem Rudent. Act. III. Sc. I.
(i) Ennius in M. T. Cic. de Nat. Deor. Lib. I. Et Si-
monides apud Scobæum, Serm. 72.
(k) Plaut. Rudent. Act. III. Sc. IV. v. 66.
(1) Hom. Odyff. T. v. 535, &c. (m) Diog. Laerc. Lib. III. (n) Apuleius de Dogm.
Platonis. (1) Pauſan. Attic. pag. 30.
(P) Tertull. de Anima, cap. XLVI.
(9) Ovid. Amor. Lib. III. Eleg. 5. Nox erat, & fomnus, &c. (r) Ariftoph. Equit. 203, &C
(s) See the Note on Ch. 8. 10. A. (t) See our Diſcourſe of the Certainty of the Principles. P. II.
Sect. 65.
Star,

106
Ch. I. v. 20.
The Preface.
Jeſus Chrift.
Star, or Angel
, denotes the Biſhop of the Church, he being the Ruler of it under
sport
C. Kai te avžrice, as dides, ém à euxandie eid, And the Seven Lamp-Sconces
which thou ſaveſt, are the Seven Churches.] The Lamp-Sconce repreſents the Place
where the Light of the Goſpel is planted. As in the Tabernacle of Moſes there was
one Sconce with Seven Lamps ; fo this fignified that the Place was illuſtrated by the
Preſence of God, upon whom the Seven Archangels conſtantly attend , called the Se-
ven Eyes of the Lord. For there is a great Affinity between the Notions, and conſe-
quently the Symbolical Repreſentations of theſe Things, Angels, Archangels, Stars,
Lamps
, Eyes, Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons, as all of them are Miniſters of God,
and therefore often repreſented or called by one another's Names. Zachary calls the
Seven Angels the Eyes of the Lord ; the Deacons are called the Eyes of the Biſhop:
So the Sun is called the Eye of the World, as governing or enlightning it under God.
In the Poet the Light of the Lamp is called an Eye ;
Credis (u) 2 nou egy oupice i Egnadto nógvir hadis
So the Sun is called the Eye of the Sky ;
noticieros
Browth stola
Bryta su (w) Poulica 78 aisée da prila
Κάματον σολαγεϊ3
and only
Μαρμαρόαισιν εν ώραις. .
baserede
And the ſame Sun in another Poet is compared to a Torch of Flame,
(*) *Ω καλλιφεγγή λαμπάδ' ειλίουων φλορς
Ηλιε, ποθεινόν πάσιν ανθρώποις σέλας.
momo
The following Verſes thereupon alſo call him an Eye obliquely thus:
non
Suede
ΕιδNς την’ άλλον πωπόθε είς έτω μέγαν
'E25617 ágãvet sej Noéxpoxlov xelov.
pilsgn In
Whence Hefiod calls
him, Aids op Surpov ; and therefore Oſiris or the Sun was
repre-
ſented by an Eye. Thus alfo (y) Pindar calls the Moon èo Triggs op Dun pòv, the Eye of
the Evening. And Æſchylus, (2) vunt's om danuds, the Eye of the Night. As for the
Lamp or Sconce of Lamps fignifying the Church, beſides the Analogy of the Mofaical
Types, which proves it, our Saviour comparing his Diſciples to the Lights of the
World, and uſing the Parable of the Lamp not to be hidden under a Buſhel, is a
further Evidence thereof. But after all, the Church being repreſented in Holy Writ
under the Similitude of a Woman , a Bride, and the Lamb's Wife, eſpecially in the
Revelation, the very Onirocriticks have laid down, that a Lamp-Sconce fignifies the
Wife ; (a) Artemidorus faith, auxvía quaireon pakyes, for which he gives this Reaſon
in another (b) Place, that as the Lamp or Light thereof fignifies the Maſter of the
Houſe, becauſe he over-looks it, ſo the Lamp-Sconce fignifies his Wife, whom he
rules and prefides over. And thus in the Oriental Onirocriticks, the Misfortunes
that happen to the Lamp are applied to the Loſs of a Kingdom or Power to rule, as
the Dreamer is a Prince or common Perfon. Chap. 160.
Ei õ idin on toße In ta oma põra åxovla ere, bigúce Sabfiv er endgwo evanégoas ñ oxá-
745.
Εάν πς ίσια όπ κράτει λαμπάδα και έσβάθη, είμαι ει βασιλάς, άρήσει θλίψιν, και ολιάζωG-
Pasco
Ει δε σε κοινέ λαέ έκασος, απολά τίω εξεσίαν αυτό και το θέλημα αυτά.
Seë to the like Purpoſe concerning the Churches of Chriſt being as Lights in the
World, Origen againſt Celſus , Lib. III. pag. 128. So Ignatius the Bleſſed Martyr,
and Biſhop of Antioch, is in the A&ts of his Paſſion compared to 'a Lamp; "Ofer fT401
ολίρις έπ παραλλέων τη εκκλησία, και λύχνο δίκίω θεϊκά τι έκασε φωτίζων διάνοιαν δια η υ
(u) Ariſtophan. Conc. ex Agathone.
(w) Ariſtophan. Nebul.
apud Stob. Sermon. VIII.
(y) Pindar Olym. Od. 3.
Theb. V. 396. (a) Lib. I. cap. 76. (6) Cap. 80.
(x) Theodectus
() Æſchyl. Sept. C.
Selwy

Ch. I. V. 20.
The Preface.
107
Suí av napov den
guious, emniyeva il suo dixhus. So in Holy Scripture a Lamp figni-
fies the Seat and Domains, or elſe the perpetual Succeſſion of a Kingdom : 1 Kings
11. 36. That my Servant David may have a Light, Lamp, or Candle , alway before
me in Jeruſalem. So the Hebrew ; but the LXX rather explaining the Senſe, have
870s Has Ted sea co mus Aavid, That my Servant David may have a Seat or Poſition.
The fame Thing in the Hebrew, of 1 Kings 15.4. is by the LXX turned by were relple-
pua, and it follows, iva shon, a Remnant to ſettle a Foundation. But in 2 Kings 8. 19.
they have av yvov : All which Expreſſions are parallel to this in 2 Sam. 7. 13. I will
eſtabliſh the Throne of his Kingdom for ever. This being more proper, and the reſt
Symbolical Expreſſions of the fame Promiſe of God. Finally, as all Ceremonies
uſed in Religion, or even the Civil State, have a Symbolical Signification ; fo we
find, that in the Greek Church in the Confecration of a Biſhop, among other Symbo-
lical Ceremonies, there was a Lamp delivered to him, repreſenting his Church, and
to the Patriarch of Conſtantinople a double Lamp, fignifying the Patriarchal Church,
which was delivered to him by the Emperor : See Pachymeres Lib. VIII. cap. 28.
And Joh. Cantacuzen Lib. III. cap. 42. In which laſt Place the Thing was only done
in Imitation, and by way of Mockery ; but however it ſhews the Ceremony.
11938eds to
figi ya 70 bal Wobb limot T
100
odno
on trobin 700
Vam ol yingi daw su
3
se mail to CH A P. II. 1980s pentingit
to gatsdoringit
mond
EFORE we enter upon the Expoſition of the Seven Epiſtles to the Seven
B
Churches, contained in this and the next Chapter, it will not be very impro-
per to premiſe fomething in general, which cannot be ſo conveniently faid upon
every particular Occaſion, becauſe it concerns them in general: So that the placing
of it here will ſave us the Trouble of repeating it upon every Occaſion. Now
whereas fome Men have imagined that there are greater Myſteries contained in
them than we can really perceive ; therefore our general Obſervations ſhall
be reſtrained to theſe few Particulars, to fhew what Myſteries we find
therein
juntos
1. Firſt then we obſerve, that all theſe Seven Epiſtles are as it were framed upon
one Model, and that their Parts are almoſt exactly the ſame in Number, Correſpon-
dence, and Order. When I looked upon this, and compared it with the beginning
of the Prophecies of Amos, I could not forbear thinking that the Holy Ghoſt in the
Revelation hath in fome Meaſure followed the fame Method. For Amos going to
Prophecy chiefly againſt Iſrael, begins with a Prophecy againſt Seven Neighbouring
Nations, Damaſcus, Gaza, Tyrus, Edom, Ammon, Moab, and Juda ; all which are
drawn out upon the ſame Model. That this might fignify, that whilft he was de-
nouncing God's Judgments againſt Iſrael, they might not think to eſcape free ; but
that theſe would alſo in due Time reach them. Amos therefore in them ſeems to
have written ſo many Epiſtles to them.
2. The Parts of every Epiſtle in the Revelation are theſe Seven. Firſt
, There
is the Choice of that particular Church, to whoſe Angel or Biſhop the Epiſtle is
dire&ted, and which is there named. Secondly, A Commandment given ſpecially to
St. John, to write to every one of them in Particular, which is repeated upon every
Occaſion. Thirdly
, Jeſus Chriſt affumes in every Epiſtle, fome peculiar Title, which
is always different in fome Circumſtance from all the reſt, but ſuited to the Matter of
the Epiſtle. Fourthly, There is a Commendation or Praiſe of the A&tions of the
Angel, or of his Church, ſin every one of them, except the laſt, which is ſent to
Laodicea. Fifthly, Every Epiſtle contains ſome Reproof, or ſharp Correction, which
for the moſt Part is ſomewhat ſoftned afterwards; excepting that which is ſent to
the Angel of the Church in Smyrna, againſt whom nothing is found : Unleſs you
will reckon that he is reproved for having too mean an Opinion of himſelf, and
therefore ſuffering his Spirits to be too much dejected. Sixthly, There is an Exhor-
tation
I

108
.. CH. IT .
2033
tation either to Conſtancy in the Faith, or elſe to Amendment of Life, as Occafiori
ferves, and ſometimes both. Seventhly, and Laſily, There is a Promiſe given out by
our Saviour, to encourage theit Conſtancy or Amendment ; with a general Applica-
tion of that Promiſe to any one elſe, which ſhall take hold of it as well as thofe to
whom the Epiſtle is directed.lowers
3. Now as to the Principles from which theſe ſeveral Parts are fetch'd, it is für-
ther to be obſerved, that the Titles which our Saviour takes upon him, have all
fome Difference from each other, and are all drawn from the Characters which are
given of him in the former Part of the Vifion; and thoſe too with very little Dif.
ference from what is contained therein ; that ſo our Saviour might have thoſe attri-
buted to him by Parcels, which had been beſtowed upon him collectively before.
And that thus theſe Titles might anſwer in their Diſtribution to the firſt Scheme, as
the Matter and Deſign of the Seven Epiſtles doth to the general Viſion.
4. It is obſervable that the Threatnings and the Promiſes contained in every, Epi-
ftle, have ſome kind of Relation to the Titles which our Saviour hath taken upon
him in the beginning of each of them. So that by theſe it ſhould ſeem, that our
Saviour in each of them affe&ts that Title, which thews his Right or Power to pro-
miſe or threaten what is mentioned afterwards therein.
5. The Promiſes laid down at the end of every Epiſtle, do contain in them fome
gradual Increaſe: So that the latter Epiſtles ſeem to contain by Steps fo much more
than the former, till they are arrived to the higheſt Pitch of Glory, that can be be-
ſtowed upon Human Nature
, as the Symbols whereby they are couched ſeem to de
note, which fignify ſo many Attributes, or Qualities of Glory, incident to the State
of the Saints in and after the Reſurre&tion. Firſt
, The Tree of Life given to be
eaten, ſignifies a Power to riſe again and Live. Secondly, A Freedom from the Se-
cond Death, ſignifies a State of Immortality after the Reſurrection. Thirdly, A new
Name, fignifies a Change of State or Condition, and conſequently a Life not ſubje&t
to the former Evils. Fourthly, The Power over the Nations, fignifies a Change of
State from Slavery, Miſery, and Perſecution, to an abſolute Power over all Things;
and the Morning Star fignifies a more early Reſurrection and Priority of Dominion
above others. Fifthly, The White Garments fignify an abſolute State of Innocence,
Joy and Peace. Sixthly, To be made a Pillar in the Temple of God, fignifies the
Durableneſs or Firmneſs of God's conſtant Favour. Laſtly, To ſit on God's Throne,
fignifies to ſhare in God's Glory and Happineſs, beyond which nothing can be con-
ceived. All theſe Particulars ſhall be explained and proved hereafter.
6. Theſe Promiſes have all of them a Regard to the Matters foretold in the Reve-
lation, concerning the Happineſs of the Church, and its Members, which will hap-
pen to it in its laſt Period, after the Church and its Members ſhall have endured
patiently the Things foretold to happen in the Firſt and Second Periods thereof; be-
cauſe the preparing of them to ſuffer by the Hope of the Reward foretold, was the
Deſign of theſe Epiſtles, and ſhew what natural Connexion they have with the Pro-
phecies concerning the future State of the Church.
7. Therefore we muſt look upon theſe Epiſtles as Inftru&tions to the Governors of
the Church, who are Chriſt's Servants and Deputies upon Earth, to ſerve all the
Time that the true Catholick Church ſhall continue in an uncertain and perſecuted
State, as was that of theſe Seven Churches, when theſe Epiſtles were directed to
them. And that this is moſt true here, which Tertullian ſays in general : (c) Nulla
enunciatio Spiritus San&ti, ad præfentem tantum materiam, & non ad omnem utilitatis
occafionem dirigi & Suſcipi poteft
. So that the Uſe and Application of them is fuch,
that the Catholick Church, or any particular Member thereof, finding themſelves in
the like Condition as theſe in general were, or any of them in particular, muſt con-
fider that theſe were ſet before us as general Examples, and applicable to every par-
ticular Caſe: But in ſuch a Manner, that the Threatnings or Promiſes made in each
particular Epiſtle, notwithſtanding that ſeeming Diſtribution, ſhall be united and
concentred in thoſe upon whom they are beſtowed, according to the general Deſign
of Jeſus Chriſt to puniſh or to reward every Man according to his work. So that
thefe Epiſtles are to be taken collectively, and not ſeparately : In the ſame manner as
St. John hath written and directed them ; who though he hath written an Epiſtle to
ESG:
-
VOREST
(c) Tetrallian. de Cult. Fæm. Cap. II. sb.no dos atitige aid guisont soterrani
tror
2
cach

Ch. II. v. I.
To the Angel of Epheſus.
109
each of the Seven, hath yet written every Epiſtle to, and for the Uſe of every one
of them : Making thus but one Syſtem, or circular Epiſtle of all the Seven, as it is
plain that the remaining Prophecies of future Things concern the whole Catholick
Church. And thus may be ſeen how compact and well ordered the whole Syſtem of
the Revelation is: And conſequently what Connexion this Viſion and Epiſtles have to
all that followeth.
A. Verf. 1. TQ 'Ayzéng, To the Angel.] The Service of God in the Mofaical
Tabernacle, and afterwards in the Temple, was inſtituted according to the (d) Pat:
tern of the Heavenly Things, and conſequently was but a Copy of the Divine Ser-
vice in Heaven by the Archangels and Angels, and, as they are ſometimes called, by
the Heavenly Hoft ; ſo that the whole Oeconomy of the Divine Providence was there.
in repreſented, and theſe ſet out each other viſibly. Now that the Chriſtian Church
is ſubſtituted to the Moſaical Oeconomy, and that God hath by this extended his
Worſhip, he hath alſo followed the ſame Pattern with ſome ſmall Difference, as the
Nature of the Change required ; and conſequently the Government of the viſible
Church of Chriſt, is ſtill according to the Pattern of the Heavenly Things; ſeeing
that the Mofaical Oeconomy by all the inſpired Chriſtians, hath been accounted the
Type or Repreſentation of the Chriſtian. Wherefore in the Revelation, where the
future State of the Church, from its Beginning to its Conſummation, is repreſented
in viſible Obje&ts, the Holy Ghoſt hath borrowed the Figures, both from the Hea-
venly Srate, and from the Mofaical Diſpenſation : Becauſe one of theſe was not ſuf-
ficient to repreſent the Changes and Subſtitution of new Incidents. And even where
theſe have appeared deficient, the Holy Ghoſt hath excurred not only to the Works
of Nature, but even to new Inventions, which hereafter are called Signs
As in the Heavenly Things, or Government of the World by the Divine Pro-
vidence, the Angels are under God, and by him ſet to Rule and Govern the Nations ;
ſo the Angel of a Nation, being the Governor of it, in the Symbolical Language ex-
preſſes very well the Prince or King thereof. To the Fews, their King, or High
Prieſt; fo to the Chriſtians it may fignify their Biſhop, which, as they are Chriiti-
ans, is their ſpecial Ruler or Governor, as the High Prieſt was to the Fews. For as
God, to guide and rule the Jews, had a proper Angel, which by Daniel is called
Michael, the Prince of all the Heavenly Hoſt, as other Nations had theirs ; ſo now
Jeſus Chriſt, having all the Angels made ſubject to him, uſes them for the inviſible
Government and Direction of his Church: And the Biſhop, being the viſible Go-
vernor thereof, may have the Name of Angel in the Prophetical Stile without any
Difficulty, as even the viſible Princes in common Speech have been called Angels.
And thus Clemens Alexandrinus very juſtly thinks, that the Orders of Biſhops,
Prieſts, and Deacons, are (e) Me usuclee apsaexñs dens, Imitations of the Angelical
Glory. Hermas ſaith, (f) Inter Nuncios locus eorum eft
. Vid. Origen. de Orat.
P. 1. Se&t. 35, and 36. The Prieſt of the Order of Aaron, is alſo called Angel,
in Malachi 2. 7. And indeed the Tabernacle being made after the Pattern of the
Heavenly Things, the Aaronical Prieſthood muſt needs correſpond to the Celeſtial
Hierarchy ; and the Chriſtian having the ſame Origin and Model, it is a groundleſs
Notion to think, that the Apoſtles ſettled the Government of the Church, with re-
ſpect to the Jewiſh (8) Synagogues; and not rather after the Model of the Aaronical
Prieſthood. For I Thall prove hereafter, that the Holy Ghoſt calls our Chriſtian
Clergy Prieſts, in the Note upon Chap. 5. 10. A. The Seven Angels, or Archangels,
as being the Principal, and having all the reſt under them, are (b) in this Book
called the Seven Spirits that ſtand before God and the Lamb: And therefore they
may well repreſent theſe Seven Principal Biſhops of the Catholick Church, here
choſen above all the reſt, to be the Repreſentatives of the whole Epiſcopal College :
And theſe Repreſentative Biſhops may well be called Angels, being the viſible Angels
or Governors of Chriſt's Church. They are Seven, and not one only, to ſhew the
Univerſality of the Church ; whereas the Mofaical Church had but One of the
Seven. That as the Seven Archangels were formerly employed to govern the whole
(d) Heb. 8. 5.
(e) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. VI. Page 283.
if) Herm. Paft. Lib. III. Sim. ix. S. 27. (6) Vid. H. Groc. de Imp. Sum. Poteft.Cap. xi. s. 8.
(b) Rev. 3. I. Chap. 4. 5. Chap. 8, 2. and Chap. 15.6.
Ff
World,

IIO
Ch. II. v. i.
To the Angel of Epheſus.
SHO 300 200
World, ſo they may all be employed to govern now the Church, which is to be
extended over all the World. OO 10
This place is a full Proof, or as (i) Grotius fays, an irrefragable Argument, that
the Government of the Church by one Biſhop, as the Principle of Unity over all
other fubordinate Governors or Presbyters, is not only of Apoſtolical Inſtitution,
ſeeing that the Church was ſo governed in St. John's Time ; but that this manner of
Government is altogether ſuitable to the Divine Intention, becauſe it followeth the
Model of the Heavenly Government. It ſhews, that as this Supremacy of one Bi-
ſhop in one City was then inſtituted, ſo it is a Folly for any
one Biſhop to pretend to
have a Supremacy above all the reſt, becauſe theſe Seven Repreſentative Biſhops are
made equal to each other, and are not One, but Seven.
It is to be obſerved, that the Angel, or Biſhop, repreſents all thoſe who are under
his Government. For in Daniel 10. 13. the Prince or Angel of Perſia is put for the
whole Nation and Monarchy ; and in Daniel 12. 1. Michael, the Angel of the
Femiſh Church, is put for the whole Nation of the Jews, whoſe Protection was
committed to him. So Ignatius ſpeaks of many Churches being with him, becauſe
their Biſhops were ſo. This is the Reaſon why theſe Epiſtles, though directed only
to the Biſhops, do nevertheleſs comprehend all the Faithful under each of the Bi-
ſhops. By this Obſervation it will appear, that it is not wholly neceſſary to apply
the Corre&tions and Admonitions therein to the fingle Perſon of the Biſhop: It is
fufficient, if it be done to his Church in general, for whoſe Actions he is anſwerable.
Of this Opinion Tertullian ſeems to have been; for he faith : Id fi dubitas, evolve
que Spiritus Ecclefiis dicat : Deſertam dile&tionem Ephefiis imputat ; ftuprum eâ idolo-
i hytorum efum Thyatyrenis exprobrat, &c. See our Note upon Chap. 2. 7. A. By
which it will appear, that Tertullian was grounded upon the ſame Reaſon as we have
alledged there, to aſcribe that to the whole Church, which was charged fingly upon
the Angel.
Upon this Account I think it is, that the Holy Ghoſt hath not named them
by Name, but only by a general Deſcription, to make us forbear applying the Things
written too much to their particular Perſons: But that we ſhould only look upon
them in general as Repreſentatives of their own Churches, and of the whole Catho-
lick Church too ; that theſe Epiſtles might ſerve for the whole Church, and through-
out all the Ages, wherein it ſhall be in the like Condition. However, ſome think
that this was Apollos, an (k) Epheſian, who proved afterwards a zealous Preacher,
and was (1) compared by ſome to St. Paul. Others gueſs that this was Timothy,
who in the Note at the end of St. Paul's Second Epiſtle to him, is ſaid to have
been the firſt Biſhop of Epheſus: And indeed that he was buried there is probable,
becauſe his Body was thence tranſlated to (m) Conſtantinople. But it followeth not
from thence, that he was ſo at this Time. If we may believe the Author of the (n)
Apoftolical Conſtitutions, one Fohn, ordained by the Apoſtle Fohn, might be the Bi-
ſhop of Epheſus at this Time. Cotelerius thinks this might be that John the Elder,
mention'd by () Euſebius, as the Preceptor of Papias. If this John were the Bi-
ſhop then, he could not be the Author of the Revelation, fince he is here mentioned
as a Perſon different from the Author. Nevertheleſs (Þ) M. Dodwell has pretended
to prove it.
B. Tüs èv 'Eợésø innanoias, of the Church in Epheſus.] The Complutenſian Edition,
which I follow for the moſt Part, as Arias Montanus hath done, reads thus ; and ſo
doth the Alexandrian Manuſcript, and others; and they conſtantly obſerve this
Phrafe in the Names of all the Seven Churches. But Eraſmus in his Editions hath
op Epecions, and is therein followed by moſt of the later Editions. This Reading I can-
not approve, firſt becauſe this Adjective is not rightly formed, not being found in
() Stephanus the Byzantine, who is very nice in obſerving how ſuch Adjeětives were
to be formed, that being the chief Deſign of his Work:
And therefore it is likely,
that it was not in Uſe among the Epheſians, neither doth any other Author of the
New Teſtament uſe it. Again, it was the conſtant Style of the Primitive Chriſtians,
(0) H. Grot. de Imper. Sum. Pot. Cap. xi.
(k) Acts 18.24.
(1) 1 Cor. 1. 1 2. and Chap. 3. 4, 5, 6, 22. (m) Philoftorgius, Lib. III. Procopius de Ædific.
Juftin. Lib. I. Cap. iv, (n) Apoft. Conftit. Lib. VII. Cap. xlvi. Euſeb. Hift. Eccl.
Lib. III. Cap. 386 (s) Dodwell
, Diſſert. I. in Irenæum. (9) Steph śGrensa Voce "Epsouse
in
blev

Ch. II. v. 2. To the Angel of Epheſus.
in their Epiſtles to the Churches, as appears by St. Paul, Clemens Rom. and Ignatius
in all his Epiſtles, but that to the Church of Smyrna , in which nevertheleſs his In.
terpolator uſes this Style, whence I conclude, that in his Copy the genuine Epiſtle
had Suugun, though that be changed ſince. But (r) Origen gives us a good Reaſon
for this, and ſhews us the Neceſſity of this Expreſſion rather than the other. He
makes a great Difference between theſe Expreſſions, ēnunuais si 'Ashmory, and érna miche
A swarov, and between vi èn xandíc è roeivsø, and emmangia ti dhur Koelv sicer, and the
ſame of Alexandria, and the Church there; for by the former way was ſignified the
Chriſtian Church in thoſe Cities, and by the latter the popular Aſſemblies for the
Political or Temporal State. Some few Exceptions to this Rule, which might be
found in other Writers, ought not to make us ſcruple to admit this Reading uſed in
good Manuſcripts and Editions, according to this Style, and to reje&t the other way,
which is equivocal. This Obſervation may ſuffice once for all the reſt. aid of bow
The City of Epheſus was the beſt City of Afia Minor ; whence we read, that they
ſtiled themſelves the Capital City of Aſia, as appears by their Coins ſtill extant,
wherein is read, EợECIAN TIPSTIN ACIAC. This and Smyrna were the Two beſt
for which Reaſon we read in (s) Pliny; Ephefum verò alterum Lumen Aſia, after he
had mentioned Smyrna, as a Town to which great part of Aſia reſorted. Perhaps it
was for this Reaſon, that St. John puts theſe Two here in the Front of the reſt, or
elſe becauſe himſelf dwelled there, or perhaps upon the Account of the Biſhops, if
they were Timothy and Polycarpus. However, upon the Account of the Greatneſs and
Prerogative of this (t) City, it was afterwards (u) declared a Patriarchal Seat. And
the Commentator Aretas faith, that it had it once, but that it was tranſlated to Conný
ftantinople ; though, as appears by Evagrius, the Right was afterwards reſtored : But
it ſeems not to have laſted long. Nevertheleſs it was always accounted Metropolitical.
But enough of this, feeing that Usher, Primate of Armagh, hath compoſed a Dif
courſe on this Subject
. The Eminency of theſe Cities made them proper Repreſen-
tatives of all the reſt of the Churches.
C. Tegysv, Write.] We muſt once for all repeat here, that the Repetition of
this Commandment for every ſingle Epiſtle, ſhews, that the Holy Ghoſt deſigned
thereby a peculiar Application of it to the particular Caſe of that Church, as well as
by joining all together it was deſigned, that they ſhould ſerve for the whole Catholick
Church.
D. Τάδε λέγει ο κρατών της ελλα αςέρας εν τη δεξια αυτά, ο δειπατών όν μέσω ' επ α λυχ-
viõv oli nguorov, Theſe Things faith be that holdeth the Seven Stars in his Right Hand,
who walketh in the midſt of the Seven Golden Lamp-Sconces.] The Expreſſions have
been explained before. But our Saviour feems to prefix this general Title to this
Firſt Epiſtle, to ſhew his Right to command them, and ſend them theſe Inſtru-
&tions. He joins them both together, to fhew, that he had not only Power over the
Biſhop, but over the Church ; and this conſequently infers, that his Inſtructions con-
cern both.
A. Verf. 2. Of doo tu esga on, I know thy Works.] Our Saviour having begun with
telling the Angel, that he holds the Seven Stars in his Right Hand; that is, directs the
Angels or Biſhops of the Seven Churches; and that he walks in the midſt of the
Seven Golden Lamp-Sconces, that is, views, confiders, protects and governs them; it
is no wonder, that he ſhould know here, and in every one of the reſt, what is done
therein; and I think, that this is the Reaſon alſo of his prefixing this Title to all the
reft, as being the Foundation of Jeſus Chriſt's Knowledge, which he declares there-
by; for none hath a Rule, or Government, given to him, but he hath at the ſame
Time a Power to inſpect all Things. Therefore this vide, I know, implies, that
Chriſt hath viſited and examined all their State: And that this Viſitation ſhews him,
that they want his Inſtructions.
B. "On '
š duin Besácu veends, That thou canſt not bear with them that are evil.]
That is, art a zealous and laborious Man in thy Office ; inſomuch that thou makeſt
a neceſſary Difference, reproveſt and expelleſt Hypocritical Chriſtians, ſuch as are
deſcribed in the next Words, which prove that this Zeal was not without Knowledge,
but founded upon certain Experience, becauſe he had tried them.
(r) Origen. Cont. Celf. Lib. III. Page 129.
(t) Vid. Bevereg. Cod. Can. Vind. Lib. II. Cap. s.
(s) Plin. Hift. Nat. Lib. V. Cap. 29.
(u) Evagrius, Lib. III. Cap. 6.
C. Rei
2

I 12
To the Angel of Epheſus.
Ch. II. v. 2.
C. Kai éteresow Tès aeportes exules Srosóaes ), And haft tried them which ſay, that
they are Apoſtles.] So the Complutenſian, and Alexandrian Manuſcript. Others have
to the ſame Purpoſe, tss cáoxovlas it) e moçónes. There is no Queſtion, but that this Bi-
ſhop of Epheſus had often Occafion to try, and make uſe of the Gift of diſcerning
Spirits
, and had accordingly done it, and rejected many who could not ſtand the
Trial. The City of Epheſus, above all others, had ſuch Men, devoted to thoſe Stu-
dies, as would otherwiſe have impoſed upon the Chriſtians. The Pagans, and
the very Jews , pretended to be great Exorciſts or Conjurers. They ſtudied thoſe
curious Arts, which (w) St. Luke calls Tri melegge, whence thoſe magical Terms or
Devices were called 'Epéos zgdku.wellae , ſpoken of by many Authors, whereby many
wonderful Feats were pretended to be done. They pretended to metamorphoſe Peo-
ple, as () Lucian faith, if fo be that I underſtand him a-right: For inſtead of the
Words in his Dialogue, dingsefo'ns Te épéserx map autois, of which no Criticks can
make any Senſe, I would have them read thus, dinge ulo'ns teil 'Embora zségpedilce, or reía
€930, the former rather than the latter ; the Words, whether written in great Letters,
as very ancient Manuſcripts are, or in Abbreviations as the latter are, being eaſily
miſtaken for each other ; as they who deal in ſuch Matters may eaſily con-
ceive.
Now the Gnoſticks, thoſe filthy Dreamers, by their very Title pretending to be
Prophets, and conſequently falſe ones, were, even from Simon Magis their Father,
great Pretenders and Pra&icers of theſe curious Arts and Sorceries, as (y) Ireneus has
reported of them ; who obſerves, that in the Times of Carpocrates they grew bold-
faced with them ; (2) ozunuró usuroi Tois net meil telegríar wees 'ouran Teng Meltoes oía'ois, évetes-
zó u. Trots te kỳ zegédpois tior está poor ; but they always practiſed them ſecretly. By theſe
Places we may learn how we are to correct the Latin Verſion of Irenæus, which hath
Parerga, inſtead of Perierga. In general, all of them were addieted to Magick.
Theſe then having fuch Arts of Delufion, pretended alſo to imitate the Apoſtles, and
had impoſed upon Men, had not the Biſhops of the
Church taken great Care to ex-
amine into them: For which they (a) wanted not ſufficient Helps by the Gift of dif-
cerning Spirits, having true Prophets and inſpired Men of their own. It is the Care
of the Angel of the Church in Epheſus, which is commended in this place upon that
Account, as a Mark of his Labour, Patience, and Zeal. St. Paul being at (6) Mile-
tus, ſent for the Elders of Epheſus, and foretold them, that ſuch (c) Magicians
would break out there chiefly , and if Timothy was Biſhop of Epheſus, it is per-
haps for that Reaſon that the Holy Ghoſt thought fit to fingle him out to forewarn
him of that growing Evil by (d) St. Paul, as being the Perſon who ſhould firſt be
attacked by them; however this is certain, that Timothy was then at Epheſus, when
St. Paul gave him ſuch Inſtructions. Bruno
D. ’Amosóars
, Apoſtles.] . What kind of Apoſtles did theſe Men pretend to be ? To
anſwer to this Queſtion, it is to be noted, that the Name or Title of Apoſtle was
then ſomewhat more general than it is now with us, who only honour the Twelve by
that Name, and St. Paul with them by a ſpecial Privilege. Not only the Twelve
were ſo called then, but alſo all thoſe who were inveſted with the fame Power, and
executed the fame Offices, and were either Partners of the Twelve, or their Succef-
fors; or elſe left and ordained Biſhops by them in any Place. This is the Reaſon
why St. Paul, St. Barnabas, Titus, Timothy , Clemens Rom. Mark, Luke , and ſome
others, are called Apoſtles : And Ignatius too, Biſhop of Antioch, was ſo called, tho'
no immediate Succeſſor to the Apoſtles, by (e) St. Chryfoftom: Who in the ſame
Place, as appears by the whole Contexture of that Panegyrick, makes that Title of
Apoſtle to be the ſame as Biſhop, by making the Office the ſame; and affirming only
the Title of Apoſtle to be due to him, becauſe of his Privilege of having been one of
the Primitive and Apoftolical Biſhops. And Ignatius himſelf aſſerts that Title as
due to him, when he fàlutes the Trallians, év mingastele, er 'A 7.050Manço za peculñer. Now
theſe Words may be turn'd thus by an ey de voir , In the Fulneſs of the Apoſtolical
Charaéter : But in his Epiſtle to the Antiochians he modeſtly waves it. As alſo in
() Acts 19. 13, 19. (x) Dialog. Clonar. & Leænæ. () Irenæus, Lib. I. Cap. 24.
comp. Lib. I. Cap. 8. and 20.
(2) Irenæus apud Euſeb. Hiſt. Ecclef. Lib. IV. Cap. 7.
(a) See Dodwell's Cypr. Differt. IV. Sect. 25. and Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. Talm. in 1 Cor. 12.
(b) Acts 20. 17.
(C) Acts 20. 30.
(d) Tim. I. 3, 4. Vid. Grot. in Locum.
(e) Orat. de Ignacio M, Tom. V. Ed. Say. Page 499.
I
that

3:
To the Angel of Epheſus.
113
that to the Trallians, to make uſe of the Apoftolical Power. Now this Fulneſs of
Apoſtolical Power may be underſtood in a great Meafure from thefe Words of Ter-
tullian (f) Propriè enim Apoſtoli Spiritum ſan&tum habent, qui plenè habent in operi-
bus Prophetiæ efficaciam virtutum atque documentorum linguam, non quaſi ex parte
,
quod cetert. So that theſe Apoſtles were, as to their Power and Office, as Biſhops :
whilſt the inferior Clergy were as yet called promiſcuouſly by the Name of Presbyter's
or Biſhops ; which Names were not at firſt diſtinguiſhed, becauſe the Office of the
Biſhops in the latter Notion, as we now underſtand it, was then involved in the Name,
and executed under the Title and Power of Apoſtles. But in Proceſs of Time, tho
the fame Power and conſequently Order remained, of Biſhops in Apoſtolical Power
and Office ; that is, Apoftles changed for the Name of Biſhops, yet our of Reſpect to
the Twelve, and St. Paul, one as eminent as they, becauſe peculiarly choſen by our
Saviour himſelf; the Title of Apoſtle was reſerved and affected to them, and that of
Biſhop beſtowed upon their Succeſſors in the ſame Authority, whom
themſelves left
to govern the Church and ordain the Miniſtry thereof, in the ſame Manner as them-
felves : And fo Name of
was for ever taken from the
Presbytersſeems therefore
ſettled between the Times
of St. John and that of Ignatius, becauſe all the Twelve were then gone, and it was
thought neceſſary to diſtinguiſh them from their Succeſſors, as Perſons ſent by Chriſt
himfelf, becauſe the reſt were only fent and ordained by Men : Ignatius ſeeming to
be one of the firſt who hath fo diſtinguiſhed them, by calling thoſe Apoſtles in the
latter Acceptation conſtantly by the Name of Biſhops, and always ſeparating them
from the Presbyters. Now all this is confirmed, and is the true Meaning of Theodo-
ret in theſe Words, about which Petavius and Salmafius had once a great Scuffle.
(g) 'Αλλ' όπερ έφίω, τες αυτές εκάλεν ποτε ρεσβυτέρες και οικόπες, τες και να καλε μύες όπσ-
κόπες, Αποςόλες ωνόμαζον. Τα 5 κανε eyϊόνο, μαρ' η Αποστολής όνομα τους αληθώς Αποστ-
λοις καλέλιπον, τάυ και η Επισκοπής ωροσημείων τοϊς πίλα καλε εξώύοις Αποςόλοις οπίθης. Bur
what I ſaid before, they once called Preſbyters and Biſhops the ſame ; but thoſe which
we now call Biſhops, they named Apoſtles : Now in Proceſs of Time the Name of Apo-
ftleship was left to the true Apoſtles ; and they impoſed the Name of Epiſcopacy on thoſe
which before were called Apofles. He means by the true Apoſtles the Twelve, whom
Chriſt himſelf choſe and ſent, which in his Time were only called by the Name of
Apoſtles.
The Streſs of the Queſtion lies not in the Name, whether Biſhops and Preſbyters
were not the Names of the ſame Perſons, but in the Power and Office ; that is,
whether in the Church there ought to be ſome Perſon over the Presbyters , to govern
and ordain, and whether the Power and Office of the true Apoſtles could devolve by
their Means upon their Succeſſors. The Primitive Church always held both; that
there might be Succeffors to the Apoſtles, to execute the fame Power and Office, to
govern and ordain the inferior Miniſtry. And it is conſonant to the Praćtice of the
Apoſtles. They had Alfiſtants called sweggiss; theſe they left, or ſettled where they
pleaſed over others, to govern and ordain, as Titus in Grete, Timothy at Epheſus,
Mark in Alexandria, and the like ; theſe were therefore Biſhops and Apoſtles, and
were called by both Names. Now as the Apoſtles could ſend them with their own
Power, and in the fame Office ; ſo by their Practice it appears, that the Apoftolical
Power and Office might be devolved ; and by Conſequence the Apoſtolical Power
is now devolved upon the Biſhops. And though the Twelve had ſome Prerogative
above the reſt, by Right of Primogeniture, for which they were affectedly called
Apoſtles afterwards, yet their Office and Authority was really ſettled upon thoſe whom
they ſettled to continue afterwards, to perfect what themſelves could not, and to
maintain the Church in After-Ages. So that although the Office in the Church were
thus really diſtinguiſhed, in, and from the very Apoftolical Times, yet the Names
were not ſo fully ſettled
till afterwards ; and Ignatius is one of the laſt called by the
Name of Apoſtle ; the Title in the firſt Acceptation of it , for one that governs the
Church and ordains, beginning then to wear out. Though ſtill in the Times of St.
Cyprian, Epifcopacy was eſteemed to be the ſame as Apoſtleſhip: For Pontius his
Deacon ſpeaks thus of his Election : Si cum Apoſtolo etiam ordinationis honore fimila:
2
(f) Tertul. Exhort. ad Cafticar. Cap. IV.
(8) Theodorit. Com. in 1 Ep. ad Tim. III.
Gg
ret.

114
To the Angel of Epheſus.
Ch. II. v. 4. 5.
a
ret. And Cyprian himſelf, (h) Meminiſſe autem Diaconi debent, quoniam Apoftolos,
id eft, Epiſcopos, & Præpoſitos Dominus élegit.
vontamos coloca
By this I underſtand, in ſome Meaſure, the Words of St. Paul, (i ) 2071 3o.uice 75, una
div isegnsiv ae s inès alev arrosérce, for I ſuppoſe I was not a whit behind the very chief-
eſt Apoſtles. By which he means the Twelve, whom Theodoret called truly Apoſtles.
For St. Paul, being none of them that were choſen by Jeſus to be Apoſtles, was deſpiſed
of ſome as being of a lower Degree : Whence it comes, that he ſo often inculcates,
that he was an Apoſtle, not of Men, but of Jeſus Chriſt ; having had his Call im-
Apoſtle, as of the higheſt Inſtitution. This he (k) repeats, and proves by Thewing,
That he had as much the Power of Miracles, and to communicate it to others, as any
of the Twelve; which Power of communicating the fame to others ſeems to be their
Property; they indeed excelling therein all others, as the Apoſtolical Fathers did
their Succeffors ; that Power going off by Degrees. For which Reaſon they, who
excelled therein others, were always promoted to the Apoſtolical or Epiſcopal Office,
as fitteſt.
But now to come to our Gnoſticks, or pretended Apoſtles, after theſe neceſſary Ob-
ſervations ; Things being thus managed, and it being certain, that the Apoſtles, both
of the firſt and ſecond Rank, had great Meaſures of Gifts above all other Chriſtians,
which was the Reaſon that the Twelve choſe the others to ſucceed them, as being
moſt like themſelves; and theſe Apoftolical Biſhops having therefore great Authority
and Power in the Church, the Gnoſticks and fews Exorciſts, whoſe Aim was chiefly
at Gain and Power, pretending to as great Gifts , Revelations
, and Miracles, which
by the Help of their Magical Arts, they could perform to the Aſtoniſhment of the
Simple, attempted and pretended with their lying Wonders, to have a Right to the
Apoſtleſhip upon Occaſion, endeavouring alſo by flattering Infinuations to get into the
fame Offices in the Churches. But being brought to the Touchſtone , as the Primi-
tive Chriſtians took great Care in the Choice of their Paſtors, by the Help of the
eminently Gifted Men in the eminent Churches, to have ſuch as juſtly deſerved it,
they were found out and rejected. For this kind of Trial, this Angel and his
Church are commended. Thus Cerinthus, who lived about theſe Times, pretending
to Revelations, wrote fome Books, (?) as a dostosoas usadas, as if he had been a great
Apoſtle. If St. John did allude to this Buſineſs, as it is not impoſſible, Cerinthus
living in Epheſus ; then it is not poſſible that the Revelation ſhould be written in the
Times of Claudius Cæfar, as ſome have pretended. By this alſo we may ſee how
falſe the Obſervation of a Learned Man is, who wrote fome peeviſh Notes upon
the Epiſtle of Clemens R. in pretending that Clemens never us'd the Expreſſion,
(m) oi’Arrósoros meses, our Apoſtles. Yes, he might, to diſtinguiſh them from theſe
pretended Apoſtles.
A. Verf. 4. "O72 The eigelole of the machtle doñnces, That thou haſt left thy firſt Love.]
Not quite forſaken, but remitted and moderated the former Love and Zeal, which
is condemned, and for which they are dreadfully threatned, becauſe the Angel and
his Church, notwithſtanding their Zeal againſt the Falſe Apoſtles, by giving at laſt
way to them, had forſaken the Love which they bore to Jeſus Chriſt. Not that they
had admitted the groſs Principles, which the falſe Apoſtles preached ; but did not
oppoſe ſo ſtoutly, and ſuffer'd them to increaſe. It ſeems, that thoſe Corruptions
were crept in ſince St. Paul's Time : For in his Epiſtle to them he commends them
throughout, è neon Orisoaſ, as Ignatius obſerv'd, and others after him,
A. Verf. 5. Kováows this augviar or in på Tóme outis, I will remove thy Lamp-Sconce
out of its Place. ] Love is frequently renewed by giving Occaſion of Jealouſy,
which is Zeal. God here takes that Method, as he did to the Fews, by (n) threat-
ning and provoking them to Jealouſy. Our Saviour likewiſe made uſe of it. (6) The
Kingdom of God ſhall be taken from you, and given to a Nation bringing forth the
Fruits thereof. And ſo did () St. Paul after him. So the Angel is not threatned
to be removed, but the Church it ſelf ; that is, the Chriſtian Church. The Greek
Commentator Aretas, explains this of the Patriarchal Dignity removed to Conftan-
(b) Cyprian. Epiſt. III. Vid. Epift. LXVI.
(i) 2 Cor. II. 5.
(k) 2 Cor.
12. II, 12, 13.
(1) Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. III. cap. 28. Confer Irenæum, Lib. I. cap. 9.
(m) Clem. Rom. Epift. ad Corinth. 1. S. 44. (n) Deut. 32. 21.
© Match. 21. 43.
(0) Acts 13.46. Rom. II. II, 14.
tinople

Ch. II. v. 6,7 To the Angel of Epheſus.
115
tinople afterwards, but it denotes more; becauſe the Symbol implies a total Lofs.
A Learned Traveller hath obſerved , that this Threatning is ſo exa&tly accompliſhed,
that there is not now one Chriſtian in that place which was once the famous City of
Epheſus. In the Times of Ignatius, as appears by his Epiſtle to this Church, either
Oneſimus or his Predeceſſor had ſo beſtirred themſelves, that there was not one
Heretick therein , è uzco especí'ce cúpeas rezone : this ſeems to Thew that the Holy
Ghoſt had a further Intent than the preſent State.
Бор
* A. Verf
. 6. Tè égze of Nexorcises, The Works of the Nicolaites.]. Who lived pro-
miſcuouſly, believing Adultery, Fornication, and to eat Things facrificed to Idols, as
Things indifferent, as Irenæus thews it, Lib. 1. cap. 27. (9) Clemens Alex. ſeems to
vindicate Nicolaus the Deacon from theſe grofs Errors, and to lay the Fault upon
fome lewd Hereticks who diſtorted fome of his Sayings, and made them ſerve as
a Cloak to their Wickedneſs, contrary to the Mind and Practice of Nicolaus, from
whom they were named, becauſe they pretended to follow his Do&trine: Hence I
believe it comes, that the (r) Interpolator of Ignatius giving an Account of theſe Er-
rors, calls the Heretick fd dérou Nexorairns , the Nieolačte fallly ſo called. See E-
piphanius Hereſ. XXV. (s) Lightfoot takes another Way to clear the Deacon, by ob-
ſerving that ſuch Epicureans had this Nick-Name from their ſaying, 115139, Nicolah,
as thoſe in Iſaiah, 22. 13. Compare 1 Cor. 15. 32. which ſuits them. Nicolah is,
let us eat, or we ſhall eat : Which is the ſame, the Future being Imperative.
A. Verſ. 7. 'o é zoop. šs, års or ta, He that hath an Ear, let him bear.] I take this
Expreſſion, which our Saviour uſed fo often in preaching the Goſpel, to be a kind of
Form, whereby Attention was required: Which was perhaps in Ufe among the Fews,
either when the publick Criers, or the Scribes, and the like publick Perſons, required
the People to give Attention to what they were going to ſay to them. Such Forms
are uſed in almoſt every Nation. In Saui's Time this was uſed as folemn, ybUI
097291, let the Hebrews hear, 1. Sam. 13. §. but in the LXX, who have ’ H.Jerú voTV oi
Sirol, the Servants have rebelled, 'tis the Form of a Cry calling to Sedition ; and
'tis confirmed by the like in Judith 14. 18. This Call therefore ſhews, That the
whole Church is to take notice of what the Spirit faith to every one of theſe Private
or Symbolical Churches ; and this really proves them to be Symbolical, or Repreſen-
tatives of the whole Church. Ambr. Ansbertus faith , Cum in principio hujus locuti-
onis, uni Angelo, uni Eccleſiæ ſcribere Dominus juſſerit , hîc autem non unum Ange-
lum, nec unam Epheſi ecclefiam ad audienda dięta Spiritus, ſed ecclefias invitet : patet
certe, quia quod uni dicit, omnibus dicit, Et in uno Angelo , unaque Ephefiorum Ec-
cleſia, unitatem atque univerſitatem credentium depingit, quam in paſtores & oves jape
diſtinguit.
B. Ti to lTv Lcuc nézet innancious, What the Spirit Saith unto the Churches.] That
gen
of salt SiON
is, the Spirit of Prophecy, or God by its Means, and Jeſus Chriſt, who hath now
ſent it to foretel the future Dangers of the Church, and to encourage it, and every
Member thereof to endure to the End, by the Proſpect of the Reward, which is now
to be proclaimed after the form of Attention required hath been given. The ſame
Ambr. Ansbertus hath obſerved it ; Spiritus etiam vocabulo non mihi videtur hoc loco
Sola Spiritus San&ti perſona exprimi, fed tota fimul Trinitas, de qua dicitur : Spiritus
eft Deus, ut ubi Filium ele&orum Ecclefiam docentem audimus, in ejus voce, Patris &s"
Špiritus Sancti vocem intelligamus : quia ficut ſunt inſeparabiles unitate, fic inſeparabili-
ter docent San&orum unitatem. As this place is to be underſtood of the Holy Ghoſt,
the Third Perſon in the Holy Trinity, ſo this being the firſt Time this perſon is
named thus in this Prophecy, it will not be improper to conſider a little the Rea-
ſon why this Name is given to it, which in Genej. 1. 2. is called the Spirit of God,
Tivopece Oct. Now as † ſhall ſhew upon Chap. 12. 1. F. that the Word of God, and
the Holy Spirit in the Oeconomy of the Holy Trinity, perform the Miniſterial Offi-
ces, and of the Word in particular, on Chap. 19. 13. B. that he is the Performer of
God's Decrees : So it is obſervable, that the Holy Ghoſt is employ’d in giving Life
and Spirit to all the Works of God, according to the Nature of the Subject
. Thus
in the very Creation the Spirit was moving to hatch and brood the Chaos, and make
,
barn
MOT
(1) Clem. Stromat. Ed. Sylb. Lib. II. Page 177. and Lib. III. Page 187,
(n) Epiſt. ad Philadelph. & Epift
. ad Trallian. Conſtit. Apoftol. Lib. VI. Cap. viii.. i
(s) Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. & Talmud. in Act. Apoft. 6. 5. and in 1 Cor. 6. 13.
T
it

tib
To the Angel of Epheſus.
.
Ch: II. v. 7.
:
2. chat the ſame
it afterwards produce all the Forms in the Earth, and eſpecially
the various living
Creatures and Animals on the Land, Sea, and Air. So St. Chryfoftom calls it, (t). ¿y-
égzeid ns taxí. This Expoſition is proper, and confirm'd by Diodorus Tarfenſis and
Bafil cited by (u) Dr. Worthington. See Job 26. 13. and Pſal. 104. The fame Spi-
rit, which firſt gave Life, does alſo continually maintain it, Pfal
. 104. 29. Further,
by comparing Genes. 2. 7. with Genef.6. 3. fome of the (0) Fathers did conclude,
That the Spirit of God did communicate Life to Man in a more peculiar Manner
than to the reſt of Animals
. However, from Holy Writ it is certain, that the Spi-
rit is alſo the efficient Cauſe of the (x) Regeneration, which gives a new Life to Man,
Fohn 3. 5. And the Continuation and Preſervation, or Reſtitution of the ſame Life,
as alſo all the A&s and Degrees of it that is, of the whole Spiritual Life of the
Saints, as well as the extraordinary Privileges thereof
, when there is Occaſion for Ec-
ftafies, or the Spirit of Prophecy, of which we treat in the Note upon Chap. 19. 10. D.
All theſe, I ſay, are attributed to the fame Spirit
. And beſides, as the Reſurrection
of Chriſt is attributed to the Father and the Son, ſo it is to the Spirit, in 1. Pet. 3.
(y) Spirit will quicken us in the Reſurrection. I ſay, therefore, that the Holy Spi-
rit is ſo called by a Metonymy, from his being the efficient Cauſe of Life in all
Kinds. As to the Epither of Holy, it ſerves not only to diſtinguiſh emphatically
this Divine Perſon from all other Spirits ; but alſo expreſſes its chief Work now in
the World, the San&tification of Man. For as Chriſt calls himſelf, the living Bread,
, ,
cauſe fan&tifying.
entis
C. To visov, To him that overcomes.] It hath been a Cuſtom both with the
Gentiles and Iſraelites, to proclaim a Reward to them that performed fome neceſſary
or remarkable AEtions, eſpecially in War. This was done by a publick Crier ;
hence we have the Greek Word 67125xnguzével, which fignifies the proclaiming of a
Reward, and by Conſequence the profcribing or baniſhing of a Man, by ſetting a
Price upon his Head. In Holy Writ we find, that Caleb proclaimed, that if any one ::
took Kirjath-Sepher, he ſhould have his Daughter in Marriage. So Saul ſeems to
have proclaimed, that if any one could kill Goliah, he ſhould have his Daughter,
and have his Houſe made Free. The like we find in the Hiſtory of Creon and Jocaſta,
Oenomaus , and Schæneus. We ſhall find hereafter, that the Holy Ghoſt hath in
theſe Rewards alluded to that promiſed to David.
But who is he that overcomes; what Fight is this, and how muſt he conquer ?
Jeſus Chriſt here means by him that overcomes
, him that confeſſes his Name pub-
lickly before his Enemies to the End, and overcomes by his Conſtancy to Death, the
Obſtinacy of his Enemies. Such a one is ſaid to overcome them. For the Holy
Ghoſt conſiders this as a Plea or Controverſy between them; the Determination of
which is to be left to the Judgment of God, who by puniſhing the Perſecutors for
fhedding the Blood of the Plaintives, will thereby declare their Innocency; and thus
they will gain their Cauſe, which is called overcoming ; the Word 731, which figni-
fies to be alfoyled, cleared, or abfolved in Judgment, and is made Synonymous to
p73, in fob 15. 14. being ſometimes in the LXX tranſlated by virgv, as ſhall be
ſhewn hereafter. See our Notes upon Chap. 19. 8. B. and Chap. 12. 11. A. Where
we ſhew the Proceedings of this Suit in the Divine Court.
D. Accus aurt, I will give him.] This Word which we turn to give, implies
throughout this Book, a Power granted to act or do fome Thing very remarkable,
which depended not before, and was not within the Power of the Receiver. And
indeed this is ſuitable to the Notion which the Hebrew Word na hath ſome-
times, as the (a) Learned Gouffet hath fhewn, in his Commentaries there-
upon.
E. Dezetv in to Fúas in looſis
, To eat of the Wood of Life. ] This is collateral, and
therefore may be explained from Gen. 3. 2, 3, ano wake mg Bš EU as ; of the Fruit of the
Wood, or Tree of Life, the Wood here being put for the Fruit of the
Seni bes 2000
DOICE OF SOM
(t) Joh. Chryfoft. Hom. III. in Genef.
(U) Worthington. Diff. de Merachepherh.
(w) Cyrill. Alex. infr. cit. Lactant. Lib. II. Cap. xiii. (2) Vid. Cyrill. C. Anthropom. Cap. ii.
(y) Vid. Pſal. 104. 30. Rom. 8. II. (3) Vid. M. Amyrald. Excercit. in Symbol. Apoſtol.
Page 251. Ruffin. Expoſ. in Symbol. Apoftol. Pearſon on the Creed, Page 326. (a) Rad. 173. G.
gi
Wood,

Ch. II. v. 8, 9. To the Angel of Smyrna.
117
Wood, or Tree. Euroo l coñs, is an Hebraifm, to fignify an immortal Tree, and Sym-
bolically Immortality it felf, or Eternal Life. So of Wiſdom, Prov. 3. 18. it is ſaid
to be a Tree of Life; that is, bringing to Man long Life and Immortality. And
Prov. 11. 30. The Fruit of the Righteous is ſaid to be a Tree of Life; that is, Im
mortality is the Reward or Effe&t of his following Wiſdom. Whether there be an
Allufion to the Character of Jeſus Chriſt in the Beginning, that walketh in the midi
of the Seven Lamp-Sconces, in the Words following, in the midſt of the Paradiſe of
God, I dare not affirm; it ſeems ſlight, but perhaps fome will not think it fo. See
Notes on Chap. 22. 2.
acting
F. "o $70 cm uero të lidegseios få osf us, Which is in the midf of the Paradiſe of my
God.] See our Note upon Chap. 22. 2. F. G. By the genuine Aets of s. s.
Perpetua and Felicitas we find, that the former had a Viſion of the State of the Mar-
tyrs repreſented by a Garden ; (b) Vidi Spatium horti immenfum, &c. In the (C)
Teſtament of Levi, the Meſſias is ſaid to procure Immortality for us under theſe
MOM Slon moit to
Symbols, of Paradiſe, and Tree of Life. stia aid anhub
A. Verf. 8. TỢ Ayyémon en Enugun en mandias, Unto the Angel of the Church in
Smyrna. ] I ſee no Reaſon to ſuſpect, that this very Angel was any other bue Poly-
carpus, the Diſciple of St. John, to whom is predi&ted the Martyrdom, which he
was to ſuffer, and did accordingly fome Years after. It is one of the moſt remark-
able in all Antiquity, and the beſt recorded after that of St. Stephen. (d) Irenæus,
and after him (e) Euſebius, ſay, that he was there ordained Biſhop by the Apoſtles
themſelves; and (f) therefore he muſt be the Man. Now this whole Epiſtle ſeems
to be deſigned chiefly to foretel his Martyrdom ; unleſs it be that upon Occaſion of
that, now firſt mentioned, the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to foretel the Ten Perſecutions,
in which ſo many of the Primitive Chriftians were crowned with the Crown of Mar-
tyrdon, in the ſame manner as this Angel. (8) Biſhop Pearſon thinks that the
Words of Ignatius, são imov Oroso mu cußo as to be mados sj wels '11 08 29458, in the Title of
his Epiſtle to Polycarpus, allude to this Vifitation. This is a good Obſervation, and
being given by way of Praiſe, implies God's Approbation of him. how mono
B. Ⓡoségléeno vezeds
, tj noev, Which was dead, and is alive.] Being about to forem
tel of Sufferings and Death, our Saviour here gives himſelf that Title, which ſhews,
that himſelf was a Martyr, ſuffered and died ; and alſo that he roſe again : As if he
ſhould ſay, Thou and others are like to ſuffer for my Name's Sake ; but have a good
Courage, for in my Death and Refurre&tion I have given you an earneſt of a glorious
Reſurrection, to crown your Sufferings and Death: (nosy is put for evencev. See
Note on Chap. 20.4. G. vojni bob
Ugosti90 biewiót jel vers
A. Verf. 9. Anice nasao e, But thou art Rich.] Other Copies have déo d.
Thou thinkeſt thy ſelf Poor, becauſe thou haſt but few Chriſtians in thy Church i
but thou art Rich, becauſe God will favour thee with more Glory than many others.
Ambr. Ansbertus faith, Et que eſt iſta dives paupertas, nifi illa contritio Spiritus, qua
Superbia minuitur, humilitas vero augetur? Thou art poor in Spirit, but continue in
thy Faith and Conſtancy, and thou thalt inherit the Kingdom of Heaven, and that
by the glorious Crown of Martyrdom. It is obſervable that now in Smyrna, the
Chriſtians have ſtill more Freedom of Worſhip, and more Wealth, than in all theſe
Churches beſides.is en alte sitt langt mol bns alino 09 1910 1939
B. Kad the Bacoonplan os negóviewv 'Ixdurs ) Sards, And the Blaſphemy of them that
ſay that they are Jews.] It is Folly and Hypocrify for any one now to call himſelf a
Few, meaning by that to ſignify that he is one of the choſen People of God, and a
true Worſhipper, ſeeing that the Chriftians are now that People, and the true Iſrael,
the Spiritual Iſrael, and the true Jews: And by Conſequence the only People that
have a Right to the Promiſes of God, and the Privileges of that Name ; and the
true Worſhippers. The Blafphemy therefore of theſe pretended Fews confifted in
this, that they lied againſt God, by pretending to worſhip him truly: For his Will
being to be now worſhipped through and with his Son, to worſhip hím otherwiſe,
is to worſhip in vain, to be guilty of a Lie againſt God. This Lie is a Blaſphemy
againſt God and the Chriſtians, for this is a Reproach and Provocation. This is
therefore a Blaſphemy in the ſame manner as Idolatry is fo; the Idolater blaſphemes
910
(b) Compar. Tertullian. de Anim. Cap. lv.
(c) Teftam. XII. Patr. Levi, Sect. xviii.
(d) Lib. III. Cap. 2. (e) Euſeb. H. Ecclef. Lib. IV. Cap. 14.
V. Mill. Proleg.
in N. Teft. Pag. 27. (6) Vid. Pearfon. Vind. Ignar. P. II. Cap. xia
2
Hh
and

118
Ch. II. v. 9.
To the Angel of Smyrna.
and reproaches God, by calling his Idols by that facred and incommunicable Name.
See our Notes on Chap. 13. 6. 20 o2 st str 1974 10 215 (introdiet vil
soilod
The following Words of St. Paul, are a full Proof and Expoſition of this ; For he
is not a few, which is one outwardly ; neither is that Circumciſion, which is outwardly
in the Fleſh. But he is a few, which is one inwardly; and Circumciſion is that of the
Heart, in the Spirit, and not in the Letter, whoſe Praiſe is not of Men, but of God,
Rom. 2. 28, 29. To which may be added theſe Words of Ambr. Ansbertus: (b)
Dicant ſe ergo Judæi Deum qui locutus eft Moyſi, colere : tamen quia patris veritatem,
quæ eft filius, non recipiunt : nec patrem vere, fed falſo adorant. Therefore the
Author of the Apoftolical Conſtitutions calls them (i) vádrove uss 'IxJokes, Fews falfly
ſo called. By the Hiſtory of thoſe Times it appears, that the Fews were then great
Enemies to the Chriſtians; and that too in Smyrna, more particularly perhaps than
any where elſe, at leaſt in any of theſe Churches
. It ſhould ſeem therefore by this,
that Polycarpus and his Flock did already, and would hereafter nieet with great Vexa-
tion from theſe Men. If during his Life, and at this Time, they were as vexatious
and malicious as they were at that of his Martyrdom, then they were the moſt bitter
and cruel Enemies he had, incenfing the Heathens againſt him, and ſhewing them-
ſelves the moſt forward Perfecutors. The Epiſtle of his Church, which gives an
Account of his Martyrdom, takes Notice of it, (k) péresa iudc cop mpg Fúuws, as coG
aürois, cis feto la sppouttroy, the Fews eſpecially, as it is their Cuſtom, Shewing their for-
wardneſs in contributing to this. It appears that it was their Cuſtom, and ſo it was
no new Thing there. And therefore St. Fohn was thus bidden to take Notice of it.
This looks like a kind of Demonſtration. Some think, as Ambr. Ansbertus, and after
him Dr.Vitringe, that this Name of Jepos muſt be underſtood according to the Ety-
mology of the Hebrew Word, and Name of Judah, which is plainly a Confeffor, or
Praiſer of God, as 'tis evident from Gen. 29:35. So that this implies, that they
pretend to be the only Confeſſors. It comes to the fame Senſe at laſt both ways. I
ſhall prove in another place, that the modern Jews, how much foever they ſeem
averfe from worſhipping Idols, are yet guilty of believing and pra&tiſing according to
the fundamental Principle of all Idolatry. (1) Biſhop Bull explains this of the Corin-
thians, but the next Words ſeem to me to be againſt his Expoſition. I leave it to the
Judgment of others.
did silt
C. 'Amal ouwdzwyn på Lutava, But are the Synagogue of Satan. ] The Fews being
now rejected of God, their Worſhip and Aſſemblies ſeem to be unlawful: And in-
ſtead of pleaſing God thereby, they rather ſerve the Devil, whoſe Work and Defign
they ſet forwards in perſecuting the Church of God, in joyning for that End with the
Heathens, whoſe Maſter is the Devil, and Satan, the Grand Accuſer, is the Seven
Headed Dragon, as ruling in the Roman Empire, and the old Serpent, as he is de-
ſcribed afterwards, ſeducing the reſt of the Nations. Theſe fews by joining there
fore thus with his Votaries, become one Congregation with them, even the Syna-
gogue of Satan. It is an ironical Expreſſion, intimating much Indignation at their
pretending ſtill to be the People and Synagogue of the true God. You the Synagogue
of God! you are the Synagogue of Satan! The Word 70, which in Jer. 6. 11. is
turned by ouragwysi
, Congregatio, fignifies alfo Counſel or Deſign, becauſe Men meet
together to conſult and form Deſigns. In this Senſe therefore, thoſe who perform
the Deſigns of the Devil, are of his Counſel or Congregation. But it may be faid
the Jews worſhip none but the true God. That is nothing, for as long as they
worſhip him not now as he will, he rejects their Worſhip, and it really affects his
(m) Enemy, who is thereby Pleaſed and Worſhipped. For as (n) Aaron and (6)
Feroboam, though pretending to worſhip the true God, are ſaid to worſhip fallé
Gods: So whoſoever inſtitutes a Worſhip againſt God's Will, or contrary to what
he hath ordained, it is a Reproach and Affront upon God, and a Blaſphemy, in that
Reſpect, of the ſame Nature as Idolatry : As Rebels to their Prince are nevertheleſs
taken to be ſo, though they pretend to act by his Authority, and to do all Things
medalda ei ole ain't boastings Pullgad
za mambo amberts in
tomlani
(b) Ambr. Ansbert. in Apoc. 10. 2. Lib. V. Vide eundem in locum, & in Apoc. 3. 9.
(i) Conſtir. Apoftol. Lib. V. Cap. xviii.
(k) Euſeb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. IV. Cap. 15.
(1) Bull. Def. Fid. Nic. Sect. iii. Cap. 1. Sect. 7. (m) V. Notes on Chap. 13. 3. D. Chap. 16.
13. G. ivo(n) Exod. 32. 4. Comp. Pſal
. 196.19, 20. Acts 7.416 1 ) 1 Kings 12. 28.
Comp, 2 Chron. II. IS.
ix.9.1:318i.baiv.sore.biv (3) so for
bris
D
و

Ch. II. V. 10. To the Angel of Smyrna.
119
ano la
for his Glory. But further, the Jews of thoſe Times were, if not the Tormentors,
yet the principal Accuſers of the Chriſtians before the Pagans. Doing thus the
Work of Satan, who according to his Name, is the Accuſer of the Brethren. In
this Senſe the Fews are of the Synagogue or Secret Council of Satan. For they are
the Men whom Satan in his Time deſigns to 'excite againſt Polycarpus "to have him
Slain. choisvisid zuioibujatia 29 ZUTOPOSTAW COQU X
A. Verſ. 10. Mnder polš a pénrens reger, Fear not what thou haft to Juffer. ] This
concerns chiefly the Angel, who is here comforted and foretold of his future Suffer-
ings : But it doth not exclude the reſt of his Flock, who are compriſed under
the Shepherd. His Conſtancy in Martyrdom proves, that he followed this
Advice.no
testove le 10 DUST 2018 10 290tim vliloping som
B. 'ISE dů pémet Barcir o drehboro u ušleis punoxlw, Behold the Devil fhall put ſome
of you into Priſon. ] This concerns chiefly the Members of this Church. The Event
was ſuitable. Many of them were caſt into Priſon, tormented, and exhibited upon
the Theatre, and caſt to the Lions: And the Perſecution ceaſed not till Polycarpus
had by his Death put an End to it, όπς ώσπερ επισφραγίσας δια η μαρτυρίας αυτά, κατά παυσε
i drwy jóv, Who by his Martyrdom ſtopp?d the Perfecution, putting as it were a Seal
over it, as they expreſs it. NT
V 5.0 19 V 1.9Tg 19V 190
C. Kai içete Sahtev niueprov sére, And ye shall have Affliction of Ten Days. ] This is to
me one of the moſt difficult Places ; and therefore we muſt examine it accurately.
We muſt find out what the Days may fignify, and what the Number Ten; and
Thirdly ſhew, how they are to be accompliſhed. Firſt then, let us conſider what
Days fignify in the Prophetical Stile. We find then, that the Words sciées, egr cand
aoueg's, are all expreſſed in the Hebrew and Chaldee much alike, by Words frequently
uſed Synonymouſly and Promiſcuouſly for each other. Thus the Hebrew yo, in
Dan. 12.7. which anſwers to the Chaldee 174, in Dan. 7. 25. both which are in the
LXX turned by xoed's, fignify any Part of Time, provided it be fix'd and appointed,
being derived from Ty", to appoint a certain Place or Seaſon by Conſent or otherwiſe.
In like Manner or fignifies rouegs, an appointed Time, from to prepare or appoint,
in Ecclef. 3. 1. turned by xoleg's; but in Ezekiel 24. 25, 26. 1, wućeg is plainly put
for 101, a Time appointed. So likewiſe w, èv soutos, an Year, and I, a Day, are
put Synonymouſly in Iſaiah 61. 2. and 63. 4. So weg and suées are Synonymous, in
Matth. 24. 36. So xereg's fignifies an Tear njw, even in this Book, as appears by
comparing Rev. 12. 14. with Verſ. 6. Yea, we find all theſe Words, beer, ruées,
peluand inauto's, put Synonymouſly, to ſignify one and the fame appointed Time
exa&tly, in Rev. 9.15. So in the Latin, Annus fignifies the Seaſon, be it changed
more or leſs. Thus Annus hybernus in (P) Horace. So in the Citation of Acron
there, Formofiffimus annus, is the Spring. And Dies may fignify Time in general.
Tully, (q) Opinionum enim commenta delet dies, nature judicia confirmat
. Terence ;
(,) Diem adimere ægritudinem hominibus. Thus alſo Dies may fignify more eſpecially
the whole Year, as it does evidently in theſe Verſes of Lucretius : 1 avec wsts
1999 A loul 99 brit smo sud
(s) Nam ſimul ac Species patefa&ta 'ſt verna DIEI, il sists 2013 Horis
Et referata viget genitalis aura Favoni. ait vtis nima smoosig of
Se bus ulator sot grad
As on the other Hand the ſame Poet has been obliged to determine the Signification
of Annus to the Tear, by adding Solis, of the Sun: 5. ไAdI2tYEet
nhas
CON od suitabro hai
(1) Quin etiam multis SOLIS redeuntibus ANNIS. of zwiede ort sa
os os mesmo
Which is an Expreſſion very much like that of Homer,
ou une quanto 1998
Gif Evé, 930s bebastiabi Flora
Διός μεγάλε ενιαυτοί. . bee wie di basi al Sinne
And may be underſtood by what has been ſaid in the (w) Preliminary Diſcourſe.
SAD 2 Quarts 20
For the ſame Author ſays, that there are Tears, or Revolutions of the Moon, and the
reſt of the Planets :
(1) Horat. Epod. II. (9) M. T. Cic. de Nat. Deor. Lib. II. SRL (w) Terenr. Heautonr.
Lucret. Lib. I. V. 10.
(t) Lucret. Lib. I. V. 312.
(x) Homer. Iliad. Lib. B.
(20) Part. II. Sect
. 79.
V. 134.
(h) Et

1 20
To the Angel of Smyrna. Ch. II. 1. 10.
21091oT si 1on1 now a slodt, le, apo edt 90 and profD zidno
ods sods guief (*) Et ratione pari Lunań, Stellaſ que putandumft, logioning oil tov
DI 09113978 9dt Que volvunt magnos in magnis orbibus ANNOS, tinta? 30 To W
sis yerli topin 2 70 liontro 197332 10 9303knya di lo sus oda slusē zint
And therefore Dies perexiguæ in (y) Tully fignifies a ſhort Time, yer to as to contain
CX Days. Upon which Aſconius makes this judicious Obſervation; Dies feminino
genere Tempus . Et ideo diminutive Diecula dicitur breve tempus & mora. Dies ho-
rarum XII
. generis mafculini eft : unde bedie, quaſi hoc diei So (2) Dies longa in
Pliny. Wherefore all theſe Words, being Synonymous, are eafily put for one ano-
ther, eſpecially
when in general they are ro ſignify a Seafon or appointed Time. And
more particularly Times or Seaſons returning, or ſo many Revolutions and Occahons
of the ſame Things. So that Ten Times is the ſame as theſe Ten Days, let thoſe
Times once begun laft never fo long. In which Senſe thefe Ten Days may fignify
Ten Occafions, or Seafons, wherein the Church is to be perfecuted. Siiras
2x Now let us enquire into the Number Ten. For it is plain, that this Number ac-
cording to the Stile of Holy Writ may have, beſides the Signification of that deter-
minate Number, alſo that of an indeterminate Number ; yet ſo as not to imply ei-
ther a very great Number, or a very ſmall one. Thus in Genef. 31. 7, 41. when
Facob upbraids Laban, that he had changed his Wages Ten Times, vulg. Vicibus 340,
partibus, as the Greek és tó páger tranſlated by (a) Plautus in partem, is the fame as
viciſſim, in the fame Author, as Euſebius obſervés, & Eve G Sexcírus
, dvirš 7021 ééxas.
Symmachus, dendrus šefpo. So in Levit. 26. 26. Ten Women are many Women, Some
apply to this Cafe, Numb. 14, 22.- So in Deut. 23. 2, 3. the Tenth Generation is to
exclude all quite, and implies never. In Samuel Lib. 1. Ch. 1. 8. Ten Sons are ma-
ny Sons. Ecclef. 7. 19. Ten Men are many Men. Thus that Place of Fob. 19. 3.
wherein he faith, that they have reproached him Ten Times is explained. See allo
Dan. 1. 20. Amos 6. 9. and Zachary 8. 23. So in Plautus Ten for many often uſed :
(6) Ita animi decem in pectore incerti certant. And again, a little after in the fame;
(c) Decem vocaſſet fi ad cænam fummos viros. And elſewhere; (d) Nam incertiorem
nullam novi beſtiam, quane & ipfa decies in die mutat locum. And again, (e) equidem
decies dixi. According to this Expoſition , the Holy Ghoſt would fignify, that the
Church ſhall have continual Perſecution coming upon the Faithful by Fits and Starts.
But however it is plain, that the Holy Ghoſt aimed to fignify thereby, that there would
be an End of them; and that their Number, though great, would be deter-
mined.rogas est ad bus sto vinil
b. But to proceed, and ſhew how theſe Ten Days Perſecution is to be accompliſhed.
They may and ought firſt to be literally underſtood, to fignify that particular Time
in which this Church of Smyrna was perſecuted, whilſt this Angel, to whom the
Epiſtle is directed, was over that Church, which Perſecution by his Martyrdom was
quite quenched. By the Account we have thereof, it ſeems to have continued only
a few Days, the Perſecutions of thoſe Times not being of a long continued Series,
but ſome ſudden Fit
of Anger in the Perſecutors, ofren occafion'd by the Clamours of
the Heathens at the Time of their publick Shews, the Magiftrates being then willing
to pleafure them in any Thing. They uſed to begin with ſome of the Faithful, who
being found reſolute, and wearying their Perſecutors by their Conftancy, the reſt of
the Storm fell upon the Biſhop, and ſo there was an End of it. This ſeems to have
been the particular Caſe of this Church of Smyrna in this Perfecution. It was
car-
ried on during the Feſtival Days, wherein the Proconful being ſtirred up, in exhibi-
ting the Shews to the People, fell upon ſome of the moſt remarkable Chriſtians, and
brought them to the Stadium. There they finiſhed it by being expoſed to the wild
Beaſts. Polycarp muſt be excepted, who coming too late for the Shew, though .ex-
preſſedly demanded there, and the Afiarcha ſcrupling to give any more Lions, be-
cauſe he had finiſhed the Shew, and was perhaps weary of that Cruelty, and glad
of an Excuſe, Polycarp was burnt to pleaſe the furious Humour of the Gentiles, to
whom the Fews joined themſelves. So that this Perſecution laſted not long; per-
odi bosco anoplovs: 20 S 976 9.1003 Ust 2yh 1011111
(ə) Lucret. Lib. V. v. 643.
() M. T. Cic. Act. I. in Verr.
(v) Plin.
Lib. VIII. Epift. 5.
(a) Plaut. Afinar. Act. III. Sc. 3.
(6) Plaut. Mercat. Act. II.
Sc. 3. v. 2..
(c) Ibid. Act. IV. Sc, 2. V: 36 95T (d) Idem Stich. A&. III. $C, 2.V. 44.
(e) Id. Amphitryon. Act. II. Sc. 1. V. 27.
COT V 2.0
ier. I 3214 (0)
haps

Ch. II. v. 1o. To the Angel of Smyrna.
ia i
Occaſions of Per-
haps no more than Ten Days. That it was but of few Days is very plain by the whole
Account. And ſo this is ſufficient to fulfil the literal Senſe of the Prophecy : And it
appears, that the Holy Ghoft did intend primarily to foretel and deſcribe what happen-
ed, and what would happen to the Churches, during the Time that thoſe Seven Angels,
to whom the Epiſtles are directed, were Alive in them. Polycarp was then Biſhop
of this, and St. John had undoubtedly a ſpecial Affe&tion for him, Polycarp having
been his Diſciple, and made Biſhop of Smyrna by him, as perhaps all the other
Seven. The Holy Ghoſt therefore ſeems to have pitched upon them the rather, to
be Repreſentatives of the whole Church, for the sake of St. John, he being beft
acquainted with, and moſt concerned for them : As he was preferred to the other
Apoſtles for the whole Diſcovery of theſe tranſcendent and admirable Viſions, which
diſcover the future State of the whole Chriſtian Church, until its Conſummation in
Glory. Thus for the Sake of St. John this Favour is extended to his Diſciples.
This, I ſay, is enough, and fully ſatisfies me ; but ſeeing that theſe Churches are
typical, and Repreſentatives of the whole primitive Church, let us ſee how this may
concern likewiſe the whole ; and thereby we ſhall endeavour to give Satisfaction as to
the Symbolical Senſe, and fully comprehend thereby all that the Holy Ghoſt hath in-
tended. It is plain, that theſe Seven Churches are not here altogether mentioned for
themſelves, and conſequently they are alſo fymbolical ; and therefore that as they all
together repreſent the Catholick Church in its primitive State, ſo every particular
Church repreſents fome Part of the Catholick; which Repreſentation is not to be re-
ſtrained to any Diviſion of Place or future Time, but in ſuch a Manner, that the par-
ticular Symbolical Church may repreſent any Part of the whole, which lies under
the fame Circumſtances. And as we find by every Part of them, that although Chriſt
in the inditing of theſe Epiſtles has fo divided his own Titles, and applied ſome of
them to every Epiſtle in a different Manner : So likewiſe the Promiſes and Threatnings,
although diftin&tly diſtributed to each of the Epiſtles, as if they were different from
each other, do nevertheleſs, under whatſoever Symbol they may appear , belong to
every one of them, both diſtinctly and colle&tively : Not only to them, but alſo to
the whole Catholick Church, which is repreſented by them. So what is predi&ted to
one of them, is applicable to all the reſt, and in general belongs to fome Part or
other of the Catholick Church. From whence we ſee, that although the Matter
predi&ted be fix'd upon one, and may literally happen to it; yer in as much as that
Church is but a Part of the Symbolical Seven, ſo what is predi&ted to it may belong
to the whole Primitive and Catholick Church, as it ſtood then, and till fuch Time
as Jeſus Chrift ſhould have a larger Compaſs to exerciſe his Power upon ; ſo that the
former Symbol could no more be applied to him, becauſe his Condition was changed
by the Acquiſition of a conſiderable new Power. This was when his Power could no
more be reſtrained to a Care and Authority over his own Flock, but that he was to
govern it in Conjunction with the World. This happened when the Church became
ſuperior to the Heathen Worſhip, and made a Part of the Empire. Then it had a
Temporal as well as Spiritual Power ; it was no more in Diſtreſs and Miſery ; the
Man-Child Chriſt was placed on the Throne: And thus the Symbols of this Viſion
could not be ſuitable to him: So that upon the whole, this Viſion regards chiefly the
Primitive State of the Church, from its firſt Eſtabliſhment till Conftantine, in whoſe
Days it ceaſed to be perſecuted, and had overcome Paganiſm. We may accordingly
obſerve, that all the Characters of Chriſt in this Viſion, walking between the Seven
Lamp-Sconces ; that is, Ruling thoſe Seven Churches, fuit as well with every Part
of the Time of Period of Primitive Chriſtianity perſecuted by the Roman Emperors,
as to the exact Times of St. John, when he wrote this Prophecy. And thus, what is
foretold here, may concern that whole Period ; and conſequently theſe Ten Days Per-
ſecution be accordingly applied to all the Perſécutions under the Roman Heathen Em-
perors: And theſe Ten Days, or Ten Seafons, or Ten Times, or Ten
Tecution may fignify thoſe Ten remarkable Perſecutions of the Primitive Church, fo
well known by Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory,
To find out what Perſecutions were fit to be put
ut into this
this Number, it muſt be ob-
ſerved, that they muſt be ſuch as did happen after this Vifion, and ſecondly that they
muſt be remarkable ones. That of Nero is thereby excluded. The Perſecution of
Claudius Cæfar, which Dr. Hammond imagines have reach'd the Chriſtians, ſeems
to have been wholly againſt the fews ; nor all of them neither, but ſuch as dwelt at
Rome ; for that Piece of Knavery mentioned by Fl. Joſephus in getting Money, under
li
Pre,
to

122
To the Angel of Smyrna.
Ch. II. 1.10
Pretence of ſending it to Feruſalem, is a Thing 'of which no Chriſtian could be
guilty. The firſt Perſecutor is Domitian. 2. Trajan. 3. M. Antoninus Verus and
Lucius. 4. Severus. 5. Maximinus. 6. Decius. 7. Valerianus. 8. Aurelianus.
9. Diocletianus. 10. Licinius. Others may perhaps account for them otherwiſe :
But this may ſuffice. The Primitive Chriſtians themſelves did count them thus, as
St. Auſtin relates in theſe Words, (f) Primam quippe computant à Nerone qua fatta
eft, Secundam à Domitiano, tertiam à Trajano, quartam ab Antonino , quintam à Seve-
ro, Ještam à Maximino, Jeptimam à Decio
, oétavam à Valeriano, nonam ab Aureliano
,
décimam è Diocletiano & Maximiano. Plagas enim Ægyptiorum, quoniam decem fue-
funt, antequam inde exire inciperet populus Dei, putant ad hunc intelle&tum eſſe refe-
rendas
, ut noviſſima Antichrifti perſecutio Similis videatur undecimæ plagæ , qua Ægyp-
tij dum hoftiliter perſequerentur Hebræos in mari rubro, populo Dei per ficcum tranfe-
ante, perierunt. But here is ſome little Miſtake of St. Auſtin, or ſome other. See
our Nore on Chap. 16. 21. C. Some others, as Sulpitius Severus, did account other-
wiſe : (8) Exinde tranquillis rebus pace perfruimur : Neque ulierius perſecutionen
fore credimus, niſi eam quam ſub fine jam ſeculi Antichriſtus exercebit. Etenim facris
vocibus, decem plagis mundum afficiendum, pronunciatum eſt: Ita cum jam novem fue-
rint, que ſupereft, ultima erit. He ſpeaks of the Peace procur’d by_Conſtantine.
But the Reaſoning of St. Auſtin ſeems to agree better with the Egyptian Type med
However, it is very obſervable , that the fierceſt of theſe Perſecutions, namely,
that of Diocletian, laſted but Ten Years. As if that Number had been fatal to their
Extent or Duration, as well as Number. The reſt of them coming nothing near it ;
and perhaps all together not making much above that Space of Time ; that of Dio-
cletian being excepted, which was ſo great, that in the Second Viſion the Holy Ghoſt
hath characterized one Epocha of that Period, which deſcribes the State of the Pri-
mitive Church thereby. So that the Holy Ghoſt by ſaying to the Churches, You ſhall
have Ten Days Affliction, ſhould ſeem to have made uſe of that Term, to limit the
Time of their Duration to Ten Years. Tou ſhall have no Perfecution that Shall laſt
above Ten Years : And therefore as it followeth, Be faithful unto Death, and I will:
give ye a Crown of Life : Have Patience, Conſtancy, and Courage to withſtand,
and ye ſhall ſee at laſt, and ſpeedily too, an End of them all, 1 Cor. 4. 17. 10
When I conſider, that during this Time the Church of Chriſt was getting out of
the Bondage of the Heatheniſh Servitude in the fame Manner, as the Ifraelites did
out of their Ægyptian Slavery, and that the Roman Pagan Empire is therefore called
the Dragon, as the King of Egypt is in the old Prophets : And that according to
what we have obſerved before, Polycarp himſelf, whom this very Epiſtle primarily
concerns, tells us accordingly, that the going out of Egypt of the Iſraelites, through
God's Affiſtance, was the Type of the Church, which was to come out from among
the Gentiles ; then I cannot forbear to ſay, that the Ten Chaſtiſements of God upon
Iſrael, for murmuring againſt God, whereby he purged them that were of a rebelli-
ous and ſtubborn Temper, and the Church of Iſrael entred into the Holy Land with
an entirely reſolute Diſpoſition to obſerve the Law of God, did repreſent theſe Ten
Days Affli&tion, and the Primitive Chriſtians did herein ſuffer as the Iſraelites. For
as theſe were thereby puniſhed for their Murmuring, and made very willing to obey ;'
ſo the Chriſtians, when too proud and negligent by Plenty, Eaſe and Peace, becauſe
leſs zealous in their Religion, they were thereby puniſhed for thus tempting God,
made more willing to obey, and more flouriſhing when they had eſcaped them;
being thus quite purged from their Droſs. The Chaſtiſements of Iſrael are to be
found in the Places here-mentioned : I. Exod. 15. 24. II. Exod. 16. 2. III. Exod. 17. 2.
IV. Exod. 32. 1. V. Num. 11. 1. VI. Num. 11. 4. VII. Numb. 14. 2. VIII. Num.
20. 2. IX. Num. 21. 5. X. Num. 25. 1. This Type will appear to be very plain,
when I ſhall have proved by a conſtant Enumeration of Inſtances, that in the follow-
ing Vifions of the future State of the Church, the Holy Ghoſt draws a continual Com-
pariſon between, not only the Conſtitution of the Chriſtian Peculium or Church, and
the Moſaïcal, but alſo between the Fates of them both; the Chriſtian Church being
to paſs through the very fame Accidents, as the Iſraelites did. 1a edo do batot
20
(f ) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVIII
. Cap. 52. mk 10 bin mu
30 slots de
(e) Sulpit. Sever. S. Hiftor. Lib. II.
Her eros lo lls tot onge vifodwrood oyed
29bres ouo Mgaisingai sudulo 11 d benoti yeysa! 109 ss 10% OF
D. ripe
99

Ch. II. v. Il. 0
To the Angel of Smyrna.
123
uso
D. rivs màs dzee suréry, Be faithful untill Death.] Faithful here fignifies ſtout,
conſtant, and patient. Our Religion being a Warfare, Words from War are uſed to
expreſs what concerns it. So isuv sheet, keep the Faith , 2. Tim. 4. 7. is an Advice
given, where St. Paul ſpeaks of a good Fight, reads égóv. Polycarp fully anſwer'd
this Exhortation, when being ſollicited to apoftatize, he ſaid thus, 'Ogdbxovte sjene
έτη δελύω αυτού, και και δε με ευκη στ. πως δεύαμε βλασφημήσει και βασιλέα με σωστανά με
Eighty Six Years I ſerve him, and he never wronged me : How can I blafpheme mý
King, which hath ſaved me. Therefore, as ſoon as he came into the Stadium, there
came a Voice to comfort him, ſaying,
igue Tonú reue mre, xj dvopiſe , Be ſtrong , Ó Poly.
carpus, and ſhew thy ſelf a Man. That theſe Primitive Martyrs had miraculous
Comforts and Aſſiſtance of the Holy Ghoſt, is proved by Mr. Dodwell, Cyprian, Diß.
XII. S. 42.
1970 Stories
E. Kai sóoos ooii séqevov { coñs; And I will give thee the Crown of Life.] The
Crown as a Symbol of Reward and Encouragement for Conſtancy, is ſuitable to the
Notion of Martyrdom as an égav, a Fight or Combat for Victory. It implies like
wiſe, that this Reward ſhall conſiſt of Power and Dominion over others. And
therefore theſe Martyr-Conquerors are to Reign with Chriſt
, Rev. 20. 4. {coñs, of
Life, anſwers to the Title of our Saviour, in the Beginning of the Epiſtle, and im-
plies, that it ſhall be in the Reſurrection ; for by that, Chriſt, that was dead, is now
alive again ; and conſequently able to raiſe others again from Death : sorro (vñs is
therefore an immortal Crown, or the Reward of Immortality and a glorious Refur-
rection, which is here promiſed to this Angel ; and to all ſuch as he.
A. Verf. 11. Oj usi edoxns in Hš Jardry i sd Tégs , Shall not be wronged of the re-
cond Death.] This is again in purſuance of the Title ; for Chriſt having Power
over Hades and Death, and having raiſed himſelf, he ſhall have Power in due Time
to raiſe the Martyrs ; and then it is plain, that the Second Death ſhall have no Power
over them, Revel
. 20. 6. there this Second Death ſhall be further explained. ’Asircîv an-
fwers exactly to the Engliſh word to wrong, which as it fignifies for the moſt Part to
do an Injuſtice, ſo farther it hath a peculiar Property to expreſs to do Miſchief , Vio-
lence or Hurt to any one injuriouſly. So injuriofus in Horace fignifies miſchievous, in
theſe Words:
babranog ad no orfw
becoming
090' W Shoot it to bom
(h) Injurioſo ne pede proruasancitori svin ison ton voi
Stantem Columnam. möt med form. OF ZE TSESSID biji
i emotional vino Em
(i) Injuriofis aridus ventis ferar. E done
o bloqrot
On the other Hand æquus is favourable , kind, good-natur'd, merciful. Ho
CANVI O1 Jom Slow or
s613
லெனார் வமமag
DOND
asrdt dood of totd ji i golato
un to i
(k) Tibi defluet æquo ab fove. miguis el dibuig onto es arrob
foon 0723 od o di sviled or not
Again, (1) Abeafque parvis æquus alumnis. b sis doido alebo doo doors
tai slodwo bustlige
(m) Si Palatinas videt æquus arces. Vino ei eins silang na
pisodio Sushibisi
And fo dixem is to be taken in Matth. 1. 19. and in Euripides, toto to utgisi are
Lordon blurretty toi 5
(n) Tleeg.cropol o'is megčevtly Nixou G mv. i sitiviswasw to love
Again
6
(1) 'Adxsi vi? "Islom ško iz é už za staklo zo molyzeM srit baogle, chidor
Oggols 90 jou bobu ingics
The Martyrs being to be rewarded, they have merited thereby eternal Life, which
without Injury cannot be taken from them. Now by this Promiſe Chriſt ſecures
them that it ſhall never be.
foo ai as
on todelosios 20 aout id antud
And again,
race,
1
And alſo,
to in ogg0.910 at disse 101 aliswb 97979
Horar. Lib
. 1. ode 35. im Orly, yst (1) Idem. Epod. 17.00 wibliMgrich
(k) Horat. Lib. I. Ode 28.
(m) Idem. Carm, fæcul.
(1) Horat. Lib. III. Ode 18.
Ibid. v. 692.
(n) Euripid. Medea, V. 724.
f.
uit Volo fiuty
Sluge
A. Verſ

124
To the Angel of Pergamus. Ch. II. v. 12, 13.
the
A. Verf. 12. 'Ev Tepzopo, In Pergamus. ] It is likely, that this City had its
Name from its ſuitable Situation on a Hill or Mountain; becauſe the Word fignifies
any Acropolis, as the Caſtle of Troy was, or even any High Place, as Suidas explains
it. The Word, as many other of the Greek Tongue, being a-Kin to the (D) Scythian
or Gothic Languages, in which a Mountain is called by Words like this. Now as
Places of falſe Worſhip were built on high Places, and that therefore Satan was
ſerved there ; fo perhaps the Holy Ghoſt, in Allufion to that, hath ſaid here
One & Spór o śš Edravã, where the Throne of Satan is. This will be made more evi-
dent, when we come to the Expoſition of Mountains, and of the Heads of the
Dragon. In the Symbolical Language, a Throne fignifies in general a Kingdom, or
even Power. So in the Magick Oracles of Zoroaſtres, 'Avdy x 95 9póro, the Throne of
Neceſty, fignifies the Power of Fate or Death. Horat. Dira Neceffitas. More Ex-
amples of this are ſet down in Chap. 4. 2. B. A Throne ſuppoſes a fix'd Settlement,
as we ſhall prove on Chap. 20. 11. A. Now Satan, that is, the Accuſer of the Bre-
thren, having already by his Emiſſaries, cauſed Antipas, of which more afterwards,
to be ſlain here; 'tis plain his Throne of falſe Accufation and Perſecution was already
ſet up. This Pergamus at firſt was but a Citadel, built on a ſtrong Hill, which be-
came a Refuge to Philetarus, an Eunuch, who being fer over the Treaſures which
Lyſimachus had placed there, revolted, and by Craft fettled himſelf there, and
erected a Monarchy. Eumenes, one of his Succeſſors, having help'd the Romans, by
their Favour enlarged his Dominions, and of a Citadel made Pergamus a large City,
as Strabo relates.
A. Verf. 13. E, em suécors er als Artimas ó pelsles ut & mos, os á Mexláv.In, Even in
thoſe Days, wherein Antipas was my faithful Martyr, who was ſlain.] The Church of
Pergamus is here commended for Things done, for having couragiouſly maintained
their Faith in the Time of Perſecution, which is here pointed at by an Inſtance
viz. when Antipas ſuffered Martyrdom. It's likely, that many of that Church ſuf-
fered then, and that Antipas, their Biſhop, by his Death, put an End thereto, as
Polycarp did afterwards. Nothing can be plainer: For the Commendation of the
Angel of the Church, in whoſe Epiſtle this Note is inſerted, concerns every where
the Time paft
. And who can be commended for the Time to come ? Is that the
Method of the Holy Ghoſt? Why was not Polycarp likewiſe commended ? No: The
Holy Ghoſt never gives the Chriſtians beforehand, Afſurance of Conſtancy in Faith,
in ſuch a manner as to commend them for it, at leaſt to private Perſons; but quite
contrary, we find only Exhortations, Promiſes and Threatnings
. Though there be
Promiſes, that the Church ſhall never fail, that's another Matter. The Two (9)
Witneſſes indeed are foretold to be true, and that to the full End : But even they
are Symbolical Repreſentatives of the Whole ; and that too is with a fóru, de
noting a peculiar Aſſiſtance in that Caſe to the Whole, not to private Perſons.
Therefore if it be not fo here, but that the Holy Ghoft praiſes for Things to be
done, as ſome pretend, it is a fingular Example: Ånd we have need of good Argu-
ments to believe it to be thus. To me it is a very great Paradox: Though I confeſs,
not the leaſt of thoſe which are advanced by Learned Men in the Expoſition of theſe
Epiſtles, and of the whole Revelation. Dr. Hammond, who admits this Abſurdity,
in thinking that this is only foretold Antipas,
p. is more to be admired for ac
quiefcing in the Authority of the Greek Legendaries, which place this Martyrdom in
the Reign of Domitian, and accordingly afferts, that Jeſus Chriſt ſpeaks this by Pre-
di&tion, when he would not ſtand to that of Irenæus, whoſe Affertion is, that the
Revelation was written at the End of that Emperor's Reign. So that the Menologiſts
might indeed not be altogether out of the Way, but have conſulted good Aás,
which placed the Martyrdom of Antipas, as they have done. Grotius therefore,
whom this would pinch, goes another way to Work, flatly denying the Truth of this
Relation concerning Antipas, and owns no Anticipation in it
.
B. "On neiloexei outavéis, where Satan dwelleth.] That is, where
0, odbiwa
Power, having his Throne or Capital Seat there, as is before ſaid. It's probable the
e he hath great
Heathéns were there more furious againſt the Chriſtians than elſewhere. Now where
there are Murthers, there Satan dwelleth: For he hath then more Opportunity of
LOGO
esgo...DIOT
vid. Junij Gloff. Goth. V. Bairg.
(9) Chap. II. 3.
Accuſer
12
2

Ch. II. v. 14.
125
To the Angel of Pergamus.
Accuſer and Murtherer, is explained upon Chap. 12. 10. Grotius thinks, that this
Throne of Satan was the great Temple of Æſculapius in Pergamus, and that his
Prieſts were the Satan or Accuſers of the Chriſtians , inciting the Paynims there
againſt them ; ſo that in an Uproar Antipas was murthered by them. The Cock be-
ing Sacred to Æſculapius, the Citizens were wont to have there a ſet (r) Cock-
fighting. The Concourſe of the People at ſuch a Time, might occafion an In-
ſurrection
Thus becauſe it was uſual to go into the Temples of Æſculapius for Cure, Lucian
(in Icaro Menippo ) plays upon him, and faith, that Æſculapius hath ſet up an Apo-
thecary's Shop in Pergamus, én llegzolium ģ so i angelov 'Aoxanmós. So that the Poet
(s) Martial calls him the God of Pergamus.
Conſilium forme ſpeculum, dulceſque capillos
Pergameo pofuit dona Sacrata Deo.
Mention of the ſame is made in Papinius Statius, Tacitus, and Serenus Sammonicus
the Phyſician Poet, who invokes him thus in the Beginning,
Qui colis Ægeas, qui Pergama, quique Epidaurum.
And alſo in Pauſanias in Argolic. Page 69. See alſo the Notes on the Marmora
Oxonienf. Numb. XLVI. Page 109. Herodian Lib. IV. Cap. 14. I do not queſtion
but that the Martyrologiſts remaining may give ſome Account of the Martyrdom,
though it was mixed with Fables, as was their Cuftom.
A. Verf. 14. 'Ezels enci neg Touitas This dissez
le' Baradile , Thou haſt there them that
hold the Do&rine of Balaam.] Theſe are ſtill the Nicolaites, who taught that to
avoid Perſecution, it was indifferent to Sacrifice to Idols, and that Fornication and all
Uncleanneſs was lawful. Theſe very Things are here called the Doĉtrine of Balaam,
For that Prophet alſo ſeemed to maintain them, by teaching the Madianites to entice
the Iſraelites to the Practice of them, Numb. 31. 15, 16. The whole Matter ſtood
thus, as appears from that and other Places compared together. Balaam was ſent for
by Balak to curſe Iſrael. He followed God's Direction, and inſtead of curfing
bleſſed them. But finding by that Means he ſhould loſe the Rewards of his Divina-
tion, inſtead of going back to his own Country, he went over to the Madianites, to
perſuade them to ſend their Women to the Iſraelites, and entice them to Idolatry
and Fornication : For whilſt they obeyed God, and kept themſelves undefiled from
both, they could not become Accurſed; but if they were defiled, that Pollution would
bring a Curſe upon them and oblige God to withdraw his Protection. This Advice being,
followed, ſucceeded accordingly, but yet through the Zeal of Phineas, the Miſchief
was ſtopp'd, not without Loſs: Iſrael thereupon fell on the Madianites, cut them to
Pieces with the Sword : And Balaam falling among them, received then his juſt Re-
ward of Treachery and Hypocriſy. The Women alſo had no Mercy given them,
becauſe they had been the Inſtruments of Balaam's wicked Device, to deſtroy
Iſrael.
Thus alfo (t) Philo and Joſephus clear this Matter. And the Samaritan Hiſtory
of Foſhua (u) abridged by Hottinger, and this (w) Article Printed at Large elſe-
where, gives us ſeveral other Particulars, which may be ſeen by them that
are cu-
rious of ſuch Things. Our Engliſh Martyrs, and others in the Reign of Queen
Mary I. called them accordingly Balaamites that yielded then.
Β. Βαλεϊν σκανδαλον, To caff a Snare.] Σκανδαλον is properly that piece of Wood
in a Mouſe-Trap, or Pit for wild Beaſts, which being trodden upon by them, makes
them fall into the Trap or Pit; τα πέπωρα παγίδων, από τα σκαζονία συμπίπτειν και κρg-
Tein to tunerov, as the (x) Grammarians explain it. So the Word is uſed in Xeno-
phon. This by Archilochus was alſo called órlegv. Metaphorically this fignifies any
Device which may bring a Man into Miſchief. The Snare here, were the Women,
30 is a you oft og sle
sh
(v) Plin. N. Hift. Lib. X. Cap. 21.
Moſ. Lib. I. Joſeph. Archæol. Jud. Lib. IV. Cap. 6.
(s) Lib. IX. Epigr. 17.
(t) Philo de V:
(0) Hotcing. Smegm. Orient. Page 444.
(u) Hottingeri Exercit. Antimorin. Page 109.
&c.
Heſych. & Suid.
(2) Schol, Ariſtoph, in Acharn. Vide
I
Kk
which

126
To the Angel of Pergamus. Ch. II. v. 15, 16
which were to allure the Iſraelites ; the Deſign or Pit was Idolatry and Fornication :
Wherein if the Iſraelites fell, they would bring an nG, or Curſe, upon them of
Courſe, becauſe a Sin againſt their God and Covenant. So it is of the Chriſtians.
The Snare is preſent Life, Profit, Honour and Pleaſure; the Pit is the Breach of
Covenant, followed by God's Curſe, and eternal Damnation. The Author of
the Book of Wiſdom, Chap. 14. 11. ſpeaking of Idols, ſays; tis B Saug pues égfokone's
zij eis orgí dende fugais ev speóziwv, rj és magí de zooív áoegves. See the reſt.
C. dereño ci dwaé sure, To eat Things ſacrificed to Idols.] To eat of them, though a
Sin to Ifrael, is nothing to the Chriſtian, if he doth it with a (y) fafe Conſcience.
But here Eating, by a Synecdoche, is put for the whole Action, whereof this is but a
Conſequence;
and that is, firſt to Sacrifice and Worſhip the Idol, and then Feaſt
upon the Sacrifice. The Pleaſure of Eating and Fornication is that which is firſt in
the Intention of the Idolater, and which infenfibly draws him to Idolatry. So to the
Chriſtians, the Love of this World, Life, and Pleaſure intended, is that which
inſenſibly draws them to avoid Perſecution, and to deny Chriſt, by worſhipping the
Idol Iſidorus Hiſpal
. fays: (2) Magis per carnis luxuriam humanum genus fubditur
diabolo, quam per cætera vitia. Cum enim ille varijs tentamentis illeftos homines conetur
pervertere, magis tamen moechandi deſiderium fuggerit : quia utrunque Jexum in hoc
vitio amplius agrotare intendit. See our Note upon Chap. 17. 2.
A. Verſ
. 15. Ojrws gets raí ou negstow Tas the degli stese Nexorcists, So haſt thou alſo
them that hold the Do&trine of the Nicolaites. ] This šmess, and the Likeneſs of the
Phraſe, that hold the Doctrine of the Nicolaites, to that bold the Doctrine of Balaam,
ſhew that theſe Nicolaites are they that are deſcribed by the Type of Balaam. From
theſe Nicolaites the Gnoſticks aroſe, as (a) Epiphanius obſerves
. That Name per-
haps was not yet known in St. John's Time. Nicolaites from the Author, Gnoſticks
from their Do&trine.
?
B. "O yoo, Which Thing I hate.] The ſe Words are not in the Complutenfían,
Alexandrian Manuſcript , Vulgate, and others, but ouoicos is read inſtead of them, at
the beginning of the next Verſe; whence Grotius thinks, that ſome, not under-
ſtanding, that this pleonaſm is not unuſual in the Sacred Writers, have changed it into
perowo, as it ſtands in the firſt Epiſtle.cz
A. Verf. 16. "Eggere oor mezi', I come upon thee ſuddenly. ] To Viſit them, ſee,
hear, and condemn their A&tions, as a Judge, and bring Deſtruction upon them.
When God viſits, it's always for that Purpoſe, as ſhall be ſhewn hereafter. The
Texe's ſuddenly, ſhews, that theſe Herefies ſhall be ſuddenly deſtroyed, and inſenſibly
worn out. but
B. Kied tonsuo uer' "wrtov, And I will fight againſt them. ] Chriſt coming upon the
Church to viſit its State, fuppoſes there is a Complaint of the Church againſt them
for endeavouring to ſeduce its Members. He doth not ſay, that he will fight againſt
the Church, but the Nicolaites; therefore ustavónovy repent, that is, be wiſe, and
feparate your felves from thoſe Seducers, or elſe you ſhall be involved in their
Damnation, as Balaam was in the Deſtruction of the Madianites. For their Do-
Etrine ſhall not long ſtand againſt the true Word of God maintained in the Catho-
lick Church. Wherefore if the Angel and his Church doth not expel quickly the
Nicolaites, who had crept into it, and were not thruſt out as they ought to have
been ; whereby they had Opportunity to ſeduce, and the Angel thereby thew his
Repentance in complying; when Chriſt ſhall deſtroy the Nicolaites, the true Flock
is in danger to be involved in the fame Puniſhment, in the fame Deſtru-
&tion that he deſigns againſt the reſt. And this juſt in the fame Manner as
Iſrael is threar'ned to be involved in the fame Miſchief as the Neighbour-
ing Nations that were Idolaters, when they learn their Works; as Balaam pe-
riſhed with thoſe whom he had ſeduced, both of the Medianites, and of the
Ifraelites too.
ProW
di nila 21
C. 'Ev Tñ pouvaid on sóuocós us, With the Sword of my Mouth. ] The Metaphor,
or Allegory, is ſtill carried on, and the Symbols fuit the Title of Tour Saviour in the
beginning of the Epiſtle ; and further, allude to the Sword, whereby the Angel of
God would have hindred Balaam in his intended Journey. As we have obſerved,
Vabolit
duni
( 1 Cor. 8.7, 8.
ไ
todie (2) Ifidor. Hiſpal, Sent. Lib. II. Cap. 39. bine 3 dovlev
game guiol ()
(A) Epiph. Panar. Hær. 26.
21 22
that
ON 338A

Ch. II. v. 17.
To the Angel of Pergamus.
121
that the Mouth denotes the Houſe, that is, the Church of Chriſt, ſo this proves,
that the Do&trine of the Church, the Word of God, the Sword of Chriſt, ſhall
wear out, overcome and confound this Doétrine of the Nicolaites. This was per-
formed effectually, when the Church began to flouriſh. In Conſtantine's Time we
hear no more of theſe Hereticks. They were vaniſhed away, or at leaſt impercep-
tible.
Solo
A. Verf. 17. Adóors 'auro Pezañv avto të pearve të rangup.eo's, Will I give to eat of the
bidden Manna.] Firſt we are to obſerve that the Word ouyer is wanting in many
Copies and Verfions. So that Dr. Mils faith it is an Addition or Scholion of the
Scribes. Page 50. Proleg. But to come to the Subject Matter of the Words, the
bidden Manna. By this the Reward of him that conquers in the Combat for
Chriſt, is deſcribed. As Balaam went on in his Error, through the Greedineſs of
getting Riches ; So here Chriſt promiſes, by way of Antidote to that, the true
Riches to him that ſhall reſiſt Idolatry, notwithſtanding the Counſel of theſe Ba-
laamites. When Saul proclaimed a Reward to him that would fight with Goliah, the
Giant, and Idolatrous Blaſphemer, who pretended to enſlave Iſrael ; amongſt other
Things, yea, the firſt Thing which he offered, was to enrich him with great Riches,
1 Sam. 17. 25. According to the Notion of the Ancients, and eſpecially the
Hebrew Language, Riches confift in Meat and Drink, in having Plenty of the Fruits
of the Earth, and much Cattle, with all Neceſſaries to human Life ; fo Fob and
Abraham are ſaid to be Rich: So the Rich Man in the Goſpel is deſcribed, by having
Plenty of Corn and Fruits of the Earth, more than his Granaries could already hold.
Money is but a part of Riches ; rather an Inſtrument to exchange Meat for luxurious
Curioſities. So in Matth. 10.9, 10. Soon Meat, is made equivalent to Gold, Silver,
Braſs and Cloaths. On the contrary, (b) ene joots Beespéry, to abſtain from Meats,
is explained by Mede very ſuitably to the Stile of the Scripture, by to profefs Por
verty, and to abſtain from Riches. The hidden Manna is the unknown Meat, the
Celeſtial Manna, the Riches well preſerved in Heaven, which none can come åt but
they to whom they are given. It is the incorruptible Food, the Treaſure not ſubject
to be ſtolen: And that is immortal Life, not to be taken away by any Means. Here
the neceſſary Suſtenance of Life being put for the Life it felf. See the Notes on Char.
As therefore David, upon the undertaking of the Combat with Goliah, had
Riches promiſed him, and accordingly eat at the King's Table, ſo Chriſt promiſes to
his Champion Heavenly Riches. The Accompliſhment of which Promiſes is fer
forth in Chap. 22. 1, 2.
B. Ti nerecuperefis , hidden.] Of the Manna that fell, ſome was deſigned for com-
mon Uſe, or the Suſtenance of the Iſraelites, and ſome was laid by for a Sacred Uſe
in the Ark, to be as a Memorial. That which was common was corruptible, and
they who eat thereof died, even though it were Bread that cometh down from
Heaven, (c) as our Saviour faith : But that which was laid up and hidden in the Ark,
did miraculouſly remain to be preſerved to all Generations. It is God alone that
keeps, and conſequently gives the true Bread, Food or Manna from Heaven; and that
is fuch Manna as was hidden in the Ark, and incorruptible, even the incorruptible
Riches or Livelihood, which is laid up; whereof they who partake or eat ſhall never
Hunger, but ſhall be Immortal. This hidden Manna is therefore the Symbol of Im-
mortality ; but an Immortality confiſting of ſuch a Life, and Means to preſerve it, as
are wonderful and tranſcendent, beyond our preſent Imaginations. For ſo much is
included in the Notion of Secret or Hidden, as may be ſeen, in that Chriſt himſelf
ſhall then have a Name deſcribed by the ſame Attribute. So that this is to be ex-
plained and compared with Chap. 19. 12. D. to which we muſt refer. Dres, 2
C. Kui sárs eu te fñpov aoxlus, And I will give him a white Stone.] This with the
following Expreſſion make up an ev dei suoir, that is, Two Phraſes. joined by a Con-
junction to expreſs one Thing; as thus, I will give him a new Name, written upon
a white Stone. For the Stone is only given for the sake of the new Name written up-
on it. tão G ndoni, a white Stone, is either the ſame, or at leaſt equivalent to možlor
hísirov, or méves ai suvoz, Tables of Stone, upon which the (d) Decalogue is ſaid to be
written. Stone, and that too whitened, was the firſt and moſt ancient Matter uſed to
tot
lol
21.21. ol ()
Gain BAR
1. Ed.1052
(b) 1 Tim. 4. 3.
osto (c) John 6. 32. (1)
bo 121
(d) Exod. 24. 12. and 32. 15, 16. and 34. I. Deut. 10.1.20V
write
22. 2.
I

128
To the Angel of Pergamus.
Ch. II. v. 17.
write upon, as appears from Deuteronomy, 27. 2, 3. there Mofes is bidden by God
to whiten them to be written upon, xovećoets aútss xoviq , as in this place the Word
a dixlw implies the fame Thing. So the Word 717, in Iſaiah 30. 8. which the LXX
Tranſlate by zručiov, is put Synonymouſly with 790, Bibrior. For thus Men ſeem to
have proceeded in the Method of Writing, from Heaps of Stones which ſerved as
Monuments, to Symbolical Figures of their Thoughts, then to write upon them in
Letters ; and thus afterwards to Wood whitened, or any other Matter fit, either to
receive Impreſſion or Colour, as Papyrus, Bark, Parchments and Paper, as now in
Ufe. So therefore the Word zapoos, a Stick, or Wood, was changed into Charta, and
applied to Paper. So from Buba or Bilag a Plant of that Name, came Balaíov, a
Book, becauſe uſually written on fuch Plants
. And ſo from a Stone, and Inçiluv to
Number, ſeem to come from the Hebrew Word 730, a Book, Letters or Epiſtles,
and alſo to write. And I believe it will not be much out of the Way, if I conje-
Eure that this Word in its Primitive Signification fignified a Stone ; though it feems
now unknown to us, yet the Word 7190, a Sapphire, is plainly derived from it.
Further, I believe that the Word in its Original Signification, is to be found in ſome
proper Names of ancient Places. Thus (e) Kiriath Sepher ſeems to have been ſo called,
becauſe fituated upon a Rock or Stony Hill: As(f) Kiriath-jearim fignifies, Town in the
Woods. I know, indeed, that as to Kiriath Sepher, the (ſ) LXX ſometimes tranſlate
it by zónes geappatwr, the City of Letters ; and Learned Men think this the beſt Ac-
count, becauſe that City was alſo called Dabir : For which Reaſon they look
upon
it
as the Town which kept Records or Archives. But even though the Word Dabir fig-
nify a facred Place, the Adytum of a Temple ; yet, as well as of Sepher, I think that
Dabir once fignified a Mountain, on which in ancient Times ſuch Temples were built :
Which primitive Signification the (b) Ethiopick Language hath ſtill preſerved. For
which Reaſon Mount Arbas in (i) Epiphanius is thought by the Learned (k) Fuller,
that it ſhould be read axcée the Mount by Excellency, being that whereon the Ark of
Noah reſted. The Phænicians alſo ſeem to have preſerved the original Notion of
this Word; for even in the Offspring thereof the Britiſh Language (1) Dufyrrha,
fignifies a ſleep Place, whence Dubris or Dover had its Name, becauſe ſituated up-
on a ſteep Rock or Mountain. What is Dufyrrha but 0927? Hence alſo Tibur in
Italy had its Name, as if it was Dibur, being ſituated in the ſame Manner. There-
fore Juvenal, Sat. XIV. faith,
157 limoni
Summa nunc Tyburis arce.
Mos o bong
To this Day the Mount of Tivoli furniſhes Stone-Quarries to build at Rome. And
Horace calls it, (m) Tibur Supinum ; that is, as the Commentator explains it, Mon-
tofum, ut colleſque ſupinos. Situm autem Civitatis defcripfit, quia in adfcenfu montis
eſt conſtituta. And thus Abadir, which is explained to be (n) Lapis , is either wrong
written for Adabir, or elſe fo named by the Tranſpoſition of Letters 7729 for
92771. By this Name the Romans or Latins called peculiarly that Stone, which was
given to Saturn, in the ſtead of his Son Jupiter. The Word is owned to be fetch'd
from ſome ſtrange Language ; but what can that be, but the Ancient Etruſcan or
Tyrrhenian in their Neighbourhood. From the Tyrrhenians, as it is well known, the
Romans derived moſt of their religious Ceremonies. Upon any emergent Occaſion,
and when at a Stand, upon ſome fuperftitious Account they were conſulted. Now
theſe Tyrrhenians were no other than Tyrians or Phænicians ſettled in Italy, as the
Learned have well obſerved, and (0) Fuller hath proved. From this Neighbourhood
the Romans and Latins borrowed many Words as well as Cuſtoms , ſo near a-kin to
the Ancient Phænicians or Canaanites. This Abadir the Greeks called Betúnov, which
Heſychius affirms to have been a Stone. Thus alſo we read of Busíns, which are
aísos depois, as (p) Goufſet obſerves. By theſe Obſervations we may well account how
2270 came to fignify a Defart, becauſe very Mountainous Countries are ſo. The De-
fart of Judæa was really the moſt Mountainous, Rocky and Stony Part of it. Of
Bugolo orld rogu,98

(e) Joſh. 15.15.
(f) Joſh. 15.9.
(8) Joſh. 15. 15. Jud. I. II, 12.
b) See Note on Chap. 16. 20. A.
(i) Panar: p. 5:
(k) Mifc.
Sacr. Lib. II. cap. I.
(1) Camden. Brit. in Cancio.
(m) Horat. Lib.
III. Ode 4:
(n) Gloff. Ifidor. Priſcian.
(6) Miſc. Sacr. Lib. I.
(D) Voc. so
cap. II.
this

Ch. II. v. 17
To the Angel of Pergamus.
129
this Opinion I find (9) Hottinger to have been. So that this very Name of Dabir
Thews rather that Kiriath Sepher was ſo called, becauſe built on a very Stony Mouna
tain or Rock. Upon the whole, it is very reaſonable to think, that both the ancient
Signification of Sepher and Dabir, the one fignifying Rock or Stone, the other Moun-
tain, was really once common. Thus alſo Sephar or Saonegd, is a Mountain in Ara-
bia mentioned in Genef. 10. 30: For Arabia was undoubtedly the Place where the
Patriarchs mentioned there ſettled, Kedem being the Name of Arabia as well as the
Eaſt ; and this Mountain was ſo called from its being Rocky or Stony. This Arabia
is that we call Petræa, and this Mountain was Part of it: And it is very likely the
(r) Mountain of Shaphar, about which the Iſraelites encamped, called by the LXX
Eeças, in the vulgar Latin, Sepher. For though in the Hebrew this be 920, it can be
no material Obječtion, becauſe o and w are often interchanged. Alſo from 20 ta
G, I draw the Etymology of the Word soods, Wife and Crafty, it being true, that
in the ancient Times of Simplicity and little Learning, as well as now among the lg.
norant, they are accounted Wife, Learned Scholars, and Crafty that could read and
porite. Let us proceed, after we have concluded here that the original Notion of Se-
pher and Dabir, being once of a Rock, or Stone, and a Mountain , when they came
once to fignify Books or Letters, and facred Places, or Adyta from the uſe Stones
were put to, and Mountains to build Temples, this latter Signification becoming
common among the Hebrews, put the former quite out ; the like Inſtances to which
we have in many other Caſes. And this ſeems to have been the Reaſon why in the
more ancient Books of Holy Writ op is always uſed for a Book, becauſe they had
then no other Means to notify or write Things, but the Monuments or Figures gene-
rally made of Stone. But afterwards when Writing became more common, and
Rolls more frequently uſed, the Name of -9930, a Roll, came to fignify alſo a
Book, becauſe Books were made into Rolls. Which Word is, if I miſtake not, firſt
found in the Writings of King David. The Words of the Poet Lucan are proper in
this Caſe :
oth had boons
itt a cicino
(s) Nondum flumineos Memphis contexere biblos 1097 on
Dom on this words
Noverat, in ſaxis tantum volucreſque feraſque eiddons tot
Sculptaque fervabant magicas animalia linguas. o sei sie wat
D. Kai 87 The fñpor óvous nouvòv, And upon a Stone the new Name.) I have hinted
before, that the former Part of this promiſe alludes to the Offer of Reward made to
David: Let us ſee if this will not fit this part likewiſe. There the laſt part of the
Reward is this, that his Father's Houſe, meaning not only himſelf to partake of it,
but alſo all his Kindred, ſhould be made free in Iſrael. The Iſraelites by ſetting a
King over them, were all become his Servants, or likely fo to do, 1 Sam. 8. 11, 17.
This Offer is an abſolute Exemption from that Bondage. Or elſe it being obſervable,
that there were among the Iſraelites many Canaanites, and other Idolaters dwelling in
the Land, which being out of the Privileges of the Nation, were liable to be put
under Tribute and Service, as they were afterwards by Solomon ; this Offer alfo ex-
tended to any one of them that would fight with Goliath, and be thus underſtood,
to give them the fame Privilege as an Ifraelite. But this is not ſo ſuitable to the
Promiſe of giving the King's Daughter , for undoubtedly Saul would not have given
her to an Idolater ; beſides, that Goliath being ſlain by a Stranger had not thereby ta-
ken away the Reproach from Iſrael. Whereby we ſee that all the Iſraelites befides
were Vaffals to their Kings and his Servants ; or likely fo to be to all Intents, unleſs
it pleaſed them otherwiſe to demean themſelves. God ſeems to have endeavoured
in the Time of David to prevent this Slavery coming upon the Iſraelites by other
Means, as we ſhall ſee (t) hereafter. So then, David had not only an Offer of great
Riches made to him, but alſo that they ſhould not be ſubject to pay Tribute, which
is ſaid to be the (u) Tythe of their Profits. He that ſhall be free from that Tribute,
there ſhall be no Diminution of his Profits , beſides all the other Rights and Advanta-
ges, which that Freedom or Privilege from the Royal Prerogative included
was bawad 2017
Droit id nog zoos sa dairwcash
(9) Smeg. Orient. pag. 87.
Pharf. Lib. lll.
15.17
(1) Numb. 33. 23.
ist (0) Note on Chap. 13. 13. (3)
(s) Lucan.
301 (u) 1. Sam. 8.
LI
Now

130
To the Angel of Pergamus.
Ch. II. v. 171
Now I proceed by obſerving, that a new Name fignifies the ſame Thing as Free-
e
dom, and a Change of Condition. This will appear from the Cuſtoms and Notions
of thoſe Ages, and the Stile of the Holy Scripture. For all they, who were Servants,
or in Subjection, as Sons, were called, or faid to be called, by another Man's Name,
as if they had had no Name of their own, becauſe not Maſters of their own Per-
ſons. For this Reaſon when facob adopted the Sons of Foſeph for his own, they be-
ing by their Father delivered into his Hands, he faith thereupon (w) afterwards, that
his Name ſhould be named on them. For in the Stile of the (x) Scripture, to be cal-
led by the Name of any one, or to have the Name of any called upon it, fignifies to
belong, to be the Property, or to be in Subječtion to that whoſe Name is called upon
the other. Thus we muſt underſtand the Words of the Greek Tranſlation in Genef..
4. 26. ΟύτG- ήλπσεν επικαλείς το όνομα το Κυρία σε Θεϊ, This Man hoped to be called by
the Name of the Lord God ; that is, of the True God, Pov76, 7717". Philo con-
firms it, in whom we read &G bamos mempo Omnivercios Tud ovópean på weit. And Aqui-
la, who faith, še zon to remerats ToS óvónan weit, he began to be called by the Name of the
Lord. For in the LXX, to dvoja is in the Accuſative, to be ſupplied by meile to oro-
pelle
, which is the ſame as e Tab órómot. And they are not to be tranſlated as St. Hierom
hath done, invocandi nomen Domini, to call upon the Name of God, but as we have
done. Now to be called by the Name of God, is, to be accounted his Servant, ap-
propriated to him, and ſeparated peculiarly from all the reſt of Mankind. So be.
cauſe a Woman by Marriage becomes ſubject, and the Property of her Husband; fo
in Iſaiah 4. 1. She is ſaid to have the Name of her Husband called upon her. To
Proua To còn xonante éo sucs , Let thy Name be called upon us, as in the Margin of the
Engliſh. And this was ſometimes ſo ſtrictly obſerved, eſpecially about Servants, that
to Thew the Property, the very Names or Marks of the Maſters were burnt on their
Foreheads or Hands. Whence comes the Symbol wherein the Servants of God are
ſaid to be marked in their Foreheads. The very High Prieſt as the Principal Ser-
vant of God, had the Name of God written on a Golden Plate, and ſet upon the
Front-Stall of his Crown or Mitre. Accordingly when a Servant was ſet at Liberty,
then either he received his own Name, or elſe had his Name as a Servant changed
for another. This is ſuitable to the Jewiſh and all the Ancient Cuſtoms. Thus a
new Name is a Token of Liberty, and to have a new Name given, is therefore to be
ſet at Liberty, to be infranchized. For though God ſets this new Name upon us as
his Servants, yer that Subjection to God is perfect Freedom, being a Deliverance
from the real Slavery of Sin and the Devil
, whoſe Service we renounce.
There is another Way to reſolve this, which comes to the fame at laſt. The
Name of any Thing, according to the Hebrew Stile, imports theQuality or State of that
Thing, as we have Occaſion to mention often. Even in the Greek Tongue the ſame
occurs, as in Thucydides, (y) nerede, vorí ar Europe goes veranos , to be called the Allies of
the Lacedæmonians; that is
, to be Allies, and have effe&tually the Honour and Ad-
vantages of that Title. So a new Name may fignify a new Quality or State, a
Change of the former Condition. Thus it is to be taken in Iſaiah 65. 15. But the Words
of the Prophet, Chap. 62. 2. are more proper to this Place, Thou ſhalt be called by a
new Name , which the Mouth of the Lord ſhall name. And that is wonderful, as if
no other could impoſe it ; that is, put them into the like Condition. Hence comes
the Cuſtom of changing Names upon any remarkable Change of Condition. Soon
the Account of the new Covenant made with God, Abraham and his Wife Sarah
did receive thoſe new Names from God himſelf
. So Jacob was named Iſrael : So
Foſeph had a new Name given him by Pharaoh ; and Daniel another by the King of
Babylon. So our Saviour changed Simon's Name for Peter ; and the Primitive Chri-
ſtians took a new Name at their Baptiſm. See our Note upon Chapter 19. 12. C.
Now as when a Wife was divorced, (2) a 10 or Book of Divorce, perhaps at firſt
written upon a Table of Stone, that is, a whitened Stone, was given into her Hand,
whereby the Name of that Husband was no more called upon ber, and ſhe was fet
at Liberty ; ſo it is likely, that a Servant diſcharged from his Maſter, had ſuch ano-
ther Inſtrument, whereby he was ſet ar Liberty : And this either contained his new
Name, which he took upon his Manumiſſion, or elſe ſhewed, that he was ar Liberty,
(w) Gen. 48.16. (c) Deut. 28. 10. 2 Sam. 6. 2. and Chap. 12. 28. 2 Chron. 7. 14. I Chron,
13. 6. Jerom. 25. 29. Dan. 9. 18, 19. Amos, 9. 12. Jam, 2, 2. Acts 1S. 17. 6) Thucyd,
Lib. V. S. 9.
(a) Deut. 24. I
and

Ch. II. v. i8. To the Angel of Thyatira.
131
and might take another. So that the Two Expreſſions now explained according to
our Stile and Notions amount to this, “ I will give him a new Diploma or Charter to
“ infranchiſe him, and thereby give him new Privileges, change his Condition, and
“ make him immortal. He ſhall be free from the Tribute of Death, and afferred
« into the glorious Liberty of the Children of God, whoſe Inheritance is erernal
“ Life.” For ſo much is implied in the Expreſſion that followeth immediately.
Laſtly, here is alſo to be obſerved, that our Saviour's joining the Manna to the new
Name, Riches, or Maintenance to Liberty, is but according to the (y) Principles of
the Mofaical Law, by which no Servant was to be ſet at Liberty, without ſome libe-
ral Proviſion to ſet him up at firſt for himſelf; ſo that the Maſter was not only to
ſet him free, to give him Liberty, but alſo fome Goods or Maintenance, Manna with
his new Name. Which Law was founded upon Equity and Reaſon, for as (2) Plau-
tus gives it out, Novo liberto opus eſt quod pappet. An Inſtance of which we find
likewiſe in (a) Terence, where the Poet calls this Matter Officium, a Duty at leaſt of
Decorum, to lend him,
33. Siquidem porrò, Micio,
110 Tu tuum officium facies, atque huic aliquid paululum pre manu
Dederis, unde utatur. Reddet tibi citò.
An illuſtrious Example of this is found in the Life of (b) Hafjan, Eldeſt Son of Ali
by Fathimah, the Daughter of Mahomet. And in (c) Homer.
E. & dei's 'é yves ei un'ondulávey, Which no Man knoweth, but he that receiveth it.]
That is Secret, and Myſterious, not known at preſent, but to be found out hereafter.
This is ſuch a Name as Chriſt hath himſelf at his Second Coming, Rev. 19. 12. D.
it fignifies that none ſhall comprehend the Nature of it but himſelf
, it ſhall be
wonderful, admirable, and conſequently Great and Glorious. See our Note upon
that Place.de
A. Verſ. 18. ?Ev Ovale12915, In Thyatira.] This City, as Stephanus Byz. faith,
was in Lydia, called formerly Pelopin and Semiramis. But Seleucus Nicator, having
overcome Lyſimachus, and having a Daughter born to him at the ſame time, was
pleaſed to give it the new Name of 0.30.7499 from that Occaſion. It was a bold
Story in thoſe Hereticks who denied the Revelation of St. John to be his, and Ca-
nonical, to ſay, That in his Time there was no Chriſtian Church in that City.
(d) Epiphanius evaded it by ſaying, that St. John ſpake of this City by the Spirit of
Prophecy, as if he foreſaw that there would be one foon after. But that is no real An-
ſwer to the Obje&tion: Which of it ſelf hath no Foundation, being aſſerted at Ran-
dom: And Epiphanius was too eaſy to let it paſs for a Truth; and, as Petavius hath
well obſerved, contradi&ts himſelf by owning, that the Church was then ſwallowed
up by the Hereſy of the Cataphryges; for that ſuppoſes a Church before, becauſe
theſe Hereticks are ſaid to ariſe a few Years after. Lydia, the Seller of Purple, who
with all her Family was (e) Baptized by St. Paul, being of this City, and a Mer-
chant; that is to ſay, one that travelled with her Merchandiſe to Sell, and then re-
turn to her own Country, it appears that fome of this City were then early con-
verted to Chriſtianity ; ſo that there is no Reaſon to think, but that there might be a
Church therein ſo many Years after in the times of Domitian, when St. John wrote.
The Zeal of thoſe Primitive Chriſtians being ſuch, that the Converſion of one Man
gave Occaſion afterwards to the Settlement of an whole Church ; where he failed not
to propagate the Goſpel. This even Lydia might do by her felf
, or by thoſe Coun-
trymen which ſhe correſponded withal, the beſt Purple or Mercers Ware coming
from that Country: And the Apoſtles were nor fo negligent upon ſo hopeful a Be-
ginning, to refuſe going fo far to finiſh the Work; eſpecially St. John, who lived fo
near them for many Years. ulei
Tone
Whether, becauſe the City of Thyatira was ſo called from a Female, the Daughter
of Seleucus, the Holy Ghoſt hath affected to give us hereafter a Symbol from a
Female Idolater, I cannot tell ; there may be ſomething in it. But this ſeems to me
(y) Deut. 15. 13, 14.
(<) Epidico. Vid. & Caſin. Act. III. Sc. V.
(a) Terent. Adelph. Vid. Plaut. Caſin. Act. III. Sc. V. 60, 61.
(b) Herbelor, cit. Haſſan.
(c) Homer. Odyfi. Lib. 6. V. 214.
(d) Epiphan. Panar. Hæref. 51. Alogorum,
(e) Acts 16. 14.
1

To the Angel of Thyatira.
132
Ch. II. v. 20.
to be more folid. In the firſt Period of the Mofaical Diſpenſation, the moſt re-
markable Inricer to Idolatry was Balaam ; in the Second Fezabel, the Wife of Achab.
Balaam hath been uſed before as a Symbol; and now fezabel is uſed in this Epiſtle
to the like Purpoſe. Whence it happens, that the Obſervation of Epiphanius is not
to be deſpiſed in this caſe, who faith, that the Holy Ghoſt foreſeeing that the falſe
Propherelles of the Cataphryges, Priſcilla, Maximilla and Quintilla, would vent their
Errors here, hath choſen this fezabel for a Symbol. Thus I obſerve, that the firſt
Chriſtian of Thyatira was a Woman; and that the Falſe Prophets, which ſhould firſt
entice the Chriſtians to Apoftaſy in this Church, ſhould be Women alfo, or chiefly
one, namely (f) Maximilla, who was by thoſe Hereticks owned to be the chief of
their Sect. "I ſee no Reaſon in the World, but that the Holy Ghoſt might allude to
this, as well as to ſome preſent Caſe, which happened at or before the Viſion, of
which I ſhall ſpeak in its proper Place.
A. Verſ. 20. "On epäs the quarrel
or Thu' 'Isabvía, Becauſe thou ſuffereſt thy Wife
Jezabel. ] This is the Complutenſian Reading, which I look upon as more Emphati-
cal
, and more proper to the Alluſion of the Symbol fetch'd from the (8) Hiſtory of
Ahab, whoſe Wife ſeduced him, than the common Reading, which wants the 'em-
phatical oś. This Ahab, King of Iſrael, is highly condemned above all other Kings,
for doing III, or as it is ſaid, for ſelling himſelf to do Evil. He made himſelf a Slave
to this purpoſe, by ſuffering his Wife Jezabel to do Miſchief, in introducing Ido-
latry. By this it is plain, that the Fault of this Angel was, that although he did his
Dury in all other Reſpects, and rather increaſed in Faith and Diligence, yet he had
fuffered ſome to creep into the Church, into his Bofom, and there to ſow the Tares
of the pernicious Do&trine of the Gnoſticks, who are here repreſented by the Symbol
of fezabel
, with the College of falſe Prophets about her, whom ſhe maintained to
introduce Idolatry in Iſrael, and corrupt the Doctrine of God's Law by little and
little. And whereas the former Kings of Iſrael had only been guilty of Schiſm, ſhe
cauſed her Huſband and the whole Nation to fall into Idolatry inſenſibly. It may be
that in this Church there was ſome great and powerful Lady, who having been cor-
rupted her ſelf, as it was the Practice of the Gnofticks to infinuate themſelves into
the (h) Privacy of Ladies, did afterwards harbour and encourage thoſe falſe Prophets
the Gnoſticks, whereby they had Opportunities to ſeduce the Faithful, which this
Angel did not endeavour to hinder as well as he could. Ambr. Anſbertus is of this
Opinion ; for he faith, Quod ſi forte, ut adfolet, etiam in figura proprietas oftenditur,
potefi ita conjici
, ut fuiſſe in illa tunc Eccleſia credatur mulier, qué hoc nomine vocare-
tur, ex cujus forma Speciali ad generalem totius orbis Jezabel
, fermo figurate tranf-
ferretur. Nam & alia tranſlatio eandem fezabel uxorem fuiſſe ipfius Thyatire prædi-
catoris deſignat, dicens ad eum : Habeo adverfus te multa, quod finis uxorem tuam
Fezabel, &c. Now this being ſuppoſed, and the Allufion to the Story of Ahab
and Jezabel, are fufficient to explain the Particle oë, thy Wife, Woman, or even
Sifier, fubject to her Paftor. Now this Conjecture is indeed plainly afferted by
Tertullian, upon View of this very Place: (i) Hæreticam enim Feminam, quæ quod di-
dicerat à Nicolaitis, docere fufceperat, in Eccleſiam latenter introducebat, & meritò
ad pænitentiam urgebat. The Learned Dodwell is of Opinion, that this Woman is
(k) Ecclefia aliqua malignantium, fome private Conventicle of Hereticks.in 69
B. 'H aézer fullei mercñrov
, calling her ſelf a Propheteſs.] Theſe Gnoſticks from
their very firſt appearing, as I have obſerved, uſing Arts and Sorceries, found Means
to give Potions to ſeduced Women, and thereby throw them into Fits, like prophe-
tick Ecſtafies: Whereupon they having been prepoſſeſſed with Fancies, and Enthu-
fiaftical Doctrines, did in their Fits blab out ſtrange Conceits to deceive others as
well as themſelves. This is a Matter that hath been, and is ftill, fo common in the
World, that we need not to wonder, that there might be ſuch in this Church; which
might give Occaſion to the Holy Ghoſt to uſe theſe Symbols and Expreſſions
here. The Doctrines preached in theſe Fanatical Ecſtaſies were, as they are
ſtill, to introduce ſome Piece of Idolatry, or falſe Doctrine, againſt the
Truth of the Goſpel. That is the End of all ſuch Diabolical and Knavilh
Tricks.
(f) Epiphan. Panar. Hæref. 48. §. 12, (6) 1 Kings 21. 25.
119.517A 5
(h) Vid. Irenæum Lib l. cap. 9. fin. vel Epiphan. Panar. Hæref. 34. S. 3. and Compar. 2 Tim.
(0) Tertull. de Pudicic. cap. 19.
(k) Dodw. Diff. in Iren. I. §. 13.
3.6.
C. Ioga

Ch. II. v. 21, 22.
To the Angel of Thyatira.
133
C, Tlogue crecer, zij qeztão disabgulee, To Fornicate, and to eat Things Sacrificed to Idols.]
Theſe Two Things went together. In Canaan the Remnant of the Idolatrous Nations de
priv'd of their Lands, took to Trades and Tippling. Hence the Whores traded in
fuch Houſes; and worſhipping ſtill their Gods fecretly, facrificed to them, and
then invited the Ifraelites to Debauchery, to Eat and Drink with them. See
Prov. 7. 6. &c. Thus as they Whored, they communicated in the Idolatry. But
though they did not Eat and Drink there, nevertheleſs the very Acts of Fornication
were Idolatry, becauſe the Harlots were then Conſecrated to the Pagan Deities, and
devoted to Worſhip them by that Trade, and with the Gains of it ; fo that the
very Hire was an Offering. They were initiated into that Trade with folemn Cere-
monies, as alſo the Catamites. And therefore as theſe laſt were called DVT, fo
the Harlots were alſo called Dwup, becauſe Confecrated, Tené usuron or Tensoró refuvot, as
in the LXX, to ſome of thoſe abominable Myſteries. See the L. Gouſſet on that
Word, and the Note on Chap. 21. 8. C. For this Reaſon in the Prophets, Forni-
cation, by a Metonymy, becomes the Symbol of Idolatry. Of this more af-
terwards.
A. Verf. 21. Kaà i Norge wurm zeóvor, And I have given her Time.] This alludes
to the Hiſtory of fezabel. God firſt fent Elias to Ahab, to pronounce a ſevere Judg.
ment againſt him; upon which Ahab did ſhew good Tokens of Repentance: And to
God put off his Puniſhment. By theſe Means the like Judgment pronounced
againſt Fezabel, was alſo put off. Thus God gave her Time to repent, but ſhe did
not, but inſtead of that ſeduced her Sons to the fame Sins. 1 Kings 21. 23, 27, 29.
According to the Mofaical Law, the Puniſhment of Idolatrous Seducers was not to
be put off at all, but God ſometimes ſhewed Mercy : And now much more during
the Chriſtian Diſpenſation. But this often produces the contrary Effects, as in this
Jezabel. See Eccleſ. 8. II.
od od do it
A. Verf. 22. E70 Cena ar t's railw, rj Tis porzdov tus ust' dutie, I will caft
her into a Bed, and them that committed Adultery with her. ] This again alludes to
the ſame Hiſtory. (1) Ahaziah Son of Ahab and fezabel, by his Mother's ill In-
ſtructions and Example followed her Ways. God puniſhed him by making him to
fall down, as I ſuppoſe, from the top of his Terraſs over his Houſe, and fo to be
Bedridden for a long Time under great Anguiſh, deſigning thereby to give him
Time to repent. But when inſtead of that he ſent to conſult Baalzebub, Elias
was ſent to pronounce a final Doom againſt his Impenitency. Thus the Son of
Fezabel, who had committed Idolatry with and by fezabel's Advice, was long caſt
into the Bed of Affli&tion, and not repenting, died. In the ſame Manner Fehoram,
his Brother, and her Son, likewiſe ſucceeded. All this while Jezabel had Time and
Warning enough to repent; and though ſhe could not prevail with this Fehoram to
continue in the Idolatrous Worſhip of Baal, yet ſhe perfifted in her own Way, not-
withſtanding God's Warnings. Even this very (m) Son was alſo Bedridden, when he
went out to fight againſt Fehu to his own Deſtruction. The Holy Ghoſt therefore
here threatens the Gnoſtick Fezabel, to make that wherein ſhe delighteth, as Adul-
terers in the Bed of Luſt, to be the very Place, Occafion and Inſtrument of her
greateſt Torment. So in Iſaiah 28. 20. the Bed is made a Symbol of Tribulation
and Anguiſh of Body and Mind : He faith ; For the Bed is shorter than that a Man
can ſtretch himſelf on it : And the Covering narrower, than that he can wrap himſelf in
it. The Targum faith; Abbreviata eft enim virtus eorum, pre fervitute forti: Ege
Dominium tribulantis multiplicabit ſubje&tionem. See Job 33. 19. For to be tor-
mented in Bed, the place where Men ſeek Reſt, is the higheſt of Griefs; whence
comes the Complaint of David, Pſal. 6. 6. Juſt as fezabel, who delighted in having
Two Sons to ſucceed in the Kingdom, by whoſe Means ſhe hoped to accompliſh her
Defires, was moſt afflicted to ſee them unable to at, and lying in Bed : So here the
Holy Ghoſt threatens fome long and ſharp Affliction to theſe Seducers, in order to
give them Occaſion to repent in Time. We find that ſometimes they were involved
into the fame Perſecutions as the Catholick Church. What is told us in the A&ts of
the Martyrdom of Polycarpus concerning one Metrodorus, Presbyter of the Mar-
cioniſts, who was alſo burnt at the fame Time as a Chriſtian, is very remarkable.
Such Things were Warnings for the reſt to repent.
POSODE
(1) 2 Kings 1.
(m) 2 Kings 8.29. and Chap. 9. 21.sto no
B. Kas
M m

134
To the Angel of Thyatira. - Ch. II. v. 23.
B. Kei Tès porze d'or tas, And them that commit Adultery. ] Fornication and Adultery
are both Symbols of Idolatry; but in different Reſpects. I have ſhewn before, that
Fornication is the Symbol of it by a Metonymy, but Adultery ſeems to be ſo more
properly, by a Metaphor or Similitude. That is, as the Wife quits or breaks her
Allegiance to her Huſband and Lord, to whom ſhe is ſubjeét by Covenant, and the
Law of Marriage, fince the Fall, Gen. 3. 16. ſo they who commit Idolatry, at
againſt their Duty and Covenant to and with God and their Lord. This Similitude
is better ſeen in the Hebrew Tongue, wherein the Word Syz, Baal, ſignifies origi-
nally Huſband, and alſo Lord. The Reaſon of which is, becauſe the Relation of
Marriage was the firſt Foundation of Lordſhip and Subje&tion. In fer. 3. 14. God
himſelf uſes the Verb , but the Noun Subftantive Baal, was wholly left to the
Heathen Gods ; and ſo in the Mouth of the Iſraelites became a Word of Contempt
and Abomination, for which they ſaid ſometimes ironically Boſheth, Confuſion. See
our Note on Chap. 17. 5. C. As to the Aggravation of Fornication above Adultery,
in this caſe of Idolary, See our Note upon Chap. 17. 1. C. cois
A. Verf. 23. Ta réuva ow this amoulevó en Salvato, I will kill her Children with Death.]
That is, I will certainly deſtroy her Off-ſpring and Memory, and thereby ruin her
Deſigns. Jezabel's Two Sons being both Kings, were both Slain, as we have feen
the firſt by a Fall, the next by Fehu, and after that all the Children of Ahab her
Huſband, being Seventy Sons, 2 Kings 1o. I. in all which the Hand of God was
Viſible. In the ſame Manner God predicts here the abſolute Deſtruction of all ſuch
Peſtilent Hereticks and Herefies as the Gnoſticks. This is equal to what is
threatned before to the Nicolaites, Men of the fame Stamp. See Notes on
Verſe 16. B. C.
B. Kai grdoor nãoue ai énzandice, And all the Churches ſhall know.] All the Catho-
lick Churches ſhall ſee the Puniſhment which I infli&t upon them; (a) ſhall rejoice,
and be convi&ted of my Power and Mercy. This proves, that theſe Seven Churches
are Symbolical to repreſent the whole Church : And that every particular Inſtruction
is to be applied to the Neceſſities thereof.
C. "On écè didi ésdvcov veope's sỹ ngedi as, That I am be which ſearcheth tbe Reins and
Hearts. ] By this it ſeems that theſe Hereticks lurked about, and fowed their
Do&trines ſecretly. But our Saviour tells them, that it is in vain, for he had Power
to bring their Deeds to Light. Having that Divine Power of ſearching into the
Wills and Affections of Men. And by this he will ſhew them, that he is according
to his Title the Son of God, and hath ſuch Eyes to pry into their A&tions, that like a
Fire they will ſearch into every Thing, and burn up the Chaff that cannot ſtand his
Tryal. So that the Depths of Satan, mentioned in the next Verſe, to which this
alludes, (Chriſt affuming here this Title purpoſely ) ſhall avail nothing to thoſe who
think by their ſecret Crafts to undermine the Chriſtian Religion. He will bring them
all to Light, and ſo baffle all their Intentions. Of what Importance it is, when God
diſcovers the Secrets of his Enemies, ſhall be conſidered hereafter, on Chap.
D. Δώσω υμιν εκάσω και τα έργα αυτών, I will give you every Man according to your
Deeds. ] The Deſign of the Imperious Jezabel was to ſettle Idolatry in Iſrael, and
to ſecure the Succeſſion of the Kingdom to her Children, by alienating the Minds of
the Iſraelites from the true Worſhip of God, many of whom ſtill adhered to it, and
frequented the Worſhip at Ferufalem ; and conſequently ſhewed that they had ſtill
an hankering
Mind to return to their Allegiance to the Kings of Juda, of the
Family
of David. But ſhe received according to her Deſerts, failing in both theſe Deſigns,
She began with Murther to ſettle Idolatry , and accordingly the whole Race of Ahab,
and her ſelf, periſhed miſerably, and the Worſhip of Baal was deſtroyed alſo for
a Time. As for her ſelf, ſhe was wretchedly killed, and her Memory quite extin-
guiſhed, there being left no Remnants of her Body, but fcme for Tokens of
the Certainty of her Death, the Skull, the Feet, and Palms of her Hands, and her
Blood ſpilt on the Walls. All which did not deſerve a Sepulture or Monument: So
that none could ſay, This is Jezabel. The like was the Deſign of the Gnoſtick
Jezabel: Firſt to ſecure this preſent Life, by avoiding Perſecution, in complying with
Idolatry, and by allowing all kinds of filthy Pleaſures to entice Men to the ſame
17. 9. A.
(a) See Note on Chap. 11.12.
Seet,

Ch. II. v. 24, 25, 26. To the Angel of Thyatira.
135
Seet, and thus to propagate it for ever. Now the Puniſhment of the Gnoſticks was
ſuitable to their ambitious and wicked Deſigns. They could not evade always the
Fury of the Heathens, and were at laſt, as to their Se&t, univerſally extirpated. Alſo
the Fate of Thyatira bears a Reſemblance to theſe Symbols and Threatnings. There
is not ſo much as the Memory of the Town left, or any Monument, that ſhews that
there hath been fuch a Town, but only fome ſlender Remains of Inſcriptions hard
to be found, like the Skull, Feet, Hands, and Blood of fezabel. The Illuſtrious
Travellers Sir George Wheeler, Dr. Thomas Smith, and Dr. Spon, Phyſician at Lions,
did not many Years fince obſerve, that the Greeks at this Day know nothing of it
that was likely. 'Tis now a Village called Ak-hiſar, conſiſting of Houſes built of
Earth over the Ruins of the Ancient Thyatira, out of which ſome Stones being dug
up, diſcovered its Origin after a great Enquiry. Thus we meet with a fatal Coin-
cidence of this Prophecy. See the laſt Note on Chap. 3.
A. Verf. 24. Tois nostris, To the reſt. ] I rather approve this Reading of the
Complutenſian, than the other, which hath rj inſtead of rois, and ſeems to make the
Perſons ſpoken to in this Verſe, of Two Sorts, whereas they are the ſame, 2017 is
agreeing with vụiv. However, this Expreſſion is to be well obſerved, which di-
vides theſe from the former Gnoſticks, and ſhews us that the reſt of
the Epiſtle
wholly concerns the Faithful, which have not received the former Doctrine of
Error.
B. "O, mives én egpaa tein Beron Edravã, Which have not known the Depths of
Satan. ] That is, which have not acknowledged and given Way or Affiſtance to
theſe ſecret Deſigns of the Devil. What is deep, hidden, Secret, or myſterious, fig-
nifies Counſel or Deſign, as te Béin Ost, i Cor. 2. 10, the Depths of God, are his
ſecret Counſel or Deſigns. See our Note on Chap. 1. 1. A. They who join or con-
nive ac Idolatry, ſet forwards the Deſigns of the Devil, Idolatry being his whole
Deſign to bring Men to Deſtruction. That gevérne may fignify to acknowledge or
approve ; ſee Rom. 7. 15. ö os noslegzeb ouela š never see. For that which I do, I allow not.
None can know the Deſigns of Satan without being Guilty.
C. oj Bered for ideas amo Béę G, I will put upon you none other Burthen.] This
is a kind of Commendation of the found Part of the Church, that they have no
new Exhortation or Charge to be given them, nor new Advice, but to perſevere as
they have done. See Rom. 15. 14, 15. The Poet Ovid writing to his Wife,
argues thus,
(b) Qui monet ut facias quod jam facis, ille monendo
Laudat, & hortatu comprobat act a fuo.
This Expreſfion of Burden, is likewiſe fetched from
the Hiſtory of Abab, Fezabel,
and foram their Son, flain by Jehu, 2 Kings 9. 25. Remember how that when I and
thou rode together after Ahab bis Father, the Lord laid this Burden on him, 200,
a Word often uſed by the Prophets, to fignify a Prophecy threatning heavy Things to
be ſuffered, as in Iſaiah 13. 1. Perhaps as it is the Duty of every Man threatned, to
endeavour to avert God's Anger, and Duty is Burden, Numb. 4. 19. Thus the
Holy Ghoſt is merciful and kind to this Church, to threaten only thoſe that are guil-
ty already, in caſe they repent not: Whereas in other Epiſtles, the whole Church is
ſometimes threatned for the Sins of fome Members.
A. Verſ. 25. "Agges & ev mięw, Until the Time when I shall come. ] This Com-
mand to obſerve what they do, and keep in the ſame Faith till Chriſt's Coming,
plainly proves, that theſe Churches continue to be Symbolical ; that is, that the
Exhortations made to them are to ſerve for the whole Catholick Church, throughout
its unſettled and perſecuted State, which we find is to be fo till Chriſt's Second Ad-
vent. The half Hour's Reſt, mentioned hereafter, which was accompliſhed in Con-
ſtantine's Time, is not ſufficient to make us think, that the Church then, any more
than now, was in any other but its militant State. Chriſt does not come till after
the Second, to deſtroy the Corrupters of his Church.
A. Verf. 26. Adoro oTeS Desci av ddow, I will give bim Power over the Na-
tions. ] This is ſuitable the Title of Jeſus Chriſt in the Beginning of this Epiſtle,
(6) Ovid. Triſt. Lib. V. Eleg. 14.
1
where
136
To the Angel of Thyatira. Ch. II. v. 27, 28.

25rint
where he calls himſelf the Son of God. That Title, I ſay , of Son of God, implies
a regal Power, as I have proved it before. That the Fews themſelves did think io,
may be collected from theſe Words of Nathanael to Jeſus Chrift, (c) Thou art the
Son of God, thou art the King of Iſrael. This latter Expreffion being plainly an Ex-
poſition of the former. For here I will obſerve once for all, that great Uſe is to be
made of this Obſervation ; that in the Poetical Books, and Prophets eſpecially, and
even in all the Writings of the Hebrew Tongue, very frequently the Words following
explain the Senſe of the Words going before, by which the Speaker feems to explain
his Meaning more preciſely. Of this the Rabbies have made a Rule, that in Holy
Writ it often happens, that the fame Senſe is expreſſed by different Words. Which
Obſervation, when I make uſe of it, makes me call ſuch Expreſſions Synonymous.
But to return ; both the Anſwer of Nathanael and our Saviour's Promifé here allude
plainly to the Second Pſalm ; Thou art my Son, this Day have I begotten thee. Ask
of me, and I will give thee the Heathen for thine Inheritance, &c. Wherefore our
Saviour, after this Proinife, fhews, that it is in the fame Manner as he received it of
his Father, who by declaring him his Son, had made him his Heir in Power and Do-
minion, and hath extended this to all Nations, as well as to Iſrael, to execute his
Power with all Severity in caſe any of them refifted, and became his Enemies. The
Expoſition of Hugo Grotius will hardly hold Water, it is ſo weak. For can any one
pretend, that this is a Promiſe belonging to this Life? Can thoſe who have perſevered
in the faith and Martyrdom till Death, be rewarded by any Proſperity in this Life,
which the Church may enjoy without them? Our Saviour is a better Expoſitor, and
ſhews hereafter, how he means that his Promiſe ſhall be accompliſhed ; and that is
in Revelat. 20.4. and Chap. 21. 7. to which we muſt refer the Reader.
A. Verſ. 27. Kai 01 pieve dutès ev paldą oneớ, And he Mall rule them with a Rod
of Iron.] Obtain an abſolute Dominion over them, either by Converfion, or elſe
by Deftru&ion. Virgam ferream dicit, propter juſtitie rigorem : Et de ipſa virga cor-
riguntur boni, confringuntur mali. Tychonius, Hom. II.
VOICE
B. '25 tel ou b'n Tai nepapungd ourteb1c8), As the Potters Veſſels ſhall be broken. ] See
Pſal. 2. 9. in the LXX, and Lam. Jerem. Ch. IV. 2.
A. Verſ. 28. Ka sóoco 'outh i e'stece wegürós, And I will give him the Morning
Star. ] This is one of Chriſt's Titles, Revel
. 22. 16. which he takes upon him, to
ſignify, that he is the firſt Prince of the Refurre&tion. And ſo this is as much as if
he had ſaid here, I will give him Power to be the Morning Star, even as I am my ſelf.
A Star in the Symbolical Language, as I ſhall ſhew it afterwards, fignifies a King,
Prince or Ruler, but of an Inferior Degree, as the Sun is always the Supreme. The
Morning Star is the Forerunner of the Sun, and conſequently ſhews a Power prece-
ding in Time the reſt of the Light. Our Saviour is both in different Reſpects, and
therefore his Supreme Power hath fome Degrees antecedent to the laſt and higheſt
Degree of it: ſo that his Glorious Kindom ſhall have two Periods or Parts ; the firſt,
in which he ſhall be only like the Morning Star ; the latter , in which he ſhall be the
full Sun. The Meſſias in Malach. 4. 2. is the Sun of Righteouſneſs, and he is to be
the Sun of the New Jeruſalem, Rev. 21. 23. and Chap. 22. 5. As therefore the
Morning Star precedes the Sun, and gives Light till he ariſes : So Chriſt ſhall have
a glorious regal Power in part before he hath it univerſal, as the Light of the Sun is.
So in Ifaiah 14. 12. the ‘Ewopós o or Morning Star, is uſed as the Symbol, to ſignify
the King of Babylon, becauſe he was the firſt Monarch that exalted himſelf in Do
mion above the Iſraelites, by utterly ſubduing them. Or rather becauſe that Mo-
narchy eſtabliſhed in Babylon was the firſt that was eſtabliſhed in the World, as may
be ſeen in the Note upon Chap. 17.5. C. As to Chriſt
, one might fay indeed, that
he is the Morning Star in that he already reigns, and hath reigned once gloriouſly
in the quiet State of the Church : But he being the Morning Star in the fame Man-
ner as the Faithful, and it being plain, that the faithful Martyrs to whom this is
promiſed, can become as Stars no way elſe but in the Reſurrection ; for then only
they can Rule or Reign ; fo Chriſt muſt be the Morning-Star at the Refurre&tion; all
the Time of the Militant State of the Church he is only the Root and Stock of Da-
vid, growing upwards in order to ſpread over the whole Earth. Thus St. Paul, to il-
luſtrate and prove the different Glory and Degrees of it in the Saints raiſed again,
(c) John 1.49
uſes

09
Ch. II. v. 28. III To the Angel of Thyatira.
137
uſes the Compariſon of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, 1 Cor. 15. 41, 42. So that in
this Caſe the Stars are the Types of the truly glorified Saints, which the Heathens
from a miſtaken Notion did believe applicable to their Heroes,and that they were either
tranſlated or changed fo into viſible Stars. Whence it came that Stars were the Sym-
bols of Apotheoſed Emperors, and the like. And as to the Caſe of the Refurre&tion
and Glory ; Chriſt, who is the firſt Fruits thereof, is therefore rightly called the
Bright Morning Star, becauſe he hath preceded the reſt. And after this Manner did
the primitive Martyrs conceive it. And I cannot think, that God would have fuffered
thoſe Holy Men, ſo frequently inſpired by the Holy Ghoſt, to err in the very funda-
mental Hopes which induced them ſo couragiouſly to ſtand. Therefore Chriſt is to
execute one great Judgment, that is, enjoy one great Kingdom : Firſt particularly
with the Millennial Saints, and afterwards in general with all the Saints ; but in the
ſame Manner both , and with the ſame Prerogatives in a great Meaſure to then that
ſhall partake of theſe States reſpectively. Both theſe Parts are one and the ſame
Judgment or Kingdom, and are thus clearly and diſtintly deſcribed in the Revelati-
on. The Firſt, I ſay, during the Millennium, the other after the general Reſurrection,
and extending to all Men, deſcribed in Revel
. 20. 11, 12, 13, 14, 16. The Wars of
Gog and Magog make an intermediate Space between the one and the other, Chriſt
being unwilling to bring on the general Refurre&tion before he hath fubdued Satan
quite. Or rather, as one may fay, the Wars of Gog and Magog are only one Acci-
dent, which ſhall not divide, but rather give him occafion to deſtroy and make an
End of the reſt of his Enemies, that he may receive no more Trouble from them in
the general Reſurrection of all the Saints. It is at this Time of Gog and Magog, thar
the Martyrs ſhall have Power over the Nations, and have occaſion to rule them with
a Rod of Iron, and break them in Pieces like a Potter's Veſſel ; that is, never to be
reſtored into their firſt State. To conclude, by promiſing to the Martyrs to give
them, or to make them to be the Morning Star like himſelf, he promiſes them a
Share in the Millennium, antecedent to the Glory which ſhall be after it univerſally
diſplayed. For as the Morning is the Beginning of the Day, ſo the Millennium is
the Beginning or Morning of the Reſurrection, or the firſt Reſurrection, ſo called be-
cauſe there is to be none before it. Tychonius , Hom. II. Stellam matutinam primam
refurretionem dicit, quæ per gratiam baptiſmi fit. He hath ſeen very well that it re-
fers to the firſt Reſurrection, but is miſtaken to think that this is performed in Bap-
tiſm. Chriſt would then promiſe a Thing which they had before. But Ambr. Ans-
bertus hath very well feen, that this implies a real Refurre&tion of the Fleſh: Domi-
nus autem ftellam matutinam vincentibus dare fe profitetur : Subaudis dominicæ refur-
rečtionis futuram claritatem. Stellam matutinam vincentibus dabit, quando configura-
tum corpori claritatis fuæ corpus humilitatis noſtre reformabit. Matutinam Aellam
vincentibus dabit, quando hi qui in monumentis funt, audient vocem Filij Dei, & pro-
cedent. Quos ad perfe&tum diem perducet, cum poſt carnis reſurrectionem divinitatis
fuæ claritatem illis oſtendet, in qua ijdem ipfi folis claritate fulgebunt. Mortalitatis
etenim tenebris reſurre&tione infulgente depreſſis , quaſi quidam lucifer apparebit, qui
perfe&tum æternitatis diem demonſtret. And here is the Oppoſition between the
Threatning to the idolatrous Fezabel
, and the Reward promiſed to the Saints : She
was the firſt deſtroyed and extirpated out of Memory for her Sin ; the Martyrs ſhall
be the firlt glorified and rewarded for their Conſtancy in the Faith. Laſtly, obſerve
the gradual Increaſe of this Reward, firſt to have Power over the Nations to conquer;
then to rule them ; next to fubdue aúl Oppoſition, and deſtroy all Enemies ; and laſt-
ly, to Rule and Reign quietly even before the reſt of the Saints, and as ſoon as Chriſt
himſelf
. The Reader is deſired to ſuſpend bis Fudgment upon this Expoſition, till he
hath read over the whole Commentary, and ſeen how the Underſtanding of this depends
upon a throughly clear and diftinPerception of the whole.
VA
tid on sbalio as ek tolste's Lodn'y aid Thorityd balls an out of rol
orld best to mono sviitoit sit amet,
de la providesli site Ize sonadw mord i suolis 1029mme
not go abro si alte barn 1919 da buc
Toi on to soons bursa Hoes ni cortesi
Nn
СНАР.

138
1
To the Angel of Sardis.
. Ch. III. v. , 2, 3, 4.
1G
a III. 28 bis 2000
amb la story nie boi mole yleed 2009 OTS
Doo Sismondo alcalde evoile son do it
20 w vec H A P. III. Bogresda
ba
o lod
Science 2010 sa
Hit Sobe
A. Verf, 1. "Ezav te me Avdipenstad, He that hath the Seven Spirits. ] (a) Melito
is ſaid to be the Biſhop to whom this Epiſtle is directed. But to
come to the Contents : To have is a Word very general, and therefore always to be
reſtrained to the Nature of the Subject it is ſpoken of. By what occurs before,
Chap. 1. 4. it fignifies here, to have before his Throne thoſe Spirits waiting perpetu-
ally to obſerve his Commands. In this Senſe may be underſtood the Word & zxou in
Hebr. 9.4. zkusõus ex koue supera thevov, having a Golden Cenfer, in order to be uſed
therein upon Occaſion; for the igiegor trupcior of the Golden Altar, was brought in-
to the moſt Holy Place on the Day of Expiation ; and then it had it ſtill before it to
all Intents, to ſerve and burn the Incenſe there. Of which Day the Apoſtle is chiefly
to be underſtood. Any Thing that fands before another, with Relation to it, may be
Taid xxsats to be had of that other Thing; as even appears by this Place, where Chrift
is ſaid to have the Spirits, not becaufe he hath them within, but becauſe they ſtand
before him to wait upon his Commands.
B. Orope gets on Sós, rij vaneg's of, Thou haft a Name, that thou liveſt, and art dead.]
Though thou art ſaid to be alive, yet thou art dead. The Name of any Thing in
the Stile of Holy Writ, fignifies its State or Quality, whether a&ting or ſuffering. To
live, as we have obſerved, fignifies to be in Power to act, or even to act. So thad
here this Angel is rebuked for not being as a&tive and zealous in his Office as he
ought to have been ; and is therefore in our Saviour's Judgment accounted as a dead
Man. Negligence in Duty is a kind of moral Death. Ambr. Ansbertus hath feen
the Meaning of this, for he faith, Ideo te vivere putas, quia in quibufdam bonis oper
ribus exercitium habes. Sed attende quia vivere non vales, fi vel uno crimine vitam
commacules. This one Crime is the Neglect of the Paſtoral Care. This Expreſſion
is found in Hermas, from whom it may be explain'd: (b) Habent quidem nomen, fide
verò inanes funt, neque eſt in eis ullus fructus veritatis.
A. Verf. 2. A fuemes robeémov, Which thou art going to loſe.] This is the Read-
ing of the Complutenſian Edition, and by the Contexture of the whole Epiſtle this
ſeems preferable to the common, de pémer Sto garcit, which are going to die; not but
that this is alſo very proper, and both may be brought at laſt to fignify the ſame
*Thing. For by this Death we muſt underſtand the Death of their Faith; for when
Men do loſe their Faith, they are dead as to Chriſt, and loft as to their Angel or Bi-
ſhop, he having them no more under him. But what follows preſently, thou haft a
fem Names, ſeems to allude to the Biſhops not having loſt them, and thus he is here
adviſed to look about him, that he may not loſe them. When our Saviour faith in
the Beginning, that he hath Seven Spirits, that is, a&tive Powers, as the Spirits or
Breath or Man make him ſo, he there layeth a Foundation upon which the whole
Epiſtle is built, which runs on all in the fame Allegory ons bevorliebt
B. 'Erdóma og Ocâ u*, Before my God. ] This Expreſſion, when ſpoken of A&tions
good or bad, implies that God as in Judgment hath determined them to be ſo. See
our Note on Chap. 14. 10. C. bis non o condutorontod surot nort
A. Verf. 3. "Hệc bai os as xenézans, I will come upon thee ar a Thief.] That iszi at um
awares, or as it is ſaid here, at an Hour when thou doft not know. This is equiva-
lent
Tagul or
τέχει, κλάπης Tefers to αποβάλλει.
นน "
A. Verf. 4. gets åríza órólo:rel, Thou haſt a few Names.] Names are here taken
for the Perfons called by them. This Symbol therefore ſeems to allude to the Dip-
tychs, or Matricula, uſed in the Primitive Church, in which were regiſter'd the
Names of all the Faithful. From whence St. Luke uſes this very Phraſe, Acts 1.15.
and St. Fohn hereafter, Revelat. 11. 13. And this is according to the Mofaical In-
ftitution in the Book of Numbers, and the conſtant Uſe of the Jews or Ifraelites af-

(a) V. Mill. Proleg. in N. Teft. pag. 27. & Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. V. cap. 24. (6) Herm. Paft.
Lib. H. Sim. 9. §. 19.
I
ter-

Ch. III. v. 5, 7
To the Angel of Sardis.
139
terwards, to keep exact Accounts of the Genealogies
. See alſo Dodwell's (c) Cypria
nick Differtations, where he illuſtrates this Matter from the Roman and Artick Anti-
quities, thoſe Nations being exact in this Pra&tice:
B. "Á én éjónwar te ipera aus, which have not defiled their Garmenis.] This is
an Hebrew Phraſe, and it's alſo Symbolical
, ariſing from the Pollutions contracted
upon the Garments, which made Men defiled, and incapable to appear before God,
but liable to be purified and expiated according to the Degree and Nature of the Pol
lution. From this it is ſuppoſed, that the Pollutions of the Garments, or Fleſh, af
fect alſo the Soul. Here therefore it fignifies, that they have not polluted them
ſelves with Idolatry, which is the ſpiritual Fornication, whoſe Pollutions do in a
ſpecial Manner affe&t the Soul, making it unfit to appear before God ; becaulē by
Idolatry God's Honour is foiled in the higheſt Degree.
C. Kell mezd úrso uer' fu& ev ad rois, And they Mall walk with me in White.] The
Allegory is continued, and the Reward fuited to the Commendation juſt given be-
fore. They shall walk, is here taken as afterwards, in Chap. 21. 24. to fignify thall
abide, proſper, (d) flouriſh, and be every way happy. The Reaſon of this Symbol
is to be fetched from the Notion of the Word (e) 270, for they that fanctified
themſelves to perform any Acts of Religion, did cloath themſelves in White, which
was the Habit of the Saints, the Nobles, and the Prieſts. All which are more fully
explained afterwards. par eux with me is fulfilled and explained in Chap. 20. 4. there
it is Brandiosor shall reign; but we muſt obſerve that the Millennium is a Reign
wherein the Saints ſhall have ſome Care of Foreign Matters, all Enemies not being
then ſubdued and deſtroyed as yet, but (f) tied. Therefore this is ſuch a Reign in
ſome Meaſure as Chriſt hath now, for whilſt he rules now the Church, he is faid to
walk in it. Chap. 1. 1. See Note D.
1900
D. "On değioi cia, For they are worthy.] Chriſt himſelf is inaugurated into the
Throne of the Divine Majeſty, becauſe he is worthy. See our Nore upon Chap. 5.9.
Theſe are worthy, becauſe they have ſuffered as Chriſt had. I explain elſewhere
wherein the Fundamental Reaſon of the Merit of the true Saints confilts, and recon-
cile it with the Grace of God. See Note upon Chap. 21. 6. D. upon the Word
Δωρεάν. .
A. Verſ. 5. Kai pas égaachafe zo ovous auri, And I will not blot out his Name.]
The ſame Allegory is purſued. This is elſewhere ftiled, (8) énb éénnety scos property
to caſt out the Name; that is, to reject, to excommunicate, by blotting out the Name
out of the Matricula, or Catalogue of Chriſt's Saints, which here is called the
Book of Life. None but they who are in it being to expect eternal Life. This laſt
Expreſſion to caſt out, is ſuitable to the Hebrew Stile; but éğanciper, to blot out , is
the Word uſed by the Athenians in this Buſineſs, as may be ſeen by their beſt Au-
thors, as (h) Xenophon, (i) Iſocrates, (k) Demofthenes
, and (1) Ariſtophanes. bsbrierte
sayad ng dagens in TOP
Επαυσα της κινεμβοες, Γρυ τον εξαλείψας,
hus 2Alingit vleisupil
Vinsuper
Grypus is the Name of a Man who ſuffered this Puniſhment for having raiſed a Se
dition. That's the Meaning of the Words, which would hardly be diſcovered by
the Commentaries of the Scholiaſts, who have not underſtood this at all. But to
return. The Meaning of this place or Promiſe is, that the Conqueror ſhall have a
Right to everlaſting Life, which is ſaid to be fulfilled hereafter, Rev. 21.1 27.
and
Rev. 20. 12. where we explain the Meaning of the Book of Life.
90
B. 'EŽouongyá souse, I will confefs.] See Matth. 10. 32. Luke 12. 8. All this ſuits
with the Title of Chriſt in the beginning of the Epiſtle, which is Double,. This
Promiſe ſuits with the firſt Title of Honour Chriſt affumes, the former with
the latter, which implies that Chriſt is Omniſcient, knowing well that he hath the
Name of one alive, whilft he is really dead. That is, can pry into his
Thoughts.
A. Verf. 7. 'O 'Ezwv Tlu radi se të Aubin, He that hath the Key of David.] This
y pod od codes 2000
is an Allufion to the Words of Iſaiah 22. 22. where the Prophet promiſes to Eliakim,
29. SICO
mg ni.BIT.zslih (!)
(C) Differt. v. (d) See the Note on Chap 6.11. D. (e) See the Note on-Chap. 20, 6. A.
See the Notes on Chap. 20. 1, 2, &c.
(3) Luke 6. 22.
noph. Hellen. II.
(i) Ifocr. Cont. Callim. & Or. civastúpeso
(k) Demofth. ad Leptin. & ad Eubulid.
(1) Ariſtoph. 'Equitib.
under

140
To the Angel of Philadelphia. Ch. III. v. 8.
under this Symbol of the Key of the Houſe of David, the Government of the
whole Nation: That is, all the Power of the King to be executed by him as his
Deputy. Artemidorus, Lib
. III. Cap. 54. faith, pois ö ms der Firyor, xj MÉTHY Tu
imóreid rised's 832 оnqucerTox.l. See Fob 12. 14. Matth. 16. 19. Rev. 1. 18. Chap. 9. 1,
and Chap. 20. I. So that though it ſeems ſometimes to ſignify a deputed
Power, yet it may alſo ſignify a full Power, being aſcribed even to God himſelf in
the Place of fob, cited here. The Words that follow, ſhew that Chriſt's Power is
abſolute. Qui habet claves David, id eſt regiam poteftatem. Tychonius Hom. 3.
David is often in the Prophets, a Type of the Meſſias. So in ferem. 30.9. The
Targum faith, Obedient Chrifto filio David, regi fuo. See more of this Type of
David, in our Note upon Babylon, Chap. 17. 5. C. But Hilary Pict. gives it another
Turn :-(m) Et qui David habet claves, aditum intelligentiæ tum aperit, cum que
de fe à David funt prophetata confummat.
Á. Verf. 8. 'Absure évad már og súeg.v åreypfelw, I have given before thee an open
Door. ] St. Paul uſes this Symbol to ſignify the free Exerciſe and Propagation of
the Goſpel
. Afts 14. 27. 1 Cor. 16. 9. 2 Cor. 2. 2. Col. 4. 3. Thus alſo in (n.)
Pindar,
Sons
Πύλας ύμνων αναπίτνάμω, ,
bonista
To open the Gates of Songs, is to begin to Sing freely. And in Euripides,
() 'Aveyrefior trúncu "Adle,
The Gates of Hell opened, fignify Death ready to ſeize upon a Man, and exert its
Power. So in Terence, a Window, Feneſtra Juels, is taken in the ſame Senſe as here,
(p) Quant am feneſtram ad nequitiam patefeceris
. So Ennius faith in Tully and
La&ant. (9) Si fas cædendo cæleſtia fcandere cuiquam eſt: Mi foli cæli maxima porta
patet. To which Tully adds, Ejë vero, inquit, Africane ; nam & Herculi eadem ipfa
porta patuit. So Virgil,
boho 30. liw si
()
Claudentur belli porte
.
32 A
But at the ſame Time this ſhews, that this Liberty is in much leſs a Degree, than
when other Symbols are employed; and therefore here it is ſaid, that this Angel hath
but a ſmall Power. See our Notes upon Chap. 4. I. and Chap. 19. 11. Thus this
Expreſfion goes off with the Allegory, which was begun with the Key of David.
One Demetrius is named in the (s) Apoſtolical Conſtitutions, as ordained by St. John,
Biſhop of Philadelphia : And there is in 3 John v. 12.. one of the Name com-
mended; but whether the fame Man, is doubtful.
B. "On Piregvégets dwóc puv, For thou haſt but little Strength.] The Word Swidegess
frequently fignifies an_Army, Copias, which is the Power or Strength of a Nation.
The LXX frequently Tranſlate the Hebrew Word xay, by duce gus, as in Exod. 6. 26.
Numb. 2. 4. So the Lord of Hofts is with them, é sócio es subere pecov ; and eſpe-
cially the People of God are his Army. Compare 1 Sam. 17. 36. and Pſalm 44.9.
So then, little Strength ſignifies a ſmall Number of Chriſtians. For which Reaſon
where we find suce pus aſcribed to God, we may there underſtand it of the Number
of his-Worſhippers, or Servants, whether they be Angels or Men ; unleſs this suveepuis
be to be referred to God's Power indefinitely, in which Caſe either it ſignifies his
Power to do any Thing, or elſe more particularly that which he exerts in working
Miracles. See Note on Chap. 11. 17.
C. Keà été non's px * 2620v, And haft kept my Word.] Haft endured Perſecution for
my Sake, and kept the Faith ſtoutly. This aóg o in this Book, hath a peculiar Re-
fpe&t to Martyrdom. See Notes upon Chap. I. 2. A. v. 9. C. All this implies,
that this Biſhop had been put to his Tryal already.

(m) Hilar. Pict. in Pſalm. 54. Vid. etiam Prolog, in Exp. Pſalm. pag. 434.
(n) Pindar. Olymp, Od. 6.
(6) Euripid. Hippol. f 56.
(o) Terent.
Heauront,
(9) Lactant. de falf. Relig. Lib. I. cap. 18.
(r) Virgil. Æ
neid. I. V. 298.
(s) Apoft. Conſtit. Lib. VII. cap. 46.
.
be
Holbrook
A. Verſ.


Ch. III. v. 9.
To the Angel of Philadelphia.
141
A. Verf. 9. Ποιήσω ένα ήξωσι κ περσκινήσωσιν οννώπιον και ποδών σε, I will make them
that they shall come and worſhip before thy Feet. ] Here we have the Fews again,
who through Hatred to Chriſt, moved the Heathens to perſecute the Chriſtians.
And it is likely, that the Perſecution in which the Faith of this Angel had been
tried, as before, that of Smyrna, was contrived by them. To ſtand before one, is
an Expreſſion, which always implies, that he who ſtands is in Subjection to him
before whom he ſtands; this being the Poſture of Servants waiting for their Maſter's
Commands, 1 Kings 10. 8. but the Poſture of Adoration added to it, clears it with
out Diſpute. Now theſe falſe Fews, as I hinted before, pretending to all the Pri-
vileges of their Blood ftill, deſpiſed the Chriftians, looking on themſelves as the
Firft-born, or moſt beloved of all Nations. But now the Chriſtians being ſubſtituted
to them, are become the Firſt-born, Heb. 12. 23. to whom all the reſt of the World
muſt come, pay Worſhip, and ſhew Submiſſion, as Joſeph had from his Brethren,
Genef. 42. 6. which a little after is ſaid to be by ſtanding before him, Genef. 43. 15.
This was the Right of Primogeniture, as appears from Genef. 49. 3. loft once by
Reuben, and transferred to Judah, Genef. 27. 29, 37, 40. and Chap. 49. 8. This
Right, I ſay, the Fews pretend to; but Jeſus Chriſt here plainly declares, that it is
taken from them, and beſtows it on the Church, as a Reward for its Patience, and a
Puniſhment to the Jews for their Pride and Unbelief. This we ſee they have ſuf-
fered, and loſt their Right, becoming and having always been ſubject to the Church
in its Proſperity and Adverſity, in its Purity and Corruption. But whether they
ſhall regain it, as ſome pretend, to be again above other Nations, is dubious. Only
the Partition Wall being now taken away, Ephef. 2. 14. they are allowed to have a
Share as Members of the Church, not as fews: And the Reftitution of all Things
will ſtill make the Difference leſs.
The Reſtauration of the fews at the Second coming of Chrift, is in my Opi-
nion a doubtful Circumſtance, if we underſtand thereby, that the Fews ſhall be
preferred to all Nations, in order to be kept ſeparately from the reſt of the Saints.
At the firſt coming of Chriſt, they had the firſt Advantages; and therefore in this
Prophecy, where the Church is deſcribed, as well erected out of the Fews, as of
the Gentiles, they are always preferred in the Types, as in the Sixth Chapter. But
in thoſe which deſcribe the Second Advent, we can perceive no ſuch Diftin&tion. If
they are reſtored therein more than others, or in fome peculiar Manner, it is not by
virtue of any Predi&tion here laid down, becauſe their Prerogatives ſeem now to be
involved within the common Rights of the Church , whoſe future glorious State is
fufficient to fulfil all the Promiſes made to them in the Prophets; which they of
them who ſhall believe, ſhall receive in common with the reſt. As for the Unbe-
lievers, they ſeem to be accounted as other Unbelievers. In refuſing to Worſhip
Chriſt, they have denied the Father, 1 John 2. 23. and conſequently are guilty of
Apoſtaſy, as much as any Heathens. (t) Thoſe therefore who have believed from the
Beginning, or might believe afterwards, are they upon whom the Prophecies are to
be accompliſhed, and they with others of the Church, are to have an equal Share in
the Glory and Happineſs of it, as they and their Poſterity, being Chriſtians, are to
be deemed worthy. If God have preſerved fome of them that believed not to this
Day, it is either to ſhew his Glory by that ſtanding Teſtimony, or a Token of his
Judgment for their Apoftafy, or elſe it is only for the ſame Reaſons as he ſuffers
other Idolaters to continue.
3. As to this particular Place; as the continual Subjection of that Remnant of the
Jews to the Church in its flouriſhing State, hath been very remarkable, ſo it doth in
fome Meaſure fulfil this Predi&tion. It was then that the Matter was very plain to
be ſeen,
as appears by the Words of an old Author then Living, who in the Name
of the Church ſpeaks to the Synagogue thus, (2) In eo gaudeo me ſublimatam, quia
celſis celſior Jum fa&ta, & regna regnantium disjeci: & ecce ſub pedibus meis purpu-
rata quondam regina verſaris. Ille eſt enim rex regum, qui eidem imperare coeperit,
que ſe viderit aliquando regnaſſe. Regnaſti fateor. Romanartibi terra ſubjacuit : reges
& principes : & fi quando conflixeras, captivus hoftis ſubcubuit. Noli iraſci ſi tu quæ
fueras Domina, mibi facta videaris ancilla. And finally, much more will it be ac-
(t) See Note upon Chap. 7. 5. A.
(u) De Altercatione Eccleſiæ & Synagogæ inter Op. Auguſtini.
Oo
compliſhed

142
To the Angel of Philadelphia. Ch. III. v. 10, 12.
compliſhed when all the few's themſelves, who in St. John's Time were ſtill fo
proud of their Privileges, as to refuſe Obedience then and until now to the Law of
Chriſt
, ſhall upon the Perfection of his Glory, be glad to be reduced to his King-
dom, that they may have an equal Share with others of the Advantages thereof.
By which Means they ſhall come before Chriſt, and worſhip him, and obey the
Dictates of his Saints or Prime Counſellors and Affiftants, who ſhall impofe Laws
upon them as well as the reſt of the converted Nations. This Matter is to be fur-
ther cleared hereafter. Now as we have obſerved, that the Holy Ghoſt hints that
this Angel hath had his Trial; and conſequently was one of the Martyrs, fo he
being one of them that hath Right in the Firſt Reſurrection, then will it happen
that this Predi&tion ſhall literally be accompliſhed, according to the Import of the
Two emphatical Expreſſions, examen der er prodov ot, before thy Feet, and neizos os, I
have loved thee.
A. Verf. 10. Köza oz zapícos en of opens ce chegoug op reméons égzeme, And I will alſo
keep thee from the Hour of Temptation, which ſhall come. ]. As this belongs, or may
concern the whole Church, and particularly that Part of it, which, as this Angel
and his Church, endure conſtantly to the End, this promiſe of Chriſt is the ſame as
that in the Goſpel, Matth. 16. 18. that the Gates of Hell Shall never prevail again
it. But as to the Application of the Event to this particular Angel, it ſeems to im-
ply, that as he hath already ſuffered conſtantly, Chriſt will not ſuffer him to be
tried any more, when even the reſt of his Church ſhall undergo the Tryal. If there-
fore this Angel lived to the Times of Polycarpus, which is not improbable, then this
Promiſe ſeems to have had an exact and literal Accompliſhment. In the Martyrdom
of Polycarpus it is related, how Twelve of this Church of Philadelphia were alſo
put to Death, without any Mention of the Biſhop; who , had he been one of them
that were concerned in thoſe Sufferings of thoſe Twelve, that were brought to
Smyrna to ſuffer, he would undoubtedly have been exprefly Named. The Church,
or City of Philadelphia, ſeems to bear ſtill fome Marks of Chriſt's Favour and this
Promiſe. And (w) Modern Travellers have obſerved it. For this, beſides that of
Smyrna, for Reaſons before-mentioned, hath refifted the beſt of any, the Calamities
wherein the reſt of them have been involved, as a peculiar Favour of Chriſt's Pro-
miſe, and to be ſtill a ſtanding Monument of the Certainty thereof.
Now if this is to be regarded, it is plain, that God deſigning it to be the Sym-
bol of the Sound Part of the Church, as well as that of Smyrna, in which no Fault
is found ; God hath alſo reſerved it as he deſigns to preſerve the true Church. The
only Fauít in this is, that it had but Small Power , ó uin egin 'e xets sluice guve, as that
of Smyrna, which was Poor. And yet God hath preſerved them beyond all the reſt ;
for theſe Faults rather tended to their commendation, that being the leaſt
, they
have endured moſt. Thus we fee how this Door was never ſhut up. Moreover it
is to be obſerved that of theſe Seven, only Two are thus preſerved. Which Number
is parallel to that of the Witneſſes, and for the ſame Reaſons, which ſhall be con-
fidered in another Place. See Note upon Chap. 11. 4. A. ad
A. Verf
. 12. Toow evrov strop en term, I will make him a Pillar in the Temple.]
Surely this Reading of the Complutenſian Edition, and Alexandrian Manuſcript, is
better than the common, which faith, è The adm, in the People, and needs no Argu-
ments to prove it. Yet it is ſaid in a (x) Prophecy of Matters or Times, to which
this refers, that there ſhall be no Temple
. But as the Lamb, and God himſelf, are
then to be the Temple, ſo theſe Martyrs ſhall be the Pillars of it, as Members of
his Body, more nearly allied to him than any others. The Martyrs, by reigning
with him, being his Affeffors, Counſellors and. Afliftants, become thus Pillars in the
Temple: That is, Lords, or Kings and Princes to Reign with him. So 1978 Lord,
comes from 178 a Bafe or Column. So the Greek Baourd's King , is as Belors raš, the
Pillar of the People, either as being Patriarch or Top of Kin, or elſe maintaining by
his Power. As a Pillar is both an Ornament and a Supporter of the Building, fó
theſe ſhall accordingly have greater Power, and thus Bear the Weight of the Go-
vernment in the New Jeruſalem more than others. The Allegory is here continued
from Buildings; as the Doors are Parts of them, ſo the Pillars are Part of the
Porch. Here is an Increaſe in the Reward from a plain Door to be Pillars of the
HOOL
(3) Rev. 21. 220
() See Ducas, Cap. IV.
Locul 12
Porch

Ch. III, V, 12. To the Angel of Philadelphia:
143
Porch in the Temple. Again, as the Porch is the Entrance, and Fore-part of the
Edifice; fo theſe Pillars are to be in the firſt Reſurrection, antecedent to the reſt,
being in the Entrance before others. The Symbol ſeems to allude to the (y) Pillars
raiſed by Solomon, whoſe very Names and 197, fignify Foundation and ſtrength.
So that this Symbol implies, that God through theſe, will found and ſtrengthen the
Glory and Perpetuity of his Kingdom. St. Paul uſes this Symbol, ſpeaking of
ſome of the Apoſtles, as (2) Fames, Cephas, and John, oi dorowi tes suree ency. And
upon theſe we know, that (a), Chriſt hath founded his Church, and that the (b)
Foundations of the New Jeruſalem are to be called by their Names. The Etymology
of Pillar, in the Hebrew 7ioy, confirms it, which comes from pov, to stand, re-
main, and perſevere. And the Symbol is uſed in ferem. 1. 18. to the ſame Purpoſe.
So Hector is called the Pillar of the Houſe by Lycophron. His Words are;
(c) 92 Adipov, olov xror düzósers so easy.
For, as Euripides faith,
2
(d) Στύλοι 8 όικων εισι παι δες άρσενες.
Набор Віктолет гі
The Expoſitions of the Oriental Onirocriticks are as pat to this Buſineſs as can be
deſired for the Perſian and Egyptian , Chap. 148. ſay thus : 'Eevidn Beozatos épz dis-
τάξατο τους κίονας η θείων ναών υψωθώα, και ιυ ψώθει σαν τους μεγίσους της βασιλε-
as eura èn queño ufcórcio And all of them fay_thus in Chap. 160 : 'Een idně
βασιλάς ότι οι κίονες το ναξ ή σε παλαίς αυτά έφλογίζονο βασιλείαν αλλε σημαίνει, και απώλειας
his pagesívesy šs ésnogvéney G. (e) Vitruvius compares Pillars to Trees, which is
not abſurd, becauſe Trees were at firſt in the Primitive way of Building, uſed for
Pillars. Even in this Acceptation, the Symbol is to be explained the fame Way;
becauſe, as we ſhall ſee hereafter, the (f) Trees in the Symbolical Language fignify
the Great Men of a Kingdom. So in the Portentum ſhewn to Tarquin in Livy,
Lib. I. the wooden Column fignifies one of a Family deſpiſed. See the Note on
Chap. 10. 1. F. But as the Reward of theſe Conquerors is only to be beſtowed
upon them at their Reſurrection, when they are to dwell in the New Jeruſalem ;
now it is ſaid in Chap. 21, 22. that there is no Temple therein; which is to be un-
derſtood of that Sort of Temple, which is deſcribed in Chap. 7. 15. and is to ſerve in
the Militant State of the Church. Yet it is ſaid, that the Lord God Almighty,
and the Lamb, are to be the Temple then. Therefore theſe are to be united to God
and the Lamb, by a ſtrict Union of Marriage, and therefore to be then Prieſts.
As for the next following Symbols of this Promiſe, they have been already explained
in Part, and referring to Revel. 21. 2. and to Revel. 19. 12. they ſhall be further
explained in thoſe Places.
B. Ka eięcs šund Igén In én, And he ſhall go out no more. ] This plainly implies an
eternal State to be enjoyed in the nero Jeruſalem. The Reſt for which (g) hereafter
the Faithful are to be marked barely with God's Seal, but not the Name of the new
Jeruſalem, and the new Name of Chriſt, hath no ſuch Promiſe of Eternity : And
conſequently the Holy Ghoſt here diſtinguiſhes the Millenarian State from the pub-
lick Reſt of the Church under Conſtantine the Great , which comes after the Sixth
Seal is opened. Shall go out no more, is equivalent to ſhall not be caſt out. See Luke
13. 24, - 28.
C. ro to Porové us to reuvóv, And my new Name.] During the perſecuted State of
the Church, Chriſt is conſtantly called the Lamb, or by ſuch Symbols as denote the
ſame State : But on his Entrance into the new feruſalem he changes it, puts on his
new, ſecret, or wonderful Name of King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. And that is,
becauſe he hath then wholly changed his State, and entered upon a new one, ſecret,
never known ; but wonderful , great and glorious. Have the true Worſhippers of
Chriſt been wholly free from Perfecution ever as yet? Therefore Chriſt hath not yet
ſhewn us his new Name. Wherefore thoſe on whom he beſtows his new Name, are
>
(y) 1 Kings 7.15,- 21. (<) Galat. 2. 9. Vide B. Hilar. de Trin. VI. Page 90. Clement.
Rom. Ep. 1. Sect. 5. & Not. Junij. (a) Matth. 16. 18. (6) See the Note upon Chap. 21. 14. Bg
(C) Lycophron Alex. v. 281.
(d) Eurip. Iphig. Taur.
(e) Vitruvius de Archic.
Lib. Y. Cap. I. (f) See the Note on Chap. 8. 7. D. (g) Chap 7 3, đc,
ſuch

144
To the Angel of Philadelphia. Ch. III. v. 14, 15.
ſuch as ſhall be made Partakers of the fame State wherein he ſhall have it. And
theſe are the conquering Martyrs, who have yet received no ſuch Reward.
A. Verf
. 14. 'Ev Acodireid, In Laodicea. ] This is Laodicea of Lydia, ſituated
upon the River Lycus. Others place it in Caria. It is now wholly deſtroyed ; but
modern Travellers have found the Place by the old Inſcriptions; one of which runs
thus, Ο ΔΗΜΟΣ ο ΛΑΟΔΙΚΕΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΣ ΛΥΚΩ. The firit Bilhop thereof or-
dain' by the Apoſtles is ſaid to have been Archippus in the (b) Apoſtolical Conſtitu-
tions, which is thought to be the ſame as he mentioned in Coloſ). 4. 16. but in this we
have no Certainty. One Sagaris a Martyr is ſaid by (i) Polycrates to have been Bi-
ſhop here, who was dead fome Time before him.
B. 'O 'Aylw, The Amen. ] This is one of God's Titles in Iſaiah 65. 16. in the
Hebrew 108 1758: Wherein Amen ſeems to be an Adjective, fignifying, as in the
LXX, Ocòn is can givor, The True God. That Prophecy ſeems to be applied to the
Meffias, and ſo plainly relates to our Cafe. The Words which follow here are Syno-
nymous, explaining this. For ó pés les é msos xj eangivds, the faithful and true Witneſs
are the ſame as the Amen. The Profeſſion and Promiſes of Chriſt are true, ſtedfaſt,
and certain. He never flinch'd in his Confeffion, and he will never fail us in what he
hath promiſed, and ſealed with his Blood.
C. H’Aggend xlicecos, The Beginning of the Creation.] Why may we not rather
tranſlate the Prince or Ruler of the Creation ? For as Tertullian obſerves, (k) ’Agxi,
non tantum ordinativum, fed & poteſtativum capit principatum. Is not that a nobler
Senſe, and ſuitable to this place? And is not the Word uſed fo in Scripture frequent-
ly? And above all, is not this Title of Prince or Ruler more fuitable to the Promiſe
made in the Concluſion of this Epiſtle, to which this Title muſt be owned to have
ſome Relation, in which our Saviour ſpeaks of his Throne? Therefore 'Asaw here is
the very fame as "Aggar, the Prince of the Kings of the Earth, Revel. 1. 5. in which
Place it is alſo ſet down, as here, with the Title of ó Meglus ėmsós. Thus Fupiter in
(1) Martianus Capella is myſtically faluted by the Number of 717, which enigmati-
cally denotes ‘H APXH, the Letters of that Word when conſider'd as Numbers pro-
ducing the Number 717. We find this given to Fupiter in the Beginning of a Song
of Terpander in Clemens Alex. Strom. Lib. VI. p. 279.
1907 og
Z & maíTWV'Aggé.
To
Euripides uſes the Word in this Senſe in Ione, v. IV. for the 'Aggae
V, 1222. called "Avaules, Princes. 'Tis likewiſe uſed in the ſame Senfe in theſe Words
of Polybius: (m) [legscú čus ayenn cú Tòy Clà ta's diggeis mess Tles éqúlw. And in Ariſtophanes :
(η) Πώς και δέχον 9 δήτα τη νεμίωία
nie silnic 2 Aggeid te na guracid,
ไกวเอง
So the lower Latinity uſed the Word Poteftas to fignify a Ruler, and Poteftates to
fignify Rulers, Princes, or Magiſtrates. In Suetonius, Juvenal
, and Geſta de nomine
Acacij, p. 115. Now this is no new Title given by St. John, for Philo gives it to
the sózo. His Words are , (c) kõv jun Seto reféroe ruszáun Tis džióxsews av úès det
ωροσαρρά'εθαι, σπέδαζε κοσμεί θαι κατι @esτόρνον αυτά λόγον, ή άγγελον πρεσβύτατον ως αρ-
zeby enor to avórucov. xj 28 de xeito rij ovoue Ość, oj 26, 6, oſ ó Mez' eixóvæ år Sponso, rj ogcom
'Isegala aeyougogol's 9.
A. Verf. 15., " Oosnov lugeds cins Sesós, I wiſh thou wert either cold or hot.] This
is not to be underſtood abſolutely, but comparatively; as when our Saviour faith (P),
If any one come to me, and hateth not his Father ; the Meaning is not that a Chri-
ítian ſhould abſolutely hate his Father, but that he ſhould love Chriſt above him, or
any other worldly Conſideration. So here Chrift doth not approve of Coldneſs in
religious Matters abſolutely, but declareth that Lukewarmneſs therein is a worſe
Difpofition than abſolute Coldneſs. Now the Reaſon of this is plain : Becauſe that
there are in
(b) Apoft. Conſtit. Lib. VII. Cap. 46.
(i) Polycr. Ep. ad Vict. in Euſeb. H. Ecc. Lib. V.
Cap. 24. (k) Tertull
. adv. Hermogenem, Cap. xix. (1) Mart. Cap. Lib. VII. See our
Note upon Chap. 13. 17. E.
(m) Polybius Lib. V. Page 376.
(n) Ariftoph. Nubib.
Philo de Confufione Dialect. Page 231. (P) Matth. 14. 26.
--
faint

Ch. III. v. 16, 17, 18, 19. To the Angel of Laodicea. 145
faint Heat here expreſſed to be in the Angel of Laodicea, is a falſe and deceitful Prin-
ciple, which makes a Man preſume upon himſelf, as if he were good enough, and
hinders him from aiming at a more zealous Profeſſion of Religion, which is wholly
requeſted of us. Whereas flat Coldneſs is plain and ſenſible, and doth not inſtil
ſuch falſe Notions into a Man; but makes him rather immediately, upon feeling the
Truth of it, ready to hearken to the Admonitions of Chriſt. So that in reality it is,
when exactly compared, a better Diſpoſition than Lukewarmneſs ; which muſt of
Neceſſity bring along with it Negligence and Hypocriſy ; by making Men to ſeem
to themſelves wiſe and good in their own Conceits. And it is plain by what follows,
that the Laodiceans were fo.
A. Verf. 16. Mémo os é geus teue, I Mall Spue thee out.] The Allegory is continued
in the ſame Strain ; for lukewarm Things, as Water, provoke to vomit, as it is ob-
ſerved, and preſcribed by the ancient Phyſicians. For (2) Celſus faith, Qui vomere
poſt cibum volet, Si ex facili facit, aquam tantùm tepidam antè debet affumere, &c.
At qui mane vomiturus eſt, antè bibere mulſum, vel hydopum, aut eje radiculam de-
bet, deinde aquam tepidam, ut ſupra ſcriptum eſt
, bibere. This Spuing is therefore
the ſame as to caft out. See the Parable of our Saviour, Luke 13. 24. and Nore up-
on Verſe 12. B.
A. Verſ. 17. "On nézets, on aréoróe ei pes vej me Thé tunel, Becauſe thou Sayf}, I am rich,
and am grown wealthy. ] This Angel, or his Church, are quite the Reverſe of the
Angel of Smyrna. This is blamed for being Proud and Self conceited of his Riches,
the other for want of Courage and Spirit, becauſe he thought himſelf weak. The
Repetition of thoſe Words, which both fignify but one Thing, is to expreſs accord-
ing to the Hebrew Stile, that he thinks himſelf mighty rich. But the more he thinks
fo, the more fubject he is to be miſtaken. There is nothing in which Men deceive
themſelves more than in the Opinion of Riches and Poverty. Ambr. Ansbertus faith very
well
, (r) Ille enim pauper eſt
, qui eget illo quod non habet. Nam qui & non habens,
habere non appetit, dives eft. Paupertas quippe in inopia mentis eft, non in quantitate
poſſeſſionis
. Nam cui cum paupertate bene convenit
, non eſt pauper.
Β. °οπ σεξ και ταλαίπωρG- και ελεεινός και ωχός και υφλός και γυμνός, That ibou art the
wretched and pitiful, and beggarly, and blind, and naked. ] As the Angel exalts his
Riches, and ſhews his falſe Conceit
, ſo our Saviour here exaggerates by repeated
Qualities to the contrary, his real Qualities, thews him what he is truly, and that too
with the emphatical Article é, as if he was fo above all others. I ſay nothing of the
Signification of theſe Terms to be applied to the State of the Soul , becauſe it is ob-
vious. According to the Holy Writings, they only, are wretched and miſerable who
are oppreſſed with Sins, Matth. 11. 28. They are beggarly who loſe their own Soul,
though they gain the whole World, Matth. 16. 26. They are rich who are ſo in
good Works, 1 Tim. 6. 18. It is the Chriſtian Religion which makes us truly rich,
2 Cor. 6. 10. They are blind, who ſee not their own Sins, John 9.40, 41. And
they are naked, who are guilty of ſhameful A&tions, 2 Cor. 5. 3. See Nore upon
Chap. 16. 15. C. and upon Chap. 17. 16. B. See M. Antoninus de ſe-ipfo, Lib. II.
§. 13. with Gataker's Notes. And Lib. IV. S. 29.
A. Verſ. 18. Eupboadów ool, I counſel thee. ] An Irony. Thou art rich, therefore
buy what thou really wanteſt, from me. Every Part of Chriſt's Advice contained in
this Verſe, is ſuited to his falſe Conceit, and real Wants ſet down before. See fuch
Ironies as this in i Kings 18. 27. of Elias; and 2 Kings 3. 13. of Eliſha. Pride,
Preſumption, and falſe Conceit, are not ſo much to be treated ſeriouſly as derided.
A Man muſt be mocked out of them. For as theſe are always joined with Hypo-
criſy, the Mask being diſcovered, becomes a ridiculous Spectacle.
A. Verſ. 19. 'Egar oss ēdy çınão, éréyzen, As many as I love, 1 rebuke. ] This
ſoftneth the Irony, and ſhews that Chriſt, as being very ſerious therein, doth it out
of good will to them, and that notwithſtanding
this ſevere Rebuke, they may be
ſtill in his Favour, and have Time to repent. The only way to which is by true
Zeal, Shawcry our God really ſhews his Love to us by chaſtifing us as his Children,
Hebr. 12. 6, & C.
dla kona
(9) Celſus de Re Med. Lib. I. Cap. 3.
~ Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. X. ad Apoc. Cap. 21. 17.
Po
Verf. 20.
146
To the Angel of Laodicea. Ch. III. v. 20, 21, 22.

Verf. 20. 'IN E umet this súegav vj ngówo čev tis exson os parñis ue, rj árbeen the suegv,
ei ota di oo uice toegs dutor, rj derivhoos uet duit rj utos pestfua , Behold, I have ſtood at the
Door and knock: If any Man hear my Voice, and open the Door, I will come in to him,
and will ſup with him, and be with me.] This whole Verſe may be thus paraphraſed,
“ Thou ſeeft now that I am willing to make the firſt Advances towards a Sinner, to
“ bring him to Repentance: If therefore thou, or any Man, hearken to me, and
“ follow my Counſel, I will be ready to receive his Worſhip and Obedience, and be
very friendly with him , to accept of it according to his Power and free Heart;
“ and I will return his Kindneſs upon him, by receiving him reciprocally to ſhare of
my Glory, and enjoy it in the fame Manner as I do.” For we muſt not think
that our Saviour by the Words, And he ſhall fup with me, means barely that, when
the Hoft receives Chriſt to Supper, it is a ſufficient Favour that he then alſo ſups with
Chrift, but rather that Chriſt will reward him for his Hoſpitality, by receiving him
at his own Table and Feaſt. So that Chriſt propoſes not a bare Communion with the
Hoft, bur a plain Reward upon another Occaſion. What that Reward is; and there-
fore what Glory it is to eat at Chriſt's Table, ſhall be explained hereafter. See Note
upon Chap. 22. 1. C. (5) Utique Cænæ paratura , vitæ æternæ faturitatem figurat,
faith Tertullian upon the Parable of Chriſt, Luke 14. 15. &c.
A. Verf. 21. Ad eu ted vesti cu let' euiod spovo uš, I will grant him to fit with
me on my Throne. ] Thus in the Teſtament of Levi we read the like Expreſſion :
(t) "Os é do didioun valūtal rij median, ou povo é suy Boosnées, cis ij 'I worio údapos nius.
This plainly proves our former Obſervation. For Chriſt here explains how his Hofi,
or repenting Sinner, and afterwards overcoming, ſhall be rewarded. As the Ac-
compliſhment of this Promiſe is propheſied in Revel. 20. 4. fo we ſhall put off
the Expoſition of it till we come to it. Obſerve only, that notwithſtanding this
Angel is deſcribed with the worſt Character of all the Seven, yet the moſt glorious
of all the Promiſes is applied to him; to ſhew, that upon Repentance God will
make no Difference between him and the reft; that the way to Glory lies open to
him by overcoming. Now though the Attributes of the Promiſes be mentioned di-
ftributively, to each of the Seven Angels, ſome one, fome another, different as to the
Symbols from the reſt, yet all theſe in the Application, as the Titles of Chriſt are to
be taken, ſhall be collectively beſtowed and concentred in each of thoſe reſpective
Perſons that obtain them by overcoming accordingly.
ONCU
B. 25 rậpas évirnea, rj én cé Moue meter og telts ues en Ted Opéves 'eurs, Even as I alſo over-
came, and am ſet with my Father on his Throne. ] As the Reaſon why the human
Nature of Chriſt was exalted to the Throne of God, to ſhare with the Divinity in
the ſame Honour, and Worſhip, and Power, which the Father had, was upon the
Account of his Human Nature by Sufferings and Death overcoming the Enemies of
God ; fo the Martyrs ſhall be exalted to the fame Glory as the human Nature of
Chriſt, at the Time when he ſhall come to reign gloriouſly, and by raiſing them from
the Dead, reward them for their Vi&tory over his Enemies. See Notes on Chap. 5.9.
and (u) Mede's Note on this place.
A. Verf. 22. *0zou es, enx od to, He that hath an Ear let, him hear.] If we may
judge by the Event, and the preſent State of Things, we may gueſs at that which is
not, that we know, recorded in Hiſtory, namely, that this Angel, his Church, or
Succeſſors, did not make uſe of this Exhortation : And their Church is now made
wholly defolate, becauſe none of them laid it to Heart, as (w) Feremiah ſpeaks. And
the Church of Laodice a is not only fo, but the very City too, being wholly deſtroy-
ed, which yet hath happened to none of the Reft : The Angel of this being indeed
that to whom our Saviour hath made the greateſt Obje&tion of all the Reſt. "Is there
not ſomething of Foreſight in theſe Matters, and hath not the Hand of God been
therein, though we reflect only upon the preſent State? Why may not the Threats
pronounced againſt theſe Angels include the fatal Dooms of theſe Churches and Ci-
ties?
Some perhaps will think this particular Application to be too Slight and Arbitrary,
tho' the Fates of theſe Cities do ſo luckily and admirably correſpond to the Threat-
nings of our Saviour. To this I ſhall anſwer by way of Compariſon. The Curfing
SO
(s) Tertullian. adv. Marc. Lib. IV. cap. 31.
(u) Mede's Works, Lib. V. cap. X. p. m, 905.
(t) Teſt. 12. Patr. Levi, S. 139
(w) Jerem. 12. 11.
2009
1
and

Ch. III. v.22. To the Angel of Laodicea.
147
and Withering of the Fig-Tree in the (x) Goſpel, was the laſt Miracle which our
Saviour wrought before his Crucifixion, as (y) St. Cyril hath obſerved. During all
the Time of his Miniſtry he did no Miracle, but what tended to good towards Man-
kind. He never puniſhed, nor did harm upon any Account. But juſt before his
Crucifixion, he reſolved to give his Diſciples and the Fews a Specimen of his Power
to deſtroy and puniſh by way of Judgment; which he performed by the Symbolical
Deſtruction of that Tree, not being willing to do it upon any human Subject, as (2)
St. Chryſoſtom hath well obſerved: Thus in the Specimen of his power to deſtroy, he
was ſtill merciful to Men. Now therefore to come to our Cafe, Chriſt having made
the Seven Churches in theſe Cities the Repreſentatives of the Catholick Church, to
receive his Promiſes and Threatnings in the very Front of thoſe Prophecies, which
foretel the Apoftafie and Idolatry of the greateſt Part of the Church, we muſt look
upon them as Examples of Good or Evil to all the Reſt : And conſider that in them
he would give likewiſe a Specimen of his Power, to deſtroy his Enemies, that had
neglected his Doctrine, as the Fig-Tree was to ſerve chiefly for the Fews, at the ſame
Time as he foretels of the Deſtruction of the Apoſtate Church, and makes theſe
Churches not only the Depofitaries of ſo great a Truſt as theſe Prophecies, but alſo
the Types of the preſent State thereof, and by Conſequence of the Warnings, which
were to be ſent to all the Churches. It being therefore evident, from many other
Parts of this illuſtrious Prophecy, that Chriſt was to give, and gave actually from
Time to Time many Warnings before-hand; the Neglect of which would bring ſe-
vere Puniſhments upon the Reſt, which might therefore prevent them: Now theſe
Seven Churches being conſpicuouſly ſet in this Prophecy, as being particularly named ;
and further, by their Situation being in full Sight to that Part of the Catholick Church,
which was to receive firſt the direfulTokens of God's implacableAnger upon Impenitency:
What was that, but to give that part of the Church Warning thereof before-hand,
as the Fig-Tree placed near and in full Sight of the City of Jeruſalem, was to be a
Warning to it not to crucify the Lord of Glory, or at leaſt having done it unwitting-
ly, to repent and prevent the Judgment which that Innocent and Powerful Chriſt had
given them Notice of purpoſely before-hand, that ſo the Jews and City might be
without any manner of Excuſe? We ſhall find hereafter in this facred Book, that the
Greek or Eaſtern Church is foretold to be the firſt and chief that ſhall endure , firſt a
great Torment or Calamity, and then a dreadful Fall into Servitude ; the firſt by the
Saracens, the latter under the Ottomans : And that further, it is to be the firſt part of
Chriſtendom corrupted, that receives the Puniſhment inflicted by Chriſt's general
Judgment againſt the whole idolatrous and corrupted Church : So that theſe Seven
Cities being placed as it were in the midſt of the Eaſtern Churches, and being con-
fpicuouſly puniſhed and deſtroyed, or elſe eſcaping, ſome of them, juſt as it is told
in the Prophecy, ſo that the Event did luckily anſwer to the Prophecy ; this muft
have been a good Argument and Warning to the reſt of the Greeks, eſpecially that of
Conſtantinople, and thoſe under it in Europe, to avoid the threatned Puniſhment,
or at leaft to have prevented the full and final Effeet of it upon themſelves, as it is
now to be ſeen. Their Negligence in this point ſo plainly to be ſeen, is that which
makes them inexcuſable : And that is always the Deſign of God in all fuch Caſes.
Moreover, we muſt not think it ſtrange, that in the Caſe of Idolatry, about which
we are now concerned, God in the Execution of his Judgients ſhould extend his An-
ger to the Deſtruction of the very Buildings and Walls
of a City, when we conſider
what Law he made thereupon in Deut. 13. 16, commanding the whole with all its
Appurtenances to be burnt, to make it an Heap for ever, and not to be built again : We
ſhall therefore find a dreadful Inſtance of ſuch Execution in this very Prophecy, the
great Babylon being (a) therein condemned to everlaſting Burning and utter Deſtru-
&tion, for having been the Mother of all the Idolatry and Fornication of the Earth,
which ſhe hath by her Tyranny forced upon Men: And all this over and beſides the
Puniſhment and Deſtruction which is to fall upon the Powers lodged therein. Which
Particulars ſhall be made out hereafter. UN 19 best for give bo si sbals
Sit ba 2010 vasarios
J191991 CV YT
(a) Matth. 21. 19.
2 Chap. Hierol
. Catech. 13.
(Y) Cyrill
. Hierof. Catech. 13. tovoolid J ) Joh. Chryf.
Hom. 67. in March.
A 2015 RoguY CHA P.

148
DO
Ch. IV.
maso riaid alastiils de Bello (ods Toort tog mere
Els grand bovisido o 2012 noixtion et du
will also be ones and two bosh on
Cink Croled od CH A P. IV.
Devotio iusto
Isoilodmv vodo il ngin

T
HE Holy Ghoſt having thus fat exhibited the Viſion, which concerned the
preſent State of th
the Church in St. John's Time, and having thus prepared the
Church by ſuitable Perſuaſions, Corrections, Threatnings and Promiſes, pafſeth on
to foretel the future State of it. But having before repreſented the preſent State of
it under fome Symbolical Images, deſcribing the chief Actors, and the Scene of
their Actions, it takes now the fame Method to repreſent the future State: And
this State falling under a greater Variety of Accidents, muſt therefore have the De-
ſcription of a greater Variety of AEtors and Scenes, which are the Subjects of them.
Now whereas all kind of Agents whatſoever are directed and governed by God, the
Supreme Ruler of all, who by his Providence employs all ſecondary Agents, ac-
cording to his Will and Deſigns, commanding the Good, and reſtraining or directing
the Evil to his Ends; ſo, in order to give the Church a true Notion thereof, and by
fixing the Belief of it duly to ſtrengthen its Hopes, the Holy Ghoft begins with a
Deſcription of the Majeſty, Kingdom, Power and Miniſtry of the Divine Provi-
dence in bringing all future Things to paſs. For which Reaſon the Holy Ghoſt be-
gins here alſo with a Deſcription of the great Theatre of the World, on which the
Divine Providence is exerciſed, as being the Scene upon which thoſe future Things
are acted. So that the Beginning of this Viſion, or at leaſt, if we ſay that this is
but one with the former, of this part of the Viſion, openeth and diſcovers the Order
and Method of his Providence, by Symbols and Images proper to the Nature of the
Accidents, and the Order of Providence which God hath now ſettled, ſince his Son
came into the World : Who therefore hath a Share in that Government, as being one
of the principal Actors therein.
slid It is very reaſonable to ſuppoſe, that when God reveals himſelf to Mankind to
be worſhipped by them, and promiſes at the ſame Time to do great Things for
them, he doth at the ſame Time diſcover the Methods of his Providence. Than
which there cannot be a better Method of Conviction to make us hope and believe
future Things, when God is pleaſed to Thew us, how and by whom they ſhall be
performed. This God hath been pleaſed to Thew in the outward Symbols and Ce-
remonies of Religion. So that the inviſible ways of his Providence as uſed in Hea-
ven in the Preſence of his Angels, by his Commands and their Obedience, are ſet
forth in the viſible Types of Service and Worſhip, which he expects from Men, and
commands them to pay to him in Concurrence with the inviſible Agents employed
by him to direct the Affairs of the viſible World. We are affured by the Holy
Writings, and in particular by the Epiſtle to the Hebrews, that the Moſaical Taber-
nacle and Worſhip was a Pattern of the Heavenly Things. That as God is ſerved
in Heaven by his Angels, and brings to paſs all his Deſigns by their Miniſtry, fo
upon Earth in a way Analogical to it. And Philo faith, (a) megoñkov z8 blue to cisárna
θώς αρχιερεί, και τίω σε τερά κατασκών επιτραπlώαι, ίν' εκ πολλά τα περιόν1G- ήρμοσμένες και
συμφώνες τους δημιεργηθείσα ποιείς τας εν τω τερας λειτεργίας. Therefore when we read the
Hiſtory of the Prophetical Vifions, and ſee the Types of the Mofaical Law uſed
and deſcribed, we muſt needs conclude that theſe repreſent to us the inviſible Me-
sthods of God, and that they infer, and repreſent the viſible Tranſactions of the
World, as the Moſaical Tabernacle and Service repreſented to the Fews the Heavenly
Service of God, the Methods of his Government, and the Service he expected from
them, together with the viſible Government. Thus if we find any Alteration in
theſe Types from what was exhibited to the Ifraelites, we muſt ſuppoſe and con-
clude that God, having now under the Chriſtian Diſpenſation in a great Meaſure,
at leaſt in many caſes, altered his Methods, ſo there was a Neceflity to uſe the
Types that repreſented them, changed and improved from what they were before.
The way then to diſcover the Reaſon and Deſigns of theſe Changes is by obſerving,
fa) Philo de Vic Mof. Lib. III. Page 453. See alſo Lib. de Plantat. Vicis, Page 150.
2
that

Ch. IV:
149
that indeed the Moſaical Diſpenſation was a Type for the Chriſtian, but that many
Things being changed, or improved in the latter, we muſt by the Rule of Propor-
tion, apply the Change of the Types to our Diſpenſation ; and to proceed from
Things known, to thoſe leſs known. As the Ceremonial Types of the Mofaical
Law repreſented the State of the Nation that obſerved it
, fo theſe Types changed in
Tome Things, and improved, repreſent ours. The firſt Types are ſettled and known
the Knowledge of the latter muſt be had by applying Analogically the Principles to
our Cafe, which ſerved to help us to underſtand the Signification of the former, and
their Application to the State of that Nation. This is founded upon evident Reaſon,
and ſuits with the Nature of theſe Things, as indeed in all Repreſentations by any
Type, Symbol, Image, or Deſcription. Inſomuch that the very Onirocriticks make
it their conſtant Principle. (b) Artemidorus faith; Aci il til mare e deig per te. Égoues and
και ειρηκεύων ει δ' αχάφων τεκμαίρες, κατά το όμοιον μετά τονες λόγων. That is, Having
Examples of Things written, we muſt conje&ture about thoſe that are not written,
fuiting or transferring our Matters from like to like. For indeed Analogy, or Propor-
tion, is the conſtant Rule of Types, and ſo muſt ſerve in all the Changes that are
made in them.
The Mofaical Tabernacle and Service ſhew the different State of that Oeconomy,
from that of the Patriarchal Age, by Types which tend to ſignify that Union, and
concentring of God's Service and Government to one Church and Nation. The Chri-
ftian Oeconomy being more extended and univerſal
, the Offices of God s Miniſters, their
Attendance and Service enlarged, the Types which repreſent all theſe, howſoever
alike in fome Reſpects to the former Oeconomy, muſt be proportionable: They muſt
be different, and more pompous, as extending univerſally; yet fo, that all fignify a
Concurrence in Service and Worſhip of the fame God; and that all is governed by
that one Principle; by an Union, if not of Place, yet of univerſal Conſent.
SA Upon theſe Principles we may reaſonably argue and conclude, that if there was
any Time between thefe Two different Oeconomies; that is, between the Beginning
of the one, and the Beginning of the other, in which the Providence of God ſeemed
to tend to an Alteration, and from the Diffolution of the former to make way for
the Eſtabliſhment of the latter, and that in the mean Time God was pleaſed to dif-
cover that Deſign, and exhibit a Symbolical Viſion of it; then alſo as the Govern-
ment of God was of a differenc Nature from both, yer as it were participating of
them both, fo mult the Types that repreſented that State be different from the
reſt, and yet have moft Things common to them both: For the Types muſt re-
preſent the Things ſuitable to their Natures. Now the Times in which ſuch a
State happened, were about the Overthrow of the firſt Temple of the Iſraelites,
when God deſigned to ſuffer the whole Nation to be led into Captivity, the Jews,
as well as the reſt of Ifrael. By this it ſeem'd that God deſign'd to diffolve the
Mofaical Difpenfation, and to make way for the Introduction of the Chriſtian.
As therefore God at the beginning of the Mofaical Diſpenſation exhibited to Moſes
a Viſion in the Mount, exhibiting by Types the preſent Methods of his Providence,
and did command him to repreſent it publickly in the Symbolical Figures and
Ceremonies of the Tabernacle ; and as the like was ſhewn to St. Fohn about the
beginning of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation in Vifions, repreſenting the State of the
Church both preſent and future after that Symbolical Way ; and commanded that
they ſhould be tranſmitted to the Knowledge of all the Church, by the Writing of
this Sacred Book, which ſhews us the Nature of our Chriſtian Tabernacle, and
State of our Church: So likewiſe about the time that God deſigned to begin
the Diffolution of the Jewiſh Church, he exhibited a Viſion to (c) Iſaiah, im-
porting that Deſign; and afterwards, when thoſe Deſigns began to be actually put
in Execution, he ſent a Vifion or Two to (d) Ezekiel, one of the Captives of that
diſſolved State, deſcribing by ſuitable Symbols, the aétual Diſſolution thereof, and
the unſettled State of that Diſpenſation ; not to mention here what hath been ex-
hibited to others, as Zacharias, to the like Purpoſe. It is for that Reaſon, that
as the Viſions of Iſaiah and Ezekiel conſiſt for the moft Part of the Moſaical Sym-
bols, but with ſome Difference, ſo they are like thoſe of St. John in many Parti-
culars. d And as Iſaiah and Ezekiel differ from each other, and both of them
Isterile basse et le moil sorvise bas gimow niv? es 910 9 borb
of noqu 19VJEW TINT TO AV190
20 (6) Lib. I. Cap. 75, 1eids (c) Iſaiah 6. engiled eit d) Ezek. I.
(d) Ezek. I. and 10.
I. and refi STOIJ.92
Qq
from
dora
Ch. IV.
150

from Mofes ; fo doth St. John differ in many Things from all. Yet all of them
have fo much Affinity with each other, that they plainly ſhew themſelves to have
proceeded from the ſame Principle, exerting it ſelf in different Manners, according to
the various Deſigns and Actions it had to manage at all thoſe different Times. By
this, God willing, we hall ſhew why Mofes, Ezekiel, and St. John, have ſeen and
deſcribed the Cherubim, and Iſaiah the Seraphim, in Symbolical Figures ; why the
Three laſt all vary from each other, and from Moſes, and yet why in the main they
agree with him, and at the ſame Time explain all. But as my prefent Buſineſs is
chiefly to explain St. John's Viſion, I ſhall only give Hints for the reſt. If I find
that my Labour is acceptable to the Learned, I may afterwards bend my Studies to
perform the reſt as exačtly. A Work, that I know of
, not yet performed.
We muſt here make an Obſervation ſuitable to this Matter, which is alſo to be
of conſtant Uſe throughout the whole Work: Namely, that as the Mofaical Dif
penſation appears by the whole Tenor of the Holy Writings to have Three remark-
able Periods, ſo the Chriſtian Oeconomy, whereof the former was a Type, is to
have the ſame Number, and thoſe too exactly Analogical. The firſt Period of the
Mofaical Diſpenſation confifted in its Riſe, Birth, and Increaſe , during which it
was always unſettled, and is to be reckoned from Mofes to the building of the
Temple of Solomon. The Second Period was its ſettled State during the ſtanding of
that Temple, in which Time the Church became corrupted in Worſhip and Man-
ners, and brought upon it ſelf the Captivity and Diſperſion of its people. This
the Prophets extend moſt certainly to the coming of the Meſſas. In the Captivity
and Diſperſion it was trodden upon by the Gentiles. The Third Period begins at the
Meſſias, who was to be their Saviour by Incorporating Iſrael into his Church, and
ſaving ſuch as did adhere to him, from the Calamities inflicted upon the hardned
Fews. In the fame manner the Chriſtian Oeconomy is in this Book, as it appears
alſo by the Event, to be diſtinguiſhed into Three great and remarkable Periods. The
firſt from the Coming, Preaching, and Baptizing of Chriſt, or rather from his
Exaltation in Heaven at the Right Hand of God, and the preaching of the Apoſtles
and their Succeſſors, by whom the Church was Planted and Propagated, though in
an unſettled State as to publick Worſhip, until it became Victorious, and Miſtreſs
of the Heathen Worſhip, and by that Vi&tory was ſettled in Peace. The Second
Period begins at its Settlement in Peace, and laſteth during its peaceable State, free
from Perſecution, but by its Proſperity ſuffering Idolatry to creep in, and to confound
it ſelf along with it ; the Principles of Heatheniſh Perſecution and Idolatry are turned
upon the true and fincere Chriſtians, whereby the Gentiles have trampled upon
the Holy City, and its Diſperſion or perſecuted State of the Saints became as viſible
as that of the Iſraelites and Jews. The Third Period begins at the Deftru&tion of
theſe Idolatrous and perfecuting Enemies, the Second Coming of Chriſt into Glory,
reinſtating the true Church ; in this Period thus beginning and comprehending the
Millennium, and the laſt great Judgment, the Chriſtian Church being abſolutely be-
come one with the Mofaical, their glorious State will run on together, until the Con-
fummation of all God's Deſigns.
From all theſe Obſervations it will appear, that it ought to be no Wonder to us
if the Holy Ghoſt in deſcribing the Providence of God, and the Execution of his
Deſigns, hath not limited its Symbols merely to the Jewiſh Tabernacle, but fetched
them alfo from all thoſe various Apparitions of God to Moſes and the Prophets,
and their Deſcriptions of his Deſigns, as they might ſuit our Chriſtian Diſpenſation.
And beſides all this, hath made Uſe of ſuch other Analogical ones, though men-
tioned in none of the former, as the Difference of this Oeconomy from the former
feemed moſt naturally to require, as being more univerſal, and attended with ſome
other Accidents which are peculiar to it. For although it is in general like the
former Oeconomy of God begun and revealed to Mofes, yet ours, as being managed
by the only Son of God, hath many peculiar Accidents and diſtinguiſhing Characters.
Omne fimile eſt diffimile. alona
by din
But to come cloſer to our preſent Purpoſe. There is one Thing more to be ob
ſerved diſtin&tly, that God and his Providence, together with the Method of his
Deſigns, being deſcribed here, there are Two Reſpects in which he is to be confi-
dered, the one as receiving Worſhip and Service from all the Creation, and eſpecial-
ly from Men ; the other as he acts by his Servants or Miniſters whatever upon the
Creation, in effecting any of his Deſigns. So that in this Deſcription or Vifion of
mom
St. John,
2

Ch. IV. V.I.
150
St. Foln, we muſt expe&t that both
theſe Branches of the Divine Majeſty and Pro
vidence, ſhall be fer down and deſcribed diftin&tly ; ſo that all the Sights or Sym-
bols in the Viſion concur to perform either the one or the other of thefe, if not both
at the ſame Time, as God is pleaſed to uſe theſe Agents that worſhip him to ſerve
him in the Execution of his Deſigns alſo. Thus, to give a general Hint, the Wights
and the Elders worſhip and ſerve God, but they act alſo according to his Commands.
The Lightnings, Thunders, Voices, and ſome Angels, and other Agents are merely
the Inſtruments of his Orders.
Finally, ſeeing that the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to give us an Account of the Divine
Oeconomy in the Chriſtian Religion, which is his laſt Deſign, or the final Reſult of
his Decrees; and that this began at our Saviour's Advent, Preaching, Deatlt
, Refur-
re&tion, and Afcenfion into Heaven, to fit there at the Right Hand of God, to partake
of his Worſhip, and with him to concur to the Perfečtion of all : So we ſhall find
that the Holy Ghoſt makes this the Foundation of all the Events, by beginning to
give us an Account, or Repreſentation of the (e) 'Avaxanthers, as the Greeks called in
Egypt the folemn Recognition of the Kings, becauſe it was performed by and with
the folemn Acclamations of the People, or to ſpeak according to the Roman Way,
of the Inauguration of Jeſus Chriſt into the Throne of the Divine Majeſty with his
Father, and of his receiving thereupon Homage and Worſhip from all the Creation,
by which God himſelf with him received it from thoſe that had not done it before.
There the Holy Ghoſt deſcribes exa&tly all the Ceremonies of it. In this we have
therefore a full Account of the whole Conſtitution of the Chriſtian Religion, from its
Inſtitution to its Conſummation : Becauſe from that the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to ſhew
us all the conſequent Accidents of that Inauguration. I uſe the Term of Inaugurati-
on, and not Inthronization ; becauſe Chriſt is never repreſented in theſe Viſions of
the Two firſt Periods fitting upon the Throne, but ſtanding at it, on the Right Hand
of him that fitteth thereon. His compleat Inthronization is only perform'd after his
ſecond Coming, at which Time he is indeed repreſented Sitting. The Reaſons of
this will be more fully diſcuſſed in the Note on Chap. 19. 16. A. with which muſt be
compared the Note on Chap. 5. 6. C. Thus this firſt Theatre, which hitherto hath
not been underſtood, will ferve to give us a true Inſight into the whole Deſign of
theſe Viſions and Prophecies quite to the very End. This may be fufficient to give a
general Notion of the whole Syſtem of the Viſion, by ſhewing how the Events are
introduced. But as to theſe Two Chapters, this and the following, which ſet forth
that Introduction, by the Account of the Inauguration of Chriſt, and the Recogni-
tion made to him and the Father by his Mediation, there is one previous Obferva-
tion to be made, as to their Right to the Government of the World, and the
Church, and the Recognition of that Right. It is, that God the Father and Chriſt
have a double Right to it: The firſt by Creation, which therefore extends to all
Things, even the Devils; and the latter by Redemption, which chiefly concerns
the Church, but is offered to all Mankind, and even concerns the good Angels
. St.
Chryfoftom has explained as follows, this double Right of God, which he calls a double
Kingdom · (f) Beorreios pš si do oi dev ni yegon, the pešos rol' ósxelwory, this ö 29c7d. Suurgzicho
βασιλάει με το απαντων, και ελλείων , και Ιεδαίων, και το αντιτεταγμένων, και τη δημιερίας λόγον. βα-
ander of mov, aj fxórlwr, ny oc tetaquévav, xeied * of oixed osws. Now theſe Two Rights we
find recogniz'd in due Order ; the firſt chiefly to the Father in this Fourth Chapter ;
the latter to the Son, becauſe that Right chiefly accrues to the Father by him, as well
as to himſelf; and ſo the Father ſhares at laſt with him the Recognition thereof in
the Fifth Chapter. And the Recognition of the Right by Creation is neceſſary, to
ſhew that God has a Right and Power to demand the Recognition of the latter Right
by Redemption, becauſe he has by the former, Power to demand of all Men, and
command them to come into the Church, and to force or puniſh with Deſtruction,
all the Oppoſers, even the Devils; whoſe particular Falls and final Puniſhment are
therefore alſo exhibited in theſe Viſions. lloroso non doidulis 100
A lotion
A. Verf. 1. Meri Teāze, After theſe Things.] It is plain, that St. John having
dated his Viſion as upon the Lord's Day, in the Iſle of Patmos, and there appearing
.
200A his
? aga oH
(e) Vid. Polyb. Exc. Lib. XVII. Fin. & Exc. Legat. LXXVIII,
Ed Shivi hivatalos
no
The Door in Heaven.
152
Ch. IV. IV. I.

ho other Date here, of a different Time or Place, we muſt believe that the Vifion is
continued, and that theſe Words are only a Tranſition to ſome new Matter ſeen at
the ſame Time. Which Tranſition puts a Difference between the former Viſion
wholly employed to illuſtrate, deſcribe and amend the preſent State of the Churches
then, without any Concern of the civil Tranſa&tions of the World, and this latter
Vifion concerning the whole State of the Church Catholick, both preſent and future,
together with the civil Tranſactions, as far as they reflect upon the State of the
Church. I will not deny but that St. John might have ſome ſmall Reſpite, as it were
to take Breath, but this was no more than juſt to make us fenfible, that the Holy
Ghoſt pafſeth on to ſome new Matter. (g) Ireneus ſpeaking of this
, faith , in fé-
cunda Viſione. I ſhall not contend about Words, but only that here is no Sign of
any Change of Place, or great Diſtance of Time in the Exhibition of this; as Ambr.
Ansbertus faith ; (h) Hanc enim revelationem, ficut ipſe Johannes fatetur, una Do-
minicæ refurre&tionis die in Spiritu elevatus meruit videre. A fotboll
B. Eidon, I ſaw. ] As to the Signification of this Term, and the Uſe of it in the
Prophets, fee Note upon Chap. 1. 11. B. But as to the Repetition of it here, and
elſewhere frequently, we muſt only obſerve, that St. John ulès it upon a freſh Sight
of fome Matter ſomewhat different from the former, as a mere Tranſition. Only
this implies, that as he ſaw it, ſo thoſe whom he repreſents, ſhall ſee it accompliſhi-
ed publickly ; of which Inference I ſhall ſpeak by and by in Ulmin b sido vd
Ć. Kai ant siege dépenyuſon, And behold a Doer opened. ] This Symbol, uſed by Fa-
cob, Genef. 28. 17. to expreſs a near Communication with God, is here, as hath beer
proved (i) before, to fignify the Liberty or Permiſſion to preach, publiſh and propa-
gate the Goſpel. And ſo this ſhews here, that this Prophecy begins at the firſt pub-
lication of the Goſpel : The Things being repreſented in the Viſion, as they are to
be performed. On the contrary, the Shutting of the Door, or any other Thing, im-
plies that it ſhall not be at Liberty, nor publickly owned. See Revelas. 8. about
the Shutting'; and Revel. 11.19. about the opening. And about Both, Ezék. 44.1, 2.
But now as Heaven fignifies in the Symbolical Language the governing Part of the
World, as I ſhall prove it at the next Verſe ; ſo the Opening of a Door therein figni-
fies the Beginning of a new Kind of Government. This we ſhall find to be the
Kingdom or Government of Chriſt, which in Reſpect of the former is new ; and the
Opening of a new Door, in Reſpect of thoſe Obitacles, which hindred the fews and
Gentiles, defign'd to be the Members thereof, to come into it. We muſt diſtinguiſh
between sú eg and zóan. The túan is the Space in the Wall, unbuilt or not cloſed up,
the Light, Lumen as (k) Vitruvius calls it. The guest or Door , is that which clofes
that Light. So the new Jerufalem is ſaid to have fun wes but not guess, becauſe al-
ways open. But this, as well as the Engliſh Word, is not always diſtinguiſhed.
(1) 'Hottinger obſerves that the Hebrew gu may very well be derived, or be a-kin tola
Word in the Æthiopick Tongue, which fignifies (m) folvere, liberáre. For indeed
the Entrance into the Chriſtian Religion is always repreſented to us cas a Liberty, ta
looſing from Slavery, or Priſon, or Shadow of Death, Luke 1.79. See the Nores on
Chap. 7. 2. A. Thus in the
Queſtion of the Jews to fames the Fuft, related by Hege-
Sippus, (n) Tis is só eg. ti 'Inoe, What is the Door of Jefus ; this means, what is the
Advantage or Profit to be got by Jeſus Chriſt. For he anſwered, That he was the sa-
viour's that's the Advantage reſulting. In the Ottoman Empire at this Day, when a
Call or new Levy of Fanizaries is made, this is ſaid to be the opening of a Doór för
Fanizaries, as Sir Paul Rycaut witneſſes in his Hiftory of the Turks for the Year
1668. Compare A&ts 14.27. See the Paftor of Hermar, Similitude IX. The Open-
ing of this Door in Heaven was not only literally but alſo virtually performed at the
Baptiſm of our Saviour, Matth. 3. 16. and Mark I. To For from that Time he be-
gan to proclaim this Liberty, and open the Door of his new Kingdom, then to fuf-
fer and become the Lamb, in order to merit, and come to be inaugurated in the
Throne: Of all which the full Account followeth hereafter, in Chapso Hence Ra-
dulphus Flaviacenſis allegorizing that of Levit. 4. 4. faith; 6) Bené ad oftium Taber-
1603 isla
179 V A
28 2017
(8) Irenæus, Lib. IV. cap. 37. (b) Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. VIII. ad Apoc. Cap. 18. 1.
(i) Note on Chap. 3. 8. A.
(k) Vitruvius de Arch. Lib. IV. Cap. 6.
(Hottinger. Smegm. Orient. Cap. 5. p. 88.
(m) Confer. Ludolphi Lex. Æthiop.
(n) Apud Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. III. cap. 23. 24.109
(6) Radulph. Flaviacenſ. in Levit. Lib. II. cap. 4,
1
naculi
p. 146.

Ch. IV. v. 1.
153
The Door in Heaven.
2011
TO
a
OTC
naculi teſtimonij
: nam mors ipfius, (Chriſti,) vitæ nobis oſtium fuit , que ſupernum
damnatis ingreſſum aperuit. See the reſt. And thus alſo Ennius expreſſes the Apo-
theoſis of the Pagan Heroes :
ad 2.8 sela slərls
orta maT 209 tiadomil bonor
(p) Si fas cedendo cæleffia ſcandere cuiquam eft; bas 1910M of staina
en turist \ Mi foli cæli maxima porta patet. zno gnitatum eised as
DAVO
A lad os
But if the Reader will here conſult the laſt Viſion of (1) Hermas, he will
there find a compleat Comment upon this Symbol, and a Proof of our Ex-
D. 'Ev Ted &egvé, In Heaven. ] See the Note upon the following Verſe on the
Word.
E. Kai ji çeovà ni mesómn lifexord, And the firſt Voice which I heard.] This is the Voice
mentioned in Chap. 1. 10, 11. and proves fufficiently that theſe Two Vifions are con-
tiguous ;
and that this muſt likewiſe concern the Chriſtian Church. For Chriſt was
there ſeen ; and ſo this is wholly his Revelation. He ſends it, and it concerns the
Perfection of his Glory.
11111
F. '25 os Amy , As it were of a Trumpet. ] This Voice like a Trumpet prece-
ding the opening of the Throne of the Divine Majeſty, and his Appearance, is
ſuitable to the former Inſtances of the like Viſions, in Exod. 19. 16. See alſo 2 Chron.
5. 12, 13, where ſuch Voices are preparatory to the Divine Worſhip. But now the
Queſtion may be asked, Why the Prophet being in an Ecſtaſie, and knowing himſelf
divinely inſpired, hath need to be called by ſo loud a Voice? That is , Why are ſuch
great Voices employed at the Beginning of prophetical Viſions ? I find many ſpeak
of Prophecies, but none account for this. So that I muſt venture. This ſtrong
Voice, more than human, warns St. Fohn of an approaching Viſion of God, that he
might be ſure, that the Ecſtafie, and all its Conſequences, were no Deceit of ſome
wicked Agent, but Divine and Prophetical
. And this in plain Oppoſition to the
Oracles of Demons, exhibited to the Necromancers, and other Conſulters of them,
who are characteriſed in Iſaiah 8. 19. by peeping and muttering ; and in Chap. 29. 4.
as whiſpering out of the Duſt ; where the Targum faith ; Et humiliaberis, de terra
loquens, o de pulvere garriet eloquium tuum ; 89 erit quafi Pythonis de terra vox
tua, & de pulvere verba tua muſitabunt. And this Place may have here a further
Uſe, that as the Prophet intends to Thew the miſerable State to which Jeruſalem
ſhould be reduced, as the Abode of unclean Spirits, a Charnel-Houſe, where the Ne-
cromancers would come to play their Pranks, and procure the Muttering of Voices :
So on the contrary, when God is going to proclaim his Law with the glorious Voice
of the Trumpet, that betokens a great Joy to all. There are Words of St. Chry-
Softom, which confirm this by the Practice of the Idolaters, when Julian the Apo-
Itate began to reinftate Paganifm. (r) ουδ' άν έχοιεν ελλώων παίδες, καν πείται αναιχμαν-
τoιεν, επιδείξαι πείρρησιν ή λόγων τοιέτον κεί μόνον παρ' αύτοϊς' αλλά φάσματα μας και κατοίχο μύων, ,
και νεκρών τινων ειδωλα δείξαι πολλοί πολλές παρ' αυτούς θαυματοποιές φασι , και φωνάς δε στην ας από
μνημείων τσιν ενεχθώναι λίγεσιν.
,
(8) Axác xã - Tuoi-hay ốm list eini 1ECT OF 275 575731
Asild, hungis quesaxG Mgreatyus. anoisAsin
fatin ei ani 16+ o mi sono
The Obſervation of (t) Michael Pſellus is very proper in this Place : Idque genus da-
monum dedita opera tenuem vocem edit
, ut propter indiſtin&tam vocis obſcuritatem, ejus
mendacia minus deprehendi poffint. Só Marſilius Ficinus has tranſlated theſe Words:
Και εξ επίτοι δες το G τέτο ή αμυδρον ήχον επιτη 14ον), ίνα δια τίω ασαφειαν ή φωνής ή σε
ofddos Stoddpdoxxony ťaessor. They that defire more Authorities about this, may con-
fult the Collection of (u) Leo Aűatius, or the Note on Chap. 1. 17. B.
Note here, that in Iſaiah 8. 19. theſé Mutterers are in the Original Text 1701
from 1927, mufftare ; and that this is the Origin of the Word ud 201, D'ing. In the
Arab. 987, is Cantor in Schindler. Now Singing fignifies Charming in moſt Lan-
SI 30
1811
(1) Apud Lactant. Inftit. Lib. I. cap. 18. & Senec. Epiſt. 108. Vid. Silij Italic. Punic. Lib. XV.
(9) Hermæ Paftor. Lib. III. Simil. IX. S. 12. (n) Joh. Chryfoft. de Mart. Babyl. Hom. II.
(s) Lycophr. Alexand, v. 686. (t) Mich. Pſellus de Dæmon. (u) Leo Allar. Synt. de
Engaftrimuth. cap. y.
Rr
guages.

154
The Door in Heaven and Voice. Ch. IV. v.
ar
Runian to Mutter and Whiſper, to round. So Runcrathetery and Charm, from
guages. Thus 'ad" and Carmen is an Enchantment. Servius ſays : (w) Canere, & di-
ceres divinare fignificat. I have ſhown that Magick, Mufick, Poetry, and the like
are a-kin. I leave it to others to fee, if the Engliſh Hag a Sorcereſs, be not a-kin to
theſe. In Pſalm 58.5. D'umo, the Charmers are properly Mutterers ; and from
thence Enchanters. Thus in the Saxon, Ræn and Rune is a
Runſtafas
Charms ; that is, muttering Songs. A kin to theſe is the Gothick RONA a Myſte-
ry; and to be ſure RONA alſo, as fignifies Counſel; the Soul of which
cy: And all theſe are very likely a-kin to the following Oriental Words ; in the Chal
dee 817 and 139 to Sing ; Syr. to Meditate ; Arab. 031 to Sound, to Coo like a
Dove.
Schindler. Hottinger , Golius. There are Paſſages of ſeveral Authors to
prove theſe magical Murmurings and Whiſpers ; as Apuleius, Achilles Tatius,
who was himſelf a Magician. Theſe may be
in Me. Dacier's Notes on 'Horace's Epod. V. See allo Pap
. Siat. Theb. Lib.
IV. v. 499. & Lib. IX. v. 738. & Lib. XI. v. 63. & Silij Italic. Punic. Lib. XIII.
Thus we ſee that when God truly inſpires the Prophets, he doth not play at Bo-
peep with them, but openly and clearly gives them ſenſible and infallible Proofs, that
they are not impoſed upon ; and fo ſhall not impoſe upon others what is falſe,
Á Trumpet here, and hereafter Thunders and Lightnings, are the Inſtruments God
makes uſe of to thew his Will, as we ſhall ſhew in the proper Places. The Devil,
though Prince of the Air, can do no ſuch Feats. No, it is God alone that makes
the Thunder, ſee Pſalm 29. But the Devil inſpires his Prophets, and with Tricks
makes them to utter his Oracles by Mutterings and counterfeit Voices, coming out of
the Earth : See Mr. Furieu's Learned Hiſtory of the Opinions and 1 Worſhip of the
Church good or bad, Lib. III. Tract. 3. And that remarkable Inſtance related by
Acoſta, Lib. V. Rer. Armerican. cap. 27. And out of him by G. J. Voffius, Lib. I.
de Idolol
. in Addendis. Brightman is not out of the Way,
when he faith upon
Chap. 1. 10. magnum argumentum certitudinis rerum quæ funt referenda. Thus far
we have ſeen the Uſe of this Trumpet, and why the Voice is compared to that. But
as it is part of the Viſion, ſo it fignifies fymbolically the antecedent and preparatory
Preaching of the Goſpel
, when St. John, Jeſus Chriſt and his Apoſtles during his
Miniſtry, proclaimed, that the Kingdom of Heaven is at Hand. The Prophet's Voice
preaching to the People, is compared to a Trumpet by Iſaiah Chap. 58. 1. 'Tis the
Inſtrument uſed to call the People together, and notify Things to them , Pfal. 81. 3.
and in Hoſea Chap. 5. 8. The Author of the Apoſtolical Conſtitutions, deſcanting up-
on Ezek. 33. 4. ſays; (x). Sámmyš 3 rd isegi évayzénsor. The Truth of this will ap-
pear better afterwards.
G. Acabous uer' fuč, aégsen, Speaking with me, ſaying. ] The reasons agrees with
the Trumpet, the aég sore with the Voice : But both to one Purpoſe
. This is ſuitable
to the Stile of the Scripture, and eſpecially that of the Prophets, who are very Dra--
matical, affe&ting to utter their Minds in Dialogues ; by them giving an Account of
Tranſactions, rather than by a plain Narrative. A remarkable Inſtance of this may
be read in Ifaiah 38. 21, 22. compared with 2 Kings 20. 7, 8, 9. The Revelation is
wholly Dramatical ; and therefore St. John is both a Spectator and Perſon concerned
in ſeveral Parts, ſo that his Perſon therein is alſo ſymbolical
. This Voice is in order
to make him ſo, for he is invited thereby to aſcend into the Theatre and Scenes of
the A&tions, as we ſhall ſee preſently. This Matter is of ſpecial Concern, and there-
fore I muſt infiſt upon it.
20 goitsi
H. 'Aválaide, come up hither. ] Whither ? Into Heaven ſure , where the Viſions
are exhibited. Śt. John was not bidden to aſcend thither in the former Vifion, be-
cauſe the Scene was not there. Jeſus was ſeen walking among the Seven Churches,
and theſe were upon Earth ; that is, in an humble, ſubject, and perſecuted State
And they were there conſidered no further : But here in this Vifion the whole Crea-
tion is concerned ; the firſt Scene is it ſelf opened in Heaven. It was neceſſary that
St. John ſhould be there, as being not only a Spectator, but Perſon of the Drama.
So that all his A&tions during the Viſion, being Parts thereof, muſt be explained Sym-
bolically, and applied to that which St. John repreſents. 'Tis not difficult to deter-
mine this. For St. John being not only the Spectator commiffion'd by Chrift to fee
(2) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. VIII,
(c) A poft. Conft. Lib. II, cap.-6.
. .
2
1
the

Ch. IV. V. The Door in Heaven and Voice.
155
uram
the Vifions, but alſo the Mediator, Angel, or Deputy, to tranſmit them to the
Church, he muſt therefore in them bear the Part of the Church, of all the Faithful
contained therein, in whatſoever Station, or Time St. Fohn is repreſented as acting in
any Part of the Vifions. He repreſents therefore his Fellow-Members of Christ's
Church, which are preſent, when the A&tions repreſented in the Viſion are atually
performed. For as St. Fohn is the Witneſs of the Viſion favoured as Deputy, fo are
they in the Event wrought for their Sakes. This will be proved elſewhere to be ablo
lutely ſuitable to the Method ufed by other Prophets
, who are frequently introduced
as Repreſentatives
. This Rule being of frequent Uſe muſt be well noted. Many
more Things ſhall be ſaid to confirm it likewiſe.
Here I will only further obſerve in general, that I wonder the beſt of our mo-
dern Interpreters have not made Uſe of it. I am ſure that this Overſight hath let
them down in many Particulars. If they had obſerved it, they would not have com-
mitted ſo many Miſtakes, nor left ſo much of this Prophecy untouched. And this
the more, becauſe ſome of the Ancients have ſeen the Truth and Importance of this,
endeavouring thereby to explain fome Paffages wherein he mentions himſelf. So
Tychonius on this very Place, (y) Hoc non in folum Fohannem convenit Sed in Eccles
Jiam, vel in omnes credentes. And upon Chap. 5. 4. (2) Ecclefia flebat, cujus figjen
habuit Johannes, onerata & gravata peccatis, implorans ſui redemptionem. Thus allo
(a) Ansbertus of the Eighth Century, as cited by Dr. (6) Vitringa. Sic etiam in ipſo
Johanne invenimus Speciem in specie, inveni mus etiam genus in specie, Qria in eo
quod audit vel videt, & fuam & prædicatorum formam ſpecialiter gerit : & in eo
quod audita vel viſa in ſua perſona dicit, generalis Ecclefia figuram prætendit
. He
means that St. John repreſents not only himſelf, but alſo the general Body of the
Faithful, even the whole Church. Yea, Brightman hath ſuſpected ſomething of
this
, looking upon St. John as the Repreſentative of the Faithful. Let us give an
Inſtance or Two ; (c) Veni, inquit, & vide ; Johannem alloquens Sutinentem nunc
perſonam fidelis populi
, qui fimiliter per vocem miniſtrorum excitantur ad obfervandos
hos mirabiles eventus. And again; (d) Johannes tantum ut Typus proponitur, non
defcribitur aliquo munere, quod in fua ipſius perſona geſturus eſt poſtremis ſeculis.
And alſo here; (e) Johannes hic fuftinet perſonam fidelium. And not long after
(f) Sed non berendum in una perſona Fobannis, qui jam communem typum Suftinet fi-
delium. And indeed Irenæus gives us this as a general Rule, that the Prophets pro-
pheſied by their AEtions as well as Words. The Words are: (8) Non enim ſolum fer-
mone prophetabant prophetæ ; Sordet viſione & converſatione, & aktibus quos faciebant.
This, I ſay, makes me wonder, that others fince, as Mede, have given no At-
tention to fo confiderable a Point, having before them ſuch plain Hints. And yet
this might have been of great Uſe even to him, and all the reſt of the Interpreters
ſince, who have attempted to explain this Prophecy without general Principles ſuf-
ficient to carry them through the whole ; could they but have been ſure, that the
Obſervation was neceſſary, and ſo true in it felf, that without it they could not go
through thoſe Parts which they ſet upon. But good Hints only given by Conjecture
are loft
, becauſe one is not convinced of their Uſe, for want of underſtanding the
Grounds upon which they are founded ; and which, for any Thing I ſee, moſt of
thoſe who have touched upon the Hint, were not perhaps able to give Reaſons for
that which they ſaw was true, and muſt be therefore admitted, in order to proceed
upon the Expoſition. As to us, who pretend to go upon certain and evident Princi-
ples and Notions demonſtrated, 'tis not enough to lay down ſuch of them as ſerve to
explain; we muſt alſo give the Reaſons of them, ſuitable to, and drawn from the
general Principles and Notions on which we ſuppoſe the whole to depend. Now
this Notion, of St. John's being a Repreſentative in the Viſions, being ſomewhat
Obſcure, we muſt explain it upon our Principles.it
To this End we need only to obſerve, that an inſpired Prophet is a Perſon in a
double Capacity, a ſort of Mediator between God and Men. For on the one Hand,
(y) Homil. III.
IV () Homil. IV.
(a) Amb. Ansbert. in Cap. 1. 4. Page to.
(b) Vitringa in Apo. Cap. 1. 20, Page 39. Amb. Ansbert. in Præfat. etiam confulend. & Lib. I.
Page 20. in Apoc. Cap. 1.9.
(c) Brightman in Apocal. Cap. 6. 1. (d) Idem in
Cap. 10.11. (e) Idem in Cap. 17. 3. (f) Idem. in Cap. 17. 6.11 (6) Irens
Lib. IV. Cap. 37.
Home
when

156
30
The Throne of God. Ch. IV. V. I.
when he delivers his Prophecies, he ſpeaks in the Name of God; but when he con-
ſults the Deity, or prays and intreats, he ſpeaks in the Name of Men, and therein
in fome Sort performs a Prieſtly Office. All the Ancient Prophers have done ſo.
Therefore Moſes has all theſe ſeveral Names of Prophet, Prieſt and Mediator. Of
Prophet, in Deut. 18. 15. Of Prieſt, compare Levit. 8. 29. with Levit. 7. 32. and
Pſal
. 99. 6. Of Mediator, Gal. 3. 19. Nay, God himſelf ſeems to give us the
formal Notion of the Office of a Prophet to be that of Praying, or intreating for
Men, in Genef. 20. 7. fer. 27. 18. As to other Inſtances, conſult Exod. 8. 8, 9,
28, 29. 1 Kings 13. 6. and Chap. 17. 20. Jam. 5. 17, 18. 2 Kings 6. 17. Ferem. 7.
16. Chap. 14. 12. Chap. 15. 1. Chap. 32. 16. Chap. 37. 3. Chap. 42. 2, 4, 20. There-
fore as a Prophet, ſpeaking to Men by the Word of the Lord, repreſents God; ſo
ſpeaking to God in the Behalf of Men, he repreſents thoſe Men. He is therefore as
an Angel of God, whom we may obſerve in Holy Writ to be Repreſentative both
theſe Ways. See the Note upon Chap. 19. 10. B. Thus Virgil calls the Soothſayer
Aſylas, by the Title of (h) Hominum Divumque Interpres. Now Interpres, in the
primary Notion of it, which ſeems to be that of the Poet, is that of
a Mediator
between Two Parties. Therefore a Soothſayer, or Vates, is alſo called frequently by
the Antients (i) Sacerdos, a Prieſt ; which is the uſual Stile of Famblichus. And
reciprocally the Prieſts are called Prophets. Feſtus : Prophetas in Adraſto Fulius
nominat Antiſtites fanorum. So in i Kings 18. 19, 20, 22, 25, 29, 40. the Prieſts
of Baal are called Prophets; and when they perform their Rites, they are ſaid to
Prophecy. In ſhort
, (k) famblichus has aſſerted and explain'd this Notion of a
Prophet being in a double Capacity. Which he was obliged to do, in order to ſhew,
that he ſometimes is the Repreſentative of God: And thus I am obliged to do it, to
ſhew, that he is the Repreſentative of Men. This being obſerv'd, it remains only
to apply it here by ſhewing, that the Prophet's Perſon in theſe Vifions would be
needleſs to any other Purpoſe but to receive them; and yet he appearing frequently
acting, it is abſurd to ſuppoſe, that he acts therein in his private Capacity; and
therefore he muſt do it in the Publick, or of his Office, as Repreſentative of
his Fellow-Brethren. But he is ordered to receive the Viſion, and to tranſmit it to
the Catholick Church, to ſerve through all its Periods; and therefore he repreſents
the Members of it, through every Period, and on every Occaſion, wherein he aets in
the Vifion. I think this is clear Reaſoning and Demonſtration : And the particular
Application of the Principle to every Caſe, makes it appear itill more
fully.
Ás to this particular Place, St. John being a Symbolical Perſon, who is exhorted
to aſcend up to ſee the Throne of God, and the Worſhip given to him by all the
Creation ; this ſhews the Preparations of God to forewarn both fews and Gentiles,
that they might deſire the Coming of this New Kingdom, and ſo exert themſelves
thereupon. So that to this muſt be referr'd all the antecedent Exhortations and
Warnings given by God to that Purpoſe : On which we cannot here enlarge, they
being manifeſt.
Glors
I. Kai Nięc que é deš gluews Last Tate, And I will shew thee the Things which muſt be
hereafter.] The Holy Ghoſt begins here to execute what is promiſed before, as the
Subject of the whole Prophecy, Chap. 1. 2, 19. The Words ut Teõta after the Word
gléas, can be underſtood no other way than to ſignify future Things. See our Note
upon Chap. 1. 17. D., What Things to come they concern, muſt be determined by
the following Symbols, and their various Circumſtances. But it doth not follow
from hence, that nothing contained in the Viſion deſcribed here, can refer to the
Times or Events before the Date of it. This Conſequence, which fome urge migh-
tily to deſtroy the Expofitions of Grotius, Hammond, and others of the fame Opi-
nion, is not true. I do not believe thoſe Expoſitions, and can ſhew that they are
evidently falſe and abſurd, but ſhall not do it from this Topick. St. John indeed is
here promiſed to be inſtructed about future Things, diſtinåtly from thoſe preſent
(h) Virg. Æneid. Lib. X. Vid. Serv. ibid.
(i) Servius in Virg. Georg. Lib. IV. Col. 353
and in Virg. Æneid. Lib. IV. Col. 799. & Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IV. Maſſila gentis monftrata Sacerdos.
And Lib. VI. Vocat alta in templa Sacerdos. Mox : 0 San&tiffima Vates. And, Bacchatur Vates. Vid.
Serv. ibid. Horat. Lib. I. Od. xvi. Lactant. Placid. in Pap. Scar. Theb. Lib. III. V. 569. Sil. Italic.
Lib, XIII. Veri fæcunda Sacerdos. (k) Jamblich. de Myft
. Sect. IV. Cap. 2. Fin..
Things

Ch. IV. v. 2. The Throne of God.
157
Things deſcribed before, but the Holy Ghoſt doth here as thoſe good Hiſtorians that
will not begin their Narrations abſurdly like a Romance, by ſetting the Reader as it
were in an unknown Country, and leave him from what follows, to find out what
went before. A true Hiſtorian will give us the Scheme or State of Things at firſt,
to let us know where we are, before he falls to the main Deſign of his Hiſtory.
This is the Method of Thucydides,
in Writing the Hiſtory of the Peloponeſian War.
He hath employed the whole firſt Book, to give us a View of the State of Greece
before it. Our Thucydides the Earl of Clarendon hath followed that Prince of Hi-
ſtorians, in deſcribing the State of the Government and Nation very exactly, before
he enters upon the main Deſign, to write the Hiſtory of the Civil Wars. Thus
St. John, to give us the Hiſtory of the future State of the Church, doth not begin
at the Date of the Viſion, but by giving us at firſt a fair View of the whole Conſti-
tution from the beginning of it; and ſo goes on to deſcribe all thoſe Accidents, or
Changes, that are ever to happen to it till its Conſummation. This is the true State
of the whole Buſineſs.
A. Verf. 2. Kai & fécos égfeóu.lw
en TuS mod' poeti, And ſtraightways I was in the Spirit. ]
This muſt not be underſtood as if St. John was fallen into the Divine Ecſtaſy after
the Voice had ſpoken, but ſtraightways upon the very opening of the Door in Hea-
ven. The Things muſt be related ſucceſſively : It is not poſſible to do it otherwiſe ;
but the Viſion is made per intuitum, as it were in one Inſtant, and at one View.
St. Fohn was in the Spirit, ſaw the Door opened, and heard the Voice of the Trum-
pet at the fame Time : For undoubtedly the Door was ſeen, and the Voice
heard in the very Ecſtaſy. As to the Expreſſion it ſelf, ſee what hath been ſaid
before.
. B. Kai ind ogro, And behold a Throne.] It was no new Notion among the
Heathens to ſuppoſe that the Supreme Deity had a Throne in Heaven. Not to
inſiſt here on thoſe Fictions of Homer, and others, I ſhall only ſet down here the
Words of Apuleius, who ſpeaks roundly:, () Nec ambigitur, eum præftantem atque
fublimem fedem tenere, & poetarum laudibus
, nomen ejus Conſúlum ac Regum nuncu-
pationibus prædicari, & in arduis arcibus habere folium confecratum. It were worth
the while to read a little after, and ſee how he compares the State of the World,
whoſe King God is, to that of the Aſiatic Monarchs, who uſed to ſet up for Gods.
Apuleius is an Author verſed in the Symbolical Notions, and Oriental Philoſophy.
Which Notions in this Matter are ſtill kept up by the Chineſe, whoſe Learning is
alſo Hieroglyphical
. For they alſo ſuppoſe that the Spirit of Heaven, and the other
Spirits, make a Republick like theirs ; the Members of which correſpond together,
ſo that the Inviſible affect the Viſible. But to come to
to a nearer Pattern. This
"Throne is, as I take it, the very fame Thing as that, which in our Tranſlation is
called conſtantly the Mercy Seat, as in Exod. 25. 17. by Moſes a), inasiezor
in the LXX. For the primary Uſe of it was to be the seat or Throne of God, as
the King's-Bench with us is that Seat whereon the King fate formerly, and is fill
fuppoſed to fit to give Judgment. With this only Difference, that among the
Hebrews the Seat of Judgment, and the Throne of Government, are one and the
fame; the Notion of ruling and judging being the ſame in their Language. And
as theſe were but one, ſo the Throne or Seat, whether of Dominion, Judgment, or
Mercy, was but one. Indeed Moſes doth not give it that Name, but it is plain that
poſed to A& or Sit as a King executing Judgment, and requiring Blood for
porery Name of 570 inapewr implies it for in all Atronements God is füp-
Blood ; ſo that the Attonement is an A& to ſatisfy his Juſtice, and to obtain Pardon
and Remiſſion, which he grants for the Sake of the Covenant he hath entred into
with his people
. For which Reaſon he ordereth the Teſtimonies of that Covenant
to be laid up, under that Throne, Bench, or Mercy Seat, in the Ark placed under
it for that
Purpoſe. Thus we ſee, that the Ark was not the Throne of God, but
an Adjunct. The Mercy Seat was not a Covering to the Ark only. St. John in
this Prophecy, diſtinguiſhes
them very exa&tly, giving us here the Deſcription of
the Throne, and that of the Ark in another Place, as being Things of a different
Nature and Uſe. So likewiſe Moses gives us an Account of the
Mercy Sear, and
of the Ark, as different in the Matter and Manner of its Fabrick. The Ark was
conqslot
Doilo
(1) Apuleius de Mundo. Ter 961.00 HIY #PA (2)
TE 996 go
ewige
Sr
only
,

158
Ch. IV. v. 2.
The Throne of God.
only of Wood overlaid with Gold, but the Mercy Seat was of folid Gold, as the
Cherubim: So that it either belongs to them, or they to it. Hence it comes that
the Cherubim and Seraphim are counted as the Throne of God, being Parts or Ad-
juncts thereof. So Foſephus ſpeaking of them faith, (m) Maiows ģ onoir Tread spóvøs rõ
Os6 weisurtis èweguívou, Now Moſes ſaith that he ſaw them reſembling the Throne of
God. Meaning, that the Throne of God which he ſaw, was repreſented by thele
Cherubims. And Philo, that they are the Symbols of God's Power to Create
and ro Reigni, (n) zuntuñs ģu ij Baarnexñis, zu 77289, rj ú pedšúpelice neprblu. And in-
deed this Mercy Seat, with the Cherubim about it, made that which we call a
Throne; that is, an Honourable Seat, covered with a Canopy ; though Throne,
in the Greek Language, implies no more than a Seat. However, from theſe Ad
junéts, though the
Mercy Seat be never called a Throne by Mofes, yet by the Pro-
phets it is fo. Thus ) Iſaiah hath changed that Name into Rod, a Throne, and
that of Cherubim into Seraphim, Burners, from the Uſe or Miniſtry God was going
to employ them about. This Word xD., or 13, or even Ds, ſeems to come from
Mod to cover, and Iſaiah alludes very likely to that Etymology; for after he hath
ſpoken of the Throne of God under that Name, he faith that the Seraphim covered
his Face, 1903"; that is, made a Canopy round about God, as I ſuppoſe that Place is
to be underſtood ; ſhewing thereby, that God was not to be ſeen, that he would ſee
no more, but puniſh. Wherefore it may be worth enquiring, whether this xo:,
which was fo called, becauſe covered, fo that it ſuppoſes a Canopy over it
, may not
diſcover to us the true Notion of the 17d, by us tranſlated Mercy Seat, which
ſhould rather be that of a covered Throne, that Word being derived from '3, to
cover : Not that it ſelf was a bare Covering to the Ark, but becauſe it was a Throne,
having a Covering, or Canopy made to it, by the (P) Wings of the Cherubim.
Thus Heaven it ſelf becomes a Canopy to God, or a Throne, and for that Reaſon
called 703 in Job 26.9. And on the contrary it is certain, that at firſt a Canopy
came under the Notion of an Heaven, or little Heaven, (2) čegvås or segvísxG.
Thus alſo it is obſerved by Ludolphus, that the Word ingesiesov, in Exod. 25. 17. is.
Tranſlated in the Æthiopick Language by a Word, which not only ſignifies a Pent-
houſe, or the Roof of an Houſe, but alſo is peculiarly uſed to ſignify a (r) Canopy ;
ſuch as are uſed in their Churches over the Lord's Table. Though I do not think
that the ineshe.or was the Canopy, but only that it had one over it ; yet this ſhews,
that the Authors of that Verſion thought alſo, that the Throne of God had one; as
indeed with us all Thrones have them. In ſhort, God is ſaid to ſit on the Che-
rubim, ", in 2 Kings 19. 15. 1 Sam 4. 4. 2 Sam. 6. 2. 1 Chron. 13. 6. Pfal. 80. 1.
So that this was properly his Throne.
To ſet this ſtill in a greater Light, let us go on a little further, and ſee whether
the Iſraelites themſelves had not always this Notion of the Mercy Seat with the
Cherubim, being primarily the Throne of God. Now we find that the Kings of
Ifrael are ſaid to be placed in the Throne of God. So whereas Solomon was placed
in the Throne of the Lord inſtead of David bis Father, i Chron. 29. 23. where xog
is the Word, he therefore made himſelf a viſible Throne, in the Likeneſs of God's
Throne, and with ſuch Symbolical Supporters, Adjun&ts and Canopy as that had ;
that this ſhould be a Symbol and Proof of his having the fame Authority over
Iſrael as God had before, at leaſt as to the Civil Government, and Direction of all
Kinds of Jurifdi&tion, both over the Prieſthood and People. In ſuch manner that the
Deſcription of this Throne of King Solomon may give us fome Light to diſcover the
Frame, Conftitution and Signification of that of God.
It is ſaid of it, 1 Kings 10. 18. in our Tranilation, that the Top of the Throne was
round behind, where the Hebrew is, 11037 Suy wx 7, which the LXX have tran-
ſlated xj meyToua có geope med spórę èn os oríow ausi, and (s) Foſephus hath paraphraſed it
thus, ' Avezávacilo di els pózo mangtodelu' ti nor" omy dur's Baémovo , from which we may infer,
that Calves being the ſame as Cherubim, the latter being rather a ſacred Name, where-
of the former was the common, this Throne had behind it a Covering raiſed by ſome
19ONS A or to add bus sont ad
be
275M
210 (m) Joſeph. Antiq. Jud. Lib. III. Cap. 6.
(n) Philo de Exulibus. Sat6
(6) Iſa. 6. I, 2
(p) vid. Joſeph. Archæol
. Lib. VIII. Cap. 2. Page 263. 1 Kings 8. 7. (9) Plutarch. Alexand.
& de Fortun. Alex. Heſych. in Voce. Athenæus, Lib. II. Cap. 9.
(r) Ludolph. Lexicon
Æthiop. Page 377. (s) Antiq. Jud. Lib. VIII. Cap. 2. Page 267. De bani
Sculptures
202901
2

Ch. IV. v. 2.
The Throne of God.
159
that
Sculptures made in the Similitude of Cherubim, which the Holy Scripturé calls there
Calves, in the ſame Manner as the Symbolical Figures of Cherubim made by Aaron
and Jeroboam, though the latter were no doubt made in the fame Likeneſs, are ne-
vertheleſs conſtantly called by the Name of Calves : Whereas in the Temple of Solo-
mon, on the Walls and ſacred Veſſels, theſe Symbolical Figures, made in Imitation of
thoſe that were embroidered on the (1) Curtains of the Tabernacle, are always called
by the Name of (u) Cherubim, becauſe in a ſacred Uſe. By all which we may fee, that
the Cherubim were to the Mercy-Seat, as Symbolical Figures about the Throne of
God; that they were ſubſervient to it, as being a kind of Supporters or Attendants,
as their Names import ; and yet were Parts different, and ſo are to be explained
Symbolically, as Things ſubſervient to God's Throne, or Kingdom ;
in a conſtant Attendance, as we ſhall ſee when we come to ſpeak of the Wights about
the Throne, which are in the Chriſtian Church, as the Cherubim in the Mofaicál
Diſpenſation.
I have been oblig?d to ſettle the right Notion of the Mercy-Seat thus far from
Scripture, and the Opinion of the Iſraelites , as being the Throne of God; and that
the Cherubim are the Supporters or Attendants thereof, wherein I follow (ar) Spen-
cer's Direction, who hath giver other Proofs of it , which may be ſeen elſewhere;
rather than that of Mr. Furieu , who without Reaſon hath deviated. And though
this latter being highly prejudiced againſt the former, hath look’d upon Spencer's
Expoſition of the Urim and Thummim as fcandalous and ſomewhat impious ; never-
theleſs he fetches his Notion of the Cherubim, from thoſe Idolatrous Theraphim, by
which the other had endeavour'd to explain the Urim. For it appears to me, that
by ſuppoſing the Ark, Mercy-Seat, and Cherubim to be made in Imitation of the
Tombs, and Theraphim, or Images of the Anceſtors, laid upon them, and after-
Wards worſhipped, as he hath done ; the Odium of that Suppoſition falls equally
upon him, as if he had explained the Uriñ by them. Eſpecially ſeeing, that this
Notion of the Ark being a Tomb , and the Cherubim the ſame as Theraphim, which
is abſolutely falſe, would have a great Influence upon the Symbolical Signification of
them, and make them quite contrary to what they really are, and what Mr. Furie'u
himſelf hath proved againſt Mede in bis Expoſition of the Revelation ; wherein he
is in the right, as I ſhall endeavour to make it out. So that though I diffent in this
Point from his laſt Book, the Critical Hiſtory of Opinions and Worſhip, I have no
leſs Reſpect for him on that Account, but own my ſelf obliged to him for ſeveral
Hints in the other, which is the Reſult of his maturer and later Thoughts, though
printed before.
All that I have to do now, is only to conſider the Symbolical Signification of this
Throne ; and though the Matter be pretty Plain, that it implies a Kingdom, or Go-
vernment, yet I ſhall not let it paſs without ſufficient Proof
. Thus in Holy Scri-
pture the Word Throne is put for Kingdom, Genef
. 41.40. According unto thy Word
Shall all my People be ruled : Only in the Throne will I be greater than thou. In
2 Sam. 3. 10. Kingdom and Throne are ſet Synonymouſly, as it is uſual, To tranſlate
the Kingdom from the Houſe of Saul, and to ſet up the Throne of David over Iſrael
.
And both together, as in 2 Sam. 7. 13. I will eſtabliſh the Throne of his Kingdom for
1 Kings 1. 17. Solomon thy Son ſhall reign after me, and he shall ſit upon my
Throne ; and in that Chapter frequently. All the Onirocriticks agree to explain a
Throne of Power, Chap. 225.
9. Ομοίως εάν ίδι» όπ οκάθισαν ότι εφόνε, αναλόγως σε κάλλες σε θρόνα άρήσει έξεσίαν μεγίσω δια
τίω εκ ξύλων κασκάω το θρόνε.
And the Perſian and Ægyptian Interpreters, Chap. 261. agree thus ;
Eảv idgens ön cứgs, cenšov žu nevov, in ščná stravº digúos izsol av divočão iezisur.
i Beatnenos els in Beatrée xeive ), e's ýòr drádogov.
Many more there are which may be ſeen there and elſewhere. Among the Poets
and other Heathen Writers, innumerable are the Places wherein a Throne is taken
for a Kingdom. I ſhall only ſet down this out of Sophocles, who makes Polynicés to
ſpeak thus ;
T (h) Oldsmedsi slom sils
ever.
O
(t) Exod. 26. I, 31.
(u) 1 Kings 6. 29, 32, and Chap. 7. 29. 36.
(0) J. Spencer. de Theocrat. Cap. s. Sect. I.
(6) Tño

160
The Throne of God. Ch. IV. v. 2.
Roman ,
(0) Γης όκ αιθρώας εξελήλαμαι φυγες,
Tois cões meséggoes šven" en Sanciu spórosse verestroo ale barve
on oder les
ma olen
Γονη πεφυκώς άξίαν γραιτέρα.
10 consulta
Sabino
od 919m slor
To whom Oedipus anſwering, faith thus ;
hoor bra vd
Τοις το σον θα κημα και τες σες θρόνες
: bo
Kegršov.
Danslated
Gear
By this it is plain, that the Holy Ghoſt begins to ſet forth the Inſtitution of a King-
dom ; the Frame of which will appear afterwards.
C."Exet, Was ſet.] This Throne of God is here fix'd. Either this may fignify,
that this Kingdom was begun before St. John's Viſion, or elſe, to which I rather
incline, for the ſake of what follows, concerning the Inauguration of Chriſt, this
implies that God had already a Kingdom or Dominion in general, as Creator, or
more eſpecially as King of the Jews. But the fixing of it implies alſo, that the
Chriſtian Religion ſhall not be moved from the Places and Nations in which it was
at firſt planted. In the Times of the Prophet (y) Ezekiel , God's Throne had Wheels
to move upon, becauſe the State of the Church of Iſrael was then unſettled, and
therefore God as the Ruler and Protetor thereof was to move about. Here the
Church of Chriſt muſt be fix'd, and not diſperſed, as the Ifraelites and fepos then
were. Having therefore as to the Event once obſerved in what Places the Church of
Chriſt was planted, we muſt not ſhift from thence : Neither will the Prophecy con-
cern it ſelf about the Jews or Gentiles, or any worldly civil Tranſactions, any fur-
ther than as they concern the State of the Church of Chriſt.
D. 'Ev Tšegvợ, In Heaven. ] Heaven fignifies Symbolically the Ruling Power,
the Government, wherever the Scene is laid. That is, the whole Aſſembly of the
ruling Powers, which in reſpect of the Subjects, or Earth, are a political Heaven.
I have before proved this in general ; but ſhall now prove, that according to the
Subject, ſo is this Term to be limited. Artemidorus writing in the Times of the
18 • šeg-
vàs Jewv ozio oine, što vj ni Irenic Beoiréw, As Heaven is the Abode of the Gods, So Italy
of Kings. The Egyptians by Heaven underſtood their own Country of Egypt. Thus
the Egyptian Writer, going under the Name of Hermes, is cited by St. Auguſtin (à),
An ignoras, o telolepie mani gubermantur
atque exercentur in celo . Ac si dicendum ef
fit cæli : Aut quod eſt verius , tranſlatio
verius, terra noftra mundi totius eft templum. Perhaps the laſt Word ſhould be ex-
emplum. And thus in the Onirocriticks Heaven is explained of Kings or Dominion.
In Chap. 162. all of them agree in this ; 'Eid idn ě Beoradis óta avázlato as $ &egvdy,
άνθα οι αστέρες, άρήσει ύψος και όνομα πλέον και άλλων βασιλέων. Εάν ίδιη και βασιλάς, όπ ανελ-
των εκάθισεν εν έρανώ, μείζονα χώραν ής έχει κατακυριεύσει. On thefe Accounts where the
Prophet Ezekiel threatning Egypt, faith in the Name of God, (b) I will cover the
Heaven : the Targum explains it very well thus, Cum extinxero Splendorem gloria
regni fui de Calis. In Iſaiah 24. 21, in which we read, ſuper militiam cæli ; the Tar-
gum hath, ſuper exercitus fortitudinis ſedentes in fortitudine. But of this more
hereafter
. So Joſephus faith, that the Tabernacle did reprefent Heaven , at leaſt the
Adytum, (c) Toisie de oy lúd
bator, as ģegvos åv en rad osê, Which was inacceſſible to
took this from the
Curiom bor i leeven to God. I make no Queſtion, but that God
as other Things : And that therefore the
Kings of Egypt had their Throne cover’d with a Canopy like a Heaven. As their
Cuſtoms were like thoſe of the
the Chaldeåns : So the Perſian Monarchy had ſuch Hea-
vens. That
Chofroes had one, we prove in our Note on Chap. 10. 3. B. And if
may argue from the Monuments of the Kings of Egypt, to what they did when
alive; we find that Diodorus obſervà this of the Monument of Oſymanduas, one of
the moft remarkable. (d) Τω όροφίώ το πάσαν ότι πλάτG δυεϊν οργιών ωάρ χειν μονό-.
2100
(x) Sophocl. Oedip. Col. p. 313, and 316. (1) Ezek. 1. 15.—201 and Chap. 19. 6.2.19.
() Artemid. Lib. 2. cap. 73.
(a) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. VIII, cap. 23.
& Hermes in Aſclepio.
(6) Ezek. 32. 7.
(c) Antiq. Lib. III. cap. 5.
(d) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. pag. 30.
21.90v,
I

Ch. IV. V. 2. The Throne of God.
161
de pop, reisiens en zeevớm metronum . The living Monarchs had füch à Room in
(f) Babylon. So Tychonias , Hom. 3. In cælo, id eft, in Ecclefia: And ſo every
where. But let it be obferved, that in general Heaven ſignifies the Ruling Powers
of the World, or Dominions. So that this Throne is here placed , that God may
be known, declar'd , and owned as King I ſhall conclude this with the words of
our Saviour ; whereby tis plain, that Heaven is ſynonymous to Powers and Glory;
(2) And they shall ſee the son of Man coming in the Clouds of Heaven, with Power
and great Glory. Thus in the Words juſt going before, the Powers of the Heavens
Shall be ſhaken ; it is eaſy to conceive that he meant, that the Kingdoms of the
World
hould be overthrown to fubmit to his Kingdom. Thus in Æſchylus, One of the
Seven Heroes, who carried in the Enfigns or Symbols of their Shields , the Proſpect
of their Deſigns to overthrow the City of Thebes, and the Government of Eteocles,
hath therein a Heaven burnt by the Stars about it. a gongior os atomynony
w Wro 2009
(b) "E) es la espesy ou em domino Tót, hings brings to
@rézus na á spors šegvòy terugrekov. Ponukad ko
Lo sd siw od to allo.com 101 cibuli aid
So that the Night in the Heaven, as ominous, is afterwards by Eteocles averted againſt
his Enemy. So in Livy, (?) Eo anno Cælum ardere vifum. This is explained by,
Ne qui in loca ſumma urbis impetus cædeſque inde fierent. So the Chineſe call their
Monarch Tiencu, Son of Heaven which the Arabians call Tencu. s See Herbelot on
that Title. Thus alſo in the Dream of King Leonidas, reported by (k) Plutarch,
Thebes are ſaid to be carried above all the reſt, and lifted up on high to Heaven:
This portended, that the City Thould afterwards become the Supreme of Greece.
This Symbolical Expreſſion is like that of our Saviour concerning Capernaum, Matth.
. II. 23. Thus in the Dream of (?) Cambyſes, the Heaven fignifies the Imperial
Power. He dream'd that Smerdis ſat upon his Throne , and with his Head touch'd
Heaven; this he thought meant, that he ſhould reign after him. In (m) Suetonius
there is a Dream and an Oſtentum to the ſame Purpoſe. See the Prehminary Dif-
courſe prefix'd to this Commentary.
Smo
E. Kai iš Spóve ret Sú pelu G, And on the Throne one Sitting.] Two Things are ob-
ſervable in this place ; the Firſt is, that St. John doth not mention the Name of him
that fate : The Second is, that he gives no Account of his Likeneſs or Shape, and
Form. As to Names, it is to be obſerved, that Names proper are given to In-
dividuals of the fame Species, to diſtinguiſh them from each other. Now he that
is mentioned here, is afterwards ſufficiently deſcribed by his Attributes to be God,
who being Singular in his Kind, needs no Name. Therefore when Mofes earneſtly
enquired after his Name, who had before declared himſelf the God of Abraham, as
if he had been one of thoſe peculiar Gods or Angels frequently then owned and
worſhipped : He took the Name of I am, implying, he was the only one of his Spe-
cies, and that all the reſt were falſe Gods, Pretenders to what they were not. Se-
condly, the Silence about his Likeneſs or Form is it ſelf a Name, or Attribute of
the true God, there being none elſe in Holy Scripture of whom it is ſaid, that no
Likeneſs of him was ſeen, nor can be ſeen, neither can he be likened to any Thing.
Therefore, whereas all the Gods of Egypt, and others, had Images by which they
were known and worſhipped, God would ſuffer none to be made ; but in his Taber-
nacle had a Throne empty, as deſcribed before, which was to be at the fame Time a
Symbol of his Preſence, and an Argument of his Inviſibility. Upon this Account,
the LXX have well tranſlated, if not read better than we do the Hebrew Text in
Exod. 24. 10. And they ſaw the God of Iſrael ; inſtead of which they ſay, xj idu *
Tónov & eisúnet one Odds to 'Isegin, in the Alexandr. MS. And they ſaw the Place
where ſtood the God of Iſrael. Though our preſent Reading be as old as (n) Aquila,
who hath, x) A dor i Bon Ioegúa. For in this caſe, if Moſes ſaw God, why did he
ask afterwards to ſee him? The Conceit of Symmachus , who to falve this Matter
hath turned (0) Adov debuera i Gsòv, will not be ſufficient. The Queſtion ſtill re-
(f) Vid. Philoſtrar. de Vit. Apollon. Phot. Bibl. Cod. CCXLI.
(8) Matth. 24. 30.
(b) Æſchyl. Septem c. Theb. v. 393.
(i) T. Livius, Lib. III.
(k) Plutarch.
de Herodot. Mal. pag. 1042.
(1) Herodot. Lib. III. S. 3o. L. Ampelii Lib. Mem.
(m) Sueron. in Auguft. cap. 94.
(n) Apud Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. y. pag. 153.
() Apud Euſeb. ibid.
Tt
turns.
162
The Throne of God. T
Ch. IV. v. 3:

turns. Beſides this, the LXX are to be approved, in that the Pleonaſm of 7 and enemy
which is an Hebraiſm, Thews that their Copy had really fo: And ſecondly, the whole
makes a noble, myſtical or fymbolical Senſe, for when God ſhews the place where he
ftands, this fignifies, that God hath ſo much Care for his People, that he forſakes
his Throne, and is in the Poſture of one very buſy to defend his People, and ſeeking
a quiet and ſettled Throne and Habitation for himſelf and them. God will not be
ſaid to have now a Throne to fit upon elſewhere, till he hath fix'd it in the midſt of
Ifrael. This is the plain Reaſon why he ſhews himſelf as Standing befote that Time.
Therefore Sitting here is the Poſture of one Ruling or Fudging, having already Do-
minion, and exerciſing Power and Authority. Judg. 5. 10. veshufuar # seemneir, ye
that ſit in Judgment. Thus in 2 Sam. 19. 8. The King doth fit in the Gate ; that is,
is ready to execute any Duty of a King. And it is plain, that to fit on the Throne, is
always Synonymous to reigning in Holy Scripture. So in Tully we read, (p) Venia-
mus in fórum : Seſum ite, precor. Quid ? ut judicetur. Again, (2) Sedere in folio
ornatu regali
. And again, (r) Maloque in illa tua ſedecula ſedere , quam in iftorum
ſella curuli
. Thus Homer repreſents the Gods fitting, and in him Fupiter expreſſing
his Kindneſs for Juno, tells her, that ſhe ſhall fit with the Gods :
barrots,
dent
se
ΟΙ (1) Ισον εμοί φegνέεσα μετ’ άθουνάτοισι καζους.
And ſtill more plainly in Callimachus ; Iris ſpeaking thus to Juno: I doo
10 20
(1) Σή κι εγώ, σα και παίτα, συ 3 κρείσσα καθησαι. OG bied
Mots ont i od to babaeng i
Thus King Latinus in Virgil, Go to 10 adil bolso loilodove it
(10 min stol uit
Solio medius conſedit avito. u met een minbib SH 30
rem donanta
Donatus : Sedit regio more. Thus alfo in Ariſtophanes, Poverty boaſts, that ſhe Sits
as a Miftriſs commanding and forcing :
123
(u) "20 75g des Ou é mraveyard sou vel Super luote contrata
song at goldsvis
24
(w) Sitting with other Adjun&ts has a different Senſe.
Ho
A. Verf. 3. "Oude Geogott aíto idomde sỹ opsiyo, Like in Appearance to a Faſper and
a Sardine Stone. ] This Likeneſs doth not conſiſt in the Shape, but of the Attri-
butes, ſhewing what Diſpoſition the Sitter on the Throne is in towards Men. Thus
in Men the Countenance, Appearance, or Face, if Serene, is the Token of Good
Will and Favour ; if red, or fiery, it betokens Anger. Theſe Diſpoſitions are often
attributed to God in Scripture. Thus in Pſalm 4.6. the Light of God's Countenance
is a Token of Good or Favour, which the Pſalmiſt prays for, to confound thoſe
that upbraid Ifrael, and ſay, Who will ſhew us any Good ? Thus alſo in Pſalm 44. 3.
the Light of God's Countenance is put fynonymouſly with Favour ; for it follows,
becauſe thou hadſt a Favour unto them. On the other Hand, Coals of Fire proceeding
out of God's Mouth or Countenance, are often uſed to expreſs his Anger , Pſalm 18.
8, 12, 13. Ezek. 1. 13. and Habak. 3.5. Now here we muſt obſerve, and I ſhall:
prove it fufficiently in (x) another place, that Gems or precious Stones are the Sym-
bols of Divine Oracles, of his Will and Commandments, and that his Will, whe-
ther for good or bad, is to be known by the Colours of the Gems, according to the
Rule of the Onirocriticks. Wherefore by theſe Gems we may know the Difpofition
of God's Countenance, whether for Good or Evil. The white and bright ſhining Co-
lour is the Symbol of good Will and Favour, the Red is that of Anger and Deſtru-
&tion, as I ſhall ſhew in many places. The Jaſper is a Gem of a white and blueiſh Sky
Colour and bright, upon which Account the Poet calls it (y) éarógeoov. The Sardine
Stone is red, as the Word 097%, by which it is tranſlated, certainly implies. And I
8
(0) M. T. C. de Nar. Deor. Lib. III.
(q) Idem de Finib. Lib. II.
Idem ad Attic. Lib. II.
(s) Hom. Iliad. O. v. 50. 12 (t) Callimach.
Hymn, in Del
(u) Ariftoph. Plut.
(w Note on Chap. 14. 6. C. and on
Chap 17 7. C. (20) See the Note upon Chap. 21. 20. I.
() Orpheus de
Lapid. Jaſpid.
ſuppoſe

Ch. IV. v. 3:
The Throne of God.
163
ſuppoſe it is never otherwiſe tranſlated but by Sardine, as may be ſeen in Exod. 28. 17.
Ezek. 28. 13. In ſhort, it is a Gem of the (2) Ruby Kind. Finally,
Finally, we muſt ob-
ſerve the Order, firſt the Jaſper, and next comes the Sardine Stone. All this toge-
ther fignifies, that now when God begins to reign in the Chriſtian Chúrch, he will
give out Oracles, by which he will ſhew his Diſpoſition of good Will firſt towards
Men, but afterwards of Anger and Deftru&tion. That, if Men obey his Oracles,
he may ſhew them the Brightneſs of his Countenance ; but if they
deſpiſe them, he
will thew them at laſt the Redneſs, angry, fiery, and deftru&tive Difpofition there-
of. And this is God's Method, to begin to gain Men by Love; if not, then to de-
ſtroy them in his Anger. (a) Tychonius faith, Poteſt hoc loco & vita fervorum dei
intelligi : quia ad fimilitudinem aqua & ignis interdum in hac vita
omnes fancti habent
proſpera, interdum patiuntur adverſa. Beſides, if theſe Two Colours reſpect the
Two Covenants, then it may fignify, that he will now ſhew to the Fews and Gentiles,
that obey his Oracles, Favour; as he hath ſhewn to the Diſobedient among the Jews, the
obedient
Anger of his Countenance for having diſobeyed.
We muſt further obferve, that Gems, being Subſtances not only bright and
glorious, and the moſt valuable, but alſo permanent ; inſomuch as no other Sub-
Itance preſerves its Nature without Decay like them, as hath been generally be-
lieved; they denote conſequently the Permanency and Conſtancy of God's Oracles,
and what exceeding Value we ought to ſet upon them. See the Parable of the Pearl,
Matth. 13. 45. For this Reaſon theſe Symbols from Gems are not uſed, but
about Matters which are to be of a conſtant and long Duration. So that upon the
Whole, theſe Two Gems being the one White, the other Red ; they ſhew, that
it is God's conſtant Purpoſe and Deſign, whilſt this Throne doth laſt; that is, du-
ring all the Time that the Church is Militant, to be on the one Hand loving and
merciful, and on the other terrible and ſevere, according to the Obedience or Dif-
obedience given to him. But in the New Jeruſalem, the State of the Church
Triumphant, when all Enemies are overcome, and none but his Saints before him,
all is of Faſper, or White and Serene , his Great Throne, the Luminary, the
Building of the Wall
, and the Gates. He is then reſolved to thew them nothing
but Love and Favour, with the happy Effets of it. This gives me Occaſion to
take Notice of the various Viſions of God ſhewn to Mofes, and to Ezekiel. When
God ſhewed himſelf, or at leaſt the Place of his Standing, to (b) Moſes , Aaron,
Nada, and Abihu, and the Elders of Iſrael, he ſtood upon a paved Work of a
Saphire Stone, and as it were the Body of Heaven in his Clearneſs ; that is, he
was reſolved to thew himſelf conſtantly good and kind, and as pleaſant as the Serene
Sky. "Noms dido sepecóuc16 8 čegvé, LXX. as Serene and clear as the Sight of
thé Firmament above the Clouds, not to be broken with any Rain. Theſe Men having
fome Knowledge of the Symbolical Learning of the Ægyptians, or at leaſt, as
Mojes might explain it to them, muſt needs underſtand by it, the wonderful Kind-
neſs and fåtherly Affe&tion of God towards them at that Time. This I find, that
the Egyptians, who had the Notion of a Supreme Deity, which as we ſee in (c)
Plutarch, they believed to be azónzov, without Origin, and Immortal, calling it
Kvio: And as we ſee in Porphyry's Collections in (d) Euſebius, they look'd upon
him as the Creator of the World: Him they Painted of a dark Blue, The ý zgovcev in
sert pénavo ég001d. And I make no Queſtion, but they had ſuch a Deſign therein,
to expreſs the Attributes of that Deity, fignified by that Colour, which is ſo very
near that before us. And therefore ſeeing this xiqvov, or Blue, is the Colour of the
Serene Sky, it may be ſuſpected that Homer had ſuch a Notion in his Mind, when
he wrote thoſe remarkable Verſes, in which having deſcribed Jupiter granting the
Requeſt, he obſerves it was confirmd by a gracious Nod, which he ſays was done
with his Eyebrows, to which he gives the Epithet warámor, Blue ; but which in
this place is as much as Serene :
(6) Η, και κυανόησιν επ' οφρύσα να σε Κρονίων.
bollo
(«) See the Note on Cap. 21. 20. B.
Plutarch de Iſid. & Ofirid. Page 398.
Homer Iliad. A. V. 527:
(4) Homil. 2.
(6) Exod. 24. 10.
(d) Euſeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. III. Page 69.
And
164
The Throne of God.
Ch. IV. V. 3.

ai swy
And perhaps the Divining Rod of Tireſias, given him by Minerva, as (1) Apollo
dorus ſays, is obſerv’d to have been of this Colour, becauſe of good Omen, and
ſuitable to that Serene Sky, which was proper to make Obſervations for Auguries.
For by ſuch a Staff the (8) Augurs divided the Regions of the Sky, which mighị
not be done with the Hand. But what is ſtill patter to our Purpoſe is, that the
Image of Fupiter Ammon, perhaps one of the oldeſt in that Kind, was thus adorn d
with Emeralds, and other Gems. Diodorus : (h) Tờ ô Ebavov in quaedy say ng
åmay retize). So (i) Blancard reads out of (k) Quintus Curtius, who copied
Diodorus. See the Note on Chap. 21. 20. I. In Ezekiel, () God appears on his
Throne, all Fire upwards, and all Fire downwards; and in the Second (m) Viſion
of the ſame, in the Preſence of ſome of the Captives
, God is all Anger too, and
Coals of Fire to throw it upon the City. All this ſhews God's Wrath and Anger
at Iſrael and Judah at that Time. However obſerve, that in the Firſt Vifion the
Rainbow is ſeen, which ſhews, that God, notwithſtanding his fierce Anger, will re-
member his Covenant, as I ſhall prove that fignifies.
Aïl that can be required of me now, as to this particular way of explaining the
Divine Attributes of Mercy and Judgment, from this Appearance of the Faſper
Sky Colourd, and Sardine Red, is to fhew that it is conformable to the Symbo-
lical Language, or the Principles of the Hieroglyphical Science ; and conſequently
of the Prophetical Viſions: And though what I have ſaid of the Viſions of Moſes
and Ezekiel might be ſatisfactory to the Pious Reader, who is perſuaded, that God
having done fo, it is plain, that he did it with ſome Deſign to inform them as to
the Knowledge of himſelf: Yet I ſhall proceed now to thew briefly , that the Egyp-
tians, and others, did actually repreſent the Qualities of their Gods in a manner
Analogical to this. And firſt, we have a remarkable Place in Plutarch to this Pur-
poſe, wherein we read theſe Words, (n) ?Etsi OS cos èn e vSpózois tej Jozápisov egestas diena
φοροι, και σε παθητικά και αλόγε , τους με αθενές και αμαυρών έπ λείψανον , ώσπερ είπωμα,
τοίς πολυ και δυσκατάσβεσον ένεσιν, ων ίχνη και σύμβολα πολλαχ θυσίαι και τελεται και μυθολο-
zie ry drequr dit souver des nog ulo'er. i. e. There are among the Demons, as well
as among Men, different Virtues and Paffions, and unreaſonable Deſires; in some of
them fome weak and obſcure Remnants, like Exuberancies, but in others they are
found in great Abundance, and very ſtubborn, of which the Sacrifices, Myſteries, and
Mythologies, preſerve and retain up and down, Footſteps and Symbols ſpread about.
It is plain by this
, that he looks upon the Religion and Ceremonies of the Pagans,
as being Symbolical Repreſentations, and Effects of the good Nature, or evil Dif
poſitions, of the Demons worſhipped therein. And indeed not only thoſe, but alſo
the monſtrous
Figures of their Deities, which are alſo comprehended therein, were,
and (0) are ſtill, where ſuch are found, Symbolical"; they repreſent to the View of
the Worſhippers, what Good or Evil they may expect from them. I ſhall give (p)
hereafter fome Hints of this Matter, as it comes in my Way: And ſhall only here
back this Notion with the Authority of Philo: (9) Kaimo tei welurice tawia xj meg mo o pesía
ματα ξοάνοις και άγαλμα esσκαθίδρυ), δια συμβόλων μύυονία τους ωφελείας ας παρέχον)
glúet of dyspešnwp oi Tipé pelvor. In like Manner Pauſanias, fpeaking of the Statue of
Fortune, and its Symbolical Enfigns, adds, (r) route Hi Toséwédiasse d oes tei égzda
And ſo Salluff the Philoſopher ſays : (s) 'Arviy peeta ji rétov in rois da quasov oziv istivo
The remaining Images and Medals on which Gods are repreſented, are ſtill Monu-
ments of this. And (t) Servius too.
Now God himſelf, who is above them all, and the only proper Object of Wor-
fhip, becauſe he alone can do Good, or ſuffer Evil to come upon Men, draws them
to himſelf by Fear and Love; and conſequently every where inculcates his Power
and Love to Mankind, together with the Severity of his Juſtice turning to Anger
and Deſtruction, as Men behave themſelves ; God himſelf, I ſay, being inviſible,
cannot therefore be repreſented by any viſible Similitude : And therefore in this
(f) Apollod. Biblioth. Lib. III. Cap. 3. Sect. 7.
(8) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. VII.
Col. 1163.
(b) Diodor. Lib. XVII. Page 589. (i) Blancard. Not. in Arrian. Exped.
Lib. III. (k) Q. Curt. Lib. IV. Cap. 7. (1) Ezek. 1. 27.
(m) Ezek. 10. I.
(n) Plut. de Defect. Orac. Edit. Ald. Page 278.
(0) D. Fryer's Trav. Lett. I. Chap. 4.
Page 32.
() See the Note on Chap. 17. 5. Babylon, (9) Philo de Legat. ad Caium.
Page 691.
(r) Pauſan. Meſſenic. Page 141. (s) Salluft. Philoſ. de Diis & Mund. Cap. 6.
(t) Vid. Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. I Col. 524.
Viſion
2
Ch. IV. v. 3.
165
The Throne of God.

Vifion the Prophet's Account makes no Mention of any. Indeed the Heathens, by
their Symbolical Images in various Forms and Matter, gave Occafion to think
grofly of their Gods; and if the true God had ſuffered Men to liken him to any
Shape, they would thereby have fallen into the ſame grofs Opinion of it, and to
put little Difference between him and them; fo that he allowed no "Symbol
, but
that which viſibly repreſented ſome Adjunct of God, and thus gave Åflurance of
his inviſible Preſence: And ſuch was the Throne in the Tabernacle. His Attributes
were ſet forth in the Law, or Oracles, received from thence, and kept there. But
when God is obliged to ſet forth his Will, as changed, and his Oeconomy improved,
the Diſpoſition of his Decrees may be well repreſented by ſuch Symbols, as were
already allowed by himſelf
, and known by Men. And when he exhibits Prophe-
tical Viſions, it muſt be in the ſame Manner
. There is nothing in the Viſions of the
true Prophets, which gives us carnal Opinions of God, any more than the
ev 3pwmod 342, ſhewn throughout the Holy Scripture, whereby God ſpeaks to Men
of himſelf, as if he were a Man ſubject to the like Paſſions. The Symbols of the
Heathen Gods were ridiculous and wicked, but the Holy Ghoſt gives out nothing
here, but what nobly deſcribes the Perfection of the Divine Attributes. The internal
Attributes of God, as the Syſtematical Divines call them, cannot be ſet forth to the
View by Symbols ; and therefore the Holy Ghoſt doth not uſe Symbols to that Pur-
poſe, but puts them in the Mouth of his reaſonable Worſhippers, who by Reflexion
átknowledge them; but as for the External, or Relatives, they, being accompanied
with Actions,or Adjunéts viſible, are capable of coming under viſible Symbols: Such are
here his Love and juſtice. Neither is it more abſurd to repreſent theſe by Symbols
than by Words, which are Symbols themſelves. And the Reaſon ferch'd from the
Practice of Idolaters, as making it unworthy that God ſhould be uſed in this Reſpect
as their Demons, is frivolous, becauſe it falls upon the Words themſelves, for even
the Hebrew 01728, (u) was given to the falſe Gods as well as the True. And if
my Obſervation be true, which is to be ſeen (w) elſewhere in this Book, the Word
God, which we apply to the true, did once at firſt fignify a Principle, or Notion, ab-
ſolutely falſe, which would be Impiety in a Chriſtian to own.
B. Kai ies wraó.JEV Tð 9p6ve, And a Rainbow round about the Throne.] The Rain-
bow hath been inſtituted by God himſelf, as the Symbol or Sign of his Covenant
with Mankind after the Flood, wherein he had deſtroyed all Mankind excepting
Noah and his family, by which he promiſed never to do ſo again, and that he would
remember his Promiſe upon the sight of it, Genef. 9.9.---17. So that whilſt this
World laſts, it will be a Token of God's Reconciliation with Mankind, and con-
ſequently that he will not bring them wholly under his Anger to deſtroy them. So
that in general, it is a Symbol of God's Willingneſs to receive Men into Favour
again. Hierom thinks that the Word Iris, uſed in the Greek and Latin Tongues,
comes from the Chaldee się n'y, in Dan. 4. 13, 23. which there ſignifies literally
the Patroler, Protector, Watch, or Guardian Angel of a City or Country, the
egingpgco's zij änguany, as in the Scholion, or åpeng, as in the LXX. For the Inter-
pretation of Daniel is of Theodotion's Édition, or at leaſt interpolated with the LXX.
În this Senſe, by this Iris or Rainbow, God would fignify, that he deſigns to become
now the Protector of Chriſtians; which is indeed the fame in Senſe, as his entring
into Covenant again, or elſe renewing and remembring the old Covenant made with
Noah. But I queſtion the Truth of it, and of thoſe given by the Greek Etymo
logiſts, and therefore ſhall propoſe another, which is, that iees is of the Hebrew
Extraction, and comes from 77, which at firſt might fignify a Bow in general, and
afterwards be adapted to the New Moon, when it is like a Bow. And the Learned
Gouſſet derives the very Word Arcus from thence: Which Word, in the Latin
Tongue , fignifies not only a Bow in general, but alſo the (x) Rainbow. In the
Hiſtorian Fuſtin, the Name of the City Fericho, 1771 is Arcus, either becauſe this
ſeem'd to be the true Notion of the Word, or elſe this Name was given to it from
the Situation, the Mountains about it making the Figure of a Bow. Now the Iris
is called by God himſelf his Bow, Geneſ. 9. 13. Moreover, from the Similitude of
(w) See the Note on Chap. 12. 9. B.
(u) 2 Kings 18. 33, 34. Pfal. 96.5. Exod. 12. 12.
(2) Horatius de Art. Poet. Plautus Curcul.
Uu
the
166
The Throne of God.
Ch. IV. v. 3.

the Iris to a Bow we may infer, that it was no improper Symbol of a Covenant of
Peace between God and Mankind; and conſequently that this Iris about him in
this Vifion doth really imply, that God is now either making or renewing a Cove-
nant of Peace with Mankind. The common Bow is indeed a Symbol of War
and Victory, as we ſhall ſee (y) hereafter, but the Rainbow hath Two notable Pro-
perties, which make it fit to be a (2) Symbol of Peace. For Firſt, its Rundle, or
Part which ſhould look towards the Object aimed at, is always turned from the
Earth, ſhewing thereby, that it aims not at Men, as we know that the pointing of the
Sword downward is a Token of Submiſſion, or ſurrendring. Secondly, it hath no String,
which ſhews, that the Maſter will not ſhoot : So that a (a) Bow unbent, or without
String, is a proper Symbol of Peace and Friendſhip. As to the Heathens, who had no
Knowledge, or Remembrance of the Inſtitution of the Rainbow, the Iris was neverthe-
lefs Deified, and made a Meſſenger between God and Man, as (b) Homer himſelf hath
ufed it, which ſeems to be fome faint Remnant of its firſt Inſtitution. And Ari-
fophanes accordingly introduces (c) Iris as the Meſſenger or Mediator of a Treaty.
Therefore when (d) Nonnus faith, "Aysnov ieu é meu. E dvormenor, he miſtakes the true
Notion, and makes a wrong Application of it. And ſo did Servius Honcratus too,
when he ſaid, Ex magna parte fervatur, ut Mercurius ad concordiam, Iris ad diſ-
cordiam mittatur : unde & Iris dieła eft, quaſi "Eers. For even the Place of Virgil,
Æneid, Lib. V. which he is upon, tends to a Concord beţween the Romans and
Tyrians, which Funo not having effected before, would now prevent the Seeds of
future Wars between them. (e) Artemidorus alſo faulters in his Interpretation of
Iris. He makes it Twofold, a Right and a Left; the Firſt Good, the latter Evil :
Now the Situation of it, he faith, muſt be taken from the Sun. I under-
ſtand him not. Perhaps he ſpeaks of the broken Parts of a Rainbow, which
ſometimes appear when the Cloud is too little : If ſo, 'tis eaſy to gueſs that a broken
or half Rainbow may fignify an imperfect Covenant or Reconciliation. But in what
follows, he is more intelligible and true too ; where he faith, that howſoever it ap.
pears, 'tis always accounted Good to them that are in great Poverty, or other ill Cir-
cumſtances. Ammianus Marcellinus makes this Obſervation upon it: (f) Et quo-
niam indicium eſt permutationis aure , ideo apud Poetas legimus, Sape Irim de cælo
mitti, cum præſentium rerum fit ftatus mutatio. And all this is ſuitable to the na-
tural Properties of the Rainbow, for it never appears but when there is a gentle
Rain, with the Sun ſhining; which kind of Rain is never known to do any Harm,
but much Good. Whence, as we ſhew (8) elſewhere, the kind and gentle Rain is
an Effect of God's Favour , and the Notion of the Good God hath been that of
giving kind Influences by gentle Rains. . I find indeed the Portentum of the (b)
Rainbow, in the Hiſtory of the Deſtruction of Thebes, ſaid to be foretold by an
Omen of a great Cobweb, as big as a Cloak, having a Rainbow upon it, on which
all agreed. But whatever Good an Iris may fignify, yet being ſeen upon ſuch an
Adjunct, no wonder it ſhould be explained fo; as we ſhould alſo do on the like
Occaſion, were it uſed in this Prophecy. After all, it muſt be confeſs’d, that (1)
Homer makes the Iris a Sign of War, and Storms to puniſh Men. All that can be
concluded thence is, that the true Notion of its Uſe was forgotten. Tychonius faith
to the fame Purpoſe as we, in theſe Words ; (k) Et quid per hanc niſi réconciliationem
mundi deſignatur, quæ per incarnati verbi diſpenſationem facta cognoſcitur. Con-
gruenier
ſiquidem ad reconciliationem humani generis
, in novo Teſtamento arcus figu-
ratim apparuiſe deſcribitur : qui in veteri quoque ideò in nubibus a Domino pofitus
intelligitur, ut poft inundationem diluvij per eum terris pax reddita cognofceretur,
ut ſcilicet ejus viſione pacti ſui memor omnipotens Deus nequaquam ultra aquarum
immenſitate deleri terram pateretur. And Gregory Nazianz. in that little Tract of
his callid onpic.cía, being Conjectures upon the ſignification of Ezekiel's Viſion, ex-
plains it fo too ; "Ievv ö did the ciglules we dla súrles Tlus aves's sipas word to Olod.
C. Kuxaétov po opórs, Round about the Throne. ] There is no idle Word in this
whole Prophecy. So that according to this, the Signification of the Rainbow muſt
10
(y) See Note on Chap. 6. 2. B. («) V. Gouffet Voce vel Rad. nup. (a) V. Spencer
of Prodigies, Cap. 2. Sect. 7. Page 157.
(6) Homer. Iliad. B.
Ariſtophan.
Avib. Comme (d) Nonn. Dionyf. Lib. 20.
(e) Artemid. Lib. II. Cap. 39.
(f) Ammian. Marcell. Lib. xx.
(8) See the Note on Chap. 12. 9. B.
(h) Diodor,
Sicul. Lib. XVII. Page 567.
(i) Homer. Iliad. P. v. 547. (k) Tychon. Hom. II.
2
be

Ch. IV. V.4. 96 The Throne of God. d
167
be made to fuit with the Throne, and the emphatical Word xuxabre too. It fignifies
therefore, that all the Rule, Dominion and Power of God in his Church, is con
ftantly attended with an earneſt Deſire to draw all Men to himſelf
, and flew them
the Abundance of his Grace and Favour. He can as it were look on no Side of him,
whilft our King, but he is put in Mind thereof. Ezek. 18. 32. and Chap. 33. 11.
2 Pet. 3. 9. Gal. 3. 22. sino
Olasz vficvilo inventoil to ugl vent
D. "Ovoide é esset ova@gytivo, In Sight like an Emerald.] The Rainbow doth not cori-
fiſt wholly of one Colour, as the Emerald, but of many, as every Body may fee.
I have ſeen one that had about Twelve diſtin& Stripes of Colours without being
divided, as the Primary and Secondary Rainbow are : But this was extraordinary.
The very mention of the Emerald and its Appearance, Sight, or Colour , is enough
to make us think that we muſt not apply the Signification of each of the Colours
of the natural Rainbow, which would certainly be contrary to the Intent of this Sym-
bolical one. For which Reaſon the Holy Ghoſt hath here limited it to one ; and
that too of the cleareſt Sort. For as Pliny faith, (2) Nullius coloris aſpectus jucundior
eſt. Nam herbas quoque virentes frondeſque avidè'
Spectamus. Smaragdos verò tan-
to libentiùs, quoniam nihil omnino viridius comparatum illis viret. Prætereà foli
gemmarum contuitu oculos implent, nec ſatiant. But various Colours would imply
various Chances, as the Soothſayers of the Thebans explain’d the Rainbow in the
Cobweb. Diodorus Sicul. expreſſes it thus : (m) TÒ Ý Tedo zgados, mely led to mula
ría.wo yes puova. Thus the Rainbow Colours in the Smoke of the Incenſe portended the
various Fates of the Deſcendants of Oedipus, as (n) Seneca hints. And thus the va.
rious Fortune and Manners of O&avius Auguſtus, who in the Triumvirate was attend.
ed with moſt bloody Wars and Cruelty, but afterwards met with a moft durable Peace,
are thought to have been portended by the Halo or Rainbow about the Sun upon his
firſt Entrance at Rome after Julius Cæſar's Death. Vell. Paterculus : (0) Et cum in.
traret urbem, folis orbis ſuper caput ejus, curvatus æqualiter , rotundatuſque in colo-
rem Arcus, veluti coronam tanti mox viri capiti imponens, conſpectus ejĚ
. For theſe
Reaſons I ſhall here ſet down the Expofition of the Colours of Gems to ſerve elſe-
where, and to thew here the Neceſſity of explaining only the green Colour concern-
ing this Symbolical Rainbow, as the Holy Ghoſt directs. The Colours are White,
Red, Blue, and Green; and are thus explained by the Indian Interpreter, Chap.
247.
bsbuloni bolgoo
Βασιλάς εαν ήδη όπ εφόρεσε γέμια λακών έν μαργαρί τους ενώπιον τέ λαέ αυτές ορήσει απρόο
Telor sỹ cigas keo cúvlu [leg. dogmuo suólw, ut E Verf. latina] weds * sæde oută xj rein
ανάλογον. .
'Ec ö l e Eegu poor štoi augveggero di güvet zaregiv dinge meséegu, xj polézá nas O Esoj tois sxa
Az es.
20 s)
'Ει ώ εκ λίθον βεγέτων, άρήσει δια το χώμα υφεσιν και μετείωσίν η βασιλείας αυτά.
Ει 3 ώ εκ πρασίνων λίθων, αφήσει αέρρημον όνομα εν πάσιν, ώς τε τίω πίσιν και τίω βασιλείς
αν αυτά. του πράσινο χρώμα και τιμίων λίθων καθ' όλα είς ήξιν ορθίων και θεοσέβειαν κρί-
vela,
co
The like may be ſeen in Chap. 259. and indeed, all the Colours in general are
explained in the ſame Manner in many other Places. By this we ſee, that the Will
of God towards a Reconciliation with Mankind is wholly ſincere, and may be ſafely
relied upon to make us Pious towards him. By the Jaſper and Sardine he ſhews
indeed, that as he is loving, ſo he is juſt and ſevere to his Enemies; but by this
clear green Emerald Rainbow, that he heartily deſires, that the Wicked ſhould turn
to him, and live to receive the Benefits of his Favours. For this green hath the laſt
Place ; God is willing even at laſt to receive us at any Time. He ſhews us firſt his
Kindneſs and Favour, then threatens us with his Severity ; but at laſt he will ſhew
Mercy, remembring his Covenant.
*A. Verf. 4. Kai wraó Jer få Spóvx Spóvo eixcorteweges , fAnd round about the Throne
were Twenty Four Thrones
. ] This Phraſe, and the following are an ev did suoir very
uſual in the Hebrew Language, and frequent in this Book , which we ſhould expreſs
thus, And Twenty Four Elders fitting upon Twenty Four 'Thrones round about the
20. Tion
i bags
ond
counting ។
2
(1) Plin. Hift. Natur. Lib. XXXVII. Cap. s.
(m) Diodor: Sicul. Lib. XVII. Page 567.
(n) Senec. Oedip. V. 314,
Vell. Paterc. Lib. II. Cap. 59. Vid. Jul. Obſequent. Prodig.
Sect. LXVI. Senec. Nac. Quæft. Lib. I. Cap. 2. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 28.
Throne;
a |NE
168
The Elders about the Throne.
Ch. IV. v. 4.

Throne ; that is, the former great Throne of God. Besvo and spéro are the fame
as (p) Søess, and fignify a Bench to fit upon. I take theſe Thrones to be fuch as are
mentioned in the Deſcription of Solomon's great Throne by the Name of Steps
mokyo, evebebuoi, raiſed Benches like Steps, but ſerving as Búueta, either to ſtand
or fit upon, as Occafion ſerves ; Six on each side of the Throne, upon which were
placed ſo many Figures of Lions, Symbolically repreſenting, in my opinion, ſo many
Princes, Heads or Elders of the Tribes of Iſrael
, (ſee i Kings 4.7, &c.) as Affel-
fors or Counſellors to King Solomon, fitting in Council on his Throne to rule or judge.
In the fame Manner thefe Twenty Four Benches are deſigned for the Symbolical
Elders or Heads of the People in the Chriſtian Church. Their being wxaósev, round
about, implies as much as on both Sides of the Throne, on the Right and Left
Hands, as it is uſual in ſupreme Councils or Courts, but moſt exactly obſerved in the
Ew.spovor of the Greek Churches, though in this Em spover the Seats are not divided
as in this Viſion. See the Annotations of our Reverend Prelate Dr. Beveridge on
the (9) Canons of the Nicene Council , and his Scheme thereof. All this is in Imi-
tation of the antient Monarchs in Aſia. The following Words of Arrian ſhew
it: (η) Είναι και κλίνας εκατέρωθεν το θρόνο αργυρόποδες , εφ' ών οι αμφ' αυτόν εταίροι ομάθωτο:
So Ephippus Olynthius : (s) Ev Tod des Scion énetro'urb zsugas SpórG®, xj znivo depeortodes
,
šo? est rou Se Copefu ezenuertice pete oslo eroígon. In all this the Perſian Cuſtom was fol-
lowed.
exam
Ο Β. Και οι τις θρόνες άδον τας εικοσιτέσσαρας αρεσβυτέρες καθημερες, And upon the Throne
I ſaw the Twenty Four Elders ſitting.] The Article Tès ſhould be left out, as being
improper here, becauſe thoſe Elders have never been ſpoken of before ; and ſo it is
in many MSS. of good Note, fome Oriental, and our common Tranſlation. The
Elders of the People are their Rulers under God, approaching near him, and execu-
ting his Orders by whom they reign. Tleeoßuzege and "Aşgorles, Elders and Rulers,
or Heads of the People, are the ſame according to the Stile of the Hebrew Writings.
Of theſe each Tribe had one. In Numbers 7. 1. they are n'a 'UR), Heads of Hou-
fes; and alſo 721080), Princes of Iſrael, in the LXX "Aggo 07es (t). Which
Twelve were there admitted , at the Dedication of the Tabernacle, to offer in the
Names of their reſpective Tribes ; and conſequently repreſented them ; or in Caſe of
publick Sin, as in Levit. 4.15, which Place is clear, that they repreſented alſo the
People, and included thoſe under them. Thus in Egypt the "Apzovles , Princes or
Lords of Pharaoh's Houſe are called oup, rageoßútrege in Genef. 50. 7. as well as the
Lords of the Land. In Iſrael they had commonly this Name, as appears from
Exod. 17: 5. 18: 12. Levit. 4. 15. To the fame Senſe we read gøpsaíce in
the LXX, Exod. 3. 16, 18. And in Numbers 22. 7. gegroit Mwell, the El-
derſhip, or Elders, bijpt, which in the next Verſe, and afterwards are alw,
Princes, in the LXX "Aggoles
. The fame muſt be faid of the Arabick Scheikh , an
old Man, or a Prince, and of the Perſian Pir. See Herbelot on thoſe Titles. And
this is according to the Stile of the Grecians, who called their Rulers Tegscia, eſpe-
cially the Spartans, who kept old Cuſtoms better than any of the reſt. Thus an
Herald in Ariſtophanes his Lyſiſtrata ; nec ni tot ad TES
liv se osri 60 aw nit del verbo venuti sul
no Merrn oris na badalaus
yl57) on Tã Tam 'A Savêvesto gapwoía 'H701 Tigutuves ; liono buswoj bo 30
eworll sd onibu Where is the Elderſhip of Athens, or the Prytanes ? os toqu boiler
aidt vo ad piros
dans la
bone
Age and Wiſdom ariſing from Experience, according to the Notion of the Ancients,
as well Hebrews as others, gave Authority, as appears by this very Caſe. See Ho-
mer. Iliad. A. v. 344. zágxor, the Schol. Tois antiquiors. And Iliad. B. v. 404. And Iliad.
1. v. 70, 89. As alfo Iliad. 2./V. 503. the Schol. oi due sceh Saovozi. As for Wiſdom
giving Authority, fee Note on Chap. 17. 9. A. In the ancient Saxon tranſmitted to
the Engliſh Nation, Ealdor is both an old Man and a Prince. The Verſion of Matth.
20. 25. inſtead of "Aggories puts Ealdor menn, and in the Saxon Chronicle Ealdor-Man
is often uſed to fignify a Magiſtrate, great Ruler or General of an Army. From ipo
perhaps comes by Corruption or Diale&t the Chaldee 110., a Prince. Thus as for
fignifies a Beard, ſo it hath happened, that among the Waldenſes their Rulers or
(p) Vid. Hefych. (2) In Can. XI. Concil. Nicen. I. Page 76.
Alex. Lib. VII.
(9) Apud Athenæum, Lib. XII. Cap. 9.
34:31, 35; 27. Numb. 1:44. in the Hebrew and LXX.
( ) Arrian. Exped.
(t) See Exod. 16: 22.
Presbyters

Ch. IV. V. 4.
The Elders about the Throne.
169
for them, whereon they fit with Crowns as theſe here : Ecce Sennacher mille ſedilia
Presbyters were called Barbes : For Beards as they denote Age, ſo they ſtrike an
Awe into the reſt, and draw Reverence on them that have them. Thus réggs in Ho-
mer, one that hath Remnants of Hebrew Notions , fignifies not only old Age, but al-
To Honour and Veneration. And therefore we ſee that
Aſtrampſychus and Nicephorus in
their Onirocritick iambicks explain this of Honour, Γέροντα σαυτόν ει βλέπεις, έξεις γέeας.
Now as theſe Elders are Princes, or Rulers, or Heads, ſo in the Chriſtian Oeconomy they
Tepreſent the whole Body of the Laity under them, which at firſt was compoſed of
Fews and Gentiles, Twelve ſtanding for each of theſe, in the fame Manner as after-
wards, Rev. 7. 4, 9. the Faithful are firſt numbred out of the Tribes of Iſrael, and
after that, of the Gentiles. And that theſe Elders or Heads repreſent the People,
whilft the Prieſthood officiates before God, will appear afterwards': So that there is no
Queſtion, but here is an Allufion to thoſe Heads of Iſrael, who did Homage and
Service for all Iſrael at the Dedication of the Tabernacle, at which Time God was
as it were inaugurated King of Iſrael, as he is now here over Fews and Gentiles with
his Son Jeſus Chriſt, whoſe Church or Kingdom, as to civil Matters, theſe are to
govern, whilſt the Prieſthood officiates at the Altar, which is now
low the Throne of
Grace, Hebrews 4. 16. Any one who knows the Ceremonies of our King s Inaugu-
ration, and the Homage performed then by the Lords, or hath ſeen the enaĉting
of
Laws in Parliament, the King fitting on his Throne, and the Lords on Benches be-
fore him, and the Commons at the Bar, may eaſily apply that and the reſt, which I
name not, to thoſe ſeveral Circumſtances, which I am now about , or ſhall conſider
in their due Order. As for the Onirocriticks, they plainly ſet out the ſame : The
Perſian, Chapter 16th, faith, "Edv as inn not ov ep écos
) dr ön nermis én el Suonen rej nekada say dir-
Spestrol or relotos surg, Boad this soños y Badaci rý dpa
nú oz). See the reſt, and what the
Egyptian faith in the next Chapter. This ſhews that theſe are Judges or Rulers.
So Alexander the Great imitated the Perſian Cuſtom : (4) Éretto "auris quois Spóvo, j
raivae aggueómodos, ép xe geçoulu o zenuenice u OS Sturgeon. For thus the Targum on
Iſaiah, Chap. 10. 32, deſcribing the Coming of Sennacherib, his Lords or Princes
are there deſcribed, and their valt Numbers Thewn by the Thrones or Seats prepared
orum profe&us eft, & tranfüt tres ſtationes, duxitque ſecum quadragies mille fedilia
aurea, 1801, quibus filij regum redimiti coronis inſidebant. And this means that he
had an innumerable Army, ſince he had Forty Thouſand Lords and Counſellors.
• Thus allo we read in Eſther 3. 1, that the King of Perſia is faid to have advanced
Haman, and ſet his Seat above all the Princes ; his Seat, or Throne, 1801, is Syno-
nymous there to the Word 177803", made him XVI, a Prince, gave him the pregedpíci,
or én gestol espet, LXX, as chief Magiſtrate of all under himſelf. So this denotes from
what people the Church is framed ; and theſe Twenty Four Elders comprehend and
repreſent all. Tychonius, (b) Seniores totam Eccleſiam dicit , ficut Efaias, cùm in
medio fenum fuerit glorificatus. Ambroſius Ansbertus makes it out thus both of theſe
Elders and the Wights, (x) Sed ecce fortaſſe quis dubitat, utrum in quatuor anima-
libus ac viginti quatuor ſenioribus ſecundum præmiſſam intelle&us noſtri formam, tota
Eccleſia deſignetur. Quæfo vos ở beata cæli animalia , ó præcelfe dignitates totius
mundi ſeniores, dicite fi folum quatuor, vel viginti quatuor eftis, an myſtico numero
univerſitatem Ecclefiæ deſignatis ? Dicunt enim: Redemiſti nos Deo in ſanguine tuo,
ex omni tribu & lingua & populo & natione. Si enim ex omni tribu & lingua & po-
pulo & natione redempti ſunt, conſtat nimirum, quia non jam quatuor, vel viginti qua-
tuor ſunt, cum per totum orbem multi populi multæque nationes, & fermè feptuaginta
& duæ lingua reperiantur, ex omni tribu & lingua, & populo, & natione redempti
,
totum Ecclefiæ corpus efficiuntur. Againſt what we have ſaid here, in applying theſe
Elders to the Heads of the Civil Government in the Church, there are Two Obje-
&tions.
The firſt is, that theſe Elders or Presbyters repreſent the Clergy ; it being evi-
dent, that in the Chriſtian Church that Name belongs to their Order. Of this Opi-
nion was Mede, whoſe Name muſt be venerable to all Apocalyptical Students, for
he makes the Wights to be Repreſentatives of the People. Others follow him, and
even this Opinion ſeems to be countenanced by Clemens Alexandrinus , who, among
(u) Athenæus, Lib. XII. cap. 9.
ad cap. 5:9.
(1) Homil. III.
(x) A. Ansb. in Apoc. Lib. III.
Xx
other

The Elders about the Throne.
170
Ch. IV. v. 4.
vos
Other Characters of his Gnoſtick, whom he allows to be either Clergyman, or of the
Laity, hath theſe Words ; (Y) OTG assoßozegós Tod ovn énxanoies, aj srázov @
αληθής ή σε Θε βελήσεως, εαν ποιή και διδάσκω τα σε κυείε
' έχ α' ανδρώπων χειροτονή μG, εσε
όπ πρεσβύτερο, καμG- νομιζόμδυ G-"αλλ' ότι δίκαιΘ,εν πρεσβυπρίω καταλεί μόνο κάν όντα θα ότι
γής αραβοκαθεδρία μου πμηθώ, εν τοις είκοσι και τέταρσι καθε δει 3 θρόνους ή λαόν κρίνων, ώς φησίν ω
tñ A Tronos xt La Imávuns, That is, This Man in Truth is a Presbyter of the Church, and
a true Deacon or Miniſter of God's Counſel
, if he do and teach the Things that belong
to the Lord : Not being ordained by Men, neither being accounted jut, becauſe he is
a Presbyter ; but being reckoned in the Presbytery, becauſe he is juft. And though
here upon Earth be be not honoured with Church Promotions, he ſhall fit upon the
Four and Twenty Thrones, judging the People, as St. John faith
6 in the Revelation
But nothing elſe can be made out of this, ſave only, that Clement thought, that this
Place of the Revelation related to the future State of the Church at the Reſurrection,
wherein the Laity, as well as Clergy, may have their Share without Diſtinction.
But to anſwer fully to this Objection without Evaſion, but dire&tly, it may be ob-
ferved,
In the firſt place, that this Objection is barely founded upon the Word Presbyters,
but that this is no ſure Guide, where other Matters hinder it. It is apparent through-
out this Book, that the Word and Symbols are fetch'd from the Moſaical Diſpenſa-
tion, ſo that we muſt not heed what Senſe was afterwards fix'd to them. Now
Presbyters were always the Heads of the Jewiſh Church, diſtinct from the Levitical
Order, as hath been ſhewn ; but ſecondly, what is moſt weighty, is, That of the
Two diftin&t Orders here mentioned of Wights and Presby ters, the Wights perform
the Clerical Offices of Preaching, Praying, Praiſing, and the like ; and the Presbyters
perform all Laical Duties to God, as I ſhall evidently ſhew it hereafter in each Par-
ticular. Now this is the true Touch-Stone. I ſhall conclude this with theſe Words of
(2) Lightfoot, who appears to have been of my Opinion, and for the very fame
Reaſons : « Thus then, ſays he, was the Place of the living Creatures, next the
Throne; and that being the Place of the Levites next the Sanctuary , it ſheweth,
that theſe Cherubims or Creatures, did repreſent the Miniſters, and the Wheels
" and Twenty Four Elders did repreſent the Congregation. And ſo (a) elſe
where.
In Purſuance of this Objection it is ſaid, that the Twenty Four Elders allude to
the (b) Twenty Four Orders of Prieſts, ſerving in the Temple, ſettled by David,
and of the (c) Levites in the fame Manner ; And they may ground this further upon
the Tradition of the Jews ſtill extant, that as there was a Diviſion of the Prieſts
and Levites, ſo there was a Diviſion of the Heads of the People to anſwer to them;
that whilſt the Prieſts offer'd Incenſe, and performed other Duties in the Temple,
and the Levites ſang Praiſes, and did other Duties of their Office, the People might
have a conſtant Attendance to repreſent them in the Temple, and to have their Sta-
tions there ; that there might not be any Miſs or Want of Worſhippers in the daily
Service. It is alſo pretended that this Diviſion is very Ancient, and is hinted at in
the Second of Chronicles, Chap. 23. 6. All the People ſhall keep the Watch of the
Lord. See Grotius on Luke 1. 5. And (d) Lightfoot. So that if theſe Twenty
Four Elders were to have the fame Office here in this Viſion, this would ſtrike at
we ſaid, that the Twenty Four Elders repreſent the Church compoſed of Jews
and Gentiles. But notwithſtanding all this, I ſee no Reaſon to think, that there were
Twenty Four Heads, but on the contrary only Twelve, as it is certain, that in Da-
vid and Solomon's Time there were only Twelve, according to the Number of the
Tribes. As to the Proof out of the Chronicles , it makes nothing for them ;
becauſe it doth not appear under what Number of Heads the Watch of the Lord
was kept. The Caſe ſeems extraordinary. In that Revolution to ſet up Foſiah, the
People were ſet to watch in the Temple inſtead of the Levites , whoſe conſtant Du-
ty it was, or at leaſt to help them therein, whilſt a great Part of them was employed
elſewhere to defend the King, the High Prieſt having then armed the Levites for his
239 10
1
TU
what we
101
(y) Clemens Alexand. Strom. Lib. VI. pag. 283. Edit. Sylburg. Vide Tertullian. Carmen de Judic.
Dom. Cap. VII. (2) Lightfoot. Proſpect. Templ. cap. 38.
(a) Lightfoot's Sermon on
2 Pet. 3. 13. & Harm. N. T. in loc.
(6) i Chron. 24 : 3.
(c) i Chron.
25: I.
(d)Lightfoor’s Temple-Service, cap. 7. §. III.
Safe-
3
Direto

Ch. IV. v. 4.
. The Elders about the Throne. Lizi
Safeguard, becauſe judged to be more truſty, as being Men abſolutely devoted and in
dependance of the Prieſts. This Caſe therefore makes nothing to this preſent Pur-
poſe. I will not ſay, but the People on folemn Days might have their Heads in the
Temple, to worſhip diftin&tly from all others, and very likely that the Holy Ghoſt
might allude to ſome fuch Cuſtom : Neither can we think, that the firfi folemo
Dedication in the Times of Moſes was the only Occafion on which theſe Heads thus
appeared in publick Service to God ; but this I contend for, that they were not above
the Number of Twelve, of which we have many Reaſons, but not one againſt it to
make more of them. We have even an Inſtance adapted to our Caſe, in Deut. 29.
10. Yea in all publick Caſes to offer Sacrifice for all Ifrael, which was done accord-
ing to the Number of the Tribes, we need not queſtion but the Heads of Tribes,
Repreſentatives, appeared before God. But then in this Cafe the Number of
Twelve was ſo Sacred, that even in the broken State of the Nation, after the Cap-
tivities, it was ſtill obſerved as inviolable. Eſdras 6: 17, and Chap. 8 : 35. And
undoubtedly the ſame was pra&ticed at the Dedication of Solomon's Temple, who
would not herein deviate from the old Eſtabliſhment ; whatever ſome Men fancy was
order'd by David. boobs
dystri Shov. Sodw
The Second Obječtion is, that Chriſt takes no Notice of the Civil Society and
Government, and ſo in the Chriſtian Church there is no need of Repreſentative Heads
for the People. The Clergy are the Heads themſelves in Religious Matters; and as
for other Matters we are perpetually told, that Chriſt faid his Kingdom was not of
this World. But to this it may be anſwered, that notwithſtanding all this Ob-
jection it is plain, that there is a Diſtinction of Clergy and Laity in the Chriſtian
Church, and that ſome Duties not only belong to the Prieſts to God-wärd, but alſo
to the Laity as ſuch. They muſt join as well as the former in the publiek Worſhip
of God, to bear their Parts, as it was in the Jewiſh Church. If fo, then why may
they not have Repreſentatives? Or if they have them not, yet in this Prophecy,
where Things are ſhewn by Moſaical Symbols, the Duty of the Chriſtian Laity may
be well repreſented by ſuch as become, and were performed in the Fewiſh Church.
And in a Prophetical Viſion, wherein all Matters are ſuppoſed to be done decently,
and according to a Precedent already eſtabliſhed, the Obedience of Chriſtian Laymen
is well repreſented by a ſtared Homage and Correſpondence with the
Clergy, to ho-
nour and glorify God, though in the Event Matters be not fo punctually obſerved.
However, the Intent of the Prophecy is accompliſhed in general by the Obedience of
the Chriſtian Laity. And though at firſt the Laity had no Heads, who did embrace
our Religion as ſuch, yet according to the Prophecy of (e) Iſaiah, that the Church
ſhould have Kings for Nurſing Fathers, and Queens for Nurſing Mothers; if theſe
having embraced Chriſtianity, as ſuch, do Homage to God and Chriſt, as we fee
they have done, then the Type is well employed ; for of theſe Typical Elders it
may be ſaid, as Brightman hath well obſerved of the Throne of God, that it is a
common Type for all the Ages afterwards ; Hunc typum communem omnium ætatum vi-
debimus. That is, they repreſent a Body Politick, and perpetual for the Church
from its Beginning till its Glory. For in its Glory, that State is fo great and uni-
verſal, that it is not fit to be repreſented only by Twenty Four Heads, but all the
Kings of the Earth ſhall bring their Glory to the New Ferufalem. So that in ge-
neral theſe Twenty Four repreſent all the Chriſtian Princes, with the Lay Subjects
under them, in the militant State of the Church. For what the Heads or Princes
promiſe, obliges the People under them. Thus what Priamus had promiſed to
Sinon, is afterwards ſaid of all Troy: () Serves Troja fidem : Whereupon Servius
faith : Quia quod Rex promittit, videtur Refpublica polliceri.
Laſtly, As to the Words of our Saviour to Pilaté, (8 ) My Kingdom is not of this
World, becaufe it is found that the Atheiſts pretend to retort them upon us, in
order to conclude, that the Supreme Powers are at full Liberty to chuſe what Re-
ligion they pleaſe to embrace, and to impoſe it upon their Subjects ; ſo that our
Religion, and the Holy Scriptures, have no Authority, but what they receive from
the Civil Powers, as Hobbs hath pretended : Or elfe, that every Man hath a natural
Liberty to do it for himſelf, there being no Obligation upon any Man to embrace
any Religion but as he pleaſes, which is the Drift of a late Author in this Nation,
E (e) Iſa. 49. 23.
(f) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. II.
(8) John 18. 36.
that
172
The Elders about the Throne.
Ch. IV. v. 4.

hat pretends to affert the Rights of the Chriftian Church, which is alſo deducible
from the Principles of Hobbs, and ſuch other Irreligious Men; I ſhall here in few
Words endeavour to ſhew their Miſtake, and to ſettle the true Meaning of our Sa-
viour in thoſe Words, which according to my Opinion, have not yet been truly un-
derſtood. There are Three Particulars to be obſerved in order to do it. The firſt
is, that Pilate had interrogated Jeſus as a Judge, to know of him if he pretended to
be King of the Jews. Now the Jews were then a Kingdom, or Commonwealth,
inſtituted by God the Father himſelf
, its Firſt and Original King, which was to laſt
till the Meffias ſhould come, who with God is ſaid to be the Father o primarlo ai-
ärg, of the World to come. Secondly, it is to be obſerved, that Jeſus Chriſt was
not to be King, or Inaugurated into the Throne of God, till he had ſuffered Death,
and was riſen again. His Sufferings are the Foundation of his Glory, as ſhall be
thewn hereafter. Thirdly, that the Word (h) xóomo and aicp are Synonymous, and
both fignify ſometimes the Government of Men, or the State and Order of Human
Affairs ; of which I ſhall here give no Inſtances, becauſe they will be found here-
after. Upon theſe Grounds the Words of our Saviour to Pilate contained in that
whole Verſe, may be Paraphraſed thus. “ It is true indeed, that I am born or come
ci
into the World to be a King, but my Kingdom is not to begin, or to be over the
Jews, whilſt their Moſaical Oeconomy doth laſt, whereof my Father only was
originally King, and gave the Government of it to be inviſibly managed to
whomſoever he pleaſed. If it had been the Deſign of my Father, that I ſhould
be eſtabliſhed King, as David, Solomon, or thoſe that even lately poffeffed it in
the ſame Manner, then would all Worldly and Civil Affairs have been fo ma-
naged, and prepared by the Divine Providence, that I ſhould have found Worldly
Alliſtance to ſettle me therein ; ſo that the Nation ſubjected to me might, and
would have defended me in ſuch Manner, that the Rebellious Sort among them
could not have betrayed me as now. For indeed my Kingdom is not over this
People, whilſt they perſiſt in the Obſervation of the Law of Moſes, neicher have
I begun to eſtabliſh it yet, till other Matters be prepared for that Purpoſe. And
then his next Anſwer which is made to Pilate's Queſtion, Art thou then a King ?
will run thus, “ It is true that I am a King, for I am born, and came into the
" World for this purpoſe, even to bear Witneſs, and Prophecy or Preach the Wor-
ſhip of the true God, in order to draw the Jews to it, and the Gentiles, that
having forſaken their Lies or Idols, they may wholly betake themſelves, and
« adhere to the true Worſhip. And ſo far am I to bear Witneſs to that Purpoſe,
“ that I muſt fuffer and die, that being raiſed from Death, I may aĉtually take Por
feffion of my Kingdom, ſet up my Enfign, or Royal Standard, to call to me both
Fews and Gentiles, and Lift them as my Subje&ts, as they are in Duty bound
to be, according to the Will and Promiſe of my Father, that when I ſhall have
" thus ſuffered, I ſhall be glorified and exalted to fit at his Right Hand, to have the
« fame Power over the World, or Men, as he ſhall have then, or ever had with the
Fews and Ifraelites. So that when the Time thereof is come, and the way pre-
“ pared for it accordingly, all thoſe Men that have a true Senſe of their Duty to
“ forſake Idols, and ſerve God truly, ſhall then forſake their former ways of Wor-
ſhip, and receive my Laws, in order to give due Obedience to them. And then
I ſhall be a King indeed, but not as the fews that accuſe me, imagine, who know
not the true Intention of my Coming. In this Expoſition no Paradox is aſſerted,
but what hath been ſaid by St. Chryſoſtom, who ſpeaking of the Magi that asked
where was the King of the fews , he faith, (i) Ti 5 vej os cápoi am in to dség - ours
Reay Je’1807 ; ότι βασιλάς και Ιεδαίων ώ και και μία και τιώτης ώ η βασιλείας βασιλάς, καθώς και των
Πιλάτο έλεγαν “Η βασιλεία και εμεί εκ έσιν εκ σε κόσμε τότε.
All this is very far from proving, that God, with Jeſus Chriſt his Son, is not
really the Supreme King of the Chriſtian Religion, having due Authority to force
Men upon their Allegiance to obey him in all Reſpects as well Kings as People, and
the People rather than thoſe Princes who oppoſe his true Worſhip. Yea, Jeſus
Chriſt hath not only Right, but Might, (k) to ſubdue all Things to himſelf, and make
Earthly Kingdoms truckle ſo far, as to become tributary to him, as to the Worſhip
TOUT ob
rio lesioni i and colgile.
¿C
CC
1 (h) See I Cor. 2. 8.
(i) Joh. Chryf. Homil
. VI. in Matth,
(k) Phil. 3. 21.
due

Ch. IV. V.4.
The Elders about the Throne.
173
due to him, when the Time to execute his Decrees and Deſigns, is come according
to the Meaſure and Preſcriptions that he Niall give for that Purpoſe to the inviſible
Miniſters of his Commands, who are ſubje&ted to him, in order to bring the viſible
World, or Government, to a ſuitable Compliance ; and theſe Elders Symbolically
repreſent it upon the neceſſary Occaſions.
As to the Reaſons why the Apoſtles of Chriſt, from the Beginning, gave the
Name of Presbyters or Elders to the Chriſtian Clergy, though in the fewiſh Church
that Word was wholly appropriated to the Heads of the People not Levitical, I
would ſay nothing here, becauſe full Satisfa&tion may be had from what our
Learned Mr. Dodwell hath ſaid about it, and that Dr. Hicks hath lately diſcuſſed that
Matter, in his Treatiſe of the Chriſtian Prieſthood. Only for ſuch as have not ſeen
thoſe Books, I will add in ſhort, that the Apoſtles did it to avoid giving Offence to
the Fews, ftill fond of their Prieſthood, left they ſhould think that the Apoſtles ſet
up againſt them Altar againſt Altar, and Prieſthood againſt Prieſthood; but as to the
Thing it felf, our Prieſthood is as really ſo as theirs; for which Reaſon, when the
Jewiſh Service was wholly diſſolved, they vindicated to themſelves not only the
Name, but aſſerted, that they had always the Thing, which will fully appear by
what we have to ſay hereafter. As to the Number of Twenty Four, the Reaſon is,
becauſe the Church is now compos’d of Two diſtinct Sorts of People, the Jews and
Gentiles. And fo Clemens Alexandrinus hath already faid, in the Place cited al-
ready, (1) Κειται τε και επ' ίσης έκ τε Ιεδαίων έκ τε Ελλων οι τέσσαρες και είκοσι, διπλασιασθείσης
op zoello. And for that Reaſon the Faithful are numbred diſtinctly hereafter in
Chap 7:
C. Teebel anulues è idearious adorois, Clothed in White Rayment.] Having much to
ſay about White Rayments, and in general the White Colour of many Things, little
ſhall be ſaid here ; only that this is the Garment of ſuch as offer Sacrifice, to thew
the Holineſs of their Lives, and the Purity of their Conſcience, their being free
from Pollution, and in God's Favour. See Pſal. 51. 7. Ecclefiaft
. 9. 7,8. Iſaiah 1. 18.
if theſe were Sacerdotal Garments, the Elders would not be repreſented with Crowns,
but Mitres and Imbroidered Girdles. All theſe together make Sacerdotal Garments,
not the ſingle White Garments. Beſides, theſe are not tapets za Tõnes, long Stoles, or
Tunicks, but ordinary iudmice, Rayments uſed by all Sorts. of People. This Proof is
clear. But further, why theſe Presbyters, or Nobles, 211, are in White, ſee the
Note on Chap. 6. 11. D. and on Chap. 7. 9. D.
D. Kei te tel's regand's aires seodvys geurós, And on their Heads Golden Crowns. ]
This ſufficiently ſhews that they are Rulers or Princes, as all other Princes of the
Earth, under God. But the Prieſthood, in Relation to God, muſt here about the
Throne be conſidered as Servants, Miniſters, Labourers; that is, Cherubim, and
therefore repreſented by the Cherubim or Wights, which ſupport the Throne, and are
cloſe Attendants about it. The Head is the governing Part of Man; and in general,
Head always implies Rule. Of this many Proofs will occur afrer. The Symbols
about the Head, muſt therefore ſhew the Qualities and Extent of that Power to
Rule. Here they are Crowns s'épavos. We muſt well obſerve the Diſtinction which
the Holy Ghoſt uſes in this Prophecy between dashuate and sépavor. The dredirect to,
Diadems, are conſtantly the Symbols of an Imperial or Autocratorical Power, and
that too viſible upon Earth, extending it ſelf upon all Sorts of Power Civil and Ec-
clefiaftical ; but the séquvoi are only Symbols of an inferior, feudatory, or delegated
Power. Só that there is the ſame Difference between them as of a Royal or Impe-
rial Crown and a Coronet. Nothing can explain it better. For as in reſpect of Reli-
gion, none is King but God and Chriſt, ſo even thoſe Chriſtian Princes, who in re-
ſpect of others are Supreme, yet in reſpect of God, whoſe Service they own, they
are but feudatory Princes, and in this Caſe their Imperial Crowns are only Coronets.
Now to the Proof. The Expoſition of Heſychius is plain, Aidshut, scuda Beovnécos,
φαλών κόσμΘ ήρων Σέφανα, ή βασιλέως σύμβολο. But of sέφανG he faith no fuch
Thing. There are many places in Heathen Authors, by which it appears, that none
but Sovereigns could wear them. For full Satisfá&tion, ſee the (m) Collections of
Barnab. Briſſonius. The sépart in Iſaiah 22. 21. in the LXX, is the Ornament or
YE-
(1) Clem. Al. Str. Lib. VI. See the Note on Chap. 4. 8. A. Hooker's E. P. Lib. V. Cap. 78.
(m) De Regn. Perfico. Lib, I. Page 7. 33, 34.
molt
21. sem oh baildist
Y y
Sym-
174
Lightnings and Thunders from the Throne. Ch. IV. v. 57

Symbol of a Prime Miniſter of State. For the High Prieſt in the Theocracy had a
Nezer ; and David as King afterwards had one of that Name. Of this more here-
after. The Onirocriticks are ſtill as clear ; for the Indian obſerves this Difference of
Degrees in Crowns; (n) Tð sé upud, eis desses noy vš Baouréas reg? Őas xeiveg: siqaro,
eis od Te egy åtè off Becoraées, t's mső évspås eroglúecor i isees. Here séuna is the ſame
with Srásupeo, as in Heſychius. In the (0) Perſian and Egyptian this stupa Bearr andr is
alſo the Symbol of Monarchy, and by that Adjective it appears that they make a
Difference in Crowns. Now a plain Crown is of leſs Importance; for the Indian
aforelaid faith, εαν ίση τις όπ ετέθη εν τη κεφαλή αυτά φέραν Θ οι πμίων λίθων, και μαργαρι-
s, y crógais aš só our sj nebangs sepeve, éste av dn, tight4 228TCV, vej moj
The Power by this is proporţionable to and fignified by the Matter ; therefore as
Gold is precious, and an incorruptible Metal, this fignifies, that the Benefits of
Chriſtian Religion are great, and that nothing ſhall prevail againſt the Church to de
ſtroy it.
A. Verf. s. Kui in to spóvx en trop d'or o esparrai rý beortoà sj poved, And out of the
Throne proceed Lightnings, and Thunders, and Voices.] Theſe literally taken, have
been frequently the Adjuncts of God's Preſence, and moſt particularly in the Exhibi-
tion of his Law. See Exod. 19. 16. 1 Kings 19. II, 12. and Ezekiel 1. 13, 24, 25,
For this Reaſon the Lightnings and Thunders, which are the Voices of God, proceed
from the Throne ; that is, God himſelf, through his ſpecial Directions. And as all
Light fignifies the Rules or Dire&tions proceeding from thoſe that govern others, thus
in Pſalm 97. 2, 3, 4. theſe Two are ſet together as Explanatory of each other.
Righteouſneſs and Fudgment are the Habitation (Eſtabliſhment, in the Margin ] of his
Throne. A Fire goes before him,
and burneth up bis Enemies round
about. His Lightnings
enlightned the World: The Earth ſaw and trembled. And in Pſalm 119. 105. Tby
Word is a Lamp unto my Feet, and a Light unto my Path. Thus alſo Ennius hath
uſed this Similitude or Symbol, in theſe noble Verſes; s1.162 ileH or's
GB nonton mont
wa
von (p) Homo qui erranti comiter monſirat viam, soos
Quaſi lumen de fuo lumine accendat, facit crebris
Ut nihilo minus ipfi luceat, cum illi accenderit.
By which Words it appears, that as all Luminaries, the Sun, Moon, Stars, Lamps,
and others, fignify ruling Powers
, ſo the Light it ſelf is well employed to fignify
their Edies or Laws, by which the Subjects are governed ; and therefore Lightning's
is a good Symbol of the Divine Ediets. Thus likewiſe in the Theurgical Science,
the eſſential and efficient Cauſe of Inſpiration is called Lightning and Fire, as it ap-
pears from (2) Famblichus, becauſe this Inſpiration enflamed and directed the Ima-
gination, to perſuade the Votaries of the inſpiring Damon to a ſuitable Compliance,
and Direction in their Affairs by the Oracles exhibited therein. Alſo the Thunder's
and Voices
, by an ev die dvoir, to fignify Voices of Thunder, or Thundrings founding,
are often called the Voices of God. Thus in Pſalm 29. 3. Thunder is called the Voice
of God, being put Synonymouſly, and properly ſignifies the Promulgation or Preach-
ing thereof. For as all theſe, Lightning, Thunder, and Voice, are naturally per-
formed at once; ſo they fignify, that when God utters his voice to publiſh it, he
thereby rules and governs Men. And therefore
Thunders in this Prophecy are always
employed to fignify the publick Expoſition of the Divine Laws. And theſe here
thew us the Light of the Goſpel, the Exhibition of God's Commandments, and
conſequently the Revelation of his Will
, and the publick Practice of his true Reli-
gion and Worfhip. By Reflexion alſo, as Fire fignifies Deſtruction, fo the Fire
coming out of the Lightning, implies the Deſtruction of God's Enemies that op
poſe his Laws, or hinder his People from giving Obedience to them, as in the
Song of Hannah, 1 Sam. 2. 10. The Adverſaries of the Lord ſhall be broken 10 Pieces:
out of Heaven ſhall be Thunder upon them. A little after, in 1 Sam. 7. 10. there is
an Inſtance fet down. Thus alfo Homer calls the Thanderbolt. Ur 911
91
20 non los
bziska vie
di iw burog Engi91902 sud
10 nemo ere ()
Aupánsay Aids 72.00. CALOR zuikolta sorina

A 18
Cap. 247
Jamblich. de Myſt. Sect. III. Cap. 6, 8.
; 8
(1) Apud M. T. Cic. de Offic. Lit.
Homer. Batrachom. V. 278.
2
And

Ch. IV. v.5. Lightnings and Thunders from the Throne. 175
ز
And therefore the Thunder is a proper Symbol of the Oracles of God, or ſuch Laws
as terrify Men into a fuitable Obedience. And therefore Lucretius has given us this
Periphrafis of the Thunder ,
ho toto
bolt 3
Season 1o 101 (s) Et rapidi fremitur, & murmura magna minarum.
10 10
Thunder is here ſaid to come from the Throne, and indeed the Power of effecting
it, is wholly attributed to God. Among other Places we have one in Amos 4. 13,
where the forming of Thunder is put Synonymouſly to, declaring his Thought unto
Man, as in the ſame Place the Winds
, which be the Symbols of Wars, are put Sy-
nonymouſly to the Deſtruction of God's Enemies, or the High Places of the Earth.
But this is according to the LXX, who have, or ſeem to have, read yy, or ra-
father ayr, inſtead of om that is, Thunder inſtead of Mountains, as all the
reſt of the Interpreters have done. The Heatheniſh Onirocriticks have had fome
Notion of Thunder, ſignifying the Publication of Things : And as they are a compicu,
and conſequently Symbols of God's immediate Will to be done, they imply the
Publication of it. Alexander Myndius, cited by Artemidorus faith ; (t) Tès
αποκρυλή ομβίας και λανθα μειν βελομβόες ελέγχει, Thunder difcovers thefe that are hidden, or
deſire to be hid. And afterwards they ſay, it betokens a more glorious Authority, ori
Prieſthood, which thoſe that are ftruck, or dreamed to be fo, therewith, ſhall enjoy.
As therefore the Thunders or Voices fignify the Oracles, ſo the Lights or Lightnings,
which are with them, ſhew that theſe are to rule and guide Men. That being the
Symbolical Signification of all kinds of Light, as indeed appears from the Rad.
972, which fignifies not only to ſhine or enlighten; but alſo to learn, to underſtand,
to be wiſe. See Schindler, V. 7, from which many other Words are derived to
this Purpoſe. Clemens Alexandrinus faith, (u) Kuà Ted Fuel dod 778) Tès dy Spóteiss,
åvázal oop en xiovo oli próza, deig pece dus zoeedlo xj có6. ény Saansons, no poco si ear came uká-
σης, το πυρ.
LIGHTS TO 10 0 290
But as theſe Lights and Voices came from the Throne of God, what can we fuppoſe,
but that they denote the Divine Oracles; which he, as other terreſtrial Monarchs,
iſſues out from his Throne, whence he enaets his Laws. For ſo did all the ancient
Kings of the Eaſt, and ours ſtill do the ſame : And which in the Heathen Authors
are called Oracles too, as even in the Imperial Laws of the Romans, we find that
Expreſſion often uſed. Nay, the Voices of any Men in general, in the Symbolical
Interpretations of the Onirocriticks , are explained, if great , of an Increaſe of Do-
minion and Power, and a Terror ſtruck into the Enemies. (w) 'E sèvidy. The neu7 ore
όπ ή φωνή αυτά έπλακώθη και εμεγαλύθη, τότε τα τέκνα μαγαλωθή στον πει υψωθήσον 9" και οι έχθege
ouTð pólov digúrso. So by the Declaration of the Divine Oracles his Subjects in-
creaſe, and his Religion is advanced. Compare here Pſalm 77. 18. and 104.7.
Moreover, not only the Nature of Thunder is a-kin to veiruos , Shaking of the Earth
or any other Thing, being that Thunder ſhakes the Heavens, but even the Word too
in the Hebrew Language, to which the Notions and Ideas given here by the Holy
Ghoſt do often allude. Thus it being evident, that our Saviour gave the Name
of Boanerges to fames and John his Diſciples, which the Evangelift Tranſlates Sons
of Thunder, we find that w27 fignifies Thunder, which for the moſt part is uſed to
expreſs thropòv a Shaking. The other Word uſed for Thunder, which is yn falls
likewiſe into the fame Cafe, having the other Signification, as in Pſalm 96. 11.
where it is tranſlated by oua dl grito, let the Sea be shaken. So in Pſalm 81. 7. the
LXX have ve Tezi DG. This hath given Occafion to a very notable Paronomafia in
Pſalm 77. 18. in which we find the Words Syy, and us, and wi", Thunder,
trembled and shook. Thus alfo in Matth. 8. 24. we find deopos geega's en et mécsen,
which St. Luke 8. 23. calls adencent aveus. And indeed, as the Radix is a-kin to
others, ſuch as 17 24, and wym, which fignify Horror, Trembling, and the like ;
ſo we ſee, that all the Notions of á holds ſhaking are applicable to it: The Hea-
vens being ſhaken by the Thunder, as the Earth by thoſe inteſtine Winds or Fires;
which cauſe an Earthquake. Therefore in the Hebrew Language it is often put with
the Voices ; or even Voices is put for it, to determine the Word to the Signification
SIS
JA TA (2)
10. Sasa
(s) Lucret. Lib. V. Ver. 1192. (t) Artemid. Lib. II. Cap. 8.
(u) Clem. Alex.
Protr. ad Græc. Page 3. (w) Perſ. & Ægypt. Cap. 51. Vide & Indum, Cap. sc. 1734
of
X
176 Lightnings and Thunders from the Throne. Ch. IV. v.
5.

of Thunder, or that Making about us, which is accompanied with fo great a Voice
and Noiſe. Having not found this Symbol at all explained under that Name in all
the Oriental Onirocriticks, it hath given me occafion to think, that this is not by
chance in that excellent and accurate Collection, but that according to the Notion of
the Languages they wrote in, they have involved it in the general Notion of Hollós
Shaking, which moſt admirably well ſuits with what we have ſaid of Thunder. For
which Reaſon conſult the Citation in our Note upon Chap 16. 12. B. Thus the Greek
Poet makes the Thunder of Pericles to be the Cauſe of the Motions of Greece:
10
Περικλέής δύλύμπι
"Hspect] ev, łbeøvrd, Euveróra thes 'Enedalo u
-BETU
So likewiſe in the Latin Tongue, Earthquakes and Thunders come under the Name
of Motus. (y) Servius. Nil tam incongruum nubentibus, quam motus terre & cæli
.
So it ſeems it ought to be read, inſtead of de cæli
. Pliny faith, (2) Neque aliud in
terra tremor, quam in nube tonitruum. And he faith that the Babylonians make
them a-kin. So likewiſe Lucretius:
Heito w (a) Præterea grandi tonitru concuſa repentè,
vorne la Terra fupra fe quæ funt, concutit omnia motu. in bu
Bus
STOISTA
Which he expreſſes more fully in another Place :
ST
On avera
Anilisban (b) Fulminis horribili cum plaga torrida Tellus agilidades en
obavieb
Contremit, & magnum percurrunt murmura cælum.
Soch
And thus 'tis obſerv'd by (c) Pliny, that the Tuſcans believed fome Thunders and
Lightnings came out of the Earth. But how is it poſſible to underſtand this, but by
the Suppofition, that the Earthquakes are of the ſame Nature and Species?' To all.
which muſt be added this of Æſchylus :
She 911
Det ud mud
bonsole bib
S.9TL TOT, 300 290
rouA for (d) - Tuuzáver changes, st sri ob uso brie foto agui. I
15111, be sweat pozík Begu täis pése Cagutuelas. Ooo bolo in
Isa lodesiveis
Room El Dainnotto tontact
We have alſo much more to ſay thereupon, which is reſerved for other Places, where
mention is made thereof, as in Chap. 6. 1. C. and 10. 3. B. For it muſt here be
owned, that no Symbol throughout this whole Book hath required more Labour
from me, before entire Satisfaction could be obtained, to make it fully fuit with all
the Places mentioned upon the ſame Principle. But 'tis hoped we ſhall have it ac-
.cordingly. o go
00 Now as to the Expoſition of this in the Event, it being obſerved, that the Throne
of God éxcilo, was already ſet, and that God had a Kingdom antecedent to the In-
auguration of the Lamb, this may fignify, that God before-hand had given out Ora-
cles
, Laws and Rules to direct Men in their Obedience, and to prepare them not
only for himſelf, but alſo for his Son. In this caſe theſe Lightnings and Thunders
adenote thoſe antecedent Preparations made from the beginning, and more eſpecially
the Oracles given to Mofes, whoſe Diſpenſation was deſigned by God to be à Peda-
gogưe to lead us to Chriſt. Theſe were literally given from his Throne , Exod.
125.22.
Ladision
ove med
B. Kai Stal e nelle se des muess notó ušies, And there were Seven Torches of Fire lighted.]
Theſe are immediately explained to be the Seven Spirits of God ; that is, the Seven
principal Angels mentioned in Chap. 1. 4. Chap. 5. 6. and Chap. 8. 2. Which Seven
Angels or Spirits, when taken collectively, repreſent Symbolically the Holy Ghoſt, as
I have lhewn before in the Note on Chap. 1. 4. C. And fo indeed Tertullian hath
981.10 bo w sumi
di guid 2



moissodinia odi oj bio W
Saint
THI THG 2Í 2010 1909 TO
(x) Ariſtophan. Acharn.
(y) Servius in Æneid. Lib. IV. Page 813.
(«) Plin.
Nat. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 79. Vid. Senec. Nat. Q. Lib. II. Cap. 27.
(a) Lucrec. Lib. y.
Ver. 551.
(b) Lucret. Lib. V. Ver. 1219. Vid. Lib. VI. Ver. 286, 357. & Silij Italic. Punic.
Lib. V.
(c) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. II. Cap. 52. Vid. Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. II, Cap. xlix.
(d) Æſchyl. Edonis apud Strabon.
1
very

Ch. IV. v. 5.
177
The Seven Torches.
very well explained this Symbol, even in the Mofaical Difpenfation. His Words
are :
os os 2199 . (e) In cujets tenebris
feptemplex Spiritus, unus
borot balto
Lucebat Sanétus ſemper, plebemque tegebat,
ad tadig
Hoc candelabrum verum, vivæque lucerne
for todo
Of Inc
Per legem & vates perlúcens corde Juba&tis.
Read here regebat, and ſee Note on Chap. 12. The Holy Ghoft having ſet forth the
Oracles of God, as proceeding from his Throne to rule or enlighten, and to frighten
and deſtroy his Enemies, that refuſe to obey them, goes now on to ſhew, that God
hath Angels or miniſtring Spirits like Flames of Fire, to deſtroy ſuch Enemies : And
accordingly we ſhall find, that theſe Angels are hereafter employ'd to warn, defend,
and alarm his Church againſt them with the Seven Trumpets, and to execute the
Plagues of God with the pouring out of the Bowls againſt the like Enemies within
his Church. Now obſerve here, how the Majeſty of the Symbols increaſes under
our Chriſtian Oeconomy above the Mofaical. In the Tabernacle of Moſes, and even
in the Viſion of Zachariah, Chap. 4. 2, 10. the ſingle Lamp-Sconce with Seven
Lamps therein did repreſent the Seven Archangels, or Eyes of the Lord, which run
to and fro through the Earth : Whereas, though we go no further than the Infancy
of our Church, as it is repreſented in the former Viſion , yet that far excels the
Fewiſh ; for there are as many Lamp-Sconces as Lamps in the whole Jewiſh Church.
The very firſt Appearance of Chriſtianity ſo far exceeding it. The Fewish Church
had but one Sconce to repreſent the Unity of that people, that the Church of God
was concentred into one Nation. But in the Church of Chriſt ſpread univerſally,
thar Univerfality is repreſented by Seven Lamp-Sconces, each repreſenting one of the
Archangels, united into one common Service. Now as this Type is common to ſerve
* for all Times till the Millennium, or Enlargement of the Church, theſe which before,
in the firſt Viſion only repreſenting the Church in its Origin, were repreſented by one
ſingle Lamp each, which is one of the leaſt Lights, are now ſet forth as Torches of
Fire lighted, as huge great Lights. By this Difference and Gradation we may per-
ceive, how the Holy Ghoſt, always fuiting Symbols to the Nature and Qualities of
Things, makes a great Difference, and fers forth the Privileges and Prerogatives of
the Church, and Chriſt its Head, above the former Diſpenſation. Beſides that, the
Diviſion of theſe Lamp-Sconces into Seven, ſhews, that our Unity conſiſts in Uni-
verſality communicating in one Worſhip, all ſtill burning at the fame Time, before
one and the fame God, before his Throne. The Seven Archangels being now em-
ployed about greater Marters, muſt be repreſented by greater Symbols. Moreover,
we are to obſerve, that Fire or Torches are the Symbols of the Royal Preſence; it
being a moſt ancient Cuſtom for Kings to have Fire carried before them, as a Mark
of Honour and Empire. Firſt, it is certain, that the Perſian Monarchs had Fire
carried before them in Proceſſion, Xenophon Cyr. Lib. VIII. And 'tis likely, that the
Kings of Chaldæa did fo before ; thoſe People affecting to keep the fame Cuſtoms.
The Kings of Lacedæmon had Fire born before them, taken from Fupiter's Altar. So
(f) Nicolaus. So in Virgil Servius faith, In honorem enim regum cum faculis pro-
cedebatur à populis , ut ait de Pallante : Lucet via longo Ordine flammarum, &
late diſcriminat agros. In Æneid. Lib. V. So the Romans before a triumphing
Emperor. Florus. Cujus quod gaudium fuit ? cum Duillius Imperator non contentus
unius diei triumpho, per vitam omnem, ubi à cæna, rediret prelucere funalia, preci-
nere ſibi tibias jußit, quafi quotidie triumpharet. Livii Epitom. Libr. XVII. Ob quam
caufam ei perpetuus bonos habitus eſt, ut revertenti à cæna tibicines canerent, & fua
nale preferretur. Afterwards the Roman Emperors and Empreſſes had the like done
before them, as we learn from the Poet Corippus and ſome Places of Herodian ; as,
Lib. I. Ş. 20. Ş. 50. Lib. 2. §. 9. S. 30. it was ſuch a Fire or Torches anciendly
carried before Kings or Generals at the Head of their Armies, which ſerved inſtead
of Trumpets, as Signs to begin the Fight. See Euripides in Phæni). v. 1386. and
the Scholiaft on Lycophron, v. 1295. and the Notes of Meurſius. And I believe the
(e) Tertullian. Carm. adv. Marcion. Lib. IV. c. 6.
Eclog. 42
Z z
1999 (f) Nicolaus apud Stobæ.
Kings

178
The Cryſtal Sea.
Ch. IV. v. 6.
Kings of Iſrael had ſuch a Cuftom, and that it is alluded to in Pſalm 119. 105.
Pſalm 132. 17, and 1 Kings 15.4. as in the Hebrew Copy. Thus alſo we ſhall
find hereafter in Chap. 8. that the Angels repreſented by theſe Seven Torches, are
employed to ſound Alarms, and give Signs of Battels
. Only Trumpets alſo are
given them, as being the Inſtitution of God for that End. As to the Repreſentation
of the Holy Ghoſt, and his Operations by theſe, it is ſhewn before.
C. 'Eva mor spórk, Before the Throne. ] This Expreſſion fignifies conſtant Atten-
dance, to ſerve and execute Commands. See Chap. 1. 4. C.
A. 'Verf. 6. Kai žve'mor Spórs as Ja'l.dord, And before the Throne , as it were a
Sea.] Here again, as in the laft Note, the Expreffion before the Throne, ſhews,
That this Sea is ſubſervient to God's Worſhip and Deſigns. As for the as, it might
be ſpared, not being read in many Copies ; but as this Particle is not always to im-
ply likeneſs, but is alſo uſed to affirm, it may be tolerated. A Sea in the Hebrew Lan-
guage is any Collection of Waters, though only a Lake, as it is defined by God him-
felt in Genej. 1. 10. Ta ou si que ta oli v dc ter inddeos Jandards, and the Collections of
Waters he called Seas. So likewiſe, that which St. Matthew 8. 24. calls atacara, is
by St. Luke 8. 23. called aiurn, he being a Writer who ſpake the Greek Tongue
more properly. So Pauſanias calls (8) aáp lu Tabeedo, the Lake called by St.
John the Sea of Tiberias. Hence comes the Compariſon of the Sea to a Cauldron,
in Job Chap. 41. 31. évafei rh' af vary BOTTES ganxeiov. Now this is fo properly the
Stile of the Hebrew and Syrian Torgue, that (h) Bochart makes uſe of it, as an Ar-
gument to prove the Colchi to be of Egyptian Extraction, becaufe they alſo called
Lakes by the Name of Sea ; for which he brings a Proof out of Arifloile Meteorol
.
Lib. I. nige ved Kou're our aiurn, txeagov oi čuo sa'nafar. And another out of Aga-
thias Lib. III. But for all that, the Word alumn in Heſiod Theog. 365. and Heſych.
ſtands for the Ocean. Thus the Brazen Ciſtern of Solomon was called by that Name
of an, Sea. And ſo the Son of Sirach uſed the Word in Eccluf. 50. 3. év suseguis
αυτά έλαήo 9η Σπδοχείον υδάτων, χαλκός ώσει θαλάοσης ο αδε' μέlesv. To thefe Cifterns the
Holy Ghoſt hath here alluded, though with ſome Difference ariſing from our Oeco-
nomy. Obſerve here again this Gradation : In, or rather before, the Tabernacle of
Moſes there was only a Laver or Kettle, 713. Afterwards, when that Church was
in its flouriſhing and ſettled State, Solomon enlarged it to be a Erazen Sea or Ciſtern,
1 Kings 7. 23. to which were added other Brazen Lavers or Kettles : But in the
Catholick Church of Chriſt there is a Sea of Glaſs like Cryſtal, infinitely more
precious and beautiful than any Thing made of Metal, and ſo admirable for its be-
ing bright and tranſparent, and glorious like precious Stones
. See what is ſaid on
Chap. 4. 3. A. and Chap. 21. 11. B. where Cryſtal is brought in, to expreſs the
Brightneſs of God's Glory: Mede , not having endeavour'd here to fift through into
the Meaning of the Symbols, contented himſelf to explain it by Alluſion ; and fo
hath fancied, that this Sea of Glaſs like Cryſtal did allude to the Mofaical Laver
becauſe, though that was made of Braſs, yet it was made of the Looking-Glaſſes,
or Mirrors, of the Women ; Exod. 38. 8. So that his Meaning ſeems to be, that
this alludes not to the Matter, but the Uſe that the Matter was put to, before it was
made into a Laver. In which Senſe however, the Allufion ſhould be to the Braſs.
But further, this ſuppoſes, that in St. John's Time Mirrors were made of Glaſs or
Cryſtal as now, and that the Art of laying Quickfilver upon Glaſs to make it reflect,
was found out then ; which is precarious. Neither have any of thoſe that have
made Colle&tions about the Mirrors of the Antients ever ſaid fo, as Calius Rhodig.
and (1) Meurſius. Though there be found a Paſſage in (k) Pliny, which ſeems to
hint, that the Sidonians had found the Art of making Mirrors of Glaſs. But what then?
Now to come to the Symbolical Interpretation. Waters in general ſignify
Peoples, Nations and Multitudes, as even the Holy Ghoſt by the Angel explains it
in Chap. 17. 15. This Symbol is often uſed by the Prophets, as Iſaiah 17. 12, 13.
Ferem. 50. 42. Chap. 51. 36, 42. Ezek. 26. 3. And indeed as is the Nature of it apt
to repreſent Multitudes, lo is the Name in the Hebrew, for D", or ena Sea, or
Colle&tion of Waters, ſeems to come from OM, to multiply; whence comes the Al-
lufion of Elias, 1 Kings 18. 41. of Hufhai in 2 Sam. 17. 12. and of Hannibal, which
3
(8) Pauſanias Eliac. I. pag. 153.
(i) Exercit, Cricic. Lib. II. cap. 6.
(b) Bochart. in Phaleg. Lib. IV. cap. 31.)
(k) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVI. cap. 26.
ſhall

Ch. IV. v. 6.
The Cryſtal Sea.
179
ſhall be ſet down by and by. And the Sea it felf, repreſenting a tumultuous Mul-
titude, as (1) Artemidorus faith, Conxo g$oxam did the dručiar, Teems either to come
immediately from the Radix , to break or diſturb, or elſe from aan, as Goul-
ſet will have it, to break or fnap, if not rather from On to ſound, or make i
Noiſe, or murmur. Take which you will, the Symbol is adapted to the Origin of
the Word. So that Rain, Showers, Storms, Floods and Seas, are all Symbols of
Multitudes of Men in Motion and Diſorder, or elſe of Armies deſtroying Countries,
and falling upon Men to ravage and deſtroy. Thus the Oriental Ónirocriticks ex-
plain the Sea in Chap. 178. o baorad's łuv Idy Mies Sou'reover opóspa ga egzamco ulolevo voru
ανέμε γνωρίμε, όμ σε κατοικιώτG- ωeός και ανεμων έθνες ταραχθήσε). Hannibal the Phenician,
being uſed to Parables, compares in (m) Plutarch, Fabius Maximies the Cunčtator,
hovering upon the Hills to avoid a Battel, but afterwards coming down to ſnatch
the Vi&tory out of Hannibals Hand, and ſave the other Roman Army, to a Cloud up
on the Top of a Hill, breaking out into a Shower afterward with Storms and Flalhes.
Thus alſo Pindar compares War to a Shower in theſe Words,
bus berlaw and
(n) 'AM'dutga y8 in permane
Tegncia vioa's tinkuota
Whagus, bebine od
Τεσσάρων ανδρών ερήμω-
Egy póngu egy siar.
lores
balls
Plutarch compares the Army of the Cimbri to a Sea in Motion : (0) Kai to malår en
τέτω η βαρβάρων επήει καθα πες πέλαγG- αχανές κινέμον, The like is found in the Speech
of Scipio to the ſeditious Soldiers in (p) Polybius. Hence Servius has obſerv'd, that
a Sea in a Storm, and People in Motion, are reciprocally compared to each other :
(2) Vergilius tempeftati, populi motum comparat: Tullius populo tempeftatem.
But we muſt proceed further ; for, as Sea is a Colle&tion of Waters into one, this
muſt needs be different from the indeterminate Showers, or Waters of any kind ; and
beſides that we muſt conſider to what Uſe it is ſet here. Now this Theatre being
deſcribed in order to ſhew the Inauguration of the Lamb into the Throne of God,
this Sea muſt have its Signification and Uſe adapted to that Purpoſe. Wherefore it
will not be improper to enquire, whether this Sea or great Laver be not here placed
in order to ſomething to be performed therein. It is a Cuſtom in the Inauguration
of our Kings at preſent to uſe a Bath, in order to their folemn Uriction. And that
ſuch a Practice was in Uſe before the Unction of the Kings of Iſrael, we have very
good Reaſons to think. The High Prieſthood in the Mofaical Law was certainly
Regal, and among the many ſymbolical Ceremonies, to thew that Royalty, in order
to the Un&tion of the High Prieſt, as well as other Prieſts, there was uſed an ante-
cedent folemn Waſhing, Levit
. 8. 6. which is there faid to be performed by Moſes
himſelf, and undoubtedly is to be underſtood of the whole Body. This being fo,
and it being further certain, that the Kings of Iſrael were anointed in like Manner,
and had a Crown of the ſame Name, as the High Prieſt, we cannot doubt, but that
they alſo were waſhed antecedently to their Unction and Inauguration. For which
Reaſon when Adonijah went about to get the Kingdom after a clandeſtine Manner,
before the Death of David, and without his Conſent, he aſſembled all his own
Party by the Well Rogel
. But on the contrary fide, David commanded, that his
Son Solomon ſhould be carried to Gihon, which is the ſame as Siloe, and nearer fe-
ruſalem, ut ante un&tionem corpus lavaret , faith Mariana very judiciouſly. That
Well being choſen only for the Conveniency of walhing therein, either through the
Simplicity of Men's Manners in thoſe Ages, or elſe perhaps through the Halte they
were in, to prevent Adonijah from entring and ſetling upon the City of Jeruſalem.
Now as Waters did Symbolically repreſent the People, and that by this Ceremony the
Multitude of the People were ſhewn to be fubje&t to the meanett Services due to the
King : So for that Reaſon David, in Pfalm. 60. 8. ſpeaking of the Moabites, who
were juſt then by a great Conqueſt made fubject to him in a miſerable Servitude,
2 Sam. 8. 2. faith, Moab is his Walhpot, aigns, 70, a kind of large Laver, to
(1) Artem. Lib. III. cap. 16.
(n) Pindar. Iſthm. Od. VI.
Liù. IX. pag. 647.
(m) Plut. Vit. Fabij. Fol. 87. Edit. Ald.
Plutarch, Vit. Marij.
(P) Polyb. Exc
(9) Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. col. 414,
which
2

180
8
Ch. IV. v. 6.
The Cryſtal Sea.
which the Sea is compared by Fob, Chap. 41. 31. to the fame Senſe as the Gibeonites,
in Foßh. 9. 21, 23. are made Drawers of Water, that being a fervile Office, as in the
following Words of that Pfalm. Over Edom will I caſt out my Shoe, Thw 'IS is een com
En TEVõ rà soil mpucl pitI will reach my Shoe to be looſed, and made clean ; la ſervile
Office, as it's plain, even from the Baptiſt's Words, Matth. 3. 11. Mark 1. 7.
Luke 3. 16. Terence, in Heautont. Accurrunt fervi : ſoccos detrahunt. For which
Reaſons this Sea fignifying People in Subje&tion, thews further, that they owe ſuch of
the meaneſt Services to their King. But it may be ſaid, that it doth not appear here
that this Sea is ſo placed for that Purpoſe, becauſe we do not find, that the Lamb,
before his Inauguration, makes that Uſe of it. To which I anſwer, that it is fuf-
ficient in the Firſt Place, that it's being placed before the Throne denotes, that it is
ſubſervient to it, and thoſe that fit thereon. But to anſwer punctually, it muſt be
obſerved, that the Lamb is here repreſented as fully prepared for the laſt and chief
A&t of his Inauguration ; that ſuch antecedent Ceremonies as that of Waſhing were
performed before ; it is ſaid, as sopayukor, as having been flain, but now alive again.
Chriſt was waſhed and prepared for his Un&tion by his Baptiſm in Fordan, per
formed by St. John the Baptiſt; he was Baptized alſo in his own Blood, by the
Cruelty of an enraged, unthinking Multitude. Theſe Things are ſuppoſed done be-
fore this Viſion begins. So likewiſe his People repreſented by this Sea or Laver, are
Baptized with the ſame Baptiſm of Water as he ; and his Church, and many of his
Saints have waſhed their Garments in the ſame Baptiſm of Blood, and in the Blood
of the ſame Lamb, Revel. 7. 14. and Chap. 22. 14. according to the beſt Reading.
Thus this Laver repreſents, and is accompliſhed in the Laver of our Regeneration,
which is Baptiſm, Titus 3. 5. by which we are Waſhed or Baptized, as the
I/raelites were Baptized into Moſes in the Cloud, and in the Sea, 1 Cor. 10. 1, 2.
becoming thus ſubject to God, and his Deputy Moſes, whom they were to obey.
And this Baptiſm doth therefore repreſent the Troubles and Commotions wherein we
are upon Chriſt's Account whilſt in this State, as St. Auſtin faith, (r) Deinde ad
orbem terre progrediendo venientes, Qui utique ficut aquarum congeries, quanto major
eft, tanto periculis plenior. More to this purpoſe may be ſeen in our Note upon
Chap. 8. 9. A. Sono
10. Ens hot
And now in the laſt Place, let us obſerve the Signification of this Sea, as it is a
Collection, or Waters united into one Syſtem. For we find that the Holy Ghoſt
makes a Difference between the many Waters, when to fignify a mix'd Multitude of
Idolaters, and a Sea, which fignifies a Collection, but no indefinite and confuſed Mul-
titude, but rather an orderly Collection of a Multitude of Holy Men, brought to-
gether to ſubmit themſelves to the Worſhip of the true God, to do him any lawful
Service, even to the waſhing of his Feet. The Indian Onirocritick hath well ob
ferved this Difference, for he thus explains Waters collected and reſtrained in proper
Vefſels, Capit. 175. El õ idin o Beone's on mora Liste de tineyev ev teža refu ams, maštov
arénezev and avoids peegísk vanáges op zolce & dedyn cistes Suowass ausê. 'E. 3 Edin P
είχε στο δοχείον δίκίω δεξαμενής, και συνήγαγον ύδωρ εκ ποτιμΙ:: εξ ανδρών πλετον θησαυρίσας
olydbceto So Ifidorus Hifpal. (s) Inde & in lege mare rubrum, hoc eft concordia ma-
lorum hominum dividitur, ut ele&torum via tendens ad beatitudinem non impediatur,
Impeditur autem iter bonorum, ſi mare, hoc eft, unitas non dividatur iniquorum. The
Multitude of the People is the Strength and Riches of a King, by the Services and
Tribute which they pay him: So God and Chriſt have collected this Sea or Mul-
titude of Holy Servants to do him Honour and Service. On the other Hand, by
Analogy, the Notion of many Waters, as the great Whore is ſaid to fit upon, very
well expreſſes the confuſed and diſorderly Multitude of Idolaters, oppoſed to the
orderly Body of true Chriſtians, really united into Catholick Communion by the
Bond of Charity, the true Mark of Chriſt's Diſciples. The Matter being ſo, it may
be affirmed, that the pretended Catholick Communion of the Romijh, or their Unity
of the Church, is not according to the true Intent of Chriſtian Religion, as wanting
the due Bond and reſtraining Fence thereof; which I ſhall make out, when we
20 bu
sogne Wor
() Auguftin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XIX, Cap. 7. Comp. Tercullian. de Baptiſm. Cap. xii. & Hermæ
Paſtor. Lib. I. Vifion. 3. Sect. 2, 5. & Irenx. Lib. V. Cap. 34. Placon. de Rep. Lib. X. Page 469.
Senec. Conſol. ad Polyb. Cap. xxviii. 31 Jul (A)
to di
(6) Ifidor. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. III. Cap. 31. )
roigh come

Ch. IV. v. 6.
The Cryſtal Sea.
181
come to examine preſently the Cryſtal, which is the Matter of this Chriſtian Sea, or
Laver, which reftrains and keeps up the Waters or Saints.
B. rexion, Of Glaſs.] Or idaiyn ; tis written both ways. Tis uſual to compare
the Water, Fountains, Rivers, or Seas, to Glaſs. Horace,
(t) O Fons Blanduſie, Splendidior vitro.
odbort walala
Ovid, (s) Vitroque magis pellucidus amnis. ΠΟΙΟΣ Viage but
Er eri 2
And in another Place;
nakennarit to gan
o 1913) onbon
(w) Vitreis peperiſſe ſub undis Creditur. . As wol noitado
coa idhi ad bonus
Virgil
. (x) Vitrea te Fucinus unda.
Sud od osamo
So in Prudentius, (y) Nil refert, vitreo æquore, An de flumine ſanguinis Tinguat
paffio martyrem , Æque gloria provenit Flu&u quolibet uvida. Glaſs is a brittle Mat-
ter, and conſequently well adapted to fignify an unſtable State. In this Cafe upon
Two Accounts; Firſt in refpe&t of the Enemies of the Church, who are continually
endeavouring to ſeduce or deſtroy the Saints, ſo that they are in no ſteady State ; and
Secondly, in reſpect of that future State of the Church, when all Enemies ſhall be
deſtroyed; and then no Sea will appear, but the New Jeruſalem ſhall be built of
Gold, upon the Foundations of Gems, denoting an incorruptible State. The Matter
ſhewing the Duration. Thus in the Indian Onirocritick, Glaſs in general denotes a
ſhort-lived State, (2) 'Edvidiņ mis on vensvei égféorlo te ozean aură, dac70WG Ésces je spé-
es tand ThOH, dá to obtadsor fð lead. Thus Horace gives the Epithet of Glaſs to
Fame,
Honino
(a) Vitrea Fama.
3 29123Vid
shoor
Whereupon Acron faith, Studium ambitionis eſt fragile ; ideò dicitur fama vitrea.
Compare our Note upon Chap. 1. 15. A. This ſhews that the perſecuted Statè muſt
be ſhort. See our Notes upon Chap. 9. 5. I will add here one Proof more out of
the ſame Interpreter, Chap. 46. 'Edins is n on šenogv eis ordo į arvov, [leg. rencvoy ]
είμαι όξι βασιλάς, γωαίκα άπμαν έγγυον [leg. Έσκυον] ποιήσει και τα ιδία σπέρμα, και ο τελεσ-
φορήσει το έξωμονηθέν, έτε αυτή, δια τίω σε υελό σαθρότητα.
C. "Odont ugusámą, Like Cryſtal.] As the former Symbol, denoting the Matter
of this Sea or Laver, fo this Symbol, with the Word omora before, denotes its Qua-
lity, as being analogous to Cryſtal. Thus in Chap. 15. 2. a Sea of Glaſs mix'd with
Fire is ſeen. There the Glaſs is the Matter or Duration, the Mixture of Fire is
the Quality or Property thereof. In Chap. 22. 1. is deſcribed a River of Life, clear
like Cryſtal, the Word Life implies the Duration, and the Likeneſs of Cryſtal its
Qualities. Thus alſo in Chap. 21. 21. Glaſs is uſed as a Symbol merely for its Tranſ-
parency. Thus alſo Horace faith, (b) Vitreamque Circen, to fignify pulchram, as
Acron explains it. And both theſe Significations of Glaſs are expreſs’d in theſe
Words of Seneca, Fortuna vitrea eſt: dum fplendet, frangitur. Now, that the
Clearneſs of this Cryſtal Sea repreſents the Holineſs of the true Chriſtians, may
be
proved from its Oppoſition to Sin and Wickedneſs, which is compared to a troubled
Sea, whoſe Waters caſt up Mire and Dirt, by Ifaiah, 57. 20. not to mention any
more Places, which ſet forth Sin under the Notion of Filthineſs. The Poet
Æſchylus Thews this Compariſon and Oppoſition together, thus ſpeaking of the
Juſtice of the Areopagites in Athens,
(c)
ch
Bap 6 9 Ja
Λαμωegν μιαίνων, και ποθ' άρήσεις ποτών,
(t) Horat. Lib. III. Ode 13.
(u) Ovidius Epift. 21.
(10) Ovid. Metam, Lib. V.
(2) Virg. Æneid. VII. (y) De Coron. Hymn. VII. (3) Chap 14
Lib. II. Sat. 3. (6) Hor. Lib. I. Od. 17. (C) Æſchyl. Eum. V. 697.
Ааа
However,
(a) Horar.

182
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. V.6.
However, as the Glaſs of the Ancients was always of a Greeniſh Colour, whenee it
came that the Sea was ſaid to be of a Glafs-Colour, and that we know is Greeniſh;
which alſo gave Occaſion to Paint the Nereids with Green Locks, as Horace hints,
ſaying,
Won
Virides Nereidum comas,
Lib. III. Ode 28.
Odeos
So leaſt we ſhould be apt to miſtake the Meaning of the Holy Ghoſt as to this Par-
ticular, and apply the Notion of that Colour to this Sea, contrary to the true Mean-
ing; it is here reſtrained to that of Cryſtal, which is White, and ſuitable to the
Nature of the Thing repreſented. Thus we have ſeen the Colours of the Rainbow
reſtrained to the Green, or Emerald like, becauſe that only was applicable to the
Occaſion. Now Cryſtal, as a Mineral, or Gem rather, for the LXX have thereby
turned the Hebrew 7572, in Numb. 11. 7. to which Manna is compared, which
ſome take to be Pearls, but it is a Gem apt to be broken, by the Clearneſs thereof
well repreſents the Holineſs of the true Chriſtians, who are to ſhine bright and
clearly before the World, that God may be glorified by others. This Clearnefs is
wrought upon them, whilſt they, as Waters, are contained within the circumſcribed
Pales of the Chriſtian Law, the Rule of Charity. By this Charity and mutual Co-
herence, they become one Body together, and Members of Chriſt. As for the Mem-
bers of the Harlot, the great Whore that fitreth upon many Waters, they are al-
lured to her by her Witchcrafts, her Abominations, her Luxury, Pride and Tyranny.
Theſe are the Motives that draw Men, or keep them to the Idolatrous Church of
Rome, not the true Principles of Chriſtians. When by all the Arts that can be in-
vented, of Pride, Avarice, Malice and Terror, they have and keep Men within their
Church, they boaſt of Union. But where is the Chriſtian Charity, Holineſs, Pa-
tience, Forbearance and Mercy, which keep together the true Members of Chriſt's
Church in Catholick Communion? Have theſe Pretenders to Unity ever practiced
theſe Virtues to get or keep their Votaries? Truly with their Methods, all ignorant,
or fearful Men, may be made all Mahometans, or all Heathens, or even to Worſhip
the Devil in his proper Shape, if he can but terrify them fufficiently.
Therefore the whole Expoſition of this Sea of Glaſs like Cryſtal comes to this at
laft, That as the Twenty Four Elders are the Heads of the Chriſtian Church, and re-
preſent all the Chriſtian Princes, who have the reſt under them, to rule them with
the fame Right as the Patriarchs, Elders of their Tribes, or King David and his
Succeſſors, upon whom the Patriarchal Right was devolved ; ſo that the King was
then, as it is faid of Saul, (d) The Head of the Tribes of Iſrael : So this Sea repre-
ſents the whole Multitude of Chriſtian People, even all the Faithful, like the Com-
mons of God's Realm at the Bar before his Throne, ready to receive the Lightnings
and Thunders of his Oracles, and to give due Obedience for the Sake of their Ju-'
ſtice and Holineſs, and through fear of the Fire of his dreadful Judgments. As the
Sea is a tempeſtuous and diſturbed Element ; ſo are they by the Winds or Wars
brought againſt it by the Malice of the Devil and his Agents. And as the Heads or
Presbyters are clad in White, to fhew their Purity and Holineſs; fo the Clearnefs of
this Cryſtal fhews, that all the reſt of the Faithful come up even with them in the
ſame. And as the Heads have Crowns of Gold to fhew their Power, and the Per-
manency thereof, whilſt they are before the Throne; fo the Brittleneſs of this Glaſs,
that the Sea or Multitude of Chriſtians ſhall be always in that unſtable, corruptible
State ; but that the Sea ſhall be removed, and they ſhall dwell in the New Ferufalen
built of Gold and precious Stones. See Chap. 21. I. and Verf. 18.
D. Kci in vloo spóva rj xúra í Spóy rear.ege Cody And in the midſt of the Throne,
and round about the Throne, Four Wights. ] Theſe Four Wights, or Symbolical
Figures of Cherubim, have been the Subject of many Conjectures, of the Ancients,
as well as later Interpreters
. Irenæus is the firſt that hath attempted to explain
them, which he doth upon this general Principle, that (e) Formæ ipforum imagines
Sunt diſpoſitionis Filii Dei
. Which is indeed upon a true Principle, that ſuch Figures
repreſent the Diſpoſition or Qualities of the Subject to which they adhere. But as
they do not adhere to the Lamb, but to the Throne, they muſt fignify the Properties of
fome fubdelegated Powers, or Agents attending upon the Throne. Auguftin explain-
(d) 1 Sam. 15. 17
(e) Irenæus, Lib. III. Cap. II.
ing
రు

Chap. IV. V. 6.
The Four Wights.
183
ing the Words of the Prophet Habbakkuk, Chap. 3. 8. Quia afcendes fuper equos
tuos, & equitatio tua falus, he adds, hoc eft, f) Evangeliftæ rui portabunt te, quia
reguntur à te. Et Evangelium tuum falus eft eis qui credunt in te. And fo Tycho-
nius, ($) Et in medio throni quatuor Animali
, id eft in medio Ecclefiæ Evangelifta.
There is ſomething of Truth in this, if rightly taken, and further explained; but
thus far it is too much under a Cloud. (h) Photius hath alfo Variety of Conjectures
thereupon, but lying under the fame Difficulty. I ſhall nor here fer down other
Conje&tures, but only ſay, that thoſe who make the Elders repreſent the Chriſtian
Clergy, have made no Uſe of the Hints of theſe Ancients, and are quite at a Stand
to make any Thing of theſe Wights. For they confound all by applying the Sym-
bolical Signification of theſe Wights to the Elders, as if they were not very different
Marters. But I ſhall wave Difputing, and come to the Matter it ſelf to give my
own Thoughts.
Firſt then it is plain, that as theſe Symbolical Figures are like thoſe of Ezekiel,
ſo St. John hath given them the very Name uſed by the LXX in the Tranſlation of
that Prophecy, who accordingly in Chap. 1. calls them (od, Wights, or Animals ; but
at the Firſt, Second, and following Verſes of Chap. 10. he calls them Cherubim, and
tells us plainly that they were the ſame Wights, Gost
, as he had ſeen in the firſt Vi-
fion. Chap. 10. 15. And indeed as the (i) Cherubim fignify Labourers, Workers at
the Plough, ſo the Word Cmov well expreſſes their Nature, if we take it in the ſame
Signification as the Latin Word (k) fumentum, to ſignify any Beaſt affiftant to Man
in Working, or bearing Burthens, or the Greek my G. For that the Cherubim are
the Fumenta upon which God is ſaid to Ride, is plain from 2 Sam. 22. 10. or
Pſalm 18. 10. He rode upon a Cherub. The Poet, who goes under the Name of
Orpheus, alludes to this Notion in theſe Verſes:
TOTE
(1) Σώ δε θρόνω πυρόεντι παρεΐσαν πολύμοχθοι 97 ubrogas
*Αγγελοι, οι μέμηλε βegloίς ως πεί τα τελ9. 10
And as the Name implies fo much, ſo doth the Uſe of Cherubim in other Caſes
ſhew, that the original Notion of them is to ſupport and work about the Throne.
By that Means as a Cherubim in the Sacred Symbolical Uſe, is the ſame as a Calf
in the Sacrilegious Uſe thereof by Aaron and Feroboam ; fo thefe Figures are called
Cherubim, becauſe the Bodies of them were like a Calf or Ox, the natural Labourer
or Fumentum ; and in other places we find, that theſe ſupporting Calves were alſo cal-
led by the Name of Cherubim. Thus (m) Solomon is ſaid to have made a great Sea,
ſupported by Twelve Oxen, whoſe lower Parts, or even the whole Body, were fet,
and as it were hid under the Laver, to bear it upon their Backs. For that theſe
Oxen were alſo Symbolical Figures, is not to be queſtioned ; becauſe it is faid con-
cerning the ſmaller Lavers, that they had likewiſe Meconoth or Baſes, which had
Lions, Oxen and Cherubim ; which Words may be thus underſtood, as by an
en de doiv, that the Meconoth, or Baſes thereof were Supporters, or Cherubim,
having the Figures of Lions and Oxen. In theſe Two Cafes theſe Supporters, being
half under the Things born, appear to outward View to be as it were within them,
and about them, as theſe Wights are faid to be in the midſt of the Throne, and round
about the Throne. The Body being under, ſeemed to be within, or in the midſt of
the Throne ; and their Symbolical Heads without, ſeemed to be round about the
Throne. Such Expreſſions we have elſewhere; 1 Kings 6. 19. év véoco 78 oíny For Sev,
to fignify only within. So in Pſalm 101. 7. čv péro e os xics. See Fuller's Piſgah-Sight,
Lib. III. Cap. 6. Se&. 8. Thus far we have explained the Phraſe with the Name of
theſe Wights: Let us now conſider the general Signification of them.
It appears by this, that the Primary Notion of Cherubim being labouring Beaſts,
or Bearers, and Supporters, that which they do to the Throne, is the ſame in the
Mofaical Law, as the Office or Service of the Prieſts and Levites, who waited, at-
tended, and carried the Tabernacle, and were placed round about it to watch it. So
(f) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei. Lib. XVIIT. Cap. 32.
(8) Tychonius, Hom. III.
(h) Phot. Epift. 157 (i) Vid. Lud. de Dieu. Epift. ad G. Boſwel. in Medi Op. & Jac. Guffet.
Comment, Voc. 7.
(k) Vide Columellam de Re Ruftic. Lib. VI. Præf. (1) Oro
phei Fragm. (m) • Kings 7.23.
2
that

184
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. v. 6.
that the Tabernacle being the Seat or Place, where God's Throne was, they were
within it, and about it round. This Service of theirs is called likewiſe Burthen, xuo,
Onus, from xw), ferre, Suſtentare, Num. 4. 19, 27, 32. By their bearing or ſup-
porting, they expreſs the Service of the Levites ; and by their Covering the Throne
with their Wings, and always attending round about, they repreſent the Office of
the Prieſthood : The Covering being as it were the making of a Separation, to keep
the Majeſty of God from being ſeen and approached ; ſo that none but the Prieſt-
hood ought to do it. Inſomuch that when the very Levites were to bear away the
Tabernacle to remove the Camp, the Levites could not do it, till the ſacred Vellels
were covered. And conſequently theſe Cherubim in the Tabernacle repreſented
fully all the religious Duties, which are to be performed by thoſe that attend imme-
diately the divine Service. The Levites being indeed the Paſtophori, the facred Bea-
rers of the Mofaical Tabernacle ; and like the Leaders of the Thenfæ in the Pomp
of the Roman Čircenſes, wherein they ſupplied the Work of Beaſts, drawing them-
ſelves the Harneſs of theſe ſacred Draughts. Afconius : (n) Que gaudent manu te-
nere & tangere, qui eas deducunt. For in this the Romans imitated the Egyptians,
as Macrobius obſerves : (0) Vehitur enim fimulacrum Dei Heliopolitani ferculo, uti ve-
buntur in pompa ludorum Circenſium Deorum ſimulacra. Et ſubeunt plerumque pro-
vinciæ proceres rafo capite longi temporis caſtimonia puri ; ferunturque divino ſpiritu,
non ſuo arbitrio, ſed quo Deus propellit vehentes. Now all the Characters, that fol-
low concerning theſe our Wights, concur together to make us think likewiſe, that
our Prieſthood is repreſented by them. But before I proceed, it will be proper to
make ſome collateral Obſervations, to prove that the Aaronical Prieſthood was ty-
pified by the Cherubim.
The Firſt is, that this original Notion and Signification of Cherubim is to be
made out from the Seraphim of Iſaiah, Chap. 6. 1. the Prophet hath theſe Words,
according to the LXX: Eidov Kúesov xos Juí pulcov 67 Spóve vlnag xj fingulfito , I ſaw thé
Lord ſitting upon a Throne, high and lifted up; that is, ſupported or born up, the
Hebrew being N021. Now by whom was it born up? Sure it was by the Cherubim, cal-
led here Seraphim for a peculiar Reaſon mentioned before ; for it follows, rj cseg-
pille cisánetour suxaq aur's, And the Seraphim ſtood round about him or it; not as our
Tranſlation, above him ſtood the Seraphim. So that by their ſupporting and being
round about, they ſeemed to be as St. John faith, in the midſt of the Throne, and
round about the Throne. They ſupported and attended to ſerve in the direful Ef-
feats of his Anger, he having now given them the Name of Seraphim or Burners.
The Targum there explains theſe Seraphims by 1017? wou Miniſtri Sankti, the Ho-
ly Miniſters. He had therefore the ſame Notion of theſe, as we have of the Prieſt-
hood. The ſame Notion alfo (P) Euſebius had of theſe Seraphim; making them not
only to fignify the Heavenly Miniſters, but alſo the Miniſtry of the Apoſtles, for the
Reaſon to be given preſently after.
The ſecond Obſervation is, that in Ezekiel 1. 14. alſo the Targum makes the
Cherubim or Çoce Wights, to be the Supporters of the Throne, and the Executioners or
Publiſhers of God's Will; for it faith, Et creature cum mitterentur ad exequendum
voluntatem Domini fui , qui collocavit majeſtatem ſuam [in the Chald. V his
Schekinah, Glory or Symbol of Divine Preſence, ] in excelſo ſupra ipſas : In iftu
oculi convertebantur , & circuibant , & operiebant orbem: revertebanturque fimul
creature & veloces erant quaſi afpe&tus fulguris. And at the 24th Verfé, Et vox
Sermonum earum, cum confiterentur & benedicerent dominum fuum viventem regem
Tæculorum, quafi vox erat copiarum angelorum ſupernorum. By which Words are
underſtood the Levitical Clergy ſerving and praiſing God in Imitation of the Angels
in Heaven. For the Prieſthood performed the fame Services upon Earth. And by
their Prayers, that his Will may be performed to his Glory and the Deſtruction of
all Oppoſers, they execute the Will of God to puniſh all his Enemies, as ſhall be
ſhewn upon Chap. 11.5, 6. This alſo the true Chriſtian Clergy do perform, as ſhall
be ſhewn by the Expoſition of the particular Offices.
There is another Place where the Notion of the Cherubim covering or protecting,
is alluded to, though it is ſomewhat obſcurer than the former. I ſhall however fet it
(n) Afcon. Ped. in Verr. III.
© Macrob. Saturnal. Lib. I. cap. 23.
Eufeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. VII. cap. 1. pag. 192.
3
down.

Ch. IV. v. 6. The Four Wights.
185
down. In Ezekiel Chap. 28. 14. the Prophet ſpeaks in the Name of God to the
Prince of Tyre, whom he had highly favoured for the ſake of his People, who re-
ceived ſome Advantages from him. The Words now are thus read in the Hebrew,
107 MUOD 210-78, Thou art the anointed Cherub that covereth. Followed
therein by the Targum, who hath turned it thus, Tu es Rex un£tus in regnum ; but in
the Vulgate, Tu Cherub extentus & protegens ; in ſome Copies of the LXX the
Words are thus turned, rj res leox dedans un zepcb razges
efter mariage ©eč returul va és
onlyávalı; but therein, as the Scholiaſt obſerves, the Words xozçusuló G 18 mes te oxlovšy-
10 are interpolated out of Symmachus. The Vulgate, or Hieronymus , ſeems to
have read won inſtead of nuon. According to this, approved by Grotius, we may
read the Greek thus, sej meleondust ons uit te repos magi Tš inſtead of sei. See Nobi-
lius.] vlasuwsvo è orlwcópata ; that is , thou haſt been prote&ted as with a Cherub,
who ſpread his Wings to make a Pavilion above thee, and keep thee as in a Tent Safé
from any Heat, or Hurt. For as the Cherubim made a Covering or Canopy over
the Throne, ſo the Prince of Tyre was as it were covered with the Cherub of God
who protected him. How near this Notion is to the Senſe and Stile of the Hebrew
and Symbolical Language, will appear from thoſe Places, where we explain the
Meaning of Wings covering, and the Notion of Heat or Harm, which is warded off
by any Pavilion, or Wings, or Clouds, or Tent, or any other ſtrong Building.
Thus far may ſuffice to prove, that theſe Symbolical Wights may repreſent the
Chriſtian Prieſthood, as well as the Jewiſh; for ours, though ſomewhat different
from theirs, are nevertheleſs the Bearers and Attendants of the Divine Throne, be-
ing the Pillars of the Church, the Miniſters of the Word, the Protectors and Sup-
porters of the Faith, and Kingdom of God and Chrift; ruling, direčting and at-
tending the Faith and Worſhip of the Faithful , and are thus in the midſt of the
Throne ; and being continually about watching the Watches of the Lord, may be ſaid
to be about the Throne. All the Notions that we have of the Prieſthood reſult to this, that
it is the viſible Repreſentation of the inviſible Service of the Angels. Hence in
this Myſtical Way the Cherubim may be ſaid to bear a double Stamp, ſtanding both
for the inviſible and viſible Service. And this hath been obſerved very well by
Euſebius in theſe Words : (9) 'Aguolee ö. currê meis do eucogévus autov Jei ets Juvéniets rj tids
egu taget&qu'es 'auto issés egéans emos av, med av eien), rj megoña Son öyleros, isj DA LOVER
αυτή, και τες ιερές αποσίλες και μαθητας, οΐς εποχέμG- εν λέω και αοράτω διωάμει και τα 9 λό-
yo re të orues de Specefes oorex pfelw. This Notion will help us to reconcile our Expo-
fition with that of Philo Fud. an Author in this Caſe not to be deſpiſed. He fays
that the Cherubim repreſented the Two Powers of God, (-) zoríteno sj Begreze, of
Creation and Government ; or, which is the ſame, (s) Mugirò tej no acsiero, of Bounty
and Fuſtice. Now theſe, as (t) Dr. Allix proves , are in his Notion the Two Divine
Perſons, the Word and Holy Spirit. If ſo, then theſe Two Powers are repreſented
as Cherubim or Miniſters ; and how ſuitable this is to the true Notion of them in
that Diſpenſation, is prov'd in our Note on Chap. 12. 1. F. the Word and Holy Spi-
rit were then the moſt immediate Attendants of the Father. But this hinders not
their repreſenting the viſible Miniſtry eſtabliſh'd on the ſame Model
. It muſt not
be here expected from me, that I ſhould bring Proofs from the Oriental Writers in
the Symbolical Language, to ſhew the general Signification of ſuch compounded
Symbols now, as they ſtand wholly and peculiarly adapted to our Conſtitution. No,
it is ſufficient, that the like Figures in the Jewiſh have repreſented a Prieſthood ana-
logous to ours, and what hath been obſerved in general of the Symbolical Figures of
Deities, and other parts of Heathen Worſhip from Plutarch. It being apparent
that each was different, and adapted to each God and Worſhip : Only they were all
ſuitable to that one Principle, of being Symbolical, according to the Method of
thofe Ages. Wherefore it will be only neceſſary, in examining all the Parts, to ſhew
the Truth of this ; and in the Application to demonſtrate the Correſpondence of the
Figures to the Event or Original in the Chriſtian Prieſthood. All which, God willing,
we ſhall perform exactly and rigorouſly. The firſt of theſe Particulars is the Num-
ber of the Wights as followeth.
olin Montbris 2011TUOVA
E. Tsaa eg loc, Four Wights. ] In the Viſion of Iſaiah, there were but Twain, no more
than in the Mofaical Tabernacle. The Reaſon why they are Four here, may be, firſt, be-
(9) Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. VI. cap. ult. (r) Philo de Vit. Mol. Lib. III. pag. 455. (s) Philo.
Quis rer. divin. Hær. pag. 342. (t) Dr. Allix's Judgment of the Jewiſh Church,Chap. IX. pag. 122.
Bbb
cauſe
186
The Four Wights. Ch. IV. v. 6.

cauſe as there are Twenty Four Elders, Twelve for the Fews and Twelve for the Gentile
Chriſtians, fo here the Number of the Wights is doubled. Or rather ſecondly, be-
cauſe the Number Four repreſents the whole world, anſwering to the Four Winds or
Corners thereof, according to the common Speech and Notions of the Hebrews, who
diſtributed them fo; as in a great Meaſure we do ftill: So that this Number in any
Caſe, is a Symbol of Univerſality, as to terreſtrial Matters , diſtributed or extending
all over, as we ſhall ſee in many places. See Revel. 6. 1. Chap. 7. 1. Chap. 20. 8.
Compare alſo Dan. 8. 2. Iſaiah 9. 12. Ezek. 7. 2. Therefore the Symbol of Four,
ſhews, that the Religion and Worſhip of God's People, during the Chriſtian Oeco-
nomy, ſhall not be tied up to the Peculium of one private Nation or Family, but
be univerſally ſpread into all the Corners and Winds of the Earth. For the ſame
Reaſon, that when the Ifraelites came to be diſperſed in the Times of Ezekiel, the
Vifion which he had thereupon, repreſented that univerſal ſpreading of the Nation,
by Four Wights or Cherubim, that God's Care and Protection of them might be
ſhewn to be equal to their Diſperſion. Thus Ireneus argues, (u) Quoniam enim
quatuor regiones mundi ſunt in quo Jumus, & quatuor principales Spiritus, & diſſemi-
nata eſt Eccleſia ſuper omnem terram, columna autem & firmamentum Eccleſia eft
Evangelium, & Spiritus vitæ : Conſequens eſt quatuor habere eam columnas, undique
flantes incorruptibilitatem, & vivificantes homines. Ex quibus manifeftum eft, quoniam
qui eſt omnium artifex Verbum, qui fedet ſuper Cherubim, continet omnia,declaratus ho-
minibus, dedit nobis quadriforme Evangelium,quod in uno ſpiritu continetur. Quemadmo-
dum & David poftulans ejus adventum ait : Qui (edes ſuper Cherubim appare. Etenim
Cherubim quadriformia, formæ ipforum imagine si ſunt diſpoſitionis Filij Dei. In the
Mofaical Tabernacle the Cherubim had not ſo univerſal a Charge, and therefore were
but Two; as alſo the Seraphim in the Viſion of Iſaiah, the fame Conſtitution re-
maining ſtill
. I ſuppoſe thoſe Two did repreſent the Two diſtinct Families of the
Prieſthood. For God at firſt only took Nadab and Abihu , the Sons of Aaron, with
their Father on the Mount. Theſe Two being reje&ted and deſtroyed, God imme-
diately ſubſtituted to them Eleazar and Ithamar. And ſo the Prieſthood did run on
to the End only in Two Families. All which God foreſeeing, did appoint only
Two Cherubim. So that theſe Two Branches of the Prieſtly Family did viſibly
correſpond to the Two inviſible chief Miniſters then, the Word and Holy Spirit ; of
which before.
F. réuovle op Janush uczegoder vi omaty, Full of Eyes before and behind. ] So it is
ſaid in the Viſion of Ezekiel, Chap. 1. 18. sj oi vaTOL 'Urwy naughs omaten wei xuxa ó gen roi's
riaszigor, and their backs were full of Eyes round about them Four. For the fue mesatar nj
Embry, is by Indu&tion the ſame as xuxa ó ser in Ezekiel. Diodorus Siculus, Lib. III.
ſpeaking of ſome Egyptian Hieroglyphicks, explains the Eye thus ; • j éppeaceo's, Sirens
Thentas aj mart's oš ozó face16 qurat, the Eye is the Obſerver of Juſtice, and Keeper of the
whole Body. Thus when God is preparing to execute Judgment, he is faid to come
and ſee, Genef. 18. 21. Thus (w) Artemidorus, ſpeaking of the Eye, faith, they
are the Leaders of the Body, og ospical o eduzór cia zij zouóves. And fo Tully, (x) Nam
oculi tanquam ſpeculatores, altiſſimum locum obtinent : ex quo plurima conſpicientes ,
fungantur ſuo munere. Allo 2. Serenus Samonicus, ſpeaking of the Eyes, faith,
ta tha thu
odny
common Quos quafi cuſtodes defenforeſque pericli
Ploor
-Bus bootit Profpiciens Jumma natura locavit in arce.
20 21 Isola
Minucius Felix ; Oculi in fummo , velut in fpeculâ conftituti
, & omnes cateri ſenſus
velut in arce compofiti
. Hence the Similitude of our Saviour, Matth. 6. 22. o au-
ocó ueatós 7310 op. Jouduós, the Light, or Lamp, of the Body is the Eye. The
Indian Interpreter, Chap. 52. oi op Joea yeòi, vises, vej deča, sj ocês ca şi fuga. See the
reſt, and the other Interpreters, in the next Chapter. Upon theſe Accounts, the
Angels of the Lord are called his Eyes, as being the Executioners of his Judgments,
and watching and attending for his Glory, in Zach. 4. 10. In Imitation whereof,
the Favourites and prime Miniſters of State in the Perſian Monarchy, were called
the King's Eyes, according to the Oriental Cuftoms and Notions. Ariftophan, in
Acharn. Ariſtides Orat. Cyzicen. Dio Chryfoftom. Orat, de Regno ; Heſych. Æſchylus,
(x) Irenæus, Lib. III. cap. 11.
(W) Lib. I. cap. 28. (x) De Nat. Deor. Lib. II.
Perf.
2

Chap. IV. v. 7
The Four Wights.
187
Pers. Heliodorus Æthiop. Lib. VIII. Plutarch, Artaxerx. and others. Thus ini
Numb. 10. 31. to be inftead of Eyes, is equal to being a Prince, to Guide and Rule
the People. In (y) Pindar we read
Ολεία - Σικελίας οφθαλμός,
As a Title given to one of the Chief Men in Sicily, Thewing his Power. And thus
alſo,
Σαγαπάς οφθαλμός, ,
bra
The Eye of the Army in the ſame ſtands for a good Commander
. So Valer:
Maximus, ſpeaking of Auguſtus and Tiberius faith, (a) Duobus Reipubl. divinis
oculis. Thus in Deut. 11. 12. The Eyes of the Lord fignify the Divine Providence,
or ſpecial Care, which God promiſes. And thus the Samaritan Targum hath ex-
, , , ,
(6) Caſtell explains by the Eye of Care of God, more literally, the neceſſary Eye of
God. And indeed the Arabian Verfion hath there, Terra quam Deus viſitat, & de
qua perpetuam curam habet. Confult here Paufanias in Argolic. Page 66. L.
30. &c. where having ſpoken of a Statue of Jupiter with Three Eyes, he con-
cludes thus, Τασιν οί δρώντα εποίησεν οφθαλμοίς , όις δη ου και ποιήσας, άτε αν ταϊς τeισι
ταϊς λερμό αις λήξεσιν άρχονlα ή αυτον τέτον θεόν. Now all this appertains to the
Chriſtian Clergy, who watch for the Souls of Men under them, Hebrews 13. 17.
As the Cherubim do therefore repreſent the Prieſthood, ſo thoſe Eyes ſet forth
their continual Attendance, and Watchfulneſs to ſerve their Maſter, and look
over his Affairs. The Eyes before, ſhewing their Care to watch and attend God's
Commands; and thoſe behind, to fignify their Care of thoſe Matters, which
God hath entruſted them withal, as Work done without. They watch for the
preſent and future Glory. They watch to preſerve his internal Glory, and to
enlarge it without; looking not only to the Welfare of God's inner Friends and
Subjeéts, but alſo to defend his Church againſt external Enemies. They have
Eyes round about, to thew that nothing is to eſcape their Care, and that they are
faithful in it. See here (c) St. Hilary, who faith that the Apoſtles and Biſhops
are the Eyes of the Church.
A. Verſ. 7. Kai ti ſcor cò agcôtoy @jidorov aborli, And the firſt Wight was like a Lion.]
There are general Obſervations
to be made, before we come to the particular Expo-
ſition of this Symbol, Like a Lion. Firſt, there is a great Difference between theſe
Wights of St. John, and thoſe of Ezekiel; in that each of thoſe in Ezekiel hath all
the Four Faces of Animals mentioned here, whereas thoſe of St. John have each his
peculiar Face of one of the Animals mentioned in Ezekiel, to be affembled in every
one of them. As it is likely that in the Mofaical Tabernacle each Cherubim had in
like Manner all the Four Faces. By this each of theſe Chriſtian Wights hath only
one, and that conſequently different from the reſt. Now the Moſaical Cherubim had
all the Faces united into one in each of them , to fignify the Union or Unity of the
Church during that Oeconomy; which conſiſted in one cloſe, entire and inſeparable
Conjunction, and as it were Identity; it being unlawful to have Two diſtinct Altars
and Services, or a Prieſthood directed by Two different High Prieſts, feparated by
Office, and Place, and Time. And when Jeroboam effected fuch a Diviſion, by
ſetting up a Prieſthood oppoſed to that in Jeruſalem, he diſſolved thar Union and
Unity of the Tribes and Worſhip. For theſe Reaſons, the true Worſhip given then
to God, being one, with all its Qualities and Properties united, the Cherubim which
repreſented it, muſt have all thoſe Faces united into one. In Ezekiel's Time, that
Church being diſperſed into all the Four Corners of the World, God is then ſeen
riding upon Four Cherubim : But becauſe the Principle of Union or Unity was ſtill
but one, their Four Faces were ſtill united in every Cherubim. But now in the
Chriſtian Oeconomy the Worſhip of God is diſperſed, and paid to him in and from
the Four Corners of the World; our Unity or Union being only of Confent and
Communion, not tied up to an Unity of actual Conjunction, and one Place of Wor-
(v) Pind. Olymp. II. («) Pindar. Olymp. Od. VI.
(a) Val. Max. Lib. IV, cap. 3.
(6) Caſtelli Anim. Samarit, (c) Hilar. Pictay, in Pſal. CXXXVIII.
Thip:

188
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. v.7.
among them.
ſhip; and therefore here the Four Wights have each his Figure or Symbolical Face
and Shape ; exprefling indeed, that they worſhip one and the fame God, waiting
upon, and bearing up the fame Throne ; but not reduced to fo ftrict and inſeparable
an Unity of Worſhip. It is ſufficient that there be an univerſal Conſent, or Con-
currence of all, to pay one Homage together, and to bear up the Throne of God
Here we muſt obſerve, according to theſe Principles, the different Obligation there
was to worſhip God, laid upon Men by that Oeconomy, from what it is now.
Under the Mofàical Tabernacle and Diſpenſation, and during the firſt Temple, all
Men were obliged to meet in one place, and to Worſhip no where elſe, and to come
from every Corner of the Land thereto. When that was diffolved about Ezekiel's
Time, and afterwards under the Second Temple, which laſted during the Diſperſion
of the Nation into all the Four Corners of the World, they were bound ſtill to the
utmoſt of their power to meet at Jeruſalem, which was the Place that preſerved
the Principle of their Unity, and no where elſe. But now in our Diſpenſation,
there is no ſuch Obligation to meet only in one place laid upon all Chriſtians, but
wherever Chriſtians are met in Chriſt's Name, there he is in the midſt of them.
Compare John 4. 20, 21, 22, 23. with Matth. 18. 20. So we may have a Feru
Salem, or Principle of Unity, wherever it is convenient, and ſo worſhip in any Part
of the World, provided we join in one Communion, and hold to one Principle of
Conſent. Thus our Prieſthood is not obliged to join all their Heads into one, but
each hath not only a Face, but the whole Body of a Cherub, though diſtinct from
the other, yet concurring to the Worſhip and Attendance of God's Throne. Each
particular Church with its Prieſthood, hath its own Sharę, Rights, and Privileges
of Office in folidum; and though different from another, yet concurring, in that
they are each in particular, an entire Supporter, Attendant and Worſhipper of the
Divine Throne and Majeſty. As St. Cyprian expreffes it, (d) Epiſcopatus unus eſt,
cujus a ſingulis in folidum pars tenetur. The
Words in folidum, are here borrowed
from the Roman Laws, in which this Bleſſed Martyr was well verſed. Thus many
Bonds-Men, or Debtors, are obliged (e) in folidum, when each is bound for the
Payment of the Whole. By this we may underſtand his Meaning to be, There is
one Epiſcopacy, of which a Part is held by each Biſhop, with an entire Right to the
Whole. As for the Unity of our Church, it is thus by him expreſſed and defined,
f) Et cum fit a Chriſto una Ecclefia per totum mundum in multa membra diviſa, item-
que Epifcopatus unus, Epiſcoporum multorum concordi numerofitate diffufus. Which
Words imply, that the Church of Chriſt is one, though divided into many Parts ;
and that the Epiſcopacy is one, by the unanimous Concurrence of many Biſhops,
which diffuſe the Epiſcopacy all over. Now this Senſe of the Matter is here
Symbolically expreſſed by Four Wights, anſwering to the Four Parts of the World,
and yet concurring in that one Reſpect, to ſupport the Throne of God, to attend
upon it with all Vigilance, and to worſhip and obey his Commands, as it follows in
the Vifion. LOREM asist on saanut us
Secondly, There is another Difference between the Wights in Ezekiel and St. Fohn,
in that Ezekiel hath obſerved the Poſition of the ſeveral Faces on each Wight, as to
the Parts of the World. The Man's Face is in the Front, the Lion's on the Right
Hand of the Wight, the Oxe's on the Left, and confequently the Eagle's behind, to-
wards the back Parts of the Wight. "Tis not my Buſineſs here to explain the My-
ſteries of all theſe feveral Pofitions: Only in general this ariſes from the Notion the
Ancients, Hebrews and others, had of the Poſition of the World. For in their Re-
ligious Rites they looking towards the Sun Rifing, I ſpeak of the Heathens firſt,
when they worſhipped, they called from thence the Eaſt, the Face of the World,
the Name of it implying as much, for p is the Eaft, on the East, and Fore-
Part, or Front of any Thing, as to Time or Place. The Weſt is 1m8, which
alſo ſignifies behind, or backward, in the fame Manner, both as to Time or place.
Thus alfo ion is the South from ja', the Right Hand, and 10 to decline towards
the Right Hand. And laſtly, the Word 58 ou fignifies the Left Hand, and the
North. Of this we have plain Indication in Ezekiel, Chap. 16. 46. where Samaria is
99
17.50 malo zabril) Iglobung ()
(d) D. Cyprian. de Unitate Ecclefiæ.
(e) Vide Inftitution. Lib. III. Titul. 21. de
Fidejufforibus. (f) D. Cyprian. Epift
. LV. Edit. Oxon.
faid

Ch. IV. v. 7.
The Four Wights.
189
و
ſaid to be on the Left, becauſe North; and Sodom, which is here Idumea, on the
Right, becauſe South of Feruſalem. Thus alſo in Geneſ. 14. 15. On the Left Hand
of Damaſcus, Seous ; the Targ. hath NIE, a ſeptentrione, on the North. So
in Iſaiah 9. 20. where we read, He ſhall ſnatch on the Right Hand, and be Hungry,
and he shall eat on the Left Hand, the Targum faith, Et diripiet ab Auftro
eſuriet , & conjumet ab Aquilone. In Chald, 8017710 E NJE 10. The Iſra-
elites obſerved this alſo; for though their Tabernacle was placed quite contrary to
the Heathen Temples, that they might have no Deſire to Worſhip the Riſing-Sun,
as the Heathens ; yet becauſe the (8) Fore-Part or Front of their Tabernacle ſtood
Eaſterly, and the Hinder-Part Weſterly, the fame Denominations ſerved them ftill, in
that reſpect. As for the Egyptians, from whom they had them firſt, the Matter is
věry plain from theſe Words of Plutarch, (h) aiye01 98 oxov Te pelo sice sš xóque
ωeόσωπον ,
ta' öo mess Bopper desd, teil ñ wegs vórov desees. Thus alſo the Romans, who
had their Religion from the Tyrrhenians, that is Phænicians, in their Augurations
had the ſame Notion, as appears from the Practice of Numa, their Legiſlator as to
Religious Matters, deſcribed by Livius, (i) Regiones ab Oriente ad Occafum deter-
minavit : Dextras ad Meridiem partes, levaſque, ad ſeptentrionem eſſe dixit. The
Names which the Arabians have given to Syria of (k) Scham and Schamah, fignify,
ing the Left Hand, and to Arabia Felix of Lemen, which fignifies the Right
Hand, Thew that the Arabians had the fame Notion. For if you look to the Eaſt,
Syria being North, is on the Left, and Lemen being South, on the Right. This is
ſo plain, that the Expoſition of Ezekiel's Wights, as to their Faces, is eaſy to be de-
termined thereby. But as to our Caſe, we find that the Holy Ghoſt hath affected,
not to ſhew the Poſition of each Wight; and beſides that, hath named them in a
different Order. What I have therefore to ſay, as to that ſeeming Neglect of the
Holy Ghoſt, is this ; that in our Chriſtian Church, fuch Nice , Supercilious , and
I had almoſt faid Superſtitious Notions, for the (1) Superſtition of the Heathens
gave Occafion to God to make a Change of Poſition in the Tabernacle, muſt be re-
moved. Each Wight hath his Power in folidum, reſpects the whole World, and
every Corner thereof, whether Eaſt or Weft
, North or South. Moreover it is ob-
ſervable, that the Holy Ghoſt hath affe&ted in ſuch Symbols from the Mofaical Dif-
penſation, to change the Order obſerved in the Moſaical. Of which, beſides this
Example, we ſhall find others ; as in the Order of the Tribes, Chap. VII, and in the
Order of the Gems; which, though alluding to the High Prieſt's Eſen, are other-
wiſe placed in Chap. 21. Yea in the frequent Expreſſion of Peoples, Tongues, Tribes
and Nations, Four Synonymous Words to expreſs the univerſal Colle&tion of all Na-
tions, the Holy Ghoſt affects to vary it, by combining them fo, that they are not
Twice ſet down in the ſame Order. This affected Praćtice muſt needs fhew ſome
Deſign, nothing being vain in this Book; and this Deſign can be no other, but even
to take away all Affe&tation of Priority, or pretended Prerogative from the old Con-
ftitution. God hath concluded all under Sin, that his Grace might be given to all.
And as to theſe Wights, every Biſhop or Cherub hath a Fulneſs of Power over his
Flock in folidum. The Biſhop of Eugubium as much as the Biſhop of Rome. Their
Bufineſs is to look each to his Church, and to the Catholick Communion of all the
Churches. Thus each, though divided from the reſt as to Abode, hath a Right to
look every way, East and Weſt
, North and South. In this the Unity of our Church
conſiſts, and makes it to be truly Catholick.
Thirdly, as to the Difference of the Order in the Faces, different from each other
in Ezekiel and St. John, this is likewiſe plain to be ſeen. Ezekiel places them thus,
the Man always in the Front, then the Lion, the Ox, and the Eagle. But St. John,
without obſerving Fronts, places them thus; Firſt the Lion; Secondly the Ox, or
Calf ; Thirdly the Man's Face ; Laſtly the Eagle. If we obſerve that Ezekiel affects
to obſerve diftin&tly, Chap. 1. 5. that they had the Likeneſs of a Man in general, and
then particularly, that the Face of a Man was in each in the Front; and then con-
fider what the Notion of this Expreſfion implies; viz. the Appearance of a Man,
the Face of a Man, to denote a miſerable, perſecuted, afflicted, ſlaviſh and con-
13
(8) Vid. Gouffer. Rad. 101. (b) Plut. de Ifid. & Ofirid. Page 402.
(0) T. Livius,
Lib. I.
(k) Herbelor tit. Scham. Comp. Bochart. Phal
. Lib. II. Cap. xv. and 21.
(1) Spencer de Legib. Hebr. Lib. III. Diff. VI. Cap. 2, Sect. iv.
Сcc
temptible

The Four Wights.
190
Ch. IV. V. 7:
temptible State ; and over all this, what we have ſaid of the Deſign of his Viſion
we may rationally conclude that it means, that the Fews on all Hands, would always
meet with Perſecution in the Face or Beginning of all Things; but behind, or in
the End, have the Aſſiſtance of Eagles Wings to eſcape, having on each Hand, Right
and Left; that is, on the Right an Aſiſtance of a Lion-like Power of Princes, that
Thould affift, defend, or not quite deſtroy them ; whilft on the Left Hand, having
the Patience and Work of an Ox, they would be enabled to exert their Forces, and
to obtain God's Bleſſing on their Endeavours. Now St. John obſerving an Order of
Firſt, Second, Third, and Fourth, and theſe Wights having Offices to preach in their
Order, as we ſhall fee (m) hereafter, this may Symbolically repreſent the Effects of
their Preaching. But as they ſtand now here, this may denote the Offices, Proper-
ties or Powers and Privileges of the Chriſtian Prieſthood, in reſpect of the Throne of
God which they ſupport, and the Attendance they give to his Service. And theſe
Offices are all diftin&t, as the Symbols themſelves are here. For I do not ſuppoſe,
that theſe Four Symbols are all uſed together to fignify one Thing, as it is praétiſed
in ſome other Caſes'; wherein for Inſtance, the Hundred and Forty Four Thouſand are
the Symbol of one Accident, the Twelve Gems Foundations of the New Jeruſalem,
are but one Symbol to denote in general the Oracles of God, and others of that Na
ture which repreſent compounded or aggregate Beings. But every one of them doth
repreſent to us one diſtinèt and abſolute Property, Office or Quality, and Prerogative
of the Chriſtian Prieſthood.
Once indeed it was my Opinion, that the Four Symbols were to be taken col-
le£tively, and applied accordingly, but upon better Examination I did not think it fo
ſolid, as to rely wholly thereupon. However, becauſe it ſeems to have ſome Foun-
dation from what is ſaid hereafter, that all the Creation ſubmitted themſelves to God
and Chriſt, and gave him Praiſe, it may deſerve fome Attention : Since that Sub-
miſſion and Praiſe are given to them in Imitation, and as it were Dependency of
theſe Wights. Now the Deſign of all this Symbolical Repreſentation being to thew
the Submiſſion of all the Terreſtrial and other Creatures unto God, it is well done
to ſhew the Heads and Repreſentatives of each Kind, as marked with a Token of
that which they repreſent, fubmitting themſelves in the firſt place. Man is the Head
or Ruler of all the viſible Creatures upon Earth, which in Holy Scripture are divided
into Three Kinds, as may be ſeen in Geneſ. 1. 20. and Chap. 2. 20. where Adam, as
a Token of his Dominion gives them Names. There is mentioned firſt Cattle, then
Fowls, and Laſtly, Beaſts of the Field. But not one Word of Fiſhes here; becauſe
theſe having had their Origin and Creation with and from the ſame Principle and
Subje&t-Matter as Fowls, are therefore akin, and comprehended in this Reſpect un-
der the Diviſion and Denomination of Fowls. Philo Fud. faith, (n) 'Euge's ő sej tal
glón oss salwar Supeépzet, as åstape. OS XUSUS G. The Diſtinction of the Quadrupeds
into Two Sorts, is very common in the Holy Scripture; that of Cattle and Wild
Beaſts; and it is much more plain in the Hebrew Language. All feeding Cattle, to
graze or work withal, and eating Graſs and Corn, come under the Name of 4010;
the wild Beaſts under that of 701 771917, Beaſts or Creatures, or Animals of the
Field. Theſe are not to be confounded together, and they are named often di-
ſtinctly. So the Greeks call them xlún and grees. And the Author of theſe Verſes
among the Rhapſody of Sibyline Oracles, whɔ ſeems to have been a few, ſpeaks
of theſe diſtinctly,
ietlost () 'Ev 3 ve mais ópéw szeiau gabe er séro Jugov,
“Ημίν τη κύη οέπιξεν παύτα βροτοίσιν.
Thus then the Ox is the chief of all clean Beaſts, the Lion of all unclean or rave-
nous Beaſts, the Eagle of all Fowls and Fiſhes, who are of the fame Origin, and
Man the Head of all the reft. So that theſe Four Wights bearing theſe Marks of
their Dominion over the reſt of the Creation, and ſubmitting themſelves to ſerve
God and Chriſt, and in their Name to intercede and attend for that Purpoſe, ſhew
that all the Rule and Power which they poſſeſs, and for which they are deputed,
ſhall be employed to the Glory of God, and to the bringing of all the Creation to it
(m) Chap. VI.
(n) Philo mau xoo uomotas.
() Edit. Gallæi, Page 28.
accord-
2

Chap. IV. v. 7 :
The Four Wights.
Igi
accordingly; that he may be glorified continually. And this is certainly the Office
and Power of our Prieſthood. It muſt be owned, that fomething like this may be
found in the Epiftie of Photius cited before, but not ſet fo much to the Light as
here, although I did not light my Candle by his, which I only found afterward con-
formable to what hath been ſaid. The ſame muſt be ſaid of this Hint of Novatianus,
a much elder Author than Photius : (p) Subjéttis throno ejus animalibus præ cæteris
principatum tenentibus.
But now as theſe Symbols are ſeparated and diſtinguiſhed, and that there is an
Order in them; in ſuch a Manner, that when the firſt Wight, or that like a Lion,
ſpeaks upon the opening of the Firſt Seal, the Second like an Ox or Calf is filent
and is only to ſpeak in his Order ; fo this muſt needs make a Difference, which is
only to be found out by diſcovering the Nature or Signification of the Symbol
, ac-
cording to the Place in which it is uſed. Here in general, as it is employed to thew
one of the general Properties of the Prieſthood ; and at the firſt Seal and the reſt,
wherein the Wight is ſaid to execute the Office of Preaching, according to what may
diſcover the Properties of that Preaching, in reſpect of the Church. Of this laſt
Caſe hereafter when it appears.
Now here this particular Symbol of this firſt Wight being like a Lion, whilſt he
attends and ſupports the Throne of God, is to be conſidered. A Lion, as it ſhall be
proved in the next Chapter, always denotes a King. It is a Title given to Chriſt
himſelf, juſt upon his Inauguration. On theſe Two Accounts this firſt Wight, being
like a Lion, denotes that the firſt and principal Property of our Prieſthood, is a ru-
ling or regal Office, that whilft it attends upon the Throne of God, that is, his Go-
vernment, it is deputed by him to maintain the Dignity of the Throne, and the
Service belonging to it, with a ruling Power, according to the particular Nature of
its Office, which merely concerns the Throne of God ; and excludes it from being
Head of the Tribes. And ſo Irenæus explains this Symbol, and all the reſt, as we
Thall, only with ſome Improvement : (9) Etenim Cherubim quadriformia, & forme
ipforum imagines ſunt diſpoſitionis Filij Dei. Primum enim animal, inquit, Simile
Leoni, efficabile ejus, & principale, & regale ſignificans. Secundum verò, fimile Vituá
lo, Sacrificalem & facerdotalem ordinationem fignificans. Tertium verò animal habens
faciem quafi humanam, eum qui eſt ſecundùm hominem adventum, eis manifeftè defcri-
bens. Quartum verò ſimile Aquila volitantis, Spiritus in Eccleſiam advolitantis grátian
manifeſtans. Et Evangelia his conſonantia , in quibus inſidet Dominus Feſus. For in-
deed Chriſt is the great Type of his Church. See our Note on Chap. 1. 13. B.
Secondly, whereas Jeſus Chriſt hath, upon his Inauguration, the Name of the Lion,
this may likewiſe imply, that the Power and Office of the Prieſthood partakes of
that of Chriſt: That is, that they are ſent with the ſame Power and Commiſſion as
Chriſt himſelf was ſent by his father. He faith himſelf, foh. 20. 21. As
my
Fa-
ther bath ſent me, even so Send I you. This Symbol may alſo imply Boldneſs in ex-
ecuting their Office, which is a Property of the Lion, Prov. 28. 1. and Chap. 30. 30.
and expreſly aſcribed to the Miniſters of Chriſt, by St. Paul one of them, Phil
. I.
20. See Acts 4. 13, 29, 31. To which they had a Title from the Promiſe of
Chriſt, Luke 10. 19. And from the actual Sign thereof given them at firſt, Aets
4. 31. So Tychonius faith, (-) In animali primo fimili Leoni, fortitudo Eccleſiæ oftenditur.
Laſtly, as Ireneus hints, that this Symbol implies efficabile ejus , the prevailing
Power of the Goſpel ; and we prove it in our Notes on Chap. s. 5. B. And Chap.
10. 3. A. So we are here given to underſtand, that the Office and Preaching of the
Prieſthood ſhall be efficacious.
B. Kol to do te gu favov o potov uógw, And the Second Wight was like a Calf. ] In the
Scripture Stile, the word Calf is for the moſt Part ſo general, as to be taken for
the whole Species ; fo the Word 722, which is often turned by Boūs in the LXX,
is alſo frequently turned by uóxQ; the ſame may be ſaid of the Words 7 and 71.
So that it ſignifies in general the Species. And in this place, wherein we do not find
any mention of Horns, which would require a particular Explication, we muſt infer,
that the Symbol of Ox, or Calf, or Steer, is taken in general, for what is fignified
by the whole Animal. The prime or chief Quality whereof is Labour, Patience,
and Riches, or the great Product of Corn. So in the Dream of Pharaoh, the Seven
(p) Novatian. de Trinitate, Cap. VIII.
(9) Irenæus, Lib. III. cap. 11.
(Hom. III.
Kine

192
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. v. 7:
Kine denoted ſo many Harveſts, their Number determining the Years, which is pe-
culiar to Kine, as the Oriental Onirocriticks do all allow in Chap. 238, 239. In the
Proverbs of Solomon, Chap. 14. 4. Much Increaſe is by the Strength of the Ox. So
that the Ox hath the Signification of Increaſe with great Labour. On this Account
the Oxen are Cherubim, which as (s) fome gueſs, was the Primitive Notion of the
Word, as even the Word opa hath a cognate Word in the Arabick Tongue, Baka-
ra, which fignifies to plough. The Perſian and Ægyptian Interpreters ſay therefore,
Εί και ίση ότι βόας γεωργικές εισήγαγεν εις τον οίκον αυτό και έδησεν αφήσει αγαθόν μέγα και κυρίαν
aj "Es cier rj odlegle izbegov, rj Saídlew Stroboats. See Servius on Virgil's Æneis, Lib. I.
Effodere loco fignum, v.447. More ſhortly thus in Fuſtin : (t) In primis fundamentis
caput bubulum inventum eſt: Quod auſpicium quidem fructuoſa terre ; féd laborioſa,
perpetuoque ſerve urbis fuit : propter quod in alium locum urbs tranſlata. (u) Taci-
tus obſerves that the Germans had the ſame Notion. According to Artemidorus theſe
Oxen are Symbols of Workmen and Subje&s; that is, working for the Good of
others (w). Tá égzamined rj Tanamweg., és gotas vej odletey ufors, as ovou, rý Bóes. So
Day-Labourers are in Philo compared to working Beaſts, (x) équuse com o meteorixyns
3 år somópo, óras Todozó pucati xexo mra. För soluzie Tor. This is the Second Quality be-
longing to the Chriſtian Clergy, or Miniſters of Chriſt. Their Office is called a
Work, Phil. 2. 30. a hard Work, i Thef. 5. 13. to be endured with much Patience,
Luke 21. 19. 2 Cor. 6.4. and Chap. 12. 12. And that too for the good of others,
Hebr. 13. 17.
Sic vos non vobis fertis aratra boves.
Virgil
.
The Work of the Chriftian Prieſthood is by our Saviour compared to Ploughing,
Luke 9. 62. to Sowing , Luke 8. 5. and their work and Reward is by St. Paul,
Cor. 9.9. 1 Tim. 5. 18. compared with the Oxe's Work, in treading or threſhing
the Corn. Explaining thus fymbolically the Law of Mofes, Deut. 25.4. The Ana-
logy of this Animal to the Chriſtian Prieſthood is handſomely made out by (Y) Eu-
ſebius, in a Place to which it is proper to refer. So that upon the whole, this Sym-
bolical Figure denotes, that the Chriſtian Prieſthood , in order to maintain Religion,
that is, ſupport the Throne of God, and conſtantly attend his Service for the Glory
of God, and the good of Men's Souls, ſhall endure much Labour with Patience
and Conſtancy, never refuſing to ſet all their Strength to it, and that their Labour
will not be in vain, but produce a very rich and plentiful Crop, for all thoſe for
whom they are employed, and for themſelves too in all kinds: For whilſt they work
for others, they are not muzzled.
C. Και το τρίτον ζώον έχων π ωeόσωπον ως άνθρωπG-, And the Third Vight baving bis
Face like a Man.] The underſtanding of this Third Property of the Chriſtian
Prieſthood, depends upon the Expoſition given of the Words (2) Son of Man, and
what ſhall be ſaid upon the (a) Eyes of a Man hereafter, where this Expreſſion is
touched upon, and coinpared with others of the fame Nature : By which it will ap-
pear, that this mesoumov, Face or Countenance of a Man, or as a Man, fignifies, that
the Chriſtian Prieſthood muſt be contemptible, and endure Perſecution for the fake
of Chriſt's Name, in performing the Offices of their Function. Our Saviour who
ſent them, as himſelf was ſent by his Father, and who upon the like Account called
himſelf Son of Man, hath forewarned his Apoſtles of this, that they ſhould like-
wiſe be treated as himſelf
. Fohn 15. 20. If they have perſecuted me, they will alſo
perſecute you. Matth. 10. 25. If they have cated the Maſter of the Houſe Beelze-
bub, how much more Shall they call them of his Houshold? Tychonius hath ſeen the
true Intent of this Expreſſion ; for he faith, In tertio Animali , quod eft velut homo,
humilitas Ecclefiæ oſtenditur : Quia nihil fibi blanditur ut ſuperbum ſapiat, quamvis
adoptionem filiorum teneat. Hom. III.
D. Και το τέταρ1ον ζώον, όμοιον αετω πελομβόω, And the Fourth Wight like a fying
Eagle.] This Fourth Property comes naturally after the other, and fignifies, that
though the Chriſtian Prieſthood be deſpiſed and perſecuted, yet they ſhall eſcape out
1
(s) Spencer. de Arca & Cherub. Lib. III. cap. III. $. 1.
(t) Juftin. Hiſtor. Lib. XVIII. (u) Tacit. de M. Germ. cap. XVIII.
(7) Artemid. Lib. IV. cap: 58. (x) Philo de Humanitat. pag. 479. (y) Euſeb. Dem
Evang. Lib. VII. Pag. 200. (<) Chap. I. 13. A. (a) Chap. XIII. 11.
I
of

Ch. IV. v. 8. The Four Wights.
193
of all Dangers at laſt, being protected by the Power of Kings and Princes, who
ſhall become their Nurſing Fathers, and carried off, as by Eagles Wings ; and to ex-
plain it actively, they ſhall by the Efficacy of their Royal or Ruling Function pro-
tect and defend themſelves, the_Throne of God, and Church of Chriſt, and carry
it clear off, notwithſtanding the Tyranny, and Purſuit of the Enemies thereof. Ire-
næus further explains his Notion in theſe Words: (b) Poſt deinde nobis homo fa&us,
munus cæleſtis ſpiritus in omnem miſit terram , protegens nos alis fuis. For an Eagle
ſingle denotes ſymbolically a Royal Power and Affiſtance, and the Addition of Fly-
ing, denotes the carrying away aloft from one Place to another, from the Face or An-
ger of Enemies. Theſe Significations ſhall be explained by and by, when the Wings
come to be mentioned, and in our Notes upon the Two Wings of the great Eagle in
Chap. 12. 14. A. This Privilege is founded alſo upon the Promiſes of our Saviour,
that the Gates of Hell Mall not prevail againſt the Church, Matth. 16. 18. and by the
Advice, when perſecuted in one City, to flee into another, Matth. 10. 23. St. Paul
faith with Confidence, that God is faithful, and will with the Temptation alſo make
a way to eſcape, 1 Cor. 10. 13. This very Prophecy is a Proof of it.
A. Verf. 8. “Ev Yeng eduto legov divce the puzas es, Each of them had Six Wings. ] Al-
though the Properties of each Wight belong in common to all the reſt ; and ſo, that
the Wings of the flying Eagle muſt be applied to each, yet for further Proof and
Illuſtration thereof, and to Thew that the Chriſtian Prieſthood hath full Means to
preſerve it ſelf, the Holy Ghoſt adds further, that each had Six Wings for that Pur-
poſe. The Moſaical Cherubim had but Two each, in all Four, a Symbol of Univer-
fality, to ſhew, that their Prieſthood had ſufficient Means for the Preſervation of
the Whole. The Seraphim of Iſaiah have each Six, in all Twelve ; that is, equal
to all the Tribes; to ſhew, that though God had ſuffered the other Tribes to be car-
ried away, and deſigned to let the other too ſuffer the fame Calamity, yet he would
protect the Juſt among them in ſuch a Manner, that out of all the Tribes he would
preſerve a Number, and bring them again to their Land , to be again united into
one, as we ſhall Thew elſewhere. The Cherubim of Ezekiel had Four each, ftill
a Number of Univerfality, to Thew, that in whatſoever Corner of the World the
Tribes were diſperſed , God would preſerve and bring again the whole. Thus then
in our Wights there are Six belonging to each, in all Twenty Four, which therefore
equal the Number of the Elders, and ſhew, that the Protection, or Covering of the
glorious Seat of God, the Preſervation of the Monuments of his Glory and Wor-
ſhip, are performed by his Clergy, throughout the Extent of their power, which
is equal to the Number of the Tribes and Heads of our Spiritual Iſrael, which is
now compoſed of Fews and Gentiles. And fo Tertullian hath ſaid :
da di sole
01 to warto (c) Alarum numerus antiqua volumina fignat,
TRI Zbig
son go ou Eſe fatis certa viginti quatuor iſta,
Se oli noqulove
-194 foto 3 Quæ domini cecinere vias, & tempora pacis.
eko W terjang tigris
-Station speed on Hec cohærere novo cum federe cuneta videmus. aromatis bomiot
3) bevi Sic quoque Foannes, fic pandit
Spiritus illi
2002 vom vode
33 inntin Tot numero folio ſenioribus inſuper albis,
nous T Atque coronatis cohibentibus omnia mitrá. boupez yistilo de son
or booding
Tychonius hath ſeen that the Six Wings are given to each of the Wights, to be equal
vente
to the Number of the Elders, and conſequently, that the Office of the Prieſthood,
repreſented by the Wings, doth extend to all the Church : (d) In animalibus often-
duntur viginti quatuor ſeniores : Nam fene in quatuor animalibus, viginti & qua-
tuor ala ſunt. Nam quomodo animal cum fex ališ poteſt ſimile eſſe aquile , quæ habet
duas alas ? niſi quia quatuor animalia unum funt, quæ habent viginti & quatuor
alas, in quibus viginti &* quatuor ſeniores intelligimus.' Wings in Holy Scripture are
metaphorically uſed for Two Purpoſes. The Firſt is to cover or brood, which is
the natural Uſe of them; and therefore to protect and maintain, as in Ruth 2. 12.
Pſalm 36. 7. 57. I. 61. 4. 91.4. Malach. 4. 2. Matth. 23. 37. Luke 13. 34.
Or elſe to carry away, to help in Flight , as in Exod. 19. 4. Pſalm 55. 6. Revelat.
12. 14. Where ſee our Notes. In Iſaiah 30. 20. the Word DJs, which properly
(6) Iren. Lib. III. cap. II.
(d) Homil. III.
(©) Tertullian. Carm. adv. Marc. Lib. IV. cap. 7.
Ddd
fignifies
The Four Wights.
194
Ch. IV. v. 8.

Reſt on the Sabbath-Days, yea, leſs then than upon other Days. So to obſerve no
ſignifies a Wing, is changed into a Verb Đ]]); which Place the LXX turn thus
aj ou én pn éyziorooi roi oi mevärlés os ; that is, the falſe Prophets or Seducers ſhall no
more come or pretend to brood thee, and cover thee as with their Wings, that is, thou
Shalt no more truſt in them as thy Protellors. So that whereever the Throne of God
is
, there it is attended, that is, covered, honoured, and defended by his Clergy
from all Aflaults. So that in all Afflictions of the Church, they ſhall ſtill preſerve
it whole.
B. Kuxnóger, Round about. ] This is to be referred to the foregoing Words, àc-
cording to the Complutenſian Edition, and the beſt in this Place
. The Meaning of
it is, that the Attendance of the Prieſthood is ſuch, that they have Wings to protect
and defend the Glory of God, againſt all Sorts of Enemies round about : The Word
sapo being frequently tranſlated by wuzaóSov, and uſed to that Purpoſe concerning
Enemies, as in theſe Places, Foſh. 21.44. 23. 1. Fudg. 2. 14. 8. 34. i Kings 12. U.
Ambr. Ansbertus faith, Unde & in alia tranſlatione animalium ale per circuitum eſſe
deſcribuntur, totum videlicet orbem in ele£tis ambientes atque elevantes.
C. Kad čodger gépes tv og Jongel's And within are full of Eyes. ] If this be only a
Repetition, it implies in this place, that as the Wights have Wings, or fufficient
Means, to defend the Glory of God, and preſerve his true Worſhip from all Enemies
ſet round about the Church ; ſo they have Means to be watchful for the inward State
of the Church, to preſerve it from all inner Enemies to that Purpoſe ; who may go
about to corrupt it, hy ſeducing the Faithful. But if the Word pépsorv be to be re.
ferred to the Wings ; meaning that the Wings are full of Eyes, as it may be underſtood,
although 'tis plain Ezekiel's Cherubim are not ſo, yet this will imply, that they
have Means in their Flight from Perſecution, to watch over and preſerve the true
Worſhip of God.
D. Kui úváracie Šr fx sony xpieces xj vex]ds, nézoyle, And have no Reſt Day and Night,
Saying. ] Theſe Words, únusegs vej vuxlos, during Day and Night, are frequently uſed
in this Book, and always to fignify a continual fucceffive Duration of the Subject-
Matter, according to the Nature of it. And in this place, together with the reſt
of the Words, alludes to the evsinsgeouàs, or perpetual Service of the Mofaical San-
{tuary, in which the Sacrifices were daily, and ſo perpetually reiterated: And the
Lights burning in the Sanctuary during every Night, and the Incenſe perpetually,
Morning and Eevening. Now
all theſe Inſtitutions
are called odensges uos or the per-
petual Service, Exod. 27. 20. Chap. 30. 8. and Levit. 24. 2. and concerning the daily
Sacrifice, Exod. 29. 38. Numb. 28. 3, 6. In this conſtant Attendance and perpetual
Service, that Prieſthood obſerved no Reſt, or, as our Saviour ſpeaks, (d) prophane
the Sabbath, and are not guilty ; that is, are bound by their Office
Place ſhews, that theſe Wights repreſent the Prieſthood, becauſe they only are to
work upon the
Sabbath-Days; which are ſer apart, that the Laity may ceaſe from
their proper Works, and attend with the Prieſthood upon the Service of God, per-
formed then more folemnly by the Prieſthood : Who have therefore no Days, where-
in they may ceaſe from ſerving God. So Tychonius hath well obſerved, (e) Ecclefia
quæ non habet requiem, ſed ſemper laudat Deum. Now as this continual Service is
not abſolutely required of any, but the immediate Attendants of the Throne ; ſo the
Prieſthood, who are certainly fo, muſt perform it ; and therefore this Duty of the
Wights ſhews, that they repreſent the Prieſthood, and none elſe.
Cut this
But then as to the whole Matter, which conſiſts not only in the perpetual Ob-
ſervation of that Service, but alſo in giving continually Glory, to God, as in the
Words following, it is plain, that the Holy Ghoſt here alludes to or imitates
the Antiphone of the Seraphim in the Viſion of Iſaiah. Some of the Words are
alſo made uſe of here. Only there is this Difference, that the Seraphim make the
Reſponſes to each other, whereas here all the Wights join in a full Song, and the
Reponſe is made by the Twenty Four Elders. To explain this Difference, we are
only to conſider, that the Viſion was exhibited to Iſaiab, at a Time when the true
Service of God was negleEted, and lately prophaned by (F) Hofiqh or Uzziah, and
the reſt of the Nation corrupted with Idolatry. So that the Seraphim's making
the Reſponſes to each other, implies, that the Prieſthood only attended upon the
that this very
(d) Matth. 12. 5. Numb. 28.9.
(e) Homil. III.
(f) See Iſaiah 6. 1.
2
drun Ser
epilin

Chap. IV. v. 8.
The Four Wights.
195
Service of God, and none elſe ; the Laity as it were refuſing to correſpond witli
the Prieſthood. But in our Caſe, it is not ſo ; the Wights are anſwered by the
Elders; and there is a perfect Underſtanding between them to give Glory to
God.
E. ‘Husegs sy vuelos, Day and Night. ] This Theatre being to laſt in the ſame
Condition, during the Two firſt Periods of the Church, that is, all the militant
State of it ; and conſequently to thew the Office and Work of the Miniſtry during
all that Time, as we have hinted elſewhere , theſe Words décors kaj ruxtos do properly
betoken ſuch a Time, wherein the Church ſhall be in a fluctuant State, divided be
tween Proſperity and Adverſity. For in the Third Period or Triumphant Stare there
of in the New Ferufalem, there is no Night, all is Day : There is no Adverfity, all
is full of Proſperity.
F. "AO, Holy.] The Complutenſian Edition, which we follow as Arias Monta-
nus hath done, founded herein upon the Authority of many. MSS. hath this Word
Nine Times : Whereas many others, only Thrice; as in the Viſion of Iſaiah. Thus
alſo in the Viſion of St. Perpetua, a Martyr about the Year CCIII. as it is related
in the old and genuine Aets of her Paffion ; the Agios is only written Thrice, Et ait-
divimus vocem unitam dicentium, Agios, agios, agios ; fine ceſſatione. But the Co-
pyiſts being more ready to fail in Omiſſions than Additions, I ſee no Reaſon to reje&t
the Number of Nine : As in other Caſes the Numbers and other Attributes in St.
John , appear greater than thoſe of the ancient Prophets ; becauſe of the Advan-
tages of our Oeconomy above theirs : And ſo our Symbols muſt be more pompous
and great ; as it appears in the Lamp-Sconces, and ſeveral other Particulars; becauſe
our Worſhip is more extenſive than theirs. Nine is Three Times Three. Now as it
is a Token of great Earneſtneſs in him that repeats a Vocative Thrice, fo the Ear-
neſtneſs is much greater in him, that repeats that Vocative Three Times Thrice ; and
ſhews that our Prayers are more earneſt and more pleaſing to God. Examples of
calling upon Thrice may be ſeen in the Prophets, as in ferem. 22. 29. Ezekiel 21.27.
It was a great Emphaſis when our Saviour told Peter that he ſhould deny him Thrice.
So St. Paul to ſhew the Earneſtneſs of his Prayers, faith, that he be ſought the Lord
Thrice, 2 Cor. 12. 8. In the ſame Manner as the Pfalmijt faith, (8) Evening and Morn-
ing, and at Noon will I pray, and cry aloud : And he ſhall bear my Voice. So our
Saviour himſelf prayed Three Times in his Agony, that this Cup might paſs from
bim, Matth. 26.44. On theſe Accounts, the Fews had Three ſet Times of Prayer
in one Day, Dan. 6. 10. Which may be alſo inferred from A&S 10. 9. and Chap. 2.
15. and Chap. 3. 1. Thus the Heathens to ſhew their Sorrow for the Death of their
Kinſmen, called upon them Thrice, as appears from many Authors ; Homer. Odyl.
Lib. IX. v. 65. Hefych. v. Sas é retsor. Ariſtophan. in Ran. Virgil
. Æneid. Lib. MI.
But for thoſe that had deſtroyed themſelves, this was not obſerved, as Artemidorus
vouches, Lib. I. cap. s. Thus in Pindar. Olymp. Od. II. we read, sots
10.BA bris
Centro of 9 yorit M
'Es seis ÉXATÉgoo.91 uelvævles, to ROPA TORI of 911 diw said
sub 1 od gineo w ng sibodo IIL
concerning the Dead. But I find in him ſomething that comes cloſer to our Pur-
poſe ; to wit, that the Delphian Oracle faluted a Man Thrice King. His Words are
Qard udsts vedt lorert
how loogui bus yol ahoa rozross
(6) "A os zaégety dis reis die bed shortsoort no oe .
Aconca memegoufooroo l bus id mowiad. 10 baiq bois
Baora'é du prve Kveev olsa da 16 boradiso ils gode rebaini
CERE
LOVİDOL ons bredgie aid ni som
This ſeems to ſuppoſe ſome old Cuſtom of faluting a King Thrice at his Inaugura-
tion. The Acclamations in the Roman Theatres ſeem alſo to have been commonly
repeated Thrice, as Horace ſpeaking of Mecænas, aliou Tsiluseq aid an avls
Shah to
to nos
Piscesa do mo is falar buis boo
scanse bre () Latum theatris ter crepuit fonum. Egond lernt sur studint
ao A riors odrosnom i stort sett Sools mid qiwot ger yolu
theſe :

() Pſalm 55. 17.
(6) Pind. Pych. Od. 4.
(1) Horac. Lib. IL 04:17. (
sebaya M (And

196
The Four Wights. Ch. IV. v. 8
And even in the Senate Houſe ; whereof we have an Inſtance and Form in Vulc.
Gallicanus, in theſe Words ;
(k) Antonine Pie, Dij te ſervent ;
Antonine Clemens, Dij te ſervent ;
Antonine Clemens, Dij te ſervent.
And Ælius Lampridius, ſpeaking of the firſt Reception of Alexander Severus, which
was in the Senate, as a Kind of Inauguration, relates the Acclamations in like Man-
ner.
Antonine Alexander, Dij te ſervent ;
Antonine Aureli, Dij te ſervent ;
Antonine Pie, Dij te ſervent.

But in Caſes of exceſſive Joy, the Meaſure of it was expreffed by the frequent Re-
petition of the fame Acclamation : So that Trebellius Pollio obſerves, that at one
Time in the Caſe of D. Claudius, fome Acclamations were repeated Sixty Times,
ſome Forty, fome Five , fome Seven Times, Auguſte Claudi , Dij te nobis præſtent :
Di&tum fexagies. And ſo on. The like was done to the Emperor Tacitus, as Flavius
Vopiſcus relates. If the Miſchna, Cap. VII. §. 8. in ſotah may be truſted to, we
have Proof that the fews repeated the Acclamations to their Kings Thrice. See
Wagenſeil's Note, p. 684. and the Addition of Chriſtoph. Arnoldus, pag. 1216. Tur-
neb. Adverſar. Lib. XVIII. cap. 12. explains that Cuſtom, as to the Romans. So
that this Number being thrice repeated, ſhews the Excellency of the Chriſtian Wor-
ſhip and Prieſthood, as well as its greater Extent ; God being therefore oft'ner cal-
led upon, or more earneſtly.
Now it remains, that we explain in what Senſe Holineſs is here aſcribed to God.
The Original Notion of Holineſs conſiſts in a Separation from all other Things or
Uſes. Hence we find that the Word w7p, to be Holy, is parallel to 573, as
appears by comparing Foſh. 20. 7. with Deut. 19. 2. and the LXX have tranſlated
both by diesemey, to ſeparate. The Matter treated on in both Places is the Sepa-
ration or Conſecration of the Cities of Refuge. The ſame muſt be ſaid of 71, which
is to ſeparate and to conſecrate. In Numb. 6. 12. it is tranſlated by size dosta ; ſee alſo
Levit. 25. 11. Amos 2. 12. So the U727 713, Nezer Hachodeſ, the High Prieſt's
Holy Crown is called by the LXX, co xei. Saya cukrov ánov. Conſult here the elaborate
Diſcourſe of (2) F. Mede, where he ſhews Separation to be the formal Reaſon of Ho-
linefs : Which is alſo aſſerted by (m) M. Amyraldus, Schindler , and others. The
Learned Goufſet thinks it always reſpects God Almighty, or the true ; but the 17677 in
Genef. 31. 21. ſhews, it was uſed by the Canaanites towards the falſe Gods. As to
Men, they are Holy when ſeparated from the Uſe of common Things and Actions, or
Sins, which are the common A&tions of other prophane Men, and have forſaken
all Obedience and Worſhip, but that due to God. So Chriſtians are holy, becauſe
ſeparated and devoted to God's Service and Obedience from all other Nations or
Men. This Separation therefore gives them a Superiority, or Preeminence above
the reſt. They are holy, becauſe a peculiar People, which by their Profeſſion is
zealous for God's Glory, and the good Works, which he commands them to per-
form. So on the other Hand, God is holy, becauſe by the Covenant entred into,
and accepted of, between him and his people, he is ſeparated, and worſhipped a-
ſunder, above all other Gods, or Objects of Worſhip, which are reckoned com-
mon in his Sight, and are received by the reſt of common Men. When therefore
the Chriſtian Church, according to the Premonition and Choice of this Prieſthood,
repreſented by the Wights, chuſes him as the only worſhipful Object, and own them-
ſelves as his peculiar People, they declare him their Holy One, their Holy Lord and
God; and reje&t all other Obje£ts whatſoever. But as to the Repetition of this At-
tribute Three Times Thrice acknowledged, it ſhews the wonderful and earneſt De-
fire they have to worſhip him alone ; lo that there is none other in their Account
(1) Mede's Diſc. II.
(k) Vulc. Gallic. in Avidio Caffio.
B (m) M. Amyrald. de Orat.
I
and

Ch. IV. v. 8. The Four Wights.
801
197
and Reſolution to be Worſhipped as He. Therefore as here they begin that Ac-
knowledgment and Service, ſo they give him that firſt Attribute which implies a
Rejection of all others whatſoever, and an Appropriation of him to be that Object
alone. This was, I ſay, very proper to be obſerved at the Beginning of Chriſtia-,
nity, and in the Front of all other Attributes ; becauſe the Gentiles now received
into his Church were prophane, and had prophane Objects of Worſhip before. But
by the Chriſtian Faith they caft all off, Gods and Worſhip, and Obedience ; and
adhere only to the true God. This is therefore accompliſhed when every Chriſtian
profeſſes in his Baptiſm, to believe in One God, Creator, &c. and renounces the Devil
and the World, that is, all other Gods: The Devil being called the God of this
World, 2 Cor. 4.4. Wherefore this Holineſs is the Relation and ftrict Union be-
tween God and his Chriſtian People, exacted now of them as formerly of the IS-
raelites, when he ſaid to them, Be ye holy, for I am holy; be ye my peculiar Peo-
ple to ſerve, worſhip, and obey me alone, and I will be, or, as I am, and declare that
I will always be, your only God to favour and prote&t you. See our Note on Chap. 5.
8. G. The Reaſons of the Appropriation or Choice of this God, as the Holy Lord,
and only God fit to be worſhipped and obeyed, are contained in the Titles given
to God, which follow immediately.
I ſhall here obſerve by the way, that at the Coronation of the Byzantine Emperors,
when the Perſon was anointed, the Patriarch did cry out "Ayo, which was anſwered
Three Times by the Choir, and Three Times by the People ; but of this when we
ſpeak of the "AķG in the next Chapter, Verſe 9. Now God's Confecration is not
done by an Ointment as a King ; it can only be done by Proclamation, or Recog-
nition.
to Belsio
G. Kueco • Oeds, Lord God. ] As Holy implies that God hath been peculiarly
chofen, and by Covenant hath conſented to be worſhipped ; fo theſe Two Titles,
Kúzo i Ocès confirm the fame. For if we take the Word Kueo, according to the
Force of the Greek Tongue, from xãę G, it will argue, that he falone hath Authority
or Power. And if we go further therein, and fetch the Notion thereof from valge,
to exiſt
, whereby it will exactly anſwer to 717", who is the 8 "22, as it followeth
here, and is emphatically infifted upon in Exod. 3. 14. for which Reaſon the LXX
turn it there, and commonly, by the Word Kvero ; then as our God is the only God,
that really exiſts, in Oppoſition to Idols, and hath only Infinite Power., in Oppofi-
tion to the Devil and the World ; He alone, and upon thoſe Accounts, merits and
muſt receive Worſhip from us. So, further, he hath the Title of & Jods, which in
the LXX is commonly uſed to tranſlate the Word Ony. Now if it be true, as I
believe it is, and follow therein the Authority of (n) Pocock, and (0) Hottinger, that
this Word comes from a Radix, obſolete indeed in the Hebrew, but preſerved in the
Arabick Tongue, wherein nye fignifies coluit , adoravit , then this very Name im-
plies, that he is deſervedly the Object of our Worſhip and Adoration. 'Tis true, that
a late Author explodes all ſuch Derivations from a Tongue leſs ancient than the He-
brew; but there are many Reaſons to back this Method. Firſt, it appears not, that
the Hebrew was always ſo pure, as never to have changed : Whence the Arabick or
Tongue ſpoken by the Arabians, may be as old as the Hebrew, both of them coming
from a Tongue more ancient, which in Canaan degenerated into that Dialect uſed by
Mofes, and ſtill more afterwards, which nevertheleſs is ſtill called Hebrew ; but in
Arabia, into that Tongue we call now Arabick; though this, as being longer-lived,
hath ſuffered more Alterations ; yet it doth not follow, but that it may recain Pris
mitive Words in great Number, not preſerved in the Phænician or Mofaicak Tongue:
Beſides, thoſe Learned Men give ſo many Inſtances of ſuch Words, obſolete in the
one, and retained in the other, that it is not likely, but that this Obſervation muft
be true in a great Meaſure. But even if we ſtick to the common Signification of
the Word 1172, which fignifies to ſwear, , we ſhall gain the ſame Point. For to
ſwear implies to worſhip. Oaths were always Aets of Worſhipi ; and mo Worſhip
or Sacrifice was performed, but what was an Oath. Hence Oaths have been always
accounted by God himſelf as Worſhip, Deut. 6. 13. and wholly due to him. So
did the Heathens too. Sacramentum, an Oath, ſo called by the Latins, becauſe an
BUCT to Polo.10 s 920
)
(n) Pocock, Not. Miſc. vondt
soms (6) Hottinger. Smeg. Orient. pag. 120. Vid. T. Hyde
Hift. Relig. Perſ. cap. 9.
bidiingua
Еее
Axt
90196 HISOFT

198
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. v. 8.
A&t of ſacred Worſhip, and always performed upon the Victim facrificed, or ſome
Libation, as Occaſion required. So Swearing by a Name, is with them looked upon
to be the ſame as making the Thing named a God, or Object of Worſhip. Thus
alſo in the Gothick Tongue, wherein appear ſome Relicks of Ancient Notions, the
Word (P) SWARAN, to Swear, is derived, or at leaſt a-Kin to the Word
SWER AN, which fignifies to Honour. Thus alſo the Hebrew viwi, which is
i commonly turned by uvíc to Swear, yet in Iſaiah 45. 23. where the Vatican hath
blourio, there the Alexandr. MS. hath bomoaoghoe) ſhall confeſs, as St. Paul cites it
si Twice, Rom. 14. 11. Philip. 2. 10, 11. as either having read fo, or elſe explaining
the Word thus. And ſo it is read in the Ancient MŠ. of Marſhal
. In all which
Places Swearing, bowing the Knee, and confeſfing with the Tongue , are ſynonymous.
From this Word comes very likely the Greek séw: thus in the Pythagorean Verſes
- we read 068 ogrov, reverence an Oath , which Hierocles explains by signos HS Set copy
-V6wwr, the Obſervation of the Divine Laws ; that is, the whole Worſhip and Service
of God. It is not improper to ſet down the Words of Statius, wherein all theſe
Notions are ſeen.o 99.00 139
bio vloH on 26 bob ein to doors to OT BITCOTS on to atten
evra whit ads (9) - Magnis tunc dignior Aris,
Tow do bo plno bris
Tunc Deus. Inachias nec tantum culta per urbesido bobo
210150 g smitts Numina, captivis etiam jurabere Thebis. se nad seit I
Lors is as noriu
Pusong
Therefore Lipfius ſays very properly , (n) Confonant iſta. Nam & in juramento in-
vocatio numinis erat. Thus it is likely that the Word 728, which once fignified in
general to worſhip, for the Reaſons mentioned before came at laſt in the Phænician
Diale&t or Hebrew, to be applied particularly to ſwearing. Examples of ſuch Acci-
dents in Words are obvious. Philo gives us another Hint ; for he faith thus, (s)
χάριςικής μό οιων διωάμεως δ' Θεός, βασιλικής και κύρμG- όνομα. In the Notion of Θεός he
ſeems to allude to the Name 71), which fignifies that he is, and by Conſequence
through his Goodneſs gives Being to all Things. And indeed every one of God's
Names uſed in Holy Writ contains fome Attribute, implying our Duty of Worſhip
and of Obedience. See the like in Philo de Plantat. Vitis, p. 151.
XXH. O. neevox egétese, The Almighty. ] Something hath already been ſaid, concerning
the Signification of this Word. There needs only to conſider the Application of it
in this caſe. God is owned as the only God, becauſe he is the only true God, and
proper Object of Worſhip. Now this is made out, becauſe he hath Two great At-
tributes to force us thereto. The firſt mentioned here of Almighty Power, the ſecond
mentioned in the following Hymn, becauſe he hath created all Things. Here is
Might and Right joyned together, to make a juft Dominion and Poſſeſſion. God's
Right is therefore Twofold, a Right by Power, and a Right by Nature. But Hobbs,
owns but one Sort of Right, that which is founded in Might
. He thought to be an
Original, but is miſtaken therein. 'Tis an old (t) Opinion ; long ſince debated, and
confuted by the wifeſt of Men, and fobereft Philoſophers. (1) Auguſtin faith, Cum
illud etiam ipfi jus dicant, quod de juftitiæ fonte manaverit : Falfumque eſſe, quod
quibuſdam non re&tè ſentientibus dici folet : Id eſe jus , quod ei qui plus poteft , utile
eftir. Vives obſerves thereupon, that this falfe Opinion is confuted by Plato de
Republ
. Libr. I. And fo'tis in the Wiſdom of Solomon, Chap. 2. 11. by being put
into the Mouth of impious Men : "Esw ý time ige's vóuo Diretsoo wóns. Right there-
fóre arifes from the Nature of Things, and the eternal Reaſons and Bounds of Good
and Evil. God himſelf, as we fee, hath eſtabliſhed his Right thus. So St. Auguſtin
argues, 7(70) An qui fundum aufert ejus, à quo emptus eſt, ở tradit ei qui nibil in ea
habet juris, injufus eft: Et qui feipfum aufert dominanti Deo, à quo factus eſt,
malignis fervit ſpiritibus, jufius eft? Afterwards he cites Tully de Republ. Cur igitur
Deus homini
, animus imperat corpori
, ratio libidini, cæteriſque vitiofis animi partibus ?
Planè hoc exemplo fatis edoétum eft, quibuſdam eſſe utilem fervitutem : Et Deo qui-
dem ut ferviant, utile eſſe omnibus. Therefore God hath undoubted Right to expect
Worſhip and Obedience from us'; and having declared his Will, 'tis not in Man to
oë best of 905 vllo lw bist
ginto W231 Y DOJALOBOS
us oro sogd 2011 on yd bells of
(d) See the Goth. Gloff. of Junius, pag. 323. (9) Pap. Star. Theb. Lib. VII. v. 10L..
(v) J. Lipf. Not. in Senec. Conſol. ad Helv. cap. X.
(s) Philo. de Infomn. pag. 400. See
(u) Auguftir. de Civ. Dei Lib. IX. cap. vidEuphem. Orac. in Thucyd. Lib. VI. 53850 SC
(w) Auguſtin. ibid.
2001757 ist
chuſe
SO
1

Chap. IV. v. 9.
The Four Wights.
199
chufe his Religion. For, as Irenæus weļl obſerves : (x) Superfluus autem & inutilis
adventus Domini parebit
, fiquidem venit permiſurus & Servaturus uniuſcujuſque
olim inſitam de Deo opinionem. Let this be obſerv'd againſt thoſe modern Atheiſts
,
who ſay, that Chriſt is no King ; and that the Goſpel is only Advice, and no Law,
obliging Mankind to Obedience.
I. *o , jo dor, rj épzénufu , Which was, which is, and which is to come.] This
Expreſſion fignifies, that God is Eternal, by an Induction of all the Parts of Time,
paft
, preſent, and future. Thus alſo the Egyptians expreſſed the Eternity of their
Minerva or Íſis, by which indeed they underſtood Nature univerſal , whom atheiſti-
cally they ſuppoſed to be the true God. The Words are in Plutarch, (y) Egeó eiles reen
so zagovàs, rj öv, vej eró lefevrov, rj i čuòv niéndor šseis meo
. Suat's (2) dtreneh aufer. This laſt Expreffi-
on, and what follows, that Ammon in their Language fignifies hidden, may be un-
derſtood by what we ſhall ſay of the (a) Secret Name of Chriſt. Thus alſo the
Greeks did deſcribe the Eternity of their Fupiter, as appears from the Words of an
ancient Hymn cited by Pauſanias,
wedia artinsM. ellig
ognito antibnsdata
(6) Z&'s , zd's 631, Zl's tat), ô yazdine zb. Stompuler's
12
wort, low Availa
But this being an Hymn, 'tis more probable that all ſhould be read in the Vocative,
as well as the laſt Words, in this Manner ;
Some Chivio lo tebro brić.
or ons woont on tud
zdis as, Zd's fourt, Zd's favede, to pezdne zd“, his an bob to olis
antilo1170
Here alſo the cã rezcíne z& is equivalent to mylou egtere, which is added to theſe Ti-
tles in the End too, in Chap: 1. 8. and prefixed in this Hymn of the Wights : For
that the pézoes, in reſpect of God, is of the ſame Importance as TI croregmose, ſee our
Note upon Chap. 18. 23. B. 'Eszóulu G- is the ſame here as è cóple. So in Horace,
Lib. I. Ode 19. veniet is put for erit. Tully ; (c) Emiſe te prædium vebementer gau-
deo : Feliciterque tibi rem iſtam evenire cupio. So in Virgil, Georg. I. ns levon oot ar
ovelutions A cid wollot ylbrild
- An Deus immenſi venias maris.id 0 26 Jordi
BOM E to goitsi
In Sophocles, (d) Xeģvo canautais, is the Time paft. i ons nogu about
And venturo in Virgil ſtands for futuro. mus olive eyescam Isinilouis ils 20 anoi 154
obrinos gull v bavigonoa yli so od veru birs
and ORTOVOD 29.dol.29037T st
(e) Aſpice venturo latentur ut omnia ſeclo.ono ishwa sabrii econna
TO
*69 lide -won 5:) so to best sw
Quæ mox ventura trahantur. i 25 arbretoM sledi notlus
TROGU OTS worto galinis zgodi
In ſhort, this is a Paraphraſe or Definition of the Name of God 217'6o, as may
be ſeen in our Note on Chap. 19. 12. D. See alſo Auguftin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. VIIÍ.
cap. 11. and compare with it Eufebius de Præparat. Evangel. Lib. XI. pag. 308. See
alſo how God doth argue in Iſaiah 43. 10. "Eu megater Mis šx égfúero ano Odds, xj uer'
šuè éxe éscy, Before me there was no God formed, neither ſhall there be after me. See
the Verſes of Sophocles in Clemens Alex. Strom. V. p. 259.01 mol med door vaki
A. Verf
. 9: Kadores
sorcer med Toe Star, And whilſt thoſe Wights ſhall give
Glory.]
Theſe Four Verbs uſed here, and in the following Verſe, are variouſly ſet, fome in
the preſent, ſome in the paſt, and ſome in the future. I contend that the Complu-
tenſian Edition is to be followed herein, which puts the Three firſt in the future, and
the Fourth is accordingly to be reduced to it. And though they were not fo fer, yer
at leaſt they muſt be underſtood fo to be, by Virtue of the freep, which implies ge-
nerally a Time to come : And it is obſervable, that according to the Hebrew Stile,
the Future hath a particular. Property to denote an A&tion which ought to be done
by Cuſtom or Duty , as may be ſeen in i Sam, 20. 5. 2 Sam. 13. 12. Malach. 2.7.
02.02tubiw Hoitsurgical 1910
(x) Irenæ. Lib. III. cap. XII, (y) Plutarch. de Ifid. & Ofirid. p. 393.
C) Apud. Stobæ. Serm. 42. leg. creuehruster, (a) See Note on Chap. 19. 13.5
(b) Pauſanias Phocic. pag. 328.000 de
HT)
(c) Tullius Tiron. Lib. XVI. Fam. Epiſt
. 21.
(d) Sophocl. Oed. Tyr. pag. 183,
(e) Virgil. Eclog. Iy.
(f) Virgil. Georg.
So
100 101
And
3
)
FONTS
9IS
Lib. IV.

The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. v. 9.
200
So that this ſhews, that this Antiphone of the Wights and Elders is their Duty to-
wards God. But as this Theater is a common Type, fubfiſting throughout the Two
firſt Periods of the Viſion, this expreſſes not only what is now done, but to be
done upon all neceſſary Occaſions afterwards. And further it may be ſuppoſed, that
this Future ſignifies, that, although as yet, before the Lamb is inaugurated into this
Throne, they do not perform thelė Duties, yet upon his Inauguration deſcribed here-
after, they ſhall do it. But in the next Chapter, when the Lamb is inaugurated, the
Verbs are all in the paſt Time, becauſe then the Service is actually paid or performed.
For the Service, and Worſhip, or Homage, given by the Gentiles to the true God
the Father, was not to be expected before the Lamb was inaugurated, and they by
his Means, or preaching of his Apoſtles, converted to Chriſtianity. Tertullian faith
very well to this Purpoſe : (8) Nemo perfe&tus ante repertum ordinem fidei , nemo
Chriftianus ante Chriſtum cælo reſumptum, nemo San&tus ante Spiritum fanétum de cælo
repræſentatum ipſius Diſciplina determinatorem. Vid. Pfal. 22. 30, in the LXX. The
Vifion is indeed a Profpe&t of the Matters all at one View, but yet there are diſtin-
guiſhing Marks, to lhew the Order of the Incidents. No Book in the World hath,
notwithſtanding the ſuppoſed Ruggedneſs of the Stile , partly Greek, and partly
Hebrew, more proper and exact Expreſſions, adapted to every Caſe , than this Pro-
phecy : All which ſhews, that none but the Holy Ghoſt could frame the like.
As to the Matter laid down here, we find therein a plain Alluſion to the Manner
and Order of Divine Service in the Temple of Iſrael, wherein , whilſt the Prieſts
burnt the Incenſe, and the Holocauſt, and made Libations, and the Levites fang the
Praiſes of God, then the Heads of the Tribes and People prayed filently, by Kneeling
or Proftrating themſelves, or ſang the Pſalms and Praiſes of God by Turns. All
which is deſcribed in the Book of Fefus, Son of Sirach, Chap. 51. 11, &c. and in
the Goſpel, Luke 1. 9, 10. in the Hiſtory of Zachary, the Father of John the Bap-
tiſt. So that the Reading of theſe Places is fufficient to illuſtrate this Matter, and
demonſtate beyond Contradi&tion, that theſe Wights repreſent the Prieſthood, and
the Elders the Heads of the People. The Rabbinical Fancy about the Enſigns of Íſrael,
is too novel and precarious to deſerve any Conſideration ; tho' Mede , and thoſe who
blindly follow his Authority, have been led aſide thereby.
In ſhort
, as to this firſt Service and Worſhip, as an Homage given at the Inaugu-
ration of a Monarch, it reſembles abſolutely the firſt Homage that was given to
God, upon the Dedication of the Mofaical Tabernacle, as we ſhall ſee hereafter ;
and may be eaſily conceived, by calling to mind the Ceremonies uſed at the Inaugu-
rations of all terreſtrial Monarchs, who thereupon receive Adoration or Homage of
the Princes, Nobles, Governors, Chans, Baſhas, Viziers, Palatines, Dukes, Earls,
Barons, under what Denomination foever they come, in all Monarchies that ever
we read of, or ſee now-a-Days in all parts of the World, from Eaſt to Weft. For
when theſe Monarchs, as in Chriſtendom, have been crowned and anointed by the
Biſhops aſſiſting, they are upon it worſhipped by Proftration, and other Ceremonies
of the Homage of all the Nobles preſent, who by that ſubmit themſelves, and all
thoſe that are under them. But I know of none, that reſembles more this Inaugura-
tion of God and the Lamb, like that which was performed about the Byzantine Em-
perors. The Clergy of the Greek Church ſeem to have taken moſt of the Cere-
monies thereof from this Book, and thus fhew how they underſtood it right ; or elſe,
if they took them from fome Oriental Practices by Tradition, this illuſtrates ſtill
the better the preſent Caſe, wherein God is repreſented as inaugurated with the
Lamb after the ſame Manner, as the other Monarchs were in the World ; to ſhew
that they are truly the Lord, King, Monarch, as well as God of the Chriſtian
Church. The (h) Inauguration of theſe Byzantine Monarchs is deſcribed at large
by John Cantacuzene one of them, Lib. I. Cap. 41. and there are many Particulars
to be compared with our Cafe: As firſt, the ſolemn Proclamation of the AyoThrice, to
which the People make a Reſponſe to the Patriarch in the ſame Manner. Others fhall
be cited after, as Occafion requires
. Only this may be ſaid, that the Inauguration
of God and the Lamb are performed with more Ceremonies, than are practiſed in
any other Inauguration whatſoever : So that we ſhall be forced to apply others to it.
2.000 A
(8) Tertullian. de Pudicit. cap. II.
(h) Vid. etiam Codin. de Officiis, &c. vel Habert.
Pontifical. Ecclef. Græc, And Selden's Titles of Honour.
SEPERT:00 DONOCI
VI did
And
OB

Ch. IV. V. 10.
201
The Four Wights:
And yet there is not one almoft, but what hath been pra&tiſed ſomewhere, barring
thofe Attributes or Acclamations, which are fo proper to our Cafe, that no earthly
Monarch can pretend to them without Blaſphemy.
B. Aőçar, zij toples', rj di gaesity, Glory, and Honour , and Thankſgiving. ] The
Word ste is uſed in ſo many Significations, that it is hard to determine what preciſe
Notion was fix'd to it; the moſt common is, that it anſwers to 72), which beto-
kens, the Glory, Splendor, and Magnificence, ariſing from the Power, and Riches,
or Virtues of a King. But in this place it is the ſame as Praiſe, given to God for
his glorious Attributes, Virtues, Kindneſs to Mankind, and Might. Trus is a word
which properly denotes the Price , and in this Book ſignifies commonly the Tribute,
which is due to Monarchs from their Subjects, as ſhall be ſeen hereafter. 'Eugaesia
fignifies the grateful Acknowledgment of ſuch as have received fome Kindneſs from
the Obje&t, to whom it is given : And which he merits from them , for having ex-
erted his might or Goodneſs in their Favour. So that 'tis ſynonymous to the dusa pus in
the laſt Verſe. The Number Three in the Attributes is myſtical, as the 270 before. In
other Caſes theſe Attributes are fometimes Seven and ſometimes Four,which are myſte-
rious too, as ſhall be ſeen in the next Chapter. Now the Power, Axúc quis, which God
hath exerted to us-ward , is by redeeming us from Sin and Death, by giving us his
Son to that End : And on our Side, the Return of our Thanks, Evgceisid, is the Com-
memoration of that : Which being offer'd to God on that Account , we thereby ap-
ply the Power of God's Redemption to our felves. And all this is perform'd in the
our folemn Sacrifice, called therefore Euzugisía, and inſtituted by Chriſt for that Pur-
poſe.
bas
C. Tõ rol Inele'o oli 7ð spóra, To him that fitteth upon the Throne. ] St. John affe&ts
rather to give Titles than Names, unleſs the Names be pompous, exprefſing ſome-
thing that is fplendid. I know of no Rhetorical Expreſſions, Periphrafes, Tropes,
Schemes, or Hypoty poſes that come near it. He chufes here rather to ſay thus, than
barely to God; becauſe theſe Words imply, that he that fitteth on a Throne de-
ſerves what is now ſaid. 0
03612
(ង osni blut
D. TⓇ Tonleeis tès av as as cidver, Who liveth for ever and ever. ] This is no
uſeleſs Addition, but explains the Reaſon of what was ſaid before. The alcoves, Ages,
according to the Idea fixed upon them by the Holy Writers, are thoſe different Diſ
penſations of the Divine Providence, which have changed according to the various
Generations and Diſpoſitions of Men. Of theſe there may be accounted as many as
Generations, but according to the Variety of God's Diſpenſation, they are as follow-
eth ; thus the Antediluvian State is called the Old World, ápraño xósu, 2 Pet. 2.5.
Now xóou G and dsav are the fame. So the Poſtdiluvian State of the Noacide was
a new World, with which God made a new Covenant. After this became corrupted,
God entred into a new Covenant with Abraham. This laſted till the interfering
Covenant in Horeb. And now at laſt comes the Chriſtian Diſpenſation, or new
Covenant with all Mankind, which is called the Future Age, uémw alwv, Hebr. 6.5.
of which Chriſt is the Father, or King, as it's ſaid in Iſaiah 9. 6. according to the
true Reading of the LXX. But Chriſt, as Lamb or Mediator, was not Father or
King of the former Ages or dræves. His Inauguration is but now coming on. But
God the Father was the Living God before, to whom all the former Ages did obey,
being framed by him, and to whom alſo all the Future ſhall obey too in Conjunction
with his Son. Now this Expreſſion implies here, that this God, who fitteth on the
Throne, was on it before. His Throne, 'éren, was already placed; he was wor-
ſhipped from the Beginning of all Ages, and ſhall be for ever. This is not an ab-
ſolute new Beginning of his Kingdom, as it is for Chriſt the Lamb. He is the
Living True God acknowledged before. Only now he hath prepared himſelf a
Throne of a new Compoſition, whereon to be newly acknowledged with his Son,
now to be inaugurated, or inſtated into a new Kingdom. So that there is not the
ſame Reaſon for worſhipping the Father, as the Son. The Right of the Son is new-
ly acquired and acknowledged, but that of the Father is of perpetual and eternal
Standing. Now this new Title of the Son muſt be underſtood as incarnated, or Me-
diator.simdut 21990 W silt boobri indsartiwite TUOVSI 18919 20 slot
A. Verf. 10. Πεσέν 9 οι είκοσιτέσσαρες πρεσβύτεροι ενώπιον σε καθημδύα ότι το θρόνο, The
Twenty Four Elders ſhall fall down before him that fitteih upon the Throne. ] This
is the firſt Duty of theſe Elders, which conſiſts in a plain and abſolute Submiſſion of
themſelves in the firſt place to God. The Ceremony betokening that, is by a
Fff
Pro-

202
The Four Wights.
Ch. IV. V. 10.
Proftration of themſelves to him after the ancient Manner of the Oriental Nations
praĉtiſed in all Antiquity, which was performed, not as with us by only Kneeling,
but by a Submiſſion of the whole Body to the Ground, fo that the Head touch'd it,
though ſometimes in Supplications the Hands of the Perſons adoring or proftrated
touched the Feet or Knees of the Object worſhipped. Thus did Abraham fall on his
Face before God, Geneſ. 17. 3. St. Chryfoftom faith thereupon, (h) nei su númer, but
that is only an Inclination, whereas Abraham was proftrated. Son D Y from 583 which
fignifies another Kind of Fall. Thus Abraham alſo worſhipped at his Tent Door be-
fore the Three Angels, Genef. 18. 2. megoenvón ger on the guest, worſhipped or inclined
to the Ground. Thus it is often ſaid to be done to God: And alſo to Men in great
Power, as Abraban to the Men of Heth, Genef. 23. 7. The Sons of Facob to Fo-
ſeph their Brother in Egypt, bowed down themſelves before him, with their faces to
the Earth, Genef. 42. 6. Chap. 43. 26. Foſeph to his Father, Genef. 28. 12. So in
Ruth 2. 10. and in 1 Sam. 24. 8. David to Saul. In the New Teſtament there is
a remarkable Inſtance of it to Chriſt, Matth. 28. 9. they held him by the Feet, and
worſhipped him. So Jairus fell at his Feet, Mark 5. 22. The like in Mark 1. 25.
where a Woman came, and fell at his Feet. But Peter fell down at his Knees, 'Luke
5.8. See alfo Chap. 8. 47. In Iſaiah 49. 22, 23. rj écoug Boonnas niwór os, ais
άρχισαι αυτών Βοφοι σε. Η «εσωτoν ή γής προσκυνήσεσί σε, και η χέν 0 ποδών σε λέξεσι,
goden ön épiò xoco, rj éx aigu shison J. of Compliores qu. Origen fays of the Genuflexia
on: (i) ei sinou
zeð 871 oop.Coxor tuſzeives to 0787.76 róza, TE Tu sjeévx. 'Tis the Sym-
bol.of Submiſſion. Examples of ſuch Proſtration to the Perſian Monarchs may be
ſeen in Eſther, Chap. 8. 3. or to their Favourites and Lords , Efiber 3. 2, 5. See
Plutarch in the Life of Themiſtocles. Ælian, Var. Hift. Lib. I. cap. 21. Cornel. Ne-
pos, V. Conon. Valer. Maximus, Lib. VI. cap. 3. Herodotus, Lib. VII. cap. 136. ÆS
chylus Perf. v. 589. Aibenæus, Lib. II. cap. 9. & Lib. VI. cap. 13. The Reaſon of
which ſeems to be, that in the moſt ancient Times , Kings were conſtituted by Ora-
cle: And fo they thought that the Influence and Power of the Divinity was tranſ-
fuſed into them, as living Statues of the Gods
. Of ſuch Oracular Ele&tion I have
juſt before given an Inſtance, to which I ſhall add this out of Diodorus concerning
the Etbiopians, whoſe Cuſtoms were like thoſe of the old Egyptians : (k) oi esto
ιερείς εξ αυτών τες αείσες megκρίνεσιν, εκ 3 και καταλεχθέντων δν αν ο Θεός κω μείζων κατά τινα
συνήθειαν περιφερό μG- λάς, τέτον το πλήθος αιρε3 βασιλέα. Αυ 3 και ωροσκω και τιμά χες-
Se mes sedy, as con un to see movie svegpoids à ſuizer people'ns 'as is diezañs. And that the Ma-
gicians of Perſia did ſo, to make the Lot fall upon whom they favoured, we may
collect from what Pliny ſays of the Gemm Atizoe, whoſe Words are cited in the
Note upon Chap. 21. 20. I. The Hiſtory of the Heroical Ages of Greece has many
ſuch Initances. And this Cuſtom of Adoration having crept into the Roman Em-s
pire, when the Republick was forced to fubmit to the Emperors : Suetonius in Vitello
Primus C. Cæfarem adorare ut Deum inftituit ; from them it paſſed to the Byzantine
Cæfars, of which we read a notable Inſtance in the Hiſtory of foh. Cantacuzene,
Lib. I. cap. 16. And it is ſtill obſerved in the Eaſtern Parts of the World. As by
Kifling the Feet, or Kifling the Ground before the Monarchs. See Herbelot. titt.
Atziz, Roui-Zemin, Pabous » which Two laſt Words expreſs in the Perſian Language
the Circumſtances of that Ceremony. And the Perſian Writers ſuppoſe Caiumarath,
firft King of Perfia, to be the Inſtitutor of that Token of Submiſſion. See Herbe-
lot on that Title ; nay, that very Ceremony of Kiffing the Ground, call d Bolz-Ze-
min ; or that of laying the Face to the Ground, call?d Roui-Zemin , fignify that
Homage which is perform'd at the Inthronization. See Herbelot Tit. Mohammed
Kothbåddin, and Zemin-bous. Martial expreffes it thus : id to guitargod ved sidlo
s 11s1 min' boiaqsıq da on wort vino glotod bog bolwoudba DOD 011 give
$1102 (1) Ad Parthos procul ite pileatas, edw soilifoq (roW915 to rotd T
sds sont ai gyanEt turpes humilefque fuppliceſ que bushi to 197mgusa ad OI WOTE
-Woli ei noa on Piftorum fola bafiate regum. 1901 sdo gniadow not tolsan gros
Ilmais bus suisque lo i 1915
19078 N to 5513 and bogbelwortitas bus boni opus vi
Now this, though a great Submiſſion, yet as being done before the Throne, it is a
Token of great Favour ; ſhewing, that indeed the Worſhippers ſubmit themſelves
azer uro 995 ŠTONAS 1.
Cor.5V A
(b) J. Chryfoft. in Genel. Hom. 2015 los
Origen. de Orat. P. 11. S. 20. (k) Diodor.
Sicul. Lib. lli. pag. 101.050 (1) Martial. Lib. x. Epigr. 72. 508111 801) olles
87 0
-011
2
to

Chap. IV. v. 10. The Homage given to God.
203
Φεύς ή Φαραώ, και τες μεγιστάνες αυτά αναλόγως τουυείας και ιδού το ας χων Νυήσε 3 όμοι-
3 90.03 Vistas UTS dalo po ma eg Toys,
after. it was even a
to God, but that it is to receive from him a ſubaltern Power over the People: As
thoſe Nobles that do Homage, are thereby to receive a Feudatory Power from the So-
vereign. Thus we underſtand, and ſo the Onirocriticks explain the Meaning thereof;
for fo the Egyptian Interpreter avers, Chap. 14.
'Eév mis ir real óvag meostusne Edwutev Deds û ei tunay n lise, tv Spa &to Lighter gegen
και ,
Cowv, rj du spev.
Εάν σε Φαραώ ' οι άρχοντες
spóror '
g
Home ággórloop asi.
Β. Και σεοσκυνήσεσι των ζώντι εις τες αιώνας και αιώνων, And wor/hip him that liveth for
ever and ever.] This and the former Expreſſion are an ev sa svoiv, Two Expreſſions
to ſignify the fame Thing or A&tion: For the falling down is the Worſhip it felf.
The firſt is the Action, the latter is the Deſign thereof. Dimes, and wegenwein are of
ten ſynonymous, and often both put together, as here , Joſh. 5 14. Ruth 2. 10.
2 Kings 1. 2. and Chap. 9. 6. 2 Kings 4. 37. All in the LXX. And in the New
Teſtament fee alſo Matth. 2. II. and Chap. 4. 9. and Chap. 18. 26. As for the At-
tributes of God here repeated, they fhew, that theſe Elders pay Homage and Wor-
fhip to God, upon the fame Account as the Wights gave him Glory, and as be-
ing thereby perſuaded of the Neceſſity and Reaſonableneſs thereof.
C. Kdà Rexão 7ès sepéves que se érdmor og spórs, And call their Crowns before the
Throne. ] Nothing can be plainer than this, to fignify, that Monarchs and Princes
fhould fübmit to the Chriftian Oeconomy , and worſhip God at the Head of the
Faithful their civil Subje&ts. Infomuch that they do nor only worſhip God, but
even fübmit all their power to his feet
, and receive it again from him to govern
according to his Laws. This Symbol is indeed ſuitable to the Thing it felf, and may
be illuſtrated by ſuch Caſes as have happened. So (m) Foſephus relațing how He-
rod the Great, going to meet Auguſtus Cæfar , after his Vi&tory over M. Antony,
whoſe Party Herod had embraced,
before he entred into the City, and came into
the Emperor's Preſence, he took off his Diadem or Crown, and having made his A-
pology, it is ſaid, that Cefar bid him put in on again as before
. By which Cere-
mony Herod fubmitted his Power to Cafar, and received it again from him. The
like we have told us concerning Tigranes King of Armenia, who did the like to
Pompey, as (n) Tully, and after him Plutarch faith, 6) As mong's autov ge Tlow.miov,
αφελόμνα τι κίταριν, ώρμησε προ 80 ποδών είναι, και κατέβαλών εαυτόν,
προσπεσείν αισε τοίς όνασιν. αλλ' ο Πομπή: Ο έρθη
che se zabrana
minciov idfi'teatas taviš. So in Horace,
9W
OH bili 900 to almost 9 21 aid bod
(p) - Jus imperiumque Phraates 1001 brol brg bod 910
San Cafaris accepit genibus minor. 40 sia de bus nois irgusal
hold
SOME Chot an si abilnog ot 900g 9W terlw
The like Ceremony we read in (7) Tacitus of Tiridares, who was forced to fubmit
himſelf, and do Homage to Nero, by laying down the Marks of his Royalty at the
Statue of Cefar, and to receive them only from his Hand. See alſo Procopius de Bel-
lo Parthico, Lib. II. cap. 17. The like Ceremonies are practiſed by the Barons at
the Coronation, who before it carry their Coroners in their Hands, do Homage by
Proſtration, and then put on their Coronets again. As to the Chriftian Princes ſub-
mitting themſelves to God, there are ſeveral Ceremonies performed, which tend to
fhew it
. In the Inauguration of the Byzantine Ceſars, when the Emperor comes
to receive the Sacrament, he puts off his (n) Crown, delivers it to the Deacons, re-
ceives the Communion, and purs
. And (s Cuſtom
with the Roman Emperors, as high as the Times of Theodofius the Younger, and
perhaps higher, to leave their Crowns and Guards when they came into the Church.
Some Kings of France take the Crown from the Altar to put it on their Heads, as
hath been pra&ifed ſometimes. Not one Chriſtian Prince, but what is inaugurated
with ſome ſuch Ceremony ; as receiving it from the Hands of the Biſhop that offi-
ciates in God's Name : And the Title affumed by all to be Kings by the Grace of
God, imports the ſame to all Purpoſes. In this very Senſe, Matth. 21. 9. Chriſt
19
it on
DO 11.1.011
(m) Antiquit. Judaic. Lib. XV, cap. Ini alida (n) M. T. Cic. Orac p. Sexcio. vbi.don's
Plur. V. Pompeij. fol. 209. Ald. Edic. (D) Horar. Lib. I. Ep. 12. ibi.(9) Tacitus
Annal. Lib. XV. r. 258. Edit. Paris. 1608.
Joh. Cantacuzene, Lib. I. cap. 41.
(s) Mr. Bingham Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 10.
was
{

204
The Homage done to God.
Ch. IV. V. II.
gis
was faluted as Son of David coming in the Name of the Lord, as being inaugurated
King of Iſrael by the Gift or Grace of God. Note, that theſe having their Crowns
before the Inauguration, Thew, that having Power before, they ſubmit, and God takes
it not from them, but allows them to rule under him. The Chriſtian Religion takes
away no Right. And this happens according to the Obſervation of Horace ;
(t) Regum timendorum in proprios greges,
Reges in ipfos imperium eft Jovis.
See Mr. Dacier's Note upon it, and Horace, Lib. 3. Od. 6. Diis te minorem quod ge-
imperas; and Seneca in Thyeſt. v. 605, &c. Tychonius obſerves upon theſe Words,
as follows ; (u) Hoc ideo, quia quicquid dignitatis habent faniti, totum Deo tribuunt,
ficut & illi in Evangelio palmas & flores fternebant ſub pedibus ejus, id est, ipſi tribis-
entes omne quod vicerant.
But here a Rub comes in my way from the Obſervation of a Learned Commenta-
tor, Dr. Vitringa, who faith, that theſe Élders did not 7:Jezívai, lay down, but Belan-
river, throw away their Crowns. But I think he ſtrains too much the Signification of
the Word básic. The Signification and Uſe of it is ſo general, that it even compre-
hends that of laying down quietly, in the ſame manner as falling uſed before denotes
an A&tion premeditated and performed without Violence. Bemo here, as I take it,
hath the ſame Signification as the Hebrew Word Dow, by which it is ſometimes
turned in the LΧΧ, or by εμβάλλω, διεμβάλλω, επιβάλλω ; and is 1o far from implying
any Force or Violence proceeding from Diſdain or Smart, that on the contrary, it is
more frequently turned by ni Super, to lay, or put, or by Words compounded from it,
as averishes
, droni Super, Omni Sups, moeg.thane, wori
Su us, and the like ; and even s' Supu, rell-
To, derréfico
, varorofile. So that we muſt not lay too much Streſs thereupon. It fig-
nifies barely an A&t of Depoſition, and voluntary Submiſſion, on the Account of God's
Power and Attributes, to whom it is done. It hath the Example of other Languages,
when we ſay a Man lays down, or throws up his Commiſſion, it is only to fignify, he
hath again put it into the Hands of him from whom he receives it. Now theſe El-
ders lay their Crowns down to take them up again from God : They are off, whilſt
they do Homage: They have them again, to rule God's People, as Occaſion ſerves.
Á. Verf. 11. "AEG Å Kúsao xj Oeds npcov, Worthy art thou, O Lord and our
God.] Theſe Words may be more properly turned thus, Thou art the Worthy Lord
and our God; that is, thou deſerveſt to be called and owned by us as our Lord and
God. This is the Formula of our Chriſtian Homage, when we profeſs to believe in
One God and Lord, Creator of Heaven and Earth. As to this Acclamation at the
Inauguration, and the Rite of it, more ſhall be ſpoken of hereafter, Chap. 5. 9. B.
when we come to conſider it as done alſo to the Lamb or Chriſt. I ſhall only here
beg leave to ſet down the Words of Arnobius to this purpoſe : (*) O maxime, o
ſumme ſumme rerum inviſibilium procreator. O ipſe inviſe, & nullis unquam compre-
henje naturis
, Dignus, Dignus es verè, si modo te Dignum mortali dicendum eſt ore,
cui Spirans omnis intelligenſq; natura, & habere & agere nunquam definat gratias : cui
tota conveniat vita genu nixo procumbere, & continuatis precibus Supplicare. He
ſeems here to allude to the publick Acclamations made to the Emperors. So Philo
1peaks allo: (yΤο ορεσβύτατον
ετον σ' αιήων, το πεις αλήθεια δεραπείας και της ανωτά των ημώς
As to the Meaning of sipar, our God, which is here emphatical, take it
in the Words of B. Hilarius Piet. (2) Deus nofter, Patriarcharum ſcilicet & Prophe-
tarum, & Apoftolis ipſis tanquam fucceffonis bæreditate jam proprius. Tis
Account that he is called Holy.orants
220390 m SAST iw
B. Daceiv The Jožav, v Tu Thalw, tl suie gev, To receive the Glory, and the
Honour, and the Power.] We chuſe to tranſlate thus, to denote, that God hath an
Univerſal Right to receive, or rather take, aflume and claim to himſelf originally,
all the Glory, and Honour, and Power in the World; becauſe his Right extends to
all this, for the Reaſons to be conſidered and juſt laid down after theſe words. The
und es ditssluisa visada LOTU I Ils esa en utom boa

άξιον όντα
on this
(t) Hor. Lib. III. Od. I.
(u) Tych. Homil. III.
(2) Arnob. adv. Gent. Lib. I. 101. (1) Philo in Fragm. de Immutab. Dei, p. 735.
(7) Hilar, Pict. in Pfal. LXVI. d300H
13 Os dat
6093 eins
ose SV. ANA marigold.
Word

Ch. IV. v. 11. The Homage done to God.
205
Word Adcov, to take or receivė, implies, that it was taken from him by Mens Idola
try, and is now reſtored to him and received again by the Submiſſion of all Chriſtiani
People, with their Elders at the Head of them. Theſe Three Words fignify the
Branches of the Royal Prerogatives. The soča and i have been touched upon, and
obſerved to fignify, the firſt, the Splendor, Magnificence and Riches of a Monarch;
the latter, the Tribute brought to him by his Subjects. As for the s'usa pus or Power
the exerting of which draws the exagesia of the Wights, the Thanks of the Chriſtian
Clergy, in the Divine Service ; in the former Hymn which is parallel to this, it is
in a King the Force or Power of his Armies, as the Word is moſt frequently uſed in
Holy Writ
, Indeed Kings have no other Means to ſet forth their Glory, and levy
Tribute, but by their Power or Armies. But the d'usa pus of God, the Armies of the
Lord of Hofts, are all the Agents in the whole Creation, whom God can and doth
employ for his Ends, and to ſet forth his Glory, and to draw Honour, Tribute or
Service from Men and Angels. This Kings, as well as Men, muſt own; and it is
certain that Chriſtian Princes do in a fingular manner.
Inta
C. "One où "EKTIOUS Toi tévtaBecauſe thou haſt created all things. ] God hath a Awódot!
eus, Power, as he is Tlärtorpetween the Univerſal Ruler of all the Creation. He hath
Might, and fo Right, to poſſeſs and govern all things; but this is not wholly and
only an arbitrary Right ariſing from his Might : His Right ariſes from that, and is
juſtly and reaſonably confirmed by an inherent Right of Creation. He that is a free
Agent, hath the true Propriety in all the Things which he makes. (a) Oeuios odigger
xj xpattiv to Tamoen xo's to suoceros, faith Philo. And in another place : (b) Móv@ 18 medias
dan Setov oil, xj mentás 6310 euf& do's, étudó taPest Buta tija yov eis to the xj Beoirós euch, dóna moyo ng
gogovétwo i seis är d'ego? dresuotsegv og treninÓTO. Thus alfo Grotius ſays : (c) Paulus
juris confultus acquirendi caufis & hanc annumerat, quæ maxime videtur naturalis, Ji
quid ipſi ut in rerum natura eſſet fecimus. Now (d) God hath made all things for
bimſelf, that is, with a Deſign that none elſe aflume the Propriety thereof, and!
Homage, or Service accordingly; yea, even the wicked for the Day of Evil; that is,
although wicked Men endeavour to withdraw themſelves from their Obedience to
God, yet he hath fo order'd Matters, that he can turn all their Aations and Thoughts
to his Advantage, and the ſetting forth of his Glory at laſt. But wicked Men pre-
tend, that they are at Liberty for their Choice, and that they may, and do when they
pleaſe, exert their Liberty: That thoſe who obey God, do it on the Account of a
Covenant mutually entred into, which they who have not entred in, may let alones
Vain Men! the Holy Ghoſt doth not underſtand it ſo, nor any true Chriſtian · But as
theſe Elders all own, that they are obliged to it on the Account of God's Eternal
Right, Might, and in point of Gratitude for their Creation and Preſervation: If a
third Motive of Redemption or Salvation come thereupon, with a Covenant proceed-
ing from the Riches and Abundance of his Liberality or Grace, the Tye is the ftronger
and the leſs diſſoluble. This laſt A&t of God doth not difánnul the other inherent
Right of God. He that builds a Houſe or Town, and that is a xlios, liath an un-
doubted Right to it; and he that firſt tills a barren Land, hath it too : And ſhall not
God, who made the Matter and the Form too, and preferves it, and beautifies it con-
tinually, have Right to it? When God made a Covenant in Horeb with the People of
Ifrael, he made this not only the Foundation of his Right, but alſo the particular
Benefit lately conferred upon them in bringing them out of the Egyptian Bondage.
Hear, O Iſrael
, I am the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the Land of Egypt,
out of the Houſe of Bondage. This is added, becauſe it was a particular Covenant.
But in the Chriſtian Covenant and Religion, Things are reduced to their firſt Inſtitu-
tion ; God takes the Glory, the Honour and the Power over all things, becauſe he is
Ilaytoupátwe, Almighty, becauſe he hath created all things, preſerves all things, made
all for himſelf, and hath redeemed all Mankind through Jeſus Chriſt: For which he
alſo is to have a Share in his Glory, Honour and Power, as 'tis laid down in the next
Chapter. I ſhall conclude this with the Obſervation of Philo Jud. That the Affertion
of the World's being uncreated is the Principle of Atheiſm : (e) Tòv õ xócquoy of
(a) Philo de Abrah. p. 249. See alſo Note on Chap. 21. 6.
6) Philo de Vica Mof. Lib. III. p. 455. (c) H. Gror. de J. B. P. Lib. II. cap. 3. S. 36
(d) Proy, xvi. 4.
(e) Philo de Mundi Opificio, p. 1.
Çerxava
Ggg

206
The Homage dont to God. Ch. IV. v. in
and to
cs and Shapes.
φάσκοντες ως όξιν αγύητα, λελήθασε το ωφελιμώτατον και αναγκαιότατον ' είς ευσέβειαν ηκόντων
κωπτεμνόμδυοι, τίω ωeόνοιαν.ori
bas
VON 21,
D. Kai nå tè géanud os cio, rj én ví Surrey, And for thy Pleaſure they are, and were
created.] Many Copies have nov, and the Vulgate, erant ; but 'tis the ſame in Senſe,
tho' ' Bory pleaſes me better ; and ſo did
and ſo did it too (f) Dr. Mill. To be and be created
are here ſet down as different ; the Holy Ghoſt diſtinguiſhes them, and not without
Reaſon. (8) To be reſpects the Exiſtence, Eſſence, or Matter and Subſtance : To be
Thus God is therefore ſaid to be the Author of the Exiſtence or Matter, as well as
of the Form or outward Appearance of all things in the World. They who cavid
about the Signification of the Word 7), turned in the LXX by poléo and xliza, may
from hence receive Satisfaction, that God created the Matter of the World, as well
as ſhaped or made the Form of it. What if N?, morbo, and xliz fignify in the
Language of Men the making of any thing in general, even out of a pre-exiſtent
Subſtance, only changed in the Form? this is no Rule againſt God. () If Volzus
hath well obferved, that the Words of all Nations are framed according to the viſible
Laws of Nature, and that it being unuſual to ſee any thing made out of nothing;
and, according to vulgar Conceptions, contrary to the known Laws thereof; 'tis in
vain to ſeek a Word that hath ſuch a Notion. S. Hilarius Piftav. hath obſerved it:
(i) Secundum nature- intelligentiam nomina divinis rebus aptata funt. Which he re-
peats more than once. But for all that, this Word N7doth imply fuch a Notion,
as to the Creation of the World by God. Gouſſet obſerves, that R. Abarbinel is the
firſt who hath ſeen that this Word implies the Notion of doing a thing, the like to
which was never ſeen before. I ſuppoſe that Rabbi received that Notion from the
Word:78172 in Numb. 16.30. This Notion may be either improved or corrected,
by obſerving, that the true Notion of N7] is to shew, or make appear, a thing unſeen
before, to clear it. The LXX tranſlate it by Seixvuus in Numb, 16. 30. and by_nete-
Seixvuu in (k) ſome other places. Hence : -78972 is well turned by pésus in the LXX,
though zesua be authorized by Copies as ancient as St. Auſtin : For God ſhewed, or.
cauſed to appear, an Apparition or Sight that was not ſeen before. Thus alſo the
Poet Statius uſes the Expreſſion (1) nova clades, ſpeaking of the Fate of Amphiaraus,
who was alſo thus ſwallowed up alive. So when God created Ny) the Heaven and
Earth, tho' without Form, he ſhewed or made them appear and become viſible firſt,
and then formed them into viſible Shapes out of the Matter appearing before. St. Paul
argued upon this Notion when he ſaid, (m) The Worlds were framed by the Word of
God; ſo that things which are ſeen, were made of things which do not appear. And
Philo Fud, ſeem'd to turn upon this Notion, when he ſaid ; (n) "On é xósuo årésze
o mešio geds, em' ligger på móts Ses vej på ovu zbytov zoaços, ås andis ör, mevta qauret,
μικρών τε άυ και μεγάλων διαδεικνυς τους φύσεις, But he fpeaks very plainly in the follow-
ing Words: (ο) Καθείσες 8 οκ τα μη όντG εις το 12 το τελειότατον έργον ή κόσμων ανέφηνε.
If therefore by, or for the Will of God, all things are, diſtinctly as 'tis faid here,
and afterwards were created or framed ; then all things have their Eſſence from God,
as well as their Formation into orderly Shapes; that is, as it is ſaid in Geneſ. 2. 3.
mwyr 872, he made them to appear, that he might form them into Shapes. And it
being obſerved, that this Word in the Active is ſaid almoſt always of God, 'twas af
fedted to implant in the Ifraelites the Notion of God having created the Matter, as
well as Form, of the Univerſe. For to me the Production of the latter being equally
difficult as the former, neither can I conceive how God, or any Being, could produce
the Form of the Univerſe at firſt, unleſs he were the Creator of the Subſtance too.
And thus you have an Anſwer to this knotty Queſtion, which Ambrof. Ansbertus did
propoſe to himſelf
. His Words are, Sed mirandum valde eſt, quod de bis
qua creata
Junt, domino dicunt: Propter voluntatem. tuam erant & creata funt. Si enim creata
ſunt, quomodo antequam crearentur, erant ? Si vero antequam crearentur erant, quo-
modo creata ſunt?
v r sfry jfx: : :
O 900
(f) Mill Proleg. p. 97.
(8) Vid. Methodij Ep. & Mart. de Crear. Exc. apud Photium, Cod. 235.
(b) De Tranſlat. LXX Interp. cap. II.
(i) B. Hilar. de Trinit. Lib. III.
(k) Iſaiah xl. 26. and Ch. xli. 20. (1) Pap. Soat. Theb. Lib. VIII. v. 195. (
(m) Heb. ii. 3. comp. 2 Maccab. vii. 28.) (n) Philo de Abraham, p. 245. y policy
C) Philo, Lib. III. de Vit. Mof. p. 472,0 M 36
But

Chap. IV. V. II. znyThe Homage done to God.
207
But now to argue from the Notion of the final Cauſe of the Creation from theſe
Words, dice so sennus 08this Matter will appear more evident. For génnue, the
Will or Pleaſure of God, is his Counſel or Deſigns. And this Expreſſion implies,
that the Univerſe is exiſtent and was formed into the Shapes we ſee, that the Coun
fel, Will, or Decrees of God might be perfected therein. If therefore the Exiſtence
of the All
, as well as its Formation, depends on the Will of God, it was by him
abſolutely made to appear out of an inviſible State ; and Matter inviſible being the
fame as Nothing, a World not appearing before the Will of God is executed upon it,
is the ſame as Nothing. For Matter cannot exiſt but with Time ; and it appearing
here, that it exiſts for the Pleaſure of God to be executed in its Time, the Plea-
fure of God is the Cauſe of it, and muſt be antecedent ; and conſequently the World
was created by God in Time, to make good the Decrees or Will of God coeval
with his eternal Exiſtence. I wonder at the Careleſsneſs of Interpreters, who turn
per voluntatem, by the Will, inſtead of propter voluntatem, as the Vulgate. For this
per may be made to ſuppoſe the Creation of Matter coeval to the Will, and then
it is eternal ; but the propter ſuppoſes an antecedent Conſultation, to be afterwards
executed in its own Time according to the Decree. Philo Jud. faith, (p) 'Er zo'ę nas
egenhose the citier this event rédo so tam éfausgzeí zo , Drepovets, douei dos rusi dragosteiro
σε σκοπή, φαμενΘ όπες και την αρχαίων από τις αγαθών και η πατέρα και ποιητής
ε χάριν
&
αείσης ανά φύσεως έκ έφθόνησαν εσία, μηδέν έξ εαυ της έχέση καλδν, διων αρχών και ξυές παν τα. .
Thus far we have cleared the nice and accurate Diftin&tion uſed by the Holy Ghoſt,
between the World's Exiſtence, and its Creation or Formation, the cisi and in the Wn sera
By which Diſtinction we may alſo explain Iſaiah 66. 2. For all thoſe Things hath
mine Hand made [noy Formed. ] And they are all of them. For fo the Hebrew
may be turn'd as it now ſtands. See Calvin on the place. But beſides theſe Two
Powers of God in creating out of Nothing, and forming into Shapes ; he hath a
Third, which ſeems to be a Reſult of both the former, namely, that of Miracles ;
wherein by changing the Form, and exerting the Power of Creation, he ſhews an
unexpeeted Form. So Ignatius, ſpeaking of Satan tempting Chriſt : (9) Hví 20 m
Suprego ty te pen dry couñiza, aj to do celebekeiv, in' ions we]6. As to the particular
Uſe and Application of it to this place, it imports, that not only Homage and Ser-
vice is to be done to God, upon the Account of his Merits and Power, mentioned
before, and exerted by the Creation and Preſervation of all Things, but alſo becauſe
he requires it. It being his Will and Deſigns, for which he hath created them. So
that his Worſhip is not only reaſonable upon thoſe Accounts, but alſo necef-
fary ; becauſe he declares, that it is his Will it ſhould be ſo. The Duties of na-
tural Religion are not only true, and founded upon the eternal Reaſons of
Things, and the Frame of the Univerſe ; but there is alſo a Revelation of the Will
of God to interpoſe, left we ſhould miſtake our Duty. Thus far is contained what
concerns our Duty to God the Father. But as he hath further wrought a Redempti-
on of them, that miſtaking their Duty natural, and his revealed Will to the Pa-
triarchs, did withdraw themſelves from God, and became Servants to Sin and the
Devil ; which Redemption was effected by the Mediation of his Son Jeſus Chriſt :
And that Duties ariſe from that Topick, which ſpring from God's Oeconomy there-
in; the next Chapter gives us a perfect Account thereof : Shewing what God hath
done, what Chriſt hath fuffered, and what God requires ſhould be done, to crown
him with Glory as himſelf. And therefore he comes to be repreſented as inaugurated
into the fame Throne, whereon God hath been ſhewn to be fitting before. See the
Note upon Chap. 5. 12. B. where we prove, that this double Right of God over
Men, not only reaches them, but alſo the Angels.
zi
(0) Philo de Mundi Opific. pag. 3. Vid. etiam Libr. de immutabilit. Dei, pag. 208
() Ignat. Epift. ad Philip. pag. 107.
VOET 01 didwal buldid
Sapna et sont azel Toro ots do not tout 70
ons bobu na
mas nuo vinom 900 om i brow
get to loqa
HỘI CHỢ LÁCác giả: H TRỊ, TƯ pollenti
CHAP
208 The Book ſealed with Seven Seals.1 Ch. V. v. I.
Kthing
31913 mort
dont not1893 to Oy
Bugts of women
алгебра гоnе
bootoile to w
metroCH A P.
A P. V. er staviti bilo saclis
Sa Sot
16259 W Ist
V.). A. A l'edu ohi new deren of your greiff's Basi að spóvs Bolalov, And I ſaw on the Right
Hand of him that ſate on the Throne, a Book.] Firſt, of the Book ; then
of the Adjun&t thereof, its being in the Right Hand. The right Underftanding of the
Meaning of this Book is the key to the Three Chapters that follow, and conſequent-
ly in a great Meaſure of the whole Revelation ; and more particularly of the Tenth
Chapter, wherein ſuch another, tho' leſs, Book appears, of which no Interpreter for
this Reaſon could ever yet make any Thing. In this caſe therefore we muſt not rely
merely upon Fancy, or witty Contrivances, and human Conjectures, but ground
what we have to ſay upon ſolid Proof fetch'd from the Holy Scriptures, and the Uſe
of a Book therein, as the only ſafe Foundation upon which we ought to build. In
the State wherein we find this Book, it is viſible that the Holy Ghoſt hath made
uſe of this Symbol, by alluding to the like Caſe in the Mofaical Diſpenſation. For we
read in Deut. 31. 24, 25, 26. in this wife ; And it came to paſs, when Moſes had
made an End of Writing the Words of this Law in a Book, until they were finiſhed;
that Moſes commanded the Levites which bare the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord, Say-
ing, Take this Book of the Law, and put it in the side of the Ark of the Covenant of
the Lord your God, that it may be for a Witneſs againſt thee. Now this Book, as
appears from the Ninth Verſe of the ſame Chapter, was to be in the Power, and for
the Uſe of the Prieſts the Sons of Levi, which bare the Ark, and all the Elders of
Ifrael. For being commanded to read it to the People on the Sabbatical Year, that
they might learn, hear, and fear the Lord, and obſerve all the Words therein, it is
plain, that this Book was given to them, with a Commiſſion to cauſe the Laws
of it to be obſerved by the People under them : And that the Prieſts and Elders, with
the Levites, ſhould renew upon all Occaſions, and inforce the Execution thereof.
And it was kept on the side of the Ark of God, or Throne of God, to ſhew, thar
he was the Lord Paramount, to whom this Law did belong; which the Prielts and
Elders, as his Servants or Deputies, were to fee executed and obeyed. In the ſame
manner this Book ſeated at the Right Hand of God, is the new Law, or Goſpel, of
the Chriſtian Diſpenſation, prepared and kept by God in his Right Hand or Power,
to be publiſhed and divulged, by the Mediation of his Son Jeſus Chriſt, and the
Miniſters by him deputed to that Purpoſe : that all Nations may in due T'ime hear
it, learn it, and fear the Lord, and obſerve it diligently. This Alluſion and Expo-
fition is ſo plain, that it needs no Proof; and what ſhall be ſaid thereupon, will put
it paft all Doubt. For indeed how proper a Symbol a Book is to ſignify a Law
which is to be made publick, eſpecially that which was hidden before, in the ſecret
Counſel of God, hath been made plain before in our Notes upon Chap. I. 11. B.
to which nothing ſhall be added now from Holy Writ, but this place of Iſaiah 30. 8.
where a Book is written, and made uſe of, to publiſh and bring to Remembrance
the Matters written thereon ; Now go, write it before them in a Table , and note it
in a Book, that it may be for the Time 10 come, for ever and ever. Artemidorus faith,
(*) B.Gaior g' Giov isórro onuri vet, a book ſignifies the Life, that is, the Acts of the
Perſon that ſees it. So in our Caſe the Book contains the Laws and Decrees of God's
Counſel, the Acts of the Lamb that is to receive it from him.
B. 'Em re debear to me. Imelo's, On the Right Hand of him that fate.] Tho'tgad may fig-
nify not only the Right Hand, but alſo the Right Side of the Perſon ſpoken of, yet in this
Place it muſt be taken for the Hand: Firſt, becauſe it is ſaid afterwards, that the Lamb
took the Book én of Agræs, out of the Right Hand. But even this might be doubted of ; but
however the like Phraſe occurring in Matth. 27. 29. rý rebre por oth sky descèv auto, and a
Reed in bis Right Hand. In which Place many MSS of Note read ir rñ degiã, which is
rather an Expoſition of the former Expreſſion : Whereas, when it ſignifies the Side, the
Word is moſt commonly put in the Plural, in Agrar, cis tai Ard. And indeed the
Prepoſition of is often in this Book put for cn, as in this Book, (a) Hi To B16 rioy

(*) Artemid; Lib. II.
(a) Chap. 17. 8.
2
} wise

Ch. V. v. 1.
The Book ſealed.
209
{cows. And ſtill nearer to our Purpoſe, (b) oli tle zeiega wte, inſtead of the seriei durão
And a great Chain in his Hand. The Right Hand in many Places of Holy Writ is
uſed to denote Power and Strength, the Reaſon of which is obvious. So that we
need nor to wonder, if the Onirocriticks explain the Arms and Hands of thoſe im-
mediate Inſtruments of a Man's Power, which are his Brethren, and Sons, or chief
Servants. I ſhall not ſet down their Words, which may be ſeen at length in ſeveral
Chapters, as the 70, 71, 72, 73. However this book is ſaid to be in the Right Hand
of God fitting on the Throne, that it may be there ready to be received by his only
Son, who is to come, and at the ſame Time as he receives this Book, is to fit
thereon at the Right Hand of the Father, as his Son and chief Miniſter, or Angel of
the New Covenant, written in the Book he receives from God. Note by the Way,
that from this Alluſion, we may conje&ture , that the Volume of the Mofaical Law
was placed on the Right Side of the Ark, though that be not ſpecified in the Wri-
tings of Mofes. There is in (c) Eufebius a Part of the Tragedy of the Jewiſh Poet
Ezekiel, upon the Deliverance of the Iſraelites, where he introduces Mofes re-
porting a Dream, intimating his Inauguration into the Government of the Iraelites
in Symbols much like theſe, of a Throne, Sceptre and Diadem, of which Mofes
takes Poſſeſſion by the Ceſſion of him that fat thereon before s upon which the Earth,
the Things under it, and Heaven with the Stars, fall down before his Knees, and he
numbreth them. All which fethro explains of a great Nation to be made ſubject to
him. What I obſerve particularly is, that the Scepter is ſaid to have been in the Left
Hand, contrary to all Cuſtoms, (d) old and new; except on ſome by-Reaſon. What
might be the Meaning of the Poer? I gueſs, that he having obſerved, that the Pro-
phecy of David foretels, that the Meſſias was to fit on the Right Hand of God ; and
that therefore he was to be the Mediator of a better Covenant than Moſes, he has
put the Scepter of that Diſpenſation in a Place leſs honourable. Tho' that Dream
be pretty long, I will however tranſcribe it, becauſe it will ſerve to explain many
Symbols :
Top
'Edoxow opa v rett' á registry Spórov ulzay
เปA4 ร์ โร 13 14 15
T Tιν' εί), με εις έegν και βεβηκότα, world hos mw jud
είτε ' Εν ο καθής φώτοι γυναίόν τινα Short 02 qtod To W.I well
Διάδημ’ έχονία, και μέγα σκήτη ρον χερι
Igo ni 25 belift
' 'Eνωνύμω μαλισα δεξιά δέ μοι
Told to su roitiw
'Evdios, xezal webden escée I w spóre.
Σκήπο εον δέ μοι παρόδωκεν, και εις θρόνον η τελετ
Orips listega nisu
Μέγαν μ' είπεν καθής. βασιλικον δέ μοι της οδο οι
"Edoxa dédupe, rj avtès étap in Spóvato llu o Bigo11 orli 10 zerit
the
Χωρίζες. εγώ ' ειστείδον γω άπασαν
2013 oj boilgge od om
"Εγωκλον, και ένερθεν γαίας και ξύπερ-
mot med otomoo blonda
Θεν έegινά, και μοι το πλήθG- αςέρων
Ted's zowic] ma’, égad ģ eens raízes é volt a vituo mwo niedt
neds te onbei Wolvd
Ηριθμη σα μω, καμοί δε παρήγαν ως
Studin aegis 900
Mageuborih Beggfs& Tu Qo6n Seis 75012 -
blond ved rignons bna
23 ’Avísu
puce éĘ U ays.
iso 90502
I ſhall conclude this with the Words of Maximus Taurinenſis : (e) Secundum conſue-
tudinem noſtram illi conſelus offertur, qui aliquo opere perfetto viłłor adveniens hono-
ris gratia promeretur ut ſedeat. Ita ergo & homo Feſus Chriſtus paſſione ſua diabo-
lum ſuperans , refurre&ione ſua inferna referans, tanquam perfetto opere ad cælos
victor adveniens audit à Deo patre, Sede ad dexteram meam. Nec mirum fi unius ſe-
dis offertur filio conſeſſus à patre, qui unius ſubſtantia & nature cum patre. Cur au-
tem ad dexteram filius eſſe dicatur, moveat aliquem fortaſſe. Licet enim dignitatis
gradus non fit, ubi plenitudo divinitatis eft, tamen ideo ad dexteram ſedet filius, non
quo præferatur patri, Sed ne inferior eſe credatur.
C. Teygep.ulóov Zozo Jev vej EwJoy, Written within and without.] The Opinion of Hu-
go Grotius is, that this place muſt be underſtood thus, as if the Book was written
within, and ſealed without. But this cannot be ; for if the Book were not to be ſup-
(d) Matth. 27. 29:
(b) Chap. 20. 1. (c) Euſeb. Præpar. Ev. Lib. IX.
(e) D. Maxim. Taurin. in Pentecoft. Hom. I.
Hhh
04:29
golo
poſed
210
The Book ſealed.
Ch. V. v. I.

poſed to be written without, as well as ſealed, it had been needleſs to expreſs it in
this Manner ; becauſe every one may and doth naturally conceive, that a Book fealed,
is written within, and fealed on the out-fide. But the Holy Ghoſt makes no
needleſs Obſervation. Therefore every Word written is ufed to denote ſome parti-
cular Quality ; and therefore 'tis more proper to underſtand that the Holy Ghoſt
means that this Book was written without, or on the back-ſide of the Volume, as
well as the in-ſide ; and that this out-fide Writing muft denote fome peculiar Pro-
perty of this Book ; it being not ufual to write on the Back-ſide of Rolls, as this
muſt be underſtood to be. For fuch was the Book of the Mofaical Law, it being
called a Volume or Rol Ago by the Pfalm. 40. 7. We muſt therefore apply our
ſelves to conſider, what is the ſymbolical Meaning of ſuch a Book as this, ſaid to be
written within and without. This therefore fignifies the new Law and Covenant to
be publiſhed and obſerved by the Fews and Gentiles. For in Holy Scripture and
Jewiſh Stile, they that are within are the fews, and they that are without are the
Gentiles ; that is, ſuch as are and were before out of the Mofaical Law and Cove.
nant. This Expreſſion was afterwards adopted by the Chriſtian Writers, and ap-
plied to their own Church. Here follow Inſtances of Both. Deut. 32. 25. The Sword
without, and Terror within Shall deſtroy. rau Stiv de Tenvøve avròs jies zonega,
ng en ES 442
juvetov, Ⓡoco. Which Words are uſed by Ferem. in the Lam. 1. 20. The touieta,
or ſecret Chambers, ſignify within the moſt inward Parts emphatically. See Matth.
6. 6. and Chap. 24. 26. Luke 12. 3. and alſo Deut. 25. 5. The Wife of the Dead Jhali
not marry without unto a Stranger. Where we ſee, that 7731717, without, is explain-
ed by a Stranger. Though the LXX reſtrain this only to a Man, är spå peis én isouti,
not a-kin, becauſe of the Generality of the Word éta, which is indefinite. But
St. Paul uſes it in a Senſe proper to this place, 1 Cor. 5. 12. where he faith ; ta's
jucis reivete ; 78 g Ew Osos never. Do not ye judge them that are within?
But they that are without, God judgeth, or ſhall judge. Upon which (f) St. Chry-
Softom ; Tès 28157cess sj Tès émew as rencov, ker Jeans, aj amazš ono. (8) að ö viej przeloeier
terv at rov sera le colonias Eco Jev, The Gentiles before their Converſion are indeed recom,
Sev, but when converted they are fora Siv, within the Covenant, or Promiſe of the
New Law or Goſpel. So thoſe that are condemned by God, even in this Book, are
ftiled reco; as in Chap. 11. 2. &xcane . And in Chap. 22. 15. ö oi xuíes, on
which ſee our Notes. Thus I think the Symbol is ſufficiently explained.
But in Ezekiel 2.9, 10. we have a Book rolled, and written within and without,
ta' lép.caecatan sej zei dziew, 91081 O's, forwards and backwards. This Book ſeems at
firſt Sight to be different from ours, which is the Goſpel or good News, whereas
that of the Prophet is full of Lamentation and Wo. Even the Signification of that
may be applied to ours : For as in Ezekiel it fignifies, that the Miſeries of the fews
ſhould come to them from within, by their own Wickedneſs; and from without,
by the Wickedneſs of their Enemies : Or elfe, that, whether they remained within
their own Country, as they were ſtill at the Time of the Vifion; or whether they
were diſperſed without
, as many of them were already, they ſhould have miſery.
And though they ſhould return for a while, their Miſery would ſtill continue, whilſt
ſome of them were within their own Country, and others without diſperſed among
the Gentiles. In the ſame Manner this Senſe may be applied to the Goſpel, and
the Obſervers of it. In the World they muſt have Tribulations; and thoſe that
Itand againſt it ſhall fuffer the Puniſhments of God, inflicted on them for their Di
obedience, as will appear by the Expoſition of the opening of the Seals. Fonathan
the Targumist, on that Place of Ezekiel
, takes another Way to ſolve it : He faith,
Et erat ſcriptum in fronte ſua & poſteriori fuo, id quod fuit ab initio, & quod futu.
rum eſt in fine. Which Notion is alſo applied by St. Hilary to this book in the Re-
velation : (b) Liber ifte & præterita, &* futura in his
, quæ intus & foris fcripta
erant, continens. Neither will I totally exclude this, becaufe the Notion of a Book is
to be a Record of Things paſt, and Decrees or Deſigns to be performed hereafter
is may be ſeen in Efiber 2. 23. and in Exod. 17. 14. and Chap. 32. 32. In this
Senſe the Goſpel is a Book written without, or on the Face, becauſe it was known,
promiſed, and preached before to the World, from Adam till Chriſt; but in Chrift
as
(f) J. Chryf. Hom. XVI. in 1. ad Cor.
Pfalm. Prolog
Dalog
() 1 Tim. 3. 7.com (b) Hilar. Pi&t. Exp. in
it

Chap. V. V. I. vitan The Book ſealed.
211
my a of the
among my
. it was to begin to have its Accompliſhment : And the Decrees 'or Counſels written
within, were to be revealed and fulfilled afterwards. So that it contains Things paſt
and future.
D. Kalesoee youllóov oqeazioni ed è, Sealed with Seven Seals.] The Prophet Iſaiah
ſpeaks of the Mofaical Law and Religion in Chap. 8. 16. which he there calls the Te-
ſtimony, in Allufion to Deut. 31. 26. under the Symbol of a Book ſealed, Bind up
This ſeems to
Ruin of the fews, and of the Preſervation of a Remnant of them, and the Voca-
tion of the Gentiles. It ſhews, that the Mofaical Law ſhould be obſcured, and no
more obſerved and publick, with the ſame Proſperity and Glory it had before : And
that as yet the Law of God ſhould not be publiſhed to the Gentiles, but after a
while. În which Senſe the Symbol of ſealed, is often uſed by Daniel, as in Chap. 8.
26. Chap. 9. 24. Chap. 12. 5; 9; to fignify a Thing that appears not yet, till the Seals
be removed. So that theſe Seals are not Signs of Confirmation, ſo much as of Se-
crecy, and Privacy, denoting that the Marter is not made Publick. So the Church in
the Canticles
, Chap. 4. 12. is called a Fountain Jealed, mi erpegua ugon, to be open-
ed only by Jeſus Chriſt. The Words of Ifaiah 29. II. And the Viſion of all is be-
come unto you, as the Words of a Book that is ſealed , os oi 16301 08 Bebris soqea-
Zvo uli's társ, may be underſtood of the Fewiſh Oeconomy being obſcured, or dilap-
pearing, as the Words of a Book ſealed. Thus Tully ſpeaking of that ſolemn De-
cree granted to him and his Collegue, in the Catilinarian Conſpiracy , Darent operam
Confules, nequid Reſpubl. detrimenti caperet ; and of which he had as yet made no
Ulé ; he compares it to a Sword ſhut up in a Scabbard, and ſays it is included in
the Rolls : (i) Habemus enim hujuſmodi Senatus-conſultum, verumtamen incluſum in
tabulis
, tanquam gladium in vagina reconditum. Nay, if a Government pulled down
and removed, as that of Paganiſm, at the opening of the Sixth Seal, be well repre-
fented by a Book rolled up, and removed to be laid aſide , then this Symbol of a
Book fealed to be opened afterwards, is a proper Symbol to denote a riſing Govern-
ment to be compleated by Steps, as the Seals of it are opened. The Perſian and
Egyptian ſpeak of Seals in this wife, Chap. 260. 'Ex ğ idm • 63.079 d's on a@egzí does in
τα δακτυλιδια εδδε πισίν, υψώσει αυτές και μυστηρίων αξιώμασιν. Every Word of this is ap-
plicable to our Caſe ; for by the Delivery of this Book ſealed, Chriſt is inaugurated,
and receives proportionable Steps of Power and Glory; and his Religion or Goſpel,
which is the Myſtery or fecret Deſign of God, is committed to his Charge. Which
Glory and Power is ſtopp'd by theſe Seals ; and to be opened, or made viſible, by
none but him. Thus the Symbol is ſuitable to the Hebrew Notion of the Words by
which to ſeal is expreſſed. So the Word ann, which the LXX tranſlate by soek-
viço, fignifies to ſhut or obſtruct. On the other Hand the Ond, by them commonly
turned by évopsia, and the like, is turned by the Word opegyító, in Dan. 8. 26. So
whereas in Exod. 4. 25, 26. we read Twice "Esn to aile, the Blood is ſtopt , but in
the Hebrew Copies we find 007 171, the Scholiaſt of the Vatican faith, that the
Hebrew had 'Egoeśnice to aiua ; by which 'tis plain, that ſome Copies then did
read, onn, inſtead of, inn; although (k) Aquila did read as ours. But the LXX
by tranſlating ésn did read onn, for in the like Caſe that Word is turned by owisnues,
(1) mis owésure to orð puce dušš, or his Fleſh be ſtopt from his ijue. So whereas in 2 Kings 12.
8. we read DVD1 111811, vj ouvepcórnsur oi iepeis, and the Prieſts conſented, (m) Ful-
ler contends, that the firſt Word ought to be derived from the Root nix, a Sign or
Seal, and that the Vulgate hath well tranſlated it by, Prohibitique ſunt Sacerdotes,
and the Prieſts were ſtopp’d or forbidden, by fome Sign or Notice given to them.
For as Veſſels, Books, Letters, Bundles, Wells, and Pits, and Graves, are ſhut up
by a Seal, ſo that Men are forbidden to ſee into them, thus to be forbidden may
well be expreſſed by to be ſealed. Æſchylus an Enthuſiaſtick Poet, and full of No-
ble Hypotypoſes of the Oriental Stamp, hath likewiſe uſed this Symbol about the
Thunder, when God makes no Uſe of it.
Dotsial, tegnil in der Brus
(η) και κλήσας διδα, δωμάτων μόνη θεών, το έτος
Για Ενώ κεραυνός όξιν εσφραγισμός: How to do nas
'Am'd'y euro della
(i) M. T. Cic. Orat. I. in L. Catilin.
(k) Vid. Ir. Voffij Obf. ad iterat. Object. Simo-
nij, pag. 387. (1) Levit. 15. 3. (m) Fuller. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. V. cap. 4. (n) Æſchyl, Eumen, v. 830.
I
See

1212
The Champion Angel of Chriſt's Inauguration. Ch. V. v. 2.
1975
-
ter.
See our Note upon Chap. 20. 3. B. But Horace ſpeaks of Locks and Seals uſed about
Books not to be read. He ſpeaks to his Book, mun bus bolcovat
bas
dobit odt. (y) Odiſti claves, so grata figilla pudico.
sam prefer
Paucis oftendi gemis : & communia laudas. med 20 sec
To sorts of
mont
That Epiſtles were rolled, tied about, and feald, is plain from theſe Words of Eu-
ripides
гіоіз
70 E200 por 30: ni
(2) 'EĞsaižas mellora's opez.youd tw. vor dislistop do nos
sroldo
boven
Hence in the Gloffary of Ifidorus, Offendices, nodi quibus Libri lignantur. F. Rutger
fius would have it to be ligantur, but without need.
Thus then theſe Seven Seals ſhew the Univerſality, or full Extent of the Goſpel,
or that Kingdom of Chriſt which he is to have during the militant State of his
Church ; and the opening of them, as will be ſeen, will ſhew the Extent of the Pub-
lication of the Goſpel, as far as the Terms limited by God, and hereafter diſcovered
by other Symbols, are to be extended. For neither God nor Chriſt are at firſt to ſhew
their great Power or unlimited Monarchy over all things: That is reſerved for hereaf-
As to the Number Seven compleating this firſt Period of the Church, ſee the
Note upon Chap. 15. 1. C.
ada.
A. Verf. 2. Και άδον άγγελον ωρών κηρύσσοντα φωνή μεγάλη, And I Γατο α mighty Angel
proclaiming with a loud Voice.] The Actors muſt be proportioned to their Actions ;
and the Symbols repreſenting them muſt be ſuited to their Function. Here the Beginning
of the Publication of the Goſpel is uſher'd in by a mighty Angel. That Title of
mighty expreſſes the Greatneſs of his work. One would think that we ſhould not
need to ſuppoſe, that there is any more Myſtery in this. Angel, than that he is of de-
corum, to fhew us what is going to be done with the Book according to the Drama-
tical Way of this Prophecy. Yet methinks we may perceive through what he faith
in this Verſe, and what is related as from St. John's Obſervation in the next, that no
one was found worthy to open the Book ; that this Angel repreſents the great and il-
luſtrious Forerunner of our Saviour, John the Baptiſt; who being the Voice of one
crying in the Wilderneſs, Prepare ye the Ways of the Lord, and make bis Paths ſtrait,
gave Occaſion to all People to expect the Meſſias promiſed. For when by his Baptiſm
and Preaching he had given Occaſion to the World to admire him, and look upon
him as a great Prophet ; and that by our Saviour himſelf he was ſaid to be greater
than any Prophet, Matth. 11. 9. being indeed the Angel of Meſſenger of God before
his Face, Māl. 3. 1. Mark 1. 2. and Luke 7. 27. (Thus alfo Tertullian inſiſts empha-
tically upon that Title : (a) Ipfe clauſula Legis & Prophetarum, nec Prophétes, Sed
Angelus di&tus, contumeliofá cæde truncatur in
, puelle Saltice lucar. And this after
our Saviour's Example in that Place of Luke. The Reaſon of it is thus given by
Hilary: (b) Quia ſoli ipſi licuerit & prophetare Chriſtum & videre.) 'tis plain, that
his Function and Work was exceeding Noble and Great. When this Angel comes to
ſpeak of himſelf, he is ſo far from preſuming to take upon himſelf to be the Meſſias,
that is worthy to receive and open this Book, that he plainly owns the contrary ; be-
ing convinced of his own Weakneſs in Compariſon to that other mighty Work,
which is to be performed by One, for whom he is not worthy to unlooſe the Latchet
of his Shoes, as St. John himſelf tells us in his Goſpel, Chap. 1. 27. So that the
plain Office of the Baptiſt was to tell the World, that none was worthy to take upon
him Chriſt's Office, but himſelf. For if the greateſt among them that were born of
Women was not worthy, much leſs the inferior. Every thing therefore concurs to
make us apply this to the Baptist. For as he juſt preceded the viſible Inauguration of
our Saviour, when God did declare him to be his Son; ſo here in this Symbolical
Viſion, this mighty Angel precedes with the like Errand the Inauguration of the
Lamb. For 'tis further obſervable, that the Baptiſt was the firſt Prophet, who viſibly
and with his Finger declared Jeſus Chriſt to be the Lamb that ſhould take away the
Sin of the World, and conſequently that he was the Son of God ; which, at Chriſt's
Baptiſm by John, was literally and actually performed. Now that is equal to what
(y) Horar. Lib. I. Ep. 20.
(a) Tertul. Scorpiac. cap. 14. 11.)
(2) Euripid. Hippolyt. v. 864.
(b) B. Hilar. Pict. Com. in Matth. Can. 11.
is

Ch. V. v. 3.
The Champion Angel.
213
One
is here repreſented, that the Lamb proclaimed by this Angel is inſtalled and inaugu-
rated into the Throne and Glory of God. For in this Viſion, the receiving of the
Book from the right Hand of God fitting on his Throne, and thereupon with him alſo
receiving the fame Homage, is a Symbolical Repreſentation of Chrilt's Inauguration
In ſhort therefore, this mighty Angel performs an Office like that of our Champion and
Marſhal at the Inauguration of our Kings. The Title of Prodromus given him by
the Church, becauſe he was to prepare before-hand the Ways of Chriſt, being exactly
the ſame in Signification as that of Earl Marſhal, as to that Reſpect, and his Cry,
Who is Worthy, like that of the Champion, who makes a Challenge to maintain the
Title and Right of the Perfon inaugurated. However, bý the Word xnguany ta it ap-
pears, that this Angel performs the Office of a Cryer or Herald. The Rabbies fup-
pofe ſuch a Cryer in Heaven among the Angels, and give him the Name of (c) Acra-
ziel. The Romans having elected their Magiftrates, did cauſe a Cryer to proclaim
their Names, as appears from a Paffage in Seneca : (d) Vocem preconis expe&tant:
And indeed, as no publick Aſſembly can be held without ſuch an Officer ; fo we may
ſuppoſe, that in all Places where there has been an Election or Deſignation of a
King, there muſt have been ſuch an Officer.
scho
B. Tis 10, Who is worthy.] So the Complutenfian Edition reads, and the Alex.
MS. Origen, Epiphanius, and others. The Common hath esou between thoſe Words.
God being now to aſſume a Second, or Mediator, to fit upon his. Throne, and to
eſtabliſh his New Kingdom over fews and Gentiles, acts as when he gave a King,
Deputy to himſelf, over Iſrael. And that is by making Choice of a fit Perſon.
When they would have a King, they muſt be ſure to take him whom God would
chuſe, Deut. 17. 15. Ka João retaschs Hi Osau ton aggou toe, öv évén a EEN Po Kúrio ó oeds
domov. Setting thou shalt ſet over thee a King, whom the Lord God ſhall chuſe. The
Repetition of the firſt Word implies, that in any wiſe they ſhould ſer him that was
thus qualified. The Choice of God was always conſidered in the appointing of the
Judges of Iſrael ruling in chief: And ſo it was obſerved of the Kings. When Saul
was to be inaugurated, the Lord was religiouſly conſulted to declare who was
worthy of it. Which tho' fhewn before to the Prophet Samuel, was publickly re-
peated by caſting Lots. When God had rejected him and his for Succeſſion as un-
worthy, he choſe a Man after his own Heart, even David, on whom he ſettled it for
ever. So upon a Diſpute before David's Death concerning the Succeſſion berween
Adonijah and Solomon, God declared his Choice for Solomon by the Prophet Nathan.
So for the Kings of Iſrael after the Schiſm, yet God declared his Choice for Jero-
boam, 1 Kings 11. 31. for Fehu, i Kings 19. 16. The Pagan Hiſtories of all Sorts
are full of ſuch Obſervations concerning Oracles given for the Choice of fit Perfons to
be Kings. Here in the Caſe of the Lamb, though the Formality be obſerved, yet this
only ſerves for the Deſignation of the Perſon before hand prepared of God, who
having given his only Son for the Life of the World, hath for his Sufferings to that
Purpoſe, promiſed him the ſame Glory as himſelf, as the juft Recompence of his
infinite Merit, acquired by his Mediation. And this Proclamation is here formally
made, that we may underſtand that God aats in this according to Reaſon, and the
Meaſures of Juſtice.
C. 'Avoide To Bobríov, rj ac vere ma's opezzi des autê, To open the book, and to looſe the
Seals thereof.] There are Four Actions to be done about this Book ; firſt, to open ;
then to looſe the Seals ; thirdly, to look thereon ; fourthly, to read it. All which may
be reduced to two Actions, by an er die dooiv; the two firſt are one A&tion, and the
two laſt another. For the looſing of the Seals opens the Book, and the looking there
on is in order to read. Of thele the two firſt, which are indeed but one, and are
mentioned here, viz. to open the Book and looſe the Seals thereof, are done by the
Lamb. The looking thereon, and reading thereof, are, it ſeenis, left to be done by
the Wights, and St. John at their Sollicitation, each of them doing ſo; and that
therefore only at the opening of the firſt Four Seals. We muſt therefore thew the
Meaning of theſe two Expreſſions and their Difference, to open the Book, and to look
thereon. Now this will not be difficult, if we conſider, that this book is the New
Law or Goſpel, which contains the Myſtery of Godlineſs
, not revealed before the
Coming of Chriſt. As therefore the Goſpel, or Chriſtian Religion, is a Myſtery
(c) Lib. de Mort. Moſ.
(d) Senec. Epift. 118.
Í ii
Tevealed
214
The Champion Angel.
Ch. V. v. 3.

revealed, the Opener thereof is the ſame as the Author or Inſtitutor of it; who is
able to publiſh it firſt, that is, to effet and perform all the things required to the
Perfection of it. But the actual reading, or looking into, ſo that others may do ſo
too, is not done by the fame, but by ſuch as may be impowered by the firſt Author.
The Lamb is that Author or Inſtitutor of the Myſtery of Godlineſs ; but it is not ne-
ceſſary that he do every thing about it. He therefore deputes the Wights afterwards,
when he hath been inaugurated and feated upon the Throne of God, who are the
Attendants of it continually, to do it in his Name, and by his Aſſiſtance. Theſe are
his Miniſters and Servants; the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts and their Succeffors, who are
the true Hierophante, Stewards of the Myſtery of God, which the Lamb hath inſtitu-
ted, giving us an Inſight into them. For this Reaſon the Voice or Action of each of
theſe Wights is to ſay, Come and ſee, to St. fohn our perpetual Repreſentative in this
Dramatical Viſion. But of this more in its due place. It is then Chriſt alone, who
hath given us Knowledge of God's Deſigns, which are to be revealed in him, and
for his Sake. For no Man hath ſeen God at any time ; the only begotten Son, which is
in the Bofom of the Father, he hath declared him, as our Evangeliſt informs us,
Chap. 1. 18. of his Goſpel.
und
A. Verf. 3. Kaištis üdwóc to èv med segvoo, et of yñs, & trored to the gñs, érciąue to
BiGxíov, še Baémetv eutò, And none in Heaven, nor upon the Earth, nor under the Earth,
was able to open the book, neither to look thereon.] This emphatical Enumeration
and Gradation, to fignify an univerſal Propoſition without Exception, is ſuitable to
the Stile of the Holy Scriptures, which affe&t Inductions to fignify Univerſals. We
read it in St. Paul, Phil
. 2. 10. and Rom. 14. 11. according to the Complutens. Editi-
on , and ſome MŚS. though Dr. Mill ſuſpects it to be taken from the former Place;
that at the Name of Jeſus every Knee Should bow, of things in Heaven, and things on
the Earth, and things under the Earth. It being ſo, then ſince all muſt be fubje&t to
Chriſt, and none hath feen God, but the only Son in the Bofom of the Father ; tis
plain none could take this Book to open it and read it, 'till the Son was impowered
thereto, for whom it was reſerved.orailer
In this kind of Proverbial Expreſfion, the Expoſition is not to be made Symbolical-
ly, but according to the vulgar Acceptation, thoſe in Heaven are the Angels, the
Spiritual Beings employed by God in the Government of the World, viſible and in-
viſible. Thoſe upon Earth are Men, who are in Subjection to God. But thoſe under
the Earth are more difficult to be determined. Some underſtand it of Beings or Ani-
mals in the Sea, which is ſaid to be under the Earth, Exod. 20.4. ore eu fos üdzory
Evoxel tu es gñs ; and Pſalm 24. 2. and indeed the Worſhip of the Heathens, given to
Deities under the Shapes of Fiſhes, for which Reaſon God did particularly mention
them by Name in the Decalogue, may very well deſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould
here take notice, that Chriſt is to be above all fuch. But whereas the 13th Verſe
of this Chapter is brought in to back this Expofition, that Place rather fubverts it,
becauſe the things in the Sea are there diſtinguiſhed from the things under the Earth's
and therefore, according to the Intent and Uſe of St. John, another Explication muſt
be given of them. Therefore, Secondly, the Things under the Earth muſt be here
taken in the fame Senſe, as in thoſe Words of St. Paul, the retagbórra ; that is, the
Beings within the Earth, or under the Earth, being covered by the Surface of it.
And thoſe are Men departed and buried, whoſe Souls and Bodies, whilſt in the Grave,
are, according to the Notions of the Ancient Hebrews and others, ſaid to be under
the Earth, and to be detained in the Chains of Darkneſs. See Pſalm 16. 10. Afts 2.
31. And Horace calls the Dead, Terris femota. His Words are:
How
To be
(e) -- - Et, nifi quæ terris ſemota fuifq;
Temporibus defun&ta videt, faſtidit & odit.gentle sunt
or
Tully faith ; (f) In terram enim cadentibus corporibus ; hiſq; humo le&tis
, ex quo di&tum
eſt humari, Jub terra cenſebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum. And therefore where
the Genuine Ignatius oblerves that Chriſt died in the Sight of heavenly Things, Ter-
reſtrial and Infernal, wogloviwy, his Interpolator paraphraſes it thus : (8) Karuzdovicor
inator
(e) Horat. Lib. II. Ep. I.
(f) Tuſc. Qu. Lib. I.
(6) Ignat. Epift. Interpol
. ad Trallian, 2.9093
595
Bass pornos de
I
es

Chap. V. v. 4. The Champion Angel.
215
και σε πλήθος σε συνανασάντα της κυείων. Πολλά 58, φησί, σώματα της κεκοιμημένων αγίων υπέρ-
w, / μνημείων ανεώχθέντων. So the Greeks called the infernal Powers στoι καταχθόνιοι,
as appears by many Inſcriptions. Hefych. Katay.sório, nei trei gñs, & ads. But
they alſo called them, gdóneos
. Hefych. x.sóvo zdis, “sas. Timeus Locr. Ew
δαίμοσ παλαμιαίοις χθονίοις τε, τοϊς επόπλαις και αν ορωπίνων. So likewife they are called
in the Columns of Herodes Atticus : KAI HOI KIONEE AEMETPOE KAI KOPEE
ΑΝΑΘΕΜΑ ΚΑΙ ΧΘΟΝΙΟΝ ΘΕΟΝ. And indeed the Word χθονίων Teems to be the
more Ancient. For though (h) zęs nesta SÓNG be found in Homer , yet ystric
ſeems to be more out of the common Way of the Age, wherein thoſe Inſcriptions
were made. Which ſeems to have been affected in thoſe Inſcriptions, as that (1)
Learned Man, who has lately produced them, has very well obſerv’d. (k) Ireneus
ſeems to have copied this Notion of Ignatius. See alſo Eufebius Demonftr. Evangel.
Lib. IV. cap. 10. pag. 104. But Hilary oppoſes this Expoſition ; and from thence
concludes, that there are a Sort of Inhabitants of a Third Species, and under the
Earth : (1) Non utique de mortuis & in terram Sepultis fignificare intelligitur, cum ad
tertij incolatus demonſtrationem, non qui intra terram, ſed qui infra terram, neque
qui mortui funt, ſed qui vivunt, illum in ſe refignandi libri habuerint autorem. But
this is a Miſtake ; as appears from what we have faid. And beſides that, our Sa-
viour plainly declares, that thoſe who are accounted dead, do really live unto God;
Luke 20. 38. Under this Denomination are comprehended the Aquóvia, which are
ſometimes taken for the wicked Spirits, or elſe the Souls of Men departed, and ap-
pearing again to Men. All theſe Kinds are excluded, to make room for Jeſus
Chriſt.
Han
From theſe Words, and the Expoſition of them, and what is ſaid hereafter, that
by the receiving of this Book, Chriſt or the Lamb receives Homage, and Worſhip,
and Power, to execute the Will of God, Two Things may be obſerved. Firſt, that
no Angel, nor Man, whether Saint alive, or Martyr departed, can or ought to have
any religious Service given to them, during the Chriſtian Oeconomy; the Lamb
by the receiving of the Book, having the ſole Right to it with the Father. And,
Secondly, that none but Chriſt being admitted into the Council of God, to execute
any Thing thereof, the Martyrs or Saints departed can do nothing for the living Mem-
bers of Chriſt's Church ; and that God doth not communicate to them his Deſigns
and Knowledge, ſo that they are not capable of knowing what is done among Men,
or to take any Cognizance thereof. Thirdly, That the State of departed Men being
different from that of the Martyrs, who are only at their Reſurre&tion to reign with
Chriſt ; no Service, Divine Honour, or religious Worſhip can be given to them,
but it is as given to wicked Spirits, or accióvice, who then appropriate it to them-
ſelves, it being given dire&tly contrary to God's Will, and the Rights and Merits of
Chrift. See the Note upon Chap. 16. 13. G.
A. Verſ. 4. Kai égad exacerov rocè, And I lamented greatly. ] St. John being a
ſymbolical Spectator, and repreſenting in his Perſon all the Faithful, which are to
be favoured with the Inſpection of the Accompliſhment of God's Will and Decrees,
ſhews here what was done in Expectation of the Redeemer to come, who even be-
fore his Coming was hoped for and expected. It is not out of Affectation, that
St. John names, or interferes himſelf. His Perſon was neceſſary to the Drama. By
his A&tion here he repreſents the great Concern in which all the Creation was, as
well as Expe&tation for the Coming of the Goſpel , and the Senſe of their own
Miſery, had Men been left without the Publication of it. Beſides this, he expreſſes
the great Zeal and Earneſtneſs of the Apoſtles and Primitive Chriſtians, that the
Goſpel might have free Courſe. St. Paul gives us to underſtand the firſt of theſe by
what he faith, Rom. 8. 22. For we know that the whole Creation groaneth and travaileth
together until now : And not only they,but our felves alſo, which have the firft Fruits of the
Spirit
, even we our ſelves groan within our ſetves, waiting for the Adoption ; to wit, the
Redemption of our Body. The other, when he tells the ſame Church ſoon after, Chap. 9.
3. that he could wiſh to become accurſed of Chriſt for the Sake of his Brethren the
Fows, if that could win them. And this he adds to an Oath and Proteſtation, con-
cerning the great Heavineſs and Sorrow of his Heart, to find them ſo backward to
111103
219V
(b) Homer. Iliad. I. 457.
(k) Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. 37.
(i) D. Bern. de Montfaucon. Palæogr. Gr. Lib. II. C. 4.
:
(1) Hilar. Pict. Exp. in Pfalm. II.
receive

216
The Champion Angel.
Ch. V. v.5.
receive the Goſpel
. And becauſe this place concerns the Diſpoſition of the Diſci-
ples, when they were juſt upon the Cataſtrophe of Chriſt's Miniſtry, immediately
before his Reſurrection and Aſcenſion into Glory; and that of all other pious Souls
,
that waited for the Salvation of Iſrael, we muſt apply tº this all thoſe Expreſſions
of theirs, in which they ſeemed to fear, that Chriſt, whom they hoped would ac-
compliſh that, was to be taken away from them ; ſo that thereby they did deſpair
of his accompliſhing that Redemption. See Luke 24. 21. Luke 22. 45. Fohn 16.
6, 22. Now that St. John is here a Repreſentative, hath been ſeen by many Inter-
preters. Tychonius , Hom. 4. Ecclefia flebat cujus figuram habuit Johannes, onerata
& gravata peccatis, implorans fui redemptionem. Which Ambrof. Ansbertus explains
further in this manner; Cujus autem hoc in loco Johannes figuram gerit, qui flens, ne-
minem dignum aperire librum vel videre eum aſſerit inventum fuiſſe, niſi eleftorum
Eccleſia Non enim in fua perfona fleviſe creditur, qui poſt aſcenſionem Domini ifta
Scripſisſe cognoſcitur. Jam enim liber apertus, jam pro humana facundia viſus fuerat
,
ubi hec deſcribebat. Eccleſiam ergo ante Redemptoris adventum in fua perſona fleviſſé
demonſtrat, quæ gravata oneribus peccatorum, eiſdem fletibus Mediatoris ſui præfentiam
anxie quærebat, cujus difpenfatio in illius libri apertione quandoque declaranda mane-
bat. See alſo H. More, in his Paraphraſe, the Anonymous Commentator and Para-
phraſt printed at London, A. C. 1693. and Dr. Vitringa.
A. Verf. 5. Kaids in ofesa mgerCUTÉS CV nézet Mos, And one of the Elders Jaith to me.]
This might be very well translated thus, And the firſt of the Elders ; the Firſt ſpeak-
ing in the Name of all the reſt. Now as the former Expreſſion did fignify the great
Expectation in which Men were of the Coming of Chriſt
, and the Sorrow of his
Apoſtles, when they feared, that Death their Hopes of the Redemption
Iſrael would be fruſtrated : So this ſhews the great Willingneſs of the People to re-
ceive it, when they found that he was riſen again ; and had thereby overcome all
Things, in order to enter upon his Glory. They comforted themſelves with the
Hopes of their Redemption, by the Proſpect of their Prophecies, which foretold,
that out of the Tribe of Judah, and the Root or Stock of Jeſe, there ſhould ariſe
one who would be able to perform that Redemption, as he had been able to over-
come Death himſelf. For as he was able to change his Body, by his Reſurrection,
into a glorious Body, to aſcend into Heaven, and fit on the Right Hand of God ; fo
he will be able to ſubdue all Things to himſelf, Phil. 3. 21. and conſequently to effect
that Redemption. It was the full Perſuaſion of that, which made them receive the
Goſpel fo willingly. The Comfort which the Elder gives to St. John, expreſſeth
well the Joy which the Apoſtles had in making Converts to Chriſtianity. See Rom.
15. 32. 2 Cor. 2. 3. Chap. 7. 4, 13, 16. Phil. 1. 4, 25. Chap. 2. 2. Chap. 4. 1, 10.
1 Theſſal. 2. 19, 20. Chap. 3. 9. Fohn 2. v. 4. Rom. 16. 19. John 3. v. 4. Ambr.
Ansbertus faith : Quid itaque in uno ſeniore, niſi ordinem intelligimus prophetarum,
quorum certis Ecclefia conſolabatur oraculis, Chriftum de tribu Juda, mundum fuo fan-
guine redempturum, mortem mortiſque principem ſua morte ſuperaturum.
It may be asked, why doth this Elder denote or declare the Choice of the Per-
fon, and not one of the Wights or the Chriſtian Clergy? I anſwer, that it is the Part
of the People to accept of the Choice of him whom they are to obey. So in the
Caſe of the Kings of Iſrael, even of God himſelf, their firſt and original King,
8. So of Saul, tho' God had both privily and publickly by
Lots declared his Choice, yet the People by a Shout declared their Approbation,
1 Sam. 10. 24. So of David, who in 2 Sam. 2. 4. was choſen firſt King of Fudah
by that Tribe, and afterwards by Abner chief of the Tribes of Iſrael, was declared
King of Iſrael, 2 Sam. 3. 21. So all the People accepted of Solomon, 1 Kings I.
39. But the Ten Tribes refuſed his Son, at the Inſtigation of Jeroboam the Chief
or Ruler of the Tribe of Ephraim, the Head Tribe of the Ten, 1 Kings 12. 16. The
fame is done in the Chriſtian Religion, which is to be accepted freely. The Clergy,
though conſtant Attendants, cannot impoſe it upon others, any Way but by that of
Perſuafion and Preaching to them the Arguments mentioned here up and down,
fetch'd from the Power, Right, and Dominion of God, ariſing from the Creation
and Preſervation of all Things, and his Goodneſs exerted towards us ; and on the Ac-
count of Gratitude for that and the Redemption wrought by Jeſus Chriſt. Adding
to theſe, thoſe alſo mentioned here in this Prophecy, concerning the Favour of God
towards Believers, and his Severity towards them that neglect his Warnings, and
defpife ſo great a Salvation. Thus our Service is norexia na Seba, a reaſonable Service,
Vio
Exod. 19.3.
2
as

Ch. V. v. 5.
The Champion Angel.
217
as St. Paul calls it, Rom. 12. 1. free from all Compulfion, but that which our Rea
ſon ſuggeſts to us.
And this in Oppofition on the one Hand to the εθελοθρησκεία , or
Iil-Worship ; ſuch as that of thoſe who worſhip Angels, who do not, neither can
expe&t it from Men ; and like that of the Jews, in obſerving the Ceremonies of the
Law of Moſes, which God doth no more require at their Hands. And on the other
Hand, to the Asian Seycovía and didoronarseid, Superftition and Idolatry, which is a for-
ced Worſhip, either by the Terror of the Dæmons themſelves, or by the Tyranny
and Oppreſſion of Men ſet on work by them. This firſt Elder may be underſtood
to be of the Fewiſh Nation, whoſe Prerogative it was to be firſt invited to Chriſtia-
to brisanke
nity, and who firſt believed in Chriſt.
B. 'INð évírmoev o récor é är én is quañs ište, Behold the Lion of the Tribe of Fuda
hath prevailed. ] There can be no Queſtion, but that this Symbolical Expreſſion
alludes to the Deſcription of the Patriarch Fudah in the laſt Will of Facob his Fa-
ther, Genef: 49. 9. Fuda is a Lion's Whelp, from the Prey my Son thou art gone up :
He ſtooped down, he couched as a Lion ; who ſhall rouze him up? By which we muſt
underſtand Beckoxòn ai žicou, as (m) Euſebius hath expreſs'a it. Ezekiel alſo makes
uſe of this Type, to repreſent the King of Iſrael, and the Tribes under him, in
Chap. 19. And to the Targum often explains it. Jerem. 2. 15. The young Lion
roared upon him. Targum ; Adverſus eum clamant Reges. Jerem. 4.7. The Lion
is come up from his Thicket. Targum, Migravit Rex de arce fua. In Nahum 2. 12.
the Lion is explained by Kings and his Whelps by his Cities. Whence (n) Fohn
Chryfoftom hath this Obſervation, that by the Type of a Lion the Holy Scripture
always denotes the Dominion of a King, or the Regal Power ; x 90 áth on aga on
de tri xóvGtéry to Boos Thew Baonextus as gevrier auvistest. In the Oriental Onirocri-
ticks, the Perſian and Ægyptian, Chap. 269. ſay, that a Lion is the Type of a King 5
δ λέων είς πρόσωπον βασιλέως κρίνεθ: See the reft. And his Fleth ignites the Riches
and Power of a King. 'Εαν ίση της εαυτόν εθίονα κρέας λέον, αφήσει να βασιλέως
770 Tov sej Esclar, xj xelil ce traeth set ég&ego . Artemidorus is of the fame Mind : For in
Lib. I. cap. 39. to dream to have the Head of a Lion, fignifies Vi&tory, and to be-
come the Terror of one's Enemies. And to the Candidates of Magiſtratures it fig-
nifies Succeſs, and that they ſhall Rule. So in Lib. II. 12. réorie i Stiv ñue ego jego ry
crívov lee rij cessiorla ibra@os, em Sdn dy din ng pécor di percins segirebon ress, and Recortos
.
And thus wé read in Pauſanias, of one Nico tratus an Olympian Vi&tor, that his
Mafter had a Dream, wherein he thought that a Lion's Whelp laid upon the Bed
wherein he ſlept, (o) 160 10. Esger Ted oriy.code valencias oríurov , éen el II day
Ô Nexóspu10. So that 'tis plain, the Author mentions this to Thew that this did por-
tend ſome Victory to him. So the Magicians, whoſe Principles are altogether
grounded on Symbolical Norions, ſay, that thoſe who are anointed with Lions Fat
find Favour with Kings and Peoples, as (p) Pliny obſerves ; Fat fignifying Favour, as
Oil or Marrow. To this may be referr'd the (1) Dream of Philip of Macedonia,
wherein the Image of a Lion engraven on a Seal, ſignified Alexander the Great. So
that we find from theſe Authors, that a Lion not only implies a King, but a vi&to-
rious and prevailing King. But if the Symbols have ſome concomitant Epithet
that alters the Caſe. So in 1 Pet. 5. 8. a roaring Lion, ſeeking whom he may devour,
repreſents the Devil ſeeking to deſtroy Men. From ſuch Notions it is, I think, that
the Ancients deſcribed Hell with a Charon to ferry Men over, a Lion or deſtroying
Angel. For Xágcov is a Lion in Heſychius, and Lycophron's Caſſandrá, v. 455. No
wonder alſo that the Pagan Oracles ſhould often uſe this Symbol of a Lion to that
Purpoſe ; whence Ariſtophanes, imitating the Oracles to ridícule Cleon the great De-
magogue of Athens, who forged them at Pleaſure, faith 305 30.07 woni di or Hiriw
STOPei ain
dosas sita Sinil s buc noi Is as boast
25 zlodave not (r) 'Esquń. meitene Abovdjepans en A Huzes, 2901J Isoilodrive
V107 si bevio dion
bertib OF VE391 zeitlich der si
In which Author we alſo find this Symbol, ſpeaking as out of Æſchylus, 10%:llow
με τον Τοτό (ου χεή λέοντG- σκύμνον εν πόλει πόφειν, Α. 18
"1319049
- Starome O Melaese refer a sorlee ulice zónet neépeiv. tatto seas sitama Dimples
unutdreht shiris
os idok od 209701 DIND2ANDA : 1290
(m) Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. VIII. pag. 232. (n) Homil. LX. in Gen.
Pau-
ſanias Eliac. I. pag. 170.
. NatH.
H. Lib. .
9Animacap. 46 (v) Ariſtoph. Equit. Vid. Herodot.
Lib. VI. cap. 131.
.
() Ariſtoph. Ran.
Kkk
And
218
The Champion Angel.
Ch. V. v. 5.
VENIT
And Æſchylus himſelf, (+) "efgefer gi néov tad, contits
Πίλοι της Σία ιν δόμοις αγάλακίαν.
Tidt
eidt bris 201 lego stot
Ob on
Euripides in Dange, divT 767ee9v aborter Tičs 3 auggia di bris Matt Baque
brabner in De eerste rob bopulos 25. 1. 20
And elſewhere, (a) Ilaxeed od autoüs içer'in respep.zebook A 901 01
ed, yd
Σκύμνοι λεόντων, πόλεG- εκπος θήτορες του φιλιον bso
post snoed
Tis according to theſe Notions, that the Muſulmans vcall (n) Ali
, one of their great
Prophets and Son-in-Law to Mahomet, by the Name of Ajad Allah algaleb, "The
Lion of God always victoriaus; and the Perſians, Schir Khoda, the Lion of God.
So in the Dream mentioned by (x) Pauſanias , a Lion without Claws led bound by
Wolves, fignifies Ariſtomenes, the Meſſenian Hero, treacherouſly kidnapped and
brought Priſoner into Sparta. See Horat. Lib. III. Od. 2. V. II. Ne rudis og minum
Sponſus laceſat regius afperum ta&tu Leonem. As to the Word èxixn cer, which we
tranllate hath prevailed, it muſt be taken here in the fame Signification as the He-
brew mat, which in Pſalm 51.4. is tranſlated by Nirów. The Words are aj vixíans
ön tal xpiredo a, that thou may'ſt overcome, or gain the Suit when thou comeſ to be
impleaded. It is a Word of the Law, or Courts of Judicature, and properly fig-
nifies to be cleared, purged, or juſtified ; being for that Reaſon fometimes turned in
the LXX by é more Seeito, and singuće. And, fo differs in nothing from the Word
i to be clean. With this only Difference, that the former hath always a reſpect
to fome foregoing, or depending Judgment, or Trial, as in a Court. See Schindler
and Gouſſet. Even the Greek Word Nendo is uſed as a Law Term in the beſt of Au-
thors, as I ſhall inſtance elſewhere. Now all this implies, as if by this Cry or Call
of the Angel, the Cauſe had been called before God in Judgment to make a Trial
and that thereupon Judgment or Sentence hath been given for Jeſus Chriſt; this Li-
on of the Tribe of Fuda, as the only perſon deſerving that Honour. Which Trial,
or Sentence, in fuch a Caſe, is not unlike that uſed in the Roman Courts called Dia
vination. See Quintilian. de Inſtitut. Orat. Lib. VII. cap. 4. But we need not to
bring it to that Particular, but that in general concerning his Death, whoſe Blood
riſing up in Judgment againſt the World and the Devil, hath in the Court of God
obtained a Sentence againſt them ; in the ſame manner as his Martyrs obtain Victory
againſt their Enemies. See therefore our Notes upon Chap. 12. 11. A. Our Saviour
by his Death hath obtained immediate Hearing of God, and Sentence, which hath
been declared by his Reſurrection, by which he bath ſwallowed up Death in Victory,
1 Cor. 15. 54. and to make it good, he hath afterwards ſent the Holy Ghoſt as a
Comforter, or Advocate, to convince judicially the World thereof, Fohn 16. 8, 9,
10, 11. and the Notes of Grotius and Hammond. Now here Chriſt is repreſented
as going to be inaugurated on the Throne of God ; that is, as aſcending into Hea-
ven to fit at the Right Hand of God ; and therefore as juſt riſen from the Dead
*that is, as having overcome vernous, as having obtained Verdi&t and Sentence, that he
was the Innocent Lamb, who was to take away the Sins of the World. All which
was an A&tion that could be done by no other , either of the Nature of Angels or
of Men ; and therefore as only Mediator deſerving to be exalted into the Glory
of God, to rule Angels and Men, becauſe more excellent than they all, Hebr.
4. and having performed more excellent A&ions, Hebr. 8. 6. Being, as to his EL
fence the Son of God, only begotten ; and as to his Office, by his Sacrifice having
done more good unto Men than any elfe ; for which he deſerves fully the Honour, to
which he is now to be advanced. If it be asked here, Why Chrift is here repre-
ſented as a Lion, and a little after as a Lamb? I anſwer, That all this is ſuitable to the
Symbolical Language, to repreſent the fame Thing under as different Symbols, as
it hath Qualities neceſſary to be deſcribed. Ambr. Ansbertus hath folved it very
well : Non eft autem mirum, si idem Leo Samul & Agnus vocetur. Nam fequens
verſus Agnum tanquam occiſum narrat, quem iſte Leonem viciſſe confirmat. Leo Sci-
licet propter viétoriam, Agnus vero propter vi&timam. Leo, quia Diabolum vicit : Ag-
nus
, quia ſemetipſum offerens, mundum redemit
. Leo, quia viétor à mortuis refur-
rexit: Agnus, quia innocens pro nobis in morte occubuit. Et unde tanquam Agnus

iܪ
(1) Æſchyl. Agam. 726.1.8 (U) Euripid'. Suppt. v. 1929.0
Herbelor. cit.SAIF.
(x) Pauſan, Meſſen. pag. 129.
200PPMDZ 35.Nust RS2.TIT
af sigofina (2)
DnA
13
*I$1.989 OCeuta

Chap. V. v. 5. The Champion Angel.
219
occubuit, inde tanquam Leo fuperavit. Unde mortem tanquam Agnus excepit, inde
mortem mortiſque principem tanquam Leo peremit. To the fame Purpoſe the Au-
thor of the Teſtament of the Twelve Patriarchs, repreſents the Meffias in one of
Foſeph's Dreams, as a Lamb having on his Left a Lion. (y) 'Aurds duespot, xj
e ecstcão curs, as aéwr. The Egyptians had a ſtanding Rule, that the Lion was a good
Symbol or Omen even in Dreams. That Rule is laid down by FÈlian in theſe
Words: (α) Πρoσέπης μίω και οι τω μεγάλίω οιδωτες Ηλιάπολιν, ον τοίς τε Θες oes πυλαίοις
Tésd's reéos artès abovlas, Drotiers Tivos ecoices, as ’Algéri iór pact, peluangó tres. sy gel getoe ring
όνας, οισπο εδω θεός όξιν ίλεως όπισάνες, ωegθεσπίζεσί τινα , και τες επίορκον ομόσανίας έκ είς
erabonds, ám' idu diraušan, ið gå tle og plus the director eurois xeldavéarlo. So that with
them the Lion is a Symbol of Juſtification. Is not this applicable to Chriſt?
. C. 'H gila Adbid, The Root of David. ] It is plain, that this Expreſſion is taken
out of Iſaiah 11. I. x egen di ore ) edeng in on picus 'Inasul, og avog én of pilns divathos),
And there ſhall come forth a Rod out of the Root of Feſe, and a Flower, or Imp shall
grow out of his Root : And in that Day there ſhall be a Root of fele, which Mall ſtand
for an Enſign of the People ; to it ſhall the Gentiles ſeek, and his Reft shall be glo-
rious. In the firſt place, the Rod out of the Root, is thus explained in the Targum
de filiis Fejle, & filius de filiis ejus ungetur. In the latter, the Root of Jeſle is thus
explained in the ſame Targum ; filius filiorum Feſſe. See Rom. 15. 12. Ifaiah him-
ſelf leems to have taken it from the laſt Benedi&tion of Jacob upon his Son Fuda ;
for there the LXX have, oxuyQ réor19 'Iéda en Bress us us créons ; by which it ap-
pears, that they did read ſomewhat elſe; perhaps hunn , inſtead of 400. Theſe
Two Titles of Chriſt, Lion and Root are both here. Upon this Account, he is fome-
times called moy, the Branch or Sprout. As in Iſaiah 4. 2. 717 noy, The Branch
of the Lord ; in the Targum it is, 119 XTUA , The Chriſt of the Lord.' So the Pro-
phet Zachary, Chap. 3. 8. and 6. 12. ſpeaking of Foſhua the High Prieſt, who was
to riſe up and renew the Prieſthood, deſcribes him by this Title of now, in the
LXX 'Avator). The Authors of the Sibylline Oracles being Jews, no Wonder that
their Verſes be full of ſuch Expreſſions. And indeed this is very fuitable to the
Symbolical Language, wherein Trees ſignify Princes ; fo a young rifing Prince may
be called a Sprout or Imp. The Dream of Clytæmneſtra in Sophocles affords a clear
Inſtance of this ; who dreamed, that the Scepter of Agamemnon being fixt by him-
ſelf in the Ground, there aroſe out of it a Sprout which over-lhadowed all his King-
dom, stb
zich Joa
En tod' aves 2progutab 1079
ve si tabas Bastir Rotorld Sunndo, melós soroi ai Tonite
Read barod, VUS SECH Mãczy glebats the usuludowe gdóvar ai nguormir sud lod
en oetavo signal dairy si zo stredominant virgit vete
Thus alfo in an Oſtentum, reported by (5) Suetonius, Two Sprouts
of an old Oak
growing up to fome Height, were thought to fignify the Emperors Titus and Domi-
tian. (c) Ælian hath obſerved, that Homer compares his Heroes to Trees. This is
not ſtrange, if we conſider how that Poet being very ancient, hath many Rem-
nants and Notions of the Eaſtern Learning ; as in the Example produced by Ælian,
ó d dréspe eller légueï loos. Thus alſo, 56 åsno, occurs often, as in Caral. Iliad. B.
V. 47, 170, 211, 252, 349. So Pindar. Olymp. 2. of Ther fander ; 'Asasi dan sore
ao a gasoir fówors. And Olymp. 6. 'Hequréns, sur de San Anugrūdāv. Euripides Iphigen. in
Aulid. v. 116. Añsous éigu G : And v. 201. raed Msaibutis "Age o rokov Ariſtophao
nes, Kúmedo igro ; and, satis gewoámdG épv. Alfo Theocritus, Idyll
: 7: 44.
?Ex Andster G ; and Idyll. 28. 7. zacitur iurescuáuer de eeu qulov. Lycophron is full of
ſuch Expreſſions. He hath the Symbol of Root in v. 1357,and 623 Laftly, Oppian,
Gyneget. Lib. I in the very Beginning : to set to breastpude hoog orit
Stob si besoin dui euired es beinlager og grad ai ari bah : caode
bobusola adi ni 'Auray és Zlvès gaunaega sa'no Apolvero nevig rsd 2win 1909
al vocaba,007 anirla sul gimisoad more ad u zatimpes T 10 9
So in (d) Caffiodorus, Baltheum Germen, is a young Prince of the Batthean Race.
So even in our Engliſh Tongue the word Imp, is uſed to the ſame Purpoſe. So John
194 ON
fy). Teft. Joſeph Gx *19.
Variar. Lib. VIII. Epift. 5.
Hift. Lib. XII. cap. 14.
(c) Ælian. de Anim. Eib: Xit. cap. 7.
(b) Sueton, in Vefpafian. cap. 5.
delivery Caffiod. Variar. Lib. 8. Epift. so
(a) Caffiod.
Alian, Var
Fon
The Champion Angel. Ch. V. v. 6
220

Fox the Martyrologiſt calls King Edward VI. an Imp of great Hope. And Thomas
Cromwell, Earl of Eſex, in his dying Speech, hath the ſame Expreſſion concerning
the fame. So a wicked Spirit or Man is with us called an Imp, but the full Expref
fion is Imp of the Devil; the Word Imp being originally Saxon and denoting a Plant.
Chriſt is therefore an Imp or Bud out of the Stock or Root of Feje. How this is
accompliſhed in Chriſt, thall be ſhewn hereafter ; only here is to be obſerved, that
Chriſt is the whole Stock, out of which any Thing buds; and nothing but Chriſt is
to come out thereof. So that this is more than only a Sprout.
A. Vert. 6. Και είδον, και ιδε εν μέσω το θρόνο και την τετάρων ζώων, και εν μέσω της αρεσ-
Curigeor, And I ſaw, and lo in the midſt of the Throne, and of the Four Wights, and
in the midſt of the Elders, a Lamb. ] Jeſus Chriſt, who is repreſented by this Lamb,
having fuffered Death for the Sins of Mankind, and being raiſed up from the Dead
to afcend into Heaven, and there make Interceſſion for us, is our Mediator ; and for
that Reaſon, the firſt Appearance of him in Heaven is between, or in the midſt of
God on his Throne, and the Wights and Elders ; that Poſture is that of a Prieſt ma-
king Interceſſion between Two Parties. So in Numb. 16. 48. To ſtand betwixt the
Living and the Dead, is to make Interceffion to ſave the Living. So in foel 2. 17.
the Prieſts are to ſtand between the Porch and the Altar, to make Intercefſion between
the People at the Porch, and God's Juſtice to be ſatisfied on his Altar. So Chriſt is
Meoitus, Mediator ; ftands between God, and the Wights and Elders, making a Re-
conciliation between them ; for which to fhew their Gratefulneſs, when he hath com-
pleated it, and received his Power from God, by fitting at his Right Hand, to open
and effect his Decrees, by the Preaching of the Goſpel, he will receive Homage and
Service of them; as we ſhall ſee in due Order. This ſtanding between, after
having been ſlain in their ſtead, is the Foundation thereof; as his Death, and Sa-
crifice of himſelf to God, to reconcile him to Mankind, is the Foundation of the
Glory, which God imparts to him thereupon. For here Chriſt appears as a Lamb,
that is, one facrificed for Sins, and not barely as the Son of God; fo that the Glory
he is now to arrive at, is of a different Nature from that Glory which he bad with the
Father before the World was, John 17.5. net niew sugrie Islodava
B. ?Agvíov, A Lamb.] Our Saviour is by the Baptiſt declared to be the Lamb of
God, becauſe to be ſacrificed to him, as a Lamb to take away the Sins of the World.
Ignatius to the Philippians ſaith ; quvo Ivárvo mesohta onuiusou z90 dià a fð dyve meci
σημείας. . But Ambr. Ansbertus more fully, (d) Indicat etiam hunc Sacra ſcriptura
arietem, propter ducatum gregis & ſacrificium : ovem & agnum, propter innccentiam
& oblationem. This is ſpecial, and therefore none elſe comes under the fame Sym-
bol but himſelf. Though in general in the Symbolical Language any horned Beaſt
may fignify a King or Monarch, becauſe of the Horns, which denote Power. So the
Oriental Onirocriticks, Chap. 242. fay of a Ram, 'Er gl is mis on égóvdi os xorde, 100-
yd'oet de gorla gerorasiu. 'Tis a plain Monarch or Prince; but other horned Beaſts are
to be explained with ſome Adjunct, as a Goat ſignifies according to the fame a fool-
hardy fighting Prince; 'Ex 5 is my TS 87 ngáyy sepaalus seegspóegy llegrar 'outh, rizsegis
fee clos dous ex d'orer i austro. By which we ſee how properly the Holy Ghoſt in
one of Daniel's Viſions exhibited a Ram, to ſignify the Prince of Perſia, Darius, a
ſettled King; and a Goat, to ſignify Alexander, the moſt furious and raſh of all
Warriors. Thus the wild Beaſts, Sugia, with Horns, fignify Tyrants
. But a Lamo
is the meekęft of all Animals ; and therefore very proper to fignify, in that reſpect
alſo, our Saviour, who was ſlain as a Lamb without opening his Mouth againſt his
Perſecutors, Iſaiah 53.7. and A&s 8. 32. And ſo the ſame Prophet uſes that Sym-
bol. See Iſaiah 11. 6. and Chap. 65.25. and Ferem. 11. 19. HChriſt is therefore
the good Shepherd, or King, the Ram of the Flock, who lays down his Life for the
Sheep: And he is here thus repreſented as having juſt before laid it down. The
Poet Accius bath given out a very proper Example of this Symbol, in the pretended
Dream of Tarquinius Superbus, which becauſe he explains it too, and it may be
applied to other places, ſhall be fet down here at large, as Tully hath () oi oa
Hoe sloquus erosi ar os boue qui brow ads surgaot
differs mo si nove of
(e) Cum jam quieti corpus no&turno impetu
Dedi, Sopore placans artus languidos ;
Biodic TV
(d) Ansbert. Lib. V. p. 183. 3. (e) M. T. Cic. de Divin. Lib, I.
Vifum

Ch. V. v. 6.
The Lamb inaugurated.
221
01039VO
Vifum eft in fomnis, paſtorem ad me appellere,
USD
Duos confanguineos arietes inde eligi,
vbsitos
Pecus lanigerum eximia pulchritudine, boolean gilant is 21).
Préclarioremque alterum immolare me :
Borous ni 1942 1940 I sms
Deinde ejus germanum cornibus connitier 4 fiords animail zuwis
In me arietare
, eoque i&tu me ad cafum dari : BA CHO
Exin proftratum terra graviter faucium,
vewie zimu 1920b
en to son lo si iek
Refupinum, in cælo contueri maximum
Ac mirificum facinus, dextrorfum orbem flammeum ah airin mid
Bad Radiatum folis liquier curſu novo.
( 24 ช้อน ฝรใส
Of this may be ſaid what Tully ſaid a little before in the like Caſe, Hæc etiamfi fieta
funt à Poeta, non abfunt tamen à conſuetudine fomniorum. Now the Poet explains
it thus by the Mouth of the Interpreters to the King ;
angol sriani
Rex, quæ in vita ufurpant homines, cogitant, curant, vident, in omaet hop
Quæque agunt vigilantes, agitantque, ea ſi cui in fomno accidunt
, pastorat
Minus mirum est : ſed in re tanta baud temere improviſo offerunt : Work 91H
Proin vide, ne, quem tu eſſe hebetem deputes æquè ac pecus,
Is Sapientia munitum peétus egregium gerat,
xon sdt ai awe
Teque regno expellat.
Nam id quod de fole oftentum eft tibi, ti 301. alda
2a
.
Populo commutationem rerum portendit fore.
Perpropinqua hæc bene verruncent populo. Nam quod ad dextrambis
Cæpit curſum ab lava ſignum præpotens, pulcherrime
dio on
Auguratum eſt, rem Romanam publicam ſummam fore. 9 sillet 1020
The Shepherd is the old King Tarquinius Priſcus, in whoſe Family were educated
Servius Tullius, and Tarquinius Collatinus. Now Servius Tullius having ſucceeded,
Tarquinius Superbus flew him,and was himſelf depoſed by Collatinus,and the State was
changed from a Monarchy to a Republick, which was very proſperous. Again
191 1999
1926
(*) At id ipſum quam callidè qui regnum adulterio quæreret ! as ir dairwis
Addo (inquit) hæc, quod mihi portento cæleftum pater sou wonOH
Prodigium miſit, regni ſtabilimen mei,
bus . 11.00
Agnum inter pecudes aurea clarum coma 11 I ni moitoox bric
Quondam Thyeſtem clepere aufum efſe è regia
.
odbi in to zittens
Do sbomi qiroW zielt
And thus we find in ſome of the Poetical and Prophetical Places of Holy
Writ, that the Word 98, which properly fignifies a Ram , is taken for a Prince'; as
in the Song of Moſes in Exod. 15. 15. 1x10 718, The mighty Men of Moab, in the LXX
"Asgortes Medlif the Princes of the Moabites. In Ézek. 17. 13. y 377 1972, the mighty of
the Land, LXX, Hygpóveus i gäs, the Rulers of the Land : In Ezek. 31. II. DN 72, in
the LXX, "Açgov16 tdvæv, The Prince of the Land : For ſo the Concordances have it,
as the Greek of Kircher, and the Hebrew too. See the Commentary of Gouſſet,
V. 78. M. And this is plainly from the Metaphor; for the Prince is the Ram of his
Flock, or People. Pſalm 80. 1. Pſalm 76. 71, 72. And thus Ignatius the Martyr,
as a good Biſhop, is compared to a Ram, in the genuine Acts of his Paſſion
Come needs onionu o dréans reañs sig's ulu@, Velut Aries inſignis boni gregis Dux. The
fame may be ſaid of the Word 13, a Ram. The fame may be ſaid of the Word
1998, which is both a Bull and a Prince. And ſo (f) Boga or Buga, in the Turkiſh
Language, which properly ſignifies a Bull, or the Mate of any Cattle, is alſo a Name
of Dignity, fignifying Chief, or Leader. To this our Buck ſeems to be a-kin, the
Male of any Species, eſpecially horn'd Beaſts, and fuch like. So in Virgil, Dux
gregis ipſe Caper.
C. 'Esnxos, Standing. ] This ſhews that he is not dead now, but alive; elſe he
muſt have been repreſented lying, as the Witneſſes in Chap. II. 8. But now Chriſt
is riſen again to fit at the Right Hand of God, and there receive Power. So that
Ëshxo's is the ſame as dvesuròs, as técn sey is the ſame as evenee in Chap. 20. 4, 5. Now
(*) Idem de Nat. Deorum, Lib. III.
() : .
(f) Herbelot. tir. Boga.
L11
it

# The Lamb.
Ch. V. v. 6
faith Hilarius, cun he is ſaid to be Standing ; Aets 7, 55. (9) Neque id mirum,
222
it is to be obſerved, that this Lamb or Chriſt, during the two firſt Periods of the
Church, is conſtantly repreſented as ſtanding : And though indeed Chriſt in one Senſe
fits at the Right Hand of God , that is, receives the the ſame Worſhip, and hath the
ſame Power ; yet in another Senſe he is, during the Militant State of the Church,
always ſtanding there, never faid to be fitting. Thus, as ſtanding is the Poſture of
one in A&tion, reſiſting ; ſo this ſhews us, that Chriſt hath not now a quiet King-
dom, but is always ſtanding to exert his Power upon Occaſion againſt his Enemies,
for the Defence of his Church, So when he appeared to Stephen as ready to affiſt
him in Agony,
is fui martyri Stephano, velut in primoribus in occur-
fum à Deo patre défcenfum fit. Ambroſius Ansbertus hath very well obſerved this;
Sed quid eft quod in hoc loco non ſedere, ficut fupra, fed ftare in medio throni perhi-
betur : Nifi quia ibi examen &
28 regnum, hic autem folamen & auxilium oftenditur?
Sedere autem, regnantis & judicantis eft: Stare autem, conſolantis & adjuvantis
.
This Hint he ſeems to have taken from Gregorius Magnus, who faith, (h) Quid eſt
quod hunc Marcus fedentem, Stephanus verò ftantem ſe videre teftatur? 'Sed fcitis
fratres
, quia federe judicantis eft, ftare verò pugnantis vel adjuvantis
. See the reſt
.
Here however his Standing reaches no further, than to Thew that he hath lately
overcome Death, for he is here repreſented as having undergone it lately; for it fol-
lows in the next Words,
D. 'Ns ésçay yeloon, as having been flain.] The Neceſſity of tranſlating thus is vi-
fible ; for Chriſt or the Lamb is not here exhibited as ſlain, but as having been ſo,
and Riſen up and Standing. The Greek Word, no more than the Context, can bear
no other Senfe. Ansbertus faith, Et notandum quod jam non occiſus, ſed tanquam
occifus in Ecclefia cernitur : quia
etfi crucifixus eft ex infirmitate, ſed vivit ex virtute
Dei. See Rom. 1. 4. and the Words of Fuſlin Martyr, cited by and by. And this
fhews, that the Holy Ghoſt is very accurate in all the Expreſſions of this Sacred
Book ; and conſequently that it was inſpired thereby. His having been dead is there
fore here obſerved, becaufe by his Death he hath merited this Honour, he is now
going to receive it, and Power therewith. On his Death is founded the Right to it,
as it is hereafter ſpecified in the Hymn of the Heavenly Hoft, Verſe the 12th. By
all which it appears, that this Honour given unto Chriſt, is altogether his acquired
Honour, not that which he had before the Creation as God. See our Notes upon
Chap. 1. 1. B. and Chap. 1. 13. B. and Hilarius Pictav. de Trinit. Lib. III. Page 37.
and Expoſition in Pſalm 11. where he faith: In manente antea Dei forma per premium
mortis forma ſervilis adhoneſtatur. The Conſequence of Chriſt's Death meriting
this Worſhip, is made out thus; Chrift hath poured out his Blood or Life unto
Death ; by this he hath made Attonement for the Sins of Mankind ; that is, he hath
endured for them the Puniſhment due to their Sins, and laid out the Price of our
Souls
, whereby he is become our Redeemer, and we his peculiar People, Servants by
Purchaſe; which before being captivated to the Power of the Devil, are by the War
made againſt him, faved and retrieved. Having therefore ſuch a Property in us,
whom he hath bought with himſelf, and for himſelf, our Service is now as due
to him, as it was before given to the Devil
. His Death is the Price of our Re-
demption, and his Redemption an abſolute Bond to oblige us to give him Honour
and Obedience as to our Supreme Lord. And this is the Reaſon why he is here
ſaid to have been Dead, or Slain as a Lamb, juft when he is going to enter into his
Glory. The Holy Ghoft Foreftalling by this Hint the Reaſon, before the Matters de-
pending thereupon are tranſacted. And this Act of Chriſt is that which muſt of
Right prefer him to all others.
Birov
9. Exov zhegte d', Having Seven Horns.] Horns in the Symbolical Language fig.
nify Regal Power, and when they be numbred, ſo many Monarchies; that is, Power
extending over ſo many Monarchies
. The Indian Interpreter faith, Chap. 82. Td på
réegile mois de Escó pa ov evanozicov). But of this more hereafter. As the Seven Lamp
ſconces in the firſt Viſion fignified Seven Churches, and the Seven Stars Seven Bi-
ſhops, or Deputy Governors therein ; and theſe being ſaid to be the Care of the
Son of Man walking among them, and he being ſaid to have theſe Seven Stars in
his Hand, to denote his Power over them, all which ſhewed the Power of Chriſt in
(8) Hilarius Pict. in Pfal. 58.
(h) Gregor. M. Hom. XXIX. in Evangel.
his

Chap. V. v. 6.
Tbe Lamb.
223
his Church; ſo theſe Seven Horns fhew his Power without againſt his Enemies, and
that he ſhall obtain Dominion, and is going to take Poſſeſſion of a Kingdom in this
Period, which extends it ſelf univerſally over Seven Monarchies, and is equal in
Number to the Seven Heads of the Dragon his Enemy, whom he is to fight, over-
come, and ſettle his Church in the ſame Dominions Chriſt is therefore here exhi-
bited according to the State of Things preſent. For after his Conqueft of the Bealt,
Succeffor to the Dragon by him foiled, he appears not with Horns defined by any
Number, but as having many Diadems without preciſe Number, Chap. 19. 12. So
that the Number Seven, though implying Univerſality, yet reſpects ſuch an Univer-
fality as is within it ſelf, limited within its own Diſtri&t.
F. Kei op Joerpues et des i de tal ma di zodpolle få oss, And Seven Eyes, which are the
Seven Spirits of God. ] This Symbol is taken from Zachary, Chap. 3. 9. and ex-
plained before: And this ſhews, that Chriſt is inveſted with the Divine Power and
Providence of the World, and that he hath the Miniſters thereof neceſſary to that
Purpoſe. Theſe Eyes fhew who are his Miniſters. In the fame Männer in
Iſaiah 11. 2. Seven Spirits are ſaid to reſt on the Root of Feſſe, thus named in the
LXX, ost, copids, owérews, Brañs, iguo, yvárews, curbeles. The firſt being the Spirit
of it, is that of the true exiſting God, and is one of the Seven. The Targum of
Fonathan explains it to be, Spiritus Prophetie a facie Domini. The Chaldeans, who
received and retained the Notions of the Patriarchs, though afterwards corrupted,
had fome Notions of theſe Seven-fold Spirits attending upon God, as appears from
that notable Paſſage of Plutarch, which ſhall be fer down hereafter. There the good
God, or Oromazes, is ſaid to produce Six of the fame Nature with himſelf, to make
in all Seven, viz. (i) ουνοίας, αληθείας, συνομίας, σοφίας, λέτε, και σ' όλο τους καλούς ηδέων
Surggóv. Which laſt being equivalent to evoeleias
, and the Oromazes, according to
their Notions, being the true God 917, theſe Seven are the Seven Spirits of God
that guide all the World.
bat
si But it may be asked, Why are theſe Eyes faid to be upon the Lamb, if they are
already, being the Seven Spirits repreſented by the Seven Torches, fét before the
Throne of God? Can they be, or why are they ſaid to be in Two Places, in or
upon the Lamb, and before the Throne? Repreſented by Seven Torches, and alſo
by Seven Eyes ? Truly, in my Opinion, this cannot be ſolved, but by owning, that
it implies fully that Chriſt, before his Inauguration, is by Nature God, as well as by
Acquiſition or Inveſtiture, as Mediator. He was as well by his Nature, or eternal
Filiation, fitted for his Kingdom, and the Command of thoſe Seven Spirits, as by
his Merit, which made them be ſubmitted to him though a Man, and by Conſe-
quence, as to that Reſpect, lower than they. So that the Eternal Spirit of God,
the Third Hypoftafis in that Holy Trinity, was in him before, as the Miniſters or
Repreſentatives thereof were fince ſubmitted to him, at the fame Time as he is feated
on the Throne of God, before which they ſtand. And theſe Seven Eyes, faid to be
thoſe Seven Spirits of God, are in him as Lamb; to fignify, that he is by Nature
God and Man, Two Eſſences joined. Thus we find that though the Holy Ghoſt
hath throughout this Book almoſt every-where ſet forth the Human Nature of Chriſt
exalted by his Merit to the Glory of the Divine Nature and Majeſty ; yet it hath
not failed to give us Notice, that the Divine Nature was united to the Human, to
heighten by that Union the Merits of his Paffion, and perfect the Deficiency of Hu-
man Nature, to pay the full Ranſom of the whole World. Here the Words of
Novatian come in very aptly ; (k) Hic eſt qui in modum columbe , poſtea quàm Do-
minus Baptizatus eft, ſuper eum venit, & manfit ; habitans in Solo Chriſto plenus Eger
totus, nec in aliqua menſura aut portione mutilatus, Jed cum tota fua redundantia cu.
mulatè diſtributus & miſus, ut ex illo delibationem quandam gratiarum cateri conſequi
poſſint, totius fan&ti Spiritus in Chriſto fonte remanente, ut ex illo donorum atque ope-
rum vene ducerentur, Spiritu fan&to in Chrifto affluenter habitante. Hoc etenim jam pro-
phetans Eſaias ajebat,&c.The following Words of Hilarius ſhew, that he underſtood that
the Eyes of God meant the Holy Ghoſt, and the Miniſtring Angels, as we have
done: (1) Ergo incorporalis Deus miſericordiæ fue oculis & tanquam miniſterio fa-
mulantium Angelorum protegit gentes, & in omnes credentes donum divinæ miſerationis
(i) Vid. Euſeb. Præpar. Evang. Lib. I. fin.
(1) Hilar. Pict. in Pſal. LXV.
(k) Novatian. de Trinit. cap. 29.
2
effuth

224
The Lamb.
Ch. V. v.7.

fundit
. Here note, as before, that the Word cio, is the proper copula of a Symbo-
lical Propofition, according to the Stile of the Scripture, and equal to the Words
repreſent or ſignify. See our Nore on Chap. 12. 1. F.
molt beits
A. Verf. 7. Kainage, rj dance to Becaíov, And he came and received the Book.]
This is the main Ceremony of our Saviour's Inauguration, by which his human Na-
ture is inveſted with a Divine Kingdom, to be worſhipped accordingly. To make
this plain we muſt obſerve, that in the Mofaical Law, Deut. 17. where the Duty of
a King is fet down, there is but one affirmative Law concerning him ; but ſuch a
Law as implies the Obſervation and Rule of all his Duty, and that is, to copy out
the whole Law, that he might have it always before him; and that thereby he
might obſerve it himſelf, and cauſe all the People under him ſo to do. This Copy
of the Law muſt be taken out of that which was before the Prieſts the Levites.
Now accordingly the Levites or Prieſts were commanded to lay up the Volume of
the Law in the Side of the Ark, and it is moſt likely that the King had this Au-
thentick Volume to Copy his by; or if it was not the fame, yet one as Authentical.
From this Commandment aroſe one Ceremony at the Inauguration of the King, that
upon the ſetting of the Crown upon his Head, the Volume of the Law was at the
Same Time put into his Hand for the Uſe before-mentioned. This is plainly ſet out
to us in Two different Places. 2 Kings 11. 12. And put the Crown upon him, and
they gave him the Teſtimony, and they made him King, and anointed him. Which
Words are repeated in 2 Chron. 23. 11. In both which Places this Teſtimony is
named mntyr, in the LXX sò pagluecov, or cei casivesce, which is the very Name
and folemn Attribute of the Law ; and of that very Copy of the Law laid up in the
Sanctuary, as may be ſeen in Deut. 31. 19, 26. which was there for, or as a Tešti-
mony, eis paglúelor ; from whence afterwards for Shortneſs the Law, or Copy of the
Law, was called the Teſtimony. And the Author of the vulgate Latin was either of
this Opinion, or elſe found ſomething more in the Hebrew, for he faith, Impofuerunt
ei Diadema, & teftimonium, dederuntque in manus ejus tenendam legem. Which
Words would prove, that though the Teſtimonies were not the Law, yet the Volume
of the Law was uſed as one of the Regalia. In Iſaiah 8. 16. the binding of the
Teſtimony, and ſealing of it, is the fame, or ſignifies that the Law ſhall be uſeleſs
and unobſerved, by Reaſon of the Captivity, as a Book fealed cannot be Read. We
have ſome remarkable Hints of this in the Pſalms, which make very much for this
Purpoſe. Pſalm 81. 6. the Law is called nigy, Maglúelov, and given to Fofeph as the
Firſt-born by Jacob's Will, Genef. 49. 22. 1 Chron. 5. 1. and having therefore a (m)
regal Power over his Brethren ; whence that Tribe in Feroboam’s Time, ſet up it felf
to head the reſt againſt the Tribe of Fudah, upon their Diſcontent as to the Manage-
ment of the Government. In Pſalm 119. the Mofaical Law comes often under the
Name of ty, Teſtimony. But ſtill nearer to our Buſineſs, in Pſalm 132. 17,118.
we read, I have ordained a Lamp for mine Anointed. And in the next Verſe ; upon
himſelf Shall his Crown flouriſh. The Lamp is Symbolically the Law, whereby the
King was to be guided. The Crown is the 70), the Confecration. I That the Law
this Lamp, is plain from Pſalm 119. 105. Thy Word is a Lamp unto my Feet, and a
Light unto my Paths. In the former Pſalm, I believe, he alludes to the Ceremony
of putting the Law of God in the King's Hand, at the fame Time as the Crown was
ſet upon his Head ; and as it is there faid juſt before, There will make the Horn of
David to flouriſh; fo here the Seven Horns are given to the Lamb, and then the
Book of the Goſpel
, upon which he is Inaugurated, and Homage is done to
him.
asqua Auri
But the learned (n) Gouſſet will have this 712, Nezer, in Pſalm 132. 18. not to be a
Crown, under Pretence that the Word pay? Shall flouriſh, cannot be ſaid of a Crown,
becauſe it fignifies an Expanſion, or Dilatation by Growth, as of a Plant ; but he
ought to have remembred, that the Crown of the High Prieſt was made like
Flowers; and it is certain, that the King's Nezer,I lor nézanov, was made after the
ſame Manner, and called by the fame Name. The High Prieſt having this Tiétaxoy,
or Crown of Gold ſet over his Mitre, in Token of Royalty. And David in that
Pfalm makes Uſe of the ſame Words, whereby the Pontifical Crown was deſcribed
in Exod. 29. 6. and Chap. 28. 36. in which we have the 73, Nezer, or Mitre, and
(m) See Schindler. V. 702.
959514. dsliv
(n) Goufſet Comment. Ling. Hebr. Pag. 504.
I
Crown

Ch. V. v. 7.
The Lamb.
dem;
Crown ; and yer, the Plate, or névadov, made like Flowers. And therefore it may
be ſaid to flouriſh. Foſephús, who knew what kind of Thing it was, proves what
I ſay, and uſes in the Defcription of it, the very Metaphor of the Djalmift
. His
Words are as follows; wrésze) m séparo zsúro, Hi Tessoryé'ww xszanud ulo. Se'nies
' επ' αυτώ καλυξ εύστού, τη δακχάρω βοταν παρ' ημίν λεγομη απομεμιμη με G. So that
this Metaphor is the more obvious, becauſe in general all Crowns had their Origin
from the Garlands of Flowers fer upon the Heads of Men upon ſeveral Occaſions.
Now that the Fews wore ſuch ſometimes, may be proved from Lament. 5. 16. and
Wiſdom of Solomon 2. 8. And as the Identity of Name proves, that the Crown of
the Kings of Iſrael was ſomewhat like that of the High Prieſt, both being called
Nezer ; fo the Difference of Name 'given to the Crown of a ſtrange King, proves
conſequently, that the Kings Nezer muſt be more like the High Prieſts, than thoſe other
Prophane Crowns, which had the Name of noby, or Coronet, 2 Sam. 12. 30. 1 Chron.
20.2. by which Name alſo the Crowns uſed commonly at Feaſts were alſo called, as
in the place cited, Lament. 5. 16. By which may be ſeen the Miſtake of (0) Ter-
tullian, who afferts, that no Crowns or Garlands were then worn.
The Author of the Teſtaments of the Patriarchs hath very well ſeen this Diffe-
rence. For he calls the Bonnet, or Miter of the Prieſt, by the Name of séparG,
Crown, or Coronet, and the métadov fet over this Miter, no ways different from that
of the common Prieſts in Figure, faving that the Cover of it was imbroidered with
Hyacinth, as Joſephus faith, by the Name of Aresnea Diadem. The Words are ,
(Φ) ο εκΘ- τρανόν μοι τη κεφαλή διέθηκεν. “ο έβδομα διάσημα τη κεφαλή μοι ιερατείας
weré Inxe. Theſe Words, as they fhew really the Difference between theſe Two
Words, and that they anſwer to our Coronets and Imperial Crowns : So by them
we find, that the Prieſts Miters were deſigned as Bonnets of Honour or Coronets ;
and that the High Prieſt's Nezer was really an Imperial Crown, or equal to a Dia-
the High Prieſt being the Supreme Ruler of the Nation till they ask'd for a
King, who therefore took the fame Enfigns of Dominion.
tea
But now to return to the Teſtimony, or Volume of the Law given to the King at
his Inauguration : As the King received this, ſo reciprocally he gave a Writing of
his accepting thereof, with a Promiſe to obferve the ſame. Of this we have Two
remarkable Inſtances, and very plain, in 1 Sam. 10. 25. of Saul the firſt King; and
in i Macc. 14. 48. of Simon ; which Writings were laid up in the Temple in a con-
ſpicuous Place. This was the very Pra&tice of God himſelf, when Inaugurated King
of Iſrael, as may be collected from the mutual Covenant, the Teſtimony of which
was put into the Ark, which from thence received its Name. The mutual Cove-
nant, at leaſt the Writings thereof were called 17974, and the Ark, 1TYn 112, in
Exod. 40. 20, 21. Compare Chap. 24. 3, 7. by which it will appear, that this Teftis
mony is the
1937 190, the Book of the Covenant. And what is put in the Ark, is
called alfo nny, in Exod. 25. 16. From which it is apparent, that this Teſtimony
put into the King's Hand ar bis Inauguration, can be no other than the Volume of the
Law given to him for the Uſe aforeſaid ; and becokening, that the Obſervation thereof
by him, and the Care that the People ſhould do it likewiſe, was now committed to
his Charge. So that the Volume of the Law, laid up before at God's Right Hand,
was then committed to the King as his Deputy.
From all which it is evident to me, that the putting of the Book into the Hands of
the Lamb, or Chriſt, is the Solemn Inauguration of him: And conſequently the
Delivery of a Power to publifh the Law of God contained therein, and to Rule aco
cordingly, by making Men to obſerve it. All that I conceive may be obje&ted to
this Expoſition, concerning this Rite or Ceremony in the Inauguration of the Lamb
into the Kingdom of God the Father, in Allufion to the like Pra&tice at the Inaugu-
ration of the Kings of Iſrael and Fudah, is, that it is New; and therefore cannot be
ſupported by the Authority of any Writer, thar treats of Jewiſh Antiquities, neither
Old nor New. None of them ſay any thing about the Inauguration of the Kings
of Iſrael, that tends that Way. But I Anſwer, neither do they ſay any Thing elſe,
which carries with it any Evidence of Truth. If the Learned W. Schickard, who
hath written a Book, which treats of all that concerns thoſe Kings, and called it for
that Reaſon 75017 OBUD, the Law of the King, had found any Thing worthy to be
$
© Tertullian. de Coron. Milit. Cap. ix.
(p) Teſtam. xii Patr. Levi. Sect. viii.doSD
SM mm
believed,

226
Ch. V. v.7.
The Lamb.
believed, he would not have omitted it, as we ſee he hath done. By what his
Commentator, (9) 7. Bened. Carpzovius hath ſaid to ſupply that Deficiency, we
may ſee what Shifts the Rabbies are put to, that they may give fome Account of
this Teſtimony, which was a Part of the Regalia, in the Ceremonies uſed about the
Inauguration of Foaſh. (-) They ſay, that every one of David's Family, that was
fit to make a King of, had, as we may ſuppoſe by Nature, or rather Miracle, his
Head ſo fitted to that Crown, that it fate upon him handſomely ; and he whom thar
Crown could not fit, was unworthy thereof. And to explain this further we are
told, (s) that in that Crown there was a Rod or Bar of Gold within the Concavity
thereof, paſſing from ore Side to the other, ſo that it could not fitly fit upon any
Bodies Head, but ſuch as had an hollow Spot in their Head ; and that this was a
Token, Teftimony, or Signature in the Royal Family, that whoſoever of them was
worthy of the Crown, it fitted him ; otherwiſe not. Thoſe who like ſuch Solutions,
may take them, being given fo gravely by a Learned Man. But on the other Hand
Hug. Grotius approves that Expoſition, which faith, that the Teſtimony uſed in the
Inauguration of Joaſh, was the Phyla&teries wherein were contained the Chief Rules
of the Law, which were annexed to the Crown in a Cavity made in that part of it
which came upon the Forehead, according to the general Law given in Exod. 13. 9.
that they might be 117019, os persięcóowor, for a Memorial
. But this cannot be true
here, nor explain the whole Matter, becauſe thoſe Phyla&teries being common to all
the Íſraelites, could not be mentioned as a peculiar Rite of the Inauguration of a
King. Whereas the Delivery of the Law to be tranſcribed, was a Thing particu-
larly and exprefly commanded to be exhibited to the King, above all other Iſraelites.
So that the King having thus the whole Volume of the Law, needed not to wear the
Phylacteries, which were but Parcels of the Law. I wonder the more at Grotius,
becauſe on Matth. 23. 5. he ſpeaks of the Phylacteries as a new Invention, ariſing
from a Miſunderſtanding of ſome Places of the Mofaical Law; of which Opinion
are the moſt fober Interpreters
. Wherefore that Hint of ſome other Chriſtian Ex-
poſitors, ſuch as Oſiander, Piſcator, and Eſtius, to whom (t) Lightfoot may be ad-
ded, and another (u) Author, whom I ſuſpect to be f. Doughty, who by this (1)
Tefíimony underſtand the whole Book of the Law, is to be preferred; though therein
they ſeemed rather to have gueſſed than proved. As for thoſe other Expoſitors, who
thereby underſtand the Regal Ornaments, or Robes, that diſtinguiſhed the King from
other Men, they do indeed anſwer to the Signification of the Word, it being pof-
fible to underſtand, that ſuch Ornaments are a Teſtimony that the Perſon who wears
them, is the King, but not to the conſtant Uſe of the Holy Scriptures, which call
he Law by the Name of Teftimony , and command it on that Occaſion to be
tranſcribed by the King out of that very Volume, which Mofes laid up on the Side
of the Ark. Beſides, that this Allufion of St. John to that Book laid up there, is
ſufficient Evidence to convince a Man of the Uſe thereof; ſeeing that we find the
Holy Ghoſt, throughout this Prophecy, alluding upon all Occaſions to the Rites,
Cuſtoms, and Inſtitutions of the Mofaical Diſpenſation; whence many of them may
be diſcovered and explained from it
. So that by this Example it confirms the Expo-
fition, which underſtands this Book, or Teſtimony, of the whole Law; the Execu-
tion of which was thereby committed to the Charge of the King, for himſelf and all
his Subjects
. 'Tis natural to conceive, that in all Inveſtitures, or publick Ceremo-
nies, wherein a Power is intruſted, the Badges of the Power ſhould be fuch Inftru-
ments as are to be employed therein. Thus we ſee that under the Emperors of Rome,
the great Magiſtrates, Dukes and Counts, had their Power committed to them by a
Codicil
, or Letters Patents, and had therewith a Book of Inſtructions, in which the
Mandates or Reſcripts of the Emperors were Regiſtred. Hence in the Enfigns or
Symbols of their Offices which were Painted in their Codicils, and ſhewed the Place
and Extent of their Power in Maps, or the like ; in one Corner, or upon a Table,
there was repreſented a Roll, or Codicil
, and a Book Sealed and Bound with ſome
Letters fignifying, as Pancirollues gueſfes, that this was the Symbol of the Book of
Mandates and Inſtructions. Many of which Sort may be ſeen in Pancirollus Not.
um bnnot hurt
noso
(9) Not. ad Cap. I. Theorem. 4. (r) Gemara in Maſlich. Avodazara. (s) Gemara
in Mafl. Sanhedrin & Gloff. ibid. (1) Lightfoot's Sermon on Revel. 20. 4. Chron. of the old
Teftament, Jofh. Chap. I.
(u) Velicat. Polemic. J. D. Quæft. XII. Sect. 36.
(w) 2 Chron. 23. 11. 2 Kings 11. 12. T (
2011. Sect. 36.
Imper.
Chap. V. v. 7.
The Lamb.
227

Imper. and in Selden's Titles of Honour, who has Copied t'other. Hence it hath
been the Wiſdom of our Church in like Manner, when the Miniſters of Chriſt are
Ordained and Conſecrated Deacons, Presbyters, and Biſhops, to put the New Te-
ftament, and the whole Bible into their Hands ; fhewing them, that they are in-
truſted thereby to diſpenſe the Word contained therein. More Examples of many
Sorts of Inveſtitures by a Book, may be feen in Du-Freſne's Dictionary medie Elle
infime Latinitatis, on the Word Inveſtitura. To this we may add the Opinion of
Philo, that the Volume of the Law was as a Scepter or Enſigri of Majeſty;
(s) oi tºt o ảo gaơiA , Backlweia Movlss Tenzin epºog8ơng tuoi 3 mò , n C A9-
έσται έπινoμ' AG, καν χωμα και κλεG- αν αναγώνισον, επίσημον ηγεμονίας ανεπαλή και , ωεός αρχή-
τυπον τίω δε βασίλειαν απεικονεθείσης. Upon thefe Accounts we need not to wonder,
that Nicephorus, Patriarch of C. P. ſhould make the holding of a Book a Symbol of
Honour, Bifrov neobs, vómule mules adulávny.
But further, ſome may perhaps object, that the Book of the Law, written by
Moſes himſelf, and laid up by the side of the Ark, in the moſt ſacred Place, could
not be taken out upon every Occafion for the Inauguration of the Kings; becauſe it
was forbidden to any to enter into that Place but the High Prieſt, and he only once a
Year, on the Day of the great Expiation, which was a Faſt, and not a Day proper
for the King's Inauguration; who beſides that, might not always ſtay for it. I own
that the High Prieſt was to come there but once a Year to make a general Attonie-
ment; but this Law ſeems not to conclude, but that upon emergent Occaſions,
either the High Prieft, or the reſt of the Prieſts, might come in there : As when the
Tabernacle was removed to another Place, or that the Ark was to be carried ſome-
where elſe in the midſt of the Army, or elſe upon thoſe Occaſions, wherein any
Thing was to be done about the (y) Sanctuary, and eſpecially to cleanfe it ; an In-
ſtance of which we read in 2 Chron. 29. 16. And beſides that, there being a plain
Commandment to read the Law on every Sabbatical Year, given at the fame Time as
Mofes, having written and finiſhed that Book, ordered the Prieſts to put it in the
Side of the Ark, Deut. 31. 9, 10, 26. it is plain, that the very fame Book was there
laid up to be kept for that Purpoſe: And we have an Inſtance in 2 Kings 22. 8. that
this very Book was from thence taken, and read publickly'; it appearing from the
Parallel Place in 2 Chron. 34. 14. that this was the very Autograph of Moſes, the
Hebrew Expreſſion .999), did getegs Mwürā, by the Hand of Moſes, implying
that. Laſtly, The very Commandment concerning the King's Copy, Deut. 17. 18.
was a fufficient Authority to take it out upon the neceſſary Occaſions. For the Book,
which was before the Prieſts the Levites, could be no other but that which Mofes
had given them; that Authentick Copy being there laid up for a publick Teſtimony,
or Record, to be uſed upon fuch Solemn Occaſions. And thus Pifcator, Funius, and
Grotius underſtand it on that Place, 2 Kings 22, 8. and others, as Gerundenſis on the
other, namely, Deut. 17. 18. But if any will urge, that this Volume of the Law
was never taken out of the Sanctuary, it is equal to our Purpoſe, if any other Copy
thereof was put into the Hand of the King; for even that merits the ſame Name :
And as to the Ceremony, is of equal Uſe and Force with the other. To this, I be-
lieve, the Pſalmiſt alludes, in Pfal. 2. 7. which is a Prophecy of the Meſas: The
Words are, Part 177208, I will preach the Law. As if it were, I will Book the
Law, or, I will read it out of a Book, to make the Gentiles obey it, becauſe God hath
this Day anointed me King. Which ſhews how proper the Symbol is in this
Place.
I may here by the Way obſerve, that the ſtri&t. Obſervation of the Law of
God, even unto Death, by a publick Confeſſion and Oppoſition to the Enemies of it,
to be a Teſtimony againſt the Idolaters, comes under the Notion of Martyrdom, or
Teſtimony: And that from this great Truſt given by God to Jeſus Chriſt firſt
, the
chief Martyr, and then to ſuch as will be like him, the Promiſes of God to reward
thein, come under the Notions of Crowns, Thrones', and Kingdoms. Every Martyr
is, as it were, by that Teſtimony inaugurated to the Right of a Celeſtial Crown and
Kingdom. For though it be eaſy to join the Notion of a Crown of Glory to the
Conflict of the Martyrs, entitling them to the Marks of Vi&tory, yet how that ſhould
Isto 2012
() Philo de Conſtitut Principis, Pag. 494. in gail and i was illis w obobarab!tt 91 vina
() vid. Lightfoot’s Proſpect. Templ. Cap. XII. Find denna lentow yili
alſo
228
Ch. V. V.7.
The Lamb.

alſo infer Rule and Dominion,
cannot be conceived, unleſs we ſuppoſe , as in this
Cafe, that the keeping of the Teſtimony, or the Law of God, as Princes, Prophets,
and Martyrs did, is a Ceremony betokening an Inauguration, or publick inveſtiture
of a feudal Kingdom under God. Or rather, that the Martyrs being Guides to the
People, ſhewing them the true way, perform, when others negle&t it, the Office of
Rulers. As in the Prophet Iſaiah 55: 4. a Witnefs and a Leader, or Commander to
the People are ſynonymous, and ſpoken of Chriſt
. So that a Leader is a Witneſs,
in that he hath the Teſtimony to cauſe Men to obferve it. And a Man bath the Tes
fimony of Chriſ, when by his Actions and Sufferings he preaches him to other Men.
So in Zachar. 4. 12, 13. the Two Olive-branches, and the Two anointed Ones, that
is, Rulers, are in this Revelation, Chap. 11. the Two Witneſſes, Martyrs, or Teftes.
of which more in their proper Places. In ſhort, our Saviour himſelf calls his Goſpel
a Witneſs, or Teſtimony to all Nations ; that is, a Law to govern them all, Matib.
24. 14. Wherein there is Alluſion to what God ſaid of the Mofaical Law, as we have
feen. However, after all that hath been ſaid, the receiving of this Book by the
Lamb is really fo certain a Symbol of Chriſt's Inauguration, that he thereupon im-
mediately receives Homage from all the Creation ; in the Defcription of which the
reſt of this Chapter is ſpent. Finally Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 5o. declares, that a
Book ſignifies the Life, that is, the Actions of a Man. B.Críor i, gdy Brov vidro
expedídet. So here this Book plainly fignifies the Power and A&tions of Jeſus Chrift,
his Law, and conſequently the Fates of his Church, which is his Body. In which
and for whoſe Sake he doth all. But of this alſo we have ſpoken before.
B. Kai d'ange čre op dižs sã med Ingelese om að Spóve Balaior , And received the Book out
of the Right Hand of him that fate upon the Throne. We muſt here obſerve exactly
the Management of the Holy Ghoſt as to the Expreſſions, which concern this Book
or the new Law of the Goſpel. Concerning God the Father it is ſaid at the firſt
Verſe, that the Book was on the Right Hand of him that fate on the Throne , but
concerning the Lamb it is ſaid here, omge, he took or received. The firft fhews,
that God hath an Original and antecedent Right to the Goſpel, in order to be wor-
ſhipped by all Men both Jews and Gentiles, the whole Creation z becauſe he hath
created all Things, as it is expreſſed in the Hymn ſung to him : But of Chriſt, it
ſhews that this power is received, or tranſmitted and newly acquired : And that by
the Merits of his Blood, which entitle him as God and Man, or Mediator, he is to
have the fame Worſhip and Obedience of his Father. As it is expreſſed in the
Hymns ſung to him hereafter.
A. Vert. 8. Και ότε έλαζε το Βιβλίον, τα τέσα ρα ζώα και οι εικοσιτέααρες ορεσβύτεροι έπε-
any svómov Tð áşvíc, And when he had received the Book, the Four Wights, and the
Twenty Four Elders fell down before the Lamb.] Here the Vulgate inſtead of tacle
hath aperuiſſet, which Amb. Ansbertus endeavoured to explain : But that Reading is
altogether unſuitable to the Matter and Diſpoſition of the Prophecy. The Book is
only opened by the opening of the Seals. We ſee then, that immediately upon his
Inauguration or Inveſtiture by the Delivery of the Book, the Wights and Elders,
which before did worſhip God, do now alſo do Homage to the Lamb. And fo this
Homage proves, that the receiving of the Book was the folemn Inauguration of
Jeſus Chriſt. Whoſoever fhall conſider, that the Inauguration of Jefus Chriſt is thus
expreſſed in Daniel
, Chap. 7. 13, 14. One like the Son of Man, came with the Clouds
of Heaven, and came to the Ancient of Days, and they brought him near before him.
And there was given him Dominion and Glory, and a Kingdom, that all people, Nam
tions, and Languages ſhould ſerve him, &c. they will fee, that St. John alludes to
this, or at leaſt, that St. John's Viſion is an Amplification of what is here fuc-
cinctly ſpoken in Daniel's Vifion. For it is clear, that upon Chriſt's Approaching
him that fate on the Throne, and receiving the Book, Dominion is thereby deli
vered to him, and the Repreſentatives of the whole Creation immediately acknow-
ledge it ſo by the Homage which they give him. There is however fome Difference
in the Circumſtances of this Homage made to the Lamb, from what was before done
to God the Father ; which therefore the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to fet our thus, og det
B. Ta té ara pga Sad, vejcoi exog1 Tearless measú 75ega é tre fou examen pg Apvix , The Four
Wights, and the Twenty Four Elders fell down before the Lamb. ] In the Homage
given to the Father it is not faid, as here, that the Wights fell down before him
only the Elders do ſo, whilſt the Wights fing his Praiſe. How comes this? To folve
this Difficulty we muſt remember, that the Wights bearing the Throne of God the Fa-
ther
3

Ch. V. v. 8.
The Lamb.
229
ther, and attending round about it, and as it were covering it from Sight ; that Sym
bol is fufficient to Thew, that they are the Servants and Miniſters, as well as Wor-
ſhippers of God. The Elders fall down before him to Thew, that although they be
Governors of the Faithful under God, and as Affeffors to him, yet they muſt make
à folemn Acknowledgment, that they have only a deputed Power over others, and
that they are as much his Servants, as any of the People under them. Now as
their fitting upon Thrones ſhews, that they have Power over others, as deputed from
God, and joining with him ; fo their falling down before him is that which ſhews,
that they depend upon him, and muſt ſerve and honour him. This the Elders alſo
do to the Lamb, in the very fame Manner as to God the Father: How then muſt
the Wights ſhew their Service and Miniſtry, and the firſt Steps of their Submiſſion
to it? They cannot do it by ſupporting any particular Throne of his; becauſe he is to
have no other but the Father's. Wherefore it remaineth, that they alſo worſhip by
falling down before him, being ready to ſet him upon the Throne, which they al-
ready bear, in order to attend him in Conjunction with the Father. Thus they have
no other way to do their Homage.
Now to apply theſe Symbols to the Chriſtian Clergy and People. They ſhew,
that both at the ſame Time ſerve God the Father, and alſo own and ſerve Jeſus Chrift
as their Lord ; they acknowledge thát he alſo deſerves to receive Worſhip, and
actually pay it to him at the ſame time. It will perhaps be objected, that Chriſt
immediately upon his Aſcenſión into Heaven, Sate on the Right Hand of God, Mark
16. 19. and that we ſuppoſe him here to ſtand on the Right Hand of God. Juſtin
Martyr faith, (d) Kai Kverov zev toy matées civezovce duròs [ $ Xposer vonoele] curè
gñs, iġ vettorld dutòrèy dęrą aure, écos ão Jə tès egose's womódiov o teste prodav cută Tag zi.
ve Góti e's Šegvör åveahoon jeten to in venção dvaslõdı. But let it be obſerved,
that though there ſeems to be a Contradiction in theſe Terms, as taken properly; ſó
there is none taken ſymbolically, and according to the full Import of them: So that
though to ſtand and to fit, be as we think Oppoſites, yet conſidering that they figni-
fy to be buſy in acting and defending, and alſo to rule, they are not contrary to eachi
other. For according to the Things fignified, ſo muſt the Symbots be applied. Tis
not a Contradiction to ſay, a King ſits on the Throne, when we mean he Rules, and
to ſay that he ſtands to defend, fits to Counſel, travels to View, and fights for his
Subjects. And therefore at one and the ſame Time, one Thing or Perſon përform-
ing ſeveral Offices may be repreſented by Symbols, which ſeem oppoſite, yet in their
myſterious Signification are not ſo at all. As you ſee in the firſt Viſion, Jeſus
Chriſt is repreſented by Symbols quite different from theſe ; and yet the Times of
that Viſion are coincident with theſe. The Holy Ghoſt, by ſhewing us different Po-
fitions of Things, feems indeed to ſhew us Things different and oppoſite, though
they be the ſame conſidered in different Reſpects. But there is ſtill another way to
ſalve this Matter, no leſs folid, by obſerving, that before the receiving of the Book,
the Lamb ſtood, being then in a buſy waiting Poſture, as having performed a great
Work, and conquered a great Enemy, and now demanding and expecting his Re-
ward. As he receives the Book, and is thereby inveſted with the Divine Power, he
fits down on the Throne at the ſame. Thus the Word ésnxo's as ſtanding , is to be
applied to him as ready to receive, not as having received the Book. Although, be-
cauſe no mention is made of his fitting at all, but ſtanding at the Right Hand of
God, the Holy Ghoſt deſigned to give us to underſtand, that whilft Chriſt is at
the Right Hand of God, receiving Homage and Worſhip, he ſtands ; that is, is em-
ployed to exert that Power, till his Enemies are ſubdued.
C. "Exoves eversos ses féeges, sy quéade aguoãs, Having every one of them Harps, and
golden Bowls.] This very Circumſtance is a Proof of what I fáid juſt now. The
Wights and Elders had no Harps before to worſhip the Father, or at leaſt were not
ſaid to have them. How come they by them now? All this is to ſhew that there is
ſomething in the Worſhip given to the Son, different from that given before to the
Father. Or elſe becauſe the Holy Ghoſt reſerved to ſpeak of the Homage in its full
Extent, when the Time was come that it ſhould begin ; which was when the Lamb
was actually inaugurated. But to come clofer to the Matter. Thefe Harps or Cia
thare allude to the Mofaical Service. It is not very material how we call them ;
(2) Dialog. c. Tryph. Judæo, pag. 193.
ND
for

The Lamb.
230
Ch. V. v. 8.
for as the Harps are very different from the Cithard, the latter being of Gothick
Extraction, the former Greek, and called by the Romans Lyre, fo even the Greek
Cithare, may be very different from thoſe uſed in the Temple of Ferufalem. There-
fore, as the Holy Ghoſt accommodates its Language to the Greek Language in this
Cafe, ſo muſt we; being content to give that Name to thoſe Muſical Inſtruments,
which come neareſt in Shape and Uſe
. So that we ought rather to conſider here
their Ufe, to underſtand for what Intent they are employed, and by that conjecture
and explain why the Wights and Elders are ſaid to have them ; only obſerving that
they are Inſtruments of joyful Mufick, as ſhall be proved on Chap. 15. 2. E. Now
here there is great Subje&t of Joy, as will be ſeen hereafter, for the Redemption of
them that uſe them.
In the Mofaical Service there were Two Offices very remarkable, being performed
on each End of the Day, Morning and Evening, and called the daily Sacrifice, con-
fiſting of an Holocauſt, and an Offering of Incenſe ; each performed upon its reſpe
&tive Altar: The Holocauſt upon the Brazen Altar without the Tabernacle; the Incenſe
within, on the Golden Altar. Whilſt the Incenſe was burning, the People without
in the Court
, with all the Prieſts and Levites, fell on their Knees to pray, as we
learn from ſeveral Places, 2 Chron. 29. 27, 28, 29. Ecclefiafticus 50. 15. Luke 1. 10.
and Rev. 8. 3, 4. And after that, whilſt the Holocauſt was burning, the Levites with
Mufical Inſtruments, named thus in 2 Chron 5. 12. firſt, no, Cymbala ;
(a) 1501, Nable; and laſtly, n, Cinyræ ; and the Prieſts with Trumpets, nyen,
and all the People with their Voices joined together in ſinging Pſalms. (b) Foſephus
faith, that the Morning Incenſe was burnt before Sacrifice, and the Evening Incenſe
about Sun-ſet. But (c) Philo is ſtill more exact, and faith, that the Morning Incenſe
was offered before the Holocauſt, and the Evening Incenſe after the Holocauft
. For
the killing and preparing the Holocauſt requiring ſome time, and Day-light being
moſt proper for that, it was proper to begin the Morning-Service with the offering
of Incenſe to make the Deity propitious to the reſt : And to end the Evening-Service
with Incenſe; that fo the Incenſe, or Prayers, might be the firſt and laſt A&tion of
the Divine Service. For it appears by the moſt folemn Service of the great Day of
Expiation, Levit. 16. that Aaron could not pretend to make an Atonement for him-
ſelf with the Blood of the Bullock, 'till the Cloud of Incenſe had covered the Mer-
cy-Seat. Now under our Diſpenſation we have no flaying of Beaſts to burn on the
Altar, but the reſt remains ; namely, the praiſing and confefling, or magnifying God,
or praying to him. The Firſt is the Calves of our Lips, the Second the offering of
our Incenſe. For this Reaſon we have only Mention here of the Muſical Inſtruments,
which denote our Praiſes and Thankſgivings; and the Incenſe, which fignifies our
Prayers and Supplications.
One Queſtion may be asked here, Why no exact Diſtinction is made between the
Act of the Wights, and that of the Elders ; for the Elders cannot offer the Incenſe.
I anſwer, that the Expreſſion of the Holy Ghoſt
, ſaying here, that each of the Wights
and Elders had Harps and Bowls, muſt be taken in the divided Sense, diſtributively
and not colle&tively, that is ſo, that the Elders had each of them Bowls, and the
Wights each of them Harps according to their proper Offices. But as to what is
ſaid, that the Elders, or Laity, are not to offer Incenſe, that is true in one Senſe, and
not in another. For the Elders offer Incenſe, when they give it to the Wights to
burn it for them before God and the Lamb. Thus in Numb. 7, which deſcribes the
Dedication of the Mofaical Tabernacle, to which this Inauguration alludes, in the
Ioth and 14th Verſes, the Elders are ſaid to offer Incenſe, inaſmuch as they brought
it to the Prieſts to dedicate it to God. Thus every Man may offer, but not himſelf
burn the Incenſe on the Altar : 2 Chron. 26. 16. it is the Office of the Prieſts, or
Wights, to burn or dedicate the Incenſe to God; but it is the Duty and Work of
the Elders, or Laity, to offer the Matter which is to be conſecrated and given to God.
So it was in the Moſaical Diſpenſation, and ſo it muſt be in the Chriſtian Religion,
By this we ſee, that the Holy Ghoft looks upon the Laity, as obliged to furniſh all
the Charges of the Divine Service ; and conſequently, that this Obligation is of Di-
vine Right laid upon the Chriſtian Laity. The Chriſtian Religion takes not away that
(a) Vid. Bocharti Canaan. Lib. II. cap. 7,
(6) Archæol. Lib. III. cap. 10.
(c) Philo, de Sacrificantibus p. 573. and Lib. de Sacrif. p. 583.
natural

Ch. V. V.8.
230
The Lamb.
natural Dury, and reaſonable Service, obſerved in all Religions; that as the Prieſthood
offer their perſons to the Service of the Deity, ſo the reſt of the People offer of their
Subſtance. The Chriſtians are not free from this natural Duty by their Religion, but
more ſtrictly bound to it: They muſt not pretend to have a Right to be leſs devout
than the Heathens. Add to this the Reaſonings of St. Cyprian, Lib. de Unitate Eccle-
fiæ, at the End ; and his firſt Epiſtle, with Biſhop Fell's Notes.
D. Kai preras gevores, And golden Bowls.] Other Interpreters having tranſlated
the Word oreinas, here and in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Chapters, by the Word
Vials, which is clearly another thing than Bowls, we muſt here give the Reaſon of
it. For by a Vial
, as the French by their Phiole underſtand a Veſſel to contain Liquids
with a narrow Mouth. But this is what the Greeks called sínugos, not ordan, which
is a Veſſel with a broad Mouth, and fitly tranſlated a Bowl or Bafon. The Notion
of Vial having cauſed fome to miſtake the Intent of the Holy Ghoſt; as if theſe
were Veſſels to drink withal, or Bottles to hold the Liquor only, and not rather
broad Veſſels to hold dry Matters, as Flower or Odors for Incenſe, and to make Li-
bations of Blood, and the like, we muſt conſider a little the Uſe of it in the Sacred
and Prophane Authors. In Numb. 7. 13. at the Dedication, to which this alludes, a
poio is in the LXX qıéan, a Bowl in our Tranſlation. Of theſe, each Head or Elder
of the Tribes offered one. The Word prio comes from p7 to Sprinkle or ſpread
abroad, and is appropriated to the Sprinkling or pouring out of the Blood on or near
the Altar, as in Levit. 3. 8. and Chap. I. 5, II. Philo explaining that Place faith,
(4) Και φιάλίω έτεςG ωοεων και δεξάμενα τα αίματα, αν κύκλο ειίων και βωμον όλερραινά-
TW. The Phiale were for that Uſe, and always near the Altar, Exod. 27. 3. where
the LXX turn the Word pop by piens. The Bowles offered at the Dedication were
to hold Flower and Oil, and therefore broad. And Joſephus hath uſed the ſame Term
of ordan on that Occafion. So in Amos 6. 6. the Drunkards
are accuſed of drinking
in Bowles, 71-77102; there the Targum hath 115993, in Phialis. But the LXX,
having there Drunesufior divor, ſeem to have read i" prio without the . I will not
contend about it : For (e) Juſtin Martyr did read is pracus. The Targumiſt's Word
now cited is diverſly ſpelled, but every way ſeems to come from the Greek qedan. In
Schindler it is read 1913; in the Targum on Iſaiah 51. 17. it is written '793 ; the
LXX have xóvor; in the (f) Miſchna is found 17792 ; others cite it 972'; and the
Rabbies own it to be Greek from géan, as Waggenſeil proves on that place. It is
uſed there to expreſs what we find in the Hebrew Text of Numb. 5. 17, 2017, the
LXX észeon ósporuyov, a general Word; but Fosephus on that Occafion uſes çıdan. By
the Uſe it muſt be a broad open Veſſel. The Chaldee on Fudges 5. 25. puts this Greek
Word inſtead of 790, in the LXX asneiro ; and it muſt be a broad Veffel. Thus al-
ſo the Greeks uſe the Word océan for a broad Vefſel. In Ariſtophanes créan is a Veſfel
proper for Libations, and the fame as a wordtion. The Words of the Greek Poet
make it plain, as follows.
α) Υπεχε τω φιάλω, όπως
Έργω φιαλέμω ουξάμενοι τοίσιν θεοίς. Then follows,
Σπονδή, συνδ* ουφημεί τε, ουφημείτε.
So in Herodotus we read of Xerxes, (b) ané v drwy so gevoens pedans. In Homer we read
of a golden (i) oodan, wherein the Relicks of Patroclus are to be preſerved in fat.
And a Veffel for that Purpoſe is called by Virgil, who undoubtedly imitated Homer,
Cadus ahenus:
(k) oſaque le£ta cado texit Chorinaus aheno.
And the expidero quenn, mentioned a little after in Homer, is by Atheneus ſaid to be
a broad Vettel like a Kettle, (1) χάλκεόν π και εμπέταλον λεβητώδες. Howfoever this
came afterwards to fignify a Cup to drink in, as appears from this Author ; yet in
Old Times it was not fo. Wherefore when it is put to fignify a drinking Veſſel, it
(d) Philo de Sacrif. Animal
. p. 574.
(e) Dial. c. Tryphon. Jud. p. 45. R. Step.
f) Maſ. Sota. cap. 2. §. 2.
100
(8) Ariftoph. Pace.
(b) Herodot. Lib. VII. S. 54.
(i) Iliad. 4. v. 253. and v. 270.
(k) Virg. Æneid. VI.
(1) Athen. Lib. XI. Vid. Schal. in Apollon. Argon. Lib. II. v. 54.
2
muſt
232
Ch. V. v. 8.
The Lamb.

muſt be underſtood of the large Bowls uſed by ſuch Drunkards, as Amos, cited be-
fore, had met withal; who were not content with ordinary drinking Cups. Of this
we have an Example in Euripides, in the Tragedy of Ion, in pag. 1182, and follow-
ing, being there alſo uſed for Libation. Hence in Homer, (m) caespíaaol is explain'd
in the Scholiaft. παραβαίνοντες τες όρκες, και τας συνδας τις δια & φιαλών καιγνομβόας.
Thus whereas (n) Diog. Laertius reports, that Thales received a Phial from Cræſus ;
the Poet Phænix of Colophon, cited by () Athenaus, ſpeaking of that, calls it remis,
which Athenæus deſcribes to be like a Bowl ; and Heſychius ſays, Hemis, în reads, asulin.
For this Reaſon the Poet (p) Martial, having had ſuch a Phial preſented to him,
leſs than the ordinary ones, compares it to any thing, rather than call it a Phiala;
which muſt be a large drinking Bowl. Hence came the Thracian Amyſtis, which
was a Bowl to drink a great Quantity of Liquor at a Draught, and is deſcribed to be,
Gino to their paredes, Poculi genus apud Thracas inſtar Phiold, as the Old Commen-
tator upon Horace expreſſes it. But what will put the Matter out of Doubt is, that fo-
Sephus compares a certain Lake to this Sort of Veſſel, becauſe it was broad and
round, (α) οι εξ' ού της σειρερείας, ετοίμως φιάλη κέκληται, οοειδής όσα λίμνη. And in
Zach. 14. 20. the peace and aéontes are compared together, as being alike in Figure,
Value, and Matter.
Laſtly, Herodotus relates, that Democedes the Phyſician was preſented by each of
Darius's Concubines with a () coding to aguoš owl súrn, heaped up with golden Sta-
ters, and a Lid or Cover, as broad Veſſels uſe to have. Now no Man puts any Mo-
ney in Bottles or Vials ; but the Way of preſenting a Bowl or Platter full of Gold
Pieces is obvious, and ſtill practiſed in the Oriental Courts, as Tavernier obſerves.
By the (s) Teſtament of Plato it appears, that he had a Phiala of Silver weighing
165 Pounds: Which ſhews, that ſuch Veſſels were very large. Theſe Words of
Eratoſthenes will put the Matter out of Diſpute : (t) TôTOV doodh nes Om mangószwev, Ste-
απείσαντες τους θεούς εκ της φιάλης, ονοχόεν εφεξής βάζοντας την κυμβίω. Here the Phiala
ſerves not only for the Libation, but as a Bowl to hold the Wine, which was taken
out by dipping a Cup like a Gondola into it. Thus alfo (u) Ælian ſpeaks of Phials
weighing a Babylonian Talent, that is, Seventy Two Attick Drachms. The Figure of
a Phiala for Libations may be ſeen in the New Edition of Camden's Britannia. In
the Copper Cut, pag. 697. Nº. 9. we have it, as it was found among many facrifi-
cing Inſtruments
. 'Tis a round Bowl, and of Earth. There Mr. Lluyd obſerves,
that in the Cambro-Britiſh Language the only Name they have for ſuch Veſſels is Phiol.
Two Things more are to be obſerved upon theſe Bowls from their Magnitude and
Ufe, and the Matter of them, in Allufion to what was dedicated in the Mofaical
Oeconomy, as related in Numb. 7. 13. Firſt
, the quéade, dedicated there, were only
of Silver, and weighed Seventy Shekels : But the Incenſé was offered in ſmaller Ver.
ſels, called 1779.), Outong, in our Tranſlation Spoons ; it ſignifies a Veffel holding
about an handful, and ſo the Greek xotú'an would expreſs it well enough ; becauſe it
ſignifies the Hollow of the Hand, as the Hebrew Word, and a Meaſure too: Which
is uſed by the LXX to expreſs the Hebrew Meaſure, called 31%. Thoſe Spoons were
indeed of Gold, but little Meaſures, being made only of Ten Shekels, or Five Ounces
of that Metal ; and fo but the Seventh Part of the Silver Bowls. Here therefore is
the Pre-eminence of the Chriſtian Church, that each Elder offers a Bowl inſtead of
a Spoon, a péan inſtead of a guioun. And beſides that, it is ſaid to be of Gold, to
denote the perpetual Duration and Conſtancy of our Prayers ; and they are meaſu-
red by a Veſſel Seven times bigger than thoſe of the Iſraelites, the very Proportion
uſed about the Lamp-Sconces, and Torches; of which before. For we cannot fup-
poſe that the Holy Ghoſt ever underſtood, that theſe Phiale were leſs than thoſe
uſed about the Mofaical Tabernacle. Yea, perhaps the Weight or Greatneſs is not
obſerved here, to ſhew that the Excellency of our Prayers being put up in the Name
of Chriſt is of an infinite Value, if compared to thoſe of the Iſraelites. Such Omiſ-
fions as bear thus a diſtinguiſhing Character, muſt be accounted myſterious in this
(m) Hom. Iliad. T. V. 106.
(0) Achen. Lib. XI. cap. 13.
(5) Joſeph. de B. Jud. Lib. III. cap. 35.
(s) Diog. Laert. Lib. III. S. 42.
(u) Ælian, V. Hift. Lib. I. cap. 22.
(n) Diog. Laert. Lib. I. S. 30.
(P) Lib. VIII. Epigr. 33:
() Herodot. Lib. III. S. 130.
(t) Apud Macrok, Sacurn. Lib.
V. cap. 21.
Sacred

Ch. V. V. 8.
The Lamb.
233
Sacred Book. The Apoſtle St. Paul proves this Pre-eminence, when he argues, that
the Iſraelites, according to the Fleſh, are as Slaves; but that by our Spirit we are as
Sons by Adoption, and can cry out to God, Abba, Father, Rom. 8. 15. Gal. 4.6.
E. reusons Jupiscend Twv; är cior ás megod goed Ses dziwv, Full of Odors, which are the
Prayers of the Saints.] The Uſe of Incenſe was twofold, although both reſpected
the Prayers or Sacrifices that were added to it. The firſt was, by the Pleaſantneſs of
the Smell to draw the Favour of the Deity, as it were to make it chearful, and more
willing to hear the Petitions that were then made to it : As indeed every thing that
was burnt in the Service of the Tabernacle, was for that Intent. If it was accepted,
it was called a ſweet Savour ; if on the contrary, a Stink in the Noftrils, Levit. 26. 31.
or ſtinking Savour, Ecclef. 10. 1. Joel 2. 20. Ephes. 5. 2. and Levit. 3. 5, 16. The
other Uſe was, by the Smoke thereof to make a Kind of Covering to take away the
Sins from the Sight of God, and thereby to favour the Expiation : For to expiate
and to cover are Notions akin in the Hebrew Language. Levit. 16. 13. Thus was it
in the Mofaical Diſpenſation, when Men were kept at a great Diſtance from the Pre-
fence of God; who being their King was attended and ſerved after the manner of
Monarchs. Now as theſe, when received by their Subjects, are treated with Chear
and Perfumes, according to the Oriental Manner; fo muſt God be treated. For
theſe Reaſons, Prayers or Petitions being always received through the Cloud of In-
cenſe, the Incenſe is become the Symbol of Prayers. From hence it comes, that
many Expreſſions uſed concerning Prayers are borrowed from the Uſe and Offering of
Incenſe, and other (x) Sacrifices, to which they were always joined. So becauſe
aby ſignifies both to aſcend, and to light or burn; and by both an Afcent, and
Holocauft
, or Burnt-Offering ; therefore it is ſaid, that Prayers and Alms afcend before
God, A&ts 10. 4. Sõ likewiſe becauſe the little Portions of an Offering, which are
thrown into the Fire, are called a Memorial, therefore there is added in the ſame
Place, évébnovy cis uoncórwor, or elſe more ſhortly, as in p. 31. turhansar, are had as a
Memorial, or come into Remembrance. So the Pſalmiſt 141. 2. faith, Let my Prayer
be dire&ted as Incenſe before thee. The Offering of the Lamb, who is now our In-
terceffor, through whom therefore we put up our Prayers, as before they were through
the Incenſe, is now become the Incenſe of our Prayers; and our Works of Obedi-
ence and Charity, according to his Injunctions, the ſweet ſmelling Savour, as in the
Place cited, Ephef. 5. 2. 2 Cor. 2. 14, 15, 16. Phil. 4. 18. Chriſt being therefore
the Memorial of our Sacrifices of Praiſe and Thankſgivings, and the Interceffor of
our Prayers, muſt never be omitted therein, but joined in the Worſhip. We have
had the Worſhip and Homage, given to the Father, deſcribed in the former Chapter :
This is now the Worſhip given to the Son, by whom our Prayers are to be preſented
to God. For this Reaſon the Prayers of the Saints were not mentioned before, but
the bare Homage or Recognition of the Obedience which we owe to the Father.
The Word Jupia pel Tor, Odours, leads us to ſuppoſe them to be of different Sorts,
elſe the fingular Number had been more proper , and that St. John here alludes to
the Compoſition of the Incenſe in the Moſaical Service, which was made out of
Four Sorts of Aromaticks, as they are named in Exod. 30. 34. Stałte, Onycha, Galba-
num, and Frankincenſe. If we may be therefore permitted to draw a Parallel be-
tween theſe, as being conſtituting Parts of the Symbol, and the ſeveral Sorts of Pray-
ers, which we are bound to put up to God, by way of Homage and Oblation, as
being the thing fignified ; we ſhall find that they are likewiſe of Four Sorts, and no
more. St. Paul directs us in this, 1 Tim. 2. 1. they are, Ances, Supplications againſt
Evils impending for Crimes committed ; mgodi zad, Prayers to beg Favours and Bleſ-
fings upon our Repentance and Confidence in God's Goodneſs; cv7 dizess, Interceſſions,
when we intreat for others in both the former Reſpects ; cuzcesiou, Thankſgivings, in
which we offer Praiſe to God, and expreſs our Gratitude upon any of the former Ac-
counts. If any do think this too ſubtle, let him conſider that the Law of Moſes was
typical, that this Matter correſponds to the Symbol; and that we follow here the
Notion of (y) St. Hilary, whoſe Words we have almoſt tranflated. Conſult here
likewiſe the Apoftolical Conſtitutions, Lib. II. cap. 25. and Origen de Orat. P. 1. S. 44.

() Vid. Mede's Chriſtian Sacrifice, Chap. 6. and the Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A.
(6) Hilar. Pi&t. in Plal. 140.
Ooo
F. Aš
The Lamb.
234
Ch. V, v. 8.

F. ai cia ai melodii, Which are the Prayers.] This is the conſtant Copula, or
Verb, belonging to all the Symbolical Expreſſions explained by the Holy Ghoſt it ſelf
in this Prophecy. Hence 'Agá usta Spices, from á og oure to pray. I ſhall not need to
Thew, that suusreuata were uſed by the Heathens to worſhip their Gods. This Pro-
verb, (2) Sypuckgusony á morgious zo Sicior oblems, doth ſufficiently prove it. ad
G. Tõv dywy, of the Saints.] The Notion of Holineſs conſiſting in a Separation
from other Things of common Uſe, hath been expounded before in our Note upon
Chap. 4. 8. F. wherein we have not only explained it, as it belongs to God ; but alſo
to his Worſhippers. We ſhall therefore here take no further Notice thereof, as to its
Nature ; and why the faithful Chriſtians, Worſhippers of the true God and his Son,
are from their Separation and relative Devotion called Holy. Here we fall only con-
lider its different Degrees. God is fimply and poſitively Holy, and he alone is fo
but Men being of themſelves imperfect, and only capable of an acquired Perfe&tion,
are therefore holy by Degrees : So that there was no need there to take any Notice
of them, becauſe not incident to God; but here it is
. For Diftin&tion Sake, we ſhall
here give them three different Names. They may be therefore Holy in the firſt De-
gree, which may be called poſitive ; and riſing therein, arrive to a comparative Holi-
nefs ; and by the Perfe&tion of their Holineſs, to be attained by the Means preſcribed
of God, they may arrive to a ſuperlative or tranſcendent
. Holineſs. To illuſtrate this
by the Example of the Iſraelites, we muſt obſerve, that in the firſt Degree the whole
Nation, and conſequently every individual therein, was Holy. Exod. 19.:6. Ye Mall
be unto me a Kingdom of Prieſts, and an Holy Nation, Secondly, Some Individuals
therein, or even all might acquire a comparative Holineſs, either by God's Choice,
or their own A&t. Thus by God's Choice all the Firſt-born were Holy to God, and
on that Account the Prieſts and Levites. Which Holineſs muſt be owned to be higher
than the former. By their own Aet, every Iſraelite coming to appear before God.
upon any Account, muſt purify himſelf, and make himſelf Holy for that Occaſion.
This Holineſs is in the Greek called izveido Of this Sort there were many kinds;
reaching not only to the People, but even the Prieſts too. So in Exod. 19. 10. the
People being commanded to appear before God, were to prepare themſelves to it
three Days before, which is there called to fan&tify. The Hebrew hath nu-p,
but the LXX, jayrcov cutes, make them be chaſte. The Reaſon of which is
, be-
cauſe the principal A&t of this Santification, or Purification, being, as Moſes himſelf
explains it, to abſtain from coming at their Wives, this Abſtinence from carnal Pollu-
tion is egveic, Chaſtity. Not but that this alſo implies all other Abſtinence from any
Pollution, as by the Approach of the Dead, or any other filthy Touch, even upon
their own Garments. This may be eaſily proved, but there is no Need to infift upon
it. To this Sort of Holineſs may be reduced that of the Prieſts preparing themſelves
for their Office, or of the Nazarites by Vow. The only Difference being in the Cir-
cumſtances, which each was to perform reſpectively, according to the Directions of
the Levitical Law. The faithful Chriſtians are Holy in both theſe Degrees. In gene-
ral, they are all Holy by their Call, xanto 7101, Rom. 1. 7. I Cor. I. 2. and this Holi-
neſs is fa pofitive, that it extends it ſelf by Marriage to the Yoke-Fellow, and by
Procreation to the Children, 1 Cor. 7. 14. The Second Degree of Chriſtians, by
which they become holy, is their Separation and Abſtinence from all Sorts of Spiritual
Pollution ; not only to be contracted by ill A&tions, but by converſing with wicked
Men; either as running into Danger and Temptations, or as taking Pleaſure in them;
or at leaſt as not being ſufficiently offended with them, to thew that we are zealous
of good Works. This Holineſs is commanded, and deſcribed by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 5.
throughout. The laſt Degree of ſuperlative and tranſcendent Holineſs is that of the
Saints perfected by God, but not to be obtained in this Life. For here we have no
Perfection ; neither Patriarchs, true Iſraelites, nor Chriſtians, Heb. 11. 40. This Ho-
lineis is therefore only proper to the New Jeruſalem, as we ſhall ſee in Rev. 20.6.
and Chap. 22. 2, 3. As to this place we are about, deſcribing the State of Chriſtians
in this Life, it is plain, that not only they are holy by Call in general, but as they are
required to pray continually, it is neceſſary for them to prepare themſelves to attain
unto the utmoſt Pitch they can of comparative Holineſs; that their Prayers may
afcend with the Incenſe, and not be a ſtinking Savour. A certain Doctor of the Ro
(3) Pauſanias in Bæoric. p. 304.
miſha

Chap. V. V. 8.
The Lamb.
miſh Communion hath found here the Prayers of deceaſed Saints. The Doctors of
Louvain, whoſe Tranſlation he followed, did only find in general the Prayers of the
Saints, as we have. Bur the Spirit of Popery is bold and growing. By the Addition
of departed, that Doctor thought at leaſt he ſhould be taken on his Word, and thus
eaſily impoſe upon the Ignorant
, to ſeduce their Souls to Deſtruction, who would
think this is enough to make out the Neceſſity of praying to them. But what hath
Stol Sito
been ſaid is, we hope, fufficient to deſtroy ſuch Deluſions.in
Laſtly, we are to obſerve, That it is ſuppoſed, or implied, thoº not exprened, that
theſe Elders and Wights falling down, having Harps, and Bowls full of Odours, be-
fore the Lamb ; it is in order to preſent them to him. So here we have their
Homage, and the firſt A&t of their Worſhip, which conſiſts in making Prayers and
Supplications to him.
We may alſo here obſerve by the way, that the Chriſtians, according to the conſtant
Practice of the Holy Ghoſt, to expreſs Things by Names which denote their effential
Properties, are never ſo called in this Book, nor in other Writings of the New Teſta-
ment, as from themſelves
, but by that of Saints
. For as they are ſo called, they are
eſſentially diſtinguiſhed from all the other Men in the World, none being now ſepa-
rated and fan&tified but they ; and therefore 'tis the conſtant Stile of the Holy Writers
of the New Teſtament to call them fo. The Names of misol, faithful, Adipol, Bre-
thren, and Men TeidDiſciples, are neither fo comprehenſive and general, nor expreſs
the whole Eſſence of their Character, fignifying only ſome particular Properties.
As for that of Chriſtians, xerseroi, though it be now common and proper enough, be-
ing derived from that of Chriſt our Lord; yet at firſt it was a kind of Nickname, or
or Gentiles at Antiochwho would
not own them to be Saints, becauſe they would retain that to themſelves. The Fews did
in their own Country call them in Deriſion likewiſe Galilæans and Nazarenes; but
the Name of Chriſtians prevailed in all other places. The Three Paſſages in Holy
Writ, wherein this Name is found, do make it out. Afts 11. 26. xgnec ti ove is mejötor
È AVTio veię, od's pee Su ta's geestarés. The Word zenuation is of a paſſive Signification,
as in Rom. 7: 3. And therefore this is well turned in our Tranſlation, the Diſciples
were called Chriſtians firſt at Antioch. The Words of King
Agrippa to Paul, Aats 26.
28. Almoſt thou perfuadeſt me to be a Chriſtian, are to the ſame Purpoſe: And when
St. Peter faith, 1 Ep. 4. 16. If any Juffer as a Chriſtian, 'tis plain that he means, if
any fuffer from the Heathens, becauſe he profeſſes our Faith, and is by them oppro-
briouſly called a Chriſtian. This makes me wonder, thar (a) John Malela ſhould
affert, that Euodius, firſt Biſhop of Antioch, did give that Name to the Saints. If
he had ſaid that it was given in his Time, he had not gone out of the way. The
Name of Nazarenes, Afts 24. 5. given them by the Fews, is plainly in Scorn. To this
Name that of Chriſtians ſucceeded, as it is obſerved well by an old Author cited by
Suidas : : Με ωνομα τησαν οι πάλαι λεγόμενοι Ναζωραίοι, και Γαλιλαίοι, Χεισπανόι. Now the
Saints, Faithful, Brethren and Diſciples, as they called one another, with the Cons
currence of the Holy Ghoſt, all along the Apoſtles Times, never took to this Name,
though they were vulgarly ſo called. Thus we read in Tacitus, that in the Times of
Nero, (b) Vulgus Chriſtianos appellabat. Thus alſo we read in Theophilus Antioch.
G) Περι και τα σε καταγάλαν με, καλοωτα με εισιανών, εκ οίδας και λέγεις, Than which there
cannot be a clearer Proof of my Aſſertion. Hence Foſephus the Hiſtorian, who lived
in the fame Times, ſpake properly enough for a few writing for the Gentiles, when
in the Paffage concerning Chriſt, he calls them by the Name of Chriſtians. The firſt
Inſtances I find of the Saints owning the Name of Chriſtians, are in the Epiſtles of
Ignatius, Second Biſhop of Antioch. As the Chriſtians gloried in the Croſs of Chriſt,
and bore Ignominy for his Sake, ſo they fcrupled nor at laſt to aſſume the Name of
Chriſtians, which had been impoſed on them for that Reaſon. Their owning of it
made ir at laſt familiar, and took off the Reproach. Thus at Antioch it was firſt
impoſed as a Reproach ; and at Antioch it was firſt received by the Saints, rejoycing
to be accounted worthy to ſuffer for the Name of Chriſt, and glorying in their Infir-
mities, that is, Perſecutions. Biſhop (d) Pearſon not having perhaps ſeen the Works
of this Johannes M. and ſo ſuſpecting Suidas had his Notion from a good Author,
(a) Joh. Antioch. Malel. Chron. Lib. X. p. 318.
Theoph. ad Aurol. Lib. I. p. 33.
(6) Tacit. Annal. Lib. XV. cap. 44.
(d) Pearſon on the Greed, p. 103, 104.16
I
gives

236
Ch. V. v.9.
The Lamb.
gives way to it: But I do not look on that Authority as ſufficient againſt the Reaſons
alledged.
A. Verf. 9. Kai Adrov (illes nouvlei, And they fing a new Song.] The Goſpel is, or
contains, a New Covenant, Matth. 26. 28. Mark. 14. 24. Luke 22. 20. 1 Cor. 11.
25. 2 Cor. 3. 6. Hebr. 8. 8, &c. and therefore a new Worſhip, new Object, new
Ritual, and new Song. Did ever any worſhip the Son of God as now under the Goſpel?
No; the former Worſhip given to the Father, as deſcribed in the former Chapter, is
no new Worſhip, either as to the Object, or in a great meaſure as to the Rituals,
but only as to the Worſhippers. But this Worſhip
given to the Lamb is new every
way; and therefore hath a new Form. Tychonius ſaith very well; (e) Canentes can-
ticum, id eſt, profeſionem ſuam publicè proferentes. Et verè novum eſt, filium Dei
hominem fieri, & mori, & refurgere, & in cælum aſcendere, remiffionem peccatorum
hominibus dare. See likewiſe the Words of Clemens Alexandrinus in Protreptico ad
Gent. p. 3. lin. 13. as they are cited afterwards. And alſo Euſebius, Demonſtr.
Evang. Lib. I. cap. 2, and cap. 3. See our Note on Chap. 14. 3. A. And beſides, it
is a new Song, on the Account of a new Subject of Thankſgiving ; becauſe Salvation
is now offered to the Gentiles, who are thereby withdrawn from Idolatry, and ſaved
from the Wrath of God, which is due to it. Thus in Hoſea 2. 15. Singing implies
the miraculous Aſſiſtance and Manifeſtation of God's Favour ; And she shall fing then
as in the Days of her Youth, as in the Day when ſhe came up out of the Land of
Egypt. Where the Targum faith, Ego quoque faciam eis miracula, & præclara facinora,
ficuti die quo afcenderunt de terra Ægypti. As to the Acclamations being a Song,
ſee the next Note.
B. Aizputes, "AĘO di, Saying, Thou art Worthy. ] We ſee now here to the End of
the Chapter the Effets and Reſult of the Lamb's Inauguration in general performed
by the following Ceremonies. Firſt, A general Recognition and Proclamation of the
Lamb's Right to his Inauguration in this and the next Verſe, to be as the Precedent
and Rule of all the reſt. Secondly, The Submiſſion of all the Angels thereupon at
the Two next Verſes, the Eleventh and Twelfth. Thirdly, The Submiſſion of all
the Creation, including now the Worſhip given both to the Father and the Son, at
the Thirteenth Verſe ; and Fourthly, The Approbation given to that joint Worſhip
and Submiſſion by the Wights or Clergy, and the Homage of the Elders repeated and
paid both together to the Father and the Son by the Name of the One living God for
ever and ever. This general Recognition and Proclamation of the Lamb's Right to
his Inauguration, is here made by the emphatical Word "AÇG. Either our Records
are ſhort, or at leaſt my Memory cannot furniſh me any Example of ſuch a Procla-
mation or Recognition of Right, as this, in the Archives and Hiſtory of the Hebrews
and Jews afterwards, either in the Inauguration of their Kings, or Conſecration of
the High Prieſts, made with ſuch an emphatical Word. Indeed I find an Inſtance
wherein it is virtually found ; for Samuel, as Judge and Head of all the Tribes, ac
Saul's Choice, ſaid of him to all the People, (f) See ye him whom the Lord bath
choſen, that there is none like him among the People. And then all the People ſhouted,
and ſaid, God Save the King. The LXX have, rj ty vwour tās é nads, xej el nav, Záma é
Gandd's; that is, upon Samuel's ſaying as it were, This Saul is worthy, becauſe there
is no other among ye like him ; the People made a Recognition thereof, and ſaluted
him King, by faying, Let the King live. So in Euripides
, Ion is accounted "AEG,
thus, aixgo dszer this go un's of georós, V. 1574. and v. 1618. Minerva faith of him,
Eis spóres n°44 s mamoués; and Creuſa anſwers, "AZION Tò xlñué pos. Herodotus ſpeak-
ing of the Æthiopians, faith, (8) Tov cîv opere disão spíveo jízısóv to it, aj kete to uízo.los
pelo res iguai, motov džião Bander. (*) ’Aēršo, that is, igrov, as Suidas ex-
plains the Word. However, we have Proofs that ſuch Acclamations were
uſed at the Inauguration of the Roman Emperors. I ſhall give one Inſtance out
of (b) Ælius Lampridius: Macrine Imperator Dij te ſervent : Antonine Diadumene,
Dij te ſervent : And in the Concluſion, Antoninus dignus Imperio. Take alſo this in
the Caſe of Gordianus, (i) Æquum eſt, juftum eft, Gordiane Auguſte, Dij te ſervent.
Feliciter Imperator es, cum filio imperes. And when Probus was declared Emperor,
the Acclamations were concluded with theſe Words, (k) Et priùs fuiſti ſemper dignus
(e) Hom. IV.
(f) 1 Sam. 10. 24.
(8) Herodot. Lib. III. cap. 20.
* Suidas in Voce.
(h) Ælius Lampridius in Ancon. Diadumeno.
i) Julius Capitolinus in Gordianis.
(k) Flav. Vopiſcus in Probo.
imperio,
.

Ch. V. v. 9.
237
.
The Lamb.
imperio, dignus triumphis, felix agas, feliciter imperes. See Theophyl
. Simocatta de
Mauritio, Lib
. I. cap. 1. and Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XXVII
. De Gratiani Inaugurat.
What if we ſay then, that the Holy Ghoſt deſigning to ſhew, that Chriſt was to ſet
up at firſt his Church or Kingdom in the Roman Empire, hath made uſe of thoſe for-
mal Words employed at the Proclamations of the Emperors in it; as in Chap. 19. 12.
Chriſt hath made Diadems to fignify his Conqueſt of many Kingdoms. The By-
zantine Emperors, at their Inauguration, were proclaimed to be worthy thereof, by
the publick and repeated Acclamations of this Word Azio8, as appears from the
full Account given of it by the Emperor Cantacuzene, Lib. I. cap. 41. which was firſt
fung by the Patriarch, repeated by the Choir, and laſtly by the Voice of the Multi-
tude. See the Pontif. Romanum, or Selden's Titles of Honour. All theſe Acclama-
tions made to the Roman Emperors are indeed after the Date of the Apocalypſe: But
I have one Inſtance, which by Contradi&tion ſhews, that the "ageG was in Ufe before
St. John's writing of it. For Plutarch, ſpeaking of the Germanick Legions refuſing
to own Galba, has theſe Words; (1) Geus sons
, sej zencée pou sej nogazán to pascuchons
σμύη9ες ευτυχίαν επάχομδύων το αυτοκ Γαλβα, δε θορύβησαν οι πολλοί το @ετον, άτα τοίς
ingers or pullu óv marinelvev, ev tepávøv, é MEO. So likewiſe at the (m) Election of
Biſhops in the Primitive Church, the new Elected Biſhop was thus proclaimed by
this emphatical Word "Agg. We have a remarkable Teſtimony thereof in the Hi-
ſtory of (n) Philoftorgius, concerning one Demophilus, who being ordained at Conftan-
tinople, many of the People, inſtead of ſhouting or ſinging the azios, cried out,
Avažio ; meaning, that he was unworthy. See thereupon the Note of Gothofredus, p. 382.
Now whether this Cuſtom of crying out the "AEIO at the Coronation of the By-
zantine Cefars and Biſhops be ancient or not, as well as the "AnG ſpoken of in the
former Chapter, it works ſtill for our Purpoſe
. If it be antecedent to the Times
wherein the Revelation was written, as has been ſufficiently ſhewn, then we may
fafely conclude, that the Holy Ghoſt did allude to that, or to ſome ſuch Practice
among the Jews or Pagans ; and conſequently, that this place is fully illuſtrated there-
by. But if the Cuſtom be of a later Date, then it aroſe from the Church, and
ſhews, that the Clergy of that City and Church, having conſidered attentively this
Part of the Revelation, found that this place did deſcribe the Inauguration of the
Lamb; and fo they applied it to their Emperors. Let it therefore be conſidered,
whether the Words cloud and Dignitas, Dignity, to ſignify a Magiſtrature, in Greek
and Latin, do not come from ſuch Acclamations made upon the Choice of Magi-
ſtrates long before Chriſtianity. For even now thus we read in the Pontif. Romanum:
Scitis illum eſſe dignum & utilem ad hanc dignitatem? When a King is preſented.
There was this further Conformity, that this Acclamation was always done in a
finging Tone, which is here faid alſo to be done to the Lamb. The publick Accla-
mations in the Byzantine Court were ſung : Therefore by Codinus it's called foé mary to
zodu ngóvrov. And it is confirmed by Luitprandus, an Eye-Witneſs, as Dr. Smith ob-
ferves, and ſtill pra&tiſed by the Turks, who had it from the Greeks : But the Greeks
had it from the old Romans. So Horace faith,
) Galli canentes Cæfarem.
Virgil faith alſo,
(p) Regemque canebant.
To which may be added this of Ammian. Marcellinus : (1) Produ&tum eundem Valen-
tem in ſuburbanum univerſorum ſententijs concinentibus Auguftum pronunciavit. And
the Form of the Election of Probus Emp. (r) Votis omnium concinentibus, in Vopif-
cus. To conclude: Theſe Acclamations of the "Ayo and "AĻO have had even a
literal Accompliſhment in the Triſagion and Prefaces at the Offertory, which in the
Greek Liturgy begin with "AĞcov rj di xerov, and in the Latin with Dignum eft, juftum
eſt, &c. which is ſtill in ours.

(1) Plutarch. Vita Galbæ, fol. 339. Edit. Ald. 1519. ſed in Moral. p. 749. Edit. Ald. ci omittit ante
EG: at pro eo legir šx. Henr. Savil. Nor. in Tacit. Hiſtor.
(m) Vid. Cypriani Epiſt. LXVII. Conſtit. Apoftol. Lib. VIII. cap. 4. Eufeb. Hiſt. Eccl. Lib. VI.
cap. 29. Acta Metrophan. apud Phor.
(n) Hift. Eccl. Lib. IX. cap. Io. Vid. Du Freſne's
Dict. Med. Græc.
(0) Horar. Epod. 9.
(D) Virg. Æneid. VII.
(9) Ammian. Marcel. Lib. XXVI. (r) Vopiſc, in Probo. Vid. Plin. Panegyric. in Trajan. 5. 2.
C. Acbello
Рpp

238
The Lamb.
Ch. V. v.9.
νώσκει βίλες, έτG σοφός έςα. Ει δε ο Βαση , “Ο αυτός εαν όπ τω λαώ
C. facer ve Bitxior, aj dvojčas mais
opeszites autri, To receive the Book, and open the
Seals thereof.] That is, to receive Power and Dignity, the Book being the Badge or
Symbol of publick Power or Dignity over other Men, as it appears not only from
what hath been ſaid already, that the Book of the Law was one of the Regalia put
into the Hands of the Kings of Iſrael, but alſo from the Interpretation of the Oniro-
criticks. The Indian is very exa&t therein in Chap. II. 'E_vis BiCalop evægvợ meil
όναρ Σποςόλων, και διδασκάλων, ή σesφησ εις επήκοον λαξ, μεγάνων ωeoσώπων, κωήσεται ωηρέτης
τιμώμG- αν τα λαξ και καταλήσεται βασιλικώς και δικαιο@egγήσει, και επιμελήσεται. Εαν 5 τετο
ίδη βασιλάς, ποθεινός γυήσε ται τω λαώ και δικαιοκρίτης. 'Εαν και το βιβλίον Ευαγγέλιον ή, και θεάση-
ται αυτό της, ευρήσει ύψος αξιωματων αξεσίας. Διόπ δ έκ έχεσιν έξεσίαν οι λαϊκοί, έτG- καθ' ύπνος
Śzvincev. And in the next Chapter the fame faith, O áutós tav idr tad nam ima veze
på To idy, Stutto com sej oopós. And
even the Holy Ghoſt explains the Symbol thus in the following Acclamations ; for
whereas it is ſaid in this, Thou art worthy to receive the Book, and to open the Seals
thereof; it is ſaid in the next, at the Twelfth Verſe, Worthy is the Lamb that was
flain, to receive Power, and Riches, and Wiſdom, and Strength, and Honour, and Glo-
ry, and Bleſhing, by way of Expoſition, or as Synonymous to the receiving of the
Book.
D. "On éo odgns, xej ngbegons to są spós čv Tad diuori o's, Becauſe thou wert fain,
and haſt redeemed us to God by thy Blood. ] As the fundamental Reaſon, for which
God the Father receiveth Worſhip of the Jews and Gentiles, is becauſe he hath
created all Things, and preſerves them by his Will, to have it perfe&ted and exe-
cuted on them ; fo the fundamental Reaſon, for which the Son is worſhipped, is be-
cauſe he was ſlain, and ſhed his Blood to redeem thereby all Mankind, Hebr. 2. 9.
Now this Redemption is indeed a new Creation, and is ſo call'd in Holy Writ; by
which Chriſt acquireth a juſt Right over us as by a Creation out of nothing. And
fo Tertullian argues upon View of Ephef. 2. 10. (s) Ipfius, inquit , ſumus facto res,
conditi in Chrifto. Aliud eft enim facere , aliud condere. Sed utrumque uni dedit.
Homo autem fa&tura Creatoris eſt. Idem ergo condidit in Chriſto, qui fecit. Quan-
tum enim ad ſubſtantiam, fecit : quantum ad gratiam, condidit. Upon this account it
is, that he is proclaimed as worthy to receive the Book ; that is, to be inaugurated
King of the Univerſe, and to open the Seals thereof; that is, to publiſh and ſpread
his Dominion and Laws throughout the World, by the ſame Degrees as he opens
the Seals. So that herein is a great Difference between the Worſhip and Kingdom
of God in the Mofaical Diſpenſation, and the Kingdom and Worſhip of the ſame
with his Son in the New Diſpenſation. The former was founded on other Reaſons,
and was obtained by different Means. It began all at once by the Choice of God to
redeem that one People, and make it peculiar to himſelf
. The Means were by a
mighty Hand, and a ſtretched-out Arm. For which Reaſon we find , that God him-
ſelf háth made that Exertion of his Power, the Foundation of his Dominion over
them in the very Front or Preface of the Decalogue : I am the Lord thy God, which
have brought thee out of the Land of Egypt, out of the Houſe of Bondage. But that
of the Lamb hath another Foundation, and different Means. The Foundation is
Chriſt's Redemption. Now as Chriſt hath performed his Redemption of Mankind
by his Humility and Sufferings, and is the Pattern of his Church; ſo he will not
employ the mighty Hand and ſtretched out-Arm in openly deſtroying his Enemies,
and calling his Redeemed to himſelf: But by little and little to ſpread his Law,
and call to his Obedience Mankind throughout the World. His Means are flow
and peaceable. For this Reaſon the Book is at firſt cloſed with Seals, when it is
delivered to him ; and is by himſelf to be unfolded. This fundamental Reaſon is
likewife ſhewn, and proved by our Saviour. For after his Death and Reſurrection,
Matth. 28. 18. juſt before his Afcenfion, he declares to his Diſciples, that all Power
is given to him in Heaven and in Earth.
I would not be ſo underſtood as if I meant, that the Son had his Power and Wor-
ſhip given to him, becauſe he was flain only; ſo that his Human Nature ſimply con-
fidered in it felf, as that of another Man, could have merited fo much : For I think,
that human Nature could not have obtained that of its ſelf, if it had not been united
to the divine ; but that the human Nature is worſhipped with it, is wholly due to
(s) Tertullian. adv. Marcion. Lib. V. cap. 17.
the

Ch. V. V. 10.
The Lamb,
239
the Sufferings of the ſame in Union with the divine. If Chriſt was not God by Na-
ture, it were ridiculous in St. Paul to object to the Heathens, that they knew not God,
and ſerved them which by Nature were no Gods, Galat, 4. 8. Beſides that, it would
ſeem ſtrange and abſurd, that God, who appears ſo jealous of his Glory, ſhould now
ſo eaſily and freely communicate it to a mere Man. But when we own the Divine
Nature to be united with the Human in Chriſt, it cannot ſeem at all unreaſonable,
that the latter ſhould be exalted to the Glory of the former, for having performed
by Sufferings the Fun&tions allotted to it
. Thus Tychonius faith very well; (1) Ipse
enim Agnus accipit, qui in Evangelio dicit, Data eft mihi omnis poteftas in cælo & in
terra. Secundum humanitatem autem, non ſecundum divinitatem accepit
. 2Ambroſius
Ansbertus commenting on Ver. 7. faith, Quamobrem cum librum de dextera fedent is
in Throno Agnus tanquam occiſus accipit, à feipfo utique qui eft dextera fedentis in
throno accipit , id eſt, filius hominis à ſua divinitate. Arnobius faith ; (u) Nonne
dignus à nobis est tantorum ob munerum gratiam Deus dici , Deuſque Jentiri ?
Which having mentioned, he adds, Nunc do&tore tanto in vias veritatis induétus, om-
nia iſta, quæ fint, ſcio : Digna de dignis fentio , cont umeliam nomini nullam facio di-
vino : Et quid cuique debeatur, vel perſone , vel capiti, inconfuſis gradibus atque
authoritatibus tribuo. Ita ergo Chriſtus non habeatur à nobis Deus ? See the
reſt.
eylbise
E. 'Huês, Us.] This being ſpoken by the Wights, as well as Elders, proves that
the Wights do repreſent fome Part of Mankind : None being redeemed but Men.
And what can they be, but thoſe that immediately attend upon God, as the Clergy do.
They, as well as others, are redeemed, and ſo muſt make a Recognition thereof.
So that the Wights and Elders are Repreſentatives of the whole Church : And this
Redemption muſt conſequently be univerſal. Chriſt, by the receiving of the Book, ob-
tains a Kingdom, with all its Accompliſhments and Dependencies ; that is, on the
one Hand, Power and Dominion ; on the other, Obedience and Worſhip. Chriſt
hath merited the former by his Death, on soçeyns; and we ought to grant the latter
on Account of Gratitude, ő szegous silicês, becauſe he hath redeemed us. The Ma-
nagement of the Holy Ghoſt is here the ſame as in the former Chapter, in order to
prove, that the Kingdom of God is juſt, and our Worſhip and Obedience a rea-
Tonable Service every way ; and not only reaſonable, but as required of us ; he that
redeems having a Right to the Perſons redeemed, to require Service and Obedience
from them. Before I proceed, it may not be unfit to obſerve, that theſe Two Be-
nefits, ſaid to be acquir'd for us by Chriſt, are by Philo expreſſed as Rewards beſtow-
ed upon us by God the Father. St. John calls them Redemption and Prieſthood ; and
in Philo they are ſaid to be (W) Eislun 'Legwown. The very Stile of St. Paul.
F. 'Ex idons quañs, rj gadówns, rj ax8, xj xQyxs, Out of every Tribe , and Tongue, and
People, and Nation. T That is, from our idolatrous State. For by theſe Names
are called all Sorts of Idolaters, or Men that are not Saints, or the peculiar People
of God. The ſame are alſo throughout this Book called the Earth , or the Inhabi-
tants of the Earth. See the Note upon Chap. 11. 9. A. The Expreſſion ſeems to be
taken from Daniel, as Chap. 3. 4, 7, 29. And Chap. 4. 1. Chap. 6. 25. Chap. 7. 14.
Only ébro is here added to it
, becauſe the Number of four is Myſtical, to expreſs
Univerſality on the Part of the World, in Allufion to the Four Winds or Corners of
it. And thus in 4. ESdr. Chap. 3. 7. there are Four Terms, as in St. John, to figni-
fy various Nations ſpread all over the World. So that the whole implies, that God
hath now choſen to himſelf a peculiar People out of all Nations whatſoever, Fews
and Gentiles without Exception.
A. Verſ. 10. Koù è moínous aitès Ted @em ti secoy Recircis, xj iegcis, And haft made us
only Kings and Prieſts unto our God. ] This is the Reading of the Complutenfian E-
dition, ſupported by the Alex. MS. and many others; but the common Reading is
spects inſtead of wrès. One would be apt to think, that this is the true, but yet we
often find the Word dute's put with the firſt Perſon, and évtoi in the Plural. In which
Caſes it is emphatical, and ſignifies the ſame as póros
, only, diſtinčtly from all the
reft. Thus in Ariſtophanes we find,
(x) 'Autoh ys eouf), ouni alwaio nezáv.
(t) Homil. IV.
(u) Arnob. adv. Genr. Lib. I.
(a) Ariſtoph. Acharn.
(w) Philo Fragm. de Dei immura-
bil. p. 735.
1
And
240
Ch. V. v. 1o.
The Lamb.

910
13
And foon after, AM" er ulo đuTuà vvûya roers za 10 pufo'o!. otrolibii
Mod 70 grader
And elſewhere, (y) 'Ives Tod's Tzasta's adboev duroi Is Osv. virida och har
blue
w That is, That they only of all the Gods may have the Sacrifices to themſelves. So of
cilde mot
on Women, o di questa
12
ALL TO 900) Tetki
Sud batin sa si
(2) 'Aurel S éo pilo, n’edeul Expos Q aóg ko bi ori canita yd
oder och bleonli
Dented
That is, We are now alone, and there is no carrying of Tales Abroad. So Demoſthe-
nes uſes the Word, (a) xj Te's võus emango pelos duroi
, we alone manned the Ships. And
fo the Word is uſed in Theocritus, according to the Reading of ſome MSS. For
where we find now, (b) oli 98 260, the Scholiaſts ſay, zdce) ij, evli gå åutud nej tém
336 divlà sở póy ot. And ſo durès muſt be taken in theſe Words of Homer:
Babetext (c) Omegte vej dute's abs on 191101101911 geyd bid w
Λέξομαι,
Steingib sb sagio varios sin
SOINS

For there Ulysſes threatens to lye by himſelf, becauſe his Wife did not receive him
ſo kindly as the ſhould. So Plato: (d) 'Autri S touton. We need not to cite Lucian,
becauſe he is only the Eccho of Ariſtophanes. Thus this will mean, that God hath
by the Blood of Chriſt made us alone, diſtinctly from all the reſt of the World,
Kings, and Prieſts ; which heightens much the Favour of Chriſt towards us. As to
the whole Expreſſion, ſince it is the Wights and Elders that ſpeak together, we may
very well underſtand it in Jenſu diviſo; that is, the Elders acknowledge, that Chriſt
hath made them Kings; and the Wights, that he hath made them Prieſts ; each re-
ſpectively. Chriſt hath not only redeemed us from Slavery, but he hath done more;
he hath made ſome of us Kings, and fome of us Prieſts. I cannot ſee what can
be objected againſt this ; for it fuits very well with the Words themſelves, and the
whole Drift of theſe Two Chapters. But neither will there be any Inconveniency
to take the Words jointly, or in Jenſui compoſito. So that the Chriſtian Potent ates
are Prieſts, and the Chriſtian Prieſts are Princes ; that is, have a governing Prieft-
hood. This latter Propoſition is evident both by what has been obſerv'd before, and
by what is ſaid juſt after the Words before us, We ſhall reign upon the Earth. As to
the former, that the Chriſtian Potentates are alſo Prieſts, and in this place are ſaid to
be ſuch, we ſhall prove in the Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A. that they have and ex-
erciſe a proper Prieſthood before God. And whereas fome People imagine, that our
Clergy cannot be Prieſts, and that they are no where in Holy Writ ſo called, they
may find here an Inſtance, which cannot be evaded. Now in the Homage given to
the Father, there was no mention of a Prieſthood; becauſe we are not Prieſts, as we
worſhip God, but we are Prieſts of God, of the ſame Order as Chriſt is of, and
hath inſtituted in his Church, to offer only Praiſes, Thankſgivings and Prayers. He
alone having made a ſufficient Attonement for the Sins of us all. We may acknow-
ledge and Worſhip God now, but not in any other Manner, but what Chriſt hath
Thewn us, he being the Inſtitutor of our Prieſthood. As to the Emphaſis laid upon
Chriſt's Favour by the Word duris, this implies, that although we are univerſally col-
lected from all Nations , yet by our Call thereto, we are eſpecially favour’d, and as
the Iſraelites, become ftill one favoured and peculiar People, as much a .-750, Se-
gullah as they ; which was a Thing wherein they were favoured, and boaſted of. The
Favour is inſiſted upon by God in Deut. 4. 6, 7, 8, 20. The Boaſting is found in
Pſalm 147. 20. He hath not dealt so with any Nation, and as for bis Judgments, they
have not known them. We are therefore now Prieſts to God, but in the Reſurrection
we ſhall be Prieſts to God and Chriſt. See the Note upon Chap. 20. 6. D.
B. Kai Beora d'oro refer to this gñs, And we Mall reign upon the Earth.] Both the
Wights and Elders ſay ſo. How can the Wights or Prieſts Reign? I anſwer, that
both reign in their Kinds, the Elders over their Tribes in Civil Matters, the Prieſts
(y) Ariſtoph. in Pace.
(a) Contr. Midiam. p. 395.
Homer. Odyff. Lib. f. v. 171.
(2) Ariftoph. Thermoph.
(b) Theocr. Idyll. V. v. 109. Vid. Idyll. XI. v. 12. & Schol.
(d) Platon. de Legib. Lib. VIH. p: 586.
in
1
Ch. V. V. I2.
The Lamb.
241

in Ecclefiaftical, for we alſo are a Royal or Ruling Prieſthood, Beolahov ic est de pls
1 Pet. 2. 9. The Regale and Pontificate are Two diftin&t Juriſdiétions, yer both uni-
ted under Chriſt. But then the Addition 67 ya gñs, upon the Earth, ſeems to imply
a Dominion of ſome further Extent ; and that too not immediately entred upon, but
to come hereafter. One might ſay, that this Reign is yet to begin, becauſe the Book
is not open. The Kingdom of Chriſt at his Aſcenſion into Heaven, was res in fieri.
But the Word ziñ in this Book fignifying the Idolatrous World, we muſt think of
ſomething elſe; and conſider, that this implies that we ſhall obtain an abſolute Con-
queſt at laſt over all Idolatry, that oppoſes the Kingdom of Chriſt. But the Com-
plutenſian, which we rather follow, hath here Beoord'sot, which takes off all Pre-
tence, and ſhews that the Wights and Elders reign preſently, and deſtroy Idolatry
by little and little.
site
And here it may be further obſerv'd, that indeed the Wights and Elders, that is,
the Chriſtian Clergy and Princes, are to have a Reign during the ſtanding of this
Throne now ſet ; and that Reign is to be upon the Earth, and to be obtain'd by
ſubduing the Idolatrous Nations ; but Chriſt is not ſaid to Reign in this Manner.
'Tis evident he has not done ſo. But at the founding of the Seventh Trumpet, the
Kingdoms of this World are to become his, Rev. 11. 15. and he is to Reign for ever.
His Reign mult therefore be different from what 'tis now: And indeed he is then to
have a new Great Throne in the new feruſalem which is to come down from Hea-
ven by his Appointment, that he may dwell among Men, Rev. 21. 3. 21i9rls obre
A. Verf. 11. Kai didor sjónson, And I ſaw and heard. ] This is a diſtinet Bufi.
neſs, and therefore as deſerving Attention, uſhered in with the Mark of a freſh Vi.
fion. This is now the Submiſſion of all the Angels, upon the Recognition made by
the Wights and Elders. The Meaning of theſe Two Words is this, thắt Fohn faw
the Angels round about the Throne, and heard them when they made their Submif-
fion to God and Chriſt. But the Station of theſe Angels before they make
their Submiſſion, being remarkable, we ſhall conſider it firſt, in each Par-
ticular.
67 g
Β. Ως φωνlω αγγέλων πολλών κυκλόθεν τα θρόνα και 8 ζώων, και ο ορεσβυτέρων, As the
Voice of many Angels round about the Throne, and the Wights and the Elders. ] So
the Pſalmiſt, Pfal. 34. 7. faith of the Jewiſh Church ; The Angel of the Lord en
campeth round about them that fear him, and defends them. That is, the Captain of
the Hoft of Heaven, which is the Captain, or Prince, of the Hoſt of the Lord,
Fosh. 5. 14. together with all his Army. This is now applied to the Chriſtian
Church, Heb. I. 14. upon whom the Heavenly Hoſt is now to wait for its Defence.
This is the firſt Circumſtance of their Station, ſhewing, that the Church is well
defended.
C. Και ω ο αριθμός των μυριάδες μυριάδων και χιλιάδες χιλιάδων, And the Number
of them was Ten Thouſand times Ten Thouſand, and Thouſands of Thouſands.] To
ſpeak according to our preſent Notions, we ſhould expreſs this as follows ; and they
were Muſtered into an infinite Number of Brigades of Ten Thouſands, and into an
infinite Number of Regiments of Thouſands. For as the Angels come under the
Notion of an Heavenly Army, ſo the Word eenpòs hath a Reſpect to their Muſters
and Inrolments, which according to the Ancient Manner ſtill practiſed in fome Coun-
tries, was of exact Numbers of Ten Thouſands, and Thouſands; of which more
hereafter. The Addition of the Genitive Caſes to the Myriads and Thouſands, ac-
cording to the Hebrew Stile, being to denote a Superlative, Tranſcendent, or Inde-
finite Quantity. In the very Caſe of the Angels we have ſeveral Inſtances of it, as
in Dan. 7. 10. Deut. 33. 2. Pſal. 68. 17. Heb. 12. 22. So Novatian faith upon that
Pſalm; (e) Currus enim Dei decies mille multiplicatus, id eſt, innumerus, infinitus,
immenſus. Likewiſe Euſebius deſcanting upon the Place of Daniel, has an Obfer-
vation very proper to be inſerted here : (f) Ardi pelo i del Quã , Mavov so med Jego relle-
andòn austiso de mooi, so splav å weier. See Pſalm 147. 4. and on Chap.
13. 17. D. E.
A. Verf. 12. Alzop les gavin reza'nın, "A&LÓN 232 vo águlov, Saying with a loud Voice,
Worthy is the Lamb. ] The Angels join here with the Wights and Elders, to give
Homage and Worſhip to the Lamb in their Turn. It may be asked here, why the
OSTS
so

(e) Novatian. De Trinitate, Cap. VIII. (f) Euſeb. Præps Evang. Lib. VII. Pag. 192.0
2.99
Angels
242
Ch. V. v. 12.
The Lamb.

Angels do fo to the Lamb only, whereas they did it not to the Father, or him that
fate on the Throne, as the Elders. To this may be anſwered, that the Angels were
already ſubject to God: And this only ſhews us the State of the Church, as it hath
been ſettled by Covenant made between God and Mankind, whereof Jeſus Chriſt is
the Mediators who having partaken in the Sufferings of Mankind in their Stead, is
therefore to be exalted to the Glory of the other Part, which is God, who was al-
ready acknowledged and ſubmitted to by the Angels. Now here it was neceſſary,
that the Wights and Elders of the Church ſhould do it to the Father, becauſe re-
preſenting a Church raiſed out of the Gentiles, which
did not own him before, they
muft enter into it by doing Homage to the Father firſt; that is, throwing off the
falſe Gods, to admit firſt the true One, and then his Son. This whole Oeconomy
is therefore very exa&tly repreſented. But now, when theſe, according to the Plea-
ſure of God, are likewiſe to become ſubject to his Son, or the Lamb, it is neceſ-
ſary that they ſhould Dedicate themſelves to him by this firſt Worſhip and Sub-
miſlion, or at leaſt verbal Recognition. And it is not neceffary, that they ſhould do
it to the Father, becauſe they were already ſubject to him, before they were to the
Son as Incarnated, whom the Father is but now admitting to the Participation of his
Glory, as Mediator. Therefore he orders, that all Angels of God ſhould Worſhip
him, Heb. 1. 6. Pſal. 97. 7.: And they are put, or ſaid, to make their Recognition
after the Ecclefiaftical and Civil Heads of the Chriſtian Church under Chriſt have
made theirs; becauſe they are to Miniſter to the Lamb for the Good of his Church,
Heb. 1. 14. and are to make out that which is promiſed to them, that they shall
Reign upon the Earth. For theſe Angels being the Rulers under God of all the Crea-
tion, as well of Nations, as of other parts, are therefore to aſſiſt in due Time to
that Church, to make good all that is neceſſary to that Reign ; that is, to bring the
People committed to their Charge, to a due Submiſſion to Chriſt, as their Angels
have done. For that Nations are ruled by Angels, is the Doctrine of Holy
Writ. 1569 Hai bisog
noflimone 103
B. Tò eroageledov, That was Slain.] A Queſtion may be asked here, why the
Angels mention this Title of Chriſt, ſeeing that the Redemption of Mankind is no
Motive that touches them who are not redeemed by him. But I Anſwer, that it is
the Pleaſure of God, and the Merit of Chriſt, that the Angels ſhould not only Obey
and Worſhip him for his Divine Nature, but for his Humane. For the Son having
condeſcended to become Son of Man, of a Nature leſs than the Angels, Heb. 2. 6, 7.
God hath therefore Crowned him with Glory and Honour, and given him a Name
above that of the Angels, Heb. 1.4. Beſides, as they are the ruling Spirits mini-
ftring under God over the Nations, they are to rejoice, that the Nations under their
Care are now by the Direction of the Lamb, to be retrieved from the Power of the
Apoftate Angels, to the Worſhip of the true God; which was not to be done, un-
leſs he had been Slain. Therefore as there is Foy in Heaven before the Angels of God
over one Sinner that repenteth, Luke 15. 7, 10. So it behoved them to make a
Recognition of that Redemption of Chriſt, by which all Sinners are brought to Re-
pentance. And as the Angels deſire to pry, or look into the Myſteries of God, that
they may ſee them revealed, that is, accompliſhed, 1 Pet. 1. 12. So we may be
ſure, that they rejoice at the Redemption, which makes the Foundation of Chriſt's
and their Glory; that is, the Sufferings of Chriſt, and the Glory that ſhould follow,
as the ſame Apoſtle faith in the preceding Verle. And therefore it behoves them to
ſubmit to Chriſt
, by whom all theſe Things are to be accompliſhed. 'Tis the
Axiom of the Rabbies, Angelos proficere per homines
, that the Angels profit by Men.
So that as Men can only Profit by the Redemption of Chriſt, ſo they ought to re-
joice and ſubmit unto Chriſt, on that very Account, by which themſelves can
Profit. no 2
C. Λαζεϊν τίω διώαμιν και πλάτος, και σοφίαν, και έχω, κ πμίω, και δόξαν, και αλογίαν, To re-
ceive Power, and Riches, and Wiſdom, and Strength, and Honour, and Glory, and
Bleſſing.] Many Things are to be obſerved about theſe Words. Firſt
, this is Synos
nymous, or Equivalent to receive the Book, and Power to open the Seals thereof.
Therefore what is Symbolically repreſented by the Book, is here expresied painly:
For the Words are not Symbolical, but Abſtracted Notions whereas Symbols muſt
be viſible Characters. And what is all this, but what accrues to Chriſt by the Gof-
pel : And therefore the Book is the Goſpel, or new Law, and the Symbol of Jeſus
Chriſt's Inauguration into his Regal Power and Worſhip. This amounts now in
logna
my
Chap. V. v. 12.
The Lamb.
243
.

my Opinion to a Demonſtration. Inſomuch that 'tis to be wondered, that any
one could overlook this. Secondly it is to be noted, that there are in this Hymn
Seven Kinds of Praiſes ; that is, ſo many Attributes of Royal Prerogatives aſcribed
to the Lamb. Which Number fignifying Univerſality, ſhews that the power and
Royalties of Chriſt are Univerſal and Perfect. Thirdly, As Seven Spirits are to be
in the Meſſas mentioned and promiſed by the Prophet Iſaiah, 11. 2. and that theſe
Attributes are in Effeet the fame, as thoſe mentioned by the Prophet ; fo the Angels
here make a Recognition, that the Lamb is that anointed Lord expected. And as
this Number is Sacred among the Angels, who are governed by Seven Princes or
Archangels, fo they ſubmit all that is in them to the ſame Extent ; for that this
Number is proper to them, is plain, becauſe by and by the Creation uſes a Number
proper to themſelves; and the Angels, in Chap. 7. 12. uſe the Number of Seven
again, as proper to their Conſtitution. They give and ſubmit to Chriſt all that they
can. For when we examine the Tenure of thoſe Seven Attributes, we find that they
are of ſuch Things, as did and do formally belong to the Management of the Angels,
who being Miniſtring Spirits, diſpenſe them according to the good Pleaſure of God's
and by this Recognition own, that they are diſpenſed as ſpringing originally from
that God and his Son, to whom they ſerve.
bos
D. TW Aus suuv, The Power: ] So I think it may be turned, to ſignify indefinitely
all the Power of the World, in ſuch Meaſure as ſuits to the Counſel of God. For
we ſhall find afterwards, in Chap. 11. 17, that there is a great Power, diſtinct from
this in Quantity or Proportion. This,'I ſay, is one of God's Royal Prerogatives.
For as a King hath Power, according to the Number of his Armies, by which he
fubdues to his Obedience all that oppofes him, and keeps them in Subjection: So
we find
that the Word Awie uus hath in its prime Notion a Regard to that Significa-
tion. The Hebrew Word Nay, which is commonly turned by Aruár pes, fignifies alſo
with the LXX spatice, and the like. Whence comes the Title of sueco obbiew
718 1378, which is often turned alſo by súpe Go Sunc uewe, and trap Torel Toasa
Now the suscepis
, or Army of God, is the whole World, róuo-, the whole Order of
the Univerſe, Created and Framed by God in Heaven and in Earth, Genef. 2. 1.
which is there called Nyv, and elſewhere. Whence in Pſalm 33. 6. that Word is
in the LXX i diuídues, in Aquila spate, in Symmachus di uxórumors. For when God
pleaſes, all Things are obedient and ſubſervient to him; the Terreſtrial as well as
Heavenly Things; for of him is moſt true what the Poet faith of a Prince be-
loved of God in his Opinion,
e von
(8) O nimium dile&te Deo, cui militat æther,
Et conjurati veniunt ad claffica venti. stolt
Wherefore in a ſecondary Senſe, the Word dusduus and dwuets, fignifies a Miracle,
or the Power of Miracles ; when God, inſtead of leaving the Order of Things, or
xóquQ, which is his ], or Army, produces fome viſible and extraordinary Event,
in order to put Things into another Pofture, or Appearance, as pleaſes him. And
in this Senſe the Word is often taken in the New Teſtament, and in this Book ; ſo
that the Power of Miracles is as well included therein, as the Dominion and Rule
of the ordinary Courſe. But of this more elſewhere. Only obſerve, that the Energy
of this Word' is fuch, that upon this divewus is founded the Right of all the
other Six Attributes ; the Reaſon of which is plain, and therefore 'tis ſet in
the Front.
E. Kai ma@zuv oopéen vej igu, And Riches, and Wiſdom, and Strength.] There
is no need to fhew, that theſe are neceſſarily the Attributes of a King. How near a
Relation they have together, according to the Notions of the Hebrews, may be ſeen
in our Notes upon Chap. 13. 18. B. and Chap. 17. 9. A. and as to the igus Strength,
Ptis God alone that hath any Prevailing and Superlative Strength to do mezaacid,
great Aktions, in order to confound his Enemies. See our Note upon Chap.
18. 23. B.
Geligat en
F. Kai melw si decem, And Honour and Glory.] See the Note upon Chap.
21. 26. A.


(8) Claudian apud Auguſtin.
G Kai
The Lamb.
Ch. V. v. 13.
244
G. Kai d'aoziwr, And Bleffing. ] The LXX generally uſe it to turn the Word
), by the Uſe of it, to fignify ſometimes the (b) Bleſſings of the Earth, and
the Fruits; and the Bleſfing of a Father upon his Son, which carried along with it a
Right to the chief Portion, and ſometimes a Tribute or Preſent, as in Genef. 27. 350
I Sam. 25. 27. and 2 Kings 5.15. We may conclude, that this cunozí implies the
Liberality, Goodneſs, and Benign Influence of God, who by the beſt Uſe of his for-
mer Attributes, wiſely diſpenſed upon his People, draws from them Praiſes, Thankf-
givings, and hearty Obedience; wherein reciprocally, the Angels give and receive
their Share.
w out
sro 22
A. Verf. 13. Kai man xlispect, And every Creature. ] The Holy Ghoſt having
given us an Account of the Submiſſion and Worſhip due to God the Father, fitting
on his Throne, which is to be performed when his Son fliall be Inaugurated into his
Throne, as we have ſhewn before: And having given us an Account in the former
Verſes, of the Recognition of Chriſt's Title; ſo that it is requiſite, that they who
have made it, do alſo accordingly give Homage and Worſhip; now goes on to thew
us, that this is performed to them both jointly: To Thew us thereby, that our Wor-
fhip muſt not be ſeparated, as if God the Father had now diveſted himſelf of his
Right, and devolved it upon the Son; but that we muſt Worſhip both as one God,
as it is implied in the next Verſe, living for ever and ever; and that we muſt Ap-
proach the Father with and by the Son. In the Deſcription of this Homage there
are Two Things in general very remarkable, and to be conſider’d by themſelves, be
fore we examine the Particulars. The firſt is, that the Worſhip which was already
deſcribed as given to the Father by himſelf, and that given to his Son Jeſus Chriſt
the Lamb, by himſelf alſo, from the Wights and Elders, and all the Angels, that is,
the whole Creation, is now here repeated as given jointly to them both. The other
is, that the Order of the Worſhip is now inverted. For, whereas in the Deſcrip-
tions of that Homage which is given fingly to both, one after the other, there is one
Order and Tenor obſerved ; as that in the Homage paid to God the Father, the
Wights begin, and the Elders join with them; and in the latter the Wights and El-
ders alſo begin, and then the Angels, who are the Miniſters of God for the Govern-
ment of the World, follow; and by that Worſhip, or Submiſſion, include what is
Subject to them: Now in this Deſcription of the joint Worſhip, or Submiſſion,
the whole Creation, as it is in Subjection to the Angels, begins the Worſhip, and
the Wights and Elders conclude it, each in its proper Way, and ſo ſhut up this
great Scene. From theſe Two Obſervations Two great Queſtions now ariſe to
be ſolved ; Why hath the Holy Ghoſt taken this Method, and what doth he ſhew us
As to the Firſt, the Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt is plain, that this ſhews us how
God the Father, and Jeſus Chriſt his Son, are now to be worſhipped together. We
might indeed reſt here, and ſubmit to the Wiſdom of God, who
knows beft what
is proper for him to do: But yet becauſe ſome Enemies of our Religion, as well
from the Beginning as now, are apt to deride the Croſs of Chriſt and his Religion,
which obliges us to Worſhip a Man Crucified, thinking that it is not likely that God
ſhould thus far forget his own Glory, as to communicate it thus to any Creature
whatſoever ; we ſhall here endeavour to take off that Objection, by ſhewing that it
was requiſite it ſhould be fo; and that therein God hath acted very wiſely. For
God having a great Love for Mankind, for which indeed we can aſſign no Reaſon,
but his own good Pleaſure ; yet in all the Methods that he exerts, he uſes thoſe
ways that are ſuited to the Capacities and Reaſonings of Men : Endeavouring thus to
gain them by thoſe ways which he knows they are to be won. This being fo, I ſhall
here take the Hint which Learned Men have given us, concerning the Method of
God to gain the Iſraelites at firſt in the Moſaical Oeconomy. This was by allowing
them the Sight of ſuch a viſible Pomp and Show, as they had before been uſed to;
together with their Sacrifices, and other Rites practiſed by their Anceſtors before,
and themſelves lately. Theſe God did modify and temper to his own Service,
and by ſome diſtinguiſhing Characters ſetting a vaſt Difference between them
and other Nations, endeavoured to preſerve that People from any Idolatry.

by it?

(h) Genel 49. 26.
2
When
Ch. V. V. 13.
345
The Lamb.
When therefore that Diſpenſation drew towards its End ; and that God was pleaſed
to enlarge the Bounds wherein he deſigned to pour down the Effets of his Love, by
admitting all Nations to his Knowledge; fo that the Gentiles were to be called
thereto as well as the Fews ; it did behove him to take a Method which might be
fuitable to the Notions of them both, and concur to reconcile that, which without
his Wifdom had been impoſſible. Wherefore the new Oeconomy, or Chriſtian
Faith and Religion, muſt be ſo contrived, as to draw and ſatisfy both theſe Sorts.
As for the Fews, whatſoever they might be before, yet the ſevere Puniſhments of
God had ſo far warned them, that they had no more Inclination to Idolatry as their
Forefathers. On the contrary, they were very fond of their Law, looking upon it
as of everlaſting Obligation. God deſigning therefore to abrogate a Thing which had
been only tolerated before, to be a Pedagogue in order to bring them to Chriſt, who
could effectually produce what the other ſeemed only to pretend, and could never
really effect ; there muſt be ſome evident and ſenſible Proof to ſhew them the Nul-
lity of their Sacrifices and Expiations; and that there muſt be ſome better Victim to
perform it. This is now done effe&tually by the Blood of Chrift
, flain for that very
Purpoſe, which the Union of the Divine and Human Natures hath made to be of
infinite Value, to be inſtead of the Puniſhment due to all Mankind : The Life of no
other mere Man being precious enough for that great Purpoſe. Thus Chriſt hath
perfected the Intent of the Mofaical Law, and by Conſequence diſannulled the Rites
thereof. The Epiſtle to the Hebrews is a ſufficient Proof of this whole Matter, to
the Satisfaction of any conſidering and reaſonable Fem.
But for the Gentiles, who were in a quite contrary Error, and were nevertheleſs to
be allured to the ſame Oeconomy, God hath fo framed the preſent Diſpenſation, that
they may alſo have Satisfaction therein according to their Notions, by real and
ſenſible Effects of ſuch Things, whereof their Errors had but ſlender or lying Proofs.
They were indeed in many Errors, but as to the preſent Purpoſe, ir fufficeth to
name Two as Chief, and including all the reſt. One conſiſted in the worſhip-
ping of deceaſed Heroes, who had been glorious for any Actions or Benefits to
them, as either by being the Stock from whence their Families ſprung, or elſe for
fome Beneficial Invention. The other conſiſted in worſhipping the Hoſt of Heaven,
which they thought to be the Habitation of Demons, or Angels. In both theſe they
ſhewed, that they would have by all Means viſible and ſenſible Obje&ts of Worſhip.
Now herein Chriſt being propoſed as an Object of Worſhip, fitting upon God's
Throne, may ſarisfy them all. He is the only Hero of a true Divine and Human
Extraction, the greateſt Benefa&tor to Mankind; dying indeed for their Good, but
excelling all by the Power of his Reſurrection, and Aſcenſion into Heaven, to rule
the Angels, and all the Creation. One who hath been viſible and tangible, and is
ſo ſtill, when it ſhall pleaſe him; and by having ſuffered as we, may have Com-
paffion upon our Infirmities, and intercede for God's Favour moſt effectually.
So that in all this the Glory of God ſuffers not at all, though he be very jealous of
it, and will not communicate it to another. For in that he hath been pleaſed to
exalt the Human Nature of Chriſt to be united with the Divine, there can be no
Abſurdity to think, that the Divine Glory muſt be alſo communicated to it ;
inaſmuch as the former implies the latter, the Eſſence of God and his Glory being
inſeparable.
But as God never condeſcends ſo far to allow the Notions and Practices of Men,
but it is in order to draw off their Minds from the Corruption wherein they are, and
to correct them accordingly : So in this Caſe we find he hath done it in Two Reſpects,
Firſt, he hath not propoſed to us the Worſhip of his Son as dead, but raiſed again,
and exalted to the fame Glory as himſelf. We muſt not ſeek the Living among the
Dead, Luk. 24. 5. we muſt ſeek thoſe Things which are above, where Chriſt fitteih
at the Right Hand of God, Col. 3. 1. This excludes on the one Hand all ſuperſtiti-
ous Worſhip which might be given to Chriſt, under Pretence that giving Honour
to his Crofs, his Monument, and the like, relates to himſelf. For ſo the Heathens
erred by thinking that related to themſelves, which was only given to the Wood and
Stone, repreſenting their Heroes. The Images were portative Monuments of thoſe
Heroes, for the Conveniency of the Worſhippers who could not eaſily come at the
real Tomb. All our Heroes or Saints are by this Rule and Precedent of our Saviour,
our only Mediator, excluded from all ſuch Worſhip, Honour, or Interceſſion ; be-
cauſe not yet perfe&ted, and exalted to Glory. See our Notes on Chap. 6. II. They
have


wake


Rrr
246
The Lamb.
Ch. V. V. 13.

have only a Promiſe, an earneſt and certain Proſpect of it. And even when they
ſhall be exalted to Glory, they muſt not pretend to ſuch Honour and Worſhip as
Chriſt, from the reſt of the Saints in the Church. See our Notes on Chap. 19. 10.
and Chap. 22. 9. Secondly, Chriſt hath himſelf preſcribed the very Form, where-
by we muſt honour him, by a thankful Remembrance of his Death: And this ex-
cludes, not only all other Objects of Worſhip to be honoured with ſuch a Remem-
brance; but even all other Means, or Will-Worſhip: That being fufficient, which
he hath requeſted and preſcribed to us. This may ſerve to prove, That the Invocá-
tion of deceaſed Saints, and the Worſhip and Honour given to their Shrines, Re-
licks, and Images, is contrary to the Chriſtian Religion, and a fure Character of
Antichriſtianiſm. But here before I take my Leave of this, left any ſhould ſay
that I advance herein a Paradox únheard-of, I ſhall cite the Words of St. Theodoret,
Prieſt and Martyr, who ſuffer'd in the Times of Fulian the Apoftate, and ſpeaks thus
to his Uncle Julian Count of the Eaſt, upbraiding him with his Apoftafie. (i) Deus
qui fecit omnia per Verbum fuum, mifertus eft generi humano, quos tranſgreſſos à fide,
idolis videbat fervire, mittens Verbum fuum, per virginis uterum carnem ſuſcepit hi-
manam, quia divinitas videri non poterat : et fic Sponte paflus, ſalutem quam amififtz
donare nobis dignatus eft. But what need have 1 of fuch Authority,when St. Paul him-
ſelf, in more than one place, argues on this very Score ? For in Col. 1. 13, 14, 15.
having ſaid, that through Chriſt we are delivered from the Power of Darkneſs, that
is, Idolatry, which conſiſted in worſhipping the Images of the Dead or wicked
Spirits : He goes on to ſay, that we are brought into the Kingdom of the Son of God,
to whom we give Worſhip and Obedience, he being the Image of the inviſible God.
See Caſpar. Sibalij Conc. XXI. in Iſa. 38. pag. 937. b. Image , cincòr fignifying pro-
perly a Statue, as in Revel. 13. 14. And ſo the (k) Ethiopick Verſion hath here, and
in the other place, uſed a Word fignifying the ſame. See the Wiſdom of Solomon,
Chap. 14. 17. Nay, and whereas the Traditions of Paganiſm were, that after Con-
ſecration, the Deity invoked did dwell in the Image, and that the Heavenly Gods
had their Manſions in the Celeſtial Bodies, the sotzeite på xóols ; fo St. Paul arguing
upon this Notion in the next Chapter, viz. Colos. 2.8, 9. bids them beware of be-
ing deceiv'd by vain Sophiſtry, after ſuch Traditions of Men, and the Elements of
the World, or to worſhip the Images fet up by Men, and the Heavenly Bodies : For
in Chrift dwellerh the Fulneſs of the Godhead bodily
. And thus Chriſt is oppoſed to
the Pagan Worſhip in this Reſpect ; and this ſhews us the View of God in becoming
incarnate in the Perſon of Chriſt: Namely, to give us a viſible Image, weg.xlwese
moscioecos Curé, a ſenſible Image of his Subſtance, Hebr. 1. 3. What I have ſaid here,
is alſo fully expreſſed by Euſebius, in his (1) Oration in Praiſe of the Emperor Con-
ftantine, to which I muſt refer the Reader, becauſe that Paſſage is very long, and
worthy of Peruſal.
Now we come to the Second Obſervation about the Inverſion of the Order of
Worſhip, which is here begun by ſuch as ended it before, and concluded now by
ſuch as had begun before. This being a Marter of nice and ſubtle Diſcuſſion, it is
requeſted, that what is ſaid thereupon, may be taken as probable Conjectures. It
hath been hinted before, that theſe Prophetical Vifions bear ſome reſemblance with
the Divine Knowledge, of which they are Copies communicated to us, and framed
alſo ſomewhat according to our Capacities ; and that the Divine Knowledge is the
Perception of Things by Intuition, the whole Extent of them being ſeen at once.
For this Reaſon the Theatre or Scene, on which all future Events are to be acted, is
repreſented, not as a Thing of one Moment, but ſo as to endure the fame, through-
out the whole Extent of Things to be acted therein : And conſequently the Worſhip
repreſented therein, is to expreſs the Worſhip of the Church throughout, from the
Beginning, which is chiefly repreſented , and ſo on to the End : Infomuch that what
the A&tors do therein, they muſt be ſaid to do the fame to the End. And therefore
the Worſhippers, that is, the Wights, the Elders, the Angels, and the whole Crea-
tion, do their Service continually from the Beginning. So that theſe Symbols fig-
nify the whole Order of the Chriſtian Worſhip, from the Beginning to the End at
one View, at leaſt fo much of it as is militant, and repreſented by the preſent
20





(1) Paffio S. Theodorici Presbyt. ex Analect. Mabillon. & Edit. Theoder. Ruinart. cibo
(k) See Ludolph. Lex. Page 63.
(1) Cap. 14, is. Comp. Tillotſon's Serm. IV, of the Divinity of Chriſt.
Theatre;
Ch. V. v. 13.
The Lamb.
247

OR!
to the N
thereof is exempted from this Submiſſion. But as we have olhe one to ſignify all the
Theatre ; becauſe the Church Triumphant is repreſented by other Symbols ; in fuch
manner, that this Throne, and all the Attendants thereof, are quite changed then.
Wherefore it is probable, that this double Worſhip, firſt and laft", fignifies fymboli-
cally the Nature of the Chriſtian Worſhip, according to the Difference of its Vota -
ries, who embrace and perform it in different Manners. Thus by bringing theſe
Symbols to their plain Ideas, this will demonſtrate to us, that the Publiſhing and
Receiving of the Goſpel began with the Clergy, the Apoſtles, Evangeliſts, and their
Succeffors, who wrought hard to ſpread it ; then followed the Chriſtian Mo-
narchs, which with their Princes and Magiftrates make up the Elders ; laft of all
the Multitude, comprehending Princes and People, were converted : Theſe are re-
preſented by the Angels
. Afterwards all Things become fubje&t to God and Chriſt, the
Dead as well as the Living; the People in War and in Peace ; thoſe in Authority
and in Subje&tion. To theſe the whole Clergy join by way of Approbation, ſaying,
Amen ; and their Rulers conſent to own again ſtill for ever, as before, the Supreme
Power and Dominion of God and Chriſt, one God, living for ever and ever. When-
ever therefore we find afterwards any Repetition of this Homage and Worſhip, we
muſt obſerve well the Order of it ; for in the ſame Manner and Order as it is related,
in the fame it will be accompliſhed. The Proof of this we ſhall find in the Hymn
at Chap. II. 15., 16. which contains an Account of the Beginning of the Trium-
phant State of the Church : There the Voices in Heaven, which denote the Multi-
tudes of Men, guided by the ſupreme Powers of the Civil World, go before ; and
the Elders follow, without any mention of Wights; Thewing that the Converſion of
Men ſhall then be performed by the publick Authority of the Civil Powers, without
the neceſſary Premonition of the Clergy to begin the ſame ; who rather, as it is in
Chap. 19. 4. fhall only again give their Amen to approve. For that Place, as we
ſhall prove, is parallel to the former, giving a particular Account of Tranſactions,
which are only briefly hinted at in general, in the former Place.
Theſe Things being premiſed in General, we may now obſerve in Particular, upon
theſe Words, tri kliud, every Creature, that the Symbols uſed in the firſt Kind of
Worſhip, which are the Wights
, Elders and Angels, may indeed ſignify Univerſality,
but not in ſo ſtrict a Senſe as to receive no Exceptions; and that although the An-
gels, yea all of them, be ſubject and worſhip Chriſt, and that theſe ſignify the Na-
tions of the World, which are governed by their Means under Chrift ; yet this doch
not infer, that all at the ſame Time,' without Exception, are ſubje&t to Chrift, and
do actually worſhip; but only, that Chriſt, by theſe Angels, will at laſt bring them
to his Worſhip and Obedience. But now this trai xlis
uchecomprehending every Indi-
vidual by its felf, doing Homage or acknowledging Chriſt, as Lord with God the
Father, ſhews, that there will be no Exception at all to this Univerfality ; that all
ſhall worſhip and obey in their proper Time ; which, by the Order of Succeſſion
here obſerved, needs not to be at the ſame Time as the Wights and Elders perform
their firſt Homage, but when their proper Time is come to perform it for them-
ſelves.
Tition
B. "O 37V cu Torsegwą, dj er tñ yñag Core tres gñs, r H Sendons à 221,
aj ti èy durvis, tartas önzor régories, which is in Heaven, and upon the Earth, and
under the Earth , and ſuch as are in the Sea, and what are in them, I beard
them all ſaying. ] This is the Explication of the univerſal Theme, laid down
before by an Enumeration of its Parts, which ſhews the Fulneſs of it. And
the Diviſion of it into Four is Symbolical, according to Nature of it, which
reſpecting the Four Corners of the World, gives us to underſtand, that no Part
that the
or World, which is all ſubjected to Chriſt, is of Two Sorts, the
za
Parts of the viſible Creation, the other all Mankind; and that the former is often
uſed in the Symbolical Language to repreſent the latter ; it being apparent, that
both theſe are equally ſubje&t to Chrift, it is left uncertain , whether we muſt under-
ſtand theſe Expreſſions of the one or the other. For my Part, I believe that
are to be underſtood thereby, the Viſible and Inviſible, the Natural as well as the
Animal, which are equally ſubmitted to Chriſt. Which being ſo, this concludes,
that nothing, either in its felf, or by its Image, is to be worſhipped of Men now;
no more than they were before, when God did by Name forbid it to the Iſraelites,
as it is ſaid in the Decalogue.
C. 'Ev Ted segaveo, In Heaven.] By this we may underſtand the Angels of the in-
vifible World, and the Luminaries or other Elements and Meteors. It alſo implies
in

248
The Lamb.
Ch. V. v. 13

(p) Ile
in the animal World all the ſupreme Powers or civil Magiſtrates, which are all be-
come ſubject to Chriſt, to reduce or uſe them as he pleaſes. None of thefe are to
be worſhipped, or feared, or obeyed, if contrary to the Will of God, in any reli-
gious Worſhip whatſoever
. This excludes all the Worſhip of the Gentiles given to
them ; whom we find not only to have worſhipped good Angels, but the Apoftate,
the viſible Luminaries, and even the civil Powers with divine Worſhip, as Thall be
proved upon Chap. 13.
D. 'Ev tñ zñ'Upon the Earıh. ] That is, all Men living, not only fince the Time
that Jeſus Chriſt is inaugurated, but in all future Ages. Theſe are of Right become
ſubječt to Chriſt. And though they own him not by Homage as yet , they ſhall ne-
vertheleſs be ſubject to the Puniſhments he will infliét upon them for their Diſobedi-
ence. Chriſt being Ruler even of thoſe that do not obey him, in as much as he can
do what he pleaſes with them by his divine Power. This excludes and condemns all
that portentous Idolatry of the Egyptians, and the like, who worſhipped the living
terreſtrial Animals, and even their Pi&tures, or Statues. And as this fignifies Men in
a State of Subjection, it ſhews that although they be under the Power of Rulers that
obey not Chriſt, yet themſelves are not bound to do it, and rather to obey God than
Man, if thoſe Powers will tyrannize over their Conſciences, to hinder them in the
Performance of their Duty.
E. CY Toveite op gãs, Under the Earth.] This ſignifies all Men that are dead, that
are in the Grave, within the Bowels of the Earth. Not only thoſe that are ſo, or
ſhall die, ſince the Inauguration of Chriſt, but even all thoſe that were dead before,
which are kept in the Grave, as in Priſon, till the Judgment of the great Day,
which is to be done by Chrift. And this includes not only good and wicked Men,
but alſo the fallen Angels and Dæmons, who lie in the fame Priſons, 2 Pet. 2.4.
Jud. 6. and have been worſhipped by the Heathens, under the Notion of deceaſed
Heroes, by aſſuming to themſelves the Honour given to them; and fo indeed come
under that Name. All theſe ſhall become ſubject to Chriſt, to undergo his Judg-
ment, to be reſtrained and vanquiſhed by his Power, and at laſt fuffer the Puniſh-
ment inflicted on them ; and thus own it in deſpite of themſelves. But the Souls
of juſt Men departed, are in the Power of Chriſt
, to be raiſed out of their Graves,
and admitted to Glory. Wherefore fince all theſe are under the Power of Chriſt,
none of them can of Right have any Worſhip from Men, but Chriſt is thereby de-
prived of his Right. See Rom. 14. 9. At. 10. 42. And the Note on Chapter
1. 18. D.
But now it will be asked, though Chriſt is indeed Lord of theſe, and in due
Time will ſhew it by their Reſurrection, How can he be ſaid to have received Ho-
mage of them at his Aſcenſion into Heaven? I confeſs the Canon of Scripture may
appear ſomewhat ſhort in this Matter, but Tradition helps it out, againſt which I
cannot ſee what may be objected. For Chriſt having cauſed the Bodies of Saints in
their Monuments to be ſet at Liberty at his Reſurrection, and to appear to many ;
the Ecclefiaftical Authors have obſerv’d, that he aſcended up with them. So ſays
the Apoſtle Thaddeus, in the Tradition of Edeſſa, cited by (m) Euſebius. The (n)
Interpolator of Ignatius confirms it. But () Cyril of Jeruſalem ſays, they praiſed
Chriſt
, which is their Homage. Tertullian alſo ſeems to favour this
, in afferring
that thoſe, who then aroſe, did not return to the Grave :
Amplius, aut terræ retineri viſcere claufos.
Here the word ſilentes fignifies the Dead. See the Note on Chap. II. 9. C. So the
Author going in the Name of (2) Juſtin M. fuppoſes they were taken up, as Enoch
and Elias. We find in Tertullian that the Patriarchs and Prophets, who ſhared in
the Benefit of our Saviour's Reſurrection, were removed from the inferi into Para-
diſe : (-) Immo, inquis
, in Paradiſo, quo jam tunc -&g Patriarche & Prophetæ ap-
pendices dominice Refurre&tionis
, ab inferis migraverint. In calling them appendices





(m) Euſeb. Hiſt. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. ult. (n) Epiſt. ad Trallian.
Catech. XIV. () Tertullian. Car. de Judic. Dom.
LXXXV. ad Orthodox. () Tercullian. de Anim. cap. 55.
(0) Cyrill. Hierofol.
(9) Juſtin. M. Qu. & Reſp.
refur

Ch. V. v. 14.
The Lamb.
249
is D:.00 si un tebou wont i VIOMA
reſurrectionis, he ſuppoſes plainly, that they were raiſed again. In their Refurre&ti-
on therefore, and Aſcenſion with him, Chriſt received their Homages, and had an
Earneſt of his power to raiſe all thoſe who are under the Earth ; that is, the Dead.
Thus alfo Irenæus underſtood the Expreſſion. For uponi view of this Place, he ſays,
(s) Principatum autem habeat eorum quæ ſunt ſub terra, ipfe primogenitus mortuorum
factus: ut & viderent omnia, quemadmodum prædiximus, ſuum regem. And thus,
as the Greeks admitted this Diviſion of Things in Heaven, Things on Earth, and
Things under the Earth ; and accordingly conceived Deities preſiding in each of thoſe
States, ſo they made the infernal Deities Rulers of the Dead in a moſt ſpecial Man-
ner, who are in Homer called thoſe that are in Pain underneath. Bino di Torit sig039
os
Wilib so won flyMadu
(t) z& rei tie, "Im pied'wv; swedise, pézise, siis ole os aniq
30 aasti Hino s street spoeớs nġ Trey T & Taxées, A-
weisel 18 de store
Doe ontotta Kai modxoi, xej gordy aj oi a éves se repórtesi sarly and Home
os se 'Ay Spears the restore estan endast són ob vd
Weile zida 1o notul.
gio
voor onded Bib yotis, dod stolad nwob
Silius Italicus ſeems to have imitated this Expreſſioni, when he ſays : ob preborit as
SUOMO DOBRO
woby med ert og sofflinduart
adt 13 (1) Nigro forte Fovi, củi tertia regna laborant. is 19d yodi doinw
maibugbus
There is another Explication of this Diviſion in the Poet Ezekiel, given by Fethroz
upon view of a Dream of Mofes, which will much better fuit with Chriſt's Power,
the Mediator of a better Covenant than that of Moſes: an sico ad looms silt
sai
Terent emersi snij is en moped
(w) TO BE OF TEST IS Yle ali orxxpoftus, with momo to 9gelivin
Tád'aéreg Tev vej til nesto &egvòy ger, Main To noiRatio 1 90's
"Olet te mbylet, tá te meslo, tá'I'ü segons els alt soits slow
susret saed wom di
F. Kei Secréécoms, And in the Sea. ] One might think, that this is only an 3
Expoſition of the former Expreſſion ; becauſe in the Enumeration of the ſeveral Parts
of the Creation, the Waters are ſaid to be under the Earth ; Exod. 20. 4. Deut. 5. 8.
But there is no need of this. For as God was pleaſed to fórbid in that place the ma-
king of any Similitude of any Thing in the Sea, becauſe the Heathens framed and
worſhipped fuch Images as repreſented Sea-Gods in the Shapes of Sea-Animals, as
for Inſtance (x) Dagon : This is therefore added to ſhew, that nothing is excepted
from being ſubject to God and Chriſt. Under this Head may be alſo concluded all
Men buried in the Sea ; for at Chriſt's Judgment the Sea, as well as the Graves, Ha-
des and Death, muſt give up their Dead, Chap. 20. 14. Likewiſe as Sea ſignifies in the
Symbolical Language, the State of Men in Tumult and Hurry, ſee Note upon Chap
4.6. A. So this may fignify, thar Men in that State are not exempted from Chriſt's
Jurifdi&tion; and that he governs that State alfo, to produce his own Ends from it.
We ſhall have hereafter many Inſtances of that Power of Chriſt.
babu
G. Tợ xew. In ulóa che so Spóvs, rj TUS 'Agvíø i eurozíce vej fruen' zij i soča rý to regro,
Bleſſing, and Honour, and Glory, and Power , be to him that fitreth upon the Throne,
and to the Lamb. ] This makes now the Third Acclamation to the Lamb. We
have already explained theſe Terms, and why the Father is here joined in Worſhip to
the Son, in receiving theſe Royal Attributes. The Number of them is ſuitable to
the Four Parts of the Creation which gives them, as the Number of Seven given
by the Angels, is ſuited to the Number of the Archangels who rule them. So the
Number Three is affected to the Wights and Elders in the former Chapter, being
the Symbol of their Earneftneſs, that being the proper Character of thoſe whom
they repreſent.
H. 'Eus ces autóvers of cidvæv, For ever and ever. ] According to the Hebrew Stile
a (y) Subſtantive with its own Genitive Caſe after it, betokens a Superlative Ex-
preſſion with great Energy, and the Plural Number is ſtill more emphatical. So that
howſoever ſometimes the Hebrew Orny may fignify a determinate, though long Space
(s) Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. 37. (t) Homer. Iliad. T. v. 276. Vid. Iliad. E. V. 271.
(u) Sil. Ical. Punic. Lib. VIII.
(w) Apud. Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX, p. 258.
(c) See Selden de Diis Syr. & Jurieu's Crit. Hift. of Rites and opinions.
Cy) Buxtorf. Theſ. Gram. Lib. II. cap. 3.
Sir
of
250
The Lamb.
Ch. V. v. 14.

of Time, yet there is no doubt but that this Expreſſion denotes Eternity, eſpecially
when thus ſpoken of God. See Gouſſet, V. Dhiy Rad. Oby. The Amen which
is here added immediately in the Complutenſian, and ſome other Copies, but left our
in others, is not material. Tis more likely that the Holy Ghoſt meant, that the
Amen to be ſaid to this Doxology was left to be ſpoken by the Wights
, to ſhew
their Conſent to it, and Concurrence with the Worſhip of all Things.
But
LA. Verf. 14. Kai te reordega Lwa išsyon, Ajelu', And the Four Wights faid, Amen. ]
The Uſe of the Word Amen, whether in Prayer or Praiſe, as in i Cor. 14. 16. or in
Adjurations, as in Numb. 5. 22. Deut. 27. 15. ſeems to have been ſo affected to the
People, that it could not here be ufed by others, but that it muſt contain fome für-
ther Myſtery, to ſhew the different Ways of receiving the Goſpel ; fome even antici-
pating the Call of the Clergy : If not at the firſt Preaching, which is not inferred
here, yet at leaſt in after-Ages, and perhaps fo to the End of the militant State of
the Church. But there is another Way to account for this Word, ariſing from the So-
lution of this Queſtion, Why do not the Wights here, as well as the Elders, fall
down before both, as they did before jointly to the Lamb at the Eighth Verſe, and
as the Elders do hereafter in this Verſe ? I anſwer, that the Wights having once made
their Submiffion to the Lamb, by falling down to receive him upon the Throne,
which they bear, and there to ſupport and attend upon him with the Father, that
Ceremony is now needleſs, Chriſt being upon it; for that ſupporting and attending
is a conſtant Submiffion repeated or continued. It remains then, that they own the
Worſhip by Aſſent. Thus the Prayer put up to God and Chriſt by the Clergy, in
the Name of the People, ſhews their own Aſſent to their Service and Worſhip, and
becomes at the fame Time their own Prayer, as well as for the People. Herein is a
Privilege of our Church, Thewing the Truth and Simplicity of our Worſhip, and
the Perfection of Chriſt's Merit : For in the Mofaical Atonements for the Uſe of the
whole Nation, the Prieſt was to begin by atoning for himſelf and his Houſe, Levit.
16.6. Now Chriſt hath made a full Atonement for us Clergy and People; and
therefore we may draw up boldly unto the Throne of Grace, Heb. 4. 16.
B. Kai o niecoßú TESOR & Teq sij meg oxuína, And the Elders fell down and wor.
Shipped.] The Heads of the Laity, and their Subjects, do not attend fo near as the
Wights, that their conſtant Attendance ſhould be conſtrued as a conſtant Submiſſion ;
and therefore they muſt do it, or repeat it upon Occafion. They had before paid
their Homage to the Father and the Son fingly, but as there is a Neceſſity to ſhew,
that this is a joint Worſhip, and an inſeparable Obje&t of it, they acknowledge that
too. They Worſhip, but make no Acclamation; it may be ſuppoſed becauſe they
have made Three before, and that there ought to be no more.
C. Zürn eis tès av els ous dévær, Him that liveth for ever and ever. ] This is
not read in the Complutenſian, and many Manuſcripts. Some think that this is ad-
ded from another Place, but that Place, being in the former Chapter, is too far.
Copyiſts are wont rather to fail in Omiſſions than Commiſſions; unleſs it could be
pretended, that it was neceffary to make up a full Senſe. But the Senſe is perfect
without it. So that we mult rather look upon the Omiffion of it as a Fault of the
Copyifts, if not perhaps done purpoſely by fome who were no Friends to the Di-
vinity of Chriſt. For it is evident, that this is a Concurrence of the Elders to the
Worſhip of the whole Creation; and therefore He that liveth, is the ſame as he
that is expreſſed before in the Hymn to be, He that fitteth on the Throne, and the
Lamb, who both are one Living God; and are therefore united in Subſtance as well
as Worſhip. Yet if any will follow the Opinion of (2) Dr. Mill, who thinks that
they are crept in from that Place, though it be ſo far, I will not much withſtand it.
Though I cannot forbear to ſay, that this Learned Man ſuſpects more Places, as
Gloſſes, than there is a Neceffity for.
St. Auguſtine is reported to have wiſhed to ſee Three Things; Chriſt in the Fleſh,
St. Paul Preaching, and a Roman Triumph. But had he been bleſſed to ſee this
Viſion of Chriſt's Inauguration, he would have owned, that nothing in the World
could be compared to it. Our Saviour indeed hath therefore faid that, Bleſſed were
they who ſaw the Things which his Diſciples Samo; for Prophets and Kings had wiſhed.
to ſee and hear the Things which they ſaw and heard, Luke 10. 23, 24. And he
(<) Proleg, in N. T. Pag. III.
pros

Chap. VỊ.
251
The Lamb.
pronounced that the Pure in Heart are bleſſed, becauſe they shall see God. The
Sight therefore of this noble and tranſcendent Viſion was fo particular a Favour, thar
Chriſt choſe his beloved Diſciple to that Purpoſe. This may ſhew us, that what-
erer Men think of the Pomps and Vanities of the World, the Kingdom of Chriſt is
more glorious than all ; ſeeing that even the Symbolical Repreſentation thereof.
though fetch'd from viſible Obječts of Nature, and Human Art, a pitiful Buſineſs
when compared to the State contrived by the Wiſdom of God, affords the nobleft
Sight that can be fèt before Human Eyes, exceeding all that ever was ſeen of Pomp
and Glory in this world. (a) Credo equidem, ſays Ifidorus Hiſpal. quod magnani
Lætitiam fentit, qui aliquid revelante ſpiritu didicit
. Therefore we find, that thoſe
Two Holy Men in the Mofaical and Chriſtian Diſpenſation, who have had the moſt
explicite propherical Viſions, Daniel and Fohn, are ſaid in (b) Holy Writ to have been
fpecially beloved. Thus alfo Abraham ſaw the Day of Chriſt, and was glad. But
this muſt be in a Typical or Propherical Viſion. . Now Horace has imitated this Sort
of Joy in one of his pretended Enthufiaſms, for he ſays: od to 2018 ore 1989
jos pobres (c) Eu«, recenti mens
(c) Eue, recenti mens trepidat metu,
OVES Find denoids holl 6
Plenoque Bacchi pečtore turbidum mougl Bluor ad totoban
Lætatur.
taus siz) (s): bunroqui eurozi
og But most of bo all abouxabb fáj Garni
And in another Place, the Poetical Enthuſiaſm upon the Approach of the Muſes,
is with him (d) Amabilis Infania , a lovely Fury. Conſult on this Subject (e)
Jamblichus.
Blog Utsiood vinosiu ir matoda
-130
entonces ni alio dodanych
susah 01 SUM 10918 mu bola
sburs choisir 9563 bogst 07 sono vbH sitt

Saviour into
who maid. In Shot by sno
dth Single out low
to Boire C H A P.
C H VI.
sunt o noua coil
eroll
19951 ow Boy Short
Voit blio konto modo luctus ei jordcom
Kansport 910W TOUM door want 10 07 magnus Stadt
Aving thus ſeen the ſolemn Inauguration, or Admiſſion of our
the Throne of the Divine Majeſty, and the Homage and Woríhip which is
thereupon given to him, by ſuch Ceremonies, or Symbols, as diſcover to us the
Nature, Properties, and Extent of it, in a moſt exact and clear Manner ; whereas
the Evangeliſts have given us but a Hint thereof, being content to tell us in general,
that he was taken up into Heaven, and fate on the Right Hand of God, Mark 16. 19.
and that our Saviour informed his Diſciples that thereupon, all Power was given to
him in Heaven and in Earth, Matth. 28. 18. The Holy Ghoſt now goes on to give
us an Account, how he acquires and governs his Kingdom from the Beginning, to the
End and Perfeétion of it. Now among the Symbols of his Inauguration, we have
feen, that his Power, or Kingdom, is committed to him by the Delivery of a Book,
Sealed with Seven Seals, which none is able, or worthy to open but himſelf: Where-
by we are given to underſtand, that he is rather inveſted in the Right of a Kingdom,
than in the full and immediate Poffefſion of it. This he is to do of himſelf by that
Power, and with thoſe Helps, which are then committed to him, and have made
their Submiſſion to him for that Effect. Theſe Helps are the whole Creation of
viſible and inviſible Agents, which he is to make Uſe of according to his Wifdom,
and the premeditated Counſels, Deſigns, and Myſteries of God, at the fame Time
committed to him, as being the only begorten Son of God, in the Bofom of the
Father. Wherefore the opening of theſe Šeals, wherewith he is to begin, is the
Symbol, which fignifies ſo many Degrees, or Means, whereby Chrift gets into an
open Pofleffion of his Kingdom. By this it appears, that there is ſome Difference

(a) Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. I. Cap. 17.
(6) Dan. 9. 23; 10. 11. John 13. 23.
(°) Horat. Lib. II. Od. 19.
(d) Horat. Lib. III. od. 4. (e) Jamblich. d. Myit.
Sect. IX. Cap. IV:
2
between

252
ICh. VI.
between the manner of his Inveſtiture, and that of other Monarchs, whoſe Poffeffions
are ready before them, poſſeſſed forthwith upon the Inveſtiture; who firſt take Pof
ſeſſion, and then are by publick Ceremonies inveſted, inaugurated, and worshipped
by their Subjects.
Beregme 96,7 10 pladt 99M 1979
Not but that there are Inſtances wherein Monarchs, eſpecially of the Feudatory
Sort, have been firſt inveſted by Ceremonies, and then by Armies put into
Poſſeſſion, as Herod the Great. But others however, before their Solemn Inaugu-
ration, obſerve a Ceremony of Proclamation and Solemn Proceſſion, or Cavalcade
and Entry, which they make in their Capital City, by that taking Poffeffion of the
Whole. Then they proceed to their Inauguration accordingly, to receive therein the
Homage of thoſe people whom they take Poffeſfion of. Thus David firſt got Pof-
feffion, being before anointed thereto ; and after his taking of Poſſeſſion, was again
Inaugurated. But Solomon his Son, in his Inveſtiture into the Throne of David, by
his Father's Order, began firſt with this Cavalcade upon the King's own Bealt.
After this he was Anointed and Inaugurated. It was upon this View, that the
Perſian Interpreters of the Dream of Darius , wherein he ſaw Alexander riding on
a Horſe through Babylon, gave Darius to underſtand, that this portended to Alex.
ander, that he ſhould become Maſter of the Dominions of Aſia. The whole Dream
is thus reported : (a) Cafira Alexandri magno ignis fulgore. collucere ei viſa ſunt, &
paulo pofi Alexander adduci ad ipſum in eo veftis-habitu, quo ipfe fuiſſet ; equo
deinde per Babylonem ve&tus, ſubito cum ipſo equo oculis esſe ſubductus. This Caval-
cade we ſhall now find practiſed by our Saviour in theſe Viſions for the fame Reaſon,
but in ſomewhat a different Männer, for Reaſons mentioned afterwards in their pro-
per Places, wherein Chriſt uſes only Deputies to that Purpoſe.
There are Symbolical Horſes in the Viſions of Zachary, Chap. 1. 8. and Chap. 6.
1, 2, &c. which ſeem in a great Meaſure to be introduced to the like Purpoſe. In
the firſt the Holy Ghoſt, to repreſent the Preparations made for the Reſtauration
of the fews to their own Land, and the Examination of all the Parts of the World,
to fee if Matters were ripe for their Reception, fets forth a mighty Angel mounted
on a Red Horſe, and behind him other Horſes of ſeveral Colours, which are ſent to
walk to and fro through the Earth, and obſerve whether it be at Reſt. The latter
Viſion is much to the fame Purpoſe, ſaving only that they have Chariots. Out of
theſe Viſions we receive this Inſtruction, that the Four Horſes repreſent the Four
Winds; that is, reſpect the Four Parts of the World, which they Vifit. So that
theſe being ſent to ſpy out, Thew, that all Matters were prepared, that the People
might be recalled out of their Babylonian Captivity, to be reſtored to their own
the Horſes being the Forerunners, that had eſpied, taken Poffefſion, and pre-
pared the way for it.
md o novig trogustos
Now to apply this to our Caſe, we muſt obferve, that the opening of the firſt
Four Seals is accompanied with the ſending out of Four Horſes with Riders, re.
preſenting, or attending the Publication of the Goſpel all over ; whereby Jeſus Chriſt
takes the firſt Poffeffion of his Kingdom by his Deputies, till himſelf comes to com-
pleat it. For Jeſus Chriſt not being now come to take a full Poſſeſſion thereof, be-
cauſe all his Enemies are not ſubdued, but are fo to be by Degrees, he ſends now
Meſſengers with proper Characters to ride for him throughout the Earth, and pub-
liſh his. Do&trine, or diſplay and Proclaim his Laws to all Mankind, endeavouring
firſt to bring to him the Firſt-fruits
, to make way for the full Harveſt afterwards.
The following Seals fpecify what happens afterwards, till the Goſpel univerſally pro-
claimed by the Firſt Four, ſhall have overcome the then prevailing Enemies, and be-
come not only Publick, but by cruſhing down Idolatry with its Power, remain in
quiet Poffeffion. Thus the Univerſal Proclamation of the Goſpel being
performed by
the opening of the Firſt Four Seals, all the circumſtances attending them Sym-
bolically, muſt be ſo many Circumſtances of worldly Affairs relating to the Church.
Thoſe Circumſtances may be reduced to Four. Firſt, the Voice of one of the
Wights ; Secondly, The Horſe ſent out to take Poffeffion; Thirdly, The Colour of
the Horſe, denoting fome Accident of that Seiſure ; Fourthly, The Rider with his
Attributes, denoting alſo fome analogous Accident. All theſe differ from each other.
Let us now proceed to the full Expofition.

Land;
(f) Q. Curt. Lib. III. Cap. 3. Vid. Plutarch. Vit. Alexandr. F. 221.
SEAL
Ch. VI. v. I.
253
Seal I. opened.
SEAL 1.
A. Verf. 1. Kui ei sov o te loše to dzvior qué av en res ad opegvédovAnd saw when
the Lamb opened the firſt of the Seven Şeals.] By the opening of this Seal, Chriſt
doth as good as command his Apoſtles, Evangeliſts, and their Afliftants and Succef-
ſors, to go and inſtruct all Nations, and to baprize them in the Name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt. Seeing that upon the opening of each of
them, the Wights, who are the Repreſentatives of the Goſpel Miniſtry, each in his
reſpective Turn, in Obedience to the Command of Chriſt, and his Permiſſion, inti-
mated by the opening of the Seal, give out a Voice like Thunder, which is the
Symbol of the Divine Law; invite all Men to come in, and obey it, to obtain Salva-
tion; or elſe threaten, and forewarn them of the Danger accompanying the Diſobedi-
ent, which is ſignified by the Circumſtances of the Rider.
B. Kai ñixe ou švos én of Tearésoov Leówv, And I heard the firſt of the Four Wights.] This
firſt Wight is characteriſed by the Symbol of a Lion, and according to the Significa-
tion thereof, this denotes the Boldneſs and prevailing Succeſs of the Chriſtian
Preachers in this firſt Step, Epocha, or Stage of the preaching of the Goſpel ; who
ſtirred ſo much, and had ſuch great Succeſs, that they eſtabliſhed Churches in all the
remarkable Parts of the Roman Empire, from the very Weſt to the utmoſt Boundaries,
at and beyond Euphrates. We ſee, that the opening of the Seal lets looſe his voice,
and conſequently he acts by the Lamb's Order.
C. De oove Beguras, As the Voice of Thunder.] We have ſeen already what Thun-
der ſignifies in general, and how it being ſaid to proceed from the Throne, implies
that Thunder fignifies the Oracles proceeding from God fitting on his Throne, to give
out his Edicts or Laws. But here the Voice of the Wight is compared to it. This
we are now to give a particular Account of. When Moſes was to receive the Law,
and it was to be publiſhed to the Iſraelites, it was preceded with an admirable and
terrifying Prelude of Fire, Smoke, and ſhaking on the Mount, and the Voice of a
Trumper founding long. Now we muſt further obſerve, that Thunder is called a .
Voice in the Sacred Dialect, and in particular the Voice of God. See Pſalm 29. In-
ſomuch, that when in the New Teſtament God is reported to have ſpoken to his Son,
as upon our Saviour's Requeſt to God to glorify him, John 12. 28. and a Voice
thereupon comes from Heaven, the Multitude calls it Thunder, and ſome faid, that
an Angel had ſpoken to him. See Matth. 3. 17. and Chap. 17. 5. and compare
2 Pet. 1. 17, 18. Upon theſe Accounts we may boldly fay, that in the Symbolical
Language of St. Fohn, Thunder fignifies always the Voice of God, or his Oracles,
the Declaration and Publication of his Will ; and that it is accordingly heard of Men,
and actually obeyed. And if this Thunder is ſaid to come out of any thing elſe, that
Thing is the Means which God makes uſe of to publiſh his Oracles, to diſcover his
Will unknown before, according to what we have produced before out of Artemia
dorus. So that Thunder is a Revelation ; and conſequently Thunder ſpoken, or ut-
tered by a Wight attending upon God's Throne, ſignifies the Manifeſtation of God's
Will by the Preaching of the Prieſthood: And that when a Wight utters a Voice,
and that Voice is compared to Thunder, we may conclude, that the preaching of the
Goſpel by the Apoſtles was the Proclamation of the Laws and Oracles of God. And
herein God performs literally what was done ſymbolically in the Promulgation of his
Oracles to Moſes from between the Cherubim, Numb. 7. 89. The Prieſthood are
our Cherubim, who have made us hear the Voice of God ſpeaking in and through
them.
In the Beginning of the Goſpel, when the Diſciples were to receive their Com
miffion by the Inſpiration of the Holy Ghoſt, there was a literal Accompliſhment of
this, A&ts 2. 2. There came a Sound from Heaven, as of a ruſhing mighty Wind. This
ixó, or Sound, was a Thunder, as Euſebius calls it, (a) o té sexliv Begutós égle's to nxo ;
and he judiciouſly concludes, that it figuratively denotes the preaching of the Goſpel
,
της και βρον της καθ' έτερον Sύπον το ευαγγολικον κήρυγμα δηλασης. Whence it comes, that
others have underſtood it ſo too. Tertullian uſes this Expreſſion with an Alluſion to


pag. 120.
(a) Euſeb. c. Marcell. Vid. Socrar. Ecclef. Hiſt. Lib. II. cap. 21. Vid. Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. IV.
Ttt
God's
254
Ch. VI. V.I.
Seal I.
God's uttering his Law from Mount Sinai: (b) Sed nullus ſermo divinus nifi Dei unius,
quo Prophetæ, quo Apoftoli, quo ipſe Chriſtus intonuit. Tychonius faith, (c) EM ES
alius senſus ut fulgura & voces prædicatio Ecclefiæ intelligantur. In vocibus verba, in
fulgure miracula cognoſcuntur. Et mox, fulgura & tonitrua, quæ de folio exire dicuntur,
predicationes & promiffiones Novi Teſtamenti
. So the Note upon Chap. 8. 5. B.
(d) Omnia hæc Spiritales ſunt Ecclefiæ prædicationes & virtutes. And upon Chap. 10.
4. (e) Propter obtundendos di&tum eſt: ut non paffim omnibus patent verba Dei. And
again upon Chap. 11. 19. (f) Hæc omnia funt virtutes prædicationis & corufcationis
& bellorum Ecclefiæ. And that the Thunder at the Effufion of the Holy Ghoſt denoted
the Publication of the Goſpel, ſeems to have been underſtood by St. Auguſtine, when
he faith, (8) Per nubes ergo ſuas tonuit, quas Spiritu San&to cum aſcendiſſet implevit
.
So that he and Hierom uſe the Metaphor of Thunder, when they ſpeak of the Divine
Oracles: (h) Legant, faith Auguſtine, noftra & per Prophetas, & per Santum Evan-
gelium, & per Apoſtolicos A&tus, & per Epiſtolas tam multa contra avaritiam atque
luxuriam, ubique populis ad hoc congregatis
, quam excelenter, quam divine, non tan-
quàm ex philoſophorum concertationibus
ftrepere, ſed tanquam ex oraculis, & Dei nu-
bibus intonare. And Hierom, (i) Divinis Evangelium vocibus contonat. And again,
(k) Evangelij intelligat majeftatem, ad cujus fulgura omnis mortalium ſenſus habetatur.
And laſtly St. Augufline faith thus, (l) Quamvis divino intonante præcepto obediendum
lit, non diſputandum. Accordingly in the Poetical and Symbolical Book of fob,
God is ſaid to ſpeak to Fob in a Whirlwind or Storm, which undoubtedly was accom-
panied with a Cloud, as the LXX have underſtood it, and a great Thunder. For
theſe and great Shakings are wont to go together, and are ſaid to do ſo when God
ſpeaks. See to that Purpoſe Pſalm 18.7, 8, 9. and 1 Kings 19. 11. the Place in Job
is Chap. 38. 1. I may add to all this, that Irenæus ſpeaking of the firſt Deſcent of the
Holy Ghoſt with that Thunder, calls it (m) Introitum vitæ & apertionem Novi Teſta-
menti ; that is, the opening of the firſt Seal. Again, (n) Neque in nomen alicujus
alterius crediderunt gentes ; neque quis ex eis mortuus & refurgens aperuit novum
Libertatis Teftamentum.
If we reaſon according to the Principles of the Symbolical Science and Language,
we ſhall draw the ſame Inference. For it being plain, that Thunder is a Voice, and
often pur ſynonymoully with it, and that it comes from Heaven, it will follow, that
as Heaven ſignifies the Station of the Supreme Power, which is the political Heaven ;
ſo the Thunder muſt be the Voice and Proclamation of that Authority and Power,
and of its Will and Laws, implying the Obedience of the Subjects, which is done
either immediately by it ſelf, or by its Agents deputed thereto; ſo that when the
Powers of the World are in Subječtion to God, and become willingly his Miniſters,
he may uſe them for that Purpoſe ; and till then his Ecclefiaftical Miniſters, as here.
But whereas I ſay, that this Thunder, when urtered, implies a due Obedience to
the Oracles and Law of God, it is moſt reaſonable to do ſo, becauſe in general it is
abſurd to ſuppoſe a Supreme Power giving out Laws, which either it hath not Power
to cauſe to be obeyed, or knows and defigns that they ſhould not be obſerved; which
in God is ſtill moſt abſurd. Upon theſe Grounds we muſt obſerve here exa&tly the
Expreſſion of the Holy Ghoſt. It is only faid, that the Voice of the Wight was, as
it were Thunder, as gavà Begvtñ's, to fhew us, that this doth not quite imply ſo much
as if it were Thunder fimply. Thunder is a Voice, which quite drowns all others,
and ſo would imply, that it overcomes the Voice of all other Authority. 'Tis true,
that the Goſpel, in ſuch as received it, was predominant above all human Laws in them,
but not in ſo high a manner as to cruſh down preſently all the Enemies of the Goſpel
For theſe Reaſons the Holy Ghoſt puts in a Particle by way of Correction or Diminu-
tion. In other places where it is not uſed, we muſt conclude, that the Divine Law
then prevails abſolutely, without Correction or Diminution. See the Note on
Chap. 10. 3. B.




(e) Ibid.
(6) Tercullian. de Anima, cap. 28. Vid. De Pudicit. cap. 1 2.
(c) Homil. III. (d) Homil. VI.
(f) Homil. IX.
(8) Auguſt. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVII. cap. 4.
(b) Ibid. Lib. II. cap. 19.
(i) Hieronym. ad Heliodorum.
(k) Idem ad Gaudent.
(1) Auguſtin. de
Civit. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap. 32. •
(m) Iren. Lib. III. cap. 19.
(n) Iren. Lib. IV, cap. 67.
D. 'Esma
Ch. VI. V. 1.
Seal I.
255
D. "Esx", vej Baérre, Come and ſee. ] The Complut. Edition hath not the Words,
Balne, authoriſed therein by the Alexandrian MSS. and others. But we muſt not re-
je&t it for that, ſince it is found in others, in the Lat. Vulgate and Tychonius ; and
beſides that, contains a noble and neceſſary Senſe, as we ſhall ſhew. The Expreſſion,
Come and fee, is almoſt proverbial, or as uſed by publick Cryers. Fohn 1. 39. Matt. 28.
6. John 4. 29. The Rabbies uſe it ftill upon very remarkable Occafions in their
Books. They ſay, (o)-871N1), Come and ſee. But in 2 Kings 10. 16. ’tis 179 998
1787, Come with me, and ſee. Likewiſe in Pſal
. 46.9. we find the ſame formula,
ndo me nj , inviting all Men to come and ſee the
wonderful Works of God upon the
Earth ; which is upon the like Occaſion as in our Text. So that it denotes, how each
of the Wights ſucceſſively, that is, the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts with their Succeſſors,
during the Primitive State of the Church, would, by the Command and Aſſiſtance
of Chriſt, invite all Men to come and ſee the Salvation, which was wrought for them
by Chriſt, and the Myſteries thereof, both as to the obtaining of Salvation, and as to the
avoiding of the Dangers and Puniſhments prepared for the Wicked and Diſobedient.
So that this is not only ſpoken in reſpect of the following Viſion of the Horſe, as if
it had been neceſſary that St. John ſhould be advertiſed thereof, a thing not pra&tiſed
in other Parts; but this Imitation is fymbolical, and tends to call the Jews and Gen-
tiles to come to Chriſt, at the ſame time as they are by the ſame Call warned to
look to the Conſequences thereof, both good and bad, according to the Uſe made of
the Call, Come and ſee. For if we duly conſider, that every one of them that ride
upon the Horſes, come forth with ſome different Attributes, which ſhew fome Effects
of God's Judgments upon the World at that Time, we ſhall eaſily perceive, that by
ſending thoſe particular Effects of his Anger, chiefly upon the Idolaters and other
Enemies, God did deſign that Men, being awak'd by thoſe Puniſhments and Hard-
ſhips, ſhould turn towards him, and worſhip his Son, by whoſe Order they come
out: Of which alſo his Miniſters do thus give them notice.
For we muſt here obſerve, that as it is true in general, that all the Evil that hap-
pens in the World is deſigned by God for his Ends, either to try the Faithful, or to
puniſh and awake the Wicked ; ſo it is certain, that in this Book all the Evil that is
propheſied of therein, is ſaid to be for the Chaſtiſement or Puniſhment of the Wick-
ed; or that it happens to them, becauſe they would not repent them of their Sins, of
which God had before given them notice. Compare Chap. 8. 13. and Chap. 9. 20.
and Chap. 16. 21. And that it happens to the Faithful, that they alſo ſuffer in their
Kind ; this is alſo declared to be for a Trial of their Faith, ſo that there are always
joined to it two remarkable Promiſes of God: the firſt, that he will avenge their
Quarrel upon their Enemies ; and the other, that he will reward them according to
their Works with everlaſting Felicity. So that when each of the Wights cries out,
Come and ſee, and thereupon St. John fees a Horſe with ſome Attributes, it is as
much as to ſay, the Chriſtian Clergy Thall proclaim, That all Men make ready the
Way of Chriſt, and worſhip him; and conſider, that he is now taking Poſſeſſion of
his Kingdom ; and that his Enemies ſhall find, if they oppoſe him, that he will bring
upon them the Effets of his Anger in different Manners, to admoniſh and chaſtiſe
them. Therefore come in, ſee, beware, and take notice, repent ſpeedily, embrace
his Religion, that ye may eſcape. So then the "égxx belongs to the Invitation, and
the Bréme to the threatned Danger ; look to it, 'tis your Buſineſs, as in Matth. 27.4,
24. ou order, and vjeca's oleat, Look thou to it, Look ye to it. And here I ſhall beg
Leave to produce the Words of Ambr. Ansbertus ; who, though when ſpeaking on
this Place, 'tis ſomewhat obſcurely ; yet afterwards is very plain. He faith, (p) Quid
eſt ergo unum ex ſeptem fignaculis folvere, niſi redemptorem noftrum, ut longe ſuperius
expoſuimus, nativitatis fuæ, paſſionis
, ac reſurrectionis clavi, divinarum ſcripturarum
facramenta aperire ? Quid vero eſt, unum ex quatuor animalibus, Johannem, ut veni-
at & videat, vocare, niſi eundem redemptorem noftrum, Sive per vocem prædicatorum,
fubfequenter Ecclefiam ad fidem invitare,
Thus we ſee here the Accompliſhment of that Prophecy of Iſaiah 65. 1. wherein
God foretels the Call of the Gentiles in theſe Words : I ſaid, Behold me Behold me,
unto a Nation that was not called by my Name. What is this bur, Come and ſee
Here is the true Object of your Worſhip : Come to the true God, who will now be

6) Talmudiſt. in Joma. & Sorah.
(p) A. Ansbert. Lib. VII. ad Apoc. cap. 15. 1.
your
2
256
Ch. VI. V. I.
Seal I.
your God. The Converſion of Men to Chriſt is in Holy Writ called Coming, as
Fohn 3. 26. and Chap. 5.40. and Chap. 6. 37, 44. And this is ſuitable to the Femiſi
Stile, who called the converted Gentiles Profelytes, that is, Comers in. As to the
Accompliſhment of the other Part of the Invitacion, which concerns the Danger, im-
plying, that the Preachers of the Goſpel ſhould forewarn Men thereof, we find
Acts 2:40. that in the firſt folemn Sermon of St. Peter, he faid, Save your ſelves
from this untoward Generation ; that is, feparate your felves by Converſion, that ye
be not involved in their Puniſhment. Compare Numb. 16. 21, 24. Afterwards in-
deed, inſtead of profiting thereby, the Heathens were wont to object againſt the
Chriſtians, that all thoſe Plagues which they did fuffer according to this Prophecy,
came rather becauſe they had forſaken the Old Religion. But the Chriſtian Apolo-
gifts took care to retort that, and ſhew, that thoſe Plagues came upon them for
perſecuting the Chriſtians, and ſhedding innocent Blood. Thus they ſeemed to cry
out to them, Come and fee. Tertullian was very ſenſible of the Truth of this, when
he ſaith, (2) Sequitur ut omnes feculi plagæ nobis
, ſi forte in admonitionem, vobis in
caſtigationem à Deo obveniant. Atqui nos nullo modo lædimur, in primis, quia nihil
noſtra refert in hoc ævo niſi de eo quam celeriter excedere. Dehinc, quia fiquid adverfi
infligitur, veftris meritis deputatur. Sed etfi aliqua nos quoque perftringunt, ut vobis
cohærentes, lætamur magis recognitione divinarum prædicationum, confirmantium fcilicet
fiduciam, & fidem Jpei noſtre. See alſo his Book ad Scapulam, cap. 3. and Cyprian
ad Demetrianum.
Moreover we are to obſerve, that although theſe Words, szex xj Brézie, be in the
ſingular Number, and ſeem only to regard St. John; yet this hinders not at all the
Truth of any thing that we have ſaid, becauſe his Perſon is here fymbolical ; and
this Exhortation being directed to him, Thews, that the Chriſtian Clergy doth the
fame to all the Members of the Church, in whoſe Name St. John receives this and
all the Viſions. But perhaps there is no Need to ſuppoſe this fo ftriétly, but that
the Words, Come and fee, are ſpoken to all Mankind as one People. So God ſpake
to the People of Iſrael. Now ſince the Death of Chriſt has taken down the Par-
tition Wall, all Men are conſider'd as one People before God. And the Apoſtles of
Chriſt did without Difference preach the Goſpel to every Creature.
This being ſo, we need not to ſuppoſe, that the Epocha of the Revelation is to be
fixed at the Time of the Viſion, as we have obſerved before, but rather at thoſe
Times which are repreſented therein: So that we need not to fix the Beginning of
this Seal with any Uncertainty, but very boldly at the very firſt Deſcent of the Holy
Ghoſt upon the Diſciples, and their preaching the Goſpel accordingly; that is, at
the very opening of the Theatre, and the Inauguration of Chriſt, which was actually
performed at his (r) Aſcenſion into Heaven, to fit at the right Hand of God. What
the Evangeliſts ſay about it, being what is here fymbolically repreſented to St. John ;
as we have fully Thewn.
The Conſideration of this Epocha gives me Occaſion to make two Obſervations ;
the one in general, concerning the Voice or Preaching of all the Wights ſucceſſively ;
the other concerning this firſt Wight's. Firſt then, it is obſervable, that this firſt
Wight is only faid to give his Voice like a Thunder, and none of the three following.
Now it is uncertain, whether the Holy Ghoſt did mean, that this Addition, like, or
as the Voice of Thunder, was to be underſtood of all the reſt ; or whether this was
an eſſential Difference between this and them. If the former be true, then we may
eaſily conclude, that this Thunder doth imply the miraculous Affiſtance of God joined
to their preaching throughout. For during that Time of the Church, which was
employed in preaching the Goſpel, and making Diſciples, which was accompanied
with theſe viſible Effects of God's Anger upon the Infidels, as we ſhall find it was
by the Expoſition of theſe Four Seals; that is, whilſt theſe Four Wights ſpeak like
Thunder, we ſhall find by Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory, that the miraculous Gifts laſted,
and no longer. During this Time, the Goſpel had made the moſt conſiderable Pro-
greſs; and that was owing to the Preaching of the Chriſtian Clergy only. The
Converſion of the reſt that followed was not ſo much due to the Travels and Preach-
ing of the Clergy, as to the Temporal Proſperity of the Church, by the Suppreſſion
of the Civil Power of Paganiſm. Upon this Account the opening of each of theſe

(9) Tertul. Apolog. cap: 41.
(1) Vid. Ambrof. Ansbert. Lib. III. ad Apoc. cap. 4. I.
first
Ch. VI. V. I.
Seal 1.
257

them return'd according to the Prophecy of Jeremiah, Chap. 50. 4. And St. Paul
firſt Four Seals, acompanied with a Voice like Thunder, implies, that the Holy
Ghoſt confiders the ſpreading of the Goſpel, as a Work of ſuch an Extent, as we
find the miraculous Power of the Holy Ghoſt, attending the preaching of the Goſpel.
For the (s) Holy Ghoſt gave that Power no longer than it was neceſſary for that Pur-
pofe. And conſequently, ſo long as we find that miraculous Power in the Ecclefi-
aſtical Hiſtory truly averr'd, we may conclude , that the work was ſtill a-doing;
the miraculous Power implying the Neceſſity of it ſtill ; the Work on the other
Hand implying alſo the Neceſſity of the miraculous Power. And for theſe Reaſons
the Extent of that Power in the Hiſtory of the Church ſhews, that theſe Four Seals
are collateral to it. I do not ſày, that the Thunders imply abſolutely the miraculous
Power, but rather on the other side, the miraculous Power in the Church ſhews
how far the Extent of the Converſion of the Gentiles and fews was to be ; and
conſequently the firſt Settlement of Chriſtianity.
But if we, on the other Hand , ſtick to the
Letter, and look upon the Omiſſion of
the Compariſon of the Voices of the Three following Wights to Thunder, as done
deſignedly, which I take to be the furer Side, then the meaning of it is, that this
firſt Wight, or the firſt preaching Clergy, would far exceed in Dignity, Power, and
Succeſs, as well as Authority, the reſt of the Preachers 5 yea, that they alone would
preach to us the true Oracles of God, his full Will and Laws, and that none elſe
Thould have any Authority, either to publiſh any more of them, or to gainfay them ;
but that their preaching ſhould be only to come in and conform to the Laws and Oracles
already publiſhed. And this I take to be the fureft Side ; and ſhews, that no Doctrine,
but what was preached by the firft Apoſtles of Chriſt, is to be received in the Church;
none elſe having had ſuch Authority but they , though all be bound to publiſh thoſe
that are already known, and deliver them to ſuch as know them not yet. For all which
Reaſons the Power of 'Miracles was in thofe firft Preachers much more eminent than
afterwards ; inſomuch that thoſe of the reſt are hardly taken notice of, becauſe they
were not to eſtabliſh any new Doctrine, but to ſerve only for particular Occaſions, to
convert new Diſciples, and ſtill confirm the old. However, that ſuch a Power in
fome low Degree, continued during all thoſe Times that we ſhall ſhow theſe firſt
Four Seals are opened, is made out by fome Learned Men, as (t) Dalaus, and (u) Dod-
well
, to whom I muſt here refer my ſelf. I ſhall cloſe up this with the Words of an
ingenious Author ; (w)“ The Apoſtles whom he ( Chriſt) had animated with his
Power, ſpake alſo as it were out of the Thunder, and as Cherubims of Glory. The
« Sound of their Wings was as the Noiſe of great Waters, and as the Voice of
“ God”. The Application of them to this place is viſible.
The Second Thing I am to obſerve concerning this firſt Wight, is this, That it is
very likely, that this Wight having the Reſemblance of a Lion, may have a parti-
cular Reſpect to the Tribe of Judah, which was firſt to be called to hear the Goſpel
.
Fudah was often repreſented by a Lion ; and our Saviour in this Prophecy is called
the Lion of that Tribe, and that is of all Ifrael, which by the Prerogative of that
Tribe was all included in its Name, becauſe upon the Diviſion of the Nation they
adhered to the Worſhip of Judah. Whence not only the Tribe of Benjamin and
Levi, but all the Members of the other Tribes, that adhered together in it, were
called (x) Fews. For we read of many private Perſons, which did fo ad here to Fu-
dah, notwithſtanding the Apoftafie of the reft , as Tobit of the Tribe of Nephthali
and Anna the Propheteſs of the Tribe of Aljer. Whence it came, that many of
calls his own Nation by the Name of awdexequror, the Twelve Tribes. See alſo
2 Chron. 34. 7. 9. And Chap. 35. 3, 17. Eſdras , 6. 17. And Chap. 8. 3$.
So that even the Holy Ghoſt in the Times of the Prophet Ezekiel took
notice of this, and ranked all ſuch Members of the other Tribes under the
Name of Judah, Chap. 37. 16. A Rod, from the Allufion of the Hebrew Name
of it, to that of a Tribe, which is way, is uſed fymbolically with the Name of
Judah, to fignify that Tribe with all its Adherents, as another with the Name of
Ephraim, to denote all the Apoſtate Ifraelites. Upon theſe Accounts the Tribe of
olm 79110 998 91901 .500! Todo

יכ
(s) 1 Cor. 12. 7. gaivik (t) Dallæus de object. Culcus Relig
. Lib. I. cap. x. pag. 108.
(u) Dodw. Diff. Cypr. de Viſionibus. Et Diff. in Irenæum. Vid. H. Gror. de Jur. B. P. Lib. I. cap.
2. S. VIII. 13. & de Imp. Sum. Poteſt, cap. IX. S. 5. (1) John d'Eſpagne Vulgar Errors in
Divinity, Scet. IV. Chap. 6. 22 442 (A) 10.1. (x) Vid. Eufeb. Demonftr. Evang. Lib. XIII, cap. I.
.
U uu
Fudah,
258
Seal 1.
Ch. VI. v. 2.

7
fudah, being taken for all ifrael
, as it was the People of God in the Times of our
Saviour, the preaching of the Goſpel begins with them, by a Prieſthood repreſented
in a Symbol common to them, according to the Command of Chriſt, Matth. 10. 6.
So that the Apoſtles did always begin with them, and did fo continue, till the Sub-
verſion of the whole Nation, which did happen upon the opening of the Second
Seal. But after that Subverſion or Puniſhment inflicted on them by God's Order, all
ſuch as refuſed to be converted to Chriſtianity, and did ſtill pretend to be called
Fews, as in St. John's Time, ate by the Holy Ghoſt called in this Prophecy, the
Synagogue of Satan.
1993 och
A. Ver. 2. Każdbor; vej ind into no xo's, And I ſaw, and behold a white Horſe. ]
We have ſeen before how theſe Four Horſes, with their Riders, did fignify in gene-
ral Four Angels, or Meſſengers, who were ſent into all parts of the World, to take
Poffeffion of it in Chriſt's Name, and to publiſh his Goſpel ; and that the Attributes
of theſe would fymbolically repreſent the Accidents which ſhould concur in the
World, with the ſpreading of the Goſpel. The firſt of theſe is mounted upon a
white Horſe. Here then is a double Symbol to be explained, the Horſe, and the
Colour, which is white. A Horſe in the Symbolical Language fignifies Dignity,
Fame,' Authority, Proſperity, and good Name among the People. In ſhort, all
theſe things which may accrue to a Man by good Succeſs in warlike Expeditions,
whereof the Horſe is a proper Symbol, being of old only uſed to that Intent, and
not barely to ride, draw, and drudge, as 'tis now practiſed with us. For fuch ri-
ding, Alles were uſed ; and to draw, Oxen. Theſe are Cherubim, or Labourers;
the Horſe, an Inſtrument of Conqueſt and glorious Actions. The Book of Job,
Chap. 39. 18, to 25. in that noble Deſcription of the Horſe, takes no Notice of any
Quality of his but what relates to War
. So the Prophet Zachary , Chap. 10. 3.
faith, that God hath made Judah as his goodly Horſe in the Battel ; to fignify, that
he will make them Conquerors over his Enemies, glorious and ſucceſsful. Thus in
Pfalm 45. 5. 237, to ride, is turned in the LXX by baouder, to reign. And in
Revel
. 17. 3. compared with v. 18. the Woman riding, or fitting on a Beaſt, is ex-
plained by the Angel of a City having the Kingdom, or reigning over the Kings of
the Earth. So inequitare in Arnobius, an Author of African Extraction, whoſe Stile
by conſequence is ſomewhat tainted with the Phænician Notions, fignifies to triumph
over, to proclaim Vi&tory, (y) Sed fruftrà, inquit, inequitas nobis. And perhaps
Horace too in theſe Words: be ว! ไม่


(2) Nec finas Medos equitare inultos, pois ad
Te duce, Cefar. a
hac
In ſhort, to ride fignifies often to have Dominion over others, as is plain by theſe
Places following , Deut
. 32. 13. Pſalm 66. 12. Iſaiah 5 8. 14. where the Prophet
uſes the ſame Words, as Mofes in his Song. The Oriental Onirocriticks have the
fame Meaning. The Indian faith, Chap. 152.
Εάν της ίδη και εποχέμβω G * φάρας ταξει δεής χέlo υπείκον G- τε ίππε, αφήσει αξίωμα
και φήμιο μείσίω αναλόγως τε ίπσα και η υποταγής. Εαν ήδη πς ότι έπω χείτο τοιέτω ίππω μέγα
de ou sej perega seoför f gorte dis hoe * exoné
fws [ leg. A korábes ] ŠEsci ces ours dvdrogas
Aš tuoss mj vanes v opalk'Edy idin mis on into cuerdis coña Joy eis är som h engàn ôn pezte
ώνα αγνώριστος και γυμνός και αχαλίνα, ελάστε όκεί σε οξαστάσης μέγας αναλόγως τε ίππε,
And in Chap. 233. all the Interpreters, Indian, Perſian, and Egyptian, ſay : tors
MITTF To pode us to cufuês els tos rj dži wee reil à rlee oth oreigar éneisn seio. -
Kui ta' xoiva con las moveis érdé tlove infúztam rý s E com en el Iu. A 'Edip idn 775 see? ovae FR
Iar cu Sei rý xegchtvorte odegas e traw zócalo, dépvisen páplus
, seríslow rej Ý fos rj cum posuíbus
enes mov aces'
. 'Eclü idy 715 ono twgeiro celégts are not ci guck Tone in
, digúcet Ecofom svej qnutes xesto
λίων, αναλόγως η αρμάτων. ΤΑ
Pharas is here by Excellency a fine Horſe above the common Sort, becauſe in In-
dia, where this Interpreter lived, the Perſian and Arabian Horſes are the moſt
eſteemed , and therefore the Perſian and Arabian Name thereof is preſerved in the
other Language. There are other Examples of Names given to Things above
the common Sort, from the Language of the Countrey , where the nobleſt Sort of
them are found. The Hebrew Word is (a) , fignifying an Horſeman or Horſe.

1
W
(y) Arnob ius adv. Gent. Lib. VII. (z) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 2. (a) See Schindler, and Golius, p. 17834
2
And
Chap. VI. v. 2.
Seal I.
259.

And the Arabick Duo, Faras. The Hebrew Word 699 is a-kin, if not derived from
(b) W9, Expandit, expofuit, confpicuum fecit. The Horſe is certainly moſt fit for
the Paráde, the Pomp, or Shew of Generals, Conquerors, and the like, and thoſe
who ſpread themſelves, as theſe, to over-run Countries, and bring others into Subr
jection. So that, as the Horſe hath his Name from thence, and is uſed to that In-
tent, he is a proper Symbol of the Things which he performs; and conſequently of
the Dignity, Fame, Power, Proſperity, and Succeſs he cauſes. Yea, and with Sub-
miſſion to thoſe that are skilled in Erymologies, the Word to ride in the Northern
Languages, ſeems to be derived from, or a-kin to the Hebrew, 717 and 177 to fuba
due, Lord over, and the like.
20 toonivo o mesto Tooterli ai hol A
But further, as to this Caſe, wherein he may be thought to carry on the Voices
of the Wights
, I think this may allude to the other Uſe of a Horfe, to fignify the
Speed of Couriers, or Meſſengers, ſuch as the Perſian Monarchs uſed, which with
them, as Greek Writers often fay, were named, (c) "Aylwege and Asdy seun, from the
Manſions, Pofts, or Stands, and Stages, where they were placed to relieve one ano-
ther. The żyſzege
, from which comes Parafanga, a Poft-Srage or Horſes Station, con
taining or conſiſting of Thirty Stadia, about Five Miles, I ſuſpeat to have been fo
called by thoſe Perſians, who before the Macedonian Wars uſed the Oriental Tongues.
But asuv sou being only found in Authors, who wrote ſince the Arſacide ruled, I fuf
peet them to be, as the Parthi, of Scythian Extraction, and their Name to I be a-kin
to the STAND AN, (d) common to all the Northern Languages, from Iſlandia
to Armenia. But the former Signification is ſufficient for this purpoſe. I ſhall only
add here one Proof thereof from the Symbolical Science of the Augurs, to thew that
the Horſe is the Symbol of Vi&tory and Succeſs. When Carthaga was founded,
the Head of a Horſe was dug up by the Workmen ; and the Haruſpices, or Sooth-
Sayers gave out accordingly, that the City would be Warlike and Reigning.
Virgil expreſſes it thus, tad nedsmo si zidit mondomibommal
Store brus orola Dros yd bollockton is baidw
A Quo primum ja&tati undis, & turbine Pæniet mors risiw barlisalo
nach Effodêre locó fignum quod regia Funo di bota e out I stidis
Monſtrarat, caput acris équi. Sic nam fore bello w of it -6
Egregiam, & facilem vietu per sæcula gentem. buvo ai noitiw
C10.2015
Hoiton Baidulo 01:39 9 10 9612 Out or stoneb
Whereupon Servius faith, Unde & bellicofa eft Carthago per equi omen. To this may
be added this of Pliny, who in ſpeaking of the Nature of Horſes obſerves, that
Dionyſius the Tyrant had a Portentum of his fuțure Greatneſs oby his Horſe.
(e) Chiliſtus a Dionyſio reli&tum in cæno herentem [equum ] ut fefe evelli Jet, fecutum
veſtigia Domini, examine apum jube inherente: eoque oftento tyrannidem à Dionyſio
occupatam. This fignifies in the Symbolical Science, that after Dionyſius ſhould have
gone through ſome hard Fortune ſignified by the Dirt, he ſhould by his Proweſs
fignified by the Horſe, and his Glory or Fame, fignified by the Horfe's Mane, have
a Commonwealth, fignified by the Bees, depending upon him. But the Omen of
White Horſe is alſo to be found in Virgil, a Poet well skill?d in fuch Matters.roitsit
W 1911co w oH f viqari oj moi, "Proy of ho
(f) Quatuor hic, primum omen, equos in gramine vidi shot stidWS
ods of plads Tondentes campum late, candore nivali. art of MLIJST 20 151 woh
odlugi Et pater Anchiſes : Bellum, ô terra hoſpita, portas. art to gaidoil
Etw batas Bello armantur equi: bellum hæc armenta minantur. ib bu girtiz
Oled moil bloW S TOVO JE 219900e lutrobicui'
And Lucan in general; s obsah nad list give drto A silt omi
20 tahu
how at 10 109 9 tot opt aw riorw
Oai ( 1 5 (g)
(8) Sonipes bellis feralibus omen. View bus basilivi 26W JETİN
2 m al 1970 Olin smo od sosis boaba bidw 10 : 2T
We may alſo find the White Horſe among the Preſages of the Greatneſs of Auguſtus.
Suetonius ſays: (h) Atque etiam fequenti no&te ftatim videre vifus eft filium mortali
Solis gaived on sort to 29100 UIA di vd as llev
more DO
17 19 21 STOJIS SHIS.
(6) Vid. Kircher. Concordant.
(C). Vid. Barnab. Briffon. de R. Perſ. Lib. I. Page 147
(d) See Jun. Goth. Gloff
. and Bernard. Etymolog Britannicum. and the Illuſtrious Baron Spanheim's
Letter concerning F. Simon's Critical Hiſtory, Page 108. (e) Plin. Nac. Hift. Lib. VIII, Cap. 42.
V. M. T. Cic. de Divinar. Lib. I. in Note on Chap. 12. 15. A. om (f) Virg. Æneid. III. v. 537
(8) Lucan. Pharſal. Lib. VI. (b) Sueton. in Auguft. Cap. 94.

the

fpecie
260
Ch. VI. v. 2.
Seal 1.3
Specie ampliorem, tum fulmine - Ex ſceptro exuviiſque Jovis Opt. Max. m radiard
corona, ſuper laureatum currum bis Jenis equis candore eximio rrahentibus. And
all this is grounded upon the warlike Diſpoſition of the Horſe : On which Aca
count Lucretius fays;
-telu on bolu et soners te ayici
to vissupáno) (1) - Equorum duellica proles.to
egungen dabona lns Vilor
There is alfo a Portentum applied to Cræfus , relating to this Matter , in (R)
Herodotus ; but too long to be inſerted here; and (l) more may be obſerved in him.
A Horſe is therefore the Omen or Symbol of War and Conqueſt
.
Having examined the general Meaning of the Horſe in the Symbolical Language,
let us us now enquire into the general Signification of Colours, eſpecially of thofe
mentioned about theſe Four Horſes here. The Signification of Colours may be ſeen
in ſeveral Chapters of the Oriental Onirocriticks, as Chap. 157, 158, 218, 219, 220.
wherein the Colours are explained. By which it appears, that Colour is the Symbol
of Beauty, when 'tis White, and of Comelineſs, and Joy, and Riches. If Red, trupa
pdy, it ſignifies Foy
, with a great Battel or Slaughter. Black ſignifies Anguiſh and
Tribulation, and Sorrow ariſing from fome Wickedneſs
. But Pale
, xawesp, fignifies
Diſeaſes, Mortality, and Afli&tions ariſing from them. As to White in Particular, it
denotes Two Things : Innocence, or Holineſs ; and Proſperity, or Vi&tory, and good
Succefs. In one Senſe both theſe Notions may be reduced to one: For as Sin,
Wickedneſs, or Guilt, always infers Puniſhment, or Guilt bringing on Miſchief
attending all wicked A&tions, whence it came, that according to the Scripture Phraſe,
to be Guilty, or to Sin, often ſignifies, to die or to ſuffer ; in like Manner, becauſe
Divine Bleſſings, Life and Proſperity, are promiſed to Innocence, or Holineſs ; fo
to be Innocent, or (m) Holy, infers Proſperity, Joy, and Peace, by Victory over all
Impediments. From this it comes, that White being the Colour of Garments
which are not ſpotted by any Uncleanneſs, and denote the State of thoſe that are
cloathed with them, is put in the Symbolical Language for Holineſs. Thus Byfe,
White Linnen, is called the Righteouſneſs of Saints. So that all theſe Notions being
a-kin, 'tis no wonder that they ſhould be put for each other; and that Colour
which is outwardly ſeen on the Habit of the Body, ſhould be uſed Symbolically to
denote the true State of the Perſon or Subject to which 'tis applied according to the
Nature of it. Of this we have ſaid ſomething before, and ſhall have Occaſion to
ſpeak often hereafter : All which will confirm what we rhave now obſerved ; ſo that
I ſhall no more here infiſt upon it. But I muſt not omit here, that the White
Horfes were by the Ancients thought to be the ſwifteſt. Hence in Horace a
on moits subisse oplo 9
over bloos) 21 (n) Sifennas, Barros ut equis precurreret albis. et cinton
swoz9 aid vd bluodi on od po bora. Outro bust od guotis sro
On this the Commentator ſays: Quia equi albi dicuntur omnium celerrimi, teſte Virg.
Qui candore nives anteirent gecurſibus amnés
. I feel no Reaſon to reje&t this Signi-
fication of the Symbol in the Caſe before us. The Words, he went out conquering,
and to conquer , ſeem to imply it. He may well conquer ſwiftly, ſeeing he rides on
a White Horſe.
Hinn stop
Now let us return to the White Horſe taken altogether, in order to apply it to the
Preaching of the Goſpel. The Goſpel, or Chriſtian Religion, was in the very Be-
ginning, and during the Times of the firſt Apoſtles of Chriſt, preached with a
wonderful Succeſs all over the World, from the Eaſt to the Weſt
, into Ethiopia, and
into the North: Having firſt begun in Judea, and ſo all over the Roman Empire,
which was then taken for the greateſt Part of the World, and was indeed moſt of
what was Civilized and well Peopled. But it went alſo even beyond that in ſeveral
Parts; of which indeed we have but ſome ſmall Hints in Hiſtory, but yet fo plain as
to make us believe, that even in the Time of the Apoſtles the Church was very far
ſpread. This great Progreſs is expreſſed by the triumphant Colour of the Horſe, as
well as by the Attributes of the Rider. But that having alſo a Relation to ſomething
elſe attending this great Proſperity, it ſhall be left to be explained in its proper
1911 I did 01. ob Domina
13 orbid ()

(i) Lucret. Lib. II. v.660. (9)
(k) Herodot. Lib. I. Cap. 78. (1) Herodor. Lib. VII.
Cap. LVII.
(m) y. Not. on Chap. 20. 6. B. II. (n) Horac. Lib. I. Sect. 7.
-78*tortue
Place.
Ch. VI. v. 2.
Seal 1.
260

Place. In the mean Time, as the White Colour iš the Symbol of Innoceńcy and
Holineſs, fo in mine Opinion it ſignifies, that by the Preaching of the Goſpel, the
Innocency of our Saviour, who was the founder of it, was fully Proclaimed, at the
fame Time as the Voice of the Wight was heard, who thundred out the Goſpel by
Divine Inſpiration. The Holy Ghoſt, which is the Principle of that Inſpiration,
was ſent for that Purpoſe in Part, as Grotius and Hammond colle&t from our Sa
viour's Words, John 16. 10. And this Innocency of Chriſt was one of the firft Sub-
jects upon which the Apoſtles preached. See Afts 3. 13, &c. Chap. 4. 10, II.
Chap. 7:52. To which we may add likewiſe the great Holineſs and Innocency of the
Chriſtians, to which God gave a very great Efficacy to convert the Gentiles. This
Holineſs being moſt Eminent, and more particularly of the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts,
who were not only the Wights, or Supporters of God's Throne, but alſo the Horſes,
or Couriers, who carried forwards the Goſpel, or good News, into all parts of the
World, with Succeſs ſuitable to their Holineſs.
B. Kui o meu Sri pelu éx' auton 'é zeny róčov , And be that fate upon him having a Bow. ]
The Bow is an Inſtrument of War, to offend and deſtroy Oppoſers; and we may be
ſure it is not given to be overcome, but muſt be underſtood to be an Inſtrument
of Action, and Vi&tory: Which the following Symbol of a Crown, and the empha-
tical Expreſſion added to it, ſufficiently demonſtrates. Thus it is alſo taken in other
Places, as Pſalm 7. 12. wherein a Bow is ſaid to be in God's Hand, implying his
Vi&tory over his Enemies. So where Zach. 10. 4. hath, Ex ipſo angulus , ex ipſo
paxillus, ex ipſo arcus prelii, ex ipſo egredietur omnis exactor ſimul ; the Targum
explains all theſe Symbols thus ; Ex ipſo Rex ejus, ex ipſo Chriſtus ejus, & ex ipſo
fortitudo belli ſui, ex ipſo magnificabuntur omnés gubernatores ejus. Thus in
Pſalm 45. 5. where we find, in thy Majeſty ride proſperouſly the Hebrën,
237735 777777; there the LXX have, Kai Tell molinet or, tj évthVOV vej ne] dost, rj Bad
Ade, by which 'tis plain, that they underſtood the Word 7777 in that Signification
of bending the Bow, which is here uſed as a Symbol of Victory with the riding, as
obferved before. 'Eltown ön évTHve, to mógov sição e símwog sj To Beac, faith St. Chryſoſtom
upon this place. Thus in the Onirocriticks, a Man riding armed, is the Symbol of
Victory ; and in Particular, the Bow is that of Joy for the Conqueſts over one's
Enemies. Thus the Perſian and Egyptian ſay in Chap. 156 :
'Εαν ίση της ότι ένδυσα μενα πανοπλία», εξήλθεν έφιππG, ο δ' έξιν αρχών λαϊμεί-
5ως παλάξει ο εχθρόν αυτό, και δοξαθί στο Η φήμης εν πολέμων
Έκ ίοη τις όπ και δόραG- εν μέσω λαξ ευμνάζετο, άρήσει φήμων και δόξαν ανάλογη
ingumo quierdote.
And more particularly of the Bow in Chap. 249. by the fame Interpreters :
'Eev ydin 77s om inegte Csan xj róga, Enpaşúse o bai Tois égdegis árs. And again
'Ει δε ευρε τόξον τέταμίύον, άρήσει οδον και συσesφω χαρίευαν.
To this may be referred the Words of Fornandes, (o) De quo id acceffit mirabile, ut
Martiano principi Orientis de tam feroci hofte ſollicito in fomnis divinitas affiftens
arcum Attila in eadem no&te fra&um oftenderet, quaſi quod gens ipſa eo telo multa pre-
fumat. The (P) Bow was to the Mogols the Symbol of a King, and the Golden
Bow the Badge of Royalty.
As to the Event, this fignifies, that by the Preaching of the Goſpel Chriſt ſhall
gain Dominion and Power, and at the ſame Time obtain Victory againſt all thofe
that oppoſe him, chiefly and eſpecially his firſt Enemies; for this cannot be under-
ſtood to make an End of all, becauſe the other Seals are alfo employed to that Pur-
poſe. So that this reaches in the firſt place, thofe that withſtood This Preaching, and
afterwards Crucified him; and Secondly, thoſe that firſt withſtood the Preaching of
his Apoſtles, and perſecuted them. All this was finally accompliſhed by the De-
ſtruction of Jeruſalem under Veſpaſian and Titus. So then in this the Power of the
Holy Ghoſt, which is ſent to the Diſciples of Chriſt, is made manifeſt in the Con-
demnation of the Ruler of this World ; that is, in the firſt place, the Fewiſh Rulers,
as our Saviour had promiſed before, John 16. 11. fo likewiſe at the ſame Time as
his Innocency appears, he will be revenged of his Enemies. And therefore in the
firſt Preaching of the Goſpel, at the ſame Time as our Saviour's Innocency was
proclaimed, the future Revenge, which ſhould be foon executed, was foretold, and



() Jornand. de Reb. Gecic. Fol. 35.
(1) Herbelor cit. Buzuk & Caus.
Xxx
made
262
Ch. VI. V. 2.
Seal I.

made an Argument to the Fews to be Converted, that they might eſcape the pro-
digious Evils, which ſhould befal Chriſt's Murtherers, A&ts 2.40.
From all which it appears, that all that hath been deſcribed of this Viſion, did
belong to Times as well before the Date thereof, as thoſe that are to follow : And
that the opening of this firſt Seal concerns Times paſt for the moſt Part. But there
are Authors who aver in general, that thoſe Expoſitions are not to be admitted,
which ſpeak of Matters, whoſe. Event is antecedent to the Date of the Viſion. But
'tis no Abſurdity to have a Viſion deſcribing the whole State of the Church, after
the Apoſtles by their preaching of the Goſpel, had begun to build that Church, and
to begin the Deſcription thereof, where it began. So that the Theatre and Scene
being to laſt for the whole Time, it was no Abſurdity to repreſent fome Things an-
tecedent to the Exhibition of the Viſion. Yea, the contrary Practice would be ab
ſurd for its Deficiency, in pretending to ſet forth the State of the Church to come,
without firſt ſhewing how it was ſettled, ſo that the Diſcovery of the Foundation
might give Light to the Diſcovery of the future State. Elſe we ſhould be at a
Stand to know what the Holy Ghoſt meant to deſcribe. But now we are not being
affured, that as he hath herein ſet forth the true State of the Church founded on the
Goſpel, ſo all that is predicted muſt belong to its Státe, becauſe deſcribed as done
upon the ſame Theatre. Thus in Daniel we have a Viſion of Four Monarchies,
which are ſpoken of in the future Tenſe, Chap. 7. 17. as if they were to ariſe after
the Vifion; wherein no Interpreter finds any Abſurdity to explain them ſo, as that
one of them was already ſettled, and juſt going to Decay. And to make out the
Truth of the Propofition, which ſets them out as all of them to arife, it was ſuffi-
cient, that all but one were fo to ariſe out of that which was already ſettled, but
not yet removed to make way for the reſt. Further, to make Uſe of a proper Si-
militude from Dramatick Poetry; is it not very proper for a Poet, whoſe Defign is
to deſcribe one Whole, Great, and Heroick Action, or Cataſtrophe, to introduce
upon the Scene a Prologue, or Protatick Perſons, who deſcribe the antecedent Mar-
ters neceffary to be known, for the underftanding of the following Action, or Cata-
ſtrophe? But of this enough before.
C. Kai és In 'TÔ sépart, And a Crown was given to him. ] After the Bow, and
the Uſe of it, a Crown is faid to be delivered to him as a Token of certain Succeſs
or rather as a Reward for his Actions, which have been ſucceſsful. So that although
the Crown imply a foregoing Victory, which was fignified by the Bow, and by the
Oracle immediately added to theſe Words, And he went forth conquering and to con-
quer, yet the Crown it ſelf ſignifies fomething ſuperadded to that Victory. Let us
Tee firſt in general what a Crown fignifies, and then how it is to be applied. The
Indian Interpreter fully determines it, Chap. 247. Εαν οι ίδιη τις όπ σέμμα εφόρεσεν, ει
μό Και θύες βασιλέως, βασίλδίσει' τι και τα κοινά και η ανεπιτηδείων , άρήσει ύψος και εγγύτητα
Buorréws, da' me'ro d'ATEPG . See the reſt. So that according to the Perſon, fo is
the Nature of the Dominion. If the Perſon be apt to be Supreme, then the Crown
is the Symbol of the Supreme, Autocratorical, or Imperial Dominion ; if inferior,
then next to the Supreme, of the Office of a Counſellor or Affeffor in ruling and
judging ; or, as we call it, Prime Miniſter of State. But as we have obſerved, the
Holy Ghoſt in this Prophecy is more nice than fo in the Impofition of Names; for
an Autocratorical or Imperial Crown is called a Diadem, Aveduped, but the inferior
Sort, or Symbol of fubdelegated and depending Power is called sépar G, as here, a
Crown, or Coronet. In the Language and Notions of the Augurs and Aruſpices,
which was alſo Symbolical, the Crown fignifies the very fame Things. St. Auguſtin
{peaking of Sylla, faith ; (9) Cui Corona aurea ipfius vi&toriæ illuftrifſimum fignum in
vitulino jecore apparuit. But Plutarch faith, that it was a Crown of Bay; (r) En Anal
dómate a Oc& ma's ei tunács megonuesvorlo 'outh. gureerlo S cutées . Neon mei tea
ρανα δείφνης σεφάνε ύπον έχων ο λόβα ώφθη και λημνίσκων δύο κατης ημδύων. Now let us
apply this. As the Horſeman fignifies the Deſcription or Publication of the Goſpel
in the World to ſome of the Extremities thereof, and the Colour of his Horſe his
great Succeſs, and his Bow the Conqueſt of his Enemies; fo his Cromon, or Coronet,
implies the Eſtabliſhment of ſome inferior Power and Dominion over the Members
of the Church, who have received his Errand, and ſubmitted to the Orders he
ز
(9) Auguftin. De Civitat. Dei, Lib. II. Cap. 24.
(") Plut. V. Syllæ, Fol. 155.01
brings:

Ch. VI. v. 2.
Seal I.
263
brings : And conſequently, that the Meſſengers of Chriſt by him repreſented ſhould
ſettle a ruling Prieſthood over the peculiar People of God; having withſtood, and
ſo far conquered their Enemies, as to perform that in Spight of all their oppofi-
tion, by the Bleſſing of God, who therefore hath given him a Crown in Token
thereof.
Su 795:
D. Kuì dinge venør, vì "ove vezúon, And he went forth conquering, and to conquer. ]
This is an Hebraical Reduplication, to thew the Certainty of his Victories: Ör elle
perhaps the preſent and future Time fignify, that his Victories not only began affoon
as he went out, but fo continued, and would continue, till he reached to the End
of his Miſfion. How long that is, we do not find determined. He is no where faid
to be recalled; the fending out of a Second not hindring the Progreſs of the Firſt,
whoſe Work continues, though the Second comes on with ſome frelh Marks of Au-
thority, to add indeed to his Work, but not at all to hinder it. The like we find
pra&tiſed in God's Plagues, at the Second Period of the Church, Chap. 16.9. A.
Upon which ſee our Nore. So that we may ſay of the firſt Four Seals, firſt Four
Trumpets, and firſt Four Bowls , which according to the Signification of their
Number are more univerſal than the Three others of the Seven that follow, that it is
not neceſſary in the Expoſition of them, that they ſhould be ſuppoſed to end preciſe-
ly at the mention of the next of each Number reſpectively, but only that the Acme
of their Work appears in that Order, wherein the Holy Ghoſt fers it ſucceſſively.
Thus we have done with the firſt Seal, the opening of which is an Epocha to all
the Matters that follow, until the opening of the Second Seal. So that the Period
conſiſts not in the opening of the Seal, but in the Space, which the Holy Ghoſt
leaves between the opening of Two Seals for the Performance of the Aztions, to
which the former gives Occafion. How long ſuch Period is to laſt, is no where ſér
down ; but we are therein to be guided by the Application of their Events, which
they fignify and foretel.
I muſt here repeat, in ſpeaking of the Carriers, or Meſſengers of the Goſpel, or
the Voices of the Cherubim, or Wights, which are carried about the World, what
was obſerved before concerning the Wights themſelves ; namely, that although each
of them ſeems to have only One Face, and not Four, yer every one of them hath
equal Power, univerſally extended, and in ſolidum, as much as if it had the Four
Faces, which repreſent all thoſe Qualities : So it is here of their Couriers and their
Errands. Though they be Four, to anſwer to the Four Parts of the World, yer each
of them hath his Errand and Power in folidum, during the Time of his Miniſtry
as if the Action of the firſt was ſo many Times repeated, as to the Univerfality of
it. Nevertheleſs the latter Writers differ from the firſt, and each other, in ſuch
Things as are peculiarly attributed to each of them ; which diſtinguilh eſſentially the
Times of their Miniſtry from each other. The Wights and the Horſes, who carry
and ſpread their Voices, are therefore very exactly diſtinguiſhed, to ſhew the inward
State of the Church, and the outward. The Wights Figures fignify the inward
State of the Church, when ſuch a Wight uttered his Voice ; the Horſe and Rider,
the outward State of Things, whilſt the Preaching of the Goſpel was ſpread' Abroad.
Thus in general the Goſpel is preach'd and ſpread during theſe Four Periods, in the
fame Manner for the moft Part; but the external Accidents and Concomitants of thar
Preaching differ. It is not indeed the Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt to ſignify, that
during each period of the Horſemen, the Gofpel ſhould be preach'd towards any
particular Corner of the World, but he hath left that undetermined, that we might un-
derſtand thereby, that every Corner would hear of it during each Period indifferent-
ly. Therefore we muſt reject that Fancy of ſome Interpreters, who tack their Wits
to find out the Poſition of each Wight', to determine each Rider as to Eaſt, Weſt,
North, and South. This poſition is both ſomewhat uncertain, and alſo
the Holy Ghoſt; and is only determined by themſelves. And if admitted, it would
be contrary to Truth; the Goſpel not having been ſpread by Parcels, firit towards
one Corner, and then another, but towards all at once, by ſo many Steps, and du-
ring each of theſe firſt Four Periods of the Seals. But the falſe Principle, which
led them aſide, was, that they thought theſe Riders denoted the Roman Empe-
rors ; whereas on the contrary they are Chriſt's Courtiers or Marſhals, to take Pof
ſeffion by their Cavalcades ; carrying theſe Succeſſes and Events with them, by which
they are diſtinguiſhed from each other. For this Reaſon in explaining the next Three,
no Notice ſhall be taken of what hath been already explaind in general, and he-
2

5
longing
264
Ch. Ví. v. 3.
Seal II.

longing to all ; but only of the Characters, by which they are diſtinguiſhed from
each other.
Only here it ſhall be obſerved, that ſeeing the eſtabliſhing of a Church, or ruling
Prieſthood, which is denoted by the Crown, was performed by the Preaching of all
the following Wights, Why therefore hath not every Rider ſuch a Crown given to
him? To this I Anſwer, that every one of them being a Repreſentative in folidum,
it is fufficient if the firſt have it, to fignify, that the Crown is already obtained for
the Work of all of them : But befides this, each being alſo a Repreſentative of his
own Period, the firſt having obtained that End, 'tis neceſſary that he ſhould be
marked with it, but the reſt not having it fo eminently, need not
. And this is the
like Pra&tice, as what we have obſerved before, that the firft Wights Voice is com-
pared to Thunder, and the reſt not : So indeed here the Progreſs of the Goſpel, and
Settlement of the Government of the Church, was remarkable at the very preaching
during this period of the Apoſtles and Evangeliſts appointed by them, much more
than afterwards: Yea, the Ruling Prieſthood, or Crown, was fully ſettled therein.
So that this Rider hath his critical Mark from it. This excludes not the Progreſs of
the reſt
, and their having no Crown ſhews they made no Alteration therein. Neither
was their Progreſs ſo great in Proportion, and ſo fenfible
. Beſides that, the particu-
lar Victory of God over the unbelieving Jews for the Murder of his Son, which fell
within this Period, and made Way for the Chriſtian Church, deſerved that this Evan-
gelift on Horſeback ſhould be diſtinguiſhed thereby more than others. One Thing
more I have to obſerve, that although Chriſt did make uſe of Couriers, or Evan-
geliſts to ſpread his Goſpel, yet they do it by the Direction, and according to the
Voice of the Wight. Now this plainly ſignifies, that the Clergy are by Chriſt left
as the original Directors and Governors under Chriſt, in all Things which concern
the Publication of his Goſpel. If any other preach the Goſpel, but he who is fent by
his Apoſtles and Succeffors, he preaches Chriſt out of Envy, his work is good, but
his Calling bad. Vid. Phil. 1. 15.
Odw flow
Ś É A L II.
more to 9
A. Verf. 3. Kad te voegen this series odegrados, önkou de rigx ſes ré20073,
PEPX8 xj Baére
, And when he opened the Second Seal
, I heard the Second Wight ſaying,
Come and ſee.ſ This Seal ſhews, that in the Second Period of the Church, to be
diſcovered by the Accidents, which are Concomitants of the opening of this Seal, we
find that the Chriſtian Clergy had not performed all the Work before, but that the
Work of the Preaching of the Goſpel continues ſtill : And conſequently, that the
Goſpel was ſtill getting Ground. Why the Voice of this Wight is not explain’d by
the Compariſon of it to Thunder, hath been touch'd upon before. We need not to
add any Thing to that. The Turn of this Wight, which is ſaid to be the Second,
ſhews us, that the Holy Ghoſt means this of that Wight which is compared to an
Ox. Therefore the Chriſtian Clergy of this Period is compared to an Ox, and its
A&tions muſt anſwer to the Signification or Quality of that Animal. But we have
obſerved already the (s) Ox to be a laborious, patient, and profitable Creature, which
works for the Good of others. Now this is the Caſe of the Clergy from Trajan's
Time and downwards, who laboured inceſſantly in the Goſpel for the good
of others, and took great Pains to propagate it : (t) Inſomuch, that it had
in a manner over-run moſt of the Roman Empire, and converted Men of all Sorts
in vaſt Numbers; and this by enduring much Perſecution. See to this Purpoſe Eu-
Sebius in his Eccleſ. Hiſtory, Lib. III. cap. 37. Some Learned Men have obſerved,
that the Biſhops of this Time were ſo buſy in converting the Gentiles, and ſpread-
ing the Goſpel by their Preaching, that they employed little Time to write Books.
Whence it comes, that we have ſtill fewer of theirs than afterwards of their Succef-
fors. Mede obſerves, that as the Lion, which is the Symbol of the Wight ſpeak-
ing after the firſt Seal is opened, ſuits very well with the Vi&tory predicted therein ;
ſo in this, the Ox repreſenting the Clergy, being a Creature prepared for Slaughter,
fuits with the Slaughter predi&ted therein. But I think the Symbol is ſtretch'd too

(s) See the Nate on Chap. 4. 7. B.
omnia implevimus, &c. bloms
(t) Vide Tertullian. Apologetic. Hefterni ſumus, & veſtra
far

Ch. VI. v. 4.
Seal II.
265
far. If it had been ſaid, that the Clergy by their Preaching did then ſuffer chiefly,
being called out by their Enemies above all other Chriſtians, it had ſuited well with
the Symbol of the Oxe, who having laboured hard and patiently for others, is at laſt
flain too, and that to ſerve their Turn. The Biſhops of this Time were certainly for
the moſt part the whole Object of Perſecution, as appears from Ignatius, Polycarpus,
and others, too many to mention here. The Laity ſuffered much too.
A. Verf. 4. Keittir. hsv èMG iroo muppòs, And there went out another Horſe, that
was Red. 7 Red, as we have ſeen according to the Oriental Interpreters, Chap. 157.
betokens Gladneſs, and conſequently fome Šúcceſs
, but with or after a great Fight or
Slaughter. This Red ought, it ſeems to be taken actively, implying, that this
Horſeman, or the Publication of the Goſpel at this Time, ſhall cauſe a great Blood-
fhed to come upon others. Thus the Dragon hereafter is Red, becauſe he perſecuted
the Saints; the great Whore is Red, and drunken with the Blood of the Saints; fo
our Saviour, Chap. 19. hath Red Garments, to fhew, that he will bring a great
Slaughter on his Enemies. For, as we have obſerved before, the Gentiles having had
a ſufficient Time, as well as the Fedos, to hear and receive the Goſpel, and a great
Part having fail'd therein, the Holy Ghoſt now ſhews, that God begins to be angry
with them for having deſpiſed it, but doth not bring all his Plagues on them, to give
a great Part of them time to repent, as we find that many did ſo. Servius has made
this Obſervation : (z) Et conſtat, numina niſi inventa occaſione nocere non poſſe, quod in
omni ſuo opere Vergilius obſervat. The ſame may be obſerved here, as to this Pro-
phecy, that God never ſends any Plagues or Puniſhments to chaſtiſe or deſtroy Men,
but it is with Juſtice, and after fufficient Warning. Therefore the Beginning of the
Publication of the Goſpel, as appears by the former Seal, was attended with no diſ-
mal Accident. God begins only to chaſtiſe, when he finds that his Goſpel is re-
jected.
it can be
B. Kai red route preferons én? au to'y eso on ou Tid na being tw eiguíno en tñs gñs, rj ive dwóxxe
cowor, rj és on du Teal pecí zarego wezo'rn, And to him that ſat thereon it was given, to take
away the Peace from the Earth, and that they ſhould kill one another ; and there was
given to him a great Sword. ] This is an uscegu mesriegu ; the Symbol, which is here
placed in the End, Tould have been before, the former Expreſſions explaining the
Uſe of the Sword, and wherefore it was given. For this Reaſon I ſhall begin by ex-
plaining what the Symbol of the Sword fignifies.
C. Kai ési Sn du tad reé gouest, And there was given to him a Sword.] That the Sword
is the Symbol of War and Slaughter, may be ſeen in many places of Holy Writ,
eſpecially in the Prophets. See Ězek. Chap. 21. So likewiſe our Saviour uſes it in
Oppoſition to Peace, Matth. 10. 34. I came not to fend Peace, but a Sword. Which
St. Luke, Chap. 12. 51. expreſſes by the Word Diviſion. See here 2 Maccab.
Chap. 15. 15, 16. Thus the Egyptians, thoſe grear Maſters of Symbolical Learning,
called Ochus King of Perſia, a cruel Conqueror to them, by the Name of Sword.
Take the Words of Plutarch: (α) και 8 ή ωμότατον Περσών βασιλέα και φοβερώτατον "Ωχαν
Σποκτείναν τα πολλές, τέλO και *Απιν αποσφάξαντα και καταδειπνήσαντα και ο φίλων, οκάλεσαν
μα χαegν, και καλεσε μέγει νuω, έτως εν τω καταλόγο και βασιλέων, και κυρίως δήπο τω εσίαν αυτό
σημαίνοντες, αλλά και όπε τίω σκληρότητα και κακίαν οργαίνω φονικό παρεικάζοντες. So in Afraim-
Pſychus: Mázl végereg Cassgeot xpatsjefón. Which Words are copted by Nicephorus.
But the Perſian and Egyptian Onirocriticks, Chap. 249. have ſomewhat more preciſe
about this Matter: Ε είδη όπ άρεν απάθην και ευφόρησεν αυτίω ευρήσει εξεσίαν κ τέκνον.
So then this Sword being given to the Rider, that carries forwards the Publication of
the Goſpel
, implies, that by the Uſe of his Sword, whilſt he ſets the Enemies of
God to kill one another, his Goſpel ſhall gain ground, Authority, and Increaſe. And
this is the ſame as what was ſaid before by the ſame in Chap. 221. El o un cave Sus
ésorá tive o Beovadis, ó 106cv, si rifer 27 dão, end depótele range on të barrewsei & Alcogels,
πλετήσει" ει δε πλάστG-, ή μίαςG, αυξήσει επ' αυτώ ή πμι το βασιλέως αναλόγως της τομής.
Innumerable are the Places of all sorts of Authors, wherein the Sword is the Symbol
of Death or Deſtruction. I ſhall only add one out of Euripides,
(6) zioG reguizã os på om n t'xượy aéxo,
The Sword Shall reach thee, not my Nuptial Bed,
(3) Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. col. 501. (a) Plur. de Ifid. & Ofirid. p. 394. (6) Eurip. Helen. 809.
D. Mszáang
Y yy
266
Ch. VI. v. 4.
Seal II.

D. Mejoran, Great.] This Adjective is not uſeleſs. For as it ſignifies throughout
this Book, that either on the one hand, God exalts or magnifies himſelf againſt his
Enemies by ſome remarkable Judgment or Puniſhment, or elſe by the wonderful De-
liverance of his people from Perſecution ; and on the other hand, when beſtowed up-
on God's Enemies, that they exalt themſelves above God, refuſe to obey him, deſpite
his Worſhip, and perfecute his Saints: All which is proved in our Note upon
Chap. 18. 23. B. So here it muſt import, as hinted before, that God makes uſe of
this Sword to exalt himſelf againſt ſuch Enemies by ſome very remarkable and admi-
rable Example, by which he proves his Power, and ſhews his Juſtice. The Event
we ſhall apply to this Caſe will ſufficiently prove it.
E. Adesiv oli Esglcóny, To take away the Peace. ] Adleiv here, and in Chap. 3. II.
is the ſame as ciçoupciv
. So in Matth. 5.40. detūvá os dabar, To take away thy Coat.
Matth. 15. 26. dobivToy FÉxvv, To take away the Children's Bread. Luke 6.4.,
Tès óptes is megséries 'fnabs, He took away the Shew-bread. And this is ſuitable to the
Import of the Hebrew Word rips, which the LXX commonly tranſlate by rapbeya,
and ſometimes by elpuugo, to take away, 2 Sam. 4. 7. Job 1. 21. So we find in He-
Sychius, 'Aposúccesso ad beiv, segúreas.
F. 'Ex vñs qñsFrom the Earth.] The Earth, and the Inhabitants of the Earth, in
this Book are always oppoſed to the Saints and People of God. As Earth is oppoſed
to Heaven, fo Heaven fignifying the Supreme Powers, the Earth muſt be thoſe that
are in Subjection, and conſequently, becauſe oppoſed to Saints, muſt fignify thofe
that are under the Power of God's Enemies. Who theſe are here, muſt be under-
ſtood to be ſuch as are any ways oppofed now to the Saints of God deſcribed before.
Therefore we muſt include in this Number the ſtubborn Fews, as well as the down-
right Idolaters. Since the Deſtruction of Jeruſalem, they are the Synagogue of Satan.
Chriſt faith, John 15. 23. He that hateth me, hateth my Father aljo; therefore they
are ſaid in the next Verſe, to have hated both him and his Father. So that we may with-
out Injury pronounce them to be Apoftates from the true God. And if we take the
Notion of Idolatry from the Name of Avodah-zarah, given to it by the Jews them-
ſelves, we ſhall find that they are as much guilty of it, as any Heathen of them all.
It is true of the Jews, what Tertullian faith of the Hereticks of old : (c) Omne men-
dacium quod de Deo dicunt, quodammodò genus eft idololatrie. This Notion ſeems to
be taken out of Irenæus, Lib. II. cap. 9, 10. In ſhort, 'tis fufficient to know, that
they are now out of the Covenant of Grace, which they have reje&ted.
Ġ. Kei lvet e múass opdĞwar, And that they ſhould kill one another.] There are many
Symbols uſed to denote great Wars and Slaughter, as God's Puniſhments upon his
Enemies, but none that bears this Character. So that we muſt look upon it as bear-
ing a peculiar Mark; and what can it be but what the Words import? The War muſt
therefore be a furious Civil War, wherein the Enemies of God ſhall deſtroy one ano-
ther. No Wars more dreadful than fuch. St. Auguſtine faith to this Purpoſe,
(d) Ipſa imperij latitudo peperit pejoris generis bella, ſocialia ſcilicet & civilia : quibus
miſerabilius quatitur genus humanum, ſive cùm belligeratur, ut aliquando conquiefcat :
five cùm timetur ne rurſus exurgant. And this Civil War, according to the Direction
of the former Expreſſion, én is gñs, muſt concern the common People chiefly,
making no Alteration as yet in the Temporal Government.
Now the Event contemporal to the Second Period of the preaching of the Goſpel
by the Succeſſors of the Apoſtles, fully anſwers to this Prophecy. The Beginning of
the Civil Wars among the Enemies of Chriſt is to be accounted from that prodigious
Civil War between the Romans and Fews, by which the Temple and City of Jeru-
falem were deſtroyed. At which Time both the Fews were in a Civil War amongſt
themſelves, and alſo the Romans; whilft Vitellius and Otho, and afterwards Veſpaſian,
contended for the Empire. But it ends not here. For under the Emperors Trajan
and Hadrian, the Fews, who had not taken warning by the Deſtruation of Jeruſalem,
but rather did all they could to perſecute the Chriſtians by the Help of the Gentiles,
and were therefore now the the Object of God's Anger, rebelled all over the Roman
Empire, and were cut off fo prodigiouſly thereupon, that the like Slaughter was ne-
ver known. The Reaſon of ſuch a War was alſo moſt unaccountable, and therefore

(c) Tertullian. de Præſcript. cap. 41.
(d) Aug. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XIX. C. 7.
therein

Chap. VI. v. 4.
Seal II.
269
CC
ks
6
CC
6
2
therein appeared the Hand of God, who to manifeſt his Power and Greafneſs, uſes
the moſt unlikely Means. The Folly of the Fexos in that Time being of ſuch a Na-
ture. Orofius faith, Incredibili motu ſub uno tempore Judæi, quafi rebie efferati, per
univerſas terrarum partes exarſerunt
. Nam & per totam Libyam adverſus Incolas
atrociſſima Bella geſſerunt : Que adeo tunc interfe&tis cultoribus defolata eft
, ut niſi
poftea Hadrianus Imperator collettas illuc aliunde colonias deduxiffet, vacuia penitus,
abraſo habitatore, manſiſſet. Dion epitomized by Xiphilin faith, “That the Fews,
“ who dwelt about Cyrene, having elected a certain Captain, Andrew by Name, cut
in Pieces the Romans as well as the Greeks, eat of their Fleſh and Entrails, then
“ rubbed themſelves with their Blood, and clad themſelves with their Skins. That
they ſawed aſunder many of them from the Head downwards, expoſed others to
wild Beaſts, and compelled ſome to fight together like Gladiators: So that there
periſhed of them to the Number of Two hundred and twenty thouſand. That there
was the like Slaughter in Egypt, and in Cyprus under Artemion, where there periſhed
moreover Two hundred and forty thouſand Men. Having ſain all the Inhabitants
of Salamis, they raſed it to the Ground”. This happened, as (e) Euſebius faith,
in the Eighteenth Year of Trajan. “ The next Year they came to a Battel in Alexan-
dria, and were themſelves cut to Pieces by Lupus Governor of Egypt ; and though
at firſt they had beaten the Greeks, who thereupon retired to Alexandria, yet theſe
* flew there all the Jews they met. Afterwards Marcius Turbo coming with great
« Forces of Ships, Horſe and Foot, put a great Number of them to the
“ Sword. Whereupon Trajan order'd Lyſius Quietus to drive the Fews out of Me-
Sopotamia, fearing that they would do as the reſt : He came to Blows with them,
and flew a great Number.
Now Trajan dying in the Twentieth Year of his Reign, Hadrian ſucceeded. (f) He
exaſperated again the Fews by building a City upon the Ruins of Ferufalem, calling
it Ælia Capitolina; and a Temple to Fupiter, where the Temple of God ſtood be-
fore: Whereupon, as ſoon as he had withdrawn from Paleſtine and Egypt, they roſe
up in Arms from all Parts of the World, did prodigious Miſchief, and drew
to them great Numbers ; took ſome advantageous Poſts, prepared Places of
Retreat, and other Means to make a vigorous and deſperate Defence. The Emperor
ſent ſome good Captains, and among them Julius Severus, who being aware of their
Deſpair, prolonged the Time, cut off their Vi&tuals, and weakned them ſo much
without hazarding his Men, that few eſcaped. He ruined Fifty of their Forts, and
Nine hundred eighty five of their Towns. In the Skirmiſhes and Battels, there were
ſlain Five hundred and eighty thouſand Men. Vaft Multitudes periſhed with Hunger,
Sickneſs and Fire ; ſo that it was impoſſible to count them, and fewry became a De-
fart. On the other hand, the Romans had a bloody Vitory of it, and ſuffered great
Loſſes ; inſomuch that Hadrian writing to the Senate, forbore the uſual Salutation, Sz
vos liberiq; veſtri valetis, bene eft: Ego quidem egº exercitus valemus : Implying,
that the Army was in Diſorder. This was terminated about the Year of Chriſt
CXXXV; and the Captain of this Undertaking was one that called himſelf Barcho-
chebas.
ci
Thus God made uſe of theſe Fews and Gentiles falling into Civil War, to kill one
another ; making their Obſtinacy to their pretended Religion to ſerve as the Ground
of a bloody War, infljęted on them for not hearing the Goſpel: For had they done it,
they had met with no Reaſon to rebel thus, and bring themſelves and others to that
miſerable State, which compleated their Deſtruction, only begun by Veſpaſian and his
Son Titus. Só that we muſt not expect to find them any more concern d in this
Prophecy. The following Puniſhments ſent by God muſt be ſaid to fall upon the
Idolatrous Gentiles, and Chriſtians corrupted by the Idolatry of the Gentiles. But
even theſe laſt muſt not be fuppoſed to be concerned therein, till ſuch Time as we
ſhall find Paganiſm down, but afterwards revived under another Pretence. For they
are the Earth, who are under the Tyranny of Idolaters, ſubmitting therein to the
Supreme Power, as it ſtands in all thoſe Places where the Chriſtian Religion hath been
feated from the firſt Preaching thereof.
(e) Hift. Eccl. Lib. IV, cap. 2.
(f) Xiphilin. ex. Dion, in Hadriano,
ઈ) TET
SEAL
268
Ch. VI. v. 5.
Seal III.
rebolo buod benets stora
SEAL III.
Mislim da
A. Verl. S. Kalite longs tw spegozi de su reitliw, And when he had opened the Third
Seal. ] The Publication of the Goſpel continues ftill, and the Gentiles become Con-
verts to Chriſtianity. The Character of this Wight, which is the Third, for it fol-
lows, örex one reira que asporto, "EgX8 vj Baéme, I heard the Third Wight, ſaying, Come
and ſee, is ſet down before, that it had the Face of a Man. This, as we have pro-
ved, fignifies a contemptible and perſecuted State ; and as the Wights reſpect the in-
ward State of the Clergy and Church, we muſt infer, that in this Third Period, the
Church, and eſpecially the Clergy, muſt be perſecuted. Now by the concomitant
Accidents we find, that this period muſt begin about the Times of the Emperor
Septimius Stverus. The Beginning of his Perſecution is placed in the Year CCII.
Ara vulg. by the (8) Learned Dodwell
. This doth not ſuppoſe, that the Chriftians
were before free from all kind of Perſecution ; but that the Perſecutions now began
to be more general
. At firſt the Pagans were content to take off ſome, eſpecially of
the Clergy ; but about theſe Times they were grown to ſuch Numbers, that not only
the Jealouſy and Envy of the Idolatrous Prieſts was ſet againſt them, being concern'd
for their Gods, but alſo the Magiſtrates and Emperors began to fear them. The
Stiffneſs of the Chriſtians to refuſe giving any Worſhip to the Statues of the Empe-
rors, and to fwear by their Genius, contributed not a little to it. Such Men were
thought to be no Friends to their Government. Severus, a Rigorous and Strict
Prince, affecting to be implacable to all Sorts of Delinquents, let looſe the Reins of
his Government to all fuch as were Enemies to the Chriſtians, and accuſed them of
being Enemies to the Emperors, becauſe Deſpiſers of their Gods and Religion. This
Perfecution of Severus laſted Two Years, and was general. Eufeb. Hift
. Eccl
. Lib.VI.
B. Kai ddv, x; id è in nos pén cs, And I Sawo, and behold a black Horſe.) As the Horſe
implies ſtill the Promulgation of the Goſpel, and its ſpreading further ; fo his Co-
lour denotes what Accidents it is attended with by way of Puniſhment upon the Hea-
thens refuſing to hear it. In the Oriental Onirocriticks, Chap. 157, and 158. this
Colour fignifies sainter, Afflictions, Difafters, and Anguiſh. And this is analo-
gous to the Matter. For as White ſignifies Innocence and Holineſs
, and a conſequent
Proſperity through the Bleſſing of God; fo Black being the contrary Colour, muſt de-
note a quite contrary Effect by way of Puniſhment. (h) Black or (i) dirty Garments,
both among Fews and Gentiles, have been the wearing of Mourners, and People in
Affliction. Hence the (k) Sordidati among the Romans. And indeed in all Langua-
ges Black fignifies any thing that is fad, diſmal, cruel, and unfortunate. But more
particularly in the Style of the Prophets, as in foel 2. 6. Nah. 2. 10. Lament. 5. 10.
Pſalm 119. 83: the footy' and grimed Colour of the Face or Skin is put to ſignify a
Time of great Amiótion in reſpect of Famine, which is the Cafe that nearly concerns
our preſent Buſineſs, as we ſhall ſee. 'Tis the Colour of approaching Death, or of
the Terror which the Foreſight of it cauſes. Virgil,
Was
(1) Immiſitq; fugam Teucris, atrumq; timorem.
slici
Hostalet
All which is compriſed in theſe Words of Claudian:
to TNT
Hinc frugibus atra negatis
Urgebat, trepidamq; fames obſederat urbem. dude
I
(n) Hic enim color (niger) convenit morituris, ſays Placidus La£tantius upon the Omen
of a black Fire. Thus alſo Ruffinus in the Deſcription of a great Famine has obſerv’d,
that Men had black Countenances : () Colore tetro, luminibus in profundum demerſis.
Which Words are not in the Greek of Euſebius which we have, but either were in
another Edition, or are added as an Obſervation of Ruffinus. (P) Procopius, an Eye-

() Cypr. Differt. XI.
() Æſchylus Perf. v. 114. Juvenal. Sacyr. X. Plutarch. de fera
Vind. Suid. V. Meraveirov G. Scholiaftes in Lycophron. 365.
(i) Plutarch calls them
Bosbogasons. Vid. Zachar. 3. 3. (k) M. Tullius in Verr. & in Pifon. (1) Virg. Æneid. IX.
(m) Claudian. de Laud. Stilích. Lib. I. Vid. De VI. Cof. Hon. v. 322.
(n) Placid. Lact.
in Stat. Theb. lib. V. v. 175.
() Ruffin. Interp. Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. IX. cap. 8.
(1) ProCop, de B. Goth. Lib. II. cap 20,
2
Witneſs
Ch. VI. v. 6.
Seal III.
0269

Witneſs of a great Famine, deſcribes it juſt in the ſame manner as the Prophets do,
and ſpecially with this black, footy Colour ; that is, as he expreſſes it, of a Torch
extinguiſhed. All this is very plain, and proves, that this Horſe, or Period of the
Promulgation of the Goſpel, muſt be attended with diſmal Accidents, and pat-
ticularly Famine , or want of Bread and other Fruits of the Earth for Man's
Nouriſhment. But let us firſt conſider all the Symbols, and then we may apply
the Event.
tro
C. Kai é ve si elle ét° durer légery Supply zagi sure, And he that fate upon
bim having a pair of Balances in his Hand. ] The Symbol of the Balances and
Weights plainly ſhews a ftri&t Execution of Juſtice. The Indian Interpreter faith ;
Εάν τις ίδη καθ' όνας ζυγών ή το λερ μθυον καίμπανον ον τόπω τινι σαθμιζόμβοια, πωτα εις
meboru muy voeétu neiti. Again, all the Interpreters joined together in Chapter 242, ſay:
'Ει 3 επώλησεν αυτίων σταθμό γευσία, χωρίζε3 τ γυαικός αυσε ένεκα μάχης εν δικαστηρίω, δια
en in Eugê see af póv. Compare with this Fob 31. 6. Pſalm 62. 9. Dan. 5. 7. Prov.
11. 1. and Chap. 16. II. So that this Symbol doth immediately fignify a ftri&t Ob-
ſervation of Juſtice and fair Dealing. But joined with other Symbols, as hereafter,
denoting the sale of Corn and Fruits by Weight, it is mediately the Symbol of
Scarcity. Bread by Weight is a Curſe, in Levit. 26. 26. and in Ezekiel, Chap: 4. 16,
I will break the Staff of Bread in Jeruſálem, and they shall eät Bread by Weight, and
with Care, and they ſhall drink Water by Meaſure, and with Aſtoniſhment. This
Curſe is expreſſed by Famine in the fame Prophet
, Chap. 5. 16. and Chap. 14. 13.
All this makes Radulphus Flaviacenſis ſay, (x) Parcius fiquidem folet miniſtrari, quod
cum ponderis diligentia diſtribuitur. Unde Fezechiel panis penuriam in populo fuo
futuram prænuncians: Comedent
, ait, panem in pondere & in folicitudine, & aquam
in menfura & in anguftia bibent. And therefore the Holy Spirit, which in the Gof
pel Diſpenſation is ſaid to be ſhed, proiews, richly, or abundantly, Tit
. 3. 6. is ſaid in
St. John 3. 34. not to be given in uétsy, by Meaſure. So indeed, whereas Grace is
faid to be given according to the Meaſure of the Gift of Chriſt, Ephef. 4. 7. that
Meaſure is underſtood to be out of his Fulneſs, and Grace upon Grace, John 1. 16.
(y) as Learned Men have well obſerved : Xebees ei vi gdeild being the ſame as gekers om
zekeill, in Ecclus. 26. 15. For theſe Reaſons the Balances are not ſet here alone, but
there follows an Oracle which determines that Symbol to Famine or Dearth. ton
A. Verf. 6. Keà iurca çarle pou ouer te wiposv Les cov; nézsa And I heard i
Voice in the midſt of the Four Wights, Saying. ] That is
, from the Throne of God,
wherein alſo the Lamb fitteth, ſupported by theſe Wights. Now this Voice is ſaid
to come from the Throne, to ſhew, that the Fruits of the Earth, whether given in
Plenty, or in Scarcity, wholly depend upon God. He giveth the early and the
latter Rain, frames the Seaſons of the Year according to his Pleaſure, and gives ac-
cordingly the Bleſſings of Corn, Wine and Oil, and that too as proceeding imme
diately from himſelf, that we may not think it comes from any elſe, and ſo be apt
to put our Confidence therein to the Diſhonour of God. But there is an Addition
in the Ethiopick Verfion which is very remarkable. After the Word Cécor the Tran-
flator ſeems to have read, as pariv detě, as it were the Voice of an Eagle. Now in-
deed, if this were confirmed by other Copies, one might conclude from thence, that
the Holy Ghoſt meant to ſhew thereby, that as the Eagle is elſewhere uſed to denote
the Roman Emperors, ſo here that ſtriet Juſtice about Corn ariſing from the Dearth
thereof, was to be left to and managed by the Hands of thoſe Roman Emperors then
in Being: As indeed we ſhall find in the Event it was fo.
But then we are to obſerve further, that it is not ſaid barely to come from the
Throne, but from among the Wights: It muſt needs be therefore that the Wights
have ſome Share in the producing of the Voice. And the Wights fignify the Chri-
ſtian Clergy : What Share can they have in procuring a Scarceneſs, which is the
Effect of the Voice? This is eaſily folv’d, by obſerving here what ſhall be further
proved in the Notes upon Chap. 6. 10. A. B. that the Puniſhments of God come
upon the Idolaters who perſecuted the Church, at the Prayers of the Saints, which
are put up in their Names by the Prieſthood. 'Tis on the Account of the Prayers
that the Puniſhment comes, and fo the Voice ſending it paſſes through them that
(a) Rad. Flaviac. in Levitic. Lib. XX. Cap. I.
2.1.1
C) Biſhop Bull's Harm. Apoft. Diff. II. Cap. XI. Sect. 5. Noldij Concord, v. hoy. Sect. 1. & Not.
Zizz
put
Seal III.
Ch. VI. v. 6.
270
put the Prayers up to God. And if the Prieſthood has not been ſaid to do it in the
Second Seal, it was becauſe the Strain of the Symbols implied it of themſelves.
For the Preaching of the Goſpel in that Caſe of reſiſting Hearers, produces a Sword,
as our Saviour ſays, Matth. 10. 34. But here this Puniſhment being produced by a
Voice, it was neceſſary to Thew by and through whom it came, that it might be
known upon what Account the Puniſhment is ſent. So that as the Prayers the
Clergy produce it, ſo through them muſt the Voice come.
B. Xorveg díte swees, aptis goiyenes upesiñe Chiwagís, A Meaſure of Wheat for a
Penny, and Three Meaſures of Barley for a Penny. ] The Alexandrian Manuſcript,
and the Commentator Andreas have read here nesăr, which Dr. Mių approves in
his Prolegom. Page 96. But this is not like to make any Difference in the Expo-
fition. In the Words there are Two Things remarkable, both which are Signs and
Proofs of a Dearth. The firſt is the Price of the Corn, the latter is the Proportion
between the Prices of the Wheat and Barley. The Meaſures and Monies of the
Ancients mentioned in all Sorts of Authors, are difficult Matters to ſtate aright.
But here we are not bound to reduce either Meaſure or Price to our Standard : It
fuffices that we ſhew, that the Proportion of the Price to the Meaſure, is according
to the Ancients a Sign of Death. Firſt then, I only deſire the Reader to conſider,
that though (a) Money be looked upon as the common Standard of all Commerce,
yet that as well as other Commodities, hath its Rifes and Falls according to the
Plenty of it, or Scarceneſs. And therefore where there hath been no Rife in the
Plenty of Money, the Value of it hath continued the fame. Upon theſe Suppofi-
tions, ſince this Oracle concerns the Roman Empire, I ſhall compare the Price of
Corn at Athens and Rome with that mentioned here: And if there be fome Diffe-
rence of Time, it will be taken off by obſerving, that there was no more Plenty of
Money in St. Fohn's Time, or in that concerned in the Oracle, than there was in the
Times from which I ſhall bring my Proofs. For that the Price of Things was much
the ſame in Athens, whilſt that City retain'd its Power, and in Rome in the Times
of Polybius, appears from this, that an Horſeman had in their Armies a (6) Drachm
a Day. In (c) Athens, and in Socrates's Time, Four Chænices of Flower were ſold
for an Obole. Which is confirmed by (d) Plutarch ſpeaking alſo of Socrates, when
he faith, that the rulexlov of Flower was ſold for an Obole ; for the (e) wuíszlov held
Four Chenices. Now an (Obole being the Sixth Part of a Drachm, and the
Attick Drachm being the very fame as the Roman Denarius, as (8) Plinius obferves,
'tis plain, that a Drachm, or Denarius, might purchaſe Twenty Four Chænices, and
conſequently that the Price of Wheat in this Oracle, is Twenty Four Times more
than at Athens; not to ſpeak even of the Difference between Wheat and Flower.
The ſame may be proved from (b) Diog. Laertius, who faith, that a Choenix of
Flower was ſold then in Athens for Two Chalci ; now Six of theſe make an (i) Obole.
So that a Drachm at this Rate muſt purchaſe Eighteen Chenices. This Difference
from the former is not very Eſſential, becauſe 'tis frequent for Corn to riſe one
Fourth Part of the Price even in the ſame Year. By the Two following Verſes in
Ariſtophanes it appears, that the Attick 'Extdo's and recóborol, were the fame in
Value. In one place 'tis faid,
(k) B1. Tercblonov Sürénc:6e5 ; xp. el d'penov. And afterwards,
'Αν. Οιθ' οω πολωλεκυα πυρών εκθέα.


At this Rate a Drachm purchaſed Sixteen Chænices. But this alſo was a Time of
great Scarcity; the Athenians being then in War, Olym. XCVI. A. III. All this is
very far from the Price mentioned in this Oracle here. But to come a little nearer :
I find that in the Times of Polybius, a Drachm would purchaſe one Sicilian Medimnus
and a Half of Wheat, and Three of Barley, as alſo Three Amphoræ of Wine. But
let us come to Tully, ſpeaking of the Price of Corn in Sicily. In his Orations againſt
(e) Suid.
(a) Conſult Sir Henry Spelman's Poſthum. Henr. Savil. Comm. De Milit. Rom. Fin.
6) Thucydid. Lib. v. Sect. 47. Demoſth. Orat. I. contr. Philipp. Polyb. Lib. VI. Page 484.
C Y. Arrian. apud Srobæum S. XCV. (d) Plut. wei & su pries, Pag. 471.
ν. ημίσκον.
(f) Suid. v. Tenavlov. 8) N. Hift. Lib. 21. Cap. 34;
(b) De Vica
Diogenis, Lib. VI. Sect. 35. (i) Suid. V. TO AAV TOV.
(k) Ariſtoph. Concion.
Verres,
Ch. VI. v. 6.
Seal III.
271

Verres, many Places mention the Price, but often different. (2) In one place he
ſpeaks of the Price in the Time of Verres, and hath thefe Words. Hoc reprehendo,
quod cum in Sicilia H. S. II. tritici modius eſſet, ut iftius epiftola ad te miſſa declarat,
ſummum H. S. ternis, &c. This Modius is therefore purchaſed for half a Drachm,
for the Seftertius is the Fourth Part of a Denarius. Thus ſtill there is a great Dif-
proportion; and if I gueſs aright, it is of Sixteen Chænices to a Denarius ; the
Roman Modius containing about Eight Chenices of Attick Meaſure, being the Sixth
Part of the Medimnus, as may be collected from Tully's Computation. Now we
have all the Reaſon imaginable to ſuppoſe, that this being the Price then, was much
the ſame in the following Ages of Domitian ; and that Money in the Times of
Severus, was not much plentifuller than in Tully's Time. And conſequently, that
this Price muſt be very great, and a sign of a great Dearth, and Straitneſs on the
Account of the Fruits of the Earth.
But after all, we have a nearer Teſtimony, which is that of the Poet Martial, who
having written fome of his Poems in the Beginning of Trajan's Reign, has made
one Epigram upon the Scarcity of Wine, and Plenty or Cheapneſs of Eorn, which I
ſnppoſe was compoſed within Three or Four Years after the Revelation, as follows:
1911 orel
(m) Amphora vigeſſis, modius datur ere quaterno; 4D Autols
Ebrius & crudus nil habet agricola.
I take the Title here de caritate vini to be true, and that comṁon Wine to be fold
for Twenty Aſſes, or Two Denarij the Amphora, or Gallon, is a very high Price;
and that of the Corn at Four Aljes
, Ære quaterno, is cheaper by half in the Modius,
than it was in Tully's Time. And that is a low Price indeed ; for 'tis that of a
(n) Rope and a Stake for a Man to hang himſelf withal, left by Will to an Illnatur’d
Man. The Æs here being the ſame as the As. Of theſe the Silver Denarius was
worth Ten, as (0) Varro fays, and (P) Pliny. The Seftertius was the Fourth Part
of it. At this Rate one Denarius purchaſed Two Modij and a half of Corn; and
by Conſequence the Price of Corn about St. John's Time, is but the Twentieth Part
of what this Oracle here fignifies. So that the Holy Ghoſt now plainly foretels a
great Dearth. And if we ſhould count the Denarius at Twelve or Sixteen Aſes, as
it ſtood moſt likely then, the Dearth would be much greater. In the Words of
Martial, Crudus is ſaid of one in the Morning who is Qualmiſh after he hath been
Drunk over Night (9) Et quæ ebrietas fuit, cruditas fa&ta est, ſays Seneca. And
Tully ; (-) Crudique poftridie se rurſus ingurgitent. The Meaning of the whole is,
that the Wine is fo dear, and the Corn fo cheap, that if a Country-Man fell his
Corn to get once Drunk, he lays out all his Crop at once, and on the next Morn-
ing has nothing left. But enough of this. However, the Scarcity being compared
with the Diſtreſs of the Second Punick War, when a Sicilian Medimnus was fold for
Fifteen Drachms, as (s) Polybius reports; that is ſtill under half a Drachm: But it
being alſo obſerv'd, that Corn in St. John's Time gave a greater Price, it will be found,
that this Scarcity is much of the ſame Proportion as that during the Punick War.
Now we come to examine the Proportion of the Price of Wheat to that of Barley,
which is as Three to One ; which I take to be another Sign of Dearth. Firſt then
let us ſee if in moderately plentiful Times that Proportion was obſerved. In Fewry,
to which perhaps we may fuppoſe that the Holy Ghoſt hath no ſmall Regard, the
Proportion was only double ; 2 Kings 7. 1, 16. The Prophet Eliſha to thew that
notwithſtanding the City of Samaria was ſtraitly befieged and familhed, yet God
would ſoon deliver it, promiſed in his Name, that the next Day a Meaſure of Wheat
ſhould be ſold for a Shekel, and Two of Barley for the ſame. In Sicily, as Tully re-
ports, there was the ſame Proportion ; (t) Quaternis H--S tritici modium, binis hor-
dei. The like Proportion was obſerved by (u) Polybius in Italy, as to his Times.
But in Places where Barley is not only uſed for Bread, or Horſe-Provender, but alſo
to be brewed into Drink, the Value of Barley riſes in Proportion. Of old in Eng,
(1) Cicer. in Verr. Lib. III. Page 416. (m) Martial. Lib. XII. Epigr. 77. (n) Vid. Comment. in
Horar. Lib. 1. Ep. 18. (0) Varro, de L.L. Lib. V. (D) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXII. Cap. 3.
(9) Senec. Epift. 83. (r) M. T. Cic. De Finib. Lib. II. (s) Polyb. Exc. Legat. N. II. Page 785.
Vid. H. Savil. De Milit. Rom. Iub Fin.
(1) Lib. III. in Verr. Page 416.
(u) Polyb. Lib. II. pag. 103.
land,

Seal III.
Ch. VI. v. 6.
272
land, as appears by the Saxon Chronicle, An. 1124. the Price of Barley ſeems to
have been only a third Part leſs than Wheat, that is, as Four to Six, and that too in
a Time of Scarceneſs, when Men will rather forbear ſtrong Drink than Bread. Now
the Proportion is much leſs
. That which makes me fay, that the Proportion of
Three to One in the Prices of Wheat and Barley, is a Sign of Scarcity is this. In
ſuch Times the Poor only eat Barley Bread, as being able to reach only to the Price of
that; but the richer Sort, who cannot eat ſuch Bread, can give a greater Price for
the Wheat, which is therefore held at a much higher Proportion. I could ſay more
to illuſtrate this, but I think it is now ſufficiently underſtood.
C. Kuà tò in crom sj õlvov ni de dixhons, And the Oil and Wine thou ſhalt not hurt. ]
Or rather, thou ſhalt not do wrong about the Oil and Wine ; ſo that the Juſtice, and
Execution of it, ſignified by the Balances, concerns theſe as well
as the former , ma-
king in all the whole Product of the Fruits of the Earth neceffary for human Life.
And ſo they are named in other Places to that Purpoſe, as Ferem. 41. 8. Pfalm 104.
15. And they are here named in the Order they grow, or are reaped ; Corn in the
fore-part of the Year ; and Wine and Oil in the latter. And in this Order, as to the
latter Part, the Words are read in the vulgate Latin, Vinum & oleum ne leſeris, fol-
lowed therein by the Æthiopick: Which is according to the natural Order, though
all our Greek Copies be contrary to it. For as Pliny ſaith, (u) Vindemia fašta olivam
eſe rapiendam. And the Vintage being according to him, from the Autumnal Æqui-
nox, till about Forty Days after the Gleaning, or gathering of the Olives, is put off,
even till February in ſome Caſes. The ſame may be collected from theſe Verſes :
(v) Quis dabit &* tumidas autumni vitibus uvas?
Quiſve hiemi placidas ſemper laudabit Olivas ?
So (x) Moſes Maimonides, living in Ægypt, and ſo better acquainted with the Sea-
ſons of fewry, names them in this Order , and places the End of the Olive Harveſt
in the Beginning of Chafleu, that is, the Middle of November. See Deuter. 28. 39,
40, 51. Thus alſo Oppian ſeems to ſay, that the Olives are gathered when the
Grapes are in the Preſſes :
(9) Καρπος Αθηαίης λιπαρω ότε γαυλίδα πλήξει
Και βότρυς ημερίδων θλίβων δειλώια χαίρει.
But he ſeems to ſpeak in general, not in exa&t Order.
Now to apply the Event of this Seal to the Symbols here exhibited; we obſerve,
that during this Period of the Preaching of the Goſpel, there was a very ſtrict Ob-
ſervation of Juſtice in all kinds, eſpecially as to the Matters mentioned here. And
indeed what could not be expected at ſuch neceſſary Times from an Emperor brought
up a Scholar and Student in the Law, ſuch as Severus was? Therefore Spartianus
faith of him thus ; (2) Rei frumentaria, quam minimam repererat, ita confuluit
, ut
excedens ipſe vita, feptem annorum Canonem Populo Romano relinqueret. (a) Ita ut
quotidiana ſeptuagena quinque millia modiorum expendi poſſent. (b) Populo Romano
diurnum Oleum gratuitum donavit. (c) Ejus vero tantum reliquit, ut per quinquen-
nium non folum urbis ufibus, ſed som totius Italiæ , quæ oleo egeret, Sufficeret. Hence
he boaſted in an Epiſtle to the Senate in this Manner ; (d) Ego populo Romano tantum
olei detuli, quantum rerum natura vix habuit. Yet Oil hath been given on ſome fpe-
cial Occaſions before, as we find in Perſius :
(e) Oleum artocreafque popello Largior.
So Cæfar is ſaid by (f) Suetonius to have given Oil to the People. But 'tis likely,
that Severus was the firſt that gave it regularly. The publick Neceſſity gave Occa-

(u) Nat. Hift. Lib. XVIII. Cap. 31.
(10) Tertullian. Carm. de Judic. Dom. Cap. I.
R. Moſes M. De jure Pauperis Edit. Humph. Prideaux, Cap. I. (y) Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. I.
Ælius Spartianus in Severo. (a) Æl. Sparti. ibid. ſub. finem. (b) Æl. Spartian.
ibid.
(c) Ælius Sparti. ibid. fub finem.
(d) Julius Capitolinus in Clod. Albino.
(e) Perſ. Sat. VI. V. 50.
(f) Sueton. in Cæſar. Cap. 38. Conf. in Neron. Cap. 12, & Tacit.
Annal. Lib. XIV. Cap. XLVII. & Not. J. Lipf.
2
fion
Ch. VI. v.7.
Seal IV.
273

fion to make it a Sertlement. The like is reported of his, though not immediate,
Succeſſor, Alexander, of whom Lampridius faith ; Commeatum Populi Romani fić
adjuvit, ut cum frumenta Heliogabalus evertiſet; vicem de propria pecunia loco ſuo
reponeret. And afterwards : Oleum quoque quod Severus Populo dederat, quodque
Heliogabalus imminuerat, integrum reftituit. And, Addidit & Oleum luminibu's Thera
marum. Now of ſuch Laws as theſe, we may ſay what is obſerved about all Laws
in general, that bad A&tions and Manners are the Cauſe of good Laws ; fo of ne-
ceflity, Scarceneſs of Corn, and other Fruits of the Earth; occaſions the Framing of
Laws about them. This is the very Way that Pliny takes to argue in a like Caſe. His
Words are : (8) Sterilitatem ſentit hoc quoque. Factumque jam Tiberio principe ino-
pia charte, ut è Senatu darentur arbitri diſpenſandi': alias in tumultu vita erat.
Therefore had not Rome been in want, through the Scarceneſs of Oil in all the Pro-
vinces of the Empire, Severus had no need to make Laws about them. Yea the
very Words of the Hiſtorian prove it enough, Rei frumentarie , quam minimam re-
pererat, and quæ Oleo egeret. If Rome and Italy wanted Corn and *Oil
, all the Pro-
vinces muſt want it, they having not only Power to fetch it with Money, but by the
Payment of Tribute, which commonly was paid thus in Sicily and Egypt, the moſt
fruitful of all, and continually exhauſted to furniſh Rome therewith. But what need
we to draw this Concluſion by Inferences, when we have the Words of Tertullian
ad Scapulam to vouch it in plain Terms. There he ſpeaks of the Loffes in Harveit,
of Showers and horrid Tempeſts, viz. of Hail, that ſpoild the Craps. Yea, he
affigns the Cauſes of them to the Wrath of God, for perſecuting the innocent Chri-
ftians; and gives an Inſtance thereof, wherein the very Finger of God appeared ;
ſicut & fub Hilariano Præfide cum de areis Sepulturarum noſtrarum adclamaſſent,
Areæ non fint, aree ipſorum non fuerunt. Meſes enim fuas non egerunt. See Ter-
tullian in his Apolog. and Treatiſe ad Scapulam. There had been before ſuch Cala-
mities in the Time of Antoninus, as (h) Eutropius faith, and Julius Capitolinus, who
faith, Vini, olei, & tritici penuriam per ærarü ſui damna emendo & gratias populo
dando ſedavit. See alſo Aurel. Victor in Antonin. Pio : But none were ever ſo great
as to cauſe new Laws about them, which is the peculiar Character of theſe under
Severus. Theſe Laws ſhew, that the Famine, or Dearth , muſt be univerſal, and of
great Continuation ; for the Scarceneſs of one Country makes no Famine, whilſt it
may be ſupply'd by another, and the Dearth of One or Two Years is not able to do
it, whilſt the Granaries are ſtill full of the old Proviſion. Theſe Confiderations are
ſufficient to make us recede from the Expoſition of Mede, who ſhould here have
weighed the Hints of Brightman.
SE À L IV.

A. Verf. 7. Και ότε ήνοιξε τίω τετι ε1ην σφραγίδα, ήκεσα φωνω τα πτει 16 ζώε λέον
10, "Eggs rj Brémre, And when he had opened the Fourth Seal, I heard the Voice of the
Fourth Wight ſaying, Come and ſee. ] In this Period, the Church is not only to fuf-
fer the common Calamities which fall upon the Heathens for their Hardneſs, but
alſo much Perſecution from them, whilſt the Goſpel is ſtill preached, and the
Church enlarged : And this Chara&ter of the Fourth Wight is applied to this Time,
to fignify (i), as hinted before, that it ſhould receive Means and Strength to eſcape
them all, though the Clergy ſhould then be forced to ſhift much about: The Perſe-
cutions not being univerſal but particular ; ſometimes in one Countrey, and fome-
times in another ; and thoſe alſo often intercepted by the Change of Emperors. This
Period may be ſaid to begin at Maximinus, and fo till the Times of Decius, Gallus,
Valerianus, Gallienus, and Aurelianus, from A. C. 235, to 275. During all which
Time Perſecution hardly ceaſed in one place or other. Mr. (k) Dodwell may be con-
ſulted thereupon, and other Hiſtorians.
After this we hear no more theſe Wights ſpeaking any Thing at the opening of
the reſt of the Seals, for the Reaſons hinted before, becauſe the Preaching of the
Goſpel, and ſpreading of the Church, was chiefly perform’d during theſe Four Peri-
ods. The primitive Clergy and Church had no more the Voice of Thunder and the
(8) Plin. N. Hift. Lib. XII. Cap. 13.
Chap. 4. 7. D. (k) Diflere, XI. Cypr.
(5) Eutrop. Lib. VII
(i) see the Note on
A a a a
bis
mira.
274
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.

miraculous Gifts which attended ſtill their Churches : About the Concluſion of it
Cyprian had ſtill Vifions, and Dionyſius Alexandrinus is the laft mentioned in theſe
Times who had ſuch. Dodw. Cyprian. Dis. IV. Se&. 22. is abſolutely to be conſulted
and applied to this Cafe.
A. Verf. 8. Kei didov, rj ind "ATO Xaesen's , And I ſaw and behold a pale Horſe.]
Now we come to conſider the Puniſhment fent upon the Enemies of God and his
Church. Tertullian ſeems to have turn’d the Word 2nweg's by viridis, green. For
ſpeaking of this, he ſays, viridi equo mortem. But this muſt be underſtood of a pale
Green. This Colour is the Symbol of Diſeaſes. The Indian Interpreter, Chap. 157.
faith, that the Citron, or Lemon Colour, which is the ſame as this xacoeds
, implies
what is vooríóm vej eis mugimu, diſeaſed and afflicting. This is confirmed by the Per.
fian and Egyptiañ in the next Chapter, and elſewhere. And it is abſolutely fuitable
to what is fubjoined here, as explaining the Effects of this Courier. We ſhall find,
that this period was full of more diſmal Accidents to the Heathens than any of the
former : For as they perſecuted the Chriſtians more furiouſly, fo God afflicted them
more grievouſly, proportioning his Puniſhments to their Fury.
29001
B. Kaid reisi ulio adve ourč ovo na duta ObyeO, And his Name that fate upon
him was Death. ] This is by way of Expofition ; the Name, according to the Stile
of the Holy Scriptures, being ſet to expreſs the Quality of the Rider. The whole
ſhews us, that during this period, the Preaching of the Goſpel will be attended by a
great Mortality, by the Means hereafter mentioned, which will characterife it from
all the reſt, as we ſhall ſee by applying the Event to it. That Death has this Signi-
fication in this place, is prov'd in the Note on Chap. 20. 14. A.
C. Kal"Asus á no dis. Sei que durs, And Hades followeth with him. ] Hades is the
State of Men after Death, or the Separation of the Soul from the Body. It figni-
fies the Condition of thoſe that are buried, and ſo in an inviſible State, as the Word
imports. Here it is put as a Companion to Death, to denote what kind of Death is
meant: Not any metaphorical Death , ſuch as the Second Death hereafter mentioned,
but that of human Bodies in the ordinary Way, when, upon the Death of the Body
and its Burial, they are immediately è óds, in the inviſible State. And the dou-
bling of the Rider is a Symbol of the Eminency of that Mortality in Extent and
various Forms. Now this Way of making Death and Hell, or Hades, to be Perſons,
is not only Poetical, but Symbólical, and ſuitable to the Notions of the ancient Ido-
laters. We have a pregnant Proof thereof in the Phænician Theology of (1) Sanchonia-
thon, who makes it the Son of Saturn, of whom they ſay, rij uit' š 2012"
ύσερον αυτά παϊδια από βίας ονομαζόμενος μου θ' αποθανόντα άριερού. θάνατον
Ö FTON rj métovel polveres óvoud? 30. This powl is plainly the mornia of
the Hebrews. He is thought to be (m) Baalzebub, God of Accaron ; that is, the
Acheron of the Greeks ; and the Serapis, or Serarbi, which is Pluto in the Phænician
and Egyptian Theology. Apollo likewiſe in the Greek Theology is the God deſtroy-
ing Men, as (n) Servius obſerves upon Virgil. See more to this Purpoſe in the Notes
upon Chap. 9. 11. B. And Chap. 20. 19. B. So theſe Two are mentioned together
in the Prophet Iſaiah, Chap. 28. 15. We have made a Covenant with Death, and with
Hell: In the Hebr. 518U ovimo ne; in the LXX, e reš do do rý presenta Ouvert.
Where the Words are prepoſterouſly tranſpoſed, though all Editions be fo. Now in
this Caſe as in all Sorts of Allegories, theſe as well as other abſtracted Notions of
Things are made concrete, and repreſented as Perſons. So in 2 Sam. 24. 16.
i Chron. 21. 17. the Plague is ſaid to be performed by an Angel, who is there cal-
led gnuort 7870. And thus alſo in the Writings of the modern fews, who re-
tain ſtill this Way of Allegorizing Stories, we read of a 10770 (), Angel of
Death ; and alſo of an (n) Angel of Conception 711001 7840. The Perſians call
this Angel of Death Mordad. See Herbelot on that Title, and compare that of
Mockadi.
CHOSH
bris
UJO
D. Kai emin dutis terdia bi to retapłon of guiñs amorleivou, And Power was given to
DA
them, to pay on the Fourth Part of the Earth. ] This is the Reading of the Complu-
tenſian Edition, of the Alexandrian MS, and moſt others. Only fome Copies have
Torna
* (1) Apud. Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. I. Page 25.
Worfh
(n) Serv, in Virg. Eclog. V.
apud Wagenſeil
. P. 1024. & Lib. de Monte Mofis.
in Sota, Page 72.
(m) Mr. Jurieu's Hift. of Relig. Opin. and
(6) Gemara in Sora, Cap. IX. & Succa.
3 (o) Fragment. Rabbinic. apud Wagenſeil
2
here
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.
275

om as more em
whole Earth, that is, all the Dominions of the Rome from the ruling Powers, Earth
here the Word à toxlcyou joined to Excix. But this is no effential Difference in the Senſe.
There is a greater between the Reading of the Greek Copies, and that of the Latin.
Vulgate. For all the Greek Copies read 6 to é testov v yñs ; but the Latin reads,
fuper quatuor partes terra, upon the Four Parts of the Earth : Wherein no Variati
on is found in any Copy that we know of ; ſaving that in a very fine MS Bible, in
the Hands of a (9) Friend, the Word mundi is written inſtead of terre. 'Tis fome-
what ftrange to me that Dr. Mill ſhould obſerve, that the Vulgate is conformable to
the Order of the Words, as they ſtand in the Alexandrian MS; and yet ſhould not
obſerve this Difference in his Notes; and that too fill the more, becauſe he hath
(r) elſewhere taken Notice, that Tychonius here varies from the Latin Copies, and
follows the Greek by turning , ſuper quartam partem terre. Now the Latin Verſion
not being interpolated, and corrected by the Greek Copies, it is an evident Sign, that
this Reading is ancient, and even owing to the firſt Tranſlator, who did read in his
Copy otherwiſe than we do. And 'tis alſo a Sign, that it was ſo likewiſe in the Co-
pies of thoſe that have ſince interpolared that Verſion and fuited it to the Greek.
For had they found it otherwiſe in their Copies, we ſhould find the Difference. Had
we now one Greek Copy, that exhibited this Reading of the
without wavering give it the Preference to all the reſt ;
becauſe we
upon the
look
the Intent and Management of the Holy Ghoſt. For this Reaſon I ſhall here endea,
vour to explain them both, and by that ſhew, that at laſt they may be reconciled;
and ſignify the fame Thing, though at firſt the Difference appear fo material.
I ſhall begin with the Reading of the Vulgate, and explain the Text, as if this
Slaughter and Mortality was to extend to the Four Parts of the Earth. For this
Number
, 'tis plain, that the Four Parts according to the Hebrero 5
Stile, fignify the
,
ted the Chriſtians; and theſe Two as diſtinguiſhed from
being oppoſed to them, and their Puniſhment is reſerved till another Opportunity,
and that is at the Sixth Seal, and during the Time of the Trumpets. The Oecono-
my of God's Judgment on them is obſervable, as to the various Degrees
Gorent one
Extent of
gives the Idolaters Time to conſider ; at the ſecond Seal, he affects them with a Stroke
of furious civil Wars, the like was never known. At the third Seal, he troubles them
with eminent Dearth and Famine, all the Time that they perfecute the Chriſtians.
But at the fourth Seal, finding them incorrigible, he brings all his
Plagues together
againſt them, the Sword, the Famine, the Peſtilence, and the wild Beaſts. Thus in
the ſecond and third Seal he is more gentle, only fome Parts are affe&ted ; but at this
fourth Seal, all muſt be ſo, becauſe they perſecute every where, in one place or other.
Therefore he is refolved, that all feel of the Puniſhment ; this being the fourth and
laft Call to Chriſtianity. Accordingly in the Event we find, that theſe Plagues ſpare
no Part, all is affected with them one way or other; in order to bring Men to
Death, which is the only Puniſhment now inflicted by thoſe ſeveral Means, to make
it more ſure and univerſal. Nothing can be objected againſt this.
But if we adhere to the Reading of the Greek Copies , we cannot find what is
meant by the fourth Part of the Eartli
, nor gueſs why the Holy Ghoſt hath given
that Title to the Roman Subje&ts, nor yet in the Event find, that any Part was di-
ſtinguiſhed from the reſt, and had any Privilege or Freedom from theſe Plagues of
God, to kill Men; becauſe we find all concernd therein. Let us therefore fee if we
cannot explain this fourth Part in ſuch a Manner, that the whole Roman Empire was
concerned therein , as we find the Hiſtorians make it out. Now why may not this
fourth Part be thus ; the fourth Part of the Earth is the fourth part of the Idola-
trous People, or Subjects
, to be plagued now. The firſt Seal hach taken off one
Part from that State of Idolatry by their Converſion. The ſecond Seal hath taken off
another Part, by Converſion on one side, and Civil Wars on the other. . A third
Part by the opening of the third Seal is alſo taken off by Converſion and Famine ;
now here at the Opening of the fourth Seal, the Part that remains is the fourth Part,
and that is now to be taken off by Converſion, or elſe by thoſe four Means of Mors
(9) The Reverend Mr. Phil. Hollins, Rector of Ackworth near Pontefract. IV.M. vb5
(r) Mill. Prolegomen. Page 79
tality
276
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.

tality to make a general Havock. Therefore this fourth Part is that which comes
ſucceſſively in the fourth Place to be affected with God's Puniſhment. And thus this
fourth Part fignifies all that is left, and contains a general Propoſition as the Caſe
ſtands by the Management of the former Seals, as if it was univerſal, or all the
four Parts in Being ; becauſe none is now in being but the fourth Part. And to
confirm this, we find the Word Fourth, or rétego, taken in this very Senſe in Holy
Writ. Thus we read in 2 Kings 10. 30. and Chap. 15. 12. that God had promiſed to
Fehu, that in Conſideration of his Zeal he would do him a Favour, which ſeems to
have been enjoyed by no other King of the Tribes, that his Children of the Fourth
Generation ſhould ſit on his Throne ſucceſſively, which is thus expreſſed by, thy fourth
Children, or, voi rétegloe ve Suhartoe oor Oki Spóv & 'Isegún. Where 'tis plain, that the
fourth Children are not the fourth Sons of Jehu immediately, but in Succeſſion in the
fourth Generation, and that is the whole Poſterity of Jehu , which God then ſuffered
to be extinguiſhed in that Degree from him, for their own Sins committed by them-
ſelves in that Succeſſion. So the Latin Word tertius is uſed by Catullus,
Perjuri Pelopis vaftabit tertius beres,
And in this Proverbial Verſe,
De malè quæſitis vix gaudet tertius heres.
So in Virgil
, (s) Ortu in quarto, is not taken as the Fourth in a collateral Number,
but fucceffively, for the fourth Day of the Moon, called rineus by the Greeks. So
Megareus in Ovid, whoſe Father is ſaid to be Grandſon to Neptune, Under
zib olla
(t) Ab æquorea numeratur origine quartus. pateich aidstot
And ſo we muſt underſtand it in this Verſe of Tertullian :
anggo go
(u) Genteque jam quarta genitos de ftirpe nepotes.
And in Homer, ſpeaking of Neftor,
เรา แต่ไม่ได้นะ นาง

Μετα και τειάτοισιν άν αυτή.

Thus then we find, that this fourth Part fignifying all that is left to be executed upon
in this fourth and laſt Seal, is really equivalent to the Four Parts, or all that is left
of the whole, within the Terms or Chara&ters which make them ſubject to the Puni-
fhment.
Though it is not my Deſign to fet down here other Men's Opinions, and confute
them, yet becauſe this place hath given me far more Trouble than any other , I ſhall
here add what I find hath been thought upon for the Expoſition of this fourth Part.
And firſt Brightman, having obſerved the Difference between the Greek and Latin Co-
pies, faith, that the Four Parts of the Earth denote the Extent of the Countries, in
which this Deſtruction ſhould have Place, as the fourth Part of the Earth did fig-
nify the Multitude of Men which ſhould periſh in this Deſtruction. Caſtalio ſeems
to have had the fame Thought when he tranſlated the Words thus, ad quartam par-
tem terre. Mede thinks, that as the third Part of the Earth elſewhere in this Pro-
phecy, fignifies the Roman Empire in all its Extenſion, it follows, that the fourth
Part of the Earth muſt be ſo much of the Roman Empire, as makes it to be propor-
tionable to the whole ; fo that Three Fourths of it muſt be afflicted with this Plague,
and one Fourth clear. And he faith, that Orofius ſeems to aver, that the Plague
extended no further than as far as the Edicts of Decius reach'd : Ad profligandas
Eccleſias edi&ta Decij cucurrerunt. But upon View of the Reading of the Vulgate
he ſuſpects
, that he read telegdor inſtead of réteglov. From which it may reaſona-
bly be fufpected, that he inclin'd much to that Reading. But the Anonymous (x)
Paraphrafe and Annotations builds upon this another Conje&ture, that as the Roman
Empire is called the Fourth, whilſt it had its Imperial Seat at Rome, the Head then
(*) Virgil. Georg. Lib. I. v. 432.
adv. Marc. Lib. IV. cap. III.
(t) Ovid. Metam. Lib. X. (u) Tertull. Carm.
() Hom. Iliad. A. v. 252. ok () Lond. 1693.
of
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Sedl IV
277

of the fourth Kingdom, before the Tranſlation of the Seat of the Empire to Byzan-
tium ; ſo after 'twas removed thither, as it happened in thoſe Times, wherein the
Expreſſions of the third Part of the Earth denote that Empire, it is ſo called, be-
cauſe then the Empire was ſeated in that Country, which had belonged to the third
Kingdom of the Earth in Daniel. So that when the Empire was once ſettled there,
even Rome it felf, as being forced to truckle thereto, might then be accounted and
characteriſed by the Name of the third Part. The Fate of the Imperial Seal, as to
Riſe and Fall, giving the Name of Riſe and Fall to the whole Empire depending
thereupon.
If the former Account of the Words be not ſatisfactory, then take this, which
conſiders the Text as it ſtands in the Greek Copies, without any Reſpect to the Vul-
gate. Let us therefore confider, what Ways a great Nation may be faid to be divin
fible, and in what Senſe it's fourth Part may be taken. I can conceive but two ways
for it: Either ſuch a fourth Part, as in order or according to the Degrees of Men's
State is the fourth only in Dignity, and after the other three; or, ſecondly, the
fourth Part of the Number of Men. As to the firſt, we need only to look upon the
State of the Roman Empire, and conſider therein what general Diviſion might be
made of the different States of Men about the Times concern'd in the Prophecy.
There were four Sorts of Subje&ts in the Roman Empire : For theſe are meant in the
Prophecy by the Word Earth. Firſt, the Officers of the Army, who were frequent-
ly Governors of Provinces, and Treaſurers ; Secondly, the Magiſtracy, from the Se-
nate to the Provincial and Municipal, who governed in Civil Marters; Thirdly, the
Pagan Prieſthood, forming a vaſt Body of Men with ſpecial Power, and only ſubje&ti
to the Emperors, as they were themſelves Pontifices Maximi, on purpoſe to have that
Body ſubject to themſelves. Laſtly, the reſt of the Soldiery and common People
under all the former, and therefore chiefly, according to the Intention of the Sym-
bolical Language, the Earth of this Political World. Theſe we find chiefly con
cern’d in the Plague of this Seal ; among whom a great Deſtruction was made. If
we take it t'other way, for the fourth Part of the Number in general of all the Sub-
jects in the Roman Empire, we ſhall have indeed herein fome Concurrence with the
Practice of the Holy Ghoſt elſewhere. For thus the People of Iſrael was divided
into four great Parts by God's Direction, Num. 2. And the Prophet Baalam, in a
prophetical Strain, takes notice of ſuch a Diviſion, Numb. 23. 10. and this to figni-
fy no great Portion, yet ſuch as to be paſt numbring. In this Senſe the fourth Part
of the Earth will ſtill fignify the common Sort of Men in the Roman Empire, not
excepting ſuch Parts of the Civil and Military State, as far as the fourth Part reaches.
But this we need not to take ſo, as if it implied a fourth Part divided from the reſt
in a Geographical Way, but of the whole Maſs of the People throughout. If ſo,
then by the Accounts Authors give us of the diſmal Calamities that befel them, we
may reaſonably conclude, that a fourth Part was deſtroy'd. Now unleſs an exact
Poll had been taken of all the Men living juſt before, and the Romans had duly
kept Bills of Mortality, we cannot now expect to find in thoſe Authors ſuch an
Account, as might pun&tually determine the Accompliſhment of this Prediction.
But we ſhall ſay enough to oblige any reaſonable Man to believe it was then fully ac-
compliſhed, in the Notes following.
bos 19
E. 'Er poupadet, tj en aspeonrj Seydto, rj a ser Ingier yñs, By the Sword, and
by Famine, and by Mortality, and by the Beaſts of the Earth.] Theſe are Four Inftru-
ments of Death, to fignify all kinds of Death. And indeed they ſeem to compre-
hend all the Kinds whereby a Man may die by the Hand of God; that is, by ſuch
Means as God in the Prophers threatens to puniſh Sinners. In Ezek. 14. 21. theſe
Four are mentioned, and in the very ſame Words in the LXX. ?Edv ö zij mei's Teartens
εκδικήσεις με τους πονηρος, ρομφαίαν, και λιμον, και θηρία που ηρα, και θει να τον εξαποσείλω οπι
'Ingrounding orð éçons. Spomorem ég evtñs åv Spcomcy wj x7w6. See alſo Ecclus. 39. 30. and the
Teſtaments of the Twelve Patriarchs : (a) 'Ad' av dežer rúero eo y geis nadeòr xj nordov,
θανατον και ρομφαίαν, εκδικάσαν πολιορκίαν, κκκίας εις διασπασμόν. Ι 1hall here now explain
each of them, and ſhew, that they all concurred to punifh the perfecuting Hearhens.
F. 'Ev pompaís, By the Sword.] That is, by the Effects of the Sword, which is an
Inſtrument of War to flay Men. It hath been explain’d before. The Event was
(a) Teſt. XII. Patr. Jud. §. 23.
Bbbb
ſuitable

278
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.
ſuitable to the Prophecy in this period. This War that cauſes ſuch Bloodſhed is here
unlimited. w And ſo it is left to be performed by all the Ways, not only hoſtile; bur
by the Cruelty of Tyrants. Now the Emperors of this period are famous for
Cruelty againſt their own Subjects. Maximinus, the firſt of them, had ſuch a Cha-
raéter on that Score, as Julius Capitolinus the Hiſtorian relates, that he had among
ſome Men the Name of Cyclops
, among others of Buſiris, Sciron, Phalaris
, Typho,
or Gyges. He adds: Senatus eum tantum timuit, ut vota in templis publicè priva-
timque, mulieres etiam cum fuis liberis, facerent, ne ille unquam Urbem Romam vi-
deret. Audiebant enim alios in crucem ſublatos, alios animalibus nuper occiſis incluſos,
alios feris obje&tos, alios fuftibus elifos ; atque omnia hæc fine dele&tu dignitaris. He goes
on to deſcribe his Cruelty, and faith, That to cover the Obſcurity of his Birth, he
flew all thoſe who knew his Relations : Some of them his Friends, who out of Pity
and Affe&tion had given him moſt of what they had. There never was a more cruel
Beaſt upon Earth. He flew fome that were of the Faction of one Magnus, a Con-
ſular Man, without Judgment, Accuſation, Information, arid Defence: He made an
End of them, ſeized on all their Eſtates, and could not fatiate himſelf before he
had flain above Four Thouſand Men. Trebellius Pollio faith of Gallienus, (6) that
having ſain Ingenuus, who had been declared Emperor by the Legions in Mæfia, he
fell moſt cruelly upon all the People of Mæfia, Soldiers and Citizens, and left none
untouched by his Cruelty. He was ſo ſharp and cruel
, that he left moft Cities empty
of Men. Uſque adeo aſper & truculentus, ut plerafq; civitates vacuas à virili fexue
relinqueret. He faith in another place, (c) that the Scythians having made an Inroad
into Cappadocia, and the Soldiers having confulted to make a new Emperor, he flew
them all according to his Cuftom. He gives a terrible Example of his Cruelty,
when he faith, That leaſt any Evil ſhould be wanting in the Times of Gallienus, the
City of Byzantium, famous for Naval Fights
, and being the Barrier of the Pontus,
was ſo throughly laid waſte, that there was abfolutely no Body left
. To revenge this
Diſaſter, Gallienus being again received at Byzantium, and having difarm’d the Sol-
diers, and ſurrounded them with armed Men, flew them all againſt the Agreement
which he had made with them. The Character of Aurelian given by Eutropius is
this, Vir in bello potens, animi tamen immodici, & ad crudelitatem propenfioris. This
was to compleat the reſt. None but cruel Men muſt be then Emperors. See the
reſt of his Words, and S. Aurel
. Vittor. But for hoftile Wars the Roman Empire ne-
ver had before felt ſuch Shocks, as it did within this period of Time. In the (d) Times
of Valerianus and Gallienus, the Germans came as far as Ravenna, the Perſians un-
der Sapor overthrew the Romans, and took Valerianus. Gallienus being fully Empe-
ror, the Almains having waſted the Gauls, broke into Italy; Dacia was loft, Greece,
Macedonia, Pontus and Aſia were wafted by the Goths ; Pannonia by the Sarmate
and Quadi. The Germans penetrated into Spain, and took the famous City of Ter-
racon ; the Parthians having ſeized upon Meſopotamia began to challenge Syria to
themſelves. Tum jam, adds Eutropius, deſperatis rebus, & deleto pene imperio Ro-
mano, &c. As for Civil Wars to compleat this Plague, we may eaſily imagine it by
the frequent Changes of Emperors, in ſo ſmall a Space as Forty Years. Their Names
are theſe ; Maximinus or Pupienus, Balbinus, Gordianus, Philippus Father and Son,
Decius Father and Son, Gallus, Voluſianus, Æmilianus, Valerianus, Gallienus, Inge-
nuus, Trebellianns, Poſthumus, Marius, Vittorinus, Tetricus, Claudius, Quinctilius,
Aurelianus. _All theſe were ſlain ſucceſſively, except Valerianus taken Captive by the
Parthians ; Tetricus who depoſed himſelf; and Claudius, who died of a Diftemper
in Two Years Time. Yea, the Rage of Civil War was ſo furious, that in the Times
of Gallienus about Thirty Tyrants or Emperors ſtarted up, all flain by themſelves,
or each other, or by thoſe who were accounted lawful Emperors
. Theſe are fuffici-
ent Notes of great Bloodſhedding; and being added to the reft, ſhew that the Hand
of God was viſible to puniſh the Heathens by the Sword.
G. Kai è aquew, And by Famine.] Although it be plain, that ſuch Wars muft of
Courſe bring on a Famine, yet the Authors are not filent about it. (e) Zoſimus
may be conſulted about it; Euſebius and Cyprian. Fohan. Malala faith, that in the
Times of Probus there was an univerfal Famine, εγώετο λιμός κοσμικός μέγας, And that.
(6) Lib. de XXX Tyr.
(d) Vid. Eutropium, Lib. IX.
() Lib. de Gallieno.
(e) Zofim. Lib. I, TIKROT ()
2
this

Chap. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.
279
10
this Plague, as well as the former, and the reſt that follow, were the Conſequences
of God's Puniſhmients upon the Perſecutors, is plain from theſe Words: (f) Ibi 8
Marianus prophetico Spiritu jam repletus, fidenter ac fortiter predicabat proximam
juſti
fanguinis ultionem ; variaſ1; Sæculo plagas velut de cæli jam culmine minabatur luem,
captivitatem, famem, terræq; motus, cynomyiæ venena cruciantia. Qua prædicationé
non tantum gentilibus inſultabat fides Martyris, ſed etiam fratribus vigorem æmulande
virtutis, & quafi claſſicum præcinebat : ut inter tantás fæculi plagas, juſlis Dei tam
bone atque piæ mortis raperetur occaſio. Marianus was an African Martyr about the
Year CCLIX.
H. Kal in Sevdim, And by Mortality. ] That is, by the Peſtilence. In the Oriental
Languages the Plague or Peſtilence comes under the Notion of Death. And the
LXX tranſlate the Hebrew 7:7 by Joe'v&TQ. And the Chaldee Paraphraſt puts often
the Word op inſtead of it. As for Inſtance, in ferem. 14. 12. and Chap. 21. 7 9.
and Chap. 24. 10. So Mortalitas is uſed in Cyprian about this very Peſtilence, a Word
not uſed that I know in that Senſe by Older Authors. See 2 Sam. 24. 13. I Chron.
21. 12. where the three forementioned Evils are
are fet down, as uſed by the Divine
Juſtice to puniſh and deſtroy Men for their Sins. As to the Event, it was füitable to
the Prediction. (8) Lipfius hath obſerved already, that there never was a greater Pe-
ſtilence in the World, than that which happened in this Time. Under the Reigns of
Gallus and Volufianus, a Plague or Peſtilence broke out of Ethiopia, as (h) Zonáras
obſerves; and ſpread it ſelf into the Eaſt and Weſt, abiding for Fifteen Years together,
and turning the greateſt Part of the Cities into a marvellous Deſolation. (i) Eutro-
pius faith, Sola peſtilentia & morbis atq; agritudinibus notus eorum principatus fuit.
Dionyſius of Alexandria, an Author of thoſe Times, gives a fad Deſcription of it in
one of his Epiſtles cited by (k) Eufebius. He faith, that after the Perfecution of
Decius, the War and Famine ſeized on all, the Heathens as well as Chriftians: And
that after a little Reſt, a dreadful Peſtilence followed. Thus alſo St. Cyprian joins
all theſe Three together, as being the Accidents then troubling the World, and by the
Heathens obje&ted againſt the Chriſtians, (1) Sed enim cum dicas, plurimos conqueri
quod bella crebriùs ſurgant, quod lues, quod fames ſaviant, quodque imbres & pluvias
Jerena longa ſuſpendant. It leems as if the Wars and Peſtilence had not been enough
to torment Men, but God alſo to torment theſe that remain d alive, left they alfo
ſhould not feel his Hand, and as if the reſt had not been fufficient to produce a Fa-
mine; God, I ſay, contributed viſibly to it by long Droughts, which he calls ſerena
longa. See alſo Žofimus, Lib. I. Trebellius Pollio faith, (m) Nam & peſtilentia tanta
extiterat, vel Rome, vel in Achaicis urbibus, ut uno die quing; millia hominum pari
modo perirent. Seviente fortuna cum hinc terræ motus, inde hiatus Joli
, ex diverfis
partibus peſtilentia orbem Romanum vaftaret. . Pionius the Martyr, who ſuffer'd in
the Time of Decius, faith, (n) Nam &° vos ſcitis quam immenſa funera, ♡ obfcænam
famem experti fitis, & alia permulta. Sed ait illi unus è populo: Tu quoq; nobifcum
inopiam pertuliſti
. Ille reſpondit : Ego cum ſpe quam in Domino habebam. But we
have an eminent Teſtimony of the Plague's raging at Rome about theſe Times in
Porphyry, with this Confeffion, That their Gods could not help them, ſince the Name
of Jefius came to be worthipped : (ο) Nuυί και θαυμάζεσιν ει τοσο των ετών κατέληρό νόσG-
τίω πόλιν, 'Ασκληπτύ μιο οπαδημίας, και την άλλων θεών έκ έπ άσης 'Ιησε και τιμωμένα, εδεμιάς
Suposi es tis gecāv aj osnelas V.SETO
. The Incurſions of the Barbarians were then fo great,
that undoubtedly, according to human Computation, they would have diſmember'd
the Roman Empire : But God, who reſerved that Buſineſs for another Time, made
the Peſtilence, one of the Means to torment the Heathens then, ferve as an Inſtru-
ment to drive out of the Roman Empire the Germans, Scythians, Goths, Parthians,
and others, and make them return home. For after they had plunder d and kill'd for
a while, this Peſtilence got hold of them alſo, and made them glad to retire. But
this did not ſave the Romans from the Hand of God, becauſe the Famine and Peſti-
lence raged upon them ftill the more.
you visit tournois os on haji
(f) Acta SS. Jacobi, Mariani, &c.
(8) Lipf. de Conſtant.
(h) Zonar. de Gallo & Voluſiano.
(i) Lib. ix. de Gallo & Volus.
(k) Hift. Eccl. Lib. VII. cap. 22. conf. Jornandes de Reb. Gecicis. pag m. 46. S. Aurel. Victor in
Gallo.
(1) Cyprian. ad Demetrian. See alſo his Book, De Mortalitate.
(m) Treb. Pollio in Gallien.
(n) Paffio SS. Pionii, doc.
(0) Porphyr. apud Thecdoret. C. Græc. Serm. XVI: & Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. pag. 107.
I I. Kai

280
Ch. VI. v. 8.
Seal IV.
I. Kzi vlod ofer Sugicov nas zas, And by the Beaſts of the Earth.) In ſome Copies it
is written, xj to Tétag zou Sugiau vis gñs, as if the Beaſts themſelves were the Suffe-
rers as well as Men, and not the Inſtruments of Death uſed frequently by God to
that Purpoſe to compleat the Miſery of Men. Indeed if the Word utiü o had been
uſed, we muſt have underſtood Cattle by it
, and then it would be a Divine Puniſh-
ment, as in Ezekiel cited before. But supiu are the Wild Beaſis; and 'tis no Miſery,
but a Bleſſing to Men, that they be deſtroyed: Whereas the Increaſe of them is a
Curſe, Levit. 26. 22. For that Reaſon the Iſraelites are forbidden to deſtroy all their
Enemies at once, left the Number of Wild Beaſts ſhould increaſe upon them,
Deut. 7. 22. Exod. 23.
23. 29. All Countries of the World are troubled with wild
Beaſts fit to kill Men, of one Sort or other
, Britain now excepted; for in the Times
of the Romans there were in it Bears, Wolves, and Wild Boars. But in the hotter
Climates of the World, when the Famine and Peſtilence rage among Men, and
hinder them from ſtirring much abroad, 'tis cuſtomary for the wild Beaſts to in-
creaſe, come into the Towns, and wander up and down to devour Men. That there-
fore muſt be a great Famine and Peſtilence, wherein they do ſo. The Poet Horace
makes this a Token of utter Deſolation by Civil Wars ; db Business of our
Zorios, apot (p) Feriſq; rurſus occupabitur folum. And White
Agros atq; lares patrios, habitandaq; fana
Apris reliquit
, & rapacibus lupis.
for bus penaldo
In the Times of Adrian the Emperor, after the Wars againſt the rebellious Ferrs, the
ſame happened to compleat the Miſery of that wretched People, as we learn of
Xiphilin, who hath abridged the Hiſtory of Dio. The like is related by Julius Cae
pitolinus, of the Deſolation cauſed by Maximinus the Thracian; (9) Lupi urbem
quingenti ſimul ingreſſi ſunt, in quam fé Maximinus contulerat. Pleriq; dicunt Hemo-
nam, alij Archimeam ; certè que deſerta à civibus venienti Maximino patuit. That
the World was plagued about theſe Times with this kind of Deſtruction, is hinted in
theſe Words of Arnobius, who wrote about the Year CCC. (-) Quando cum feris
bella, & prælia cum leonibus gefta funt ? Non ante nos? Quando pernicies populis ve-
nenatis ab anguibus data eft? Non ante nos ? In the Kingdom of France, in the Days
of Charles VII. a Famine brought the Peſtilence, and then the wild Beaſts ; ſo that
the Wolves ran into the very Suburbs of St. Anthony by Paris, and pull’d Children to
Pieces. Many Inſtances may be given of the like. And this is always a sign of very
great Famine and Peſtilence. The Words of Julius Capitolinus ſhew in part the Ac-
compliſhment of this kind of Deſtruction : And tho' we ſhould not find, that the Hi-
ſtorians of the Time ſpeak of any ſuch Accident by wild Beaſts, yet they deſcribe the
Civil and Hoſtile Wars fo great, and the Famine and Peſtilence, that we may con-
clude, the wild Beaſts were not wanting then on their Parts to compleat the Miſeries
of that Time, as well as in the particular Caſe of that one City and Country. 'Tis ſo
in other Caſes, and we may conclude it was ſo in this. Philoftorgius, ſpeaking of
ſuch a Diſaſter in the Times of Arcadius and Honorius, reckons at laſt the wild Beaſts
among the Inſtruments of Mortality. His Words are remarkable ; (s) Başbagenu pelen
και το της φθοράς πλήθος ειρκίζετο με χαιρα. λιμοι 3 και λοιμοί και θηρίων αγίων αγέλα σωεπ-
TANTO. In the (t) Famine and Peſtilence, which happened a little after our Caſe un-
der Diocletian, not near ſo great, the Dogs fell upon the Carcaſes ; ſo that the Living
were forced to kill them, leſt after that they ſhould fall upon themſelves. We
have had lately Examples of ſuch Caſes, when the Dogs and Wolvès have herded
together, and ſet upon Men ; ſo that theſe were forced to hunt them out, and deſtroy
all to be quiet.
But ſome may think, that theſe wild Beaſts are to be underſtood fymbolically of
ſuch Tyrants, who, like wild Beaſts, raged about during this period with great Cru-
elty and Slaughter. In Jeremy, Chap. 12. 9. we read, Aſſemble all
Field, come to devour ; the Targum faith, Reges populorum & exercitus eorum venient
contra eam, ut diripiant eam. In Ezek. 34. 28. The Beaſts of the Land, ti sugáz this
(D) Horat. Epod. XVI.
(r) Arnob. adv. Gent. Lib. I.
(t) Euſeb. Hift. Eccleſ. Lib. IX. cap. 8.
(9) Jul. Capicolinus in Maximino juniore.
($) Philoft. Lib. XI. cap. 7. 1.
bugs 116
ansa
Ch. VI. v. 9.
281
Seal V.

gñs ; Targum ; Regna terræ ; which is always taken for idolatrous and violent King-
dorns. The Onirocriticks cơnfirm this, as ſhall be ſhewn hereafrer: But I fee no
Harm to underſtand it as we have done, and that the Beaſts are literal as well as the
Famine and Pefilence. And of the Tyrants, we know thar they uſed the Sword to
kill Men; and ſo they come under that Head. But yet if any one contend, what
we have ſaid of the Cruelty of ſuch Roman Emperors, from Maximinus to 'Aureli-
anus, even on the Heathens, is enough to prove the Event to be ſuitable to the Pre-
di&tion, being ſo Singular and Great. Beſides this, it is remarkable, that the Au-
thors of thoſe Times compare thoſe cruel Tyrants to wild Beaſts. Julius Capitolinus
de Maximino, Neque enim fuit crudelius animal in terris. And a little after; Cum
eſſet ita moratus, ut ferarum more viveret. Again, His rebus in dies immanior fiebat,
ferarum more quæ vulnerat & magis exulcerantur. And the very Senate ſpeaks fo too,
Senatus Populuſque Romanus, per Gordianos Principes ab illa triſtiſma bellua liberari
cæptus. And a little after
; Veſirum eſt conſentire ad ſalutem Reipublice obtinendam,
& ad fcelera defendenda, & ad illam belluam atque illius amicos, ubicunque fuerint, per.
fequendos. To all which the Conſul in the Senate had been the Leader, for he
faith, (a) Qui ab immani nos bellua, ab illa fera vindicaverunt.
2150 beurog arw bonin j'SHOT YTOV.
emisi ils to boolsed Minor
lo mo boss 100
31. I 98 bis 991 SEAL V tomto od tort cu el
A eta nogu bezogen i soi
A. Verſ. 9. Kai T Wwoiće ti mél7 is opegim se, didor WORLÁTO Quorasugis cu's
Suga's tes éopaneelówr då aózov Oce, rj dice talp receplugíow og ágvís no exzor, And
when he had opened the Fifth Seal, I Saw under the Altar the Souls of them that had
been pain for the Word of God, and for the Teſtimony of the Lamb, which they had.]
The Goſpel being now ſpread all over the Roman World, the Devil, Dragon, or
Roman Pagan Empire, made one great and laſt Effort to deſtroy the Chriſtian Re-
ligion : So that the Fifth Period of the Progreſs of the Goſpel is remarkable by the
vaſt Number of Martyrs. And their Blood fo abundantly ſhed, quench'd at laſt all
his fiery Darts; the next News of him being at the Sixth Period, or Seal, that all
his Power is ſhaken, taken from him, and the Church appears delivered from his
Hands. You will ſay, Is Perſecution the advancing of Chriſtian Religion? Yes, for
the Blood of the Martyrs is the Seed of the Church : (6) They overcome him dici
' to
ciude apvís, rj de t nózov, tis uosgrupi as 'curâv, Through the Blood of the Lamb, and
through the Word of their Teſtimony. Sulpitius Severus faith, Neque majori unquam
Triumpho Ecclefia vicit, quam cum decem annorum ſtragibus vinci non potuit. The
Reaſons of this are explained elſewhere.
Now to underſtand the Meaning of theſe Symbols, we muſt make a few Obfer-
vations. Firſt, that the Blood of any Creature is called the Life or Soul thereof.
Geneſ. 9. 4. Tamo spécs és áruote furgos vágone. But Fleſh with the Blood of its Life,
Shall you not eat. Deut. 12. 23. on år pr. uti fuge, for the Blood of it, is the Life or
Soul. Therefore Chriſt is faid in Iſaiah 53. 12. to have poured out his Soul, becauſe
he ſhed his Blood unto Death. This is alſo the Stile of the Greeks and Romans.
Ariſtophanes,
vho tots els (C) και την ψυχω οκπίνεσι.
See there the Scholiaſt
. So Pliny ſpeaking of thoſe that drank the Blood of the
Gladiators for a Medicine, (d) Et und ipſam animam ex ofculo vulnerum. And ſo
likewiſe Tully uſes the Word anima for ſanguis. (e) Quam qui in cauſa animani
profudit
. As in Horace and Virgil, Sanguis and Anima are uſed reciprocally for each
other.
(f) Non vane redeat ſanguis imagini.
The Commentator : Sanguis eſt vita,
Virg. purpuream vomit ille animam.
strec

(a) Jul. Capitolin. in Gordianis.
(d) Plin. Nac. Hiſt. Lib. XXVIII. Cap. I.
Lib. I. Od. 24.
(6) Revel. 12. 11.
(c) Ariſtoph. Nebulo
(e) M. T. Cic. Orat: pro M. Marcel. (f) Horas.
Cccc
Lucretius,
282
Ch. VI. v. 9.
Seal V.
maslona
Lucretius, (g) Et se ſciré animi naturam ſanguinis eſe, Som 01 mob
Ji bushe be of MIH
Or as Creech reads; Sanguini ineſſe. Though the former may be thus explained
that the Nature of the Soul is the ſame as that of the Blood, the Blood being indeed
the very Soul, in the Opinion of many. See Seneca, Nat
. Queſt
. Lib. VII. Cap. 24.
Therefore Blood is the Price of Attonement for Sin, inſtead of the Life of the OF
ferer ; 'tis evlitugev. Conſult here Auguſtin, cont. Adimantun, Cap. 12.0 And.
Eufeb. Demonſt. Evang. Lib. I. Cap. ult. Page 24. The fame was the Opinion of
the moſt Ancient Heathens. Thus in (h) Virgil
, Æneas invocating and honouring
the Soul of his Father, poured upon his Tomb Red Wine, Blood, and Purple
Flowers ;
Purpureofque jacit flores.
up at 10:32
taitelis
butas
Upon this Serviis obſerves, Ad fanguinis imitationem, in quo ėjt ſedés anime. Sic
in fexto : Purpureos ſpargam flores. Item: Purpureaſque Júper veſtes velamina nota.
Scilicet, ut ſupra diximus, ut ſedis fuæ cognofcat imitationem.
Secondly, The Blood or Soul of every Creature that was Sacrificed, was poured out
upon, or at the bottom of the Altar, in ſuch Manner, that the Blood of all Vi&tims
came at laſt to the bottom of the Altar, and there remain’d. See Levit. 1. 5.
Chap. 3. 2, 8. where you ſee, that for a Peace-offering it was poured upon the Altar,
but for a Sin-offering at the Bottom of it; the LXX ſay, Tuess or wegs, or in the
Belowy to guotesngis, Levit. 4. 7, 18, 25, 34. and Chap. 5. 9. and Chap. 9.9.
Thirdly, Martyrdom was a kind of Sacrifice, which the Martyrs performedcin
ſhedding, or pouring out their Blood, and offering their Bodies to God. This ap-
pears from the Words of St. Paul, ſpeaking of himſelf, Phil. 2. 17. and 2 Tim. 4.6.
Upon which Words St. Hilary obſerves : (i) In Paradifo ante Martyrium, in Martyrio
perfe&te fidei confummata Libatio. Ignatius alſo faith to the Romans ; nitay diozs *
Kuecoy vaders, "evee ore supply ozolvær rétar em sudiz dipesa. Intreat the Lord for me,
that by theſe Inſtruments I may be found a Sacrifice to God. And ſpeaking to the
Antiochians, he borrows the Words of Jeremiah, (k) and faith of himſelf, Kejo
á svíov åre xov, épouvor succesThus Polycarpus prayed before his Suffering, that
he might be receiv'd before God in a fat and acceptable Offering, (1) è ois meso dex-
Selle évomóv og our egy és Judío chove rj mego SexlmAnd thus alſo the Faithful of
Smyrna, in the Beginning of their Epiſtle relating that Paſſion, fay; Præfens enim
Dominus fufcepta tam fideli oblatione ſervorum. In the Genuine Aets of the Paſſion
of Symphorofa we read, Beata Symphorofa reſpondit : Et unde mihi tantum boni, ut
ego merear cum filijs meis offerri hoſtia Deo? So likewiſe in the Paflion of SS. Epi-
podius and Alexander, Ita deo fefe hoftias dignas præparabant. In the Paffion of
Viktor; Atque ipſum peden mox juſſu deteſtabilis Čafaris amputatum, Deo & Regi
fuo Domino Jeſu Chriſto, velut quaſdam ſuaveolentes primitias interim fui corporis
dedicavit. Thus alſó B. Hilary commenting in his Way upon Matth. 22. 4. faith:
(m) Tauri autem Jaginati, glorioſa Martyrum ſpecies eſt, qui confeſfioni Dei tanquanz
Hoſtia electa fint immolati. Elſewhere he ſpeaks thus : (n) Toto ipſo fe corpore Deo
hoftiam tanquam holocauſta præbentes. . See the reſt. Thus Auguftin ſpeaks properly
when he faith ; (0) Ei cruentas vi&timas cædimus, quando ufque ad Sanguinem pro
ejus veritate certamus. And again; (P) Unde ipfé homo Dei nomini confecratus,
Deo devotus, in quantum mundo moritur, ut Deo vivat, Jacrificium eft. And after.
wards he uſes this Expreſfion, (2) Alartyrum vi&timas immolaſſe, upon theſe Accounts.
And all this is true, though we take us here to fignify alſo a Dead Body, as in
Levit. 19. 28. Pſal. 16. 10. Ezek. 44. 25. Numb. 5. 2. Chap. 9. 10. Lev. 21. I. For
our Bodies may be Sacrifices to God; Rom. 12. I.
Fourthly, What is the Reaſon that we ſee here an Altar of bloody Sacrifices fup-
poſed to be in the Chriſtian Church, whereas Chriſt having performed a full and
perfect Sacrifice once for all, ſeems to have aboliſhed all fuch? I anſwer, here you
Tee the Uſe of it, that when it is required, we may freely offer our ſelves to die for


(8) Lucret. Lib. III. y.
(b) Virg. Æneid. Lib. V.
(i) B. Hilar, de Trinitat.
Lib. VI. Pag. 89.
(k) Jerem. 11. 19. (1) Apud. Euſeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. IV. Cap. 15.
(m) Hilar. Pict. Com. in Matth. Can. XXII. (n) Hilar. in Pfal. LXV.
(0) De Civic.
Dei, Lib. X. Cap. 40
6) Ibid. Cap. 6. (6) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei. Lib. XVII. Cap. 20.
the

Chap. VI. v. 1o.
Seal V.
283
the Name of Chriſt, and make thereby an acceptable Sacrifice of our Bodies to him.
This he expects of us; but that of Beaſts, as being Derogatory to that of Chriſt
and his Example, he utterly rejects. Thus the Croſs of Chriſt is by (r) Eccleſiaſtical
Authors called Altare, and the Place or Inſtrument in or by which any Martyr is
ſlain, is his (s) Altar ; and is by Chriſt called his Croſs, in Imitation of his own,
Matth. 16. 24. St. Peter in his firſt 1 Epiſtle, 2. 24. ſeems to ſuppoſe the Croſs to
be the Altar on which Chriſt bore our Sins to make an Atonement of them. Tycho-
nius faith, (t) Et licet anima ſanctorum in paradiſo fint , tamen quia Sanguis Paneto-
rum ſuper terram funditur, fub ara clamare dicuntur, ficut illud est; Sanguis fratris
tui clamat ad me.
From all this it appears, that theſe Symbols denote a Time, wherein there ſhould
be a great Number of Martyrs repreſented here by the Blood or Souls of ſuch at the
bottom of the Altar, as it were juſt new offered unto God as a Memorial, or Mar-
tyrdom. So that the Fifth Period of the Church ſhould be remarkable for the
Ábundance of the Martyrs which ſhould ſuffer then. It may be asked here, why
theſe Martyrs are not taken Notice of before, there having been many Martyrs be-
fore, as if the Holy Ghoſt made no Account of them that went before theſe. But
many Reaſons may be aſſigned for this. Firſt, becauſe the other Periods or Epochas
of the Growth of the Chriſtian Religion were not ſo remarkable for Martyrdom as
this. Secondly, The Holy Ghoſt was to take Notice of them only when their Num-
ber was great and compleated, as in this Period. And Thirdly, It was fit to take
the Chief Notice of them, when their Cry by their Multitude was ſo loud, that it
brought fudden Deſtruction upon their preſent Enemies, though God here thinks
fit' to put off till another Time the Part of their Cry which concerns their Reward.
Laſtly, As theſe Epochas are each of them Characteriz'd with ſome univerſal Acci-
dent, fo no Perſecution before was ſo Great and Univerſal, as that which happened in
this Period. And this is that of Diocletian.
- No Age or Part of the Church had ſeen ſo terrible and long a Perſecution as this
was. Orofius faith ; Omnibus fere anteaétis diuturnior &g immanior fuit. Nam per
decem annos incendijs Ecclefiarum, profcriptionibus innocentium, cedibus Martyrum
inceffabiliter a&ta eft. Compare here the Words of Sulpitius Severus, cited upon
Chap. 12. 11. A. It began at the very firſt, with the Slaughter of Seventeen Thou-
fand Men within Thirty Days. In Egypt only were ſlain, One Hundred Forty Four
Thouſand, and Seven Hundred Thouſand Exiled. By this one may gueſs what was
done in other places. This makes Sulpitius Severus cry out, Omnis fere facro
Martyrum cruore Orbis infe&tus eft. For further Information, Eufebius may be
conſulted, Lib. VIII. Chap. 1. to Chåp. 17. with the Appendix. And Lactantius
De mortibus Perſecutorum, Two Eye Witneſſes.
A. Verſ. io. Kai šnegilor purš pajean, négoyles, And they cried with a loud Voice,
ſaying.] A great Cry is the Conſequence of any grievous Oppreſſion, but eſpecially
of Bloodſhed. The very firſt innocent Bloodſhed in the World , is in Holy Writ
faid to Cry ; Genef. 4. 10. The Voice of thy Erother's Blood crieth unto me from
the Ground. In the ſame Manner as all great Sins unpuniſhed are ſaid to
Cry to God for Vengeance ; Genef. 18. 20, 21. Thus a great Sin, or Injuſtice,
is called a Cry, Iſaiah 5. 7. for where 'tis faid, Behold a Cry; the Targum faith
Et ecce ipfi multiplicant peccata. See alſo to the fame Purpoſe, Exod. 2. 23. Chap.
3. 7, 9. Chap. 22. 23. Deut. 15. 9. Chap. 24. 15. 1 Sam. 9. 16. Fob 31. 38. Chap. 34.
28. Chap. 35.9. Fam. 5. 4. Fonas I. 2. So our Saviour faith ; Shall not God avenge
his own Elect, which cry Day and Night into him, xj Makes suunas em w rois, hearing them.
alſo patiently, as a juſt Judge, Luke 18. 7. becauſe they have ſuffered for his Sake.
Such an Expreſſion we have in the Fragments of Enoch, where the Souls of Men
flain are ſaid to cry up to the Throne of God. See the IVth of Efdras, 4. 35, 36. and
Chap. 15. 8, 9. In the Fragment of Enoch, a Jewiſh Work, the Angels are ſaid to
(r) Vid. Leon. Papæ I. Serm. IV. de Paffione Dom. Lyran. in Hebr. 13. 10. Thom. Aquinas ini
eund. loc. Perr. Martyr. Prec. Pſal. 99. Alſo Homil. of the Church of England, Book I. Homil. II.
Part 2. And Caſpar. Sibelij de Sacrificio Abrah. Conc. XXXI. in initio. Et in Pſal. XXII. Conc. XI.
in init. So Grotius when Orthodox ; Crux autem fuit velut Ará. Grot. de ſatisfact. Chrifti. cap. I.
pag. 16. The Right Reverend Biſhop Bull uſes the Expreſſion. Defenſ. Fid. Nicæn. Sect. I. cap. 2. $.5.
(s) Tertullian. Scorpiac. cap. VII. Et Aram Rogum. Vid. Dallæ. adv. Lard de Obj, cult. Lib. IV.
сар. 96
(t) Tychon. Hom. VI.
2
te-
284
Ch. VI. v. 10
Seal v.
yo
receive the Cries of the Souls flain, and to carry them up to the Throne of God, as
indeed alſo the Prayers of the Saints. So we read in Homer :-u 20 Backo
pleso ed alone in the
ei M var alt Tõv Ces 7E bin 7s ordugeov čequor önet, bris pont failo zona
no
con
e basa aid sh
And Æſchylus ſtill ſpeaks nearer to our Purpoſe, 31593
operation Data a 100 stod nu Hainw no TGA 90 d
pollint zeng (u) 'Amd ról @ refo, povías sago'yas consecinta si din
brani got to Xupeleras és védor, no megouiler de
Alua. Boş y8 20170'y éperru's
birom? 9. kit distortleegd om die regte por outwr árleen nog de a ne mora
or je zout to al coʻEzésen énázxq én åtạo málog197M 10 10 1093
bo in WD 2. To mood
Upon this Topick Oreſtes argues thus afterwards, not a robots
bwohl 192_ITEMS to ganud
• χρήσης (0) Τα παντα κάρ τις εκχέας αν’ αίμα7G-
START Ton Sistem Vse si
“Ενός, μα τίω ομόχθΘ. ώδε έχει λόγΘ. vole
artoon DI
Spise
And this makes Sophocles ſay, that the Dead live, and draw the Blood of the Mur-
therers. His Words are ; to 2000 of 2sw flon yioH sdt brogea ce
tot by
baho aid is betalento arwah
Da bir(x) Tenco' degl' Cãoy os zās arxei relucie
in 10 of Sinn
Bob Thoruppurov ala carepaupão ou to get to be debuit ignon
bisw
di auto Krupórlov oi náno savóvres.
Sur route to yuqova
o A
So Ilia is introduced in (y) Horace , complaining to her Husband , and defiring
him to revenge her Death, on Julius Cæfar’s , as the Scholiaft ſays. (2) Now
we muſt obferve, that a Cry is never faid to come up to God, but it im-
plies, that the Meaſure of Sins is compleated ; and that therefore God will imme-
diately thereupon take Cognizance of the Claim, or Plaint, and do Juſtice upon the
Malefa£tors
. So that the Meaſure of the Martyrs of this Period being now filled up,
and the Wickedneſs of the Idolatrous Roman Empire being come to its Height, God
will thereupon puniſh theſe Sinners, and reward, or at leaſt promiſe to reward thoſe
Sufferers. And thus we ſee, that this period of the Martyrs doth as much, or more
ſet forward the Cauſe of Religion, as any of the former, towards bringing of it, not
only to an increaſing Condition, but an happy and peaceful State. And indeed the
Work of the next Seals tends to thoſe Two Ends.
“Έως πότε ο Δεσπότης και άμG- και ο αληθινός, ε κρίνεις και εκδικείς το αιμα ημι, απο
29]oexoustour ow tūs gñs, How long, O Lord, the Holy One and True, doſt thou not judge
and revenge our blood on them that dwell upon the Earth. ] Revenge is not to be
executed by our ſelves, but to be committed to God as ſupreme Lord or Magiſtrate,
moſt eſpecially in the Cauſe of Religion. Every Man that is wrong’d therein, eſpe-
cially in ſo high a Degree as the Loſs of his Life, can do no otherwiſe. Herein we
muſt follow the Example of our Saviour, the true Martyr, who being reviled, reviled.
not again ; when he ſuffered, he threatned not, but committed his cauſe to him that
judgeth righteouſly, 1 Pet
. 2. 23. The Words xeives and endincūs are Terms of Law ; the
firſt
, which is explain’d fully elſewhere , fignifies the firſt Act of Juſtice, as the Try-
ing of the Cauſe, and deciding the Controverſy by a Verdi&t or Sentence. The latter
is to ſignify the Execution of the Judgment or Sentence. For we can neither try our
own Cauſe, nor execute Sentence thereupon ; both are left to God. The Force of
the Word êndixcãy may be ſeen in our Saviour's Parable of the Widow and the Judge,
Luke 18. I, &c. where 'tis often uſed. Thus the Blood of the Martyrs crieth, claims,
or makes a Plaint, in order to have their Cauſe tried and cleared before God ; who
as ſupreme Judge in this Caſe of Wrong and high Juſtice, will clear the Martyrs
moſt certainly, and pronounce Condemnation againſt their perfecutors, and according-
ly puniſhing them, will in due Time beſtow the Reward, as Coft and Damages to the


(u) Æſchyl. Choeph. v. 397.
(W) Æſchyl. Cho. v. 518.
(x) Sophocl. Electr. pag. 141. Edit. H. Stephan.
(y) Horat. Lib. I, Od. 2, Vid. Schol.
bid
(«) See the Notes on Chap. 14. 18. And 19. 2
1
Plain-

Ch. VI. V. 10.
Seal V.
285
Plaintiffs. We ſhall often have Occaſion to infiſt on this Notion ; and therefore we
Sudslasbi7
fay no more here.
But further, we ought to judge fo charitably of this Cry of the Martyrs', as to
think, that indeed they do not ſo much ſeek the Satisfaction of their Vengeance, as
think on their own Concerns. For in this they look more upon their own Reward
in Proſpect, than the Deſtruction of their Enemies. But this earneſt Expectation of
theirs being joined by an unavoidable Conſequence with the Judgment of God upon
Sinners ; when therefore the Martyrs pray for God's Trial and Sentence, and the
Execution of it, they pray as it were only for themſelves. For even before the Time
of their Reward, God will have revenged their Blood upon the Inhabitants of the
Earth ; deſtroying their Kingdom, to make Way for his own ; without which no
Reward can be beſtowed. Now this is fo far the true Meaning of this Appeal of
the Martyrs, what concerns more their own State, than the Deſtruction of their
Enemies ; that although in the very Opening of the next Seal we ſee accordingly the
Downfal of thoſe, that were the Cauſes of their Deaths ; yet, as if that were not the
full Intent of their Cry, they are bidden to reſt ; for that Vengeance could not fulfil
their Defires, there being others, who muſt enter into their Fellowſhip of Sufferings
by another Way, and from different Enemies, before the firſt Martyrs can obtain the
fúll Intent of their Requeſt. And thus, as the Saints of the Patriarchal and Mo-
faical Church could not, and muſt not be perfected before us the Saints of the
Chriſtian Church ; ſo neither theſe of the primitive Period can have their Reward
before the Complecion of the Second. Conſult here the Reaſoning of 4. Efdras 2.
41. and Chap. 4. 35. Pfal. 58. 10, 11. Ambrofius Ansbertus ſpeaks very pertinently
to this Matter ; Sed in ipſo pofitæ, ab ipſo aliquid petere dicuntur : non quo vindictam
deſiderent, quod ab ejus quem cernunt , voluntate diſcordet : fed quo ardentius in-
berent, eo etiam de ipſo accipiunt, ut ab ipſo petant, quod eum facere velle noverunt.
And a little after , Deſiderantibus itaque animabus futuram corporum refurre&tionem,
Requieſcite adhuc modicum tempus, dicere ; eſt inter ardorem defiderij ex ipfa pré-
ſcientia folatia confolationis accipere, ut animarum vox fit hoc quod amantes defiderant :
Et reſpondentis ſermo dei ſit, eas retributionis certitudine inter ipfi deſideria confir-
mare. Tertullian ſeems alſo to have had the true Notion of this
. (a). Et in le
præfinitum in oratione non effet, de poſtulando regni adventu , ultrò eam vocem Bifu-
laſjemus, feſtinantes ad Spei nostre complexum. Clamant ad Dominum in viſu anime
martyrum ſub altari : Quionam uſque non ulciſceris , Domine , fanguinem noſtrum
de incolis terræ ? Nam utique ultio illorum à feculi fine dirigitur. And Hilary like-
wiſe : (b) Lætitia juſti eſt cum viderit vindictam, quia peccatoribus puniendis dedu&tum
ſe per angelos in éternam requiem lætatur, manus ſuas non peccatorum ſanguine ab-
luens, ſed cum peccatores in ſanguine fint , quia rei fanguinum ſunt , manus ille ab
omni reatu Sanguinis ablutus continebit. Lactantius : (c) Veniet, veniet, rabioſis 8°
voracibus lupis merces ſua, qui juftas & fimplices animas, nullis facinoribus admffis,
excruciaverunt. Nos tantummodo laboremus, ut ab hominibus nihil aliud in nobis, niſi
fola juſtitia puniatur. Demus operam totis viribus ut mereamur à Deo fimul sya ultio-
nem paffionis & præmium.
C. O aconótus, O Lord.] It is a Title implying Terror ; and is here uſed when
God's Juſtice, Severity and Power are called upon as neceſſary to be employed. See
Philo reaſoning on it, Lib. Quis hæres Divin. pag. 329.
D. 'o ano xjö đangvòs, The Holy One and True. ] Theſe Words are not idle
in this place, as indeed never a Word in the whole Prophecy. They are put in as
Servius ſpeaks, (d) ad caufam dicentis. They fhew the Title of God to judge of
their 'Cauſe, and the Reaſonableneſs of their Complaint, together with the certain
Proſpect of Vi&tory in the Trial. For according to the Notions of (e) Holy and
(f) True in Relation to God, explain'd already , he being their only God by Cove-
nant, and therefore owing them Prote&tion, Favour, and Juſtice ; and according to
his Nature being incapable of deceiving them in what he hath promiſed, which is to
execute Juſtice, and beſtow Reward to the vi&torious for the Teſtimony of his
Name ; as they have now ſtood to it to the laſt, ſealing it with their Blood, which
29
ITMSN 28
(a) Tertullian. de Orat. cap. $. (b) Hilar. Pictav. in Pfal. LVII.
(c) Lactant. In-
ſtirur. Lib. V. cap. 24.
otens.
re) See the Note on Chap. 2.6. ferv. ad Virgil
. Æneid. Lib. IX. in verb. Jupiter omnia
if ) See the Note on Chap. 3. 14. B.
Dddd
now
286
Ch. VI. V. IJ.
Seal V.

now in their Name cries, or claims the Execution of his Juſtice and Liberality, it is
unavoidable but that both follow thereupon, and that he give them accordingly a
ſatisfa&ory Anſwer.
E. 'Aro As solo exów Top Bar of gñs, On them that dwell upon the Earth.] That is, on
thoſe who were the Cauſes of their Death, who put them to death. Who theſe are
muſt be determined according to the Places and Perſons by which the Martyrs ſuffered,
the Inhabitants of all the Earth wherein the Chriſtian Religion was thus far propa-
gated and alſo perſecuted. Indeed the Expreſſion is very general ; ſo that I cannot
forbear admiring the Fancy of Hugo Grotius and Hammond, with others, who finding
the Word gñ often uſed in Holy Scripture for the Land of Iſrael, or Judea, will
needs underſtand it ſo every where, as if it may not be applied to other Lands, where-
in theſe Predi&tions are performed. Such an Expoſition in this place brings on them
this Abſurdity, that the Blood of the Martyrs, which was abundantly ſhed by the
Heathens, all over the Roman Empire, and that too for the moſt Part after the De-
ſtruction of Jeruſalem, which hath been compriſed already in the former Seals,
ſhould be ſaid to be revenged upon the Jews only, even before the Crimes were com-
mitted, for which they were puniſhed. Or, as if thoſe few Martyrs, which ſuffer'd
by the Jews only, could be ſaid to fulfil this Prophecy, which repreſents at one
View all the Martyrs, who ſuffer'd during the preaching of the Goſpel all over the
Roman World in the firſt Period of the Church ; it being, as we ſhall often have
occaſion to mention, the Cuſtom of the Holy Ghoſt to ſet all Things belonging to
one Period, and which are of the fame Nature and Quality, at one View, as near as
poſſible. (f) They that dwell upon the Earth are alſo ſuch as are Idolaters, Enemies
of the true God and his Saints: And ſo this fignifies here all the Roman Governors,
or Heatheniſh Perfecutors.
A. Verſ. II.
Kai é só Inqs Exásous sonce and rest, And there were given to each of them
white Robes. ] There is great Variety about the Reading of this place. Theſe Words
are all omitted in the Complutenſian Edition, and indeed they may be fo without
Detriment to the Senſe. For the following Words ſuppoſe and imply what is to be
underſtood by this Symbol of the white Robes. However, I believe them to be
truly ſet down here with a Deſign to denote ſome Good that accrues to the Martyrs
thejeupon, and therefore ſhall explain them. Mede thinks, that this giving of a
white Stole alludes to the Cuſtom of the Levitical Prieſthood to try and examine the
Candidates to the Prieſthood, and when approved to receive them into the Court of
the Prieſts in ſuch white Stoles. But we need not to ſtretch it ſo far. The Souls are
now entring upon a new Sort of Service. Theſe in the firſt Step are, as it were, ad-
mitted into the Divine Service as common Worſhippers ; in the ſecond, they ap-
pear like Levites; in the Reſurrection, as compleat Prieſts. Compare the Notes
upon Chap. 15.
2. E. And upon Chap. 20. 6. D.
B. 'Ereisois, To each of them.] Viritim. This proves that their Rewards are not
only to be given them in common, but to each of the Individuals. See our Note
upon Chap. 20.4. G. For the Martyrs being here conſidered not as a collective Bo-
dy, but as Men who have ſignalized themſelves beyond the Sort of common Chri-
ſtians, the Promiſes made, and the Privileges beſtowed upon them, are not given
collettively, but ixésois, to each. So that this Symbol of the white Robe, or rather
Stole, is not to be explained as a Thing due to every Chriſtian, but only to them who
ſhall be accounted worthy, according to the Promiſe of Chriſt made to them that
ſhould overcome. Neither is the Force of this taken away, though we ſhould read,
as fome Copies do, tm In Wtolls somni adorh ; for that Phrafe fignifies the fame Thing,
and is to be reſolved into this, id en oe'tois dve sono adxo', as in this of St. Matth. 20.
9. č^ Com åva Sluséesov, they received every Man a Penny. do na
C. Etoil, A Robe. j Or xilar, a Tunick, a Stole. For though the Names of Gar-
ments are often interchanged, yet, generally ſpeaking, the Stole muſt be the fame as
the xrwv Tunick, the Word it felf implying, that it is a Garment tied up and ſtraight-
ned, but the indziov is a looſe Garment over all like a Cloak, or Robe, and the
Tunick or Stole an Under-veſture, and conſequently leſs honourable
. The Obſerva-
tion of this Difference is Eſſential. Thus in the firſt Viſion, Chap. 1. 13. Chriſt is
ſeen only with a mosápns, which is certainly a Tunick, or Stole, becauſe he is girt
7
(f ) See the Notes on Chap. 8. 13, C. And on Chap. 14. 17. A. And Chap. 16. I. B.
bb a
with
Chap. VI. v. 11.
Seal v.
287

with a Golden Girdle. But in his glorious State hereafter repreſented in Chap. 19.
13. he hath incómov, a great looſe Garment making a great Shew. Which Difference
alſo appears from his Reaſoning in Matth. s.40. where i quá trov is certainly more
than twy. See the Commentators on that Place. Wherefore this Symbol given to
the Martyrs
, muſt fignify a Reward leſs than that which they are to have afterwards ;
for in that State they ſhall Reign with Chriſt, and as ſuch ſhall have ipei mia as well
as he; in the fame manner as even the mpeofButeegi, in Chap. 4. 4. have complear
Garments, being in iuations a dixões, in White Robes, a Garment adequate to their Honour
and Power, which as to their preſent State is compleat. But it is not ſo with the
Martyrs. They muſt ſtay a while. In the mean Time they have a fure Token of
Divine Favour to be perfected afterwards without failing. I ſhall not here cite the
Teſtimonies of the Oriental Onirocriticks, becauſe the Chap. 157, and 158, are one
continued Proof of this Obſervation. Theſe Notions are ſtill preſerved in the
Oriental Courts, as in Perſia. 'Tis great Honour, and a Mark of Favour, when the
Prince gives any Part of a Garment. If a Stole, very great; but if with it he adds
the great Cloak, or Robe, 'tis a compleat Favour. The higheſt Mark of Favour,
Honour, Eſteem, and Love, is when the Prince gives his own Garments from his
Body, which muſt be compared with Fonathan's Love to David fo expreſſed, 1 Sam.
18.4. See what (8) Tavernier faith of this in his Travels. I have in a manner
tranſcribed him, and even the Obſervations of the Oriental Interpreters.
D. Ezaci a dirse, White Robes. ] As the white Colour is the Symbol of Proſperity
and Holineſs, ſo in this Caſe of the Martyrs crying up to God, and being heard, as
in Judgment, it denotes , that no Crime or Fault hath been found in them, that
they are acquitted, and have gain'd their Cauſe. They have waſhed themſelves in
their Baptiſm of Blood, having waſhed themſelves as all others, that ſuffer for
Chriſt's Sake, wash their Robes, and make them white in the Blood of the Lamb,
Rev. 7. 14. but with this Difference, that they who only fuffer Perſecution without
dying in their Teſtimony, waſh their Robes, and make them White indeed, in the
Blood of the Lamb ; but they who die, have the Token of their Innocency given
them by God himſelf, as a certain Mark of his preſent and certain Favour, to be
perfe&ted in its due Time. It is one Thing to have performed a Work of this Na-
ture, but it is much more to have the Token of the Performance afterwards be-
ſtowed by God himſelf. And this is the Difference between the Chriſtian Profeſſors
in Perſecution, and eſcaping with Life, and thoſe Profeſſors that Seal it with their
Blood to Death. The firſt have a Teſtimony by their own A&tions, that they have
done well; but the latter have further God's Teſtimony, that they have accom-
pliſhed all their work. And therefore theſe Stoles are called Stole repromiſionis
, in
the Aets of St. Fru&tuofus, &c. He and others being ſaid after their Martyrdom to
have appeared in them. The Words are, Fructuoſus pariter cum diaconibus ſuis
oftendit fe in ſtolis repromiffionis. Theſe are by Prudentius, who made Uſe of thoſe
Aets, called Snopy: (b) Cernuntur niveis ftolis amitti. Mandant reſtitui, &c. Here
is then in Favour of the Martyrs, an Anticipation of Judgment, of which Tertullian
ſpeaking, uſes the Words, (i) In quadam uſurpatione & candida ejus. But though
Tertullian in this place ſpeaks of the State of the Soul after Death in general, being
then ſtill in Inferis, yet when he ſpeaks of the Martyrs, he allows them a Prero-
gative of being in Paradiſe: (k) Nemo enim peregrinatus à corpore ſtatim immoratur
penes Dominum, niſi ex Martyrij Prerogativa, Paradiſo ſcilicet non inferis dever-
Jurus. 'Tis true indeed, that by theſe Symbolical Stoles the Martyrs are Candidates
of Paradiſe, and have thereby an Aſſurance of enjoying it : Yet as the Enjoyment
thereof promiſed before in Revel. 2. 7. is moſt evidently to be exhibited only in the
Reign of the Martyrs to be in the New Jeruſalem, wherein that Paradiſe and Tree
of Life are, even by the Confeſſion of (1) Tertullian, their Souls muſt now be con-
tent with that Affurance. And therefore Hermas fpeaks with Caution of that Glory :
(m) Sed utriſque eis, & qui ad dextram, & qui ad finiftram ſedent, ſunt dona & pro-
miſones; tantùm, quòd ad dexteram ſedentes habent gloriam quandam. For of theſe
(2) Tavern. Perſ. Trav. Lib. I. Chap. IX. Compare Xonoph. Cyrop. Lib. I. Cap. 7,
(b) Prudent. Hymn. 6. Ver. 139.
(i) Tertull. de Anima, Cap. LVIII.
(k) Tertull. de Refur. Cap. XLVI.
(1) Ibid. Cap. XXXV. & Lib. III. concr. Marcion,
Cap. xxiv.
(m) Herm. Paftor. Lib. I. Vil. 3. Sect. 2.
F G
on
288
Ch. VI. v. I.
Seal V.

on the Right he had ſaid before : Locus qui eft ad dexteram, illorum eſt qui jam
meruerunt Deum, & pafle ſunt caufâ nominis ejus. Tibi autem Supereft multum, ut
cum illis fedeas. This will be further illuſtrated by what we have to ſay on Chap.
7. 9. and 14. aforecited, where we ſhall explain further the Meaning of the White
Stoles. See 4. Efdras 2. 39.
E. Kai éppésn durvis luce dva subowny én zgóvor quinesv , And it was ſaid to them, that
they ſhould reſt as yet a little Time.] That is, ſtay until a proper Time for their
Exaltation to the Fulneſs of Glory. Now this little Time, or Delay, is during all
the Second Period of the Church, as we ſhall ſee afterwards; the Words following
theſe expreſſing the End of this little Time by a Token, which relates to that Pe-
riod of the Church, and the End of that Period too. The Mention of this little
Time, with ſome other Expreſſions of that Nature, made the Primitive Chriſtians
ſuffering under Perſecution believe, that they were at the End of the World. Indeed
this Time is little in reſpect of God, or of Eternity, which is to follow it, and to
be the Reward of the Martyrs Sufferings ; for as the Viſions of this Prophecy are by
Intuition, ſo the Time expreſſed in them is but ſmall, as a Point or Moment of no
Account in God's Sight. But yet there is a confiderable Reaſon, why in ſpeaking
of Perfecutions, God always uſes Expreſſions denoting a ſhort Time. The Reaſons
of this Method are conſidered in our Note upon Chap. 9. 5. C. and ſhall not be re-
peated here. Mede underſtands this of that little Time of Perſecution which hap-
pened under Licinius, Julian the Apoſtate, and the Arians. But this is of no folid
Account, no more than the former Martyrs during the firſt Four Seals, which are
now only taken Notice of among the great Number of thoſe who fell in the Per.
ſecution of Diocletian ; whereof that of Licinius ſeems to have been only a Part, like
a Snuff dwindling away: For at the moſt it comes ftill within the ſame period, be-
fore the next Epocha begins. As for the Apoftate Fulian, he avoided making
Martyrs, envying the Glory of Martyrdom to the Chriſtian Religion. And the
Arian Troubles come not within this Matter, no more than the Caſe of Coreh,
Dathan, and Abirom, can be ſaid to be a State of Perſecution in the Mofaical
Church. There muſt be always Herefies and Schiſms in the Church Militant. But
the Holy Ghoſt never takes Notice in this Noble Viſion, full of illuſtrious Events, of
the petty Antichriſts, which troubled the Preaching of the Apoſtles ; but in Com-
pariſon of the great Progreſs of the Goſpel were but as Fleabitings. The Meaning
of the whole ſeems to be this: Either firſt
, that it was commanded them that they
ſhould reft; as the Word éppésn may fignify, it was commanded; or elſe Secondly,
that it was ſaid to them, that they ſhould Reft
, fince they had White Stoles given
to them as Pledges of Divine Favour. So that this Voice is only to ſhew them
the Meaning of the White Stoles. See our Note upon Chap. 14. 13.
C. D. E. F.
balsas Syd
F. Læs & zangco por sig oi ouidsros aus, Until their Fellow-Servants ſhould be fulfilled.
That is, until the Number of them be fulfilled. How certain foever their Reward
be, and that they are actually entred into a State, which gives them an Earneſt
thereof, yet they muſt ſtay till others, who ſhall have the ſame Right, have fulfilled
their Time, that all may be pertectly glorified together. St. Paul ſaith, Hebr. II.
39, 40. concerning the Ancient Patriarchs, and others before, and during the Mo-
ſaical Difpenſation, that having obtained a good Report through Faith, theyreceived not
the Promiſe, God having foreſeen ſome better Thing for us, that they without us
Should not be made perfečt. From that Reaſoning, and the Words before us, we may
ſee, that we ought not to limit the Number of thoſe Fellow-Servants of the Mar-
tyrs, to thoſe which fell by ſmall Parcels afterwards, but muſt proceed, and include
therein all thoſe who ſhould likewiſe ſuffer for the Name of Chriſt
, during the other
great Period of the Church, which will likewiſe have Martyrs and even till fuch
Time as the glorious Kingdom of Chriſt comes; and all the Times that there are
Martyrs. For all of them ſhall be ſet in the ſame Rank of Glory with theſe Primi-
tive Martyrs, though they came laft. To this may be referred, as another collateral
Proof, the Parable of our Saviour in Matth. 20. 1. compared with the End of the
foregoing Chapter. See alſo our Notes on Chap. 14. 13. and Chap. 20.4.
To this may be objected what Mede faith, that by the Sounding of the following
Trumpets, the Blood of theſe Saints is revenged upon the Roman Empire with an
utter Deſtruction. But this is not a real Objection to deſtroy what we have ob-
ſerved. For it only implies, that the Vengeance will continue upon that Empire as
long
Ch. VI. V. 12.
Seal VI.
zeg

long as it continues to perſecute, or elſe thoſe to whom that Emipire is fubſtituted,
as we ſhall ſee, who in the fame Manner, as they receive the Power of that Empire,
continue likewiſe to perſecute the Saints, who are Fellow-Servants of theſe Martyrs.
They are indeed revenged, but not in full ; becauſe freſh Occaſions are continually
given to God to continue his Plagues and Puniſhments upon the Perfecutors. But,
as hath been obſerved, this Vengeance is not all that theſe Martyrs cry for ; they
lay a Claim to the Promiſe of Reward ; and therefore, becauſe it is not Time yet to
give them that Promiſe, they muſt ſtay a little Time for it. For as this whole Mat-
ter comes under the Notion of a judicial Caufe, the End of it is not brought about
till Juſtice be fully executed, and the wronged Party fully ſatisfied : That is, till not
only the Innocency of the Martyrs is clear’d, but alſo their Damages are fully re-
compenſed by the Application of God, who gives them their Reward. The Words
of Tertullian have been cited, wherein he fhews, that this Vengeance concerns the
Hopes of the Martyrs, which are to be obtain'd at the End of the World, that is,
of that State which is oppos’d to God ; Nam utique ultio illorum à feculi fine di-
rigitur. Now 'tis proper to Thew how he extended it. (m) Etiam in Apocalypsi fo-
annis ordo temporum fternitur, quem Martyrum quoque animæ fub altari ultionem &
judicium flagitantes fuftinere dedicerunt, ut priùs & Orbis de pateris angelorum pla-
gas ſuas ebibat, & proftituta illa civitas à decem regibus dignos exitus referat, & be-
ſtia Antichriſtus cum ſuo Pſeudo-Propheta certamen Ecclefia Dei inferat, atque ita
Diabolo in Abyſſum interim relegato, prima reſurrectionis prærogativa de ſoliis ordi-
netur : dehinc & igni dato, univerſalis refurre&tionis cenſura de libris judicetur.
Now ſince this Place ſeems to hint, that there is to be a certain Number of Mar-
tyrs, it may not be improper to obſerve, that according to the Opinion of St. Auſtin
the (n) Number of the Elect, which is known to God alone, is to ſupply the Num-
ber of the good Angels, which has been diminiſhed by the Apoſtacy of the Devils.
But of this it is alſo proper for us to ſay, Valeat quantum valere poteft
. It is beſt
not to pretend to be wife above what is written.
G. Και οι συνδελοι αυτ", και οι αδελφοι αυτή, οι μέλλοντες αποκλείνες ως και αυτοί, Boils
their Fellow-Servants and their Brethren, which should be killed as well as they.]
This is no very preciſe Deſcription of theſe Men, which are to ſuffer the fame Death,
and enjoy the ſame Glory as the Primitive Martyrs. How then ſhall we know and
determine who they are? That we may do eaſily enough, if as they are joined in
that Part of the Prophecy, which ſpeaks of their Sufferings here, ſo we likewiſe
conſider them as they are joined in that Part of the Prophecy, which fets, forth the
Accompliſhment of the Promiſe. Now this is laid down in very full and expreſs
Terms afterwards, which admic of no Diſpute. Revel. 20. 4. The Reward beſtowed
upon the Primitive Martyrs, and others their Fellow-Sufferers, is defcribed in this
Manner ; And I Saw Thrones, and they ſat upon them, and Fudgment was given them.
And I saw the Souls of them that were beheaded for the Witneſs of Jeſus, and for the
Word of God, and which had not worſhipped the Beaſt, neither its Image, and had not
received its Mark upon their foreheads, or in their Hands ; and they lived and reigned
with Chriſt during the Thouſand Tears. The firſt Claſs of theſe is plainly laid down
in the fame Terms in both Places ; and therefore the Fellow-Servants and Brethren
of the Martyrs are ſuch as ſhall be ſlain for not having worſhipped the Beaſt, nor
its Image, and not doing the reſt of the Things mentioned thereupon. Having
therefore this Key, we ſhall eaſily find out afterwards, who theſe are, that have not
worſhipped the Beaſt, when we come to conſider, who that Beaſt is, and who they are
that withſtand it, and are ſlain by it. Now when they reign, they are certainly re-
warded too, by the Prerogative of a firſt Reſurrection, as Tertullian ſpeaks.
DOEN
2019
SEAL VI.
A. Verſ. 12. Kai didov TE bouge the opera de ses enlw, And I faw when he
opened the Sixth Seal.] The Lamb by the opening of the firſt Four Seals having
proclaim'd and ſpread the Goſpel, and thereby gotten a Number of Diſci-
ples or Servants, to ſubmit to his Doctrine and Worſhip, notwithſtanding the Oppo-
Storagista
(m) Tertullian. de Refur. Carn. cap. XXV. 2016 (1) Auguftin. in Enchirid. Lib. III.
cap. 29. Vid. & Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. I. cap. 12. ons hi sbs mois1911 od 20
Ееее
fition
290
Ch. VI. V. 12.
Seal VI.

fition of the World ; and by the opening of the Fifth Seal obtain’d a long and uni-
verſal Victory, by the Blood of the Martyrs, whoſe Death is always a Victory ob-
tain'd againſt his Enemies : In this Sixth Seal he gives the World, that is, the fu-
perior Powers in it, the Devil, the Dragon, the Roman idolatrous Empire, a great
and mauling Blow, by taking the Power out of their Hands; for as for the Indivi-
duals or Subjects of the fame Empire, they had been already fufficiently puniſhed by
ſome of the Seals, as well as they are affe&ted by this. Thus by the opening of this
Seal , the Way being prepared by taking the Power out of the Hands of the
Heathens, the Way is opened for the Seventh and compleating Seal, that the firft
Fruits of Chriſt's Kingdom may be ſettled in Peace, by the ſetting of his Church
above its Enemies, by making it the reigning Religion, and that the Confeſſors re-
maining, and having eſcaped from the laſt dreadful Perſecution , may be ſomewhat
rewarded and eaſed for their Patience. Therefore the general Symbols of Power
and Dominion in the Government of the World, which are here ſaid to fuffer E-
clipſes, to fall, and to vaniſh away, are according to our Principles to be limited and
applied to thoſe Powers and Authorities, which oppoſed themſelves to the Lamb
immediately, that he ſhould not fettle his Authority and Kingdom upon Earth. kita
But further, we are here to obſerve very well the divine Oeconomy in diſtributing
the State, or Fates of the Church Militant, into Periods of Sevens, both in the Pro-
pagation thereof, and Corruption too ; which make up the Two Periods of its milia
tant State ; the firſt whereof is divided into Seven Seals, the latter into Seven Trum-
pets. For as on the one Hand the Faithful in them both are tried, affli&ted, and
chaſtened, by Two different Sorts of Enemies ; ſo it happens in both, as Eliphaz
faith in fob 5. 18, 19. When he maketh fore, he bindeth up after : When he hath
wounded, his Hands make whole afterwards. He shall deliver thee in fix Troubles :
Yea, in Seven there ſhall no Evil touch thee. But as for thoſe that do not em
brace that laſt Opportunity, then the Seventh comes alſo as a Plague which compleats
the Wrath of God. See our Notes upon Chap. 15. 1. C. So in Ezekiel 9. 1, 2. God
ſending Six Men to puniſh the Iſraelites, ſends with them afterwards one, or a
Seventh, to mark thoſe that are to be ſaved. Which implies, that God will not
make a clear End of all. Wherefore here to the Faithful likewiſe at this Sixth Seal
Deliverance begins to appear, after the Afflictions of the firſt Five, and at the Se-
venth'tis compleated. Again, at the Sixth Trumpet, which alſo torments the cor-
rupted Chriſtians, the Light of the Goſpel begins again to appear, as we ſhall fhew
upon the Tenth Chapter, after the Hurry, and Affičtions of the firſt Five Trumpets,
and Part of the Sixth. But at the Seventh, the whole Deliverance is compleated, the
Temple is opened, the Myſtery of God perfe&ted, to reward his Saints. The com-
pleat Sabbatiſm, or Reſt of his Saints, comes not unawares ; they have Warning at
the Sixth Epocha ; 'tis finiſhed and perfe&ted at the Seventh. Yea, at the Seven Bowls
which compleat God's Anger, the Seventh brings fome Eaſe to the true Worſhippers,
as we ſhall ſhew on the Sixteenth Chapter ; which Eaſe of theirs works both Ways,
and compleats the Seventh and laſt Torment of the corrupted Chriſtians. God's
Oeconomy is uniform in all his Works. Let the Reader obſerve this well. As God
wrought Six Days to create the World, and reſted on the Seventh ; fo he ſuffers the
Faithful to be in Pain, to travail, or work for Six Times, and gives them Reſt in the
Seventh ; but by the Abundance of his Mercy he makes the Day of Deliverance, the
Time of its Beginning, to ſtep in between the Sixth and Seventh, that the Seventh
may have no Mixture of the Evil, by being placed too near it.
B. Kad se oud's péyes égleton And there was a great Earthquake.] Though someo's is
in general an Earthquake, yet the Word is it felf of fo large Signification, that it
may be taken for any ſudden and violent Shaking in any Part of the World. We ob-
ſerve elſewhere, that the Latin Tongue underſtands a Motus, as well of the Heavens
as of the Earth. And indeed ſo it muſt be here; for this Shaking, as it is apparent,
is faid of the Heaven, Sun, Moon, Stars, Mountains, Iſlands, every thing. And fo
we read in Joel 2. 10. in the LXX, O O O TO ó segués. But even if we reſtrain it
here to an Earthquake, and ſuppoſe the reſt that follows as Circumſtances added to
it, the Signification will be much the ſame. For as an Earthquake overturns and
quite changes the Surface of the Earth when it is great, overturning Mountains,
Hills, and Rocks, linking ſome Grounds, altering the Courſe of the Rivers
, making
Lakes and Ponds upon dry Lands, and drying up thoſe that were before ; fo it repre-
ſents the Alterations made in the Government : And this is a proper Symbol of great
Revo-

Ch. VI. V. 12.
Seal VI.
291
(a)
Revolutions or Changes in the Government. The Onirocriticks and Prophets uſe
and explain this Symbol to that Purpoſe. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 46. faith, zeni
κανεμίρη, τα οράγματα στα δόντθ και ο βίον κινήσεις σημαίνει. χάσματα και και σεισμοί και συμπλώ.
oets, selv tas dv Speórys ddoxie, w drvo Seigay duzek, mivia die ze v tu žuvesThis Interpre-
rer, as you fee, limits the Interpretation to the Subject-Matter. However, 'tis plain,
that with him an Earthquake fignifies a Change of Condition, a Subverſion of the
preſent State for worſe to the Subject. Thus Euripides, in the Dream of Iphigenia,
to expreſs the great Revolution in Agamemnon's Family and Kingdom, which had
been utterly deſtroyed but for the Eſcape of Oreſtes, uſes the Symbol of an Earch-
quake, whereby her Father's Houſe was ruined, ſaving one Pillar, dit od calqueza
Anithanato doctor ?
x Jonès ö være rashlar o'rg. Dit sport 13191191
op de gens 3, xãtar sãout ofery xoy ciondeñv
Δόμων πτηνόντα πανελ’ έρείψιμον σέγG- ο και το
B&Gxn peletov mods is as sy dupesu sa fiuavo so podobna bra
Móvo deact@gn sởao, is 'É DES Jool
OTOL Sud Abuan na ng gwy. ada nii isipin wittesodo vd bamido llo
Ils moto gali dito sonsbrudsalg
Thus great Alterations made in a City among the Citizens are compared to an
Earthquake, in the Acts of SS. Theodotus and the Seven Virgins, Venitq; in urbem,
ubi reperit velut à terre motu everfa omnia. Thus alfo (b) Procopius, ſpeaking of the
Diforders cauſed by the Faction of the Blevos fupported by Juſtinian, faith, that the
whole Empire was overturned by them, as by an Earthquake or Deluge. Hence alſo
Hippocrates has applied this to the Change of Health in fick or healthful Perſons:
c) Ti xu di pušión gecorriſón, cinín, úzzivovn elo dvopi, e Serelles on ohvet vos &vta i, ujedno mij
uz rexívnou to alszovta. The Oriental Interpreters come nearer to our Purpoſe.
Chap. 144. Εάν το ίδη κατ' όναρ όπ ον τόπω τινα εγεώνει σεισμός. τετο νέον διάταγμα ώρα στο
βασιλέως σημαίνει, θρού και σε αν τα κατοικώντας. και εάν όξιν ο σεισμός παν ταχά, καθολικόν έσου
To deteryje. I omit the reſt to the fame Purpoſe. The Prophets uſe it alſo to the
fame End. Haggai, Chap. 2. 6, 7. faith, Tet once, it is a little while, and I will shake
the Heavens, and the Earth, and the Sea, and the dry Land: And I will shake all Na
tions, and the Defire of all Nations ſhall come, and I will fill this Houſe with Glory.
Theſe Words are by St. Paul, Heb. 12. 26. applied to the Times of the Meſſias, and
the Changes which he ſhall cauſe by removing the Jewiſh Religion out of the way,
and Idolatry after, together with the Power and Dominion of it.19 "And again the
ſame Prophet at the 2ift Verſe faith, I will ſhake the Heavens and the Earth, and I
will overthrow the Throne of Kingdoms, and I will deftroy the Strength of the King-
doms of the Heathen. Where we ſee that, as it is very uſual in the Old Prophets,
the latter explains the former Expreſſion. To make the Heavens and Earth fignifies
to overthrow the Throne of Kingdoms, and deſtroy the Strength of the Idolaters.
Which is the very Deſign of this place in the Revelation: The Holy Ghoſt men-
tioning it as actually done. The Prophet foel, Chap. 2. 10. deſcribes the Effests of
that horrid Devaſtation thus; The Earth ſhall quake before them, the Heavens Mall
tremble, the Sun and Moon ſhall be dark, and the Stars Shall withdraw their shining 3
that is, before the Babylonians.
Now all theſe are Symbols uſed by St. John in this Viſion, to ſhew fuch a Revo-
lution by taking away the Powers of Paganiſm, and putting them into other Hands.
Jeremiah, Chap. 4. 23, 34. expreſſes it thus, as to his Times : I beheld the Earth,
and lo it was without Form and void : and the Heavens, and they had no Light. I be-
beld the Mountains, and lo they trembled, and all the Hills moved lightly. The Pagan
Soothſayers always looked upon Earthquakes as Tokens of fome Diſaſter to the Go-
vernment; and therefore endeavoured to deprecate them. Examples are found in
T. Livius, and others. Pliny faith in general ; (d) Romæ nunquam terræ motus, ut
non præfagium futuri eventus. He might have added, Unfortunate to the preſent State
of Things. So in Livy, an Earthquake is explained by Seditions ; (e) Terra ingenti
concuſſa motu eft. Monitum, ut feditionibus abftineretur. Therefore this great
Earthquake, or general Shaking of this Seal, fignifies fome general Revolution and
1
(a) Eurip. Iphig. Tauric. V. 46.
. Anecdotcap:
( © Hippocr. Lib. de Inſomn. d) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. II. cap. 84.
Diffo

Seal VI.
Ch. VI. v. 12.
292
Diffolution of the preſent State of the Roman Empire, whoſe ſeveral Parts are to be
deprived of their Power, and the Methods of its Government muſt be quite alter'd
by being put into other Hands ; that is, into thoſe of the Chriſtians; which was done
by Conſtantine the Great. Now follows the Deſcription of it in Particulars.
C. Kaió ório Mén ces égliero cos ou exo reizino, And the Sun became black as Sackcloth
made of Hair.] That is, fuffered an Eclipſe, was dark’ned. The Sun in the Symbo-
lical Language always fignifies the Supreme Ruler in the Government. I ſhall begin
here with the Onirocriticks
, and ſer down here what may ſerve to this, and ſome of
the following Symbols. Artemidorus, Lib. IV. cap. 51. expreſſes his Mind by an
Example; he faith, "Eggs mes int poyév as, rj dedi sepeĝs dégzents é ze dx fapos év stro.
σατιρς απεδείχθη η αιτά πόλεως και μας ένδεκα επιζήσας τη αρχή απέθανε. The Perffan In-
terpreter, Chap. 13. faith, 'Εάν πς ίδη καθ' όναρ ει δώλοις εαυτόν σεφσκυμέντα τους υπ' αυτος
ονόματα των μεγίσων ασέρων, και τα ηλία, και το είδωλον, επιδεηθήσεται βασιλέως και εισακα.θήστε τα.
έγιεί το βασιλεί όσον το ηλιακό ειδώλω κατα του υπνες.
Ει δε το άρωλον ή εις ορόσωπον η σελίύης, και ίση τατό της, επιδεηθήσεται τα εξότε αν
σε βασιλέως, και εισακεδο σε ται σεοσεγγίζων αυτώ όσον τω σελίωιακό ειδώλω και του υπνες. This is
all confirmed by the Egyptian Interpreter in the next Chapter. In Chap. 167. one may
glean abundance of the like Expoſitions from all the Oriental Interpreters, Indian, Per-
Jian, and Egyptian. There they begin with a general Rule in this wife : 'o sneg
οεοσώποις βασιλέως κρίνεται απαραλλάκτως, και η σελη εις αεόσωπον σε απο το βασιλέως δατέρα
sexmask. 'H é cestion e's mesou nov a dugósus. Kai oi 2017. fes qezistav diségav eis iso pezésås
av spes of Beogréws. And further, the Light of theſe Luminaries ſignifies Favour; and
their Eclipſes or Obſcurity, Oppreſſion, Affliction, and the like ; according to the
Subject. For thus they go on there : 'El disin, mis om šacor cy Ted és egyçã e paótosov xj dydi
ακτίνων, το πιθG και άδοξία είς ωeόσωπόν ότι το βασιλέως.
- 'Εαν ήδη ος όπ σε κλίκ εγώετο έκλειψις, θλίψιν και πόλεμον εχθρών Χρήσει και βασιλε's. Ει 3
ίδη της ότι ο ήλια και η σελίύη και οι αέρες σωήχθησαν αφώτσοι, και φωτεινοί εξισίασαν αυ- Ε.
refer y loses peniskywy, cis déneid õiget doce to ororo 'E. ö zu Beorralis, eso mely on muitas
hilo o tone un Shoe Tue xj bis Dailey pezdalo ščet. And thus, if the Dreamer . be himſelf
fick, or in Trouble and Affliction, and ſee the Sun without Beams of Light, this
portends to him Health and Joy: 'Ει δε ίδω τις ότι τίω σφαίραν τα ηλία κρατεί ανά ακτόνων
Gooy, ci fifo catevas ñ és Iré les isov, úzavei vj_zasíros tük. That is, the Powers which
oppreſs him loſe, or do no more exert their Force over him. And this is very appli-
cable to our Café; for the Powers which oppreſſed the Church, lofing their Light,
loſe their power to oppreſs it any more. Thus alſo in Chap. 168. the Perſian and
Egyptian Interpreters fay: 'Αλλα και το πλήθG 8ι' άλλων ατέρων της μεγίσων είς του ευθυείς και πλεσίες
διακρίνονται, αναλόγως και του Γκσα σε βασιλέως κατοικώντας ότι παντός τόπο. Ομοίως εάν η
Taūta óreypesta xj foco nog moeilo'a ô cxOTHVG Tò mais O 4's dipuppeor necòr xj Houd eggor Tees së
Reorréas epivéta. To which may be referr'd, the Expoſition given by the Egyptian
Soothſayers of the (f) Portentum obſerv'd juſt before the Battel at Arbela. The
Eclipſe of the Moon, and its appearing foon after bloody, was thought to foretel the
Ruin of the Perſian Monarchy. Much more might be added out of the Indian Inter-
preter, Chap. 170. I will only inſert this out of Artemidorus, Lib. IV. cap. 79. "HAG
épet mois espois Bastóll G, andis ajátoro si pesi esgos estes espor i regében, eine sjelszó jesu
iwe also a spcy, woo ofis spów oď idov ta rencūs nodev mega pogo's og ég ger ofte escor i Degng's
μG- και εχθρών υπέρτερον έσεθς σημαίνει, και τίω υπάρχεσαν τύχω κρατώει, και προς τους
υπεί εχει και άλλα ωροσκλήσεις σημαίνει. Accordingly we find, that the Pagan Writers
frequently ſet down the Affe&tions of the Luminaries as Signs of Revolutions. Ex-
amples may be ſeen in Chap. 8. But I ſhall give here a Taſte out
of Ovid, who ſpeak-
ing of the Death of F. Cæfar, the Forerunner and Cauſe of the Triumvirate, obferves
theſe Signs:
(8) Arma ferunt inter nigras crepitantia nubes, tanto
mis si o Terribile
que tubas, auditaque cornua celo
and gener ( Præmonuiſſe nefas, Solis quoque triſtis imago
3037
Lurida follicitis promebat lumina terris.
bris nontolová Sæpe faces viſa medijs ardere ſub aſtris.
Såpe inter nimbos gutta cecidere cruente.
pood
(%) Ovid, Metamorph. Lib. XY.
(f) Q. Curt. Lib. IV. cap. 10.
One
Cerulus,

Ch. VI. V. 12.
Seal VI.
293
Carulus, & vultum ferrugine Lucifer atra
Sparfus erat, Sparſi Lunares ſanguine currus.
And after having ſet down ſome other Signs not pertinent to our Purpoſe, he con-
cludes thus:
Umbraſque filentám
Erraviſſe ferunt, motamque tremoribus urbem.
Laſtly, The Poets, out of the Ancient Opinions of Men fay, that every Man hath a
proper Star, which riſes, ſhines, darkens, or falls, according to the various Fortune
and Condition of the Party. Hence Pliny ſaith ; (h) Pars alia & hanc (Fortunam]
pellit, aftroque ſuo eventus affignat. And in the next Chapter ; Sydera, quæ affixa
diximus mundo, non illa, ut exiſtimat vulgus, ſingulis attributa nobis, & clara divi-
tibus, minora pauperibus, obſcura defe&tis, ac pro forte cujuſque lucentia
, adnumerata
mortalibus : nec cum ſuo quæque homine orta moriuntur, nec, aliquem extingui, de-
cidua fignificant.
From all which it appears, that we need not to wonder, that the Eaſtern Nations,
being ſo well accuſtomed to theſe Symbolical Notions, ſhould make uſe of them in
ſolemn Writings; as for Inſtance, Sapor King of Perſia writing to Conſtantius, calls
himſelf the Brother of the Sun and Moon ; that is, one who rules the World as well
as thoſe Luminaries do. The Words are in Ammian. Marcell
. (i) Rex Regum Sapor,
particeps fiderum, frater Solis & Lune, Conſtantio Cæfari fratri meo falutem. But
Cavades, or Coades, his Succeſfor, a prouder Prince, uſed another Stile, (k) Koms,
βασιλάς βασιλάόντων, ηλία αναλολής, Φλαβίω Ιεςινιανώ Καίσαρι, σελίύης Δύσεως : Whicin
implies, that he is the firſt Prince or King of the World, and Juſtinian only his
Second, or Inferior. The Reader may here remember, that in the Dream of Tar-
quinius Superbus, cited before in our Note on Chap. 5. 6. B. the Sun changing his
Courſe for a new Way, is explained by a new way of Government, a Change from a
Monarchy to a Republican State. Thus that (1) Tradition of Mahomet, that in
Three Hundred Years the Sun ſhould riſe in the Weſt, is by the Partiſans of Ali,
explain'd of Mahadi, who ſet up a new Monarchy in that part of Africa callid
Magreb, the Weft. As to Scripture Proofs, we find, that even in the Times of
Jacob, the Sun, Moon, and Stars, are in Foſeph's Dream, Genef. 37. 10. by Facob
himſelf explained of himſelf, the Head, or King of his Family; of his Wife the next
Head, or Guide, and his Sons the leſſer ones. The Prophets are alſo full of Exam-
ples of this Nature. Thus Iſaiah, Chap. 13. 10. propheſying the Deſtruction of
Babylon, faith ; The Stars of Heaven, and the Conſtellations thereof
, Shall not give
their Light : The Sun shall be darkned in his going forth, and the Moon ſhall not
cauſe her Light to shine. The like may be ſeen alſo in Iſaiah 24. 21, 22, 23, where
we have the like Expoſition of theſe Symbols, as we find in this Sixth Seal. In
Ezek. 32. 7. Foel 2. 10, 12, 31. Chap. 3. 15. Matth. 24. 29. Mark 13. 24, 25,
Luke 21. 25. Now this comes from hence, that any Government is a World, and
ſo again the Parts of the Viſible created World may repreſent the Parts of a Poli-
tical World. Thus in Iſaiah 51. 16. the Words, That I may plant the Heavens, and
lay the Foundation of the Earth, and ſay unto Sion, thou art my People, may, and
muſt be thus underſtood, I ſhall' make thee a Kingdom, a Political World, with a
Heaven, or Government. Whence in the ſame Prophet, Chap. 65, and 66. a new
Heaven, and a new Earth, fignify a new World in the fame Manner ; that is, a new
Government, new Kingdom, new People. So that in the Prophetical Notions,
whatſoever is ſet up on High, to overrule the reſt in Power and Authority, is the
Heavens thereof; and all that is below in Subjection and Obedience, is the Earth
thereof. Thus in Iſaiah 60. 20. and in Ferem. 15. 9. inſtead of Sun and Moon, the
Chaldee Pharaphraft hath ſer down Kingdom and Glory : Non ceſſabit amplius regnum
tuum, & gloria tua non auferetur : Inſtead of, Thy Sun ſhall no more go down, neither
Shall thy Moon withdraw it ſelf. Now Darkneſs in any Sort, fignifies Tribulation,
Miſery, and Afflition, to the Subje&t Matter. Thus in Micah 3. 6. And the Day
shall be dark over them, Targum, Operietque tribulatio velut caligo falſos prophetas.
(b) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 7, 8.
(k) Johan. Malala. Lib. XVIII. Page 184.
(i) Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XVII.
(l) Herbelot. cit. Mahadi. & Obeidallah.
Ffff
So

294
Seal VI.
Ch. VI. v. 12.
So in Ifaiah 5. 30. the Darkneſs and Sorrow are Synonymous ; and theſe Words,
And if one look unto the Land, behold Darkneſs and Sorrow, and the Light is dark-
ned in the Heavens thereof, are in the Targum thus expreſſed'; Quod fi quæfierint
impij auxilium ab habitatoribus terræ , tribulationem & contritionem inducet
Super eos.
Curies buto
Seeing therefore, that we are now concerned in a Viſion, which diſcovereth the
Propagation of the Goſpel, and Eſtabliſhment of the Church, notwithſtanding the
Efforts of Paganiſm, backed by the Power of the Roman Empire, we muſt apply
theſe Symbols to that Purpoſe, and ſhew how the Power of Paganiſm is taken away
from it, that it may no more affli&t the Church. And this is done by removing the
Supreme Power thereof from Idolatrous Hands, into ſuch as may protect the Church.
Thus this Sun, and Moon, and Stars, muſt be explain'd of the different Degrees of
Power in that Idolatrous State. The Eclipſe therefore of the Sun fignifies that the
Idolatrous Religion ſhall no more have a Supreme Monarch of its Perfuafion, but
that its Power ſhall paſs into other Hands, who upon this ſhall be inveſted with the
Supreme Power in Temporal Affairs. The Devil and his Miniſters, who is indeed
the Supreme Power in Paganiſm, ſhall no more enjoy his Authority. This was
actually perform'd when Conſtantine the Great, a Chriſtian, was made Emperor, who
gave the firſt Stroke againſt Paganiſm: At leaſt at the very Beginning took away its.
Power, and protected the Church.
D. Mérus églóero, Became Black.] This Colour in general, is the Symbol of Af-
fliction and Miſery, as hath been obſerv'd before; and conſequently ſhews, that the
State of Paganiſm ſhall be turn'd that way: Which happen'd accordingly, as we
ſhall ſhew preſently. In Chap. 8. 12. the Sun is ſaid to be ſmitten ; but what Diffe-
rence there may be between theſe Two Expreſſions, ſhall be examin'd there.
E. *as ovuző reizgro, As Sackcloth of Hair.] We need not indeed to urge this
Expreſſion, any more than as it is Proverbial, and conſequently Emphatical : Thus
we ſay now, black as Soot, or as the Chimney, and the like. But yet if we conſider,
that the Sackcloth was the Habit of Mourners, and Men in great Affliction and Con-
fternation, we may ſay thar the Holy Ghoſt means, that by this Event not only the
Power of Paganiſm ſhall be taken away, but alſo ſuffer in its Turn, be in Afiction
and Confternation. The Uſe of Sackcloth that way, is ſeen in Geneſ. 37. 34.
2 Kings 6. 30. Pſalm 30. 11. Iſaiah 20. 2. and in Chap. 50. 3. God faith, I clothe
the Heavens with Blackneſs, and I make Sackcloth their Covering, which illuſtrate
ſufficiently this Compariſon. Moreover this senuo reizero may very well be un-
derſtood to be as the (m) Só nex@, or gune nuov, of the Greeks, which was a Skin with
the Hair on, to hold both dry and liquid Matters. ovo je die oevers, rj auto
Evòs x, į Súncnos, faith the (n) Scholiaft upon Sophocles. And therefore the
Buskins and Pantaloons of the Perſians, and other Aſiaticks, though beautiful with
the Varieties of Colours, and other Ornaments, yet becauſe made of Leather, are ne-
vertheleſs in Deriſion by the Greeks, called Shranol, Sacks, for fo () Ariſtophanes,
the Comick Poet, and (P) Euripides in a Satyrical Tragedy, have ſtiled them. Such
a Vefſel being made of Goats Hair, muſt be Black, and give Riſe to a Proverbial Ex-
preffion. When it is made for Liquors, the Hair is pur inwards, and Pitched, but
for dry it is left outwards. Theſe are ſtill uſed in the Eaſt.
F. Kei osaleón égfúeto es diuet, And the Moon became as Blood. ] That is, as fome
fay, Black, as Blood is, after it hath been ſpilt for ſome Time. But I gueſs that
this imports, that the Moon became as if it had been Bloody ; that is, as having re-
ceived a mortal Wound. The Sun was only Eclipſed, or Black, confounded and
ſorrowful, as being deprived of its Power ; but the Moon was wounded mortally,
which is much more. The Second Power in the Roman State was the Pontifical
,
which concernd their Religion. In this State was comprehended the Pontifex
Maximus, and under him all the Colleges of Pontifices, Augurs, Veſtals, and in one
Word, all the Pagan Prieſts, and Religious Officers throughout the Empire ; for
Rome admitted all the Gods, and all Religions bur the Chriſtian. In the Republican
Srate, whilſt the Civil Power was lodged in the Senate and People of Rome, the
Pontifical State was ſo far independent thereof, that no Appeal could be had from
(m) Vid. Etymol. M. V. gund stove
(D) Eurip. Cycl. 181.
(n) Sch. in Ajac, Flag. Ariftoph. Crabr.
M
its

Chap. VI. v. 12.
Seal VI.
295
eft arculis, qui
its Deciſions to the other State. It was a diſtin&t Power, but coordinate to the
other, being only bound to concur with the other in and for the good of the Whole.
Yea, the fame Perſons who enjoyed this Pontifical Power, had at the fame Time, as
their Religious Deciſions were without Appeal, a great Stroke in the Management
of Civil Affairs, as appears by Trelly's Oration to the Pontifices, (q) Qyæque Augur
in juſta, nefaſta, vitioſa, dira de fixerit, irrita, infe£taque funto: quique non paruerit
,
capitale efto. Feftus : Maximus Pontifex dicitur, quod maximus rerum, qu
ad
fácra, religiones pertinent judex fit, vindexque contumacie privatorum, magiftraa
tuumque. See alſo M. T.C. ad Attic. Lib. IV. Ep. 2. To this Purpoſe I fhall here
give at Length fome remarkable Words of Pliny, who ſpeaks indeed of the Cocks or
Chickens, but thereby alſo diſcovers the vaft Power of the Pagan Prieſts which
made Uſe of them in the Aufpicia to fway the whole State. (-) Hi Magiſtratus no-
firos quotidie regunt, domosque ipſis suas claudunt aut reſerant: Hi fasces Rom.
impellunt aut retinent, jubent acies ant prohibent, vittoriarum omnium toto orbe par-
tarum auſpices: Hi maximè terrarum imperio imperant. The Veſtals ſeem alſo to
have been ſuperior to all. (s) Summum Imperium Confules cedent tibi? Nay, and
even the Tribunes of the People could nor intercede againſt them, as appears from
(t) Suetonius. In ſhort, they were above Law : (u) Imperatores &Virgines Veſte, quia
Legibus non tenerentur, in civitate habent fepulchra. Hence we ſee why they were
choſen out of the greateſt Men. For they were indeed as Prieſts, Cohanim, that is
Princes; as hath been ſhewn before. And ſo the Prieſt and Prieſthood of Diana
Nemorenſis in Aricia, was called Rex and Regnum, King and Kingdom, as we learn
from Suetonius ; Nemorenſi Regi, quod multos jan annos potiretur facerdotio, validi..
orem adverſarium ſubornavit. And Ovid, who faith,
yaan Partaque per gladios regna nocente manu.
Sot
becauſe the Prieſt muſt kill his Predeceffor.
His Now when the Roman Emperors had gotten the Civil Power into their Hands,
they thought fit at the ſame Time not to leave ſuch a diſtinet Power fo great, which
might be turned againſt them, to be lodged in any other Hands but theirs, and
therefore made themſelves Supreme Pontifices. See Tacit. Annal. III. Cap. 58. But
this did not take away the Diſtinction of the Pontifical Power from being indepen-
dent in fome Sort, and different from the Civil. Thus among the Greeks, the
Pontifical Office ſeems to have been independent on the Civil Magiſtrate. And
therefore in Sophocles, Tireſias faith to Oedipus ;
(τω) Ει και τυραννείς, εξισωτέον το γδων
De groted philst
P'Isaviaéta i sa S xd.geo negatiboa
od 46 Tin
only to
Ου γαρ τι σοι ζω δόλο, αλλα Λοξία.
That is, in thoſe Things that depended on his Calling. And therefore the Theban
Chorus calls Tireſias (x) "Ayenlet
, King, or Prince. Hence (y) Plutarch ſays,
their Honour was equal. Wherein he follows (2) Plato. Thus alſo in the City of
Ancyra, though the Roman Emperors were Supreme Maſters, yet the Prieſt of Apollo
was the Ruler of the whole City. For we read in the A&ts of Theodotus and the
Seven Virgins, Recede igitur Theodote, ab omni
, ftultitia, & alios Chriſtianos abduc à
dementia ſua. Ita faciens, toti urbi dominaberis
, factus Sacerdos Apollinis, omnium
Deorum maximi. So that here alſo the Prieſthood had the Second Rank in Power.
Among the Tyrians the Prieſthood alfo bore the Second Rank, as we may learn from
Sminthea tenuit Spolia Phæbei ducis. And in Virgil, (c) Anius is King and Prieſt,
Gold
(9) M. T. Cicer. de Leg. II. (r) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. X. Cap. XXI. () Seneca
Concr. Lib. I. Contr. 2.
(t) Sueton. in Tiber. Cap. 2.
(u) Serv. in Virg. Aineid.
Lib. XI. Col. 1622. (w) Sophocl. Oedip. Tyr. Page 169. Ed. H. Steph. Vid. Strabon. Geogr.
Lib. XVI. Page 762. Conf. Lib. XII. Page 535, 537, 557, (c) Sophocl. Oed. Tyr. Page 163,
(y) Plutarch. Qu. Rom. Page 259. (2) Platon, Politic.
(a) Juftin. Hiſt. Lib. XVIII.
(6) Senec. Agam.
(c) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
and

296
Seal VI.
Ch. VI. v.13:
and (d) Rhamnes' is King and Augur to Turnus. In (e) Plutarch, the Prieſt of
Thebes is Archon. The like happens in other States, as in the Kingdom of Iſrael;
wherein the Supreme Pontifex or High Prieſt was the Second Perſon. There is ano-
ther way taken by ſome to Thew, that the Moon is the Symbol of the Religious
State; which ſhall be conſidered afterwards on Chap. XII. To apply now the Sym-
bols to the Event. As the Darkneſs of the Sun in the Idolatrous State ſhews, that
the Imperial Dignity as Pagan, loft its Power by the placing of a Chriſtian Prince
therein, ſo at the ſame Time the Idolatrous Religion received its mortal Wound,
becauſe the Chriſtian Emperors became Pontifices themſelves, and quite ruined by
little and little that State of the Pontifices,which was ſo powerful when in the Hands of
an Heatheniſh Emperor. Of this Inſtances ſhall be given in the following Notes;
for the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to fhew this Ruin of Paganiſm, by an Induction of the
particular Steps of it. But perhaps we have ſtretch'd the Symbol too far; and the
Holy Ghoſt by this Compariſon to Blood, only means, that the Moon became Red;
and that we ought to explain the Symbol by Analogy to the State of the Moon,
when it is Red, or appears of a bloody Colour. Now this natural State of the
Moon, and its Cauſe, is fully explained by Virgil in theſe Words :
(f) At ſi virgineum ſuffuderit ore ruborem,
Ventus erit, vento ſemper rubet aurea Phæbe.
So that the Wind being the Cauſe thereof, this may ſignify, that the Idolatrous Re-
ligion ſhall be diſturbed, as when the Wind blows hard, and turns the bright Colour
of the Moon into a bloody Aſpect. We ſhall ſhew in the next Chapter, that the
Winds ſignify Wars, and therefore this may imply, that the Pagan Religion ſhall be
in great Commotions and Struggles, and thereby cauſe the Death of its Supporters,
becauſe of the Blood in the Compariſon.
Kai oi eséges aš šogvs étrage eis the gñv, And the Stars of Heaven fell
upon the Earth.] That is, the leſs principal Powers of the Idolatrous Religion fell
from their Authority into a State of Subje&tion. Artemidorus, Lib. I. cap. 38.
'Ασύρες εκλείπονες σε έρgν , πλησίοις μο πενίαν πολλω και ερημίαν σημαίνεσιν. έoικε και ο
ερανός τη οικία σε ιδόν1G' οι 5 ασύρες τους και των οικίαν κ7ήμασί τε και ανθρώποις. And
by the fame Reaſon, the Heaven repreſents a Kingdom, and the Stars the inferior
Powers or Magiſtrates of it. Again, ôr čgovor nógov oi eséges meg's šesvòn ISTE
και καταπίπονες οι γήν οι αστέρες εισίν αγαθοι, έτε αφανιζόμενοι πολλών και όλεθρον μαντέον,
και αξιολόγων με ανθρώπων οι μεγάλοι λι και και ασήμων , οι λελοι και αμαυρgt. Com-
pare with this Lib. V. cap. 23. To this may be referr'd, the (8) Ömen of the Stars
falling, before the Battel at Leuctra, which Lyſander had ſet up, as Plutarch reports
it. The Fall of theſe Stars may ſignify primarily the Fall or Loſs of the Authority
of the Heathen Gods, and of their Worſhip. For as the Dragon or Devil was re-
ally the Sun in the Pagan Empire, the Pontifices his Moon and Stars, or elſe bis
Companions in Worſhip : So all this may ſignify the Fall of the Supreme Power in
Religion as well as inferior. The Name of Gods being equally given to the Objects
of Civil as well as Religious Worſhip. And therefore it is obſervable, that it is uſu-
al in the Holy Writings, when God hath pull'd down the Power of a Nation, to
expreſs it by ſaying, that he is avenged of their Gods, and hath fubdued them.
The Roman Empire affe&ted not only to worſhip ſome peculiar God, but all in gene-
ral ; that is, not only the Devil but all the Dæmons, as being Maſters of the whole
World; which Minutius Felix expreſſes thus ; Inde adeo per univerſa imperia, pro-
vincias, oppida videmus fingulos ſacrorum ritus gentiles habere , & Deos colere muni-
cipes, ut Eleuſinios Cererem, Phrygas Matrem, Epidaurios Æſculapium, Chaldæos Be-
lum, Aſtarten Syros, Dianam Taurios, Gallos Mercurium, univerſa Romanos. Sic
eorum
poteſtas & auctoritas totius orbis ambitus occupavit
. Sic dum univerſarum gen-
tium ſacra ſuſcipiunt, etiam regna meruerunt. For indeed even in the Patriarchal
Times
, whoſoever paſſed into the Dominion of another, by entring into his Family,
became ſubje&t alſo to his Religion and Rites. Ruth 1. 16. See alſo Genef. 17.
12, 13. Deuter. 21. 12. And the Targ. Fonathan. As alſo Moſes Maim. Fad.

A. Verf. 13;
(d) Virg. Æneid. Lib. IX.
Gcorg. Lib. I. V.430.
(e) Plur. de Gen. Socrar. Page 1030.
(f) Virgi.
(8) Plutarch. Lib. Quod Pythia non utar, metr. Pag. 956.
Hak
1

Ch. VI. v. 13.
Seal VI.
297
Hak. Cap. 8. S. 5. And thus Caſſandra in Æſchylus, being a Captive to Agamemnon, ,
is invited to partake of the ſacred Rites of his Houſe;
(5) Είσω κομιζε και συ. Κασανδραν λέω
'Επεί σ' έθηκε. Ζώς αμωίτως δόμοις
Κοινωνόν να χρνίζων, πολλών μέτα
Δέλων, ταθεί κλησία βωμε πέλας.
Thus (1) Horace upbraids the Roman Soldiers of Craſſus's Army, who being taken by
the Parthians, by marrying there, did by Conſequence embrace the Religion of their
Enemies, and forget their own. And Lucan of Pompey,
(k) Chaldæos culture focos & barbara Sacra
Parthorum famulus.
Hence alſo in Statius :
(2) Captivis etiam jurabere Thebis.
A Stranger who was
made Heir, was bound to the Rites and Feaſts of theFamily he enter'd
into. Thus Ulpius Crinitus adopted Aurelian by Arrogation in theſe Words; (m) Fube
igitur ut lege agatur, fitque Aurelianus heres facrorum, nominis & bonorum, totiuſque
juris, Ulpio Crinito jam Conſulari Viro, ipſe acutum, te judice, Conſularis. And fo
when Monarchies were erected, whoſoever came into the Countrey, was ſubject to
the God of it, and all conquer'd People were bound to give Worſhip to the Gods
of their Conquerors. Hence came the ſetting up of Images to denote that Subje&ti-
on, of which more in Chap. 13. So that whether you be ſaid to worſhip and obey
the Gods, or the Rulers of the Nation, 'tis all one. And when one Nation fights
with another, their Gods are ſaid to fight together, and the God, whoſe Nation is
Conqueror , is ſaid to beat the other God , 1 Kings 20. 23. Iſaiah 36. 18, 19. Judg.
6. 10. Thus Euripides faith :
(1) onui d'eis da egślon
και τεθ'αάρχειν, θεών αμειγόνων τυχεϊν.
lib bus breveu
'to Νικωμη ο Παλλάς έκ ανέξι). .
both on ST23
T los medias
So that whether we underſtand theſe Symbols of the Civil Powers of Paganiſm, or
of their Gods being removed and ſubdued, it is all one ; becauſe the one implies the
other.
Β. Ως συκή βάλλει τις όλεύθες αυτής, εσύ μεγείλε ανέμε σειoμβόη, As a Fig-Tree cafts
her latter unripe Figs, when she is ſhaken by a great Wind.] A Compariſon uſed by
the Prophets, Nahum 3. 12. and Iſaiah 24. 13. and Chap. 28. 4. The ſame Pro-
phet, Chap. 34. 4. uſes this Compariſon likewiſe, as well as the Symbol and Com-
pariſon following, of the Heavens being rolled like a Book ; and that Expreſſion be-
fore, of the Falling of the Hoſt of Heaven. The ow.gor being Fruits, which come
not to Maturity, repreſent well, that by this Fall the Deſigns and Works of Paganiſm
to deſtroy the Church, did ſuddenly miſcarry; and the Compariſon of the great
Wind Thews, that this Revolution was as admirable, and much more than if it had
been perform’d by the vaſt Power of Armies, and multiplied Victories. But, as
hath been obſerved, the Wonders of God are wrought by unlikely Means, leaft Men
ſhould ſay, We have done it.
In this caſe, the Fig-Tree is only uſed by way of Compariſon, and ſo looks as if
it might be taken litterally ; but if we preſs it further, and take it fymbolically, then
it will ſignify Women : And in this Senſe it will be ſuitable enough to the Place.
The Signification of the Symbol may be proved in this Manner. În Artemidorus,
Lib. V. cap. 35, there is a Dream of a Fig-Tree growing, out of which Figs are ga-
thered ; which is explained of receiving an Inheritance from a female Relation.
() Pliny tells us, That a Fig-Tree being found growing in a Place, where a Palm-
(b) Æſchyl. Agam. Verf. 1044.
(i) Horat. Lib. III. Od. 5.
(k) Lucan. Pharſ.
Lib. VIII.
(1) Pap. Star. Theb. Lib. VII. V. 103. (m) Flav. Vopilcus in Aureliano.
Vide Plaut. Capteiv. Ac. IV. Sc. I. & Trinumm. Act. II. Sc. IV. & M. Tull
. de Leg. II. (n) Eu-
ripid. Heracl. V.351. (0) Plin. Nac. Hift. Lib. XVII. Cap: 35. Vid. Feft. Voc. Religionis.
Gggg
Tree

298
Ch. VI. V. 14
Seal VI.
Tree formerly ſtood, and had been blown down with Winds ; this portentum was by
Piſo explain'd of the growing Lewdneſs of the Romans : A quo tempore pudicitiam
Subverfam Piſo gravis au&tor prodidit. And thus the Vine and Fig-Tree are by (P)
Fuſtin M. explain'd allegorically of each Man's Wife, in Mich. 4. 4. So that this
Compariſon may imply, that Paganiſm will be fubdued as eaſily as Women may be
overcome by an Army of Men.
A. Verf. 14. Kai seguds dimezoelen a's Bobríov cinevó ufvor , And the Heaven diſap-
peared, as a Book rolled together.] Set this together with the Book of the Lamb ſealed
up, in Chap. V. and they may mutually explain themſelves. That Book is a King-
dom in fieri to be obtain'd, nothing at firſt but a Name ; as the Lamb opens it, he gets
Power and Dominion ; fo here the Book of Paganiſm is rolled up and put out of
Sight, its Heaven or Dominion becomes as a Book which cannot be ſeen or read, of
no Ule while it is fo. The Hebrew Word 270, which fignifies to roll, from whence
no, a Book or Volume, fignifies alſo to take away, or remove out of Sight, as it is
uſed in Joſh. 5. 9. where it is plain that the rolling away of the Reproach is to take it
off. And ſo the LXX have apérov; and in Pſalm 119. 22, meiene. For which Ex-
preſſion to the fame Senſe in Genef. 30. 23. The Hebrew is DDX, eçcîrev; which
Hebrew Word generally ſignifies to gather together in order to lay aſide. So in a fud-
den Change of Weather from hot, dry and clear, to Thunders and Showers, the
Clouds of Heaven go different Ways, fome one, fome another, and then Heaven
feems to depart. When this happend in a very remarkable Manner, ſudden, and
great, the Roman Augurs according to their Art did call that Cæli diſceffio, and Caelum
diſcedere, as we learn from Tully, De Divinat. Lib. I. & II. And this was look'd
upon as a Token of Changes in the State. Quibus portentis magna Populo Romano
bella, perniciof&que ſeditiones denunciabantur. This
is, I ſuppoſe , what is called by
Pliny, Hiatus , or Chaſma out of Ariſtotle. See Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. II. cap. 26.
and cap. 27. And Servius on Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IX. v. 20. diſcedere Cælum. And
as Virgil hath in this uſed the Metaphor sine geeign, fo elſewhere he uſes that of tins-
wópeflow : (9) Vertitur interea Cælum, &c. Involvens umbra , &c. Whereupon Do-
natus : Involutum dicimus , quod quum apparet primitus , dehinc opertum penitus ocu-
lorum confpeétibus abſtrahitur. So in Horace : (*) Cælum contraxit, when the Sky is
covered and dark, and no Heaven is ſeen. Now obſerve the Event. The Kingdom
of Satan was not pulled down by Armies and Battels with Noiſe and Tumult, but laid
afide like an uſeleſs Thing; to go out as a Snuff. Paganiſm was not beaten out, but
negle&ted. We ſhould now exprefs it near this, by ſaying it became like an Old
Almanack, an old song, as Iſaiah faith, as the Song of an Harlot, Chap. 23. 15.
Though this laſt be turned to another Senſe.
B. Kui ta oso xj uñoos in of Towy i vistes énová Inge , And every Mountain and Iſland
were removed out of their Places.] Theſe Symbols deſerve our Attention; the more,
becauſe the latter is underſtood by no Interpreter. Mountains fignify many Things,
but the firſt Notion of them in the Symbolical Language is as of Places of Strength;
the particular Application muſt be determined by the Uſe of the Word in that Place,
where 'tis found. There is alſo a Difference when it is uſed in the Singular,or with a fixed
Number, from the Plural put indefinitely. But in general all the Significations come
from one, which is the Strength of thoſe Places to defend their Inhabitants, Jerem.
3. 23. Truly in vain is Salvation hoped for from the Hills, and from the Multitude of
Mountains : Truly in the Lord our God is the Salvation of Iſrael
. 1 Kings 20. 23.
Their Gods are Gods of the Hils, therefore they were ſtronger than we : But let us
fight againſt them in the plain. Though the former Place may be underſtood in a fur-
ther Senſe, for Places of idolatrous Worſhip. When a great Mountain is uſed, as
in Revel. 8. 8. it may fignify a great City, the Capital of a Kingdom. When many
Mountains numbred, as Seven, then to fignify ſo many great Capital Cities, as in
Chap. 17. 9. But when indefinitely, as here, then all Manner of Places of Strength
whatſoever, and to whatſoever Uſe applied, as to be Fortreſſes or Temples of Idols.
The fame Difference is to be obferved about πόλις, a City, and μεγείλη πόλις and πόλεις
as ĉdvæv, in Chap. 16. 19. this fame Thing is both explain'd and diſtinguiſhed in the
Targum on Iſaiah 37. 24. where Mount Carmel being diſtinguiſhed from the Moun-
(p) Juftin. M. Dial. C. Tryph, Page 263.
(r) Horat. Epod. XIIL
(9) Virgil. Æneid. IL
tains

Ch. VI. v. 14.
Seal VI.
299
tains of Lebanon, is explained by the Capital City, and all other fortified Places. The
Words are cited hereafter on Chap. 8. 7. D. In the (s) Prophets the Mountains
in general are underſtood of the Idolatrous Temples, or Places of Worſhip, becauſe
built on ſuch Places. Yea and at firſt ſuch Temples were built like Forts or Towers.
(t) The firſt that we find explicitly mentioned, is in Fudges 9.46, 49. And that ſuch
were built round, appears by that wherein Samſon periſhed, Judg. 16. 26. For the
Root of it, unleſs it was round, could not have been upon Two Pillars ſo near, that
a Man might lay hold of them both at once, as Samfon did. In the former Place
of Fudg. 9.46. the Temple of the God of Berith is called 17972 58may1978, the
Tower of the Houſe, or the Tower, the Houſe of the God Berith. In the Ethiopick Lan-
guage a (u) Temple or Palace, which I ſhall prove to be the ſame hereafter, are cal-
led by the ſame Name. And in the Arabick Tongue it ſignifies alſo a Tower, Palace,
Camp, or any high Place. Thus alfo Arx in Papin. Statius is a Temple :
(w) Ingenti dives Tirynthius Arce
Deſpe&at fluctus.
j
The Origin of this muſt be fetch'd from that of Idolatry it felf; for the Heathens
worſhiping the Souls of dead Men , either Patriarchs, or Nobles, or Benefactors, in
order to honour their Memory firſt, but afterwards this crept into an Uſe of Invoca-
tion ; and this being done at their Tombs; now if we find, that they affected to be
buried in Mountains, or under them, we need ſeek no further, why their Temples
were afterwards built there. But we have Proof enough of this, and our Learned
(x) Spencer hath ſhewn it to the full. To the Teſtimonies uſed by him I ſhall only
add this of Servius cited alſo by Iſidorus ; (y) Apud majores nobiles , aut ſub monti-
bus, aut in montibus Sepeliebantur, unde natum eft, ut ſupra cadavera aut pyramides
fierent, aut ingentes collocarentur columna. Thus Mountains here are the Forts of
Paganiſm, or the Temples of the Idols. But in this Cafe we need not to ſuppoſe,
that the Temples were ſtrictly always the very Monuments of the deceaſed Heroes
for the bare Invocation called the Soul thither, and made the very Place a Sepulchral
Monument, as (2) Turnebus well proves from theſe Pallages of the Ancients, as
Virgil:
A OUTONS O Son19
(@ Animamque fepulchro
CloseST SIOLO
Condimus, & magna ſupremum voce ciemus. Visilber
csille moM
And again elſewhere,
Na otori vart
(b) Tunc egomet tumulum Rhæteo in littore inanen
Confitui, & magna manes ter voce vocavi.
W sn bosbarbe
On which very Caſe Aufonius faith ;
Non habeo tumulum, niſi quem mihi voce vocantis
Et pius Æneas, & Maro compofuit. Los dato la residW
tyti duomen's
Hoc fatis & tumulis, Satis & telluris egenis : boli fotov!
Voce ciere animas, funeris inftar habet,
And therefore Servius on Virgils Æneid. Lib. III. pag. 701. obferves, that human
Souls are by Sacrifice turn’d into Deities: And for this ſee Lycophron's Caſſandra,
v. 927. which ſhews it by an Example; alſo v. 1123 : And from v. 1126, to v. 1140.
Vid. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. XII. v. 162.
Orto
og
And again,
(s) Deut. 12. 2. Micah 4. 1. Ezek. 6. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. Jerem. 3. 23.
(6) Vid. M. Jurieu's Critical Hiſtory of Dogm. and Rites, Lib. Iv. Tract. 9. cap. 21.
(ú) Vid. Ludolph. Lex. Æthiop. pag. 434. Schindler. pag. 1571. Golius. 1351.
() Papin. Statiųs, Lib. III. Syl. I.
'(x) De leg. Hebr. Lib. II. cap. 11. $. 2.
conf. ejuſd. Lib. II. cap. 7. S. 1.
(y) In Virg. Æneid. XII. Vid. Pauſan. in Corinth.
pag. 5o. de Sicyon.
wth
(<) Turneb. Adv. Lib. 22. C. [0.
A (a) Æneid.
III. 67
(6) Ibid. VI. 505.
bro
910 bichi
Santiq. Let
300
Seal VI.
Ch. VI. v. 14.

Let us now examine what the Iands fignify. Being not ſatisfied with other Men's
Conjectures, I ſhall give mine own, which is, that theſe Iflands fignify the Revenues
of the Idolatrous Temples and Religion, or all thoſe Means whereby they were main-
tain'd, either by Lands or Perquiſites. This is made out thus, and in order to it this
muſt be obſerved ; firſt, that the true Notion of Iſland, or, in the Hebrew
Tongue, is ſuch a Place, to which Men go by Sea from Judea ; whence Europe is
in Holy Scripture called the Iſlands of the Sea. So in Ifaiah 20.6. the Land of Cush
or Ethiopia, ſeems to be called an Iſland, becauſe the Iſraelites went to it by Sea
from Eziongeber. And indeed any Place or Haven to which Ships reſort, was by
them called an Iſland. And undoubtedly Joſephus had the ſame Notion, when he
makes the Word ze si ſtand for Iſlands and Maritime Places: (c) Kai dám autñs vñozí
te mün gele vej til 7.ch w us on Salle ore te siue ad 'Ebegitov ôvoudle). That is, Chittim.
Thus the City of (d) Tyre, as it was in ancient Times, comes under the Name of
the Iſle in Iſaiah 23. 2, 6. though ſeated only near the Sea ; and the Tyrians under
the Name of the Inhabitants of the Iſle, and at the ſame Time of Merchants, and
their City the Merchant City, verf. 3. 11. And becauſe the Hebrews looked upon
Yands as Places of Merchandiſe, to which Men went to traffick_and fetch Riches;
hence it comes , that an Iſland in their Notion, is akin to Mart-Town, a rich trading
populous City, a Place from which Riches are fetch'd. Thus in Ezek. 27. 3. Tyre
alfo is called a Mart , &umógrov , of the Peoples from many Iflands. And indeed the
whole Chapter, together with the Targum, is a plain Proof of this, eſpecially the
15th Verſe, where it is ſaid, Many Iſles were the Merchandiſe of thine Hand. So
in Iſaiah 60. 9. Iſlands and Ships are mentioned in order to produce and bring Silver
and Gold. Thus in i Maccab. 14. 5. Foppa is an Haven for an Entrance to the Iſles
of the Sea, that is, for the Merchants, or Ships coming from them. Now Ships,
as we ſhall prove hereafter, are for this very Reaſon the Symbols of Profit and
Riches. Thus in Iſaiah 23. 2. they that travel over Sea, and Merchants, are fyno.
nymous ; the Hebrew 170, and the Greek 'éprop G , fignifying both ; becauſe fo
called from their paſſing to and fro. Therefore an Iſland is a Place of Trade, to which
and from whence are brought over Sea in Ships, all kinds of Merchandiſe and
Riches. Becauſe the Sea and Rivers afford the Conveniency of trading from one
Place to another, and thereby enrich all the Countrey. Hence in Euripides, (e) mézas
Tété ayelus, a great Haven of Riches ſignifies a great Revenue. And what is the
more remarkable is, that this Haven fignifies (f) Delphos, whereof Pylades here was
Hereditary Prince, whoſe Revenues were hugely augmented by the Confluence of
Men from all Parts to conſult the Oracle : Who by that Means expended much Mo-
ney therein. Euripides ſeems to have taken his Expreſſion from Æſchylus,
(8) a megois ele sej noaus masto aribu'. lemes
And indeed the Word is alſo taken for ei pea a Market. Hefych.
Arulu, apego y cydret merbil, Idlpook.
33.0
Which implies, that the Paphians uſed the word commonly in that Senſe. So that
thereupon Sopingius obſerves out of Galen, that the Theſſalians uſed it in the ſame
Notion. Now Markets are the Places of Trade and Riches. And fo Horace to ex
preſs, ſtrive to grow rich, faith,
femme d or (b) Cave në portus occupet alter; 66.2 910lang bu
milo z moldovei sol eins of CLA2911 asti aluca
that is, make häfte, let no Body foreſtal your Market, by getting there before you.
Upon which, the Commentator has theſe notable Words: Vide ne quis negotiator
ſuo navigio ante te occupet portum, & vide ne perdas, negotia que exercere potes-in
Bithynia & Cibyratica, que funt apta negotiatoribus, funt enim loca tranſmarina. Se-
neca ; (i) Circumſpiciebam in quod me mare nègotiaturus immitterem. See the Note
upon Chap. 8. 9. B.
?

YO
(c) Jofeph. Archæol. Lib. I. cap. 7.
(e) Euripid. Oreſt. v. 1077.
(b) Horat. Lib. I. Epift.6. v.32.
(d) Vid. Jac. Perizon. Orig. Babylon. cap. VI.
(f) Euripid. ibid. v. 1094. (8) Æſch. Perf. 250.
(i) Senec. Epiſt. CXIX. Vid. ejuſd. de Brevit. Vit. Cap. II.
I
From

Ch. VI. v. 14.
Seal VI.
301
From all which it appearing, that an Iſand in the Notion of the Hebrews was a
Place fitting or placed near the Sea, convenient for Merchandize, and flowing with
Riches by all kind of Trade, it will not ſeem ſtrange, that it ſhould fignify fymbo-
lically the Riches, Revenues, Places or Ways of Trading, and Treaſures of the Mata
ter about which the Symbol is employed. In the ſame Manner as we may ſay now
of the Kingdoms of Spain, Britain, and others, that the American Plantations, which
are Iſlands to them all in the Hebrew Stile, are the Riches and Revenues of thoſe
Kingdoms, becauſe their Trade and Riches are fetched from thence. And therefore
as the Mountains fignify the ſtrong Forts, Towers, or Temples of the Idolatrous Res
ligion ; fo the Iſlands
, which are immediately ſubjoin'd as belonging to them, figa
nify their Treaſures, Merchandiſe , Revenues, whence-ſoever they come ; whether
from the Perquiſites of the Pagan Worſhip, which was an inexhauſtible Fund, or
even from the Lands that produce ſuch Revenues to them : As it is well known that
all Temples both in the Jewiſh Church and Paganiſm had ſuch. The Tabernacle and
firſt Temple had the conſtant Supply of all the offerings made to God ; the ſecond
had beſides this the Poll-Money, or Didrachms, levied upon all the Fews and Pro-
felytes, both in the Land and in the Diſperſion. The Temple of Onias in Egypt,
though usxeótsegu iga muvizgóriègi, leſs and poorer, as (k) Joſephus faith, yet by the
Bounty of the King had (1) zeegy ollu eis zenua toy mejoodor , Great Lands to furniſh
it with all Neceſſaries. Likewiſe in the viſionary Temple of Ezekiel, Portions of
Lands are appointed for the Prieſts and Levites, as well as for the Prince, that he
might not opprefs the People. Ezek. 45. I,
8. See Maccab. Lib. II. cap. 3. 3.
Cap. 9.16. And that the Heathens had füch, eſpecially the Romans, will be made
out preſently.
But before I leave this, I ſhall make one or two Obſervations to Thew, that this
Mention of Iſlands after the Mountains, is to denote the Temples and their Reve-
nues. In Iſaiah, Chap. 2. the Prophet gives a Deſcription of a terrible Judgment,
from which the Holy Ghoſt here hath borrowed moſt Things. Now after the pul-
ling down of all Mounts and Hills, high Towers, and Walls, in Vers, 14, 15, the
Prophet adds at the 16th Verſe, according to the LXX, Every Ship of the Sea, (the
Hebrew hath of Tharſhiſh, which was an Iſland to them, and the Chaldee Targum,
Super omnes qui habitant in inſulis maris ) and upon every pleaſant, or beautiful Shezo
of Ships , all which are plainly alluded to, and more briefly couched here in
the Words of St. John, Every Mountain and Iſland. Now thoſé Ships fignify the
Merchandiſe and Treaſure which they bring. Again, let us examine the Words of
Iſaiah, 23. 3. ſpeaking of Tyre, which is before called the Iſle by Excellency, he
adds, And by great Waters the Seed of Sihor, the Harveſt of the River is ber Reves
nue, and ſhe is a Mart of Nations. The meaning of the whole ſeems plainly to be
this; the Merchants by their Sea Trade, ſow as it were their Seed in the Waters
for Increaſe, and the Revenues arifing by the Waters are as her Harveſt. He com-
pares their Sea Trade to the Overflowings of the Sihor, or Nile, and faith, that it
brings them Riches, as the Nile to the Egyptians by his Fertility. The LXX, ču
ύδατι πολλώ, σπέρμα μεταξόλων, ως αμητά εις φερομών, οι μεταβολοι και εθνών. They feem
to have taken n'v inſtead of, or as no Merchants. See Schindler. According to
them the Place is thus to be taken. The Seed of Merchants are as thrown in many
Waters, the Merchants of the Nations are as Crops brought in. Or thus, In many
Waters is the Seed of Merchants, they are as a Crop to the place where they reſort
Which is juſt as Tully argues: (m) Quaſi quedam predia populi Rom. funt ve&tigalia
noſira, atque Provincie. By which 'tis plain that the Waters or Seas, the Merchants and
Iſlands to which they reſort, are as a Crop or Revenue to the City where they come.
See here Ecclef. Chåp. II. 1. Iſaiah 32. 20. And conſequently the Mountains and
Iſlands are the Temples and their Revenues by the Traffick of Idolatry, of which more
in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Chapters. Thús alſo in Ezekiel 26. 15, 18.
the Ifes concern'd about Tyre and its Trade, are in the Targüm called N17118, in
the Latin Tranſlation thereof Suburbia, as if the Word was Greek, that is meeróerd,
the Limits or adjacent Territories and Domains of the City, out of which ſhe gets
Jogo
(k.) Archäol. Judaic. Lib. XIII. cap. 6.
(m) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. II
. pag. 239. Hot (1) FO) Joſeph. de Bello Jud. Lib. VI. capr 39.
-1999 URT ()
jqOID
Bird Hhhh
SHOW
PA wang her

Ch. VI. V. 14.
and
Seal VI.
302
her Harveſt, Revenues, and Maintenance. For the ſame Word is put in this Targum
on Ezek. 27. 28. to explain the Hebrew Word D, which our Tranſlation con-
Itantly turns by Suburbs; and the LXX in Fosh. 21. frequently by meis moeid, the
fown Lands or Glebes about a Town. The eveía in Heſychius, is ſaid to be a Feaſt of
Perambulation about the Limits, as the Ambarvalia. How far ſuch a Notion as this
concerning Iſlands, might give Occaſion to the Greeks to call the happy State of
the Dead, or the Place wherein they are ſaid to dwell, by the Name of (n) Mamei pay
vñooi
, and (0) Divites Infula, I ſhall leave to others to conſider. Note alſo, that
theſe Divites infula are alſo called Littora by Horace ; for having ſaid,
oid
ustverw : (P) Beata Petamus arva, divites & inſulas, bet tad ir
20 bageri
zoliupis os mont
He adds a little after,
GSM 900 bottes motius
bas slose
Juppiter illa piæ ſecrevit littora genti.
aut altaod za tus
brons on:
However, what is very remarkable is, that theſe Iſands did Symbolically repreſent
thoſe Honours and Sacrifices that were paid by the living Worſhippers to the dead
Heroes, wherewith they were ſaid to be delighted, as (9) Meurſius hath well con-
je&tured. From hence it comes that theſe Iſlands are called by (-) Ariſtophanes
Mandigore l'ozóa, the Feaſts of the Bleſſed. For this Word (s) dwzíce, as it is ex-
plained by Atheneus, concerns properly the Feaſting at Sacrifices. Thus by ſome
Writings which have appeared of late concerning the Chineſe Idolatry, and Libations
to the Dead made of Wine, we find, that the Chineſe have the ſame Notion of them
as the Greeks, calling their Libations, Wine of Happineſs, which is as near as can be
to the Maréocor dagle of the Athenians. For the perpetual Obſervation of which, there
were Sacred Revenues Dedicated to thoſe Heroes, for whom the Athenians made
thoſe Parentations ; and theſe are accordingly called by the Clouds in Ariſtophanes,
to the Praiſe of the People, wesoodoo Marsigor ispaóto). Though I know, that the
Scholiaſt
, and others underſtand the Word otherwiſe; but as the Signification of
mesood G for Revenue is the moſt common, ſo it fits this Place the beſt. That the
Ægyptian Prieſts had Lands and Revenues, is plain from Genef. 47. 22, 26. Hero-
dotus, Lib. II. Se&t. 37. Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. Page 13. Iſocrates Bufirid. the Romans
alſo; Cenforinus, Et cum agros atque urbes Deorum munere poffiderent
, partem quan-
dam templis, facelifque ubi eos colerent, dicaverunt. Hence by Tertullian called,
(t) Templorum ve&tigalia. Theſe (u) Revenues were ſo great, that the Roman Empe-
rors thought fit to ſqueeze a Tribute out of them. See Lindenbrogius on that Place
of Cenſorinus, and (w) Harpocration with Valefius's Notes. And therefore Julian the
Apoftate having reſolved to reſtore Paganiſm, he took Care to ſettle Revenues for
Aſtars ſet up again, as Fohn Chryſoſtom faith, (x) megród os amis zívecs noma's molem
Zé Hev. Now by the taking away of theſe Idolatrous Temples, really the Houſes and
Manſions of the Dead, and of their Revenues which ſerved to furniſh the Sacrifices,
theſe happy and rich Iſlands are taken away from them. I hope 'tis now plain, that
the Targumiſt took the Iſlands there by the right Handle ; and that his Expoſition
thereof is true, and confirms fully my Conjecture
. Add to this what we ſhall fay on
Chap. 16. 20. A. and theſe Two Symbols will plainly appear.
Now let us take a ſhort View of the Event anſwering to theſe Symbols. Soon
after the Demiſe which Diocletian made of the Imperial Dignity, and which ended
the great Perſecution he had begun, predicted in the Fifth Seal
, Conſtantine the Great
got into the Imperial Throne; and after ſome Conflies with the Remnant of the
Idolatrous Pretenders, became ſole Emperor of all the Roman Dominions, profef-
fing at the ſame Time the Chriſtian Religion, as did his Pofterity Succeſſors;
by which Means Idolatry could never get any more into the Imperial Throne for
many Years ; for the ſmall and ſhort-lived Efforts of Julian the Apoftate, are not

or the
2
cibus
bs
(n) Hefiod. Lib. I. v. 169. Homer. Odyff. IV. v. 563. Euripid. Helen. v. 1693. Lycophron.
Call. v. 1 204. Pindar.
Olympion. II. ſtr.
(0) Horat. Lib. IV. Ode 8. and Plaucus
Trinum. Act. II. Se, 4.
(D) Horar. Epod. 16.
(9) Meurfius in Lycophr.
V. 1294.IV.dibul() Ariſtoph. Ranis.
quo(s) Achen. Lib. VIII. cap. 16.
Pindar. Olympion. II. ſtr. 4.
(t) Tertull. de Idolatr.cap. 17. (u) Clemene.
Homil. XI. S. 22.
(w) Harpocr. V. 'Azò qu Japec zwy.
(x) Hom. II. in Babyl.
Tom. V. pag. 459.
2
worth

Chap. VI. v. 15.
Seal VI.
303
worth taking Notice of, ſhewing rather that Chriſtianity had taken too firm a Root
to be caſt off. However, by the coming of Conſtantine to the Throne, the Pagan
Religion quite loſt all manner of Power. The very City of Rome then loſt its
mighty Authority, the fame Conſtantine having tranſlated the Seat of the Empire to
Byzantium, calling it by his own Name, and making it equal in Privileges to Rome,
which not only broke all its Power and Dominion, but leſſen'd its Greatneſs and
Proſperity. The Senate was divided. The greateſt Men followed to Byzantium,
and the face of the State was on a ſudden quite changed. The Temples of the Idols
were in his Time forſaken and demoliſhed, as (y) Euſebius relates, and then were
rifled all their (2) Ornaments and Treaſures. The Idols were removed, and thus
their Gods were bound and drawn like Slaves ; and fo they went on till Theodoſius
and Honorius made an End of all, and confiſcated the Remnant of the ſtanding Re-
venues into the Emperor's Treaſury. Hilarius expreffes ir thus: (a) Templa collapfa
ſunt, fimulacra mutata funt, aruſpiſes interventu ſanctorum filent, augurum fides fal-
lit, unum Dei nomen in omnibus gentibus fan&tum eft.de
C. ’Ex of Tó Troy durs énevízna, were removed out of their Places.] This Expreſ-
fion is not a little different from what is ſaid in Chap. 16. 20. of the Iſlands and
Mountains. For there it is ſaid that the Iſlands fled, and the Mountains were not
found. The Difference of the Expreſſion muſt make ſome Difference in the Events
What Difference is found there, ſhall be examined when we come to it. Here it
is ſaid of both, that they were removed out of their places. A Removal doth not
ſuppoſe the Deſtruction of the Subject, but its Alienation. Now here comes in very
well the Obſervation of the Hiſtorian Georg. Cedrenus, who obferves, that Conſtantine
in the XXVIth and XXVIIth Year of his Reign, ſet himſelf to pull down the Idols
and their Temples, and appropriated their Revenues to the Churches of God. In
ſome Caſes the Idols were preſerved only to adorn the Publick Places, ſerving there
as Trophies of the Overthrow of Paganiſm ; and even the Temples were changed into
(6) Churches, and appropriated to the Service of God in ſome places. And theſe
were afterwards turned into Temples of another Species of Idolatry.
A. Verf. 15. Kai di Buoiacis szñs, And the Kings of the Earth.] Here now fol-
lows an Induétion of Particulars, ſhewing, that from the higheſt Sort to the loweſt,
the Powers and Subječts of Pagan Idolatry own themſelves overcome by the Chri-
ftian Religion. So that this Enumeration of all the Particulars, expreſſes emphati-
cally the great Vi&tories which were obtained before, or whilſt the Idolatrous Wor-
Thip was deſtroyed, and the miſerable Fall and Confuſion of all thoſe who endea-
voured to uphold it, as Galerius Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinius ; together with
all the Armies which joined with them. This, with the following Expreſſions,
ſhews alſo the great conſternation in which were all the Idolaters when
Conſtantine
had overcome, declared himſelf a Chriſtian, and began not only to ſupport the
Chriſtian Religion, but alſo to deſtroy the Idolatrous Temples and Worſhip. One
may ſooner gueſs than expreſs the Terrors wherein the whole State of the Pontifices,
Veſtals, Augurs, and ſuch Bodies, found themſelves, when they expected daily the
Execution of the Imperial Decrees againſt them. Though all was not performed
on a ſudden ; and thoſe at Rome, out of Reſpect to that great City, were long over-
look’d, yet we may eaſily think, that their Fears were continually upon them, till
ſuch Times as all was executed ; though ſome of them were not done till the Sea
venth Seal was open'd. Becauſe, as it hath been obſerved before, theſe are only
Conſequences of the main Accidents, the Antecedents and Conſequents of the fame
Nature being ſwallowed up in the main, which is the Effect of this Sixth Seal. How-
ever, as the inviſible Empire of the Devil is alſo concerned in this Matter, we may
from hence gueſs what Terror they were in , expe&ting then to be fully tormented,
as if their Time was come, that Chrift ſhould make an abſolute End of them, and
their Kingdom. Hilary hath an Obſervation on his own Times, which illuſtrates
thefe Matters in ſeveral Reſpects : (c) Montes igitur , id eſt , adverfariæ omnes fu-
pereminenteſque virtutes pæna judicij præparantur , & maris fundamenta turbant tr.
OLS doo
Od gut
mig i ne ziart 101 Toni
(1) De Vita Conſtantin. Lib. III. cap. 54, 55, 56. Conf. Joh. Malalæ. Lib. XIII. pag. 1o.
own
& Vid. Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XXII. pag. 375. E. Box. (a) Hilar. Pictav. in Pfal. CXXXVII.
b) Orofius Hift. Lib. 7. cap. 27. Ruffin. Hiftor. Eccl. Lib. XI. cap. 27. Vid. Mr. Bingham's Antiq.
B. V. Chap. 4. and B. VIII. Ch. 2.
(c) Hilar. Pictav, in Pfal. LXIV. i Vida et in Pfalm. LXV.
Et Theodorit. Hiſt. Ecclef. Lib, I. cap. 2.
In
304
Ch. VI. V. 16, 17.
Seal VI.

In barum enim inimicarum virtutum fiducia ſeculum confiftebat, & hæc in inviſibilibus
feculi bujus profundis latebant. Sonus autem flu£tuum cum fundo maris perturbatur.
Turbato enim Diabolo , omnia terroris ſui minifteria turbantur, & ipſe in quo gentes
pavebant, adverſantium poteftatum fonos trepidat. Recordemur Vatum murmura, Ego
inconditos bacchantium fremitus , & nonnunquam confufo audientium ſenſu incertum
neſcio quid ſimulacrorum aëra ſonuiſſe, omni denique prophano ceremoniarum cantu
mundum reſultantem. Nunc vero Domino Chriſto prædicato filere omnia confutata ET
trepida, cum hi templorum & gentium Dij virtute fidelium ſubjiciuntur ad pænam,
cum credentium verbis torquentur, laniantur, uruntur, & inviſibiles nobis atque in-
comprehenſibiles naturæ verbo continentur , puniuntur, abiguntur, cum vates filent,
cum muta ſunt Templa. Per hæc itaque jam judicio præparantur, & præparatio ifta
quid proficit ? Proficiunt namque : Turbabuntur gentes, timebunt, cernentes fcilicet
Deos ſuos mutos, & tantum ad impoſitionem manuum noftrarum pæne fuæ vocibus in-
gemiſcentes.
B. Kei oi pezasūves, And the Nobles, ] or Great Men. But I refer the full Expo-
ſition of this Term to our Note upon Chap. 18. 23. B.
C. "Erguson éduids eis ta aviacuede reis Ta's né neits aftes opéer , Hid themſelves in the
Dens, and in the Rocks of the Mountains. ] This is a Token of great Terror in the
Inhabitants of a Countrey, who nor daring to meet the Enemy, or after an Overthrow
flying from him, thus ſhelter themſelves in fuch ſecret or inacceſſible Places to an Ar-
my. The Prophets uſe that Symbol too, as Iſaiah 2. 19, 21. Hoſeah 10. 8. Ferem.
16. 16. Examples may be found in Foſhua 10. 16. Judg. 6. 2. 1 Sam. 13. 6. and
Chap. 24. 1, 3. So our Saviour adviſes his Diſciples to fly to the Mountains, Matth.
24. 16. There is a Countrey about Chaldea call'd Arſanene, by (d) Theophyla&tus
Simocatta, the Inhabitants of which having digged Caverns out of the Rocks dwell
in them, and upon the Approach of any Enemy incloſe themſelves ſo well therein,
that they are hardly to be found. This is I believe the fame Countrey which Tas
vernier deſcribes in the like Manner. The Mountainous Part of Judæi, and Ara-
bia neighbouring to it, and the Trachonitis, had many fuch Dens. See Menander,
de Legat. Cap. XIII. §. 2. And Fuller's Miſcell. Sacr. Lib. IV. Cap. 6. Lightfoot's
Centur. Chorogr. Cap. 99.
A. Verſ
. 16. Kai algsor zois ógeot vej três minous, néoete čo sicrãs vi spur forte divies;
And they ſay to the Mountains, and to the Rocks, Fall on us, and hide us. ] So our
Saviour deſcribes the Conſternation of the Jews, in Luk. 23. 30. That is, they ſhall
be glad, and wiſh to find Mountains and hollow Rocks to cover and hide them, if
poſſible, whilſt they are in that Confternation. But nevertheleſs ſhall not find any
Way to eſcape.
B. 'Ano begon zg xcs Suelos ērti Tš Spóve, vjeto a oggiñs prš devis , From the Face of
bim that fitteth on the Throne, and from the Anger of the Lamb. ] That is, the fú-
rious Anger of God now coming to ſee us, and take cognizance of our Demerits.
For Face is Anger, as ſhall be thewn elſewhere : And they ſeem here to be put fy-
nonymouſly. If you ſuppoſe any Difference between them, then Face may alſo fig-
nify Juſtice, and that is applied to God, whom the Holy Ghoſt here affects rather to
deſcribe than name ; but the Anger belongs to the Lamb as the Party more imme-
diately concerned to proſecute this Cauſe. For whom God alfo decides it, and leaves
the Execution thereof to the Lamb and his Miniſters, as it is (e) uſual.
A. Verſ. 17. "On in der si huéese si mezclan is opg ñis curs , Becauſe the great Day of his
Anger is come. ] The Judgments of God are in Holy Writ generally called by the
Name of the Great Day of God, Zeph. 1. 14, 15. or the Day of the Lord, or the
Day of his Anger, Iſaiah 13. 13. Jerem. 30. 7. and Chap. 46. 1o. As for what is
pretended by ſome, that this Phraſe, the Great Day of God, is always put to ſignify
the laſt Judgment, as in Jerem. 30.7. Foel 2. II, 13. Malach. 4. 5. this ſeems to
be a Miſtake ; and not only ſome of thoſe Places confure it, but even this of the
Revelation now before us. And beſides, it is certain, that our Saviour frequently de-
ſcribes the Judgment of God upon the Jews , to be executed on them as a Púniſh-
ment for their Sins in putting him to death, by thoſe Attributes which belong alſo
to the laſt Judgment : And yet we ſee what a Difference of Time between theſe
Two hath already elapſed. Now therefore to ſolve this Difficulty, we muſt make
(d) Hift. Imp. Mauric. Lib. II. cap. 7.
(e) See the Note upon Chap. 12. 10. E.
lobo
Two

Ch. VI. V. 17.
Seal VI.
303
Two or Three Remarks upon God's Judgments, and the ſeveral Parts thereof; and
then ſhew what is the Meaning of a great Day in this caſe : And, Thirdly, How
the Parts of God's Judgment upon Sinners are to be diſtinguiſhed.
Firſt, We muſt conſider the folemn Judgment of God, whether of Condemnati-
on againſt Sinners, or of Juſtification and Reward to the Juſt , all at one View, and
as one A&t: That is, the Condemnation of all Sinners as one A&t, and the reward-
ing of the Juſt, as one A&t likewiſe : Though this Judgment on the one Hand, and
t'other be performed at different fucceffive Times. So that thoſe Places of Holy
Writ, which do mention in general a Judgment upon Sinners, as if to be done all
at once , muſt be explained by thoſe other Places, which diſtinguiſh the ſeveral De
grees, or Progreſs of that Judgment. In the ſame manner thoſe Places which ſpeak
of the Reward of the Juft
, as if to be beſtowed all at once, muſt be explain’d by
theſe Places which diſtinguiſh the ſeveral Degrees and Times of that Remuneration.
Of both theſe kinds of Prophecies, but eſpecially of the latter, we ſhall find remar-
kable Inſtances. Now the Uſe of this Obſervation is this, that as this Judgment is
conſidered as One, and at one View, the general Attributes and Denominations there-
of may be given to any one of thoſe Parts
, which is diſtinguiſhed from the reſt by
fome one or more particular Tokens only, and by being ſeparate, becomes one entire
Thing in its felf, and therefore may have thoſe Names, by which that whole, where-
of it partakes, is in general denominated. So the Judgment of God upon Sinners
being called the great Day of the Lord, or of his Anger ; any Part of that Judgment
executed at one Time diſtinętly from any other, and even from the laſt compleat
Judgment, may have the Names and Attributes, which are alſo given to that laſt
Judgment, both being Species of the ſame Gender. The laſt Judgment it felf being
but one Species, or Part of the general Judgment of God upon Sinners, though it be
the moſt confiderable. The ſame will be found true of the Rewards of the Juft,
when we come to conſider all theſe in their proper Places.
Secondiy, By conſulting our Notes upon Chap. 16. 14. E, and Chap. 18. 23. B, it
will appear, that any Time or Occafion, wherein God magnifies himſelf
, his Glory,
Worihip, Church, or People, above his Enemies and theirs, and doch great Mar-
vels, or Aets either ſudden and ſurprizing, or elſe miraculous by unexpected Means,
niay be called the great Day of the Lord, and great Day of bis Anger, when he doth
ſuch A&ts to ſhew it. And fo Magnus Dies, a great Day in Tacitus fignifies a Day
of Vi&tory after a great Fight: For thus we read in the Speech of Agricola to his Sol-
diers, (f) Imponite quinquaginta annis magnum Diem. 5 bris
Thirdly, Therefore all ſuch Judgments muſt be diſtinguiſhed, and when any one of
them comes before us, muſt be limited to that Time, Place, or Occaſion, which is
Introductory to it. And by conſequence in the Beginning of Chriſtianity, and eſpe-
cially at this Sixth Seal, God and Chriſt, and their Church, having no other Enemy
but the Devil and his Miniſters of the idolatrous Roman Empire, this great Day of
Anger is to be limited to the Execution of it on them, by which the Church and
Glory of God were highly and plainly magnified.
B. Koù
vis duóz) se teorets, And who is able to ſtand? ] That is, againſt God and his
Chriſt. This being part of the Prosopopæia of thoſe Men and Powers, Grear and
Small, that had withſtood the Progreſs of Chriſt's Kingdom and his Church, con-
tains in theſe Words at leaſt a flat Confeffion, that they are overcome by his Power,
and therefore never more able to reſiſt. For Standing is the Poſture of one that
fights and refifts. So when the Magicians were overcome by Mofes, inſomuch that
they themſelves could not avoid his Works, it is ſaid, the Magicians could not ſtand
before Moſes, Exod. 9. II. The like Phraſes may be ſeen in Levit. 26. 37. Deut. 7.
24. and Chap. 9. 2. and Chap. 11. 25. Fosh. 1. 5. and Chap. 7. 12, 13. and Chap. 10. 8.
Fudg. 2. 14. 1 Sam. 6. 20. Now this was literally accompliſhed, when the Oppo-
ſers of Conſtantine the Great made Confeſſions to this purpoſe. Thus (8) Euſebius
relates, that Galerius Maximianus confeſſed his Sins in perſecuting the Church,
ceaſed from Perſecution, and gave Leave by his Edicts to rebuild the Churches, and
perform Divine Service therein : And that all this was cauſed by the Hand of God
upon him, who afflicted him with an horrid Diftemper. A little after, (h) Maximinus,
VO9 03
(f) Tacit. in Vic. J. Agricol.id (8) Hift. Ecclef. Lib. VIII. cap. 28. de Vita Conſtant.
Lib. I. cap. 50. (b) Euleb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. IX. cap. 8, 9, 10. De Vit. Conſt, Lib. I. cap. 51. 52.
liii
a cruel
306
Ch. VI. V. 17
Seal VI.

a cruel Enemy of the Chriſtians, being overcome more than once, ſtript off his Or-
naments, wandring like a Fugitive Slave, and coming at laſt to Tarſus, fell there
into a kind of Fury, flew many Pagan Prieſts and Soothſayers as Cheats, Rogues,
and Traitors to him, but gave at the fame Time Glory to God, and made a Decree
for the Liberty of the Chriſtians; and being highly afflicted by Diſtempers, own'd
that he fuffer'd juſtly, for having done the like to the Chriſtians. (i) Licinius, the
laſt Oppoſer of Conſtantine, and a Perfecutor, being fallen into Apoftafy, and Blaf-
pheming againſt Chriſt, was overcome in Two great and bloody Battels ; in one of
which periſhed One Hundred Thouſand Men; by a Speech profeſs'd, that if he was
overcome, then he would acknowledge, that Chriſt was ſtronger than his Gods.
(k) Being puniſhed afterwards with Death, together with his Abettors, they all
confeſs’d that none but the God of Conſtantine was the true, and acknowledged
him alone. See here the Panegyrical (2) Oration of St. Chryfoftom upon Babylas the
Martyr. But God had before alſo extorted fuch Confeffions from the (m)
Perſecutors.at
to su
Sad Bugis
1993 WV SHO
2 yrsbilne
SOLO
10 291
W
CHA P. VII.
ad un
TË have hinted in another Place, that this facred Prophecy is ſo admirably well
compoſed, that the ſeveral Parts of it correſpond in ſuch a manner, that
where the Periods are diſtinguiſhed by a certain Number of Epocha's, there not only
each Part and Epocha hath ſomething or other whereby it correſponds and alludes to
the Parts, or Epocha's of the other Period, and in particular to that very Part to
whoſe Number it correſponds, but alſo there are Epiſodes placed in the ſame Order.
All which plainly demonſtrates, that though Men have the Vanity to think, that the Af
fairs of the World are carried on by mere Chance, yet the divine Providence moſt
certainly directs all, and aćts uniformly in all its A&tions; and deſtroys its Oppoſers
by the fame Methods, and according to the fame predeterminate Counſel
. However
this ’A v nisoyéd, or Correſpondence, ſerves us to find out more eaſily the Meaning of
the Symbols, and the whole Oeconomy of the Viſions, which foretel the Aētions of
God, and the ſupreme Power he exerts over his Enemies.
about
In this place therefore, after the opening of the Sixth, and before the opening of
the Seventh Seal, as likewiſe we ſhall find it in the Second great Period of the Church,
we have a great Epiſode, or Parentheſis, which conſiders the State of the Church, as
going to be prepared to enjoy the Perfection of that Peace, which the Seventh Seal
is to procure to it
. For the firſt Six Seals, having ſhewed us the Propagation of the
Goſpel, and the Fate of its Enemies, which are juſt overthrown, the Holy Ghoſt takes
this opportunity to ſhew us the proper State and Condition of the Church, without
the Confideration of its Enemies and Oppoſers now proftrated : And repreſents it as
going to be formed into a compleat viſible Body ; whereas till its Enemies were ſub-
dued, it had no Appearance. Or (n) elſe we may ſay, that its Enemies having been
ſhewn ſuperior to it, and perſecuting it, to hinder its Progreſs with the Death and
Torment of its Members; and the Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn, that ſuch as are dead
on that Account, are to be rewarded hereafter ; he goes on now to ſhew the Diſpenſa-
tion of God's Goodneſs to them that are left, for whoſe Sake having pull'd down the
Power of Paganiſm, he hath now prepared a State of Reſt, Peace, and publick Enjoy-
ment of all Sorts of Liberty, both in Religion and Temporal State. That as the de
parted Saints are rewarded in another Life, fo God may Thew the Effects of his Good-
neſs, and the Certainty of that future Reward, by beltowing a preſent Peace, as the
Fore-runner and Earneſt of God's Power and Goodneſs, to effect that which is future

(i) Euſeb. de Vita Conft. Lib. II. cap. 4, 5. H (k) Ibid. Lib. II. cap. 18. it ca
(1) J. Chryf. Hom. II. Tom. V. pag. 462.080 (m) Tertull. ad Scapul. (0)
(11) See Eufeb. Ecclef. Hift. Lib. I. cap. I.
I
to

Chap. VII.
307
to the one and to the other. Thus the Lamb, or Chriſt, by the opening of the Seventh
Seal, being to exhibit the Perfection of the firſt Period of Chriſt's Kingdom, or that
which is the Firſt-fruits thereof, Chap. 14..4. wherein the Church is to be planted
till it become the abſolute Miſtreſs of all its Enemies, and have an univerſal Autho-
rity, by being backed with the Temporal Powers as Chriſt's Servants, it was requi-
ſite that the State and Extent thereof, together with the Privileges and Advantages
of that Peace, ſhould be deſcribed before the Seventh Seal is ſaid to be opened,
which is that which denotes and introduces the actual Enjoyment thereof.
Now the Symbols which concern the Church and State of it, being fetch'd from
the Mofaical Religion, becauſe this was deſigned to be the Type of our Diſpenſation,
we ſhall not need to wonder if the Holy Ghoſt, to exhibit Symbolically the State of
our Church, hath in this Cafe pitched upon thoſe of the Moſaical, which correſpond
to it, becauſe that Church had accordingly the fame Sort of Analogical or corre-
ſponding Periods. So that theſe Diviſions of the State and Fates of the Church into
ſuch Periods, are made, and allude to ſuch Periods of the Mofaical, as do beſt fit
them, according to the particular Caſe for which they are brought in as Symbols.
Our Buſineſs muſt be therefore now to find out ſuch a Diviſion of the Mofaical Oeco-
nomy, as ſuits with the Times and Matters, which the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to re-
preſent of ours.
The Promiſe of God made to Abraham, in Genef. 15. 18. admits of a conſiderable
Diſtin&tion, as to the Effect it was to have in future Ages on the Seed of Abraham.
to whom it was made ; Part was to be enjoyed by Poſſeſſion of Inheritance, the reſt
by Dominion, or Jurifdi&tion, The Bounds of the whole were to be from the River
of Egypt to the River Euphrates. But the Land of only Seven Nations of the
Canaanites was given to be divided, of the Hittites, Girgaſhites, Amorites, Cana-
anites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Febuſites, Numb. 34. 2. Deut. 7. 1. The reſt was
to be left to the ancient Inhabitants, but they were to become Tributaries to the Seed
of Abraham, Genef. 15. 18. Exod. 23. 31. Now all this was performed by Degrees,
but never executed fully, till the Days of David and Solomon, 2 Sam. 8. 3. 1 King's
14. 21. 1 Chron. 18. 3. Pfalm. 72. 8. From the very firſt coming out of Egypt
, till
all this was performed, the Iſraelites were conſidered as an Army, as the Lord's
Hoft. It is ſaid, Exod. 12. 51. Numb. 1. 3. that God brought them out by their
Armies. Till they had fubdued all their Enemies within the Promiſe, they were ac-
counted fo, and God himſelf as their King and Captain dwelt in a Terit, which
Thewed the unſettled State of the Nation, as ſhall be ſhewn liereafter. That
Church muſt therefore, during that firſt Period of the Mofaical Diſpenſation, be
conſidered as an Army, rather than a ſettled Nation ; and for this Reaſon the num-
bring of them was in the manner of an Army ; and the only way to give a full and
true Account of the State of the Nation. Now the firſt period of the Church is
juſt like it; for the Deſign of God was to have the Chriſtian Religion proclaimed
and ſpread through the World, to collect together a militant Church, till fuch Time
as it ſhould overpower Idolatry, and be ſertled with the Temporal Authority. It
being therefore a kind of Warfare againſt God's Enemies, the moſt proper Symbol
to repreſent its State, was by a general Muſter, or numbring of its Armies, as by
Regiments, Battalions, Squadrons, and the like. This therefore we find done in
this firſt Epiſode belonging to the firſt Period, wherein the Chriſtian Church fights
againſt Idolatry.
118031 253
The Second Period of the Mofaical Diſpenſation, was from the building of the
Temple, till after the Babylonian Captivity and Return. The Temple being fix'd,
and having therefore fix'd the Worſhip of the whole Nation, and the Promiſe of God
to Abraham, as to the Enjoyment of the Land and Dominion, being accompliſhed,
the whole Nation and its Worſhip were ſettled together. And thus the Temple, in
any one of the Panegyrical Feafts, exhibited the whole Church of the true Worſhip-
pers of God then. This Period laſted on till and whilſt that Church did ſuffer it felf
to fall into Schiſm and Idolatry, and underwent thoſe Plagues and Paniſhments,
which made it undergo various Revolutions, but ſtill of ſuch a Nature, that the
Worſhip of God was no more unſettled among them, but ſtill reverted to its An-
cient Form, until the Appearance of Chriſt, or at leaſt with little Alteration in the
Main. The whole Nation was overrun by Degrees with the Aſyrians, and at laſt
carried all away into Captivity, the Capital City deſtroyed, the Temple prophaned
and burnt, and ſo the whole Worſhip and Religion trampled upon. Some Remnant
hooks
there
308
Ch. VII. V. I.
The Angels of the Winds.

there ftood to make ſome ſmall Head or Appearance under the Conduct of Zorobabel,
and Foſhua the titular High Prieſt, which it pleaſed God to reinſtate into the former
Settlement.
In the ſame manner we ſhall find, that the Chriſtian Church, in the Second
Period of it, having received the Protection of the Civil Powers, and being thus
fully ſettled by them, falls into Idolatry and Corruption, and the true Church de-
cays by little and little
, the Idolatrous Part therein perſecuting the other found Part,
and reducing it into a kind of miſerable Captivity and Oppreſſion, till the Reftitution
of it by the Fall of the Idolatrous Part, and the glorious Reformation of it, and
Propagation afterwards throughout the World, to be conſummated by the full Set-
tlement of the Church, and the Appearance and ſecond Coming of the Meſſias in the
Third Period of it. At or towards, and before the End of the Second Period of it,
we ſhall find ſome Part of the Church reſtored to its Publick Worſhip, with the Con-
currence of the Temporal Power, in Oppoſition to the whole Body of the corrupted
and perſecuting Church ; and that in the fame Manner, as at the latter End of the Se-
cond Period of the Mofaical Oeconomy, part of Iſrael was reſtored to the Poſſeſſion of
the Temple and Land, and enjoyed the free Uſe of their Religion, in Spight of all
the Idolaters which were round about, and did endeavour to keep them in Oppref-
fion. All which is a kind of Epiſode to the Second Period of our Diſpenſation, put
after the Sixth Trumpet, as this of the Firſt is put after the Sixth Seal. All theſe
Obſervations are extreamly neceſſary to us to underſtand aright the Symbols uſed
hereafter from the Mofaical Oeconomy, and particularly from that Part of it which
fell within their Second Period.
As to the Third Period of our Diſpenſation, wherein the whole Myſtery of God
is to be perfečted, we muſt not expect for that Reaſon, that any ſuch ſhould be
found in the Mofaical, becauſe God never deſigned that it ſhould be perfect of it
ſelf. They never enjoyed a Reft in any real and folid Circumſtance. Their Pro-
phets had a Notion of it to come, but ſuch as ſhews, that they were only to enjoy
it by the Meffias, in Conjunction with the converted Gentiles. So that 'tis to be
the ſame as ours. The underſtanding of all this depends much upon what is to be
ſaid hereafter, but this Sketch was neceſſary to give a general View, or Notion of
Things, which otherwiſe would be obſcure.
slimo
A. Verf. 1. Kah te di Sore Tharzegs dygénes, And afterwards I ſaw Four Angels.]
Every Part of the Creation is ruled by proper Angels. All is done by God's Mini-
Iters, and according to his Orders. The Number of theſe anſwers to their Domi-
nion. The Four Winds made fubje&t to them are to expreſs all the Winds in general ;
as we have obſerved, that this Number is fymbolical in all terreſtrial Matters, to fig-
nify the Univerſality of its Parts, which are counted Four ſeveral Ways according
to the Poſture and Reſpect of Man that conſiders them ; before, behind, on the Right
Hand, and on the Left. And ſo 'tis plain, that the Hebrews underſtood it, by giving
Names to theſe Four Parts of the World from the Poſture of Man. Thus alſo Tully
thought, that this Diviſion aroſe from it, when he faith, Cælum in xvi. partes divi-
ſerunt Etrufci
. Facile id quidem fuit , quatuor, quas nos habemus, duplicare. Poſt
idem iterum facere, ut ex eo diſcerent, fulmen qua ex parte veniſſet. De Divinat.
Lib. II. Pliny ſays, (a) Veteres quatuor omnino fervavere per totidem mundi
partes
, ideo nec Homerus plures nominat. Hebeti, ut mox judicatum eſt
, ratione.
From this Government of the Winds by Angels, they are ſometimes taken
for one another, the Angels for the Winds, the Winds as Angels, as in Pſalm 104.4.
The Prophet Zachary Chap. 6.5. calls them the Four Spirits of the Heavens, which
go forth from ſtanding before the Lord of all the Earth. This is not only true, but the
moſt ancient and general Opinion of the World. Hence came the Worſhip paid to
the Winds; that is, to the Angels fet over them, and ruling them as they pleaſe.
And this moſt of the Heathens have done, for the ſame Reaſons as they worſhipped
the other Parts of the Creation, Wiſd. of Solomon, Chap. 13. 2. So the Perſians did,
Herodot. Lib. I. §. 131. The preſent Magi call the Angel that preſides o're the Winds
by the Name of Bad. See Herbelot
. In Dr. Hyde "tis (b) Båd-rân. Strabo Lib.
XV. The Phænicians , Sanchuniathon in Eufeb. de præpar. Evang. Lib. I. The Greeks
Com
WOT and beyon198 ISRCE
(a) Plin. Natur. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 47. (b) Th. Hyde, Hift. Relig. Perf. Cap. XIT.
Herodot.
2
1961

Ch. VII.v. 1. The Angels of the Winds.
309
Herodot. Lib. VII. G. 178. Pauſanias Lib. II. and the Romans, Tertullian, de Spe-
&acul. Cap. IX. Ifidorus Origin. Lib. XVIII. cap. 41. The Gauls, Seneca Quæſt
. Þa-
tur. Lib. V. cap. 17. From what Virgil faith about Æolus, Æneid. Lib. I. it is
plain, that this Notion of the Winds being ruled by Angels
, or Intelligent Beings,
is both ancient and true ; fo that 'tis no wonder that in the Symbolical Learning and Di-
vinity of the Eaſtern Nations and others fince, they ſhould be introduced as ruling
them. The Targum on 1 Kings 19. 11. mentions the Angels of the Wind, 2017 3850,
as Lightfoot obſerves.
B. Esūras, Standing. ) The Angels have properly no Dominion, but are mini-
ftring Spirits ; and therefore, becauſe no where mentioned, but according to their
Acts, or Miniſtry, they are always in a Poſture denoting ſome Action of Miniſtry.
Here therefore they ſit not, but ſtand, as ready to obey, according to Order. They
are repreſented as buſy.
C. Em tais Tsarieces zwvids op gñs, On the Four Corners of the Earth. ] Iſaiah Chap.
11. 12. and Ezek. 7. 2. call them 1932, abguzas, Wings. The Metaphor is nor
drawn immediately, but fetch'd about. It is firſt taken from the Wings of Fowls to
the Lappets or Skirts of Garments, which being the Corners thereof, the Word is
alſo applied to any Corner or Skirt, as of Land. For Corner is not here a geometri-
cal Angle, which ariſes in the point where Two Lines concur, but the outſide of
any Thing , tho' not ending in a Point, the Extremities of it. So gepíce is uſed by
the LXX to expreſs the Hebrew yispo, which is ſometimes called xaétos, a Side, as
in Ezek. 46. 22. from yyp to pare off. So 'tis uſed often to expreſs, 7JD, the Face
or Front of any Thing, the Outſide, which faces every Way.
D. Keg Touü taus Tes Teardegs åvéuss gås, ivce un zvén áreuochi giñs, Holding the Four
Winds of the Earth, that no Wind ſhould blow upon the Earth.] The Diviſion of the
Winds into Four is obvious, to fignify all the Winds. See Ezekiel 37.9. And to
anſwer to the Four Extremities of the Earth, as in Iſaiah 11. 12. where the Targum
hath, quatuor venti terra, as Synonymous to the Four Corners, or Wings of it. Alſo
Ferem. 49, 36. cited at length preſently. So the Author of the Paſſion of the
XXXVII Egyptian Martyrs, being himſelf an Egyptian, and accuſtomed to this way
of taking the Four Winds in an univerſal Senſe, hath theſe Words ; Sed ac fi ex Spi-
ritu fan&to quadrifariè omnem Ægyptum circumcinxerant, quidam ad matutinam Ori-
entis, quidam ad Occaſus veſpertinam, & alij quidem ad Septemtrionalem plagam, alij
verò ad Meridianam. And indeed 'tis ſo throughout this Book, that the Number
Four implies an Univerſálity in reſpect of the Earth ; as even in the ſucceſſive Periods
though Seven in Number, the firſt Four are univerſal too, the laſt Three particular.
And ſo Ambrof. Ansbertus hath well obſerved , (c) Quaternarius enim numerus in
ſcriptura ſacra fæpe pro univerſitate ponitur . Unde & in fine feculi, à quatuor cæli
ventis, ele&ti per angelos aſſumi perhibentur. Now as the Winds are the Cauſes of
Storms, ſo they are a proper Symbol of Wars and great Commotions. The Oriental
Onirocriticks agree unanimouſly about it, in Chap. 165, and 166. And the breaking
or tearing of Trees by them fignifies the Deſtruction of great Men ; Eäy ily mis on
άνεμΘ σφοδρός ώ, ήρεν αυτόν φέρων αυτόν εκ τόπε είς τόπον μακρών ταξείδιον ποιήσει , και
αρύσει ξεσίαν αναλόγως η κερί σεως σε ανέμε. Ει 3 ίση ότι έκλασε δένδρα, από 9υμε βασιλέως
auto a 8v 9 uenisañes dvarójws off dévopcov. And in Chap. 142. the Perſian and Egyptian ſay,
'Εαν ήδη όπ τα όρη αυτά πυει κίονlαι ασβέστω και ανόμε σφοδρέ, των πολεμίε εχθρέ έκθεάζε3
acàs curs. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap.41. Acénates ö rý os opospde dremos, suvduies tee-
Jonas Tapép xoz ta eguzes. Thus Ovid expreſſes the raging of the Winds by the Meta-
phor of War: (d) Feroces Bella gerunt venti
. And
the Metaphor fetch'd
from Winds
to fignify Wars of all Sorts is common in all Authors. I ſhall only give One or Two
Examples of it. Thus (e) Tully ſpeaks ; Neque tam fui timidus , ut qui in maximis
turbinibus, ac flu&ibus reipublicæ navem gubernaffem , ſalvamque in portu collocaffem,
frontis tuæ nubeculam, tum college tui contaminatum Spiritum pertimefcerem. Alios
ego vidi ventos : Alios profpexi animo procellas, aliis impendentibus tempeftatibus non
ceh, Jed his unum me pro omnium falute obtuli. Thus a ſeditious Man is called Tur-
bo, procella, tempeftas, (f) elſewhere by the fame Author. Read the XIVth Ode of
the ift Book of Horace, 0 navis , referent, &c. with the Commentators. Thus in
bodo
Ambr. Ansbert. Lib. IV. ad cap. IX. 13.
(d) Ovid. Metam. Lib. XI.
M. T. Cic. in Pifon.
of) M. T. Cic. pro Domo.
K k k k
Æſchylus

310
The Angels of the Winds.
Ch. VII. V. 1.
SHELL
0222
3
Æſchylus we read to this purpoſe,
$3813
colla de igo zares
et tid (3) Eu döse unds kedvds ciaroseięc w mort 7. V
agniesionsgilia o desene monique, capiv nel cuzi cu mod's
10 moeid tordipla
i tu saimme "Age
O Boội 35 rūpesa zes ook op spati.
dolo bre sin dodzi
TOP 20
anottadt 30
And a little after, (b) Kūve 78 carte Aérer som prostegno Tormoon
1 Δοχμολόφων ανδρών
voldo 100g
- ganuod nomi Kagaál et modes
Tien of gabrosos s "Age Go óegyfvov. Stod TOT baie : tige gnist
TOOB s moi
mavruls sis
ve yolda 101 BA
And in Sophocles, (i) *Avspes, te u Molsóneo doçenos foi con il vant solsysis oH
Πολλώ σαλω σεί στανες, ώρθωσαν πάλιν,
uuden om 191 940
Again; (k) 'En ole svoje dvéusv euren
bos
Yogi's perrein this N 7'*X807.
verbannt IWSD
Srl
od 10 21900 ad
And thus we find in Claudian :
100) o belles olid
ve bolu ei (1) Hec fatus, ventis veluti fi frena remittar a fontor, GT vis
Æolus, abrupto gentes fic objice fudit, ততই929
Laxavitque viam bellis.
So to 20
The Uſe which the Prophets make of this Symbol is to the ſame End, to fignify
Wars, Incurſions of Enemies, and the like. Ferem. 49. 36. And upon Elam will I
bring the Four Winds from the Four Quarters of Heaven, and will ſcatter them towards
all thoſe Winds, and there ſhall be no Nation whither the out-cafts of Elam shall not
come. Targum, Et inducam fuper Elam quatuor regna à quatuor ventis cæli, & dif-
pergam eos in omnes ventos iftos, &c. This latter Phraſe explains, and proves that
the Number of Four in this caſe is univerſal. What the Prophet adds, thews that
theſe Winds fignify the Sword and Deſtruction ; for thus he goes on in explaining the
former Words, I will bring evil upon them, even my fierce Anger, Jaith the Lord, and
I will ſend the Sword upon them, till I have conſumed them. So Chap. 51. I. 'a des
ſtroying Wind, is a deftru&ive War. And as it is a Symbol, ſo it ſerves for a Com-
pariſon : Chap. 18. 17. I will ſcatter them as with an Eaſt Wind before the Enemy.
But the moſt proper Place, and to which the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to have alluded, is in
Daniel, Chap. 7. 2, 3. where the Prophet hatha Viſion of the Four Monarchies,
which are to ariſe from the Wars and Tumults of Men, expreſſed by the Symbol of
Four Winds beating or ſtriving upon the great Sea, and from that Sea Four Beaſts
ariſing. We have ſeen one place of the Targum, which explains the Symbol fo
I ſhall add another upon Iſaiah 25. 4, 5. For thou haſt been a Strength to the Poor,
a Strength to the Needy in his Diſtreſs, a Refuge from the Storm, a Shadow from the
Heat, when the blaft of the terrible ones is a Storm againſt the Wall. Thou ſhalt bring
down the Noiſe of Strangers, as the Heat in a dry Place even the Heat with the
Shadow of a Cloud : The Branch of the terrible Ones, that be brought lon. Targum,
Quia fuiſti fortitudo pauperi, auxilium inopi in tempore tribulationis : Sicut proteguntur
à facie turbinis, ut umbraculo ab aftu, ſic ſunt verba impiorum, quaſi turbo impellens
parietem. Sicut aſtus in terra fitiente , tumultum robuſtorum humiliabis , quafi um-
bra petræ refrigerij in terra arida , fic erit requies fpatiofa juſtis, quando humiliabun-
tur impij
. So that in the Viſion of St. John, the with holding of the Four Winds de-
notes an univerſal Peace at this Jun&ture of Time. Yet the Word (m) xpcer lowūtas
may only ſignify, that they have Authority over the Winds, not that they a&tually
with-hold them; and ſo we muſt expect the Word of Command before we can fay,
that they held them, which is only done at the Command of the following An.
gel.
50 NOVI
RA
sredlwslie ) Roses offshore.no
3
(2) Æſchyl. Sept. c. Theb. verf. 62.
(i) Sophocl. Antigon. pag. 221.
(1) Claudian. in Ruf. Lib. II. v. 226
Chap. 1. 8. B.
(b) Ibid. verf. 116.
(k) Sophocl. ibid. pag. 251.
1.6 be .Vt.did.2 (m) Vid. Not. ori
soliq ni.
E. EN

Chap. VII. v. 1. The Angels of the Winds.
311
E.’Empf grills, quý za em of Sancéesus, cui Te Hezretý Sérdpov Upon the Earth, nor uponthe Sea, noj
zipon anyTree.]This is an Induction of Parts, to expreſs an univerſal without Exception;
for the Winds rage upon Sea and Land , but ſhew moſtly their Force upon the Trees.
The Earth fignifies Men in Peace and Subjection, that is, the Idolaters now ſubjuga-
red; the Sea, Men in Tumult and Wars, or the Soldiery ; the Trees fignify, as we
have feen juſt now, and ſhall prove further afterwards, the great Men. So that the
whole implies, that there ſhall be no Seditions, or Civil Wars, no Inſults from fo-
reign Enemies, nor any Factions of great Men, to diſturb the Peace of the World,
and deſtroy each other. Theſe, as we have ſeen, were before frequent for all the
Time that the Empire was in the Hands of the Idolaters. To this Predi&tion we
may therefore apply that univerſal Peace which happened during the Reign of Con-
Stantine, after he had driven out and ſubjected all the idolatrous Pretenders and their
Adherents, when the Empire was not only free from ſuch violent Wars in its own
Boſom, but alſo all the Enemies of the fame Abroad were ſtill and quiet : Till to-
wards the latter End of his Days the Parthians began to ſtir a little , but did no
great Harm. This Peace was then very conſpicuous and remarkable.com
I ſhall here give ſome Teſtimonies about it of Conſtantine himſelf and others,
Chriſtians ar.id Pagans, who were wonderfully affected with fo ſurprizing an Event,
which gave (Conſtantine the Means to ſettle Religion, which was the Deſign of God
in procuring of it, as ſhall be ſeen preſently. See therefore the Preface of Euſebius
to the Xth Book of his Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory. The ſame Author is full of fuch Ex-
preffions elſewhere. In one place he hath theſe Words; “ (n) It is not poſſible to ex-
preſs the ivonderful Effects of the Grace of God, which was beſtowed upon his Ser-
vant : By which being fortified be continued all the reſt of his Life in Safety ; re-
joycing on the one Hand in the Affe&tion of his Subjects, and on the other, becauſe
" he ſaw them leading a peaceful Life that were under him : But above all, he was ex-
“ ceeding joyful at the pleaſant and calm State of the Churches". La&tantius hath
obſerved it, (m) Tibi quietum trảinquillumque moderamen cum fumma omnium gratulu-
tione largitur. In ſhort, the Peace of the World was ſo conſpicuous then, that it
was the Subject of the Medals fta mpt during his Reign by the Idolaters themſelves ;
which having on the one Side the Head of this Emperor with this Inſcription,
CONSTANTINUS AUG. have on the Reverſe, BEATA TRANQUIL-
LITAS.
There having happened ſome odd i Miſtakes about theſe Coins; and having had the
good Luck to meet with Two fair one's of this Sort in the Mufaum of my worthy
Friend and Neighbour, Mr. Ralph Thoresby, I ſhall here trouble the Reader with a
ſhort Digreſſion to deſcribe them, and give out ſome Conjectures about the reſt,
what hath cauſed fuch Miſtakes. On the Reverſe therefore, befides the aforeſaid
Words, is ſeen the Figure of an Altar, it may be ſuppoſed of that ſmall Sort, which
the Legions carried with them. On iche Face of it are written in Three Lines the
Words
VOTIS XX, to Thew, that this was Coined upon that folemn Occafion,
when that Emperor was in that Year of his Reign, and had paſſed it over happily.
The Ceremony of which Feſtival was obſerv'd juſt upon the Conclufion of the Coun-
cil of Nice, we learn from () Eufi:bius. The firſt and fairer of the Two, which
was of the old Collection, hath at the bottom of the Altar theſe Three Letters,
P. T R. The latter, found lately about Doncaſter, hath in the fame Place S. TR.
Itanding perhaps, as the Learned Du Freſne conje&tures, for Signata Treviris, and
Percuſa Treviris. On the top of the Altar there appears in both a round Figure
embolled like a Globe , and in the fairer Medal there appear fome Beams ſhooting
about it. Above that, and cloſe to the Edge, are plainly ſeen Three Stars. (2)
Dr. Spon informs us, that the famous .M. Peireſc had written a Tract, to ſhew from
this Coin, that this was a Chriſtian Altar, and the Hoft, or Wafer, uſed in the
Communion of the Romiſh Church, elevated above it. Which is indeed a very odd
Fancy. But it deſerves not a Confutation. For his own Part, he looks upon that
round Figrire like a Globe, to be a Type of the World ſet upon a Cubick Pedeſtal,
to denote its Stability ; and to prove it he faith, that his was fo fair, that one might
ſee a Zodiac and Planets about that Sphere, or Globe. But to confute all this, it is
1.
xoorxad biv po
(n) Eufeb. de Vit. Conſt. Lib. I. cap. 40. See alſo Lib. IV. cap. 146
(0) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 26.
() Eufeb. de Vit. Conſt
. Lib. III. cap. 150
Vid. Theodorit. Hift. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. 13.
(9) M. Spon's Letter to F. La Chaiſe.
2
enough

312
The Angels of the Eaſt.
Ch. VII. v. 2.
enough to ſay, that the ſuppoſed Pedeſtal is moſt certainly an Altar, and a proper
Figure to inſcribe the Vows made by the Idolaters for the Proſperity of that Prince.
As to the Globe, one might ſuppoſe, that it looks like the Focus of the Altar whereon
Incenſe is burnt, and ſends out about it thoſe Beams, and that this is very ſuitable to
the Occaſion : Incenſe being burnt upon the Altars when Prayers or Vows are made.
And ſo the Three Stars may repreſent the Emperor Conſtantine, and his Two Sons,
who before had been declared Cefars, Conſtantinus and Conſtantius; or their Genii,
to whom the Vows are made. Or elſe this Sphere, or Globe, with Rays, may be a
Sun with Three Stars, to repreſent Conſtantine and his Two Sons, and Dalmatius
Cæfars. But this is only Conjecture.
As to the great Peace then, the Matter is plain from that Inſcription, and we
may eafily perceive, that the Heathens looked upon it as the moſt remarkable Cir-
cumſtance of the Times, which was the Twentieth Year. About which Time was
held the Council of Nice, of which more after. For this is alſo to be obſerved as
eſſential to this Prophecy. But we muſt not forget to apply to this Peace as part of
the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt, if not the Principal, that Peace which Conſtan-
tine procur’d to the Church from the Wars of Perſecution excited againſt it by the
Pagans. By which the Chriſtian Church became Publick, and appeared as an
Army againſt its Enemies the Pagans, and able to withſtand them.
A. Verf. 2. Και είδον άλλον άγγελον αναβαίνοντα από ανατολής ηλία, And I Γατω αnother
Angel aſcending from the riſing of the Sun.] The (9) Rabbies call the Angel pre-
fiding over the Eaſt, by the Name of 89771, Gazardia. But this helps us very
little to the underſtanding of his Office. The Errand of this Angel may be known in
a great Meaſure by the Place from whence he is ſent : And that to be fure muſt be
good. Whatever comes from the riſing of the Sun, betokens fome fortunate Acci-
dent, if we may believe Artemidorus, Lib. II. Cap. 36. "HNO isto divatoañs, dregedly
aduaegs sj mes. Selog's rj [del] xelTadbió el o eis Now não dzastós. Tois anos 25 meitas meid ge-
gd'e. Τοις και λοιπούς εις τίω κλήσιν ωφέλιμων. Τες και λανθαίνειν και αποκρυπες βελο-
jefors BremzetThévice Lowona muel. Conſonant to this was the opinion of the
Ancient Augurs, when they look'd upon the Sigris called Siniſter, and exhibited on
the Left Hand, to be good. Thus Ennius faith;
618 na Cho NDR
VUL 2WAIT LATV93
(s) Cum tonuit lævum bene tempeſtate ſerena.
TI
de anivsta
And this is thus explained by Varro, cited in Feftus: (s) Siniftre aves , finiſfrumque
eft finiftrinum auſpicium, id eft, quod finat fieri. Varro Libro quinto Epiſſulicarum
quæſtionum, ait ; à Deorum ſede cum in meridiem Speites, ad ſiniſtram ſunt partes
mundi exorientes, ad dexteram occidentes: faktum arbitror, ut ſiniſtra meliora au-
Spicia, quam dextra eſſe exiſtimentur. Idem fere ſentiunt Sinnius Capito, & Cincius.
Now the Praćtice of the Augurs was ſuitable to this Conſtitution, as we learn
plainly from the Pra&tice of Attius Navius, celebrated by Tully, and thus by him
related; (t) Quis veterum ſcriptorum non loquitur , que fit ab Attio Navio per
lituum regionum fa&ta deſcriptio? Qui cum propter paupertatem ſues puer paſceret ,
una ex his amiffe, voviſſe dicitur, ſi recuperaffet, uvam ſe deo daturum, quæ maxima
eſſet in Vinea. Itaque fue inventa , ad meridiem ſpectans, in vinea media dicitur con-
fitisſe : Cumque in quatuor partes vineam divifiſet, treſque partes aves abdixiſſent
quarta parte
, que erat reliqua, in regione diſtributa, mirabili magnitudine uvam, ut
ſcriptum videmus, invenit. Qua re celebrata, cùm vicini omnes ad unum de rebus ſuis
referrent, erat in magno nomine & gloria. Ex quo fa&tum eſt, ut eum ad se rex
Priſcus accerſeret. And Pliny, ſpeaking of the Thuſcan Do&trine of the Lightnings,
(u) O&o ab exortu finiſtras, totidem è contrario appellavere dextras. Thus then the
Augur, looking to the South, had the Eaſt on his Left ; and ſo whatſoever Omen
came from thence was good. But Livy's Account ſeems ſomewhat different, when
Numa was the Perſon, for whom the Auſpicia were enquired : For then the Augur
being only as Miniſter, and Numa Party concern’d, Numa turned to the South, and
the Augur turning to the Eaſt, and with his Lituus dividing the whole Sky into
CIE
TIMOS
(1) Vid. Buxtorf. Lexic. Rabbin. R. 713.
(v) Apud M. T. Cic. de Divinaç. Lib. II
(S) Feftus V. Siniftra.
(1) M. T. Cic. De Divinatione. Lib. I.
(u) Plin. N. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 54.
che al di boast arsobo Two
algaon
I

Ch. VII. V. 2. The Angel from the Eaſt.
313
TO
Two Parts from Eaſt to Weſt, determined the North Side to be the Left, and the
South Right
. But ſtill whatſoever came from the Left to the Right, took the
Courſe of the riſing Sun : And whatſoever came from the Right to the Left, went
againſt the Courſe of the Sun; whence the Omina became Secunda, or adverſa ; and
therefore the Left was the good and proſperous Side, and the Right quite contrary.
Hence Horace ſays:
(w) Oſcinem corvum prece ſuſcitabo folis ab ortu.
facilisis
Vai
(x) Avés eventus ſignificant aut adverfos , aut fecundos, faith Tully. But when a
little after he ſeems puzzled how to reconcile this Opinion with that of the Greeks,
who pronounced good Omina to be right, proſpera, 671déžec, he ſeems not to have
attended to the different Account and way of reckoning : And cannot reconcile Ennius
in the aforecited Verſe with this of Homer,
di to you
Profpera Jupiter his dextris fulgoribus edit.
ja bidet
Which is his Tranſlation of theſe Words of that Greek Poet,
Mid 0155
(y) zdis ö oqiy Keevisus in disce chpuci a paívar og svits mais alt
' ’Aspézleti
to browse 8
to srl
Now the Reconciliation of theſe Two may be had from the Words of Servius
upon theſe Words of Virgil ; (2) Et ſi fata Deúm, ſi mens non lava fuiſſet, where he
faith, Lava, modò contraria. Et fciendum, Lævum cum de humanis rebus eft, eſe
contrarium: quum de cæleſtibus, proſperum : ut (a) Intonuit lavum : quia finiftra nu-
minum intuentibus dextra ſunt ; and upon theſe laft Words he faith therefore, Into-
nuit lavum. Siniftrum, proſperum : quia cæleſte eſt, ut fupra diximus ; finiftrum
autem à finendo di&tum, quantum ad auguria pertinet, quod nos agere aliquid ſinat.
Conſult alſo Plutarch's Rom. Queſtions, Page 251, 252. Alſo Homer lliad. M.
Verſe 239. and the Commentators thereupon. And Orpheus's Hymn, in Solem. As
alſo the Poet Statius, Theb. Lib. VIII. Verf. 177, with the Comment of Lactantius.
And indeed, when the Poſition of the Heavens was not conſidered in particular, but
a Man in any Situation met an Omen on the Right, then it might be looked upon
as good ; but on the Left bad. Eſpecially when upon a Journey, as appears from
thefe Words of Æſchylus, foloquei tris of old soilqar OTS ono slaris IIA
-3
brow sont nomy 220vis and on to its!,
'Ενορίες το συμβόλες και όλο και τη μετά το
so Γαμψωνύ χων το πλησιν οιωνών σκεβρώς οι αλNI I II
si ad os tina Acácio', invés 73 dežech query ste si ti o bio W s 101
eaba ce biti 'Eváyuuoi 78. ritices tout estrofaidne bus visucia
to desavala s sing
SED
When Men conſulted purpoſely in reſpect of Heaven, the Eaſt was the Right of the
Gods, and the Left of the Conſulter : And on the contrary, the Left of the Gods
was the Weſt, and the Right of the Conſulter ; and therefore the firſt was counted
good, and the latter unlucky: And that becauſe of the Poſition of the Heavens. For
if you explain the Signs according to the Symbolical Science, which was the Origin
of theſe Prognoſtications, a Riſing Sun is a riſing Power or Government ; and the
Setting Sun, fignifies a declining and periſhing Power. What therefore comes from
a Riſing Sun, is a good and proſperous Omen and Aſſiſtance to the Conſulter, or to
thoſe for whom the Angel comes. And this Notion of a Riſing Sun, is even become
trivial among us. See Horace, Lib. III. Ode 26, 27. and Mr. Dacier. As alſo a
remarkable Paffage to this purpoſe in () Tully, too long to be inſerted here, about
the placing of Fupiter's Statue towards the Eaſt, for Luck Sake. To this may be
added, the Oftentum reported by Suetonius, concerning the future Greatneſs of Au-
guftus : (d) Infans adhuc, ut fcriptum apud Drufum extat, repofitus veſpere in cunis
TESTU aus
bol of 23mos LOD 10W zi serta
(10) Horar. Lib. III. Od. 27. (w) M. T. Cic. de Divinatione, Lib. II. (y) Hom,
(<) Virg. Æneid. II.
(a) Virg. Æneid. ibid. Vid. Serv. in Æn.
(6) Æſchyl. Prom. Verf. 486.
(C) M. T. Cic. Catil. III. Vid.
(d) Sueron, in Auguſt. Cap. 94.
IN SIN
L111
à nutri.
Iliad. 1. v. 286.
Lib. IX. C. 1447.
De Divinat. Lib. 1.

The Angel from the Eaſt.
314
Ch. VII. v. 2.
à nutricula, loco plano, poſtera luce non comparuit : & diu quæfitus, tandem in altij-
fima turri repertus eſt
, jacens contra Solis exortum. The like Reaſoning is found in
Pliny: (e) Læva proſpera exiſtimantur, quoniam leva parte mundi ortus eft. so
But as there is good Reaſon to think, that the Language of the Prophets is more
familiar to the Holy Ghoſt, than that of any other Author of the Symbolical
Sciences; fo we may hope to find in Holy Writ, a more preciſe Determination of
the Signification of this Angel from the riſing Sun. And indeed fo we ſhall find,
that this Angel comes for the good of the Chriſtian Church ; and that too in order
to deliver it from Servitude, and to make it the Head of the Heathen, and by that
to make it very Publick, by exerting its Liberty ; and that the Prophets, and other
Holy Writers, uſe ſuch Expreſſions to the ſame Purpoſe. In 2 Sam. 23. 4. which
contains David's laft Words, the Protection and Favour of God to his People, is
compared to the Light of the Morning, when the Sun riſeth, even a Morning without
Clouds. For as Light is the Symbol of God's Government, ſee. Hoſea 6. 5. fo the
dawning of it in the riſing of the Sun, is the beginning of his Favour and Delive-
rance, which is to go forwards unto greater Perfection. Hence Solomon, Prov. 4. 18.
faith, But the Path of the fuft is as the ſhining Light, that Shineth more and more
unto the perfeet Day. And again, Chap. 20. 27. pos sueis avoù år spá tion, The Lamp of
the Lord is the Breath of Men. That is, the Favour of God keeps up Men alive,
makes them active, vigorous and proſperous, it is comfortable and beneficial to
them. So that the Words of David fignify, that the Glory of his Kingdom newly
riſen ſhall daily increaſe, like Graſs which hath the Benefit of the Sun after ſeaſonable
Showers. Now David's Caſe is juſt parallel to this, as being the beginning of the
Settlement of the Mofaical Diſpenſation. See alſo Amos 5. 8. So in Iſaiah it is
ſaid, Chap. 58. 8. Then ſhall thy Light break forth as the Morning, and thine Health
Shall Spring forth Speedily. The Health implies Forgiveneſs of Sins, and the Light of
the Morning, a Deliverer. That is, God will ſend a Deliverer, and forgive the
Sins of his People, or remit the Puniſhment. The like Expreſſion we have in
Iſaiah 60. 1, 2. Ariſe, Shine, for thy Light is come, and the Glory of the Lord is
riſen upon thee. For bebold the Darkneſs ſhall cover the Earth, and groſs Darkneſs
the People : But the Lord Jhall ariſe upon thee, and his Glory Mall be ſeen upon ihee.
This needs no further Illuſtration. For this Light is the Meſias, who to the Church
of Iſrael is the Avatoas, the Spring, or Eaſt, or Sun riſing, as well as the Light of
the whole World: Zach. 3. 8. Malach. 4. 2. John 1. 4. &c. and is therefore called
alſo the Sun of Righteouſneſs. Torby
be
All theſe Notions are applicable to that Expoſition of the 'Avdtunity which Zachary,
Father of the Baptiſt, gives us in his Hymn, in theſe Words, Luke 1. 78, 79. Where-
by the Day Spring , Avatan, from on High hath viſited us, to give Light to them that
jít in Darkneſs, and in the Shadow of Death, to guide our Feet into the way of Peace.
For the Words, to ſit in Darknefs, and in the Shadow of Death, fignify to be in
Slavery and Subjection, as the Jewiſh Nation was then. Which Expreſſion alludes
to that (f) Eaſtern Cuſtom, ſtill in Practice, of putting the Slaves in Priſons, or
Pits under Ground, where they are locked up every Night, Exod. 12. 19. Judg. 16.
21. And fometimes to compleat their Miſery, thoſe that were to work continually
therein were blinded, as appears from that Inſtance of Sampſon, Fudg. 16. 21. And
from the Cuſtom of the Scythians related by Herodotus, Lib. IV. G. 2. Thoſe that
were deſigned for Work elſewhere, were every Morning taken out of that Dungeon,
and ſent to their Work. Now as the Day-Spring delivers them out of it, at leaſt
for a Time, fo 'tis a proper Symbol of Releaſe from Slavery, according to the Sub-
ject ſpoken of. Therefore in Iſaiah 42. 7. where we have a plain Prophecy of the
Meffias, and meet with theſe very Expreſſions to fignify Slaverys the Targum ex-
s plains them thus ; Ad aperiendos oculos Domus Iſrael, qui funt quaſi cæci a lege : ut
educeres captivitatem eorum de medio populorum, ubi' ſunt fimiles vintis : & libera-
res eos de ſubje&tione regnorum, ubi ſunt detenti, quaſi esſent vin&ti in obſcuritare.
And in Iſaiah 49. 9. That thou mayeſt Say to the Priſoners , Go forth ; to them that
are in Darkneſs, Shew your ſelves. Theſe are Synonymous to the former
. Thus alſo
it is ſaid in Pſalm 49. 14. The Upright ſhall have Dominion over them in the Morning,
that is, when God comes to judge the Cauſe of the Upright, that have been in Op-
(C) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. II. cap. 54. (f) vid. Schindler. V. 1717.
pref

Chap. VII. v. 2. The Angel from the Eaſt.
315
preſſion, and ſets them at Liberty, then the Upright in their Turn ſhall fubdue the
Wicked. And there is this further Conformity of the Expreffion to the Nature of
the Thing, that Juſtice was executed, and Cauſes were tried in Courts in the Morn-
ing, as appears from Seres mor Juftice me that the helplines is the proper Time of
either delivered to their Maſters by Sentence for Payment, or elſe ſet at Liberty.
Such Cauſes being there managed, as appears from Exod. 21. 6. So Tyndarus in
Plautus being taken out of the Quarry Pits faith, (8) Lucis das tuende copiam. For-
ther, the Angel coming from the Eaſt to mark them in their foreheads, alludes to
the Cuſtom of drawing the Slaves out of the Pit in the Morning, and ſuch as were to
be truſted Abroad, had Marks burned on their forehead ; and the muſtering of them
may be in Allufion to the Cuſtom of the Stewards, who took an Account of the
Slaves that were in his Keeping, when he opened the Pit. Which Pra&tice was
neceſſary to them that had great Numbers of Slaves. And here I muſt not forget
to ſay, that in this there may be an Allufion as well as in the other Particulars of
marking in the Forehead, to Ezekiel's Viſion, Chap. 9. 2. For he that doth it there,
coming into the Temple with others appointed to other Purpoſes, where, as it is in
the Hebrew and others, they are ſaid to come from the North-gate, the Aldine Editi-
on of the LXX reads coeg's Avatonas, the Eaſt-gate. Which reading, tho it may ad-
mit of great Diſpute, is however much to our Purpoſe. And here it is proper to
remember the Dream of Mordecai and its Expoſition, Eſther 11. 9. and Chap. 10. 6.
compared with Chap. 8. 6. Thus alſo Ovid in his Exile ſpeaks of his hoped for
Change of State :
90 910 O
clausolani som sa
bne noi Belo (h) Hoc urinam nitidi ſolis prænuncius ortum a legna aith stolard
Ho nivTbre Afferat admiſſo Lucifer albus equo.
On nous ont of ponctovila
sa od
2iorem I9030 bus sera
Seneca, being in the ſame Condition as Ovid, ſpeaks juſt in the fame Manner: 0
In lucem reduxerit. See the Place.dstou
SIDSTOT
I ſhall here alſo cite ſome Places of prophane Authors, wherein Light ſignifies the
Protection, and Favour, and Deliverance wrought either by God or Men. Thus in
Homer : (k) pócs d' érá poroty k Soner. The Scholiaſt explains it by gee ogir, owneidr.
So Pindar, to lhew the Vanity of human Endeavours, without the Favour of God,
expreſſes himſelf thus : ses
OSNO
bibriolet Scrit worms 197 aigs sabilad bas 16M
ποι (1) Επάμεροι, ή 3 ης και της δ' έπς το Σκιάς όνας άνθρωποι. αλλ' όταν αίγλα σου
ΔιόσδεG- έλθη,
191029 on
seje megrémesz céz SG avspôv, BBC (
IIS O Kai perego adv.is zwis anoti
to be in on
The Favour and Protection of the Graces to himſelf he expreſſes thus ; Mauris
1990
2
son
mo (m) X deituv xanee depværi blor Log in Mí ue aíme vet. Sed egy méy, money
zida máte tutto lo sin lant boots
Do Ausi
Thus to expreſs, that in human Affairs Riches and Virtue are the beſt Friends, he
faith, Swisiborsqxo so derliamonte
QIB V300
10
noflooo suis tinctio eto ebro V sit as Made iis
(n) 'O peces déto iperia's
As for den peli o
markorld
is meget stor za sej peso ladt to ins adt
adi bonsad Kolegv, Babei an var's meos
POOD As Peopal
tui et Méesurar e zgorégano eroiloogie vd nainis Ase deitano, dna. Suvdyot s ei dba? s lo
arri i 'Aropi péyo. Hill puis le der uweze zi tis, oi de roumov.
Tomi24
olt eucalot ar ce
odG is alſo uſed by (o) Pindar to the like Purpoſe, as, 'Areggavlvesu odo. There
are alſo ſeveral Inſtances of the like in (p) Euripides : But I ſhall wave them. Thus
alfo Ariſtophanes ſpeaks of Æſculapius, who to make honeſt Men happy, was to re-
ſtore the Sight to Plutus ;
10dA
Based
Sils soltingle
To YAWE me or offshati za

2013
Lane
2 KG Soth
OKUL 30
() Plautus Cap. Act. V. Sc. IV. V. II. (b) Ovid. Trift. III. v. 333.
Senec. Conſolat. ad Polyb. cap. XXXII. (k) Homer. Iliad. VI. 6. Vid. Iliad. XI. v. 796. &
Iliad. XVI. v. 39. XVII. v. 615. (1) Pych. Od. VIII.
(m) Pyth. Od. IX.
(n) Olymp. Od. II.
() Iſthm. Od. II. 19 (?) Euripid. Hecub. v. 1214. Oreft. V: 343.
Vid. Schol. ibid. & Iphig. Aul. v. 1502. depois
(9) Ave.
316
Ch. VII. V. 2.
The Angel from the Eaft
.
BUDOU
toga sto (9) Avobodoropos *, kuiondoe shop online
SA osiv
την αγγειο Μέγα βερτοϊσι φέγγG 'Ασκληπιόν.
You go animali
So the Aldine Edition hath it : Others fince have corrected by reading çdo or pela
16, without Neceſſity. For 'tis proper and uſed by the Author in the like Caſe, as
in this, where he ſpeaks of one that is to be the Protector and Deliverer of Athens
from Cleon.se
31 TINDO aro 10 guisd with
Frigo isgnh em 1983
() 2 reis iseõus voois orixes' [egrade] dépj vir’Alluscus, motos
SDOTT A bevod
For ſo the Verſe muſt be ſupplied and read, inſtead of Sinage rij qeyjos. And Æschy
lus of Agamemnon returning home faith likewiſe, iqg9 ad ni del
Jogtoon flum Manfredonu arsta herrit mert ot soort
to enlap (s) 'Hnet 95 vjiv pos in dipeóry oegen
VAT 97911 cimdust og
Και τοϊς δ' άπασι κοινόν 'Αγαμέμνων αναξιοπερί τα χειλέτετε
,919111 i shoh
oportio iw ele se on mo
Another Example may be ſeen out of the ſame in our Note on Chap. 16. 10. B. & 21.
11. B. Therefore in Dreams and Omens, any Light fignifies Proſperity and Succeſs.
An Inſtance of it has been cited before in the Dream of Darius copied out of 2 Cur-
tius in our Notes upon Chap. 6. which ſerves as a Preface. And ſuch an Omen may
be ſeen in Xenophon's Hiſtory of Cyrus the Great, Lib. IV. Hence in Latin Authors,
who are the Copyiſts of the Greek, (t) Sidus is faid for a great and good Man. But
I ſhall not inſiſt on Examples of it.
Therefore this Angel coming from the Eaſt, is one who brings Light or Protection and
Deliverance to the Church, who had been affli&ted under the Perſecution and Tyranny of
the Roman and Pagan Emperors; and repreſents Conſtantine the Great, who in the
Name, and by the wonderful Affiſtance of God, did effect that Deliverance. It is
very remarkable, that Eufebius, who wrote his Life, ſpeaking of the Times which
this Prophecy concerns, ſhould uſe, to expreſs this Deliverance of the Church, the
very Words which the Holy Ghoſt employs to foretel it
. He faith, (u) Acuzedhe
φωτός ευσεβείας μαρμαρυγαν τους αρίν καθημείοις εν σκότω και σκία θανάτε, φαιδρας παρείχον ημέ-
eds. And again, (w) oi ne Suel map en Tròs cxómas Bartas evaxó fores, ſpeaking of the
Chriſtian Church then. See the whole Chapters which are the Expoſition of all this
Matter. And beſides this, it is alſo very remarkable how that Conftantine himſelf did
declare that the Salvation of the Church, of which he calls himſelf the Inſtrument,
(x) ’aszpo's, the Leader or Angel, was, as he profeffes, by the Power of that Light,
which came at firſt from the Eaſt. Euſebius himſelf afterwards compares him to an
(y) Angel from Heaven. To which add theſe, (2) os en Oxótu rj vuuli (acco desdtn quan
σήρα μέγιν εξέλαμψε η αυτά θα ραπανα Κωνσταντίνου, από τα ση σε χειραγωγήσεις. See the
Dedication of the Inſtitutions of Laftantius , Lib. I. cap. 1. and Lib. II. cap. 10.
Thus much may ſerve to explain, why this Angel ſhould here be ſaid to come from
the East, or riſing of the Sun : And Thew how God makes uſe of Inſtruments in this
Prophecy, deſcribed according to the Notion which the Ancients had of the Effects
which they are to perform. Other Allufions ſhall be explained afterwards to confirm
all this Matter, as the Words of St. John ſhall give us Occaſion to ſpeak of
them.
B. 'E2011ce omeglādes til lav res, Having the Seal of the Living God.) The bearing
of a Seá is a token of an high Office, either by Succeſſion or Deputation. Thus in
Genef. 41. 42. Pharaoh making Joſeph his Steward, gives him his Ring, that is, his
Seal, as Joſephus the Hiſtorian explains it, (a) coegizidits zeñas . The like Ex-
ample we have in the Book of Eſther , Chap. 8. 2. and in Joſephus Lib. XI. cap. 6.
Antiochus declaring his Son Succeffor in the Kingdom, ſends him his Ring or Seal
likewiſe, 1 Maccab. 6. 147:15. Joſephus Lib. XII. cap. 14. Another Example may
be ſeen in the fame Author, Lib. XX. cap. 2. mee teñade droed upeo ag déoni oneerleg
z me los Sem cóncov. Thus in Ariſtophanes the taking away of the Ring fignifies the
diſcharging of a Chief Magiſtrate ;
8 (9) Ariftoph. Plut. AY ( Ariftoph. Equitib. 17 ($) Æſchylus Agam. y. $31.
(*) Horat. Lib. 1. Od. 3. & Lib. IV. od. 8. LTV.bo .(u) Eufeb. de Vic. Conft. Lib. II. cap. 19.1
(w) Ibid. cap.41. 123 .bigix() Ibid. cap. 65.hon (), Ibid. Lib. III. cap. 1040 (
(*) Ibid. Lib. I. cap. 2.
(a) Archæol. Lib. II. cap. 3.
A singibidi loro bi
(6) Keel

.
I

Ch. VII. v. 2.
317
The Seal of God.
Saith ;
(b) Kai vull arró dos docelúrcov, as guéni
ent
'Εμοι ταμιεύσεις.
And a little after, the giving of a Ring to another is the making of another Steward,
or Chief Magiſtrate by the Delivery of the Badge of his Office,
Παρ' εμε 3 τετονι λαβών, ταμίας μου,
But to give no more Examples, which are obvious, this makes the Onirocriticks de-
cide in general, Chap. 266. To Soxlunido es sóe wory Beccacíus neive).
This Angel therefore muſt repreſent fome Prince or Monarch , who as the high
Steward of God, is to bring to Light or Liberty, and mark the Servants of God on
their Foreheads. So that he ſymbolically repreſents Conftantine the Great , who was
the inſtrumental Cauſe of this univerſal Peace, that ſet a Mark upon God's Servants
of the Chriſtian Church, that they might make a publick Profeſſion of their Service;
and not only ſet them at Liberty, but gave them their Reward ; of which hereafter.
The Publick Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion which Conftantine made, was the
Seal of God in his Hand, becauſe he exerted his power to protect it in his Subjects.
I find in the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtorians, a literal Accompliſhment of this Prophecy in
the Caſe of Conſtantine, and if we may believe them, of Divine Authority too.
When he went to fight againſt the Tyrant Maxentius, he took the Sign of the Croſs,
the viſible Badge of our Profeſſion in believing in Jeſus Chriſt Crucified, he put it
in his Royal Standard, and made his Soldiers to put it in their Shields. (c) Laftantius
Commonitus eſt in quiete Conflantinus ut cæleſte Signum Dei notaret in fcutis,
atque ita prælium committeret
. (d) Euſebius faith, that firſt Conſtantine ſaw about
Noon-day, a Lucid Apparition of a Croſs with an Inſcription below it, 'Ey Túto vivo,
In hoc vinces. That refleting afterwards upon it the next Night he fell aſleep, and
dream'd that the Son of God appeared to him, bidding him to make the Repreſen-
tation of that which he had ſeen in the Heavens, upon which he might truſt to
overcome his Enemies. This he faith that Conſtantine himſelf told him, and did
confirm it with Oaths, long after his Succelles. Comp. Johan. Antioch. Malala,
Lib. XIII. Page 2. who hath theſe Words as ſpoken by Conſtantine, Aézwron pomo to
ompción Cap Oső reallaicv stes 15 20 év
wv meestevior. Conſtantine himſelf, in his Epiſtle to
Sapor King of Perſia, faith, (e) Hunc Deum colo, cujus ſignum Deo dicatus meus
exercitus portat in humeris
. And as to the former Café of Maxentius, (f) Euſebius
faith, that Conſtantine ſer up in Rome the Sign of the Croſs, with a Latin Inſcription,
aſcribing to his Truſt in the God whom that Sign betokeneth, his Victory over the
Tyrant. And this Croſs was held up by the Right Hand of his Statue. This is
ſufficient to explain the Event. I know, that many (8) Learned Men are pleaſed to
call fome of theſe Circumſtances into Queſtion : But the publick Acts of Conſtantine
are ſufficient for my Purpoſe: And though ſome are pleaſed to aſcribe this only to
his Craft and Political Arts, to gain the Chriſtians to his Side, it is all one. I am
not to enquire into the Heart of a Man. But yet I think their Reaſonings are not
concluſive ; nor their Aſperſions of his Perſon, and ſuppoſed Crimes, well grounded.
Conſult Dodwell's Diſert. II. Se&t. 61. on Irenæus.
C. Osš Gov16, of the living God.] In a parallel Viſion repreſenting the ſame
State of the Church, though with a different View, Chap. 14. 1. this Seal of God is
explained by this Expreſſion, implying, that theſe Servants of God are marked by the
Name of the Lamb, and of his Father, upon their foreheads. So that this Seal
muſt be ſaid to contain the Marks of both their Names, and conſequently that the
Title of Living God, is coadequate to the Father, and his Son the Lamb. I have
ſomething more to ſay upon this, when the Reader hath been better prepared for it,
by peruſing what we have to ſay hereafter concerning the Name and Mark of the
Beaſt
, in Chap. 13. 17; and what we ſay there concerning the Mark and Number of
the Name of Jeſus Chriſt, according to the Doctrine of the Primitive Chriſtians,

(6) Ariſtoph. Equit.
(c) Lactant. de Mort. Perſecut.
(d) Euſeb. de Vit. Conft
Lib. I. Cap. 22, 23, 24, 25.
(e) Hiftor. Tripartit. Lib. III. Cap. 3. (f) Eufeb. Hift.
Eccl. Lib. IX.
(8) vid. Obſervat. Select. ad Rem Liter. Spectantium. Tom. I. Obſervat.
XXII. argue Jac. Tollij Præf. ad Not. in Verſion. Gallic. D. Longin, wei V fös.
M m mm
out
318
Ch. VII. V.
The Seal of God.

Out of St. Barnabas. See therefore the Note upon Chap. 14. 1. C. As this Seal is
the Croſs; ſo the ſealing therewith is the publick Profeffion of owning Chriſt cru-
cified as our Lord. Hence the Chriſtians, even in the Time of Perſecution, to de-
note publickly their Profeſſion, ſigned themſelves on the Forehead with the Croſs:
And the Croſs is by them called the Sign of Chriſt
. Lactantius ſays of it: (8) Sig-
numque illud maximum, atque ſublime, frontibus ſuis ſuſcepturum. St. Romanus
faith : (h) Portans quippe & in humeris Crucem & in fronte ſignum regale. And
Philip of Heraclea hath theſe Words; (i) Pater Domini noſtri ſalvatoris feju
Chriſti
, qui es lumen invi&tum , qui donaſti mihi fignum Crucis & Chriſti. So in the
A&ts of St. Euplus, A. C. 304, it is ſaid, Euplus libera manu fignans fibi frontem
dixit, Quæ nunc dixi & nunc ea confiteor, me eſſe Chriftianum, & divinas fcripturas
legere
. Which in the Colb. Manuſcript, and others, is thus expreſſed, Tunc beatus
Euplus fignaculum Chriſti faciens in fronte fua dixit, Quæ nunc dixi, & nunc ea con-
fiteor. And another Martyr, (k) Multum autem hortatus eft eum beatus Epiſcopus, &*
confignavit eum in nomine Domini noftri Fefu Chrifli. Of another "tis ſaid, (l) Heo
ubi dixit, Chriſti miles, crucis fe figno communivit
. And (m) Clemens Alex. gives it
emphatically the Name of onueñor, Sign. See Beveridge in Can. VI. Chalced. Pag. 113.
D. Και έκραξε φωνή μεγχείλη τους τέασαρσιν αγγέλοις, And be cried with a loud Voice to
the Four Angels.]. A great Voice able to command, implies a mighty and prevailing
Force, able to ſubdue the Oppoſers, as this Epithet of uézas, great, conſtantly fig-
nifies in this Book. Now as High Steward of God, and intruſted with ſuffícient
Power, he commands and forces theſe inferior Angels, Rulers of the Winds, and
Symbolically Maſters of War and Peace, as preſiding over ſuch Affairs in the World,
either to make War, or to ceaſe it; to forbear it whilſt he is employed about his
great Office: The Winds, or Angels, muſt therefore be ſuppoſed to have acted till
the Voice of this Angel here forbids them ; and to ceaſe from ačting no longer than
his Command reaches. And this implies that wonderful Favour of God to Con-
ſtantine, in giving him Peace all about him,
as was done to Solomon in the like Oc-
cafion, 1 Kings 14. 24. So that being the Terror of all the Foreign Enemies of his
Empire, he had full Opportunity to ſettle the Affairs and Peace of the Church
againſt Paganiſm.
E. Tois réwu,gor Apéross, To the Four Angels.] Inſtead of rewargov, there is a Ma-
nuſcript which hath zugestõov, ſtanding by, as ready to do Miſchief, if not prevented,
or ſtopped by this Prohibition.
F. οίς δουθη αυτοίς αδικήσαι τίω μό και τι θα λαιστιν, Το whom it was given to wrong
the Earth and the Sea. ] To wrong is to hurt, or diſturb. For Wars are always de-
fign’d by God to puniſh the Wickedneſs of Men. If ſent againſt God's Enemies,
to puniſh them for their Malice and Hurt done to his Servants; if to his Servants,
either to amend, or elſe to puniſh them to the utmoſt.
A. Verſ. 3. Algov, uus edinhoaze the gñv, uute the J'adores, uute tal Nivopd, Saying,
wrong not the Earth, neither the Sea, nor the Trees. ] As Trees fignify great Men,
the Nobles of a Kingdom, ſo the whole ſeems to imply, neither to bring Wars
from Foreign Enemies, nor to caufe Rebellions, by ſtirring the Great Men in
Power within the Roman Empire, to diſturb this High Steward in his great
Defign. Conſtantine', when he began to fide with the Chriſtians, was em-
powered to quench the ambitious Deſigns of his Competitor Licinius ; and when he
had ſo done, was quiet afterwards all along; and left the Empire peaceably to his Sons.
B. "Aggis & operíowell, Till we Mall Seal.] Or, have Sealed.
.
fion limits the Time of this univerſal Peace. What Term this was we ſhall
ſee, when we have explained ſeveral other Particulars which are firſt to be un-
derſtood. However, here let it be obſerved, that the ſealing of theſe Servants,
and the numbring of them, are Two different Matters different Symbols,
and therefore different A&tions. The one is a Preliminary to the other : The
Numbring is an Action of greater Concern than Sealing : It gives more Power.
The Holy Ghoſt is thought here to have alluded to Ezek. 9.4. In that Viſion one
is commanded to have fet a Mark, or to write the Letter Tau upon the Foreheads of
s
(8) Lactant. Lib. IV. Cap. 26. (b) Ata S. Romani ex Eufeb. Cefarienf. Lib. II. de Re-
ſurrect. Edit. Sirmondi. (i) Paffio S. Pinilippi Ep. Heraclex.
(k) Paffio S. Quirini
Epiſc. (1) Bafilius M. de S. Gordio. (m) Clem. Str. VII. Pag. 327.
thoſe
I
15

Chap. VII. v. 3. The Sealing of God's Servants.
319
thoſe who fighed and cried for the Abomination committed by the reſt of Iſrael :
Who thereby ſhould eſcape the Deſtruction prepared for thoſe that committed thoſe
Abominations. But in the firſt Intention, that Mark fignified, that God was reſolved
to acknowledge as his Servants thoſe Men, who were not guilty of the Crimes, for
which the reſt were to be puniſhed ; and by conſequence this Mark would preſerve
theſe from thoſe Puniſhments. In all Ages and Nations to ſet a Mark on a Man,
Beaſt, or any Thing, is to take Poſſeſſion thereof as Servants, or proper Goods
Virgil to ſhew, that in the Golden Age all Things were in common, faith,
(n) Nec fignare quidem aut partiri limite Campum
Fas erat: in medium quærebant.
And fo reſignare is to quit Poffeffion, by taking off our Mark. So in Athens they
called (6) csigafólu oixie, a Houſe engaged to another, and put into his Poffeffion for
the Security of Payment : Of which many Examples are to be found in Demoſthenes.
But what is more to our Purpoſe, in the Roman Empire, the Soldiers as, foon as en-
rolled were marked, of which more on Chap. 13. 17. E. And indeed this Mark is
to denote the Servants, or Soldiers of God and Chriſt, now publickly enrolled, to
fight his Enemies, and enjoy the Reſt or Peace, God promiſes now after their Tri-
bulations. Thus we fee, that as the Impoſition of God's Name, and of the new
Jerufalem, and the new Name of Chriſt ſet upon the Martyrs, Chap. 3. 12. fignifies
the giving of a Right to the new Jeruſalem , to enjoy the Reſt thereof : So this I'm-
poſition of the bare Seal, is to give them that receive it a Right to enjoy the preſent
Reſt, God is immediately going to put them into.
C. Tds súass iš ded riut, The Servants of our God. 1 The Freedom, or Conqueſt,
which God and the Lamb have obtained for the Chriſtians, is not to make them Li-
bertines, that is, to be without Religion and the Fear of God, which was the Deſign
of the Epicureans and Pyrrhonians ; but to put them inſtead of a tyrannical and de-
ſtructive mercileſs Maſter, into the Hands, and under the Protection of a kind and
ſaving Lord : The Service of God being perfect Freedom in that Senſe. Thus Ter-
tullian faith very well: (p) Ego me ſeculo non Deo liberum memini. And he explains
his Meaning further in theſe Verſes:
(2) Nam ſervire Deo, totoque incumbere corde,
Intemerata fides, libertas Sponte paratur.
See John 8. 32, 36. This Marking of them ſhews, that thereby they become God's
Peculium, and dare publickly make Profeſſion thereof to the Diſappointment of
their Enemies. By this Mark the Name of God is publickly called on them. See
what hath been obſerved before on Chap. 2. 17. D. and. 7. Spencer de Legib. Hebr.
Lib. II. cap. 14.
D. 'En un to peto mwv 'custov, Upon their Foreheads. ] Servants of old were ſtigmatiz'd
in their Forehead with the Maſter's Mark. See Martial, Lib. II. Ep. 29. and Lib. III.
Epigr. 21. Lib. VIII. Epigr. 75. Senec. de Ira Lib. III. cap. 3. Heſychius, v. 'Ispi-
ava & Eapícon sâuos. Plutarch. Vit. Niciæ Macrob. Saturnal
, Lib. I. cap. 9.
Theſe then as God's Servants are thus Symbolically mark’d. And why not
upon the Hands likewiſe ? for in Iſaiah 44. 5. according to the LXX : And another
Shall write upon his Hand, and ſhall be called by the Name of the God of Iſrael. Pemega
let gersi durš. By which it is plain, that this might be done. But that place is
Symbolical : And the Prophet ſpeaks it in Allufion and Oppoſition to the Pra&tice of
the Heathens, who did fo; as appears from Zach. 13. 6. where the Prophet ridicules
by an Irony thoſe, who, having by ſuch Marks dedicated themſelves to ſome falſe
God, ſhall then be aſhamed to own it ; and pretend, that this was done not in Ho-
nour to a falſe God, but by a Mafter who thus marked his Servants; of which Pra-
Etice more hereafter. God had forbidden all ſuch ſtigmatizing ; only the High Prieſt
on his Forehead bore a Plate, or Crown of Gold, whereon the Name of God was
written, to ſhew, that the Prieſt was his Servant and that all his Service was conſe-
(n) Virgil. Geo. Lib. I.
© Heſych. in y.
(9) Tertull
. Carm. adv. Marc. Lib. III. Cap. VIII.
(D) Tertull. de jejun. Cap. XIII.
crated

320
The Sealing of God's Servants.
Ch. VII. V. 4.
crated to God only. 'Twas the Cuſtom of the Roman Generals to cauſe the Soldiers
enrolled to have a Mark on their Hands. To this here is Allufion made : This being
in order to diſcover the State of the Church under the Symbol of a Mufter, or gene-
ral Call of God's Soldiers. For ſo the Martyrs and Confeffors are conſtantly called
in the Stile of the Church, viz. (r) Milites Chriffi. And indeed the State of a Chri-
ftian is calld Warfare even in Holy Writ. And this Figure is alſo uſed by the
Stoicks. So Seneca ſays: (s) Nobis quoque militandum eft: Et quidem genere mi-
litiæ, quo nunquam quies , nunquam otium datur. The Forehead in the lymbolical
Language ſignifies the Appearance before Men. The Indian Interpreter faith, to peétus
20v xg si pis, sóopós 634 rj mér cómovos elv speó may. Chap. 56. Thus we find in Tully:
(t) Sit denique in fcriptum in fronte uniuſcujuſque civis, quid de repub. Sentiat. So
that this Seal on the Forehead of God's Soldiers or Servants, implies that they are
to make a publick Profeſſion of God's Service ; and that this High Steward by his
applying of it now, entitles, and gives them Ability to do it with Boldneſs, with-
out fearing Oppreffion or Perſecution. Why theſe Marks are only on their foreheads
ſhall be confidered afterwards. See the Note on Chap. 13. 16. B.
A. Verf. 4. Kuà ýmkou del pòv ose to perpegulov, And I heard the Number of them
which were ſealed.] That is, I heard the Calling over of the Muſter Rolls, and the
cafting up of the Sum after the whole was done. That 'Algueo's alludes to the Muſter
Rolls, ſhall be proved elſewhere ; See the Note on Chap. 13. 17. E. Note here,
that the Alexandr. MS. omits theſe Words: But this only proves, that the beſt MSS.
hiay ſometimes be faulty. Whether we read here i celluor, or sus self, as the
Complut. Edition; the Senſe is the ſame: Though 'tis obſervable, that the Authors
who ſpeak in general of Armies in theſe Terms, uſe the Plural.
Β. Εκατόν και παράκονία τέυερες χιλιάδες εσφραγι σμιόοι, And there were realed an Hun-
drèd Forty Four Thouſand. ] The Word gereedes, as well as Muerédes in Chap. 9. 16.
might be tranſlated by ſome of our modern Terms of military Diſcipline, as Battali-
ons, Regiments, and Brigades. And fo the myſtical Number will conſiſt, not in
the Thouſands, but the CXLIV. which ariſing from the Number XII. is in the Old
Teſtament applied to the Iſraelites from the Number of the Tribes, and by confe-
quence now to the ſpiritual Iſrael, or Chriſtian Church, compoſed now firſt of the
carnal Iſrael, and alſo of the Gentiles. It is certain, that the ancient way of mu-
ſtering Armies was in this Manner, by Thouſands, and Ten Thouſands. I Sam. 18.
7, 8, 13. Chap. 17. 18. and Chap. 22. 7: Numb. 31. 14, 48, 52, 54. Deut. 1.
15. Exod. 18. 21, 25. In which Place Joſephus ſeems to have read more than we,
for he adds uugios; as if the Iſraelites had been alſo divided into Brigades of Ten
Thouſands. So 'tis plain, that the Romans at firſt did form their Soldiers into Thou-
fands, becauſe the word Miles comes from Mille ; as (u) Voffius and (w) Sanétius
have ſhewn. So (x) Bochart ſhews, that the ancient Gauls did obſerve this Method,
from the Name of their Batallions, viz. Alauda, which was pronounced like Alaf-
da, near a-kin to the Syriac, Nn48, Alafata, a Thouſand. So in Hebr. qiz Al-
luph, a Chiliarch Colonel over a Thouſand Men. 9x Eleph a Thouſand. The Mo-
gols ſtill do reckon by (y) Touman, a Myriad, or Ten Thouſand. Virgil: (z) in milli-
bus ardet ; ſpeaking of the Amazons. So Statius : (a) Pifæis è millibus unus. And
Silius Italicus : (6) Millibus his Du&tor, &c. And fo Schindler underſtands Mic.
5. 2. But thou Bethlehem Ephrata, though thou be little :-77119 DN, among the
Thouſands of Judah ; that is, though thou canſt muſter but ſmall Numbers
when the Tribe of Fudah is drawn up. Bethlehem was ſo inconſiderable, that it
could not have a Leader of a Thouſand, as having too few Men in it ; and ſo was
forced to Muſter under ſome other great Town. But for all that, Chriſt the Leader
of all Iſrael was to come out of it. The fame Thought is expreſſed in Fudg. 6, 15.
in the Hebr. and LXX.
C. 'En réons quañas yjetor Ploegún, Out of every Tribe of the Children of Iſrael.] This
Number, which was affected to the Mofaical Diſpenſation, and particularly in their
Numbring of Muſtering, Num. I. is ſtill made uſe of, not in broken, or exact Num.
(1) Act. Jacobi & Mariani, doc. Tertullian, and others.
(1) Senec. Epiſt. 51. Vid. Arrian.
Epictet. Lib. III. Cape XXIV. (t) M. T. Cic. Orat. I. in L. Catilin. 15 (u) Voffij Ety-
mologic.
(w) Sanctij Minerva. Lib. IV. Cap. 16. Sect. 12.
(x) Bochart. Canaan.
Lib. I. Cap. 42.
(1) Herbelot tie. Touman. (<) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I.
(a) Pap.
Stat. Theb. Lib. VII. Verf. 128. Vid. Lib. VIII. Verſ, 108. (b) Sil. Italic. Lib. III.
bers,

Ch. VII. v. 5.
The Sealed Servants.
321
bers, as in the Caſe of Moſes; but rather by ſuch an affected Number, as might ap
pear to denote Symbolically an Univerfality. Now as the Number of XII. is alſo
become ſacred in the new Iſrael, by the Converſion of the old Iſrael, and the Adop-
tion of the Gentiles, or their (6) Inſertion into the old Stock; for theſe Reaſons we
often find this Number in theſe Viſions; and we may conclude, that all theſe Places
đenote the Chriſtian Church, to what Symbol foever this Number of Twelve may
be join'd. And this continues throughout all the Periods of the Chriſtian Dit
penſation : Though towards the Perfe&tion thereof the Majeſty of the Symbols
riſes.
As no ſingle Word is vain in all this Sacred Book ; fo the Particle ên gives me
an Hint to obſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt hath ſet forth this Muſter in ſuch an exa&t
and Symbolical Number, to fhew us, that all the carnal Iſrael ſhould not be received
within the Pales of the Church, to enjoy the bleſſed Reſt of it, but that God would
make a particular Choice of the faithful and true Iſraelites among them : And that
all the reſt by their Folly ſhould be rejected. Such exact Numbers as this appear-
ing to ariſe from Choice, and not the Chance of a promiſcuous Multitude. This
Force of the Particle ex hath been already obſerved in our Notę upon Chap. 5. 9. F.
And perhaps theſe are fealed all out of the carnal Iſrael, as being the Firſt-born of
the Church, who were to fight for all the reſt, and by their Vi&tory to procure for
all the Joy which the following Company ſets forth, collected without Number
out of the believing Gentiles.
A. Verf. 5. 'Ex quañs 'Iédde, da dereco nerededos éroe.no plooi, of the Tribe of Juda were
Sealed Twelve Thouſand.] We are to obſerve here, that not only the Order of the
Tribes is not here obſerved, as it ſtands in any other Part of Holy Writ, but likewiſe
that it ſeems to be inverted affectedly, and fome Names left out, or changed. I
have indeed obſerved elſewhere, that the Holy Ghoſt throughout theſe Viſions hath
purpoſely avoided, in making Uſe of the Symbols fetch'd from the Mofaical Oeco-
nomy, to let them ſtand juſt in the ſame manner as they did therein : But always
gives them fome Token of Difference, to ſhew the Alteration of the Conſtitution,
and the diſannulling of all the Pretenſions made in the ſame. From hence we may
conclude, that the Variations found here are not without Myſtery ; that is, ſome
particular Reaſon and Deſign. Mede hath taken much Pains to find that out. I.
fhall make Uſe of his Thoughts
, with fome few Improvements. The Tribes here
ſtand now in this Wiſe.
7. Simeon.
Sof Lea.
8. Levi.
Yof Lea. Desde
9. Iſachar.
od or to
10. Zabulon,
of Rachel.
II. Fofeph.
6. Manaſſe.
} of Rachel. iudices
Sito in
Here the Names of Dan and Ephraim are not ſet down : Dan is quite left out,
Ephraim is ſupplied by Joſeph. It may be ſuppoſed, that Dan is quite left out, and
Ephraim not named, becauſe odious, as being the Tribes which firſt introduced Ido-
larry. Judg. 17. 18. Micah of Ephraim ſet up an Idol, and the Danites were the
firſt that made Application to it. Dan never forſook its Idolatry, until the Day of
the Captivity of the Land, Fudges 18. 31. For this Reaſon perhaps, though Dan
is named in 1 Chron. 2. 2. among the Sons of Jacob, yet the whole Tribe is after-
wards left out in the Genealogies, as being caſt out of Iſrael. Ephraim improved
that; and having revolted from the Houſe of David, and ſet up Idols of its own,
never forſook them. All the Kings of Iſrael ſtuck to the Sin of Feroboam, 2 Kings
17. Inſtead of the odious Name of Ephraim, that of Foſeph, the great Patron of
the whole Nation, a Name of bleſſed Memory, is reſtored for his Sake. Inſtead of
Dan the Name of Levi, whoſe Tribe had been ſeparated from the reſt of the Na-
tion, as if no Part thereof, and given away to God, is now reſtored in the Chriſtian
Diſpenſation, which makes no Diftin&tion of Right to the Prieſthood.
is
1. Juda.
"Tebris 2. Reuben.
sold 3. Gad.
0 4. Afer.
vd liv 5. Nephthali
.
Zorra
:}
12. Benjamin
. }of Rachel.
busbal
(Rom. II. 17.
Nnnn
Further
gati

The Sealed Servants.
Ch. VII. V. 5.
322
Further, in the placing of the Tribes of Iſrael, the Sons of the Servants of Lea
and Rachel
, being according to the Patriarchal Cnftom adopted by the Miſtreſſes,
and there being double the Number belonging to Lea, to thoſe belonging thus to
Rachel, they are ſo placed, that Four are firſt
placed belonging to Lea, and Two to
Rachel; and then Four more to Lea, and Two to Rachel. Thus in Chriſt there is
neither Bond nor Free. Lea is preferred, becauſe Chriſt deſcended from her.
As to the particular placing of each of the Names of the Tribes, it is to be ob-
ſerved, that Fuda is placed firſt, becauſe Chriſt was of that Tribe: And in his
Time it was the moſt eminent, and favour'd of God, whoſe Scepter was not to
depart till the coming of the Meffias, In the Song or Bleſſing of Moſes, Deut. 33. 7.
Ptis placed next to Reuben, before all the reſt. And though Reuben by this Means
hath loſt his Primogeniture, yet that was recover'd, ſo that he yields to none elfe
but the Royal Tribe of Juda ; becauſe he ſhewed his Zeal for the Worſhip of God,
at the Time of the rearing of the Altar on the other Side of Jordan, Foſh. 22. 21, 29. for
the fame Reaſon Gad follows next, as having partaken of the ſame Zeal,
and beſides that produced Elias and Jehu , moſt famous for the Zeal of
God, and the Deſtru&tion of the Worſhip of Baal in Iſrael. But as to Elias
think that muſt be limited to his Habitation among the Gadites; , for (d) i
fuppoſe him to have been of the Family of Aaron, and a Prieſt. Affer follows, fa-
mous for having bred the Woman of Sarepta, by whom Elias was harbour'd, and
the Propheteſs Anna of the fame, did give Teſtimony to Chriſt when he was pre-
ſented in the Temple. The reſt of the Sons of Lea having no Prerogative, are
forced to give way to the Sons of Rachel, who are not ſo obnoxious. Simeon and
•Levi were in a manner curſed by Jacob : And though Levi in the times of Moſes,
did appear zealous for God, yet their oppoſing of Chriſt in his Miniſtry, is enough to
thruſt them behind. Nephthali comes next, being famous for having produced
Barak, Judges 4. 6. and Hiram the great Artiſt, who made the Veſſels of the Tem-
ple, 1 Kings 7. 14. but whereas 'tis ſaid in 2 Chron. 2. 14. that his Mother was of
the Daughters of Dan, that Expreſſion may very well fignify, that ſhe came out of
the City Dan, in the Tribe of Nephthali
, not far from the City of Tyre, of which
the Huſband was, rather than that he ſhould fetch a Wife out of the Tribe of Dan,
in another Corner of the Land of Iſrael. Daughters of Dan is an Expreſſion like
theſe, the Daughters of the Land, Genef. 34. 1. Daughters of Canaan, Genef. 36. 2.
Daughters of Shiloh, Judges 21. 21. Daughters of Rabbah, Jeremiah 49. 3. Daugh.
ters of my City, Lament. 3. 51. Daughters of Jerufalem, Çant. 1. 5. Chap. 2. 7.
Daughters of Zion, Cant. 3. 11. Ifaiah 3. 16, 17. Chap.4. 4. Daughters of Syria,
Ezek. 16. 57. The Tribe of Manaſſeh follows next; which I think muſt be under-
ſtood to be preferred, for having ſent out Gideon and Eliſha the Prophet; both which
ſeem to have come from that half Tribe, which join'd with Reuben and Gad..
Nephthali is preferred to Manaſe, as having been more highly favoured of Chriſt by
his conſtant dwelling and retiring to Capernaum, a City which lay within the Pre-
einets thereof. So that as the Tribe of Nephthali and Zabulon, firſt felt the Anger
of God, being the firſt carried away Captive, 2 Kings 15. 29. Iſaiah 9: 1. To ac-
cording to that Prophecy, it was firſt favour'd with the Light of the Goſpel. The
Four next, Simeon, Levi, Iſachar and Zabulon, follow according to their Birth, and
are preferred to Foſeph and Benjamin, for all the Pretenſions of the Tribe of Ephraim
to Primogeniture. Nay, its Name is hidden under the other, as leſs odious: And
Benjamin is put laſt
, as being obnoxious, and Enemy to David and his family, of
whom came Chriſt; Saul, Head thereof, having fought to deſtroy David; and Shimei
of the fame, having curſed him, out of Jealouſy, that he ſhould have the Covenant
of Peace, and the Promiſe of a perpetual Succeſſion. Which Curſe, as being levelled
againſt a Man and his Heirs, muſt of Courſe have affected Chriſt, if God would
have ſuffer'd it to take Effect : But it is turn’d upon the Head of the Curſer ; the
Benjamites were alſo tainted before with an horrid Wickedneſs, which had like to
have cauſed their Deſtruction, Fudges 19, and 20.
After this Mede goes on , and out of the Etymologies of all theſe Names as now
placed, extracts a Memorial Sentence, which implies and deſcribes the Fates of the
Chriſtian Church, namely, that having a pure Worſhip, and truſting upon Chriſt, it
fhall firive againſt Antichrift, and obtain a Reward. This is indeed very ſubtile and
(d) See the Note on Chap. 11. 3. A.
inge-

Chap. VII. v. 5.
The Sealed Servants.
323
ingenious, but not very folid. For we have no Grounds to believe, that the Holy
Ghoſt makes any ſuch Allufions to explain the Nature of a Thing from the Name
thereof, unleſs there be plain Indication of it, as in the Caſe of Abaddon, and
Harmageddon ; and in the ſecret Name of the Beaſt propoſed to be found out.
Some learned Men have gueſſed, that the Name of Dan hath by the Miſtake of the
Copyiſts, flipp'd out of this Muſter; ſo that Adr having by them been changed into
Mev; this hath at laſt been made up into Mavaah. But againſt this Opinion we have
ſet the Authority of Irenæus, (e) who plainly declares that Dan is left out in the Rea
velation ; alledging for a Reaſon, that Anti-Chriſt was to come out of that Tribe.
This Thought, followed by Hippolytus, Mede, and others, aroſe from a Miſunder-
ſtanding of the Words of Ferem. 8. 16. The ſnorting of his Horſes was heard from
Dan, which by the Targum is thus underſtood, that the Idolatry of Iſrael, begun at
Dan, would cauſe God to ſend an Army of Horſemen to deſtroy the whole Land, as
further appears by comparing Chap. 4. 15.
The great Queſtion is here to know, upon what Account theſe are mark’d, whe-
ther to preſerve them againſt the Storms likely to fall during the blowing of the
Trumpets following; or elſe only to fignify the preſent State of the Church, at that
very Time wherein this Muſter is made. Mede hath declared for the former Opi-
nion, and ſo hath the Biſhop of Meaux, and others. But what Reaſons they have
for this, appears not to me, yea rather the contrary; and therefore I think the latter
only to be true. And cannot imagine how they ſhould think, that Sealing on the
Forehead fignifies concealing, when 'tis plain, that it is deſigned for a publick Pro-
feffion; and the good Attributes of the Angel from the Eaſt are in vain, if he only
comes to conceal the Church as in a Dungeon, rather than to bring it to Light out
of Darkneſs. The Promiſes made to theſe at the end of the Chapter, all imply a
State of fome Reft and publick Prote&tion of God ; and a Time to Worſhip in his
Temple with the like Circumſtances, which we find actually performed at the open-
ing of the Seventh Seal. Theſe are therefore now prepared for that End.
Further, as in deſcribing the Second Period of the Church, the Holy Ghoſt, to
expreſs the State of it, makes Uſe of Symbols fetch'd from the Temple, from
Zorobabel and Foſhua the High Prieſt, the Two Witneſſes, or Olive-branches, which
preſerved the Church and State of the Fews, during the Captivity and Profanation
of the outward Part of the Temple and Holy City: So thoſe being adapted to that
Period, and reaching no further; neither muſt this Muftering of the Sealed Servants,
than the State of that Period in which they are muftered, which anſwers to that
Period wherein Ifrael was ſo. That fo the Symbols of one Period may not incroach
upon the other ; but each of them only ſerve to their reſpective Periods. Thus it
will be thought improper for this Symbol of the muſtering of the Saints to be re-
ſerved, to fignify them that ſhould endure whilſt another Period of the Chriſtian
Church ſhould run on, which may be compared to the ſettled State of Iſrael : For
ſo we ſhall find that the Church is , at the opening of the Seventh Seal, and the
Preparation of the Seven Trumpets. The laſt general Muſtering of Iſrael, eſpecially
that related in Numb. 26. after all the Temptations, and the laſt Plague on the
Account of the Madianites, which had prevented the firſt Muſtering from having
its due effect, was in order to ſettle them into the promiſed Land, wherein God did
make them as an Army, and was putting himſelf as their Captain in the midſt of
them, by the Dedication of the Altar, and the ſetting up of his Tabernacle. This
ſeemed to be deſigned to give them Confidence in the Power of their Leader, and
to ſtrike Terror in their Enemies by the Knowledge of their Forces. Therefore in
the ſame manner this Muſtering of the Chriſtian Saints is to give them Confidence
in God's Protection, and to ſtrike Terror into their Pagan Enemies; who, before
they had Liberty to own their Religion, believed them to be leſs powerful. Thus
they are put into Poffeffion of a Reſt by the temporal Powers, of which the Seventh
Seal is the Symbol, and determines the Duration. Hence we ſee the Church is here
repreſented as an Army ready to make Conqueſts, and ſecure them ; not as ſuffering
as yet by Corruption, or Perſecution, which are the Fates thereof in the next Period.
Join to this Two Obſervations : Firſt
, that affoon as the Ifraelites are numbred
as aforeſaid, all the Affairs ſpoken after tend only to the Quiet Poffeffion of the Land,
2
(e) Irenæus, Lib. V. Cap. XXX.

The Sealed Servants.
324
Ch. VII. V. 5.
of which God aſſured them. In the next Chapter, Num. 27. a doubtful Caſe is of-
fered about the Diviſion of the Land when falling to Daughters, and Mofes not be-
ing permitted to enter therein, chuſes a Succeſſor. Secondly, I find the Symbol of
a Muſter in Iſaiah 13.4. there the Prophet, to ſhew the approaching Deſtruction of
Babylon, to denote the Certainty thereof, declares that he hears the Noiſe of a Mul-
titude in the Mountains, like as of a great people, a tumultuous Noiſe of the King-
doms of Nations gathered together : The Lord of Hofts muſtereth the Hoſt of the
Battel. po muſiering, reviewing, numbring. The very Word uſed generally in the
Book of Numbers to that Purpoſe , as in Num. 2. 9, 16. and Chap. 26. 54. And
this is, as it's ſaid after, to deſtroy the whole Land , to turn out the Babylonians and
ſettle themſelves therein. This is ſpoken of the Medes. What I have ſaid here
doth not hinder, but that this Symbol may be uſed to expreſs afterwards all thoſe
who have ſucceeded theſe, in the fame Right indeed, but under other Circumſtances,
which may alter : And theſe in their Succeſſors may be perſecuted; though the pre-
Tent Mufter implies, that they are for the preſent Time the publick Servants and ap-
parent Armies of God and the Lamb. They are Armies ſtill though purſued ; Vi-
Stors tho’ſlain.
By theſe CXLIV Thouſand taken from among the Iſraelites, and the numberleſs
Multitude of them that are taken out of the Gentiles, as it follows, 'tis plain that
the Holy Ghoſt deſigned to ſhow, that the Chriſtian Church is to be conſidered as a
People choſen out of the true fews and Gentiles converted. And this is ſo true,
that Tychonius would have the CXLIV Thouſand to be the ſame as that numberleſs
Company ; as indeed the like Number of CXLIV Thouſand in Chap. 14. is a Sym-
bol equipollent to theſe two here. The Words of that Author are theſe, (f) Non
dixit, pofthac vidi alium populum : Sed vidi populum : id eſt eundem quem viderat in
iſtis centum quadraginta quatuor millibus. Hunc vidi innumerabilem ex omni tribu,
& lingua, quia omnes gentes infertæ ſunt radici credendo. Dominus in Evangelio to
tam Ecclefiam tam de Fudais quam de gentibus in tribubus Iſrael duodecim demonſtrat,
dicens, Sedebitis ſuper duodecim thronos judicantes duodecim tribus Ifrael. Hence
tho' at the Beginning of the Church, when the Diſtinction between the Saints of the
Circumciſion and the faithful Gentiles was apparent, each with different Rights,
there be deſcribed XXIV Elders, as Heads of both, to fignify both the Churches of
Iſrael and Gentiles converted and united ; yet in the new feruſalem, when all fuch
Diftin&tions are by Time taken away, the myſtical Number XII takes place again.
The Ifraelites indeed are here ſet firſt before the Gentiles, as having had in the Be-
ginning of Chriſtianity a Prerogative over the reſt, which appears from many Ex-
preſſions of Chriſt and his Apoſtles. Hence in the Epiſtle to the Hebrews, Chap. 12.
22, 23. the Hebrews
, are ſaid to come into the Church of the Firſt-born; that is,
thoſe of them that are converted obtain that Privilege. For in that Place there ap-
pears no need to extend that Right any further ; or to think, that all Chriſtians are
firſt-born. Tho', as the Church of the Hebrews and Gentiles is one, that Privilege
gained by ſome of them, by their means extends it ſelf to the whole, and is now
quite ſwallowed up. So that they, who call the Chriſtian Church the Church of
the Gentiles, are abſolutely miſtaken. And this Error of theirs brings this Abſurdity
upon them, to apply the ancient Prophecies ſo wholly to the Fews and their Reſto-
ration, that they ſeem to think, that Judaiſm, as diſtinct from Chriſtianity, muſt be
reſtored in full Strength. An Error, which ſeems to be the fundamental Principle,
ſerving to harden the modern and preſent Fews, in their Prejudices and A poſtacy from
Chriſt. But now ſince we ſee by theſe CXLIV Thouſand muſter'd out of all the
Tribes of Iſrael, that the Holy Ghoſt looks upon the true Jews turned to Chriſtianity
as the principal part of the Chriſtian Church; we muſt conclude, that thoſe Pro-
phecies are to be fulfilled only in Favour of thoſe Fews already converted, or hereaf-
ter fo to be ; and of the Gentiles by Faith adopted Children of Abraham, and en-
grafted on the old Stock of the true fews: Both which make up now the Church
of Chriſt, and are become inſtead of the Carnal Iſrael , the Spiritual Children and
Peculium of God. (8) Therefore this old Stock thus renewed, and grafted by Chriſt,
5
(f) Tych. Hom. VI.
(8) Sce Barnab. Epift. §. II. Auguſtin. de Civitat. Dei
Lib. xvi. cap. 34. Cunæus de Republ. Hebr. Lib. III. cap. 9. Juftin. M. Dial. C. Tryphon. pag. 240.
Lactant. Inftitur. Lib. IV. cap. 20.
I
is
Ch. VII. v. 9.
The Sealed Servants.
325

is that which only can challenge the Promiſes of God contained in the Prophecies ;
which indeed are couched in Symbols relating and deſcribing the carnal Iſrael, but
are now, as belonging to the Times of the Meſras, to be explained merely of the
Chriſtian Church, for whom the Myſteries of God revealed are written. Upon this
account, as before hinted, though the Church be muſtered here out of the Fews and
Gentiles, to ſhew from whence it had its origin, and therefore what Rights it hath,
yet in a parallel Prophecy in Chap. 14. 1. as ſhall be ſhewn there, this very fame
Church, and the very fame State, or Time thereof, is ſet forth by the Symbol of
CXLIV Thouſand marked only, without any Diſtinction of the Origin ; to fhew
us, that all Diſtin&tion is now taken off, though it is here obſerved, to make us
know what Church this was, and from whence it came. That as at firſt the Diſtin-
Eion was very viſible ; ſo in the Times of Conſtantine, it was no more ob-
ſervable.
(b) We are apt to think, that in the Times of our Saviour and his Apoſtles the
Jewiſh Nation only conſiſted of the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin together with the
Levites. But this is not to be allowed. It is true, that the Tribe of Judah was
then the moſt conſiderable, as indeed it was always ſo before ; but there were many
of the reſt of the Tribes left, who worſhipped and dwelt among them. Yea as be-
fore the Captivities, during the Schiſm, many came to worſhip at Jeruſalem, fo did
they afterwards in their Diſperſion after the Reſtoration of the Temple, as well as
the other fews. Neither muſt we think, that all were carried away Captives; many,
eſpecially of the poorer Sort, were left at Home by the Conquerors, to till the
Land; it being their Intereſt to receive Tribute of them. And therefore we find,
that after the Captivity many of them came to Feruſalem, and there kept a general
Paſſover, with Hezekiah), as 2 Chron. 30. 6, 10, 18. And with King Foſiah, 2 Chron.
34. 7, 9. Chap. 35. 17. Ferem. 41. 5. Conſider alfo Ezek. 8. 11. Chap. 37. 15.
From which laſt Place 'tis plain, that theſe Iſraelites, who ſtuck to Judah, were to
receive the Benefit of a Return. Whence after the Return we find in Eſdras 6. 17.
a Sin-offering facrificed for all Iſrael, and in Chap. 8. 35. the Children of Iſrael thein-
felves offered Burnt-offerings for all Iſrael. Which was according to the Prophecy
of Ezekiel juſt cited. So by the Hiſtory of Ariſteas and Foſephus we find, that in
the Times of Ptolemæus Philadelphus there were Men, and thoſe very conſiderable
too, of all the Tribes of Iſrael. So then we need not to wonder, that St. Paul,
Acts 26. 7. ſhould call the Hebrews by the Name of Moderes our ov nie, our Twelve
Tribes ; and that St. Fames ſhould ſend an Epiſtle to the Twelve Tribes, which are
ſcattered Abroad : And that here the Holy Ghoſt ſhould mark the Faithful out of
every Tribe of the Children of Iſrael ; ſince they were ſtill in Being, and many of
them converted,
bob
A. Verf.9. Meta' taðre di dov, vej ind ogn @ ponu's og égaduw ou šdeis & fublato, After this
I ſaw, and lo a great Multitude, which no Man could number.] Moft Copies have
w tùy before this, which is more in the Hebrew Stile , as Dr. Mill obſerves, and by
conſequence more likely to be the true Reading. (i) St. Cyprian did not read it,
when he made his Exhortation to Martyrdom, but when he collected his (k) Teſti-
monies, inſtead thereof he hath ex his, by which he ſeems to have read F ou s.
But in that this Holy Father places theſe among the Martyrs, and (2) Mr. Dodwell fol-
lows here his Author, this muſt be underſtood with the Reſtri&tion uſed by Ecclefi-
aftical Writers, (m) Etfi nondum fanguine, mente jam martyres , which otherwiſe are
called more properly Confeſors. As to what this (n) Learned Man afferts, that this
Place of the Revelation doth not ſpeak of any certain Interval of the Evangelical
Time, but of all the Martyrs in future Ages to the Conſummation of all, I muſt
here beg leave to diſſent from him, and to affirm, that this belongs to the very
Times running on, between the Sixth and Seventh Seals. This Obſervation, which
proves, that St. Cyprian could not be underſtood of the Martyrs already conſumma-
ted, and the Diſtinction made before, would ſuit the point that learned Man had to
prove much better, by taking off this numberleſs Multitude from the Number of
the Martyrs. But without an explicite Knowledge of this Prophecy 'tis difficult to
explain right any Se&tion of it. All the Parts being abſolutely dependant from the
D25
10
(b) See Fuller's Piſgah-fight, Lib. I. cap. 9. wont (i) Vid. Cyprian: Exh. Martyr. s. XI.
(1) Teſtim. Lib. ll. s. 16. (1) Diff. Cypr. Kr. S. 62. guod shall to it
(m) Act. SS. Jacobi Mariani, &c.
(n) ibid.
0000
whole

326
Ch. VII. v.9.
The Palm-bearing Confeſſors.
whole, and not to be underſtood ſeparately. Mede having fancied, that the CXLIV
Thouſand Servants of God fealed on their Foreheads, were to fynchroniſe with all
the ſecond Period of the Church, hath therefore imagined, that this innumerable
Company was to be added to them in a Series, and not as Synchroniſing Accidents of
the Sixth Seal. But there is no need nor ſhew for anticipating Matters ſo much be-
fore-hand, and to confound wliat is related concerning one Period in the Series of the
Defcription of it, with another Period ; and to ſuppoſe, that the Matters of the
third Period, or triumphing State of the Church, are deſcribed in the very Places
which dire&tly belong to the firſt. Doth any Thing appear here, but that this innu-
merable Company of Confeſſors belongs to the ſame period, as thoſe which are ſealed
on their Foreheads? When I read this, I plainly ſee, that as the Church is here com-
pared to the Iſraelites juſt coming out of the Egyptian Bondage, ſo this infinite Mul-
titude alludes to that mixt Multitude which came out of Egypt with the Iſraelites,
being compoſed of Strangers of many Nations not named, which Mofes indeed
doth not mention after the Muſter of the Iſraelites, becauſe theſe were not to be
the Peculium of God, but yer in a proper Place, wherein by anticipation he tells the
Number of the Iſraelites, and adds this mixt Multitude which accompanied them
to ſhare at leaſt in ſome Part of their Deliverance, Exod. 12. 38. But the Gentiles
now being alſo admitted into the fame Society, though not muſtered in definite Num-
bers, to ſhew the boundleſs Right of the Gentiles to come into the Church, yet are
comprehended under thoſe Symbols, which declare the Reft prepared for all. We
ſhall find therefore, that all theſe, both the muſtered Servants, and the mixt Multi-
tude of all Nations, make but one Chriſtian Church, which is going into the End of
the firſt Period, wherein God deſigned to ſettle the Chriſtian Church with the Help
of the Temporal Authority, to give it Reft after all the Sufferings it had endured
during the Propagation of the Goſpel. More than this I cannot find in all theſe Sym-
bols.
The Miſtake of Mede ſeems to ariſe from his having taken the Expreſſion ya Tūra
fo rigidly, as if the Things ſpoken of after it could not ſynchroniſe, or exiſt at the
fame Time, as thoſe which are ſet down juſt before : Whereas it is manifeſt, that
it is rather a Tranſition from the ſubject Matter to another, which may exiſt at the
fame Time, but is ſomewhat of a different Nature. As even in the firſt Verfe of
this Chapter, the ſame per te te ſignifies plainly, or introduces Things, which exiſt
during this Period in their Order ; yea moſt eminently, during the Sixth Epocha
thereof, into which Epocha this Period is divided. So that the Accidents of the
Sixth Seal's opening, are, firſt the Removal of the Pagan State and Religion from the
ſupreme Power ; then the Servants of God, inſlaved by that State, are ſet at Liberty,
marked as God's Servants to own his Service publickly. In this Delivery a proper
Order is obſerved ; firſt they who are of the old Stock of the natural Iſrael now by
that Sealing made the peculiar Servants of God and of Chriſt, as having a Right of
Primogeniture : Then the Gentiles come after, according to the Method of Chriſt,
who firſt offered the means of Converſion to the loft Sheep of the Houfe of Iſrael,
and then admitted the Gentiles to the fame Privilege.
But it is obje&ted here, that there are Symbols uſed concerning theſe Confeſſors,
look like it ; but upon a due Examination we thall find, that
there is no need to
ftretch them ſo far, and that they may fuit a temporal Reſt. But on the other Hand,
there are alſo Symbols abſolutely inconſiſtent with that everlaſting Reſt in the Mil-
lennium and New Jeruſalem. For firſt, the Throne ſpoken of here, whereon God
and the Lamb now fits, as alſo the Wights and Elders, are Symbols or Things
which will be removed, or improved to an higher Degree; we ſhall therein have
Thrones without limited Number, not for Elders, but for Chriſt and his Saints ; then
a new great White Throne, before which all old Things are removed, and all Things
are made New. Secondly, here is a Temple ſuppoſed to be built for theſe Con-
feſſors to Worſhip God and the Lamb; but in the New Jeruſalem, or Everlaſting
Reft, there is no Temple, How can any one make theſe Things agree? I affirm
therefore, that theſe Symbols are far below the Majeſty of that State, and that there
are many other eſſential Diſtinctions between theſe Two; all which, God willing,
ſhall be made out in our Commentary, as clear as Light when the Sun ſhines in his
full Strength. So that we muſt not fuffer our ſelves to be byaſſed with the Autho-
rity of Mede, though all Students of this Book be highly beholden to him, and
ought
2

Chap. VII. v. 9.
The Palm-bearing Confesſors.
327
ought to reverence his Authority., I ſuſpect Tertullian led him wrong, by calling
theſe, (e) de Antichriſto triumphales.
B. 'Ek sterte's mores vej curor, rj az qov, ti pa napelOut of all Nations, and Tribes, and
Peoples, and Tongues.] Though Dr. Mill obferves no various Readings, yet "tis
plain, that St. Cyprian did read otherwiſe , for he turns this ; (P) Ex omni gente,
& ex omni tribu , & ex ornni populo, & lingua; and () elſewhere, Ex omni
genie, & ex omni tribu & populo, & lingua. Theſe Four Synonymous Words being
often uſed in this Prophecy, always appear in the ſame Number, which, as hath
been hinted before upon Chap. 5. 9. F. is not without Myſtery. It is fo found in
Five ſeveral Places, Chap. 5. 9. Chap. 11. 9. Chap. 13.
and here. And alſo in Chap. 10. 11. and Chap. 17. 15. with a little Variation. And
here it may be obſerved, that the Holy Ghoſt never puts them in the fame Order ;
their Stations are always different. Perhaps to ſhew, that God is no Reſpecter of
Nations, no more than Perſons. Now theſe Four Words, and the like, always de
note the State of Gentiliſm, or Idolatry, theſe being equivalent to Inbabitants of the
Earth. See the Note on Chap. 8. 13. C. But this Expreſſion, as it now lies, doth
not imply, that theſe are at preſent fo, but the in, as before hinted, ſhews that they
are changed, and converted from that State to Chriſtianity. True Chriſtians are ne
ver called fo in this Book, ſave only in reſpect of their having been once Idolaters.
In the Parallel Viſion, Chap. 14. 3. this is expreſſed by speego ceļo'oe övno yñs, re-
deemed from the Earth: And in Verſe 4. ped. In groep enou PU ir Speó
mov, redeemed from
among Men ; all which plainly ſhew a Change of the former Stäre, which is by all
theſe Terms ſaid to be, Gentiliſm, Idolatry, Slavery: So that the Words, Men,
Earth, Inhabitants of the Earth, Nations, Tribes, Peoples and Tongues, are all uſed
in this Prophecy to fignify the State of Gentiliſm and Idolatry, or elſe Chriſtianity
corrupted by Idolatry.
កា
C. Esøtes or cómov to Spóvx , xj ev omov a águix, Standing before the Throne, and be-
fore the Lamb. ] This Expreſſion ſhews, that this innumerable Company is in the
Tame Condition as thoſe who are called Servants of God, and therefore are ſealed
with his Mark on their Foreheads; for as on the one Hand it is the Property of
thoſe who ſtand before God, to be alſo accounted his favourite Servants; fo to be
called his Servants, and to be marked with his Seal, gives them the Privilege of
ſtanding before God. So the Tribe of Levi, who are ſet apart to ſerve God, Deut.
10. 8. are ſaid to ſtand before the Lord. So the Queen of Sheba, ſpeaking in the
Praiſe of Solomon, who fate upon the Throne of God, faith, Happy are thy Men,
happy are theſe thy Servants, which ſtand continually before thee, 1 Kings 10. 8. This
Phraſe in that Senſe occurs often, as in 1 Sam. 16. 22. 1 Kings 17. I. 2 Kings 5. 25.
Deut. 17. 12. and Chap. 18. 5. Ferem. 15. 19. and of the Angels God's nearer Ser-
vants, 2 Chron. 18. 18. Luke 1. 19. Dan. 7. 10. and often in this Book, to which
Beholding the Face of God, is Synonymous in Matih. 18. 10.
D. Tlee:656amufoor soneis adace's
, Cloathed with White Robes.] To be cloathed in White
ſignifies in the Prophetick Stile to be proſperous, and ſuccceſsful, and victorious, to
be holy, to be happy, to be honoured and rewarded. This Symbol implies a pecu-
liar Relation and Dedication to God's immediate Service, a Freedom from Worldly
Services and Charges, for the Sake of that Service which they give and pay to God,
in the ſame manner as the Fewiſh Prieſts and Levites, by being Conſecrated to God's
Service, were freed from all others. It alſo fignifies, that theſe have prepared them-
ſelves to ſerve God, to make a publick Profeffion of his Religion before Men: For
the Habit, or Cloaths, is the Appearance of the Perſon before Men. I ſhall here en-
deavour to make out theſe Expoſicions of the White Colour. Firſt, that it implies,
and is the Symbol of Freedom. Artemidorus, Lib. II. Cap. 3. faith, that to dream
of white Garments, portends Liberty to the Slaves, adorei juce nice, quis ispolozs uóvous
ou probeet, rugi dienots én lume, Of Prieſthood: This appears by the Promiſes made in
this Book, and compared together. So in the Promiſe in Chap. 3. 5. He Mall be
cloathed in White Garments; or Shall walk with me in White, as in the foregoing
Verſe, in Chap. 20. 6. is accompliſhed, by being Prieſts of God and the Lamb. Year
thall Reign with their Lord, ſhall be holy and happy. See our Notes there. So the
(0) Tercullian. Scorpiac. cap. 1 2.
(9) Cyprian. Exhort. Martyr. §. XI.
(P) Cyprian. Teſtim. Lib. III, S. 16.
Heads
328
The Palm-bearing Confeſors.
Ch. VII. v. 9.

Heads, or Nobles of the Chriſtian Church, are ſaid to pay their Homage to God
and Chriſt in White, in Chap. 4. 4. compared with Chap. 5: 9. where they own to
have been redeemed, or made free. And Verſe 10. to have been made Kings and
Prieſts. Holineſs is proved by comparing Chap. 19. 8. Innumerable would be
the Paſſages of Scripture and prophane Authors to prove this, if we ſhould go about
to collect all. The Ægyptians and Jewiſh Prieſts were for that Reaſon always clad
in that Colour, as being pure, and free from all Pollution and Dirt. See Plutarch de
Ifid. & Ofirid. Alciat. faith of it,
(r) At ſinceri animi, & mentis ftola candida pura :
Hinc findon ſacris linea grata viris.

As to Honour and Happineſs, the Indian Interpreter faith, Chap. 157. "Ooze idin žr-
θρωπG- όπ φορεί λάκα ιμάτια, Δρήσει χαραν και δόξαν εις τίω πίσιν και εν τω κόσμο, και κόσμια
Escy in the sea ave. And to fhew that this Symbol is ſuitable to the Notions of the
Hebrews, I ſhall only here obſerve, that the Word Ont, Nobles, which the LXX
Tranſlate by éa d'repor, 'évtipov and dezodles, Freemen, Honourable Men, and Rulers,
is derived from 76, White. So in the Chaldee of Dan. 7. 9. the Ancient of Days,
or Ruler of the World, is ſaid to be clad in White, 710. From this Word comes,
as (s) Gale obſerves, the Greek "Hgws, an Heroe, and the Latin Heru, as I gueſs,
and perhaps the German Heer, and the Gothick (t) Sibora in Auguſtin's Epiſtles : The
Si being an Article, Sibora is ó ñgeos, the Lord ; Sihora armen, The Lord have Mercy.
Whence come very likely the Words Sire, Sieur, Sir, now uſed. Noblemen are
therefore called Horim, becauſe uſually clad in White Garments in the Eaſt, whence
the White Garments are Symbols of Honour. And ſo God gave White Garments
to the Jewiſh Prieſts, Exod. 28. 40. For Glory, and for Beauty, in the LXX, cis 77-
pelos sy Beav, For Honour and Glory. So that theſe Confeffors are likewiſe to be ho-
noured and put into a Reſt, Freedom from Perfecution, and Power to ſtand before
God, to perforın his Worſhip Publickly: And for their paft Sufferings, enjoy the
Fruits of an Holy Peace procured by the High Steward of God.
90 E. Kui pórvises in tais régoir pouräv, And Palms in their Hands. ] Ambrof. Ansbertus
faith, Quid per palmas, niſi triumphus victorie? Quid per manus, niſi virtus opera-
tionis exprimitur? The like we read in Radulphus Flaviacenſis, who upon a View of
this place faith, (u) Ex Palma namque apud antiquos coronabantur vittores. Unde
in Apocalypſi Fobannis
, San&ti qui mundum vicerant, & jam Deo affiftentes, triumphi
Sui retributionem perceperant, palmas in manibus habuiſe dicuntur. See Plin. Nat.
H. Lib. XVII. Cap. 25. The Branches of Palm Trees are the Symbol of Joy after a
Vi&tory, attended with antecedent Sufferings. By the Mofaical Law, Lev. 23. 40.
they were uſed as a Token of Joy at the Feaſt of Tabernacles. And they were
uſed upon any ſolemn Occaſion of Joy, as after a Vi&tory or Deliverance ; 1 Maccab.
13. 51. See alſo 4 Eſdras 2. 45, 46. John 12. 13. Philo; (w) TL'En g of Lorav,
ear guví og gfóng i pš’lédo púpoa Odras, ūmis fules d'e) poivet, oýubonov vírns. The fol-
lowing Words of Plutarch ſhew the Signification, and give the Reaſon of it from
the natural Property of the Palm-Tree to riſe up againſt Preſſure. (x) poivenos iš
ξύλον άν άνωθεν επιθεις βαρυπιέζης, και κάτω θλιβό μόνον ενδίδωσιν, αλλά κυρτάζ «εις τέναν-
thov, om dv Tischpluor Ted Bedsopelém, proto si vj Pose' Tès ditantinès égôvás 63. Which ſeem
to be thus Tranſlated by A. Gellius, (y) Propterea in certaminibus palmam ſignum
esſe placuit vi&torie, quoniam ingenium ejuſmodi ligni eft, ut urgentibus opprimenti-
buſque non cedat. Hence Palma for Viétory. Of which Examples might be given
in great Numbers out of Tully, Plautus, Ovid, Terence, and others. Hence the
Toga of a triumphing Emperor was called (2) Palmata, as having Branches of Palms
Painted thereon. Therefore theſe Palms here ſhew, that theſe Confeffors rejoice for
the Vi&tory which God hath given them againſt their Perſecutors, and for the pre-
ſent Eſtabliſhment of the Church.
SERE

(v) Alciat. Emblemat. Embl. CXVII. bois (s) Theoph. Gale Philof. Gen. Lib. III. Cap. I.
Vide G. J. Voff. in Etymolog.
(t) V. Fr. Junij
. Gloff. Goth. Pag. 65. Auguſtin. Epift. 178.
(u) Rad. Flav. in Levit. Libr. XVII. Cap. 3.
(W) Philo. Allegor. Lib. II. Pag. 50.
(C) Plut. Sympoſ. Lib. VIII. Cap. 4. Pag. 887. Ed. Ald.
(1) A. Gell. Lib. III. Cap. 6.
Vid. Ştrabon. Gegor. Lib. XV. Pag. 731.
(«) Mart. Lib. VII. Ep. I. Servius ad Æneid. II
Ifidor. Lib. XIX. Cap. 24.
I
A. Verf

Ch. VII. v. 1o.
The Palm-bearing Confeſors.
329
A. Verſ. 10. Kei xpellson cavñ nezdiny, And they cry with a loud Voice.). In the
Hymns mentioned before in Chap. 4. 8. and Verſe 11. and Chap. 5. 9. and Verfé 13.
where the Wights and Elders give Glory to God and the Lamb, there is no Mention
of any great Voice. But of the Angels, Chap. 5. 12. there is a great or loud Voice
mentioned. What is the Reaſon of this Epithet? Great throughout this Book fig-
nifies Powerful, and always relates to a prevailing Power over the Adverſaries. See
the Notes on Chap. 18. 23. B. and Chap. 19. 1. B. At the beginning of the Chriſtian
Oeconomy, the Clergy and Laity of the Church were in Subjection, and under the
Power of Paganiſm. But now they are not; they prevail againſt it. As for the
Angels, they are Powers ; and according to their Natures, whatſoever they adhere
to, prevails. This loud Voice is therefore here a Voice of Authority, and ſhews,
that their Worſhip is eſtabliſhed with Power. Theſe here do not cry upon the
Account of any new Revelation, for then it would have been the Voice of a Thun-
der, but the Human Authority gives them Power to Worſhip and Praiſe God pub-
lickly. The Primitive Chriſtians worſhipped in a manner always in Secret; but now
their Worſhip is publick, the Goſpel is openly preached, Matth. 10: 27. they are
now enabled to return God publick Thanks.
B. néger
les vi ow theia, Saying, Salvation.] This Word, or Form, doth here deter-
mine the Nature, or Intent of the Cry, or Song. 'Tis an Hoſanna, which I take
to fignify, Our Salvation, by way of Thanks for the Salvation effected, rather than
ſave us, which looks like a Prayer, or Wiſh for the Salvation yet to come. So that
this implies, We worſhip and thank God and the Lamb, for the great Salvation and
Deliverance wrought for us ; for that Salvation, and conſequently the Acknowledg-
ment thereof is wholly due to them. Thus where Matth. 21. 9. Mark 11. 10. have
Dounes év suis ulisois, Luke 19. 38, hath data is úfísoek. So that ow one's here, fignia
fies the Reward, or Thanks given for the Salvation.
C. To Oem juti, Tre nga. Su cuboios spóve, j Ted apviq, To our God, who fitteih upon
the Throne, and to the Lamb.] This
Reading is confirmed by (a) St. Cyprian in Two
ſeveral Places, and approved by (b) Dr. Mill; the other firſt introduced by Eraſmus,
which hath, the role Snufios en oo Spóvo Tš Osijus), To ágvíos, ſeems to infer, as if this
Thankſgiving was given ſolely to the Lamb, who fitteth on the Throne of God, in
Excluſion of God the Father. But this is not right, nor according to the other
Hymns in this Sacred Book, which join them together. The Terms have been
explained.
Let us now caſt our Eyes backwards to ſee how all this hath been accompliſhed
already ; ſeeing we have aſſerted that all this Epiſode belonged to this firſt Period of
the Church, and not to others, as ſome have ſaid. The Muſter of the Confeſſors,
or hitherto perſecuted Chriſtian Church, out of the converted fews and Gentiles,
which did now conſtitute one Church, ſhewing that the Church was formed into a
publick Body, or Army, with Power to cruſh its Enemies already foiled, and to en-
joy the Reſt in the Land of God ſet out for it; and that its Enemies could not any
more prevail againſt it at this Time ; plainly denotes in the Intention of the Holy
Ghoſt ſuch a Time, when by the wreſting of the Imperial Dignity and Power of the
Sword out of the Hands of the Idolaters, and the ſenſible Decay of their Religion
and falfe Worſhip, the Church became Vifible, and was ſupported by the Temporal
Power, whereof its Members were in Poffeffion. Now all this happened when
Conſtantine the Great, having overcome his Pagan Competitors, was ſettled in
Peace : Which Peace laſted ſo long, and was of ſuch Importance to the Chriſtian
Church, that it really then appeared as the Army of the living God, glorifying and
thanking him for the wonderful Deliverance wrought by the Hands of that Emperor,
out of the almoſt perpetual Perfecutions the Chriſtians ſuffer'd under his Idolatrous
Predeceſſors. Of which Thankfulneſs the Chriſtians were then fo full, that the Ec-
cleſiaſtical Hiſtory of theſe Times ſpeaks of almoſt nothing elſe. Then it was, that
as in the Mofaical Diſpenſation the Ifraelites being in full Poſſeſſion of the promiſed
Land, by having Kings of their own, enjoyed Peace, and then built a Temple, or
fix'd Seat for Divine Worſhip; ſo now the Chriſtians began to build every where
Magnificent Churches, beautified and adorned after another rate than the Primitive
2
(a) Cyprian. Teftim. Lib. III. Sect. 16. doc. De Exhort. Martyr. Sect
. IX,
b) Proleg. Pag. 124.
hote
Pppp
Chriſtians,

330
The Palm-bearing Confeſſors.
Ch. VII. V. 10.
3
Chriſtians, who though they had Places of Aſſembly ſet apart for the Worſhip of
God, yet theſe might be called only Tabernacles, and compared to that State of
the Ifraèlites, when they had only the Tabernacle to Worſhip at, which was as it
were fix'd no where for certain. Now the (c) Emperor Conſtantine fignalized him-
felf this way, not only in building, but in endowing them likewiſe with great Reve-
nues. But though the publick Eſtabliſhment of the Chriſtian Worſhip does fulfil
theſe Symbols, yet there may be at this Time a more literal and preciſe Meaning
and conſequently a more exa&t Event to fulfil this Prophecy: Or at leaſt a Circum-
ftance, which makes it the more remarkable ; namely, that the Chriſtian Religion
under this Emperor, became wholly poffeſt of the Imperial Army, ſo that the Hea-
thens were no more Maſters therein: It ſerved no more to maintain the Authority of
the Perſecutors, but rather to defend the Chriſtian Religion, and fully fertle the
Worſhip of it.
But beſides all this, there is ſtill a more noble Event to fulfil this Muſter, which
was the calling together into one Oecumenical Panegyre, or Review, the whole Chri-
ftian Church by the Repreſentatives, or Biſhops of the whole Catholick Church,
aſſembled in the general Council at Nicea. Wherein we may ſay conſiſted the whole
Army and Power of the Chriſtians, who were there impowered by the Affiſtance
and Favour of Conſtantine to make a publick Symbol of Faith, or Recognition, and
publick Profeſſion of our Religion. For of this Famous Council we may fay with
juſt Reaſon, what Tertullian ſaid of Provincial Councils : (d) Aguntur præcepta per
Græcias illas certis in locis Concilia ex univerfis Eccleſijs, per quæ & altiora quæque in
commune tra&tantur, & ipfa repreſentatio totius nominis Chriſtiani magna veneratione
celebratur. Et hoc quàm dignum fide auſpicante congregari undique ad Chriftum. This
he ſaid when no great Friend to the Catholicks. This, I ſay, was thar Noble Mu-
Iter, for the ſhewing of which, God gave to that Emperor an univerfal Peace. And
he preſiding thereat, made himſelf as one of them. So that it is well to be ob-
ferved, that Euſebius, ſpeaking of this Action of the Emperor, uſeth Military
Terms, ſhewing that Conftantine having left behind him all his Guards, ranked him-
Telf as one of them, (e) των σε Θεέ φόβω καταμφιεσμό G, ή τε πτών εταίρων τοίς
euvesimus, coele songs pešo G. And being ſufficiently guarded by the Fear of God, and
ſurrounded with Ranks of his well affe&ted Companions. But as to the very Council of
Nicæa being a general Muſter, or drawing up of the Chriſtian Army, we find in the
fame Author ſome Expreſfions very remarkable and appoſite. In ſpeaking of the
very firſt Defign of calling that Council he uſes this Expreſſion : (f) PER Tome
Caspat esp CTO ocê qencapace owodoy oire suferinte owereóth. " When he ſaw that the
* Letter which he had written to Alexandria had not the Succeſs which he expected,
“ he fought in his Mind another way to fight that inviſible Enemy, which difturbed
the Peace of the Church. He raiſed againſt him a Celeſtial Army, or rather, After
that, as if he had been raiſing againſt him the Hoſt of the Lord, be aſſembled an Oe
cumenical Synod. Is it poſlīble that ſuch Words ſhould drop from him by mere
Chance, and not rather by ſome ſecret Direction, or at leaft Permiſſion of the Holy
Ghoſt ?' He faith in the next Chapter, eux suvñxlo otes To ©¢8 247897@v teh dnevivid, the
firſt Fruits of God's Servants were asſembled together. This Word durošíva is to be
well obſerved as very Emphatical ; for in the Viſion parallel to this in Chap. 14. 5.
they are called by the Holy Ghoſt, dragae, firſt Fruits. See all the reſt : For it is
wonderfully fitted to explain all this Marter. He concludes the Chapter in this man-
mer, τοιύτον μόνον εξ αιώνG- είς βασιλάς Κωνσταντίνα Χρισώ σέφανον δεσμό σωτά μας αρμώης,
TIN TE ENTHPI a vesz égboto ng mong pulov viung Scompetis viver set zagishgrov, tizórz gegelang
arosonexñs reuolen reb' sipõis ousmocí pulu o. Which Words fignify, that Conſtantine was
the firſt of the Emperors, who made an Aſſembly of Biſhops like that of the Apo-
Atles, and framed thereof a Crown, which he cfer’d to his SAVIOUR by way of
THANKS, for the Victories which he had obtained againſt his Enemies by his
Help. Which Words explain the Meaning of the Palms , the Hoſanna, or otheid.
In other places we find Words, which fit the Triumphal and Euchariſtical Hymns in
ſuch a Manner, as nothing can be more expreſs. For ſpeaking of the Chriſtians
glorifying God for Conſtantine's Victory over Licinius, as if the Holy Ghoſt had it-
(C) Euſeb, de Vica Conſt. Lib. I. Cap. 35.
(e) Eufeb. de Vit. Conft. Lib. I. Cap. XXXVII,
(d) Tertullian. de Jejun. Cap. XIII.
(f) Eufeb. de Vita Conſt. Lib. III. Cap. VI.
ſpired
9999

Chap. VII. V. II. The Angels Recognition.
331
uteretur.
ſpired them, that they might ſerve to explain this Prophecy, he ſays, (g) Ovn l Tis
έπ @esτέρων μνήμη κακών, απαλλαχε παί των τον νικητίω ανυμνώνων" μόνον η τέτα ΣΩΤΗ-
PA Sody ovo rogów low qveseller. They forgot the former Evils, publiſhed every where the
Praiſes of the Conqueror, and acknowledged the Power of the SAVIOUR, which
had beſtowed thoſe Victories upon him. The Words are a ſufficient Commentary upon
this Hymn, wherein the Catholick Church begins to celebrate and acknowledge the
univerſal Kingdom of God and Chriſt
, which by the Means of that Emperor was
publickly received ; (h) Μοναρχίας και εξάς χων Θεά κηρύγμα1Θ- τοις πάσι. He began the
Publication of the Monarchy of God over all Men. And in all Cafes, as the true
Steward of God, he declared himſelf his Servant, and that God, and not himſelf,
was the Author of all thoſe Vi&tories he had obtained. See Eufeb. de Vita Conft.
Lib. I. Cap. 2. Lib. II. Cap. 23. and Cap. 28. Latantius, Lib. VII. Cap. 26. Nec ima
meritò rerum dominus ac re&tor te potiffimum delegit, per quem San&am religionem
ſuam inſtauraret
. And a little after, Tu vero & morum ingenita San&titate, &
veritatis & Dei agnitione in omni a&tu juſtitiæ opera conſummas. Erat con-
gruens, ut in formando generis humani ftatu te auctore, ac miniſtro divinitas
Again, it is ſaid, that theſe Confeſſors wore white Robes, or Stoles ; and that this
fignifies an Honour, Freedom, Immunities, and a publiek Conſecration of the Per-
fons wearing it to God's Service. And that thoſe who had fuffered, ſhould be well
rewarded. So accordingly this Emperor made Laws not only for the publick Exer-
ciſe of the Chriſtian Worſhip, and to free the Chriſtians from the perpetual Slavery
they were under, and danger of Perſecution ; but alſo freed all thoſe which had ſuf-
fered by Baniſhment, or otherwiſe, for the Name of Chriſt. And either reſtored
them to their Offices and Honours, if they would accept them ; or elſe upon refuſal
of that, exempted them from all publick Services and Charges ; which the fame (1)
Eufebius declares ar large ; that they might live a quiet and eaſy Life, and thereby
have Opportunity wholly to ſerve God. So that this Conſtantine was that Angel
ariſing from the Eaſt, and the High Steward of God, who filenced the Winds of the
Wars and Perſecutions, muſtered the Chriſtian Armies, and rewarded thoſe who
had ſuffered in the former Conflicts. Paras
A. Verf. 11. Και παντες οι άγγελοι ειςήκεισαν κύκλο το θρόνα , And all the Angels food
round about the Throne, &c.] This whole Verſe ſeems here to repeat an Action of
theſe Angels already performed in Chap. 5. 11, 12. But we are to obſerve, that no-
thing is repeated in vain in this Prophecy, but that it fignifies fome peculiar A&tion,
which muſt have its Accompliſhment alſo in the ſame Order of Time and other Cir-
cumſtances, as it is recorded. Now theſe Angels here perform Three Aétions ſec
down in this and the next Verſe. The firſt is, that they ſtand round about the Throne,
the Elders and the Wights: The Second is, that they fall down and worſhip God :
The Third is, that they make again a Recognition of the Titles owned before, and
ſay Amen, or approve the Things owned by the Confeſſors. All this muſt be conſi-
dered together. Angels in the Symbolical Language, having no other particular At-
tribute, muſt be underſtood of the Ruling Powers, the Princes of the People. Their
ſtanding round the Throne fignifies the Defence of God's Honour and Worſhip, and
round the Elders and Wights, the Defence of the Church : Their Adoration ſignifies
the Submiſſion of the Governors to the Chriſtian Religion ; and the Recognition of
God's Titles implies, that they join therein with the Chriſtian Church, and own the
Favour of God done to it as done to themſelves, becauſe done to their people.
And their doing of it after the High Steward of God, implies their Conformity to
his Undertaking. Yea, this as all the reſt may be ſaid to be an Effe&t or Dependency
of his Commiſſion, that he cauſes them to do it, or employs Governors to ſuit his
Undertaking. All this was accompliſhed by the Care of Conftantine : "" For after
“ having ſettled the Chriſtian Religion by Law, he took care to place through all
the Provinces Governors, or Magiſtrates, who for the moft Pare were Chriſtians ;
as for thoſe, who were not then temoved, he forbad them to facrifice to Idols.
He made a Law, that the Præfe&ti Pretorio
, who were above all the reft, and were
66
ſeized of the greateſt Dignities, ſhould be liable to the ſame Duty, He com-
0 2002
labris Simono 1072
CG
(8) Eufeb. de Vita Conft. Lib. II. Cap. 19.
(b) Euſeb. de Vit. Conft
. Lib. II. Cap. 19.
(i) De Vit. Conft. Lib. II. Cap. 20, 21, 33. Conf. B. Hilarij Ep. contr. Conſtant. Auguft. Pag. 264.
* manded

332
The Angels Recognition.
Ch. VII. v. 12.
" manded them, that if they were Chriſtians, they ſhould do as their Duty required,
« but if not, or were otherwiſe
affe&ted, he did not permit them to ſacrifice to Idols."
See Euſebius de Vit. Conft
. Lib. II. cap. 43. whoſe Words I have here in a manner
only tranflated. Thus the Chriſtian Church and Divine Worſhip was protected, nor
only by the Emperor, but by his Angels, or all the Magiſtrates. And they fubmit-
ted to the ſame, and were obliged to make Recognition of their Submiſſion.
B. Tévzes, Au.] This Word is always limited to the Subject Matter, and for the
moft Part not excluding altogether Exceptions. To fulfil it it's enough, that moſt
conform to it and by little and little, or make no great Difference, or viſible Oppofi-
tion. In Chap. s. they are obſerved to be Myriads of Myriads, Thouſands of Thou-
ſands; that is, without Number : But that place fpeaks, as hath been already ob-
ſerved, only of Things as they ought to be of Right, and ſhall indeed be at ſome
Time or other, by the univerſal Comprehenſion of all Potentates. But now no ſuch
Adjunct is added, becauſe the Church now ſettled, though univerſal, is circumſcri-
bed; and that too moſtly within the Limits of the Roman Empire. Șo that the
TÍTis all, muſt be reſtrain'd to that.
C. Kai megsexuínown Ted Osm, And worſhipped God. ] When theſe ſpeak, at the next
Verſe, they add diweth, our God, implying the Covenant made by the Recognition.
That is, God the Father and his Son the Lamb. When the Word God ſtands by it
ſelf, it implies that : But when God the Father is diſtinguiſhed from the Son, we
find that the Holy Ghoſt affects to uſe the Expreſſion, Him that fitteth on the Throne
and the Lamb. Hence it comes, that the Words Tad Orš nucür at v. 10. be ſuſpected
to be a Gloſs, inſerted for Explication fake, by Dr. Mill.
A. Ver. 12. rézores, Aputu, Saying, Amen.] The Word hath been explained be-
fore, it is uſed to approve and confirm. Now as theſe follow the Confeff-rs, who have
cried out that Salvation is now come from God, theſe conſent and ſay amen : Tis
true, we will endeavour to make it good. We join in your Thanks, and will do our
Duty to confirm in all Points the Salvation ye have obtained.
B. 'H drozíd, sej i do Eu, zý si oopia, rý si de zadesia, rý si muil
, vej i dwóc quis, xj v igés,
Bleſſing, and Glory, and Wiſdom, and Thankſgiving, and Honour, and Power, and
Might: ] Theſe Angels obſerve the Number Seven as before, and for the ſame Rea-
fons. Grotius hath obſerved, that here dizagesia is put inſtead of 7.870 in the for-
mer Hymn, Chap. 5. 12. but that it comes to the ſame at laft: For the nero, or
Riches of God, are his Bounty and Liberality towards Man, Rom. 2. 4. and the Ful-
neſs, or Plenty of his Grace, Ephes. 1. 7. the beſtowing of which merits and draws
from us our Thankſgivings. Therefore if the Riches of God's Grace be beſtowed
upon Men, the Praiſe of it is accordingly due from Man, his Riches draw our
Thanks, and ſo are the ſame in Effect at laſt. By the Rule, that the Reward follow-
ing the Work, the Work is often named inſtead of the Reward. But this is not the
fame : For at this Rate the euzagesia is equivalent to all the other
Terms uſed here,
the exerting of which, or any of them, does equally draw our Thankſgiving. The
euzagesia is here neceſſary, on the Account of the Subject ; and therefore one of the
Terms being to be thruſt out to keep to the Myſtery of the Number Seven ; the
Lot is fallen to the Word mašto Riches
, which is eaſily underſtood, and ſupplied by
any of the reſt, and particularly musi and soža, both which fignify Price or Tribute, and
Riches too, or at leaſt imply them. Nay even eurozia is the giving of Preſents or
Tribute, as may be ſeen in the LXX. 2 Kings 5. 15. or the beſtowing of an Inheri-
tance, as in Genef. 27. 37. Tun Honour, is the Tribute whence Monarchs have their
Wealth ; fed is the glittering Shew, which the Abundance of them makes before
the World; for that is the Notion we have of Glory in general. Saluft; (k) Sed
ubi gloria honorem magis in dies, virtutem opulentia vincit
. So that any of theſe
Terms may be interchanged, or upon Occaſion left out for the Sake of ſome other
Myſtery : As we have ſeen, that where the Angels uſe Seven, becauſe myſterious to
them, others uſe but Four, for the like Reaſon; and yet both theſe are uſed to fig-
nify as much.
bod
D. 'Exs išs atõves ones adver, For ever and ever. ] Theſe Angels as Magiſtrates,
Princes, or Governors of the World, or that Part
now become ſubject to the Chri-
ftian Worſhip, promiſe and imply by this, that God and his Woríhip ſhall not be
(k) Saluft. Orat. II. de Repub. Ordinand. Shou
for

Ch. VII. v. 13.
The Confeſſors rewarded.
337
for ever thruſt out of Poſſeſſion from what he is now ſeized of. His Worſhip may
be hinder'd, but not quite driven out.
E. ’Aulu, Amen.] In the firſt Amen the Angels give their Conſent and Approba-
tion to the Hymn of the Church ; in this latter they confirm this, and conclude their
own Hymn, and ratify the Certainty of that Submiſſion, which they have made to
God therein.
A. Verf. 13. Kai dargien, Anſwered.] To anſwer is here faid inſtead of to
Speak or ſay in general, as the Evangeliſts often uſe it, Matth. 11. 25, according to
the Force of the Hebrew my, commonly indeed turned by a moxeivo, but alſo fignify-
ing to ſpeak with one, to enter into Conference.
B. Els ses cope aßu tégeon, One of the Elders.] The whole may be turned thus,
And the firſt of the Elders Spake ſaying to me. For in the Hebrew Stile , One is com-
monly put for Firſt. But who is this firſt Elder upon this Occaſion? Elder we know
ſignifies Head of the Chriſtian People. Who ſhould it therefore be but ſome, or the
chief Magiſtrate, who makes the Confeffors to be taken notice of? Such as at this
Time was Conſtantine, and his Succeſſors, as long as the Time of the Reward or
Reft to be enjoyed by theſe Confeſſors is to laſt. He being the firſt Chriſtian Em-
peror or Prince, who made Laws, to deliver the Confeffors from their Priſons, Ba-
niſhments, Slavery, and other Puniſhments : And diſtinguiſhed them from other
Chriſtians, by beſtowing great Honours and Privileges upon them : Which Laws
were continued and enlarged by his Succeſſors to the times of Theodofius.
Β. Ούτοι οι αθιβεβλημένοι τας φυλάς τις λάκας, ανες εισί, και που δεν ήλθον , What are
theſe that are arrayed in the White Robes, and whence came they? ] Or rather,
Theſe that are arrayed in the White Robes, who are they, and whence came they?
But it matters not much, the Senſe is clear. This Queſtion is not a ked for want of
Knowledge, but to excite the Attention, that there may be given Occaſion to thew,
who they are, and what they are to be. Wherefore all thoſe Rewards, which fol-
low, are declared or given to theſe Confeſſors by God, through the Mediation of a
temporal Elder of the Church, or a Chriſtian Prince, whom God makes uſe of to
demonſtrate it to the World, that_is to effect it, as (1) Sewing or revealing is to
give Power to act. So this hath Power to thew, that is, effect here God's Deſigns
at this Time. But ſtill there are ſome Men who being deceived by the miſtaking of
the Nature of the Symbols uſed by the Prophets, and finding that they deſcribe the
Things belonging to the Times of the Reſurrection by ſenſible Symbols, do not con-
ſider that the fame Symbols may alſo fignify Matters of this Life, bearing fome Pro-
portion or Similitude to thoſe of another. This is often practiſed in the Prophecies,
it being indeed not poſſible to thew us the Things of another Life, any other Way,
but as it were through a Glaſs, through the Perſpective of ſenſible Objects : From
which 'tis plain, that the Symbols may alſo ſignify Things of another Nature, of the
fame Nature as themſelves ; that is, ſenſible to our preſent Senſes. Now the Holy
Ghoſt can give us no other way to avoid confounding theſe Matters, but by joining
therewith ſuch other Circumſtances as are ſufficient to make us determine to what
Times we muſt refer each. Now this is the preſent Caſe. The everlaſting Reſt of
the Church is wholly performed by Chriſt himſelf. His Angels (hew it to St. John.
But for a Temporal Reft, an inferior Inſtrument is ſufficient. The Inſtrument that
ſhews, is that which effects
. Here 'tis a Temporal Prince, and ſo the Reſt muſt be
temporal. An everlaſting Reſt is above the Power of Man to ſhew to the Church.
So that, as is the Effect, ſuch muſt be the Inſtrument. So the Apoſtles are Chriſt's
Inſtruments of Salvation, 1 Theſſ. 5. 9. but not immediate, which the Angels are,
Hebr. 1. 14. The Apoſtles are Inſtruments of thoſe Matters, which are in order to
obtain Salvation. In this Senſe this Elder, the Author of the Reft, is as Fofhua to the
Ifraelites, or David afterwards ; Authors of a Reſt, which was the Type of another.
The Reſt of this Life given by God to the Confeffors, is an Earneſt of their everla-
fting Reft in its due Time ; and the more, becauſe he was not only the Beſtower of
the Reft; but alſo the great Encourager of the Myſtery of Piety. He faid therefore
in thar (m) Law, whereby he eſtabliſh'd the Chriſtian Church and Religion, that un-
der God, whoſe Miniſter he was, all Mankind was called to the Knowledge of the
(1) John 5. 19, 20, 21,
Lib. II. c. 28.
(m) In Euſeb. de Vit. Conſt.
0999
true

334
The Confeſors rewarded.
• Ch. VII. v. 1
98
LIST
14.
true Law, in order to eternal Salvation, or thar ſaving Reformation, which Men
wanted.
A. Verf. 14.. Kvené us, ou oides, My Lord, thou knoweſt it.] This Kuere proves,
that the Elders are Rulers. For St. Fohn being the Repreſentative of the Church,
and as a Member thereof, gives this Elder the Title, which his Rank in the Church
deſerves. So that this is nothing elſe but a civil Salutation, ſuch as we have in John
20.15. As for the Doubt, fince St. John knew the converted Ifraelites, and made
no Queſtion about them, What is the Reaſon, that he ſeems to be ignorant what theſe
are? This Doubt ſeems to fignify and imply that general Miſtake wherein the Jews
even converted ſeemed to be, as if the Gentile Converts, tho' laſt come in, were not
to ſhare in the ſame Reſt as the natural Jews converted. But here he is put into the
tight Way, by ſhewing, that theſe alſo are to enjoy that Reſt, and worſhip in the Temi-
ple of God with
all the Adjuncts thereof. As for the Expreſſion, Thou knoweſt it, it
is the ſame as, thou art able to make it known, or, thou only Malt make it known :
Which Senſe is very proper to this place, being an (n) Hebraiſm, wherein the Con-
jugation Hiphil hath commonly this Signification : Another Inſtance of which we have
in St. Paul, 1 Cor. 2. 2. I determined not to know any Thing among you ; that is, not
to make known, or preach any Thing, Save Feſus Chrift
. And perhaps alfo Mark
13. 32.
Β. Και επί μου, έτσι είσαν οι ερχόμενοι εκ τ θλίψεως ή μεγάλης, And he laid to me, There
are they which came out of the great Tribulation.] That is, theſe are they, that have
eſcaped fafe, tho' not without great Sufferings, from the great Perſecutions lately,
and till now, hanging over the Church, and which had ſwallowed up all the Blood
of thoſe Martyrs, which at the Fifth Seal cried up from under the Altar to God.
ég 6926013, or égzects én is to eſcape, as in Chap. 18. 4. éğea. F*T &Ę tas, is, eſcape out
of her. Theſe therefore are not the Martyrs which have been beheaded, and whoſe
Souls were before at the foot of the Altar crying up : Bur theſe are they which have
confeſſed the Name of Chriſt, and have mightily ſufferd for that Confeſſion : But
now by the Subverſion of Paganiſm at the opening of the Sixth Seal they are deli-
ver'd from that great Tribulation, wherein ſo many others have loſt their Lives, and
they have ſuffered many Torments. As the Children of Iſrael, they are juſt come
out of the Egpytian Servitude, and the Oppreſſion of the Philiſtines, and being
made a royal Prieſthood and a peculiar People, they are going to enjoy in Peace the
Reft which their Sufferings have obtained from God. And I ſhall make it appear,
that they ſhall have all the Advantages of it. All this is eaſily applicable to Conſtan-
tine the Great, who procured that Reft for the Church with all the Dependencies of
it hereafter mentioned. And fince I have obſerved, that the great Council of Nice
was in a peculiar Manner this Muſter of God's Servants ; fo 'tis to be obſerv’d,
that the Biſhops, who met there, had on them the Marks of a great Tribulation;
being many of them depriv'd of the Uſe of fome Member, by the Torments inflict-
ed on them in the laft Perfecution ; as loſs of Eye, Hand, or Foot. Who are there-
fore ſaid by Theodoret to bear the Marks of the Lord Feſtus, (o) Ilomo, ö rei siypaloa
Tð Kveis ’ingê xente jetor ’Arósonov TUS Oslo.nl oéegules. This very Expreſſion, if no
more, is ſufficient to prove, that theſe CXLIV Thouſand fealed Servants, and this
mixt Multitude in white Robes, is not deſigned to undergo a great Perſecution, ſuch
as will be deſcribed in the Second Period, but that even before the Opening of the
Seventh Seal , that is, during the firſt Period, they come out of it, and by the Se-
venth Seal, which perfects it, they are actually to enjoy a notable Reſt.' To ſay
theſe latter are deſigned to be victorious only in the Third, and fo have endured the
Tribulation of the Second Period, is to aſſert that which appears not in the Text,
but turns the Oeconomy of the Prophecy upſide down. For by all means all this is
to happen before the Seventh Seal is opened ; and theſe Matters are only Prepara-
tions to it.
C. 'Ex « Grólews of peozelans, Out of the great Tribulation. ] It is called Great be-
cauſe made by the Enemies of God, who endeavour by it to magnify themſelves
againſt him. See Note on Chap. 18. 23. B.
D. Και έπλωναν τας σολας αυτών, και ελάκαναν αυτοίς εν τω αίματι το αρνίε, And have
waſhed their Robes, and made them White in the Blood of the Lamb.] This is an
2013
(n) Vid. Dan. Feffelij Adverf. Sacr. Lib. I, cap. 2. §. II.
6) Theodor. H. Eccl. Lib. I. cap. 7.
uſual

Chap. VII. v. 15. The Confeſſors rewarded.
335
uſual Hendiadis, to fignify they have waſhed to whiten, or, they have whitend their
Robes, by waſhing them in the Blood of the Lamb. The Onirocriticks obſerve, that
the wearing of White Garments fignifies being promoted to Honour. But the Indian,
Chap. 231, ſaith more preciſely ; 'Ear idin is de move bar pefu @ ève A w.70 i peces piee no. See
αποβαλε πάσιν θλίψιν και μέριμνων και νοσον, και χαρήσε) αναλόγως και απο πλύσεως, και η δόξης
ofes i peceticov, rj um síos y eva mom dë. He means, that the Freedom from Oppreſſion,
Care, and Evil, and the Honour and Joy, ariſe in Proportion to the Nature of the
Waſhing. So here 'tis faid, that becauſe theſe have whitened their Stoles in the Blood
of the Lamb : de Bšto, therefore they are admitted to the Favour of ſtanding before
the Throne of God, and to ſerve him for ever in his Temple. Their Freedom, Joy,
Peace, and Honour muſt increaſe, in Proportion to the Merit of the Blood of the
Lamb. In the Mofaical Oeconomy, the Prieſts, who were to be adorned with White
Stoles for Honour and Glory, upon their Conſecration had them ſprinkled with the
Blood of a Ram, Exod. 29. 21. Levit. 8. 30, whereby it is ſaid, that they were
San&tified, that is, Whitened, or Purified: Theſe Terms being Synonymous in the
Mofaical Ritual ; Remiſſion of Sins and legal Pollutions, being thereby obtained.
But now Chriſt by his Death and Sufferings having merited a Kingdom, John 5.
27. Phil. 2. 8, 9. All the Good that is done to the Church, all its Peace and Ad-
vancement is for the Sake of Chriſt. Now they that ſuffer for his Name, and the
Advancement of his Kingdom, do communicate in his Sufferings : Phil. 3. 10. 1 Pet.
4. 13. and what they fuffer is ſaid to be done to him, Alts. 9.4. and to fulfil the
Meaſure of his Sufferings, Col. 1. 24. Therefore as his Blood purges away all Sin,
and merits all the Good that can happen to the Church ; thoſe, who by their Suf-
ferings obtain any Reſt, or Favour of God, obtain it by having waſhed their Robes
in the Blood of the Lamb: That is, merited to wear White Robes, and obrain what
they import, for having ſuffered like Chriſt, and for his Sake. See our Note on
Chap. 1. 5. B. Further, as theſe are thereby admitted to appear before the Throne
of God, and to Worſhip in his Temple, this alludes to the Sprinklings of Blood in
the Moſaical Religion; by which the Ifraelites were admitted Parties in Covenant
with God, Exod. 24. 8. and the other Sprinklings of the Waters of Purification,
made with the Aſhes of the Heifer, Heb. 9. 13. For upon any Pollution it was not
lawful to appear before God without that Purification, Numb. 19. 17, 20. Novi
theſe having purified their Garments in the Blood of the Lamb, the real and perfect
Sacrifice for Sin, have thereby gained a Right to appear before God, and to Worſhip
him in his Temple.
A. Verf. 15. Δια τέτο εισιν ενώπιον το θρόνα τέ Θεέ, και λαος Α' εσιν αυτώ ημέρας κ νυκτος
ev tead veco ura, Therefore they are before the Throne of God, and ſerve him Day and
Night in his Temple. ] Theſe are the preſent and chief Privileges accruing to theſe
Confeſſors upon the Account of their Sufferings. Firſt, to be in God's Favour and
Preſence ; Secondly, they have full Liberty to Worſhip him; Thirdly, notwith-
ſtanding the unſettled State of the World, full of Mixture of Proſperity and Ad-
verſity, they have a Promiſe to be ſecured; becauſe Fourthly, God hath now a
Temple, or fix'd and ſettled State of the Church. The Firſt and Second are evident
of themſelves. Now whereas ’tis faid, that they ſhall ſerve, this is vaſtly different
from the Millennial and everlaſting Reft, in which they ſhall reign with Chriſt
Here they are before his Throne, but there they ſhall ſee bis Face ; which makes ano-
ther great Difference. Let us proceed to clear the reſt.
B. Huéegs rj verlos, Day and Night.] Day and Night, in the Symbolical Lan-
guage, ſignify Times of Proſperity and Adverſity, as may be ſeen by our Note on
Chap. 7. 2. A. and Note upon Chap. 21. 25. B. Though theſe have a Reſt
, yet it is
ſuch a one as ſuits this Life, with a Mixture, but in ſuch a Manner, that they are
therein ſure of the Divine Protection. They ſhall meet with Viciſſitudes; but God.
will defend them, and carry them through all, that their Liberty to Worſhip him
Ahall not be taken away from them. This point makes an eſſential Difference between
this State and that of the New Jeruſalem: For though ſome of theſe Symbols ſeem
to be like thoſe of that Time, yet there are eſſential Characters of Diſtinction be.
tween them, which thew enough the Eminency of that furure State above what is
deſcribed here. In that State no (p) Night is to be, but in this they muſt have
() Revel. 21. 25.
Night

340
The Temple.
Ch. VII. v. 15.
Night as well as Day, Ambroſius Ansbertus faith ; Serviunt autem ei die ac noéte,
id eſt, in proſperis & adverſis fidei atque operationis re&titudinem conſervant. Die's
enim proſperitatem, nox vero ſignificat hujus Jaculi adverſitatem. And elſewhere,
(9) In die autem & no&te accuſat, id eft, in proſperis & adverfis. Radulphus Fla-
viacenfis alſo faith, (-) Diem ac no&tem, proſperitatem & adverſitatem intellige.
C. ’Ev Tu veo áurs, In his Temple. ] The Importance of this Symbol ſeems to
have been very much neglected by all Interpreters, and by Conſequence that Negled
muſt needs have cauſed a great Obfcurity throughout the rett of this Prophecy,
wherein this Temple is often mentioned. For which Reaſon it behoves us to be very
exact about it. Our Intention is to prove that the Temple, as we have hinted, fig.
nifies the ſettled State of the Church. Nads, as Heſychius explains it, is oiros » S06
Gads meso xuvei), a Temple is a Houſe wherein God is Worſhipped; that is, as being
ſuppoſed preſent, and dwelling therein ; for vads comes from veio, to Dwell: And in
the Greek Tongue, this Word is uſed both concerning Gods and Men. On this Ac-
count the Temple often comes in Holy Writ under the Notion of na, in the LXX,
oing, a Houſe, as well as Neds. Now as when David had overcome all the Ene-
mies of God's People, and ſettled the whole Nation, he thought of building a
Temple to God, that God's Worſhip might be alſo ſettled ; fo God calls the Building
of that Temple, the Building of an Houſe, 2 Sam. 7. 6. And the Deſign of it is ſaid
by God himſelf to be moun, to inhabit, to fit, or ſettle, to remain, to laſt, and
perſevere, for the Words now and au), akin to it, have all theſe Significations, be-
ing turn’d in the LXX, not only by oirée and respon, but alſo wivw, drepévw, reta qués ,
meg.refoco, mabc, dva maiw, note mic, vougal. And fo in the Latin Tongue, Sedere fig-
nifies to ſettle
, and Sedes a Settlement. Silius Italicus ; (5) Et quando terraſque,
fretumque Emenſis ſediſſe dabis? And a little after: Da jedem genitor. Virgil:
(1) Hic tamen ille urbem Patavi, ſedeſque locavit
Teucrorum,
See the Note upon Chap. 9.5. C. So that the Building of the Temple was wholly
deſigned to make a durable and permanent Manſion for God; and confequently for
his Worſhip. dvemaats zeltéte, salois rodov welo, A Reſt for the Ark, a Settles
ment for the Feet of God, as David deſigned it, 1 Chron. 28. 2. and as God
himſelf did declare it, by and to the Prophet Nathan, 1 Chron. 17. 1, 9. and in
Iſaiah 66. 1.
And indeed the Compariſon, which David made between a Houſe for God, and
his dwelling in Tents, i ućom oxwas, 1997 na, in the Middle of Curtains,
2 Sam. 7. 5. ſhews fufficiently, that as a (u) Tent of Curtains is only a tranſitory
and unſettled Habitation ; fo a Houſe is quite oppoſed to it. For in the Hebrew
Stile, to build a Houſe is to ſettle a Family, to make one proſper. So in Exod. 1.
21. they built themſelves Houfes, in the LXX, ercingan eduthuis orní as, or as our Tran-
ſlation, He made them Houſes; this fignifies that God made them to profper, and
thereby fettled their Families by Succeſs in all kinds; as by a numerous Family,
and many Children, and abundance of Wealth. This Phraſe occurs in 1 Sam. 2. 35.
2 Sam. 7. 27. 1 Kings 11. 38. And fo in Euripides, (w) Kal to qegveiv, so'ndtoy névet
,
aj omenei sõpetr
, Wiſdom is unmoveable, and keeps together a Houſe, an Expreſſion
found in Solomon, Prov. 9. 1. to the very fame Purpoſe. And therefore in the Sym-
bolical Language, Houſes, Palaces, and Sons, mutually explain each other: As in
the Perſian and Egyptian Interpreter. Chap: 148. 'Edy idin Ó Baozadis za deré čara
κλιθία νέαν βασιλείαν ωejς καθοικείαν αυσε ο μιο ετελειώθησαν, τέκνον άρσεν γυνήσει
xanegrónov euri. Children, or rather Sons, being the Settlement of an Houſe, or
Family. (x) Esther 78 of scop pecades clov å posves, as Euripides faith. And indeed the
Word 13, an Houſe, ſeems to come from 122, to Edify, lay a Foundation. But
ſome ſay 'tis a Root of it ſelf: But however, as a (y) Learned Man hath obſerved, it
may be a Root derived by Allufion from another, radix a radice per alluſionem der
(9) Amb. Ansbertus, Lib. V. ad Apoc. Cap. 12. 10.
(r) Rad. Flav. in Levir. Lib. VI.
Cap. 5. (s) Sil, Italic. Lib. III.
(t) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I.
(u) See Philo,
Lib. III. De Vita Mof. Pág. 453. Outram de Sacrific. Lib. I. Cap. 2. Pag. 22. (W) Euripid.
Bacch. 389.
(2) Euripid. Iphig. Taur. v. 57. & apud Stob. aóz o of Edit. Trinc.
(y) Gouffer. V. 07.
rivata :
2

Ch. VII. v. 15.
The Temple.
337
rivata : And to me it ſeems a Word contracted from the Inuſit..nja, it being uſual
for ſuch common Words, as the Name of a Houſe, to be more ſubječt to Con-
tračtions than others.
The oppoſite (2) Erli, made of Curtains, denotes an unſettled State, from the
Uſe of Tents in Places where Men Travel, and have no ſettled Habitations. And as
(a) Hair, becauſe dreſt with much Care and Trouble, alſo fignifies Honour
accompa-
nied with Labour ; fo Curtains, or Tents, from their Matter, denote Affliction: For
in Hebrew, 1917, a Curtain, being derived from yo', which fignifies to afflict, as in
2 Sam. 20. 6. LXX, Y9Ko motuott, and to cry out for Pain, as in Iſaiah 15. 4. and they
being ſo called, becauſe made of Skins dreſſed and macerated with much Labour
and Teaſing, it is plain, that a Tabernacle made of theſe, as that of the Iſraelites
certainly was on the outſide, might very well repreſent an unſettled State of Affili-
&tion, oppoſed to Proſperity, or dwelling in Houſes built. For even among the
Antients, Tents were made of Leather; and to be forced to dwell in them, a Pain or
Puniſhment, as appears by theſe Paſſages ; T. Livius, ſpeaking of Hannibals Men,
corrupted by the Delights of Capua, (6) Ubi primum sub pellibus haberi coepti ſunt.
Hirtius deſcribing a great Storm of Hail which fell upon Cæfar's Camp, faith,
(c) Oppido perquam pauci ſub pellibus acquiefcebant. In Trebellius Pollio we find,
(d) Pellium tentoriarum decurias triginta. See alfo Valerius Maximus, Lib. VII.
Cap. 7. Lucilius, Hic ubi confeſjum, pelles que in ordine tenta. Hence Tentipellium
in Feſtus, which is ſaid to be calciamentum ferratum, quo pelles extenduntur, is, I
believe, the ſame as a Nail of the Tent, fome Iron Tool, or Socket, with a ſharp
Point to fix in the Ground and ſtretch the Tents. To this may be added theſe Words
of Solinus, ſpeaking of the Arabians : (e) Qui ſcenitæ cauffas nominis inde ducunt,
quod tentorijs ſuccedunt, nec alias domos habent. Ipſa autem tentoria cilicina ſunt :
Ita nuncupant velamenta è caprarum pilis texta. Laſtly, as to the other Úſe of
Tents to puniſh, we read in Vulcat. Gallicanus, (f) Fuſſitque eos hyemem ſub pellibus
agere, niſi corrigerent juos mores. So in Valer. Maximus, (g) Neve tentorium ex pel-
libus haberent. But this muſt be underſtood as uſed in Summer. And fo indeed to
puniſh the Iſraelites for their Rebellions, God made them dwell in Tents, till they
died that were guilty. For theſe Reaſons, whilſt Iſrael was unſettled in the Deſert,
and even in the Land, till the utmoſt of what was promiſed to Abraham was fulfilled
for their Sakes, God faith of himfelf, that he alſo walked in a Tent, and in a Ta-
bernacle, 2 Sam. 7. 6. And for the fame Reaſon even after his Temple was built, yet
when the Nation was reduced to ſuch a State, that his Temple was to be deſtroyed,
and the People led into Captivity, he ſpeaks of his Temple under the Symbols of
Tabernacle and Curtains, to thew that his Temple was as it were tottering, and as
unſettled as a Tabernacle, Jerem. 10. 20. where we find uſed the Words 177%, oriwi,
and 174997, deppers, Curtains, Skins.
The like Oppoſition is to be ſeen in Amos 9. 11. In that Day will I raiſe up the
Tabernacle of David that is fallen, and cloſe up the Breaches thereof, and I will raiſe
up his Ruins, and I will build it as in the Days of Old. The Kingdom, or Houſe of
David in Oppreſſion, comes under the Notion of a Tabernacle. So in Prov. 14. 11.
The Houſe of the Wicked ſhall be overthrown, but the Tabernacle of the Upright shall
flouriſh. Here we have the Oppoſition. Thus alſo we find, that (h) St. Paul comparing
this preſent Life, and the unſettled, afflicted, and miſerable State thereof, with the
Certainty, Happineſs
, and Perpetuity of the next, calls the firſt by the Name of
CriveG nut oinice rå onluses, Our Earthly Houſe of this Tabernacle, and that too, ſub-
je&t to be diſſolved ; adding to that, és tal oxluse seve boule Bagsuleguros
, In this Tabernacle
we groan, being burdened : But the other is, oivadossi en hef, oixic édelegatów]G, decvo
i pois é egevors, A Building of God, an Houfe not made with Hands, eternal in the
Heavens. So in Heb. 13. 13, 14. we have the Symbols of a Camp and City oppoſed,
which bear the ſame Proportion to each other as Tent and Temple. See our Notes on
(<) See Heb. 11. 9. and Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. III. Cap. I. Pag. 171. C. and Lib. III. Cap. 12. Pag.
210. C. D. In this Place be shews that the Tents were made of Skins. See alſo Philo de Sacrific. Pag. 573.
Arrian. Exp. Alex. Lib. III. (a) Note on Chap. 1. 14. A.
(6) T. Livius, Lib. XXII.
Vid. M. T. Cic. Academ. Quæft. Lib. IV. princ. F. Junij Gloff. Goth. Pag. 198. (c) Hirtius de
Bell. African. Cap. VI. (d) Epift. Valeriani in Treb. Poll. D. Claudio.
(c) Solin.
Polyhiſt. Cap. XXXVI. Of Vulc. Gallican. in A vidio Caffio. (8) Lib. II. Cap. 7.
ph) 2 Cor. 5. I.
Rrrr
Chap.

338
Ch. VII. V. 15
The Temple.
Chap. 20. 9. D. We find the like Expreſſion even in Prophane Authors; for in
Petronius we Read, (i) Ut ſcitis, cafa erat, nunc templum eft. So likewiſe this Word
Caſa, a Cottage, is by the Poet Martial given to the Ancient Temples, which
through the Simplicity of the firſt Ages, were like Cottages. His Words
are,
SU
(k) Sic priſcis fervatur honos te præſide templis,
2011 TB
Et caſa tam culto ſub fove numen habet.
big boin
Which Difference is alſo feen in theſe Words of Arnobius, (?) Aut quod ſtruktis Do-
mibus, Eg lautioribus fuccefibus inftitutis, non antiquas adamaverint Caſulas, nec fub
rupibus & cavernis præoptaverint ut belluæ permanere. The Poet Lucretius has alſo
obſerved the fame Progreſs in his Account of the Settlement of Mankind, as may be
ſeen by comparing the following Verſes:
?
BA
(m) Inde Cafas poftquam, ac Pelles, Ignemque parârunt,
He ſays afterwards :
Condere cæperunt Urbes Arcemque locare,
Præſidium Reges ipſi ſibi, perfugiumque.
will
The ſame is alſo ſeen in theſe Words of Ovid:
Fontantsid
(n) Illa vetus dominis, & jam caſa parva duobus, sit rizioT
Vertitur in Templum; furcas Jubiêre Columna, assie To
Stramina flaveſcunt, aurataque te&ta videntur,
Soup
Celatæque fores, adopertaque marmore tellus.

will be quID
And in Seneca : (0) Lapſaque ſordide Fient Templa caſa. So in Quintilian we find :
(p) Quorum fi fieri nibil melius licebat, ne domibus quidem cajas, aut veftibus pellium
tegmina, aut urbibus montes ac Sylvas mutari oportuit. And in Virgil:
(2) Miratur molem Æneas, magalia quondam.
Now the Oppoſition between Templum and Caſa, is the ſame as between Temple and
Tabernacle ; for (-) Caſa is indeed the ſame as Tabernacle, Booth, or Hovel.
But to proceed. I will here add, that a Temple in other Languages fignifies, as well
as in this place of Petronius, and in Holy Writ, a Palace, a Royal Seat. Thus in
Pſal. 45. 15. hm J917, in the LXX Nads is a Palace. And in the LXX. Nahum 2. 6.
Tel Barired. So in the Ethiopick, the Word (s) -795 fignifies both the Quire of a
Temple, or an Houſe of Prayer, or Temple ; and alſo a Royal Houſe, or Palace ; and
by this Word the Ethiopick Interpreter hath turned the Word vads, in Revel. 21. 22.
For in this place he feems not to have read in TW veco euri. And that Word is ſup-
poſed to come from 1117; by which Word the firſt Temple mentioned in Hiſtory, is
called, Fudg. 9. 46. See the Note on Chap. 6. 14. B. And conſequently a Fortreſs,
an Houſe of Strength. And as it fignifies a Palace, ſo in the Hebrew, 128 is a
Palace, Bedincov, in Prov. 18. 19. which we turn a Caſtle. And the ſame Word in
Iſaiah 32. 14. turned by Palaces, is in the Targum of Jonathan called Domus Santu-
arij, NUPO 573. The ſame Word being found in the Hebrew, Jer. 30. 18. is
there by the Targum turned the fame Way, and in the LXX by the Word o Nads,
as the Complutenfian reads, Theodoret and the Vulgate , where the Prophet calls the
diſtreſſed Ifraelites by the Name of Jacob's Tents. And ſo indeed in the Onirocri-
ticks a Temple, and King's Palace, come in as equivalent. See the Perſian and Egyp-
tian, Chap. 160, en Tod veộ îi tud tahavio dvič. And T. Hyde, Hift
. Relig. Perſ. Cap.
29. So in the Gothick Tongue, the Temple is called A LH, which Word in that
as well as the Saxon, ſeems to ſignify not only a Court, but a Prætorium, Baſilica,



(i) Petron. in Cæna Trimarc.
(k) Martial. Lib. VIII. Epigr. LXXX. (1) Arnob.
adv. Gent. Lib. II.
(m) Lucret. Lib. V. Verſ. 1009, 1107.
(n) Ovid. Metamorph.
Lib. VIII.
(Senec. Herc. Oet. V. 124. (0) Quinctilian. Inftit. Orat. Lib. IX. Cap. 4.
(9) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. Verf. 425.
(y) Vid. Vofl. Etymol. & Senec. Confol. ad Helviam
Cap. IX. & Not. J. Lipſ. (S) V. Ludolph. Lexic. Æthiop. Pag. 434.
2
or

Chap. VII. v. 15.
The Temple.
339
WOM 50
or any illuſtrious Building, as (6) Funius obſerves. Hence HALL, the Manor, or
Manſion Houſe, wherein any King, or Lord, reſides : Where his Farnily abides con-
ftantly. And according to the ſame Notion the Temple of Jeruſalem, in Fohn 18.
20. is called God's Houſe, IN GOD HOSA, È 17 isgið. So in (p) Virgil, accord-
ing to the Ancient Way, the Palace of King Latinus is a Temple, and a Court,
to do
was dy work
CE
The Laurentis Regia Pici. Hoc illis Curia Templum. tomol67
199019
od sie
OR 70 912 er 910119D OJ
su ba
And thus alfo Dido made Laws and Ordinances in a (9) Temple, according to the
fame : For as Servius obſerves on the former Place, Curia non niſi in augurato erat loco.
And indeed the Latin Ædes, the ſame as Temple, comes from the Greek Airo,
found only in Pindar, Olympion. III. which ſeems to me there to fignify the Place
where the God delivers Oracles. Hence drou tew to Fudge, and the like. So in
Statius, what is at firft called (r) Domus, the Houſe of Mars, is afterwards called
Templum : Querere Templorum regem. And alſo Aula.
foills ragu 90
Now the Promiſe of having this Temple to Worſhip conſtantly in, implies, accord-
ing to the Rules of the Symbolical Language, that the Chriſtian Church ſhall now
become a firm Monarchy, that it ſhall be a fix'd Kingdom for Chriſt. So in 1 Sam.
2. 35. where God promiſes the Building of the Temple at the Extinction of the Fa-
mily of Eli
, and faith, I will build him a ſure Houſe, oi nov mòn, the Targum faith,
Regnum Firmum. So the Targum on Amos 9. 11. cited before, faith, Tempore illo
Suſcitabo regnum domus David quod collapfum fuerat, & condam propugnacula eorum,
E Ecclefias eorum reparabo: Dominabiturque in omnia regna, &c. In ferem. 10. 20.
the fame Targum explains the Tabernacle and Curtains by Land and Cities. The
Perſian Onirocritick, Chap. 13. faith : Edv 775 ilding on éntive væòv, vej i Jero. Trūkę i dva
τω εις ωeoσκύησιν σε λαϊ, ει μθύ Κι βασιλώς , εν βολή αυτ8 βασιλέα ποιεί και ο λαός υπο-
dexey dutív. All the Onirocriticks in Chap. 225, ſay, ě js vcds es di zove seg Buscascos
inpi9n. See other Places cited in our Nore on Chap. 3. 12. A. And that the Chri-
ſtian Church comes often under the Notion of a Kingdom, is plain, nor only from
that common Expreſſion of our Saviour, the Kingdom of Heaven, by which is con-
ftantly underſtood the Goſpel, or the Church. And alſo by what hath been ſaid up
on the Fourth and Fifth Chapters. And ſo ʼtis ſometimes compared to, or called a
Houſe, as in 1 Pet. 2. 5 the Houſhold of Faith, or God, Gal 6. 10. Ephef. 2. 19.
And the Temple of God, as in i Cor. 3. 16, 17, 2 Cor. 6. 16. Epheſ. 2. 21, 22. And
in that noble Prophecy of St. Paul, 2 Theſ. 2. 4. which Archbiſhop Cranmer, and
Bleſſed Martyr, hath well applied to the Chriſtian Church. His Words are theſe ;
(s) But the Biſhop of Rome invented new Devices of his own Making, and by them
promiſed Remiſfion of Sins, and Salvation, that he might be ſet up and honoured for a
Saviour equal to Chriſt: And ſo to be eſteemed above all Creatures, and to fit in the
Temple of God, that is, in the Church of Chriſt, as he were God. Another Doctor
of our Church faith, (t) He warn'd the Non-conforming Divines, with whom he lately
treated, to have a Care how they cried up a War, and became Famous only in the Con-
gregation, as Eroftratus, by ſetting the Temple on Fire. So in Tully, the Republick
is compared to a Building, Ut ex tuis literis cum formam Reipublicæ viderim, quale
ædificium futurum fit, ſcire poſſim. So Domus is uſed for a Set of Philoſophers
, as
in Horace, (u) Socraticam Domum. So in the ſame, and Virgil, (w) Unde Domo, is
the ſame as City or Country. So Servius, Unde domo? de qua Civitate? That is,
in Homer's Way, (2) 7034 Tol tónes i de tonnes. So in Suetonius, (y) Domo Nuceria,
where Domus is alſo put for City or Country. Thus alſo in Virgil ;
(2)
- Urbe, domo ſocias.
Thou offereſt to account us as natural born Subjects. Do not truſt here to Servius,
who underſtands it to be Dignaris hofpitio: Bur it implies more. Æneas here an-
ſwers to the kind Offer made before :

(6) Gloff
. Goth. Pag. 49.
(p) Virg. Æneid. VII. 170.
(9) Virgil Æneid. I.
Verf. 505
(r) Pap. Star. Theb. Lib. VII. Verſ. 42. and Verf. so.Verf. 55. and Verſ. 64-
(1) Anſwer to the Seventh Article of the Rebels of Devon, in Mr. Strype's Appendix, Numb. XL.
(t) Dr. Plumie's Life of Biſhop Hacker. (u) Hor. Lib. I. Od. 29.
(20) Idem. Lib. I.
Ep. 7. Virg. Æn. VIII. 114.
(x) Homer. Odyff. I. 170,
(y) Sueton. in Vitellio.
(2) Virg. Æn. I. Verl. 604.
(a) Urbem
340
Ch. VII. v. 15.
The Temple.
(a) Urbem quam ftatuo veſtra eſt: Subducite naveis :
Tros , Tyriuſve mihi nullo difcrimine agetur.
Conſult here Euſebius Dem. Evang. Lib. IV. Pag. 122.
From all this we may ſee how that as when the Church of Iſrael was ſettled by
David and Solomon, in the End of its firſt Period the Worſhip of God was perform-
ed in a Temple ; fo the Temple here is a proper Symbol to denote the State of the
Chriſtian Church when ſettled, which happend in the End of its firſt Period, or
Beginning of the Second, before the Time that it fuffered Corruption to creep in
and bring in Idolatry to ſettle in the Holy City, and prophane the outward Parts of
the Temple, Chap. 11. 2. Upon theſe Accounts the true Worſhip of God during all
the Second Period is fignified by the Temple. Hence it comes, that when the 'em-
ple is ſaid to be ſhut or to be open, as we ſhall ſee in the proper Places, this fignifies
the Oppreſſion, or ſtop of the true Worſhip, and its Reſtitution.
- A Secondary Accompliſhment, or Effect of this Privilege of worſhipping in the
Temple, was that more literal Event, when the Chriftians were hereby enabled to
change their Conventicles, or Tabernacles into magnificent (6) Temples ; fo that
where the primitive Martyrs had only Tents or Cottages, or ordinary Rooms in pri-
vate Houſes to worſhip God, they were now empowered to build Churches like Pa-
laces. So Vigilius defires that a Baſilica may be built in that place where before a
Martyr had only a Tabernacle. (€). Exinde jam lentum fomitem ferpens , quod opibus,
ut dixi
, fidei
, paupertate
devota, primus
id loci Diaconus Ecclefia tabernaculum poſuiſ-
ſet. "And a little after, Preparatus eſt de ſacris Ecclefiæ culminibus feu trabibus ro-
gus : Hæc flamma Martyres velarit. Reverenti autem voto cogitamus nobiſcum, ut
id loci Baſilica conftruatur ubi primum fidei gloriofæ teftimonium meruerunt. Hence
we find after theſe 'Times, that the Word Bafilica, which originally fignifies a Royal
Palace, became common to fignify a Chriſtian Church. And Victor Vitenſis calls a
Chriſtian Temple by the Name of (d) Venerabilis Aula, which Word, as well as
the Greek" 'Avan, is a-kin, and fignifies the ſame as the Gothick and Saxon Alh,
or Hall. And the firſt Chriſtian Emperor, who is repreſented here by this firſt Elder,
that ſhews the Reward of theſe Confeſſors, did ſignalize himſelf by ſuch Structures.
Euſebius ſpeaking of that which he built at Tyre, calls it, (e) Beo'netov oixov, a Royal
Houſe ; and obſerves the happy State of the Church to have then confifted in (
conſecrating in every City new Temples, or Oratories. Whereas before in the Times
of Perfecution the diſtreſſed Chriſtians were forced to make their Aſſemblies, as Dio-
nyfius of Alexandria faith, (8) In every Place, in the Fields, in the Defarts, in the
Ships, in the publick Houſes, in the Priſons. But the Temples built by that Empe-
ror, were ſtanding Trophies of Chriſt's Victory, and of the publick Profeſſion of his
Piety and Divine Worſhip, as the fame (h) Author obſerves elſewhere. Hence we
may conclude, that this Change hath fully accompliſhed both the ſymbolical and
literal Meaning of this Prophecy, and that we need not to ſeek for any other Settle
ment in future Ages to do this, which is already ſufficiently accompliſhed: And con-
ſequently, that the other places, which fpeak of a Reft, with more majeſtick Sym-
bols than theſe, are deſigned to denote a more ample and glorious Reſt for the
Church, than what is found in this Epocha of the Times of Conſtantine the
Great.
Before I proceed, 'tis proper to prevent an Objection. It may be asked here, that
ſeeing the Chriſtian Worſhip is not limited to one Nation, or Country, as in the
Mofàical Oeconomy, and that we are not therefore bound to worſhip upon any one
Mountain, or in any one Temple, above or in Preference to another, as our Sa-
viour argues, Fohn 4. 23. againſt the Samaritan Woman : Why ſhould the publick
Worſhip of Chriſtians here be repreſented by one Temple ? I anſwer, that notwith-
ſtanding all this, a Temple was a proper Symbol to repreſent the Unity of the Chri-
Itian Worſhip, or Catholick Union of the Church, as it was ſettled at the End of its
firſt Period, and that this Symbol is fufficient to expreſs that, and even neceffary
too; as among the Jews the Unity of the Temple was abſolutely neceſſary for the

(a) Virg. Æn. I. Verf. 577. (6) Vid. Bingham's Antiq. B. VIII. Chap. 2. (©) Vigilius Ep. Tri-
dent. inEp. ad Simplicianum. Epiſc. Mediol. (d) Victor. Vir. de Perſecuc. Vandalic. Lib. I. princip.
(e) Euleb. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. X. Cap. 4. Pag. 282. (f) Ibidem, Cap. 3: (8) Apud
Euſeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. VII. Cap. 22. (b) Euſeb. Orat. de Laud. Couft. fub. fin.
I
Unity

Ch. VII. v. 15.
341
The Confeſſors Reft
.
upon
Unity of the Worſhip. So that tho' the Unity of a material Temple be not now fo
neceſſary or convenient to uphold the Unity of the Church, which is grounded upon
other Bottoms, yet the Unity of the Symbolical Temple was neceſſary to repreſent
the neceſſary Unity of the Church. But further, if we conſider the State of the
Chriſtian Church in the firſt and ſecond Period, or preſent militant State, in Com-
pariſon with the Univerſality thereof in the third Period, that former State will ap-
pear very much limited in it felf. See the Note on Chap. 21. 22.
A. And compare
the Note upon Chap. 4. 6. A. And the Note on Chap. 21. 1. C. The Temple being
the Place where the true Worſhippers of God are to be ; when hereafter we fhall find
any Inſtruments of God coming
out of it to execute ſome great A&tion ; if we can
but diſcover by the Law of God, any Conformity to the Faith and Worſhip of theſe
Confeffors, who are at that Time his true Worſhippers, we may conclude, that we
ſhall be able to pitch upon or diſcover what Inſtruments God will be pleaſed then to
make uſe of. So that the Knowledge of this Symbol muſt needs afford us a great
Light.
D. Kai ó xe Svielu G Oh to Spórą orwóces Éx dutés, And he that fitteth on the Throne
Shall dwell over them. ] Although the Symbols contained in this Expreſſion, and in
the Two following Verſes, ſeem to be of the fame Nature as thoſe which are ufed
to deſcribe the third general Period of the Church, yet the Matters are very far from
belonging to it. Their Difference may be ſeen by the Characters of Time, the Cha-
racters of Difference, and the Charadters of Quantity. As the Judgments of God
Sinners are deſcribed by the fame Symbols, yet the Time Thews them to be
different : So at the Sixth Seal the Judgments of God upon the Roman Empire are
deſcribed by ſome Symbols uſed to deſcribe the laſt and general. The Epocha's ſhew
them to be different. Each muſt be applied in Proportion. So God rewards the
Juft, by terreſtrial Promiſes and by ſpiritual : But the Symbols are ſome of them the
fame. Becauſe all being fetch'd from fenfible Objects, they muſt concur to ſhew No-
tions that are alike, and proportioned. The Epocha's fhew whether the former, or
the latter are to be underſtood thereby. And the Preeminence of thoſe that are
added ſhews, that all muſt be underſtood proportionably. So this Symbol here sxivater
ça' duzes, Shall dwell over them, is ſomewhat like (i) orbwócet usTaurâv, Shall dwell
among them; both ſignify Prote&tion, but the latter more remarkable than the for-
mer ; the one by any inſtrument that effects it, but the latter by the familiar Converſe,
or perpetual Preſence of the Worker. Here we find a Prote&tion from the hurting
Inſtruments, which ſtill fubfift; but in the latter they are quite removed.
For this Reaſon, ſeeing mention of Sun and Hear is made at the next Verſe, and
other Particulars, 'tis plain, that the Holy Ghoſt here alludes to the manner of God's
Protection of the Iſraelites during their Abode in the Wilderneſs. This period of
the Church is like that, and this Reſt like that of the Iſraelites, when in full Poffef-
fion of the promiſed Land from the River Euphrates to Egypt, governed by Princes
of their own, and by them maintained in quiet and plenty , and full Liberty of their
Worſhip; being by them defended from the Inſults of their Enemies. The Ifraelites
in the Defart ſtood in need of Mear, Drink, and Covering from the Sun's Heat
theſe were then in ſome Meaſure ſupplied to them by the Manna ; by the Rock, that
guſhed out with a quick Spring of Water ; and by the Cloud, which covered them
in the Day time, and gave Light in the Night, guiding them in their ſeveral Jour-
nies, and aſſuring them of God's continual Preſence ; and ſecuring them from all De-
fpondency. From this Allufion the following Symbols are taken. The Cloud dwelt
or hung over the Camp and Tabernacle, and Moſes ſpeaking of it, Num. 9. 18, 22.
uſes the word yw, to dwell
, as in a Tent oxlin, which very Word comes from that
Hebrew Word, and from thence comes ouWów uſed here by St. John: Though in thoſe
Two Places the LXX have turned the Hebrew by oned šo, but 'tis to the ſame Pura
poſe; becauſe the Cloud made there a Shade for Refreſhment. And as Grotius hatiz
well obſerved, Pſalm 5. 11. where the LXX have xedcoxWwóces, and the Latin protes
ges, there the Hebr. hath 7on, from 720, which is wont to be turned by onid (av,
Oferná (av and gretõv, to cover or overſhadon; whence 17.30, Tabernacles; oxiwai Tents,
to cover Men by their Shade. From whence it appears, that all theſe Notions are
a-kin, and that therefore in this Text oxlusesses ém durds , Mall dwell over them, figni-
3
(i) Revel. 21. 3.
Sirr
Ideste fies

The Confefors Reft
. Ch. VII. v. 16.
342
fies very plainly that he will protect them in all Things ; fuch as are mentioned af
terwards. On
CD ori lo
vodo bloqu insinynog zo vide09
In Iſaiah 18. 4. we have this Symbol: For ſo the Lord ſaid unto me, I will take
my Reſt, and I will conſider in my Dwelling-place, the LXX avtñ ilyen zóne, in my
City, that being a fixt Habitation ) like a clear Heat upon Herbs , and like a Cloud of
Dew in the Heat of Harveſt. The Targum faith ; Requiefcere faciam populum meum
Iſrael quiefcere faciam eos, & complacebit mihi in habitaculo fan&to meo ut benefaciam eis
,
benediétiones & confolationes adducam eis citò, ficut calor aftuans fole, ficut nubes roris
in calore meſis. The Indian Onirocritick faith, Chap. 202. Kai édiv idin èo utáleto
For this oxidu durša auto te eigneeſi'e år d?o digúcet å ivcov. leg. dreov, ſhall find reſt. There
is in Sophocles a noble Deſcription of a Dream of Clytemneſtra, which illuſtrates this
wonderfully, and becauſe it may ſerve in other places likewiſe, I will here ſet it
down at large. 'Tis related by Chryſothemis her Daughter ; rocio da ad lisa!
30979 S 2 ons based
NOTA to de su visi
(*) Λόγο τις αυτήν όξιν εισιδείν πατρός
του στη Τα σε τε κάμε διά τέegν ομιλίαν,
TO
hus ots’E1.66V1O Ès pão se ti to móvd èpéstou
Basis nain Toño dabóvla orñdegv, % OCH 77076 SOLLT st
ott is
AutòsTevűv 17 "A1990-• éx E F serwis dad Tobo
- Ο * Βλατίν βρύονlα διλλών, και κατάσκιον
is old
D To tre Il doen guréats This Muuluciwo geórc.
Somato to 19t
Out of the Scepter of Agamemnon ſprouts a Branch, which ſpreads and overſhadows
the Land of Mycene ; that is, a young Prince of Agamemnon's Blood ariſes ; and by
taking away the Government from the Tyrant Ægiſthus, is ſettled in the Land of
Mycene, to govern it and protect it. See Daniel 4. 12. And compare it with this ; and
Fudg. 9. 15. where Shadow is Protection. In the Pſalms the Shadow of God's Wings
ſignifies always the divine Protection. See Iſaiah 4. 6. 25. 4. Chap. 30. 2. to truſt
in the Shadow of Egypt, LXX, sej o ne tadãy es ad Aizuriw. So in Virgil we read
thus,
Bottobrero
Commer Et magnum regine nomen obumbrat. Dan mod
Thus Cover in Polybius is Protection : (1) 'O de Beerneu's 'légwe newesein as jou Too You
τίω ρωμαίων σκόπω edüs Beoinde Servius, tuetur , defendit : Et eſt tranſlatio
ab arboribus : hoc autem dicit , Amor reginæ ad favorem popularem plurimum prode-
rat Turno. And ſo we read in Feftus, Umbræ vocabantur Neptunalibus cafe fronde a
pro Tabernaculis. So in Heſychius we find 'Emo rudo pòv explained by rehaup.ee; which
muſt not be changed, as ſome pretend, but without Reaſon. So Abou-Moſlem that
great Captain and Protector of the Abbaſide had a black Standard, which he cal-
led Dhel or Zel, ſignifying Shadow, and metaphorically Alliſtance and Prote&tion.
Herbelot. tit. Abou-Moſlem, but eſpecially tit. Gennah, pag. 378. alſo the Dream of
Aſlyages in Note on Chap. 14. 18. E.
A. Verf. 16. _'ou chydorov 'én, o de fuissov 'én, They ſhall hunger no more, neither
thirſt any more.] All theſe Symbols are found in Iſaiah 49. 10. and are Accidents
almoſt unavoidable in Deſerts, and conſequently betoken Affliction. The Indian Oni-
rocritick faith, Chap. 78.
Εάν το ίδη ότι πεινών ανεπλήθη χαρά σας εν αυτώ τω καιρώ παν και εαν ερανα και με
erşeyą. Tod'épelo fupňov áutó. And in Chap. 196.
'Εων ίδη πς όπ διψά σφόδρα άρήσει εν τη πίστι αυτά εν τω κόσμω άγαθών ανάλογων και
δίψης Ομοίως εαν ίση ότι πεινά» άρήσει μόχθον και χαραν και πλάτος ανάλογων τείνης.
But I ſuſpect ſome Words are here wanting, fignifying, that after Hunger and Thirſt,
Meat and Drink is found, as it follows ; 'Ear ö idin Tahve v 'éque us rj € Xogle Do dan
púces naftov rý aſičov uózok ev droger tñs 2087 déseas. So in Deut. 8, 3. it is ſaid, he hum-
bled thee (LXX énénes of os, affli&ted thee) and ſuffered thee to Hunger ; this latter is
the Inſtrument of the former. So Deut. 32. 24. they ſhall be burnt with Hunger ;
that is, ſhall be tormented, or afflicted ; the LXX Tu só pafuri, conſumed. So to Faſt
is often called to afli&t ones Soul; as in Levit. 16. 29, 31. and Chap. 23. 32. Numb.
29. 7. Iſaiah 58.5. In Ariſtophanes we find (m) Hunger uſed proverbially for great
(k) Sophocl. Electr.
(1) Polyb. Lib. I. pag. 16,
(m) Ariſtoph. Avib.
Mifery

Chap. VII. v. 16. The Confeſſors Reft.
343
bra West
Miſery. See 1 Cor. 4. 11. 2 Cor. 11. 27. Phil. 4. 12. By ſeveral Expreſfions of
Chriſt, to hunger and thirſt, fignify to be in want of hearing God's Word; that is,
to be hindred by Perſecution from worſhipping God in Peace. So Pionius a Martyr
under Decius explains theſe Symbols, (n) Nunc Aman increpat & epulatur. Nunc
EPber & tota Civitas turbatur, nunc fames & fitis, non panis aut aquarum penuria,
ſed perſecutione. See Pſalm 23. Ecclus, 24. 19. and Fohn 4.13, 14. Chap. 6. 35.
B. 'oude s rion er atès & 12 se teñ now, ul., Neither shall the Sun fall on
them, nor any ſcorching Heat.), Theſe Two Expreſſions ſeem at firſt Sight to be an
Hendiadis
, to fignify the ſcorching Heat of the Sun. But they may alſo be taken
aſunder : for the ſcorching Heat of the Deſerts is different from the Heat of the Sun,
and proceeds from other Cauſes. K sõput, Heat is to be ſure the ſame here as ren raviny
as the LXX turn it in Iſaiah 49. 10. a burning Wind frequent in the Deſerts of Ard-
bia, and other Places. The Hébrew 3-0 anſwers there to it, as if it was a 78 ur,
Ignis Arabs, ignis ex infidiis occultus. So in the Song of the Three Children , V. 40.
or Dan. 3. 69. Wherein ſome Copies have me205 ný tuzo ; there ſome read, fogos ry
zawiud, but the Complut, hath xgui trov, followed in this by the Vulgate and Ethiopick Ina
terpreters, as (0) Ludolphus hath obſerved. By this Word alſo fingly, or in Con-
junction with äveu.@, the LXX turn the Hebrew Dp in moſt Places ; or what is
equivalent. Now in Iſaiah 27. 8. 2701'), per diem æftus, the Targum faith in
die
, maledi&tionis. So whereas we read in Jerem. 15, 14. a Fire is kindled, the Tar-
gum hath, 920 0177, Kiddum takkiph , a ſtrong burning Eaſt-Wind. The like in
Jerem.
m. 17.4. in Ezek 17: 10.7777; And Ezek, 19. 12. See Schindler. This
Wind, now by the Arabians callid (p) El Samiel, and the Perſians Bade Sambour,
comes with ſuch hot and fiery poyfonous Puffs, that it ſtrikes Men dead ſuddenly:
and for that Reaſon in that Place of Iſaiah 49. 10. it is thus expreſſed, šte ma-rel čet
auris ė reivorov, neither Jhall the hot Wind Smite them ; and ſo hath the Arabick Tran-
ſlation, calling it (9) Ēi Samoumon, from a Word which ſignifies to poylon. And Ta-
vernier faith, that when a Man is ſtruck dead by it
, if you thereupon touch his Fleſh,
it feels like a ſlimy Fat ; and if you take hold of a Limb, 'twill immediately come
clear off, as if he had been dead ſome Months before. This is indeed a dreadful
Plague, and well deſerves to be taken Notice of by it ſelf, ſeeing the Iſraelites paſſed
through that Countrey in which it is frequent. And it may be a Quettion, whether
this were not that Inſtrument wherewith God did plague the Iſraelites ſometimes,
and kill'd them ſo ſuddenly. The gift Pfalm, which begins with mentioning God's
Protection, deſcribes the Plague as Arrows; as indeed in thoſe Winds there are oh-
ſerved Flaſhes of Fire. In Numb. 13. 3. the Place in which the Plague was received,
is for that reaſon called Taberah, that is, a Burning. And this alſo may give ſome
reaſon, why a Plague is called 727, as a Deſert is called 9270, becauſe thoſe
Winds came from the Deſert, and were real Plagues ; and were alſo called a
from DP the Eaſt or Arabia, where the Deſerts were, whence thoſe Plague Winds
came. When this dreadful Wind furprizes Men Abroad, there is no way to eſcape
preſent Death but one, which is, as Tavernier obſerves from his own Experience, by
lying flat on the Ground, and wrapping themſelves very cloſe with their Cloaks,
Tents, or the like. From which we may collect how in this Caſe a Tent, Shade, or
Covering, implies Proteĉtion and Safety.
of goi
Now let us conſider the ſymbolical Signification. The Sun's Falling upon Men
ſignifies, that the ſupreme Powers of the World ſet themſelves to oppreſs them and
raiſe Perfecutions. And the Hot Wind fignifies thoſe Fires of Perſecution; or elſe
ſome prodigious Wars which deſtroy Men; Wind fignifying War; and Fire, or Heat,
Perſecution and Deſtruction. So in Matth. 13. 6, 21. and Luke 8.6, 13. Heat is
Tribulation, Temptation, or Perſecution, and in 1 Pet. 4. 12, múzwers, Burning tends
to ahegoudy, Temptation. In Iſaiah 25. 4, 5. where theſe Symbols are uſed, the Tar-
gum explains them as followeth ; Quia fuiſti fortitudo pauperi, auxilium inopi in
tempore tribulationis : Sicut proteguntur à facie turbinis, ut umbraculo ab aſtu, fic
ſunt verba impiorum, quaſi turbo impellens parietem. Sicut aſtus in terra fitiente,
tumultum robuſtorum humiliabis , quaſi umbra petra refrigerij in terra arida,
Sic erit requies Spatioja juſtis, quando humiliabuntur impij. According to the Oriental
among
2
(n) Paff. SS. Pionij, &c.
(0) Lud. Lexic. Æthiop. pag. 598
CD) Tavernier's Perf. Trav. Lib. V. cap. 23. (9) Vid. Golij Lexicon Arab. pag. 1208.
Oniro

344
The Confeſſors Reft.
Ch. VII. v. 17.
pounty
αυτόν και το ηλία φλόξ , αφήσει πλέον ωρα το βασιλέως ανάλουν η θερμαί σεως. Ει δε ήδη ότι
πλείσει απέκαυσεν αυτόν, ευρήσει πωρίαν ανάλογων της καυσαρία. None of thefe Things
therefore ſhall fall upon theſe Confeffors, becauſe God covers them, and prote&ts them
by dwelling over them. On the cotitrary the Lamb will bring them to a quite con-
trary Condition, as we ſhall find in the next Verſe. This Mews , that the Pagans
Thall no mote perſecute as before, the Emperors becoming Chriſtians.
DE A. Verf. 17.) on tò devíoy cò éveusoop spórk Treuaven dutés, For the Lamb, which
is in the midst of the Throne ſhali feed them. ] The Church being repreſented as ha-
ving been in a Wilderneſs
, which Sort of Ground was only proper for the Paſturage
of Sheep; ſee 1 Sam. 17. 28. from which , for the like Caſe of Iſrael, God is cal-
led the Shepherd of Iſrael, Pfal. 80. 1. and again , He led them forth like Sheep,
and carried them in the Wilderneſs like a Flock, Pfal. 78. 52. it is no wonder, that
the Lamb be ſaid Toruoá vety to lead them to feed. The Metaphor is continued ;
and this being juſt oppoſed to the former, & tevdorov én, they ſhall hunger no more,
this Feeding muſt fignify to give Eaſe and Plenty, to enrich and provide with ali
worldly Neceffaries. We have ſeen already, that (r) Food ſignifies Riches, Note on
Chap. 2. 17. A. But we ſhall moreover have Occaſion to find, that Fleſh fignifies the
fame hereafter : And by conſequence this Teluoiveir, to feed, being oppoſed to
hunger, that is, Afli&tion, Miſery, and Poverty, muſt ſignify to enrich, to make
eaſy.
ein Now obſerve here the difference of the Symbols, and their Progreſs from this tem-
poral Reft to the Laſt or Everlaſting Rejt
. This is expreſſed by the moſt fimple
Word that can be uſed, to feed ; nothing can be leſs. But in the laſt Reſt we find,
the hidden or miraculous Manna, the inexpreſſible Riches, Chap. 2. 17. and in Chap
22. 2. the Tree of Life, which is to bear continual Fruit ; and ſtands before the
Throne, by which God is to feed us, as from his own Table, with Immortality,
B. Tó avapioon of spóvs, Which is in the midſt of the Throne. ] This Circumſtance
is not added without Deſign here. It fignifies, that as the Throne of God fignifies
his Church, fo Chriſt being continually preſent in the Midſt of it, ſhall take a per-
petual Care thereof, God having now given him Power and Commiſſion to rule it by
himſelf. Note here, that the Holy Ghoſt avoids ſhewing Chriſt as ſitting during the
Militant State of the Church, becauſe that Expreſſion ſuppoſes abſolute Reft.
e C. Kai odugnoes aútès H Sans ange's use own, And Mall lead them towards quick
Springs of Water. ] Other Editions have Çel oes, but (añs is more Hebraical, and like
St. John's Stile. This Symbol is borrowed from Iſaiah 49. 10. as the former ; and
he often uſing the Expreſſions of the Pſalmiſt, by whom this is alſo frequently em-
ployed, we may from thence get the Senſe thereof
. Pſalm 42, being indited by
David, when he was perſecuted and driven out of his Countrey, ſo that he could
not worſhip God freely, his Condition is therein thus expreſſed; As the Hart panteth
after the Water Brooks, So panteth my Soul after thee, O God: My Soul thirſleth for
God, for the living God, when ſhall I come and appear before God. The Water-brooks
here, and the Springs of Water in Iſaiah, being all running Waters , are the fame as
living Waters, in Oppoſition to ſtanding IVaters, which are called dead. And theſe
according to the Analogy of Thirſt after God's Service, fignify the Freedom, or
Power, to ſerve and worſhip God. And thus it is explained by the Pſalmiſt in the
Concluſion. So in Pſalm 23. 2. we have the ſame Similitude of Sheep being led to
the Waters of Comfort, LXX, cvetetoscos ; that is, by the running Brooks, to be re-
freſh'd in the Heat of the Day. In ferem. 17. 13. zyn {coñs, the Spring of Life, fig.
nifies the divine Worſhip, which implies divine Protection. For the Targum ſaith,
quia reliquerunt cultum tuum Domine, propter quem tu adducebas ſuper eos gloriam
tuam ficut fontem aquarum, cujus aquæ non deficiunt. The Onirocriticks agree to
this. Artemidorus Lib. I. cap. 68. mivevétis fogedu, au gor zilor. So Aſtrampſychus,
i drug draugis, pulvsvet zensör ródThe Oriental Onirocriticks in Chap. 182. 'Ecev idin nis
όπ επ’ αγωγά δέκθ εν τω οίκω αυτά ύ δως, νέμειν και άλλοις, από κλήρε άοεοσδοκήτως πλετήσει
και άλλες εξ αυτής και στο κάλλιον το φρεατής ύδα70, εις τίκυ ζωιω 8 και ενοικάνων κείνεθ.
On the contrary troubled Waters or muddy, are the Symbol of Affli&tion under op-
preſſing Times or Governments. So in Ifaiah 8. 6. the ſtill Waters of Shiloah, that
go foftly, are to be preferred to the Waters of the River ſtrong and many. That is,
the Government of the Kings of fudah, which was quiet, is oppoſed to the Tyranny
2
of

Ch. VII. V. 17.
The Confeſors Reft.
345

bo
of the Aſſyrians, who are like the River Euphrates, whoſe Waters are ſtrong and
muddy, and denote their Cruelty. The Targum faith ; Pro eo quod abjecit populus
bic regnum domus David, qui regebat eos in quiete , ſicut aqua Siloe, que defluunt in
quiete ; & elegerunt Rafin & filium Rometia : Proptereà ecce dominus adducet & il-
cendere faciet ſuper eos caftra populorum, quæ magna ſunt ficut aquæ fluminis fortes
& multe ; regem Aſſyriæ, & omnem exercitum ejus, &c. For the River Euphrates is
notably ſtrong and muddy, as the Poet hath obſerved,
boso saqonia (3)
stop od guoid sd blood
(~) 'Avveis 70%ce ecoño reizas pó o únice tel 2011 d' WET (C) doidW: 2018 ]
τα Λύματα γής, και πολλών εφ' ύδατι συρφετόν έλκει, οοοοε ο οι 2in and
odi yd bsheque lfs 9 vers
So in the Onirocriticks Muddy Water denotes Diſeaſes, Afflictions, cap. 182. Hence
troubled Waters in Ariſtophanes denote the troubled State of the City : id to noi
bers 9w nisistiw
(s) "Όπερ και οι ταις έγχέλες θηρώμνοι πεπόνθασ', HD ads to cidlo
“Όταν μυ η λίμνη καταςή, λαμβάνεσιν έδέν
.. 09 Istog met ons
'Ear do eveo te xj xe two Toy Boscoeger xxlcov, ne yllous, 31096
Αρεοι και συ λαμβάνεις, ώ τίω πόλιν ταράπης. sed doidw skoling
WÓK
aids nisiw vido
Hence the Torments of wicked Men after this Life, were by the Ancients repreſented
under the Symbol of a (t) Lake full of Mud and Dung. Therefore theſe living
Waters, to which the Lamb is to guide theſe Confeſſors, fignify the Peace and Qui-
etneſs which the Church ſhall then enjoy, whereby Men may eaſily hear the Word
of God, and be lead by him to an happy State, by having Liberty and Eafe to Wor-
ſhip him according to their Duty.
Now obſerve the Difference of this Reſt, and of the everlaſting Reft. Here the
Lamb leads his people as a Flock to the quick Springs, but there they are to be in
the New Jeruſalem, where God's new Throne is fet ; out of which, not Springs of
living Water ariſe, but a River. Here 'tis plain Spring-water ; but that is ſaid to be
as clear as Cryſtal : Here 'tis given only according to Neceſſity, and for Refreſhment;
but there 'tis given dagedy, liberally.
D. Kαι εξαλείψει ο Θεός παν δει κρυον απο 8' οφθαλμ αυτών, And God hall wipe ατυαν
all Tears from their Eyes.] This Phraſe needs not much explaining, being ſo literal
and plain, to ſignify taking away all Cauſe of Sorrow. By the Oppoſition made in
this Verſe to the Symbols of the former, the falling of the Sun, and the hot Winds,
which ſignify Oppreffion, Captivity and Deſolation, it is plain, that this muſt ſignify
the taking away of thoſe, which are the Cauſes 'of Tears." The Allufion made to
the Words of iſaiah 25. 8. makes this ſtill more evident, the Prophet explaining his
own Meaning. For after having promiſed the wiping away. of Tears from off all Faces,
he adds immediately by way of Expoſition, and the Rebuke of this people shall be
take away from off all the Earth. In Chap. 49. 10. with the former Symbols 'tis faid;
For be that hath Mercy on them ſhall lead them, but the LXX, cutes Telegra éret, Shall
comfort them, or perhaps only Mall, call them to lead them out, as a Shepherd doth
to his Sheep, Fohn 10. 3. So that this Symbol, or Expreſſion, implies, that God.
will not remove the Captivity and Deſolation of the Church, which was heavy upon
it under the Roman and Pagan Emperors, and that he will procure it Rulers, that
ſhall protect and defend it, that it may worſhip God freely, and without any Obſta-
cle, or prevailing Malice of the Idolaters againſt it.
The Application of the Event is now very eaſy: For by the taking away of the
Empire out of the Hands of the Idolaters by Conſtantine, the Perſecutions of the
Church ceaſed. It was eſtabliſhed by Law, the Power of the Army, and the Civil
Government was for the moſt part put into the Hands of Chriſtians ; ſo that the
Chriſtian Worſhip became free, Temples were built, and great (u) Revenues were
beſtowed upon the Church. The Confeffors were comforted by the enacting of fe-
veral Laws in their Favour. In ſhort, Conſtantine the Great declared himſelf one of
mod as morcer

(r) Callimach. Hymn. in Apollin.
(s) Ariftoph. Equit.
(t) Ariſtoph. Ranis. Diogen. Laertius Lib. VI. S. 39. Plutarch, de audiend. Poet. pag. 19. Ald.
(u) Vid. Conc. Antioch. Canon XXV. A. C. 341.
Tttt ED Hapunaid its
Sao
* 4:034

346
The Confeſors Reft.
Ch. VII. V. 17
its Members, and to be only God's and Chriſt's Vicar and Servant; and as David, to
feed and protect the Sheep of Chriſt. By his Affiftance or Means the Lamb did
feed and protect his Church in Peace and Quietneſs
. He ſat in the Councils of the
Biſhops, Chriſt's Miniſters, as one of them. At the Council of Nice he concluded
his Oration to the Biſhops in this Manner, (w) Køccord Tease uue réen ow.peeg. 7ore Lip Ben-
AB gay deb osts zeerv. And to ſecure the Peace and Quiet of Chriſtians, he gave the
(x) Biſhops a Power to determine, as Judges in Temporal Cauſes, all thoſe which
ſhould be brought before them, without any Appeal or Interfering of other Magi-
ſtrates: Which (y) Law is ſtill Extant, as ſome think.
One Thing is to be obſerved carefully about theſe Promiſes of Reſt; that ſeeing
they are all expreſſed by the future, fo the opening of the Sixth Seal is not the Time
wherein they are to be accompliſhed, but is only that of the Preparation. The Per-
feation of this Reſt is only actually enjoyed by the opening of the Seventh Seal,
wherein we ſhall find the Prayers of the Saints put up to God; that is, the publick
Worſhip of the Chriſtian Church performed during the Rejt, or Silence, procured by
the Temporal Powers, and prepared by the Diſpoſition of all the neceſſary Antece-
dents actually performed upon the opening of the Sixth Seal. So that this long
Epiſode, which hath been look'd upon as containing Matters which are to fall, not
only within this Firſt Period, but alſo the Second and Third, appears now plainly
to defcribe Things, which are actually accompliſhed during the Firſt ; that is, at the
Perfe£tion of the Period, or Seventh Seal. Therefore, as we ſhall find, that the
Oeconomy of the Holy Ghoſt is ſuch in this Prophecy, that all Periods perfected
by Seven Epochas, mutually refemble each other : So if we find in the following
general Period of the Church, fome Epiſodes alfo placed in the fame Sort of Sta-
tion, we muſt conclude, that the Matters of that Epiſode fall likewiſe to be accom-
pliſhed within that Period : So that the Seventh Trumpet wholly concludes all the
Matters contained in the Epiſodes, which are ſet within the Compaſs of the reſt of
the Trumpets, and particularly between the Sixth and Seventh. The fame is to be
obſerved of the Bowls.
Isot bra att og on Due
Stort ud
ON
BOTTO
jogo
WE
• CHA P. VIII.
Et 9001
bow on
MARWO
E are now come to the Conclufion, or Perfection of the firſt general Period
of the Church : Wherein the Church having been planted by the Apoſtles of
Chrift
, and their Diſciples, and ſpread through the greateſt Part of the civilized
World, had in the mean time ſuffered all along moſt cruel Perfecutions : For which
God deſigned to give it a Reſpite, or Time of Eafe, by putting the Civil Power into
the Hands of its Members. How long it is to continue in that Reft, is only ex
preſſed by a general Symbol, which determines no certain Space of Time, fave only
that it will not be very long: So that it is to be known no other way, but by the
fixing and explaining of thoſe Matters, which are faid to be done during that Space,
and of thoſe which are Antecedents and Conſequences. For upon the very Decla-
fation of the Space allotted to the Effect of this Seal, which is the Half Hour's Si-
lence, Chap. 8. 1. there is Preparation made for the next Period at Verſe 2. by the
Delivery of the Seven Trumpets to the Angels, who are to uſe them, and fix by
them the whole Space of the next general Period. It behoves us then to be very
exact in explaining the Matters occurring upon the opening of the Seventh Seal, and
before the founding of the firſt Trumpet, which begins the Second Period ; looking
upon them as being the Effects or Events portended by the opening of that Seal
.
And this the more, becauſe we find, that the Interpreters have been negligent in this

(w Euſeb. de Vit. Conft. Lib. III. cap. 12.
(2) Sozomen. Lib. I. cap.9. Vid.
Bingham's Antiquit. Lib. I. cap. 7. & Hug. Grot. de Imp. Sum. Poteft
. cap. IX. S. 12.
(j) Jac. Sirmond. Append. Codic. Theodoſiani,
Point

Chap. VIII. v. 1. The Seventh Seal.
347
Point, looking upon thoſe Matters, and the Preparations of the Trumpets
, to be
only Matters of Form, like thoſe Decorations of Scenes, which we have already
complained to be neglected : Though we may eaſily imagine, that theſe Decorations
muſt alſo repreſent ſome real Actions, or Events, tranſacted in the Theatre of the
Church , and making way for the Revolutions conſequent thereupon.
to have been, becauſe on the one Hand they did not rightly conſider, that the Events
of the Sixth were only preparatory Accidents for the Reſt
, introduced and perfected
by the Seventh Seal: And on the other Hand, having been under that Miſtake, they
have looked upon the Seven Trumpets to be the conſtituting Parts of the Seventh
Seal. For which I ſee no Reaſon by the whole Account of them; ſaving that the
Preparation of the Trumpets, in order to found, is indeed an Event of the Seventh
Seal, for Reaſons to be Thewn in a proper Place : But the founding of the Trumpets
themſelves, beginning only where the Events of the Seventh Seal end, ſeems plainly
to conſtitute one general Period, as the Seals have done another. That as the Seals
have diſcovered the Publication of the Goſpel, and Conſtitution of the Church, till
it was ſettled by the Civil Powers; fo this Period ſhould repreſent it as having made
bad Uſe of the Reſt enjoyed, and ſuffered it ſelf in a great Meafure to be corrupted,
and become the Seat of a Tyrannical Eſtabliſhment, full of Corruptions in Faith,
Worſhip, and Practices, quite oppoſed to the true Religion, Worſhip, and Kingdom
of Chriſt, as that ſame State will be more fully repreſented in the Second Part of
theſe Viſions ; which are to give a full Deſcription of theſe Corruptions; for which
the Church is alarmed by the founding of the Trumpets, till the laſt of them have
ſhewn and perfected the Puniſhment, and Removal of thofe Corruptions out of the
Church. So then this Seventh Seal doth not contain theſe Seven Soundings of the
Trumpets, but is barely antecedent to them. 'Twas fit we ſhould give theſe Hints
,
in order to take off the Prejudice of Learned Men ; eſpecially in ſuch a Caſe as this
wherein Errors not only affect the particular Places, but have a great Influence in the
whole Diſpoſition of all the Predictions which follow.
A. Verf. 1. Και ότε ήνοιξε την σφραγίδα του εβδό μου, έγύετο σιγή, And when he opened
the Seventh Seal, there was Silence. ] Silence metaphorically ſignifies any ceaſing
from A&tion. So the Moon is faid to be (2) ſilent, when ſhe is in Conjunětion, and
ſo gives no Light. Silentium in War, is a Ceſſation from Aas of Hoſtility. Tully:
(a) Silentio civile bellum confecerat. Thus alſo Statius: (b) Fuſītque filentia bello.
Silius, ſpeaking of the Trumpet : (c) Belis ignava ſilentia rupit, Livy; (d) Biduum
deinde filentium fuit : neutris tranſgredientibus amnem. Hence in Statius: (e) Dum
caſtra Silent. So in Courts of Juſtice, as in Seneca, (f) Fura filent ; and in Plautus,
(8) Fudicium filet. And ſo the Hebrew Language uſes the Words in, and non,
which do commonly fignify to be ſilent, to fignify alſo to ceaſe from a&ting, or to
remit A&tion. And particularly from War, as in i Kings 22. 3. we be Silent,
Duno, LXX 010 770 kifu. In Exod. 14. 4. og hosts is oppos’d to toasuÁT, So like-
wiſe when the Sun ftood ſtill at the Prayer of Foſhua, 10. 12, 13. this is expreſ-
ſed by the Verb , or 007, that is, was Silent; did not perform his uſual
Courſe. Silence alſo was obſerved in Religious Matters
. Silence in the Auſpicia,
was when nothing Foreign was obſerved, which might hinder the true Obſerva-
tion of the Auſpicia. Tully, (b) Id enim filentium dicimus in aufpicijs, quod omni
vitio caret ; therefore it was a Solemn Form, before any Obſervation was made, for
the Augur to ask a proper Perſon, if there was Silence ; Dicito ſi filentium esſe vide-
bitur ; nec ſuſpicit, nec circumſpicit : Statim reſpondet : Silentium eſſe videri
. See
the Note on Chap. 10. 3. B. It is alſo certain, that during the Sacrifices of the Hea-
thens, Silence was required of all the Worſhippers, excepting the Prieſts and Cryers,
who only ſpake the Words of their Rituals. This was called 'Euonuíd and Eng), and
the formula of the Romans was Favete linguis. Euripides , deſcribing the Sacrifice
of Iphigenia, faith
Σας δ' εν μέσω ΤαλθύβιΘ, τότ' ώ μέλον,
216192 dhomadaire
'Ευφημίαν ανεί πι, και σιγίω' πατώ.
business
(v) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XVI. Cap. 39. and Lib. XVIII. C. 31. (a) M. T. Cic. Philip. XIII.
(6) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. X. Verſ. 756. (c) Sil. Italic. Punic. Lib. V.
(d) Livius,
Lib. XXXVII. Cap. 38. (2) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VII. Verf. 505. (f) Seneca Apos
colocynt. (8) Plaut. Amphitr. (b) De Divinat. Lib. II. Vid. Feſt, V. Silentio.
4
And

348
The Seventh Seal.
Ch. VIII. v. I.
And therefore Theophraſtus reckons it as part of the Character of a filthy Fellow, to
ſpeak when he is facrificing, (i) súev epše
usu o mesiacenciv. Hence in Horace we find,
(X) Sacro filentio. So that if any one made any Prayer in the mean Time for par-
ticular Favours to himſelf, he prayed filently: From which ſome took the Liberty,
not being heard, to ask unreaſonable Things. Perſius,
Tot cerebro
sveile
(1) Haud cuivis promptum eſt
, murmurque humileſ que ſufurrosd stuff
Tollere de templis, & aperto vivere voto,
be
1990 mo stovr slita sa
is dins e soloyd
See Caſaubon upon it. Horace alludes alſo to this, when he faith, nequ Bishool suo
bitar 101 In
(m) Tu mediaftinus tacita prece rura petebas, isqonunrado 20 naloga
vor anal 162
And again, (n) Labra movet metuens audiri
. So in Tully: () Neminem unquam tam
impudentem fuiſſe, qui à dijs immortalibus tot, & tantas res tacitus auderet optare
.
To hinder theſe fooliſh and unreaſonable Prayers, Pythagoras commanded his Diſci-
ples to ſpeak aloud when they prayed, (p) ut periñs d'uso.
By what follows here, and the Conſent of all Interpreters, it appears, that this
Silence in Heaven alludes to the Silence obſerved in the Temple during the Offering
of Incenſe; at which Time the People ſtood in the Courts of the Temple, and fal-
ling upon their knees, prayed every Man to himſelf; whereas during the other
Parts of Divine Service, there was a great Noiſe of Muſical Inſtruments and Trum-
pets. Of this there is plain Indication in 2 Chron. 29. 25. to 28. of the Silence,
Luke 1. 10. during which the People prayed without. See alſo Ecclus. 50. 15. to
20. So that Silence before God, and a ſilent Soul, are Symbols of praying. See
Pſalm 62. 2. Pſalm 65. 2. Pſalm 37. 7. Lament. 3. 26. So nuées. visus es, in Eliber
14. 11. fignify Days of Prayer. I have obſerved before, that the Morning Service
in the Temple began with the Incenſe and Prayer, then followed the Holocauft and
Mufick: At Night the Holocauſt began the Service; and the Prayer, or Silence,
ended it with the Prieſt's (9) Bleſſing. Therefore, as this is the Morning of the
Church, as hath been obſerved before on Chap. 7. 2. A. So here the Silence, and
Prayers of the Saints, come before the blowing of the Trumpets. Thus we ſee that
by this Seventh Seal opened, is accompliſhed the Promiſe made to the Confeſſors in
the former Chapter. Which Promiſe ſtands only good thus far as this Silence laſts,
and ceaſes with the Alarms given by the Trumpets, for Reaſons to be conſidered
hereafter.
B. 'Ey Ted šegro, In Heaven, ] Heaven Symbolically denotes the Supreme Powers:
So that a Silence therein muſt fignify a Liberty to pray to God, obtain’d and pro-
curd for the Church by the Supreme Powers of the Civil Government. The Ro..
mans were wont to ſay, that Heaven was Silent, (r) Silente cælo, when there was ne
Wind ſtirring. According to this Notion, that the Winds denote Wars, this will
ſignify a Peace procured to the Church to worſhip God with full Liberty, in Oppo-
fition to thoſe Perſecutions which before hindred its Worſhip from being Free and
Publick. So that this excludes not the uſual little Diſturbances which the State
may meet with by Enemies from Abroad, or at Home: Provided it have ſtill the
Concurrence and Protection of the States wherein 'tis eſtabliſh'd. See the Note on
Chap. 1o. 3. B.
C. '25 speicó ecov, About Half an Hour. ] This Symbol is remarkable, for it ſhews
us how long the Offering of Incenſe laſted in the Mofaical Religion, during which
the People prayed in the Courts. For the Incenſe being given in a certain Quan-
tity, during the burning of which, the Prieſt lighted and trimmed the Lamps, the
Time of his ſtaying in the San&tuary was thereby pretty exactly meaſured : And this
explains why Zachary, the Father of the Baptiſt, having on that Occaſion a Viſion,
and fo ſtaying longer than uſually, the People wond'red at it. How much Time this
Symbol muſt repreſent in our Caſe, is to be determined by the Matters contained
therein, the Antecedents and Conſequences. However 'tis plain, that it begins at

(i) Theophraſt. Chap. aci duglepciees.
(k) Horat. Lib. II. Od. 13. Vid. Martian. Capell.
Satyr. Lib. VIII. fub init.
(1) Perſ. Sat. Ir.
(m) Horat. Lib. I. Ep. 14.
(n) Horat. I. Ep
© M.'T. Cic. pro Leg, Manil.
(D) Apud Clem. Alex.
Eccluf. 5o. 19, 20. Comp. 1 Kings 8. 54, 55, © Plin. Nar. Hift
. Lib. XVIII. Cap. 28.
4
the

Ch. VIII. v. 2.
The Seventh Seal.
349
the Time wherein Conſtantine having made ſeveral Laws for the Eſtabliſhment of
the Chriſtian Religion, and to ſecure it againſt the Infules of Paganiſin, the Church
had full Liberty to worſhip without Fear. Further, this makes an eſſential Diffe-
rence of the preſent Reſt of the Church, in reſpect of that which is future and ever-
laſting. And therefore as a further Proof, that the Chriſtians then were not to look
upon this as immutable, Trumpets are given to the Angel to warn the Church againſt
the approach of Enemies, which were to put an End to it.
A. Verſ. 2.
Και δεν της επ7α αγγέλες, οι ονώπον σε στε εσήκασι και εδόθη αυτοίς επα
ou ayes, And I ſaw the Seven Angels
, which ſtood before God, and to them were gia
ven Seven Trumpets.] What theſe Angels were, hath been conſidered long fince.
However this now appears, that they are intruſted with the Church, to aſſiſt it in its
Neceſſities ; and that more openly than before. Whilſt the Church was as it were
making Conqueſts againſt Idolatry, it ſeems that Chriſt did then more immediately
act by himſelf : But that now 'tis ſettled, he leaves it to the ordinary Miniſters of
His Providence. The ſame Management is alſo obſerved in Chap. 14. where Chriſt
appears to head the Primitive Church ; but when his everlaſting Goſpel is made pub-
lick, we find no other Inſtruments, but Angeis, or ſubdelegated Powers
. The Means
of eſtabliſhing the Chriſtian Religion are miraculous, the Work of Chriſt's Hands;
but when he hath given it a Power, he makes Uſe of other Means to bring his great
Deſigns to paſs. Though by the ſtirring up of unlikely Means in the Eye of Man,
he ſtill ſhews what Care he takes of it. The ſame Thing happened in the Mofaical
Diſpenſation. At firſt God wholly employed his Power : But when it was at Reſt
under David and Solomon, his Delegates, he left it much more to their Management.
Now the putting of the Trumpets into the Hands of the Angels, ſeems plainly to
be an Accident, or concurrent A&tion to the Beginning of the Silence ; for before the
Holy Ghoſt informs us what Uſe is made of this Silence, we are immediately told,
that the Angels received the Trumpets. After that the Holy Ghoſt goes on to de-
ſcribe the Uſe of the Silence in the Church.
This may be further clear'd by conſidering, that theſe Trumpets, as well as the
Silence, allude to the Mofaical Temple
. Let us ſee the Inſtitution of the Trumpets.
It was juſt after the ſetting up of the Tabernacle, the Dedication and Paſſover which
followed, Num. 10. They were then but Two, becauſe there was then but Two or-
dinary Prieſts, which were the Sons of Aaron, Eleazar, and Ithamar, the other Two
Nadab and Abihu being ſlain before, Levit. 10. The Uſes were firſt to call Aſſem-
blies, and to found Alarms ; and the Prieſts were wholly intruſted with them ; and
thoſe Places, which ſpeak of the Sounding of Trumpers in or about the Temple,
mention, that the Prieſts did it; 2 Chron. 13. 12. A Second Uſe was when they
went to War: A Third on the folemn Days, and New Moons, for then they
founded over the Burnt-offerings and Peace-offerings. A Fourth Uſe mentioned by
(s) Foſephus was, that on the Evening before every Sabbath, and on the Evening
going out of it, a Prieſt placed on the Top of the Galleries with the Sound of the
Trumpet gave Notice to the People, when to ceaſe from Work, and when to take it
up again. Among all theſe Uſes, which were all to give Notice of ſome remarkable
Accident, we find chiefly, that the Holy Ghoſt hath here deſign'd them to give No-
tice of ſome fatal Accidents betokening ſome great Diſaſters to happen, for which
the Church is to be alarmed. That the Romans made uſe of Trumpets, to notify
the Watches in the Night, is plain from theſe Words of Lucan :
(1) Neu Buccina dividat horas.
And Seneca, who adapting his Notions to a Grecian Subject, ſays ; (u) Tertia miſit
uc cina fignum. And Claudian :
(w) Fam claffica primos Excierant vigiles.
bide
Silius Ital. (x) Mediam ſomni cumi buccina nottem Divideret: X3 10.9
M
(s) Jof. de B. Judaic. Lib. V. Cap. 34.
(t) Lucan. Pharſ. Lib. II.
(u) Senec.
Thyeſt. Verf. 797.
() Claudian. de VI. Conſ. Hon. V. 454.
(2) Silij Ital. Lib. VII.
Uuuu
In

The Seventh Seal.
Ch. VIII. V. 3.
350
In Seneca the Rhetorician we read, (2) Sepe declamante illo ter buccinavit. Which
ſhews, that in the City this was done as well as in the Camp, of which laſt there
are many other Proofs in (a) Polybius and (b) elſewhere, as alſo of the Sounding of
the Trumpet to give Notice of the Time upon ſeveral other Occaſions. As to the
Number of Seven compleating the Period, ſee the Note on Chap. 15. 1. C.
This
undoubtedly they had from the Tuſcans, fince we find, as I ſhall thew preſently, that
in their Soothſayings, the Sound of Trumpets in the Air was by them accounted a
Token of ſome periodical Revolution. And I make no Queſtion but it came from
the Eaſt, becauſe we find the like in Perſia, as Tavernier obſerves.
But to thew the Connexion between the Silence in order to Prayer, and the be-
ſtowing of the Trumpets upon the Seven Angels, we muſt obſerve, that there being
in the Temple great Numbers of Prieſts, all the Services, which were to be done
by any fingle Prieſt or more, were alligned by Lot, of which we have an Example
in Luke 1. 9. Now the Blowing of the Trumpets being one of thoſe Offices, as
well as the Offering of the Incenſe, before they actually did it
, it was neceſſary,
that thoſe who were to do it ſhould be ſet apart for that End; and upon the Deciſion
of the Lors for any Thing , that the Things which they were to employ in their
Office ſhould be put into their Hands out of the Treaſuries of the Temple, as the
Quantity of the Incenſe or the Trumpers. Hence the Words Sa here, and in
the next Verſe tho sn, plainly alluding to this Diſtribution ; which was decided be-
fore any Thing was begun, to avoid any Confufion. The Duties of the Jewiſh Tem-
ple were manifold, but in our Temple they are reduced to a ſmall Number. It is
only the putting up of the Prayers or burning of Incenſe. And on the other Hand,
Chriſt makes no other Uſe of his Miniſters now, but to give the faithful Notice to
avoid falling within the Danger of thoſe Plagues, whereof he gives us Alarms, by
eſcaping coming , through our Negligence in Duty and Worſhip, into the Lot of
thoſe againſt whom they are deſigned. And we may obſerve, that as ſoon as the
Silence, or ſhort Reſt appears, the Trumpets are given, to fhew that the true Wor-
ſhippers are to have but a ſhort Space ; and that too liable to Alarms. For tho?
God has in Mercy thought fit to give the Faithful that Reſpir, yer it is beſt for the
Church to be in continual Fear of Perſecution. Theodorit has made the following
Obfervation on rhofe Times : (c) Και αυ7α 3 ημάς διδάσκει τα πράγμαι, ως πλείονα
siuir cigluns é módou moeilt the debatteer" peste 38 dbpes suos rj annuipes sý Derass
απεργίζεθ και 3 πόλεμθ, τοτε φρονήμα τα ωρgθήγει, και η παρόνων ως ρεόντων παρασκευάζει
sulla pegvev.
illa
B. oi évamov v oc& ésúreor, Which ſtood before God. This Expreſſion betokens
Service, as indeed all the Angels are miniſtring Spirits ; and that too for the good of
the Faithful. But theſe Seven above others are more immediately in the divine Pre-
fence, and are therefore elſewhere called (d) Angels of the Face, or Preſence. Ac-
cording to this Notion the Perſian Monarchs, and very likely the Babylonian before
them, called the Prime Miniſters of State or Officers of the Preſence, by the Name
of Satrapes, that is, as (e) Fuller conjectures, XOR TO, an Apparitor or Officer of
the Preſence. For as he obſerves, ou fignifying the Side, and confequently
Diew, the Officers or Apparitors, always at the side of the Prince ready to exe-
cute his Commands ; ſo ſatelles is the ſame as () latro, quafi latero, a Guard or
Officer that waits. Now in the Perſian Court there were juft Seven, in Imitation of
theſe Seven Angels ; for thoſe Monarchs, as the Aſyrian, affected to appear before
Men as God; and were worſhipped accordingly.
A. Verſ. 3.
Kai žmo ágeno m.me, And another Angel came. ] This Angel
comes with a Golden Cenſer to burn Incenſe before the Throne, that is, God and
Chriſt, that the Prayers of the Saints may reach to them with a ſweet Savour. The
Jewiſh Church did believe that the Seven Archangels did carry up the Prayers of the
Saints to God. This appears from Tobit 12. 15. 'Ega sille Peçasia, as ću ostes &die
ára egéaw oi cregouvamég 807 mei's megooges
s os sezior, I am Raphael, one of the Seven
holy Angels which carry up the Prayers of the Saints. The Author of the Teſta-
ments of the XII Patriarchs : (8) 'Év opel met' dutùy of "Ayero eros et megocó to weis, o
jer & blot
(2) Senec. Controv. Lib. III. Præfar.
(a) Polyb. Lib. VI. pag. 480.
(b) Livij Hiſtor. Lib. XXVI.
(c) Theodorit. Hiſt. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. 28.
(d) Iſaiah 63. 9.
(e) Full. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. III. cap. 19.
() Servius in Æneid. Lib. XII. v. 7.
(8) Teſt. Levi. §. III.
2
261180

Chap. VIII. v. 3.
The Seventh Seal.
351
λειταργέντες και εξιλασκό μου ρός κύριόν 33 πίσαις ταις άγνοιας και δικαίων. Προσφέρεστ
Ö xuelo, ogulis dicoties nogrli xj dv depoxlov west oopgy. See the Fragment of Enoch.
Theſe are called "Ayeron and moordyñs in (h) Epiphanius. But now this Office ſeems to
be taken away from them under the Chriſtian Diſpenſation, and Chriſt being the
Angel or Mediator of our Covenant, this belongs wholly to him and his Miniſters,
who put them up to him, and he to God the Father, who receives them becauſe
made in the Name of Chriſt
. Fohn 14. 13. Chap. 15. 16. Now becauſe in the
Mofaical Worſhip this Offering of Incenſe was not performed by the whole Mi.
niftry, but a fingle Prieſt was by Lot choſen to perform it in the Name of the whole ;
fo here becauſe the other Symbols of this Matter are all ferch'd from, and allude to
that Difpofition : not the Wights, which repreſent always the whole Miniſtry col-
lectively, but an Angel or Deputy is appointed to perform the Office ; wherein he
repreſents all the reſt. Therefore Aretas hath done well to approve the Note of his
Predeceſſor, who compared this Angel to every Biſhop, who in our Church puts up
for the Faithful all their Prayers and Euchariſtical Offerings. For we muſt obſerve
very well, that no Offering for Sin is here put up to God for theſe Confeſſors. They
have already waſhed their Stoles in the Blood of the Lamb, and become partakers of
that Sacrifice, which he had before performed for the Sins of the World. That is,
once made for all Men, and he is our Holy Prieſt. No Sacrifice for Sin is to be of
fered anew to God, becauſe by that Sacrifice he is our continual and perpetual Media-
tor and Interceſſor. There is left now for us only the Calves of our Lips, our Sacri-
fices of Prayer and Thankſgiving. Theſe are ſtill left to be offered upon all Occa-
fions ; and the Miniſters of Chriſt, or Chriſtian Prieſthood, are the Officers thereof
in the Name of the Souls committed to their Charge, they add the Incenfe as a Vehi-
cle to the Prayers of the Saints. For as in the Preaching of the Goſpel he that hear-
eth them , heareth Chrift; fo in the Caſe of Prayers, he that puts up Prayers to
God and Chriſt by the Mediation of his Miniſters, hath hope and Confidence, that
he ſhall be heard accordingly. At leaft thoſe that are put up in common, and in the
Temple, of which this Angel ſeems to be charged. Tho' as in Iſrael the Prayers of
the Nation at the Times of Incenſe were accepted, tho' never ſo far off: So here the
private Prayers of the Faithful are accepted for the Sake of that Incenſe added to
them, and offered by the Miniſtry in Publick. I ſhall fum up this with the Words
of Ambr. Ansbertus ; Neque enim jam in fudaica plebe vel altare aureum, vel thu-
ribulum juxta literam cernitur, non ignis in altari conſervatur : fed cunta bæc in gen-
tibus Jpiritaliter habentur. Ibi enim altare igni ſuccenſum, ibi thuribulum igne re-
pletum, ibi pontifex orationum Sacrificia offerens quotidie Salubriter intuetur. So
Tertullian ſpeaking of the Reverence due whilſt the Prieſthood offer'd Prayers, uſes
theſe Words : (i) Siquidem irreverens eſt affidere ſub confpe&tu contraque confpe&tum
ejus, quem cùm maximè reverearis de venereris : quanto magis fub conſpectu Dei vivi
Angelo adhuc orationis aſtante fa&tum iftud irreligiofiffimum eft, niſi exprobramus Deo
quod nos oratio fatigaverit.
B. Kal éscsa to Juoleshe's, And ſtood at the Altar. ] What Altar is this, and
why doth he ſtand here? For he is not to offer the Incenſe here, but at the Golden
Altar. They are therefore Two; that golden Altar alludes to the Altar of Incenſe;
the other when ſimply called Altar, alludes to the Altar of Holocauſts. On the
the golden Altar no Fire was kept continually, but on the Altar of Holocauſts it was:
So that to burn Incenſe upon the golden Altar, they were to fetch the Fire from the
Altar of Holocauſts with or in a Cenſer. See Levit. 6.9, 12, 13. Chap. 10. I.
Chap. 16. 12. So here this Angel obſerves the Decorum : Tho' we read not, that he
takes any Fire. Is this without Myſtery? It ſeems to me, that this Silence about
Fire implies, that God being ſufficiently content with the Temptations they have
fuffer'd, is now reſolved, that their Prayers ſhall not be accompanied therewith. For
as the Indian Interpreter, Chap. 28. faith ; 'Eév 7s idn ön suure theio è supíce sev dnes,
έτG- σejς ες έθυμίασε λόγες δώσει σφοδρές και γλυκείς σοοδρές μο δια το πυρ, γλυκείς και δια
tłu évés Siev. de tej pushe.ou curs eve Shots wrois: And Aſrampſychus, 'Et qu viã of Ts, mmegn
z ovog tód. So that according to theſe Interpreters Norion, theſe Confeſſors muſt
worſhip God without the hot Sauce of Perſecution ; and this Worſhip mult be publick
too, as the ſmells of Perfumes, as well as any other diſcover Things which are
(b) Epiphan. Hæreſ. XIX.
(i) Tertull. de Orat. cap. XII.
not

The Seventh Seal.
352
Ch. VIII. v. 3.
not ſeen before ; make us take notice of Things before hidden from us. See 2 Cor. .
2. 14. cheon
C. "Egey deb trasto'y gewooul, Having a golden Cenſer. ] Grotius will have it read
λιβανωτιν και for in the Gloſſary reßérons is acerra. But as Baratos is the Incenſe it felf.
Aretas fálves the Matter by ſaying, that the Incenſe is put for the Veſſel containing,
and wherein 'tis burnt. As to the Thing, we cannot be miſtaken about it, nor the
uſe of it, which way foever it's read. Perhaps the zguoou made Copyiſts uſe the
Mafculine Termination.
D. Kai stó su cures Suped us to Tomad, And there was given to him much Incenſe.]
Jupí apie is a Compoſition of ſeveral Aromatick combuſtible Drugs. What was uſed
in the Mofaical Religion, is deſcribed in Exod. 30. 34, to 37. the Incenſe, or Per-
fume, was an Offering. Hence the Word l'In here, and dósn afterwards ; an Offer-
ing being a Corban, or aweov, Gift. As to the Quantity uſed in the Temple, or Ta-
bernacle, 'tis no where ſet down that I know. Diſcretion and Cuſtom had derer-
mined that: Namely, ſo much as lafted about Half an Hour. The 70me', much, is
here oppoſed to that preciſe and ſmall Quantity, as our Church hath Preeminence
in all Cafes. Obſerve therefore, that the Incenſe is given to the Angel, or Miniſter.
The Elders furniſh it to that Purpoſe. See the Note on Chap. 5. 8. A. But in the
Caſe of the Bowls full of God's Wrath, Chap. 15.7. it is one of the Wights that
gives them, becauſe it is the Prayers of the true and uncorrupted Clergy, which
bring down the Wrath of God upon the Idolaters. Incenſe in the Onirocriticks, is
the Symbol of Favour and good Fame. The Perſian, Chap. 169. faith ; 'Er de idim ón
θυμιά ενώπιον σε να οντός, φίμω καλω μετ' εξεσίας δια το πώς άρήσει, ενώπιον το βασιλέως
everózas diodías. Compare with this the former Paſſage. By theſe Two it ap-
pears, that the Chriſtian Religion muſt now have free Courſe, be in Favour with
God and Men. · And that Princes ſhall defend it. Thar from them, as Heads of
the People, it ſhall receive fufficient Means to ſerve God decently. The Event was
exactly ſuitable, when Conſtantine gave Revenues for the Maintenance of the
Churches and Clergy. Of this the Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory ſpeaks Wonders : And he
was therein followed by his Succeſſors, eſpecially Theodofius the Great. Brightmar
ſaith, Suppeditante Conſtantino quidquid ad hanc rem opus erat
.
E. "Iya sósy tuis mego do zores ofis dziov tatav, That he should give it to the Prayers of
all Saints.] Caſtalio reads te's capoodiza's, but without Neceſſity, and for want of Un-
derſtanding the true Intent of burning Incenſe; which was to add it by way of
ſweet Savour, to make the Prayers acceptable. The Word soon having here the Sig-
nification of the Words i Su que, repositumi
, meni Super, and the like, to put to, or add. So
'tis uſed in Genef. 1. 17. and elſewhere very often. The Perfume was the Memorial
of the Prayers ; that is, the Part of the Sacrifice burnt to be fmelled of God, and
make all the reſt be accepted. Hence in Exod. 30. 36. upon the Offering of Perfume,
God promiſes to meet Moſes. So that this ſeems to be a Means to draw God to
us, and hear our Prayers. The daily offering of the Perfume, was to give the Peo-
ple daily Opportunities to offer up their Prayers to God, whilſt that was burning.
The Heathens never put up Prayers in Temples without Incenſe, or ſomething (k)
equivalent. Examples are obvious. In their Houſes they had Sacella, little Chapels
and Altars for that Purpoſe, and even before their Doors. But in the Mofaical Oeco-
nomy, no Incenſe was lawfully burnt but in the Sacred Place of God's appointing.
The Incenſe offer'd elſewhere, was rather an Abomination. In our Religion the
material Incenſe was not commanded : Though from this place it ſeems they in-
troduced the Cuſtom of it, underſtanding it literally. But St. Auguſtine ſhews us
the true Meaning of this Incenſe, when he faith ; (1) Ei ſuaviſſimum adolemus incen-
ſum, cum in ejus confpe&tu pio Santłoque amore fagramus. Our Contrition, Repen-
tance, and Zeal, is the Incenſe-God now requires, and the Miniſtry adds it to our
Prayers, when by their Examples and Exhortations they move us to exerciſe thoſe,
and join with them to pray fervently and earneſtly. Our good Works are our pre-
fent Offerings, which now make up our Prayers to aſcend as with a Memorial before
God. This we learn from the Example of Cornelius, Ats 10. 4. To this Memorial
exhibited by every Petitioner, muſt be added the general one of Chriſt's Blood, with-
(k) V. Arnobium adv. Gentes, Lib. VII. Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XIII. Cap. 1. and Lib. XXIV.
Cap. II.
(6Auguft. de Civit. Dei Lib. X. Cap. 4.
out

Ch. VIII. V.4.
The Seventh Seal.
353
out which our Zeal and Works are nothing worth. See the Note on Chap. 5. 8. E.
Ambr. Ansbertus faith ; (m) Sicut fumus ex crematis aromatibus egreditur, fic virtus
compun&tionis gignitur ex ſtudio orationis. Sed ut Deo fiat accepta compunétio, angelo
dantur incenſa. Id eſt, redemptori noftro. committuntur orationum noſtrarum ftudia.
Non autem mirum, fi Orationes noftra vel lacrymæ, non per nos, ſed per fummum
pontificem nofiro Deo offeruntur, cum Paulus exhortetur, dicens: Per ipſum offeramus
hoftiam laudis ſemper Deo, id eſt, fru&tum labiorum confitentium nomini ejus. And
perhaps the chief Reaſon why our Incenſe is not ſaid to have any Fire, is becauſe
Chriſt in his Sufferings hath already prepared it. Though this excludes not the
other Senſe, becauſe theſe Confeſſors are by their own Partakers of his Suf-
ferings.
F. Em sto guoleshecov zo gevory to evólov po spóvx, Upon the Golden Altar
which was before the Throne. ] This Altar being in the Holy Place, was the only
one whereon Incenſe was to be offered. This Symbol is only of Decorum, but as
Pbilo faith, that the Altar of Incenſe in the Mofaical Church was the Symbol of
Thankſgiving, (n) mécon esful to su qua thecor gñs xy + sal0, oú uborov cogaesias, l Šve na ofis
Zivorfs wv é o gre tépe mesohcet multid. And Tertullian more explicitly: () Ara nitens
auro, cælum declarat in alto, Quo San&tæ ſubiere preces, fine crimine miſſe, &.
So this here implies now, that the Chriſtians have near Acceſs to the Throne of
Grace and Mercy : And that God doth hear, and accept their Prayers and Praiſes.
And therefore it follows, blin
A. Verf. 4. Kai evében & retròs of Soli e pericrear tuis moodgai's gots dziwy, And the
Smoke of the Incenſe with the Prayers of the Saints, áfcended up.] This Expreſſion is
fetch'd from the ſame Rite: And I have ſhewn (p) before, why aſcending was proper
about Prayers, which have the Perfume as it were for a Vehicle, to bring them up
into the Preſence and Favour. For which Reaſon the Incenfe, which was to be ad-
ded to all Offerings of Peace, was forbidden to thoſe that brought Iniquity to Re
membrance, Numb. 5.15. If my Memory fail me not, there is a Pagan Rite men-
tioned by C. Dampier, as practiſed by the Nobility in the Kingdom of Tonquin,
which illuſtrates this Expreſſion very much. He faith, that when they pray with
their Families, the Prayer is written upon a Paper, and being recited over by a pro-
per Officer
, is thrown into a Fire of Coals, where I ſuppoſe Incenſe, or ſome other
Perfume, hath been thrown at the ſame Time. So that the Prayer afcends up with
the Smoak. When I compare this with the Rites ordained in the Mofaical Law
about the Trial of Jealouſy, Numb. 5. that the Curſes which the Woman was to pro-
nounce againſt her ſelf before God, were written in a Book, and then to be blotted
in Holy Water, into which ſome of the Duft of the Pavement of the Tabernacle
was thrown, I fee a perfect Conformity in the Notion. For from theſe Rites this
Water was called bitter, and cauſing a Curſe, the Notion of which, as well as the
Words expreſſing both, are much alike, (2) 0177801 DION 2. Then the whole
was given to the Woman to Drink, thar as it ent’red into her, fo the Curſe blotted.
in the Water, might be therewith tranſmitted into her Belly, to cauſe it and her
Thigh to rot: And her ſelf to become a Curſe among her People. In which Ordi-
nance there is this remarkable Expreſſion, that when the Prieſt puts the Daft of the
Floor of the Tabernacle into the Water for the bitter Potion, and to tranſmit the
Curſe ; the Phraſe is, (-) Q107-68 7731, Verbatim, Et dabit ad aquas, which is
like the Phraſe of St. John, ive déon Tacos wego dzars, according to which this Phraſe
ſhould be turned, that he might put it to the Prayers of all Saints ; that is, add it as
a Vehicle. And indeed not only here this HebrewWord in3 is Tranſlated by fußémav,
but elſewhere, as in Exod. 25. 16. and the ſame Signification is frequent enough, as
in ferem. 31. 33. I will put my Law in their inward Parts; in the LXX sóoo. So in
Geneſ. 1. 17. in the LXX Seto, God ſet them, but in the Hebrew, God gave
them.
B. 'Ex pereis på dyzény, Out of the Hand of the Angel.] That is, the Smoak of
the Incenſe aſcended up to the Preſence, or in the Preſence of God, clear out of the
Cenſer, which was in the Hand of the Angel, till the whole Maſs of the Incenſe was
(n) Philo Lib. III. De Vit. Mor. Pag. 455.
(D) See Note on Chap. 5. 8. E.
(m) Amb. Ansb. in Loc. Pag. 160.
Tertullian, adv. Marc. Carm. Lib. IV. Cap. 7.
0 Nunb. 5. 18.
() Numb. 5. 17.
Xxxx
conſumed.

The Seventh Seal.
Ch. VIII. v. 5.
354
conſumed, So that his Cenſer became empty, to be uſed again to a quite different
Purpoſe than the former Ufe. Which will appear in the next Verſe.
Č. 'Eveémov Oif, Before God. ] That is, was well accepted, as appears by the
Judgment, Deciſion, or Countenance of God. For ſo this Expreſſion is moſt com-
monly to be underſtood. See the Note on Chap. 14. 10. C. You will ask, how
doth the Judgment of God appear now publickly? I anſwer, by the Temporal Fa-
vours of Peace and earthly Bleſfings he hath beſtowed upon thoſe whoſe Prayers are
now put up: Which Favours were deſcribed in the former Chapter as future ; and
enjoy'd actually within the Period of this Seal. vis
A. Verf. 5. Και εβληφεν ο άγγελG τον λιβανωτέν, κ εγέμισεν αυτόν οι τε προς θυσια-
snele, rj ébanev e's the gh, And the Angel took the Cenſer and filled it from the Fire of
the Altar, and caſt it upon the Earth.] There are Two Sorts of Fire from Heaven.
Firſt, a Fire to deſtroy and chaſtiſe ; Secondly, a Fire from Heaven, by which God
anſwers favourably to Men for their Offering. One might be apt to think, that this
Fire is of this latter Sort, becauſe it happens immediately upon the offering of Pray-
ers, which we are ſure were acceptable to God. And in ſuch Cafes God did anſwer
by Fire ; and eſpecially at Dedications ; and this we find is now the Dedication of
the firſt period of the Church, which is now publickly protected for the firſt Time,
fince the Promulgation of the Goſpel. See Levit. 9. 24. at the Dedication of the
Tabernacle : To Gideon, Fudg. 6. 21. at the Dedication of the Temple of Solomon,
1 Kings 18. 38. and David, I Chron. 21. 26. and as it is generally underſtood Abel
alſo, Gen. 4. 4. which Theodotion tranſlated Inflammavit, ève zróg1ODV; and St. Paul
ſeems to confirm, Heb. 11.4. This being God's way to accept ſuch. But here's no
Appearance of ſuch a Fire. Therefore we muſt look for ſomething elſe. For the
Earth ſignifying the Idolaters, as is prov'd elſewhere, this Fire cannot be thrown up-
on it as a Favour. Let us ſee then what better Indication we can find. The Indian
Onirocritick will aſſiſt us very opportunely. He faith in Chap. 28. 'Edy mis idin on sua
μιατηρίω έθυμίασεν άλλες, έτG- ωeός ες αθυμίασε λόγες δώσει σφοδρούς και γλυκάς σφοδρές με
δια το πώς, γλυκείς και δια τίω ουωδίαν. αλλα και μυσήριον αυτό αναζήσει αυτούς, So then to in-
cenſe Men, fignifies to ſpeak harſh Words, but ſweet at the ſame Time, or pro-
fitable to them. The Harſhneſs being fignified by the Fire, the sweetneſs by the
Incenſe. But here is no Incenſe; and therefore no Sweetneſs
. So then this muſt
imply, that the Pagans ſhall receive harſh Injun&tions from the Publication of the
Myſtery of Godlineſs, implied by the Cenſer. And by Conſequence, that whilſt
the Chriſtians have full Liberty to offer their Prayers, there ſhall come out ſeveral
Injun&tions and Laws againſt the Pagans that dwell among them; God deſigning to
open his Myſtery, that is, to forewarn them by ſuch ſevere Laws, of the Miſchiefs
that hang over their Heads; and which he means to execute upon them foon. Which
is to be done by the founding of the following Trumpets. And accordingly we
find, that the Chriſtian Emperors did give out Edicts againſt Paganiſm; puniſhing
ſeverely during the Peace of the Church, thoſe who kept up their Idolatrous Wor-
ſhip. The Proofs muſt be fetch'd from the Roman Laws.
Let us ſee further, if we cannot receive fome Hint from Holy Writ. Coals of
Fire are mention'd in the Vifion of Ezekiel, 1. 8---13. which is full of Terror and
Anger againſt Iſrael
. And in Chap. 10. 2. to which that Vifion is continued, thoſe
Coals are thus employ'd ; they are ſcattered upon the City. Now the Targum Para-
phraſes thus the firſt Place; Ét manus quaſi manus hominis facte erant eis fub pennis
earum ad quatuor latera earum, ut haurirent in eis prunas ignis de medio cherubim,
Sub firmamento quod erat ſuper capita earum. Ad dandum fuper pugillos Seraphim
ut diſpergerent eas super locum impiorum, ad diſpergendos fceleratos, qui tranſgredi-
untur verbum ejus. So in the Song of Habakkuk 3. 5. Burning Coals went forth at
bis Feet. Here the Targum; Et prodijt in flamma ignis verbum ejus. That is, the
Preaching of his Word was accompanied with Puniſhment againſt the Diſobedient,
he trode upon them with deſtroying Fire. For it follows in the Targum; Revelatus
eft & commovit terram, & adduxit diluvium ſuper populum generationis eorum qui
tranfgreffa fuerant verbum fuum. And thus in the Viſion of the Seraphim, Iſaiah 6.6.
which are then called ſo (s) Burning Angels, becauſe deſign'd to execute God's An-
(s) Cyrillus tranlates them by euronsaà ýtou Jepudivovjes. Hieronym. Incendentes five Comburentes.
Apud Nobilium. But St. Chryfoft. in Ifai. éu Truese sólidt tel.
manos
ger.
2

Chap. VIII. v. 5.
The Seventh Seal.
355
ger. They take a Coal from the Altar, and put it to the Prophet's Mouth, telling
him, that his Sins are purged : That is, that he being now declar'd as Righteous be-
fore God, and his Propher, ſhall be enabled by his Words, to bring down God's
Fire of Deſtruction upon thoſe againſt whom he Prophecies. For that Coal figni-
fied the Word of God in Anger, which the Prophet was mediately to ſpread upon
the People. See our Notes on Chap. 11. 5, 6. The Targum on Iſaiah: Et volavit ad
me unus de miniſtris, & in ore ejus eloquium quod fufceperat & facie Majeſtatis ejus
qui habitat in throno gloriæ in cælis celſitudinis fupra altare. We ſhall find preſently,
that thefe Threat’ning Coals had a good Effect upon many of the Pagans of that
Time.
B. Kai tavovo govci xj Bpor tale rig espone), And there were Voices, and Thunders, and
Lightnings.] That is, Voices of Thunder and Lightnings. All theſe Symbols have
been explained : And they ſhew, that during the Offering of the Incenſe, or at leaſt
immediately upon it, the Voice of God was heard, his Word was preach'd, and the
Goſpel was ſpread to the enlight’ning of Men. And all this by the means of ſuch
Imperial Conſtitutions as ſerv'd to enlarge and ſettle the Chriſtian Religion. For
theſe Thunders proceeding from the Altar, or rather following upon the throwing off
the Coals that were upon it, imply that thoſe Conſtitutions are made by Powers
that are Members of the Church. For when once the Church is back d by thoſe
Powers, who are God's Vicegerents, the Thunders fignify ſuch Laws as his Vicege-
rents make in his Name, it being not exprefly faid, that they come immediately from
the Throne. See our Note on Chap. 10. 3. B. For as Light ſignifies Rule, guiding
Men in the true Way, and Fire Deſtruction, with which they are threacned, ſo the
Light mix'd with the Thunder ſhews, that God cauſes Warnings to be given to oblige
Men to embrace his Religion. And conſequently this fignifies not only new Statutes
in the Roman Empire, for the Benefit of the Chriſtian Religion, but alſo to draw in
thoſe that have not yet embrac'd it, whether in the ſame Dominions, or elſewhere ;
thoſe being perhaps the Occaſion, that other Nations were converted.
Now let us apply the Event. And to be ſhort therein, we need but to obſerve,
that during the Times of Conſtantine the Great, to which this Offering of Incenſe
chiefly belongs, he having procur'd Peace for the Church that it might freely put up
Prayers to God, tho' this doth not exclude ſome of the following Emperors, there
were many Nations converted to the Chriſtian Religion. Socrates the Eccleſiaſtical
Hiſtorian tells us of the (t) Goths, Sarmatians, and other Barbarians receiving the
Chriſtan Faith ; as alſo the Indians and Iberians. The (u) Saracens too receivd it
afterwards ; the (w) Perſians, and the (x) Burgundians, and many (y) Jews in Crete ;
and indeed during this Time many Remnants of the Pagans were converted. There
being a very great Diſpoſition in all Sorts of Men towards it. And that is the Rea-
fon why the Roman Emperors perſecuted the Church fo often. Inſomuch that even in
the Time of Hadrian it was ſuſpected, that all Men would turn Chriſtians. I ſhall
give it in the Words of (z) Lampridius ; Chrifto templum facere voluit , eumq se inter
Deos recipere. Quod & Hadrianus cogitaffe fertur qui templa in omnibus civitatibus
juſſerat fieri : quæ hodie idcirco quia non habent numina, dicuntur Hadriani. Quæ ille
ad hoc paraſſe dicebatur. Sed prohibitus eft ab iis, qui conſulentes Sacra, repererant
omnes Chriſtianos futuros, fi id ab Imperatore veniſſet , & templa reliqua deferenda.
C. Kai ohropòs, and an Earthquake. ] This Earthquake is different both in Time
and Name from that of the Sixth Seal, Chap. 6. 12. for that is called uszas, great, and
hath many Circumſtances added to make us know it. This here is plain, and only
to be diſcovered by the Circumſtances, either going before, or following ; or to be
taken fingly. If we take it with what's going before; then as an Earthquake ſignifies
that Change in the State, which is caus'd by new Laws, according to the Onirocri-
ticks, it is that Effect, which is deſign'd by the Thunders and Lightnings ; and that
too upon the Earth, or Idolaters. The Laws did deſign the Converſion of the Pagans
to the true Worſhip ; and they did accordingly turn. This is the Revolucion de-
ſign’d : And it is very different from that former great Shaking. Becauſe thar was a
Change in the Ruling Powers of State and Paganiſm: Tnis only of the People.
(t) Socrat. Lib. I. Cap. 18, 19, 20. (u) Idem. Lib. IV. Cap. 35.
(w). Idem. Lib.
VII. Cap. 8.
(c) Idem. Ibid. Cap. 30.
(y) Idem Ibid. Cap. 38.
(2) Lampridius in Alexandro Severo.
In

356
The Seventh Seal.
Ch. VIII. v. 5.
In this caſe we know it was ſufficiently done, as is ſhewn already. Secondly, if it be
taken by it ſelf, then it may be applied to that laſt Effort, or convulfive Motion of
dying Paganiſm, which happened during this Time of the flouriſhing State of the
Church ; and that too all on the ſudden, by the Artifices of Julian the Apoftate ,
who endeavour'd to reinſtate Idolatry : And did effect it for a little Time. This
Revolution may be well accounted a coope's Shaking, in the State of the Chriſtian Re-
ligion, falling about the fame Time as the whole Empire was going to embrace it,
and that it ſpread far and near, even out of the Limits of the Roman Empire. But
as it was without any diſmal Conſequence then, Julian dying foon, fo 'tis barely
mention'd here. However, it put the Pagans upon Hopes of an entire Revolution
on their Side : But they were blaſted. Eugenius the Son of Stilicho was the Man de-
ſign’d for it; as we ſhall ſee by and by : And then indeed it prov'd a ſhaking to the
Empire it ſelf. And muſt be conſider'd according to the following Circumſtances.
For, Thirdly, a Queſtion may be rais’d, whether this Shaking is not rather to be
accounted as the Forerunner of the great Revolutions, which happen'd after it. So
that it ſhould be a kind of Epocha to them, giving Occaſion to the Angels following
to prepare themſelves to found the Trumpets, perceiving what was coming forward
upon this Commotion. By which this Earthquake was rather the Introductor of
the great Revolutions proclaim'd by the Trumpets, than barely an Accident belonging
to the Seventh Seal However this is certain, that it is between them. And indeed it
rather ſeems to belong to the future Period than the paſt; and to be a kind of pre-
parative to it. If it be fo, then Julian the Apoftate is not the Man that caus'd this
Earthquake, but thoſe Goths, Saracens, Burgundians, and others, who began to ſtir
about this Time ; and by becoming half Chriſtians, got ſuch an Hank upon the Em-
pire, beginning about this Time, that at laſt they ſettled themſelves therein ; and
made way by their Example for many other barbarous Nations to do the ſame. All
which was perform'd in Time, as the ſeveral Epocha's of the Trumpets will declare
it. See Socrates, Eccl. Hift. IV. c. 33.
I ought not here to forget ſetting down as a ſecond Intention of the Prophecy, the
Coincidence of the Event with the Symbol, that there happened about theſe Times
prodigious Earthquakes. Socrates, Lib. IV. cap. 3. and cap. 10. Sozomen. Lib. VI.
cap. 10. Philoftorgius, Lib. XI. cap. 7;. Ammian Marcellin. Lib. XXVI. cap. 14.
faith, Horrendi tremores per omnem orbis ambitum graſſati ſunt fubitò, quales nec
fabula nec veridicæ nobis antiquitates exponunt. Paulò enim poft lucis exortum den-
Sitate prævia fulgurum acriùs vibratorum tremefa&ta concutitur omnis terreni ſtabilitas
ponderis. Here are Lightnings, Thunders, and then an Earthquake ! But what is the
moſt remarkable is, that this Author, as (a) Mede hath obſerved it, takes notice,
that the Barbarians ftirr'd then againſt the Roman Empire, as if the Trumpet had
given them an Alarm, or that they had heard the firſt Angel here found it. For in
Chap. 5. he faith, Hoc tempore velut per univerſum orbem Romanum bellicum canen-
tibus Buccinis, excita Sæviſime Gentes limites ſibi proximos perſultabant. Gallias
Rhatiaſque fimul Alemanni populabantur, Sarmatæ Pannonias, Thracias diripie-
bant prædatorij Globi Gothorum. Now beſides the Reaſons we have given elſewhere
about theſe ſecond Accompliſhments, I cannot but think, that God is ſometimes
pleas'd to give ſuch Warnings : And that all ſuch Phænomena are not always acci.
dental, but deſigned by Providence, to awaken Men to heed ſuch particular Tokens.
For no Man that believes a Providence, can think any ſuch Thing happens by mere
accident. We cannot give otherwiſe an Account of them. Pliny, no great Friend to
Providence, is yet forc'd to own this : For ſpeaking of Earthquakes he faith, (b)
Nec vero fimplex malum, aut in ipfo tantum motu periculum eſt : Sed par , aut majus
oftentum. Nunquam urbs Roma tremuit, ut non futuri evenius alicujus id prænunti-
um eſſet. But as to this Sort of Coincidences, or ſecond Intentions, no luch Streſs
is to be laid on them, as if they were neceſſary. The Predi&tion is accompliſhed
without them. However note here, that Zoſimus the Hiſtorian hath luckily called
the Incurfion of Alaric into Macedonia and Greece by this very Name of (c) coro uos,
Earthquake.
(a) Mede's Summ. View of the Apoc. Seal VII.
(c) Zotim. Lib. V. pag. 294. Oxon. Edit.
(6) Plin. Nac. Hiſt. Lib. II. cap. 84.
A. Verſ.

Ch. VIII. v. 6. Trumpets prepared.
357
owor,
A. Verf. 6. Και οι επτά άγγελοι οι έχοντες τας επα σαλπιγγας, ήτοι μας εωτές ίνα σαλπά-
And the Seven Angels which had the Seven Trumpets, prepared themſelves to
found. ] Theſe Angels, which had been intruſted with the Trumpets and the Go-
vernment of the Church, as Miniſters under Jeſus Chriſt, immediately upon the
Opening of the Seventh Seal, in which Jeſus Chriſt had put his Catholick Church
in a State of Peace after its great Conflict againſt Paganiſm, had nothing to do during
the Silence in Heaven. That was not a Time of Aëtion for them. Another Kind of
Work was the Subject of other Angels Employment ; of him in Particular, who of
fer'd the Incenſe. But this Shaking, or Earthquake awaken'd them. This was a
Time wherein they ſhould have occaſion to found the Alarms with their Trumpets,
as they are appointed. We muſt not think that theſe Seven Angels have nothing elſe
to do but juſt to found theſe Trumpets, as if the Seven Archangels had no other Em-
ployment in the Government of the Church, but the Sounding of Alarms, and ma-
naging War in the Temporal State thereof : Yes fure, for we ſhall find in Chap. 15;
and 16, that the fame Seven Angels are intruſted with another Office ; which, as we
ſhall fee, concerns chiefly the ſpiritual or religious State of the Church: For as theſe
Trumpets are temporal Alarms from without , upon the Remnant of the Pagans
and thoſe Chriſtians, who ſuffer themſelves to be corrupted : So the latter are Plagues,
or Chaſtiſements only, to the corrupted Chriſtians, ariſing merely from, and upon
the Account of their Corruptions, having their Effect from within themſelves. So
that the beſtowing of theſe Seven Trumpers upon them, and of the Seven Bowls,
which we ſhall demonſtrate, are all employ'd during this Period, and ending much
at the fame Time, ſhew that theſe Seven Angels
, during this ſecond great Period of
the Church, had two general Commiſſions deliver'd to them, by the Badges of the
Trumpets and Bowls; whereby they were to have the Management of the temporal
and religious Judgments of God upon the Church during the Terms of their Com-
miſſions : Which they are to execute according to the Deſigns and Predetermination
of God and Chriſt their Sovereign. And then their Office ends; for in the third
Period all Matters are more immediately perform'd by Chrift himſelf, as we ſhall
find : Becauſe moſt perfect and tranſcendently glorious; and therefore deſerving more
immediately to be perform’d by Chriſt himſelf, the miniſtry of the Angels taking
then another Turn. And thus much for what concerns the Angels.
We have now only to conſider the Trumpets, and the Preparation of the Angels
to found. I have prov'd already, that the Uſe of Trumpets was to mark out Times ;
and ſecondly, to found Alarms. Both theſe are now effected by theſe Trumpers.
But I ſhall prove it's chiefly meant of Alarms ; and ſhew it by the Authority of
Prophane as well as Holy Writers. Artemidorus, Lib. I. cap 58. Elyuan ö sobn-
πηγι σαλπίζειν , πονηeoν" και ο ιερόν το όργανον, αλλα πολεμικών. So likewife Αriftides
Quintilianus, ſpeaking of the Roman Inſtitution, ſays: (d) "Ogjavov pofui dgnäöv to ry
καθαπληκικόν μέlαχειριζομδύη τίω σαλπιγγα. But in the feui/h Church it was facred as
well as warlike." (e) Suetonius tells us of a Spe&trum that appear’d to Ca far's Army,
ſnatch'd a Trumpet out of the Hands of one of his Trumpeters, and founded an
Alarm. This was taken as an Omen, that the Gods deſign'd, that Cefar ſhould be
gin a War againſt Pompey. Petronius ſeems to hint, that the Sound of the Trumpet
was heard in the Air : Et tuba Martem fideribus tremefa£ta ciet. See
Lucan's Pharſalia, Lib. I. So Pliny tells us, that the Sound of Trumpets was heard
from Heaven about the Cimbrick Wars: (f) Armorum crepitus, & tube fonitus , au-
ditos è cælo Cimbricis bellis accepimus, crebroſque & prius & pofteà. He meant un-
doubtedly, that as the antecedent Omen portended the Cimbrick Wars ; fo the ſub-
ſequent fignified the Social or Italick, and the Civil Wars of Sylla and Marius. Plu-
tarch in the Life of Sylla tells us, that there were many omina of this War ; and that
the greateſt was the Sound of a Trumpet. (8) Tà ở Truátwo zázisor, é drepéar sj srcía
Sps 78 metszov10, zonos [ leg. ngoroz] owvà oanwyso, Eus ároleivega, rý splines in a Jóga
20ve üss Tartus éno egyes muets, xj xelTa NEC to Mé24.90. See the reſt; where Plutarch
faith, that the Tuſcan Prophets declar'd, that this Sound of the Trumpet was the
Sign of a Le Taxó quners, a periodical Revolution in the World; or at leaſt of thoſe
Wing orís, 039
TH10
(d) Ariſtid. Quintil. De Muſic. Lib. II. pag. 71. (c) Sueton. in Jul. Cæſ. cap. 32.
f) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 57. (8) Plut. Sylla fol. 150. & 1516
Y yyy
parti-

358
Ch. VIII. v. 6
Trumpets prepared.
particular Cities, in which ſuch Tokens are obſerv’d, as (h) Cenforinus explains it
out of their Rituals ; all which hits our Caſe. Thus alſo Ovid tells us that ſuch
Omina portended the Death of Julius Cæfar, that gave Birth to the bloody Times of
the Triumvirate :
(i) Terribileſque tubas, auditaque cornua cælo
Præmonuiſſe nefas.
So in the Prophet Jeremiah 4. 19. it is familiar enough with him to explain the
Sounding of the Trumpet this Way. I cannot hold my Peace, becauſe thou haft
heard, O my Soul, the Sound of the Trumpet, the Alarm of War. Again, Chap. 42.
14. We will go into the Land of Ægypt, where we ſhall ſee no War, nor hear the
Sound of the Trumpet. Theſe explain themſelves. See alſo Chap. 51. 27. and Amos
2.2. Hence the Author of the Sibylline Oracle;
(&) --- Σάλπιγξ πολέμων αγγέλεια βαρβαρόφωνG.
Homer makes the Heaven to found the Trumpet, when the Gods went to War:
(1) Αμφί και σαλπιγξον μέγας έρανός.
As for the diſtinguiſhing of Times, nothing is clearer, than that the Periodical Jubi-
lees were proclaimed with the Sound of Trumpets, Levit. 25. 9.
But there is a nobler Alluſion than all theſe, which will ſerve to explain theſe
Trumpets, their Number and Deſign. And that too by and with the Concurrence of
the Holy Ghoſt in other Parts of Scripture. We have no where elſe, that I know
of, the Number of Seven Tines us’d for the Sounding of Trumpets, but at
the Siege of Jericho , when Foſhua was leading the Iſraelites into the promiſed
Land, which they were to enjoy in all Happineſs with the Favour of God. Foſh.
6.6. There Seven Prieſts are appointed to bear Seven Trumpets, and to blow with
them, whilſt the Iſraelites ſurrounded the City Seven Times together on the Seventh
Day, after having done it once every Day of the Six before : And on the Seventh
( its Walls were to fall on the Ground. Now compare the State of the Chriſtian
Church to that of the Iſraelites, as to Foſhua. This we may do by warrant from
St. Paul, Hebr. Chap. 3. and Chap. 4. who there compares the bringing of the If-
raelites into their intended Reft by Joshua, or Jeſus, to the bringing of the faithful
Chriſtians to their certain Reſt by Jeſus Chriſt
. And though he denies, that Foſhua
brought the Iſraelites to a full Reft, whereby he frames an Argument to prove, that
this Reſt is yet to come, Hebr. 4. 8. 9. yet the Similitude holds good, as to the Al-
luſion, that the Entring of the Iſraelites into Canaan prefigurated our entring into
our Canaan by the Reſurrection : For that is our Reft, or Sabbatiſm, which our Je-
ſus is to lead us to. And the Apoſtles Argument confifts in proving , that the Iſra-
elites Reſt was deficient, to make them and us look for another. Our Sabbatiſm, or
Reft, as we ſhall prove from Revelat. 14. 13. Chap. 20. Chap. 21. and Chap. 22. is the
Millennium with its Conſequences, or the third great Period of our Oeconomy.
Thus between the firſt and third Periods there ariſes, or ſtands, a Fericho, a City
called myſtically Babylon, oppoſing the Entrance of the Church into its true and full
Reſt of the heavenly Canaan, which is to be deſtroy'd before the new feruſalem can
be built, or be ſent down from Heaven. Now the ſtanding of that Babylon is con-
temporary with the ſecond Period of the Church : And it is this period of the Trum-
pets and Bowls
, which are employ'd to the Deſtruction of its temporal and reli-
gious State, both oppoſing the Purity of our Religion, and retarding our Reſt. At
the blowing therefore of the Seven Trumpets of theſe Angels it is to fall ; that is,
ar the laſt of them ; the other being only preparative , to make Way to the ſpiritual
Ifraelites to enter into their Reft or promiſed Land. Wherefore as the Blowing of
the Trumpets, and the ſurrounding of Jericho for the firſt Six Days, did each of
them contribute to the pulling down of the Wall, and taking of the City, tho
TH
(b) Cenſorin. de Die Natal. Cap. XVII. (i) Ovid. Metam, Lib. XV.
Orac. Lib. VIII.
(1) Homer. Iliad. 9. Verf. 388.
(k) Sibyl.
2
the

Chap. VIII. v. 6. Trumpets prepared.
359
the Seventh only compleated the Work ; fo each of the Trumpets of theſe Seven
Angels helps to pull down the Spiritual Babylon, as to the Temporal State or Power
of it, though it is only the Seventh Trumpet, which brings it to its full and final
Deſtruction. Accordingly we ſhall find, that this part of the World, on which the
Effects of theſe Seven Trumpets are to fall
, are the Territories of that City, which
is called by the Name of great City, and Babylon the Great. Which great City, as
Jericho was accurſed by Fashua, never to be rebuilt, is alſo accurfed by God, never
to be reſtored. So that all that is contain’d in this Prophecy between this place and
Chap. 18. is employ'd to fhew its Riſe, and Degrees of its Fall, whereby we are to
enter into our Reſt; as alſo the State of the true Church, and its Sufferings by the
Power of that City, together with the Preparations God makes for his Church to
deſtroy it, and then to enter into that Reſt. Thus then God blows down with the
Sounding of theſe Trumpets that ſpiritual Oppoſer of our Peace , whoſe Doom we
muſt finally expect only at the Blowing of the Seventh, to compleat all.
And here it will not be improper to obſerve, that according to the way of the
Ancients, the Sound of the Trumpet is a proper Adjunét of the Deſtruation of
Cities. Hence Virgil obſerves it at the Ruin of Troy;
(m) Exoritur clamorque virûm, clangorque Tubarum. ar nogle flow
bre
Whereupon Servius obſerves, Illud ſane intelligendum eſt: quia morem tetigit expug-
nationis. Plerumque enim ad tubam evertuntur civitates, ficut Albam Tullus Hoſti-
lius juſſit everti. So Corinth was ſerv'd by the Romans. Florus: (n) Tandem ab
incolis deſerta Civitas, direpta primum, deinde tuba præcinente, deleta eft. So
Agathocles King of Syracuſe, burnt his own Fleet with the Sound of Trumpets.
Diodorus; (o) 'év Ja si e rela@ge gay de Trailcov ev sv twv te tūs, wj Tepes orazo's die ontos de vera
σης, οι μυ σαλπι[κ]αι το πολεμικών εσή μαινον, το 3 ορατόπεδον επι λάλαξε. The Grecians ufed
the Flute on ſuch Occaſions : As (p) Lyſander at the rafing of the Walls of Athens,
and (2) Alexander at the Deſtruction of Thebes. (-) Theſe were a kind of Religi-
ous Aéts. We have the Teſtimony of Alexander himſelf
, when he burnt Perſepolis :
(s) Excidio illius parentandum elle majoribus. And indeed as I prove elſewhere, that
Puniſhments are Sacrifices, ſo upon ſuch Occaſions the "Roman Magiſtrates cauſed
the Trumpets to be founded. This may be ſeen in (t) Tacitus and (u) Seneca, (w)
Capito and Montanus.
Let us now come to the Meaning of the Preparation : For I am not willing to
ſuppoſe ſuch Additions are only of Decorum, but that they really imply fome De
ſign of the Holy Ghoſt, and have ſome Event anſwering to that Defign. Now firſt,
it is a certain Maxim of the Divine Providence, that all Delays put to God's execu-
ting Judgments upon Men, are deſign’d to bring them to Repentance: And by Con-
ſequence, that if God make any open Preparative for Judgment, it is to give Warn-
ing and Time for it. So we read in the Pſalms : God judgeth the Righteous, and
God is angry with the Wicked every Day. If he turn not, he will whet his Sword; he
hath bent his Bow, and made it ready. He bath alſo prepared for him the Inſtruments
of Death. He ordaineth bis Arrows againſt the Perſecutors. Pfal. 7 11, 12, 13.
What can all this mean, but that God is Strong and Patient at the ſame Time? In
this Book God doth always give Warning. Not only here, but alſo at the Three laſt
Trumpets or Woes; Verſe 13. at the End of every of the Two firſt Woes to pre-
vent the following ; Chap. 9. 12. Chap. II. 14. Againſt the riſing of the Beaſt ; Chap.
14. 9. Againſt the Third Woe, or Fall of Babylon ; Chap. 18. 4. which is deſign'd
to be irrecoverable. This Warning here I take to be parallel to that in Chap. 14.
7, 8. antecedent to that firſt Fall of Babylon, before the riſing of the Beaſt.
As for the Event, which God made Uſe of to forewarn Men of the approaching
ſounding of the Trumpets, and the Evils that were to come thereupon, the Words
of Ammianus Marcellinus have ſhewn it, as cited before. Nicephorus ſays: (*) Ur
(m) Virg. Æneid. II.
(n) Flor. Lib. II. Cap. 16.
() Diod. Sic. Lib. XX.
Pag. 736. (D) Xenoph. Hellen. Lib. II. Plutarch. Vit. Lyſand.
ig) Freinſhem. Suppl.
ad Q. Curcium. Lib. I.
() See the Note on Chap. 14. 18. A.
(s) Q. Curr. Lib. V.
Cap. 6.
(t) Tacit. Annal. Lib. II. Cap. XXXII. (u) Senec, de Ira, Lib. I. Cap. XVI.
(20) Apud. Senec. Contr. Lib. IV. Cap. XXV. Vid. Nor. Schorci.
(26) Nicephor. Gregor.
Lib. II. Cap. 7.
terrores

360
• Trumpet I.
Ch. VIII. v. 7.
terrores de cælo fæpè hominibus à Deo incutiuntur, ut fulmina, incendia & crebri im-
bres ita hi à Deo aſſervantur ſeptentrionales & hyperborei terrores, ut pro pena,
quando & quibus Providentie viſum fuerit, immittantur. And indeed if we confi-
der, that God had deſign'd thoſe Barbarous Nations to execute them in Time, we
Thall not need to wonder, that he ſhould ſtir them up to come firſt as only Plunder-
ers, as it were only to ſpy out the Strength of the Roman Empire, and alſure then
by that to come again to better Purpoſe: And that this in the mean Time ſhould be
a warning to the Pagans, and thoſe Chriſtians, who began to corrupt themſelves al-
ready ; that God deſign d to plague them with theſe Inſtruments. The like Difpen-
ſations of God ſufficiently aſſure us he meant it fo.
2000
TRUMPET I. 19
DO
A. Verf. 7. Kui negãi Q [åpeno] Soalamos, rj époeto Jónata sy trūs pespesa
Disfece cv aipata, rj Brúsn eis The Huse rj To reizen op gñs ve TENÍN, rj tras zoplo gawes's
ny Teren, And the firſt Angel ſounded, and there was Hail and Fire mingled with Blood;
and they were caſt to the Earth : And the Third Part of the Earth was burnt up, and
all the Green Graſs was burnt up.] Firſt, it is ſaid in general, that this Plague
was caſt upon, that is, affected the Earth, or the Inhabitants of it, the Subjects;
and then 'tis limited to a Third Part thereof. Now ſince this Third Part of the Sub-
jects affected by thefe Plagues, is exprefly mention'd in the firſt four, and the Sixth ;
we begin by endeavouring to determine what it is. Why the Fifth ſhould be ex-
cepred, ſhall be conſidered in its proper Place. In this we are to find out, who they
are that are determined by it. Now it is plain, that theſe Angels being concernd
for no more than they are appointed over, and by Conſequence that their power, at
leaſt as to this Commiſſion, can extend no further than the Bounds of Chriſtendom:
It not ſuiting with the Divine Juſtice to plague Men for not following the Goſpel
where it hath not reach'd them : Or puniſh them for perſecuring the Chriſtians,
where there are none : Such are out of the Pale. But others muſt undergo the
Chaftiſements due to their Malice and Obſtinacy.
For theſe Reaſons we muſt conclude, that this Third Part of the Earth, and the
other Third Parts, muſt be meant of all the Lands wherein Chriſtendom was ſettled
under the Protection of the Roman Chriſtian Emperors. Which was the Third Part
only of the known World at that Time: Though the Romans in thoſe Ages called
their Empire by the Names of Univerſus Orbis, and 'Oras felfon. But this is to be un-
derſtood with ſome Reſtriction; as they indeed were Maſters of the greateſt part of
the World, endued with Learning and Politeneſs. For it was within this Empire that
the Chriſtian Church was chiefly ſettled. So Hilary; (y) Nam quamvis multæ bar-
bare gentes de cognitione ſecundum Apoſtolorum prædicationem, & manentium hodie
illic Ecclefiarum fidem adeptæ fint, tamen ſpecialiter Evangelica doctrina in Romani
Imperij, ſub quo Hebræi & Græci continentur, ſede conſiſtit. But that which ex-
plains and confirms this beyond all manner of Scruple is, that the Roman Empire,
which elſewhere appears under the Symbol of a Dragon, is ſaid to draw with his
Tail the Third Part of the Stars of Heaven, and caſt them to the Earth, which in
the Symbolical Language means plainly the ſubduing of the Third Part of the Powers
of the Earth ; and is in Effect the ſame as the Third Part of the Earth : Of which
more in its Place. And this effe&tually confutes the New Hypotheſis of Mr. Whiſton,
that only Europe is meant by this, as being the Third Part of the Earth, in reſpect
of Aſia and Africa. But we ſhall ſhew in the proper Places, that this Reſtriction is
vain, and contrary both to the Indication of the Holy Ghoſt juſt now mention'd,
and alſo to the Hiſtory, which ſhews us ſufficiently, that the firſt of theſe Plagues
affected Aſia and Africa, as well as Europe ; and reach'd indeed into all the Parts of
the Roman Empire. And this we ſhall do by the fame Authors as he hath cited,
depoſing againſt him.
So then this Third Part of the Earth ſuffering by the Effects of this Trumpet,
muſt be that Third Part of the World, wherein the Chriſtian Church was ſettled,
and dwelt among the Remnants of Paganiſm, which perſiſted obſtinate. It is there-
fore the Downfall of that Power, which ſuffer'd them to ſtand thus, and the Chaſtife-
(Y) B. Hilar. Pict. Exp. in Pfalm. Prolog.
ment

Trumpet I.
361
the Lord Mall the Aſſyrian be beaten down which I mote with a Rod. This is thus ex
Ch. VIIL v.7.
Y
ment of the People, which is herë thus foretold by the founding of the Trumpets,
a proper Symbol of themſelves for Warlike Alarms, ſtriking at the Temporal Power
chiefly; though it muſt not be denied, that the Trumpets, being alſo of Religious
Inſtitution, do at leaſt obliquely reflect upon Religion. And indeed by the Event it
will be found, that as the Temporal Power was ftruck at by the founding of theſe
Trumpets, ſo by every Degree of its Fall another Effect was wrought, which tended
to the Deſtruction of Religion too; other Powers ariſing out of the Deſtruction of
this, which corrupted the Chriſtian Church, and perſecuted the Saints. And the Cor-
ruption thereof increaſed in Proportion to the Decreaſe of the ſmall Remnants of
the Ancient Roman Power. This may be clearly made out by the Hiſtory of the
Church. But becauſe the Holy Ghoft, ås we ſhall find, hath employ'd an whole
Viſion, conſiſting of Two Chapters, to fhew the Corruption of the Church ; and Two
other Chapters, to ſhew the Perfecution of the Remnants of the true Church, their
Subſiſtence and Reſtauration ; the Symbols concern'd in this Viſion of the Trumpets.
need not to be extended any further than the Temporal Power of the Roman Empire,
whoſe Downfal and Diſmembring is here foretold, according to its various Degrees.
Let us now examine the Symbols, that we may ſee who, and how Men were affe£ted
by theſe Alarms. But as to the preciſe Meaning of this Expreſſion, the Third Part,
ſee the Note on Chap. 8. 12. B. Tod 10 odosMed
cho
Hail by all the Oriental Onirocriticks, Chap. 191. is thus interpreted. augusta
'H gacòv, si zaéacta, zji o zág C, naitas, peepiusias Bj Bacolvasompusi vsorv. t di eis añoG
si grody twó, mou mame G 8289e evenog @ to tóny Bacuvides outés. 2) eingA VW ortul di
στιαν ίση πς χάλαζαν εν τόπω πόσεξ, έφοδον αθρόαν ελπίζε3. To fan , con
ο Ει ίση ότι χάλαζα ολυμοί νετο τίω καλάμων σε σίτε και η κριθής σφαγα αμάλογοιφήσον)
ή κλάσεως εν τω τόπω απο πολέμε, για το αν οι Xotto vada do HTC 20abioW
In the Prophets it is us’d to the fame Purpoſe, to fignify the Inroads of Enemies
killing and deſtroying. Iſaiah 28. 2. ſpeaking of King Salmanaffar coming to deſtroy
Ephraim, faith; Behold the Lord hath a mighty and frong one, which as a Tempeſt of
Hall, and a deſtroying Storm, as a Flood of mighty Waters overflowing, shall caſt down
to the Earth with the Hand. And Chap. 30. 30, 31. the Prophet comforting the
Fews with a Promiſe of deſtroying the Aſyrians, and revenging their Cauſe, faith
thus; And the Lord Shall cauſe his glorious Voice to be heard, and fhall Shew the light-
ing down
of his Arm, with the Indignation of his Anger, and with the Flame of a de-
vouring Fire, with Scattering and Tempeft and Hail-ſtones. For through the Voice of
plained in the next Verſe by theſe Words, And in Battels of Jhaking will be fight with
i. Targum ; propter bellum forte quod pro eis fiet in populis. The ſame Symbol is
found in Chap. 32. 19. See alſo Ezek. 13. 11, 13. and the Targum. And thus alſo
Storms of Hail and Rain are uſed by Prophane Authors. Pindar hath a noble Strain
to this purpoſe : 150w bih Teosss 8920 pise duos 908 testimonis og
ud børnstorgot ai(3) "150 på occès ós Tis, co to zina) od hue usidljevod stii anio 193403
& Teuta vepéage géaco 1.8.90) 1 STA od T.139 T SY
terad I gained Zav aiul weg's oíacs sibedolia di 10 triomnian I bus noi Bestil
aboutin gordt zo Telagas áuwe Dezbiquini oa .es .st .sds.caco op
Which himſelf explains thus, Po gebra Basa (*)
okugek el Aorgon dipubwv évarrio sped Teds vous pren urge () 91911wslis brA
'Ασών, υεά μέμσον κλόG αυξων
Zucor ráno aj Sercovoit StXV seriffod nogique (m)
2993 1944.205b9e eens ont
Hefiod hath the Shower of Blood, and explains it himſelf:
Sant : illad sorroboren wat home page MOTOUS Bourgogrib sure, 1894, 20jsdaero blogi
(a) Kad odd åp &T'segvéger leddes Béren diuatośaresy
Σώμα πθεις πολέμοιο εο μέγα θαρσεϊ πουθή.
Now as the Fables of the Ancients are generally to be taken by the Symbolical
Handle, ſo Æſchylus faith, that Prometheus foretold to Hercules, that in fighting
the Ligurians, Júpiter would help him with a shower of Stones, in a place where
yolog
Abah
(3) Pind. Iſthm. Od. VII.
(a) Hefiod. Scut. Fiercul. Vert. 384. ! di S60H
Z Ž Ž Ž

30510H
و او

362
Ch. VIII. v.17.
Trampet I.
no Stones were to be found. The Words are found in (b) Strabo. Prometheus feems
to ſpeak, came teda os gaidu noodia W not asismens to lodii de status
200 fania. A to all categoy a dejungan boleh bu? Sizdis, oxTegen, son ikurrai sigpont vitrino
di novi ant vd Los Nepéalwdi (Morogedo vuçede gogfútwu séng an lo il sol te ob toiduti
sler to gubijo sem ósnop suces yoáva ofs éteita ovde mot, tas atbrot sa
Dobrigt dock ing Bency Nincs osas pasitas Aigu' seestón, 20 99194 vieve y otra
la nobudka oro 10 10 15 29Woona 001 et 10 hold Bed at
So a Storm is taken in the Oracle of Mufæus applied to the Defeat of the Atheni-
ans at Ægoſpotamos, cited by Pauſanias. of motioco 19 m beinarni tosiell roue
10 violin adoud vous virsola ad vomid NewoonA sitt
slow b yola (d) Kai S 'Asw koroi émés me I dyed oußegst otwond tod dosuda
OWT bris domand Chle Hyquóy cor ve xótumº pola espaoin de nos éscy owT 2o gallico motiv
tiedondo suis H, g Brus nuúoxov zóney, honor Ø 70017 tube world of 2190900
1.2159
mts: jo nortiva
bogo alodave srls Cucto il branoidne
In Pliny a Shower of Iron in Lucania, is ſaid to have portended the Defeat of Craffus
by the Parthians, who were generally Cuiraffiers, and Craſus's Soldiers moſtly rais'd
in Lucania. (e) Item ferro in Lucanis, anno autequam M. Craſus a Parthis inte
remptus eſt, omneſque cum eo Lucani milites , quorum magnus numerus in exercitu
erat. Thus Tully uſes the Metaphor of a Storm borrowed from Sophocles, to expreſs
the Tumults in the Commonwealth. (f) Cupio, ur ait tuus amicus Sophocles, mis
no séyns- Tlumpôs e refoule ofendido diréon øgsví
. "Tis likely that Sophocles had us'd it
the ſame way. Again (g), Dii immortales, quam me conturbatum tenuit epiſtola tua
prior pagina ! Quid autem iſte in domo tua caſus armorum ? Sed hunc quidem nimbum
cito tranfitſe lætor. Hence alſo comes the Obſervation of Lactant. Placidus upon the
Words of Statius, (h) Imber atrox ; he ſays, Telorum denfitas, etenim peculiare eft
poetis
, belli impetum cæli tempeftatibus comparare
. (i) Demojihenes compares the
Progreſs of King Philip to a Storm of Hail.co
Fire with Hnil is not without Examples. xéén costs museódens is mention'd in the (K)
Epiſtle of Antoninus to the Senate in Favour of the Chriſtians. To which Claudian
alluding calls it, (1) Flammeus imber. Exod. 9. 23. Pſalm 78. 38. But in Pſal
. 18.
12, 13. or elſe 2. Sam. 22. 13. Sthe Hail Stones and Coals of Fire ſeem to be merely
fymbolical
. Fire with ſuch Adjuncts as betoken, that it is not put for Light, betokens
Deſtruction, or Torment, War and its diſmal Effects. The Indian Interpreter faith in
? agtetett tot 2900f-lish boon foot bao oni vine dinios
Eav ihn mis ont én tuel drogo's Endin tomoby i dness, oi nas os sete año ou pretesa rúgia
så ottenet, og ho ve bir biscurtoset, Trondum, á tai voorheen aron &v9.
yon 9 mi bonito
I E xa lưng xanh s, tro & gia muko ga deº, 3 ởy TủÀ Họ & Decay TA & Thơe, h à, đệu và
on pia Belov, h ezépes ép. Weder 9. The Symbol being fo plain, I ſhall only ſet down this
of Iſaiah 42. 25. And it bath fet him on fire round about. Targum; Et occiderunt eos
per circuitum. See Zech. 13. 9. Ezek. 22. 20, 21, 22. And what was lately faid
concerning the Seraphim, and the Coals of Fire. So Perfecution is repreſented by
Fire, 1 Pet. 1. 7. Chap. 4. 12. 1 Cor. 3. 13, 15, 2 Theff. 1. 8. So from the De-
ftruétion and Puniſhment of the Diſobedient; God is call'd a conſuming Fire, Deut.
4. 24. Chap. 9. 3. | Hebr. 12. 29. So in Euripides, die wegs fignifies through Murder:
une
(m) Asde 38 Tueg's ña Q érágos nézetei gaurit nislque soit le
And elſewhere, (n) Asd Trueg's témonov de sexour.d pensel ora di pe? Prixls xấegevo
| vašuss od kas voi ද අය
auf
Horace, (0) Impiger hoflium Vexare turmas, & frementem
Mittere equum medios per ignes.
சிளெitianillars are boolal to 1sworle site Sul
The old Commentator, per medium pugnæ fervorem, per medium ardorem belli : nam

Chap 209.

کون با ما در بالدم ونڈر ون و جاری ہے
(5) Strabo Geogr. Lib. IV.
() Æſch. Prometh. Sol. (*) Caſaub. vaeoguire
(d) Pauſan. Phocic. pag. 325.
Plin. Nat. Hiftor.
Lib. H. cap. 56.
9:13 22
16
CH) M. T. C. ad Attic. Lib. II. Epift
. 7. OLDSKO (8) Idem ibid. Lib. XV. Epift. 10. isla
Thy Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. X.10. 537.0dVida Sil. Iralic. Lib.IN. (i) Demoſth. Orat. de Cherronef.
(k) Apud Juftin. M. Apolog. II.
(1) Claudian. Ví. Coſ. Hon. v. 342.
(m) Euripid. Andromach. v. 487.
(n) Eurip Electr. p. 1182.
(0) Horar. Lib. IV. Od. 14.
1841 lori 02.bolsH()
(11V.bol
pro

363
War;
2019so te
SIS
'Εμβαλών σπιν"
Roma
See to this purpoſe the Oration of the Ambaſſador to the Ætolians in USHI
Se os Cale, but to marzo
Chap. VIH. V.7. Trumpet 1.
pro afperrimos concitatiffimifque periculis ignem poshit. Thus allo Sophocles cats the
Miſchief done by the Sphinx to Thebes, (p) in toan qa6zce Th 10:] , a foreign Flame of
Miſchief. Ariſtophanes ſpeaking of Pericles the Author of the Peloponneſian
ofeum sit 90 vues 08904T5 341 )
(4) Ειτα Περικλξης φοβηθείς μη ματά αν σ υ χως
Τας φύσεις ήμ δεδδικώς, και η αυτοαξ Φόπον,
Πριν παθείν τι δεινόν, αυτός ξέρλεξε τις πόλιν,
es pupedr Megasone Impiomie 10
bogih svods soul within your best to time the one that we not bevroldo hivo bad
Polybius.
Hence Tully, (s) Totam enim Italiam fagraturam bello intelligo.
To this Fire and Hail St. John hath added Blood , to heighten the Symbol
magnify the Deſtruction, and thew, that all this did portend the Incurſions of pro-
digious deſtroying and bloody Enemies; who would make a terrible Havock and De-
ſtruction, and ſhed Abundance of Blood. So Euripides,
wona 11 to bolo di Sott WOD Omos o 407 abbimiz odtou osim
con gloriw all (t) Nu de por cuegi Tergéoph bus statistwamul sito zi si tud licht
de 834 162 Osgoo words "Agns Indood i ni enlloqet gated and
gnid 13T zara Aide Sion gabset saft am scobre nolindua buat
troqu son Tuo 99€. Töd, 6. un cozol, ródet. 70 ni zyswed: olivizerito bess 19791
Si nogu 1157 of yoz isme
Dugo se na ova ridique
Of this more again. However, I ſhall here obſerve, that a Rain of Blood is ſaid to
have been obſerved as an Omen before the Civil Wars of Cafar and Pompey: Appian
faith , (2) aſud 7 38 Ebčev o Sede ore. Which is alſo confirmºd by T. Petronius,
whoſe Words ſhall be fer down at large, as not only proper to this
following Symbols : They are,
OSIVI 900 1015 er brsyubljani mer of sub bod te nem
-mal resiflinto (cv) Continuo clades hominum venturaq; damna w Stob od 09 son arut
Borel) co to wriód Aufpiciis patuere Deum ; namque ore cruento
ok aurr son bicor Deformes Titan vultus caligine texit.ansamt en groteront
Los tu erfrau Civiles acies jam tum ſpirare putares.ro short not Bothai dilatne
is bon vd balu Parte alia plenos exſtinxit Cynthia vultus,
ว
Show Motuosts T Et lucem ſceleri fubduxit. Rupia tonabant etoitsh alotuslobI sro
staw biunci ; lune Verticibus lapfis montis juga, nec vaga paffimbre barnguide! tus de
Stjord I ads os fins Flumina per notas ibant morientia ripas
. Arcanjituoiq to be fini
aniol asema sa Armorum ftrepitu cælum furit, 8 tuba Martem muoiq to be fini
T 2010sobl Sideribus tremefaéta ciet : jamque Ærna voratur
biel bris grla
- 1 v HoH ein ba Ignibus inſolitis, & in æthera fulmina mittit.
ise l baiqurico
Salil Sembull 1Ěcce inter tumulos, atque oſſa carentia buffisni boraqasi gorived
uivomust bris 2nci led
brigangsl stort Umbrarum facies diro ſtridore minantur.
Vlfisk brisevi ar Fax ftellis comitata novis incendia ducitus ftom se naiw enigad
en breda si Toh Sanguineoque recens deſcendit Fupiter imbre. Svo erf IO
ani wa tsugas 23 Hæc oftenta brevi ſolvit Deus.
Cev5rhedt oor03 03
bas 23host to content 1900 Juodu bonito How zords birti tik to any
This is imitated out of Homer : who explains himſelf the Symbol in few W
Words
SONOH.
ir paid 20t
die on sd 5(x) == K24 el diö to ser hinay lépores? s esilcami alda isda saqqal sortsa
-95 tai bed hout Ažproto uusaasas es altése, &ven" žuemas
aniwallot vu tohto os as
imid s 91911 ŽIJ Tone's ipsíquos xxpands äït megiatay.
Istoprog i porsiyb 910
BT.2004 bisobnu
bih istim ods of noist
And when Sarpedon is to be ſlain, the (y) Poet obſerves, that Jupiter did ſhed upon
en 70 goue sit von
law vos
.
ST0191
() Sophoc. Oedipod. Tyran. pag. 158. Vid. Apollon. Argonaut. Lib. IV. v. 490.
(9) Ariſtoph, in Pace.
(1) Polyb. Exc. Lib. XI. pag. 626.
(s) M. T. C. ad Attic. Lib. VII. Epiſt. 16. (t) Euripid. Phæniſl. v. 246.
(u) Appian. de Bel. Civ. Lib. II.
ty (w) T. Pet. Arb. Sacyr. Poemat. de Bel. Civ.
() Homer. Iliad. 1. v. 53. (y) Homer. Iliad. II. v. 459,
La
2
the

364
Trumpet 1.
Ch. VIII. v.
song
1003
Bart were
the Earth Drops of Blood to honour him by giving him a sign of his Death. The
like in Statius. (y) Thus alſo Silius Ital, tells us that Hannibal was frighted from be-
fore Rome
art to Porto A gasloin to Siilsett zsiendiga pichlin
(€) Ipfe Tarpeio fublimis vertice, cuna
Et ventos, fimul & nubes, o grandinis iras,
Fulminaque & tonitrus, & nimbos conciet alios.
And, (a) Mixtos cum fanguine nimbos, & tonitrus fugio.
And Ovid obſerv'd the fame before the Death of Jul. Cæfar in the Place above-cited :
(6) Sæpe inter nimbos gutta cecidere cruentå.
nabalita.digo pinto. 5100 10 Teid on 92
'Tis likewife obfèrv'd as a Prodigy in T. Livius, (c) Romæ in foro Boario fanguine
pluiſſe. . Thus alſo (d) Dr. Fryer tells us of a portentous Shower of Blood for Twelve
Hours together in India, in 1679 cm
zdia, in 1679; i air use word be noiBons el
B. Kat ebausn eis olu gw, And they were caſt to the Earth. ] This ſhews the Sub-
ject of the Plague. One would think, that this is only a Symbol of Decorum to
make up the Similitude ; for Hail muſt come down from the Clouds, or it is not
Hail. But it is here ſomewhat more, and determines the Scope of the whole ; no-
thing being ſuperfluous in this Book. It fignifies People in a State of Peace, Quiet-
neſs and Submiſſion, and at the fame Time involv’d in Idolatry ; that Term being
never us’d otherwiſe ; but always in Oppoſition to the Saints. See our Note upon
Chap. 16. 1. B. So that the Plague of this firſt Trumpet is only to fall upon the
Subječts of the Roman Empire. The Authority of it will notį be loſt thereby. By
the opening of the Sixth Seal the Pagan Power of that Empire was removed from
them, and put into the Hands of the Princes that had received the Chriſtian Faith.
The Peace of the Seventh Seal had procured Time, Opportunities, and Laws, to,
oblige all the Heathens to embrace Chriſtianity, by which they might avert the Judg-1
ments of God due to them, for their Idolatry and the Death of the Martyrs. This
was not to be done whilſt the Empire was in the Hands of the Roman Chriſtian Em-
perors, who rather procur'd Peace for them, giving them full Liberty of Conſcience.
Therefore the Empire was to be put into other Hands, who ſhould not have fo
much Reſpect for thoſe whom God deſign'd to puniſh. The Inſtruments of God's
Vengeance muſt be fetch'd from Abroad. Thus when Iſrael was ſettled by David, all
the idolatrous Nations which had plagued Ifrael before with their Perſecution, were
then ſubjugated, and ſeverely puniſhed ; as Amalek was begun by Saul ; David went
on with them and Moab, and Ammon and Edom. When Solomon came to the Throne,
inſtead of procuring the Converſion of the Canaanites that remain'd, he made fome
Slaves, and laid heavy Tributes on the reſt, leaving them in their Idolatries. Theſe
corrupted Iſrael after , and for that Reaſon God puniſh'd him and his Houſe by Re-
bellions, and removing the Scepter of Iſrael, to put it into other Hands. The like
having happened in the Roman Empire, God thinks fit to ſend theſe Plagues, and
begins with the moſt guilty firſt, the Pagans; then upon the ruling City; and laſtly,
on the Government it ſelf, which tho? Chriſtian 2 did nevertheleſs ſuffer the Chriſtians
to corrupt themſelves by Idolatry, in invoking Saints and Martyrs, as appears by the
Hymns of Aur. Prudentius, who flouriſhed juſt about thefe Times of Theodofius and
Honorius. See our Note on
on Chap. 8, 13; Coor megamojo duo basimi ai ainT
C. Kai to reimov ziñs resteren, And the third Part of the Earth was burnt up. ] We
cannot fuppoſe, that this implies a total Deſtruction; elſe there would be no Sub-
je&ts to ſuffer by the following Trumpets. Therefore as the Holy Ghoſt had juſt be-
fore declared in general, that this Plague fell on the Earth, he gives us here a Limi-
tation to the Third Part. And the Conſequences oblige us to underſtand this. Third
Part that it only means, that a great Part of the Men contain dj in this Third
affected by it. This therefore fignifies, that only the Subjects of the
A.
Ora college
() Pap. Star. Theb. Lib. VII. v. 459. () Sil. Italic. Punic. Lib. XII. A T
(a) Sil. Ital. Lib. XIII. Vid. Lib. XV.
(
(b) Ovid. Metam. Lib. XV. bag (1
(c) XXIV.
T. Liv. Lib. XXIV.mo(d) Fryer's Travels Lib. VI. pag. 414.
4
third
Srls

Ch. VIII. v. 7.
Trumpet I.
365
third Part of the Earth, that is, of the Roman Empire, will be conſumed at this
Time.
D. Kei tò neitor Siv Spčov va Tercin, And the third Part of the Trees was burnt up. ]
This is not found in the Complutenſian Edition, but it is found in moſt Editions and
MSS. And (e) Dr. Mill looks upon it as a true Reading. Therefore we ſhall con-
ſider it. Trees in the ſymbolical Language fignify Great, or Rich Men. The Ori-
ental Onirocriticks are very full in this Cafe. The Perſian and Egyptian in Chap. 142,
fay: Χωρών και ανδρών δια τα δένδρα, and the like.
Εάν ίση ο βασιλάς όπ ον τοίς όρεσιν αυτά εισελθόντές τινες τέμνεσι ξύλα, ει και αν βελή αυ-
σε, θελήματι ένα υ ιδίων ανδρών αυτά επελάσει
, ει δε μν, επ' εχθρών αυτά απολοώ).
And in Chap. 151. they all ſay ; 'Eæv i din broradis [on qurdos Sérdịce] vers ászona
Jus ágzeuv súoHº vj ti lefed È OU Tewas to dev dpce, Brazèpúde eiutis et un, tšvention. And af
ter many ſuch like, they add ;
'Ει και τα δένδρα το χεόνο σαπίνα έπεσον° ιδιοθάνατήσεσιν αναλόγως οι μεγιστάνες αυτό.
Nicephorus C. P. Kοπόν1α δένδρα Πώσιν ανδρών σημαίνει. leg. σημανεί. The Prophets
are no leſs full and plain. Iſaiah 2. 13. And upon all the Cedars of Lebanon,
that are high and lifted up, and upon all the Oaks of Baſhan. The Targum, Et ſuper
omnes reges populorum fortes & robuftos, & Juper omnes principes provinciarum.
And Chap. 14. 8. Tea the Fir-trees rejoice at thee, and the Cedars of Lebanon, &c.
Targum, Dominatores quoque latati ſunt ſuper te': divites in ſubſtantiis dicebant : à
tempore quo dormiviſti
, non afcendit diſperdens ſuper nos. And Chap. 37. 24. I will
cut down the tall Cedars thereof, and the choice Fir-trees thereof, &c. Targum, Cum
multitudine quadrigarum mearum ego afcendam in munitionem civitatum eorum, Es
inſuper capiam domum ſanctuarij eorum, & occidam pulcherrimos inter fortes eorum,
& ele&tos principes eorum , &ſubjiciam civitatem fortitudinis eorum, & conſumam
multitudinem exercitus eorum. So in Chap. 10. 17, 18, 19. the Targum hath , Et
erit dominus lumen Iſrael, & fanétus ejus, & verbum ejus forte ficut ignis , & fermo
ejus ficut flamma ; & occidet, en conſumet principes ejus , & Satrapas ejus in die una.
Ét gloriam multitudinis exercitus ejus , & animas eorum cum corporibus eorum conſu-
met : Et erit confra&tus & profugus. Et reliqui bellatores ejus deficient, ut fit po-
pulus pauci numeri, & in regnum infirmum reputabuntur. And Verf. 34: Et occi-
det robuſtos exercitus ejus, qui fortes funt ficut ferrum, & fortes humiliabuntur. So
in Zach. 11. 1, 2. in which Place the Prophet partly explains himſelf: Open thy
Doors, 0 Lebanon, that the Fire may devour thy Cedars
. Howl Firtree, for the Cedar
is fallen; becauſe the Mighty are ſpoiled : Howl, O ye Oaks of Balhan, for the Foreſt
of the Vintage is cut down. The Targum; Aperite populi portas veſtras, & confumet
ignis munitiones veſtras ; ululate reges, quia contriti ſunt principes : Qui opibus erant
divites, vaſtati funt. Ululate fatrape provinciarum, quia vaſtata eft regio fortitudi,
n is veſtræ. Vox clamoris regum, quia vaſtata ſunt provinciæ eorum. And therefore ;
I will kindle a Fire in the Foreſt thereof; Ferem. 21. 14: is explained of Cities in
the Targum ; fuccendam ignem in urbibus ejus. So in Chap. 22. 9. And they Mall
cut down thy choice Cedars, and caſt them into the Fire. Targum ; Et occident pul-
chritudinem fortium tuorum, ficut ſucciduntur ligna ſaltus, & projiciuntur in ignem.
And verf. 23. In the Cedars. Targum ; Inter Reges. So the Targum upon Ezek. 31.
In populis multiplicatus eſt, auxiliis roboratus eft, reges fubjecit regno fuo, & prin-
cipes fuos conftituit ſuper omnes provincias terræ ; where the
Prophet ſpeaks of Plants
and Trees. The like is ſaid upon the following Verſe. So Tully compares Cæfar
flain to a Tree cut down. (f) Exciſa enim eſt arbor, non evulſa. Itaque, quantum
fruticetur vides. See alſo the Words of Sophocles, cited on Chap. 7.15. D. where
Oreſtes is compard to a young Plant. There is in like Manner
a Dream of Atalanta
in (8) Statius, wherein a great Oak is the Symbol of her Son Parthenopæus. To
which may be added the Dream of Naffereddin Sebekteghin, cited by Herbelot, that
a Tree grew, and increaſed inſenſibly out of his Hearth in the Middle of his Cham-
ber, which ſtretched our its Branches all over the Room, and going out at the Win-
dows, did cover the whole Houſe : All which is explain d of his Sons conquering the
greateſt Part of Aſia. Such Oftenta may be read in (5) Plin. Nat. Hift. and others.
(e) Prolegom. in N. T. p. 145.
(f) M: T. C. ad Attic. Lib. XV. Epiſt. 4:
(8) Pap. Stac. Theb. Lib. IX. Verf. 370, G. vid. Lactant. Placid.
(b) y. Plin. Lib. XVI.
Cap: 32. Lib. XVII. Cap. 25. And alſo Suécon. Neron. & Auguft. Johan. Xiphil. in Neron. Comp. with
Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XV. Cap. 30.
Ааааа
Obe

366
Trumpet 1.
Ch. VIII. v.7.
One may be ſet down for the Oddneſs of it out of Ammianus Marcellinus ; who ob-
ſerves that ſome Broom-Staves taking Root, and growing, portended the raiſing of
fome Upſtarts to high Dignities. (i) In id tempus aut non multo prius , Scope florere
funt vila, quibus nobilitatis Curia mundabatur : Idque portendebat extollendos quof-
dam defpicatiſſime fortis ad gradus poteftatum exceljos.
E. Kui mis gegro's gaaegs repleren , And all the green Graſs was burnt up.] That
is, with the Reftri&tion, on the Third Part of the Earth, and with the Limitation
mentioned before: Theſe general Words being capable of great Exceptions. What
Graſs is, may be eaſily found out by the Analogy it bears to Trees. That as the
Trees fignify Princes, Nobles, and Rich Men, ſo the Graſs muſt fignify the common
People. But neither are the Holy Writers filent in this Matter. For Men are com-
pard to Grafs, in 1 Pet
. 1. 24. triou o psico's moslo , dj te ga dožce div. Spcómo as ev9G-
gósls. Matth. 6. 30. Fam. 1. 10, 11. Ifaiah 40. 6. and Verje 7. Surely the People
is Graſs, Ecclef. 14. 18. Servius gives us this general Obſervation: (k) Sciendum
inter homines & herbas eſſe reciprocas tranſlationes. Sic enim pubentem herbam dici-
mus, quemadmodum florem ætatis
. Tychonius faith, (1) Quod eft terra, hoc & ar.
bores , hoc fænum: id eſt homines. Fænum autem viride, carnem intellige fanguine am
& luxuriofam : ſecundum illud , omnis caro fænim. S. Hilary faith to this purpoſe:
(m) Sub fani nomine nuncupatas efſe a Deo gentes crebrò invenimus. The Holy Ghoſt
doth never, that I remember, give this mortifying and opprobrious Title to any,
but either Gentiles, or ſuch corrupted Men, as are thereby become like them. The
Title of Green belonging to Grafs in its luxuriant State, deſcribes very well the
State of the now corrupted Chriſtians and Heathens : The former of which thought
themſelves fafe, this being the firſt Plague of God inflicted upon them fince their
Corruption, upon that Score.
And beſides that, theſe Words give us an Hint to explain the Green, which un-
doubtedly is not fuperfluous, to thew us, that the Pagans are now (n.) puniſh'd
for their Luxury, Pride, and Haughtineſs. For, as I ſhall prove it by and by,
when this Plague came, the Heathens were in hopes to regain their Power; yea,
their Struggles to do it procured effeétually the coming of this firſt Plague. For
they had invited the Barbarians. From all which it appears, that the Effects of the
blowing of this Trumpet muſt be great Incurſions of ravaging Enemies all over the
Roman Empire, committing Deſtruction and Bloodfhed ; which were to fall upon
all sorts of Men, Great and Small; and killing in a wonderful Manner. So that
theſe Incurſions muſt ſhew viſibly the Hand of God, by outdoing whatever was done
before, and coming from Foreign Enemies. For in the opening of the Seals, God
puniſhed that Empire by Means within it felf, Civil Wars
, Famines, Peſtilences,
and Tyrants. But now God breaks open the Doors, to let in thoſe Foreign Ene-
mies ; Alarms being only founded upon the Account of ſuch. And theſe Enemies
muft at firſt have no other Power but upon the People; the ſupreme Powers of the
Empire remaining ſtill with Force, and endeavouring to repulſe theſe, till it pleaſe
God to found the other Trumpets, and let the Enemies looſe to their Des
ſtruction too.
The Event of the Firſt Trumpet.
2. The Accompliſhment of this Trumpet's Sounding and Effects, was ſeen in all
thoſe Incurfions, which were made by the barbarians in the Territories of the
Roman Empire, before the immediate Befieging of Rome, and taking thereof by
Alarich. All which were caus’d by the Ambition of the Two Favourites of the Em-
perors, Arcadius and Honorius, Ruffinus and Stilicho. Of which more properly in
another) Place. Now there never was known before, ſuch a general Incurfion as
then, which is therefore to be well attended to. And which is more particular,
whereas before ſuch Incurſions were only to Plunder, that the Finger of God might
appear therein, the Goths under (P) Alarich, made it their Buſineſs to kill all the
Male Sex of Age. But to give a better Account thereof, I fhall here take the Pains
(i) Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XXVIII. (k) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. IV. col. 856.
(0) Tychon. Hom. VI.
(m) Hilar. Com. in Matth. Can. v.
(n) Vid. Pfalm: 92.7.
() See the Note upon Chap. 12. 15. A. dhe
(1) Zofimus Lib. V. pag. 293. Ed. Ox.
4
to

Chap. VIII. v. 7. Trumpet I.
367
to copy fuch Paſſages as ferve to this End, obſerving the
Computations of Caffiodorus
in his Chronicle, and Cuſpinianus his Commentator. Theodofius dying about A.C.
395, by the Inſtigation of Stilicho, Alarich began to Ravage with his Army.
Having broken out of Thrace into Macedonia and Theſalia, and paſſing at Thera
mopylé, ran into Greece, Achaia, and Peloponneſus, laying Waſte all before him,
thence into Epirus. And the next Year into Achaia, waſting that and Epirus for
Three or Four Years. In the 400 A. C. he went on, and broke through Dalmatia
and Illyricum into Italy. Hierom deſcribes it thus, (q) Inter Conſtantinopolin Ego
Alpes Julias quotidie Romanus fanguis effunditur ; Scythiam, Thraciam, Macedoniam,
Dardaniam, Dacian, Theſſaliam, Achaiam, Epiros, Dalmatiam, cunétafque Pannonias
Gothus, Sarmata, Quadus, Alanus, Hunni
, Vandali
, Marcomanni inſtant, rapiunt.
Quot matrona, quot Virgines Dei, & ingenua nobiliaque corpora his belluis fuere ludi-
brio? Capti Epiſcopi, interfe&ti Presbyteri, & diverſorum officia Clericorum: Subverſe
Ecclefie, ad altaria Chriſti Stabulati équi, martyrum effoffe reliquie. ROMANUS
ORBIS RUIT. Quid putas animi Corinthios, Athenienſes, Lacedæmonios,
Arcadas, cun&tamque Græciam, quibus imperant Barbari?
Alarich and Rhadag iſus having entred into Italy, A. C. 400, fell to their Work
again ; but about Two Years after Stilicho having met with them, drove them back
into Pannonia. But in the Year 405, Rhadagi ſus having formed an (r) Army, came
again into Italy, with his Goths, Sarmatians, and Germans, and having laid Siege
to Florence, was there beaten, and flain by Stilicho. In the fame Year the (s) Huns
having paſſed the Danube, made Incurſions into Thrace ; and the Ifaurians having
paſſed Mount Taurus, broke into Aſia, and reach'd as far as (t) Phoenicia; laying
Towns and Villages Waſte, after they had overrun (u) Pamphylia and Cilicia, which
but a little before had been taken by Tribigildus and his Barbarians. All which is
confirmed by (W) Philoftorgius, who faith, that the Huns of the Eaft, by which he
ſeems to mean the Ifaurians, overran, paſſing over the Tanais, Armenia Major,
Melitene, and Euphrateſia, and Coelefyria, and Cilicia, committing grear Slaughter.
And not only theſe, but alſo the Mazaces and Auxoriani, Nations between Libya
and Africa, waſted Libya, and no ſmall part of Egypt, and then turning to the
Weſt, did the ſame in Africa, whift Tribigildus with his Soyihians, or Goths, waſted
Phrygia ; and afterwards invaded Piſidia and Pamphylia, and then fled into Thrace,
where he was killed. I ſhall leave the Reader to conſider, whether theſe Incurſions
in the Eaſt are not touch'd upon in theſe Words of Hierom, which immediately fol-
low thoſe cited above. Et certè paucas urbes nominavi, in quibus olim fuere regna
non mediocria. Immunis ab bis malis videbatur Oriens, & tantam nuncijs conſter-
Ecce tibi anno præterito ex ultimis Caucaſi rupibus immiſſi in nos, non jam
Arabia, ſed Septentrionis lupi, tantas brevi provincias percurrerunt. Quot Mona-
ſteria capta ? quant å fluviorum aqua humano cruore mutatæ ſunt ? Obſeſja Antiochia
& urbes relique , quas Helis , Cyānus , Orontes , Euphrateſque præterfluunt. Traéti
greges captivorum. Arabia, Phænice , Palæſtina, Ægyptus timore captiva. 'Tis very
likely, that he means the ſame Thing in theſe Words ; (x) Ecce ſubito diſcurrentibus
nuncijs, Oriens totus intremuit ab ultima Mæotide inter glacialem Tanuin, & Maſſa-
getarum immanes populos, ubi Caucaſi rupibus feras gentes Alexandri clauftra cohibent,
erupiſe Hunnorum examina, quæ pernicibus equis huc illucque volitantia , cædis pari-
ter ac terroris cun&ta complerent. Aberat tunc Romanus Exercitus, & bellis Civilibus
in Italia tenebatur. And a little after; Abigat Jeſus ab Orbe Romano tales beſtias.
Inſperati ubique aderant, & famam celeritate vincentes, non religioni, non DIGNI
TATIBUS, non'atati parcebant, non vagientis miferebantur infantiæ : cogebantur
mori, qui nondum vivere cæperant. Et nefcientes malum fuum, inter hoftium manus
ac tela ridebant. But he little thought that theſe were ſent to puniſh that growing
Superſtition, which himſelf did ſo furiouſly and irrationally defend againſt Vigilantius,
who endeavoured to prevent the growing Miſchief.
Let us now come to the Weſt: That we may ſhew, how that ſcarce any Parcel
of Ground in all the Roman Empire eſcaped the Effects of this Trumpet, by being
natus
(9) Hierom. in Epitaph. Nepotia ni.
Hift. Tripart. Lib. X. cap. 24.
(ú) Zoſim. Lib. y. Pag. 329.
(x) Hieronym. in Epitaph. Fabiolx.
() XL Myriads. Zofim.
(t) Ibid. & Zofim.
(20) Philoft. Lib. XI. cap. 7. Comp. Socrac. Lib. V. cap. I.
free

368
Trumpet I.
Ch. VIII. v. 7
free from the Incurſions of Foreign Enemies. About A. C. 406. Arcadius VI. and
Probus being Conſuls, the (y) Vandals
, with the Sueves and Alans having paſs’d the
Rhine, broke into the Gauls. And though at firſt the Romans, under the Conduct
of Conſtantinus the Tyrant, gave them a Repulſe; yer being himſelf oppoſed by
Gerontius, the (2) Barbarians beyond the Rhine breaking in again, and by that
obliging the Britons and Gauls to ſtand upon their Defence, and form ſome Sort of
Republick for themſelves, and ſtand upon their own Bottom againſt the Incurſions
of their reſpective Enemies, which then laid heavy upon them; which Example
was follow'd by the Aremorici, and all that Tra&t of the Gauls, as Zofimus faith ;
and in the Year of Chriſt 409, Honorius VIII. Theodofius III. being Coſs. the (a)
Vandals having overrun in the mean Time the Gauls, broke into Spain: 'Tis very
plain that no Part of the Roman Empire in the left, no more than in the Eaft,
was free from thoſe Incurſions of the Barbarians. And all this might very well
draw theſe Words from Hierom. (b) Innumerabiles & ferociſfime nationes univerſas
Gallias occupârunt : Quidquid inter Alpes & Pyreneum eſt, quod Oceano & Rhodano
includitur, Quadus, Vandalus, Sarmata, Alani, Gipedes, Heruli
, Saxones, Burgun-
diones Alemanni, cô hoftes Pannonij vaſtârunt. Maguntiacum capta atque fubverfa
eſt, Ed in Eccleſia multa hominum millia trucidata. Vangiones longa obfidione deleti;
Řhemorum urbs præpotens , Ambiani , Atrebates, Morini, Tornacus, Nemeie, Ar-
gentoratus, tranſlati in Germaniam. Aquitannia, Novemque Populorum, Lugdunenſis
& Narbonenſis Provincia, præter paucas urbes, populata ſunt cun&ta. Non poffun
abſque lacrymis Tolofa facere mentionem, quæ ut hucuſque non ruerit , fan&ti Epiſcopi
Exuperij merita præftiterunt. Ipſe Hifpanie jam jamque perituré contremifcunt.
Roma vitam auro redimit. This appears to be written before he knew of the Vandals
getting into Spain, and of the final Siege of Rome by Alarich; for that Redemption
with Gold refers to the firſt Attack', wherein the (c) Romans compounded with Ala-
rich for Five Thouſand Pounds in Gold, and Thirty Thouſand Pounds in Silver,
Four Thouſand Veſts of Silk, Three Thouſand Fleeces of Scarlet, and Three Thou-
land Pounds of Pepper. And then he withdrew, and offerd Peace to the Emperor
Honorius; which was rejected. And here it would be proper to ſet down the
Words of Philoftorgius, who ſpeaking of theſe Times and his own, gives us an Ac-
count both of the Symbolical Event, and the Coincidence. (d) “He faith, that in
“ his Time there was ſuch a Mortality, as was known in no Age ; and that this
was portended by a Sword-Comet. For not only the Military Men, as in the for-
mer Wars, were flain; neither were thoſe Evils predominant in any fingle Part of
the Earth ; but all Sorts of Men periſhed ; all Europe was deſtroyed, and a
good Part of Aſia was involved in the fame Deſtruction, and alſo the greateſt Part
“ of Libya, eſpecially, N. B. what of it was obedient to the Romans. For the
« Sword of the Barbarians deſtroyed a great Number, and the Plague, the Famine,
" and the wild Beaſts, fet upon Men at the ſame Time. The frequent Earthquakes
66 overthrew Towns and Houſes from the Foundation, and made way for unavoidable
" Deſtruction, and the Openings of the Earth under the Inhabitants, became to
Cthem a ready Sepulture. Alſo there were Inundations of Rain Waters, and in
el fome Places Flalhes of Flames, and ſometimes Whirlwinds of Fire, which af-
« forded various and intolerable Terrors. Yea, and Hail bigger than a Man's Fift,
or greater
than a Man could hold in his Hand, did fall in many places, Weighing
as far as Eight Pounds. And thoſe that had not periſhed with other Plagues,
were ſeized and flain with the violent Froſts, and Abundance of Snow. And that
* theſe were plain Tokens to denounce the Divine Anger, which was greater than
can be expreſſed.” By which ’tis plain that this Author was convinc'd, that
God gave then remarkable Signs of it
. I muſt not omit that Claudian, ſpeaking
of this very War of Alarich, compares it to Hail in theſe Words:
(e) Ex illo, quocunque vagos impegit Erinnys,
Grandinis aut morbi ritu per devia rerum, ad ils
Præcipites, per clauſa, ruunt.
подлоо
(y) Caffiod. Chron. Zofimus Lib. VI. p. 373. («) Zofim. ibid. p. 376.
(à) Caffiod.
Chron.
(b) Hieronym. Epift. XI.
(c) Zofim. Lib. V. pag. 356.
(d) Philoft. Lib. XI. cap. 7.
(e) Claudian. de B. Geric. V. 173,
4
Where


Ch. VIII. v. 8.
Trumpet II.
369
Where I think we ſhould read nimbi inſtead of morbi. And I hope, that this is ſuf
ficient to anſwer to the Symbols of this firſt Trumpet ; falling thus in exact
Order of Time.
dom;
TRUMPET II.
w
straron moitomo
A. Verſ. 8. Kai: & Tep - "Ayer Go foc'amor, rj cs op G dija quei you'opefurien Brún
t's slee Joncorar, And the Second Angel ſounded, and as it were a great Mountain
burning with Fire was caſt into the Sea.] Mountains in general fignify Fortreſſes, but
when taken fingly an eminent Fortreſs, or great City, ſuch as the Capital of a King-
this we have obſerv'd before in our Note on Chap. 6. 14. B. The Reaſon was,
becauſe of the natural Strength of the Places to reſiſt a Foe. (f) Arce to weil digger's
67 od óptov Time HS Ta's módens é queólo čverev, as Phurnutus ſays. Here then it muſt
fignify a Capital City, a Place of eminent great Strength, and according to the Ad-
juncts, affe&ting all its Dependencies. In Dan. 2. 34, 35. the City and Kingdom of
the Meffus is ſet out under the Symbol of a Stone becoming a great Mountain. So
Babylon, in Zechar. 4. 7. is call’d; Who art thou, O great Mountain. And Ferem.
51. 25. faith of the ſame; Behold I am againſt thee, o deſtroying Mountain, faith
the Lord, which deſtroyeſt all the Earth, and I will ſtretch out my Hand upon thee, and
roll thee down from the Rocks, and will make thee a burnt Mountain. For that he
ſpeaks of Babylon, is plain from the foregoing Verſe, where he names it. And
Verſe 42. he faith ; The Sea is come up upon Babylon. She is covered with the Mul-
titude of the Waves thereof : That is, Babylon the great Mountain is fer a Burning
and caſt into the Sea. Note, that the Targum on Zech 4. 7. turns it X373, Arcem,
a Fortreſs. So in i Kings 16. 24. Emit montem, 177, the Targum: 837), a For-
treſs. Schindler. So in Iſaiah 41. 15. Thou Malt threſh the Mountains, and beat
them ſmall: Thou ſhalt make the Hills as Chaff. Targum ; Occides populos & con-
Sumes regna; quaſi
. Stipulam pones eos. See Micah 6. 1, 2. So in Iſaiah 37: :24.
By the Multitude of my Chariots am I come up to the Height of the Mountains ; where
the Targum explains it accordingly, as alſo in the following Place ſpeaking of
Babylon, Iſaiah 13. 2. Lift ye up a Banner upon the high Mountain. We need to go
no further. Babylon was not ſeated upon a Mountain, but ſhe is call'd ſo, becauſe of
her Strength, and Dominion, and Eminence over all other parts of the Earth. And
as in this laſt Place, God means to make her the Inſtrument of his Anger againſt
'his People ; ſo in the other Paſſages he makes her the Subje&t of it, to be deſtroy'd
in her Turn. The Onirocriticks give Expoſitions that are proportionable. For as
Dreams belong to fingle Men, ſo they are applied according to the Aptitude of the
Subject. The Indian, Chap. 141. faith: ó Bsvòs eis ävdpe u fenor dareive). The Moun-
tains burnt do fignify the Deſtruction of the Subjects ; Chap. 142. the Perſian and
Egypt. fay ; 'Εαν ίδιη ότι τα όρη αυτά πυρί χαίον ασβέσω μ ανέμε σφουγά: αο πολεμίν εχθρό
ini Jerice 9 ó acos évrš. And likewiſe in Chap. 1441, all ſay, zo begség? vlnade enopos
mściov evænógw po opus. But nothing comes up to the Portentum in Pliny ; for it
reaches our Caſe generally and ſpecially, concerning the very City of Rome, which
is our Great Mountain, and that under this very Symbol of a Mountain. (8) Factum
eft femel
, quod equidem in Hetrufca diſcipline voluminibus inveni, ingens terrarum-por-
tentum, L. Marcio, Sex. Julio COSS. in agro Mutinenſi
. Namque Montes duo inter
Je concurrerunt, crepitu maximo aſultantes, recedenteſque, inter eos flamma fumóque
in coelum exeunte interdiu , Spe£tante è via Emylia magna equitum Romanorum, fa-
miliarumque & viatorum multitudine. Eo concurſu ville omnes eliſa, animalia per
multa quæ intrà fuerant , exanimata funt, anno ante ſociale bellum : Quod haud
fcio an funeſlius ipſi terre Italie fuerit, quam civilia. Now theſe Two Mountains
denoted the Two Capital Cities, Rome and Çorfinium. For the Socij of Italy. de-
ſigning to deſtroy Rome, made Corfinium their Capital City. (h) Caput imperij, fui
Corfinium elegerant, faith Velleius Paterculus. Now this burning Mountain is both
Patient and Agent. 'Tis Patient, in that it is ſet on Fire, deſtroyed thereby , and
Agent, in that falling into the Sea it communicates its Deſtruction, changing its
Waters into Blood. That is, by the Deſtruction of this Capital City, the Dea
A OSS
(F) Phurnut. de Nat. Deor. de Rhea.
(8) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 83.
(6) Vell. Paterculus, Lib. II. Cap. 16. Vid. Diodor. Sicul. Exc. Lib. XXXVII. apud. Phot. Colo
CCXLIV. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. V. Pag. 241.
be
B bb bb
Itruction

Trumpet II.
Ch. VIII.
{truction and Slaughter will be communicated to its dependent Territories. And
thoſe will be extremorely great, according to the Proverbial Saying of the Poet Plautus;
(1) Monies tu quidem mali in me ardentes jamdudum jacis. Perge, excrucia carni-
fex, quandoquidem occæpifti ſemel
.
B. Egah she's reel sain closer, Was caft into the sea.] The Sea fignifies People in
Commotion, Enemies arm’d, and overflowing by their Irruptions into a Country.
See ferem. 51: 36, 42, 44. The Targum on the Forty Second Verſe cited before
fàichAfcendit contra Babylonem Rex cum copijs fuis numeroſis, quafi aquis maris
tumultu flu&tuum ejus cooperta eft. See alſo ferem. 50. 42. Ezek. 26. 3, 19. Iſaiah
17. 12. Chap. 19. 5. Chap. 44. 27. Ezek. 31. 4. See here the Dream of Leonidas,
cired at Length out of Plutarch, in our Nore on Chap. 12. 15. A. In the Twenty
Fourth Year of Fuftinian, the Promontory, called Ocorre ou ftov, and in Pomp. Mela
Euproſopon, near the City Botrys, was thrown by an Earthquake into the Sea, and
became a Mole for an Harbour to that City, which before had none, as (k) IS. Vof-
fius has obſerv?d out of Theophanes, and others. Herbelot tells us, that in the Year
242 of the Hejira, the Mountain (1) Acras in Syria near Laodicea, fell into the
Seas That its Name fignifies bald, becauſe it was wholly open, and without Trees.
The Earthquake which ſhook it thus, was felt in Syria, Arabia, and Perfia, and
even as far as Khoraſlan. This was A. C. 856. He hath not indeed told us how
the Arabians underſtood this Portent un then , but if we conſider that the Arabian
Chalifate was then in its Height, by the Building of Bagdad about Seven Years be-
fore, and that foon after it was all ſhaken by Civil Wars, and crumbled into many
States, every (m) Governor feizing on his own Province, the great Terror of it
dwindled away ; ſo that in the Year Hejir. 280, that huge Mountain was turn into
a Molehill, by its falling into the Sea of Civil Wars.
* C. Kelégers to reitor al Sandé cons ere, And the Third Part of the Sea became Blood.]
That is, the Sea in the Third Part of the World. This not only explains, but re-
{trains the Effect of the Mountains falling into the Sea, to a Third Part of it ; de-
noting ſtill, that it is the Sea of the Roman Empire, in which this falls. Blood
here lignifies Death, or the Deſtruction of the Subject, whereon 'tis found. And by
conſequence fignifies a great Havock and Slaughter occafion'd by the Ruin of the
Capital City of the Empire, and Subjects depending upon it, who by the Ruin of
it are involv'd in the like Calamities. The Symbol of Blood to denote a great Mor-
tality, or Slaughter by the Sword, is very obvious, and ſhewn elſewhere ; in the
mean Time, ſee Ézek. 32. 6. and Iſaiah 34. 3. As for the Prodigy of Waters turn'd
into Blood, we have many Examples thereof: And it is always look'd upon as very
fatal. (n) Herbelot tells us, that the River Tigris was turn'd into Blood , that is, of
a bloody Colour, in the Time of Motavakkèl the Chalife. In Livy alſo we have
many ſuch Accounts. Lib. XXIV, we read, fumen Amiterni cruentum fluxille
.
Lib. XXVII. Cruentam etiam fluxiſſe aquam Albanam, quidam Authores erant. And
again in the fame Book ; Vulfinijs ſanguine lacum manaſſe. And a Third Time, in
the ſame; Minturnenfes terribilius quod eſſet, adjiciebant, fanguinis rivum in porta
fluxife. But a Sea muft denote a very great Slaughter indeed. Such a Portentum
has fometimes happened. See the Nore on Chap. 15. 2. B. However 'tis here ac-
compliſhed Symbolically, for it follows immediately s
10 A Verf. 9. Και απέθανε το τείτον 8 κισμάτων και εν τη θαλάσση, τα έχονlα ψυχας, And
the Third Part of the Creatures in the Sea, having Life, died. This Death here
explains the Meaning of the Blood in the former Verſe ; and both theſe Symbols al-
lude plainly to one of the Plagues of Egypt, through which the corrupted Church
muſt paſs, as Irenæus hath well obſervd from the Tradition coming perhaps from
St. John.' But then it muſt be typically; and therefore thefe Symbols muſt be ta-
ken according to the Analogy of the Symbolical Language. That Plague was, Exod.
7. 20, 21. the turning of the Waters into Blood ; ſo that the Fiſh that was in the
River died. As therefore the Sea, being a colle&tive Body, dorh fignify Multitudes
of Men gathered together, ſo the Living Creatures in the Sea, muſt be the Typical
Fiſher, or Men. This Symbol of Fiſhes is found in Ezek. 47. 9. and plainly to be
nü niso sice
bookOnTV
11
(i) Plaut. Mercator. Act. III. Sc. IV. Verſ. 32. (k) II. Voff. Obf. in Pomp. Melam. Lib. I.
Cap. 12.
(1) Herbelot. Tit. Acras.
(m) Elmacin. Sect. XI. Hortinger, Compend.
7 hcatr, Orient. Cap. 3, (n) Herbelor, citul. Moravakkel, 03.11.2011
gioia
under-

Chap. VIII. v. 9. Trumpet II.
371
underſtood of Men ; and Interpreters underſtand it of Chriſtians. For the Apoſtles,
who converted the Fews and Gentiles, were Fiſhers of Men. Matth. 4.19. Mark
1. 17. To which Purpoſe Tertullian faith (0) Nos piſciculi fecundum. IXOTN non
ſtrun fefum Chriftum in aqua naſcimur. Though he ſeems only to allude to that
Symbolical Character, or rather Abbreviature uſed by the Primitive Chriſtians, viz.
IXOTE, which being read in one Word, and ſignifying a Fish, yet by a Notaricon, as
the Modern Fews call it, or Myſtical Short-Hand, uſed to expreſs what is at Length,
Pinošs Xeeso's Oeču Tids Eute : Yet this Saying of his fhews fome Analogy between
Men and Fiſhes, which are the Creatures having Life or Soul in the Sea. Thus alſo
in Allegorizing 1 Cor. 15.39. (P) Alia autem piſcium, id eft
, quibus aqua baptiſmatis
fufficit. So St. (1) Augufline after him, și primas literas jungas
, erit ixore, id eft,
piſcis ; in quo nomine myſtice intelligitur Chriſtus, eo quod in hujus mortalitatis abyſo,
velut in aquarum profunditate, vivus, hoc eſt
, fine peccato eſſe poris erit.
Again
the ſame ſhews the Symbol's Signification more plainly. (r) Utrique tanquam in
Sagenam Evangelicam colliguntur: & in hoc mundo, tanquam in mari utrique incluſi
retibus, indiſcretè natant, donec perveniatur ad littus, ubi mali Segregantur à bonis
,
& in bonis tanquam in templo fuo fit Deus omnia in omnibus : And afterwards ; (s)
Piſcatores Chriſtus cum retibus fidei ad mare hujús Sæculi pauciſſimos miſit, atque ita
ex omni genere tam multos piſces, & tanto mirábiliores quanto rariores etiam ipfos
Philoſophos cepit
. But in Ezekiel 29. 5. where Fiſhes are named, as before in the
Fourth Verſe, the Targum is plain ; Et interficiam principes fortitudinis tuæ cum po-
tentibus tuis, Et projiciam te in deſertum, te & omnes principes fortitudinis
tue. So in Ferem. 16. 16. Fiſhers and Hunters are Deſtroyers
. Horace uſes the
Symbol elegantly in that Senſe
, that we uſe proverbially to catch Gudgeons, that is,
aŭure Men. (t) Plures annabunt thynni : & cetaria crefcent. Where the old Com-
mentator faith, annabunt, ad te confugient, thynni, pifces: pro hominibus. Cetaria
creſcent, tuæ res hoc modo augebuntur & commodum. Thus alſo in the Oracle of
Ampbilytus to Pififtratus:
arte Vlis
bobo and you to
(u) 'Eggerlo d'6610, to se n'clvor in METTE FOU
Bu
Ou@or d' oiukosoa osatinéens die vuutós tarp
And upon this Account (w) Artemidorus obferves, that it is good for Sophiſters to
Dream of catching Fiſhes, for it betokens to them, that they ſhall meer with Fools
Cand Cullies, rois de óx Omondelw id'te as mes enega fes. Tho' with him, and the (x)
Oriental Onirocriticks, they are of ill Omen, and fignify Diſtempers, and to (y)
Women, the bearing of Dumb Children, or Short-lived. So that the Symbol is al-
ways uſed upon diſmal and unfortunate Occaſions, as here, being deſign'd for
Slaughter.
prsion alussanen ni baba
B. Kad to destroy these acnólov Dec adrenour, And the Third Part of the Ships was de
ſtroyed. ] We have ſeen before what Iſlands fignified in the Symbolical Language,
namely Places of Commerce, whence all Sorts of Riches were brought, and that
therefore they denoted Analogically all thoſe Lands, Revenues, or Means, which en-
rich Men by Trading, or otherwiſe
. The Ships, we know, are the Inſtruments by
which they are procured, the Carriers of the Riches and Revenues. Why may they
not here then fignify the Riches belonging to that Sea, whoſe Fiſhes are here to be
deſtroy'd, the Wealth of thoſe Men who are to be affected by this Plague, the fall
of the burning Mountain, their Capital City? We ſhall find afterwards in Chap. 18.
17. that the Captains of Ships, Sailors, and other Seafaring Men, are thoſe that
Traffick, and brought Riches, and Verſe 19. the Ships, or Inſtruments, by which
they brought them to Babylon, whoſe final and entire Deftru&tion is there deſcribed.
This fome way anſwers to that'; and therefore theſe Ships fignify the Wealth of the
Roman Empire, which is to become the Booty, or Plunder, of thoſe whom God de-
figns to be the Inſtruments of this Plague. Thus the Ships of Tharſis, in Ifaiah 2. 16.
woud vatoM van de bova bir ALTA
() Tertullian. de Baptiſmo, Cap. I.
(D) Tertullian de Refur. Carn. Cap. LII.
(4) Auguft. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVIII. Cap. 23.
(r) Auguft. de Cívit. Dei, Lib. XVIII.
Cap. 49.
(5) Auguft
. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XXII. Cap. s. Vide Hilarij Pictav. Com. in March.
Can. III. Gregor. M. Expof. Moral. Lib. XVII. Cap. 18. (t) Horat. Lib. II. Sat, 5. Verf.44.
(u) Herodot. Lib. I. Cap. LXII.
(w) Arcem. Lib. II. Cap. 14.
(a) Achmet. Oniro.
crit. Cap. 176. (1) Artemid. Oniroer. Lib. II. Cap. 18.
are

372
Trumpet II.
Ch. VIII. v. 9-
are in the Targum, Iftands of the Sed; for it ſays; Et ſuper omnes qui habitant in
Inſulis Maris. But there is ſome Difference too between Iſlands and Ships. The
Iſlands are ſtanding and fix'd Places of Commerce and Riches, the Ships only tem-
porary, tranſient, moveable Inſtruments to procure and bring them. Wherefore
the Ships being only named here, and not the Iſlands in this bloody Sea ; this muſt
import, that the Inſtruments of this Plague are only to deſtroy ; that is, Rob, Plun-
der, and take away chiefly, or moſtly, the moveable Riches and Wealth found in
this Sea of the Roman Capital City and its inhabitants. For if any more had been
meant, the Holy Ghoſt would have us’d the Symbol of Iſlands. But God deſigns
not yet to take away all the Lands of the Empire from the Governors and People
thereof: That is to be done only when the Luminaries thereof are Smitten, or
Eclipſed by the Plague of the Fourth Trumpet.
Let us now ſee, whether we cannot find more Authorities, to fhew us the true
Meaning of this Symbol. The Perſian and Egyptian Interpreters , Chap. 180, fay;
'Εαν ίση πς ότι πλοία κτήσατο εμπορικα, δέλες Ροφή και εμπορήσει σε οίκε αυτά. leg. Φάλων
Topneumophoes on Tum orem cura. So the Latin ; Si quis viſus fuerit naves mercatorias
comparáſſe, ſervorum domefticorum opera locuples & opulentus erit. Kdì làv ison on
ακινδυνα τα πλοία, ο κίνδuwG εις τες αυτο δέλες όξι
, και 7ωχάσει αυτός. But building
of Ships fignifies the ſetting up of ſome Trade, Project, or Defign in Confederacy,
to get Money. For ſo I underſtand the Word uusieve in what follows: H 3 Tidnon
κιζα πλοία, πλάτε σεσθή κω ανάλουν 80 πλοιων και ωe9σδοκωμένων έξει, But the Indian
ſays, in Chap. 179. 'Edy isn mis on èTentóve mopov eutrog dinxòv , owegw les dyspor dich yua
shere motivet. vej ešto uerisors Geespeão. And the others in the next Chap. 180, fày:
ci ý tresprés In [to mořov ] Eresos dipopuser en Ted Banatud diuen duré. And indeed venturing
at Sea in Ships is merely to get Riches. Euripides (2) 'H pogious cinativois Arreómosom
κάπως "Έσλάμε ότι πόντια κύμαια Νάϊον όχημα Λινοπόροις άυραις Φιλόπλετον άμιλλαν Αύξονες
pereé.Sposov; and Tully, ſpeaking of the Induſtry of Man in ſeveral Reſpects, and
particularly cutting down Timber : (a) Magnos vero ufus affert ad navigia facienda,
quorum curſibus ſuppeditantur omnes undique ad vitam Copie : quafque res violentij-
Jimas natura genuit, earum moderationem nos foli habemus, maris atque ventorum,
propter nauticarum rerum fcientiam: plurimiſque maritimis rebus fruimur, atque
utimur. Servius ſays: (b) Navigatio enim ex mercimonij ratione defcendit. The
Ships therefore are the Riches, or Wealth of the Sea. So that the Sea, being men-
tioned before this Symbol, is of Decorum, to purſue the Analogy of the
Symbolsonas anin daw OAT
12 zier IL
() o bob = 2 is deri
-- i lodaya atas o The Event of the Second Trumpet.
The Event of the Second Trumpet. niin si odi omo W
folob and
anoSikuus 2010 Iniib poqu bolevan
This Plague is effeted in Three remarkable Particulars; Firſt, a great Capital
City falls from its Power, being deſtroy'd by War, taken, and burnt : Secondly, A
great Slaughter of Men therein, and in its Territories: Thirdly, A great Lofs by
the Plunder committed by their Enemies of their moveable Wealth chiefly. Mat-
ters being thus laid out in Order, 'tis eaſy now to apply the Event to each Parti-
cular. Firſt
, this fignifies the beſieging
and taking of Rome by Alarich, King of the
Goths. For Alarich having after the firſt Siege, which had no other Effect but to
procure a Treaty between Honorius and him, perceived, that Honorius did not ſtand
to it, but declar'd War againſt him, came back, and laid Siege to it again, with
full Reſolution to take it - which he did by Stratagem, A. C. 410, Varro and Ter-
tullus being COSS. Now for ſome Authorities to Thew the Event to anſwer theſe
Symbols. A great Mountain is the ſame as a Head, or Capital City: Therefore
Hierom fays of this taking of Rome ; (c) Poſtquam vero clariffimum terrarum omnium
Lumen extin&um eft, imo Romani Imperij truncatum Caput, & ut verius dicam, in
una Urbe totus Orbis interiit
. Again, (d) Succedit in Pontificatum vir infignis
, Ana-
ſtafius, quem diu Roma habere non meruit, ne Orbis Caput fub tali Epiſcopo truncare-
tur. Rome in the former Plague, had ſaved its Life by Money, but now Gold could
riot redeem it; it was ſlain. That it became a burning Mountain, Hierom;
.
() Eurip. Iphig. in Taur. Verſ. 407.
(b) Sery, in Virgil. Eclog. IV.
in Epitaph. Marcellæ.
viobifa
Br(a) M. T. Cic. de Nat. Deor. Lib. II.
(c) Hieronym. Proæmio in Ezekiel.
(d) Hieronym.
(e) Urbs
1902 -

Ch. VIII. v.9.
Trumpet II.
373
pes : ,
(e) Urbs inclyta, & Romani Imperij Caput, uno haufta eſt incendio. And that the
Waters help'd to deſtroy it, as well as the Burning ; Paulus Diaconis, (f) Eodem
tempore clariffima loca urbis fluminibus dirupta funt, que inflammari ab hoflibus nequi-
verunt. Here Rome is firſt ſet on Fire to be burnt, and then thrown into the Water.
A fatal Coincidence! What Alarich out of Clemency had ſpar'd, as Caſſiodorus thinks,
Roma a Gotthis Alarico duce capta eſt, ubi clementer uſi victoria ſunt, God to ſhew
his Hand, made an end of.. So Paulus Diaconus ; Capta eft Roma CHDCLXIV Con-
ditionis fuæ anno. Die fane tertia Sponte Gotthi ab Urbe diſcedunt,
facto aliquan-
tarum ædium incendio; ſed ne tanto quidem, quantum olim a Ceſare Nerone factum
eft. Alſo () Philoftorgius tells us, that Rome was burnt, the People kill'd and led
into Captivity; and that the City was left in Ruins. And here I ſhall beg Leave to
obſerve after Orofius, the fatal Coincidence of the Fates of Rome with old Babylon,
which repreſents Rome Myſtically. (b) Babylon poſt annos mille cent mon ſexaginta
quatuor quam condita à Medis
, & Arbato rege eorum, prefečto autem fuo spoliata, opi-
bus, & regno atque ipfo rege privata elt: ipſa tamen pòft aliquandiu manfit incolumis.
Similiter 8 Roma poſi annos totidem, hoc eſt mille centum ſexaginta quatuor, à Gotthis
eorum, comite autem ſuo, irrupta & opibus ſpoliata, non regno,
manet adhuc & regnat incolumis : quamvis in tantum arcanis ſtatutis, in utramque
urbem conveniente, totus ordo fervatus fit : ut & ibi prefe&tus ejus Artabus regnum
invaſerit, & hic hujus præfe&tus Ataulphus regnare tentaverit
. L'ametfi apud banc fo-
lam merito Chriſtiani Imperatoris Honorij attentatio prophana vacuata ſit. Itaque hæc
ob hoc præcipuè commemoranda credidi, ut tanto arcano ineffabilium judiciorum Dei
ex parte patefacto intelligani hi qui infipienter utique de temporibus Chriſtianis murmu-
rant, unum Deum diſpoſuiſſe tempora, & in principio Babylonijs, & in fine Romanis.
Illius clementie esſe, quod vivimus : quod autem miſere vivimus, intemperantiæ noftræ.
Ecce fimilis Babylonie ortus & Rome, ſimilis potentia, fimilis magnitudo, fimilia tem-
pora, ſimilia bona, fimilia mala. As to the Slaughter of Men therein, the Words of
Hierom are very emphatical ; (i) Urbs tua, quondam Orbis Caput, Romani populi ſe-
pulcrum eft.
But the great Slaughter was not only to be there, but in its Territories, in its Sea.
When Rome was thus involved in that State it could not defend the reſt, the Barbari-
yans made an horrid Havock therein ; its Lands became open to their Incurſions. And
tho' the City loft not quite its Emperors, who reign'd ſtill a while, its Dominions
were expoſed to the Barbarians. And accordingly we find that the Vandals ravag‘d
ſtill in the Gauls and in Spain. (k) Olympiodorus ſays, that in Spain the Romans
being ſhut
up in the Cities were driven to fuch Hunger, that a Woman kill'd and eat
up Four of her Children. That A. C. 412. the Goths under Ataulphus entred into
the Gauls : And the Burgundians the next Year obtain'd all that part of them,
which lay next to the Rhine. About the Year 411. as Cuſpinianus obferves out of
Jordanes, Peſtilentie , fames, beflie & gladius Barbaricus miſerum late vaſtant or-
bem. Thoſe Three firſt, the Peſtilence, Famine, and Beaſts, being the uſual Con-
ſequences of long Wars. For Honorius ſtood to it, and had other Roman Tyrants
to encounter. (i) Alarich had no ſooner taken and ſacked Rome, but he did the
like in Campania, and Lucania, and to the Brutij ; and then proceeded to Sicily, de-
figning to paſs into Africa, which then ſeem'd to be quiet : But he died in Sicily,
before he could execute his Deſign. However he left one to begin the Work : For
Attalus whom he had declar d Emperor, having ſent Heraclianus into Africa, this
Heraclianus began new Troubles there. And as if what Alarich had done was not
enough, Ataulphus his Succeſſor finiſh'd it, as Fordanes obſerves, Qui ſuſcepto regno
revertens item ad Romam, ſi quid primum remanſerat, more Locuſtarum erafit: nec
tantum privatis divitiis Italiam Spoliavit , imò Es publicis, Imperatore Honorio nihil
reſiſtere prevalente. But as this Plague was not to take away the Government,
but to cauſe Wars, Slaughters, and Bevaftations; fo Honorius, A. C. 417, having
taken Attalus, enter'd into Rome again in Triumph, with Attalus led before
him.
Let us now ſee what Plunder theſe Barbarians were to have of
Wealth of the Roman Subjects. And here it is certain, that Alarich had no other
moro II
1.
emoveable
Cap. 3.
(e) Hieronym. ad Gaudencium.
(f) Paul. Diac. Lib. XIII.
(8) Philoft. Lib. XII.
(b) Oroſ. Lib. II. Cap. 3. (i) Hieronym, ad Demetriadem.
(k) Apud
Phot. C. 80.
(1) Jordanes de Reb, Geticis, Fol. 27.
Сcccc
Deſign,

374
Trumpet III.
Ch. VIII. V. 10
Deſign, but to Rob: That he did not pretend to remain Maſter of Rome, but to
Plunder it
. St. Auguſtin, whoſe Book, de Civitat. Dei
, is a Commentary upon this
Plague, tells us in few Words, that the Romans loſt all: (m) Amiſerunt omnia que
babebant. And Hierom more pathetically ; (n) Quod abſque lacrymis & gemitu vi-
dere non posſumus, illam quondam potentiam ignorantiam divitiarum, ad tantam ino-
piam perveniſſe
, ut te&to, & cibo, & veftimento indigeat. This Ignorantia divitiarum
is to be underſtood ſo, as we ſay, when a Man is prodigioufly Rich, that he knows
not what he hath ; as that Lucullus the Roman, who is play'd upon by (6) Horace,
and mention'd by (p) Plutarch. So in Seneca: (9) Cur plura, quam noſti , poflides
And we may eaſily ſuppoſe, that all this while thoſe Nations, who took Occaſion
from thence to make Incurſions, as the Pitts, Saxons, Goths, Vandals, and others,
acted their Part, that being alſo their chief Deſign.
TRUMPET III.
A. Verf. io. Και ο τείτG- "Αγγέλα εσάλπισε, και έπεσεν σε έρανό ασής μέγας, Anil
the Third Angel ſounded, and there fell from Heaven a great Star. ] The Effects of
this Trumpet are much leſs than thoſe of the former
, the Subject ſuffering being of
the like Nature, but in a leſs Quantity; as the Sea exceeds Rivers and Fountains.
Therefore the Agent deſtroying needs not to be fo great, and by conſequence the
Mountain is greater than the Star falling from Heaven. For the Symbolical Chara-
eter is taken from the Appearance of Things and their Proportion. Thus on the
one Hand a Mountain appears much bigger to us than a Star, eſpecially ſuch mock
Stars as are apt to fall in the Night, ſhooting down upon the Ground like a Fire-
brand or Torch. And again by the Rule of Proportion a Star inferior, is leſs than
the Sun and Moon, for the Sun ſignifies the ſupreme Power, the Moon a ſubordinate,
the Stars are the ſubaltern Governors or Magiſtrates of the political World. But in
another Strain of Allegories, a great Mountain fignifies a great capital City; and by
conſequence is the Supreme of the political World in that View. "It is certain then
that a Star fignifies a Prince ; as his falling from Heaven may either fignify his lo-
ſing the Power he had before, as in Iſaiah 14. 12. and Chap. 34. 4. Or elle his re-
belling againſt the Authority that was over him. Hence on the one Hand , the An-
gels which kept not their firſt State or Principality, Fud. 6. are ſaid to be caſt down
to Hell, 2 Pet. 2.4. But on the other Hand, by that Fall or Rebellion, and the Loſs
of one Power and glorious State, they have gain’d another Power over the World.
See our Note on Chap. 20. I. A. In which Senſe, in Revel. 9. I. a Star falling is not
to loſe its Authority, but to receive more, that is, by Rebellion to gain a greater
Power. Here 'tis plain, that this Star is to executei a Plague ; and therefore he is
by his Rebellion to do a great deal of Miſchief : He being here the Agent upon the
Waters. Neither can it be ſaid that it is meant that this Star by its Fall or Loſs of
Power, cauſes accidentally the Miſchief mention'd. But this is not to be admitted the
ſmiting of the Sun, Moon, and Stars being the Effect of the next Trumpet. For
Ptis only then that the Roman Empire is to be removed and ceaſe
. Though it hath
been prov'd that a Star ſignifies a Prince, I ſhall give here fome Proofs from Authors
that are not us'd before. So in Euripides, Hippolytus Prince of Athens is call'd a
Star : () 'Our #7 38 re. Suspegin opgevencing manage den ride and eve'Each Emevi es devis
eštu.top esés? 'Allis, Eidoufw, o domss en meer os opgels Amerém ei ar ieplerov. So in the
Prophecy of Balaam, the Star is by Philo explain’d of a Man. () 'EĚendos tech mole
αν ερωτG εξ υμών, και επικρατήσει πολλών εθνών, και επιβαίνεσα ή τέδε βασιλεία καθ' εκάsίων ημέραν
wegs i fos üptíos).
I ſhall let down here an illuſtrious Dream explain'd by the Arabian Writers,
which will illuſtrate theſe Notions wonderfully. Toumenahkhan (t) Prince of the Mo-
gols, or Oriental Tartars, had by one of his Two Wives Twin Sons, Kilkhan and
Fugiouli
. This Fagiouli dream'd one Night, that he ſaw proceeding out of his Bro-
ther's Bofom Three Stars, which aroſe ſucceſſively ; after which a Fourth aroſe
more glorious than the reſt, whoſe Rays enlight'ned the whole Surface of the Earth.
(m) Auguft. de Civit Dei, Lib. I. Cap. 1o. (n) Hieronym. ad Euftochium.
(0) Horar.
Lib. I. Epift. 6. () Plutarch. Lucull. F. 170.
(9) Senec., de Vita beata, Cap. 17.
(1) Euripid. Hippolyt. Verſ. 1120.
(s) Philo de Vita Moſis, Lib. I. Pag. 440,
1) Herbelot. Tit. Toumenahkhan and Timour.
1
From

Chap. VIII. v. 10. Trumpet III.
375
و
From this Star came out others, which had a bright Light, but far inferior to the
other. This great Star being ſet as well as the Three others, gave place to thoſe
leſs Stars, which caſt their Beams upon ſeveral particular Parts of the Earth. Fa-
giouli having had this myſterious Dream and awaking, thought upon it in his Mind;
and was again overcome with Sleep, and dream'd a ſecond Time, and faw Seven
Stars, which came out of his own Boſom, following one another, and taking each a
particular Turn in Heaven. Theſe Seven were followed by an Eighth, whoſe Great-
neſs and Light far exceeded the reſt : And indeed enlight'ned all the Parts of the
World, and produc'd a great Number of other Stars, which took their ſeveral Turns
after the great One had finiſhed its Courſe.
Having conſulted his Father thereupon, well skill'd in Onirocriſy , he call’d his
Son Kikhan, and explaind them thus : "That according to the firſt Dream, out of
the Progeny of Kilkhan ſhould ariſe Three Princes, which ſhould poſſeſs the Empire
of the Mogols, and ſhould tranſmit it to a Fourth, who ſhould ſubjugate a great
Part of the inhabitable World, and divide it amongſt his Children. And according-
ly theſe were Coblaïkhan, Bortan Behadir , and Feſukai Behadin, and the Fourth
Ginghizkban. Who accordingly divided his Kingdom and Conqueſts to his Chil-
dren. As to the Second, that out of Fagiouli ſhould ariſe Seven Princes poſſeſſing
an abſolute Command in the Armies under the Authority of the then reigning Mo-
gol Emperors; after which an Eighth ſhould ariſe in direct Line, who ſhould be the
greateſt Conqueror in the World, and leave a numerous Poſterity, whoſe Princes
Thould reign to the End of the World. Now theſe Seven were accordingly the chief
Captains of the Mogols, and the Eighth was Timour, or Tamerlan, that great Con-
queror, whoſe Poſterity ſtill reigns in the Indies under the Name of great Mogols.
Upon this Expoſition the Two Brethren agreed, that the Empire ſhould remain in
Propriety to the Poſterity of Kilkhan the Elder, and that the Command of the Ar-
mies ſhould always be in the Hands of Fagiouli the Younger. And this was ſo ex-
actly obſerv'd by their Succeſſors to the Times of Tamerlan, that notwithſtanding
his vaſt Power, he long refus’d the Title of Khan, or Sultan , and only took that of
Emir, or Commander, until the Death of Sojourgat miſchkhin Sultan of Cathaï de-
ſcended from Gingbizkhan. The following Tradition of the Arabians , tho' vain,
ſhews their Notions upon this Subject. In the (1) Maallem 'tis ſaid, that Nimrod
had a Dream, that a Star ariſing upon the Horizon, irs Light did out-ſhine that of
the Sun ; the Soothſayers did explain it of a Child, which ſhould in a little Time
become a great Prince, of whom he ought to ſtand in Fear. This according to
them is Abraham.
de
B. K cubule as aquacs, Burning like a Torch. ) A Torch is a Prodigy of ill Omen.
Livy hath fome Inſtances. As firit ; (w) Facem Setiæ ab ortu folis in occidentem por-
rigi viſam. Again, (*) Faces eadem nodde plures per cælum lapſe ſunt in Lanuvino.
A third, (y) Facem in cælo confpe&tam. Thus Silius Ital. deſcribing the Prodigies
which foreboded the Event of the Battel at Canne, mentions ſuch Torches:
Der
(2) Axe ſuper medio, Libyes à parte, corufcæ
In Latium venere faces.
po 300 Shvesi eu 2 20300 abun VI:
By the Deſcription of this Star the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to mean a Comet. Which is
a Prodigy always thought to be of bad Omen, that in the Times of Auguſtus only
excepted by (a) Pliny. A Comet is ſometimes call’d in Greek Authors Accuma's: For
what is call'd by (6) Ariſtotle Kopútns, is in the Author of the Deſcription of the
Olympiads called acepta's : And as it is fuppoſed to be mentioned in the Marble Chro-
nicle at Oxford, it is there faid to burn, meleren. " And thus Petronius in the Words
cited, ſpeaks of a Comet as a burning Torch: oui
Toid 29160102
Fax ſtellis comitata novis incendia ducit. 29 (1)
Hear now what Tully faith of ſuch Prodigies in his Poem concerning his Conſüllhip
cited by himſelf;
()) Liv. Lib. XLIII.
(u) Herbelor. cit. Abrah. (w) Liv. Lib. XXIX.
Lib. XXIX.() Liv. Lib. XLI.
(z) Sil. Italic. Punic. Lib. VIII. (a) Plin. Nar. Hiſt. Lib. II. Cap. 25.
Meteorol. Lib. I. cap. 6.
br (6) Ariſtot.
(c) Tu

376
Ch. VIII. V. 10.
Trumpet III.
و نوازنده ای
(°) Tu quoque, cum tumulos Albano in monte nivale s
Luſiraſti & lato mattaſti latte Latinas,
De Me
Vidifti & claro tremulos ardore Cometas,
powiat Multaque miſceri noturna ſtrage putafti :
shores al Quod ferme dirum in tempus cecinere Latinæ.
-ไม่เป็น Cum claram ſpeciem concreto lumine Luna
ods to Abdidit, & ſubito ſtellanti nocte perempta eft.
Quid vero Phæbì fax, triſtis nuntia beli,
onbord bis Son
Quæ magnum ad columen flammato ardore volabat,
ad bina Precipites cæli partes, obituſque petiſſet :
Toto umor Aut cum terribili perculfus fulmine civis
bigy be done
Stima ora ho Luce ſerenanti vitalia lumina liquit :
pig sungute Aut cum ſe gravido tremefecit corpore tellus.
Esto
anibroyes bha Jam vero variæ noturno tempore viſą
ultos
thuon si bo Terribiles formæ, bellum motuſque monebant,
Jirodot Multaque per terras vates Oracla furenti
auriidio portPefore fundebant triſtes minitantia cafus:
og tro Atque ea quæ lapfu tandem cecidere vetuſto,
er od Daud Hec fore, perpetuus fignis, clariſque frequentans
Peanuts upon ipfe Deum genitor cælo, terriſque canebat.
birode
All which Symbols not only explain this, but alſo many others, as particularly thoſe
which follow in the Fourth Trumpet ; and as Tully produces them, denoted Altera-
tions in the Republick by civil Wars and rebellious Citizens. The Dream of Hecuba
being with Child of Paris, is very proper here, as Apollodorus relates it : (d) Adria
και 35 χωνάς μάλλονή- βρέφες, έδοξεν Εκάβη καθ' ύπας Δαλόν τοκείν διάπυρον. τετον 8 παο
Espéueads til tónov, vị ngiev. This was thus explained by Æfacus the Onirocritick,
as mereid o guésre ☆ zei de dra'nav. That the Child would prove to be the Ruin of
his Country. Tully cites it thus tranſlated :
Diaki (e) Quia mater gravida parere ſe ardentem facem
quando si Viſa eſt in ſomnis Hecuba : quo facto Pater
ORE
Rex ipſe Priamies fomnio mentis metu
oj guihtoaun e Perculfus, curis fumptis fufpirantibus
os
Exfacrificabat hoftiis balantibus.
O b Tum conje&orem poftulat pacem petens,
oy waterbio Ut fe edoceret obſécrans Apollinem,
Herboren. Quo fefe vertant tante fortes fomniúm.
toigito79 Ibi ex oraculo voce divina edidit
calon Apollo, puerum, primus Priamo qui foret a babadan dan
Poft illa natus tempora, hunc ſi tolleret,
Eum eſſe exitium Troja, peſtem Priamo.
f) I/. Voffus reads out of his MS. the laſt Verſe but one thus :
Birloin w tomto D Dm of emosi loro
Diainalsa sis
virio aufget 70 Poft illa natus, temperaret tollere. 9000, svavis Too
1011
sand botqoox
Where we ſee, that a Torch is the Symbol of a great Deſtruction. And therefore
-Euripides calls this Paris or Alexander by the Name of (g) Aarê mupde uiuenpea, The
N. B. bitter Repreſentative of the Torch. And ſo Horace , ſpeaking of Hannibal,
compares him to Torches ſet on Fire, or a blaftung Wind, another Symbol of War.
(b) Dirus per urbes Afer ut Italas,
Ceu famma per tædas, vel Eurus
qisminino el gai Per Siculas equitavit undas. I not to din
Vd bondo
(C) M. T. Cic. De Divinat. Lib. I. (d) Apollodor. Biblioth. Lib. III. Cap. II. S. 5. Vid.
Hypotheſ. Iliad. in Edit. Barneſ. & Schol, in Iliad. T. v. 325. & Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. VII. c, 1181.
() M. T. Cic. de Divinatione, Lib. I. (f) Ir. Voff
. Nor. in Pomp. Melam. Lib. I. cap. 8.
(3) Euripid. Troadib, v. 922, (h) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 4.
Con0991
So

Ch. VIII. M. II. Trumpet III.
377
to be
So Florus ſpeaking of the ſociale Bellum, hath theſe Words, (i) Eadem Fax, que il-
lum cremavit, Socios in arma, & oppugnationem urbis accendit
. Valerius Maximus
ſpeaking of C. Carbo, and very likely alluding to his Name faith , (k) Idem orientium
civilium malorum Fax ardentiſſima. And Pliny, (l) Que Caium & Domitium Neronem
principes genuêre , totidem Faces generis humani. I thould have added chefe Verſes
to the former, for they ſeem to have been ſpoken by Caffandra concerning Paris şi cid
(m2). Adeft, adeſt Fax obvoluta fanguine, atque incendio : nol godose X
Multos annos latuit. Cives ferte opem, & reſtinguite. oni buttamine
ni olivnosti od
And thus Tully himſelf ſpeaks of M. Antony :(n) Sed quæ provincia eſt; lex qua illa
fax excitare non poffit incendium? Followed therein by (0) L. Florus. The Symbol
is uſed pretty plainly by Zecharial), 12. 6. In that Day I will make the Governors of
Fudah like a Hearth of Fire among the Wood, and like a Torch of Fire in a Sheaf: And
they ſhall devour all the People round about, on the right Hand and on the left. So in
Iſaiah 7. 4. Rezin King of Syria, and the King of Iſrael, Two bitter Enemies of
Abaz King of Fudah, threatning War againft Fudah, are calld Two Tails of Smoaking
Firebrands. Two angry fiery Fellows going out in a Snuff.
C. Kai Péte osv l to reitory with solcouting as om tils mayor's Tov, And it fell upon the
third Part of the Rivers, and upon the Springs of Waters.] We ſee here that this
Star doth not fall to loſe its Authority, but falls from Heaven, apoſtatizes or rebels
from its Maſters or Heaven, to do miſchief upon the Waters. Thereby to make a
thorough Work therein, becauſe the Mountain in the Former Trumpet was only fal-
len into the Sea, and left the Rivers and Springs untouch'd. To underſtand the rea-
ſon why the Holy Ghoſt here divides the Work into Two, we muſt obſerve, that it
is the Practice of the Prophets ſo to do, when they make uſe of this Similitude of
Waters affected by ſome Plague. So Iſaiah 19.5, 6. ſpeaking of the Deſtruction
of Egypt, divides the People into Two Parts, puts one under the Name of Sea, and
the relt under the Name of Rivers, Waters, and Brooks; And the Waters ſhall fail
from the Sea, and the River shall be waſted and dried up. And they ſhall turn the
Rivers far away, and the Brooks of Defence shall be emptied and dried up: The
Reeds and Flags ſhall wither. The fame, ſpeaking of the Return of the Iſraelites
from Babylon by the Deſtruction and taking of it, Chap. 44. 27. ſays, That ſaith 10
the Deep, Be dry, and I will dry up the Rivers. So ferem. 51. 36. ſpeaking of the
fame, hath the ſame Diftin&tion ; I will dry up her Sea, and make ber Springs dry.
For though this had a Coincidence of the Letter with the Event, when Cyrus turn d
away the River Euphrates; yet it fignifies fymbolically the Deſtruction of the Aſſy-
rian Armies. For certainly Babylon had no Sea, being fcituated upon Euphrates, no
more than it was a Mountain, becauſe in a Plain ; and yet theſe are attributed to it:
Therefore it muſt be ſymbolically. Theſe Rivers and Springs muſt then ſignify the
ſmaller remaining Part of the Roman Subjects to be affected by this Plague, as the
greater Part was by the former.. so
Wol bang
A. Verf. 11.
Kai zo ovomele este nézeg "AUVAG, And the Name of the Star
is called Wormwood. ] In the Stile of the Sacred Writers, to be called is the fatne as
to be. The Reaſons of it are given elſewhere. So that the Name of any Perſon, or
Thing, is often put for the Qualities or Properties they have. I will only name one,
which will here ferve to Two Uſes, to prove this, and at the ſame Time ſhew the
Signification of this Wormwood, or bitter Star. Ruth 1. 20. And she ſaid unto
them , Call me not Naomi ; that is, pleaſant ; Call me Mara , that is, bitter : For the
Almighty hath dealt very bitterly with me. And therefore God threatning to ſend his
Judgments upon Men, ſays in ferem. 9. 15. I will feed them, even this people, with
Wormwood, and give them Water of Gall to Drink. Targum Adducam super popie-
lum iſtum anguſtiam amaram ficut abſinthium. And in Chap. 23. 15. he repeats the
fatne Words'; in this place the LXX tranſlate the Wormwood by hulle, Pain, as in
the former by dréyros, Anguiſh, Straights ; and in Deut. 29. 18. by mineice, Bit-
terneſs : And Lam. 3. 15. by 3098), Gall. See alſo Amos 5. 7. Chap. 6. 12. that
(i) Florus, Lib. III. cap. 18.
(k) Val. Max. Lib. VI. cap. 2. §. 3.
(1) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. VII. cap. 8. LUV
(m) M. T. C. de Divinatione, Lib. I. buition i
(n) M. T. Cicer. Philip. VII.
(6) Flor. Lib. IV. cap. 3.
Ddddd
arozun

378
Ch. Vill! W. 17.
Trumpet III. X
áváyun fignifies Anguiſh and Oppreſſion, il ſee Luke 21. 23. In Ezek. 28. 24. There
Shall be no more a pricking Brier, in the LXX onóront feptes, a Briar of Bitterness',
the Targum hath, virao 70, Rex malefaciens. And indeed in moſt Languages
bitter is metaphorically taken for burtful, as well as in Exod. 1. 14. They made tBeit
Lives bitter with hard Bondage ; which Uſage was typically repreſented in the Cele
bration of the Paſſover, by eating therewith bitter Herbs. So in Valerius Maximus,
(p) Conſtri&ti eftis amaro vinculo ſervitutis
. So again in the fame, ſpeaking of
Xenophon lofing his Sons (q). Majorem fe-ex virtute fili, voluptatem, quam ex morte
amaritudinem fentire! And we meet in that Author
, (m) Amaritudine pana ; and
alſo, (s) Amare ſervitute. So likewiſe in Tully; Amarum is put for painful : (t)
In Phalaridis Tauro. Si erit
, dicet, Quam Ywave ejl hoc! quam hoc non curo! firave
etiam ? an parum est, i. non amarum? Hence Homer gives a Dart the "Title, or Epil
thet, sof Bitter; (u) Béro é et Dore's a Where the Scholiaft fays, 9 e Xose molesé av, bet
reaſon of the Anguiſh or Death it cauſes. Thus Plutarch calls the State of Tyranny,
(20) nuxpédni sple
, muebuia sugebauumov, aj tie gemileco gensetlo dogovo. In ſhort, all that is
hurtful may be called Bitter. Hence Placid. La&antius ſays : (ar) Amato. Noxio.
unicuique enim res qu& nocet, amara eſt. Ut Virgil. men det tog
una mosos
Et von vigne owT dan
srbi soda llist si Triſtia temptantum fenfi torquebit amaro, niso be voor is
2 stor sólov.
yang 30$ morja hoon 230 dads to the breidt
Hence (y) Porphyriųs counts, that Honey was facrificed to the Dead, as being the
Symbol of Death, becauſe Death eafes usi rof Pain; and Gall wase the Symbol of
Life ; this being ſo full of Torment. Now this Star is not call’a Wormwood, being
Bitter, becauſe paflively ſo, but as Agent, and communicating that Bitterneſs to
others : And therefore it follows, that this Wormwood was tranſmitted to the
Waters, and that they accordingly became Bitter, o to communicate that again to
gui.cat er det oc gugi mol yd hotel 1915W
5 B. Kaà égfósto rò reérrör och vidítean e's å Jevrov, And the Third Parts of the Waters beo
came Wormwood. ] Theſe Words plainly fhew what I ſaid juſt now, that the Name
of Wormwoood was not given to this Star paffively, as! Naomi déſired to be called
Mara; but that this Wormwood is to act upon this Third Part of the Waters. Novo
the Waters here are not all the Waters, as of the Sea, but thoſe limited before, boy
the falling of the Star upon the Rivers and Springs. And as this ſhews the Subject
of the Plague to be leſs than that of the former; ſo the Inſtrument is much leſs Eff-
cacious: A Sea of Blood repreſenting a more cruel Carnage than Rivers of Gall and
Wormwood, which rather thew a miſerable State of the Parts ſuffering, than a total;
or at leaſt more ſignal Slaughter. Hence it follows, that only many Nien died of the
Bitterneſs; and not every Creature that had Life therein, as in the former Caſe. Bat
to draw from hence an Argument, that the Effects of this muſt light near Rivers
only, is trifling, there being no Plague, or Effect of War, but what hath and muſt
have its Effects near them, Armies being forced to keep near them.. Neither can
any great Town, or Number of Men, be found to be ſlain, but what is fituated near
Rivers, for the Benefiti of Water. Bat all this is to thew us, that the Armies,
which are the Rivers running along, and overflowing Countries, are to fuffer grear
Slaughter and Miſery and that the Springs which are quiet, and generally fix'd to
one Spot, repreſenting thoſe Men that lead a more quiet and ſettled Life, ſhall like-
wiſe ſuffer very much. sda jo bos zit go
CT 12 ore moin
C. Kui Tomo este ev Spartan de Stevana en el vidátov, And many Men died of the
Waters,] I have ſhewn, that upamo properly ſignifies a Slave, a Man in Mifery
And it is to be obſerved, that by. Men in this Prophecy, the Holy Ghoſt conſtantly
denotes ſuch as are Subjects of Idolatrous, or wicked Monarchies, who are forca
into that Service, or the Slavery of Idolatrous Worſhips. And by Conſequence we
muſt underſtand theſe Men to be the Remnant of the Idolaters, and thoſe Chriſtians,
whº are now corrupted ; eſpecially in the Roman Empire, by learning the Works
of the Heathens, and embracing their Rites and Cuſtoms, through the fatal Miſtake
bat
ats
many Men,
(p) Valer. Maxim. Lib. II. Cap. 9.
(9) Val. Max. Lib. V. Cap. 10.
(v) Idem.
Lib. VI. Cap. I.
(5) Idem. Lib. VI. Cap. 10.
(t) M. T. Cic. Tuſc. Quælt. Lib. II.
(u) Homer. Iliad. A.. bon (wo) Plutarch de fera Num. Vind. Pag. 425. Vedi (x) Nac. Lac. in
Stat. Theb. Lib. y. Verl. 392. (y) Porphyr. de Antr. Nymph. Pag. 262.17
1
of

. VIII. 11. Trumpet III.
379
2
Chapof endeavouring thereby to make the Heathens become Chriftians, which is to draw
near them, to make them like us. But Men is alſo oppoſed to graal Men, Princes,
Rulers and Magiſtrates ; ſo that by this Plague the Great Men, Princes and Gover-
nors in the Roman Empire, are not
ſo much to be affedted, as they were certainly in
the former Plague, and will be in the next, as the Subjeéts of the Roman Empire
,
'Tis upon theſe that the Plague is to fall: And this is ſuitable to the whole Tenor
of the Plague, which threatens lefs Miſchief than the former ; but makes up with it
the utmoſt and entire Miſery of the Roman City and Provinces, leaving only the
Government to the next.
D. "On Zazpevsne, Becauſe they were made Bitter: ? Bitterneſs is not a general
Symbol, or Cauſe of Death; for we have ſeen, that Slavery only is fignified by Bir
terneſs. And therefore not all Men, but many, are ſaid to die by reafon of this
Bitternefs. We have ſhewn already, how Bitterneſs was the Symbol of Miſefyidgk
Affliction; and now it remains to thew alſo, how Bitterneſs may be the Cauter vor
Symbol of Death too. Here follow fome Proofs of both. When the Ifraelites were
under hard Bondage in Egypt, it is ſaid, Exod. T. 14. that the Ægyptians made when
Lives bitter ; the LXX, verlos synuy vi tõv tless {colis, they made ibeir Life full of pain
So Plautus faith, 9vou this 1 to brizidi tulad ng poytia
ei wodil Ton noqu ji geind verbroon as ponto su to veistow
abro w or to (3) Amor & melle & felle eſt fæcundifſimus::optimale
sit ei liidum Guftus dat dulce, amarum ad fatietatem ufque oggerit, ingil midw
vd fibre boutine to bre W sili yd beishasiT viinerp
But Euripides goes further, for he faith, 'tis better to Die. Helena làith, that a bad
Huſband being himſelf bitter, and making the Houſe fo, or elſe othe Perſon of the
Woman, makes Death preferable. otros doinu brou ainda to novo i evimin
sri ni trg dood, brocano W ort of
seulemet mof (a) Ala 6 Tay Tróis mupos Ipitoinets M to loilodorye edt ra007
-7 sal mort pourñ gwaxi, rj zo o de zin mepov, welsst 70 lsirT srit es molo
Oulun aloid or even spenisov. JET sest gaibnsto vise osmo Bat
SADORA A ona to dlom bod sn 900 IT Hou svalodgin zmonidash regte on
Scaliger changes drôues into srove, but without Neceſſity; for as (b) buget and bre) otoku
mày ſignify the Perſon ; fo here ovə uca refers to the Perſon of the Wife, whoſe Life
is made bitter, by a bitter or bad Husband. Here bitter is active in the one, paſ
five in the other. As to Bitterneſs being the Cauſe or Symbol of Death, o'tis plain
by this, that it is Synonymous to Curſe, which in the Hebrew Notions implies not
only Baniſhment, but Exciſion, or a cutting off the State and Life of the Perſon ac-
curſed, that being the Signification of the (d) ann. So in Æſchylus, a Trimmer
upon Oriental Notions, we read (e) repoznavasAegs, bitter-tongued Curfes. So
Horace ſetting together in a Satyr Two Scolding and Curſing Fellows, Taith of
Perfius, (f) adeò fermonis amari ; the Commentator, maledici & mordacis ; and the
Speech of Rupilius Rex he calls, pus atque venenum. 'Where we fee Venenum comes
under the Notion of Curſing, as the urt in Hebrevo, fignifying Poyfon, is turnid in
the LXX by 2021), Gall
, as in Deut. 29. 18. Pſalm 69. 21. and by mempos, bitter, in
Jerem. 23. 15. and gueos, Anger, or Gall
, Deut. 32. 33. Gal being reckon'd the
Poiſon of Serpents. Pliny, ſpeaking of the Viper, (g) De felle non audafker Sia-
ferim que precipiunt, quoniam ut Juo loco docuimus, non aliud eft ſerpentium vene
num. And in another Place ; (b) Hinc & in mores crimen, bilis nomine, dased
magnum eſt in hac parte virus cum fe fundit in animum. Hence in Virgilda (19 Felle
veneni. Servjus: Amaritudine veneni. Theſe Words of Valerius Maximus Thevr
likewiſe the Relation between Bitterneſs and Curſes, (k) Amarillimorum cum male
di&torum verberibus invicem ipſe torqueret. So Tertullian: (1) Sż Tinguæ amaritudo
maledi&to live convicio eruperit, reſpice di&tum. Virg. (m) Dictis accendit amaris But
that which makes it moſt evident is, that it is fo explain'd in Holy Writ. Bitter-
SC Ilido A
2.2.1.2.Troi 0
(0) Plauc Giſtellaria, Act. I, Sc. I. Verf. 71. do
(a) Euripid. Helen. verb. 2011
(b) Vide Eurip. Helen. Verſ. 52. Ion. Verf. 1246. Hercul. Fur. Verf. 452.10 m (©) Euripid. Al-
ceft. Verſ. 636. Heraclid. Verſ. 91. 529.
(d) Vid. Schindler. in Voc. (e) Æſchy.
Sept. Contr. Thebas, Verf. 793, Mon (f) Horat. Lib. I. Sat. 7. (8) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib.
XXIX. Cap. 6.
(h) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. Cap. 37.19 (9) (i) Virg. Æneid. Lib. XII.
(k) Valer. Maxim. Lib. III. Cap. 3. co (1) Tertull. de Patient. Cap. VIII. Vide eciam. Tertull.
de Baptifm. Cap. IX. (m) Virg. Æneid. Lib. Xaloc modo 12 €
85.
ness

380
Ch. VIII. v.17.
Trumpet III.
Lake of a
nejs implying Deſtruction as well as the Curſe doth. Is Ferem.cl8. 14.2 For the Lord
our God hath put us to Silence, and given us Water of Gall to Drink. Targum
Quia Dominus Deus noſter adduxit fuper nos contritionem & pudefecit nos : & potavit
nos calice maledi&tionis peſſhme tanquam capitibus ſerpentum ; that is, as with Poiſon.
Again in the Place cited before, Ferem. 9. 15. I will feed them, even this people, wib
Wormwood, &c. Targum, Ecce ego adducam tribulationem ſuper populum iftum ama-
ram quaſi abſinthium , & potum dabo eis calicem maledictionis quafi capita fera
pentum. This laſt Expreffion anfwering to the Words in the Text, and give
them Water of Gall to Drink. Thus in Pſalm 14. in the Place only found in
the LXX, Curſing and Bitterneſs are ſet Synonymouſly: ar to sólida ei es
πκείας
gépcelovn bon
g. 10
ei victo yiovela na
( 9 ) GIÁ 70 todaye
But this will appear more evident by the Alluſion to the Waters of Jealoufy,
which not being bitter in Taſte, are nevertheleſs fo called from the Effect, to bring a
Curſe upon the Perſon guilty, Numb. 5. 18. where it is ſaid : The Prieſt shall have
in his Hand the bitter Water that cauſesh the Curſe; and Verſe 22. This Water that
caufeth the Curſe shall go into thy Bowels, to make thy Belly to ſwell
, and thy Thigh
torot. In the former of which Words the LXX Tranſlate thus, ti i préneyxus
rž Otrdil agerrefers témo, The Water of this Trial of Curſe, that proves whether thou art
worthy of Curſe or not, and ſhall accordingly bring it upon thee. The Hebrew is
377297 0917977 0; in which we ſee a plain Allufion of the Sound of the Words,
which fignify Bitterneſs and Curling.. And indeed the Hebrew 73yh, which is fre-
quently Tranſlated by the Word Wormwood, and in the LXX by of win, dvdyun, and
terapice, or the like, comes from an obſolete Root (n) ligt, which in the Arabick
Tongue fignifies to Curſe with all its Derivatives.. Whereby it ſeems to me, that the
Primitive Notion of this Word, which ſeems to have been Bitternefsio being akin
to the Wormwood, hath paſt in the Arabick Tongue into that of Curſing ; either
from the Symbolical, or Metaphorical Uſe of it: Or elfe perhaps from ſome fuch
Cuſtom, as the Trial of Jealouſy by bitter Water, ſo called rather from the ) Ef-
feet on the Party offending, than the Taſte. For I ſee no reafon to think, but that
the Pagan Arabians might have ſuch Trials, fince we find moſt of the Ancients had
ſuch, and the modern Pagans too, for Adultery, Perjury, and the like. 3 (p) Porphy-
rius hath written a Tract to ſhew it of the Indians : (a) Achilles Statius gives us ano
ther Example. The Germans had their Trials of Womens Honeſty in the Rhine, as
is made out from many Authors, as (r) Julian, (s) Gregory Nazianz. (1) Strabo (te)
Libanius (w) Nonnus, (*) Claudian. And the Anthologia, which calls the Rhyne,
aegadapo, The (y) Celtæ had alſo the Same Cuſtom. And therefore (3) Fr.
Junius thinks, that the Rhyne had its Name upon that Account for HRAINS
in Gothick, and Reyn in Dutch, fignify Pure, becauſe the Women purged them-
ſelves by it of any Suſpicion, waihing the Infants therein. And Fuft
. (a) Lipſius ſeems
of that Opinion. Thus Pauſanias obſerves, that near Ægira, in a Temple
called Gaius, the Prieſteſs who ſerves in it, muſt be a Woman that hath known but
one Man: And that this is to be tried by drinking Bull's Blood, and going into a
Cavę: And that if the Woman have known more than one Man, it kills her.
(0) Πίνεσαι 3 αίμα του και δοκιμάζον. η. ' αν αυτών τύχη μη αληθάεσα , αυτί να οκ τότε
The Syubu.ig.st
. Which is confirm'd by (c) Pliny. This Author alſo tells us, that the
(d) Bithynians had a River by which they tried Perjury : And other (e) Authors,
that the Sicilians and others had the like Trials, as by Fountains and Grotto's. The
the Grotto of Palamon near Corinih. To theſe may be added, the Ancient Saxon
Trial by Ordeal
. The Pagans ſtill have them, as the (F) Siameſe, who prepare a
Lump of Rice with ſome Ceremonies, and try Criminals therewith ; and even Civil
Bonorumo sul bibolintis
to be
(n) Vid. Golij Lex. Arab. Col. 2139, and 2140. Schindler in Voc.
(0) Vid. Wagenfeil in
Sorah. Miſchn. Cap. III. Sect. 5. Pag. 440. () Porphyr. de Styge. (9) Achill. Star.
Lib, VIIIa me(r) Jul. Orat. II. de Conſtant. Imp. Geitis.
(s) Greg. Poem. ad Nico-
bulum.
(t) In Not. Billij ad Greg.
(u) Orat. Pan. in Julian. Do (20) Nunn.
Dionyf. XXIII. 20V (a) Claudian in Ruff. II.
to y Julian. Epift. ad Maxim.
(3) Gloff. Gosh. Pag. 200. (a) J. Lipf. Not. in Tacit. de Mor. Germ. ads
(6) Paufan.
Achaicis, Pag. 233.
() Plin. Nat.:Hift. Lib. XXVIII. Cap. 9.
(d) Plin. N. Hift.
Lib. XXXI. Cap. 2.
XI. Cap. 2. TI om (e) Apud Alex. ab Alex. Lib. V. Cap. 10. Bochart. Can. Lib. I,
Cap. 28.
(1) Schouten. Deſcript. Regni Siam,
9b
Cauſes.

Ch. VIII. v. II.
Trumpet III.
381
Cauſes. So Captain (9 ) Dampier relates, that in the Gold Coaſt of Guinea, folemn
Potions are given by the Fetiſſeroes, as well as in Tonquin, when Men or Women are
taxed of any Crime, be it what it will, eſpecially Adultery, and the Matter cannot
be prov'd by Evidence. If the Party accus'd refuſe to take it, he is ſuppos’d to be
guilty without further Proof: But if they drink it, the Event is ſaid to be, thar in
Caſe they are guilty, the Water inmediately ſwells their
Bodies till they burſt : But
if innocent, they are not hurt by it. What Tricks the Fetiſſeroes may play in com-
pounding this Water, is not known: But this Trial is frequent. And whether the
Évent anſwer, he is not ſufficiently inform’d ; but the guilty Perſon generally dreads
it, and rather chuſes to ſuffer the Puniſhment due by Law. That this Potion is
call’d Bitter Water; and is given by way of Trial upon any light Suſpicion, even
of a ſmall Injury. This he had from Mr. Canby : But the Thing was mention'd by
others before him ; for (h) Mich. Hammerſham mentions it in his Voyage to the
Weſt Indies. Dampier thinks this is a remainder of the Jewiſh Trial of Jealouſy:
But we ſee no need to ſuppoſe it. The Egyptians had theſe Magical and Oracular
Trials. See the Note on Chap. 21. 20. I. We find alſo that in (i) St. Chryfoftom's
Time fome Chriſtians carried their
Wives to the Jews upon the Trial of Jealouſy,
who pretended then to have dreadful Curſes to extort the Truth. He declaims
againlt it; and by Conſequence the Fews did practiſe it then, whatever the
Event was.
The Event of Trumpet HI.
The Effects of this Trumpet appear now to conſiſt of the following Particulars.
Firſt, a great Prince falls ſuddenly, as a Star ſhot out of the Sky, upon the Subje&ts
of the Roman Empire. Secondly, the Character of this Prince is that of a bitter
and dreadful Man, caufing great Trouble and Slaughter of the common People. And
Thirdly, That he is a rebellious Prince to that Government which he fålls upon :
Fourthly, that he only affects the Subjects, but cauſes no Alteration in the ſupreme
Government. Now theſe Characters eaſily diſcover to us Attila King of the Huns,
and his Expeditions upon the Lands of the Roman Empire. The Huns were a Nati-
on, as (k) Ammianus relates, dwelling upon the Northern Sea beyond the Paludes
Mæotice. And under the Emperor Valens, there were Huns and Alans in his Army,
who aflifted him againſt the Goths that ravaged in Thracia. About A. C. 377. the
Huns held fome Part of Pannonia, and ſo on for about Fifty Years. Honorius being
dead A. C. 423. Valentinianus was declar'd Cæfar the next Year 424. But in the
mean Time one John uſurp'd the Empire, and by the Aſſiſtance of Aëtius fent for
the Huns to come into Italy, hiring them to defend him. Fohn was kill'd in Ra-
venna by the Treachery of his own People ; and Valentinian having need of aëtius
to ſend back the Huns, which he did, forgave him the Fault, and receiv'd him into
Favour ; which was done A. C. 4.25. Two Years after, A. C. 427, the Huns having
poffefſed the Pannonia about 50 Years, were driven out, and the Romans repofſeffed
them. But about 10 Years after, A. C. 437, Aëtius II. and Sigiſvultus being COSS.
as Proſper faith, or Two Years after, as Caffiodorus faith, the Huns were called to
the Afliſtance of the Romans againft the Goths. The Romans were beaten, and their
Commander Littorius was taken by the Goths. Thus the Huns became the Allies
and hired Servants of the Romans again. But A. C. 442. Attila with his Brother
Bleda and the Huns fell upon the Roman Empire, and began by laying waſte Thracia
and Illyricum. And Two Years after, Attila having ſlain his Brother and Partner, be-
came fole Monarch of the Huns. Whereupon he began again to ravage with the ut-
moft Fury, Macedonia, Myſia, and Achaia, and all Thracia ; and by the Year 447,
he had done the ſame in moſt parts of Europe that were in the Oriental Diviſion of
the Empire. About the Year 449. he entred into the Gauls at the ſame Rate : But
Two Years after, A. C. 451. he received his firſt and great Check by Aëtius in the
Plains of Chatlons, CLXV Thouſand on both sides being flain in the Bartel
. Where-
upon A ila turns back towards Italy; and took Milan, and Aquileia, and Ticinum,
Vlam
(8) Dampier's Voyage, Vol. II. Pag. 83:
(1) Vid. Arnoldi add. ad Wagenſeil. in Sotah:
Pag. 1182.
(i) Joh. Chryfoft
. Orat: adv. Judaizantes, Tom. VI. Pag 369. Edit. Savil
. Vel
Orat. I. adv. Judæos, Pag. 437. Edit. Front. Ducæi:
(k) Ammian. Marcell.
Lib. XXXI. tub. init.
Еееее
and

382
Ch. VIII. 11
Trumpet III.
and all the Towns about them, demoliſhing almoſt all Italy, as Jordanes faith. Thes
whilft he was thinking to come to Rome, Authors ſay , thar Pope Leo perſuaded him
to defilt, and return to his own Sear ; which he did. But others ſay, that his owiz
Friends diffuaded him from it, laying before him the Fate of Alarich, who having ra-
ken Rome, ſoon after died. The moſt probable Reaſon was, that his Army was
now much leſſened and afflicted with Diſeaſes, Hunger, and thoſe Lolles he had re-
ceiv'd from Aëtius. He fear'd moſt the Return of Aëtius upon him, Being return d
he pretends to quarrel with Marcianus Emperor in the Eaſt, though being a crairy
and reſtleſs Man, his true Deſign was to fall upon others. Accordingly he return
upon the Alans ſeated on the Loire in the Gauls; but Thoriſmond with his Viſigotlis
met him, and giving him Battel, routed him a ſecond Time, and ſent him quickly
Home again ; where, as he was forming Deſigns to overrun Afia and Africa, a Fit
of Drunkenneſs and Lechery kill'd him : The Deſigns of the Divine Providence
being then ended, whereof he was to be the Inſtrument. This was A. C. 452. So
that this Plague continued for the Term of about Ten Years
. I find in (1) Damaj-
cius, who wrote the Life of Iſidorus, that in a Battel fought between Attila and Ve-
lentinian, both the Armies were deſtroyed to that Extremity, that only the Generals
on both Sides eſcap'd with ſome few Guards. But whereas the Copies read now that
this was done before the City of Rome, meg to pieb uns åsecos, I ſuſpect that the Author writ
thus : weġ tugeovcov åtsecos, before the City of the Turones, which is upon the Loire.
The reſt of the Story I leave to the Author. 'Tis a curious magical Whim.
But Attila was not the only Perfon concerned therein , for in the mean Time Gen-
ferich King of the Vandals had Opportunity to ravage in the Roman Empire without
Controul. Attila having entred upon his Expedition on his Account. Fordanes . At-
tila igitur dudum bella concepta Giſerici redemptione parturiens. A. C. 426. Genfe-
rich fucceeds to Gunderich; and the next Year the Vandals entred into Africa as
Friends, being invited by Bonifacius, and weary of Spain by Reaſon of the Goths.
After ſome Conflies a Peace was made between them and the Romans, by which the
Vandals were to have Part of Africa. But Genferich having begun to perfecute the
Chriſtians A.C. 437. to make them turn Arians, in the Year 439, took Caribage by
Treachery ; and the next Year deſcended into Sicily. What Miſchief he did all this
while is eaſily ſeen by what Viktor Vitenſis hath related ; and may be gueſſed by that
Saying of Genferich himſelf reported by (m) Procopius; that the Fleet being ready
and the Pilot asking him, how he hould ſteer his Courſe, Genſerich anſwer'd, again
thoſe with whom God is angry. And whereas Theodofius would have fallen upon him,
to ſtop his miſchievous Hand in the Year 441. by the Irruption of Attila the next
Year Valentinian was forç'd to ſtrike up a Peace with him, and fo Genſerich was left
to perfecute the Africans , and turn their Rivers into Bitterneſs, as the ſame Vitor
hath obſerv'd, whole Words ſeem to contain a fatal Coincidence. He ſpeaks upon the
Occaſion of St. Auffin's Death, who died juſt before the Miſery of his Country:
(n) Tunc illud eloquentie , quod ubertim per omnes campos eccleſiæ decurrebat, ipfo
metu ficcatum eſt flumen, atque dulcedo fuavitatis dulcius propinata, in amaritudinem
abfinthij verſa eſt. And here let us leave him, till we find him again inſtrumental
in the next Plague.
Attila was the chief Inſtrument of this; and therefore in him we muſt find the
Characters of this Star, called Wormwood. And here 'tis fatal, that he ſhould take
in his Titles thoſe very Names which imply what a bitter Enemy he was to be, as
Metus Orbis, the dread of the World ; and Flagellum Dei, the Scourge of God. So
that Paulus Diaconus ſpeaking of his Expeditions, uſes the Words, (o) immaniffima
rabie devaftaret ; and, Italiam furibundus introiit.. And fordanes exclaims upon his
Account; (p) Quæ poteft digna cauſa tantorum mortibus inveniri ? Aut quod odium in
Se cun&tos animavit armari? Probatum eft bumanum genus regibus vivere, quando
unius mentis inſano impetu ftrages fit fatta populorum, & arbitrio Superbi regis momen-
to dejicitur, quod tot fæculis natura progenuit. Now as, to his being a Rebel, we
ſhould not need to go any further than his own Titles to find the Proof of it with
another fatal Coincidence : For he took the Title of Son of Nimrod, which Words
imply Rebellion ; Nimrod, as his Name implies, being the firſt Rebel againſt God,
117 TOISE ebbe
(1) Apud Phot. Cod. CCXLII.
(n) Victor, Vit. Lib. I. pag. 618.
(m) Procop. de Bello Vardal. Lib. I. cap. 5.
(0) Paul. Diac. Lib. XY. (D) Jordan, de Rebus Gctic.
and

Chap. VIH, V.12.
Trumpet IV.
383
and tyrant overı Mankind after the Flood, as we prove elſewhere : But more preciſe
lý, that Attila was a Rebel againſt the Romans, may be prov'd from his having been
in their Pay, as their Ally and hired Soldier. For he died A. C. 452, being then
in the 44th Year of his Reign, and therefore he was King, (D) Rich of the Huns
about A.C. 408. and by conſequence when the Huns were called to the Aſſiſtance of
the Romans under Littorius, Attila as King of the Huns muft then with them have
been in the Pay of the Romans, and under the Government of their Commanders.
And very likely he was fo too A.C. 424. when the Tyrant Fohn craved his Affiſtance
by means of Aëtius ; who to gain the Favour of Valentinian Cafar, fent him back
again as an uſeleſs Servant. Philoftorgius calls the Huns exprefly (º) Bug.beépes gedron
tes
. 'Tis very probable that God permitted that the Roman Emperors ſhould do ſo,
contrary to the (s) Rules of human Politicks, that the Romans might find a Rod to
ſcourge themſelves in due Time, and drink of that Wormwood-Draught prepared by
themſelves
. Laſtly, it appears by the fatal Event of this Scourge, that he was not
ſent to conquer, but to ſcourge , not to deſtroy the Governors, but many Men, who
were to dye by that bitter and poiſonous Draught. The Roman Empire ſeemd to
gain Ground again by the Valour of that Aëtius, who repuls'd this Attila with fo
much Slaughter, that in the Battel on the Plain of Chaalons, a River ran with Blood,
of which thoſe great Armies were forc'd to drink. Fordanes ; (t) Nam Si Jeniori-
bus credere fas eſt, rivulus memorati campi humili ripa prolabens, peremptorum vulne-
ribus ſanguine multo provectus, non auctus imbribus, ut folebat, ſed liquore concitatus
infolito , torrens factus eſt cruoris augmento, Et quos illic coegit in aridam ſitim vul-
nus infli&tum, fluenta mixta clade traxerunt : Ita conſtricti forte miſerabili fordebant,
potantes ſanguinem, quem fudêre Sauciati
. But as God deſign d another Plague, to
make an End of that Government particularly ; ſo le permitted, that this Aëtius
1hould be flain treacherouſly by that very Power, which ſtood ſo much in Need of
him for its Safety. Paulus Diaconus, (2) Igitur quia virtus invidiam ſemper parit,
Valentinianus Imperator, quantum res docuit , proſperros Aëtii ſucceſſus pertimefcens,
eum, fimulque Boethium ſenatorem nobiliffimum gladio peremit. Ita vir bellicofiffimus
Aëtius, es quondam Attile regis potentiſſimi terror, occubuit : cum quo pariter &
occidentis imperium, Saluſque Reipublicæ corruit. Nec ha&tenus ultrà valuit relevari
,
Valentinian did it A. C. 453, becauſe he fear'd no more Attila, who died the Year
before. The following Trumpet ſhews us the Event of that fatal Miſtake of Valen-
tinian. Note that a great (w) Comet appear'd the ſame Year Attila began to Ra-
згідува до Я гі. Ті. Міно,
Do I
TRUMPET IV.
A. Verf. 12.
Kui émangn zo reitou, o siais, tijze reirov soenlunssues to reimer eséger,
And the third Part of the Sun was ſmitten, and the third Part of the Moon, and the
tbird Part of the Stars.] That is, the Sun, Moon, and Stars of the third Part of
the World were ſmitten. Only obſerve, that Tychonius ſeems not to have read to re
tory before the Words, os eségey : But the Senſe is the ſame. There is no mention
in Holy Writ of any Eclipſe of the Sun or Moon. But the darkening of the Lumi-
naries is expreſſed by other Terms. In Iſaiah 60. 20, the LXX have a canten erine
aditas; but it muſt be turn'd, the Moon ſhall not fail. The Hebrem hath, hogy
which Word in Pſal. 104.29. is turn'd in the LXX by v12vengis, and in Foel 2. 10.
by Souci ; Shall be gathered or folded, that is, taken out of Sight. Sometimes it fig-
nifies to conſume or deſtroy. The Greek Word may ſignify to cut, break, o divide.
Heſychius: Fausto, engvúcar, écouv. Conſonant to which the Arabians, to denote
that the Sun or Moon are eclipſed, uſe the Word (x) Kafafa, which properly fignifies
to cut ; and Koſofon to fignify an Eclipſe. So that when the Sun or Moon is cut or
Smitten, they are Eclipſed: Or according to the Hebrew before cited, folded and re-
moved. Whence we may ſafely conclude that the Words before us denote an Eclipſe
of the Luminaries. In the ſame mannerr the (y) Rabbins uſe the Chaldee 7R2 to
vage, como
OS
SI
cap. 12.
(4) Vid. Procop: de Belo Goth. Lib. I. cap. I. 5. 5.
(r) Philoft. Hift. Eccl. Lib. XI:
(s) Vid. Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XXXI. Zofim. Lib. IV. p. 233.
(D) Jordan. de Reb, Geric, fol. 31. () Paul. Diac. Lib. XV.
(w) Marcellin. Chron.
amino
(2) Golius Lex. Arab.col
. 2034. & Schindler. v. 1924
6) Vid. Johan Croij Obf. in N. T. p. 266. & Schindler, in Voc.
4
trike
v volboth frike

384
Trumpet IV.
Ch.VIII. v. 12.
و
Arike to expreſs the Eclipſe of the Sun or Moon, and "ph Smiting, for an Eclipſe.
In which Senfe alſo Manilius hath ſaid,
ST3
TO 2015
Den bure
1939 sier ne
bien lyon (e) Quod fi plana foret Tellus, fimul i&ta per omnes to
20. OTSATA
Deficeret toto pariter miferabilis orbe.
hash sirodo
bre
And Lucan, (a) Fam Phæbe toto cum fratrem redderet orbe
Terrarum fubit â percuffa expalluit umbra.
On 17
But though theſe Obſervations be true, we need not to fetch the Matter ſo far. As
the Word anúare explains the Hebrew 51"", which is frequently tranſlated by meelelare ;
as 9 by nangaì, fignifies to Strike, or Smite, ſo it often fignifies to Kill; and Sym
bolically to render uféleſs, or take away : So this [miting of the Luminaries ſhews,
that they have now recceived a deadly Wound, manglis Jovers, as it is expreſſed in
Chap. 13. 2. And by Conſequence, that the Government of the Third Part of the
World is ſtruck, removed, or put into other Hands.
Though I have ſhewn already, that the Luminaries ſignify the Governors in gene-
ral, I ſhall here give ſome Proof which will reach this particular Caſe of an Eclipſe.
Theſe Words of Horace, though they contain a Jeſt, yet prove this in Earneſt.
(b) Laudat Brutum, laudat que Cohortem.
Solem Aſia Brutum appellat : Stella que ſalubres
Appellat Comites, excepto Rege : Canem illum,
Inviſum agricolis fidus veniſſe.
Thus alſo an Omen is obſerv'd in (c) Herodotus, of the Delivery of the Royal Dig.
nity to one Perdiccas, Anceſtor of Alexander the Great, by the Owners thereof,
giving him the Sun for his Reward, by way of Abuſe. This of Fuſtin will reach
the Eclipſe. For Agathocles King of Syracuſe, having Imbark'd great Part of his
Citizens, whilſt his own Capital was beſieged by the Carthaginians, to carry them
into Africa, and ſo to change the Seat of the War: Whilſt he was at Sea the Sun
was Eclipſed. Agathocles explains the Omen thus : (d) Porro defe&tus naturalium
ſyderum ſemper præſentem rerum ftatum mutare, certumque ele florentibus Carthagi-
nienſium opibus, adverfiſ que rebus ſuis commutationem fignificari
. So Pompey, the
Chief Man in Rome, having left Italy for fear of Cæſar, Tully compares him to the
Sun : (e) Sol, ut ejt in tua quadam Epiſtola, excidiſſe mihi é mundo videtur. Ut
agroto, dum anima eſt, Spes eſſe dicitur : Sic ego, quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit, Spe-
rare non defliti., So among the Prodigies reported by Livy, one is, (f) Solis or-
bem minui viſum. The like to which was obſerved another Time, (8) Cumis folis
orbis minui viſus. And theſe were look'd upon as portending Revolutions: And
therefore here the Eclipſe of all the Luminaries muſt ſignify a total Subverſion of
the Roman Government, at leaſt as to the Part limited.
Β. Ινα σκοτιδή το σει τον αυτών, και η ημέρα μου φαίνη το τείτον αυτής, και η νυξ ομοίως, That
the
Third Part of them might be darkned, and the Day might not appear the Third
Part of it, and the Night likewiſe.] This is an Expoſition of the former Words,
fhewing, that the Stroke received was in order to take away the Light of the Lumi-
naries. This Darkneſs is the Effect of that Stroke. The Light is the Power and
Government of the Civil Heaven. For by the Light the Sun rules the Day, and the
Moon and Stars govern the Night. Now theſe will be ſo darkned by that Stroke,
that neither the one, nor the other ſhall give Light in their proper Stations ; where
by the Day. Time, and the Night-Time thall have no Light from them. "Tis an In-
duction, to ſhew a general Darkneſs
, or Deficiency in the Government. Darkneſs
is always the Effect of Eclipſes. And therefore whereas in foel 2. 10. the Sun and
Moon are faid to be dark ned, 1777; the Word (b) 717777 derived from it in
Iſaiah 50: 3. in the LXX 6x676, fignifies not only Darkneſs, but alſo with the
Rabbins an Eclipſe. And this. Darkneſs fignifies an Oppreſſion of the Powers. So in
• () Manil. Aſtron. Lib. I.
(a) Lucan. Pharſ. Lib. I.
(b) Horat. Lib. I. Sat. 7.
(c) Herodot. Lib. VIII. Cap. CXXXVII, &c. (d) Juſtin. Hift. Lib XXII.lt (e) M.T.
Cic. ad Attic. Lib. IX. Ep. 14.
() Livius, Lib. XXII.
(8) Livius, Lib. xxx.
(b) Schindler. V. 777.
Ferem.

Ch. VIII. v. 12. Trumpet IV.
385
10. B.
and is it ſelf a myſterious Number, implying Greatneſs, Excellency, and Per-
Ferêm. 13. 16. Before he cauſe Darkneſs ; Targum ; Antequam veniat fitper vos tri-
bulatio. So the Prophets ſometimes explain themſelves
. Ezek. 30. 18. At Te-
haphnehes alſo the Day Mall be darkned, when ļ Mall break there the Yokes of Egypt:
And the Pomp of her Strength ſhall ceaſe in her. But the Pokes are Scepters in the
LXX, torý alege 'Aeyó 27%. See alſo Chap. 34. 1 IJaiah 8. 22. explains himſelf:
And behold, Trouble and Darkneſs, Dimneſs of Anguiſh ; and they shall be driven to
Darkneſs. See Chap. 9. 1. wherein the Allegory is carried on. Amos 8. 9, 10.
explains it felf. The Authorities of Heathen Authors are cited in Chap. 16.
ba
TUTO
zi And here it will be proper to take Notice of the accurate Stile and Expref
fions of the Holy Ghoſt in this illuſtrious Prophecy; every Word of which con-
tains ſome Myſtery; and fometimes miny, as Hierom hach wel obſerved : (i) Apo-
calypſis Johannis tot habet Sacramenta, quot Verba. Parum dixi pro merito voluminis,
laus omnis inferior eſt : In verbis ſingulis multiplices latent intelligentie. In the
opening of the Sixth Seal, the Luminaries become Black, Bloody, and fall upon
the Earth, and the Heavens are rolled away ; that is, the Pagan Government is
afflicted, opprefled, ſubdued, and removed into other Hands: But that ſhews no
Violence, becauſe Conſtantine- was not to uſe ſuch violent Means and Concuſſion :
Neither was the
Government to paſs into the Hands of the Enemies thereof by a
Foreign War. But here 'tis otherwiſe: The Government is Smitten, ſtruck to
Death violently, and darkned; becauſe this is done by an Alarm, fron Foreign Ene-
mies, who wreſt it out by all the forcible and terrible Means imaginable. A Stroke,
by which any Thing is Smitten, to loſe its Power, always ſuppoſeth the utmoſt
Violence. i suoi
And here before I leave this rerou, or Third Part ; which we have had ingall the
foregoing Trumpets, and ſhall again find in the Sixth, as well as in the general Type
of the Dragon, Chap. 12. 4. I ſhall beg Leave to ſet down another Norion thereof
than what hath been done already, following therein Mede's Expoſition : Being af
fured in this preſent Cafe, that the Idiom of the Language of the Holy Ghoſt, which
is here Hebraical, though the Viſion be written in Greek Terms, will fully bear ne
out. Firſt then, we cannot fay, that when the Holy Groft gives only the Hiſtory
of the Church, any Notice ſhould be taken of any Thing elſe, as Foreign Heathens,
but for the Sake of the Church, as they are concerned or not concern'd with it:
And by Conſequence Proportions are only to be conſidered of thoſe Things wherewith
the Church is concern'd. If then the Roman Empire, which is here concern'd with
the Church, be conſidered, 'tis taken as an entire body, the whole oire ulion or
World. And by Conſequence the Third Part of the Stars in the Twelfth Chapter,
and here, with the like Third Parts, cannot be ſo called in reſpeet of the whole
created World beſides, which is not now conſidered, but that Third Part muſt be
taken in reſpect only of that Oinsulin, which is here conſidered, as even appears
from other Places of this Book, as Chap. 3. 10. Chap. 12. 9.1 and Chap. 16. 14. But
you will ſay, how is it that the Roman Empire, which hai fo abſolute Dominion in
this oireefón, ſhould be ſaid only to ſweep the Third Part of the Stars ? Right.
But then that Third Part muſt be taken in anorfer Seaſe : And that is in Oppofition
to the Church, or Woman, that hath its Stars likewiſe. If then that Third Part of
the Stars figniñes a great Part, the Symbol is full and true. And the ſame may be
faid of the Third Part in every one of the Trumpers, wherein it is mentioned.
That is, a Third Part, is a great and excelling Part, in Excluſion to the whole there
conſidered. And the Event will anſwer exactly to this Notion.
It remains then only to prove, that the Number Three, Third, or Threefold, may fig-
nify great, illuſtrious, or excellent
. And that it frequently doth in the Sacred Writers,
feétion. So in Iſaiah 19. 23. In that Day Mall Iſrael be the Third with Egypt, and
with Affyria. LXX, Teit
G among the Egyptians ; that is, great, admired, beloved,
and bleſſed, as it follows there. So in Prov. 22. 20. Have not I written to thee
DÜ. LXX retvos, but our Engliſh, excellent Things ; Perfe&ta in S. Pagninus ;
that Place being parallel to Prov. 8. 6. where we find 0170), LXX obuvde, excellent
Things: And the ſame as in Hf. 8. 12. 121, great and venerable Things; in the
250
(i) Hieronym. Paulino da
VT .bo bora
Fffff
OS X or briga
LXX

386
Ch. VIII. v. 12.
Trumpet IV.
LXX año-, full, or perfect, in Abundance. So su, in Pfal. 80. 6. and Iſaiah
40. 12. is a great Meafure, and giveſt them Tears to drink in great Meaſure, in the
Pfalmift
. So 0990, Third in Order fignifies a great Man, in Exod. 14. 7. and Chap.
15. 4. in 2 Kings 72 2. and Chap. 9. 25. in all which Places the Targum hath Nta1,
or its Caſes, and the LXX resoltas ; that is, an Heroe, or Great Man. So likewiſe
in 1 Kings 9. 22. his Captains, the Hebrew, tw90; the LXX Tervol dure, his Thirds.
So in Ezek. 23. 15. All of them Princes to look to, Q wyw, the LXX, odos gerasn'
,
A Third Countenance, that is, excellent ; that Word being ſet as Synonymous to
ORP, óvouosos; our Engliſh, Great Lords, and Renowned. And here it will be
proper to conſult Drufius in his Hebrezo Proverbs. So in 2 Cor. 12. 2. St. Paul is
caught up unto the Third Heaven: That is, the higheſt Heaven. We need not
there to make, or ſtate, any Orders of Heavens: The Expreſſion is altogether Hyper-
bolical. However, I will not contend for this Proof, which may be turn'd another
Way. So likewiſe in the Latin and Greek Tongues, the Number Three is Myſtical,
and often ſignifies many ; and dɔth not ſo much imply an exact Number, as a great
Increaſe. Heſych. Teits ixettë fola & fåto begsim : Hence, Teodézisos and veio pod napety
to fignify very gréat, very happy. Heſych. (k) Teinheso, noua lavdro.q Teluetoo, to
dos mb In zop i pecitov. Tímàovo slow see's ne vidi vas listu bebanefole da os áporeid osus Homo Teis
Et få norésis. So Horace, H srom 25 od Jaisamsvo sto cow duet
9Twento 21 Tork oud Wrigi910
(1) Ceriat tergeminis tollere honoribus : Suih bus meloiy HS
s bor sloot fir d 10. 91W Onw agir
The Commentator, finitus numerus pro infinito , id eft, multis. Hefych. Tectonépm, v
ταύτα συντέλεσαι [ leg. σιω τετέλεσαι ] τα εις τες έμες, a Third Maid; that is, a Maid
fit to be Married, grown great enough for an Huſband. Ariſtophanes, (m) *2
rets prometere 'Evertisu: Perfectly happy. In Sophocles ; (n) reinixG is a Man born in
the vileſt Slavery. So that the Third Part is a great Part, the moſt excellent Part
of the Whole : And thus it may be applied to the former Trumpets, as well as to
this, by which the greateſt and moſt excellent Part of the Roman Empire was
afflicted. In doing this, we need to make no Alteration in what hath been ſaid, the
Event being entirely ſuitable to this Notion. 3 Vil Jon SW terlalu juo
zlarln miso". Es gils 8 yhts to ou binangoja yes pour to 10
Bon 10 The Event of Trumpet IV. u83 90 to 1893 167 and
dos
Consoriskalne vom
This Trumpet makes an End of the Government in that Third, or Great Part of
the Roman Empire, which had been afflicted in its Subje&ts and Capital City by
the Three former ; and this Government is to be ſo ſmitten, extinguiſhed or re-
moved, that it ſhall never be able to appear again as ſuch, having now received its
deadly Stroke. 'Tis now eaſy to ſee, that this was accompliſhed by the Fall of the
Roman Emperors of the Weſt, making their Abode in that Capital City, and ruling
thoſe Provinces, which had been affected by the former Plagues ; with whoſe Fall
the other Roman Governors, and all their Power, both in Church and Statė, were
alſo removed, ſo that they could never again reinſtate themſelves. Now the Inſtru-
ment which gave that deadly Stroke to theſe Weſtern Emperors, and Roman Magi-
ſtrates, was Genferich, King of the Vandals, by the taking, plundering, and facking
of Rome in fich a terrible Manner, and thereby fo wounding the Weſtern Roman
Power, that all the Struggles made to recover it proved only as the laſt Gaſps and
Convulſions of a ſtrong Body upon approaching Death. And the laſt Stroke which
affected it was given by Odoacer King of the Heruli, fome few Years after : So that
during this Time, all this Third Part of the Roman Provinces, with the Capital
City too, were divided among all thoſe Barbarians, who had been Inſtrumen-
tal in the former Plagues : The Goths under Theoderich, ſettling themſelves
at Rome.
As we have obſerv’d, Attila the Inſtrument of the laſt Plague departed A. C. 452.
And the next Year Aëtius, the only Prop of the Roman Empire in the Weſt, was
baſely murthered by Valentinian's own Hand, having thus, as he was told to his
Face, (o) cut off his right Hand with the left : For in the next Year, being A. C. 454.
sich med det

al
(k) Homer. Iliad. E.
(1) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 1.
(m) Ariſtoph. Ran.
(n) Sophocl. Ced. Tyr. (0) Procop. de Bell. Vandal. Lib. I. Cap. 4. Sed vid. Damaſcium Vit.
Iddori apud Phot. Cod. CCXLII. Pag. 1048.
Talen-
2

which ſhew their Guilt. As to the
Chap. VIII. V. 13. The Warning of the Three Woes. 387
Valentinian himſelf was ſlain by the Friends of Aëtius in the Campus Martius. Upon
this the Empreſs (1) Eudoxia his Wife, having invited Genſerich King of the Van-
dals out of Africa, in hopes to revenge her ſelf upon the Murtherers of her Husband,
and reſcue her Perſon out of the Hands of the Ulurper Maximus, who had married
her againſt her Will ; in the very fame Year Genferich came to Rome, and facked it
for Fourteen Days together ; having firſt ſeized upon the Palace ; and in the mean
time Maximils, as he was flying, was ſton'd to Death, his Body pulld in Pieces,
and thrown into the Tyber, and Genſerich return’d with his Ships laden with prodi-
gious Wealth, together with the Empreſs Eudoxia, and her Two Daughters, Eudocia
and Placidia. Upon this the Roman Empire only gaſp’d for Life , having ſet up in
the Space of Twenty Years Nine Emperors ; none of which had any Peace, or firm
Poffeffion. I ſhall give a View of theſe Death-Convulſions. Maximus being flain,
Avitus was faluted Emperor in the "Gauls, and died A. C. 456. being depoſed the
Year before. Whereupon Majorianus fucceeded at Ravenna ; and having reign d
about Four Years, was (r) ſlain by Ricimer near Dertona. To him Severus ſucceeded,
A. C. 460. declar d Emperor at Ravenna, and in the Third Year of his Reign died,
as 'tis ſuppoſed, by Poiſon and Ricimer's Contrivance. Anthemius being ſent by Leo
out of Conſtantinople
, A. C, 466, was declar'd Emperor, but was kill'd by Riciner,
A.C. 471. To whom Olybrius was Succeſſor, ſent alſo by Leo the fame Year, and
flain fome Time after by Ricimer in the ſame Year. Then Glycerius was elevated
Emperor ar Ravenna, A. C. 472. bus was foon after depoſed, and ſent away into
Dalmatia to be Biſhop there." His Succeſſor Nepos, elevated 4. C. 473. had much
the ſame Fate ; for he was depoſed the next Year by Oreſtes, who ſet up his own
Son Momyllus , called in Derifion () Auguſtulus by the People, by reaſon of his ten-
der Age. But in the following Year, being A. C. 475. Odoacer King of the Goths,
and Heruli, took Rome, and having depoſed this Auguffulus, ſuffered no more Empe-
rors to be declared : And having ſent this laſt into Baniſhment to a Caſtle in Cimpa-
nia, kept Poſſeſſion of Rome and Italy, with the Title of King only ; till Theoderich
AC 490. put an End both to his Reign, and ſoon after to his Life. So that A.C
475. this Trumpet was fully accompliſhed.
- and 1100/1 to
dadi ło song y
The Warning of the Three WOES. " lo sorge siis nagwi
et
ud on Babybertem
A. Verf. 13. Kaládov
, And I faw.] It is to be obſerved, that every Time we
find this Expreſſion, we muſt expect ſome remarkable Thing, either quite different
from what hath been ſpoken of before: Or at leaſt ſo far as to ſerve to fhew fome
very remarkable Circumſtances belonging to it, which illuſtrates the former. This
here being added after the firſt Four Trumpets, and before the Three laft, is to ſhew
us that remarkable Circumſtance, that the Three laſt Trumpets are to exceed byu
much the Effects of the former : that they are to produce more diſmal Events than
any that have yet happened in the Church.
B. Kui řxx oc eros de To ( al. apjéao ) 7e16 uló's on resors egev huole, And I heard an Eagle,
".
or Angel, flying through the midſt of Heaven.] This Eagle or Angel coming to give
lo folemn a Warning, we are to examine firſt the Occaſion of the Warning ; ſecond-
ly, the Meſſenger of that Warning, and then the Place of his Starion. Firſt then
this Warning ſuppoſes a Neceſſity for it, that God is going to infliét fome Puniſh-
ment, and by Conſequence that Men have committed ſome grievous Faults deſerving
Words, Inhabitants of the Earth now following ,
Meſſenger, it is dubious to us, there being Copies of great Authority on both Sides ;
ſo that Learned Men are divided about the true Reading 'reis, Eagle, was read by
Tychonius, Ambrofius, Victorinus, Aretas, Bede, the Vulgate, the Syriac , and Ethio-
pick. Tranſlations, the Complutenſian Edition , Alexandrian MS.
5. and others (1) Dr.
Mil declares himſelf for thar Reading. On the other Hand Appéas Angel was the
reading of Andreas Cefarienſis, and all others, lo Eraſmus found in his MSS. and
(u) Fohan. Croius takes it to be the true Reading. But the beſt way to decide the

bo
(1) Vid. Evagr. Hift. Eccl
. Lib. II. Cap. VII.
logo
(*) S. Caffiodorus, Paulus Diaconus, and
Jordanes : But Procopius, Lib. I. B. Vandal. Cap. VII. ſaith he died of a Diſeaſe. (s) Procop,
de Bella, Gothic. Lib. I. Cap. I. M bivo (t) Proleg. in N. T. Ed. Oxon. Pag.CXI.
(u) ob-
fervae. in N. T. Cap. XV.
8
Contros
wido

388
ISA
Ch. VIII. v. 13.
The Warning of the Three Woes.
Controverſy, is to examine the Signification of the Terms and conſider their Apti-
tude to the Office mention'd. ΑΓΓΕΛΟΥ is eafily chang'd into ΑΕΤΟΥ. Thofe who
thought me to fe's Flying, was more proper for an Eagle, have ſubſtituted diesš Eagle.
But in that they are miſtaken ; for it is alſo proper to an Angel. In Chap. 14. 6.
we have an Angel flying in the midſt of Heaven, "Ayzenov teleb or in uso y ezarauzele, juſt
as here, and upon the like Errand. There all agree, except the Baroccian Manu-
ſcript, which hath chang'd likewiſe the Angel into an Eagle, for the Reaſon before
mentioned, very probably. So in Iſaiah 6.6. One of the Seraphims flew to the Pro-
phet, sty. And what had they Wings for but to fly, Verſ. 2. the Hebrew hb1y), the
LXX Setarlo. So Gabriel, in Dan. 9. 21. came flying ayo, mrópefu c. Therefore
Tertullian faith very well: (w) Omnis Spiritus ales eſt
. Hoc Angeli & Dæmones.
Igitur momento ubique ſunt. We ſhall prove elſewhere, that an Eagle is the Sym-
bol of a King, and ſo this would imply that Monarchs ſhall be concern'd in the De-
livery of this Meſfage. But how doth that ſuit with their Office ? If an Angel ; 'tis
their Work ; and as they repreſent more particularly the Miniſters in the Church,
ſo doth the Office of Warning the People more peculiarly belong to them. The
whole Body of the Miniſtry is ſet forth as Wights having Eagle's Wings and Coun-
tenance, and ſo an Angel is equivalent. It being obſervable, that the Holy Ghoſt
only calls them Wights when aggregate : But if any Part only of the Miniſtry do it,
the Symbol repreſenting is an Angel.
Let us ſee now if this will not be further confirm’d by the Confideration of the
Medium in which this Meſſage is perform’d, which is ſaid to be by the Angel flying,
av peo's egy ápole. 'Tis not ſo eaſy to underſtand what St. fohn literally meant by this.
We find in Heſych. Mevóens, ó uéros
ο μέσος ωκεανε και ερανά τόπG. Some People think this
Place of St. John may be explain’d by that : But it's too obſcure. In Suidas we
read, Merseg.vá revo sinít, but without Explication. The Words ſeem to be taken out
of ſome Author, who very likely underſtood thereby the (x) Noon-Time. So they
are uſed in Porphyrius ; he ſpeaks of the Egyptians who pray'd dividing the Time
thus ; tukem z dis Seamelan Stöv, mely we seis i nopaus, nes tad to be the ioni
ραν, μεσερανένα τε ε ήλιον, και ωeός δύσιν καταφερόμενον , τέτες υμν δωθες. This was ex-
a&tly the Practice of the Royal. Pfalmift, Pfal. 55. 17. 01773, at Noon ; that is, be-
tween the Space of Two Hours before, and Two Hours after it. (y) For fó the
Time was divided into Three Parts, the Sun being then in the higheſt Pitch of the
Day, and ſhining moft. The like we have in Foſhua 10. 13. LXX. ag ésn o ineo
xegt utoop pro seg.vf. Which the (2) Learned Gouſſet proves to have been about Ten in
the Morning, according to our way of counting the Hours of the Day. Homer to
expreſs the Flying of Fupiter in the Air to come upon Mount Ida, faith that it was,
SO
DIS 2009
ind boxeo (a) Menny's pains ne xj šegrē åseeberle.
Teddy Banevi satis con song
to dotta ad noun
That is, as the Scholiaſt explains it, Metaču Šegvé ij gñs, o 632, d'á'pq. But elſe-
where he expreſſes himſelf ſo, that the Air is with him plainly the ſame as Merrega
muo. : For to that Verſe cited he adds : (b) "ovor na úsegade's evne i den op gangeroy "Huko
O OROTIŽ, And ſo likewiſe Ovid uſes the Phraſe, ſpeaking of Arethuſa,
100 nant
dimua omul (c) Et medium cæli, terræque per aëra vetta eft. Wein
atividleb elus Morongoro
patroud in our
Virgil hath alſo imitated Homer therein in the Deſcription of Fame in theſe Words :
zobie nood no (1) Nofte volat cæli medio, terreque per umbram
d boot abW
Stridens. ****an mello,
oidis bosi w 90 91V on,5,58
But what is all this to our Cafe, fave that it ſhews us the Decorum of any Thing
edianos
Hying in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, as the Birds are ſaid to do in Chap. 19.
17. Might not the Angel be ſaid to ſtand in any other Place, and perform the ſame
sás abbas of YW 1500
ODON
96120 2A


2001
902030
(10) Tertullian. Apol. Cap. XXII. (x) Vid. Homer. Odyff. Lib. 4. Verſ. 400. & Schol. in
Apollon. Argon. Lib. I. Verf. 450. Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. V. Col. 985. (y) Vid. Schindler.
Vocy.
(2) Gouſſer. Comm. Ling. Hebr. Verf. 17374.
(a) Homer. Iliad.
-verf. 43. (6) Hom. Iliad. E. Verſ. 770. (C) Ovid. Metamor. Lib. v. (d) Virg:
Æn. Lib. IV. Verſ. 184. Vid. Verſ. 256.
1000
Office

Ch. VIII W.13. The Warning of the Three Woes.
0989
αύσεως
Office? Or might it not be ſaid in general, that the Angel pronounced the Words
without ſpecifying the Place of his Flight of Station? We muft therefore ſeek for
ſomething elſe to Account for this, and ſo to ſhew the true Intent of the Holy Ghoſt,
who hath not ſpecified this Particular without ſome Reaſon: For all Symbols have
ſome certain Meaning. This we muſt now find out ſome Way di bib 25
out At firſt Sight this Symbol looks like one of thoſe wherein we are left to Ahalogy.
For the Symbolical Authors forſake us here. However we have not only the Analogy,
but alſo fome Hints from Holy Writ to affiſt us. For in 1 Chron. 21. 16. it is ſaid,
that David Saw the Angel of the Lord ſtand between the Earth and the Heaven, as he
was juſt going to deſtroy Jeruſalem with Peſtilence. Now this Viſion was exhibited
to David, that he might have Time and Occaſion to put up Prayers for the City,
which was going to be deſtroyed by that Plague. So that this Hovering of the An-
gel was to ſhew there was Room to pray for Mercy, juſt as God was going to in-
Hiet the Puniſhment. It was not fallen as yet upon the Earth, had done no Execu-
tion. In this Senſe Merkev opee is here a Symbol to ſhew God's Forbearance, but
Readineſs to puniſh.
S a host sig
Furthermore, to bring down this Buſineſs nearer to the Antitype, that if may reach
the Miniſtry of God's Servants the Prieſts upon Earth, who are repreſented in theſe
Viſions by the Angels; let us conſider theſe Stations according to the Rules of the Mo-
faical Tabernacle, which was the Type of the heavenly Houſe of God. 1 Josephus
tells us, that it repreſented the World. The moſt Holy Place, in which the Ark
and Mercy Seat were placed, as the Throne of God, repreſented Heaven: Tej The
Tu is of o v
8 τρίτον ω της μέρος το έν1G 50 τεστάρων κιόνων, και τους ιερεύσιν 3 άβατον as caras
let'n Ted sea.
So far he is right. But when he goes on to ſay, that the Holy Place
repreſented the Earth and Sea, as being inhabitable by Men, as the Holy Place was to
the Prieſts, he is miſtaken by going too faſt. For he ſhould have faid, that the Holy
Place was permitted to the Prieſts, the Miniſters of God and Mediators Between
God and Men, to put up the Prayers of theſe, and to proclaim the Law of the
other, and denounce his threatning Judgments to the Diſobedient. And that the
Court of the Tabernacle, wherein was the brazen Sea, did repreſent the Earth, as
the true Station of Men. For this Court only was to be trodden by them in general,
not the Holy Place. But if Josephus fail us here, Clemens Alex. will give us a Lift:
For he makes the Altar of Incenſe in the Holy Place to be the Station of Mediation,
between Heaven and Earth. His Words confirm what we have ſaid to correct the
Miftake of forepbus : (f) 'Aνα μέσον και το καλύμμα G και τα απελάσμα1G, ένθα τους
ιερδύσιν ξω είσιεναι, θυμιατήριόν τε έκείο, σύμβολον η εν μέσω τω κόσμω το δε κειμολόης γής:
E vs ai eve gumicosso uéro ö Tómo ineivo évt@ PER TU 772 Te'oudov Do
μόνο των αρχιερεϊ επε τέτς αήί ο ρηταίς είστόναι ημέραις, και της έξωθεν δεικευμοθόης άυλάιας της πάσαν
e vervelous Elegios, vô ueotul Telov ieguš ¢d 01 vj yñs. I muſt confeſs this is not exactly
like to come up to what I ſaid ; but it proves ſo far, that the Mediation of the Holy
Prieſt, the Station between Heaven and Earth, belongs to the Prieſthood. And by
conſequence, that this Merrekunuece is the Symbol of a Prieſtly Station, a proper
Place for the Meſſenger of the heavenly Denunciation of God's Threats , ready to
have their Effe&t; as well as the Mersegumpet in Chap. 14. 6. is the proper Station of
ſuch another, bringing the Denunciation of God's Offers of Mercy by the everlaſling
Goſpel, or good News of God's Love to Mankind. Both Offices being exactly the
fame, and very well underſtood to be perform’d by the Chriſtian Prieſthood:
So in the Caſe of a publick Mourning, as in Foel 2. 17. when the Prieſts might
not put up the Prayers of the Congregation altogether in the Holy Place, yet they
did it ſtill in a middle Space between the Porch and the Altar, which middle Sta-
tion bore the ſame Proportion between the whole Tabernacle or Temple, and the
Altar of Holocauſts, behind which the People ſtood, as the Altar of Incenfe did be-
tween the Throne of God and the reſt of the Temple. And ſo very good (9) Expo-
fitors underſtand the Deſign of the Prophet to be that the Prieſts were to be the
Mediators or Interceffors between God and the People: As indeed many of the(h) Holy
(e) Jofeph. Archæolog. Jud. Lib. III. cap. s. (f) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. V. pag. 240.
(8) Mercerus & Calvinus in loc. (h) Vid. Coteler, in Conſt, Ap. Lib. II. C. 25, Bingham's
Antiq. B. II. Ch. 19. S. 16.
id: 4
Ggggg
I Fathers

390
The Warning of the Three Woes. Ch. VIII. v.13.
Fathers have called the Chriſtian Prieſts Mediators, in a Senſe not derogating from
that Attribute of Chriſt. See on Chap. 4. 1. H. And in the like Place, as that of
the Prophet Foel
, the moſt illuſtrious of the Jewiſh Martyrs, or Prophets, fo ac-
counted by our Saviour himſelf, Zechariah Son of Jehoiada, 2 Chron, 24. 20. Matth.
23.35. did preach to the People againſt Idolatry, and was flain between the Porch
and the Altar. It ſeems as if he ſtood in or upon the Steps of the Porch of the
Temple, which, tho'I remember not to have read of theſe steps in Solomon's Tem-
ple, yet 'tis certain by (1) Foſephus that the ſecond was raiſed Twelve Steps above
the Plane of the Courts. And 'tis likely Solomon's Porch was built with ſuch Steps,
it being ſaid, that Zechariah ſtood above the People. So that upon the King's com-
manding to kill him, they had nothing elſe to do, but to pull him down theſe steps ;
and then he was between the Porch and the Altar, where he is ſaid to have been
ſtoned. So that I think this was the Place out of which the Prieſts upon Occaſion
preach'd to the People, or read the Law in the Sabbatical Years, Deut. 31. 10, 11.
And for this Reaſon, as I take it, the Holy Ghoſt hath ſpecified the Length of the
flying Roll in Zech.5. 2. which carries a Curſe along with it, to be accounted exa&tly
the fắme as that of this Porch, and the Breadth likewiſe : To ſhew that as the
Prayers of the Prieſthood make Interceffion, and the Curſes of the Prophets bring
Deſtruction - Fire coming out of their Mouth to conſume their Enemies, becaufe
God at their Requeſt performs thoſe Effects ; fo the Law read in the Porch of the
Temple, which threatneth Curſes to the Diſobedient, would go round the Earth,
and produce the ſaid Effects upon all. It being the uſual Way of the Holy Ghoſt to
repreſent the (k) ſymbolical Medium as the Producer of that Effect
, which God pro-
cures to be done according to the Signification of the Symbol.
So then the Midſt of Heaven being the middle Station between the corrupted
Earth and the Throne of God in Heaven, is the proper Place where God's Threatnings
and inminent Judgments ſhould be denounced againſt the impenitent inhabitants of
the Earth. Therefore the Flying of the Angel may either fignify as the Flying of the
Roll, the univerſal
, quick, and penetrating Effects of his Meſſage, or elſe the fud-
den Effects it is likely to have. And thus I hope this difficult Symbol is now plaina
But I ſhould have been much more puzzled to explain that which ſeems to have been
the reading of the Syriac Tranſlator, who appears by his Tranſlation thereof, Quæ
caudam fanguinis habebat, N734779 n'x x077, to have read è ućom šeĝis even
mode,
in the Ålidſt of the Tail in Blood, which I believe no body can underſtand ; or that
not knowing the meaning of Meovezavupuedt, he hath tranſlated that which he thought was
the true Etymology of the Words, whereas 'tis nothing like it but in Sound ; much
at the Rate and Method of Aquila, that contentious Interpreter, who not only in-
terpreted the Words, but the very Etymologies of them, as (1) ferom hath obſerved.
Eraſmus in the Two firſt Editions hath conſtantly Merkezvioudele here and in Chap.
14. 6. as alſo the firſt Edition in Chap. 19. 17. But in the Fifth, which is now by
me, in the Two firſt Places Mecsegváopeile; tho' in the laſt that Edition follows the
firſt, though the Aldine Edition have Meo's egvás
uale
. But Merreguvá pole is the true
Reading, being ſuitable to the Analogy of the Greek Tongue : For the Word comes
from the Verb M$58 eg.vsco, uſed in Greek Authors, as hath been ſhewn; and not from
Merregvíte, uſed no where that I know. The Event ſhall be applied, when all the
Errand hath been conſidered.
B. Aéppv10 pwvñ pezelan rei's, šci, si, si, Saying with a loud Voice, Thrice, Woe,
woe, woe.] Theſe Three Woes are not ſuppoſed to be Thrice repeated, to ſignify
the Eminency or Greatneſs of the Curſe pronounced, as the Repetition of a Thing
Thrice ſhews the Greatneſs and Certainty of it ; but they are to be applied to each
of the following Trumpets one. Therefore the Words following theſe Woes, by
reaſon of the Voices of the Trumpets of the Three Angels, which are to found here-
after, are not to be taken in a joint Senſe, but divided, as the Holy Gholt hath been
pleaſed for further Illuſtration to make a particular Application to each of them in
their proper Places, Chap. 9. 12. and Chap. 11. 14. which latter Place applies the
Two laft Woes to the Two laft Trumpets, one to the ſecond Trumpet paſt, the
IS. 7. B.
(i) Jofeph. de Bello Jud. Lib. VI. cap. 14. (k) Vid. Note on Chap. 11. 5. A. And Chap.
(1) Hieronym. Epift. ad Pammachium. Vid. Iſaac. Voffui Append. ad Libr. de
LXX Interpr. in Præfar.
I
other

Chap. VIII. v. 13. The Warning of the Three Woes.
391
other to the Trumpet following. The third Woe is explicitely mention'd and own'd
by the affected Subje&s thereof in Chap. 18. 10, 16, 19. and therein Two Thrice re-
peated with the emphatical Reduplication : And it is utterly fulfilled in Chap. 19. 19,
20, 21. As to the Word 'Ouai it comes from the Hebrew '17 of the fame Significa
tion, and it is uſed to expreſs Sorrow, as in ferem. 30. 7. and 1 Kings 13. 30. And
in Funerals, as Ferem. 22. 18. and Chap. 34. 5. 1178 17, 'Ousi Kúere. Whence the
Lamentation of Adonis came into Greece. Alſo *17 comes from 1717 Grief or Evil,
or any bad Accident.
But how come theſe Three laſt Trumpets to be aggravated with theſe Woes?
The Anſwer is eaſy; for they concern the Church at fuch Times as all, even the
corrupted Members thereof, are endued by the Divine Revelation with more Know-
ledge than before, being all Chriſtians by Name, and therefore deſerving to ſuffer
more for their Crimes than plain Heathens, ſuch as were chiefly concern'd in the
former Judgments. See to this purpoſe our Notes on Chap. 14. 10. B. and Chap. 18.
6. B. and Chap. 16. 1. B.
C. Tois mellorešov H os gñs, To the Inhabitants of the Earth.] We have hinted
that the Earth fignifies the Idolatrous World: And that we ſhall ſhew on Chap. 16.
1. B. And therefore the Inhabitants of the Earth muft fignify the ſame. Ferome
hath feen it: (m) Ubicunque autem habitator terræ legitur, & priora & media & ex-
trema trattemus, & liquido Scripturarum poterit regula comprobari
, semper habitatores
terræ peccatores appellari : de quibus in Apocalypſi Johannis illud exemplum eft
, V&
habitatoribus terra. In Jerem. 17. 13. to be written in the Earth, is the Fate of
thoſe that Apoftatize : LXX đpesukóres on a viñs zgapúrea. I believe the Prophet
means, that the Diſobedient among the Iſraelites ſhall be accounted as the Canaanites,
who are emphatically called the Inhabitants of the Land, whereas the People of God
affected to call themſelves by the Name of Iſrael, People of God, or the like. So
in Foſh. 7. 9. the Canaanites, and Inhabitants of the Land are oppoſed to them. So
in Fudg. 2. 2. fo in 2 Sam. 5. 6. the Febufites are emphatically the Inhabitants of
the Land. Now the Conſequence of being called Inhabitants of the Land, as the
Canaanites, was to be Accurſed like them, expelled out of the Land, and to become
Slaves to ftrange Nations. To this Purpoſe we find in Euſebius : (n) {whitewas op is
eðs vegrows i dansñ 'Ioegia xente dávovar greita o droegti này xj diceTws @eço Brouw te €70-
νομαζέσης ως έμπτάλιν τες εκ. ωεκτομής οπόθ' αμαρτάνοιεν, χαναν αίες και σπέρμα χαναάμ,
και έκ Ιέδα, άρχονάς τη σοδόμων , και λαόν ομόρρας, έμφερώς αυτών τοίς όποις αποκαλέσης. .
Philo (o): "On oi pelo giãs, os öt seguš, oi 3". Oct 3076 vdov děv Sparoi giñs refer oi Inpoeti xòe OS ospeal o
δδονών, απόλαυσίν τε και χρήσιν όλητοι διάονες αυτών, και πορισα σώθανόνων εις εκάσω. Am-
broſius Ansbertus upon Revel. 12. 12. (P) Iniquorum ſcilicet corda, terræ mariſque
nomine deſignans, ad quæ verſutus inimicus, ab ele&tis excluſus, deſcendit : non quo
& ante in eis non eſſet, ſed quo expulfus a non ſuis, quos antè injuftè poffidebat, am-
plius fuis
, reprobis ſcilicet, dominari cæperit. Qui re&tè vocabulo terre deſignantur,
quia contemnentes cæleftia, terrenis ſemper defideriis inhiant : deſpicientes æterna,
adipiſci temporalia deſiderant. But the Converſation of the true Chriſtians is in Hea-
ven, or Celeſtial, Phil
. 3. 19, 20. they are called Saints, Martyrs of God, or Pro-
phets, or Servants of God; but never by the Name of Earth, Men, or Inhabitants
of the Earth. So Philo again ; (9) Oeš ģ dv Spcomide ideea's rj megoñ, dinives šx něla
πολείας ή πιρς τον κόσμο τοχεί ν, και κοσμοπολί) δυός. Which is the Reafoning of the
Apoſtles, 1 Cor. 7. 31. and i Fohn 4.4, 5. The ſame muſt be ſaid of the Words
grin, garšaver, and the like. The Rule of Juſtin Martyr laid down for the under-
ſtanding of the old Prophets, will hold in our Caſe; becauſe according to him we
are now the Spiritual Iſrael, as ſhewn before in the Note upon Chap. 7. 5. A. He faith :
(η) Τα αβογδ άλλα που τα βύη ανθρώπια, το το σesφητικά ενδύματG- καλεί) έθνη το 3'Ιεδαικών
zij Edprogettisov ou aov, 'Isegna xj biro 'Idnw6 váza lw 9. The Samaritans are here put for the
Ten Tribes by a Syllepſis. Thus alſo Irenæus: (s) Dij Gentium : Gentes autem verum
Deum neſciunt. Thus the Idolatrous Nations, Aliens to Ifrael,are uſually called in Holy
Writ Dnu, Gentiles ; and ſometimes Iſrael is called by that odious Name, '', as
(t) Mafius obſerves, when their Sins are called to Remembrance. So likewiſe the
8
(m) Hieronymus ad Dardanum. (n) Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. VII. Pag. 214. Vid. Lib. X.
Pag. 301.
() Philo de Gigant. Pag. 197. (p) Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. VI. in Apoc.
(9) Philo de Gig. ibid. (1) Juftin. M. Apol. II. Pag. 69. (s) Irenæ, Lib. IIĘ. Cap. VI.
Andr. Maſ. Com. in Jof. 5. 6, 8.
Roman

392
The Warning of the Three Woes.
Ch. VIII. v. 13.
yrs,
Roman Authors call their Citizens Populus : But other Nations are, with them Gene
tes and Nationes et villas 9
orari a Baidne butts dt vo
Now as to the Application of the Event, Two Things are to be performd ; firſt,
o ſhew, who were thus Idolaters, or Inhabitants of the Earth ; and how, and by
vhom they have been warned of the approaching Plagues. By what hath been ſaid
pon the former Trumpets, and what ſhall be ſaid upon the next, it appears, that
he Space between the fall of the Weftern Roman Empire, and the rifing of the Im-
hoftor Mahomet, who is the Star of the Fifth, there is about the Space of One Hun-
red Thirty Six Years; that is, from 'A. C. 475, in which Odoacer depoſed Augu-
lulus, to A. C. 612 ; that is, Ten Years before the Hejira of Mahomet, at which
Time he began publickly to preach his Do&trine, and form a Party. "Twas between
hefe Two Epocha’s, that the Face of the Chriſtian Church was wholly changed,
ind defac'd with Superſtition and Idolatry in the Invocation of Angels
, Saints, Mar-
and the like ; as likewiſe in the worſhipping of the material Croſs, and even
Images of Men, which then began to be ſet up in the Churches, and private Oratories :
And by the Heatheniſh Honours given to the Relicks of Dead Men ; which were
made the tutelar Deities of Nations and Perſons. The Remnant of the Pagans, and
all the Arians, Roman and Vandals, were ſwallowed up, and became one general
Body of corrupted Chriſtians. The Reader muſt not expect of me here a full Ac-
count and Proof of all theſe Matters, which would take up a Volume. This hath
been done by all thofe who have written upon the Controverſies between the Church
of Rome and the Reformed. The Reader may conſult what (u) Mede and (b) Mr.
Furien have ſaid thereupon. What I ſhall fay concerning ſeveral other parts of this
Prophecy, will alſo help to make it out, together with the Hints which I muſt now
give, when I ſhew the Event as to the Warning
. Now all thoſe, who have any
ways oppoſed the growing Errors of the Church, and the Tyranny of the Popes,
who perfecuted their Oppoſers under the Name of Hereticks, have at the fame Time
warned the Chriſtian Church concerning the future Puniſhments God would fend
upon the corrupted Chriftians; it being certain, that ſuch Plagues muſt follow fuch
Corruptions, if God be a juſt and fevere Judge. So that Preaching againſt Errors,
is Propheſying againſt them, and by that bringing down the Judgments of God up-
on the Impenitent, as will be made out upon Chap. 11. and in ſeveral other places.
[thall here content my ſelf to produce Vigilantius, who is the firſt that hath op
pöfed them in the Church with ſome Warmth. His Words alſo demonſtrate, that
he Errors in the common Practice of the People, were greater than what we find in
the Authors : And then Secondly, Gregory the Great, Pope of Rome, whoſe Oppofi-
tion to his Antagoniſt at Conſtantinople, is couched in ſuch Terms, as fufficiently
make him anſwer to the Character of this Angel : He coming exactly before the
breaking out of the Effect of the Firſt Woe, or Fifth Trumpet. (x) Vigilantius was
a Prieſt who being a Spaniard by Birth, ſeems to have lived in the Gauls about the
Times of Ferom. He oppoſed the Invocation and Worſhip of Saints; Prayers for
the Dead,
the Adoration of Relicks and Images; the burning of Tapers by Day;
and the Calibacy of the Clergy. He boaſted, that he had many Biſhops of his Side
and wrote a Book thereupon. This Book was too plain againſt the Corruptions of
the Church, to come to us. We muſt be contented with Feron's Account and
Citations. Quid neceffe eſi te tanto honore, non tantum honorare, ſed adorare illud
neſcia.quid, quod in módico vaſculo transferendo colis ? Quid pulverem linteamine cira
cumdatum adorando oſcularis Prope ritum gentilium videmus fub prætextu religionis
introductim in Eccleſias, Jole adhuc fulgente moles cereorum accendi , & ubicunque
m nefcio
ojcu-
lantes adorare. Allo, Quòd dum vivimus, mutuo pro nobis orare poſſumus ; poftquam
äutem mortui fuerimus, nullius fit pro alio exaudienda oratio. Then Ferom hints at
his Words thus, Tu prohibeas Hierofolymam in ufus San&orum aliqua ſumptuum fola-
tia dirigi? Et aſſeris eos melius faceré, qui utuntur rebus fuis, & paulatim fructus
polleyjionum Yuarum pauperibus dividunt, quam illos qui pofleffionibus venundatis, Semel
omnia largiuntur. Here he nettled Ferom to the Quick, who made a great Profit of
ſuch Benevolence, eſpecially from the Ladies, as appears by that ſharp Epiſtle of
(u) Mede's Apoſtaſie of the latter Times. (w) M. Jurieu's Accompliſhment of Prophecy, Part. II.
Chap. 4. and Continuation. (2)
(2) Flacc. Illyrica Catal. Teft
. Verit
.
lotni. A
Proco-

Ch. VIII. V. 13.
The Warning of the Three Woes. 393
9
Procopius to him, which (y) Is. Voſſius hath publiſhed. Theſe Golden Drops of
thoſe Over-ſea Nymphs, made him proud and haughty to others. But to proceed in
Ferom's Account ; & fuo ſtudio monachos deterres lingua viperea, de quibus argumen-
taris & dicis: fi omnes fé clauſerint & fuerint in ſolitudine, quis celebrabit Ecclefias?
Quis ſæculares homines lucri faciet ? Quis peccantes ad virtutes poterit cohortari ?
Again, (2) Et nos qui eas ſuſcipimus, appellare Cinerarios, & idololatras, qui mor-
tuorum hominum oſſa veneremur. And a little after : Et quotieſcunque Apoſtolorum,
& Prophetarum, & omnium Martyrum Bafilicas ingredimur, toties idolorum templá
veneramur? Accenfique ante tumulos eorum cerei, idololatriæ infignia funt? Vigilan-
tius alſo preached againſt Celibacy as well as Jovinianus. Hence Ferom fâith
(a) Dicat, continentiam, hæreſim: pudicitiam, libidinis ſeminarium, &c. And then
goes on ; Conatur impugnare virginitatem, odiſſe pudicitiam, in convivio fecularium
contra Sanétorum jejunia proclamare. And a little after, Proh nefas, Epiſcopos fui ſce-
leris dicitur habere confortes : fi tamen Epiſcopi nominandi funt, qui non ordinant
Diaconos, niſi priùs uxores duxerint, nulli cælibi credentes pudicitiam. And indeed
the Worſhip of the material Croſs was then pra&tiſed, and commended by the
fame Ferome, (b) Proſtratáque ante crucem, quaſi pendentem Dominum cerneret,
adorabat. This is the beginning of ſuch Idolatrous Praetices: For from the Wor-
ſhip of the Croſs when fully ſettled, they eaſily proceeded to the Worſhip of Images.
Now theſe Accuſations of Vigilantius are Home: They reach the Practice of the
Multitude. And indeed it appears by the Hymns of Aur. Prudentius, that the
Saints or Martyrs even in the Fourth Century, were invocated and look'd upon as
Patrons of the World; which is flat Idolatry,
But by the Times of Gregory the Great, the Clergy in general was tainted as
well as the Laity, and the Ecclefiaftical Tyranny began then to be at its Pitch: And
therefore God permitted, that this very Gregory, who brought it to that Pitch, gave
himſelf Warning thereof, that it was juſt come, and by Conſequence, that there was
opus Medico, that it was juſt that God ſhould now ſend his firſt Woe upon the
Idolatrous Church. Let us therefore proceed to ſhew his Teſtimonies, which are a
notorious Accompliſhment of this Warning, and contain thoſe celebrated Outcries of
his concerning the Approach of the Great Antichriſt in his Times, and publiſhed to
all the World, to the Emperor Mauritius, to the Empreſs Conſtantina, to Eulogius
Biſhop of Alexandria, to Anaſtaſius Biſhop of Antioch, to Fohn Biſhop of Conſtanti-
nople, to Sabinianus Deacon, to Cyriacus Biſhop of Conſtantinople, Succeſſor of John,
and to many Biſhops together. To the Emperor Mauritius he writes thus; (c) Ecce
claves regni cæleſtis accipit [ Petrus,] poteſtas ei ligandi ac folvendi tribuitur, cura
totius Ecclefiæ, & principatus committitur, & tamen univerſalis Apoſtolus non voca-
tur : Et vir Janétiffimus confacerdos meus Foannes vocari univerſalis Epifcopus cona-
tur. Exclamare compellor ac dicere : 0 tempora, O mores! Et tamen facerdotes,
qui in pavimento & cinere flentes jacere debuerunt, vanitatis ſibi nomina expetunt :
& novis ac profanis vocabulis gloriantur. Numquid Ego hac in re, Pijlime Domine,
propriam caufam defendo? Numquid Specialem injuriam vindico ? Et non magis cau-
Sam omnipotentis Dei, & caufam univerſalis Ecclefie? Si igitur illud nomen
in ea Ecclefia fibi quiſquam arripuit, quod apud bonorum omnium judicium fuit : uni-
verfa ergo Ecclefia, quod abfit, à ftatu fuo corruit, quando is qui appellatur univer-
Salis cadit. Sed abſit a cordibus Chriftianorum nomen iſtud Blaſphemia, in quo omnium
Facerdotum honor adimitur, dum ab runo fibi dementer arrogatur. Here the Nomen
Blaſphemie, plainly alludes to Revel. 13. 1. So that we know now where to find
the Beaſt and falſe Prophet. Therefore he faith to the Empreſs Conftantina ; (d), Sed
in hac ejus fuperbia quid aliud niſi propinqua jam Antichriſti eſſe tempora deſig-
natur. Quia illum videlicet imitatur, qui Spretis in ſociali gaudio Angelorum legioni-
bis ad culmen conatus eſt fingularitatis erumpere, dicens, Super aftra cæli exaltabo
folium meum, &c. Ifaie, Chap. 14. 13. Here alſo is applied in Effect, Revel. 13. 6.
and likewiſe the Pride of the literal Babylon : For fo tis to be underſtood in Iſaiah,
though Gregory ſeem to underſtand it ſomewhat otherwiſe. Then in his Epiltle to
Eulogius of Alexandria, and Anaſtaſius of Antioch, ſpeaking of this fame Title of
(y) Iſaac. Voff. Reſp. ad Tertias Simon. Object. Pag. 118. () Hieronym. adv. Vigilantium.
Epift. I. ad Riparium.
(a) Hieronym. Epift. II. adv. Vigilant.
(6) Hieronym. ad
Euftochium in Epitaph. Paulæ.
() Gregor. Magn. Lib. IV. Epiſt. 32. (d) Gregor.
M. Lib. IV. Epiſt. 34.
H hh hh
Univer:

994
The Warning of the Tliree 1 des. Ch. VIII. v. 13.
Univerſal Biſhop, aflum'd by the Patriarch of C. P. he faith : (e) Perpendite Fratres
chariſſimi, quid e vicino fubféquitur, cujus 8C in ſucerdotibus erumpunt tam perverſa
primordiu. Quia enim juxta eft ilie de qu0 fcriptum eft: Ipfe eft Rex ſuper univerſos
filios fuperbiæ, quod non fine gravi dolore dicere compellor : Frater & Coepiſcopus no-
Jter Joannes mandata Dominica, Apoftolica præcepta, regulas patrum deſpiciens, eum
per elationem præcurrere conatur in nomine : ita ut univerſa fibi tentet ad-
ſcribere, 85 omnia que ſoli uni capiti cohærent, videlicet Chriſto, per ELATIO-
NE M'pompatici ſermonis ejufdem Chrifti fibi ftudeat membra fubjugare. This Ela-
tion, as the Learned (s) Du Pleſſis Mórnay hath obſerved, alludes to St. Paul's Pro-
phecy of the wicked one, in 2 Theſſ
. 2. 4. corso ugóveror, elatum, lifting bimſelf above
God? Which Gregory hath borrowed of his predeceſſor Pelagius. This is alſo re-
peated in the Epiſtle to folin himſelf, Biſhop of C. P. ($) Omnia enim que prea
dieta funt fiunt. Rex fuperbiæ prope eft
, & quod dici nefas eft, facerdotum eſt pre-
paraius exitus. Leg. exercitus. And then writing to Sabinianus the Deacon he faith;
(h) In ifto enim ſcelefto vocabulo conſentire, nihil eft aliud quàm fidem perdere ; to
loſe the Faith, is 'ro Apoftatize from the Faith: And in this he applies the Apoſtaſy
predicted in 1 Tim. 4. I. And when Cyriacus had fucceeded John, he writes to him,
to perfuade him to defift from that Antichriſtian Pretention, left Antichriſt , who is
to come, ſhould find his Work prepared in the Church by the Biſhops themſelves :
(1) Et quia boftis omnipotentis Dei Antichriſtus juxta eft, fudiofe cupio ne proprium
quid inveniat non folum in moribus, sed etiam nec in vocabulo ſacerdotum. And then
repeating his Requeſt to the Emperor Mauritius, he faith, (k) Ego autem fidenter
dico, quia quiſquis ſe univerſalem Sacerdotem vocat, vel vocari defiderat, in Élatione
ſua Antichriftum precurrit
, quia fuperbiendo ſe cæteris præponit
. What ſhall we
ſay then of this unaccountable Man, who preach'd againſt the Pride of his Brother
Biſhop in affuming a Title, and yet himſelf prépar'd the way for his Succeffor
Bonifacius - to get it ſoon after? Nevertheleſs at this time he took the Pains to
complain thereof in a circular (1) Epiſtle to Eufebius of Thesſalonica, and many other
Biſhops, wherein he perſiſts to call that the forerunning of Antichriſt
, who by this
Means precurſores habeat facerdotes. I call him unaccountable, for that though he
did not take that of univerſal Biſhop, but on the contrary, the ſeeming humble
Title of Servus Servorum Dei, he (m) pretended nevertheleſs to as much Power and
Supremacy, or more, than any other.
But it may be aſked, how Gregory, being Pope, and within the Time, 'wherein
we believe the Biſhops of Rome became one of the Horns of the falſe Propher,
ſhould by me be accounted as an Angel
. But I anſwer, that according to the Obſer-
vation, Nemo repente fuit turpiffimus , ſo neither is the See of Rome become the
Throne of the falſe Prophet perfectly, till its Power came to its Heighth ; it
was to grow out of the Earth ; that is, by little and little, by imperceptible
Means at firſt. Neither would I be ſo uncharitable as to think notwithſtand-
ing, that all the Biſhops of thoſe early Times were in a damnable State ;
no more than many other Men who are in Error by Ignorance, and know
not the Danger of it. But to anſwer more preciſely, whatſoever he might
be as to other Reſpects, yet when he doth a Thing for the Glory of God, as this
certainly was, the Holy Ghoſt always honours ſuch Inſtruments with ſome glorious At-
tribute, as this of Angel. See our Notes on Chap. 16. 13. G. and Chap. 9. 14. B.
and Chap. 14. 14. D. For we fhall find, that the Angels bound at the River
Euphrates did lead Armies, whoſe Horſes had Stings in their Tails, which are
the Symbols of falfe Propheſy: But as they execute God's Decrees in puniſhing
the corrupted Chriſtians, they have the glorious Title of Angels: As whoſoever
is the Inſtrument of Wickedneſs, is upon that Confideration blaſted conſtantly
with ſome odious Title. Thus we find here, that Gregory being a Biſhop, did
preach out of the midſt of Heaven and Earth to all Chriſtendom, that Tyranny was
juſt a coming into the Church, by the Means of the Prieſthood : And by Conſe-
quence, that it was Time, that God ſhould ſend his Woes to plague and chaſtiſe Men
for their Corruptions and Tyranny.
Epiſt. 28.
(e) Greg. M. Lib. IV. Epiſt. 36. (f) Myſter. Iniquirat. Pag. 103, 107. (8) Greg.
Magn. Lib, IV. Epift. 38.
(b) Greg. M. Lib. IV. Epift. 39. (i) Greg. M. Lib. Vi.
(k) Greg. M. Lib. VI. Epift
. 30.
(1) Greg. M. Lib. VII. Epift. 70.
(m) Vid. Myſter. Iniquitar. Pag. 108.
But

Chap. IX. v.1.
Trumpet V.V Woe I.
395
But I have ſomething more to fay upon the Event of theſe Three Woes. I ob-
ſerv'd before, that Pelagius Predeceſſor to Gregory was therein follow d' by Gregory.
It was abour the Year of Chriſt 580. that Fohn the Faſter Biſhop of Conftantinople
behaved himſelf as univerſal Biſhop. Rome being beſieged by the Lombards, Pela-
gius was elected Biſhop of Rome, and fent Gregory then a Deacon to Contantinople,
to have the Emperor's Approbation : Which being obrain’d, Pelagius complains of
John Biſhop of C. P. in the ſame Stile as Gregory, by which one may think, that
either Gregory did copy him, or perhaps indired the very Letter of Pelagines, he
being then Deacon, Son of a Senator, and a Learned Man : ſo that 'tis likely Pelagius
might make him his Secretary therein. But as it contains the fame Things
, I hall
not repeat the Words. Gregory mentions it in one of thoſe Epiſtles cited already.
"Tis extant in the Collections of the Councils, and inſerted in the Collection of the
Canon Law, and elſewhere. From which we may obſerve, that theſe Outcries were
Ter up at Three feveral Times ; and, as I conjecture, by the fame Gregory. Firſt
,
by Pelagius againſt Fohn Biſhop of C. P. then by Gregory againſt the fáme ; and
thirdly againſt Cyriacus by the fame Gregory. So that this publick Denunciation of
that impendent Miſchief from the riſing of Antichriſt was Thrice performed, as the
Angel is ſaid here to cry Three Times, Woe, Woe, Woe, to the Inhabitants of the
Earth. And Niall we now think, that God permitted that we ſhould have theſe t
pregnant Teſtimonies againſt that Antichriſtian Tyranny given by the Members of
the falſe Prophet themſelves, and ſo luckily correſponding to the triple Denunciation
of theſe Woes, without a ſecret Deſign, that we Thould perceive plainly the Con-
currence of this great Event to the Prophecy given by the Holy Ghoſt before-hand?
There is not a more remarkable Event in the Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory than this, and we
find it ſquares exa&tly with all the Circumſtances of this Warning. It was done de-
cently, and by the proper Miniſters thereof.
0 SMS OTRIT SIO
el contexto gaivad singinA ads
នាង។ យួនកប់ៗ ៦
A huge taries Taverter
matlaodiyoen
CHA P. IX.
isra' ficilorld sdn
TRUMPET V. WOE 1.
mense
A. Verf. 1.
K , and"1Star from
αι ο πέμπG- αγγελΘ- εσάλπισε, και δεν απέρα και το έρανέ πετάλωμό τα εις τίω
Heaven to the Earth. 1 A Star fignifies a Prince ruling under a greater, and his fat
ling from Heaven fignifies, as I have hinted already, his departing, or apoſtátizing
from that Authority, when he falls with the Addition ſhewing, that he gets fome
new Power, as it is plain this doth. His falling upon the Earth fignifies his making
the inferior Sort of Men, which were in Peace and Subjection, to join with him ;
his ruling over them in that State of Rebellion, contrary to the Authority from which
he is fallen. Earth and Sea fignify both of them Peoples and Nations ; with this
Difference, that the Sea repreſents them in War and Tumult, the Earth in Subjectiona
This I ſhall make out by comparing Chap. 13. 1. with Veeſe in when I come to
them. So that indeed by falling down from Heaven he loſeth his firſt Stare and law
ful Authority ; but by falling upon the Earth he gains new Power of another Kind,
This muſt be well obſerv'd , for elſe the Falling from Heaven fimply fignifies loling
Authority, as above in Chap. 6. 13. Iſaiah 14. 12. Luke 10. 18. See our Note upon
Chap. 20. 1. A. But falling upon the Earth, there to get ſome Power, muſt be to
change his State, and obtain a new Power of a different Nature from the former,
This Star is Mahomet, who made the Saracens to rebel againſt the Emperor Hera-
clius : Whereas before that Time that Part of drabia was under the Roman Empire,
and the Saracens reckon d Allies, that is, Subjects of the Roman Empire. The Em-
peror Heraclius having made uſe of them againſt the Perſians , they rebelled againfo
him, and made Incurſions into the Roman Empire. Mahomet rakes hold of thar Oc-
2
caſion

396
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. V. I
caſion ; and, by pretending to Propheſy, perſuaded them to join with him. Where.
upon tiey foon fell upon the Roman Empire, and by their prodigious Vi&tories and
Speed effe&ted this Plague
. The (n) Arcbians were firſt attacked by Pompey; and by
Trajan Arabia was made a Province of the Empire ; and it was confirmd by () Se-
verus, who cruſh'd the Arabians ſo far as to make them a Province. And theſe were
not ſo much that Part of Arabia Petrea between Egypt and Paleſtine, as the inner (p)
Arabians. It is alſo certain from the Arabian Writers themſelves, that they did pay
(2) Tribute to the Romans, and that Heraclius formed an Army againſt them in Sy-
ria to force them to pay it upon their Refuſal. So that Mahomet raiſed up a Faction
of Rebels : and is therefore ſaid to be a Star fallen from Heaven upon the Earth: We
ſhall ſee how he was the Beginner of this firſt Woe by and by.
B. Ked & M 9n av tl si racis, And to him was given the Key: ] The Key is a Symbol
which is dubious, as the Inſtrument it ſelf may be uſed, either to ſhut or to open.
However it fignifies the Power either to ſtop the A&tion or to exert it according to the
Circumſtances
. So the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, Matth. 16. 19. fignify the
Power to admit into that State, and confer the Graces and Benefits thereof: So in
Luke 11. 52. the Key of Knowledge ſignifies the Power of attaining to Knowledge,
the Means to get knowledge : And according to the ſame Analogy, to open the Scri-
ptures, Luke 24. 32. is to Thew the true Meaning of them, whereby others may un-
derſtand them. So in Iſaiah 22. 22. the Key of the Houſe of David fignifies the
Power to rule ; and ſo the Targum hath there Dominium. So Pluto, thought to be the
God of Flies and Locufts or Beelzebub, hath the Management of Hell , Orpheus ad-
dreſſes himſelf thus to him in the Hymn : Naśmov, os relé ses gains xant des i zéons. But
in another Place he aſſigns to Pluto and the reſt of the infernal Gods the Keys of the
infernal Pits in theſe Words: (r) oir' đem veslselov Bepé.spcov xant des éxx07. And there-
fore Pluto and Proferpina were repreſented with Keys in their Hands, the Images of
the Antients having ſuch ſymbolical Tokens. Pauſanias ; (s) T™ Taétail sj Acópuous
Περσεφόνη τε και Νύμφαι, σφαίραν αυτών ή ετέρα φέρεσαι, η δε κλεϊ θα έχει και δη ο Πλάτων κλεϊν,
και λέγεσιν επ' ωτή ή καλέμενον αδίω κεκλεισαι τε 18 ΓΙλέτων G, και ως επανεισιν οδος αν
STS curão So Silence which is Inactivity, is repreſented by a Key on the Tongue,
in Sophocles ſpeaking of the Myſteries,
(1) "Ων και γευσία κληΐς όλη γλώσσα βέβακεν ωe9σπόλων
Ευμολπιδαν.
The Scholiaft, 'Eπει άρρητα τα μυστήρια, και καθε πες κλεισίν η γλώσσα καθείλητήαι αξε μη
egeveyxliv. Which Expreſſion of Sophocles is imitated from Æſchylus ;
(u) 'AM''sı xợpoe racis en gacófin qu'nağ.
The ſame as mòv topicior ti gadares. A cloſe Cheſt upon the Tongue. See Dacier's
Commentary upon Horace, Lib. III. Ode 2. Thus alſo the Prieſteſs of Ceres is ſaid
to have a Key upon the Shoulder, in Token of Silence. Callimachus :
(m) 'Αυτή κα Νικίππη και οι πόλις άρήτειρα
Admocían 'Esco, ecolo, gfúzo y gergi
Στέμματα και με κωνα” καιωμαδίαν δ' έχε κλαΐδα.
csilumaid
And to fignify that the Oracle of Apollo was ſtopt or had ceaſed, it is ſaid to have the
Key of Silence thrown upon it : () Bésang xanidos, auecer df 7010
07097ws. So in the Ara-
bian Writers (y) Solimah Ben Abdalmalek had the Name or Title of Meftah Alkhair,
the Key of Goodneſs, becauſe he had ſet at Liberty all the Wretches in Priſon, and
done good to all his Subjects
. This key here therefore ſignifies the power to open
the Well or Pit of the Bottomleſs Gulph. As indeed és 9n implies alſo receiving
Power.
(n) Sext. Ruffus Epit. Cap. de Meſopotam. () Sexc. Ruffus, Epit. Cap. de Sept. Severo.
Eutropius, Lib. VIII. Onuphrius in Imp. Roman. Pag. 197.
(D) Caffiodor. Chron. Euſeb.
Lib. Temp.
(9) Herbelor. Tit. Abubecre.
() Orph.Argonaut. Verf. 1369.
(s) Pauſan. Eliac. I. Pag. 168...
(t) Soph. Oedip. Colon. Pag. 306. Edit. H. Sreph.
(u) Clem. Alex. Stromat. Lib. V. Pag. 238. (w) Callimach. Hymn in Cerer. (2) Apud
Èuſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. Y. Pag. 121. (y) Herbelot, in Tir.
C. TX

Ch. IX. v. 2. Trumpet V. Woe I.
397
C. Ti opéuth ris dobu 28. Of the Well of the bottomleſs
. Gulph. A Well is a Pit
funk below the Surface of the Earth ; and it may ſignify any obſcure Place our
of which it is hard to draw any Thing, which ſeems to be buried therein. And be-
cauſe the Tombs in the Levant were made as Caves, or Pits under Ground, and the
Priſons to keep in Slaves or other Priſoners were much of the ſame Fathion, the
Tame Word is common to them all. To this Iſaiah 24. 22. alludes; where the Pit
in the LXX is des yes tápeor, and hath the Word 70, Priſon, immediately following
by way of Expoſition.
hus in Jerem. 37. 15. onu Quanxiñs, 721012 is called at
the next Verſe, 72973, oinice to admits, and the ſame in Zachar. 9. 11. LXX, is
tranſlated by adunt , Cave ; and in other. Places as Geneſ. 16. 14. and Chap. 21. 19,
Pſal. 69. 15. turn’d by çpéup
. Only I have obſerv'd, that commonly, where mention
is made of Water, they affect opéup chiefly. And indeed the Word opéup comes from
-3, or 92, or N2, which are the ſame, by changing the 2 into o a Letter of the
ſame Organ, as the Greeks do in fome Caſes interchange their e into ą, as Beçevírn for,
ģegevízn. And ſo Bápct.spov in Attica being a deep Pit comes from 92 and the Chald.
xnx locus, as (2) Crauſerus gueffes. Being alſo written Bépe.spov, which comes
nearer the Oriental Pronunciation. So a Priſon is called Puteus in Plautus :
2002
(a) Vincite, Verberate, in puteum condite.
Now as Locuſts are ſaid afterwards to come out of this Pit, it will be proper here
to ſhew the Decorum of the Symbol, or Analogy between theſe and the natural Lo-
cuſts, as to their coming out of a Pit. Now it is obſerved, that the natural (b) Lo-
cuſts are bred in Pits of the Earth. The Reaſon of it ſeems to be, that having con-
ſumed all the Fruits of the Earth towards the End of Summer, the Heat makes
them ſeek for Wells and Pits of Water, and there they take Occaſion to lay their
Eggs or Spawn ; out of which new ones ariſe the next Spring. And as for thoſe
that lay them elſewhere, the Inhabitants endeavour to deſtroy them, or the Winter
Rains rot them ; which is a Bleſſing to Men, if the Rains prove abundant; but eſpe-
cially in the Spring, as (c) Pliny obſerves; and that therefore they Spawn in rimoſis
locis, in Places where there are Pits. And perhaps they are calld 21 in Hebrew, in
Allufion to Lacuna, Fofa, on this very Score.
Let us now proceed to the Abyſe, or bottomleſs Gulph. Our Tranſlation turns
the whole thus, the Key of the bottomleſs Pit: But "A buovas fignifies always the Deep,
of great Sea, in Oppofition to little Waters or Seas. Johan. Philoponus: (d) *Alusos
παρα πασι το πολυ καλεί ο ύδωρ , και εις βάθG χωeώ άλη ή ον ημϊν , πιρς το μωυειν εις
wité. But inſtead of wwóety we ſhould read res
' Bufeiv, or Buarciv. Hefych. Bu77&iv,
Bevilerv. See him V. "A Buaves. So in Iſaiah, 44. 27. the LXX have aßiare, where
the Hebrem hath 175137, to the Deep, that is, the Great Sea; meaning Babylon, as
the Targum turns it. And in a like Place for Senſe, Iſaiah 19. 5. the Hebrew hath
973, and the LXX Sandaar. Which ſhews, that the Deep fignifies the great Sea;
and coming from 17, turbare, expreſſes well a confuſed Heap of troubled Wa-
ters. So in Genf. 1. 2. di buv, in the Hebrew on, and elſewhere, as in Geneſ: 7.
11. Deut. 33. 19. is always ſpoken of the Sea, as (e) Gouſſet obſerves ; which I
will grant him : But then as to the Notion of the Abyſe in the Bowels of the Earth,
methinks this very Place of St. John alludes to it, or at leaſt to that Notion the
Jews and others had thereof. The Abyſſe, according to them, is that Maſs of Wa-
ters, which before the Deluge was under the Earth, and is look'd upon as a Reſer-
vatory to furniſh all the Springs or Rivers. I ſhall give an Account of it in the
Words of S. Patricius, Biſhop and Martyr. (f) Ignem vero ab aqua & lucem à te-
nebris ſeparans, ea quemadmodum fingula condidit, ita fuis fedibus diſcrevit : Et au-
tem & fupra firmamentum caeli , fubter terram ignis atque aqua ; & quæ fupra
terram eſt aqua, coata in unum, appellationem · marium ; que vero infra, abylorum
Suſcepit, ex quibus ad generis humani ufus in terram velut Siphones quidam emittun-
tur & ſcaturiunt. And this Opinion was not only held by the (8) Egyptians, Homer
(2) Crauſer. Phoſph. titul. 301.
(a) Plaut. Aulular. Act. II. Sc. 5.
(b) Vid. Geſner. de Infect.
(c) Plin. Nar. Hiftor. Lib. XI. cap. 29. Vid. De Veil in
Amos cap. 7. pag. 154.
(d) Apud Phor. Cod. CCXL. (e) Gouſſer. Com. Ling. Hebr.
V. 17. (f) Acta Paffion. S. Patricij Epiſcop, (8) Theoph, Galei Philofoph. Gea
neral. Lib. III. cap. 2. S. 5.
liiii
and

398
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v.2.
and Plato ; but alſo by ſome of the modern Philoſophers. And (h) Seneca ſeems to
be in the ſame Opinion.
Now this expreſſes well fymbolically a hidden Multitude of confuſed Men arifing
on a ſudden, and breaking out to make Incurſions, as a ſubterraneous Flood when
broken out; and that according to the Analogy, that the Deep, or Sea, ſignifies a
Multitude in War and Tumult, and the Pit the moſt vile, loweſt, and contempti-
ble Sort of Men, like the Slaves that are in the Pit. I think then, that the Holy
Ghoſt did deſign to fhew by the Key of the bottomleſs Gulph, which was given to
this Star fallen from Heaven upon the Earth, that this rebellious Prince, or Upſtart,
would ſet the Slaves at Liberty, and all ſuch Sorts of deſpicable Men ; and by ſetting
himſelf at the Head of them, lead on that mixt Multitude to proſecute the Purpoſes
mentioned hereafter: Carrying on their Deſigns by a continual and prodigious War,
and Incurſions upon others. The Saracens were as Hell broke looſe. There are ſome
Expreſſions in Tully which reſemble this Symbol : (i) Quod autem majus judicium
expe&tatis, nihil inter vos, & Catilinam interfuille, quam quod eandem illam manum ex
inter mortuis Catiline reliquiis concitaftis? quod omnes undique perditos collegiftis ?
quod in me carcerem effudiſtis? Hence are the Graves and the Priſons let looſe
. Again,
(k) M. Ælium cura libera : ei fine paucos Specus in extremo fundo, & eos quidem
Subterraneos, ſervitutis a puteali quid habituros.
A. Verf. 2. Koù liboite to opéarp is a Buart, And be opened the Well of the bottomleſs
Gulpb.] This Key was to open, not to ſhut : It was to execute Deſigns, not to ſtop
Execution. Mahomet was ſent to puniſh corrupted Chriſtendom, with the vileſt Sort
of Men, the moft deſpicable Nation. The Roman Empire was then full of Slaves
and deſperate Men. Mahomet enticed theſe to him, and he promiſed them Liberty
and Plunder. This was a great Inducement to them that ſtood in fear of their Ma
ſters or Creditors. And fuch were moſt of his firſt Followers. That the Arabians
were deſpicable ſhall be prov'd in the following Notes upon this Trumpet. Vid. Mill.
Prolegom. pag. 156.
Β. Και ανέβει καπνός εκ τ8 φρβατG- ως καπνός καμίνε χαμομόης , And there arole a
Smoak out of the Well, as the Smoak of a burning Furnace. ] Some Copies read
Piezoans inſtead of reuopštus, upon which Dr. Mill may be conſulted in his Prolego-
mena, pag. 159. But as neither Reading will make any Alteration in the Cafe,
lo,
that is not our Bufineſs to decide either Way. But we muſt conſider the Symbol of
Smoak. Smoak as the Adjunct of Incenfe or Prayers, hath been conſidered before ;
but belongs not to this place : As it is the Adjun&t of the Divine Preſence in Revel.
15. 8. it ſhall be conſidered there. As it is an Adjunct of Wars in this Place, it
muſt be conſidered upon that View. Some Interpreters being deceived by the meta-
phorical Notion of fumus in the Latin Tongue, have taken this for Error. So Ambr.
Ansbertus : Re&te autem perverſa dogmata fumo comparantur, quia videlicet lumen
veritatis fibi in caliginem vertunt. Another faith upon the fame Ground ; (1) Nam
fumoſa gentilitas contra vaporem fidei , zelo Diaboli flamma furoris incaluit. In the
Latin Authors it fignifies vain Ambition, and the vain Promiſes of Courtiers. So
Horace faith
(m) Omitte mirari beatæ Fumum, & opes, ſtrepitumque Rome,
And Martial, (n) Vendere nec vanos circa palatia fumos.
ine
The Hiſtorians of the Roman Emperors are full of ſuch Expreſſions. This Ferom
calls (0) Thus aulicum, and 'tis in Engliſh, (p) Court Holy Water.
But we ſee eaſily this will not reach our Caſe: We muſt therefore ſeek elfe-
where. In the Symbolical Authors Smoak, though join'd to Incenſe implies War
.
The Perfian and Egyptiam Onirocriticks 1ay in Chap. 29. Εάν τις ίδη ότι έθυμίασε γνω-
ρίμες και εκ ά 'χαν 40G τότο ποιείν, ει μό' όξι βασιλός, αποτελεί ωeός μεγίσες σε ακέσαι το μυστήριον
αυτό και καθασκάσει όν βελαϊς πολύμες κατ' εχθρών δια του σε καπνε διμυαμιν. And in
(b) Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. III. cap. 19. & Lib. VI. cap. 7. 8.
(i) M. T. Cic. in Piſon.
(k) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. XV. Epift. 24. (1) Vigilius Epiſcop. Trident. Epiſt. ad Sim-
plicianum Ep. Mediolan. Vid. Clement. Recognit. Lib. I. S. 15, 16. & Clem. Homil. I. S. 18.
(m) Horat. Lib. III. Od. 29. (n) Marc. Lib. IV. Epift. 5.
( Hieronym. c. Ruffin.
D Fuller's Piſgah-fight, Lib. II. cap. 13. S. 45.
4
Cbap.

Chap. IX. v. 2. Trumpet V. Woe I.
399
Chap. 160. 'Egy ö Ydp 775 őri rezve émangeó In to joizo, dvoidózes på manøvs zās riepaciómalom
αρήσει πμωρίαν από εξεσίας. And in Chap. 284. Eί και έθη ότι παρα και εντοπίων καπνώ
(σφήκες) εδιώχθησαν διωχθήσεθ φόβω και εχθες, και νικήσεσιν, oi evrómos. And the In-
dian in Chap. 159. T' ġ tuprogov je trentavov, tis Eroi cu aġ TóRecov, rj vócoy, es eien),
spíve). To which may be alſo referr’d the Omen in Seneca ; in which the Smoak
of the Incenſe ſurrounds the Head of Oedipus, (1) Ambitque denfus regium fumus
caput : Which is afterwards confirmºd by the Ghoſt of Laius 5 (-) Proinde pulſum
finibus regem ocyùs Agite exulem. Virgil has alſo explain'd the Smoak of War in the
Portentum exhibited to Lavinia :
Tum fumida lumine fulvo
Involvi, ac totis Vulcanum Spargere te&tis.
Which is thus explained in the following Words:
Sed populo magnum portendere bellum.
There is a Dream in (t) Plutarch to this purpoſe. Add to this thofe excellent
Verſes of Ariſtophanes, cited before in our Nore upon Chap. VIII. 7. A. where Smoak
is the Effect of War. In Holy Writ, Smoak is for the moſt Part the Adjunct of
War and Deſtruction. See Genef. 19. 28. Deut. 29. 20. Fosh. 8. 20. Fudg. 20. 40.
2 Sam. 22. 9. Pfalm 18. 8. Pſalm 74. 1. Iſaiah 14. 31. Pfal. 37. 20. To which
muſt be added thoſe Places of Holy Scripture, where Smoak is ſaid to come out of
God's Noſtrils, as in Deut. 29. 20. Iſaiah 65.5. Pfal. 74. 1. Nah. 2. 13. for that
is the ſame as his Anger, according to the conſtant Rule of the Poets,
de ore
mon (u) xond 70?peve rei. Su 3. s'il v slom
mohir Sodile
deontwold 10
Perſius, (w) Difce, fed ira cadat nafo.
o
Plautus, (x) Fames & mora bilem in naſum conciunt.
Lucilius, (y) Calphurni ſava lege in Pifoni' reprehendi, Eduxique animam in primo-
ribus naribus. Hence Virgil
,
Te to bottom 599 9992
co
(2) Premens volvit fub naribus ignem:
This bong
And therefore Martial faith,
9 bb
(a) Fumantem naſum vivi tentaveris Urſi.
2
So in 2 Sam. 22. 9. 'Avéßn neavàs the ocą ñ curš, vej trūs ir sóucro eurš ng 764 3: Where
Bu zņ osziñ anſwers to the Hebrew 1882, in his Noſtrils. And fo in Pindar, Smoak
fignifies Anger. (b) Λέλoγκε και μεμφoμίύοις έσλός ύδωρ καπνώ φέρειν αυήίον, Τις the Lot of
a good Man to bring Water againſt the Smoak to them that Quarrel. That is, to
make Peace when Men fall out. And therefore the Hebrew quy, which properly
fignifies to Smoak, is ſometimes turn'd by osoi&quor in the LXX, as in Pſalm 74. I.
Pſal
. 80.5. Now that which muſt needs determine the Signification of Smoak to
War and Devaſtation, as the Effe&ts of God's Anger, is the Compariſon added here,
as the Smoak of a burning Furnace, which hath already been touched upon, and cer-
tainly denotes Miſchief; and not a Smoak of a Cloud (hewing God's Preſence, or
the Vanity of theſe Undertakings. A Fire in general denotes any War, or Torment;
but a thick Smoak, as that of a Furnace, muſt denote ſuch a War from a confuſed
Multitude of Enemies, as is not of ſmall Effect, but very dreadful. And therefore,
as theſe Locufts are faid to come out of the Smoak, fo that the Smoak was ſo far
an Adjunct of them, that it might be likewiſe a concomitant Accident, as well as a
(9) Senec. Oedip. Verf. 325. () Ibid. Verſ. 647.
(5) Virgil Æneid. Lib. VII.
(1) Plutarch. de Genio Socrat. Pag. 1021. (u) Theocrit. Idyl. I.
() Perſ. Sat. 5.
(x) Plaut. Amphic. Act. 4. (y) Lucil. Sar. Lib. xx. ex Nonio. (5) Virgil. Georg. 3.
(a) Mart. Lib. VI. Ep. 64. (6) Pindar. Nem. Od. I,
produ-

400
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 2.
producing Cauſe ; we may imagine, that this Smoak is to repreſent the vaft Mul-
titude of the Locuſts, which come upon any Country as a great black Cloud of
Smoak. "And ſo this Smoak, the Adjunct of the Locuſts, being like a Cloud dread-
fully black and dark; it ſignifies the Effects, which are attributed by the Oniro-
criticks to a black Cloud, namely Storns, Sadneſs, or Sorrow, as Artemidorus ex-
plains it, Lib. II. Cap. 40. Therefore in the fame Manner the Prophet Joel 2. 6.
with whoſe Deſcription of Locuſts moſt of theſe Symbols do agree, faith, Before
their Face the People Shall be much pained: Al Faces ſhall gather Blackneſs. That
is, the Blackneſs of Soot and Smoak ; ſuch Blackneſs as ſticks to a Por, or
Furnace,
as in Lament. 5. 10. Which is an Adjun&t of Hunger and mighty Terror.
C. Kai to rocíon : ório- rý å ang én ramyš Fě opéalo, And the Sun and the Air were
darkned, by reaſon of the Smoak of the Well.] This is plainly an Effect anſwering
to the Nature of literal Locuſts, which are wont to riſe in ſuch vaſt Companies,
that in the Sky they form a Kind of a Cloud, which eclipſes the Sun, and darkens
the Sky. Pliny, () Solemque obumbrant ; ſollicite Spe&tantibus populis, ne ſuas ope-
riant terras. So Thuanus, (d) Laborabat eo tempore pabuli omnis generis & annone
inopia Syria ob locuftarum nuſquam hominum memoria tantam viſam multitudinem, que
denſe nubis inſtar die in media luce obſcurato volitantes agrum circumquaque depaſta
Junt; idque prodigij loco in ea provincia acceptum eſt
. And, as he obſerves, they
alſo riſe in a Cloud, and then fall down like Rain: Paulo antè menſe Junio Conſtan-
tinopoli cum nubecula quædam
fubitò ſuborta effet, ea deſinente mox locuſtis pluit, que
fruétus omnes & arborum folia vaſtitate mira abſumſere. Aloyſius Cadamuftus in
Bochart, ſpeaking of the Deſarts near the Nigrite, ibi innumeram locuſtarum multi-
tudinem aerem vidimus inumbrantem: nam fere fingulis triennijs adventant, & cæ-
lum obſcurant, idque Sæpe Spatio duodecim milliarium. And therefore the Locuſt is
called' (e) 21n, becauſe it covers the Sky, from an in Arab. fignifying to cover.
And alſo 5375, becauſe it Shadows and produces Darkneſs, 17974, from 578, to
cover or Shadow. Though Schindler derives this laſt as from 3378, a Cymbal ;
though this rather alludes to the Noiſe of the Locufts
. The Symbol is found in
7oel 2. 10. ο ήλια και η σελίψη συσκοτάσεσι, και άςρα δύσεσι το ρέγγG- αυτών, The Sun and
Moon ſhall be dark, and the Stars shall withdraw their Shining. Now this Smoak,
or Cloud, ſeems to be the Effect of the firſt opening of the Pit : Not but that the
darkening of the Sun and Air continued all the Time that the Pit was open, and the
Locuſts were produced by the Cloud of Smoak: that is, continuing during all the
Accompliſhment of this Plague. The Sun fignifies the Imperial Dignity and Power ;
the (f) Air is the Seat of Thunders and Lightnings ; that is, of the Means to pub-
liſh and proclaim the Laws of God, the Chriſtian Doctrine. The meaning of the
whole is, that where theſe Locuſts fell
, and the Cloud appeared, there the Imperial
Dignity and Power did decay, or loſe its Force, as well as the Truth of Religion.
Tichonius obſerves, (8) Obſcuratum dixit Solem, non occidiſſe. Right. The Im-
perial Power did fubfift where it had its Throne, but was eclipſed in thoſe Places
on which the Effects of this Plague fell. That is, in the Event, Mahomet and his
Chalifes incroached upon the Imperial Power, and wreſted it out of the Lands on
which they made Incurſions, but did not take it all away. For that is the Event
of the next Trumpet. How Religion hath decay'd by his Means, is plain enough,
as to all thoſe Countries where the Saracens became Maſters. It is obſervable, that
in the (h) Seventeenth Year of Heraclius, half of the Body of the Sun was
Eclipſed, and that the Obſcurity thereof lafted from Tiſrin the Firſt
, to the Month
Haziran. So that little of its Light only appear'd. This Year of Heraclius falls in
with A. C. 627, that is, the Fifth Year of the Hejira, about which Time Mahomet
began to make ſome Appearance in Feats of War
. For on that (1) Year was made
that Excurſion into Dumatoʻl fundal, and the Fight of Bani Labyan, on purpoſe to
Plunder; which was the firſt Attempt of that Kind, wherein he produced his
Locuſts to their Work.
D. Kao dùg, And the Air. ] One Manuſcript reads ’Asis: Which could be un-
derſtood of no other Star, but the ſame as opens the Pit; and then it would imply,
(c) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. Cap. 29..
(d) Thuanus Hiftor. Lib. LXXXIV. Pag. 105.
Edit. Rover.
(e) Schindler, y. 2n and 158.
(f) See the Note on Chap. 16, 17. A.
(8) Tichon. Homil. VII. (b) Greg. Abulphar. Pag. 99, (i) Gregor. Abulphar. Pag. 102.
that

Ch. IX. v. 3.
401
Trumpet V. Woe 1.
that he loſt his Power immediately; which is contrary to the whole Oeconomy of
the Vifion. 'Tis true indeed, that (k) Mahomet was poiſoned by his own People ;
but ſuch a Circumſtance makes nothing to the Plague.
A. Verf. 3. Kai in iš na ovë isim sor decides eis vias 3ls, and there came out of the
Smoak Locuſts upon the Earth.] This is alſo taken out of Foel 2. 2, 3. there the
Prophet declaring the Forerunners of the Locuſts, ſpeaks of Darkneſs
, Gloomineſs
and Fire devouring all Things ; as if the Locuſts themſelves did cauſe this Darkneſs
of themſelves. It is true indeed, that they fly in ſuch Numbers, as to form a great
Cloud, and darken the Air, ſo that herein the Holy Ghoſt follows exaétly the Na-
ture of the Symbol. But yet there are ſometimes concurrent Cauſes, which make
the Locuſts fall upon the Earth ; as in the Caſe ſhewn before out of Thuanus. If
they light as they fly into a Cloud, then I ſuppoſe becauſe they wer their Wings,
they fall down like a Shower upon the Ground. Again by Art they may be drawn
upon the Earth, as ſometimes it happens, that the Inhabitants make great Fires of
ſome ſmoking Stuff in great Holes very deep; and ſo the Locuſts flying over it, fall
down upon the Earth, being offended with the Smoak, as all other Infects are. Bochart
hath obſerved, that it is the Cuſtom of thoſe Countries which are infeſted by the
Locuſts
, fo to do, out of (1) Agatharcides and Diodorus Siculus. I thall here fet
down the Words of the latter, ſpeaking of Ethiopia. (m) Exetes efe's v& Tom xj
δριμία, αι με ακρίδες υπερπετό και του χαράδραν, και δια του τα καπνά δριμύτα αιρό μυ αι
καταπί τη εσιν όπι τίω γώ, ολίγον διαπεταθώ στα τόπον. 'Tis alſo found in Homer :
the oth (n) 'Ne do Eg" u med priñs qued's drpí das uspion) iw do do respois Brow
70 gripical instoboyol! So
Φάγαμαι ποταμόνδε, π 3 φλέγει ακέραιον πυρ
“Ορμον εξαιφνης, ται' και 7 ώρεσι καθ' ύδωρ.
It is not indeed obſerved here in our Text, whether the Smoak cauſes the Locuſts
to come down, or elſe that they come out of the Pit with the Smoke. The latter
ſeems more probable : But it is the ſame Thing as to the Symbolical Signification,
If we take the firſt, it will imply, that the War, which Heraclius enter'd into
againſt the Saracens, wherein his Armies were moſt prodigiouſly beaten, encouraged
the Saracens to make Incurſions further into the Roman Empire, which the Arabians
were not before accuſtomed to carry on very far. But if we take the latrer, then it
will ſignify that Encouragement which Mahomet gave to his firſt Followers, to
plunder and deſtroy Abroad ; which procured him an infinite Multitude of Fol-
lowers : And this he did by making Uſe of that Law he framed and grounded upon
a Religious Notion, that they were bound to propagare their Faith by the Sword,
giving therefore to ſuch Holy Wars the Name of (6) Gedal, or Gehad fi Sebil Allah.
The War in the way of God; and affirming, that thoſe who died therein were Mar-
tyrs of God. So that we ſee the fundamental Principle of that Star was to raiſe a
Smoak of perpetual War with Locuſts, who ſhould make perpetual Incurſions againſt
the Chriſtians. The Locuſts being thus brought on, as well as produced out of the
Smoak, which he hath raiſed in the Bottomleſs Gulph. die brow ads todo
B. 'Axgids, Locuſts.] This Symbol is very proper to ſignify an Army of Ene-
mies coming in vaft Multitudes to make an Excurſion, in order to plunder and de-
ſtroy the Country. For the natural Locuſts were wont to do ſo, making a moſt tern
rible Havock of all the Fruits of the Earth whereever they came. al need not to
cite Authorities for that. If you pleaſe then to obſerve further , that the
Symbol is only proper to expreſs them whilſt they are doing Miſchief by Excurſions.
As Artemidorus only explains Dreams for private Perſons chiefly, he dorh not en-
brace the whole Signification thereof, but as much as ſerves his purpoſe ; however, it
betokens only Miſchief with him, as Scarcity of Corn, or Mildew, to Countrymen ;
and to others, that they ſhall meet with Troubles from bad Men and Women.
Lib. II. Cap. 22. Azpides zij zei prones --- TO
πονηρούς ανδράσιν ή γμιαιξί σε μπεσείν σημαίνεσι. But
the other Interpreters ſpeak ſomewhat more fully, and what is more eaſily applied
to this Caſe. Chap. 300. Kelõao i cinges de cada clientes eis 7.0 Gegbeter ngiveTV5
og gánganos, ó Jeio xen d'opean în spatllor) sis a Towercy og Tóc. This doubtleſs comes
(k) Herbelor. Tit. Mohammed. (1) Agacharcid. de M. Rubr. Cap. XXVII. apud Phoe Cod.
CCL. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. (m) Diodor. Siculus, Lib. III. Pag. 114,
♡ V, 12,
(b) Kerbelot Tic. Gedal : & Tic. Schohada,
K k k k k
only
(m) Iliad.

402
Trumpet V. Woe 1.
Chap. IX. v.3
only from the Indian Interpreter, who was a Chriſtian. But in Chap. 288, the
Perftan and Egyptian fay, 'Εαν ίδη της όπ εισήλθε πώ τα αγεληθον εις το πον, ει με είχαν ακρί-
des, sis in Stenotu vj Bon Server 78 Tots & Bearnais do senci sezlómede evanégws të mahoras. And
that it is only to deſtroy, is plain from the Words already cited ; and from theſe alſo
out of Chap. 300. 'Eeży is a mis hi ó Beoind's, ù isoresh's, on étia. Top selektiv @ The expé deso
πλήθG-
εχθρών μετ' εξεσίας σεασ αδιά τω εκεί σ, όσον έλυμόναν ο αυτα, τοσέτον βλάψει και αυ-
Tós. The reſt that follows, is to the fame Purpoſe. And therefore, they were not
only accounted Prodigies for the Harm which they did, but alſo for that which they
portended. For which Reaſon they were expiated, as other Portenta betokening fu-
ture Harms. Livy; (p) Circa Capuam omnem agrum Locuftarum vis ingens
, ita ut
unde adveniſſent parum conftaret, complevit. And elſewhere (9) Pomptinum omne
velut nubibus Locuſtarum coopertum eſſe. And fo when Authors ſpeak of them,
they commonly uſe Words which compare them to Armies. So (-) Euſtathius uſes
the Word seelored door, and (s) bafilius Magn. uſes omsparias and spalostendere vellín.
Alciatus compares the Locuſts that ravaged Lombardy in 1541, to the Armies
of Attila and Xerxes. Los
vob
ses ved balle (t) Scilicet hoc deerat poſt tot mala, denique noftris 05 of nood
731 stod fed
Locuſte ut raperent quicquid ineſſet agris
.
Vidimus innumeras Euro duce tendere turmas,
browo
Qualia non Atyle, caſtrave Xerxis erant.
And Herodotus, ſpeaking of a kind of Scorpions, Winged like Locuſts, uſes the
Word omspat dov), of which Kind more preſently. Thus Ariſtophanes :
IsoT cl
"Ezwy
Legner tortuózew, cos' dwars épcīv,
αναφορά στη.. "Οσον το χρήμα παιρνόπων ωeoσέρχε).
Lapsaldo Babyonlu
Sie sit
pada
ob to o
co
For in Heſych. Tégvones, eå upídes. And ſo the Scholiaft. So in Amos 7. I. all Inter-
preters underſtand by the Locuſts, a Foreign Army of Enemies. But what is ſtill
more proper to our Caſe, the Madianites, Amalekites, and Children of the Eaſt,
that is, Arabians, are compared to Locuſts, in Judges 7. 12. the Hebrew hath 17378
the LẮX exgis. Now the Locuſts have this Name from @ 727 to Multiply, be-
cauſe of their Multitudes and Fruitfulneſs, to which the Prophet alludes, ferem.
46. 23. as well as fudges 6. 5. and Chap. 7. 12. Others derive it from 37%, to lie
in Wait ; and then the Word 119 72 fignifies alſo a Pit, and a Furnace. Whence we
ſee, how the Holy Ghoſt alludes to this in bringing out theſe Locuſts as out of a
Pit, burning like a Furnace; from the Cuſtom of bringing down the Locufts by a
Fire made in ſuch a Pit, or Furnace; whence Homer took the Compariſon of the
Locuſts cited before, by which he repreſents the Trojans throwing themſelves into
a River before Achilles, who drove them therein as Smoak doth the Locuſts. In
Heſychius we find roßgice, cavol, hau zaiñpes, I believe that Word to be Phænician, fo
that the Word qolvexes, which ſtands juſt before it, and after the Words róvelee, to
öecov, ought not only to ſtand there : For (*) Tjóvalce is alſo an Hebrew or Phænician
Word ; but ouglit likewiſe to be put after aau rampes, to thew that loßpíce is a Phæni-
cian Word, coming evidently from 21). ToGpios, as it were rolopía, 01718 21),
Locuft-Fires. So from 19278 the Poets took their Harpyia, Arpim, or Arbim, as
(y) Mr. Furieu obſerves : Whoſe Deſcription in Virgil very well anſwers to that of
the Locuſts here. They are made to come out of the bottomleſs Gulph of Styx, to
be always Hungry, to deſtroy every Thing they touch, to make a great Noile with
their Wings, and to have Faces like Women.
Volio 2 corde
vocadoad
FmW DA (2) Triſtius haud illis monftrum, nec Savior ulla
sido conto o Bis
Peſtis, & ira Deúm ſtygiis ſeſe extulit undis:
tahti onyo at
balcon el

(p) Livius, Lib. XXX. (9) Livius, Lib. XLII. (n) Euſtath. in Hexaem. Pag. 32.
(s) Bafil. Hom. VIII. in Hexahemer. (t) Alciat. Embl. 127.
(1) Ariſtoph. Acharn.
Vid. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XIII. Pag. 613 (n) Vid. Schindler Voc. 127. (a). Bocharc.
Canaan, Lib. II. Cap. XI.
.
(1) Jurieu's Accomplo of Proph. Part. I. Chap. 7.
(5) Virgil
. Æneid. III.
Bobo
2
Virginei

Chap. IX. V. 3.
Trumpet V. Wos I.
403
nood
TOTT
Strabo
Virginei volucrum vultus, 89 pallida ſemper motos
103 OT EARTH
Ora fame
And preſently after 3 991 er
tabhomoa, At Jubitą horrifice lapfu de montibus adfunt
bra Wadoo
Indi on nagu Harpyle, & magnis quatiunt clangoribus alus,
Si es con Diripiant que dupes, contactu que omnia foedant toute som
boyuttog 10 Immundo. t-ia And a little after ;
onogrong
Turba fonans prædam pedibus circumvolat uncis Doc a
aismilina
1996
"How proper therefore ſuch Locufts are to repreſent the Arabians, of Saracens, is
now pretty plain, who were always profeffed Robbers, and made prodigious Incúrfi-
ons upon the Roman Empire particularly, as well as towards the Indies ; making
whereever they came moſt furious Depredations. I ſhall not here bring any Compa-
riſons of Authors, who repreſent ſuch Depredations to that of Locuſts, having given
one already out of fordanes. But ſhall produce one fatal Coincidence from a Tra-
dition of the Arabians, wherein Mahomet's Men are ſet out as Locufts. (a) They
ſay that there fell Locuſts into the Hands of Mahomet, upon whoſe Wings it was
written thus ; Sumus exercitus Dei magni. Nobis funt ova nonaginta novem.
centuria perficeretur, totum mundum abfumeremus, & quicquid in illo eft. True or
falſe, theſe Arabian Traditions thew us their Notions; and this makes here a ſtrange
Coincidence. I hall not here trouble the Reader with ſetting down, and confuring
all the other Opinions about the Locuſts. 'Tis long ſince (6) Ubertinus Epife. Che-
menſis applied this Prophecy to the Mendicants, and it hath been fince applied to the
Jeſuits in a Poem called (c) Locuſła, five Jefuita. But none of theſe will anſwer
to the Symbols, which ſuppoſe theſe Locufts to conſiſt of Armies. Theſe Monks,
Jeſuits, and the like are repreſented to us elſewhere, as Three Spirits coming out of
the Mouths of the Dragon, Beaſt and falfe Prophet in Chap. 16. where we ſhall con-
ſider them. As for this Place, the order of Time ſhews us we muſt underſtand it of
the Saracens, who proved the firft dreadful Plague to Chriſtendom, after the Excinti-
on of the Weſtern Roman Empire.. to wort
USD DOD
C. Es the sli, Upon the Earth.] The Locuſts are indeed a Terror, but can do
no harm till they fall upon ſome place. So here the Miſchief theſe are to do is upon
the Earth. They cloud and darken the Sun indeed, but do not ſmite him : They
darken the Air, but no more. The Imperial Power is not quite to be deſtroyed ;
their Fury is chiefly to deſtroy the Earth ; to waſte, plunder and tornent by ravaging.
So that the Event of this Plague muft chiefly affect the Subje&ts of the corrupted
Church.
D. Kai Men du trešo gasilo, cós é y covy egyedi ay or okoztrhost if yoñs, And there was given to them
Power, as the Scorpions of the Earth have Power. ] This, int", we given, alludes to
the avowed Maxim, that the Locuſts are a ſpecial Plague of God, as being ſent to
punith Men by a particular Direction of divine Providence. The Onirocriticks have
told us as much. The Arabian Tradition juft cited ſuppoſes it, they being the Ar-
mies of God. Pliny faith, (d) Deorum ire peſtis ea intelligitur. Euftathius ; (e) Kei
εκ εφάπη ον ), αλλ' επί ή ωρισμένων αυτούς τόπον σπεδάζεστν, ώσπερ έα θεία υessiγμα1G επεν-
refusese Bafilius, (f) Kai sestanud loepgo'n yett teéto nopeas, š moveste av 3 274 gera
re! Trūv mpilv en Sotlivý a dva zo Setor deoscrypt. Ambrofius, (8) Uſque ad Locuſiam quo-
que gratia divina penetravit, quæ cum agmine conferto regionis cujufque occupaverit
latitudinem, innoxio primum fertur habitaculo, nec fructus inhospitali incurſione de-
pafcitur, niſi divine ſignum præceptionis acceperit. Etenim ficut in Exodo legimus, ea
quoque cæleftis ultionem offenfionis exequitur, pie miniſtra vindicte. All which are
ſuitable to the Scripture Expreſſions. See foel 2. 11, 25. Amos 7. 1. Deut. 28. 38.
2 Chron. 7. 13. Hence alſo the Cuſtom of the Pagans to offer Vows, and Sacrifices
to God, to avert that Plague, or remove it. See Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. X. cap. 27.
Zoſimus, Lib. I. pag. 52. Pauſanias in Attic. pag. 22. about Apollo Parnopius, call'd
ſo upon this Account
. And Hercules Cornopius, which is the fame as Parnopius in
Scorpions, to thew, as it follows, that they are not to deſtroy ſo much the Fruits of
9W boa
(a). Vid. C. M. de Veil, in Amos; qut.very si() Ubertinus in Libr. cui cir. Onus Ecclefiæ apud
Flacc. Illyric. Catal. Teſt. Veritac. Istou fe) Vid, Gabr. Bariac. Introd. A. C. 1599.
d') Plin. Nat. Hift. Libr. XI. cap. 29.
Bafil. Homil. VIII in Hexaemer contempor (e) Euſtach. Comment in Hexaemer
(8) Ambrofius, Lib. V. in Hexaemer.
the
Inientes
404
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 4.

the Earth as to torment Men : That being the Power of the Scorpion, to ſting and
poiſon, as we ſhall fee hereafter. along Du
A. Verf. 4. Kui epist In du rás, And it was ſaid to them. ] That is, commanded;
for fo the Word fignifies in the Hebrew and other Oriental Tongues, as we ſhall
prove elſewhere. And this Command is often nothing elſe but a Permiſſion, as we
alſo prove on Chap. 17. 17. A. to come and puniſh theſe Men, or corrupted Chri-
ſtians. So when God permitted Shimei to curfe David, in order to puniſh him the
more; David faith thereupon, fo let him curſe, becauſe the Lord hath ſaid unto him,
Curſe David, 2 Sam. 16. 10. Thus when Rabſhakeh could upbraid Hezekiah , that
he had diſpleaſed his God in taking away his Altars, which he thought an irreligious
Action, he tells him, that God permits his Maſter Sennacherib to come and take
Jeruſalem : Am I now come up without the Lord againſt this place to deſtroy it ? The
Lord ſaid to me, Go up againſt this Land, and deſiroy it, 2 Kings 18. 25. This he
concluded, either from the Succeſs he had already mer with, or perhaps from the
Prophecies of the future Deſtruction of Jeruſalem, which he miſtook as to Time.
As to the Caſe of Mahomet, his Riſe, the Time of it, and Actions, are ſo extraor-
dinary, that no body queſtions but God permitted it to puniſh Chriſtendom : And
himſelf, as well as Followers, were fully perſuaded of the ſame Thing. But of this
more afterwards on Chap. 17. 17. A.
B. "I yet reste de Sorúcesor i goslov gris, très main x2.00pgu, & de trei Neodpov, That they ſhould
not, wrong the Graſs of the Earth, neither any Green Thing , neither any Tree.]
This Exception with a Negative ſhews, that thele Words are to be taken in their
natural and literal Meaning, by way of Inſtruction. The Property of the Locuſt is,
to ear up all that grows upon the Earth ; that of the Scorpion, to fting Men and
cauſe great Torment. So that here the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to thew us, that we
muſt not underſtand theſe Locuſts
, as if they were ordinary Locuſts, only ſent to
deſtroy the Fruits of the Ground, but Symbolical ones, being a Multitude of ter-
rible Enemies, who like Scorpions have Power and Order to torment ſuch Men as
God deſigns to puniſh; ſuch as are now out of his Favour by their Corruptions,
and have made themſelves worthy of his Chaftiſements.
Ει μη της ανθρώπκς μύνες οίτινες εκ έχεσι τίω σφραγίδα τη Θεά οι " μετώπων δυ8r.
But only thoſe Men which have not the Seal of God on their Foreheads. ] Though
this be ſomewhat like the Caſe of Ezek. 9. 6. in that thoſe, who are there mark d
as true Servants of God, are mark'd on their Foreheads ; and that thoſe, who have
not that Mark, are deſign’d for Deſtruction: yer this is much different from it: And
every Prophecy is to be explain'd according to its own Circumſtances. The ſetting
of the Mark of God was not barely to preſerve them from theſe Plagues. It was to
Thew, what we have faid there, that they were to be rewarded, and impowered to
make a publick Profeffion of the Chriſtian Faith. This Text, with the ſuppoſed
Allufion to Ezekiel s Words cited, hath led Mede into Error about the Epiſode
contained in Chap: 7. wherein the Servants of God are mark'd in their Foreheads ;
which hath made him think, that they were not mark'd upon that particular Occa-
fion, but for the ſake of theſe Plagues : And as one Error draws on another ; if that
Mark were purpoſely for that End, then that Accident of the Sixth Seal was rather
a Part of the Trumpets; and ſo the Palm bearing Confeſſors muſt be an Accident
of another Period fucceeding the Trumpets: Whereby he hath looked upon thoſe
Confeſſors as Contemporaries of the Millennium ; than which there cannot be a great-
er Miſtake, as I have ſhewn. Now if thoſe Confeſſors, mark'd on the Forehead,
were not barely deſign’d for that Period wherein they appear , but to encroach upon,
and belong to this ; being thus mark’d only, that they might be preſerv'd from
theſe Plagues of the Trumpets, How comes it, that they are never mentioned in all
the former Trumpets, which were the Beginnings of Sorrows? To explain this we
muſt obſerve, that there is no mention of any Men during all theſe Plagues of the
Trumpets
, who had the Mark of God in their foreheads, but only of thoſe who
had it not : That thoſe who had the Mark of God in their Foreheads, do not appear
now ; but only thoſe, who had it not : That therefore this is not the ſame State of
the Church as that was, when the Servants of God were mark'd in their Foreheads.
And indeed the Marking of them thus upon a general Muſter, is a publick Mark,
which did well befit them at the Time wherein they were mark’d, whilſt they were
Soldiers of the Armies of God, and had the temporal Powers to back them : But
that now they are in a Condition wherein they cannot, nor dare to thew that Mark.
1
4
And

Ch. IX. v. 4.
405
Trumpet V. Woe I.
And as we fall ſee in the parallel Viſion, excepting the Prophets, or Witneſſes, who
are therefore oppoſed and flain, none dares to do it, but thoſe that have another
Mark oppoſed to this Mark of God. Theſe it is, that the Holy Ghoſt points ar
here. But becauſe that Title, of Mark, or Character of the Beaſt, if given here,
would anticipate too much, and encroach upon the Symbols of that Vifion, the Holy
Ghoſt makes uſe of an Expreſſion already known by its Oppoſition, or Negation to a
Symbol already uſed, which thus excludes ſuch as were mark'd before ; thereby to
denote Men of a contrary Quality to what they were , when thus mark'd with God's
Seal, and by conſequence deſerving his Protection. For indeed to ſpeak here of
theſe that had the Seal of God, would be improper ; becauſe a publick Muſter of
God's Servants is utterly inconſiſtent with the State of the Church in this period, in
which the Temple of God is, as appears afterwards, repreſented as fhut up, and the
Church driven into the Wilderneſs; that is, the Faithful are perſecuted, and forc'd
to abfcond ; no Sort of Men appearing, but thoſe that have another Mark quite op-
poſite to the publick Profeſſion of the Goſpel. As therefore to be mark'd with the
Seal of God denotes a publick and found Profeffion of the Goſpel ; ſo the Want
thereof fignifies a publick caſting away of the Truth ; and conſequently the publick
Profeſſion of that which is quite contrary to it ; or at leaſt a Fear and Shame to
make publick Profeſſion of the Truch, which is equivalent to a Denial. 19
Now for as much as this is the firſt Time that the Holy Ghoſt takes notice, that
Men have forſaken the Service of God in this Manner ; and this Plague is the firſt
Woe falling upon Men for that Reaſon ; and that no ſuch Accuſation is laid upon the
Men ſuffering before, during the Sounding of the firſt Four Trumpets, therefore we
may conclude from hence, that thoſe Four Trumpets were chiefly aim'd againſt the
Men of Paganiſm, who have no ſuch Charge laid upon them, of wanting the Márk
of God upon their foreheads. So that the corrupted State of the Church muſt be
counted as beginning after the Execution of thoſe Four Trumpets; that is, when the
Weſtern Empire was diſmembred and ruined ; and that the Times of Heraclius or
Mahomet are the beginning of the State of the Church, wherein the Sins of Men in
the corrupted State of the Church were arrived to fome Meaſure ; ſo as to begin then
to deſerve, that God ſhould take publick Cognizance of them by ſuch illuſtrious Cha-
Itiſements as this firſt Woe, to be followed, if not prevented, with a greater Stroke
in the Second, and with an abſolute Deſtruction, if not prevented ſtill, in the Sound-
ing of the Seventh Trumpet, or laft Woe. God would now bear no longer at the
Sounding of the Fifth, but muſt then begin to let them feel fome Forerunners of his
Judgments, to try to bring them to Repentance. Accordingly we find that the Holy
Gholt takes notice afterwards upon the End of the Second Woe, which was only a
Chaſtiſement, being not a total, but a particular Deſtruction, and by way of Admi-
ration, that Men have not repented, though puniſhed with Two dreadful Plagues,
Chap. 9. 20.
Now to let the Reader underſtand the Meaning of this Difference between this
Plague and the former Trumpets, which are accounted nothing fo dreadful as this,
having the Name of Woe, we muſt only obſerve the different Method of God's Dif-
penſation towards thoſe who never were his Servants ; and towards thoſe who are fo,
ought to be ſo, but have rejected his Mark, and apoſtariz’d into Idolatry. In this
laft Caſe the Puniſhment is increaſed, even doubled. The Proof of this Matter is
given and conſidered afterwards. See our Nore upon Chap. 18. 6. B. To lhew there-
fore the Neceſſity of this Diſtinction between Puniſhments
, we are only to conſider
the State of thoſe that were moſtly affected with this Plague; namely, the Eaſtern
Chriſtians. Theſe were undoubtedly funk into the loweſt Pitch of Idolatry, the Wor-
ſhipping of Images, during the Reign of Heraclius, who died A. C. 641. The ma-
terial (a) Croſs, being then ſent back by the Perſians , was publickly worſhipped,
about A.C. 628. The ſame Emperor is ſaid to have held an Image of Chriſt in a
publick Proceſſion, praying for Succeſs in his Expedition againſt the Perſians. But in
Thort the Evil was lo rooted, that the Emperor Leo Ifaur. having attempted, A.-C.
723. to pull the Images out of the Churches, becauſe they were worſhipped, he was
oppos’d both by Clergy and People, and the Patriarch Germanus choſe rather to be de
poſed than give way to it. Pope Grégory II. of Rome excommunicated him, and
1901 90
(a) Nicephorus C. P. Hift: Heracl. cap. 6.
L1111
0.190.10.biv (0)
thence

406
Trumpet V. Woel.
Ch. IX. v. 5
thence taking Occafion to call in Charles the Martel, wreſted the Exarchat of Raven-
na out of his Hands, and got it for himſelf
. But it will be objected, the Greek,
Oriental, and African Churches, as well as the Latin in the Weſt, made then and nour
publick Profeſſion of the Chriſtian Religion ; and by conſequence may be ſaid to have
the Mark or Seal of God on their Foreheads
. To anſwer once for all to this Obje-
{tion, which may be uſed elſewhere, as well as in this Place, we fay; that the Mark
of the Beaſt, which was impoſed upon them by the falſe Prophet, obliterates the for-
mer. And here let it be obſerv'd that the Holy Ghoſt, by the negative Propofition,
muſt mean fuch Men, as ought by right to have the Seal of God in their foreheads,
but have it not ; and that this is laid upon them as a heavy Crime : And by conſe
quence, that theſe Men are not conſidered as in a mere Pagan State, but as corrupted
Chriſtians. Ambrof. Ansbertus, though he underſtands very little of the Oeconomy
of this Book to make a particular Application of Things, hath nevertheleſs ſeveral
good Hints in general : Neque enim boc de illis dicitur, qui extra Ecclefiam, vel in
Fudaica perfidia, vel in gentili fuperftitione conſiſtunt : Sed de illis qui intra fan&tam
Ecclefiam ſimulate lucere videbantur, quia nec Fudei nec gentiles hæreticorum ſuaſio-
nibus, fed proprio errore depereunt. Signum ergo Dei in frontibus non habent hi
, qui
locuſtarum mortibus vaſtantur : quia nimirum multi intra Sanctam ecclefiam idem figa
num, ficut habendum eſt, non habent. Unde & Paulus de quibuſdam dicit : Confiten-
tur ſe nosſe Deum, factis autem negant. Illi ſignum Dei in frontibus non habent, qui
eâ fide , que per dilectionem operatur , non pollent. So ſays Ansbertus on this
Place.
And it will be proper to conſider, why the rò reéroy is not mentioned in this firſt
Woe, as well as the former Trumpets. I anſwer, that the Caſe is alter'd : The fuf-
fering Subject of this is not of the ſame Nature as the former. In the former
Plagues the Pagan Idolaters were chiefly concern'd, and in particular the Weſt. For
the Weſt was chiefly infeſted ftill with Paganiſm, and the City of Rome ſo far Pagan,
that in Theodofius's Time the greateſt Part of the Senate was fo, and out-voted the
Chriſtians to ſet up a Pagan Altar ; of which more hereafter. But the Eaſt, as it was
much more throughly then converted, by which it efcaped thoſe Puniſhments, ſo
it began fooneſt to be corrupted with Idolatry , and for that Reafon felt the firſt
and the more the Effects of the Woes. Though as this firft Woe is ſtill only by
way of Chaſtifement, the African and Weſtern Parts did alſo ſuffer by this warning
Chaſtiſement. Upon which Account the Holy Ghoſt thinks fit to make no Limitati-
on therein : That none may have Reaſon to ſay in Excuſe towards the next Woes, that
they wanted Warning. Such is the Love and Juſtice of God, both in chaſtifing,
warning, and deſtroying too.
A. Verf
. 5. Kuid e6 3n eurais 'hva usi arron7clvway luids, And to them it was given, that
they should not kill them.] This reſtrains the Signification of what was given them in
the former Verſe, namely to wrong Men. Death is excepted. It was given edon ;
that is, Power was given. It is an Hebraiſm. For the Word (b) in fignifies giving
Power, conferring an Office of Power. Of which we have Examples in the new Te-
ftament in the Word Si desser. As Ephef. 4. II. Matth. 13. 11. Chap. 19. 11. And
Chap. 20. 23. Fohn 3. 27. Chap. 6.65. So in Homer to this Purpoſe:
(6) Ει μάλα, καριερός εουι, Θεός πε σοι το γ' ευκαν.
As to Killing, which is excepted firſt out of the Commiſſion, it is to be explain'd
according to the Nature of the Subject ſpoken of here. It fignifies not that Indivi-
duals thall not be ſlain ; for as theſe Locuſts are Armies of Men, it cannot be ima-
gined that Armies can come into other Countries to Plunder, without ſhedding of
Blood. Nay, their Torment implies a great Slaughter, but the Exception of not
killing muft be underſtood to imply, that the Locults are not quite to make an end
of theſe Men, Death being the abſolute Deſtruction of the Subject. And therefore
the Smoak, out of which they riſe, doth not ſmite, or kill, the Sun and Air, but
dazkens or leſſens their Light, or Power
. They are preſerved to keep up the Men
likewiſe. The Sun and Air in this Political Work are to be kept alive, that is,
have Power to act and defend their Subjects and themſelves from utter Deſtruction,
(b) vid. Gouffet. Com. Ling. Heb. V. 102. F.
cono
(°) Homer. Iliad. A.
OI

Ch. IX. v. 5.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
407
or Death ; but they cannot hinder themſelves from being darkened, and their Men,
or Subjects, from being tormented. For the killing of a Kingdom, or fmiting of the
Sun thereof, is to deſtroy utterly the Power it had to act as fuch; for according to
Artemidorus, Lib. IV. Cap.42. Te societats awo dutòn épes a ózov, ačting and living
are Analogical to each other. So Ariſtotle : (d) 'Es user Mevsgreicio te lo os xj.coreshev.
Therefore to kill, is to take away quite all Power to act as a Government for the fu-
ture ; and in the Subjects implies utter Extermination. That Kingdom is ſtill alive,
and its Men fubfiſt alive, whilf the fame Government ſtands ftill and protects a fuf
ficient Number of its Subjects; that is, can act with them as a Government, and is
not quite Outed, Abdicated or Subdued. So a King Abdicated is a King Dead, as a
King. A Man condemned to die, for Crimes which the Law puniſhes with Death,
is a Man dead in Law, and cannot act in any Political Capacity. See the Note
upon Chap. 9. 15. B. According to this true Notion of the Matter, if notwithſtand-
ing all the Incurſions and Miſchiefs acted by theſe Locuſts, all theſe Kingdoms, or
Monarchies, which exiſted at their firft Appearance, and governed the Men, did ſtill
ſubfift, and defended a fufficient Number of their Subjects under their Government,
whilſt the Power of the Locuſts was in its Vigor ; then the Locuſts did not kill them
but only tormented their Subjects by their Invaſions; and cauſed great Torment and
Miſery among them.
Now the Event is exactly ſuitable to the Viſion. For though the Saracens over-
ran many Countries in Arabia, Chaldea, Syria, Paleſtine, Egypt, and Africa; and as
far as Spain, France and Sicily, yet they were always fo far driven back, or re-
ſtrained, that not one Monarchy in Chriſtendom quite periſh'd by their Incurfions.
The Empire of Conſtantinople did fuffer the moſt by the Saracens, being indeed cut
ſhort, and loſing Syria, Egypt, Africa, and a good Part of Natolia ; yet it fubfifted
ſtill as a Kingdom. So Incurſions were made into Spain and France; but the Monar-
chies of both were not quite dettroyed by them. (e) Soliman being Chalife about
A.C. 716, or A. Hej. 98. and not underſtanding his Commiſſion, ſent an Army of
One Hundred and Twenty Thouſand Men, and Three Thouſand Ships, to Befiege
Conſtantinople : Which was done in due Form, and with
great Obſtinacy. The Inha-
bitants offer'd to pay ſo much a Head for their Ranſom, ſo ſtraightly were they
girded. This being refuſed, the Emperor Leo found Means to hire the Bulgarians
and Francs, who by Land and Sea fet upon them, and made them ſuffer fuch Things
as never befieging Army did. They were forced to eat their Horſes, the Roots and
Leaves of Trees. The Fleets which came to their Succour with Provifions, were all
deſtroyed and ſunk: So that only Ten of the Ships eſcap'd of that Number, whereof
Five were taken by the Chriſtians.
Thus you ſee how the Bounds of theſe Locufts were ſet them : Which when they
attempred to tranſgreſs, they periſhed miſerably. Upon this (f) Haomir, who fuc-
ceeded Soliman, fell a perſecuting prodigiouſly the Chriſtians within his Dominions.
This was within his Commiſſion. About Ten Years after theſe Saracens being called
in by Eudo Duke of Aquitain, into France out of Spain, they were mer by Charles
the Martel, who fell upon them, and in one Barrel flew Three Hundred and Se-
venty Five Thouſand of them, loſing only Fifteen Hundred of his Men. And within
a few Years after, quite drove them back with all their new Auxiliaries, lately come
over out of Spain and Africa. So that from theſe Times they never endeavour'd with
any great Likelihood of Succeſs to encroach upon Chriſiendom; but they were eaſily
repulſed, and diſcouraged from making any further Atrempts. And here 'tis proper
to obſerve the Words of Nicephorus upon theſe Attempts of the Saracens. (g) If
they did not altogether deſtroy the Empire, at leaſt the greateſt Part of the Army was
cut to Pieces by an unknown Nation, coming from an inacceſſible Wilderneſs. They
were not to kill, but torment.
B. AM’ v2 Baru í 2007, But that they ſhould torment.] Torment, Besuviouds, hath
always a peculiar Reſpect to Fire, becauſe Torments, by way of Trial upon Male-
factors, were for the moſt part perform’d with Fire. From which Reaſon you have
(d) Ariſtot. Eth. Nic. Lib. IX. cap. 7. re) Gregor. Abulphar. pag. 130. Paulus Diacon:
Lib. XVIII. circa finem. Nicephorus C. P. cap. 9. Hiſt. Heracl. & Conft.
(f) Baron. Annalib. A. C. 718. ex Theoph.
(8) Nicephɔrus C. P. Hiſt. cap. 13. S. 5.
Heracl. & Conſtant
4
ia

408
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 5.
too.
in this Book particulariy many Inſtances of Smoak, Fire, and Brimſtone, join’d with
Torment : As in Chap. 14. 10, 11, and the Deſtruction of Babylon with Fire, is called
her Torment. Chap. 18. 10, 15. fo in Chap. 20. 10. the Devil, the Beaſt, and the
Falſe Prophet, are thrown into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone to be tormented. If
we conſider the Origin of the Word Beravičo to Torment, which (h) fome derive
from Berava, a Touchſtone ; we ſhall find, that it hath a Reſpect to Fire ; for even
Besozy @ it ſelf is but a Name given to the Stone from its Uſe, which is to try Me-
tals, inſtead of the more Ancient way of doing it by Fire, which is alluded to in
Holy Writ, as the only way to do it; as it is at this Day, in the Eaſtern Parts of the
World, when thoſe Stones are not at Hand. Béget is plainly corrupied from
Belvaus@, and that too from Bebravo C, which alludes to Fire. Hefych. Betyevoice
,
nãou té xin die Truedsa news nel tes neuves. For it comes from Bevón and lowo, which
in the fame Author is resp.140 geov do teror, the Words uſed by the LXX, in their
Tranſlations of the Prophets, where they ſpeak of Trials as by a Furnace. Now
Bewin moſt probably comes from the Hebrew ina, Tentare, Probare, to try
and examine, as Gold is tried in the Fire. The Learned Gouſſet derives Rebouy G
from it, but that muſt be fappofed mediately from bubon and Briavom
The Gothick Tongue, fomewhat a kin to the ancient Greek, retains this Notion
BALWEINIM fignify Torments, Luke 16. 23. This ſeems derived from
BAL and WINNAN : The firſt ſignifying Fire, the latter to endure or Suffer. For
though Bal is not found in the Gothick Verſion, the only Monument of that Tongue,
yet it is found in this compounded Word, and in that of (2) BALWIA N to torment,
and in the cognate Tongues. Fire is in Anglo-Saxon Bæl, which properly fignifies
Rogus, incendium, as in other Northern Languages
. So likewiſe in the Anglo-Saxon
Tintregian is to torment, and Tinterga or Tinterga-ſłow, the Gehenna, or Place of
Torments by way of Fire, for it comes from Tendan to burn or enflame : Whence
Tender or Tynder is fuel, and ſtill uſed. So that I ſee no Reaſon to doubt but
BAL and Bål are a kin to the Greek Bevón, as if it were Bauan, the Liquids being
eaſily interchanged ; as even the Saxon Bæl-fyr is now turn'd into Bon fire. Thus
alfo Beravcov, Balneum an hot Bath, or artificial Bath is as Beweioy from the Fire,
Kettles and Furnaces kept therein to heat the Water. So we find in Heſychius Bérc-
sss and Beacúvexes, dowógiov a Priſon, ſo it ſhould be read, not Banca as if
it came from Bar and 'ixo, the Houſe of Fire or Torment, or from asrid, if we
ſtick to the vulgar Reading, which in the fame Author is Béres ; for Priſons were
of old not only to reſtrain, but alſo to torment: Compare Matth. 5._.25. with
Matth. 18. 34. where quacexol in the one, is Synonymous to Bacevisons in the other,
the Priſon to the Tormentors: Which in Luke 12. 58, are apgulopes, the Ex actors of
Debts : It being uſual then to torment Debtors, to force them to pay their Debts
quickly, which is at this Day uſed in Perſia, as Tavernier obſerves, and of Old among
the Romans, till Conſtantine the Great.
Theſe Words ſeem to be derived from the Hebrew on, to abſorb, ſwallow, or
devour, as Fire doth; and by Conſequence to deſtroy. Whence come the frequent
Compariſons or Expreſſions of Fire devouring ; as in Pſal. 21. 10. Pfal. 5o. 3.
Fudges 9.15. Iſaiah 9. 18. Chap. 10. 17. Chap. 33. II. Ferem. 5. 14. Deut. 4. 24.
Chap. 9. 3. So that we may ſee why Torment by Fire, in the Metaphorical Way,
or Symbolical Language, is uſed fo frequently to fignify Deſtruction and Deſolation.
Now theſe Expreſſions are alſo uſed in prophane Authors. Horace thus calls Vulcane
greedy, becauſe the Fire is fo. (k) Hinc avidus ſtetit Vulcanus. The Commentator
faith, Propter ignis rapacitatem. So in Virgil,
(1) Scilicet ignis edax ſumma ad faftigia vento
Volvitur.
di raves
In Sophocles we have the Trial by Torment, or Fire; as by taking up hot Irons, or
walking through the Fire.
(h) Etymol. M. in Voc. Begaviļev.
(i) Vid. Fr. Junij Gloff. Goth. Pag. 80. and 403.
(k) Horar. Lib. III. Od. 4.
(1) Virgil. Æneid. Il.
4
1981
(m) 'Huler
Ch. IX. v. 4.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
409
Osblo
(m) Η μίν δ' έτοιμοι και μύδρες άρειν κροϊν,
Segretto
Και πυρ δέρπειν. .
Conra on
So in Plautus,
(1) Atra pix agitet apud carnificem, tuoque capiti illuceat
Tully, (0) Quid cum ignes candenteſque lamine, cæterique cruciatus admovebantur.
Lucretius, Verbera, carnifices, robur, pix, lamina, tad&.
So in Plautus, (p) Incendium is Torment ; in corde facit amor incendium ; which à
little after is thus expreſſed, Quia enim me affli&tat amor. Thus alſo Apollonius,
ſpeaking of Cupid's Arrow ſhot againſt Medea, calls it (9) Benonuei cixenov, a Dart
like Fire. And to burn fimply is to torment: Terence, (n) Uro hominem. And again,
(s) Te ut male urat, to torment thee grievouſly. Hence as the Name of Bdouro was gi-
ven to the Touchſtone, becauſe doing the Office of Fire ; ſo the Whips being uſed in-
ſtead thereof were called Flagra and Flagella, Burners : From Flagro, orégw, to burn
or blaze. So Horace faith, (t) uri virgis. And elſewhere, Ibericis peruſle funibus
latus. Again, (u) Loris non ureris. Catullus, (w) Inuſta turpiter tibi flagella con-
fcribillent. And therefore Clemens Alexand, faith (x) Tüç dv6 gab mos uézesov xonasievor,
Fire is to Men the greateſt Torment.
I ſhall add but one Inſtance more of the Word Boonvila. In 1 Sam. 5. 6. £beoor-
OEY ourès, the Hebr. Dow", which Word coming from ou, is commonly turn'd
in the LXX by eenpów to waſte and defolaté. So that
the Meaning of this Tormenting
is, that the Locuſts will bring Fire and Sword, and Deſolation againſt Men, but ſhall
not quite deſtroy them. The Kingdoms of the Eaſtern and Weſtern Parts of Chri-
ſtendom ſhall ſtill ſtand for all the Wars and Deſolations cauſed therein by theſe Sara-
cen Locuſts. And that which increaſed the Miſchief not a little, was, that all this
while the Eaſtern Chriſtians were involved in Civil Wars about Images, which gave
the greater Opportunity to the Saracens, to make Incurſions upon them.
Note here by the Way, that there hath happened in the Extent of this Torment a
Coincidence of the Event with the Nature of the Locuſts. The Saracens have made
Inroads into all thoſe parts of Chriſtendom where the natural Locuſts are wont to be
ſeen and known to do Miſchief, and no where elſe: And that too in the ſame Propor-
tion. Where the Locuſts are ſeldom ſeen, there the Saracens ſtaid little: Where
the natural Locuſts are often ſeen, there the Saracens abode moft ; and where
they breed moſt, there the Saracens had their Beginning and greateſt Power. This
may be eafily verified by Hiſtory.
The Reader muſt not here expect that we ſhould give him the Hiſtory of the San
racen Incurſions during the Time that we ſuppoſe this Plague of them laſted. I ſhall
therefore content my ſelf with Two Obſervations, which ſhew the Rapidity of their
Expeditions, and the Miſchief it cauſed in Chriſtendom, and the Roman Armies of the
Emperor Heraclius. Their (y) firſt Exploit againſt the Romans was to beat their Ar-
my, and fow up the General Sergius in a Camel's Skin, to let him dye with Drought.
This was indeed in the Times of (2) Abubecre. But they had before made Incurſions
without Oppofition, under the Conduct of Mahomet himſelf. The next General was
Theodorus Triturus ; him they drew into an Ambuſcade, and flew a great Number of
his Men. The next was one John , ſent alſo by Heraclius Governor of Barca, who
coming to cloſe with them, was ſlain. Then Marinus falling in with them was o-
vercome, his Army routed, and himſelf hardly eſcaped. Marianus, Chamberlain to
Heraclius, was ſent next ; he gave them Battel, and was cut to Pieces, with the
greateſt Part of his Troops. And we are told in a certain (a) Chronicle, that Hera-
clius having ſent an Army againſt the Saracens, who were entred to plunder, a Battel


(m) Sophocl. Antigon pag. 225. H. Steph. (n) Plaut. Capt. Act. III. Scen. IV. v. 65.
O M. T. Cic. c. Verr. IV. (v) Plaut. Mercat. Act. III. Scen. IV. v. 3. & 63.
(9) Terene. Eunuch. Act. II. Scen. 2. (n) Terent. Eunuch. Act. III. Scen. I.
($) Horat. Lib. II. Sat. 7.
(t) Horat. Epod. 4. (u) Hor. Lib. I. Ep. 16.
(0) Carull. Carm. 25. (oc) Clem. Al. Scromat. Lib. IV. pag. 212.
(y) Nicephor,
C. P. Hiſtor. cap. 7. Heraclij. (3) Gregor. Abulph. pag. 109. (a) Chronicon S. Be.
nigni Divionenſ. apud Dacherium in Spicileg. Tom. I.
Mmmmm
was
410
Trumpet V. Woe Chap: IX. v.5.
Ten Years and a half, that they became Ma-
was fought, wherein were ſlain on the Roman Side, One Hundred and Fifty Thou-
ſand Men. That a new one was raiſed, and again overcome, and ſo on.
But to ſhew their great Rapidity 'tis ſufficient to obſerve, that in the Reign of Omar
the Second Chalife, who died A. Hej
. 24. theſe Locuſts had made ſuch prodigious
ſters of Thirty
Towns, Caſtles
potamia, Perſia and Egypt ; and carried on their Conqueſts as far as Tripoli of Bar-
are And thisnis obferved by (b) Khondemir. The Succeffor of this Omar was
(c) Othman, who carried on his Conqueſts as far as the Streights of Gibraltar on the
one Hand, and on the other gain’d the Iſland of Cyprus, and others in the Archipela-
go. They alſo penetrated into Spain. The next Chalife Ali was interrupted by civil
Wars and flain by Treachery, which hindred their Progreſs : But the next Chalife
(d) Moaviah about A. Hej
. 52. ſent his Son Yazid againſt the Greeks in Armenia, and
drove them to the Suburbs of Conſtantinople, held it beſieged a long Time, fowing
and reaping in the Grounds about it. But out-ſtretching their Commiſſion, loft Thir-
ty Thouſand Men and withdrew. Tazid having ſucceeded, the Saracens turned their
Arms rather towards the Eaſt, Khoraſſan, Khovareſm and Samarcand. After ſome
ſhort-liv'd Chalifes Abdalmalec ſucceeded, who made a Truce with Fuftinian the Em-
peror; ſo that the Saracens turn'd their Arms again towards the Eaſt, and invaded the
İndies. Then his Son Soliman, though not immediate Succeffor, made that fecond
great Attempt upon Conſtantinople mention'd before, A. Hej. 98. But his Predeceffor
and Brother (e) Valid had plagued the Chriſtians of another Side, during Nine Years
Reign, fubjugating moſt Part of Spain, Sardinia, Majorca, Minorca, and Part of Gal-
lia Narbonenfis , beſides his Conqueſts in the Indies. His Brother (f) Tazid having
ſucceeded Omar ben Abdalaziz, the Saracens made Incurſions into the Gauls, and laid
Siege to Tolofa, but were repulſed by Eudo. (9) About this Time the Saracens made
a Deſcent into Sicily (b) A. Hej. 136. but Gregorius Abulpharagius faith, A. Hej.
137. Almanſor II. Chalife of the Abbaſide began his Reign, and conquered Armenia,
Cilicia and Cappadocia, and to ſecure his Conqueſts rebuilt (i) Malaihia or Meliſa in
Armenia, about (k) A. Hej
. 140. which had been deſtroyed by Conſtantinus Copronymus.
And to ſecure his own Reſt, he built Bagdad, A. Hej. 145. Of which more hereaf-
ter : The Effects of the Excurſions of the Saracens upon the Roman Empire cealing
then ; and the great Monarchy of the Saracens being ſoon after broken to Pieces.
So that we need not to purſue this Matter any further : For if you examine ſtrictly
the Lives of all the following Chalifes, no ſuch great Expeditions will be found any
more, ſaving that about (1) A. Hej. 228. there was an Expedition in Sicily and Can-
dia, but they were taken before.
Ĉ. Mwes névle, Five Months. ] The Holy Ghoſt obſerves the Decorum of the
Symbol, by limiting the Term of theſe Locuſts
, according to the Duration of the
natural Locuſts
. I ſhall begin by ſhewing the Reaſons why the Holy Ghoſt chuſes to
limit this Term here, which is not done in the former Plagues. It is to be obſerved
then, that in all the Prophecies which concern the Fates of the Church, the Number
of Years, by which the Accidents of the
militant State thereof are to be accompliſh-
ed, is not at all ſet down, nor defin'd : The Holy Ghoſt only doth it for the Term
of theſe Locuſts, and that of the great Perſecution of the Witneſſes propheſying in
Sackcloth, and the other Matters Contemporary thereto. Theſe Two are defin'd,
and that by ſuch Terms, as ſeem to imply, that they are to be ſhort. What is the
Meaning of this Condućt ?
I ſuppoſe, that God deſigns to ſhew us thereby, that he hath ſhort'ned the Times
of Tribulation ; eſpecially the great ones, by defining them in Terms implying
Shortneſs for the sake of the Elect, Matth. 24. 22. For it is a Comfort to them
that are Shipwrecked, when they can deſcry the Land, be it never fo far : Since they
are thereby put in good Hopes of eſcaping, and ſhortly too. So ſaid the Philoſopher
on ſuch an Occaſion, (m) Oopper te dvopes, please ép cô, Have Courage, Fellows, I ſee the
Land. So it is with them that are toſſed in the Storms of Perfecution. The de-

tir. Ferid.
(6) Herbelor tit. Omar. (c) Herbelor tit. Othman. (d) Herbelor tit. Moaviah. Nice-
phor. C. P. Hiſt. Heracl. & Conftant. cap. 2. (e) Herbelot tit. Valid.
(f) Herbelor
(8) Nicephor. Hiſt. Leon. cap. 15. (b) Herbelor tit: Manſor.
(i) Her-
belor tit. Malathia. (k) Abulpharag, pag. 140. (1) Herbelor tit. Vathek Billah.
(m) Diogen. Laertius Lib. VI. cap. 36. Vid. Papin. Star. Theb. Lib. II. v. 192.
fining
Chap. IX. v. 5.
Trumpet V. Woel.
411

sipas ၂
fining or limiting of the Time thereof is a cutting off from an indeterminate, which
may prove a comfortleſs Circumſtance; and by Conſequence is the leffening of the
Grief occafion’d by the Tribulation, and the Uncertainty of its Iſſue. Thús King
(n) Darius comforted himſelf upon hearing of the Diſaſter of his Wife, that it is a
Comfort to the afflicted, to know how far their Miſeries are to reach. Hence Ovid
fays;
Zi2 bine
மாற்றியவர் மாத்ரம்
() Felix qui patitur quæ numerare poteſt. but on bed 0
OSTRO sro
And on the other Hand Martial ſays : adaptor mot al on boworod but
Boots to be
(p) Pauca cupit, qui numerare poteft. in den Jaymes
T 20 o adios
For the ſame Reaſons, the Times of the ſecond great Tribulation of the Church, in
its ſecond Period under Antichrift, are called ſhort, Revel. 6. 11. in the Promiſe
made to the Martyrs of the firſt Period ; that both Sorts of Martyrs in the State of
the Primitive Church, and in the Antichriſtian Perſecution, may be glorified together ;
and that the Time thereof may not appear too long. Hence the Holy Spirit uſes
the Symbol of Days to denote the Term thereof, rather than to ſpeak plainly,
and make the Time ſeem long. Which is a Method ſuitable to God's Goodneſs,
that he may not leave us comfortleſs. Now as this here is the firſt tormencing Plague
upon the corrupted Chriſtians ; fo God, having ſtill Bowels of Mercy towards them,
hath been pleaſed alſo to fix this Time, if poſſible, to bring them to a true Senſe of
the Neceſſity of Repentance.
But to come nearer to our Caſe. The natural Locufts begin to appear, aś Pliny
obferves, about the riſing of the Vergiliæ, or Pleiades, and they die about the riſing
of the Dog-ſtar. (9) Vergiliarum exortu parere : deinde ad canis ortum obire, si alias
renaſci. Quidam Arturi occafu renaſci. The Pleiades riſe in the Spring, abouba
Month after the Equinox. Servius ; (™) Signum eft ante genua tauri, quod ortu Juo
prime navigationis tempus oftendit : Unde Græcè Pleiades dicuntur , come on teda
Latinè Vergilie, à verni temporis Significatione, quo oriuntur. The Dog-ſtaroriſes
about the beginning of Autumn ; that is, between the Solſtice and the Autumnal
Equinox. Ar&turus riſes in the middle of September. - Servius: (s) Oritur sidem
Arcturus ante XV. Kalend. Otobr. atque exinde pluvie incipiunt, The Rains begin at
its Rife, and increaſe at its Fall. Plautus ; (t) Vehemens Sum exoriens, cum occido
vehementior. The riſing of Ar&turus is in the Autumn, before the Equinox. Pliny
(1) USque ad Sydus Arčturi quod exoritur undecim diebus anie Æquinoctium Autumni
.
And of its Secting ; Pridie Calend. [Novembr.] Cæfari Arkturus. occidit. The
Rains of this Seaſon kill them after they have laid their Eggs. Pliny 5 (1) Mori
matrés, cum pepererint, certum eſt, vermiculo ftatim circa fauces in naféente, qui eas
Arangulat. Eodem tempore mares obeunt. So that they are only ſeen at moft during
Five Months ; part of April
, May, fune, July, and Auguft, with part of September.
But however, as Five Months is the utmoſt Extent of their Lives, ſo it is a great
while ; and they do not always reach that Term, for the Heat and Drineſs of rithe
Summer is the Ruler, as in all other Inſeets. But let the Duration of the natural Lo-
cüſts be what it will, the Term of the Symbolical ones is fix'd to Five Months.20 191
And firſt we may obſerve, that theſe, like the natural Locuſts, have a prefixed
Time for their Subſiſtence : That is, the Plague of them will not laſt always, but
have an End at ſome Time. Secondly, That this Time will not be very ſhort but
that God will extend their Duration to the full, that they may prove a perfect Woe.
They ſhall have fuch a length of Time as thoſe natural Locuſts, which faſt Five
Months. For when they do fo, Men look upon it as a long Time. So it was to be
with the Saracens, they are to ceaſe at laſt from their Incurfions ; but they muſt
continue them a long Time God hath not abridged their Days upon any Account
to ſpare any body, but after their Reſt to give Men Time to ſtepent. valvd obieta
nuni olism www.homo?eldaott dom ofan 393 07 yow

;
(n) Q. Curt. Lib. IV.
© Ovid. Triſt. Lib. V. Eleg. I.
(P) MarcialLib. VI.
Epigr. XXXIII. (9) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. Capi 29. apa () Servius in Virgil. Georgic.
Lib. 1.
Servius in Virgil. Georgic. Lib. I.
(t) Plaut. Rudent. Prologo
(4) Plin. Nat. Hiſtor. Lib. II. Cap. 47. (w) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. Cap. 29.
sit
Let
1

412
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 5.
Let us now examine the Meaſure of that Time. Now as we ſhall ſee that the
Holy Ghoſt makes uſe of Prophetical Years to ſignify ſo many annual Revolutions of
the Sun, as there are daily Revolutions of it in one natural Year; ſo there are pro-
phetical Months, containing proportionably fo many annual Revolutions of the Sun, as
there are daily Revolutions of it in one compleat Month. We find alſo that the Holy
Ghoſt makes that Prophetick Year to confift
of Three Hundred and Sixty Days, be-
cauſe one Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days are equal to one Year, Two Years,
and half a Year
. And by Conſequence ſuch a Prophetick
Month conſiſts of Thirty
Days. Becauſe we find Forty Two Months equal to thofe Three Years and a Half
,
and to the One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days. The Philoſophers who
had borrowed their Hints from the Prophets, had their Magnus Annus, which con-
fifted of ſeveral Revolutions; and upon their Principles Virgil had alſo his (%) Magni
Menſes, which muſt conſiſt of proportionable Revolutions. We have ſeen that the
Months conſiſt of Thirty annual Revolutions; and therefore theſe Five Months
fignify one Hundred and Fifty Years, or annual Revolutions. So long muſt the
Power of the Saracens laft, to make vigorous and tormenting Incurſions.
Mede being ſenſible of this, hath indeed owned, that theſe Months ſignify ſo many
Years, but not finding the way to compute them, hath run himſelf into great Abſur-
dities. And this happened for not minding that the Holy Ghoſt doth not abſolutely
determine the Term of the Subſiſtence of theſe Locuſts, but that of their tormenting
Men, which are different Things. The Church is only to take Notice of the latter.
But to ſee how Mede proceeds. The Kingdom of the Saracens having lalted in the
Eaſt till the taking of Bagdad by the Moguls, at which Time the Chalife and his
Family were deſtroy'd, in the Six Hundred Fifty Sixth Year of the Hejira, according
to the Arabian Computation, and other Saracens ſettled in other Parts, having laſted
much longer, and to this very Day, this Term far exceeds the Computation of the
Holy Ghoſt. Mede therefore ſaw that the Term of the Holy Ghoſt muſt be compu-
ted otherwiſe. So perceiving that the Holy Ghoſt hath named this Term Twice;
and particularly, that in the laſt Place, the tormenting Power of the Locuſts is placed.
in their Tails, he hath fancied that theſe were Two different Terms: And that as
there was a tormenting Power in the Tails, ſo there muſt have been a former Power
to Torment, mentioned here in general, as it were with their whole Bodies. There-
fore he placed this general Power of tormenting in the Eaſt, and the Tails in Africa,
whereby the Stings fell upon Sicily, Sardinia and Italy: Which he finds were tor-
mented by the Saracens from A.C. 830, to the Year 980 ; that is 150 Years, or Five
Months of Years, one Year for a Day.
But not being ſatisfied with this ; for indeed what can be more abſurd, than to
take no Notice of the firſt Torment and prodigious Growth of the Saracens, and
then to place the A&tions of the Locufts in tormenting, and the very beginning of
that Torment above Two Hundred Years after the firſt Appearance of Mahomet, who
is by him looked upon as the Angel of the Abyſe, and began to raiſe the Locufts
Two Hundred and Fifteen Arabian Years and more, before this Term of 150 Years
is begun to be computed: For the Year of Chriſt, 830, falls in with A. Hej. 215,
as Pocock hath computed it. He being therefore not ſatisfied with this Account,
hath thought of another Solution : So having found that the Holy Ghoſt names the
Five Months Twice, and thinking that the Holy Ghoſt choſe to ſet down the Num-
ber of the Five Months Twice, rather than double it, becauſe the Five Months Term
is proper to the Symbol of Locuſts, upon the Account already mentioned, he adds
them together to make Three Hundred Years. And this Space of Time he applies
to that Space of Time, between the building of Bagdad, A. C. 750, where the
Chalifes fettled themſelves, to the taking of the Town by Togrulbeg, King of the
Turks, A.C. 1955. Which Space of Time contains 305 Years. The taking thereof
having put an end to the Power of the Chalifes, Succeſſors of the Angel of the Abyſe.
But the Computation being made by Months in the Viſion, the odd Days therein
muſt no more be accounted, according to his Opinion, than when the Computation
is made by Days, the odd Hours need to be accounted for. This is indeed an eaſy
way to get ſhut of ſuch troubleſome Fragments, when our Meaſures are too long for
(2) Virgil. Eclog. IV. Vid. Turneb. Adverſar. Lib. XVI. Cap. 13. And If, Voff. de Sibyl. Orac,
Cap. y.
1
the

Chap. IX. v. 5. Trumpet V. Woe I.
413
the Computation and fixt Determination of the Holy Ghoſt. Not to fay, that ſtill he
begins his Computation rather where it ſhould end. Mr. Jürieu hath ſeen that this
was abſurd; for which Reaſon he was content to ſay, it was defign'd thereby only to
appoint the longeſt Term of the Locuſts ; whereby we Mhould know, that although
their Power ſhould ceaſe at laſt, yet they ſhould have a long Time to torment.
Mr. Whiſton, who from his great Skill in Mathematical Computations, might have
avoided ſtumbling in his Reckoning, is not only fallen into that Abſurdity of ma-
king One Hundred Fifty Five Years ſtand for One Hundred and Fifty Years, but into
a much greater, by endeavouring to correct the Text according to his own Fancy.
For Firit, inſtead of név re, he ſeems to wiſh, that it might be read divarlyle'; that is,
he would have the Holy Ghoſt to ſay, not what it hath thought fit, but what
Mr. Whiſton thinks convenient for his own Purpoſe. Such Obſervations need no Con-
futation. Suſpecting therefore that this won't do, he proceeds to another Con-
je&ture. He makes the Torment of the Locuſts to begin at their attacking both the
Capitals of the Eaſtern and Weſtern Empire ; for he likewiſe takes the Five Months
to be computed Twice. The firſt Term he begins A. C. 673, when the Saracens
firſt laid Siege to Conſtantinople ; and ends it A. C. 823, at their taking of Crete.
This was ſoon followed by their Attempts upon the Weſtern Capital ; when the Sara-
cens firſt came and fack'd the City of Rome, A. C. 846. And the Concluſion he
makes to be when the Emperor Otho beat them out of Italy, A. C. 1001, and A. C.
1005, they were quite driven out. I can ſay nothing to the firſt Term, becauſe I
find not certainly the Year wherein Crete was taken. But for the Second, we need
but to take his own Account, and fee with very little Skill in Numbers, that
Mr. Whiſton reckons One Huddred Fifty Nine, or at leaſt One Hundred Fifty Five
Years to be the ſame as One Hundred and Fifty Years, which is the only Term the
Holy Ghoſt hath allowed to the Torment of theſe Locuſts.
Notwithſtanding theſe vain Attempts, I will try whether I cannot be more happy
in my Conjectures than theſe Learned Men. And to make my way eaſy towards it,
tis proper to obſerve the following Particulars before we begin to compute Years,
Firſt, that the Life or entire Subfiftence of theſe Saracen Locuſts is not determined
to Five Months by the Holy Ghoſt. So that we need not to trouble our ſelves about
the Extent of the Monarchies which they ſet up, nor of their Duration. There is
nothing obſerved by the Holy Ghoſt, but the Extent or Duration of their power to
torment ; which is Five Months. Becauſe the Torment only falling upon corrupted
Chriſtendom, it is for the Sake of that, that the Holy Ghoſt takes Notice of them,
and Thews the Extent of their Power. Secondly, I obſerve from the Decorum of
the Symbol, that is, the Nature of Locuſts, that they are only taken Notice of
whilſt they make Flights or Incurſions to deſtroy the Fruits of the Earth. As foon as
they ſettle, and begin to lay their Eggs, they die, and are no more taken Notice of
by Men. So that the Type of the Locufts is only to repreſent a great Multitude of
Enemies making Excurſions, and ravaging Countries : But that as ſoon as they return,
ſettle and ceaſe from ſuch Excurſions, they can be no more repreſented under the
Type of Locuſts. And thus when the Prophet foel repreſents the Aſſyrians under
the Type of Locuſts, it is to ſhew that they were a&tually coming in a vaſt Mul-
titude to deſtroy Fudea. When this was done, and they ſettled again at Babylon,
they are no more Locuſts. The Holy Ghoſt takes no Notice of them as ſuch. Nei.
ther do the Prophets any where uſe that Symbol to expreſs a ſettled Monarchy, be it
never fo Tyrannical and Tormenting; nor do Authors, who often compare Plunderers
to Locuſts, uſe ſuch Compariſons but on the Account of their Ravaging. For In-
ſtance, Nicetas ſpeaking of the Scythians, whoſe Multitudes were formidable, break-
ing into the Grecian Empire in the Fifth Year of the Reign of Fohn Comnenus, faith,
(y) that they ravaged all Thrace like Locuſts. The Expeditions of the Scythian Na
tions having been moſt commonly, as Herodotus ſpeaks of the Cimmerians, orfe of
them, (2) chat spomenis apzagh, Excurſions to Plunder. This is to be applied to the
Saracens and Arabians, Followers of Mahomet and his Succeſſors. Whilft they keep
on in their way of plundering and ravaging, by making numerous and prodigious
great Excurſions into Chriſtendom, ſo long they are like Locufts. But when they
leave off that way, and ſettle; erect Monarchies, and endeavour rather to preſerve
() Niceia; Hift. Iſaaci Compen. Cap. 4. Sect. I.
Nnnnn
(<) Herodot. Lib. I. Cap. VI.
them

414
Trumpet V. Woel.
Ch. IX. v. 5
themſelves in a quiet State, than to annoy Chriſtendom at the old Rate, and ſeek out
new Conqueſts and Adventures, then they are, no more like Locuits ; and the Holy
Ghoſt leaves them to deſcribe other, more remarkable Accidents, that are to befal cor-
rupted Chriſtendom. For as to theſe, their work is ſufficiently done for this Time.
And therefore, as God takes no Notice in theſe Prophecies of any external•Kingdom
of this World, but merely in relation to his Church, ſo when they have executed his
Commands, after he hath permitted them to appear upon this Holy Theatre, they
are as it were laid afide, and no more taken Notice of by the Holy Ghoſt, as having
ſerv’d God's Turn already, and now become unprofitable Servants. This Obſerva-
tion is ſo true, that it reaches not only the Prophecies, but the whole Hiſtory of the
Holy Scriptures. quos can
o lors voor ondt
Matters being ſo, it will not be very difficult now to apply this to the Symbols
of this Viſion, and the Term decided therein ; and ſo to find out the preciſe and
critical Time wherein theſe Saracen Locuſts and Arabians fix d themſelves. Grego-
rius Abulpharajius, that excellent Arabian Hiſtorian, will do this for us; and that too
in ſuch Words as ſeem fatal and deciſive. Now he having given us an Account of
their Wars and Progreſs, and ſhewn how during the Saracen Excurſions, their
Chalifes never ſettled any where, but were ſometimes in one place, and ſometimes
in another: He tells us at laſt, that dbu Giafar dl Manſor, their Chalife, and Se-
cond of the Abbaſide, laid the Foundation, and built the City of Bagdad, on that
very Deſign to make it a perpetual Settlement for himſelf and his Army, being dif-
contented with the Mutinies he had ſuffered elſewhere. The Words of the Hiſtorian
in Pocock's Tranſlation, run thus, (a) Prefe&tus eſt igitur quæfitum locum, ubi cum
exercitu fuo fedem figeret, And accordingly he founded and built the City of Bagdad,
which became then, and all along afterwards, the ſettled Habitation of the Chalifes,
till they were extirpated quite by Halacu, King of the Mogols, who took the City,
and deſtroy'd the Chalife then Reigning, with all his Family: So that they never
regain’d their former Power.." or bad
Let us now_proceed to compute theſe Five Months, or One Hundred and Fifty
Years, to the End, beginning precifely, at the Time that Mahomet, the Star that
opened the Bottomleſs Gulph, began to do it, by raiſing out of it theſe Saracen
Locuſts. Thoſe Hiſtorians who treat of Mahomet ſuccinctly, ſuch as Gregorius
(b) Abulpþar ajius, and others, tell us, that Mahomet entred upon his Prophetick Office,
being compleatly Forty Years Old : But in this they are to be underſtood thus, that he
then only firſt received ſome little Portion of the Alcoran from the Angel Gabriel: And
was then commanded by the ſame Angel to call Men to the true Religion. But other
Authors, who have more largely and diſtinctly delivered the Hiſtory of Mahomet, ſuch
as Elmacinus, make it appear, that he did not at firſt publickly preach his new Religion
before the Forty Fourth Year of hiş Age, having before only inſinuated it to a few Men,
and ſome Women. Yea, in the beginning of the Fifth Year, namely, from his firſt Vo
cation, there were but Thirty Nine Perſons that believed on him. Omar was converted
in the fame Year, and was the Fortieth Muſulman : And his coming over to Mahomet,
encouraged him to preach in Publick: (c) Ut autem annos implevit quadraginta, voce-
tus fuit ad munus propheticum. That is, within Six Days thereof; becauſe he was
born the Eighth Day,i:of the Month Rabia I. but, Gabriel appear'd firſt to him
the Second Day of the fame Month. Again ; (d) Anno autem ætatis Suæ 44, mani-
ſeſtavit, vocationem, ante enim clanculum tantum invitabat ad Iſlamifmum. And after-
wards counting from his firſt Calling, he faith, (e) Anno decimo quarto migravit
Mohammed Medinam. Ingreffus autem eft Medinam, die 12 Menſis Rabie prioris.
Now ſince this Migration, or Hejira, falls upon the Fifty Fourth Year of Mahomet,
tis plain that he had begun to preach publickly only Ten Years before. 'Tis true
that theſe Years may be underſtood of Lunar Years, which would diminiſh fome-
what the Term of Ten Years ; namely, about Four Months: But perhaps there is no
Occaſion for that ; becauſe the Arabians had Intercalations before Mahomet's Time,
and ſo made their Lunar Years equal to the Solar : Which may be proved from this,
that (f) Mahomet in his Alcoran hath forbidden ſuch Intercalations. So that 'tis
whole orientas
evrglance of any troubo buboreal.banom Boom
(a) Gregor. Abulph. Hift. Dynaſtiar. Pag. 141.
(6) Gregor. Abulph. Pag. 102, and 103.
(c) Elmacin. Hiſtor. Saracen. Pag. 2.
(d) Elmacin. Pag. 3. V. Gabriel. Sionit. Append. ad
Geograph. Nubiens. Pag. 22.
(e) Elmacin. Pag. 4.
(f) Herbelot Tit, Neffa, & Harb.
(
highly
01 JobOY9H

Ch. IX. V.5.
Trumpet V. Woe. I.
415
highly probable, that the Intercalations were practic'd before the Hejira. Thus
Mahomet did open the Pit of the bottomleſs Gulph, to let out the Smoke with the
Locuſts, by his publick Preaching, full Ten Years before the Epocha of the Hejira,
whoſe firſt Year begins July 16. A. C. 622, by (g) Pocock's Computation, and (b)
Herbelot's too; who agrees with him therein ; and proves it likewiſe by ſeveral Chro-
nological Characters: Allowing alſo Fourteen Years between the firſt Call of Mahomet
to the prophecick Office, and his Flight. We muſt not therefore heed ſuch Authors
as allow only Thirteen Years before the Hejira, ſuch as Gregorius Abulpharajius; or
only Twelve, as (i) Ben-Caſſem. So then it remains, that the firſt publick Preach-
ing of Mahomet fell upon A. C. 612. Now as we have pitched upon the Building
of Bag dad to be the Concluſion of the One Hundred and Fifty Years; ſo that muſt
fall upon A.C. 762. And indeed we find it exactly true, that the firſt laying of
the Foundation of that City was in that very Year. Gregorius Abulpharajius faith,
(k) Anno centeſimo quadrageſimo quinto urbem Bagdad extruere cæpit Al-Manſur.
Elmacin and the (1) reſt agree to it. And that Year One Hundred Forty Five lights
preciſely, as to the beginning of it, upon April 1. A C. 762. For the (m) Arabian
Year being Lunar, and without Intercalations to make it even with the Solar, con-
fifts only of Three Hundred Fifty Four Days, with the Bilſextile Intercalation of a
Day every Third Year. And thus One Hundred Forty Four Arabian Years compleat,
make only One Hundred and Forty Solar Years, wanting ſo many Days as there are
between the Firſt of April, and July the 16th. So that between A. C. 612, and
A.C. 622, are Ten Years Solar : And between A. C. 622, July 16. and 24. C. 762,
April 1. are One Hundred and Forty Solar Years, wanting ſo many Days. In all
therefore One Hundred and Fifty Solar Years. Which was to be proved, and demon-
ſtrated. But here we have ſuppoſed, that Al-Manſur laid the Foundation upon the
very firſt Day of the Year, which is not likely; but that he ſtaid longer, and more
towards the Summer. For it's obſerved, that for this purpoſe he took the (n) Horo-
ſcope of a lucky Day and Moment, to lay the firſt Foundation of this City. All
which muſt needs require ſome Time. So that might we know exactly the Day and
Month wherein he laid the Foundation of Bagdad, we ſhould very likely find, that
it was exactly One Hundred and Fifty Solar Years after the Impoſtar Mahomet firſt
began to preach publickly.
Now perhaps ſome will think, that the Building of this City could not be ſo fatal
and critical a Point as to determine the Dutation of the Locuſts
. But I have ſhewn,
that it fixes their Settlement ; and ſo is enough in the preſent Caſe. And this was fó
much a Settlement both in Event and Deſign, that Al Manfor gave it a Name which
implies it fully: For he called it, according to Elmacinus, Medinat Aſalam, City of
Peace; or as (6) Gabriel Sionit a hath it out of Ben-Caſſem, and (p) Herbelot out of others,
Dar aí Salám, Houſe of Peace. And (9) Herbelot obſerves, that it was in Allufion to
the Name of Jeruſalem, Viſion of Peace, ſo called when David made it the Capital
of his Kingdom, having fertled it in Peace, 2 Sam. 5. 12. And the Name of his
Son, who was to reign after him therein, he called by the fignificative Name of So.
lomon, 2010, Pacificus, from 2190, Peace. Nay, this Name was given by God
himſelf, i Chron. 22. 9. upon that Score. The Allufion being plain in the Text. There-
fore Philo faith,(0) "Ovoque cielezero's
, os mezeim saco own Editoresèy react ). Some perhaps will think,
that the building of a City is too ſlender a Circumſtance to fix the Settlement of theſe
Locuſts: and this Name to be given caſually. But let them conſider how nice che
Oriental Nations are to give Names from their own Circumſtances, and how ſuch Names
are ſometimes fatal. And I cannot but look upon the Building of the City of Bagdad,
with thoſe Names and Circumſtances already mentioned, as the fatal Point in the In-
tention of the Holy Ghoſt. The Holy Scriptures ſhewing us how fatal the building
of Cities is, and implies Settlement.
The firſt that is ſaid to have built a City is Cain, Genef. 4. 17. Now on what
Account did he do it? It was undoubtedly to comfort himſelf, and thus take off the
Odium of being a Vagabond, which God had inflicted upon him. That City was
OSIS DIT
(8) Pocock. Indic. Ann. Hejiræ ad Calc. Greg. Abulph.
(b) Herbelot cit. Hegrah.
(i) In Gabriel. Sion. App, Geogr. Nub. Pag. 22. Cap. 8. (k) Greg. Abulph. Hiſt. Dyn. Pag. 141.
(1) Herbelor. Tit. Bagdad. (m) Gerbelot. Tit. Neſſa. (n) Herbelot. Tit. Bagdada
© Gabr. Sion. App. ad Geogr. Nub. Cap. 2. Pag. 7. (D) Herbelor. Tit. Bagdad. (9) Hers
belor. Tit. Dar al Salam, Medina & Salami. ( ) Philo de Concurfu Doctrin. Pag. 305.
there-

416
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 5.
therefore deſigned by him to be a full Settlement. Auguſtin hath very well ſeen the
Truth of this ; and his Words are too confiderable to be here omitted. He faith,
(s) Cain quippe genuit Enoch, in cujus nomine condidit civitatem terrenam, ſcilicet non
peregrinantem in hoc mundo, Sed in ejus temporali pace ac felicitate quieſcentem. The
Name of the City was
not without Myſtery, for Enoch, 7in fignifies izrcávec Dedication,
or the Beginning of a Settlement ; a Dedication requiring a quiet Polleffion and Enjoy.
ment for ſome Time, as in Deut. 20. 5. 'Tis true, that the Aldine Edition of the
LXX reads the Name of the Son of Cain 'Eva's, which is confirmed by (t) Philo, who
calls him ſo, that is named the Fourth Man in Holy Writ, and by (u) Joſephus,
and (w) St. Chryfoftom. But they have confounded this Son of Cain with the Son of
Seth, who is called 'Eves. The fame may be ſaid of the Building of Babel, which
was deſign’d for a Settlement contrary to the Command of God, as Foſephus hints,
who would have then Mankind to ſpread themſelves by Colonies. But however the
building of that was pretended to be a Settlement; Let us build us a City and Tower
whoſe Top may reach unto Heaven; and let us make us a Name, left we be ſcattered
upon the face of the whole Earth, Geneſ. 11. 4. Of which more hereafter. The
Words of the Pſalmiſt put this Matter out of doubt, that the Building of a City is
in Order to a quiet Settlement. Pfal. 107. 4. They wandred in the Wilderneſs in a
ſolitary Way, they found no City to dwell in; and v. 7. He led them forth by the right
Way, that they might go to a City of Habitation, gwia, of Settlement, to ſettle there-
in, from 201, which ſignifies not only to fit but to ſtay, remain, and perſevere. So
the Word is uſed in its full Import in Mic
. 5. 4. And they ſhall abide, 13V1 : Securè
Eg in pace, faith Schindler. So in the ſame Pſalm, v. 36. And bere he makes the
Hungry to dwell, that they may prepare a City for Habitation ; where the ſame Hebrew
Words are uſed. 2 Chron. Chap. 14, 6, 7. And he built fenced Cities in fudah: for
the Land had Reſt, and he had no War in thoſe Tears; becauſe the Lord had given him
Reſt. Therefore he ſaid unto fudah, Let us build theſe Cities
And he hath gia
ven us Reſt on every Side. All which imports, that the Building of a City is in or-
der to ſettle in Peace. The fame Notion appears in theſe Verſes of Virgil:
(2) Hic tamen ille urbem Patavi
ſedeſque locavit
Teucrorum, & genti nomen dedit, armaque fixit
Troža : nunc placida compoſtus pace quieſcit.
Nos, tua progenies, cæli quibus annuis arcem,
Navibus, infandum, amiſſis unius ob iram
Prodimur, atque Italis longè disjungimur oris.
As alſo in this ;
(y) Hic locus urbis erit, requies ea certa laborum.
In the (z) Onirocriticks any kind of Building implies Settlement of a Family, or Ac-
quiſition of ſome new Honour, Kingdom or Power, and its peaceful Enjoyment, ac-
cording to the Subject ; and by Conſequence a formal Change of State. To this
may be referred what we have faid concerning the Temple, in our Note upon Chap. 7.
15. C. or ſhall ſay upon the Building of the New Feruſalem ; for thoſe are Symbols of
the Settlements of God's Church in different Proportions. Auguſtin : (a) Sive au-
tem Domus Dei dicatur, five Templum Dei, five Civitas Dei, id ipſum eſt.
Therefore when theſe Saracen Locuſts, whoſe Buſineſs is to rove and torment, and
their King, whoſe Name is Abaddon the Deſtroyer, inſtead of purſuing that Intenti-
on, fall a Building rather to (b) ſettle in Peace, they forget and forſake then their
Commiſſion, and deſerve no more to be recognized under the Name or Symbol of
Locuſts. No more Robbers, but a fettled Nation. To uſe the Words of Grotius :
Ut qui Prædones tantum fuerant, aliud vitæ genus amplexi, civitas fiant. But a Repub-
lick is not in a perfe&t State, till it has a ſettled Capital City. That is its Head :
The Body is not perfect without it
. So it was with theſe Locufts. Their Chalifes
never had before any ſettled Habitation, but abode ſometimes in one place, and ſome-
(s) Auguftin. de Civitat. Dei Lib. XV. Cap. 17.
(t) Philo de Abraham. Pag. 238.
fl. Joſeph. Archæol. Jud. Lib. I. Cap. 2. (w) Joh. Chryſ. Homil. XX. in Geneſ. Pag. 236.
(a) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. I. (y) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VIII. and Lib. III. Verſ. 393.
mer. Cap. 145.
(a) Auguftin, de Civit. Dei Lib. XV. Cap. 19. (b) Yid. H. Grot. de
Jur. B. P. Lib. III. Cap. 3. Sect. 3.
(c) Ach-
times

Ch. IX. v. 5.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
417
imes in another, in this Manner: Firſt (c) Medinah, then Coufah, then Damaſcus,
Coufah again, then Anbar, and Haſchemia, and laſtly Bagdad. And they ſettled ſo
far therein, that, (d) except Two or Three, they reſided conſtantly in Bagdad, to the
taking of it by Hulacou, when Mojtazem the laſt Chalife loſt his Life. From the
Building of Bagdad the Saracens made no more ſuch Incurfions, except fome very
little Attempts ; no more to be accounted, than other ordinary Wars in Chriſtendom
before and after theſe, which the Holy Ghoft takes no Notice of: But they made
no Conqueſts as heretofore, being driven back; ſo that the Power of thoſe Cha-
lifes did thereupon inſenſibly decay , both by the Means of the Chriſtians,
and by their own inteſtine Broils; by which that huge Body was parcelled out into
many leſs Principalities. All which was firſt occafion'd by the too great Power and
feditious Temper of the Turkiſh Militia in Bagdad, who finding the Chalifes to be
defirous of Reft
, and that they had negle&ted to inure their own Subjects to Wat,
aſſumed their power to themſelves ; by which Means the Locuſts themſelves dido de
cay too, and their Power paſt into many other Hands. I ſhall conclude this with
obſerving, that Baronius, upon A. C. 761. being the laſt Year of the Term of theſe
Locuſts, takes notice that in Spain, where the Saracens had hitherto good Succeſs,
the Chriſtians found now a Way to overcome them. And that this was proved by
the Event. He attributes it to the Worſhip paid to the Relicks of St. Vincent But
'tis eaſy to fee, that the Hand of God was truly in it, he having now determined
the Power of theſe Locuſts, by the Expiration of the Five Months olla tot
And fince we have obſerved, that Pope Gregory the Great was the Perſon, who
gave Warning of theſe Woes to follow ſoon after, it will be proper to obſerve here,
how cloſely this Woe did follow the laſt finiſhing Stroke, that was given to perfe&
the Strength of the falſe Prophet in Chriſtendom; to puniſh which Attempt, God
did fuffer the falſe Prophet Mahomet to prophefy falfly, and open the Key of the
Pit to let out the Saracen Locuſts, and perform this firſt Woe. The Tyrant (e) Pho.
cas is ſaid to have made his Grant to the Biſhop of Rome Bonifacius III
. A. C. 606.
by which that Biſhop was declared by his Intrigues Univerſal Biſhop, and his Church
the Head of all the Churches. Who thereupon claim’d to himſelf that Supremacy,
which he hath ſince uſurp'd over the Church of Chriſt. Other Authors ſay it was
A.C. 608. Be it as it will, the firſt pretended Inſpiration of Mahomet falls on that
Year of Chriſt 608 ; fince we find, that Four Years after , viz. A. C. 612. he began
to preach publickly ; that is, Ten Years before the Hejira, A. C. 622. So that if
A. C. 608, be the Year of the Date of the Grant of Phocas to Boniface, Mahomet
did in that very Year go to his Cave, and hatch'd that falſe Prophecy, which was to
torment Chriſtendom for thoſe Corruptions that were then come to the Height. loco
D. Και ο βασανισμός αυτών ως βασανισμος σκορπία, όταν πλήξη α ρ υπον, And. their Tor-
ment was as the Torment of a Scorpion, when he ſtrikes a Man.] 'Tis not unuſual
to ſee Scorpions who fly about like Locuſts, and in Multitudes. (f) In the Reign of
the Chalife Moſteraſhed a great Cloud of Scorpions, with Wings and Two Scings,
made a great Ravage in Chaldea. Their Prickings were mortal, and eſpecially to
young Children, whom they fought and attack'd in the very Cradles. So Pauſanias
faith ; (g) Επεί του και εγώ στη ερωτος όφεις και θα σαι μάνα στεί το μα, διότι ανής φρυξ ήγαγαν
ès loví cu oros mior rais employ ouoc6tzi1 22 7780g) é gorice. (b) Herodotus ſeems to ſpeak of
ſuch a kind of flying Snakes which come upon Ægypt, and no where elſe. î) Pliny
alſo ſpeaks of ſuch flying Scorpions, (k) Strabo, and (2) Ælian, and (m) Lucian,
who faith their Wings are like a Bat's, Graſhopper's, or Locufts; that is, without
Feathers, being entire Membranes. But theſe Locuſts are not Scorpions ; only the
Holy Ghoſt to Thew the Greatneſs of the Torments, hath made them to have Power
as the Scorpions of the Earth. They are not ſuch as the common Locuſts; but like
Scorpions for Miſchief. The Onirocriticks explain what the Scorpion means. The
Perſian Interpreter, Cap. 285. faith, ở onog mios égbegu zurnê pzov ij ón 120 cm boy xpire).
See the reſt. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 13. puts the Scorpion, Tarentula, and Sco-
lopendra together, to ſignify miſchievous Men. Deadpeas zj Guégmoe vj onoa ómer op ou
.
052
(c) Herbelor tit. Khalifah.
(d) Herbelot. tit. Bagdad. (e) D. Prideaux Life of Ma-
homet. So Baron. in Annal.
(f) Herbelor cit. Acrab. & Ilan. di (8) Paulan. B eoric.
pag. 298.
(b) Herodot. Lib. IV. cap. 107.
(1) Plin. Nar. Hift. Lib. XI. cap. 25.
(k) Strabon. Geogr. Lib, XVII. pag. 830, & Lib. XV. pag. 703,
(1) Ælian. Hift,
Anim. Lib. VI. cap. 20. & Lib. XVI. cap. 41, 42.
(m) Lucian. Dipſad,
1802914
00000
Tocyngos
200

418
Chap. IX. v. 6
Trumpet V. Woe I.
frovitees omní ve ai e vops. Apuleius faith, (n) Nofti quendam Barbărum noftræ civitas
tis decurionem, quem Scorpionem, præ morum acritudine, vulgus appellat. Now this
hits very well the Arabians, a poor wandring People, (o) deſpicable to all other Nat
tions before, whoſe Country is all Barrenneſs, Sands, Defares, Rocks and Mouina
tains ; and that little of it which produces ſomething, is nothing to the neighbouring
Lands. The greateſt Part of the Army, faith (p) Nicephorus, mas cut to Pieces by an
unknown Nation, coming from an inacceſſible Wilderneſs. For indeed Mahomet and
his firſt Followers, were but the Raſcality of the Nation it ſelf : And yet God did
raiſe them up with ſuch mighty Power to do his Work. In this place, as well as
before, the Locuſts are ſaid to have Power like the Scorpions of the Earth, as that
the Torment procured by them is like that ariſing from the Sting of a Scorpion up-
on a Man, that we may conceive it comes to a great Pitch. Thoſe that are ſtruck by
a (2) Scorpion ſuffer great pricking Pains and a mighty Heat ; and, as ſome ſay, with
a cold Sweat ; with other grievous Symptoms, which end in the Death of the patient.
Though in many Places their ſtinging proceeds not ſo far; as in the (n) Indies, where
it works off after a burning Fit of Four and Twenty Hours. For in this place we
are to obſerve, that this is mention'd to heighten the Repreſentation of the Torment.
I had almoſt forgot to obſerve, that Ezekiel 2. 6. compares the wicked Ifraelites to
Scorpions, and Ecclefiafticus, a Man who hath a Shrew to his Wife, to one who
takes hold of a Scorpion, Ecclus. 26. 7. Such is the Character of Theodora, Wife
to Fuftinian the Emperor, who is by (s) Procopius called onog medus; that is, as Sui-
das explains it, miſchievous, and ſmothering her Anger, Spiteful. So Lycophron calls
Hercules (t) Exoghov, a Scorpion ; Nice to povesov., becauſe of his Murders, faith the
Scholiaft
. Pollux ſpeaking of an angry Man, gives him the Names of, (u) crogrocér
omiso oroprio. Suat's t® szeitet TW x&ulgo. For the Scorpion is conſtantly ſhaking his
Tail to ſtrike. Pliny : (w) Semper cauda in ictu eſt: Nulloque. momento meditari ceſat,
ne quando defit occafioni. Hence Lucilius, (*) Hic ut muſcipula contenta, ut Scorpže
us cauda ſublata. To which Ovid alſo alludes in the Story of Phaethon ;
nour ain be
vo barebb
Vormelque sa (y) Vulnera, curvata minitantem cuſpide vidit. So Eco
20W i 2 to 19
See Luke 10. 19. explain’d by St. Cyprian of wicked Spirits, (2) Spiritus nequam.
St. Ignatius the Martyr calls thus the Herericks of his Time (a) Scorpions; and their
Do&trine (b) Poiſon. The Hebrews call’d the Scorpion 2py, Acrab, as the Arabi-
anse do ſtill : But the Africans, that is, Phænicians, (c). Nepa; which Word I take to
be a-kin to the Hebrew ned, which Word fignifies to inflame, and metaphorically to
cauſe Grief and Pain, Job 31. 39. The LXX turn it érő mot.
to A. Verſ. 6. Kai on tais suéeges énel vars Snačov oi av gpco mue o velvety, tj š uest dipos-
ovo lovornej hm Jupíscozy drogaveiv, zjęd'ke merev i Dré vá]@, And in thoſe Days Men
feek Death, and ſhall not find it ; and Mall deſire to dye, and Deaih shall flee from
them.] This is to expreſs, by an emphatical Reduplication of the Expreſſion, the
great Anguiſh, in which Men ſhall be, whilſt they are tormented with theſe Lo-
cuſts; fo that they Thall very earneſtly deſire to die, that they may he eaſed of their
Pains. So fob 3. 20. curſing the Day of his Birth, expoftulates, Wherefore is Light
given to him that is in Miſery, and Life unto the bitter in Soul? Which long for
Death, but it comes not ; and dig for it more than for bid Treaſures ? Which rejoice
exceedingly
, and are glad when they can find the Grave. Theſe I ſay are the Wiihes
of one in the Height of Sorrow and Torment ; as if he ſaid , Have I never a Friend
to kill me, or an Enemy to do it, and deliver me out of this Torment? Which Nero
expreſſed thus : (d) Ergo, inquit, ego nec amicum habeo, nec inimicum ? Among the
Cruelties of Tiberius, this is related as one by Suetonius : (e) Mori volentibus vis ad-
chibita, nam mortem adeo leve ſupplicium putabat, ut cum audiſſet unum è reis, Carnu-
ſtant. cap. 13.
(n) Apuleij Metam. Lib. IX.
(0) Vid. Num. 12. I. Amos 9. 7. & Bochart. Phaleg. Lib.
IV. cap. 2. Comp. Job 30. 3. where 'tis a Reproach, (D) Nicephor. C. P. Hift. Heracl. & Con-
(9) Vide Tertullian. Scorpiac. cap. I.
(r) D. Fryers Trav. Ep. IH.
cap. 3.
(s) Procop. Anecdot. Suidas V. o xop zisiveodud.
(t) Lycophr. Cafíand.
v. 476.
(u) Polloc. Onomaſt. Lib. VI. cap. 29. (w) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. cap. 25.
(x) Lucilius Satyr. Lib. XXX. apud Nonium. v. Tenta.
(1) Ovid. Metam. Lib. II.
{) Cyprian. Epiſt. LXIX. Ed. Oxon.
(a) Ignat. Epiſt. ad Antiochen. (6) Ignat.
Ep. ad Trall.
(c) Feſtus V. Nepa. (d) Sueton. Neron. cap. 47. Aurel. Victor. in D.
Neron.
(e) Sueton, Tiber. c. 61.
4
lum

Chap. IX. V. 7. Trumpet V. Woe I.
419
I only
lium nomine, anticipaſſe eam, exclamaverit , Carnulius me evaſit. So it is related,
that when Severianus was put to death by Hadrian's Order, he pray'd in this Man-
ner ; (f) O Ged, who knowe ſt how unjuſtly my Death is contriv d" by Hadrian;
ask this Vengeance, that he may one Day wiſh for Death, without being able to obtain
it. Which happened accordingly. So Horace,
(g) Ingrata miſero vita ducenda eft. gribisnesi
103
See Eccleſ. 30. 17. Seneca ; (h) Mortis habet vices, lente cum trahitur vita gementi-
bus. Again : (i) O quam miſerum eſt neſcire mori ! Seneca the Philoſopher; (k)
Contumeliofus effe voluit, & oftendere quanta crudelitas eſſet, in qua mors beneficium
erat. Prophane Authors are full of Expreſſions that Way. See (1) Gataker upon
the Meditations of the Emperor Antoninas, who hath colle&ted many of them. tosh
As for the Accompliſhment of this Torment, it fell upon thoſe miſerable Wretches,
who dwelt not only all over Chriſtendom, and felt the Miſchief and Terror of theſe
Saracens, but chiefly upon thoſe who dwelt in thoſe Countries which they kept un-
der them, and from which all thoſe in a manner, who did not embrace their Pha-
naticiſm, are exterminated. Conſult Theopbanes and Zonaras. It was the Method
of theſe Saracens in their firſt Incurſions to drive as many Captives as they could.
Thus in their African Expedition (m) A. C. 668. they made Eighty Thouſand Cap-
tives. Upon any Defeat therein, they turn'd upon their Chriſtian Subjects ; as
(n) Haomar or Omar, A.C. 718, having received a great Check at Conſtantinople,
perſecuted them to turn Mahometans by capital Puniſhments. A. C. 741. (0) Valid
being Chalife, ordered all the Chriſtian Caprives to be flain throughout his Domini-
ons. Baronius obſerves, that for Forty Years together, the Chriſtians of Antioch
could not have a Biſhop, till Yazid, A. C. 742, permitted them to have one: And
A. C. 756. the Patriarch of Antioch was forbid to preach, build Churches, and per-
form his other Offices. The Churches in the Eaſt were plundered, the Laymen and
Monks were thrown into Priſons, and the reſt oppreſſed with Exactions and heavy
Tributes. So that I think ſuch Sufferings had never been known before in the World,
ſince the Church had the temporal Power on its Side, eſpecially in the Eaſtern Parts,
which were now moſt affected. But after all, the vaſt Excurſions which they made,
and the ſeveral Vi&tories they obtained after bloody Bartels, fufficiently ſhew, that
the Subjects of all Chriſtian Princes, eſpecially the Byzantine Cæfars, did fuffer very
much during the Effe&ts of this Woe, and till the Saracens found other Enemies to
deal withal. las Globe
otti
A. Verf. 7. Koh mel duco sobre com ce ofera ere som elcord 77025 Bizans une vérons eis tóxeuov, And
the Shapes of the Locufis were like Horſes prepared to the War.] The Holy Ghoſt
having declared the Power and A&tions of the Locufts in general, proceeds now to
defcribe theni more exa&tly, by ſhewing the Qualities they have to effect them.
This firſt Qualification of being like Horſes Harneſſed to Battel, is taken out of foel
2. 4. The Appearance of them is as the Appearance of Horfes, and as Horſemen so
Shall they run. The Compariſon of Horſes to Locufts is alſo uſed by Jeremiah 51.
27, LXX. dvebbe celején! durti it now cos dempé ses y maña : Cauſe the Horſes to come up
es the rougb Caterpillar Now the phy, is a ſort of Locult
, there being ſeveral Sores
of them. And in Foel 1. 4. Four Sorts are named, of which this is one. See Gefner.
This here is to denote, that the great Strength of the Saracens will conſiſt in Horſe-
men. However, the Defcription is partly taken from the Shapes of the Locuits,
whoſe Heads reſemble that of an Horſe. And therefore 'tis obſerv'd, that the Italians,
who are often troubled with them, call them Cavalette, as it were little Horſes.
The Arabians, who know them well, fay, that the Locuſts have the Thigh of a
Camel, the Legs of an Oftridge, the Wings of an Eagle, the Breaſt of a Lion, their
Tails are like a Vipers, and the Appearance of Horſes adorns their Heads and Coun-
tenance. Another Arabian Auclior cited by Bochart, faith, that in the meaneft Lo-
cult there is the Nature of Ten great Animals. Firſt, the Face of an Horſe, the Eyes
bansa
(f) Joh. Xiphilin. in Hadriano,
(8) Horat. Epod. 17.
(i) Senec. Agamemn.
(k) Senec. de Tranquill. Cap. 14.
Lib. VIII. Sedla 58. (m) Baron. Annal. ex Theophan.
(0) Baron. Annal. ex Theophan.
for (h) Senec. Hercul. Deræo.
(1) Gataker. in M. Anc.
(n) Baron. Annal.ex Theophan.
Santo
cf

420
Trumpet V. Woe I.
.
of an Elephant, the Neck of a Bull, the Breaſt of a Lion, the Belly of a Vultur, the
Wings of an Eagle, the Thighs of a Camel, the Feet of an Oftridge, and the Tail of
a Snake. As the Arabians have the fineſt Horſes in the World, ſo their Riches con-
fifted chiefly, therein, whereby they were enabled to mount ſo many Men, and make
thoſe ſwift and prodigious Excurſions, which lafted during the Time that God per-
mitted them to execute this Woe. They always fight on Horſeback, and are won-
derfully active in Riding, beyond all other Nations, but ſuch as they have inſtructed.
See the Account given by (P) Gabriel Sionita. The Symbol denotes the Speed of
their Conqueſts.
B. Kai Emi zei's rapead's 'custwy a's sépavor Jeuove And on their Heads were as it were
Growns of Gold. ] This is a Qualification which belongs not to the natural Locuſts,
and therefore we cannot doubt, that the Holy Ghoſt here deſcribes particularly the
Habit of the Arabians. Ezekiel 23. 42. hints at it in theſe Words; And with the
Men of the common Sort were brought Sabeans from the Wilderneſs, woich put Brace-
lets upon their Hands, and beautiful Crowns upon their Heads. That is, the Sabeans,
and the mix'd Arabians of the Wilderneſs. This is what Pliny means when he
faith, (9) Arabes mitrati degunt. 'Tis now ſtill the Head-gear of the Arabians,
Turks, Barbes, Mores, Perſians and Indians, who have taken up this Faſhion with
the Mahometan Religion. Theſe Mitres, or Turbants, are like Crowns. The (r)
Arabians pride in this Attire, that they ſhould have for their Headgear thoſe Orna-
ments, which are Crowns and Diadems among other People. But this Head-gear is
not obſerved by St. Fohn barely upon that Account, but alſo to fignify, that they ſhall
have what is ſignified by the Symbol of Crowns; and that is, that they ſhall have
Dominions, conſtitute and eſtabliſh Principalities. Their Deſign ſhall be not only
to plunder and deſtroy; but to enlarge their Dominions. Thoſe Excurſions will
prove a Torment to the Men-ſufferers; but the Locufts ſhall thereby acquire great
Power. They have a King over them ; but the Locuſts themſelves ſhall under him
have Crowns, or Coronets, for séprvou are leſs than dras plotu, as we have proved
elſewhere. The Coronets are as it were of Gold. The Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks cautiouſly.
They have not Coronets of real Gold. For Gold is a ſolid, ſtrong, and incorruptible
Metal, and as we prove it, is the Symbol of Strength and Duration. So thefe Lo-
cuſts are to have Power, but not fo durable. They are to eſtabliſh Principalities;
but the Holy Ghoſt doth not ſay poſitively, that they ſhall continue conſtantly. The
Arabians and Saracens before the times of Mahomet, were wont to make Excurſions
and Plunder: But then they return'd home after their Expeditions. Since that falſe
Prophet fet himſelf at the Head of them, he opened the Pit, and let them out.
They have not contented themſelves to Plunder, and ſo to return; but they have ſet-
tled in the Countries which they overran, and fix'd their Dominion therein. 'Tis
true they did acknowledge their Angel Abaddon as Chief, as long as this Woe was
to laſt, and ſo they wore only Coronets, which they had as Lords under him: But
when his Term was expired, they ſet up for themſelves, and their particular Leaders
ſet up for Sovereigns: But not before. Elmacinus, the Arabian Hiſtorian, obſerves,
how this huge Body of the Saracen Empire was crumbled to Pieces. This happen'd,
as I have obſerv'd before, when their Chalifes grew lazy, and ſuffered by a falſe No-
tion in Politicks, their Turkiſh Militia to grow Headſtrong and Mutinous. The
reſt of the Governors finding the Chalifes unable to keep themſelves in Authority, be-
ing ſubject to the Mutinies of thoſe Turks, and ſo, too weak to keep that great Body
together, took hold of the Opportunity, and ſet up for themſelves, whereas they
had before only a delegated Power. (s) Mundus erat in manibus potentiorum Regum;
quicunque enim urbem aliquam nanciſcebatur, Regem ejus fe memorabat. This ſeems
to have been occaſioned by the Diviſion Haroun Al Raſchid made of his Dominions
among his Children, and he died (1) A. Hej. 193; or A. C. 808: That is, about
Forty Five Years after the firſt Foundation of Bagdad. But the firſt Stroke againſt
that great Monarchy, was given to it juſt upon the very Time of the Foundation of
Bagdad. For, A. Hej. 139. or, A. C. 756. (u) Abdalrahman, one of the Ommiades,
(p) Gabr. Sion. Append. ad Geogr. Nub. Cap. I.
(9) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VI. Cap. 28.
Vid. Claudian. de Laudib. Scilich. Lib. I. Verf. 155. (r) Vide Pocock. Notas in Carm. Tograi
Arab. Pag. Ulcim. vel Horting. Diſſert. III. de Nummis Oriental. Pag. 122. (s) Elniacin. Hiſtor.
Saracen. Sect. II.
(t) Gregor. Abulph. Hiſt. Dynaſt. Pag. 152, Herbeloc Tit. Harona. /
(u) Herbelot Tic. Andalous and Abdulrahman.
came

Ch. IX. v.7.0
Trumpet V. Woe I.
42
came to ſhelter himſelf into Spain, and was there received as Chalife, independent of
the other at Bagdad : And ſet up there a Dynaſtia, which laſted about Two Hundred
Years. Not long after, A. Hej. 184. or A. C. 800. (w) Ibrahim Ben Aglab, being
ſent into Africa by the Chalife Haraun Rafchid, to be Governor, did fer up for him-
felf, and conquered a great Country, which he left to his Children, who enjoyed it
about
One Hundred and Twelve Years; without acknowledging the Chalife at Bagdad
any more than they thought fit. Afterwards aroſe the Barmecides, the Atabecks, the
Bovides, the Ajoubites, the Selgiucides in Iran, and in Roum, and in Kerman with
many others, who ſet up ſeveral Dynaſties of theſe ſettled Locuſts ; agreeing fo far
in this, that they ſtill keep to the Principle of Unity, in fending to the Scheck at
Meccha conſiderable Preſents every Year, out of their Countries with the Pilgrims.
Theſe Crowns laſt ſtill ; I ſhall therefore give a Catalogue of them out of Tavernier's
Travels. The Ottomans with all their Subjects; the Crim Tartar and his Subjects ;
the Emirs of Arabia and their Subjects; the King of Perſia with his Subjects; the
King of the Coaſt of Abex beyond Egypt, to Cape Guardafu ; the Governments of
Tripoli
, Tunis
, and Algiers ; the King of Fez and Marocco. All theſe, with ſeveral
Kings in Tartaria with their Subjects, are Mahometans. As for the following, the
Kings, Lords, and Soldiery are fo, but not their Subjects: Namely, the Great
Mogol; the Kings of Viſapour, of Golconda, of Comorin, and others in Malabar: Tof
the Maldives, of Achem or Sumatra, of Fava, of Bantam, of Macaſer. But ſince
Tavernier's Time (x) Aurenk Zeb, the Great Mogol, hath conquered the Kingdoms
of Golconda and Viſapour, exterminated moſt of the Indian Rajas, and almoſt abo-
liſhed Idolatry in his Dominions.
10 ani H 28 Org ball
C. Kai tai cesses te 'autor cos mejores tee ei vSpeó mov, And their faces were as the Faces of
Men.] Mede faith, that this is to give us Notice, that theſe Locuſts are Men, and
not Infe&ts
. I grant it. But it may alſo refer to the Cuſtom of the Arabians, who
though they wore long Hair like Women, as it is ſaid preſently, and had Coronets
or Turbants, which were like Women's Attire, yet they affected to wear great
Mut-
Jtachios. Pliny: (y) Arabes mitrati degunt, aut intonfo crine: Barba abraditur,
preterquam in fuperiore labro. However, we have ſomething elſe to ſeek; for the
Holy Writers do not uſe that Expreſſion, Face of Men, to Thew us, that the Subject
looks only like a Man in having a Beard. Face of Man, as we have proved it be-
fore, ſignifies an abjeét, deſpicable Countenance. And this ſuits with the State and
Name of the Saracens. For they were ſo called from being vile Wretches, looſe
Fellows. So that therein the Holy Ghoſt alludes to their Name, by which they were
known among their Neighbours. The vile, looſe Fellows, which Fephtha gathered
about him, Fudges 11. 3. are called DD17 D'WIX, ſuch as Abimelech had, Fudges
9.4. and even David in his Diſtreſs, 2 Chron. 13. 7. where the Text explains it, by
adding, Sons of Belial. See Matth. 5. 22. Now the (2) Chaldee, upon Fudges 11. 3.
expreſſes it by 1770 7901, which may fignify Robbers ; for though the Chaldee (á)
po fignify to employ, it may alſo metaphorically ſignify to Plunder ; and therefore
in the Arabick, i ino Saric is a Thief, a Robber. And the Saracens might be ſo cal-
led, both upon the Account of their being poor, as living in a Deſart, a very barren
Country, and alſo as being Robbers by Profeffion, which is the common Adjunet of
the former, there and every where elſe. For they did not give themſelves that Name,
but their Neighbours gave it to them out of Contempt. (b) Saracenos ipſi fe nun-
quam appellant, fed a vicinis populis per contemptum fic vocitantur ; faith Bochart.
And this is the opinion of (c) Foſ. Scaliger, (d) Hugo Grotius , (e) Horringer,
(f) and others ſince. Though (g) Pocock gives another Account of the Word.
However, 'tis certain by what I have already obſerv'd out of Nicephorus, they were
very contemptible then. Now though the Scorpion be the Symbol of á mean and
malicious Enemy, their Multitude would not ſuffer them to be thought ſo at firſt,
had not the Holy Ghoſt more fully explained it, by their having Faces of Men, in
widioloonimatio
(w) Herbelot Tit. Aglab. (a) Herbelot Tit. Aurenkzeb. Fryer's Travels, Epift. II. Chap. I.
(y) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. VI. Cap. 28. Solin. Polyhiſta Cap. XXXVI.
() Fuller. Mifc. Sacr.
Lib. II, Cap. 12.
(a) Schindler. in Voc. (6) Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. IV. Cap. 2.
(c) Scalig. de Emend. Temp. Lib. III. & Animadv. ad Chron. Euſeb. Pag. 16, 17. Ask (d). H.
Grot. de Ver. Rel. Chriſt. Lib. VI. Cap. 6.
(e) Hoteing. Hift. Orient.
s (f) D. Vitringa.
Salmafius in Solin. Schindler.
(8) Pocock. Not. ad Spec. Abulpharaji. A to
Рpppp
this

422
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Chap. IX. v. 8.
this part of their Deſcription, which is to make out ſeveral Particulars, not fully
Thewn before. For the Holy Ghoſt uſes no Repetitions in vain.
A. Verf. 8. Kuì gor peizas as reizes gwaunqov, And they had Hairs as the Hairs of
Women. ] This is affirmed by all the Hiſtorians, that the Ancient Arabians ſuffer d
their Hair to grow. 'Tis true that Herodotus faith, they ſhaved themfelves round
about, (h) cardigand, but he explains it only of the Temples, aesEu gotunes Tès xpoléous;
and it may fignify no more than what Pliny hath ſaid of their Beards. This they
did then in the Honour of their Bacchus, or Ourotal. As for their Hair of the Head,
they treſſed it Superſtitiouſly ; and the firſt Muſulmans did fo; whence it comes, thar
the Sedtators of Ali, to diſtinguiſh themſelves, not only wore another Kind of Tur-
bant, or Mitre, than the reſt, but alſo (i) treſſed their Hair of another Faſhion.
For this Treſing, or Plaiting of the Hair, is in Holy Writ the particular Dreſs of
Women 1 Pet. 3. 3. 1 Tim. 2. 9. being there forbidden to the Chriftian Women,
as being the Pra&tice of the (k) Heathens, and the Dreſs of (1) Harlots, and that of
Luxurious Dames, as the famous (m) Cæfyra in Ariſtophanes. In Iſaiah 3. 24. 'tis
called Tupo Joy, in the LXX rõ xóoues a reçuañis to revoie ; that is, thoſe Treffes
were wrought with (n) Golden Points and Spangles : The ups being treffed Work,
zredores, as in the LXX; the Hair being thereby ſtiffned, from mwi, to perplex, or
ftiffen. And perhaps theſe Saracens, 127, might have their Name from ſuch a
Cuftom as that of their combing and plaiting of the Hair. For 7-0 ſignifies to Comb,
from the Hebrew 770, whence the mp-u, fine combed Flax, in Ifaiah 19. 9. it be
ing uſed to make twined Linnen, as in Exod 26. 1. whence the twining Branches are
called pow, as in Vines, or pw, which is therefore turn'd by "Eng in the LXX.
And thus (6) F10 may be the ſame as you and "7W, it being evident, that the Hebrew
Roots of the ſame Letters have an Affinity to each other, and that at the ſame Rate,
the 7 and may be interchanged, as it happens in the Roots pw and 50, which
have the fame Signification of looking on, or down. Now iw ſignifies to Twine, or
Treſs. And ſo the Saracens might be ſo called, from their Combing and Twining
their Hair as the Women. Now the doing of this is not only looked upon as a
Token of Luxury and Lechery in the Women, in Holy Writ; hut alſo more parti-
cularly in the Men. 1 Cor. 11. 14. the (p) xóun there ſignifying Hair ſtudiouſly Dref-
ſed, as Women are wont to do with theirs. Whence ſuch Perſons were always ac-
cuſed of Effeminacy. So the Greek Proverb in Suidas; (1) Outis xo pun'tus ogas
Hlwits), which laſt Word he explains by (o) 7: egéve).
In this Senſe, the Words will exactly ſuit the Character of theſe Locufts, which
is that of Men extremely given to Lutt, it being allowed by their Prophet ; and
made not only a Lure to gain them, but alſo repreſented as part of the Happineſs of
Men in another Life. (s) Ans Ben Malek, one of the Companions of Mahomet,
who collected the Mahometan Traditions, reports, that (t) Mahomet did boaſt of
Four Advantages above other Men ; to exceed in Courage, in Liberality, in the
Strength of his Arm, and Vigor in carnal Copulation. So that though by his own
Law, no Man ought to have above Four, he did affume a Privilege to be diſpenſed
therein: And he had accordingly Twenty one Wives. Six he repudiated, Five died
before him ; the other Ten he had ſtill at his Death. But the laſt Chalife (2) Moſte-
zem Billah had in his Palace Seven Hundred Women, and Three Hundred Eunuchs
to attend upon them. How the Mahometans uſe that Liberty is notorious. But as
this Character of the Mahometans is exa&tly true, and atteſted by many Authors; fo
in particular the Hiſtorian (w) Ducas obſerves, that they have a peculiar Humour in
their Luſt, to deſpiſe and hate the Women of their own Nations, but to doat and
fall furiouſly upon the Women of Greece, Italy, and other Countries. Now cer-
tainly this Character of the Locufts muſt needs heighten the Miſeries of this Woe, in
that theſe Locuſts, to ſatisfy their Luſt, ſhould by Conſequence raviſh the Women
and Daughters from their Huſbands and Parents: Not only captivating the Men for
their ſervile Work, but taking the Women to be Slaves to their Luſt. Which is a
Circumſtance that highly aggravates their Sorrows. Job 31. 10. Iſaiah 13. Lá,
383
ID II Nico
033
(1) Herodor. Lib. III. Cap. 8. (i) Herbelot Tit. Ali.
(k) Vide Clement, Alex
Pædag. lib. I. Cap. 12. Mod (1) Idem. Lib. IH. Cap. II. Pag. 106. (m) Suid. V. 'Ego
sexas oupapéunr. Ariftoph. Nebul. (n) Euripid. Ion. V. 887.
Vid. Kircher. Concord.
(P) Salmaſ. Dial. de Coma.o. (9) Suidas V. Invice todo (o) Suidas V. Oula's you.
belor Tit. Ans.(c) Herbelot Tit, Mohammed. (u) Gregor. Abulphar. Pag. 339. (*) Ducas Hift. cap. 9.
Zechar.
(5) Her-

Chap. IX. v. 9. Trumpet V. Woe I.
423
Ehsanleuntasnifi
Zechar. 14. 2. Numb. 21. 19. Deut. 28. 32. 1 Sam. 30. 2, 3, 6. 2 Chron, 29. 9.
Ferem. 48. 46. Ezek. 23. 25. And if this be grievous when done by their own King,
1 Sam. 8. 13. much more muſt it be when done by ſuch mercileſs Strangers, and del
picable Fellows as theſe Saracens.
There may be another way to explain this Symbol, by taking the Hair by it felf in
its own Signification, and fuppofing, that the Compariſon of it to that of Women,
only denotes the Greatneſs, Length, and Fineneſs thereof:
Then as Hair fignifies Ho
nour and Authority, as hath been ſhewn in our Note on Chap. I. 14. A. the whole
would fignify, that although theſe Locuſts had a mean Countenance, and appeared
contemprible in their Origin, yet they ſhould come to great Honour, and acquire
great Power by theſe Incurfions, ſuitable to their Golden Coronets. But I think the
former Expoſition will ſufficiently explain the Meaning of the Holy Ghoſt, and ſuits
better with the Compariſon, which is not expreſſed in vain. For if the latter had
been only meant, it ſhould have been fufficient to ſay, their Hair was great,
or long.
B. Kad bi osóvres o ses css teórfen woen
, And their Teeth were as it were of Lions.] In the
Lion are to be found Two Symbols very different. The whole Lion repreſents a King,
upon the Account of his Courage and Power to reſiſt his Enemies. But his Mouch
cations are obſerv'd in theſe Words of Petronius, In Leone cataphag a
imperioſi. As to the Teeth of the natural Locuſts, Pliny obferves, that nothing can
relift them; (w) Omnia verò mor ſu erodentes, & fóres quoque teftorum. But the Ho-
ly Ghoſt makes a Compariſon to enhance the Symbol
, which is very frequent in Ho-
ly Writ. Solomon ſpeaking of Sins, Prov. 21. 2. faith, whoſe Teeth are like the Teeth
of Lions, deſtroying the Souls of Men. So David, to expreſs the Cruelty of Tyrants,
Pſal. 56. 6. prays to God, to break out the great Teeth of the Young Lions : And
Fob 4.9, 10. faith, that by the Blaſt of God, the Teeth of the Young Lion are broken.
So God threatning the Iſraelites for Rebellion, Deut. 32. 24. faith ; I will alſo fend
the Teeth of Beaſts upon them. And David, Pſal
. 57. 4. compares the Lions to
wicked Men, and their Teeth to Spears and Arrows ; My Soul, faith he, is among
Lions, and I lie even among them that are ſet on Fire , even the Sons of Men, whoſe
Teeth are Spears and Arrows, and their Tongue a ſharp Sword. So that according to
this Metaphor, the Teeth of the Locuſts, being ſaid to be like Lions Teeth, repre-
ſent their Arms; and more particularly Spears and Arrows. Bows and Arrows were
the Chief Arms of the ancient Arabians. Herodotus, deſcribing thoſe that were in
the Army of Xerxes, takes no Notice of any other offenſive Arms, but Bows of a
particular Shape. He faith they had (x) róća manioroved, wego Nsd, pored, Bows bended
backward on either Side of the Handle, very handy and long. Heſych. Tanislord, óme
ξύτονα, ή τα 6 θα τερα τρεπό μένα. leg. όπλο τονα. So ellewhere, 'οπιδό τονΘ, εναντίον κυρίωμα.
The Turkiſh and Perſian Bows are ſtill made of that Shape.
A. Verf. 9. Kai di gor Szó egixas es Sabegnes adugós, And they had Breaſt-Plates as it
were Breaſt-Plates of Iron.] We have ſeen the offenſive Arms deſcribed ; this now
ſets forth the defenſive. Now this is very exactly ſuited to the natural Locuſt, which
hath about its Body a pretty hard Shell of the Colour of Iron ; which hath made
the Poet Claudian to ſay,
bits slim
(y) Cognatus dorfo durefcit amittus;
I slod
Armavit natura cutem.
In Fob 41. 26. the Arms of the Arabians are deſcribed, the Spear, the Dart, and the
Habergeon, or as in the Margin, Breaſt-Plate ; for the LXX hath On egini, by which
they turn the Hebrew 1990, or 90; but here in fob, 7190, Schirjah. This I take
to be that which Herodotus calls (uet. (2) 'Aed Bior og Categis útre colifos é cay, göğa ġ tela
xivlora, &c. The Greek Grammarians hardly know what to make of this ceregd
, but
'tis the ſame as the now. For Herodotus and (a) Xenophon, who mention it, attri-
bute it only to Eaſtern Nations. The Arabians uſe ſtill the Word (b) 14 Wr for
Lorica, a Breaft-Plate, and (€) 11,777 fignifying the ſame, as the Greeks alſo ſay
fw0) Plin. Nar. Hift. Lib. XI. Cap. 29. (3) Herodot. Lib. VII. Cap. 69. (9) Clau-
dian. Epigr. 33.
() Herodot. Lib. VII. Cap. 69. (a) In Etymol, V. (ned
(b) Golius in Lex. Arab. Pag. 99. (c) Pag. 818.
deed,

424
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v.9.
(d) seregi. And ſo (Heyrtis, a Syrian Garment in Heſychius, needs not to be corrected
in web. Tis, but is the ſame as ou by changing the 17 into n, as it is common;
and the Greek Termination is joyn’d to it.
Now to be well arm’d, eſpecially with defenſive Arms, gives Courage and Confi-
dence, and Boldneſs to attack or undertake any Thing. Upon this Account the Au-
thor of the Hiſtory of the Maccabees, to lhew that Fudas did noble A&tions, ſays:
(e) rj évedtouto Deó egingo da's zijas, And he put on a breaſt-Plate like a Warrior. Thus
Horace, ſpeaking of the Boldneſs of him who firſt ventur'd to Sea, faith, that his
Breaſt was arm’d with treble Braſs, Illi robur & as triplex circa pectus erat, qui fragi-
lem truci commiſit pelago ratem. Wherein he hath imitated Homer, who ſpeaking of
the Boldneſs of Priamus, going to redeem the Body of Hector, faith, (f) arsipetov vú
Toe sirup. The Schol. ined foxes, emleis sy oxanego And therefore the Shield,
which performs the ſame Office to Men, as theſe Iron Doublets do to the Locuſts
,
is a Symbol of Courage. Thus the Onirocriticks ſay in Chap. 233. E. de id» é70-
χέμενG τέτω καθεί χεν ασπίδα, άρήσει αφοβίαν εξ εχθρών, και δύαμιν ανάλογων τε ίππε, So
in the next Words, If a King ſees a Shield, it denotes a ſtout Commander under him
againſt his Enemies. Such a General being the Shield of a King, a 18. dons es cores
The OV in 2' 3To Tons ud execuit. So in Æſchylus the Adultereſs Clytemneſtra is confident,
that as long as Ægiſthus her Luminary ſhall blaze in her Houſe, he will be her Pro-
tector and Shield, and drive away all Fear,
om
oledo ma (8) Oů poe çácx pénce Spov čázas eu meſeix, ook
Hai and
"Εως αν αίθη πυρ εφ' εςίας εμας
*Αιγεθος, ως το ωes' θεν άφρονών έμοί.
ούτος 8 ημϊν ασπις και μικρο θράσος.
TV'S 20
Thus in Pſal. 18. 21. David calls God his Shield ; the LXX have there une egomist's,
The Hebr. 10, Shield, from 131 to protect, cover, defend. And in Pfal. 33. 20. God
is called the Help and Buckler, the offenſive and defenſive Arms of his people. The
LXX have there alſo umeeg.9 mss. So Valerius and Horatius in Livy ſpeaking to the
Plebeians in Rebellion againſt the Senate, tell them, that they have more need of de-
fenſive than offenſive Arms: (h) Scuto vobis magis quam gladio opus eft. Tully ſpeak-
ing of Fortitude, compares it to Arms made by Vulcan ; (i) fin te&tus Vulcanis armis,
id eft, fortitudine, reſiſte.
But to come eſpecially to the Breaſt-Plate. The Onirocriticks, Cap. 156. ſay, 'Eco
ίση τις ότι ανεδύσαλο, ή εύρε θώρακα ήτοι λωρί κιον χαρήσε3όπ απωλεία εχθρών αυτό, και πλατή-
ont everógas T8 Repës að Ja egix O. Again, Cap. 249. Eàpida 775 Ti gūcev ñ Drógage
θώρακα, ήτοι λωρίκιον αρέσει γευσίον και πλκτον με τόλμης αρόξως. To the fame Purpofe are
theſe Words of Aſterius Ep. in his Encomium upon Phocas the Martyr: (k) Unus
certe illinc princeps (Scytharum] Rexque, coronam capitis deponens , auro ac gemma-
rum floribus magnificè ſplendentem, exuenſque pretiofæ materie loricam ; quippe Sua
perba eſt ac luxurioſa barbarorum armatura ; utraque mifit donaria , Deo per Mar-
tyrem, potentiæ ac dignitatis conſecrans argumenta. Clarum enim eft, miſiſſé coronam,
ut pro regno gratias ageret ; loricam vero, ut pro virtute bellica.
As for the Iron, 'tis the Symbol of Strength, Patience and Conſtancy. So in fe-
rem. I. 18. I have made thee this Day, a defenced City, and an iron Pillar, and brazen
Walls againſt the whole Land. Juſt as Horace faith,
(0) Hic murus aheneus eſto,
ait bis 0
Nil conſcire
fibi ; nulla palleſcere culpa.
And generally Iron is taken in ill Part for ſtubborn, cruel
, or hard. So in Iſaiah 48.4.
Thy Neck is an Iron-ſinew, and thy Brow braſs. So Feren. 6. 28. of the rebellious Fews,
they are Braſs and Iron : And in ferem. 17. 1. The Sin of Fudah is written with a Pen
of Iron, never to go out of their Heart, nor to be expiated, as the following Words
imply. Levit
. 26. 19. A Heaven of Iron ſignifies hard Times, either on the Account of
Scarcity or Tyranny. In Deut. 28. 33. Earth of Iron is an unfruitful Land. So in
(d) Etym. V. leeg
(e) i Maccab. 3: 3.
GX (f) Homer. Iliad. V. 205.
(8) Æſchyl. Agam. V. 1443. (b) T. Livius, Lib. III. bon. (i) M. T. Cic. Tuſcul. Quæft
.
Lib. II. (k) Afterius Epiſc. Amaſex, Edit. Par. Pag. 849.0 (1) Horat. Lib. I. Epift. 1.
Ferem.
I

Chap. IX. v. 9.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
425
Ferem. 28. 13, 14. Tokes of Iron , fignify grievous 'Bondage. And 1 Kings 22. 11.
the falſe Prophet Zedekiah, who made himſelf Horns of Iron, meant by that Symbol
to ſhew, that the King of Iſrael ſhould have irreſiſtible Power. And Rod of Iron
fignifies a ſevere and harſh Government
. Artemidorus, Lib. I. Cap. 53. faith, Tð
και είς σίδηeoν μεταβάλλειν συμφορας ακλήτες σημαίνει ας καομείνας και ιδών είς γήρας αφίξε 9.
cidugéss o$ négoriler Tès noma neanche loroplóovtas. So Apuleius, (1) vides hominem ferreum.
Ovid, (m) Ferrea fors vite difficilij que premit.
So Juvenal, (n) Tam ferreus ut teneat ſe.
Plutarch, ſpeaking of Pbilotas, calls him, () aságt G. The Expreſſion is frequent
in Philo Fud. (P) megsbréfico thou op Januais é orduagos égá. Again, ſpeaking of the
Egyptian Bondage ; (2) Keà nois et mazoedsay ito doveices o ddwegs omlo; to explain
which, he adds, όπετάτας και έργων ανελεητάτες και ομοθυμες αδενί συγνώμης μελαδίδονίας
sięcă to. When the Poet Statius deſcribes the Palace of the God Mars, to ſhew the
Miſchief of War, he makes it all of Iron :
bloo Boom
be (-) Ferrea compago laterum, ferro ar&ta teruntur
Limina, ferrátis incumbunt teita columnis. bort i oni w audos
TOP10' 12 S Dna
So in the Oracle about the Bones of Oreſtes, in (s) Herodotus and (t) Pauſanias, the
Anvil and Hammer are expreſſed by măreni mucali reig. Becauſe, faith the one,
Iron was invented to do Miſchief ; the other, becauſe Arms of Iron were invented
to that End. Iron and Miſchief are ſynonymous in this Oracle. Now this is a very
proper Symbol to expreſs, that the Saracens ſhall be a bold, hard, miſchievous Ene-
my, being fo well armed for that Purpoſe. 'Tis as much as if the Holy Ghoſt
called them with Horace, (u) Agmina ferrata ; or with Mariús one of the XXX
Tyrants in Trebellius Pollio, (2) Ferratam gentem, ut ſpecialiter in nobis ferrum
timeant. In our late Civil Wars, a Regiment of compleat Cuiraſſiers were called
(*) Lobſters, from their Reſemblance to that Animal, which is the Sea Locuft. In
Pliny, whoſe Words are cited before, the Rain of Iron falling upon Lucania, did por-
tend the Fall of the Perſian Army, which conſiſted for the moſt part of ſuch Cui-
rafliers, upon that of Craffus ; ſo that the whole Army periſhed therein, being killed
or taken : Now the great Vi&tories and Conqueſts of the Saracens fufficiently make
out their Boldneſs, and the Miſchiefs they brought upon Chriſtendom.
Β. Και η φωνή / περύγων αυτών ως φωνή αρμό των ίππων πολλών τρεχόντων εις πόλεμον.
And the Sound of their Wings was as the Sound of Chariots of many Horſes running
to battel.] This is alſo taken from the Nature of the Locuſts. Pliny faith,
(y) Tanto volant pennarum fridore, ut aliæ alites credantur. Some ſay the Noiſe
may be heard at Six Miles diſtance. Now this Noiſe is made with their Wings
for Pliny faith elſewhere, (3) Locuftas pennarum & feminum attritu fonare, creditur
Sanè. So likewiſe Joel 2. 5. ſpeaks of the Locuſts; like the Noiſe of Chariots on
the Tops of the Mountains ſhall they leap, like the Noiſe of a Flame of Fire that de-
voureth the Stubble, as a ſtrong People ſet in Battel array. This is to ſhew what Con-
fternation they put' People to ; which is ſo great, that Men are frighted therewich,
and dare not look out of Doors, as (a) Democritus faith: And thofe that look out
are in a great Dread ; Pliny, (b) follicitè fufpe&tantibus populis ne ſuas operiant ter.
ras. The Compariſon of Chariots and Horſes doth heighten the Symbol. Jerem.
8.16. The Jnorting of his Horjes was heard from Dan : The whole Land trembled at the
Sound of the Neighing of his ſtrong ones, for they are come and have devoured the
Land. But this is ſtill plainer, Ferem. 47.3. At the Noiſe of the Stamping of the
Hoofs of his ſtrong Horſes, at the ruſhing of his Chariots, and at the rumbling of his
(1) Apul. Metamorph. Lib. II.
(m) Ovid. Trift. Lib. V. Eleg. 4. (n) Juvenal Sac. I.
(6) Plut. de forcuna Alex. Lib. II. p:1537. Ted (P) Philo Jud. de Joſeph. pag. 362.
() Philo de Vit
. Mol. Lib. I. pag. 414 (v) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VII. V. 43.
( Herodor. Lib. I. C. 67. (t) Pauſan. Lacon. p. 83. Srephan. de Urbib. Voc. Teréz.
(u) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 14. (70) Trebell. Pollio de XXX Tyrann.
(2) E. Cla-
rendon's Hift. Vol. II. pag. 280.000 (y) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XI. cap. 29.
() Plin.
Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XI. cap. 51. (a) Geoponic. Lib. XIII,
(b) Plin. Nat. Hiſtor.
Lib. XI. cap. 29.
Q4999
Wheels

426
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. V. 10.
Wheels, the Fathers shall not look back to tbeir Children for Feebleneſs of Hands.
The like is ſaid by Foel 2. 6. Before their Face the People Shall be much pained : All
Faces ſhall gather Blackneſs. See Nehum 3. 2. Deut. 20. 1. Foſh. 11.4, 5, 6. And
Chap. 17. 16, 18. 2 Kings 7. 6,7
The Onirocriticks ſpeaking of Chariots, ſhew, that they denote Confidence : But
then it muſt be underſtood of that Side on which they are, not thoſe againſt which
they ſtand. In Chap. 156. the Perſian and Egyptian Interpreters ſay, vi äguale doo-
Ciau arnè ix spõe on puoi vet rej év. Tres og mon écosy diy diy ke zone. And in Chap. 249. EINE V Ore
ευπόρησεν άρματα πολλά, και όξι μέγες Θ· τουτα αφοβίαν εχθρών νοείτω. Τhe Meaning of
which muſt be this ; if the Chariots be on our Side, it betokens Courage in us,
Safety, and Skill with Succeſs in Feats of Arms : But if they belong to the other,
by the Rule of Contraries, Dread and Confternation, and ill Succeſs in the War.
Hence
David in Pſal. 20. 7. faith, Some truſt in Chariots, and ſome in Horſes, but
we will remember the Name of the Lord our God. For in his Protection we may
have Confidence ; becauſe, as he faith in Pſal. 68. 17: the Chariots of God are Twenty
Thouſand ; that is, infinite in Number ; and by Conſequence in Power to defend.
And ſo in Quintus Curtius we find, that Darius truſted moſt in his armed Chariots,
and expected they would ſtrike a Terror in his Enemies.(c)Ingenſque ut crediderat hoſti-
um terror, ducenta Falcat & quadriga, unicum illarum gentium auxilium. So when An-
tiochus, who had ſuch, made War with the Romans, the firſt Noiſe of that War
cauſed a great Terror. Florus, (d) Non aliud formidolofius fama bellum fuit. Many
Horſes is not added without Neceſſity. For there are Chariots of One or Two.
But the Holy Ghoſt amplifies all. Or elſe, which may be more proper, the comcoviis
to be join'd to equé tay, many Chariots, and it mov, Horſes is added to diſtinguiſh
them from other Draughts. For thoſe drawn by Horſes make moft Noiſeado.
A. Verſ, 10.
Και έχεσιν έρgς όμοιας Cκορπίοις, και κένlea, And they have Tails like
Scorpions, and Stings.] That is, they have Stings in their Tails, by an âu dros svõiv,
common to this Book, and all the Hebrew Writers, to expreſs one Thing by Two,
whereof it conſiſts. To ſpeak properly, the Locuſts have no Tails ; for what is by
Authors called the Tail, is only the extreme Point of their Abdomen, ending in a ſharp
Point like a Sting. But thelé have that particular Property, to have Tails like the
Scorpions, who only of all Infects have properly Tails. Pliny ; (e) Pennæ infectis
omnibus fine Sciſura ; nulli cauda niſi Scorpioni. So that we ſee, that this particular
was neceſſary to be ſet forth, that we might know how they tormented as Scorpions
do, having Tails and Stings like them.
Tail in Holy Writ is uſed fymbolically to fignify Two Things, which meet fre-
quently both together in one Subje&t, the one being the Cauſe of the other. Firſt it
fignifies Subjection, or Oppreſſion under Tyranny. So this Symbol is uſed and ex-
plained by God himſelf in Deut, 28. 13. where he promiſes Bleſſings to the Obedient ;
And the Lord Jhall make thee the Head, and not the Tail; and thou ſhalt be above only,
and thou ſhalt not be beneath. And thus in the Oriental Onirocriticks the Tail figni-
fies the Retinue, Honour, Dignity, and Riches of the Subject concern’d, Chap. 233,
and 236. As indeed, in the Multitude of the People is the King's Honour, Prov. 14.
28. The other Signification is, when it fignifies a falſe Prophet , Impoſtor, or De-
ceiver, who infuſes the Poiſon of his Do&trine, which brings on a Curſe, as the Scor-
pion doth with his Tail. Ifai. 9. 14, 15. Therefore the Lord will cut off from Iſrael
Head and Tail, Branch and Ruſh in one Day. The ancient and honourable, ihe
is the Head ; and the Prophet that teacherh lies, he is the Tail. So again, Chap .
19. 15. Neither ſhall there be any. Work for Egypt, which the Head or Tail, Branch
or Ruſh may do. That
hat is, neither the Power of the Princes, nor the Devices of
the falſe Prophets and Enchanters ſhall avail any Thing. And fo from this
Place Tychonius explains the Tail of the falſe Prophets both here and in Chap. 12. 4.
Where indeed both theſe Significations may be underſtood, wherein the Dragon with
his Tail draws the third Part of the Stars of Heaven to the Earth ; that is, the De-
vil, by the Help of the Roman Empire, and the Idolatrous Prieſts therein, keeps in
Subje&tion and Idolatry the Third Part of the World; for that is ſo explain'd there,
Chap. 12. 9. And likewife in Chap. 20. 2. That Seduction being the Poiſon or Sting
(e) Plin.
(c) Q. Curtius, Lib. IV.
Nar. Hift. Lib. XI. cap. 28.
0139
(d) Florus, Lib. II. cap. 8.
di nogo
O of
PPPPS

Ch. IX. v. io. Trumpet V. Woe I.
8427
of his Tail. v Thus alſo in the Apoftol. Conſtitutions : (1) Oud 3S "REL Op superlo e M14
ore, so I Honote, o pão megstgev, 78Tist amxo sconó des év sporo, es repas de tres acteur, diderg
cô góvo. But becauſe neither Devil nor Man can feduce into Idolatry, and keep Men
in that State, without bringing them under their Power, which is always Tyrannical,
therefore it fignifies and implies Subjection and Oppreſſion. True Religion and Li-
berty of Conſcience being link'd with civil Liberty. The true Religion forces no
Man. God's Service is perfect Freedom. Senecas ſays very well : (8) In regno nati
fumus: Deo parere, libertas eſt. All Tyranny is of the Devil , and fallè Religion is
compleat Slavery, is ratio tao slow smis on sidstuk gniadau vine 193 ai
By this we may explain the allegorical Meaning of that great Miracle exhibited to
Moſes, of the (h) Serpent transformed out of his Staff, and into it again, which
was to aſſure him of his power to overcome the Egyptians though hath not
done it
. The Staff is thrown upon the Earth, and turn'd into a Serpent, at which
Moſes was frighted, to thew what Terror he and the Iſraelites were in at the Sight
of Pharaoh, the great Egyptian Dragon : He is ordered to take it by the Tail, and it
was turn’d into a Staff, to thew that he would overcome the Tail of the Serpent,
the falſe Prophets, and Retinue of Pharaoh, and by that Vi&tory ger into his Power
a Scepter, or Authority, to govern the Iſraelites.ioi The Second Miracle wrought in
Conſequence of that, when the (i) Rod of Moſes turned into a Serpent, ſwallowed
thoſe of the Magicians ; for that plainly ſhewed and ſignified the Power of Mofes to
overcome the Magicians in their Inchantments
, and to reſcue Ifraell out ofxehtii
Hands. Sortivon 10 new oro
sleeuport consilni sved ew soitw 10 : voeda
Now the Sting is here plainly equivalent to the Poiſon 3d which it contains and
tranſmits into the Wounds made therewith ; but Poiſon, Liessa Error, Deluſion,
Curſes, Gall, and Miſchief, are Synonymous in Holy Writ, the former being the
Cauſes of the laſt. So in Pſalm 140. 3. Adder's Poiſon is under their Lips that is
to be explain’d by Lies, or Curſes zoas in Pſal
. 58.3, 4. They go aftraylasifoon as
they be born, Speaking Lies. Their Poiſon is like the Poifon of a Serpent : They are
like the deaf Adder that ſtoppeth ber Ear. And in Pſalm 14. sic with their Tongues
have they deceived the Poiſon of Afps is under their Lips'; tħeir Mouth is full of
Curſing and Bitterneſs
. Here is the pus atque venenum, and Sermonis amart.of
Horace aforecited, the Corruption, Poiſon, and all of falles Prophets; who fting
with their Impoſtures. To confirm all this, I ſhall add how the Arabian Authors egen
plain this Symbol of the Scorpion. - (k) Adhed, laft Khalifer of the Fathimiteshin
Egypt, a little before his Depoſition, dream'd, that a Scorpion coming out of the
Moſque ftung him. The Interpreters ſaid, that a Man coming out of that, ſhould
either deprive him, or kill him. The Event was, that Saladin deſigning to depoſe
theſe Chalifes, in Favour of thoſe at Bagdad, did affemble all the Doctors of Cayro,
as in a Synod :r And that the Sophi Nag meddin, Rector of the Mofjue, did therein
declare the Fathimites unworthy of the Chalifat; and ſo they were depoſed. Such
was the Sting of that falſe Doctor, who before being examined by the Chalife, was
thought out of Scorn unable to do any Harm. This being ſo, the meaning of the
whole muſt be, that theſe Locufts by their Incurſions, will inſtil the Poiſon of their
Error and Phanaticiſm; and conquer, to propagate their Faith, or rather Deluſions
and by thoſe Means reduce all Men to their Tyranny and Slavery. Now ithis the
Saracens have done in moſt of thoſe Parts they overran. For the oppreſſed Chriſti-
ans to eaſe themſelves of their Torment, have been forced to turn Mahometans.21 But
then this Eaſe is worſe than the former Torment : For, in doing that, they were not
only more fubje&t to the Tyranny of that people, but likewiſe made an abſolute Shipw
wrack of their Chriſtian Faith, which though corrupted, was ſtill a better Condition,
than plain Apoſtaſy in the Mahometan Faith, in that this ſeems to take away allo
hopes of Repentance... Thus the Ifraelites did ill, in worſhipping the Calves in Dana
and Bethel; but they did much worſe, in worſhipping Baal, but ſtill worſt of all
,
in quite throwing off the Worſhip of God. The firſt Apoftafy deſerv’d Chaſtile-ro
ment ; but the utmoſt, Deſtruction both of Body and Soul. Lwinis tochod jud gott
B. Και αν τις βραϊς αυ έξεσίαν έχεσι σε αδικήσαι τες άνθρώπες, And in their Tails they
had Power to wrong Men. ] This ſhews moft evidently, thar sther Torment wasis
is niso SVB of birt 90 btuool storia doid w e30f>I srl of A
---
(if ) Apoft. Conſtitut. Lib. II. cap. XIV, ris per a Senec. de vita beat. cap. xy.
90170 tona sich an
od: 36 33 4. 70912d (1) Exod. 7.9, 12. Ofw (Xy Herbelot tit. Adhed & Fathemiah. Sds 2012178d
mini
cauſed
-101 302

428
Ch. IX. VII.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
cauſed by the Stings in their Tails ; not that they torment any other way, reſembling
therein Scorpions: Not that they torment firſt in General, and then over and beſides
with their Tails. They wrong, hurt, or torment, no way elfe. Or elſe, that over
and beſides the general Effects of the Terror, and of their Teeth, by which they
torment Men, they alfo infuſe with their Stings the Error of their Doctrine at the
ſame Time as they do the former. So that their Teeth are the effecting Inſtruments
of the Miſchiefs done in War, and their Stings are the Inſtruments of their falle
Doctrine; which like a Poiſon, cauſes Deſtruction of Body and Soul. And this laſt
is certainly true, being ſuitable to the whole Drift of this Deſcription, and to the
Event too. AM Jr919 160t To gain
nielque vam
d. C. Mlões névle, Five Months. ] This ſhews, that at the fame Time as they tor-
ment in general with their Flights or Incurſions, ſtriking a Terror with their Wings,
and deſtroying with their Teeth, which Torment was to laſt Five Months, as afore-
ſaid: So they poiſon with their Stings, and do Miſchief during thoſe Five Months
likewiſe. Here is Miſchief every way during the ſame Term of Time: It being
plain, that theſe Five Months here mentioned, belong to all the Particulars men-
tioned in theſe Five laſt Verſes, as well as to the ſtinging of their Tails, in the fame
manner as the Five Months mention'd before did belong to the general Affertion of
the Torments expreſſed in the Fifth Verſe: Theſe Five laft Verſes being a particular
Deſcription of that which was only expreſſed before in general
. This all Interpre-
ters own : And it is the uſual Practice of the Sacred Writers, as well as in this Pro-
phecy ; of which we have Inſtances frequently. But the want of knowing how to
explain theſe Five Months as we have done, hath put Mede, and others fince, upon
the Device of repeating the Terms, ſo as to make Two of them different from each
other. Though neither will this way fatisfy us, no more than themſelves, having
this Abſurdity, that they are to account theſe Five Months, not from the firſt Rife
of the Miſchiefs done by theſe Locufts, but very long after.
sluxe sdos
We ſee elſewhere, that the Holy Ghoſt hath doubled a Symbolical Term, which
yet is to be taken only by way of Repetition as here, and not to be added to the
other, and that is in the Viſion of the Woman in the Wilderneſs, Chap. 12. 6.
There the Term of her Abode therein is fixed to One Thouſand Two Hundred and
Sixty Days ; where we have only a ſuccinct Account : But afterwards in the Expla-
nation, or longer Account, that Term is repeated in other Symbols indeed, but ex-
preſſing the ſame Term, Verſe 14. When therefore they have ſatisfied us, that this
Cafe is not like it, we ſhall fit ſtill, and give them up that one Argument; but till
then, we ſhall look upon this caſe to be the very fame; and conſequently, that this
Term of the Five Months is not to be added to the former, nor to be taken diffe-
rently, but to be accounted as a bare Repetition in the latter or fuller Account.
This falſe Principle of theirs is juſt of the fame Nature as that abſurd Miſtake of
Brightman, who hath aſſerted a double Millennium, one of the tying up of Satan,
the other of the Reign of the Saints, making the latter to begin juſt at the end of the
former. Now this is ſuch an Abſurdity, and ſo contrary to the plain Indications of
the Holy Ghoſt given about that Milennium, which though ſeveral times mentioned,
is but the fame Term, that 'tis not neceſſary to beſtow any Pains to give it a ſerious
Confutation. VisV2 VSETY
A. Verf
. 11.c "Exxowe Poornáct do we a[yeaon of PACÚ'ass, Having a King over them,
which is the Angel of the bottomleſs Gulph.] This is alſo added as a Proof of their
Power to torment, as having for their King the Angel of the bottomleſs Gulph,
whoſe Name is the Deſtroyer. Therefore the Power of the Locuſts ariſes from their
having ſuch an Head, whoſe Buſineſs is to deſtroy. As to the Symbol, this is to be
obſerved, that there is a Difference between the common Locuſts and theſe; for the
common have no King. Agur , in Prov. 30. 27. The Locuſts have no King, yer go
they forth all of them by Bands.iq The Arabian Writers ſay, that they have a King,
or Captain, whom they follow şi and iwhen he fies, they fly , when he ſtops, they
ſtop. But Bochart anſwers, that this Locuft
, that leads, is not a ſet King, either by
Nature, as the Bees have, or by Ele&tion, but by Chance, and the reſt follow blindlys
and any one doth it as there is Occafion. Om event in 19. oktoob
ooo 01 1900
As to the King, which theſe Locuſts are ſaid to have, it being certain that King,
Angel, and Star, may be Synonymous, in that the latter are the Symbols of the for-
mer, this Angel of the Abyſs can be no other than the Star, which had the Key of
the Pit, or the Well of the Bottomleſs Gulph, who by the opening thereof became
botos
himſelf
Ch. IX. v. 11.
Trampet V. Woe I.
429

himſelf the Angel of the Abyſs : That is, of all thoſe Locults which came out of it.
So that during all the Term of their Power, they muſt have this Star to be their
King. But as King in the Symbolical Language, is not always limited to one Per-
ſon, but fignifies a Succeſſion of Kings ; ſo we need not to ſuppoſe, that this Star al-
ways ſubſiſts in one Perſon; but lignifies that Perſon who did this Worko, and all
the Succeſſors, who carried on the ſame Deſign, and had the fame Power with the
Locuſts, and commanded them in the Execution of it. This Angel then is Mahomet
and his Succeffors, or Vicars, the Chalifes; who did ſolely Reign over the Saracens.
For the Name of (1) Khalifah fignifies both Succeſſor and Vicar. So that in them
Mahomet ſtill reigned. And now, as we have obſerved, whilſt the Locults did tor-
ment Chriſtendom during the Five Monthss, ſo long did they remain under that one
Head, the Succeffors
, or Vicars of Mahomet: During all this Time, they had but
one King, or Angel. But when that Term was expired, the Locuſts were ſcaſtered,
had more Kings, and the true Khalifes could no more keep them together; hut
Pretenders ſet up for themſelves : So that they never could be brought under one
Head again. This exa&tly happened Five Months, that is, one Hundred and Fifty
Years after the firſt publick Preaching of Mahomei, the Star that opened the Abyſs.
The firſt Breach upon the Unity of the Chalifat happening, as we have ſaid, about
A. C. 7563, that is, within Five Years of the Term which ended by the Founda-
tion of Bagdad, 4. C. 762, when another Chalife was ſet up in Spain. After which
there were more Diviſions from that great Body; as when Ibrahim Ben Aglab fer up
for himſelf in Africa, A. C. 800; and Eight Years after, A. C. 808, when Haroun
Al Raſchid divided his Dominions amongſt his Children, more Parcels thereof went
off. Which Diviſions ſtill increaſed more and more ; and the Chalifat became no-
thing. So that after the building of Bagdad, theſe Locuſts could by no means be
, ,
ment Men. And this alſo proves ſufficiently, that theſe Five Months can neither be
doubled to make Ten, nor be ſaid to begin and end, but whilſt they were under the
Tole Direction of that one Chalife, who had in a direct Line the Succeſſion of the
firſt Star, Mahomet ; and had the ſole and entire Rule, without any remarkable Di-
is us ſet
afide all other Conjetures, and to prove evidently the Truth of our former Calcu-
lation of this Term of Five Months. And I hope, that when this is duly conſidered,
no reaſonable Objection can be made afterwards againſt the ſame : But that every
Part thereof will then appear to be exa&tly ſuitable to all the Symbols by which this
Woe is deſcribed. I know not whether it will be neceſſary to repeat here what hath
already been ſaid, to ſhew why ſuch an Impoſtor as Mahomet ſhould be called with
his Succeſſors by the glorious Name of Angel: namely, becauſe though never fo
wicked in themſelves, they have at leaſt thereby executed the Holy Delign of God,
to ſend this Woe, in order to chaſtiſe feverely the Corrupted Chriſtians, la miniona
B. "Ovopece 'ourth Eleväst Abudsliv, i ovn Emluvexñ ðvopece lezen, • Azones, Whoſe
Name is in the Hebrew Tongue Abaddon, but in the Greek be bath his Name,
Apollyon.] Hierom, in his Expoſition of the Hebrew Names, reads this Labbadon ;
but Ambr. Ansbertus citing him, hath Labadon. It was the Maxim of the Alego-
riſts, that all the Names in the Writings of Moſes were empharical, to denore fome
Teal Quality. Philo: (m) ΠαρgΜωσει και αι το όνομα των θέσεις ενέργειαι πραγμάτων εισιν
άμφανδικάτα9, ως αυτό το φράγμα εξ ανάγκης εί) τένομα. This
. Rule is moſt certainly to
be heeded in this Myſtical Book ; and much more when the Holy Ghoſt ſeems pur-
poſely to give ſome particular Things Hebrew Names, plainly in Alluſion to the No-
tions of the Allegoriſts
. 4 Name, läys Origen, is a Summary zippellation, declarative
of the Special Property of the Subje&t. (n) "ovopea toivws repair and dus megongela i istics
ποιότης τε ονομαζομδύα παραστατική. Therefore this Name is to exprets the Quality of
the Angel that hath it, and beſides that, is to allude to ſomething known by thoſe
that are ſkilled in the Hebrew Tongue. Now the Word Abaddon, which the Holy
Ghoſt himſelf explains by Deſtroyer, is indeed Hebrew; and in Job 26. 6. and Chap.
28. 22. and Chap: 31. 12. is ſet in Conjunction, as it were Synonymous with the
0
110
A (1) Herbelot Tit. Abubecre & Khalifah. Golius in Lexic, Arab. Pag. 748. Fuller. Milc. Sacr. Lib. IV.
• Cap. 16.
(m) Philo de Cherub. Pag. 79.
(n) Origen. de Orat. P. II. Sect. 13.
Rrrrr
Grave,
31-
430
Trumpet V. Woe I.
Ch. IX. v. 1.

Grave, Death, and Fire. So in Pſal. 88. 11. this Word 770N, Abaddon, is turn’d
in the LXX by ’Arreón Hd, as alſo in Prov. 15: II. and elſewhere. So that this Word
is in a manner become Proverbial, and is at leaſt very proper and emphatical to lig-
nify Hell, or everlaſting Torments
. So in the Phænician Theology, the God mål, or
nio, the Son of Saturn, is thought to be the ſame as Beelzebub, God of Locuſts, a
pernicious Deity, ſparing nothing. Now by an Hebraiſm, in which the Abſtract is
put for the Concrete, Deſtruction for Deſtroyer, the whole muſt be thus underſtood,
whoſe Name is in the Hebrew Tongue Deſtruction, but being tranſlated into Greek, is
Apollyon ; that is, Deſtroyer, or Deſtroying.
Now fince this horrid Name is given to it, and that beſides, the Cabaliſtical Fews
have made this Abaddon, or Perdition, the Name of a wicked Angel preſiding over
Miſchief, Hell, and Deſtruction, we muſt think, that theſe Locuſts under ſuch an
Head muſt not be underſtood to torment in a common way, but with great Deftru-
&tion; ſo that though they may not kill, that is, quite make an end of the corrupted
Church, yet this Reſtriction needs not to be underſtood ſo, as if this Angel, with
his Locuits, were not to kill the Individuals that oppoſe their Excurſions, or any
ways give them Offence. No; they muſt be great Murderers and Deſtroyers all
manner of Ways. Accordingly we find, that it is the Principle of Mahomet to pro-
pagate his Religion by the Sword (0) Hac religio, faith Grotius, plane ad funden-
dum fanguinem faéta. And, (p) Mahumetes ſe miſſum ait, non cum miraculis, ſed
cum armis
. And again, (g) Religio illo, quo arma eunt, Sequitur : Armorum acceſio
eft. Firſt, it deſtroys with Lions Teeth, and then ſtings with the Tails of Scorpions.
Therefore War is with them the way of God, as before obſervd. A Hint or Two of
this. I have already obſerv’d the Cruelty of the Chalife (r) Valid ; I ſhall add, that
in his Time one Hejajus was ſlain by him, who had cauſed to be ſlain of illuſtrious
and chief Men, One Hundred and Twenty Thouſand, beſides thoſe of the common
People, and thoſe ſlain in War; together with Fifty Thouſand Men, and Thirty
Thouſand Women, who died in his Priſons. I ſhall add to thîs what is reported of
the great (s) Abu Moſlem, who raiſed up the Family of the Abbaſide, and was ſlain
by the Order of Abugiafar Al Manſur, A. C. 754. A. Hej
. 137 ; that is, Seven Years
before the Expiration of the Five Months. The Hiſtorian (1) Abulpharajius reports,
that he had deſtroyed Six Hundred Thouſand Men known, beſides thoſe that were
unknown, and thoſe whom he had flain in Wars and Battels. Surely nothing can
come near this Abaddon, or Perdition, but the Beaſt, and Falſe Prophet himſelf,
called 2 Theſſal. 2. 3. Son of Perdition, 'Amwacias; who indeed hath exceeded all theſe
in perſecuting the Saints, and length of Time too.
Some (u) Learned Men ſay, that this alludes to the Name of Mahomet ; which
they derive from the Hebrew, no, or the Chaldee, No, which fignifies to de-
ftroy. But the (w) Arabians will not own that Etymology. But Grotius feems to be
further out of the way to think, that the Word Azomer, which is only ſet here to
explain the Hebrew Abaddon, is an Allufion to the Heatheniſh Apollo, who was ſup-
poſed to ſend Plagues to Men, and to be therefore alſo called Goiurio, Æſchylus
alluding to that Etymology in theſe Words;
chlag
de tus
(4) Απoλλον, "Απολον. 'Aγμού τ' απόλλων έμός,
which the Scholiaft explains thus, πολλύων έμε. Ο τίω παρωνυμίαν. Το which may
be added theſe Verſes of Euripides, wherein he has imitated Æſchylus :
houd
(y) Ω χυσοφέγγος ήλιο ως μ' απώλεσας;
“Ο εν σ' 'Απόλλων” εμφανώς κλήσει βροτός.
But, if there be any ſuch Alluſion, it muſt be to the Word Abaddon, and not to
the Greek. And therefore thoſe of Mede are much more probable. The Mahome

(9) Ibid.
TO) H. Grot. de Verit. Rel. Chr. Lib. VI. Cap. 2. (p) Ibid. Cap. s.
Cap. 7. () Gregor. Abulph. Hift. Dynaft
. Pag. 129. (3) Herbelot Tit. Abou Moſlem.
(t) Gregor. Abulph. Hiſt. Dyn. Pag. 140.
(u) Feſſel. Adverfar. Lib. IX. Cap. I.
(w) Golius Lex. Arab. Pag. 651.
(3) Æſchy. Agam. 10go. Vid. Euſtath. in Hom. Iliad. A.
Serv. in Virg. Eclog. s. (y) Eurip. Phaet. Apud Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. Cap. 17. Vid. reliq.
& Phurnur. de Nat. Deor. de Apollin. & Dian. & Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XIV. Pag. 635.
tans
Ch. IX. v. 12.
Trumpet V. Woe I.
431

tans profeſs to worſhip no other God but the Creator of the World ; which in the
Chaldee and Syriac is called N7y, ABUDA; and by the Arabians 1938, ABDI;
that is, Eternal. So that he thinks the Holy Ghoft ſeems thereby to hint, that al-
though they pretend to worſhip the Creator, the Eternal God, yet they worſhip him
not, but the Angel Abaddon the Deſtroyer of the World. In the fame Manner as the
Gentiles, thinking to worſhip God, do not facrifice to him, but to Demons, i Cor.
10. 20. The like was the Miſtake of feroboam, who thought to worſhip the true
God, 1 Kings 12. 28. but he worſhipped Dæmons, 2 Chron. 11. 15. the Satyrs or
Fauni , that are ſaid to delight in Defarts : LXX rois citroes vej rois peollators. The
Ancient Arabians had for their God one (2) Obodas, who had been their King,
(a) Eufebius calls him OBAO. This is, as I take it, the Abdeel in Genef. 25. 13.
1 Chron. 1. 29. In the LXX of Ald. AuC dtún. Vat. Nec dena. Or elſe he may be the
ſame as Abidah, Son of Midian , Son of Abraham by his Wife Ketural), Geneſ.
25. 4. and by Conſequence a Prince of the Midianites, who were mixt with the A-
rábians, or Children of the Eaſt, Judg. 6. 3. But I incline to the former Conje-
Eture ; becauſe this Abdeel was the Brother of Nebaioth, of whom came the Naba-
tei, an Arabian Nation ; whence in Ezek. 27. 21. Kedar is '02) in the Targum : As
of 'Abdeel or Nabdeel might come the Nabdæi, Nc6 Sion, mentioned by (6) Eupole-
mus juſt after the Nabatxi
, and ſaid to have been with them and other Nations over-
come and ſubjugated by David. By which one may think, that the various Ways of
writing Nec dùa may be of ſome Antiquity; or rather, that both Ways of ſpeaking
the fame Name have been uſed at different Times. From Obodas ſome other Kings
had this Name, mentioned by (c) Strabo, (d) Foſephus, and (e) Stephanus Byz, in
the fame Manner as Ptolemy, Arfaces, and Aretas, Names of Founders, were tranſ-
mitted to their Succeffors. Now Obodas having the fame Origin in the Hebrew and
Arabick as Abaddon, the Holy Ghoſt might in this Name allude to that Founder of
the Saracen Nation, who was by the Locuſts before their Excurſions, worſhipped
PP
Now that the Holy Ghoſt may allude to Names, is made out by Examples fetch'd
from the Words 7pu in Jerem. 1. II, 12. and ysñ and p in Amos 8. 2. where the
Similitude of Words gives occaſion to a Prophecy. Which is very ſuitable alſo to
the Augurations the Ancients uſed to take from Names, as Plautus :
exem10316 (f) Vofmet nunc facite conje&turam cæterum,
coordons to a Quid id fit hominis cui Lyco nomen fiet.
U OG SOM
Zoo
2 roteller
- So from the Name of ($) Verres, the Sicilians conje&tured, fore ut ab eo Sicilia
verreretur, that Sicily ſhould be ſwept by him. The like is found in n theſe Verſes
of Euripides :
ciori o
eta () Tlev. Tev id's 'Azavñs mains, wale's ExéoGeniet in die olie ali
Aro. 'Ev dusom moru ošrou 672 tido ..
And why may we not dabble in this, as well as others? From the Root 783 tä
periſh, the Arabians call the Deſart (i) Albaidáo, faith Pocock, quod fit Mahláčaton,
quafi dicas, Locus perditionis. Others pronounce it (k) Badiah. However 782, by
a Tranſpoſition of the Radicals is the very fame as , whence comes Abaddon
the Deſtroyer ; as being the Angel of the Defart. How this hits Mahomet, who
brought the Saracens out of the Deſart, is eaſy to fee, and hath been obſerved be-
fore.
A. Verf. 12. Hści i pice dvña. Gov, ist ég me ] _'én so sei city Tañ za, The firſt Woe is
paſt, behold there come yet Two Woes hereafter. ] The Holy Ghoſt is very methodi-
cal in this facred Book. And theſe Woes are ſuch folemn Matters, that 'tis thought
fit to give us notice of all their Steps. The firſt Woe is paft : that is certainly the
Od WOOD
as a God.



(<) Steph. ’E@yex. V. "O6 odc. Tertul. ad Nar. Lib. II. Cap. 8.
(a) Euſeb. de Laud.
Conſtanta (6) Eupolem. apud Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX. Pag. 263.
(c) Strab.
Geogr. Lib. XVI.
(d) Joſeph. Archæol. Jud. Lib. XVI.
(e) Steph. V. Avaese.
(f) Plaut. Poenul. Prol. Vid. Horat. Lib. I. Satyr. 2. V. 64, 65. Et Not. J. Lipf. in Tacit. Hift. Lib. IV.
Cap. LIII. N. 85. (8) Cicer. in Verr.
(5) Euripid. Bacch. 507. (i) Pocock,
Not. in Car. Tograi, Pag. 155. (k) Herbelor Tic. Badiah.
4
Locuſts,
432
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
Ch. IX. v. 12.

Locuſts, which are brought in by the Fifth Trumpet. And ſo the other Two muſt
come with the Sixth and Seventh. Of which we ſhall likewiſe have notice. But
methinks there is alſo fome further Deſign therein ; namely, to ſhew us, that theſe
Woes being ſuch terrible Matters; and the firſt and ſecond of them being deſign'd
for Chaſtiſements by Way of Warning ; ſo theſe Intervals of Admonitions between
each, are to Thew us, that there is a vaſt Difference between the Effects of theſe
Three laſt Trumpers, and thoſe of the firſt four, which followed one another quick-
ly; whereas theſe being deſign'd as Warnings to Chriſtians ; as they are very heavy
and dreadful , yet there is Space left between each to repent. They come very lei.
furely one after another. Which muſt be underſtood of theſe Two firft Woes; for as
to the Third the Cafe is not the ſame ; of which in its proper Place, as well as of
this, so VIIS
TRUMPET VI.
W O E II. 20 store

q
A. Verf. 13. Και ο έκ7G άγγελΘ- εσάλπισε, και ήκεσα φωνώ μίαν εν και τωτέρων κερά-
Tev to Juara sueix geuoš iš incómov v Ose. And the Sixth Angel ſounded, and I heard
& Voice from the four Horns of the golden Altar, which is before God. ] The Reading
of Tichonius is very remarkable, (a) Et audivi unum ex quatuor angelis altaris aurei
quod eft in conſpectu Dei. I ſhall not ſtand to examine it ; but take the Words as
they lye in our Copies.. Now theſe Words being the Key of all the Tranſactions of
this Sixth Trumpet, which not only laſteth to the End of this Chapter, but alſo
through the Tenth, and as far as Chap. 11. 14. hath nevertheleſs been paſs'd over
ſlightly ; though it appears at firſt Sight, that this is the Scene or Place, wherein the
Commifſion or Command for moſt of the A&tions following is delivered : The true
ſtating of which muſt give Light to all the reſt. But to come to our Buſineſs. We
muſt find out the Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt, in ſending this Voice from the Altar
of Incenſe. Now it was on that only, that the Sins of the whole Nation were ex-
piated once a Year, Exod. 30. 10. And Aaron ſhall make an Attonement upon the
Horns of it once a Tear, with the Blood of the Sin-offering of Attonements. And that
it had Horns to make the Attonement appears not only from v.2. but alſo Exod. 37.25.
Lev.4.7,18. Lev. 16. 18. From which Places it appears further, that no Attonement was
made upon that, but either for the Sins of the whole Nation, known or unknown ;
or elſe for Sins done wittingly by any one, as a Prieſt, or the whole Nation : But for
other Sins in ordinary Cafes, even of a Ruler
, and ſuch as were unknown, then the
Attonement was only made upon the Altar of Holocaufts. So that this Altar of In-
cenfe, as to the Attonement to be made upon the Horns thereof, reſpects the whole
Nation, and that too upon the Account of the moſt grievous Sins.
But further, it is to be obſerv'd, that as it was practiſed by the Heathens, fo in
the Mofaical Diſpenſation it was permitted, that the Horns of an Altar, and in Iſrael,
the Horns of the Altar of Holocauſts, which only could be come to by the People,
ſhould be an Aſylum, or Sanctuary for Crimes, at leaſt thoſe committed unwit-
tingly. This appears as to the Altar of the Holocaufts, from the Law it felf, Exod.
21. 14. If a Man come preſumptuouſly upon his Neighbour, to ſay him with Guile,
thou shalt take him from mine Āltar, that he may die. Which Law doth plainly al-
low the Altar to be an Aſylum, for Sins committed without Deſign. Accordingly
Adonijah fearing Solomon, 1 Kings 1. 50. aroſe, and went, and
I
Horns of the Altar. So likewiſe, Foab fled unto the Tabernacle of the Lord, and
caught hold on the Horns of the Altar, 1 Kings 2. 28. But becauſe he was guilty of
wilful Murder, he was ſlain. The Proofs of the Practice of the Heathens herein
are very copious. I ſhall give a few of them. Whole Tragedies of Æſchylus, Som
phocles, and Euripides are grounded thereupon. See Æſchylus in Supplicibus, Sopho-
cles in Oedip. Colon. Euripides in Heraclid. v. 261. Ion. v. 1312, E 1255. Supplicib,
7. 268. Schylus, in one Place among others, faith thus,
(b) Kecivos û zuggs Bewpois, d'esnxlov Cérą,
2001
(2) Tichon. Hom. VII.
(b) Æſchyl. Suppl. 7. 198.
79021 202
An

Chap. IX. v. 13 Trumpet VÌ. Woe II.
433
An Altar is ſtronger than a Tower, being an invincible Shield. By the Account we
have from ſeveral Authors of the (c) Cylonian Buſineſs, it appears how facred the
Aſylum of the Altars was. For even a (d) String tied to the Horn of the Altar, and
held in the Hand, was ſufficient to protest : And the cutting of that was accounted
a fufficient Ground to make War againſt the Cutters. For further Information con-
fult (e) Selden's Notes on Fædus Smyrn. & Magneſ. And the Colle&tions of () Hugo
Grotius. Befides, the Worſhippers among the Heathens, imploring the Protection
of the Gods, were wont to take hold of the Horns of their Altars. Servius : () Ro-
gabant enim Deos ararum anſas tenentes. By which he explains theſe Words of
Virgil,
ombea
Mb Talibus orabat di&tis, araſque tenebat. que se lo bue
So Euripides ; (h) Και πατήρ εμος
’EV MEG I Beyòv, css ozslingiay
"Ελλησι δώσεσ’ έρχομαι νικηφόρgν.
15 Loget
bo to 90 derers
I ſhall fum up all with that noble Omen, faid by Homer to have been ſhewn to the
Greeks, when He&tor was juſt ready to deſtroy them all in their Camp, and to burn
their Ships : Whereupon Agamemnon prays, that Jupiter would protect them from
utter Ruin. The Poet reports the Omen thus :
be
siden sud most reboot
(i) 25 pekto, o ĝi telling oropú egalo despugéorld. i producents
Νευσε και οι, λαόν σόον έμμεναι, εδ' υπολους.
Aurire di cistov vine; Tedetó telov 7relelor,
Νεβρόν έχοντ’ ονύχει, τέκα ελάφοιο ταχείας.
Παρ. 3 Διός βωμό εικαλλέϊ καββαλε νεβρόν, ,
*Ενθου πανoμφάιο Ζωι ρέζεσκον 'Αχαιοι.
An Eagle brings a Fawn, and throws him upon Jupiter's Altar. The Fawn repreſents
the frighted Greeks, who being driven by Hector, ſhould at laſt find an Aſylum under
Fupiter's Protection. And ſo the Greeks immediately underſtood it, for they in-
Itantly recover'd their Courage. See Macrobius, Lib
. III
. Cap. 2. And upon theſe
Accounts when the Prophet Amos 3. 14. faith ; And the Horns of the Altar ſhall be
cut off, and fall to the Ground ; this implies, that there ſhall be no more Attonements
made thereupon, the Aſylum or San&tuary thereof ſhall no more ſtand. From all
which it appears to me, that the Horns of the Altar are the Symbols of the Divine
Protection, a fure Sanctuary for them that fly to them ; provided that their Crimes
be not ſuch as God will not ſuffer to be pafsd over without ſuch a Puniſhment as they
deſerve otherwiſe. Now it will appear by the Two laft Verſes of this Chapter, thar
the People who were to be puniſhed by theſe Plagues, were guilty of Idolatry,
which was accompanied with many other Sins dependant thereupon. . Idolatry is fuch
a Sin as God profeffes he is mighty jealous about, and will puniſh without Remiffion
upon the Guilty, to the Third and Fourth Generation, even to the Extirpation of
whole Cities, with all that belonged to them ; Exod. 20. 5. Deut. 13. 5, 8, 9, 10,
16. and by Conſequence of whole Nations ; though for the fake of many good
Men therein, he would patiently wait long for Amendment, and ſend previous Warna
ings and Chaſtiſements
. It appears further, by the former Plague of the Locuſts,
that though God permitted that the Locuſts did torment Men guilty of thoſe Sins,
yet they were forbidden to kill them ; which fignifies, as I have explain'd it, that the
Torment of them was to extend to private Men, the Subjects of corrupted Chriſten-
dim ; but not to deſtroy any Monarchy : That though they ſhould ſtreighten them
and cut them ſhort on many Sides, yet they ſhould not reduce them quite. And this
it ſeems God deſign'd by way of Trial, to bring them off from their Sins : But at
the long run finding this had proved ineffectual, he ſeems in this ſecond Woe re-
folved to try a more violent Remedy, and to withdraw his Protection from ſome
90
VST OTHERIOT
(c) Herodot. Lib. V. cap. 71. Thucydides, Lib. I. S. 126. Ariſtoph. Schol. in Equit. d bon
(d) Plutarch. in Solon.
re) Marm. Oxon. pag. 25,
25, surwoll (fH. Gror. de jure Bi se
Pac. Lib. II. cap. 21. S. 5. & Annotat. (8) Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI. distribus
(h) Euripid. Iphigen. in Aulid. v. 1472.
472.01 (i) Homer. Iliad. O.
Sifir
goni oni suivib
Part
434
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
Ch. IX. v.13

3
Part of Chriſtendom, and to let it fall quite into the Hands of foreign Enemies
and accordingly we ſhall find by the whole Account of this Woe, that God
will ſuffer corrupted Chriſtendom not only to loſe one great Monarchy, and a fub-
ftantial Part of the Church therein, to fall into the Hands of Foreign Enemies; but
alfo occaſion great Trouble and Torment to the corrupted Chriſtians ; by the en-
lightning of a great Part of them, who by that ſeeming Schiſm ſhall cauſe a great
Torment to the idolatrous Zealots. And becaufe, as we find in the Two laſt Verſes of
this Chapter, thoſe Men that had not been touched much with this Woe, at leaſt as
to that part which had not felt that Part of the Effect of this Woe, which tends to
ſubdue Chriſtendom to Foreign Powers, thoſe Men, I ſay, continued in their Sins;
God will then ſhortly bring on the Third Woe, or Seventh Trumpet, which makes
an end of all the corrupted Church. Thus we fee, that the withdrawing of God's
Protection implies the Extirpation of Men. So that a Command coming from the
Horns of the Altar, ſhews that the Sins of theſe Men, which ſhould be expiated
thereupon, are of ſo deep a Dye, that they are not to be expiated. As Feremiah
17. 1. faith ; they are written and graven upon the Horns of the Altar ; which inſtead
of making an Expiation, or Covering of them, lays them open before God; who
thereupon commands this Voice to be uttered, letting looſe thoſe Angels, or potent
Enemies, whom God hath hitherto kept back. And it being from the Altar whereon
general Expiations were made for the whole Nation, and not that on which private
Perſons were expiated, this muſt imply, that God will not now be content with a
flender Satisfaction, but revenge himſelf upon whole Nations. So that in the whole
this fignifies, that there is no more Sanctuary to protect ſome Part of corrupted
Chriſtendom
For further Illuſtration and Confirmation of this Matter, let us ſee whether we
cannot find fomething like this in ſome of the ancient Prophets. In Amos 9. 1. we
have ſomething like it, and God's Expoſition too of the Type : E.dov † Kueron foca
sūzee Jyola supés, rj ére, meltežav en so inesúerov, rj of JÁ 019) Teade meymunce vj diela
κοψον εις κεφαλας παίτων, και τις καταλοίπες αυτών εν τη ρομφάια Αποκενώ, και μη διαφύγη
de Pareñv po'gwov, dj un diere en agitau ter dvcowo bulu . I ſaw the Lord ſtanding upon
the Altar, and he ſaid, Smite the Mercy Seat, and the Poſts Mall Shake": And knock
upon the Heads of all of them ; and I will ſay the Remnant of them with the Sword :
He that fleeth of them ſhall not eſcape, and he that eſcapeth of them shall not be de-
livered. The vulgar Tranſlation hath, Smite the Lintel of the Door, that the Poſts
may Shake. The LXX read 1737, the Mercy Seat , inſtead of IDBI. This is
look'd upon as an Overſight. But who knows that they did not really find it fo in
their Copy? And is not the Reading as good or better? The Mercy Seat was the
Throne of God. When Attonement was made upon it, it was a Token, that God
would have Mercy upon all Ifrael. And it is to be well obſerved from the great Ex-
piation yearly performed thereon, that after ſuch an Expiation upon the Mercy Seat,
Attonements were reſpectively to be made, both upon the Altar of Incenſe, and alſo
upon that of the Holocauſts, Levit. 16. 14, 18, 19, 24. to hallow the firſt from the
Uncleanneſs of the Children of Ifrael, v. 19. And in the latter, to make an Attonement
for himſelf and for the People, v. 24. So that this compleated all. Now in the
Prophet Amos, God appears removed from his Mercy Seat ; therefore no Expiation
in general to be made, and ſo God appears reſolved to have no Mercy. His ſtand-
ing upon the Altar (hews his viſiting the Sins of the People, which are on the Horns
of it not waſhed away ; for that was only a Conſequence of the great Expiation done
before on the Mercy Seat. The ſtriking of the Mercy Seat is the Prophanation there-
of. So that the Conſequence muſt be, that ſeeing the Sins of the People are not
expiated by Sacrifice, or vicarious Puniſhment, they muſt be puniſhed and expiated
by a&tual Sacrifice of the Guilty. Therefore it follows in the Prophet thereupon,
that the Heads, that is, the Princes are firſt ftruck or killd : And then the People
are diſperſed and ſlain, and the Fleets are overtaken ; which being repeated, ſhews by
that Reduplication, that none certainly, or very few ſhall eſcape ; it will be a thorough
and certain Devaſtation. But if according to the vulgar Reading, the Lintel of the
Door is Smitten, and the Poſts Shaken ; though the Mercy Seat being ſo, appears
much more emphatical, yet this may be brought likewiſe to the fame Senſe; as if
God by cauſing the Lintel and Poſt to be ſmitten and ſhaken, did lay open and pro-
phane the Sanètuary, ſhewing, that he was removed to viſit their Sins on the Altar
and that this great Aſylum or Sanctuary, was no more ſafe , but ſhaken and void of
the divine Preſence.
So


و

Chap. IX.I V. 14. Trumpet VI. Woe II.
435
So in the Prophet Iſaiah 6.4. the like Symbol is uſed to the fame Purpoſe: And
the Poſts of the Door moved at the Voice of bim that cried. The Date of that Pro
phecy is very remarkable, being ſpecified to make us underſtand the Meaning by the
Occaſion of it. 'Tis ſaid to be ſeen in the Year that Uzziah died. It feems there-
fore, that when the Temple had been fo far prophaned, that the King, who under
God, ſhould have been its chief Protector, did himſelf pollute it, God, as angry
thereat, and looking upon it as unfit for his Abode, threatens and foretels, that he
will remove to ſeek another People: St. Chryfoftom faith, (k) 'Een
caráceas 98 78 16 oni
ueñor lie, wij dve Comas iš ves Upon our Saviour's Crucifixion, the like Type did
actually happen, to fignify that God was no more in the Temple ; and that his Pro-
tection was removed from the whole Nation, when the Vail of the Temple was rent
in Twain, Matth. 27. 51. Luke 23. 45. But the ſhaking of the Mercy-Seat is more
Emphatical, becauſe thereon was made the greateſt and moſt Solemn Åttonement for
the Sins of the Nation once a Year ; the Continuance of which afſured them of God's
Favour and Protection. Foſephus the few obſerves ſuch an Omen of God's Removal
from the Jews, when a Voice was heard in the Temple, juſt before the fatal Period
of its laſt Ruin, which ſaid (1) Mela6bevarese cu guler, Let us depart berice, and the
inner Door of the Temple opened of it ſelf; which he ſays was a sign that God
would protect the Temple no more, and that its Deſtruction was near at Hand.
Thus the Voice here coming from the Four Horns of the Altar, is a Sign that God
now viſits the Sins of Chriſtendom, as being almoſt come to their full Meaſures and
that he throws off their Protection, by ſending a Command to puniſh from thar
Altar which is their Sanctuary.
gomiscjt notiw ssgata asb to 109121
A. Verf. 14. régs our mod škło lepén ço é € zor tle of a man f20, Saying to the Sixth Angel,
which had the Trumpet. ] This ſhews Two Things : Firſt
, that theſe Angels were
not mere Spectators, or Watchmen, but actually preſided over the A&tions of which
they give Norice by the Sound of their Trumpets, as was hinted before. Secondly,
the Angel here receiving a Commiſſion to looſe the Four Angels, that were bound
beyond or at the River Euphrates, proves, that theſe Angels were bound thus by God
himſelf; and this fnews, that Chriſtendom had till then been ſo far under his Prote
&tion, that nothing could incroach upon it, without the atual Permiſſion of God
who had not yet thought fit to give it, becauſe their Corruptions were not ripe for
fuch a Judgment. But that now it sis ; and fo the Commiſſion is accordingly deli-
vered, and this Angel puts the Bufineſs in Execution, i For theſe are Archangelsioand
therefore have Power over the other Angels. And as the Archangels are to be com-
manded by none but God, and Jeſus Chriſt, to whom they are now made fübject,
the Voice that commands them to employ their under Agents, comes from none but
God and Chriſt, though it is not faid here, but only implied. Befides, to look up-
on the Altar, that is, to viſit the Sins of Men, is merely the Prérogative of God the
Father, and Son. In the Prophecy of Amos 9. 1. and Iſaiah 6. 4. the Voices come im-
mediately from God, or the immediate Attendants of his Divine Preſence; which is
the ſame as from himſelf. G suvi
90 dies autem 1107
Β. Λύσον τες τέσσαρας αγγέλες τές δεδεμένες και το ποταμό του μεγάλων Ευφράτη, Laofe
the Four Angels which are bound at the great River Euphrates.] Epiphanius in citing
this Place hathani Tš Eu pegan, but he is not to be heeded, becauſe careleſs in ſuch
Caſes
. For even a little after he hath : TS Eupeørn; his Words proving my former
Obſervation ſhall be cited here : (m) nữrov. Tès Teardegs 'Ayzénssites in τω Ευφράτη κα-
$εζομάρες, και επεχο κλύες όπσρέπειν τοις έθνεσιν εις πόλεμον, έως και ο μακροθυμίας κυρίε,
ées megsáže d'oester ĉu dhuhar Duréats a les aurê dziwy. The ſtating of the Symbol of the
River Euphrates, will eaſily bring us to the Knowledge of theſe Four Angels. We
are now ſtill in the Second great Period of the Church; which, as we have' hinted,
anſwers to the Second Period of the Mofaical Diſpenſation. That Period begins ar
the Time of the full Settlement of the Ifraelites in the promiſed Land, both as to the
great Promiſe and the leſs, of which more hereafter, which only happened in the
times of David and Solomon. For under theſe Two Kings, the Dominion of the
Iſraelites was extended to the utmoſt Limits of the Promiſe, and on the other Hand,
the Worſhip was fix'd by the building of the Temple : So that both the Eccleſiaſtical
TOGO TOM Dy vara
(k) Johan. Chryſoſtom. in Eſaiam. Pag. 1066. 1999 cod (1) FI. Joſeph. de Bell. Frid. Lib. VI.
(m) Epiphan. Panar. Hær. LI. Sect. 34.
visa
and
Cap. 31.

436
Trumpet VI. W6c II.
Chap. IX. v. 14.
and Civil State of the Nation was then in its full Extent. And this Period, though
under ſucceeding Kings divided, and clipp'd by Foreign Enemies, did perſiſt till the
Captivity of all the People, and the utter Ruin of all the Monarchy. Whilſt the
Monarchies both of Iſrael and Fudah remained within Ifrael
, the Prophets that fore-
told them their Ruin, always declared that their Enemies would come from the
River Euphrates. So that the paſſing of that River was the fatal Point of the Ruin
of the Kingdoms of Iſrael and Fudah, that River being every where ſet as one of the
great Borders or Boundaries of the Land of Promiſe, as in Geneſ. 15. 18. Exod. 23.
31. Numb. 34. 2. Deut. 1.7. Fosh. 1.4. Hence the River Euphrates muſt fignify
that Border of the Land, the paſſing of which by Foreign Enemies, was fatal to the
whole Commonwealth of Iſrael and Judah. si lorier ott men som sa
01 Let us now ſee whether it is not ſo in the Caſe of the Chriſtian Church. Now
it's certain, that the Church in this Period ſettled in Peace with the Temporal Power,
was circumſcribed within the Limits of the Roman Empire : And 'tis as certain, that
the River Euphrates was the Eaſtern Boundary of that Empire. Many Authors have
obſery'd that. :(n) Auguſtus having firſt form’d the Deſign of ſettling the Bounds of
the Roman Empire, the River Euphrates was one of them, as Fulian informs us:
(o) 'Oerdo dità, come veo que
tú creas derno de Sopelo', Ispov, rj 'Eugedtles no tapos čFeelw.
And therefore Lucan ſays: (p) Dividit Euphrates ingenti gurgite mundum. And
therefore one of the Iflands in that River was choſen to be the Place of Interview be-
tween the King of Perſia and Caius Cæfar, in the times of Auguſtus, as we are in-
formed by (9) Velleius Paterculus, who was preſent at it. Appian, in ſetting out the
Extent of that Empire, when ſpeaking of the Eaſt, comes to Euphrates. (r) 'HTE
κοιλη Συρία, και μένει ότι πολαμον Ευφράτίου. Από θαλάσσης άνω, Παλμυρίωόι κι η Παλ-
peuglwör fokuu máutor 'Evogetlens var súrovou. Seneca , (s) Parthis obſtet Euphrates.
So Philo ſpeaking of the Roman Empire, (t) 'Agztw" sizes the stov tej dve fácuo té test
prepião ornspelons, di ori sej sugicos divinis dire po'l. émoi, duod Toledors oer Soekuiles, 'Euopáry
τε και Ρώω, τω με απο τεμνοκιβόη Γερμανίαν, και όσα θηριωδέσπρα έθνη, Ευφράτη και Παρ-
Gól aj to Eaguar fes glón sy Ellusionis me šx vidov Enagico y con este reprovescov. In (u)
St. Fohn's Time it was moſt certainly fo: And though Trajan a little after made
Tome Conqueſts further to the Tigris, yet Hadrian, his Succeſſor, made Euphrates
the Limit of the Empire, (w) Ac medium inter Perſas, & Romanos Euphratem effe
voluit. (x) Eutropius faith; Ac finem Imperij effe voluit Euphratem. Therefore the Pof
feſfion of Meſopotamia beyond it
, was accounted doubtful: Quater amiſſa, quater ac-
cepta eſt Meſopotamia, ſaith the formerlo Inſomuch that the Romans look'd upon
Euphrates as the fatal Border of theiro Empire : Flavius Vopiſcus : (y) Plerique di-
cunt vim fati quandam eſse, ut Romanus Princeps Cteſiphontem tranfire non pofit: ide-
oque Carum fulmine abfumptum, quod eos fines tranſgredi cuperet, qui fatahter conſti-
tuti funt. Now (2) Ctefiphon was à Town built on the River Tigris by the Parthian
Kings, about Three Miles off that Babylon, or Seleucia, which was built near a Cut,
between Tigris and Euphrates. Over againſt Cteſiphon was built Coche, (a) a ſtrong
Fort, making as it were one Town with it. This River Euphrates muſt therefore be
likewiſe the remarkable and utmoſt Boundary of Chriſtendom, which kept back only
thoſe Enemies who were to prove fatal, at leaſt to fome Monarchy in Chriſtendom.
For the Saracens had not made fuch Irruptions, as quite to deſtroy one of them.
Yea, after they had ſettled, the Chriſtians had made a ſhift by the Holy Wars, ſo
called, from their Deſign to recover and keep the Holy Land, to get again towards
Euphrates. But now theſe Four Angels with their Followers muſt do it: They muſt
break over the Border of Chriſtendom, God having withdrawn his Protection to that
Purpoſe. Sed : 20
id vil diw 2015ndast novi
It may be alk’d, why this Symbol fignifying the Border of Chriſtendom, was not
fetch'd from any other of the Four Borders of the Land of Promiſe? To which I
anſwer, that firſt the Holy Ghoſt hath defign'd, that the River Euphrates ſhould lite-
Vicomoon Sto
tooner Stor voir toel so bre dimorong
10 moim cicu sa 21
On
(n) Tacit. Annal. Lib. I. © Julian. Cæſar. Pag. 37. Ed. Petav. obrigtsen (0) Lucan.
(yell. Patercul. Lib. II. Cap. CI... (1) Appian. in Præf.es () Seneca
Quæſtion. Natur. Lib. I. Præfar. Vid. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VIII. V. 291.
(t) Philo de Legat.
ad Caium. Pag. 682. (u) Vid. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. VI. Fin. Pag. 288.
(20) Ruffus in
Brev. Cap. de Meſopotam. (2) Eutrop. Lib. VIII. (y) Flay, Vopifcus in Caro Imper.
() Plin, Nat
. Hift
. Lib. VI. Cap. 26. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. Pag. 743. (a) Gregor. Naz,
in Julian. Orat. I.
DEDE 11 SATILA
rally
egoiu
Lib. VIII.

Ch. IX. VI 14. Trumpe VI... Woe II.
437
و
rally be the Place beyond or vat which theſe Angels were bound, or ſettled; for the
Prepoſition in requires no more. We need not to ſuppoſe them all beyond it. 1 And
Secondly, becauſe the other Symbols of Borders fetchd from the Type of the Chri-
ſtian Church, the Land of Iſrael, are employed elſewhere upon other Occaſions. So
that no Symbol but this can fit the prefent Occafion ſo well. All the reſt fetch'd
from the bordering Nations of Canaan, are temployed already, or in the other colla-
teral Viſions deſcribed hereafter
, which nevertheleſs refpe&t Times alteady paft
.
Canaan bad Four Borders ; Egypt, the Sea Weſtward, the Defart, and Euphrates.
The Dragon which alludes to the King of Egypt, was deſtroyed in the firſt Period;
the Sea alſo hath been uſed ; the Locults of the Defart were the Symbol of the
Fifth Trumpet ; ſo that now there remain’d only the laſt Border Euphrates untouched,
but now overrun, to begin the compleat Ruin of ſome Monarchy in Chriſtendom; at
leaſt of ſuch a Párt as anſwers to the Monarchy of Iſrael, by which God began the
total Subverſion of the literal Ifraelites. And as we thall find it, the Fate of the
reſt, which anſwers to the Kingdom of Judah, will be only compleated when the
Seventh Trumper Sounds. As to the Name of theſe Four Agents, who are called
by the glorious Names of Angels, although they be the Leaders of a Multitude of
Horſemen, whoſe Horſes have Stings in their Tails like Serpents, and by Conſe-
quence infufing falſe Prophecy ; the Reaſon of this hath beer hinted already, and
will be more hereafter.
u stul aniver bris
But now to come to the Event ; that is, to thew whom theſe Four Angels repre-
ſent. To make it out, Mr. Jurieu obſerves, that the Saracens having extended their
Conqueſts as far as Natolia, we muſt look upon this Euphrates to fignify only the
utmoſt Border of the Grecian Empire, after the Invaſions of the Saracens ceafed : So
that the principal Intent of the Viſion is not to fignify preciſely that River, but in
general the Border of the Grecian Empire Eaſtward; which by the Encroachments of
the Saracens, was in a manner bounded within Europe. But now as the Saracens
have nothing to do with this Trumper, the Holy Gholt taking no further Notice of
them after their Five Months are expired, therefore I cannor think, that theſe Four
Angels here fignify thoſe Four Sultanies, which are ſaid to have been ſettled in Syria
and Natolia, about the River Euphrates in Nicea, Damaſcus, Antioch and Aleppo;
and the more, becauſe 'tis certain, that theſe did not effect the great Event of this
Trumpet, owned to be the utter Ruin of the Grecian Empire. For this was done
after thoſé Sultanies were themſelves ruined : Great Alterations being niade in theſe
Countries ſince the Term of the Locuſts and that of this Trumpet by the (b) Selgiu-
cides, the Atabeks , the Moguls under Fengizkhan, the Cara Cointu, the Ak Cointu,
the Moguls under Tamerlan, who have ſucceſſively reigned about theſe Parts. And
this effectually takes off the Account of Mede, which lies open to the fame Inconve-
viencies, being partly the ſame as this; though more unlikely, becauſe his Sultanies
were ſooner extinct, than thoſe hinted at by Mr. Furieu. However, none of theſe
have indeed effeated the Work.
po & ditt bestanddeleris
The Ottomans are indeed the Angels who have performed this great Work; who
from very low Beginnings, and drawing to them the diſperſed Subje&ts of the former
broken Dynaſties, by the Inroads of finghizkhan and Tamerlan, paſt on into Chriſten-
dom, and ruined the Grecian Empire. What hath deceived theſe Learned Men may
be, that they, according to the vulgar Error, have taken the Turks and Ottomans to
be the ſame, which is indeed a very great Miſtake; the Turks and Ottomans being
quite different. The Ottomans, that is, the Subje&ts of the Ottoman Family, will not
own themſelves to be Turks. Though it cannot be denied, that they are a mix'd
Multitude of all thoſe Nations, which together with the Saracens, and ſince, did
overrun thoſe Countries, and by little and little fertled therein. When the Ottoman
Family gain'd Power, theſe People made no great Difficulty to join with them. It
was their Pra&tice long before, not to heed much what Commander they were under.
When thoſe Sultanies were in Being, and one had made Peace with the Chriſtians,
his Subjects went over to ſome other Prince that was at War with the Chriſtians,
merely to partake of the Plunder. So we are inform'd by (c) Pachymeres and (d)
Cantacuzene. This Practice feems ſufficient to make them indifferent to what Prince
cards clogue
2 yang again on
(6) Herbelot Tit. Selgiucidian, Gr. Nih Meradosnu
(c) Georg. Pachym. Hift. Byz. Lib. X. Cap. 30.
(d) Joh. Cantacuzen. Hift. Lib. III. Cap. 96.
si soud
Ttttt
they
dod _

438
Trumpet VI. Wo. II.
Ch. IX. v. 14.
they were ſubje&t, provided they were under one that was a&tive. So that the Otto-
man Family having proved ſo, they eaſily gain'd Followers; and when once the Otto-
man Family had gain'd a Battel over fome Sultan, it was not difficult to draw all his
Subjects under their Banners. Some (d) Interpreters obſerve, that the Number of Four
being a Symbolical Number, denoting Univerſality, we ſhould not need to ty our
ſelves in the Application of the Event, to the ftri&t Number of Four Angels; but
fuppofe that thereby the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to denote all thoſe Generals, or Com-
manders, who effected this Deſtruction of the Third Part of Men. This may be
true indeed; but we ſhall have Occaſion to ſhew, that this Number of Four Angels,
or Four Princes, hath been fatal in the Ottoman Family in ſeveral very critical Jun-
&tures, and eſpecially about their paffing the Euphrates.
(e) Pocock avers, that we know nothing by the Arabian Writers concerning the
Origin of the Ottoman Family, beyond or higher than Soliman-Shah, Grandfather to
Othman, from whom that Family had its Name. But Herbelot, by the help of the
Turkiſh Writers, hath traced it up much higher to one Caikhan, in the times of
Fenghizkhan the Mogul, Father to this Soliman Schab, and Son of Olgia Khan the
Son of Dib Bacoui, the Son of Ilminge Khan, and ſo on, deſcending in a direct Line
from Turk: And ſo from Japhet the Son of Nuh, or Noah. See Herbelot in theſe
Titles: This Soliman Shah, A. Hej
. 611. A. C. 1214, being preſs'd by the Tartars,
and having left the City and Province of Mahan in Khoraſan, where he commanded,
with other Princes, endeavour'd to fly into Natolia ; and reach'd as far as Khelath,
or Akhlat, in Armenia. And then, as he tried to paſs the Euphrates, was drowned
therein near the Caſtle (f) Khaïbar, over againſt which he was buried; and his Mo-
nument is ſtill there called Mazar Turk. He had then Three Sons with him,
Sankür-zengi
, Cun-Tugdi and Ortogrul. The Two firſt return'd towards Perfia upon
that Misfortune; but the Third Ortogrul having Three Sons named Condoz, Sarubani
and Othman, ſtopp'd about that Place, till Sarubani by his Father's Order went to the
Sultan Aladdin of Iconium, to beg leave to paſs, and enter into his Country, where
they deſired to fix themſelves, begging only of Ala'ddin (8) Bir Fergighaz, that is,
a very little ſpot of Ground. Theſe Four, Ortogrul, and his Three Sons, Condoz,
Sarubani
, and Othman, are theſe Four Angels literally found at or upon the River
Euphrates. This (b) Othman, being firſt declared Beg by Ala’ddin himſelf, and ſent
to make Incurſions upon the Chriſtians, had ſuch Succeſs, that he took marry Towns,
and even whole Provinces from them, together with the City of Pruſſia : Where-
upon by the Conſent of Aladdin himſelf he was declared Sultan, A. Hej. 699. A. C.
1299. During the Reign of his Son Urchan, Soliman Baſha, Son of Urchan, wafted
over the Sea upon Flote-boats into Thrace, A. Hej. 758, or A. C. 1356, a good
Number of Troops; and took the Fort of Macrab by Affault
, and that of Famnah.
The next Year he laid Siege to Gallipoli
, which being likewiſe taken, opened to
Orkhan and his Succeſſors, the Gates of Greece. Thus we fee, that Othman paſſed
the Euphrates, and his Son Urchan the Archipelago, within a few Years after. And
theſe Beginnings are no leſs wonderful than thoſe of the Saracens. But it was the fpe-
cial work of Providence,
And here I defire it may be obſerv'd, that as theſe Angels are commanded to be
let looſe to come upon the corrupted Chriſtians by an Archangel
, who is to take Care
of the Church; ſo theſe Ottomans were firſt introduced upon the Lands of Chriſten-
dom, by the Invitation of an Emperor of Conſtantinople. For (i) Cantacuzen made
an Alliance with Orchan, and gave him his Daughter Theodora in Marriage, to come
over with his Troops, and aſſiſt him againſt his Domeſtick Enemies. This was
A.C. 1346. Now theſe Ottomans having come over ſeveral times upon his Account,
and liking their Entertainment, thought fit to come over on their own ; and fo they
did with Soliman about Ten Years after, and the next took Gallipoli. Theſe Begin-
nings were ſo ſmall, that they might eaſily have been cruſhed in all human Appear-
ance ; nay, (k) Orchan and Soliman offered to reſtore all; when in the mean Time
that Empire was put again into the Hands of John Paleologus, who never took any
Care of his Affairs, and ſuffered the Ottomans to grow upon him. Though (1)
(d) Hammond. More's Apocalypf. Apocalypſ.
(e) Pocock. Supplem. Gr. Abulpharaj.
Pag. 41.
(f) Herbelot Tir. Mazar Turk and Khaibar.
(8) Herbelor Tit. Sarovin.
(5) Herbelor Tit. Ochman.
(i) Cantacuzen. Hift. Lib. III. Cap. 81. and Cap. 95. Lib. IV.
Cap. 33. and Cap. 38. Ducas in Hiftor. Cap. 9.
(k) Cancacuz. Hift. Lib. IV. Cap. 39.
(1) Ducas in Hiftor. Cap. 1o.
19143
Soliman
99

Ch. IX. v. 15.
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
439
bus siger
Soliman being overcome in a Battel by Matthew Cantacuzene Deſpote, and ſlain with
a great part of his Troops, the Greeks had an opportunity to check that growing:
But inſtead of that, by the Permiſfion of God, made Civil Wars upon each other,
and even again ſent for the Ottomans to come over, which was done by (m) John
Palæologus, as Chalcocondylas faith: And further aſſiſted the Ottomans after Tamerlan
had brought them to the brink of Ruin. And thus we fee, that the Guardians
of Chriſtendom were thoſe who brought in theſe Ottomans to deſtroy their
Empire.
C. Tộ holdeparo Ted peapaino, At the great River.] This is almoſt the conſtant Epi-
ther of this River in Scripture, and eſpecially in the Promiſes made to Abraham and
the Iſraelites ; Genef. 15. 18. Exod. 23. 31. according to the LXX. Deut. I. 7.
Chap. 11. 24. Fofh. 1.4. And this feems Emphatical ; for a great River for a Bor-
der, ſeems to imply a great Security on the Frontiers on that Side, and a good Bar-
rier to ſecure their poffeffions: Infomuch that it was called abſolutely the River,
Foſh. 24. 2. and in Exod. 23. 31. according to the Hebrew. So the Latin and Greek
Poets give it that Epithet.
Ho istoriog snazi srodt nois
Lucan:
(n) Cum Tigride magnus Euphrates. Hvissi corso for den
toda od gud slog
Callimachus: (0) Αυτρία ποταμοΐο μέγας ρόG. How Toysst odwp191910 191
20 Honda me or ons
But if we take the Word great liere in the uſual Signification it hath throughout
this Book, it is the ſame as powerful; and is fo called from its being the powerful
Barrier that ſtops the Incurfio.is of Foreign Enemies, and hath hitherto protected
the Chriſtian Monarchies; as it were binding, or hindring the Nations commanded
by theſe Four Angels, from deſtroying them.
Witt liw at bus
A. Verf. 15. Kad en u Snae oi te wages åsyonun oi stoepasulos cis tid ebene Enjt mukogu ]
wġ pleuice ij in soul dr. And the Four Angels were loojed, which were prepared for an Hour,
and a Day, and a Month, and a Year. ] Theſe Words fignify no more, than that
theſe Four Angels were prepared at once to execute unanimoufly the Commiſſion
granted to them. For all theſe Words, Hour, Day, Month, and Year, as I have
proved, do fignify an appointed Time, and being join'd with the Word prepared,
fignify methinks no more than that they were ready all of them together preciſely
at one appointed Time, the very fame Year, Month, Day, and Hour, to perform
their Work. And the heaping up of all theſe Four Words, according to the Hebrew
Stile, and the Practice of the Holy Ghoſt in this Prophecy, ſeems only to make it
more emphatical, as a wonderful Thing, that thoſe, whom God hath there prepared,
ſhould all be looſed from the Bonds which hindred them, and paſs at the very fame
Time, not miſfing the offered Opportunity. So Peoples , Tribes, Nations and
Tongues, being Four Terms, fignifying all the fame Thing, are uſed emphatically,
to fignify the Univerfality and Conſent of all Nations in the Caſe mentioned where
they are uſed. I proteft, upon very ſerious Examination, I can find no Ground for
any other Myſtery. For it is not faid, that they are to be loofed during that Term
of an Hour, a Day, a Month, and a Year ; but that they are to be ready only at the
fame Hour, Day, Month, and Year ; which is vaftly differenti The Holy Ghoſt is
exact in all the Expreſſions. And firice here are Four Agents that are to do one and
the ſame Work in Conſort, it was very proper and neceffary too, to let us underſtand
that they were prepared to act it at the ſame Time. And I think I have Ribera, a
Commentator whoſe Opinion is not to be fufpe&ted in ſuch a Criticiſm, on my Sidet
And he appeals to the common Way Men have to expreſs fuch a concurrent Agree
ment in Time, when many Agents are concern'd in the fame Thing.
But ſome Learned Men will needs have theſe Terms to be accumulated together,
and being taken in the prophetick Way, to be a Line of Time or Period ; that is, as
they reckon, 396 Years. Only Mr. Whiſton endeavours to be more exact ; and is
not content to add the Hour , which in the Proportion of one Year, containing Three
Hundred and Sixty Five Years", of one Month, containing Thirty Years, One Day
for one Year, muft bear its Proportion to the reſt, and fo contains Fifteen odd Days:
(n) Lucan. Pharfah. Lib. III
(m) Vid. Lanov. Difc. Polit. & Milit. XXI.
Callim. Hymn. in Apollin.
mont
,500
T
But
440
Ch. IX. v. 15
Trumpet VI. Woe II.

But becauſe a Solar Year confifts of 365 Days and about Six Hours, he ſuppoſes
theſe odd Hours muſt have their Proportion of Time, and fo conſtitute Ninety One
Days : "And the torahis
, 396 Years, and 106 Days. Now this Line of Time Bright
man begins at the uniting of all-the Turks ; which according to him happened
A. C. 1300. But we know there was then no ſuch Union : Only Othman was then
inaugurated Sultan, or about that Time. However Brightman makes the Turkiſh
Empire to end A. C. 1696; which is the End of that Line of Time, or Period of
396 Years. And Mr. Whiffon finding the laſt great Battel , wherein the Turks were
beaten by Prince Eugene of Savoy, was in A. C. 1697. juſt 396 Years fince A.C. 1301.
at which, by his Account, Othman was perfect Sultan ; and that the Peace of Carlo-
wits was concluded the next Year, will needs make us believe, that this was the
Term limited for the Ottomans to execute the Events of this Trumpet. Mede com-
putes his Term of 396 Years from the taking of Bagdad by Thogrul Beg, firſt Sultan
of the Turks, A. Héj. 449. that is, A. C. 1057. according to Elmacin. So that the
_Term of 396 Years will fall A. C. 1453. in which Year the Ottomans took Conſtanti-
nople, and thereby made an End of the Roman Empire. Againſt both theſe Computa-
tions there is one general Obje&tion to be made, which is, that the Holy Ghoſt doth
not reckon one Prophetick Year to conſiſt of 365 Days or Years, as they all ſup.
poſe, but barely of 360 Years or Days. And I wonder that ſome of the later In-
terpreters, who fee very well, that it is fo determined in this very Book by the Holy
Ghoſt in the Computation of the 1260 Days, which are equal to the Three Years
and a half, ſhould be guilty of ſuch a Miitake. Which being ſo apparent a Truth,
then all theſe Computations are too long by Five Years at leaſt. And this is enough to
overthrow them. But I ſhall ſhew further, that the work of theſe Angels was fully
performed before the Conclufion of the Peace at Carlowitzs d. C 1698. by many
Years ; and this will fully confute Mr. Whiſton's Calculation ; as well as the Event
ſhews, that Brightman was miſtaken to think that Year, A.C. 1696, ſhould prove
the End of the Ottoman Empire. But againſt Mede's Account it will be ſufficient to hint
here, that herbegins too foon: And that Thogru’l Beg, and the other Sultanies, had
nothing to do with this Trumpet, having not effected the Deſign of it. For thoſe
Dynaſties were all deſtroyed long before, and even by thoſe very Angels, who are the
Agents here. So that I wonder, that he ſhould miſtake ſo far as to confound thoſe
Turks with the Ottomans. Theſe Reaſons are ſufficient to make us reject all theſe
Computations. Al bus vs. OM
B. 119 12 l'arronlel . Tê seítov od av Spózov, For to ſlay the third Part of Men. ] We
have taken notice of Two Ways to explain this Third Part ; the firſt is by attribu-
ting it to the Roman Empire, as being the Third Part of the known World, wherein
the Chriſtian Religion was planted ; and the Second Way is more general, to ſignify
only an eminent Part of the Chriſtian Countries. Either Way comes here to the
fame Thing at laſt : And therefore we ſhall explain it according to both in applying
thefe Notions here... To ſlay is to deitroy the Subje&t ſpoken of, that it ſhall a&t no
more as living. Of which more hereafter. Men have a Life not only as they are
Animals, but alſo a political one, as they are Members of a Commonwealth : The
Firſt is Natural, the other Political; the Community as a Body Political hath a Life,
which is pei petual, becauſe ſupplied by Members of the fame Species continually. And
that Life is that (p) Habit of Government and Political A&tions, which ariſe from
their common and joint Operations. Ariſtotle faith; (2) 'H 98 monz Tech, Bioms H
of tonecas
, Government is a Kind of Life of the Commonwealth. Thus alſo the Sophiſt
Himerius in the Oration of Themiſtocles againſt the Perſians fays : (r) Tonéue G o tréga
σης και καθ' ένα καιρου, έδε εόνον, καιδε παρ' αυτίω μόνίω τίω το πολέμε καταβολ' αλλ' εις παύτα
je biov ois toiages. So Cleon in the Poet Ariſtophanes : A e nerlw Orls nimi
29/19301 botlusos od 07: Mit store
M bottel smotape
35 l, () - "Ews ävesi to Bondréecor, watercote grit ai negli obiad bais
ei bns fan do
Ons dos solo podla
Whilft the Council lives. As long as the Commonwealth can perform the A&tions of
Government, fo long it lives : If they are ſtopp'd, that Life dies. So here, as long
as thoſe Men can ſubſiſt in the fame State, ſo long they live : If theſe Angels ſlay
(p) Hug: Groe. de Jur. B. P. Lib. II. Cap. 9.
(0) Apud.
Phot. Cod. CCXLIII. (s) Ariſtoph. Equit.
(9) Ariftot. Polit. IV. Cap. II.
toate anumyt ille
them

Chap. IX. v. 15. Trumpet VI. Woe II.
441
them, it muſt be by taking away their Power to ſubfiſt as Men, that is, in that State
which makes them Men.
This Notion of Slaying is not unknown to other Authors. Fuſlin the Hiſtorian,
ſpeaking of Thebes under Epaminondas, faith, (t) Sic illo velut mucrone tali ablato
duce, Thebanorum reipublice vires hebetatæ funt, ut non tam illum amififle
, quam cum
illo interiiſe omnes viderentur. Which Thought is thus expreſſed by Cornelius Ne-
pos, (u) Hujus de virtutibus, vitaque, fatis erit di&um, fi hoc unum adjunxero, quod
nemo eat inficias, Thebas
Tante Epaminondam natum, & poft ejufdem interitum per-
petuo alieno paruiſſe imperio : contra ea, quamdiu ille prefuerit Reipublioe, caput fuiſſe
totius Græciæ. The following Words of Modeſtinus, cited by (w) Lipſius, ihew the
ſame : Si uſus fru&tus civitati legatus, & aratrum in eam inducitur, civitas eſſe deſi-
nit, ut paſſa eſt Carthago, ideoque, quafi morte definit habere ufum fru&tum. And
therefore as a King is the Head of the Government, ſo Seneca fays he is the Vital
Spirit of the Commonwealth. (x) Ille eft enim vinculum, per quod Reſpub. coheret :
ile Spiritus vitalis, quem hæc tot millia trahunt : nihil ipſa per le futura, niſi onus Eg
præda fi mens illa imperij ſubtrahatur : Rege incolumi mens omnibus una. Amiſſo
rupere fidem. Now as Seneca cites Virgil
, fo Lipſius cites 2. Curtius ; who ſpeaking
of Alexander being ſick, makes his Army to ſay thus: (y) Armatus exercitus regian
obſedit, confeſjus omnes unius Spiritu vivere.
The Locults of the former Trumpet had not only tormented theſe Men, but all
in general, without the Reſtri&tion of the Third Part, their Power being unlimited
as to the Extent of their Torment. And ſo we find that they tormented all in ge-
neral
, ſpreading themſelves and vexing moſt Parts of the Chriſtian World; but they
did not flay or quite deſtroy Men by deſtroying any Monarchy therein. But now
that Men deſerve greater Puniſhment, theſe muſt do it, but not to all: They muſt
do it only to that particular Sort of Men, who are eſſentially diſtinguiſhed by that
Title, of being the Third Part : That is, have the Name, or keep up the Pretenſions
of the ancient Roman Empire, which was the Third Part of the World. The E-
vent hath to this Day fuited very exactly with the Terms of the Prophecy. The
Ottomans have upon their paffing into Europe, taken and deſtroyed the Power of that
Empire, as much as there was left of it. We call it Greek ; but as the Greeks and
others did call it, it was Roman. By the taking of the City of Conſtantinople they
have ruined all its Power , in all the Parts thereof, and no further. They have gone
no further, than the Dominions of it, even as it ſtood when the reſt of that Em-
pire in the Weſt was over-run and divided by the other Nations, who executed the
Events of the firſt Four Trumpets. The Eaſtern Cæſars had Thrace, Macedonia,
Greece, Epirus, Aſia Minor, Syria, Palæſtine, Egypt, and Part of Arabia; its Bor-
ders extended as far as Euphrates into Pontus and Armenia All this exa&tly have
the Ottomans gain'd, and ſtill enjoy. When they have endeavour'd to go beyond
thoſe Bounds, it hath always proved in vain. The Commiſſion of the Ottomans was
only to kill the Third Part of Men, of the Roman Empire, or ſo much of it as ſub-
fifted under that Denomination.
But if we take the Third Part of Men to ſignify a great Part ; then we muſt
conſider what Part is to be concern'd in this Woe. The Holy Ghoſt explains it by
ſaying, That theſe Four Angels were bound at the River Euphrates. For by that Hint,
that they are permitted to break into Chriſtendom by paſſing over that Barrier, we
are given to underſtand, that the ſuffering Part of Chriſtendom muſt be that which
lay next to that Barrier, being as it were guarded by it. And this was plainly the
Eaſtern Empire, whoſe Dominions, though divided, were ſtill in the Poffeſſion of
the Greeks or Romans ; and ſome of them did really reach as far as Euphrates. For
the Empire of (2) Trebizond was ſtill in the Hands of the Comnenes, Grecian Prin-
ces, when Mahomet II. took Conſtantinople, and after turn'd them out of it, (a) A. C.
1460. That (b) Empire conſiſted of Pontus and Cappadocia, whoſe Capital Trebi-
zond lies within Thirty Miles of the River Euphrates. Now the Conqueſts which
the Ottomans made of that, as well as of all the Countries which were in the Pof-
0303
Custotis
stango19
(1) Juſtin. Hift. Lib. VI. (u) Corn. Nepos in Epaminond.
(20) Lipf. Not. in Sen.
de Clem. Lib. I. cap. 26. Vid. H. Grot. de J. B. Pac. Lił. II. cap. 21. S. 7. 2.
(2) Senec.
de Clement. Lib. I. cap. IV. (y) Q. Curt. Lib. IX.
(1) Ducas Hiſtor. cap.
45. (a) Herbelot. tit. Tharaboz an.
Tragic. Meguol. Lercar. Genoeſ.
rabozano lei (b) Herbelot tit. Genek Vilaeti. Bandelli Hift.
Od 23.30
ACA-102 detailoo
Uuuuu
feffion

44.2
Trumpet VI. Woe 11.
Ch, IX. v. 16.
(c) Primaſ. apud Amb. Ansbert.ch
Tellion of the Grecian Princes, all over that great Part of Chriſtendom, which we
call the Greek Church, was ſufficient to fulfil the Event of this Second 'Woe. And
methinks it was very fatal, that this great Diviſion of Chriſtendom did actually fall
under the Power of thoſe Princes, ſo that not one Monarchy of thoſe Chriſtian Prin-
ces, which formerly poſſeſſed it, was excepted from this common Diſaſter. And
this was indeed a great, and even the third Part of Chriſtendom, and in thoſe Coun-
tries, which were formerly in the Poffeffion of the Romans in the Times of St. John.
And I am apt to think, that the Holy Ghoſt has given thoſe Dominions this Name,
becauſe they could not well be repreſented by any ſingle Symbol fo properly.
A. Verf. 16. Kai eelduós o eso spel & potean igo 1778, uupuddes jugeesov, And the
Number of the Armies of Horſe was Myriads of Myriads.] The various Readings
are extraordinary in this place. Firſt Tychonius inſtead of t inahath Beſtia. O
ther Greek MSŚ. have immuz and ſome in mv. And ſome add so before yupiddos,
and others sis. Primaſius pincheth the Number exceedingly, for he hath, (c) Ét nu-
merus militantiam equitum, octoginta millia audivi numerum eorum : But Epiphanius
increaſes it, and changeth the Order of the Words; (d) Kuì inkou i depeQuòx og
σφατε, μύρια μυριάδες, και χίλιαι χιλιάδες. But the ίπσκ is the fame as Ιππικε; and the
it hath generally the Feminine Article when it fignifies Cavalry, in good Authors, and
in the LXX, yet ſometimes it hath the Maſculine too, as in i Kings 20. 1. Tsinad.
Nahum 3. 2. Bij 1778 Drenov16. Zech. 12. 40 talle Eco muito improv. If we take the ro
and dys before pusiddes, then the Number would be determined ; and ſo we ſhould
be obliged to tranſlate
, Two Hundred Millions of Horſe, or elſe, Twenty Thoufand
Brigades of Ten Thouſand Horſe each.
w But, as there never was fuch an Army, nor ever will be brought together, it be-
ing impoſſible to keep together fo many Men and Horſes, ſo our Reading is much
more probable, which ſuppoſes their Number great, but not determined. And ſo
muſt the other be taken too at laſt ; as in Dan. 7. 10. Pſal. 68. 17. Revel. 5. II.
And the whole ſhews, that thefe Angels will command, and bring with them an in-
finite Multitude of Horſemen. For we muſt begin to obſerve here, as in the De-
ſcription of the former Plague of the Locuſts, that after a general or fuccinet Decla-
ration of the principal Agents and Defigns, the Holy Ghoſt gives us a nore parti-
cular Defcription of both, to ſhew the Means whereby they are to accompliſh what
they are to do. So that after a general Declaration of the looſing of theſe Four
Angels to flay the Third Part of Men, the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to ſhew us their Re-
tinue and Forces, by which they did accompliſh ſo conſiderable an Action.
Now theſe Words before us characterize the Ottoman Armies in Two or Three
Particulars. Firſt, the Holy Ghoſt counts them by Myriads, or Brigades of Ten
Thouſand : But there is no Nation, ſaving the Tartars, from whom the Ottomans are
extraéted, that counts their Numbers thus by Myriads, but the (e) Mogols or Tartars,
and they who have borrowed that Cuſtom from them. Thus they ſay, Samarcand
makes Seven Toumans; that is, there are Seventy Thouſand Men in that City able to
bear Arms. (f) Golius thinks, that this Word likewiſe uſed by the Arabians, is of a
Perſian Extra&tion : But Herbelot fhews, that it's borrowed from the Mogols and
Khouarezmians, who are next Neighbours to (8) Khoraſſan, out of which Country
Soliman Schah, Grandfather to Othman firſt came upon the River Euphrates. Second-
ly, it's obſerved that all the Forces of the Tartar's confift in Horfe. And even the
Turks who fubmitted to the Ottoman Family fought on Horſeback. And then all the
Country beyond Euphrates being known to the Hebrews by the Name of Perſia, was
fo called from the Multitudes of their Horſe. Paras ſignifying not only a Perſian,
but a Horſe or Horſeman ; and therefore odogs, Paras, is often uſed in the
TranAation
of the Oriental Onirocriticks, to fignify a fine Horſe for the War or Parade, becauſe
the Perſian and Arabian Horſe excelled for that Purpoſe.
And now 'tis eaſy to find the Alluſion. The Work which theſe Horſemen are to
do, being
to captivate that one feparated Part of the corrupted Church which an-
fiers to the ſeparated Part of Iſrael, which was firſt led into Captivity by Shalma-
neſer, it was proper to deſcribe the Inſtruments thereof by Symbols fetch'd from the
Prophets and Hiſtorians, who foretold and deſcribed the Coming of that Monarch
Dec 2008 (10)
Can it 1886 3070 H
i soldi
f
(d) Epiph. Panar. Hær. II. S. 34. (e) Herbelor
. tit. Touman.
(f) Golij Lex. Arab. col. 404. (8) Herbelot. tit. Khorasſan & Khouarezem,
Gordon
with
118

Chap. IX. V. 17 Trumpet VI. Woe II.
443
with Multitudes of Horſemen. For the Power of the Aſſyrians and Babylonians con-
fiſted in Horſe: Iſaiah 3.6.8. 2 Kings 18. 23. Ferem. 4. 13. Chap. 6. 23. Chap.
8. 16. Ezek. 23. 6, 12. Hoſea 14. 3. Foel 2. 4. Nahum 3. 2. Habak. I. 8. Haga
gai, 2.22.
Now the Symbolical Signification of Horſes being Vi&tory, this infinite Number of
Horſes muſt imply the ſwift and prodigious Succeſs and Victories of the Ottoman
Princes; which in my Opinione have exceeded thoſe of the greateſt Conque-
rors, confidering what. Oppoſitions they met with , and from what Beginnings
they aroſe. I cannot but obſerve here an odd Story, which relates to the firft En-
trance of the Turks into Europe. (b) Georgius Pachymeres reports, that about A. C.
1305, an Officer of the Byzantine Court dream'd, that he ſaw Turks mounted on
Horſes and Camels upon the Eaſtern Coafts, and flying over the Sea into Europe.
The Hiſtorian obſerves, that this was accompliſhed about A. C. 1308, when Four
Hundred Turks paſſed the Sea to join themſelves to the Catalans, and made a terrible
Havock with them. This ſeems to be the firſt Time they had done fo, fince the
Repulſes of the Saracens; and we find that juſt then the Ottoman Family began to
rife, Othman having been made Sultan but few Years before, either A. C. 12993 or
within a Year or Two fince, if his Sultanſhip be only taken from Aladdin's
Death.
B. "husou o ó se Opedy autod, I heard the Number of them. ] Thoſe Matters, which
cannot ſo conveniently come within the Precincts, and accurate diſcerning of Sight,
are ſupplied by hearing an Account of them, which the Holy Gholt fails not to do
upon every Occaſion. This may alſo fignify, that St. John did actually hear the
Names called over in the Muſter, which is the numbring of Soldiers. And to the
Word Number implies throughout this Book, in Alluſion to the Cuſtom of all Na-
tions, to Number their Men when they go upon any Expedition ; of which there are
ſeveral Examples in Holy Scripture. Becauſe the People of God were but few, they
are almoſt conſtantly number'd by Thouſands, but when înfinite Multitudes ate men-
tioned, as in the Caſe of Foreign Enemies coming againſt the People of God, then
they are repreſented by Myriads, as being almoſt infinite.
,
Hebrew Words, which the LXX turn by pueris; and they come from the Root 227,
to Multiply. (1) Xenophon obſerves, that the Egyptians affe&ted to draw up their
Armies even in the Bartel, into Battalions of Ten Thouſand Men each. And that
when they came to aſſiſt Cræſus, they could not be perſuaded to alter that Diſpoſi-
tion, becauſe it was the Cuſtom of their Country. How the Aſyrians and Chaldeans
did Mufter their Men, is not known ; but as it is likely, that they followed therein
the fame Method as the Perſians did afterwards, then we learn from Herodotus, that
they did it in this Manner, which alone is a Proof of their vaft Numbers, when
they did it in fo groſs a Manner. Now Xerxes, in his Expedition againſt Greece,
did thus ; (k) they drew into as cloſe Order as poſſible, one Myriad exactly Multer'd,
and then drew a Circle upon the Ground round about them. Then taking out this
Myriad, they drove ſuch a Number of Men as filled up the Circle as full as before;
and thus proceeded with the reſt, till all was thus Numbered and Multered. This
is a quick way to diſpatch fuch Multitudes. Now the Ottomans did indeed make
their Expeditions in great Multitudes, and at the taking of Conſtantinople, (?)
Mahomet II. had about Four Hundred Thouſand Men, but nothing comes near the
Symbol, if we ſhould take it definitely. The Timariots, which are the Strength of
the Ottoman Empire, as the Janiſaries are at preſent the Security of the Ottoman
Family, do indeed conſiſt of, or are Horſemen, holding Lands by Knights Service.
And now after all their Conqueſts, make up together a great Body. They are ſaid
to be in all about (m) Seven Hundred Thouſand. But though ſome of them ſet out
more than one Horſe, yet all their Numbers are far below that of ſome Hundred
Millions, or Myriads of Myriads. So that we muſt take the Expreſſion to denote
many Myriads, as King of Kings in the Hebrew Stile ſignifies. a Great King, and
the like.
: 110 S
A. Verſ. 17. Kai étws & Day Tds itaas. The degret, And thus I ſaw the Horſes in
the Viſion. ] The Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn the Number of the Horſes, or Horſemen,
are the ,ובוא ofרבו
SH.
to
(b) Georg. Pachym. Hift. Mich. & Andron. Palæol. Lib. XIII. Cap. 21.
Cyropæd. Lib. VI.
(k) Herodot Hiſt. Lib. VII. Cap. 60.
(m) Heylin's Coſmogr.
-31.(i) Xenoph.
(1) Ducas Hift. Cap. 38.
1
goes

444
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
Chap. IX. V. 17.
goes on now to deſcribe both, to ſhew their Qualifications for ſuch a Work ; that as
the Number of the Horſes fignified the Greatneſs, or Swiftneſs of their Victories,
ſo their Qualities might ſhew their Certainty, by explaining the manner whereby
they are done ; and what Accidents accompany them. This is Methodical in the
higheſt Degree. Tôi cegos, fignifies the outward Appearance of the Horſes and
Horſemen. So the Word is taken in Chap. 4. 3.
B. Kai išs xes. Taipsfees ča' 'ewtwv € zovl as Fó Egnes Trugíuks, rj ú exuv.sivos rj Setades, And them
that fate an them, having Breaft-Plates of Fire, and of Hyacinth, and of Brimſtone. ]
This (n) alludes firſt to the Garments of Soldiers making a great Shew with various
Colours; and the Colours have a Symbolical Signification, ſuitable to the Matter
from which the Names of the Colours are taken. In Ezekiel 23. 6. the Aſſyrians
are deſcribed as clad in Blue ; in the LXX en Sasuxotas vexív Five, 750n, which Word
is often ſo conſtrued in theſe Interpretets, as in Joſephus ; but in Verſe 12. the ſame
are Clad, 21339 Diriguose, Garments curiouſly wrought. In Nahum 2. 3. the Chal-
deans are clad in Scarlet, Syna. The Word übın is by the LXX conſtantly
turn'd by xóuxo and nórnivov. I know not how the LXX are to be underſtood, who
turn by funcilorles; unleſs we ſay, that they mean that the Chaldeans flutter in Fire-
Colour'd Cloaths, which indeed are proper to flutter withal, and make a playing
Shew, as a Peacock doth with his Tail
, which is a Compariſon uſed by Ælian,
ſpeaking of the Painted and various Colours of the Garments of the Perſians, of
which many (o) Authors ſpeak. In the fame Manner the Holy Ghoft ſhews, that
theſe Horſemen had Breaft-plates, or Garments, making a various Shew of lively
Colours; and by Conſequence ſtriking a Terror upon thoſe againſt whom they come.
Now the Colour of Brimſtone is Yellow; that of Fire, Red, that of Hyacinth Blue.
For it is the Colour of the Air, or Smoky Clouds. And which is very particular,
Tichonius hath here Smoke inſtead of Hyacinth : (p) Armatos igne, fumo, & fulphure.
So Philo faith, that the Hyacinth is the Symbol of the Air, (9) Aép G- ö varv 09,
pén es 78 &TO- Quot. So Clemens Alex. (r) vérivbo cuoico) e'ége, which Words are ta-
ken out of (s) Philo. So Cafodorus, ſpeaking of the Colours of the Circus, com-
pares the Blue or Venetian to a Cloud, and Winter Weather ; (t) Venetus nubila
hyemi. And Seneca ; (u) Color igitur igneus a ſole eſt, cæruleus a nube. Cateri utri-
uſque mixturæ. I ſhall not here examine the Matter to ſhew its Signification, be-
cauſe it occurs ſoon after ; and there it ſhall be conſidered at once. I ſhall only ob-
ſerve, that this hath a literal Accompliſhment: For the Ottomans, from the firſt
Time of their Appearance, have affected to wear ſuch Warlike Apparel of Scarlet,
Blue, and Yellow. As for the Green, they leave it to the Kinſmen of Mahomet.
But to ſpeak ſomething more preciſely of the Breaſt-Plates: The Riders ſeem to
have no other Arms but theſe; as if all the Execution was done by their Horſes; as
indeed we find in the Two next Verſes, that they are ſaid to be the Inſtruments of
all the Miſchiefs. Breaſt-Plates, as we have ſeen before, are defenfive Arms, de-
noting and giving Courage and Undáuntedneſs to theſe Riders : And by Reflexion
ſtrike Terror and Amazement into thoſe upon whom they come. Let us now come
to the Examination of the Inſtruments of Execution.
C. Και αι κεφαλαι ίππων ως κεφαλαι λεόνων, And the Heads of the Horfes were
the Heads of Lions.] As ſoon as the Holy Ghoſt hath deſcribed the defenſive
Arms of the Horſemen, we find immediately the Horſes deſcribed, without any
other Mention of any offenſive Arms: Whereas in the Deſcription of the Saracen
Locuſts
, immediately after the defenſive Arms are mentioned, we find the offenſive
ſet down ; that is, their Tails and Stings. The reaſon of this may be, that although
the Locuſts be repreſented fufficiently to us as Enemies that ride in Bartel, and make
Incurſions with Cavalry, yet their Horſes are not deſcribed purpoſely, becauſe the
Symbol of the Locuſts doth not require that they ſhould be repreſented Riding,
their Wings fupplying that want, and really ſignifying that the Locuſts would prove
ſuch dreadful Enemies as thoſe who come with Horſes and Chariots, which is ſtill
more formidable than barely fighting on Horſeback. But this Plague being repre-
as
SUNT
(n) Vid. Epiphan. Pan. Hæreſ. Lib. I. Sect. 34.
() Barn. Briffon. de Regn. Perſ. Lib. H.
Pag. 251.
(D) Tichon. Hom. VII.
(9) Philo Lib. de ijs quæ concurrunt ad
Doctrin. Pag. 299.
(s) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. V. Pag. 240.
(s) Philo de Vira
Moſ. Lib. III. Pag. 454. .18 (t) Caffiod. Variar, Lib. III. Cap. 51. mys (u) Senec. Nat.
Quæſt. Lib. I. Cap. 4.
gole z ſented

Chap. IX. v. 17.
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
445
ſented to us under the Symbol of Horſemen, to fhew their great Expedition in their
Victories, the Horſes are the offenfive Arms, being properly the Inſtruments of their
Victories, as the Holy Ghoſt even declares in the next Verſe.
Let us therefore ſee what kind of extraordinary Horſes, (for ſo it muſt be, and the
Symbols muſt be more dreadful than in the former, becauſe a greater Plague is to be
effected,) theſe were : That fo we may ſee what were the Means whereby their Vieto-
ries were obtained, and what Accidents went along with them; which muſt be there-
fore laid down in the Attributes of the Horſes. We ſee at firſt Sight, that the
Symbols grow upon us in Greatneſs; and that this Plague muſt be greater than the
former. The other was only to Torment, this to Kill; and conſequently the Inſtru-
ments are adapted to its Greatneſs
, and exceed every way. The former Plague was
done by Locuſts, this by Enemies on Horſeback : The Locuſts had Breaſt-Plates of
Iron, theſe of Fire, Smoke, and Brimſtone : The Locuſts had Teeth of Lions, theſe
Horſes have Heads of Lions: So that they exceed in moſt Particulars. But to come
to the Examination of their Heads of Lions. Artemidorus is clear in the Matter ;
Lib. I. Cap. 39. he faith, that to have the Head of a Lion, or of a Wolf
, or a Leopard,
or Elephant, portends obtaining of Victory; And then adds, pocseas reso pois euerlicas
,
Eetrulez sois ris isous globusu a, terrible to his Enemies, and burtbenfome to his town
People. Can any thing be more ſuitable than this to the Ottomans , who have
been the Terror of Chriſtendom, and are at the ſame time fo tyrannical to the poor
enſlaved Chriſtians? I ſpeak of Matters too well known, to need Proof or Illuſtration
of this. But however, I ſhall give one Inſtance of the Terror which the Ottoman
Family cauſed even to other Mahometans. It was a fatal, and very remarkable
Saying of Aldhaher, firſt Circaſſian Mamaluke in Egypt, concerning them, even at their
firſt Appearance. For this Prince died A. Hej. 801. or A. C. 1399, and lived in
the Times of Tamerlan and Bajazed. He was obſerved to fayyolw). I do not fear the
Lame Man ; that is, Tamerlan, againſt whom every one will give me Help: my Fear
comes from the Son of Othman : And yet Tamerlan had juſt fent him very threau-
ning Letters. Ebn Chaldun, his Miniſter, uſed to ſay, We fear not for the King-
dom of Egypt, but from the Son of Othman. So terrible were the Ottomans atsthat
Time of Day, even beyond the great Tamerlan! Their warlike Diſpoſition was dis
covered.
Tendo 01 smsliwextil vent
D. Kaì in most so uel Tesy 'curcây én top o's) tüp ağ restavès, wh Weiou, And out of their
Mouths iſſued Fire, Smoke, and Brimſtone. ] The Colours of the Breaſt-Plates, dr
even the Matter, is ſuitable to theſe Three. For Smoke is of an Hyacinth Colour.
Heſychius : reruv svog tro vezive.com és 5 év8Guénar Modeszóv. But this Black lis
only a dark Blew, or Purple, as the ſame Author Thews, l'aerev Savona hitro pe diezuecos,
Tros que lov. So Iſidorus faith, (x) Hyacinthus herba eſt habens florem purpureum. Eft
autem radice & flore violæ fimilis; and of the Gemme of that Name he faith, not ce-
ruleum colorem habens. Obſerve the Sky, and eſpecially thoſe thick Clouds therein,
ſuch as are called by Seamen the Weſt-Bank, appearing before, y or juſt upon Sunſet.
Theſe are of a dark Blue, and exactly like Smoke. S. Hilary Pictav, hath obſerved
it: (2) Sed cælum hoc quod viſibus noftris per materiem fui Sabjacet, quod tanquan
fumus
folidatum, firmamenti & naturam & nomen accepit, præteribit & non erit ; fea
des autem Domini manet in æternum. Whence you ſee how Hyacinth repreſents the
Colour of Smoke, and was to be explained accordingly: And this collateral Place
proves it. So that we find, that the Horſemen having Breaſt-Plates analogous to
theſe Accidents of their Horſes, this muſt fignify, that they ſhall have Courage to
undertake what their Horſes are thus qualified to perform.-on ai ozoda notte
The literal Meaning of the Symbols being thus explain'd, and the Deſign of them
in general diſcovered, let us now proceed to examine nicely the particular - Significa-
tion of them, as they are Symbols ſhewing what Effects muſt follow ſuch Qualities,
And therein 'tis plain, that theſe Colours being fetch'd from theſe Matters of Fire,
Smoke, and Brimſtone, muſt be explained with Reference to the Matters to which
they allude, having borrowed their Names from them. The Fire fignifies Deftru-
&tion, Havock, War, Blood-ſhedding, and the like. So doth the Fire-Coloxır, or
(n) Pocock Supplem. Gr. Abulphar. Herbelot Tit. Barcok.
Cap. 9.
(y) Iſidor. Orig. Lib. XVI. Cap. 9.
XXXXX
(x)} Ifidor. Orig. Lib. XVII.
(<) Hilar. Pict. in Plak CXXII.
Red

446
Ch. IX. v. 17
Trumpet VI. Woe I.
Red, which fignifies Vi&tory with a bloody Fight. The Hyacinth Colour is the Co-
lour of Clouds and Smoke ; and Smoke, as well as a thick Cloud, denotes a kind of
Gloomineſs, or Darkneſs, which hath a peculiar Property to take away the Light of
the Sun from us, as in Foel 2. 30, 31. Pillars of Smoke, dTuis netve, are the Inſtru-
ments to darken the Sun, and turn the Moon into Blood. This Colour and Smoke
muſt therefore bring on the Ruin of all Authority, Power, and Majeſty. So that,
as the Fire Colour, and Fire, may ſignify the Deſtruction and Slaughter, which in
War chiefly falls upon the Subječts; fo this Cloud of Smoke, and Smoky-Colour, may
fignify the Eclipfing of Authority, the pulling down of the ſtanding Government. It
ſtrikes alſo a Terror and Amazement into the People, it makes them hide themſelves
for Fear. Thus in that noble Invention of Virgil, ſhewing by Symbols the Fates of
Æneas, under the Omen of a Star drawing a great Light after it, making a great
Furrow, and at laſt ſmoking all the adjacent Places with Brimſtone,
1971 M sy
(a) Er late circum loca fulphure fumant
Servius hath indeed explained
all very well : Saving that he takes this Smoke to por-
tend the Death of Anchiſes. But I am confident that Virgil did mean, that Æneas
would pull down all the Powers that ſhould oppoſe his Settlement. So in the ſame
Author, the Portentum of Lavinia hath alſo Smoke as well as Fire, which Servius ex-
plains very well. Virgil faith,
dar UTE (6) Tum fumida lumine fulvo
Involvi, ac totis vulcanum Spargere teltis.
bota
And Servius thereupon. Fumida, ] In quo fumus eft, cauſa lacrymarum. Vulcanum
Spargere.] Incendium belli ſignificat. See the Words of Ariſtophanes, in our Note on
Chap. 8. 7. A. As for Brimſtone, or the Yellow Colour, we cannot be at a loſs for it,
if we conſider, that Brimſtone being added to Fire, ſignifies in Holy Writ, that the
Fire is not to be extinguiſhed, but to burn continually. This being the only Symbol
of theſe Three that hath not been made out, it will be neceſſary to do it now, that it
may likewiſe ferve for other places.
To begin with the Words of the Prophet Iſaiah 30. 33. where he ſpeaks of Tophet:
The Breath of the Lord, like a Stream of Brimſtone, doth kindle it, i suvo's Kveio os
vácny kod Peis nouo uefón. This is to repreſent the eternal Fire of Tophet. For this
Tophet being the Valley of Hinnom, or the Gehenna, from the idolatrous Fire kept
therein, wherein the Children were burnt to the Devil
, was afterwards made memo-
rable, as well as deteſtable, when God deſtroyed in it with Fire and Brimſtone from
Heaven, One Hundred and Eighty Thouſand Carcaſes of the Aſyrians. So that this
Place became Proverbial to ſignify the Torment and Puniſhment of the Wicked in
Hell. And thus the Fire fignifies the Deftru&tion, and the Brimſtone, that it is not
to be extinguiſhed, but continues always. Thus in the Goſpel we have the Gehenna
deſcribed : As in Mark 9. 43, 45. is the poévvar, sis to trūs to dobesov, which we
tranſlate, into Hell, into the Fire that ſhall never be quenched. The fame Ex-
preſſions we have in Matth. 3. 12. Luke 3. 17. in which Expreſſions the latter
is an Expoſition of the former. Now this Hell-Fire is generally deſcribed by Fire
and Brimſtone, as in Chap. 19. 20. Chap. 20. 10. and Chap. 21. 8.' All which Places
evidently ſhew it to be an eternal Fire of Torment and Deſtruction, out of
which there is no Return. Hence the Judgment of Sodom by Fire and Brimſtone
is ſaid to be the Type of eternal Deſtruction, Jude, Verſe 7. 2 Pet. 2. 6.
This likewiſe appears from ſeveral other Places, as from Job 18. 15. brimſtone
Shall be ſcattered upon his Habitation : That is, his Houſe or Family ſhall be deſtroyed
for ever by an inextinguiſhable Fire. The following Words of Iſaiah 34. 9, 10.
o explain this, and put it out of Doubt. And the Streams thereof ſhall be turned into
Pitch, and the Duſt thereof into Brimſtone, and the Land thereof Mall become burning
Pitch. It shall not be quenched Night nor Day, the Smoke thereof ſhall go up for ever.
(a) Virgil Æneid. II.
(b) Virgil Æneid. Lib. VII.
This

Chap. IX. v. 17.
447
Trumpet VI.
Woe II.
This is thus expreſſed and explained too by the Sibylline Oracle, who hath borrowed
the fame from the Prophet.
(C) Neloso, x' drobnto, rj Jeio, rj Trupi Tomo
"Εξαφανιθήση, και έση κόνις αιώνεσιν
Ai Sopefón.
Here he ſpeaks of the Deſtruction of Rome or Italy, in the very fame Stile as the
Holy Ghoſt doth in the Revelation. This Way of Expreſſion is ſo far from being
uncouth in the Symbolical Language, that in plain Speech we find the like.
Thus in Deut. 29. 23. Salt, which is the Symbol of Incorruption, is put ſynony-
mouſly with Brimſtone : And the whole Land thereof is Brimſtone , and Salt, and
Burning, that it is not ſown. This alludes to thoſe Salt-Lands frequent in Africa,
Arabia, and Perſia, which bear nothing growing on them. So in Fudg. 9. 45. Abi-
melech having overthrown a City, Sowed it with Salt, to curſe it , that it ſhould never
be built again. See Pſal. 107. 34. A fruitful Land into Barrenneſs. But the Hebrero
hath Saltneſs, and the LXX have őruiten, Txas tropógv eis árul. See Ezek. 47. II.
Ferem. 17. 6. Zephan. 2.9. So likewiſe, becauſe Salt hinders Fleſh from Corrupti-
on, and makes it keep; ſo it is put ſometimes to fignify Incorruption, Eternity, per-
petual Duration. Num. 18. 19. All the Heave-Offerings of the Holy Things, which
the Children of Iſrael offer unto the Lord , have I given thee, and thy Sons, and thy
Daughters with thee, by a Statute for ever : It is a Covenant of Salt for ever. The
LXX dice Fóun ends alwvís. So again, 2 Chron. 13.5. The Lord God of Iſrael gave
the Kingdom to David for ever, by a Covenant of Sált. In which undoubtedly the one
Expreſſion explains the other.
To this may be added what is ſaid of Lot's Wife, that she became a Pillar of Salt,
that is, ſhe became an everlaſting Monument, Gen. 19. 26. Though this Symbolical
Expreffion doth not at all hinder, but that the Event might really happen according to
the Letter, as we ſee in many prophetical Expreſſions. So that by the changing of her
into a Statue of Salt, God had that further Meaning, to give us to underſtand, that
he deſign'd it as an everlaſting Monument of his Judgment againſt thoſe that mi-
ftruft his Goodneſs, Luke 17. 32. And therefore when we read in the Wiſdom of Solo-
mon, Chap. 10. 7. émséons Logãs puunuition ésnxevice súrn einós, it ſeems, that this Author
hath comprehended it both Ways ; that ſhe was really changed into a Pillar of Salt ;
and that the Symbolical Deſign of that Event, was to make her a ſtanding, or per
petual Monument, of a faithleſs Soul, miſtruſting the Power and Promiſes of God.
For fo is the Symbol of Salt likewiſe taken by the Allegoriſts. Philo Jud. (d) dua
λακτήριον και οι άλες σωμάτων , τππμημύοι ψυχής δώτερείοις ως γδ αλλα τα μη διαφθείρεις
τα σώματα ψυχή, και οι άλες οι πλείστον αυτα συνέχοντες, και όπον τινα αθανατίζονες, And
though the ſame Author in Two or Three Places ſpeaking of Lot's Wife, uſes the
Word (e) 200x refons, yet elſewhere he ſhews us, that he did not mean ſhe was abſolute-
ly turn d into Stone, but into a Salt. For according to his Way of comparing the
Soul to the Events in Holy Writ, he faith, (f) a luxo evaxeios) 'shan mei carte reza
Juppés oui oi 98 dags å béCOov. Where he takes the Salt another Way, and viſibly
contrary to the Direction of Moſes himſelf. Cyril of Ferufalem likewiſe took it
both ways. His Words are: (8) 'H Ở Tóts qui shan rézover ends ésamo doo uelón d'aiwa
νο, έχασα η πονηegίς ωegαιρέσεως και ζωοτροφής τίω μνήμω.
But to come again to our Buſineſs; as theſe Breaft-Plates of Fire, Hyacinth and
Brimſtone fignify the Courage of the Riders proper to do ſuch Fears as are ſuitable
to the Signification of the Attributes of their Breaſt-Plates ; fo with their Horſes ha-
ving actually the Inſtruments of the ſame Signification, they will perform the ſame :
Namely, deſtroy, conquer and ſlay, pull down Monarchs and Governments, and en-
ſlave their Countries for ever, without Hopes of Recovery. The Fire which they
bring along with them will deſtroy the Countries through which they go ; it will
with the Hyacinthine Smoak thereof darken the Sun and Sky, and fo overwhelm the
Grecian Empire : Out of which Difafters the Grecians will not be able to recover
(c) Sibyll. Oracl. Lib. VIII. pag. 694.
Pict. Com. in Match. Canon. IV.
(f) Philo de Inſomn. pag. 408.
(d) Philo de Sacrificantib. pag. 583. Vid. Hilarij
(e) Philo Allegor. pag. 68. Et de Ebrietar, pg. 177.
(8) Cyrill. Hierolol. Carech. Myft. 1.0
4
then

448
Chap. IX. V. 17.
Trumpet VI. Woc. II.
themſelves ; becauſe their Fire is mix'd with Brimſtone, which is not therefore to be
extinguiſhed. Now all
this hath been exa&tly perform’d by the Incurſions and Con-
queſts of the Ottoman Princes, and the Turks under them, by the irreſiſtible Power
of their Cavalry, and ſpeedy Marches.
Mede not having found theſe Symbols in any of the Prophets, of Fire, Smoke
like Hyacinth , and Brimſtone, but how true we have ſeen, however he not finding
them, is induced to explain the Words literally. Though we diſown his Reaſon,
yet we think the Holy Ghoſt may have hinted to us a ſecondary Meaning, that theſe
Horfemen and their Horſes ſhould be accompanied with a ſpecial Fire, Smoke, and
Brimſtone ; and that this was literally accompliſhed in the Conqueſts of the Otto-
mans, who by the Help of Fire, Smoak, and Brimſtone, that is, Gun-Powder fly-
ing out of the Mouths of the Warlike Chariots, the great Guns, made that conſide-
rable Conqueſt of the City of Conſtantinople, to the taking of which muſt be attri-
buted the greateſt Part of their other Conqueſts
. The Fall of that City having
made way and caſt a Terror upon the reſt of the Greeks to make them ſubmit. And
where they did not, the Power of Mahomet's great Guns forced them to it. (h) Iſaac
Voffius hath made a Diſcourſe upon the Origin and Progreſs of Gun-Powder, wherein
he faith, that the Chineſe are the Inventors of it: And that it was known by them
about Sixteen Hundred Years fince, he avers in (1) another Place ; and that the Chi-
neſe have ſtill Guns above Eight Hundred Years old. Tavernier faith, he hath ſeen
Guns coming out of the Kingdom of Pegu, which were Five or Six Hundred Years
old, as appear’d by Inſcriptions upon them: And that the Invention of Gun-Powder
came from that Country, from which it was carried into China. But the
ſame Voffius
obſerves likewiſe, that Julius Africanus hath left us the Secret of this Compoſition,
and he lived in Origen’s Time ; that is, in the Third Century of Chriſt. If fo, this
makes it dubious who had it firſt, the Chineſe, or thoſe from whom Africanus had
it. But it is certain, that artificial Fires were made uſe of in War long before.
(k) Ctefias relates, that the Perſians had a Wildfire to burn the Gates of Cities be-
lieged, which ſeems to have been a Kind of Gun-Powder. Proclus Diadochus the
Philoſopher, in the Times of Anaſtaſius, made a Compoſition of ſuch a Powder to
burn the Fleet of Vitalianus the Goth, as Zonaras relates, as well as the Chronicle
of Voſſius, and (1) Johannes Malela. But I find alſo in Voſius, that ſuch was uſed in
the Times of Aurelian at the Siege of Palmyra.; (m) Ignes etiam tormentis jaciuntur.
The Saracens brought firſt the Uſe of Guns to ſhoot Fire into theſe Weſterly Parts
of the World, having, as he gueſſes, learned it of the Chineſe, by the frequent Na-
vigations that people made, not only into Ceylan , but into the very Arabian Gulph.
For when the Saracens were Maſters of Egypt, one Callinicus an Egyptian, running
away from them to Conſtantinople, in the Times of Conſtantinus Pogonatus, firſt taught
the Chriſtians to uſe them. With ſuch the Saracens did a world of Miſchief in the
Holy Wars. But it was only to burn. And the Grecians kept it as a great Secret
among themſelves. But that muſt be only in reſpect of the Franks
. I believe that
Hulacu had great Guns ; for Abulpharajius tells us of his having againſt Bagdad,
(n) tormenta & pyrobolos.
However, the greateſt Execution we find done by ſuch, was in the Wars of the
Ottomans againſt the Chriſtians. Amurath the Father of Mahomet II. had firſt at-
tempted to break into the Morea, and effected it by the Help of his Cannons. But
his Son Mahomet carried Matters to their Pitch by ſuch Guns as were never made be-
fore. Among the reſt he made one of an almoſt incredible Bigneſs, were it not well
atteſted by (o) Authors of that Age. His biggeſt Cannon carried a Bullet of Three
Talents weight. So that theſe Bullets being
made of Stone, as appears by the ſame
Authors, the Bore of that Cannon muſt be bigger than hath been made ſince. He
had alſo one or Two that carried Bullets of half a Talent. With theſe he made
a Breach, and took the City by Affault. With ſuch afterwards he took the City of
Corinth, and ſubdued the Morea : The Terror of his Arms having ſtruck ſuch a fear,
that nothing was able to ſtand againſt him. And a little after the Emperor of Tre-
bizond ſubmitted alſo. He is ſaid to have taken Two Hundred and Sixty Towns
(b) II. Voff. Var. Obſervat. Lib. pag. 86.
(i) Iſaac Voff. de Art. & Scient. Sinar.
pag. 83. v
(k) Ælian. Hiſt
. Anim. Lib. V. Cap. 3. (1) Joh. Malela in Anaſtaſ.
(m) Flav. Vopiſc. in Aurelian.
(n) Gregorius Abulpharaj.
© Chalcocondyias ; & Ducas, cap. 35, 38, 44.
Pag. 122,

Ch. IX. v. 18, 19.
Trumpet VI. „Woe II.
449
in Chriſtendom. All theſe Succeſſes being owing to theſe Horſes vomiting Fire, Smoak,
and Brimſtone. Theſe Cannons were as Horſes, being drawn as Chariots The
Smoak of them is a particular Thing, which we do not heed much now, being well
acquainted by Uſe with the ſame. But the Contemporary Authors did ſo far admire
that Effect, that they have particularly taken Notice of it. Fire, faith (p) Ducas, be-
ing put to the Power, that is
, the Brimſtone, the Stone came out of the Cannon with
a frightful Noiſe, and filled the Air with a black, that is hyacinthine, and thick
Smoak. This being therefore an unknown Manner of making War, did well deſerve
that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould deſcribe it ſpecially, as well as the Turbants, Muſtar
chios, long Treffes, and Iron Doublets of the Saracen Locuſts, ſo plainly and literally
deſcribed in the former Woe; ſeeing that the Execution perform'd by the great Guns
vomiting Fire, Smoak and Brimſtone , ſo wonderfully and extraordinarily uſed by the
Ottomans, was an Event unknown in Chriſtendom. And undoubtedly ſuch Deſcriptis
ons, which have not only a Symbolical Senſe, but alſo agree literally with the Event,
carry in them fome Evidence, that the Holy Ghoſt deſign d 'to mark out not only
the Revolutions, but the ſurprizing Methods which effected them. I had almoſt
forgot to obſerve, that (1) Brightman had the fame Thought as Mede, and (r) Thomas
Draxe too, who faith, proculdubio noftras bombardas deſignant. And the Fancy of
this laſt Author is ſo luxuriant, that he applies it too very emphatically to the Uſe
of ſmoking Tobacco in Pipes, then beginning in his Country, which he makes one of
the Signs of the Approach of the laſt Judgment.
A. Verſ
. 18. Se testov ning rên rétroy enou dv0ng to gestoy divSpestroy, By theſe
Three Plagues was the third Part of Men killed.] Some Copies omit the window, the
Lofs of which doth no Damage to the Senſe. This ſhews, that the Horſes, and
their Attributes, fignify the Means, whereby theſe Four Angels, and the Horſemen
following them, have performed their Errand ; that is, the Ruin of the Grecian
Empire ; which they have made their own, without Hopes of Recovery. And here
we might as well ſay upon this Repetition, only for the greater Illuſtration, that
here, as well as in the Caſe of the Five Months, we muſt ſuppoſe Two Thirds kil-
led ; there being the ſame Reaſon for both. But who fees not the Holy Ghoſt in-
tended no ſuch Thing? Frode bien
A RESIDENTSK gap #5
B. 'Ex rg zveo's, rj Fã xem viên, xj Jels, By the Fire, and the Smoak, and the Brim-
ftone. ] Theſe Words determine, that the Plagues are not diſtint from the forego-
ing Trumpet or Woe, but the very Effects of it : And they are added by way of Em-
phafis, to prevent any ſuch Mifapplication. i jus sveipd orok Sus bar
C. Tf en toe dopezés én sopes Top custwv , proceeding out of their Mouths.] The
Mouth ſignifies the Means which a Man uſes to explain his Will or Commands ; ſo
that it may ſignify not only the Houſe or Family, which a Man commands to per-
form his Buſineſs, as that Symbol may be ſometimes taken, which we prove elſe-
where ; but alſo any of theſe Inſtruments, or Means, which he employs as his own,
to execute his Deſigns, which Holy Writ calls the Words that proceed out of his Mouth;
Matth. 4. 4. Chap. 15. 18. both in Reſpect of God, and in Reſpect of Man. 2 vitet
Η A. Verf. 19. “Η 8 εξεσία 10' ίππων έν του σόματι αυτών έξι, και εν ταίς έρις αλτών , For
the Power of the Horſes is in their Mouths, and in their Tails. Jie This is the Com-
plutenſian Reading, and in my opinion much better, and more diſtinct than the con
mon, which ſeems deficient, and therefore is perplex’d. This Expreſſion confirms
what hath been ſaid before in the Two former Verfes; but the Holy Ghoft doth not
uſe to repeat any Thing in vain: Either it is for more Certainty, or elſe to add fome-
thing to clear what hath been ſaid, and to make it more evident. It muſt therefore
be thus underſtood, Now the Power of theſe Horſes lies not only in their Mouths,
but they have alſo another Kind of Power in their Tails, to do Execution therewith.
In this they alſo exceed the Locuſts, who had no other Power but in their Tails;
whereas theſe Horſes have a double Power ; in their Heads, as well as in their Tails.
They do Miſchief with Tyranny and Conqueſt, as well as with falſe Prophecy : They
not only pull down the State, and deſtroy Men ; but they alſo plant a falfe Religion
in all thoſe Places which have been thus deſtroy'd, and become theirs.
(P) Ducas cap. 35. S. 3. (9) Brightman. Apocal. Apoc. in locum ubique (1) Thom.
Draxius in extremi Judicij Tuba Monitor. pag. 45.2009
ร
9
אקריכ...
.
Y yyyy
B. Ai

450
Ch. IX. V. 19
Trumpet VI. Woei II.
B. Ai 78 &ege 'UTOV Spolou psov 'ex odle repard's, vej ev citus dirbo, For their Tails
were like to Serpents having Heads, and with them they do wrong. ] The Locufts had
only Tails and Stings like Scorpions, a deſpicable and little Creature, nothing ſo
great and miſchievous as Serpents: Theſe have Serpents Heads to do a greater Mif
chief. Now though theſe Horſes exceed them thus ; yet they are alike in this
, that
their Miſchief comes out of their Tails : And being like in this
to their Forerunners
the Scorpions, muſt be the ſame in the Event ; only with this Difference, that the
Meaſure or Degree of the Miſchief muſt be fo much the greater, as the Symbol is
here magnified. The Tail and its miſchievous Effects have been explained 's there
remains then to know what means the Tails being like Serpents having Heads. Poiro
zu Artemidorus tells us, that a Serpent betokens Diſeaſe and Enmity ; Lib. 2. cap. 13.
"O@es ĝ vóoov on es ver ng Ex Sp op è méi zet. The Symbol is often uſed in the Poets. Æf-
chylus compares Clytemneſtra, a bitter Enemy to Ele&tra and her father's Houfe, to a
Viper. Oreſtes ſpeaks of his Father's Death; gidex
порно-
vitio zon to list 07 Bratie loro vol s3
fiomis beri (s) Oavóv70 év sikertaia xj Cretele unor
od
200tsedTAariñs égiduus. I ens orto
Mertens Tato
20 von dedi ban
And ſo a little after Clyt &mneſtra calls Oreſtes a Serpent ; adding moreover, that ſhe
had dreamed of him under that Symbol: mod
9 but this ។
con (t) or geo
! Texãou róvd oczy śSpefaulus'
Ο Η κεί ρτα μανλις άξ όνειράτων φός G.
DAS 2910h sb as Ewa
noob ngiro do
So in another Tragedy (x) Aimus opus, a Serpent with Two Feet. So Ion in Euripides
calls Creuſa a (w) Viper, éxodoc. Lycophron alſo uſes the Symbol frequently. In
one Place, Clyt amneſtra is (x) d'enreived Ios, a Serpent thirſty of Blood; and by and
*by a Viper, széduns. Thus we read in Ælius Lampridius of the Emperor Commodus,
a wretched Man ;(9) Fauſtina cum eſſet commodo cum fratre prægnans, vifa eft in
fomnis ferpentes parere, fed ex his unum ferociorem. Cum autem peperiſſet Commodum
atque Antoninum, Antoninus quadrimus eft elatus. In ſhort the Oriental Onirocriticks
in Chap. 283. agree in this, that Serpents fignify great and little Enemies in Proporti-
on, οι όφεις εις ωεόσωπον μεγίσων και μικρών εχθρών κρίνονθ αναλόγως σε μεγέθες. anon
o As to the (2) Head 'tis known, that it holds and emits the Poiſon in all Serpents ;
and therefore (a) ſome believe, that in the Hebrew Head and Poiſon are both called
wa from that. Now Heads always imply Victory and Dominion, the Princes and
Magiſtrates are fignified by them : Therefore I think, that theſe Heads with their Poi-
fon, fhew that the former Princes and Magiſtrates cover this Third Part ſuffering be-
ing killed therewith, others infecting with the Poiſon of falſe Prophecy ſhall be ſer
up in their Stead ; and ſhall rule and tyrannize over the Subject affeéted.co
I need not to ſhew how the Event doth exa&tly anſwer all this, and that the Ot-
tomans having pullid down thoſe Chriſtian Monarchies, do not at preſent ſuffer one
Chriſtian to bear any Office of Truſt and Power within their Dominions. But all
the Chriſtians therein pay, like Slaves, Ranſoms for their Heads, and the more heavy
Tribute of their Children, who are taken away from them like Captives, and made
Slaves to the Sultan, and Mahometans at the fame Time. This is wrong indeed.
And ſo much the greater, as there is no Hopes left for their Relief. But their Tri-
bute increaſes, and is now Four Times as much as at firſt. Thus the (b) Greeks
who have Riches, and by Conſequence Ambition, having no Ways to diſtinguiſh
themſelves, are obliged to ſue for Offices in the Patriarchal Church 3 which being for-
merly all poſſeſſed by the Clergy, are all now made ſecular, except Four, to encou-
rage them to adhere to the Church ; they having by that Means fome Shadow of
Power and Honour. The Four excepted are only ſuch as cannot, by reaſon of the
Duties, be put into Lay-Hands. But then thoſe Secular Offices, which are obtained
only by vaff Preſents , beſides the ſmall Profits which they may bring, only give
Calonu silouad baseb voolah ini diseck out topics

(5) Æſchyl. Choeph. V. 246. (t) Æſchyl. Choeph. v. 928. (u) Æſchyl. Supplic.
V. 902.
(0) Euripid. Ion. V. 1262.
(a) Lycophr. Caffand. y. 1114 & 11 21.
(). Æl. Lampridius in Commodo. AdeoA.) Genef. 3. 15. Pfal. 74. 13, 14. Pſal. 69. 21.
Gall, Targ. Fel capitum aſpidum.
(a) Schindler. V. 29.
(b) Aymon's
Authent. Monum. of the Greek Churches, pag. 332.
them

Ch. IX. V. 20. Trumpet VI. Woe II.
454
them ſome ſmall Preference in the Church and Afſemblies. So that in general the
State of the Greeks is now moſt miſerable ; and ſeems only preſerved by the Divine
Providence, to ſome great End we cannot ſee yet. Det ons nisi ums
Til 20 OW T 90 to
A. Verf. 20. Kai oi 201710e vole dyspózov o r d prexleev Snae coriais naujais grou' Tuesa
And the reſt of the Men, which were not killed by theſe Plagues.] I have obſervd,
that this period of the Church is to be compar'd with the ſettled State of the Femiſh
Church, during the ſtanding of the Temple, till the Ruin of it
. And that the
Jewiſh Oeconomy was the Pattern of our Chriſtian Church. Now further it is to
be obſerv’d, that in the Mofaical Difpenfation, when Iſrael had ſeparated from
Judah, they did not only commit Schiſm, but alſo Idolatry, and more than that,
drew the People of Fudah into their Sins. Upon this Account God ſuffer'd Shalma-
neſer, King of Aſſyria, to come againſt Samaria, and to carry away the Ten Tribes
into Captivity, never to return again ; and ſent his Prophets to preach to Fudah,
that they might take Warning by this and repent, which they did not take. This is
plainly laid down in theſe Words, 2 Kings 17, 18, 19. Therefore the Lord was very
angry with Ifrael
, and removed them out of his Sight. There was none left but the
Ttibe of Judah only. Alſo Judah kept not the Commandments of the Lord their God,
but walked in the Statutes of Iſrael which they made. Theſe Words are a kind of
Commentary upon thoſe we are upon. The Weſt of Chriſtendom, ever ſince Tyranny
and Idolatry came into the Church, had been long divided from the Eaſtern
Churches. "The Eaſt hath introduced likewiſe Idolatry, and brought it into the
Weſt by the means of the Monks, and their Preaching, notwithſtanding all the Op-
poſition that hath been made againſt it; and the Unchriſtian Schiſm, which was and
is ſtill between them. God hath puniſhed the Eaſtern Chriſtians, which began the
Idolatry, and hath made them Captives to the Ottomans, as it were to forewarn the
Weſtern Churches; but notwithſtanding that dreadful Woe, afflicting the Eaſtern
Churches, under the Plague of the Saracens, and this eſpecially of the Ottomans,
yet the Weſtern did ftill continue in their Idolatry, and took no Notice of thoſe
dreadful Warnings of God for many Years, and as we ſee ftill perfiſt in the fame
Courſe.
Grof zo go andando a
After the Captivity of the Iſraelites, the Prophets did commonly call Fudah by
the Name of Remnant. King Hezekiah foon after the Captivity gives his People
that Name, 2 Kings 19. 4. Wherefore lift up thy Prayer for the Remnant that are
. left. Tei rõ acíuua10-, that is, o 20170't, the Reſt. See IJaiah 4: 3. Chap. 10. 20,
21, 22. Chap. II. II. And in Chap. 10. 20. 780 and ina are Synonymous, and
in the LXX, rò reloacto.Jer and owjévles: Which latter Hebrew Word, is ſometimes
Synonymous to 770, and both in the LXX are turn’d by oców and dworóka. See the
Note on Chap. 21. 24. B. Whereby it will appear, that it reſpects always ſome other
Part loft, or deſtroyed.
This Remnant then, or the Reft, fignifies the Weſtern Chriſtians, though corrupted,
whoſe Country hath not yet been hurt by the Ottomans, but remains preſerved from
them in ſuch a Manner, that not one Kingdom thereof hath been loft, or touched by
this Plague of the Ottomans, notwithſtanding thoſe many Attempts they have made
againſt them. But their Commiſſion is ſtinted, as that of the Saracens. The We-
ſtern corrupted Chriſtians are to be otherwiſe diſpenſed withal ; and by quite diffe-
rent Agents in the laſt, or Seventh Trumpét, and Third Woe. God is to raiſe In-
ſtruments to do it from his own Church, for the Seventh Trumpet is to have a Mix-
ture of Woe for the corrupted Chriſtians, and Joy to the Juſt, who are to be re-
trieved from that Tyranny, they have groaned under. And this is juſt going to be
ſet forth in the Tenth Chapter.
In the mean Time we are to obſerve , how the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks of this
Remnant : For he gives them the odious Name of oi nostro SS av spor trav; the reſt of
Men, becauſe of their Idolatries, of which they have not repented. Had they done
fo, they would be called plainly oi 201701, the Reſt, as in Chap. 11. 13,7 Upon
which ſee our Note. And further, this Expreffion calling the Remnant Men, and
hinting, that they have not repented, implies, that God ſeeing their Obſtinacy, is
now reſolv'd to deſtroy them quite ; becauſe they have not taken Notice of theſe
Two låſt Trumpets and Warnings. See how God argues by the Mouth of Amos,
Chap. 6.1, 6, 7, 8. And this Deſtruction would be brought upon them ſuddenly, but
that God is to do a great Work before, and raiſe up his Inſtruments, as we
ſhall fee.
a
TO
Sit is
B. 'EX

452
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
Ch. IX. v. 20.
1
B. Ey Tals mangais teistues, by thefe Plagues.] This may either fignify the Plagues
of Fire, Smoke, and Brimſtone, mentioned juſt before; or elſe it is a Recapitulation
of the Two Plagues laſt mentioned, and called by the Name of Woeso Signifying,
that the Weſtern Chriſtians have not taken Example by the Miſeries of their Eaſtern
Brethren, who have been ruined by the Two laft Trumpets. Let the Idolaters of the
Weſt, the Reſt of Men, then look to it, when the Third Woe in the Seventh Trum-
per comes, to make an End of them. Let them therefore embrace the Opportunity
of the Reformation, which God, after the Fall of the Eaſtern Empire and Church,
is going to raiſe up among them in the Weſt
. 'Tis an Opportunity, which God gives
them to ſhew his long Patience, and earneſt Deſire for their Good ; ſeeing he takes
no Pleaſure in the Death of the Sinner, but rather that he ſhould be converted
and Live.
And here I cannot but admire the admirable Correſpondence between the State of
the Mofaical Church, and that of the Chriſtian. For as God would not at once
quite fetch away the Ifraelites Captives to Babylon without previous Warnings ; ſo
it is here. We find that God gave them ſeveral ſuch Warnings. Firſt, Hazael,
King of Syria, cut them ſhort, ſmiting firſt all the Land of Gilead, the Gadites, and
the Reubenites, and the Manafites, with their Dependencies, 2 Kings 10. 32, 33.
After that, in the Days of Pekah, the Aſſyrians captivated and fubdued other parts,
Gilead, Galilee, and Nephtali, 2 Kings 15. 29. Iſaiah 9. 1. Afterwards he ſuffered
the Aſſyrians under Shalmane ſer to perfe&t the Captivity. Again when Fudah was
to be taken away, God did not ſuffer it to be done all at once; he ſuffered himſelf
to be intreated , he raiſed up Reformers, which purged the Nation for ſome Time,
as Hezekiah: And when Manaſſeh returned to the old Courſe of Idolatry and Tyran-
ny, then God threatened to forſake the Remnant of his Inheritance, 2 Kings 21. 13,
14. So that though the Reformation, perform d during the Reign of Foſiah, after
the Death of Amon his Father, who perfifted in the Wickedneſs of Manafleb, ſtopp d
the Anger of God for a while, 2 Kings 23. 26. Notwithſtanding, the Lord turned
not from the Fierceneſs of his great Wrath, but reſolved to do to Judah as to Ifrael
.
So Feboabaz, Son of Fofiah, after Three Months Reign was depoſed, his Brother
Eliakim was ſet up, and as a Token of Slavery, his Name was changed to Fehoiakim.
And then again, God did not ſuffer Judah to be taken away at once, but cauſed firſt
this Fehoiakim's Son with the Great Men, and about Ten Thouſand Captives, to be
carried away by the King of Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar ; and afterwards Zedekiah
his Uncle being made King, the whole Nation was made Captive, and Feruſalem
was deſtroyed, and the People removed to Babylon.
In the ſame manner Chriſtendom being divided into two great Parts, the Eaſtern,
being the moſt corrupt, fuffer'd firſt : But not all at once. God gave them Warning
by the Torment of the Locuſts, and then ſuffer'd the whole Empire to be ſwallowed
up by the Ottomans. And again, becauſe the Weſtern Chriſtians that were left, kepo
on ſtill in their Idolatry, God will cut them off in like Manner, but with previous
Warnings, and Means to repent. This is done by the Reformation, which hath
cauſed a great Torment to the Idolatrous Latins, and carried away a great part of
their Body. But at laſt he will ſubvert all the reſt in due Time, by thoſe very
Means which he hath raiſed. However we ſhall ſee, that becauſe theſe corrupted
Weſtern Chriſtians would not repent, God ſends the Reformation to be a Prophecy,
foretold immediately in the next Chapter, to warn them of the Approach of the
Seventh Trumpet, which is to compleat all.
C. Ου μετενόησ εν τή έργων χειρών αυτών, ίνα μια προσκυνήσωσι τα δαιμόνια, η ευω-
Yet repented not of the Works of their Hands, that they ſhould not worſhip Da-
mons,
and Idols. ] The Prophets before the Captivity of Judah, ſet forth the Cor-
ruption of that Nation in Two different Reſpects
. The firſt upon the Account of
Religion, in worſhipping the Works of their own Hands, the Idols which their
wicked Kings or themſelves were pleaſed to ſet up; which were really done for the
Honour of Demons, or dead Men. For that Worſhip which Men give Intentionally
to the Souls of Dead Men, is eventually affum'd by the Dæmons to themſelves, as
ſhall be ſhewn hereafter, in the Nore upon Chap. 16. 13. G. Secondly, on the Ac-
count of their wicked Deeds, or corrupt Morals. This Corruption runs likewiſe
upon Four Heads, as here. Firſt, Murders, 2 Kings 21. 16. Chap. 24. 4. 2 Chron.
33.6. Jerem. 7.6. Chap. 22. 17. Secondly, Witchcrafts, or Sorceries, 2 Kings 21. 6.
2 Chron. 33. 6. Micah 5. 12. Thirdly, Whoredoms, and Adulteries, Iſaiah 57. 3.
Ferem
λα,

Chap. IX. v. 20, 21.7 Trumpet VI. Woe II.
453
Ferem. 13. 27. Chap. 9. 2. Chap. 23. 10. Hofea 7.4. Fourthly, Thefts, Oppreſſion
Uſury, falſe Judgment, Ifaiah 1. 23. Chap.5: 7. Chap. 30. 12. ferem. 6. 6. Chap. 7. 6.
Chap. 22. 17. Ezek. 22. 12, 29.
Theſe Two general Heads of Accufation are likewiſe brought here againſt this
Remnant of Chriſtendom. The firſt of them lies now before us. . It is firſt ſaid in
general
, that they repenied not of the Works of their Hands; and then it is ſpecified,
in continuing ſtill to Worſhip, firſt Dæmons; and Secondly Idols. Which is a diffe-
fent Worſhip from the former, and a greater Corruption. I have (c) explain’d the
Phraſe, Works of their Hands, elſewhere; and ſhewn, that it is equal to Inventions,
or Contrivances proper to the Subje&t ſpoken of. And it is oppoſed to the Law and
Worſhip inſtituted by God. So in Deut. 31. 29. Te will utterly corrupt your felves,
and turn aſide from the way zohich I have commanded you: Then it follows, Becauſe
ge will do Evil in the Sight of the Lord, to provoke hine to anger through the Work of
Hands. This laſt is thus expreſſed by the Pſalmiſt, Pſal
. 106. 29. They pro-
your
voked him to Anger with their Inventions. Idolatry is therefore called by the Rabbies
175 1712y, Abhuda Zara, Strange Worſhip, or Service. Now the Worſhip of the
ſtrange Nations conſiſted in worſhipping dead Men; that is, Dæmons, and Idols, or
the Images of thoſe dead Men. And this is alſo done in the Romiſh Church ſtill.
For they worſhip ſtrange Objects
, not commanded in the Goſpel, and they therein
imitate the Ancient Paynims, who led them the way to the Worſhip of Dead Men
ånd Images. This hath been fufficiently proved by (d) Mede, and (e) Mr. Furieu ;
and will be hinted at and proved elſewhere in ſeveral Places. Nay, it is demon-
ſtrated, that Popery is now more guilty of it than ever it was, in all thoſe Countries
where it reigns without Oppoſition. The Worſhip of Dead Men, and that of Idols,
are vaſtly different ; the latter is ſo contrary to human Reaſon, for a Man to humble
himſelf to Wood and Stone, and the Work of his own Hands, that Corruption muſt
have gain'd a great Afcendant over his Mind, before he can ſubmit to that. So the
Roman's were ſome Hundreds of Years before they had Statues: And ſo the Chriſtians
were Idolaters, as to the Object of Worſhip, the Angels and Dead Saints, long before
the Worlhip of Images, and other Idols, was introduced.
It does not
D. Τα χρυσά, και τα αργυρά, και τα χαλιά, και τα λίθινα, και τα ξύλινα, Of Gold, and of
Silver, and of Braſs, and of Stone, and of Wood. ] This explains the Variety of
the Idols, and the various Matter of which the ancient Heathens and corrupted
Ifraelites made them. For the Gold, fee Iſaiah 2. 202 Chap. 30. 22. Silver, Iſaiah 2.
20. Chap. 30. 22. Brafs, Dan. 5. 4. Wood, Iſaiah 45. 20. Habakkuk 2. 19. Stone,
Ifaiah 37. 19. In Dan. 5. 4. are mentioned Gods of Gold, and of Silver, of Braſi,
of Iron, of Wood, and of Stone. And ſo have the Papiſts too of all theſe Matters,
Gold, Silver, Braſs, Wood and Stone : Nay, this hits them more particularly than
the Eaſtern Chriſtians, who worſhip indeed Images, or Pictures, but never made
Statues, as the Papiſts, of Gold, Silver, Braſs, Wood, and Stone, Saving that they
had indeed Croſſes of all ſuch Matters, to which they paid great Reſpect, and even
ſwore by them. Vai D 7o bich eiw o zlodove on
Pointito
E. "A ** Battery dwóz), *Te dirény, fn mer mello, Which can neither fee, nor bear,
nor walk. ] Here is the Folly of the Worſhip paid to the Idols by thoſe who truſt
in Things that cannot help them. See Pfal. 115.4, 5, 6, 7. and Pſalm 135. 15, 16,
17, 18. Habak. 2. 19. Iſaiah 41. 28, 29. Chap. 44. 9, 10, 11. To ſec, ſignifies to watch
over, guard and viſit, to defend, or do Good; to bear, fignifies to grant Petitions,
and to come to the Help of Men, when called upon by Prayer; to walk , is to take
Care, and come to the Affiſtance of thoſe that need, and call upon them. Chriſtians
have had the Scriptures to inform them of this, and the Popiſlı İdolarer can laugh
at the Miſtake of the Heathen: But what is moſt wonderful is, that he cannot make
an Application of this to his own Caſe, and argue againſt his own Pra&tice, as he
doth againſt the Heathen. This is very wonderful, and thews great Obſtinacy
and Impenitence ; eſpecially when his Soul is at Stake upon it. See Ifaiah 44.
18, 19, 20. Zid to guidson W9021 COMO V nich must be 14
A. Verf. 21. Και και μετενόε οκ και φόνων αυ%, έπ έκ η φαρμακειών αυ", έτη
čini od negyelas avots, ons in otet zas wpdetan euss, Neither repented they of their Murders,
mo
(e) Jurieu's
(c) Preliminary Diſcourſe, Part I. (d) Mede's Apoftafy of the latter Times.
Contin of the Accompliſhment of Scripture Prophecy, Chap. XVII. c.
Hs7
Zzzzz
nor

454
Trumpet VI. Woe II.
Chap. X.
nor of their Sorceries, nor of their Fornication, nor of their Thefts. ] This is the
other Head of Accufation againſt the Depravation of Manners; 'tis put laft, as being
the Conſequence of Idolatry. When Men forget God, he gives them over to all De
lufion, and to work all Wickedneſs. The Murders chiefly reſpect the Saints, or
Martyrs, that oppoſe their Corruptions, whom for that Reaſon they flay. So that
the Word çónov is here Reciprocal, and fo fignifies the Murders which they have
commirred. So in Livy: () Querentium de Sinopenſium clade : That is, Complaining
of the Miſchief done by the Sinopenfes. See (8) A. Gellius, and the Notes of (b)
if
. Volus upon Pomp. Mela. The IVitchcrafts and Sorceries are common to all Ido-
laters ; 'tis by that the Devil ſeduces, and keeps thein as his own. The Fornication
is always conſpicuous in falfe Religions, whereas the True teaches Sobriety, Tempe-
rance, and Chaſtity ; and indeed hath that good Effect for the moſt Part
, where the
true Worſhip of the Goſpel is obſerved ; at leaſt in Compariſon with Idolatrous
Countries. The Thefts reſpect all the deceitful ways, which are practiſed under
Pretence indeed of Religion, but chiefly to ſerve to the Luxury of Men. I ſhall
have Occaſion to ſhew this to be true in each Particular afterwards.
Zodia
the mai
De tar konto Jon Bed andre
2 M 3 bus
misbaar 2011 Istovsi ti
bouche
de berging Ons
no hostile ni w 1979 find to Yoon on tyTogo ct BOOT
plebt to storis binne gull CH A P. X. diwand
odmor on tool to o
Ontmihovom
zura noso banh nwo eid 10 pro
si o 02 do sitno 910ted
THEN I ſet upon the Study of this Sacred Book, I found the Symbols of
this Chapter to be not fo obvious as thoſe of the reſt
. But confidering, that
theſe muſt have ſuch a Meaning here, as they have elſewhere ;, and ſince the Holy
Ghoſt was ſo careful as to note the End of the Sixth Trumpet to be afterwards, and
forewarn the coming of the Seventh, I eaſily conclude that 'this Chapter, and that
which contains other Matters till that Warning, muſt contain an Event falling out
between the Sixth and Seventh Trumpet. From this I further argued thus, that this
Angel with his little Book, or open Codicil, could not fignify a Prophecy, beginning
again as it were ab ovo, from the beginning of Chriſtianity, becauſe the Holy Ghoft
had not yet made an End of the Trumpets, and that it was uncouth and prepoſterous,
that if this was a new Prophecy, the Holy Ghoſt ſhould afterwards, as if by Chance,
drop the Relation of the Seventh Trumpet : Which is nevertheleſs the great Miftake
of Mede and others, who follow him too ſecurely therein. It muſt be therefore an
Incident in its due Place. yon noi o 2011 stoler basini bosch
The Conformity of the Symbols to what is ſaid of Chriſt in the firſt Chapter,
and to the Origin of his Church and Monarchy in the Fourth and Fifth, fhewed
me, that this Chapter muſt fignify an Event like the firſt Promulgation of the Gof
pel ; and their proportionable Diminution, as it Thewed me, that this Promulgation
was not the ſame, but much leſs; fo by ſtating the Times of the Sixth Trum-
pet, it led me naturally to the Reformation of the Church: And then I found,
that the Symbols ſuited it fo exactly, that they deſcribe all the Properties thereof
moſt wonderfully. be boon tot 100 10 sono 9010
Further, I think it neceſſary to give Notice, that ſince the firſt compoſing of this
Commentary, I lighted upon an Anonymous Author of a Paraphraſe and Commen-
tary upon Revelation, Printed A. C. 1693. I was very glad to ſee my Conje&ture
jump with his. But as he hath only gueſfed, and not proved what he conje&tured,
I hope he will be glad in his Turn too, when he finds his own Conje&ture fó
fully proved here, and made plain by one, who knew nothing of his, when he fet
about it.
edisi
ఆరు తులు పడు

W
(f) T. Livij Hiftor. Lib. XL. Sect. 2.
(8) A. Gell. Noct. Att. Lib. IX. Cap. 12.
(b) J. Voff. in Pomp. Melam. Lib. II. Cap. 7. & Apperd. Stay
A. Verſ

Chap. X. v.1. The Angel of* the Codicildl
455
Soli
What is
A. Verr. z. Kui to appear igeon, And I fato a mighty. Angel, J Some Copies
read in obdelayed on another Angel; which Word would diſtinguiſh this from the
Angel of the Sixth Trumpet, who let looſe the Four Angels bound at the River
Euphrates. "But without that it is alſo eaſily underſtood to be fo. Now this Angel
is called Mighty, upon Account of the Work he is going to perform.
the Agent ber
ing always proportioned to the Work. When ſome Puniſhment is to
God only permits it ; he orders the proper Actors to be let looſe, that they may do
the Work proper to their Fun&tion. Here this is called Strong, or Mighty, as that
other Angel
, in Chap. 5. 12. who is employed to publiſh the future opening of the
Book of the Goſpel. We ſhall fee. by and by, that there is ſome Conformity be-
tween the Acts of this Chapter, and what is there related about the opening of that
Book: Here being alſo a little Book opened, or a Goſpel of the fame Sort, but at-
tended with leſs Circumſtances
. Thus we ſee, that when a good Work is to be done
in due Time, God ſends on Purpoſe, and doth not barely permit the Proceſs of the
Agents. But as this is ſent for Good, ſo the Word ioveds, Mighty, implies, that
he ſhall prevail therein, whatever be the Oppoſition of his Enemies. So in Genes.
32. 28. it is ſaid of Facob, övíguous, 1770, as a Prince thou haft Powerawand by
way of Expoſition, or Confirmation, there is added, and haſt prevailed. So the
Name of God 13 fignifying frong, from 718, Strength, is uſed in the Invocation
of the Pſalmiſt, Pfal. 22. 1. at a Time when the Divine Power is implored, there
being moſt need of it. And ſo (2) Aquila hath turn'd there 158 by
So
that this Title given to this Angel, implies his being aſſiſted by the Divine Power
and Protection. And this is made out by the following Attributes, by which he is
deſcribed.
Grotegi.buolbadttua
B. Kelab súpoulde in šš šezvé, Coming down from Heaven.) This is no Falling, or
apoftatizing Angel ; but one that is ſent down purpoſely. The conſtant Stile of the
Holy Writers is ſuch, that whatſoever comes from Heaven, is endued with a fufficient
Power to effect its Errand. But then as Heaven fignifies in the ſymbolical Language
the ſupream
Powers of the political World lo this poſtends, that what will be
performed by this Angel, his own A&tions and Orders
, will be back?d with the
temporal Powers or civil Magiſtrates. See our Note upon Chap. 20. 1. A;
where we
meer with ſuch another.
C. NeeileGamupey vegárum, Cloathed with a Cloud. ] A Cloud without any Tokens
implies Succeſs in
eis oopics aivé zov) relov. But Wiſdom and Succeſs are reciprocal Terms; as we
prove elſewhere. The Perſian and Egyptian ſpeak more preciſely in the next Chapter ;
Εάν 1η ο βασιλάς ότι κάθ.) ν φερέλαις αρμG- ένθεν έλες από αλοφύλων εθνών
,
Abulpharajus we have a Story of a certain
Monk, who foretold the great Succelles
in Gregorius
of the Impoſtor Mahomet from ſuch an Omen, ſaying Futurum eſ ab hoc Puero
magnum aliquid, cujus fama per Orientem &* Occidentem fe diffundet : Nam cum ap-
propinquaret, nube obumbratus apparuit. Thus we find in the Arabian Writers, that
(1) Abu Moslem having reſolved to ſet up the Family of the Abbaſide, took a black
Enfign, which he called Delh 'or Zel, that is, Shadow : And a Standard, which he,
called 'Sahab, the Cloud, (m) Umbræ 80 Nubis interpretationem afferens, quod ficut
nubes terram operit, nec terra ab umbra deftituitur, ita nec vedli Chalifa, Ahbaſida, ſit
unquam defuturus. So (n) Procopius tells us, that the Harulians and Lombards going
to fight together, and the Two Armies facing each other, a Cloud covered that of the
Lombards, whilſt the Heavens appear'd clear over that of the Herulians , there being
no more fatal Prognoſtick among thoſe Barbarians than that. Thus in Saphocles 'Apét
qed or rexày, is an unavoidable Miſchief, from which nothing can protect, as the Au-
thor himſelf explains it;
() Avégezor énelemes , cle rele nu arver, ou Nozola aygó uker own
Αμέτερον οΐον έφυ κακόν. The Scholiaft ays, "οπ επέβαλάς μοι κακόν ανέφελον, καλυφ-
Ilūce duucepešuov, észícesorcis c'équi, drek Saidov men xo'r, rod-pen Sexías repéxas uputem ex
Seveé pišejor. In the Holy Writers, the Clouds are the Symbols of God's Power. Pfal.
68. 34. 'h drevíce piss cuts es tuis vepén cas, His Strength is in the Clouds. The like in
Dugoy
(i) Api d. Eufeb. in Denionftr. Eva ig. Lb. X. Pag. 308. (k) Gregor. Abulphas. Pag. 102.
) Herbelor Dito Abou Moſlem.
(m) Gregor. Abulphar. Pag. 137.
(n) Procop.
Gothic. Lib. II. Cap. 14.
Sophocl. Electr. Pag. 134.
4
Pfal.

TO

456
0 SM
or
bo
90 to R500
02
Lycophron, 50
LIS
ad
The Angel of the Codicil. T Chap. X. v. 1.
Pſal. 89. 6. Tie ir vepén cues iousú os.) Tes Kupím, Who is he in the Clouds that shall be like
unto the Lord? For indeed Clouds are alſo more eſpecially the Symbols of Multi-
tades and Armies. Jerem. 4. 13. He ſhall come up as Clouds. Ifaiah 60. 8. Who are
thoſe that fly as a Cloud ? Hebr. 12. 1. Cloud of Witneſſés. So in the Poets they are
compared to Clouds : Apollonius compares his Heroes going among the Crowd to
Stars among Clouds
W 3000 endnu snel nem
Hos Dantas
oh yesi yang sayo loolisi
KONSO DA
'Αφέρες ως νεφέει.
Ht as welgien ?? Done bar
DBA igru ot Tegoro
The Schol. "Astigs ek vàs ipavas ondt, vepúžas $; § spurninor o xaori
, 3, και δημοτικών για το σύστημα
Homer : guinea G 1000 Apes is vépő dimno move to
ad
-15 dud 11022
The Scholiaſt, Néọc, TIưnvesja, maño o.
solen
(η) Τοϊόν δι' ελλάνων νόφC αμφί σε καλύπτει,
(s) "amwe d amatov zagà xurídes vépomoco conto
noroc blind?
Herodotus: (α) ΝέρG- τοσέτον ανθρώπων ανοσα μάνοι.
5131 bs tolgay a 15001
Which are imitated by Virgil. As in (u) Fakta nube premunt, explaind after by
denfate Catervas
. And alſo by Livy, (w) Rex contrà peditum equitumque nubes jactat,
& confternit maria fuis claffibus. ”
But the Cloud in general is taken for the Symbol of Protection, becauſe it pre-
the (x) Oromazes. Hence (y) Népa, Neśćan, Nubes, comes from 97, fillare. Am-
brof
. Ansbertus : (z) Nubes fiquidem erit blanda, que ſanctos obumbrans Ei protegens,
ab ignė Seculum cremante defendat. This is juſt like Horace's Invocation of Apollá
to come in order to alliſta
(@) Nube candentes humeros ami&tus.
26190 THIS?
And Virgil undoubtedly had the ſame Notion of it, when he wrote this Omen:
(6) Intonuit, radiifque ardentem lucis & auro
E 1010 000. Ipse manu quatiens oftendit ab æthere nubem.
Here are Three Symbols fignifying Protection, Power and Duration. See the Note on Chap.
11.6. A. Philo Jud. ſpeaking of the Cloud in Exod. 13, ſays: (c) 'stro 35 Få Quao malis vir
ανε το εκρατές και θεοφιλές G- εκ έπ είασε διώκες το Cκεπεςήριον και σωτήριον φίλων, αμωτή-
ειον ή και κολαςήριων και εχθρών όπλων και νεφέλη" διανοίαις μειο γδ αρετώσεις ηρέμα σοφίαν
Hofereitet, thus á me marais metaiso Here , beſides the general Notion of Protection,
Philo taking the Cloud for a dropping Cloud, jumps in with the Indian Onirocritick,
who makes it alſo the Symbol of Wiſdom, the true Defence and Protection being
that, which is the ſame as Righteouſneſs and Holineſs. See the Notes on Chap. 19.8.
Chap. 6. B. on the Word ant. and Chap. 21. 18. A. on the Fafper. For all
Rain and Drops are the Symbol of Prophecy, (as
as we ſhall fhew in the next Chapter.
To ſum up all, this Cloud not only implies the Divine Protection, but at the ſame
Time, that it is upon the Account of his Errand, which is to propheſy to others, to
Thew them the Divine Wiſdom, and preach his Laws and inſtil Holineſs into them.
D. Kai "les oH f rep dañis wris, And a Rainbow was upon his Head. ] We have
ſhewn before upon Chap. 4. 3. that the Rainbow is the Symbol of God's Reconcilia-
a

Star
20.
(y) Pa
(p) Apollon. Argon. Lib. I. V. 240. Vid. Lib. IV. V. 398. si (9) Homer. Iliad. A. V. 274.
vid. Iliad. E. V. 522. P. V. 243. & I. v. 66. & 4. V. 133.
(n) Euripid. Hecub. V. 907,
(s) Lycoph. Caff. V. 569.
(t) Herodot. Lib. VIII. Cap. CIX.
(u) Virg. Æneid.
Lib. XII. (2) T. Liv. Lib. XXXV. (x) Vid. Not. on Chap. 12. 9. B.
ſor in Lexic. Gouffer Comm. Ling. Hebr.
(3) Ambr. Ansberc. Lib. I. Pag. 17.
(a) Horat. Lib. I. Od. II,
(6) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VII.
(c) Philo. Lib. Quis fic
Hæres Pag. 345.
19
tion

Ch. X. v. 1. The Angel of the Codicil.
457
to do it.
tion and entring into Covenant with Mankind. Now here we have ſeen, that God
hath been moft extraordinarily angry with the corrupted Chriſtians in the former
Plagues : So that this implies now, that he is reſolved ſtill to make them Offers of
Mercy, and to renew his Covenant with them, as in the Beginning of Chriſtianity.
This Angel hath it only upon his Head, and not round about him, which makes the
leſs Glory. His Work is indeed acceptable with God ; but not all over. There will
be ſomething wanting towards Perfection. God enters not now into a thorough Re-
conciliation to make all Things Holy and Happy, becauſe the greateſt Part of his
Enemies are ſtill left. He enters ſo far into Reconciliation, as to protect the Head of
this Angel, ſo as to make his Head ſtand ſafe againſt all his Enemies. Further, in
the former Rainbow in Chap. 4. the Colour was exprefly ſaid to be Green, denoting
altogether God's Mercy ; but here no Colours being ſet forth , we are left to under-
ftand, that all the Colours of a Rainbow were therein. So that this ſuprofes a Mix-
ture of Holineſs and Succeſs by the White ; of Terror, by the Red ; and of Mercy
and Kindneſs, by the Green. God's Diſpoſition being now more various according
to the Meaſure of Men's Repentance. The Reformed Followers of this Angel mult
ſtill be perſecuted and propheſy, as it is ſaid hereafter.
E. Keine des controle pe sind And his Face was as it were the Sun, I. This
denotes that the Office of this Angel is to caſt a Light, and direct his Followers in
the true Way. The Face of God doth fignify his Favour, the Sun is the Symbol of
the Supreme Governor. And therefore this Angel ſhall be as a King; he ſhall have
the Favour and Countenance of the civil Government, and cauſe the ſame Influence
upon
all his Followers. See our Notes on Chap. 1. 16. D. And Chap. 7. 2. A. And
Chap. 21. 25. on Night. Any Flame or Light about the Head was accounted the
Portentum of fome future Greatneſs: As in the Story of Servius Tullius King of Rome,
reported by (a) Livy, and thus explain'd : Scire licet hunc lumen quondam rebus no-
Aris dubiis futurum, præſidiumque regiæ afflicte. Which (ej Virgil hath applied to
'Afcanius, and alſo to Lavinia : And (f) Silius Italicus to Mafaniſſa. The like is
alſo found in (8) Evagrius applied to Mauricius , as a Prognoſtick of his Greatneſs.
See alfo Servius upon Virgil's
Words, Corripuit tremulis altaria flammis, Eclog. VIII.
Who ſays the like of Tully. Much more therefore when the Sun is
F. Kaà oi móds of cos súaon Trueòs, And his Feet as Pillars of Fire.] Underſtand
this adverſatively, as if the whole ſtood thús, Though he hath ſuch and ſuch Attri-
butes, as a Face like the Sun, yet his Feet are as Pillars of Fire. This Expreſſion
confiſts of Three Symbols, Feet, Pillars, and Fire. Feet have been ſpoken of be-
fore. I ſhall add this to prove, that they ſignify the Servants, Followers, or Diſci-
ofit is plain
Acts 22. 3. And ſo did the Servants
waiting. And thus Barnabas explains the Hoof divided, of the Faithful, who walks
in this Life, and hopes for another
. The Indian Onirocritick faith; ó ass es Sškay
sj xeñpca sey Salus iš dv Spodné spív:), Chap. 227. This hints alſo the Duration of his Sub-
fiſtence, which as is known, in all Doctrines depends on the Number of Followers
and Diſciples ; the fame being likewiſe obſerv’d by the Egyptian Interpreter in Chap.
27. 'Eev ö inn 672 & TÓ AS auto eunrwoną, mont'loo ry Taungono éscs. So among the
ſuperſtitious Pagans, the putting on of the wrong Shoe, or left firſt
, betoken'd ſome
ill' Accident from the Servants. Pliny ; (5) Auguſtus lavum prodidit ſibi calceum
præpofterè indu&tum, quo die feditione militari prope affli&tus eft. So in another Place
he obſerves, that Mice are ominous ; for thoſe Animals having gnawed the Latchet
of Carbo's Shoes, it portended his Deſtruction: (i) Carboni Imperatori apud Clufium fal-
ciis
, quibus utebatur, exitium. I ſuppoſe this is that Cneus Carbo, who endeavour-
ing to reform the looſe Lives of his Soldiers, accuſtomed to it in the Civil Wars, was
flain by them, as Valer, Maximus reports. I ſhall only add this Omen, which has its
own Interpretation, and is to be found in Suetonius ſpeaking of the future Great-
neſs of Auguſtus : (k) Sumenti virilem togam, tunica lati clavi refuta ex utraque
agenci
1
T.Cic. de
(d) T. Liv. Lib. I. Vid. Plin. N. Hiſt. Lib. II. Cap. 107. & Lib. XXXVI. Cap. 27. M.
Divinar. Lib. I. L. Flor. Lib. I. Cap.6.
bio (€) Virg. Æneid. Lib. II. Vid. Serv. ibid. & Lib. VII.
& Claudian. de IV. Cof, Honor. V. 192. (f) Sil. Ital. Funic. Lib. XVI. (8) Evagr.
Lib. V. Cap. 21. (5) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. Cap. 7. Conf. Sueton. in Auguft. Cap. 92. & in
Caligul. Cap. 57.
(i) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VIII. Cap. 57
(k) Sueton, in Auguft.
Cap. 94
Аааааа
parte

458
The Angel of the Codicil. 17
Ch. X. v. 1
The.
Provid. .
Parte ad pedes decidit. Fuere qui interpretarentur , non aliud fignificare , quam ut is
brdo, cujus infigne id eſſet, quandoque ei Subjiceretur. And this out of Pliny:
(1) Siculo bello ambulante in littore Auguſto, piſcis è mari ad pedes ejus exiltit : quo
argumento vates. Spondere Neptunum patrem, adoptato tum fibi Sexto Pompeio,cujus tanta
erat navalis rei gloria, ſub pedibus futuros, qui maria tempore illo tenerent. From
theſe Obſervations we may correct a ſymbolical Obſervation of Porphyry, who faith
of Pythagoras, that he called, (m) dezli' Tès módoes the ġ uiçanin Tendalí. "Tis
plain we muſt tranſpoſe the Words thus, a's zluole recensàu Tès ģi túdes Tenda
As to the Pillar, it is the Symbol of Firmneſs ånd Duration. So in Pindar one is
called (n) "Epstone Arechar1G, Columen Agrigenti; and Hector too, () Testers ši poszer
espacū shovel
. In Æſchylus we read (p) sónov Tosugn, imnitated by Euripides ; móvodércio In
súro ſpeaking of an only Son the Prop of the Family. So in Plautus, (9) Senati
qui columen cluent. Again ; ( ) Senati columen, præſidium populi. Terence : (s) Colu-
men noſtre familie. Where Donatus explains it of the Servant that governs the Fa-
mily. Columella apud veteres diéti ſervi majores domus. Lucilius, XXII. Sera
Vus neque infidus domino , neque inutili quoiquam Lucilli columella beic Jitu Me-
trophanes. And a little after ; Columen vero familie , fuftentatio , vel decus. So in
Horace, a Pillar is the preſent happy State of the Republick. smooth
zo wewe (t) Injuriofo ne pede proruas ſtantem columnam.
anvetoonide
The old Commentator, præfentem felicitatem, incolumitatem regni. So M. Dacier under-
ſtands it. But yet I think it is as proper to underſtand, with Cruquius, Ceſar Auguſtus,
the Pillar of the State. So in Ful. Obſequens: (u) Turbinis vi in Campo (Capitolio, Pigh.
columna ante ædem Jovis decuſſa, cum ſigno aurato. Cumque aruſpices reſpondiſſent,
magiſtratuum Et Sacerdotum interitum fore, omnes magiſtratus ſe protinus abdicaverunt.
I ſhall add theſe Words of Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 10. by which we ſhall not only
explain the Symbol of Pillars, but alſo the Fire. Kloves ģi mets Joegos zrugi sezó pelvoe rej
μη διαφθειρόμυοι, τα τέκνα σημαίνεση σε δένης, το βέλπον και λαμωeύτερον μετα-
Güveu. Can any Thing be more proper, that Pillars burning with a clear Fire, with-
out being deſtroyed, fignify, that the Children of the Dreamer ſhall grow better and
more illuſtrious? (w) Ignis aurum probat , miſeria fortes viros ; ſays Seneca. Now
Fire always implies Torment and Perſecution. If we take it actively, the Diſciples
of this Angel ſhall maintain themſelves, being proved and tried by the Fire of Perſe-
cution. This I take to be the genuine Senſe here. But let us now proceed to the
Application.
I have ſaid already, that the Meſſage of this Angel was the Reformation of the
Church ; it muſt now be proved. And firſt, the Order of Time ſuits with it exactly.
For we are ſtill within the Limits of the Sixth Trumpet. We muſt not be ſo vain
as to think, that the Sixth Trumpet only gives Notice of the Coming of the Otto-
mans ; and that it ends with their Settlement in the Grecian Empire. That Trum-
pet is to give Notice of all the Accidents, which are to happen after its Sounding to
the Sounding of the Seventh. The loofing of the Four Angels bound at the River
Euphrates, is one Accident ; the Errand of this Angel is another; and we ſhall find
more before we come to the Seventh Trumpet. The Ottomans had not quite made
an End of conquering the Remnants of the Grecian Empire, but the Reformation
began. One of the moral Cauſes, which made way to it, is owned by Learned Men
to be this ; that by the Ottomans conquering Europe, the Learned Men of Greece
brought their Learning and Books into the Weſt
, and gave Occaſion to the Increaſe
of Learning, by which Men's Eyes were opened to ſee the Errors and Idolatries crept
into the Church.
And now to apply all the Particulars already touched upon to the Reformation
and the reſt we ſhall do as they come in our Way. This mighty Angel is Luther,
and the reſt of the firſt Reformers ; but chiefly Luther : Becauſe this Angel is named
(1) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. IX. cap. 16. (m) Porphyr. vita Pythagor. pag. 200.
(n) Pindar. Olymp. Od. 2.
(0) Pindar. ibid.
(0) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 907.
(9) Plaut. Epidic, A&t. 2. () Plautus Ciſtell. (s) Terent. Phorm.
(t) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 35.
(8) Jul. Obſeq. Prod. S. 16.
(w) Senec. de
y.
ſingle.
3

Ch. X. v. 1. The Angel of the Codicil.
459
ſingle. As therefore the fingle Angel, in Chap: 5, 2. is only Fohn the Baptift; and
the Angel in Chap. 7. 2. fignifies only Conſtantine the Great ; So muſt we apply this
Angel to one, that is, Luther, only or chiefly. Why ſhould we think it abfurd to
compare Luther in one Senſe to John the Baptiſt? Did he not publiſh Repentance
as a Prophet, or Martyr, to a Generation much more wicked than that to which
John the Baptiſt did ? Yea, I look upon him, and the Reformation, as the Forerun-
ners and Preparers of Chriſt's Second Advent. The Reformation being to prepare
the way to the entire Converſion of the Church and other Nations.
But here we meet with a Rub. For ſome Learned Men contend, that not Luther,
but Zuinglius firſt preached the Reformation ; and that Zuinglius was before him ſome
Years. Sleidan faith : (x) Docebat hoc tempore in Helvetijs Ulricus Zuinglius, qui
fub initium hujus Panni venerat eo vocatus, cum antea Glarone 9 in Eremo quam vo-
cant dive Virginis, docuiſſet. So Pareus in Hoffman likewiſe. I ſhall ſet down part
of Hoffman's Article here. ULRICUS vel HILDERICUS Zuinglius, Hel-
vetius, probis parentibus natus in Doggii Comitatus vico, quem Silveſtrem Domum,
Germani Wildhauſs vocant, Reformator Ecclefiæ Tigurine celeberrimus. Biennio, an-
tequam Lutherus in Saxonia ſurgeret, Glarone in Helvetia Chriftum amnunciavit : Cum
idem jam decem antè annis Gracanicis literis ea caufa operam dedisſet, ut ex fontibus
do&trinam Chriſti hauriret. Not to ſpeak of others fince, who have ſaid the fame ; ,as
(y) Hotringer, and (2) M. Furieu, who ſhews it out of Oſw. Miconius, that wrote
the Life of Zuinglius. Nay, Baron Seckendorf himſelf owns it. His Words are;
(2) Quod vero Zuinglium. Lutheranum fuiſſe [ Maimburgius ] Scribit, à Reformatis
fere omnibus negatur, afferentibus, illum prius Evangelium docuiſſe, quam Lutherus
docere cæpiſſet, idque Zuinglius ipfe de ſe prædicat.
But for all theſe Authorities, I cannot recede from my Aſſertion. For if a bare
Preaching againſt ſome Errors of the Roman Church, would entitle Zuinglius to
be this Angel, we ſhould find that others have done fo too. Such as theſe are
Teſtes Veritatis. None but Luther gave that Swing to the Reformation againſt the
Church of Rome, and openly reſiſted them, as the Papiſts themſelves own it, and it
is evident enough of it ſelf, which effectually wrought that great Work. Take the
Words of Bandelli
, an Italian Writer, who thus plainly determines : (b) Nel prin-
cipio che la Setta Lutherana cominico à germogliare, eſſendo di brigata molti Gentil-
huomini, ne l' hora del meriggio, in caſa del noſtro virtuoſo Signor L. Scipione Attellano,
è di varie coſe raggionandoſi, furono alcuni che non poco biaſimarono Leone X. Ponte-
fice, che ne i principii non ci meteſſe remedio, à l' hora che Frate Silveſtro Prierio,
Maeſtro del ſacro Palazzo, gli moſtrò alcuni punkti d'hereſia che Fra Martino Luthero
haveva ſparſo per l'opera, la quale de le Indulgentie haveva intitolata ; percioche im-
prudentemente riſpoſe, che Fra Martino haveva
un belliſſimo ingegno, e che coteſte era-
no invidie Frateſche. That is, In the Beginning, when the Lutheran Sect began
to ſpread, many Gentlemen being in Company about Noon, in the Houſe of our
“ Virtuoſo Signor L. Scipione Attellano, and diſcourſing about various Matters, there
were ſome who not a little blamed Pope Leo X. that in the Beginning no Remedy
was put, when Brother Silveſter Prierio, Maſter of the ſacred Palace, ſhewed him
" fome Points of Hereſy, which Brother M. Luther had ſpread in thar Work he
s had entituled about Indulgences : For that he had imprudently anſwered, that Bro-
"ther Martin had an excellent Wit, and that ſuch Conteſts were Monkiſh Emulati-
ons.” To which I beg leave to add this Evidence out of Thuanus, giving an Ac-
count of the Inſtructions given to ſome Ambaſſadors ſent to treat of an Union among
the Proteſtants : (c) Lutherum ab Eccleſiis Gallicis ut ipſarum in Chriſto parentem
coli ac Sufcipi ; quod ilius miniſterio veritas primum eruta fit
. Beſides all this,
Zuinglius himſelf is ſaid to have called M. Luther his firſt Paſtor. We ſhall therefore
apply all to him.
Firſt he is called igeed's, mighty, or Stout. And certainly Luther was ſo, and de-
obativa
ſpiſed his own Life to preach his Doctrine, as much as any Man ; though it pleaſed
God to preſerve him. But he is ſtout in reſpect of the Work which he performs.
preal 81
ban
VOID THSV
(2) Sleidan. Com. Lib. I. Ad A. C. 1519.
(y) Hotringer. Hift. Reformat.
() Jurieu's Apolog. for the Reform. (a) Vit. Ludov. à Seckendorf ad Comment, de Luthe
raniſmo. Lib. I. Sect. 50. S. cxxii. 10 OVDI (b) Bande!l. Hift. Tragic. Part. III. Nov. 25. in
Præf. ex Colomef. Opufc. (c) Thuan. Hiftor. Lib. LXXIX. pag. 599. Ed. Par.d 1896
kod me
So
CC
CC

460
The Angel of the Codicil.
Ch. X. v. I.
So that conſidering the mighty Power of the Papacy then, it is very wonderful. To
ſet it out, I ſhall content my ſelf with theſe Two Verſes of Beza:
I nunc Alciden memorato Grecia mendax,
Lutheri ad calamum ferrea clava nihil.
That a plain Monk ſhould by his Preaching and Writing oppoſe and pull down in
ſo many Countries the vaſt Power of the Popes, which had been a raiſing during a
Thouſand Years and more, by all the Arts of the moſt refin’d Politicks, religious
Crafts, and the Terrors of War: And beſides that, to correct and throw out all thoſe
Idolatrous Pra&tices, which had been univerſally ſettled : This is certainly moſt won-
derful and great, and the Work of God.
Secondly, it is ſaid, that this Angel came down from Heaven : Which may either
fignify his Divine Authority for what he did ; or elſe that the Civil Heaven, or Su-
preme Authority of Kings and Princes were to aſſiſt him. Both theſe are true of the
Airft Reformers. For they pretended to no Authority but from God's Word, for the
Proof of what they propoſed. The Romiſh Church with their pretended Infallibility
and Traditions, had quite rejected the Divine Authority. The Scriptures were not
only rejected in the Proof of any Doctrine; but they were quite taken away from
the People. Men could not hear the Word of God if they would. The Reformers
have reſtored that Word to Chriſtians; and profeſs to make them the Rule of their
Faith and Practice. Errors they may have through Ignorance: But where are, or
have been, the Chriſtians who had none ? This Angel may come from Heaven in
this Senſe, that he was immediately ſet up by the Divine Providence to perform that
great Work, without any other intermediate Agents which firſt prompted him to
the Work, but the very working of God's Spirit upon him. In the other Senſe, he
no fooner appear'd upon that great Work, wherein according to all human Probabi-
lity he had been cruth'd, but he met with the Aſſiſtance of Chriſtian Princes, who
encouraged him to proceed in his Work; and his Followers mer with the fame Fa-
vour. The Hiſtory of the Reformation is enough to make this out. And therefore
where the Temporal Power did not interpoſe, it did not ſucceed to cruſh the Papal
Corruption, and fully ſettle it ſelf.
The Angel is cloached with a Cloud ; and this ſhews, that the Reformation hath
been, and will continue under the Divine Protection : So that its Enemies ſhall not
prevail againſt it. 'Tis indeed under continual Temptations, bur always protected.
Popery never ceaſes to perſecute it, to plot againſt it, to raiſe Wars to deſtroy it;
but it hath been always in vain. The Reformacion holds out ſtill in all thoſe Places
where it had or hath the Characters wherewith it is here deſcribed.
The Iris, or Rainbow, upon the Angel's Head fignifies, that God begins now to
be openly reconciled with the Chriſtians ; at leaſt all ſuch as this Angel is concern'd
for ; by their having embraced or received his Meſſage. God had ſent the Plagues of
the Fifth and Sixth Trumpets to the Men that had not his Mark upon their Fore-
heads, to ſuch as worſhipped dead Men and Idols, and were corrupted horridly in
their Morals, with Murders, Sorceries, Fornication and Thefts. All theſe Things
are condemn’d, no Ways tolerated, and we hope altogether much leſſened in all the
Reformed Countries ; which is more eſpecially true of the Idolatry, the chief of all
the reſt, and moſt odious to God. So that he may now again cauſe his Face to ſhine
upon us. He is no more angry for the Idolatry which we have abſolutely thrown
off, and the corrupt Morals, which are much leſſen d among us ; however, utterly
diſown’d, and no Ways encouraged. Whereas Popery tolerates and encourages all
ſuch ; the Idolatries, by Force and Laws; the Immoralities, by their Indulgences
.
God will pardon us for the Follies of our Fathers, and remember his Covenant We
it is to be hop'd, in the fame Condition as the repenting Fews, during and after
the Term of the Babylonian Captivity. This Rainbow preaches to us, what the
Prophets did to them, That our Teeth shall not be ſet on Edge ; becauſe our Fathers
have eaten ſowre Grapes, Ezek. 18. Jerem. 31. 29, 30, 31. God will enter into Co-
venant anew ; or elſe looking upon the Rainbow about the Head of this Angel,
think upon Mercy for the Sake of the old Covenant, Genef. 9. 12. This implies,
that the Countries which have received the Reformation ſhall not be involv'd with-
in the Miſeries which will befal thoſe who have rejected it, when the Seventh
Trumpet ſhall found, and make an End of all the Idolatry and Idolaters.
OG
Further,
al

Chap. X. v. 2.
The Angel of the Codicil.
461
walton
Further
, it is ſaid, that his Face is as the Sun. This implies, as I have Thewn,
that he ſhall have a Power of Government. And it is eaſily applied to Luther, by
whoſe Means the Reformed Churches are become free from the Tyranny of Rome,
and govern themſelves. And they are all of them ſupported ſtill by the Countenance
19 5190 W
and Favour of the Temporal Government. 1641 WIOSOS
The Feet of this Angel are like Pillars of Fire ; that is, what the Angel Thall eſta-
bliſh will ſtand faſt, and either, like Fire, devour all its Enemies ; or elſe, being
purified with the Trial of Fire, ſhall not be confounded by their Malice and Perfecu-
tion. But the Feet, or Diſciples, of the Angel, tho' perſecuted, ſhall ſtill become
more than Conquerors. And ſo we find it to be now ſtill by the Grace of God. Let
us now go on, and we ſhall ſee, that every thing ſpoken of this Angel exactly ſuits
with the Reformation, in ſuch a manner, that it is not poſſible to apply it to any thing
elſe. vleis
A. Verf. 2. Kai zev tñ gergi avft, And he had in his Hand.] That is, he had it
in his power to read and proclaim, or to execute what was contained in the little Book,
or fignified by it. For ſo we have explain’d the Symbol of Hand. I ſhall here give
one Inſtance of the Symbol. (y) Achilles Statius faith, that the Image of Jupiter
Cafius hath his Hand extended with a Pomegranate therein, which is myſtical: That
is, this
Image being at Pelufium, and ſo framed by the Egyptians, great Maſters of
the Symbolical Language, hath a ſecret Meaning, or Symbolical Signification. (2) Bo-
chart explains it thus, by obſerving, that 71, Caphtor is a Pomegranate, and
Oninas, Caphtorim, fignifies the Cappadocians, whoſe Symbol the Pomegranate was,
by Reaſon of the Likeneſs of the Name. This Image therefore repreſented the God
Protector of the Cappadocians, or ſome Cappadocian Prince, who had extended his
Conqueſts ſo far, or the like. The Egyptian Prieſts in their Proceſſions had each in
his Hand a Symbol of his particular Office, as we ſhew elſewhere. Now as the for-
mer Symbols have explain'd the Might of this Angel ; ſo this that he hath in his
Hand, ſhews his peculiar Office.
B. Beresépiov dvegypfo'ov, A little Book open.] Some Copies read Bebríoy, others
Bibraeidov; but the firſt is certainly the moſt true, and moſt analogous to the Greek
Tongue. For it is formed thus: Bibao, Bibríor, Blbridov, and from this, Bibuidé prov:
in the fame manner as nettógrov uſed by (á) Ariſtophanes is formed from nós, a Sheep or
Skin. Kôs, scófov, secodageov. So o for, ofageov: and vútic, vufeéprov. And from toxin
Lugegrov, us’d by (b) Plato. And Colotes was by Epicurus called (C) Korata çlov. As
for thoſe Copies that have Balaíov, they ſeem not to have obſerv'd the economy of
this Viſion, which ought to be inferior in all Reſpects to the firſt Preaching of the
Goſpel, repreſented by the opening of the Book, Bilríov, given to the Lamb, an entire
thing; whereas this is diminutive. However, by comparing this with that, we ſhall
eaſily find the Meaning of this before us.sisk
The Lamb therefore, by receiving that Book, was inaugurated ; and that Book
was the New Law or Goſpel, the opening of which fignified the preaching and pub-
liſhing of the Goſpel, the receiving and ſpreading of the Law and Religion of Jeſus
Chriſt, whereby he gain'd a Dominion in the World, and ſettled à viſible Church ;
which being at laſt backed with the Temporal Power, became victorious over Paga-
niſm. So this little Book, or Codicil, in like manner fignifies the opening again of
the Goſpel, the ſpreading of the true Religion, and, as it were, the Eſtabliſhment,
or at leaſt the Reſtoration of the Goſpel, though not in ſo high a Degree as at firſt.
And whereas the Book, which Chriſt himſelf received, was to be opend by himſelf,
and gradually, in ſeveral Periods of Time ; which fignified in part the preaching of
Chrilt himſelf, and of his Apoſtles, who by Miracles and their Doctrine did eſtabliſh
Religion, not altogether at once, but gradually, as Jeſus Chriſt himſelf did open the
Book, that is, gave the Goſpel a free Courſe : So here, this Book or Codicil is deli-
vered to an Angel without any antecedent Ceremony, bút opened all at once, to ihew
that this little Goſpel, or leſs Church, ſhould not be preached and eſtabliſhed by
Chriſt himſelf, or his Apoſtles, but by other ordinary Angels or Miniſters, handling
the Goſpel with leſs Advantages : being only aflifted by thoſe Means, which are ſhewn
hereafter. Oood or to
rol on How
(y) Achil
. Stat. de Amor. Clitoph. Lib. III. pag. 167. () Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. IV. cap. 32,
(al Ariftoph. Ran.
(6) Platon. Theæter. pag. 89. De Rep. Lib. VII. pag. 420.
(c) Plut. adv. Colot.
bol
B bbbbb
Ani

462
Chap. X. V. 3.
The Angel of the Codicil.
mation, or
And now this Codicil appears open as ſoon as received, to fignify, that the Refor-
or this little Goſpel, ſpread it ſelf all over, and took hold of its appointed
Limits, as ſoon as it appeared ; and not by Degrees, as the firſt Goſpel was ſpread.
Thus we find, that as ſoon as Luther began to preach, he was foon followed every
where elſe : So that in about Forty Years time, which is but Half of a Man's Age
it had taken all the Root that it is like to have, as the Effect of this Trumpet
. Al
its Endeavours, but juſt at the Beginning, have been checked, ftoppd, and at laſt
quite cruſh'd, where ever it hath endeavour'd to appear ſince. So that the Lives of
the firſt Reformers were fufficient to ſee the furthermoft Extent of this little Goſpel,
which they had in their Hand readily opened ; that is, to publiſh quickly, and all at
once
. I ſhall not trouble the Reader here, in giving him any Account of the Hiſtory
of the Reformation, to prove the quick Progreſs thereof; becauſe thoſe are Matters,
which few Men that read have not fufficient Knowledge of. I ſhall only obſerve here
a Kind of Coincidence of the Symbol with the Event : For as this Angel has the Co-
dicil open in his Hand, ſo Luther began, and really effected the Reformation, by pub-
liſhing Books againſt the Errors of the Romiſh Church. The Work was by others
carried on in the ſame way. It was prepared, as has been hinted, by the renewing
of Learning, and the eaſy ſpreading of it by the Invention of the Art of Printing,
and powerfully carried on by the opening of the Holy Scriptures in Vulgar Verſions.
And this is ſo true, that we find Popery endeavours to preſerve it felf by ſmothering
Learning
C. Kai ÉInxs zódte dust debrev Oni Soundloons, zèv ö Levypovom găs, And he ſet bis
right Foot upon the Sea, and his left Foot upon the Earth.] To ſet one's Foot in any
Place, ſignifies to take Poffeffion thereof, as in Deut. 1. 36. and Chap. 11. 24.
Fofh. 1. 3. Chap. 10. 24. Chap. 14. 9. Pſal. 8. 6. and 18. 38. and 48. 3. It fignifies
alſo to overcome, as in order to take Poſſeſſion, or to rule ; Pſal. 44. 5. and 60.12.
and 91: 13. Ifaiah 10. 6. Chap. 14. 25. Chap. 26. 6. Ezek. 16. 11. Dan. 7. 23.
Micah 1. 3. Mal. 4. 3. See our Note upon Chap. 11. 2. E. Now the Sea fignifies
People in War, and the Earth People in Peace, or ſubmitted to the Tyranny and Cor-
ruptions wherein they are involv'd; therefore this Angel of the Reformation muſt
maintain himſelf in Poſſeſſion by having Diſciples, who ſhall be in War as well as in
Peace to maintain themſelves in their Poffeffion: They are not promiſed an abſolute
Peace, and full Liberty at Eaſe to profeſs the Goſpel, but with a Mixture; fometimes
War and ſometimes Peace. Of which they are Maſters by having fubdued and keep-
ing under the corrupted Chriſtians, ftill remaining within the very Territories where-
in the Reformed are fully ſettled, as they ought to be ; of which by and by. This
Signification of Earth is proved elſewhere. Then it is to be obſerved, that the Angel
ſets the right Foot, as the ſtrongeſt, on the Sea, to ſtand firmeſt againſt all Adverſity ;
the Left on the Earth, where there is the leaſt Danger. Ambr. Ansbertus:
Per dextrum etenim pedem illa defignantur membra, qua nullis adverſitatibus från-
guntur. . TTT
autem pedem quid aliud, quam pacis tempore prædicatores
intelligimus. Now this is well concluded by the Analogy to the Right Hand ; which
is not only lookd upon as the ſtronger, but is alſo indefinitely uſed for Strength or
Power. So the Right Hand of God, in Pſal. 44. 3. and Pfal. 78.54. is the Power
of God. In Exod. 9. 16. and in Exod. 32. 11. a mighty Hand: And by Conſequence
the Right Foot muſt here fignify the chief Strength, moſt able to ſupport. Thus
(d) Plato having obſerv'd, that Uſe makes the Limbs moſt uſed ſtronger, and look-
ing upon thoſe Men that are handy_but on one Side, as lame of the other, adviſed
the Nurſes to inure Children to uſe their Limbs on both Sides in all Exerciſes equally.
But Mankind has not thought fit to follow this Proje&t; and therefore we muft take
the Symbol according to the common Notion of Men. So then the Reformation muſt
be eſtabliſh'd in War, as well as in Peace : and War is its beft Security. Which is
moſt evident and true in the Event ; the Proteſtants having ftill viſibly no other Se-
curity
A. Verſ. 3. Kai é uparče povſ peplan comes aées peurd tu, And he cried with a loud Voice,
as when a Lion roareth.] Grying is publiſhing. He therefore publifhes the Law of
the open Codicil in his Hand. For the opening of the Great Book of the New Law,
none was thought worthy but the Lion of the Tribe of Fudah. Here indeed the
Seal
AVTO
.75ca
(d) Platon. de Legib. Lib. VII. pag. 571.
Angel

Chap. X. v. 3.
The Seven Thunders. T
463
Angel cries out with a loud Voice; but it is not the Voice of a Lion, but only the Re-
ſemblance of the Voice of a Lion : All Imitations muſt needs be thought to be leſs
than the Original, which they endeavour to imitate. As this Angel hath fome Res
ſemblance to Jeſus Chriſt, in that his Errand is like that of the firlt preaching of the
Goſpel ; fo he endeavours to imitate his Voice, in proclaiming the Laws of this Co:
dicil. This ſhews, that the Preaching of this inferior Angel will come far bfhort of
the firſt, which the Lion of the Tribe of Fudah began himſelf, and impower'd his
Apoſtles to proclaim all over ; 'whoſe Sound went into all the Earth, and ibeir Words
unto the Ends of the World, Rom. 10. 18. However, this Voice, reſembling a Lion's
Voice, fignifies the ſame Things as the Lion's of the Tribe of Fudah ; and that is a
Royal Voice, of great Authority, and implying Victory over its Enemies, but in a
leſs Extent and Meaſure. So Auguſtin argues; (e) Sic Leo fremuit, fic quod dixit im.
plevit
. So in Prov. 19. 12. The King's Wrath is as the Roaring of a Lion. The LXX,
inſtead of Wrath, have the Word å etani, threatning. See Prov. 20. 2. and Amos 3.8.
where the Roaring of a Lion is compared to the Words of God, whom, when heard,
none will dare to refift, without incurring the Danger threatned. So this Angel
threatens Men with the Judgment of God, if hearing the Truth of his Word, they
will not repent. If they hear, by the Iris about his Head he offers and allures them
of a Reconciliation with God: But at the ſame time, if they will not repent, he
roars out, and threatens them with the Severity of his Anger. Ambr. Ansbertus:
In leonis vero rugitu, & terror, & confidentia demonſtratur, ficut ſcriptum eft: Leo
rugiet, quis non timebit? Et, Leo fortiffimus beftiarum, ad nullius pavebit occurſum.
In quibus videlicet fententiis, predicatores Ecclefia &s minas de futuro judicio poteftati-
bus hujus mundi intextare, & nequaquam eorum adverfitatem formidare declarantur.
Et quomodo beſtiales hominum motus in manfuetudinem verterent, nifi intrepidi minas
intentarent? Accordingly the Voice of the Reformers imitated that of Chriſt, to
threaten Men with the Judgment
to come, and make them accept thoſe Terms of
Reconciliation God offers now before the laſt Trumpet, by which he deſigns to puniſh
and deſtroy the corrupted Chriſtians. Their Strength was below their Pattern; but
yet it hath prevailed as far as God had determined it ſhould, as we ſhall ſee in the
next Words. Now fo far as their Eſtabliſhment was to reach by God's Definition,
the Power and Malice of their Enemies could not hinder its nor deſtroy it ſince that
Time.
blouse want
que
B. Kai te čxpežs", encamiseen ei m à Begutai Te's cover coves, And when he had cried,
the Seven Thunders uttered their Voices.] Some Editions and MSS. omit this vi be-
fore élè; which is much better. We ſhould then expreſs it thus : And when he had
cried, Seven Thunders uttered their Voices, that is, Seven Claps of Thunder were
heard. The ei is ſuperfluous, becauſe the Thunders are not ſpoken of before, and
feem to have been intruded here from the following Words, where they be abſolute
ly needful, to determine, that they are always the fame Thunders ſpoken of here.
See our Notes on Chap. 20. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7. on the Words gorec étu, found without the
Article in the firſt place, and then afterwards conſtantly with it, to fhew that the
Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks always of the ſame Thouſand Years. Now the Voice of the Angel
either produces, or elſe is antecedent to theſe Seven Thunders, giving Occafion to, or
introducing them. In the opening of the great Book of the Goſpel by the Lion of
the Tribe of Judah, that Opening, according to the diſtinct Periods of the Seven
Seals, produces the thunderlike Voice of the Wights in the firſt Four ; in the Fifth,
the Voice of the Souls under the Altar crying aloud unto God; and therefore as effi-
cacious in promoting the Goſpel, as any preaching Voices: 'The Sixth Seal's Opening
produces the terrible and admirable Revolution and Overthrow of Paganifm, by the
Earthquake, Eclipfing of the Sun and Moon, Fall of the Stars, the removing of the
Heavens, Mountains, and Iſlands; and what follows thereupon, namely, the publick
Muſtering of the Chriſtian Armies. The Seventh Seal's Opening appeaſes the Winds
throughout the World, cauſes a Silence in Heaven, and gives time for the Prayers of
the Saints to afcend into Heaven. All theſe are magnificent Events, upon the Lion
of the Tribe of Fudah's opening the great Book of the Goſpel : But when this delega-
ted Angel receives the Codicil open, the little Goſpel ; and he cries out, in Imitation
of that Lion, as loud as he can, he produces only Seven. Thunders uttering their
albina

..di
(e) Auguſtin de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap. 41.
Voices
464
The Seven Thunders.
Chap. X. v. 3.

Voices all at once. So far is this below the Greatneſs and Majeſty of the former!
However, we learn from hence, that theſe Seven Thunders muſt fignify the ſame Kind
of Things, as are cauſed by the opening of the Seven Seals of that Book ; but in
an inferior Degree.
We have ſeen in other places, that Thunder is the Voice of God proclaiming his
Will and Laws; and that this denotes ſuch an efficacious Proclamation, that it over-
comes at laſt all Oppoſition; and therefore ſignifies the ſettling of the true Religion
and Worſhip againſt all Oppoſition, by means of the Supreme Powers in being.
Let us here add ſome Obſervations, to confirm what we have ſaid before, and to ex-
plain what Differences there may be in theſe Thunders from others. Some Thunders
are ſaid to come immediately from the Throne of God with Lightnings, as in
Chap. 4. 5. Nothing can hinder therefore their effect. What God ſpeaks muſt
ftand. So Clemens Alexandrinus: (f) Ogoh Tz mevzexpérogs, rj un dros orto xetrele's
φωνω και φαντασίαν εγγυήσαι ακοή διωατόν, ενδεικνυμβόω τίω εαυτο μεγαλειότητα παρα τα ειωθότα φυ-
σκίων έχειν τίω ακολοθίαν, ώς όπερορίων ή μη δέπω πις &έσης ψυχής, και παραδοχι η διδομύ'Ας ον-
Toañs. Ambrof. Ansbertus on theſe Words, with a View to the Roaring of the Lion:
In utriſq; enim terror formidinis declaratur. And afterwards, Hoc certè clamore An-
geli vel (leg. velut ] Leonis rugientis his mugientibus tonitruis, totus in ele&tis formi-
davit & credidit mundus.
And indeed, as the Pagans looked upon Thunders to be the Voice of God; ſo when
they looked upon them as Portenta, all other portending Symbols were ſtopp'd by
that of the Thunder, unleſs the Thunder did confirm the former by being of the ſame
Side. Hear Seneca firſt upon the Matter from the Tuſcan Commentaries, the moſt
exact and authoriz’d of all the Ancients : (8) Summam eſſe vim fulminum judicant :
quia quidquid alia portendunt, interventus fulminis tollit. Quidquid ab hoc portendi-
tur, fixum eſt, nec alterius oſtenti fignificatione mutatur. See the reſt. A little after
he thews us out of the fame, that the Thunder and Lightning fignifies Revolutions in
private and publick Affairs. (b) Tertiam manubiam idem Jupiter mittit : Jed adhibitis
in confilium Diis
, quos ſuperiores & involutos vocant. Quæ vaſtat & includit
, & mu-
tat flatum privatum utiq; & publicum, quem invenit. Accordingly (2) Xenophon obſerves,
that ſuch Lightnings and Thunders confirm’d the good Succeſs of Cyrus in the firſt
Expedition under his Command, after he had found the Sacrifices were of good Omen.
See Chap. 14. 8. B. Thus we are told by (k) Arrian, that when Alexander looſed
the Gordian Knot, and had thereby an Omen of his future Greatneſs, the Thunders
and Lightnings, which happened the Night following, confirmed the Signification of
it. Hence in Sophocles, Oedipus being come to the Place mark'd by the Oracle for
his Burial, and hearing there the Thunder, concludes, that his Conjectures were right.
(1) Θησ. 'Εν τω 3 κείσαι σε μόρε τεκμηρίων και
οι1: Αυτοί οι κήρυκες αγγέλλεσί μοι
Ψάθοντες και δεν, σημα των ωeοκειμένων.
Ons. Hös & ras, de neegid, Masate Teids ;
Ολο. Τα πολλα βegν του διατελείς, τα πολλάτε
03
Σχέψαν τα χειρός της ανικήτε βέλη, ,
lege
And this was according to the conſtant Rule in theſe Matters: (m) Minora enim au-
guria majoribus cedunt, nec ullarum funt virium, licet priora fint. Hence the (n)
Potior ales in Horace, and the () majora auſpicia in Virgil, which Servius explains by
Cæleſtia ; implying, that the Tokens and ominous Signs coming from Heaven muſt
prevail
. And this ariſes from their conſtant Practice to expect Two Signs; it was nor
fufficient to have one ; the latter muſt confirm the former. Virgil:
wine (p) Intonuit lavum, & de cælo lapſa per umbras
Stella facem ducens, multa cum luce cucurrit.


(f) Clem. Alexandr. Stromar. Lib. VI. pag. 268. (6) Senec, Nat. Quæſt. Lib. II. cap. 34.
(b) Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. II. cap. 41. Vid. Feft. Voc. Manubie.
(i) Xenoph. Cy.
rop. Lib. I.
(k) Arrian. de Exped. Alex. Lib. II. (1) Sophocl. Oedip. Col. pag. 320.
(m) Servius in Virg. Eclog. IX.
(n) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 6,
( Virgil. Æneid. III.
(p) Virgil
. Æneid. II.
Theſe

Ch. X. v. 3.
The Seven Thunders.
465
Theſe Two Signs are granted upon the Petition, Hec omnia prima ; on which Servius
obſerves, Secundum Romanorum morem petit, ut viſa firmentur. Non enim augurium
unum vidiſſe ſufficit, nifi confirmetur ex fimili: nam fi diſſimilia ſint pofteriora, ſolvun-
tur priora. Of theſe double Portenta we ſhall have Occaſion to ſpeak elſewhere. T.
And here to return to the Thunders, it may not be improper to ſet down one Ob-
fervation about them, which ſhews how they are looked upon as prevailing Signs.
Tully, who was an Augur, when he wrote about Divination, faith ; (0) Itaqz in noſtris
Commentariis ſcriptum habemus, Fove tonante, fulgurante, comitia populi habere nefas.
Hoc fortaſſe Reipublicæ cauſa conſtitutum eſt: comitiorum enim non habendorum caufas
eſſe voluerunt : itaq; comitiorum folum vitium eſt fulmen: quod idem omnibus rebus
optimum auſpicium habemus, fi finiftrum fuerit
. But in aſſigning the Caufe here, Tully
reaſons like an Academician, and
acts the Part of a Prevaricator. Elſewhere he ar-
gues like an Augur, and is therefore in this Cafe to be heeded, rather than in his Phi-
lofophical Reaſonings : (P) Quam legem igitur ſe Augur dicit tuliſſe non modo tonante
Fove, ſed prope cælefti clamore prohibente, hanc dubitabit contra aufpicia latam confi-
ieri? The Ancients had Two Reaſons for their Practice in this Cafe; the one Symbo-
lical, the other Natural. Becauſe, firſt, Thunder being eſteemed the immediate Voice
of God, it was Preſumption to conſult about any thing, when God ſpake. His Voice
ought to impoſe Silence upon all, according to that eternal Maxim of all Government,
That when the Supreme Authority ſpeaks, the leſs Courts cannot exert their Power:
And the Preſence of the Supreme Magiſtrate ſuperſedes for the time the Power of all
the Inferiors. Pliny ſays: (1) Ej hec natura fideribus, ut parva &* exilia validiorum
exortus obſcuret : fimiliter Imperatoris adventu Legatorum dignitas inumbratur. It
is plain, that the Tuſcans, whoſe Doctrine was communicated to the Romans, did look
upon the Thunder to proceed from Fupiter upon a Conſultation of the Gods: So that
the Thunder ſeem'd to be the Reſult of that Conſultation, the Decree of the Gods
allembled. Seneca: (r) In illo diſſentiunt, [Etruſci] quod fulmina dicunt à Fove mitti,
Etres illi manubias dant. Prima, ut aiunt, monet, & placata eſt, & ipfius confilio
Jovis mittitur. Secundam mittit quidem Fupiter, sed ex confilii fententia. Duodecim
enim Deos advocat. Hoc fulmen boni aliquid facit, ſed tunc quoque non aliter, quam
ut noceat. Ne prodeſt quidem impune. Tertiam manubiam idem Jupiter mittit, &c.
The Words are juſt cited before. If therefore the Supreme God holds his Council,
and ſends out his Decrees, it is not proper for Men to conſult, but hear.
94. Moreover, in all the Ancients, who were not Epicureans, and eſpecially the Poets,
Thunder is the proper Work of Jupiter the Supreme God. I ſhall only cite Two for
it. Pindar faith,
(s) Ελατης υπέρτατο βροντάς ακαμαντόπο1G Ζα".
Again:
(1) 'Εκ νεφέων και οι αντάυσε βegντάς αίσιον φθέγμα.
DVI
ញញ nog togreisn W
For which Reaſon he calls there fupiter, 'Ey gerxépouvor zbuše. And elſewhere ;
(u) Ου δε Κρονίων αστροπαν ελελίξεις οίκοθεν μαργεμίους στίχειν επώνω, αλλά φείσαις κελάθι.
And therefore Homer gives Jupiter frequently the Epithet of Tegmuigawe. Hence
Horace :
Cælo tonantem credidimus fovem.
It is true indeed, that the Commentator upon Pap. Statius allows Thunders to ſome
of the other Gods. For he ſays upon the Words of Statius, (x) Mea fulmina : Hoc
eft fecundum Pontifices, qui aiunt certa cuique fulmina Deo afcripta : in quibus & Mi-
nerve. Which is further illuſtrated by the Commentator on Horace : (y) Omnes
manubiæ albe & nigræ Palladis effe dicuntur: Jovis rubea & fanguinea. So Virgil:
stoled toroinen
stond 2017 OneH Hrote bot abrit
os espejo Hobo (2) Ipfa Jovis rapidum jaculata è nubibus. ignem. noqu 22101 anni
O tom sin
Sul to me ant binos y
Servius : In libris Etrufcorum le&tum eſt, ja&us fulminum manubias dici : Es certa ese
zaied to
dod ienia szloge



(0) M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. II.
(D) M. T. Cic. Philip. V.
(9) Plin. Panegyr. cap. 19.08.V.Boga! (r) Senec. Nae. Quæft. Lib. II. cap. 416) SIN
(s) Pindar. Olymp. Ode IV. ik (t) Pindar. Pyth. IV. An (u) Pind Nem. IX.
{ x'). Pap. Scat. Theb. Lib. I. v. 257.
panele po (y) In Horar. Lib. I. Ode 2. bras
(i Virg. Æneid. Lib. Inich v 908
Coudt (1)
Сccccc
numina

466
Ch. X. v. 3.
The Seven Thunders.
1.
numina poffidentia fulminum jactus, ut Jovem, Vulcanum, Minervam, See Pliny's
Nat
. Hijt. Lib. II. cap. 52. who ſays that
the Tuſcans attributed them to Nine Gods,
but the Romans only to Two. But in all this we are to obſerve, that theſe were Al
feffors to fupiter, and (a) Minerva more particularly : And
that the
White and Black
Thunders are indeed the fame as Monitory in the Tuſcan
Do&trine. So that they attri-
bute only the red and bloody to Jupiter himfelf; becauſe in the puniſhing Part he ex-
erts himſelf, and his Judicial and Imperial Power : But in the Monitory, his Wisdom
and Goodneſs
, and ſo ſeems to uſe Interceſſors
. La&antius indeed does not ſo far ex-
plain his Meaning. But by the very Inſtances produced, it appears to be by a delega-
ted Power, intruſted by Fupiter, who, as Supreme Judge, has only the Power to
puniſh and give Laws. In this Caſe we fay alſo, that God is the Supreme Lord, and
therefore he only can give Laws: But he may intruſt the Supreme Powers of the
viſible World to make Laws, as his Delegates. Theſe Laws are Thunders; but are
not ſaid to come from the Throne, becauſe from Delegates. Thoſe Albe Manubie
of Pallas, I take to be the Monitory Thunders; and they may be faid to belong to
Pallas, which is the Wiſdom of Fupiter, and ſits on his Throne too. And even fo
Laws are monitory too, and are not always Threats, but Advices. Now it was a con-
ftant Maxim among the Heathens to ſuppoſe, that when a God ſpeaks, all things are
filent; 7 Callimachus:
1900 vieta taxe 10 URE GIRL
or (b) 'Euonueit' atortes èxl 'Azów O condimento 93300,
prvobite
So in Euripides, when Bacchus is ſaid to have ſpoken, all things are ſaid to have been
filent.
Sale of bu.
DJ o abono 10 (c) siynos d'aigne, orja di d'reno vám
2005 330 stosa túm' & gel Sagcón d’ou're år nueous Bolu'. Godt 3
And ſo Ennius :D
(d) Mundus cæli vaſtus [* alto ] conſtitit filentio,
in rates bok sap Et Neptunus fævus undis aſperis pauſam dedit :
2018 Jothian esti Sol equis iter repreffit ungulis volantibus, say
Tona aid abort | Conftitere amnes perennes, arbores vento vacant. Phim
Which is imitated by Virgil, when Fupiter ſpeaks. The Words are cited in the Note
upon Chap. 20. 11. D. And Horace,

) الالي
OU NOM
(e) Ingrato celeres obruit otio
Ventos, ut caneret fera Nereus fata.
Whereupon conſult the Commentary of Madam Dacier. To which I ſhall only add
this out of Theocritus, that when the Inchantreſs has invoked her God, and then ob-
- ferves by the Barking of the Dogs, that Hecate is coming, the obſerves, that there is
Silence :
toyoqa sus vitom
H Gioiga DA
(f) A Jeds én miódolo
'Ηνίδε σιγά με πόντος, σιγώνι ' αήτα,

-And therefore, as in all the kinds of Divination the Heathens were perſuaded, that
the Gods did diſcover their Will and Knowledge of the future by the Symbols exhibi-
ted: So more particularly in the Auguries it was fuppofed, that there could be no
a true Obſervation made, if the God was not concern'd, and as it were preſent. Now
this they ſuppos'd to be ſufficiently indicated by the Silence then obferv'd both from
Winds ånd Storms. Hence comes that folemn Form of the Augurs, mentioned before
in the Notes upon Chap. 8. 1. A. B. Servius ſays, (s) In ſerenitaté, quod eſt augurii.
If we conſider the Temper of theſe Ages about theſe Matters, we ſhall not fail to
believe theſe Reaſons were fufficient to make them ceaſe conſulting, when fupiter
ſpake thus in the Thunder. But I ſhall add a Second Reaſon. All their Comitia being

(a) Vid. Mart. Cap. Sacyr. Lib. I. pag. 14. 2 Æſchyl. Eumen. v. 830. cit. in Not. Chap. 5. 1. D.
(6) Callim. Hymn. in Apollin. hay o Euripid. Bacch. v. 1082.0.0d) Ennius Scipione,
apud Macrob. It shum * Vel fort. Sacro.
sov (e) Horar. Lib. I. Od. 15.
(f) Theocrit. Idyll. II. v. 36.
(8) Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. VII. col 1155.
held

Ch. X. v. 3.
The Seven Thunders.
467
held in the open Air, the Change of the Weather towards Rain was a fufficient Mo-
tive to diffolve them. So that, if but one Drop of Rain fell
, they were diſſolved
immediately, as by the goodnutid. Thus we find in Ariſtophanes, Acoon uitzia sj peris
βέβληκέ με. On which the Scholiaft faith, διέλυον τας εκκλησίας διοσημίας γυομψης, ή άλλο
n yénov res divu ev. All A&tions ceaſe when the Gods ſpeak. So that ſuch Days were
called God's Days, Aids spuésou, as the fame Scholiaft ſpeaks. And thus we may ſolve
this Queſtion in Tully by proper Reaſons, and not thoſe Political ones he hath given
out of his own Way.
But to return to our Seven Thunders. They are not ſaid to come from the
Throne, nor from the Wights. Theſe are eſſential Differences from the former.
The firſt implies, that theſe Thunders, or Laws, do not immediately come from
God. Therefore they are to be explained Analogically. Thunders are Voices in
Heaven; the Heaven ſignifies the Supreme Power of the Civil World: Theſe muſt
then be the Voices of the Supreme Powers. This leads us therefore naturally to fup-
poſe, that this Publication of Divine Laws or Oracles, is performed by the interme-
diate Affiſtance or Management of ſuch Powers as have Authority at leaſt ifor that
Purpoſe. Now the ſupreme (h) Authorities are all ordained of God, and repreſent
him in the viſible Government. So when they ſet forth his Laws and Worſhip
againſt Idolatry by their Conſtitutions, they ſpeak the Words and Commandments
of God; and theſe are well repreſented by Thunders in the Symbolical Language:
Eſpecially in this Second Period of the Church, wherein, as in the Mofaicátr Dif-
penſation, the Political Government of the Church is intruſted, and remitted in a ,
great Meaſure into the Hands of the Supreme Authorities. For as when the Iſraelites
had Kings, God ceaſed in a great Meaſure to give out Oracles by his Urim and
Thummim ; fo now in the Chriſtian Religion, the Supreme Powers in Church and
State are to give out the Oracles. That the Laws conſtituted in the Church and
State are Oracles, ſhall not only be proved elſewhere, but is alſo plain from the con-
ftant Pra&tice in the Eaſt, Egypt, and Roman Empire ; wherein the anſwers of Kings
were called Oracles, as well as thoſe of the Deities. Which the Roman Authors
imitated, when they were under a Monarchical Government. Seneca ſpeaking of
Claudius : (i) Aliud habebunt hoc dicente pondus verba, velut ab oraculo emiſja.
Omnem vim doloris tui divina ejus contundet auctoritas. And indeed to make an Ora- •
cle, it is not neceſſary that the Deity ſpeak it; but it may be done by Man acting
by the Divine Authority. Seneca: (k) Quid enim eſt Oraculum? Nempe voluntas di-
vina, hominis ore nuntiata. Thus the Laws, or Ediets of the Government, which
has the Divine Authority, and ſpeaks like God, are true Oracles. And ſo they are
called in Holy Writ. Prov. 16. 10. A Divine Sentence is in the Lips of the King.
The LXX have Mevrov, Dor, a Divination. The very fame as genuertismos
. And
thus in Homer, the Word (1) Jépenses fignifies both Oracles of the Gods and the De-
crees of a King, which indeed at firſt were ſuppos’d to proceed from ſome Divine
Inſpiration. For which reaſon they had (m) Rods, or Scepters, as well as the Pro-
phets, or Soothſayers. See the Notes on Chap. 21. 20. I. and on Verſe 15. A.
Seneca : (n) Legem enim brevem eſſe oportet, quo facilius ab imperitis teneatur, velut
emiſa divinitùs vox ſit. Thunders being indeed the Voices of God, as we have fre-
quently obſerved. Thus alfo Papin. Statius ſays, the Law brandiſhes a Thunderbolt:
to
proprio
(0) Et caftum vibraret Julia fulmen, brisguised to visini
969
10 mobily
Tichonius ; (P) Propter obtundendos di&tum eſt : ut non paffim omnibus pateant verba
Dei. Laws of any kind being indeed as Thunders and Lightnings, which give Light
to them for whom they are made to guide their A&tions. Tully: (9) Hoc motu, at-
que hac perturbatione animorum atque rerum cum Pop. Rom. Vox, & autoritas con-
Julis repente in tantis tenebris illuxerit
. Upon this Account it will not be improper
to obſerve, that as the () Perfian Monarchs were honoured as Gods, and worſhip-
ca
(b) vid. Hug. Grot. de Jur. B. P. Lib. I. Cap. IV. Sect. 7. 3. swas (i) Senec. Confol. ad Polyb.
Cap. XXXIII. (k) Senec. Controverſ. Lib. I. Procem.. " (1). Hom. Iliad. A. Verl.
238. B. V. 206. I. V. 99. 298. II. V. 387. Odyff. 11. 403. Hymn in Apoll, V. 494.
(m) Vid.
Platon. Mino. Pag $10.
(n) Seneca Epift. XCIV.
() Papin. Stat. Lib. V. Sylv. 2.
(P) Tichon. Hom. VII. (9) M. T. Cic. Orat. I. de Leg. Agray,
de R. Perfic. Lib. I.
$) Barnav. Briffon.
ped

468
Ch. X. V. 3.
The Seven Thunders.
ped a fuch, and their Throne had a Heaven over it, called by the Greek Authors
Ovęgròs, or ovegvíox.9, by which Name their Tents and Rooms were alſo called,
and from which they were ſaid to give Oracles : So Chofroës, who lived in the
Times of Heraclius, being a proud Man, and fuiting his Pride to the Oriental
Notions, had an Artificial Heaven in his Palace, out of which proceeded Artificial
Thunders, and Lightnings, and Showers, to the Amazement of Strangers. So
Tzetzes: (α) Εν τοϊς ανακτόρους τοίς αυτά έρανόν έχων τεχνηθέντα, εξ & βegν ται, και κεραιωδι
pengarntoi, sj Opbest échouéveny ropeofé or éppúgvuilo meos Jep.co.
And now as to the Difference, that the Wights are not concerned, or mentioned,
as Inſtruments of this preaching of the Laws; beſides what hath been obſerved, the
Reaſon is becauſe the Clergy, as ſuch, have not been the principal Inſtruments that
firſt ſet up this Reformation, but extraordinary Agents. Not to ſay, that the Holy
Ghoſt deſign d to ſhew, who acted their ſeveral Parts. Firſt the Angel, or firſt Re-
formers, his Diſciples or Feet, cry out ; and then they are followed by the Concur-
rence of the Thunders, the Laws of the Supreme Powers, to eſtabliſh their
Preaching.
But further, theſe Thunders are Seven, and they are founded all at once. Theſe
Two Things ſignify to us the utmoſt and perfect Extent of the Proclamation of the
Codicil
, and of the Authority it ſhall obtain in the Church. The Number Seven is
a Number of Perfe&tion in its kind, not of Univerſality without Exception. And fo
it muſt be underſtood according to the Nature of the Thing : For it comprehends
only the Univerſality of that Thing, to which it is upon every Occafion applied, as
perfect within itſelf. And it is employ'd as well in Terms of Duration, as in Terms
of Extent. But with this Difference : If of Duration, then the Numbers are fuc-
ceſſively related in their Order, as in the Caſes of the Seals, Trumpets, and Bowls :
And if of Extent, then they are named all together as coexiſtent, without any Ex-
preſſions of Order
, as in the Caſe of the Seven Stars, or Seven Angels, about whom
no Words, or Numbers implying Order, are obſerv’d. And ſo it is here ; the Thun-
ders are coexiſtent: So that they do not fignify Seven Periods, but the entire Extent,
or Limits, of the Authority of the Codicil, and of the Vi&tory or Prevalency of the
Lion-like Voice of the Angel, the firſt Preacher. Now if theſe Seven Thunders
ſhould be thought to fignify, that the Reformation muſt extend it ſelf all over the
World without Exception, becauſe of the Univerſality which ſeems to be contain'd
in the Number of the Thunders ; then this would bring upon us this Abſurdity:
Namely, that the Extent, or Privilege, of this open Codicil of the Goſpel, would be
greater than that of the Book given to the
Lamb and opened by Jeſus Chriſt him-
felf, and proclaimed by his Apoſtles, whoſe Preaching did indeed introduce Religion
univerſally in the World, but not quite through the whole Univerſe without Excep-
tion. Therefore that the great Book may have ſtill the Preeminence over this little
Book, the Univerſality, or Perfection thereof, is to be comprehended within the Ex-
tent of Seven Thunders, Seven diſtinct Claps of Thunder ; that is, Seven diſtinct
Conſtitutions Ecclefiaftical made by Seven different Supreme Authorities in Church
and State, which ſhall eſtabliſh the Goſpel, or true Worſhip of God, within their
own Power and Dominions, according to the Cry, or Preaching, of the Angel ; and
in Conſequence of the threatning and prevailing Voice which he had uttered. And
by Conſequence, that the Reformation, or Reſtauration of the true Worſhip, and the
Liberty of hearing and practiſing God's Word and Laws, ſhall be eſtabliſhed within
Seven Kingdoms, or States having Supreme Power and Authority: And that this
Reformation and Reſtauration by Law ſhall be ſo well and fully ſettled therein, as to
be the Reigning and Victorious Religion, above all Oppoſition. And this is to be juſt
upon, or ſoon after the Preaching of Martin Luther.
The Event hath exa&tly anſwer'd to this Account in the Viſion ; for from the very
firſt preaching of M. Luther, and his Diſciples, ſome States began to fide therewith;
and within a few Years it hath been ſettled and confirmed by the Supreme Authority
within Seven Sovereign States or Kingdoms. So that the Reformed Worſhip and Do-
Etrine, which he and the reſt of the firſt Reformers preach'd, are now become the
reigning Religion ; or as we now affect to ſpeak , eſtabliſh'd by Law : And its Op-
polers being cruſhed, ſerve under it, in the fame Manner as the Remnants of Paga-
To A makrofono
MY DO Ong
( Tzetzes in Chiliad. de Chofroe.
I
niſm

Chap. X. v. 3.
Tbe Seven Thunders!
469
niſm under the Chriſtian Religion; during the Reigns of the Chriſtian Emperors,
from Conftantine the Great, to the diſmembring of the Empire after the Death of
Theodoſius : During all which Time the Chriſtian Religion was the ruling Religion
in the whole Empire. The Seven Kingdoms which have thus creceived the Refor
mation, and eſtabliſhed it by Law, as the ruling Religion, are thefe. I. The Gen-
man Princes conſtituting all together one Republick. II. The Swiſs Cantons. III. Swe-
den. IV. Denmark with Norway. V. England and Ireland. VI. Scotland. VII. The
United Provinces of the Netherlands. Union makes any of theſe to be but one with
thoſe with whom it is confederated in Government. So the German Princes; all the
Proteſtant Swiſs Cantons, and the Netherlands are Republicks united, each as into
one Nation by their reſpective Unions. And in particular, the Reformation cauſed
the German Proteſtant Princes to unite together by the Union or Treaty at Smalcild,
and in that Reſpect become one ſeparate Republick of Kingdom from the reſt of the
German Empire. So Ireland according to this Account was but part of the King-
dom of England. Scotland was then, and long continued an independenteand feparare
Kingdom. The Reformation was therein eſtabliſhed by Law, whilft fames VI was
only King thereof. An after-Union of the Two Kingdoms of England and Scotland
in his Perſon, nor the later-Union of the ſame, though never fo ftriet, breaks nor chis
Number of Seven, which was ſuch at firſt. The Caſe of Norway with Denmarki iš
partly the ſame as that of Ireland with England. As to the Times wherein they re.
ceived the Reformation or eſtabliſhed it by Law, it was, as I ſaid, within about Forry
Years after Luther's firſt Preaching. For tho' Luther did begin to preach againſt In-
dulgences about the Year 1516 or 1517 ; yet it was ſome Years before any Number
of the German Princes did countenance much his Doctrine. It was about the Year
1532. that they appear'd ſo to do. For then Seven Princes and Twenty Four Cities
had received his Do&trine. The Swiſs Cantons received it much about the fame Times
for Zuinglius was ſlain in Battel A. C. 1531, in Defence of it. Sweden alfo did the
fame about the Year 1533. And ſo did Denmark too: for at an Interview of the
Two Kings of Sweden and Denmark, the former is (t) ſaid to have adviſed therlatter
to it, in order to curb the Popiſh Clergy, who aſſumed then more Power than be
came them. There being no better and more effectual Way to curb their Ambition,
than to encourage the Doctrine of Luther. Edward VI. came to the Crown of Engi
land A. C. 1547. And the Reformation went on apace then, and was eftablifhaiby
Law. Scotland had it ſoon after, and the Netherlands too, being ſuſtain d therein by
the Countenance of Queen Elizabeth. But theſe Marters are fo freſh and well known,
that I need not to inſiſt thereon. Take therefore the Obſervation of a learived Man up
on that Speed ; (u) Quis non miretur incredibilem, qua magnum illud opus prbmbum
eſt velocitatem ; dementata Romæ confilia ; artes adverſantium Principum unit asi erilno
vero Principes illos qui maximè adverſabantur, hujus operis miniftros fatos 3oEcleſias
noftras, veteris more, Suis ex cineribus non ſemel renatas ; fanguinem Protefilántium
remen Ecclefiæ ; exquiſitiorem crudelitatem fe&te illecebram ; ædificatam cum cedereturi
:
ut inſtaurati Chriſtianiſmi, eadem quæ primævi eſſet fortuna. i sd o ai doiroy down
1 °Tis eaſily foreſeen, that ſome Obje&tions will be made againſt this preciſe Num-
ber of Seven Monarchies : And sthat it will be ſaid, there were more that received
the Reformation. Thus fome perhaps will think much, that I have omitted the Re-
formed Church in France ; and think that fufficient to make an Eighth Kingdom.
But let them obſerve, that the Reformation was never eſtabliſhed there as theiruling
Religion, but only tolerated by Law, by Ediêts of Pacification; which left the Gali
can Church in Communion with Rome in the full Poffeffion of all its Rights and
Power. The Laws there were never made ſo, as to oblige the People to embrace the
Reformed Religion by any Penalties or Terrors ; nor encouraged to do it, by any Soir
of Emolument, as they have been in the Proteſtant Nations, wherein the Proteſtants
have all the Power, Ecclefiaftical, Civil, and Military. In Francel the main sof all
theſe was in the Hands of the Romaniſts. The Reformation was never proclaimla
there by a Thunder, or the Divine and Heavenly Voice of Authority to cruſh down
all Oppoſition. The Roaring of the Angels Voice was indeed heard there, but the
Eccho of the Thunder did not anſwer to it. So that it is now well feen, that its was
never duly eſtabliſhed, according to the Intent of the Holy Ghoſt in this Place :
(t) Vid. Puffendorff's Abridg. of Hiſt.
Var. Chriftianæ Doctrinæ Facis. .
(u) Ja. Alphonf. Turretin. Orat. Academ. de
Dddddd
Whoſe

The Seven Tbunders.
470
Chap. X. v. 4.
50
Whofe Deſign in the Symbols fhews it ſelf fufficiently to be, that theſe Seven Thun-
ders upon the Angels crying aloud like a Lion, muft denote a firm and füll Poffeffion
againft all the Oppofition of its Enemies. So that it looks as if now, that the Chri-
Itian Church was entruſted with the Civil Power, and was to be proteeted by Kings
and Queens, as murfing Fathers and nurſing Mothers, God would not have the true
Religion ſettled otherwiſe than by or with the publick Authority and Concurrence of
his Vicegerents upon Earth. That if they fail in this, they may be involved within
the Puniſhments due to the reſt of the Perfecutors.
on There are ſome other fmaller Portions which may be objected, as the City of Ge-
neva, the Principality of Bearn, and that of Orange. But the firft of theſe muſt
be accounted, as it is indeed, Part of the Swiſs Proteſtant Republick. The Princi-
pality of Bearn was ſubject to a Prince of the French Court , and by Conſequence a
Part of that Kingdom, as to Matter of Power over it. The Kings of Navarre and
Princes of Bearn ftiled themſelves befides that, by the Name of firſt Prince of the
Royal Blood of France; of which I have fufficient Records under the Hand and Seal
of Henry IV. King in France before his Accefſion to that Crown. As to (w) Orange,
the French Court hath always claimed a Right over it ; and always had Power
enough to do what they pleafed therein. And beſides that, the Popiſh Religion was
left entire, and in Poffeffion of its Churches and Rights. To make a ſeparate King
dom of that, would be the ſame as making one of the Iſle of Man, becauſe it hath a
peculiar Lord, who hath had ſometimes the Name of King : Or fuppofing the King-
dom or Principality of Yvetot not to be part of the Dominions of France. Such
Fragments as theſe, cannot be thought fufficient to deſerve a particular Reſpect, or to
break the perfe& Number of Seven in the Intention of the Holy Ghoft. The Re-
formed Churches of Bohemia, Sileſia, and Poland, are partly in the ſame Caſe as the
French Churches ; they were only tolerated by Law, but not the reigning Religion
of the Countries eſtabliſhed by Law.
ad And now here I cannot forbear admiring the Divine Providence, and the Fatality,
if I may uſe the Word in this Cafe, as to the Number of theſe Thunders. That, as
thoſe Countries, which the Holy Ghoſt had excluded from this facred Number,
could never receive the Reformation throughly, notwithſtanding the pious Endea-
vours of many, who fealed their Preaching with their Blood, as freely as the Pri-
mitive Martyrs : So thoſe Countries, which the Holy Ghoſt deſigned to include
within this facred Number, and which have accordingly received and fully ſettled the
Reformed Religion ; have retain'd it to this Day, notwithſtanding the prodigious
Efforts of their Enemies to the contrary ; who never ceaſe to plot all imaginable and
wicked Means to deſtroy it. And further, I do declare, that I do not find one ſingle
Hint in all this Prophecy, which ſeems to threaten them with the Removal of God's
Lamp, or the Light of that Goſpel which they have received, from any of them
But that they may continue ftill to ſee the Deſtruction of that pretended Chriftian
Religion, which ſeeks to ſupplant them ; and that, till the glorious State of the
Church, which is to be introduc'd by the Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet. But
as for thoſe pious Men who had already, or do receive and retain the Reformed Reli-
gion in thoſe Countries, which are out of the hearing of theſe Seven Thunders, they
muſt be reckon'd ſtill under the Notion and Rank of thoſe, whom the Holy Ghoſt
hath placed hereafter in a different Condition under other Symbols, to be conſidered
in their proper Places : That is, of the Two Witneffes propheſying, whofe Bodies
lie dead in the Broad-Place of the great City, and of the Woman fled into the Wild
derneſs. in illo o noso lo
en G. Tesi emoties pards, Their Voices.] Why this Addition? It ſeems to me to im-
ply, that thefe Seven Supreme Powers, who publiſhed and embraced the Reforma-
tion by their Thunders, or coercive Laws, made thoſe new Eccleſiaſtical Conftituti-
ons each for its ſelf and diftin&tly. And ſo we find, that all the Reformed States
have only made Ecclefiaftical Conſtitutions, to ſettle the true Worſhip within their
own Dominions. Borisus
sest
en A.Verf. 4. Kal te ékárna ai étte Beaulai, Buenov gedoev, And when the Sever
Thunders had Spoken, I was about to write. It is plain by what follows, that
St. Föhn, being
here as it were a&ting by his own Spirit in this particular, ſeems to
ob (m) Vid. Davila Hift. Lib. II.)
sto si commit
bbbbbc

Chap. X. v. 4.
The Seven Thunders. T
471
commit a Miſtake, for which he heard a Voice immediately that corrected him.
To underſtand the Reaſon of this we muſt obferve, that in the Method of Prophecies
many Things are done which would be unaccountable, were it not that they were
Symbolical. So that we muſt not look upon the Thing it felf fingly, but with re-
gard to the Symbol or Deſign thereof, for which we may then give a very good Ac-
count. I have obſerved before, that St. John's Perſon is here Symbolical, and ſo
therefore muſt all his A&tion therein be, as indeed we find the Actions of the Ancient
Prophets to be fo too. I ſhall now conſider this Matter a little further. This is
no new Principle of mine. Irenæus hath faid long fince : (*) Non enim folo fermone
prophetabant Prophetæ ; fed & vifione, & converſatione , & actibus quos faciebant,
ſecundum id quod fuggerebat Spiritus. --- Et reliquas autem ejuts recapitulationis
Diſpoſitiones, quaſdam quidem per viſiones videbant, quaſdam per verbum annuncia-
bant, quafdam vero per operationem typicè fignificabant, que quidem videnda erant vi-
dentes; quæ verò audienda erant, ſermone præconantes ; quæ verò agenda erant,
operatione perficientes; univerfa vero prophericè annuntiantes.
Thus in 1 Kings 20. 36, 37. one of the Prophers bids a Man to ſmite him; the
Man refuſed. Now this Refuſal was morally good, upon the Suppoſition that it
were not commanded by the Holy Ghoſt, and that the Man knew not but the Pro-
phet might be out of his Wits. But yet it was an ill Refufal, and he was ſeverely
puniſhed for it. And the other Man did well, becauſe that A&tion ſerved to the In-
tention of the Prophet ; whoſe Stroke Symbolically repreſented, that King Achab
ſhould be thus ſmitten : As the Unbelief of the former, followed by his Deſtruction,
repreſented the Unbelief of the King, who therefore ſhould periſh in the ſame Man-
ner
. So Ifaiah, Chap. 20. walked Naked and Barefooted; but this Abſurdity' is ta-
ken away, by confidering it was Symbolical, to repreſent the Captivity of the Egy-
ptians and Ethiopians, upon whom the Iſraelites truſted too much, inſtead of wholly
confiding in God. In Iſaiah 21. 3, 4. where the Prophet ſpeaks in his own Perfon,
the Targum applies it as Symbolical to them : Erravit cor eorum: Tribulatio & con-
turbationes apprehenderunt eos, &c. So in Ezek. 4. the Prophet is commanded to do
feveral Things, which ſeem abſurd, were they not Symbolical. Hear the Words of
Ambr. Ansbertus : (y) Quæ fi ad literam diſcuſſa traétentur, ludicra pro tempore puta-
buntur ; fi vero illis quibus jura funt deputanda myſterijs applicantur, magnarum nobis
rerum inſinuant Sacramenta. And therefore in Ezekiel 12. 3. God explains fuch ab-
furd, but Symbolical A&tions himſelf. But above all, Interpreters are offended, that
Hoſea ſhould marry a Whore by God's Commandment: and think it abſurd to that
Degree, that they deny that he married one; though the Prophet ſaith thereupon, that
he married one, and tells her Name, as of a Woman well known to be ſuch. The
Marriage was literal, but the Intent Symbolical. (2) He really married a Whore z
and God would have the Prophet to bear the Shame among the People : But then this
Shame Symbolically refleted upon the Iſraelites. As for the Shame which accrued
to the Prophet, we might anſwer in the Words of Grotius ; Videri quidem id poterat
ſubturpe : Sed quicquid jubet Deus, idem jubendo honeftum facit. But though Men
ſhould not conſider this, yet God would reward the Prophet otherwiſe for enduring
that Shame : But the Shame was neceffary to make out the Prophetical Symbol. So
that the Targum faith not one Word of it, as being only a Symbol, but taking the
Prophet for a Sign, ſpeaks of that Marriage, and of the Children born out of it,
in the Perſon of the Ifraelites. Voca nomen eorum Defertos: And, Voca nomen
eorum non miſericordiam conſecuti in operibus ſuis. Hof. 1. 4, 6. juſt as before on
Iſaiah. So in Micah 1. 8. Therefore I will Wail and Homel, &c. Targum: Ob id
plangent & ululabunt, ibunt nudi inter fpoliatores, planttum edent more draconum,
Eg lu&um velut filia ſtruthionum. You will ſay, this is only an allegorical Action,
and therefore we need not fuppoſe it actually done : But I anſwer, theſe Prophets
were Preachers to a People whom they muſt affe&t by their A&tions; and therefore
the A&tions muſt be viſible and real. So here in St. John's A&tion, there appears a
Miſtake, but it is a Symbolical one, which will have a real Event like it, as ve ſhall
fee, in thofe Men who are reprefented by him.
& sterli
As I obſerv'd before, when St. John, out of his Zeal for the Glory of God, wept,
when he heard that none was found worthy to open the greater Book of the Goſpel,
bis
YGO
(x) fren. Blib. IV. Cap. 37 . (») Ambru Ansbert. Lib. II. pag. 172. 1 ss to glorio
(2) Vid. Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 37. Tertullian. de Pudicit. Cap. VI,
I
that

472
Tbe Seven Thunders.
Chap. X. p. 4
that this Zeal was Symbolical, and ſignified the earneſt defire of the Apoſtles to
preach the Goſpel, and their Sorrow when they found at any Time, that the Goſpel
had not a free Courſe : And that this further repreſented the great Expectation of all
Nations for the coming of Chriſt. And, as I further obſerved, that this Miſtake, or
Fear, that none ſhould be found worthy to open the Book, occaſion d the uttering
of a Voice, which declared, who ſhould be able to open it : So here the Zeal of
St. John, which makes him ready to write down, what the Voices of the Thunders
had uttered, is Symbolical, and ſhews the earneſt Deſires of the firſt Reformers, and
all other faithful People, who groan'd for a Reformation in the Church, to make a
thorough Work of it, and to pull down all the Enemies of Chrift: But as this Zeal
of St. John brings him to miſtake the true Deſign of the Seven Thunders, which
were not to be extended univerſally, but were limited to that perfect or complear
Number of Seven, and that occaſions a Rebuke upon him, which introduces a true
Explication of thoſe Seven Thunders, and a Prophecy concerning the Time, wherein
what the Thunders faid, will be more univerſally accompliſhed : So all this fignifies,
that the firſt Reformers will be miſtaken in their Zeal, and that their Reformation
will not be the laſt Blow at Popery ; which Blow is to be followed by the Conver-
fion of all Nations, as we ſhall ſee in its proper Place, together with ſeveral other
great concurring Accidents. From the Confideration of all which Particulars thus
laid together, and hereafter to be more fully made out, it appears, that what St. John
miſtakes, ſeems to have been in going to write, as if the Thunders had faid, or im-
plied, what is only the Work of the Seventh Trumpet ; namely, the Perfection of
the Myſtery of God, as he hath declared it to his Servants the Prophets. But hold,
faith the Holy Ghoſt to him, the Seven Thunders do not deſerve, nor can ſet forth
ſo great a Myſtery. The Time ſhall not be as yet, but in the Days of the Seventh
Trumpet.
sodw roqu Zagord of
B. Kad šuxore people in Få seguvē aégro And I heard a Voice from Heaven
ſaying. ] This Voice, which commands St. John to Seal what the Trumpets have
ſaid, and forbids him to write it, though it ſeems to be only of Decorum, is never-
theleſs Symbolical: And as it hinders St. John from thinking, or doing what he was
through Miſtake going about to do : So it denotes what it is that will hinder the
Seven Thunders from perfecting now the Myſtery of God, as St. John had thought
they would. St. John is always the Recipient, that is, the Repreſentative of thoſe
faithful Chriſtians, that are to ſee the Accompliſhment of God's Deſigns, when
they are revealed with a perfect Accompliſhment; that is, juſt thoſe very Chriſtians
alive at the Time of the Accompliſhment of thoſe very Incidents, wherein St. John
is intermix'd in the Prophecy. And fo here it means the Faithful, that ſee the Times
of the Reformation, hearing actually the Voices of the Seven Thunders. A Voice
from Heaven repreſents a Command, or Prohibition, from the Supreme Powers :
And therefore this ſhews, that the Progreſs of the Reformation was to be ſtopp'd
from doing fully, what the Zeal of the firſt Reformers prompted them to, by the
Supreme Powers, or Authority of the Temporal Princes. The Event hath from the
firſt exactly anſwer'd to this. For certainly the firſt Reformers had puſhed their Bu-
fineſs to the End, had they not been hindred by the Oppoſition of thoſe ſeveral
Princes and States which were not of the Number of the Seven Thunders. Charles
the Vth, Emperor of Germany, muſt be accounted the chief. Oppoſer, and the main
Author of this Voice. Being Young and Ambitious, he thought that the Diviſion
of the German Princes, and the Pretence of Religion, would give him a fair Oppor-
tunity to make himſelf abſolute in Germany. This mov'd him to get the Pope on
his ſide, and to ſet up for a mighty Defender of his Religion. He, and his Son
Philip, ſettled the Inquiſition in all or moſt of their Dominions : And this hath ſo
rooted Popery, that all human Means to bring a Reformation into thoſe Countries
ſeem impoffible. In thoſe ſeveral Countries where the Reformation had got Footing,
as in France, Poland, and the Hereditary Countries of the Emperor, the Supreme
Powers therein have in a manner quite deſtroy'd it. So that the Myſtery of God can-
not be perfected by theſe Seven Thunders, but by the founding of the Seventh
Trumpet.
There may be another way to ſolve this Voice from Heaven, by ſaying, that the
Prohibition may come from Authority, and be more nearly directed by God, after
this Manner : Namely, that God will excite the Authority of Temporal Princes to
oppoſe, or at leaſt will ſuffer them to oppoſe the further Progrefs of the Reforma-
tion

Ch. X. v. 4.
473
The Seven Thunders.
tion, becauſe he would not have the glorious State of the Church to ariſe from
thoſe Thunders: That is, becauſe he will make his Judgments upon his Enemies
more glorious and ſplendid, than thoſe of the Eſtabliſhment of the Reformation,
whoſe Beginnings were not ſo, but owing to ſuch Things as are not fit to be the
Foundation of ſo glorious a State, as the future State of the Church is to be. And
therefore, though he hath approved, and bleſſed in fome Meaſure this Reformation,
yet he hath check'd it, and made it deficient to thoſe great Deſigns he hath in View,
and to be perform’d by different Means. Theſe Two ways of Interpretation are not
fo contrary, but that they may, and do really confiſt together , and may be both ap-
plied to theſe Words.
481 vow to
C. Epeguam à freanga disa e Beguiled, vej, tad te zgé Jets, Seal up thoſe Things
which the Seven Thunders have uttered, and afterwards write them. Moſt other
Copies read, xj pen taüto agánfys, and write them not, or rather áuld, which is better.
And fo Origen ſeems to have written them in thoſe Words cited by Euſebius out of
him. (a) égcenfe ö By Tlu 'A ronc audio, vendades 007 ñ ou sej uch gesentere res gestes 67 0'
Besvlov peaves. This Reading therefore being ſo old, and authorized ſo well, ſeems
the beſt ; and ſo we Thall begin with it, and conſider the other afterwards. Theſe
Words have puzzled all the Interpreters. Ambr. Ansbertus : Ego certè juxta confo-
nantia Scripturarum teftimonia, quid aliud in his intelligere deberem, non inveni ; fed
nec illi qui ante me ifta tra&taverunt. All before him have paſs’d by them, and ſo
have others fince, or faid nothing to the Purpoſe, ſaving the Anonymous Author of
the Annotations mentioned before, who hath indeed ſeen the Import of the Expreſ-
fions, but without coming to an explicit Application of them to the Caſe in Hand.
But if we remember what hath been obſerv'd already, about Sealing and Writing, we
cannot be at a Stand.
To Seal, is to ſtop the Effect of any Deſign. To Write is to Publiſh, and fo bring
to Effect. However, I ſhall here add a few Obſervations about Sealing. The Pro-
phet Iſaiah, 29. 11. compares the State of the diſperſed Fews, wherein they cannot
follow the Commandments of their Law, to a Book Sealed. In the ſame Manner,
Chap. 8. 16. he faith, Bind up the Teſtimonies, Seal the Law among my Diſciples.
Ambr. Ansbertus faith likewiſe : Ideò igitur aliquid nos fub Sigillo claudimus, ut con-
gruo illud tempore pandamus : Nec cunétis
, sed quibus nos credere debere pro certo
Scimus. Quod autem palam fcribimus, ad cun&torum notitiam deducimus. To which I
ſhall add this Inſtance out of modern Cuſtoms. Thus the (b) Spaniards, when they
receive ſome of the Pope's Bulls , if they like them, they are Regiſtred and Pub-
that is, executed accordingly. But if they do not like them, they are ſet
by, being firſt lapped up; and no more is ſaid about them. This they call Plegar
la Bulla, to fold up, or Seal up the Bull ; that is, ſtop or hinder the Execution of it,
as being contrary to their Cuſtoms, or Rights. So the Arabians call the (c) Alcoran
the Seal of God's Promiſes, and Mahomet the Seal of the Prophets, becauſe the laſt;
after whom no more are to follow. 1 As to Writing ſignifying
Publiſhing, beſides the
Words of Ansbertus already cited, this only ſhall be added out of the Poet Martial,
who faith, that an Author not Read, is one that hath not written. For that is the
Intent of Writing, and without it Writing is uſeleſs. q lsof je lliw bod DonA cida
Ulstvoji mo at gongitqol bus toisil nitsbilnoo javnoj Best of
-9101. gimusii(d) Verſiculos in me narratur feribere Cinna, visbito na tisdt 951
To vishlyM or di Non Scribit, cujus carmina nemo legit, logo aos no 10 ggbelwona
918 ved bro hobe odl vodi ibu basi bolaliaa ed ilsdh bop
From this it appears, that if we take theſe Words according ſtol the Tenor of the
firſt Interpretation in the former Note, this is no more but the Command, or elfe
ſtrong and effe&tual Endeavours of the Temporal Powers, to ſtop the Progreſs of the
Reformation, as foon as the other Powers have uttered their Thunders, that their
Voices be not heard any mores that is, that the Reformation may proceed norfur-
ther. But if we add to this the Divine Authority, which is not to be excluded,
then the Thunders are here Sealed for the ſame Reaſon as the Law is Sealed in the
Prophet Iſaiah ; becauſe God foreſeeing that the Seven Thunders are far below the
Dignity of the State into which the Church is to be brought at the Seventh Trum-
If 012 abadeb 100
dib
barrots YLOVST36913 ol diw building for
(4) Euſeb. Hift
. Eccl. Lib. VI. Cap.25., (b) Simon, Lettres choifies 1 silt tad (c) Herbelor
Tic. Abou Maaſchar. (d) Martial. Lib. III. Epigr. 9. ostow Wollsdoes its
osd
Ееееее
pet :
liſhed;
30

474
The Angels Oath.
Ch. X. v. 5.
per: If the Seven Thunders had not been ſtopp d, the glorious State of the Church
had been owing for its Riſe to ſuch human and inferior Means, as are inconſiſtent
with God's Deſign, to fhew the Greatneſs of his Glory in that State, above every
Thing that hath yet happened. Now the Event hath been ſuitable to theſe Mea-
fures. For, befides the ſtop which the Temporal Powers have put to the Reforma-
tion, the viſible decay of Piety, which ſhined in thoſe firft Reformers; and their
Self denial, which drew Men to hear their Doctrine, having now brought the Re-
formed Church, if not to be even with their Enemies in Wickedneſs, yet far below
what it ought to have been for carrying on fo glorious a Work ; beſides the unwor-
thy Mixture of worldly Intereſt brought into their Affairs and Conſultations, even
from the beginning of the Reformation. Now all this, befides other ſecret Cauſes,
hath induced God to order theſe Thunders, and their Voices, to be ſealed up, that
they ſhould proceed no further, nor be accounted of as neceffary Parts of the glorious
State of the Church, which is to be effected by better Means.
As to the other Reading, And afterwards thou ſhalt Write ; it may be underſtood
thus, Do not write them now, but afterwards thou ſhalt write them. That is, the
Reformation ſhall proceed no further than theſe Seven Thunders, but afterwards it
will be unſealed at the Seventh Trumpet, which enlarging the Church, ſhall then
ſwallow up theſe Seven Voices of Thunder, and conclude them all in the Perfection
of the Myſtery of God. If hitherto then the Reformation proceeds no further, yet
it ſhall be received into the glorious State of the Church, which ſhall comprehend
the whole Body thereof as Brethren, who were aiming imperfe&tly at that which the
other hath gotten. Of mer's
A. Verf. 5. Kai o bazeno, op diely za tee os Sen cé vej 392 as try this, And the
Angel, which I ſaw ſtanding upon the Sea, and upon the Earth.] What need is there,
that this Angel ſhould be dire&ted to ſwear that which the Holy Ghoſt is going to
declare, when the Seventh Angel ſounds his Trumpet ? There is fuch a kind of Oath
mentioned in Dan. 12? 7. The Prophet, as appears from the Tenth Chapter, ſeem-
ing to be impatients for at leaſt very deſirous, to know exactly the Time when the
happy Deliverance ſhould happen, which God promiſed to his People, the Angel
that had appear’d to him, lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and declared the length of
the Time, confirming it by an Oath. Here St. John ſeems to have been as impa-
tient, and this Angel, to take him out of his Trouble, at the fame Time as he is diſ-
appointed of his great Expectation of the Seven Thunders by Sealing of them, and
being forbidden to publiſh them any more, comforts him, and tells him, that ſince
the Time is not yet come, it is not however very far, but will happen when the Se-
venth Angel ſhall have founded his Trumpet. obo
Now as St. John is here a Type of the Zeal and Miſtake of the Members of the
Reformation, when they expected that it ſhould make a thorough Work, and perfet
the Myſtery of God: $o this Oath (worn by the Angel, which is the Inſtrument and
Repreſentative of Chriſt in the Work of the Reformation, is alſo Symbolical, and
his declaring that the Time is not yer come, and that it will be ſhortly, and when,
thews, that by the Authors of the Reformation, which are under the Dire&tion of
this Angel, God will at leaſt permit, that ſince they could nor do the work of God
to Perfection, yet conſidering their Zeal and Impatience ariſing from it, they ſhall
ſee their Error quickly, but with ſuch an Advantage, as to have likewiſe a Fore-
knowledge of the approaching of thoſe glorious Times, wherein the Myſtery of
God ſhall be perfekted; and that they ſhall underſtand that they are between the
Sixth and Severith Trumpet, and within, or father near the Approaches of thoſe
happy Times , which will be a very great Comfort to them, and fill their Souls
withoJoyas This Sacred Book of the Revelation thath been ſealed up for mahy-Ages,
and dialappear to 1 Chriſtians, who did earneſtly with for the Kingdom of God, as
an unfathomable Myſterys. But now ſince the Reformation, God hath opened the
Eyes of Men, ando teti them ſee ſo much into it, as to conje&ture, and ground very
good hopes for the glorious Approaches of the happy State of the Church. Now
it is, that God hath ſecretly and inviſibly poured out ſome Graces of his Spirit upon
fome! Men, vphatrlthëy have perceived ſome of the Principles whereupon this Sacred
Book depends, as to its Expoſition: Whereas formerly the reſt of Chriſtians were
1100 entruſted with ſo great a Favour. The Reformed Divines have now at laſt diſ-
covered, that the Enemies of Chriſt are upon the brink of Ruin, and juſt at their
laft Cataſtrophe. Now we ſee by the Benefit of the Diſcoveries of thoſe Reformers,
299
99999
that
r

Ch. X. v. 6. The Angel's Oath.
475
hat the Events belonging to the Sixth Trumpet, which run on during our Reforma-
tion, are not as yet what all the Chriſtians expect; but the immediarely preceding
Events of that Seventh Trumpet, which will perfect the Myſtery of God ſo long
expected.
B. "He this being dutie the fabricar eis * {eg.vov, Lifted his Right Hand up to Hea-
venj This is the ancient (e) Rite of Swearing, as may be ſeen in Geneſ
. 14. 22.
Exod. 6. 8. Num. 14. 30. Deut. 32. 40. Ezekiel 20. 5, 6. And in Dan. 12. 7.
the Angel lifts up both his Hands upon the fame, or like Account; and for Marters,
which as it may be eafily proved will concur. By which it ſeems as if the Holy
Ghoſt deſigning by this Symbol to unite theſe Two Prophecies, as by a common
Bond ; as it is certain, that in the following Oath, Daniel received a Hint of the
Times, and of their Length, which Length of Time elaps'd ſince that of Daniel,
would make us think, that we now ſee very near the Things themſelves, which for-
merly were only expected at a Diſtance. So then by this it is plain, that the Refor-
mation came in with Two great Advantages ; the one concerning the full Liberty of
God's true Worſhip, or the full Exerciſe of our Faith: The other with a more cer-
tain Proſpect of Things to come, a more fure Ground and nearer Proſpect of our
Hope. The firſt is the holding of the Codicil of the Goſpel open in his Hand,
whereby we have the Benefit of having the Goſpel preach'd, which ſeems, by the
Silence about it, ſince the opening of the Seventh Seal, to have been a Book clofed
and laid afide : As indeed the Holy Scriptures were literally for many Ages to the
greateſt Part of the Chriſtians ; and thoſe, who might have liad thereby the Key of
Knowledge, neither made uſe of it themſelves, nor yet ſuffer'd others to do it, till
the Reformation opened the Book, and reſtored in forae Meaſure that Liberty to a
good Part of Chriſtendom, who have thereby return’d to the true Service of Jeſus
Chriſt, having forſaken their Idols and Immoralities to obey the Goſpel. On the
other Hand, the ſecond Advantage which this Angel hath, and by its being exprefly
faid to be in his Right Hand, ſeems far preferable as an advantagious Addition, is the
certain Hope and near Proſpect of the glorious State of the Church, as at Hand, and
within their knowledge. The Certainty of which Hope is the ſtrongeſt Anchor of
our Souls, and introduces us within the Veil of God's greateſt Myſtery, Hebreios 6.
18, 19. So that I take this to be a greater Advantage than the having of the Gc-
ſpel publick, this being an Addition, which ſo few, even of the holieſt Men, have
been favoured with the like, but none in this Manner. For we are juſt now
upon
Sight of our Hopese Wherefore, as our Saviour argues, Matth. 13. 16, 17. That his
Diſciples were happy, becauſe they ſaw and heard thoſe Things, which the Prophets
and juſt Men of old deſired to fee and hear, and could not: So is this Proſpect of the
Proximity of Chriſt's new Kingdom, which we fee juſt before us, an Happineſs which
was granted to none, or at leaſt to very few ; and that only as through a Glaſs. So
that though our Faith, and other ſuch Advantages, be leſs than thoſe of the Primi-
tive Chriftians and Prophets ; yet in this we excel them, that we have a more diftinet
Knowledge of the Times and Seaſons, which God had before reſerv'd in his own
Hand, but now imparts to us as approaching for fo it is true of the Reformed
Churches in general, which are prepared to ſee that great and folemn Revolution of
the Seventh Trumpet.
But here it may be asked, How comes this Angel of the Reformation to be em
ploy'd in this Oath, and perform it by holding up his Right Hand to Heaven ? Could
not any other Inſtrument be employ'd therein ? I anſwer, that the Reformers were
not only to make this known as certain, but that they were to be convinced thereof,
as a Matter which was partly in their power to a&t : That being ſignified by his Right
Hand. And indeed we ſhall find hereafter, that the Reformed Churches are prepared
as the firſt Inſtruments of thoſe great Revolutions, which are to be uſhered in by the
Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet , of which in their due Places. For to this End,
as it is ſaid in the next Chapter, they are to take poſſeſſion of the Temple of God,
which is afterwards to be opened at the Seventh Trumpet.
A. Verf. 6. Kai muodev a to come dis Tès croyes Les lavov, And ſware by him that
tiveth for ever and ever. ] When God promiſed the Land of Canaan to Abraham and his
Poſterity, which was to be the Reſt of the Iſraelites, it was look'd upon as ſo great
00 Stof90
00:
(e) Vid. J. Doughteij Annal. Sacr. Part. I. Excurſ. IX. & Homer, Iliad.
FY. 272,
&c.
sailio
a Con-

476
Ch. X. v. 6.
The Angels Oath.
as yet to be seen
a Concern, that God confirm'd it by an Oath ; and becauſe he could ſwear by none
greater, he fware by, himſelf, Hebr. 6. 13. binding himſelf thus to Performance, in
order to ſhew the Immutability of his Deſign in that Particular. See Philo's Allegor.
Lib. II. pag. 66, 67. And St. Auſtin having obſerved, that at firſt God had made
ſeveral Promiſes to Abraham, when he had made that admirable Trial of his Faith in
offering freely his Son Iſaac, he then firſt confirmed his Promiſes by an Oath; and
then adds, (f) Sæpe enim promiſerat, ſed nunquam juraverat. Quid autem eji Dei
veri
, veraciſque juratio, niſi promiſſi
' confirmatio, & infidelium quædam increpatio?
This is applicable to our Cafe. When this Angel is delegated to ſhew us our En-
trance into the heavenly Canaan, which is to be performed at the Sounding of the
Seventh Trumpet ; this being a Mattes of great Concern to us ; and the Reformed
Chriſtians being ſuch, as execute now the laſt A&t of their Faith , by propheſying
ſtill towards the End of the Antichriſtian State againſt the Corruptions of it, as we
ſhall fee ; all this
deſerved, that the former Promiſes of the happy State of the fu-
ture Canaan ſhould be confirm'd to us in like Manner. Or elſe we ſee not why an
Oath ſhould be ſo ſolemnly employed in this Caſe, which the Holy Ghoſt might
have affirmed to us without ſuch an Oath ; bur that the Holy Ghoſt alluding
to that Diſpenſation of God about the Promiſe made to Abraham, hath uſed the ſame
Solemnities, to ſhew the Conformity of this to that, and that this deſerved to be as
ſolemnly confirmed.
But then, if that Oath of God to Abraham be as yet to be accompliſhed, at leaſt
in Part, as to the Perſon of Abraham ; becauſe he never did enjoy the Terreſtrial Ca-
naan, but was always as a Pilgrim therein, as the other Patriarchs likewiſe confeſſed :
And that, as St. Paul argues from thence , Hebr. 11. 13, 16. they deſire a better :
Then to be ſure, fince the Myſtery of God, ſpoken of in this Oath, contains the Pof-
ſeffion of that which was promiſed to the Prophets, and is the heavenly Canaan, or
the new Jeruſalem, as we ſhall find it afterwards ; this Oath being repeated here, is
to let us know, that God confirms it here again ; that it concerns the fame Matter;
and which is more, becauſe this is the Angel repreſentative of the Reformation, the
Repetition of this Oath by him here, gives us to underſtand , that we our ſelyes ſhall
be aſſured thereof by new Diſcoveries, and ſee it near us : As if we were ſo ſure there-
of, that we may atteft it upon Oath. And now are not theſe great Advantages to
us? Doth not this make us high Amends for the Sealing of the Voices of the Seven
Thunders, and abridging their Force? Though we are ſtraightned, yet others, who
have been more at large, would have been glad to ſee our Days. . This Oath is there-
fore an Act of Divine Condeſcenfion to our Impatience.
B. 'Ev Ted (worri, By him that liveth.) Oaths are conceiv'd ſeveral Ways. This
here alluding in ſome Meaſure to the Oath ſworn to Abraham ; that Oath was, By my
my ſelf have I ſworn, ſaith the Lord, Genef. 22. 16. In Ezekiel Oaths are frequently
conceived thus, As I live, Jaith the Lord. This here is the ſame in Senſe, being
conceived by another, who ſwears, as the Lord liveth, which is the ſame as , by the
living God. Now as living fignifies a full Power to act ; the very Oath , by the living
God, implies, that he is able to perform that which he hath employ'd this Angel to
foretell. See our Nore on Chap. 1. 18. A.
C. "Os ¢x7209 spavor wij mei év 'asro, y thu glen i tri ev a'rn, xjd Thu Jernet are ry Tail
év ávrñ, Who created Heaven, and the Things that are therein ; And the Earih, and
the Things that are theréin ; And the Sea, and the Things that are therein.] The
Oath of this Angel being concerning the Approaches of the Myſtery of God, which
is elſewhere ſet forth by the Production of new Heavens and new Earth, he gives
in his Oath theſe Attributes to God, which ſufficiently demonſtrate his Power to
effect it. For if God have created the old World out of nothing, then to be ſure he
is able, according to his Promiſe, to renew this World into that Form, which will
beſt pleaſe him. Theſe Things are to be obſerved, that we may find how the Re-
forming Angel implies, that having thrown off the Worſhip of Demons, dead Men,
and Idols, which before corrupted the Church, he owns now only the Living God,
Creator of the World, and truſts that he, who hath created it at firſt, is alſo able to
renew it: Which muſt be done hereafter. Thus we ſee how the Holy Ghoſt adapts one
Thing to another, and ſtudiouſly matches them ſo well together, that they always ap-
pear to be laid together with admirable Wiſdom. I need not to obſerve, that ac-
(f) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap. 32.
cording

Chap. X. V. 7 The Angel's Oath.
477
gel ſounds.
dubious asoro sie en éçu, That the Time ſhall not be as yet. But the Greek is more
cording to the Stile of the Holy Writings the Enumeration of the Parts, Heaven,
Earth, and Sea, fignifies the whole World.
-D.07
ftill, for both the Word geóvo Time, and the Particle én , have other
Significations, which ſuit this Place very well. The Particle én fignifies Two Things ;
either more with a Negative, or elfe as yet. In both theſe Senfes it is taken in this
Book. In the firſt Senſe, Chap. 7. 16, å hevedosav én, they ſhall hunger no more : In
the Second, Chap. 6. 11. ive &V & Teco Toy D En ze óvou querpòr, that they may reſt as yet a little
while : In which Place both the Words én and nóv@ have a peculiar Reſpect to this
Place. Becauſe that concerns exactly the ſame Times; and for the like Reaſons. For
as thoſe Souls are impatient that their Blood be reveng'd ; ſo here the Reformed
Chriſtians are impatient to ſee the End of the Time : But it is ſaid now to theſe,
Play yet a little Time, the Time ſhall not be yet ; but by and by, when rhe Seventh An-
елта
xes va ſignifies Two very different Things; length of Time, or Delay, and Op-
portunity. Moſt Interpreters and Verſions underſtand it here of the firſt, as if it did
fignify, there ſhall be no length of Time ; or, there ſhall be no Delay: But in my Opi-
nion it is as proper, if not more, to ſay it is taken in the laſt Senſe, to fignify Occa-
fion or Opportunity. And whereas this xóvo, as it appears by the Disjun&tive Par-
ticle ama, which is not yet, muſt happen within Seventh Trumpet
to the Sixth ; and as we ſhall fee, that the Seventh Trumpet will introduce the Perfe-
etion of the Myſtery of God promiſed to the Prophets, which in other Places is
called the Reftitution of all Things, or the glorious State of the Church; fo I find,
that the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaking of that ſame Time, or Occaſion, calls it, or ſpeaks of
it thus, A&. 3. 2.1. å789. gsover astorale.sed cams ; and A&. 7. 17. • zgóvő sezayjení as,
and the of however,
it in the firſt Senſe to ſignify Delay, or Length of Time, the Meaning will be as if
the Angel had ſaid
, “ Havé Patience, for the Time which you have miſtaken to be this
,
« will not be long a coming. But if in the ſecond Senſe, then as if he had ſaid ,
Have Patience, for the Time will not be as yet, but when the Seventh Angel Sounds
« bis Trumpet, which juſt followeth this. So that in the main, the Senſe comes to the
fame at lait. And truly, both Ways, tho' the firſt be the obſcurer , are ſo proper
and congruous to the Expreſfion of the Angel, that it is no Matter to determine,
which is the better.
. όν ταίς ημέραις της φωνής τα εβδομα αγγέλε, όταν μέλλη σαλπίζειν,
But in the Days of the Voice of the Seventh Angel, when he ſhall ſound the Trumpet.
The former part of this Expreſſion muſt ſerve to expreſs the latter, which ſeems odă
enough. For it fignifies literally, when he ſhall be going about to found the Trumpet :
Whereby the Holy Ghoſt ſhould ſeem to ſay, that the Myſtery of God ſhall be per-
feeted juſt before, or upon the Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet ; whereas it is plain,
that the Angel's Sounding is antecedent to that Perfe&tion. So that the Holy Ghoſt
ſeems to ſpeak contrary to the whole Tenor of the Deſign: It being plain, that the
Meaning is to exclude all the Period of Time lapfing between the Sixth and Seventh
Trumpets, from having any Share in the Perfe&tion of that Myſtery : And this is
as plain as may be, from Revel. 11.15. that the Sounding of the Seventh Angel
Ihafl give Warning of the very beginning of that great Revolution. To explain
this, obſerve, that the Subjunctive Mood hath no Future in the Greek Tongue ; and
for that Reaſon the Aoriſtus is us’d, or elſe a Circumlocution by the Word vérre as
here, which implies always the Time to come. So then this örev uérrn cuathlev is
uſed inſtead of a Future in the Subjunctive Mood; as indeed every Tenſe of that
Mood partakes both of the future and paſt Time. So that it may be tranſlated here
thus, when he shall have founded the Trumpet. See G. 7. Voffius de Analog. Lib.
III. cap. 15. By this then the Reformed Chriſtians, who expe&ted to ſee the Pera
fe&tion of God's Myſtery to be perform’d at firſt
, muſt ſtay a while : For God de-
ſigning to purge his Church, and then call in the Gentiles , and reward the Saints
,
doth not deſign to do it ſo ſoon : But however now gives notice when he will.
B. Tened to pusheror på fes, The Myſtery of God Mall be finiſh d.] The Conjun-
ative x, and, which is in many Copies, ſeems neceſſary for the Conſtru&tion. The
Word Tengañ, ſhall be finiſh d, is not to be taken abſolutely of that which puts an
End, but brings to Perfe£tion ; to imply, that by the Sounding of the Seventh Trum-
pet the Myſtery of God ſhall be brought to its Perfection or Accompliſhment. Of
Ffffff
which

478
Chap. X. v.7.
The Angel's Oath.
JO
(b)
which Signification more in the next Chapter. Myſtery is properly Counſel or ſecret
Deſign. God is in a peculiar Manner, the Counſellor, Mnrétus. And in Iſaiah 9.6.
Christ is the Counſellor of God, the Angel, or Executor of the great Counſel,
be:
cauſe he reveals and executes the great Counſels of God.
To underſtand the Meaning of this Myſtery of Counſel, we muſt obſerve, that all
God's Aéts towards Man, from the very Deſign of his Creation to his eternal Hap-
pineſs, are repreſented in Holy Writ as Acts or Decrees, Alugu có palce, which God has
concluded as in his fupreme Court
. God ſhewing thereby, that he has ſo much Love
and Reſpe&t for Man, that he does not act towards him pro imperio, arbitrarily, but
with the Solemnity of a Deliberation with his wife Counſellor, the Word of God.
This, in fome Meaſure has been illuſtrated in the Note upon Chap. 19. 8. B. Which
being well obſerv'd, gives us a proper Account of the Origin of the Word, and the
true Reaſon of its being uſed to ſignify God's Behaviour towards Man; and by that
means how the eternal Happineſs of Man, which is the Reſult of all God's Decrees
of Counfels towards Man, comes to be called the Perfection of i his Myſtery. The
Heathens had the ſame Notion. When Homer ſays ..o . Oh so
Alòs do & Eacieto Branle aids asienyban viime vuqca
VA].01 to 1300 mors
-21.9 svih
Do
He ſhews us both the Notion and the Expreſſion now before us. As alſo when elle-
where he deſcribes
. Fupiter conſulting with the reft of the Gods, alla
ortalans to more
Je voit to egin to Boiro ballen
"OTOS Eczy Te so poco martie 20 g h cocon
DH
zo secto
tots
So the Tuſcans ſuppoſed, that Fupiter conſulted the Gods, ſometimes the Twelve,
and ſometimes all the Superior , when he ſent (©) Thunders and Lightnings. Hence
is the Name of Dij Conſentes in the Roman Authors: who are therefore called (d)
College Jovis in Martianus Capella. Among ſeveral Paſſages in that Author rela-
ting to this Notion, the following Words are very remarkable : (e) Auguſtius quoque
fieri foviale Decretum cum cætu Deorum atteſtante depromitur ; ipfamque nupturam
Deo convenire non poße, niſi Superi ſenatus conſulto mortalis efſe defineret. On this
latter Notion is grounded the Apocolocyntoſis of Seneca. And indeed, if we conſider
it right, this is the very Tenor of the Divine Myſtery now to be perfected : Namely,
the raiſing and admitting of Man to the Union and Participation of the Divine Glo-
ту and Immortality, For the effecting of which, God is to keep his moſt folemn
Supreme Court of Judgment.
Now the Deſigns of God do not end, or are made perfe&t towards Man in this
Life : And therefore it muſt be done in the next ; and that is in the Refurre&tion.
For all the Promiſes of God, whether made to the ancient Patriarchs and Prophets,
or to the Chriſtian Church, tend to that
: It being plain, that the Reſurrection is pro-
miſed by God, and that it is the laſt Thing : All other Promiſes being imperfe&t,
but what tend to that ultimate End of Religion, and great Myſtery, or Deſign of God.
And therefore the Reſurrection of the Patriarchs and Prophets is their Perfection ; for
till that they cannot be made perfeit, Hebr. 11. 39, 40. And fo this Refurreétion
being the Perfection of God's Counſel
, as being promiſed to thoſe Patriarchs and Pro-
phets, and thoſe to whom God hath promiſed it through them, muſt come upon the
Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet : But how long after, for that is not the only In-
cident thereof, there being ſeveral others previous to it, is not mentioned here, but
ſhall be diſcuſſed in the proper Places where we may have greater Light to ſhew it,than
we receive here from this ſlender Hint : And that is not only done in general in the
next, but very particularly in the laſt Chapters. But of this Myſtery more by and by
in the next.
C. "o Bingenioato ods Sánus avis Tds meoonrus , As he hath declared to his Servants
the Prophets. ] The Verb dingenioalo here becomes a Tranſitive, as the Grammarians
ſpeak, governing the Caſe of the Perſons to whom the good News is brought , as
if the Action pait into them. This is an Hebraiſm; for the Word 200 denoting
(a) Homer. Iliad. A v. 5. Vid. Iliad. B. v. 5.
(c) Senec. Nar. Quæft. Lib. II. cap. 41.
(e) Mart. Cap. Satyr. Lib. I. ibid.
(b) Homer. Iliad. T. v. 14.
(d) Mart. Cap. Satyr. Lib. I. pag. 152
& Laga

Chap. X. v. 8. do
4794
The Angel's Oath. adl
Heppenico, governs an Accuſative of the Perſon, as in 2 Sam. 18. 19. 7999718
190R1, in the LXX, bezedico Ted BLARE. Thus in Matth. 1. so we read
co god diet yenilor). So thåt this Word here ſeems to have the fame Signification as
the Hebrew Conjugation Pibel, in which the Verbs become A&tive or Trànſitive,
though their firſt Signification were Neuter
. See Gouſſet's Comment. Rad." 937, and
Buxtorf's Theſ. Grammat. Lib. I. Cap. 15. Other Copyiſts being offended with this
Conſtruction, have made it, as they thought, better Greek, by changing the Accu-
Sative into a Dative, but not a better Reading, eſpecially in St. John, who is full of
Hebraiſms, and ſpeaks in the ſame Manner in Rev. 14. 6. dia penisul to's
CO 21 Guicios sood
καλοικο ιωας. διά
But to come to the Senſe. This is ſuitable to the general Obſervation of Amos
3.7. Surely, the Lord God will do nothing, but he revealeth his Secret unto bis Ser-
vants the Prophets. So that it follows naturally here, that fince God declares his
Myſtery ſhall be perfected, that it ſhould be according to what he hath revealed to
his Servants the Prophets. Now theſe Words are very conſiderable. For all the
Promiſes which God hath made to the Patriarchs from the beginning of the World,
being to be myſtically explain'd, as St. Paul demonſtrates in his Epiſtle to the
Hebrews ; that is, to have their full Accompliſhment in a spiritual Mamer at the
Refurrection : All the Prophecies which occur in the Prophets concerning a future
glorious State of the Iſraelites, which hitherto have not been accompliſhed, muſt
concenter all of them into this
, to perfe& the Myſtery of God. And therefore all
thoſe Promiſes and Prophecies made to the Patriarchs, and ſet forth in the Pro-
phets, muſt be accompliſhed at the Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet. For at the
Reſurrection in his Kingdom, all are to meet, as Chriſt himſelf hath declared, Lukels
13. 28. So that this Trumpet fixes their Accompliſhment; and by this we know,
that this Kingdom is very near.
101 ani act world of Sociarsti! 915
But yet after all, this is not ſo concluſive, but that the Words may have a more
peculiar Meaning is this Place. For theſe Prophets may only denote thoſe of the
Chriſtian Oeconomy, which in other Terms are called Martyrs. For in the Stile of
this Book, Prophecy and Martyrdom are Synonymous. See our Notes upon Chap.
11. 3. B. and Chap. 19. 10. D. And it is true, that Chrifk hath actually promiſed
them this ſpeedy Return for their Sufferings; and that they are to have a Preference
tó be accompliſhed about this Time, their Numbers being near compleated, Chap.
6. 11. - The Time of the Promiſe to all other Saints is not yet come: But is to be
after the Millennium. However, this doth not exclude the Promiſes made to the
old Prophets and Patriarchs, who are to be perfected together with the Chriſtian
Prophets. See Ignatius his Epiſtle to the Philadelphians. For that they were favedt
by their Faith and Hope of the Meſſias, is both what this Author hath affirmed, and
the whole Tenor of the Goſpels and Apoſtolick Writings do teſtify! That Salva-
tion being wholly obtain'd for us all by Chriſt. Op moodi gth 90 donw 20
A. Vert 8. Kel ja perund tie ireoza in tempo perve, ráder hierdita uera en my abyse,
And the Voice which I heard from Heaven, was speaking to me again, and ſaying: ]
St. Fohn here again acts the Part of a Prophet ; that is, bears a Symbolical Character
of thoſe faithful Chriſtians, who are then in the World, whilft this part of the Pro-
phecy is to be tranſacted. This hath been ſufficiently ſhewn before. This Voice here
thews us ſome further Events of the Reformation. But becauſe the preſent Matters
hath ſuch a Connexion in all the Parts thereof, that one cannot well ſeparate them,
it is proper here to give a general Notion of them, which afterwards ſhall be fur-
ther explain'd in all the Particulars. Now in all this Matter of the fwallowing of
the little Book by St. Fohn, according to the Command of this Voice, there are
thefe main Parts. Firſt, the Command of the Voice from Heaven to eat up the
Codicil : Secondly, the Readineſs of St. Fohn to perform it: Thirdly, the warning of
the Angel about the Effects thereof: Fourthly, the Effects: And laſtly, the Conſe-
quences. That is, as I take the Signification of them to be, this implies and ſhews
to us; Firſt, the Preſervation, or Continuance of the Reformation : The Readineſs of
the Reformed Proteſtants to do it: The Warning given by the firſt Reformer , thar
they muſt ſuffer for that Cauſe: The Readineſs of the Proteſtants to undergo all
Things : And laſtly, their great Work and Conſequences, conſiſting in the main-
taining of the true Religion againſt all idolatrous Powers. This whole Symbolical
Action is very much like that mentioned in Ezek. 2. 9. and Chap. 3. 1, 2, 3. where
we meet with moſt of theſe Symbols. But however, we ſhall give an exact Refo-
lution
4

480
The Angel's Oath. 1 Chap. X. v. 8, 910
receive it. On
en Generation muſt needs carry it off ;
that the Faithful, who received the K
is brins, Which ſtood upon the Sea, and upon
lution of all the Parts, beginning with this Voice A Voice from Heaven is the
Command of the Supreme Powers. And as we have obſerv'd, that Words fignify
A&tions and Endeavours ; fo this ſhews the Endeavours of the Chriſtian Reformed
Princes to ſettle and maintain the Reformation to their Pofterity, and the Laws
which they made for that Purpoſe. They were not content to receive it at firſt, but
do all their Endeavours to have the Angel of the Reformation to tranſmit it
to others in future Ages, in whoſe Name St. Fohn, their Repreſentative, is to
abse
Parod sjon
Β. "Υπαγε, λάβε το βιβλιδάριον το ανεωγμον όν τη χειρί το 'Αγγέλα, Go, take the little
Book which is open in the Hand of the Angel.] The great Book of the Goſpel,
whereof this is but as it were an Epitome, being at the right Hand of God, was re-
ceived by Jeſus Chriſt
, who enduring for ever, needs not for the Maintenance there-
of to tranſmit it to other Hands, becauſe he carries on the Matters contain'd therein
by his Miniſters, opening it gradually. But this Codicil being put at firſt opened
in the Hands of an Angel, or Deputy, who repreſents mortal Men in this Prophecy,
the holding of it in his Hand, is but res unius ætatis, the Buſineſs of one Man's
Age. If the Book of the Reformation be ſtill kept in the Hand of the Angel, the
and then there is an end of it. But Heaven takes better Care of it than fo: And
therefore gives the neceſſary Orders for the tranſmitting of it into other Hands. So
future.si
13 656
doorlor DO 024
TĂ This
the Earth. ] One would think, that this is only to deſcribe the Angel of the Refor-
mation mention d before, and for no other End : But it is very likely that theſe At-
tributes are here repeated, to ſhew that the Reformation, when tranſmitted into fuch
Hands as are to preſerve it
, muſt be ſecured by ſuch ways as it was at firſt pro-
claimed ; and that is, partly in War, and partly in Peace. Look back upon what we
have ſaid before about this Angel, and his ſetting his Feet upon the Sea and
Land.
DCF 2910M 200 298 putatia spraiseases satis
bus video I dood is
A. Verſ. 9. Kai dawa.gov men's ģt å nenor, abgway durad, S's rise to Bofrechiceov, And I
went to the Angel
, Saying to him, Give me the little Book. ] . When St. Paul had a
Viſion of a Macedonian ſtanding, and calling upon him to come to Macedonia, and
help them, Ads 16. 9. the Apoſtle from thence conje&tur'd, that God called him to
preach the Goſpel there ; and this fignified, that he ſhould meet with good Succeſs;
for that the Macedonians would gladly receive them. So here St. John, who re-
preſents the Faithful at the Reformation, going ſo willingly to demand and receive
the Book, ſhews the great Zeal of the Reformed Churches to concur with the Civil
Powers in preſerving the Reformation, whatſoever may happen to them thereupon:
Of which the Angel gives them Notice, as followeth. So Tichonius faith, (f) Et
abij ad Angelum ut daret mihi librum. Hoc ex perfona Johannis Ecclefia dicit, deſide-
rans perdoceri.
deidd's suo get Jonas
B. Kui aéget 401, ad6, dj releboago dutó, And he ſaid to me, Take it, and eat it
up.] Ezekiel 2. 9, 10. and Chap. 3. 1, 2, 3. hath made Uſe of ſuch a Symbol.
The Reaſon muſt be, becauſe his Times and ours bear fome Reſemblance. He Lived
and Propheſied towards the latter end of the Jewiſh Monarchy. After the beginning
of the Captivity, he Propheſied concerning the Completion of it under King
Zedekiah. This was at a Time when the Commonwealth of Iſrael was trampled
upon by the Gentiles : So that all the hopes thereof were in that Remnant, which
God deſign'd to preſerve. This was the affi&ted State of the Second Period of the
Mofaical Oeconomy. The Reformation is likewiſe in the end of the Second Period
of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation. Therefore we ſhall find, that the Holy Ghoſt hath in
this, and the whole following Chapter, fetch'd all the Symbols from thoſe Acci-
dents, which then happened to the State of Iſrael, as it was the Church of God then ;
and a Type of that which was to follow in Chrift.
Let us now proceed to explain what is now before us. The Mouth is not only the
Inſtrument by which we eat, but alſo that by which ſome Beaſts chem the Cud, and
e PMA
TÖVLOE VODE DE SUS note 4 0 10
(f) Tichon. Homil. VIII. bis Dond ni bend
i bend its slott av
daw a word 4.2 Sets to flow 19 Men

Ch. X. v.9.
The Codicil Swallowed.
481
Goſpel in their Hands opened, to preach it to the People, were not to lay it aſide's
Men do meditate. For to (å) meditate, if we conſider it as a Latin Term, fignifies
properly to Hum a Song in one's Mouth, and by a Parity of Reaſon to think on,
and repeat ſomething worthy of Study. Foſh. I. 8. This Book of the Law shall not
depart out of thy Mouth, but thou shalt meditate therein Day and Night. To meditate
is to conſider feriouſly, and exerciſe ones ſelf in the Law of God, and implies to
ftudy, obey and make it cnes Practice. Hence come thoſe frequent Expreſfions of the
Pfalmift about the Meditation of God's Law, Pfal. 119.99. Thy Teſtimonies are my
Meditation. And v. 103. Howo sweet are thy Words unto my Taſte! yea ſweeter than
Honey to my Mouth. Hence the Allegoriſts explain that Commandment about eating
Animals that chew the Cud, of conſorting with fuch Men as meditate on the Law of
God. Barnabas: (b) sonne et peut po68 peó ese me suverov, um res penetraóv zen gizni delov
διάφαλμα ρήμα εν τη καρδία, εξ & λαλένων τα δικαιώματα κυείε, και τη ρωων, με
δυο των όπ ή μελέτη, έρον έξι ώφροσώης , και μαρυκωμόων ή λόγον κυρίε. But Philo ex-
plains more fully the Symbol of Eating : (c) TJ 78 çeyeir súpboaóv 23 Toons Lozer mist
Sepeeveniles in the recov, vej med et ses reelog. For pe town. (d) Elſewhere this
Notion is more fully explain'd. So Ambr. Ansbertus : Acceptum librum devorare, eft
fcripturarum intelligentiam in ſecretis recondere viſceribus.
There are Examples in Latin Authors, wherein eating fignifies receiving any Thing
of News with Satisfaction. So in Plautus (e) Nimium lubenter edi ſermonen tuum.
And, (f) Iftue mihi cibus eſt quod fabulare. And to taſte fignifies to make trial of any
Thing: As in Plautus: (8) Guſtare ego ejus ſermonem volo. I. To which the likes
might be added out of the Greek Authors, as (h) Æſchylus, (i) Ariſtophanes, and
(k) Plutarch. So to feed ſignifies to receive full Content. Tully: (1) Ego bicy pascon
Bibliotheca Fauſti. In the next Epiſtle : Nos hic voramus literas cum homine mirifico.
Again: (m) Quid enim tibi faciam, qui illos libros devoraſti? In the Onirocriticks tờ
eat ſignifies conſtantly to turn ſomething to ones Profit. See the Oriental, Chap. 39!
40. Artemidor. Lib. III. cap. 23. and Lib. V. cap. 38. 89. As alſo the Dream of
Beliſarius going upon the Expedition againſt the Vandals, reported by Procopius, de
Bello Vandal. Lib. I. cap. 12.
Therefore this fignifies, that the Angel delivers the Book to St. John, that he may
turn it to his own Profit by ſtudying, meditating, obſerving, and obeying the Laws of
God to him deliver'd. So we find in the Event, that the firſt Reformers, having the
but to deliver it up to them for their Good, that they might turn it to their own uſe is
That is, to obſerve themſelves, and preſerve the Law, or Religion, which had been
proclaim'd by the Reformers, and is to be tranſmitted to the Reformed, to be eồn
tinually obſerved by them. The Book once opened was not to be ſhut again, but to
be preſerved by the Members of the Reformed Churches
. I find an odd Expreſſion in
the Mouth of a great Man, who lived at the Beginning of our Reformation in Eng-
land, wherein he gives out his Opinion about the Reformation under the Symbol of
a Book opened, which could not be ſhut again. As this may illuſtrate the Matter
in Hand, and ſeems to contain a fatal Coincidence about the Book of the Reforma-
tion, I ſhall ſet it down here : It is found in the dying Speech of the Duke of Nor-
thumberland, beheaded in Queen Mary's Days for Rebellion. This Man returning to
his Vomit expreſſed himſelf thus : (n)“ Wherefore, good People, beware and take
• Heed, that you be not led and deceived by theſe ſeditious and leud Preachers, that
have opened the Book, and know not how to ſhut. But return home again to your
“ True Religion, and Catholick Faith , which hath been taught you of old. For
« ſince the Time that this new teaching hath come among us, God hath given us
cover unto our ſelves, and hath plagued us lundry, and many Ways. I am apt to
think, that this Expreſſion is taken from the Notions of Conjurers : But tho'it ſhould
be fo, neither will this be improper ta obſerve, the Notions of that Science being
a-kin to the Symbolical Language, and even uſed in this Prophecy. See the Nore
frigider G 2919 015196 no quello e bos web o bris boog
21ea) Vid. G. J. Voff. Etymol. in Voc. at suhu, (b) Barnab. Epift. Viir. bersos (c) Philo Al-
legor. Lib. I. pag. 39.
(d) Philo de Agricult. pag. 140.
(e) Plauc. Aulular.
(f) Plaur. Ciftellar. Act. IV. Sc. 2.
(8) Plaue. Mo-
(h) Æſchyl. Jaculatr.
I (1) M. T. Cic. ad Actic. Lib. IV. Ep. 9.
(k) Plur. Amaror.
(i) Ariſtoph. Ran.
(k) M. T. Cic.
ad Artic. Lib. IV. Epift
. 9.
(m) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. VII. Epiſt. 3.
(n) Strype's Mem, of Archbishop Cranmer, Append. Num.b. 73. mart Indhood buqĀ (
to
Gggggg
ÁCE. ITI. "Scen. 6.
ſtellar. Act. V. Sc. I.
dib

482
The Codicil Swallowed.
Ch. X. v. 9.
04
on Chap. 20. 2. D. When the Conjurer cannot ſtop the Spirit which he hath raiſed,
he is ſaid not to be able to ſhut the Book, whoſe opening hath raiſed it. So here the
Book of the Reformation once opened, is not to be ſhut again, bút tranſmitted to the
faithful to obſerve and maintain it.
C. Και τι κρανεί σε' τω κοιλίαν, αλλ' εν τοι σόματι σε έσαι γλυκι ως μέλι, And it hall
make thy Belly bitter, but in thy Mouth it shall be ſweet as Hony.) The Belly is the
Seat of the carnal Affections, according to the Notions of the Ancients, being that
which partakes firſt of the ſenſual Pleaſures of Meat, Drink, and Venereal Appetites.
And the imbittering of the Belly ſignifies a Curſe, that is, all manner of Evils that
can happen to a Man, as Baniſhment , Perſecution , War, Famine , ill Fame, and
Death it felf; that is, all the Train of Afflictions which may come upon an accurſed
Man. To begin with Scripture Proofs.
St. Paul ſaith, 1 Cor. 6. 13. Meats for the Belly, and the Belly for Meats, but
God ſhall deſtroy both it and them. Upon which Clemens Alexandr. faith, (o) eńzó tres
Portal agobuli ó Nou pecí 2015 Outuukous. Compare with this Rom. 16. 18. Phil. 3. 19. and
Eccluf«23.52 6. So Philo: (P) ng cups Célune opš esfer. dozină peagíov iz vj on dr zitupeo, kopce-
alu. f ö su puixe, ti ségv etBom Duumlino, sol Soy. leg. 1' for. Again, (1) Trūs
w tecis vidovais gehoe), zaspòs iný vetes ele Sapinoy segíóuß o. And by and by in the next
Book : (α) ζήτει και αν σήθει η κοιλία, όπου ο θυμός και η επιθυμία , μέρη σε αλόγε. Α-
gain : (s) oixerótalous surovīzes sidorūs zwelov, sled pisées gefär 38 dystion locations
es patofor, era batApuleius : (1) Cupidinem atque Appetitus poftremam mentis portio-
nem, infernas Abdominis ſedes tenere ; ut popinas quaſdam & latrinarum latebras
,
diverſoria nequitie atque luxurie. Hence the Egyptians in the embalming of a Man,
threw his Belly into the River, as the cauſe of all his Sins, that it might as it
were take them away with it. See Porphyry de Abftin. Lib. IV. Sect. 10. Hence
the Poet Lucilius calls voluptuous Men abſolutely by the Name of Bellies :
to me di alls eh
DASS III.diofitatti
sh zwigogot1 (21) Vivite Lurcones, Comedones, vivite Ventres. nogls antingenta
di Whaosa
Ambrof. Ansbertus : Qui vero per ventrem niſi carnales voluptatibus dediti. Tichoni-
ys ſhall come in afterwards. The Oriental Onirocriticks underſtand the Symbol of
Belly concerning the Family and Riches of a Man. Chap. 79. 149. 113. 137. But
Artemidorus, ſpeaking of theſe Parts about the Loins and Navel, obſeryes, that if
they fuffer any Thing, it portends Diſeaſes and Want. 'Eev te trūti Tepeépen me In,
rómay refoil Tal corespect, év Serie B x Bior cerezoeder. Lib. I. cap. 45. Theſe may in-
deed be applied to our Caſe : But the Holy Ghoſt determining the way of ſuffering
by the Bitterneſs, 'tis better to explain the Belly according to the uſual Way in Holy
Writul wherein Bitterneſs in the Belly is the Symbol of Affli&tion and Miſery, as in
Ferem. 4. 19. Chap. 9. 15, and by the bitter Waters of Jealouſy is made very
plain. mva on Isbou oito end juodos doinig eisi no es 1 od 1119 w
Proceed we to the Mouth, and the Sweetneſs of Honey therein. The Comparifon
is obvious, as well in prophane Authors as facred. So Theocritus :reat una basi di
A lo 91110 daga ani rii brivrot aizi : 9138 alwob si S1 Ilmoit
o gaiarnist (m) sds pént tui gauxu iš to set Geladoro péro-7o. Hebseilad bostadensies
Sasa bas smird places bad. 1029rod
2011 the rain shtax9
Nothing appears in Holy Writ to have that Property of procuring ſuch Sweetneſs
therein, but the Law of God : That is, the quiet Enjoyment of the true Religion, as
it is contained in the Holy Writings. So we read in the Pſalms, , Pfal. 19. 10. Pfal.
119. 103. And in Jerem. 15. 16. Thy Words were found, and I did eat them; and
thy Word
was unto methe Foy and Rejoycing of my Heart
. The eating of the Law
of God being the ruminating or Meditation which the Faithful beſtows thereupon,
in order to apply himſelf to it accordingly. Now the Obſervation of God's Law is
ſweet in the Effects of it, in that the Fruits thereof are fuch, as excel to make Men
good, and to draw God's Bleſſing upon them. Therefore this argues a great Delight
in the Receiver, as to the Comfort of his Soul, and the Hopes which that gives him
of his being accepted with God : Though at the fame Time he finds the Bitterneſs
colo
WW2
() Clem. Alex. Pæd. Lib. II. cap. I.
(D) Philo Allegor. Lib. I. pag. 36.
LIIT
()
. II.
(3) Philo ibid. pag. 58. vid.
pag. 59. (1) Apulej. de Dogm. Platon. Vid. Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. II, cap. 42.
(a) Apud Donat. in Terent. Phorm. Nónium in V. Lurcones.
(2) Theocr. Idyl. IIL
of

Ch. X. N. 1o. The Codicil Smallowed.
483
of Perſecution in his Belly, thwarting the prefent peaceful Enjoyment of the good
Things of this world. Tichonius : (x) Cum perceperis, oblečtaberis eloquij divini
dulcedine, Sed amaritudinem ſenries cum prædicare & operari cæperis quod intellexeris.
And foon after ; in ore intelliguntur boni & fpiritales Chriſtiani , in ventre carnales
luxuriof. Ambr. Ansbertus more fully ; Vel certe liber acceptus in ore tanquam
mel fit dulcis, cum legentibus vel audientibus nobis gaudia vitæ in eo promittuntur.
Amarus vero in ventre, etem carnalibus noftris defideriis auſtera in illo opponuntur
præcepta, per quæ ad æternam dulcedinem pervenitur. To theſe Words we shall adu
thoſe of St. Hilary upon that Place of the Pſalmiſt afore-cited : (y) Meltin ore, non
etiam in faucibus dalce eft. Extra regionem enim oris corporalium faporum nullus eft
ſenſus. Sed Dei cloquia in faucibus dulcia ſunt, in animam fcilicet defluentia & in
tima penetrantia , non in ore modo cibi placentia , fed illic dulcia, ubi cognitionis Es
prudentiæ & intelligentia ſenſus eft. Et ideo eloquia in faucibus & in ore mel dulce
eft. Sed ut mel per agritudinem aſtumque febrium ea qua ncciderint oris amara miti-
ficat
, ita animæ nofiræ amaritudines & triſtes cupiditatum infalutarium febres infufa
Dei eloquia mitificant, fi modo non ore contineantur, Sed faucibus devorentur. Littan-
tius ſays : (2) Nullus Suavior animo cibus eft, quam cognitio veritatis. oblogg11 12
Thus we ſee, that this Book hath a double Effect, both of Joy and Sorrow. And
both theſe have been obſerved by Artemidorus, Lib. II. Cap. 50. to be the meaning
of eating Books. 'Εθίειν και βιβλία, παιδιά ταϊς και σοφιστής και πείσει τους απο λόχων βιβλίων
ποριζομδύοις, συμφέρει τους και λοιπούς, θαναήoν σύντομον ωe9αρράει. Tis an excellent Ob-
ſervation. Chriſtians are both they, to whom the Oracles of God are now entruſted ;
and by the Holy Scriptures we hope for eternal Life. - Thus far the eating of God's
Law is good and pleaſant to us; for by the Faith we have in them, we live: But we
are alſo like common Men in this World ; and the eating of God's Law, or our En-
deavours to ſtudy and obey it, gives us Sorrow and Bitterneſs in this World ; expo-
ſes us to the Death of this Body, and to all the Miſchiefs and Temptations of the
World. 'Tis fweer in our Mouth, and bitter in our Belly. I as 2008 ist nii arti
as But eſpecially at this Time, when St. John receives, and eats the Book in our
Name. So that the meaning of all this is, that indeed thoſe, who receive this little
Book, and make publick Profeſſion of the Law contain'd therein, ſhall have the Peace
and Joy of a good Conſcience; and that the Obſervation of the Laws contain'd there:
in ſhall make them happy at the laſt : But in the mean Time they ſhall meer with
great Afflictions from without; and the Meditation of this little Goſpel will cauſe
them to ſuffer very much from their Enemies. How truly this hath been the Con-
dition of all the Reformed Churches, I need not to enlarge upon : But it is certain,
that whereas they have indeed the great Comfort and Benefit of having the Goſpel
preached to them, yet their Enemies have made it a bitter Draught to them : Whe-
ther to private Perſons, many of whom have ſuffer'd Martyrdom for the Profeſſion
of the Goſpel, or to all the r: Churches in general; the Cauſe of the Reformation
having involved them in many Afflictions by the reſtleſs Contrivances of their Ad-
verſaries.
: 2915odgo
Laſtly we are to obſerve, that the Angel himſelf warning the Receiver St. John of
the Effect of the ſwallowing of the Codicil, this implies, that the firſt Reformers
muſt give warning to their Diſciples of the Fruits of the Peace and Joy they are to
find in the Profeflion of the Goſpel, as well as of the Dangers they are to undergo.
This they have done fufficiently a And the Marter is ſo plaing that it needs no Proof.
For whereas the Papiſts are apt : to make the Proſperity of their Churchi a Note of
its being favour'd of God, the Proteſtants generally on the contrary declare, that Per-
ſecution is the Note of the true Church, which it muſt endure for the Name of
Chriſt, and the Satisfaction of a good Conſcience. I opt ni bm de olosis
A. Verf. 10. Kahe rimbon za Beorie de proc. nel geted's ezéar, rj xaripazev euro,
και ως εν τω σώματι με ως μόλι γλυκύς και ότε έφαγον αυτό, επικράνθη η κοιλία με, And I
took the little Book out of the Hand of the Angel, and ate it up: And it was in my
Mouth ſweet as Honey..io And as foon as I bed eaten it, my Belly was made bitter.]
This Verſe contains a Recital of the Execution of that which was only in Sufpenfe
in the former, being delivered by way of Warning : And ſo this, needs no other Ex-
си Улуу уу
Hi .btoon hon bit
(x) Tichon. Homil. VIII.
ang VI (») Hilar. Pi&av. in Pfal. 118. Mem. Il b! 100T
(3) Lactant. Infticut. Lib. I. cap. i. Vid, Lib. IV. cap. 268 & Lib. V, cap. to.
poſition,

484
The Codicil Swallowed.
Ch. X. V. J.
poſition, but to obſervé, that St. John did indeed find, that what the Angel had ad-
moniſhed him of, was true. And ſo this fignifies, that the Reformed Churches have
experienced, that the Warnings of their firſt Teachers were exactly true: And that
they have, for the ſake of Conſcience, and the Sweets of enjoying the publick Liberty
of the Goſpel to themſelves, endured all that the Wit and Strength of their
Enemies can work againſt them. Now this, beſides the Angel's Oath before-men-
tioned, is a powerful Argument to them, to convince them of their Miſtake, when
they thought that their Reformation was to be the laſt Stroke at Popery.
A. Verf. Ι. Και λέγει μοι, δεί σε πίλιν σesφητεύσαι ότι λαοίς, And be faith unto me,
thou must Prophecy again before Peoples.] Though I have ſo far given way to the
old Verfion, as to turn em before : Yet if we conſider the Uſe of 6 after the Word
meyqu te voalin the LXX, we ſhall find it conſtantly to fignify againſt. In Jerem
25. 13. émis ta egun, is againſt The Hebrew hath (a) by. In ferem. 26. II. the
Hebrew hath (b) 5%, the LXX X. But in Verſe 12. 'tis turn'd by 6. In Ferem.
28. 8. both 7 and 7y are uſed; but in the LXX anſwers to both : ezregovía diran
C# vñs, atinñs the one Buonei es mereans. In all which our Engliſh Verſion hath againſt
.
That Prepoſition is ſo us'd in theſe Words of Theocritus,
WO2102 np, vol 10
Decinesi si sd. () 'Eya 87 Abxoed diprev "Allm.
Son synd oor died
wood ung 10
The Scholiaſt, 7 ng scaoid O. 'Tis ſaid in a Caſe of the like Nature, vis, that of
a Sorcereſs who curſes: So the Prophets bring Curſes on the Diſobedient. kasvis
This ſeems to be a kind of Repetition of the fame Thing as was fignified by the
imbittering of the Belly, or rather an Illuſtration thereof, ſhewing that the Bitterneſs
of the Belly, or the Sufferings of the Proteſtants, ſhall ariſe from their Propheſying
before idolatrous Men ; that is, teſtifying and vindicating the Truth of God's Word,
and the Purity of his Worſhip. For Prophefy and Martyrdom are Synonymous
Terms in this Book, as I ſhall ſhew in a convenient Place that is, a ſtout Vindica-
tion, and publick Profeffion and Maintenance of the Truth. The Reformed Churches
muft therefore Propheſy ſtill, vindicate, and ſtoutly maintain, with all the Zeal
poſſible, and Sufferings, the true Religion againſt Idolatry, until the utter Extirpa-
tion thereof. This is the true Office of the Martyrs, or Witneſſes Propheſying, as
they are deſcribed at large in the next Chapter ; whoſe Places and Offices theſe muſt
likewiſe take.c The Reformed Churches, though having the Temporal Powers to
back them, muſt not think that they fhall be without Danger and Vexation. No,
they muſt continue to Propheſy ftill againſt the Errors which they have
quitted. on aivan 20 ponga bne omo) 013 5c basbni syed vers 291HW 2003
The Word rear again, not appearing to refer to any Thing precedent, muſt be
underſtood to mean only a Continuation of that Teſtimony or Prophecy, which the
Witneſfes, mention d hereafter, have already begun in the Chriſtian Church. For
that meaný ſignifies fometimes for the future , iis piain from this Example out of
Sophocles:
2911629V
Honda 12 novide ad graniew Tolmin Ioga A grlitsdt 191 do OJ ST ST st
21eratoles fu(d) 'n wetenovelvous bagus, mixe éčunuveis zéollowed to content
OJ 916 Ved Rol bat passen: 70 20 or
ens 10 ziuri art to cigioni ions or ZOMEW guig Blunt
The Schol. es iets geóvor meisons deze, 2 And ſo minev is uſed in John 4. 13.
and John 12. 28. and in (e) Joſephus, whoſe Words are cited on Chap. 14. 8. B.
And this is ſuitable to the Practice of the LXX: For in Genef. 8. 10. the Word
mainw anſwers to the Hebrew 90%, which is commonly turn’d by vegstaa uus,
to add,
continue ; and in 1 Sam. 3. 21. it fignifies perſevering indefinitely. Thus alſo the
Particle ny is often turn'd in the LXX by nenev, as in Geneſ. 24. 20. and Chap. 29.
33. And yet the fame is alſo frequently turn’d by fém, which fignifies fill, or longer,
as in Foel 2. 19. See alſo Genef. 30. 7. Chap. 35. 9. Fudges 13. 9. 1 Sam. 10. 22
Hofea 1. 6. 714 may alſo fignify continually, as in Pfal. 84. 4. where the LXX turn
it by e's Tès ako ves of ctcbvcov. "The Truth of this Expoſition will be more evident,
after we have ſeen the Account of thoſe Witneſſes. For from this Hint the Holy
wa jenio of one is this gainu W
eide d his ginuW to yow yd bsisvilgo anied 190 ch org
or
(a) Vid. Noldij Concord. in Voc. pag. 693.
(6) Vid. Nold, Concord in Voc. pag. 57:
C) Theocr. Id. II. OMS (d) Sophocl. Oedip, Tyr. pag. 157.
7 eur(e) Joſeph.
Bilal,
Antiq. Lib. IX. cap. II. 19
Stoisilog
Ghoſt
$ 53

Chap. X. v. 11. The Codicil Swallowed.
489
are
Popery, that not only the Princes who have Power in the Popiſh Dominions
Ghoſt takes a Review of what had been tranſacted in the inward Stare of the Church
during this Second Period.quot ads to an
d morlu giedot si zuela
B. Em acons
, rj CH 291201, rj grabatu es, before Peoples, and Nations, and Tongues. ]
We have already obſerved, that this Heap of Synonymous Words denotes in general
an unlimited Multitude of Idolatrous Men. What Men theſe are is eaſily found out
by obſerving, that they are ſuch as remain’d of the former Plagues without Repen-
tance: And theſe are all the Members of the corrupted Church, who ſtrenuouſly
endeavour to keep up their Idolatry, notwithſtanding the Warning and Preaching of
the Reformed Churches. So that inſtead of hearkening to it
, they rather perfecute
them for telling them the Truth. But then let them look to it: For as the Prophets
never Propheſied againſt a City or Nation, but ſome great Evil did betide it: Nay,
and when Prophets meet with Enemies that oppoſe them, they have a Power to flay
them, as appears by the next Chapter : So will theſe Nations find, that the Re-
formed are not only to warn them, but even to execute at laſt upon their Impe-
nitency, the Judgments of God upon them. Which we ſhall find accordingly they
are to perform. See the Nore on Chap. 14. 17. A.
bro
Zelise
C. Kai Beoindor Tomors, And many Kings.] The Number of the Four Terms is
indeed obſerved here, as well as in all the other Places : But that of Kings appears
no where elſe. 'Tis plain, that in the other places that Word is not uſed, becauſe
no particular Need of it. But here the Holy Ghoſt means to ſhew us, that the Pro-
teſtants muſt not only oppoſe the Members of the corrupted Church; but alſo many
Princes, who ſhall ſtrive to deſtroy the Reformation. Nay, ſuch is the Malice of
continually inſtigated to deſtroy the Reformation, to which they give the odious
Name of Northern Hereſy ; but they have alſo found Means to procure the Perver-
fion of Proteſtant Princes
, who contrary to the Laws of their Countries
, have perfe-
cuted the Proteſtant Religion, and endeavoured to reſtore the Idolatrous Worſhip
therein. Though, God be thanked, this hath been in vain, yet this hath not a little
imbitter'd the Teſtimony which the Proteſtants give to the Truth. Examples of
this latter Sort have been in Sweden, Britain, and the Netherlands. Inſtances of the
other are alſo needleſs ; becauſe no Man, that knows a little the State of Europe, is
ignorant of the Popiſh Politicks towards Proteſtants. Thus we ſee how they
are oblig'd, according to this Warning, to Propheſy againſt many Kings and
Nations.
.binghus Heredt og yderoistoCOTO roso
Olent boite a zo gholiqda anda bordo bd ca 41 Vidurivo I
Itu dois o Jogoas A Huesoins ? 291T
Leider ng buhai dod silind
hood
bolisinde Hob
கரம் தானியம் tieris bross bong9
soit le stored on Dit ont sts abrows Tod vibuid
is di
Gotin tiedt ot old stiut cas less
tot nichstadiul babes CH A P. XI. S bus sumo di brəb sis
cornie) or 07 V rogtertoe bnosa i glupoed wo ist ein
-TUM Ons moins Sosa lenovo A nis tua vis 197's Luis flumi on oh
TE have obſerv'd before, that the Holy Ghoſt
, in the Account of the Seven
..taibroop to 2700
Trumpets, hath only conſidered thoſe Alarms, which came from without
the Church, without conſidering, at leaſt as to the Six foregoing Trumpets, the in-
ward State of the true Church it felf; the Trumpets, by bringing Puniſhments, fup-
poſing only Men therein corrupted. Before we enter upon the Expoſition of this
Chapter, which contains a great Epiſode, or Parentheſis, deſcribing the State of the
true Church during this Second Period, we muſt premiſe fome general Obſervations,
beſides thoſe that have been made already in ſpeaking of the Epiſode deſcribing
the State of the Church in the firſt Period thereof. And this, to ſliew the Unifor-
mity of the Method by which the Holy Ghoſt reveals to us the Fates of
Chriſtianity.
Istog MST
The firſt is this, that there is a great Difference between the State of the Church
in the firſt Period, and the State thereof in the Second ; the Church in the firſt Suf-
fering by the Oppoſition of external Enemies, which oppoſed the Growth of it, and
in the Second, by the Corruption of Enemies within it ſelf, which hinder the true
Chriſtians from worſhipping duly with that Liberty, which was procured before. So
ouba .
Hhh hhh
that
Ta yboasted

W
490
bogelled to

of
each of
that the Church, in the firſt Period, ſhews it felf by overpowering its Enemies
, and
placing it ſelf above them by the Affiſtance of the Temporal Power ; but in the Se-
cond thews it ſelf in a different Method, by feparating from the Corrupters of the
Church, and getting the Temporal Power to defend it as a viſible Church, till it
quite overcomes thoſe Corrupters, ſtepping thus into their Places which they had
poſſeſſed, pretending to conſtitute the true Church - but having only the outward
Shew thereof. dudo bergonoo art to eradusM si
Secondly, there is this Conformity between theſe Two Epiſodes, thåt neither
them accounts the Church viſible, but at ſuch Time as the Church becomes a di-
ftint Body, by having ſo far overpowered, or refifted its Enemies, ſo that at leaſt
it is able to make Head againſt them: At which Times the Holy Ghoſt thinks fit to
take a publick Account of it after ſuch a manner, as becomes the State of that pe
riod. In the firſt, becauſe the Church had been in a Military State of Confliction
againſt Foreign Enemies, the Account is made under the Notion of a Muſter. In
the Second, becauſe the Church having overcome thoſe Enemies, obtain'd a peace-
ful Settlement, and fix'd Worſhip, and that its Enemies became fuch by Corruption
within it ſelf, Profanation, and falſe Prophecy, the Holy Ghoſt ſets forth the Account
of it under the Notion of a Temple and City, and the Corruptions by the Sym-
bols of part of that Temple and the whole City profan’d: So that the re-eſtabliſh-
ment thereof to make the true Church viſible, that the Holy Ghoſt may keep
to the fame Allegory, muſt come under the Notion of the Temple, put inte
the Poffefſion of thoſe that now make a publick Profeffion of the true Worſhip.
Which Poffeffion muſt laft till the Temple and City are fully opened, and reſtored
as it's ſaid to be done by the founding of the next Trumpet.
theſe Two Periods, brings the Church into a State of Reſt, as it were on a ſudden,
the Account of the true Church is only taken at ſuch Times as the Holy Ghoſt is
juſt ready to bring about the laſt Revolution, whereby the Parentheſes, or Epiſodes,
diſcovering the State of the true Church, are put berween the Sixth and Seventh
Epocha ; that is, in the firſt Period, between the Sixth and Seventh Seal, in the Sea
cond between the Sixth and Seventh Trumpet : That fo the Holy Ghoſt having
made a Preparative for the laſt, may juſt connect the Account of the true Church,
from the militant State thereof, to the moſt glorious State that did belong to it, in
each proportionably to the reſt deſign’d.
Fourthly, it is to be obſerved, that the Epiſode of the firſt Period contains theſe
Three Particulars: Firſt, an Account of the Faithful, or the Collective Body of
Chriſtians, which includes not only chiefly thoſe that appear publick at that Time,
but alſo ſhews their Condition, ſuch as it was before from the beginning of the
Period. Secondly, their Sufferings are fully deſcribed during all that Period.
Thirdly, their Rewards are ihewn, ſuch as become their preſent State: That is, ſuch
a Reſt as is ſuitable to their Condition, conſiſting of an eternal Reſt for thoſe that
are dead in Chriſt, and a temporal Reft for them who have endured Tribulation for
his Name. Now becauſe this Second Epiſode correſponds exactly to the former,
ſo we muſt find therein, firſt an Account of the State of the true Church, and Mem-
bers of it, according to the Properties of this Period : Secondly, their Sufferings ;
and Laftly, their Reward, that is, the certain Proſpect of it, ſuch as they are
to expect upon the Perfection of that period at the founding of the Seventh
Trumpet.cn
fort
103910
graad 30 32 bis
Laſtly, it is to be obſerv'd, that the Recognition of the Church being to be done
when it becomes vifible, and dares openly profeſs the Truth, being back'd with ſome
Temporal Power ; that p
that part of the Church which falls jult in that Epocha, where
in the Church firſt becomes viſible in that Manner, hath the Commiſſion of taking
the Account of the whole. Wherefore, as under the firſt Period, the Angel, de-
fcribed
as the High Steward of God, who is there Conſtantine the Great, takes this
Account, as being the Perfon who hath put the Church under the Protection of the
Temporal Power ; ſo in this Second Period, the Angel of the Reformation, and the
Reformed Churches, are they, who make the Church now Viſible ; they being thoſe
who have moſt duly conſidered the true State of Religion, and have begun to amend
it: Who have gotten the Protection of the Civil Powers,
and have defended their
Brethren who ſuffer'd before, and have diſcovered the imminent Dangers likely to
fall upon the corrupted Chriſtians, and the near Profpe&t of the Reward that is due

to
Chap. XI. v. 1.
491
The Temple Meaſur’d.

I THOIDET
to the ſuffering Saints, and will be applied ſhortly, when the laſt Epocha of this
Period, or Seventh Trumpet, comes to Sound.
1999 yngre
Now as we have ſeen in the former Chapter the renewing of the Goſpel, which
was made by extraordinary Means ; ſo now the Holy Ghoſt goes on to fhew us, how
this extraordinary Call puts the Members, who have heard it, into Poffeffion of that
ordinary Body and Worſhip, which conſtituted the true Suffering Church. From
thence the Holy Ghoſt takes Occaſion to ſhew thoſe Sufferings of the true Church,
and their Duration ; fhewing their Origin, Extent, and End in the glorious State of
the Church.
roti veigas bus
tagets bus inconsagos
molestie mods bevolen
A. Verf. 1. Kaledó su peor meira um quos O pácsa, And there was given me a Reed
like a Staff.} If the Commentators were agreed about the Meaning of the Meaſures
of Ezekiel's Temple, we might make Uſe of that to explain this.
But that being
to explain a Thing uncertain, by one as uncertain, let us rather endeavour to find out
the Matter before us, by a ftri&t Examination of the Symbols. This Reed hath many
Properties: For firſt, we are to examine its Uſe; then its Matter ; then the Staff,
or Rod, to which it is compared; and the Perſon to whom it is delivered, to be
uſed accordingly.
Firſt of the Uſe ; which is here plainly ſaid to be in order to meaſure the Temple.
We muſt therefore explain it upon that View. There are Two Things mentioned in
Holy Writ, whereby Men may meaſure, a Line, and a Reed. The Line, 920, im,
plies conſtantly a Diviſion, and giving of Poffeflion into new Hands; becauſe it is
the Inſtrument, by which the Lands of conquered Nations are divided ; as in 2. Sam.
8. 2. Lam. 2. 8. Amos 7. 17. Iſaiah 34. 11, 17. the Diviſion of a Land into new
Lots, ſuppoſing a late Conqueſt ; and its being divided, to be inherited by new
Mafters. Nahum 3. 10. But the Reed, as it is alſo uſed about Lands,
ſo it is
chiefly employed about (a) Buildings ; of which we have frequent Examples in the
Prophecy of Ezekiel, eſpecially about the Temple. In Zech. 2. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. a Line
is uſed to Meaſure the whole City; and the Prophecy explains it felf, that it is in
order to have Jeruſalem newly Inhabited. And the Profane Authors have Expref-
fions, which ſhew, that a meaſuring Reed, or Line, is to take Poffeffion of the
Things Meaſured. In an Ancient Oracle given to the Lacedemonians, and reported
by (6) Herodotus, we find;
10 FISIOCO od si gainilor
forest to mape Town
Δώστου του Τεγέλιο πουρί κροίον οργκάσας,
basta jor &
Και καλόν πεδίον κρίνω διαμετρήσαθαι,
.
In which we ſee, that this promiſes the Poſſeſſion of Tegea , and the Land about it.
This goiro, Schænus, may as well be a Reed as a Line. Whence comes the certain
(c) Meaſure of Ground ſo calld. So in Virgil :
atedT 100(d) Pertica, qua noftros met ata eff impia agellosā dolinario did 910
Stort Qua noftri fines olim, cinis, omnia fiant. 9 salat mo yestoas os se
bus soituisen to
Ets gamohou 10 inwo. Istra
And in Propertius : Abftuli
Abftulit excultas pertica triftis opes, W OWT au poiluoV liga
When a new Poffeffor furveys the Land. That the meaſuring therewith doth im-
Soraviado,
ply a new Poffeffor, ſhall be proved, when we come to that Word. I ſhall only ob-
ſerve, that the K zver or Rule, upon
which St. Paul argues, 2 Cor. 10. 13, 16, is to
be underſtood in this Senſe, to fignify thoſe Churches, to which St. Paul had the fole
Right by firſt Occupation, as Grotius underſtands it very well.
Seceridir. Let us examine the Matter of this meafure. It is certain, that a Rce
a little Meaſure, and that it is uſed by way of Compariſon, to fignify an Aſſiſtance,
which ſhall not laſt long, or be firm; as in Ezek. 29. 6. God threatens Egypt, with
Deſtruction, dvs my eyondus pesso renepívn ta oine Tresàa ; becauſe thou haſ been
& Staff of Reed to the Houſe of Iſrael : When they took hold of thee by thy Hand, thou
didſt break, and rent all their Shoulder. In 2 Kings 18. 21. we have the fame Com-
catro tra 011iH 19 )
00

IS
(a) V. Schindler. Voc. 22. 27$ (6) Herodor
. Lib. I. Cap. 66, & Stephin, de Urb. y. Tezecto
Herod. Lib, II. Cap. 6. Suid. V. Ezivó. (d) Virgil
. Diris.
pariſon
492
The Temple Meafur do Chap. XI. v. I.

onane oblerye, that the
pariſon. See the Reflection of the Hiſtorian (e) Nicetas, upon the Fragility of the
Arrows made of it. That of St. Hilary upon the Reed put into Chriſt's Hands by
the Soldiers, is alſo very proper : (Á) In calamo vero earundem gentium infirmitas
atque inanitas manu comprehenſa firmatur. Whence I gather, that this Meaſuring is
only for a Time ; a Poffefſion which is not to hold for ever : Whereas, when the
Angel meaſures the new Jeruſalem, he hath a Golden Reed, which fignifying Strength
and Duration, implies that the New Jerufalemn is to be permanent. Therefore the
Account or Poffeffion, which is to be taken with this Reed, is but for a while ; and to
divide the found Part of the Church from the corrupted Part only for a Time. It is
to be an occaſional and temporary Diviſion, till the golden , or incorruptible Reed be
employed about the New Jeruſalem , when the State of the Church ſhall be ſo
throughly chang'd and made incorruptible
.
Thirdly, Let us come to the Staff", to which this Reed is compared. Thoſe Com-
pariſons are never needleſs in this Prophecy ; they ſhew, that the Thing compar’d
is to partake of the Nature of the Thing to which it is compared. A Staff or Scep.
ter is the Symbol of Power ; and fo is taken for a King or Powerful Man. So in
Iſaiah 10. 5. O Aſſyrian, the Rod of mine Anger
, i passo : Supë pov. The Targum
hath, Ve Áfſur dominium furoris. Chald. 14577 10510. And ſo 'tis turn'd at v. 24.
and Chap. 9: 4. So in Ferem. 1. 11. A Rod of an Almond Tree ; the Targum renders
it, Regem fejlinantem ad malefaciendum ; becauſe the pu, Almond Tree, is an haſty
Budder
, having its Name from pu, to haften, or to do evil
, as in Iſaiah 29. 20.
or to watch for that Purpoſe. See alſo Ezek. 19. 11. and the Targum upon it. And
indeed the Hebrew Words, by which a Rod or Staff are ſignified, Thew ſufficiently
the Symbol, by fignifying Power and Dominion in common Speech. So nun, and
ou, and fun too, though this laſt comes from you to lean upon, yet this Word
alſo fignifies xogédico, being fo tranffated in Numb. 21. 18. And here I ſhall leave it
to be conſider'd whether the Word 1Jp , Cane or Reed, which is a-kin to the Word
rup, to acquire or poſeſs, have not contracted that Relation from the Uſe of the
Reeds to meaſure, or take Poſſeſſion. The Author of the Teſtament of Judah hath
explain'd it ſo, with Reſpect to Genef. 38. 18. (8) 'Edarce 8 The pededor me, Tstés, T'
shery uie i čuñ's quañs. Therefore St. Hilary, allegorizing the Precept of our Saviour,
faith : (h) Neque virgam in manibus. ] Id eſt, poteftatis externæ jure non indigi, ha-
bentes virgam de radice Feſe. To come to the Onirocriticks ; they are unanimous in
explaining it. So in Chap. 121. ‘H palso dis üv opee pépisov zpívej. And Chap. 160:
PE do itn mis on égardó pßu öneto i pong ipv av 9pcs 70s igueds, & fuis, xj d' av Spcómte
biglia's tagad dort zij dis goed.vn And in Chap. 215. i ølbse's ävdice d glañ xpéro 3
evdaójws of glucíces sj igé o š xúrx. So in Æſchylus pécdo is alſo taken,
minuto otto euro an tiešo iegé peces, h zóneas dzór z filco at buwia to smilt )
i dodelis (1) Egeo ý meis an monter és étles nézon ig att start their
In Latin Authors ſceptrum and virga do likewiſe often denote Power. There-
fore this Compariſon implies, that both Power and Means are given at the ſame
Time to meaſure, or take Poffeffion of the Temple. The Means of meaſuring, and
pick Verſion uſes Two Words, which denote the Deſign and Uſe of this Reed, as (k)
Caſtellus obſerves ; 1772 jun1, eſt proprie, qui baculus erat menſorius : Albeit (1)
Ludolphus takes no notice of any ſuch Propriety. But this takes
S away one Part of
the Symbol
. For the Uſe of Meaſuring was ſufficiently ſhewn in the Word renau,
Reed'; but there was need to ſhew, that Dominion and Power were to be joyn'd
Laſtly, The Reed is given to St. John, a Martyr, Prophet, or Man in Ami&tion ;
which is upon this Occafion the repreſentative of the Reformed Churches ; to ſhew,
that it is the Reformed Chriſtians, which ſhall make this viſible Diviſion between
the found Worſhippers in the Temple, and the Gentiles prophaning the outward
Court and holy City : And that they ſhall have ſufficient Power to take Poffeffion of
sodir boltve

with it
. De
(e) Nicet. Hiſtor. Johan. Comn. Cap. VII. S. 7.
Hilar. Pict.Com. in Matth.
Can. XXXIII.
(8) Teſt. XII. Patr. Jud. S. 15.
(b) Hilar. Pict. Com.
in Matth, Can. X.
(i) Æſchyl. Suppl. v. 255.
(k) Caſtelli Ob-
ferv. in verf. Æthiop. Nov. Teſtam.
(1) Vid. Ludolphi Lex, Æthiop. c. 85.
4
the

Ch. XI. v. 1. The Temple Meaſur’d.
493
the Place of God's true Worſhip. But thougli they have Power, it is like a fragile
Reed: Their Diſtinction and Polleſſion is not to be perpetual ; but will ſoon vaniſh
away by the Perfection of God's Myſtery.
B. Kai eisiket é ópera , aéywv, fzeregi, And the Angel ſtood, Saying, Riſe.] This
is the Angel of the Reformation ſtill acting a Part of his Meſſage. He ſtood; this
is the Poſture of one that is acting, or bufy, and reſiſting his Enemies, or giving Af
fiſtance to his Friends. In this place to St. John, or thoſe repreſented by him. Nor-
withſtanding the Diviſion of the Chapters, which is here arbitrary, and not very ſuitable
to the Oeconomy of the Prophecy, this is the Continuation, or further Deſcription
of the Office and Acts perform’d by the Angel, mentioned all along in the former
Chapter ; whom we have fhewn to fignify the firſt Reformer of the Church, His
Aets are given out by many Symbols, to fhew us the State of the Church under the
Reformation through all thofe different Proſpects, which the Holy Ghoſt hath thought
fit to diſcover. This laſt Part beginning here, is to fhew us how the Reformation is
to take Poſſeſſion of the Temple, in order to make an almoſt publick and peaceable
Profeſſion of the true Worſhip of God. I ſay almoſt ; becauſe the Temple is not to
be fully opened at preſent to any but they ; that is, there muſt not be an entire Peace
in the Church, and Liberty of Worſhip ; for that is one of the Events of the Se-
venth Trumpet. So that the Angel muſt be repreſented ftanding, as one that hath a
great Work to do, and many Enemies to refift.
The Word Riſé fhews, that St. John was laid, or ſuppoſes him to be fo, that is,
thoſe whom he repreſents were under Oppreſſion before, being thrown down by their
Enemies. All the pious Souls, who groaned under the Oppreffion and Tyranny of
the corrupted Chriſtians, and wiſhed a Reformation in the Church, before the An-
gel of the Reformation bid them riſe, and ſtand up with him, were proftrate, and
quite overcome by their Enemies. The Church of Rome had quite ſuppreſſed all the
Oppofers of its Corruptions, in ſuch a Manner, that they could not make Head to
ſtand up againſt it. The Inquiſition, which had been the laſt Effort to do it; after
the bloody Wars undertaken for that Purpoſe, gleaned up all the Remnants. As one
or other peep'd up here and there, they cannot make an Exception to this general
Obſervation ; they were ſlain as ſoon as known.
C. Kai vénen sor, And meaſure. ] To divide and to meaſure are the fame : And
both fignify to go about to take Poffeffion after the Diviſion. Hence a Lot, or Divi-
fion, or Inheritance are the fame; becauſe the Iſraelites gat Poffeffion of the promiſed
Land by Diviſion, Meaſure, and Lot. And to divide the Spoil, is to get a great
Booty, or Vi&tory ; becauſe Diviſion of the Spoils is a Conſequence of the other. See
Num. 33.54. Chap. 24. 17. Fosh. 1. 16. Chap. 13. 6. Iſaiah 9. 3. Chap. 53. 12. To
mete out is the fame : For which we will only cite Pſal. 60. 6. I will divide Shechem
and mete out the Valley of Succoth; repeated in Pfal. 108. 7. which fignifies an en-
tire Poffefſion after a Vi&tory, which God had promiſed to David. Upon which
Hilary obſerves : (m) Quiſquis autem aliqua metitur, neceſſe eſt ut ea quæ fua funt
metiatur. Thus alfo La&tantius (n) calls Chriſt, “ Metatorem Templi
, the Meaſurer of
the Temple, whom Malach. 3. I. calls 1787, the Lord or Founder thereof. Which
Lactantius has done in Alluſion to the laſt Prophecy of Ezekiel, which undoubtedly
contains a Type of the Chriſtian Church. The Rabbies call him (0) Metatron. So
in Iſaiah 18. 2. A Nation that is meted out and trodden down, ſignifies a Nation over-
come by its Enemies,and quite ſubdued ; ſo that its Poſſeſſions are divided and poſſeſſed
by the Conquerors. So when in Foſh. 23. 4. God faith ; I bave divided unto you
by Lot theſe Nations that remain, to be an Inheritance ; What is this but to ſay, that
God hath put them in Poffeffion of their Lands? So in Zech. 2. 2. to meaſure Feru-
Falem is to take again Poſſeſſion of it, to rebuild it ; or at leaſt repair that, and re
build the Temple. See alſo Amos 7. 17.
The ſame Notion runs in the Heathen Authors. So in Horace, (p) Immetata quin
bus jugera, fignifies not poſſeſſed by any Propriery to them, but common : Whence
the Fruits of ſuch Lands are called by the Poer liberas fruges ; free for any to take.
The old Commentators, Immetata : non terminata, indiviſa jugere , arva. Liberas :
non unites tantum , fed omnibus communes. So in the fame, i videas metato in 2-
ز
(m) Hilar. Pict, in Pfal. LIX.
(n) Lactant. Inſticut. Lib. IV. cap. II.
) vid. Buxtorf. Lex. Rabbin, V. 200. (D) Horat. Lib. III. Óde 24. (DHorat. Lib. II. Sar. 2.0
liiiii
gello,

494
The Temple Meaſur’d.
Ch. XI. v. I.
gèllo, Te, where the old Commentator again : metato ; ad menfuram divifo & limi-
tibus diftinéto cum milite Auguſto : huic contrarium eft immenſo. So Virgil deſcribing
the Golden Age,
(2) Nec fignare quidem aut metiri limite campum
Fas erat, in medium quærebant.
And Ovid likewiſe : () Signabat nullo limite menfor humum.
So in Pliny: (s) Et ut publicos gentium furores tranfeam, bec in qua conterminos pel-
limús, furtoque vicini ceſpitem noftro folo affodimus, ut qui latifſimè rura metatus fue-
rit, ultraque fines exegerit accolas , quota terrarum parte gaudeat ? Thus we find
Tully, ſpeaking of one Saxa, a Tool of M. Antony, and alluding to his Office, faith,
(1) Caftrorum antea metator, nunc, ut Sperat, urbis, who hopes to meaſure the City,
and take Poffeffion of it for M. Antony and his Followers, as he hath for the Army
in marking out a Camp. For M. Antony had promiſed to (u) divide the City. For
the fame Reaſon he calls L. Antonius by the Name of (10) Decem pedator. "Hence,
ſpeaking of the Uſurpations and forcible Entries of Clodius, he ſays: (*) Cum archi-
te&tis & decempedis villas multorum, bortofque peragrabat. In another Place he ſays
thus: (y) Vejentem quidem agrum & Capenatem metiuntur. Hic non longe abeſt a Tuf-
culano. The Meaning appears to be, that Cæfar was then turning out the Poffeffors
out of thoſe Lands to give them to his Men ; and he did not know how long his own
Eftare ar Tufculum might be left to him, for that being near the other might ſhortly
be involv’d in the ſame Misfortune. So in Ariſtophanes that old man who is full of
Attick Salt, or rather of that Dicacitas, as Quintilian ſpeaks, which confifts, (c) in
decipiendis expectationibus, dictis aliter accipiendis
, when the young Student ſpeaks to
him of Geometry, the Art of meaſuring all the Earth, he takes it in the vulgar
Notion for meaſuring of Land to be given to the Citizens.
for
citos noilgo (a) Eppet. TT Ötz
μαθ. Γεωμετεία. φεψ. τετ’ ομώ ή όξι χρήσιμον και
want. The avellencei TS. sect. 767309. Thej xangsgerlus;
μαθ. Ουκ, αλλα τίω σύμπαν. σρψ. αστείον λέγεις,
Το γδ σοφισμα δημοτικών και εήσιμον.
As if the Art of Geometry was to put the Athenians in Poſſeſſion of all the Earth
Which would be a fine Art indeed, in his Opinion. Whereupon the Scholiafts may
be ſeen, and (b) Harpocration with the Notes of Valeſius. And this was not only
done upon the account of a new Conqueft; but in fome Places, as in Egypt, every
Year the Owner muſt take freſh Poffèffion of his Land by meaſuring. Inſtances of
which may be given at Home ; where Floods are wont to be. So that the Angel of
the Reformation exhorts here the Members thereof, repreſented by St. John, to put
themſelves into Poffeffion of that which St. John is ordered to meaſure , which is as
followerh.
D. Tòv vady to ost, rj To Suaresiproy, The Temple of God, and the Altar. ] This
Temple can be no other but that which hath been mentioned before in Chap. 7.15. C.
For though it hath not been ſpoken of during all the Sounding of the former Trum-
pets, yet we ſhall find in the following Deſcription, that it was, as it were, blocked
up and kept from publick View, by the Prophanation of the Holy City, and their
Poſſeſſion thereof, and of the outward Court of the Temple, who brought Pagan
Idolatries into the Church. It hath been obſerv'd ſeveral Times, that the material
Temple of the Ifraelites was tke means of fixing the publick Worſhip of God, after
the Iſraelites had been fully ſettled into the Land of Canaan ; and by Conſequence
ſymbolically repreſented alſo the Second Period of the Chriſtian Church from the
Times of Conftantine the Great, in which the Worſhip of God was fix'd, ſettled,
(9) Virgil Georg. Lib. I. (r) Ovid. Amor. Lib. III. Eleg. VIII.
(s) Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. II. cap. 68.
(1) M. T. Cic. Phil. XI. (u) M. T. C. Phil. IV. ? (w) M. T. Cic. Phil.
XIII. Vid. eriam Phil. XIV.
(x) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Milon.
(y) M. T.
Cic. Epift. Fam. Lib. IX. Epiſt. 17.
(2) Quinctil. Inftit. Orat. Lib. VI. cap. 3.
• (a) Ariftoph. Nebul.
(6) Harpocr. Voc. xampiozero
and

Ch. XI. V. I. The Temple Meaſur’d.
495
and publick ; being ſuperior to all the idolatrous Worſhip, and fearing no more the
Perſecutions of the Heathens; excepring thoſe, which corrupted Chriſtians, by being
feduced with Pagan Notions and Practices, ſhould bring themſelves into the
Church.
So that here the Temple and Altar being ſet in Oppoſition to the outward Court,
and Holy City profan'd, fignify the true Worſhip of God, in Oppoſition to the Pro-
fanations, which the Chriſtians themſelves in their corrupted State, in the ſame man-
ner as the Idolizing Iſraelites and Fews, brought into the Holy City. And the No-
tion of the Temple explained before, and fignifying a ſettled State of the Church in
its Worſhip, together with thoſe Limitations and Warnings given before to St. John,
as Repreſentative of the Proteſtants, concerning their being obliged ſtill to Suffer
and Prophefy for the Word of God, being applied here, will imply, that this pof-
feffion ſhall be firm and fettled, though not without great Oppoſition. 'Tis now
certain, that the Reformed Chriſtians have gotten Poſſeſſion of the Temple in this
manner : They being the only uncorrupted Chriſtians within the Bounds of the Do-
minions which the Ancient Roman Empire held, which is chiefly concern'd here.
They only publickly own and profeſs the true Worſhip of God, in Oppoſition to Ido-
latry ; and defend it againſt all Oppoſition.
But here an Objection may be made againſt me ; by whom then was the Temple
and Altar poffeffed before the Reformed took Poſſeſſion of it? To which I anſwer,
that the Holy Ghoſt doth repreſent the Temple of God ſhut up, and filled with the
Smoke of the Glory of God, and his Power; ſo that no Man could enter therein,
during all the Time that this State of it continued, as we ſhall prove it from the
Fifteenth Chapter, when we come to it. Nay, and we find a very plain Intimation
of the Temple's being ſhut up, during the Period of the former Trumpets, by
what is told us in the laſt Verſe of this Chapter, as an Effect of the blowing of the
Seventh Trunipet. For the opening of the Temple therein fuppoſes, that it was
ſhut up for fome Time before : Only towards this latter Part of the Effects of the
Sixth Trumpet, the Reformed are put into Poffeffion of it, to open it for all the
World. So that though they have it, yet it is ſtill ſhut up as to the general Part of
Mankind, eſpecially thoſe who have profaned the outward Court thereof, and poffefs
ſtill the Holy City.
But further, as it may be asked, how comes the Holy Ghoſt to uſe a Symbol
here denoting a ſettled State, or ſuppoſe the Throne of God to be fix'd, during the
Idolatry of the Church? To which I anſwer, that the Idolatry of the Church doth
not ſuppoſe the Power and Dominion of God therein removed, nor the Temple ſub-
verted, but is repreſented by and by, as an Ufurpation upon the Rights and Limits
of both. God is always in Poffeſſion, and even his Temple fubfifts; that is, true
Worſhip ſince the former Settlement thereof; and the Idolaters are ſuppofed only to
poffeſs the outſide of it, till fome publick Worſhippers in the true way take viſible
Poffeffion of it. And it was neceffary, that the Holy Ghoſt ſhould make theſe Sym-
bols perpetual, though Alterations are made in their Condition, to thew the Con-
nexion of Things ; as the Temple of God fubfiſted in Jeruſalem, though the People
of Iſrael had baſely corrupted themſelves, and the (c) Temple it ſelf had been ſeveral
times profan'd, both by the Enemies of the People, and by the Idolatrous Practices
of their own Kings in it.
E. Kai tes meo X WOWITALS és a tedy And them that Worſhip therein.] The Expoſition
of this will fully give an Anſwer to the former Objection. Theſe Words are Em-
phatical, and therefore deſerve to be particularly taken Notice of. The Angel nor
only commands to take Poffefſion of the Temple and Altar, but alſo of them that
did already before Worſhip in the Temple. There was therefore a Number of Wor-
ſhippers during that Period, though hidden? Yes, ſure; though the Gentiles, who
were fhur out of it, did not ſee them ; nor could come at them, becaufe the
Temple was ſhut up, and the Cloud, or Smoke of God's Glory did proteet them.
But now, that the Reformed have gorren Poffeffion of the Temple and Altar, and of
them too, they are become one Body of true Worſhippers in the fame.
This anſwers that impertinent Queſtion of the Romaniſts; Where was your Church
before Luther ? Yes, there was the true Church, though it was Thut up from that
(c) Vid. Lightfoor's Proſp. Templ. Chap. XL.
which

496
The Temple Meaſurd.
Ch. XI. v. 2
which the Romaniſts enjoyed, which is but the outward Court of the Temple, and
that too profan'd and trodden down by the Gentiles; that is
, by Heatheniſh Idolatry.
There were then true Worſhippers ; and therefore it was they, that were in the moſt
Sacred Part of the Church ; wherein they worſhipped God truly, though the
Romaniſts could not ſee them. But who were they, and how have the Reformed
gotten Poffeffion of them? Very well. All thoſe Remnants of true Worſhippers,
who were not in ſmall Numbers, when the Reformation firſt appear’d, join'd them
ſelves to the new Reformed, and do now make up one Body of true Worſhippers
with them in the Temple, and about the Altar. For whereas there were before the
Reformation many Pious Souls, who groaned and were oppreſſed by the Tyranny
and Idolarry of the Church of Rome ; being indeed the true Worſhippers, but hid-
den ; ſuch as the Wicklevites in England, or Lollards, of which we are ſure, that
there was a good Number ; ſome of them being now and then Kidnapp'd, and be-
coming Martyrs, as appears by our Hiſtories. So in Bohemia there were many of
the fame Stamp: In the Vallies of Piemont, there was ſtill a Remnant of the An-
cient Waldenſes; in the Cevennes, or thereabouts, a Remnant alſo of the Albigenſes,
and others, who abominated the Idolatry of the Church of Rome ; Alſo in the Bi-
ſhoprick of Saltzburg, there was a good Number of the like true Worſhippers.
Now all theſe upon the Reformation join'd themſelves to us, and do now make
up
one Body. So that at the ſame Time as we got to our felves the Means of worſhip-
ping the true God, the true Worſhippers of the fame joined themſelves to us; and
are now part of our Poſſeſſions in the true Worſhip of God, being united by one
common Bond of Communion.
Thus then our Reformation, by this Conformity of thoſe true Worſhippers to us,
and by their being admitted into our Body, did at the fame Time tack it ſelf to
thoſe true Worſhippers of the Primitive Church, who firſt enjoy'd the Temple, by
the Means of a ſucceſſive Company of faithful People, who had already an uninter-
Tupred Succeſſion from them: (d) For it was not their ancient Opinions and Wor-
ſhip that they rejected, but the Novelties which crept in, and the Tyranny whereby
they were impoſed. It was theſe Men, as we ſhall ſee hereafter, who were with
the Woman in the Wilderneſs; out of whom there appeared publickly fome, who
now and then Propheſied publickly, and became Martyrs of the true Faith ; whom
the Holy Ghoſt deſcribes preſently under the Symbol of the Two Witneſſes ; and
which, as we ſhall ſee, continued thus to Propheſy, as long as the Profanation of
the outward Court and Holy City lafts. Thus the Reformed Churches have not only
gaind the point of the true Worſhip, by meaſuring the Temple and Altar: But
they have alſo gain’d the Point of uninterrupted Succeſſion, by the coming over to
them of thoſe who retain'd the Primitive. What has been ſaid will likewiſe con-
fute that equivocal Note of the Church, which the Romaniſts pretend muſt be al-
ways Viſible. As this Prophecy ſhews the contrary, fo 'tis certain, that Note was
unknown to Fuftin Martyr, for he ſays: (e) 'Abes:16 i fugen en orgalomo opgpenTemu odpelo.
xì 2819. avoù my wokov 9 usvorles en Ted xóou.mp
, áócg 10 g dus ni Soosbeia reféer
. It is plain by
theſe Words, that there is no Neceſſity for the true Church to have always its Wor-
ſhip publick to the reſt of the World.
A. Verſ. 2. Kai Thed curlew the eğw ser få več fubane "EW SEV, And the Court, which
is without the Temple, caſt out. I To underſtand the full Import of theſe Symbols
we muſt obſerve, how the Temple of the fews was built, and in what Form. Firſt,
there was the Temple, properly ſo called, conſiſting of Two Parts, as the Taber-
nacle, namely, of the Holy Place, and of the moſt Holy. This conſiſted of one
entire Building, all covered together with its Porch. Before this Porch in the
open Air, was raiſed the Altar of Holocauſts; and round about it there was a great
Incloſure, which not only contain’d within its Circumference this Altar, but alſo the
Temple. Into this Incloſure none could enter but the Prieſts and Levites, and thoſe
Ifraelites who came to Worſhip with Sacrifices, and were clean by, a Preparation
for that Purpoſe. All this is what St. John hath been commanded to Meaſure, as
we have ſeen already; all this being Holy, and therefore fitly repreſenting the true
Woríhip of God, and his true Worſhippers ; none but ſuch entring within that In-
(e) Juftin. M. Ep. ad
(d) Vid. Dr. Allix's Remarks-upon the Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory of Piemont.
Diogn. Pag. 384.
galog
cloſure

Chap. XI. V. 2.
The Court Rejected.
497
clofure. Beſides this, ftill further from the Temple, but round about it, there was
another very large Court, into which all the Jews might come at the Time of the
burning of Incenſe, to put up therewith their publick and private Prayers; though
they did not otherwiſe Worſhip; this way of Praying, ſtrictly taken, being not cal-
led worſhipping ; but only when the Iſraelites came to offer fome Sacrifice. This
is the outward Court ; which here is to be rejected as profane, as well as the Holy
City, becauſe the Gentiles are therein, and have trodden both during the Second Pe-
riod of the Church.
But if we read foro.Jer pro vob, as many good Copies do, then it muſt be further ob-
ſerv'd, that the place whereon the Temple and Altar ſtood, is not reckon'd by
St. John as a Court; or elſe, that the Words Altar, and them that worſhipped therein,
fignify the whole Space in which the Altar ſtood, and where the Sacrificers came to
offer. And that he alluded here to the Temple, which he had ſeen; in, or about
which, there were Two other Courts. For Foſephus faith, that there were Three In-
cloſures, which ſurrounded the Hill, whereon the Temple ſtood. In the moſt out-
ward any body, even the Gentiles, might come; and there were ſeveral Infcriptions,
which forbad them to go further. So then the inward Court next to that, and be
fore one comes to the Court, or Incloſure, in which the Temple and Altar ſtood, was
left for the Fews; and this in reſpect of the outward, was called the inward Court;
É ow. ev. So that the Gentiles here have Poſſeſſion of that inward Court, wherein
the Fews only, or true Worſhippers, ſhould be to put up their Prayers. By the
Words of St. John it appears, that the true Worſhippers had only the Temple and
Altar : So that, whether we read Éco. Jer or Eco Tv, it is alſo plain, that the Gentiles
had gotten in their poſſeſſion all but the Temple and Altar ; and conſequently that
very Court, which was reſerv'd for all the Fews to come in and Pray. And this
ſhews, that they had profan’d it ; and by Conſequence, that they brought their
Worſhip into the Temple of God. For in the general Senſe of the Word, the Temple
was ſaid to contain all the Buildings now deſcribed.
The Word énbánev, to caſt out, is one of thoſe, which the Fews, who ſpake
Greek, made uſe of to fignify Excommunication, a cafting out of the Synagogue,
Luke 6. 22. Fohn 9. 34, 35. And the fame Apoſtle, 3 John, Verſe 10. uſes that
Word, to ſignify the Chriſtian Excommunication, which is of the like Nature as the
Fewiſh. And our Saviour himſelf uſes it in Matth. 8. 12. to ſignify the Reje&tion of
the Fews out of the Church; as alſo in John 6. 37. This therefore thews, that
thoſe, who are in that outward Court, are caſt out of the Chriſtian Church, and
diſown’d, as not giving true Worſhip to God: Though they think, that they have
Poffeffion of the true Temple, yet they are miſtaken ; their Worſhip is rejected, be-
cauſe, though they pretend to give Worſhip to God, yet they do it as Gentiles :
That is, mix the Rites of Paganiſm with the Worſhip of the true God. And this
ſhews ſufficiently, that the Corruption of the Church under the Antichriſtian State,
doth not conſiſt in a total Abolition of the Worſhip of the true God; but in a mix-
ture of Paganiſm with the true Worſhip. Hence Tichonius faith, (f) Atrium quod
eft foris templum, ejice foras, & ne metiaris illud. Ipfi atrium ſunt qui videntur in
Eccleſia eſſe , & foris ſunt, five hæretici, five male viventes Catholici
. And fo Ambr.
Ansbertus : Quid autem per Atrium, quod foris templo eft, intelligimus, niſi Fudæos,
Hæreticos atque gentiles, quibus ad Sancta ſan&orum nullus patet ingreſſus ? De quibus
rečte per Apoſtolum dicitur : Quid mihi de his qui foris funt, judicare? Nonne de his
qui intus funt, vos judicatis ? Quod autem eje&tum foris atrium, gentibus datum per-
hibetur, illud intelligi monftratur, quia etſi diverſo errore Fudai, Hæretici, atque
Gentiles depereunt, tamen omnes infideles & increduli notantur. Ad numerum enim
incredularum gentium tranfeunt, qui etſi diverfo modo, tamen & idola & Simulacra
colere videntur. See the reſt. 'Tis plain, that this Man conceived from this Place,
that a corrupted Chriſtian Worſhip with Idols, became as bad as downright
Paganiſm. Further, left any ſhould think, that the Corruption of the Church
muſt be downright Paganiſm, the Holy Ghoſt hath thought fit hereafter to give us
Notice, that the falſe Prophet, who introduces it therein, hath Two Horns like the
Lamb's, and ſo pretends to have the ſame Power as Chriſt : And ſo Radulph. Fla-
(f) Tichon. Hom. VIII.
K k k k k k
viacenfis

498
The Court Reje&ted. Chap. XI. v. 2.
viacenſis hath plainly declared, that Antichriſt muſt be of the Church. See his Words
on Chap. 13. II. C.
B. Kai pin aéttu UATE Nois, And thou shalt not Meaſure it.] It is not permitted to
the Reformed Churches at firſt from their Origin, to pull down all the Idolatry of
the Church, and ſo to become full Mafters and Poſſeſſors of the whole Temple of
God, with all its Dependencies. Popery and Idolatry muſt laſt out their Time ap-
pointed of God, and hold out ftill againſt the Light of the Reformation, until the
ſounding of the Seventh Trumpet.
C. "On est In zois, žaveor, Becauſe it hath been given to the Gentiles. ] That is, the
Gentiles have it in their power to poffefs it: For fo the Word given fignifies, as was
before obſervd. The Gentiles have Power to do what they pleaſe in the outward
Court. Now they have it to worſhip therein after their own Imaginations ; that is,
they pretend to Worſhip therein the true God, that dwells in that Temple, and is
therefore to be worſhipped therein; but they add their Idols and Rites to his Wor-
ſhip. Theſe Gentiles do not deſtroy the Temple, but pollute it: For it is given to
them no further, than to uſe it for ſo long a Time according to their Way. This is
true in the Event. For what the Reformed Churches have not in the Roman World,
is poſſeſſed, as it hath been long ſince, by ſuch as join the Worſhip of Idols to the
Worſhip of the true God. So that, though the Romiſh Idolatrous Religion hath loft
ſome Ground by the Reformation, yet the main Body and Head thereof ſtands ftill
as before. I ſhall obſerve here by the By, that it appears by the (8) Nighiariſtan,
that the Arabians have a Notion, that the Temples of the true God are to be filled
with Idols; and the Blood of innocent Men is to be ſpilt before the laſt Judgment.
This is not the only Place by which it appears, that the Mahometans have read the
Revelation. We ſhall hint, that they have a Notion of the Beaſt, that perſecutes the
Saints. And if we had their (h) Gafr, ù Giamé, a Sort of Revelation written in
Myſtical Characters, concerning the Muſulman Religion, and compoſed by Ali, we
ſhould find perhaps, that he hath adopted therein many Things out of the Revela-
tion of St. John, and fitted them to their Impoſtures.
D. Kai rh zóney the dyia malúosor, And the Holy City they ſhall trample upon.]
Mede ſeems to labour hard to prove, that the trampling upon the Holy City, is the
ſame as the outward Court, and the latter explains the former. But I cannot agree
with him therein. The Power
, which the Gentiles have in the Court of the Temple,
is one Thing; and their trampling upon the Holy City is another. The firſt Power
over the Court fignifies, that the Worſhip of God ſhall be profan'd by Idolatrous
Worſhip, being intermix'd therewith: Whereas the trampling upon the Holy City
fignifies, that the ſame Idolatrous Worſhippers ſhall have the Supreme Power and
Dominion in the Church, wherewith they ſhall Tyrannize over the true Worſhippers
of God, who have for their Share their own Worſhip to enjoy, but in Secret, fur-
rounded by watchful Enemies, and under their Power. This fignifies therefore here,
that the Power which they had before in the Chriſtian Church, ſhall not be quite
taken away by the Reformation, but that they ſhall retain that ſtill, together with
their Idolatrous Worſhip, to their appointed Time.
It now lies upon me to ſhew, how the Holy City ſignifies in general all the Chri-
ſtian Church. This may be done by proving, that rónes a City, ſignifies, when thùs
expreſſed fingly, the Metropolis or chief City of a Kingdom, with all the Terri-
tories and Dependencies thereof. This I ſhall prove is not only the Stile of the Pro-
phets, but likewiſe of prophane Writers. So where in the Prophet Iſaiah, 17. 1. it
is faid, Behold, Damaſcus is taken away from being a City : The Targum ſays, Ecce
Damaſcus (deſinet eſſe regnum ; as the Prophet himſelf explains it at the third Verſe,
where the word Fortreſs is alſo in the Targům, Dominium : Et ceſſabit Dominium ab
Ephraim. The Examples, of Cities being put for the Countries fubje&t to them, are
frequent. So in the Arabick, Medinah, a City, is a Metropolis ſo called, quaſi aliis
jus dicens, from its Juriſdiction over the neighbouring Parts : From (2) 117, or 799,
or 77, to judge or rule. Becauſe a City gives Laws to the neighbouring Parts, to
which Men reſort for Rule and Judgment, as it's pra&tiſed every where. And in the
Hebrew 1310 is a Province, zóes, Baozneid, ouilegan : And in the Chaldee too. See
(b) Herbelot Tit. Gefr à Giamê.
(i) Schindler
(8) Herbelot Tit. Zerib. Bar Elia.
in Voc. 717& Golius in Lex. Arab, Col. 892.
Dan,

Chap. XI. v. 2.
The Court Rejected.
499
Dan. 3. 2. Thus alſo in the (k) Hebr. ry, which is commonly a City, is turn’d by
geoeg a Country in Ferem. 4. 29. And on the other Hand 78, the Land, ſo turn'd
for the moſt part, is ſometimes turn’d by Trónis a City : And alſo "V, a Nation, comes
in the Greek under the Notion of tóns, a City likewiſe. Thus alſo (1) rónes in Greek
Authors is often taken for the whole Country about it. So Heſychius, having un-
doubtedly fome Author in his Eye, that uſed the Word ſo, hath this Éxplication ;
Tróner, the góegy. Thus that Part of Libya, called the level mones, is turned by Quin-
quegentiani in (m) Eutropius. Thus likewiſe in the (n) Philoſophers the Word is
frequently taken to fignify the whole Republick. In Æſchylus Tónes masztor lig
nifies the whole Land, or Kingdom of the Perſians. So the Emperor M. Antoni-
nus ſeems to call the whole World (P) Alòs Tónov ; the City of Jupiter. See Gataker's
Note upon the Place. In Euripides (9) Tórews is uſed for all Greece ; and ſeems to
be imitated by Plautus, who calls the Greeks Cives. (r) Ut occidi Achilles cives
paffus eft
. Hence in Æſchylus the Gods Protectors of the City are reckond alſo
the Defenders of the Land : As in theſe Expreſſions, (s) lås musgo ou nanas, and (t)
gerecis moaiva Xoi geci. In like manner ſpeaking of the Trojan God: (u) 'Er & oscime
cas monc036xxs beds, Tis na onsons gñs. So ticaímis is a Citizen of the Nation to whom
he belongs ; and is diſtinguiſhed from 'Aços, which is a Citizen dwelling preciſely
in the City. So Civitas in the Latin Tongue is taken for the whole Nation, and op-
poſed to Oppidum : The firſt being nóres, the latter "Av. Thus in Cefar we find;
(70) Omnis Civitas Helvetia in quatuor pagos diviſa eſt. Which Pagi were ſo great,
that one of them alone kill'd a Roman Conful, and took all his Army. Again, (*)
Civitati perſuaſit, ut de finibus fuis cum omnibus copiis exirent. Here Civitas is the
whole Nation. So Urbs is taken for the whole Country belonging thereto in theſe
Words of Virgil : (y) Gravidam bellis urbem. Upon which Servius ſays: Urbem aué
tem provinciam dicit. We need not then wonder, that the Name of Rome ſhould be
given to all the Romans, eſpecially after the Time that all the Subjects of the Roman
Empire were declared Citizens of Rome, as in the Poet, (2) Urbem fecifti quod prius
orbis erat. And Claudian :
(a) Hæc eft in gremium vi&tos qua ſola recepit,
Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit ;
Matris, non domine ritu : civeſ que vocavit,
Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit.
Hence we find in St. Auſtin : (b) Quod ad Romam pertinet, Romanumque Imperium,
tantum loquar, id eft, ad ipfam propriè Civitatem, &* quæcunque illi terrarum vel fo-
cietate convinéta, vel conditione ſubjeétæ ſunt, quæ fini perpeſſe ante adventum Chriſti,
cum jam ad ejus quaſi corpus Reipublice pertinerent.
Carola
So that the Holy City here ſignifies that Chriſtian Church, which being the City of
God, had before this oppreſſion ſo much civil Power as to over-rule its Enemies, and
keep them from perſecuting. But then as this Holy City is here exhibited as ſuffering
by its Enemies ; ſo it could come by no other Name here. For when we ſhall meer
with the ſpecial Names of Sodom and Babylon , then ſome one ſpecial City is meant,
which is there a&ting ſuitably to that Name, with a particular Reſpect to ſome ſpe-
cial City, that anſwers to thoſe Characters, in Oppoſition to its Territories ; where-
as the general Name of zónes a City, ſuppoſes them without any ſpecial Reſpect to an
Aſtu.
Let us now conſider the Title of Holy given to this City in this Place: Which we
Yhall find called Great, when the Holy Ghoſt tells, that it has overcome the Witneſſes
that propheſied againſt it. For 'tis evident that the ſame is meant in both Places,
as well as in the Thirteenth Verſe, where ’tis mentioned without either of theſe Ti-
tles, when the Tenth Part of it fálls. Now this Title of Holy belongs to it here, be-
(k) Vid. Glaffij Gram. Lib. IV. Tract. III. Obf. XX.
(1) Vid. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. VIII.
Pag. 356. ex Euripide, Stefichoro, Sophocle, Homero. A
(m) Eutrop. Brev. Lib. IX.
(n) Porphyr. de Abftin. Lib. I. Sect. 26.
(0) Æfch. Perf. 511.
(D) M. Anton. de
Šeipf. Lib. IV. Sect. 23.
(9) Euripid. Iphig. Aul. V. 375.
(s) Plaut. Mil. Glor.
Act. IV. Sc. 7.
(s) Æſchyl. Sept. C. Theb. V. 173.
(t) Æſchyl. Sept. C. Theb.
V. 277:
(u) Æſchyl. Agam. V. 346. (w) Cæſar. Comm. de Bell. Gall
. Lib. I. Cap. 3.
(2) Cæſar. Comm. de Bell. Gall. Lib. I. Cap. I. ( Virgil. Æneid. Lib. X.
(2) Ru-
cilij Itiner.
(a) Claudian, de II. Conf. Stilich. V. 150.
(6) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei,
Lib. III. Cap. I.
cauſe

500
The Court Rejected. Chap. XI. v. 2.
cauſe the Holy Ghoſt ſhews in what Condition it was, when the Gentiles began to
trample upon it; to get full Poſſeſſion thereof, and fo to prophane it. When they
are ſo Maſters therein, as to ſlay the Witneſſes of God, and thus to magnify them-
ſelves againſt him, then it may be call’dGreat, but not Holy. And when the Holy
Ghoſt obſerves, that it begins to decline, and ſo to ſuffer in the Tenth Part of it, that
falls : Then ſurely, that Fall being a Puniſhment , ſhews that it cannot be called Holy
nor Great, becauſe it does not prevail as to that Accident, but is leſſened and worſted
thereby. So accurate is the Stile of the Holy Ghoſt throughout this Prophecy !
E. Tlačítso, They ſhall trample upon. ] We have obſerv'd before, that to tread up-
on or trample, fignifies to overcome and bring under Subjection. We ſhall add here
a few Proofs of it. This in Pfal. 60. 12. is full: Through God we ſhall do valiantly:
For it is be that ſhall tread down our Enemies. Where the LXX ſay, tj outis
y có del sòs Saicoul as ripiãs, that is, ſhall deſtroy and bring into Subje&tion under us
thoſe, who before did oppreſs us. See Iſaiah 51. 23. So in Fob 21. 20. His Eye
Shall ſee his Deſtruction, and be ſhall drink of the Wrath of the Almighty : The Word
Deftru&tion is turn'd in the LXX by seales, Slaughter, the Hebrew hath 17') : Symma-
chus mwov, fall, ruin ; this indeed expreſſes the Senſe, but if we enquire into the
Propriety of the Word, it will ſignify ng Tomé Tupele, trampling upon, the C*) Root figni-
fying ordinarily in the Æthiopick Tongue to tread, from which this 703 is derived.
So that in Iſaiah 22. 5. where the LXX have veta trotupa, treading, that Word is ſet
ſynonymouſly with é acórete. In Iſaiah 10. 6. in the LXX we find me te TOTETY sre's tri-
des : And in Iſaiah 14. 25. Coop Jos nella reétu pecto In i Maccab. 3. 45. ezídoue xestel-
Telé jfjor. And v. 51. Tecné oz xet TUTTE TOTHO rý Bebhaw). Where treading and polluting
are equivalent. And in Chap. 4. 60. urtele Truegeglen Jérle ti kavu rol care]oi owor dute. All
which Words are the more remarkable , becauſe Antiochus, who cauſed all this to
the Holy City and Temple of Feruſalem, is thought to be a Type of thoſe Enemies
of the Church and true Worſhippers, which are deſcribed here. This treading or
trampling fignifies therefore Defiru&tion or Loſs to them that ſuffer it; but a Gain, and
new Conqueſt or Poffefſion to them that perform it. So in the ancient Oracle cited
before out of Herodotus, Tezéles Towí zpo7ov opzáreads, ſignifies to over run Tegea, or
make a new Conqueſt of it, as redion gsivos draue Suivre ets, fignifies to make a Diviſion
of the Land, in order to full Poſſeſſion. So likewiſe rata meleiv in Pauſanias means
to pollute or violate : For ſpeaking of Philip of Macedonia he faith : (c) ós za ry
ogues Decor meile nel Thoen åsi , who trod upon, or violated always the Oaths made to the
Gods. In Anacreon we read, cogin, Sro Tull el Toldo And in Homer , (d) opnice msh me -
The. And in Älian : (e) Jouồy se hourles. So Diogenes polluted and deſpiſed the
Pride of Plato by treading upon his Carpets, and ſaid ; (f) TUTO [Trátavo tupov.
The ſame Notion is obſerved in Latin Authors. Seneca : (g) Non eſt hoc Rempublicam
calcare ? In Suetonius we have the Word with a Symbolical Omen to boot: (b)
Mox cum #dilem eum C. Cæfar Juccenſens propter curam verrendis viis non adhibitam,
luto jußiſſet oppleri, congeſto per milites in prætextæ finum : non defuerunt qui inter-
pretarentur, Quandoque proculcátam defertamque Rempublicam civili aliqua perturba-
tione, in tutelam ejus, ac velut in gremium, deventuram.
Notwithſtanding this, a late (i) Critick thinks to ſpoil at once all our Scheme,
by obſerving a Difference between meldiv and xette metciv, as if the firſt were to be ta-
ken in good signification, not the latter : So that religro, ſhall tread, fignifies the
Worſhip, which the converted Gentiles are to give to God, and that St. John was
forbidden to meaſure this Court, becauſe the Heathen World was to come into it
without Number to worſhip God. To prove this he obſerves, that maleiv is uſed by
the LXX. in Iſaiah 1. 12. Who hath required this at your Hand to tread my Courts?
But this Critick did not tread right, but ſtumbled in this Place : It being evident,
that God here upbraids the Jews for polluting his Courts by their ill Practices. They
came in, as Piſcator obſerves, ad obeundum cultum externum, to offer idolatrous Of
ferings. And to cut ſhort with him ; if he will but conſult his Greek Concordances,
he will find, that the LXX uſe both meileiv and Kata mlav promiſcuouſly, to expreſs
the very fame Hebrew Words. And that they fignify to pollute, deſpiſe, and the like,

Arcad. Pag. 241.
(*) Hottinger. Smegm. Orient. Pag. 84. Ludolph. Lexic. Æthiop. Col. 307.
(c) Pauſan. in
(d) Homer. Iliad. A. V. 157.
(e) Ælian. Hift. Anim. Lib. VII.
Cap. 1o. (f) Diogenes Laert. Lib. VI. Sect. 26. (8) Senec. de Benef. Lib. II. Cap. 12.
(h) Suecon, in Vefpafian. Cap. 5. (i) Vid. etiam Lightfoot Hor. Hebr. & Talm. in Joh. 12. 20.
accord-

Ch. XI. v. 2.
50;
The Court Rejected.
according to the Place or Allufion made to the ſeveral Treadings, as of Corn or Wine,
or Dirt. As to the Gentiles here, it is plain, that their treading upon the Holy City
ſignifies their being poſſeſſed of the Civil Power in the Church, and trampling up-
on, or oppreſſing the Faithful therein, in order to maintain their Tyranny and Ido-
latry.
F. Mhicis igase; exovla dio, Forty Two Months. ] The Meaning of the whole Verſe
appears now to be this ; “Do not pretend to meaſure and take Poffeffion of the out-
“ ward Court of the Temple, but forſake it, and ſeparate thy ſelf from it, becauſe it
is permitted to be enjoy’d. by the Gentiles, or Chriſtians corrupted by Pagan Rites :
They muſt ſtill have it, and continue to trample upon the Holy City until the End
6 of their appointed Time, which is to be Forty Two Months : But the Time is not
yet come wherein that Term is to be finiſhed”. The Reformed Churches ſhall not do
it at or from the very Beginning of their Reformation ; but both the Reformed and the
corrupted Chriſtians muſt keep to their own Lots until the Term of thoſe Forty Two
Months is lapſed, ſince the Gentiles began.
Mede having imagined, that this meaſuring of the Temple did fignify the taking
an Account of the whole Church through the two firſt great Periods ; and that the
Temple it felf and Altar repreſented the pure State of the Primitive Church ; hath
likewiſe fancied, that the reſt not being meaſured., did bear, as to Time, the fame
Proportion as the Temple and Altar bore to the outward Court. So that according to
him the Temple being meaſured , ſynchroniſes with the firſt Period, and the out-
ward Court not meaſured, with the ſecond Period, which contains the Corruption
of the Church. From which he concludes , that by the Time expreſſed for the Pro-
phanation of the outer Court, we may gather the Time implied for the laſting of the
Purity of the Temple and Altar with their inner Court. This he performs thus : He
obſerves out of Villalpandus, that the Largeneſs of the outer Court was ſuch, that it con-
tain'd the inner Court Three Times and a half
. By the ſame Proportion theſe Forty
Two Months, allowed to the Treading of the outer Court, contain the Times of the
Meaſuring of the inner Court thrice and a half. According to which Proportion the
Times of the Inner Court will be Twelve Months, or 360 Days. And then he pro-
ceeds to calculate this by ſuch Epocha's as he can think on, whereby he endeavours to
include the firſt Four General Councils within the Times of Purity. I will add no
more of this, becauſe I look upon it as more Acute than Solid. For Firſt, I cannot
find one Inſtance in Holy Scripture, by which it ſhould appear that meaſuring by a
Reed fignifies Time, but always the Extent of a continued Quantity. Whereas Time
is always expreſſed by its own Terms, or implied by Succeſſive Epocha's, as in this
Prophecy. Secondly, it appears to me, that the meaſuring of the Temple falls
within the Second Period. Nay, though it is obſerv'd, that the Temple was ſtand-
ing all the while during both Periods, which nevertheleſs is not fo, but the Temple
is ſuppoſed to be built at the end of the Firſt Period, and ſo is to laſt on during
all the Second ; yet the meaſuring thereof is an Accident that falls a&tually within
the Times betwixt the Sixth and Seventh Trumpets. Thirdly, the Symbol of the
Temple is not proper to expreſs the firſt Period of the Chriſtian Church, but the
Second, as hath been often obſerved. Laſtly, it appears, that the Standing of the
Temple, and the Profanation of the outward Court, are collateral Things, to ſhew
that there are true Worſhippers of God in his Temple, whilft Paganiſin hath pro-
fand the viſible Parts of the Church.
I could here apply this Conjecture of Mede to mine own Expoſition much more
ſolidly, as to the Extent of the Temple and Altar, which the Reformed now por-
fefs in Proportion to the Extent of the outward Court, according to the Proportions
calculated by Villalpandus; by ſaying, as it is true in the Event, that the Countries
of all the Reformed Churches together are but Twelve Parts of fuch an Extent as
thoſe Countries of Chriſtendom which are overwhelm'd with Idolatry, make Forty
Two; or elſe, as One to Three and a Half. For in this Account we muſt reckon the
Oriental Churches : But becauſe I find in the Test no Hint for ſuch Conje&ures, I
paſs it over flightly.
For the clearing of this Term, or Line of Time, there appears a Néceſſity to
clear, or anſwer to, theſe following Queſtions: Firſt, wherefore this Term is ſo ex-
atly limited ? But having already given a general Account of the Method of the
Holy Ghoſt therein, in our Note on Chap. 9. s. C. we ſhall refer the Reader to
the Perufal of what we have ſaid. Secondly, why doth the Holy Ghoſt fix the
L11111
Time

The Witneffes.
502
Ch. XI. v. 3.
Time here by Forty Two Months, rather than by other Symbols? The Anſwer is
found in the following Words of Ambr. Ansbertus, who hath ſeen the Alluſion, and
needs but little Alteration or Comment. Populus quippe Ifrael ab Ægypto exiens
uſque ad terram repromifſionis, quadraginta & duas manfiones in itinere habuifſe per-
hibetur. Quæ in figura illis contigile, nullus qui Apoſtoli verba legit , ignorat. Héc
enim ait ; omnia in figura contingebant illis. Ergo fi omnia in figura contingebant
, & nx-
merus illarum manfionum in figura illis contigit. Et ſicut terra illa antiquis patribus
repromiſſa, viventium terram defignavit : fic & manfiones illæ, ufque quo ad terram
repromiljionis veniretur, præſentem vitam figuraverunt. Quod ergo illic per manfiones
in figura fa&tum præceſſit, hoc hic per menſes figurata locutio expreſit. But this
Term, which he here applies to all this Life , he afterwards applies more juſtly to
the Times of the laſt Perſecution : (i) Horum dierum numerus in quadraginta ac du-
obús menſibus comprehenſus, fuperius quidem totum Ecclefiæ tempus defignat, nunc ve-
ro noviſſime perſecutionis afperitatem ſpecialiter comprehendit. Beſides this,' Mede ob-
ſerves, that the Holy Ghoſt hath affe&ted in expreſſing the Term of the great Perſe-
cution by various Symbols of Times, to ſet down thoſe which belong to the true
Church, by ſuch as are denominated from the Revolutions of the Sun, the Fountain
of Light ; and thoſe where the Enemies are mentioned, as here, and in the Deſcri-
ption of the Beaſt in Chap. 13. 5. by ſuch as are denominated from the Moon, Ruler
of the Night and Darkneſs. For Months were certainly in ancient Times guided by
the Courſe of the Moon. Thirdly, What doth this Term fignify, when it is to be-
gin, and when to end ? It is now plain, that it denotes all the Times wherein the
Chriſtian Worſhip ſhall be polluted with Idolatry : So that we muſt begin to reckon
when the Church began to invocate Saints and Angels, and to give Honour and Wor-
Thip to Images, as alſo when Perſecution was introduced therein: Which Two are
the main Points of Paganiſm. But becauſe we ſhall meet with this Symbol again in
Chap. 13. 5. and alſo with others of the ſame Extent, denoting alſo the fame Term,
when the Holy Ghoſt diſcovers other Circumſtances of the Church during that State,
it will be the moſt proper Way to conſider all thoſe Terms together : And therefore
ſhall make one Note of them all at the End of the Thirteenth Chapter, and refer
the Reader to it,
6 03 26953
A. Verſ. 3. Kai sóow nois duod peteluri pere, And I will give Power to my Two Witness
Jes.] As if the Holy Ghoſt had intended to anfwer the Obje&tion of the Gentiles,
Where is now their God? Where was the Reformed Religion before Luther? There-
fore we are immediately told, that God doth not leave himſelf without Witneſſes.
What if the Gentiles have gain'd Poſſeſſion of the Outer Court of the Temple and Holy
City, that none could come at the Temple publickly, nor worſhip there truly, but ſuch
as were hidden, and could not be ſeen ; yet God hath publick Witneſſes always.
And this is his conſtant Method from the Beginning. In the very Caſe of all thoſe
Nations, which never knew God truly, yer St. Paul, A&s 14. 17. tells them, that
God did not leave himſelf without Witneſſes: And thofe were Two likewiſe, ás ap-
pears from that very Oration. The Creation of the World, and its Preſervation by
the continual Kindneſs and Favours of the Divine Providence, are Two ſtanding Wit-
nelles for the true God, even before all the Gentiles. But ever ſince he hath begun
to reveal himſelf, whenever Men have ſeem'd to forget, or deny him, he hath lent
Witneſſes to confute them. So here the Holy Gholt hath no ſooner given an Ac-
count, how the outer Court of the Temple, and Holy City have been prophan'd by
the Gentiles, but immediately he takes occaſion to Thew, that ſtill God had Two ex-
ternal or viſible Witneſſes, as he had upon the like Occaſions under the Moſaical Dif
penſation, at ſuch Times as that Church was the moſt opprefs’d, and God and his
Worſhip ſlighted. And ſo, from this neceſſary Admonition of the being of the Two
Witnesſes, the Holy Ghoſt goes on to deſcribe them fully in this place, when theſe
Witneſſes ſeem in a manner to be upon the very Entrance of their Glory, and the End
of their Teſtimony, whereof the Reformation gives them Hopes, and makes 'way,
to be accompliſhed ſpeedily at the next Epocha to happen in the Church.
And herein the Holy Ghoſt follows the Practice of the moſt ſkilful Artiſts in De-
ſcriptions, to begin in the Middle, or at fuch Time as the general Series of the main
Matters requires that Mention ſhould be made of the Origin of thoſe particular
we
svalsw 18
(i) Ambró Ansbert. Lib. VI. in Apoc. cap. 13. 5.
Tranh

Ch. Xl. v. 3
The Witneſſes.
503
யான்
Tranſactions, which are now to make an eſſential Part of the whole : Taking Occa-
fion from that Hint to deſcribe all the neceſſary Qualities of thoſe Matters. Thus
the Scholiaſt of Homer accounts for the Poet's beginning at the Wrath of Achilles.
“ ο 3 Ποιητής, οικονομικών καν τέτω ήρξαλο μειο από την πλατείων διά και η αστράω
λεχθέντων, ωεεέλαβε και τι σε τέτων ασθένα. άυτη γδ αρετή ποιήσεως, η απο υ μέσων
difogs, spokóyle ģe xj The de lus drug
cite x?? uíç c. So that the Holy Ghoſt could not
well put off the Deſcription of theſe Witneſſes, any further than the Account of this
Sixth Trumpet, at a Time when the Profanation of the Temple is mentioned, toge-
ther with the Uſurpation of the Holy City, both which were to be clear'd from all
ſuch Profanation and Ufurpation at the Seventh Trumpet ; and that this great Revo-
lution was to put an end to the Teſtimony of theſe Witneſſes, and give them Admit-
tance into a better State. Now indeed as the Trumpets are Symbols, which denote
Foreign Alarms, ſo the inward State of the Church could not be throughout men-
tion'd therein ; but in this Epiſode all is made up. Neither could it be put off
further than the Sixth, becauſe the Seizure of the Temple being an Effect thereof,
which was to be carried on in the Seventh to its Perfection, required, that it ſhould
be diſcovered before-hand, how it had been profaned, and how God kept till pub-
lick Witneſſes.
Let us now proceed to ſee who theſe Witneſſes are. Now as the Chriſtian Oeco-
nomy is the Perfection of God's Deſigns, the Reſult of all his Decrees, and was ty-
pified by all the remarkable Steps of God towards Mankind, both in the times of
the Patriarchs, eſpecially in the Mofaical Oeconomy : So theſe Chriſtian Wit-
neſſes have alone all the Attributes and Properties which any of the Witneſſes of God
had under the Mofaical Diſpenſation, wherein the Methods of God ſeem'd to have
run in a moſt regular Courſe. So then, beſides a Reaſon which ſhall be given here-
after, when we come to examine why theſe Witneſſes are Two Lamps, concerning
their Number, this affords us one for the ſame: Becauſe God at different times ſeems
to have kept himſelf to that Stint ; following therein thạt Rule which himſelf hath
ſet to Men. At the Mouth of Two Witneſſes, or, at the Mouth of Three Witneſſes,
Shall the Matter be eſtabliſhd; Deut. 19. 15. See Numb. 35. 30. Deut. 17.6.
which our Saviour hath approv'd in his Goſpel, Matth. 18. 16. Fohn 8. 17. 1 Cor.
13. 1. For this Reafon God hath upon eminent Occaſion ſent his Prophets by
Pairs. In Egypt and the Deſart there was MOSES and AARON. So under the
Apoftafy of the Ten Tribes, but eſpecially when not only the Worſhip of God was
profan'd, but the very Gods of the Heathens were likewiſe Worſhipped, God ſent
ELIAS and ELIŠ ÆUS. When the Gentiles had quite deſtroy'd the Worſhip
of God in Judea, by pulling down the Temple, and had trampled upon the Holy
City, God had then alſo a pair of Witneſſes, ZOROBABEL and JOSHUA.
One of theſe ſtood for the Ecclefiaftical, or Religious Government ; and the other
for the Civil State. I am ſure, that Mofes and Aaron did ſo, and Zorobabel and
Foshria : But not ſo well of Elias and Elifæus. But yet I take them to have been,
the one of the Family of the Prieſts, and the other of the People
. As to Elias, I
conjecture that he was a Prieſt, becauſe he Sacrificed in the Preſence of Ahab and the
People. And though I own, that the Occaſion and Manner was extraordinary; yet
I think, that ſeeing God did upbraid the Iſraelites and their Kings, for making
Prieſts out of the meaneſt of the People, it would not have been proper, though buc
in one ſingle Caſe, to put the Office of the Prieſthood into the Hands of one that
had not been of the Right or Prieſtly Family. This would have given them Occa-
fion to upbraid him in their Turn for ufurping the Prieſthood, and doing that out
of Zeal for God, which was againſt a poſitive Law, for which he was ſo zealous.
So Epiphanius, not barely in (k) that dubious Work of his, but in the (1) Genuine
alſo, avers from Tradition, that he was of the Sacerdotal Family, and even gives us
at Length his whole Pedigree. And accordingly in the Targum on Lament. 4. 22. he
is called ſo, 227 XII, Sacerdos magnus. I know, that many Authors think, that
he was not a Prieſt, but that what he did was done by Virtue of the Law of an
Hour, according to the Jewiſh Maxim ; when God did impower fome Men, not
Prieſts, to do Sacerdotal Offices. In which Senſe Irenæus makes David alſo to be a
(k) Epiph. de Proph. cap. s.
(1) Epiphan. Panar. Hæreſ. LV. S. 3,
Prieſt,

504
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 3!
Prieſt, becauſe he permitted, thar he ſhould eat of the Shew-Bread: (M) Sacerdos
autem ſcitus fuerat David apud eum. But I doubt they miſtake their Examples.
However in this Cafe, having Tradition to back Reafon, we need not to ſuppoſe
more extraordinary Actions than we are obliged to. As to Eliſeus, that he was nei-
ther Levite, nor Prieſt, is plain by his Calling; being found, when Elias choſe him
for his Companion, at the Plough, i Kings 19. 19. For neither Prieſt nor Levite
could do ſo, being not allow'd to have any ſuch Land. Nay, he was a Man of ſome
Figure among his People, as his having Twelve Yokes of Oxen at a Time at Work
fufficiently
. Thews it. (n) Fuller infers from that Place, 1 Kings 7. 46. that the
Land about Jordan being deep and clay Ground, required Twelve Yokes ; but that's un-
likely. The Expreſſion, he with the Twelfth, fuppoſes there were Twelve Draughts,
and that he follow'd himſelf with the Twelfth ; 'the reſt being done by his Servancs.
Add to all this, that in the beginning of the Chriſtian Oeconomy, John the Baprift
,
whom Elias did repreſent as a Type, was of the Sacerdotal Family too: But inſtead
of being admitted to it when he was Thirty Years Old, God had made him a Pro-
phet in the Power and Spirit of Elias.
Further it is to be obferv'd, that theſe Two Witneſſes have a Regal Power, which
implies a Power to command the Execution of the Law of God, a Superiority
over all others: As we have ſhewn that the Teſtimony fignified the Law ; and that,
as appears from Iſaiah 55.4. A Witneſs to the People, a Leader, and Commander to
the People, being the fame, and ſer here to explain each other ; a Witneſs of God
a Deputy with Divine Power and Authority, an Ordinance of God endued with a
Regal Power
. Which Title ſuppoſes a Reſiſtance to all other Human Power ſetting
up it ſelf againſt God's. Hence alſo Zorobabel and Foſhua, which were the Two
Witneſjes during the Captivity, are called the Anointed Ones; that is, the Supreme
Governors in Church and State, Zech. 4. 14. as indeed even here the Word Race, I
will give, implies Power and Authority, And though theſe Witneſſes, or Martyrs,
in making War for the Defence of God's Cauſe , do loſe their Lives ; yet, as hath
been hinted elſewhere , their Death is their Vi&tory: They overcome by the Blood
of the Lamb, which in ſhedding their own for his Cauſe, they fo unite with their
own, that both together crying for Vengeance to God for it, this unavoidably
brings Deſtruction upon their Enemies, as an Effect of their Vi&ory, from the Judg.
Moreover we ate to obſerve, that as theſe Two Witneſſes are Symbolical, ſo in the
Expoſition of the Symbol, and all its Attributes, we muſt not tie our felves to Two
individual Witneſſes, as if this only fignified Two Men, but we ought to underſtand
thereby that perpetual Succeſſion of Holy Men, which have ſtood up for the Truth
of the Divine Worſhip, againſt the Corruptions or Heatheniſh Rites, which crept
into it. So that theſe Two Witneſſes repreſent a ſtanding and perpetual Body of
Men, who have been zealous to preſerve the Purity of the Goſpel. Therefore this
Symbol of the Two Witneſſes, repreſents a Collective.Body; and fo the Application
of the Events muſt be fuch, as betits a Collective Body, not as if they were only
Two Men. And the Reaſon why the Holy Ghoſt repreſents them under the Notion
of Two Witneſſes, is to thew not only, that their Teſtimony ſhall ſtand true, but in
Alluſion to thoſe Two Heads of Civil and Eccleſiaſtical Power, which God ought to
have in his Church ; and which theſe Two Witneſſes in his Name vindicate againſt
the Tyranny of thoſe who have rejected it. Beſides that other Reaſon to be given
afterwards, that the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to Thew, that the Perſecution during this
Profànation ſhall be ſo great, that the publick Affertors of the true Religion ſhall be
reduced to a ſmall Number. For fo that Number is often uſed in Holy Writ,
and elſewhere, to fignify very few. 1 Kings 17. 12. I am gathering Two Sticks;
that is, a few. So in Ijaiah 7. 21. Two Sheep: that is, a Imall Flock, to ſhew
their Poverty. And in Hofea 6. 2. Two Days are a little while, or few Days. In
Perſius : Vel duo, vel nemo. Few or none, next to none. And ſo we ought to un-
deritand theſe Words of Homer :
(6) Tès j' nata Q912 Sev, tive a Sto, Tótxer 'A gaucony SOOJ 219113
Nécor Bond'wor,
ment of God.
(19) Irenæ. Lib. IV, cap, 20, (m) Fuller's Piſgah Sight Lib. II. cap. 8, (O) Homer. Iliad. B. v. 346.
3
But

Chap. XI. v. 3.
The Witneſſes.
505
But now becauſe I ſaid, that theſe Two Witneſſes alluded to Mofes and Aaron,
Elias and Eliſéis, Zorobabel and Foſhua, I will here fer down at one View, the ſe-
veral Qualities of theſe alluding to the former,
MOSES and AARON. ELIAS and ELISÆUS.
ZOROBABEL and
JOSHUA
portat
Have Power over the Clothed in Sackcloth, Theſe are the Two Olive
Waters to turn them into | and Propheſying, Verſe 3. | Trees, and the Two Lamp
Blood, and to ſmite the Compare 2 Kings 1. 8. and Sconces, ſtanding before
Earth with all Plagues, as Chap. 2. 12, 13, which the God of the whole
often as they will. Verſe 6. thews, that Elifæus was Earth, Verſe 4. Compare
Compare Exod. 4. 9. &c. clåd as Elins.
Zech. 4. 3, II, 14.
Chap. 7. 17. 8c.
Fire devoureth their Ene Clothed in Sackcloth
If any Man will hurt mies, Verſe 5. Compare | Verſe 3. Zechar. 3. 3.
them, Fire proceedeth out i Kings 18. 38, 40. 2 Kings
of their Mouth, and de 1. 10, 12, 14. alſo 6. 17.
voureth their Enemies. Have Power over Wa-
Verſe s. Compare Numb. | ters, Verſe 6. Compare
16. 3, 35.
2 Kings 2. 8, 14.
Have Power to ſhut
Heaven , that it rain not,
Verſe 6. Compare i Kings
17. I. alſo, 18.1.
Taken up into Heaven
in a Cloud, Verſe 12. So
Elias, 2 Kings 2. II.
19. 10. D.
So that the Two Chriſtian Witneſſes have all the Qualities, Powers, and Privileges,
which all the Moſaical Witneſſes ever had fingly. The uč, my Witneſſes, is Empha-
tical, and ſhews, that the Angel ſpeaks in the Name of God.
B. Kai megpuzdosov, And they ſhall Propheſy.] Since the proper Office of the
Martyrs of Jeſus Chriſt is to Propheſy, it is plain from hence, that Propheſy and
Martyrdom are the ſame; and this conſiſts in a publick Affertion of the true Reli-
gion againſt the Inventions of Men. Prophecy to the Iſraelites, was the ſame as
Martyrdom with the Chriſtians. So 'tis conſtantly taken in this Sacred Book, and.
even explain'd too, left we ſhould miſtake the Senſe of Prophecy in this Viſion, and
confound it with any other which may be affign'd it. See the Note on Chap.
C. 'Huéegs gerias Drexooi as Enxorld, A Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days.]
The Meaning of the whole ſeems to be thus: “ Do not think, that it is now Time
to enter into the full Poffeſfion of all the parts of God's Publick Worſhip, and to
“ ſee the Deſtruction of Idolatry, and the End of the Tyranny uſurped in the
« Church: For the Witneſſes that are to Propheſy in Sackcloth all the Time that
« the Gentiles poſſeſs the outer Court of the Temple, and trample upon the Holy
City, have not yet therefore performed their Teſtimony. For that is to hold out
" to the End of One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days: Which End is not
yet come. For when it comes, theſe Witneſſes ſhall receive a more glorious State,
" than this which thou haſt Meaſured and taken Poffeffion of. There will be Perſons
• Martyred by the Idolatrous Church as long as it ſtands.” So that the Mini-
ſtration of theſe Witneſſes is of the fame Duration, and collateral to the Idolatry in
the Church : For One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days are equal to Forty
Two Months, allowing Thirty Days to each Month: The Holy Ghoſt uſing a round
Number, without the Allowance of the Fragments. I put off the further Confide-
ration of this Number, as to its Beginning and End, for the ſame Reaſons which have
been mentioned before.
And here the fame Obſervation made by Mede is to be repeated, that the ſetting
forth of the Profanation of the Temple, or Worſhip of God, and Tyranny in the
Mmmmmm
Holy

506
The Witneſſes. Chap. XI. V. 3.
Holy City by Months, and that of the Term of the Witneſſes, which thew the true
Worſhip of God by Days, is not without Myſtery: Becauſe the Worſhip of Idols,
all Sin and Error, is within the Power of Darkneſs and Night, over which the Moon
preſides ; and on the contrary, the true Religion is compared to Light and Day, over
which the Sun preſides. Therefore in Acts 26. 18. the ſending of St. Patel to the
Gentiles is ſaid to be, to open their Eyes, that they may be converted from Darkneſs
to Light, and from the Power of Satan unto God. So in 2 Cor. 6. 14. What Commu-
nion bath Light with Darkneſs? Now the Months depend on the Moon, which is
the Miſtreſs over the Time of Darkneſs; but the Days and Years are directed by the
Sun, which is the Principle of Light. To this he alſo applies the Numbers of Time
in Chap. 13. 5. wherein the Beaſt is ſaid to make War during Forty Two Months:
But the abiding of the Woman in the Deſert is counted by Days and Tears, according
to the Motion of the Sun.
D. Tesı6e6anuše os ou nxes, Clothed in Sackcloth,] Sackcloth here is to fignify any
Matter, whereof Sacks were made Anciently. And this was generally of Skins with-
out Dreſſing. The Ancient Prophets were ſome of them, if nor all, clothed thus.
And for this Reaſon the Falſe Prophets affected this Garb too: For which God up-
braids them in Zech. 13. 4. Neither ſhall they wear a rough Garment to deceive. So
our Saviour, Marth. 7. 15. deſcribes alſo that Sort of Men. Elias, the great Pro-
phet, was ſo clad, 2 Kings 1. 7, 8. and Chap. 19. 13, 19. where the LXX have
einactik. And therefore as a Symbol, that he left Elifæus his Succeffor, he left
him his Mantle ; which Elifæus put on, having rent and caſt away his own Cloaths,
2 Kings 2. 12, 13. where the LXX call that Garment as before. And fo Verſe 15.
when the Sons of the Prophets ſaw him with that Garment, they ſaid immediately,
that the Spirit of Elias reſted on Elifæus. So Ifaiah, 20. 2. had a Sackcloth upon his
Loins as a Propher. Theſe Habits are called Sacks, becauſe they were of the ſame
Stuff as Sacks were uſually made of, which the Greeks called súrazol. The Rough
Garment in Zech. 13. 4. is turn'd in the LXX by Néppen reizérlw. Now theſe Sacks,
as well as Prophetick Garments, might be either Sheep-Skins, or Goat-Skins; to
which St. Paul alludes, Heb. 11. 37. & fundarais, és aizcions segugorv. Or even of a
Camel, as (P) Fohn the Baptiff's, Matth. 3. 4. Who wore that, not only as a Prophet,
but as a Nazarite.' For ſuch ſeems to have been their Garment during their Vow.
It was alſo the Habit of Mourners. And perhaps the Prophets wore it as a Sign of
their Mourning for the Sins of the People, and for the Diſhonour which their God
ſuffer'd thereby. Hence all of them preached Repentance.
But in Zech. 3. 3. Foſhua the High Prieſt, one of God's Witneſſes then, to whom
St. John alludes here, is repreſented with filthy Garments. In which place fome
think, that he wore them as a Token of his Sorrow, and the Miſery of the People :
But others think, that it was upon the Account of the Danger of Idolatry, by mar-
rying with Idolatrous Wives. So where it is ſaid, Verfe 3. Et Jefus erat indutus
veſtibus Jordidis, the Targum faith, Erant autem ipſi Fofua filij qui duxerant uxores
que non erant dignæ ſacerdotio. In the next Verle, where 'tis commanded to take
away thoſe filthy Garments; the Targum faith, Dicite etiam ei ut ejiciat de domo fua
uxores qua non funt decentes facerdotio. And when this is done accordingly
Verſe 5. the Targum explains it; Et acceperunt ei uxorem decentem facerdotio
.
Fuſlin Martyr expounds it fo likewiſe ; fàving that the Fault is thrown upon
Foſhua himſelf: (9) 'oy os tov 'Ingi's incã vc é aszóulo ko og mopopóry jepdis, PU Treggio
ιματια εφάνη φορών, δια τη γυναίκα πόρνω λελέχθαι ειληφέναι αυτόν. Whereby it' hould
feem, that this filthy Garment is the Symbol of an Idolatrous Marriage: And that
fuch Marriages as the fews had then contracted, were the Grievance, which was re-
preſented by the filthy Garments of the High Prieſt
. For that the High Prieſt was
the Repreſentative of the People, becauſe he was to bear their Sins, therefore
this High Prieſt ſeem'd to Mourn, and fo be incapable of performing his Office,
becauſe his People were ſtill inclin'd to Idolatry. See Levit. 10. 17. and Chap. 21.
IO, II, I2.
1 Upon theſe Accounts the Prophets, or Witneſſes here, have the Habit of Mourn-
ers, becauſe the Gentiles have profan'd the Court of the Temple, and tyrannize in
ord
som
(0) Vide Fuller. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. IV. Cap. 7.)
(9) Juſtin. Dial, cum Tryphon. Pag. 269*
16 noi
the

Chap. XI. v. 3. The Witneſſes.
507
the Holy City. When the Honour of God is thus profan'd, it becomes them to
do ſo. This Habit therefore, thus worn by theſe publick Witneſſes, denotes the mi-
ſerable State of the Church during their Miniſtry, ariſing from the Wickedneſs of
Men: Which is alſo repreſented by filthy Garments. See the Note on Chap. 22.
II. B. Hence we read in Barnabas, (c) 6èv rõ Beorado dvrt sivépose écon ) zomermen
pucanggi, as ipsis CoIngóus Tx : Quia in regno illius dies erunt nequiffimi, & fordidi,
quibus nos fanabimur. And afterwards, (s) on hiucis pelos xelet Beivouku sis no ūding pálcová
les emoglošv rj þure, Quia nos deſcendimus in aquam pleni peccatis & fórdibus. For as
White, Holineſs, and Happineſs are cognate; fo Filth, Vice, and Miſery are ; being
the Conſequences of each other reſpe&tively, as we ſhall ſhew elſewhere. So in
the Punick Verſes in Plautus, the Carthaginian, whoſe Stile is conformable to the
Oriental Notions, there expreſſes himſelf thus,
(1) Sterquilinia mea cellabúnt.
fignifying, my Sorrow and Miſery ſhall ceaſe. So Petitus hath tranſlated the Verſes,
which Bochart thinks are written rather in the Libyan Language. However in the
next Scene, where the ſame Perſon ſpeaks in Latin, Plautus introduces him, calling
good News by the Name of Chalk ;
(u) Cretá eſt profe&to horum hominum Oratio.
(w) Chalk being uſed to Waſh, Scour, and whiten Garments, is the Symbol of Joy.
So on the contrary, the fame faith by way of Expoſition;
(x) Ut mihi abſterſerunt omnem forditudinen.
for this Sorditudo plainly ſignifies the Grief and Pain he was in to have loſt his Bro-
ther's Child, even according to the Expoſition of Plautus elſewhere ;
(y) Immundas fortunas equom eſt ſqualorém ſequi.
Servius fays; (2) Nam lugentum mos eji prioris habitus immutatio
. Now this put-.
ting on of dirty Skins, was very likely not only uſed by the Carthaginians, but we
alſo learn from Diodorus Siculus, that in Time of publick Calamity, ſuch Skins were
ſet upon the Prows of their Ships: (a) aid xj zais apgais Néppeis selezéruq, ömeg del
ποιεϊν ειώθασιν όταν το κακόν δημοσία (υμβεβηκέναι δόξη τη καρχηδονίων πόλεω. See here our
Note upon Chap. 7. 15. C. on the Temple. And from Menander, whoſe Words are
preſerv'd by Porphyry, we learn the Phænicians continued the Cuſtom to his Days,
of putting on Sackcloth in their Miſery, and fitting on the Dunghill :
e. (b) Eita goxxiov texaCov, sis I OSTY
'Evet Hage duri i xómos, rj The Seda
Εξιλάσανο τα τιτανώσαι σφόδρα.
Therefore thoſe Colonies, which did pra&tiſe this ſtill in Tertullian's Time, were in
Africa, and obferv'd the Phænician Rites: (C) Apud quafdam vero colonias præterea
annuo ritu faccis velati, & cinere conſperſi idolis ſuis invidiam ſupplicem objiciunt,
balnea & tabernacula in nonam ufque_cluduntur. Unus in publico ignis apud Aras,
aquæ nec in lancibus. See the reſt. But this was alſo the Cuſtom of the Romans.
Feftus: (d) Lugentes quoque diebus lu&tus in pellibus funt. And therefore we need
not to wonder if any Black, or Dirty Garments be in the Onirocriticks the Symbols
of great Affli&tion. The Egyptian, in Chap. 218. faith, Ei il idm in éợóçet rezore us Oy
fénar, si Jaéfus autod opodpórzegre észy. So the Indian in Chap. 157. Kui corte ostis iuso
(v) Barnab. Epiſt. Cap. VI. (5) Barnab. Epift. Cap. IX.
(1) Plaut. Penul. Ac. v.
Sc. I. V. 15. (u) Plautus Penul. Act. V. Sc. 2. V. 8. (2) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXV.
Cap. 17. Theophr. Charact. rei vinegaozias.
(x) Plaut. Pænul. Act. V. Sc, 2. V. 10.
(y) Plautus Ciftell. Act. I. Sc. 1. V. 116. (2) Diod. Sic. Lib. XX. Pag. 737.
(a) Serv.
in Virg. Æn. Lib. XI. Col. 1605. (6) Porphyr. de Abſtin. Lib. IV. Sect. 15.
() Ter-
tull. de jejun. Cap. XVI. (d) Feſtus. Voc. Pellem habere.
3
τίων

508
Chap. XI. V. 4.
The Witneſſes.
se con tal xf2 Féplacis olis nisov éppé mw.sną, cis ļu TOV of misews cloi. Kæe Cores é upl suo as YOT PIA*
og med peel om wij e papu Torbe Indies is Grifer F xóour e civ úverogov pri ure. Kai mes porn
au pro's xj rezory sis Frófev everozor zpívov 9. So in the Perſian and Egyptian in Chap.
158. Εαν ίση τις ότι ερευνητώθη τα ιμάτια αυτά, απόδημG- έσαι και ταξιδέων ότι τοσέτον, όσον έρ-
do te Sn. And again in Chap. 173. the Indian faith ; E ö iho on evemad 3" 77 tipid-
τίων αη, αφήσει θλίψιν εις των άνωθεν α ρ ημώω κρίσιν, εν οίς έκασον εκρίθη ή ιματίων αρρ-
on mees. The Time of the Witneſſes being thus clad , muſt at this Rate be a Time of
great Tribulation in the Church.
A. Verf. 4. Om diav de so enaine. Theſe are the Two Olive Trees.] It is very
plain, that the Holy Ghott here alludes to the Prophecy of Zech. 4. 3, II, 14.
wherein the Prophet faith, that he ſaw Two Olive Trees, on either Side of the Lamp-
Sconce of Gold, pouring Oyl into the Lamps; which the Angel there explain'd to
be Two Anointed ones;
that is, Two Heads of the Captivity; the one Zorobabel,
as Captain of the People; the other Foſhua, as High Prieſt
. Which Type plainly
fignified, that thoſe Two Heads did maintain the Nation of the Captive Fews, both
as to their Ecclefiaftical and Civil State ; as the Olive Trees, which afford Oyl, do
maintain the Light in the Lamps, the Symbols of Government. In the ſame manner
theſe Two Witneſjes are both the Olive Trees and Lamp-Sconces; perform both
Offices: By which we find, that the Holy Ghoſt is ſhewing, that the Two Witneſſes
Thall keep up by themſelves the right and viſible Poffeffion of the Civil and Eccle-
fiaftical Power belonging of Right to the Church of Chriſt. And fo keep up con-
tinually in the World, during the Perfecution of the Church, the viſible Succeſſion
of God's true Worſhippers. Theſe Two Thall pour Oil into the Lamps, that
the Light of the Goſpel be not quite extinguiſhed, during the Times of the
Gentiles,
But here it may be asked, How comes the Holy Ghoſt to heap here, and compli-
cate the Symbols, to deſcribe theſe Two Witneſſes in the Chriſtian Church, not only
from the Two Prophets Elias and Eliſeus, but alſo further down ? We muſt under-
ſtand, that this oppreffed State of our Church is ſo long, and grievous, and manifold ;
that it anſwers fully to all the defolate State of the Church of Iſrael : Not only of
the Ten Tribes, to which Elias and Elifæus propheſied, but alſo to that of the Jews;
when this alſo fell into its miſerable State. For before the Times of Zorobabel it
was not compleated. So that theſe Two Witneſſes do in the Chriſtian Church an-
ſwer to all the Miſeries of the Mofaical, in each of its Periods, as well as to the Mi-
fèries of it in that Period wherein our Church is in this Period analogical to it. Be-
fides this the Witneſſes were to ſerve as a Type of a colle&tive Body of Chriſtians
not only during their Sufferings, but alſo in their Reſtoration. Now the Type or Aca
cidents of Elias and Elifæus could not exhibit ſuch an Example of Reſtoration for that
People too : This was only performed by Zorobabel and Joſhua. So that it was ne
ceſſary to bring them in allo.
B. Kui ai do noxvier, And the Two Lamp-Sconces.] Theſe Two Witneſſes are not
only the Two Olive Trees, that give Oil to the Lamps, but they are alſo the Lamps,
or Lamp-Scones, that receive the Oil. In the Vifion of Zachary there appears but
one Lamp-Sconce, one Frame or Stock, to bear Seven Lamps, having Seven and Se-
ven Pipes, or Tunnels, according to the Hebrew Copy; that is, that each of the O-
live Trees might pour Oil into the Lamps through Seven Pipes ; each Lamp having
thus Two Pipes or Tunnels, bringing Oil to it from the Two Olive Trees, or Fuel to
keep the Light in the Lamps. Now this plainly intimates to us, that the Nation of
Iſrael was to be preſerved by thoſe Two Princes, Zorobabel and Joſhua. And indeed,
as Mede hath obſery'd, the Conjunction xj in this place, between eacies and so dugvíde,
may ſtand inſtead of the Prepoſicion Cws or cameg; in the ſame manner as in Hebrew
the Copulative is put to various Uſes, and in particular inſtead of by, fignifying
with, or by, near, or the like : But we need not to ſuppoſe it here ; becauſe theſe
Two Witneſſes are not only the Olive Trees, but the Lamp-Sconces too : That is, they
not only lignify the Perpetuity of the viſible Profeſſors of the Faith and Worſhip,
but alſo the Members of the Church too. Theſe Two are more than Zorobabel and
Joſhua, who were the Olive Trees, in that they Two preſerved the Fews and Church
together : But they were not themſelves the Lamps, which repreſented the Remnants
of the Nation Civil and Ecclefiaftical, preſerva from utter Extin&tion, whilſt Zoro-
babel ard
Foſhua the High Prieſt poured Oil on both Sides to keep it alive. So that
there is ſome little Difference in this Symbol of St. Fohn, though borrowed from
Zecha-

Ch. XI. v. 4.
50g
The Witneſſes.
Zechariah. For here the Two Witneſſes repreſent both, the Princes and People. The
Olive Trees and (e) Lamp-Sconces fignifying firſt the Chriſtian Church, and then the
Means of its Preſervation in the true Worſhip, by the Continuation or Succeſſion of
the Witneſſes, kept up during all the Times of Perfecution ; whereby the Lamps of
God burn
conſtantly.
But then, why have we here, in this corrupted State of the Church, whilſt the
faithful propheſy in Sackcloth and Miſery, two Lamp-Sconces to repreſent it?
Whereas neither in the Viſion of Zachary, to which this alludes, nor yet any where
elfe do we ſee, that the Number of them is any more than one Lamp-Sconce for the
Moſaical Oeconomy; or elſe Seven for the Chriſtian. To remove this ſeeming Dif-
ficulty, which Mede hath ſeen, but could not clear, I will begin firſt by explaining,
as well as I am able, the Myſtery contain’d in the Viſion of Zachary. The Prophet
obſerv'd, that there were Seven and Seven Pipes, which poured Oil out of the Bowl
continually ſupplied by the Olive Trees. Some affert, that there was but one Pipe
to each Lamp ; following therein the LXX, who aſſign no more than Seven. Others
think, that each Lamp had Seven Pipes pouring into it ; thus taking the Hebrew
Expreſſion au nyaw, Seven and Seven, to ſignify the ſame as what the Greeks
would expreſs by dva zad. As in Luke 10. 1. we find evci Mo, which in Mark 6. 7.is
faid to be so so, according to the Hebrew Idiom. But with Submiſſion, this is a
Miſtake. (f) For when it is deſign'd, thar the doubling of the Word, expreſſing a
Number, ſhould fignify the ſame as éve, to expreſs, for Inſtance by Two and Two, or
by Seven and Seven, then the Stile of the Hebrew Idiom is to double the Number
without the Copulative Particle: As for Inſtance, when the Animals were to come
into Noah's Ark by Two and Two, the Hebrew hath Owouw do so, Genef. 7.9,
1. See Exod. 8. 14. Mark 6. 39. But when the Copulative is put before the
fecond Word of Number ; then it ſhews, that the ſecond Number is to be added to
the firſt. Thus in the very Caſe of the Number Seven ; when Solomon dedicated the
Temple, and obſerv'd 'its Dedication for Fourteen Days together, that Number is
thus expreſſed, and even explain'd immediately, i Kings 8.65. Seven Days, and Se-
ven Days, even Fourteen Days. To which we may refer the Expreſſion of St. John
hereafter, uguegy ry Koupes zij pusu soupe, to fignify Three Years and a balf. Let it there-
fore ſtand thus in Zachary, that there were Seven and Seven Pipes, that is, Fourteen
Pipes.
Now to ſhew why the Holy Ghoſt hath thus doubled the Number of the Seven
Pipes, to fignify thereby, that Zorobabel as well as Foſhua poured Oil into the
Lamps, though it was wholly the Prieſt's Office fo to do in the Lamps of the Ta-
bernacle and Temple ; we muſt obſerve, that this being abſolutely fymbolical in this
Vifion, the Change made in the Symbols, from what they were in the Inſtitution,
ariſes from the Difference in the Conſtitution of the Church and State. So that the
Holy Ghoſt deſigning to fliew how Things are, muſt diſpoſe the Symbols accordingly,
When God inſtituted the Mofaical Religion, as himſelf was King, and the Prieſts
his Servants and Attendants, the Religious and Political State of the Nation was
but one and the ſame. They were a Royal Prieſthood, and a peculiar People; or
as in Exod. 19. 6. A Kingdom of Prieſts, and an holy Nation. But when the IS-
raelites deſir’d to have a King over them, as other Nations, then they reje&ted God
from being their King, at leaſt as to the political State, which then fell under the
immediate Dire&tion of their Kings ; and the other ſtill remain'd in the Prieſts, at
leaſt as to the Execution of the Divine Service : Though indeed the Kings had then
alſo the higheſt Stroke in the Government of the Ecclefiaftical State in all thoſe Mat-
ters, which were not immediately appointed to the Prieſts by the Law, as to the
Divine Worſhip. From this Diſtin&tion came the Two Crowns, or Nezers ; the
one on the King's Head, the other on the High Prieſt's : As alſo the Two Thrones ;
one in the Temple for God, t'other for Solomon, whoſe Throne was then alſo called
the Throne of God, being made ſomewhat in the fame Faſhion, at leaſt with ſymbo-
lical Figures taken from that of God. So that theſe Two Thrones and Crowns thew'd
a Partition of the Government. This Diſtinction continued thus all the Times of
the Kings. Now the Holy Ghoſt defigning to ſhew the whole Lamp of Iſrael, or
(e) Vid. Epift. Ludov. de Dieu ad G. Boſw. inter Oper. J. Medi.
Thefaur. Gram. Lib. II. cap. 2.
Nnnnnn
(f) Vid. Buxtorf.
united
510
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 5

united State of that Nation, exhibits but one Lamp ; but ſtill the Civil and Eccle
fiaſtical Government, though cloſe united, being diſtin&t ; ſo here Zorobabel
, being
of the Royal Family, is repreſented as equally contributing with Foshua the High
Prieſt to the Maintenance of the Light of Iſrael
, or in the united Government in
Church and State ; that is, the Preſervation of the Remnant in ſuch a manner, that
they ſhould enjoy their former Privilege of being governed by Kings, or Princes,
and High Prieſts of their own Nation. From which it comes, that in the Viſion are
repreſented Two Olive Trees, each having Seven Pipes, to pour out oil into the
Lamps, that the Light ſhould be continually fupplied. But here is ſtill but one
Lamp-Sconce, whereas in St. John's Viſion there are Two preſerv'd, the ſame as the
Witneſſes. "Tis true indeed; but the Difficulty lies not in that there are more than
one, becauſe the Chriſtian Church hath a greater Extent; but rather in that they are
only Two. In the firſt Viſion, Revel. 1. 12. there are Seven Lamp-Sconces, not one
Sconce with Seven Lamps ; whereby the Excellency and Univerſality of the Chriſtian
Church, even in its Birth, is ſhewn above that of the whole Mofaical Conſtitution,
So that now being reduced to Two, this ſhews, that the State of the Faithful, during
the Corruption of the ſecond Period of our Oeconomy, both as to the Condition of
the Church, and of the Civil Power it had before, is reduced very low : Thar God
only keeps himſelf Two Lamp-Sconces, merely that the Light be not quite put out.
One to preſerve fome Seed of the Political State, the other of the Eccleſiaſtical:
That it may be ready to encreaſe and enlighten the World, when it ſhall pleaſe God.
And further, as theſe come alſo under the Notion of Witneſſes, they could not well
be leſs than two, unleſs God would thus break his own Rule.
From all which it appears to me, that the Holy Ghoſt deſign’d to ſhew by all this,
that the Miſery and Sufferings of the Faithful, during the corrupted State of the
Church , will be far greater than thoſe of the Primitive Chriſtians under the
perſecuting Emperors : So that the Church of Chriſt, notwithſtanding thoſe Storms
of Perfecution during the Primitive Times, ſhin'd nevertheleſs more gloriouſly by
far, than under the Tyranny of the Idolatrous Uſurpers of Chriſt's Kingdom. And
now I affirm, that this is exactly true in the Event. For we find, that the Primitive
Church rather gain’d Ground under theſe Perſecutions; but the Church of true Wor-
ſhippers in the corrupted State ſeem'd rather to be a mere Notion than a real Being.
So likewiſe, as to Sufferings ; the odds are on this Side. Let any one read carefully
the Hiſtory of the Primitive Church ; and ſee the utmoſt Extent of the Perfecutions ;
not ſuffering the later Legendaries to impoſe upon his Credulity : And join with it
the Hiſtory of the Church fince the Ruin of the ancient Roman Empire, together
with the Account of the Sufferings of thoſe, who have continually oppoſed the ido-
latry and Corruptions of the Church ; and it will be found, that there is no Propor-
tion between them. At fo low an Ebb hath the Number of true Worſhippers been
brought, and ſo prodigious the Malice of Idolaters has been againſt theſe Two Wit-
neſſes ! But of this more elſewhere. See the Notes on Chap. 13. 10. C. And Chap.
C. Ai encimov s Kue's gñs ésãoue , Which ſtand before the Lord of the Earth. ]
Some Copies have oss inſtead of Kveis. But our Reading is not only confirm'd by
the beſt of Copies ; but alſo by the Alluſion made to theWords in the Tranſlation of the
LXX in Zech. 4. 14. for which Reaſons (h) Dr. Mills hath declared this to be the beſt.
But either Way the Senſe will be the ſame. For it implies, that theſe Witneſſes are
to ſerve the true God, and ſtand up for his Cauſe. This is the Title and Deſcription
of the true Servants of God; eſpecially the Prieſts and Prophets. But the whole
Church it ſelf in its due Rank, is ſaid to ſtand before the Throne of God. Howe-
ver, this is ſpoken in Oppoſition to the Worſhippers of falſe Gods, which are not
the Lords or Creators of Heaven and Earth. Elias in particular takes this Title upon
him, 1 Kings 17. 1. in Oppoſition to Ahab, who worſhipped the Idol of Baal.
A. Verſ. 5. Kai di ms aules Féan edirñsos, trüs en magaleg én að só que:10- 'sūv, rj rut: 16-
Siu zeségbess 'erwv, And if any Man will wrong them, Fire proceedeth out of their
Mouth, and devoureth their Enemies.] That is, they can command Fire from Hea-
ven to conſume their Enemies. By their Prayers they can obtain, that God ſhall re-
venge their Quarrel by ſending Fire from Heaven. This is the ſame as when Je-
14. 12. A.
(8) Mill. Proleg. in N. Teft. pag. 52.
remiah

Ch. XI. v. 5.
The Witneſſes.
511
remiah, s. 14. brings in God ſpeaking thus in his Behalf; Behold I will make my Words
in thy Mouth Fire, and this People Wood, and it shall devour them. For what God
doth upon the Account of the Prophets
, either to defend, or to revenge them, is ſaid
to be done by the Prophets themſelves, as it is ſaid in the ſame Prophet, Ferem. 1.
10. Behold, I have put my Words in rhy Mouth. See I have this Day ſet thee
cver the Nations, and over the King doms, to root out and to pull down, and to deſtroy,
and to throw down, and to build, and to plant. sils
Wlads
Now the Prophets, to whom the Holy Ghoſt gives this Name, muſt needs one
way or other have this power. If not of themſelves, yet by Prayer; if not literally,
then ſymbolically ; which is as real and great. An Inſtance of this Power Feremiah
exerted by Prayer upon the Men of Anathoth, ferem. 11. 20, 21, 22, 23. And up-
on Paſhur, Ferem. 20. 1, 6. How great and powerful the Prayer of a Prophet may
be in this Caſe, ſee in the fame ferem. 14. 11. Compare with it Exod. 32. 10. Pfal.
106. 23. Ferem. 15. 1, 15. Chap. 11.18. Chap. 18. 21. Chap. 22, 23. Amos 7. 10.
and Hoſea 6.5. where God faith, Therefore have I bewed them by the Prophets ; at,
tributing that to the Prophets, as immediate Inſtruments, who were but occaſionally
fo. So where (h) Noah, Preacher of Righteouſneſs, could not mend the old World,
and God thereupon did overflow it: The Ancients, whoſe Fables are to be taken by
the ſymbolical Handle, ſaid that Saturn , who is the ſame as Noah, worried all his
Sons but Three; As if Noah by his Prophecy had been the efficient Cauſe of the
Deluge. But indeed by his Prophecy he condemnd it, Hebr. 11. 7.
Now the Prophets, to whom the Holy Ghoſt here alludes, have literally had that
Power, to make Fire to come down from Heaven to conſume their Enemies. Con-
cerning Moſes and Aaron, it is evident, that when Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, ſtood
up againſt them, Num. 16. 3. 35. God fent a miraculous Fire, which conſumed two
hundred and fiſty Men: And becauſe this was done at the Requeſt of Moſes and Aa-
ron, the People murmured againſt them, as if they had ſain the People of the Lord,
V.41. So Elias obtain'd, that Fire might come down from Heaven ; and by that
Sign did perſuade the Ifraelites to deſtroy the Prophets of Baal, 1 Kings 18, 38, 40.
So he deſtroyed Two Companies of Fifty Men, which came to fetch him Priſoner,
2 Kings 1. 10, 12, 14. See Eccluf. 48. 1, 3. So Elifæus had at his Command Cha-
riots of Fire round about, and Power to ſmite his Enemies with Blindneſs, 2 King's
6. 17, 18. But now as our Witneſſes are ſymbolical, fo this Fire which comes out
of their Mouth, that is, which God ſends upon their Account, is ſymbolical too :
And it fignifies, that God will certainly revenge their Cauſe by puniſhing and con-
fuming their Enemies. This will be found accompliſhed in the Propheſies hereafter,
giving a larger Account of theſe Matters : Revel. 14. 10, 11. and v. 18. Revel.
16.8, 9. Chap. 18. 8, 18. Chap. 19. 20. Tichonius faith: (i) Si quis ecclefiam vel
i.edit, vel ledere voluerit, precibus oris ejus divino igne aut in preſenti ad corre&tionem,
aut in futuro ad damnationem conſumetur. And elſewhere : (k) Orationes enim San-
&torum, qui eſt ignis exiens de ore teftium, ire ſunt in mundo. See our Notes upon
Chap. 14. 15. A. and v. 18. A. Chap. 15. 7. A. Chap. 16. 1. A. and v. 5. A. ani va
6. A. and v. 7. A. and Chap. 18. 24. A. Nay a Prophet, or an Interpreter of Dreams,
may be ſaid to ſave and to kill, when he prediets the Safety, or Death of any ; as
Joſeph of the chief Butler and chief Baker , in Genes. 41. 13. Me, ſays the Butler,
be reſtored unto mine Office, and him he hanged. I think, that this Way of Expreſſion
muſt have ariſen from the Magicians, who to magnify their Arts, attributed to their
fymbolical Charms the Effects produced by the wicked Agent to whom they were
united by compact. (1) Artemidorus often ſays the Symbol makes the Party do or
Suffer what is fignified by it. And indeed it is the Stile of the Holy Scriptures in o-
ther Cafes. Thus in the Law of the Leproſy contain'd in Levit. 13. where the Word
xoa, in the LXX turn’d by pszives, to pollute ; and the Word mu turn’d in the
LXX by ne. Jazíta, to clean, or to make clean, which are there frequently uſed, do
really ſignify as our Verſion has turn'd them, to pronounce polluted or clean. And
ſo the Power of Binding and Looſing is a judicial Power to declare bound or free :
Matth. 18. 18. Compare with this Ats TO. 15. and 11. 9. See the Note on Chap.
(b) Bocharc Phaleg. Lib. I. cap. 1. Sect. 14.
(i) Tichon. Hom. VII.
(k) Tichon. Homil. XII.
(1) Artemid. Onirocr. Lib. IV. cap. 30.
15.


512
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 6.
mans.
15. 7. A. and P. Lomb. Magift
. Sent. Lib. IV. Diſt
. 8. D. E. F. And thus (m) Cafaz-
bon has obſerv'd and proved by Inſtances, that it is the Stile of the Greeks and Re-
Do Hob
B. Kad tas eurds Féan ideñou, Señ lutov asterleen Slus cut, And if any Man will
torong tbem, he muſt in this manner be killed.] This Repetition implies the Certainty
of God's Judgments upon the Enemies of theſe Witneſſes. Obſerve likewiſe, that
the Holy Ghoſt never ſpeaks of the Sufferings of the Saints, but at the fame time
there follows a Promiſe of Revenge. For the Blood of the Saints crying very
loud unto God, who hath reſerved Vengeance to himſelf, he lets them underſtand
thereby, that he will certainly hear them. So that though they fee not the Venge-
ance immediately , yet upon God's Promiſe it is ſure : And for the greater Confir-
mation he repeats his prophetical Threats to the wicked, and Promiſes to the fuf
fering Saints, that he will hear and judge.
A.Veri. 6. ούτοι έχεσιν ξεσίαν κλείσει και έρανόν, ίνα μη υετός βρέχη τας ημέρας η σει-
qulei es "cutiv, Theſe have power to ſhut Heaven , that it rain not in the Days of their
Propheſy.] This chiefly alludes to the Hiſtory of Elias, 1 Kings 17. 1. The shut-
ting up of Heaven, to ſignify the withholding of Rain, is an Expreſſion which God
makes ufe of when he threatens the Iſraelites, in caſe they commit Idolatry. Deut.
11. 16, 17. Take heed to your ſelves, that your Heart be
, not deceived, and ye turn
aſide, and ſerve other Gods, and worſhip them. And the Lord's Wrath be kindled
againſt you, and he ſhut up the Heaven, that there be no Rain. See alſo ferem. 3.
1, 2, 3. the Word 73y, uſed in that Place of Deuteronomy, ſignifies not only to
Shut, but alſo to detain, to withhold any Thing from its Actions. Whence comes
syr, Imperium. And perhaps ó xolézav, in 2 Thel. 2. 7. fignifies therefore the
Roman Empire; being that Power which withholdeth the riſing of the Antichriſtian
State. In Fudges 18. 7. ny fignifies Regnum, Dominium. For which Reaſon a Key
is the Symbol of Power to bind or to looſe. The Expreſſion of ſhutting up Heaven in
the fame Senſe, is alſo uſed by our Saviour, ſpeaking of Elias, Luke 4. 25. Many
Widows were in Iſrael in the Days of Elias, when the Heaven was shut up Three Years
and Six Months, when great Famine was throughout all the Land. Theſe Words are
very remarkable upon ſeveral Accounts, beſides what we bring them for. Becauſe
they determine exa&tly the Time that Heaven was Shut up in the Times of Elias,
which are not nicely determined in the Hiſtory of the Kings of Iſrael.
For it is to this Time of Three Years and a Half of Elias his Propheſying, that
the Symbolical Term of Years, whereby the whole Period of the Churches Corrup-
tion, the Propheſying of the Witneſſes, and all the Matters Contemporary, are de-
termined, do allude: As in Chap. 11. 2. the Forty Two Months, wherein the Gentiles
profane and poffefs the outer Court, and Holy City; that is, Three Years and a Half.
In Chap. 11. 3. the One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days of the Prophecy of
thefe Witneſſes. In Chap. 11. 9. the Three Days and a Half, wherein the dead
Bodies of the Witneſſes lye unburied : For Days and Tears are Synonymous Terms,
as hath been proved, denoting Revolutions, or Times appointed. In Chap. 12. 6. the
One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days of the Woman's Abode in the Wilder-
neſs; and Chap. 12. 14. the fame Term expreſſed by Three Seaſons and a Half: And
in Chap. 13. 5. the Forty Two Months, wherein the Beaſt is enabled to make War.
So that indeed this Paſſage is one of the Keys of the Revelation ; becauſe we have
no Term therein more exactly deſcribed, nor limited by ſo many different Symbo-
lical Terms of Time, and other concurring Matters, as this very Term of Three
Years and a Half. St. James 5. 17. hath therein either followed his Lord, or elſe re-
ceiv'd it from ſome common Tradition : Elias was a Man ſubject to like Paffons as
we are, and be prayed earneſtly, that it might not rain: And it rained not on the Earth
by the space of Three Tears and a Half. Which Words are alſo remarkable, in that
they aſcribe to the Prayer of Elias, what God had appointed to do, and only em-
ployd Elias to denounce ; as if Elias had been the Cauſe, or had it in his Power,
by Virtue of his Prayer, or Prophecy, to ſhut up Heaven. But by this we ſee, that
during the Prophecy of God's Witneſſes
, all the Evil that comes upon the corrupted
Chriftians, may be juſtly faid to be an Effect of their Prophecy, being a Puniſhment
to Men, becauſe it is not heeded.
(m) Caſaub. in Theophraft. Charact. Ang0 76011 as.
A
But

Chap. XI. v. 6.
The Witneſſes.
503
But now to come to the Symbolical Signification of Rain, or Dem. In the Holy
Writings it ſignifies in general the Divine Protection, or the Effufion of God's Good-
neſs any way, and in particular that of his Word, as it is an Effect of his Goodneſs
to Mankind, and the Means of making them the Subjects of his Favour. In
Iſaiah 26. 19. For thy Dew is as the Dew of Herbs. Targum : Ros luminis ros tuus
operantibus legem. In Iſaiah 27. 3. I the Lord do keep, I will water it every Mo
ment ; leſt any hurt it, I will keep it Night and Day. Again Iſaiah 44. 3. where it
is explain d too: I will pour Water upon him that is Thirſty, and Floods upon the
dry Ground : I will pour my Spirit upon thy Seed, and my Bleſſing upon thine Off
Spring. In Iſaiah 55.9, 10. the Dew and Rain are explain'd of the Word of the
Lord: And in the Targům, Verbum bonitatis. So in Hoſea 14. 5. the Targum hath
Erit verbum meum ficut ros Ifraeli. In the Bleſſing of Facob, Genef. 27. 28. God
give thee of the Dew of Heaven. Upon this Auguſtin faith, (22) Ejus eſt benedi&tio
de rore cæli
, hoc eſt, de verborum pluvia divinorum. So Amos 7. 16. to drop the
Word is to Prophecy; the Metaphor being taken from the Symbol of (0) Dew,
becauſe Prophecy is the moſt gracious Effect of God's Favour. bug uſed there, is
properly Stillare, to drop Dew. The Targum hath the Word as, to teach. The
LXX ozadzwyáous, gather a Multitude as drops of Waters, the ſame as ſtirring up
the People: Which is to be explain’d from what we ſaid upon Chap. 4. 6. A. And
that is one of the Offices of the Prophets, to teach the People; for which our Wit-
neſſes are accuſed hereafter, Chap. 11. 10. In Iſaiah ş. 6. Rain is alſo to be under-
ſtood of the divine Protection, and particularly of the Gift of Prophecy, the Effu-
fions of the divine Grace : For whereas it is ſaid ; I will alſo command the Clouds,
that they rain no Rain upon it ; the Targum, Prophetis quoque mandabo ne prophetiſ
ſent ſuper eos prophetiam : For we find, that whilft Elias, and the reſt of the Lord's
Prophets, were hidden and perſecuted, God fent no Rain. So in the Song of Moses
Deut. 32. 2. theſe Two are ſet together ; My Do&rine ſhall drop as the Rain. In fe-
remiah 14. 1. that Time wherein God did with-hold his Hand, or Prore&tion, is cal-
led in the Hebrew 7717820 , in the LXX ’Aspondes; and in Chap. 17. 8. that Time is
alſo called 17782 Inju , 'Eviaulds abgorías; and it is ſet to explain 21, or sumeleta
There the Prophet faith, that the Righteous ſhall have God's Protection therein, and
Thall not ſuffer by it ; which fliews plainly, that this is meant of another Kind of
Calamity, beſides that of natural Drought, and is to ſignify a great Deſtruction
the Words being to be taken ſymbolically, as it is evident by the Deſign of the whole
Chapter. And ſo we need not to wonder, that the Onirocriticks have explained the
Symbol of Rain or Dew, of all manner of good Things. The Indian in Chap. 171.
faith Η βροχή εις αιτήσεως εκπλήρωσιν, και είς έλεον διακρίνε). 'Εαν 11η πς κατ' όναρ ότι
ébegim i zabego wie, dishte maštov rý zoe av aj čac O oso ges. The Perſian and Egyptian
in Chap. 172. ſay likewiſe, "OTE & Bpáxn vi net. Sol og Beoxil
, es algo sov tě zeevrus meg ró te
drexpivé). And it is evident from Suetonius, that Auguſtus, a Prince much given to
obſerve Omens, took a Dew for a very good one : (p) Si terra marive, ingrediente ſe
longinquam profe&tionem, forte rorálſet, ut latum, maturique & proſperi reditus. See
the Note on Chap. 12. 9. B.
Now as I ſaid, that Rain fignifies the Word of God, his Grace, or Favour ; and
that there is no Gift, or Sign of it, greater than Prophecy, or Wiſdom: So it will
be proper to obſerve here, that among the Egyptians, the greateſt Maſters of ſymbo-
lical Learning ; the (9) Prophet, who was the ſupreme of all the Religious Orders,
whoſe Buſineſs it was to ſtudy the Natures and Laws of the Gods, wore as a Badge,
or Symbol of his Office, upon the ſolemn Proceſſions, a Pitcher, udpeñor ; as being the
Diſpoſer of all Learning, which is as Dew to the Soul. Therefore the Allegorical
Authors uſe often luch Expreſſions as ſhew the Affinity between the Rain and Truth,
or Wiſdom. Clemens Alex. ſpeaking of Chriſt, under the Symbol of the Sun of
Righteouſneſs ; now the Sun is thought to be the Producer of Dew and Rain, in the
Notions of thoſe who worſhipped the Sun as the ſupreme Deity ; for there is none
gives Rain but God, Jerem. 14. 22. Clemens, I ſay, ſpeaking of Chriſt urider that
Notion of Sun of Righteouſneſs, faith, () retelereiset the spécor ean Scí as, that he
3
(n) Auguſt. de Civ. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap. 37.
(c) vid. Irenæ. Lib. III. cap. 19, &
Joan. Chryfoft. Or. de Pentecoft. 1. Tom. V. Pag. 603.
(p) Sueton. in Octay, Gap. 92
(9) Clem. Alex. Lib. VI. Strom. pag. 269. & Porphyr. de Abſtin. Lib. IV. S. 6.
() Clemens Alex. in Protreptico pag: 31.
000000
rains

514
The Witneſſes.
Chap. XI. v. 7.
B0729
rains the Dew of Truth. The fame Author ſays elſewhere ; (s) Eis 18 dv Spcó trois
γής γεωρος , και άνωθεν (πείρων και καταβολής κόσμε τα ορεή ικα σύρματα" δε κύριον καθ' έκα.
sov xoge étropu@gíous aózv. Following herein Philo, who often ſpeaks in this Strain.
In one place he faith (1)©¢8 98 7o outopie. He's zij autody suxelov žu odev da čegati nenor ou@getoes16
Again : (tt) Seó pelo G in Sisus dirgemouilólo cû se oupí ar av stev õp@pustid år" iegvie. And
by and by he allegorizes the Cifterns of the Souls of Men ; oi & miego Nextor copies als
ek @vos é de to. And thus in 2 Pet. 2. 17. falſe Do&tors are called, Thai Lvuspor, Wells
without Water.
But now to return to the Place before us ; it appears from all this, that during the
Days that theſe Witneſſes ſhall propheſy, God ſhall at their Prayer, and to revenge
their Cauſe, and punifh their Enemies, withdraw his Protection and Bleſſing: So
that there ſhall be among Men great Affliction, and Famine of the Word of God' ;
a Thirſt for hearing the Word of the Lord, Amos 8. II. So that in the mean Time
thoſe who are unworthy of that Bleſſing, ſhall be tormented with all the Plagues of
God. Of this hereafter. Only we may obſerve, that one of thoſe Plagues is par-
ticularly notified by being a Drought : Revel. 16. 8, 9. See Origen. de Orat. P.1.
Se&t. 42. the Ends
Logo
B. Kui éče of up'exesory OH YES S SS Teov , spépeto mute eis diuer
, And have Power over the
Waters to turn them into Blood.] This alludes plainly to the Power, which Mofes
and Aaron had , Exod. 4. 9. and Chap. 7. 17, 18, 19, 20. Where the Waters of E-
gypt are ſaid to be literally turn’d into Blood. But as this is to be accompliſhed fym-
bolically ; and that the Holy Ghoſt hath hereafter fet down upon what Occaſion this
is to be performed ſymbolically, we muſt refer the Confideration of it to its proper
Place in Revel. 16. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
C. Και πατάξαι τίω γίνον πάση πληγή, δσαι κις εάν θελήσωσι , And to fmite the Earth
with all Plagues, as often as they will.] Since the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to thew
us afterwards theſe Plagues actually executed upon the corrupted Chriſtians and Per-
ſecutors at the Prayer of theſe Witneſſes, it was not very neceſſary to ſhew here par-
ticularly the Power of the Witneſſes to bring thoſe Plagues down, but having hinted
one or two, to conclude with this general Hint of it. This alludes ſtill to Mofes and
Aaron, who had that Power over Egypt ; and fo have theſe Witneffes upon the ſpiri-
tual Egypt, fo named at the Eighth Verſe of this Chapter. We have already ſeen
ſome of theſe Plagues deſcribed and executed in the Ninth Chapter", wherein v. 20.
thoſe Judgments are called Plagues : And we ſhall ſee all the Egyptian Plagues fym-
bolically accompliſhed and deſcribed in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Chapters, where-
in alſo thoſe Judgments of God are called by the Name of Plagues, Chap. 15. 1, 8.
and Chap. 16. 21. to which we muſt likewiſe refer. Only this is a plain Indication
that the Matters of thoſe Chapters muſt be contemporary to the Times of theſe
Two Witneſſes ; tho' we had not beſides other Arguments to prove the fame. And
methinks the Word oor rus is not idle here ; but this as often muſt needs imply, that
the Witneſſes, during all their Prophecy, ſhall accordingly affect their Enemies with
variety of ſucceſſive Plagues.
A. Verſ. 7. Kai ētuv teréstoor the proglugía civars . And whilſt they shall perform their
Teſtimony.] This is the right Meaning of theſe Words, as Grotius, More, and others,
even Mede himſelf, own it. For the Word Tenów may fignify the doing of any
Thing in order to its Perfection, as well as the actual finiſhing of it. Sooman éco
in Hebr. 9. 6. fignifies fimply to accompliſh, without any Reſpect to the end, any
more than to the whole Service : And the Particle otev, whilft
, ſuits exactly with
this Senſe : Matth. 5. II. Chap. 10. 19. Now the Senſe of the whole requires it
abſolutely , for the Power of the Beaſt is to make War againſt them, during
all the
Time of their Teſtimony, and that Power in Chap. 13. 5. is ſaid to be XLII Months,
which are equal to the CIOCCLX Days here of theſe Witneſſes propheſying.
Therefore the Beaſt makes War upon them all the Time whilſt they perform their
Teſtimony. In ſhort, theſe Two Witneſſes being fymbolical to fignify a perpetual
and colle&tive Body of Men, and therefore nor barely repreſenting fingle Perſons, but
a Succeſſion of Prophets, that oppoſe the falſe Worſhip crept into the Church the
Performance of their Teſtimony, the War, their Death , and the Vi&tory of the
(s) Clem. Alex, Stromat. Lib. I.
(t) Philo de iis quæ concurrunt ad Doctrinam,
pag. 291.
(u) Philo de Exul. pag. 322,
4
Beaſt

Chap. XI. v. 7.
The Witneſſes.
515
1
33
Beaſt, all ſymbolical, and compleated by ſuch like Performances of the Individuals
repreſented, are contemporary, and hold out during all this Term. St. Paul faith
Rom. 8. 36. after the Pſalmiſt
, 44. 22. for thy Sake are we killed all the Day long, and
are as Sheep appointed to be ſlain. See alſo 2 Cor.4. II. And fo 'tis of theſe Wit-
neſſes all the Days of their Teſtimony. They are killed in a civil Capacity, as a
collective Body repreſenting the Civil and Ecclefiaftical Power of the Church ; wrofe
Right they maintain, during all the War made againſt them; and their Bodies lie un-
buried accordingly : Whilſt it is true literally, thar their Individuals are killed, and
unable to exert any Power againſt the Beaſt. And certainly we ſhall find, that the
fymbolical Signification of the Witneſſes, and their Death is very well conſiſtent with
ſuch a Succeſſion; with ſuch a civil Death, and yet ſtout exerting of their Teſti-
mony at the ſame Time.
Neither muſt we look upon the ſeeming Contradi&tion of the Terms in the literal
Senſe, that Witneſſes ſhould die, and at the ſame time Propheſy too. For this is clearly
taken away when we underſtand the Matters Symbolically. And this very Confide-
ration is enough to prove to us, thar the Three Days and a Half, mention'd after
wards, is the very fame Term of Time, as the one Thouſand Two Hundred And Sixty
Days, mention'd before. (w)" For that the Three Days und an Half of their Bó-
“ dies lying unburied, is the fame with the One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty
• Days of their mournful Propheſy, is plain from hence, that elſe no War was made
“ againſt them, nor they either Politically, or Naturally flain, till the laſt Three
“ Years and an Half of their Propheſying; whereas they were Politically flain all
" the while, and ſome Hundred Thouſands of them in a Natural Senſe flain at
". Times, fome by the Sword, others by Fire and Faggor, &c. Which is a Demon-
“ ftration, that the Three Days and an Half
muſt be underſtood in the ſame Senſe,
" with Three Times and a Half, or One Thouſand Two Hundred and Sixty Days:
Thus, for Inſtance, the modern Jews and Samaritans may be accounted Two Politi-
cal Bodies, and in the Prophetick Stile might be called Two Witneſfes, as giving
Teſtimony to the Law of Mofes. Now theſe are flain Bodies Politically, becauſe
they cannot act as a Political Collective Corporation on either Side. But for all that
they Prophefy ſtill, and Thouſands of them are naturally ſlain for that Teſtimony.
They lie now Buried, and, nor Buried, in different Senſes ; dead and buried in a P'da
litical Senſe, becauſe unable, nor ever like to act again in that Senſe; but yet un
buried, becauſe deſpiſed of all Men, and fubject to all kind of Reproach. Saving
this hope of a Political Reſurrection, which our Witneſſes have, the Jews are ex-
actly like them.
This I am obliged to premiſe, becauſe upon this ſeeming Contradiction Learnei
Men have been itrangely puzzled, and led into abſurd Conje&tures, for they will have
the Death of our Witneſſes, and their lying unburied for Three Days and an Hulf, to
be a Term either beginning juſt upon the Determination of the One Thouſand Two
Hundred and Sixty Days, or elſe being juſt the ſame as the laſt Three Years and
Half, which conclude that Line of Time repreſented by the One Thouſand Two
Hundred and Sixty Days: Whereas we ſhall ſee, that this alludes to the Hiſtory of
the Propheſy of Elias, during which Time of his Prophecy, many other Prophets
of the Lord were ſlain at the Command of fezabel: All which Time of Perſecu-
tion Heaven was ſhut up from Raining for Three Years and an Half. And conſe--
quently the Political Death of our Witneſſes, and their lying unburied in the broad
Place of the City, are all Matters Contemporary to their Propheſying in Sackcloth.
This Principle, to take off ſeeming Contradi&tions in the Letter of the Viſions, by
bringing them to the Symbolical Signification, is not only grounded upon the Reaſon
of the Thing, but hath been ſeen long ſince. Ambr. Ansbertus faith: (*) Et notandum
quam ſibi invicem juxta literam contraria fint, ut ftella que ardet, abfinıhij naturam
habeat, quæ herba amara eſt : Sed quàm juxta myſticum intelle&tum aptiſſima in-
utrifque comparatio. Again : (y) Sed fciendum nobis eſt, quia tanto in Spiritali in-
tellettu iſte ſimilitudines concordari videntur, quanto in ſuperficie litere ipſis fuis
qualitatibus diſcrepari. Thus we find in Enigma's the appearing Contradictions,
which make them the more difficult to be diſcover'd, vanilh away when the Key is
Tier
szomgi od
() Ansbert. Lib. IV. in Apocal. 8. 10.
(w) More's A pocal. Apocalypſ. Epil. Pag. 322.
0) Ansbert. Lib. X. in Apoc, 21. 11.
found


516
The Witneſſes. Chap. XI. v. 7
found, which brings the Metaphorical Expreſſions in them to a proper and conſiſtent
Senſe. But the Revelation is an Enigma ; And when the Signification is found, the
Literal Contradi&tions do immediately diſappear.
Β. Το θηeίον το αναβαίνον εκ αβύασε ποιήσει μετ' αυτών πόλεμον , The Beaft that a-
fcendeth out of the Bottomlefs Gulph, ſhall make War with them.] The Word acumos,
which is turn’d by Bottomleſs Gulph, both here and before in Chap. 9. 1, 2. fignifies
the ſame as Ja'rcare, the Sea: And therefore I have us'd that Word rather than Pit,
that at leaſt ſome Idea of the Sea might remain therein, which is its true Significa-
tion. And now it is ſufficient to prove it by obſerving, that St. John deſcribing af-
terwards this Beaſt at Large, in Chap. 13. 1. calls it én Sandéoons snežov eva bainov, A
Beaſt riſing up out of the Sea. Ambr. Ansbertus: (z) Hanc beftiam quam nunc de
mari, fuperius de Abyſo aſcendiſſe jam dixerat : Quatenus nobis oſtenderet hoc effe in
ſignificatione mare, quod eſt Abyſſus. What and who that Beaſt is, ſhall be explain'd
in that Place. In the mean Time it fuffices to hint, that a Beast is a Power, or
Monarchy having Temporal Power, and abuſing it to the Hurt of others; and in
this Book conſtantly fo called, upon the Account of perſecuting the true Worſhip-
pers of God; which in this place is ſaid to be making War with the Witneffes.
And as we ſhall find that Beaſt is the chief
, or one of the chief Enemies, which the
true Church hath during all the Second Period; ſo it Thews, that the Temporal
Powers will therein all along be made uſe of to perſecute the Servants of
God.
Now this Beaſt, as making War with the Witneſſes, and flaying them during
their Teſtimony, alludes plainly to the Hiſtory of Jezabel
, who having the Power
of her Huſband Ahab in her Hand, made uſe of it to ſlay the Prophets of the Lord,
1 Kings 18. 4, 13. It's eaſy to ſee, that Jezabel did this, either becauſe they had
oppoſed the ſetting up of her idòlatrous Worſhip; and becauſe they diffuaded the
People from joining themſelves to it: Or perhaps becauſe ſhe look'd upon them as
Abertors of Elias, and by Conſequence the Cauſe of that Drought which then tor-
mented the Iſraelites. However, it ſeems to have been done about that Time : For
I judge, that Elias was ſent to Ahab as ſoon as he began to Worſhip the Gods of
Jezabel: Which if true, then to be ſure the perſecution of the Prophets of the
Lord muſt be contemporary to the Drought, thoſe Prophets continuing to oppoſe
that Worſhip. The Queſtion of Obadiah to Elias, whether he had not heard of his
Kindneſs to the Prophets, would be needleſs, if thoſe Prophets had been ſlain before
Elias came to Ahab, and diſappear’d thereupon. For before that Time he could not
be ignorant of their Fate.
Now theſe Words are to be well obſerv’d: For they are one of the Keys of the
Synchroniſms. Thus we know by this Circumſtance
, that the Beaſt with Seven
Heads and Ten Horns, and the Beaſt with Two Horns, or the Falſe Prophet, are con-
temporary to this fame Second Period of the Church, wherein the Witneſſes Pro-
pheſy, and to all the Matters that depend upon them. By this we likewiſe find,
that the Dragon with Seven Heads and Ten Horns, being antecedent to this Beaſt,
and Second Period, muſt therefore be contemporary to the firſt Period of the
Church, with all the Matters that depend upon it
. I have only to obſerve here, that
in the Viſions of (a) Hermas, the great Tribulation of the Church is repreſented by
a Beaſt of a monſtrous Greatneſs. 'Tis proper to read the whole Viſion, and to
compare it with this and the following Chapters of St. Fohn.
The Alexandrian Manuſcript reads to Japíor to Tétag]ov, the Fourth Beaſt. Grotius
pretends it thould be to te esistov, the wonderful or monſtrous Beaſt. Why ſo ? If
Tè Tetu.ptov, the Fourth, be a true Reading, the Holy Ghoſt would thereby give us
to underſtand, that this Beaſt is the Fourth Beaſt in Daniel's Viſion; as it is really.
Whereby this very part of St. John's Viſion would be thus lock'd in with that. But
I am apt to think, that this Word contains the Obſervation of fome Student ; who
by comparing Daniel 7. 2, 25, with this Place; found, that St. John's Deſcription
ſuited with that Fourth Beaſt. And ſo this Note might afterwards creep into the
Text it felf.
C. Kai vernoet ourd's, sej Stoklevé dutés, And Shall overcome them, and kill them.]
If we look upon theſe Words about the Witneſſes, as, beſides their being the Symbol
(3) Ansbert. in Apocal. 13. 1.
(a) Hermæ Paftor. Lib. I. Viſ. 4.
of

Ch. XI. v. 7.
The Witneſſes.
517
of a Collective Body, referring alſo to fingle Perſons conſtituting that Colle&tiv
Body; then it is plain, that the Beaſt will overcome and flay the Prophets, the Ser
vants of God, that either oppoſe, or refuſe to join with, the Idolatry of the Beaſt,
and ſubmit to its Tyranny therein. So that the Vi&ory is obtain'd with fome Re-
ftri&tion. Ansbertus hatń it: (6) Prævalebit namque adverfus eos & vincet eos, cum
corporalibus pænis morti eos carnis tradiderit. Non prævalebit autem adverfum
eos,
quia
ad confenfum fuum nequaquam protrahet eos; quique tunc melius vittores exis
ſiunt, cum vinci putantur. And a little after : (c) Vincet namque fan£tos, occidendo
corpora , non decipiendo animas.
But if we look upon the Witneſſes as Symbolical, to repreſent a Colle&tive and
Succeſſive Body of Saints during all this Period, as they moſt certainly do; then
Vi&tory implies, that the Beaſt ſhall ſo far prevail, that the Saints ſhall not be able
to hold up againſt it, and that the Worſhip and Tyranny of the Beaſt ſhall get the
uppermoſt in the Church, putting down and obſcuring the true Worſhip. The
Death of the Witneſſes in like manner betokens, that the true Worſhip of God ſhall
be ſo far extinguiſhed, that it ſhall make no viſible Figure in the World : It ſhall be
quite overpower'd by the Idolatrous Worſhip. Their Enemies ſhall think, that it is
quite gone, accounting as nothing the ſucceſſive riſing up of ſome few Oppoſers
now and then. This is ſuch a Death, as becomes a Political, or Colle&tive
Body.
For Death is the Deſtruction of the Subject ſpoken of, according to the Nature
thereof, even though it have no "natural Life : That is in ſuch a manner that it cannot
any more a&t as ſuch. So in Rom. 7. 8. Without Law Sin is dead: That is, without
Law Sin doth not exert its Power. And on the other Hand, as it is faid there,
Verſe 9. Sin revived, and I died ; that is, Sin got Strength to act, and I loſt my
Power to reſiſt: I was not the ſame Man as before, Sin deltroy'd my Power. So of
a Nation, Amos 2. 2. Moab Mall die with Tumult. This fignifies, not that all the
Nation ſhall periſh ; but that the King and Government thereof ſhall loſe their
Power ; and the Nation ſhall be brought into Subjection and Slavery. To this muft
be join'd what we have ſaid about this Matter in our Notes upon Chap. 9. 5. A. and
Chap. 9. 15. B. To which I ſhall add a few profane Examples. So in Plautus:
(d)
Nam quid te igitur retulit,
Beneficum eſse oratione, ſi ad rem auxilium emortuum eſt.-
Aſliſtance, which performs not the Work defign'd, is dead. So Mithridates in Saluft,
to fignify that the Romans would overrun all other Governments, faith, (e) Per hunc
morem extinguent omnia, aut occident. Hence alſo the Jeft upon Eunuchs, (f) Mora
tue Galle, becauſe incapacitated to a&t as a Man. Which Jeſt Claudian has thus ap.
plied to Eutropius an Eunuch:
(8) Quis non irrepere facris
Obfequijs doluit toties venale cadaver?
So Tully, when baniſhed, called himſelf (h) Dead, an Image, and the like. So the
Philoſophers call vitious Men, unable through ill Habit to exert any virtuous AS,
Dead, (i) vevexgwaeloous. So the (k) Pythagoreans built Monuments, and perform'd
Funeral Rites for thoſe Diſciples of theirs, who forfook their Philoſophy, ac-
counting them Dead, (l) 2005 órfvor verpes eutsi gogovéyou. And therefore Hipparchus
being expelled by them for having divulged their Secrets, they rais'd a Monument for
him as one Dead ; (m) siale fra dute guéw oia vexpo.
Ingibig
But to return; the Event is ſuitable to theſe Expofitions. For ever fince the Wora
ſhip of Dead Men and Idols is crept into the Church, notwithſtanding the continual
Oppoſition of many devout Men, it hath always gotten the upper Hand, and hath
been fully ſettled ; fo that all the Oppoſers have been thought to be fuppreſſed ſuf-
(i) Sim.
(1) Ambr. Ansbert. in Apoc. 13. 6. (C) Amb. Ansbert. in Apoc. 13. 7. vikud (d) Plautus
Epidic. Act. 1. Sc. 2. V. 14.
(e) Saluft. Fragm.
(f) Martial. Lib. VIII. Epigr. 756
(8) Claudian. in Eutrop. Lib. I. (b) M. T. Cic. Lib. I. Epift. 3. ad Q. Fratr.
plícius in Epict. Pag. 2. (k) Origen. C. Celf. Lib. II. Pag. 67. () Origen. Ć. Cell
Lib. III. Pag. 1420
(m) Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. Lib. V. Pag. 245,
PPPPPP
fiçiently

508
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 8.
Hiltory
ftantive is very frequent in the Hebrew Stile, io fupply the want of that, which is
ficiently, But however, though the Individuals have been proſecuted with all the
Malice imaginable, and ſain, yet that ſucceſſive Body of Witneſſes hath never been
been fo far luppreſſed, but they have notwithſtanding continually Prophefied : Whilft
others have been driven with the
Woman into the Wilderneſs, and hidden in Caves
,
being fed with Bread and Water. Tis enough to give Hints of this
, and let the
Reader ſupply the Hiſtory from his own Obſervations out of the Ecclefiaftical
salivare det
A. verf
. 8. Kai Ta za co ma te duur on pas mazelas Tas_aroneous mūs uzdāns
, And their
dead Bodies ſhall lie in the great Place of the great City.] The want of the Verb Sub-
, and New
; the moſt natural to
here expreſſed by shall lie. So that shall be might as well ſtand in its Stead. But
other Verbs, which may be eaſily underſtood by the Senſe', are often left out too,
as in 1 Tim. 4. 3. on which the Commentators may be ſeen. Therefore the Tran-
flators take a great Liberty in this place
. The Vulgate hath jacebunt, Shall lie ; the
Arabick manebunt , ſhall remains to the fame Purpoſe : But the Ethiopick takes ano-
ther Courſe, by making the Beaſt in the former Verſe to be the Nominative to the
Verb underſtood, which therefore, is thus fupplied : Occidit eos, & pofuit cadavera
eorum. Tychonius faith: (n) Ęt corpus eorum projicitur in plateis civitatis magna.
This he explains thus ; in plateis civitatis magna, id eft, in medio Eccleſiæ.
boa
This City here is the fame as the Holy City profan'd, and trodden upon by the
Gentiles. In the former Place it was called Holy, to ſhew that it was the Chriſtian
Church uſurped by the Gentiles: But here 'tis called Great, loſing that former
Name, in reſpect of the Tyranny exerciſed therein. And this ſhews, that the Wor-
Nip of God ſhall be baniſhed from the Capital 'of corrupted Chriſtendom, as well as
from its whole Juriſdi&tion, and be there more particularly ſcorn'd and profaned.
It ſhews, that the Perſecution of the Saints ſhall be in thoſe very Countries, where
before this period the Church of God was planted ; but more particularly in the very
Capital City. Therefore the Holy City being the Symbol of the whole Chriſtian
Church, the dead Bodies of the Saints ſhall lie all over, and be ſeen upon
and by. Conſequence, that which is the true Worſhip ſhall be thought expelled from
it and all its Territories. For if the Two great. Champions and Repreſentatives of
all the outward Profeſſors, as theſe Witneſſes are of the true Worſhippers in Publick,
be ſo far overcome and flain, as that their fallen Corpſes lie in the Street of the Ca-
pital; this muſt needs imply and repreſent a total Subverſion of the publick true
Worſhip of God, at leaſt outwardly. When Feremiah, 9. 21, 22. ſets forth the ut-
ter Deſtruction of the Jews, he doth it after this Manner : For Death is come up into
our Windows, and is entred into our Palaces, to cut off the Children from without,
and the young Men from the Streets; in the LXX amores da Thô. He goes on,
Speak, thus faith the Lord, even the Carcaſes of Men Shall fall as Dung upon the
open Field, and as the Handful after the Harveſt-Man, and none Shall gather them.
And in Chap
: 50.30, ſpeaking of the Deſtruction of Babylon : Therefore shall her
young Men fall in the Streets, and all her Men of War Jhall be cut off in that Day,
aith the Lord. The LXX 1ay , δια τέτο πεσεν 3 οι νεανίσκοι αυτής εν ταις πλατείαις αυτής.
Here the Words "recous), and én iTunes ata te , anſwer to the Words of our Text,
Τα ηώματα όλη η πλατείας. It is therefore a great Miitake to limit the Death of the
Witneſſes to any particular Place within Chriſtendom, under Pretence, that the
Tiratei des being the faireſt Place of a City, this muſt denote ſome one of the beſt
Countries in Chriſtendom. Theſe Symbols here Thew an utter Deſolation, and Ruin
of God's People all over, and the Extin&tion of the true Worſhip in the chief and
principal Parts of thoſe Dominions, wherein it was eſtabliſhed : Seeing that it is fo
in the very Capital City. For whilft Men keep the Field againſt the Enemy, they
have yet fome Strength, but when the Enemy gets into the Metropolis
, and there
ſlays all before him, in that very Place where Men think to have their laſt Refuge,
this muſt needs imply an entire Deſolation. But then we muſt obſerve what is ſaid
about moſt of the general Propoſitions ; namely, that they muſt not be taken alto-
gether without Exception ; for this flaying of the Witneſſes Symbolically, and their
appearing publickly Dead, hinders not but that ſome Remnants, hidden, or flying,
17 di SMK
dead;
(n) Tychon. Hẻm. VIII.
da smonaux
may

Ch. XI. v. 8.
The Witneſſes.
519
may be ſaved ſtill to feed the Lord's Lamps with Oyl, that the Light of Irael be
not quite put out. Only their Enemies ſhall thereby have Poſſeſſion of the Holy Cicy,
and think, that the Prophets, being thus llain and lying, can never riſe again. And
indeed as to outward Appearance it will ſeem fo.
A late (0) Author hath criticiſed upon this Place, and obſerves, that the Words
72có que to, &c. are to be joind to the foregoing Verſer and are governld of the laſt
Verb in it in this Manner, Mall Nay them, and their Corps alſo. If any one will
contend, that this is the true Way of turning this Places for that zlej ugota depends of
Simulerei, then we muſt take this Wordésrorleive in the primitive Notion of the He-
brew 197, which is very commonly turn'd in the LXX by the Greek Szoxlciye to
ſlay, but fignifies to vex and perſecute;
or elſe of QI), which fignifies to ſmite, and
is often turn'd by anoulsiv«, to ſay. The fame may be fậid of rv332 Solothat this
would imply, that the Beaſt not only Smites or perfecutes the Witneſſes arbut their
very Corps ; not only oppoſes and perſecutes them as publickly worlhipping God,
and acting openly ; but even in their most diſtreffed State and Unactivity as to the
publick, Thewing all the Rancour imaginable ; that is, as we now ſpeak, even taking
away the Liberty of Conſcience to worſhip God in private ; and inſulting over their
Diſtreſse All which is as inhuman, as to drag the Body of a flain Enemy about the
Streets: Which is a Barbarity fo accounted by all Mankind : As when Achilles rés
ſolved to do it on Hellor's Body, Homer faith, to shoum of 10 jajan yo togas
boo bolnines i altxe bus that arti siunad murust aad: 9003 étoritov
O no stok ("Exloeg. Når disréz páteza lépga. sdt ci dari 101 sq 1 zisë
DOGO so stotis-A
a 50.31
Whereupon the Scholiaft may be conſulted. Ælius Spartianus: (1) Tračkaque funt
eorum per plateam cadavera, fine aliqua humanitatis reverentia. And here the Ob;
ſervations of Ansbertus come in very properly : Per hoc quod fanforum Ecclefia in
platea civitatis mortua jacere deſcribitur vehementer afliéta , ac Dei judicio tempora-
liter hoſtibus fuis fubftraéta monſtratur. Ideò enim mortua jacere perhibetur, ut à
tranſeuntibus conculcetur. And a little after : Nequaquam ſane mortuorum corpora,
ut ſuperiori verfy premifimus, in folis tantum qui humanis rebus excedunt, fed in his
etiam qui adhuc in corpore manent, intelligenda funt.bodis SILllers en
But Mr. (-) Whiſton produces the Interpretation of a Friend, who turns the Words
Bità macetei us. Tóascos i pezeiang, in that broad and great City, which Expreſſion is found
in Nebem. 7. 4. in the LXX: So that the Word plateias is here an Adjective to trade
aços. If we take the Words fo, neither will this affect our Interpretation of the
Senſe. But as we may reaſonably fuppoſe , that the Holy Ghoſt hath alluded to, or
borrowed, the Expreffions of the Prophets cited before ; then it is evident, that we
muſt take the Word noteice for a Subitantive, as the Vulgare harh done it, by turn-
ing in plateis civitatis, which would make one think, that the Author of it read bh
17Téry, as in Feremiah, and quite ſpoil that Criticiſm, but that I find Ansbertus
found in the Copy he had, in platea civitatis : Which however ſhews us how they
took it for a Subſtantive. And therefore being taken ſo, muft fignify the moſt confpi-
cuous and publick Part of the City. Not to ſay here, that the Complutenfian Editi-
tion, Alexandrian MS. and many others, having the Article is before zoness
, confirm
all this. Upon this Account we ought to ſtick to our Tranſlation, as beſt and moſt
ſuitable to the Intent of the Holy Ghoſt : And by conſequence much more emphati-
cal and particular. For the Holy Ghoſt deſigning to Thew, that the true publick
Worſhip of God ſhall be ſuppreſſed and deſpiſed in the publick Places of the capital
City of corrupted Chriſtendom,{this ſeems to hint, that however it may ſkulk about in
private elſewhere, and be with the Woman in the Wilderneſs, or in the Temple now
cloſed, and kept from publick View. Which is moſt certainly the Truth of the
Matter.
4 bit
sot torso
B. IIicó suottels Dead Bodies] That is, fallen, according to the Import of the Word,
becauſe when Men are ſain, they fall down, and lie upon the Ground. 'Tis needleſs
to give Inſtances, wherein xsise, to lie, is faid of Men dead : But xeiul G fignifies
a Man not dead, but only overcome. So when Ariſtophanes had procur'd Cleon to be
a !
II did
din to
(0) Mr. Robert Fleming's Diſcourſe of the Riſe and Fall of Popery, pag. 52.
150 bongo
(0) Homer. Iliad. X. v. 395.
(n) Efay on Revel. Part. III. pag. 205. 1901 2000
(9) Elius Spart. in Anronin. Caracalla, directa
or Med
find

520
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 8.
0 %
DOS
TON
fin'd Five Talents, and had worſted him thus," he ſaith of him, that he did not in-
fült afterwards,
angoo ។
(s) Könér Hochs gémem Thoa g' dutenesukelia
20 h
Codenog
So Tully ſpeaks on the Account of Religion, (t) Quorum fcelere religiones proftrată,
afliteq; ſunt : partim ex illis diftra&tæ ac diſſipate jacent. Thus Sophocles, ſpeaking
of the Delivery of the Thebans from the Sphinx, and their Miſery under the Plague,
faith,
19 (6) Etárles g'ls op Sov, s necólmas Úseegv.
16 16 0
In that noble Epiftle of Sulpitius to Tully we have theſe Words: (w) Poft me erat Æ-
gina, ante Megara, dextra Piræus, ſiniſtra Corintbus : quæ oppida quodam tempore
florentiffima fuerunt, nunc proſtrata & diruta ante oculos jacent." Capi egomet mecum
fic cogitare, Hem, nos homunculi indignamur , fiquis noſtrum interiit aut occiſus eſt,
quorum vita brevior effe debet : quum, uno loco , tot oppidorum cadavera projeđa
jaceant.
C. This mónsws tý's presó ans, of the great City. ] Which is called by the farne Epi-
thet in Chap. 17. 18. whoſe Name is Babylon. As for great, it is not called fo on the
account of its Éxtent, or ſo much of thoſe of its Dominions, both which were ne-
vertheleſs true ; but rather becauſe it ſpeaks great, and exalts it ſelf againſt God and
his people. For that is the conſtant Notion of that Epithet. See the Note on Chap.
18. 23. B. As alſo the Note upon Chap. 11. 2. D.
D. H is Naci ) arv & quatixws só Jover, which ſpiritually is called Sodom.] That is,
is really a myſtical Sodom. For to be called is the ſame as to be. So in Horace,
(x) Patiens vocari Cæfaris ultor. So Theocritus,
(y) και καλός παίτει μετ' ϊθέοισι καλούμαι,
If this great City is to be ſpiritually like Sodom and Egypt, then it will follow, that
the Witneſſes are to be underſtood fpiritually ; and that our {Lord was therein fpi-
ritually crucified in the Sufferings of his Witneſſes : But we ſhall fee, that this is al-
fo literally true. So when the Prophets ſpeak of the corrupted State of Jeruſalem,
wherein our Saviour was literally crucified, they compare her to Egypt and Sodom.
Ezek. 16. 26. and Chap. 23. 19. the Egyptian Idolatry is laid to its Charge. In Chap.
16.46. Samaria and Sodom are called the Elder and the Younger Siſters of Ferufa-
Tem. But Iſaiah 1. 10. and Chap. 3. 9. ſpeaks home, and calls Feruſalem by the
Name of Sodom : Where he makes Impudence, in owning publickly their Sins, as
the Sodomites did, to be the reaſon of the Similitude. But Ezek. 16. 49. tells us
what Sins they were, which occafioned this Likeneſs : Behold this was the Iniquity of
thy Siſter Sodom, Pride, Fulneſs of Bread, and Abundance of Idleneſs was in her,
and in her Daughters ; neither did she ſtrengthen the Hand of the Poor and Needy.
And they were haughty, and committed Abomination before me. One of the Sibylline
Oracles calls feruſalem by the Name of Sodom, for having crucified our Saviour ; or
Judea, which is the fame:
(2) Σοι και μόνη Σοδομίτί γαιη κακα πήματα κεί).
Aun as droppar & oor dedo &x &vonous,
Παίζοντ’ αν θνητοισι νοήμασι, κ. λ.
Now as Ferufalem did deſerve this ſpiritual Title, ſo that being now the Type of the
corrupted Church, and of that great City, which kills the Prophets
of Chriſt, thoſe
ſpiritual Titles are due to this. Ansbertus : (a) Bene autem illa Civitas Sodoma ES
Ægyptus appellatur, quia videlicet opera Sodomorum atque abominationes Ægyptiorum
feitaſſe cognofcitur.' Tertullian: (b) Nec hoc enim novum ſcripturis divinis, figuratè

(s) Ariſtoph. Neb.
(t) M. T. Cic. de Leg. Lib. II.
(u) Sophocl. Oedip. Tyr. pag. 151.
(30) M. T. C. Epift. Fam. Lib. IV. Ep. S.
(x) Horar. Lib. I. Od. 2.
(y) Theocric. Idyll. 2. V. 125,
(<) Sibyll.
Oracul. Lib. VI.
(a) Ambr. Ansbert. in loc.
Tertullian. Ady:
Judæos, cap. 9. Vid. Lib. III. adv. Marcion, cap. 13.
uta

Chap. XI. v. 8.
The Witneſſes.
521
uti tranſlatione nominum ex comparatione criminum. Irenæus in like manner : (c) Sia
milesenim Sodomitis tranſgreſſione, & eadem quæ illi fecerunt peccatá, eſſe apud eos
fignificans, propter fimilem operationem eodem vocabulo vocans eos. And now that the
corrupted Chriſtian Church, but more eſpecially the great City thereof, during this
ſecond Period of the Church, became like Sodom, as to that Height of Impudence,
as to boaſt and pride in her Sins, as well as in the other Sins of Pride, Fullneſs of
Bread, Idleneſs, Avarice, Haughtineſs, and Abominations, might eaſily be made out.
I ſhall only here take notice of one very remarkable Inſtance of Impudence in defend-
ing all its Sins, which makes Iſaiah to account the Sin of Jeruſalemi, as the
worſt of all Sins
. Cardinal Palavicini in the laſt Century ſet out the Hiſtory of the
Council of Trent, wherein he owns publickly the Pride, Riches, Idleneſs, Luxury,
Avarice to the Poor, and ſenſual Delights of the Romiſh Church : He defends it ; and
hath that Sodomite Impudence to declare, that Jeſus Chriſt came into the World to
ethat Purpoſe, deſigning to ſettle that Pride, Pomp, Luxury, and ſplendid Idleneſs in
the Church. Sure, as when the Sin of Sodom came to that Greatneſs, that they pub-
lickly own'd it, God ſent Fire from Heaven to conſume them ; ſo this abominable Im-
pudence of that Cardinal, ſhewing indeed the true Senſe of his Church, portends,
that it is high Time for God to come down in like manner. The Conformity of
the Sin, ſo aggravated by Impudence, muſt meet with a ſuitable Conformity of Pu-
niſhment. And accordingly we ſhall ſee by and by, that God threatens, and fore-
tells ſuch an End to the idolatrous Chriſtians ; particularly to the Capital City of
the corrupted Church, which is here chiefly intended.
E. Kai Aiwand, And Egypt. ] The (d) Allegoriſts by Egypt in the Prophets un-
derſtand this World ; that is, the Pagan World, in Oppofition to the Church. But
this is too general. Aretas the Commentator is more preciſe. Eófouet, Suite the tóns
ασέλγειαν αν αυτή έσομβόων Ιεδειων, και κακοξενίαν. Αίγυτή ον, ως και αδελομελοίων και αδικξέ τες
Xeső cémes, as incívn Ioeguía. The Sin of Egypt, for which it was plagued, ovet
and beſides the Idolatry, was its Tyranny and Cruelty againſt Iſrael ; together with
their Pride and Contempt of God, notwithſtanding the Plagues he inflicted. The
Idolatry is touched upon in Ezek. 16. 26. Chap. 23. 21. their Cruelty and Tyranny
appears in bringing the Iſraelites under a cruel Bondage, although the Preſervation of
Egypt was due to one of them : Their Cruelty alſo appears in that not only Burdens
were laid upon the Iſraelites heavier than they could bear ; but alſo in deſtroying the
Children to extirpate the whole Nation. As for their Pride, it appear'd in that their
King did ſo openly withſtand God's Power ; and inſtead of fubmitting, refifted and
faid, Who is the Lord, that I ſhould obey his Voice, Exod. 5. 2. All theſe Things, of
which the corrupted Church is equally guilty, and therefore deſerves the ſame Name,
ſhall be applied to it in other places. Ler it ſuffice to obſerve, that the very Princi-
ples of the Idolatrous Chriſtians are Tyranny, Perſecution, and Cruelty. It is tợo
well known to need Proof.
Now this corrupted State being called Egypt, out of which the Church is to be de-
livered before it can enter into its full Reft; we rnay ſee by this, that the Oracle of
Hozen, 11. 1. Out of Egypt have I called my Son, was not only accompliſhed litteral-
ly, as the (e) Evangeliſt has obſerv'd, in the Perſon of Chriſt, but alſo in his myſti-
cal Body the Church. For as Chriſt is the Repreſentative of his Church, as the
Mofaical alſo was, ſo that Oracle has an Accompliſhment in Progreſs, and reaches
not only to the Head, but to the whole Body the Church. This Obſervation fully
clears the Evangeliſts from all Objections.
F. "Ome rý o núe o 'wrior é seupeósn, Where alſo their Lord was crucified. ] That is,
the chief City of the corrupted Church with irs Dependencies are in the ſame State,
as Ferufalem with its Territories, when our Saviour was crucified therein. For that
City of the corrupted Church, as we ſhall ſee elſewhere, prerending to magnify it
ſelf above all the World, at leaſt all Chriſtendom, and to make it ſubrnit, hath there-
fore advanc'd the ſame Pretences, as Jeruſalem had of Right over the Tribes of is
rael ; which this indeed had kept, had it not fallen into Idolatry, as the pretended
(c) Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. 80. Vid. Euſeh. Dem. Evang. Lib. VII. pag. 214. Supr. cit. Nor. Cap. 8.
13. C. & Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal
. Sentent. Lib. I. cap. 20. & Lib. II. cap. 20.
(d) Clemens Alex. Scromat
. Lib. I. pag. 122. & Lib. II. pag. 164. Tertullian. adv. Jud.eos cap. 9.
Origenes in Exod. Hilar. Pictav. in Pfal. CXXXIV. Orig. de Orac
. P. I. Sect. 42.
e) Match. 2. 15.
(f) Vid. Spanh. Dub. Evang. LXIV, &S,
099999
great

5 2 2
The Witneſſes. Chap. XI. v. 8.
ga-
grear City of corrupted Chriſtendom doth ſtill
, notwithſtanding its Idolatry : Which
it is ſo far fiom cafting off, that by that Idolatry it is ftill fo infatuated, as to pretend
to maintain a Right over the World. In this Similitude of having killed the Pro-
phets of the Lord, as even Jerufalem had killed their Lord, this great City hath ap-
propriated to it ſelf the Crimes of the literal Jeruſalem. Our Saviour faith of it,
Luke 13. 33. It cunnot be that a Prophet periſh out of Jeruſalem. O Jeruſalem, fe
rufalem, which killeft the Prophets, and ſtoneſt them that are ſent unto thee. Now
the Sin of Jerufalem in killing the Prophets, and particularly our Saviour, conſiſted
in this : Firſt, in refufing to hear them, and to repent ; but rather ſeeking to deſtroy
them. The other was in refuſing to own their Lord, and ſo apoſtatizing from him.
The firſt our Saviour intimates in the following Words ; How often would I have
thered thy Children together, as a Hen doth gather her Brood under her Wings, and ye
would not.
The other is upbraided to them by St. Peter, Afts 3. 13. They delivered
him to Pilate, and denied him, when he would have let him go free. Upon theſe Ac-
counts, as the great City of the corrupted Church makes war upon the Prophets, it
cannot have properly in the ſymbolical Stile of the Prophets the Name of Babylon as
elſewhere : But it muſt have ſuch Attributes as thoſe ancient Places, which have done
fo, that the Similitude may be exact. So in different Reſpe&ts the fame Thing may
appear under different Symbols : But in every Caſe the Symbol muſt be adapted to
the prefent Intention. So here the Names given to this City are fetch'd from So-
dom, becauſe of its Corruption ; that of Egypt, from its deſtroying the Prophets ;
that of the Holy City prophan'd, from its being like the Holy City of Jeruſalem, Mur-
derer of the Prophets, as well as of their Lord.
Again, there is another Senſe, in which the corrupted Church may be faid to have
crucified the Lord of the Prophets. St. Paul faith in Hebr. 6. 6. upon the Account
of falling away from the Faith once profeſed, crucifying again to themſelves the Son
of God afresh, and putting him to an open Shame. Becauſe thoſe who apoftatize from
Chriſt, thereby join themſelves to his Enemies; and by approving and advancing of
their Áłtions, make themſelves guilty of the Crimes already committed by his Ene-
mies againſt him. Therefore St. Polycarp faith, of te aſue én? nth o4 • Deds are
2,74 Stuú Twv duty. From all which it appears, that this Crucifying of Chriſt their
Lord ſignifies, that the Idolatrous Chriſtians, at leaſt as to the main Body of them,
which is comprehended under the Name of the Holy City trampled upon by the
Gentiles, will prove ſtubborn and impenitent, as well from the Beginning as to the
End, to the Admonitions of all the true Saints, who have or ſhall preach to them, and
confirm their Doétrine by their Deaths, as the old Prophets did : That they will
apoftatize from the true Faith, which was once received in the Church, and thereby
crucify again to themſelves their Saviour, and put him to an open Shame of making
his Religion be blaſphem'd by themſelves, as well as other wicked Men, as Atheiſts,
Mahometans, and Heathens ; to whom the Idolatry of the pretended Chriſtians is a
ſtumbling Block, as well as the great Corruption of their Morals, which makes
their City to be call'd Sodom.
But after all, there is a way to fix wholly, or at leaſt chiefly, the Murder of our
Lord upon this Great City, which is Rome, and that too from the Conſideration of
the Words themſelves. The Adverb ors, where, is relative , pártaking of that Rela-
tive of which it is compounded : So that the where is not to be referred to Sodom or
Egypt, but to the great City, as well as the former Relative öns: Therefore Chriſt may
be faid to have been crucified in or by (8) Rome , becauſe crucified by a Roman Go-
Vernor,
had his Power viſibly from that City, to exerciſe that pretended Juriſ-
diétion. The Jews indeed betray'd him to Pilate, but did not kill him: They might
not do it, Fohn 18. 31. If they might have done it according to their Law, he had
not been crucified, but diſpatch'd ſome other Way ; the Way of Crucifying being ab-
folutely Roman. So that he was entirely crucified by the Power and Command of
Rome. Therefore his Blood ſhall be required of her, as that of all the Prophets and
Saints, in Revel. 18. 24. A. And the Dragon, who exerts that Power of Rome, is
therefore overcome, as well by the Blood of the Lamb, as by the Word of the Te-
ſtimony of the Saints in the firſt Period. See our Note upon Chap. 12. 11. A. This
Murder of Chriſt, being ſo notorious a Circumſtance, the Holy Ghoſt fails not to
who
(6) Vid. Lightfoot's Harm, of the New Teſt. in loc. And Sermon upon Revel. 13. 2.
2
take

Chap. XI. v. 9. The Witneſſes. I
523
take notice of it, to upbraid her therefore, and to ſhew, that God's Anger is rais d
againſt her on this Account. Now this is an Argument to comfort the Witneſſes of
this Period ; if Rome have perſecuted and ſlain the Lord of Glory their Maſter, how
ſhould his Servants but expect to be perſecuted and flain by her likewiſe, Fohn is.
20. Ferom faith well ; (h) Cerne manus Fudae , quas fixeras; cerne latus Romane,
quod foderas: Rome and ferufalem are guilty; this in betraying, that in killing
So then Chriſt was crucified in and by Rome, becauſe it was done within its Domini-
Gilot V16v009 Ti 10 290 OTTI SU SE
ons, and by its Power.)
Thus far have I expounded the Words upon Suppofition, that the relative 'un@y,
their relates to the Witneſſes: Which is not only the Expoſition of the Arabick Veral
fion, but alſo that of Aretas, approved by (i) Dr. Mill." But yet a Queſtion may be
rais'd, whether it may not be as proper to refer that Word to the Great City, which
being a Name of Multitude, as ſignifying the Inhabitants, the Holy Gholt ſhould
ſeem to upbraid them here of having crucified their Lord. Such a Reproach with
Sharpneſs giving a good Account, why that Clauſe is here inſerted ; as we find the
Apoſtles upbraided the Fews, Acts 2. 36. and Chap. 5: 30, 31. No wonder the Wit-
neſſes are fo perſecuted in this City, fince it hath crucified its own Lord, the Lord of
Glory. Which Reproach is the more ſharp, in that when Rome perſecutes the Saints,
or Witneſſes, it pretends to acknowledge Chriſt as its Lord. But I leave it to the
Reader to chuſe either of the Two ; ſeeing the Senſe is very good either Way, and
the Reproach Tharp enough.
A. Verf. 9. Kei Basisav éne lacetão rý quacov, rj goxc0cvtõv,
γλων , και εθνών, τα σώματα
Paunov, And they of the Peoples, and Tribes, and Tongues, and Nations, ſee their dead
Bodies.] Tychonius hath here again, (k) Corpus eorum, inſtead of the Plural ; having
alſo read Raémy, ſee, inſtead of babyso, Thall ſee, in other Copies. The meaning
of theſe Four Terms is, that all the corrupted Chriſtians ſee them Dead, think them,
and rejoice at it : But affect to deſpiſe them and overlook them, thinking it not fit tớ
bury them, or ſhew them any kindneſs. Some imagine that this looking upon the
Witneſſes is out of reſpect to them. Not ſuffering them to be buried; that is, the
Truth to be abfolutely overcome. Howſoever the Forbearance of Burial be a good
Sign Symbolically, being an Omen, that they ſhall recover again quickly and pub-
lickly, yet I cannot think, that this can denote any good Deſign in thoſe people,
who ſhall ſee them lie unburied : But this looking upon them fignifies, that the Na-
tions ſhall rejoice at their Fall and Ignominy. For which reaſon it follows by way
of Expoſition to this place, that they ſhall Rejoice and make Merry upon that Sight.
See our Note upon Chap. 11. 12. C.
And whereas Mede and ſome others,
obſerving, that the Holy Ghoſt changes the
Expreſſion here from Peoples, Tribes, Tongues, and Nations, to the other in the nexe
Verſe, they that dwell upon the Earth, draw from thence an Argument, that the
Holy Gholt deſign'd to diſtinguiſh theſe Two as of different Species ; fo that the firſt
ſhould be Friends Elected from the Nations, and the latter Enemies, becauſe Idola-
ters : Let them obſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt uſes both theſe Exprelſions as Synony-
mous in Revel. 14. 6. and that both are conſtantly uſed to ſignify Idolaters. And if
the Terms of the Peoples, &c. be ſpoken concerning the Saints, then the Holy Ghoſt
confiders them as having been Idolaters, or going to be ſo. In Chap. 7. 9. the infinite
Palm-bearing Company markd, is ſaid to be éx mulds fbyxs, out of every Nation :
But this is not againſt us; for it only implies a Change of State from Idolatry to
Chriſtianity ; it ſuppoferh them converted. And then there is fufficient Indication
otherwiſe that they are fo. The Prepoſition én, out or of, is often the fame as ir
in. So in the frequent Expreſſion of St. Paul, and others, o in metrouws, they of the
Circumciſion, Acts 10.45. Ats 11. 2. Galat. 2. 12. Colof: 4. 11. is really the ſame
as èn acelouá, in Circumcifion, Rom. 4. 10. So in stron, or é de avó uov, are the
e , on
So en
x^s, out of the Multitude
Mark 9. 17. Luke 11. 27. and Chap. 12. 13. John 7.40. is really the ſame as a
Treš oxam, in the Multitude, John 7:43. For the meaning of the Holy Ghoſt is this:
The Witneſſes are ſlain by the Beaſt, and their Bodies lie in the Broad-Place of the
Great City. Upon that the Multitudes of thoſe, that are abroad within its Domi-
bonat
(h) Hieronym. ad Heliodor. men als
(k) Tychon. Hom. VIII.
(i) Mill. Pro'ez. in N. Teſtam. pag. 97.
ob trdno
hions,
524
The Witneſſes. Chap. XI. v.g.
v.9

pions, ſeeing that, rejoyce at the Conqueſt gotten over them: That is, the core
rupted Chriſtians perceiving, that the Powers of their Church have maſter'd the true
Worſhippers, whom they call Hereticks, do rejoice, and join with their Metro-
polis to contemn and ſpitefully, uſe them. Let us now proceed to conſider how long
this is to laſt.
into
B. '
Hulegs ogênis xj šuv, Three Days and an Half] When a dead body hath lain
Three Days and an Half upon the Ground, Men may, be ſure of Two Things: The
firſt is, that there is no hopes of its Recovery to Life again. (1) Herodotus tells us,
that the Egyptians, whom the Fews-did not a little imitate in the Caſe of Burials,
kept ſome of their dead Bodies Three or Four Days ; but the Reaſon he gives of it
is nothing to this purpoſe
. The (m) Rabbies tell us, that it was the Cuſtom to go
to the Tombs, and viſit the Dead ; becauſe fome have recovered. This was done
for Three Days together. Which hath perhaps given Occaſion to, or rather pro-
ceeded from this Conceit, that the Soul remains about the Carcaſe for Three Days,
expe&ting to return into the Body: But when it ſeeth that the Countenance changeth,
it departs, and leaves the Body. The other Thing we may be certain of is, that
the Body doth already begin to corrupt ; and therefore it is more than high Time to
bury it. So in the Caſe of Lazarus, Fohn 11. 39. Lord, he ſtinketh, for it is noio
the Fourth Day that he is dead. This Opinion of the Jews is not fingular şifor the
Ancient (n) Perſians, as their Deſcendants ſtill at this Day, believed, that the Soul
hovers about the Body for Three Days.
But (0) Menaſje Ben Ifrael, to ſolve the Buſineſs of the raiſing of the Soul of
Samuel at Endor, ſuppoſes with the Book Zohar, that the Soul keeps hovering thus
about the Body for a Twelve Month; afcending and defcending upon it, I becauſe it
hath not loft its Love for its ancient Habitation. Which is the Reaſon, that the
(p) Niagicians may, during that Time, raiſe it up by Conjurations. Undoubtedly
ſuch Opinions came at firſt from the Chaldean and Egyptian Magicians, the firſt In-
ventors of that helliſh Art. Servius upon theſe Words of Virgil, Animamque ſepul-
chro Condimus, hath this Obſervation. (2) Bene animam lafte & Sanguine ad tumu-
lum dicit elicitam. La&te namque corpus nutritur poft anime conjunktionem : '& anima
ſine ſanguine nunquam eſt, quo effufo recedit. Legimus præterea in Sexto, vinfepul-
torum animas eſſe vagas: & hunc conſtat non legitime Sepultum fuiſſe. Ritè ergo red-
dita legitima Sepultura, redit anima ad quietem ſepulchri: quam Stoici herciſcundi,
id eft, medium ſecuti
, tam diu durare dicunt, quam diu durat & corpus. Unde
Ægyptij periti ſapientia, condita diutius reſervant cadavera : ſcilicet ut anima multo
tempore perduret, & corpori ſit obnoxia : ne cito ad aliud tranſeat. Romani contra
faciebant, comburentes cadavera , ut ftatim anima in generalitatem, id eft, in fuam
naturam rediret. Dicit ergo nunc facrificijs quibuſdam elicitam animam, & fepulchro
conditam, obnoxiamque fa£tam corpori : quod antè horrebat, quafi per vim extorta. So
elſewhere, (-) Tunc enim animæ locum ſuum recipiunt, quum fuerit corpus abfumptum.
Hence came the Inyocations. Servius again upon thoſe Words of Virgil, Pars calidos
latices, hath theſe Words: (s) Plinius, in Naturali Hiſtoria dicit hanc eſſe caufam, ut
mortui & calida aqua abluantur, & per intervalla conclamentur, quod ſolet plerunque
vit alis Spiritus exclufus putari, & homines fallere. Denique refert, quendam ſuppo-
fitum pyrå adhibitis ignibus ere&tum eſſe, nec potuiſſe liberari : Unde & fervabantur
cadavera Septem diebus, & calida abluebantur aqua, & poft ultimam conclamationem
comburebantur. Theſe Opinions of the Egyptians are alſo related by (t) Porphyry,
We need not to wonder then, that the Egyptians endeavour'd to Eternize by imbalm-
ing their Bodies, that the Souls might be perpetually kept to them.
But to return to our Buſineſs. The Three Days and an Half ſignify therefore,
that the Witneſſes have laid ſo long dead in Appearance, that there was no Hope,
nor Expectation of their Recovery, but that they, as it were, began to be corrupted
already. So that all who ſee them ſo, might think it could not be otherwiſe : But
God diſpoſeth of them contrary to their Expectation. For though they were dry
Bones, he is able to raiſe them up, as in the Sign exhibited to Ezekiel, 37. 1,-10.
os test
(1) Herodot, Lib. II. Cap. 89.
(m) Lightfqot in John 11. 39.
(1) Hyde. Hift.
Rel. Ver. Perſar. Cap 34. (0) De Reſurrect. Lib. II. Cap. 6. apud Hoornbeek de Conv. Judæis.
Vid. Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. Talmud. in John 11. 39.
V. Note on Chap. 21. 15. A.
(9) Servius ad VirgÆneid. III. (r) Servius . VI. (
Æneid. VI. (1) Porphyr, de Abftin. Lib. II. Cap. 47.
All
OD ) in :

Ch. XI. v. 9.
535
The Witneſſes.
All this fignifies, that by the Malice of the Idolatrous Chriſtians, and their great
Care to ftifle the Teſtimony of the Witneſſes, all Men, eſpecially thoſe corrupted
Chriſtians who ſee them ſo, will be apt to judge, that it is impoſſible for the Pro-
phets to be ever able to recover, and reform their Corruptions, both in Worſhip and
Morals. The Corruption of the Church will be look'd upon as an Evil fo rooted in,
that the corrupted Members ſhall themſelves think it impoſſible to ſee any Change in
their Church. They that groan under it, ſhall think they are never able to amend
it: Others, who are glad of the Corruption, ſhall think, that the Prophets are never
to trouble them any more. It being the Deſign of wicked Men, to keep up a cor-
rupted Diſcipline and looſe Manners, becauſe they hope their own will not be taken
Notice of; and to oppoſe Reformation, becauſe it fits uneaſy upon them. This is
the Meaning of the Symbol, as it is couched in the Words; the Three Days and
an Half alluding plainly to the Nature of dead Bodies, which corrupt by that Time,
and take away all hopes of a Recovery.
But as to the preciſe Meaning of the Time, into which the Thing repreſented is
to extend, what can it be but, as it is Symbolical, and ſo to be adapted according to
the Nature of the Things, to fignify, that the Opinion of thoſe that ſee them dead,
will laſt concerning their Death, all the Time of their Death, or Dying ; which is
equal to their Propheſying, and the War made againſt them? I have already prov'd,
that in the Symbolical Stile Day in general may fignify any appointed Time, which
the Holy Ghoſt may extend to any Length, or Revolution of Time. As in Iſaiah
34. 8. nulegiDay; and endisl'os, Year ; 11 and Duw, are Synonymous. See alſo
iſaiah 61. 2. and Chap. 63. 4. Nay, a Day may ſignify a Thouſand Tears, as in
2 Pet. 3. 8. Whence it comes, as we ſhall prove afterwards, that the firft Six Days
of the Creation of the World are Types of its Duration for Six Thouſand Years,
and the Seventh, or Sabbath, is the Type of the Millennium, or great Sabbatiſm.
(u) Day may alſo fignify an indefinite Space of Time, even fome Thouſands of
Years; ſo in 1 Cor.4. 3. áp Spesmívn biuśeo, the Day of Man, fignifies all the Time
wherein the Power of Mani, or Sin, and the World, is exerted: As cães, Hour, in
Luke 22. 53. is found to be Synonymous to excict, Power. But we need not to
wonder at this ſtrange way of counting Days for Tears, if the Obſervation of fo-
bannes Malela be true concerning the way of the Egyptians of Old, the great Ma.
fters of Symbolical Learning ; who had not in old Times the way of counting by
Years, but by Days. (w) O. @ rei's cofrófss of lipegawo eis éma é trorcov. Or as it is in the
Anonymous Authors prefix'd to him : (x) 'And time teplodove täis nuéeys in ewigs exeínow.
So that the Terms of Days and Tears muſt be determined by the Circumſtances and
Intent of the Writer : And here aseis rućegis xj kuuou, is the ſame as metas xovesi zij súperov,
or as the Holy Ghoſt here and
in Daniel computes it, roueds rj x94egi raí 20 ñus su neups
Time and Times, and half a Time, or Three Times and an Half. All which muſt be
reſolved into ſuch a length of Time, as the Nature of the Subject requires. And ſo
theſe Three Days and a Half are the ſame as all the other Symbolical Terms of Time
whereby theſe Matters collateral be determined ; that is, Three Times and an Half .
And fo Tychonius did underſtand it: (y) Per dies tres & dimidium, id eft, annos
tres E9 Menſes fex. Ansbertus: Cujus videlicet perſecutionis tempus, modo per ho-
ram, modo per dies, modo per menfes, modo per annos exprimitur. Hoc itaque in locó
per trium dierum ſpatium ac dimidij , triennij & fex menfium fumma deſcribitur :
More videlicet ſcripture loquentis, que aliquando ficut à toto partem, fic plerumque de
parte totum oftendit. Let the Time be what it will, theſe “Authors underſtood as
well as we, that theſe Three Days and an Half are contemporary to the whole Per:
ſecution, and to all the other Terms of Time by which it is limited.
If the Holy Ghoſt therefore has pitched here upon Three Days and an Half,
rather than any other Symbolical Term for Time; it is by reaſon of the Symbol
and becauſe of the natural reaſon there is of looking upon a dead Body to be ſo
indeed, when it hath continued in that Stare ſo many literal Days; and as not cor-
rupted, becauſe generally Carcaſes begin not to be corrupted till after the Third Day.
Which Alluſion to the literal Senſe of the Symbols, is of no ſmall Account in the
(x) Ang
(u) Vid. Irenai Lib. II. Cap. 38.
Mym. Excerpt. Chron. Pag. 33.
(20) Joh. Malel. Chron. Lib. III. Pag. 25:14
(y) Tychon. Hom. VIIL
Ririt!
Symbo-

526
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 9.
Symbolical Language; the Holy Ghoſt obſerving conſtantly the Decorum, or to
TÉTOV, the Suitableneſs of the Cortex, or Symbols uſed, as much as may be, that
the Analogy of the Symbols depending of others
, may be well obſerved. Thus we
ſee likewiſe, that in ſpeaking of the Locuſts, the Holy Ghoſt determined their Due
ration with reſpect to the Life of the Natural Locuſts, which is Five Months. And
thus in 1 Sam. 15. 27, 28. Saul laid hold upon the Skirt of Samuel's Mantle, and it
rent. Then the Prophet confirms his Propheſy, by following the Analogy of that
Omen, and faith, The Lord hath rent the Kingdom of Ifrael from thee this Day. See
Jerem. 27. 2. compar’d with Chap. 28. 2, 10, 11, 13, 14. From all which it ap-
pears, that Learned Men need not to torment themſelves about the Death of the
Witneſſes, as if it were a peculiar Part of Time diftin&t from their Propheſy; for
the Death of the Witneſſes, that is, the Perſecution of the true Worſhippers, and
the Abolition of the true Worſhip of God from being Viſible and with Authority,
in the Great City, Capital of corrupted Chriſtendom, is to laſt all the Time that the
Witneſſes Prophefy ; that is, during all the Time of the corrupted State of the
Church, at lealt in the principal Parts thereof, during all this Second Period of the
Church: That is, all, excepting thoſe that have meaſur’d the Temple
.
C. Kai tezla pena dues jour equosa tSlwcu eis pvñue, And Shall not suffer their
dead Bodies to be put into the Sepulchre.] This is one of thoſe Symbols or Acci-
dents that have Two Handles
. It is deſign d for Ill by one Side, but God is pleaſed
to determine it for Good. As in Gene). 45. 5. I ſhall begin with explaining the
Firſt. It is certain that the Nations or Idolatrous Chriſtians hindering theſe Witnef
fes from Burial, cannot be out of good Will; becauſe the Symbol, or Action, as it
is conſidered both in Sacred and Profane Writers, will not bear any other Con-
ſtruction. In Pſal
. 79. this want of Burial is a Circumſtance ſhewing the utmoſt
Miſery, and the Tyranny and Cruelty
of thoſe that hinder it: O God, the Heathen
are come into thiné Inheritance, thy Holy Temple have they defiled : They have laid
Jeruſalem on Heaps. The dead Bodies of thy Servants have they given to be Meat
unto the Fowls of the Heaven, the Fleſh of thy, Saints unto the Beaſts of the Earth.
Their Blood have they shed like Water round about Jeruſalem, and there was none to
Bury them. All which the Author of the firſt Book of Maccabees, 7. 17. applies to
his own Times, about the Profanation committed by Antiochus. In Ecclefiaftes 6. 3.
it is obſerved, that if a Man live never ſo long, and have no Burial, an untimely
Birth is better than be. As the Jews call the Performance of the burial Rites
Oon nisoi, the (2) Retribution of Mercies. So Fofephus the Hiſtorian, ſpeak-
ing of the Fews, who took no Care to bury their Dead, nor ſuffer'd others to do it,
faith, that this was one of the Crimes which deſerv'd that God ſhould puniſh them
ſeverely for it. As to the Opinions of the Heathens in this Cafe, I ſhall refer to the
Collection of (a) Grotius.
I ſhall only add, that as the (b) Heathens thought, that the Souls of ſuch Men
as were put to Death violently, hovered about the Body, and had no Relt till by
Burial, and the Ceremonies us'd therein, they were in fome Meaſure ſatisfied; fo
the Refuſal of Interment is a Cruelty exercis'd upon the Soul, to torment it after its
Separation. Now as the Holy Ghoſt confiders theſe Perfecutors as having the fame
Notions as the Heathens, and even worſe ; it may be alſo intended, that the Perſe-
cutors pretend by this, to torment the Souls as well as the Bodies of theſe Wit-
neſſes. And indeed this appears to be the Intention of the Papiſts, who Excommu-
nicate and Damn, as far as they can, all Hereticks; and will not admit to Commu-
nion the relapſed, but burn them though they recant.
Now as Burial is an Honour paid to the Dead, ſo the Refuſal of it to theſe Wit-
neſſes fhews, that the corrupted Chriſtians are reſolved never to give, or ſuffer the
true Worſhippers to have any Honour, or hopes of Mercy. As to this Part of the
Event, why may we not ſuppoſe, that the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to foretel that bar-
barous Popiſh Uſage, never to ſuffer the Bodies of Excommunicated Perſons, or
thoſe they call Hereticks, to be buried, the Living not daring to do it, out of a
Reverential Awe to their Church. Ansbertus : Quamobrem dum ſpirit aliter mortua in
(<) Vid. Joh. Othon. Diff. de Luctu juxta Talmud. Pag. 139.
(a) Grot. de Jure Bell
. ac
Pacis. Lib. II. Cap. 19.
(6) Vid. Porphyr. de Abftin. Lib. II. Sect. 47. & Serv. in Virg.
Æneid. Lib. IV. Col. 845.
ſepul

Ch. XI. v. 9.
The Witneſſes.
527
on it.
Sepulchris non permittuntur corpora teſtium quieſcere : conſtat nimirum, quia immanis
illa perſecutio nec ad ſepelienda fecundum Adam mortua, inducias permittit habere.
But the Witneſſes are treated like publick (c) Enemies, or accurfed Perſons, to whom
was not permitted to have Burial ; at leaſt within the Territories of thoſe Domi-
nions which held them fo. By which we find the Members of the corrupted
Church with an inhuman Zeal imitating in this the Cruelty of the Romans againſt
the (d) Primitive Martyrs, who endeavour'd frequently to deſtroy even their Afhes,
to hinder the reſt of the Chriſtians from performing any Funeral Rites for them.
And this ſhews, thát though the Martyrs do not value this Honour in Compa-
riſon of their Faith, yet the Chriſtians did in general ſet a great Value up-
And well they might, when for all thoſe Exhortations to take up the Croſs, Chriſt
allows his Diſciples to make no Friends of the Mammon of Unrighteouſneſs, but
upon this Account
, that they may receive them at their Departure into the Evere
laſting Habitations, Luke 16.9. Great is the Variety of Interpreters in this place ;
and well they may be ſo, when none hath endeavour'd to diſcover the Senſe of that
Expreſfion. Aimvior onuci, Everlaſting Habitations, is an Euphemiſmus of the Oriental
Sramp, to ſignify the Grave, or State of the Dead, by a ſoft Expreſſion. In Pfal.
16. 8. Acts 2:26. xlarulwho is uſed to expreſs the State of the Body in the Grave :
and the Grave is called ruled by the LXX in Iſaiah 22. 16. As in Fob 17. 13. it is
oiro ; and in Ecclef. 12. 5. vix6 cər@, ary 112, Everlaſting Houſe : In our Tran-
Nation, his long Home. We find the Expreſſion in the Targum of Jonathan on Iſaiah
42. 11. Et mortui quando egredientur de domo fæculi ſui. Chald. Ninoy nao,
out of their everlaſting Houſe. Which Expreſſion paraphraſes the Word Rock, in
which generally the Graves, or Vaults for Corpſes, were made in Paleſtine. Such as
was that of our Saviour, Mark 15. 46. So in Fonas 2. 6. the LXX have
á távios, Everlaſting Tombs; for ſo the Word nehrogo, fignifies. Hefych. dirogol, aí Soe
oi Omn devis 20.08 Sé elves. But the Apocryphal Author of 4 E/dr. 2. 11. comes ſtiil nearer
ur Saviour's Expreſſion, for he faith, Tabernacula æterna, The Poem of Pho-
cylides, which ſinells of Jewiſh Extraction, hath,
wa moya
on low slido ariot
Κοινα μέλάβρα θέμων αιώνια και πατρίς άδης,
ca o arom
Antigone in Sophocles ſpeaks thus ;
tedes
(e) *Ω ύμς G, & νυμφείον, και καθασκαφής
Beson
Ο Οίκησις αείφρ8 296.
Mbeyb 750 gni bitsig
I find it alſo in Diodorus Siculus ſpeaking of the Egyptians , who made much ado
about Burials ; (f) Σεμνότια και διείληλα παρ αιγυπτίοις το τες γονείς και τις συννες φανώαι
αειθότερον τετιμη κότας εις τίω αιώνιον οίκησιν μεταγώνας. So in Tally, Eterna domus is put
for the Grave: (8)
Ut aut in æternam, & plane in noftram domum remigremus, & omni
ſenſu, moleſtiaque careamus. Hence a return Home is explained of the Grave, (b)
Ut cum animus Eude mi ex corpore excefferit, tum domum revertiſſe videatur. And ſo
likewiſe in Seneca the Poet ;
ανε κάποιος
our
Recipe me æterna domo
Non exiturum.
Mango
jedi niso
It is alſo very frequent in the Inſcriptions. I ſhall content my ſelf with one ;
415
bo Pois gone
Dokta lyrå, grata & geſtu, formoſa puella,
Hic jacet æterna Sabis humata domo.
.30
Thus according to the Conje&tares of Bochart apy nu3, (k) extrema vel fuprema dos
thao
(C) M. T. Cic. de Leg. Lib. II. Thucydid. Hift. Lib. I. cap. 126. & 138. & Not. Cornel. Nepos in
Vit. Themiſtocl. Plutarch. Solon, Appian. Mithrid. Ælian. 7. H. Lib. IV. c. 7.
(d) Tertullian. Apoll. cap. 37:
re) Sophocl
. Antig. pag. 250.
f) Diod. Sic. Lib. I. pag 58. Vide Jan. Rutgerſ. Venus Lect.
(g) M. T. Cic
Tufc. Quxſt. I. in fin. Vid. Epift. ad Octavium.
(b) M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I.
(i) Senec. Hippol. v. 1236.
(k) Bochart. Can. Lib. I. cap. 29,
1

528
The Witneſſes.
8
Ch. XI. v. 9.
maus is the Name of it in the Phænician Language : And Jux: , (k) Zebul
Gumaa, Habitatio univerſitatis, otherwiſe call'd by Greek and Latin Authors, xorvos
Tón, communis locus ; by Diodorus , (l) xolvêr oirnus, Communis Domus. So that
Chriſt's allowing his Diſciples to make Friends of this world to have a decent
Burial,
is but even to follow his own Practice, who made his Grave with the Rich, Ifaiah 53.
9. Math. 27. 57. Hence it comes, that the Primitive Chriſtians were very nice in
this Particular. See Biſhop Pearſon on the Creed, Art
. IV. pag. 223.
And now to come to the ſecond Handle, and to ſhew how this ill Deſiga of the
Perſecutors turns to the good of the Prophéts. Tychonius hạth ſeen ſomething of
this : he faith ; Votum corum & impugnationem dixit : non quo valeant facere ne jit
Eccleſia, ſicut illud, nec vos intratis, nec alios finitis intrare : cum multi introie-
rint etiam illis impugnantibus. Note by the by, that he turns doúosor by finunt, that
is, read the Verb in the preſent. This then , which the Enemies of theſe Witneſſes
do to them out of Malice and Cruelty, will at laſt turn to their Profit ; for this por-
tends to the Witneſſes, that the Time will come, which will reſtore them to their
former State. The Indian Interpreter is very plain, in Chap. 130. and faith, that if
any one dream that he is buried, bis Burial denotes his utter Ruin to be certain. But
if be ſhall dream, that any of the Things, which belong to his Burial are wanting , that
Deficiency portends good Hopes of Safety. 'Edip ily or frelon, é meio éis todeias enna
ευφορίαν κρίνες της απωλείας αυτά και αμελανοησίας. 'Εαν όπ εγγύετο ή τέρησης και αν ταφίων και
Bos encay Gundeiwy doul Teor, i signers a's timidu oz) asics xpive). The like may be ſeen
in Artemidorus, Lib. IV. cap. 84. Thus Tully alluding to the Reſtitution of Cæfar's
Tyranny by M. Antony, calls therefore the Burial of Cefar by the Name of Infepultá
Sepultura : His Words are ; (m) lidemque buftum in foro facerent, qui illam
tam ſepulturam effecerant. Thus alſo the abſolute Ruin of the Republick comes un-
inſepul-
der the Notion of Burial: (n) Cerno animo ſepulta in patria miſeros, atque inſepultos
acervos civium. The following Words of the ſame are alſo very proper ; ) Non
jam de vita P. Sulla, judices, fed de Sepultura conienditur. Vita erepta eſt ſuperiore
judicio : nunc ne corpus ejiciatur, laboramus. See the reſt. But is there not ſome
Inſtance in Holy Writ to this purpoſe? Not indeed fo plain. But there are Expreſ-
fións, which will infer the fame. Thus in Pſal. 88. 11, 12. the Grave is ſynony-
mous to the Land of Forgetfulneſs ; and this becauſe dead Men in the Grave are apt
to be forgotten. Pfal
. 31. 12. I am forgotten as a dead Man. Even of God, as in
Pfal. 88. 6. like the ſain that lie in the Grave, whom thou remembreſt no more.
Hence Silence is put for the Grave, in Pſal. 94. 17. and 115.17. 1 Sam. 2. 9. It
may be upon this Account that the Rabbies call the Angel, whom they ſuppoſe
preſiding over dead Men, by the Name of (P) X017, from 017, to be ſilent ; as in
the Poet, Pluto is called, (2) Rex filentúm. And the ſame feigns the way to Hell
be by Silence
() Ducit ad infernas per muta ſilentia fedes.

And afterwards ſpeaking of Orpheus ;
(s)
Vaſtique ſilentia regni.
Again ;
(t) Æacus huic pater eft
, qui jura filentibus illic
Reddit, ubi Æolide's Saxum grave Siſyphus urget.
Since therefore God perrnits that theſe Witneſſes ſhould not be put into Graves, it is
plain that he remembers them ſtill, and will not ſuffer them to be put into eternal
Silence. So that the Malice of their Enemies will tend to the Good of the Wit-

(k) Bochart. Can. Lib. I. cap. 27.
(1) Diod. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 58.
(m) M. T. Cic. Philippic. I.
(n) M. T. Cic. in L. Cacilin. Orat. IV.
M. T. Cic. Orat. Pro P. Sulla. Vid. Orat. pro Domo fua ad Pontif. & pro T. Ann. Mil.
(D) Buxtorf. Lexic. Chald. Rabb. in Voc. Vid. T. Hyde Hiſt. Relig. Perſ. cap. 19.
(V) Ovid. Mecam. Lib. V. Lucan. Pharf. Lib. III. & VI. Claudian. Gigant. V. 45.
(v) Ovid. Metam. Lib. IV. Vid. Lib. XV. Virg. Æneid. VI.
(s) Ovid. Mecam.
Lib. X.
(t) Ovid. Metam. Lib. XIII. Vid. Sen. Medea v.739. Herc. Fur. V. 619,
861. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VIII. v. 35. Lib. IX. v. 658.
neſſes

Chap. XI. v. 1o. The Witneſſes.
529
neſſes; that Cruelty fo deſign'd, makes God to be more offended with them; and fo
to haften the Revenge, and Reſtitution of the Witneſſes to a State of Ativity.
But though theſe Expoſitions do very well ſuit the Place, there is one obfervation
to be made, which perhaps hits the Intent of the Holy Ghoſt as near as any of the
former. The Holy Ghoſt doth not uſe any of the Words which fimply denote
Graves ; but more eſpecially the Word Muñue, Monument , whoſe very Notion is
oppoſed to the true Notion of a Grave, which is to be Silence and Land of Forges-
fulneſs. Hence the Expreſſion of Theocritus:
(1) Eis 'Aiden ena End Soulca
For Men conſidering that place to be ſo indeed, have endeavoured to alter its Pro-
perty, by raiſing upon thoſe Places of Forgetfulneſs, (w) Monuments , which ſhould
record their Names and Actions to Poſterity. So that the Meaning of the Holy
Ghoſt may be, that the Intent of the Perſecutors of the Prophets is to have their Bo-
dies expos’d to perpetual Contempt, as Perfons execrable, who are therefore depriv'd
of Burial, and will not ſuffer them to be any way remembred by being put into Mo-
numents, that their Actions may be never imitated, nor their Cauſe revived. So Se-
pulcrum in Horace is to be taken : (x) Virtus fepulcrum condidit
. On which the
Commentator ſays: Sepulcrum autem hoc loco non pro Sepultura ponitur, fed pro eter
na memoria E Laude. But as the Wiſdom of Solomon, 3. 3. argues of the Souls of
the Juſt, the Fools counted that they were dead, and that their Departure was miſe-
table, but they are in Peace, and full of the Hopes of Immortality. Not only that
the Bodies, in which they ſuffer, ſhall ariſe again in Glory, but alſo the Cauſe and
Teſtimony, which they have maintain'd, ſhall prevail over their Enemies.
A. Verf. 10. Kai o xa 2017OW TES ma this guiñs zoápory, vj bgegy súrov), xj tõega okusfeory
divarors, And they that dwell upon the Earth, rejoyce over them, and ſhall make merry,
and ſhall ſend Gifts to one another. ] (y) Tychonius reads all theſe Verbs in the Pre-
ſent, Gaudent, Epulantur, and mittunt. This is another Hardſhip upon the Wit-
Sreffes: For when Men are dead, it is expected that fome ſhould lament for them:
And the want of ſuch Mournings is thought to be a Token of a miſerable End. Fob
27.15. Thoſe that remain of him ſhall be buried in Death, and his Widows ſhall not
weep. Pfal. 78. 64. Their Widows made no Lamentations. Jerem. 22. 18. They Mall
not lament for him, ſaying , Ah my Brother, or ab Siſter : They shall not lament for
him, ſaying, Ah Lord l or , ab his Glory. He shall be buried with the Burial of an
Afs. Šo in 1 Kings 14. 13. to have Mourners is the Token of a Death in God's
Favour. See alſo Ezek. 24. 16, 23. The fame Notions ran among the Heathens.
Homer calls Tears the Honour of the Dead :
() Tidsboxnov xasées refu. o go pieces bis Socyóyley.
Hence the Wiſh of Solon levell’d againſt that of the Poet Mimnermus, cited by (a)
Plutarch:
Μηδέ μοι άκλαυση- θαναθG μόλου, αλλά φίλοισι
Ποιήσαιμι θανών άλγκα και τον αχάς.
Which Tully embraced : (b) Solonis quidem fapientis elogium eft, quo fe negat velle
fuam mortem dolore amicorum & lamentis vacare. Vult credo ſe eſſe carum ſuis. Sed
haud
ſcio an melius Ennius :
Nemo me lacrymis decoret, neque funera fletu
Faxit.

Ennius here ſeems to have taken the side of Mimnermus; but Tully diſapproves it
elfewhere : (c) Quod fi fiat, melior Ennij, quam Solonis oratio. Hic enim nofter; Ne-
mo me lacrymis decoret, inquit, nec funere fletu Faxit. At vero fapiens ille,
(u) Theocrit. Idyll. I. v. 63.
(0) 2 Sam. 18. 18.
(c) Horat. Epod. IX.
Tychon. Homil. VIII.
(3) Homer. Iliad. 4. V.9.
(a) Plucarch. Vit. Publicol.
(6) M. T. Cic. in Caron. Maj. Vid. Serv, in Virg. Æneid. Lib. XI. Col. 1599. (c) M. T. Cic.
Qu. Tuſc. Lib. I. Fin.
Sirrrr
Mors

530
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. V. 10
abilecekler
Mors mea ne careat lacrymis : linquamus amicis
Mærorem, ut celebrent funera cum gemitu.
Brod ៥
And therefore to be unlamented is accounted a great Puniſhment on
Æſchylus : (d) ούτω πεινών τόνο” α' οίωγών δοκ
Ταφέν' αίμως, τ’ επιτίμιον λαβείν»
Και μύθ' ομαρίν υμβοχόα χειρώμαία,
Μήτ’ άξομόλποις ωe9σέβειν οιμωγμασιν,
'Αιμον ε ' εκφοράς φίλων ύπο,
man M107
And a little after, (Ο) Σύγα μω' πολλών πενθητήρων
THEY xeiro Mio zonas ago
Μονόκλωτον έχων Splώον αδελφής
VAROR
Είσι. ,
cox
2016

And elſewhere ; (f) Idoloaua peñ tes, detus ir inçoegis
* Ανά πολιταν άνακ7', ανά 3 σενθημα των
*Ετλης ανοίμωκον άνδρα θα ψαι,
ame
And thus Sophocles deſcribing the Mifery of Thebes during the Plague:
(8) Nuasa ö gluétad
Προς πέδια θανατηφόρω
Kεί τι ανοίκως. .
And Elettra in the fame, bewails the Fate of her Brother, falfly ſuppoſed Dead:
(b) Kéxd ger $78
Τάφε ανθιάσας
ούτε όων πρ ημών. .
Seneca imitates Sophocles ; () Fletuque acerbo funera & queſtu carent. But this is
imitated by all thoſe who have made Deſcriptions of Peſtilences, as Lucretius, Vir.
gil, Ovid, and Livy.
And well might the Heathens look upon this as a cruel Circumſtance, fince in
their Opinion ſuch Rites as Weeping, and cutting off the Hair, and the like Circum-
ſtances of Mourning, contributed to the Eaſe of the departed Ghoſt, and were there-
fore called Maaiyratu, Afſwagements. But in caſes of Blood, nothing but that of
the Slayer was thought to fuffice.
Æſchylus; (k) Ould wondéwv, čo wore6wv,
Ούτε δακρύων, απύρων ιερών"
opgais eitsreis , TelegréağH.
cons
But soupees being here the ſame as moradia, is needleſs. Some Copies have sex d'or,
out of which Turnebus makes sordw. Though either of theſe be improper, yet they
lead us to the true Reading, 2ox_w, cutting off the Hair, making bald, from roxo's
the ſame as ceno.rpòs in Heſychius. We ſhould likewiſe read stóeges isegis. But of
that fomewhere elſe. Hence we read that Tiberius forbad Mourning for thoſe whom
he flew. Suetonius ; (2) Interdi&tum ne capite damnatos propinqui ſugerent. Which
ſeems to have been grounded upon the Roman Laws, which forbad it towards infa-
mous Perſons.
But the Cruelty againſt the Witneſſes is much more fhewn, in that not only theſe
pious Offices are forborn, but the utmoft Exceſs of Reproach is offer'd to them by
rejoycing at their Miſery. Now this Joy is ſhewn in Three Particulars, which ſhew
it to be compleat. Publick Days of rejoycing among the Fews were obſerved in
Three Particulars likewiſe : Good Chear, Mirth, and ſending of Gifts to each other.
As in Eſther 9. 22. And the Month, which was turn'd to them from Sorrow to Foy,

(d) Æichyl. Sept. c. Theb. V. 1028.
(f) Æichyl Chocph. V. 428.
(h) Sophoc. Electr. pag. 126.
(k) Æſchyl. in Agam. 1.69.
(e) Æſchyl. Sept. c. Theb, v, 1070.
(8) Sophocl. Oedip. Tyr. pag. 159.
(i) Seneca in Oedip.
(1) Sueton, in Tiber. cap. 61.
and
4

Ch. XI. v. 1o.
The Witneſſes.
531
3
and from Mourning into a good Day: That they ſhould make them Days of Feaſting
and Foy, and of ſending Portions to one another, and Gifts to the poor. See alſo
Nebem. 8. 10. and 3 E/dr. 9. 52, 55. Deut. 16. 14. At which Times Dances and
Frolicks were permitted. And the ſame was practis'd by the (m) Fews even fince
their laſt Captivity ; as it was alſo among the Greeks. Thus 'tis reported of Ageſi-
**5701
laus King of Sparta ; bir
ou'onel 1991
(n) 'Aadce pile rij dur's mezaa sev isegav có pefu @ , queen Viivi varroa
'Ευαγγέλια, διέπεμψε τους φίλους μερίδας υπο και ιερείων.
plaator
ivory s bas
id
Thus alſo in Theocritus :
Slogerous teeds
Kai tu suous
Tais Norgues, Mógoave ready xpées euring rékesfov.
The like is alſo obſerv'd of the Perſians by (P) Dr. Hyde. One might prove, that
the Event hath anſwer'd exa&tly to the Prophecy ; by thewing what Joy there hath
been upon all Occaſions for the Deſtruction of thoſe whom the Idolaters have put to
death for preaching againſt the Error of the Idolatrous Worſhip. What Thanks
have been given to Princes for having maſſacred their Subjects, who oppoſed thoſe
Corruptions ? Pareus obferves, that the Papiſts, when Hereticks are burnt, play at
frolickſome Games ; celebrate Feaſts of Banquets ; and ſing , Te Deum laudamus
and wiſh one another Joy. Theſe are with them Acts of Faith. But they know not
what Spirit they are of. It is an rezaleperonic, or rejoycing in Iniquity inſtead of re-
joycing in the Truth. We may here obſerve, that in this whole Prophecy the Faith-
ful are never commanded to rejoice when Men are puniſhed. The Heavens are in-
deed commanded to rejoice upon Two Occafions ; the firſt at the Fall of the Dra-
gon from Heaven; the latter, upon the Fall of Babylon. But this is firſt upon the
Fall of Idolatry, or the Power of the Devil ; and ſecondly, when a City conſiſting
of Walls, and being a Receptacle of Wickedneſs, falls or ceafes to be ſuch a Re-
ceptacle.
B. On Freni so pesong Cloud vege tes yet? 140 W Tees Hoe gañs, Becauſe theſe Two Pro-
phets tormented them that dwelt upon the Earth.) Theſe Words plainly allude ta
the Words of Ahab to Elias, as ſoon as Ahab ſaw him after the long Drought,
i King's-18. 17. Art thou he that troubleth Iſrael ? The LXX ſay, i desprépay # 'Io-
egzúa, which is the very Objection made againſt our Saviour himſelf, Luke 23. 2.
Tğ Tor degrelor despisovle to kovo ; we have found this Fellow perverting the Nation.
But the Hebrew Word in that Place of 1 Kings 18. 17. which is jy being alſo
uſed in Foſh. 7. 25. is there turn'd by wrógp doans, and twrógedoodes : And being us’d
alſo in i Sam. 14. 29. it implies there, that Saul hath brought a Curſe upon the
Land, as it doth alſo in the Place of Fosh. 7. 25. So that theſe Prophets are thus
accuſed, for their Preaching to pervert Religion, raiſe Seditions, and thus to bring on
Men all the Effets of God's Anger upon ſuch as are accurſed of him.
But as thieſe Expreſſions may import the leading aſide of the Nation, and cauſing
it to Revolt, ſo it is obſervable that the Prophets of Old have always been accounted
guilty of High Treaſon. So Amos 7. 16. is accuſed in the LXX á xnewyev, to gan
ther the People with his Preaching, to be a troubleſome Fellow, whom the Land
could not bear. Só Feremiah 38.4. And Ifaiah was fawn afunder by Order of
Manaſſe, as is hinted in Heb. 12. 37. but reported by Tradition in (9) Fuſtin
Martyr, (-) Epiphanius, and others. So the Primitive Chriſtians were accuſed of
being the Cauſes of all the publick Calamities, as if they had brought a Curſe uponi
Men. Auguſtin faith : (s) Ex quorum imperitia illud quoque ortum eſt vulgare pro-
verbium : Pluvia defecit, cauſa Chriſtiani. Atque hoc apud vulgus affirmare
nituntur, clades quibus per certa intervalla locorum & temporum genus humanum opor-
tet affligi, cauſa accidere nominis Chriſtiani, quod contra Deos ſuos ingenti fama &
(m) Canon Apoft. LXX.
(n) Polyæn. Strateg. ex Xenoph. Ageſil.
Theocr. Idyl. V. V. 139.
(p) Th. Hyde Rel. Vet. Perſarum, Cap. 20. p.
268.
(a) Juſtin. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 273.
() Epiphan. de. Vit. Prophet.
Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. II. cap. 3. V. Arnobium. adv. Gent:

532
The Witneſſes.
Chap. XI. V. ID
præclariſſima celebritate per cuncta diffunditur. Nay they were alſo accuſed of (+)
High-Treaſon, for diſturbing and oppoſing the Worſhip of the Gods eſtabliſhed by
Law: And their (2) Torments and Puniſhments were excus’d upon that Score : It
being the Principle of
of the Heathens, that though they believ'd not one Word of all
their Divinity, yer the publick Worſhip and Notion of the Civil Gods was to be
kept. Hence the Diftin&tion of (w) 2 Mutius Scævola, and M. Varro, into Three
Sorts of Divinity, Natural, Mythical, and Civil.
To apply this to our Cafe ; He that preached againſt the Errors of the World,
and the growing Corruptions, was always reckond a Traytor, and treated as a pub-
lick Enemy. From the beginning the Iconoclaſts were not only counted Heretical,
but Impious, Atheiſtical, and what not. Nothing can be invented bad enough for
them that oppoſe the Errors of Popery. The Miſcarriages of Men, the Plagues of
God, all Accidents that have fallen Unluckily, have been always laid upon the
Heads of the Martyrs during this corrupred State, as if they had been the Cauſes
of thoſe Torments. Indeed in one Senſe they have tormented, in that for their
Sakes, at their Requeſt, and to revenge their Caufe, God hath puniſhed their
Perſecutors.
A. Verf. 11. Kad us netis nućegs ieh insou, avcũue Cariñs cue to oes doña ser et' dutès,
And after Three Days and an Half, the Spirit of Life from God entred into them. ſ
They revived after thoſe Three Days and an Half. It is a Periphrafis alluding to the
manner wherein God made Man..Genef. 2. 7. Ezekiel 37. 9, 10. hath uſed the
fame Expreſſion to fignify the Reſurrection. To live ſignifies to be in a Power to
act. So in St. Paul, Heb. 4. 12. Çöv, quick, or alive, ſignifies ałtive, or powerful ;
for the Word évesyàs, is join'd to it, to Thew the Meaning. And fo Zamras is uſed
by Sophocles:
(%) Ως τοϊσιν έμπει εοισι και τας ξυμφοράς
Ζώσας ορώ μάλιστα και βελάμα των. .
The Scholiaſt faith, Záores, éveppeséegls. The Oriental Interpreters agree to this, that
a Refurre&tion ſignifies a Reſtauration into the former, or a greater Power : A Reſti-
tution of Liberty to them from whom it was taken. The Indian faith in Chap. 5.
that to ſee the riſing again of the Dead fignifies Fudgment : For there the Wicked
ſhall be puniſhed, and thoſe who are wronged ſhall recover their Right. The Per-
fian in Chap. 6. faith, that it betokens, douw aúng wory ij frétewr amonu recozvºinti
gelingt esou atro Berounéos éx Treu. To pelofnExči tej napos šar , dis d'oogier én d'or). The Egyp-
tian in Chap. 7. faith ; ”Eáv mision vellº myss verpão ézegory, deo picor en L Jogiev, xj 70-
répiewy menov onuclvet
. The like is to be ſeen in Chap. 131. Ezekiel, in Chap. 37.
11, 12, 13, 14. is altogether conformable to theſe Notions. For when Reſurrection
is ſpoken of a Political Body, it's to be underſtood proportionably of a Political Re-
ſurrection of that Body in the like Power.
And fo Latin Authors uſe the Word Reſurgo. Ovid.
(y) Vi&ta tamen vinces, everfaque Troja reſurges.
Pliny hath the Word with an Oftentum to Boot: (z) Eſt in exemplis, & fine tempe-
State, ulláve caufa alia, quam prodigij, cecidiſſe mullas [ arbores, 1 ac ſua ſponte reſur-
rexiſſe. Fa&tum hoc populo Rom. Quiritibus oftentum. Cimbricis bellis Nuceriæ in luco
Junonis, ulmo, poſtquam etiam cacumen amputatum erat, quoniam in aram ipſam pro-
cumbebat, reſtituta Sponte, ita ut protinus floreret : à quo deinde tempore Majeſtas
Populi Rom. reſurrexit, que antea vaſtata cladibus fuerat. And fo is Revivo uſed.
Tully : (a) Ita multæ civitates. omni ære alieno liberate, multe valde levata funt, om-
nes ſuis legibus, & judicijs ufe, culovouéar adepta, revixerunt. Again : (6) In qui-
bus, reviviſcente jam libertate, deinde rurſus oppreſſa, ſenatus nihil conſulitur, timet
multa, affentitur omnia. To the like Purpoſe we find in Terence; (c) Qui ab Orco
(t) Tertullian. Apol. cap. XXIV. & Lib. ad Scapul. cap. II.
(u) Euſeb. Præp.
Evang. Lib. IV. Procem. (0) Apud Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei Lib. IV. Vid. Eufeb. ubi ſupr. cit.
(x) Sophocl. in Oed. Tyran. pag. 150.
(y) Ovid. Faft. Lib. I.
() Plin.
. . 32
(a) M. T. Cic, ad Att. Lib. VI. Ep.2.
(b) M. T.
Cic. Epift. ad Octav.
mortuum

Ch. XI. V. II.
. The Witneſſes.
533
mortuum me reducem in lucem feceris. So that this Symbol ſignifies the Reſtitution
of the publick Worſhip of God in theſe very Places, where it is now under Op-
preffion, quite deſtroyed. And this is to happen at the end of the Three Days and
an Half of their Death ; that is, at the end of the one Thouſand Two Hundred and
Sixty Days of their Prophecy, or at the end of the Forty Two Months of the Pro-
fanation of the outward Court, and Uſurpation of the Holy City.
Now the Holy Ghoſt anticipates here upon the Matters of the Seventh Trumpet,
after the founding of which, only the Witneſſes are to riſe again. And this is plain-
ly to be made out from the Hints already given : For the Mention of the Witneſſes
comes in upon the Account of the Reformation, which hath only gotten Poffeffion of
the Temple and Altar, and the Worſhippers therein, but not of the outer Court, and
Holy City profaned, wherein the Witneſſes Propheſy, and are Slain: Becauſe the
Gentiles are to have their full Term in both. Which being not ended at the Time
of the Reformation, during the Epocha of the Sixth Trumpet, 'tis evident, that
this great Reſtauration of the Witneſſes is the Accident of another Epocha. But
the founding of the Seventh Trumpet, is that which the Holy Ghoſt deſigns for that
entire Reſtitution of publick Worſhip. And ſo is the Mention of the Power of the
Beaſt, which makes War againſt them, and is Synchronal to all this Period. For, as
we ſhall ſee, the Temple is to be fully opened after that Trumpet, the Paganiſm of
the corrupted Church is to be deſtroy'd, and the Elders are again to give publick
Glory to God. That is, all the Chriſtian Princes are to embrace the true Worſhip
again. No wonder then, that the Holy Ghoſt, having upon the Account of the Stop
put to the Reformation from finiſhing all
, begun to give an Account of the Wita
neſſes, ſhould ſhew their Sufferings throughout the whole Period of it, and at the
fame Time ſhould give alſo Hints of the end of thoſe Sufferings, and of their Reward,
though it encroaches upon another Period : Efpecially ſeeing that the Holy Ghoſt
hath done the ſame in the Caſe of thoſe that were ſfain in the firſt Period, at the
Fifth Seal's opening, the Reward of which was not to be beſtowed upon them fully
till the Seventh Trumpet. And even in the Caſe of the Confeſſors Muſter'd, at the
opening of the Sixth Seal, the Holy Ghoſt then, before the opening of the Seventh,
foretels their Reward ; which is only a&tually enjoyed upon the opening of that Se-
venth Seal. And in this the Holy Ghoſt follows the Method of a good Hiſtorian,
who fometimes purſues fome Matters lying before him, though they encroach upon
ſuch Times, as he is not about, rather than leave his Reader in Suſpenſe. So thar
when he leaves it, he takes Care to ſhew where the Matters that ſhould follow iii
order of Time do begin: That ſuch Digreſſions may not cauſe any Confuſion ; which
the Holy Ghoſt carefully avoids throughout.
B. 'Excit Oef, from God.] This Expreſſion ſuppoſes a wonderful and unexpected
Effect, in which God hath more immediately reſolved to fhew his handy-work, or
Almighty Power in a ſingular Manner. And indeed this is one peculiar Mark of all
the Matters of the Seventh Trumpet, which are the Work of God in a ſpecial Man-
ner: For therein he is ſaid to take to him his Great Power ; to exert it.
C. Krà suas o tès Tódas duates, And they ſtood upon their Feet.] That is, they
were put into a Condition to act, and reſiſt their Enemies: For fo that Poſture im-
ports, as hath been ſhewn before. Their Feet fignifies their Followers, and the Ex-
preſſion of their ſtanding upon them, implies, that they ſhall have ſuch a Number of
Followers thereupon, very likely taken from thoſe very Countries, where they
are now Propheſying, that they ſhall be enabled therewith to withſtand their
Enemies.
D. Και φός μέγας έπεισεν επί της θεωρώντας αυτές, And great Fear fell upon them
which ſaw them. ] This Fear conſiſts in ſome Meaſure in Aſtoniſhment. For the
Word coco fignifies both. Suidas faith : Eis ő póbor évévoj ta ta. deillir. orv Q.
819 win. 27angis. Söguro. dlgwrid. Then he goes on to explain each of theſe, and about
et aanges he faith ; ¢xanĘis ö póCG ir paildoias dowódo's mesyuel G. See the reſt.
But it may fignify ſomething further than Aſtoniſhment : For this Fear may import,
that their Enemies ſhall not be able to oppoſe them. In Nehem. 6. 16. the Expreſ
fion is us’d, 'érémo óc uízas opóspe, according to the Aldine and Complut. Editions,
when the Two Witneſſes of Iſrael had ſo far raiſed themſelves, that they had finiſh'd
the Wall of Ferufalem, and awed the Samcritans. Our Verfion hath here: They
were much caſt down in their own Eyes. There is another Sort of Fear, which im-
ports Obedience, and Reverence, as in Joſhua 4. 14. The Lord magnified Joſhua in
Tttttt
the
534
The Witneſſes. Chap. XI. V. 12.

the Sight of all Ifrael, and they feared him, as they feared Moſes, all the Days of his
Life. The Hebrew Word uſed there is 87, whence come $710, and 778 11, Fear,
us'd often in the Proverbs to fignify the Fear, or Obedience, and Reverence we owe
to God. Fear is taken in this Šenſe in Acts 2. 43. and Chap. 5. 5,11. and Chap.
Chap. 19. 17. The Meaning of the Holy Ghoſt by theſe Words may be, that thoſe
who ſee the Witneſſes rifing again, ſhall fear them fo, as to obey and reverence
their Prophecy thereupon : So that they will have many Followers, and by them
ſhall be enabled to reſiſt their Enemies. Either way may fuit this place : But the
former ſeems rather to be the better.
Tort de
A. Verſ. 12. , Keà ñks one posvõis peezekanis en iš segavs, Asgéons durois, 'Avd@nze e de, And
I heard a great Voice from Heaven, Saying to them, Come up hither. ] This Reading
of the Complutenſian Édition, and moſt others
, is confirm’d by Tychonius, who turns
"(e) Audiví
, but hath omitted durvis
, as alſo the Alexandrian Manuſcript. This Af-
fumption into Heaven, alludes to that of Elias, 2 Kings 2. 11, 12. But whereas
Elias aſcended literally, theſe do it Symbolically. A Voice from Heaven is not a
mere Exhortation, but implies a powerful Affiftance to the Witneſſes to afcend. It is
like the Voice of God, quick, active, irreſiſtible. The Poet faith very well : (f)
Inviéta quidquid condidit manus , coelum eſt. Now Heaven fignifies Power, or the
Government Temporal, the Power in Being. This therefore imports, that the Wit-
neffes, upon their beginning to act again with Power and Efficacy over their Enemies,
ſhall have the Concurrence and Affiſtance, if not the very firſt Encouragements and
Exhortations from the Civil Powers of the World to get into Heaven ; that is, to ſet
up again the Church in a flouriſhing State under their Protection, cruſhing down all
Oppoſition. For wezekans fignifies Powerful, Prevailing. See our Note upon Chap.
18. 23. B.
But let us conſider a little the Word úrsoon, I beard, the Reading of which we
have preferr’d to ñuxorev, they heard. St. John by this appears to have a ſhare in the
Exhortation of the Voice: And as he is the Repreſentative of the Individuals, but
the Witneſſes repreſent Bodies Politick ; fo this ſeems to me to imply, that the Ad-
vantage of this Voice will not only reach the Bodies Politick, but alſo the ſcattered
Individuals, and even the Proteſtant Churches, which he repreſented in the Mea-
ſuring of the Temple, and place them in a State above their Adverſaries ; ſo that they
Thall need no more to Propheſy againſt them ; which is no way improbable, as to the
Event; but very likely. And thus this Voice will concur with what is predi&ted in
the Firſt Five Verſes of the Nineteenth Chapter, when the Holy Ghoſt has deſcribed
the Fall of Babylon.
B. Kui dvsena eis * š guvòn' en tñ vegény, Aud they afcended up into Heaven in the
Cloud.] To aſcend into Heaven, fignifies to be in full Power, to obtain Rule and
Dominion. The Prophets underſtand this Symbol fo. Iſaiah 14. 13, 14. I will
afcend into Heaven, I will exalt my Throne above the Stars of God: I will fit alſo
upon the Mount of the Congregation, in the Sides of the North. I will afcend above
the Heights of the Clouds, I will be like the moſt High. Thus faith Babylon, meaning
to fubdue all the World. The latter Expreſſions explain the former, as it is uſual
in the Prophets. The Onirocriticks are unanimous in Chap. 162. to explain this
Symbol in the ſame Manner : Ei idin Ó Bearddis on eviniato e's šeqvòv, évite oi est-
ρες, άρήσει ύψο και όνομα πλέον και άλλων βασιλέων, The next Words thew that it de-
notes a durable State. Ομοίως και εάν ήκεσεν εκεί λόγες λεόντων και αγέρων, ή αν γράμ-
μασιν ανέγνω εκείσε και μνημονεύει τη λόγων, παί και εαν ήκεσεν εκεί και ανέγνω αραλ-
λάκως αυπιςήστο. αλλα και μακρόσια έσται αναλόγως το ύψος. , ’Esin inn-> Benndis on
ever seine end osv èv šegrou met sove zaregio ris eget vigte weidiosta Ει δε ίση όπ παλάτια
εκεί σε έχε, καθακυριεύσει και κληρονομήσει το μείζονα και άλλοτείαν γεραν και κατοικήσει επ'
autý. Julius Obfequens has this Obſervation : (8) Cinna & Mario per bella civilia
crudeliter Jævientibus Roma, in caftris Cnei Pompeij cælum ruere viſum. It is ob-
fervable that Clemens Alexandrinus expounds theſe Words in Matth. 5. ro. Ön 'ostāv
ozuv û Baoinette oss gegvov, by theſe: 67 Ekor Tómov, Ty Š droogdsoov ). As to the Cloud,
I have hinted before, that it fignifies the Protection and Aftiſtance of God; and by
Conſequence of the Ordinances or Powers that are ordain'd by him.
Ambr.
(e) Tychon. Hom. VIII.
(8) Jul. Obfeq. Prodig. $. LIV,
(f) Martial. Lib. IX. Epigr. 2.
Ansbera

Chap. XI. v. 12. The Witneſſes.
535
Ansbertus faith : In nube autem afcendunt, quia videlicet in poteſtate judic antis
Therefore theſe Witneſſes in their Reſtitution, and getting into Power again, ſhall
have the Aſſiſtance of God ſecretly, and of the Powers of the World openly.
Whereby the true Worſhip of God ſhall again become the ruling Religion of the
World, and quite ſubdue Idolatry ; driving it for ever out of the Church. But this
helongs ſtill to the Seventh Trumpet, as alſo the following Words concerning theſe
Witneſſes.
C. Ka sedende ovris oi subeol urâv, And their Enemies beheld them.] Grotius hath
attempted to explain theſe Words. He faith that this beholding imports the Adm
rations of their Enemies, for which he cites Pſal
. 66. 18. and Pfal
. 68.25. But
neither of thoſe Places proves it, but rather what we ſhall produce. We have had
before the Admiration and Fear, as ſoon as the Witneſfes began to ſtand upon their
Feet. This muſt therefore fignify fome different Circumſtance. I obſerve therefore,
that to ſee fignifies to rejoice, or to be grieved, according to the Circumſtances of
the Perfon affe&ted. This is not only true of the Sacred Writers, but of the Pro-
fane too. So that when this Word is uſed, without ſhewing beſides expreſly the
Affection of Foy or Grief, it doth however imply one of them. Though ſometimes
the Affection be expreſſed too. To begin with Foy. Thus Old Simeon, when he
faw our Saviour, faid, Lord nop letteſt thou thy Servant depart in Peace, according
to thy Word; for mine Eyes have ſeen thy Salvation : That is, I ſhall now die in
Peace, or with Joy, becaufe I have ſeen my Saviour. So in Pſal
. 66. 18. If I re-
gard Iniquity in my Heart, the Lord will not bear me. That is, if I take a Delight
in Sin, God will not bleſs me. Thus the Defire of our Eyes, a frequent Expreſſion,
fignifies our great Joy and Delight. See i Sam. 6. 13. Pſal. 22. 7. Pſal. 58.10
Pfal. 59. 10. Pfal
. 102. 8. and Pfal
. 119. 74. together with the judicious Obſervation
of Hilarius Pictav. thereupon; and laſtly, Prov. 29. 16.
Let us come to the other Affection, of Sorrow. Thus then Eliſeus, ſpeaking to
the incredulous Lord, 2 Kings 7. 2. ſaid to him, Thou Malt ſee it with thine Eyes,
but thou ſhalt not eat thereof. That is, thou ſhalt have the Sorrow not to enjoy the
Benefit of it. So in 2 Kings 22. 20. Thine Eyes shall not ſee all the Evil which I will
bring upon this place: That is, thou ſhalt not be grieved with the Sight of the
Evil
. Eſther 8. 6. How can I endure to ſee the Evil that ſhall come unto my Peo-
ple? Pfal. 112. 10. The Wicked Mall ſee it and be grieved; he shall gnaſh with his
Teeth, and melt away: The Deſire of the Wicked Mall Periſh. And therefore in
Pfal. 68.23, 24. That thy Foot may be dipped in the Blood of thine Enemies, and the
Red Tongue of thy Dogs in the ſame. They have ſeen thy Goings, O God: That is,
they ſhall grieve when they ſee thy Goings, and the dipping of thy Foot in the
Blood of thine Enemies. So in 1 Sam. 2. 33. And the Man of thine, whom I Mall
not cut off from mine Altar, ſhall be to conſume thine Eyes, faith God to Eli the
High Prieſt. See alſo Deut. 28. 34. Now all this is grounded upon this natural
Obfervation made by Philo: (5) Και συνόλως τοϊς σ ψυχώς πα θεση συμε πει χεσιν οφθαλμοί, και
ταϊς αμυθήτοις ο παίς συμμε/αβάλλαν σερύ και δια τίω οικειότητα.
So in the Profane Authors. Terence : (i) Paſcere oculos, fignifies to take a De-
light in ſeeing. (k) In oculis geftare, to love dearly, and to deſire to have always
before ones Eyes. So Tully: (1) Itaque publicanis in oculis ſumus. And elſewhere,
(m) In oculis fero. Which fignify to take a Delight in. This is alſo very proper:
(n) Nullus ei ludus videtur effe jucundior, quam cruor, quam cædes, quam ante
oculos trucidatio civium. He ſpeaks this of M. Antony. So in Euripides : op Jespueo's
bis, the Eye of Life fignifies the Pleaſure of one's Life. On the other Hand, a
Thing done before the Eyes heightens the Grief. So Terence: () Non mihi per
fallacias adducere ante oculos ? For a Father to be Eye Witneſs of his Son's Vices,
augments the Grief. Again : (P) Miles verò fibi putare addu&tum ante oculos emuluni
.
And, (9) Quæ mihi ante oculos coram amatorem adduxiſti tuum. The Sight of the
Rival increaſes the Grief. Elſewhere the Grief it ſelf is expreſſed : (r) Vin primum
hodie facere, quod ego gaudeam, Nauſiſtrata, & quod tuo viro oculi doleant. Such an
(h) Philo de Leg. ſpecial. Pag. 552. (i) Terent. Phorm. M. T. C. Phil. XI. () Terenr.
Eunuch.
(1) MT. Cic. ad Att. Lib. VI. Ep. 2.
(m) M. T. Cic. ad Q. Fratr.
Lib. III. Ep. 1. & Philipp. VI.
(n) M. T. Cic. Philip. IV.
(0) Terenr. Hezuconc.
(P) Terene. Eunuch. (9) Terent. Ibid.
() Terent. Phorm.
Inſtance
2
536
The Witneſſes.
Ch. XI. v. 13.

Inſtance we find in theſe Words of Plautus: (s) Volui Chalinum, li dómi effet, mit-
tere Tecum obfonatum, ut etiam in mærore inſuper Inimico noftro miſeriam hanc ad-
jungerem. Hence Servius on Virgil: (t) Ipfius ante oculos,] Ad majorem dolorem :
And elſewhere : (2) Quem vidimus ipſi Summerſum.] Quod antè doloris fuerat, ut ipfius
ante oculos : nunc confolationis eft, quum cernit omnes incolumes
. Thus alſo Tully:
(w) Oculi augent dolorem, qui ea quæ cæteri audiunt , intueri coguntur, nec avertere
a miſerijs cogitationem ſinunt. And Iſidorus Hiſp. (x) Impij ex hoc durius in judicio
puniendi ſunt, mentis dolore, ex quo viſuri funt juſtos gloriæ beatitudinem meruiſſe.
Thus alſo Virgil having deſcribed Laocoon ſeeing his Two Sons periſhing before him-
ſelf did ſuffer, Servius has made this Obſervation : (y) Qualis vindiéta in eos fuit, ut
etiam pater priùs liberis ſupplicia hæc inferri pravideret? Major enim panacejt in
viſione, quam in patientia. So that we need not to wonder, that the Perſian Ambaf-
ſadors to King Amynt as, when they ſaw before them what they deſired, and could
not come at, ſhould call them (2) kaznervets éo Josia pôv. So in Juſtin the Hiſtorian
we read, (a) Amara admonitio oculis ejus occurrat. By theſe Obſervations we may
explain many Sayings of Holy Writ, in which God is ſaid to Bebold, ſee or regard:
That is, approve, favour
, or delight in. As when in Luke 1. 48. the Virgin
Mary faith, He hath regarded the low Eſtate of his Handmaiden : That is, taken a
Delight, or favour’d. And therefore when it is ſaid in the Ninth Verſe of this
Chapter, that they of the Peoples, and Tribes, and Tongues, and Nations, ſee the
Bodies of the Witneſſes lying Dead, and Unburied Three Days and an Half, this
fignifies, that thoſe Nations ſhall rejoice at the killing of the Witneſſes, and the In-
dignities put upon them : Which Joy is expreſſed in the next Verſe by Mirth, Feaft.
ing, Banqueting, and ſending Gifts to each other. They who have thought this
Seeing was out of Favour, have not well conſider'd the Import of the Word. But
here, when it is ſaid, that the Enemies of the Witneſſes ſee them going up into
Heaven, and received there ; this fignifies, that their Enemies ſhall be extremely
grieved to ſee them thus above their Malice. The Holy Ghoſt predicts by and by,
the full Accompliſhment of this Grief in the Eighteenth Verſe of this Chapter, where
it is ſaid, that the Nations were angry.
Pero
A. Verf. 13. Kæì è énci vu tổ ripuéget, And in the Same Day. ] Ambrofius Ansbertus
hath ſeen the Oeconomy of this Place; for he faith ; Recapitulando ad ea que pre-
termiſerat, potiufve diftulerat, enarranda redit. Since the Holy Ghoſt hath been
obliged to uſe a Tranfition or Reference to the former Matters, it is plain, that this
muſt be by reaſon of fome Digreſſion. Now till the Meaſuring of the Temple, all
Matters had proceeded in due Order ; and therefore the Digreſſion muſt be that
which contains the Deſcription of the Witneſſes; which was a Matter abſolutely pro-
per for a Digreſſion ; becauſe it is mention'd neceſſarily in a Place, whoſe Times it
hath preceded, and muſt hereafter outgo. So that this Connexion, in the ſame
Day, muſt refer to the meaſuring of the Temple, which is one of the Accidents of the
Reformation ; and.by Conſequence belongs to thoſe Times, wherein the Reforma-
tion was firſt on Foot. If the Matter, which follows upon this Connexion, did
rather belong to the Riſing again of the Witneſſes, there would have been no need to
uſher it in with this Connexion. But the Holy Ghoſt being going to relate the fol-
lowing Matter, till the Warning about the founding of the Trumpet, as belonging
to the Times within the Sixth and Seventh Trumpets, and that it doth not belong to
the Seventh, is plain from the next Verſe ; the Holy Ghoſt, I ſay, by this Admoni-
tion, about the ſame Day, did deſign to prevent our miſtaking the Order of Things.
So that as ſoon as this Accident is paſt, the Holy Ghoſt gives us Warning, that the
Second Woe' is paft, and that the Third comes quickly : Importing, that this Matter
doth indeed belong to the Sixth Trumpet, or Second Woe. Not to ſay, as we ſhall
prove it, that this Fall of the Tenth Part of the City, is deſign d as a Warning be-
fore the utter Fall ; for which Reaſon 'tis obſerv'd, that ſome did take the Warning,
having Time given them for that Purpoſe ; but for the reſt, who do not take the
Warning, the Third Woe comes quickly to deſtroy them all.
(s) Plaut. Caſin. Act. II. Sc. 8. V. 4.
(t) Virg. Æn. I. V. 118.
(u) Virg.
Æn. 1. V. 588.
(10) M. T. Cic. ad Famil. Epift. I. Lib. VI. Vid. Ep. IV. Ejuſd. Lib.
(2) Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. I. Cap. 32.
(y) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. II. Col. 585.
(5) Herodot. Lib. V. Cap. 18. Vid. D. Longin. de Sublim, Cap. IV. & Not. Toll. fa) Juftin.
Hiſt. Lib. XVIII.
But

Chap. XI. V. 13. The Fall of the Tenth of the City.
537
But it may be objected, Why did not the Holy Ghoſt relate it before the Digreſ
fion of the Witneſſes ? To which I anſwer firſt, that the Knowledge of theſe Sym-
bols
, now going to be conſidered, and the Matters depending upon them, are to be
explain’d from the Knowledge which we ſhould have of the Witneſſes, and their
Accidents. For how ſhould we have underſtood the Meaning of the Fall of the
Tenth Part of the City, and the ſlaying of Seven Thouſand Names of Men, which
is defign’d as a Puniſhment to it and them, unleſs we had underſtood, that this City
hath been trodden upon by the Gentiles, and that the Two Witneſſes had been ſlain
therein, and lay Unburied in the Broad-Place thereof? So that it is to be firſt
warn’d, by the Fall of Part thereof, that it may by Repentance prevent its utter De-
ftru&tion, which is to be wrought at the founding of the Seventh Trumper. Se
condly, The Accidents of the little Book were Part of the Second Woe
upon the
Idolaters, and did neceſſarily introduce the Account of the Witneſſes, which muſt
run on in a continued Series till quite diſpatch'd, though it incroaches upon the
Times of the Seventh Trumpet. But the Fall of the Tenth Part of the City, being
a different Accident, and to come in Order of Time after the Codicil, might be
put off until an End was made. Which the Holy Ghoſt hath now done, with a pre-
vious Warning, that this Fall is coincident with the Matters of the Codicil
. And
accordingly by our Expoſition it will be found, that the Fall of that Tenth was not
accompliſhed till the Codicil had been ſhewn.
B. 'Eguero suguès réza's, There was a great Earthquake.] Seeing that I connect
this with the Matters of the Sixth Trumpet, as the Holy Ghoſt aim'd we ſhould do,
and that it is contemporal with the laſt great Accident thereof, the Reformation of
the Church, this great Shaking denotes a great Revolution, or Change in the State
of the Church. But as the Effects of a Shaking come under no viſible Species, till
we ſee what the Revolution hath produced, the Holy Ghoſt tells us, that this Shaking
had Two Accidents, the Products both of the Shaking, but the latter introduced by
the former. The Shaking cauſes the Fall of the Tenth Part of the City, and therein
the Slaughter of Seven Thouſand Names of Men. I ſhall premiſe my Opinion of
all this, and then prove it. The Shaking I take to be the ſame as the Irruption of
the Ottomans upon the Grecian Empire, which they flew, as we have ſeen; and the
Effect produced by that Revolution in the State of it, cauſed the Tenth Part of the
City to fall; that is, made the Greek Church loſe its Liberty, and fall into Slavery.
And the Slaughter is the Symbol of its perpetual Slavery, and that it ſhall not riſe
from it. Which being followed by the Repentance of a Remnant, ſignifies, that the
Fall of that Church did occaſion the Reformation of a good Part of the Weſtern
Church. Theſe may be called Three different Accidents, though in a great Meaſure
connected together, and of ſome Affinity with the former Matters
.
C. Kai to tenemov tas téremsérirs, And the Tenth Part of the City fell.] This City
is the ſame as that mention'd before, called Holy, in reſpect of its being the Domi-
nions of the Chriſtian Church, as they were ſettled at the Seventh Seal, that is,
within the Bounds of the Ancient Roman Empire. And Great, in reſpect of its pre-
vailing over the Witneſſes, whilſt it is in the Hands of the Gentiles. But becauſe
it hath now changed its State, and become Great, by perſecuting the People of God,
being in the Poffeffion of corrupted Chriſtians, it has been called Grear. But now
becauſe its Condicion begins to change, and that a Tenth Part of it is to fall by
way of Premonition, for a greater Deftru&tion, the Holy Ghoſt doth not give it the
Name either of Great, or of Holy. Look back to the Nore upon Chap. 11. 2. D.
To fall
, as hath been obſerved before, fimply confider'd, fignifies to be ruined, or
deſtroyed, as to ſtand ſignifies to reſiſt, to make Head, to act as Free, with
Power, and Independent. The Word nule in the LXX, anſwering to the Hebrew,
1933, to fall, doth ſometimes expreſs the Deſtruction of an Army; as in i King's
20. 25. 2037 Sort, The Suíz per w wersal. In Iſaiah 21. 9. and Ferem 51. 8. the
Word is uſed to ſignify a City taken by an Enemy; and therefore falling from the
Power it had before. For Babylon, ſpoken of there, did not fall to the Ground, nor
was deſtroyed; but merely loſt its former Power. Therefore this ſignifies, that the
Tenth Part of the Idolatrous Church ſhall loſe its Power, and become a Slave, being
captivated by the Enemies of the Church in general
. Some think this Fall is for
its Good, as by falling from the Tyranny and Corruption of the reſt. But much
may be ſaid againſt that. For Firſt, Seven Thoufand Names of Men being killed in
the Shaking, ſhews, that the Fall is accompanied with bad Circumſtances. Sea
Uuuuuu
condly,

538
The Fall of the Tenth of the City. Ch. XI. v. 13.
condly, ſuch a Fall is not uſually repreſented thus in this Prophecy, but would come
under the Name of Repentance, and giving Glory to God; 'now this is not done by
the falling Part here, but by others who are exactly diſtinguiſhed. This would ra-
ther be a riſing, as that of the Witneſſes : It would be an eſcaping from the treading
of the reſt. The Exception of the Remnant repenting, confirms, that the Tenth Part
that fell, and the Seven Thouſand_flain, were not in a State of Penitence. Be-
fides, that Penitence coming from Fear, implies that the Fall, and the Slaughter,
which occafion'd it, was a Judgment of God, which brought theſe to a due Senſe
of Danger.
But to proceed. The aéralov, or Tenth Part, alludes in fome Sort to the Schiſm
made in Iſrael
, by the falling off of the Aerei punor, or Ten Tribes. As the Seven
Thouſand Slain, allude to thoſe Seven Thouſand particularly Mark’d, who had not
bowed the Knee to Baal, but fell at laſt with the reſt in the Captivity. As therefore
thoſe Ten Tribes fell, being led into Captivity, before God would quite make an End
of all Iſrael: So here, before the whole City falls, God cauſes the Tenth Part of it
to fall, and terrify the reſt, before the Seventh Trumpet Sounds, wherein the De-
ſtruction of the whole is to be effected by ſeveral Steps, which are deſcribed in the
Viſions following, wherein many Matters, that could not come in due Order here,
are fully deſcribed in all their Circumſtances. The Event, which anſwers to this Pre-
diction, is the fall of the Greek Church, under the Tyranny of the Ottoman Princes.
They are fallen indeed from all their Power, but not mended : For they are as much
Idolaters as ever. Yet fallen they are under the Power of thoſe that are not of their
Church, nor of the True, but reckoned as much Enemies of God, becauſe not Wor-
ſhippers of Chriſt, as if they were Babylonians. To prove that this Event fully an-
ſwers to the Intent of the Prophecy, I muſt ſhew briefly, that the Greek Church
was the Tenth Part of the Holy City trampled upon by the Gentiles, even according
to the Dire&tions of the Holy Ghoſt. Secondly, that the Fall of this Tenth Part
of the City is quite another Thing than the Fall, or Death of the Third Part of
Men, ſlain by the Euphratean Horſemen: And that the Fall of the Tenth Part of the
City, was after the Death of the Third Part of Men; being only a Conſequence
thereof. And Thirdly, that the utmoſt Fall, or full Accompliſhment of its Fall,
happened after the Appearance of the Codicil: And by Conſequence was rightly
placed at the end of that Digreſſion, which is added to the Tranſactions of the
Codicil.
Vecinuisas
Firſt then, the Greek Church was the Tenth Part of the Holy City, trampled
upon by the Gentiles. Now in the clearing of this we muſt not expect to find in
this Caſe, a Geometrical Diviſion; as if the Extent of the Greek Churches was Geo-
metrically the Tenth Part of the Lands of the Ancient Roman Empire, or Primitive
Church, protected by that Empire when Chriſtian: But this Tenth Part muſt be un-
derſtood of a Political Diviſion, be it more or leſs in Extent, as being indeed that
Portion of the Extent of the Church, which was once divided into Ten Political Di-
vifions, whereof this was one. Now it's evident, that when Idolatry firſt began in
the Church, the Roman Empire, wherein the Chriſtian Church was contain'd, was
Diſmembred by the Irruptions of ſeveral barbarous Nations, and at laſt was divided
into Ten Portions, whereof the Empire of Conſtantinople was one, though indeed, as
to the real Extent, one of the moſt conſiderable. So that the Church within the
Dominions of that Monarchy, became in the Account of the Holy Ghoſt, the Tenth
Part of the Church, or Holy City; that Monarchy being one of the Ten Horns of
the Beaſt, which makes War with the Witneſſes, and helps to ſlay them; as we
Thall ſee when we come to conſider thoſe (b) Ten Horns hereafter: This Monarchy
being thus contemporary to the corrupted State of the Church. And the Fall of
that Monarchy, and of the Church under it, bears a Reſemblance with the Fall of
the Ten Tribes, as forerunners of the Captivity of all the reſt of Iſrael, ſtill pre-
ſerved for a Time in Fudea till the laſt Captivity. But whereas Iſrael
, both as to
the Political State and Religious together, fell at once under the Aſyrians ; it was
not quite the fame in our Caſe. The Stare was one Thing, the Church another.
The State of the Church being quite different Things: Whereas in Iſrael the Schif-
matick Kings made their Religion.
SIC
(b) vid. No:e on Chap. 13. 1. F. beige 1
2
There

Ch. XI. v. 13. The Fall of the Tenth of the City.
539
Therefore, Secondly, the Holy Ghoſt diſtinguiſhes the Church within the Eaſtern
Empire, from the State. The Holy Ghoſt calls the State the Third Part of Men,
becauſe it was an eminent Part, and the only Remnant, at the Time of the Sixth
Trumper, of the ancient Roman Empire, to which that Title did as it were belong,
as being attributed to it in the Account of the diſmembring of the Roman Empire
by the firſt Four Trumpets. But the Church therein as corrupted, is called the
Tenth Part of the City, becauſe when Chriſtendom was divided into Ten Kingdoms,
that was one of the Ten; wherein that Church did confift, becoming, as well as the
reſt, from that Time, Partaker of the Sins of the reſt ; and fo with them making
one Holy City, profan'd by Idolatry, and trampled upon by the Tyranny of a dif
ſembled Paganiſm. And now here it was very proper to diſtinguiſh them fo exactly,
becauſe the Church there did not all fall at the very fame Time as the Státe. For
the State fell exactly by the taking of Conſtantinople, and the Death of Conſtantine,
the laſt Emperor, and moſt of the Nobility flain at the command of the Conqueror
Mahomet. By this Slaughter, and its Conſequences, the Third Part of Men was
ſlain. But the whole Church fell not till all thoſe Countries were conquered, which
were Part of that Monarchy: And theſe laſted many Years after. The taking of
Rhodes by Soliman, about A. C. 1522. An. Hej. 929, feems to be near the laſt Breath
of the Church in the Eaſt
. Ever ſince the Year 1453, wherein Conſtantinople was
taken, the Ottomans went on conquering all before them : But after the taking of
Rhodes, they ſeem to have come to a kind of Ne plus ultrà. For about Seven Years
after, A. C. 1529, the fame Soliman ſate down before Vienna, and there received a
fatal Check from Charles the Vth, Emperor of Germany, who made him raiſe the
Siege, with the loſs of Eighty Thouſand Men. () Selim, the Son of Soliman, re-
ceived a great Check at Sea by the Battel near Lepanto, about A. C. 1571, in which
the Chriſtians took CXXX Gallies of the Ottomans. Since that Time the Ottomans
have had no great Luck, either at Sea or Land, nor made any great Conqueſts.
However, ſince the taking of Rhodes, they have pick'd up here and there ſome part of
the Eaſtern Countries, or Iſlands, inhabited by Chriſtians, as Cyprus conquered by
this Selim, about A. C. 1570; with ſome other Parts fince and before; till but of
late Years they have taken the Iſland of Candia, the laſt conſiderable Part of the
Greek Church, which remain'd ſtill under the Power of the Chriſtians, and was a
part of the Dominions of the Eaſtern Empire, one of the Ten Horns; though indeed
both Rhodes and Crete, when the Ottomans took them, were under the Dominions
of the Latins, and conſequently no Part of the Tenth Part of the City : But yet
they may be allowed to be as Parts thereof, becauſe they were ſo for the moſt Parc
before. But though we ſhould not take them in this Account, our Computation will
not be the worſe for it. Cuti on toimh 10 W
Further, it were a great Miſtake to ſuppoſe, that the taking of the City of Con-
ſtantinople is abſolutely the Fall of that Church: For the Tyranny the Greek Church
lies under is owing to later Uſurpations. (d) When Mahomet had taken the City, he
ſet up the Patriarchat again with as high Privilege as could be deſired to make the
Church free. For having ſent for one Georgius Scholarius a Learned Man, he had a
long Conference with him about the Chriſtian Religion : And was ſo well ſatisfied
with his Anſwers, that he made him Patriarch, inveſting him thereinto by the De-
livery of a rich Paſtoral Staff, a Pallium beſet with precious Stones, a Veſt of Sables,
a white Horſe, and a Penſion of 2500 Crowns by the Year. Aflign'd him a Place
in the Divan, near the Two Cadileskers; and gave him Permiſſion to ride through
the City on Horſeback, and to wear a Golden Croſs upon the Fronſtal of his Patri-
archal Cap. Beſides all this, he gave him a Civil and Eceleſiaſtical Juriſdi&tion over
the Greeks, with Power to judge and chaſtiſe them, according to the Rigor of the
Ancient Canons : Leaving to the Clergy the Choice of this Head, reſerving only to
himſelf the Approbation of him. All which Privileges were enjoy'd by Three Pa-
triarchs. Tyranny and Corruption crept in fince : And the Church, which by that
Conſtitution was free enough, is now become the vileft Slave imaginable.
By this then, Thirdly, it appears, that the utmoft Fall of the Greek Church was
ſome time after the Beginning of the Reformation, which is fignified by the Codicil.
(c) Vid. J. A. Thua ni Hiftor. Lib. XLVIII.
(d) Aymon's Auth. Monuments of the Greek Church. Pag. 59, 606
For
540
The Seven Thouſand Slain. Chap. XI. v. 13.

For M. Luther began to preach againſt Indulgences about the Year 1516, or 1517.
But the Greek Church was not then quite fallen for fome Years : Whether we reckon
Rhodes or Cyprus, to be the laſt and utmoſt falling : The firſt being A.C. 1522. the
latter A. C. 1570. By which Computation it appears, as well as by the Diſtinction
made above, how proper it was to premiſe the Viſion of the Codicil, which necef-
farily introduced the Deſcription of the Two Witneſſes, and to diſtinguiſh the Fall
of the Eaſtern Empire from that of the Church, fince the Church fubfifted ſtill,
notwithſtanding the Fall of the Eaſtern Empire, both as to Matter of Power and
Freedom , even as to that of Poffefſion, not being reduced to Slavery till long af-
ter. Thus then the Tenth Part of the City fell ; and the Account is ſet in its right
Place.
D. Και απεκάνησαν τον σεισμό ονόματα ανθρώπων χλιάδες επά, And in the Earthquake
were ſain Seven Thouſand Names of Men. ] Tychonius hath (e) in terra, inſtead of
en nad Ohouộ. Names of Men are taken for Men themſelves, as in Horace,
211B0D 2 zirky 130, NES
(f) Omne capax movet urna nomen. rotdoslednoduct
En
COM
In the Latin Authors the Word is frequently taken for Debtors. So in Seneca
(8) Lenta nomina, non mala , flow Payers, but fafe. Tibullus, Nec fidum fæmina
nomen. But in Holy Writ it alludes, either in general to the Cuſtom of entring the
Names into the Rolls of the Genealogies, in which Cafe it fignifies any Perfon ; or
elfe more eſpecially to the Muſter-Rolls ; and then 'tis taken for fighting Men. See
Afts 1. 15. Revel. 3. 4. and Revel. 13. 17. As to the Seven Thouſand, ſince it is a
fymbolical Number, under the Name of Seven Thouſand, or Seven Regiments, of a
Thouſand Men each, to denote ſome great Number, we can have no Direction in
this Caſe but from Holy Writ. There is an Inſtance of it very remarkable, in which
this Number appears myſterious. 'Tis in the Words of God to Elias, 1 Kings 19.
18. For the Prophet having complain'd to God, that he was the only Man left alive,
whofe Life they alſo fought, God commands him to return, and anoint Hazael King
of Syria, and fehu King of Iſrael, and Elifæus Prophet in his ſtead. Then God
proceeds, and foretels, that they ſhall ſlay, or cauſe to be ſlain, all the Idolaters.
Tet, faith God, I will leave my felf Seven Thouſand in Ifrael, all the Knees which
have not bowed unto Baal, and every Mouth which hath not kiſſed him. So 'tis in
the Hebrew and LXX in the Complut. and the Vulgar Latin. Others have rearancitas,
as either implying, that Elias ſhould ſpare ſo many from the Slaughter ; or that
God having ſo many Thouſands of his Side, he need not fear to meet with Friends:
Or elſe, that for the Sakes of them he will not make an End of all as yet: Becauſe
having ſuch a Number of true Worſhippers, he had reſolved for their Sakes to ſpare
Ifrael, and try them further. When therefore not many Years after they were not
only cut ſhort, but God ſuffer'd the Aſyrians to carry all Iſrael captive into Aſyria,
becauſe they had ſlighted God and his Prophets ; they were then removed out of his
Sight ; the dire qudov, or Ten Tribes fell, and none was left but the Tribe of Judah,
2 Kings 17. 18. It was then that the Seven Thouſand were involved in the common
Miſery of the Nation, to give warning to the Remnant in Fudah to repent. Now
the Holy Ghoſt compares the Diviſion in the Chriſtian Church between Eaſtern and
Weſtern to Ifrael and Judah. The aérelov s Tónews, to the develourov, and the Seven
Thouſand Names of Men to the Seven Thouſand Servants of God mention’d to Elias.
So then theſe Seven Thouſand Names of Men repreſent thoſe few true Worſhippers of
God, which were hidden in the Greek Church : And by conſequence, that collective
Body of thoſe Servants of God, which undoubtedly God had left himſelf in the
Greek Church, which by the Captivity thereof are flain fo, that it can never appear
again to ſtand up for God's true Worſhip. God had preſerved it for their Sakes
a long Time, but now their Death denotes the forlorn Condition of their Church,
whoſe Recovery cannot be expected, whilſt it continues under the Power of the Ot-
tomans ; and until they be converted, when the Kingdoms of the World ſhall be-
come the Kingdom of our God and his Chriſt. This Recovery is now morally im-
poſſible. For as long as the Church of Rome hath Power and Money to bribe the
(e) Tychön. Hom. IX.
(8) Senec. de Benef, Lib. V. cap. 22.22
(f) Horat. Lib. III. Ode 1.
Officers

Ch. XI. v. 13
The Seven Thouſand Slain,
541
Officets of the Ottoman Court, no Learning, by which the Reformation was effected
in the Weſt
, can ever be diffuſed in the Greek Church. And they are never to ex
pe&t any free Patriarch, whilſt they have Money to put the Patriarchat into the Hands
of any Blockhead, or ambitious Villain, who to get that eminent Place, is willing
to be their Slave. The Patriarch Cyrillus Lucaris attempted botli theſe great Deſigns
of Freedom : But the Succeſs was, to become the Martyr of Chriſt in ſtriving to re-
form his Church. Hear how he expreſſes himſelf: (h) Hi emiſſarij terrorem mirum in
modum nobis incutiunt, nofiræque imponunt simplicitati , cui mancipande varias admo-
vent machinas, maximè freti eruditionis fuco, & Spinofarum difputationum aculeis,
cùm nos interea eruditorum penuria laboremus , qui cum ſophiſtis iftis æquo marte con-
grediantur. Etenim propter peccata noſtra deſpicabiles fačti ſumus præ omnibus genti-.
bus, & cum imperio artes quoque liberales amiſimus. In one word the Hiſtory of
that Pious and Learned Man's Life, and his Epiſtles, are ſufficient Proofs of all
this.
Or elſe take the Words thus. When the Seven Thouſand Names, which had not
bowed to Baal did become Men, that is Idolaters, as corrupted as the reſt of their
Brethren ; then God removed Iſrael out of his Sight : So when the Meaſure of the
Sins of the Greek Churches was full, and the true Worſhippers therein, who had by
their Prayers kept off the Judgments of God, went off, and corrupted themſelves as
well as the reſt , then God gave up that Church to its Enemies. For the Greeks,
towards the latter End of the Empire, were univerſally involved in the fame Idolatry
though in the Weſt there was ſtill a Remnant of true Worſhippers, ſome hidden Pro-
feffors, and ſome publick Confeffors and Prophets for the true Faith.
I might here proceed to thew, that there may be made a very remarkable Compa-
riſon between the Eaſtern Churches divided from the Wefterń, with the Iſraelites di-
vided from Fudah. For it is certain, that the Idolatry and Corruption of the whole
Church firſt began in the Eaſt : And was very much encouraged by the Greek Fathers;
and was finally ſettled there, in the ſecond Council of Nice : Whereas the Weſtern
Churches held out againſt it much longer. And it was ſome Years before the Popes
could get that Point ſettled here. The Eaſtern Churches were alſo the firſt who
made way for the Breach between the Two Churches, by ſetting up the Patriarch of
Conſtantinople for an univerſal Biſhop, whereby the Popes in the Weſt took the Hint
to do the ſame, and get it confirmed, when it lay in their Power. Which having
gain’d from Phocas, as to the Confirmation of the Name, they procured the Alli-
Itance of the Franks to get the Power : From whence aroſe an everlaſting Schiſm :
Often attempted to be heald, but always in vain. Only in this both agreed, to join
and confirm the Corruptions and Idolatries in the Church of Chriſt. The Principle
of Perſecution, which is the ſecond great Branch of the Antichriſtian State, began in
the Eaſtern Church by the Arians, and Neſtorius Biſhop of Conſtantinople, and Cy-
rilus of Alexandria, as ſhall be proved hereafter. In which Point alfo they reſem-
bled the Schiſmatical Iſraelites , with whom Perſecution for Religion againſt the
true Worſhippers firſt begun. For the Fortreſs of Ramah, 1 Kings 15. 17. was built
by the Kings of Iſrael, to hinder the true Iſraelites, zealous for the Worſhip of God,
to come to Jeruſalem, to worſhip at the folemn Feſtivals
. So likewiſe in Iſrael, Je-
roboam firſt began the Schiſm and Idolatry, by ſeting up the golden Calves, and Ahab
the Worlhip of Baal, and ſlaying of the Lord's Prophets. As therefore Ifrael fell
firſt with, and notwithſtanding the Seven Thouſand ; and fell fo, as never to riſe
again ; it was juſt, that the ſame ſhould happen to the Eaſtern Empire and Churches,
to give warning to the Reſt to repent. I hope I ſhall need no more to recommend
the Expofition of this Place, which hath been ſo little underſtood. It being plain,
that the Greek Empire, and Church under it, are part of the Ten Horns. Since
therefore that Church is fallen, why ſhall we ſeek any more elſewhere for the Fall
of the Tenth Part of the City? The Miſtake in all others is this, that they have not
diſtinguiſhed the Eaſtern Empire from the Eaſtern Church. Though I muſt premiſe
it here, that even according to the Account of the Holy Gholt elſewhere in the Six-
teenth Chapter, the Fall of the Empire, and that of the Church there , are different
Accidents, ſo far as to have different Epocha's: And that the Fall of thoſe Churches
and the Reformation of the Weſtern in Part are concurring Accidents.
Church
(5) Cyrilli Lucaris Epif. Georgio Abbati Archiep. Canc. in Aymon's Auth. Monum. of the Gr.
XXXXXX
There

542
The Seven Thouſand Slain. Chap. XI. v. 13.
There is another Place in Holy Writ, 2 Kings 24. 16. where Seven Thouſand Men
are not ſlain, but carried away Captives by Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon : Which
was a kind of Warning of the great Captivity, that followed foon after, and of the
Deſtruction of Feruſalem. Theſe are called Men of Might, Sung wujx, in the
LXX "Avdjes diowek pows, which Expreſſion is of the fame Import as that of Geneſ. 6.4.
DUM UX, LXX, öv9paonice os or que.çoi, Men of Renown: Or in Num. 16. 2. DU
UR; LXX, åodjes ovouasoi,. Men of Renown. For thoſe Two Expreſſions are put
fynonymouſly in 1 Chron. 12. 30. 70 x 709799933; the LXX, dws.tod igua
åvopes ovo quasoi
, mighty Men of Valour, Men of Names
. So that the 'ovou.ceta e Spa tav,
Names of Men, may be taken in this place by an Hy pallage for av.Sperros óvópecene, the
fame as úvoucesci, Men of Names, as Mede conjectures. Now ſhould we take this
Hint, it will not hurt at all our Expoſition. For obſerving, that the Holy Ghoſt
makes a Difference between ſlaying and taking ; ſtill they are both Warnings of the
laft and utmoſt Deftru&tion of the great City: There being no need, that the Type
alluded to ſhould exactly ſquare in every Particular. Now it being evident, that this
Shaking, or Revolution of the Tenth Part of the City, and Fall of the Seven Thou-
Sand, are Accidents depending on each other ; then we muſt underſtand it ſo, that
theſe Seven Thouſand are the Men belonging to the Tenth of the City, and involv'd
in its Ruin : And ſo the Event is applicable both Ways. For in the Greek Church
were really Seven Thouſand Men of Name, who therein fell with the Church to give
Warning to thoſe that were left in Chriſtendom. And indeed the Greeks may be well
accounted Seven Thouſand Men of Name ; and a great Wonder it was, that fuch an
Empire, as they once poffeſs’d, ſhould fall by the Hands of the Ottomans, who had
formerly been their Mercenaries, and ſo very freſh Upſtarts
. However, take it
which way you will, the Expoſition comes to the fame at laſt. But I think the for-
mer more probable. For we find the Holy Ghoſt did not account that Captivity in
2 Kings 24. 16. ſo much a Warning, as the Captivity it felf; becauſe the LXX Years
of the whole Captivity are computed from it. Beſides which this Number of the
Captives appears not at all myſterious : Whereas that of the Seven Thouſand, that
had not bowed the Knee to Baal, ſeems altogether a myſtical Number ; and that too
the only one in the Old Teſtament. And further we ſee, that the Witneſſes chiefly
allude to the Hiſtory of Elias and Eliſaus, Prophets againſt the Idolatrous Ifraelites :
And therefore this Number being here uſed fymbolically, juſt after the Account of
the Witneſſes , it looks as if the Holy Ghoſt had deſign d to premiſe the Hiſtory of
the Witneſſes juſt before this Circumſtance, that we might gueſs, that this Number
was to be underſtood by the Confideration of that mentioned to Elias.
Ε. Και οι λοιποί έμφοβοι έχύοντο, και έδωκαν δόξαν τω Θεώ σε έρανε, And the Remnant
were affrighted, and gave Glory to the God of Heaven. ] This Remnant alludes to
that part of Iſrael, which was left ſtanding after the Aſyrians had carried away the
Ten Tribes. See the Note upon Chap. 9. 20. A. where it hath been obſerv d, that:
Fudah, though left behind, was involv'd in the like Sins, as the reſt of Iſrael, that
had been led away captive. They did not indeed immediately repent, but however
ſome Years after Hezekiah began a Reformation, being affrighted with the Fate of the
Ten Tribes, and the Proud Meſfage of Rab-Shakeh. This here is much like it : For
when the Ottomans took Conſtantinople, and thereby killed the Third Part of Men ;
whilſt they were conquering on, to pull down all the Oriental Church, to make the
Tenth Part of the City fall, the Weſtern Chriſtians were funk into the fame Idolatry
as the Eaſtern, and did fo continue for a Time, about Fifty Years. But when the
Ottomans had made thoſe prodigious Progreſſes, that they had quite over-run all the
Eaſtern Churches: Then the Weſtern Chriſtians, as if affrighted with the Plagues
that God had ſent upon that Part of the Church, began to be aſhamed of their Idolatry,
and ſorry for their Sins; and by the Reformation gave Glory to God, which began juſt
as the Ottomans were making an end of the Eaſtern Churches
. For 2017, Remnant,
muſt be taken by a Synecdoche for Part of a Remnant, as it's uſual in ſuch indefinite
Expreſſions. The Prophecy is accompliſhed , if but a good Part of them have re-
pented. Which is evident of the Reformation, begun before the Greek Church was
quite down, and laſting, or being carried on for the moſt Part whilſt they were go-
ing down, and was not quite finiſhed till afterwards.
As for the Fright, ſhewing that the Accidents of the Fall of the Tenth Part, and
of the Slaughter of the Seven Thouſand, gave way to theſe to repent, it is certain,
that the Fall of the Greek Church hath been the Occaſion in fome Meaſure of the
Refor-
xxx
2

Chap. XI. v. 14.
The Reminiant Penitent.
543
Reformation. For many Learned Men of Greece , frighted by the Victories, and
Tyranny of the Ottomans, came into the Weft; and brought both Books and Learn-
ing with them : And by the renewing of Learning did in ſome Meaſure fright Men
away from Idolatry, by making them ſenſible of the Errors, wherein the Church had
been funk for ſo many Ages: All which were diſcovered, when Men applied them-
ſelves in the Weſt to ſtudy the Books, which the Greek Refugees brought with them.
As to the Import of the Word 'fup0601, ſee our Notes upon Chap. 11. 18. G. and
Chap. 19. 5. B. Obſerve therefore, that the Holy Ghoſt doth not give to this Rema
nant the odious Title of avsp@gmae Men, or oi nomi og en av Spó tay, the reſt of Men, as
before ; which Terms denote the Idolatrous State ; but barely calls them o. Ao muli
the Remnant ; which Word anſwers to oi ootówfor, them that are ſaved, or left, al-
ways in a good Senſe. See our Notes upon Chap. 9. 20. A. and Chap. 21. 24. B
A. Verf. 14. 'H és id drieg dañager, ý šai i reirn idè ép xe ] Ta z The Second Woe
is paſt, behold the Third Woe cometh quickly
. ] The Second Woe is paſt, namely
thoſe dreadful Accidents of the Sixth Trumpet, which were to fall upon the Inhabía
tants of the Earth ; that is, were to affect the Idolaters in the Church, as the Holy
Ghoſt means it, by comparing Chap. 8. 13. with Chap. 9. 4. where the Servants of
God are excepted from them. This ſecond Woe containd the Deſtruction of the
Eaſtern Empire, and the Fall of the Churches within its Dominions ; but it pro-
duces this Good, that many of the Reſt, or the Remnant in the Weſtern Churches,
openly repent. Now as theſe have been ſhewn to be the Reformed Chriſtians, and
that theſe, as was obſerved in the Tenth Chapter, were alſo impatient for the entire
Deftru&tion of Idolatry in the Church, which is not to be effected before the Sound-
ing of the Seventh Trumpet, that being firſt to ſound, and introduce the Third Woe;
the Holy Ghoſt for their Sakes, and of the Elect ſuffering under the Tyranny of the
Gentiles, declares here, that the Third Woe will come quickly upon thoſe Gentiles
or Inhabitants of the Earth ; that is, the Remnant, and whole Body of them ftill
ſubliſting, by whoſe utter Ruin the Way begins to be made to the Kingdom of God
and of Jeſus Chriſt'
, ſhall be quite removed, and the Perfection of the Myſtery of
God ſhall be wrought:
Therefore if we conſider the Word quickly, as to the Length of Time, which
paſſed between the firſt and ſecond Woe, we may have reafon to think, that this
Notice of the Third Woe's Coming quickly is not vain. The Firſt Woe began A. C.
612. and ended A. C. 762. And the Second began about A. C. 1356. when the Ottom
mans paſt the Bosporus , and Conſtantinople was taken A. C. 1453. Put the utmoſt
Fall of the Eaſtern Churches at the taking of Cyprus, A. C. 1570. So that from the
Beginning of the firſt Woe to the End of the Second, there is a Term of about 960
Years run out: From the Beginning of the Firſt, to the Beginning of the
e Second,
there is a Term of 746 : And from the End of the Firſt Woe to the Beginning of the
Second, there is a Term of 594 Years; which is a long Reſpite : Though we need
not to think, that the Members of the Idolatrous Church were
even during the
Interval : For God raiſed Plagues from among themſelves. And as we ſhall find in
the Sixreenth Chapter, the firſt Five Bowls are poured out in the mean Time. How-
ever ſince the Space of 594 Years is ſuch a Term, as that the Term between the End
of the Second Woe, and Beginning of the Third, is mention’d with a quickly in this
Place, ſeeming to imply, that this laſt Term will be much ſhorter, we may now
conclude the Beginning of that Woe to be very near. No other Accident hereafter
hath any explicite Account of its being a Woe, but that upon the Fall of Babylon in
Chap. 18. 10. which may be ſuppoſed to make way for the Incidents of the Seventh
Trumpet, and may be therefore the firſt of them. But when it is to come, and
when to finiſh, muſt be left undecided here, till we come to conſider the Length of
the Reign of Idolatry in the Church , during its corrupted State, in the Second
Period.
But if, Secondly, we take the Notion of the Word quickly to be that of ſuddenly,
or unexpectedly, then this is a peculiar Attribute of this Woe. Nor but that the
other Plagues of God are come unexpectedly upon the corrupted Chriſtians ; but be-
cauſe this will contain a great Revolution, with amazing Circumſtances of Sudden-
neſs and Terror. And accordingly we find this is one of the grear Circumſtances of
the laſt Fall of Babylon; which is thrice emphatically repeated in the account of it ;
and that too by way of Reflexion from its own Friends, in Chap. 18. 10, 17, 19.
which is another Circumſtance to make us think again, that this Fall will only be
the
eaſy &

544
Trumpet VII. Woe III.
Ch. Xİ. v. 15
1
22
0.01 319W TO
کا
A. Verf. 15.
ΚΑ
the Beginning of this Woe. Rome hath had many Warnings, and hath fufficiently
ftruggled againſt it's Enemies
. It received a ſurprizing Blow at the Reformation
but hath recovered much from its Amazement, in ſuch a Meaſure as to be able to
cruſh ftill all the Attempts made to propagate the Reformation, and even to threaten
its Ruin. It hath ftood in no Fear of it for a great while. Now therefore when this
Woe comes, it will be ſurprized, as having no Thoughts of any ſuch Danger. For
indeed it may be reaſonably ſuſpected, that whilft it only bends its Thoughts to pre-
ferve it felf from the Reformation, its Fall is to be procured and effected by other
Hands, of which it neither hath had, nor will have any Suſpicion, till it receives the
mortal Blow. But of theſe Matters more again hereafter.
Dirk
18.god bres
SINGLC CÁC TÁC
THI
904 trags HT
ulamin TRUMPET VII. WO E III.
dud slog
del nog
dixi OUT bogub stort
oh ne ritud en netlobi
Bts oj 9191
Αί ο έβδομο αγελG- εσαλπσε , και εξίονο φωναι μεγείλαι εν τω έρανώ,
n'ég sou, And the Seventh Angel Jounded, and there were Voices in
Heaven , Saying.] Since this is the laſt Trumpet, which introduces the Perfe&tion
of God's Myſtery, I make no queſtion but it is that which gives the Signal of the
Reſurre&tion of the Juſt, and of the Second Coming of Jeſus Chriſt : As St. Paul
hath determined it, 1 Cor. 15. SI, 52. I ſhew you a Myſtery; we ſhall not all ſleep,
but we ſhall all be changed, in a Moment, in the Twinkling of an Eye, at the laſt
Trump. For the Trumpet ſhall Sound, and the Dead ſhall be raiſed incorruptible
, and
we ſhall be changed. Hence Ambr. Ansbertus : (i) Deſcripto itaque noviſſimo perfe-
cutionis certamine , ac prætermiſſo ſeptimo Angelo, ſub quo finis perſecutionis
ac domini Speratur ſecundus Adventus. And elſewhere : (k) Septimus An-
gelus ac ſeptima tuba, finis eſt Ecclefiafticæ prædicationis, in cujus confummatione ſe-
cundus Domini ac manifeftus fperatur adventus. This is moſt evidently true, and we
find it accordingly reported in the Account following. Nevertheleſs this Trumpet,
which is to contain the laſt Woe, and by conſequence the moſt dreadful, ſpeaks al-
moſt nothing of it, eſpecially at the firſt. We expect before that ſecond Advent of
Chriſt, the Fall of that great City, or Deſtruction of the great Whore, the Judg-
ment and Execution of the Beaſt and its falſe Prophet, being caſt into the Lake of
Fire and Brimſtone: And therefore a terrible Havock and Deſolation, wherein the
Inhabitants of the Earth, or all the Idolaters, are to fuffer. But for all that the
Symbols here are all benign and glorious : And the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks not much of
any Deſolation, unleſs a Word or two in verſ. 18. What can be the Reaſon of this
Management ?
To ſolve this
, we muſt obſerve, that the Two laſt Woes did contain altogether
miſchievous Accidents to the Idolaters, but little or no Good was expected from
them that ſuffer'd thereby ; neither by the Plague of the Saracens, nor by that of
the Ottomans Deſtroyers of the Eaſtern Empire and Churches. The little Good that
was produced by the laſt in the Weſt, was clearly out of the ſuffering Part
, by way
of Fright. But this Woe or Seventh Trumpet, being therefore a Trumpet that brings
Matters to Perfection for the Kingdom of God, the Conqueſts of Chriſt over the re-
maining Parts of the corrupted Church are wrought in it, at the ſame Time as his
Enemies fuffer utter Deſtruction. So that, as if the Holy Ghoſt was entirely taken
up in the Deſcription of thoſe glorious Actions and joyful Revolution, no Notice is
here taken of the Sufferers. That is left now to be ſupplied by Conſtruction. The
Vietories of Chriſt rehearſed here imply it ; and a Vail is drawn for the preſent upon
that miſerable Part of the Story, with which the Holy Ghoſt will fupply us very ful-
So
So that Grotius Is . to ,
miſtaken, when he pretends to give us this for a Rule : Solet Apo-
ftolus mala gravia brevibus verbis, fed efficacibus, prætervehi, bona eloqui liberaliter
As if Sá Fohn loved to paſs by dreadful Objects, and only infift long upon the good.
The quite contrary is rather true. For the Holy Ghoſt employs more Deſcriptions

of
DU
(i) Ambr. Ansb. Lib. V. ad Apoc, cap. 10. I.
cit coixsh's
Apoc. eap. ro, s.
Aisa
(k) Ambr. Ansber. Lib. V. ad
to

Ch. XI. v. 15.
Trumpet VII.
545
to ſet forth the Corruptions of the Church, and the Judgments of God upon Chriſt's
Enemies, than any Thing elſe : There being Fifteen Chapters entire , from the Sixth
to the Twentieth incluſively, wherein thoſe Judgments are deſcribed ; and that too
with very few Epiſodes deſcribing the State of the true Church, which during all that
Time of its Two Periods, had but the Reſt of one half Hour, and then at the Third
that of the Millennium, fuccin&tly mentioned. Which latter Deſcriptions are necef-
ſary to underſtand the Connexion. This being ſo, why then have we here the joyful
Part rather than the forrowful and dreadful? It is for the ſame Reaſon as the Holy
Ghoſt hath introduced this Woe with an Obſervation, that it would come to paſs
quickly: It is to comfort thoſe that are impatient and zealous to ſee the Coming of
Chriff. The Holy Ghoſt having them before him, lays before them theſe future
Joys as jult at Hand. We ſhall find, that it is the Method of the Holy Ghoſt thus
to interpoſe joyful Prophecies for the Sakes of the ſuffering Saints. Let us now come
to the Matter before us.
Voices and Thunders fignify the Preaching of the Goſpel, the Revelation of God's
Will, the Increaſe and Eſtabliſhment of true Religion. Heaven ſignifies the ſupream
Authority, the Powers and Ordinances of God to govern the World ; and the Sym-
bol is never employ'd but to fignify an irreſiſtible Force to effect the A&tions proceeda
ing from it. The whole denotes, that by the Affiſtance and Concurrence of the Ci-
vil Powers of the World with the Dictates of Heaven, Idolatry ſhall go down, the
Church ſhall be re eſtabliſhed again, where Idolatry had taken Place : So that the
Kingdom of Chriſt ſhall be reſtored upon the Deſtruction of the Powers of his Ene-
mies. Theſe Voices here at firſt ſhew the Orders given about theſe Matters, and the
Symbols, which follow, will ſhew us, how thoſe Orders are execured.
Before-hand it may be obſerv'd, that this Voice of the Trumpet gives a Beginning
to all the glorious A&tions following; and that the Holy Ghoſt in this place hath
given us a ſuccinct Account of them : But that afterwards the Matters, which ſeem
huddled up here in ſome kind of Confufion, or rather Breviry, ſhall be explicitely
ſet forth, when the clear and diſtinct Account of the Deſtruction of Chriſt's Ene-
mies hath been given. And this according to the conſtant Method, firſt to give à
general Hint, and afterwards to clear all the Circumſtances of it.
Β. Και έγύετο η βασιλεία σε κόσμε, σε Kυρία ημών, και τα Χeισά αυτά, The Kingdom of
this World is become our Lord's and his Chriſt's. ] That is, by the utter Fall of all
thofe Enemies, who had hitherto uſurped the Government of the World, which did
of Right belong to God and his Chriſt, according to the Inauguration of him, men-
tioned before in the Fourth and Fifth Chapters. God and his Chriſt begin now to
reſume Poffeffion thereof, and after that Recovery to make new Conqueſts over all
the Remainder in due Time. For hitherto the Kingdom of Chriſt, or Religion, had
extended it ſelf but within the Precincts of the Roman Empire, or very little more:
But hereafter, when the Uſürpers of this ſhall have been removed, it is to extend to the
Ends of the Earth, until he hath a ſettled and peaceful Monarchy, wherein God and
Chriſt are to be truly worſhipped and obey'd. See the Note on Chap. 5. 10. B.
C. di Beoin d'oet eis tès átovers op erdvæv, And he ſhall reign for ever and ever. ]
No Repetition without ſome further Enlargement. The former Expreſſion ſhews the
Extent of the Kingdom, this the Duration. Now this Duration implies Two
Things; Firſt, that it ſhall be without Interruption, ſuch as heretofore by the U-
ſurpations of his Enemies : Secondly, that it ſhall have no End : And this according
to the Promiſe declared by the Angel Gabriel, Luke 1. 33. He ſhall reign over the
Houſe of Facob for ever, and of his Kingdom there ſhall be no End. Which Redupli-
cation and Expoſition of the Word for ever, e's Tès isãves, is plainly to infer the
abſolute Eternity of it. For if we ſhould be apt to miſtake the Meaning of cis
Tès útovas, becauſe that Expreſſion doth not always import abſolute Eternity in ſome
Cafes, yet the Expoſition given in the latter, that it fhall have no End, takes away
all Exceptions.
The Word 'Asav, Age, hath many Significations in the Greek Tongue. Some ſay it
ſignifies the Pith of the Back, in which Senſe 'tis us’d in (2) Homer, and (m) Hippo-
crates, as ſome ſay ; but frequently it fignifies the (n) Age of Man, and by Confes
(1) Hom. Iliad. T. v. 27
(m) Hefych. in v.
(n) Hom. Iliad. E. v. 685. Heſych. in V. Suid. in V. Lycophr. Alex. v. 303. Æſch. Eumen. V: 316)
Yyyyyy
quence

546
Trumpet VII.
Chap. XI. v. 15.
quence a Generation. And ſo we find the Word diaràs to fignify eternal in
Lycophron.
(0)
'Alavy SEOV
Λοιβαλσι κιθανέστι, και θύθλοις βοών.
So Äſchylües calls the Furies the eternal Daughters of the Night,
ΣΤΟΥΣ
(P) Ημείς γδ εσμέν νυκτος αιανή τέκνα.
Bodas
Which Word is uſed more than once in the ſame (2) Tragedy in the ſame Significa-
tion. And fo (r) ’Asw and (s) sidewro fignify for ever in Lycophron. So Virgil
uſes Longavus :
(t)
Quem tibi longevo.com Stogo
Servius : Id eft: Deo. Ævum enim propriè æternitatis eft, quæ non niſi in Deos venit.
Ennius:
Romulus in Celo cum Dijs genitalibus ævums
al
Degit.
Male autem vindicavit ufis per quem dixit : Long&vofque Senes. But as this
Word is uſed in the LXX, to expreſs the Hebrew phy, the World, eſpecially
in the Plural, and ſometimes doubled as here, it always fignifies Perpetuity.
And let it be ſuppoſed, that it may be ſo us'd, as it is (u) fometimes, about Matters
which are in themſelves of a mutable and corruptible Nature; yet when it is ſpoken
of God, who is immutable and eternal, they muſt be underſtood to denote the
Eternity of his Exiſtence and Glory. And ſo the Pſalmiſt, Pfal. 45. 7. uſes it of the
Reign of the Meffias; and St. Paul of God, as in Galat. I. 5. Ephef. 3. 21. Phil.
4.
20. 1 Tim. 1. 17. 2 Tim. 4. 18. Hebr. 13. 21. 1 Pet. 4. 11. and 5. 11And how
often ſoever it may be uſed in this Book, it fignifies conſtantly the ſame. For indeed,
as (w) Buxtorf obſerves, according to the Hebrew Stile, ſuch a Phraſe implies a
Superlative Expreſſion with ſingular Energy. But you will fay, the Reign of Chriſt
is over his Creatures, which may be annihilated. Granted; but then it muſt be
proved, that the Saints over whom, and with whom, he is to Reign, are to be anni-
hilated. Which being impoſſible to be done, whereas on the contrary, the Saints are
to be raiſed up to Immortality, the Phraſe muſt have its Force. See the Note
upon Chap. 22. 5. D. I fhall cloſe this up with the Suffrage of a Learned Mans
which proves it ſelf: (x) Verum quacumque fit fignificatio iftius verbi cum ufurpatur
in fingulari numero, certum eſt æternitatem quæ vel non habuit initium, vel fempiterna
futura eſt, eo ſignificari, cum adhibetur in plurali. Sic accipitur , Epheſ
. 3. 9. Matth.
6. 13. "Et paſſim in formulis ubi gloria Deo tribuitur : Ut Rom. 1. 25. Cui phrafi.
nonnunquam additur,
ad vehementiorem emphaſim, tõv didvey, ut Gal. 1.5. Non
quòd fortaſſis aliquando, præfertim in V. Teftamento, plurale illud Dory, non acci-
piatur pro revolutione multorum fæculorum; quæ tamen æternitatem non aquant , fed
id, præfertim in N. Teſtamento, rarius eft
, & ſemper, aut fere ſemper, denotat tem-
porum longinquitatem prorſus interminabilem.
But the (Ý) Arians, and ſome (2) Socinians ſince, followed therein by ſome others
unwarily, pretend, that the Kingdom of Chriſt is to ceaſe, or end at the general
Reſurrection: Being grounded upon theſe Words of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 15. 24. Then
cometh the End, when he shall have delivered up the Kingdom to God, even the Faa
ther ; when he shall have put down all
. Rule, and all Authority, and Power. For be
muft Reign, till he hath put all Enemies under bis Feet. The laft Enemy that Mall be
deſtroyed, is Death. For he hath put all Things under his Feet. But when he faith
all Things are put under him, it is manifeſt, that he is excepted which did put all
Things under him. And when all Things shall be ſubdued unto him, then ſhall the Son

OCH (br
Gee dinlw me sent 70.00
sont 70.01ant annet
(0) Lycophr. Alex. V. 928. (P) Æſchyl. Eumen. V. 419.
(9) Æſchyl. Eumen.
V. 575, 675, 945.
(1) Lycophr. Alex. v. 5o8.
(S) Lycophr. Alex. V. 969.
(t) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI. (u) Pfal
. 104. 5. Pfal. 148. 6. (n) Buxtorf. Thef. Gram.
Lib. II. Cap. 3.
(c) M. Amyrald. Exerc. in Orar. Domin.. Pag. 251. (y) Epiphan.
Pan. Hær. LXIX. Sect. 72. Vid. Mr. Whifton's Sermon and Elays, Pag. 1776 and B. Hilarius de Trinit.
Lib. XI. Pag. 227.
(*) Crellius in Ethic. Chriſt.
La 80. br.08
90119up
allo

Chap. XI. v. 15.10
Trnmpet VII.
547
alſo himſelf be ſubječt unto him, that put all Things under him, that God
may
be all in
all. Beſides what may be ſeen in Epiphanius, John Chryſoſtom, and (2) others, it
may be ſufficient to obſerve, that nothing of this takes away the Eternity of God's
and Chriſt's Kingdom. For the End, Tino, is not an End of Annihilation, but of
Perfection and Conſummation to that which God defigns them, to end or perfect his
Myſtery. St. Auguftin faith ; (a) Finem ergo boni nunc dicimus, non quo confumatur
ut non fit, ſed quo perficiatur, ut plenum ſit : Ut finem mali non quo effe definat, sed
quoufque nocendo perdurat
. So Ansbertus: (b) Confummatur etenim Sacramentum
Dei, quod perficiatur promiſſum, non quod definat ablatum. Or elfe, if you take this
End for Annihilation, it is only of thoſe Things, which Chriſt is to deſtroy, or put
down, as they are juſt mentioned : That is the End, which is to come, and he is to
procure. See 1 Cor. 10. 11. 1 Pet. 4. 7. As to the Delivery of the Kingdom, and
the Submiſfion of the Son again to the Father : It appears, that this Kingdom is the
Power to deſtroy Enemies, in order to ſubmit all Things to God; which when fub-
mitted, Chriſt. delivers up that Power, that is, ſuſpends the Execution thereof, as
being any further unneceffary. So (c) Biſhop Bull out of Peter Martyr : Bur take
alfo the Words of Hilary: (d) Tradet Ergo regnum Deo patri, non utique tan-
quam
tradens poteſtate concedat, fed quod nos conformes gloria corporis fui facti
, reg-
num Dei erimus. Non enim ait, tradet ſuum regnum, ſed tradet regnum, effe&tos nos
per glorificationem corporis ſui regnum Deo traditurus. -Regnans itaque reg.
num tradet. And as to the Submiſſion of the Son, it is only to govern under the
Father, which he not only hath always done, but is alſo to do in the State of Glory,
Upon which Account he is in this Book called the Lamp of the New Jerufalem,
whilſt the Glory of God is the Prime Luminary thereof: Upon which fee our Notes,
Chap. 21. 23. Now as the Holy Ghoſt diſcovers to us no End, or Annihilation, of
that New Jeruſalem; neither can we ſuppoſe, that Chriſt's Kingdom therein will
ever ceaſe.
But the regator £d*Sos, or firſt Miſtake, of theſe Men is, that they take the renewing
of the Heaven and Earth to imply a Deſtruction of the preſent Syſtem of the viſible
Elements. But this is a Miſtake indeed, which needs no Confutation here. The
greateſt Difficulty in thoſe Words of St. Paul is to know, why Chriſt is ſaid to
Reign, and then by the Words at firſt Sight, ſeems to ceaſe from that Office:
Which however is eafily anſwered by obſerving, that during the whole Chriſtian Dif-
penſation, Chriſt is chief A&tor, and reduces the Kingdoms of this World : For ſo
is the Divine Oeconomy between the Father and the Son. Tlie Chriſtian Oeconomy
is the Revelation which God the Father hath given unto him : 'Tis the Book, whoſe
Seals he is to looſe and read. See John 3. 35. Matth. 11. 27. and Chap. 28. 18. Luke
10. 22. Fohn 5. 22. and our Notes upon Chap. 1. 1. A. and Chap. 5. By this Oeco-
nomy Chriſt reduces the Kingdoms of the World to the Obedience due to his Fa-
ther and himſelf
, and by this delivers up the (e) Kingdom: For when all Things are
thus fubdued, Chriſt muſt ftill be ſubject, or ſubordinate to the Father, thar the
Father, as ſuch, may always have the Preeminence. But that Chriſt ſo delivers up
his power to Reign, as if he did abſolutely refign, in the ſame manner as Kings or
Magiſtrates do, cannot be inferred from the Word deliver, meegdö. For in ſuch Cafes
of Kingdoms it may fignify to put in Poſſeſſion of a Kingdom, as Chriſt does in re-
ſpect of the Father, by ſubduing all Eneniies. St. Chryfoftom has hit the true Mean-
ing, for he ſays: (f) a SY S907, 78769, volopovi. I hope that when the Father deli-
vered all Things to the Son, Matth. 11. 27. the Greek Word is repost gn, and ſo Luke
10. 22. it is not meant, that the Father loſes his Right to Reign with the Son. So nei-
ther when the Son delivers up, does he loſe his Right to Reign with the Father.
Grotius ſays: (8) Quibus peraétis Chriſtus adminiſtratione regni depofita Majeſtatem
regiam in aternum retinebit. But this he faid before Baniſhment had ſowered his
Temper. After which he ſeems to have written Comments, with a deſign to vex
his Adverſaries. tanto
bomo o
دنده ده ن .
orion
(3) B. Frilarius de Trinit. Lib. XI. Pag. 229, 230, Gc. and in Pfal. CXLVIII, (a) Auguftin.
De Civit. Dei, Lib. XIX. Cap. I.
(b) Ambr. Ansb. in Apoc. 10. 7.
(c) Prim. &
Apoſt. Trad. Cap. VI. Sed: 9. 28: 190(d) B. Hilar. de' Trin. Lib. XII Pag. 233. 9 m (e) Vid.
B. Hilar. de Trinit. Lib. XI. Pag. 234, 8c. Enerrac. in Pfal. Lk. Pag. 498.2 (Joh. Chryf.
Hom, 39. ja 1. ad Corinched cafe) H. Groth de Imp. SoPareitag. Cap. X. Sect. Som
A. Verí.

548
Trumpet VII.
Ch. XI. v. 16, 17
A. Verf. 16. Και οι είκοσι τέσσαρες ορεσβύτεροι οι ενώπιον το * Θεξ καθήμενοι ή; τίς
Spórus aires étran Oh Trail care forma eu te, And the Twenty Four Elders which fit before
God on their Thones, fell upon their faces.] Many Copies have aš Spóve të Ost, the
Throne of God: But this makes no great Alteration. The Worſhip of God ſeems to
be interrupted by the Corruption of the Church. This repreſents, that it will be
reſtored, and openly practiſed. But let it be obſerved, that here only the Elders
worſhip, not the Wights nor Angels. Firſt, the Worſhip of the Elders ſeems to
import the Reſtauration of that Worſhip,, which from the beginning was given to
Chriſt in the Primitive Promułgation of the Goſpel. So that this place reaches ftill
no further than the firſt A&ts of this Trumpet ; the reſt of the Converſion of the
whole World is mentioned in the following Particulars, which Chriſt, however is
now going to undertake after this firſt Step. The Silence about the Wights may
imply, that as the Clergy repreſented by the Wights is ſo united to the Throne of
God, that they ſeem infeparable; and by Conſequence, that they have never ſwerved
from the Worſhip and Service they had at firft undertaken ; ſo this may import,
that the Temporal Princes, which being Heads, or Princes of the People, had be-
fore ſtrayed from their Duty, now return, and join with the Wights; who
having not failed in their Duty at any Time, need no Repentance, and therefore no
new Expreſſion of their Homage. See here the Note upon Chap. 19. 4. A. For in
that Place, which is parallel to this, the Holy Ghoſt has mentioned the Wights fol-
lowing the Example of the Elders. And thus this Silence may import, that the
thorough Reformation of the Church muſt be the Work of the Civil Powers chiefly,
bringing thus into the Church the People committed to their Charge, and detain's
by Force from their Duty. The Voices, mentioned in the former Verſe, ſhew the
Laws and Orders made about it; and this Homage the Example, which they will
give, or the actual putting of thoſe Laws into Practice. Now this confirms the
Conje&ture made before, that we muſt not expect, that the corrupted Clergy will
begin this great Reformation. They are too fond of their Idols, and
the filthy Lucre
they make of them, to forſake them eaſily.
B. Kai megotenwina, Ted Oce, And worſhipped God.] This proves, that the ancient
Rite of Adoration was not only by falling upon the Knees, but by a total Proftration
of the Body till the Face touched the Ground, or lick'd the Duft
. For here ſuch a
falling down is to Worſhip. But why is it ſaid to be done only to God? Why is
not Chriſt alſo mention'd as before ? Becauſe God the Father, and Chriſt his Son, are
one: And this Place fufficiently evinces, that they are one God: And ſo they are
addreſſed ſometimes in the Plural, and ſometimes as only one ; as in the following
Hymn, which contains their common Attributes and A&tions; and Kingdom, as be-
longing only to One. This could not be, if their Effences were different, the one
Created, the other Creator.
A. Verf. 17. 162017es, Eugeerse por coi, Kulele Ocios o meyorpórwe, o dov, v ô lb, i
è égzóulur@, Saying, We give thee
. Thanks, O Lord God Almighty, which is, and which
was, and which is to come.]. This is not as it were a new Homage, becauſe God had
received it before, but an Addreſs of Thanks upon a Reſtitution of God's Right,
becauſe his Kingdom had been uſurped from him, and is now reſtored. The Kings
themſelves, repreſented now by theſe Elders, had been under the Slavery of the
Uſurpation, being led. Captives by thoſe falſe Prophets with whom they finned.
They are now reſtored to the Worſhip of God, whoſe Service is perfe&t Freedom.
The Titles which they now give to God, are in Oppoſition to the falſe Deities,
whom they worſhipped before, who are neither Lords by Right, nor Gods by Na-
ture, nor Almighty, as being able to do nothing; nor Eternal, as being Dead and
Senſeleſs, and the mere Inventions of Men lately contrived. The Service of the
Church triumphant will not be fo much in Prayers, for that Church ſhall not need
any new Favours or Mercies; as in Praiſes for the Mercies received from God, his
glorious Vi&ories, and their partaking of the Bleſſings and Peace he hath
procured.
B. "On tianpes the dwbepév et pazarlw, Becauſe thou haſt taken to thee thy great
Power.] In the former Hymns in Chap. 4. 11. and Chap, 5. 12. it is faid only,
neleid tw duícheer, to receive Power; this here is the chee suuv the pazarlw, great
Power. In the firſt, it's plainly a new acquired Power as to Chriſt; here it is tly
Power : That is, a Power reſumed, which belonged not only of Right to God, but
by a former Poffeffion, from which he had been driven. And it is great Power, to
ſhew

Chap. XI. v. 17.
Trumpet VII
549
Thew that the preſent Circumſtances of it will far exceed any thing of the former ;
God having now exerted it in ſuch a Manner. Thus our Saviour ſpeaking of his
Second Coming, Matth. 24. 30, faith to this Purpoſe :. CT Seus cé vecos rj Sens normas
,
that is, with great Power, and great Glory: The Adjective being common; for
Mark 13. 26. joins it to the former, at dwá ceseos tomañs rj Deens.
Now there is more Myſtery in this Expreſſion, than People think generally. The
great Power of God is ſo called, with a ſpecial View to Miracles, which are the
great Power of God, or the extraordinary Works of the Divine Power. It is plain
from the Hiſtory of Simon the Magician, of whom upon the Account of his falfe
Miracles, the Samaritans faid ; Ourós Bev vi surise quis të besuezekan, This is that great
Power of God; the Vulgate, and many Manuſcripts, as alſo (h) Irenæus, read here
si ren x petón quezoan, called the Great : As if it were
a proverbial and well known Thing,
becauſe the fews uſed to expect great Miracles from the Meſſias. So a little after,
Ads 8. 13. you have suvekuets iġ onucide uegoáre, Powers, and great Signs; put Syno-
nymouſly for Miracles. The: like in Rom. 15. 19. én durduet ompeior zij zsebrev, by the
Power of Signs and Wonders. See alſo Atts 2. 22. duvek usor siġ tégor sej onuicios. See
alſo i Cor. 2.4. Matth. 7. 2. and 11. 20, 21, 22. and 13, 54, 58, and 14. 2. Mark
6. 2, 5, 14. and 9.39. So in Luke 1. 17. dwócepus ínís, is the miraculous Power of
Elias. In Afts 4. 33. Mezclan dewluct, importing, that the Apoſtles proved the Reſur-
re&tion of Chriſt by Miracles. So a Divine Inſpiration and Courage is called magna
virtus, by S. Perpetua a Martyr : (i) Deinde poft dies paucos Pudens, miles Optio,
prepoſitus Carceris, qui nos magni facere cæpit, intelligens magnam virtutem Dei ese
in nobis, multos fratres ad nos admittebat, ut & nos & illi invicem refrigeraremus.
For ſhe had Viſions before. 'Tis even ſo uſed by the Profane Authors for Miracles :
For the Rod of Mercury is called (k) pelno Jocupací do rlu dwóz quv, by Lucian, being
ſuppoſed to work Miracles. And this is exactly conformable to the Stile of the Old
Teſtament. So in Exod 32. 11. gréat Power fignifies the Miracles God had wrought
in Egypt, to deliver the Iſraelites. So in Deut. 8. 17. si igés, puis, sej to zpáto sphere
Rex Smoln or the d'uízpuy the pezar les raóme, my Strength, and the Might of my Hand,
hath gotten for me this great Power. By which is meant the Miracles before done
by God; who therefore forbids them to ſay, or think hereafter, that they were done
by their own Power. See alſo Deut. 9. 29. and Nehem. I. 10. és èauręcó or z dusch-
piet o8. tñ uszcay. So then God's taking to him his great Power ſhews, that he will
now exert his Power of Miracles and great Signs for the obtaining of his Right;
both that which is uſurped in the Church, and that which is to be acquired by the
Converſion of other Gentiles. And by Conſequence, that the Power of Miracles
may and will return again: And that too with much more Splendor than ever here-
tofore. Juſtin Martyr argues thus : (?) ?Es qñ ně zebrs durš oi novopię. Tosun'in susceptus
δείκνυ 9 ωρακολοθήσασα κ αρακολεθέσα, πόση ή αν τη ενδόξω γινομβρία αυτά παρεσία και Chrit
will then exert his Divinity in the higheſt Pitch, as Tertullian faith, who therein
copies, as in many Places, the Notions of Juſtin Martyr : (m) Duobus enim adven-
tibus ejus ſignificatis ; primo, qui jam expun&us eft in humilitate conditionis humanæ ;
ſecundo, qui concludendo ſeculo imminet in ſublimitate Divinitatis exerta. (n) Which
[ Miracles) our Saviour, faith a Modern Author, makes to be a certain Sign of the
coming of his Kingdom. And if it were the Sign of its firſt Coming, have we not rea-
fon to expect, that it ſhall be ſo of its Second?
We have been ſo long uſed in the Popiſh Controverſies, in order to prove their
pretended Miracles to be falſe, to ſhew, that they were to ceaſe, and did actually
ceaſe in the Church ; that we have from thence drawn an Opinion, that the Power
of Miracles is never to return. But this is a () vulgar Error; and even own'd to be
fo, becauſe uncertain. Miracles were given to the Church for its (P) neceſſary Pro-
pagation, in order to convert the Heathens. See the Note upon Chap. 6. 1. D.
When the Converſion of the Heathens was effe£ted, ſo far as God defign'd it ſhould
proceed, then they ceaſed : And the (9) Eccleſiaſtical Writers are not filent to inform
us thereof. We have a moral Certainty, that the general Converſion of the Fews,
(b) Irenæus, Lib. I. Cap. 20.
(i) Act. SS. Perpetuæ & Feliciçatisa
(k) Lucian
Dial. Apoll. & Vulc. V. Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. 1. C. 14.
(1) Juſtin. Dial. C. Tryph. Jud.
Pag. 191. (m) Tertullian. Apolog. Cap. XXI. V. Lib. Adv. Jud. Cap. XIV. (n) ADO-
nymous Annorator on Revel. Lond. 1693. on Chap. 1o. Pag. 1go:
John D'Eſpagne's vulgar
Errors in Divinity, Sect. II. Chap. 16. (D) 1 Cor. 12. 7. (9) Joh. Chryfoft. Homil. 24.
in Johan. 2. 25. Pag. 650.
Zzzzzz

559
. Trumpet VIỊ.
Ch. XI. v. 17.
Turks, and Heathens, is not to be wrought without Miracles; and therewith a re
vealed Certainty, that they are to be converted ; and by Conſequence there is a moral
Neceſſity for their Return, in order to do it
. And if this Text hath been rightly ex-
plained by me, then by Revelation wc may be certain thereof; as well as by thofe
Prophecies, which ſpeak of the Second Coming of Chriſt in the Clouds, with great
Power, and Glory, and Signs. All which Expreſſions denote, that he will return
with great Miracles. Chrilt therefore is now to come, to receive that great Power,
and exert it accordingly in many Miracles, far beyond what he wrought at his
coming in his Humility. It was then, and even after his Reſurrection, but a plain
Suiduis, as this Prophecy diſtinguiſhes it; Miracles indeed, but not to be compared
for Greatneſs and Majeſtical Pomp, to theſe, that ſhall be wrought by him for the
Deſtrution of his Enemies, and the Converſion of all Nations. Now it is, that
the Prophecy of Foel, 2. 28, 29. ſhall be accompliſhed in its full Extent, whereof
the Miracles done by the Apoſtles, were bat an Hint, or as Forerunners: Then it is,
that God will pour out his Spirit upon all Fleſh, which is the ſame as his Power of
Miracles. See Rom. 15. 19. For this Prophecys as ſome others, may have a pro-
greſſive Accompliſhment, or to uſe the Words of a Learned Man : (-) Impletio Vati-
ciniorum & Promiforum poſſit eſſe in fluxu & progreſſu. So that by theſe Means Pro-
phecies have, as the Lord Bacon ſpeaks, (s) Gradus & Scalas complementi per diver-
fas mundi ætates. Which is a Truth ſeen by Euſebius ; (t) ’Ame vuis uſer Fles vežamo,
Pisces @ 75 mangésulee j mregonteia ou je treg dúos). And this muſt needs happen, when a
Prophecy ſpeaks of a great Period of Time, which may be ſubdivided by many
Other Periods of particular Events.
I know indeed that suicquis is ſo general a Term, that it may fignify any Power,
without the adjunct of Miracles; and particularly Armies, or Multitudes; ſuch as
the converted Chriſtians, who are to be Chriſt's Armies, or Power ; the Word being
To uſed in (u) Sacred and (w) Profane Writers; but let any one prove to me, that
this Word with the Adjective pegoian, Great, doth in Holy Writ
, in reſpect of God,
ſignify any Power, but in relation to the great Works, or Miracles, which God ex-
erts then: And even without that Epither we often ſee, that it is employ'd to figni-
fy Power exerted with Miracles, be they true or falſe. When ſpoken of God, they
are always true; and I have ſhewn elſewhere, that nezánc épza are ſo proper to God,
that it can be ſaid of none elſe, but with a blaſphemous Pretence : See the Note on
Chap. 18. 23. B. None being truly able to ſhew great Works, but he: And thoſe
are always Miracles in the higheſt Senſe of the Word. And therefore ſuch they muſt
be here.
Further, when the (x) Ancient Fews, as Philo, ſpeak of the Two Powers of God,
they call one of them nóg a , the Word, who was to be the Meſſias, he being the
Perſon, who was to exhibit to the World the Power of God. And undoubtedly
when the Samaritans called Simon the Magician the Great Power of God, they un-
derſtood it in this Senſe, upon the Account of the falſe Miracles, by which he be-
witched them. Since therefore our Saviour is the true Meſſias, the Word, and Great
Power of God in the concrete Senſe, who at this Time will exhibit his Great Power
in the abſtract Senſe; then this Expreſſion will not only imply great Works, cr Mi-
Xacles wrought then ; but that Chriſt will then appear to perform them : So that he
being the true sógo, the Word, this place is therefore collateral to that other, in
Chap. 19. 13. The Adjun&ts of which Word, mentioned in that Place, ſhew by fe-
veral Circumſtances the Great Power he is to exert in all the Senſes of this Word,
as it may fignify Signs, Miracles, Dominion, Conqueſt and Armies.
C. Kui cucindoes, And haſt reigned.] The Uſe of the Great Power being taken,
and exerted before the Reigning, it is plain, that the Means by which God advances
and ſettles this Reign, is by exerting firſt his Great Power. As in the Inauguration
of the Lamb, ſhewing what Right he entred upon, to be poſſeſſed afterwards, God
and Chriſt receive only a plain Sweusy, Power, Revel
. Chap. 4. 11. and Chap. 5. 12.
(r) Worthington Differt. de Eccl. Felicit. Pag. 147. (s) Bacon. de Augment. Scient. Lib. II.
Cap. 11. Spencer of Prodigies, Pag. 156.
(t) Euſeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. IX. Pag. 285.
(u) Exod. 12. 17. LXX. I Maccab. 3:34. and Chap. 4, 3.
(w) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. XVII.
P. 2. Pag. 598. Suidas in Voc.
(x) V. D. Allix's Judgment of the Jewiſh Church,
Chap. IX. Pag. 133,
So

Ch. XI. v. 18.
Trumpet VII.
550
So likewiſe in the quiet State of the Half-Hour, in the firſt period of the Church
they had ſtill but a plain Power, Suíte utis, Revel
. 7. 12. and a plain excés, Authority
Revel
. 12. 10. not a great, or full Reign. But now he hath taken to him his great
Power to Reign: That is, as Lactantius words it, (y) Fudicandi & regnandi maxi-
mam poteſtatem. And the Angel in Revel. 18. 1. whom I ſuppoſe to be the beginner
of this woe, by pronouncing the utter Fall of Babylon, hath accordingly čexoi dev peeza's
Aww, Great Authority or Power. Obſerve this Gradation.
Ả. Verf. 18. Kalti körn ogzi Sng, And the Nations were angry. ] This Expreſſion
is like that in Pſal
. 2. 1. and Pſal. 99, 1. where the LXX have, & Kveo kaoindioar,
og7136 Sasa naoi, God reigneth, let the Nations be angry ; which fignifies, that altho
the Nations are angry, yet God is King; or elſe, ſeeing that the Lord reigneth, let
the Nations be angry, if they will, for they cannot hurt his Kingdom. So likewiſe
in the triumphal Song of Moſes, Exod. 15. 14. according to the LXX, "Hxxq zorn,
aj úpziatingo asiyes én abov xalosxõ w Tus quaestell, The Nations heard, and vcere angry
Sorrow took hold on the Inhabitants of Paleſtina. Which Terror and Sorrow implied
alſo their endeavouring to oppoſe the Settlement of the Iſraelites, Exod. 17. 8. Num.
21. 23, 34. and Chap. 22. 3. Foſh. 2. 9. Chap. 5. 1. This Anger therefore imports
Reſiſtance and War, to oppoſe the Kingdom of God and his Chriſt, which is not to
be advanced without the Oppoſition of theſe Nations; that is, Gentiles or Idolaters;
who have uſurped his Holy City, and hinder as long as they can the Reſtoration of
of it to its Lord, endeavouring to maintain themſelves. But this Anger, or Refi-
ſtance, will prove their Third Woe, or utter Deſtruction ; for it followeth ;
C. Kui ma sen j ógyń ot, And thy Wrath is come.] Hitherto God had ſhewn his
Patience and Long-ſuffering, which be now worn out, and therefore to be turned in-
to Severity and Anger. He bears long, that he may afterwards ſhew his Anger, and
demonſtrate his Power in the Deſtruction of the Veſſels of Wrath; Rom. 9. 22. The
Wrath of God is the certain forerunner of Deſtruction, and being in Holy Writ ſo
often compared to Fire, fignifies Deſtruction, the Effect of Fire. So Pſal. 2. 12,
Kiſs the son left he be angry, and ye periſh from the Way, when his Wrath is kindled
but a little. Pfal
. 89.46. Shall thy Wrath burn like Fire ? See Pſal. 18. 8. to v. 14.
where you will find a Deſcription of God's Anger, and its Effects. And indeed the
Words on and 1991, reridered by suuos and ögoni, Wrath and Anger, are derived
from ſuch Words as fignify to be hot, or inflamed. When God is angry, nothing
but certain and diſmal Deſtruction can be expected by thoſe againſt whom he is an-
gry. This therefore fignifies as follows: The Idolaters will refift, and oppoſe by War
the Kingdom of God; but their Anger is vain, for now his Patience is ended, and is
followed by his Anger heated in earneſt, whoſe dreadful Effects muſt follow to the
Confufion and Deſtruction of the refiſting Idolaters. God will bear no more with
I them; for the Meaſure of their Sins is filled up, and it is now Time they ſhould be
puniſhed, for having driven the Mercy of God to its Extremity. Now the ſame
muſt be ſaid here, as before, on Chap. 6. 10. B. that theſe thank God for executing
his Anger upon the Wicked, not out of any Malice to them ; but becauſe that De-
ſtruction is a neceſſary Step or Antecedent of the Reward of the Juſt, their chief
Aim, who have been ſo long oppreſſed by the tyrannical Idolaters: As it followeth
in the next Words. Ansbertus hath ſeen it here, as well as before : (2) Non quo
ſcilicet vindi&tam expofcant, ſed quo tempus vindické adveniat, in quo ipſi poſt ipſam
malorum vindi&tam, etiam cum corporibus æternam recipiant vitam.
D. Kel s rosess $4S vexpeõv ape tuone, And the Time of the Dead, that they ſhould be
judged.] At the opening of the Fifth Seal , Revel. 6. 10. the Souls under the Altar,
which had ſuffer'd in the Primitive Church, are ſaid to cry up to God, to judge and
revenge their Blood. Upon which they are bidden to ſtay, till the Number of their
Fellow-Servants be fulfilled, who were to ſuffer as well as they. We have ſeen be-
fore, that the Witneſſes of God have been ſlain for their Prophecy, and that the Time
of the Oppreſſion was near ended : As alſo, that the Seventh Trumpet was to make
good the Promiſes of God to his Servants the Prophets. The Time is now come to
fulfil all this. And ſo their Cauſe is to be tried, to be revenged firſt on their Perſe-
cutors, and then they to have their Reward, as Judgment for Damages and Suffer-
ings. God is now provoked, and ſo he will judge Itrictly.
Didion
(y) Lactant. Inſtit. Lib. VII. Cap. 20.
(<) Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. V.
The

552
Trumpet VII.
Chap. XI. v. 18.
The Word uſed here, xperluña, hath Two different Significations : But both reſult
into one in this caſe. The firſt Signification of zpivev, or xpives, is judicial, not on-
ly in this Book, but in all Sorts of Writers too. Thus xpivey is uſed to turn the He-
brew now, as alſo endixeir, to revenge the Cauſe of any one by condemning. Com-
paret
the Hebrew Text with the LXX, in Ezek. 7. 27. and Chap. 23. 24, 45. Obad.
D. 21. And, thus alſo spívets and endineis, in Revel
. 6. 10. are put ſynonymouſly :
Which Place reſpects this, as before obſerv'd. So in the Greek Authors the Word
spíveals fignifies to try by Law, to plead together, to contend. See the Hiſtory of
Suſannah v. 6. in Greek. So in Euripides :
(a) “Ως κρινε μάι και δέ σοι τα πλείονα.
In Ariſtophanes ; (3)
1901 AGF
Tews pel ou énervoue gas.
So xcipó uw a ſignifies him that is ſued, in Demoſthenes ; (c) Meisies å xpivé plu o viata
Δημοσθένες. So in Ρlutarch ; (4) Πρεσβύπος πενιχράς αξιοσης επ' αυτά κριθίώαι, A poor
old Woman deſir’d him to hear ber Cauſe. So (e) Judicium is not always the Sentence;
but the Trial. And ſo youture is us'd by St. Matthew 5. 40. and i Cor. 6. 6. So
then, according to this Notion of the Word, the meaning is, that it is now the
Time to hear the Cauſe of the Dead , in order to condemn their Murderers by de-
ſtroying them, and thus to revenge their Deaths, and to appoint the Reward to be
allotted them for ſuffering. I have ſhewn elſewhere, that the Reward of the Martyrs,
or juſt Men, comes to them by way of Plea, which God determines between them
and their Adverſaries. We ſhall likewiſe find in other parallel Places, where the
Circumſtances of this judgment are ſpecified, as in Chap. 18. 24. that this is the
Time wherein the Blood of the Juſt, the Prophets, and Saints, is to be revenged
upon their Enemies.
But then, ſecondly, we find in this Book the whole Phraſe, éneignou oi vérpái, Re-
vel. 20. 12. Which can be taken in no other Senſe but of the Sentence, which is
there pronounced upon all. So that here the Time to judge the Dead, may be under-
ſtood in putting a Difference between the Dead themſelves : Either by bringing up all
the Dead together to be parted, fome to be rewarded, others to be puniſhed, or elſe
by bringing up ſome of the Dead to receive an earlier Reward than other dead Men.
In both which Caſes a Difference is made in the Dead. For to judge, spívely, is to
ſeparate, or makela Difference. Heſychius: Keivou, súčar, reseñoroi, donudou, dingbo ot,
επιλέξατε. Read χωρίσαι, for it follows, κρίνας, επιλέξας, χωείσας. And foon after και
zpíveiv, ceebueîvzweiß Hv; éve repéreu, ous epévetve expign, dezpíchn, e zweiasm. And ſo Homer
has uſed the Word :
ܪ
(f) — kriv' dr Opets xeit. Quis.
And (g) elſewhere. On which Account our Saviour, ſpeaking of the laſt Judgment,
in Matth. 25. 32, 33. faith ; He shall ſeparate them one from another, as a Shepherd
divideth his Sheep from the Goats ; and he shall ſet the Sheep on his right Hand, but
the Goats on the left
. And ſo Irenæus underſtands it : (b) Separari demonſtravit in
judicio omne genus humanum, quemadmodum paſtor Segregat oves ab hædis. And elſe-
where. Now whether we take this Judgment of the Dead in the firft or latter
Senſe; both are true; the firſt draws on the latter : That is, if the Cauſe of the
Dead be tried, and Judgment for them be pronounced, then they muſt be ſeparated
to be rewarded ; their Blood muſt be revengd on their Murderers, becauſe of the Cry,
and their Reward muſt then come according to promiſe. When Sentence is paſt,
and the Wicked overthrown, the Juſt enters upon his Right. Now the Dead can-
not be rewarded but in the Reſurrection; and therefore God ſhall perfect his Myſtery
upon them by that. Ambr. Ansbertus ; (i) Quapropter cujus jam primus adventus
(a) Euripid. Medea, V. 609.
(6) Ariſtoph, Neb.
(c) Demofth, C. Midiam,
(d) Plutarch. Apoph. Reg. Pag. 156.
(e) Terent Eunuch. Act. II. Sc. IV. M. T. Cic. Orac.
pro Q. Rofc. Com. Terent. Phorm. Ac. II. Sc. II. M. T. Cic. Epift. Fam. Lib. IX. Ep. 25.
(f) Homer. Iliad. B. V. 362. (8) Homer. Iliad. E.V. 5oi. Vid. Schol. Ibid. (h) Irenæ.
Lib. IV. Cap. LXXVIII. Vid. Lib. V. Cap. XXVII. (i) Ambr. Ansbertus, Lib. V. ad Apoc.
Cap. 10. 5:
di Trentodienda
d
Oy
rederit

Ch. XI. V. 18.0
Trumpet VII.
553
2
redemit ele&tos, cujus tunc ſecundus ad regnum perducet redemptos, hujus in hac pera
ſecutione non incongruè myſterium dicitur confummari
. Thus take the Word xpsstície
either way, it comes to the fame at laſt. And this Judgment wholly reſpets the
Martyrs of both Periods of the Church : Becauſe it is with them that the Reſur-
rečtion is to begin, as we ſhall find afterwards in the more explicit Account ; the
reſt of the Dead not being raiſed at firſt. Whence it comes
, that we find no men-
tion here of the Second Death; nor of any Puniſhment, but what implies merely
the Removal of the Idolatrous Party. But all theſe Matters will appear more plain-
ly afterwards.
ribir
E. Kai Jouwere o dessas mois démous on pois mesmútues, And that thou ſhouldſt give the
Reward unto thy Servånts the Prophets. ] This is very plainly the Execution of the
Oath made by the Angel in Chap. 10, 6, 7, who ſware that when the Seventh Angel
ſhould ſound, the Myſtery of God ſhould be perfe&ted, as he had promiſed to the Pro-
phets. Can this be any Thing elſe but in their Reſurrection ? Is the Myſtery of God
in the Salvation of Man perfected in any Thing elſe ? Can a meer temporal Proſpe-
rity of the Church be the Reward of the ſuffering Prophets and Saints ? Is the Cauſe
of the Dead heard in order to receive their Reward, fully judged, when that Reward
falls not to the Dead, as it hath been promiſed, but to the Living? This then muſt be
quite another Thing than merely the Converſion of all Nations. So that this is a dif-
ferent Incident of this Trumpet
. Who theſe are, that muſt receive this Reward,
will be more fully diſcovered in other Viſions, and how that Reward is to be beſtown
ed. Only here we are to take notice, that in the Stile of this Prophecy, the Notion
of Prophecy being the ſame as Martyrdom, this reſpects the Martyrs of Chriſt chiefly
and primarily. To theſe only a Reward by Name is promiſed, Revel. 14. 13. hinted
before in Chap. 6.11. and confirm d by Oath in Chap. 10.7. The Proſperity of the
Church doth not come under the Notion of a Reward or Work. The Title of Ser-
vants belongs particularly to the Prophets or Martyrs, otherwiſe expreſſed by ſtanding
before the Lord, 1 Kings 17. I. and Chap. 18. 15. 2 Kings 3. 14. Revel. 11. 4. and
Chap. 10. 7. they are alſo called Servants.
É. Kai mois dzious, And to the Saints.] That is, thoſe who are declared in the
Judgment to be Saints, as having been purified in the Blood of the Lamb. Saintſhip
is one of the Prerogatives of the Martyrs, who have a Share in the firſt Reſurrečtion,
Revel. 20. 6. Every one of theſe Titles may very well be underſtood of the Pro-
phets or Martyrs, to be rewarded. But however, as this Seventh Trumpet is not li-
mited à parte poft, that is, in any Part of the Time that follows, but reaches to all E-
ternity : So we need not ſtint our felves to the firſt Reſurrection, but take it as the
Epocha, which contains all the future Events in the Church without Diſtinction, fome
of them beginning juſt upon the Sounding, others in their due Time : But they are
all put together here, as Matters indeed belonging to that Epocha, but hereafter to be
diſtinguiſhed. And in this the Holy Ghoſt follows the uſual Method in all the Pro-
phecies, the former of which generally gives us an Account of Things as done toge-
ther, which the more explicite Prophecies afterwards diſtinguiſh more accurately.
Upon which Account, as this Judgment of the Dead is certainly an Accident of the
Seventh Trumpet, which contains the general as well as particular, or firſt Reſurrecti-
on ;
ſo this beſtowing of the Reward may be underſtood of both ; to the Saints, and
others great and ſmall, as well as to the Prophets : Saving this, that the Prophets
are named firſt; it being indeed the Martyrs, who are the Prophets, that muſt be firſt
rewarded, and then every Man in his own Order. Upon this Account thoſe may be
accounted Saints, who are ſanctified in Jeſus Chriſt, though they have not loſt their
Lives for his Sake, as the Martyrs have done.
But if you will ſay, that 'tis not likely this Trumpet is to be underſtood to reach
to all the Things that may follow it, but that the Matters of the general Reſurrection
may very well be excluded out of this Prophecy ; becauſe we ſee the Temple is open-
ed by this Trumpet, whereas in the Deſcription of the New Jeruſalem after the ge-
neral Reſurrection it is ſaid, that there is no Temple : Then Saints here may fignify
the Martyrs of the firſt Period, who are to be rewarded with their Fellow Servants
the Prophets of the Second, as thoſe Terms may be underſtood. See our Note upon
Chap. 16. 6. A. I take this to be the furer Side ; and thus this Place will be another
Prophecy of the firſt Reſurrection before the general.
ydin of saw a wot
Ааааааа
G. Kad
ز

554
Trumpet VII.
Chap. XI. v. 19.
, . In of
tilte Martyrs,
they may be laid to fear the Name of God, becauſe they have rather
dreaded the Terrors of the Lord, than thoſe of Man : And fo have not yielded in the
Trial, nor have been donde se consti, fearful and unfaithful;
the Reward of ſuch as
theſe being eternal Death, Revel. 21. 8. In reſpect of other Saints, they may be ſuch
on the Account of their fearing rather God than Man, and ſo fying from the Tem-
pration : Or when God fends Judgments upon the Wicked , being terrified by them,
are ready to give Glory to God; either ſecretly in their Hearts, or even openly when
they may. See our Notes upon Chap. 11. 13, E. on the Word éumobor ; and upon
Chap.
2: 1947 en helt nog niet prayer mens, To the Small and to the great
, 1. This is an Expres
fion, which implies Univerſality without Exception. See our Notes upon Chap. 13.
16. A. and Chap. 19. 5.B. and Pfal. 115. 13. This being thus ſaid in the laſt Place,
may refer to the general Reſurrection, which is hereafter defign'd by this very Expreſ
fion, Revel. 20. 12. A.
I. Kai dreq Stiege Tès de sel egr
els tw gleb, And that thou Shouldeſt deſtroy them which
deſtroy the Earth.] Alaptiesu in the New Teſtament fignifies Two Things : Firſt
,
to deſtroy
, as in Luke 11. 13. Chap. 12. 33, 3.Cor. 4. 16. Revel. 8. 9. Secondly, to
Seduce, which is a moral Deſtruction,
in 1 Tim. 6.5. and Serpes ſignifies the lame
in 1 Cor. 15. 33. See our Note upon Chap. 19. 2. C; which is a Place relating to
this very Matter
. In this place it is taken in both : In the firſt, to deſtroy ; in the
latter, it fignifies to ſeduce. Though it may be taken literally too, becaufe Seducers
with their Wars and Tyranny deſtroy all ; or at leaſt by bringing a Curſe upon Men,
cauſe a Deſtruction to come from the Judgments of God. Theſe Words are ſo ge-
neral, that they not only reach to the Puniſhment of the corrupted Church, but even
to the Wicked at the general Reſurrection. God will begin the Judgments of this
Trumpet, as we ſuppoſe, by deſtroying the Whore, åns dép Sarps, which feduced, cor-
rupted, or deſtroy’d the Earth, Revel. 19. 2. And then he will proceed to deſtroy
the Beaſt, and falſe Prophet ; then to tye up Satan, and afterward deſtroy the Gog
and Magog ſeduc'd by him: Then Satan is deſtroy'd himſelf with them. After
which follows the general Reſurrection, whereby Death and Hades are deſtroy d, and
the Wicked too in the ſecond Death.
A. Verf. 19. Kai Woign 8 Næòs Oct oud Begye, And the Temple of God was
opened in Heaven. ] Hitherto we have ſeen but one real Accident of this Trumpet
reported directly by St. John, namely, the Voices in Heaven, which produced the
Thankſgiving of the Elders ; which obliquely , and rather by Way of Predi&tion,
contain a ſummary Account of all the Matters following upon this Trumpet
. Now
St. John proceeds to tell us of Two Effe&ts directly, which virtually and fymbolically
contain the firſt and laſt great Events of this Trumpet ; namely, the full opening
of the Temple of God in Heaven, and the Sight of the Ark of the Covenant of God.
The firſt fignifies the general Delivery of the Church from all Idolatry and Oppreſſion ;
the latter imports the fall Accompliſhment of all the Promiſes of God; and by Con-
ſequence the Perfe&tion of his Myſtery, or Deſigns. Let us now examine them
10190
fingly.
We have ſeen before in the Beginning of this Chapter, that when St. John, in
the Name of the Reformed Churches, went to meaſure, or take Poffeffion of the
Temple and Altar, with thoſe that worſhipped therein, the outer Court and Holy
City were profan’d and trampled upon by the Gentiles, in the Poffeffion of which
their Term was not yet expired : So that they having Poſſeſſion of theſe outward
Parts of the Temple of God, did ſeem, and really did ſhut up the Entrance of them
againſt all thoſe that would have come in, except thoſe reformed Churches, which
having by the Voices of the Seven Thunders heard the Law of God, had thereupon
gaind a kind of forcible and extraordinary Poffeffion of the Temple and Altar only
for themſelves, with thoſe that already had a ſecret Poffeffion thereof
. In the ſame
manner we ſhall find elſewhere in the following Chapters, wherein many Matters
are more explicitly handled, that the Holy Ghoft repreſents to us the Temple of
God; that is, the Church in its ſecond Period, which had before been ſettled and
fix'd at the opening of the Sixth and Seventh Seals, as fhut up: So that no Man
could enter therein ; Revel. 15. 8. until the Plagues mentioned there, and in the
Sixteenth Chapter, were accompliſhed : Saving that it was only opened to ſend out
the Seven Angels, who were to execute them. But now here we have it fully open-
sed,

Chap. XI. V.12.
Trumpet VII.
555
Covenance ý xubwròs ne da Jórns på xupír és Te vago áurš, And the Ark of the Lord's
ed, and in Heaven, which ſhews an abſolute, publick, and authorized Permiſſion to
enter therein : From which we may undoubtedly infer, that thoſe Plagues are ante-
cedent to this Trumpet ; of which more in its proper Place.
Now the Heaven, in which the Temple is now faid to be, fignifies the Supreme
Powers, and therefore the opening of the Temple therein imports, that the Church
will at this Time be opened by the Supreme Powers; that not only thoſe who
groaned under the Ufurpation and Tyranny of the Corrupters of the Church may
come in, but alſo that all Nations may, and ſhall flow into it freely. That the Su-
preme Powers of the World will encourage and receive themſelves the true Religion,
and every Man ſhall have Liberty to worſhip God; they that deſtroyed, or ſeduced
the Earth, being themſelves deſtroyed, all the Obſtacles will be remov’d, which
hindred Men from embracing the true and pure Chriſtian Religion. For it is cer-
tain, that the Idolatry of the Chriſtian Powers not only hinders the Profeſſion of
true Chriſtianity within their own Dominions, but is alſo the great Scandal of Fews
and Gentiles, and hath hindred in a great Meaſure hitherto their Converſion. But
now thoſe Seducers being deſtroy'd, that Converſion will be wrought apace.
The Temple is opened, the Heavens encourage it ; what can hinder their
coming in? ains avoto 03
The opening of this Temple is the forerunner of the Building of the New Jers-
falen, which is to come down from Heaven. Not that this is a material Temple,
or that the New Jeruſalem muſt have any ſuch, which is exprefly denied, Revel
.
21. 22. but what is fignified by the Temple, a fix'd and fettled Worſhip of the
Church. For we are not bound to underſtand this altogether to all the Events Follow
ing this Trumpet : For if at the New Jeruſalem there is no material Temple, nor
any Temple at all, as that may imply a circumſcribed Church, ſee our Notes on
Chap 7.15. C. and Chap. 21. 22. A. becauſe then the Kingdom of Chriſt will be
univerſal without Exception; yet it follows not, but that between the Deſtruction of
Babylon, and that of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, and the binding of Satan, which
Two Particulars may require a great Space of Time, the Church of Chriſt, ſtill pro-
perly repreſented by the Temple, ſhall be open to all Comers to worſhip God openly
and freely. See the Note on Chap. 15. 8. B.
B. 78 78, of God.] This emphatical Addition is not needleſs. For hitherto dua
ring the perſecuted State of the Church, and the publick Propheſying of the Wit-
nelles, the Temple was ſhut, and as it were Inviſible, and God's true Worſhippers
and Worſhip ſo cloſely blocked up by the Profanation of the Gentiles aforeſaid, and
their Tyrannical Poſſeſſion of the Holy City, and thus kept from the View of the
World, that the Temple could not be ſeen and owned. Inſomuch, that the Gentiles
ſeemed to think, and even boaſted, that they only had Poſſeſſion of the Temple, and
that they were the true Worſhippers: That is, in plain Terms, the Idolatrous Church
at Rome, and elſewhere, publickly declar'd, and would make the World believe,
that they are the true Church. But now by the Revolution brought about by God
himſelf, the Cloud, by which the Temple was covered, Revel. 15. 8. is removed,
and God afferts publickly his own Right; the World ſees it, and owns it. Further,
the Temple may be ſaid to be of God, upon the Account of its Freedom, being at
this Time more peculiarly produced by the Power of God, ſhewn now in ſuch a par-
ticular Manner, as was never done before by the Interpoſition of many Second
Cauſes. The Steward Angels in Chap. 7. put the Confeffors into Poffeffion of it ; the
Reformed Churches got it by meaſuring of it, by way of Conqueſt : But now God
gives Liberty to come to it by more immediate and wonderful Ways. See the Notes
on Chap. 14.5. B. and Chap. 21. 6. A. and Chap. 21. 25. A.
Covenant in his Temple was ſeen,] In the Sacred Hiſtory, no Part of it is ſo intri-
cate, as that which concerns the Fate of the Ark of the Covenant, in being nor
known what became of it. The Jewiſh Writers fince the Captivity
y being divided
about it. On the one Hand, the Apocryphal Author of 1 Eſdras 1. 54. faith, that
it was carried into Babylon, which is the moſt probable Opinion; and may be ga-
thered from the general Words in 2 Kings 25. 15. and 2 Chron. 36. 18. wherein tis
faid, that all the Golden Veſſels were carried into Babylon. For ſuch was the Ark,
the Cherubim, and Pot of Manna, Heb. 9.4. And though we read of many of the
Veſſels of the Temple being brought back, yet we find no where, that the Ark was
ſo. Perhaps that and the Cherubim were broken to Pieces, as being of no Uſe to
the

556
Trampet VII.
Ch. XI. v. 19.
the Conquerors, whereas the reſt might be in their Sacrifices. See 2 Chron. 36. 19.
But the Author of 2 Maccab. 2. 4. and (a) Alexander Polyhiſtor, followed therein by
(b) Epiphanius, ſay that Jeremy the Prophet ſecured the Ark, and hid it ; with a
Prediction, that it ſhould be revealed only when God ſhould gather his people again;
or as Epiphanius explains it, at the Reſurrection. The latter (c) Rabbies ſay there
fore, that the Ark remains for ever. From all which I collect, that they had a Tra-
dition, that God would diſcover the Ark at the Reſurrection. And perhaps St. John
alludes to that Tradition, and here ſets forth, that accordingly it will be ſeen.
But that this ſhould happen literally, we may not fay. But rather Myſtically,
or Symbolically; as all the reſt of the Moſaical Symbols are uſed here: That
is, God will therein (hew publickly, that which is Symbolically intended
by the Ark of the Covenant of the Lord. Upon this View therefore we muſt explain
it here.
o ser
We hinted before, that in this lay more eſpecially the Accompliſhment of the
Oath made by the Angel
, Chap. 10. 7. when he faith, xj Tenean to uushgion ng oss,
that the Myſtery of God ſhall then be perfekted. Now the Sight of the Ark of the
Covenant is Synonymous to this Expreſſion. And theſe Two mutually explain them-
ſelves, God's Decrees, and his Covenant. In order to prove this Methodically, I
ſhall firſt argue from the Notions of the Gentiles about Myſteries, and further ſhew,
that the Sacred Writers of the New Teſtament argue from the ſame : Secondly, from
the Hebrew Notion of Myſtery ; to which that of the Ark, and of the Reſurrection,
are ſuitable : And Thirdly, from the very Deſign and Inſtitution of the Ark of the
Covenant. To begin then with the Pagan Notion of the Myſteries, in order to
Thew, that the opening of them is Perfection to thoſe that ſee them in
It is certain then, that a Myſtery fignifies in their Notion a Religious Worſhip,
whereby Men by Degrees were admitted into the Preſence, and by conſequence the
Favour, and Bleſſing, or Protection, of that God, to which the Myſtery was Dedi-
cated. And the ultimate End was to ſee the Myſtical Symbols thereof, and ſo to
come to the very Sight of the Deity worſhipped. Which laſt Admiſſion was called
Tireli, Perfeltion, Of this we need no other Proof than theſe Words of the Poet,
ſpeaking concerning the famous Myſteries which Orpheus brought into Greece
from Egypt :
A lotsdata
(d) 'Ogpol's pelo g5! Tedsta's Di nuor releases
grow on
Φόγων τ' απέχθς.
did to be
See
And (e) Diodorus, ſpeaking of his bringing them from Egypt, faith in one place,
that Orpheus himſelf was there made participant of their Perfection, 75dstñs; and in
another, that he brought out of Egypt is uusinev. TENETūv vel nacisa, moſt of the myſtical
Methods of Perfe&tions. Therefore Heſychius faith: Tens red, 6037că, duoíau , uuságic.
The Wiſdom of Solomon : "H 98 Tervopóvos tenema's, xgúquae juságice
. Wiſdom of So-
lomon, Chap. 14. 23. Hence it is, that the Chriſtian Religion appearing in Holy
Writ, under the Name of Myſtery, thoſe who are initiated throughly therein, are by
St. Paul, 1 Cor. 2. 6. called Té 1601, Perfe&t: ropícar ada õpfer er tors Teacions, Howbeit,
we Speak Wiſdom among them that are Perfect
. And that he alluded to the Perfection
gotten by the Knowledge of Myſteries, is plain by what follows in the next Verſe,
άλλα λαλέμβο σοφίαν Θεξ ον μυτηρίω, but τωe /peak the Wi/dom of God in a
Further, it is to be obſerved, that in the Myſteries, thoſe who were initiated did
not become Perfect, till they had a full Sight of all : For which Reaſon the (f)
7626401 perfect, were alſo called énómov, Seers. As the Beginners usou, Initiated.
Between theſe Two there was put a great difference of Time. After they had ſeen
all, they were perfe{t in their Myſteries. So in the Chriſtian Religion there are fe-
veral Degrees to make Men perfe&t in the Myſtery of Godlineſs. Some in this Life,
ſome at the Reſurrection. Thoſe in this Life are not properly Perfeit, but are called
21
an
(c) Ge-
(a) Euſeb. Præpar. Evang. Lib. IX. Pag. 267. (6) Epiphan. Vit. Jerem.
mara in Sorah. Cap. 7. Sect. 13. Wagenſeil
. Pag. 742. (d) Ariftoph. in Ran. Vide Platon. de
Rep. Lib. II. Pag. 384. (e) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. Pag. 13. and 60.
(f) Vid.
Clement. Alex. Stromat. Lib. V. Pag. 248. Harpocration V. 'AyeóTASTGPlutarch. V. Demetr. Pol.
Fol. 287
fo

Chap. XI. V. 19.
Trumpet VII.
557
ſo in reſpect of that Perfe£tion, to which they bring us., So St. Paul argues, 1 Cor.
13. 9. For
, we know in part, and we propheſy in part ; but when that which is perfect
is come, ihen that which is in part Mall be done away. And upon this Account it is,
that the fame Apoſtle in his Epiſtle to the Hebrews denies , that the Moſaical Religi-
on could make any one perfect of it ſelf: Whereas nothing can be made abſolutely
perfect without it be in the Reſurrection, as appears from theſe Words, Hebr. 11. 39,
40. where he ſpeaks of the ancient Patriarchs : And theſe all having obtained a good
Report through Faith, received not the Promiſe ; God having provided some better
Things for us, that they without us ſhould not be made perfeč. So then the Refur-
rection, when the Patriarchs with the Chriſtian Faithful ſhall receive the Promiſes of
God, is the Perfection which we expect in this Myſtery, from the Covenant to which
the Promiſes of God are annexed. Therefore by the Reſurrection the Myſtery of
God is perfekted.
Again, in the Pagan Myſteries, when the myſte were admitted to the full éno mieste,
Sight, of the Symbols, they had (8) Viſions of their Gods, who appeared to them.
So likewiſe St. Paul reaſons in the Place aforecited, 1 Cor. 13. 12. For now we ſee
ihrough a Glaſs, darkly, but then Face to Face. Now I know in Part; but then
Jhall I know even as I am knopon. Therefore the Sight of God Face to Face, is the
Perfection we are to come to ; and conſequently the Perfection of the Myſtery of
God, which is not to be till the Reſurre&tion. Beſides this Sight in the Myſteries,
the Pagans believed, that the Effect of that perfe&tion in the Myſteries , reached to a
future Stare after the Diſſolution of the Body, or its Separation from the Soul. Pla-
to: (b) 'Αλλα τω όντι παλαι αινίλες ότι δς αν αμύηG- και ατέλες εις α δε αφίκη), αν
βορβορω κεί σε 3 ο 3 κεκαθαριβώς τε και τετελεσμένο εκεί σε αρικό μενο, μ θεών δική τη.
Which being with the Gods he calls afterwards ciatútes notes Fräv, Perceptions of the
Gods. In the fame Senſe as our Saviour pronounces a Beatitude to them that are
pure of Heart, for they shall ſee God. And Sophocles tells us, that thoſe who are
perfect therein, ſhall after Death truly live; but that all others ſhall be in Miſery:
(i) Ως τειτόλειοι
Κάνοι βρο, οι ταύτα δερχθέν τες τέλη
Μολώσ' ές άδε. . Τοις δε γδ μόνοις εκά
TO
Ζω όζι, τοϊς δ' άλλοι παύτ' εμεί κακά.
Tully ; (k) Tum nihil melius illis myfteriis, quibus ex agreſti immanique vita exculti
ad humanitatem , & mitigati ſumus : initiaque ut appellantur, ita revera principia
vit & cognovimus : neque folum
cum lætitia vivendi rationem accepimus, ſed etiam cum
Spe meliore moriendi. (!) Euripides faith the ſame of Bacchus's, and Cybele’s,
and theſe too. So in this Book the Saints only are to live at the Reſurrection;
and the Puniſhment of the Wicked is called the Second Death. And beſides this
they propoſed the Reward of the Epoptæ then under the Nocion of a Preeminence,
or Power to rule, mesespíæ : So Diogenes Laertius : (m) ’Aēréolwe 'A stwarcon punslub au ceva
τον, και λεόντων , ως όν άθια ωeοεδρίας οι μεμυημένοι υγχάνεση, Which is alfo afferted in
this Prophecy of thoſe who are perfekted in Chriſt, that they fit upon Thrones and
reign with him even before the general Reſurrection of the reſt.
From all which it is alſo evident, that the Perfektion obtained by the Pagan My-
ſteries was by them pretended to be no other than a kind of Preparation for that in
another Life, conſonant to the Notion of the Chriſtan Writers, who ſay that to dye in
Chriſt is in order to make us perfe&t; whence Martyrdom, being the higheſt Act of
Faith, is that which is reckoned to make us perfex, and ſo gives us a Right to the
Sight of God and of his Myſteries. So Chriſt himſelf by Death and Sufferings was
made perfect, Hebr. 2. 10. and Chap. 5.9. And ſo was immediately raiſed from the
Dead, and fate at the Right Hand of God; ſee Luke 13. 32. Now becauſe this
was done by his Sufferings, ſo in like manner to ſuffer Death for his Sake is to be
made perfe&t like him, and to gain a Right to the Reſurrection of the Juft, Phil. 3.
10, 11, 12. Accordingly the Martyrs are called audi cucelee usuwy TETEA HW efo'r, the Spi.

(6) vid. Tho. Gale Nor. in Jamblich. de Myſt. pag. 196. pag. 197, & pag. 253. (B) Plato
in Phædone. conf. Phædr. ejuſd. pag. 204. & De Rep. Lib. II. pag. 384. (i) Plurarch. de Aud.
Poet. pag. 191
(k) M.T. Cic. de Leg. II. (1) Eurip.d. Eacch. v. 73. Hercul. Furz v. 613.
(m) Diogen. Laert. de Vit. Phil. Lib. VI. S. 39.
Bbbbbbb
rits

558
Trumpet VH.
Ch. XI. v. 19.
ز
rits of juſt Men made perfect, Hebr. 12. 23. And Martyrdom in the Ecclefiaftical
Writers is called tenticos, Perfe&tion ; and to ſuffer Death, Telecoflewer, to be made
perfe&t. So Eufebius reports the Words of the Martyrs of Lyons ; (n) Red Hot Dieva
ρύων παρεκάλεν τες αδελφές, δεόμενοι ένα εκτενείς αγοι ίνων και εις το τελειωθίώαι αυτές.
But then though Chriſt be become the Firſt-Fruits of them that ſlept, and aroſe
ſoon after he was dead, by Way of Preeminence, and hy afcending into his Glory
became perfect, yer it is not ſo in others ; But, as St. Paul ſaith, 1 Cor. 15. 23. every
Man in his own Order : Chriſt the Firſi-Fruits, afterward they that are Chriſts at his
Coming. Compare i Theſal. 4. 14, 15. Therefore, becauſe the ancient Martyrs, not
well underſtanding the Times limited by the Prophecies, but looking upon the End
of the World to be near at Hand, expected immediately to be crown'd and perfe&ted;
(0) Siatim coronari, as St. Cyprian ſpeaks , and, (p) cæleſte regnum ſine ulla cun&tatione
retinerę, to take hold of the Kingdom of Heaven without Delay : Howſoever they
might be miſtaken as to the Time, yet this is ſure, that they have immediately an
Affurance thereof by ſome peculiar Demonſtration, as we have hinted already. See
our Notes on Chap. 6. II. C. and Chap. 15. 2. E.
But laſtly, What is the moſt obfervable in this Cafe is, that the whole End of the
Myſteries was kept in fuch Arks or Cheſts as were called Myſtical, and contained the
Symbols or Memorials, of thoſe Things which peculiarly belonged to each God to
whom the Myſteries were dedicated. It is true, that theſe Symbols were for the
moft Part very ridiculous : But therein to diſcover the Reaſons of Things we muſt
not look ſo much upon the Appearance of Things as upon the Notions which the
Inventors and Worſhippers had of them, who believed indeed, that upon the Inſti-
tution of them the Efficacy of the Powers of thoſe Gods or Dæions was (2) tied to
the Invocation ; and they accordingly worſhipped and pray'd to have the Benefit of
them. Thus Clemens Alex. who hath given us the beſt Account or Diſcovery of theſe
Myſteries and their Symbols, and is therefore to be conſulted upon this Subject, tells
us that the Corybantian Myſteries, or of the Cabiri, were celebrated by worſhipping
a Cheſt, wherein were contain d the Memorials of the Caſtration of Bacchus : (*) Ko
Cείρες και της Κορύβαντας καλδίβες , και τελάτι καθειρικίω καταγέλλεσιν αυτω δή τέτω το άδελ-
φοκτόνω, το κίς ων ανελομβίω, ον και το σε Διονύσε αιδοίον απόκειτο , είς Τυρρίωίαν καλόγερν,
dragg's "é u. 7.0 ega poglási revir Toe dereiberlev, quzáde v7e, The 760 Auti umlov Losbeius di secondaian,
diftis zij ríslw, Spnox d'en Traege Jeuéves Tup plusions. See the Story of fuch® another Cheſt or
Ark of Bacchus being the Occaſion of ſome Pagan Rites, in Pauſanias, Achaïc. pag.
225. So likewiſe in the Eleuſinian Myſteries a Cheft was uſed to thew the Symbols,
as appears from the Words of the Memorial, for in a Cheſt they were kept and
thence ſhewn : () Tð owó Su pece 'En davíar u.usneidor, eynsdoc émov w xacove, knalov
in risus įsza od uli o d m Hulw eis reine Sov, rj én xen dos es rúsles. A little after he goes
on to give us an Account of the Myftical Cheſts in both theſe Myſteries, and of what
was contain'd therein: Οίαι 5 και αι κίσαι αι μυσικοί δεί και απογυμνώσει τα αμα αυτών,
και τα άγρια εξειπείν. και σησαμού και τα και πυραμίδες, και τολύπαι, και πό πανα πολυόμφαλα,
govopós Te damor , xj dioxwv, 92000 Anovdor Bataríps ; tyd porci mess trisde , rý roup sraut,
{ fort. 9 g eu 2, 3 và 2m xấs 7, 9 xu ai ; G = 3 x 99%, % Loves. TuU Tết MTôn Tử
άμα, και ως σέτι τ Θέμιδια τα οπόρρητα σύμβολα, ορίγανον, λύχνα, ξίφ G- , κείς γυαι-
relG. oziv, di picuws By Musicôs ei@av, vócior y werxelov. As to the Powers of theſe
Myſteries, we learn, that they who were initiated in the (t) Samothracian, were
thought to have an Influence upon the Deity in putting up Prayers to it in Time of
Danger. What Opinion the Athenians had of their Myſteries, hath been obſerved
before.
Sometimes alſo ſuch magical Cheſts were made, as indeed all the Myſteries owe
their Origin among the Heathens to the Chaldean and Egyptian Magicians, to preíerve
Cities and Countries from ſome particular Dangers. Thus (u) Johannes Malela gives
us an Account of a Taliſman, or ſuch a Myftical Ark, x1666710v 21 Nivov, to preſerve the
(n) Eufeb. Hiſt. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. 2. (0) Cyprian. Epift. XV. Edir. Oxon.
(P) Cyprian. Epift. XXXI
(9) Vid. Gale Not. in Jamblich. de Myfi. Sect. I. Cap. 14.
& Sect. III. Cap. 18.
(v) Clem. Alex. Protr, ad Gent. pag. 6.
(s) Cicm,
Alex. Protr. ad Gent. pag. 6.
(t), Ariftoph. in Pace. Alexis in Parafit, apud Athenæum,
Lib. X. cap. 5. Theophr. Charact. med Sanias. Diogen. Laert. Lib. VI. §. 59.
(u) Joh. Malela, Lib. X. pag. 301. Vid. J. Spencer, de Origin. Arce & Ch. Lib. III. Difi. 5. cap.
1. Sect. 1. comp. Olympiod. Hift. apud Phocium Cod. LXXX.
do da
City

Ch. XI. v. 19.10
Trumpet VII. 3
559
at the far
City of Antiocb from Inundations. And elſewhere we ſhall ſhew, that the Heathens
had frequently ſuch Works of one Sort or other, as Cheſts, Tombs, or Relicks,
which they eſteemed to be the Fortune of Cities. A Myſtical Cheſt is therefore ac-
cording to their Notions the proper Symbol, or Adjunet of a Myſtery to obtain the
Favours of the Gods ; and by Conſequence the ſhewing of them openly is an Affu-
rance to the Perfons initiated of the Perfection of their State, and an Earneſt of the
Divine Favour to them both in this Life and afterwards. There is a Difference be-
tween theſe and the Mofaical Myſteries ; for therein God would not ſuffer his Ark to
be ſeen. It was to remain in the Tabernacle for an Affurance to the Ifraelites of their
being in the Divine Favour : But it was not ſeen, that they might from thence con-
clude, that God did not intend that his Deſigns ſhould be diſcovered or accompliſhed
during their Oeconomy. And that a Time muſt come wherein his Myſteries were
to be revealed more plainly than in theirs.
Perhaps it will be thought ftrange, that we ſhould thus argue from the Pagan No-
tions of Myſteries, and their Conformity to the Mofaical and Chriſtian Oeconomy :
But befides the Congruity manifeſtly appearing between theſe Notions, and the Ar-
guments for it taken out of Holy Writ already, we may ſhew, that this is no new
Device, but hath been uſed already by Clemens Alexandr. who more than once argues
Rate. His Words in one place are theſe: (v) Eu de si modeås i sivos
αληθώς η 9ουν, καθαρσίων μεταλάμβανε δεοορε πών & δάφνης πετάλων, και ταινιών τινών,
δρίω πορφύρα σε ποικιλμό ως δικαιοσιων και αναδησα μυθ, και η εγκρατείας τα πέταλα αει-
θέμα G, πολυωegγμένει Χριςόν εγω γδ είμι ή θύρα, φησί πε ω ειμαθείν δε νοήσαι -
λή σασιν ή θεον, όπως ημίν αθρόας και έρανών αναπεθάση πύλας" λογικα 8 αι το λόγο πύ-
dou, nisews dvorgverelice mesi. Osdr å rei's légvo, si pestó ýòs, xej i ó üàs esmo resad Line
θύραν και 4 οίδ' όπ τίω απο κεκλεισμένω τέως και ανοιγνυς, υερgν απο καλύτι τάνδον, και
δείκνυσιν α μήτε γνωναι οΐόν τε ώ Φeότερgν., ει μή δια χεις πεποράμδύοις , δι' ε μόνο
seds errorid's. That is, Chriſt opens us the Door of Heaven, and initiates us truly
into the Divine Myſteries, that we may at laſt ſee them plainly, and become perfeét
Seers, and été 7 01. And elſewhere, to expreſs the bleſſed State of the Saints, he
uſes the Words of Plato to this purpoſe: (a) 'OT ow di saluove zopo, xzt ne tave,
μακαρίαν όψιν τε και θέαν εποπ ασομβω, από μόνοι 4 κο Διός ήμεϊς , άλλοι και μετ' άλλων θεών,
τελετίο, ή θέμις λέγειν, μακαριο τα τίω τελέμενοι, ω ορκάζομάν", ολόκληροι με αυτοί και απα-
Sei's resear, cove sipeez's év uségma ngóvo la kuelver° éróxanege i rj ergejañ çdo llo.Tee levée voi c'é
και εποτή έυονίες εν αυγή καθαρά, καθαροί και ασήμανοι τότε, και να σώμα αειφόρονες ονομάζο-
Refer, ospex opórov dedtoudévos
. Which Words may be eaſily underſtood from what
we have faid before.
Secondly, To argue now from the Notion of Myſtery, as it fignifies in the Holy
Writers a ſecret Council
. Now the Reſurrection is repreſented to us in the old Te-
ſtament as a great Council, which God is to hold of the Juft, in order to keep his
great Court of States-General, and therein to reward them by communicating him-
ſelf and his Kingdom to the Juft, and to puniſh the Wicked. All which is ſuitable
to the Notion of our Religion, being that of Kingdom of Heaven, whereof God is
the Monarch. And wherein we have alſo Promiſes and Hopes to reign with him,
and be of his Council. Thus in Pſal. 25. 14. The Secret of the Lord is with them
that fear him, and he will shexo them bis Covenant. The 70, Myſtery ; LXX, Kega
Tai mult, the Secret, and ſettled Decree is to be in favour of, and with the Juſt that
fear God, and he will bertainly make good his Promiſes to them. See alſo Pfal. 1.
5. and Prov. 3. 32.51mid is Bans, owé sprov, owwezayn, Council
, Allembly, mer to de-
liberate of ſecret and weighty Matters. So St. Paul in 2 Theſ. 2. 1. calls the Refur-
rection at the ſecond Appearance of Chriſt siste omowegwyd ét autor, our meeting to-
gether with him. In which Senſe alſo the Heathens call'd their Myſteries not only by
that Name, or thoſe to the fame Parpofe, as (y) Silenda and (2) Occulta in Livy,
ſpeaking of the Myſteries of Bacchus, but alſo of Conſilia ; for fo Petronius ſpeaks
of the ſame: (a) Deorumque confilia proferatis in populum. For he faith a little after
Neve traducere velitis tot annorum ſecreta, quæ myfte vix omnes noverunt. And
therefore the fame Author calls a Soothſayer , (b) Confiliator Deorum : Juſt as Tully
y understoo
3
(w) Clem. Alex. Protrept. pag. 4,
(*) Clem. Alex. Stromar. Lib. V. pag. 261. Vida
Lib. IV. init. pag. 204.
(y) Livij Hiſt. Lib. XXXIX. cap. 1o.
Liv, iba
(a) Petr. Arbit. io Satyr.
(6) Perr. Arb. in Cæna Trimalche
calls
C. 13
560
Trumpet VII.
Chap. XI. v. 19.

calls an Augur, (c) Conſiliarius. Now that Place of the Pſalmiſt is ſufficient to illu-
ſtrate this: For God is ſaid to perfect his Council in Favour of the Juſt, to ſhew them
his Covenant; that is, the Effect of the Promiſes made in his Covenant. And thus
here upon the Sounding of the Seventh Trumpet he will aſſemble the Juſt in a great
Council, to perfect his ſecret Deſigns or Decrees as he hath promiſed to them, by
which he will ſhew them the Ark of his Covenant. This Ark is therefore Chriit
himſelf at his Second glorious Appearance, who is here repreſented by the Ark : For
as the Ark in the Mofaical Diſpenſation was the Symbol of God's Covenant with
Ifrael, and is therefore called the Ark of the Teftimony, as containing the Teſtimony of
the Covenant ; ſo in our Oeconomy it's uſed to repreſent the Earneſt of our Inheri-
tance, which is Chriſt, Ephef. 1. 14. For in him are confirmed the Promiſes made to
the Fathers, Rom. 15. 8. All the Promiſes of God being yea, and in him Amen,
2 Cor. 1. 20. that is, moſt certain. The Sight of the Ark is therefore the Preſence
of Chriſt and of our Reſurrection; the Symbol of Sight being the peculiar Token
thereof. For as we are told, and eaſily perceive, that in this Life we only walk by
Faith in the Promiſes of God, but then we ſhall have no more Faith, which is only
a certain Expectation and Afſent to Things not ſeen ; but we ſhall then have Sight
and ſenſible Demonſtration of them ; Hebr. 11. 1. 2 Cor. 5. 7. Indeed the Myſtery
of God is foreſeen by Revelation, or Predi&tion thereof, God being pleaſed to com
municate thus in Part his Decrees : But in this Caſe they are only the Objects of our
Faith: But when Chriſt is revealed, and the Promiſes made good in Perfečtion or Ac-
compliſhment, they are then the Objects of our Sight. See the Note on Chap. 1. 1.
A. This is (d) parallel to the coming of the aby a.
Thirdly, This brings us now to conſider the Inſtitution or Deſign of the Ark of
the Covenant in the Mofaical Diſpenſation, as it was a Type of thoſe things which
were really to be perfected in (e) Chriſt
. If we conſider the Ark in Conjunction
with the Mercy-Seat and Cherubim, which altogether made up or repreſented the
Throne of God and its Attendants, we ſhall find, that it was placed under the Mercy-
Seat as an Evidence of the Covenant made between God and Ifrael, which God as
fitting on his Throne, and having theſe Teſtimonies as it were under him, did by
that declare, that in governing Iſrael, he would always remember the Covenant, and
the Promiſes made by himſelf. In the fame Manner as by ſetting his Rainbow in
the Cloud, Genef. 9. 13, 14, 15, 16. he promiſed to remember the everlaſting Co-
Fenant made with Noah, and all Mankind : The Cloud being there the Symbol of his
Throne, being that of his Strength, Pfal. 68. 34. LXX; s duce peus durš ir tais repé-
2005. Iſaiah 19. 1. The Lord rideth upon a Cloud. LXX. idKupio nei Ing 678 repé-
ans xsons. In the fame Manner as he is ſaid to ride upon a Cherub, Pfal. 18. 10.
For the Cherub of God there ſeems to me to fignify a Cloud on which God is faid to
ride or fit
, as on the Throne born by the Cherubim. For the like Reaſon (f) Cam-
byſés condemned a Judge guilty of Extortion to have his Skin flead off
, and put on
the Judgment Seat, whereon his Son ſucceeded, that he might remember continually
how he was to execute Juſtice, knowing upon what Seat he judged. And for the
like Reaſon Woolpacks as Seats are placed in our Houſe of Parliament before the
Throne, to put the States there aſſembled in mind of the Preſervation and Encou-
ragement of that Staple. Beſides this
, the Ark of God being thus placed, was the
Symbol of God's Deſigns and Promiſes to the Iſraelites : For in the Tables of the
Decalogue put therein, the Promiſes of Mercy to a Thouſand Generations, and the
Threats of God's Severity even to the Third and Fourth, are inſerted. And if need
be, it may be proved, that the whole Mofaical Tabernacle, with the Ark and the reſt
of its Adjun&ts, were the Symbols of the Myſtery of God, even in the Pagan Senſe.
Of which what hath been ſaid already may be a ſufficient Intimation for the preſent.
The Sight of the Ark may be therefore in our Oeconomy accounted as the Symbol

(c) M. T. C. de Leg. Lib. III.
Carm. adv. Marc. Lib. IV. Cap. VII.
(d) Revel. 19. 11.
(e) Vid. Tercull.
Arca ſub exemplo corpus venerabile Chriſti
Oftendit, &c.
Hilarij Pictav. Enarr. in Pfal. CXXXI. Pag. 665.
Valer. Max, Lib. VI. Cap. 4.
(f) Herodot. Hiſt. Lib. V. Cap. 25.
or

Ch. XI. V. 19.
Trumpet VII.
561
of the Sight of Chriſt's at his ſecond Appearance : The Symbol of the Sight of the
Earneſt of our Inheritance, being the peculiar Token of our Reſurrection. For in
this Life we only walk by Faith in the Promiſes of God, but at the Reſurrection our
Faith ceaſes by the Sight and ſenſible Enjoyment of the Promiſes in their Accom-
pliſhment ; Hebr. 11. 1. 2 Cor. 5. 7. Now as the Myſtery or hidden Counſel of
God is thereby at the ſame Time to be perfe&ed, which ſignifies the Refurretion:
So St. Paul, Coloff
. 3. 3. argues, that our Life is bid with Chriſt in God, and when
Chriſt our Life ſhall appear, we alſo ſhall appear with him in Glory: What is this hid-
den Life but a Myſtery ? And what Myſtery hath God to ſpeak of, or reveal in a
Prophecy to his Servants, but his Deſign to raiſe them again to eternal Life? I ſhall
ſum up this with the Words of La£tantius : (8) Ideo premio immortalitatis afficimur,
ut ſimiles Angelis effe&ti Summo Patriac Domino in perpetuum ſerviamus , E
fimus æternum Deo regnum. Hæc fumma rerum eſt, hoc arcanum Dei, hoc myſterium
mundi.
Indeed the Myſtery of God is ſeen in an imperfect Degree by the Revelation, or
bare Predi&tion thereof; but then 'tis only the Object of Faith : But when it is re-
vealed by Perfection, or Accompliſhment, it is the object of Sight. See our Note
upon Chap. 1. 1. A. For in Myſteries, as we have ſaid, the full Sight of them ex-
hibited to the Myfiæ, whereby they became Epopta, Seers, is the compleat teaéta, or
Perfe£tion of the whole Myſtery. But it is to be obſerved, that in the Mofaical
Diſpenſation, in which God gave Symbols of his Myſtery, and inſtituted the Ark of
his Covenant to be a Teſtimony of his Promiſes, he never ſuffer'd any of the Iſrae-
lites to ſee it: It was ſo facred, that none muſt come near it. What did God ſignify
thereby, but that all their Religion and Worſhip, tho' the Symbols were never fo
compleat in themſelves, was never meant to make them compleat Seers as ſuch of
the Divine Myſteries ? All the terreſtrial Promiſes he made to the Iſraelites , whilſt
they might not ſee the Symbols of the Myſteries, could not make them perfect,
Hebr. 7. 19. their Jeſus was not defign’d to bring them to their full Reſt, Hebr.
4.
Therefore the very Confideration of that was ſufficient to let them know, that they
muſt look further for Perfection: And that is to our Jeſus, the Author and Finiſher
of our Faith, who in thewing himſelf in his State of Humiliation, is indeed ſo far
become the Author of our Faith, as to initiate us to a Right of the Sight, but ar his
ſecond Coming by giving us a Sight of himſelf is to finiſh our Faith, by raiſing us
alfo from the Dead, and by that Reſurrection we are to be made perfett, and the My-
ſteries of God's Covenant and Promiſes are to be perfected in us. The Ark of Mo-
ſes with all its Dependencies was but a Shadow of good Things to come , Hebr. 10. I.
Colosſ
. 2. 17. But in our Diſpenſation Chriſt is the Body, or real Thing repreſented.
And therefore the Sight of the Ark in our Text muſt imply the real Accompliſhment
of what was but prefigured by the Ark of Moſes, and ſo the Sight of this muſt im-
ply the Perfection of God's Myſtery, the fulfilling of God's Covenant by the real
Exhibition of the Promiſes to them that are perfect : And conſequently as theſe are
not to be exhibited till the Juſt are made perfect : So when the Time is come, that
it is to be ſeen by them, the Reſurrection of the Juſt muſt be contemporary to it.
And that is now. And here it may be proper to ſet down the Words of Ferom, who
hath ſeen very well that the Sight of God's Myſteries betokens the State of the Re-
furrection : (h) Et quærendum quod velum templi Sciſſum ſit, exterius, an interius ?
Mihi videtur in paffione Domini illud velum elle conſciſſum, quod in Taberna-
culo & in Templo foris poſitum fuerat, Ege appellabatur vexterius : quia nunc ex
parte videmus, & ex parte cognoſcimus
. Cum autem venerit quod perfe&tum eſt , tunc
& velum interius dirumpendum eſt
, ut omnia, que nunc nobis abſcondita funt, domus
Dei Sacramenta videamus.
Let any Man ſhew me, how the Divine Myſtery can be made perfett, the Cove-
nant made with the Patriarchs and Prophets in both his Oeconomies, Moſaical and Chri-
ſtian, fulfilled, and the Divine Promiſes made good to them, by which only they are
made perfe&t : How he can ſhew openly the Ark of his Covenant ; that is, let us ſee
to Perfection all his
Deſigns, all Knowledge, himſelf Face to Face, plainly, without
this be done in the Reſurrection : And then we may renounce all Pretenſions to it,
8.
(8) Lactant. Inftitut. Lib. VII. cap. 6.
Hebr. Lib. III. cap. 8.
(b) Hieronym, apud P. Cunæum de Rep.
Сcccccc
'Tis

562
Chap. XI. V. 19.
Trumpet VII.
"Tis a Jeſt to think, that the Reſtoration of the Jews, or the Converſion of all Nati-
ons without the Reſurre£tion, can compleat the Myſtery of God, or produce the full
Sight of the Ark of his Covenant. Whether the fews be converted, or the Hea-
thens, ſtill they are no more thereby privileged to ſee theſe Perfections than the A-
poſtles; who plainly owned, that they only faw in Part, and that this Imperfection
was to be done away. Make the Fews and the Church never ſo great in temporal
Bleſſings and Proſperity, and the Reſurrection of the Juſt will be wanting ſtill to com-
pleat all the Myſtery of God's Counſel, and to bring to Light thoſe Deſigns of his
which certainly tend to raiſe us up again, and glorify us with unſpeakable Bleſſings,
above our preſent Apprehenſions. For thoſe of the Church in this viſible State are
not fo.
But as in all Myſteries, their Perfection is a Demonſtration and Earneſt of the Di-
vine Favour, which is exhibited only to fome, who are therefore upon thar Score by
way of Anticipation called perfe&t ; whereby others are either excluded, or at leaſt
poſtpon'd, the 'Erotheid, or Perfektion, not being deſign d as univerſal in any Myſtery ;
even as it is plain, that in the Chriſtian Myſtery there are different Meaſures of
Grace, and alſo by Conſequence of Glory, and of ſuch as be initiated Myſte in
Chriſt, none being accounted perfe&t in Holy Writ, or even Ecclefiaftical Writers, but
thoſe that are dead in Chriſt, being perfe&ted by ſuffering like him: So the Perfe&ti-
on of this Myſtery needs not to be accounted as univerſal to raiſe all the Dead, but
a particular Favour promiſed to the Prophets : Upon which Account we may obſerve,
that the Holy Ghoſt in Revel. 10.7. doth not ſay generally, that the Myſtery of God
is to be perfe&ted at the Seventh Trumpet, but with a Limitation, as he hath declared
to his Servants the Prophets: It is only upon them that this Myſtery is to be now
perfelted ; but the reſt is to follow in order. Which Conſequence is paſſed over
in Silence ; becauſe in that place the Holy Ghoſt was only concern'd to ſpeak of thoſe
Prophets. And therefore this Sight of the Arkodoth not at firſt import a general
Reſurrection of all Men, but of ſuch only to whom it is particularly promiſed. The
Patriarchs and Prophets of old, who are to be made perfeet with us, Hebr. 11. 40.
have their Share therein ; then the Prophets, or Martyrs of the Chriſtian Difpenfa-
tion, who by their Deaths being made perfe&, obtain alſo a Share therein, and ſuch
as are rank'd in the ſame Order with them, as Saints, Revel. 6. 11. Chap. 10. 7. Chap.
14. 13. Chap. 20. 4, 5, 6. Therefore the Reſurrection, at leaſt the Beginning of it
,
will be an incident of this Seventh Trumpet : For by the next Note it will appear,
that the Sight of this Ark of the Govenant bears ſuch Tokens, as imply, that it will
happen before the general Reſurrection. How and by what Dégrees this Refurre&tion
muſt be perfe&ted, ſhall be confidered as the Holy Ghoſt gives us Hints thereof here-
after.
to da se stoisted bent
And thus we ſee that theſe Expreſſions, the Perfektion of God's Myſtery, and the
Sight of the Ark, do evidently demonſtrate, that the Reſurrection will begin at the
Time of this Trumpet ; and by Conſequence, that many learned Men are miſtaken,
who think, that this Beginning of the Reſurrection, which is called the firft Refur
redlion hereafter, Revel. 20.4, 5, 6. wholly relies upon that fingle Text : For theſe
Two, we have now under hand, are as plain for it, when duly conſidered, as can be.
So that if Men will pretend to evade the Force of that plain Text, and Proof of that
Doctrine, by pretending to explain it allegorically as they pleaſe, giving ſuch Expli-
.cation of the Terms as no Ways ſuits therewith, as they are to be underſtood from
the Uſe of them throughout this Prophecy ; yet theſe Two fymbolical ones, when
brought out of the Symbolical Meaning into literal Expreſſions, as they ought, can-
not be expounded, but as we have done : And the Certainty of their Symbolical
Meaning, is as great as in any other Tranſlation. So then if I have been the longer
upon this place, it is not only by reaſon of that Prejudice, but alſo becauſe the Un-
derſtanding of them depended upon ſuch abſtruſe Notions, that Brevity could by no
means be allowed. But I muſt defire at the ſame Time, that this Note be compar'd
with what has been ſaid already in the Note upon Chap. 10.7. B.
sha
D. 'Ev Te veçə duré, In his Temple. ] The Marriage of the Lamb, and the Prepa-
ration of his Bride is mentioned in Revel. 19. 9. Now this Bride in Revel. 20. 9. is
called the beloved City, and in Revel. 21. 2. the Holy City, the Nemo Ferufalem, pre-
pared as a Bride for her Husband ; and is that wherein the Saints raiſed, to reign
with Chriſt, are to dwell, and to be beſieged by Gog and. Magog. By which 'tis
evident, that it exiſts before the laſt and general Reſurrection, Rev. 20. 12, For be-
gif
fore
d, Thall be

Chap. XI. v. 19.
Trumpet VII.
563
fore that, not only the Beaſt and its falſe Prophet are deſtroyed, but alſo Satan is tied,
and after the Millennium with Gog and Magog by him ſeduced,
is deſtroyed too.
Then comes the general Reſurrection and Judgment, after which Death and Hades
are deſtroyed too. Further, this Bride of the Lamb, beloved City, and New Feru-
Falem, prepared as the Lamb's Bride, hath no Temple therein, Revel. 21. 22. But
here the Ark is ſeen in the Temple of God; and therefore, this Accident muſt be an-
tecedent to that State of the New Ferufalem ; and by Conſequence the Reſurrection
implied thereby, is an Accident preparatory to the State of that Bride : And conſe-
quently Prophets and Martyrs are rais'd from Death at leatt a Thouſand Years be-
fore the general Reſurrection and Judgment. From which it's plain, that upon the
Converſion of the Gentile World God will raiſe again the Juſt, to reign and dwell in
the Holy and beloved City, the Lamb's Bride, before the reſt of the Dead are raiſed,
as it is very emphatically afferted, Revel. 20. 5. which was to be proved.
E. Kai égbóovo espartan, rj qevei, rj Begvlci, rj gena le deza'an, And there were Light-
nings, and Voices, and Thunders, and great Hail
. ] As the opening of the Temple,
and Sight of the Ark therein, are thoſe real Accidents, which make out thoſe Mat-
ters, which are contain'd in the laſt Euchariſtical Song of the Elders ; fo theſe Events
mention’d here, do further ſhew by what Means they are effected. This alludes to
God's ſhewing himſelf to the Iſraelites upon Mount Sinai : At which Time ſuch Ac-
cidents literally happened. But now when God ſhews himſelf by opening his Tem-
ple, and ſhewing the Ark of his Covenant, this imports, that the Exhibitions there-
of will be at firſt accompanied with ſuch Accidents as theſe Symbols repreſent.
Lightning s, Thunders and Voices fignify the Revelation of God's Will, the publiſhing
of his Law, the preaching of the Goſpel to convert the coxrupted Chriſtians and ido-
latrous Gentiles. The great Hail fignifies mighty Wars; that is, thoſe Wars whereby
God will deſtroy thoſe that oppoſe the Goſpel, the Converſion of Men, and thoſe
great Changes, which God deſigns to work at this Time. And who can queſtion,
but that the Beaſt and Satan will oppoſe to the utmoſt the Kingdom of God. But
in vain : The firſt will be deſtroy'd with its Followers, and Satan tied firſt, and then
himſelf and Followers deſtroy’d. Theſe Words imply the Beginning of theſe Mat-
ters: Which are more fully illuſtrated afterwards in Chap. 17. Chap. 18. Chap. 19.
and Chap. 20. Some Copies after Beguldi, have v osolo's, and an Earthquake, that
is, a Revolution, or Change in the State of the World. Dr. Mill ſuſpects that
Reading, as intruded here from Chap. 8. 5. Why ſo ? The Accidents mention d here
cannot happen without ſome great Revolution. They do indeed ſuppoſe one ; and
ſo the Words might be left out : But being found in good Copies, are not eaſily to be
rejeĉted. The whole Heaven and Earth are to be removed, and new ones ſettled in
their Stead. This is a great Shaking.
СНАР.

botten ole sede beyond ob 916 19dcore ble
607 teporellst min yd og litt bris, 90 Toyota she
bH insan olay gets foemgbr[ hos fofostul Yoga
o favola dost or jo soma de
US
as the best
on
ne ed either boisda, bib 160 sem
Ο πόλεμος είναι τα ΕΠΕ etib
- ipo build so
modate
also get more abbond
Consulente Doble MÉS 10 role
S oris Go Eterin de stad tevoled brook
dong daw
is what may
on the inside
the
Soubowe dodatki
Foto 1 on tanto no es lo
hulle is van HW vd ourdoba brinet
akan RBT guza uno. 115minario
-ISTUI des évad toa ni wao longgar dobio
KORTER OCH STOVAS
un site dedores Att de blocos
MINTE o ovo bogil bug
bhool bu quinoa o tomou leer shi 10 pulista
Water BW begitu baino 9111
Gior Foto stolu, vrag od Togo
o sebou om englibat
03 creads SE of alcago bus
sort in
SITE oil wood
- More
ser Shado dos
bons
GIẢI CHI NHÁNH THÀNH NGUYEN CON FACE
DJ BUCTURINO blog entriamo
en i noi non arabalar Sv.3.GAE mode
D2
bossno blog in to contoh yait nulovs: 78918 emot isothin'
so os vitra don vous esico lod denied instalad
angin bioW caso
ni belusi deno-watt bos Lovom sd orious
Babes puseh slow
grifele unsereidt na



Ch. XII. V.I.
481
A Sign
CH A P. XII.
I.
K.
A.Verf.
Ai onueños, And a Sign.) Being obliged by (a) Promiſe to give an
account of the meaning and origin of prophetical Signs; we
ſhall do it here, this being the firſt place wherein the Holy Ghoſt hath
us's the
Name: and that too according to our conſtant Method, ſo as to ſhew, that
the prophetick uſe is conſonant to that of the Pagans. We have had hitherto
the Hiſtory of the Church ſet forth in the two great Periods of it's militant
State ; that is to ſay, it's infancy and growth, and then it's Corruption, till
God deſtroys the Corrupters of it
. All this is ſet forth in due Order, according
to the Series of the Events, and mark'd out into ſuch diſtinguiſhing Epochas,
as the Holy Ghoſt thought fit to diſtinguiſh by peculiar Marks. But becauſe
during theſe two great Periods, there were things to happen of an extraordi-
nary nature, which could not ſo well be repreſented by the ordinary Symboles
of the Moſaïcal Inititution, or of natural and fenfible Objects, from which
the former Symboles repreſenting the State of the Church were for the moſt
part fetch'd, it was neceſſary to have recourſe to that other extraordinary
Method of the Prophets, who to expreſs an extraordinary Event, were in-
ſtructed by the Holy Ghoſt to do it by a Sign, a Type or Symbole adapted to
that particular Occaſion; and therefore the Definition of Tertullian is very
proper: a Sign is (b) Novitas aliqua monſtruoſa, fome Monſter-like novelty. In
Iſa. 37. 30. we have the Word onzãoy in the LXX. anſwering to the Hebr. nis,
to ſignify a new thing that God would do, to repreſent his Power; ſuch a neau
thing as God did in the Caſe of Corab, Numb. 16. 30. 177?a, a new Creature,
which the LXX. call ceous, an Apparition, Oſtentum, which is a Word proper to
ſymbolical Viſions: this being indeed a sign of the manifeft Judgment of God,
(c) ugięce wgódunov, as Clemens Romanus hath been ſpeaking of this very Judgment.
Sometimes the Prophet himſelf was the Sign, as St. Fohn in the Care of the
Codicil, Chap. 10. and indeed throughout the Viſions. So Ezekiel is himſelf fre-
quently made a Sign, as in Ezek. 12: 6, 11, and Chap. 24. 24, 27. being ſome-
times called a Riddle or a Parable, Ezek. 17. 1. when a real Type was not ſet
forth, but only the Story of it. So when Iſaiah walked naked to be a Sign, chac
is called both nix, onuevov, and navn Téges a Sign and a Wonder; moſt of which
Words in the Caſe of Propheſies are ſynonymous, and eaſily exchang d reci-
procally. Therefore a Sign is a Type or Symbol of ſome natural or artificial,
or compounded Being, which is us'd by the Holy Ghoſt to repreſent fome ex-
traordinary matter, which cannot ſo well come under the Repreſentation of
the ordinary Symboles fetch'd from the Mofaical Religion or the works of Na-
And this is well to be heeded, becauſe it gives us a fair account of thoſe
abſurd Actions of the Prophets taken literally, but fymbolically very rational
and neceſſary. The Pagans inlarged the Signification of omueber and its ſyno.
nymous words to any thing whereby any future Event was by them thought
to be repreſented : Eſpecially any extraordinary works of Nature, or heaven-
ly Apparitions and Concurrences, out of which they framed Auſpicia, Auguriæ,
Oftenta, Portenta, Monſtra, Signa ; and by which their Soothſayers of any fort
made Conjectures of any Event to come. Feſtus; Monſtrum, ut Ælius ſtilo inter-
pretatur, à monendo di&tum eft, velut moneſtrum. Item Sinnius Capito; quod monſtret
futurum, bu moneat voluntatem deorism : And a little after he adds, Monſtra dicun.
tur naturæ modum egredientia, ut Serpens cum pedibus, avis cum quatuor alis, homo duobus
capitibus, jecur cum diſtabuit in coquendo. Thus in Heſychius Eupboade onuôia, are ſy-
nonymous. I fall add a few Paſſages of Authors that have uſed the Word in
our Senſe, as well as thoſe that are ſynonymous. Thus we read in Plutarch:
(d) as to Xsusupis tal on põie de quCévxor, they obſerve the Omina before the Ora-
cle is uttered. In Diodorus Siculus we find amongſt many others theſe. He ſpeaks
ture,
(*) In the Prelim. Difc. Part. ii. 5. 30.
() Clem. Rom. Epiſt 1. ad Cor. . 51,
(6) Tertullian. adv. Marcian. Lib. III. cap. 13
(d) Plut. de Defe&t. Oracul. p. 296.
6 G
of

482
A Sign.
Chap. XII. V.1.
Φωκ Cer, το δε σημείον έφασαν οι περί ταύτα
of Philomelus the Phocean, (a) égfeta d'UTIS rý onucior ŝu tad iegó 'Ammar. a
κρατήσεις των περί Δελφούς πραγμάτων. (b) Porphyry ufes the Word to fignify
thoſe Signs which appear upon the Entrails of Beaſts. Homer uſes the word
oñue to the fame end (c) švs šçcévn uíza cñrece, which Didymus turns by anyucies.
Therefore 'tis the ſame as cégpieÆſchylus inſtead thereof uſes the Word
δείγμα, an offentum. (d) Τίλε μου το εμπέδως δείγμα προς αθήριον καρδίας τεράσκοπε
970Tātae, where I ſee no reaſon to change it for dãnues, as the Learned Stanley
conjectures, Here alſo the Poet makes seypis equivalent to récens : Tho' we
need not to infift upon this. Eunapius in the Life of Famblichus makes Seiyuele
to ſignify the Signs or Miracles wrought by that Impoftor to fhew his divine
Nature: αλλά από των φανέντων δειγμάτων, ώσπερ υπ' αρρήκε δυτήρος είλκονιο, και πασιν
iris door. In the Epiſtle of Jud. v. 7. Seiyue is us’d for a Sign or Symbol, inſtead
of which we find indetype in a parallel place, 2 Pet. 2.6. To the ſame purpoſe
the Latin Authors uſe the word Signum. In Livy ſpeaking of Numa and his Infti-
tution of the Augurs 'tis ſo found, and very frequently in Tully's Books of Divi-
nation. Virgil likewiſe faith, (e)
oddion Hori odses
Effodere loco fignum, quod regia Junog wat animus.
Monftrarat, caput acris equi. 03 Noid
MollOvid (f) Signa tamen luctus dant baud incerta futuri
..
From all which we ſee how proper is that Expreſſion to the Subject, which is
us’d, Revel. i. 1. sonuovey, to deſcribe the manner of the Propheſy. Femblichus hath
expreffed all these Matters in a few Words, which ſhew the Uſe and Significa-
tion of all thoſe I have mention'd: (g) TO. Nè Tedy Sebov Tsvungicov, meildil ole sugglécseye
των πραγμάτων προς τα δεικνύμβολα σημεία συμβάλλει πώς η τέχνη, και στοχάζεται της μαγείας
, εξ
είκότων τινών αυγω συλλογίζομθύη. Here we have δείγμα, σημείον and σύμβολον. Δάγμα, be-
cauſe the signs are ſuppos’d to be thewn by the Gods; onucior, becaule they
have a further Deſign or Signification, beyond the viſible appearance; and
laſtly cúpulonov, becauſe the Soochſayer from thence makes Conjectures about the
Event. They who deſire to know upon what Grounds the Pagans built all this,
may ſee it in that Chapter and the reſt going before or after. And ſince thoſe
Principles were thus ſettled in the Opinions of Men, the Condeſcenſion of the
Holy Spirit to Man is fufficient to authoriſe the Uſe of them in ſacred Propheſya
Having thus ſhewn the uſe of the Word; 'tis now time to proceed to the
Reaſons which oblig'd the Holy Ghoſt, after the former ſtrain of Types, to
have recourſe to theſe Signs for the further illuſtration of the Church's Fates.
There are two very material Differences between the former Viſions and there
that follow, which are exhibited by way of Signs. Firſt, the Subjects are in-
verted; for the Church in the former is merely patient, and comes under no
certain Type; but as the Work which the Lamb hath perform'd in opening the
Seals, and ruling it by his Angels. It is therefore as it were merely paſſive,
and ſo are it’s Enemies, being the Subject of the Lamb's Judgments, and their
Reſiſtance appearing very little. Whereas here the Church is repreſented as
acting, and endeavouring to put Chriſt into a full Poffeffion of his Right,
whilſt her Enemies do all they can to hinder that, and even to deſtroy her.
The Part of Chriſt comes at laſt to decide the Diſpute, and to deſtroy the
Enemies which oppoſed him, and who endeavour'd to deſtroy the Church.
It is true, That Chriſt and his Vicar the Holy Ghoſt are the primary Actors,
and indeed do all the things that are done in the Church; but there are alſo
ſecond Cauſes and viſible Agents, who concur and have viſibly planted and
rais'd, and ſtill preſerve the Church. It is not therefore improper to fhew the
Work of theſe under Chriſt and the Holy Ghoft; eſpecially when that gives
occaſion to inlarge upon the Fates of the Church, much more than could con-
veniently be done otherwiſe. Secondly, in the former Method or Viſions
aforegoing, things are repreſented rather according to the Series of time, and
diſtinguiſhed by proper Epochas: but here the time is not ſo effentially con-
fidered, but rather hinted at collaterally, and the qualities of the chief Mac-
ters are ſeverally deſcribed, and that too by ſuch ſingle Types as repreſent the
Church, the Enemies thereof and her Protectors, each as one ſingle thing
(a) Diod Lib. xvi. Olymp. 106. 2: (6) Porphyr. de Abftin. Lib. ii $. 51. (c) Homer.
Hliad. By. 308.
(d) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 984. (e ) Virg. Æn. lib. 1. (f) Ovid.
Mecam, Lib. xv. ($) Jamblic. de Myſt. Ægypt. Se&. III. Cap. 15.
laſting

Chap. XII. V. 1.
483
A Sign.
lafting during both the Periods of the Church, and receiving no Alteration buc
one, that the two Periods may thereby be diſcern'd. As for inſtance; The
Church is here repreſented under the Sign or Type of a Woman: The firſt
Period is her Labour, and Child-bearing; the ſecond is her flight and abode in
the Wilderneſs
. All her Enemies are ſeen in the Sign of a Dragon, with ſeven
Heads and ten Horns, which lafteth throughout. In the firſt Period indeed he
hath that Name, and acts accordingly; but in the ſecond he ſeems to be dor.
mant, and to change his Name, by granting over his power to the Beaſt with
ſeven Heads and ten Horns, which hath all the Power of the Dragon under
another Denomination : and becauſe this cannot direct its A&ions, it has a cola
lateral help, which is the Beaft with two Horns. Theſe cwo together are the
fame as the Dragon, do the ſame Work with more Violence; ſo that not the
Thing, but the Name, ſeems to be chang’d. Accordingly the Ads of the Lamb,
which is the Church's Protector, are afterwards divided into two ſorts, and
his Judgments againſt the Enemies of the Church are of two forts likewiſe ;
which reſpect the two different periods of it, and confequently affect its Enem
mies, the firſt of them the Dragon ; the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet the ſecond.
Hence their two different Falls, and the two diſtina Falls of the great Babylon,
the Metropolis of their Kingdom,
Upon this account, ſince this manner of Vifion is not by a diſtinct and or-
derly confideration of the Circumſtances, but a general proſpect of the Mat-
ters, they are only confider'd in their dreqil, or chief Point or Head, and there
appears no Alteration therein but one according to the change of the Period:
fo that what is ſaid of one of the Periods, muſt be underſtood as extending it-
ſelf throughout. As when we are to deſcribe a Man, we conſider his preſent
or moft illuſtrious Circumſtances. The Holy Ghoſt acting here as a Painter,
who in one Picture gives the Hiſtory of fome one remarkable Aion; and
doth not ſtand to take notice exactly of the means whereby that Action hath
been brought to that point. And if it be neceſſary to mark out a change,
either doth it in another Pi&ure, or elſe in a ſide or corner repreſents it,
which is in effect another Picture, but only ſhews the Relation it hath to the
main. So the two Periods of all theſe Types are as two Pi&ures joyn'd to-
gether, that their mutual Relation may be the more eaſily conceiv'd. To
illuſtrate this matter, we ſhall alſo put the Caſe as to Hiſtory, which is of
things paft what a Propheſy is of the future. An Hiſtorian who ſhould write
the Revolutions of a Kingdom, its A&s and Wars with Enemies without, or
from Factions within, and deſcribe the Acts of the King and his Adherents,
thereupon would not give ſo clear an account of things, as if he added to this
the true State, Origin, Intereſt and Actions of its Enemies without, and of
the Factions within: Or as if he would deſcribe the Siege of a Town, and
write down all that is done within to repel the Enemy, he ſhould not be ac-
counted fo exact, as if he alſo gave a full account of the Strength and State of
the Enemies, their Councils, Attacks, and all other Circumſtances and Means
usd to take the Town. So neither had the Holy Ghoſt been ſo exact, if after
having given an account of the Church in the two firſt Periods, and its State
within, we had not had a full account of the true Origin and State of its Ene-
mies without and within ; and of their Actions towards her, and how the
eſcapes from them; and by what means the Church is fecur'd from their At-
tempts till their Deſtruction: Since therefore in the former parts of this Vifion,
the State of the Church has been only conſider'd according to its remarkable
Epochas, and its Enemies only hinted at and in groſs as it were by the by,
without fhewing us their Riſe, Qualities, Actions and Inſtruments: now in
theſe Signs following, the Holy Ghoſt conſiders each as a diſtinct Body, ſhews
their Origin, State, Power, Actions, Extent and Duration; and that though
they were within the Territories of the Church, or the Church in theirs,
they form each a diſtinct State ; and laſt of all, how Chriſt is to deal with
them in Judgment to deſtroy for ever their further Attempts upon his Church.
As therefore they are conſidered as Bodies Politick, and united within them-
felves to deſtroy his Church; ſo it was neceſſary for the full Conſideration of
them, and the ſhewing of their relation to the Church, to conſider Chriſt and
his Church the ſame way as united Bodies; that as they ſtrive to deſtroy the
Church and Kingdom of Chriſt, ſo Chriſt gives his Church Power to refift,
overcome and utterly deſtroy them at laſt.
Now

484
Ch. XU. v.1
The Woman in Travail.
Now we ſhall find, that the Wiſdom and Condeſcenſion of the Holy Ghoit
is ſuch in the ſetting forth of chefe Signs, that they are in part at leaſt fetch'd
from fuch matters as are related in the Hiſtory of the Mojaïcal Diſpenſation,
swhich was the general Type of the Conſtitution and Events of the Chriſtian
Oeconomy : And that too for the moſt part from ſuch Accidents, or Types and
Hiſtories mention'd in the Law and Prophets, which belong to chole cwo Pe-
riods of the Moſaïcal, as anſwer to the two Periods of our Church, as
I have obſerv'd before. This is of excellent uſe to fix and explain
them, by ſhewing us to what part of the former Viſion and Period
each Circumſtance of theſe Signs is to be applied. One hinc by way
of Anticipation to illuſtrate this matter : The firſt Enemy of the Iſraelites was
the King of Egypt Ezekiel and David have repreſented him 'under the Type
of a Dragon or Crocodile : Now what doth the Holy Ghoſt here buc repreſent
the firſt Enemy under that Type ? and ſo on.
B. pizce. Great) Doth not ſo much tend to ſhew the extent of the Sign it felf, as
its Quality in regard of Power, which that Word fignifies conſtantly in this Book.
Greatneſs or Power only belongs to God; if faid of the Church, it fignifies
Power communicated in order to prevail, refift and overcome; if faid of
God's Enemies, 'tis Power uſurp'd by God's Permiſſion to try the Church.
See our Note upon Chap. 18. 23 B.
nog
C. Mpan v ted sgavợ, was ſeen in Heaven.) This great Sign being the Symbol
of the whole Church, which is endeavouring to get Settlement in the World,
that is to overcome Idolatry and bear Rule, the Scene of its Actions is plac'd
in that Subject about which ſhe contends. Heaven in the Symbolical Language
fignifies the governing Part, as the natural Heaven ſtands over and rules the
Earth. Therefore God deſigning to ſettle her there, the Viſion repreſents her
in that place for which ſhe is contending. She is ſeen immediately taking Pof-
feffion, and there ftriving for her place againſt all Oppoſers.
donde
D. Tuwi, a Woman.) The ancient Prophets frequently repreſent their Church
under the Symbol of a Woman. David calls Sion a Virgin ; Iſaiah and Feremiah
call her a Bride. Ezekiel Chap. 16. hath a long Deſcription of that Church
under the Sign of a Female Child growing up by ſeveral Degrees to the Stature
of a Woman. Therefore when the Iſraelites committed Idolatry, they call her
an Adultereſs or an Harlot, that offers her ſelf to all Comers. Thoſe places
which propheſy of the Chriſtian Church, give her the like Name. In Pſal.45.
ſhe is ſpoken of as a Bride : and in Canticles the Allegory runs through. Other
Monarchies, or which is the ſame, the Capital Cities, which comprehend
their Territories, come under the ſame Notion : As Babylon, in Iſa. 47. 1.
The Virgin Daughter of Babylon, that is, Babylon it ſelf, (as in Homer muides A younião
for the Græcians, or vits Azamy, or užgou ’Azaxwv,) is explained in the Targum by
Regnum congregationis Babylonia, the like you have in v. s. and 7. Æſchylus hach
repreſented in a ſymbolical Dream the Monarchy of Perſia, and the Republick
of Greece by two Women. Atoſſa the Mother of Xerxes ſpeaks:
1
(a) 'E SELTWw mou do'a guã ex' L'escore,
“Η μο πέπλοισι περσικοίς ήoκημένη,
'H SLUTE d'agenolov, os ofev morfir. See the reſt.
So in the Poet Heniochus, Democracy and Ariſtocracy are repreſented as two
Women : (b) Tužixe d'aulas de Etagetsló mye 'Abi owuãoul, dimpongatia Satégą "Ovou ési, till
4'Αριστοκρατία θατέρα δι ας το πτερωνήκασιν ήδη πολλάκις. They who are acquainted
with Medals and Inſcriptions, many of which were ſymbolical, know thac
Cities, as even Rome frequently, were re preſented by Women. Now the
Church of Chriſt comes alſo under the Notion of the City of God, and
may therefore be repreſented the ſame way. St. Paul alſo uſeth the ſame
Compariſon of a Virgin, 2 Cor. 11. 2. In this Book the Church alſo
comes under the Notion of a Bride, according to the neceffity of the Sym-
boles, when the Marriage of the Lamb requires it. But here ſhe is in Labour,
becauſe endeavouring to advance the Kingdom of Chriſt, repreſented under
the Symbol of a Male-Child; of which hereafter. In the Primitive Church

() (chyl. Perf. 181.
(6) Stob. Serm. xlii.
they

Ch. XII. V, 1.
The Moon of the Church.
845
they alſo us’d the Symbol, as it is frequently in the Paftor of (t) Hermas by
way of Viſion. Hegeſippus (a) vixse TSV toza xpóvay napféro 14tepe ng al diephop G
žu.eaver si exzandia. The Symbol chen of a Woman expreſies well the Church, the
additions of Virgin, or in Labour, reſpect her different States. Ambrofius And
bertus having at firſt apply'd this to the Virgin Mary, yet at laſt ſaw, that the
Church muſt be alſo underſtood thereby : Et quia plerunque genus invenitur in
Specie, ipfa beata ac pia virgo hoc loco, perfonam gerit Ecclefiæ, quæ novos quotidie
populos parit, ex quibus ea generale Mediatoris corpus
, formatur, vid. cæt, this laft
Thought is ſtaunch. St. Auſtin ſays, (b) Sic & ecclefia & parit, & virgo eft : &
confideres, Chriſtum parit, quia membra ejus ſunt qui baptizantur.
É megićeCanufón Tóry "Hasov, clothed with the Sun. To be clothed is a Metaphor
frequently uſed to ſignify, to be indeed accompany'd or adorned and even co-
vered or protected, as in Job 7. 5: My Fleſh is clothed with Worms, Chap. 8.22.
fhall be clothed with Shame; Chap. 39. 19. Haft thou clothed his Neck with Thunder,
LXX. Švéd vous dè spazúaq duty pobox; frequently in the Pſalms, as 35. 26. Let them
be clothed with Shame and Diſhonour. Pſal. 93. 1. He is clothed with Majeſty, the
Lord is clothed with Strength, vid. Pſal. 94. 1. Pfal. 108. 18. Pfal. 132. 9. ſo
St. Paul uſes it too, 2 Cor. 5. 2. Defiring to be clothed with our Houſe wbich is in
Heaven: for Pet. 5. 5. Temely oppot wílu byxoub comade, be imbroidered with Humility.
Thus alſo, Gal. 3. 27. Have put on Chriſt, which is very proper to our Purpoſe;
for Chriſt is the Sun of the Church : and Rom. 13. 14. Put ye on the Lord Jeſus
Chriſt. This Symbol therefore means, that the Church is endow'd and protect-
ed by a King, for the Sun always implies that, and by confequence that it
hath regal Power and Majeſty, whoſe Miniſters are to rule and govern the
People under them: that is, as it is elſewhere expreſs’d, we are a regal Priest-
hood, and a peculiar People. When I mention Chriſt as King of the Church, I
do not mean to exclude the Father, but Chriſt is King in Solidum with the
Father ; tho it is alſo true, that the Church is his Peculium eminently, having
purchasd it with his Blood. So that 'tis not only true in fact, that Chriſt is
the Sun, but the Jews had alſo the Notion that the aózes, Word, was called Sun.
Philo. (c) καλά σε τρίτον σημαινόμθυον, ήλιος καλεί τον θεον λόων, το καθ' έρανόν περιπο-
rowūtos, ás gőlegov éréxin, Tengcédorypce. And as the Learned (d) Dr. P. Allix hath
obſerv'd, the fame Philo explains that place of Zechariah 6. 12. that the Eaſt,
Avatone is the abys. Hence it comes that the Chriſtian Interpreters underſtand
the Words of Malach. 4. 2. Sun of Righteouſneſs, of Chriſt : Clemens Alex. (e)
• tri malu tee ng Houdiwa derecos úrns vacc. Euſebius (f ) Áo di Serel lopwins oj oãs aan Sydne
eiveienlas. Cyprian : (8) Item quod ſol appellatus fir, Malachias propheta teftatur ; and
ſome of the Jews do fo too, as the ſame learned (b) Author faith in another
place ; not to mention later Authors. I ſhall only add, that as the allegorical
Authors, as Pbilo, afferted (i) aós rubonov iucllow @rou, that a Veſture was the
Symbol of human Reaſon, ſo it naturally follows, that St. John might very well
repreſent to us the divine Reajon, or abgG, as the Veſture of the Church.
F. cj i osalu'n, And the Moon.) We have ſeen what the Sun of the Church is,
and there can be no Diſpute about it; and 'e will be eaſy to find out a little af-
ter, what the twelve Stars are, which adorn her Crown. But to find out what
is the Moon, hath not been ſo eaſy a matter. That the Problem is hard appears
from the little Sacisfaction we can receive from others; and by the failings of
Interpreters, we gueſs at the difficulty of a Place; whence proceeds their Er-
ror, we ſhail diſcover and confute in the next Note. But however, we are
certain they are in the wrong, by the Principles of the ſymbolical Language,
wherein the Sun, Moon, and Stars ſignifying the governing Part; if Sun
Moon and Stars be all mentioned in one place, we muſt underſtand them of
the ſame Government, and not pretend to skip into foreign Subje&s, as they
do, who underſtanding well what the Sun and Stars are; to wit, Chriſt and
his Apoſtles, ramble out to find where the Moon is : pretending to find it in
the Jewiſh or Pagan State. But of every Interpreter that is thus unſteady in his
(+) Herm. Paſt. Lib. I. Viſ. 2. S. 4. (a) Apud Euſeb. Hift. Eccleſ. LibIII. Cap. 32.
vid. Lib. IV. Cap. 22.
(6) Auguſtin. de Tempor. Serm. cxixi
(c) Philo de
Inſom. p. 393. (d) Judg. of Jew. Ch. Chap. xvi. p. 236. out of Philo de Confuſ. Ling,
(e) Clem. Alex. Psotrep. p. 31.
($) Eufeb. Dem. Ev. Lib. IV. cap. 1o.
& de Laud. Conſtant. cap. VI. (g) Cyprian de Orat. Dom. p. 154. (5) D. Allix.
Judgm. cap. IV. p. 64. (i) Philo Jud. de Inſomn. p. 394.
6 H
Principles
p. 222.

846
The Moon of the Church.
Ch.XII. V!.
Principles, and more particularly in this caſe, we may ſay as the Poet in
another, (a) Videt, aut vidiſſe putat per nubila Lunam. Now for the Satisfaction
of the Reader, I ſhall firſt gives ſome account of thoſe Expoſitions, and then
propoſe mine own with all the Caution poflible.
In the firſt place, I may name thoſe who in general apply the Sun to the
Son of God, and the Moon to the Church; as Tertullian, (b) Alia Solis gloria,
id eft Chrifti ; & alia Luna, id eft Ecclefiæ : in Alluſion 0, 1 Cor. 15. Ambroſe, (c)
Luna ipſa quæ propheticis Oraculis Species Ecclefiæ figuratur: Radulph, Flaviacenfis:
(d) Sol juſtitiæ Chriftus : Luna verò Ecclefia eft. But this cannot be applied to
this place ; for the Moon being the adjunct of the Woman, cannot be the
ſame thing as the Woman. 'Tis true, that if we could take the Woman for the
Virgin Mary, as Ambrofius Ansbertus hath done, this would have ſome Colour ;
but the Woman cannot fignify that Virgin, being ſo perpetual a Symbol as to
run throughout the Period; and what Pretence could there be to ſuppoſe the
Virgin driven into the Wilderneſs and perſecuted, when we find, that the Vir-
gin Mary hath been the greateſt Object of Worſhip during the corrupted State
of that Period: So that the Virgin hath thereby as it were eclipſed the Son.
All this is therefore nothing to the Purpoſe.
The next two Expofitions are adopred by Mede, and as he thinks firſt thought
on by Methodius, an ancient Student on the Revelation, whoſe words are pre-
ſerv'd by Andreas Caſarienfis in his Comment. The firſt of theſe is by taking
this Moon to ſignify the Fewiſh Church, the Light of the Law being by them
look'd upon as the dim-nightly Light of the Moon. Mede obſerves, that liten
rally the Moon was ſubſervient to all its Rires and Ceremonies, which wholly
depended upon the Courſes of the Moon : Whence it was that the Prieſts had
the Dire&tion of the Calendar, Pſal
. 104. 19. He appointed the Moon for Seaſons,
that is for Feſtivals, a Feſtival and an appointed time being ſynonymous,
Pſal. 81. 3. Blow up the Trumpet in the New Moon, in the time appointed, on our
ſolemn Feaſt-day. All their Feſtivals depended thereon, the appearance of the
firſt Moon in the Year guided all, to which we may add, that St. Paul, Gal. 4.
10. alludes to this; and fo St. Peter in the Apocryphal Book cited by Clemens
Aless. Εαν μή η σελίώη φανή, σαββατον έκ άγεσι το λεγόμδυον πρώτον, δτε νεομίωίαν άγεσιν, ότε
açure, šne togle"
, fra vezén lewe vipigan. And if the Moon appear not, they obſerve neither
firſt Sabbath nor New Moon, nor unleavened Bread wor Feaft, nor great Day: and
therefore he tells them, that they were Slaves to the Moon, becauſe their Re-
ligion wholly depended thereon. So that Mede concludes, That Chriſt having
aboliſh'd thoſe Rites, Colof. 2: 14. the Moon is therefore under Feer. But for
being under Feet, it is not therefore ſaid to be deſpiſed or trampled upon ; and I
ſhall
ſhew, that this poſture is rather an honourable Sign of Power and Do-
minion, in the next Notè.
The laſt Expoſition is collected from theſe Words of Methodius : xj te us
σελίώω άλλοι εμβόλω κοσμικων ζωω, και τες πόδας κέκτηται: She hath under Feet the life of
this World varying as the Moon. Thus alſo Ambroſius Ansbertus and many others,
who by this Symbol underſtand worldly Things, from the conſideration of the
Changes of the Moon; not conſidering, that in the ſymbolical Language the
Moon is conſtantly taken as a Luminary; and that we muſt not take heed of
thoſe Changes, unleſs they were ſpecially mention d. Mede improves it after this
manner. The Moon is the Luminary of the Night; Night and Darkneſs are the
Symboles of Idolatry, and of the Power of Satan, the God of this World, which
in profefling Chriſtianity we all abjure; and St. Paul calls the Fewiſh and Pagan
Rites the Elements of the World, Gal. 4. 3. for theſe Reaſons the Moon is under
the Feet of the Church. But here alſo we ſee the former Miſtake about that Po-
fture. Beſides that, the Moon is a Luminary, and as to Senſe, of greater light
than Stars; and therefore in the ſymbolical Language always denoting a great-
er Dignity than thoſe of the Stars; and then too the Moon is quite contrary
to Night, for it removes the Darkneſs thereof. Mede therefore takes one thing
for another ; the adjunct of the Night for the Subje& its ſelf, which were
tolerable, if that adjunct were of the fame nature, or improv'd the Properties
2
(6) Virg: Æneid. VI.
(6) Tertull. de Refurr. cap. 52.
() Ambroſ. Epiſt. de
Ara Victor
(d) Rud. Flav. in Lev. Lib. X. cap. 1. vid. Lib. XVI. cap. 2.
of

Ch. XII. v. 1. The Moon of the Church.
847
of the Subject. But we ſee the Moon removes the property of the Night,
gives Light inſtead of Darkneſs. I could uſe many other Arguments to con-
fute their Conceit, if there were occaſion for it, by fnewing how incongruous
ſuch Expoſitions are, and unlikely to explain the fame Symboles elſewhere,
and therefore improper and incoherent : But I will ſpare chat great Man, to
whom we are already ſo much beholden.
I proceed now to mine own Expoſition, which I dare ſay, is abſelutely con-
gruous to my ſettled Principles; and had not I ſertled them beforehand, to
be ſure I ſhould not have gueſs'd there was in this place a meaning quite dif-
ferent from all thoſe already mention'd. This I found out, not by chance,
but by mere dint of reaſoning and inference. Thus therefore I argu’d: The
Moon, in the prophetick or ſymbolical Language, being a Luminary, is there-
fore the Name of a ſuperior Governour. 'Tis therein conſtantly the next to
the Sun. The Oriental Oneirocriticks joyntly ſay ;(a) 'O'HAO iv peocömous Bennews
ngivelele ei mee gozandlxles, sỹ vi Esalu'n eis a gáownov og do oš Georrecs de tépsé Estasia
The Sun is the ſupream Power, or Perſon that executes it, therefore the Moon
is the ſecond, the Stars next in order. In the Caſe before us the Sun is Chriſt,
the Stars after the Moon are his twelve Apoſtles: All Interpreters have ſeen this.
Now I ask, what Governour hath che Church of Chriſt, between Chriſt and
his Apoftles? The Anſwer is caly : 'Tis the Holy Ghoſt, for he is the (6)
other Paraclete, whom Chrift hath (c) left to his Church and Apoſtles, to (d) guide
them into all Truth. He is therefore the Succeſſor and Vicar of Chriſt, who
as the Moon borrows it's light from the Sun, that is, rules under his Direction,
and in his abſence, ſo the Holy Ghoſt (e) rules and directs the Church in the
abſence of Chriſt, and under him performs all the Offices of Chriſt's Govern-
ment. This Doctrine is as true and orthodox, as it is ſufficient fully to explain
this place : But however, to prove it ſo, we ſhall further demonftrate, that it
is conſonant to the Language and Notions of the Primitive Fathers, and of
the orthodox Proteftant Divines, both Domeſtick and Foreign.
In order to prove this, we ſhall produce their Authorities as they occurrd,
with this intent to prove and make out, That the Fathers have calld the Holy
Ghoſt the VICAR, MINISTER and STEWARD of Chrift;
that they meant not thereby to derogate any thing from his divine Nacure,
becauſe they ſay no more of the Holy Ghoſt as to the Chriſtian Diſpenſation,
than they ſay of the abzc or Word before its Incarnation, together with the
Holy Ghoft, as being the MINISTERS of God the Father, his
HANDS or Inſtruments and Alliftants by, and with whom God created and
governs the World: That notwithſtanding this OFFICE and MINI-
STRY of the Holy Ghoſt, he is to be ador'd with the Father and the Son,
and by Conſequence true God.
To begin with Tertullian, who hath ſpoken moſt plain on this Subject; He
faith in one place (f ) Cum propterea Paracletum miſerit Dominus, ut quoniam humanas
mediocritas omnia femel capere non poterat, paulatim dirigeretur ab ordinaretur, eo ad
perfect um perduceretur Diſciplina ab illo V IC AR 10 Domini, Spiritu Sancto, or to the
ſame purpoſe as follows (g): Regula eſt autem fidei, ut jam hinc quid credamus pro-
fiteamur, illa ſcilicet qua creditur ;---- In cælos ereptum ſedere ad dexteram patris : mifille
VIC ARIAM VIM Spiritus Sancti qui credentes agat. The following
Paffage uſes a Word as expreffive : (b) Nullam (Ecclefiam) reſpexit Spiritus fan&tus
uti eam in veritatem deduceret ; ad hoc millus à Chriſto, ad hoc poftulatus de Patre,
ut effet Doctor veritatis : neglexerit officium dei VILLICU'S, Chriſti V IC A.
RIUS, finens Eccleſias aliter interim intelligere, aliter credere, quam ipſe per
Apoftolos prædicabat. Nay, when he is ſpeaking of the Holy Ghoſt, according
to the Doctrine of Valentinus, he forbears not to give the Holy Ghoſt chac
Epithet ; (i) Sed Chriftus, quem jam pigebat rurſus extra Pleroma proficiſci, VI-
CARIUM præfecit Paracletum Soterem (bic erit Feſus, largito ei patre univer-
forum Æonum ſummam poteftatem ſubjiciendis eis omnibus, uti in ipſo ſecundum Apo-
(a) Achmet. Onirocr. cap. 167.
(6) John 14. 16.
& Chap. 5. 26.
(d) John 14. 26. & Chap. 16. 13.
13, 14.
(f) Tertullian. de Veland. Virg. cap. I.
Præfcr. adv. Hæret. cap. 13.
(b) Tertull. ibid. cap. 28.
ady. Valent, cap. 16.
() John 14. 16.
(e) John 16.
(8) Tertull. de
(1) Tertull. Lib.
ftoluns

848
The Moon of the Church.
Ch. XII. v. 1.
Ву
ut tantum
ftolum omnia condirentur ad eam emittit cum officio atque comitatu co æternorum Angelo-
Tum, credas & cum duodecim faſtibus. I proceed now to thoſe Paſſages which
ſpeak of the Word before its Incarnation to the ſame Purpoſe: He ſaith, (a)
Adoro Scripturæ plenitudinem, quæ mihi e factorem manifeft at & facta. In Evan-
gelio verò amplius & MINISI RU M atque ARBITRUM Rectoris inn
venio ſermonem. He explains himſelf: (b) Dictus eft quidem magni conſilii AN-
GELUS; id eft nuncius : officii non nature vocabulo. Magnum enim cogitatum
Patris, ſuper hominis ſcilicet reſtitutione, annuntiaturus feculo erat. Non ideo tamen fic
Angelus intelligendus, ut aliqui Gabriel aut Michael. Nam dow Filius d Domino Vineæ
mittitur ad cultores, ficut dc famuli, de fru&tibus petitum, ſed non propterea unus ex
famulis deputabitur Filius, quia F A MULORUM Succeffit officio.
which we muſt underſtand all the following Expreſlions; ſuch as theſe alſo :
(c) Adbibet (Deus) operi bono optimum etiam MINISTRU M, fermonem
fuum : Again, (d) Quæcunque autem ut indigna reprehenditis; deputabuntur in Filio,
e vifo, & audito, eu congreffo, ARBITRO Patris, & MINISTRO,
miſcente in ſemetipſo hominem & deum, in virtutibus deum, in pufillitatibus hominem,
homini conferat, quantum deo detre hit. Thus alſo; (e) Nos qui-
dem certi, Cbriftum semper in Prophetis locutum, Spiritum ſcilicet Creatoris, ficut
Propbeta teſt atur ; Spiritus perfonæ ejus, Chriſtus Dominus, qui ab initio VICARIUS
Pairis in dei nomine & auditus fit & vifus. (f) Elſewhere ; Hinc erit noftra Pre-
ſcriptio, qua defigimus nibil Chriſto dei alterius commune esſe debere cum Creatore.
Cæterùm creatoris , pronuntiandum, fi ADMINISTRAVERIT Difpofiti-
ones ejus, fi impleverit Prophetias ejus, fi adjuverit leges ejus, fi repreſentaverit pro-
miſiones ejus, ſe reſtauraverit virtutes ejus, si ſententias reformaverit, fi mores, si
proprietates expreferit; which may be alſo infer'd from theſe Words, (g) Video
Ninivitas fcelerum veniam conſecatos d Creatore, ne dixerim hinc quoque d Chriſto, quia d
primordio egit in Patris nomine. The ſame Author in his poetical Books hath ex-
preſſions to the ſame Purpoſe ; thus in one place.
po vodi (b) Patria pietate MINISTER
worst Do Viſus ab inciſo, millus patiendo peregit. Again,
25 () Omnitenentis enim folus quia verba MINISTRAT,
SEVI orban Quem capit in terris e per quem cun&ta creavit,
Giselogic si Filius ipſe dei, cariffimus ipſe MINISTER.
We ſhall add but one Paſſage more to this Purpoſe : (k) Secundum hæc enim
VICARIUM ſe Patris oftenderat, per quem Pater en videretur in faétis, &
audiretur in verbis, eu cognoſceretur in filio, fa&ta & verba Patris AD MINIS-
IRANTE. After all Tertullian afferts
, the Holy Ghoſt to be the third
Perſon in the divine Trinity, and of the ſame Majeſty ; and by conſequence
to be ador'd : Hic iterum acceptum a Patre munus effudit ſpiritum fan&tum, tertium
numen Divinitatis, & tertium nomen Majeftatis, unius prædicatorem Monarchiæ, ſed &
Oeconomia Interpretatorem, fi quis fermones nova Prophetiæ ejus admiſerit, & dedu&torem
omnis veritatis, quæ eft in Patre & Filio. & fpiritus fan&to ſecundum Chriſtianum Sacrs-
mentum. Nay, he makes the Holy Ghoſt to be the Governour and Lord of the
Church, appropriating to the whole Trinity the Power of Excommunication,
which he denied to the viſible Miniſtry being then in his Schiſm, the whole
Trinity being the Lord thereof. (l) Nam & ipla ecclefia proprie & principaliter ipſe
eft/piritus ſanktus, in quo eft Trinitas unius Divinitatis, Pater & Filius & Spiritus ſanctus.
illam ecclefiam congregat quam Dominus in tribus poſuit
. Atque ita exinde etiam nu-
merus omnis qui in banc fidem confpiraverint, ecclefiæ ab auctore a conſecratore cenſetur,
& ideò eccleſià quidem delicta donabit. Sed ecclefia Spiritus per ſpiritualem hominem, non
ecclefia numerus Epiſcoporum : Domini enim non Famuli eft jus & arbitrium, dei
ipfius, non ſacerdotis
. Therefore with him the three Perfons are Lord; and
indeed he attributes Majeſty to the Holy Ghoft alone : (m) Et ideo Majeſtas
Spiritus fancti perſpicax ejuſmodi fenfuum.

() Tertull. adv. Hermog. cap. 22. (6) Tertull. de Carne Chrifti cap. 14:
contr. Marcion. Lib. II. cap. 4.
(d) Tertull. c Marc. Lib. II. cap. 27.
tull. c. Marc. Lib. III. cap. 6. (f) Tertull. c. Marc. Lib. IV. cap 6.
tull. c. Mar. Lib. IV. cap. 10. (b) Tertull. Carm. c. Marc. Lib. V. cap. 4.
(k) Tertull. adv. Prax. cap. 24. vid. cap. 12.
(1) Tertullian de
Pudicit cap 21 (m) Tertullian de Reſur, Carn. cap. 24.
The
(c) Tertull.
(e) Ter-
(8) Ter-
(1) Tertull.
ibid. cap. 9.

Ch. XII. v.1.
The Moon of the Church.
489
Et
The next is Irenæus who calls the Word or Son and the Spirit the Hands of the
Father in ſeveral places, Now Hand is an ufual Metaphor for a Miniſter or
Agent under another, ſo (a) Tully uſes it, and ſo the Perſian (b) and Egyptian In-
terpreters explain it. (c) Et plafmatus eſt manu dei, id eft, verbo dei. Again, (d)
per manus ejus plaſmatus eft, hoc est, per filiun • Spiritum, quibus & dixit,
faciamus
hominem. (e) Nec enim indigebat borum deus ad faciendum quæ ipfe apud fe præfinierat
fieri, quafi ipfe fuas non haberet manus. Adeft enim ei femper verbum & fapientia filius,
& ſpiritus, per quos, & in quibus omnia liberè & Sponte fecit. Elſewhere (f) Que
igitur affuit illis manus dei, & inopinata, do impoſſibilia natur æ hominum in eis
per-
ficiens ; quid mirum fi in his qui tranſlati funt, effecit aliquid inopinatum, deferviens
voluntati Patris? Hic eft autem filius dei, quemadmodum fcriptura ait dixifle Nabuchodo-
nozor regem. He ſpeaks of both in the next : (g) Per manus enim Patris, id eft,
per filium & Spiritum fanétum fit homo ſecundum fimilitudinem dei, Sed non pars hominis
.
Which words are ( b) repeated in a manner afterwards. In the former place
we ſee, that the Word deſerviens, that is druge teady, as Juſtin Martyr ſpeaks, is
ſpoken of the Son by reaſon of the imagoxh, Pre-eminence of the Father,
Hence elſewhere he attributes Dominion to the Father over the Holy Ghoſt.
(i) Dominatione quoque dominaris Spiritus fanéti ; or as it is in the MS. Domina-
tionem quoque donas Spiritus Sanéti, that is, thou giveſt the Holy Ghoft to be our
Governour and Lord. Hence we may underſtand the meaning of that Exprel-
ſion of Dionyfius Alex. alledged by St. Athanafius : "EY 75 Tois negotio iutely ési to
πνάμα, μήτε σε πέμπονος, μήτε σε φέρονlΘ- διά μέσον όρεθ That the Holy Ghoff is in the
Hands of the Father and the Son, that is, governs under their Direction, which
may be alſo the meaning of that Expreſſion of Irenæus, Dominatione quoque do-
ninaris S. S. that is, thou governeft by the interpos'd Dominion of the Holy
Ghoft; the Dominion of the Holy Ghoſt appearing in the Execution of the
divine Counſel by which the Holy Ghoſt brings the Dominion of the World
under that of God the Father ; upon which account the Holy Ghoſt has the
Title of (k) si parovixòY by the Interpolacor of Ignatius given to it.
Proceed we on to ſhew his Opinion about the Miniſtry of the aówo or Word,
which is a proper Topick to our purpoſe, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt being another
Paraclete as well as the Word, and as ſuch whatſoever is ſaid of the one may in
a great meaſure be faid of t'other. The firſt is this, (l) Omnia autem filius, A D-
MINISTRANS Patri, perficit ab initio uſque ad finem, & fine illo nerno poteft
cognoſcere deum. From the whole contexture of the Chapter 'tis evident, that
he ſpeaks as well of the times before the Incarnation as afterwards. The next
is this: (m) Neque fine bona voluntate Patris, nequc fine ADMINISTRA-
TI0N È filii cognoſcet quifquam deum : But the following is more appofite:
(n) Neque rurſus indigente MINISTERIO (Angelorum) ad fabricationem
eorum quæ fa&ta funt, ad DISPOSITIONEM eòrum negotiorum, quæ fecundum
bominem erant, fed babente copiofum doo inenarrabile MINISTERIU M. MI-
NISTRAT enim ei ad omnia ſua Progenies & figuratio ſua, id eft filius, Lo Spiritus
fan&tus, verbum eo fapientia ; quibus ſerviunt, & ſubječti ſunt omnes angeli. Again,
(0) Quidam enim eorum videbant Spiritum propheticum ex operationes ejus in omnia
generà Chariſmatum effuſa; alii verò adventum domini, & eam quæ eft ab initio A D-
MINISTRATIONE M, per quem fecit voluntatem patris quæ eft in cælis, &
que eft in terris.-- Spiritu quidem O PERANTE, filio vero ADMINISTRA N-
TE, patre vero comprobante. Qui & viſiones propheticas, el diviſiones Chariſma-
tum, S MINISTERIA ſua, do patris glorificationem confequenter e compoſite
oftenderit bumano generi, apto tempore ad utilitatem.Propterea verbum DISPEN-
SATOR paternæ gratiæ fa&tus eſt ad utilitatem hominum, propter quos fecit tantas
Diſpoſiciones. The following places ſhew the Subjection of the Son of God to
the Father, and even of the Holy Ghoſt to the Son. The firſt is this : (D)
Patre.quidem bene ſentiente do jubente, filio vero MINISTRANTE, & formante,
fpiritu verò nutriente eu augente. The next is out of another Book : (9) Pater
7
(a) M. T. Cic. in Ver. Lib. II.
(6) Achmet. cap. 73.
(c) Iren. Lib. III. c. 31.
(d) Id. Lib. IV. Præf.
(e) Id. Lib. IV. cap. 37.
(f) Id. Lib. V. cap. 5.
(8) Id. ibid. cap. 6. (b) Id. ibid. cap. 28. vid. Clement. Recognit. Lib. VI. S. 7. Ciem.
Homil. XI. 6. 22. Hom. XVI. §. 12. (i) Iren. Lib. III. cap. 6.
(k) Ignat. Epift.
interpol. ad Philadelph. vid. Conſtit. Apoft. Lib. VIII. cap. 5. & Jamblich Se&t. 1. cap. 20.
(1) Iren. Lib. IV.cap. 14.
(m) Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 16.
(n) Iren. Lib. IV.
cap. 17.
(0) Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 37.
(p) Iren. Lib. IV. cap. 75.
(9) Iren. Lib. V. cap. 18.
61
enim

490
The Moon of the Church,
Ch. XII. v. 1.
3
enim conditionem fimul, & verbum fuum portans, & verbum portatum à patre, præftat
Spiritum omnibus, quemadmodum vult pater.in omnibus autem nobis Spiritus,
ipfe eft aqua viva, quam præſt at dominus in ſe recte credentibus.
But if we have obſerv'd no explicit Words of (a) Irenæus to prove the divine
Worſhip due peculiarly to the Holy Ghoſt, yet by conſulting uſtin Martyr
we ſhall find by him, whom Irenæus quotes and follows, that the ſame Worſhip
is to be paid to the Holy Ghoft as to the Father and the Son. And beſides
that he will ſhew us not only the Miniſterial Office of the Word, but alſo aſſigns
the reaſon thereof. In his genuine Dialogue with Tryphon che Few he olten
afferts it as for inſtance, (b) Keà vu šyevoúng te pines, on as ready tgeão é rj Oeds xj
κύρια των εν τοις έρανείς υπηρετών, κύρια των δύο αγγέλων ; in the next Page he aith
(*) ώς τε έρχε ήδη αποδώσων τον λόγον, πώς έτG- και το 'Αβρααμ όφθείς Θεός, και υπηρέτης ών τα
ποιητί τών όλων Θεέ, δια της παρθένε γενηθείς, άνθρωπG- ομοιοπαθής πίσιν, ώς προέφης, γέρνες,
which words he puts in the Mouth of Tryphon, as his Opinion to be defended
In his Anſwer he repeats the Word with a new Addition : Kega, o Mwotos
αδελφοί, πάλιν γέγραπται, έλεγον, ότι έτG- ο όφθείς τοϊς Πατριάρχαις λεγόμωΘ Θεός, και "ΑγγελG-
και κύριG λέγεται, ας ίνα και οι τέτων επιγνώτε αυτόν υπηρετείλα τω των όλων περί, ως ήδη
GWÉDES, which Exprellions are repeated in many places afterwards, aſſert-
ing that he was fo called Angel and the like from his Miniſtry, (d) er på tangerar
Tớ zalçıxa Cannucele, as being as he faith elſewhere, (e) rico tới 17 c] gì Kugics
Τεταιγμός, και υπηρετών της Ελλ' αυτά ; and a little after, και άγγελον οκ σε υπηρετεί τη
gueólum duté. In his ſecond (f ) Apology he calls him Apoſtle as well as Angel ;
and for the fame reaſon (g) Origen affirms the fame of the Holy Ghoſt, as
being fent as well as the Word by which he explains the ambiguous Expreffion
in Ifaiah, 48. 16. vị vum xúgios e téseine use, rj Tò av dina durs, turning ic thus ; and now
the Lord hath ſent me and his Spirit. However, for all this Miniſtry, Juſtin Martyr
puts a vaſt difference between it and the Miniſtry, or Service of created Beings:
(5) ου καθάπερ άν τις εκάσειεν, ανθρώποις υπηρέτίω πια πέμψας, ή άγγελον, ή άρχονία, ή
πια των διεπόντων τα επίγεια, ή πνα των παπιςάμεων τας εν έρανοϊς διοικήσεις, αλλ' αυτόν
TÒV texvillw tej s'murggor two orav. And therefore he ſaich, that not only we wor,
ſhip the Father, but alſo the Son, and with them alſo the Holy Ghoſt : (i)
Ιγμα τε το προφητικόν σεζόμεθα και προσκυνέχιζο, λόγω και αληθεία ημώνες
. Affigning a
Jittle (k) after the firſt place of worſhip to the Father, the ſecond to the Son,
and the third to the Holy Ghoft. For that the Holy Ghoſt was worſhipped as
God by the Primitive Chriftians is plain from the Doxology, whereof we have
an (1) example in the Martyrdom of Polycarpus, and even in that of Ignatius:
We may here inſert thoſe places of Euſebius Pamphilus which ſpeak of the
Miniſtry of the Word before the Incarnation, he being an Author who affected
much to ſpeak as the Ancients did. In his Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory he ſpeaks of
him thus: (m) taas selgixeis om tečeru ime youžta; and a little after, ſpeaking of
his nature he faith, εις τίω των δυνητών απάντων δημιουργίαν υπηρέτησαμβύη, in his
Evangelical Demonſtration there are many ſuch Expreſſions. In one place he
is called (n) vangéīns, all whoſe Offices are named (c) afterwards. Again in
the fame Book he hath this, (γ) ο πανία φιλάνθρωπG- σε θεά λόγως ταϊς παρακαϊς βελάις
Sennovato, following the Stile of Juſtin Martyr. In the next Book he calls him,
iršęgór te vj owveszóv. He gives in another this as the reaſon why he is called An-
gel α) τα το ΓΙάιρός ίς ανθρώπες διακονέμως και διαγγέλλων· διό και άγγελον αυτόν και
Piaxcomhi të repór1 G wund. In all which places, as he hath imitated the former
Chriſtian Writers, ſo did they alſo the Notions of the Synagogue, for we find
the ſame Attributes given to the Word by Philo the Few, of merge which figa
nifies an under Ruler, and of AvedoxG, at leaſt virtually in the Word de Séčetel,
both which are found in a Paflage of (5) Philo, which I cite at length (6)
elſewhere; as indeed Uraexo and did sox@ are fet ſynonymouſly in the ſame
(u) Author; and it is plain that in the LXX. the Word fignifies not a Succeſſor
(a) Vid. Irenæ. Lib. V. Cap. 9. (6) Juſtin M. Dial. (*) Tryph.p. 216 () Juft.
M. Dial. Tryph. p. 220, 221. 266.
(d) Juſtin. M.ibid. p. 221. (e) Juſtin. M.
ibid. p. 279. 280. (b) Juftin. M. A pol. II. p. 75.
(8) Origen. c. Cell. Lib. I. p.
35.
(1) Juſtin. M. Epiſt. ad Diogn. p. 385.
(1) Juſtin. M. Apol. II. p. 43.
(k) Juſtin. M: ibid. p. 47.
() Vid. Bull. Defenſ. Fidei Nic. Sect. 2. Cap. 3. S. 13.
(m) Euſ. Ecclef. Hift. Lib, I. Cap. 2. (n) Eufeb. Dem. Ev. Lib. IV.p. 94. (0) Euſeb.
ibid. p. 96
(p) Fuſeb. ibid. p. 108, (9) Eufeb. Lib. V. p. 135.
(r) Eufeb. ibid.
(5) Philo Jud. de Agricult, p. 132.
(1) Note on Chap. 19. 13. B.
(2) Philo Jud. de Immutab. Dei. 209
in
P.148.

Ch.XII. v. 1. The Moon of the Church.
491
in the ſame Office, but a Miniſter of Srate ſerving under a ſupream Governour.
See i Chron. 18. 197. and Medexsto in Eſth. 10. 3. fignifies to miniſter thus, even in
the ſecond place, that is as firſt Miniſter of State. In 2 Chron. 28. 7. Aid'sogos is
next to the King; as indeed Aiadexóufto in 2 Chron. 31. 12. ſignifies one next in
Office, and that the word implies one that is under the rule and direction of
another is plain by its anſwering in 1 Chron.18. 17, to the Hebrew 7'2 in the Hand.
Whence (a) Philo, having compared the World to a great City, ſo that the Lumi-
naries ſignifie the governing part, and the things under the Moon as the 'Sub-
jects; he ſpeaks of the Moon thus, Learny dostupézlu rj Sredoxov inis, v's] ag Thus
λιμέλειαν και προστασίαν ανειληφυίαν ; that it is the Minifer and Vicar of the Sun, having
receiv'd the Care and Government in the Night. By which we ſee how proper
it is to apply that Symbol here to the Holy Ghoſt, which is the Vicar and Steward
of Chriſt, executing the Office of his firſt Miniſter of State.
The Teſtimonies of Hilarius Biſhop of Poiétiers will ſerve all theſe Topicks.
Thus he ſpeaks of the Holy Ghoft, co-operating with the Father, and the
Miniſtry of the Son: (6) Vel cum in MINISTERIO Domini, & in opera-
tione dei, Spiritus unus operetur & dividat, non poſſunt non unum eſſe, quorum propria
unius ſunt. Again, (c) Neque Sane credi poteft, Spiritus fanéti gloriam in carcere
poſito defuiſſe, cum Apoſtolis virtutis fuæ lumen eſſet in carcere poſitis MINIS-
TRAŽU RUS. Of the Son he ſpeaks in this manner (d) Poſt verò compone-
bat cum parente æternitatem ſuam, cum præparanti adeſt & MINISTERIÚ M,
quando cum parente componit, oftendens. Again, within a Page or two after : (e) Et
hoc ob id, ut univerſis æquitatis ac juſtitiæ operibus intercedendo diligentibus, se, æternoa
rum bonorum & incorruptorum thefaurorum opulentiam SUBMINISTRET; which
Words ſhew the Pre-eminence of the Father; and indeed he gives a general Rule,
by which we ſee he took it to be a natural Conſequence,thar an Embaſſy was an
Office of Miniſtry (f ) Honor F A MULANTIS in honore mittentis eft, ut honor
gignentis in honore naſcentis eft. And yet the ſame diſtinguiſhes very well Office and
Nature. (g) In Angelo enim officii potiùs quam naturæ intelligentia eſt. Et Pſalmiſta mihi
teſtis eſt, dicens: Qui facit Angelos ſuos fpiritus, a miniſtros fuos ignem urentem. Urens
autem ignis, illi miniſtri ejus funt. Sui autem ſpiritus, angeli ejus Junt. Per hæc enim
nuntiorum, qui Angeli nuncupantur, ac miniſtrorum oftenditur vel natura, vel virtus.
Volens igitur Lex, imò per legem Deus, perfonam paterni nominis intimare, dei filium Am
gelum dei loquuta eft, id eft, nuncium dei; fignificationem enim officii teftatur in nuncio.
Naturæ autem veritatem confirmavit in nomine, cum deum dixit. Hic autem nunc
diſpenſationis eft ordo, non generis
. The fame Author after Irenæus doch likewiſe
aſſert that the Word is the right hand of God ; his Words are. (b) Dextra
domini fecit virtutem, & à dextris dei virtus dei coëxcitata cum humilitatis noftræ carne
conſedit
. Data ergo ſignificatione fugiendi à facie arcus liberantur dile&ti, per
dei
dexteram Salvantur , do à qua facie liberantur ſalvanturque Apoftolus docuit,
dicens: Qui liberavit nos de poteſt ate tenebrarum, & tranftulit in regnum filii dile&tionis
ſuæ, Liberandi ergo dile&ti falvandique per dextram dei funt, fed falutis hujus
ad fidei firmitatem noſcenda eft prophetia ; to which purpoſe he alſo ſpeaks in (i)
other places ; giving alſo this for a general rule : {k) Manum autem dei domi-
num noſtrum Jefum Chriſtum ſignificari in Spiritu non obſcura doctrina. Per eum enim
facta ſunt omnia. So that from this Author we are now fure of the two firſt
Articles. And indeed in his time the Orthodox Biſhops were obliged to ſettle
this point againſt the Arians, and even bind it with Anathema. Therefore we
find it thus in Hilary: (1) Si quis Chriſtum deum filium dei ante ſecula, ſubfiftentem &
MINISTRANTE M patri ad omnium perfectionem non dicat, ſed ex quo de Maria
natus eſt, ex eo du Chriftum & filium nominatum elle, dio initium accepiſſe ut fit Deus,
Anathema fit. Inftead of Miniſtrantem the Greek in (m) Socrates hath mes pyn nóta ;
and for the greater Surety, this Article is but a Repetition with ſome Addition
of another to the like purpoſe in the ſame Formula drawn up at Sirmium againſt
Photinus.
(a) Philo Jud. de Monarch. p.556.
(6) Hilar. Pi&av. de Trinit
' Lib. VIII. p. 144.
(c) Hilar. Pi&t. in Matth. Can. XI.
(d) Hilar. Pict. de Trin. Lib. XII. p. 252.
(é) Hilar. Piet. de Trin. Lib. XII. p. 254.
(f) Hilar. Pi&t. de Tin. Lib. III. p. 36.
(3) Hilar. Pi&t. de Trin.Lib. V. p. 66. (3) Hilar. Pi&t. in Pfal. LIX.
(i) Hilar.
Pi&t. in Pfal. Ixii. & cxxvii.
(k) Hilar. Pi&t. in Pfal. cxliii.
(1) Hilar. Piet. de
Synod. adv. Arian. P. 302,
(m) Socrat. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. II. Cap. 30.

492
Ch. XII, V.1.
The Moon of the Church.
In proceeding to ſhew, that according to Hilary the Holy Ghoſt is to be
worſhipped, we meet at the very firft a great Obſtacle in our way; which is
the Authority of (a) Eraſmus, who tells us in his Epiftie Dedicatory before the
Works of Hilary, that this Orthodox Father avoided to ſay, that the Holy
Ghoſt was to be worſhipped, but inſtead thereof uſed the Word promerendum:
either, faith he, becauſe it came not to his mind; or elſe, becauſe it was not
yet decided and exactly defin'd. But I dare boldly ſay, that Eraſmus is miſtaken
in both theſe Opinions; for that it was both defin'd and practic'd in the Primi
tive Church to adore the Holy Ghoſt, hath been ſhewn before, and that Hilary
ſhould not follow the reſt of the Church is improbable; and as to the ſecond
we ſhall now ſhew from Hilary himſelf, that he was for the Worſhip of the
Holy Ghoſt. The Words from which we pretend to do this are as follows:
He ſpeaks of the Holy Ghoft; (b) Loqui autem de eo non neceſſe est, quia de Patre
& Filio authoribus confitendum eft, & quidem puto an fit,non eſſe tra&tandum. Eft enim,
quandoquidem donatur, accipitur, obtinetur, & qui cenfelsoni patris & filii connexus
eft, non poteft à confeſſione patris & filii Separari
. Theſe words prove two things,
that we muſt confeſs the Holy Ghoſt in the ſame manner as the Father and the
Son, and that the Father and the Son are Authors of the Holy Ghoft; the word
Autor is the ſame as Kúrio in Greek, a Lord, or one that hath and gives Autho-
rity : and therefore the Holy Ghoſt is their Miniſter, performing their Com-
mands. Now Confeſſion in the Stile of the Holy Scripture implies all the Acts
of Worſhip; the LXX. uſe the word oceanogéco, where the Hebrew hath 7779,
which allo lignifies to laud and praiſe, and where we find alſo in the Hebrer
5172, which alſo fignifies to pray to or make Vows: as likewiſe where Ifaiab 45.
23. uſes you, which generally ſignifies to Swear, and ſo the LXX. have onerals,
buc St. Paul citing that place, Rom. 14. II. turns it by a quorognozlou ſhall confeſs,
ſee alſo Matth. 7. 21. and Luke 6.46. But what is moſt material, Hilary under-
ſtood it, and explain’d his Mind to be fo too, the Proof follows: (c) Abrabe
quoque Iſaac filius promittitur, dehinc poftea afſiftunt viri tres. Abraham confpeétis tribus,
unum adorat & dominum confitetur. Scriptura aſtitiſſe viros tres edidit : ſed Patriarcha non
ignorat qui & adorandus fit de confitendus. Here Confeſſion and Adoration are the
ſame. Again in the next Page: Demutatio tantùm fit nominum, nibil tamen de
Confeſſione deceſſit
. Virum enim licèt conſpectum, Abraham deum tamen adoravit, Sam
cramentum ſcilicet futuræ corporationis agnoſcens. And in the very next: Dominum
ſuum ex tribus agnitum, & folum adoratum, eo deum confeffus eft & judicem. In
another place he gives it out as a general Rule: (d) Duplicem in Confeffione Sign
nificationem eſſe in plurimis locis demonſtravimas, aut peccati noſtri, aut laudetionis dei.
See the reſt : Hence he argues (e) Honorem reddunt, dum naturam confitentur.
Wherefore with him the Holy Spirit is alſo Lord: (f ) Cum vero adjecit
. Ubi
Spiritus Domini, ibi libertas, bbw eum cujus eft fignificat, quid & Spiritus domina
nus eft, & ubi Spiritus eſt domini, ibi libertas eſt. Now Lordſhip doch certainly
imply Worſhip. Go to now, and truſt to Eraſmus, when Arian Controverſies
come to be debated.
St. Auguſtin ſhall be the laſt we ſhall produce; and he is very full in few
Words. He faith in one of his Sermons upon the Holy Ghoſt : (g) Ecce iterum
humanis divina mifcentur, id eft, VICARIUS Redemptoris : ut beneficia quæ Sal-
vator Dominus inchoavit, peculiari Spiritus Sanéti virtute conſummet : & quod ille re-
demit, ifte fančtificet : quod ille acquiſivit, ifte cuſtodiat : ac fic unitas deitatis per unita-
tem gratiæ ac muneris approbatur, ut ſpiritus Jančius deus in ſubſtantia unus, in perſonas
alius, æquali miſeratione unicus, aquali reverentia fit colendus. In another Sermon
before that he faith: (b) Bonus plane Magiſter eft, qui præceptorum EXECUTOR
eft ſalvatoris ; which words ſhew the Holy Ghoft is the Vicar and Miniſter of
Chriſt's Commands. And yet he takes off the Objection of the Macedonians,
who from this Miniſtry and Miſſion of the Holy Ghoſt pretend to infer that the
Holy Ghoſt was a Creature (i) Quod dixit, Mittam eum, ne forte aliquis veftrum
cogitet , quod quafi de inferiori dixerat , Mittam; vel ficut Hæretici dicunt,
quod ſpiritus fanétus quafi Subjectus ac ferviens deo, pareat imperanti. And in-
Lib. II. p. 27.
(m) Eraſm. Rot. Ep. ad Jo. Carondilet. Archiep. Panormit.
(b) Hilar. Pi&. de Trin.
(c) Hilar. Pi&t. de Trin. Lib. IV.p. 53.
(d) Hilar.
Pi&. in Pfal. cxxxvii.
(e) Hilar. Piet. de Trin. Lib. VI. p. 103.
(f ) Hilar.
Piet. de Trin. Lib. II. p. 29.
(8) Auguftin de Temp. Serm. clxxxv.
(5) Auguſt. de
Temp. Serm. clxxxiii.
(1) Auguft
. de Temp. Serm. clxxxiv.
deed

Ch. XII. v. 1. The Moon of the Church.
493
deed theſe Macedonians were not content to ſpeak thus of the Holy Ghoſt as
the Primitive Fathers, but arriv'd alſo to that pitch of Impudence and Con-
tempt, as to call the Holy Ghoſt a Slave. Whence it came, that the Fathers
who follow'd were more cautious to ſpeak of the Holy Ghoft's Miniſtry, and
that their Diſcourſes rather tended to ſhew che Divinity, Majeſty, Power and
Adorableneſs of the Holy Ghoſt, and preſs’d highly, that the Miniſtry of the
Holy Ghoſt is an Office of Authority: for which reaſon he is a Lord, and by
his Office now under the Diregion of Chriſt. So that the Symbol of the Moon
fuits that Character moſt exactly.
The Doctrine of the Miniſtry of the Holy Ghoſt is true, but their inference
falſe. This Controverſy, which we may ſuppoſe aroſe at the ſame time with
that of the Divinity of the Word denied by the Arians, and ſeems included
therein, made a particular Head afterwards. In this as we learn from (a)
Sozomen, both the Anomoioufians and Homoioufans agreed, that the Holy Ghost
was AlanoviKÓV, Miniſterial ; and third in Order and Honour, and different in
ſubſtance, tñ šsią daroor. But Apollinarius of Laodicea, Athanaſius, Bafil and
Gregory oppoſed them; fo that it ſeems it was in a manner cruſh'd. It was at
firſt ſtarted by Macedonius, and maintain'd by Marathonius. Macedonius denied
divine Worſhip to the Holy Ghoſt, and rank'd him among the Angels. So-
zomen : (+) το δε άγκον πνώμα, άμοιρον των αυτών πρεσβείων απεραίνο, διάκονον και υπηρέτίω
καλών, και όσα περί των θείων αγγέλων λόγων τις έκ άν αμαροι Wherein they imitated,
as I hinted, Arius and Eunomius : For Ruffin obſerves, That they called the
Holy Ghoſt, (c) MITTENDARIU M. The Copy of the Abſtract of (d)
Pbiloſtorgius ſeems to be corrupted in the Report of this matter : the Word
9006 egòr is by ſome changed into popetóv, or pózelpos. Perhaps it may be pogée, the
Carrier of Errands, for that 'explains Mittendarium. But the Fathers, who have
fpoken of this matter, tell us, That they went further, and called the Holy
Ghoſt (†) Agro, whence it comes, that the (e) Fathers preſs ſo much the Aus
thority of the Holy Ghoſt, whoſe words we ſhall not here tranſcribe, the matter
being diſcuſs’d in thoſe Teſtimonies of the modern Divines, whoſe Authority
we ſhall produce.
To begin with the Lutheran Divines, John Wigand and Matth. Judex ſet out a
Body of Divinity printed at Bafil
, 1560. we find therein theſe Obſervations :
(f) Spiritus fan&tus eft perſona Divinitatis tertia in ordine, diſtin&ta à patre & filio,
& à patre & filio procedens : quæ mittitur, ut in ecclefia MINISTERIUM do-
cendi fuftineat, & in cordibus hominum habitet. Again they ſhew, that tho' this
be a Miniſtry, yet'tis at the fame time a Government. (g) Ejt GUBERNA
TOR minifterii, veram doctrinam conſervat, tradit doo propagat : idque per media,
hoc eft, ſinceros
. ecclefia doctores. Fohan. 14. And that this was his Office both
before and after the Incarnation of the Word: (b) Hanc enim Perſonam ad id
deſtinatam effe docent, ut MINISTERIO docendi in ecclefia fungeretur, ante e
poſt exbibitum Meffiam. In the ſame manner the Interpolator of Ignatius calls
che Holy Ghoft, (i) size jovenòv, and Siddoxenenòv magen Jet Seca Inoi Xpusē. Doctor
Vitringa, a Profeſſor in Divinity at Franeker, hath theſe words in his Commen-
tary upon the Revelation : (k) Chriſtus enim Jeſus, qui ecclefiam ſuam univerſali cura
& providentia profequitur, neceſſaria illi omnia ſubminiſtrat, five ut Apoftolus ait,
Paxopna, per Spiritum fuum, qui Chrifti Jeſu ſecundum excellentiorem ejus naturam
Spiritus eft, oeconomicè illi ſubordinatus, omnium Spirituum Princeps, per quem totam
ADMINISTRAT ecclefiam, per omnia temporum intervallá do ſtatus.
To
chis 1 ſhall joyn the Authority of Joſue Placæus Divinity Profeſſor at Saumur,
whoſe Works againſt the Socinians are eſteemed amongſt the beſt. In his Refu-
fation of Grellius, when he comes to ſpeak of the Holy Ghoſt, he ſtates the
matter very plainly, and in particular hath theſe words, which are proper to
( Sozom. Lib. VI. Cap. 11. & Niceph. Hiſtor. Ecclef. Lib. XI. cap. 30.
(6) Sozom
Hilt. Ecclef. Lib. IV. cap. 27. (c) Ruffin. Expof. in Symb. Apoftol. Vid. Du Freſne.
Glofl. Lat. (d) Philoft. Lib. VI. cap. 2. v. Gothofred. ibid (+) Gregor. Naz. Or. 44.
Auguſtin fuprà. Photius Ep. I. c. 10. Theophyla&t. in Joh. cap. 16. p. 539. Joh. Chryſ. in 1 Cor.
12. VII. p. 434.
(e) V. Bafil. de Spir. San&t. Joh. Chryf. Tom. VI. p. 731. 735. 813.
Cyril. Catech. XVI.
(f) To. Wigand. Synr. Part. 1. p. 67. vid. Part. 2. p. 554.
(8) Jo. Wigand. Synt. Pare I. p. 71. vid. Parc 2. p. 561. (b) Jo. Wigand. Synt. Part 2.
P. 559
(i) Ign, interp. Ep. ad Philad.
(k) C. Vitringa Anacr. Apoc.
5.7. p. 278,
vist 6 K
out

494
The Moon of the Church.
Ch. XII. V.I.
our purpoſe. (a) Spiritus fanéti in creatione, gubernatione, & redemptione. mundi
partes funt E XE QUE NTIS. Non eſt autem regum exèqui ſed imperare, qui
autem exequuntur regis mandata, ii ſunt regis aliquid, nempe MINISTRI, Satel-
lites, milites
, ſubditi
. And a little after he faith : Quare phyficè feu Metaphyfice
loquendo, hoc eſt, babita ratione elſentia; ac, ut ita loquar ſpeciei, non minus deus eft
Spiritus quam Pater. Quamvis politice loquendo, hoc eſt, babita ratione Majeftatis
imperii," ſolus Pater fit deus. Porrò in facris literis de perſonæ fuerunt diſtinguende,
& politicè potius quàm Metaphyficè loquendum. Quocircd ſpiritus fan&tus quoniam
partes tuetur E XÊ QUENTIS non fuit appellandus deus aut frequenter, aut
ità aperte : Servandum enim fuit perſonarum decorum. Afterwards' he ſaith, (b)
Egregie profectò Spiritus ſanctus defcribitur ut LEGATUS, ut SUCCESOR
Chrifti, ut legatus fidelis. And yet he aſſerts very well the Authority and Do-
minion of the Holy Ghoſt : (c) Et cum Apoftoli immediate d deo do Cbrifto mitti
debuerint, tamen milli dicuntur a ſpiritu ſancto Barnabas e. Saulus. Non igitur ut
SERVUS inducitur loquens ſpiritus ſed ut dominus, ut deus cujus authoritas oba
verfari eorum oculis debet qui ejus verba audiunt. Francis Turretin Profeffor at
Geneva gives us this Solution of the Macedonian Argument againſt the divine
Authority of the Holy Ghoft, drawn from it's Miniſtry. (d) Verus Deus non poteft
mitti per imperium, quid ſe ſuperiorem non agnoſcit ; fed poteft per conſenſum, quod
diverſitatem quidem officii notat, ſed non elentia. Filius du Spiritus mittuntur par
ſteriori modo, non priori.
Of Engliſh Divines we ſhall name two or three, being ſuch as have adopted
the Language of the Fathers afore cited ; and by conſequence approved their
Doctrine. The firſt is Biſhop Hacket, who in one of his Sermons upon the
Holy Ghoft hath theſe words, having before cited St. Auſtin : (e) For in the ſame
Sermon he ſaith, that the immortal Spirit is VICARIUS Succeffor Redemp-
toris, the Deputy to ſucceed our Saviour in the Church, now he is gone away on higha
To which may be added the words of the pious Author of the whole Duty of
Man, who ſays, (f) The Holy Ghoſt is become as it were our ATTENDANT, waits
upon us with continual offers of his Grace. The next is the Learned Doctor G.
Hickes, who in his Preliminary Diſcourſe to Spinoza reviv'd makes this Apo-
ſtrophe to Ignatius the Martyr. If theſe things are not true, if they are not the
Doctrines thou learnedſt at the Apoſtles Feet, we are miſerably miſled by Thee, who
doſt aſſure us, that the Spirit [the VIC AR of Jeſus Chriſt, the Spirit of Truth,
who taught and ſhewed thy Maſter John all things] bid thee ſpeak with a loud
Voice, Obey the Biſhop, attend to the Biſhop, and to the Presbyters and Deacons,
And ſince the Doctor hath here quoted Ignatius, and added to his words this
Epithete of Vicar, I will alſo ſhew here, that the ſame Ignatius by another Al-
legory demonſtrates not only, that Chriſt is a Miniſter of our Salvation, but
that the Holy Ghoft acts under him in the ſame Work. His words are in the
genuine Epiſtle to the Epheſians as follows : 'Aydoscóuefuos eis to infon decerñs unxavñs
Pinos Xgesê, ő ésiv saugos, gouvimo xe cóuefuor tớ avdiuale Ted cizio; being carried upon high
through the Engine of 7eſus Chriſt, which is his Croſs, and uſing the Holy Ghoſt as the
Rope. But becauſe ſome think that the larger Edition of Ignatius's Epiſtles is
the genuine, the fame Doctrine is alſo contain'd therein: (g) 'Evetoreto eutuis
βαστίζειν εις το όνομα τε πτήρος, και τα ιδε, και τα αγία πνώματG: έτε εις ένα τριώνυμον, έτε εις
τρείς εν ανθρωπήσανlας, αλλ' ως τρεις ομοτίμες" Now the Rope is acted by the Crane
or Engine, and doth it ſelf pull up the weight, ſo the Holy Ghoſt, being
directed by Chriſt, draws up Men into Heaven ; which plainly implies, chac
the Holy Ghoſt acts in our Salvation as the Miniſter of Chriſt. And yet this
Holy Martyr owns the Holy Ghoſt to be Lord as well as God the Father and
Chrift. He fays, (b) υποτάγηλε τω επισκόσο και αλλήλοις ως 'Ιησες Χριςός το σαιξί καλά σίρκα,
x; oi 'Amosomal wel Xees o, siġ tad neilgi, rj TuS svol vcele" and ſo theſe three are equally Lords
in the Church, which God has not ſubjected, ustaže, to the Angels, Heb. 2. 5.
The laſt to be cited is Dr. P. Allix, who conſidering what thoſe ſeven Spirits
are, in Revel. 1.4. ſaid to be before the Throne of God, explains it thus, That
Sr. Fohn (i) had in his mind to expreſs the far more plentiful Effuſion, and more
powerful Efficacy of the Holy Spirit under the Goſpel, than under the Law, and his
never ceaſing Miniſtration for the good of the Church, for which Purpoſes he bath

ibid. p. 353.
(a) Jof. Placæi Refut. J. Crellii De Uno Deo &c. Se&. III. cap. 1. p. 330.
(6) Joſ. Plac.
(c) Jof. Plac. ibid. p. 375.
(d) Fr. Turretin. Juftit. Theolog. Loc. III.
Q. 30. 9. 21. (e) Hacket's Serm. IV. on the Holy Ghoſt, p. 665.
(f) Præf. (8) Ignat.
interpol. ad Philipp. (b) Igaat. Magni () Differt. concerning the Angel Redeemer p. 458.
receiv'd

Ch. XII. v. 1.
The Moon of the Church.
495
received a VIC ARIOUS Authority under God, immediately to Chriſt, as Ter-
tullian ſpeaks. And in the Conclufion he faith : St. John therefore doth not place
the Holy Spirit before Chriſt, but mentions him with Chriſt, becaule be after Chriſt's
Aſcenſion, and during the time of Chriſt's continuance on God's Right-hand, has a more
particular Hand in the immediate Government of the Church, and is eſpecially watchful
to do her good. And for this reaſon I think it is, the Holy Spirit is placed as it were
without ihe Veil, like a miniftring Angel. Theſe words give a true account of
the matter, and therefore very well explain all thoſe Symbols, which on the
one Hand ſeem to ſet forth the Holy Ghoſt in a ſtate of Miniſtry, and as it were
under Chriſt's Directions; and on the other repreſent him as a Governor over
the Church, which is the Caſe before us. I ſhall conclude with an Obſervation
made by the ſame (a) Learned Man, that Philo having acknowledged two
Powers in God, by which he created the World, being eternal, appearing
and ſpeaking as real Perſons, and in a viſible and ſenſible manner, main-
tains that the two (b) Cherubims over the Ark were the Symbols of theſe
two Powers. Now as we have proved, that the Cherubim were Supporters and
Miniſters of the Throne; ſo 'tis plain, that by the Doctrine of Philo, as well
as of the Holy Scriptures and Fathers, the Son and Holy Ghoſt, tho' eternal
Perſons in the Godhead, may be Miniſters. And thus we ſee, that by the Au-
thority of the beſt of Divines in the Church the Symbol of the Moon, although
it fignify an inferior Governour in reſpect of the ſupream, may neverthe-
leſs in the Caſe before us, where Chriſt is the Sun, and the Stars his Apoſtles,
very well repreſent the Holy Ghoſt, who as to the Church is a general Go-
vernour, but in the Oeconomy of the Trinity is now become ſubject to the
Directions of the Father and the Son.
Before we part with this Note, it may not be improper to try whether we
may not find in other places of holy Writ, as well as in this ſymbolical Book,
that the Holy Ghoſt is ſuch a Miniſter as we have already ſhewn. For that
end we ſhall not need to look very far out, becauſe the very Title which our
Saviour gives it in the Promiſe of the fending thereof implies the fame; the
Office of Paraclete being an Office of Miniſtry. It is ſaid of Chriſt, as well as
of the Holy Ghoſt, i John 2. 1. we have an Advocate, or Paraclere, with the
Father, Jeſus Chriſt the righteous; that word anſwers to AHTagge's a Miniſter, Heb.
8, 2. and his Office is called Acryppie, a Miniſtry, p. 6. Now the Holy Ghoſt
as ſuch interceeds for us, Rom. 8. 34. but upon a different account, and in a dif-
ferent manner: Chriſt through the Merits of his Blood, the Holy Ghoſt with
Groanings which cannot be uttered, Rom. 8, 26. Thus the Holy Ghoſt is a Paraclete,
and that not fimply, but anae, another ; 7oh. 14. 16. that is, ſuch another as
Chriſt himſelf; for as Hilary faith: (c) Cum dicit alium, Supereſe se docet. Nay,
he is a Paraclete in the name of Chriſt, ĉu tos óvóucili us, Joh. 14. 26, and there
fore a VICARIOUS Officer, Miniſter, as being ſent not only by the Father,
but alſo by the Son. Nay, and his Miſſion ſhews him to be an uangérns, Miniſter,
as well as the Son, according to the juſt reaſoning of Juſtin Martyr cited before.
Let this therefore ſtand as well aver'd, that the Holy Ghoft is repreſented here
by the Moon; and that there is no inconveniency to ſuppoſe the Holy Ghoſt
under rule, becauſe the Moon is the Symbol of a Governour leſs than fupream,
ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt is really the Miniſter of Chriſt, his High-Steward, his
Vicar-General in all the Affairs of his Kingdom, ruling and directing all other
inferior Officers and People. But after all it is moſt proper to ſtick to the
word Paraclete, which is in holy Writ, rather than Miniſter, to expreſs the ex-
cellency of the Power of the Holy Ghoſt, his exceeding Goodneſs, Care and
Government of the Church. Miniſtry ſeems to be too low a Term. This Oba
fervation I have copied out of (d) Jamblichus. And yet Aldrovice, Miniſtrations,
are attributed to the Holy Ghoſt by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 12. 5.
To conclude this Nore, I ſhall here ſet down fome very remarkable words of
Euſebius, which fully confirm my Expoſition of this difficult Place; and that
too with this advantage, that he proteſſes to ſpeak according to the Doctrine
of the Hebrews. To underſtand them we need only to obſerve, that he ſpeaks
(a) Allix's Judg. of Jew. Ch. cap. 9. p. 122.
Mof. p. 455. to which I add de Exul. p. 316
de Myft. Sect. 3. cap. 17.,
(6) Philo Quis hæres, p. 342. de Vita
(c) Hilar. Pict. in Pfal cxxy. (d) Jambi.
according

496
The Moon of the Church.
Ch. XIL V.I.
accordingly to that Principle, that the viſible World is an Image of the inviſible
and intellectual, by which it happens, that the Sun repreſents the divine
Logos, and the Moon the Holy Ghoft, and the Stars the holy Angels. The
words of Eufekius are thefe: (α) Ταύτη πητοιγαρών και τον εν ασωμάτους και νοεραις εσίαις κόσμος
χρή νοείν, τα πάνlα έβσ αθρόως απολαβέσης της ανεκφράσο και απειρομεγέθες δuυάμεως τα θρε
των όλων, δατεβάσης και μεθα τον πιέρα της δημιουργικής ομά και φωτιστικής δυνάμεως το θείς
λόγε" διο και φώς αληθινόν, και δικαιοσύνης ήλιον εβραιους φίλον αυτόν ονομάζειν τρίτης δε ήδη
μεία των δατέραν εσίαν εν χώρα σελίύης καθισαμβύης τε αγία ενδύματος, και και αυτό εν τη πρώτη
και βασιλική της των όλων αρχώς αξία και τιμή καlαλέγεσιν, εις αςχω των μεγα ταύτα γενητών,
λέγω δε των υποβεβηκότων, και της παρ' αι χορηγίας ιδεομύων, και αυτή προς τη των όλων
ποενε καλα τεταγμένε. αλλα τούτο μο, τρίτίω επέχον τίω τίξιν τοις υποβεβηκόσι, τον εν
αύω κρειτάνων δυνάμεων επιχορηγών και μια αλλα και αναλαμβάνει παρ' ετέρε τε ή περιε θεέ λό-
γε, το ή και ανωτέρω και κρείττον, δν ή δατερούειν έφαμα της ανωτάτω και αγεννήτε φύσεως
Ješ 78 sep Barraécos. Thus you ſee, that theſe contain the whole Doctrine of this
Note, and are therefore proper to confirm it.
F. T meneto TÖV 7608ão luíñs, under her Feet.] This is the place that hath made
the Interpreters to miſtake the former Symbol, becauſe they have preſs'd it too
far; as if being under the Feet, or at the Feet muſt imply to be under Oppreffion.
No, the Holy Ghoſt would then have expreſs'd it by being trodden under Feet, as
in Chap. 11. 2. But in this Book, ſo full of accurate Expreſſions, we muſt
allow a difference between thoſe Expreſſions. Tis true, that under the Feet, or
at the Feet doth always imply Submiſſion to the Commands of another, as in
Exod. 11. 8. 1 Kings 20. 10. but then this Poſture or Expreſſion never hinders,
but that ſuch as be lo may at the ſame time be Princes and Governours over
others : as in Judg. 4. 10. Barak went out with ten thouſand Men at his Feet, that
is under his Command; and yet many of theſe were of as good quality as him-
ſelf, being in Tribes independent, and only at this time under his Command,
and ſome of theſe are called, Fudg. 5. 14. Governours out of Machir, du v. 15.
Princes of Iljachar. In ſhort, the higheſt Miniſter of State is not too great for
ſuch a poſture towards his "Sovereign Lord. 'Tis rather the proper place of ſuch
a Miniſter, when the ſupream Lord appears in ſtate to give Laws or Judgment.
In our Parliaments the place of the Lord Chancellor is at the foot of the
Throne, when the Sovereign is preſent. Wolfen when Chancellor, however
otherwiſe great and mighty, took that place, as it is obſerv'd in Baker's Chronicle.
But how ftood this in old Times, by which we muſt judge of the intent of
the Holy Ghoft? That celebrated place in Gen 49. 10. The Scepter ſhall not dem
part from Judah, nor a Law-giver from between bis Feet, until Shiloh come, is in
a great meaſure a proof of chis. Here Jacob makes Judah a ſymbolical Per-
fon, the repreſentative of the Tribe. The Sceptre is the ſupream Power,
which is not to depart from him, nor at leaſt a Law-giver from between his
Feet. This Law giver in Heb. ppm Mechokek, in the lxx. vinculluq, is own'd
by all Interpreters to fignify a Prince, but under a Sovereign : See Wagenſelii
Diſſert. in Gen. 49. 10. p. 33. &c. it is a word us'd in Judg. 5. 14. to fignify
Governours; and theſe were at the Feet of Barak then. However this is own'd
alſo by the Jewiſh Interpreters, that this Law-giver between the Feet is ſo placd,
as a Miniſter or Scribe in a Court is wont to be when his Prince is ſitting on Judg-
ment. And he is ſaid to be between the Feet of Judah the ſymbolical Perfon
of the whole Tribe, juſt as the Sun is ſaid here to cloth, and the Moon to be
under the Feet of the Woman, repreſenting the Church. I know that others
underſtand that place otherwiſe, but what I contend for is, That the Jews
underſtanding it ſo, their Teſtimony in the Caſe is a proof of the Pofture or
Rank of a Minifter of State, when the Sovereign is executing the Offices of
his Power. In the ſymbolical Throne of Solomon the ſame thing appears; for
there the twelve Lions upon the Steps at the feet of the Throne fignify the
twelve Heads of the Tribes ready waiting to receive and execute the Com-
mands of the King: We ſee alſo by the Throne of God in Chap. 4. that the
ſeveral Miniſters of God are placed in ſuch poſtures of Subuniffion; the Sym-
bols of the Clergy are under the Throne, the Elders perform Homage by fal-
ling down at his Feet, as it were by proftrating themſelves; and even the Sym-
bol of the Holy Ghoſt ſtands before it in a miniftring Poſture. I cannot indeed
find in any Author, that ſuch a Cuſtom was practic'd in the Eaſtern Courts of
(a) Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. VII, p. 191. comp. alſo p. 193. ex Ariftobulo Jud.
the

Ch. XII. V.I.
The Moon of the Church.
497
the Allyrian, Mede or Perſian Monarchs, or even in the Parthian, who had the
Surenas as chief Miniſter; but the manner of their Throne and Seats about it
being the ſame as in our Days, we may reaſonably ſuppoſe, that the Station of
the prime Miniſter was ſuch as in ours.
Now a Prime Miniſter is he who receives firſt the Dictates of the Sovereign,
in order to command afterwards che People to obey ; in which the laſt part is
that of a Prince, the former that of a Miniſter or Diſciple, of whom the
Holy Scriptures both of the New and Old Teſtament obſerve, Thar he was
at the Feet of his Maſter: A&S 22. 3. Deut. 33. 3. to which laſt place the
aforeſaid of Geneſ. 49. 10. is accounted Parallel, even by Grotius ; though the
two places both relate to the Submiſſion which is due to the Supream, whether
Governour or Maſter; as i Sam. 25. 27. do relate to the Duty of a plain Ser-
vant. Thus then the Moon being at or under the Feet, this ſhews a great Mi-
niſter of State, but ſuch a one as governs under another, and acknowledges
none but the ſupream above him. So that in ſhort the Expreſſion is both vul-
gar and ſymbolical ; both ways of ſpeaking often uſing the ſame thing: be-
cauſe the vulgar Language for want of Expreſſions, or the more lively repre-
ſentation of the matters, fets them out by their Adjuncts or other Topicks. So
that the Moon under the Feet ſhews, That the Holy Ghoſt is here in the
actual Performance of its miniſterial and governing Office.
All that can be objected againſt this ſeems now to be only, that this Moon
ſhould appear properly under the feet of the Sun, its Office referring to the
Sun, as it is miniſterial, and really ſuperior to the Woman, To which it may
be anſwer'd, That the Decorum of the Symbol, which is an eſſential rule in
this Language, will not ſuffer it, the Sun having no ſuch Members. But as
the whole Sign is to be taken together, and that the Church, that is the
whole Body thereof, includes its Head as well as Members ; fo when the Ru-
ler thereof comes in under the Notion of a Veſture, what is ſaid to be under
the Feet of the Woman, is alſo under the Feet of the Veſture that incompaſſes
her: and that I may repeat what hath been ſlightly hinted before, 'tis in our
Caſe as in that of Judah, Gen. 49. 10. where the Prime Miniſter is ſaid to be
between the Feet, not of the Scepter, which it fhould be if that Ohjection
were to take a place, the Scepter being the Sovereign, but of Judab who is the
Symbol of the whole Tribe, including thus the Head and Members.
And becauſe this alſo is liable to Obje&tion and Evafion, to ſhew that this
Management of the Holy Ghoſt is moſt exact, we ſhall produce ſuch another
Inſtance of a prophetical Dream, mention'd in a Jewiſh Author. 'Tis that of
the twelve Patriachs. In the Teſtament of Nephthalim, he introduces that Pas
triarch rehearſing a Dream :(a) That he ſaw upon the Mount of Olives on
the Eaſt of Jeruſalem ; that the Sun and Moon ſtood, and that Ifaac their Grand-
father ſaid to them, run and catch every Man as ye are able, for the Sun and
Moon may be taken. Whereupon all running, Levi took the Sun, and Judab
the Moon, and both were exalted with them. So that Levi being as the Sun,
a certain young Man gave him twelve Branches of Palms : and Judah was
bright as the Moon, and under his Feet (the Greek hath dutcv, but the Latin
Verſion having ejus did read eluté, which is better, though either way ſerves
our turn) there were twelve Beams of Light. And Levi and Judah running
together held one another, &c. now this ſufficiently explains its felf
. This
Author looks upon the Prieſt-hood as ſuperior, the Civil Power as inferior;
which Notion ſuited with thoſe Times, wherein the Prieſthood had the ſu-
pream Power; ſo that Judah was ſubject to it, but ſtill ruled in Civil Matters
too over his Brethren and Tribe. And ſo although the Tribes had a Civil
Power over themſelves, yet they were under Judah, and as Beams of
Light under his Feet. However, this ſhews that the Moon as ſubject,
yet ruling under the Sun, may be ſaid to be under the Feet, as well as
twelve Beams of Light, the Moon being never accounted the Symbol of fu-
pream Power; all which reſpects only the Oeconomy of the State and the
Office therein. For Symboles as Similitudes muſt be extended only to the main
Intention ; and that the Holy Ghoſt executes a minifterial Office or Power in
the Church, hath been ſufficiently prov'd already.
(a) Teftam xii. Patr. Nepth. cap. 5.
6 L
There

498
Chap. XII. v.1.
The Twelve Stars.
There is another way to ſolve this Difficulty, the hint whereof I have indeed
received from a very witty (a) Man, tho' his way of handling the whole Text
be nothing to the purpoſe, and he hath rather excited the idea in my Mind,
than any ways expreſſed it himſelf. This Woman is ſuppos’d to be in Labour, the
Feet is the place towards which the Child falls when born ; for which though
we need no Proof, yet we ſhall give the Teſtimony of Homer, who uſes this
Expreſſion to that Purpoſe.
(b) Os SV San Lucale TuS sa calon yeta zeud gwainos. See Deut. 28. 57.
Therefore the Moon is placed there ready to affiſt the Woman in the Labour,
and to help her to be delivered of her Child. If Alluſions were allowed to be
fetch'd merely from Pagan Opinions, we ſhould not be put far to it, to ſhew that
the Moon is a proper Symbol to ſignify ſuch a Perſon, as aflifts aWoman in Tra-
vail; their (c) Lucina, or 'Etnegye, the common Midwife that affifted at every
Birth, being indeed the Moon. But to bring it to our Expoſition of the Moon, the
Holy Ghoſt doth indeed perform the Office of a Midwife to every individual Chri-
ftian, and in general to the whole Church, aſſiſting it in its Perſecutions and
working out the Deliverance. As to every Chriſtian, it is plain that our Admif-
fion into the Church, to become Children thereof, is in Holy Writ called a Regen
neration, Tit. 3. 5. to what in that very place the Expreſſion, renewing of the Holy
Ghoſt is ſet as ſynonymous, the Regeneration being indeed wrought by the Holy
Ghoſt: And therefore as our Saviour faith, we muſt be born again to ſee the
Kingdom of God, fo ſuch as be thus born are by him ſaid to be born of the Spirit,
Joh. 3. 3, 8. and if the Spirit helpeth our Infirmities, Rom. 8. 26. thoſe informities
being the Perſecutions which the Church indures, then it is plain that the Holy
Ghoſt aſſiſts both the individual Members of the Church, and the whole Body,
thereof. See 1 Cor. 12. 13.
Hitherto we have rather proceeded to ſhew the meaning of this Expreſſion,
under the Feet, from Alluſion and vulgar Speech. Let us ſee whether we may not
find out the ſame thing upon the ftri& Principles of the ſymbolical Language :
The Feet in this Language fignify the Followers or Subjects, the Feet of this
Woman are therefore the Members of the Church. What is under the Feet
ſuſtains them, and a Luminary under the Feet, guides the Feet, is as a Lamp
to the Feet, and a Light to their Paths, to guide them in all their Ways: Plal.
119. 105. and there are ſpecial Promiſes in Holy Writ, that God will pera
form that good Office for us, 1 Sam. 2.9. Luk. 1. 9. and here we ſee what A-
gent he imploys for that excellenc Purpoſe. Thus whilſt the Church in labour
makes Efforts to produce a Chriſtian King to protect it viſibly, which I ſhall
ſhew to be the meaning of the Birth of the Male Child ; the Holy Ghoſt keeps
up, maintains, and preſerves the individuals, Followers and Members of the
Church: which is really, and with little Difference the very fame thing and
Office, as we have ſhewn in the two preceeding Expoſitions of this Expreffion;
which tho it may be conſidered under different Aſpects, yet all reſults to the
fame purpoſe at laſt
, that the Holy Ghoſt is the Vicar General, High Steward,
and Prime Miniſter of Chriſt by him committed to govern them, to regenerate
them, and to guide and preſerve them to the end.
Thus I hope this
difficult place is now made plain without ſwerving from the Analogy of Faith,
or any of thoſe Principles upon which we preſume the underſtanding of this
Propheſy depends. And if I ſay, that this Symbol of the Moon under Peet hath
coſt me more ſtudy and labour, as well as time, than all the reſt of the Book,
it will perhaps ſeem improbable to many, but is what I may fairly proteft,
however eaſy it may now ſeem to be.
G. Kai emi tñs reparañs dutñs séparo eségcoy Naddere. And upon ber Head a Crown
of twelve Stars.] This Head is here a Symbol of decorum ; that is, only mention
ned to limit and ſhew the Signification of the Crown, and ſo it is merely paffive.
However, as Head is a Symbole of Government, and that the Sun and Moon,
the ſupream Lord and his High-Steward are imploy'd chiefly in protecting, dem
fending, and ſupporting the Members of the Church; hence it is, that the moſt
viſible part of the Government, which is ſignified by the Head, is managed by
ſuch as are repreſented by this Crown of twelve Stars. I ſay, that the Sun and
(a) John d'Eſpagne, Shibboleth.
Deor. Lib. II.
(6) Hom. Iliad. T. 110. (c) M. T. Cic. de Nat.
Moon,

Chap. XII. v. 1.
The Twelve Stars.
499
Moon, tho' the Symboles imply alſo Government, yet by their Station of
clothing and under Feet, fignify rather that they, Chriſt and the Holy Ghoft,
are more eſpecially imploy'd in protecting the Church, guiding and maintain-
ing its Members, than in the viſible Government thereof, which ſeems more
fully and plainly to be perform’d by thoſe Symbols of Government which are in
Poffeffion of the Head. Wherefore we muſt look upon thoſe fignified by
theſe Symboles to be the viſible Governours of the Church, whilſt Chriſt at
the Right-Hand of God, governs it only inviſibly by the Influences of his
divine Protection, and the Holy Ghoſt likewiſe performs therein the Office of
a governing Miniſter by his ſecret Influences on the individuals as well as the
whole. Theſe I take to be the Reaſons why the Holy Ghoſt in this Deſcripti-
on hath put the Stars, leſs Miniſters of Government, rather about the Head of
the main Symbol, becauſe theſe leſs Miniſters are to conſtitute the moſt vibble
part of the Government, whilft the ſuperior Lords are ſignified by Symboles
which ſeem to be placed leſs honourably, but more ſuitably to their work.
And thus I hope it will not be objected, that we have made an incongruous Ex-
poſition of theſe Symboles, ſince in this Language we muſt not heed the literal
Abſurdity, whilſt the ſymbolical Signification is proper, and honourable too.
Head, as we ſhall prove by and by, is as a Mountain, or Capital City to the
Monarchy ſpoken of; ſo that when a Body Politick comes under the Symbol
of any Animal, the Capital City thereof is repreſented by the Head'; 'Tis
true, that the Church hath yet no permanent City, nor any Temple made with
Hands. But yet there is an inviſible one underſtood, both Temple and City,
whoſe Members are viſible, though the Bond of their Union be inviſible, fo
that their monítha is partly viſible, and partly inviſible. This Head is
therefore the ſame as the Holy City and Temple mention'd in Chap. IX. 2.
there ſuppos'd as ſtanding, but in this place as yet only infieri, a build-
ing, not built : but as this Head is a Symbol of Decorum, and the Woman a
Type permanent of the Church throughout the militant State ; the Head is
even repreſented at firſt, as it is to be afterwards. This reafoning depends on
what we have ſaid upon the Throne and Elders before.
The Crown, sépuro, is a Symbol of Dominion, but different from the
Imperial or Autocratorical Power : 'Tis rather a Coronet, the Badge of a Power
inferior to the Supream, as hath been proved upon Chap. 4. we may ſee in
this place, that 'tis different from a Diadem, which the Holy Ghoſt alligns to
the Dragon, or the imperial Power of the World and viſible Enemy. Hence
it comes, that when the Kingdoms of this world are viſibly become the King-
doms of our Lord, Revel. 11.15. in the third Period or triumphant State, then
Chriſt, in another Viſion repreſenting the beginning thereof, appears with
many Diadems, Rev. 19. 12. theſe being transferd upon him. Hence alſo we
may infer, that the viſible Church hath a Power and Dominion in its origin
indépendant of the Diadems of the World, and only ſubject to its own Sun
and Moon, the bleſſed Trinity of the Father, and of the Son exalted to the
fame Glory and Throne, and of the Holy Ghoſt worſhipp'd with the former,
but therein Miniſter to both; that there is therefore Imperium in Imperio, a ſpi-
ritual within a temporal Government. So that none but the Enemies of theſe
can pretend, that the Diadems of this World have originally a Power over
this Crown; that's the pretence of the Dragon, but not cheintent of the Holy
Ghoſt, who makes the Church to prevail over theſe, and at laſt transfers them
on its own Sovereign: So that this Crown repreſents what Tertullian gives as
a Title of the Church, when he faith; (a) Domina Mater Eccléfia, and this
Power of the Crown of the Church is exercis'd by the Stars ſet thereon, being
twelve in number.
Stars as leſs Luminaries ſignify inferior Princes or Governours. See the
oriental Oneirocriticks, Chap. 167, 168, 169, 170: or what hath been cited out
of them before. In the Expoſition the number twelve leads us directly to the
twelve Apoſtles, whom Chriſt under himſelf and the Holy Ghoſt hath ap-
pointed Governours of his Church. All Interpreters have ſeen this, therefore
I ſhall cite but few. Ambr. Ansbertus faith : In duodecim autein Stellis, quibus aptatur
regis corona, quid aliud quam Apoftolos intelligere debemus, qui primi capiti noftro in-
33 313
(a) Tertull. adv. Mart. cap. 1.
beſerunt,
500
The Pains of the Woman.
Ch.XII. V. 2.

hæferunt, qui primi ornamentum ejuſdem capitis extiterunt. Afterwards he adds the
reaſon : Ēt rectè per ftellas deſignantur, quia tenebras ignorantiæ radio veritatis illuftrare
probantur. And then this judicious Obſervation : Quanquam autem &• in Apofto-
Lorum numero omnes fidei prædicatores tanquam genus in fpecie poſſint videri, ideo tamen
illi ſpecialiter corona capitis extiterunt, quia primum per eos ipſum caput de toto mundo
victoriam reportavit. 'The Greek Commentators are of the fame Opinion, as
likewiſe all the Moderns: only I obferve from the laſt words of Ansbertus, that
fince this Type is permanent, the living Succeſſors of the Apoſtles, the Biſhops
and Chriſtian Clergy are now as to the Government of the Church the ſame
as the College of the Twelve Apoſtles.
Why Twelve, we are inform’d by Barnabas, himſelf a ſupernumerary Apo-
file or living Succeffor, his Words are: (a) ois desses to Evayjenis tha Excier, 'šo,
Senadúo eis paslúgsoy tãy quaãy. 87. Sevedus ai pural so 'Iogana eis to xnguasey, which I turn
thus, to whom he gave Authority to preach the Goſpel, being twelve in teſtimony of the
Tribes, the Tribes of Iſrael being twelve ; to which reaſon our Saviour feems to
give occaſion in Matth. 19. 28. Luke 22. 30. Thus we ſee, that séparG, a
Crown or Coronet belongs to the Chriſtian Clergy as well as to the Elders of the
Laity, the one Spiritual, t'other Temporal, both under God, and in different
Reſpects
. In the Viſion of the Throne by the Decorum of the Symbols or Ana-
logy of the Allegory, the Clergy were repreſented as Cherubim, Supporters or
Miniſters, their Royalty being expreſs'd in the adjunct of the Lion; but here
the ſame Symbol expreſſes both; for a Star is a Governor or Ruler, but in-
ferior to his Sun or ſupream Lord. And the number of the Stars is limited to
twelve, becauſe the Government of the Church was founded in the Twelve
Apoſtles, and they imply their Succeffors, who act by the Authority tranſmit-
ted to them by thoſe Twelve.
For we muft obſerve of this Symbol the ſame as has been obſerv'd of the
Symbols in the Viſion of the Throne in the fourth Chapter, that it is of per-
petual Duration, and inherent to the Woman or Church throughout it's Periods
of abode among Perſecutors, till it is become the Lamb's Wife in his compleat
Marriage : and by conſequence, that theſe twelve Stars not only repreſent the
Perſons of the Twelve Apoſtles, but alſo, and rather their Office, which is to
continue in the Church as may be ſeen, Matth. 28. 20. In the former Sym-
bol of Wights, the Miniſtry has been chiefly conſider'd as attending upon God
and Chriſt, with additional hints of their Power to govern; but here their
Office is chiefly confider'd as reſpecting the Church, which is Government.
Miniſtry to God and Government of the Church are therefore the two parts of
the Office of the Clergy. The Gifts of the holy Spirit were not parts thereof,
but neceſſary helps to them that were to undertake thoſe parts of their Office,
when they were to found and advance the Church: of theſe Gifts their Suc-
ceflors have ſo much as is neceſſary to the circumſtances of the Church for the
time being. There is therefore in the Succeſſors the plenitude of Power, tho'
the Qualifications are leſs, becauſe there is no need of them now in the ſame
Degrees. And therefore to argue againſt the identity of the Office and Power
from the different degrees of Qualifications, would be as abſurd as to ſay that
Chriſt now does not cloth the Church as it's Sun, or the holy Spirit perform
the Office of the Moon to it, becauſe their Operations are not ſo viſible as
they were in the firſt planting of Chriſtianity. To take away therefore the
Power of the Clergy in ſpiritual Matters within the Church, is to deſtroy the
Church in taking away the Prerogative of its Head and Crown, and to depoſe
Chriſt from his Kingdom by taking away the Power of his Miniſters: and for
the Clergy to pull off the Crowns or Coronets of the Lairy, or which is the
fame to force them to ſubmit to theirs, inftead of doing it immediately to God,
is confounding the Ordinances of God, and uſurping before hand Chriſt's
Diadems, which are to be worn by him in the triumphant State. As to the
right of Chriſtian Princes in the Church, See the Note upon Chap. s. 19. A. By
imbracing our Religion they re-enter with their full Rights as to the Govern.
ment thereof, as far as the word of God allows.
Α. ver. 2. Και εν γασρί έχασα έκραζεν ωδίνεσα, και βασανιζομθύη τεκοϊν. And the being
with Child, cried travailing in Birth, and paind to be deliver d.] We muſt con-
(a) Barnab. Epift. cap. 6.
fider

Ch. XII. V.2.
The Pains of the Woman,
SOL
ſider the acts of this Woman, the Travail and the Birth. All theſe words are
only to expreſs the firſt, and the Birth is mention'd, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt
defigns to ſhew us both that theſe Pains are very great, being ſuch as thoſe of
a Woman in Travail, and that they are to be determin’d by a Deliverance, for
whoſe fake ſhe indures them. It is plain that this fignifies the great Efforts of
the Church to propagate the Goſpel, and the Torments ſhe ſuffer'd from the
firſt preaching of the Twelve Apoſtles until the Times of Conftantine the Great,
at which time ſhe was deliver'd of her Pains, and brought forth a Deliverer.
The Symbol is often us’d in the Prophets, in Iſaiah 26, 18. we have this Sym-
bol, and in the Targum theſe words to explain it: Apprehendit nos tribulatio qual
prægnantem, quando attigit tempus partus ſui ; in lſaiah 66.7. we find both the
Symbol of the Pain and of the Birth : Before ſhe travailed, she brought forth; bea
fore the Pain came, ſhe was deliver'd of a Man-Child: which the Targum paraphraſes
thus. Antequam veniat & tribulatio, redempta erit, antequam veniat ei tremor ficut
dolores parturientis, revelabitur rex ejus. In Zerem. 4. 31. For I have heard a voice
of a Woman in Travail, and the Anguiſh as of her that bringeth forth her firſt Child,
Again, Chap. 13. 21. What wilt thou ſay when he ſhall puniſh thee, for thou haſi
taught them to be Captains, and as chief over thee; ſhalt not Sorrow take thee as a Wo-
man in Travail? the ſame Prophet ſufficiently explains it, Chap 30; 6, 7. Ask
ye now, and ſee whether a Man doth not travail with Child? W berefore do I ſee every
Man with his Hands on his Loyns, as a Woman in Travail, and all Faces are turn'd
into Paleneſs? Alas, for that Day is great
, ſo that none is like it : It is even the time
of Jacob's Trouble, but he shall be faved out of it. Thus alſo in the New Teſtaa
ment the Pains of Child-bearing are us'd co ſignify the ſorrow of Tribulation
or Perfecution, Matth. 24. 8. Mark 13. 8. and Joh. 16. 21, 22. where our Sa-
viour doth himſelf explain it: and St. Paul 1 Tbell. 5:3. For when they ſhall ſay
Peace and Safety, then ſudden Deſtruction cometh upon them, as Travail upon a Woman
with Child. And the ſame Apoſtle applies this Expreſſion to the Propagation of
the Goſpel through Perſecutions : Gal.4.19. My little Children of whom I travail
in Birth again, until Chriſt be formed in you, and v. 27. he applies the Saying of
Iſaiah 54. 1. to the Church ; and Rom. 8. 22. he compares the earneſt defire of
the Creation for the Kingdom of Chriſt to the Pains of a Woman in Travail,
răsve ji ulios ouçevelet xj ouverdiyet expi số vũr. This Creation therefore together with
the Church, as it appears from the word our codivet, which argues that, and
from the following Words, ſuffers even in this World the Miſeries attending it,
until Chrift, by the Reſurrection of our Bodies, brings that holy State, wherein
all Sin and Miſery ſhall be aboliſhd.
That Metaphor is not unuſual in Pagan Authors. Tully hath it more than
once : thus ſpeaking of the vaſt Troubles and Commocions during Cataline's
Conſpiracy : (a) Egº togatus, vobis, boniſque omnibus adjutoribus, hoc quod con-
ceptum refpublica periculum parturit, conſilio difcutiam eu comprimam. In the divine
Philippick he ſpeaks thus of the Troubles cauſed by M. Anthony : (b) Quin etiam
corpus libenter obtulerim, fi repreſentari morte mea libertas civitatis poteſt
, ut aliquando
dolor populi Romani pariat, quod jamdiis parturit ; but the Greeks were before hand
with it. Theognis hath it thus :
(0) Kύρνε, κύει πόλις ήδε δέδοικα δε μή τέκη ανδρου
Da
Εύθυντήρα κακής ύβρις υμετέρης.
Ariſtophanes alſo (d) Tipo moy reſó ou tepe AnxuCred's tivegeter
Γνώμων εκάτερG ; ή πόλις γαρ δυσοκεί.
which laſt word being ſomewhat equivocal, the Note of the Scholiaft reaches
both the Pains and the Birth: δυσοκεί δε λέγει αντί σε αγανακτες και κακώς πάει απο
μεταφοράς των δυσοκεσών γυαικών ή δυσοκεί λέγει αντι σε κακα γυνήμαζα προάγει The Perfian and
Egyptian Interpreters ſay (e) ’Edv de idon on 'ÉTEXSV as ywni, vậy to devev ráv zeñau,
απωλέσει μια μίαν των πολιτειών αυτά και σρατόν πλείςον παρ' εχθρών, και εις θλίψιν και
pézeuvey vče, to which you may refer this of Artemidorus, Lib. I. Cap. 15.
Ει δέ τις αυτός σολάβοι ΓκεG- είναι, α μ πάνης είη, πολλά κλήσται και περιβαλείται χρήμαα,
as xj d'rossa S liat ; si de maídio, šv Cocodrous ij opoviciv és de. Conlult nere a Dream re-
lated by (f) Plutarch concerning the Conſpiracy, to deliver Thebes from the
Lacedemonians ; which is to this purpoſe.
(a) M. T. C. pro Muren.
(6) M. T. Cic. Phil. II.
(c) Theogn. v. 39
(d) Ariſtoph. Ran (9) Achmet cap. cxxvii. (f) Plutarch. de Genio Socr. p. 102. I
6 M
Thus
ma

502
The Pains of the Woman. Chap. XII. V...
د
Thus much for the whole Symbol in general, but the Holy Ghoſt uſes herein
ſeveral Words, which tho' they ſeem to be only of decorum, have yet ſome
ſpecial Meaning, as the Crying of the Woman: We have ſeen in the former
Viſion that the Cry of the Martyrs at the fifth Seal, produces the Revolution of
the ſixth, and procures them aſſurance of future Reward, but there is no men-
tion of the general Oppreffion of the Church, and of all theſe Individuals,
who ſuffer'd it without being Martyrs; as the Holy Ghoſt therefore leaves no-
thing untouch'd that is eſſential, and that it muſt be the particular Cry of the
oppreſſed that procures the temporal Peace of the Church, now Oppreffion
is in Scripture a crying Sin ; ſo this is the general Cry that produces the Birth
of the Child, or cauſes God to ſend a Deliverer ; ſo that this Cry, tho colla-
teral to the former, is yet different as to the Subject, and hath different
Views, by which it appears, that nothing is uſeleſs in this Book. After that we
meet with the words ωδίνεσα and Cασανιζομδύη σεκείν, two Words of the fame Signifi-
cation, only uſed I ſuppoſe for the greater Emphaſis, and to ſhew the Grief of
the Church to be great.
The word Geoesítw and Celcrayloco's, though here it ſeems to be taken in good part,
in that it ſignifies a Torment or Pain, that will have a good end, yet generally
in this Book it ſignifies Torment by way of Puniſhment, and Deſtruction for Sin
committed : That which determines it to be good here, is its being in Con-
junction with
adivxoz, and being ſet before Tskáv, to bear, which ſhews it's end.
So müs in fome places of holy Writ ſignifies the Fire of Perſecution for the trial
of Faith, and alſo very often, and in this Book moft frequently, the Fire of
Deſtruction and Torment for the Puniſhment of Sin. (a) Ignibus peruret, vel
in pænam admotis, vel in remedium, ſays Seneca. However, this is to be obſerved,
that Torment, (6) Ceceniquès, and the cognate Verbs, are never usd herein with
the mention of Fire, or Smoke or Poyſon, but it always denotes Deſtruction, Pu-
niſhment, and Hereſy or Idolatry. Therefore this word by its ſelf, thoit
ſeems improper, as to the labour of Child-birth, yet in Conjun&tion with the
Words implying that Labour, it is proper to repreſent the Torments or Trial
of the faithful by literal Fire, War or Perſecution. And the Heathens who re-
preſented Eireisid, or Lucina, the Goddeſs of Child-birth with a Torch in her
Hand, did it according to the rules of the ſymbolical Character. Pauſanias,
who (c) obferv'd, that this ſymbolical way was the only proper way to under
ſtand the meaning of ſuch Adjuncts to the Statues of Deities, tells us of ſuch
a Statue of Lucina, which he therefore explains accordingly: (d) Einglają
Βίκρώσει τις αν είναι δασας, ότι γωαιξίν εν ίσω κι πύρ εισιν αι ωδίνες. Tully alfo tells us
of fuch another Statue of Diana at Segefta in Sicily, which had in the Right-
hand a Torch, undoubtedly for the fame Purpoſe : (e) Siniſtra manu retinebat
arcum : dextra ardentem facem præferebat; for indeed, as it hath been obſerved
by learned Men, all thoſe Names of Juno, Diana, Lucina and many others,
were but to ſignify one and the ſame thing, the Moon; whoſe Proprieties were
conſidered different Ways, and gave occaſion to very different Names and Re-
preſentations.
A. verf. Koi õpin å ro onuãom év TS špavó, And there was ſeen another Sign in
Heaven.] This is the Sign or Type of the Antagoniſt of the Church, who
is likewiſe in Heaven, as having actual Poffeffion of the temporal Power, and
will contend for it with her, whom God hath defign'd to place and ſettle there-
in. This one on or Type, is not ſaid to be great, becauſe he is not to prevail,
but for a time, being doom'd to Deſtruction. Beſides, the Woman is great as
having a right to all the World, which is to become at laſt ſubject thereto:
but the Dragon, who oppoſes her now, hath but part thereof. For though
the old Dragon or Devil be primarily underſtood in this, nevertheleſs the Pro-
pheſy chiefly concerns his viſible Miniſters, and therefore this Dragon hath
ſuch Attributes as determine only ſuch of his Miniſters as come within the
Characters of this Symbol: ſo that here the Type of the Church of Chriſt and
its Enemy, is fetch'd from Eve and the Serpent, which were real Types there-
of from the beginning.
3.
(c) Vid. Nor.
(e) M. T. Cic. in
(a) Senec. Conſol. ad Marc, cap. 1o. (6) See the Note on Chap. ix. 5.B.
in cap. 17.5. Babylon.
(d) Paufan. Achaic. p. 230.
Verr. Lib. IV.
M
oz B, Kai

Chap. XII. V. 3.
The Dragon
503
B. Kai ide Apúnce, And behold a Dragon.] In order to underftand this and the
following Symbols we muſt call to mind, what hath been obſerv'd elſewhere,
that the Moſaïcal Church was the Type of the Chriftian, as well in reſpect of
its Conftitution, which is evident from the Allegories of the Apoſtles, was in
refpe&t of its Events, which are evident from this Propheſy. Ambrofius Ant
bertus hath ſeen the truth of this; and therefore 'cis proper to ſet down his
Words: Omnia quæ hic myſticâ locutione de bac muliere dicuntur, in veteri quoque tefta-
mento faétis præfigurata nofcuntur; cum perfecutionem Ægypriam populus Hebraicus
fugiens, in deſertum quo manna vefceretur, perduétus perhibetur. Pbarao namque if-
raelem perſequens, perfonam gerebat hujus draconis
. Unde & in typo cuidam Pharaoni
diétum legimus : Pharao draco magne; qui cubas in medio fluminum tuorum. Populuss
autem Ifrael, hanc eandem mulierem defignabat ; which is in part repeated in the
6th Book upon Rev. 12. 14. we may therefore by the Alluſion to the King of
Egypt be led to the underſtanding of this Symbol. The Pfalmift hach called
him ſo, Pſal. 74: 13, 14. Thou didſt divide the Sea by thy Strength : thou brakeji
the Heads of the Dragons in the Waters. Thou brakeft the Head of Leviathan in
pieces, and gaveſt bim to be meat to the People inbabiting in the Wilderneſs. The Dra-
gons are here the Egyptians, for the Pſalmiſt ſpeaks of their overthrow in the
Sea. The Leviathan is the great Dragon, that is Pharaoh, as the Cheldee turns it:
Tu confregiſti capita fortium Pharaonis, ſo the Leviathan in Pfal. 104. 26. is
Ageinov in the LXX. This Dragon is therefore a Crocodile ; for the Leviathan is
the ſame : and to prove it we need but to obſerve, That Ezekiel uſing this very
Symbol deſcribes that great Dragon with Scales. As for the Meat in the laſt
place it muſt be underſtood ſymbolically; for in that Character the Fleſh is un-
derſtood of the Riches or Spoils; and ſo the Iſraelites carried with them into the
Deſart the Riches and Spoils of Pharaoh and of the Egyptians, which they had
borrowd; and beſides that 'cis probable, that the Spoils of the Egyptians when
drown'd, were driven upon the Shore, and taken up by the Iſraelites ; fo in Iſa.
$1. 9. Art thou not it that hath cut Rahab, and wounded the Dragon.
thou not it which hath dried up the Sea. Rahab is Egypt, as (a) Bochart
ſhevs; the Dragon is Pharaoh King of Egypt. But Ezekiel makes it plain, Chap.
29. 3. Behold i am againſt thee, Pharaoh King of Egypt, the great Dragon that
lieth in the midſt of the Rivers ; in the next Verſe the Prophet ſpeaks
of his Scales.
The Rivers and Scales fhew that the Prophet underſtood it of a Crocodile. I
know not from whence it comes, but the Arabians call the Crocodile by the
name of Pharaoh, as (6) Bochart obſerves, and (c) Gelius out of Camus. The
Egyptians as we learn from (d) Herodotus, call'd the Crocodile Xéuente. Perhaps
the true origin of that Word may be fetch'd from the Hebrew Words om
Cham, whence the name of Egypt (e) Xnuác, and 1780, to deſolate or waſte;
as if you ſhould ſay, the Wafter of Egypt, the Crocodiles being indeed a great
plague to them.
To return to the Prophet Ezekiel, who repeats the Compariſon in Chap. 32.
2. where the LXX. have açárcov, as in our marginal Tranſlation. To eſtabliſh the
Compariſon we need only to know, that the Crocodile devours Men; and
therefore Pharaoh having reſolv'd to deſtroy Iſrael, or devour them, by com-
manding that their Children ſhould be thrown into the River Nile, either to be
drown'd or devour'd by the Crocodiles therein, this was more than enough to
cauſe the ſacred Writers to give him and his Succeſſors that odious Name.
However, 'cis ſufficient for our purpoſe to fhew, that the Crocodile is a Ser-
pent, and a great Deſtroyer; and tho' we ſhould underſtand this 'Dragon to be
any other Serpent 'tis the ſame thing ; Serpents being as well as Crocodiles
the proper Symbols of Enemies and Deſtroyers
. Firſt Orus the Egyptian ſpeak-
ing of the Ichneumon, the great Enemy of the Crocodiles, calls theſe by the name
of Serpents, and ſo the name of (f) Leviathan will help
out the Notion. The
Egyptians held him to be the Symbol of all Miſchief. Diodorus faith, (8)
de negoxód HaG onpes sexós és mions nexías
. Therefore Typho, being in their Be-
lief the Author of all Evil, was ſuppos’d to have transformid himſelf into a
Crocodile. So faith Platarcb, (5) Kai A-28 IP os 6 Tuạoàn Tàu *ạoy serk ºpe Meaxóa e-
Art
(a) Boch. Phaleg. Lib. IV. cap. 23. (6) Boch. Phaleg. Lib. I. cap. 15. c) Gelii
Lex Arab.col, 1789.
(d) Herodot. Lib. II. cap. 69. (e) Plutarch. de
Ifid. & Ofir. Ælian. de Animal. Lib. X. cap. 24. (f) Vid. Ifaiah 27. 1, (8) Diod.
Lib. III.
(5) Plur. de Ilid. & Ofirid. p. 409. vid. Ælian. de Animal. Lib. X cap. 21,
Buopefur

504
The Dragon.
Ch. XII. V. 3.
ήθωόμως πάντα και ζώα και φυγα, και πάθη τα φάυλα βλαβερα Τυφώ G έργα και μέρη, [ή,
zivýucel ce žarówkoos ; to it may be read, or sj svýualce. Artemidorus Lib. ill. cap. 2.
1peaks to the fame purpofe : κροκόδειλΘ πειράτίω ή φονέα ή έδέν ήλον απονενοημέον
év 3gwtoy onpedivel. See the reſt. From this Notion of the Egyptians, mention’d in
Plutarch, I draw two things: Firſt, that the Principle of Evil or Typho was in
the ſymbolical Character repreſented by a Crocodile or Dragon, and that the
Egyptians had ſome notion of the old Serpent, the firſt Author of Sin, and by
conſequence of Evil, and of God's Curſe thereupon.
If we take the word to ſignify a Dragon or large Serpent, it will come to the
ſame thing at laſt. In Iſaiah 27. 1. where you have all the names of Leviathan
or Crocodile
, Serpent and Dragon, the Targum turns it thus: in tempore illo vi-
fitabit dominus in gladio ſuo grandi e forti e robufto ſuper regem qui magnificatus
eft, ficut Pharaoh rex primus, ſuper regem qui elevatus eft ficut Sennacherib rex
fecundus; & occidet regem qui fortis eft, ficut draco qui eſt in Mari. Theſe Kings
are called Dragons and Serpents becauſe Enemies to Iſrael. Pſal. 91. 13.
ασπίδα και βασιλίσκον επιβήση, και και απαιτήσεις λέονlα και δρακονία. Thou hait walk upon the
Afp and the Cockatrice, the Lion and the Dragon shalt thou trample under Feet. That is,
thou ſhalt ſubdue thy bittereft Enemies : the Oneirocriticks in Chap. 283. o
Agolubay eis ogóowmov Geocaecas xepívelel, but this is too general; therefore they go on :
εαν ήδη τις άςραπαϊς διωκόμβυον δράκονία, πόλεμον ή πώσιν βασιλέως ετέρου, εχθρέ τω τόπων
voelta. There is a great Portentum defcrib'd in Homer, to ſignity the bloody War
of Troy. I ſhall here only take notice of one Expreſſion of that Poet, who
was perfe&tly acquainted with fymbolical Notions : (a) Agosewo oni võta d'aqolvès.
The Dragon ſwallowing up the nine Birds, and being himſelf conſumed ſignifies
the ten Years War, the colour is ſuitable, the back Thews it was to come, be-
caufe (b) orica. The plain Serpents meet with a proportionable Expoſition.
The Perfion and Egyptian ſay in Chap. 104. Eæv Mirn opuv & bexçıvey, ex fgòn
owocxov e mband &TG. And all together in Chap. 217. Ei dè idn öz cuíanos impío
Tivà, i opot mi occoles. cis vírics èxigão duts zšto ngivelcie. And ſo Nicephorus ; "Ope's draugão
Tous évonliss vóct. In the Greek Poets we often find Enemies called by the names
of Dragons or Serpents. Æſchylus ſuppoſes a Dream of Clytemneſtra, wherein
ſhe thought ſhe brought forth a Dragon: (c) TEXAT dge xov? ÉSočev, sis durà zéges,
&c. by which is meant Oreſtes her Son, who ſlew her ; and who a little after a
ap-
plies this Dream to himſelf: --Švd faxovtaleis doéza Ktsvæviv, as 7% vergov živému tód'e
.
Afterwards Oreſtes ſpeaking of his two great Enemies, Ægiſthus and his Mother
Clytemneſtra whom he had Nain, calls them two Dragons:
(d) Ελλθερώσας πάσαν 'Αργείω πόλιν
Δυοίν Δρακούλουν απλώς τιμών κάρα. Digite jou on ។
07
Euripides hath imitated this of Æſchylus ; for ſpeaking of the ſame Oreſtes in
two places he calls him (e) pentgopóvīns Agénov; and in another, (f) pório Agenwy,
In Lycophron, Caſſandra calls Achilles (g) elogiou Apa'xovla for llaying her Brother
Troilus, Ariſtophanes likewiſe imitating the Stile of an Oracle, calls Agoracritus,
who was to deſtroy Cleon, by the name of the ſtupid Dragon, (b) Agar xovla xodine uov.
Thus alſo Claudian compares Ruffinus to the Serpent Pytho : (i) Nunc alio domini
telis Pythone perento. Therefore a Snake or Dragon ſuddenly and unexpectedly
appearing in a Houſe, or the like, was always look'd upon as a Prodigy, and
an unlucky Portentum; as in Terence, (k) Anguis per impluvium decidit de tegulis.
In (1) Livy, a Snake falling down from a wooden Pillar, and running into
the Royal Palace, is there mention'd as portending the ruin of King Tarquinius.
In the Additions to Eſther, there is a Dream with an Expoſition thereof, where-
in Haman and Mardochæus, two great Enemies, come under the Symbol of two
Dragons. Compare Eſther 10, 7. with Chap. 11. 4. Laſtly, ſince this Dragon
repreſents the Roman Empire perſecuting the Church, it is very proper to men-
tion, that St. Perpetua one of the Martyrs that fuffer'd by it, had a Viſion
wherein her Perfecutors were repreſented by the fame Symbol: (m) Et er at
(a) Homer. Iliad. B. v. 308. (b) Note on Chap. 1. Io. C. (c) Æfch. Choeph. v.
525.
(d) Æſch. Choeph. V. 1047-
(e) Euripid. Oreft. v. 479. 1424.
(f) Eurip. ibid. 1406.
(8) Lycoph. Caſſand. v. 309.
(1) Ariſtoph. Equit.
() Claudian. Præf. in Ruffin.
(k) Terent. Phorm.
(1) Liv. Hiſt. Lib. I.
cap. 56.
(m) Alta genuin. SS. Perpetuæ & Felicitatis.
Sub

Ch. XII. V. 3.
The Dragon.
505
ſub ipſa ſcala draco cubans miræ magnitudinis, qui afcendentibus infidias parabat. See
the Aets, and compare with all this our Note upon Chap. 9. 19. B.
We muſt here call to mind what has been obſerv'd elſewhere of the Union
and Affinity between the viſible and inviſible Worlds ; and how they imply,
and may repreſent each other. And therefore as the Devil is the God of this
World, the Powers therein viſible which oppoſe the Church ſet forwards his
Deſigns and Kingdom: ſo thac in a Vifion he may repreſent them; becauſe it
is by their means that he oppoſes the Church, and in that too the whole
Kingdom of God. The Titles therefore of the viſible World belong to his
and his Titles and Power are ſhewn in the viſible World belonging to his Por-
tion. It is upon this account that in Mark 5. 9. and Luk. 8. 30. the Multi-
tude of Devils being commanded to tell their Name, call themſelves Legion,
becauſe the Romans being then the viſible Powers which oppreſs’d the Church,
and govern in the Pagan World, were a&ually of the Kingdoni of Satana
Buc in a prophetical Viſion the inviſible World does ſet forth the viſible, affu.
ming at the ſame time ſome Characters of the viſible, to ſhew the Union, and
mark out the viſible Evenes. Hence this Dragon has here the Characters of
the Roman Empire, as thoſe that of Legion. It is therefore a good Obſervation of
Ifidorus Hifpal. when he ſays, (a) Exinde enim quod per membra ſua Diabolus opera-
tur, fortitur vocabula : ita ut quod finguli agunt incitante illo, ipſe nominetur ex eo.
C. Mégas, great.) We have obſerv'd before that Ezekiel gives that Epithece
to the Dragon, to whom he compares Pharaoh King of Egypt, a real Type of
the Roman Empire. That Empire deſerves the Title of great above all others
that ever were for the extent of its Dominions: But tho the Dragon or De-
vil, whoſe Miniſter that Empire was then, had far larger Dominions as extend-
ing over all the World in a manner, yet the Holy Ghoſt limits his Empire now
within that of the Roman, within which he reign'd and acted by his Miniſters
againſt the Church. 'Tis certain, that this Dragon when conſidered fimply
hath other Titles more general : See our Note on Chap. 12. 9 B. and Chap. 20. 2.
A. by which places it appears, that the Holy Ghoſt really conſiders the Devil
as the ſupream Lord of this world, and only gives him in the preſent Cir-
cumſtances ſuch Marks or Attributes as characterize thoſe preſent Miniſters of
his who appear to act againſt his Church; for whoſe fake only he takes notice
of their Feafts. The Church in it's Origin appear’d within the Dominions of
the Roman Empire, and its Struggles to ſettle in Heaven, that is, to get and
bring forth a Deliverer, who ſhould, by being ſeiz’d of the temporal Power,
be able to protect her, went no further than this Empire. So that the Holy
Ghoſt, to give us a true Notion of all this, and particularly of the Power of
it's Enemies, marks the Dragon with ſuch Notes as only ſet forth thoſe Mini-
ſters now chiefly imploy'd againſt the Church; which were great indeed in
reſpect of the Power they had, and figure they bore in the World, but are
ſpecially ſo called here becauſe Magnifying themſelves againſt God and his
Church, and for a long while prevailing and ſtopping her Progreſs and Set-
tlement. See our Note upon Chap. 18. 23. B.
D. Gluppòs, Red.) This is the colour of the Crocodile in a great meaſure, tho
it is not io high, but that is nothing to the purpoſe; for this colour is not ob-
ſerv'd here for that end, but to thew us fome proper quality of this Dragon:
it is therefore to ſhew this Roman Empire to be truly to the Saints of the Church,
what the Crocodile is ſaid to be by Oppian. (b) bóvlov gf'e, a killing kind of Ania
mal; for that colour fignifies Blood shed, as we have feen before in our Note
upon Chap. 6.4. A. Red and Blood explain each other, Pſal. 68. 23. That the
Foot may be dipped in the Blood of thine Enemies, and the Tongue of thy Dogs may be
red through the same. Bochart obſerves, that the Hebrem 07 Blood, comes from
On to be red : ſo the colour expreſſes the ſhedding of Blood by a Paronomafia.
Thus Mars the God of War was repreſented red with Blood; Hefiod,
(c) Altale gorgexders, as ooi wes évægibav.
I have obſerv'd a little before that in Homer, a red Dragon ſignifies a bloody War,
the Scholiaft, japoyós• suppose we led to vo?ek, a serem poved. Ambr. Ansbertus faith
(s) Ifidor. Hifpal. Sentetit. Lib. III. cap. 5. 4. 25.
(c) Hefiod. Scur. Herc. V. 19.
6 N
(6) Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. III. v. 412.
Nulli

506
Chap. XII. V. 3.
The Dragon.
Nulli dubium quin per draconem antiquus hoftis figuretur, qui & propter malitiam draco,
& propter infidiarum multiplicitatem magnus, com propter homicidium rufus vocatur.
It is obſervable, Thar ſince the fall of the ſecond Temple the Fews affect to
call in their Writings the Roman Empire, by the name of Dink Edom, which fig-
nifies red as well as Edom, the Country or People of that name. By this may
be underſtood that Apophthegm of Alexander the Great in Plutarch: (a) ’Emcxvów -
Των δε ένίων τα 'Αντίπείρε τω τέλειαν ως άθρύτως διαιτομία και αυστηρώς, έξωθεν επέν
Αγίπατες λυκοπαρυφός έσι, τα δε ένδον, όλοπόρφυρG. Note alio herein the Coinci-
dence, for the Roman Emperors wore Scarlec as their proper and characteriſtical
colour. That colour was odious to the Iſraelites, who as all the Eaſtern Na-
tions affe&ed to wear whice Garments: therefore the Babylonians, their bloody
Enemies, are in the Prophets repreſented as clad with that colour
. Nehem.2. 3.
when Luxury crept in amongſt them, they affected to imitate the Babylonians in
that, Lum. 4. 5. Ezek. 23. 12. Servius obſerves the ſame of the Romans :
(6) Fulgenti murice] Purpura : banc autem vitio & dedecori apud majores fuille conftat.
Juvenalis :
Peregrina ignot aque nobis,
376 Ad ſcelus atque nefas quæcunque eft purpura ducit.
Ho
E. "Exay xapana's Erlei, rj négata Neagu, Having Seven Heads and ten Horns.] The
Beaſt which is ſeen in the next Chapter, and which is farther deſcrib'd and
explain’d by the Angel in the Seventeenth, in ſuch a manner as to comprehend
both the Dragon and the Beaſt, is therefore one and the ſame thing with this
Dragon, only the name is chang’d into a Symbol of the very fame Significa-
tion : but the power and extent is the ſame. For the Dragon being' thrown
out of Heaven, gives the Beaſt his Power, in Chap. 13. 3. That is, the Holy
Ghoſt conſiders the whole Duration of the Roman Empire, not only in the Ro-
man Emperor's Hand, but alſo in thoſe who divided afterwards the Roman Em-
pire among themſelves; and did affea as we ſhall prove, to be Romans too.
Whence it comes that here the Diadems are ſet upon the Heads, but afterwards
the Diadems are ſet upon the Horns of the Beaſt, to ſhew indeed thus the
Connexion of theſe Powers, the Diadems being the Symbols of the actual
Poffeffion and Execution thereof, of which more by and by. Wherefore to
explain theſe Heads right, all this muſt be conſider'd together, and from the
hints given by the Angel in that Chapter, we may venture to give the Ex-
poſition of theſe ſeven Heads and ten Horns; reſerving the Solution of the
other Attributes of them as they riſe in the Text. According to the hints of
the Angel, Heads fignify Kings, and Horns ſignify Kings too.
How ſhall we then account for this matter? The Solution muſt be fetch'd
from Chap. 17. 9. The Seven Heads are ſeven Mountains, where the Woman
ſits; and the ten Horns are ten Kings, which have not yet receiv'd the King-
dom, buc ſhall receive it with the Beaſt From this I collect, that the Dra-
gon's Power was upon ſeven Mountains, or ſeven Heads : and that this Power
was divided afterwards into ten Kingdoms. It is plain, that by this Attribute
of ſeven Heads and ten Horns given to the Dragon on this occaſion, whereas
in other places, where he is concern'd more generally, he hath no ſuch Attri-
bute or Limitation, the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to thew that part of the Power
of the Dragon, Serpent or Devil, that was to reſiſt the Woman ; and conſe
quently the number of the Heads is to ſtint it to a certain compaſs of Domi-
nion; and therefore the Heads fhew the extent of the Dominions, and the
Horns the Diſtribution of them afterwards by an eſſential change in the Go-
vernment. Now I proceed and aſſert, that in the Stile of the Prophets, Heads
or Mountains ſignify Kingdoms, that is, Capital Cities with their Dominions,
upon which the Dragon hath built his Kingdom. I ſay therefore that the Ro-
man Empire conſiſted of ſeven Capital Cities or Monarchies, which the Romans
either founded or conquer'd ; but to the proof.
We muſt note, that the governing part of the Political World appears un-
der Symbols of different Species; and that is variouſly repreſented according
to the various kinds of Allegories
. If the Allegory bé fetch'd from the ſenfible
World, then the Luminaries denote the governing part : if from an Animal,
the Head or Horns; if from the Earth, a Mountain or Fortreſs: and in this
(a) Plut. Apoplathegm. Reg. p. 157
(6) Servius in Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IX.
Caſe

Chap. XII. V. 3.
The Dragon.
507
Cafe the Capital City or Refidence of the Governour is taken for the Supream;
by which it happens, that theſe mutually illuſtrate each other. So a Capital
City is the Head of the Political Body; the Head of an Animal is the Fortreſs
of the Animal ; Mountains are the natural Fortreſſes of the Earth; and there.
fore a Fortreſs or Capital City, cho' ſet in a plain level Ground, may be called
a Mountain. And this by the rule of Analogical Metaphors, the Terms
whereof mutually illuſtrate each other, as (a) Ariſtotle hath obſerv'd. Now this
ferves, as I prove elſewhere, to deſcribe minutely every part and Circumſtance
of the Event. Thus Head, Mountain, Hill, City, Horn and King are in a
manner ſynonymous Terms to fignify a Kingdom or Monarchy or Republick
united under one Government ; only with this difference, that it is to be un-
derſtood in different reſpects: for the Head repreſents it in reſpect of the
Capital City; Mountain or Hill in reſpect of the ſtrength of the Metropolis,
which gives Law, or is above the adjacent Territories and the like. Thus in
Iſaiah 2. 2. And it shall come to paſs in the laft days that the Mountain of the Lord's
Houſe Mall be eſtablijh'd in the top of the Mounteins, and ſhall be exalted above the
Hills; and all Nations shall flow unto it. This needs not to be proved to fignify
the Kingdom of the Mellias. So a Capital City is a Head, and taken for the
whole Territory thereof; as in Iſaiah 7. 8. 9. For the Head of Syria is Da-
maſcus, and the Head of Damaſcus is Rezin; and the Head of Ephraim is Sa-
maria, and the Head of Samaria is Remaliah's Son, Iſa. 11.9. They shall not hurt
nor deſtroy in all my holy Mountain : that is, in all the Kingdom of the Meſſias,
which ſhall then reach all over the World, for it follows, The Earth ſhall be full
of the Knowledge of the Lord. Micah 6, 7, 8. Contend thou before the Mountains,
and let the Hills be:Ir thy Voice: Hear ye Mountains the Lord's controverſy. The
Commentators here ſay: Montes hic vocat Principes du Proceres, citing for it, Pfal.
72, 3. Iſaiah 2. 14. Habak. 3. 6. ſo the whole Allyrian Monarchy is called a Moun.
tain, in Zach. 4, 7. or Babylon for all its Dominions. The Targum: Quale tu cum
Zorobabele reputaris regnum ftolidum; and in 7erem. 51. 25. a deſtroying Mountain.
The Targum 1973, Arcem a Fort; juſt as Virgil calls the ſeven Hills of Rome
Arces ; tho' there was but one, the Capitol :
(6) Septemque una fibi muro circumdabit arces.
Thus alſo in Dan. 2. 35. The Stone that ſmote the image became a great Mountain,
and filled the whole Earth: that is, the Kingdom of the Meſſias having deſtroy'd
the four Monarchies became an univerſal Monarchy, as it is plainly made out
in v. 44. 45. Iſaiah 41. 15. Thou ſhalt threſh the Mountains, and beat them ſmall;
thou ſhalt make the Hills as Chaff: Targum, Occides populos, do conſumes regna quale
ftipulam pones eos. Thus we ſee, that ſince the Angel expreſſes thoſe Heads to
be Mountains, thoſe Mountains are ſeven Monarchies or ſeven Capital Cities
or Kings ; which is the ſame.
But I ſhall likewiſe prove it by others : Artemidorus, Lib. I. cap. 18. faith,
Μεγαλω έχω δοκείν κεφαλίω αγαθόν ανδρί πλ σίω εδέσω άρξανή TS ur gas aplis
give cagouype d'ét, fv señou duted seçáve, û sgopix, li seashuoma. Hence among the
Portent a, che finding of a Man's Head, or of ſome other warlike Animal por-
tended Empire. So in Livy we read thus of Tarquinius, when he laid the Foun-
dation of the Temple of Jupiter in the Tarpeian Mount. (c) Secutum aliud mag-
nitudinem imperii portendens prodigium eft ; caput humanum integra facie aperientibus
fundament a Templi dicitur apparuille : quæ viſa ſpecies baud per ambages arcem eam
imperii
, caputque rerum fore portendebat , idque ita cecinere vates, quique in urbe erant,
quiſque ad eam rem conſultandem ex Hetruria acciver ant. Thus (d) Roxana, the
Wife of Cambyſes, having brought forth a Child without Head, the Magicians
ſaid that Cambyſes ſhould leave no Child to ſucceed him. The Auſpices called a
certain part of the Liver by the name of Head: when that was wanting, or
folded and double, they prognofticated accordingly; of which Examples may
be ſeen in (e) Pliny and (f ) Valerius Maximus and (g) Plutarch. I have ſet down
(b) elſewhere the Carthaginian Portentum of the Horſes Head, to the like pur-
(a) Ariftor. Poetic. cap. 22. & Dacier ibid. (6) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI.
(c) Livii
Hift. Lib. I. vid. Plin Nat. Hift. Lib. XXVIII. cap. 2.
(d) Creſias apud Phot. Cod.
LXXII. (e) Plin. Nar. Hift. Lib Xl. cap. 37.
(f) Val. Max. Lib. I. cap. 6. de Prodig.
() Plutarch. Marc. (b) Note on Chap. 6. 2. A.
poſe,

508
The Dragon.
Ch. XII. v. 3.
poſe, out of Virgil; which is alſo reported by Silius Italicus in the Deſcription
of the Shield preſented to Hannibal:
(a) Ojtentant caput effoſſa tellure repertum
Bellatoris equi, atque omen clamore ſalutant,
Juſtin ; (b) Ibi quoque caput equi repertum, bellicofum, potentemque populum futu-
rum ſignificans, urbi auſpicatam jedem dedit. To all this joyn the Obſervation of
(c) Bochart, that in Fudg. 20. 2. 1 Sam. 14. 39. 1130 which fignifies Mountains
or the tops of Mountains, by a Metaphor ſignifies there the Heads of the Peo-
ple. Thus alſo the Head of a Man is metaphorically called 'Axpómonis in (d)
Plato, and in the Latin Authors, Arx, Minucius Felix: (e) Oculi in ſummo, ves
lut in ſpeculo conftituti, da omines cæteri ſenſus velut in arce compoſiti; which
Thought Q Serenus Samonicus hath thus expreſs’d :
Quos quaſi cuftodes, defenforeſque pericli;
Profpiciens Summd natura locavit in arce.
More to this purpoſe may be ſeen in the (f) Notes upon that Author. Thus al-
ſo in common Speech the Head ſignifies the reigning or Capital City. Hirtius, (g)
Cordubam tenebat quod ejus provinciæ caput eſſe exiftimabatur, Florus : (b) Inviétum
caput abſciſſum Syracuſa. Valerius Maximus of the ſame ; (i) Sicilia caput abſciſſum
Syracuſa. Pliny: (k) Babylon Chaldææ caput. Com. Nepos, ſpeaking of Thebes :
(1) Caput totius Græciæ. And in general the Roman Authors affect to call Rome,
Caput orbis, or Caput terrarum. (m) As. Ovid: caput orbis. Again: Caput rerum.
Livy puts into the mouth of Hannibal, (n) Romam orbis terrarum caput. Pliny:
( Roma terrarum caput. Lucan: (p) Pene caput mundi. Solinus: A capite orbis,
id eft, ub urbe Roma. Other Cities inferior to the general Head, are themſelves
Heads to their reſpe&ive Provinces ; being ſtill accounted Capital Cities. So
in Florus; (q) In ipla Numidiæ Capita impetum fecit : which Saluſt explains thus :
in loca Numidie opulentiſſima pergit. So Silius It alicus ſpeaking of (v) Marruvium :
Marruvium veteris celebratum nomine Marri, Urbibus eſt illis caput. The reaſon of
the Metaphor appears in theſe words of Pliny: () Utque in corpore, fic in Imperio,
graviſſimus eft morbus, qui à capite diffunditur. So Tully ſpeaking of Pompey's leav-
ing Rome : (t) Nec ſum miratus, eum qui caput ipfum reliquiſſet, reliquis membris
non parcere. Thus theſe Authors follow exactly the rules of the ſymbolical
Character in comparing the Body Politick to the Animal. So that the Domi-
nions being conſidered as a Body, it follows by Analogy, that the Capital Cities
are che Heads thereof. In Humer we find the Word Ka'glua, Heads, taken firſt
for Citadels, and by conſequence for Kingdoms : (u) "Os del moarew xeileauos reiplina cha
In the Scholiaſt we read : Kolglwa 'Axporówns E E, Caoidha, Servius : (x) Arces
pro imperio poſuit ; Imbellem avertis Romanis arcibus Indum.
But how ſhall we find now theſe ſeven Capital Cities within the Roman Em.
pire ? To help us out therein, we muſt here take in the dire&tion of the Angel in
the ſeventeenth Chapter, who there tells us, that five of them are fallen, that
one is, and the other is not yet come. That is, that there is indeed now buc
one Capital City, but that the five others were ſo, and have now loft their
Supremacy, but however, having ſtill ſome Power, do all concur to make up
one Body of the Roman Empire
. So that the meaning is not, that this Empire
hath ſo many diftinct fupream Heads, but that five Heads that have been
ſupream do now make up the Dominions thereof, and that the ſeventh Head
is a Capital not yet in being, but which ſome time after ſhall be head of the
Roman Empire, and ſo continue for ſome time. To come to Particulars; we


cap. xlii.
(a) Silius Ital. Lib. II.
(b) Juftin. Lib. XVIII.
(c) Boch. Canaan Lib. I.
(d) Platon. Timæ. p. 492.
(e) Vid. Philo Jud. de Mundi Opificio.
Allegor. Lib. II. De Legib. Special. p. 551. Apul. Apol. I. Theodoret de Prov. Orar. III.
(V) Rob. Keuchen. in Q. Seren p. 82. (8) Hirt. de Bello Hiſpan. cap. I.
(5) Flor.
Lib. II cap. 6
(i) Val. Max. Lib. II. cap. 8.
(k) Plin. Nar. Hift. Lib. V. cap. 26.
(1) Com. Nep. Epamin. (m) Ovid. Metam. Lib. XV.
(2) T. Liv. Hift. Lib.
XXI. & alib.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. III. cap. s.
(2) Lucan. Pharf. Lib. II.
(9) Flor Lib. III. cap. 1.
(r) Sil. Italic. Punic Lib. VIII.
(1) Plin. Sec. Lib.
IV. Epift. 22.
(1) M. T. Cic. ad. Att. Lib. VIII. Ep. I.
(M) Serv. in Virg.
Eneid. Lib. VI Col. 1049.
(x) Homer. Iliad. 2. v. 117. & 21. 24.
mult

Ch. XII. v.3.
The Dragon
509
muft therefore obſerve ſeven Periods of the Roman Conqueſts, by every one of
which one Capital City with its Dominions and Dependencies became one
Head thereof, The first is the Conqueſt of Italy and all other Dominions,
which the Romans gain'd till their War with the Carthaginians : The ſecond is
their Conqueſt of the Cartbaginians : The third is that of the Macedonians and
Greeks: The fourth is that of Antiochus and of Mithridates : The fifth is that of
Egypt: The fixth is that of the Gauls and their Allies the Britains : the ſeventh
is that of Thrace and beyond, wherein Byzantium being rebuilt after the Exhibi-
tion of this Viſion, was under the name of Conſtantinople, or New Rome, måde
the ſeventh Capital City of the Empire of equal Power with old Ronse. So
that the Capitals of each of theſe Conqueſts, or thoſe which the Romans al-
lowed to be Capital Cities, having many Privileges thereof; inſtead of the old
Capitals, are thoſe ſeven Heads of the Dragon. It remains now to make our
theſe Particulars.
1. The firſt Head which the Romans got to ſettle their own Capital City was
not ſo much by conquering their Neighbours, as by compelling them to come
inco their City to make one People with them. By this nieans they became
Maſters of Italy, and their City became a Head with Body and Members; for
in the Foundation thereof it had ſcarce any thing but its Walls. The Settle-
ment of this Head implies all their Conqueſts or Acquiſitions from the building
of the City till the Conqueſt of Carthage, at which time the Roman Empire
began to get within it's Dominions the Power of another Head. This was
the Work of fix hundred Years; during which time nevertheleſs they became
only Maſters of part of Italy, which was even taken from them in the ſecond
Punick War. Now that Rome was more peculiarly the Head of Italy may be
prov'd from this Obſervation of the Roman Criticks, that the Pomorium of that
City was only to be inlarg'd when ſome part of the Lands in Italy was added
to the Juriſdiction of it. Seneca : (a) Sullam ultimum Romanorum protuliſe Po-
mærium, quod nunquam provinciali, ſed Italico agro acquiſito mos proferre apud antiquos
fuit. So that according to them, tho' others ſince had inlarg'd it, yet this being
done contrary to the ancient Inſtitution, it was null in Law; and therefore as if
it were not done at all.
II. The next Head of Dominions was brought into the Roman Empire by the
ruin of Carthage. The Empire of the Carthaginians began at the Pentapo'is and
ſo on to the African Shore and into Spain. And ſo (b) Juvenal underſtood it, fay-
ing of Hannibal:
Hic eft quem non capit Africa Mauro,
Perfuſa Oceano, Niloque admota tepenti,
SEBE
Rurſus ad Æthiopum populos, alioſque Elephantos,
“ขLLA
Additur imperiis Hiſpania
to bend
See Polybius (c). By the Conqueſt and Ruin of their Empire, the Romans became
Maſters of all thoſe Territories, and beſides that of Mauritania and Numidia, the
Kings thereof being involv'd by Alliance into the Fate of the Carthaginians :
which Conqueſt made a way for them to conquer as far (d) as Mount Taurus. And
all this in about the ſpace of fifty three Years, as Zoſimus obſerves out of T'olybius.
I ſay the taking of Sicily, Sardinia and Spain was the effect of the Carthaginian
War. The Phoenicians contending with them for chofe Countries. For all know
that thoſe little Kingdoms which bordered upon the Romans, were really Sub-
jects under the Name of Allies; and that if any remain'd untouch'd for a while,
yet afterwards they fell of courſe, and follow'd the Fate of that great Head
which protected them before from the Invaſion of the Romans. This Head was
quite deſtroy'd by Scipio the younger, but was rais’d up again by Caius Gracchus
a little more than twenty Years after, who callid (e) it Junonia: but the old
name of Carthage prevail'd; and ic grew mightily, and became the Capital of
thoſe Parts, being under the Emperors the Seat of a chief Roman Magiſtrate.
III. Florus obſerves : Premium victorie Africa fuit, & ſecutus Africam ſtatins
terrarum orbis. Poft Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit
. The Romans immediately
(a) Senec. de Brevit. Vit. cap. 14.
(d) Zoſim. Lib. I. Procemio.
(6) Juven. Sar. X.
() Plutarch. Vit. Gracch.
6 O
(f) Polyb. Lib. III. p. 192.
fell

510
The Dragon
Chap. XII. v. 3.
fell upon the Macedonians. The Fate of theſe involv'd all the reſt of Greece,
which fince the Times of Philip and Alexander the Great was under the Subje&i-
on of the Kings of Macedonia their Succeffors. They made but one Triumplı
of both : the Capital of Macedonia was Æge, made ſo by Caranus King there-
of, as Juſtin faith, (a) Regni ſedem ftatuit : it was made the burying place of
their Kings, that their Relicks might be Protectors of the Kingdoms. It had
many names, but the Seat was remov'd to a Town near it called Pella ; whence
(b) Pelleus Juvenis for Alexander the Great, and made a (c) Colony by the Ro-
mans, and the Seat of the Governor of Macedonia, as (d) Claudian hints, in his
Times. The fare of the Macedonians drew in Gentius King of Illyricum, who was
their Ally againſt the Romans; ſo that here they alſo drew in another Head into
their Dominions, which had made the beſt Figure in the World.
IV. We may reckon the fourth Head to be gain'd by the Conqueſt of all
the Dominions of Mithridates King of Pontus and his Ally Tygranes King of
Armenia. We muſt not here reckon, that the Romans were Maſters of theſe
Countries by the little Victories they got over Antiochus and fome others. The
Dominions of the Seleucida fell into the Hands of Tigranes before the Romans
made an abſolute Conqueft thereof; and he kept them fourteen Years, as (e)
Appian witneſſes. Mithridates was abſolute Lord of Aſia before they over-
came him: (f) Mithridates Ponticus totam Afiam tenuit : certe vi&tus eft ; certe
Aſia Romanorum eft ; faith Belfolus in his Epiſtle to Sapor : and St. Auſtin : ()
Michridates rex Aſia. I ſay, that by the Victory gain'd over chis King the Ko-
mans became at once Maſters of the Eaſt, which then depended of him ; fo
their Hiftorians ſay. Melala Corvinus : In Afiam jam ante perventum fuerat : &
vieto Antiocho potentiſſimo Syriæ Rege, victo Mithridate, Syria, Phenix, [1, Phænice,]
Ctefiphon, Babylonia, Judæa, Paleftina, Cilicia, domne Ponti regnum, cum ipſa
minore Aſia, in qua Phrygia, Lydia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Ifauria, e cappadocia
regiones continentur, mandatis obtemperavere. See to this purpoſe (b) Appian, (1)
Plutarch and (k) Eutropius ; who faith, ſpeaking of Tigranes : Adernpta eft ei
Syria, Phænice, Sophene; and (1) 7oſephus ſays, thar Alexandra Queen of Fudes
fent him Embaffador with great Preſents, which was an act of Homage and
Submiſſion to him ; ſo that when the Romans got the abſolute Dominion and
Poffeffion of theſe Countries, it was when Mithridates with Tigranes his Ally
were (m) Lords therein ; that is of all the Eaſt of the Roman Empire, the Ca-
pital of which was Antiochia the Great, which was therefore called Capur
Orientis: and was accounted a Capital ſtill. Ammianus Marcellinus calls it, (n)
Orientis Apicem pulchrum.
V. Whilft Pompey the Great was ſubduing this Head, Julius Cæfar aroſe, who
ſubdu'd the Gauls, and ſhew'd the Britains to the Romans ; which were to be
another Head of their Empire between them; tho' the Britains were not quite
ſubdued till afterwards, and even but a little before the Exhibition of theſe
Viſions, in the Times of Claudius Cæſar. Of the Gauls there can be no Diſa
pute, that they made a remarkable difference in the Conqueſt from all the reſt,
and that they made a confiderable, as well as diſtinct Head. But why the Bri-
tains ſhould be joyn'd to them we have three ſufficient reaſons. Firſt, becauſe
they were (c) originally the ſame Nation as the Gauls. Secondly, becauſe
they were ally'd and aſſiſted the Gauls, as being of the ſame united Nation, as
we find in (p) Caſar's Commentaries; and a little before Cæſar's tinie all the
Gauls and Britain were under one King. And Thirdly, becauſe after the fall
Conqueſt of the Britains, they were ſtill accounted as parts of the Gauls; Rufus
mentioning Britain, divided into firſt and fecond and Maxima Cæfarienfis, as
three of the eighteen Provinces of the Gauls. To confirm which, many other
Proofs might be produced if needful. The Capital City of the Gauls was
Civitas Æduorum, afterwards called Auguftodunum, and which Tecitus calls (9)
(a) Juſtin. Hift. Lib. VII. Claudian de 11. Cor. Stilich. v. 33.
(6) Juven. Sat. X.
(c) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. IV. cap. Io. (d) Claudian de Conf. M. Theod. v. 28. (e ) Ap-
pian. Syriac. fub fin. (f) Trebell. Poílio de Valerian. (8) Auguſt de Civ.dei Lib.
III. cap. 22.
b) Appian. Mithrid. in princip. (1) Plutarch. de Fort. Roman. p. 513.
(k) Eutrop. Lib. VI. (1) Jofeph. Archæol. Lib. XIII. cap. 24. vid. Strabon. Geogr. Lib.
XI. p. 532. & Ammian. Marcellin. Lib XIV.
(7) Vid. H. Grot. de Jur. Belli & Pacis,
Lib. III. cap. 6. S. VII. (n) Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XXII.) Tacir. de Vita Agricol.
& G. J. Voff. de idololatr. Lib. I. cap. 36
Ip) Cæſar de Bell. Gall. Lib. IV. cap. 5. &
Lib. II. cap. I. & Lib. V. cap. s.
(9) Tacit. Agricol. Lib. III.
Caput

Chap. XII. v. 3.
The Dragon.
511
Caput gentis ; but the Romans changed the Head, and made Lugdunum Head of
the Gauls, it being alſo a (a) Colony: tho’the Romans made ſeveral changes in
placing the Præfe&tus Prætorio, yet Lugdunum had the ſame Privileges as Rome,
even the Power of giving their Votes in the choice of the Roman Magiſtrates.
However, 'cis plainly from theſe reaſons, that the Biſhop thereof, as a mark of
the ancient right of the City, is ſtill Primate of the Gauls
. And the Biſhop of
Autun or Auguſtodunum, to fhew the former dignity of his Town, is the firft
Biſhop of the Province; and hath beſides that the Privilege of the (6) Dal-
matica : it being in the Times of (c) Antoninus called ſtill the Metropolis of the
firſt Provincia Lugdunenfis ; which are marks of it's ancient right.
VI. The fixth Head was gain'd by the Conqueſt of Egypt, perform'd by Au-
guftus Cæſar, when he had beaten M. Antony and Cleopatra Queen thereof, and
reduc'd Egypt into a Roman Province. This included alſo the Pentapolis or Cya
renaick Region and the Lybia, which had been under the Ptolomys, and (d) as
'tis faid given to the Romans; but however, a plain Appendix of Egypt, and
therefore under the ſame Head, which was the famous City of Alexandria ;
wherein no Alteration was made. Here is to be obſervd concerning this
Head of Monarchy, as alſo of the two former in Aſia and Macedonia ; that
their Condition was ſuch at their coming into the Hands of the Romans, as we
have repreſented it: So that indeed all the Dominions comprehended under
them by us were really then Appurtenances of the fame; cho'there had been
many Revolutions and Diviſions. However, they were thus likewiſe in their
original, upon the Diviſion made of the Conqueſts of Alexander the Great :
and this hath been obſervéd too by prophane Authors. Juſtin faith (e) Tenebat
Ptolomeus Ægyptum cum Africæ parte majore, & Cypro, & Phænice. Calandro
parebat Macedonia cum Græcia. Afiam partes Orientis occupaverat Antigonus.
The reſt being held by others, that made a fourth Head beyond fuphrates and
Tigris, was out of the Roman Conqueſts, and the Limits of that Empire. And
theſe four Heads or Monarchies are in Daniel's Propheſy thoſe four Horns,
which ariſe out of the ſingle Horn, whereby the Conqueſts of Alexander the
Great, and the Diviſion thereof into four Monarchies are fignified.
VII. The ſeventh Head is Conftantinople, made the Capital City of Thráce,
and of the whole Roman Empire, with equal Power as Rome, but not till many
Years after the exhibiting of this Viſion. Lucullus had overcome Thracia, up as
high as the Mithridatick Wars, but not quite ſubjugated it, becauſe they had
fill Kings of their own. In the Times of (f) Tiberius they had the Kingdom
divided after the death of Rhumetalces to Rheſcuporis his Brother, and Cotys his
Son, which Diviſion had been made by Auguſtus; but was then taken away by
the Treachery of Rbeſcuporis, who flew his Nephew Cotys. Theſe People not-
withſtanding the Interpoſition of the Romans were very free, as (g) Tacitus
owns. But Thrace was reduc'd into a Roman Province in the Reign of (b)
Claudius Cæfar, and divided into fix Parts, as we find them in Sext. Ruffus ; or
elſe as (i) Eutropias faith in the Reign of the Emperor Veſpaſian. But it will be
objected that this cannot be accounced a Head of the Dragon, becauſe it was
only made an Head in the time of Roman Emperors being (k) Chriſtians. To
anſwer to this we muſt obſerve, That by the ſeven Heads the Holy Ghoſt de-
figns to determine chiefly the extent of the Dragon's Dominions; as alſo of the
Beaſt his Succeffor, under whom Byzantium was moſt certainly an Head; and
ſo muſt be accounted all along, eſpecially ſeeing that it was an Head over fuch
Countries as the Dragon had within his Dominions, and which alſo concur'd to
deſtroy the Church with all the reſt. And tho Byzantium was indeed made an
Head under the name of Conftantinople by a Chriſtian Emperor, yet the general
deſign of making a new Head, and that too about the ſame place, was really
form’d by the Dragon in the Times of his fulleft Power. The deſign of tranſ-
lating the Seat of the Empire was even form'd in the Times of (1) Julius Cæfar,
(a) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. IV. cap. 18.
(6) Vid. Gregor. M. Lib. VII. Ep. 113. Vid.
tamen Joh. Lannoi Part. VII. Epift. VI. (c) Antonin. Itiner.
(d) S. Ruffi Epic-
Eutrop. Lib. VI. Appian. Mithrid. fin. Livii Epift. Lib. 70. Ammian. Marc. Lib. XXII.
(e) Juſt.
Hift. Lib. XV.
(f) Tacit. Annal. Lib. II, Vide eciam Senec. Natur. Queft. Lib. I. Præf.
Sueton. Tib. cap. 37.
(8) Tacit. Annal. Lib. IV.
(1) Caffiod. Chron. Eufeb.
Chron.
(1) Eutrop. Lib. VIJ. (k) Vid. Auguſtin de Civit. dei Lib. V. cap. 25.
(?) Sueton. in Jul. Cæſ. cap. 79. & Lucan. 9.
and

512
The Dragon.
Ch. XII. 1.3.
and that this deſign was renewid in the Times of Auguſtus is very ingenioully
conjectured by (a) Tan. Faber from an (b) Ode of Horace, wherein the Poet
ſeems to contrive a way to hinder ſo great a Misfortune from falling upon Rome,
to which I add, that it was alſo renewed in the times of Caligula, as we are in-
form’d by the ſame (c) Suetonius. So that for political reaſons, the Emperors
having an Averfion to that City, and juſt ground to fear it's attempting to re-
gain the former Liberty, began to deſpiſe it, and to communicate it's Rights
to other great and Capital Cities of the Empire : in ſuch a manner, that Rome
began more and more to be deſpis’d; fo that the way was prepar'd for Conſtantine
by the Pagan Emperors themſelves, and they only wanted leiſure or prudence for
the choice and management of ſuch an Undertaking. And tho' Conftantine
built no Pagan Temples there, as Auſtin hath obſerv'd, nevertheleſs in his time
the Pagans were admitted into all the Offices and Honours, even into that of
the Conſulſhip as (d) Prudentius has obſerv'd; and alſo into the Senate and
Army. And further, that the Dragon had ſtill power during the time of the
Succeffors of Conſtantine is plain from this; that the fame (e) Emperor and
his Succeffors were deified as well as idolatrous Emperors, tho' Voſius ſeems un-
willing to believe it of (f ) Conftantine, and that during their Lives they own'd
themſelves to be ftill (3) Pontifices Maximi, till Gratian refus’dit, being ſolemnly
inveſted with the Pontifical Habits. So that the Heads of the Dragon ré-
main'd ſtill, but the Chriftian Emperors as Chriſtians come under another Sym-
bol of the Eagles Wings, of which hereafter. They indeed protected the
Church, but the Dragon retain'd ſtill his Power, both in the Senate ac Rome,
and in the Army and Common People as well as the Magiſtrates of Cities.
Whence (1) St. Ferome complains of their being ready to allaule and revile che
Chriſtians : and the Struggles in the Senate about the Era Victoria in Theodofius's
time ſhew fufficiently what power ſtill remaind. The Chriſtian Emperors did
indeed curb Paganiſm, and aboliſh ſeveral Impieties, but as (i) Du Moulin ob-
ſerves, Many names of Blaſphemy did remain upon them, of which they
cannot be excus'd;" of which he gives Inſtances. And indeed tho' ſome of
the Emperors of that time order'd the Temples to be ſhut up, yet others either
cauſed or ſuffered them to be open'd, and Idolatry to be pradis'd publickly; and
all of them privately, of which ſee (k) Theodoret.
But the Angel repreſenting to us five of theſe Heads fallen, and as we have
explain'd it of Capital Cities in Kingdoms overcome and made ſubject, and
conſequently having no Power, how comes the Holy Gboft to repreſent them
here with Diadems; it being plain, that none buc the City of Rome had the
ſupream Power? And much more how come they to be taken notice of as
Heads? To take off this we muſt underftand, that the Uſe or Policy of the
Romans was rather to take the Towns and Countries into their Society, than
to deftroy them. And if any were deſtroy'd, then to reſtore them as Carthagez
or at leaſt to tranſlate the power to another place. So that theſe Capitals, cho
fallen in ſome meaſure, yet by ſubſiſting ſtill, or having retain'd or acquired
Privileges, they continu d Heads of ſome fort ; ſo that upon the receiving of
the Chriſtian Religion, even during the times of Paganiſm the Civil Rights
of fuch Cities made way and rules to the Ecclefiaftical Polity ; whence upon
the full Settlement thereof the Biſhops of ſuch Cities gain’d a Patriarchal Right,
being Primates of ſuch Cities and Countries as their Capitals had a right upon
before. Which appear'd evidently in the Cities of Rome, Conftantinople, Alexana
dria, Antiochia, Lugdunum and Carthage too. But what is chiefly to be obſerved
here is this: That in reſpect of the Chriſtian Religion, even theſe five Heads
with theſe Countries under them, were Heads of Dragon againſt it, being con-
tinually ready to deſtroy the Seed of the Church. And herein not only the
Emperors and Præfects of the Prætorium, or Pro-conſuls in theſe Provinces, but
alſo the (1) Civil Magiſtrates concur'd to perfecute the Chriſtians, and even
were the moſt dangerous Enemies, being apt to give way to the Malice of the
cap. XII.
(m) T. Fabr. Lib. II. Epift. 43.
(6) Horat. Lib.IH. Ode 3. (c) Suetor. Vit
Caligul. cap. 8. Vid. Lucan. Phar. Lib. I. v. 53.
(d) Vid. Prudent. Carm. adv. Symmach,
(e) Eutrop. Brev. Lib. X. vide Onuphrii Civit. Rom. p. 83. (f) G. J. Voff. de Idololatr. Lib. I.
(5) Zofim. Lib. IV.
(b) D. Hieronym. ad. Furiam. (i) Du
Moulin Accompl. des Prophet. ch. IV. (k) Theodorit. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. V. cap. 21. Lib. IV. cap.
24.
(1) Vid. H. Dodw.Dill Cyp.ian. XI. 9. XXXVIII.
common

Ch. XII. v.3.
The Dragon.
513
common People : and tho' they had not the power of the Sword, yet did great
miſchief by Impriſonments and Baniſhments; and where their power ſtopt,
they appeaid to the Roman Magiſtrates ; eaſily inciting them to proceed to
Extremities. So that in this reſpect we muſt not ſtop, in the exerciſe of the
Dragon's Power, at the Roman Emperors, but proceed to all ſorts of Magiſtrates :
And the Holy Ghoſt to deſcribe theſe devouring Heads of the Dragon hath
thought fit to ſhew us they were many, but not to deſcribe all; it being ſufficient
to take notice of the moſt Eminent, which were thoſe we have nam d. From
which we may obſerve, that moſt of the Primitive Perſecutions were begun by
theſe Heads, were moſt cruel in them, and very frequently extended no further,
becauſe the Bitterneſs of the Pagan Prieſts and People was moſt evident and mi-
ſchievous, where their own Numbers made them moſt bold. Therefore let them
be what Heads you will in other Civil reſpects, yet as Chriſtians, they were
Heads with Diadems, fufficiently impower'd to tyranniſe and perſecute, which is
enough to our purpoſe ; for that Perſecution makes them (a) Dragon's Heads.
And ſo we find that theſe feven Heads are mention's to expreſs two things : The
firſt is ſeven perſecuting Powers, and the ſecond is the extent of the Dominions
of thoſe Powers, conſiſting of ſeven Monarchies.
For as much as I have obſerv'd, that the Iſraelites in their Fates were a Type
to the Chriſtian Church, and that the Holy Ghoſt in many places hath ſhewn
the Conformity of Accidents between theſe two Oeconomies of God: So it
will not be improper to ſhew here in ſhort concerning this Dragon with ſeven
Heads, the firſt Enemy of the Church and its Settlement, that the Iſraelites alſo
had before their firſt Settlement by David and Solomon a Dragon, who with
others, that purſued the ſame Deſign, indeavour'd to hinder their Settlement,
and made together ſeven Heads that domineer'd over Iſrael for ſome hundreds of
Years, perſecuted and cyranniz'd till it pleas’d God to cauſe them to be remov'd.
Theſe feven are as follows: Firſt, Pharaoh the Egyptian Dragon: Second,
Cuſhan-riſhathaim, King of Meſopotamia, Judg. 3. 8. Third, Eglon King of Moab,
Fudg. 3. 12. Fourth, Fabin King of Canaan, Judg. 4. 2. Fifth, The Midianites,
Fudg. 6. 1. Sixth, The Ammonites in Confederacy with the Philiſtines, Judg. 10.
7. Seventh, The Philiſtines in the days of Sampſon, Eli, Samuel and Saul, Judg.
13. 1. and 1 Sam. 4. 1. &c. Enemies the lfraelites had beſides theſe, but none
elſe that made powerful and lafting Heads to ſubdue or oppreſs them quite, as
Head implies : See the Note on Chap. 9. 19 B. (b) Fohn d'Espagne hath indeed
ſhewn, that this number of Iſraels Oppreffors was myſterious, but attempted not
to ſhew the manner; which is now pretty plain to thoſe, who know the de-
ſign of Types and the mutual Harmony of God's Works.
But then ſecondly, theſe ſeven Heads of the Dragon contending with the
Woman in Heaven ſhew the extent of his Dominions. In the ſame manner
the Iſraelites were to contend in order to ſettle in a Country poffeft by ſeven
Nations, whom they fabjugated. This Alluſion hath been ſeen by an ingenious
Man, in whoſe Words I ſhall therefore lay it down." (c) Seven was the com-
pleat and folemn number, whereon God himſelf emphatically inſiſts when repeating
bis favour to the Fews; ſeven Nations greater and mightier than thou. Deut.
7. I. And perchance the Beaſt in the Revelation with ſeven Heads, Revel. 13. 1.
s beareth Some Alluſion thereunto. Wherefore when theſe ſeven Nations are ſummed up
e defe&tively under that number, we muſt conceive ſuch of them as are omitted to be
" imply'd under the generical name of Canaanites. But on the other ſide, when above
ſeven are brought, then the Inhabitants of the larger Canaan ; whole Country was
“ promiſed too, but never peaceably poßeffed by the Iſraelites'.
We muſt not here forget as a ſecondary Event or Coïncidence of this Prophe-
fy that the Capital City of the Dragon's Dominions was plac'd upon ſeven
Heads or Hills. The Roman Authors are full of that Notion; and as if chat
Circumſtance were fatal, not only Rome was ſo built, but alſo Conftantinople or
the New Rome, Siſter to the former, was built upon ſeven Hills. This I confeſs
is a kind of fatal Coïncidence; but yet the firit Intention of the Holy Ghoſt
was not to expreſs that, but that the Empire of the Dragon ſhould in its whole
Extent and Duration, as alſo the Beaſt his Succeflor, conſiſt of ſeven Capital
Cities or Monarchies; which is the true meaning of the ſeven Heads, Moun-
(a) Pfal. 74.13. Revel. 9. 19.
Piſgah Sight Lib. I. cap. 7.
(6) Harmon. des Temp. part I. p. 15.
() Fuller's
6 P
tains

514
The Dragon.
Chap. XII. V. 3.
tains or Kings. We may not imagine that the Holy Ghoſt would only dwell
upon ſo narrow a Conceit as that Circumſtance of the building of the City,
and neglect that remarkable one of the extent of the Dominions. Beſides that
the Expoſition of ſeven Kings deſtroys 1o triling a Notion of the ſeven Moun-
tains. This is what I have to ſay hitherto about theſe ſeven Heads, and which
'cis hop'd will fully anſwer and explain all that is ſaid hereafter about them in
the next, and ſeventeenth Chapter. There goes about another account of
theſe ſeven Heads, (a) ſaid to be found out by King James the Firſt. That
theſe ſeven Heads were the ſeven kinds of Government, which have been in
Rome from its Foundation under the Kings to the Emperors and Popes. This is
mightily applauded by Du Moulin, follow'd by Mede, M. Jurien, and who not.
But we cannot acquieſce therein, boch upon the account of the true Significa-
tion of Head or Mountain, as we have explain'd and fully proved it, and more
eſpecially for the following reaſon: That the Holy Ghoft doch nor uſe to call
any Government by any other name, but that of Kingdom, and ſo takes no
notice of what changes might be made in the lodging of the ſupream Power in
different hands, provided it remains in the Hands of the ſame Nation. It is ftill
the ſame Head, though it ſhould run through many more forts of Government;
becauſe that one City in the ſame Hand, and poffefs’d by the ſame Nation is
ftill the Head or the ruling City of its Dominions. A King ſignifies the Por-
feffor of the ſupream Power, let it be lodgʻd in one Perſon, two, tenor more,
and a Head or Capital City is ftill the fame Head, though its Power be executed
by a King, Conſuls, Decemvirs or Senate. Now this is not only a ſolid way of
arguing, but it may be (hewn, that others look upon it as ſuch. Thus (b)
Euſebius conſidering that place of Gen. 49. 10. indeavours to ſhew that it was
exa&ly accompliſh'd, in that the Tribe of Judah was always the leading
Tribe of the Nation : and that ſome Judges or Kings being of other Tribes
will not hinder the Tribe from having ſtill exercis’d its right; and to prove it,
brings in the Example of the Roman Empire. “For, ſaith he, though thoſe who
“ have reign'd therein were not of the Off-ſpring of Remus and Romulus, buc
“ of many other Nations, yet all the Kings, Princes and Magiftrates of the
" Romans were accounted Romans ftill: and their Offices the Power of the Rom
's mans”. (c) For we muſt argue indeed about the Political Body, as about the
Animal. The changes that happen in the Animal, through the various Nou.
riſhment it takes, or the different Ages it goes through, are not wont to make
us deſcribe him with different Bodies, Heads or Faces, becauſe the appearance
of theſe hath ſometimes changed; ſo it is in the Political Body. Many Re-
volutions may happen therein from within its ſelf, which are like convullive
Motions or Criſes ariſing from the Corruption of the faulty Humours; but as
long as the fame Polity is preſerv'd in the ſame City, People and Laws, with-
out making any thorough or partial change of Nation, occaſion'd by the force
of foreign Armies, 'tis the ſame Political Body ſtill, and the ſame Head too,
whilft it is held in the ſame place, and the Laws of the Government are iſſued
from it. Nay, even tho' it ſhould not be in the ſame place. (d) Neque refert,
faith Grotius, quomodo gubernetür, regione, an plurium an multitudinis imperio. Idem
enim eſt populus Romanus fub regibus, conſulibus, imperatoribus. Imo etiamfi pleniſſimo
jure regnetur, populus idem erit qui antea erat cum fui eflet juris, dum rex ei præft us
caput iftius populi, non ut caput alterius populi. Nam imperium quod in rege ut in capite,
in populo manet ut in toto, cujus pars eft caput. And therefore this is much more
true if the City its ſelf, the Walls as well as People therein, be confidered as
the Head; for then the Government ſeems to be rather fix'd to the place than
Perſons. And this was the Caſe of the City of Rome, as the Romans themſelves
underſtood it, which appears from theſe Words of the Emperor Maximus, cited
alſo by Grotius : (e) ou ga's gras e video isov nTõude dexing it ce nouvèr på Papialar
σήμε άνωθεν, και αν εκείνη τη πόλει και της βασιλείας ίδρυλαι τύχη. For the Empire is not the
proper Poſſeſſion of one Man, but the common right of the Roman People from the beginning,
and in that City is placed the fortune of the Empire. And in the following Words
he declares, Thac the Emperors and Army were only the Miniſters of the Government.
(a) V. P. Molin. de Monarch. Temp: Pont. R. cap. 24. Accompl. of Proph. chap. 4. p. 174.
(6) Eufeb. Dem. Evang. Lib. VIII. p. 231.
(c) Grot. de Jure B. P. Lib. II. cap. 1X.Q. 3.
& cap. XVI. $. 16.
(d) H. Gror, de J. B. ac P. Lib. II. cap. IX. S. 8. (c) Hero-
Thos
dian. Lib. VIII. cap. 19.

Chap. XII. V. 3.
The Dragon.
515
Thus we ſee, that the change of the Miniſtry makes no Alteration of the
Head : and by conſequence, that every ſuch change makes not a new and dif-
ferent Head, which nevertheleſs is the ground of that Expoſition.
F. Kai biti Te's repara's kurš ir le deadnuclc, And upon his Heads Seven Diadems. I
Ηefychius faith; Διάδημα, τμμα βασιλέως, κεφαλών κόσμος ήρω σέφανG, ή βασιλέως
a'ubonov, a Diadem is the Crown of a King, an Ornament of the Head, eria
Crown,
or the Symbol of a King. The Jewiſh Author of the Teftaments
gives the Tribe of Judab a Diadem ; (a) rij te does nuet, de tu dogav zis beoincies per
But why hath the Woman a Crown or Coronet only, and the Dragon ſeven
Diadems? Firſt I ſay that Crown is not an adjunct of her Sun and Moon, but
of her Head and Twelve Stars. Secondly the Church and the Apoſtles have a
Government, but Spiritual: a Government ’tis, but not abſolute and Temporal
too, as the Diadems are Symbols of an imperial Power. Beſides all this, I have
obſery'd before how the Holy Ghoſt was very exact in diſtinguiſhing the Crowns
of the Holy Prieſt and King of Iſrael from the common Crowns us’d in Ban-
quets, Marriages, or even the Crowns of ſtrange Kings : the firſt being con-
Atantly call'd Nezer, and the latter 1705, whence comes perhaps the Word
Tedpa. That of the Perſian Kings, in Eſth. 1. 11. is call'd in that is rítugis,
or xifieeis or xídagis, for all theſe ways it is written in Heſychius : but then when
he calls it a Diadem, he ſpeaks after the manner of the Græcians, to whom that
word was better known, though the thing be different : yet as to the uſe it was
the ſame, being the Head-covering of Kings. And therefore the Miter with
the nérañon, which made up the Crown of the Holy Prieſt, and which Pbilo
calls a kidagis, is by him rightly diftinguish'd from a Diadem :(b) Kindeer zaie oi
tely écos com Garrás divi sasauce10 asian xpirosNevertheleſs in another place he
calls the Holy Prieſt's Micer by the name of Diadem : (c) Tò Edaxstoy o'x e o Sucelau
διάδημα, σύμβολον της ουκ αυτοκραορα αξε, υπάρχκ δε και θαυμαστής ηγεμονίας. Ιn which
words he varies from himſelf as before, and ſuppoſes a thing manifeſtly falſe,
that the Diadem was not the Symbol or Mark of imperial Power; it being
fure enough, that the Greeks always underſtood it ſo. The Poet Ezekiel gives
the Epichere of Cardinór in the Dream of Moſes, cited in our Note on Chap.5. IB
and ſo the Romans too, as appears from Tully's divine Philippick. There he tells
us that Mark Antony offered to put the Diadem upon Cæſar's Head, and that
Cæſar refus'd it : whereupon Antony ſet up an Inſcription or Record, that Cæfar
had refus'd the Kingdom : (d) C. Cæfari diétatori perpetuo, M. Antonium conſisler
populi juf'u regnum detuliſſe, Cafarem uti noluiſſe. A Diadem is therefore a proper
Symbol of the imperial Power. For though the Emperors of theſe Times did
not wear Diadems, yet the Power ſignified by them was plainly enough in their
Empire ; and that's enough: A Crown then, sépavo; or Nexen is a ſacred
Term, an holy Crown; and in the Revelation always attributed co facred things
brily or Perſons. Indeed the Locufts in Chap. 9. 7. are ſaid to have as it were
Crowns, as séparòr: but here obſerve the Caution; not fimply Crowns, but as it
were Crowns: ſo pretended; becauſe the Locuſts, under the presence of ſercing
forth the Glory and Worſhip of the crue God, gain'd Dominions; as it were
holy Crowns, but they had Poiſon in their Tails, which is plainly applicable
to the Særacens infected with the Poiſon of Mahomet's Doctrine. Thus then the
Dragon hath only a profane temporal Power, or ſeven idolatrous and tyran-
nical Diademis.
If we enquire into the origin of the Diadem, we ſhall find this Notion to be
crue. I ſay then that Diadems and tyrannical Uſurpations and Idolatry have
the ſame origin. The proof of this depends in a great meaſure upon what we
have to ſay of the origin of that Symbol, wherein Rome is ſet forth to us under
the name of Babylon in the ſeventeenth Chapter. With a view upon chat I ſhall
only treat of the Diadem here, and to prove what I have laid down, I argue thus.
Nimrod is the Man whom the ancient Greeks and Latins have called by the name
of Bacchus. (e) Bochart hath prov'd it, as I have prov'd in that place, that Nim.
rod was the Author of Tyranny and Idolatry. Now Bacchus is reported to be
che Inventer of the Diadem. Pliny's words are full and plain : (f) Emere ac
vendere inſtituit Liber Pater. Idem Diadema regum infigne, e triumphum invenit.
(a) Teftam. Paer. Jud. S. 15:
9 (6) Philo de Vit. Mol. Lib. III. (c) Philo de
Exul. p. 317.
(d) M. T. Cic. Orat. Philipp. 2. (e) Bochart. Phil. Lib. I. cap. 2.
(f) Pin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VII. cap. 56.
Diodorus

516
The Dragon
Ch. XII. 1.4.
Diodorus Siculus hath obſerv'd alſo that the uſe of the Diadem came from Bacchus;
but his reaſon is vain. (a) egàs de rais és so leova?ov 10 DIVE repunaizies Tois sive
ινομβόας, διαδεδίος λέγεσιν αυτόν μίτρο των κεφαλω αφ' ής αιτίας και μέτροφόρου ονομάζεις
από δε ταύτης της μίτράς ύσερον παρά τοϊς βασίλισε να αδειχθlώαι το διάσημα φασί. .
Thus we ſee that the origin of the Diadem is the fame as that of Tyranny and
Idolatry : Nevertheleſs God having permitted the Eſtabliſhment of ſuch Pow-
ers will now have them to be obey'd as his Ordinance; ſo that they become noi
ſo odious by long run as ar firſt, provided they be not Enemies to his Church,
And therefore having appointed at firſt the holy Prieſt as a Prince under him
over the Iſraelites, he would have him to be honour'd with ſuch a Miter as the
Sovereign Princes then wore; for that his Miter or Nezer was a Diadem is
plain, becauſe it is alſo call'd a Kidagis, which is ſynonymous to Diadem, Thus
when Tygranes fubmitted to Pompey his Cidaris, as Plutarch relates in the words
cited (b) elſewhere, Eutropius expreſſes it thus : (c) Ac diadema ſuum, cum pro-
cubuillet ad genua Pompeii, in manibus ejus collocavit. We obſerve therefore in all
this, that though the thing be the ſame, yet the Holy Ghoft uſes a differenc
Stile when things ſacred are mention'd not only in this Cafe, but ſeveral others,
leaving always the odious Names to ſuch as are profane.
But then this is not all, for the chief matter is ſtill behind, about the num-
ber of theſe Diadems, and the part they are ſet upon; for it is obfervable,
that the Dragon hath not the Diadems upon the Horns, but upon the Heads;
but the Beaſts to whom he delivers his Power in Chap. 13. I. having the ſame
number of Heads and Horns, hath the Diadems upon the Horns, and not upon
the Heads. The Dragon hath therefore only ſeven Diadems, but the Beaſt
ten. The Dragon as ſuch hath his Diadems upon the Heads, becauſe his Pow-
er and Dominion was over, or confifted of ſeven Monarchies joyn'd together:
It was not yet divided into ten Horns; and therefore the Horns have no
Diadems, but the Heads. The Horns denote his future State, the Heads his
preſent, fo of the Beafts: the Diadems are upon the Horns to denote its pre-
ſent State. The ſeven Heads denote its paft State, to ſhow from whence it
came, and upon the Diviſion of whoſe Dominions it hath gotten its ten Horns
crown'd with Diadems. This is an effential difference, and the Holy Ghoſt
hach allotted ten Horns to the Dragon, which are not exerted, and ſeven
Heads to the Beaſt, which are not heeded, only to fhew, that theſe two are
related, and muſt ſucceed one to t'other. However this before us confirms our
Expoſition of the foregoing words, that the ſeven Heads ſignify the ſeven Ca-
pitals of ſeven different Monarchies ; for as is ſhewn in the Note upon Chap.
19. 12 B. the number of the Diadems correſponds to the number of the Con-
queſts; which is there prov'd by a clear inſtance.
A. verf. 4. Kai ši špcie dust oupe zò tríTow Tedy ciségwr égard, and bis Tail draws
the third part of the Stars of Heaven.] To begin with the Cortex or Decorum of the
Symbol; whether we take this Dragon for a Crocodile or a great Serpent,
theſe Words allude to their Properties; for theſe Animals make a great uſe of
their Tails, in ſtriking their Prey therewith. Gelner affirms it of the Crocodile,
and (d) Voffius faith out of Pet. Martyr that the Crocodile hach ſuch ſtrength
therein, that with a Blow they will break all the Legs of a ſtrong four footed
Beaſt. The late (e) Hiſtory of Macaſſar faith, " that theſe Monſters not content
to be at War with the Fiſh, ſometimes muſter together in Troops, and hide
themſelves at the bottom of the Water, that they may not be perceiv'd,
e and wait for little boats as they paſs by, to ſeize them: and becauſe all their
« ftrength is in their Tail, it ſerves them inſtead of a Harping-Iron to hold the
« Boat faſt, and to overturn all the People, and other Creatures that are in
" the Boar, and then feaſt on their Prey. But the Crocodile is not the only
Creature of this kind that thus plays with his Tail to deſtroy other Animals.
(fo) Capt. Dampier tells us, That in Brafil there is a ſort of Serpent living in the
Water, which is even thirty foot long; and that he takes his Prey with his
Tail. He draws that part ten or twelve Foot out of the Water when he ſees
any thing upon the Shore, Man or Beaſt, and then ſweeps it into the Water,
65
() Diod. Sicul. Hift. Lib. IV. p. 148.
(b) Note on Chap. 4. 10. C.
(c) Eutrop.
Lib. VI.
(d) Ger. J. Voff. de Idol. Lib. III. c. 56.
(e) Hift. of Macall. Lib. I.
P. 29.
(f) Dampier's Voy. 1699.
and

Ch. XII. V.4;
The Dragon.
517
and choaks it. He is ſo greedy, that when he ſees a Shadow he ſtrikes at it
with the ſame. Valerius Max. ſpeaking of a great Serpent deſtroying the Ar-
my of Attilius Regulus, obſerves the ſame thing: (a) multiſque militibus ingenti ore
correptis, compluribus caudæ voluminibus eliſis, &c. (b) Pliny faith it was 120 Foot
long : (c) Livy and (d) Florus ſpeak of the fame. See (e) Solinus ; fo Statius
ſays of another ;
(f) Occidis extremæ diftriétus verbere cauda
Ignaro Serpente puer
The Symbols have all been explain'd before : This Dragon or Serpent de.
voureth the Members of the Church, or at leaſt attempts to devour her Re.
deemer, for which ſhe labours ; but his Tail, like thoſe of the Locufts and Eu-
phratean Horſe-men, hath Poiſon therein, to ſeduce with the Error of falſe
Religion, and thereby to bring under his Tyranny the third part of the tem-
poral Princes of the World, which are ſignified by the Stars. It is certain,
that che Romans, tho' they left People at liberty to worſhip their own Gods
when they conquer'd them, and even brought their Gods to be worſhip'd at
Rome, yet in one fenfe they made their own Religion to be imbrac'd by all
thoſe Nations. Firft, By cauſing them to worſhip the Images of their Em-
perors : and Secondly, The Eagles of their Legions: not to ſay here, that their
Emperors were not only canoniz'd or deified after death, but worſhipped while
they liv'd. All Nations were oblig'd to worſhip as the Armies; theſe impofing
the Law upon the reft; whence comes the Saying of Tertullian : (&) Religio
Romanorum tota caftrenfis, figna veneratur, figna jurat, figna omnibus diis præfert.
So Tacitus tells us, That Cæſar Germanicus called the Eagles, (b) propria legionum
numina ; whereupon ſee the Nore of 7. Lipſius. The Indian Onirocritick, Chap.
152. in a place cited before obſerves, That the Tail ſignifies the Followers;
but he ſpeaks in the Caſe of an Horſe, which is the Symbol of a warlıke Con-
queror. In the Caſe of a Serpent's Tail, we muſt have reſpect to the Poiſon
whereof it is the Symbol, or Error; ſo that by this Tail we may ſuppoſe, that
as by the Heads are underſtood the temporal Dominion and Extent of the Re-
man Empire ; ſo by this Tail we muft underſtand the Prieſts of their Religion,
who at the ſame time infus'd their Religion into Men, and did in a great meaſure
govern by their Ceremonies and Auguries all the Empire, as we have before
prov'd out of Pliny. Therefore Ansbertus faith well enough: Quid per caudam
draconis, niſi perverſos intelligimus prædicatores : unde ſcriptum eft : Propheta docens
mendacium, ipſe cauda. But this is more fully expreſs'd by Pionius Martyr: (i)
Novum fuppliciorum genus patior cum aſpicio margaritas eccleſia procorum pedibus ſubjacere,
& ftellas cæli draconis caudâ uſque ad terram fuiſſe pertracta's ; by which 'tis plain,
that this Martyr underſtood by the Dragon's Tail ſweeping the Scars, the Per-
verſion not only of Chriſtians, but in general of all thoſe that were oblig'd to
imbrace the Idolatry of the Romans. And thus by the Heads of the Dragon the
Holy Ghoſt deſcribes his tyrannical Power; and by his Tail ſweeping the Stars
to the Earth, the Settlement of his Idolatry over the great Men of the World,
and by conſequence the People under them. As to the Expreſſion of the third
part, we may eicher underſtand it in reſpect of the habitable World; or if we
take it to fignify the moſt excellent and confiderable part of that World, where
the Woman appears firſt, then we may ſay, that the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to
ſhew, that tho' the Devil had in the Roman Empire the moſt part of the Habi-
tants, yet the Church had its Stars nevertheleſs, which ſhone and govern'd
within their proper Orbs in the Church. So that this implies, that he hath not
all the Inhabitants, but the greateſt part. Either way the ſame Intention is ful-
fill'd in the Event, as to the primitive Times.
B. Kai Elemev dulou's ois Tùo glü, and did caſt them to the Earth.] That is reduc'd
them to ſubmit to his ſupream Government : For Earth as it is oppos’d to Hea-
ven, eſpecially when the Subject is caſt out of Heaven upon it, fignifies not
only a loſs of Power, and a Reduction to the ſtate of Obedience and Slavery,
(a) Val. Max. Lib. I. cap. 8.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VIII. cap. 14.
(c) Livii
Epiſt. Lib. XVIII.
(d) Flor. Lib. II. cap. 2. (e) Solin. Polyhiſt. cap. 33. (f) Pap.
Scat. Theb. Lib. V. v. 538. (8) Tercull. Apol.
(6) Tacit. Annal. Lib. II. p. 44
() Pallio SS. Pionii & alior.
buic
6Q

518
Chap. XII. V. 4.
The Dragon.
but as it is always ſaid in a bad Senſe concerning Idolaters, it implies alſo their
Submiſſion to Idolatry. The Idolatry which the Romans forced upon Men,
even otherwiſe Heathens, by not allowing them liberty to imbrace the true Re
ligion, when it could be hindred, or forcing them to return to it, being the
Telt of their abſolute Submiſſion to the Government. See Dan. 8.10. Homer,
who was very well
acquainted with ſymbolical Notions, ſpeaks of the Fates of
the Græcians and Trojans, when Jupiter put them in the Balance fa).
Ας μη 'Αχιάν κήρες οι χθονί πολυβοταίρη
Ezé sny, Trawy dè, após og etvèr o'qw en spjev.
C. Kai : Agéres és una życém op zñs gwaranê's rñs pensons Tilley, and the Dragon ſtood
before the woman which was ready to be delivered.] This ſhews the Diſpoſition
of the Dragon towards the Woman, during the time of her Pains, as I have
diſtinguiſh'd them from her Delivery. The ſtanding poſture fignifies that he
refifts, oppoſes the Endeavours of the Woman, fights and is very buſy about it,
to prevent the effects of her Pains : that he watches all the Opportunities to do
Miſchief. The Event is, that from the firſt appearance of the Chriſtian Re-
ligion, the Roman Emperors made it their Buſineſs to ſuppreſs it. They ſufferd
the worſt of Superftitions, but always had a jealous Eye on Chriſtianity. The
reafon ſeems to have been, becauſe the Chriſtians, howſoever obedient and
paſſive, would not worſhip the Images of the Emperors, nor ſwear by their Genius,
nor perform any idolatrous act of the Roman Religion. This was look'd upon with
an ill Eye, and therefore the Magiſtrates and Roman Governors took notice
of the Chriſtians, and fought ways to force them to that Worſhip; but the com-
mon People had other reaſons, which proceeded from their own Superſtition.
D. "Iya Tay Zérn TÒ TÉKYON QUtñs, malapdy, That as ſoon as ſhe had born ber Child,
he might devour it.] This Deſign of the Dragon is like that of the (b) Egyptian
Dragon, who being inform’d by ſome of the Scribes that pretended to pro-
pheſy, that a Child of the Hebrews would be born about that time, who ſhould
mightily afflict the Egyptians, to prevent that, decreed that all the Hebrew Chil-
dren Males ſhould be deſtroy'd, to prevent the growth of that Deliverer of the
Hebrews. 7ofephus tells us this Story; and 'cis likely he had it from Tradition;
and there is ſome ground to believe it true in a great meaſure. The Targum
and (c) Author of the Life of Moses fetch the Story higher, and tell us that
Pharaob had a Dream about it, of a Balance having in one Scale all Egypt, and
in the other a Child which over weigh'd it, and that the Sooth-ſayers explain'd
it as Joſephus hach related. Such a Notion as this might indeed perſuade Pharaok
to that cruel Decree to deſtroy all the Male Children. And 'tis very likely
there was ſome ſuch reaſon to cauſe that ſuperſtitious Notion to come to
ſuch an Exceſs. However, the Devil, who was the prime Agent in the Re-
man Empire, in order to prevent ſuch a Diſaſter therein, from a Redeemer com-
ing out of the Chriſtian Church, might inſtil into his Votaries that cruel De.
ſign of deſtroying the Seed of the Church, and ſo involve the future Deliverer
in the fame Fate, juſt as Herod caus’d the Innocents at Bethlehem to be ſlain, in
order to involve the future Meſſias or King of the Jews in that Maſſacre.
'Tis true, That ſome Interpreters having obſerv'd this Reſemblance of the
Accidents of Chriſt's Birth with the Fates of this ſymbolical Birth, eſpecially
conſidering that Herod was himſelf a Limb of the Romans, being made King by
them, have attempted to explain this Sign of Chriſt literally : but they ought
to conſider that Chrift himſelf is a Type of his own Church, and that this
bare Reſemblance is not ſufficient to make us wholly apply this to him, when
the reſt of the Symbols cannot concur with it. So that we having found, that
this Woman is the Chriſtian Church, and Chriſt is her Sun; this Child being
a quite different Symbol, muſt ſignify ſomething elſe: Yet I muſt confeſs it is
a happy Coincidence, that the like fhould have happen'd to the literal Chriſt,
as is to happen to this Child, which is myftical, whom the Church is to bring
forth in the fight, and againſt all the Power and Malice of the Dragon : who
to prevent the birth of that Child hath continually watched her, not only
ſhewing a continual cruelty to her, but even upon the very laſt Labour ſhew-
ing more Fury and Malice than ever before, as it was in Dioclefian's Days,
(c) Homer. Iliad. 9. v.73.
Lib. I. princip. Edit. G. Gaulmyn
(b) Jofeph. Archæolog. Lib. II. cap. V.
() Vira Mofis,
The

Chap. XII. V. 5.
The Man-Child.
519
S
The Symbol of devouring or eating up is eaſy: Nevertheleſs fome Inſtances
may be given of its Signification, which is to deſtroy any way, or to take from
others; as the Decorum of the adjunct Symbols requires. In the song of
Moſes, Deut. 3 2. 42. My Sword ſhall devour Fleſh, that is, I shall utterly deſtroy
my Enemies, 2 Sam. 2. 26. ſhall the Sword devour for ever: So Fire is frequently
faid to devaur. Thus to devour or ſwallow up ſignifies to conquer and take Por-
feflion of the Lands and Goods of another, Ferem. Şı. 44. And I will puniſh
Bel in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of bis Mouth that which he hath (wallowed
up. That is, take away from Babylon all its Conqueſts : The God Bel is there
named as the efficient Cauſe of this, in the ſame manner as the Perfecutions of
the Church are here ſaid to be perform'd by the Dragon or Devil. Thus Bell
ſwallows up, becauſe when his Votaries have plundered the Nations, they
impart to him by conſecrating to his Service what they have taken, wherein
he hath the largeſt ſhare in Offerings ; for the ſake of which he ſeems to in-
ſpire his People with the deſire of Plunder and Conqueft.
A. verf. 5. Kai 'EtExay yjöv éppeve, and ſhe brought forth a Man-Child.] That this
Man-Child is to be a King, appears from the following Words : but that he is
to be a Deliverer to the Church or Woman that bears him, appears from this
Symbol of birth. For the Expreſſion being taken from Iſaiah 66.7. we have
already produc'd the Targum, which explains it in that manner. The Oriental
Onirocriticks in Chap. 126. 127. produce ſeveral Caſes of Birth, which might
be drawn to explain this by Conſequence, but as they are not pat enough to
our purpoſe, we ſhall wave them, to produce only one out of Artemidorus, Lib.
1. cap. 15. which is ſufficient : for he conſiders the Conception and Birth too :
Ει δέ τις αυτός σολάβοι Γκως είναι, και μέν πένης είη, πολλα κλήσε/αι και περιβαλάται χρήματα
ως και διογκωθlώαι' ο δε πλέσιΘ, έν Cασείνοις και φρονίσιν έσαι. And a little after, το
αποτεκείν εν γασρί έχονία--- πένατι δε και καταχρέω, και δόλω, και παντί τω έν περιστάσει' τινά
Qum *vti, te zagóvja sovce STO Jédtal onucivet, rj ditio pareccé. For a Poor Man, a Debtor,
and a Slave, and any one that is in any bad Circumſtance whatſoever to dream that he
brings forth a Child, ſignifie's that he ſhall clear himſelf of all his Grievances ; and the
Cauſe is plain. Right, for it is a Deliverance from the Pains, in which he was
before ſignified by the Pregnancy. But as the Holy Ghoſt here obſerves a Di-
ſtinction of Sex in the Delivery, we muſt obſerve, that in the ſymbolical Lan-
guage all Births do not give Joy, as neither do they in the common uſe of the
World: However the Birth of a Male-Child moſt frequently doth ſo, as our
Saviour obferves, 7oh. 16. 21. Therefore Artemidorus in the next Chapter ob-
ferves : tátwy do ta pelers esosvirgi, els agaddy tendtæ; that the Males have a good end,
when dream'd of. 'Tis not to be imagin’d, that the Birth of a Child ſhould be
found among the Portenta, having ſome ſymbolical signification, becauſe it is a
thing common and in the natural Courſe ; but by the Portenta contrary to it,
we may judge of common Birch by the rule of Contraries. We read in Pliny, (a)
Eft inter exempla, in uterum protinus reverſus infans Sagunti, quo anno ab Annibale delete
eft. The Hiſtory of Saguntum is very well known, that they made Refiftance
againſt Hannibal to the faſt, and that the Romans might have ſent them help, if
they had pleas'd. The meaning of producing that portentum is, that it ſignified
that the Saguntins ſhould be in great Diſtreſs and Sorrow, and that when they
ſhould expect a Deliverer from the Romans, they ſhould be diſappointed ; and
that their Sorrows muſt return upon them to their final Deſtruction. You have
in St. Paul a myſtical Birth, and a myſtical Chriſt too at the ſame time: Gal. 4.
19. My little children of whom I travail in Birth until Chriſt be form'd in you ;
that is, till the Chriſtian Doctrine have overcome in you the Habits of Sin,
I am concern'd and in fear.
Moreover as we underſtand this of Conſtantine the Greatcoming to the Empire,
fo the Birth is no unuſual Metaphor for the Inauguration of an Emperor: That
Day and its Anniverſary was with them call'd Natalis, the birth Day: Thus
Tully upon his return from Baniſhment, accounts himſelf as new born. (6)
A parentibus, id quod neceſſe erat, parvus ſum procreatus : à vobis natus ſum conſu-
laris. Thus the ſame reckons the day of his delivering the City from the
Conſpiracy of Catiline, as the Birth-day thereof, (c) C nonæ illæ Decembres, que,
me Conſule, fuiſtis! quem ego diem vere natalem bujus Urbis, aut certe ſalietarem appel-
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VII. cap. 3.
Cic. Orat. pro: L. Flacco,
(6) M. T. Cic. Ad Quir. p. redit.
(c) M.T.

520
The Man-Child.
Ch. XII. v.5.
bare poſſum. Thus alſo Conſtantine was a Child born to the Church, to beftow
Joy upon her after the Pains of the Pagan Perſecutions,
B "Os péntet touwvery, which is to rule.] Kings anciently were call’d Torries
Shepherds, whence nouaire comes to fignify to rule
. Thus in Homer (a) morrfice
armv, the Schol. faith, Caoréa öxnww. The places in the LXX are obvious, where
the words mulliver and natuke are taken in that Senſe. This Expreſſion goes
beyond the former Symbol ; for the former only implies, that the Church brings
forch a Deliverer; but this denotes further, that this Deliverer of the Church
muſt govern, and have under his Subjection thoſe very Idolaters, who before
tormented the Church, which is plainly the Caſe of the Roman Empire under
Conftantine.
Č. 11 évlee tai korn ev selsø od ngó, al Nations with an Iron Rod.] The Symbols are
explain'd elſewhere: the Nations are the Idolaters; the Rod is the Enſign of
Power and Government, Iron is the Symbol of Hardneſs and Inflexibility : the
meaning is, that this Son of the Church ſhall govern the Pagans and their Re-
ligion with great Severity. Here is no mention of breaking them like a Potter's
Vellel as before, where the Expreſſion is more general, of all the Enemies of
Chrift. This ſeems to imply, that the utmoſt Cruelty and Recaliation ſhall
not be us’d upon the idolatrous Subjects. The Event is exactly ſuitable to this
Diſtinction, Conſtantine and his Chriſtian Succeſſors in the Empire did not pro-
ceed ro Extremities with the Idolaters; but contented themſelves to take the
Civil and Military Offices, to ſhut up their Temples almoſt already forſaken, or
to demoliſh them; they exercis'd no Cruelties to force them to forſake their Re-
ligion. Gothofredus hath written a Book of the ſtate of Paganiſm under theſe
Emperors, which may be conſulted by thoſe that have it, for fuller Satisfaction.
D. Και ήρπάγη το τέκνον αυτής προς τον Θεόν, και προς τον θρόνον αυτ8, And her child
was caught up unto God and his Throne] That is, as Mede hath well obſervd,
Caught up to the Throne of God by an êr die ducir, familiar to the Hebrew Stile, and
to St. John. Now becauſe fitting upon the Throne of God is one of Chriſt's Proper-
ties, ſome Interpreters have been apt to think this muſt abſolutely be underſtood
of Chriſt himſelf, as if no Man in this preſent World could have that Honour.
But I ſay they may; and ſuch honour had all the Primitive Chriſtian Emperors.
The Sun and Moon of the Church are indeed both now inviſible, but the Wo-
man herſelf or Church neither is nor was ſo ; neither her twelve Stars and
their Succeffors : nor the Son or Man-Child which ſhe bare as her De-
liverer, who ruled the Nations ; and therefore neither is this Throne of God
inviſible. What Throne is it then ? Tis ſuch a Throne as David and Solomon
vifibly fat upon who were the Types of this Son of the Church, hav-
ing fertled the Mofaical Church as Conſtantine did. David and Solomon
are both ſaid to fit on the Throne of God, 1 Chron. 28. 5. and Chap. 29. 23.
in the Hebrew, and LXX. of the Ald. & Complut. Edit. And ſo may Conftantine in
reſpect of the Church be ſaid to fit on the Throne of God to rule the Heathen
with a Rodof Iron. The word spordyn, was caught up, ſhews a quick and violent
action or turn of Affairs with a great Struggle. This was true in the Event,
for the Church, having ſuffer'd but juft before ten Years Perſecution under Dio-
clefian, was on a ſudden not only deliver'd from it by the Afiftance of Conſtantine,
but fer up above the Pagan Religion : It was a quick and violent turn upon the
account of the Oppoſition of Maxentins, Maximianus, Licinius and others. And
afterwards this Throne of God was not held without Struggle ; for the idola-
trous Party now and then ſet up fome Pretender to the Empire during moſt part
of the time of the Chriſtian Emperors: not to mention Julian, who was a
Pagan came in by Night. After all it is not perhaps neceſſary to underſtand che
Words by an Hendyadis, but to take the Rapture to God as different from that
to his Throne, and ſo two different things : So that the firſt may mean the
unexpected and ſudden Converfion of Conſtantine, and the other his being there-
upon admitred to fit upon the Throne of God in the Chriſtian Church as a
Chriſtian Emperor. As to the Symbol, there is a Dream of Q. Catulus in Sueto-
nius mention d as fignifying che Riſe of Auguſtus to the Empire, which is not
unlike chis, ſaving that there is no mention of a Rapture: (b) At inſequenti
(nocte) animadvertiſſe ſe, in gremio Capitolini Fovis eundem puerum. Quem cum
(*) Homer. Iliad. c. v. 263,
(6) Suecon. in Auguſt. cap. 94.
detrabi

Ch. XII. v. 6.. The Woman in the Wilderneſs.
5.21
detrabi jufillet, probibitum monitu dei, tanquam is ad tutelam Reip. educaretur : See
the place. The Application is eaſily made.
A. verf.6. Kai o gwn épuyer sis alwegmuov, and the Woman fled into the Wilderneſs.]
This is the practice of the Holy Ghoſt in the Propheſy, that when the Nar-
racion of ſome Subject is begun, it ſhould be carried on with one continued
Strain to it's End and Perfe&ion; and that if ſome Circumſtances omitted in
that Strain be neceſſarily to be told, then the Holy Ghoſt begins a new and
fuller Narration. We find it ſo to be in this caſe, and therefore ſhall not here
examine thoſe Symbols, but in the fuller account afterwards : For the Holy
Ghoſt having given us a sign of the Church, ſufficient for the two militant per
riods thereof, and having to the end of the sth Verſe given an account of the
firſt or Primitive Period during the Perſecutions, as alſo the Perfection thereof
in the Reſt procured by Conftantine : which matters are Contemporary to the
fix Seals, and the half- Hours Reſt or Silence of the Seventh : then the Holy
Ghoſt proceeds in this 6th Verſe to hint in general the ſtate of the Church in
the ſecond Period, wherein it indures far more than in the former. But be-
cauſe the Paſſage from the one to the other contains many very conſiderable
Circumſtances: the Holy Ghoſt leaves the Narration of che ſecond Period
ſhort, and taking up the account of the Dragon again runs on to fhew his
Feats and Oppoſition till he drives the Woman into this ſtate of her ſecond
Period; which is alſo then more fully deſcrib'd. But however, that the Holy
Ghoſt may not be thought to uſe vain Repetirions, there is always ſome Cira
cumſtance even in the ſhorter account, which is not to be found in the larger.
Therefore in this place I ſhall only ſhew, the Allufion, or thoſe Paſſages of the
old Oeconomy to which the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to have alluded or borrow'd the
Symbols. It hath happen'd upon a peculiar account, that in the Mofaical Dir-
penſation there were two Flights into the Wilderneſs, one in the firſt, t'other
in the ſecond Period. The firſt of the whole Nation, the latter of the Pro.
phets. The difference of the manners of eſtabliſhing theſe two Religions or
Oeconomies being ſuch as lies neceſſarily in the ſtate of the Subject, 'tis eaſy
to conceive, that to take out one Nation from another with an high Hand,
and carry them to a far Country through a Deſert, there muſt be us'd different
Circumſtances, than when the whole world, as in the Chriſtian Religion, is
to be converted within its ſelf, without Noiſe, or making a viſible Separation in
Politicks from the reſt of them, which was the Caſe of Iſrael. Bur however,
as in the firſt Period of the Church, that of Iſrael could not be a Type chereof
in this Circumſtance of the Wilderneſs; ſo when the Holy Ghoſt fets forth the
ſecond Period of our Church by this Symbol of the Wildernefs, which was
alſo typified in the ſecond of the Mofaical, care is taken that the Circumſtances
of the firſt Type in the firſt Period of the Mofaical, may find place in the ac-
count of the ſecond Period. So that this account ariſes from a Medley of thoſe
two accounts of the Flight into the Wilderneſs in the Mofaical Diſpenſacion.
The reaſon of which ſeems to me to be this, that the Chriſtian Church being of
more extent than the Mofaical, it muſt needs be that there is a greater number
of Accidents do happen really at one time, ſo that the Holy Ghoſt ſeems oblig'd
in order to ſee them forth, to fetch from ſeveral Times and Circumftances of
the Old the Symbols to deſcribe the various Accidents of the New Diſpenſation.
Β. "Οσα έχει εκεί τύπον ήτοισμασμέον από το Θεξ, ίνα εκεί έκθρέφωσιν αυτίω, 22nhere the
hath a place prepared of God, that they ſhould feed her there.] This Flighe alluding
to that of the Iſraelites in the Deſert, where they were miraculouſly nouriſh'd
by God himſelf, during the ſpace of fourty Years in the firſt Period of the
Mofaical Diſpenſation; that there may be found a perfect Correſpondence be-
tween chat and the Chriſtian, we may alſo obſerve, char during the Perſecution
of Jezebel, a Type of the perfecuting Church in this ſecond Period, the Pro-
phers being forc'd to hide themſelves in the Wilderneſs, Caves and Private
Houſes, were nouriſh'd either by miraculous means, or ſuch as were directed
by God; as Elias at the Brook Cherith, 1 Kings 17. 3. 4. was fed by the Ra-
ven. Afterwards at the Widow's Houſe in Zarepbath of Zidon, out of the
Land of Iſrael, 1 King's 17. 9. and again when he fled into the Wilderneſs, he
was fed with a miraculous Cake and Crufe of Water, 1 Kings 19. 4, 6. Alſo a
whole Conipany of Prophets fed with Bread and Water by good Obadiah by fifty
in a Cave ; 1 Kings 18. 13. Our Text muſt therefore imply, that as God never
leaves himſelf without Witneſſes openly, ſo he preferves the true Members of
6 R
his

522
The Woman in the Wilderneſs. Chap. XII. 1.7.
his Church either in ſecret places, or provides for them places of Refuge,
where means are found to preſerve them, even miraculouſly, during all the time
of the Perſecution.
By what we have obſerv'd in the eleventh Chapter of the ſecret Worſhippers
in the Temple, and of the Witneſſes in the broad place, and in this Text, we
may reduce the ſtate of the perſecuted Church during the ſecond Period and
of its Members into three Claſſes. The firſt is, that of the ſecret Worſhippers
in the Temple, fhut up, or protected from the Malice of their Enemies. The
ſecond is that of the Prophets or Witneſſes become publickly Martyrs for the
true Worſhip: and the third is of ſuch as fly into places deſerted, or where their
Enemies cannot reach them, and where they are ſafe. Of theſe three the Wit-
neſſes keep up the Church viſible, and the other two preſerve the Church by
inviſible means; ſo it is never interrupted but continu'd to the end or third
Period. What I have ſaid concerning the Event of the thing in the Symbol of
the Temple ſhut up, will alſo reach this : moſt of the ſecret Worſhippers have
ing been ſuch as were oblig'd to fly up and down, or ſhelter themſelves in
Mountains, and almoſt inacceſible places. And yet we may be certain, that
as there have been always ſecret Worſhippers, who abhorred the Corruptions of
the Church, ſo there are ſtill notwithſtanding all the Malice of their Enemies.
The Inquiſition and Dragoons are not able to find them all out, even in the
moſt Popiſh Countries. We are ſure it is ſo at this Day.
C. 'Huéges traies draxooías Enxovla, a thouſand two hundred fixty Days.] This
being the term of the diſtreſſed ftare of the Church, and therefore parallel to
the term of the Perfecution of the Witneſſes, and the Poſſeſſion of the out-
ward Court of the Temple and the Holy City by che Gentiles, is therefore the
ſame Term, as the fourty two Months of the Poſſeſſion of the Gentiles, and the
thouſand two hundred and fixty Days of the Propheſy of the Witneſſes. And
ſo muſt be referr'd as the former to the end of the thirteenth Chapter.
A. verſ. 7. Kai égle'slo zódtuG & Tod špavý, and there was War in Heaven.] The
remaining part of this Chapter, as indeed alſo the whole thirteenth Chapter,
are a fuller account of the matters briefly hinted at in the fifth and fixth Verſes.
And in particular this War in Heaven between Michael and the Dragon ſets forth
at large the sprayn, was caught up, ſpoken of the Man-Child. Heaven is the
Symbol of the Government: this Expreſſion muſt therefore imply that there
was Contention about the Imperial or Temporal Power, even whilſt the Man-
Child of the Church was placing upon the Throne of God. The Dragon was
ſurpriz'd in a manner to ſee a Chriſtian Emperor openly ſo declared, and to
find that he had ſuffer'd ſuch a Foil; but he ceas'd not for that to ſtruggle again
for the ſupream Power, into which the Man-Child ſeem'd to have ſtept in as it
were by ſurprize. The Event is, that Paganiſm having yet a ſtrong Party,
would contend for the Government.
Β. Ο Μιχαήλ και οι άγγελοι αυτα πολεμήσαι μετα το Δρυά κοντG-, και ο Δράκων επο λέμηση
rjei žy yeao eurš, Michael and his Angels fought againſt the Dragon, and the Dragon
fought and bis Angels. In this Tranſlation the reading of the common Copies is
followed, which have sỹ ci ångtao duts storéuncay meile tõ A pérov ; but in the
Complut. the word dynence ſeems to be put for the Participle of the cognare
Verb, d'y yearéplies; and may be therefore thus tranſlated; Michael and thoſe fent
by him to fight with the Dragon, which Reading being in the Alex. MS. and others
ſeems to be approved by (a) Dr. Mills. My Expoſition will ſhew the difference
between theſe two Expreſſions. We learn from Daniel, Chap. 10. 13, 21. and
Chap: 12. 1. Jude 9. that Michael was the titular Angel and Defender of the
Mofaical Church; and conſequently now may be the Symbol of the tutelar An-
gel of the Chriſtians. It is ſaid indeed by ſome learned Men that Michael in
Daniel is the ſame as the Son of God or the divine Word. But how is that made
out, or how indeed can it be ; ſeeing Jude has exprefly call'd Michael Arch-
angel? I could indeed back this of Jude by feveral Obſervations, but it is not
neceſſary here, becauſe what ever difference it may make in the inviſible
World, it makes none in the viſible or Event. In both Caſes it muſt repreſent
ſome Potentare protecting the Church. If Michael be an Arch-angel, he is now
deputed by Chriſt himſelf, but if this is Chriſt himſelf, who is the Prince of all
elleni
(a) Mill. Proleg. in N. T. p. 3.
*
the

Chap. XI. v. 8.
The Woman in the Wilderneſs.
523
the Angels, which are imploy'd about the Church; the Captain of the Hoſt of the
Lord, and who was really alſo in the Moſaical Church the ſame, being therefore
worſhipped by Joſhua, Chap. 5. 14,15. and ſpeaking and requiring that Homage
in the ſame manner as the true God, Exod. 3. 5. ſee Iſaiah 63. 9. in the LXX.
whence'cis plain that the Word was that Angel. (a) Origenes out of (b) Hernas
faith, that the faithful are under Michael, as ſoon as they believe, elece Tall Tisdicin
od Ted Mexona zivoutaki then Chriſt indeed fights with the Dragon, but it is by
his Miniſters or Angels fent for that purpoſe, giving them power to obtain
Vi&ory. But the Dragon fights more perſonally with his Angels, being con-
tinually with them by a more immediate Preſence than Chriſt with his Humani-
ty. Hence comes the difference of the Expreſſion. The viſible Actors repre-
fented by Michael and his Angels were Conftantine and his Succeſſors, together
with the Chriſtians in the Armies and Magiftracy. By this it appears that
Michael fought to drive the Dragon quite out of the Temporal Power; that the
Dragon refifted, and endeavour'd not only to keep his place, but to drive the
Man. Child out of that which was ſeiz'd from him. This War ſeems therefore
to be carried on whilſt the Woman's Journy into the Wilderneſs is prepared,
The Flight being not a thing ſo ſudden, as to follow immediately the Elevation
of the Man-Child. When the woman had brought forth, and her Son was caughị
up, Miebael interpoſes and keeps the Dragon in play. The Dragon cannot purſue
the Woman at that time, but as ſhe flies into the Wilderneſs, when he is quite
driven out of Heaven upon the Earth, then he begins to play new Pranks, and
uſes his laſt Shift, to ſend a Flood after her. Therefore this War muft laft du-
ring the time running on between the firſt appearance of Conſtantine and the
reign of Honorius. The next Note explains this Symbol.
A. verf. 8. Kaišu iguosv, And prevailed not.] Mede obſerves, that this is an
Hebraiſm for was overcome, the negative being not always a bare Denial but con-
taining the contrary affirmative. Prov. 10. 2. Chap. 12. 3. and Chap: 17, 21,
alſo 1 Cor. 16. 22. fee Buxtorf. Thel. Gram. Lib. II. cap. 19. p. 547, it is a Litotes.
Other Copies have iguore in the Plural, thus referring it to the Angels too : 'tis
the fame in Senſe, the meaning is, that neither he nor they could make him
keep his place in Heaven ; either keep or recover the Imperial Dignity. And
indeed this is implied in the former Symbol of Michael and his Angels; and the
more becauſe the Angels name is expreſs’d : for had he not been named, the
Vi&ory muft have been accounted leſs. The Victory ſpoken of here is the
greateſt that ever the Church had ; this is grounded upon the Obſervation, Non
licet exiguis rebus adelle Jovi. Thus the Indian Interpreter argues in Chap. 10.
Εάν τις 15η καθ' ύπνος πιγα των θείων αγγέλων των ωνομασμένων και απογεγραμμέων εν ταίς
θείαις ειςλοις, δαγγελικιω άρήσει χάραν Είδε σαράκοιλαι πόλεμΘ εν τω τόπω, νίκη ταχεία
και ιχυρα καλα των εχθρών έσαι
: Είδε θλίψις έσι, μέλαβάλλέθαι εις χάραν 'Εαν δε τις ίδη
άγγελον των ανωνύμων και μη απογεγραμμβόων, έσιν αυτώ χάρα τε και αγαλλίασις μέτριωτέρα.
Such an Obſervation as this could only come from that Interprerer, who was a
Chriſtian ; the Doctrine of (c) Angels being but obſcure amongſt the Payans
at leaſt to the Greeks and Egyptians ; tho' the (d) Rabbies pretend, that the
names themſelves of the Angels were receiv’d by the Jews, together with thoſe
of the Months in the Babyloniſh Captivity of which more by and by. The
naming of the Angel therefore ſignifies the greatneſs of the Vi&ory, as if the
naming of the Actor infer'd that he muſt perform an A&tion worthy of his
Name, in which we ſee the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to allude to that Cuſtom among
Princes not to depute any great perfon, but about ſuch an Adion as is worthy
the Glory and Repute that he hath already gain'd in the World, or ſuch as be.
comes his Dignity and Quality. To meaner Adions meaner Agents may fuffice:
but Michael, or a Quis ficut Deus, muſt be imploy'd in great matters.
'Tis obſerv'd that before the Babylonian Caprivity the Angels who appear'd to
the Patriarchs did always refufe to tell their Names, as may be ſeen in Gen. 32.
29. Judg. 13. 18. or elſe are never named in Holy Writ. The reaſon of this
Caution, which was not obſerv'd after that Captivity, is (e) asked, but not yet
given. I believe the following may ſerve till a better is found out. The Word
was che Angel which appear'd to the Patriarchs and Prophets from the Creation
of the World. Now the Word always refus'd to tell his name; becauſe he then
130.97
(a) Origen. in Matth. p. 351. Ed. Huet.
(6) Hermæ Paſtor, Lib. III. Sim. 8.9. 3.
() Vid. Ť. Gale Nar. in Jamblich. p. 206. (d) Th. Hyde Hiſt. Relig. Perfian. cap. 20. ex
Talm. Hieroſ. in Roſb hahana: Buxtorf. Lex. Rab. Voc. N.
(e) Vid. M. Poli. Synop.
Critic. in Luc. 1. 19,
only

524
Michael and the Dragon.
Ch. XII. 1.9.
only acted as a Meſſenger, and the time was not yet come for the full Revela-
tion thereof: whence he faith, that his name was ſecret, or wonderful, and
ſuch as no Man knew but himſelf. But when the time was come when it was
proper to fix the time of his coming, then the Word, who before hand had been
the immediate Redeemer or Angel, going then to enter upon a new Diſpenſa-
tion, wherein he was to be revealed and worſhipp'd by name, upon the account
of the Merits of his Incarnation, and with the ſame Glory as the Father,
being to fit ac his right hand, and not as an Angel, or bare Miniſter; the Word
I ſay, being then upon the Entrance of a more glorious Diſpenſation for him-
ſelf, thinks fit to imploy inferior Agents; and leaſt they ſhould be miſtaken for
himſelf, orders that their names ſhall be known, whilſt they foretel his coming.
Now as it appears from the Hiſtory of Manoah, the asking of the name being
in order to give Worſhip to that name, Judg. 13: 17. for a (a) name fignifies
and implies at leaſt an Object of Worſhip. if the Word hach then diſcover'd
his name, it muſt have been with a deſign to be worſhipped under that name :
and ſo the Chriſtian Diſpenſation had been anticipated upon before the Incar-
nation of the Word, by which the Word was to obtain a more excellent name than the
Angels. Hebr. 1. 4. If you ſay, that there was a Danger, if the Angeis gave out
their names, to make the Iſraelites fall into Idolatry, I anſwer, that the Word
had prevented this during the Moſaical Diſpenſation, when appearing to Ma-
noah, Worſhip was forbidden to be given to himſelf even as an Angel of God.
Judg. 13. 16. and Manoah was by himſelf commanded to direct it to the Lord
7717'y, under which name the Word was then glorified with the Father. So
that the Iſraelites might from thence know, that Worſhip was to be given only
to God; and the naming of an Angel could not well infer, that ſuch an Angel
was to be worſhipped. Thus we ſee that after the Captivity the Caution of
hiding the name of the Angels appearing was needleſs; and that it was even
neceſſary for them to diſcover their Names, that it might be known they were
not the Word as formerly, but its Miniſters; and that the time of the Word's
Incarnation and Glory was approaching.
However it may be obſerv'd, That ſome of the Jews became afterwards a
little too ſuperſtitious about the Angels, whoſe names they knew or rather had
invented, having Treatiſes about the Celeſtial Hierarchy, of which there are
remains in the Rabbinical Writings, and in ſome Fragments of the Helleniſtical
Writers of the ſame Nacion. From (b) Foſephus we learn, that the Eſſens had
Books treating of their Sect, and keeping the Memory of the Angels Names.
And the Author of the Clementine Homilies, an Ebionite of the Sect of the Ju-
dailing Chriſtians, introduces St. Peter accounting it a divine Favour, that they
knew the Angels Names, (c) ’Aggéawy óvópala yuapíševº which was afterwards
depravated to magical purpoſes, as appears from (d) Epiphanius ; but enough
of this.
B. Oude zéro dipen dut! ITI ex tos šgavớ. Neither was bis place found any more
in Heaven ] or, neither was there any place found for him in Heaven. This Ex-
preſſion is to be found in Job. 7. 10. Chap. 20. 9. Pfal. 37. 10. and 103. 16.
Dan. 2. 35. in the LXX. TÓTG èugéon eurois. 4 Eſdr. 11. 13. It implies a total
Deſtruction without return : When once Pag an ſm was thrown out of the Im-
perial Seat, it ſtruggled indeed to get in again, but all in vain. He made
Puſhes, but ſtill was repuls'd, and his Minifters were worfted ; Magnentius,
Veteranio, Sylvanus, Maximus, Eugenius, Arbogaſtus, of whom Paulus Diaconus
faith : (e) Denique ext abat genere Francus, cultorque ſordidiſſimus Idolorum. Fulian
the Apoftate ſtepe indeed into the Throne by Treachery and Hypocriſy, but
had not time to get warm therein. This is equivalent to the ſixth Seal, and ex-
plains the reaſon of the ſeventh. For Paganiſm being thruſt out of Power,
the Chriſtians muſt needs have Peace and Opportunity to worſhip God, Read
Euſebius Ecclef. Hift. Lib. X. Cap. 1. who in the end applies the Words of Pfal.
37. 10: cited before, and the ſame in Senfe as our Text, to his Times.
A. verf.9. Kai ébahan ó Agency o mágns, and the great Dragon was caſt out.] Tho'
there is no place found in Heaven for the Dragon, that is, no means to keep or
wo
(a) See the Note on Ch. 17. 5. on Babylon.
(6) Joſeph, de B. Jud. Lib. II. cap. 12.
(c) Clement. Homil. III. S. 36.
(a) Epiphan. Heref. 30. S. 17.
(e) Paul.
Diacon. Lib. XII. gile baby
recover

Ch. XII. v.9.
Michael and the Dragon.
525
recover any part of the fupream Government, yet he is not quite deſtroyed,
but hath ſtill a Maintenance in ſome Subject, which is hereafter mention'd. That
is, tho' Idolatry loſes the ſupream Power, yet it ſubfifts ſtill elſewhere. It's
Votaries loſt the ſupream Power, but were not all converted; what Power
and Numbers they had is conſidered elſewhere.
Β. “ο όρις και αρχαίΘ, ο καλέμβWO Διάβολα και Σαβανάς, ο πλανών τίω οικεμένω όλίω.
That old Serpent called the Devil and Satan, which deceiveth the whole
. World.] By
this it appears, that the Devil or Principle of evil is concern'd in the Symbols,
as well as the Roman Empire ; and that the Holy Ghoft cherein comprehends
the inviſible as well as viſible Agents. So that if this old Dragon's Power is
limited in this caſe by the Adjuncts of ſeven Heads and ten Horns, it is the
Intention of the Holy Ghoſt to ſhew therein, that the Power of that old Dra-
gron is only conſidered here as it reaches to the viſible Agents, who were now
concern'd immediately againſt the Church ; paſſing by the reſt of the Dragon's
Power which was not concern'd about it. And this ſhews, that the Idolatry
of the World any where, either in the Roman Empire, or any other part, before
or afcer, is ſtill one and the ſame effect of the Malice and Temptation of that
firſt old Serpent, who tempted our firſt Parents; and ſtill continues his Malice
and Temptation over all Mankind, becauſe all ídolatry, being a Subftraction of
the Homage which we owe to God, is therefore really of the ſame nature as
the Sin of our firſt Parents.
In the foregoing Notes upon this Chapter we have chiefly conſidered this
Dragon, as it is a Symbol of viſible Agents Enemies to the Church. My Bu-
fineſs is now, ſince the Holy Ghoſt diſcovers by theſe Words of Expoſition, that
it was intended to comprehend therein alſo the inviſible, to conſider alſo that
Principle of Malice againſt God's People, whether we comprehend all Men, as
they ſhould be, or only the Church Patriarchal, Mofaical and Chriſtian, as it
is really the People of God. And becauſe it is our method in the Expoſition of
all the prophetical Symbols, to ſhew that it is ſuitable to the Notions of Jews
and Heathens ; ſo in this caſe it may be thewn, that the Notion of this old Dra-
gon, firſt Introducer of Evil in the World, being alſo the continual Contriver,
working in the Children of Diſobedience, is ſuitable to thoſe Notions of Jews and
Heathens. Of the Jews, that they had ſuch a Notion, is without Diſpute now,
becauſe it is very plainly laid down in Scripture : proceed we therefore to con-
ſider that of the Pagans. The celebrated Paſſage in Plutarch is a ſufficient Proof
thereof. And becauſe it may be often alluded to in this Commentary, it will
be proper to ſet down here a Tranſlation thereof: That excellent Author hav-
ing ſpoken of Typhon, who with the Egyptians was accounted the Principle and
Symbol of Evil, he proceeds thus: (a). Therefore this very ancient Opinion
is deriv'd from the Divines and Law-givers to the Poets and Philoſophers,
having an unknown Beginning, but firmly believ'd and hard to be effaced,
being carried about in many places, not by words only and Fame, but in the
the very Myſteries and Sacrifices, both of the Barbarians and Greeks, that the
Univerſe is not a Principle without Mind and Reaſon, and ungovern'd as if
left to ſelf Morion: Neither is there one ſingle Reaſon which is the Power,
or Governor of the World, holding the Rudder and Bridle thereof, and as the
Diſpenſer or Drawer of two Vefſels, mixing in the Draught good and evil;
Nature, producing here nothing in a manner which is pure and unmixt, di-
ftributes all Affairs by pouring them out to us in mixture like knaviſh Vint-
ners : But rather from two contrary Principles and oppoſite Powers; the firſt
leading to the right and forward, the latter turning back and refractory. So
that this Life is mixt, and the World, if not all, yet this Terreſtial and Sublu-
nary, is become irregular and various, and receives all manner of Changes,
For if there be nothing without a Cauſe, and good cannot afford the.Cauſe of
evil, there muſt be ſome peculiar Generation and Principle containing the
nature of evil
as well as of good. And this Opinion is admitted by moſt
and the wiſeft of Men. For they believe, that there are two Gods, like
Antagoniſts, the firſt Creator of good, the latter of evil
. The better of them
they call God, the other Dæmon, as Zoroaffres the Magician, who is reported
to have liv'd five thouſand Years before the Trojan Wars. He call'd the firſt
() Plutarch. de Irid. & Ofirid. p. 407. Ald.
6 S
Öromazes,

526
Michael and the Dragon. Chap. XII. V.9.
$
<
Oromazes, the other Arimanius: and added, that the firſt was moft like Light
of any fenfible thing, and the latter again like Darkneſs and Error. That be-
tween theſe two there was one Mithres, which in the Perſian Language fignifies
Mediator, who taught Men to offer Sacrifices of Vows and Thankſgivings
to the firſt, and Expiations to avert Evils and Diſaſters to the latter. For
pounding in a Mortar a certain Herb called Omomi, [moft likely the Amomum,
an Allyrian Plant,] they invoke Hell and Darkneſs; and then mixing it with
the Blood of a Wolf flain, they carry it into a deſert place, and caſt it away.
• Of Plants they alſo reckon fome to be of the good Deity, and others of the
wicked Damon: as alſo of Animals, that ſome, as Dogs and Birds and Land
Hedg hogs are of the good, and that others are of the wicked; whence it
comes, that they account him happy who kills moſt of theſe. Beſides, this
they tell abundance of Fables about theſe Gods, ſuch as theſe : That Oromazes
being produced out of the pureft Light, and Arimanius out of Darkneſs, they
war upon each other; that the firſt produced fix Gods, the firſt of Love, the
fecond of Truth, the third of Order, the next of Wiſdom, and then of Riches;
and the laſt the Creator of thoſe Pleaſures that ariſe from good Actions, and
the later a like number of oppoſite Contrivers. And then that Oromazes hav-
ing trebled his own Magnitude, did raiſe himſelf as much above the Sun, as
the Sun is diſtant from the Earth, and then adorn’d the Heaven with Stars.
That he appointed one Star, Sirion or the Dog-ſtar, above the reſt as Keep-
er and Overſeer; and that having made four and twenty other Gods, he put
them into an Egg: and that the Off-ſpring of Arimanius, being alſo the fame
in number, piercing the (a) Egg, hence it comes that the evil mix'd it ſelf
with the good. But that a fatal time comes wherein Arimanius producing a
Peftilence and Famine, all muſt by them of neceſſity be deſtroy'd and diſap-
pear; and then the Earth being levelled, there ſhall be one only way of liv.
ing, and one Government of all Men in Happineſs, and ſpeaking but one
Tongue. The Opompus faith after the Magi, that one of theſe Gods ſhall
exert his Power for three thouſand Years, and the other ſhall be over-power'd,
. but that they ſhall fight and war for three thouſand Years more, and the one
ſhall diffolve the power of the other. But that at the end Hell fails, or is for-
* faken, and then Men fhall be happy, neither wanting Nouriſhment, nor
making any ſhadow; and that the God who ſhall procure this ſtate, ſhall reft
and be at quiet for a time, not very long for a God, but moderate in reſpect
of Man's ſleep. Many Obſervations may be made upon this Paſſage, but I
ſhall wave all except ſuch as may ferve to the Expoſition of this place, and ſo
content my ſelf to conſider only the name of this Principle of evil, Arimanius
being the ſame as the old Deliverer and Serpent, and for the ſake of that the
name likewiſe of the good Principle Oromazes, and chis little Digreſſion will I
hope be the ſooner excus’d when it will be found, that by the Confideration of
that, moſt of the ancient names of the fupream Deity in ſeveral Nations will be
explain'd.
Bottbus
To begin then, I take the word 'porn'cns, as the Greek Authors uſe it, to be
from the Hebrew 2015, which fignifies properly a Fire or Light, ſending down
Rain, and by a Metonymie the Sun, or a Deity bountiful
. That is, as Plutarch ex-
plains it, • ducive Jeos, and ágazão Smulepgiós. ys is generally Fire or Light, and
ſometimes the Sun, as in Job 31. 26. where the LXX, turn it by sn@, the
Sun being the Fountain and Treaſure of Light. Now as the Sun was by thoſe
ancients deified, and in their fymbolical Language, as likewiſe any Lumi-
nary, ftands for a God, King or Prince, ſo we need not to wonder, that
in this compounded word it ſtands for the Deity or the Sun its felf. And this
was plainly the Notion of the Perſians, as we may learn not only from the
afore cited place of Plutarch, but alſo from the words of the Perſian Eunuch,
who fled to report to Darius the Death of his Wife, related alſo by the fame
list
(2) The Text ſeems corrupted in this place, tho' the Senſe be clear enough. I have follow'd
the Correction of Gul. Alexander. Inſtead of Tò còr yaraler, one might alſo read To Swoyoynfir.
That is, piercing or Scratching that which was bred, the Evil, &c. but I take the true reading to be,
Peelgúravler to dès, ävejer dva némexlou tai nevoie 7. ég that is, piercing the Egg, from the
beginning the evil miset itſelf with the good. The new Verfion turns povandey by beauteous
and glazed,
out of Heſychius, but this I can't underftand.
to so (a) Qúts

Chap. XII. v. 9.
Michael and the Dragon.
527
(α) Ούτε γας ζώση τη δεσποίνη σαύρα, και μη]gi ση και τέκνοις, ενέσει των πρόθεν αγαθών και
καλών, και το σον οράν φώς, και πάλιν αναλάμψα λαμπρόν ο κύρι 'Ωρομάσδης. As to the ter-
mination melodins or ma'lns, I take it to be from 770, as ’Avvíbus from Hannibal;
and ſo to be Greek. The word 470 or hin, for it is written both ways, but
found only in the plural in the ſacred Writings, as in 2 Kings 23. 5. and Job. 38.
32. ſeems to (b) ſignify the Stars or Conftellations or at leaſt the Planets, and
perhaps any, or every one of theſe. In the LXX. the Hebrew word die spa's is
kept, but the Complutenſian Edition in 2 Kings 23. 5. hath malamadh, the Rab-
bies uſe the word nia for the Star of the Nativity or Influence, which indeed
is the ſame as the genius of every Man, according to the Notions of the Hea-
thens, whence (c) Mazaltob is the good fortune, and eſpecially the Planet Jupiter.
Now the word Mazal comes from 973 to flow or drop, becauſe thoſe are look'd
upon as good Planets in hot Countries, which cauſe the Clouds to drop down
and the Rain to fall, and by that to protect Men from ſcorching heat, and
making the Ground fat, and able to produce it's Fruits, and becauſe it is certain.
ly che ſupream Deity that doth all this, and that the Perſians look'd upon the
Sun as the ſupream Deity, 'tis no wonder that they ſhould call him the Light
giving Rain, that is nouriſhing and cheriſhing all things, and fo the principle of
all good. By this muft be expounded the name of that Macedonian Deity call'd
"IÇére, it being as Heſychius faith, dyan tuxn : and that of the Phrygians called
Maldas, the ſame as Zds, as the ſame Heſychius obſerves : It is I believe, the
ſame as that which they called Me'odins, which is the ſame word as Melns, both
from Maxal, whom they alſo called Melvis, as (d) Plutarch obſerves; whence all
illuſtrious and great Works were by chem called saviná, that is, fortunate:
And this Meyes is perhaps the ſame as 'up in Iſaiah 65. 11. ſet therewith 71,
which the LXX.turn by Adróvion and Texn. And I make no queſtion but the Zeis,
or Zi'y, or Zás of the Græcians is the ſame as the Masáis and iğére, and comes
from 573, which being an Heemantical word, the firſt letter may be eaſily left
out in paſſing from one Language to the other. The Grecian Notion of the
zdis being that of the God of Rain, and Ruler of the Air. Hence in Heſychius
rns, zdjs oubgre, and, uds, cabélic. whence we find in M. Antonius : (e) Euxin
e Iluaian, Troy, Booy, pine z&. However (f) Voffius will have the God of the
Salentini, called in (g) Feſtus, Menzanas, to be derived from this Phrygian Mazens,
and ſo corre&s it into Mazani or Mezani ; and ſo I take the Tuſculan (b) Majus,
which is Jupiter, to be the ſame as the Maldis, even as Jupiter is zdis talàp
To theſe Expoſitions of the Oromazes we may join that of the ancient Deity
of the Arabians, which was called, as we find it in (i) Herodotus, by the name
of 'Ougotear : but the Lambeth and Oxford MSS. having 'Opera's, we may follow
the Conjecture of (k) Bochart who reads Oùgorén, ſuppoſing that the laſt crept in
from the next word. We need not to follow the Conjecture of Pocock produc'd
by (1) Dickinſon, who corrects it further into 'Oratan, as if it was in Arabick,
Ollat aal or Allah-taal, that is, Deus excelſus vel fupremus. This is too far fetchd,
when it may be done with leſs trouble ; (m) Voffius takes it by the right-Handle
ſo far, when he ſaith the words out of which it is compounded are to be found
in Iſaiah 26. 19. 777150, Ros luminum. I ſay then that this Ourotal is the Lu-
minary ſending Dew, or Rain; and that is the Sun, which was the great Deity
of the Arabians. Now this 70 comes from 990 which in general ſignifies to
cover, as in Nebem. 3:15. and in the Chaldee of Dan.4. 9. to bave ſhelter ; and
comes from, or is a kin to the Hebrew 528, to make a Shade. In the Arabick
Tongue (n) Thalal is to dew: the word hath ſtill a Remnant preſerv'd in
that of (0) Irrhon, which is Fire. By this we may alſo partly explain the name of
the Scythian God in (p) Herodotus, @dullinoddns, which according to his Expoſition
is, Neptune; the Termination maradns is plainly the fame as peodus
, or melns, the
Mazal. As to the former part of the Word, how ſhall we bring it to the reſt?
we may, if not in ſound ſhew it to be the ſame as 778, yet by the Signification,
were the MSS. ſettled in the reading: for ſome of them have uylard, and
(a) Plutarch in vit. Alex. Fol. 223.
(6) Joh. Chryſoft. apud Fl. Nobil. & Suidas.
Vide Schindler. & Guſſer. (6) Schindler (d) Plucarch de Ilid. p. 399. le) M. Anton
de feipf. Lib. V. cap. 7.
(f) G. J. Voff. de Id. Lib. II. cap: 33:
(3) Feſt. V.O&tober.
(b) Macrob. Satur. Lib. I.
(i) Herodot. Lib. III. cap. 8.
(1) Bochart. Phaleg.
Lib. II. cap. 19:
(1) EdmDickinſon Delphi Phænic. (m) G. J. Voff
. de Idol. Lib. II. cap. 8.
(n) Golii Lex. Arab. p. 1469. (0) Golii Lex, Arab, p. 62. (P) Herod. Lib. IV. cap. 59
2.1
thoſe

528
Michael and the Dragon,
Ch. XII. v.9.
thoſe of (a) Origen's Books againſt Celſus, who cices Herodotus, have no pasada.
but we ſhall ſtick to the common reading. And then I ſuſpect, that this Scy-
thian word is ſomewhat a kin to the MojoGothick HIMINS, and the reſt of
the Northern names of Heaven to be ſeen in the Gloſſary of (b) Junius; and
that this is deriv'd from the Hebrew, non, the Sun from in heat. So that the @
is only as an Article inſtead of SA, which in the oblique Caſes hath always a ®
in the Gothick Tongue: and that the whole word ſignifies the ſame as in Greek
• špávio padis the beavenly Influencer ; or elſe, the Sun giving Rain. And per-
haps this Deity is the ſame as the Saxon God Hama, mention'd in Saxo Gramma-
ticus, and G. Fabricius, and by (c) Voſſius ſuſpected, not without reaſon, to be
the Sun. Unleſs we ſay that oxué comes as well from the Dinu che Heavens.
As for what Herodotus faith, that it is Neptune ; he ſpeaks of his own Opinion, as
it is plain by his Words: and becauſe theſe Scythians did under that Norion wor-
fhip the God that gives Rain and Water, he took him for Neptune, who was by
the Greeks ſo called (d) Mored day from his giving Rain or Drink to all Men;
which is the Notion of the word Oromazes, as it is indeed the Notion which
the Holy Scriptures give us of the true God, who is ſaid to have truly all theſe
Properties. So in Fob 5. 10. Matth. 5:45. he gives Rain. Hence Philo ſpeaking
of God ſaith: (e) mwyNe doris ou@pci t'éyada, to pinos cégor Jel ouvodás isi, in Fob.
5.15, &c. Pfal. 33. 16, to 20. he is laid to protect and defend. Yea God com-
pares himſelf to Dew, in Hoſea 14. s. 909 TIIN, 'égoual es déco : and there.
fore he is the only good, Matth. 19. 17. who is good to all, and his cender
Mercies are over all his Works, Pfal. 145. 9. and conſequently the only true
God, the only 7), or good Genius.
Before we leave this we may take notice, that this Expoſition of Oromazes
will help us to find out the meaning of the word 'Ogoodly lau in (f) Herodotus,
by him tranſlated (g) 'Evegyítve, and among the Perſians fignifying Noblemen.
Hefychius writes it 'Ogoáy sms, which appears to be no Miſtake,and is perhaps nearer
the Perſian Pronunciation. The word is yao yin, as if you ſhould ſay a Prince
giving Light, or enlightning Prince: for to afford Light in the oriental Stile
is to do good; the word 10 is a Chaldean or Babylon iſh word borrowed by
the Perfans to ſignify a great Man, and ſo is ſuſpected to be a kin to the
word zu from which w33t comes, which fignifies great. (b) Atheneus tells us
out of Beroſus that the Babylonians kept a Feaſt for five Days like the Saturnalia
of the Romans, in which the Slaves were Maſters, and one of them being clad
in a royal Garment, they call'd hini Zayevlw, or Zozávlw, that is 13o Sagan, Lorda
The word is never uſed about the great Men in Iſrael, but in Writers after the
Captivity, as Gouſſet obſerves: The reaſon is, becauſe the Perſian Monarchs
gave them thoſe Titles ; ſo that Orofanga is a Metaphorical, and therefore more
noble Expreſſion, inſtead of (i) 1979, which fignifies a Prince and a Benefactor
too, from 293 to give liberally.
Now ſince the (k) Rabbies explain the Word Gad, 72, by Mazal tib, or good
Fortune, in Genef. 30. 11, as the LXX. by TÚX", which is the ſame as dituzia
there, and frequently elſe where; hence Heſychius puts thoſe Words ſynony-
moully ; let us conſider this Word in its origin, and how it came to have this
Signification. 7 comes from 79), which fignifies to garber an Army, and the
like, and therefore ſignifies a Troop or Army; being indeed the very fame as
solgãou in the true Notion of it, which is a military Term to fignify an Army
or band of Men, as we have ſhewn elſewhere. Now as in the oriental Notions
there is a Reſemblance and Conformity between the viſible and the political
World, which I have prov'd to be the belief of the Egyptians and Chaldeans,
and is ſtill that of the idolaters in (1) China and Siam : The heavenly Army or
501Xtivw, or the ſeveral parts of them, now called Conſtellations, were called
by the name of Gad, or Army: and becauſe that viſible World is ſuppos'd to
influence the lower or political, ſo this Gad did with them fignify the good Star,
Genitas or Influence which affifted Men. Wherein a Word of ambiguous Signi-
fication, either good or evil, is put withouc an Adje&tive, to ſignify the good
i (a) Orig. c. Celſum Lib. VP. P. 301. (1) Junii Gloff. Goth. p. 193, 194. (c) G.
J. Voff. de Idol. Lib. II. cap. 19. 33.
(O) Vid. Phornut. de Nat Deor.in Nepe. (e) Philo
Desi Tornicis. p. 266. vid. de Decalog. p. 516. de Allegor. p. 42. & alibi. (f) Herodot.
Lib. VIII. cap. 85. (g) Vid. Luc. 32. 25.
(b) Athen. Deipnof. Lib. XIV. cap. 10.
(i) 1 Sam. 2. 8. Job 12..21. (k) Selden. de Diis Syr. Lib. I. cap. 1. Fuller. Miſcel. Sace.
Lib. V. cap. 17. (1) Dela Lohbere du Royaume de Siam. Tom. If.
fide

Ch. XII. v.9.
Michael and the Dragon.
529
lide, as it is uſual in ſuch Cafes. Hence Manes, who attempted to introduce
the corrupted Chaldean Notions into the Chriſtian Church, mentions the twelve
Kádor. (a) Epiphanius taking hold of the ambiguous meaning of that word, hath
turn'd it into a Jeſt, by giving that word the common Notion it hath in Greek of
Buckets, as if theſe were to draw up the Souls like Water out of a Well. Theſe
Kedor are the Twelve Conſtellations according to Manes. I am confident, that
he never meant to give them theſe names in the ſenſe of Epiphanius, but that
they were 7, sorteic, beavenly Armies, or Stars which influenced the Actions
and Fortunes of Men. So that either he called them résol, and Epiphanius
found a corrupted Copy, when he read Kádos; or elſe as the two firft Letters of
theſe words are of the fame Organ, and may be eaſily chang'd in different
Dialects or Ages of the ſame Tongue, he us'd that word to expreſs the Chal-
dean, according to his Pronunciation. But the meaning is ſo clear, chat I won-
der Epiphanius ſhould commit ſuch a Miftake, being skilled in the Oriental
Tongues, unleſs he did it purpoſely to have an Opportunity to play thus upon
this Heretick. To confirm this Expoſition of Gad we may obſerve thac in the
Arabian Tongue (6) Gada ſignifies to be good and kind and liberal; and that
from that Word are deriv’d others which lignify a copious Rain, cælum copioſe
fluens. And perhaps it may not be improper to obſerve that the Greek Word
by adds good and kind may be deriv'd from the Hebrew Gad, as if it were éyadès,
the firſt Letter being a Particle which implies increaſe in the Signification, as
the Etymologiſt owns: and this word is frequently join'd to Saluav, to expreſs
the good Genius.
From this Gad likewiſe may be deriv'd the Word whereby the ſupream Deity
is called in the Northern Languages once derivd from the Hebrew; and a fair
account given why the fame word ſignifies Good. Thus in the Mæfo-Gothick (c)
GOTH and GO DA in the plural are us'd to name the Deity, and alſo GODS
and GOD A is good, and oft'ner GOTH in che neuter. The ſame Paronomaſia
is alſo found in the Anglo-Saxon and Iſlandick Tongues. The Perſians whoſe pre-
ſent Language is a kin to the Northern do likewiſe uſe the Word (d) Cboda for
good. When theſe Nations came to the Knowledge of the true God, they
changed indeed their Belief, but gave him the name of that God or good Genius,
which they worſhipped before. But enough of this.
Let us now come to conſider the name of the evil Genius in the Chaldean
Theology, called by Plutarch 'Apopiekun@, and by (e) Diogenes Laertius, but Heſychius
writes it 'Agoravis, and (f) Agathias 'Agzuhavns Plutarch faith, that he was
Saiyar, that is, a wicked Dæmon; for in another place the Eunuch ſpeaking to
Darius calls him (g) mungày del poved; Diogenes Laertius calls him in Greek & dns Hell,
and Heſychius after him faith, 'A serárns, o didns wagi cégoals, and he is reſembled
in the aforecited place of Plutarch to Darkneſs and Ignorance, oxéta rý dynoia, and
is ſaid to have his origin êx 78 lóve, out of Darkneſs. From the reaſoning of the
Eunuch it likewiſe appears, that they attributed to him all the Evil that hap-
pens, as Plutarch reaſons out of their Philoſophy. And the fame Author faith,
that when Themiſtocles came to the King of Perſia, the King wiſhºd, that Ari-
manius would always inſpire the Greeks to expel their beſt Men; (b) si verded-
κιβωG- αι τους πολεμίοις τοιαύται φρένας διδόναι τον Αριμάνιο, όπως ελαίωση της αρίσους εξ
iculóv. If we examine the meaning of his name, we fall find that it was ſui-
table to ſuch Notions ; ſome derive it from Dny and in Chaldee Dign, aſtutus;
crafty, cunning; which is the Epithere given to the Serpent, in Genef. 3. 1. to
which fome give alſo an Arabick Termination, and then it makes Ariman. Or
elſe from (i) 1797 or in Chald. '97 to deceive, thevăr, as if it was 170 17 or
3*977 for ftill in the Syriack with the change of one Letter, the Servile ny into
o, the Devil is called by the name of 1979, Impoftor ; or if you think the
laft Syllable in Arimanes or Arimanios is not a bare Termination of the Greek,
bur muſt enter into the Word ; then may the Word be deriv'd from 190 and
Wni, the crafty Serpent; which how proper it is to the underſtanding of this
place, needs no Commentary. In the ſame manner as (k) Juſtin Martyr di-
(a) Epiphan. Hær. LXVI. cap. 1o. & cap. 1.
(6) V. Golii Lex Arab. Col. 552.
(c) Vid. Fr. Junii Gloff. Gothic. (d) Bernard. Etym. Britannic.
(e) Diog Laerts
Procem. S. 8.
(f) Agach. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 11.
(8) Plut. Vit. Alex. Fol. 223.
(1) Plutarch. Vit. Themiſtocl. Fol. 39. (i) V. Schindler in Voc.
(k) Juftin. M.
c. Tryph. p. 259.
03.61
ftinguilles

Michael and the Dragon.
530
Chap. XII. V.9.
ſtinguiſhes Entãy from Ealzvās, tho' they fignify the ſame thing. Satan is
Devil, but Satanas is compounded of Satan and Nas, the laſt ſignifying Serpent,
ſo that the whole is the Serpent, Devil or Accuſer. Or if it be thought, chac
this Termination comes from ADJ, to tempt, the whole Word will fignify the
crafty Tempter. How far the God Rimmon, 2 Kings 5. 18. may be a kin in
name to this Arimanes, I ſhall leave to others to decide ; but I am apo
to think, that the name of one of the 'Eyságogor in the Fragments of Enoch, the
fifch in number; being Orammanes, is corrupted from this Arimanes. As for the
Deſcription of him, 'tis ſuch as becomes the Deceiver of all Mankind. More.
over it appears by the Egyptian Theology, that their Typho was the ſame with
them as chis Arimanes, and 'tis to explain that Principle that Plutarch hath laid
down this account in that Treatiſe ; which Principle in the Stile of (a) Jama
blichus is, ó péyos szedáy tôr s'apóver All which ſhews, how proper 'tis in the
ſymbolical Character to repreſent the Devil, our Typho and Arimanius, the firſt
Seducer, and now fince the continual Deceiver and Seducer of Mankind, by
the Symbol of a Dragon or Serpent, under which ſhape he firſt deceiv'd, and
by which he was repreſented in Egypt. And how right it is to lay to his Charge
all thoſe Actions of Malice and Error pra&ic'd fince. By the by from this
Word 'ly and Nar Calliditas, you may gueſs at the origin of the Fable of
Typbo lying (b)
Είν 'Αρίμοϊς, όθι φασί ΤυφώθG- έμμβίας ανάς.
For that Homer had the Notion of this wicked Principle turn'd out of Heaven
among Men is plain by his account of the Ate, Daughter of Jupiter, and ex-
pelled from Heaven, as Mad. Dacier has made out in her Notes on Homer's Iliad,
Lib. XIX. but (c) Yuſtin Martyr had obſerv'd it before. However to recon-
cile the Opinion of the Phænicians who called the Serpent (d) egador saivova, a
good Genius, as indeed moſt of the Heathens either did worſhip that Animal as
à God, or accounted it a (e) Symbol of the Deity, is more chan I can do;
unleſs we ſuppoſe that in proceſs of time that which was once abominated
and made the Symbol of the wicked Principle, but was by them worſhipped
for fear of Miſchief, did at laſt in their Opinion paſs for a placable Dei-
ty, and good when pleas'd. The Devil thus prevailing ſo far, as to change
that Horror Men have for Serpents and himſelf, into Love, Honour and Re-
fpect; for which ſome reaſons might be given from natural Hiſtory, of which
(f) Voſſius treats.
The Expreſſion • opis o de xaiG, the Old Serpent, ſeems to have been familiar
to the Jews; 99127777 on being found in their Commentaries upon the
(8) Miſchna, See Schindler upon that Word. This is added to ſhew, that this is
the old Enemy of Mankind, who firſt ſeduced our Parents, he is named Belial
or Beliar, in 2. Cor. 6. 15. which word Heſychius explains by sgálcov, a Serpent.
(b) Bochart ſuppoſes that this is the Briareus of the Greeks, who was by them
often confounded with (i) Typho and Enceladus. The Scholiaſt upon (k) Homer
calls him of the Giants who fought againſt Jupiter, and ſeem'd moſt eminent,
by the name of 'Opiwn. Typho alſo was thought to be a Dragon : Strabo, (1)
Μυθούσι δένταύθα π' τα περί τίω κεραίωσιν τε Τυφώνα, και τους Αξίμους, περί δο
είπομο και πρότερον φασί δε τυπιόμινον τοίς κεραμοϊς, ναι δε δράκο,ία, &c. Thete were by
them ſaid to war againſt Jupiter, and they are repreſented as (m) Serpents, or
at leaft with Serpents Feet ; 'tis plain by that they had fome Notion of this
Old Serpent the Adverſary of the true God. (n) Belial is he who doth us no
good, according to the Etymology of the Word, that is by a Litotes, our Enemy.
The next two words, the Devil and Satan are expofitory of each other, the firſt
being the Greek Word, the latter the Hebrew, to ſignify that Principle of Wick-
edneſs; how he is the Accufer, according to the Signification of the Word,
ſhall be ſhewn upon the next Verſe.
1019
doir {V
(a) Jamblich. Seet 3. cap. 30.
(6) Homer. Iliad. B. Catal. v. 290. comp. Pſal. 9. 16.
(c) Juſtin. Mart. Paræn. ad. Græc. (d) Vid. Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. I. p.
26.
(e) Vid.
Not. Dion. Voff. in Rambam de Idol. cap. 6. Perf. Satyr. I. v. 113.
() G. J. Voff. de
Idol. Lib. IV. cap. 58. (g) Tit. Sotah cap. 1. . 18. P. 152. Vid. Not. Wagenf.
(b) Bochart.
Can. Lib. I. cap. 28.
(1) Schol. Callimach. hymn, in Delum.***(k) Homer. Iliad, VIII.
V. 479.
(1) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. p.750. (m) Apollodor Lib. I. cap. 6. & Ma-
crob. Saturn Lib. I. cap. 20. Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. III. Clement. Recognit. Lib. 1. 9. 29.
Clement. Homil: vm. $. 15. & Claudian. de B. Getic. v. 65. Ovid. Trift. 4. v. 453. & Faft. Lib.
V. v. 37. Placid. Lact, in Stac. Theb. Lib. V. V.569. (n) V. Gufiec. Rad. 70%.
I ſhall

Chap. XII. v. 9. Michael and the Dragon.
531
Vocatur.
I ſhall cloſe up with the Words of Ambroſius Ansbertus : Hoftis noſter, propter ma-
litiam, draco : propter immanitatem ſceleris, magnus : propter occultas inſidias, Serpens :
propter ſeductionis diuturnitatem, antiquus ; propter lapſum & accuſationem, diabolus
Diabolus enim & deorſum fluens du criminator ſonat. no
C. 'Ecanon bis zu glü, was café upon the Earth.] The oriental Onirocriticks,
Chap. 162. ſay of a King: El de idip ő te wiss avhexelo exp nueváda rý légeceye Tobaan
τίω βασίλειαν αυτά και τελετήσει" that to dream of being precipitated and fallen
fignifies loſs of the Kingdom and Death. Tho' this may be allow'd in a mortal
Man, the loſs of whoſe power is commonly followed by Death, yet we need
not to ftretch it out ſo far, as to conclude from thence the entire Deſtruction
of the Subject, which we find fubfifts ſtill after this fall
. Therefore we may be
content to allow the Devil the ſame Fate, as the third part of the Stars had:
that is, to be brought into Subjection, and under the Dominion of the Church.
The hint of the Author of the Apoftolical Conſtitutions is proper in this caſe.
He faith: (α) και ρήξας αυτόν ως άσραπωω εξ έραν εις γιώ, και τοπικά ρήγματι, αλλ' απο τιμής
się Åtiuhay. He deſcants upon the words of Chriſt, Luke 10. 18. which are
ſpoken in a moft exact prophetick Sile. I bebeld Satan as Lightning, fall from
Heaven. 'Tis a Propheſy which hath its Accompliſhment in gradu ebu proceſſu, by
a Complication of ſucceflive Events, whereof this place is one.
Moreover we muſt here take notice of that Maxim of the Rabbies ; Angeli
proficiunt per homines : that the Fates of Men and Kingdoms determine, or are
applied to the Angels who preſide over them. So here of the wicked Angels,
when the Men or Kings, who are Miniſters of Satan, fall from their Power,
Satan is ſaid to fall likewiſe. Nay, the Scriptures apply this to the Gods of the
Heathens, and to their very Images, as in Exod. 12. 12. Numb. 33. 4. of the
Gods of Egypt, Iſaiah 46. 1. Ferem, so. 2. and Chap. 51. 44. of Bel
, Nebo and
Merodach, Gods and Idols of the Chaldeans. See alſo Iſaiah 19. I. and Ferem.
43. 12, 13. and Exod. 18. 11. The whole reign of the Dragon was not there-
fore now taken away; but he had ftill Votaries among the common People,
All this as I have already obferv'd, hath its Accompliſhment in Conſtantine's
Time, and under his Succeſſors.
It is to be obſerv'd, that the Chriſtians of thoſe times did take notice of
the Accompliſhment of this Propheſy. (b) Euſebius relates, that Conſtantine the
Great after his Victories had in his Palace a Picture, wherein he was painted
with a Croſs over his Head, and the Dragon ſuch as he is repreſented in the
Propheſies ftab’d with a Dart in the midſt of the Body, and caſt down in the
depth of the Sea. Euſebius faith, that this alluded to Iſaiah 27. 1. buc I am apr
to think, that the Inventer of this picture was ſome Student in the Revelation,
or had it from one. For in the (c) Perſecutions of the Church there have
never been wanting ſuch as have ſet their minds upon this Study, hoping to
find therein ſome comfort in their Amictions, and to foreſee the end of their
Troubles, which was moſt certainly the deſign of the Holy Ghoſt, and not to
ſatisfy human Curioſity. Pap. Statius obſerves ſuch a deſire in Men. gido
Ssa
Quodque unum rebus folamen in arctis, o sud mob
Nolle futura rogant.
qe tego ona
So Martianus Capella; (e) Anxia cum trepidis nutat ſententia rebus, bitta 660
Fluktuat incertis aut ſors ignota futuris. 'dot 1969
753d giid on NTV Conſultat mortale genus, quodque indaga veri mol. Yine
Cura facit dubium, vel fpes incerta fatigat
. a) si 19:15
Eu alodu
Tacitus has alſo an Obſervation to this Purpoſe: (f ) Rudibus ſeculis, etiam in
pace obſervata, quæ nunc tantum in metu audiuntur. And thus afterwards: (g) Quod
in pace, Sors Sere natura, tunc fatum & ira dei, vocabatur. But to return to our
Buſineſs: The Secretary who indired the (b) Letter of Conftantine to Eufebius had
the ſame Thought, by dropping ſome fatal Words about this matter, which
ſhew how the Chriſtians underſtood it then; they call the Heathen Emperors
by the name of Dragon.
odw.yod 373
203 2
(d)
(a) Clem. Apoft. Conſtir. Lib. VIII. cap. 7. (6) Eufeb. de Vit. Conſtantin. Lib. III.
cap. 3. (c) Vid. Eufeb. Hiſt
. Ecclef. Lib. VI. cap. 7
(d) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. X.
U. 585. (e) Mart. Capel. Satyr. Lib. I. () Tacit. Hift. Lib. 1. cap. 86.
Hiſt. Lib. IV. cap. 26. (h) Eufeb. de Vit. Conftant. Lib. II. cap. 46. Socrac. Lib. I. cap. 6.
Thcodorit. Lib. I. cap. 15.
D. Kad
(5) Tacit.

$32
Hymn of Thanks.
Ch. XII. V. 10.
D. Kai vi "Aggenol avlis gret'durš iCańInoay, And his Angels were caſt out with bim.]
Tertullian explains theſe words for us : (a) Nam Damonia Magiſtratus ſunt feculi
hujus, Unius collegii inſignia faſces & purpuras geftant. The Roman Emperor
Pagan was the Dragon, the Magiſtrates muſt therefore be his Angels : The fall
of the Empire out of the Hands of the Heathens ſoon made all the inferior OF-
fices, Civil and Military, as alſo the religious Dignities to fall out of their
Power, Yet this was not done on a ſudden but by Progreſs : however it is the
Cuftom of the Holy Ghoſt to account any thing done for the moſt part as ſoon
as 'tis begun; the little time it laſts in doing being accounted as nothing. When
the Emperors were no more Heathens, the idolatrous Magiſtrates were in a great
meaſure remov'd, and the Prieſts had no more Power to do miſchief. It only
extended where the Dragon and his Angels were thrown, that is upon the
Earth, upon the Subjects of the Roman Empire, who are ſtill their Votaries.
The Earth having that Signification; the Chriſtians, unleſs corrupted, never
bearing that Title. The idolatrous Religion only remain'd in the Subjects or
common People. The Senate indeed of Rome was ſtill ſo for the moſt part,
but the Emperors made a Jeft of them. Laws were made in favour of Chri-
ftianity, and to depreſs Paganiſm, whether they conſented or not; and at laft
(b) Theodofius taking away all the Revenues of the Pagan Religion, even thoſe
of the very Veſtals, notwithſtanding the Remonftrance of that Senate, ſhew'd
ſufficiently how little it was regarded. At Conftantinople, tho' the Pagans were
admitted into the Senate and publick Offices, yet they had lefs Power as ſuch,
and none to exerciſe their Religion publickly.
Α. verf. 10. Και ήκεσα φωνω μεγάλίω εν τω έρανώ, λίγεσαν, "Δρτι εγώετο η σωτηρία,
And I heard a great Voice in Heaven, Saying, Now is come the Salvation.] A Victory
granted to the Church deſerves a ſolemn Hymn of Thanks; and the Holy Ghoſt
fails not to expreſs it. Nay, the very Hymn of Thanks implies the Victory,
tho' this Victory ſhould not be expreſs'd by a Metonymie, wherein the Confe-
quent is put for the Antecedent, which naturally produces it. The Voice is
great becauſe it proceeds from the Church prevailing over its Enemies, as the
Word implies; and 'tis ſaid to be in Heaven, becauſe the Church is now in-
vefted with the Imperial Dignity. This Hymn is the fame in effect as the
triumphal Hymn before, in Rev. 7, 10, 11, 12. whereupon fee our Notes.
B. 'H oengia, The Salvation.] This is ſaid upon the account of the former
Troubles of the Church, and the Deliverance now effected, for which this
word implies, that the Church gives Thanks. See Note on Chap. 7, 10 B.
C. Kai ji dewanis, And the Power.] This is ſaid, becauſe the Power of God
hath exerted its ſelf therein. However, not the great Power, for that is to be
exerted towards the abſolute Triumph hereafter.
D. 'H Casinoa, the Kingdom.] This is not only an eaſe from Bondage or Op-
preſſion, but a thorough Revolution. The Kingdom of Satan is thrown down,
and the Kingdom of God is eſtabliſhed in its ſtead: That is, a full Liberty to
worſhip; for then God is King.
E. Kai i Excit të Xpesã euts, And the Power of his Chrift.] And why not King-
dom, but only of God ? Becauſe this is not the full Kingdom of the Meffias,
the Regni tempora, as Irenæus ſpeaks, as it hath been promiſed to him and his.
God hath indeed therein his Kingdom, and ſo hath Chriſt; but not being
preſent he hath only a diftant, but not immediate Reign; ſome Authority
only, ſome Power as Interceffor. But when the Kingdom of Chriſt comes
after the ſecond Period, it will be with greater Splendor. We ſhall find brighter
Symbols us’d to expreſs it. 'Etudia is a Term of great Latitude to ſignify any fort
of Power, even bare Permiſſion, as in Chap. 6. 8. and Chap. 9. 3. or uſurp'd,
as in Chap. 13. 12. or miniſterial, as in Chap. 14. 18. But the time to judge
the Quick and Dead at Chriſt's appearing is called emphatically his Kingdom,
2 Tim. 4. 1. Thus Chriſt is not at firſt ſhewn as ſitting on the Throne of God,
but ftanding, in Chap. 5: Hereafter his great Throne is exhibited ; and he
fitting upon it to judge all, in Chap. 20. 11. the Symbols riſe by degrees.
How miſtaken are they who thought, that the flouriſhing ſtate of the Church
in Conſtantine's Time and a little after could fulfil the Promiſes of God as
to that Kingdom? There is no Compariſon in a manner between them.
(*) Tertull. de Idol. cap 13.
(6) Vid. Symmach. Ep. ad Valent. Theodoſ.& Arcad.
F. 'OTA

Chap. XII. V. 10. Hymn of Thanks.
533
F. 'O71 xuWegańsno nei Tupage vão edenção silão, For the Accuſer of our Brethren is
caſt down.] As God is King of the whole world, whatſoever evil comes upon
Men, it is from him as his judgment upon them for their Sins, grounded upon
the Accuſations of the Devil; but his Malice appears more eſpecially upon the
Members of the Church. The Proceſs of this Accuſation may be underſtood
by che Hiſtory of Job. God permits Satan to appear before him, as it were
juſt when he is ready to pronounce the faithful juſtified. (a) Satan oppoſes it,
and faith, that if they be further tried, they will appear to be wicked; where-
upon God permits evil to come upon them; and ſuffers Satan to work his Ma-
lice by certain Meaſures. Hence all the evil that comes upon the Church may
be ſaid to proceed from the Accuſations of Satan. Now God ſuffers him to be
both Accuſer and Executioner, according to the Cuſtom of the Eaſtern Na-
tions, and even his own Law, Deut. 13. 9. and Chap. 17. 7. the later Office
being a conſequent of the former. Therefore Accuſer is the ſame as Murderer
and Deſtroyer, becauſe the Devils Accuſations tend always that way; and
whatever evil attends us, we may conclude, that we have yielded to his
Temptations, and that he hath laid and aggravated an Accuſation againſt us
before God, who hath thereupon made him the (b) Executioner of his Judg-
ment, at leaſt by his Emiffaries and viſible Miniſters. By this explain Pfal. 109.
6. Zech. 3. 1. When the Accuſer or Satan is therefore thrown down, without
having power to be Executioner any more, it denotes that the Church is then
out of danger of Perſecution. Hillary takes it thus: (C) Calumniantur enim,
quia cum ipſi peccati incentiva ſuppeditent, calumniam nobis ante Deum peccati,
quod per eos geſſerimus intendunt. Caufam namque peccati ad crimen inficiunt,
criminis invidiam per calumniam exacerbant. And ſo Laétantius ; (d) hunc ergo ex
bono per le malum effe&tum Græci Athbonor appellant : Nos criminatorem vocamus,
quòd crimina, in qua ipſe illicit, ad deum deferat.
Moreover we muſt obſerve that this inviſible Accuſation of Satan, as he is
here a ſymbolical Perſon repreſenting the viſible Roman Emperors Pagans, ſo
it had a viſible Accompliſhment in thoſe Calumnies caft upon the Chriſtians of
the Primitive Church, and upon which their Perfecutors grounded the juſtice
of thoſe Puniſhments, which they inflicted upon them. (c) As that they were
Cannibals, inceſtuous Adulterers, promiſcuous Lechers, Murderers, Conſpira-
tors, and the cauſes of the Plagues, Famine, Fires, or any other publick
Misfortunes. Thus we read in Lactantius: (f) Unde etiam quafdam execrabiles
opiniones de pudicis, & innocentibus fingunt, & libenter bis, quæ finxerunt, credunt. Sed
omnia jam, Sanctiſſime imperator, figmenta Sopita funt, ex quo te deus fummus ad refti-
tuendum juſtitiæ domicilium, & ad tutelam generis humani excitavit. Quò gubernante
Romanæ reipub. Statum, jam cultores dei pro ſceleratis, ac nefariis non habemur.
I find the Word nutázopo us'd in this Senſe by no other Author, but Lya
copbron. His Words are :
po seda os 297610
degis varis sedla noiato
Ο Kg) Τα πένα πρός φώς η βαρύζηλG- δάμας,
Zteinasa všpov Tòv (k) naulizagor, XBoyds, son sileisis
30 TT Diss
"Αξι, παρός μομφαίσιν ήγριωμών,
nózilganu dº Brgli, Tövrimecáxlavy záucard outsnedi snied fins
The Poet hints at the Story of Paris, who got Corytbus upon Oenone; and when
Paris had raviſhed Helena, Oenone vext thereat ſent her Son Corythus to bring
over the Greeks; and therefore the Poet calls Corythus the Accuſer of his Country,
becauſe he brought upon it ſuch Enemies as deſtroy'd it utterly. This ſeems
not to be indeed the Greek Notion of the Word ; but I ſuppoſe, that Lycophron
coming into Egypt, ſtudied oriental Learning, and imbib'd ſome of their No-i
tions; as it appears further from his inventing (i) Anagrams, which I take to
be an Egyptian Invention, tranſmitted to the Greeks and Fews, whoſe Doctors
in their (k) Cabbala uſe that Art by the Name of 7910n. ombu
G. 'Adeapão sigawv, of our Brethren.) Nor our Accuſer, bue of our Brethren,
becauſe we have now eſcap'd his Calumnies. As the Devils work in acculing
is to deſtroy Mankind, the work of God, by Perſecutions Murders and Tors
Sinshelg on to
(a) Vid. H. Grot. in loc. (6) Vid. Ezek. 13. 24.
(c) Hilar. Pi&tav. in Pfal. 118.9. 16. 7.
(d) Lactanc. Lib. II. cap. 9. ) Vid. J. Med. in Loc. (f) Lactant. lafticur. Lib. VII.
cap. 26. (8) Lycophr. Caffand. V, 27. (b) Vid. 2. Maccab. cap.4, 1, 5. (1) Vid.j.
Tzetz. de vit. Lycopher
(b) Vid. Hettinger. Ther. Philolog. Lib. I. cap. 3: Se&. V p. 452.
6 U
ments,

534
Hymn of Thanks.
Ch. XII. V. H.
ments, theſe Brethren are therefore the Martyrs, izör muft therefore fignify the
Church, which is now ſafe from the Malice of the Devil and the Perfecutions
of his Miniſters the Pagans. The Primitive Martyrs who ſuffer'd by the Dra-
gon, underſtood it ſo, when they call'd their Perfecutors, (a) vangéras te
Žalvã, Miniſters of Satan; and this ſeems to have been the Caſe of St. Paul
2 Cor. 12. 7. who had a Thorn in the Fleſh or Miniſter of Satan to buffer him;
That is, the more he was favour'd of God by Revelations, the more Perſecution
he indured, as in V. 10. he explains his meaning.
H. O xeIngegoor autãr Sucém lop 78 Jef spav, Which accui'd them before our God.] This
Expreſſion implies God's fitting in Judgment, fo in Job 1. 6. to preſent themſelves
before the Lord, is in the Chaldee turn’d by, ut ftarent in judicio. See Note on
Chap. 14. 1O. C.
1. 'Huepas rij vuulós, Day and Night.] Tho'chis Expreſſion be us’d to ſignify Con-
tinuation or Perpecuity, yet it is always us'd in times of viciffitude mixt with
Adverſity and Proſperity together, or at leaſt altogether miſerable ; for in the
happy ſtate of the Church in the third Period there is no, Night. And there
the continuation is ſhewn by other Terms; but the Torments of God's Enemies,
the Devil, the Beaſt and falſe-Prophet are ſet forth with this Expreſſion, Revel.
20. 10. ſee our Nores upon Chap. 7. 15 B. and Chap. 21. 25 B. In one place
or other the Church was perfecuted continually: From the time that the Pagan
Emperors began to perſecute, there was ſeldom Peace. Some kind of Truces
there were, but not long: beſides, that the Seditions of the Populace, and the
daily Affronts of private Perſons, were in ſome degree Perſecutions. How-
ever as the Expreſlion ferves to denote a mixt State, we are not bound to believe
there was no reſpite.
A.verf. 11. Kai avlod Švixencey dulde dier to cimet iš agris, nai dice zèv asyon oñs peeglu-
sías a'utāv, And they overcame bim by the Blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their
Teſtimony.] It ſhould rather be, becauſe the Blood of the Lamb, &c. Tho' we have
turn'd it as before, yet there is no need to ſuppoſe that side to chuo is put for
drà të cius@, for 'cis us’d in its common Signification, to expreſs the impulſive
Cauſe. So that the meaning of the whole is this, that the Blood of the Lamb
and Martyrs, which by their Communion with Jeſus Chriſt partake of the
Merits of his Paffion, crying up to God in Judgment for Vengeance, God hath
delivered the Dragon to be overcome by their Brethren, whom God hath there.
in made the Avenger of their Blood. Now the Dragon himſelf was guilty of
the Blood of Chriſt, as of that of his Saints. For Chriſt was delivered to
Pilate a Miniſter of the Dragon, and by him llain; and fo were the reſt of the
Saints; none but the Dragon at the time of Chriſt's Crucifixion, and his Mi.
niſters, having the Power of the Sword. See our Note upon Chap. II. 8 F.
The Word av tūv refers to the Martyrs, becauſe aórc. vñs foglupius conftantly
relates to them in this Book ; the word of the Teſtimony fignifying their conſtant
Profeflion, that they are Chriſt's Servants, and will die for the truth of what they
affert. Their Café is conſidered at the ſame time with that of Chriſt, becauſe
it is the fame Cauſe, their Sufferings making up thoſe of Chriſt, Colos. 1. 24.
and being therefore in Communion with him by Sufferings, Phil. 3. 10. 2 Cor.
1. 7. 1 Pet
. 4. 13. Ignatius faith : (b) Eis sò quuna Jay d'UTEN tely la Umous' livli us
ev Suvaušv76. And Origen ſays: (c) Tis seis eqvosi tedy vlufxavbyl@y. Tad daygsnio rin
έρ' εαυτόν αναφορά των συμβαινόντων τοϊς πιτάκσι λογιζόμενον τον χριςόν, ίδια άναι παθήμαια.
Ambrofius Ansbertus : (a) Quicquid enim Ecclefia patitur, Chriſtus pati veraciter,
comprobatur.
Now this Victory of Chriſt and his Martyrs upon the account of their Blood
is obtained in a Court Senſe, by way of Tryal and Judgment. Their Blood
cries up to God for Vengeance, and in its turn accuſes rightly the falſe Accuſer
the Dragon; God grants a hearing of the Cauſe in due time, and comes to
viſit in Judgment. Upon Tryal the Dragon is found guilty of innocent Blood,
and is therefore at laſt condemn'd to undergo due Puniſhment. See the Notes
upon Chap. 2. 7 C. and Chap. 6. 10 B. and Chap. 19. 8 B. That the death
of the Martyrs is their Vi&ory over their Perſecutors is their conſtant Stile, and
of the Eccleſiaſtical Writers. In the Paſſion of one of them we find; (e) Habeo
sonor
(a) Pafl. SS. Tarachi & al. Ed. Em. Bigota (6) Ignat. ad Smyrn.() Origen. de
(d) Ansb. Lib. IX.
ad. cap. 19.13. vid. Dodwell. Diſſert. Cyprian. XIII. So
36. & 37.
Palle S. Felicit.
Orat. p. 1. $. 34:
*
enim

Ch. XII. v. 12.
Hymn of Thanks
535
enim Spiritum ſanctum, qui me non permittit vinci à diabolo ; & ideo fecura fum, quia
viva te fuperabo, eu ſi interfecta fuero, melius te vincam occaſa. We find in theſe
Words two ſorts of Vitory, the firſt is that of Faith, which overcomes the ob-
ftinate Malice of our Enemies, by not yielding to it, as in 1 Fohn s. 4: the
other in the Senſe we have here deſcribd. So Sulpitius Severus: (a) Poft eum,
interjectis annis fere quinquaginta, Dioclefiano & Maximiano imperantibus, acerbifſima
perſecutio exorta, quæ per decem continuos annos plebem dei depopulata eft. Qua tem-
peſtate omnis fere facro Martyrum cruore orbis infe&tus eft. Quippe certatim glorioſa in
certamina ruebatur, multoque avidius tum martyria gloriofis mortibus quærebantur, quam
nunc Epiſcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Nullis unquam magis bellis mundus
exhauftus eft : neque majore unquam triumpho vicimus, quam cum decem annorum ftra-
gibus vinci non potuimus
. In another we read, (b) Putafne ergo extin&tas animas
quas fuditi? ille quidem cælum poffident : fed verſa vice perſecutores in illo agone perie-
funt. Hence we read in Prudentius : (c) Antiqua fanorum parens Roma Chriſto dedita,
Laurentio victrix duce, ritum triumphas barbarum. Therefore Tertullian ſpeaking of
the two Witneſſes, which he believed to be Enoch and Elias, ſaith: (d) Cæte-
rum morituri refervantur, ut Antichriſtum fanguine fuo extinguant. And Hillary gives
us this general Rule: (e) Hoc enim ecclefiæ proprium eft, ut tum vincat cum cædi.
tür. Conſult alſo a Paſſage of Origen to this Purpoſe, in his Books againſt Celſus,
Lib. VIII. p. 406.
B. Kai su sigurnouy Tiwi Luglu autey #ges Gavars, And they loved not their Soul unto
Deaib.] That is, they deſpis’d their Lives ; the negative by a Litores implying
the contrary affirmative, as we ſaid upon the eighth Verſe. This expreffes
very well the great Courage of the Primitive Martyrs, which is ſo well known
by the Hiftory of the Church. See thereupon Dodwell's Cyprian. Diſſert. XII.
Tertullian. ad Scapul
. and M. Antonin. de Seip). Lib. XI. Sect. 3. with the Col-
lections of Gataker thereupon. Thus far the Holy Ghoſt hath given us the rea-
ſon of this Hymn of Thanks. In the next we ſhall find the Exhortation to re-
joice, ufual in ſuch Hymns, with a Prophefy or Denunciation of Sorrow to
the Enemies of the Church which ſtill remain.
A. verf. 12. Ale toto lpgalveare oi égavci, rý oi év autois sxlušrris
, Therefore rejoice,
ge Heavens, and ge that dwell in them. There is a myſtical Union between
Heaven and the Church. They participate of our Joys, Luke 15. 10. our Sa-
viour faith: There is Foy in the Preſence of the Angels of God, over one Sinner that
repenteth : Much more when the Church triumphs of her Enemies. The Joy in
Heaven therefore implies a Subject of great Joy to the Church upon Earth.
But the Heaven denotes the fupream Power, and therefore that the Church
being now in the Heaven, that is being inveſted with the ſupream temporal
Power, ſhall enjoy Peace, and give Thanks to God for his Bleſſings now bem
ftow'd in fubduing her Enemies. The Words of this Hymn ſeem to be taken
from Pſal. 96. 10. 11. Say among the Heathen that the Lord reignetb : the World alſo
ſhall be eſtabliſhed, that it shall not be moved. He fall judge the People righteouſly.
Let the Heavens rejoice, and let the Earth be glad : Let the Sea roar, and the fulneſs
thereof. 'Tis eaſy to ſee, that they are applied in our Hymn.
But here a very nice Queſtion remains to be ſolv'd : the Holy Ghoſt has us’d
the word Heaven above fifty times in theſe Viſions : but it is always in the fingu-
lar number, excepting this place. What is the reaſon of this ? To underſtand
it we muſt only obſerve here what has been ſhewn before, that there is a three-
fold World, and therefore a threefold Heaven: The inviſible, the viſible, and
the political among Men. Now we have ſhewn before, that the Dragon was a
Symbol which ſignified the wicked part of the inviſible World, as well as that
of the political. By this fall of the Dragon the Church gets into the Heaven
of the political World, and the good Angels of the inviſible inlarge their Power
in both: For they alſo profit by Men. Therefore both theſe Heavens may, and
muft rejoice at this fall of the Dragon. As to the reaſonableneſs of this Joy,
See the Note upon Chap. 11. 10 A.
B. 'Oval mí yñ tu sareary, Woe to the Earth, and the Sea.] So the vulgate reads,
(f) Tychonics and others. Tychonius hach, væ tibi terra bu mare, the common
otis
(-) Sulpit. Sev. Sacr. Hift. Lib. II.
(6) Paff. Ss. Epidodis & Alexandr.
(c) Pru-
dent. Hym. 2. v. cæt. V. 501. (d) Tertullian. de Anim. cap. xlix. (e) Hilar. Pietav.de
Trinit. Lib. VIJ,
(f) Tychon Hom. IX
reading

536
Hymn of Thanks.
Chap. XII. V.12.
reading of Eraſmus and others ſince, 'Quaà tuis netolygoi Tl) glõ nj Flu Jánawan,
is the very ſame thing in effect : 'Tis uſual in the Pſalms, when Thanks are
given for Deliverance, to end with a Curſe upon God's Enemies. See Pſal
. 37.
20. ſuch Curſes are Propheſies. The Earth and Sea fignify the Subjects of the
Pagan Empire both in Peace and War, the common People and the Souldiery.
Many of them were ſtill Idolaters; as appears fufficiently by their canonizing
their Emperors, tho' Chriſtians. Many of them ſeem'd indeed to turn Chri
îtians, but not ſincerely ; either they ſecretly obſerved the Pagan Rites, or elſe
brought their Paganiſm into the Church and corrupted it. However the Devil
play'd ſtill his Pranks among them, whilſt they continud to be Votaries. It
was but ſmail Power and Dominion in compariſon with the Imperial Power,
but ſtill it was fome Dominion ; and he had rather play at ſmall Game, thaa
ſtick out. All this denotes, that the Idolatry would not be ſo far expelled fude
denly, but that it would ſtill remain amongit a great number of the Subje&ts.
Indeed Idolatry went off very faſt in the Provinces, but ac Rome the Senate and
a great part of the City were ſtill obſtinate. The reaſon was, becauſe the
Emperors out of reſpect to that Capital did not ſhut up their Temples, nor ſup-
preſs the Prieſthood. Theſe muſt have a great ſtroke in keeping up the Spirit
of Paganiſm amongſt the Populace. But the way was prepar'd for it by little
and little; till at laft Theodofius ſuppreſs'd all at once. For Conſtantinc to tame
the Pride of Rome and curb its Power, built another (a) Rome at Byzantium,
and indow'd it with the ſame Privileges as Rome. This was a huge Blow given
to Rome, and occafion'd by it's obſtinacy in the idolatrous Worſhip. That wife
Prince ſuppos’d, that he and his Chriftian Succeſſors would never be at eafe;
and out of danger from Pagan Pretenders, whilft Rome remaind the Capital
City in full Power. Therefore in a ſhort time (b) Byzaniium would hardly
yield it a Precedency. I am apt to think, that this Contempt of the Chriſtian
Emperors for old Rime, and particularly that of Theodofius being infus’d into his
Son and Succeffor Honorius, he took no care to relieve it againſt the Attempts of
Alarich. I find, that the (c) Gladiators or human Sacrifices were put down by
this Honorius, which ſhews the Spirit of Paganiſm till that time: but the Beſtiaria
fubafted' long after, and were even tolerated by Theodorich King of the Goths,
tho' with ſome Difficulty, as we learn from (d) Caffiodorus:
C. "Οτι καλέση και ΔιαβολG- προς υμάς, έχων θυμόν μέγαν, Becaufe the Devil is come
down unto you, having great Wrath.] Great anger and deſperate Attempts, buc
little Power and Succeſs : which will therefore bring the Pagans into many mi-
ſerable Misfortunes. As we have obſerv'd before, that the Holy Ghoſt affects
in this part of the Propheſy to ſhew as well the Acts and Deſtruction of the
inviſible Enemy of the Chriſtian Religion as of the viſible one, who correſpond
and ſympathile ; whereas in the Propheſy from the fourth Chapter to the
twelfth excluſively, the viſible ones have been chiefly deſcrib'd: So we muſt
here take notice of both together, and apply this anger to both. To this pur-
pofe I ſhall borrow the words of M. Jurien. (e) One might have ſeen above
a hundred times more than what the Prophet here faith, if one could have
ſeen the Commotions, that then happen'd, the Terrors, the Diſtreſſes, the
Frights that the inviſible Empire of Dæmons fuffer'd at the fall of Paganiſm.
All that the Devil ſuffer'd at the coming of Jeſus Chriſt into the World was
nothing in Compariſon of this. He reign'd notwithſtanding; he was Mafter
of Empires, Crowns, Temples, Altars. But all on a ſudden, and at that
very time, when he thought he had entirely ruin'd the Empire of Jeſus
Chriſt by the Perſecution of Dioclefian, behold him himſelf caſt down on the
* Earth. 'Tis eaſy to judge, that the Horrors and Commotions of the evil
Spirits were unconceivable. And moreover, who can doubt, but that this
great Body of Pontifices, Prieſts and Pagan Miniſters felc a prodigious Com-
motion, when Conſtantine turn'd Chriſtian, and his Succeflors beat down and
s ruin'd all the Temples of the Idols'. They were then reduc'd into a ſtarving
Condition, their Honours ſinking with their Wealth. When their Mountains
and Illands were remov’d, they were ready to cry in Deſpair to the Mountains
and Rocks to fall on them, and hide them. Who therefore can queſtion but
cap. 2
(a) Vid. Socrat. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. I. c. 16. Sozomen. Lib. II. cap. 2. (b) Vid. Gregor.
Naz. Orat. xxvii. Fin.
() Theodorit. H. Ecclef. L. V. cap. 26. Hiſtor. Iripart. Lib. X.
(d) Caffiod. Var. Lib. V. Ep. xlii. (e) Jurien's Accom. of Proph. Lib. I.
Chap • on Revel. Chap 6. I5, 16, 17:
the

Chap. XII. V. 13. Hymn of Thanks.
537
the Idolaters, and eſpecially the Prieſthood of thoſe times, who found their
Religion was going down, their Temples neglected and grown with moſs, or
elſe pall'd down, were in an angry and deſperate Condition? What Heart-
breaking it was to them may be gueſs'd by the Works of Julian the Apoſtare,
who oft'n inſiſts upon the deplorable ſtate of Paganiſm. Since therefore the
Devil and his Voraries were ſo angry, we cannot but ſuppoſe, that this anger
would ſuggeſt to him to caft about for Ways and Means to reſtore himſelf, or at
leaft to do all the Miſchief he could; and thus inſpire his Miniſters with an
ardent deſire to extricate themſelves by ſuch means as wanting Succeſs, muſt in
the end involve them into the woful State predicted here from the Wrath of
the Dragon ftill among them. Accordingly we find, that there were then
many Pretenders, who did all they could to come in by the idolatrous Party,
againſt the Succeſſors and Family of Conſtantine, ſuch as Magnentius, Veteranio,
Sylvanus, Maximus, Eugenius, of whom (a) Philoftorgius expreſly faith, that he
was Pagan, and others. (b) Magnentius was a Pagan to be ſure : Julian came in
firſt by Hypocriſy, and then by Treachery. But theſe Events are properly ſuch
as belong to the next Verſe, which ſhews the firſt means by which the Dragon
attempted to ſhew his Anger.
D. 'Essais on origov neigdy 'exø, Knowing that he hath a little Seaſon.) And therefore
he will (c) improve it to loſe none; chis time is limited between his fall from
Heaven and his delivering his power to the Beaſt that ariſech out of the Sea,
defcrib'd in the next Chapter. That is, from the Times of Conſtantine to thoſe
of Valentinian the 1IId. or thereabouts, in which as Dragon he hath Power ftill.
See the Note on Chap. 16. 13 C.
A verſ. 13. Kai ŠTE SEV Ö Agenco ¿Crusn eis glim, édímže tlu gwaivet, štis ETERA
gòn õppeva, And when the Dragon ſaw that be 2's caſt upon the Earth, he perſecuted
the Woman, which had brought forth the Man-Ch. '] 'Tis ask'd how the Dragon
on Earth would perſecute the Woman in Ho ven. I anſwer, Do not ſtand
upon the literal Meaning but the Signification of the Symbols, and all is eaſy.
The Woman is the Church, ſhe hath placed her myftical Son on the Throne,
but herſelf may indure Perſecution from the Wiles of Satan. By the Hiſtory
of the Church we ſhall find, that the Church ſtill indured two forts of Perſe-
cution from the Dragon and his Miniſters. For we muſt not ſuppoſe, that all
Perſecution muſt tend to the utter Deſtruction of the Subjects which ſuffer it ;
there are leſs degrees of Perfecution. Thus Ijhmael play'd upon or mock'd llaac,
Gen. 2 1. 9. and yet St. Paul calls it Perſecution, Galat. 4. 29. and as Ainsworth
obſerves, iſhmael being the Son of an Egyptian, God's Prediction of the Egyp-
tian Perfecution for 400 Years begins here, Genef. 15. 13. expreſt in the LXX.
by semmois, reinwors and rateymsis, becauſe from a jeſt or childiſh Play it proceeded
ac laſt to the utmoſt Violence. Some aver, that the Mockings and Blaſphemies
againſt Chriſt on the Croſs, Matth. 27. 39, &c. were more tormenting to
him than the pains of his Body, Chryſoſtom ſaith thereupon: (d) ŏ nytwy
χαλεπώτερον ω, το και οι αιτία αποθεών και πλάνε ταύτα παθείν, και ως αλαζόνα και εική
Kou.stre Soule, á mes $2.36. Now in this very method the Dragon perſecured the wo-
man, even tho' the Male-Child was on the Throne : St. Jerome faith of his
Times: (e) Ubicunque eviderint Chriſtianum, ſtatim illud de Trivio
, o ypaards Bhi Bérnis,
vocant impoſtorem, detrahunt. Beſides this, they were alſo continually curſing
the Chriſtians as the Cauſes of all the Misfortunes of the Empire; to take off
which St. Auſtin wrote his excellent Apology in the Books of the City of God.
Another fort of Perſecution is when the Dragon endeavour'd to ſeduce the
Church by introducing his Worſhip cunningly, and mixing it with the true
Worſhip. This is certainly a great Perſecution ; 'cis like the Wiles of the
Midianites contriv'd by Balaam, to tempt the Chriſtians to Sin, in order to
bring the Curſes of God upon them, Moſes uſes there, in Numb. 25. 18. the
word 423, which in Pſal. 105. 25. is us’d to expreſs the Craft and Perfecution
of the Egyptians towards the Iſraelites. Let us follow the Allegory to ſhew that
fuch Inticements to Idolatry are Perfecutions. Now for an honeſt Woman to
be follicited to admit the Imbraces of a Stranger, tho' fhe leaves not her Huſ-
band is Perſecution. This the Dragon doth to make her commit Idolatry, which
(a) Philoftorg. H. Eccleſ. Lib. XI. cap. 2. vid. Theodorit. Lib. V. cap. 24. (6) Philoft. H.
Ecclef. Lib. III. cap. 26.
(c) Vid. Igidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. l. cap. 28.
(d) Joh. Chryſ. in Match. Hom. 87.
(e) Hieronym. ad Furiam.
6 X

538
The Dragon's Shift.
Ch. XII. V. 14.
is a ſpiritual Fornication and Adultery: but the Woman finding the continual
Purſuic of the Dragon, and that he hath corrupted many of her Members, flies
away, rather chuling to indure the Hardſhips of the Wilderneſs, than give way
toit. This is exactly the Caſe of the Church in theſe times : ſhe was follicited
almoſt on all Hands to receive Idolatry under the ſpecious name of paying
Honour to the Memory of the Martyrs. The Bait was laid on ſo thick, that
tho' it was ſeen and diſcover'd by the true Members, yet the reſt could hardly
avoid it. St. Auſtin complain'd of it, and Vigilantius wrote a Book to that pur-
poſe, and declar'd that he had many Biſhops of his fide. Antony the Hermic is
faid to have done the like, but all this was in vain. The true Church was
forc'd to give way to another Church, which yielded to all theſe Inticements
and Deluſions of Satan. Here was his Mafter-piece, by which he hath done
more Miſchief than he could, when he had the temporal Power in his Hands,
and by mere force. By all this we ſee, that altho' the Roman Emperors were
Chriſtians, yet the Holy Ghoſt conſiders the Dragon and his Votaries as hav-
ing ſtill ſome Power to do Miſchief, and privately to perfecute the Church.
For that reaſon tho' Rome and Conſtantinople were ſubject to the Chriſtian Em-
perors, yet both muſt be accounted ſtill Heads of the Dragon ; becauſe he had
powerful Friends in both; in Rome plain Heathens ; in Conſtantinople many Vo-
taries to the new Corruptions of diſguis’d Paganiſm, the Monks eſpecially, who
quickly thriv'd there, and ſoon ſpread Idolatry all over.
Και εδόθησαν τη γωαικί δύο πτέρυγες τα 'Αετά το μεγάλε, And to
the Woman were given two Wings of the great Eagle.] The deſign of the Holy
Ghoſt by this Expreſſion is to ſew us the means by which the Church of the
true Believers and Worſhippers was tranſmitted, and paſt from the firft Period of
the Pagan Perſecutions and its Efforts to get a Deliverer to the ſecond Period,
wherein it is to be in a ſtate of Deſolation and Perſecution by Enemies excited
againſt her by the Wiles of the Dragon. So that when he can do no more
under his proper ſhape of Satanical or Pagan Worſhip, he delivers his Power, and
raiſes up a Beaſt and a falſe Prophet having a Power like the Lamb, or pretend-
ing to be a Vicar of Chriſt, which will bring her into a more forlorn State than
ſhe was under Paganiſm. To expreſs this intermediate ſpace, the Holy Ghoſt
brings it under the Notion of a Paſſage towards the Wilderneſs, and the means
by which it is during that time preſerv'd are expreſs’d by two Wings of the
great Eagle. At firft ſight one may fee, that this alludes to what God faith to
the Ifraelites after he had delivered them from Pharaoh the Egyptian Dragon, and
cauſed them to paſs ſafely into the Wilderneſs, Exod. 19.4. re have ſeen what I
did unto the Egyptians, and how I bare you on Eagles Wings, and brought you unto
myſelf: which is further inlarg’d upon in Deut. 32. 11, 12. As an Eagle ſtirreth up
ber Neft, fluttereth over her Young, Spreading abroad her Wings, taketh them, beareth
them on her Wings ; ſo the Lord alone did lead bim, and there was no ſtrange God with
him. Stirreth up is in the LXX. prebous, covereth, broodeth. There are two
Symbols here which muſt be explain'd' ; firft the Wings, and then the Eagle.inc
Wings are the Symbols of Protection to the Subject to which they are given
from ſuch a ſubject as the Wings are ſaid to come from. This is plain from many
places of "Scripture ; as Pſal. 17. 8. Pfal. 36. 8. and Pfal. 57. 1. and Pſal. 61.
4.
and 63. 7. and 91. 4. Ruth 2. 12. in Zech. 5. 9, 10, 11. they are a Symbol
of the means of removing: In Iſaiah 31. 5. the Prophet explains it. As Birds
flying, ſupply, cover and defend their Young, ſo will the Lord defend Jeruſalem:
In the New Teſtament Wings likewiſe fignify Protection, as Matih. 23. 37. Luke
13. 34. ſee 4 E/dr. 1. 30. I find theſe Expoſitions in the oriental Ónirocriticks,
Chap. 286. Ecv idy zis on rolspai des diper
, tar ési Ceard's, ev dogóregor Ta@toy lighoes
stes
' duts Cannews
, on to alegdy dzico une esis
. In the next Chapter the Perſian and
Egyptian ſay : 'Eev idin tis oti upécts légaxos®€pcyev în diger tãy oplerov diuag, osas av m, auto
μεγίσε και
• και υψηλά πλκτήσει αναλόγως της βρώστος, και των στερών οίς εσιν ή εξεσία. Clemens
Alex. explaining the ſymbolical Signification of the Cherubim, hach this hint:
(α) πέρυγες δε, λειτεργίαπ και ενέργειαι αι μελάρσιοι δεξιών τε όμα και λαιών διωάμεως.
In Euripides, Fobus to expreſs, that the Children of Hercules were under his
Protection after the Father's death, faith they were under his Wings : (b)
(a) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. V. På 241.
(6) Euripid. Heraclid. v, lo:
TOO

Ch. XII. v. 14.
The Woman's Flight.
539
gro
τα κείνα τεκν' έχων υπό στερούς, Σώζω του, αυτός δεόμβρG- σωτηρίας. And Megara fpeak-
ing of the ſame thing.
(α) Οι θ' “Ηράκλιοι παίδες, ούς υποπτέρες
Σώζω νεοσές, όρνις ως υφειμδύη.
Elſewhere we find to the ſame Purpoſe, Andromache ſpeaking of her son
Aftyanax.
(b) Neowds wor, légujas eloltvæv ema's.
A Wing is called in Hebrew 937, and that word fignifies a covering, oušvelauqu.ee
in Deut. 22. 30. and Chap. 27. 20. and 'Ayabonn, in Ezek. 5. 3. that is the
Wing or Cap of a Garment to cover withal the Nakedneſs. So that as cover-
ing is Prote&tion, fo the Wing is a proper Symbol thereof, juſt as a Tabernacle
is a covering in hot Countries, and is therefore a Symbol of Protecion. See
the Note upon Chap. 7. 15. D. and therefore a Pavillion is very well call’d fo,
Papilio, as being onluscous, a Tent to cover Men, from the likeneſs of the winged
Infect ſo call'd likewiſe, as (c) Iſidorus obſerves
. The Word is found in the
Gloſſaries, in (d) Tertullian, in (e) Ælius Spartianus, (f) Trebellius Pollio : cui
erant ſigillata tentoria, eo aureati papiliones: in ſome Editions of (8) Pliny and (b)
Vegetius. Now becauſe the Heathens accounted their Deities as Patrons or Pro-
tectors of Countries and Cities; and that indeed the fupream Deity is the only
or ſupream Protector of all things, therefore ſome of the Egyptians called their
God, (i) Kyùę, that is, 57, the Wing, or Košols as (k) Strabo writes it with the
Greek Termination. Their Notion of him was very ſound; for they held
him to be a'zfównlow and i Ilvalov, from everlaſting and immortal ; and Eufebius
faith, that he was the ſame as the c'3003ds daipay of the Phænicians. So thar no
doubt but he was ſo call'd upon the account of God's being the great Pro-
tector, olie, as in 1 Tim. 4. 10. Saviour of all Men. Further, they repreſent-
ed him with a Wing upon his Head, as the Symbol of his Royalty, the chief
Notion of the Deity and of Kings being that of Protectors. And this ac-
count of the Wing is much more ſuitable to the ſymbolical Language than that
given (1) in Suidas. How proper was ietherefore for God to tell the Iſraelites,
who had receiv'd the Notions of the Egyptians, that it was with his Wings
that they were protected from the Egyptiuns? That the true Wings of Eagles
were ſuch as he us’d to ſave them, and not the God worſhipped by the
Egyptians.
od blood
da bob
Toni
As to the Eagle
, we have ſeen already how God applies it to himſelf: but
we muſt take it here as a Symbol, that is a general Term, which becomes ſpecial
by the Application of it to the ſubject matter. An Eagle is conſtantly the
Symbol of a King. In Ezek. 17. 3. an Eagle is the Symbol of the King of
Judah, or rather of God himſelf, the Settler of Iſrael in the Land of Canaan;
and in v. 7. another Eagle is the Symbol of the King of Babylon, as eis plain
by the twelfth Verſe, which Symbol is often us'd about that Monarchy in the
Prophets, as in Ferem. 48. 40. and Chap. 49. 22. and in Daniel 7. 4 is re-
preſented as a Lion with Eagle's Wings; all which is perhaps in ſome meaſure
in Alluſion to Niſroch God of the Aſſyrians, whoſe name ſeems to be a kin to
that of the Eagle 7703, as if it was 77 qui a young Eagle, quila tenera,
the to being changed into o, which is uſual, and obferv'd before in the word
sad, and ſtill remains in the Arabick Tongue, wherein 703 is an Eagle: or
perhaps the Word 79 ftands there in the fame Signification as in the Word
1908, in Geneſ. 41. 43. which ſome explain to be Father of the King, from
Genef. 45. 8. it being likely that Niſroch was ſo called for the ſame reaſon as the
Egyptian Kneph. And ſo indeed the Fortreſs of Babylon had the name of Wings,
implying the Protection it afforded to the Government and Subjects, as will be
Thewn in the Note upon Chap. 17. 5. C. So Sapor Ben Hormouz is called by
the Arabians Dhoulácnaf, that is, Protector, as (m) Herbelot explains it, for the
eur
I SERA
(c) Eurip. Herc: Fur. v. 71, (6) Euripid. Androm. v. 746.5
(c) Ilidor, Origin.
Lib. XV. cap. 10.
(d) Tertull. ad Martyr. cap. 3.
(e) Ælius Spart. Sever.
(f) Treb. Poll. Herod.
(8) Plin. N. H. Lib. V. c. 3. Bile(b) Veget. de Re Milit.
(i) Plutarch. de Irid. p. 398. Euſeb. Præp. Evangel. Lib. I. p. 26. & Lib. III. p. 69. Jamblich de
Myft
. Ægypt. Se&t. 8. cap. 3. & not. T. Gale ibid. & J. B. Cotelerii in Clement. Homil. IX. S. 6.
(£) Strabo. Lib. XVII:
(1) Suid. v. Heidmaas. (m) Herbelöt. cic. Schabour.
reaſons

540
The Woman's Flight. Chap. XII. v. 14.
reaſons mention'd by him, which name is deriv'd from a Word in that (x)
Tongue ſignifying both a Wing and Protection. The Onirocriticks in Chap. 286.
agree, that an Eagle is the Symbol of a King: Kas õrov j • asròs sis mpésamor
Carlatos asívelde. But theſe Interpreters go further and tell us what being cara
ried by an Eagle ſignifies in this manner.
"Ει δε θα τις ότι δενός άρας αυτόν τοϊς νώτους ανέπαθο και με έσι βασιλώς ο ιδών, αφήσω
εν τη βασιλεία αυτά 3G- και μακροζωΐαν.
Ει δε εςι τα κοινά λαϊ, βασιλεύσει εξ άπανΘ-.
But Artemidorus diſagrees as to the firſt Article, for a reaſon he fets down, but
not as to the later: he faith, Lib.II. cap. 20. 'Oxfogy de asta Ceoid or refer sej uenisão
και πλεσίους ανδράσιν, όλεθρον μανδύεται έ9α γες παλαιών αποθνήσκονας τέτες, πλέωeιν τε
γράφειν επ' αυτω [leg. αετων οχεμβόας και δια των τοιέτων δημικςγημάτων, τιμάν πένωσε
δε, αγαθόν, αναληφθέντες γαρ υπό τινων αλισίων, ωφεληθήσoναι και μικρα, αποδημήσανθος
os i sò monu, si detavasávles
. It ſeems the Roman Custom of Apotheofis had al-
ter'd the nature of the Symbol: for in the beginning of the Chapter he
had faid roundly : "Ogvetes iegal, Fasciots užmor diungi oulu.pogor. Sacred Birds are
thoſe us'd about Auſpicia, among which the Eagles are chief, and ſignify great
Men, as obſerv'd before, and alſo in theſe words : 'Ae7ds amonãy, átanle evideos
Swali toonudiye The Egyptians accounted the Eagle to be a royal Bird, and
allo facred; (b) Tòr Meetor dse To Caginexdy dvere, ſaith Porphyrie in Euſebius.
In the Auſpicia it was always the Symbol of fupream Power : Livy reports that
Tarquin the firſt had ſuch an Omen : (C) Ibi ei carpento ſedenti cum uxore, aquila
Juspenfis demiſſa leniter alis pileum aufert : Superque carpentum cum magno clangore
volitans, rurſus velut miniſterio divinitùs milla, capiti apte reponit : inde fublimis
abiit. Accepiſſe id augurium lata dicitur Tanaquil, perita, ut vulgo Hetruſci, cæleffin
um prodigiorum mulier. Excelſa eu alta ſperare complexa virum jubet. Eam alitem
ea regione celi d, ejus dei nunciam veniſſe : Circa fummum culmen hominis aufpicium
feciſſe : levalle humano ſuperpofitum capiti decus, ut divinitùs eidem redderet.
Marius when a Child had the (d) Portentum of an Eagle's Neſt being laid
down into his Lap with ſeven young ones, and that his parents declar'd he
ſhould enjoy ſeven times the ſupream Dignity of his Country. He was ac
cordingly ſeven times Conſul. In (e) Statiss feven Eagles are ſaid to por.
tend the ſeven Princes againſt Thebes. An Eagle likewiſe portended that (f)
Marcianus ſhould be Emperor when he was a private Sentinel, and Priſoner too.
The ſame is ſaid to have happen'd to Jupiter in the ſacred Hiſtory of Ennius.
Lactantius : (g) Sacra vero Hißoria etiam ante conſediſſe illi aquilam in capite, atque
ei regnum portendiſſe teftatur. So likewiſe (b) Servins; the like did happen to
Midas Son of Gordius, and portended that he ſhould be King as (i) Arrian te
ports the Story of the Gordian Knot. Another inſtance of ſuch Elections by an
Eagle may be ſeen in (k) Plutarch, when the Stock of the Heraclidae fail'd ac
Argos
. Thus alſo (1) Xenophon ſays, That when Cyrus being young was ſent
to alliſt the Medes, and came with his Army upon the Frontiers of Perſia, an
Eagle was ſeen on the right-Hand, and as it were ſhewing the way; which was
taken for a good Omen. Æſchylus the Poet, well skilled in the ſymbolical
Language, as it appears by his Works, hath repreſented in a feign'd Portentum
Xerxes King of Perſia under the Symbol of an Eagle, purſued and ſmitten by a
Hawk, to expreſs his Flight from Greece.
friwtor
boot
(m) 'Om de çd'you distdy gopès geganger
qo16x coco sa otoy isa'slw, çiños.
Μεθύσερον δε κίρκον ισορώ δρόμο
117epois époqualvorla, si Znacis reise
Τέλλον: 5'' έδέν άλλον και πήξας δέμας
EIO1 2 3 Magäxe.-------
Conſult here the judicious Obſervation of the Scholiaſt, Elſewhere the ſame
uſes the Eagle to repreſent Agamemnon : fsbroil
10%
(a) Vid. Golii Lexic. Arab. C. 2072.
(6) Eufeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. II. p. 32.
(c) Livii Hift. Lib. I.
(d) Appian. de B. Civil. Lib. I. Plutarch. in Vic. Marii,
() Papin. Stat. Theb. Lib. III. v. 529.
(f) Procop.
de B. Vandal. Lib. I. c. 4. Euagr. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. II. cap. 1.
() Lactant,
Inftit. Lib. I. cap. 11.
(b) Serv. in Æneid. Lib. 9. col. 1437:
(i) Arrian.
Exped. Alex. Lib. II. Ælian.de Animal. Lib. XIII. cap. 1.
(k) Plut. de fortun. Alex,
Lib. II.
(1) Xenoph. Cyrop. Lib. II. inic. conf. Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. I. p. 62.
(m) Æſchyl. Perf. V. 205.
NX.dia.cara

Chap. XII. V. 14.
The Woman's Flight.
541
(a) ’INS no fures de 100 dtető maſsòs,
ΘανόντG εν αλεκαϊσι και σπειραμασι
suiven ziten
Ahvñs éxidums. See allo v. 256. 403 02 010
The fame Compariſon is alſo found in (b) another place of the ſame Poet,
where he calls the Eagle Olavər Cagundos, King of Birds, as the Egyptians did.
Tully in his Poem upon Marius has either invented or adapted ſuch an Omen of
an Eagle killing a Snake. This is in chofe Verſes which begin thus : (c) Hic
Fovis, &c. fo (d) Pauſanias reports, that Ariſtomenes the Hero and Protector of
the Meſſenians in that famous Shield loft and regain'd, and afterwards dedicated
at Lebadea according to the order of the Oracle from Delphos, had for a Symbol
an Eagle ſpreading ic's Wings to the Borders of the Shield, by which he
meant che Protection of his native Country and exiled Countrymen. Thus a
little after, when he was caſt into the Pit by the Spartans, the fabulous Writers
to honour him ſay, that an Eagle bore him on it's Wings to break the fall, by
which they meant to expreſs the wonderful Preſervation of that great Man. To
all this may be added theſe Words of the Hiſtorian Juſtin; (e) Prodigia magnitudi-
nis ejus in ipſo ortu nonnulla apparuerunt. Nam ea die qua natus eft, duæ Aquila
tota die præpetes Supra culmen domus patris ejus ſederunt, omen duplicis imperii Euro-
pæ Aſiaque præferentes. He ſpeaks of Alexander ; I ſhall ſum up all with an
Obſervacion upon the Omen in Homer mention'd before, in our Note on Chap.
9. 13 A. where an Eagle bringing a Fawn, and throwing it upon Jupiter's Al-
tar, fignifies plainly Jupiter's deſign to protect them: but whereas Interpreters
apply the Eagle to Hector, I think this is a Miſtake. The Eagle is a friendly
Symbol every where, as far as I know ; ſo chat it ſeems to me, that the Poet
deſign'd by the Eagle to ſignify Diomedes, who is the Hero of the Day, and
as it were ſnacches the frighted Greeks out of the Hands of Hector and ſecures
them. He that will read the place carefully ſhall find this was the Poet's In-
tention. And to fhew that the Eagle is a friendly Symbol in Homer's Notions
we need but to conſider the (f) Omen exhibited to Hector of an Eagle on the
left holding a Dragon, and being forc'd to let him go, which is there ex-
plain'd of themſelves not ſucceeding againſt the Greeks by Polydamas ; the place
is too long to be inſerted here. (g) Virgil has imitated the place, but having
chang’d the Omen into a Similitude, comes ſhort by Horace's Rule : Segnius
irritant, &c.
Moreover we are here to obſerve a Decorüm of the Symbol, which will appear
from the Obſervations of the natural Hiſtorians. It is firſt in general obſerv'd,
that there is a fort of Antipathy between the Eagle and the Serpent, Horace faith
thereupon:
(b) Mox in reluctantes dracones,
Egit amor dapis atque pugna.
hot
The Commentator faith : propter mutuum inter ſe odium. The Poer there com-
pares Drufus to an Eagle, a proper Symbol, St. Ambroſe faith: (1) Avis ift a
inimica ſerpentum eft. In (k) Homser the Portentum afore cited is to the ſame pur-
poſe, where an Eagle having ſnatch'd a Serpent is forc'd to let it go, from
whence Polydamas endeavours to diſwade Hector from attacking the Greeks. (1)
Ariſtophanes has alſo fram’d a mock Dream of an Eagle taking up an Aſpis, upon
which he takes occaſion to pun upon one Cleonymus for having caſt his Shield,
that Greek word fignifying both a Shield and a Snake. However, he alludes there-
in to this Antipathy, And ſo did (m) Tully in a Poem upon Marius cited by
himſelf
. As alſo in (n) Silius Italicus. Co) Pliny faith: Acrior eſt cum dracone pugna,
multóque magis anceps, etiam fi in aëre. Ova hic confeétatur aquilæ aviditate male-
fica: at illa ob boc rapit ubicunque viſum. llle multiplici nexu alas ligat, ſe implicans,
ut fimul decidant. I ſhall add to this the Dream of Themiſtocles reported by (P)
Plutarch ; who being in danger dream'd, that he ſaw a Dragon twin'd about his
Belly, and creeping up to his Face, and as it were touching his Face, and an
Eagle came, and caſting his Wings about him, took him up and carried him
a great way. By all which we may ſee, that it was very proper for the Holy
(a) Æſchyl. Choeph. v. 245. (b) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 114, &c.
(c) M. T.
Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I.
(d) Pauſan. Meffen: p. 127.
(e) Juſtin. Lib. XII, fin
(f) Homer. Iliad. N. v. 200, &c.
(g) Virgil
. Æneid. Lib. XI. (6) Horar. Lib.
IV. Od. 4.
(i) Ambrof. de Salomone cap. 2. vid. Ælian. de Animal. Lib. XVII. cap. 37.
(k) Homer. Iliad.
M. V. 200, &c.
(1) Ariſtoph. Veſp. v. 15. (m) Vid. M. T. Cic. de
Divin. Lib. I. (n) Sil. Italić. Punic. Lib. XII.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. X. cap. 4.
(2) Plutarch. vit. Themift. Fol. 39.
6 Y
Ghoſt.

542
Ch. XII. v. 14.
The Woman's Flight
Ghoft, after having repreſented the Enemy of the Church under the Symbol
of a Dragon, to repreſent alſo the Protector of the Church under the Symbol
of an Eagle.
Laftly we are to take notice that the Holy Ghoſt determines the number of
the Wings of the Eagle to two, and that this Eagle is diſtinguiſh'd by the Title
of great. Now ſince the Eagle is but one, it muſt imply that it is bur one Mo-
narchy that protects the Church ; but that this Prote&tion being perform'd by
two Wings, this muſt fignify, that the Monarchy as one Body is diftinguiſh'd
into two remarkable parts. Thus in Daniel 7. 6. The Grecian Monarchy is
repreſented by the Symbol of a Leopard, with four Wings and four Heads.
Whether you underſtand this of four Kingdoms united by the Conqueſts of
Alexander, the Babylonian, Mede, Perſian and Greek expreſs’d by the Wings, and
the Partition of the ſame into four Dynaſties by his Succeſſors, as ſoon as con
quer’d, which is the Opinion of Maldonatus ; or that the Wings and Heads are
the ſame and repreſent that Partition, which is the Opinion of Calvin, it being
equal to my purpoſe, 'tis plain that we muſt take notice of ſuch a Partition in
the preſent Cafe. The Epithere of great either ſhews, that this is ſuch a Mo-
narchy in the World as is eſteem'd very great in compariſon of others; or elſe
'tis great, to fhew that it ſhall prevail in the Protection which it affords the
Church, which is the Signification that word uſually hath in this Propheſy:
From all this I conclude, that theſe two Wings of the great Eagle fignify the
Roman Empire divided into two great Diviſions as ſoon as the Emperors be-
came Chriſtians and Protectors of the Church ; when there were in that Em-
pire two Imperial Seats at Rome and Conftantinople
, by the building of which later
Capital and the Rights it obtain'd, the Empire was divided into two great
Bodies like the Wings of a great Eagle, and ſo continued till the Diffolution
therof: which time the Empire was commonly govern'd by two Emperors.
Whilſt the (a) Empire was in the Hands of the Pagan Emperors it had been al-
ways undivided ; but now it had two Capitals, a double Senate, double Em-
perors, and the Offices were accordingly divided : Onuphrius obſerving very
well ; duos ad minimum Imperatores eſſe procuravit, quorum alter in occidente, alter in
oriente rerum potiretur. So he left it, and ſo it was upon the death of Theodoſius
the Great, and at the very laſt point of the Diſſolution under (6) Auguſtulus ;
char Diviſion is very remarkable in all the Hiſtorians. Theſe were the two
Wings of the grear Eagle, the Roman Empire, whoſe Enſign was an Eagle;
ſo that herein the Symbol meets with a Coincidence in the Event; which
Eagle protected the Church whilſt the Dragon was perſecuting her under
Hand, and endeavouring to regain his Power; and under theſe the Church
fubfifted without viſible Perſecution till the Dragon gave up his power to the
following Beaſt: That is, till the Subjects of the Roman Empire, by whom
the Dragon was ſtill worſhipp'd, had ſubmitted to thoſe who diffolv'd it. There-
fore as two Wings are neceſſary to a Fowl to fly equally; but when one of them
is wounded or loſt, the flight is ſtopt : fo when one of theſe Wings of the Ro-
man Empire was deſtroy'd and unable to act, we muſt eaſily imagine, that
the Woman's Flight was ſtopt, and that therefore ſhe was then drope and
fix'd in the Wilderneſs. Wherefore when the Empire of the Weſt was utterly
deſtroy'd, we muft look upon the Woman's abode in the Wilderneſs to have
then taken it's beginning
YB. "Iyer temalac a's oli igupov, That She might fly into the Wilderneſs,] A Wilder-
neſs is a place of Temptations, Miſery, Perſecution, and all that is oppos’d to
Sectlement and worldly Peace. The Prophets frequently uſe the Symbol, to
fignify all manner of Deſolation. Ifaiah 27. 10. Yet the defenced City shall be de-
Folate, and the Habitation forſaken, and left like a Wilderneſs. The like is found
in Jerem. 22. 6. Hofer 2. 3. Jcb 30: 3. uſes it as a Reproach to them that are
forc'd to dwell therein. The oriental Interpreters fail us here ; but Artemidorus
will give us a lift. He faith, Lib. 2. Ch.73. To fly through pleaſant places, through
Fields, Towns, Villages, fair Rivers, Meadows, Ponds, a calm Sea, and Havens, all
theſe things if ſeen portend a good Voyage : "Ayxn dè rý posary ſes rj ve ras xj nálgas, sej Smeia, aj
πολαμοι χίμαρροι, και όρη και κρημνοί, πονηρα παλα τα εν τη αποδημία προαγοραίισιBur
narrow Paſſes, Caverns, Rocks, and wild Beaſts and Torrents and Mountains and Pre-
(*) Vid. Zofim. Lib. II. Onuplar. Imper. Rom. p. 241.
(0) V, Procon Vand. Lib. I. cap. I.
cipices;

Ch. XII. V. 14
The Wilderneſs.
543
cipices; all theſe portend bad things in a Voyage. This is the Deſcription of Deſerts :
In the farme Chapter he faith: “Ιπαθς μετά ορνέων, σημαίνει μεθα αλλοεθνών και ξένων
evaspaçusets, to fly with Birds fignifies to converſe among foreign Nations and
Strangers; theſe Symbols are obvious, I ſhall therefore only ſet down this Paf-
lage of Virgil, wherein Æneas to fhew the Miſery of his Condition, faich :
shod
(a) ipſe ignotus, egens, Libyæ deſerta peragro. niso dos
Whereupon Donatus obſerves : Et additum efi ad cumulum malorum, et ſolitudo
quoque eu deſerta concurrerent, ut nihil ad victum vel ex agreſti folitudine fup-
peteret, nec inveniretur quiſpiam qui mifereri pollet. Ariſtophanes faith by way
of Jeft, concerning one who had been abus'd and beaten, that he had
fallen into a Scythian Wilderneſs, (b) suutnanévla Th oxu Găn égnule, the Scholiaft
faith : dvi ri oré sgao ay naixãs ouutiaxévla. The Poet alludes to the Expreſſion of
Æſchylus, who to expreſs the hard Uſage of Jupiter againſt Prometheus, faith
that he was ſent, (c) Ext Slucis oiuos, ácalor éis égapiap upon which the Scholiaſt
faith: 'lya gap emago Into ón é rigounidis, dice civo és énekyss tómats ágkós. The
Poet Sophocles deſcribes very well che Miſeries of them that live in a Wilderneſs
in his Philočtetes, I ſhall obſerve in this place that there is a more general way
to account for the Decorum of the Symbol, than that which I have mention'd
before, and that is, That theſe who are tormented by Devils are by them ob-
ſerv'd to be driven into Wilderneſſes. So 'cis ſaid in Luke 8. 29. in a Fragment
of Julian che Apoſt. p. 529. Jamblich de Myſter. Sect. II. cap. 1o. From all
this it's evident, that the Flight of the Woman into the Wilderneſs fignifies,
that after the Perſecutions of the Dragon, firſt open and after private, though
the Church ſeem'd to be free from open Violence, and from the danger of
private Temptation to Idolatry, yet it will fall into a deplorable State by ſome
other means, which the Devil raiſes up againft her, in delivering up his Pow-
er to ſuch Miniſters as ſhall make a more barbarous uſe of it, than even the
Dragon before. And this during the time appointed by and by, and from
ſuch Inſtruments as are more fully deſcrib'd in the next Chapter.
C. ?E15 Tày Tórov dorñ, Into her place.] It was faid before that in the Wilder-
neſs the Woman ſhould have a place prepared by God for her; therefore this
her place is that which is ſo prepar'd for her. The Phraſe into her place ac-
cording to the ſacred Stile is to ſhew an indeterminate place, as in A&ts 1. 25.
Matth. 26. 52. Hebr. 11. 8. Exod. 18. 23. Numb. 24. 11. Fudg. 7.7. Chap. 19:
28. the Holy Ghoſt names it indefinitely, becauſe it was determin'd before,
that this place was fixe only by God himſelf.
D. "Omws spépnlee étai, That ſhe might be nouriſhed there.] As in Fob. 21. 18. to
be carried whither one would not is a Charientifmus, or ſoft Expreſſion, to fig.
nify that one ſhall be led to ſuffer death; fo I take this to be one to fignify
that the Church ſhall be in great Diſtreſs, ſo that ſhe ſhall have need of a mi-
raculous Aliſtance to be maintain'd as the Prophets mention'd before in the
parallel place, who during their Propheſy or Diſtreſs were fed with bare Pita
tance, Bread and Water, and that too either miraculouſly of God's providing,
or elſe by the aſſiſtance of others; themſelves not daring to appear, or being
in ſuch places as they could not provide for themſe!ves. It is plain by obſer-
ving the
way of human Affairs, that they who are fed by others and abſolutely
depend upon them for thoſe Neceſſities, muſt be Slaves to them, as Children to
the Fathers, Wives to the Husbands, Servants to their Maſters, Men to God;
for feeding is preſerving, and Preſervation gives God a new right over us
beſides our Creation, Genef. 48. is. which fed me all my life long. Chryfoftom,
(d)E dexñs véxpe zi magárlos Tod mening dus ornovounoas. God grounds the Duty of
the Iſraelites upon this, that he fed them, Deut. 8. 3. 16. and this was to hum-
ble them; and ſuffering them to hunger, that he might ſhew his power to pre-
ferve, as it's evident from thoſe places. Therefore in the Indian Onirocritick;
if a Man dream, that he ſucks another Man's Breaft, ic portends that he ſhall
be caft into Prifon. Chap. 126. 'Lár tis VS Mote Onnelle di foev, si durds néoud dig
purarli gluńséldı. He that is caft into Priſon is Slave to his Creditor, and if he
had not to pay, might be ſold as a Slave, and all his Family, Matth. 18.25:
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. v. 388. (6) Ariftoph. Acham.
vinet. v. 2:
(d) Joh. Chryſ. in Gen. Hom. lxxvii.
() Æſchyl. Prornettis
.
2 Kings

544
The Wildernes.
Chap. XII. v. 14.
2 Rings, 4. 1. Ilaiah 50. 1. Levit. 25. 39. whilft che Creditor keeps him in Goal
he is obliged to feed him according to the Cuſtom of the Euft. Thus we fee,
that to be fed by others is an Accident or Symbol of ſuch a State, as ſhews chat
the Perſon fed is in Miſery, and under the Power of others. Take it in any,
or all theſe Ways, and it appears from hence, that the Church during the term
of this abode in the Wilderneſs might be in a deplorable Condition ; ſeeing
that it cannot ſubhiſt of its felf, but muſt be maintain’d in a continual Depen-
dance upon hard means and miraculous inſtances of divine Protection. And
indeed conſidering the prodigious Attempts of the Enemies of Chriſt, and
their diligent endeavours to ſuppreſs the true Worſhip and Purity of Faith,
during the time of the Beaſt's Power and the Falſe Prophets; that is, as we
ſhall ſee by and by, of the Secular and Ecclefiaftical Powers of the corrupted
Church, we may look upon the fucceffive Preſervation of the true Religion
as a very miraculous Event'; which is however made out by the Hiſtory of the
Witneſſes of Chriſt during this Period. I ſhall conclude with che Obſervation
of Ansbertus : Qui verò funt qui banc mulierem in folitudine paſcuns, wifi ſancti
prædicatores ? Qui eſt autem cibus quo mulierem ſuſtentant nifi idem qui locus refugii?
Ipfe enim temporalia fugientibus, via : ipſe in ſolitudine pervenientibus, locus : ipfe in
eadem ſolitudine eſurientibus, efficitur cibus.
E. Keigàn sij neugds, rj ñusou !58, For a Seaſon and Seaſons, and the half of a
Seaſon.] In the former place the ſame term of time is couch'd under the Symbol
of a thouſand two hundred and ſixty Days; and therefore ſince the propheſying
of the Witneſſes is a Symbol of the diſtreſs of the Church, as well as the abode
in the Wilderneſs, theſe two terms muſt be ſynchronal; and ſo Seaſon ſignifies
one Year ; Seaſons fignify two Years ; half a Seaſon half a Year; becauſe one
thouſand two hundred and fixty Days make three Years and a half, allowing
three hundred and fixty Days to one Year ; which was the ancient way of the
Chaldeans and others, and by putring thirty Days to a Monch they make XLII
Months. Tho' this Signification of wages for a Year be ſomewhat ftrange, yet
'cis not without Example. For ſo we read in Euſtathius Antioch. (a) 'H di xenos air
duas pluvã 78 rugs. And Xsóvo is put for a Year in many places; as in Sopbocles.
101979 130
Main
(6) Μακροι παλαιοί τ' αν μετρηθούν χρόνοι.
In the oriental Onirocriticks, Chap. 127. άρήσει αλλότριον πλέον και χαραν εν χρόνοις
ίσαρίθμούς των κορασίων. in Chap. 238. Τα αρσενα των βοών εις άρχονlας μεγίσους, και τα
Júrovee dis xgóręs draxcivarlas, Ælian (c) Xgóves de dieténson Tomás. Ammonius : (d)
agà déngt zeów, û Refis sexce 'Ty. So that we need not wonder to find it in later
Authors, as (e) Tzetzes, (f) Georg. Hamartolus, and (£) Johannes Malala. Ovid
has alſo uſed the word Tempus to lignify an Year:
(b) Is decies ſenos tercentum & quinque diebus
20tes)
Junxit, & è plene tempora quinta die.
From this Mede obſerves very well, that this Collation of theſe ſymbolical terms
of time made by the Holy Ghoſt, and thus variouſly placed as ſynonymous is
the Key of that part of Daniel's Propheſy, wherein we find the ſame Expreſſion
as here. For how ſhould we have known that a Seafon ſignified a Year, and
Seaſons no more than two Years, if St. John had not made ute of the fame Sym-
bol, and by comparing it with many others had determind the true Signification
of the word Seaſon. The Jewiſh Maſters of old ſeem to have been much puzzled
about it, for they took the word Seaſon to fignify a Century of Years, as we
learn from (i) Juſtin Martyr. But it was not their Buſineſs to underſtand that
Propheſy, but to them whom the true Meſſias hath inſtructed.
F. 'Anò taperuime të opews, From the face of the Serpent.] This is to be referr'd
to the word n'étulee, that ſhe may fly from the face of the Serpent. From the
Face, that is, the Anger, Malice or Purſuit. So in Pſal. 21. 10. 7'3D S. Pagn.
äræ tua. Targ. 1917. See Pſal. 68. 1. Genef. 16. 6,8. Chap. 35. 1, 7. Chap.
(a) Enftath. Hexaem. p. 3o. (6) Soph. Oedip. Tyr. p. 175.
Lib IV. cap. 25.
(d) Ammon. de Differ. v. Kaiposo
(f) Exc. Chronol. p. 23.
(8) Johan. M. Chron. 1 25.
v. 163
(1) Juſtin. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 193.
(6) Ælian.Var. Hift.
(e) Tzetz, in Lycoph. 570.
(6) Ovid. Paſt. Lib. III.
36. 6.

Chap. XII. v. 15.
The River-Flood.
545
36. 6. Exod. 2. 15. Yoel 2. 6. Fon. I. 3, 10. But we may alſo refer this Expreſ-
lion to the Verb rekonlal, to ſignify that the Woman ſhall be out of the Power of
the Dragon even during all the ſtay in the Wilderneſs ; for even then the Dra-
gon preferves ſome Power, ſubdelegated to others. See alſo the Nore on Rev.
16. 13. C.
Α. verf. 15. Και έβαλεν ο όφις έκ τε σόμαίΘ- αυτά, οπίσω της γυναικός, ύδως ως πολαμδή,
ivæ tadtlu role uopóguloy mother, and the Serpent caſt out of bis Mouth Water like a River
after the Woman, that he might waſh her away with the Flood.] Tois is the laſt
A&ion of the Dragon againſt the Woman perform'd juft upon her beginning
to avoid the laſt anger of the Dragon and making her way into the Wilderneſs.
So that the mention of the term of her abode is made occaſionally, whilſt the
Holy Ghoſt is deſcribing theſe acts of the Woman that lead her to it, and
after the full account returns to thoſe Circumſtances which were omitted in the
account before. And this is uſual in this Book, and particularly in the Caſe of
the Witneſſes, who are parallel to this Woman. There are two Symbols re-
markable in this place. The firſt is the Mouth of the Dragon ; the ſecond a
Flood of Water like a River deſign’d to drown the Woman, and proceeding out of
that Mouth. We have explaind the Symbol of the Mouth in our Note upon
Chap. 1. 16 B. and ſhewn, that ic fignifies the Houſe of the Party. In many
places of Scriptures, as it is that out of which the words of Men and the Dea
ligns and Commands of Princes proceed; ſo we may underſtand by it the Or-
ders given by the Party. But theſe Senſes of the word may be eaſily reconciled
and commonly concur; becauſe the Commands of a King are executed by his
Miniſters, or the Members of his Houſe: Either or both may ſerve our turn
here. We muſt therefore ſhew, char this Flood proceeds, and is carried on by
the Contrivance of the Dragon, or his immediate Miniſters; and that the In-
ftruments thereof were taken from ſuch as were Votaries to the Dragon ; that
is,Pagans or Idolaters of the old Stamp; or at leaſt from ſuch Men as were in their
Service, and follow'd the Orders of the great Miniſters and ſecret Counſel-
lors of the Dragon.
Ibu
Seas, Waters and Rivers ſignify People in War, as we have proved before;
but here I ſhall conſider the Symbol with the Circumſtance of waſhing away
or drowning. So when God faith in Iſaiah 8. 7. The Lord bringeth up upon them
the Waters of the River ; it is plain, that this ſignifyech the warlike Expedition
of the Aſyrians. In Chap. 28. 2. as a Flood of mighty Waters over flowing, ſhall
caſt down to the Earth with the hand. The Targum : Sicut impetus aquarum fo tium
inundantium, fic venient contra eos populi, & transferent eos de terra ſua. See allo
Chap. 59. 19. in Jerem. 46. 7, 8. the Symbol is us'd; and there alſo the
Targum ſaith: Quis eft ifte qui aſcendit cum exercitu ſuo ficut nubes ; de aperit ter-
ram ; & ficut fons aquarum, cujus aquæ turbatæ ſunt? Rex Ægypti qui aſcendit cuin
exercitu, quafi nubes quæ aſcendens operit terram ; & ficut fons, cujus aquæ commo-
ventur. in Chap. 47. 2. Amos 8. 2. and Chap. 9. 5. and Nahum 1. 8. The
Targum explains the Symbol in like manner. In Dan. 9. 26. the Flood is imme-
diately explain'd by War; and in Chap. 11. 22. ſee alſo, Pſal. 69. 15. and
Pfal. 124. 4. Let us come to the Onirocriticks. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 27.
which he ſpends in treating of Rivers and the like, hach theſe words : 'E Y SE
τι και «ρπάσαντες κλήμα τα τεθεαμε τον όνειρον όπερέρωσιν, εκ πανloς βλαβω επιφέρεσε !
μίζονα τη βλαβη δε άμα και κίνδυνον σημαίνεσιν, εάν αυτόν συναρπάσανlες τον δρών/α, και
μάλλον κακόν εάν και εις θάλασσαν εμς άλωσι πονηρόν δε και το εν πολαμώ εσέναι και περικλύζες,
και μη δώας εξελθών και γαρ άν των μείνει τις εν τω τοιέτω ονείρω, κάν πάνυ αψυχG- κη
que metre' : See the reſt. The Indian Interpreter in Chap. 175. interprets the
Symbol to the fame purpoſe. He faith : Fi de anoti dienon'usce en TS molaya
χάριν πόσα ή λέσεως μιτά αυθεντίας υπέρ ών αγωνίζεθαι μετ' ανδρός, υπονινήσει εάν άρα επέρασεν
et de ui, tovarliov; See the reft
. 'Tis proper here to mention ſome Dreams to the
ſame purpoſe, in which the Event hath been explain'd accordingly.
The
Dream of Aſtyages, who ſaw his Daughter Mandane making Water by which all
Aſia was overflow'd, as 'tis reported by (a) Herodotus and others, is underſtood
to have ſignified, that Cyrus her Son ſhould ſubdue all Aſia. Tully alſo rea
ports a Dream of his Brother to the like purpoſe : Quintus ſpeaks: (b) Me,
cum Afiæ proconſul præeflem, vidiſſe in quiete, cum tu equo advectus ad quandan
(a) Herodot. Lib. I. §. 107. Valer. Max. Lib. 1. cap. 7. Ec Tertullian. de Anim. cap. xlvi. ex
Charon. Lampſ.
(6) M.T. Cic: de Divin. Lib. I.
6 Z

546
The River-Flood.
Ch. XII. V. 15.
magni fluminis ripam, proveétus fubito, atque delapfus in flumen, nuſquam apparuiſſes,
me contremuiſſe timore perterritum : tum te repente latum extitiſſe
, eedemque equo ad-
verſam aſcendiſſe ripam, noſque inter nos effe complexos. Facilis conjectura bujus
fomnii:
mibique à peritis in Afia prædiétum eft, fore eos eventus reruin, qui accide-
Tunt. That Event was the Engagement of Tully with Pompey, and the danger
out of which he eſcap'd by the Clemency of Cæſar. Joyn to this the Oftentum
mention d (a) before out of Pliny. There is a Circumftance omitted in him,
which may be ſupplied out of Tully and belongs to this matter : (b) Faéta con-
je&tura etiam in Dionyfio eft paullo antequam regnare coepit : qui cum per agrum Leonti-
num iter faciens, equum ipfe dimifilet in flumen, ſummerſus equus voraginibus non
extitit : quem cum maxima contentione non potuiſſet extrabere, diſceſſit, ut ait Philiftus,
ægrè ferens. Cum autem aliquantulum progreffus effet, ſubito exaudivit hinnitum, re-
fpexitque, & equum alacrem lætus afpexit
, cujus in juba examen apunt confederat.
Quod' oftentum habuit hanc vim, ut Dionyfius paucis poft diebus regnare cæperit
.
The Poets and Orators are full of Compariſons to this purpoſe. Æſchylus *
fpeaking of the War of Thebes : Κύμα γας περί πόλιν Δοχμολόφων ανδρών Καχλάζει
Frocñs "Age Gógópufione but more fully at the end of the Tragedy; for he faith
(c) “οδε καδμείων ήρυξε πόλιν Μή ανατραπύαι, μηδ' αλλοδαπών Κύμαι φωτών Καβακλυδ μαι
Ta udinisa, And elſewhere.
(α) Κακών δε πλήθG, ποταμός ως, επέρχεθαι"
* Aτης δ'άβυσόν πέλαγα και μάλ' απερον
TÒN OCCnne, û deux nulu xe nãy.
So (e) xau San Narcy in the ſame, and (f) épisGxnúsar in Euripides, and (g)
rūpi? ÉTÉKAUDE nonāv, in Lycophron. Theognis ſpeaking of his Misfortune.
(%) Εγώ δε κύων εσέρησα χαράδρίω,
Χειμάρρω πολαμώ ποινή αποσεισίμως. .
Stato
Which Thought is much improv'd in Euripides.



() ο μέγας όλες ομόνυμG- αν βροτοίς
'Aγα δε λαϊφG ώς τις ακάθε θοάς
Τιναξας δαίμων, ηλόκλυσε,
Δεινών πόνων, ως πόνο,
Λαϊβροις όλεθρίοισιν εν κυμασι,
So Plutarch compares Hannibal's Expedition into Italy to a Torrent, (k) Ofto.
'Αννίζαν τον καρχηδόνιον φθόνω κι ταϊς πολιτικαίς δυσμενείαις μηδενός όικοθεν όπορρέος- ώσπερ χοί-
uoppor igézee nej velludawse meri
tlw 'I tuxíay. So Libanius, cited by (b) Chryfoftom, calls
the pulling down of the Pagan Temples a Deluge. Philo ſpeaking of the Plague
brought upon Iſrael upon the account of the Wiles of the Midianites : (m)
ώσπες υπό χαμάρρα καθακλυθήναι κινδuυδ'σανίας. Thus Horace compares Tiberius driving
the Enemies to an over-flowing River; imitating therein (n) Homer:
(0) Sic tauriformis volvitur Aufidus,
37 DIO
Qui regna Dauni præfluit Appuli,
Quum faevit, horrendamque cultis
Diluviem meditatur agris,
In Ennius cited by Tully: (p) Cognata, tibi ſunt ante gerendo
Ærumne, poſt ex fluvio fortuna refiftet.
Where you ſee the River is the Symbol of the ærumna, troubles. The ſame is
us'd in Tully more than once ; ſpeaking of the Caſe of Athens when the Perſians
came into Greece under Xerxes : (9) Fluftum enim totius barbaria ferre urbs una non
poterat. Elſewhere : (n) Reipublicæ præcipitanti ſubveni : patriam demerfam extuli.
(a) V. Note on Chap. 6. 2. A. (6) M. T. Cic. de Divin. Lib. I.
* Æſchyl.
c. Theb. y. 116.
(c) Æſchyl. Theb. v. 1083.
(d) Æſchyl. fuppl. v. 478.
(e) Æſchyl Perf. v. 601. (f) Euripid. Hecub. v. 118. (8) Lycophr. Caſſandr. v. 228.
(h) Theogn Jyou. v. 347.
(1) Euripid. Oreft. v. 340. (k) Plutarch. de Fort Rom.
P. 523, (!) Toh. Chryſ in Babyl. Tom. V. p. 464., (9) Philo Jud. de Fortitud. p.
507. (n) Hom. Iliad. e.V.87 (0) Q. Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 14. (p) M. T.Cic. de
Divinat. Lib: 1. () M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. VI. Ep. 15. (c) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro P.Sulla.
2
Virgil

Ch. XII. V. 15.
The River-Flood.
547
Virgil ſpeaks of the Fall of Troy under the Symbol of a Deluge. (a) Diluvio ex
illo diverſa per æquore vetti : whereupon Donatus hath theſe remarkable words
Non dixit bello, fed diluvio ; bello quidem confe&to aliquid ſuperat, quod fuperioris tem-
poris initia montrando teſtatur : poſt diluvium vero nibil remanet, fed quicquid invenit,
tollit ; from theſe words we may underftand the import of the 70% e popóenlov, that
the Dragon had a mind to make an end of the Church at once. Florus, (b)
Cæfaris furor, atque Pompeii, Urbem, Italiam, gentes, nationes, totum denique, qua
patebat, imperium, quodam quafi diluvio, & inflammatione corripuit. Arnobius : (c)
Ut modo Romani, velut aliquod flumen torrens, cunétas ſubmergerent atque obruerent nam
tiones, nos videlicet numina præcipitavimus in furorem. Plutarch relares a Dream of
K. Leonidas to this purpoie: (α) Έδoξε γαρ έν θαλάαση πολιων εχέση και τραχμων κλυδόνος,
τας επιφανεσάτας και μεγίσας πόλεις της ΕλλάδΘ, ανωμαλος διαφέρες και σαλάeιν, τίω δε
θηβαίων υπερέχειν τε πασών, και μετέωρον άρθίώαι προς τον έρανόν τα εξαίφνης αφανή βρέθαι.
This he ſays came to paſs : 1 underítand him rhus ; that the Grecian Cities tell
to war together, as in the Peloponneſian War and following; and that the Thebans
became afterwards fuperior, as under Epaminondas : and at laſt the City was
quite deſtroy'd by Alexander. Servius lays down this general Rule: (e) Sane
ſciendum, & per Diluvium, & per entúgwir
, fignificari temporum mutationem. The
Dream of Cader Billah, when a private Man, fhews, that the Arabians have the
fame Notion of this Symbol : 'tis to be found in Herbelot. The ſame (f) Author
obſerves, that in the times of Moſadbaher Chalife A.H.492. the Arabian Aſtrologers
predicted a great Deluge, and that it was in the ſame Year, that the Cruſades firſt
defcended into the Holy Land. He looks upon that Expedition to be meant by
the Deluge. So that this River Flood to drown the Woman muft fignify a great
Invaſion, as Tychonius hath obſerv'd. (g) Aqua emiſa de ore Draconis, exercitum
perſequentium eam fignificat : abforpta aqua de perfecutoribus faétam tindiet am. And
from the whole we muſt expect a great Incurſion of Enemies, brought upon the
Territories of Chriſtendom by the Contrivance of ſome of the Pagans, the Mi-
niſters of the Dragon ; who made this laſt Effort to ſubvert the Chriſtian Re-
ligion, juſt before the Diffolution of the Roman Empire.
Now let us fee about the Event. Whilſt the Church was under the Prote,
&ion of the two Wings of the great Eagle, the Roman Emperors Honorius and
Arcadius both Chriftians, one in the Weſt, and the other in the Eaſt ; then, as
we have obſerv'd before upon the Trumpets, happened that great Irruption of
the Barbarians into the Empire, and that too contriv'd by the Miniſters of that
State to affect the ruin of the Chriftian Religion. Stilicho affecting to inlarge
the Dominions of his Maſter Honorius, but under that Pretence intending rather
to ſet up himſelf or his Son Eucherius as Emperor, fent for Alarich Captain of
the Goths to come into Italy, and open'd the way for him through the Alps.
Prodigious was the Ravage which thoſe Barbarians committed ; at the laſt they
beſieg'd, took and fack'd Rome. This Accident open'd the Flood-gates of the
Empire, and let in the reſt of the Barbarians. Nay, it is ſaid, that the ſame
Stilicho at leaft invited them fecretly; theſe were the Alans, Suevians, and Vana
dals. However this is certain, that all the Barbarians obſerving the Negligence
or Weakneſs of the two Emperors, and that they were not able to defend their
Capital City, were by that invited to make Irruptions. What Miſeries they
caus d in that Empire, is to be found in Hiſtory: they were general, and in
all the parts thereof, wbereby the Weſtern was all torn to pieces. But what is
all this to the Dragon? Yesſure, for the Hiſtorians of that time unanimouſly
agree, the Pagan Hiſtorians only excepted, that this Stilicho was an ambitious
Traytor, and really deſign'd to make his Son Eucheriús Emperor, which
Eucherius was a Pagan, and extreamly in with all the Idolaters, who hop'd that
by this means the Pagan Religion might be reftord, and they might ſuppreſs
the Chriftians. This is the reaſon why the Pagan Hiftorians paſs ſuch Com-
mendations upon the Father and Son. It was a mighty Plor: Stilicho being in
favour with the Emperor Honorius ſeem'd to be ſecure on the ſide of the Chri-
ftians, and Eucherius on the ſide of the Pagans ; ſo that there only wanted an
occaſion to ſhew the Weakneſs of the Emperor, that the Army might there,
(2) Virg. Æn. Lib. VII, v. 228. (6) Flor. Lib. IV.c, . (C) Arnob. c. Gentes,
Lib. I.
(d) Plur. de Herodot. Malit. p. 1042. (e) Serv. in Virg. Eclog. VI.
vid. in Æneid. Lib. I. col. 506.
(f) Herbelot. tical, Moft adhaber. g) Tychong
Hom. X.
upon

548
The River Flood.
Chap. XII. v. 15.
upon depofe him, and ſet up Eucherius. Thus you ſee how this Flood of the
Barbarians upon the Roman Empire, and the Church within it, was concriv'd
to promote the cauſe of Idolatry, and ſo might be ſaid to come out of the Dra-
gon's Mouth. How much the Church did ſuffer and was endanger'd by choſe
Irruptions, the Hiſtorians are not filent; but the Event turning quite otherwiſe
than it was contriv'd by the Dragon, to reſtore Paganiſm, by the Accident de-
ſcribd in the next Verſe; the Dragon was forc'd to deliver his power to the
Beaſt that aroſe out of this Sea or Flood, as we ſhall ſee in the next Chapter.
The matter of this Hiftory may be ſeen in Orofius, Marcellinus the Chronicler,
Jornandes, H. Sozomen, P. Diaconus, Philoft orgius and others. I ſhall content.
my ſelf to ſet down two or three Paſſages moſt material ; the firſt is Fornandes
or Jordanas: (a) Unde etiam poft longum ab Stilichone magiſtro militum, & exconſule
ac patricio invitati, Gallias occupavere, ubi finitimos deprædantes non adeo fixas fedes
habuere. He ſpeaks of the Vandals ; but he ſpeaks more plainly in another
Work; (b) Stilico vero Comes ſpreto Honorio, regnumque ejus inhians, Alanorum Suevom
rumque gentes donis pecuniiſque ille&tas, contra regnum Honorii excitavit : Eucherium
filium ſuum Paganum & Chriſtianis infidias molientem, cupiens Calarem ordinare. Pas-
lus Diaconus expreſſes it thus : (c) Interea Comes Stilico, Vandalorum perfida do dolo-
ſæ gentis gentre editus, Eucherium, ut di&tum eft, filium jam à puero Chriftianorum
perſecutionem medit antem ut imperio fubftitueret, ante biennium Romana irruptionis
gentes, copiis viribuſque intolerabiles, hoc eft Alemannorum, Suevorum, Vandalorum.
Burgundionum, ultro in arma ſuſcitavit: eaſque pulfare Gallias voluit, ut hac neceſſitated
genero in filium extorquere polet imperium. Rufinus chief Miniſter of State at Con.
ſtantinople under Arcadius was (d) accus'd to have called in the Huns, who had
ravag'd the Eaſtern Provinces. So that even on that ſide the Dragon had play'd
his part, to the ſame intent as on the ſide of Stilicho. 'Tis not ſaid indeed
whether this Ruffinus was a Chriſtian or not; bue there being at that time
abundance of Pagans ſecretly, who conform'd externally with Chriſtianity, if
we cannot judge of his true Religion, 'tis however plain, that he did the Devil's
Work therein; and very certain, that (e) Sozomen obſerves, that his death
occaſion'd the Confirmation of the Church, and facilitated the Converſion of
the Pagans. From which we may infer, that before that death they had con-
ceiv'd ſome hopes to recover their Power ; but that this gave Idolatry a fatal
and deciſive Blow.
It will not be amiſs to take notice here of one of the Devils moſt remarkable
Pranks againſt the Chriſtian Religion, which ſhews, that whilft his viſible
Miniſters are at work for his Service, he fails not himſelf to give them all the
aſſiſtance he can. (f) St. Auftin obſerves, that about theſe times or ſometime
before, an Oracle was divulg'a, to be fure of the Devil's Contrivance, import-
ing, that the Name of Chriſt ſhould be worſhipped during the ſpace of 365
Years; which being compleated, there would be an immediate end of it.
This as St. Auſtin hath obſerv'd, beginning at the Aſcenſion of Chriſt and the
Effuſion of the Holy Ghoſt on the following Pentecoſt, reaches to the Conſult
of Honorius and Eutychianus. This, as Caffiodorus computes the Confulats and
places the Paſſion of Chriſt, comes near the matter. But St. Auſtin placing the
Paffion higher under the Conſulat of the two Gemini, makes the cerm longer.
However two Years after, under the Conſulat of Stilicho and Aurelianus, the
firſt Motion of Alarich began, which was either ſeconded, or even prevented
by the Irruption of the Hunns ; ſo that they and the Goths much at the fame
time over-ran the Roman Empire, and made that Flood prepared by the Devil
and his Imp Stilicho to over-run the Church and deſtroy the Chriſtian Religion.
Undoubtedly the Devils, as well as the good Angels, endeavour to pry into the
Myſteries of God; and they may know beforehand ſomething of their own
Deſigns, and what God will permit them to do. But in all their Oracles and
Conjectures there is ſomething of Allay, Lies and Miſtakes mix'd with ſome
Truth. As in this caſe, the Devil gueſs'd that God would permit him to bring
on this Flood, but he goes beyond the Truth in aſſerting, that Religion ſhall
be over-flow'd with it.
(a) Jordan. de Reb. Getic. fol. 24. (6) Jordan. de Reg. Succeſſ (c) Paul. Diacon.
Lib. XIII. (d) Hiftor. Tripart. Lib. X. cap. 2. (e) Sozom. H. Ecclef. Lib. VIII. cap.
(8) Auguſtin.de Civit. dei Lib. XVIII, cap. 53. & 54.
A. verſe 6.

Chap. XII. v. 16. The River-Flood.
549
ز
A. ver. 6, Kai Coi ngay xã Tĩ you.txì, xã Lone 6 và rà sót.. at uris, x16 16
gòn 70) ailedve oy baxsv digez@V éx Tð sóce] auzē, And the Earth helped the Woman,
and the Earth opened her Mouth, and (w allowed up the River, which the Dragon caſi
out of his Moutb.) The Earth doth here to this Flood of the Dragon, in ſome
meaſure as was done to the Egyptians Dragon, who having driven the Iſraelites
into the Red-Sea, was ſwallow'd up therein, and his warlike Flood or Armies,
were conſum'd upon the Shore ; whilft Ifrael was fafely tranſported into the
Wilderneſs. It may be ſaid, that in that Caſe it was the Sea which ſwallow'd
up the Flood of Pharaoh, and not the Earth; Right, but yet when Mofes ſpeaks
of that in his Song, Exod. 15. 12. he faith ; Thou ſtretcheft out thy right band,
the Earth ſwallowed them. So Jonas 2. 6. being in the Whale's Belly cried out,
The Earth with her Bars was about me for ever ; in the LXX. xleblow sis yw, mis oi noxaos
duras xe’loxos didv101, I went into the Earth, whoſe Bolts are everlaſting Graveſtones :
for Heſychius faith; Ka rozcos, aída oi mi uvíucoi tiheulver from which 'eis plain,
that in ſuch Caſes the Earth is the ſame as the Grave, and implies Death. But
let us ſee how the Earth ſwallow'd up the Flood, having opend her Mouth,
You may take the Earth here, either as fignifying the Inhabitants of the Earth,
the Pagans and the now corrupted Church, or elſe the Grave. The /wallowing
up, as we ſhew elſewhere, is the ſame as conſuming by Conqueft. We may ſay
then, that as the Mouth ſignifies the Houſe or Domicile, ſo altogether this fig.
nifies, that the Subjects of the Roman Empire by receiving the Incurſions of
the Barbarians, ſubmitting at firſt to their Yoke, and inſtructing them in their
Religion and Laws, rather ſwallowed up the Barbarians, than that they
were ſwallowed up by them. For indeed, contrary to the cuſtom of
Conquerors, theſe Barbarians loſt their Laws and Religion, fondly affect-
ing after this the Religion, Laws, Cuftoms, Manners, Language, and
the very name of Romans. So that it may be ſaid that thele Barbarians
found their Graves in the Roman Empire, in that they loſt their Religion,
Laws, Manners, Language, and Names; and ſo became Romans, which is a
kind of Death or ſwallowing up in Oblivion. So that as this Flood was out of
the Mouth of the Dragon, in that they were Allies of the Romans, as I ſhall
prove elſewhere ; ſo here they ſaid to the Roman Empire, as in Virgil, Urbe
domo ſocias; they become one Houſe too with it. Paulus Diaconus hath ſome
fatal Words about this matter, which I ſhall therefore fec down : (a) Itaque poſt
multas trages, incendia, & rapinas, tandem divifis ſedibus, Barbari ad aratra converſa,
Romanorum reſiduos ceperunt, ut ſocios, amicoſque foverent. [foverunt.] It is alſo
plain that this Symbol mult imply that the Earth which did ſupport this Flood
became Miſtreſs of it, for the help it afforded to the Woman implies that. To
drink up the Sea is a Symbol which (6) Schenabeddin, a Learned Muſſulman
Doctor, and ſain by Saladin, explain'd to ſignify to command all the World, that
is, to get it under ones power. We ſhall therefore find by the Expoſition of
the next Chapter, that theſe Barbarians became at laſt fubje& to Rome, and the
Falſe-Prophet, who ſpeaks like the Dragon, ſhall execute all their Power So
that the corrupted Church finding means to perform this upon thofe Barbarians
in a great meaſure Pagans, ſhall thereby perform obliquely ſome good Ser-
vice to the true Church, which will by the Propagacion of the corrupted
Church be a means to preſerve the Principles of the true Religion; and ſo aſlift
this Woman. And this we muſt needs already find true : Since out of the
Converſion of the Nations out of which this Flood was form'd, the Germans,
Saxons, Sweeds and others, to the Church of Rome, hath ariſen the reformed
Church, which preſerves the true Worſhip of God. For we muſt look upon
many of the Propheſies of this Revelation to have their Accompliſhment in a
ſucceſſive Progreſſion, beginning at the time and Circumſtances mention'd by
the Holy Ghoſt in their proper place, but tacitly underſtood to ſtretch, and
have their full Accompliſhment by the Execution of ſeveral other matters
more fully deſcribed afcerwards ; as this Flood by the matter of the next
Chapter.
A. verf. 17. Kai poign Açekany hi tñ zwanzi, ný á mñade moiñoes Tóasyon grele rão
2017ūv rô owigual autñs, And the Dragon was anger'd againſt the Woman, and went
to make War with the reſt of her Seed.] Seed here ſignifies the Sons of the true
(2) Paul. Diac. Lib. XIII.
(6) V. Herbelor. tit. Schehabeddin.
7A
Church

550
The Dragon's laſt War
Ch. XII. v. 18.
Church, thoſe that are myſtically begotten in Chrift. So in lfaiab 53. 10.
Seed is promiſed to the Meffias; that is, many Believers. See Pſal. 22, 22.
Hebr, 2. II, 14. Luke 8. 21. Theſe words of the Propheſy may be taken two
ways. The firſt is by explaining them with reſpea to the preſent Circum-
ftance, as if they were parallel to the Flood; or elſe with reſpect to what fol-
lows in the next Chapter. If we take them the firſt way, then we muſt ob-
ferve, that the Seed of the Woman was not wholly circumſcrib'd within the
Limits of the Roman Empire; ſhe had Seed elſewhere in Perfia, Arabia, and
the Indies. Indeed her chief Seat was in the Heavens of the Roman Empire;
and ſo the Dragon as here deſcrib'd was her chief Enemy. But the Dragon
as old Serpent was not wholly incloſed within that Empire, tho' his chief
Seat was there. He is buſy every where; not being able to compaſs his deſign
in that Empire, out of which his ſupream Power is expelld, he turns his Head
another way, to find work there. And ſo, tho' this Verſe be ſet here after the
Flood againſt the Woman; the Wrath of the Dragon being executed in many
places at once, he may be faid to perfecute the Seed of the Woman out of the
Empire, whilft he is perfecuting the Woman within it. And ſo this may ſignify
the Perſecution of the Chriſtian Religion out of the Roman Empire. In the
times of Conftantine the Great, Sapor or (a) Schabour King of Perſia perfecuted
the Chriſtians. Sozomen talks of fixteen thouſand Martyrs among them. (6)
Baharam, or Varanes, who reign'd in the times of Theodoſus the younger, did
likewiſe perſecute them. Tho' I will not abſolutely exclude this Expoſition,
yer I think the Holy Ghoſt hath a further View in theſe words; and that they
chiefly reſpect the following matters.
For the underſtanding of this obſerve, That the Dragon being alſo under-
ſtood here of the inviable Enemy ſtirring up all other Enemies of the true
Church, he includes the following Beaſt and its Falſe-Prophet. The Woman in
the Wilderneſs repreſents the inviſible part of the Church ; bus part of her Seed
remains to bear publick Teſtimony of Chriſt. The Devil turns his anger
againſt them. He cannot do it in his own former Name; but he gives his pow.
er to the following Beaſt, his firſt Head or Capital City and his Throne. He
inftigates a Falſe- Propher, who ſpeaks like him : Theſe make War with the
Saints, who have the Teſtimony of Jeſus, and keep his Commandments, and
flay them. Therefore the Dragon makes this laſt War. And thar War, and
its Miniſters, the Vicars or Succeffors of the Dragon, are all deſcribed in the
next Chapter. And by this the Dragon ſhews his anger againft the Woman
in deſtroying that Seed of her which appears againſt him and his Miniſters.
Β. Τών της οιων τας εντολάς τε θες, και έχονlων τίω μαρτυρίαν τε Ιησύ, Which keep
the Commandments of God, and have the Teſtimony of Jeſus.] That is as to the
firſt part of the words, " Who ſhew and approve themſelves the genuine Off-
" ſpring of the true Church by keeping the Commandments of God, who
& forbids us making and worſhipping Images, but bids us to worſhip, ſerve
" and pray to him” faith H. More very well. As to the latter part, the Ex-
preſſion implies a publick maintaining of the Faith of Chriſt againſt all Op-
poſition whatſoever, as the Prophets of old in Ifrael. And this is the conftant
ſenſe thereof in this Propheſy, which therefore calls that Teftimony by the
name of Propheſy and Spirit of Propheſy. So that the Dragon and his Miniſters,
not able to reach the Woman, that is, deſtroy the true Church, fall upon the viſi-
ble Members thereof.
A. verf. 18. Kai ésáin Bhi This appear tñs Sardarns, And he ſtood upon the land of the
Sea] We muſt leave here the Complutenfian, which hath isolus I ſtood, to
follow the Edition of Aldus, A. C. 1918. back'd by the Alexandrian MS. and
others, the Vulgate, the Syriac, (c) Tychonius, who hath Stetit, and the Arabick,
which puts the nominative Serpens, leaſt we ſhould miſtake : and this reading
is approv'd by Mede and (d) Dr. Mill and others. The whole Connexion of the
Vifion requires it, and the Symbolical Signification, as well as Decorum, make
a noble ſenſe as we ſhall ſee. The Decorum is, that the Dragon ftands upon
the Sea Shore, 'there to receive the Beait aſcending up out of the Sea, and to
deliver his Power, Capital and Throne to the Beaſt. The Signification of
(a) Herbelot in tit. Sozomen. H.E. Lib. II. cap. 8. &c.
(b) Herbelot cit. Baharam,
(c) Tychon. Hom. X. (d) Mill. Prolegom. in N. T. P: 129
the

Ch. XII. v. 18. The Dragon upon the Sand.
551
the Sand of the Sea may be conſidered two ways; either implicitely, as the
Sand of the Sea is the ſame as the Sea Shore; or elſe as it is an aggregate Bo-
dy of innumerable Individuals. Let us ſee what it may imply in the firſt ſenſe,
as the Sand of the shore of the Sea. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 43. explains
ic thus: Aiziande de rý moves, éraidov diol on umplerod, u Tois no 2.88CL olupices. Og zoee of
ένα μεγάλο χειμώνι γυόμδυοι, επαν ίδωσιν αιγιαλόν, έν ήδίσαις ελπίσι γίνονlαι σωθερίας. So
here the Dragon hath been fighting and labouring hard, being overcome and
thruſt out of Heaven: he makes new Attempts with a Flood, and fees the
Woman is help'd out. The Shore he ſtands yec upon gives him hopes ſtill, that
if he have fail'd in his own name, yet he ſhall have Succeffors, who will do
the fame Work. The Devil is content, if he may deftroy the Church any
way; his Malice againſt Men is ſtill effectual.
The ſecond ſenſe of the Sand is obvious, to fignify any great Multitude, or
indefinite number. So God promiſes to Abraham, that his Seed ſhall be with-
out number, under this Similicude, Genef. 22. 17. and Chap. 32. 12. and the
Similitude is oft'n uſed of Iſrael, as Kings 4. 20, and in general of any Multi-
rude, as in Genef. 41. 49. Iſaiah 10. 22. and Chap. 48.19. 7oh. 1 1. 4. I Sam. 13.
5. 2 Sam. 17. 11. Ferem. 15. 8. Hoſea 1. 10. the Similitude is us’d by Homer :
(α) Αίαν γαρ φύλλοισιν έoικότες, ή ψαμάθοισιν,
as alſo Callimachus : (6) όλι δε τρωγον επισημόλγων
"Ήγαγε κιμμερίων, ψαμάθω ίσον.
and the reaſon is to be found in Pindar:(c) into tépue egifuôn meginiodyey, becauſe
the Sand is to us innumerable. Hence Horace : (a) Numeroque carentis arene. So
Virgil ;'wort da
(e) Quem qui ſcire velit, Libyci velit æquoris idem
Diſcere, quam multe Zephyro turbentur arena.
Therefore in Euripides (f ) évesí Sunloe are the common People, which are of no
account, as he in Homer (g) Oror' żyapíduo, or as others ſay, as tõv tom@v;
one of the many. The meaning is therefore, that notwithſtanding the Foils of
the Dragon in the ſeveral Attempts mention'd before, he ſhall ſtand that is be
able to oppoſe the Members of the true Church, by means of the many Vo-
taries he hath among the Multitude of the common People, who tho' mean
were ſtill Idolaters, and in great numbers during theſe Irruptions, being as
Sand beaten upon the Shore by the Flood or Sea of thoſe Wars. Theſe are firſt
che old Idolaters ftill in vaſt numbers, the new Votaries out of the corrupted
Church, and laſtly the new Acquiſitions by the Irruprions of thoſe many Na-
tions, which came into the Roman Empire; a judicious Author having ob-
ſerv'd : (b) Morbus enim hujus fæculi ad Ethnicorum ſuperſtitiones facram Chrifti
religionem inflectere.
If any will contend for the common reading ésállu, I ſtood, it will not be
difficult to account for it too upon our Principles. For St. John being a Type
of the faithful, that is repreſenting thoſe of them who ſee the event of the
Propheſy, this will fignify, that the faithful during thoſe Irruptions ſhall have
hopes to ſee the Efforts of the Dragon in that Flood prove vain; and that tho
they have no more the viſible protection of the great Eagle, yet their Multi-
tudes ſhall be able to prevent the utter Extinction of the true Religion.
2.
(w) Homer. Iliad. B. Catal. v. 307.
(d) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 28.
Helen. 1695. idem Jon, v. 837.
nay in Myſter. Iniquit. p. 51.
(6) Callimach. Hymn, in Dian.
(e) Virgil. Georg. Lib. II.
(g) Homer. Iliad. 8. 228.
(c) Pind. Olymp
(f) Euripid
(b) Du Pleſſis Mor.
ocor
СНАР.

552
Chap. XIII. v.1.
The Beaft.
CHAP. XIII.
"K
Verf. 1.
Ai lidor éx rūs Jandan Ingioy dvacákvoy, And I ſaw a Beaft afcending
up out of the Sea.] We are now going to conſider the Dragon's
Succeffor, or the great Enemy of Chriſt during the ſecond Period, or corrupta
ted ſtate of the Church. This is che Beaſt which is before in Chap. 11. 7. laid
to afcend out of the bottomleſs Gulph, and to make war with the Witnelles : as we have
obſerved in that place; and therefore 'tis Contemporary with the propheſying
of the Witneſſes, and the abode of the Woman in the Wilderneſs, as alſo the
fhutting up of the Temple and other matters Contemporary to theſe. 'Tis
neceſſary likewiſe to obſerve that tho' the Dragon in the former Chapter is
defcrib'd under one ſingle Figure to expreſs all his Power, the Roman Em
perors being Pontifices Maximi, as well as Cæfars, yet in this Chapter this dra.
conical power, when ſurrendred, is divided into two, there being now ſuch
a ſtate in the Roman Empire, or Lands formerly belonging thereto, as that
there may be ſaid to be Imperium in Imperio, the Papal or Sacerdotal Hierarchy
being diftinct from the Civil Power. Let us come to the particulars.
B. 'Ex tñs Sandans, Out of the Sea.] The Sea fignifies a Multitude of Men
in Commotion or War. Therefore in Daniel's Viſion we find the four Winds
ftriving upon the great Sea, and out of it four great Beaſts ariſing, to ſignify
that four great Monarchies ſhould ariſe out of the Wars, which ſhould happen
in the World ; one of which bears the Characters of this Beaſt. But as it is
not my buſineſs to explain that Propheſy, I ſhall wave the conſideration of that
Compariſon, to ſtick cloſe to the matter in hand. We have left in the former
Chapter the Dragon ſtanding upon the Sand of the Sea after a Flood caft
up
by himſelf, and ſwallow'd by the Earth, to Thew the condition of Paganiſm
upon the vain Efforts of its Votaries to deſtroy the Church by an Irruption of
Barbarians into the Lands where the Church was ſettled ; fo that being as it
were wreck’d, he eſcaped nevertheleſs, and preſerv’d his Worſhip amongſt the
Multitude of the common People. Having therefore loft not only his pow-
er in thoſe Irruptions, but alſo all hopes to retrieve it, he is there ready to de-
liver it up to that Beaſt
, that ariſes after thoſe Commotions out of the Sea,
which repreſents them. We muſt therefore expect that the Beaſt ariſing out
of it muſt fignify thoſe Monarchies which aroſe out of the Ruins of the Ro-
man Empire, whoſe Power was devolved upon them ; which may be there-
fore callà Succeffors of the Dragon, by uniting themſelves to purſue the ſame
deſign as the Dragon, to perſecute the true Church under the fame Pre-
tences.
C. Ongiov, a Beaſt ] We ſhould turn it, a wild Beaſt, that we may expreſs the
true Signification of the Greek Word, and the nature of the Symbol; it being
certain, that this Beaſt is repreſented as partaking of the nature of the wild
eſt. A wild Beaſt is a proper Symbol to expreſs a tyrannical, ufurping Power;
that deſtroys it's Neighbours or Subjects, and preys upon all about it. So in
Ferem. 5. 6. Wherefore a Lion out of the Foreſt ſhall ſay them, and a Wolf of the
Evenings ſhall ſpoil them, &c. The Targum ſaith : Propterea rex cum exercitu ſuo
afcendet ſuper eos quafi Leo de Sylva, &c. taking thus thoſe Beaſts to fignify a Ty-
rane with his power. Again, Jerem 12. 9. Allemble all the Beaſts of the Field,
come to deviur; the Targum: Reges populorum & exercitus eorum venient contra eam,
ut diripiant eam. And this Symbol is not only fetch'd from the nature of wild
Beaſts, but alſo from the Threatnings of God againſt Iſrael, and the like pra-
&ice of the old Prophets. See Deut. 28. 26. Levit. 26. 6, 22. Iſaiah 13. 21,
22. Chap. 18. 6. Chap. 30. 6. Chap. 34. 14. in all which places the Prophet
uſes the Symbol to the ſame purpoſe. The Onirocriticks ſpeak to the like pur-
poſe in Chap. 217. Ei se do t cuíanos Inpiæ tuvi, 1 06, houdies ois vizes sx Spaway dung
što xpivslai' in Chap. 132. the Indian faith : 'Får de idin ti o wulos Ingia TIVI,
εχθρό καλαδελώσει εαυτο μεγίσω" αναλόγως τής] τα θηρία δuυάμεως και τα μεγέθους: the
Perſian and Egyptian in Chap. 232. Ei se idy To ivedúculo xárdoor Taštoy sughout on
% volan

Ch. XIII. vi.
553
The Beaſt.
εξεσίαν από εχθρών πονηρών και δικαιών· δια το κακέραν των θηρών 2ξ ών το χάσσιων the
word záadcov fignifies a Fur-Coat. Thus Euripides introduces Electra calling
Orefics and Pylades, Siñecas Žequgas, becauſe they came with a deſign to deftroy
Ægiftbus and Clytemneſtra. His words are ;
25?
Ολοίο κρύο το ω 'Απωλόμιο άξ', ώ φίλαι, κεκρυμμβίες
Somiota
engers Eepnges dulire ég egois la carn, dass
or ai este
In another place Bacchus, who had play'd many Pranks againſt Pentheus, when
he ſuffered himſelf to be taken tamely, is therefore callid (b) 'O sáp ngão.
Likewiſe Tully ſpeaking of M. Anthony : ) Hanc verò tetèrrimam belluam quis ferre
poteft, aut quomodo : But he hath a Story which explains the Symbol fully : (d)
Hannibalem, cum cepiſſet Saguntum, viſum eſſe in fomnis d fove in Deorum concilian
vocari: qua cum veniflet, Jovem imperaſe, ut Italie bellum inferret, ducemque ei unum
ex concilio datum : quo illum utentem, cum exercitu progredi cæpiſſe ; tum ei ducem
illum præcepille, ne reſpiceret ; illum autem id diutius facere non potuiſſe, elatumque
cupiditate refpexiſſe ; tum viſam belluam vaſtam, & immanem, circumplicatam fer-
pentibus, quacunque incederet, omnia arbuſta, virgulta, tečta pervertere ; & eum ad-
miratum quæfille de deo, quidnam illud eſſet tale monſtrum ; eo deum reſpondiſſe, va-
ftitatem elle Italia ; præcepißeque, ut pergeret protinus ; quid retro, atque a tergo fieret,
ne laboraret. Silius Italicus has deſcrib'd this Dream, but he makes it a Serpent,
not a Beajt. However it is the ſame in Signification. There is an Oftentum
reported by Pauſanias, which ſhews that a Wolf is the Symbol of an Ufarper,
as the Bull is that of a Prince of another kind. He ſaith, that when Danaus
an Egyptian, contended with Gelaner Son of Stkenelas about the Government of
Argos, one Morning a Wolf fell upon the Bull ac the Head of an Herd of Neat
before the Wall of the City. Then the Author goes on to explain it; (e)
Παρίς και δη τοϊς Αργείοις, τι Γελάνορα, Δαναόν δε ακέσαι το λύκω ότι άτε το
«θηρίον τοτο έσιν ανθρώποις σώρoφoν, έτε Δαναός σφίσιν ες εκείνο τε χρόγε" 'Επει δε τον
Teogov nasleipzcocelo e arro, dici orēto Aavads ége Tu ép xWAfterwards he ob-
ferves, that Danaus made a Monument, wherein a Wolf and a Bull fight, and
a Maid throws a Stone upon the Bull. This would make one think, that
Danaus being an Egyptian, and skilled in the Science of Symbols, rais'd this Mo-
nument to ſhew that Revolution, which turn’d to his advantage by the affift-
ance of ſome Woman, which ſupplanted the former Poffeffor; and that this
alſo might give occaſion to the Story of the Oftentum : either way works for
our purpoſe. I ſhall not need to add here other places of Authors, which com-
pare ill Men and Governors to ſavage Beaſts, as (f) Tully and (g) Arrians
but content myſelf, in order to ſhew the fitneſs of the Symbol, to obſerve
that it is not unuſual to compare a whole Nation to a Beaſt, which is our
Cafe ; and that is done by Horace who ſpeaks to the Roman People, (b) Bellua
multorum es capitum ; wherein he hath, according to the Obſervation of M.Dwier,
imitated Plato's Expreſſion, (i) Ingíov mxuxépanov, of the ſame import.
However, 'tis proper to obſerve, that Philo ſpeaking of theſe very Nations,
which we ſay compos'd this Beaſt, gives them the very Epichere of "Inercodésert
hva, brutiſh Nations, in a Paſſage (k) cited before. The Mahomet ans have
ſome Notion of this (1) Beaſt in the Revelation, calling it Dabbat or Dabab;
if that Beaſt ſpeak to a Man in a Dream, their Onirocriticks explain it as por-
tending Deftrudion to the Dreamer; an inſtance of which is to be ſeen in the
Hiſtory of the Chalife (m) Motavakkel. By all which we may ſee that this is
the Symbol of an Enemy to the Church, which will effect a very great De-
ſtruction, and be the cauſe of prodigious Evils T TO A onak
2 D. 'Aye Caivos, aſcending up.] This Expreſſion is not only of Decorum, for
whatſoever is ſeen coming out of the Sea upon the Earth, ſeems to aſcend,
but it alſo expreſſes the original of the Beaſt, which as it were grew up, and
exalted its ſelf from the Sea, or the Wars that aroſe in the Dominions of the
Dragon. Now to aſcend, and to grow, are the ſame, as ſhall be ſhewn by and
bi (+) Euripid. Oreſt. v. 1271.10 (6) Euripid. Bacch. v. 436.0. (C) M. T. Cic. Phil. 3:
(d) M. 1. Cic. de divin. Lib. I. compar. T. Liv. Hift. Lib. XXI. cap. 22. & Silii
Italic. Lib. III. (e) Pauſan. Argol. p. 61. (f) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. V. Ep. 16.
(g) Arrian. Epictet. Lib. II. cap. 9.00 (b) Horat. Lib. I. Ep. I.
(i) Vid. Platon, de
Rep. Lib. 1X. p.461. (k) V. Not: Chap. 9. 14 B.
(?) Herbelor.cic. Dabbat.
(w) Herbelot. tit. Motavakkel.
B
by

The Beaſt.
Ch. XIII. v. 1.
554
by. Beſides that, the word aſcending is proper to the origin of the Beaſt, when
we bring the ſymbolical meaning of the Sea into the confideration of the origin
of the Beaft; for to aſcend is a proper term for military Expeditions, as shall
be ſhewn hereafter on Chap. 20.9 A.
E. "Egov régale deres rý repeena's iela, having ten horns, and ſeven beads.] I like
this reading better than that which puts the Heads here before the Horns, theſe
being now the Symbols of the preſent power, as the Heads are of the former,
upon which the Horns are ſettled with Diadems. In general, Horn is the
Symbol of ſtrength, as in Pfal. 18. 2. The Lorde- is the born of my Salvation.
Hence we find this general rule in Suidas out of ſome ancient Father : (a)
Κέρας και έχυς παρα τη θεία γραφή, εκ μελαφοράς των ζώων των καθωπλισμέων τοϊς κέρασε,
και τέτοις άμεμβίων. and a little after : εοωρόν τι δηλοί και μόνιμον So in Hery-
chius, Swiequis is among the reſt fet to explain sépas, and ſo 'tis us'd in Horace :
(b) addis cornua pauperi; and again, (c) tollo cornua. So in Ovid: (d) Armenti
modo dux, vires in cornua fumo. Thus alſo in Claudian :
(e) Contudimus Tanain, vel cornua fregimus Iſtri.
But it is alſo ſpecially us’d to ſignify a Kingdom, as Hilary ſaith : Cornu (f ) regni
infigne eft. So Horn fignifies a Monarchy in Ferem. 43.25. The Horn of Moab
is cut off ; and his arm is broken: So in Zach. 1. 18. &c. the four Horns are the
four great Monarchies, which have each of them fubdued the Jews. The
Targum is clearly for it: Ecce quatuor regna: and again, ifta ſunt regna quæ diſ-
perſerunt. Thus in Pfal. 132. 18. we find : I will make the born of David to flouriſh;
the Targum faith : ibi faciam germinare regem gloriofum in domo Davidis. And ſo
the Indian Onirocritick in Chap. 83. ſaith : ’Edv tis idy ore c*pev sima Tonyduove aşık,
τράγα, ή ετέρε κερασφόρα ζώα, άρήσει τον πλέτoν πανlα ανθρώπε μεγιστάνα, ως έν αξιώματι
τα μας κέρατα τοϊς αξιώμασιν αναλογίζοναι. The reft of the Interpreters will turnith
Examples to the ſame intene in Chap. 238, 239, and 242. The Portentum of
Genucius Cippus, reported by (g) Ovid and (b) Valerius Max. proves the fame:
Namque in capite ejus ſubito veluti cornua emerſerunt : refponfumque eft, regem eum
fore, ſi in urbem revertiſſet, faith Valerius Maximus. In Statius we find this Omen:
Coil
(1)
--Acheloon utroque
Deformem cornu pagus infamabat Acarnan, 1951
Upon this La&tantius ſays: Quare cum nunc poeta ambo amiſille deſcribit, ut omen
diri belli tradi poſſit, quod utroque cornu Achelous truncatus videretur, quod fignum
periturorum germanorum certiſſimum fuit. That is of the two Brothers contend-
ing for Thebes. To conclude this proof; this appears by comparing two of che
Viſions of Daniel, wherein Horns are the ſame as Heads in effect, and explain'd
to fignify Kingdoms ; in Dan. 7. 6. the third Monarchy is repreſented as hav-
ing four Heads; and in Dar. 8. 8. the firſt Horn of the ſame Monarchy breaks
into four Horns, which in v. 20, 21, 22. is applied to the Grecian Monarchy,
and explain'd of four Kingdoms into which it was divided.
dain
Thus far this Beaſt is like the Dragon: for indeed it fucceeds him with all the
ſame power. From which 'tis plain, that this Beaſt ſignifies the Monarchies
ſettled upon the Lands formerly belonging to the Roman Empire : not barely
as Roman Empire, but as having uſurp'd its Dominions, and ſhar'd chem
among
themſelves. Neither muſt any one think this ſtrange, that this Beaſt being
quite different from the Dragon, the Holy Ghoſt nevertheleſs gives them the
fame Attributes. The Beaſt hath certainly the ſame Heads as the Dragon and
therefore all is right here; and if the Dragon be ſaid to have the ten Horns,
which only appear'd in force, when the Beaſt aroſe, we may obſerve, that it
is only to fhew their relation ; that is, that where the Dragon had at firſt ſeven
Heads with Diadems, there the power of thoſe Diadems ſhould be tranſmicted
to ten Horns. Eſpecially conſidering, that the Dragon not only repreſents
() Suid. in Voc. (6) Horat. Lib. III. Od. 21. (c) Horat. Epod. 6. (d) Ovid.
Metamorph. Lib. VIII. fin.
(e) Claudian de B. Getic. v. 603.
B. Hilar.
Pictav. in Pfal. 131. fin. vid. Eufeb Dem. Evangel. Lib. IV. p. 121.
(8) Ovid. Mera-
morph. Lib. XV. feb. 49.
(b) Val. Max. Lib. V. cap. 6. () Pap. Scar. Theb. Lib.
VII. v. 416.
soll
si godall the
99

Ch. XIII. v. 1.
The Beaſt.
555
the viſible Paganiſm, but alſo the inviſible power of the Prince of Darkneſs
therein ; which is alſo extended even to the times of this Beaft. Hence it is,
that afterwards, when the Holy Ghoſt expoſes the fate of the Capital in the
ſeventeenth Chapter, the Power of the Dragon and of this Beaſt is in one
Lump repreſented by the ſingle Symbol of a Beaſt with ſeven Heads and ten
Horns, as Daniel had done before. This variety of Symbols affords us means
ro conſider ſome Changes in that general Body, but binds us at the ſame time
to confider it as one general Enemy to Chriſt and his Church. As long as we
are able to ſew the reaſons of the Union on the one Hand, and thoſe of the
Diviſion on the other, all is well; without this we ſhould not be able to dif-
cover the mutual relation of the parts. And this is abſolutely ſuitable to the
fymbolical Character, which muſt repreſent an united Body of ſeparare
parts under one Symbol, and the nature of thoſe ſeparated parts by particular
Symbols joyn'd according to the Decorum of an Allegory to the principal Sym-
bol: and a Succeſſion muſt be expreſſed by different principal Symbols, buc
with ſuch principal Adjuncts as Thew their Concurrence and Relation, the
reft ſhewing the difference occaſion'd by the change in Succeffion of time. In
all which it remains that we muſt admire the wonderful contrivance of the Holy
Ghoſt, who therein thews his handy work. The reaſon of uſing one Symbol of
a ſingle Beaſt, buc fewing how many Monarchies it comprehends by other
Symbols added to that one,
is hinted at afterwards by the Holy Ghoſt, and from
that hinc explained in the Nore upon Chap. 17. 13 A.
F. Kai thi töv xagé Teo diuti denge diadhuizle, And upon its horns ten Diadems.] In
the Deſcription of the Dragon the Horns had been barely mention'd, and ſeem'd
co be as toothing Stones, to ſhew his relation to the Beaſt, whoſe Dominion
was to be built on the ſame ground. But here they are deſcrib'd with Diadems,
the Symbols of imperial Power, to ſhew that there had been a Revolucion of
Power from the Heads of the Dragon to the Horos, which now characterize
chis Beaſt, and diſtinguiſh it from the Dragon ; implying that the Power of the
Beaſt acts according to the diſtinction of the Horns, and not that of the
Heads. Herein therefore lies the difference between the Dragon and the Beaſt.
The Dragon had che Diadems upon his Heads, and the Beaſt hath them upon
his Horns. So the Dragon had ſeven and the Beaſt ten, according to the num-
ber of the Horns. How the Dragon had ſeven Heads with Diadems, hath
been touched upon already, and ſhall be alſo further conſidered afterwards when
we come to ſpeak of Babylon in the ſeventeenth Chapter. Here we muſt ſhew,
how this Beaſt has ten Diadems upon its ten Horns; or which is equivalent,
how the Roman Empire was divided into ten Kingdoms upon its Diffolution :
for that is undoubtedly the chief point aim'd at by the Holy Ghoſt in deſcrib-
ing this Succeffor of the Dragon. Since that time there have happen'd many
Revolutions in theſe Monarchies. We ſhall therefore lay down the Scheme of
Mede firſt, which ſhews how they ſtood about the Year 456. and after that
thoſe of ſome others, the moſt worthy of our notice.
mote cobro
od mestomprobsbevis villages is by
of solimon to do to B 16 rodant
Va A suods 2 tongo zielony sou do soisett is Kingdoms
18 bida
UV di 15 pola39 20 vainnová baug

556
Ch. XIII. v. 1
The Beaſt.
Kingdoms.
Dominions.
Princes.
Obſervations.
Vortimer.
I. Britons, In Britain,
| II. Saxons,
In Britain,
Hengift. - The Kingdom of the
Ijl. Franks,
In Gallia Belg. after-Childerich. Rurgundians was ſub-
swe
wards in Celtica,
dued by the Franks,
blodis bas
A. 526. but to fill up
Side
the number of ten at
IV. Burgundians, In Gallia Sequan. & Gunderich.
the fame time the K.
Lugdun.
of the Oſtrogoths was
divided into two by
V. Wiſigoths,
In Aquitain and part Theodoric.
the Lombards com-
trail of Spain.
ing into Pannonia,
ſeizing on't and leava
IV. Sueves, Alans In Galicia, Portugal. Riciarius ing Italy to them.
VII. Vandals
In Spain and Africa. Genferich.
This Kingdom became
one with part of that
VIII. Almains
In Germ. or Rhætia, Sumanus.
of the Heruli, 475.
horto
during their ſhort
IX. Oftrogoths In Pannonia and af- Theodemir
reign in Italy, that is
ter in Italy.
about 16 Years.
159
ngiroled
X. Greeks In the Reſidue of Marcianus. By this we may ſee how
1
the Roman Empire, 0900
the whole eaſtern Em-
to being that which
pire by the Diſſolution
the Byzantin Cæſarsa
of the whole, became
OOOH kept out of the
only the Aéngalov rös
Plunder: and ſo ist Órews, the tenth part of
slodas no but parc of the bodo
the City, Revel. 11. 13:
moguda duse Diviſion.
The City in that place
an os gabi na Brisbat being caken for all its
srbsia
Territories. odsto
fra
Tur
Mr.Whiſton approves of this Scheme, ſaving that inſtead of the Almains he
puts the Romans under Avitus till Auguftulus : but the ſhort time of the Almains,
and their little Dominions, which lerv'd him for a reaſon to exclude them,
make as much againſt thoſe Romans and their Phantaſm of an Empire, which
was always precarious, and laſted only about twenty Years:
The Rev. Dr. Allix having pitch'd upon a lower Epocha chan Mede, viz. A:
486. when the Weſtern Empire was abſolutely taken from the Romans, gives
therefore a Scheme ſomewhat different from both.
1. Alemanni in Rhætia e Pannonia.
2. Franci in Belgica.
3. Anglo-Saxones in Britannia.
4. Wiſigothi in Gallia Aquitann. & Hiſpania Tarraconenfi.
5. Suevi & Alani in Luſitania.
6. Vandali in Africa.
7. Burgundiones in Gallia Seguanenſi
.
8. Oſtrogothi in Pannonia, do poſtea in Italia.
9. Longobardi in Pannonia.
10. Heruli & Turcilingi qui Auguftulum vicerunt.
Afterwards all theſe were variouſly divided either by Conqueſt or Inheritance.
However, as if that number of ten had been fatal in the Roman Dominions, it
hath been taken notice of upon particular occaſions. As about A. 1240. by
Eberard Biſhop of Saltsburg in the Diet at Ratisbon. His words are ; (a) Reges
(a) Eberard. Salisburg apud Aventin. ex Catalog. Teft. Lib. XVI.
decem

Ch. XIII. v. I.
The Beaft.
557
decem pariter exiftunt, qui orbem terrie, Romanum quondam Imperium, non ad regendim,
ſed ad conſumendum partiti ſunt. Decem cornna, id quod D. Aurelio Auguſtino in-
credibile vifum eft, Turci, Grieci, Ægypti, Afri, Hifpani, Galli
, Angli, Germani,
Siculi, Itali
, Romanas provincias poflident, Romanofque in his excidêre colonos. AC
the time of the Reformation when the Beaſt and Falſe-Prophét ſeem'd to re-
ceive a fatal Blow, they were alſo ten. I. Italy and Germany. II. Francea
III. Spain. IV. England with Ireland. V. Scotland. VI. Hungary. VII. Poland with
Lithuania. VIII. Denmark, with Sweden and Norway, for Sweden was divided
from the reſt by Guftavus Erickſon, at which time the Reformation was alſo in-
troduced therein. IX. Portugal. X. The Grecian Empire devolved upon the
Ottomans, when the terith part of the City fell. So it was divided into ten in a
manner, firſt and laſt : But we need not to heed much the after Diviſions, be-
cauſe according to the Dire&tion of the Angel, in Revel. 17. 12. we muſt only
take notice of thoſe ten Kings, which receive their Kingdom at the ſame boar
with the Beaſt. So that the Holy Ghoft only takes notice of that number in
the origin of the Beaſt, when it receivd the Inſtructions of the Falſe Prophet,
to introduce Idolatry and tyrannize over the Saints. And the ſame thing will
appear by comparing with this chat Viſion of the King of Babylon about the
Image, whoſe Toes being of Iron and Clay, ſome of them ſhould ſtand, others
be deſtroy'd; Dan. 2. 34. 42. even before the Stone cut out of the Mountain
without hands had broken them all to pieces. Thus much for che Event.
1. It may be ask'd here, why the Holy Ghoft did not make uſe of the Sym-
bol of Heads upon this Beaſt to denote the ten Monarchies of which it is
compos’d, as it had done to denote the ſeven Capitals of the Dragon. To
which I anſwer, that this may have happen'd for ſeveral reaſons, ſuch as theſe ;
Firſt, becauſe Heads was an improper Symbol to the matter in hand: the Beaft
not minding ſo much to exert its power by the way of regular Magiſtrates in
Capital Cities, as by the Sword, or its ſtrength of Arms, whereof the Horns
are Symbols, becauſe ſuch Beaſts as have Horns, make uſe of them as their
Arms. Secondly, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt deſigning to ſhew the mutual Rela-
tian and Succeſſion of the Beaſt to the Dragon, was obliged to repreſent both
the ſeven and the ten Monarchies in both, in the firſt ſeven preſent and teri
fucure, in the latter ſeven paſt and ten preſene; it was not ſo natural to ſhew
ſeven Heads and ten Heads upon the ſame, or feven Horns, and ten Horns
upon the latter, as ſeven Heads and ten Horns upon both, with a proper Di-
ftinction on each to determine the intent of the Holy Ghoft. Thirdly, becaufe
we ſhall find that tho' the Beaſt poffefſes the ſeven Heads of the Dragon, and
the Blaſphemy which they formerly had, nevertheleſs it takes no ſuch care of
the Diſtinction, but devolves all the power together upon that one or forft Head,
which it receives from the Dragon.
II. We are to obſerve likewiſe the Alluſion to the Fates of the Moſaical Church,
as we did before on the account of the ſeven Heads, ſo now on that of the ten
Horns. Ifrael in the ſecond Period, or after the full Settlement of its Worſhip,
became corrupted by being mixt with the ten idolatrous Nations whoſe Works
they learned. By the Idolatry of theſe creeping in, the true worſhip of God
was neglected, and the Prophets or Zealots of the true were perfecuted; being
either flain or driven to fly. Now theſe Nations were juſt ten in number,
being indeed from the Stock of the Canaanites. The Sons of Canaan, in Geneſ
.
10. 16. are indeed ſaid to be eleven : but Sidon there nam'd was never conquerd:
and in the Promiſe made to Abraham the Promiſe is only that ten ſhall be dif-
poffefs'd of their Lands to be divided among the Iſraelites, Genef. 15. 18. &c.
for tho' in that place the LXX. according to the Vatican MSS. name
eleven, yet other Copies follow the Hebrew: and (a) Bochart obſerves,
that the Evase are the ſame as the Cadmonæi, having this name becauſe they
dwelt in the Eaſtern parts. In keeping thus to the Atrict number of ten we
have Philo to back us ; for he ſays; (b) Tèv avlår det rgókov rý ’ABeacje origammal
τη σορό, έτε πλειόνων, έτε ελατόνων, αλλ' αυτό μόνον δέκα έθνών απώλειας και παντελή φθόραν
εργάζες, και των των αναιρεθέντων χώρους δώσων τοϊς έργοις αυτέ, πιλαχε διεκάδο και προς
i metryoy, strpos fózono rj argès soubw, xj Trgòs XÓRAGI nelaxeños dingsby. See alto Irengus
Lib. I. cap. 15.
(m) Bochart: Phaleg. cap: 36. Lib. IV.
P: 2998
(6) Philo Jud. Lib. de iis quæ conduc. ad do&trict.
II. There

558
Chap. XIII. v. 2
The Beaſt.
III. There are ſome Interpreters both old and new, who think that this numa
ber of the Horns is not a preciſe number of ten, but let down to denote a great
number of Monarchies, more or leſs; for which they have ſome countenance
from thoſe places of holy Writ, where it is ſo taken, as we have (hewn elle-
where. See Note on Chap. 2. 10. C. So Radulphus Klaviacenfis : (a) Decem reges,
omnes bos, in quos Romanum Imperium jam divifum videmus, intellige. Quia enim
noceſſe non erat, ut certus eorum numerus exprimeretur, pluralitas tantum per denarium
defignata eſt. Durham is alſo of this Opinion. But for all that, upon conſidera-
tion of the management of the Holy Ghoſt in all thoſe places where theſe ten
Horns are mention'd, and the exactneſs of the Event, I cannot think, that the
Holy Ghoſt deſign’d otherwiſe, but to ſhew an exact and preciſe number. And
cho' in Hiſtory ſome more Nations appear to have made Incroachments on the
Roman Empire, yet, either thoſe were ſo inconſiderable in themſelves, or elſe
thofe Nations were part of the great Incroachers. So that the Holy Ghoſt
makes no account of them. And this is the Caſe of the ſeven Thunders and
ſeven Heads. Theſe Fragments, if any ſuch there be, are not fufficient to
break the Symmetry and Perfection of the numbers Seven and ten; eſpecially
in a Propheſy ſo full of fymbolical numbers and Cabaliſtick Notions, ſo that
we ſtick to the former account. Thus in the Type of the Church deſcrib'd in
the Viſions of Hermas, twelve Mountains are ſaid to repreſent ſo many Nations
which inhabit all the World, whatever number there might be of them, to
whom the Goſpel has been preachd, becauſe that very number is ſacred and
myſterious in the Chriſtian Church, anſwering to the number of the Apoftles.
(6) Hi duodecim montes quos vides, duodecim Junt gentes quæ totum obtinent orbem.
Prædicatus eft ergo in eis filius dei, per eos quos ipfe ad illos mifit
.
G. Kad bi ma's repara's autã óvóruce lee Creoengui cos, And upon its head the names of
Blaſphemy.] That is, makes uſe of its power to eſtabliſh the Blaſphemy of Ido-
latry in all the places of its Juriſdiction : or elſe preſerves and maintains the
Idolatry or Blaſphemy which had been ſettled therein whilſt thoſe Dominions
were under the power of the Dragon. It ſeems that the Heads having loft
their Diadems, which are now plac'd upon the Horns, have nevertheleſs ac-
quir’d, or at leaſt retain'd the names of Blaſphemy which they formerly had.
But what is the reaſon, that theſe Heads when they were with the Dragon are
not ſaid to have theſe names of Blaſphemy? Becauſe the Dragon as ſuch is
always accounted God's Enemy; the Symbol implies it, being the old Serpent;
but this Beaſt with its Falſe-Prophet pretends to worſhip the true God, and to
ſet forward his Religion, and to have Horns like the Lamb, whilſt at the ſame
time it is idolatrous and perſecutes the Saints. It was neceſſary therefore, that
this ſhould be expreft by its felf.
Delov
The names ſignify the Eſſence of the things, or the qualities of the Perſons
to whom they are given. As the Holy Prieſt
had on the Plate of bis Fore-head
the name of God, to ſhew that he was conſecrated to him ; ſo the names of
Blaſphemy fignify, that all the Heads ſhall blaſpheme: and as Heads fignify
Capital Cities, and imply their Territories ; ſo this fignifies, that they ſhall ex-
tend their Blaſphemy into all the Lands of their Juriſdiction. As this Beaſt is
the ſame in effect as that deſcrib'd by the Prophet Daniel ; ſo theſe names of
Blaſphemy allude, and fignify the ſame as what is ſaid about the Beaſt, in Dan.
7. 8. that it had a Mouth Speaking great things, which in v.35. is explain'd by,
Speaking great words againſt the mojt high; and Mall wear out the Saints of the most
high. And this Allufion we ſhall find confirm'd ſoon after in the 5th and 6th
Verſes of this Chapter, where this Expreſſion ſhall be conſider'd, as alſo the
meaning of ſpeaking great things is explain'd in our Note on Chap. 18. 23 B.
Theſe names of Blaſphemy therefore ſignify, that the Monarchs and Powers ſhall
blaſpheme God and oblige their Subjects to do the ſame. The Heads indeed
have loſt their Diadems, which they had when under the Dragon, but not the
Pride and Idolatry, which they had before. The ſame Pretenſions are ftill re--
tain'd; and fuch Capitals as keep any Power do ftill inforce it upon
their
Territories.
(a) Rad. Flaviac. in Levit. Lib. XVIII. cap. I, p. 270,
Sim. 9.9.17
(6) Hermæ Paftor Lib. III.
Blaſphemy

Chap. XIII. v. 1.
559
The Beaſt.
che Emperors, who manag'd its power. The Poet Martial affords us
Blaſphemy or Idolatry implies two things, which are inſeparable: firft the
ferring up of Gods or Objects of Worſhip, and a truſting in their Protection
according to Men’s Intentions; and ſecondly a defying of the true God and
his power, as if he were not worthy to be worſhipped alone, or incapable to
affiſt Men fufficiently, nor to puniſh them for their Oppoſition to them, and
by conſequence an Oppoſition to his Saints, who both practice and preach;
that God alone is to be worſhipped : and thus Tyranny over the Conſciences
of Men is inſeparable from Idolatry, I ſay therefore, that the Roman, or Roman
Catholick, whether Latin or Greek Monarchies, have kept up the Pretenſions of
the Heads of the Dragon, and have imitated them in their tyranny and falſe
Worſhip. To prove it we muſt ſhew firſt the Blaſphemy, according to the
aforeſaid Deſcription of Rome the Capital of the Dragon, which the reſt of
the Heads did imitate in proportion to their Abilities over their proper Subjects.
The Dragon was at the height of his Pride under the Roman Emperors, and
particularly under the Reign of Domitian, when St. John wrote his Propheſy.
The blaſphemous Titles are fometimes given to Rome its ſelf, and ſometimes to
inſtances
of that blafphemous Pride in both.
Rosolie tatt
(a) Terrarum dea, gentiumque Roma,
Swiss Cui par eft nibil, ebu nihil fecundum. GHI
i 1979 sods svo dim aw 599n cew
And of the Emperor Domitian the ſame faith: T dsiw buwonost da 915w
bidow si non stow airs 28 o noso lo smuo 10 anire
(b) io Edi&tum Domini, Deique noftrisi sesaldoornis
His Soto Growlis voch tiduopoloos vd bas
Now leaſt one ſhould think, that this is only Flattery, Suetonius tells us that
Domitian had commanded, that they ſhould ſpeak of him after thac mắnner,
(c) Dominus & Deus nofter fic fieri jubet
. Neither was this a new thing: for
Teniples had even in the times of Auguſtus been dedicated to him: Hence Virgil
ſpeaking of him: Stor gutes in To mis 29 30$TSIS
Hoidorot Hot
baix sums oras paid and how
a rigor (d) I O Melibee, deus nobis hæc otia fecit. 933 vloo D
And Horaceaes (e) Preſenti tibi maturos largimur honores zonu novoplssslw ni
to adiaba : Jurandaſque tuum per numen ponimus aras. o dood is
- bris, 1990%
So fome MSS. tead, inſtead of nomen; for númen was generally attributed to
the Emperors; and us’d in their very Laws: (f) Capitationis modum beneficio
noftri numinis ſublevandum. By the Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory we know that Men
commonly ſware by the name and genius of the Emperors and offerd Incenſe
to them on Altars. Hence ferom faith very well: (g) Secundum Apocalypſin
Fobannis in fronte purpuratæ meretricis ſcriptum eft nomen blafphemiæ, id eft, ROMA
ÆTERŃ A. Æterna cum dicitur, quæ temporalis eft, nomen eft blafphemia.
Thus alſo Auſonius ſpeaks :
(1) Urbis ab æternæ dedutam rege Quirino onom
Annorum feriem.
And ſo it is called in ſome Inſcriptions. Fulius Frontinus : (i) Regina & Domina
orbis, que terrarum dea gentiumque conftitit. Accordingly there are Coins in
which is found, Poblen Joa. And ſo the Smyrneans boaſt in (k) Tacitus, that they
were the firſt who built a Temple to the Goddeſs Rome, and by that obtain's
the Privilege of having a Temple built to Auguftus in their City. And ſo had
the Alabandenſes, as Livy reports : (1) Alabandenſes Templum urbis Romæ fe feciſſe
commemoraverunt, ludoſque anniverſarios ei divæ inftituiſſe. Nay, (m) Herod him-
() Martial Lib. XII. Epigr. 8. (6) Martial Lib. V. Epigr. 8. © Sueton. Domic.
cap. 13. (d) Virgil. Eclog: 1. (e) Horat. Lib. II. Ep. I
c) Codic.
Lib. I. ţicul, 2. de Sacrof. Ecclef.
(8) Hieronym. ad Algaf.Quæft. I. (6) Aufon.
Epigr. III. vid. Epigr. 1. & 2.& Æthici Coſmogr. fin. & Symmach. Lib. III. Epiſt. 55. Ammian:
Marcellin, Lib. XIV. Lib. XV. & Lib. XVI, &C. (1) Jul, Frontin. de Aquæduct (k) Tacir.
Annal. Lib. IV. (1) Livii Hift. Lib. XLIII. (m) Jofeph. Archäolog. Lib. XV. cage
13. & de B. Jud. Lib. 1. cap. 16.
felf,

560
The Beaſt.
Ch. XIII. v.2.
atsina
ſelf, who ſhould have underſtood better things, yet to flatter Cæſar and the Re-
mans,
built a Temple at Cæfarea to Cæfar ; in which he rear'd two Statues,
one of Rome, and the other to Cæfar: both very great. This Goddeſs had
Incenſe offer'd, and bloody Sacrifices. Prudentius :
Colitur nam ſanguine ipfa
290 m
More deæ, nomenque loci ceu numen habetur :
Atque Urbis Veneriſque pari ſe culmine tokunt
Í'empla, fimul geminis adolentur thura Deabus.
The Poet Claudian alſo tells us where it ſtood at Rome its ſelf, in a place where
he makes the Princes to come and pray to her.
(a) Conveniunt ad tecta ded, què candida lucent
Monte Palatino
?
Prudentius alſo tells us, that ſhe was receiv'd into Heaven as a God:
Exaudi Regina tui pulcherrima mundi
Inter Sidereos Roma recepta polos.
Hence in Atheneus it is calld (b) éparéntas Polen, Rome the Celeſtial City. If
there was need, we might prove that all the great Cities in the Roman Empire
were thus honour'd with Temples made to them, or which is the ſame, to the
Genius or Fortune of each City. But if this were not true it would be ſuffi
cient to obſerve, that they were all idolatrous, which needs not be prov'd,
and by conſequence that they all wore upon their Heads names of Blaſphemy.
Now we ſay, that the Roman Catholicks, or corrupted Chriſtians, have re-
ceiv'd or improv'd this pretence, and are guilty of the like Blaſphemy. To
make this out, we muti obferve, that all the Enemies of Chriſt, during the
ſecond Period, tho' all purſuing one Deſign, yet are repreſented under two
different Types, the one of this Beaft fignifying the Temporal Power of the
World, but being at the ſame time a kind of paſſive and bruciſh force, which
acts only at the Inſtigation of another, and that is the Falſe-Prophet. So thar
in whatſoever the Falſe-Prophet blaſphemes or tyrannizes, in as much as this
Beaſt both protects and affifts that Prophet, and does what he adviſes, the Beaft
it ſelf becomes guilty thereof. Becauſe it maintains it by its Power, and com-
pels all People to conform themſelves to it. Therefore the Temporal Powers,
which uphold the corrupced Clergy, are alſo guilty of the Blaſphemies, Tyran-
ny and Follies of that Clergy. And to prove the Blaſphemies of the Beaft,
we ſhall only need to prove that of the Clergy. And we ſhould do it here,
but that we find we ſhall have occaſion to do it more fully at the ſixth Verſe,
becauſe there we have more ſpecial Hints thereof,
A. verf. 2. Kai ro Sugier à Sov, lis uolom wepo dam, wil of Röd'es us es mp3l«,
Tò sów.ce n'uti ais sóun 160-16, And the Beaſt which I ſaw, was like a Leopard, and its
Feet as of a Bear, and its Mouth as the Month of a Lion.] This Beaſt, which, as
learned Men own, is partly the ſame as the fourth in Daniel, Chap. 7. having
no name, hath in its Characters ſomething taken out of each of the three firſt
in that Prophet; but the order is inverted. The Body of it in general is like
a Leopard, which is the third : ſecondly it hath che Feet of a Bear, which is
taken from the ſecond: Thirdly, it hath the mouth of a Lyon, which is
taken from the firſt. This may lignify two things : firft, either that this Beaſt
in St. John is compounded of the three firſt in Daniel, to fignify that it had rais'd
its ſelf out of the Ruins of the three ; which is true, as Hiftory may make it
out, and we ſhall ſay enough elſewhere to prove it, in our Note on Chap. 17.
ş C. or elſe, that this Beat hath alone all the ill qualities and miſchievous In-
ftruments of all thofe three together; and by this ſhould anſwer very well to
the Character of that fourth Beaft, dreadful, terrible and ſtrong exceedingly,
having iron Teeth, devouring and breaking in pieces, and ftamping the reſidue
under its Feet. As indeed the mouth of the Lion correſponds with the iron
(a) Claudian, de Laud. Scilichon. Lib. II. vid. de 6. Cof. Hon. V. 428.
Lib. I. cap. 17.
(5) Athen,
Teeth

Chap. XIII. v. 2.
The Beaſt.
561
Teeth, and the Feet of the Bear co the ſtamping the reſidue with its Feet, be-
cauſe the Feer of the Bear are its chief ſtrength. But after all che main Sym-
bol is the Leopard, the whole Beaſt being reſembled to him. But of each of
there in their order.
B. "Cuorov za déres, like a Leopard.] This Leopard, as a Symbol, is usd in the
Prophets upon the account of three qualities : Cruelty, Swiftneſs and Variety of
the skin. His Cruelty, in Iſaiah 11. 6. Jerem, s. 6. where the Targum cited in
part before ſays : Propterea Rex cum exercitu ſuo afcendet ſúper eos quafi Leo de
Sylva, & occident eos populi qui fortes funt ficut Lupi veſpertini, deprædabuntur
eos dominatores qui robuſti ſunt ficut Pardus, infidiantes civitatibus eorum : quicunque
egredietur ex illis, interficietur, &c. ſee alſo Hoſea, 13. 7. the Swiftneſs, in Habak.
1. 8. their horſes alſo are ſwifter than the Leopards: the variety of the skin, in Jerem.
13. 23: Can the Æthiopian change his Skin, or the Leopard bis Spots ? Since there-
fore the Holy Ghoſt hath not pitch'd upon any one of theſe qualities of the
Libbard, as theſe Prophets have done, we muſt conclude, that they are all to
be applied to this Beaſt, and by confequence to thoſe whom it repreſents. Firft
then che Cruelty of the Libbard is very remarkable. Oppian ſays : (a) Mogdanicay
gli özglov, and (b) omges brorugod, and again, (c)äysia Sungle dūrae ; for which rea-
fon the mad Followers of Bacchus are by that Poet feign'd to be chang'd into
Libbards. Hence the Perſian and Egyptian Interpreters, in Chap. 272. ſay:
• Ta'ldo es éx gève Scientov zpívelai, the Libbard is interpreted of an implacable
Enemy. The bleſſed Martyr Ignatius compares his Keepers, who were the worſe
for being kindly treated, to Leopards : (d) 'Amo' gupics végse Pobuns Singroue xã, dicen
goñs rj Sandans, vuxiès reg vizeápas, érde seus G Serge de one's fols, ð ési spalolinèy teáyua, oi siy
ευεργετέμενοι χείρες γίνοναι
Now if we could run through the Hiſtory of the Irruptions of the Barbarians
into the Roman Empire, in which they ſettled the Monarchies aforeſaid, we ſhould
find, that there never was ſo cruel a Government as theirs. The Reader is
defir'd to call to mind what we have ſaid upon the firſt four Trumpets : for
they diſcover to us the origin and firſt Ads of this Beaft. But as this is a lafting
Symbol, we ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak of this cruelty afterwards from other
hints of the Holy Ghoft. Secondly, the Swiftneſs of the Libbard is obſervable.
Oppian ſays:
(Ο 'Ωκυταλον θία, και τ'άλκιμον θυς ορέει, олар
Φαιης δππότ' ίσοιο διερίω φορέσθαι.
With Speed it runs, and ruſhes on with might, wollte
You'd ſay that in the Air it takes a Flight. to find
Whereupon Ritterhufius obſerves that it will overtake thrice or ofe'ner the ſwift-
eft Horſe, tho' it draws back after the firſt or ſecond overtaking. Hence
the ſame Poet gives them the Epithece of (f ) gooi. And Lucan: (8)
Quam per ſumma rapit celerem venabula Pardum.
Martial, (b) Et volucrem longo porrexit vulnere Pardum,
And for that reaſon Claudian gives the Leopards the Epithete of (1) Fulminei
.
(k) Euſtathius and (1) Baſil the Great take notice of this Swiftneſs. And there-
fore this (m) Symbol in Daniel expreſſes very well the ſpeed of the Conqueſts of
Alexander the Great in Perfia and the Indies which were perform'd in ten Years
time or twelve, his way being unsèv ávalamósfuo, never delaying. Thus Johan-
nes Malela ſpeaks of him: (n) Kai sus, cis neiedenis
, ex eiser og uhoas o 'A régardec,
άμα τοϊς σιν αυτό πρατήρις, παρέλαβε πάσας τας χώρας. The Conquefits of the Bar-
barians were likewiſe very ſwift : for in about fifty Years ſpace the whole Maſs
of that huge Body was broken in pieces. And in twenty Years more the
very ſhadow of a Roman Emperor was gone out of the weſtern Empire.
(a) Oppian. Cyn. Lib, III. v. 83. (6) Oppian. Cyn. Lib. IV. v. 232. (c) Oppian
Lib. IV. v. 311.
(d) Ignat. Ep. ad Rom.
(e) Oppian. Cyn. Lib. Ill v. 76.
(f) Oppian. ibid. v. 130. (8) Lucan. Pharf. Lib. VI. (b) Mart. Spectac. Ep. 15.
(i) Claudian. de Conf. M. Theod. v. 302. (k) Euſtach. Hexaem. p. 35.
(1) Baſil
(m) Vid. G. J. Voff. de Idol. Lib. III.6. 62,
() Joh. Malel
Lib. VIII
Laftly
Hom. 9.
2 D

562
The Beaſt.
Ch. XIII. v. 2.
Is
Laitly the variety of the ſpots in the Libbard's skin is to be noted, for which
cauſe the Roman cal!d it ( a) Var:a; and therefore Oppian ſaith : (b)Pryds Sardunk
and Tuxuño Miheldvoefenen inwals, which ifidorus deſcribes thus : () Beftia eft hæc
minutis orbiculis Superpięta, ita ut oculatis ex fulvo circulis, nigra vel alba diſtinguatur
varietate. Therefore Oppian compares the dappled Horſes to the Leopards:
(α) Το δ' άρ' & τρεχάλoισι περίδρομα δαιδάλλονται
Σφραγίσιν πυκινησιν ομοίϊα πορδαλίσσι. .
as Dos
As this variety of the ſpots repreſented in Daniel thoſe various Nations by whoſe
help Alexander the Great overcame the Perſians: ſo undoubtedly it repreſents here
very well the various Nations out of which came thoſe who ruin'd, and ſettled
themſelves in the Roman Empire. Tychonius ; (e) Pardo propter varietatem gentium
Similavit
. Urſo propter malitiam eu vefaniam. Leoni propter virtutem corporis &
lingua (uperbiem. Et quia temporibus Antichrifti, cum veritate (leg. varietate) gen-
tium populorum regnum illius erit commixtum. Pedes tanquam Urſi, duces ejus, Os
ejus, juffio ejus. So Ansbertus: Quia enim ex diverfis gentibus hoc corpus extruitur,
recte Pardo ſimilis vocatur,
C. Kai di médes áuti wis d'exile, And its feet as of a bear ] This is a complicated
Symbol, for we muſt take not only notice of the Bear in general, but alſo
particularly the Feet. A Bear according to the Perfian Interpreter, in Chapa
274. fignifies a rich, powerful, and fool-hardy Enemy o d'ex16 eis ex gede
aabotov, rj Sewe-làn xỳ dvev menyumpày xgivelser. Again : si se ishin te lépcen er spécs Qulis,
Só púou avározav trôtov šero cucopis nej napois éxogé. Ovid was ſenſible of this ſpecial
quality of the Bear, when he ſaid :
(f) Fædus Lucanis provolvitur Urſus ab antris,
Quid niſi pondus iners, ſtolidæque ferocia mentis.
But Oppian ſeems to be of another Opinion : for he ſays,
() "Aguļo d'ággeddes, pórior solo esorbcinoy.
Pliny ſeems to reconcile this by an Oxymoron : (b) Nec alteri animalium in maleficio
ftultitia folertior. I know that ſome read, in malitia aftutia folertior, which would
make Pliny to ſide with Oppian, but I ſhall follow here the method of Criticks,
who follow thoſe readings which make for their preſent purpoſe. To ſay no
Beaſt of Prey is ſo crafty as the Bear, ſeems to infer that one hath never heard
of a Fox, Hyæna or Crocotta. In general all ſuch as prey are crafty about it ;
but a Bear at the very firſt ſight makes but a dull appearance. Thus Eußbatbius
at the ſame time as he calls it (i) ataon, crafty, adds that it is beavy of Body,
Bapêce todo aquele, pondus iners. After all the Compariſon of Solomon, Prov. 17. 12.
ſeems to countenance the Opinion of the Bears dulneſs and fooliſhneſs. See
Ansbertus.
By this Symbol Daniel repreſents Cyrus and the Perſian Monarchy. If we
conſider the mean Education of Cyrus himſelf among the Perſians, and what a
Iuftick unpoliſh'd Nation they were at firſt, they are very well compar'd to a
Bear. The Bear is (k) Smey taupéyos, a greedy Animal, as well as filly and fool-
hardy. Cyrus underſtood their blind fide when he (1) invited them to hard la-
bour firſt, and then a great Banquet, asking them which they liked beft. And
their Poſterity took the advantage of that profer, and made the Character
good, as we may learn from the Poet Ariſtophanes :
(m) Oi Gdębapor zee'ę dvd gas izowūtas cores
Tès mais d'usarifies relapayciv xj Tiniyo
(c) IGD.
(m) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VIII. cap. 17. (6) Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. III. v. 74.
Origin. Lib. XII. cap. 2. comp. Artem. Lib. II. C. 12. (d) Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. I. v. 323.
(e) Tychon. Hom. X. (f) Ovid. Halieut.
(8) Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. III. v. 139.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VIII. cap. 36. (i) Euſtath. in Hexaem. p. 35.
(k) Gror. ex
Ariſtot.
(1) Herodot. Lib. I. c. 125.
(m) Ariftoph. Acham. vid. Platon, de
Legib. Lib. I. p. 515. Ælian. Var. Hift. Lib. V. cap. I. &c. Xenoph. Cyropæd. Lib. VIII. Horat.
Lib. I. Od. 38. Strab. Geogr. Lib. XV. p. 734•
DATESSE

Ch. XIII. V. 2.
563
The Beaſt.
Darius Son of Hyſt afpes order'd this Elogium to be put upon his Monument :
(α) Ήδεια μία και διναν πει εν πόλω και τέτον φέρουν καλώς.
Thus Cyrus the younger when he wrote to the Lacedemonians to fhew them that
he deſerved to reign better than his Brother, amongſt other good commenda-
tions that he gave himſelf, this was one, that he could bear well a great quantity of
Wine; (b) ij qegov xarabos Todwie xp czlow. Pliny faith of the Parthians of his time;
(C) Gloriam kâc virtute Parthi quærunt. That is, in drinking.
Lucan:
(d) Epulis veſana meroque
Regia.
1.
And therefore Vonones was ſlighted becauſe of his deſpiſing that way of Junqueta
ing ; (e) faftuque erga patrias epulas. To this very Day the (f) ſmall Rem-
nant of that Nation keeps up the ſame Humour, contrary to that of the
Eaſtern Nations, who are very ſober. The Barbarians
, who came upon the
Roman Empire, were all of Nations famous for theſe very things, viz. the
Scythians and Germans. The Scythians were always accounted great Drinkers and
Gluttons, from them came the proverbial ſaying of oxudiler and Condients,
and the Ognirin ápusis of () Callimachus, and (b) Horace. So Tacitus deſcribes the
Germans of his time as us'd to great Banquets; in which they even conſulted
about the Affairs of their State: that it was no ſhame to drink Night and Day.
In ſhort he ſays of them : Gens non aſtuta, nec callida, which being the Character
of all thoſe Nations, which invaded the Roman Empire, makes up what is con-
tain' in the Symbol of a Bear, according to the Perſian Interpreter. To prove
this Character to the full, would require a long Deduction of particulars out
of the Hiſtories of chofe Nations: but the learned World is fufficiently inform'd
of their Ignorance. They are known to have been the Introducers of a bar-
barous Ignorance, which hath perſiſted long in all their Dominions Nay,
they were profeſſed Enemies to Learning; as if Learning were inconſiſtent
with their Notion of Nobleneſs. See Procopius de B. Goth. Lib. I. cap. 2.
But the Holy Ghoſt takes notice chiefly of the Feet of the Bear. Right;
for the Feet of the Bear are his beft Arms, with which he fights, either ſtriking
or imbracing his Antagoniſt, to ſqueeze him to death, or to trample him under
Foot, Statius faich:
(i) Prælia villoſis ineunt complexibus Urſi.
Iſidorus : (k) Urforum caput invalidum : vis maxima in brachiis & in lumbis. Unde
interdum ere&ti infiftunt. 'Which words ſeem to be taken out of Solinus ; the
ſtrength cherefore of this Beaſt is ſhewn in trampling under foot all the Roman
Subjects; that is, reducing them to a miſerable Servitude. The Feet ſymboli-
cally repreſent the Followers of the King or Prince; duces ejus, as Tychonius
obſerv'd; the Romans muſt therefore become ſubject to Foreigners. Hence it
was that the Natives were excluded from their Armies, and for the moſt part
from civil Offices. They reduc'd at firſt all their Conqueſts to miſerable Po-
verty, by plundering, and ufing all kinds of Torments to excort a Diſcovery
of hidden Treaſures. In this the Goths and Vandais fignaliz'd themſelves in
Macedonia, Illyricum, Italy, Sicily, Spain and Africa.
D. Kei Tè sbuce áurias sópice aéo 16, And its mouth as the mouth of a Lyon.] A
Symbol fignifying a good thing may by ſome Adjunct be determined to ſignify
a very miſchievous one; as in this Caſe. The Lyon is the Symbol of a good
King, fear'd and reſpected by his Subjects, as even Chriſt himſelf in this Pro-
phely, Chap. 5. 5. but if you add roaring thereto, it may be a Symbol for the
Devil himſelf, as in 1 Pet. 5. 8. thus the Mouth and Teeth of the Lyon are always
taken for Symbols of Miſchief, 1 Sam. 17.35. Amos 3. 12. Dan. 6. 22. Pſal 22.
21. 2 Tim. 4: 17. Hebr. 11. 33. See alſo Jerem. 16. 4. and Chap. 30. 16. Chap.
7. 33. in Dan. 7. 4. the Beaſt mention’d there is compared to a Lioneſs ; for the
(a) Athen. Dipnof. Lib. X cap. 9. (6) Plur. Sympof. Lib. I. cap. 4. & in Vit. Arcaxerx. fol.
305. (c) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XIV. cap. 22. (d) Lucan. Lib. VIII. (e) T cir.
Annal. Lib. II. cap. I. (f) Tavernier's Perf. Tr. Lib. IV.chap 8. (8) Vid. Achen,
Lib. X. cap. 12.
(6) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 26. (i) Pap. Stac. Theb. Lib. VI. v. 866.
(k) Ilidor. Origin. Lib. XII. cap. 2, Ex Solin. Polyhift: cap: 29.
Chaldes

564
The Beaſt.
Chap. XIII. v. 2.
ſtood;
Chaidee hath, i'ls, which the Vulgate turns by Leana : for indeed the Lionifs
is a proper Symbol of great cruelry. Artemidorus, Lib. II. cap. 12. determines it
thus : Λέαινα δε τα αυλα των λέoνι σημαίνει, πλίω ήταν και τας ωφελείας σημαίνεστα και τας
Crelas dunsa, Æſchylus introduces Caſsandra predi&ing, that the ſhould be
murder'd by a Lioneſs, which is Clyt æmneftra :
hormos bongo
dia 2
o bovinisten
(α) Αύτη δίπες λέαινα συγκριμωμένη
mi je
Λύκω, λέον1G δωες απεσία
det
Κερέ με τίω τάλαιναν
Where you ſee the Poet takes the Lion in good part ; ſo (b) Euripides compares
Medea to a Lioneſs, for having ſlain her two Sons : The Lion is ſeldom us'd in ill
part, but when his Mouth or Rapacity is in view, as in Samſon's Riddle, Fudg.
14. 4,18. Hence Petronius : (c) In Leone cataphaga naſcuntur, & imperioſt. So
Horece Bacchus
chang’d into a Lion, ſays he was (d) Horribilis
malâ ; that is, as the Commentator explains it, Maxillå metuendus. So that
theſe two laſt Symbols fignify a miſerable Deſtruction by Plunder, deach and
fervitude to them that are obnoxious to ſuch Beaſts.
Ε. Και έδωκεν αυτώ ο δράκων των διώαμιν αυτέ, και τον θρόνον αυτ8, και εξεσίαν μεγάλω,
And the Dragon gave it his power, and his Throne, and a great authority.] This is an
Induction of Particulars to fhew, that the Dragon furrendred up to the Beaſt
all its Royalcies, or the ſeveral parts of his Power. Auswurs is oft'n taken for the
Armies, the Throne is the Imperial Seat or Power of Government, and his Au-
thority is the Juriſdi&ion over all the Subje&ts
. The terms are eaſily under-
and that this fignifies, that the Beatt ſucceeded in the ſame Power as
the Dragon; that is, that the Roman Empire was divided into the ten Monarchies
of the Beaſt. But let us ſee the Alluſion of the Holy Ghoſt in this, as we have
done before as to the Dragon's Heads and the Beaſt's Horns. To make it our,
we muſt call to mind ſome things already obſerv'd about the two Periods of
the Moſaical and Chriſtian Diſpenſation compar'd together. The ſecond is
the corrupted State in both after the Settlement perform’d in the firſt Period.
That is, the Corruption introduced after the building of Solomon's Temple, and
the like Corruption introduced into our Oeconomy fince Conſtantine's Reigni.
Solomon the firſt builder of the Temple was alſo the firſt Corruprer, upon whoſe
account the Nation was divided, and ſo funk more and more into Idolatry. So
that all the Corruption and ſubſequent Miſery of the Iſraelites receiv'd its begin-
ning in his Days, 1 Kings II. 11, 31. But you will ſay, what is this to our
Dragon ? Yes ſurely, for this fame Solomon who firſt corrupted that Church,
and became as it were a Beaſt to it, receiv'd and augmented his power by the
help of the Egyptian Dragon. Firſt he married the Daughter of Pharaob: by
that Marriage he ſtruck up a League with that Dragon ; with his Daughter he
had the Town of Gezer, and obtain'd a great number of Horſes, ſuch as never
was known nor neceſſary to the Iſraelites. He levied Tributes of Men and
Money upon his Subjects, and to humour his (e) Wives built them Temples
to worſhip their Gods; wherein he joyn’d with them. Now all this was againſt
the expreſs Law of Moſes laid down in Deut. 17. 16, 17. And as if this was not
enough to ſhew, that the Corruption of lfrael proceeded from their Alliance
with the Egyptian Dragon, did not the King of Egypt maintain and aſſiſt yen
roboam the Son of Nebat till by his Rebellion and Schiſm, and the Idolatry of
his golden Calves, he had brought the ten Tribes quire off the true worſhip of
God? By which we ſee, that the warlike power of thoſe Kings came at firſt
from the Egyptian Dragon, by which the ſtate of the Iſraelites began to be cor-
rupted, as the Dragon or firſt Enemy of the Chriſtian Church turns over his
power to the Beaſt, which is to corrupt the ſtate of ir, or ſo corrupred to keep
it in that condition. Tho' ſuch Allufions do not ſquare in every minute part,
yet 'tis ſufficient if they agree in the main : we muſt not expect, that chey
ſhould agree beyond the main Intention of the Allufion.
There is one thing more to be obſerv'd, that the Dragon is ſaid to give his
power to the Beaſt; whereas it appears, that the Barbarians, who diſmembred
the Empire, did enter by force : but this is not material, for a ſurrender of
(m) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 1267.
Satyr. in Cæna Trimalch.
(6) Euripid. Med. v. 1407.
(d) Horac. Lib. II. Od. 19.
(0) Petron. Arbit:
(e) Vid. Jerem. 44. 9.
power

Ch.XIII. V.2.
The Beat.
565
power is the giving of thac power. Bue beſides that, the Romans did not barely
ſurrender their power, but gave it for the moſt part by Treacy to choſe Barbaa
rians under the name of Alliance. Thus the Gorbs were Allies of the Romans,
and had many Conceſſions from them: As we may learn of (a) Procopius
and (b) Fornandes
. So were the Britons and Burgundians, as we find in the latter.
Wallia King of the Goths obtain'd ſome part of siquitania from Conftantine the
Emperor, as the ſame Fornandes ſays in his Annals: Aëtims gave part of the
Gauls to Merovæus King of the Franks. Africa was granted to the Vandals for
a time, which they turn'd into a firm Poffeffion by ſeizing the City of Carthage
by Treachery, as Paulus Diaconus and Caſſiodorus report. It is alſo well known,
that che Britons, being forſaken of the Romans, and craving help of them,
were anſwer's, That they muſt look to themſelves, by which chofe Dominions
were left to the Britons, and to ſuch as could ſeize on them. But then further,
as this Beaſt is a perennial Symbol repreſenting thoſe Monarchies and their
Succeffors during the time determin'd, ſo we may conclude, that as they all ac
laſt concurr'd in one deſign to affect the Ticles and Prerogatives of the Romans,
and ſer up a Falſe Prophet, whoſe Directions they all follow'd, and whoſe
power is deriv'd from the Dragon and his Capital ; it is plain, that they may
be accounted Succeffors to whom the Spiritual as well as Temporal and viſible
Dragon hath willingly ſurrendred his Dominions.
A. verf. 3. Kai pul av er tão reçuaõv evri cosed to paguérlw eis Jelvoilov, And one of
its Heads as it were wounded to death.] This reading is found in the Alex MSS.
and others, Irenæus, Primaſius, the Oriental Verſions; and Medc fufpe&s it was
noc originally in the Vulgate ; according to which this one or firft Head is one
of the Particulars deliver'd up by the Dragon to the Beaſt. But if you admit the
word Edor before piav, 'tis the ſame in ſenſe, the Heads being deliver'd up with
che reſt of the Royalties, with this particular difference that one or the firſt of
them was wounded mortally at the time of the Delivery; but if you reject the
Adev, this may alſo imply, that tho' the Dragon did yield up this Head when
thus wounded, yet ic was with a deſign to have it continued ſtill in the times of
the Beaſt as one or the firſt of the Heads. To explain this we muſt remember
what we have ſaid concerning the Heads of the Dragon. Five were paſt and
gone as to the Supremacy in St. John's Time, as the Angel explains ic in the
ſeventeenth Chapter. One was, and the ſeventh was to come as yet, and to
hold out for a while : Thoſe two ftanding Heads were Rome and Byzantium.
So then whecher we underſtand this one Head in general as a Cardinal number,
or the firſt and Principal, as if uía one, were an Ordinal, this one or firſt Head
or Capital City is the City of Rome, which, when the Beaſt receiv'd was
wounded with a mortal Wound, being upon theſe Revolutions oft'n taken and
fack'd. The intent of the Holy Ghoſt is here to few us that the Capital of
the Dragon ſhould indeed ſuffer great Revolutions and Convulſions, being
near the point of being utterly deſtroy'd; but that nevertheleſs it ſhould rea
cover to become again the Capital of the Dominions of thoſe Princes who fuc-
ceeded to the Roman Emperors. So that the inviſible Dragon hath by the divine
Permiſſion made good the Opinion of the Pagans, that Rom. ſhould be the
Head of Nations, which was portended by the (c) Head found in digging for
the Foundation of the Capitol; and by the very name of the City which an-
ciently was called (d) Cephalos.
The Expreſſion as toon pelou muſt be taken here, as in Chap. 5.6. in the Pre-
terpluperfect Tenſe; that is, the Head which had been wounded before the
Beaſt had it in full Poffeffion. The Wound which was in a manner mortal to
Rome was that which Alarich gave it: There are fatal Words of St. Jerome
to that purpoſe. He ſays in one place ; (e) Poft quam verò clariſſimum terrarum
omnium Lumen extin&tum eft, immò Romani imperii truncatum caput, eu ut verius
dicam, in una urbe totus orbis interiit. Again, (f) Urbis inclyta a Romani imperii
caput uno haufta eft incendio
. Again: (g) fuccedit in Pontificatum vir inſignis Anaftafius,
quem diù Roma habere non meruit, ne orbis caput fub tali Epiſcopo truncaretur. Add
(a) Procop. de Bell. Goth. Lib. I. cap. 1.
Vi&. in V. Tarquin. ſuperb. T. Livii Hift. Lib. I.
(6) Jornand.de R. Get.
(d) Feftus V. Roma.
ronym. Proæm. in Ezek. ad Euftoch.
(f) Hieronym ad Gaudenc.
in Epitaph. Marcellæ.
(c) Aurel.
(e) Hie
6) Hieronym
2 E
to

566
The Beaſt.
Ch. XIII. v. 3.
to this the words of Martianus Capella. (a} Dehincque ipſa caput gentium Roma
armis, viris, facriſque quandiù viguit cæliferis laudibus conferenda. Theſe words
ſeem to be written upon the fame account, when Rome was fallen from its
Power. If this be true, chat Author muſt not be equal to Apuleius, as (6)
Meibomius thought, but much lower in age.
There is but one thing more to be ſhewn in this place, and that is, how the
Dragon deliver'd up this Head or Capital to the Beaft. Bue this is eaſily done,
by calling to mind the Hiſtory of the death of Valentinian, as it is reported by
Hiſtorians, and particularly by (c) Euagrius. For Eudoxia the Wife of that
Valentinian being forc'd to admit the Imbraces of Maximus the Tyrant, her Hus-
band's Murderer, invited Genferich King of the Vandals out of Africa to come
and revenge his death, and then delivered up the City of Rome to him. After
this the genuine Romans could never keep Poſſeſſion of that Capital, nor re-
ſtore their power; ſo that it came to nothing. And yet if this, for reaſons
to be hinted afterwards, be not thought a proper ſurrender of this Head, it
will be found, that the Emperor Zeno made a very formal Gift thereof to Theo
dorich King of the Goths, whom he ſent to take Poffeffion thereof. But he gave
then a thing out of his power. What is moſt to be heeded in this caſe is how
the Romans themſelves counted the times in which they loft Rome. Now (d)
Procopius and (e) Euagrius after him obferve, that Beliſarius took it again
in December, in the eleventh Year of the Reign of Juftinian, and fixty Years
after it had been taken. By which it is evident, that they did not account
Rome loft by the ſeizure of it by Genferich, but from that of Odoacer.
This Circumſtance of the ſurrendring of the Capital of the Dragon to the
Beaſt, and by conſequence of the Throne mention' in the former Note, that
is the imperial Seat, is to be carefully obſerv'd, becauſe from that time we may
reaſonably ſuppoſe that the Beaſt was in a ſufficient Poſſeſſion of the Power of
the Dragon: and that therefore its Reign muſt be dated from that Epocha.
Now this will produce another advantage: that ſince the Holy Ghoſt hath no
where very particularly mark'd out any circumſtance of the end of that reign
or tyranny in perfecuting the Saints, we may look upon the utter Deſtruction
of that Capital as a neceffary Adjunct thereof: Tho' it may be that the Beaſt,
as ſuch, may ſtill ſurvive its Capital, taking ſhelter in ſome abftrufe Corners.
However, from the date of that Fall we ſhall find which was the ſurrender
chiefly intended by the Holy Ghoft, ſince we find that more than one was made
thereof. Of which however we may be ſure, ſeeing it was done more than once.
B. Kai ji mingine zi Sovete duti e Separd'In, And its deadly wound was healed.]
This Expreſſion ſhews that the Holy Ghoſt did mean to ſignify, that when the
Dragon was forc'd to deliver up his Capital, yet it was with a Deſign, and it
muft accordingly be ſo that this ſhould afterwards become the Capital of the
Beaſt. And therefore here we have occaſion to ſhew how Rome, tho it had
receiv'd a mortal Blow as to its power, did however recover it. The Symbol
is an eaſy Metaphor to be explain'd by the Compariſon of the body Politick to
the Animal, whoſe Life fubliſts when the whole is in order, or may be taken
away by a Wound, which being a Solution of the contiguous parts, if it be
given in ſome part very neceffary to the Preſervation of Life, by making it un-
fit to act with the reſt, the Breach of that Correſpondence puts the whole
Animal in danger to loſe its Life. Healing is the Reftitution of the affected
parts to the Offices which they perform'd before.
I ſhall give Inſtances of both theſe Metaphors, and that too without going
further than one ſingle Oration of Tully. He faith in one place : (f) Quorum,
per deos immortales, fi nondum ſcelera vulneraque inuſt a reipublicæ vultis recordari, vul-
tum, atque inceſſum animis intueamini. Again : Ac, ſi in exponendis vulneribus illis,
de me ipſo plura dicere videbor, ignoſcite. Nam & illam meam cladem vos, & omnes
boni maximum efle reipublicæ vulnus judicaftis. Again: Nam fi obnuntiaſſet Fabricio
is prætor, qui ſe ſervaſſe de coelo dixerat; accepiſſet reſpublica plagam, ſed eam, quam ac-
ceptam gemere pollet. Si interceſſit collega Fabricio,lefilet rempublicam, ſed rempublicam jure
læſillet. The Metaphor of the healing is found in the following : Mibi autem shoc
(a) Mart. Capel. Lib. VI. (6) M. Meibom. Præf. in Ariſtid. Quintilian. (c) Euagri
Hift. Ecclef. Lib.II. cap. 7. Vid. Procop. de B. Vand. Lib. I. cap. 4. (d) Procop. de Bell.
Goch. Lib. I. cap. 14.
(e) Euagr. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. IV. cap. 18. (f) M. T.
Cic. Orat. pro. P. Sextio.
prom

Ch. XIII. v. 3.
567
The Beaſt.
propofitum eſt oftendere, omnia confilia P. Sextii, mentem que totius tribunatus hanc fuiſſe, et
afflicte, te perdita reipublicæ quantum pollet, mederetur. Again, Et cohortari auſus eft
accufator in bac caufa vosjudices,ut aliquando efletis ſeveri,aliquando medicinam adhiberetis
reipublicæ. Non eft ea medicina, csm Janæ parti corporis ſcalpellum adhibetur, atque in-
tegre : carnificina eſt ifta, & crudelitas. Hi medentur reipublicæ, qui exſecant peftema
aliquam, tanquam ſtrumam civitatis. "Tis alſo found in Ferem. 51. 8. 9. Babylon
is (uddenly fallen and deſtroyed: (the Hebrew pun) in the LXX. swetgíСn, bruiſed:)
howl for her, take balm for her pain, if ſo be ſhe may be healed. We would have
bealed Babylon, but ſhe is not healed. See allo Jerem. 8. 22, and Chap. 46. II.
Thus as to live is to act, to die is to ceaſe from acting; to be flain by a mortal
Wound is to loſe the power of acting, therefore to be healed of a mortal Wound
is to recover the power loft.
The Event is, that the power which Rome had loſt, being the Head of the
Dragon, by the Incurfions and Sackings of the Barbarians, it regain'd when the
Bealt was ſetled. This was perform'd by the Biſhop thereof, who when (a)
Ravenna was made the Seat of the Emperor Valentinian the ſecond, wherein he
was follow'd by Theodorich the Goth, ſtruggled with the Biſhop of Ravenna for
the Priority, and gain'd it firſt of the Emperor Fuftinian. Phocas ſetled the
Primacy, but Pepin and Charles the Great having given the Popes a temporal
Dominion, they ſoon found a way to make their Seat the Capital of all the
Dominions of their ſpiritual Power, and by the Principle of in ordine ad, of the
Civil Power of the Beaſt Thus its deadly Wound was healed. The means
were ſet on foot in the very times of the Settlement of the Beaſt: about the
Year 450. Pope Leo ſet on foot the pretence of St. Peter's Chair, by which he
makes the City of Rome to become the Capital of the World. His Words are
clear ; they are in one of his Sermons upon St. Peter and St. Paul's Day : (0)
Ifti funt, qui te ad hanc gloriam provexerunt, ut gens ſancta, populus ele&tus, civitas
facerdotalis regia, per ſacram beati Petri ſedem caput orbis effecta, latiùs præfideres
religione divina, quam dominatione terrena. See the reſt, and the next Sermon,
where he pretends to eſtabliſh that right of St. Peter devolv'd upon Rome. Which
being purſued by his Succeffors, hath really made once again Rome à mighty,
Capital. Proſper hath exactly follow'd his Notion :
(c) Sedes Roma Petri qua paftoralis honoris
Fa&ta caput Móndi, quidquid non poſſidet armis
Religione tenet,
Nay, the Popiſh Authors themſelves afford us Arguments and Conceſſions to
that purpoſe; for being pinch'd with a Propheſy in St. Paul, 2 Theſſal. 2. and
the primitive Tradition thereupon that (d) Antichriſt ſhould not come till the
Roman Empire was deſtroy'd, they contend that it ſtill remains in the Pope. So
faith Thomas Aquinas on that place; (e) Sed quomodo eft hoc, quia jam diù gentes
receſſerunt d Romano imperio, & tamen necdum venis Antichriftus ? Dicendum eft quod
nondum ceſlavit, fed eji commutatum de temporali in ſpirituale, ut dicit Leo Papa in fer-
mone de Apoſtolis, &c. The Progreſs of this is ſhewn by (f) others.
C. Kad i Jevnadey oan i zi óciow tê Ingés, And all the earth wondred after the
Beaft.) That is, ſubmitted to the Government of the Beaſt : the word Savuela
is here taken as in 7ude 16. Jeupé Cortes ngóócone doerdas xeoty, and in Deut. 10.
17. Levit. 19. 15. Fob 22. 8. Prov, 18. 5. Iſaiah 61. 6. hence from xu3 which
is Savudlen comes Nivo a Prince and nnt Excellency, ſo that Savudley is to
make Courtſhip to, fawn, flatter and ſubmit to, lift up, excol and honour.
And by that Obſervation we may underſtand the word Jaup.codlivas, 2 Theff. 1. 10.
which implies that Chrift ſhall be honoured and worſhipped. Thus in Iſaiah 52.
$. the word "wo, in the LXX. Saupáſete
, is explain'd by others with thoſe
words which ſignify Dominion and Subjection. That Notion of the word is
alſo found in profane Authors. So in Euripides :
(a) Vid. Molinae. de Monarch. P. Rom. cap. 23.
(6) Leon. Pap. in Nat. Ap. Per. &
Paul. Serm. I.
(c) Proſper. de Ingrat. (d) Tertullian. Apol. cap. 32. Joh. Chryfoft.
in Loc. & Auguſt. de c, dei Lib. XX. cap. 19. Hieronym. ad Algas. Queft. 11. Lactant. Inſtitut. Lib.
VII. cap. 25. (e) Thom. Aquin, Com. in Epift. Paul. ad 2 Ep. Theff. cap. 2. Le&t. 2.
(f) Du Pleſſis Myſter. Iniquitat. Molinæi de Mon. Temp. Bons. Rom. cap. 23, 24, 25, 26.
(a) SION,
568
Ch. XIII. v.3.
The Beaſt.

(α) Δέσποινα, δώ να αντί σε θαυμάζομαδω.
Aagain, (b) Savuto Geòr, I worſhip the God. alſo, (c) TEJYNXÓTAS Savudley, to
honour the deed. This Expreſſion of Ilocrates is very proper to be applied in this
place : (a) Ούτω και τον έν μοναρχία κατοικώντα, τον βασιλέα προσήκει θαυμάζειν, in
Ariftophanes, (c ) 27 Jauncil AV TL TÒV Sed cougaon, to preſent the Maſter with ſomething.
A little before, tipar xj Saupelw are ſynonymous See Caſaubon on (f) Theopbra-
Stess : In the Latin Authors mirari, torpere, and ftupere are caken in this Senfe.
Virgil; (g) llum admiraniur & omnes circumftant, ſpeaking of the King-Bee.
See Horace Lib. IV. Od. 14. Epod. 3. Lib. 2. Satyr. 7. v. 95. fo mirator in Lib.
I. Sat. 2. V. 37. is the ſame as amator. Valerianus : (b) Virum quem ego præ cæteris
Stepee
. Tacitus: (1) admiratione præfunt. Now the whole Expreſſion is to be un-
derſtood thus: £90,611.0.0 ev õan vi gn nog bezoru oniow tš Ingix, as the Expreſſion im-
plies. See Matth. 16. 24. Mar. 8. 34. Luke 21. 8. and eſpecially, 7oh. 12. 19.
all the World is game after him, once d’ulf, that is, ſubmits to him, is of his Party,
honours and owns him as a King and Propher. The Holy Ghoft faith all the
earth, but the Saints refuſe, and are therefore flain. This ſhews that the Earth
is oppos’d to the Saints, and ſince Submiſſion is commanded in Holy Scriptures
towards Princes in all lawful things, this Admiration muſt imply a conſent to
Idolatry.
D. Και προσεκύησιν του Δράκονλι, τα δεδωκότι το εξεσί αν το θηρίο, And worlhipped
the Dragon, which had given power to the Beast.] The Dragon being here as be-
fore, a Symbol of a double Capacity, repreſenting the inviſible Enemy of
Chriſt, as well as his viſible Miniſters Enemies to his true Church, and by con-
ſequence to Chriſt himſelf, this Worſhip may be underſtood two ways ; either
as a religious Worſhip given to the Devil, or a civil Worſhip to the Roman Em-
pire.
By this ’ris plain, that the Dragon, notwithſtanding his Foils and Loſs,
gains a jus poftliminii, a Reftitution of his former ſtate, at leaſt as to the eſſen-
tial parts thereof. Yet this Reftitution is of ſuch a nature as not to take off the
power which the Beaſt hath. The Alluſion to be found by comparing the Fate
of Iſrael to the Chriſtian Church, is very eaſy : The Iſraelites, who under Solo-
mon, and Jeroboam, had made Alliance with the Egyptian Dragon, and receiv'd
aſſiſtance from him, by the ſame way learn'd his Religion, and did him the
Homage to imbrace it. Compare lJaiah 30. 2. Chap. 31. 1. Jerem. 2. 36.
with Ezek. 16. 26. Chap. 23. 3, 8, 19, 20, 21. (k) M. Jurien thinks, that in
Egypt Jeroboam learn'd his Ídolatry of the Golden Calves. If ſo, 'cis eaſy to
conceive, how the Iſraelites worſhipp'd the Dragon.
But now to come to the Event: The Roman Dragon or Devil, which was
worſhipped in that Empire, is alſo worſhipp'd or obey'd by the Inhabitants of
the Earth, during the times of the Beaſt his Succeffor two ways, politically
and religiouſly. Politically, becauſe they have ſubmitted to the Beaſt, which
has eſtabliſh'd its Dominion in imitation of the Dragon. Religiouſly, becauſe
the Beaſt and it's Falſe-Prophet have ſet up a religious Worſhip of the ſame
idolatrous nature as the Dragon's was. Nay, the Falſe Prophet hath made the
idolatrous worſhip, or his Religion, the means to fubdue all the Subjects of the
Beaſt to acknowledge the wounded Capital of the Dragon now recover'd as
their ſupream Capital. The firft is manifeft, and confeſsd by Romih Authors.
Auguſtin Steuchus Biſhop of Eugubium, Bibliothecary to the Pope, ſays: (1) “ After
6. the Deſtruction of the Roman Empire, which happen'd through the baſeneſs
os of the Lives of their Emperors, if God had not reſtor'd the Papacy, in which
" the Roman Majeſty was renew'd, it ſhould have happend that Rome having
never recover'd, had never been habicable, or had become a vile Srable for
“ Beaſts and Hogs. But in the Papacy is renew'd, if not the greatneſs of the
e ancient Empire, at leaſt ſurely a form of Government not much unlike
" that whereby all the Nations did formerly obey the Emperors”. M. Jurien
() Euripid. Medæa v. 1144,
(6) Euripid Æolo.
(c) Euripid. Hecub. v.
330.
(d) Iſocr. ad. Dæmon.
le) Ariftoph. Nebul.
(f) Caſaub, in
The ph. Charact. p. 156.
(g) Virg. Georg. Lib. IV.
(b) Epiſt. ad Gall in
Ire ell. Poll. de Poll. de Poftumio. (i) Tacit. de morib. Germ. cap. 7.
(1) Hiftor.
of Worſh. and opin. Part 3.
(1) Aug Steuch. Eugub. de Donas. Conftantin apud
Molinæum.
quotes

Chap. XIII. v. 5.
569
The Beaft.
quotes to the ſame purpoſe Blondus in his Roma reftaurata, Lipfius in his Preface
to his Book de Magnitudine Romana. And the Authors cited in the laſt Nore buc
one ſerve to the fame Intent.
As for the religious Worſhip of the Dragon by the Subjects of the Beaſt, it
appears in the abſolute Conformity and Subſtitution of the preſent Romifh
Worſhip to the ancient Pagan. This perfect (a) Conformity hach been made
out very plain. Firſt, becauſe the ancient Romans and the new Roman Ca-
tholicks have the ſame Objects of Worſhip and Ceremonies. Both had and
have theſe five ſorts of Objects. Firſt, a ſupream God; Secondly, Angels or
inferior Gods; Thirdly, Human Souls canoniz'd or deifi’d; Fourchly, Relicks
and Monuments of dead Men; Fifchly, Images. Secondly, the Céremonies
of the Dragon's Religion are us’d in the Religion of the corrupted Chriſtians
the Subjects of the Beaſt: ſo that in ſubmitting to the Beaſt therein they alſo
worſhip the Dragon. Holy Water hath ſucceeded che Aqua luftrales; the Pa-
tron Saints to the Lares and Penates ; Canonization to the Apotheoſes; the Pope
to the Supream Pontiff, the Cardinals, Monks and Nuns anſwer to the Flamines,
Aruſpices, augures and Veſtales; the Altars to che like Pagan Altars ; the burning
Lamps to the immortal Fires in the Temples ; Proceſſions to the Pomps;
Shrines to the Chariots of the Gods; Rogations to the Ambarvalia ; Carnaval co
the Bacchanalia ; and many ſuch other things of the like nacure. And thac
which is more ſurprizing, the very Idols and their Appurtenances, worſhipp'd
in the time of the Dragon's reign, have been worſhipp'd by the Subjects of the
Beaſt. At Rome and other places the very Idols and Temples of the Heathens,
by only changing the name, have been usd in the corrupted Church. Thus at
Rome the Statue of Jupiter Capitolinus is become a St. Peter, by changing only
the Thunder-bolt into two Keys: At Bourdeaux an old Statue of Jupiter on an
Eagle, became a Chriſt aſcending into Heaven. Is not this plainly to worſhip
the Dragon ? And does not the Pope negle& his Title of Biſhop, to take that
of Pontifex Maximus, which is meerly Roman and Pagan? Tho' (b) Tertullian
gave the Biſhop that Title to mock him. Eraſmus ſaysı
: (c) Olim Venus agebat
curam nautarum, quid nata credebatur ex mari : ea quoniam defiit curare, fuffe&ta eft
huic matri non Virgini Virgo mater. See the place. That the Honours paid to
the Martyrs were conformable to the Pagan Worſhip of departed Men or Dæ-
mons is ſo plain, that (d) St. Auſtin is forc'd to elude it by leſſening the worſhip
given to the Martyrs; but the People went further than St. Auſtin would have,
and that Excuſe is now uſeleſs. I ſhall ſhew hereafter, that the fundamental
Notion of Idolatry is the ſame in both: viz. that both do worſhip Dæmons;
that is, the Souls of Men departed. See our Note upon Chap. 16. 20 A. Now,
as Grotius well obſerves on this place, They really worſhip che Devil, who
worſhip Idols; for they ignorantly promote his Kingdom, 1 Cor. 10. 20.
wherein he only follows what the Primitive Writers have aſſerted : (e) Tertul.
lian ſays the ſame in many places. St. Ferome ſays alſo: (f) Quanquam genera-
liter adverſum deum ſapiat, quidquid Diaboli eft, & quod diaboli eſt, idololatria fit, cui
omnia idola mancipantur. St. Hilary ſays: (8) Omnis feculi honor Diaboli negotium :
(b) Porphyrius has likewiſe ſeen the truth of this. See our Notes on Chap. 13.
6. D. and Chap. 16. 13. G. and Chap. 19. 10 C.
A. verf. 4 Kai agogenuínosy TCS Angio, And worſhipped the Beaft.] The Worſhip
and Submiſſion of the Earth is the confequence of its admiring the Beaſt.
This may be limited to civil Submiflion and Adoration, as the word ſignifies
ſometimes. See Genef. 27. 29. Chap. 37. 7.9. 10. Chap. 42. 6. Chap. 43. 28.
Chap. 44. 14. Chap. 47: 31. Chap. 49. 8. Iſaiah 45. 14. Hebr. 11. 21. But as
Pris plain from what follows that the Falſe Prophet fers up an Image of this
Beaſt to be ador'd, ſo we muſt go further to own that the Holy Ghoft means al-
fo a religious Adoration. But how ſhall we make that out? Yes, if we do
but obſerve, that he who commits Idolatry through fear of any Man, makes
that Man his God, becauſe Maſter of his Conſcience. This the very Hea-
(m) V.M. Jurien's Continuat. of Accompl. of Proph. Chap. 17. Mede's Apoftafy of the latter Times.
Homilies Part 3.Hom. 2. Book 2. Stilling fleet's Sec. Difc. of the Proteſt. Grounds of Faith. p. 462.
(6) Tertullian. de Pudicitia.
(6) Erafm. Colloq. Naufrag:
(d) Auguſt. de Civic
dei Lib. VIII. c. 26, 27. (e) Tertullian. de Spe&ac. cap. 12.de Idololatr. c. 15. (f) Hieronym
ad Heliodor. (g) Hilar. Pi&av. in Matth. Can. 3. (5) Porphyr. de Abftin. Lib.
7F dur poc
thens
II. S. 40

570
The Beaft.
Ch. XIII. v. 5.
/
thens ſaw when the Power of the Sword turn'd againſt them, and they beg'd
for Liberty of Religion. For otherwiſe, as Themiffius ſaid, Purpuræ cultores
efficies, non D EI: as (a) Grotius cites him. For the ſame reaſon the Belly is the
God of the ſenſual, Phil
. 3. 19. and Mammon is the Idol of the Coverous,
Colof. 3. 5. St. Cyprian ſays: (b) Non poteſtis duobus Dominis ſervire; ſervivit ſeculari
domino, qui obtemperavit ejus edicto : magis obedivit humano imperio, quam Deo. Iſidorus
Hiſpal. ſays: (c) Nam revera, quem deus deferit, dæmones ſuſcipiunt. Dominici com-
temptores præcepti, ftatim ut avertuntur à deo, à malignis ſpiritibus occupantur. We ſhall
conſider this further when we come to ſpeak of the Image of the Beaft. See
alſo the Note on Chap. 16: 13 G.
2 B. Aézovles, tis guoio med Sugio ; xù vis dwelos noneuñoae uer' durs ; Saying, who is like
unto the Beaſt ? And who is able to make War with it?] This is alſo one of the
effects of the Admiration of the Inhabitants of the Earth, ſeeing the terrible
Acts of this Beaſt at firſt ; and this is their Blaſphemy. When Moſes had paft
the Red-Sea, and ſaw the Dragon deſtroy'd, he glorified God, and ſaid : Who
is like unto thee, O Lord, among the Gods? Who is like thee, glorious in holineſs, fearful
in praiſes, doing Wonders ? Exod. 15. 11. which are ſpoken in a profound ſenſe of
Humiliation of our felves, to exalt God above every thing elſe; and are oft'n
repeated in Scripture. But here they are blaſphemouſly applied to the
Beaft, by choſe who chuſe rather to obey the Commands of this Beaſt in
committing Idolatry, as the Dragon did, than to give Glory to God. The
Beaſt will have it ſo; what matters it what God commands? Can God ſave us
out of it's Power? As the blaſphemous Rabſhakab ſaid, 2 Kings 18. 32, 33,
34, 35. The Expreſſion is ſo proud and blaſphemous, when applied to any
but God, that the Arabian Writers put it in the Mouth of the Devil : (d) Who
is like unto me? I aſcend into Heaven, when I pleaſe: and if I ſtay upon the Earth, I
See it wholly ſubmitted to my Will. Thus allo Homer having ſaid, that Agamemnon
usd ſuch words towards Achilles :
(e) sugen då mano
*Iσον έμοί φάσθαι, και ομοιωθήμεναι άνω.
The Poet immediately writes, that Achilles was quite out of Patience, and re-
ſolv’d to ſlay him, laying therefore his Hand upon his Sword, had not Minerva
come in to ſtop his Fury, and gave it another courſe. The Giant (f) Achiman,
32'nis, in Numb. 13. 23. his name fignifying, Who is my Brother, or who is like
me, had it upon the like account of Pride.
Α. verf. 5. Και εδόθη αυτο σόμα λαλέν μεγάλα και βλασφημίαν, And there was given it
à mouth ſpeaking great things and blaſphemy.] This is the Character given in
Daniel, 7. 8. to the little Horn growing between the ten Horns of the fourth
Beaſt, which is like this; and that little Horn anſwers to the Falſe-Prophet in
this Propheſy; but as I have obferv'd, the Beaſt is only acted by the Prophet ;
therefore what it is put upon is accounted its act. So that in the Proof, as
aforeſaid, the acts and words of that Prophet are to be attributed to the Beaſt;
becauſe it maintains the Falſe-Prophet therein. Great things do wholly belong
to God; and to ſpeak great things, or to pretend to do great things, is to pretend to
ſpeak or act as God, or above God. This is blaſphemy : The Beaſt is ſaid be-
fore to have names of Blaſphemy on it's Heads; theſe ſhew its Inclinations
and Origin towards Blaſphemy, as receiving Heads which blafphemed before.
Here the Mouth alſo ſpeaks them. If we take the Mouth to ſignify the Houſe-
hold or Subjects and Minifters, this ſhews that the Miniſters of the Beaſt ſhall
concur with the Heads therein, by imbracing the fame Religion, or the like
Idolatry ; that is, that the Barbarians, who made a Conqueſt of the Roman
Empire, were already Idolaters or corrupted Chriſtians, and did ſo continue to
be. Note here, chat to ſpeak great things and Blaſphemy are put together as
ſynonymous, or rather as a kin. To Speak great things is the ſame as to magnify
ones ſelf, that is to oppreſs others; but Blaſphemies are acts of Idolatry or Apo-
ftacy againſt God; join both together, and it ſignifies to ſettle Idolatry by
Tyranny. See our Nore upon Chap. 18. 23 B.

(a) H. Grot. de Imp. Sum. Poteſt. cap. 6. (6) Cyprian. de Laplis.
Jun. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. II. cap. 15.
(d) Herbelot.itit. div.
Q.V. 186.
(f) Bochårt. can. Lib. I. cap. 1.
(c) Iſidor.
(e) Homer. Iliad.
B. Kad

Ch. XIII. v. 5:
571
The Beaſt.
Β. Και εδόθη αντο εξωσία πόλεμον ποιήσαι, And there was given power το is to make
war.] Some Copies do not read moreuov, and others, among which was that of
Irenæus and Dionyſius Alex. read neither that nor minoor (a) Dr. Mills likes it
fo. I ſhall not pretend to decide this, but ſhew that the ſenſe is the ſame,
which way foever we read : If without thoſe two words, then the Holy Ghoft
means, that the Beaſt ſhall have power to exiſt fourty two Months : That is,
as Beaſt. For the Horns, of which nevertheleſs it is compos'd, are fingly dif
ferent from the whole, as ſhall be ſhewn upon the ſeventeenth Chapter: If we
admit thoſe two words, then the meaning is, that it ſhall make War with the
Saints, as it is further explain'd by and by. But if we only receive the word
noiñores, as the Vulgate, (6) Tychonius and others, then we muft ſhew, that the
word by it ſelf is as ftrong and emphatical, as if War was added to it. The
word moeñowe, to do, may alſo ſignify to proſper, increaſe, to magnify ones felf, to
break and oppreſs, anſwering therein to the Hebrew owy, which hath all thoſe
Significations as well as the ſimple one to do. And that word in Daniel is turn'd
by moñoui, in places which require that we ſhould underſtand it by thoſe ftrong
Expreſſions: as for inſtance, in Dan. 8. 12. éminee xs d'ofblu, it practiced and
proſperid; fo in Dan. 8. 24. which ſpeaks of the third Beaſt, the Greek hath,
Saunasa deap feptë vij neulo Swa, (read weild Swer as in Dan. II. 27.) xj trosńGet, zij dico Sepé
igugès rý zado 2240v• the like we find in Dan. 11. 28. rý zońce, to the ſame purpoſe.
Thus alfo in Dan. 11. 20. 02 the Task-Maſter or Oppreffor is in the Greek,
ó ngácsap' fo capaxlap in Luke 12: 58. is an Exakter. Heſychius Ipoéxloges, e maintado
Elſewhere, 'Eğaxlão, or rather içá'xlag, å di wilão ta dupóoice, which is exactly the
09. Therefore St. Luke puts this word, apewels, very properly in the Caſe of
the Public'ans, a ſort of Men always notorious for Vexations. And indeed
Figézoalet in the beft Authors oft'n ſignifies Troubles, or troublefome Buſineſs
. Hence
we find in Heſych. spayuele, gégesår so in the Poet, one abhors the very word
as ominous, (c) Min lille ou té pérola. So in Menander, tv in seyredina šv véxass,
in Buſineſs, in Fights, making them as it were the ſame, and as the oppreſſor is by
the LXX. callid curópoulins, lo egasos apagátw is joyn'd to that word in the ſame
Poet as the ſame thing: (d) où ouropávins, ide égesàs agaypazar, No Sycophant, nor
lover of buſineſs or troubles. And in the ſame Poet we find (e) Tórter di medyovce
for a place of quiet, void of Buſineſs, Troubles and Sycophants
. And fo
agéypilce in the ſame are Law Suits, (f ) Ses Té os modes ti zaidi upeis, de
καθώς ζελομβίες ανακοινές π κ ές λόγω ελθών πράγμαθα κανιγραφές, &c. Now we
fhall produce the words of Tertullian, who uſes Negotium for Trouble
. In one place
he ſays: (g) Negotium patitur deus: and in another ; (b) Ei negotium faciunt.
We ſhall find hereafter, that this Beaſt hath a pragmatical and buſy Aſſociate,
who is a dreadful Task-Maſter to inflave all the Inhabitants of the Earth.
C. Müüds Teaserpeéxovla dúo, fourty two months.] This ſymbolical Term of time
is the ſame as that wherein the Holy City is trampled upon by the Gentiles; and
is therefore collateral to all the reſt of the ſymbolical Terms, which are us'd to
denote the time of the great Perſecution of the Church in the ſecond Period
thereof. As the three Seaſons and a half, the three Days and a half, and the
one thouſand two hundred and fixty Days twice repeated, but about different
Symbols. The Holy Ghoſt, deſigning to Mew us that Perſecution to the full,
hath turn'd it on ſeveral fides, and conſtantly fixes it to an equivalent term ;
that we might ſee the ſtate of the Perſecutors, of the Saints, of the Church
or publick Worſhip of God. They are all collateral or ſynchronical, and
conſequently have one beginning, and ſhall have the fame end. Why the
Term is fixed, I have ſhewn elſewhere: But when they ſhall have their end, is
what we muſt not pretend to fix upon; however, we ſhall give our Conje-
&ures when we have explain'd the Symbols, which diſcover to us the nature of
the thing it felf.
Α. verf. 6. Και οιξε το σόμα αυτά ής βλασφημίαν προς τον Θεόν, And it opened its
mouth in blafphemy againſt God.] Blaſphemy is whatſoever tends to the diſhonour
of God; to blafpheme therefore is when any one pretends to contemn the true
God, to ſubdue his People, to deftroy his Worſhip, and to introduce any Ido-
(a) Millii Prolegom. in N. Teft. p. 50.
Plur.
(d) Ariftoph. Pac.
(8) Tertullian. de Virg. vel cap. I.
(b) Tychon. Hom. 10. (c) Ariſtoph
(e) Ariſtoph. Avib. (f) Ariſtoph, Nubib.
(5) Tertull. adv. Marc. Lib. Il. cap. 2.
latry,

572
The Beaſt.
Chap. XIII. v.6.
Jarry, or other Worſhip derogarory to his Honour. In the LXX. the words
överd ile to revile, magogzićw and repočuso, to provske, and Creopnã, to blafpheme, are
words promiſcuouſly us’d to tranſlate the Hebrew words, 973 and pnl. See
2 Kings 18.and 19. 34. Iſaiah 37.6. the parallel place of Ecclef. 48. 18. uſes the
Expreſſion fuegohanuddinoer i merupcevic, magnified himſelf with Pride, exalted himſelf
above God and his people; which whoſoever doch is a Blaſphemer againſt God,
for the vezanei and yeyisãves are always God's Enemies, ſuch as inſlave his
People; hence λαλείν μεγάλα και βλασφημίας are fynonymous in the former
Verſe. See our Nore on Chap. 18. 23. B. Now the Actions or Commands of
this Beaſt, being inſpir’d or rul'd by its Falſe Prophet to blaſpheme God, by in-
troducing and maintaining Idolatry, and tyrannizing over the true Servants of
God, to force them into the fame; are really Blaſphemies againſt God, and a
Contempt of him, becauſe ſercing up the power of Man above that of God
himſelf. This being the ſame as what Daniel ſets forth, in Chap: 7.25. I thall
add here the Words of S. Ferome thereupon: (a) Sermones contra excelfum lom
quetur ; five ut interpretatur Symmachus, fermones quafi deus loquetur ; ut qui dei
aſſumit potentiam, verba quoque divine fibi vindicet Majeſtatis. Leges dei ege
teremonias mutare, & religionem omnem ſuæ ſubjicere poteſtati conabitur. By
this you may fee, how that thoſe Kings, who eſtabliſh and maintain Ido-
latry, and force Men to imbrace a ſtrange Worſhip contrary to the Di-
vine, do really make themſelves as Gods to their Subjects, and this Obedience
is a divine Worſhip paid by the Subjects to their Monarchs.
B. Bræoqnuuñoul te voet auro, to blaſpbeme his name.]. The name of God com-
prehends indeed all that belongs to him, whereon his name may be called, as
his Attributes and his Worſhip : but more eſpecially his Worſhip is underſtood
thereby in holy Writ. Now it belongs to none but God himſelf to impoſe
Worſhip on Men, he being alone fit to know and determine how he is to be
ſerv'd. Therefore to impoſe a new Worſhip, as Objects of Worſhip, or man-
ner of Worſhip contrary to what he hath fet already, is to uſurp his Power,
and conſequently to bely and blaſpheme his name. Therefore all thoſe Kings
who have deſtroy'd the true Worſhip of God by ſetting up one of the Invention
of Man have blaſphemed God's name, with their Idolatries. To be
: C. Kui Tlus oxiwlis autê, And bis Tabernacle.], The Tabernacle was the Sym-
bol of God's Preſence, and conſequently of his Protection, and of his Church
to whom thoſe Promiſes of Protection are made and confirm'd by the Symbol of
his preſence. Therefore to blaſpheme this Tabernacle, is to uſurp the Titles
and Privileges of this Church, and challenge the Promiſes of God to which
the Uſurper hath no right. And the perfecuting of the true Church, by
which we ſeem to deny it deſerves the Protection of God, is like wiſe to blai-
pheme the Tabernacle of God. Now this Beaſt hath done this, both in perſecuting
the true Worſhippers, and pretending to have the right of the true Church. And
this the Beaſt has done in a higher degree than God ever promiſed to the true
Church. For the corrupted Church protected by this Beaſt ſaith, ſhe is the only
Spouſe of Chriſt, the Queen and Mother of all Churches, out of which there is
no Salvation; the only judge of Controverſies, which can make new Articles of
Faith, and not only diſpenſe with Laws of God, but make contrary Laws :
Nay, ſhe boaſts that God's Laws are of no force, if fhe had not confirm'd them.
But it may be ask'd how comes the true Church here under the Symbol of
Tabernacle, whilſt it is in the ſecond Period thereof, in which the Holy Ghoſt
hach us'd the Symbol of Temple, as we have ſeen in the ſeventh and eleventh
Chapters? I ſay then, that by diſtinguiſhing exactly the cines we know, that
the Holy Ghoſt hath us'd proper Symbols
. In the beginning of the ſecond
Period, or end of the firſt, the Temple was proper, becauſe the Church was then
ſetled, and the true Worſhippers were protected by the Civil Power. When Per-
ſecution comes, the Holy Ghoſt ſhews us the true Church as a Temple ſhut up,
wherein the true Worſhippers ferve God in ſecret, being immediately under
the Protection of God alone. Such a State may therefore be repreſented alſo
under the Symbol of a Tabernacle, becauſe indeed unſerled in its ſelf; but as
the Tabernacle of God, it is ſtill under his Protection, untill the Tyranny of the
Times be paft, See our Notes upon Chap. 15. 5 A. and Chap. 20.9 F.
(a) Hieronym in Dan.
D. Kes

Ch. XIII. v.7. 113
The Beaſt.
573
D. Kei Tès tv Tral špavaw orleušilas, And them that dwell in Heaven.] They thac
dwell in Heaven, diſtinct from God, are first the Holy Angels, and then the
Saints and Martyrs, and we muſt not exclude neither the living Saints, whoſe
Converſation is in Heaven, Phil. 3. 20. The Angels are certainly Inbabitants of
Heaven: for as we ſhall ſhew, they are the heavenly Hoſts, in Chap. 19. 14. che
ancient Saxons calld the Angels, Heſen warn, the Inbabit ants of Heaven. i cane
not find indeed that the departed Saints or Martyrs are any where in holy Wric
ſaid to be in Heaven. But why may not the Holy Ghoſt, foreleeing that in
the corrupted Church, the Souls of Saints and Martyrs will be invoked as in,
habitants of Heavem, deſign here to lhew that they will be blaſphemed as ſuch ?
I fee therefore no reaſon to exclude chem. For though they were ſo, 'tis a
Blaſphemy againſt them to invoke them. Take it in the words of Tychonius
(a) 'Et in tabernaculo (leg. tabernaculum) ejus, & in eos qui cælo habitant. Id eft,
in fan&tis (leg. Sanctos) qui intra Ecclefiam continentur, quæ cælum eft nuncupata, quia
& ipfi tabernaculum dei ſunt. Ansbertus : Quos vero alios qui in cæ'o babitare
dicuntur, accipimus nift ſanctos do ele&tos dei bomines, five qui jam Chriffianitatis
tempore præceſſerunt, five qui nunc funt, feu qui tunc futuri ſunt ? quique dum casa
beftia appetunt, dum choris angelicis per contemplationis excejum femel ipſos quotidie im-
miſcent, re&te in ceelo babitare pronunciantur. Hinc per beatum Apoſtolum dicitur, noftra
converſatio in cælis eft. Now as to the living Saints, the Blaſphemy againſt chem
is the perſecution which the Beaſt and its Miniſters have rais'd and continu'd :
but the Blaſphemy againſt the Angels and departed Saints is the Worſhip and
Invocation given them, contrary to the duty Men owe only to God and Chriſt,
our crue Object of Worſhip and only Mediator. The Angel in the Revelation
refuſes it ; Paul and Barnabas at Lyſtra, Acts 14. 13, 14, rent their Cloths when
the Pagans would have honour'd chem as Gods, as it was the Cuſtom of the
Fews when they heard any Blaſphemy, or ſuch as they ſuppos’d to be ſo :
2 Kings 1 8. 37. and Chap. 19. 1. 3, 4, 6. Tis with them as Ignatius ſays of him-
felf: (b) Ti zele Heómeach tis, ci èus Tueva, de núpson Mais Caso onue; What does it pro-
fit me, if a Man praiſe me, and blaſpheme my Lord! So is it with the Saints and
Angels in Heaven. St. Auſtin hath clearly decided it for us againſt the corrup-
ted Church, and his Argument holds good much more in reſpect of the Mar-
tyrs. He ſpeaks of the Angels : (c) Si autem illis hæc (ſc. Sacrificia) exhibere vo-
luerimus, non libenter accipiunt, & cum ad bomines it a mittuntur, ut eorum præſentia
fentiatur, apertifſime vetant : ſunt de bis exempla in literis
, Janétis. Putaverunt quidam
deferendum angelis honorem vel adorando, vel ſacrificando, qui debetur deo, & eorums
funt admonitione prohibiti juſſique Sunt hæc ei deferre, cui uni fas eſſe noverunt. Imitats
Sunt Angelos etiam fanéti bomines. See the reſt. Again : (d) Volunt potius, ut deus
unus colatur, unus adoretur, deo uni ſacrificium offeratur, non ſibi. And ſo La&antius :
(e) Nec eft in Angelis quicquam niſi parendi neceſſitas. Itaque nullum fibi honoreni
fribui volunt, quorum bonor in deo eft. See on Chap. 16: 13 G.
Mede having obſervd, that Biafphemy is idolatry, explains theſe places thus.
Firſt, He ſays the Beaſt blaſphemes the name of God by the Worſhip of Images,
whereby the incommunicable name of God is given to Wood and Stones,
Wiſd. Sol. 14. 21. and God is worſhipped in Company with his Creatures.
Secondly, And therein I find Ansbertus went before him, he takes the Taber-
nacle of God to be Chriſt's Body, as in Joh. 1. 14. and Chap. 2. 19. This the
Beaſt blaſphemes by ſaying, that this is every Day tranſubſtantiated into Bread;
and worſhips that Bread inttead of Chriſt, the Tabernacle of the Deity: and
by pretending to make thereof a propitiatory Sacrifice for the living and the
dead, crucifies a new Chriſt every Day. In the third place he is altogether of
our Mind. This Expoſition is conliſtent with ours.
Α. verf. 7. Και εδόθη αυτώ πόλεμον ποιήσαι μετα των αγίων, και νικήσαι αυτούς, And
it was given to it to make War with the Saints, and to overcome them.] This is the
fame as the War with the two Witneſſes, and their death, mention'd before in
Chap. 11. 7. ſo that we need not to ſay any thing here, but to have recourſe to
what is ſaid there. I ſhall only give notice, that this is afterwards explain’d by
the Holy Ghoſt to be in ſuch a manner, that this Beaf only acts according to
(a) Tychon. Hom. 1o.
(6) Ignat. Epiſt. ad Smyrn.
Dei Lib. X. cap. 19.
(d) Auguftin. in Pfal. xcvi.
Lib. 11. cap. 17.
De Negato alla
(c) Auguſt. de Civit.
(e) Lactant. Inſtitut.
moll.ro
PIE dis the
7 G

574
The Beaſt.
Ch. XIII. v. 8, 9, 10.
the direction of the Falſe-Prophet, the deſign of the Holy Ghoit being to
Thew that the Civil Powers are only the Executioners of the Tyranny of the
corrupted Clergy. But it may be likewiſe that theſe Saints are to be under-
ſtood in ſuch a manner, that the Beaſt does really overcome a great part of the
Saints, and forces them effe ctually to conform to his Laws; by which they loſe
that name of Saints, and become Worſhippers of the Beaſt; which then will
be a Prediction, that this Beaſt corrupts the Members of the Church.
Β. Και εδόθη αυτώ εξεσία Δής πάσαν φυλίων, και λαόν, και γλώσσαν, και έθνΘ, And powe
was given to it over every Tribe, and People, and Tongue, and Nation.] The words
j adâr, being ſo neceſſary to make up the juſt number of four Terms, which
the Holy Ghoſt hath obſerv'd before to denote univerſality, are indeed omitted
in the Complutenſian, but being in Irenæus and ſo many other good MSS. and
Vifions, ought by no means to be ſet aſide ; tho' (a) Tychonius feem neither co
have read them, nor the xj 9vG. Dr. Mills alſo approves thereof. The meaning
is that all the idolatrous Chriſtians, who had not courage to reſiſt the Beaſt and
Falſe-Prophet, ſubmitted to the Government of the Beaft, joyn’d with it in
Idolatry, affifted the Beaſt alſo to make War with the Saints; and this was uni-
verſal, as to all except the Saints: for they are never comprehended in ſuch a
number, nor thrown among the reſt of the Herd of Men.
A. verf. 8. Kai agar xwńcuruv &Utñ misles vi xeTorx yes ohi rñs, y ñs, And all that
dwell upon the earth ſhall worſhip it], Some Copies read mosexuino ar, as Irenæus
,
the Vulgate and others. The Inhabitants of the earth, as I have obſerv'd before,
fignify the Idolaters: Theſe Worſhippers ſubmit to the Power, which is per-
mitted or given to the Beaſt, as in the former Verſe: they are deſcrib'd by two
Characters, one Affirmative, t’other Negative: this being Affirmative news
them to be I dolaters, no Saints, and therefore out of the Covenant of Grace ;
and concerns their preſent Condition, as the next their future.
Β. “Ω, και γέγραπlαι το όνομα εν τη Είσλο της ζωής τε αργίε τε εσφαγμών, απο κωλαζολής
xóour, whoſe name is not written from the foundation of the World in the Book of Life of
the Lamb that was ſlain.] There is an Hyperbacon or Trajection in the Greek,
which muſt be placed as we have done in the Tranſlation. See Chap. 17. 8.
and Ephef. 1. 4. 'So Statius ſays (b):
Manet hæc ab Origine mundi
Fixa dies bello, populique in prælia nati.
Upon which the Commentator ſays: Secundum illos qui dicunt, nafcente mundo
præfinita eſſe hominum fata. This is that negative Chara&ter, by which are de-
fcrib'd thoſe who ſubmit to the Blaſpheniies of the Beaſt, and affift it to make
War with the Saints. The Saints by conſequence are thoſe who are written in
the Book of Life. This Book is mention'd in Chap. 3. 5. and Chap. 20. 12.
In the firſt of which places we find the Promiſe, in the latter the effect of it:
and that thoſe who are excluded out of it ſhall be caft into the Lake of Fire
and Brimſtone: of all which in the proper place. By this we may ſee in what
danger are the Members of the corrupted Church, if they do not repent: It
ſeems to be one of thoſe impoſſible things with Men, which are poſſible
with God, who hath Treafures of Mercy, which we cannot comprehend.
A. verf. 9. E1 Tis éxer és, exxoéta, If any man bath an ear, let him hear.] This is
one of the folemn Proclamations, or Epiphonema, of which we have other Ex-
amples in this Book, when there is ſome very remarkable things which it be-
hoves the Church to obſerve, and more particularly every Member concern'd
to take notice of at his own Peril. See our Note upon Chap. 2. 7 A. This re-
flects chiefly upon what follows: but even that depends upon what has been faid
before.
A. verf. 10. EŤ TIS bis dixuanaoimy owvéyo, eis arXmanwiev irágo, If any one gathers
into Captivity, he goeth into Captivity. We muſt leave here the Complutenfian
Edition, which has, & tis & Xes dixuanariav, unázo, tho' even this may fignify the
fame, for it may be thus turn'a ; If any one has a Captivity, be goeth : that is, he
goeth himſelf into Captivity. We follow however the Alexandrian MS. and

(a) Tychon. Hom. 10.
Stat. Theb. Lib. III. v. 242.
(6) Millii Prolegom. in N. Teft. p. 97.
(6) Pap.
Ireneus,

Ch. XIII. V, 10.
575
The Beaſt.
Irenæus, in whom it is thus tranſlated : Si quis in captivitatem duxerii, din capti-
vitatem ibit : having read xy before the latter sis, which makes it more empha-
tical: the reſt of the Copies come very near this. The Puniſhments which
God infli&ts in this Life upon the faithful are only as Chaſtiſements and Trials
to amend them, or prove their Faith. For that reaſon together with the De-
nunciation of them God takes care to mix hopes of relief, and beſides thac pro-
miſes to revenge their Cauſe. See Exod. 23. 22. Iſaiah 14. 2. and Chap. 41.11.
and Chap. 49. 24, 25, 26. and Chap: 60. 12. Zech. 12. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. and
Farem. 30. 16, whoſe words ſeem to be borrowed here. See alſo Ferem. 5o. 33,
34. and Chap: 51, 24, 25, 35, 36. The Execution of this is ſeen in the
fourteenth, fixteenth, reventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth Chapters.
Ansbertus ſays: Ac ſi diceret: Nolite terreri, nolite expaveſcere, nolite pufillanimes
exiſtere, fed eftote fortes contra robuftos, quia con boc quod patimini, cito tranſit : die
bi a quibus patimini, fine tarditate vindiétam recipient. The Phraſe is found in
I Macc. 14.7.
Β. Εί τις έν μαχαίρα αποκτενεί, δά αυτόν ένα μαχαίρα αποκανθήναι, If any one hall
kill with the Sword, he must be killed with the Sword.] This is a Maxim of the
divine Law, as old as Noah, Genef. 9. 6. Matth. 26. 52. At firſt ſight one would
think, that they are only to have the fame meaſure ; but in Chap. 13. 6. we
Thall find, that God diſpenſes of his Puniſhments in a more ſevere manner upon
choſe, who have had the means to know their Duty, and underſtand his
Laws.
C. 222 Nó és iv ki v Touorat, ij si misis tõy kylav, Here is the patience, and the faith of
the Saints.] Fade, here, is emphatical to expreſs this time; that is, during the
Reign of the Beaſt. We have the ſame Expreſſion in Chap. 14. 12. which
Thews, that theſe places are parallel. The meaning is, that during the reign
of this Beaſt the Patience and Faith of the Saints, or true Worſhippers, will be
tried to the utmoſt. We have no ſuch Advertiſement added to the firſt Period
of the Church, when nevertheleſs we know that the Saints were to ſuffer much:
It is becauſe the Perfecution of the Saints in this corrupted ſtate of the Church
will far exceed that of the Primitive Times, both in length of time and cruel-
ry. Hiſtory is ſufficient to make this out, the Subject is too copious for this
place : I ſhall content myſelf to hint that the Eminency of this Perſecution
above thoſe in the Primitive Times was foreſeen by the Church. See Tertul-
lian's Apology, Chap. 32. St. Auſtin faith : (a) Erit etiam in fine ſæculi tribulatio
tempore Antichrifti, qualis nunquam antea fuit. Cyril of Jeruſalem believed theſe
cimes were to be ſo ſharp, that he prefers the Martyrs of theſe times to the
Primitive : (b) ünig zip máy las rede'slugels eye onile &vai Tès tótè padişlugas. Our Pro-
reftants out of Modeity have feldom taken upon them this glorious Title of
Martyrs; but you ſee, that in the Judgment of the Primitive Church they
deferve it, as all thoſe who before them ſuffer'd for maintaining the true Wor-
ſhip and Doctrine of the Goſpel againſt the Blaſphemies, Idolatries and Cor-
ruptions of the idolatrous Church. See alſo our Notes upon Chap. 11. 3, 4.
and upon Chap. 14.12, and 13. where you will ſee, that theſe have a promiſe
of Reward, to encourage them to fhew their Patience and Faith to the end.
And in Chap. 20. 4. we ſhall find they have the ſame reward as the Pri-
mitive.
ba
(m) Auguftin, de Civit.dei Lib. XXI. cap. 28.
(6) Cyrill. Hieroſolym. Catech: 15.
how bas sousloyd, mel
skan Dwarf
1919300 gagnitong bus do 200 boc
So er et
stort in
basud pole
paesididated alles dade eller skal model de
ya bns nodezynfassade silicon
Kotlet o todassd store forte po da lo prolonga
The
sdoor

576
Ch. XIII. v. 11.
"K
The BE A S T with two Horns, or F A L S E-
PROPHE T.
100
chio
A. verf. 11.
di didov šare Ingíov, And I ſaw another Beaft] This Beaſt is
afterwards call'd Falſe. Prophet, and indeed it is deſcrib'd in
this very Chapter as a Falſe- Prophet: So that by comparing together, Chap.
16. 3. and Chap. 19. 20. and Chap. 20.10. with the 13, 14, 15, and 16th Verſes
of this, the matter is clear. Irenæus hath ſeen this, calling it alſo the Armiger
of the former Beaſt. (a) Poft deinde eo de Armigero ejus, quem a Pſeudo-pro-
phet am vocat. Now St. John hath done this for Diſtinction fake, when there is
occaſion to mention both together. Therefore where Beaſt and Falſe- Prophet are
named, by the Beaſt muſt be underſtood the former with ſeven Heads and ten
Horns; and by the Falle-Propbet this Beaſt with two Horns. But why is this
call'd Beaſt? Becauſe it uſurps Power and Dominion, and exerciſes Cruelty
and Tyranny, as well as the former, though its chief Management be by che
way of falſe Propheſy. _ 'Tis a Beaſt becauſe an uſurping Power ; not to be
conſidered only as one Falſe-Prophet, but as a Body Politick and perpetual of
Falſe Prophets united together, and ſerving under a proper Head, who makes
the whole Body act according to its pretended Office. This Beaſt therefore
repreſents a Succeſſion of Heads having under them the whole Body of the
corrupted Clergy, as the former Beaſt has that of the Laity. And thus the
Holy Ghoſt diſtinguiſhes, as the Event hath ſhewn it, very properly the two
diftin& Powers, Civil and Ecclefiaftical ; which under the Dragon were in one,
becauſe the Roman Emperors were at the ſame time ſupream Pontifices. There
fore we may apply very well here the words of St. Auſtin written by him con-
cerning the Man of Sin in St. Paul, which under the name of an individual com-
prehends the collective Body of the corrupted Church, at leaſt all the ſuccef-
five Heads thereof, Civil and Ecclefiaftical. His words are : (b) Unde nonnulli,
non ipfum Principem, fed univerſum quodammodo Corpus ejus, id eft, ad eum perti-
nentem hominum multitudinem, fimul cum ipſo ſuo principe boc loco intelligi Antichri-
Atum volunt. Ansbertus : (c) Vel certe ut quidam intelligi volunt, beftia eft ipſa
diaboli civitas, id eft, univerſum ejufdem nequiſimi Spiritus corpus : Pſeudopropheta verò
ejus Antichriſtus. The Holy Ghoſt means indeed chiefly the Heads or Rulers,
but in them are concluded the acts of the whole Body ſubject to them; unieſs
there be peculiar occaſion to diſtinguiſh ſometimes the Members. That we
may not holdin ſuſpenſe, we ſay, that this Beaſt or Falſe-Prophet denotes the
two ſucceſſive Lines of the Biſhops of Rome and Conſtantinople; but moſt efpe-
cially the Biſhop of Rome, who ever had the greateſt ſhare of Tyranny, and of
Corruption too, both in Worſhip and Morals.
B. 'Ayckbaivov ex cñs gñs, Aſcending up out of the Earth.] This might be tranſlated,
growing out of the earth : evobaira being a proper word in that Caſe. See Matth.
23.7. Mark 4. 7, 8, 32. and ſaiah 11. 1. as alſo Ezek. 47. 12. in the LXX.
This Beaſt being ſomewhat like the Lamb, as it pretends, its origin muft reſem-
ble in ſomething that of Chriſt
. Therefore as Chriſt did not eſtabliſh his Kinga
dom by Violence and worldly Greatneſs ; ſo the Holy Ghoſt faith, that this
Beaſt grew out of the Earth. There are places of the Prophecs where the
Meffias, as to his origin, is repreſented as a Stock, Bud or Sprout out of the
Stock or Root of Felle, and growing up as a young Plant. This Beaft chere-
fore muſt not as the former come out of the Sea, that is, get its Power by
War and Bloodired, but with the acts of Peace,
The Earth throughout this Propheſy, being the ſame as the Inhabitants of the
Earth, always repreſents the Idolaters as in a ſtate of Submiſſion and Slavery.
The meaning therefore of the Holy Ghoſt muſt be, that this Beaſt or Falſe-


(c) Ambr.
(a) Irinæ. Lib. V. cap. 28. (6) Auguſtin de Civit dei Lib. XX.cap. 19.
Ansbert. Lb. IX in Apoc. cap. 20. 10.
Prophet

Ch. XIII. v. 11.
The Falſe Prophet.
577
Prophet got its power out of the idolatrous World, by ſuch means as he makes uſe
of to eſtabliſh his Falſe-Prophecy; and what thoſe means are the Holy Ghoſt
informs us hereafter. The origin or riſe of the great power of thofe two Bi-
ſhops in the corrupted Church is exactly ſuitable to this Deſcription : for in
ſhort it was from the ſtupid ignorance of the People, humour'd in their ſuper-
ftitious Notions, and beguiled by the falſe Miracles of their Emiſſaries, that
Men believ'd them to be Gods on Earth. So that by having always the com-
mon People on their fide, they have been able to make or force the crown'd
Chiefs, or Horns of the other Beaſt to itoop to their Wills. The great Maxim
for inſtance of the Roman Pontiff is always to be of the ſtronger ſide. (a)
'Tis not, that they ever valued this or that Opinion or Worſhip more than
another : but when Controverſies aroſe, the great Myſtery of their Infallibili.
ty is to ſee which ſide hath the greater ſtrength; by fiding with that they carry
the Balance with an high Hand, and then cruſh down the oppoſite ſide. Thus
the ſtronger is willing to protect, and even advance that Power, which fides
with them. If the Records of Ecclefiaftical Diſputes be well conſulted, it will
be found, that this is the way with them. Thus therefore this Beaſt aroſe firſt
out of the Earch, and thus it is ſtill maintain'd : Idolatry firſt crepe into the
Minds of the People, and Ecclefiaftical Ambition made uſe of it to ſet up an
Antichriſtian Power.
C. Kai & x* xégale dúo cuola egviæ, And it bad two borns like the Lamb.] Some
Copies read devis, which muſt then be turn'd, like the Lambs : That is, like the
Horns of the Lamb. The ſenſe is the ſame: the Lamb is Chriſt, Horns
ſignify Powers; when diſtinguiſhed by number, ſo many Monarchies. The
Lamb hath ſeven; that is, if that number be taken myſtically for perfection or
univerfality, the Lamb hath univerſal Power : or if they be taken preciſely,
then a Power extended as far as the ſeven Heads of the Dragon; which is ap-
plicable to the extent of the Chriſtian Religion within the Bounds of the
Roman Empire. See our Note upon Chap.5.6 E. This Beaſt who ſpeaks like
the Dragon, and executes the power of the former, which hath ſucceeded to
the Dragon, hath but two Horns; that is, all the falfe Prophecy preach'd with-
in thoſe Dominions is under two diftin& Powers, under two diftinct Heads.
Thus much for the number, the quality of theſe Horns is ſaid to be like the
Lambs. Mind the Caution of the Holy Ghoſt : the plain meaning is that things
reſembling are things diſſembled ; the Beaſt hath not really two Horns of
the Lamb: that is, ſuch power as the Lamb hath, or that which he hath com-
municated to his Apoſtles; but a pretended power like that of the Lamb: A
power which pretends to be the power of the Lamb. This is the ſame as whac
St. Paul ſays of the Man of Sim, that he is in the Temple of God, and that he
pretends to be God. Hence you may conclude, that he is rightly called Anti-
Chriſt. Whether you take the word to fignify a falſe Chriſt, or one oppos’d to
· Chriſt, or even one equal to Chriſt. For that word may have all theſe Signi-
fications according to the Idiom of the Greek Tongue. And from hence alſo
may be concluded, that this Beaſt muft ariſe out of the Church it ſelf cor-
rupted by Idolatry, ill Morals and Ambition, making an ill uſe of the Power;
which Chriſt had given to the Church, to the ſubverting of the truth and fim-
plicity of the Worſhip, which he and his Apoſtles had inſtituted, and the ſet-
ting up of a tyrannical idolatrous Myſtery inſtead of it.
Kere the Romanifts are ſore pinch'd, and therefore endeavour to ſhew, that
Antichriſt is to be a few by Extraction, who ſets up for a Meffias. My Bu-
fineſs is not to write Controverſies ; I ſhall only anſwer them in the words of a
ſober Author, Radulphus Flaviacenfis. He ſays; (b) Præfignare videtur, quod ini-
quus ille de Ecclefiafticis parentibus naſciturus fit, & inter filios matris ecclefiæ fidei ſa-
cramenta primo ſuſcepturus. Unde & iſte inter filios Ifrael natus perbibetur : alioqui fieri
non poſſet, quod teftatur Apoſtolus, ut ad Ecclefiafticos honores perueniret, do in templo
dei, videlicet in fidelium Societate, cathedram dignitatis acciperet, nifi eos à quibus
(a) Puod ergo ? eam, quæ jam eft, religionem ftabiliret, Pape tamen Primatum agnoſceret ? Corte
illud tentatum conftat ; bà Paulo IV. conditionem impetratam, porro do Reginæ ipfi delatam eſſe, dum ir
Primatum ipſius conſentire modo vellet, de cæteris, ſi à ſe fieri peteret, la authoritate fuâ fa&tam agnoſceret,
gratiam facturum Pontificem, ut facra hîc omnia, hoc ipſo quo nunc funt apud nos modo procurari
fas eſſet. Ut vere Primatus fit illud uñaor égedies, nec quicquam penfi fit Pontifici, quid reliquis illis
fiat, fi hoc unum modo exorari poſjet. Lancel. Andr. Ciceftr. in Tortura Torti p. 142. (6) Radulph.
Flav. in Levit. Lib. XVIII. cap. I.
ordinandus
7 H

578
The Falſe Prophet. Chap. XIII. v. Il
ordinandus eft, affectata primitus fidelium forma, deciperet. Quo tamen honoris culmine
fibi collato, poftmodum in Superbiam abufurus eft, dum adverſatur & extollitur fupra
omne quod dicitur deus, aut quod colitur, oftendens fe tanquam fit deus. Therefore
this Falſe Prophec or Beaſt, muſt conſiſt of two Ecclefiaftical Monarchies ;
and ſo his two Horns will be like the Lambs. And this Eccleſiaſtical Tyranny,
as it appears by the Coincidents, mult ariſe upon the Diffolution of the Roman
Empire and the Settlement of the Monarchies which ſucceeded therein. Now
this exa&ly ſuits with the two uſurping Biſhops of Rome and Conftantinople, in
whom all the Characters here concur.
Thus we ſee, that as the Chriſtian Church is ſymbolically repreſented by
the Mofaical Oeconomy; ſo becauſe under the times of the building of the
Temple or Settlement of Iſrael, the Church then became divided into two Ca-
pital Cities and Kingdoms, having then and afterwards each its diſtinct Col-
lege of Falle Prophets : ſo in this reſpect alſo the corrupted Chriſtian Church
bears a Conformity to it, having always had two Colleges of Falſe-Prophets
under two diſtinct ſupream Pontiffs : one at Rome, t'other at Byzantium.
Both of them have pretended their power from Chriſt; and it is true in part;
but that they are become Ingios, a ravenous Beaſt, and ſpeak like the Dragon, is
from themſelves. They have both pretended to have Horns like the Lamb, that
is, to be univerſal Monarchs of the Hierarchy or Oecumenical Patriarchs. In
this they have uſurped an Office, which never belong’d to any Man, Chriſt
is the only Monarch of his Church, and the Holy Ghoſt his true Vicar and
great Miniſter between Chriſt and the Apoſtles, the viſible Governors of the
Church. In this they have alſo uſurp'd upon the Holy Ghoft; all the Interpre.
ters of this Propheſy, except D. H. More and the Anonymous Annotator
and Paraphraft, have laid the whole burden of this Falſe Prophely upon the
Biſhop of Rome, but we muſt eaſe his Shoulder of fome part, ſeeing that the
Biſhop of Conftantinople hath all along pretended to the Office, and hath really
had his ſhare of the power. His Pretenfions, and a ſuitable Poffeffion of
Power, certainly have given him a Title to be one of theſe Horns. Nay, the
Biſhop of Conſtantinople is the firſt, that hath given occaſion to the Biſhop of
Rome to riſe higher : becauſe mutual Emulation hath put them upon Ambition.
It muſt be confeſs'd, that the Biſhop of Rome hath exceeded i'other in his
Uſurpations and arrogant Blaſphemies : but yet, as I ſhall prove, the Biſhop
of Conftantinople hath always pretended to be his equal ; and hath accordingly
executed Eccleſiaſtical Supremacy within his Territories, and been as inftru-
mental by his power therein to eſtabliſh the idolatrous Worſhip as his Partner.
If he hath not gain'd in ſome reſpects ſo much temporal Power, it is becauſe the
Greeks have always been more upon their guard ; their Emperors, being conftant-
ly reſident in the Capital, have been able to look nearer to them. But how-
ever, the Horns being ſaid to be like the Lambs, 'tis Ecclefiaftical Power that
we muſt chiefly look after; and both theſe have had fo much as to make out
this, and all the other Symbols us’d by the Holy Ghoſt, to deſcribe them,
Let us now make this out by aſcending up as high as the firſt point of this
Ecclefiaftical Tyranny, St. Peter, 1 Ep. 2. 25. fays, that Chriſt is the Biſhop
of our Souls: that is, role and univerſal. Now to pretend to be ſo far his
Vicar, and to aſſume that divine Right, in ſetting up for an univerſal Biſhop,
and actually uſurping all the Rights of ſuch an Office, is really to pretend to
have Horns like the Lambs. This they have both done together. And how
extravagant ſoever the one may have been in the execution of his Power,
t'other hath upon all occaſions pretended to be his equal. Anatolius Biſhop of Con-
ftantinople upon the account of his See placed in the Capital City of the Eaſtern
Empire, which was then in a quiet and flouriſhing Condition, far beyond
Rome, obtain'd in the Council of Chalcedon, that
he ſhould have the ſame Pri-
leges as Rome the Capital once of the Weſtern. That Council how good fo-
ever otherwiſe laid the Stone of the Hierarchical Tyranny, which hath been a
ſtone of Offence to all Ages fince. The firſt Council of CP. had indeed given
the Biſhop (a) ta togeolóx Tūs truñs, but that of Chalcedon gave him (b)
ta' aseo Coi se abſolutely, which was indeed in the firſt only a place of Honour,
but in the latter a ſuitable Power was join'd to it in Eccleſiaſtical matters.
(a) Conc. CP. Can. 3.
dito (6) Conc: Chalced. c. 28.
The

Chap. XIII. v. 11.
579
The Falſe Prophet.
nus.
The Ceremonial is always link'd to the Power, and is an Evidence of it And
therefore it could not reft there. So they gave him (a) Power to receive Ap-
peals, even in the firſt inſtance : not granted then to the Biſhop of Rome by any
Canon, and even ſtill denied in the Gallican Church; and that too without Ex-
ception, as (b) Beveridge ſhews, was granted to che Biſhop of CP, ſo that
ever ſince that Canon che Biſhop has pretended to an equal right over the
Oriental Churches, as the Biſhop of Rome over the Weſtern; yea, and as far
as appears from the words, appeals might even be brought from Rome to that
See.
Upon this the Biſhop of Rome Leo I. began to beftir him. He writes to
Anatolius to expoftulate the matter : and the fame Day to the Emperor Marcia-
In which Epiſtle, ſince he could not have a Council of his fide to give
him more Juriſdiction, he would not be behind him in ufurping; and to aflum'd
the new Title of (c) Leo Epiſcopus Romana do univerſalis Ecclefiæ ; and to ſhew
us, that he did not take the word in the fame Senſe as Catholick, he takes both
in his Epiſtle to the Emperor Leo. The Dire&ion of which runs thus: (d)
Leo Roma di univerſalis Catholicæque Eccleſia Epiſcopus, Leoni ſemper Auguſto
where Univerſalis ſeems to be the ſame as Oixxufvinós. He affam'd chen firſt, I
ſay, that Title in wriring to the Eaſtern Biſhops or Emperor: but long before
that, he had obtain'd of the Emperor Valentinian a Decree or Novella, wherein
he is called Univerſitatis Re&tor. And that you may fee, that his Hand was
therein, this Right and Title is grounded upon the Merit of St-Peter, the
Prince of the Apoftolical Colledge, and the Dignity of the City of Rome. Which
latter is the only ground of ſuch Preference in the (e) Canon, whereas the
former is purely the (f) Invention of Leo, as far as I can perceive; he being
the firſt who ſee that Notion on Foot, which having been proſecuted with
vigour by his (g) Succeffors, has been the only Foundation, by which that
Biſhop is become an Eccleſiaſtical Monarch in the Weft; and his See or Capi-
tal regain'd the Dominion, which it had under the Dragon. Neither che Fa-
thers nor Councils having ever thought, that St. Peter had any ſuch Primacy ;
or that his having been at Rome fettled it there : And yet we find that Leo had
taken care to ſend this Hobby-horſe to the Council of Chalcedon by his Legates,
as we ſee by their Sentence againſt Dioſcorus copied by (b) Euagrius. Bur the
Council did not ſeem to take notice of it.
But Ticles are nothing in compariſon of Power. Now it is certain, that he
aſſum'd this Univerſal and Papal Power; for at the very fame sime he takes
upon him to diſannul by his own power all that the Council of Chalcedon had
done againſt his mind. His words are: (i) Quia fi interdum immoderati Præ-
ſules aliquas incidunt culpas, Ecclefiam tamen Chriſti integra gratia perſeverat. Con-
Senſiones vero Epifcoporum, l'an&torum Canonum apud Nicenam conditorum regulis repug-
nantes, unit a nobis veftre fidei pietate in irritum mittimus, & per authoritatem beati
Petri Apoſtoli
, general prorſus definitione calamus. About the Year 586. Fohn
Biſhop of CP.called the Faſter, took alſo upon him that Title of Oecumenical or
Univerſal Patriarch at a time when Rome was under a Cloud, being beſieg'd by
the Lombards. Pelagius being then Biſhop of Rome, and Gregory afterwards his
Succeffor, did all they could to oppoſe it: but the Emperor Mauritius took his
part; and ſo che point was carried. Whereupon there happens a Revolution
in the State, and Phocas, having ſlain his Maſter, ſtep into the Imperial Throne;
immediately Gregory ſtrikes in with Phocas, flatters him with all his might, and
made way for his Succeſſor Bonifacius ſoon after to perfect what Gregory firſt op-
pos’d in another, but at laft endeavour'd to get for himſelf. Phocas not finding
the Biſhop of CP. to be in his Intereſt, and hoping to find help in Italy in time of
need, endeavour'd to pleaſe Bonifacius. So the point was carried ; and the
Pope obtained, that the See of Rome ſhould be declared the Head of all Churches,
and the Roman Biſhop the Supream and Univerſal Biſhop, by an Imperial Con-
ftitution : which being admitted and confirm'd in a Synod of Biſhops, the Bi-
(a) Conc. Chalcedon. Can. 9. & 17. (6) Bevereg. in Can. 9: Conc. Chalced. . (c) Leon
Fpift. 54
(d) Leon. Epift. xcvii. vid. Joli
. Launoii Part. 1. Epift. 4. (e) Vid.
Bevereg. in Can. 28. Conc. Chalced.
c) V. Salmaſ. de Primar. Papæ p. 288. & P.
Mornæi Myft. Iniquit. p. 64: (6) Vid. Decret. Grat. Dift. 21. cap. Quamvis Ecclefia. &
Gul. Barclai. de Poteft. Pap. cap. 4. (h) Euagr. Hift. Eccleſ. Lib. II. cap. 4. (i) Leon.
1. Epift. 55
Thop

580
The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. v. 11.
ſhop of Rome began to inſert the Claule, Volumus & jubemus, the Stile of the
ancient Roman Emperors or Dragon, without which no Biſhop howſoever
elected by Clergy and People could be confirm’d.
On the other hide the Biſhop of CP. kept his Title, and the Juriſdiction
which the Canons had given him. So that from the Times of Leo there was in
the Church a double Eccleſiaſtical Monarchy of two Biſhops Oecumenical,
who pretended to have all the power of the Lamb: and it hach ſo continued
fince. The Bp. of CP. never yielding any thing to that power which the Bp.
of Rome hath frequently pretended to have over all the Churches
. And now,
that this is the very Character of Antichriſt, that is, of the Beaſt chac has two
Horns like the Lambs, and ſpeaks like the Dragon, we need no more to prove
it, but the Confeſſion of the Parties, whoſe words have been cited already in
our Note upon Chap. 8. 13. C. and which is the more wonderful, they ſaw
Antichriſtianiſm in the word, whilſt they practic'd the thing, as the (a) Lear-
ed Du Pleſſis obſerves thereupon.
Mr. (b) Bingham has obſerv'd, that long before the times of Gregory the Firſt,
the title of Oecumenical had been given to the Bp. of CP. even by the Empe.
ror Juſtinian in ſeveral of his Ediets. One would wonder then, that Gregory
ſhvuld make ſuch an Out cry about it. But it may be, that tho' the Title had
been then given, it was not taken ; and was look'd upon as a kind of Imperial
(c) Compliment: but when the Biſhop began to take it, this look'd as the
Uſurpation of a new Power even above Rome, or at leaſt equal.
But theſe Titles, wherein Antichrift was diſcover'd at firſt, were nothing in
Compariſon of the Titles and Power which the Biſhops of Rome have fince
aſſumed to themſelves. Many Colle&tions have been made to this purpoſe by
learned Men. I ſhall content my ſelf to produce ſome few inſtances. But
they will be more properly ſet down in the next Note,
Before we leave this, ic is very proper to ſpeak of a various reading in this
place, not obſerv'd at all by Dr. Mills, though it is very remarkable. One of
the (á) MSS. of Petavius inſtead of duo hath Sense xai duo, ſo that this Beaſt
inſtead of two Horns ſhould have twelve. As this MS. is confirm'd by no other,
we need not to ſtand much upon it. But if it was, we might reconcile this
with the other Expoſition by obſerving from the next Verſe, that ſince this
Beaſt executes all the Power of the other, ſo it hath the like number of Horns,
or ten anſwering to the reft, and two of its own denoting its peculiar Power
in the Church. So that we might diſtinguiſh the Horns thus, by putting a
Stop after seve, and joyning the word quod only to duo, ſo that the meaning of
the whole Expreſſion ſhould be, this Beaſt bad ten borns, and two of the fame kind
as the Lamb. Or elſe if we take the Horns altogether for twelve, this number
being equal to the Apoſtles of Chriſt to whom he communicated the power of
governing his Church, this Beaft ingroſſes to it ſelf all the Power of the Apo-
ftolical College, that being indeed the meaning of an Univerſal or Oecume.
nical Biſhop. Which pretence we find in the Event to have been equally
managed by two Biſhops. But after all, this reading being ſo ſingular, we can
lay no Foundation upon it.
Tho' Names be oft'n impos’d without deſign, yet frequently there is ſome-
thing fatal in chem, which I obſerve concerning theſe two firſt Pretenders, Leo
and Anatolius, to the univerſal Epiſcopacy, alluding to the two Names given to
the Lamb juft upon his Inauguration. He is callid Lion of Judah, and Root of
David, or nox in lſaiah and Zechariah turn'd by 'Ayaton in the LXX. from which
comes the name Anatolius. So this Beaſt in its Inauguration has its owo Horns
call'a Leo and Anatolius. Did this happen by chance ? 'Tis however an ominous
kind of Coincidence, and ſtill more luckily Pope Nicholas the Firſt faid of Leo
Magnus: Imitator ſcilicet illius Leonis, de quo fcriptum eft, Vicit Leo de tribu Iuda.
Divinitùs excitatus, os operiens, totum orbem, eo ipſos.quoque Auguſtos concuteret, ez
ad pietatem commoneret, religio Catholica penitùs corruillét. He owns him firft Au-
thor of the Papacy.
(Ⓡ) Myſter. Iniquit. p. 103, Bc. (b) Mr. Bingham's Antiq. Lib. II. cap. 17. (c) Vid.
Tho. Rivii J. C. Imp. Juſtinian. Defenb. p. 131. Vid. Du Moulin Defence of K. Fam. I.
(d) N. Teft. Gr. Oxon. 1675. in Append.
Doctor

Ch. XIII. V. ll.
The Falſe Prophet.
581
3
Doctor Hammond is fufpe&ed to have followed the Opinion of Grotius upon
this Propheſy oue of fear that ſome diſgrace would fall upon Epifcopacy, if
the Pope, who calls himſelf the Head of the Biſhops, ſhould be made Anti-
chriſt. Whence one may raiſe an Objection againſt the Chriſtian Church,
that its Biſhops were idolatrous. Our Divines have already anſwered this by
diſtinguiſhing in this point the truly Chriſtian Authority of their Million from
the Superſtructures of Idolatry ; ſo that the divine Miſſion paſt through them
to us, though the Canal was muddy and corrupted; it kepe ſtill the Effence. I
add, that this is no better an Objection againſt them, than againft Aaron in the
Mofaical Church : he was once an Idolater, though afterwards he was ſet aſide
for the Prieſt-hood ; and ſome of his Succeſſors were the Encouragers of falſe
Propheſy, Jerem. 5. 31. for all that they were Prieſts, and ſat in Moſes's Chair.
Aaron was compelled by the People, and ſo they were in Jeremiah's Time. The
fame thing happen'd to the Chriſtian Biſhops. They have been Sufferers by
the Tyranny of the Biſhop of Rome, and commonly oppos'd it all they could ;
Idolatry came not in by their means, they were forc'd at laſt to give way to it,
becauſe the People would have it fo.
D. Kai érdéact us Agency, And it ſpake as the Dragon.] That is, notwithſtanding
its pretending to have a Power like Chriſt's and from Chriſt, it ſpeaks and acts
as the Dragon or Roman Emperors. The Acts of the Dragon in reſpect of
the Chriſtian Religion may be reduced to theſe three Heads in which we
muft ſhew that this Falſe Prophet imitates him : Firſt, Blaſphemy in uſurping
divine Titles ; Secondly, In commanding Idolatry; Thirdly, in oppofing or
contradi&ting the true Chriſtian Religion and Worſhip. In all theſe Parcicu-
lars this Beaſt is guilty, eſpecially the Biſhop of Rome.
To begin with his Blafphemies againſt God in uſurping divine Titles. The
Canon Law, which is his Oracle, ſaith thus : (a) Satis evidenter oftenditur d le-
culari poteftate nec ſolvi prorfus, nec ligari Pontificem, quem conftat à pio principe Con-
ftantino, quem longe ſuperius memoravimus, DEUM appellatum, cùm nec poſle deum
ab hominibus judicari manifeftum fit. By this it appears in what Senſe they take
the word God. The Gloſs upon one of the Extravagantes, ſpeaking of Pope
Fohn XXII. (b) Credere DOMINUM DEUM noftrum Papan conditorens
di&a Decretalis bu iſtius, ſi non potuiſſe ſtatuere ut ftatuit, hæreticum cenferetur. In
the laſt Council of Lateran. Seff. IX. A. C. 1514. one of the Apoftolical
Chamber ſpeaks thus to Leo X. DIVINÆ Majeftatis tuæ conſpectus rutilanti
cujus fulgore imbecilles oculi mei caligant. This came out with the Popes Approa
bacion, and the following Expreſſion is found therein; namely, that the Papal
Dignity is Divinum Imperium. In the ſacred Ceremonies we find: (c) Sedes
DE I, id eſt, ſedes Apoftolica. Theſe things are authentical ; ſo that we need
not to wonder if the Flatterers and Makers of Dedications uſe that Stile.
Stapleton the Engliſh Jeſuit faith:() Supremune, plane fupremum in terris NUME N.
He ſpeaks of the Pope Gregory XIII. The Theſes Dedicated to the Pope in this
manner, Paulo V. Vicedeo are modeſt in Compariſon. In the Gate of Tolentino
is found this Inſcription : PAULO III. OPT. MAX. IN TERRIS
DEO. Nay, che People believe he is a God. Barclay out of Gerfon : (e) Qui
æftimant Papam eſſe unum deum, qui habet poteſtatem omnem in coelo & in terra,
Hence in the triumphal Arch rais'd at the Entry of Sixtus IV.
Oraclo vocis mundi moderaris habenas,
Et merito in terris crederis effe deus.
Therefore he muſt be worſhipp'd as God. The laſt Council of Lateran ſays:
(f) Eſt univerfis populis adorandus eo deo ſimillimus ; and this is explain'd by Pſal.
72. 11. Adorabunt eum omnes Reges Terræ, and the Poet Mantuan underſtands it
ſo, when he ſays:
Enſe potens gemino, cujus veftigia adorant
Cæſar du aurato veſtiti murice reges.
(a) Gratian. Decret. Dift. 96. Can. Satis.
monial. Lib. II. Se&. 7. cap. 6.
(e) Gul. Barclaii de Poteſtat. Papa pi 2.
(6) Extrav. Cum inter. (e) Cere-
(d) Stapleton in Præf. Princip. Do&tr. Fidei.
(f) Seff. 3. & Ioa
71
Accord

582
The Falſe Prophet. Chap. XIII. v. is
Accordingly the Pope is no ſooner elected, but he is clothed in the Pontifical
Habits, Crown'd and plac'd upon an Altar; and the Cardinals come there,
and kiſs his Hands and Feet: which Ceremony is called Adoration. At the
Coronation of (a) Martin V. Medals were coin'd, in which are repreſented two
Crowning the Pope, and two kneeling with this Motto: Quem creant adorant.
Is not this downright Blaſphemy and Idolatry of the worſt Stamp, thus to
worſhip the Work of their own Hands? He takes alſo the peculiar Titles of
our Saviour. in the Canon Law he is frequently called the Husband of the
Church, which Bellarmine explains by ſaying ; etiam Chriſto ſecluſo. Pope Lea
X. in the Council of Lateran was called, The Lion of the Tribe of Judah, the
Root of David, the Saviour of Sion. (b) Bellarmine calls him, the Chief corner-
Stone. He alſo takes the ſame Rank as the Holy Ghoſt. I have ſhewn before,
that the Title of Vicar of Chriſt did belong to the Holy Ghoſt ; 'is notorious
that the Pope uſurps both the Name and the Office, within the compaſs of
which alſo the Bifhop of CP. comes. But Du Moulin further produces the
Canon Law, which ſays: (c) That to violate his Canons is to blaſpheme againſt the
Holy Ghoſt
. There is alſo cited a Medal of Julius III. with theſe words: (d) D.
7 ULIUS REIPUBLICÆ
REIPUBLICÆ CHRISTIANÆ REX AG
PATER. TE
Secondly the commanding or impoſing of a Religion which hath Idolatry in
it, is one of the Properties of the Dragon. Ansbertus : Sed quia fub Agni ſpecie
auditoribus reprobis ſerpentinum virus infundit, re&te fubjungitur, Et loquebatur ficut Draco.
Idolatry is the Poyfon of the Serpent. In this che Biſhop of Conſtantinople bears
almoſt an equal ſhare with that of Rome. The Invocation of Saints crepe in
both ways inſenfibly at firſt, as alſo the Veneration, and at laſt Worſhip given
to Images
. The worſhip of Images being the height of Folly, and Idolatry
was therefore the laſt ſettled. This Settlement began in the Eaſt, nocwithitand-
ing the great Endeavours of ſeveral of the Byzantine Cæfars to the contrary,
till Irene having ſet up a Biſhop in Conſtantinople for her purpoſe, got it ſettled in
the ſecond Council of Nice: which hath ever ſince prevail'd in the Eaſt, Adrian
the Latin Pope giving way to that Council. And tho' the Council at Frankford
diſannullid what the Council at Nice had done, yet the Pope ſtood to it againſt
all the Repreſentations of Charles the Grear. So that the Settlement of Image
Worſhip is wholly owing to che two Biſhops of Rome and Conſtantinople.
Thirdly, The Pope exalts himſelf above God and Jeſus Chriſt, and by that,
though he otherwiſe pretends to be like the Lamb, yet he ſpeaks like the Dra-
gon. (e) Sub ſpecie Evangelicæ prædicationis Chriſto contrarius erit, faith Hilary.
Nay, he direaly oppoſes himſelf to God and Chrift. Now this may be made
out by obſerving firſt, how the Popes diſpenſe with the Laws of God; ſecond-
ly that they make Laws quite contrary to the Laws of God; and thirdly how
they exa& rigorouſly the Obſervation of their own Laws, but neglect that of
the divine. As for inſtance, we are told in the Canon Law: (f) Papa contra
Apoftolum diſpenſat, & contra Canones Apoftolorum. Item contra Vetus Teftamentum,
item in juramento. Again : (g) Papa, poteft contra Apoſtolum diſpenſare. Laftly, (b)
Diſpenſat in Evangelio interpretando ipfum. So here's thorough Work, old
Teſtament, Goſpels, Writings of Apoſtles, and Canons. The Practice is
ſuitable. Then he oppofes God by pretending to have a Power to make
new Articles of Faith ; tho' God forbids to add or diminiſh from his
word. He diſannuls the Command of Chriſt, in taking away ſome of
the Sacraments: he adds new Sacraments to the Inſtitution of Chrift.
This is one of the Characters St. Ferome gives us of Antichrift: (i) Mutabit e
augere tentabit Sacramenta Ecelefiæ. He takes away the reading of the Holy
Scriptures, which God commands. He forbids Meats and Marriage, which
God has left free. God commands that Prayers be made in a kaown Tongue,
the Pope forbids it. God ſaid : Thou ſhalt not covet, and thereupon St. Paul ſays,
That Concupiſcence is a Sin, Rom. 7.7. Now hear what the Council of Trent
ſays thereupon: (k) Hanc concupifcentiam quam aliquando Apoftolus peccatum appellat,
(a) Bonaoni Numiſmat. Pontific. Romanor.
(6) Bellarm. de Pont. præf. (c) Can
Violator. & in expurgation. Sixti Tom. I. Concilior. p. 704. Edit. Colon. (d) Ph. Bonann.
Numiſm. Pont. Rom. so(eHilar. Pi&tav. cont. Auxent.
(f) Tic. 8. de Conceff.
Præb. in Gloff (8) Diftin&t. 34. Can. Leftor. vid. Dift. 82. Canon. Presbyter. (b) Cauſ.
25. Qu. 1. can. funt quidam, in Glofl. (i) Hieronym in 2 Theil. cap. 2.
(k) Sefl
. 5.
Janeta

Chap. XIII. v. 12.
583
The Falſe Prophet.
Jancta Synodus declarat, Ecclefiam Catholicam nunquam intellexiffe peccatum appellari,
quod verè & propriè in renatis peccatum fit; fed quia fixe peccato est, & ad peccatum
let themſelves above and contrary to God by making themſelves Judges
of all Controverſies above the Scriptures, affuming power to nontradict them.
Yea, they pretend that the Holy Scriptures receive Authority, -nt from God,
but from the Pope. The Canon Law is clear, Pope Nicholas appro.es the
fol
lowing Propofition: (a) Si vetus novumque Teftamentum ſunt recipiena.
Non
quod Codici Canonum ex toto babeantur annexa, fed quod de his recipiendis Sancti
innocentii prolata videatur eſſe fententia. So that God and Chriſt are beholden
the Pope if the Old and New Teſtament are receiv'd among Chriſtians. No won-
der chen if the Popes pretend to correct the Law of God, to permit the read-
ing of ic as little as they pleaſe, to change what they think fit, and diſpenſe
from obeying its Commands, or indulge from Pennance for doing againſt
what it forbids.
We need not then to wonder if Eraſmus, a Man of founder Principles than
moſt of the reft of the Roman Church, ſhould complain of theſe horrid Enor-
mities. He ſays: (b) Atque hac in re adeo modum neſciere quidam, ut pofteaquam
nibil non definierant de rebus divinis, novam etiam in his
, qui nihil aliud funt quam
bomines, Jeótate commenti funt: que quidem plus quæftionum, & atrociores túmula
tu8 excitavit orbi, quam olim Arianorum temeritas. He proceeds: Sit hoc vanum,
niſi reipſa doceam in libellis quorundam, qui jam annis aliquot hinc atque hinc
multi provolarunt, Pontificia majeſtatis u regarmisal, elle quædam quæ dum impenſe
tuentur hominis dignitatem, apertam habent contumeliam in Chriftum.
Hoc niſi
res zvicerit ipla, sim ego vanus autor. Non damno ſtudium illorum, qui fobriè de-
fendunt Pontificis autoritatem, adverfus quorundam ſeditiofam petulantiam : tametfi
magis optarim fic effloreſcere Chriſti gloriam, ut totius mundi gloriam obſcuret
etiam fi fieri poffit, Petri & Pauli, non modo Romani Pontificis. Sic enim obfcurati,
vere fuerimus glorioſi. Ir nos ex nobis nihil effemus, sed Chriſtus effet omnia in
om nibus. De paucis interim loquor, qui dum immodice ſtudent bomini ſuam aſſerere
dignitatem, non fatis confuluerunt dignitati Chrifti, cui foli debetur omnis dignitas.
Contumelia is a proper and full Latin Expreſſion for Blaſphemy. And this ought
to be enough to condemn the Pope, even in the Judgment of Eraſmus. As co
the Biſhop of Conftantinople 'tis true that we cannot accufe him of ſuch Ex-
travagancies as chat of Rome, but yet enough may be laid to his Charge. The
Pretence of being univerſal Biſhop, and ſecling Idolatry in his Churches con-
trary to the Law of God do ſufficiently make out the three Articles mention'd
before, by which is made plain, that tho' he pretends to have an Horn like the
Lambs, yet he ſpeaks like the Dragon. If he hath not been ſo exorbitant as
his Fellow Falſe Prophet, it is becauſe he never had ſo much Temporal Power
to lift him up to the ſame height.
The Conlideration of this difference of Power will be of great uſe towards
the folving of a Queſtion, which tho' ic be obvious, and of great importance
in this caſe, has never been as yet propos'd and ſolv’d, as far as I know. The
little Horn in Dan. 7. 8. which is ſaid to come up among the ten Horns of the fourth
Beaſt, and before whom three of theſe firſt ten Horns were placked up by the Roots,
is own'd to ſignify the Pope of Rome, and by thoſe who will join Daniel with
St. John, it is ſaid to be the ſame as the Beaſt with two Horns here. They
have ſeen very well, that the Beaſts with ten Horns in both Propheſies concern
the ſame thing. But why do they ſay, that the little Horn in Daniel is the
ſame as this Beaſt with two Horns; or at leaſt why do they not give ſome
reaſon why the Holy Ghoſt in Daniel ſhould repreſent that by one Horn, which
in St. John is repreſented by two? The words of Daniel are theſe: I conſidered
the Horns, and behold, there came up among them another little Horn, before whom there
were three of the firſt Horns pluckt up by the Roots : and bebold in this Horn were Eyes
like the Eyes of Man, and a Mouth Speaking great things. By this therefore we
muſt underftand, that the Holy Ghoſt repreſented and confidered this little
Horn as one aiming at and acquiring a temporal Power in the ſame manner as
the Horns, which are pluckt up before it, to let the little Horn get their Pow-
(a) Diftin&t. 19. Can. Si Romanor.
Panorm. in Hilar. Pietavi
(6) Eraſm. Præf. ad D, J. Carondilet. Arch.

584
The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. V. 11
er.
But in che Viſion of St. John the Holy Ghoſt doth ſomething elſe, and
conſiders this Beaſt not fo much, or at leaſt not only, as it may enjoy temporal
Power, but rather as it is a Falle-Prophet,
as one thac pretends to have the
fame power as the Lamb, in the Church eſpecially: and under that presence
railing up twozcclefiaftical Monarchies over the Chriſtian Clergy; making it
felf with them an independent Government or State, and backing thoſe Pre-
tences from the power of the Dragon, claiming the Privileges of the ancient
Roma and Pagan Empire, and eitabliſhing the ſame with the like Idolatry
yranny over the Conſciences of Men. So whereas in St. Fohns no men-
cion is made of any three Horns, which having temporal Power are plucke up
by this Beaſt, as in Daniel; it is not therefore implied, that theſe ewo Horns
have power of the ſame kind exactly as the ten Horns, but of another fore :
becauſe their power over and with the corrupted Clergy and Laity is ſufficient
to make them Horns like the Lambs, or Ecclefiaftical Kings. Bur yet, that
they have great power in the Civil Affairs is ſufficiently implied in the words,
it exerciſes all the power of the other Beaſt with ten Horns. As for the manner
and degrees of its Acquiſition in either of the Horns of the Falſe-Prophet;
that is not fpecify'd in St. Fobn's Viſion. We are wholly indebted to Daniel's for
that particular, when he ſays, that it was one little Horn before which three
of the ten were pluckt up. Thus therefore we ſee, that the deſign of the
Holy Ghoſt in St. Fohn's Viſion is ſomewhat different, and of a larger extent,
than in Daniel's. For the Holy Ghoſt here deſcribes all that Power of Falſe
Propheſy in the Chriſtian Church, and thereby includes the Biſhop of con-
ftantinople as well as the Biſhop of Rome, whom Daniel's Viſion chiefly repreſents,
if not alone. In St. John ali is' more explicitely expos d than in Daniel, and
Teaches further. The Biſhop of CP. did as much make up a Horn with his
Clergy in order to Falſe-Propheſy, as the Biſhop of Rome, who is the other
Horn. If the Biſhop of Rome has gotten more power than his Fellow, that
deftroys not the Horn, nor alters its property of being alſo a ſpiritual Horn
like the Lambs. In this reſpect both are Fellows, and make up one Beaſt with
Horns like the Lambs, and a Falſe Prophet before the great Beaſt to make War
with the Saints. 'Tis not neceſſary that the cwo Horns be equal in every re-
ſpeet, no more than it is for any one of the ten Horns of the other Beaſt ro
be equal to each of the reſt. The quality is the ſame, tho' they differ in
quantity or extent of Dominion. It is enough if both have Power of the fame
The Biſhop of Rome has ſpoken louder, and gotten more temporal
Power to back his Falſe Propheſy: but yet the Biſhop of Conftantinople, with
his Falſe Propheſy or Seduction, made that ſhare of the Beaft with ten Horns,
before whom he ſtood, to comply to his Deſigns to bring Idolatry into the
Church, and ſet up his own power over his Clergy, as well as the Biſhop of
Rome on his part. Hiſtory fufficiently teſtifies what ſtroke the Biſhops of CP.
had with the Eaſtern Emperors above all other Counſellours. The Hiſtory
of Pachymeres, who being a Church-Man was acquainted with all the In-
trigues, ſhews that the Emperors durſt hardly do any thing without the
Concurrence of their Patriarch. Imuft repeat it here, that my buſineſs is only
to give hints: eſpecially in ſuch Cafes where the Symbols are ſo comprehenſive,
that it would require an whole Hiſtory to make them out to the full. Hints of
this nature are ſufficient to thoſe who are acquainted with Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory,
But where the Symbol is ſpecial, we take no ſuch Liberty.
A. verf. 12. Kai tu e Escriar os mára Supio sãoy Tould Eva MON BUTË, And it exera
ciſes all the power of the firt Beaſt before it.] The word opoty is here according to
its origin inſtead of apolées
, prioris, as Tychonius, and the Vulgate tranſlate ic.
The former Beaſt ; (a) Non temporis ſed narrationis ordine, not in reſpect of Ex-
iſtence, but in the Narration, as Mede well obſerves. The word évéasov, before,
fignifies, that this Beaſt or Falſe-Prophet, however great, is as a Miniſter co
the former. And whether it be conſidered as one like the Lamb, that is,
having Ecclefiaftical Power, or like a Prophet, the Holy Ghoſt uſes a Stile
proper in ſuch caſe, the (b) Office is ſuch as obliges it to exerciſe its power
before another. So God fpeaks of the High Prieft under the Kings of Iſrael,
in Sam. 2. 35. sej diendiostas švaralov 78 xsisiš ses, and be shall walk before mine anoint-
nature.
(a) Medi Reſp. ad ftri&. Lawen.
(6) Vid. Nor. Chap. 19.19. A.
ed.

Chap. XIII. V. 12. The Falſe Prophet.
585
ed. Again in the Accompliſhment of that Propheſy,, Solomon faith to Abiathar,
1 Kings 2. 26. évótlov å meleós ks, before David my Father. Concerning Falſe-
Prophets 'tis us'd likewife in 1 Kings 22. 10. And all the Prophets propheſied before
them, sagopát dooy év aórtion culã. This Falſe Prophet is therefore the chief Couns
ſelor, and as it were the Fac totum of the former Beaſt, which puts the Beaſt
upon doing all the Actions which the Falſe Prophet chinks fic to counſel. And:
bertus ſays: Et quam aliam poteftatem, niſi qua Bo vi premit eine fraude decipit? All
the Acts of Tyranny and Idolatry of the great Beaſt proceed from the Counſels
of this. We ſhall find in Chap. 17. 12. that the Holy Ghoſt diſtinguiſhes bez
tween the Horns, and the Beaſt itſelf
. The ten Horns are ten Monarchies
fimply conſidered; but the Horns ſet on the Beaſt fignifie that they are be-
come tyrannical, to oppreſs the true Church and ſettle Idolatry. Therefore we
muſt here obſerve, that the Falſe- Prophet exerciſes the power of the Beaſt :
that is, puts thoſe Monarchies upon that Tyranny. What a mighty ſtroke
theſe two Biſhops of Rome and CP. have had in all Affairs ſince the Diſſolution
of the Roman Empire, is pretty well known ; they have a&ted commonly as if
the temporal Princes were bound to do every thing according to their mind
otherwiſe they endeavour'd to dethrone them, and ſet up others in their
Itead.
Β. Και εποιεί τίω γω, και τες εν αυτή κατοικούλας, ίνα προσκυνήσωσι το θηρίον το πρώτος,
And cauſes the earth and them which dwelt therein to worſhip the fift Beaft.] Since the
firſt Beaſt conſents to be led by this Falſe Prophet, as one good Turn deſerves
another, or rather that the Holy Ghoſt may ſhew the mutual dependency of
theſe two Beaſts, the Falſe Prophet cauſes the Inhabitants of the Earch to ſub-
mic to che firſt Beaft. Indeed the advantage is wholly on the fide of the
Falſe Prophet: and this ſhews that he can abſolutely command the Allegiance
of all the Subjects
. 'Tis well known that the Pope has for many Ceneuries pre-
tended to this right, and hath acted accordingly, in diſpoſing of all the Crowns
in Chriſtendom. The Biſhop of Conftantinople had alſo a great Power in ſetting
up any Family upon the Imperial Throne. He hath not indeed been ſo bold in
this as the Popes; for they have dethron'd ſeveral Monarchs, and rais d up new
Families, as that of Pepin. Nay, they have diſpos’d of the Lands of the
Eaſtern Empire as well as the Weſtern by the help of the Croiſades, even to the
expelling of the Greeks for a long time from Conftantinople. Cardinal Pellavicini,
as the Author of his new Goſpel obſerves, ſays, (a) That ibe Monarcbies would
not be durable for the Inſolencies of Innovators without the interpoſition of the Spiritual
Authority; and by that means the number of Flots and Rebellions is much leſs. There
is ſomething in this; for if the Princes ſide with and pleaſe the Pope, they are
pretey ſafe, or elſe they are expos’d to Plots and Conſpiracies; and frequently
deposd. But nothing ſhews more plainly the boundleſs Ambition of the Bi.
thops of Rome ; and at the ſame time how ſenſible they are of their great power
to diſturb the Peace of Chriftendom, than the monſtrous Propoſal which Pius II.
called Æneas Sylvius before his Advancement to the Pontificat, and one of the
politeft Men of his Age, made to Mahomet II. Sultan of the Turks : (b)
if he would be baptiz’d, he ſhould have a ſurrender of the Eaſtern Empire
** made to him by che Pope ; ſo that he ſhould have a right to it by Law as
“ well as by Uſurpation : provided he would affiſt him to pull down the
* Fa&ions againſt the Popes, which uſurp'd againſt the Church; in return of
** which he ſhould find the Pope very grateful, who thereupon ſees forth the
Example of his Predeceſſors, who had given the Empire to Pepiz and Charles
“ the Great in return for the pulling down of the Lombards”. This needs no
Application. The Holy Ghoft ſhews us afterwards the means us’d by this
Falſe Prophet to make the Inhabitants of the Earth fubmit to the Beaſt
.
C. OS Jesuad' Sn vi aanzà sê Jevára duri, whoſe deadly wound was healed.] The
deadly Wound was ſaid to be given to the Head of the Dragon, which he had
delivered to the Beaſt with ten Horns, and not to the Beaſt it ſelf. But whether
Head of the Dragon, or Head of the Beaſt, or Beaſt it ſelf be ſaid to receive
the deadly Wound, it is the ſame thing in effect : the Beaſt being, the ſame
thing with the Dragon, only the name is chang’d by the deadly wound and
6 That
3. (a) C. Pallavic. Hift. Conc. Tridentin. Lib. XII. cap. 3. New Goſpel, Chap. 4. Art. 3..p. 202.
and Chap. 3. Art. 2.15 (6) Vid. Æg. Sylv. Epift. 396. & Myſter, Iniquit. p. 578. & Aymon.
Monum Authent. p. 19.
trans-
7 K

586
Ch. XIII. v. 13.
The Falſe Prophet.
transferring of the Diadems from the Heads to the Horns The fame Do-
minions being common to both, as alſo the ſame Heads. Whence the Holy
Ghoſt in the ſeventeenth Chapter puts the two Symbols of Dragon and Beast
into one Beaſt, as Daniel had done. Or elſe take it thus : the Beaſt receiv'd or
had ac firſt its Head wounded, by a Synecdoche, the Beaſt is ſaid to have
receiv'd the Wound, becauſe the Head delivered up had receiv'd it. More
over we may obſerve that the Holy Ghoſt hath made choice of this Ac-
cident of the Wound healed up to diſtinguiſh not only what Beaſt is ſpoken of:
but alſo to hint to us that it was by the means of this Head wounded and hea-
led again, that the Falſe-Prophet has gain'd this Power, to exerciſe Authority
before the Beaſt, and to oblige the Inhabitants of the Earth to ſubmit to the
Beaſt. This is true chiefly of the Roman Biſhop; but it alſo reaches the
Byzantine : becauſe the Rights of his See aroſe from the Communication of the
Rights of Rome to Byzantium by Conftantine, who gave it his name; which
Rights were confirm’d by his Succeſſors. So that the Head of Rome operates
not only by itſelf, but elſewhere.
A. verf. 13. Kel maiš onuria megare, And it doth great Signs.] This is a Catachrelis,
for the Holy Ghoſt allows no true Miracles to Deceivers. St. Paul ſays,
2 Thell. 2.9. that the coming of the wicked one is to be with all power and figns
and lying Wonders. That is, falſe Miracles to eftabliſh his Doctrine among Men.
Idolatry has been ſettled in the Church by falfe Miracles. The firſt Miracles
were pretended to be done by the Relicks of the Saints and Martyrs. After-
wards by Images and the like. This Argument prevaild with the Ignorant :
St. Paul did plainly predict that Miracles ſhould ceaſe in the Church: and the
Fathers of the fourth Century, at leaſt the moſt eminent, have own'd it to be
true of their times. Yet ſoon after Miracles are ſet on foot again, not to eſta
bliſh the Chriſtian Do&rine, which being ſettled before, needed no more ſuch
helps, but to introduce Opinions and Worſhip, which the Church knew noa
thing of before. All the pretended Miracles without Exception tended that
that way, as (a) Mede and (b) M. Jurien have fully provºd. This reaches
equally the Biſhops of Rome and Conſtantinople, and their Clergy. The Chriftian
Doctrine was ſo well ſettled; and that Do&rine is ſo evident againſt Idolatry,
whether in invocating Angels and departed Saints or Images; that nothing but
ſtupid Ignorance in believing any lies about Miracles, and the ſtrong perſua.
fion of their truth could have wrought that prodigious Corruption which has
been and is ſtill ſeen in the Church. To uſe the words of one of our Refore
mers. Archbiſhop Cranmer in his Anſwer to the Rebels of Devon: “ (c) No
“ Man ſurely could have wrought this thing, ſo much contrary to God, but
« Antichriſt himſelf; that is to ſay, the Biſhop of Rome. To whom God
" hath given great power to work Wonders, to bring into error thoſe that
" will not believe the truth”. But then this (d) Idolatry is only to maintain
the Power of the Falſe-Propher : and is therefore obſerv'd here as one of the
means us’d by him to keep up that Authority which he exerciſes before the
Beaſt, and by which he makes the Idolaters ſubmit to it and himſelf.
It muſt be own'd that ſome of the Ancients have thought that the Miracles of
Antichriſt ſhould be true; and the (e) Author of the Recognitions has gone
ſo far as to ſay he will drive out Dæmons and cure Diſeaſes. But (f) Saint
Chryfoftome and (8) St, Auſfin have doubted of it; and moſt of the reſt believed
they ſhould be falſe. Now they could only conjecture, but we know that they
are falſe Miracles; and ſo it is confeſſed by the moſt ſenſible Men of the
Roman Communion; at leaſt as to the groſs of them. For we cannot ſay,
but the inviſible Dragon, who concurs with the Antichriſtian State, may now
and then have been permitted to work ſome Miracles for them, becauſe we
don't know what Limits God has put to the power of the wicked Spirits,
This however we know, (b) that if any thing done was truly miraculous, is
muſt have been done by their Power : and by conſequence no Conclufion can
be drawn from them buc what is in favour of Satan. The Doctrine muſt be
the Teſt of the Miracles.
() Mede's Apoſtaſy of latter Times. (6) Cont. of Accompl. of Propheſies, in Chap.
19. 20. 21. (c) Articl
. 7. in M. Strype's App. n. xl. (d) Vid. M. Jurien's Cont. of
Accompl. in Chap. 18. (e) Clem. Recognit. Lib. III. 9. 60. vid. Coreler. ibid. (f) J
Chryf. in 2 Theff. 2. 9. (6) Auguftin. de Civit. dei Lib. XX. cap. 19. (1) V. Jurien
Prejug. Legit. Part 2. 6. 23.
B. Kai

Ch. XIII. v. 13
The Falſe Prophet:
58%
B. Kal műs, fvce iz ti speri mulabaish this the glisy And makes fire to come dowä
from beaven] This Falſe Prophet pretends for the Confirmation of his Do-
arine, to make fire come down from Heaven upon the Earth in the fight of
Men: in the ſame manner as the Prophets of Baal before Abab and the Iſraelites,
in competition againft Elias. Or elſe thus : As Elias the Prophet of God did
ſeveral times cauſe Fire to come down from Heaven upon the Earth to confirm
his Propheſy and deſtroy his Oppoſers : So will this Falſe Prophet cauſe a Sym-
bolical Fire to come from the political Heaven to confirm his falſe Propheſy and
deftroy the Prophets and Witneſſes of God. Heaven is the ſupream Civil Pow-
er, and Fire is War and Perſecution which he employs with the concurrence of
the ſecular Powers to ſettle his Authority, Idolatry; and deſtroy all his Op-
pofers therein. It falls upon the Earth, that is, the Subje&s of the Beaſt, who
chus by Fire and Sword are driven into Idolatry; and all the Oppoſers among
them feel the Effects thereof. Note, that 'tis the uſual way to oblige the Civil
Power to burn ſuch Oppoſers, whom they call Hereticks.
There is another way to explain this fymbolicaly by taking the words Fire
from Heaven to fignify by a Periphraſis, Thunder and Lightning, which is the
Symbol of the divine Oracles. So that this Falſe Prophet pretends to give out
Oracles, or Laws to Mankind as a God, and to inforce them by the fame Pu-
niſhments, as indeed the Lightning is properly the Light of the Law or the In-
·ftrudion contain'd in it, and the Bolt is the Pain annex’d, which ſtrikes tera
ror and deſtroys the diſobedient. It ſeems as if the Holy Ghoft would not give
thefe Oracles the name of Lightnings and Thunders, becauſe it was appropria.
ted to the Divine, or thoſe publiſh'd by his Authority and according to his
Will; for the ſame reaſon as the Agents of the Antichriſtian Kingdom and
diabolical Power are not called Angels as thoſe of God, but unclean Spirits
and Goblins, in Chap. 16. 13. though the Acts, Offices, and Miniſtry of
both be reſpectively the ſame in their kind: unleſs ſome things, when evil
Agents, imploy'd by God's Direction and to execute his Judgments, are ho-
noured with better Titles than would otherwiſe become them. 'Tis well
known that the Falſe Prophet hath his (a) Oracles, even called by that (6)
ſacred name, by which the divine are honour'd, and to which theirs are made
equal : (c) Inter Canonicas Scripturas Decretales Epiftola connumerantur. Nay eveni
prefer'd ; ſince as we have obſerv'd before, they pretend that God's Laws re-
ceive force from theirs. We need not then to wonder when we find in their
Canon Law: (d) Sic omnes ſanctiones Apoftolicæ fedis accipiendae ſunt, tanquami
ipfius divina voce Petri firmata. 'Tis alſo well known that they inforce the pra-
Etice of thoſe Oracles by Excommunications, which threaten Men with divine
Vengeance of eternal Fire : and this ſo patly, that ſuch Sentences of Excom-
munication are even called by themſelves the Thunders of the Vatican. Accord-
ing to which Pope Gregory VII
. called Hildebrand, ſpeaking of Henry IV. excom
municated by himſelf, faith that he was Thunder ſtruck, (e) aflatum fulmine, as
Brightman has well obſerv’d. And this is ſo viſibly an Alluſion to the Hiſtory
of Elias, that the Jeſuit (f) Sanders hath from that, and the flaying of the
Prophets Oppoſers by Fire from Heaven and the Sword, drawn an Argument
to prove the Power of the Pope over Temporal Princes. Further, the Greek
Church is no leſs infatuated with the Tenor of their Patriarchs Excommunica-
tions than the Latin. See their Hiſtorians.
If we take this Fire from Heaven literally, to ſignify that this Falſe Prophet
doth really pretend to ſhew ſuch Miracles, then we may obſerve, that
the Holy
Ghoſt alludes to the Tricks of the Magicians and Falſe Prophets of Paganiſms
That they pretended to have Fires, which were not lighted by humane Inven-
tion, but immediately by the Gods is very certain. Firſt by the Hiſtory of
Elias, 1 Kings 18. 24. So Virgil alluding to this ſays: (g) Audiat bæc genitor, qui
fodera fulmine ſancit : upon which Servius obſerves : Confirmat, San&ta efle facit.
Et hoc ideo, quia cùm fiunt foedera, ſi corufcatio fuerit, confermantur ; vel certa, quia
apud Majores are non incendebantur, fed ignem divinum precibus eliciebant, qui incendem
bat altaria. Examples of this kind may be ſeen in (b) Appian ſpeaking of
(a) Extray. de Majorit & obed. Titul. 33. cap. Per taas. (6) Rom. 3. a. () Diftin&t. I.
Can. in Canonicis, Rubric. (d) Diſtin&t. 19. Can. Sic omnes. (e) Epiſt. ad Germ.
f) Viú
Barclai. de Poteſtat. Papa. p. 2870 (g) Virgil. Sneid. Lib. XII. v. 2006 () Appian.
Syr p 123
Selechi

588
The Falſe Prophet. Chap. XII. V. 13.
Seleucus, which is alſo found in (a) Pauſanias: and in (b) Suetonius ſpeaking
of Tiberius, in (c) Valerius Maximus, and in (a) Dionyſius Halicarn. (e) Solinus
alſo tells us of ſuch a thing, as uſual in Sicily: Ligna fuper aras ſtruent, nec ignis
apponitur.- Si adeſi deus fic facrum probatur, Sarmenta licet viridia ignem fponte
concipiunt
. (f) Pauſanias tells ſuch another Story of the Lydians, and (g)
Pliny ſeveral. See alſo Virgil's Eclog. VIII. v. 1os. and Servius thereupon, as al
To Plutarch in the Life of Tully. Thus alſo Claudian ſpeaking of the Storm of
Thunder and Hail which affifted M. Antoninus the Emperor to beat the Quadi,
fufpects it might be done by the Arc of Magick, tho' he after ſays modeſtly,
that the Emperor might have obtain'd it by his Piety:
00
Ego di voto
baw (6) ----Chaldea mago ſeu carmina ritu die nag
gotis: 27toga Armavere deos : ſeu, quod reor, omne Tonantis
Obſequium Marci mores potuere mereri.
toond
Beſides all this we may obſerve, that the Magicians who pretended that the
Gods appeard to them and iħſpir’d them, fay alſo that ſuch Appearances were
preceded by Baſhes of Fire. By the different Appearances of which they alſo
pretended to diſtinguiſh the quality of each Concomitant God: (i) Jambli-
chus has an whole Chapter about this, and often ſpeaks of that Fire. (k) Pſellus
allo ſpeaks of it, and an Oracle cited in Euſebius (1) which I have copied
before. Now that the Papiſts pretend to ſuch Miracles is made out by Brighra
man and (m) others; the matter is not worth copying. I ſhall only obſerve
that the preſent Greek Church pretends to have ſuch a ſtanding (n) Mi-
racle, perform'd in the Holy Sepulcher yearly. Now as when God anſwer'd
by Fire in the Old Teſtament, it was a Token of his Preſence and Favour,
which was alſo the Opinion of the Pagans upon ſuch Occaſions true or falſe,
and that the Miracles of the Falſe Prophet are alſo reported for the ſame end :
So it is pleaſant enough to ſee, how the Greek Church draws an Argument from
this Miracle of the divine favour upon theirs, whilſt the Papiſts who relate
this look upon it as a great Impofture. But of this more upon Chap. 19. 20%
Du Moulin alſo obſerves, that the Monks in former Ages pretended to bring
down a Fire upon thoſe who offended them, which was called St. Antony's Fire ;
of which the Legend of St. Antony ſpeaks.
"Ambrofius Ansbertus hath a particular Notion concerning this Fire ; which he
expreffes in ſhort thus : Quid vero per ignem, niſi ſpiritus ſancti donum accipimus,
qui dudum in igneis linguis ſuper centum viginti bomines deſcendisſe legitur ? ---- Beftia
ergo cum duobus cornibus ignem de cælo deſcendere facit in terram : quia prædicatores
Antichriſti, falſa imitatione Eccleſiæ, per impofitionem manus dare ſe juis Spiritum
San&tum fequacibus fingunt. And elſewhere : (0) Omnium fignorum potius fignum
oftendens, ignem de coelo faciet deſcendere in terram : id eft, in fimilitudinem Ecclefiæ
Spiritum San&tum ignis appellatione ſignatum ſe accepiſſe oftendet, cum fit repleta ſpiritu
Sedu&tionis. Sed in conſpectu hominum, qui non ſapiunt ea quæ dei ſunt, ſed quae
bominum ; in conſpectu inquam hominum, Spiritus ſan&ti igneis linguis verba formare
credentur. Sed in confpetu electorum, rane fine linguis apparebunt. In purſuance
of this Notion; as the Spiric was to guide the Apoſtles into all Truth, Fohn
16. 13. ſo we might ſay, that the Holy Ghoſt here meant to fignify that Pre-
tence of the Falſe Prophet to Infallibility in as high degree as ever the Apoſtles
had it; as alſo the power of conferring the Graces of the Holy Ghoſt, even
to the power of Miracles and Prophely, as they were enjoy'd by thoſe who
receiv'd them from the Apoſtles, which is a point wherein the Pope pretends
to imitate the Apoſtles; tho' in the Event he ſeems more like that Simon Magus,
the firſt begotten of Satan and Antichriſt, who not being able to obtain che
Gift for Mony continued his Sorceries. Now which of theſe Interpretations is
to be preferid, since we find in the Event they all are found in the Subject, 'cis
difficult to determine : and perhaps needleſs, becauſe the Expreſſion of che
i to og
(a) Paufan. Attic. p. 14.
(6) Sueton. in Tib. cap. 14-
Lib. I. cap. 1.
(d) Dionyſ. Halic. Lib. I.
(e) Solin. cap. 2.
Eliac. Lib. I.
() Plin. Hift. Nat. Lib. II. cap. 107.
Conf. Hon. v. 348. () Jamblich, de Myft. Sect. 2. cap. 4.
(1) Eufeb. Pæp. Ev. Lib. V. p. 115, (m) Durham and Cluverus.
Not. Chap. 19. 20 B. (0) Ansbertus in Apocalypſ. Lib. VII. p.311.
p. 176.
(c) Valer. Maxim.
(f) Paufan.
(b) Claudian. de 6.
(le) Prellas de Dem.
(n) Vid.
Holy

Ch. XIII. V. 13, 14.
The Falſe Prophet
589
Holy Ghoft ſhews, that the Pretenſions of the Falſe Prophet are fo great, that
they eaſily infer all that is laid down here.
Ć. 'Excómov Tây év Spomir we, in the fight of Men] Men being oppoſed to Saints,
ſignify the Idolaters ; and the Expreſlion is us’d to Thew, that the Falſe Prophet
makes his Signs on purpoſe to eſtabliſh Idolacry; and that none but ſuch as are
Idolaters can be impos'd upon by his Miracles. He is alſo ſaid to do the Mira
cles before the Bealt; but that is to another purpoſe, as we ſhall fee upon the
place.
A. verf. 14. Kai anævă oss fuds Tès ne]oxxxv?as oli rñs yñs, decide toonutieAnd de-
ceives mine that dwell on the earth, by reaſon of thoſe Signs.]. This ſhews the end
of the Signs to be to deceive. The words Tès dues, mine, ſhew that the Nations
whom the Falſe Prophet deceives were God's People before: they were Chri-
ftians and true Worſhippers, but now deceiv'd. This is an Aggravation of
their fault; and it is according to the uſual way of ſpeaking, when God up-
braids the Kings of Iſrael and others for inducing his People to be Idolaters.
Though St. John be generally the Speaker in this Propheſy, tranſmitted to him
by the Miniſtration of an Angel from Jeſus Chriſt, yet the Prophet paffes on
without any word of Tranſition to refer the words as ſpoken in the Perſon of
Chriſt; which is a Figure common in Poets and Orators.
B. 'A ¿S6In duted toñoue êy cómov Tš Sugis, which it hath power to do in the fight of
the Beaſt.] As the Signs done before Men are in order to deceive them into
Idolatry, ſo they are ſaid to be done before the Beaſt in order to ſerve it accord-
ing to the Intention of the Falſe Prophet, which is, that the Beaſt being alſo
deceiv'd thereby, as well as its Subjects, they may follow unanimouſly the
Dictaces of the Falſe Propher, whole intent is to ſpeak like, that is, to imitate
the Dragon.
C. Aiyav toas xe:Toexcoin #trôs qñs, moiñ see oixáve tes Sugio, Saying to them that dwell
on the earth, to make an Image to the Beast.] Saying fignifies commanding or cauſing,
as words fignifies things allo; this is prov'd elſewhere. The main deſign of teta
ing up an Idol to be worſhipped, is to make Men forſake the Worſhip or Reli-
gion which they follow'd before, and to imbrace that of which the image is the
Repreſentative. Hence the Indian Onirocritick ſays very well in Chap 12,
Είν τις ίδη, ότι προσεκύησεν έδωλον, ή ωμίλησεν, ή επού λαισεν, ή έτυψεν η ετυφθη παρ'
αυτά και με τεροσκυνήσας, ψάδης βυήσεθαι εις θεόν, δια το ψάδες το είδωλο, A little after
he fays: 'Εν δε το είδωλον χρυσου και πάντολμG- έσαι, και παρα βασιλέως θλιβηθήσεται και
Tipagnanostat nai nura WOH UTÒy mãisa reune By which 'tis plain, that the Wor-
ſhippers of Idols forſake the divine Worſhip, and make themſelves miſerable;
being reduced to the ſtate of Miſery which it ſhall pleaſe the (a) King whoſe
Image they ſee to bring upon them. This is all true of theſe Worſhippers, as
will appear by and by, where they are reduced to Slavery, and in the four-
teenth and fifteenth Chapters; in the firſt of which continual Torments are
threatned, and in the latter executed.
'Tis the buſineſs of the Onirocritick to find out the Event fignified by the
Symbol, and we find it is true here in the Intention of the Holy Ghoft. But as
the Falſe Prophet is an Actor in this Cafe full of Craft and Miſery; we muſt
further conſider even what Intention of his the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to ſet forth :
The making of this ſinage alludes to the Image, which Nabuchodonoſor made to
be worſhipp'd by all his Subjects, Dan. 3. I. It was done it ſeems after this
manner. After that King had approv'd of Daniel's Religion and the Object of
his Worſhip, and for having interpreted the Dream, ſo that the King prefer'd
the God of Daniel above his Gods to the Confuſion of the Chaldeans or Falſe
Prophets about his Court: and beſides that had alſo prefer'd Daniel in the chief
place to be the Ruler of the Province of Babylon, and chief of the Chaldeans ;
and alſo at his Requeſt had promoted Shadrach, Meſhach and Abednego, three
Ferwys. He was ſet upon, moſt likely either by the Chaldeans or Courtiers, or
boch, to make an Image to be worſhipped, either himſelf or his Father, as a
God. For ſuch was the Cuſtom of the Eaſtern Nations to worſhip their Kings
as Gods: And though the reaſon of this be not exprefly ſet down, yet by
what follows in this Chapter, and comparing the fixth, it is plain that it was
done to ſupplant and deſtroy the Jews : the Chaldeans knowing that they would
(a) Vid. Sapient. Solom. cap. 14, 16, 17.
7 I
hog

The Falſe Prophet.
590
Ch. XIII. v. 14.
not worſhip an Idol. So that under the ſpecious pretence of bringing all the
Nacions within the King's Dominions into one Worſhip and Religion, the De
ſtruction of the Fews, whom the King ſeem'd to be affected to, was deſign'd.
For the bringing of all the Subjects of a King to his Religion by any means,
is and always was the aim of all tyrannical and deſpotick Kings. Thus tho
every Nation had its particular Rites and Gods, yet the worſhipping of the
God of the King ſeem'd to unite into one common Religion, and made them
ſubmit themſelves to the power that had ſet up the Image, which they worſhip-
ped. Of the origin of this Notion I ſhall diſcourſe freely, when I come to
the ſeventeenth Chapter, and to treat of Babylon the Symbol of every ido-
latrous Capital.
This Notion however was purſu'd through all the four great Monarchies.
The Kings of the Perſian Monarchy were always worſhipp'd as Gods: of which
we have ſeveral Proofs ; but 'tis to Pbiloſtratus that we owe this Obſervation,
that their Image was ſet up in the great Gates of abylon to be worſhipped by
all that come in, his words are (a) Apikoukies dè dute bis Gabunãra, • Ealemus, o che
των μεγάλων πυλών μαθών ότι υπέρ ισορίας ήκοι, ορέγει χρυσές εικόναι τα βασιλέως" ω
μη προσεκύησέ τις και θεμιτόν ώ έσφοιτάν είσω πρεσβλίον μια ομω παρα το “Ρωμαίων άρχον(G-
άδεμία ανάγκη τέτων παρα Βαρβάρω δε ή κονι, ή αφισορούτι την χώραν, ει μη τι εικόνα
s posegand shev, o'tiyov drevanotar Tis crue, this is ſpoken of the Parthia Line: buc
it is alſo very well known, that they follow'd the ancient Cuftoms of the
Perſians, whole Succeſſors they affected to be counted. At firft the Perſians had
no Statues, but afterwards their Kings imitated the Chaldeans; ſo that Artax-
erxes ſet up ſeveral Statues to be worſhipped, as (6) Clemens Alex. Thews out of
Berofus. This method of being worſhipped as a God was followed by Alexander
after he had overcome Darius, and by his Succeffors too : an inſtance of which
we find in one of the (c) Oxonian Marbles; and by the Roman Emperors,
whoſe Images were ſet before the Souldiers to be worſhipped, and to which all
Men were obliged upon occaſion to offer Incenſe, or give ſome token of Ado-
ration. It appears, that the Roman Emperors had a Statue of Fortuna Regia,
which was as the Badge of the Empire, che keeping of which was the right
of every Emperor. (d) Fortunam deinde Regiam, quæ comitari Principes, & in
cubiculis poni ſolebat, geminare ſtatuerat, ut facratifimum fimulacrum utrique relina
queret filiorum : ſed cum videret ſe perurgeri ſub horam mortis, jufille fertur : ut als
ternis diebus apud filios Imperatoris in cubiculis Fortuna poneretur. And fo Julius
Capitolinus : (e) Fortunamque auream, quæ in cubiculo Principum poni folebat, tranf-
ferri ad eum juſſit. Again :(f) Fortunam auream, quæ in cubiculo Solebat elle, ad
Marci cubiculum tranfire juffit. Theſe are I ſuppoſe, what Ammianus Marcellinus
calls : (g) Principalis Fortuna inſignia. Among thoſe Images were placed thoſe
of the Roman Emperors that were deceaſed. So Suetonius ſeems to hint in
theſe words : (b) Satis certa probatione tradiderim, načtus puerilem Imagunculam ejus
æream veterem, ferris ac pene jam exoleſcentibus literis, hoc nomine infcriptam : quæ
dono d me Principi data inter cubiculares colitur. This was an Image of Auguſtus as a
Boy under the name of Thurinus. Therefore it was a (i) Cuſtom, for a new
Emperor, created whilſt there was another living, with whom he deſired to
live in Amiry, to ſend him his own Image, even after the Emperors were
Chriſtians. Philoftorgius ſpeaks of it as an old Cuftom: (k) Ai Nð Kwisavlivas
εικόνες, ως έθG- 3 τοϊς άρε παρελθέσιν είς βασιλείαν πράττειν, αναπέμπονται προς τίω εναν»
αλλ' όγε Θεοδόσις έκ αρεσκόμα τη αναρρήσει, και προσίετο ταύτας: By this we may
underſtand the meaning of Suetonius, when among the Preſages which he re-
ports to have ſignified the Advancement of Auguſtus to the Imperial Dignity,
he inferts this (1) Q. Catulus poſte dedicatum Capitolium, duabus continuis no&tibus
somniavit: prima, Jovem Opt. Max. prætext atis compluribus circum aram ludentibus,
unum fecreviſſe : atque in ejus finum fignum Reipubl. quod manu geftaret, repoſuille
, &c.
Signum is here a Statue or Image ; and ſo indeed Dio in Xipbilin has underſtood it
when he tranſlates it by eixóya tñs 'Págeris. It was uſual in thoſe times to make
Statues in the ſhape of Women to repreſent Rome or any other City. So that
(a) Philoſtrat. de Vit. Apollon. Lib. I.
(6) Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 19. (*) Marma
Oxon. N. 1. Fæd. Smyrn. vid. Platarch. de Fort. Alexandr. (d) Ælius Spartian. in Severo.
(e) Jul. Capitolin. in Antonin. Pio. (f) Jul. Capitolin. in M. Antonin. (8) Am-
mian. Marcell. Lib. XXXI.
(6) Sueton. in Auguft. cap. 7.
(i) Vid. Zoſim.
Lib. IV. p. 251. Ed. Oxon. (k) Philoft. Hift. Eccl. Lib. XII. cap. 1o.
(1) Sueton.
in O&av. cap. 94.
in

Ch. XIII. v. 14
The Falſe Prophet.
591
in this place we muſt not truſt to Caſaubon, who takes Signum for a Seal; nor
to others, who take the word einwo in Xiphilin to ſignify the Plan of that City.
Whereas that Signum repreſented the titular Genius of the City, and was
therefore a Statue, not a Pidure. So Tully diſtinguiſhes : (a) Quas iſte tabulas
illinc, qua figna ſuſtulit?
Now in the times of Paganiſm theſe were honoured with all ſorts of divine
W hip, as we may learn from ſeveral Authors: Dio or Xiphilin in the Hiſtory of
Sejanus, and in that of Caligula : Minucius Felix, who has theſe remarkable words
(b) Etiam Principibus & Regibus, non ut magnis & ele&tis viris, ficut fas eft, ſed up
Deis turpiter adulatio falfa blanditur, cum då præclaro viro honor veriús, & optima
amor dulciis præbeatur. Sic eorum numen vocant, ad imagines Supplicant genium, id
eft Demonem ejus implorant. Et eft eis tutius per Jovis genium pejerare, quam regis.
Beſides, when Julian came to reſtore Paganiſm, he took up this way again to
inſnare the Chriftians. (c) Gregory Nazianzen gives a full account of it in one
of his Invectives. The images expos’d to publick view were alſo adored, ſuch
as thoſe which the Legions had. So Vegetius ſays: (d) Prima cohors reliquas en
numero militum ex dignitate præcedit. Hac Imagines Imperatorum, hoc eft divina do
præſentia figna veneratur. Hence Suetonius obſerves: (e) Et quædam munera Sy-
riacis Legionibus, quod folæ nullam Sejani imaginem inter figna coluiſſent. Now all the
Honours paid to theſe were abſolute Idolatry, and therefore the Chriſtians of
thoſe times abſolutely refus’d to give them an Honour, as well as to the Image
of the Emperor which was ( f) affectedly put among them. Tertullian has de-
cided ic thus : (g) Propterea enim & illud exemplum trium fratrum prácucurrit, qui
aliàs obfequentes erga regem Nabuchodonofor, honorem imaginis ejus conftantiffimè rea
Spuerint, probantes idololatriam eſſe quicquid ultra humani honoris modum ad inſtar
divine fublimitatis extollitur. It looks as if it was an inbred Notion in Paganiſm
to force the Subjects to pay homage to Statues erected by the Conqueror,
when we find that in latter Ages the thing is practis d. Thus we read in John
Struys; (b) that in the Reign of Baſiliús Ivanovitz Czar of Moſcopy the Caſan
Tartars having rebelled, and call'd to their, affiſtance the Tartars of Crim: one
of the Generals, Mendligerit%, took Moſcow, and erected a Statue therein, to
which he obliged and enjoyned the moſcovians to pay certain Homages. In
which theſe Tartars follows the Cuſtom of the Mogol Tartars, as it appears by
the words of an Author, who dwelt among them about 450 Years ago, cited
by D. Hyde. For he ſpeaking of their Idolatry and Sorceries, obſerves: (i)
Nam revera colunt fatiam Gingiz-chân, la cogunt alios eandem adorare vel ſe erga
eam flettere.
Since therefore ſuch was the pra&tice of the Pagans in St. Fohn's time, the
Holy Ghoſt, who deſign’d to ſhew us, that the Beaſt and Falſe Propher Suc-
ceſfors of the Dragon were to keep up all his Pretenſions and Idolatry, could
not uſe a more proper Symbol than by ſaying the Falſe Prophet would in like
manner cauſe an Image of the Beaſt to be ſet up, in order to demonſtrate the
Submiſſion of all the corrupted Chriſtians to the Beaſt and his Religion. And
as the Dragon by the Teſt of Submiſſion ſhewn to the Image of the Emperor;
though the Idolaters might otherwiſe worſhip what they pleas’d, did declare
that he had a mind to bring all the World to one Religion as his Slaves, it being
a right which the Maſters had over them, as I have ſhewn elſewhere, that they
might underſtand themſelves, and profeſs that they ſubmitted to thar Govern-
mene, whoſe Image they worſhipped ; ſo it appears here that the Intention of
the Holy Ghoſt was to Thew, that the Falſe Prophet here allo ſpeaks like the
Dragon, and makes an Image or Idol to be worſhipped by all the inhabitants
of the Earth, in order to make them own the whole Religion of the Beaſt by
that one only Principle of idolatrous Unity, ſuch as the Falſe Prophet puts
upon them: That thus all the World, whatever other Opinions and Religion
they may have, may at the ſame time be brought into that one idolatrous Wor-
Thip of ſubmitting their Conſciences and Religion to imbrace that of the Beaſt
and the Direction of the Falſe Prophet, and to own no Superior above them;
(4) M.T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. I. (6) Minut. Fel. in O&av.
() Gregor. Naz.
Orat. 3. in Julian. p. 83.
(d) Vegetius de Re Militari. (8) Sueton. in Tiber. cap.
48. & in Caligul, cap. 14. (f) Vid. Plin. Jun. Lib. X. Epiſt. 97. (8) Joh. de Plano
Carpini apud Hyd. de Relig. Perf. cap. 7. (1) Tertullian de Idololatr. cap. 15. (i) John
Struy's Voy. 3. chap. Io.
buc

594
de The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. v. 14.
but even facrifice the Duty which they owe to the true God, to the Ambition of
them two. Now this is effe&ted by this Falſe Prophet under ſeveral Names, but
all reſulting to the ſame thing at laft, which is an abſolute Submiſſion to the
ſecular Government of the Beaſt, and religious Compliance with the Falſe
Prophet, as he heads and manages t'other. It was done by the Biſhop of CP.
under the pretence of his being an Oecumenical Biſhop, and therefore the one
ſupream Biſhop of all the Eaſt : and by the Biſhop of Rome under the pre-
tended names of Apoftolick See, Vicarſhip of Chrift
, Succeſſion of St. Peter,
Roman Catholick and Apoftolick Church, Headſhip of the Church, chief Judg-
ment in Controverſies. For all theſe end in this one point, which is to ſet up
the Pope above all the World, as the only means to obtain eternal Salvation, as
it is propos’d by the Signs made before Men; and of bringing all Subjects into
one Religion under all Roman Catholick Princes, that thereby Fađions and Re-
bellions may ceaſe.
By what we have ſaid it appears, that the Falſe Prophet himſelf may be
faid to be the Image of the Beaſt, as repreſenting in himſelf all the Power of
the Beaſt; and doing all thoſe matters, which the Image is ſaid afterwards to
perform, and being indeed the Principle of Unity in the idolatrous Reign of
the Beaſt. And this is ſo palpable a Truth, that not only the Papifts them-
ſelves contend, that the Pope is that Principle, but even he hath been call'a
the ldol of that Church of which he pretends to be the Head. So that in him
there is all theſe things; a Beaſt or Tyranny, falſe Propheſy or Idolatry; an
Horn like the Lamb, or univerfal Epiſcopacy; and alſo an Idol, in that he is a
Principle of Unity in the corrupted Church, which makes all Men ſubmit to
thoſe Princes that are of his Party, and is at the ſame time worſhipped by them
all. As to the Principle of Unity, if the thing were not apparent of its felf,
we might ſhew it by the Arguments us’d by Cardinal Pallavicini; than whom
no Man has becter diſcovered the true Principles of that Church, eſpecially if
we take his Syftem, as it is ſet out by the Author of his new Goſpel
, and
who (a) particularly demonſtrates what we are upon. Further, that the
Pope is really the univerſal Idol of that Church we have expreſs Teſtimony,
in one of their own Writers, who fpake in a prophetick Stile. 'Tis (6) Re-
bertus Gallus, who liv'd about the Year 1290. and ſet out a Propheſy, which is
printed with that of Hildegardis. We find therein he introduces God ſpeaking
thus of the Pope : Quis poſuit idolum hoc in ſede mea, ut imperaret gregi meo? Aures
babet ó non audit clamorem plangentium & deſcendentium ad inferna. Veidolo, ve
ponenti : quis æquabitur huic idolo in terra ? Magnificavit nomen ſuum in terra, dicens ;
Quis me ſubjiciet? This Author ſeems to have borrow'd this Thought out of the
Speech of Arnulphus Biſhop of Orleans in the Council of Rheims, who has alſo
this Expreſſion therein. (©) In templo dei tanquam idolum eft. I ſhall only add the
Teſtimony of Archbiſhop (d) Cranmer out of the Writing afore cited : “ To
" make this Realm to be whole governed by Romiſh Laws, and to crown the
Idol and Antichriſt of Rome King of this Realm”. One would think that
che Suffering of a Foreign Biſhop to exerciſe Juriſdiction above the Royal
Prerogative is a point which no ſecular Prince would freely ſuffer; yet the Popes
have always found means to perſuade them, that their Religion is the only
means to maintain the Power of Princes over their Subjects, to cruſh all Faction
and Rebellion. Of this many notorious inſtances might be given, and of Princes
who againſt their true Intereſt and Inclination have given way to theſe
Inſinuations.
It may be ſaid, that the Text ſeems to imply, that the Image is quite a different
thing from the Falſe Prophet, whereas we ſeem to make the Pope ſtand for
both. I anſwer, That the Pope is a Compoſition of many Ingredients. Do
not the Romaniſts ſay, that the whole Church is in him, Goſpel, Canon Law,
Councils and what not? Beſides, is he not with them in a double Capacity,
Enſe potens gemino ? Has he not the Keys of the Church, and the Power of the
Sword? By the firſt he is a Falſe Prophet properly ; by the latter he is the
Image of the Beaft. All theſe things are concenter'd in him. He hath in him
(a) New Goſpel of C. Pallavic. Chap. 3. (6) Vid. Fl. Illyric. Catal. Teft. Verit. Lib.
XVII. & Myft. Iniquit. p. 426.
(c) A pud Magdeburg. Centur. 10. & hinc in Catal. Teft.
Vericat. Append. p. 2096.
(d) Archbp: Cranmer's Anf, to the Rebels. Art. 1. in
M. Strypes App. N. xl.
in

Ch. XIII. V, 14, 15.
The Falſe Prophet.
593
in effect all the Characters of this image, and performs all the Actions which
are attributed to it. He therefore fulfils the Propheſy. The Biſhop of Con.
ftantinople only differ'd from that of Rome in this, that he never carried matters
with ſo high a Hand, but gaining upon the People, his Intrigues wrought the
fame Effect with them.
But however we have a very literal Accompliſhment of this matter : which I
believe aroſe firſt from that Cuſtom of the Roman Emperors to ſend their
Images upon their Inauguration, which ſeems to have been continued when
they became Chriſtians, even to the times of the Falſe Prophet, For (a) Baronius
tells us that Phocas upon his Entrance into the Empire took care to fend, de
more, according to Cuſtom, his own Image with that of his Empreſs Leontia to
Rome, and that thereupon the Clergy and Senate in the Lateran, in the Bafilica.
of Julius recogniz’d him by publick Acclamations in theſe words : Exaudi
Chrifle. Phoca A. & Leontiæ Aug. wita. And that they were placed in the
Palace in the Oratory of St. Cæfarius : There occur co me no other ancient ex-
amples of this Cuſtom, as to the Princes that were ſince; but this I may ob-
ſerve, that it is preſerv'd to this very Day. When a Prince is own'd by the
Pope his Arms are fer up in or before the Gate of the ſame Church appropria-
ted to his Nation; and his Image or Picture is there ſec up and expos'd to
view, and ſometimes more openly. This is the effect of the Pope's Recogni-
tion, and every body knows what influence it hath upon the People, even by
the great Contention there is on this account, when the Ticle is any way dubi-
ous. Thus the Falſe Prophet however ſets up the image of the Beaſt, or of
thoſe Princes, which he hath a mind the People ſhould reverence,
D.'oe mo tleh wanghly rñs un gaipes, xceà nos, which had the wound by the Sword,
and was alive ] The Holy Ghoſt takes great care to diſtinguiſh well theſe
owo Beaſts from each other, allowing to each its proper Attributes. A Sword
is the Symbol of Slaughter: the wound of the Sword or by the Sword is the
fame as the mortal wound mention d twice before in the third and twelfth Verſes.
There is another reading of this place, approv'd by (b) Dr. Mill as genuine;
%'éxe this many lui mai no Ev TÒ vñs ud maipas. That is, which has the wound, and
lives from the Sword : which may fignify, either that it has recover'd from the
Wound by the Sword; or elſe that it has recover'd by the Sword, uſing the
Sviord to recover the mortal Wound. Tho' the firſt be the moſt proper, yet
the latter is true in the Event. Snoe here is put for avé{noe reviu d, as it is evi-
dent. See alſo our Note upon Chap. 20.4 G. what living or reviving ſignifies
has been already explain'd to be, having the power to act within the proper
Sphere of A&ivity, or according to the nature of the Subject.
A. verf. 15. Ked Sogn duted myoduse d'ower Tŷ sinór 78 Supéct and power was given
to it to give breath to the Image of the Beast.] The Falſe Prophet had power to
give Life and Activity to the Repreſentative or Principle of Unity of the Beaſt.
The corrupted Clergy has ſet up a Repreſentative, which pretends to be a
God, and therefore to have the Management of all the Affairs of ſecular
Princes, as alſo of Religion within all their Dominions. So that this Image is
not a dumb or ſenſeleſs Idol to be deſpisid ; but having means to exert it felf
and perform ſuch Actions as become its nature. This is explain'd in the next
words. There ſeems in this to be a ſpecial Alluſion to the Cheats of the Pagan
Prieſts who made Statues to move. To which purpoſe ſee the Aſclepius of Mer-
curius Triſmegiſtus, cap. 9. and Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. cap. 2. p. 108. who
ſays, i malarles uváseni Tioi tõv Gol ywyand Lucian de Dea Syria. So Simon the Ma-
gician boafts in the Recognitions : (c) Statuas animat as reddam ; ita ut putentur
ab his qui vident, bomines elſe. Thus alſo Horace ſpeaking of Canidia the Sorcereſs;
(d) An que movere cereas Imagines, &c. Again, when the God ſeem'd flow in
giving Anſwers, the Egyptians and Phoenicians were wont to ſhake their Statues
to make the Deity exert it felf. To this (e) Horace has alluded in one place,
and (f) Virgil in two, as Serviús obſerves.
(a) Baron. Annali ad An. 603. ex A&. apud Greg. vid. Gregor. Vit. per. Joh. Diacon. Lib. III.
(6) Mill. Prolegom. in N. Teft. p. 97. (c) Clement Recognit. Lib. II.
vid. Lib. III. 5. 47. 57. Clement. Hom. 2. $. 32.34. Hom. 4. §. 4. (d) Horat. Epod. 18.
(e) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 18. (f) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IV. v. 301. Lib. VI. y. 68.
cap. 20.
8.9
7 M
an
B. "Iya

594
Prophet. Chap. XIII. v. 15.
The Falſe
B. "Iya ndanon cincin Ti Snpír, That the Image of the Beaſt ſhould ſpeak.] This is a
plain Alluſion to the Pagan Practice and Prerence; for their Prieſts or Falſe
Prophets ofi'n gave out that their Images (pake, or they contriv'd ways to
make them ſeem to ſpeak and utrer ſeveral Oracles. Inſtances of which oc-
cur in the (a) Pagan Writers who lived or wrote of matters before Chriſt : but
more particularly the Holy Ghoſt hints here at the prerended Oracles of the
times of Chriſtianity, wherein the Pagan Prieſts finding the Worſhip of their
Gods to be in a declining condition, and by conſequence being in danger co
loſe their Credit and Profir, contriv'd to make thoſe Oracles ſpeak againſt the
Chriſtians; and by that means brought Perſecucions upon them. 'Tis very
Jikely, that there had been ſuch Oracles in St. John's Time before he wrote his
Revelation; eſpecially at Epheſuss where he liv'd, a City mightily given to ſuch
curious Arts of Magick, Aits 19. 19. And thac Antipas mention'd before in
Chap. 2. 13. was made a Martyr by the contrivance of ſuch an Oracle, as
Hammond has obſerv'd upon that place out of the (b) Menologium of the
Greeks. For though that Book be not of very good Authority in many Caſes,
yet being compild out of Acts which are now loſt, there cannot but be many
Truths therein ; and this Story has all the appearance of one. They ſay then
that Antipas being Biſhop at Pergamus, the Devils that were worſhipped among
them, appear'd and told them, that they could not dwell there, nor receive
che Sacrifices which were brought them, but that they were driven away by
Antipas. However, we have the Authority of lucian for this: (c) éxpépet
φόβητρόν π επ' αυτές, λίγων, αθέων εμπεπλής, και χρισιανών τον πόνον, οι σερί αυτε τολ-
μώσι τα κακιςα βλασφημείν' &ς εκελάς λίθοις έλαμώσιν, άγε εθέλεσιν ίλεω έχαν τον Θεόν.
As alſo that of Euſebius, who tells us, “ That one Theotecnus, to pleate the Ty-
rant Maximinus, rais'd up the Devil againſt the Chriſtians ſaying that the God
" commanded to drive away all the Chriſtians clear out of the Bounds of the
« City and its Juriſdiction, as being Enemies to him”. (d) Kai ETOS Xorazcią
τη καθ' ήδι «ω τε κραο7, επεγίρει καλα χρισιανών τον δαίμονα και τον θεόν δή κε-
λάσαι, φησιν, υπερορίες της πόλεως, και των αμφί τίω πόλιν έγρών, ώς αν έχθρες υπό
Xsislaris mendout We find the like in La&antius: (e) Nam cum diis ſuis immo-
lant, fi aſſiſt at aliquis fignat am frontem gerens, ſacra nullo modo litant. Nec reſponſa
poteſt conſultus reddere vates. Et hac fepe carla præcipua juftitiam perſequendi, malis
regibus fuit : Cum enim quidam Miniſtrorum noſtrorum ſacrificantibus Dominis aſſifterent,
impofito frontibus figno deos illorum fugaverunt, ne poffent in viſceribus hoftiarum
futura depingere
. Quod cum intelligerent Aruſpices, inſtigantibus iiſdem Dæmonibus,
quibus profecrårant, conquerentes, profanos homines ſacris intereſe, adegerunt Principes
ipſos in furorem, ut expugnarent dei Templum, ſeque vero facrilegio contaminarest,
quod graviſſimis perfequentium pænis expiaretur. In purſuance of this method
when Julian the Apoftate came to reſtore Paganiſm, the Prieſts of Daphne
being willing to remove the Chriſtians from them, who mer at the Tomb of
the Martyr Babylas buried there, pretended that Apollo or his Image, who
ſeem'd to be fullen, when Julian conſulted him, gave out an Oracle, (f)
Nexgoć ue xwau'voe ptéygedal, the Dead binder me from Speaking, meaning plainly
the Relicks of Babylas, which were thereupon ordered to be remov'd, and
none elſe but his and of thoſe that ſuffer'd with him.
As it has been hinted before that there might be in this place an Alluſion to
that pretence of the Pagans, that Images had ſpoken; ſo it ſeems incumbent
upon me to conſider what a learned Jefuit fays, who in his Anſwer to che
Hiſtory of Oracles, which pretends to prove that the Devils did not give them
out, but that they were the Impoftures of Prieſts, has fully proved, as much as
one can prove a Negative, that the Oracles are not utter'd by the Images. So
that theſe Authors, who mention the ſpeaking of fome Images, and thoſe too
it ſeems were only found among the Romans, did not attribute any Oracles to
them, but either look upon them as Prodigies or falſe, and Plutarch one of them
thinks it impoffible. Now I ſay, that it is equal to me, it being ſufficient for
an Alluſion, if the Romans have ſaid ſo, whether true or falſe. The Pagan No-
tions muſt be fetch'd from the People and the Prieſts, and we muſt not heed
(a) T. Liv. Lib. V. Val. Max. Lib. I. cap. 8. S. 3. Plur. Vit. Coriol. (6) Menolog in
April. 11. (c) Lucian. in Alex. v. Pſeudomante. (d) Euſeb. Hift. Eccleſ. Lib. IX. cap.
3. and comp. Lib. VII. cap. 1o. Allo de Vit. Conftane. Lib. II. cap. $1. Lactant. de Mort. Perfec.
(e) Lactant. Ioftieut. Lib. IV. cap. 27.
(f) Jok. Chryfoft. Or. I. in Babyl, T. V. Socrat.
Hift. Ecclef. Lib. III. cap. 18. Theodor. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. III. cap. 9.
the

Chap. XIII. v. 15.
595
The Falſe Prophet.
the Conjectures of Free-Thinkers. Here the Expreſſions of the Holy Ghoſt
ſeem to hint that this Falſe Propher will pretend to out do in his Miracles all
the reſt that ever have been. And why noc alſo to make Images ſpeak?
Eſpecially if that which is ſymbolically repreſented by the Image has ſuch
Qualities, that it may really command and effe& what is ſaid to be ſpoken by
this Image. For the Prophetical Language incorporates everything, and gives
Speech to that which of its nature is not fic to do ic. Thus it is no Abſurdity
to ſay, That the Holy Ghoſt alludes to that particular Pretence of the Roman
Images above all the reſt of the Heathens, ſeeing that Rome is the main Head of
this Beaſt and of its Falſe Prophet. And it may be obſerv'd in this very Caſe
of ſpeaking Images, that the Members of the corrupted Church have pre-
tended to more of this ſort of Miracles than ever the Pagans did.
Now as we take the Pope and his Mate to be this Image; ſo it is plain, that
it gives out Oracles and Laws to oblige all Nations to ſubmit to his Religion.
And to make the Accompliſhment more literal and viſible, all the Idolatry of
which he is guilty, and the power which he hath affum’d, is all owing to the
Forgeries of his Emiſſaries ; authoriz'd by himſelf, and proclaiming falſe
Miracles and (a) Revelations to eſtabliſh them. Upon which the Falle Pro-
pher or great Idol gives out Oracles, as he calls them, that thoſe Worſhips may
have the full Sanction of the Law. This Propheſy therefore comprehends all
the Canon Law, both of the Greeks and Latins, which eſtabliſhes any idolatrous
Worſhip, or the exorbitant Power of the Falſe Propher. They are the Voice
of the Idol: And as it has been made out, that all the Idolatry in the Church,
and the Power of the Falſe. Prophet have been introduced and gain'd by Falſe
Miracles and Viſions and Oracles of Apparitions and Images; ſo it is plain,
that all that is contain'd in the Canon Law to confirm theſe, is the reſult of
thoſe falſe Traditions, and therefore the Quinteſſence of all the Popiſh Pre-
tenſions; having the Stamp of the Authority of the great Image or Idol of the
corrupted Church, the Falſe Prophet. That Canon Law is contain'd in the
Decree of Gratian, which is the firſt part : in the Decretals of Gregory IX.
which is the ſecond: the third part conliſts of the Clementines of Clement V. the
Extravaganes, Commons and mixe.
C. Και ποιεί τες μη προσκυνάνlας την εικόνα τα θηρία, ίνα αποκανθώσι, And caufes all
that worſhip not the image of the Beast to be hain] We have obſerv'd, that this
Image delivers Oracles or Laws. Now Laws conſiſt of two parts; the firſt is
Command or Prohibition, the ſecond is the Puniſhment or Reward for nega
le&ing or performing the Law. Both theſe are contain’d in the words before
We have been told before, that the Falſe Prophec had ſet up an Image of
the Beaſt, which gave out Oracles; this now tells us the Contents of them.
Firſt, That all Men worſhip the image of the Beaſt. Secondly, That the
Puniſhment annext to the diſobedient is death. This Image follows its firſt Pata
tern at Babylon ſet up by Nabuchodonofor, and lays on no leſs a pain than Deach,
Dan. 3. 6, we may obſerve, that this image doth not kill, but by its Laws or
Oracles cauſes to be killed all thoſe who oppoſe its Religion ; becaufe it im-
ploys the ſecular Power to do it. This is called in their Stile, (b) requiring the
aſſiſtance of Princes againſt the Enemies of the Church, when they are numerous :
and when they are few and fall into their Hands, delivering over to the ſecular
Power. Thus the ſecular Princes are only the Executioners of the Malice and
Cruelty of this Image and the Falſe Prophec who ſet it up, and thus puts the
ſecular Princes upon that cruel Work.
It is not to be expected, that I ſhould make out this by a long Deduction of
hiftorical Facts. It is already done by ſeveral Hands. No Man that knows
any thing of Hiſtory can be ignorant of it: Nor of the continuance of that
Spirit, who knows any thing of the preſent State of Chriſtendom. But I ſhall
give ſome hints to diſcover how the Spirit of Perſecution came into the Church.
The (c) Arians were the firſt who made uſe of the fecular Power to cruſh their
Oppoſers
, having gotten the (d) Emperor Conftantius to that paſs, that he
would force Men to imbrace their Doctrine. And the example was followed
by the (e) Vandals in Africa with all the Cruelty imaginable. But when the
us.
(a) Vid. Euagr. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. V. cap. 18.
ca. Non invenitur. ibid. cap. Sicut excellentiam,
cap. 20. S. 50. 5. (d) Vid. Hilar. Piet. ad Confiant
(6) Gratian. Decret. Cauſ. 23. Qu.4.
(c) Vid. H. Grot. J. B. Pac. Lib. II.
(e) Vi&tor, de Perfecur. Vandalic.
Scales

598
Ch. XIII. v. 16.
The Falſe Prophet.
Scales curn'd, and the Catholick Church had the Emperors of its fide, thoſe
violent ways were made uſe of by Pope (a) Innocent I. at Rome againſt the
Novatians, and by (b) Cyrillus in Alexandria: whereas the Catholicks had noc us'd
ſuch means before, as the (c) Hiſtorian obſerves. (d) Nefforisis alſo ſoon
brought this method to Conſtantinople ; where his Predeceffor (e) Fobus Chryn
I ftome had better Norions of the Chriſtian Religion, and ſuffer'd rather Perre-
cution. But all this ſeems to be the effect of Paffion, not of Principle. That
Principle of Perſecution ſeems to have been firſt maintain'd by St. Auſtin, who
juft died before the Vandals had quite gain'd all Africa, and left that Principle in
the Weſtern Church, which by his Authority gain'd ground, and was improv'd ;
inſomuch that we ſee the firſt Decrees of the (f) Canon Law to that purpoſe
are all taken out of St. Auſtin's Works. In the Greek Church the Emperor (g)
Juftinian made imperial Decrees to oblige the Pagans to imbrace Chriſtianity,
and perſecuted the Philoſophers to that purpoſe. Schilmaticks and Hereticks mee
then with the ſame Fate. In the time of (b) Tiberius his Succeffor ſome Pagans
were burnt, and one Anatolius expos’d to the wild Beaſts by the fury of the
People, at the Inſtigation of ſome who pretended that the Virgin Mary wrought
fome Miracles by her Image forſooth, and gave out Oracles to purſue ſuch
Men. But the greateſt Cruelties have been exercis'd in the weſtern Church
cho' the Diſputes about the Images were manag’d with great Animoſity in the
Eaſt; wherein the matter being concluded in the ſecond Council of Nice, che
Subjects for the moſt part fhew'd a great Submiſſion to the eſtabliſhed Worſhip:
Whereas in the Weſt the tyranny of the Popes having been more eminent, and
the Corruptions more viſible, the Oppoſition to them has been manag‘d with
more Vigour, and therefore the Cruelty of the Popes has exceeded by far any
thing that we can learn in any other Hiſtory of the World.
A verf. 16. Και ποιεί πάντας τες μικρές, και τες μεγάλες, και τες πλεσίες, και τες πτωχές,
tej oss ende Séges, rj Ts démos, And it makes all both ſmall and great, and rich and poor,
and free, and ſaves.] A rhetorical Induction, uſual enough in the facred Wri-
ters, to expreſs a general Propoſition, without any Exception. Whereas for
the moſt part a bare general Propoſition is only to be underſtood of the great-
eft part, ſee Pſal. 49. 2. Galat. 3. 28. Epheſ. 6. 8. Colof. 3. 11. ſuch Inductions
have a great Emphaſis: as in Tully: (i) Præcipias licet gaudia : non enim tibi cum
Pompeianis, ſed cum univerſa republica bellum eft. Omnes te dii, bomines, fummi,
medii, infimi, cives, peregrini, viri, mulieres, liberi, ſervi oderunt. According to
this the method of the Falſe-Prophet has been ſuch as to allow of no Exception,
nor to have any Mercy on ſuch as they call Hereticks, that is, oppoſe any
Doctrine, Practice or Worſhip of their Church, or any ways diſputed their
Power. And tho' at preſent, when their Oppoſers make too ſtrong a Head
againſt them to be eaſily cruſh'd, they are grown more cautious; nevertheleſs
where they have power, 'tis never ſpar'd upon any Conſideration, but exerted
with the utmoſt Cruelty.
Β. “Ira δωσιν αυτοϊς χαράγματα & της χειρός αυτών της δεξιάς, και δη των μετώπων
dutor, that they may give themſelves marks upon their right Hand, or upon their fore-
beads.] There are ſo many places of holy Writ, that allude to the ancient
Cuftom of the idolatrous Nations to imprint marks upon the Foreheads or Hands
of Servants, and on ſuch as devoted themſelves to ſome falſe Deity; for which
reaſon God forbad it to the Iſraelites in Levit. 19, 28. chat it is needleſs to infift
much upon it. Grotius on this place, and (k) 7. Spencer eſpecially, have laid it
out to the full. By their account it appears that theſe marks were Tokens of
Servitude, or Idolatry. We are only to take notice here of the Symbols of
Hand and Forehead. that is, explain why the Holy Ghoſt takes notice eſpecially
of theſe marks being printed on thoſe two parts, whereas other Heathens us'd
them on ſeveral parts of the Body. The Hand is the symbol of Action and
hard Labour. (1) grie égye olubonov ſays Pbilo : and again : (m) Eso se nije ovuberos
(a) Socrat. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. VII. cap. 9. II.
(6) Socrat. H. Ecclef. Lib. VII. cap. 7.
(c) Socrat. H. Ecclef. Lib. VII. cap. 3. 11.
(d) Socrat. H. Eccleſ. Lib. VII. cap. 29. 31.
(e) Orat. 2. in Babylam. M. Tom. 5. (f) Vid. Gratian. Decr. Caufa 23. Quæft. 4.
(5) Agath. Hiftor. Lib II. cap. 12, Procop. Anecdot. cap. 13. & cap. 20.
(b) Euagr. Hift.
Ecclef. Lib. V. cap. 18. (1) M. T. Cicer. Phil. 13.
(k) J. Spencer. de Leg. Hebr.
Ritual. Lib. II. cap. I 4. (1) Philo Jud. de Vit. Moſ. Lib. III. p. 460.
(m) Philo
Allegor. Lib. II. p. 58.
και βραχίον

Ch. Xut. v. 16.
The Falſe Prophet.
597
• Geazów róve rj xg Kota Teies. Now the Arm is the ſame as the Hand in this caſe,
becauſe theſe marks were printed on the Wriſts
. So to give their Hands under soa
Lomon i Chron. 29. 24. is to ſubmit themſelves, as the Greek has upelelujneep: Thus
in 2 Chron. 30. 8. Yield yourſelves unto the Lord. The Hebrew has, Give the Hand
unto the Lord. The like in Pfal. 68. 32. Lament. 5. 6. (a) Do manus in Horace
is to yield himſelf a Slave. The Commentator : Dare manus dicimus quando nos
per omnia alicui tradimus da credimus. But the Symbol alſo ſignifies that the Pera
ſon who gives his Hands, undertakes to do every thing commanded him. So
Philo : (6) 'Αλλα τας ημετέρας χείρας συμβολικώς τα ημέτερα περισάς είχειρήματα και τις εκασίες
της διανοίας προς το χείρον τροπάς. Therefore it is allo a Submillion to all the Hard-
Thips imaginable as a Slave muſt indure. Hence in the Onirocrisick, Chap.
12ς. Εάν τις ίδη ότι χάραγμα τι και χρυσίον έλαβεν εξ αυγά, άρήσει θλίψιν απο βασιλέως
i áro' tñs visites ausTis a prognottick of Afriction or Apoftacy : which is
certainly the fate of theſe, as we ſhall ſee further afterwards. What the Fore-
head implies has been confider'd before, in Chap: 7: 3 C. and it fignifies the
publick Profeſſion. Theſe Slaves have the mark either on their Hand or on
their Forehead: That is, it is required that all Men give aſſiſtance to purſue
the deſigns of the Beaſt and its Falſe Prophet, or at leaſt to make a publick
profeſſion of Servitude. But as disjun&tive Propoſitions do not always require
that their parts ſhould be contrary or inconſiſtent, bue both may be true; fo
that cheſe Men may do boch, as it is requir'd of them. Here is then an eſſen-
tial difference betweeen Chriſt's Religion, and that of his Falſe Propher.
Christ's Servants only have his mark upon their Foreheads; that is, are requir’d
to make a publick profeſion of their Faith, but he doth not require of us to
uſe our Hands by every ſort of means to advance his Kingdom. Theſe Beaſts
do it; you muſt ſerve them thorough Work in all their Deſigns, or you are
not one of theirs : (c) Tychoniuss hath ſeen the meaning of this place, and alſo
St. Auftin, who ſays, (d) Accipiunt inſcriptionem, notam ſcilicet criminis in fronte,
propter profeſſionem: in manu, propter operationem · which are follow'd therein by
Ansbertus on this place, and on Chap. 29. 4. Now the Accompliſhment of this
is found in that Pradice of the Romißh Religion, which obliges not only all its
Votaries to proſecute Hersticks, but even obliges their Kings to do it by dint of
War. So their Canon Law commands: (e) A regibus terræ contra inimicos fuos
auxilium petat ecclefia. If we go lower, this Obligation will be found greater:
For if the Princes will not do it, they are look d upon as Hereticks, becauſe
Favourers of them, and liable to incur the ſame Puniſhment as Hereticks ; that
is to be depos’d and proſecuted themſelves. There is no need to inlift upon
examples of this kind. On the other Hand Men that die in their Cauſe, are by
them aſſured to merit eternal Life: (f) In certamine qued contra infideles geritur
quiſquis moritur, cæleſte regnum meretur. And for this World's Encouragement to
them chat remain, the Ěftates of Hereticks are all forfeited: (g) Catholici non ideo
aliena poſſident, quia ab Hereticis ablata tenent.
A. verſ. 17. Kai iva juntos Swinlar e zopel oue maños, a las ó léxav to zagayphe,
And that no man might buy or ſell, fave be that had the mark.] The mott anciene
form of receiving Strangers to Friendſhip and Alliance is to give them leave to
trade in the Country, Genef. 34. 10. and therefore co hinder this liberty of
Trade is an open Declaration of War. This therefore is an open Declaration
of War againſt ſuch as refuſe the mark of the Beaſt, which are the Saints, for
all elſe ſubmit to the Beaſt. Or rather, becauſe this is directed chiefly againſt
private Perſons who are baniſh'd from publick Society, and excluded from the
benefit or protection of the Laws. The Greeks expreſs'd this ſometimes in the
ſame manner. Thus the Lacedemonians condemnd ſome of their Citizens,
who had been taken Priſoners in War: (b) Mhte aglærefoxs Ti, w wWAOwūtas, xugius direi
as Thucydides ſays ; and this is called étique, Infamy. Hence upon a Peace made
between two Nations, the right of Commerce and Protection of Law to fue
for Debts was granted on both fides, (α) σιωαλλαγμάτων και εγκλημάτων. And in the
(a) Horat. Epod. 17. vid. Theocrit. Idyll. 22. v. 130. Herodot. Lib. VII. cap. 233. Plutarch de
Herodot. Malit. p. 1043.
(6) Philo Lib. Quod Pejor. infidietur. p. 120.
(c) Tychon.
Hom. 11.
(d) Auguſtin. de Civit. dei Lib. xx.cap. 9.
(e) Gratian. decret.
Cauſa 23. Qu. 4. ca. Non invenitur. Rubric. vid. ibid. Qu. s. cap. De Liguribus & cap. Quali nos.
(1) Caufa 23. Qu. 5. Ca. Omnium veftrum.
(8) Cauf. 23. Qu. 7. ca. Si de rebas.
(h) Thucydid. Lib. v. S. 34.
(i) Foed. Smyrn. & Magneſ. in Mar. Oxon. N. 1.
Arcicles
Ż N

598
Chap. XIII. V. 17.
The Falſe Prophet.
Articles of Peace of the Hierapyenenſes, we find words to the ſame Import, but
nearer chofe of Thucydides, (a) και πωλόντας και ανομένG και δανείζονας και δανειζομένG-
rý zaw.ce mávle owlanelasoylas, xupío hufu. Pricæus ſeems to have been puzled about
the Tranſlation of the word rugic, but it is the ſame as in Thucydides, who uſes
the ſame Form, both being indeed made by Greeks of Dorian Excráction, and
the Latin Auétor ſtands for the ſame ; xúzz is taken in the ſame Senſe, in
Exod. 21. 8. 8 núciós ési mundu dutlw. In the Truce for one Year between the
Lacedemonians and Athenians, there is an Article to the ſame purpoſe in theſe
words: (6) Δίκας το διδόναι υμάς σε ημίν, και ήμάς υμίν καλά τα πέτρια, τα αμφίλογα δίκη
Dacauerlas ar velo Tron élebo Such a Puniſhment in the Roman Laws was called, (c) In-
terdictio tefti, Braque, dignis ; that is, from all Commerce with any Citizen.
Servius; (d) Sane ad facienda fædera cqua & ignis adhibentur : unde è contra quos
arcere volumus à noſtro conſortio, eis aqua & igni interdicimus: id eft, rebus qui-
bus conſortia copulantur. Which was thought equal to death. So Lactantius
ſpeaking of thar fays, (e) Interdi&to igitur ufu earum, quibus vita hominum cona
ſtat, perinde babebatur, ac ſi eſſet, qui eam fententiam exceperat, morte multatus.
And 'lo Cæfar ſays of the Druids : (f) Si quis aut privatus, aut publicus eorum
decreto non ſtetit, Sacrificiis interdicunt. Hæc pæna apud eos eſt graviſſima. Quibus
ita interdictum, ii numero impiorum, ac ſceleratorum habentur : ab iis omnes decedunt,
aditum eorum, ſermonemque defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant.
Neque iis petentibus jus redditur, neque bonos ullus communicatur. So the Fews had
their oun or Exciſion, which extended ſometimes to the Life, and ſometimes
only to the Goods and Baniſhment, as in Eſdr. 10, 8, eſpecially when the
Perſon Aled to avoid the Tryal of the Law.
Now this before us is to be underſtood ſo: For it was ſaid before, that all
thoſe who did not worſhip the Image were ſlain; that is, ſuch as can be reach'd
by their Power, as to others that avoid it, an utter Exciſion from Commerce
or the Protection of Law. In this the Falſe Prophet by his Oracles ſpeaks
like the Dragon. For (g) Dioclefian is ſaid to have done the like. And indeed
the Roman Preſcription us’d by him againſt the Chriſtians is in effect the
fame : So Beda
(b) Non illis emendi quidquam
Aut vendendi copia :
Nec ipſam haurire aquam
Dabatur licentia
Antequam thurificarent
s Droot deel
Deteſt
andis Idolis.
esque
And indeed all the Baniſhments or Preſcriptions of the Chriftians may be re-
fer'd to this. As to the Falſe Prophet he hath in this fairly follow'd the Dragon
with improvements and much more Malice and Diligence. Let us ſee what
his Oracles ſay. (i) Hæreticorum conſortia d Catholicis ſunt fugienda, is the firſt
Maxim of their Law in this reſpect. Again : (k) Clericus hæreticorum aut
Schiſmaticorum tam convivia quam ſodalitates evitet æqualiter. But there are alſo
Laws of theirs which come nearer ſtill to the Letter of the Propheſy : As this
Canon of the Council of Lateran under Pope Alexander III made againſt the
Waldenſes and Albigenſes, which ſays: (1) Ne quis eos in domo vel in terra ſua tenere
vel fovere, vel negotiationem cum iis exercere prefumat. The Synod of Tours in
France under the ſame Pope ſays: (m) Unde contra eam Epifcopos du omnes Do-
mini ſacerdotes in illis partibus commorantes
, vigilare præcipimus, do ſub interminatione
Anathematis prohibere, ne ubi cogniti fuerint illius hærefeos Se&tatores, receptaculum iis
quiſquam in terra ſua præbere aut
præfidium impertiri præfumat
, ſed nec in venditione aut
emptione aliqua cum iis communio babeatur, ut ſolatio Saltem humanitatis amilo, ab
errore viæ fuæ refipifcere cogantur. And accordingly Pope Martin V. in his Bull
ſee out after the Council of Conſtance, ſays: (n) Ne hæreticos in ſuis diſtrictibus
domicilia tenere, contractus inire, negotiationes exercere, aut humanitatis folatia cum
(a) Fæd. Hierapytn. in Marm. Oxon. N. 57. (6) Thucydid. Lib. IV. S. 118. (c) M.
T. Cicer.pro. Domo fua.
(d) Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. XII. (e) La&ant. In-
ftitut. Lib. II. cap. 10.
(f) Cæſar. de B. Gall. Lib. VI. cap. 4.
(g) Euſeb. Hift.
Eccl. VIIT. Orof. Lib. VII. Lactant. de M. P. vid. H. Grot. in loc.
(b) Beda Hymn.
in Juſtin M. (i) Gracian. Decret. Cauf. 24. Qu. I. can. Qua dignior. (k) Cauf. 24.Qui
3. can. Clericus.
(1) Ex Medo. (m) Med. ex Uffer. de Succeff. Ecclef. (3) Ex Pareo.
Cbriftianis

Chap. XIII. V. 17. The Falſe Prophet.
599
Chriftianis habere permittant. And R. Hovenden obſerves of William the Conqueror;
that he was ſo duciful to the Pope : (a) Ut neminem in ſua poteſtate aliquid emere
eut vendere permiſerit, quem Apoftolicæ ſedi deprehenderit inobedientem. What the
other Horn of the Falle Propher at Conftantinople did in this reſpect appears not
by their Canon Law : But the Monk Blaſteres, who has made an Abridgement
thereof, and of the Imperial Conſtitutions that back the Canons, will not fail
us in this point. He ſays, (b) That by ſeveral Imperial Laws Hereticks cannot
sinherit even of their Fathers; that they are infamous; that he is an Heretick,
o and is obnoxious to che Laws againſt Hereticks, who varies never fo little from
o the orthodox Faith: That they cannot enjoy any Office, Military or Civil,
o nor obrain any Dignity. That the Manichees and Donatiſts are to ſuffer death,
s as alſo the Apollinariſts, and thoſe who will not obey the four Councils, or
o ſpeak or teach any thing againſt the fourth: That if a Manichee be taken in
any place belonging to the Romans, he is to be beheaded : That the Montanilis
o eſpecially cannot have any Patriarch or Clergy-man of theirs within Con-
ftantinople, nor be litted as Souldiers, nor have any Banquers, nor trade in
• Telling Slaves : κωλυέδωσαν δε και ενός αυτής σραήλ' εθς, και συσσίτια ποιείν, και ανδραποδό
+ εusice d'ets. (I believe quesitiet here is the ſame as eating Ordinaries :) that they
are not admitted as Witneſſes againſt an orthodox Perſon: that their Women
ſhall not have che fame Privilege as the Orthodox, nor have the Preference of
their Dowry before Creditors, as the orthodox Women". One Favour is
allow'd to them when dead, that they may be buried in common burying
places” : which is not indeed allowd in Popiſh Countries to any Perſons that
are accounted Hereticks, or die under the Sentence of Excommunication.
3. Ει μη ο έχων το χαραγμού, ή το όνομά τα θηρία, ή τον αριθμόν τα ονόματα αυτά
Save be that had the mark, or the name of the Beaſt, or the number of his name.]
Altho'theſe three different Expreſſions as to ſome reſpects be ſet forth as various
things, yet they may concur in Signification : ſo as to end and terminate into
one thing, ſo that the Character may contain the name as we find in Chap.
14. 11. zeépayude 78 évóu:10 us, the mark of bis name ; and the name may con-
cain the number, as its plain it muſt do. And the Holy Ghoſt has not thus
diffinguiſhed them ſo exactly, but it is by one and the ſame Symbol laid out in
different Shapes, to fhew us different Proſpects of the ſame thing: fo that
Character implies one fort of Slavery ; name, another, and number, a third.
Let us examine them divided firſt, and then we ſhall ſhew, that the number in-
cludes the name, and the name the Character of the Subjects or Slaves of this
Beaft.
28 Wild
C. zo zeéguy fue, The mark.] There being a Culom amongſt the Idolaters even
before the Times of Moſes to mark themſelves as Servants of the God which
they ador'd; and it being probable, that there were then no Letters, it is plain
that they muſt do it with fome Hieroglyphick ; and accordingly we find that
they did ſo. Thus the Votaries of Bacchus had the mark of an Ivy-leaf, which
the Author of the 3d Book of Maccabees expreſſes by 203 el que dig sj dece fugós eis 78
Gluco magvonuas drove or unavopum. Grotius obſerves, that in the Times of Sc. 7obn
moft Men were entred into ſome ſuch Society of Worſhippers ; and that thoſe
Societies had each their peculiar mark, as the Dendropkori at Cartbage. 'Twas
uſual alſo to mark the Slaves on the Forehead with ſome marks, as the Athenian
Caprives in Sicily wich the figure of a Horſe : fo Plutarch ſays: (C) i ostas co's
üsnémas énerown, sikoules Thor His tò PÉTO tev« So Herodotus ſays that Xerxes order'd
the Thebans to be mark’d with the royal Marks, (d) ésicov sigurte Suolahïce, but
what it was he ſays not. But as this Beaſt is worſhipped, as alſo its Image, this
Character chiefly ſignifies the Idolatry of the Men who make themſelves its
Slaves by the marks, which they make on their Hands and Foreheads. (e) 7.
Spencer is of Opinion, that as the Fews who were too ſtubborn to facrifice to
Bacchus, yet might account the taking of his mark as a venial Sin, ſo the intent
of the Holy Ghoſt in this place is to ſhew, that ſome would be guilty of the
grofs Idolatry of worſhipping the image of the Beaſt, but that they who only
take its Character are only Idolaters by Interpretation. So that theſe would
(a) Ex Uffer. De fucc. Ecclef.
(6) Matth. Monach. Blaftar. Syntagm. Lit. A. cap. 2.
(6) Plutarch, in Vit. Niciæ Fol. 178. (d) Herodot. Lib. VII. cap. 233. (e) J. Spencer.
de Leg. Hebr. Ricualib. Lib. II. cap. 14. Se&. s.
ſeem

600
The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. v. 17.
ſeem to be a kind of (a) Libellatici to the Beaſt, or occaſional Conformers.
But the intent of the Holy Ghoſt is rather, that as thoſe marks of old were in-
delible, and fignify the conſtant purpoſe of the Idolaters to ftand to the Wor-
ſhip of the falle Deity, whoſe mark they wore ; ſo here the intent of the
Beaſt is the ſame, and that it will have Men to go through in Idolacry, with
out admitting fuch Shifts.
D. rò ovoudethe name.] When Letters became common, they might then uſe
the whole name, or ſome part thereof. This is call’d by Valerius Maximus,
Literarum notis inuri. In Petronius we find in Allufion to this : (b) Servitia ecce
in frontibus cernitis, et vultus ingenuos voluntaria pænarum lege profcriptos. And in
Plautus a Servant is called, (c) Literatus. Hence alſo the elegant Turn of the
Poet Martial.
(d) Et numeroſa linunt ftellantem Splenia frontem
Ignoras quis fit ? Splenia tolle, leges.
The Impoſition of a Name betokens the Subje&tion of the Party nam’d to the
Impoſer. Thus when God had ſubmitted all Creatures on Earth to Adam, in
token of their Subjection, and to give him Poffeffion of the Gift, God brought
them to him to be nam’d. So David, to expreſs that God is the Lord as well as
Maker of the Stars ; ſays, Pſal. 147. 4. He telleth the number of the Stars : He
calleth them all by their names. So in Dan. 1. 7: new Names are impos'd in token
of Subjection.' Numb. 6. 27. they ſhall cauſe the Iſraelites to be called by my name,
and thus declare them to be my Servants to obey me, and I being their Lord
will bleſs them. See Genef. 41. 45. 2 Kings 23. 34. and Chap. 24. 17: Iſaiah 40.
26. we read frequently in the genuine Epiftles of Ignatius the Phraſe iz óvóua1G
vagy, to call by name, which implies a Superiority to examine and blame the
Axions of the Perſons callid. Thus he alſo adviſes Heron his Deacon, selylas
SE ivópol6 Brentair, to ſeek every man by name, that is, to examine every Man's
Actions : and thus che Wives are forbidden to (e) call their Husbands by name,
that is to aſſume any Superiority above them. Therefore when (f ) Dallaus
blames this Expreſſion, and calls it a frigid Trifle, I ſuſpect that he did not un-
derſtand the meaning of it, and like the moroſe Criticks, blamed what he did
not well conceive. Servius has made the following Obſervation to this pur-
poſe: (g) Inferioris perſona reverentia eſt, majorem meritis appellare, non nomine :
contra majoris eft, minorem tantum nomine vocare. So in Euripides Ion being a Child
expos’d, and therefore (b) evavuug without name, Xuthus who brought him as
his own gave him one : (i) iwe d'avopéco on, I call thee Ion, as if thou hadft been
mine. So in Plautus we have examples of Servants Names chang'd by their
Maſters.

(k) Credo bercle adveniens nomen mutabit mibi,
Facietque extemplò Cruciſalum me ex Chryſalo.
Again: (1) Pægnium vocitatu 'ft. Poft vos indiſtis Tyndaro.
So that Plato makes it a general Practice: (m) steg mois oríodes riucis utamuJ6-
μεθα, 8δεν ήταν τέτο δναι ορθόν το μετατεθέν τε προτέρα κοιμόμε» This Beaft there-
fore and Falſe Prophet act here as Gods and Lords of the whole Earth, and
imitate therein God and the Lamb; ſee Chap. 7. 3, 4. and Chap. 14. 1. and ſo
require by this, that the Inhabitants of the Earth make a publick Profeſſion
not only of bond Service, but alſo of their Worſhip and Religion. And that
not only a bare act of Submiſſion at firſt, as might be only implied by what is
ſaid in verf.4. and 15. but alſo perpetual.
E. î Tàr aisingude ti ov62010 avë, Or the number of his Name.] To underſtand
the full import of this Expreſſion, we muft conſider firſt what the number im-
plies in reſpect of Subjects inflav’d by Tyrants, which is the preſent Caſe; and
(a) V.Cyprian. Epift. 55. p. 106, 107. & Tr. de Laplis, p. 133. (6) Petron. Arbitr. Sacyrice
p. 373. vid. p. 366. 370.
(c) Plaut. Calin. A&. 2. Sc. 2. V. 49.
(d) Martial. Lib.
II. Epigr. 29.
(e) Ignat. Epiſt. ad Antiochen. (f) Dallæ. de Ignat. Fpift. cap. 23.
() Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. I. col. 400. vid. in Æn. Lib. XII. col. 1798. (h) Euripid.
(i) Euripid. Ion. 661. (k) Plaut. Bacchid. A&t. 2. Sc. 3. v. 127.
(1) Plaur.
Captiv. A&. 5. Sc. 3. V. 7. (m) Plato in Craryl.
fecondly
Ion. 1372

Chap. XIII. v. 17.
boi
The Falſe Prophet
fecondly what the number of the name is in itſelf. That is, how it comes to
paſs that a Náme is included in a Number. Now there are three Occaſions
wherein Men may be numbred, according to the three different States of Men
under any Government : firſt the generality of the Subjects, who pay Tribute,
ſecondly the Souldiery; thirdly the Slaves, menial Servants, or Servants of
the Houſhold or Royal Eſtates and Works : Of each of theſe in order. To
number according to the Stile of holy Writ and the oriental Cuftoms, is to levy
a Tribute upon the Perſons polled. This appears by the Command of God,
in Exod. 30. 12. for this numbering was ſuch a Subjection and Bondage to God,
that every Man was then to redeem his Soul by a Price ſet upon his Head; when
the Levites were numbred, they became God's more immediate Servants, and
were not to be redeem'd at any Price, becauſe they were the Price of the Firft-
born of all the People. Therefore to number the People is always in order to
put them upon ſome Service, or to exact ſome Tribute. 1 Kings 20. 26.2 Kings
3.6. ſo David numbred the People, becauſe, as P. Martyr gueſſes right, ex ifto
cenſu voluit David profeſſionem habere ſervitutis. Which God did not approve, for
the Iſraelites were ſtill his People ; tho' David was made King over them, he
muſt not lay a Tribute upon them without God's leave: which not having ask'd,
he was therefore puniſhed. Hence dan, réac, a Tribute, in Numb. 31. 28.
comes from oog to number ; and this was done, as 'tis ſaid in Numb. 1. 2.
Diaw. 9200 miles dépoquor & óvóka1G, according to the number of the names.
therefore Nun, a Levy or Collection of Tribute, which is done by numbring,
is the ſame as the Greek slopogco and økęQ : and dimoygame, the Cenſus, is ecífuncis in
Heſychius, and Suidas, who alſo produces the words of an old Author ſpeaking
of the únyzop in Luke 2. 2. and hath theſe words : Toy papais e trochoulo tãy TÉ
ανθρώπων και των εσιών, αυτάρκη τινα προς άξας των δημοσίω μοίραν εκ τέτων εισφέρες. And
1o Theophyla&t on theſe words of Luke obferves likewiſe, that this was a Servi-
tude: έτως απογραφείς ως δελO, καλήργησε τίω δελτίαν της φύσεως ημών.
haps St. Paul, Phil. 2. 7. alludes to this when he ſays, that Chriſt took upon him
the form of a Servant; for as ſoon as he was born, he was taxed, and his name
was entred into che number of the Emperors Slaves. For by this (a) Cenſus it
feems Auguſtus was reſolv’d to make good what he had threatned Herod with,
that he had hitherto usd him like a Friend, but now he would uſe him like a
Subject, (6) šti useade Xpercele UTEN píng, vul vannóg xeńcelan; of which there
can be no fuller Demonſtration than by taxing his people. In the Gothick
Verſion that numbring or Tax is called GILS TRAMELEINS, a writing
of Tribute ; in the Saxon, Tomearcodnes, Amercement. Thus alſo the Roman Cenſus is
a Tribute, and Cenfere to levy a Tribute. Tully: (c) Voluiſti magnum agri nu-
merum cenſeri ; and (d) Te prætore Sicilia cenja denuo eft. Valerius in Livy: (e)
Servos ad remum, numero ex cenfu conftituto, cum ſtipendio noſtro dabamus. I think
that theſe Latin words Cenſus and Cenſere come from the Hebrew or Phenician dos
to number. Now in Matth. 17. 25. tér@ Tribute, and xñvo are the ſame: and
the Syriac has chere, Argentum capitis, Non 903, Poll-money. Helych. Kivro, ang
youíque)G, Orkepercusov
, Cenſus, a ſort of coin, a Poll. mony. Cambden reads Crusparais,
but without neceflity, for the Cenſus-mony was calld ſimply Boxepiazdov. So
Tully being in Afia: (f) Audivimus nihil aliud, niſi imperata muxacease folvere non
pollé
. The reaſon of this is becauſe the Romans caus'd a Coin to be ftruck of
the value of the Tax upon each Head. Lampridius : (g) Vectigalia publica in id
contraxit, ut qui decem aureos fub Heliogabalo præftiterat, hoc eft tricefimam partem,
(al. tertiam partem aurei) praſtarent. Tuncque primùm femiſes aureorum formati funt ;
tum etiam cum ad tertiam partem aurei vectigal decidillét, tremilles: dicente Alexandro,
etiam quartarios futuros, quod minus non poſſet. Quos quidem jam formatos in
moneta detinuit, expeétans ut ſe ve&tigal contrabere potuiſſet, bu eofdem ederet. Sed
non potuisſet per publicas neceſſitates, conflari eos juſſit, & tremilles tantum,
Solidoſ que formari. So that to number and to levy a Tribute are the ſame, and
therefore the impoſing of a number ſignifies the impoſition of Tribute, a mark
of Slavery.
wels be
And per-
cum
Cap. 15.
(a) Vid. D. P. Allix. Diff
. de Natali Chriſti. cap. 6. (6) Jofeph. Archæol. Lib. XVI.
(c) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Flacco. (d) M.T. Cic. in Ver.
(e) T. Liv.
Hiftor. Lib. XXXIV.C. 6. (f) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. V. Ep. 16. (8) Lamprid.
in Alexandr. Sever
Last Aelod)
aan
70
Therefore

602
1 The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. v. 17.
Therefore thoſe Conquerors who impos'd Tributes upon their Conqueſts,
took care in this reſpect not to levy Tribute on their own People, who had
been the Inſtruments of their Victories. So Darius, who is not the firſt who
impos’d Tributes, as ſome pretend to colle& from Herodotus, but only regulated
them, did himſelf impoſe none upon the Perſians, as that Author obſerves: (a)
*H neporis in zaspu usva uiou , špales Sao uopóqG.etenéd zais négoue végiovoll zaple.
So Juſtin ſpeaking of Alexander : (b) Macedonibus immunitatem cunétarum rerum
præter militiæ vacationem dedit. Thus Claudius Cæfar excus'd the Men of llium from
Tribute, becauſe the Romans had their Origin from them. Suetonius : (c)
Ilienſibus, quafi Romane gentis auctoribus, tributa in perpetuum remifit : recitata vetere
Epiſtola Græca ſenatus populique Romani Seleuco regi amicitiam ita demum pollicentis,
ſi conſanguineos ſuos Ilienfes ab omni munere immunes preſtitiſſent.
The Batavi
argue thus in Tacitus : (d) Sibi non tributa, ſed virtutes ea viros indici. Proximum
id libertati. Thus alſo (e) Genferich the Vandal levied no Taxes upon the Lands
of his Countrymen, but very heavy ones on all others. Hence we underſtand
our Saviour's reaſoning, Matth. 17. 25. of whom do the Kings of the earth take
Cuſtom or Tribute? Of their own Children or of Strangers ? Of Strangers. Then are
the Children free. On this account Mahomet has forbidden to receive Tribute of
the Followers of his Law: For which reaſon the Ottomans impoſe the Pollmony
only on Jews and Chriſtians, who are look'd upon as Infidels ; and the Tribute-
Money is ſo odious in Perſia now, that it is never imploy'd for the uſe of the
King's Table, but he is fed out of the Rents of Balars and Caravanſeras and
Dovecoats: and the Tribute Mony is beſtow'd on leſs facred Uſes: Which is
alſo obſerv'd by the Ottomans, whoſe Table is ſervd out of the Rents of the
Gardens about Conſtantinople and the like. (f) In Athens Strangers, Inmates,
paid twelve Drachms a Head, and Women fix: and the ( g ) fifth part of what
they fold. Hence their Condition is call?d dancia by Dicæarchus: d'és uose Seargil--
anal añs Soreids épzeletal, the conveniency of living putting off thought of Slavery.
For ſuch is the reaſoning of the Gaulonites in Foſephus: (b) Thú TI di Torino ep šmère
i'mo û avlerpu's doneíeer peger aégories. As alſo that of the Author of the third
Book of Maccabees. πίνας δε τους δαίες είς λαογραφίας και οικετικίω διάθεσιν αχθώαι,
Tès de Monézsoles Clos megonga'ss gå lew Meloesãout' TẤTUS 75 anoy sa pouli's geglosints zij
Ma'augos sis to owulee mugetahuan Alovdor riwe pumps. So Tertullian : (i) Sed enim agri
tributo onufti viliores. Hominum capita ftipendio cenſa, ignobiliora. Nam ba ſunt
notæ captivitatis. See 2 Kings 18. 7. We read alſo in Tacitus this Inference :
(k) Gothinos Gallica, Osos Pannonica lingua coarguit non elle Germanos : b. quod
tributa patiuntur, partem tributorum Sarmate, partem Quadi ut alienigenis im-
ponunt. ."
The ſecond ſort of Subjects are the Soldiers, ſuch as take marks in their
Hands, or make a Profeſſion to affift the Government, whatever it is. Theſe
alſo are brought in by numbring, in the Stile of the Scriptures, and of the
Pagans, even in St. John's Time, and their mark had a religious Intent as well
as a relation to their Commander and to the Society or Regiments in which
they were lifted. Numbring in reſpect of military Service is oft’n us’d in holy
Writ. Thus in Pſal. 147. 4. He telleth the number of the Stars ; the meaning is,
that the Stars being the heavenly Hoft, God who is their Lord, liſts, muſters,
and draws them up as he pleaſes. The Chaldee ſays, imponit numerum illis; that
is, he puts them into what order or rank he pleaſes. In 1ſaiah 40. 26. the Pro-
phet ſays in the LXX. i expégay xos7 edg13 mày tùy xóquer cluti He bringeth out bis Hift
by number ; ſee 1 Sam. 11. 8. Chap. 13. 15. Chap. 14. 17. Chap. 15. 4. 2 Sam.
18. 1. 1 Kings 20. 15. and v. 26. 2 Kings 3. 6. in all which numbring is muiter-
ing. So in the Hiſtory of the Maccabees, 1 Macc. 9. 65. Eñasev ev d'edu is the
fame as he went out with an Army. See the Dream of mofes in Ezekiel, the Poet
cited before in our Note on Chap. 5. IB. In the Roman Authors, in whoſe
Times St. John wrote, Numeri are taken for the Souldiers. Suetonius : (1) Revoca-
tis ad officium numeris parumper. So in Virgil: (m) Equos numero pater eligit omni.
And ellewhere he ſays: (n) Compofiti numero in turmas, mufter d into Squadronse
(a) Herodot. Lib. III. cap. 97
(6) Juſtin. Hift. Lib. XI.
(c) Sueton, in
Claud. cap. 25.
(d) Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. V.
(e) Procop. de Bell. Vandal. Lib. I. cap. V.O.
(f) Harpocrat. Voc. Metoixcoy. Heſychius Voc. Métorxos
(g) Harpocr.
Voc. Enávica?
(6) Jofeph. Archäol. Lib. XVIII. cap. 1. (i) Tacit. de Morib. Ger-
wan. (k) Sueton. in Vefpafa (1) Virg. Æneid. VII. (m) Virg. Æneid. XI.
Thus

Ch. XIII. V, 17.
The Falſe Prophet.
603
Thus in Saluft, (a) C. Manlius ex ſuo numero legatos ad Q. Marcium Regem mittit.
That is, he ſent Deputies taken out of his Army. In Juvenal: (b) Numeris
revocata Thrafylli. Velleius Paterculus : (c) Servitia fugitivoſque in numerum exercitus
fui recipiens, magnum modum Legionum effecerat. Hence in the later Authors of
the Greek Tongue (d) ’Aparquoi and (e) Náuegos are us’d to fignify Batallions and
Regiments. Now it is obſervable that theſe Roman Numeri were all mark'd in
the Wriſt, when they were lifted in the mufter Rolls, and ſworn to boot to be
obedient to their Emperor, whoſe name they bore in their marks. Vegetius ;
(f ) Vieturis in cute punetis milites fcripti, & matriculis inſcripti, jurare folent.
Saint Ambroſe tells us, that it was with their Emperor's Name:(8) Characters dom
mini infcribuntur ſervuli
, ob nomine imperatoris lignantur milites. Ælian fhews
us it was done on the Hand: Eriyuecle is tõy spall dorite.com ir tais gerov. Ætius :
(b) ſtigmata vocant quæ in facie, vel in alia parte corporis inſcribuntur, qualia ſunt
militum in manibus. The Prađice of this is fully ſet out in the Acts of the
Paſſion of St. Maximilian, who was beheaded for refuſing as a Chriſtian to
be lifted. By which it appears, that they us'd then to force Men into the
Service of the Emperor.
The third ſort are the menial Servants, or Slaves of the Emperor's Houſhold.
When Solomon came to the Throne he levied a Tribute of Bond-Service, we
learn that he had threeſcore and ten thouſand that bare Burdens; and fourſcore
thouſand Hewers in the Mountains. Theſe were of the Canaanites, and not of
Iſrael, as we find in 1 Kings 5. 15. and Chap. 9. 20. 21. with their Overſeers to
the number of three thouſand and fix hundred. And this Levy is ſaid to be a
numbring, 2 Chron. 2. 17. which was prepard for his Hand by David his Father,
1 Chron. 22. 2. Theſe together with che Gibeonites were made Slaves, and their
Proſperity remain’d till after the Captivity, Eſdr. 2. 55. Nekem, 7 57. ſo that
during all the times of the Kings of Judab they were a ſtanding Body of
Slaves to do the Drudgery of the Temple, which was the Service of the Ne-
thinim or Gibeonites, and that of the Kings of Judah. And that they were caſt
into ſeveral Companies is plain, becauſe they had their reſpective Officers :
and were a kind of Militia. God prevented thus the Kings of Iſrael from in-
ſlaving their Brethren, to do the Drudgery of the Houſhold, as otherwiſe
they muſt have done, according to the Warning of Samuel, 1 Sam. 8. 11. 12.
13. Now theſe Slaves were a ſtanding Monument continually before the Eyes
of the Iſraelites, to fhew them what Idolatry might bring them to, by the ex-
ample of thoſe Canaanites brought into that Bondage for that very Cauſe.
And here it will be proper to give ſome account of the vaft number of Ser-
vants which the Greeks had, and more eſpecially the Romans: So that they
were oblig'd to muſter them like an Army. (i) Atheneus tells us out of Timeus,
that Maaſon the Phocean had above a thouſand Slaves ; and out of Xenophon, that
Nicias the Son of Niceratus lent out a thouſand Slaves to Sofias the Thracian to
work in the Mines for an Obole a Day each. And out of Agatharcbides, chac
ſome of the Dardanians had a thouſand Slaves and more ; that in time of
Peace they improv'd the Land, but in time of War went out to fight under the
Conduct of their Lord, as Abraham led out his 318 Servants againſt five Kings,
Genef. 14.
But when he comes to the Romans, he tells us, that ſome had ten
thouſand, fome twenty thouſand and more ; not for Gain, as Nicias the richeſt
of the Greeks, but for mere Attendance and Luxury. So that we need not to
wonder when (k) Pliny ſaith, that C. Cæcilius Claudius, after he had loſt much
in the Civil War, yet left by his Will four thouſand Slaves : and that a little
before he ſhould ſay : (1) Hoc profecêre mancipiorum Legiones, & in domo türba
externa, ac fervorum quoque cauſa nomenclator adhibendus : and that Tiberius ini
Tacitus ſhould mention : (m) familiarum numerum, & nationes. Or Callizes in the
ſame : (n) Nationes in familiis habemus. And Seneca ; (o) Feliciorem tu, Demea
triums Pompeianum vocas, quem non puduit locupletiorem elle Pompeid? Numerus illi
OS from the pag153. srds bus
(m) Saluft. B. Catilin. (6) Juvenal. Sat. VI.
(c) Vell. Patercul. Lib. II. cap.
73 (d) Palladius de Vit. Joh. Chryfoftom. Turneb. Adv. Lib. XXIV. cap. 36. ex Syneſic.
Theodorit. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. I. cap. 8. (e) Suid. V. Eragais vid. Meurſ Exerc. Critic.
P.II. Lib. I. c. 14.
(f) Veget.de Re Milit. Lib. II. cap. 5. (8) Ambroſ. Orat.
de Vit. Valentin. U (6) Ætius Lib. VIII. cap. 12.
(0) Athen: Lib. VI. cap. 20.
(k) Plin. Hift. Nat. Lib. XXXIII. cap. 1o.
(1) Plin. Nac. Hift. Lib. XXXIII. cap. I.
(m) Tacit. Annal. III. (4) Tacit. Annal Lib. IV. Logna jigi (9) Senec. de Trang 3
quotidiano
cap. VIII.

€04
Chap. XIII. v. 172
The Falſe Prophet.
quotidie fervorum, velut imperatori exercitus, referebatur. They brought him Rolls
every Day, as to the General of an Army, how many were run away and dead,
and how many new Recruies were brought in. Therefore theſe Servants were
drawn up into Companies call’d Decurie, as we learn from Petronius Arbiter, who
I believe under the name of G. Pompeius Trimalchio ſets forth the extravagant
Riches and Pride of this Demetrius. The Sacyriſt in the Deſcription of his Sup-
per introduces one of his Cooks; and then Trimalchio asks : Ex quot a decuria es?
cum ille ex quadrageſima reſpondiſſet : Empritius an, inquit, domi natus es? Neutrum, in-
quit coquus, ſed teſt amento Panfæ tibi relictus ſum. Vide ergo, ait, ut diligenter ponas;
fr non, te jubebo in decuriam viatorum conjici. That is, to be remov'd from the
rank of the upper Servants into that of the Viatores, or ſuch as were only kept
for Meſſengers to run of Errands ; this way of removing them, being no
uſual Puniſhment, and very grievous. 'Tis mention'd in Plautus : (a) exigam
bercle ego te ex bac decuria : and Seneca : (b) Retulit illi gratiam Servius, ille in pri-
mam decuriam conjectus, in qua vocem præco experitur. In ſhort we find in the ſame
Author: (c) Familia bellicofis nationibus majór. So that in the ſame, (d) Cobors
culia fervorum is a ſort of Litctés. From theſe examples we may eaſily imagine
what number of Slaves there were in the Emperor's Houſhold, or to cultivate
his Gardens, and other Palaces. Now as when Samuel
, to ſer forth the Tyran-
ny of a King, I Sam. 8. 11, ſays, that he will take the Sons and Daughters to
be his Slaves or menial Servants, and the Prophets afterwards threatned the
People, that they ſhould be led away Captives by their Enemies : So here the
Holy Ghoſt intimates, that the Members of the corrupted Church ſhall under.
go the fame Fare, and that none of them who are guilty of idolatry ſhall
eſcape the Tyranny of the Beaſt, but ſhall be all made Slaves of one fort or
other; either by being made Slaves, properly ſo calld, as in this Cafe ; or
forc'd into the military Service, as in the ſecond ; or at leaſt inſlav'd by Tribute
as in the firſt : and that unleſs they ſubmit to this Tyranny, they muſt not
live, nor have any of the Eaſe and Comforts of human Life.
But to go on to the ſecond thing propos’d to be ſhewn, what the number of
the name is in it felf, that is, how it comes to paſs, that a name is included in a
number. Now the Holy Ghoſt tells us in the next Verſe, that this number is
the number of a Man. Further, 'eis plain that it is impos'd as the mark of the
idolatrous Religion of the Beaſt and his Falſe Propher. Alſo we are cold in
the ſeventeenth Chapter, that the Whore that rides upon this Beaſt, that is the
Capital of its Government, as we ſhall ſhew upon that place, hath upon its
Forehead a Name, which is a Myſtery. From all which it is eaſy to find out,
that in this place the Holy Ghoſt alludes to the Cuſtom of the Age wherein
St. John livå, whereby the names of the Gods were myſtically changed in ſuch
a manner, that none but the Myftæ, thoſe that were initiated into their My-
ſteries might underſtand the meaning thereof. Lactantius Placidus, a Man ac-
quainted with ſuch Matters, in his Comments upon Pap. Statius tells us fo. His
Words are thus to be corrected and read : (e) Licet Magi figuras habeant quas
putant dei nomen continere. It is evident from the context, that this is his mean-
ing. For who can make any Senſe of theſe Words as they are in the vulgar
Copies, Licet magis frigidas babeant quas putant dei nomine continere? But the
other reading is Tuitable to the Senſe. This is confirm’d by Martin Capella in
theſe words : (f) Veterumque ritu vocabula quædam voce mentis inclamans, Secun-
dum diffonas nationes numeris varia, ſono ignota, jugatis alternatifque literis inſpirata,
veneraturque verbis intelle&tualis mundi præfules deos eorumque miniſtros, fenfibilis
Sphere poteſtatibus venerandos: univerſumque totum infinibilis patris profunditate coercitum.
This ſeems to have been done by concealing the name under an Hieroglyphick
or Cypher of fuch Letters, as that the numbers contain'd in their Figure might
expreſs the numbers of the Letters of that name by which the Deity was vul-
garly called. For ſince Letters in any Language became the Signs of numbers;
that is, their Figures were made to ſtand for numbers ; no name can be wrica
ten in Letters, but the Figures of thoſe Letters will ſtand for ſome numbers,
and all the Letters together muſt contain a certain number. Now this number
thus contain'd was either expreſs’d whole, or elſe it was divided by ſome cer-
0739011698.983
stol
929
Torsdag
(a) Plauc. Perſa. A&t. I. Sc. III. v. 63.
(6) Senec. Epift. XLVII.
(c) Senec.
de Benefic. Lib. VII.cap. 10. (d) Senec. Epift. CX. (e) Lact. Placid. in Star. Theb. Lib.
IV. v. $16.393 (f) Mart. Capell
. de Nupt. Philol. Lib. II. p. 45.
tain

Ch. XIII. V, 17.
The Falſe Prophet.
605
tain Rule, orlaitly, it was expreſs'd by ſome other Lerters different from the
true Name, which at the ſame time did contain the number expreſs’d by the
Letters of the true Name. We find examples of all theſe things in Martianus
Capella. Thus ( a) he tells us, that the ſacred, that is, Egyptian name of Mer-
cury, as indeed the Egyptians were the firſt Contrivers of myſtical Names and
ſuch Conceirs, and thoſe (b) Names were never to be alter'd, the ſacred Name
I ſay, of that Deity, which is * @ 2 7 , contains the number 1218. that is when
the Letters of that Name are taken for numbers, and the Product of them all
is put together, it makes that number. Then according to this myſtical way,
by taking away all the Nines within that number, the Remainder is Three.
He proceeds that way likewiſe to the name of 11010TIA, Philology, whom
he ſuppoſes to be a Virgin to be married with Mercury, or o&r; and the **
Letters of her Name produce the number 724. which being alſo divided by
Nines, and thoſe Nines being taken away, the Remainder is Four; this being
join'd to Three, makes Seven, a number of Perfection; or as he expreſſes ic:
Qui numerus rationis Supere perfe&tio eft. Hence the Bride concludes, that her
Marriage will be happy : For in this ſhe follows the Cuſtom of the Pagans,
who never entred into a married State before either the Manor the Woman had
conſulted the Diviners. Of this we have ſeveral (c) Proofs : Thus alſo in the
fame (d) Auchor the name of Jupiter is myſtically deſcrib'd by the number,
717. which number is even there ſtill more myſteriouſly repreſented upon the
Fingers by way of Salutation or Invocation to Fupiter : for under that number
is contain'd the word 'H'APXh', which expreſſes the Eſſence of the ſupream
Deiry, who is King of the World, the Beginning and the End. Thus far we
have ſhewn you examples of numbers myftical, divided and whole. The fol-
lowing inſtance our of the ſame is of the third ſort: The myftical name of
the Sun is thus deſcrib'd by Philologia ſpeaking to him, as the words ſtand in
the MSS.
310'ydie bem
be dout 16 flot is
as Basta
(e) Otto da Sexcentis numeris, cui litera trina OZH1 )
edonda siiani Conformat Sacrum mentis cognomen, & omen. Idadoro
to ad uso
in brisanog
This Mentis cognomen making no Senſe, it leads us however to the true reading :
for inſtead of mentis we muſt read Myſtis; the meaning of the Author being to
deſcribe by thoſe numbers, not the vulgar name of the Sun, but that which
was known to the Myſte of Bacchus, who is really the Sun. Becauſe the Myft ce
impos’d other names to many things and perſons. And this is perhaps whač
Homer and other Pagan Authors call the Language of the Gods. Thus Furva
was the myſtical name of Proſerpina. (f) Furoa myſtico nomine dicitur Proſerpina,
ſays the Commentator on Horace ; lo (g) Athela is Minerva, in Athenagoras.
Martianus Capella tells us, that Juno had alſo a myſtical name among the Gods
but what it is he ſays noe. (b) Funo pulchra, licet aliud nomen tibi confortium ceea
leſte tribuerit. So (i) Clemens Alex. tells us, that Moſes after his Affumption had
another name in Heaven: viz. Melchi, as the Myſtä ſay. So Romulus deified
was calld Quirinus. I think therefore, that Martianus Capella had in view the
word Hre, which not only ſignifies the ſame as Bacchus, whence come olig
ba
() Martian. Cap. Lib. II.
(6) Jamblich. de Myſter. Se&. VII. cap. IV. & VA
**
I
-500
22
T
9
800
400
9
0
A-
o
г.
IO
30
70
30
70
3
IO
1218
A-
724
(6) Vid. M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I. Terent, Phormion. A&. IV. Sc. IV: Ariſtoph. Latr:
(d) Martian. Capell. Lib. VII. init.
(e) Mart. Capella Lib. II. (f) In Horat. Lib, II.
Od. XIII.
(g) Vid. Athenagor. Leg. p. Chrift. p. 19, & 22. (1) Mart. Cspeli.
Lib. II.
(i) Clem. Alex. Scrom, Lib. 1. p. 148.
and
7 P

606
The Falſe Prophet.
Ch. XIII. v. 17.
and the like; but is alſo of good Omen, as the Author hints, becauſe the word
it ſelf ſignifies good. Helych, hus heads, egades, pézes. And this is juſt as Saine
Ferom plays upon Bonofus : (a) An ideo tibi bellus videris, quia fauſto vocaris non
mine ? And the Letters of that word make up the number 608. and this Name
is the ſame in value as T h£ the name of Bacchus and Oſiris, which is the ſame
as the Sun, the Author of Rain, in Heſych. üns, zdis õpibe. I wonder what
Grotius thought on when he ſays, that this name was ſymbolically repreſented
by the Cypher X H: Why does he here forſake his firſt Thoughts, when he
commented upon Martianus Capella, and then ſaw, that the Name muſt have
three Letters, cui litera trina? However, neither would this be wrong if the
Author's Directions would allow it: for in this myftical or Cabaliſtical way a
word of an equivalent number may be put for another ; and this by the rule of
Gemàtria. So they turn the mox in Zachar. 3. 8. by On Conſolator, be-
cauſe theſe two are coólne, of equivalent numbers. So likewiſe i na
veniet Schilo, Genef.49. 10. and a Meſſias, are for that reaſon fynonymous;
I find Artemidorus alſo dabled in this way. So with him janñ and d'un are ſynony-
mous, that is, that gaan in a Dream fignifies the ſame as dun ; a Weaſel is the Sign
of a Law. Suit: (b) Eso gai irófn$G S'un sy gaan, ato zona tūv duTV, ouyneilaa ypau-
udlwv; that is, the Letters ſhew the ſame number. Though otherwiſe a Weaſel
may be a proper Symbol for a peeviſh Fellow that loves Contention. And
therefore the Cheat in (c) Lucian did not fail in this point to give out an Oracle
concerning himſelf in this way, and that too pretended to come from a Sibyll,
which deſcrib'd in numbers part of his name. So the Egyptians, ſince they re-
new'd the Greek Tongue, by the word (d) NEINO & the Nile expreſs’d the
Year, becauſe the Letters of that word make up 364. the number of Days in
4 Year. And as this way came from them, ſo we find, that the Fews who
compos'd the Sibylline Oracles, as afterwards the Gnofticks and Valentinians,
were full of ſuch Conceits. Thus we find, that they ſay the name of Jeſus,
(e) THEOT?, contains the number 888. and in another (f) place there is
a Gueſs, that Rome, PSMH, ſhall reign 948 Years, that being the number
contain'd in its Name. The Conceits of the Gnoſticks this way may be ſeen in
Irenæus and Tertullian, ſome of them ſhall be ſet down hereafter.
The Primitive Chriftians did alſo ſometimes argue from theſe Topicks. We
have a memorable example of it in the Epiſtle of St. Barnabas, which was writ-
ten before the Revelation. I ſhall take notice of that becauſe he handles the
matters in ſome meaſure as this number of the Beaſt in the Revelation ; with
this Exception only, that the Holy Ghoſt here leaves us to gueſs the name
wherein the number of the Beaſt is contain'd; whereas Barnabas has explain’d
the Myſtery of the number contain'd in the Character of the name of Jeſus,
However, they agree in three conſiderable Particulars, which I ſhall apply up-
on the next Verſe. Firſt, Then we find by Barnabas that the Chriftians there
wrote the name of Jeſus by a Cypher or Abbreviation, which was thus, (g)
I HT. Secondly, Barnabas tells us, that this being compos'd of three Letters
expreſſes the number * 318. Further he ſays, that this was prefigurated in the
Inſtitution of the Circumciſion. For he argues that the Circumcifion being
practic'd by the Syrians, Arabians and idolatrous Priefts, the Circumciſion of the
Ifraelites would be inſignificant if it had not been to fignify the coming of the
Meſſias and his Crucifixion. Now the Iſraelites are really circumcis'd in a Sign,
Bij uw pepetévelas o nads vis opgavida, that is, the Holy Ghoſt did really deſign
that the Inſtitucion of that Rite ſhould be a Type : whereas tho' other Nations
were circumcis'd likewiſe, yet none of them was ſo upon the account of a Co-
venant, or for any deſign to prefigurate any future Event. But when Abraham
was circumcis’d, he did it in the Spirit, by the Direction of the Holy Ghoft.
There was then a Type or Sign exhibited in his Circumciſion, in that he
(a) Hieronym. Bonof. (6) Artemid. Lib. II. cap. 28.
(f) Lucian. Pſeudom.
(d) Heliodor. Æthiop. Lib. IX. () Sibyll. Oracul. Lib. I. p. 177.
(f) Sibyll.
Oracul. Lib. VIII. p.715.
(8) Barnab. Epift, cap. VII.
Seneca
H-
8
T-
---300
10
circuincis'd
318

Ch. XIII.
607
V. 18.
The Number 666.
circumcis d then a typical number of Perſons, namely 318. compare Genef. 14.
14. with Genef. 17. 27. for that number of Perſons circumcis'd did myſtically
fignify the name of him upon whoſe account chey were circumcis'd, and the
chief act of his.Life : That is, Jefus crucifi’d; the T being the Croſs, and the
In the name of Jeſus; which Letters make up the number 318. This is the
reſult of that myſtical Expofition, which is follow'd by (a) Clemens Alexandrinus,
(b) St. Cyprian and others ſince. In this Cafe however, which is a good Pre-
cedent in ours, we find, firſt an Alluſion to ſome number in the Old Teſtament
which has a relation to the nanie deſign' to be repreſented myſtically: Seconda
ly a number containd in the Symbols or Cyphers of a name: and Thirdly, a
Perſon deſcrib'd therein, whoſe Name and Symbols, and the Number concur
with the matter alluded to. For the Promiſe of God made to Abraham, on
the account of which he and his Houſhold were circumcis’d, did chiefly con-
cern Chrift; Galat, 3. 16, 17, 18, 19. When we come to calculate the number
of the Beaſt, we ſhall find it agrees with that of Barnabas in each of thefe Par-
ticulars. Now this vray of calculating being found in that Author, who wrote
before the Revelation was feen, is of great uſe to us; becauſe it fhews us, that
this method of myftical Calculations was then in uſe not only among the Jews,
upon whoſe Principles this St. Barnabas wrote, but alſo the method of proceed-
ing in our Caſe.
I have been the longer upon this Expoſition of St. Barnabas, not only becauſe
it is of good uſe in what we are about, but alſo upon the account of that Apo-
ftle, who is treated too ſlightly by fome, and by others ſcornfully. They who
treat him ſlightly about this Epiſtle cannot approve ſuch myftical Interpreca-
tions. If ſo, why do chey not diſapprove thoſe of St. Paul? Are not ſome of
St. Paul ſeemingly as forc'd as thoſe of Barnabas? But St. Paul has been vindica-
ted: and ſo may St. Barnabas. And I dare ſay he hath not one but what may.
Let this which I have explain'd be mention'd' for an inſtance: If there be oc-
caſion, we can do as much for the reſt. After all, St. Barnabas was a Companion
of Sc. Paul, and receiv'd his Ordination of Apoſtleſhip at the ſame time ; and
if there be any weight in the Preference, he is commonly named before Peul
by St. Luke: His Epiftle was read publickly in the Church: So that tho' I
would oblige no Man to ſubſcribe to my Opinion, I ſee no reaſon to look up-
on him ocherwiſe than as an inſpir’d Writer. But what ſhall we fay to (c) Sel-
den, who has taken much pains to ridicule this holy Father upon this very ac-
count, as well as all the Endeavours of Divines to explain the number 666.
cho' the Holy Ghoſt propoſes it, not as a thing impoffible, but to be done by
human Wiſdom ? Selden was a very learned Man, and had read much himſelf,
and made others read for him. 'Tis a wonder to me, that he, who was ſo well
tead in the Rabbinical Learning, could not take notice, that the Epiſtle of
Barnabas, and this number 666. are grounded upon the Cabbala. He was alſo
well read in the curious Arts. 'Tis ftrange he could not ſee that St. John wrote
in their Stile and Language. I believe therefore, that he had a mind to be out
of the way; and ridiculed all this, becauſe Divines ftudied it ; and he would
not, or could not find out the way of doing it himſelf
. But he cannot avoid
che Blame of condemning a thing which he underſtood not; for if he had, he
would have ſpoken more modeſtly.
LOA ver. 8. a/c 5 coạta tiv, 5 xay vouũ, ba pig To Tay set9ụày về Snei" aliguôi
zaie drogére ési, j ó ága Juds autê ésiv, faxógio Enxovla E. Here is wiſdom, let him
that bas underſtanding count the number of the beaſt, for it is the number of Man; and
its number is fix hundred fixty fox.] I ſhall begin the Expoſition of this Verſe, by
that of the number 666. which is the Subject of the whole. This number has
been the Subject of great Enquiry ever ſince this Propheſy appear'd: and be
cauſe the Holy Ghoſt has declar'd, that it is contain'd in the Name, they have
gone about to find Names and Words, whoſe Letters make up that number,
without firſt conſidering what the Beaſt was, which had the Name. But this
cannot be right ; We muſt firſt know what the Beaſt is, and who its Subjects or
Slaves, chat bear the Mark and the Name : and if then we find, that in the ge-
neral Name whereby they are, or affect to be called, the number 666 is con-
tain'd in the Letters thereof, then we may think, that we have found it. Pro-
(6) Clem. Alexandr. Stromat. Lib. VI.
Hift. of Tythes. Chap. I.
(6) Cyprian. de Compul.
(c) Selden's
vided,

608
Ch. XIII. v. 18
Od The Number 666.
vided, that at the ſame time all the matters which concern this Name, do ex-
adly agree with the Name containing the number.
SA To begin then; as we have found already, chac the moſt eſſential Symbols of
this Book are taken from, and allude to the leveral matters containd in the Hi-
ſtory of the Old Teſtament; and that in particalar the names of the Dragon,
Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, as alſo the terms of their Duration are fetch'd from
the ſame Fountain; ſo I do not queſtion bue to find, that the number 666, is
taken from the ſame Hiſtory. That is, that there has been a Type of this
number, and of its Import in the Fates of the Moſaical Oeconomy, as that
Oeconomy is in general a Type of the Chriſtian. We have obſervd before,
that the Corruption of the Church of Iſrael began in Solomon's time by Idolatry:
and that it was then that publick Slavery was brought upon the Idolaters, and
that the corrupted Chriſtians in like manner were brought into Slavery at firſt
by this Beaſt and the Falſe Prophet. Wherefore in that very Hiſtory, or no
where-elſe, muſt we find a Type for this number 666. And indeed ſo we do
for the Sacred Hiſtorians tell us ſo in two ſeveral places ; 1 Kings 10. 14. and
2 Chron. 9. 13. Now the weight of Gold that came to Solomon in one Year, was fess
hundred threeſcore and fix Talents of Gold.. That is, this was the sum of the
Tribute which was impos’d upon the Subje&s, whom he had made Tributaries,
which came by the Year conſtantly, or thereabouts to that Sum. Whence
that Tax ſeems to have been diſtinguiſh'd from the reſt of the Funds by the
name of 666 Talents, in the same manner as we now ſay, the Four Shillings
Tax, tho' ſome pay above, and ſome under. Or as formerly a certain Tax
was called Fifteen ; which indeed was at firſt rais’d in that Proportion, but after-
wards quite another thing; inſomuch that however a Tribute, Tax and Fifteen
became ſynonymous Words. I explain the Words in one Tear, ons mo), by
annually, for ons one is here the ſame as each, every, exgesos, as it is turn’d, in
2 Chron. 9. 16. If you ſhould take the Sum otherwiſe, for all the Gold that
Solomon acquir'd, the ſame being only (a) three Millions fix hundred forty
ſeven thouſand eight hundred and fifty Pound Sterling, it is nothing in Com-
pariſon of the Idea given us of Solomon's Wealth. Beſides, it being in both
places mention'd together with the Revenues of the Cuſtoms, and the Preſents
of the Arabian Princes, the meaning of the place ſeems clearly to be, that the
ſtanding Revenue ariſing from the Tribute was 666 Talents of Gold. So that
they who were liable to that Tribute might be ſaid to be mark’d, that is, inflav'd
in that 666 Talents Tax, Who theſe were that paid Tribute we are inform’d,
in 1 Kings 9. 20, 21, 22. that is, the Remnant of thoſe Nations whom the
Ifraelites had deſtroy'd, as alſo the new Conqueſts of David in Syria, Moab, Am-
mon, Amalek, Edom, and the Philiſtines. Or elſe if you will ſay, that there Na.
tions were not included in this Tribute, but that it was the Governors who
levied it there, and paid it ſeparately, as it is ſaid or hinted in the following
words, 1 Kings 10. 15. 2 Chron. 9. 14. then the Tribute mention'd in that Sum
was only impos'd upon the Remnant of the Nations not deſtroy'd as it is ſaid
in Fosh. 19. 13. the word us’d there for Tribute is on, which implies as well
the Bond Service or Tribute of Perſons, as that of Mony. I wonder the
learned (b) Goulet ſhould ſay it is never us'd about Mony Tribuce, when it is
plain that Jeremiah has us'd it ſo, Lam. I. 1. as it may be made out by com-
paring Ferem. 39. 10. with Nehem, s: 4. Beſides, that the origin of the word
is more favourable to the latter Signification ; for de ſignifying to melt or
drop, 'tis an eaſy Metaphor to ſay, that thoſe who pay Tribute are melted
and forced to drop their Mony or Subſtance, ſince it is ſtill us’d in modern
Languages.
I take it therefore that the matter ſtood thus ; the Canaanites,or at leaſt a great
part of them, had been made Tributaries to pay Mony long before Solomon,
Fofh. 17. 13. Judg. 1. 33. But that Solomon not only levied a Tribute of Bond
Service, by taking as his Slaves thoſe that we have mention'd before, but alſo
laying a Tribute of Mony upon the reſt that were not made the Kings Slaves.
So that theſe Moay Tributaries were thoſe upon whom the 666 Talents were
rais’d; if not wholly, yet in part. The reſt being made out by ſuch as they,
conquer'd Idolaters. Whether the Iſraelites were then, or after brought inco
(a) Sam. Clark': Ann on the place.
(b) Vid. Gufſet. Comm. in V. DON.
DIA
this

Ch. XIII.
600
v. 18.
The Number 666.
this Tax is not eſſential ; 'tis ſufficient for the Type that all the Idolaters
were ſo. The Beaſt and Falſe Prophet make all their Subjects, and uſe them as
Idolaters, and bring them under ſuch a Tribute. Now if we confider, that
the Holy Ghoſt afterwards deſcribes the Territories of the corrupted Church,
as extending to one thouſand fix hundred Furlongs from the Type of the Land
of the Iſraelites, which was contain'd within that meaſure; we ſhall eaſily con-
ceive, that the number of the 666 Talents of Tribute Mony was likewiſe a
proper Type to deſcribe the Tributaries to the Beaſt in the corrupted Church
and that the Falſe Propher or Fac totum of the Beaſt is a Nogeſh, w313, Raifer of
Taxes, or Oppreſſor of the Members of the corrupted Church. You may ſee
how (a) Cardinal Pallavicini owns this, and vindicates it. Hiſtory thews
enough how the Popes have pulled, as well as polled the Subjects of Chriſtian
Princes; and how they have fully made out the Character the Holy Ghoſt
gives them here.
Further, The Calculation of the Letters of the name of the Beaſt impos’d by
the Falſe Prophet agrees with the number alluded to. This is the ſecond and
third Particulars, which muſt now be made out together, becauſe they are
connected. But before we ſpeak of that name, which is afterwards to be cal-
culated, 'tis proper to determine in what Language the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd it
might be done ; and then, whether that Language will admit ſuch Calcula-
tions. And firſt, to conſider in what Language the Holy Ghoſt defign'd this
name ſhould be written. It was not the Latin Tongue then commonly ſpoken
in the Capital where the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet were afterwards to ſet up
their Throne, becauſe their Letters were not all numbers, but very few of them.
Ifidorus: (b) Latini autem numeros ad literas non computant, ſed ſols verba componunt.
And ſo Martianus Capella could make no Application of that Art to the
Latin Tongue, but was fore'd to keep to the Greek, in which Language every
Letter is a number. Omnes autem literæ apud Græcos e verba cómponunt di numeros
faciunt, ſays Iſidorus : So that I cannot but wonder at the Impudence of B. Bof-
Suet Biſhop of Meaux, who pretended to find it out in the Latin Names of Dio.
clefian Auguſtus by the way of Eteofticks. DIOCLES AV GVSTVs,
making indeed 666. but unluckily the whole matter is of a novel Invention,
unknown to the Romans in the Times of St. John. Beſides, that Dioclefian never
had the Characters of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet ; ſo that we muſt look out
fomething elſe.
There remains therefore only the Hebrew and Greek Tongues, wherein it may
be thought, that this name is to be found. I determine it for the firft for theſe
Reaſons. Firſt, Thac the Holy Ghoſt alludes for the moſt part, if not alto-
gether to the Notions ſuitable to the Hebrew Language, as we have made it our
by ſeveral Obſervations, and gives the names of ſome remarkable things in
that Language, as Abaddon, and Harmageddox : and therefore we may reaſonia-
bly ſuppoſe, that it was intended this moſt remarkable Enemy of the Church
ſhould have his name in Hebrew; and that tho' the penning of the Viſions be in
the Greek, yet the Hebrew Notion and Name is preferable. And this the
more, if the Obſervation of (c) Salmafius be true, that St. John nor underſtand-
ing the Greek Tongue fufficiently to write, had, as it is certain of other Apo-
Atles, fome Aſſiſtant ; to whom he dictated in his Language, and they there-
upon turn'd and copied his Writings into Greek, and thus let them out in the
Church, as we have them. So that if we can find the name of the Beaſt reach-
ing all its Subjects, and expreſs’d in the Hebrew Tongue, fo exact, as by its
Letters to make up this number fought, we ſhall not need to proceed any
further, but reſt ſatisfied, that this was principally intended : and ſo much the
more if the name found in another Language, tho' agreeing as to the number,
cannot anſwer to tell the Intentions of the Holy Ghoft. Therefore the Hebrew
name is to be prefer'd, unleſs we could be certain otherwiſe, that the Holy
Ghoſt had determined it ſhould be a Greek Name: of which we can perceive
no Indication.
Secondly, Let us now proceed to fee, whether the Hebrew Tongue will ad-
mit ſuch Calculations. This Queſtion is neceſſarily to be decided before we
(a) New Goſpel of C. Pallavic, Chap. IIf. Articl. IV. & V.
cap. 3.
(c) Claud. Salmaſ. De Helleniſtic. Quæſt. VI. p. 257.
(6) Iſidor. Origin. Lib. I.
proceed,
7 Q
610
The Number 666.
Chap. XIII. v. 18.

>
proceed, becauſe I find ſome learned Men will not allow the uſe of Letters, to
expreſs numbers, to be ancient; but ſay, (a) there is no example of it in holy
Writ, and that it is modern among the Rabbies, who are all known to be later
than St. John. If it be meant abſolutely, that ſuch Rabbies were the firſt Intro
ducers of it in that Language, that is in my Opinion abſolutely falſe. But as it is
not neceſſary for me to enter much into that Controverſy, I ſhall content my
ſelf to ſhew that way of numbring in uſe in St. John's Time. The Greeks had
moſt certainly then the way of uſing Letters Arithmetically; and as it is cer-
tain, that they had their Letters from the Phænicians, 'cis as plain, that they had
this way from them. (b) Porphyrie ſays, that the Greeks had the Science of
Numbers and Proportions from the Phenicians, as high as the Times of Pythaa
goras. Thole Sciences could not be without ſuch an Arithmetical uſe of the
Letters. Beſides, 'eis evident by the order of proceeding, and the brionues, or
adopted Characters, jumping in with the Hebrew Alphabet ; wherein the Boő,s'
anſwers to the Hebrew 1 Vau; the xóa na being the ſame as the Kopib in-
verted in the way of writing toward the Right-Hand, and having the ſame
Name, that this is all taken from the Phænician, or Hebrew Alphabet. Whence
Dr. Edward Bernard ſays : (c) Numeratio greca, vetus æque, cæterarum ferme
omnium gentium ritu, ſecundum Alphabetum Phænicium ordine manifeſto progreditur.
Further, we find examples of this in the Samaritan Text of the Pentateuch ac
the end of the Books by way of Maſoretical Notes, and in their Targum, that
is older than Chriſt's Time, as Biſhop (d) Walton thinks. And likewiſe that
the Palmyrenians had chis Method, as it appears by the Conjecture of the inge-
nious (e) Rbenferdius. And ſome learned (f) Men of late find, that in the
Sicles wric in the Samaritan Character the Year is mark'd by a Letrer, as 7 for
four, and the like. Since then all the neighbouring Nations to the Jews,
Phænicians, Samaritans, Palmyrens and Egyptians had this way, to think the
Jews
had it not, is ridiculous : eſpecially conſidering that the Alexandrian Jews, who
ſpoke Greek, made uſe of all the Cabaliſtical Arts; and that the Gnofticks after
them took up this way, not only in the Greek Language, but alſo in the
Hebrew, as it is apparent in (g) Irenæus.
We may therefore proceed to find out the name of the Beaſt in the Hebrew
Language ; and to find out the Word, let us firſt inquire into the thing. This
Beaſt or tyrannical Government calls it ſelf Roman ; for it is ſaid to have ſuc-
ceeded che Roman Dragon in his Throne, Power and Capital, and the Falſe
Prophet to ſpeak like that Roman Dragon ; that Government has ſet up all the
Roman Pretenſions, and the Falſe Prophet obliges therefore all the Subje&s to
call themſelves Romans; not only becauſe in reality they are to be under the
Direction of Rome both in the Weſt and Eaſt, but alſo becauſe the power he
pretends to is grounded upon the Rights of Rome, preſerv'd in the Old Rome,
and alſo communicated to the New. Formerly the faithful Chriſtians were con.
tented with that Name, which ſhews their relation to the Lamb, but the Falſe
Prophet, who precends to have the Horns of the Lamb, eſtabliſhes them by
ſpeaking like the Dragon, and claiming to have the ſame right, muſt have
them to bear that Badge, which may ſhew his power to be Roman. So that
whereas the Chriſtians, when Herefies and Schiſms aroſe, were obliged to own
the Catholick Church of Chriſt, thofe that are deluded by the Falſe Prophet
muft own their Relation to the Dragon by calling themſelves Roman Catholicks.
Every thing therefore of any conſequence in the corrupted Church is Roman.
The Heads are ſtill Roman: the Language is called Roman, is Roman in the
Weft, and called Roman in the Eaft. The Latin us'd in the Church, as the
Token of Submiſſion in all the divine Service to the Falſe Prophet, is really the
Roman Language, and the modern Greek is now called Roman by themſelves. As
indeed all the Greeks call themſelves Romans, and are ſo called by all the Eaſtern
Nations; and they ſay too, that they are (b) Romans, as well as the Italians ;
(a) M. Gagnier. Lettre à M. Bernard dans la Rep. des Lettr. Juin. 1705, (6) Porphyr.
de Vit. Pythagor. p. 182. Vide Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. p. 757. & Lib. XVII
. p. 787. (c) Bere
nard. de Ponder. & Menfur. p. 161. Vide Bochart. Canaan Lib. I. cap. 20. & Druſii Alph. Ebraic.
& Jac. Perizon. Origin. Ægypt. Cap. III. p. 28.
(d) Walton. Proleg. in Bibl. Polyglott,
(e) Vid. Jac. Rhenferd. Tentam. Palmyr. p. 51, 52.
(f) Vid. D.
Bern. de Montfaucon. Palæograph. Græc. Lib. II. cap. 2.
(g) Iren. Lib. II. C. 4..
(5) Vid. Pachymer, Lib. V. cap. VIII.
issa ihmise bus 3
and
| bucson
p. 80.

Chap. XIII. v. 18.
611
The Number 606.
and that they are Members of the ſame Church. Here then will I fix; this
name being a general name, by which all Men that have ſubmitted to the Beaſt
and Falſe Prophet, and have worſhipped the Image, are ſtill and have been
called to this Day. So that as to the thing or Notion of the name we find it is
Roman.
As to the Word it ſelf; that is, the expreſſing of it in the Hebrew Tongue,
there are two grammatical Obſervations to be made. The firſt is to know how
Rome, from whence Roman comes, ought to be written. The name of the
City of Rome, is by ſome written soin, but for the moſt part it is written
911, as might be made out by ſeveral (a) Authorities, and (b) "997, are
the Romans. In the (c) Arabick Writers Rome is 9917 too. Again we muſt
fee to whom the Adjeđive Roman is to be applied. Not to the Subjects, but
to the Beaſt, for the Subjects bear the mark of the name of the Beaſt. It muſt
therefore agree with the Beaſt, if we take the Beaſt literally, 'cis in Hebrew
mi'm, if ſymbolically for a Kingdom, then it will be nigo: and theſe two words
being both Feminine, the Adjective "p17 muſt have the Termination of the
Feminine Gender, 1997. This is the word which we muſt pitch upon; and
the Letters of that word taken arithmetically together make juſt the number *
666. Thus we have explain'd the Alluſion, the name and the number calculated
out of it, which deſcribes the Beaſt, ſo that all concur.
It will not be improper to take notice here of a Coincidence as to this name
of the Beaſt, with the name, which the Holy Ghoſt ſays in Chapter 17. 5.
the great Whore or Capital of this Kingdom bears. That name is Myſtery,
pusúgiov, a thing that is kept ſecret, abfconditum. Now the Hebrew word to that
purpoſe is ** ; and it luckily happens that the arithmetical value of the
Letters contains alſo the number 666.
(d) Irenæus faw very well the true method of finding out this number ; and
he went about it as we have done, by endeavouring firft to find out the Allu-
fion to the Hiſtories of the Old Teſtament, and then to calculate the number out
of the Letters of the name. But in this he committed a Miſtake, chat he ſplit
the number 666 into two parts without any warrant of the Holy Ghoſt, that he
might fetch the Alluſion from the 600 Years of the age of Noah at the Deluge,
when the Wickedneſs of the old World was puniſh'd, and the 66 in the length
and breadth of the Image of King Nabuchodonoſor. But what Indication had he
to divide that number? Is not ours better, which preſerves the number entire
in the Alluſion, and is caken from that very Period of the Mofaical Diſpenſa-
tion, which exactly anſwers to the Period of the Church wherein the Beaſt
prevails
. As for the Calculation he takes it in the Greek Tongue, and finds it
in the word A ATEINO firſt: but yet prefers at laſt the word T EITAN,
which is a word that has no manner of relation to any thing in the Revelation,
unleſs it be by ſome Alluſion very far fetch'd. It appears however by this,
that he was very uncertain about it ; for tho' Irenæus had a certain Tradition
from Polycarp, who had been with S. John, that the number was 666; yet he
owns he had no Tradition to calculate it : and therefore when he ſpeaks of the
way to find it, he inſiſts only upon his own Reaſon, which is therefore but his
particular Conjecture, for he ſays: (e) rj të aézou did error inãs ögn ó agituds
τα ονόματα το θηρία και τίω των ελλήνων ψήρον δια των εν αυτην γραμμάτων εμφαίνεθαι.
TE01 02 03
bodo da cu
190
(*) Targum Jonath. ia Efai. 34.9. in Opr. Editionib. Vid. etiam Eliæ. Levit. Methurgeman voc.
17, ubi fæpius e Targum im. Gemera in Avoda Qura apud Wagenſ. R. D. Kimchi apud
Buxtorf. y. NO. R. Dav. de Pomis in Not. Voflii ad Maim. de Idololatr. R. Salom Jarchi apud
Vorſt. Not. in R. D. Gauz. Chron. (6) Schilte Haggibborim apud Wagenſ. (6) Vid.
Golii Lexic. Arab. p. 1065.
apoi viela Vio
Larodo lo
60
LIS
od plaisia
ser mot ucho?
Josed to asi tan
ells sexsas
Det at the noistage
666 0
od nawodobo
666
OMADA

-200
LU
40
400
.6
IO
200
1o
-4CO
(d) Irenæ. Lib. V. cap. 29. & 30.
C) Iren. Lib. V. cap. 30. apud Eufeb. H. Eccl. Lib.
V. cap. 8. ad do
be dron ads to 1 93109
Igal addmun or to 9999999301,
However,

612
The Number 066.
Ch. XIII. v. 18.
However, tho’ it muſt be own'd, there is a happy Coincidence in this matter,
in the word aataro, which is the Greek name of the Falſe Prophec in the West
who had indeed the greateſt ſhare of the Power, yet it is not fully ſatisfactory,
becauſe it doch not reach the Biſhop of Conftantinople, who is certainly one of
the Horns of the Falſe Prophet. Why ſhould he then be excluded, when the
Emperors of the Eaſt, before whom he propheſied, are own'd to be part of the
great Beaſt with ten Horns ? Latins they are not, but Romans they are, and
that very name, which belongs to Conſtantinople, as being the New Rome, is that
which entitles them to ſpeak like the Roman Dragon, in as ample manner as
the Biſhop of Rome ; ſo that there is no other name but that of Roman to bring
all in.
(a) Some go about to calculate the number 666 by extra&ting the Square-
Root of it: and, to make out the truth of that Method, obſerve, that as the
number 144. is ſacred and myſterious to fignify the true Church; becauſe its
Square-Root being i2 ſets forth moſt of the Myſteries and Attributes of the
Church, and of the new Jeruſalem, which is to be the Perfection of it, and is
therefore laid to be of 120co Furlongs ; ſo the number_666 denotes the whole
Empire of the corrupted Church, becauſe the Square-Root of it is obſerv'd to
appear in moſt of its Attributes. Thus as the true Church is founded on the
Twelve Apoſtles, and therefore in the New Jeruſalem the number twelve appears
every where almoft; there are in it Foundations 12. Gates 12. Angels 12.
thouſands of Furlongs 12. the Tree of Life bears Fruits 12 ; therefore the
number 666 is myſterious only upon the account of its Square Root.
The Square Root of a number is that number contain’d therein, which being
multiplied by it ſelf produces the whole number, whether there be any Frag-
ment or none remaining. That is a perfect Square Root which exactly pro-
duces the firſt number given, as 12 is the Root of 144. and 10 of 100. But
the Square-Root of 666 is 25 imperfe&ly, becauſe it doth not exactly produce
the number 666, but 625 with the remainder 41 added to 625 it makes 666.
Accordingly to this the number 25 appears every where in the Romiſh Church.
The Cardinals, which are the Apoſtles of it, were in their firſt Inſtitution only
25. As the New Jeruſalem has 12 Gates, lo Rome had 25. Pariſhes 25, by which
Men entred into the Church. Rome conſiſts of 25 thouſand Furlongs, and the
Church has 25 Articles of Faith. Beſides this, that number appears in the 25
Provinces or principal Dignities of the Church. The great Altar of Saint
Peter's at Rome is 25 Foot-ſquare, has a Croſs thereon of 25 Hands; before the
Church are s Gates, one of which is only opened once in 25 Years. This
number is alſo fatal, and obſerv'd in many macters; as the Council of Trent
which has ſeteled the Pope in the Church began with 25 Biſhops, had 25 Sef-
fions, was ſubſcrib'd by 25 Archbiſhops, and deciard 25 Articles of Faith.
The reſt may be ſeen in the Author. If this Coincidence can be found in the
Greek Church too, it may be own'd, that the Holy Ghoſt did deſign to denote
more Myſteries by the number 666, chan barely to ſet forth the arithmetical
Product of the Letters in the Beaſt's name. However, (b) Potter himſelf owns,
that the Holy Ghoſt uſes the number 666, and not 625, rather than any other
number above it or below 666 wishin che reach of the ſame furd Root, be-
cauſe that number 666 is exadly containd in the Letters of the Beaſt's name.
By this he ſeems to give up the Cauſe: becauſe we have no Warrant to ſearch
any further than the name for the number 666. So that this giving full Satis-
faction to the words of the Prophefy, the reſt is but Play, ingenious Con
jecture, and fatal Coincidence. 'Tis true, that he (c) obſerves, “ 'tis not
6 faid, let him count the name of the Beaſt, or the numeral Lerters
in his Name, but the number of the Beaſt”. But then it ought to be oba
ſerv'd, that the Holy Ghoſt had ſaid very clearly in the foregoing Verſe, that
this number is the number of the name: So that we can underſtand by the num-
ber of the Bealt nothing elſe but the number of the name, and it was needleſs
to repeat the Expreſſion the number of the name, which muſt plainly be fup-
plied from the firſt mention thereof. So that it ſeems ridiculous from that
Omiffion in a Repetition, where 'tis no way neceffary to repeat exactly all,
buc to give ſufficient Hints, to draw an Argument of difference between the
(a) Franc. Potcer's Inc. of the numb. 665.
(b) Potter's Interpre of the numb. 666
chap 28.
() Porter's Interpr. of the numb. 666, chap. 1.
number

Ch. XIII. v. 18.
613
The Number 666.
number of the Beaſt, and the number of the name of the Beaft. See Chap: 15,2.
and Note on Chap. 14. 11 C.
Nd The great Argument of that Author is chis, that ſeeing this number is to be
calculated by Man's reaſoning, or according to human Wiſdom; So there
being no way to calculate numbers, but by Addition, Subſtraction, Multipli-
ei cation and Diviſion, or the Extra&ion of Roots: that therefore it muſt be by
one of theſe Ways. And further it being plain, that no Calculation is made
but to find out another number from the number given : neither can any Cala
culation be made by Addition, Subftraction, Multiplication and Diviſion out
1 of one ſingle number given ; but that muſt be done by the Extraction of the
2 Root : and that this being a ſingle number no other Calculation can be made
of it but by the Extraction of the square-Root. Now will I turn this upon
him for my ſelf. The Holy Ghoſt ſays, that this is the number of the Name:
there was no way known in St. John's Time to calculate the number of a
Name, but by taking the number contain'd arithmetically in the Letters of the
name, and from that Computation to draw ominous Concluſions upon the Per-
fons or Things that bore the Name. And conſequently this was the only in-
cent or at leaſt the principal in this Propheſy. For as it has been obſerv'd, that
as to Symbols of time there is a peculiar method of Proportions to be obſerv'd,
by which myſtical Involutions and Evolutions are made, of which I have treat-
ed in the Preliminary Diſcourſe; ſo it may be obſerv'd here, that the way of
writing numbers by the Letters gave occaſion to a ſort of niyftical or Caballitti-
cal Calculations, which are perform’d by Rules quite different from common
Arithmetick and the Proportions obſerv'd in the preſent mathematical Learning.
Of this more by and by.
B. Sanè copia isir, Here is wiſdom.] That is, here is an occaſion for the
Wiſdom of Men to exerciſe it ſelf. There appears to have been an old Cuſtom
when a Man was famous for Wiſdom, that others went to ſee him, in order to
propoſe, or elſe ſent him Queſtions to be ſolv'd, which if he anſwered, then
he receiv'd a Reward like a Tribute, if not, he paid a Fine to the Propoſer. So
the Queen of Sheba came to hear the Wiſdom of King Solomon, and to propoſe
Queſtioris ; and then ſhe made him Preſents. (a) Foſephus reports the ſame of
Hiram King of Tyre, that Solomon propos'd Queſtions to him, and receiv'd reci.
procally; and that Hiram not being able to ſolve them, paid a great deal.
The like is ſeen in the Hiſtory of Sampson, Fudg. 14. 12. li was a kind of
ferious Play, which it ſeems Kings themſelves did not ſcorn. This Cuſtom paſt
alſo into Greece, and was obſerv'd even in religious Rites, as (b) Plutarch ſays.
But in a more particular mariner Arithmetick comes under the name of Wif-
dom ; when Prometheus, ſaid to be ifie Inventor, ſays in Æſchylus: (c) Bai piles
agiquer LEOX OV poporum 'Eąd por élois, ſo in Dan. 8. 13. a Queſtion is pro-
pos’d about the extent of the Deſolation and Profanation of the Temple to one
wile in numbers 118%0%, a wonderful Numberer, or one that can bide numbers, and
by conſequence reveal them when he thinks fit. In the Sibyllin Oracles the
name of God being concealed in a number, and propos'd to be ſolv'd, 'tis wichi
an Epiphonema like chat of S. Jebn.
-(a) Γνές δε τις ωμί,
Our dipunlo ton Joins wag' eroiza copins.
And indeed Wiſdom, in the Notion of the Hebrews, conſiſted in underſtanding
ſecret things : Siracides ſays; Eopía go's welche Tò ovoue aurñs ést, rj i Tordis isi gavepok
by which 'cis plain he deriv'd it from ſome of the Hebrew words following:
maž 198, or elſe 18D, which ſignify to hide or cover. Thus alſo Tully makes
the Interpretation of Oracles and Predictions to be next to Divination: (e)
Quorum omnium Interpretes, ut grammatici Poetarum, proxiine ad eorum, quos inter-
pretantur, divinationem videntur accedere. To which may be added this Obfer-
vation of Tully's Friend Nigidius Figulus, cited by Servius upon Virgil's words,
Interpres Aſylas: (f) Et notandum quod ait Nigidius Figulus, has artes inter ſe ita

(a) Jofeph. Archæol. Lib. VIII. cap. 2. cont. Appion. Lib. I.
(b) Plutarch. Sympoſ.
Lib. VIII. cap. 1. (c) Æſchyl. Prom. Vindt. v. 458. vid. Not. Stanleii (d) Sibyll.
Oracul. Lib. I. p. 117.
(e) M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I.
(F) Servius in
Æneid. Lib. X. Vid. eund, in Lib. III.
7 R
ele

614
The Number 666.
Ch. XIII. v. 18.
elle conjunétas, ut alterum fine altero elle non poffit. To which Servius adds :
Unde his quos perfectos vuli probare Virgilius, omnium divinandi artium praltar
Scientiam, ut hoc loco, ita fupra Heleno. 'Tis true where Divination is an Art by
Compact. As to the Interpretation of the Scripture Propheſies, chat Divina
tion by Compact is not neceſſary; but I dare ſay, none can be a perfect Intera
preter that does not underſtand competencly all ſorts of Divination; which is
the reaſon that we have had none compleat.
Osno
The Particle afe may have a reſpect to the later Times of the Beaſt, to fig-
nify that it will not be diſcover'd till then, and that by conſequence it ſhall be
by ſuch as diſcovering the Myſteries of this Falſe Propheſy aná Tyranny ſhall
then put an end to it. See our Note upon Chap. 17. 9 A. and apply it to this
place. It appears by Irenæus, that he was of Opinion che Intention of the Ho-
ly Ghoſt was ſuch, that it muſt not be reveald till the proper time. So he
argues : (a) si pare ides a vapardòn aộ vuð reago ungurlæs révoque auzis, Si ensive ão igoksia
zo ij Thw Aporcínu fev iwganótc. Quoniam fe oporteret manifefte præfenti tempore prea
conari nomen ejus, per ip/um utique editum fuiffet, qui & Apocalypſim viderat.
To which he adds afterwards : Sed ſcientes firmum numerum qui d Scriptura an-
nuntiatus eft, id eſt, Jexcentarum ſexaginta ſex, ſuſtineant primum quidem divifionem
regni in decem : poſt deinde illis regnantibus, ebu incipientibus corrigere fua negotia, eta
augere ſuum regnum ; qui de improvviſo aduenerit regnum fibi vindicans, de terrebic
prædi&tos, habens nomen continens prædi&tum numerum, bunc vere cognoſcere eſſe abo-
minationem defolationis. The Crafty are overcome when diſcover'd and out-
witted.
នេះ។
C.‘o ex con veuw inplocco, Let him that has underſtanding count.] If we may be-
lieve Dr. Hammond, it is not advantagious for us to afflict our Minds in the
ſearch of this number, and unreaſonable to take any pains in finding out the
preciſe name, whereof this of 666 is the numeral Expreſſion. Thus Men
make rules from their own Actions and Neceſſities: but this is to derogate from
the Wiſdom of the Holy Ghoft; if the Propheſy were of times to which che
Dr.applies them, it muſt either have been found out, or elſe we muſt think the
Holy Ghoſt cook a pleaſure to give us a vain and unprofitable Amuſement ;
and make us labour to find out an impoſſible thing. For it is evident by this,
that we are commanded to ſearch this Secret ; and the neceſſity of ſuch a
Search is further evident by this Obſervation, that the Propheſy containing
divers Warnings to the Saints, how ſhould they avoid the danger threacn'd, if
they do not ſtudy to find out in the Church, who they are that riſe up therein
to tempt them? If they are negligent in this, they are more likely to fall un-
der the Temptation. See che Note upon Chap. 1. 3 A. B. Theſe Abſurdities
cannot be avoided by ſuch as are Slaves to an Hypotheſis, and will find the
Accompliſhment of Propheſies in Accidents, which were never intended by
the Holy Ghoſt, and only fuit with the fancy of the Interpreter. The Holy
Ghoſt deſign'd it ſhould be underſtood upon the Accompliſhment. Tis then
that Propheſies are full Revelations; and tho’’tis plain this method of Calcu-
lation is a mere Invention of Man, yet as God is the Giver of all Unders
ſtanding and Wiſdom, Jam. 1. 5, 17. ſuch an Underſtanding can only come,
when, and upon whom he thinks fic to beſtow it. If we have it, we have re-
ceiv'd it. He is the 91099, the only wiſe Numberer of times. To him there.
fore let us return our Thanks for all the meaſures of Gifts that he has beſtow'd,
and the underſtanding of the Calculation of this number, which is now fully
diſcover'd.
5d
BABA
Not that we pretend by this to have a greater meaſure of Wiſdom and Un-
derſtanding than the reſt of Chriſtians, or Learning above the common pitch:
buc the Gifts of God are given to every Man, as it beft pleaſes him, or they are
beft able to improve them. He that receives the Talent muſt therefore imploy
it in his own way, which is certainly the moſt proper to improve it.
Now the Revelation is a Prophely given to the Church for the Conſolation
thereof in the times of Afli&ion, when 'tis under the Temptation of the Fire
of Perſecution. No wonder chen if this Propheſy be moft ftudied then; or
that God ſhould permit one eſcap'd out of it to have ſome meaſure of the Gift
of Interpretation, which is no further to be relied upon, than it ſuits with

(a) Irene. Lib. V. cap. XXX.
Reaſon,

& Ch. XIIL y. i 8.
The Falſe Prophet.
bis
b Reaſon, the Judgment of leared Mea, the Analogy of Faith, and the Ap-
probation of che crue Charch of Chriſt. All theſe mult concur before we can
rely upon our Interprétation, therefore we humbly ſubmit all to our Mother
onthe Church of England, one of the foundeít Parts of that true Church, which
- abounding with Sons of ſound Realon, great Learning, and Orthodoxy, her
Judgment will be a good Prejudication for the whole Church, which is the Pil-
lar and ground of Truth, Tim. 3. 15.
do D. 'AgrPipede Sagie, The number of she Beaft.] Thár is, the number of the
Is Beaſt's name, as it is expreſs'd fully in the foregoing Verſe, ſo that there was
19 no need to repeat the whole Expreſſion, fo near the former, but in Chap. 15.
2. the Expreſſion is again in full, the number of the name. Look back on the
firft Note upon this Verſe : Potter backs his Opinion only by Authority : we
might back likewiſe ours by thac of Irenæus cited before, and many others. We
ought to have ftronger Indicacions than theſe to make us look upon this pre-
(htended Difference as true. If St. John had meant, that there was a number of
the Beaſt different from the number of the name, ſuch a Diſtinction muſt
have been plain in ſo exact a Book as this is
blagd DA
E.' Agiques guise dvigáns ési, For it is the number of Man.] So it is generally
tranſlated; but why may not we take apsSuedo here to be the ſame as the Art
doof numbers, or Computation ? as if the Holy Ghoſt had ſaid, Let him that has
brunderſtanding count the number of the Beaſt, for it is to be done by the buman Art of
- Arithmetick or Computation. I am ſure the Senſe is good ; and that the word is
not only ſo taken in good Authors, as (a) Æſchylus cited before, but alſo in
holy Writ. See Exod. 12. 4. Chap. 16.16. compard with Pfal. 71. 15. where
zi(b)-700, numbers, are turn'd in the LXX. sgtyje teias, the Arts of counting.
5 So in the Chaldee 1120m is us’d for number, Computation and Arithmetick. If
sipiduds be taken in this ſenſe here, the meaning of Man follows. But if we take
a number in the first Nocion abſtractedly, the word Man becomes equivocal, as it
is usd with the Circumſtances already conſider'd. The word er Spare in the
Hebrew Stile with a Subſtantive before it ſignifies common, of low degree, def-
picable and mean. So Son of Man is the Title of our Saviour in his Humility,
În sfaiab 8. 1. yeapin angeme a Man's Pen, that is a common Pen, Iſaiah 17. I.
basis willing af vigües, as a common Man thou ſhalt divide thire Inheritance ; and in Chap.
31. 8. &Ne ved xarger er Spanien melepeyta sulós, and she ſword yok of a
a mean Man
hall devour bim. Or it may fignity a Slave: ſo that Soms of Man is the ſame as
Slave. Now the word Manis frequently ſo us'd as to denote one in Subjection,
as a Slave or a Soldier. That 'tis caken for a Slave, I have prov'd ; 'tis taken
for a Soldier in theſe places, Sam. 27. 2. 3. Chap. 28. 1. 2 Sam. 2. 3. 1 Kings
11. 24. So (c) Johannes Malela, who wrote in Greek, but in a Syriack Stile, ules
the word ZvSportor for Soldiers and ſo the word ſeems to be taken in the Takticks
of Mauritius. By this Obſervation we may gueſs at the meaning of the word
* Surenas, which was the Title of the ſupream Dignity in the Parebian Court,
* menrion'd in many (d) Auchors. Særenas is a kin to the Hebrew, OVN 750, Dux
Dominum, the Captain of the Men of War, the General of the Army: For the
Language of thoſe Countries was a kin to the Hebrew, as it may be ſeen by a
Paſſage of Strabo cited in the Note upon Chap. 19. 16 A. And this ſeems to
be che crue meaning and Etymology of the Greek word Tugavc, a Tyrant figni-
fying alſo originally a King; the firit Letter w being eaſily chang'd ina
to a n, in the Chaldaic and Syriac, as well as Greek. In this Senſe the Expreſſion
may be proper enough, that this number is a mark upon the Slaves and Soldiers
of the Beaſt, ſee therefore upon their Hands and Foreheads: So chac che ſenſe
of the Context may be this ; Let him that has underſtanding count the num-
ber of the Beaſt, for it is that number, which as a mark of Slavery the Beaſt
fers upon its Subjects, to oblige them to ſubmit co all ſorts of Services.
013 But if this Expoſition will not fuffice, then it muſt fignify, that the way of
counting it is an human Invention, 'tis done by the way
of computing Names
arithmetically to make myſterious Diſcoveries. The Fews are very fond of
their Cabbala, which they make to be of divine Inſtitution; but 'tis molt like-
Vidi
vnil(a) Aſebyl. Prom. Vin&. v. 453. Vid. Platon. in Phædro- p. 243a Alcibiad. I p. 219. (6) Vid.
Schindler in Voc. 700.
(c) Joh. Malel. Lib. ix. p. 285. & Lib. XVI. p. 122.
(d) Tacit. Annal. VI. Plut. in V. Cratli. Appian. Parth. Strabo Lib. XVI. Ammian Marcel. Lib.
XXIV. & XXX Zolim Lib. III. Polyzn. Scrateg. Lib. VII. Eutrop. Lib. VI.
ly,

6.16
The Number 666.
Ch. XIII. v. 18
ly, that this Cabbala, and that part of it about which we are now concern'd
call d by them Gematria, aroſe firſt among the Egyptian Philoſophers and Ma-
gicians. For all the Cabbala is magical, both the practical and theoretical.
From theſe the Greeks borrow'd it, and the Elens and other Jews in Egypt, who
made uſe of it every way. After them the Gnofticks took it up, right Magi-
cians, who likewiſe made uſe of all the Cabaliſtical Arts; of Gemarria, which
you may call arithmetical Magick; Notaricon, Grammatical; and Temorah, Ana-
grams; as appears from ſeveral places in (a) Irenæus. So that it was well ob-
ieru'd by the learned (6) Dodwell
, that Egyptian Notions were che principal
Ingredients in moſt of thoſe ancient Hereties, that were comprehended under
the common Name of Gnoſticks.
Now the Foundation of this way of reſolving Names into Numbers, Ana-
grams, and the like is built upon this Ground, that not only ſacred and myſti-
- cal Names are of divine Inſtitution, and therefore immutable, as expreſſing
the nature of the thing nam'd ; to which purpoſe (c) Jamblichus and (d)
1 Origen may be conſulted : but that even the common names of Men are fatal.
And the Cabbalifts have carried this Notion ſo far as to ſay, that (e) the Life,
Death, and Fortune of every Man are placed in his Name, as the Book Zijun has it.
Upon which Principle they ſay, that in the laſt Song of Moſes, Deut. 33. are
contain'd che Fates of all things and names of Perſons whatſoever ; which
they find out by the methods of Gematria and the reſt mention'd before ; and
pretend to prove out of Pſal. 46. 8. their practice in this caſe, ſaying that
God has appointed names to that end: and they back this by a Criticiſm upon
the word nie, which they read Schemoth Names, inſtead of Schammoth;
Tégatæ Wonders, as the LXX. and all other Interpreters cake ic. Hence this
Arc, practis'd ſtill by the Arabians, is callid (f) Simia; which was likewiſe us'd
by the (8) Greeks of the middle and lower Age. The Egyptians being great
Mathematicians thought, that out of the Properties of Numbers all things
might be diſcover'd: So they applied thoſe numbers to the names of all things.
Hence came this Arithmetical Magick, which was afterwards adopted by the
(b) Fews always fond of foreign Learning and Religions. Now becauſe the
number of the Beaſt was of human Invention and Deſign ; ſo the Holy Ghoft
warns us, that the Calculation of it was to be made according to the method
of that human Invention. However, it was ſuch an Invention as the Jews had
already taken up, and applied before St. John's time to the Study of the Holy
Scriptures, as it appears plainly by the Epiftle of St. Barnabas, who argues
thereupon; but much more ſoberly than the Jews of his Time ; for he applies
it only to thoſe Precedents, which are of divine Inficution, and were certain-
ly related to the Ancicypes of the Chriſtian Oeconomy. Again, did not
St. John write and direct this Revelation to the Epheſians ? And were not they
well inſtructed in all the curious Arts ? Read Acts 19.19.
E. Kai i aseguès d'uti ésiv egaxógia éčároula ip, And its number is fix hundred fixty
fix.] It appears by Irenæus, that ſome People in his time read not 666, but
616: and did accordingly calculate the number. But he looks upon this Alte-
ration to have been a Fault of the Copiſts. To prove it, and that the true
reading is 666, he cites the ancient Copies, and the Teſtimony of thoſe who
had ſeen St. John, who confirm'd, that the number is 666. We have at pre-
ſent but one Ms. which has the number 616; but (i) Dr. Mill obſerves, that
Tichonius did read ſo. Altho' we find both theſe numbers in the preſent Edi
tions, and that the reading of the 616 be certainly falſe, I will ſet down the
words of that Author, as I find them ; becauſe they contain an Obſervation
which will put us in a way to diſcover the reaſon why ſome did then think the
number 616 to be true, which Irenæus ſeems to have ſet himſelf to confute:
He ſays: (k) Sexcenti bu ſexaginta ſex græcis literis fic fiunt xis, Quæ notæ folutæ
numerus eft, redactæ autem monographium, & notam faciunt, & numerum do nomen.
Bo buon
(a) Irenæ. Lib. I. cap, Ir, II, 12. Lib. II. cap. 40.A2. (6) Dodw. Differt. of Sancho-
niath.
(0) Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. Se&t. VII.C. 5.
(d) Origen.c. Cellum,
Lib. I. p. 18, 19, 202 (e) Vid. Wagenſeil in Sotah. p. 163, 164.
(1) Herbelot
in Titul. (8) Vid. Nicet. Hift. Man. Comneni, Lib. VII. cap. VII. Pachymer. Lib. IV.
cap. XXI. vid. J. B. Coceler, Not. ad Barnab. Epiſt. cap. XV.
(b) Vid. Sibyllin.
Oracul. Lib. VIII,
(i) Millii Proleg. in N. Teft. p. 79
(k) Tichon.
Homil. XI.
Her

Ch. XIII. v. 18.
617
The Number 666.
Hoc fignum Cbriſti intelligitur, & ipfius oftenditur fimilitudo, quam in veritate colit Ec-
cleſis. Cui ſe fimilem fecit hæreticorum adverſitas ; qui cum Chriſtum ſpiritualiter perſe-
quantur, tamen de ſigno crucis Chriſti gloriari videntür. The name of Chriſt might
then alſo be written in a Cypher with the firſt and laſt Letter, and the Croſs in
the middle thus X + ε. Thae middle Letter is like a great TA, and alſo a
Ě, and the latt is like the moncor s', which is the Figure of 6. Now they leem d
to have ſuppos'd that Antichriſt ſhould by putting that mark upon his Voraries
imitare Chrift, whilft he really oppos'd him; and that the Intention of the
Holy Ghoſt might be in this, as St. John did ſay before, that this Falſe Pro-
pher would pretend to have Horns like the Lambs, at the ſame time that he
ſpeaks like the Dragon. This is the moſt reaſonable Senſe that can be put up-
on the Words of Tichonius, and they ſhew us at the ſame time, that Antichriſt
was to be a pretended Chriſtian ; and that they thought St. John had writ this
number in Figures.is
But Grotius and Dr. Mill affirm (a), that the original Mss of the Apoſtles
were not written with any Cyphers or Abbreviations to expreſs Numbers, and
the later thinks, that way was not us’d by the Copiſts till after the ſecond or
third, or perhaps the fourth Century. That Tichonius thought ſo, and others
in his Time, is plain from the words cited; which plainly ſuppoſe it was ſo in
the original. Bur whether that be true or no, 'tis certain that in the times of
Irenæus ſuch Abbreviations were us'd in the MSS. of the New Teſtament. For
'cis by that he accounts for the Miſtake in the reading of this Number; Quo-
niam, ſays he, e per literas numeri ponuntur. The whole Paſſage runs thus :
rb) 'Hoc autem arbitror ſcriptorum peccatum fuiffe, ut folet fieri, quoniam & per
literas numeri ponuntur, facile literam Græcam, qua 60. enuntiat numerum, in jota
Græcorum in literam expenfam, pòft deinde quidam fine exquifitione hoc acceperunt :
and therefore (c) Dr. Mill has ſoftned his Expreſſions in the Proceſs of his
Work, to aſſert that ſuch Abbreviations were not us’d in the Writings of the
Apoſtles in their Times, which is ſtill a mere Suppoſition.
I muſt ſay ſomething here of N. Stephens's way to count the number of the
Beaſt. He takes the number 666 to ſignify the fatal Year of its origin: which
he takes to have been ſuch from the Deftru&tion of the Greek Empire, and De-
livery of Judea to the Romans LX. Years before Chrift; to which 606. being
added when Phocas confirm'd the Ticle of Univerſal Biſhop to the Pope, the
Sum is 666. But this is contrary to the Precedents and Principles of the Gema-
tria. 'Tis true, that the name is taken ſometimes for the thing, and that by
that Art the Cabbalifts pretend to find out the Duration of the thing, by taking
the Letters of the Name arithmetically, but that this number ſhould relate to
antecedent things, and not the thing it ſelf, is without Example: to make
this good, at leaſt as to this point, the Holy Ghoſt ſhould have told us, that
the Dragon's name was 666, not the Beaſt's ; that ariſes from the removal of
the Dragon. Beſides, that origin is otherwiſe ſhewn ; and that too by fixed
terms of time ; which I am now going to conſider.
(*) Nor. in Marc. Evang. 15. 25.
Johan Evang. 19. I4.
(1) Trenze. Lib.V. cap. XXX. (c) Not in
al
OCD
olezen
orele noise
100
2 S
STAN
618
8 Chap. XIII
od 90

Til si obtinent
da si bir
omst van wol 100gr sila aina ya gure so sai dieds
2311530V in ons
A Nitridis Aussi beoqquloyees
sd to soisas al adeshs bassin baoago yllan on Aliwala
019 si aid
APPENDIX
W
ESTRA Sid: 9mb arusl soos
mas sds were very business
wedl vode boa nodaw 26 abro
zicta siw bed adot 12 sdgueris very srla base minds bo
Containing ſome Conjectures, to fix the Beginning and End of the
br Symbolical Terins of Time, by which the Duration of the perfecuted
State of the Church is determin’d.
279050 bal oldgrons to
011 14 0% 24 esca e bin
Dewi haggalaviflo
glavaid
Te have obſerv'd before, that all ſuch Numbers or Terms of Time
allude, and are borrow'd from the Hiſtory of Elias, who ſhut up
15 Heaven during the Term of three Years and a half. And that by
confequence they are all Synchronal, begin and end at the ſame time. Au
that can be ſaid in order to fix the beginning and end may be comprehended in
the Solution of theſe three Queſtions :
2. I. Whether the Days, Months and Seaſons or Years whereby this Duration
on 7. is repreſented, do fignify more than the literal meaning of the words
or the term of the Propheſy of Elias before mention’d: Or elle repre.
ſent ſo many ſymbolical or prophetical Years, one Day for a Year.
- II. Whether the Holy Ghoſt defign'd to fix them to a Day or Year, by all
- 6 bnthoſe Expreſſions, and conſequently, whether we ought to pretend to
guiud fix accordingly their Duration to a Year.
III. What Year we are to fix upon for the Beginning; and therefore in like
manner what Year they are to have their End.
To anſwer fully and yet briefly, as far as we are able, to theſe Queſtions, we
ſhall firſt lay down at one View all the matters which come under Debate,
being contain’d in the three foregoing Chapters, the xi, xii, & xiii.
1. The outward Court of the Temple and the Holy City trampled upon
and prophan'd by the Gentiles during XLII Months; whilſt the Temple is
Thut.
2. The two Witneſſes propheſying in Sackcloth during 1260 Days.
3. Their Carcaſſes lying unburied openly during three Days and a half.
4. The Woman's abode in the Wilderneſs during 1260 Days, which term
is alſo expreſs’d afterwards by a Seaſon, Seaſons and half a Seaſon.
5. The Beaſt with ſeven Heads and ten Horns making War with the Wic-
neſſes and Saints during XLII Months.
6. The Beaſt with two Horns, or Falſe Prophet doing Signs before the for-
mer Beaſt, and by conſequence Contemporary.
All which, as we have ſhewn in the Commentary fignify :
1. The Profanation of the Divine Worſhip in the Chriſtian Church by the
Introdudion of idolatrous Practices; whilſt the true Worſhippers are hidden.
2. The open Confeffion and Martyrdom of part of the true Worſhippers in
Oppoſition to the Corruptions and Idolatries introduced into the Church.
3. The intire Oppreſſion and conftant - Perfecution of the true Worſhippers
in publick by the ſecular Powers inftigated by the corrupted Clergy.
4. The Church or part of the true Worſhippers, forc'd to fly and enduring
great Hardſhips thereby, but miraculouſly preſerv'd all along.
5. Ten Monarchies ariſing out of the Ruins of the Roman Empire, which
becoming corrupted Chriſtians, maintain Idolatry and perſecute the Saints
.
6. The corrupted Clergy ſetting up and maintaining Idolatry and Perſecu-
tion under two Heads, the Biſhops of Rome and Conftantinople.
All

Chap. XIII.
An Appendix.
619
All theſe matters are of ſuch a nature, that their origin could not be ſudden,
or fall out all together upon one day, or one Year. Neither has the Holy
Ghoft, as far as we could perceive, either mention’d any one obvious or remar-
kable Accident, which mighe ſerve as an Epocha to all theſe Synchroniſms,
to ſhew their Beginning; or even hereafter any ſuch other Accident, which
might ſerve to fhew exatily their End : That is, at leaſt ſuch an Accident, as
being great and ſudden, is perform’d wishin ſome remarkable Year. From
which we might either begin, and ſo find out the end ; or elſe knowing the
end run back to the Beginning. No ſuch Epocha is mark'd out by the Holy
Ghoft: If therefore there be any ſuch, it is only to be conje&ur’d. No cer-
tainty therein can be expected. If there be none, then thoſe matters are to
have an end inſenſibly, and by degrees; but yet ſo as to be finiſhed within the
term foretold Therefore in this Cafe no critical Year can be aſſign'd.
However, to come to a preciſe Anſwer to the Queftions, 'tis as follows.
1. That three Years and a half in a literal Acceptation, as they were really
in the typical Hiſtory of Elias propheſying againſt Abab, cannot luffice for the
Accompliſhment of all thoſe contemporary matters, which began together
and muſt end together. Experience thews us, that ſuch mighty Revolutions
cannot be ſo ſoon effected, as the ſhort ſpace of three literal Years and a half.
Therefore we muſt have recourſe to the prophetical method of uſing one Day
for a Year. We have in the Holy Scriptures many Inftances of it, but eſpecial-
ly when there has been a foregoing Type of it, which has a real Accompliſh-
ment in the ſhort ſpace, and ſo the Antity pe muſt have its Accompliſhment in
the longer term by Years. Numb. 14. 34. Ezek. 4. 6. ſo in Dan. 9. ſeventy
Weeks are ſeventy Weeks of Years. This way all is eaſy: but the other is in-
volv'd within ſo little time, that the Difficulties are inexcricable. Not to ſay
here, that we ſee plainly, that the matters fignified by all the other Symbols
have already laſted very near that Term taken in its utmoſt extent : and ſo the
Symbols of time muſt be ſuitable to the nature of the Symbols repreſenting the
reſt of the Circumſtances. Otherwiſe the Propheſy would be inconſiſtent.
II. To che ſecond Queſtion, I anſwer, that no reaſon can be fhewn why the
Holy Ghoſt ſhould not be pun&ual to a Year: eſpecially when the Symbols are
expreſs’d, not by round or otherwiſe myſterious numbers of indefinite Spaces,
bue by broken Quantities; which ſeem to demonſtrate that the Holy Ghoſt did
deſign to be very exact. So that though the nature of the things repreſented
be ſuch, that their Riſe and Cataſtrophe cannot eaſily fall within the term of a
Year ; yet the Holy Ghoft did foreſee ſome remarkable Accident therein,
which as an Epocha might determine both the Beginning and the End. That
is, one at the beginning, and another at the end, which ſo affect the whole
Conſtitution, as to appear plainly to be fix'd points of the Duration of the
whole. And by conſequerice though it be very difficult for us to fix upon ſuch
Accidents or Epochas ; neither is it perhaps neceſſary we ſhould upon two
accounts ; Firſt, Becauſe in great and various Revolutions conſiſting of many
parts, it is hard to chuſe that which the Holy Ghoſt intended ; and Secondly,
Becauſe we may want Records of all the matters which might give us light
therein, and that the Chronological Difficulties come in even at laſt to puzzle
our Calculations, when we pretend to be exact : Yet however we may come
very near the matter, and the Holy Ghoſt expects that we ſhould accordingly
ftudy for it: This may be prov'd by an inſtance. Our Saviour blam'd the
Phariſees and Sadducees for asking a Sign from Heaven to prove that which they
might find out by Inquiry. Now where could that be but in the Propheſies?
He ſays, Luke 12. 56. Ye bypocrites, ye can diſcern the face of the sky, and of the
earth, but how is it that ye do not diſcern this time? TÒV No Netipov műToy gãs sorgued betš.
but St. Matthew has onurice töy xestigão ; ſo that both together ſay, as if our Sa-
viour had ſaid ; How is it that ye do not examine the Signs of theſe Seaſons ? That is,
why do ye not alſo ſtudy the Prophets, and examine by their Writings whether
this Seaſon does not belong to the Meffias ? Whether it does not bear the
Tokens of it ? For Daniel had, as well as other Prophets, predi&ted ſeveral
Accidents, as well as the very time of his Appearance. But it may be ſaid the
Event was then accompliſhed. I anſwer, not quite. Yet our Saviour would
have them to colle& from the preſent Circumſtances accompliſhed in him that
the reſt would accordingly be fo too. Therefore now that it is apparent from
other Circumſtances of this Prophefy already accomplifh'd as to this Antichriſtian
State


620
An Appendix.
Ch. XIII.
State, and eſpecially from theſe that we ſhall find accompliſhed in other parts
of this Propheſy, eſpecially the XIV, and XVI. Chapters, chac che Ruin
thereof is near at hand, there is no reaſon to ſuſpect, that the Holy Ghoſt will
diſallow us in making ſome Conjeâures thereupon, if they be modeſtly
propos’d.
Dr. (2) Lightfoot having thought that the Holy Ghoſt in all theſe terms
of time amounting to three Years and a half, alluded to the Profanation of the
Temple by Antiochus, and produced ſeveral Examples wherein modern Fews
uſe this term of three Years and a half to denote a time of fad Ami&tion and
a miſerable ſtate of Affairs, without deſigning to fignify thereby any preciſe
or determinate time; he therefore thinks it had been more for the Reputation
of Chriſtian Commentators upon this Propheſy, if they had not applied this
term to any preciſe Time. To anſwer, firſt as to the Alluſion of the Holy
Ghoft; it may be only deſir’d that this hint may be compar'd with what I have
ſaid, to fhew that it alludes to a Type found in the Writings divinely inſpir'd,
and to the ſtate of the Church of Iſrael before the Babylonian Capriviry. And
as to the later part of the Obſervation, which is mere Conjecture, back'd with
no Argument, how is it conſiſtent with the Wiſdom of the Holy Ghoft ro id-
fiſt ſo emphatically upon words expreſſing the ſame term of time, if it had
noi been intended to fhew fome preciſe term of Time ? Indeed ſuch a
Thought is ſo much out of the way, that it is fingular; and will perhaps be
imbrac'd by no Interpreter. And I am ſure will be prov'd by none.
III. To reſolve this laſt Queſtion there is but one Conje&ure to be made
upon which all the reſt depends: and that is to pitch upon that Accident
which the Holy Ghoſt may have deſign'd as the critical point of the begin-
ning of that State. The other at the end thereof depending upon the true
Settlement of the Beginning. No Interpreter, as far as I can learn, has yet
attempted to this: However, I will venture upon it. To begin then, it may
be obſerv'd from Chap. 13. 2, 3. that the Dragon ſurrenders his Power, his
Throne, and the firſt of his Heads wounded mortally; and that this Head
being healed, the Earth thereupon wondred after the Beaſt. This is therefore
the beginning of the Power, Reign and Tyranny of the Beaſt ; ſo that the
Delivery of the Seat of the Empire and Capital of the Dragon may be ſaid to
be the critical point of its Beginning; and by conſequence the Fall of the
ſame Capital may be ſaid to be the critical point of the end of its Tyranny
upon the true Church. For I diftinguiſh the laſt exerciſe of that Power from
che very exiftence of the Suppofita, the tyrannical Governors, Falſe Prophes
and their laft Adherents. For after the Fall of the Capital thoſe Suppofita ap.
pear in the Propheſy to be paflive, in ſuffering the laſt Judgment againſt them-
ſelves; tho' it may be, as we are ſure it will be, that they will reſift to the
The Delivery of the Capital City of the Dragon is indeed an Accident
which may come under the term of a Year, and might therefore fully decide
the Queſtion, if that Surrender had not become equivocal and dubious by the
ſtruggles of the Dragon before the Beaſt had full Poffeffion thereof. So that
we find theſe Struggles lafted the ſpace of twenty Years at leaſt. Genſerial
the Vandal had that City deliver'd up to him by the Empreſs Eudoxia, giving it
lo mortal a Wound, that he plundred and ravag'd it for the ſpace of fifteen
Days, till he lefc no Inhabitants therein, having burnt it as (6) Euagrius ſays,
This was a mortal Wound indeed, and the Efforts of the Romans to heal it were
always uſeleſs, till Leo I. who liv'd in thoſe times, found means to ſet up ano-
ther Method, which gradually rais'd it up to be the Capital of the Beaft's Em-
pire. After this Wound, the firſt who had quiet Poffeffion thereof was Odoacem
the Herulian, who forc'd Auguftulus to reſign the Empire. We muſt cherefore
pitch upon one of theſe Epochas. Genſerich took Rome according to Caffiodorus,
under the Conſulat of Valentinian VIII. and Anthemius, which is placed by ſome
Chronologers A. C. 454. by others A. C. 455. Odoacer depos’d Auguſtulus in the
Conſulat of Baſiliſcus II. and Armatus ; that is, either A. C. 475. or a. C. 476.
according to the firſt Epocha, the term of the 1260 Years will fall A.C. 1714.
or 1715. but in the latter A.C. 1735. or 1736. (c) Mede and ſeveral others
very laſt.

(a) Lightfoot Cherógr. in Joh. cap. VI. vid. Serm. on Dan. 12. 12, 13.
1891 (6) Hift.
Ecc!efiaf. Lib. II. cap. VII.
(c) Vid. tamen Med. Epift
. Iý. Uller. Arm.
haye

Ch, XIII.
An Appendix.
623
have pitch'd upon the firſt Epocha ; others upon the latter, and indeed there is
no colour, as far as I can ſee, to carry it any further. It being evident, chac
all the Characters of the Antichriſtian State, and perſecuted State of the
Church were in beirig even at the time of the firft Epocha; and that there can
be no Pretence to put off the beginning of the Beaſt any lower than the De-
poſition of (a) Momyllus Auguftulus ; for then not only the very Power of the
Dragon or Roman Empire was gone ; but the very fhadow and pretence of it.
How to decide between theſe two, there is no manner of Indication in all the
Propheſy : 'cis a Myſtery to be revealed only by the Accompliſhment.
'Twill be worth the while to ſet down here an excellent Obſervation of
M. Furien. Having ſpoken of Genſerich facking Rome, and carrying away all its
Treaſures, and compard that with Nebuchodonofor's carrying away the Veſſels of
the Temple, and leading the Flower of the People into Caprivity; he proceeds
thus: “ 'Tis aſſuredly from this very time that we muſt compute the entire ruin
“ of the Empire of the City of Rome, though it had ſtill a ſhadow of a Kingdom,
« under the Images of Emperors, that laſted about twenty Years. Jeremy
cs reckons 70 Years for the Captivity of Babylon. Yet it is certain, that from
of the laſt Ruin of Jeruſalem till the Return, there were not fixty Years. But the
« Prophet counts upon Jeruſalem as deſtroyed, and its Kingdom as enciiely ruin'd
" from Fehojakim's Time, under whom in truth was the firſt Tranſportation of
" the People: And ſince whoſe time, the Kingdom of Judah under Zedekiab
was but a ſhadow of that of his Predeceſſors, becauſe he was but the chaldeans
" Vaffal. On this account, I ſay, God reckons it for nothing. By the like
« reaſon we muſt reckon for nothing thoſe petty Kings of Rome, who having
" as it were nothing more than the City of that name, retain'd however the
" name of Roman Emperors to Auguftulus's Time”. This Allufion is abſolutely
proper in the preſent Caſe; and 'tis to be hop'd that the Holy Ghoſt will make
it true, by either effecting the laſt Ruin of Rome predicted in the ſeventeenth
and eighteenth Chapter to fall out accordingly about the Year 1715. or by
ſome other fatal Accident equivalent to this, and as proper to date from it the
end of the term of the Beaſt, tho'I can perceive none like it. Such an Event
when accompliſh'd can only ſuffice to authorize all Conjectures about future
Events. But we are to conſider, that tho' God be merciful and affects to
ſhorten the Days of Tribulation to his People ; for which reaſon he took up
the term of the 70 Years Captivity from the higheſt Epocha, yet he is alſo
flow to anger. The ruin of the Antichriſtian State involving the loſs of many
Lives, he will give as much time to repent, as his Juſtice can allow. Even up-
on Babylon's Fall he will give Warning; as in Chap 18. 4. I ſhall ſum up all
in the words of Irenæus to this purpoſe: (b) Certius ergo & fine periculo eſt, ſuſtinere
adimpletionem prophetiæ ; quam fufpicari de divisare : and then adopt theſe words
of (c) M. Furien ; ' The Moment of its end will teach us from whence we
ought to begin it, but till that time this will be a doubtful Article'. See our
Note upon Chap. 17. 17 B. and H. Grot. de Jur. B. P. Lib. 11. cap. 22. Ģ. XV.
Annot. So that in this I do not pretend to determine any thing ; but rather to
fhew, how when the Event is accompliſhed, it may be adjuſted to the Pro-
pheſy.
(«) Romulus Aug. in Euagr. Lib. II. cap. XVI Hift. Ecclef.
Part. II. chap. 5.
(c) Irenæ. Lib. V. cap. XXX.
P. I. chap-V.
(6) M. Furien's Acc. of Prophe
(d) M. Jurien. Prej. Legit. c. le Pap.
Tot
FUA
7 T
CHAP


622
Chap. XIV. v. 1.
looga tani
6990nton
019
00
insist to prima dito sa 190
od 10. 19w
ad: 701
bare 33310 bar CHA P. XIV.
a sood
ols si noi
Code
នាង ។
ISOVET
H
Icherto in the two Chapters going before we have found the Church re.
preſented by the Woman to be in a manner merely paffive, and Chriſt
her
Sun or King as it were barely preſerving it; whilft her Enemies in the two
Periods of her militant State are repreſented in their full Strength. For what
is faid, concerning Michael caſting the Dragon, was pur in by the by to make a
Tranſition, and ſhew the paſſing of the temporal Power from the Dragon to
the great Beaſt and its Falſe Prophet, Succeffors in Solidum to the power of the
Dragon: Now the Holy Ghoſt proceeds in this to fhew us fome remarkable
Ads of Chriſt for his Church ; and that too by ſucceſſive hints, which bear
a relation to the ſeveral Steps of the Church, and the different Oppoſition of
its Enemies. All this is chiefly done to introduce two eminent Ads of Chriſt's
Judgment againſt thoſe Enemies, which could not methodically come in before
nor after, but deſerv'd a ſpecial Conſideration by themſelves. Theſe are the
Harveſt and Vintage. And that we might know in what order they are to be
placed, that is, to what times they belong, the antecedent hints are given by
way of Warning, Signs and Angels, who ſhew the various Progreſs of Chriſt
till the times of that Harveſt and Vintage come. But that thefe hints might
not become bare Repetitions to introduce another matter, tho' even that would
be ſufficient to excuſe them from being vain, the Holy Ghoſt takes care to in-
terſperſe fome Circumſtances belonging to the former Ads, which could not
before come in ſo properly within the courſe of the Narration without Breaks
and Tranſitions. Wherein the Holy Ghoſt follows the method of exact Hiſto-
rians, who being to fall upon ſome great Accident or Revolution, and to ſhew
the antecedent or concurrent Cauſes thereof, are obliged to take up the matter
higher; and by that take occaſion to infert ſeveral Circumſtances, which could
not come in before, without interrupting the thread of the Hiſtory.
A. verf. 1. Kai lidov, rj it's a pvíov esnuds, And I ſaw, and lo a lamb ftanding]
At the beginning of every Sign, or new Hint, there is found a freſh aidon,
I ſaw; becauſe every one implies a freſh Viſion, or new Object, to draw the
Sight. The Lamb can be no other but Jeſus Chriſt, the ſame as we ſaw before
receiving a Kingdom, and taking Poffeffion of it; but here he is conſiderd in
another reſpect, for he is repreſented in Poffeffion of his Kingdom, ſettled in a
Capital, and contending with his Oppoſers to defend his people. Standing,
as we have ſhewn, is the poſture of Combatants, buſy Men, meeting with Op-
polition, but having ſtill ſtrength to withſtand. Ansbertus : Sed cum devita
morte, idem Leo & Agnus, dominus ſcilicet Felus Chriſtus, ad dexteram Patris ſedere
dicatur : quid eft quod hoc in loco ſcriptura ifta noviffimo eum tempore Super Montem Sion
ſtare teftatur, niſi quia federe judicantis eft, ſtare vero adjuvantis ? Qua videlicet narra-
tione Chriſtus pro ecclefia quæ adhuc in laboris certamine deſudat, dimicare oftenditur.
Hinc eft quod Beatiſſimus ille Protomartyr Stephanus, manibus perfequentium comprehen-
fus, intuens in cælum, ait, ecce video cælos apertos, bbw filium hominis ftantem à dextris
virtutis dei. Some (a) Authors, who having not ſufficiently ſtudied this Pro-
pheſy to underſtand fully the Oeconomy thereof, adventure to deſcant upon
fome Paſſages, think that this place concerns the Paradiſaical Millennium;
but this ſtanding of the Lamb is unſuitable with that State for the moſt part,
which is a ſtate of Judgment, or peaceful Reign. The following Symbol
will ſhew us, that the Holy Ghoſt here conſiders Chriſt's reigning with the
Church in a peaceful, but dubious State thereof; that is, ftill liable to following
Perfecutions, becauſe having ſtill ſtrong Enemies.

(2) Vid. Hilar. Pi&. Comment. in Mat. Canon IV. & in Pfal. II: & LXIV.
B. 'Eg

Chap. XIV. V. 1. The Lamb on Mount Sion. 623
B. ’Emì ad ope Evely, Upon Mount Sion.) A Mount is the Symbol of a Capital
City. This is oppos’d to the Heads of the Dragon, which elſewhere are calld
Mountains in Chap. 17. The Signification of Sion may be underſtood by con-
fisering, that it is a Type ariſing from the Mofaical Diſpenſation. David began
the Settlement of the Nation of Iſrael, and of his own Kingdom by the taking
of Mount Sion from the Jebufites; which he made the Seat of his Kingdom for
himſelf and his Succeſſors, and the Capital of lfrael. So chat Sion was after-
wards taken for the whole Kingdom, which depended upon it. Ic appears
from 1 Sam. 22. I, &c. that when David had gain'd a Dominion and Victories
over all his Enemies, he ſaid, That God bad ſet bim in high Places, Pſal
. 18.33.
and in Pfal. 125. 1. he ſpeaks of Mount Sion as a Mount which cannot be removed,
but ftandeth faſt for ever ; becauſe it aſſur'd him of God's Prote&ion, as it is im-
plied in the reſt
. See Pſal. 78. 68. Iſaiah 40. 9. So that this Mount Sion is a
proper Symbol in the correſponding Period of the Chriſtian Church, for the
Peace of the Church under Conſtantine the Great We find juſt ſuch an Ex-
preſſion in 4 Eſdr. 2, 42. and Chap. 13. 35. the Application of the Symbol to
the Chriſtian Church was done by St. Paul, Hebr. 12. 22. For tho' the Symbol
be there general, in this Propheſy 'tis to be applied to the Church, when in
the like ſtate as that of Iſrael at the beginning of its Settlement. Again, Mount
Sion was not that whereon the Temple ſtood, which was built upon Mount
Moriah. Sion was that whereon the Citadel of David, or the seat of his King-
dom ſtood. It was a Mount higher and commanding, and by conſequence pro-
te&ing that of the Temple. And thus this Mount Sion may be a proper Symbol
to thew a time when the Church was firſt protected by the ſecular Power. The
ftate of the Church then agrees with the ſtanding of the Lamb. 'Tis a time
of Peace indeed for the Church, but not abfolute. The Church under con-
ftantine was protected, but ſtill in danger of the Plots and Aſſaults of Paganiſm,
which ſtrove a long time to recover its former Power Gelafius Cyzicen luckily
applies the words of the Prophet, iſaiah 2. 3. to the Aſſembly or Panegyre
of the Chriſtian Church in the Council of Nice : (a) 'Aantos sais Esão sú
iegrounnen, rj o Kupis vifunótuloy nai oixo zi Oső hentes, & JAG énero, tãy ti
θεά ορθοδόξων ιερέων όμιλO
C Kai wat duri Sigròn teavagéroulee Xercedes, And with him an hundred and fourty
four Thouſands.] Thouſands are here the Regiments of the Chriſtian Army,
compos'd of twelve times twelve, which is the myſtical number therein : And
it is an indefinite number as to its Signification in one Senſe, but definite in
another. For when the word comes towards the triumphant State, no number
is ſet to them. See Chap. 19. 14. This ſhews, that the Church is now a pubz
lick viſible Body, able to withſtand its Enemies, and muſter'd out to that pur-
poſe. Look back to our Note upon Chap. 7. S, &c.
D. "Έχεσαι το όνομα αυτά, και το όνομα το πειθρος αυτά γεγραμμένον όλι των μετώπων
Autor, Having his name, and the name of bis Father written upon their Foreheads.]
The Holy Ghoſt never repeats, but 'tis to add ſomething unknown before ; as
in this place; for all this was ſaid before, except that we find the Seal by which
the Foreheads of the Profeſſors were mark'd had the name of Chriſt and God
therein. St. Ferome ſays : (b) Quod olim in lamina (Sacerdotis Summi) mion-
ſtratur, nunc in figno oftenditur Crucis. That is, as the holy Prieſt among the Fewws
had a Plate with Gods Name, ſo by the Sign of the Croſs on our Foreheads,
we are devoted to Chriſt crucifi'd; becauſe the Chriftians in the Primitive
Times us'd the Sign of the Croſs;
Cruce frons teritur. Tertullian fays : (c) Fron-
tem crucis fignaculo terimus. (d). There are two Stamps, ſays St. Ignatius, one of
« God, t'other of the World; and each has its proper Character ſet upon ir.
The Unbelievers are of this World, but the faithful in Charity, that of God
the Father through Jeſus Chriſt; by which if we have not a willingneſs to
• die in his Death, his Life is not in us'. The Oppoſition between theſe two
Characters is alſo taken notice of in the A&s of St. Maximilian. Dion ad Maxi-
milianum : Milita & accipe fignaculum. Refpondit, non accipio fignaculum : jam ha-
beo ſignum Chriſti dei mei. A little after : Ego Chriſtianus ſum, non licet mibi pluma
bum collo portare, poft ſignum ſalutare domini mei, &c. The Chriſtians then com-
monly refus’d to be liſted, that they might not fighe under the Dragon; but in
(a) Gelaf. Cyzic. Hiſt. Conc. Nic. Lib. I. cap. 9.
(6) Hieronym. ad Fabiolam.
Tertullian. de Coron. Milit. cap. 3.
(d) Ignar. Epift. ad Magneſ.
Conſtantine's

624
o The Lamb and his Army. Ch. XIV. v. 1.
16
9 A.
soqo be
Conflantine's Time they fought under Chriſt's Banner, becauſe they had a Chri-
ftian Emperor. Some Copies are deficient here, as if theſe had not Chriſt's
Name allo, as well as the Fathers. See Dr. Mill's Note, and add to the Fathers,
who read as the Complutenſian, the Author of a Trad under St. Auguſtin's
name call’d, Altercatio Ecclefia ego Synagoga. But why the Lamb's Name before
his Fathers? Becauſe the Lamb, by making them his Servants or Soldiers, has
alſo made them thoſe of his Father. See here our Nore upon Chap. 4.
Since we now ſee what Character this Seal that mark'd theſe was, we may
fhew what a fatal Application may be made in this Caſe of the Event or mufter-
ing of the Chriſtian Army in the Council of Nice. For it is now time that I
ſhould perform what I promis'd before upon Chap. 7. 2. C. I have obſerved
before upon Chap. 13. 17 E. that St. Barnabas affirms, that the Sign exhibited
upon the Circumciſion of Abraham into the Faith of the future Meffias was,
that 318 Men were then circumcis'd with him; and that this number repre-
fented the name of Jeſus crucified. Further I have obferv'd, upon Chap. 7.
10 C. that by the calling of the Nicene Council Conſtantine the Great took then
the great Muſter of God's Servants, that Council being the Repreſentative of
the whole Catholick Primitive Church. Now I ſay that in this Council, as
formerly in the Circumciſion of Abraham ois o gazier, for a Sign or Seal, as Barna.
bas ſpeaks, the number of thoſe Servants of Chriſt, being his firſt fruits, did
exhibit in it ſelf a Sign or Seal, which contain'd the number of Jeſus crucifi’d,
which is 318. It being ſo plain, that the (a) number of Biſhops there aflem-
bled was exactly 318. that this Council is affe&tedly called che Council of the
CCCXVIII. ſo that this holy Aſſembly by that myſtical number had the name
of Chrift ftampt upon it. I think therefore that this Coincidence, as in ſome
other Caſes, is not only very happy but myſterious, and thus ſpecially dire&ted
by the Holy Ghoſt. But if any will be contentious, let them enjoy their Mind:
Let him believe it that will, that this number was purely by chance, but I can't
believe it.
Α. verf. 2. Και ήκεσα φωνlω εκ τέ έραιά ως φωνlω υδάτων πολλών, And I heard 4 τoίce
from Heaven, as the voice of many Waters.] That is, a Voice of Authority, having
temporal Power to proteat it, like the Voice of God and his Thunder; all this
ſignifies, that there was then publick Liberty to worſhip God by the whole
Mulcitude of Chriſtians; who, having the Lamb ar their Head ftanding upon
Mount Sion, had now overcome all the Temptations of Perſecution, and were
defended from their Enemies.
B. Kad es peoples Sportinis veszcans, And as the voice of a great thunder
. ] That is, a Voice
which proclaim'd and notified the Will of God to Mankind, made it publick
to all thoſe who had not before obſerv'd, and was maintain'd by Law: Thuri-
der being the Symbol of the divine Law. No queſtion is to be made, but that the
Settlement of the Chriſtian Religion by Law, under Conſtantine occafion'd che
ſpreading of the Goſpel, and the Converſion of many thouſands, who before
durft not imbrace it. However, the Will of God and his Law was now pub-
lickly heard as the Voice of Thunder. They who have crouded theſe CXLIV
thouſand into the perſecuted ſtate of the Church have not at all underſtood the
force of theſe Symbols,
C. Και η φωνή ώ ήκεσα, ως κιθαρωδών κιθαριζόνων εν ταϊς κιθαραις αυτών, And the
voice which I beard, was as the found of harpers harping with their harps] Theſe
Harps, .or KiSepee, are Inſtruments of ſoft and chearful Mufick, as i ſhall prove
upon Chap. 15. 2 E. and therefore this Voice or found of Harpers is upon the
account of ſome Thankſgiving or publick Joy ; which is more plainly ſhewn
in the next Verſe by the New Song. Thus we find, that the Voice of this
Army, or their Companions, has three Qualities; or it may be ſaid that there
are three diftin&t Voices of three different Qualities, 'tis all one. Firſt, 'Tis
the Voice of a vaft Multitude : Secondly, That of Authority, having Laws
with it that eſtabliſh true Religion : Thirdly, 'Tis the Voice of Men giving
Thanks on the account of ſome great Deliverance, or Mercy of God lately re-
ceiv'd. This laſt fhews therefore the Thankfulneſs of the Church to God for
20
(a) Vid. Bevereg. Not. in Can. Conc. Nic. p. 43, 44. & D. Bern, de Montfaucon. Palæoge.
Giæc Lib. VI. p.385.
ics

Ch. XIV. v. 3. The Harpers, and New Song 625
its Deliverance by Conſtantine; who not only deliver'd it from Perſecution, but
ſettled its Worſhip by Law; and defended it by his Power. Theſe matters are
fynchronal to the matters of the ſeventh Chapter, and the opening of the
ſeventh Seal.
Upon the Compariſon of theſe places together, we have one Obſervation
to make about the Management of the Symbols us'd by the Holy Ghoſt. The
preſent State of the Church requir'd, that it ſhould come under the Symbol of
the Temple, becauſe ſettled; its Worſhip muſt for that reaſon be preſented by
the Rites of the Temple of Solomon. In ours bloody Sacrifices are abrogated;
but the Prayers and Praiſes remain : theſe two in the Jewiſh Service were ac-
companied with Incenſe and Muſick. During the burning of the Incenſe, the
Iſraelites offer'd their Prayers in Silence, then the Praiſes follow'd, accompa-
nied with the Muſick of the Levites. In the former ftrain of Symbols at the
opening of the ſeventh Seal, the free Worſhip of the Church has been repre-
ſented by the Incenſe offer'd by an Angel. Therefore now the Holy Ghoſt to
expreſs the other part of the Chriſtian Worſhip, which conſiſts of Praiſes, uſes
the Symbol of the Harpers with a new Song. Thus there is no part of the
Worſhip ſlipt; nor is there any vain Repetition of Symbols ; but tho' the Holy
Ghoſt touches upon times mention'd before, it is however with freſh Circum-
ftances, which complear the Deſcription. As to theſe Harpers being ſaid to harp
with their own Harps, whereas in Chap. 15. 2. thoſe are ſaid to do it with Harps
of God, which makes a very eſſential difference between their States; this fall
be confider'd in that place.
A. verf. 3. Kal Sooly elles netvlw, And they ſing a new Song] The publick and
ordinary Worſhip of God needs no change or Alteration: no ordinary, but
emergent Occaſions require new Service. The Pſalms, which were many of
them compos’d upon extraordinary Occafions, have this Expreſſion frequently.
Where-ever we ſee it, we may conclude, that it was compos’d upon ſuch an
extraordinary occaſion of divine Mercy. Thus when the Pſalmiſt ſays : He has
put a new song in my Mouth, 'tis as if he had ſaid, He has wrought a new Work of
Salvation and Favour towards me, which merits this extraordinary return of Thanks.
This new Song then is upon the account of the Deliverance lately effected for
the Chriſtian Church ; and implies, that after their Sufferings they have ob-
rain’d a Victory over their Enemies ; for which they praiſe God. Thus alſo
the preaching of the Goſpel, and the offers of Salvation made afreſh to Fews
and Gentiles, was the cauſe of a new Song mention'd before. See upon Chap. 5:
9 A. Therefore Clemens Alex. ſays: (a) Tšto ési tò ouet Tò xozvòv, i hoáveidl, i
νευ εκλάμψασα εν ημίν τε εν αρχή όντα κι προών G Λόγε" And Hilary upon the
like Expreſſion, (b) Hoc Canticum novum eſt, dei Sanktos judicii æterni ſumere po-
teftatem. San&ti enim ſecundum Apoftolum mundum judicabunt. Hoc igitur novum
cantatur à nobis, Ultio in nationes, Arguitio in populos, manice & compedes regum og
nobilium vincula ferrea, & conſcripti in eos judicii fententia. This new Song is juſt
upon ſuch an occafion ; for the like matters have happen'd to the Church by
the opening of the fixth Seal. But we find a literal Accompliſhment of the
Propheſy here; namely, that the Chriſtians did then fing a new Song by Name:
So faith Euſebius in the beginning of the tenth Book of his Hiſtory, and in his
(c) Sermon upon the Dedication of the Church at Tyre; citing by name, Pſal.
98. and 136. in the former of which the beginning is with the Form, A neus
Song ; but to the latter he has join'd that Form to the words of the Pfalmift, in
which he is copied by (d) Gelaſius Cyzicenus.
B. 'Evcatalov zã Spórk, Before the Throne.] We ſee by this, that the Throne is
ſuppos’d in every Viſion. Here before the Throne, fignifies before God, and his
Chrift ficting thereon. For tho' he be repreſented as a Lamb upon Mount Sion,
this ſymbolical Expreſſion doch not exclude t'other. Whatſoever is done before
the Throne, is done before them that fit thereon; and tho' when Chriſt is acts
ing, he be repreſented about the Subject of his Actions elſewhere, he is ſtill
ſuppos’d to fit on the Throne ; ſuch Omnipréſence is impoſſible to the human
nature of Chriſt, but not to the divine : The Symbols, being concerned about
viſible things, chiefly take notice of his human Nature; 'ris that nature by
(a) Clem. Alex. in Protrept. p. 3.
Milt. Ecclef. Lib. X. cap. IV.
(6) Hilar. Pi&tav, in Pfal. CXLIII. (c) Euſeb.
(d) Gelaſ. Cyzic. Lib. I. cap. 9. Hift. Conc. Nic.
which

626 The Harpers, and New Song.
Ch. XIV. v. 4.
which he is ſenſibly apparent, but this divine nature is that which is implied
in the Worſhip given to him.
C. Και ενώπιον των τεσσάρων ζώων και των πρεσβυτέρων, And before the four Wights and
the Elders.] This is added, becauſe the Wights and Elders are inſeparable AC-
tendants of the Throne: and they to be ſure muſt be underſtood to join in the
fame Joy and Praiſes. So our Saviour, Luke 15. 7. having ſaid, there will be
Joy in Heaven over one Sinner that repenteth, expreffes it, v. 10. in the preſence
of the Angels of God, év ótton tõv egyénou ti ses, to fhew the Angels did partake
in it. This Expreſſion therefore implies, that this Song was ſung in the Pre-
ſence of God, to ſhew the Thankfulneſs of the Church to him, and before the
Wights and Elders to ſhew that they participated therein. As the Levites in
the Temple lang and play'd upon Inftruments, whilſt the Princes, Prieſts and
People ſtood before God; ſo the Levites ftood before God and them too. But
yet this playing and finging before the Princes and Prieſts ſignified, that both
join'd therein : becauſe the Levites were the mouth of the Aſſembly on ſuch
Occaſions. Apply chis to the Chriſtian Church, and it fignifies the univerſal
Joy and Praiſe of the Rulers, Clergy and People. And as the Expreffion
ſhews 'cis a Duty or Service in them that do it, ſo it implies they rejoice chac
they are admitted into the Society of the Clergy, and ſecular Rulers to praiſe
God with them, Chap. 7. II.
The Symbol of an Army muſter'd up in Regiments, does not of it ſelf im-
ply the Princes and Prieſts; -for if we examine into the Mofaical Precedent,
the People were encamp'd according to their Armies on all ſides of the Tabera
nacle, and ſo ftood round the Camp of the Prieſts and Levites. Upon a
Victory, when the Thanks of the whole was to be return'd to God, they might
ſtand round it, and fing the Praiſes of God, whilſt their Heads being admitted
into the Court with the Prieſts and Levites join'd with them. However, thus
the People might be ſaid to do it, not only before God, but alſo their
Princes and the Prieſts.
D Kai kaws &Jºu a/e tua Sữy Tu 33 Lu, ở un ai = xlàn Tay 2 a avle Tasd 45 44 43
And no man could learn that ſong, but the hundred forty four thouſands.] This
Thews firſt, that the Joy, Praiſes, and conſequently the Benefits for which they
are given, are incommunicable to all, except thoſe who are mark'd in this
ſacred Mufter. 'Tis not this song is ſacred or myfterious, ſo that none elſe
hear the words thereof: for it is before ſet down in Chap. 7. 10, 12. but that
the Benefits for which they ſay it, being only imparted to them, none elſe
will be affected to define to ſing it. For whilſt the Chriſtians have reaſon to
give Thanks, the Heathens are in a deſperate Condition, which is deſcrib'd be-
fore in Chap. 6. 15, 16, 17. This therefore repreſents ſuch a ſtate of the
Church, wherein indeed there will be great numbers of faithful to enjoy the
preſent Peace, univerſally choſen out of all Nations, but not an univerſal
Concurrence of all in the ſame Worſhip, which is a Property reſerved for
another Age and Period of the Church. See the Note on Chap. 19. 12 D.
E. Oi nzegarufu're aro rūs gñs, which were redeemed from the earth.] Tho' in ge-
neral the Earth be the ſtate of Gentiliſm, as we have obſerv'd elſewhere, and
particularly of this very place upon Chap: 7.9 B. Yet Earth alſo in reſpect of
Heaven, implies a ſtate of Subje&ion. Theſe are now redeem'd in both theſe
Senſes, both from Idolatry, and from that Subjection in which they were to che
Enemies of Chriſt. For this laſt Senſe is the more emphatically implied in
the word redeem'd ; that is, out of Bondage.
A verf. 4. Of toi slov oi mete gwaencov še čuonuósncar. Theſe are they who have not
been defiled with Women.] That is, who have not defiled themſelves, or commit-
ted Idolatry, tho they come out of the great Tribulation; and there they
have waſhed their Stoles in the Blood of the Lamb, Chap. 7. 14. So that they
have kept their Innocency notwithſtanding the Perſecutions they have indur'd.
The reaſon or Intent of that perfecution was not fhewn before, but now it is.
This is no vain Repetition: that the Defilement with Women is the Symbol of
Idolatry is plain from this, that it is the conſtant Adjunct thereof. Nay, Luft
was it ſelf part of the idolatrous Worſhip: and therefore performn'd in the very
Temples ; and the price of the Whores was an Offering. This was the Pra.
&ice of the Babylonians, as (a) Herodotus obſerves, who ſays elſewhere, that
(~) Herodoc. Hiftor. Lib. I. cap. 199.
the

Ch. XIV. V.4.
The Harpers, and New Song. 627
the Egyptians were the firſt who took away that abominable way to fornicate in
the Temples, but when, he ſays not. I believe it was of late, even in Greece
the Temples of Venus were frequented, if not for the very Act, yer for the
Aſſignation, and to offer (a) Sacrifices for good Luck in the Trade. Hence
(6) Strabo ſpeaking of the Temple of the Moon in Comana of Cappadocia, where
this was pra&ic'd, calls it a little Corinth. The Phænicians had this Cuftom too.
Confult upon this matter (c) Dr. Spencer's Works ; ſo the Midianites inticed the
iſraelites to Idolatry by Fornication. See our Note upon Chap. 2.14 A. Shall
conclude this with theſe words of a 7ewiſh Writer: (d) "Oasipo mais texas éste
σορνεία χωρίζεσα θεά, και προσεγγίζεστε τοϊς ειδώλοις" Hence it comes, that Idolarry in
the Prophers comes under the name of Fornication ; and ſo to be defiled with
Women, being the ſame as to fornicate, is to commit Idolatry.
Iſidorus Hiſpal. ſays: (e) Fornicatio carnis, adulterium eft : fornicatio animæ, ſer-
vitus idolorum eft.Ex dele&tatione enim fornicandi varia gignuntur flagitia, quibus
& regnum dei clauditur, & homo a deo ſeparatur.
B. 17 apéroe gaie cirlo, For they are Virgins.] A Virgin is a Perſon, who never
had Commerce with another of different Sex. By the Analogy of the Sym-
bols, it fignifies a Chriſtian, who has never committed one act of Idolatry,
The Holy Ghoft commends none but ſuch : The Lapſi are to be baptiz'd, noc
commended. The Primitive Chriftians were very rigorous in their Diſcipline.
Such Apoftates were hardly admitted to communicate as Chriſtians. The
Novatians made a Schiſm upon this account, but the Orthodox, led more by
Charity, rightly diftinguiſhed Infirmity from Preſumption. Some of the Fa-
thers, as Cyprian, have miſtaken this Expreſſion; but Tichonius took it right,
for he ſays: (f) Virgines hoc loco non folùm corpore caftos intelligamus, Jed maxime
omnem Ecclefiam, quæ fidem puram tenet, ficut dicit Apoſtolus, &c The Symbol of
Virginity is thus explain'd by Pburnutus: (g) si de culpdevice aulñs, 7ő neu gepo rý déplay 13
σύμβολόν εςι.
C. Ούτοι εισιν οι ακολοθουσες των αρνίω όπε αν υπάγο, There are they which follow
the Lamb, whitherſoever he goes.] We have ſeen a negative Deſcription ; this is
poſitive, ſhewing that chey are ſuch as abſolutely imitare and obey the
Lamb, as the Sheep follow the Ram. That is, fhew themſelves in all things
undefiled Members of his Church. But Jerome, by laying the Scene of this
Viſion wrong, has drawn a ſtrange Concluſion from it. His words are : (b)
Tu Apoftolis vincula injicies, ut uſque ad diem judicii teneantur cuſtodia, nec fint cum do-
mino ſuo? de quibus Scriptum eft : ſequuntur agnum, quocunque vadit. Si Agnus ubi-
que; ergo do bi, qui cum agno funt, ubique effe credendi ſunt. Firſt, Here is a
Itrange Expoſition of the place, that it concerns the ſtate of Men departed in
Chrift. Secondly, He departs from the ancient Opinion in the Church con-
cerning the ſtate of Men after death. And this Thirdly, To lay a Founda-
tion for all the Idolatry committed in the Invocation of Saints: for this makes
them Omnipreſent, and therefore alſo Omniſcient; becauſe they follow the
Lamb whitherfoever he goes. 'Tis a ſtrange Concluſion indeed, for it con-
founds the Humanity of Chriſt with his Divinity. Chriſt himſelf is not omni-
preſent in his Humanity, for the Heavens muſt hold him till his ſecond Coming,
A&t. 3. 21. But Idolatry was then coming into the Church like a mighty Flood.
And this Ferome was not a little inſtrumental in it, in his diſpute againſt this
Vigilantius, who endeavour'd to check the growing Corruption. The Pagans
worſhipped their dead Heroes under the name of Dæmons Salyoves, that is, be-
cauſe they thought them to be den pioves, to know all things. The Idolatry of
the corrupted Church has likewiſe for it's Foundation this Belief, that the Saints
departed know, and can help the Neceſſities of the Living For which reaſon
they may be Interceffors, and fo have religious Worſhip; ſo that we find by
this, that Idolatry of all kinds has the ſame Foundation. How well Ferome
proy'd this from theſe words is left to others to judge.
D. OŠTo su 'Inõã hooga' In oren åstro tãy dragancy, Theſe were redeemid by Feless from
among men.] This explains the former Expreſſion anggaruloor åstol zâs yňs, redeemed
from the Earth; for the name of Men as well as Earth is only given on the account
(a) Plaut. Penul. A&. V. Sc. 4.
(6) Strab. Geograph. Lib. XII. () Spencer
de Legib. Hebr. Lib. II. cap. 22. & cap. 23. (d) Teftam. Patriarch. Ruben. S. IV. (e) Ifidor:
Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. II. c. 39. (f) Tichon. Hom. XI. (5) Phurnur. de Nat. Deor.
de Minerva
(6) Hieronym. adv. Vigilant. Ep. II.
x

628 The Harpers, and New Song.
Ch. XIV. v.5.
of Idolatry, as before obſerv'd: The amo ſhews a change of that ſtate by the Re-
demption. The Men here are no only the Idolaters, but the Slaves of the
Dragon, whom Chriſt has redeem'dt and taken to his Service.
E. A megxù TuS Jeś sj ted apvím, Being a First-fruit to God and the Lamb.] ’Amoxy
is the firſt ripe Fruit, or the firſt grown Beaſt, and beſt of that Years Breed;
both which kind of things being uſually offer’d to the Deity both by the Mo-
faical Law and (a) Gericile Pradice, the word has been applied to Sacrifice.
Neither Senſe is foreign in the preſent Caſe: The Apoſtles uſually call’d the
firſt converts to Chriſtianity by that Name. So St. Pa'ul calls Epænetus the
firft Fruits of Achaia, Rom, 16. §. and the Houſe of Stephanas and Fortunatus the
first Fruits of Achaia. In which Senſe Clemens Rom. ſays of the Apoſtles: (b)
voilà xcöpes ou rý rómeus xnguavorſes, rusisavoy tels & Topxea's adop• Thus allo St. James
1. 18. calls the Primitive Church ánefxtos tãy x?oubrav, the firſt Fruits of the
Creatures, which is imitated by the Author of the Apoítolical Conſtitutions
who ſays, (c) 'Areeyan's Tod'Agxregãi xevsø. And thus St. Peter the Apoſtle is callá
‘H d'fQpXà iš nupie sicão, the firſt Fruits of our Lord, by the Author of the Epiſtle
of Clemens to James, and Clement himſelf is there ſaid by Peter to be the beſt of
the firſt Fruits, speiztar emasxi. Therefore this Symbol deſcribes very well the
Primitive Church to the Times of Conſtantine, which then appearing in great
"luftre is the firſt Fruits of the Kingdom of God and Chriſt, in reſpect of the
future and more univerſal Kingdom in the abſolutely triumphant State of the
third Period: This being the firſt time wherein Chrift was publickly own'd as
King, and viſibly protected and govern'd his Church ; fee Chap. 5, 15, 16,
17. If Mede had ſeriouſly conſider'd this, he might have feen, that this ſuits
the Condition of the Primitive Church, not the ftate of the Saints under the
Beaſt, which is preſented elſewhere by the two Witneſſes, who are rather two
Brands pluckt out of the Fire, as Zachariah ſpeaks of the typical Witneſſes in
his Time, than firſt Fruits; which in the Scripture Language ſignify the beſt
and moſt thriving part of any Product, as the Firſt born are the moft excellent.
The Peace of the Church under Conſtantine is to the future Kingdom of Chriſt
as the Firſt Fruies to the whole Harveſt. Whereas the perſecuted State thereof
afterwards is more like Pharaoh's lean Kine, and withered Ears of Corn, to
which it would be very improper to give the name of Firſt Fruits. Such an
Incongruity cannot be rationally attributed to the Holy Ghoſt in this Prophely,
whoſe Expreſſions we find to be ſo exact, and ſo admirably well ſuited to every
purpoſe. I conclude with the appoſite words of Euſebius of the Council of
Nice: (a) συνήκο των τε θρύ λεί] εργών τα ακροζίνια.
A verf. s. Kai ĉu Tres só woeli etul by en oligéon Idoso, And in their mouth was found
no lie.] This is taken out of Zephan. 3. 13. The Remnant of Iſrael fall do no
Iniquity, nor Speak Lies, neither fall a deceitful Tongue be found in their Mouths. It
fignifies, that they ſhall not worſhip any Idol or falſe God; for a Lie, Deceit,
or vain thing ſignifies an idol, or falſe God. See Ilaiah 28. 15. Jerom. 16. 19, 20.
Amos 2.4. Rom. 1. 25. Revel. 21. 8, 2%. This Lie conſiſts in that the Worſhip-
pers of falſe Gods do thereby own them as true, ateribucing the divine Power
to them. Thus Ansbertus : Veritatem non recipere bu mendacium ſequi, id eft,
Chriſtum refpuere, Antichriſt um verò fufcipere. This is ſaid upon Revel. 16. 10. and
is applicable to theſe, whoin like manner have not yielded to the Idolatries of
the Dragon. The Dragon is the Father of Lies; all his Empire from the be-
ginning was eſtabliſhed by them. His Foundation is a Lie, and all the means
of ſuperſtructure continue ſo to be : Porphyry confeffes, that this is the Pro-
perty of evil Dæmons. He ſays: re) score ga's cxondoe xj naétareazis, j dogns,
δια τέτων
, και μάλισα ή από τη' το γαρ ψδο, τέτοις οικείον: Gάλονται γαρ είναι θεοί, και
Trgoesãoz dut o d'usagees dozein Jeos Svet véuso. For all Debauchery, and hope of
Riches and Glory is through them, and eſpecially Deceit. For lying is their Property:
they deſire to be Gods, and the Power preſiding over them to be thought the greateſt God.
In the ſame manner the (f) Idolatry of the corrupted Church was introduced
by the Hypocriſie of Lyers and lying Miracles.
(a) V. Feft. in Voc. Eximius.
Conſtit. Lib. II. cap. XXV.
de Abltin. Lib. II. cap. 4.2.
(6) Clem. Ep. ad Cor. I. cap. 42.
(d) Eufeb. de Vit. Conft Lib. III. c. 7.
(f) V. Medes Apoſtaſy of lar. times, Ch. III.
(c) Apoft:
(e) Porphyr.
Β.*Αμωμο,

Ch. XIV. v.5. The Harpers, and New Song.
629
B. "Auckor seię didi, For they are blameleſs.] This is a term of the Fewiſh Ricual,
and of Hebrew Extraction too: the blemiſh of a Prieſtor Offering is called DIS
in the LXX võu o whence uwu, Levit. 21. 17. & Chap. 22. 21. ſo in i Mac.
4. 42. Kai événežev iegéis eilutues, and be choſe blameleſs Prieſt's; that is, who had
none of thoſe Irregularities, which made them unfit for the divine Service, but
were perfect, as the word d'amou is oft'n us’d by the LXX co turn the Hebrew
word anſwering to Perfe&tion. The meaning is therefore, that theſe Harpers
are accepted of in the Worſhip which they give to God. This Expreſſion is of
the ſame Import as the Symbol of the white Stoles, in Chap. 7. 9. and the
aſcent of their Incenfe, in Chap. 8. 4. for the matters mention'd there are
Contemporary with theſe. But when theſe times are paſt, and the Perſecution
excited by the Beaſt comes in, the Witneſſes are clothed in Sackcloth, to de
nore times of Afiction.
C. 'Ey cómiou tã Igaus tô Def, Before the Throne of God.] Theſe words are not
found in the Complutenf. Edition and other Copies; which (a) Dr.Mill thinks
crept in here from other places. I am not ſure of that, the Copiſts are more apt
to make Omiſſions, than to thruſt in ſuch a long Addition. It was ſaid in the
parallel Propheſy, Chap. 7. 15. that the Saints in white Stoles were before the
Throne of God, and in Chap. 3. 4. that the Smoke of the Incenſe aſcended
before God, to fhew that they were protected by God, and that their Prayers
were accepted by him ; ſo it was not needleſs here to ſay, they were blame-
leſs before the Throne ; for this implies, that God having examined them and
their Cauſe in Judgment, and given Sentence againſt their Perſecutors, and
put them in a Capacity to ſerve him publickly, he gives them this Teftimony,
that they were blameleſs before him. 'Tis a juridical Form in the Hebrew Stile.
See our Note upon Chap. 14. 10 C.
A. verf. 6. Kai Edy amor dyyorov meldóufvor Šv veo'sg av hudile, And I ſaw another Angel
flying in the midſt of Heaven] The meaning of the midſt of Heaven has been
fufficiently explain'd in our Note on Chap. 8. 13 B. There needs but an Ap-
plication to the preſent Occaſion. We muſt conſider, that the Church is now
repreſented as being in Heaven, that is, protected by the ſecular Power; and
the Idolaters as upon the Earth or in Subjection. This Angel is ſent as Am-
baffador between this Heaven and Earth, to invite the Idolaters to come in
and imbrace the Goſpel. For now they have ſtill a fair occaſion to do it, the
Church being in full Power to publiſh the Goſpel to them, and they in danger
of the Judgments deſign’d by God, to deſtroy the remainder of the Dragon's
Power and Religion. This and the following Angels ſerve here as a Dráma-
tick Fiction, the "Aggelo. or Nuncii, and their words import che Performance of
their Errand; for the Revelation is indeed a Propherick Drama. So that the
Errand of this Angel is collateral to the Lightnings, Voices and Thunder, in
Chap. 8. s. and repreſents the Invitation of the Gentiles, and the coming of a
good part of them into the Church ; and gives warning to do it before the
Judgment of God falls upon the obſtinate. So that upon this Conſideration
this Angel may ſeem to be callid a'no another, in reſpect of that Angel which
offer'd the Incenſe, Chap. 8. 4. for he effects, or at leaſt gives warning, what
is to be done with the Voices, utter'd upon the formers throwing the Fire from
the Altar upon the Earth. Now it is of this Angel as of that of the Incenſe,
one is ſaid to do the whole as Repreſentative, which is perform'd by many par-
ticular Miniſters. The Angel mention'd here being as the Preſident of all
thoſe Miniſters who effected the Subject of his Errand. Ansbertus ſays : Per
medium cælum volant, (Prædicatores) quia de terrenis defideriis non cohærent, & hinc
inde depofitos populos five literis, five verbis, ad coeleſtia invitant. The Preachers
therefore of thoſe Times may be conſider'd two ways, with reſpect to the two
ſorts of Men who ſtood in need of this Warning. Firſt, Thoſe who remain'd
in Paganiſm ; Secondly, Thoſe Chriſtians who began to corrupt themſelves
with Paganites
. Accordingly the Preachers and Writers of that Age made loud
Exhortations to the Pagans to come into the Church s to this purpofe may be
conſulted the Hiſtory and Works of the Fathers of the fourth Century. So
on the other Hand the Pagan Rites, which then began to creep into the Church,
caus’d Indignation in many good Men. You may place at the Head of them
(c) Mill. Proleg. in Nov. Teft. p. 124.
7 X
Vigilantius,

630
The Angel in the midſt of Heaven. Chap. XIV. v. 6
Vigilantius, who wrote to that purpoſe a Treatiſe, which is unhappily loſt. See
our Note upon Chap. 8. 13 C. As alſo (a) St. Auftin, who ſaw, preach'd and
wrote againſt theſe growing Errors. There is alſo a (6) Canon of the Coun
cil of Cartbage to this purpoſe, which being a publick Aa is a pubick Warning
againſt them; and ſo much the more, becauſe that Canon with the reſt of that
Council is receiv'd as Univerſal. And the very next Canon is deſign d to ex-
tirpate the Remnants of Paganiſm. Note here, that the Holy Ghoſt ſends
three Angels to give warning of the Deſtruction of Paganiſm, and of the In-
troduction of the Corrupcions of the Church, juſt as there are three Warnings
or Woes pronounced before the Deſtruction of that corrupted Church in the
parallel Viſion, Chap. 8. 13.
B. "E gove d'en péacov teóvcov, Having the everlaſting Goſpel.] Either this is ſpoken
in general of the Goſpel, to which the Holy Ghoſt here gives the Title of
everlaſting: or elſe in particular of ſome Gospel or good News now to be diſcover'd
to the Gentiles. It may be both Senſes are included: for even in the general
preaching of the Goſpel, not only the general good News of Salvation
were proclaim'd to Fews and Gentiles by John the Baptift, Chriſt and his
Apoſtles, but there was likewiſe included therewith , noc only a general
warning to avoid the Wrath of God, but alſo of the future near Deſtru-
etion of the Jewiſh Nation, to whom the general Goſpel was firſt preach
ed. Thus the Baptiſt preach'd Repentance upon two accounts: Firſt
becauſe the Kingdom of Heaven was at Hand : Secondly, becauſe the Ax was
already laid to the Root of the Tree, Matth. 3. 10. So likewiſe Chriſt preach'd
and prophefyd on many Occaſions : and ſo likewiſe Peter began the Goſpel,
hinting eſpecially at the near Deſtruction of the Jews for having crucified
Chriſt, adviſing thoſe that believ'd to ſave themſelves from that untoward exoniãs,
or perverſe Generation, A&t. 2.49. It may not therefore be amiſs to explain it
here in both theſe Senſes ; becauſe the ſpecial Warning of the future near Judg-
ment of God can be avoided by no other means than by imbracing the Goſpel
in general; the Errand of this Angel being the laſt warning to the Pagans, to
imbrace it before the Deſtruction of the Roman Empire, in which they were to
be involv'd in a moſt ſpecial manner.
The Goſpel is everlaſting, becauſe it is the immutable State and Purpoſe of
God from the beginning of the World to all Eternity. Tertullian fays: (c)
Noviſſimi Teftamenti ſemper indemutabilis ftatus eft, & utique recitatio decreti, confilium-
que illud cum ſeculo definet. And St. Auſtin, (d) escórion autem quod dicitur, aut non
babet finem, aut uſque in bujus ſeculi tenditur finem: In this Senſe it is very pro-
perly call'd everlaſting, the Goſpel is alſo evo in another Senſe, as that word
is deriv'd from sedy on which implies Secrecy; the ſecret purpoſe of God
being revealed therein. In which Senſe Clemens Alex. (e) ſays ; (vo tñs einn Jelas 73
φώς, και λόγω των προφητικών αινιγμάτων, των μυστικό απο λύση]αι σιωπlω, δαγγέλιον
gubuluG See Rom. 16. 25. And thus every particular occaſion wherein God
invites Men to repent, and avoid ſome furure Puniſhment, is a Revelation of
his everlaſting Gospel, or News of ſome ſecret Deſign revealed for the good of
Mankind : as it is plainly in this Cafe: God deſigns ſhortly to cauſe Babylon to
fall, and therefore juſt before its Fall, ſends this Angel with a piece of good
News or Goſpel, to forewarn thoſe that are ſtill involv'd in Idolatry, to avoid
that danger hanging over their Heads, when God ſhall cauſe Babylon to fall, and
deſtroy the Remnant of thoſe impenitene Idolaters, who will not make uſe of
his Warning, and Invitation. In which Senſe there being no Article before
'Everybasov áudvcov, the whole may be turnd, having a ſecret Errand, or good News.
Thus we find, as it has been obſerv'd already, that God never ſends a remarka-
ble Judgment or Deſtruction upon Men, but he gives them before hand warn-
ing of it; which if they will make uſe of to avoid it, becomes good News.
C. Ευαγγελίσας τις καθημβόες τής γής, και ότι πάν έθνΘ, και φυλλω, και γλώσσαν και λαών,
To preach to them that ſit on the Earth, and to every Nation and Tribe, and Tongue, and
People.] Some Copies inſtead of Kc Smrefuss have xetlo!xowï lds, and ſo Tichonius read.
But as (f) Dr. Mill approves the former, ſo I find it to be more emphatical,
and avoids an unneceſſary Repetition, not]orxowl as and thro with the reſt being
(a) Auguſtin. de Mor. Ecclef. Cath. Lib. I. cap. 34. (6) Conc. Carthag. Can. LXXXVI.
(0) Tertullian. de Pudicit. cap. XII.
(d) Auguſtin. de Civit. dei Lib. XVI. cap. 26.
(e) Clem. Alex. in Protrept. p. 4. (f) Mill. Proleg. in N. Teſt. p. 65.
abſolutely

Chap. XIV. v. 6,7. The Angel in the midſt of Heaven.
631
14.
abſolutely ſynonymous : whereas natin ufees out tñs yñs fhews the preſent ſtate of
the idolatrous Nations. To fit upon the Earth, is to be in a ſtate of great Aflicti-
on. For tho' to fit be the poſture of one in power and eaſe, yet to fit upon the
Earth, or on a Dunghill, fignifies to be in extream Miſery. Thus in Iſaiah 3. 26,
And ſhe being defolate, ſhall fit upon the ground ; in the LXX is tlu jk és apasion
ſhall be humbled to the ground : So in Iſaiah 47. 1. in Hoop om te glo fit in the duff:
Lament. 2. 10. 'Erd' Simay ois this gño, ſit upon the ground, and in Ezek. 26. 16. 'Emi
glü vet. JEN OUñtel, ſhall fit upon the ground; that is, Mourn, as in the ſame, Ezek.
8. The Mourners for Tammuz are obſerv’d to fit. And ſo in Pſal. 107. 10.
and iſaiah 42. 7. to fit in darkneſs is to be in Priſon and Slavery. In Iſaiah 47. 8.
to fit as a Widow, is to mourn as a Widow ; in 706 2. 8. éve 'Su70 672 rös xowsías, Sate
on the dunghill; that is, was in very great Affiliation. Thus we alſo read in
Virgil: (a) Totamque videmus Cenſediſſe urbem luku. Servius thereupon ; In luet va
effe demerfam. Thus alſo Pindar.
(6) "Ide talpídce roauután yox
Υποστρες πυρί πλαγαίς το σιδέρα
rea
Βαθω εις οχετόν άτας ίζοισαν σαν πόλιν. .
Thus alfo Cato is ſaid to fit even at his Dinner, contrary to the Cuſtom, for they
lay upon Beds, on chat Day thac the Battle was loft at Pharſalia, as Plutarch
obſerves in his Life. Propertius takes notice of it in theſe Verſes:
Afferat buc unguenta mibi, fertifque fepulchrums
Ornabit cuftos ad mea buſta ſedens.
The ſame may be collected from the following words of Ammianus Marcellinus,
who was an Author that underſtood the ſymbolical Language, and mentions a
Dream of the Emperor Valentinian, which he alſo explains thus : (c) Videbat
Conjugem ſuam abſentem ſedere paſſis capillis ami&tu ſqualenti contestam, quam æftimari
dabatur Fortunam ejus efle, cum tetro babitu jam difceluram. Now it is evident,
chat by the opening of the Seals the Pagans had been much tormented, and chat
they had loft she imperial Dignity by the opening of the ſixth. So that they
were in a Rage and Confternation. God therefore ſtill makes them this laſt
offer of Repentance before the Fall of their Capital Babylon. God ſends no
Judgment, but he warns : Amos 3: 7.
A. verf. 7. Néz aus Šv parin usydan, qobhsnts tèr Jedy, rj Sots eU TES Sézar, Saying with
a great Voice, Fear ye God, and give him Glory.] A great Voice is a prevailing
Voice; and ſo implies, that the Errand of this Angel will meet with a ſuita-
ble Succeſs, both in reſpect of the warning, of which many will take notice
to avoid the danger threatned, and alſo in reſpect of the Judgment foretold,
which will certainly have its effect ſhortly. The Subject of the Errand, fear
God, is given out upon view of the approaching Judgment ; and 'ois always
upon that account that fear is any way mention'd in this Propheſy. So Saint
Paul ſpeaks of the Terror of the Lord, 2 Cor. 5.11. upon Conſideration of che
laſt Judgment mention'd before. See our Noces upon Chap. 11.13 E. and
Chap.t1.18 G. But note, that 'tis not enough to fear God; for the Devils believe
and trenible: Men muſt alſo give him glory. They muſt anſwer to God's de-
fign, which is not the death of the Sinner, but his Repentance and Salvation,
by giving him glory and imbracing his Offers. The Pagans of theſe times
were mighty ape to miſtake the true reaſon of thoſe Puniſhments, which God
ſent to awake them: for they rather attributed them to the neglect of the Pagan
Worſhip, which was then utterly forſaken by the Converſion of a vaſt num-
ber of Chriſtians ; and indeed even forbidden to the Pagans publickly; ſo that
they judg’d the Chriſtians were the cauſes of the anger of their Gods; and
ever afterwards we find, that the Hiſtorian Zoſimus made it his buſineſs to
prove in his Hiſtory by a long Induction, that the imbracing of the Chriſtian
Religion was the cauſe of the ruin of the Roman Empire. It was the common
Cry : St. Auſtin wrote his excellent Books of the City of God to ſhew the con-
crary, and that theſe Miſchiefs rather caine, becauſe they did not all imbrace
(6) Pindar. Olymp. Od. X.
(c) Ammian. Marcel.
(a) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. XI.
Lib. XXX.
ity

632 The Angel of Babylon's Fall.
Ch. XIV. v. 8!
it, to prevent them. So that his Work is a ſpecial part of the Event ſignified
by, the Errand of this Angel : that is, ſhews that warning was given to the
Pagans.
B. "Om ingen i do pet zñs xpíricos duis, For the hour of his Judgment is cóme.] Every
ſpecial Judgment of God being a part of the general, has the name of it; lo
the Fall of Babylon, now hinted
at before hand, being an effect of that Judgment,
is therefore an Hour or Occaſion wherein God exerciſes his judicial Power:
The next utter Fall is another, till the general Judgment makes an end of all.
The meaning of the whole is, that Sinners are warn’d to repent, for there is
now a near occafion, wherein the Sins of Men being arriv'd at their pitch;
there is no need of God's coming to viſit, try and judge, and ſo cauſe the Exe-
cution thereof immediately by the Deſtruction of ſuch as ſhall be found guilty.
Thus all the Miſchiefs that come upon Men are effects of God's Condemnation
of their Sins; becauſe nothing happens among them, but what is directed by
his Providence: and Miſchiefs being certainly Puniſhments, no ſuch can hap-
pen to them without a previous Cogniſance, that God may appear to act
with Juſtice.
C. Και προκλήσαθε τα ποιήσανε τον έρανόν, και τίω γώ, και τίω θείλαασαν, και πηγαίς υδάτων,
And worſhip him that made Heaven and Earth, and the Sea and Springs of Waters.]
This is firit the uſual Induction of Particulars to expreſs the Univerſe. We
find in this Book, the Holy Ghoſt affects to diſtinguiſh the Sea from the
Springs of Water, Chap. 8. 8, 9, 10. and Chap. 16. 3, 4. making them alſo
different Inſtruments of Vengeance. This Expreſſion hints at the Crime of
them that ſhall fuffer by this Judgment, 'tis becauſe they worſhip them that are
no Gods, and neglect to worſhip the true, which is Creator of the Univerſe.
The Command ſhews the way to eſcape the Judgment, which is by worſhip-
ping the true God, Creator of all, who only can puniſh, and is alone to be
worſhipped.
A. verf. 8. Kai šG ayent ddr4po ixonéInos, aizer, And another ſecond Angel
followed, Saying] This lecond Angel is ſaid to follow the former, to ſhew that
the warning of the former was but juſt given in time; and that the Puniſh-
ments of God foon follow his laſt Warnings. His Errand ſignifies, that the
Fall of Babylon is perform'd: He doth not effect the Fall; but gives notice of
the Execution thereof. Now that Execution is perform'd before by the found-
ing of the firſt four Trumpets. For the firſt ſpeaks of the Preparation, by the
Incurſions of the Barbarians upon its Territories; the ſecond mentions its Fall
under the Symbol of a burning Mountain ; and the two next diſcover its Con-
ſequences, which are the ſpoiling of its Treaſures, and the utter Extinction
of its Authority, by the wreſting of the Power in the Hands of its Governours,
who had eſcap'd from the City and endeavour'd ſome time to preſerve their
Power, and regain their Capital.
B. "E? CEV, Ezede Baluacuo, She is fallen, ſhe is fallen, Babylon.] Theſe words
are to be clear'd by conſidering theſe Particulars. Firſt, The reaſon why the
Fall is cwice mention'd; Secondly, The meaning of the Fall; Thirdly, How
farit extends. We ſhould indeed begin with the Expofition of the Symbol
Babylon, which we underſtand of Rome; but becauſe that City is afterwards
deſcrib’d by the ſame Symbol; and another Fall is predicted, of greater
weight than this, we have reſerv'd the full Expoſition thereof for that occaſion;
when we ſhall prove how proper this Symbol is to ſignify Rome Antichriſtian,
recover'd from this Firſt Fall when Pagan ; ſo that we ſhall at the ſame time
ſhew, that Rome is underſtood here by it. For Rome Pagan, and Rome Anti-
chriſtian is the ſame Babylon, which has had a Fall when Pagan, and muſt have
another as Antichriftian, without any Recovery,
Firſt then, to ſhew the reaſon why this Fall is expreſs'd by the Repetition of
the word "Eastoky, she is fallen, upon this Principle, that no Repesition is vain,
but is neceſſary and grounded upon fome Principle of the prophetical Lan-
guage. Now this is done upon fome occaſions purely to ſhew the certainty of
the Event, which is of more ſpecial concern and remarkably eminent. To
prove this, we begin by producing the beſt Authority, that of inſpir'd Men.
The firſt is of the Patriarch Joſeph, Gen. 41. 32. who explaining the cwo Dreams
of Pharaob, affirms that the latter is a Confirmation of the former to fhew the
certainty of it. For that the Dream, ſays he, was doubled unto Pharaoh twice,
it is becauſe the thing is eft abliſhed by God, and God will ſhortly bring it to paſso
Which

Chap. XIV. v. 8. The Angel of Babylon's Fall.
633
which laſt words ſhew further, that ſuch Repetitions are Signs of a quick Ac-
compliſhment. And indeed Joſeph Ipake in this by Experience : For God had
given him an example of it in thoſe two Dreams, which predicted his future
Advancement, Genef. 37. 5: to 10. Hence the Pfalmift, 62. 11. to thew the
certainty of truſting in God, ſays: God hath Spoken once ; twice bave I heard this
,
that power belongeth unto God. Thus alſo Fob 40.5, uſes the ſame way to confirm
his Proteſtation to God. For the like reaſon in the Tryal of Jealouſy, Numb.
s. 22. the ſuſpected Wife is commanded to confirm the Adjuration by ſaying
Amentwice ; which is alſo the uſual Form of our Saviour to confirm his Do-
Arine. The Prophet Iſaiah, 21. 9: uſes the very fame Form to expreſs the Fall
of the literal Babylon, as the Holy Ghoſt here of the ſymbolical. The Targum
has there a Conceit which is thus expreſs'd : Cecidit, & etiam futura eſt ut cadat;
which may indeed be thought to mean, that it was fallen in the Viſion of the
Prophet, and would according to the Event moſt certainly fall: but I believe
rather it muſt be underſtood as it is done by the Targum of Feruſalem, on Numb.
5. 22. for that Targumiſt ſays, that the firſt Amen relpeets the time paſt, the lat-
ter the future ; that of Fonathan has there another Expoſition of that double
Amen; and ſeveral others may be ſeen in the (a) Miſchna upon Sotah: but our
way is the moft natural and eaſy, being conformable to the uſual Stile of the
Language, wherein Repetitions of the ſame word are marks of certainty; as
ſeeing I ſaw, Exod. 3: 7. dying thou ſhalt die, Genef. 2. 17. and the like. Hence I
believe it was that God, in Exod. 28. 16, order'd the Cloth of the Effen to be
double, to fignify the Stedfaſtneſs of the divine Oracles. Philo it ſeems
knew no other reaſon of the double Dreams, but that aſſign'd in holy Writ.
He fays, (b) ας εσi, τίω αναδίπλωσιν έχων και περιτή, αλλά προς έλεγχος βεβαιοτέρας πίσεως.
Indeed ſuch Repetitions of ſome emphatical word are very frequent in all forts
of Authors, of which many inſtances might be produc'd, and they are, as the
Scholiaft of Æſchylus ſays, (c) qudy, a paffionate way to expreſs a thing of
great concern.
I ſhall only ſet down one Example out of Horace, where he
uſes the very words of the
Holy Ghoft: 'Tis where he introduces Annibal ſpeak-
ing upon the fight of his Brocher's Head :
(d) Occidit, occidit
Spes omnis, do fortuna noftri
Nominis, Aſdrubale interempto.
By which he paraphraſes the noted Saying of Annibal: (e) Agnoſco te Fortuna
Carthaginis.
But that which comes nearer to our purpoſe is, that it is a conſtant Maxim
in the Soothſaying of the Heathens, that ſuch Repetitions are marks of the
certainty of the Event; as whether it be the very ſame thing repeated, or ſome
other Symbol to the ſame purpoſe. Therefore Servius gives us this rule upon
Virgil's Words (f) Atque hæc omnia firma. He ſays : Secundum Romanorum morem
petit, ut viſa firmentur. Non enim angurium unum vidiſſe ſufficit, niſi confirmetur
ex fimili: nam fi diffimilia ſunt poſteriora, folvuntur priora. Hence we find in
Pliny: (g) Omine rato; and in Tacitus: (b) Acutus omine. And in Silius Italicus: (i)
Bis terque coruſcum Addidit augurio fulmen Pater. I ſhall ſet down fome Inſtances,
which ſhew that ſeveral Nations had the ſame way. To begin with (k) Homer:
he obſerves, That the Grecians had an Omen of their Succeſs after nine Years
War under the Symbol of a Snake ſwallowing up nine Birds; which Jupiter
confirm’d by ſtriking the Snake dead, and turn'd into a Stone. This is abſom
lutely ſuitable to what has been obſerv'd before out of Seneca, that Thunder,
if contrary to che firft Omen, takes away its force; if ſuitable, binds it ſtrong,
See the Note upon Chap. 10. 3 B. Thus alſo Arrian, having ſpoken of the
Omen in favour of Alexander, when he loos'd the Gordian Knot, obſerves,
that it was confirm'd at Night by great Thunders: (1) 25 të Rozás të om tñ atout
(a) Miſchna in Sotah. Cap. II. S. 5. (6) Philo Jud. de Joſeph. p. 367. (c) Schol.
Æſchyl. in Sept. c. Theb. v. 109. & v. 135. (d) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 4.
(e) T. Liv.
Lib. XXVII. & Comment, in Horat. (f) Virgil
. Æn. Lib. II. vid. Feftum. Voc. Adteſtata
& Renovativum & Sueton. Veſp. cap. 5. & Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. II. XXXIII. (8) Plin.
Nat. Hift. Lib. IX. cap. 35.
(b) Tacir. Annal. Lib. II. (i) Sil. Ital. Punic. Lib. XV.
(b) Homer. Iliad. B.v.300. &c.v.353. v. Odyfi. Lib. Y.V,100, (1) Arrian, Expedit. Alex. M. Lib.II.
cap.
7 Y

634 The Angel of Babylon's Fall. Ch. XIV. v.8.
τα δεσμά ξυμβεβηκότα και γας και της νυκτός εκείνης βρονται τε και σόλας εξ ερανέ έπεσήμαναν
So in the Divinations made by going into the Den of Trophonius, there was no
going in unleſs the ſecond Sacrifice had confirm'd the firſt, as (a) Pauſanias
ſays. In (6) Afchylus we find the Poet feign Atola had firſt a Dream of the
defeat of Xerxes, and the next Morning an Oftentum to confirm it. In (c)
Sophocles, Tirefias ſpeaks firſt of an Aufpicium of Birds portending ill, which he
ſays was immediately confirm’d by the ill Omen exhibited at the Sacrifice. By
this we may gueſs at the meaning of (d) Peavey óveieep in theſe Verſes:
4A γαρ προσείδος νυκτί τη δε φασματα
Διασών ονείρων, ταύλα μοι, λύκειο, άναξ,
Ει μη πέφηναν άθλά, δός τελεσφόρα.
Εί ' έχθρα, τοίς εχθροίσιν έμπαλιν με θες
The meaning of the Poet is not, that they were wholly ambiguous, but thae
ſhe had two confirming each other. There are likewiſe in Euripides words
which confirm this : for he obſerves, that Bacchus having cried out of the Air
to the Women to puniſh Pentheus, a Light aroſe in the Sky, and that there.
upon the God repeated the Cry ; whereupon the Poet calls it (®) ozon xondouby,
a certain and plain Command. Apollonius in his Argonauticks, ſeems to have
underſtood this, and therefore mentions (f) d'Me régas, a ſecond Prodigy. Tully
obſerv'd this Rule in one of his Poems: for having obſerv'd, that Merius had
an Omen of his return by an Eagle killing a Snake, he then adds :
(g) Partibus intonuit cæli Pater ipfe finiftris ;
Sic aquila clarum firmavit Juppiter Omen.
After which he produces another piece of a Poem out of thoſe of Ennius, in
which the ſame is obſerv'd in the Hiſtory of Romulus. I might here alſo mention
the Fictions of Virgil in the ſame way, as the Omen ſeen by (b) Dido alone,
and confirm'd by another to the ſame purpoſe, both bad : and alſo thoſe exhi-
bited to (i) Latinus and Lavinia. Now becauſe theſe Confirmations were
neceſſary on all the Occaſions in which the Heathens conſulted the Gods: Theres
fore the Aruſpices called in alſo the help of Capnomancy, as we are informed by
Lactantius Placidus: (k) Ars autem Arufpicina hæc habet, ut & thuris motus bw crepi~
tus, & fumi motus a flexus aruſpex ipſe colligat, quoniam bec primum figna aut
teftantur extorum promiſſus. fi bona fint, aut fi contraria refragantur. Ut teſtatur liber
de tburis fignis, qui ipfius Tirefiæ ſcribitur. Hence it was, that when the Pagans
had ſome remarkable Dream or Omen, without a ſpeedy Confirmation by
ſome other, they conſulted the Oracles to confirm all : an inſtance may be
ſeen in (L) Stephanus, who tells us, Antiochus built Laodicea on the account of
ſuch a Dream confirm'd by the Oracle of Apollo. (m) Tacitus likewiſe ob-
ſerves of the ancient Germans, that in their Divinations they had Sortes and
Auſpicia ; and that they conſtantly expected till the latter confirm’d the former.
It may not likewiſe be improper to obſerve here, that this very Notion is ſtill
follow'd by the Savages in Canada. (n) If within the fix Months of Widow-
hood the Surviver of the married Conſorts dreams two Nights together on the
6 other, he poiſons himſelf in a very cool thought, and with a great appea-
rance of Satisfaction, ſinging alſo in ſuch a Tone as ſeems to proceed from
the Heart : but if the Party that is in the Widowhood dream only once of
the deceas'd, they ſay the Spirit of Dreams was not well aſſur’d, that the de-
ceas'd was uneaſy in the Country of Souls, ſince he only paſs’d without daring
to come again: and ſo they think not themſelves oblig'd to go to bear him
• Company'. So that we ſee the latter Symbol is the Symbol of Certainty and
Confirmation.
od -2
8
(8) M. T
(a) Paufan. in Boeotic. p. 313. (b) Æſchyl. Perſ. v. 181. V. 210.
(c) Sophocl.
Antigon. p. 255.
(d) Sophocl. Ele&tr. p. 110. comp. Senec. Oedip. y. 175. & Seq.
(e) Euripid. Bacch. v. 1087.
( ) Apollon. Arg. Lib. I. v. 1145.
Cic. de Divin. Lib. I.
(b) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IV. v. 453.
(i) Virgil. Æneid.
Lib. VII. v.58. (k) Lactant. Placid. in Stat. Thebaid. Lib. IV.
v. 468. (1) Steph.
de Urb. v. Acedixera.
(m) Tacit. de Morib. German. cap.
(n) B. Dela
Fontan. Mem. d'Ameriquez Tom. II. p. 141.
Fron
Secondly,

Ch. XIV. v. 8. The Angel of Babylon's Fall
. 639
Secondly, let us proceed to ſhew the Signification of the Dall: which is not
very difficult, The Metaphor being eaſy and common in all ſorts of Writers.
'Tis ſaid of the literal Babylon, in Iſaiah 21. 9. Jerem. 51. 8. and fignifies a loſs
of the Power, either by an utter deſtruction, or even by the removing of its
preſent Power into ſtrange Hands. So 'tis to be underſtood of that Babylon,
which was not deftroy'd, but remain'd many Ages after, and was ſtill ſtanding
in the Times of St. John; but it ceas'd to be the Capital of its former Domi-
nions. So the Propheſy of Jonas. 3. 4. of the overthrow of Niniveb is thus
paraphras'd by Joſephus : (a) ws mer' óaízy zemey á mbuaisu olu disxli vñg al dius,
that they ſhould loſe the Empire of Aſia. The Metaphor is us’d by Euripides, (b)
er eiwór' 'Inís teixn zerok' So in Ovid, (c) Troja cadet : and in the ſame ; (d)
Quod Thebe cecidêre meum eft. Tully, (e) Labentem & prope cadentem Rempubli-
cam fulcire cuperetis. Again, (f) Subito uno incendio concidentem. And in
Lucan: (g) Roma cadat, is put to fignify the loſs of Liberty and Empire.
Damaſcius ſpeaking of this very occafion, has likewiſe this Expreſſion : (b)
ως η ρωμη πεσέσα, πάλιν δι' αυγά ανασήσέlαι Τo the fame purpofe, Horace fpeaking
of Cleopatra, who ſaw the ruin of the Egyptian Monarchy, calls it, (i) jacentem
regiam; the Palace or Seat of the Kings being us’d for all the Kingdom and its
Power. So on the other Hand the Metaphor of Standing is us'd to expreſs the
Preſervation of it: but enough of this.
But thirdly,'tis more eſſential in this place to conſider whether this Expreſſion
muſt be here underſtood of a total Deſtruction of this Babylon, or not rather of
ſuch an Alteration in its State, as implies indeed an abſolute loſs of Power for
the preſent, but doch not ſuppoſe an Impoſſibility to recover it. The word it
ſelf to fall, implies no ſuch Impoſſibility. The Pfalmift 37. 24. ſays of the Juft,
though he fall, be ſhall not be utterly caſt down; Prov. 24. 16. A juft Man falleth
Seven times, and riſes up again; but the wicked ſhall fall into Miſchief. So in Micah
7. 8. Wben I fall, 1 hall arife. Therefore the Prophet Jeremy, to denote that the
literal Babylon ſhould never recover, after the mention of its Fall,uſes immediate-
ly a ſtronger Expreſſion; in the LXX. Énere Caluaciv, aj opwsleien, Jerem. 51. 8.
and the following Expreſſions ſhew ſtill more fully that 'tis without Recovery.
But that which barely falls may riſe again, and then ie may be ſaid, as it is in
the Poet: (k) 'AM' & eyes refer 702 merely geneicoual; which is the very Expreſſion
of the Pſalmit, and it is thus paraphras’d by Philo : (1) TornữTE Tôv dioelãn ta rémn.
καν γαρ κλιθώσιν, εκ εισάπαν πάπασιν, αλλα δανασάνες ορθώνται παγίως και βεβαίως, ως μη
KALJUTIONSA.it ce. On the other Hand Theocritus introduces one who ſays: (m)
Keoliu.ele de teray, and that in order to be quite deſtroy'd and eaten by che
Wolves.
In the following Viſions in Chap. 17. and 18. this myftical Babylon has ano-
ther Fall, but the Propheſy has therein ſo many marks of an abſolute Deſtru-
ction, that 'cis impoſſible to underſtand it otherwiſe: whereas here there are
no ſuch Indications, and therefore we muſt not ſtretch the words beyond their
Signification. Beſides, that other Fall belonging to Times, whoſe Circum-
ſtances are altogether different from theſe ; and Babylon being there ſhewn as
having long been in Proſperity, and then ſuffering a Fall with diſmal Circum-
ftances ; 'tis evident, that theſe two Falls are different; and belong to Times
far diſtant. That Fall is found to be juſt upon the Deſtruction of the Beaſt;
but this is notified before the Holy Ghoſt gives warning by the third Angel of
the Riſe of the Beaſt, and of the patience of the Saints during its Reign. From
all which we muſt conclude, thaç this is a far antecedent Fall; and by conſe
quence, all other Chronical Characters agreeing therero, it is that of Rome
Pagan, whoſe Fall or Deſtruction of Power, as it ſtood in the Hands of the
original Romans, handed down by the Miniſters of the Dragon, is here de-
clar'd by the Angel. So that this Fall is the ſame as that of the burning Moun-
tain at the ſecond Trumpet, and is elſewhere mention'd under the Symbol of
the firſt Head or Capital City having receiv'd a mortal Wound, but by the
Beaſt recovering from it. Thus all is eaſy and evident; but if this Fall be con:
founded with that latter and utmoſt Fall, there is nothing but Confuſion.
(a) Jofeph. Antiq. Lib. IX. cap. XI.
(6) Euripid. Hercul. v, 11,
(c) Ovid,
Metam. Lib. XI.
(d) Ovid. Metam. Lib. XIII.
(e) M. T. Cic. Phil. II,
(f) M. T. Cic. Catil. IV. (8) Lucan. Pharf. Lib. II, (6) Damafc. Vit. Ilidor. apud
Phot, Cod. CCXLII. (i) Horat. Lib. 1. Od. 37. (1) (Ariftoph. Nubib, (2) Phila
Judæ, de Joſeph. p. 369.
(m) Theocr. Id, III,

636 The Angel of Babylon's Fall. Chap. XIV. v. 8.
C. 'h Meyern, The Great.] It cannot be imagin’d, that the Holy Ghoſt has
given this Title to this fymbolical Babylon, merely upon the account of the
Buildings or Number of Inhabitants ; ſeeing this Title has been given to many
other Cities, as to (a) Carthage, (b) Sparta, and many others, and that even
in the Times of St. Fohn (c) Alexandria was as great, and at this time of its
Fall exceeded it, as alſo ſome ages before, if we may believe Diodorus Siculus.
But more eſpecially if we alſo conſider, that at the ſecond Fail, ftill future,
the Holy Ghoſt gives it the fame Title; whereas now 'tis ſo leſſened, that 'tis
(d) thought to be ſcarcely the two hundredth part of what it was once, and that
there are now many Cities far greater and more populous. The meaning of
that Greatneſs muſt therefore be ſuch as 'tis every where elſe in this Propheſy,
to fignify its Power and Tyranny over the Saints. See our Note upon Chap.
18. 23 B. and ſo this Title is mention'd here as one of the Reaſons, why this
Judgment is come upon that City. 'Tis well known that the Rabbies by Edom
in the Prophers underſtood the Roman Empire, and that Magdiel, being named
in Genef
. 36. 43. as one of the Dukes that deſcended from him ; this Name
fignifying Greatneſs is likewiſe applied to Rome. Hence (e) R. Abarbinel upon
Daniel gives the reaſon of that Signification to be, becauſe Rome is become
great
above all theſe Kingdoms, of which the Prophet ſpeaks ; from which we ſee, thao
this Author had the ſame Notion of this Title. And undoubtedly the Roman
Authors who gave it the Epithete of Magna, did it on the account of the
Power; as in the impromptu of (f) Tully borrow'd by Virgil, Magne Spes altera
Roma. Porphyry calls it abſolutely (g) the meyarlw rów, the great City:
D, “Οτι εκ τε οίνε τα θυμά της πορνείας αυτής πεπόζικε πάνlα έθνη, Becaufe he made all
Nations drunk with the bitter Wine of her Fornication.] As the Fall of Babylon is an
effect of God's Judgment, ſo his Glory is concern’d to publiſh the reaſons of
his Sentence, and the Crimes for which he has condemn'd her: both that the
Juſtice of the Sentence may appear, and that the Example may affect others.
Upon this account it has been the Cuſtom in moſt Places and Ages to publiſh
the Crimes of ſuch as are publickly puniſh'd. Sometimes this has been done by
an Inſcription, as at our Saviour's Crucifixion, and ſometimes by a publick
Cryer, There are Teſtimonies to be produced of this out of many Authors,
as (b) Diogenes Laertius, (i) Horace,(k) Ælius Spartianus, (l) Agathias, (m) Sozomen,
and (n) Victor Vitenſis and (c) others; the Cuſtom is ſtill obſerv'd in the
Eaſt, as in Perſia ; ſo (p) Tavernier ſays. And the Rabbies who are very curious
to deſcribe all the Offices of the Cæleftial Court call the Angel appointed as
Cryer, (9) Acraziel. Now this Angel here performs that Office upon this par-
ticular Occafion, but he is without Name : the words before us contain another
Cauſe of Babylon's Judgment. The former was Greatneſs, that is, Tyranny
over God's People; this is Idolatry, Fornication being the Symbol thereof.
Theſe words before us are borrow'd from ſome places of the Prophets, as
Ferem. 51. 7. Babylon bas been a golden Cup in the Lord's Hand, that made all
the Earth drunken : the Nations have drunken of her Wine, therefore the Nations
are mad. See alſo v. 39. and Chapter 25. 15. and Iſaiah si. 17. Pſalm 11.
6. Idolatry comes under the Symbol of Drunkenneſs, as well as of Fornica-
tion, becauſe both theſe attended it: and to heighten the Idolatry, the Ho-
ly Ghoſt has us'd both, calling it the Wine of Fornication. Theſe two Me-
taphors are ſeen together in theſe Words of Philo ſpeaking of Aaron's Calf.
(v) Astraſ véd a relégoule
, zñ relu
' E divx, tñ de tij dłppar wins. And elſewhere of the
fame: (1) Dollw mestov70.5 písw, tlu refert á receid, the dê olvø. As alſo in theſe
words: (t) wesúa xj épemap olva Tais lahol tő orgie plo's, pos d'ap dut gd'uov, dinier, our Hlucíau'
The great Victories of the Romans frighted and aftoniſhed all Nations, and
with that fear and wonder made them to ſubmit to its Religion, and kept
them from receiving of the Goſpel through the Terror of the Torments inflicted
(a) Appian.in Punic.
(1) Maxim. Tyr. Diff. II. (c) Vid. Ir. Voff. Obr. de Magn.
Rom. cap. X.
(d) Vid. Iſ. Vofl. Obf. de Mag. Rom. cap. VII.
(e) V. Vollii
Obferv. in R. D. Ganz. Chron. (f) Vid. Serv. in Virg. Eclog. VI. (5) Porphyr.
de Abſt. Lib. II. S. 56.
(b) Diogen. Laert. Lib. IX. I. 52. (i) Horar. Epod. IV,
(k) Æl Spartian. in Severo.
(1) Agathiæ Hift. Lib. IV. cap. 2. (m) Sozomen H.
Ecclef. Lib. II cap. 9.
(n) Vietor. de Perfecut. Vandal. Lib. II. 6) Æ! Lampridius
in Severo. A&ta S. Euplii. Paffio S. Symeon. in Perſide. (p) Taverniers Perf. Trav, Lib. V.
(9) Lib. de Mort. Moſ.
( ) Philo Jud. de Vit. Mol. Lib. III. p. 461.
() Philo Jud. de Leg. Specia): p. 545. (1) Philo Jud. de Joſeph. p. 362,
upon
ch. 13.

Ch, XIV. v.9.
The Angel againſt the Beaſt. 637
upon the Saints ; as they were alſo made furious in perfecuting them. Ansber-
tus: Solent enim hi qui inebriantur, dum fuerint mentis infania compafi, (read correpti,y
ſievientes turpiter furere.
We ſhall find that the Crimes of Babylon at the ſecond Fall are greater, and
the Puniſhment likewiſe, becauſe ſhe had more Knowledge, and pretended to
be Chriſtian. Here all is flight. Babylon now ſuffers only a plain Puniſhment,
a Fall without the utmoſt Deſtruction, becauſe plain Pagan. It looks more like
a gentle Correction than a ſevere Sentence; ſee the meaning of that Diſtin-
&ion in our Nore upon Chap. 15. 1. C. becauſe it recovers from that Fall: But
when ſhe becomes a corrupted Chriftian, the Mother of all the Fornications of
the Earth, a Myſtery or Cheat, that pretends to be a Chriſtian, but is an ar-
rant Heathen, whoſe Prophet has Horns like the Lamb, but ſpeaks like the
Dragon: then ſhe has a double Puniſhment, a Fall out of which ſhe never re-
covers. This proves that this Fall is not the ſame as the other : The Crime is
a little aggravated however by the word sour, which coming after oive, wine,
implies, that 'tis a Wine full of Poiſon. For that word is as the Hebr. Jon, which
is tranſlated in the LXX. by ſuch words as ſignify not only Wratb, bue Gall and
Poiſon, as it may be ſeen by comparing, Deut. 32. 24, 33. Job 20. 16. and Chap.
6.4. Pfal. 58. 4. becauſe the Anger of an Animal was ſuppos’d to be in the Gall,
and that the Poiſon of the Serpents conſiſted therein, as indeed their Wrath is
their Poiſon : for then they (a) infuſe the angred Spirits into the Wounds which
they make with their Teeth. The meaning of the Symbol of Poiſon has been
already explain'd in our Note upon Chap. 9. 10 A. See here alſo our Note upon
Chap. 27. 2. B. Why this is not ſaid to fornicate with Kings, ſee our Note on
Chap. 17: 2 A.
A. verf. 9. Kai MQ myn@ giro éxonéing av autois, régat, And another third
Angel followed them, Jaying,] Rome being fallen, the next Enemy to the Church
chat appears is the Beaſt, for whoſe fake the Falſe Prophet impoſes upon Men
the Neceflity of worſhipping the Beaſt, or its Image, and of taking their
mark in their Hands and Foreheads. Therefore ſeeing the Lamb is now exe-
cuting Judgment, and it was fit to forewarn the Pagans of the intended deſign
to chaſtiſe Babylon, if they did not take the warning of the firſt Angel in order
to eſcape being involv'd in that Fall; ſo it ſeems as ſuitable to the divine Juſtice
and Goodneſs, unleſs we could ſuppoſe this Abſurdity, that God takes leſs care
of the Members of the Church than of the Heathens to bring them into the
Church, that the Members of the Church ſhould be warn'd againſt the growing
Corruptions therein. Not only that they may not forſake the true Worſhip,
but alſo take care to eſcape fuch terrible Judgments and Puniſhments, as the
divine Juſtice deſigns to inflict upon thoſe who ſhall join in thoſe Sins. Which
is to be done by refuſing to comply with the Worſhip of the Beaſts, upon which
God not only deſigns at laſt to ſend a final Deſtruction, but all their Adherents
muſt be continually tormented by God's Plagues during all the reign of che
Beaſts ; which Plagues we thall find particularly deſcribd, both in the latter
end of this Chapter by the Harveſt and Vintage, and in the ſixteenth Chapter.
So that this warning is in effect the Teſtimony of the two Witneſſes; ſaving
that this chiefly refers to the beginning thereof, giving notice of the Beaſt's
Tyranny and Idolatry juſt when it begins. This warning may be therefore
look'd upon as ſome remarkable Prediction given to the Church of the future
Corruption of the Church, and of the Tyranny of the Antichriſtian Times :
and by conſequence to be ſufficiently accompliſh'd in that general Tradition
there, that upon the ruin of the Roman Empire and Fall of the City of Rome,
the times of Antichriſt ſhould immediately follow. We have mention'd ſome
of the Authors that ſpeak of it in our Nore upon Chap. 13. 3 B. to which may
be join'd the great Outcry of Pope Gregory the Great, concerning the approach
and actual beginning of choſe Times ; to that the Errand of this Angel is part-
ly the ſame as that of the three Woes.
Β. Εί τις προσκυες το θηρίον, και τίω εικόνα αυτά, και λαμβάνει χαραγμα 37 τε μετώπου αυτά,
1 Bad Thewl xãgel durg, If any one worſhip the Beast and its Image, and receives its mark
on bis For bead, or upon his Hand.] Theſe Symbols have been explain'd before
in their proper places. The Threatning being levell’d againſt ſuch as any way
ער
(a) Vid. Guſſet. Con. V. n.
Ž Z
yield

638
The Angel againſt the Beaſt. II
Ch. XIV. V. 9, 10.
yield to the Religion of the Beaſt, and ſubmit to the taking only of the publick
mark of Profeflion in the Forehead, as well as giving actual Aliſtance,
which is the Caſe of them that take it upon their Hands, ſhews us, that God's
Plagues affect not only thoſe that preſumptuouſly act in the Corruptions, but
all thoſe fearful Perſons who did not actually refift, or avoid giving way to
them. So that the fearful and faithleſs, as well as the l'erſecutors and Idolaters
muſt together feel the effect of God's temporal Puniſhments, as well as thoſe of
the ſecond Death, Revel. 21. 8. when Chriſt comes to the final Judgment.
A. verf. 10. Kai dulos mitaa Èx tê dive të Juriš to gif, tô xerezao u 's expúla er tal
Tro?npícos oñs ógyñs culs, And the ſame shall drink of the Wine of the Wrath of God,
miat ſtrong in the Cup of bis Wrath.] This is a very emphatical Expreſſion, fince
the Symbols of Curſes are heap'd up therein. In general, Drunkenneſs in the
Prophets, when ’tis ſaid to be a Puniſhment, is taken for a very miſerable Srate,
when through Confternation Men are aſtoniſh'd and ſtagger, not knowing
what to do ; Ilaiah 29. 9. Chap. 5 1.17,21. Jerem. Sr. 39. the words before us
allude to the mixt Potion uſually given to Malefactors when they are going to
fuffer death; and therefore by a Metonymie of the Adjund, the Cup or Po-
tion is taken for a Torment or Death, in the Prophets and Evangeliſts. And
becauſe good and evil happens to Men as Effe&s of God's Goodneſs to them,
or his Juſtice and severity ; therefore the Holy Ghoſt in the Writings of the
Prophets has repreſented them under the Symbols of Cups of Salvation, or of
Wrath, as in Pſal. 75, 9. and here, which ſpeak of the Cup of Wrath: and ſo
the River of Pleaſures, Pfal. 36. 8. ſaid to be at the Right-Hand of God, Pfal. 16.
11. which in this Book is callid River of Life, Hence the two nisos
, Veſſels,
in (a) Homer of good and bad, which Jupiter mixes to Men. See Mad Dacier's
Note thereupon. In the Onirocriticks unuſual Drinks are explain'd accordingly.
The Egypțian in Chap. 198. ſays : Ei dè TIS óra viver ouvor bevev, ošte eis waiter
και κρίνεθαι, δε ώς εξεσίαν, αλλ' εις πικρίαν και θλίψιν ανάλογων της δριμύτηG: Eί δε ήδη ότι
éme Tolèv ordesòs, diçãout mugíay evenezov rūs an Nas: I find alſo the Metaphor us'd
in Plautus : (b) Malism moerore metus ne miffum bibam; ſo Gronovius has correded.
I find it was the Friends of the ſuffering Party who prepar'd it out of Kindneſs
to lefſen the Pain. Cumque multi ex fraterna caritate ejus offerrent, uti conditi per-
mixti poculum ſumerent, fay the Acts of the Paſſion of S. Fru&tuofus and others.
But here, as 'tis put for the Punilhment, ſo the Givers of the Cup are not ex-
preſs’d, which would ſhew us the Inſtruments of the Puniſhments. But the
Deſcription of theſe Inſtruments is reſerv'd for the ſpecial Deſcription of the
Puniſhments themſelves given afterwards. We are only told whence it proceeds,
and that 'tis God's Anger : the Preparation of it is made alſo in his Cup, to
the ſame Intent. The Hebrew Phraſe of God added to any other word mag-
nifies the Subje&t, as indeed whatſoever is of God, or done by God, is really
great in it felf. The whole therefore ſignifies, that God will deal with the
Worſhippers of the Beaſt, as with the moſt criminal Men; and that they ſhall
ſuffer a bitter Death, ſuch as the utmoſt Wrath of God can inflict. I find the
like Expreſſion in the Sibylline Oracles againſt the Idolaters :
(c) Ταύτα λιπάνες απαινία, δίκης μεσον το κύπελλον
Boittaa
Ζωρότερον, σιβαρδη, βεβαρημον, και μάλ' άκρη ον
bra
Theſe who have pretended to correct the laſt words, ſeem not to underſtand
the Stile of theſe Jewiſh Writers. Perhaps inſtead of bebegnešaow it might be as
proper to read nene pa o refeon as in St. Fohn, for ſuch Potions, tho' made of the
ſtrongeſt Wine, therefore call’d čupalov, were always mixt with bitter Ingre-
dienos. Kenega o ubis ciuçare, litterally mixt unmixt, implies no Contradi&tion in
the Senſe. For the word bugetor, howſoever negative in its Etymology, is po-
fitive in Signification, denoting ſtrong Wine by ic ſelf, as Merum in Latin ; and is
ſo usd in Oppoſition only to the mixture of Water, commonly us’d wich
Wine. As Merum it is alſo a Subſtantive; Plutarch: (d) xj Qigos xornais tro'a mes ärgerlow,
and that he could bear weld a great quantity of clear or forong Wine, Now the word
Wine not mixt with water to weaken it, but clean; and having rather to
(a) Homer. Iliad.. y. 317.
Oracul. Lib. I. p. 33.
(6) Plaut. Aulular. A&. II. Sc. III.
(d) Plutarch. Sympof. Lib. I.
(c) Sibyllin.
ſtrengthen

Ch. XIV. V. 10. The Angel againſt the Beaſt.
639
'
ftrengthen it a mixture of bitter matters, ſuch as are prepar’d for Malefactors.
Such a Potion might be calld Meracum, 'as in (a) Horace, or Meraca as in (b)Perfius.
Thoſe who have turn’d the word xenep &opski'r by poured out, which on ſome other
occafion might be right, as in Chap. 18. 6. have indeed avoided the Oxymoron,
but at the ſame time weakened the Expreſſion, becauſe the Emphaſis lies in
the mixture of Wrath. Theſe Men are become drunk with the Wine of For-
nication ; exhibited to them by the Whore that rides upon the Beaft in Chapa
17. 4. In Allufion to that, God cauſes them to drink a Potion to ſtupifie them
in their Madneſs, and cauſe them to die by miſerable Puniſhments and bitter
Torments. Mede has explain'd this very well, by ſhewing that this Exprellion
is borrowed from Pfal. 75. 9. where the LXX. ſay : 871 poluprov ev xupi xwpis, divis
ingáty pampes regaoud's, in the band of the Lord is a cup full of wine, full of mixture;
the word engels here anſwers to the Hebr. 100 which fignifies pure Wine; fo thac
as the Wrath is the ſame as Bitterneſs, and is the Symbol of Afiction, ſo the
á xgolov, clean Wine, ſhews there will be no Allay therein to eaſe thoſe who have
defery'd to drink it.
B. Kai Category Sticlar lo augi rij geloo, Aud be ſhall be tormented with Fire and Brima
ftone.] Fire and Brimſtone, that is, a Fire made of Brimſtone, and therefore un-
quenchable, continual, and for ever. The former Expreſſion ſhew'd us the
greatneſs of the Puniſhment, which muſt be exceeding, becauſe it comes from
the Cup of God's Wrath; but this ſhews us the manner and extent. The Fire
is the Symbol of the manner, the Brimſtone of the Extent or Perpetuity. See
our Notes on Chap. 9. 5 B. and v. 17. D. This ſhews, that the very common
People, the Subje&s of the Beaſt, or Members of the corrupted Church, ſhall
be tormented during all the time of their Idolatry. For they Thall not proſper
therein, tho' by their Complyance with the Falſe Prophet they think to eſcape
Miſery and Perſecution. Their Idolatry will cauſe God to ſend them continual
Torments, that every individual of them ſhall feel the effects of their crimes.
Thus Judgment begins with them.
Further, we may here obſerve the great difference between the Puniſhment
of theſe who worſhip the Beaſt, as being corrupted Chriſtians, from that of
the Pagans in the firſt Period of the Seals. They are viſited by fits, wish Civil
Wars, Famine, and the complicated plague of War, Famine, Peſtilence,
and wild Beaſts. But they are not ſaid to be tormented with Fire and Brimſtone,
without reft, Night and Day. This methinks ſhews us heavier Judgments; the
reaſon may be ſeen in the Note upon Chap. 18. 6 B.
C. "Eváriov tão aizív és gérov, rj évestuor to a svís
. In the preſence of the holy Angels,
and in the preſence of the Lamb.] That is, in the preſence of God and Chriſt.
For the Angels here are the Symbols of the Divine Preſence, and therefore
nam'd inftead of God, by an Expreſſion familiar to the Fews. See Luke 12.8,
9. and Chap. 15.10. 1 Cor. 11. 10. for which reaſon the Title of Holy is given
them, that we may underſtand, that theſe are ſuperior Angels continually in
God's Preſence; and then the Expreſſion is the ſame as if we ſhould ſay, in
the preſence of the whole divine Court. Chriſt is peculiarly named, becauſe
he is the chief Actor and Party concern’d in this matter, being now the chief
Governour of the Church, againſt whom the Sin of theſe Men is ſpecially
levelled. Therefore this Expreffion ſignifies, in the account, according to the
Cognizance and Sentence which God and Chriſt have pronounced againſt
them : this Phraſe being alſo us'd in that Senſe, when God viſits to judge the
Sins of Men ; when their A&ions are ſaid
to be evil before the Lord. So in teneſ.
6. 11. the Earth was corrupted before God. Therefore God viſits Men to judge
them. So in Genef. 19. 13. God viſiting Sodom, it is ſaid, that he would de
ſtroy it, becauſe the Cry of them is waxen great before the Lord. See Luke 15. 18.
Prov. 5.21. and Revel. 12. 10. So whereas Moſes reports in Exod. 32. 34. that
God ſaid : In the day when I viſit, I will viſit their ſin upon them ; Clemens Alex.
explains it thus : (c) τετίσι δ' αν ημέρα κριτής καθεδώ αποδώσω των αμαριών αυτών τε
V obra. Thus when in Ezék. 14. 8. God ſays, I will ſet my face again that
man, what doth he then but ſhew, that coming to viſit and try his Sins, he will
pronounce a moſt terrible Sentence againſt him? Thus alſo the Romans us’d
the word Animadvertere, to ſignifie to chaſtiſe or puniſh, and that too after a ju-
(6) Perf. Satyr. IV.
(c) Clem, Alex. in
(a) Q. Horat. Flacc. Lib. II. Ep. 2.7. 137.
Pædag. Lib. I. cap. 7.
dicial

640 The Angel againſt the Beaſt.
Ch. XIV. v. 11.
dicial Trial, the formal Notion of which is to conſider, View or Viſit. Now I
have ſhewn in my Note upon Chap. 19. 8 B. that all the Acts of God towards
Man from the very beginning to the Conſummation of all things are judicial
A&s, Concluſions, or Decrees deliberated and decided in his ſupream Court.
And theſe may be either good or evil to Man,as Man is found in the (a) Viſitation
or Tryal. Therefore to be tormented before God and Jeſus Chriſt, ſignifies to
be tormented according to their Judgment for Sins, whoſe Cry is gone up into
their Preſence, and they have condemn'd the guilty to ſuffer thoſe Torments,
which are now executed accordingly, and that too very terribly, as when a
King is ſo exaſperated that he will ſee the Execution perform'd before him,
as when the Crimes are direaly againſt himſelf.
Further, the Torment of theſe Men being by Fire, and they during all the
cime becoming thereby a ſort of continual Holocauſt, their Torment becomes
a Sacrifice to attone the Juſtice of God and Chriſt, for the wrong which they
have done to them both, in forſaking their Service, and adhering to that of
their Enemies. Now alí Sacrifices being refer’d to God; a Prieſt being conſti-
tuced to manage taggós zde Jeòr, the things pertaining to God, Hebr. 5. I. Hence
all Sacrifices are ſaid to be done or offer'd before him, and more particularly Ho-
locaufts, which are wholly his; and deſign’d to honour him only, without any
reſpect to the uſe or benefit of the Offerer. So Philo ſays: (b) tlu rele cur maila
θεον δι' αυτόν μόνον καινομύω, προσήκεσαν ο νόμG- απένειμε θυσίαν τίω ολοκαύloν ολοκλήρο και
πανελ, μηδέν επιφερομύω της θνητής φιλεύθίας ολόκληρον και παντελή: Thas the P
Pu-
niſhment of Sinners being wholly deſign'd to honour God, is ſaid to be an Ho-
locauft, and comes under that Confideration, and is therefore ſaid to be done
before God. See our Note upon v.18 A.
Α. verf. Ι. Και ο καπνός τε βασανισμέ αυτών ος αιώνας αιώνων αναβαινει, And the
Smoak of their Torment aſcendeth up for ever and ever.] Theſe words confirm the
former Obſervation, that the Puniſhment of Sinners is a Sacrifice to God, for
theſe words are taken out of the Jewiſh Ritual. The word to aſcend is ſuitable
to the Notion of an Holocauſt, which is in Hebrew 0718, from 7770, to aſcend,
becauſe in thoſe Holocauſts the whole Offering is made to afcend up, with, or
into smoke; whereas in other Sacrifices ſome parts remain'd for the Prieſts, or
for the Offerers. The Expreſſion for ever and ever, is to be underſtood during
the Continuation of the Subject; that is, whilſt the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet
have Adherents, they ſhall have a perpetual Torment, without IntermiMon,
which ſhall be like a continual Sacrifice. See our Noies upon Chap. 14. 18 A.
and Chap. 19. 17 D. but the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, and the great Whore
ſhall be puniſhed in the Concluſion, in a manner ſuitable to the Aptitude of
each Subject.
Β. Και εκ έχισιν ανάπαυσιν ημέρας και νυκλος οι προσκυνάνες το θηρίον, And they have
no reſt day or night, that
worſhip the Beaſt.] The Holy Ghoſt deſigning to ex-
preis emphatically the Torment of theſe Worſhippers of the Beaſt, repeats it
here in a negative Propoſition. This gives us occafion to obſerve, Firſt, That
the Torments of theſe Men laſt all along the Continuation of their Sin. And,
Secondly, That the divine Juſtice doth not linger about them. I confeſs, that
theſe Judgments may and ought to be underſtood to fall upon them in this Life;
for thoſe parts of the Prophely concern the militanc State of the Church and the
viſible Judgments of God upon them that are Enemies to it. But yec they infer
alſo the divine Judgment in another, : For we muſt here obſerve the Oppoſition
between theſe and the Rewards promiſed immediately after to the Wit-
neffes of the true Worſhip. Now their Reward muſt be underſtood to
be beſtow'd upon them in another Life, becauſe they have loſt this Life for
the word of God. But fuch Rewards of a happy reft cannot be juftly given to
God's Enemies; and therefore theſe Tormenes muſt alſo extend to another
Life. (c) Neque enim, (ſays Gregorius M.) pæna præſens, quæ injuſti animum d pravis
defideriis non immutat, ab æternis fuppliciis liberat. So that the Intent of the Holy
Ghoſt ſeems to be, that ſuch falſe Chriſtians ſhall be fo far from enjoying the
Reward of the jutt after their Labours, that even in this world they ſhall be con-
tinually tormented. The Goſpel indeed doth not promiſe to the Faithful cem-
poral Bleſſings, as the Mofaical Law did; but the Courſe of God's Juſtice as
to the Puniſhment of the wicked both here and hereafter is not alter'd.
(a) Vid. Ifidor. Hiſpal. Sentente Lib. III. cap. 3. & Not. Garliæ in loc
(c) Philo
Jud. de Animal. id. ſacrific. p. 544. (d) Gregor. M. Expof. in Job Lib. XV.c. 29.
Vid. ejuſd. Lib. XVIII. cap. 13 & Ilidor. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. III. cap. 2.
C. Kai

Ch. XIV. v. 12. The Angel againſt the Beaſt. 641
C. Και ω τις λαμβάνει το χάραγμα το όνομα αυτέ, And wholaever receives the
mark of its name.] The Holy Ghoſt will not exclude choſe that lin through
Fear, any more than thoſe that ſin through Malice: thoſe that ſubmit to the
Tyranny of the Beaſt, than thoſe who willingly worſhip it. So that this is no
needleſs Repetition. And we shall think it ſo much leſs, if we obſerve, that
when at firſt this mark was ſpoken of, as alſo the name and number of the Beaſt,
in Chap. 13. 17. it was in a disjunctive Propoſition; by which we might under-
ftand, that each word had a diftin& Signification in it ſelf, tho' they all belong
to one thing at laft. Therefore to make us take notice of chat mutual Relation
of the Mark, Name and Number, when there is occaſion to ſpeak of the thing,
the Holy Ghoſt joyns one of the two laſt to the firſt, to give us to underſtand
that all ihree belong to one thing in the main : as in Chap. 15. 2. 'tis the number
of the Name, and here 'tis the Character or mark of the Name.
A. verf. 12. 2a SE ÚTOKOVÀ Tây dziwn islo, Here is the patience of the Saints.] This
part of the Errand of this Angelis abſolutely the ſame as the Epiphonema added
to the Deſcription of the Beaſt with ſeven Heads and ten Horns, in Chap. 13.
10. the words being part of that Epiphonema, which are only varied a little
here, for a reaſon to be mention' in the next Note. So careful is the Holy
Ghoſt to give us plain hints to underſtand the Propheſy, by ſetting down ſpecial
marks of the Synchroniſms! Theſe repeated Advertiſements at the end of the
mention of the Beaſt do plainly ſhew us, what great Perſecution the Saints
ſhall endure during the Tyranny of the Beaſt. As the words are here placed,
their import ſeems to be double : Firſt, That the time of the Beaſt's Tyranny
is a time proper to exerciſe Pacience; Secondly, That the Saints ſhall have
ſufficient Motives to exerciſe it, becauſe they ſee how thoſe that have ſubmit-
ted to the Beaſt, are horribly tormented for doing that very thing by which
they aim'd to avoid preſent Torments. For in avoiding the War of the Beaſt,
they become ſubject to the Wrath of God.
B.Tam oi tngõwles ti's évone's só Ješ, rý tlu cisiv Tš 'inor, Here are they that keep
the Commandments of God, and the Faith of Jeſus.] In general we may obſerve,
That the Saints are ſuch as obſerve the divine Laws; and as to this Caſe take
care to offend againſt ſuch Laws as forbid any kind of Idolatry, which is the
Worſhip eſtabliſhed by the Beaſt's Power, and at the Perſuaſion of the Falſe-
Prophet; of which the Saints being untainted any way, they therefore obſerve
the Command of God, and the Faith of Jeſus, to which that of the Falſe Pro-
phet is contrary. But more particularly the very Commandment which is here
concaind in the Errand of the Angel, not to worſhip the Beaſt, nor its Image,
nor to take its Mark. For ſince the Holy Ghoft has taken care to deſcribe the
Beaſt, and to give us ſpecial warning againſt the Worſhip it impoſes, they
who avoid it do therein obſerve God's Command. Faith may be here alſo taken
for Faithfulneſs, as in other places of this Book; ſo that they who will not ada
here to the Beaſt, who is Chriſt's Enemy, keep their Faith or Allegiance firm
to Chrift. Now in the Epiphonema in Chap. 13. 10. cho' the Patience and Faithi
were mention'd, yet there was no keeping of God's Commandments expreſs’d,
becauſe that Deſcription has not the warning of this Angel. And thus the
Worſhippers of the Beaſt are without Excuſe, having not only the whole Gof-
pel, but this ſpecial warning againſt their Idolatries.
A. verf. 13. Ksei ñevotee @wiñis éx 78 épert, And I beard a Voice from Heaven.] The
Worſhippers of the Beaſt having been threatn'd with horrid Torments, and on
the other Hand the Saints having been alſo warn’d, that their Patience ſhall
be tried at the ſame time; this Voice comes now to comfort them, as uſual
upon the Predictions of Sufferings. This place is therefore likewiſe collateral
to Chap. 13. 10. with this difference, that as the Holy Ghoſt never repeats any
thing without Improvement, ſo in the former place the Comfort being only ex-
preli'd by an Affurance, that the Sufferings ſhall have an end, and their Perſe-
cutors ſhall be deſtroy'd ; which is bue part of char Vengeance God promiſes to
the Church; this Voice now promiſes, that the other eſſential part of God's
Juſtice ſhall be executed in due time, by rewarding the Sufferers in Perſon for
their Sufferings. Not that this Reward is actually and fully beſtow'd upon them
immediately, but they have a preſent reſt from their Labours, and an Affu-
rance that their Works Shall in due time have their Reward. This is the very
ſame Method us'd by the Holy Ghoſt to theſe Martyrs of the ſecond Period,
which was us'd before cowards the Martyrs of the firſt, in Chap. 6. 11, which
8 A
place

642
The Martyr's Bleſſing.. siChap. XIV. v. 12, 13.
place alſo ſpeaks covercly of theſe, calling them the Brethren of thoſe primi-
tive Martyrs, who are in like manner to be ſlain. And indeed by comparing
Chap. 20. 4. we ſhall find, that both forts of Martyrs are at the ſame time
equally rewarded. Now whereas the Martyrs of the firſt Period in the place
afore cited have not only a verbal Aſſurance of their preſent Reſt and future
Reward in full, but likewiſe a Token thereof by the Delivery of white Stoles to
each, which therefore are called in the Stile of the Primitive Church Stolæ re-
promiffionis : So likewiſe tho' this Voice from Heaven be only a verbal Promiſe to
the ſame purpoſe, yet in the Proceſs of the Viſion we ſhall find ini a proper
place, that theſe Martyrs of the ſecond Period have likewiſe real Tokens, as
Seals to affure them of their being accepted of God, and fully juftify'd ; and
therefore certain Seals of the Reward which muſt follow ſuch a Juſtification.
Theſe Tokens are the Harps of God, wherewich they praiſe him after their
Victory, which is deſcrib'd' in Chap. 15. 2, 3, 4. See our Notes thereupon.
In this place there is no mention of the Ads or Sufferings of theſe Martyrs,
nor of their Vi&ory, for which reaſon the Tokens are not mention'd here
but in that place that Victory is deſcrib'd, and ſo 'twas the only proper place to
ſpeak of the Token of the Reward, or at leaſt the moſt proper. $110153
Thus far concerning the general deſign of this Voice ; let us now come to
the ſeveral Qualities and Accidents thereof ; 'Tis ſaid to come from Heaven.
Heaven in the ſymbolical Dialect ſignifies the whole Syſtem of the governing
part of the political World. This political World is twofold: Firſt God,
Chriſt and the Angels, which are the inviſible Government: Secondly, The
viſible Government in the Church when it has the Civil Power on its fide. When
the Church has it, the Acts that proceed from Heaven may be underſtood of
the viſible Government: but when it has it not, as in this caſe upon the Preva-
lency of the Beaſt, then the inviſible Government is concern'd. And indeed
the ſubject of this Voice is of ſuch a nature, that it cannot belong to the Civil
Power; for how can that give Aſſurances to the Martyrs about eternal Life?
It muſt therefore be ſuppos’d to come from Heaven, as it ſignifies the divine
Court. Not buc chat at the ſame time that which is ſaid to come from that
Heaven, where the Church has it's Repreſentatives the Wights and Elders,
may be a&ually perform'd in the Church below by ſuch Miniſters as are pro-
perly employ'd in publiſhing, on the one hand the Terrors of the Lord to per-
fuade, and on the other the divine Promiſes of Reft to them that deſpiſe cheir
Lives, to keep the Faith and Commandments of God, poffefſing their Souls in
Patience. So that this Voice has its Event in the preaching of thoſe, who
have exhorted Chriſtians to reſiſt the Corruptions and Perſecutions of the
Beaſt.
bus
B. Aeysons 2001, ypantoo, Saying to me, write.] 'Tis a Voice directed to St. Fobu,
the common Repreſentative of the faithful, and more particularly of thoſe
that are in Perſecution : for which, being himſelf at the time of theſe Viſions
in a ftate of Perſecution for his Teftimony, he was therefore very well quali-
fied, being himſelf one of the Martyrs, whom this Voice concerns. For tho'
theſe Martyrs of the ſecond Period are a different fort in reſpect of the Enemies,
yet they are of the ſame ſort with S. John as to the Cauſe, which is that of
Chriſt. Therefore as Write ſignifies publiſh the Bleſſing; ſo it is evident, that
all theſe Martyrs by their publick Profeffion of Faith declare openly, that they
are aſſurd by their Teſtimony, that thoſe who like them fuffer for Chriſt's
ſake, do reft upon their death, and ſhall be rewarded for their Afidions. So
that this Voice is a reflected Voice, proceeding primarily from God, but pub-
liſhed in the World by the Teſtimony of the Martyrs, or Sufferers themſelves.
This Voice therefore reflected thus has its Event in the publick Profeſſions of
Confidence in future Happineſs, which thoſe, who ſuffer'd during theſe Times,
have ſhewn on all Occaſions.
C. Maroesol oi pengoi, oi év uugico amo drno xovles, Bleſed are the dead, which die in the
Lord.] There is a very great Squabble among the Criticks about the Con-
ſtruction of this Verſe, ariſing from the ambiguous Poſition of the word drasle,
of which hereafter. I ſhall not trouble myſelf to diſpute about it, but ſet
down the moſt obvious Senſe. To begin then here with the Expoſition of
thoſe words, which are the ſubject of the whole, that is, the dead dying in the
Lord. Now theſe are ſuch as die in the Faith, and for the name of Jeſus. So
in 1 Thel. 4. 16. the dead in Chriſt are thoſe that are dead for Chriſt's fake, the
Martyrs,

Chap. XIV. V. 13.
The Martyr's Bleſſing
643
Martyrs, as the primitive Chriſtians underſtood that place; which appears by
(a) Tertullian. So in Ephef. 4. 1. Novos év yugio, the Priſoner in the Lord, being
the ſame as in Ephef
. 3. 1. the Priſoner of tbe Lord; 'tis evident that it ſignifies,
Priſoner for the ſake of Chriſt. But Grotius thinks, thac si me ivho koyles which die,
fignifies only, which run the bazard of their Lives ; but the word verpoà will not
ftand with this Notion; and he muſt be beſorted, who thought to eſtabliſh his
Hypotheſis with ſuch poor Shifts. The meaning of the whole ſeems to be this :
Bleſled are they who are Martyrs for Chriſt's ſake from the time that the Beaſt
riſes', which is the date of the Voice. Now the holy Spiric of God con-
• firins this Voice by ſaying, yea, that the Martyrs, having this aſſurance of
chat future Happineſs, may reft from their Labours, receiving Comfort that
they have finiſhed their Courſe well, and that their Reward ſhall come in
due time. Thus this Voice is of the ſame Import, as that in Chap. 6. II.
Undoubredly that Bleſſing is pronounc'd before Hand, to ſerve them as a Motive
to reſt contented in their preſent Scare, till the Reward is beftow'd in due time.
For in the former place, the Souls of the Martyrs are repreſented crying up to
God, and by conſequence uneaſy till God hears them to judge their Cauſe,
and doth them Juſtice : and the Voices which give them Aflurance, chat it will
be done, are in order to make them reft, and eaſe their Minds by chis Conſide
ration ; that their Pains being over their Reward ſhall follow. The certainty of
this Expectation is that which makes their preſent Bleſſing and Happineſs. For
by that God declares them Holy, and Happineſs muſt attend that ſtate of fixed
Holineſs. See our Notes on Chap. 20. 6. A. & B.
D. 'Awaele
, From benceforth.] The Complutenſian joyns this word to the fol-
lowing, whereas we have joyn'd it to the foregoing á modrýcxovles, which die from
benceforth. Some conſtrue it with Marcipios, or which is the ſame with the Verb
underſtood, they are bleſſed from henceforth, or from benceforth bleſſed are the dead.
(b) Some ſay this is to be join'd to the following svarevo wyles, the words, even
so faith the Spirit, being taken in a Parentheſis, even in chis laſt Senſe it will
come to the ſame thing at laſt ; namely, that the whole effe&t of this Bleſſing,
takes place from the time of ſpeaking, chat being the proper Signification of
the word. So that this Voice, following the Errand of the Angel immediately,
and therefore taking place with the Patience of the Saints, áreiplu, from bence-
forth, anſwers to ide bere, at this time: the Senſe being thus very plain. This
time of the Beaſt's Reign will be a time wherein the Saints Patience ſhall be
tried; therefore 'tis fit for Heaven to declare, that thoſe who from henceforth
ſhall die for Chriſt's fake ſhall be happy; ſhall reſt from their Labours; and
their Reward fhall follow : which Declaration is affirmed by the Spirit
E. Aéye Nai id avola rice, Even ſo ſaith the Spirit ] Some Copies tranſpoſe and
read, Nai, abye to Tvoie ; the Senſe is the ſame. Nai, even ſo, is a Particle of
Confirmation. But where doth the Spirit ſay ſo? in the Viſion? Yea, the
Viſion predi&s, that the Spirit ſays ſo. When and how ? Upon all Occaſions,
this Truth is confirm'd to them that die in the Lord. There, as I have ſaid are
the Martyrs. Now Martyrdom and Propheſy are the ſame : All the Martyrs
are Prophets, for none can be a true Martyr without the immediate Inſpiration
of the Holy Ghoſt. For as S. Paul, 1 Cor. 12. 3. N. Man can lay that Jeſus is
the Lord, but by the Holy Ghoff. See our Note on Chap. 19. 10. D. Hence the
ſame Spirit, which inſpires them with Faith and Patience in their Teſtimony,
is at the ſame time to them an Earneſt of their Inheritance, Ephes. 1. 14. and by
conſequence of their Happineſs, as ſoon as they are perfected through Suffer-
ings. And much more ſo, becauſe the Spirit internally aſſures them of ic du-
ring theſe Sufferings, which it helps them to bear out.
Ε."Ινα αναπαύσωναι εκ των κόπων αυτών, That they may reft from their Labours.]
Labours here ſignify the Perſecutions and Hardſhips, which they have indured, and
are now freed from, enjoying a preſent Reſt with an Aſſurance of being in God's
Favour. So that their full Reward ſhall follow in due time, when their num-
ber is fulfilled. See our Notes upon Chap: 6.11. and Chap. 15. 2. E. KórG ſig-
nifies Affli&tion, as in Pfal. 88. 15. The Hebrew word there anſwering to it
too.
(m) Tertullian de Anim. cap. 55. vid. Hammond in 1 Theſſ. 4. 13. & Mede Com. A poc.
Part. II, p. 519
(6) Picherell. Append. de Miffa p. 341.
being

644
Ch. XIV. v. 13.
The Martyr's Bleſſing
being 99%, which in Numb. 20. 3. is turn’d by dealere, and is us’d to expreſs
the Sufferings of the Iſraelites, who had been deſtroy'd before. 'Tis alſo us'd in
Job 4. 2. for the Hebrew Hmon, which in Malach. 1. 13. is turn’d by rekord Sekol
and it ſerves frequently to turn the Hebrew u which has the ſame force. So
in Wiſd. 10. 17. 'Aqid exsv ostcns leator xów wp dulov, He has reſtored to the juſt the Re-
ward of their Labcurs. See the Obſervations of (a) H. Grotius upon this Expreſ-
fion. Thus Labores in (6) Virgil is often usd in the ſame Senſe, and in many
other Authors. So móvo is not only I ebour but Pain, as the word is frequently
taken in Hippocrates. Hence Heſych. 116G, àrgo, żyégy nud ó furns. The Engliſh to
work has ſometimes that Signification. Now tho Rejt, ate mauris, xe:7 ime vous,
5a66a7iques, as in Matth. 11. 29. and Hebr. 3. and Chap. 4.9 as alſo dva fugis,
AEFS 3. 20. have the Reſurrection in View ; yet that is not properly the Intene
of theſe words, but the Reſurrection is implied in the next. So that this Rej
is a Property of their middle State between their Death and Reſurrection. The
Greeks alſo uſe this Word or Expreſſion to ſignify the ſtate of the Dead : So
Charon in Ariſtophanes cries out after the maoner of Watermen: (c) Tís His
eya tavacs èx net não sej ngayuatav; ſo the Emperor Marcus Antoninus uſes the word
(d) eventioopiar and Death is with him (e) árd wund. So likewiſe Horace ſpeaking
of Cerberus : (f) Hic levare fun&tum Pauperem laboribus, vocatus, atque non vocatus
audit.
G. Ta'diésga a'utūv 'Mons. usq'euzăr, And their Works follow with them.] Or
after them. As in the Scripture Phraſe Guit is frequently taken for the Puniſh-
ment it ſelf due to the Guilt, becauſe it follows of courſe; ſo here Works are
taken for the Rewards due to them. So that this is the ſame as the Muses in Chap
li: 18. to be given to the Prophets, becauſe theſe that die in Chriſt are his
Martyrs, and by conſequence Prophets. In 70b 34. 11.
In Job 34. 11. For the Work of a
Man shall be render unto him, the Hebrew has son, which fignifies both Work
and Reward. So in Fob 7. 2. As an Hireling looketh for bis Work: the LXX.
Comp • medalès av«uévay vào quador euli. See allo Ferem. 22. 13. there the LXX.
have puator, and the Targum, jomis, mercedem ejus
. And indeed all ſorts of par-
ticular Works mention'd in holy Writ ſignify alſo the reſpe&ive Rewards due to
them. Thus 7762 in 2 Sam. 4. 10, which fignifies in general good News, fig-
nifies there the Reward due to him that brings them, as Evdyzánia in the Greek.
And ſo ſome obſerve, that indicium is alſo the Reward due for finding a thing,
(g) süpelçov. So in Exod. 21. 10. 1999, the Habitation, is the Reward due to a
Woman for cohabiting with a Man. So likewiſe in Numb. 22. 7. Cop,
ua voce, Divinations, for the Rewards of Divination, as St. Peter, 2 Ephef. 2.
is. explains it. For the Diviners never ſpake without their Fee. And fo Sin
is taken for the Puniſhment, as in Exod. 32. 34. I will viſit their Sin upon them.
upon which Clemens Alex. deſcants chus : (b) d'roscow tūv elucesJoãy áutóta av děrdig
ſo the Hebrew thy ſignifies both the Sin and the Puniſhment. And this becauſe as
Horace ſays, (i) Culpam fena premit comes, or in Plato's words, (k) Tillagía á'dırías
dxóns Jo. Nay, even Culpa is ſometimes taken for the Puniſhment; as in Plau-
tus: (1) Fateor me peccavile, ku me culpam commeruisſe ſcic. Thus alſo in the
Latin Authors Noxa ſignifies both the Fault and the Puniſhment, as Feſtus obſerves,
for which he cites Accius in Menalippo: Tete elle huic noxæ obnoxium. And ſo
Ambrof. Ansbertus ſays upon this place: Nunc quid fibi vult quod dicit : Opera
enim illorum ſequuntur illos, niſi quia tropica locutione mercedem laboris dicit ſubſequi
Janetos post laborem.c. Quia enim opus efficit mercedem, cum merces poft laborem
ele&tos ſubſequitur, quaſi ipſum opus nos comitari dicitur.
A. verſ. 14. Kalidov, And I ſaw.] This begins a very remarkable Viſion,
which contains the Judgments of the Harveſt and Vintage. For the clearer
Underſtanding of what we have to ſay thereupon, ſeeing that the Holy Ghoft
in Alluſion to ſome ancient Propheſies makes uſe of the Symbols of Harveſt
and Vintage ; as we queſtion noc but 'tis with reſpect to that of the Holy
2
(a) H. Grot. de Imp. S. Poteſt. cap. XI. S. 16. (b) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I. v. 14.601. &c.
(c) Ariſtoph. Ran. 10 (d) M. Anton. de feq. Lib. V.8.4.
(e) Id. Lib. V1. 9. 28.
(f) Horat. Lib. II. 01.XVIII.
(g) Gloff. Petron.
(b) Clem. Pæd. Lib. I.
cap. 7.
(i) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. s. Vid. Lib. III. Od. 2. fin.
(k) Plato. de Leg
V. (!) Plaus. Aulul. A&. 4. Sc. 10.
Land

Ch. XIV. v. 14.
645
The Harveſt.
Land, and that the manner of that Country was quite different from what is
practic'd at this Day in moſt parts of the World, and eſpecially in the colder
Countries wherein we live; it will be very proper to premiſe ſomething con-
cerning the courſe of the Husbandry in the Holy Land. But becauſe what we
might ſay about it, if it were to be prov'd all along with ſufficient Authority,
would carry us too far, and out of the way for the preſenc Buſineſs, we ſhall
content our felves to ſet down in ſhort the natural Hiſtory of the Harveſt and
Vintage in the Holy Land, in a bare Narrative without Proofs, referring the
Reader till ſuch time as God ſhall enable me to publiſh a (a) Treatiſe wherein
I have confidered this matter at large, with all the neceſſary Authorities. I
ſhall alſo premiſe ſome rational Principles to apply the Events to this Propheſy
laid down under the Symbols of Harveſt and Vintage.
non
The Iſraelites began their Year according to the Divine Inſtitution at the
New Moon next after the Vernal Equinox, provided the Seaſon were ſuitable
and kind; becauſe their Feſtivals depended on the Ripeneſs of the ſtanding
Corn and Growth of the Lambs, which were neceſſary for the Celebration of
the Paſſover. If the Winter had prov'd hard, ſo that the Harveſt could not be
forward enough, nor the Lambs fit for Sacrifice, or that the New Moon of that
Month, which ſhould have been the firſt was too forward, then they intercala-
ced a Month. However, upon whatever Occaſion the Intercalation was necef-
ſary, it was always ſo contriv'd to make the Feſtivals come right for the Har-
velt, that the Paffover and Pentecoſt junip'd with the ſeveral parts thereof. For
their Harveft had two diſtinct parts, the Barley-Harveft, and the Wheat-Har-
veſt. The Barley-Harveft was juſt finiſhed at the Paſſover, at which time they
were obliged by the Law to offer an Homer of the new Corn to ſanctifie the
whole Harveſt, being forbidden till that time to taſte of the new Corn. Then
they went home, and the Wheat being ſoon after ready, in the ſecond Month
it was reaped, ſo that all was done againſt the beginning of the third Month,
in which the Pentecoſt was celebrated, wherein the Firſt-Fruits and Freewill
Offerings were offered. The Vintage was late, and only finiſh'd before the
Feaſt of Tabernacles, which is therefore ſaid to be the end of the Year, that is,
of the Crops. That Feaſt being a publick Thankſgiving, to rejoice for the Be-
nefits receiv'd, as well as to commemorate the Tabernacles of the Wilderneſs.
Now we are to make ſome Reflections in order to find out exactly what
Event theſe two Symbols of Harveſt and Vintage foretell. Tis to be obſerv'd
therefore in the firſt place, that they are two Accidents, not immediately ſuc-
ceeding each other, but divided by a conſiderable ſpace of time, ſecondly that
the Harveſt it ſelf is but one Accident ; for tho’in Fudea there were two diſtinct
Harveſts, as aforeſaid, yet they follow'd ſo cloſe to each other, that they ſeem'd
to be but one: and indeed the Holy Ghoſt gives us no hint to think this Har-
veſt is double. We muſt never ſtretch the Symbols by any Suppofitions of our
own. Thus becauſe the Harveſt is us'd, it were improper to ſuppoſe the threſh-
ing of the Corn. This Threſhing is always a Symbol of Deſtruction of the
Subject concern’d in the Prophets, as in Iſaiah 41. 15. Jeremiah sı. 33.
Habakuk. 3. 12. and in Iſaiah 21. ro. O my threſhing and the corn of my floor,
in the LXX. vi xalaasaetuliol, rý si wieluoe, the forſaken and the grieved; but the
Harveſt is rather a Separation of the Corn, a good Fruit , from the
Earth, which is a Subject literally curs’d for the Sin of Adam, and in
che ſymbolical Language of the Prophets ſignifies the idolatrous Subjects. Now
whereas the Vintage is a Judgment of the Execution of Vengeance, being an
univerſal Deſtruction in the Territories of the corrupted Church, it became
the divine Juſtice to cauſe firſt a Separation of the good from the bad by a
Judgment of Righteouſneſs, which ſhould declare, who were to eſcape the
following Vengeance. The Harveft is therefore a neceſſary Antecedent of
che Vintage, ſuitable to the divine Goodneſs; which always gives warning of
every great Judgment deſign'd to be executed upon Sinners
. The Parable of
our Saviour in Matth. 13. 18. and 36, &c. ſufficiently demonſtrates that an
Harveſt may fignify ſuch a Separation of the good from the bad. And there-
fore, though the Event ſignified by the Harveſt may have been predicted before
in this Propheſy, yet ſince the Vintage is a peculiar Judgment of Vengeance
(a) Differtat. de Sabbat. Judæor. Primo & Secundo-Ptimo.is
8 B
not

646
The Harveſt.
Chap. XIV. v. 14.
not explicitely mention'd any where elſe : the Holy Ghoſt to lhew the Good-
nefs of God as well as his ſeverity therein, will not foretel that Vengeance
without giving notice, that God has given warning thereof. And this is done
by the Harveft
, which is a Symbol fitted with great decorum to that of the
Vintage, which is therefore according to the method of all the Viſions in this
Chapter foreſtall’d with a proper and effe&tual warning. Nevertheleſs, tho'chis
Harveſt in the end is a Judgment deſign’d for good, yet ſince the Holy Ghoſt
mentions the Inſtrument thereof to be a ſharp Scyth, and that this loftrument
implies a violent Separation, we muſt fuppoſe, that it was done by ſuch means
as were violent in the Execution ; and this we ſhall find to be true in the
Event.
The next Obſervation is to be made to ſtate the time of theſe two Accidents,
which muſt be done by the Conſideration of ſeveral Circumſtances; and as the
Vintage is the principal part or main end of theſe two Viſions, ſo we ſhall find
therein ſuch Characters as evidently demonſtrate its Synchroniſm. Firft, By
the placing of this in this Chapter, it appears that theſe two Accidents must
fall out in the Times of the Beaſt. Secondly, It appears in the Vintage, that
the Wine is trodden out of the City. This Character fixes exactly the time
thereof; for it ſuppoſes the City to be ſtill ſtanding, and as yet untouch'd by
them that are to deſtroy it, whereas the whole Extent of his Tersitories are
made a Wine Preſs; that is, are expos’d to the Incurſions of Enemies, who
cruſh and deſtroy its Subje&s. Thirdly, The Holy Ghoſt repreſents the great
City, or Babylon, in the ſeventeenth Chapter, when juſt going to be judged and
deſtroy'd in a Wilderneſs ; which is a ſtate of Deſolation in the Prophetick Stile,
as it may be ſeen in Iſaiah 14. 17. Chap. 33. 9. and elſewhere. Now ſuch a
Deſolation of its Territories, on account of which it may be ſaid to be in a
Wilderneſs, is no where elſe deſcrib'd but in this Vintage and the treading of the
Wine Preſs ; and therefore this Vintage and treading is an Accident immediate-
ly preceeding the Deſtruction of that City, the Capital of the Beaft. The
Alluſion to the Moſaical Diſpenſation in the Fate of Jeruſalem is plain by Laiab
1. 7, 8. and indeed the nature of the thing requires ſuch a Progreſs. When a
mighty Kingdom is to fall, the Deſolation of its Territories immediately pre-
cedes the taking or fall of the Capital City.
This being ſo, it will not be difficult to determine what the Harveſt means.
It muſt needs be the Reformation of the Church, which has ſeparated the good
Corn from the Earth, and has brought out of the corrupted Church ſuch as
were ready to take the divine Warning. I ſhall ſay no more to prove this here,
becauſe it will be fully done in the proper places. But I ſhall content my ſelf
to give a ſhort Hiſtory of this Diſcovery. When Mede wrote his Commentary,
he thought that this Harveſt ſignified the Deſtruction of Babylon it ſelf, and the
Vintage the Deſtruction of its univerſal Kingdom. But as this is to anticipate
upon the following Propheſies, and that beſides, it is plain the Vintage ſup-
poſes the City ſtanding ; ſo 'tis certain that Mede forſook this Conjecture after-
wards. For in his (a) Remains he ſpeaks of this Harveſt thus : " Which I
or underſtand of the preſent Reformation, wherein our Lord hath gathered his
6 Wheat out of that Field of Weeds, and bound it together in new erected
« Churches”. Which ſolid Obſervation may be back'd by this, that if the
Harveſt had implied a Deftrudion of the Wicked too, there would have been
ſome mention and Diſtinction of Tares and Wheat ; whereas the words are
general, and ſpeak only of the Harveſt or good Corn being ripe. M. Jurien
did not it ſeems know of this ſecond Thought of Mede ; but however, he has
taken the Harveſt to fignify the Reformation. The Interpreters that are
come fince, have neglected this Hint, and taken other Courſes, which are
clearly wrong. I have long ponderd upon all theſe Hints, and can find none
that ſuits this Harveft better than the Reformation : and indeed chat Event
only can do it to any purpoſe, and exa&ly fulfill all the Characters of the
Prophefy ; which I ſhall now proceed to demonſtrate.
B. Kaiisi vepéan ndon, And lo a white cloud.] This is a symbol of exceeding
good Succeſs to him who is aſſiſted by this Cloud, or is ſaid to fic upon it.
The Cloud it ſelf is a good Symbol of divine Protection, but the Whiteneſs in-
(a) Mede's Rem. on the Apocalypſe, Chap. VII,
hances

Chap. XIV. v. 14.
647
The Harveſt
hances the Signification. This Cloud is therefore the ſame thing as the Cloud
mention’d in Chap. 10. 1. C. clothing the Angel of the Codicil, or the firſt
Author of the Reformation: and the Expreſſion wbite, is to make up che Signi-
fication of ſome other Symbols chere, as his coming down from Heaven, the Rain.
bow about his Head, his Face as the Sun, and his Voice like a Lion's : all which imply
his invincible Succeſs.
C. Kai te tij vepórlu vest inuli duoc vao av Spain's, And upon the Cloud one fitting
like the Son of Man.] Altho' the Title of being like the Son of Man be given to
Chriſt both in Dan. 7. 13. and in this very Propheſy, and that to be ſure in the
great Work of the Reformation of the Church, the Hand of Chriſt was inttru-
mental; yet becauſe in ſuch Propheſies the Deſcription of the viſible Agents is
chiefly intended, ſo we muſt take this to be one of the Accributes of that viſible
Agent: as indeed Chriſt affects in theſe Viſions to appear conformably to che
Condition of his Church. I wave therefore here that Conſideration, which has
been inſiſted upon on the firſt Chapter, and ſhall directly fall upon that of the vi-
fible Agent. The meaning of fitting upon the Cloud is, That this Agent had a
divine Affurance and Protection in judging and executing the judicial Sentence,
by which the Harveſt of the ripe Corn is ſeparated from the Earth. Such a
Separation is an effect of God's judging, that the Sins of the idolatrous Church
are now fo ripe for Puniſhment, that 'cis fit the divine Goodneſs take care,
that thoſe who deſerve nor, or will repent that they may not be involv'd in,
that future Puniſhment, may be ſecluded from the Impenitent. This divine
Auchority is delegated upon the viſible Agent, and therefore he is repreſented
in a judicial Poſture. Norwithſtanding this great Power, he is ſaid to be
like the Son of Man ; that is, to be of a mean Extraction, and as to outward
appearance of a contemptible Condition; as this Expreſſion has been explain'd;
and fo indeed ’tis found to be in the Event. Luther the firſt Reformer was but a
mean Perſon for ſo great a Work, and was at firſt deſpis’d by his Enemies, and
yet he procur'd that Reformation, which all the Kings and Powers in Chriſten-
dom had frequently attempted in vain till the time was come, and the divine
Commiſſion ſeald with the white Cloud had impower'd this poor Monk to car-
гу it on ſucceſsfully.
D. "Egon Oli tñs repeañs autó sepavor xpusorñHaving on his Head a golden Crown.]
The Crown is the symbol of the judicial Power and Government ; the Gold,
that of its Incorruptibility or Strength and Duration. And the whole fhews,
chat this Agent has a power to judge, and ſettle a Government, which ſhall
withſtand the Power of the Enemies of his work. By which its plain that
theſe Symbols are equivalent to that in Chap. 10. 1. that his Face was as the Sun;
and chat an Iris was about his Head : that God is reconciled with thoſe whom he
ſeparates from the Earth with his Scyth, and that they ſhall be eſtabliſh'd a
ftanding and durable Government.
E. Kai įv tñ Xeigi aurš spéravor itu, And in his Hand a sharp Scyth.] This
Thews us the Inftrument by which he makes this Separation of the ripe Cora
from the Earth. Now as Mowing is a Symbol of violent Execution, whereof
the Scyth is the bare Inſtrument, fo I ſhall prove by and by the meaning of
the Mowing. The word Asbevor is usd by the LXX. in Joel 3. 13. where we
have the very ſame Symbols of Harveſt and Vintage; the Hebrew is 28. See
alſo Ferem. 5º. 16. in Zech. 5. 1. the LXX. have us’d it, having read an in-
Atead of 7532, a Roll
. In Deut. 16. 19. and Chap. 23. 25. ic anſwers to the
Hebrew Upin; and in each of theſe 'tis an Inſtrument proper to Harveſt. The
mention of the Scyth, and of the Mowing, I take to be equivalent to what is
ſaid in Chap. 10. 2. that the Angel is there ſetting his right Foot in the Sea ; that
is, maintaining his work by War. For in the Reformation the Separation of
the Reform'd Churches was begun by a violent Separation of the Members
from the idolatrous Party ; in which they are oblig'd to maintain themſelves
ever ſince by War againſt the Attempts of the Enemies of their Religion ; yea,
and the Riſe of the Reformation is owing to it in many of the Countries
wherein it is eſtabliſh'd by Law the ruling Religion. It aroſe during, Civil Wars,
as in Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, Scotland and Holland. In England
the firſt Reformers, Henry VIII. and Edward VI. encountred in their Work
with ſome Rebellions of the idolatrous Party, who were cut off to procure
Peace.
A. verſ.

648
The Harveſt.
Ch. XIV. v. 15.
A. verf. 15. Kai áno ayuno iWaSer éx 78 vaš, xpaļwv év porový pes zelan ted now ancesco
fi vñs vepéans, and another Angel came out of the Temple, crying with a loud voice, to
him that ſat upon the Cloud.] There is a various reading; inſtead of ex tê yes
ſome Copies read én 7ð ég ere, out of Heaven; tho’ beoween theſe two there be à
difference, yet the Senſe of both is ſo proper to the place, that I ſhall explain
both. However I incline moſt to think, that the mention of the Temple is
more proper in this caſe, upon the account of the Cry becauſe the Temple is
now under Oppreſſion. And therefore this is the key of the Viſion: for the
Cry out of it implies its receiving immediate Relief. We muſt therefore con-
fider the Occaſion in which that Relief was procur’d: We have obſerv'd before
that the Temple was a Symbol which repreſented the ſettled State of the Church,
as it was effected by Conſtantine the Great; and that during the corrupred ſtate
of the Church, this Temple of true Worſhippers was ſhut up, with all its
Worſhippers within it, whilſt the idolizing Chriſtians were ſeiz’d of, and
profan'd the outer Court and Holy City. And we have alſo obſerv'd, that the
judgments of God upon Perſecutors are executed at the Requeſt of the ſuffering
Saints brought upon chem, when their Blood cries for Vengeance, hoping that
when the Wicked are puniſh'd, the time of their Reward will ſoon come. See
the Notes upon Chap.6. 10 B. and Chap.11.s A. So therefore this Angel comes
out of the Temple as from the true Worſhippers, which are therein confind,
and unable to own publickly the true Worſhip of God; becauſe whenever
they have done ſo, the Beaſt has made War with them, and flain them as Wit-
ineſſes; and calls for the Aſliſtance of him that fits on the Cloud, as having a
peculiar Prote&ion from God to inform him, that 'tis now
high time to ſeparate
the Corn from the Earth, becauſe the Wickedneſs of the Perſecutors is come to
its height. So that by the ſevering of this ripe Harveſt we may expect to ſee
the Temple in ſome meaſure either deliver'd, or at leaſt eas’d in ſome part of
the Perſecution the corrupted Chriſtians : and ſo that the Goſpel muft
begin again to peep abroad. By which we ſee that the Errand of this Angel
contains theſe Exhortations made to Martin Luther to make him ftand to the
Truth that he had begun to preach; and ſince the Temple calls for relief by the
Harveſt, and that the Harveſt is accordingly perform'd, we muſt infer, that
the Temple is alſo reliev'd; and by Conſequence, that this Symbol is the
ſame in Effect as the meafuring of the Temple, which is an Event of the Refor-
mation, as we have prov'd on Chap. 1, 1 C. D.
Secondly, upon Suppoſition of the reading ix të sgavë, out of Heaven, it is
eaſy to apply the Errand of this Angel to our Buſineſs. Now Heaven ſignifies
the ſupream Powers in Government, and ſo this Angel coming from thence
may fignify the Encouragement which the Chriſtian Princes gave to Luther
and the Reformation; whereby his Errand will be the ſame thing as the ſeven
Thunders, in Chap. 10. 8. See our Notes on thofe places. But when I ſay,
that in effect it is the ſame thing, tho that be true in one Senſe and by a
Synecdoche, yet really the Cry of the Angel is ſomething different, or an
Antecedent, which implies the other as its Conſequent. And thus theſe
Repetitions every way afford new Circumſtances, and are not in vain. The
Oppreſſion of the Temple, which forced the Worſhippers therein to cry our,
and ſend out this Angel to invite the Author of the Reformation, was not at alí
mention'd before, but barely ſuppos'd, the Execution of the Sentence and
Juſtice towards them was ſhewn, but their Complaint and Plea is only men-
tion'd here.
B. Déunfox tè d'esmenóv os, a Jégioop, Send in thy Scyth, and reap.] In moſt Au-
thors where the Metaphor is usd, 'tis to fignify an Exciſion or Deſtruction of
the Subject. So in Horace : (a) Primofque do extremos metendo Stravit bumum, fine
clade viétor. Virgil : (b) Proxima quæque metit gladio. In Tully (c) a place of Euri-
pides is thus tranſlated:

(6) Virg. Æneid. Lib. X.
(c) M. T. Cic.
(a) Horat. Lib. IV. Od. 14.
Tuſcul. Qu. Lib. III.
Reddenda

Ch. XIV. v. 15.
649
The Harveſt.
3 STO
Desde
Reddenda eft terre terra : tum vita omnibus
Metenda, #t fruges ; fic jubet neceſſitas.
So Tertullian: (c) Plures efficimur
, quoties metimur à vobis, Semen eft fanguis
Chriftianorum. Thus alſo in Lycophron Perſeus is called (6) Segısàs, Mower, for hav,
ing flain Meduſa and the Gorgons. Thus allo Pauſanias ; (c) "Eqrema ono age salinan
to gio- ri Kaasaivips sexãs étauñow To which may be very properly appiied
theſe words of Claudian : (d)
Quid dudum inflare moraris
Tartaream Bellona, tubam ? quid ſtringere falcem,
Qud populos à ftirpe metas ? Molire tumultas.
Bue as ic is employ'd to ſignify Deſtruction, yet it may be alſo that the ſame Mea
taphor may be ſo us'd that the Harveſt ſignify War, and the Sheaves or Corn
thoſe that eſcape being taken Priſoners. So in Ariſtophanes ſpeaking of Cleon's
Expedition at Pplus, where he took the Lacedemonians Priſoners :
(e) 'AM' Lucas TO TOTQv rayla to Cloy,
κατ' αν ο έδοξεν είναι, τ' αλλότριον αμών θέρG.
Νω δε τες σάχυς εκείνες &ς εκείθεν ήγαγη.
'Εν ξύλο δήσας αφάυ, καποδοθς βέλεται,
All theſe have imitated Homer, who fays: (f)
i
A7 ψέτε φυλόπησΘ- πέλεται κόρG- ανθρώποισιν και
Hs no tieislus refuse metabulu x Bovi garaxos exer
* Αμας δ' ολίγιςος, έσω κλίνησι τάλανα
Ζάς, όστ' ανθρώπων αμης πολέμοιο τέτυκαι
Here che Mowing is a Symbol of War, the Straw ſignifies the Slain, and the
Corn thoſe that eſcape. There is an Obſervation in the Hiſtory of (g ) Antal
Comnene very much to this purpoſe: ſhe ſays that the firſt Cruſade was preceeded
by an Army of Locuſts, which ſpared the Corn and infefted the Vines: which
ſome ſuperſtitious Obſervers took for an Omen, that the Franks would ſpare the
Chriſtians, and turn againſt the Infidels who were given to Drunkenneſs. And
indeed the raiſing of the Chriſtian Church is by our Saviour himſelf compared
to a Harvest, Matth. 9. 37. Luke 1o. 2. Now we have ſeen, that the Refor
mation by the open Codicil, in Chap. 1o. bore a Proportion to the Efta.
bliſhment of the Chriſtian Church repreſented by the Book in Chap, s. and
in Matth. 13. 30. the Symbol of Harveft is us’d for the end of the World, and
the time wherein the Juft are ſeparated from the Wicked. Since the corrupted
State of the Church began, there never was a time in which the true Worſhip-
pers were openly and perfectly ſeparated from the idolatrous Church, but at
the Reformation ; and therefore this is the Harveſt to be perfected in the
Church during the ſtanding of the great City.
Moreover, this Warning and Admonition to the Agent of the Harveſt
given by an Angel coming out of the Temple is obſerv'd by Lightfoot to allude
to the Cuſtom of the Fews, who did not begin their Harveſt till
the Prieſts had
given out Orders for that purpoſe. This matter is fufficiently prov'd by the
fame Author out of the Thalmud: but ſome People are apt to deny ſuch
Proofs, as if ſuch Authors were too modern to teſtify about Jewiſh Cuftoms
in our Saviour's Time. Let ſuch conſider, that the beginning of Harveſt was
to be conſecrated by a ſpecial Ceremony commanded in the Law; and that
(a) Tertull. Apolog. cap. $ 0.
(5) Lycoph. Caff. v. 840.
() Paulan
Arcad. 242
(d) Claudian. in Eutrop. II. v. 143.
(e) Ariſtoph. Equit,
(f) Homer. Iliad. p. v. 221. vid. & Iliad &. v. 67. Apollon. Argonaus. Lib. III, v. 418. collate
sum v. 500, 1380.
(8) Alexiad. Lib. X. cap. 6.
therea

650
The Harveft.
Chap. XIV. v. 15.
therefore the Prieſts were concern'd to mind the time of the Year and Harveſt
to fix the Feſtivals; and that therefore they muſt be concern'd in this very Mat-
ter, ſo that the People were obliged to act in Concert with them. Whence it
is that we fee no reaſon to ſuſpect their Veracity in this particular; but whether
this were true or not, it makes nothing to the ſymbolical Signification, which
is no leſs true, and grounded upon this firm Principle, that God's Judgments
on Sinners come upon the Complaint or Cry of the ſuffering Saines, either
expreſs’d, as they are general in the Propheſies, or at leaſt implied.
possono madwy i po segisar
, For the seaſon of reaping is come.] That is, the
time is come, that thoſe who are to be ſeparated from the wicked Perfecutors
of the Church, may have Opportunity for ſo doing, in order to eſcape the
next great Judgment of the Worſhippers of the Beaſt
. That Judgment as we
ſhall ſee prefently, is to be executed by the true Worſhippers, and ſo they
have need to be fevered from them that are to ſuffer, that they may be prepared
for that Execution. Beſides, God never executes ſuch a Judgment without
giving a previous notice to his People, to avoid it by ſeparating themſelves,
but much more is it neceſſary, when that People is alſo to be
thereof. This will be plain by what follows.
D.'on tengáy In, Is full ripe.] That is, being dry is full ripe, and fit to be cuc
down ; when as Virgil (peaks, (a) Molli paulatim flaveſcet campus arifta. The
Husbandmen endeavour rather to prevent the Corn from being too dry. Co-
lumella, (b) Aqualiter flaveſcentibus jam fatis, antequam ex toto grana indureſcant,
cum rubicundum colorem traxerunt, meſſis facienda eft. Hence the Oracle in
Pliny, by which the Husbandmen are guided : (c) Oraculum vero, biduo celeriùs
mellem facere potiùs, quam biduo ſerius. But the Holy Ghoſt repreſents this
as full dry and hard, and ſo rather too late than too ſoon, to hew the Pa-
tience of the divine Providence, for the Harveft is not to be ſevered from the
Earth without military Execution, which is a Puniſhment. See the Notes on
Chap. 10. 2. C. Chap. 16. 21. A.
E. O segiques rñs gñs, The Harveſt of the Eartb.] That is, the Corn or Faith-
ful, are to be ſeparated from the Earth or idolatrous Party. Thus Joel ſays,
The Wickednefs of the Heathen is full ripe; and therefore fince they are to be
puniſhed, it becomes the divine Goodneſs to exempe the Juft from it by ſepara-
ting them.
A. Verf. 16. Kai klarer å motihnuli i tlu vegérlu no Sgémayor hin glüAnd
be that ſat upon the Cloud caft in bis Scyth upon the Earth.] The former parts of
this Viſion have ſhewn the Deſign and Inſtruments of this Judgment; Theſe
now ſhew the Execution. He that fat on the Cloud is the firſt Reformer
Luther, his Inſtrument was his Writing and Preaching againſt the Errors of the
Church. The Scyth ſignifies therefore this preaching, in the ſame manner as
the Sword in Chriſt's Mouth is the Symbol of the Goſpel; but a Symbol is here
employ'd of the ſame Nature and Signification, which is Analogical to the
reſt, and ſuits the Decorum of the Allegory of the Harveſt; which the Sword
will not
B. Kad isegian i gñ, And the Earth was reaped.] I need to fay no more upon
this Symbol, which has been already explain'd; but ſeeing that the Holy
Ghoſt ſtops here in the account of the Harveſt, it will be proper to conſider
how it was intended that this dividing of the Corn from the Earth ſhould be
limited in the Execution thereof, which doth not proceed to a Threſhing : ſo
that tho the Diviſion be made with Violence, yet it proceeds not to the De-
ftru&ion of the Subject, the Earth. That is reſerved for the Judgment of
the Vintage, to which this Harveſt is as a Forerunner, for the Reaſons before
alledged. When the Prophets uſe the Symbol of Threſhing, it implies a total
Deſolation, and almoſt Exſtirpation. Thus in Micab 4. 13. Ariſe and Threſh :
The Targum ſays: Surge & occide, Ariſe and ſay. So in Fudg: 8. 7. Gideon the
Threſher threatens the Men of Succoth with a Caſt of his Office: I will tear, in
the Margin, tbreſh your Flesh. And ſo the LXX. enoúce. See Iſaiah 25. 10.
Chap. 28. 27. Amos 1. 3. Hence in Iſaiah 21. 10. The Sons of my Floor,
(a) Virgil. Eclog. IV.
XVIII. cap: 30
(6) Colum. de R. Ruft.
(c) Plin. N. Hiſt. Lib.
fignifies,

Chap. XIV. V. 16.
ogi
The Harveſt.
fignifies, eflicted People. This Conſideracion made me reje&t another Expoſition
of this Harveft, which fome may think more proper. And leſt any one elfe
thinking of it ſhould fancy, that he had found a great Flaw in this Commenta-
ry, I will here ſet it down with all its Advantages.
Firſt I obſerv'd, that the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd in general by this Harveſt and
Vintage an Year of Retribution or Judgment of God, in Alluſion to the Propheſy
of Iſaiah 3 4. 8. where the like is threatned to Sion or the Jews; and that in
this ſenſe the Harveſt is half of the Work of che Year, and the Vintage is the
finiſhing ſtroke of the Reft. Secondly, I obſervd as before, that the Harveſt it
ſelf in Jewry, to which the Holy Ghoft moſt likely might allude, conſiſted of
iwo very diftinct parts or terms of time, the Barley Harveſt and the Wheat
Harveft. Further, That the Wheat was the good Corn, whereas the Barley
was a deſpicable Corn; being the Food of (a) Beaſts, and of the poorer fort
of Men, and that too in time of Scarcity; of which moſt probably the (5)
Bread of Mourners was made, who according to the (c) Egyprian Cuftom might
not touch Wheat. Hence (d) Barley-meal was usd in the Tryal of Jealouſy,
an odious Caſe, for which reaſon no Oil was added to the Offering ; chat as
the (e) Crime was beaſtly, ſo her Offering might be the Food of Beaſts, as
the Jewiſh Doctors determine. On which account Barley Bread was given as
a Puniſhment by the (f ) Romans, and as ſome (g) Rabbies pretend by the
Fews too, from which Obſervations I drew this Concluſion, that by the
Harveſt the Holy Ghoſt might deſign two diſtinct parts of a Judgment upon
the idolatrous Chriftians, bearing Proportion in time and value to the Barley,
and Wheat Harveſt, which was executed by Diviſion or Separation of ſome
great parts of the corrupted Church, leffening thus conſiderably its Power and
Extent. That theſe two parts were the Fall of the Greek Empire and Church,
and the Separation of the Proteſtant Reform'd Church; the firſt of which
was like the Barley, the latter like Wheat. This way he that ſat on the Cloud
like the Son of Man fignifies the Ottomans, at firſt a very weak and obſcure
Family, and he, that came out of the Temple, fignifies Luther ; who after
the Ottomans had mowed the Greek Empire, and the Barley Crop of the Greek
Churches, ſeparated from the Earth, and bound up together che Wheat of
the Reformation, for which the Fall of the Greeks made way, as before obſerv'd.
However, which way foever we take it, we find, that this Harveſt is a Sym-
bol of Accidents deſcrib'd more fully at the end of the ninth Chapter, and
throughout the tenth, which is the reaſon that it is paſt over ſomewhat ſlightly:
and it is only mentioned here, to fhew its Connexion with the Vintage, which
is a Judgment no where elſe explicitely deſcrib'd, to which this Harveſt is
here mention'd by way of Introduction; whereas the Vintage is deſcrib'd
with its minuteſt Circumſtances. And ſince the Harveſt is an Accident be-
longing or Synchronal to the fixth Trumpet, this Connexion ſhews us, that
the Vintage muſt be one of the ſeventh, or at leaft immediately antecedent to
that Trumpet ; as indeed by the Application of all its Accidents, hereafter
plainly ſet forth, we ſhall find it, either to be a Forerunner, or the very firſt
of them. To be convinc'd of this, the Reader may ſuſpend his Judgment till
he hath patiently read the following Chapters, which treat of the utmoſt De-
ſtruction of the corrupted Church, which the Holy Ghoft ſhews us begins
with a general Devaſtation affe&ing the Members or Subje&s thereof, as a
Preparative to that of the governing part.
A. verf. 17. Kad ång Sygero ex të vog, zs év Tes spekvo, tzou zij aulės spé navoj
Eu, And another Angel came out of the Temple, which is in Heaven, be alſo having a
ſharp Scyth.] I begin the Expoſition of this by obſerving, that the former
Angel, which is ſaid to come out of the Temple, has no other Title
given to the Temple then, but that now the Temple is ſaid to be in
Heaven. The Scene of the Temple is therefore chang'd before the Vin-
tage, either by the Harveft, or by its Conſequences, and in the time elap-
fing between theſe two. I think this is evident ; let us ſee the meaning. We
have obſerv'd before, that Heaven in the ſymbolical Language fignifies the
(a) Plin. N. H. Lib. 18. cap. 7. Perf. Ægypt. Onirocrit. C. 142. Philo de ſpecial
. Legib. p. 537.
Joſeph de B. Jud. Lib. VI. cap. 28.
(6) Hoſea. 9, 4.
(c) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I.
(d) Num. 5. 15.
(e) Miſchna Sotah. Cap. 11. S.I.
(f) Sueton.
in O&av. cap. 24. Plutarch. in Anton. Appian. Parth, Polyæn. Strateg. Lib. VIII. (g) R. Mof
Mikkotzi Præc. 105. Affirm. apud Arnold.
Govern
p. 46.

652
The Vintage.
Ch. XIV. V. 17.
Government; but we muſt here further obſerve and prove, that it fignifies
Superiority and a fixed Station, which is above the power of Enemies, and is
not to be remov'd unleſs ſome other Concomitant Symbol imply it, as before
in the Caſe of the Dragon. Firſt the Etymology of the word is ſuitable co
thefe Notions: for dow, as (a) Hottinger obſerves, is deriv'd from an obſolete
Root, but preſerv'd in the Arabian Tongue, bw, Altus fuit, Elattes füit ;
whence he thinks the Hebrew was now, which ſtill in the Arab. is Heaven; (6)
Bochart is of the fame Opinion ; and obſerves further, that poi are foton big
places, usºd in (c) Strabo and others. Thus alſo on the other Hand the word
178, Earth, is by (a) Hottinger deriv'd from 9N in the Arab. Humilis, depreſſus
fuit. Lactantius expreſſes theſe Noricns thus : (e) Fecit igitur deus primum omnium
cælum, & in ſublime ſuſpendit : quod eſſet ſedes ipfius dei conditoris. Deinde terram
fundavit, ac celo ſubdidit. Hence rñ Earth is the Symbol of Subjection and Sera
vitude, and the inhabitants of the Earth are Slaves or Idolaters, who are Slaves to
Satan and his eyrannical Miniſters; whereas true Religion is perfect Freedom.
See lſaiah 14. 12. Matth. 11. 23. On the other Hand, drazean E Wfxs, is an
heavenly Power coming to aſſiſt the depreſsa People of God, Luke 1. 78.
Upon theſe accounts Philo argues thus, in a place where he is explaining
the Ceremony of Moſes lifting up his Hands to Heaven : (f) Mejor 10 seconds
guu Béa.com 78 Ječ, ŠT! TÖv leſe ise yine tij ai po ze 10 igoerai xaño orso, sãv og
αιθήρ και ιερώταG, και ώσπερ εν τω πανί βασιλαει κ καλα και γής έρανός έτω και το έθνΘ-
Pieplesao tô Gyll Fronxuấvlar, which is repeared afterward in the lame Treanfe. And
then as to the Firmneſs of the State, that is alſo to be infer d from the Signifi-
cation of that other name of Heaven, the Firmament, Genel 1. 8. which is
Dopo derived from gin to confirm, it being turn’d oft'n in the LXX. by segóns of
the fame Signification The Heavens, or Seat of the Stars, being firm or
fixed, in reſpect of the Sun, Moon and other Planets. Hencé Heaven is ſaid
by the Poet to be (g) ÉSG n'oqdals didi, an ever firm Seat ; to the Stars indeed,
and in their Opinion to the Gods, the Stars being either taken for Gods or as
Manſions to them. Therefore this mentioning of the Temples being in
Heaven, is to ſuppoſe, that the true Worſhip of God is now publick and back'd
with the cemporal Power, and made ſuperior to Idolatry. All which is true
in the Reformed Churches. And conſequently, that the Angel coming out
of chis Temple in Heaven with a proper Inſtrument to perform the Vin-
tage, fignifies, that the Inſtruments of God for that work ſhall come
out from among the reform'd States, who are now in Poffeffion of the
Temple, as has been ſhewn in the beginning of the eleventh Chaptera
Obſerve that I ſay the Reformed States ; for this Angel repreſents them who
execute this bloody work of the Vintage, and by conſequence concerns the
temporal Powers. We ſhall ſee in the next Verſe what ſhare the Ecclefiaftical
State of the Reform'd Churches has in this great Event; which ſhare is ſuitable
to their Function,
B 'Egan sỹ dulds fférenov od, He baving alſo a ſharp Scytb.] We do not eaſily
underſtand how a Scyth is a proper Inftrument for Vintage: but yet, whatſo-
ever our Notions may be, the Ancients us’d them to that purpoſe. They had
oppézcve, falces, Scythes for Vintage. That is, they call'd thoſe cutting In-
ftruments by the general name of Scyths. Cato : (b) ſunt falces quædam fanariæ,
quædam ſtramentaria, quædam arboraria, aliæ vinaticæ, Sylvatice du ruſcaria.
Virgil. (i) Non raftros patietur humus, non vinea fakes,
Tibullus: (k) Hic docuit teneram palis adjungere viter,
Et viridem dura cædere falce comam.
Thus ålſo Horace. (1) Premant Calena falce, quibus dedit fortuna vitem. And (mm)
Clemens Alex. puts the operanon among the Inſtruments us'd about Vines. And
Socrates in (n) Plato inſiſts upon its being the moft proper. Ariſtides Quintilianus
(s) Hotting. Theſaur. Philol. p. 234. Lexić. Harmonic. på 512. (6) Bochart. Canaan,
Lib. I. cip, 8.
(c) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. VIII. p. 346. Lib. X. p. 457. (d) Hotting
The Philolog. ibid. Lex. Harm: p. 22. Gouffet. Comm. R. p.78 N. (e) Lactant. de
Orig. Error. Lib. II. cap. 10.
(f) Philo de Vit. Mof. Lib. I. p. 433. vid. p.464.
(g) Heliod. Theog. v. 127.
(1) Caton. de R. Ruft.
(1) Virg. Bucol. IV. (b) Tibull.
Lib. I. El. 7.
(1) Horat. Lib. I. Od. 31,
(m) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. I.
(n) Platon, de Republ. Lib.I. fub fins
kaysa

Chap. XIV. v. 18.
The Vintage,
653
ſays; (a) 'Ne xañue algemén po Toleży• The Commentator on Horace ſpeaking of Lycurgus
the Thracian: (b) Vinitoria falce ſibi crura amputavit. Hence démolce, from which that
word comes,is explain'd in Suidas by Eguzales, and deína, Tsuga. Hefych. A gérmen, oguzãr,
and the like : I ſhall prove and illuſtrate this further by and by upon v. 19. B.
A. verf. 18. Kai 'Mc d'ygano wa ser éx 78 Suolasngis, kxan Exchay BH TÁ mupós
And another Angel came out from the Altar, which bad power over the Fire.] Theſe
words require a careful Examination. To do it accordingly we muft conſider
theſe Points ; Firſt, The Office of this Angel ; Secondly, The reaſon of his
Errand; and Thirdly, What his appearing here portends or ſignifies in the
Event. Firſt then the Office of the Angel is laid down in two Expreſſions,
that he comes out from the Altar, and that he hath power over the Fire. The
firft ſhews plainly, that he is an Eccleſiaſtical or religious Minifter in general,
being an Attendant upon the Altar. The ſecond Expreſſion ſhews the ſame,
as alſo his peculiar Office therein; which plainly alluding, as in other Caſes to
the Conſtitution of the Mofaical Tabernacle and Temple, 'tis from the Con-
fideration of that we muſt endeavour to find this out.
Now God having appointed the railing of an Alcar for Sacrifices, Holocauſts,
Expiations and Thankſgivings, and alſo Prayers for Bleſſings ; and likewiſe
that the Fire, which himſelf did on the Day of Confecration, Levit. 9. 24.
kindle by ſending Fire from Heaven, ſhould be kept continually burning
left that being committed to any inferior Perſon the Fire ſhould be neglected
and go out, God appointed that a Prieſt himſelf ſhould lay Wood on it every
Morning for the burnt Offering, Levit. 6. 12, 13. When the number of Priefts
increas'd, and eſpecially when they had been divided into Clafles or Orders to
perform the ſacred Duties by turn, theſe (c) Duties were diſtributed by Lot,
as may be ſeen in Luke 1. 9. juſt as the Turns themſelves were at firſt diftributed
by Lot, 1 Chron. 24. 5. Therefore he that had the care of the Fire upon the
Altar intruſted to him by Lot, was call’d the Prieſt over the Fire. Beſides this
he was alſo imploy'd to burn the Holocaufts, by laying on Wood upon the
Altar and the Offering, Levit
. 6. 12. This appears to be the uſual Courfe.
The particular Oblations might perhaps be attended by the other Prieſts who
offer'd them.
To ſhew the Relation of this Angel's Office to the Judgment before us, I
muſt prove in general that all corporal puniſhments, divine and human, are
properly Oblations made to the divine Juftice. And this by the Notions laid
down in holy Writ, and by the Practice of the Heathens. Grotius indeed ſays,
that the Deſtruction of the Wicked is compared to the Sacrifices; but as his
Comments ſmell rank of Socinianiſm, he affe&s to turn things into Compari-
ſons and Alluſions, which are real and proper. I lay down therefore theſe
two Propofitions : Firſt, That Puniſhments of any kind are properly Sacrifices
made to the divine Juſtice; and Secondly, That all Sacrifices, as we uſually
call them, of any ſort, are only vicarious, and tho' properly Sacrifices in them-
ſelves, yet in Compariſon with the former leſs proper becauſe the Puniſh-
ments are inflicted on the Perſon properly guilty; whereas vicarious Sa-
crifices are ſubſtituted in the ftead of the proper Actor : In Holocaufts and
Sin Offerings, as the price or value of the Puniſhment due by the guilty Per-
ſon ; in Peace Offerings, Vows and Thankſgivings as the price of the favour
deſired or receiv'd. Quafi paciſcantur cum diis homines oblatione votorum, ſays the
Commentator upon Horace, cited by (d) Grotius: By this we may underſtand
Perfius, when he ſays : (e)
Non tu prece poſcis emaci,
Que niſi ſedutis nequeas committere divis.
And afterwards :
Aut quidnam eft, qua tu mercede deorum
Emeris auriculas?
Hence the ſmart Queſtion of Socrates in Plato : (f) 'Aurreixà đpa TK dy ún,
Ev Supper cixm i ogrótus, fecis zij dv Sparrois auga enahaw ; to which the Anſwer is:
(a) Ariſtid. Quint. de Muſic. Lib. II. p. 100.
(6) In Horat. Lib. II. Od. XIX.
(c) Vid. Lightfoot's Temple Service Chap. IX. S. 1, 2. (d) H. Grot. de Jur. B. P. Lib. II:
cap. XI. G. 4. in Annot. ex Comment in Horat. Lib. III. Od. XXIX. vid. & in Lib. I. Od.
XXXVI.
(c) Perf, Sat. II. () Placon. Euthyphron. fin.
8 D
Eutrogena

654
The Vintage.
Ch. XIV. v. 18.
' E quatropino), si outas istór our évoueboy' And this we ſhall find to be true in a great
meaſure. Thus Eraſmus ſays: (a) Nulli divorum nuncupabas vota? AD. Nequaquam.
AN. Cur ita ? AD. Quia non paciſcor cum divis. Quid eſt enim aliud quam contraétus
juxta formulam, Do, li facias: aut, Faciam, fi facias : Dabo cereum, so enatem :
lbo Romam, ſerves
. But Pliny ſpeaks ſeriouſly of it, when he ſpeaks thus to
Trajan:. (b) Sed ingenti conſcientia, Cæſar, pacifceris cum Diis, ut te fi mereris fervent,
quum fcias, an merearis, neminem magis quam-deos fcire.
I proceed now to the Proof: 'Tis uſual with the Prophets to ſpeak of the
Wicked deſign'd for Puniſhment as Victims. So Jeremiah 12.3: prays that his
Enemies be prepared as Sheep to the Slaughter. So in lſaiab 34. 6. a great
Slaughter of the Edomites is called mai a Viktim; and they are compard to
Lambs and Goats. The like you have in Ezek. 39. 17. and Jerem. 46. 10.
Thus the Gibeonites hang'd up the Sons of Saul before the Lord, 2 Sam. 21. 9. that
Expreſſion implies it was an Offering or Sacrifice, it is ſaid to be done unto the
Lord, and to make an Attonement, 2 Sam. 21.3. 6. Hence he that was hang'd is ſaid
to be accurſed, becauſe he was a oyn Sacrifice of Malediction. When Phineas
flew the Iſraelite and Midianitiſh Woman, he is ſaid to have made an Attonement,
Numb. 25. 13. and in Pſal. 106. 30. it is expreſs’d by yo, prayed, as the word
is moſt commonly tranſlated. An odd way of praying this, unleſs its taken in
this Notion. See Sim. de Muis and Hammond thereupon : Thus in the Propheſy
of the nameleſs Prophet, 1 Kings 13. 2. which is ſaid to be Jadon in F. Joſephus,
Pris ſaid that Foſiab ſhould ſlay the Prieſts of Bethel, as Victims; for che word
O is us’d. I ſhall fum up this with an excellent Obſervation of (c) Light-
foot, who ſays : ' It was the common Doctrine in their Schools and Pulpits,
That a condemned Malefa&tor, when he was to go to Execution, if be made but Cona
feſſion of his Sins, that that and his death did expiate for his Sins.
To that
Do&rine about Death expiating for Sin, which was their Doctrine in that
Cafe and all others, do thoſe words of our Saviour relate when he faith,
The Blaſphemy againſt the Holy Ghojt ſhall never be forgiven, neither in this Life,
nor in that which is to come. Our Saviour's meaning is, that it ſhall never
be forgiven either before Death, nor by Death it ſelf, as the Jews held it
mighe”. Compare his Hor. Hebr. Talm. in Matth. 27. 31. and in Luc. 23. 53.
and Harm. N. T. c. 33.
Among the Pagans all Perſons executed were look'd upon as Sacrifices to
ſome God or other. Pliny: (d) Suſpenſumque Cereri necari jubebant ; compare
this Expreſſion with that before the Lord, juſt now cited. Thus in Æſchylus
Agamemnon ſlain is call'd (e) blais xelsis, a Sacrifice of Thanks for the fulfilling of
a Vow to Hades, as indeed a little before Callandra expreſſes that Act by (f)
Júrouve so untége, a Sacrificing to the Mother of Hell
. The ſlain were thought to
be ſacrific'd to Hell or Pluto. Hence alfo Lycophrox ſpeaking of Ulules killing
Hecuba, uſes the Terms of the ſame Ritual: ($) à du nenadvão superav åndsgeral,
fall offer black Sacrifices to Hell. Therefore in Euripides when Death comes to
ſeize on Alceſtis, who was to die for her Husband, the Poet puts the word
(h) relede wees, in the Mouth of Death, which is imitaced, as Servius obſerves,
by (i) Virgil upon Dido's Death. The lock of Hair being as in other Sacrifices,
the (k) libamina prima. On this account becauſe it was the Cuftom to bring
the (1) Drapes to the Altar unbound, that they might ſeem to come freely,
(m) Malefactors led to Execution were then looſed from their Chains. And
thus (n) Socrates, who took the Poiſon in the Goal, had his Irons ſtruck off
before he took the deadly Potion. On ſuch occaſions the Patients had great
(o) Liberty. Thus alſo it was the Cuſtom among the ancient Greeks, when
any one kill'd a Man, which he thought was done juftly, to fhew the bloody
Sword to the Sun, as we find in (P) Euripides, which his Scholiaft thinks was
done as a Sign that this Act was juft
. This may be granted, but at the fame
time 'tis a Ceremony; ſhewing that it was perform'd as a Sacrifice. See
(a) Eraſm. Collog. Naufrag: (6) Plin. Panegyr. 9. 67. (c) Lightfoot's Serm. on Luke
23. 42, 43
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XVIII. cap. 3. (e) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 1396.
(f) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 1244.
(8) Lycophron. Caff. v. 1188.
(b) Euripid.
Alceſt. 74.
(1) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. IV. fub. fin. (k) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. VI. v. 246.
Vid. Euripid. Ele&tr. v. 811. Homer. Odyff. Ç. v. 422. Iliad. 5. v. 273. q. V. 254. Apollon.
Argon. Lib. IV. v. 478. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. V. v: 587. & Plac. La&ant. ibid. (1) Servius
in Virg. Æn. 11. col. 568. (m) Vid. Dacier. in Sophocl. Elect. fin.
(n) Plat. in
Phædon.
() Suid. V. Ten fria rawy his Seyclov. O) Euripid. Oreft. v. 819
Exod.

Ch. XIV. v. 18.
655
The Vintage
Exod.29.24,26. Levit. 8. 27. And I ſuſpect, that when (2) Julian the Apoftate was
flain, and ſhew'd his Blood to the Sun, he had the ſame Intention to make an
Offering to the Sun, his Deity. As for thoſe who committed Murder without
pretending to execute Juſtice, we find in (b). Sophoclw, that they wip'd their
Śwords upon the Head of the ſlain, to bring his Death on his own Head.
Now that the Romans had the ſame Notion is plain fron the uſe of the word
Supplicium, which is both a Prayer and Puniſhment, because the Puniſhnient of
the Malefactor was eſteem'd a Sacrifice or Prayer to avert the juft anger of the
Deity for the Crime committed. For as Servius ſays: () Peccarum folvtur pena,
And therefore when they (d) devoted a City or Army of Enemies, they us'd
a ſolemn Form of Prayer, which declares them to be a vicarious Victim. at ſhall
cite part of it out of Macrobius : (e) Uti vos eas urbes, agroſque, Capita; ætavefque
eorum devotas, conſecrataſque habeatis, illis legibus, quibus quandoque ſunt masime
hoſtes devoti. Eoſque ego vicarios pro me, fide, magiſtratuque meo pro populo Romaro,
Exercitibus, Legionibuſque noftris do, Devoveo, &c. In this Senſe muſt be unde:
ftood the words of Horace: (f ) Victorum Nepotes Rettulit inferias Jugurtha. The
Death of the Murderer or his Offspring was a (8) Sacrifice to the Manes
of the Perſon ſlain. Tully: (b) Cujus fupplicio Senatus folemnes religiones expiandas
Sæpe cenſuit. And ſpeaking of Verres he ſays: (i) Non id ſolum quæritur, ,
iſto damnato, bona reſtituantur iis quibus erepta ſunt : Sed et religiones deorum immorta
lium expianda, & civium Romanorum cruciatus, multorumque innocentium fanguis,
iſtius fupplicio luendus eft. I ſhall conclude with theſe words of Propertius inquit
Jupiter hæc bodie tibi vittima corruet, Acron
Bulent
Voverat, & Jpolium corruit ille Fovi.
To isto
So Æneas to Turnus : (k)
Fourches
Pallas te boc vulnere, Pallas
Immolat, a poenam ſcelerato ex fanguine fumit.do were
See alſo the Notes upon Chapter 19. 20. A. and Chapter 16. 16. B. 'Tis
needleſs to mention Examples, or to ſet down any out of Authors, either
Greek or Latin, who have us’d the Terms belonging to Sacrifices as Matto,
Sacrifico, Juw, and the like, to ſignify {aying: the Uſe of which aroſe from
this Notion. The old Germans had it likewiſe. Tacitus obſerves, that it was
not the Kings who had the Power of puniſhing, but the Prieſts among them :
(1) Cæterum neque animadvertere, neque vincire, neque verberare quidem niſi ſacerdo-
tibus permiſum : non quaſi in poenam, nec ducis jauſlu, ſed velut deo imperante. The
Gauls and Britons had it likewiſe, as it appears from theſe words of Cæſar: (m)
Pro vita hominis niſi vita hominis reddatur, non poſſe deorum immortalium numen
placari arbitrantur. Thus alſo our Saviour warns his Diſciples, that they ſhould
meet with Times in which thoſe who flew them would think, that they did
therein actgesam goopépesy To Seño, offer Service ta God, Joh. 16. 2. that is, offer a
Sacrifice to God. By this the Martyrs become both ways Victims : in reſpect
to them that kill them; and in reſpect to themſelves, who make an Offering of
their Bodies to God, as has been obſerv'd in the Note upon Chap. 6.9. A. Pu-
niſhments were therefore religious Acts. They were Attonements for the
Crimes committed.
Befdes this, the Goods, Spoils, and Lands of the Enemies and Malefa&ors
are forfeited to the Deity, and were accordingly offer'd. Hence came the Ob-
lation of the Spoils either whole or in part, by way of Tythes and other Sa-
crifices ; the matter is plain as to the Mofaical Diſpenſation. The very Land of
Canaan was firſt forfeited to God by the Wickedneſs of the Inhabitants, whom
having curſed, he gave it to Iſrael
. 'Tis uſually ſaid, that having a ſupream
Dominion he may diſpoſe of all as he pleaſes; but his Dominion is juft and
reaſonable; and therefore he doth not eject, but according to the Rules of
Juſtice. Upon this account the Ifraelites were directed how to uſe the Spoils of
Enemies. When they were devoted, 'twas a Sacrilege to touch of the accurſed
thing. Hence the () Treaſury of the Temple was the publick Exchequer;
(A) Sozom. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. VI. cap. 2. (6) Sophoc. Electr. p. 102.
(c) Serv. in
Virg. Æneid. Lib. X. col. 1477.
(d) Ý Not. on Chap. 8. 6. A. (e) Macrob.
Saturn. Lib. III. cap. 9
(f) Horat. Lib. II. Od. I. (g) Vid. Platon. de Legib. Lib.
IX. p.599. & conf. p.597. init. (1) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Milon. (1) M.T.Cic. in
Verr. Lib. I. (k) Virg. Æneid. Lib. XII.
(1) Tacit. de mor. German.
(m) J. Cæfar
de B. Gall. Lib. VI. cap. 4. (n) Joſeph. Antiq. Lib. XIV. cap. 12.
thus

656
The Vintage.
Chap. XIV. v. 18.
thus alſo the Spoils of a Cry devoted for its Idolatry were burnt before the Lord,
that is, as an Holocauft, Deut. 13. 16. that the Tribute of conquer'd Nations
was an Oblation, I conje&ture from the Prohibition to bring the Tribute of
Whores and Catamites into the ſacred Treaſury, Deut. 23.18. Thus alſo it
may be conjectured, that the publick Treaſury of the Babylonians was dedicaa
ted to their God Belu:, from the Title of Daniel, who being Governor of all
the Country of Babylin, is called Belteſhazar, Dan. 1. 7. that is, Treaſurer of Bel.
And indecd all that Country, or at leaſt a great part thereof, was appropriated,
as to its Revenues, to the Service of Bel, as (@) Arrian ſays. However, this
is certain, that the Prophet Jeremiah şı. 44. aſcribes to Bel, as Proprietor,
all the Wealth which the Babylonians had heap'd up out of the Spoils of all
Natiois. That the Greeks look'd upon the Spoils as due to their God, is plain
from their (b) hanging them up in their Temples. And ſeveral other marks
colded by (o) Authors, that treat of their Cuftoms. So the (d) Egyptians
dit before them, and the old Latins, if we may credit (e) Virgil's Deſcription
o the Temple of Picus, The (f ) Romans were wont to make an Holocauſt
of the Arms of the Enemies, or (g) heap them up like Trophies. The Opima
belongs to Jupiter Feretrius. Thus alfo (5) Plato in his Commonwealth affigns
moſt of the Fines or Forfeitures to the Gods. The (i) State and Lands of
Tarquinius Sup. expelled were conſecrated co their God Mars
. In a word, all
Confiſcations were devoted to the Charge of publick Sacrifices. Servius :
(k) Paupertas majorum ex collatione ſacrificabat, aut certe de bonis damnatorum : unde
du ſupplicia dicuntur ſupplicationes, que ſunt de bonis fupplicia pallorum. Salluft.
In Juppliciis deorun magnifici, Hinc etiam ſacrum, & venerabile & execrandum
intelligimus : quia ſacræ res de bonis execrandorum fiebant. It was not Poverty, but
the Remains
of the old religious Nocions, which made them appropriate thoſe
Goods to ſuch Uſes. The Paſſage of Saluft ſhews, That their Poverty was no
Lett to their Magnificence. See (1) Feſtus's Fragments, who obſerves the ſame
thing; and that the Perſon, as well as Goods, was a Sacrifice. So likewiſe (m)
Plutarcb obferves, That Romulus made ſome ſevere Laws, among which was
this, That if any Man divorced his Wife, but on ſome ſpecial account, his
Eftate ſhould be forfeited to the Woman, and to Ceres. But that he who fold
his Wife Thould be ſacrificed to the infernal Gods. Thus alfo Livy has given
us the Form of an ancient Roman Law condemning the Traitors to the Ma-
giftrates to loſe their Lives. Thoſe words ſhew that ſuch Malefactors were
look'd upon as Vi&ims, and their Eftates Deodends : (n) Sanciendo, ut qui tri-
bunis plebis, ædilibus, judicibus, decemviris nocuiſſet, ejus caput Jovi ſacrum ellet;
familia ad adem Cereris, Liberi, Liberæque venum iret. So likewiſe in one of the
Laws of Numa Pompilius: (c) Si quis aliuta facit iplos Jovi Sacer efto. And in
this of Servius Tullius : (P) Si parentem puer verberit, aft olle pluralſit parentes, puer
divis parentum Sacer efto. For this reaſon it is thought by (9) Feftus, that ſuch
Laws were call’d Sacrata. And hence we ſee why the Latin Words Sacer, and
Sacerrimus, ſignifies one that deſerves to die as being a great Malefactor. From
all this we may conclude, that the ſupream Magiftrares, who have the power of
the Sword, and are the Miniſters of the divine Juftice, are in this Care
Prieſts of God. And from hence likewiſe we find out eaſily the original right
they have to Tributes and Confiſcations ; ſeeing theſe things are Deodands,
and therefore at the Diſpoſal of the Miniſters of Juſtice.
It may not be improper to obſerve here, that our Saviour has confirm'd this
Notion even in the Condemnation of the Wicked to the ſecond Death, in
Mark 9. 48, 49. for that the death of our Bodies is really a Debt which we
owe, not ſo much to Nature, as to the divine Juſtice, is eaſily inferr'd from
what we have ſaid; every Man being indeed as Horace ſays: (r) Viktima nil
miferantis orci: and Death was thought alſo to be inflicted judicially: wherefore
Virgil uſes the Expreſſion; () Damnaverat orco; upon which Pomponius Sabinus
(a) Arrian. Exp. Alex. Lib. VII. (b) Æſchyl. Sept. c. Th. v, 282.
(c) Potter's
Antig. Lib. III. cap. 12. 22.
(d) Diodor. Lib. I.
(e) Virg. Æneid. VII,
(f) Plut. Vit. Marij. (8) Tacit. Ann. Lib. II. (h) Platon. de Legib. Lib. p. 5.54
Lib. VI. p. 564.
(1) L. Flor. Lib. I. cap. 9. T. Liv. Lib. II. cap. 5. (k) Servius in
Æneid. Lib. I. v. 636. (1) Feft. V. Supplicia.
(m) Plut. vir. Rom.
(1) Tit.
Livii Hiſtor. Lib. III. conf. Dionyf. Halicarn. Ant. Lib. VI. & Lib. X.
( Feftus Voc.
Aliuta. () Feſtus Voc. Plorare. (9) Feft. Voc. Søcrate Leges. (r) Horar. Lib. II.
(1) Virg. Æn. Lib. IV. fin.
obſerves
Od. 3

Ch. XIV. v. 18.
657
The Vintage.
obſerves very well : Proſerpina, tanquam judex, cum tempus moriendi venit; mortis
Bos damnat. Seneca ſays; (a) In omnes conftitutum eft capitale ſupplicium But
to return to that now before us. Interpreters have created that place
in Saint Mark as unskilful Chirurgeons, who proceed to Amputation,
when they have not skill to clear off the Corruption of the part affected. The
reaſoning of Chriſt is cloſe and exa&: He ſays the Torments of the Wicked
ſhall be like that of thoſe that are knawn by an immorial Worm. This re-
lates to their Conſcience : for as St. Auſtin fays; (b) Sicut tinea Veſtimentum,
So vermis lignum, fic meror excruciat cor viri ; and they ſhall be tormented alſo
by an unquenchable Fire, which relates to their Body: Then he proceeds,
For every one ſhall be Salted with Fire; that is, every one ſhall be ſalted with that
very Fire which torments him. This is to prevent an Obje&tion, how can their
Body fubfift therein ? Yes, ſays he ; becauſe that Fire ſhall have a Salt therein,
which will make their Body incorruptible, as the Symbol of Salt has been al-
ready explain'd in Chap. 9. 17. D. then he adds by way of Proof and Illu-
ftration : And every Sacrifice ſhall be falted with Salt. That is, the wicked
being in chat torment of Fire made a Sacrifice of everlaſting Holocauſt to the
divine Juſtice, God has given a Proof and Illuſtration thereof in the typical
Law, having therein commanded, that all Sacrifices ſhould be falted, which
were offered by Fire : Levit
. 2. 13. Ezek. 43. 24. Thus the senſe is very plain.
(6) Idem igitur, ſays Laktantius, divinus ignis una eademque vi atque potentia & crema-
bit impios, & recreabit. Et quantum è corporibus abfumet, tantum reponet , ac ſibi ipſe pabulum
fubminiftrabit. Quod Poetæ in Vulturem Tityi tranftulerunt. Ita fine ullo vireſcentium
corporum detrimento aduret tantum, ac fenfus doloris afficiet ; which Notion Virgit
has expreſs'd thus : (d)
-Roſtroque immanis vultur adunčo
Immortale jecur tendens, fæcundaque pænis
be ਤੇ ਹਰ
Viſcera, &c.
The next words, Salt is good, &c. may be ſaid to be a kind of Digreſſion or
Explanation, as thus: tho' Salt may fignify the Perpetuicy of their Torments;
yet there is a good Salt, a ſymbolical Signification thereof to a good purpoſe ;
for as ye are the Salt of the Earth, which is to be ſupplied from Matth. 5. 13.
ſo ye may ſave the Earth or Men to eternal Salvation ; but ye muſt take care
to preſerve its Savour ; or elſe as unprofitable, ye ſhall be rejected.
From what has been ſaid, and in Conſideration of the Wine in this Judg.
ment, and in the laſt upon the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, which is called Saarow,
a Supper, in Chap. 19.17. it appears that God is preparing himſelf a compleat
Banquet, the parts whereof are, Naying of Victims for Meat, Libations of Wine,
and then the Entertainment of the Gueſts. Now according to the Levitical
Law, there was no burnt Offering made without ſuch Libations, as may be
ſeen in Levit. 23. 12, 13. Numb. 15. 24. Chap. 28. 22, 25, 34, 38. nor with-
out its meat Offering. This the Harveſt furniſhes, the Vintage, the Libation
of Wine. All theſe are parts of the Office of the Prieſt, that offer'd the Holo-
cauft: Thus there is a gradual Proceſs towards the making of a full Sacrifice for
the Satisfaction of the divine Juſtice, exaſperated by the guilt of the Beaſt and
Falſe Prophet, and their Followers : at their Deſtruction the Gueſts are in-
vited.
The reaſon of this Angel's Errand comes now to be conſider'd: to do which
we muſt call to mind a little of that which has been obſerv'd before. In the
firſt Period of the Church the Judgment of the Perſecutors thereof is ſaid to
be excited by the Cry of the Souls under the Altar, Chap. 6. 9, 10, 11. In
that place we have warning given them, that there were to be more of their
Fellow Sufferers before they could receive their full Reward. The time of the
Sufferings of this laſt fort was to be in the ſecond. We have already ſeen in
ſeveral places a full
account of theſe Perſecutions, which conſiſted in thutting
up the Temple of God, or ſuppreſſing the true publick Worſhip ; in flaying
the Witneſſes who appear'd publickly zealous thereof, and in driving the
Church into the Wilderneſs. The Souls of theſe Martyrs are as well poured out
(a) Senec. Nat. Quæſt. Lib. JI. cap. LIX.
(6) Auguft. de Civit. dei Lib. XXI.
cap. 9. vid. cap. 2.
(c) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 21. (d) Virg. Æn. Lib. VI.
8 E
under

658
The Vintage.
Ch. XIV. v. 18
Is. cried with , v
under the Altar as thoſe of the former Period; and beſides, that the Tem-
ple is in part ſhut up; and therefore this Angel comes out as from the
Altar, and out of the Temple, whoſe outward Court is profan'd, to give
give notice to the Angel prepared by God to execute the Vintage, that it is
now high time to execute Judgment upon the corrupted Chriſtians, Perſecu-
tors of the Saints and Witneſſes, and Profaners of the Holy City and outer
Court of the Temple. There is this further Aggravation of the Crimes, that
theſe Perfecutors have had warning to repent by the Harveſt, together with
means to do it, when the reformed heard the ſeven Thunders, and took Pof.
feffion of the Temple, but have flighted it.
Now we come to conſider the meaning of his Errand, to apply what it figa
nifies to the Event. This Angel here performs the Office of the (a) Unetus
Caftrenfis
, -23999 mtn, that is, the Prieſt who exhorted the People to War
,
Deut. 20. as well as that of him appointed over the Fire, becauſe this Holocauft
of the wicked being an Offering by Fire unto God, it muſt in the Event be
perform’d by War, of which Fire is the Symbol. And becauſe the fupream
Magiſtrates having the power of the Sword are now the only Miniſters of the
divine Juſtice by War, the Event of his Errand muſt be the earneſt and ſolemn
preaching of the Proteſtant Divines againſt the Cruelties of the Romilla
Church;
which awakening the Proteſtant Powers, will prompt them to enter
into ſome great Alliance againſt the Powers who proſecure the Defigns of the
Romiſh Church, and are its moft ftedfaſt Friends; by which Alliance a bloody
War will be carried on, anſwering to all the Characters of this Vintage.
Β. Και έφώνησε κραυγή μεγάλη του έχουν το δρέπανον το οξύ, And called with a load
cry to him that had the sharp Scyth.] Obſerve how the Holy Ghoſt varies the
Phrafe and increaſes in the Signification. The former Angel of the Harveſt, v.
a loud Voice this calls with a loud Cry ; Con and reavgi, cry, are
the words us’d by the LXX. to expreſs the Cry of Abel's Blood, Genef. 4. 1o. of
the Sins of Sodom, Genef. 18. 20. of the Iſraelites opprefs’d, Exod. 2. 23.
which in the Hebrew is pus, and apus. The Propriety of the Phraſe is fitted
to the Subject; the Angel ſuits his voice to that which theſe, on whoſe ac-
count he appears, would uſe. See our Note on Chap. 6. 10. A. This implies
therefore, that the Efforts to perfecute are now in their utmoft pitch; ſo that
they have quite reach'd Heaven, and ſo that a final Judgment muſt follow,
ending in the Deſtruction of theſe Bloody Perſecuters. And tho' this Cry may
be ſuppos’d to belong only to this part of God's Judgment, the Vintage, yet
ſince we find no other Cry hereafter in this ſecond Period, fo we may ſuppoſe,
that it will be the impulſive Cauſe of all the following Judgments on Babylon,
the Beaſt and the Falle Prophet, even as the Cry of the Souls under the Altar
in the firſt Period excended to the entire Deſtruction of the Pagan Religion.
Further, ſince the Voice of the Complaint is increas'd now above that of the
Harveſt, we may conclude, that the Perfecutors have filled up the meaſure of
their Sins by freſh inſtances of their Cruelty; and that therefore we may ſet up
in this account all the Perſecutions, Murders and Maffacres which the Romilla
Church is guilty of ſince the Reformation, more eſpecially in theſe Countries,
which were out of the hearing of the ſeven Thunders; and in a ſingular man-
ner the reformed Churches in France, whoſe Sufferings have ſome ) peculiar
tokens of Cruelty. Theſe were predicted in Chap. 10. II. See our Notes
thereupon; as alſo in the Deſcription of the Witneſſes in Chap. XI.
C, Aiga, men for at To Spé nevov od EÚ, zj Teugncov, Saying. Send in this Sharp Scyth, and
gather.] The Sharpneſs of the Inſtrument ſhews ; that the word teúynoor fignifies
a forcible Diviſion, tending to the Deſtru&ion of part of the Subject. So the
word is usd in the LXX. Pſal
. 80.12.Fob 15. 33. and by Compariſon or Alluſion,
in Ferem.
25: 30.
See the Commentators on the place. In Joel 3. 13. we find
thefe words :' εξαποσείλαθε δρέπανα, ότι παρέσηκεν ο τρυγήθος εισπορά'εσε, πάτε, διότι
πλήρης ο λαός υπερεκχάτε τα υπολίδια, ότι πεπλήθωναι τα κακα αυθών: which words
contain almoſt all the Symbols us'd in this Vintage to the very ſame purpoſe.
In Amos 6. 1. we find this Expreſſion according to the LXX. mrguzwonen åpxe's
& Svõr, ſignifying, that the Iſraelites had fubdued Nations to ſettle themſelves in
their Land. The Interpreters have taken the word '2p3 more according to
(a) Vid. Schickard. Jul. Reg. Th. XVIII. Schindler v. num.
to the Accompl. of Proph.
(b) V. M. Jurien's Pref.
the

Ch. XIV. v. 18.
659
The Vintage.
the Senſe than the literal meaning, as if it were a kin to ap, a Wine Preſs. In
Ferem, 6.9. we have the Type of gleaning after the Vintage, as more emphati-
cal, to thew the future Milery of the Remnant of Iſrael after the former Loffes.
See the Note on v. 19. B.
D. Tès Cómpuas, The Cluſters.] bóteus and sapună differ, as Cluffer from Grapes
And Suidas thinks, that Córpus may ſignify any kind of Fruit ; meaning I ſuppoſe,
that grows in Cluſters, as Grapes do, in Numb. 13. 23. S'ij 1990%,, is in the
LXX. Córquv se quañs the like in Geneſ
. 40. 10. Cluſters is ſufficient, when the
Vine is mention'd, to expreſs the Cluſters of Grapes.
E. Täs cusíns tñz zñs, Of the Vine of the Earth.] The Vine might be here taken
for the Vineyard, the Name of any Tree being frequently taken for a Foreſt or
Grove of the ſame Species ; ſo 'Egiveds, a wild Fig, is more than once taken in
(a) Homer for a Grove of the ſame. Thus alſo in the ſame (b) ongo's, a Beech,
for a Grove of Beeches. Thus dgūs in the LXX. Genef. 13. 18. is a Grove of
Oaks, the Hebrew 9398, the Oaks, but there is no need to do it. However, we
ſhall explain the Symbol both ways: It is a very frequent Symbol in the Pro-
phets to repreſent the Nation of Iſrael as a Vine. Pſal
. 80. 8. Iſaiah 5. 1, &c.
where the Targum ſays: Cantabo nunc iſraeli, qui comparatiss eft vineæ ; ferem. 2.
21. Chap. 6.9. Chap. 12. 10. Ezek. 19. 10. HoS. 10. r. Our Saviour by way
of Parable in many places, Matth. 20, Chap. 21. 28, and 33. Mark 12. 1.
Luke 20. 9. compares Iſrael to a Vir.eyard. The ſingle Vine ſhews the Unity of
the Nation, all coming from the fingle ſtock of Jacob. Thus alſo our Saviour,
the Stock of Felle, is the true Vine ſpreading out into a Catbolick Church: Hence
che Ecclefiaftical Writers frequently compare the Church to a Vineyard, as (c)
Hermas, (d) Juſtin Martyr, the (e) Author of the Apoftolical Conftitutions,
and (f) who not ? Now as none of the Prophets, as far as I know, ever us'd
that Symbol to expreſs a foreign Nation, but always Ifrael; ſo none of the
Chriſtian Writers of any but the Church. But here it is ſaid to be of the Earth;
right, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to deſcribe the Church corrupred, a Vine
which hath brought forth wild Grapes, as Jaiah 5. 2. ſpeaks ; whereby the
Teeth of the Saints have been ſet on edge. In the ſymbolical Language a
Vine or a Vineyard may well ſignify a Monarchy, or a flouriſhing State in propor-
tion to the Subject. Thus in the (g) Dream of Mandane Mother to Cyrus, a
Vine iſſuing out of her, and overſhadowing a Kingdom, fignifies Cyrus her Son
ufurping his Grandfather's Kingdom, and founding a new Monarchy. The
Perſian Onirocritick in Chap. 255. ſays: 'Ex'vidin tisti duoty duwenāve, dipood
πλάτος και αμειαν και εξεσίαν κλήσεται δια τον δινον, άλλα βραδέως και δε ήδη τις ότι εξερίζω
aulòs, amortitdr TaðTev vj tl' éğsoiev avls xj aloxo'sh, All this is proper to our Cafe.
F."071 önepec Tay ai sapunai dulñs, For ber Grapes are full ripe.] Who theſe Grapes
are, may be eaſily known from what has been ſaid; to wit, the Members of
the corrupted Church. Ansbertus has obſerv'd it: Abſit autem ut de bonis avis,
quæ ſecundum ele&tionis gratiam intus calcantür, Sanguis exiſſe credatur ; fed de
illis, quæ propter meritum reprobationis foris conteruntur, quanquam intus eſſe videantur :
de illis ſcilicet, quas terra illa inculta protulit; de qua per prophetam dominus dicit ;
Suftinui ut faceret uvas, fecit autem labruſcas; the word ñupiec ordo fhews they are in
cheir expeñ, height of Wickedneſs, their Iniquity is now compleated. The ſame
is alſo implied in the word ste punch, which fignifies ripe Grapes. Suidas: Astav socions
και της αμπέλι, τότε και η σαφυλή γίνεται.
A. Vert, 19. Και έβαλεν ο άγγελΘ το δρέπανον αυτά εις τίω γώ, και έτρύγησε τίω άμπελου
tñs vñs, And the Angel caſt in bis Scyth upon the Earth, and be reaped the Vine of the
Earth.] There are three great Acts in this Vintage, the Diviſion of the
Grapes, and two Conſequences thereof, that the Vine being reaped it is caft into
the Wine-Preſs, and the Wine-Preſs is trodden. The Decorum of the Sym-
bol requires the Enumeration of theſe three parts, but the Symbol may be
taken collectively to fignify, that the Vintage was follow'd by a Preiſure : that
is, this Judgment of God was attended with a great Deſolation and a mighty
Slaughter. So that theſe ſeveral Acts repreſent only the dreadful Circumſtances

(a) Homer Iliad. &. v. 433. X. v. 145. (6) Homer. Iliad. 2. v: 237. () Herm. Paftor.
Lib. III. Sim. 5.
(d) Juft. M. Tryph. p. 264.
(e) Conſtit. Apoft. pr.
(f) Vid. Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. LXX.
(5) Valer. Maxim. Lib. I. cap. 7. Juftin.
Hift. Lib. I. Tertullian. de Anim. cap. 46. Herodot. Hift. Lib. I. S. 108. Comp. Euagr. Hift.
Eccl. Lib. V. cap. 21.
and

660
Ch. XIV. v. 19
The Vintage.
and Aggravations of this divine Judgment. I ſhall therefore explain them in
this View.
B. Kai Canev sis alw alvår, And caſt it into the Wine Preſs. We muſt not think,
that in the Deſcription of this Wine Preſs ihe Holy Ghoſt alludes to ſuch an
Engine of Beams, Boards and Screws, as are now uſed in moſt parts, where
they have occaſion for them. Theſe Engines were unknown to the Iſraelites, and
are che invention of ſome Grecian Artiſts found out about one hundred Years
before (a) Pliny the Hiſtorian. Thoſe of the Iſraelites were like a threſhing
Floor; and therefore we read, that Gideon was threſhing in one of them, Judg.
6. II. Paksitav GTON év alm. 7:2 is by ſome turn'd, by the Wine Preſs; but this is
a Miftake ariſing from the Ignorance of the Faſhion thereof. I take it to be
thus: Suppoſe an Hedge or Bank of Earth raised aboue in a convenient Cir.
cumference; or elſe rather a Floor funk before the ſurface of the Ground about
it, that the Grapes and Juice may be kept in. Then on one ſide a Pit was funk
much lower than the Floor to place the Vars to receive the new preft Juice fal-
ling into them. This Floor was the awos, nai the Greeks alſo called it (b)
SEA PUXoConcor, or saquaoCórcov, and wełntugloy. The reaſon of theſe two Names is
ſeen by the words now before us, and thoſe which follow. The Pit ſunk to
hold the Vats, 22', which as appears from Joel 3: 13. was different from the
nx, is turn'd in lſaiah s: 2. by agerlo'ion
, as alſo in that place of Foel by
Oronturow, which word is alſo found in Mark 12. 1. the reaſon of which Identity
of Signification may be eaſily underſtood; for it is aporlu'sor, becauſe it ftands
before the alwès; and unorlu'noy, becauſe it ſeems to be under, being funk lower.
However for this, and the Etymology of 2P', we may eaſily underſtand, why
our Saviour expreffes the making of a Wine Preſs by digging, as alfo Iſaiah.
Grotius thought he had met with a Wine Preſs in (c) Homers Deſcription of
Achilles's Shield; but I can find nothing elſe there but a Dirch and Hedge about
a Vineyard; the Poets Deſcription reaches not ſo far, but ſtops at the gather-
ing of the Grapes. It appears, that in the Times of S. Cyprian, the Africans
then made uſe of ſuch Preſſes. For his Deacon Pontius has this Expreſſion :
(d) Nemo vindemiam de novellis (crobibus expreffit ; becauſe new graved Pits are
apt to let the Juice ſink into the Earth. From all this it is eaſy to underſtand
the Analogy of the Symbols ; as firſt, that the Preſs may be in the Vineyard,
and out of the City, and that Horſes may be brought in to tread the Vintage.
So much for the Decorum.
The meaning of the Symbol is very eafy ; however I ſhall prove it in my
uſual way. It ſignifies a great Miſery by War, eſpecially when the Wine or
Blood is ſaid to come out of it: for then the Symbol is aggravated, as in this
Cafe. Radulph. Flaviacenſ. (e) Torcular quippe mors intelligitur, gravis utique
preſſurs. In ffaiah 10. 33. the Targum ſays: Ecce dominator ſeculi Dominus exerci-
tuum projiciet interfe&tos in caftris ejus ficut cum uva calcantur in torculari. The
Text is chis: Bebold the Lord, the Lord of Hofts ſhall lop the Bough with Terrcur.
and the Haugbry ſhall be humbled. The ſame Targum in lfaiah 63. 2, 3. explains
the Symbol thus : Quare rubeſcunt montes fanguine occiſorum & valles defluunt quafi
vinum in torculari? Ecce ficut calcantur in torculari uvæ, fic multiplicabitur scciſio
in caftris populorum : & non erit eis fortitudo coram me, &c. thus in 7udg. 7. 27.
a place is called 'Iaxośúp, IN 209, the Wine Preſs of Zeb. from the Slaughter of
Zeb, and his people committed there. Thus in Lament. I. 15. the Deſtruction
of Judah is ſet forth under this Type : The Lord hath trodden the Virgin, the
Daughter of Judah, as in a Wine Preſs. The Indian Onirocritick explains it of
great Conqueft, and by Conſequence much Slaughter : 'Far din TIS ŠTI made in
λίων, και ποιεί δινον δελάσει έτG εξεσία μελίση, και καλαπςαθήσθαι διοικήσεις με μίλας:
Chap. 196. f you ask me now, where is this Wine Preſs, and how far doth ic ex-
tend? I ſhall anſwer in the words of Irenæus, who deſcanting upon our Saviour's
Parable of the Vineyard, and having deſcrib'd it from the Creation, and ſo on
to the Mofaical Diſpenſation, proceeds thus: (f) Quapropter au tradidit eam
Dominus Deus non jam circumvallatam, ſed expanſam in univerſum mundum aliis co-
Lonis, reddentibus fructus temporibus ſuis, turre electionis exaltata ubique du Speciofa.
(a) Plin. Nat. Hiſt, Lib. XVIII. cap. 31.
(6) V. Suid. & Hefych.
(c) Homer.
Iliad.q. v. 364. (d) Pont. in Vit. S. Cæc. Cyprian. (e) Rad. Flav. in Levit, XII. C. 1,
(f) Irenæ. Lib. IV. cap. LXX.
Ubique

Chap. XIV. v. 19.
661
The Vintage
Ubique enim præclara eſt Ecclefia, & ubique circumfolum torcular : ubique enim sunt
guit ſuſcipiunt ſpiritum. As therefore the corrupted Church is ſuch where ever is
is, and is become the Vine of the Earth ; fo the Wine Preſs muſt be throughout,
All the Dominions thereof muft be involv'd in this Judgment: And indeed we
Thall find in the next Verſe another Symbol, which determines the Extend
thereof in the ſame manner ; that the Carnage may be Univerſal ; not
to de-
Atroy all the Subjects, but out of every part.
The Scyth us'd here is only to cut the ripe Grapes; not like that in Virgil
,
to cut Root and Branch :
709 doi w joder
(a) Tum, credo, cum me arbuftum videre Myconišnivoris to bid sisse
Atque mald viteis incidere falce novellas. oplno) yd bas
97 oni Wagi
Ardo and
But however, we muſt obſerve that a Scyth or pruning Hook was neceſſary
even to gather the Grapes, if as we have reaſon to think the way of Vintage
in Jewry was like that of Greece and Italy. The Greeks brought the Grapes to be
hung up and mellow'd by the Sun and Night for ſome Days before they preſs'd
them; to this purpoſe 'twas neceſſary to prune the Branches to keep the
Grapes together, and without being bruiſed. This we learn from (b) Hefiod,
who therefore uſes the word omissem ; and ſo Martial calls a Vintager" c)
Putator, a Pruner. There is an Alluſion to this Practice in Anacreon; but the
place is firſt to be corrected, it may be read in this manner.
1989da of 15 dan
Blog(foyov duzinu ody, divonowegooid tega
len
Ile med nuévais öregass, te odi
to a no
Eri xanud tay quaeolwe" day 10 ano ad blueel
llen bio boqating
For not the Wine, but the Fruit in which the Wine is contain'd, hangs upon the
Branches, and thus the Senſe and the Verſe will be right. Therefore this Judg-
ment is not to deſtroy the corrupted Church quite, for that is reſerv'd to be
done hereafter by other Means, and by various Progreſs : but it is chiefly dea
ſign'd to cut a good number of the moſt wicked Members of the corrupted
Church.
C. Ti Jupiš Ti Ješ the meyóalw, The great Wine Preſs of the Wrath of God.]
This is to ſhew, that the Sufferers ſhall not be puniſhed by the ordinary Rules
of the divine Diſpenſation, which frequently chaſtiſes to amend, rather than
deſtroy. Deſtruction is the Effect of God's Anger ftir'd up by repeated Pro-
vocations, and neglect of Mercy, and at laſt ending in Severity, which muſt
therefore be very diſmal. The Wine Preſs is call'd great upon two accounts &
Firſt, Becauſe God therein ſhews his Greatneſs in puniſhing and deſtroying his
Enemies; and, Secondly, Becauſe this is not a partial, but general Puniſh-
ment. It is not only to be univerſal in all the parts of the corrupted, but is
alſo in due time to be attended with that of all the Parts of the corrupted
Church, from the Heads to all the Remnant of the Members, as we ſhall find
it in the ſeventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth Chapters. It ſuppoſes, that
they have had ſufficient Warnings and Monitory Chaſtiſements, and chat God's
Patience is quite wearied out. The fall of the Capital City is to follow this
ſuddenly, and the Judgment of the Lamb, who is to tread the Wine Preſs upon
the Powers thereof, the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet with the Remnant of their
Followers, that even this Judgment ſhall ſeem to make but one with thoſe ;
altho' for the clearer underſtanding, the Holy Ghoſt deſcribes them fingly.
For all thoſe parts tend to an entire Deftruction of the whole. faisgsdato
A. verf. 20, Kal iniathon i alwes, And the Wine Preſs was trodden] Enough has
been ſaid already to explain this Symbol. The treading of the Wine Preſs
is mention’d to aggravate the Puniſhment; and the Holy Ghoſt mentions
it here with ſuch Circumſtances as deſcribe this Judgment fo particularly, that
we may eaſily diſtinguiſh it from all others. Any bloody Wars may be look'd
upon as a treading of a Wine Preſs; and the Enemies of Chriſt and his Saints
being to endure, even during their Power, a continual Torment, we might
(a) Virg. Eclog. III.
(d) Anacreont. Od. L.
I.
(6) Heliod. Oper. II. v. 229. (2) (c) Martial. Lib. III. Epig. 58.
8 F
nos

662
The Vintage.
Ch. XIV. v. 20.
not eaſily diſtinguiſh this Event, had not the Holy Ghoſt ſet upon it fome pe-
culiar marks. Therefore this treading is ſpecified with three diftinguiſhing
Characters, of which preſently. I fall only obſerve, that this Expreſfion
being in the Paffive, the Doer is not mention'd: but we are left to gueſs.
However, this Silence appears plainly to fuppofe, that the ſame Inftruments
which execute the reaping of the Grapes and throw them into the Wine
Preſs, do alſo tread it ; for it is to that intent they do it.d so that it was even
needleſs to mention the Treaders, unleſs they had been different. syge
B. BEQJEN Tñs póreas, Without the City.] To begin with the decorum of the
Symbol, which contains the firſt Circumſtance of this Preſſure. From the
Parable of the Vineyard it is, evident, that the Wine Preſſes were made therein;
and by Confequence, that they were without the Walls of Towns. The
King's Wine Preſſes were out of the Walls of Jeruſalem, Zach. 14. 10. Further,
by ſome other Circumſtances it is plain, that this treading of the Vintage al-
ludes to the Puniſhment of Fezabel, who was troden under Foot, 2 Kings 9. 33.
{v Tas nolegioue), 2013, 1 Kings 21. 23, as it is in the Predi&ion; that is, in the
City Dirch, without the Wall; ſee Nah. 3. 8. 2 Sam. 20. 15. and thus the Pre-
diction, that the Dogs fhould eat the Fleſh of Jezabel in the Portion of Jezreel,
in agro as the Vul. fays, in the Fields of Jezreel, 2 Kings 9. 36, 37. was exa&ly
accompliſhed. Hence I take the Window out of which ſhe look'd out and ſpake
to Jebu, and after that was thrown out, was properly a Porthole in the Walls
of the City, out of which ſhe ſpake before he had entred the City. 'Tis
evident by this, that the City here is excepted from the Vintage ; that it feels
not it ſelf the Effects thereof. Now what City can it be but that to which the
Vine of the Earth belongs, whoſe Territory is thus trodden upon by the Execu-
tioners of the Vintage. So that the meaning of the Holy Ghoſt is, that it
ſhould be one of the Characters of this Judgment, that the Territories of the
corrupted Church ſhall be involv'd in the Slaughter, but that the Capital City
ſhall eſcape; and thus be, as the Prophet fays of Feruſalem, the Type of this
City profan'd by the Gentiles, Ifai b 1. 8. left as a Cottage in a Vineyard, as a Lodge
in a Garden of Cucumbers, as a beſieged City. b. All its Territories ſhall be Seats of
War round about, yet it ſhall be untouch'd. Her Fall is a diſtinct Judgment,
and to be effected by different Actorsga of which more hereafter in its due
place.
dan
10. Kai drama Tren alda smo zaistalu, And Blood came out of the Wine Preils.] Inſtead
of Wine, which one would think the Decorum of the Symbol would require,
the Holy Ghoſt mentions Blood. It is frequently to be obſerved in the Pro-
phers, that they begin with a metaphorical or ſymbolical Expreſſion, and pre-
fently after go on with the literal
. But in this caſe ito is not only neceſſary,
but even of Decorum ; if not in reſpect of what preceded, yet for what fol-
lows immediately. And thus as Metaphors are commonly reciprocal, Blood
repreſents Wine. Thus wie read in Genef.49 11. He waſhed his Garments in Wine,
and bis Clothes in the blood of Grapes, and in Deut. 32. 14. and thou didft drink the
pure Blood of the Grape, zeh dipe sapuriñs wisy oivov, in the LXX. I am apt to think,
that this laft word crept in by way of a gloſs for ašngailov, the Hebrew being, 2017,
which is uſually ſo rendred ove saquañá, is found in 1 Mace. 6. 34. Achilles
Statius tells a Legend of the Tyrians, who ſaid, that Bacchus preſenting a Cup of
Wine to taſte to a Man, who knew, not the Liquorp he call'd it (a) dues gaunu,
a ſweet Blooden See the whole Paffage and (b) Bocbant. Clemens Alex. calls it
(e) o po tñs AURÉAX, Blood l of the Vine ; and Androeydessin Pliny, the Blood of
the Earth (d) Vinum petaturus, rex, memento bibere fanguinem terræ. Hence came
the Egyptian Tale, that the Vines grew out of the Blood of the Giants, that
fought againſt Heaven, as (e) Plutarch ſays. i'Tis therefore the Symbol of a
great Slaughter and Bloodſhedding; fòt the Indian Onitocritićka explains it in
Chap. 196. ſpeaking of a River running with Bloods "EXY The 70 euido en dy's
ρέοντα, όπως ανεπίδεκτον έσιν ετέρω θεαθlώαι πλωτιζασιλεί ή εμεγκςάνω μη εξεσίαζα τον
old pòv, ŝughter těxci av Kuchcov a nej mónemov xal indecăv, aj dvuxol ax16 isun nãouv. Thus
the Omen in Seneca, (f) Libata Baccbi dona permutat cruor, is to ſignify the
znis zid ons fit 10 asimang 90 bas d919 sniW sto nisu 2000
TOTITOI THUOT7SWOT Tot gnizubnovs subas so good
(a) Achill. Stat. Lib. II. p. 69.
(6) Bochart. Canaan. Lib. I. cap. 18. (c) Clem.
Alex. Pæd. Lib. II. cap. 2.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XIV. cap.5. (e) Plutarch.
de Ifid. & Ogrid. p. 392.1 O (f) Senec. Oedip, V.324.7-H (3) III.gol.31
bono bloody


Ch. XIV. v. 20.
663
The Vintage.
bloody War between the two Sons of Oedipus. Now this Symbol of the Blood
running out of the Wine Preſs is indeed a grievous Circumſtance of this Judg-
ment, but it is ſtill more heightened by the next words.
D. "Agse tõv zanovov tão immav, Even up to the Horſes Bridles.] This alludes
plainly to the manner of Jezabel's Death, who was troden under Foot by Jebus
on Horſeback, and her Blood was daſh'd on the Wall, and on the Horſes ;
which Puniſhment was laid upon her by God himſelf for having introduced
Idolatry in Iſrael, 2 Kings 9; 33. 1 Kings 21. 23. The Expreſſion before us is
to be found alſo in Silius Italicus, who fets down an Oracle of 7upiter Ammon de-
livered to Boſtar, ſent thither by Hannibal to conſule it upon the deſign'd War in
Italy. I ſhall copy what is to this purpoſe: (a)
oletta
Tenditis in Latium, belloque agitare paratis
Aſſaraci prolem, Libyes ccepta aſpera cerno,
img79139
... ។
Gradivumque trucem currus jane Scandere, du atram
In latus Heſperium flammam expirare, furenteis
ram w
beiseite
Cornipedes, multoque fluentia Janguine lora.
Bono donde
29 big to both
Here is therefore an Hyperbolical Expreſſion, with an Alluſion therein, which
plainly ſets forth the nature of the Crime by a mark diſcovering to us the
guilt, in the Conformity of the Puniſhment. Now if we compare herein the
Babylonian Jezabel of the corrupted Church with the Gnoſticks Fezabel, in Chap.
2. 20. dc. Conſidering alſo at the ſame time how ſlight the Puniſhment of the
Gnoſtick is to that before us, and how God foretelling, that the Perſecucions of
this Period ſhall exceed thoſe of the Primitive Church, as alſo that the Puniſh-
ments of this period are to be double ; this is a plain Demonſtration to me,
that the Viſion of the ſeven Churches chiefly and properly concerns the Pri-
mitive Times. But how this will appear to others, I cannot determine : 'Twill
not be out of the way to produce here a Story taken out of (6) John Malela.
He ſays, That in the Times of Dioclefian, the Egyptians having rebelled, the
Emperor came and beſieged the City of Alexandria ; that having taken the
City, he entred on Horſeback, his Horſe treading on the Carcaſſes of the ſlain.
Then he commanded the Army to ſlay till the Blood of the ſlain came up to
his Horſe's Knees. Now it happen'd, that his Horſe treading on a Carcaſe
flipt, and his Knee falling on the Ground was tindur'd with Blood ; upon
which the Emperor ſtopt the Souldiers from llaying any more. But God's
Severity in this Judgment will exceed that of this Emperor, who is reckon'd
one of the Sanguinary every way, and towards the Chriſtians eſpecially and
in Egypt beyond all. God's Severity in this Judgment will be equal to the
cruel Wiſhes of the bigotted Papiſts. (c) 'Tis reported that one Felix Count à
Wartenberg, General under Maximilian I. Emperor, being at Table, threatned
that before he died, he would ride up to his Spurs in the Blood of the Luther
rans: but that the ſame Night he was divinely ſmitten and choak'd in his own
Blood. We muſt therefore look upon this War executing the Vintage, and
treading the wine Preſs as one of the moſt bloody that ever was yet carried on
by Proteftane Armies before the times thereof; wherein the corrupted Church
muft fuffer exceedingly, beyond the Memory of any other War. We cannot
think, that there will be a Maſſacre ; for the Principles of Proteſtants are utter-
ly inconſiſtent therewith: but however the Slaughter made in a fair War will
not come much ſhort of it.
via si
E.'Agè sediwr Xería Eexocicor, By the ſpace of a thouſand fox hundred Furlongs.]
We are not bound to underſtand this as if it were the meaſure of the Semi-
diameter of this bloody Flood, drawing a Line from the Wine Preſs, or the
outward parts of the City excluded, to the Circumference; but rather, that
this is the whole extent of the ſpace flooded with Blood, and reaching to 1600
Furlongs. The (d) Prepoſition Szo in this place will bear this Senfe, and is in
the very Stile of St. Fohn in his Goſpel, Chap. 11. 18. Sto sesion d'extéve about
the ſpace of fifteen Furlongs. This being thus ſettled, we are to conlider what
(a) Sil. Italic. Lib. III. ſub fin. (6) Joh. Malel. Hift. Chron. Lib. XII... (Crailer:
Phofphor. Voc. 780, ex Flacio Clay. p. 910. (d) V. Lud. de Dien, in A&. Api I. 12, dat
SEM ni ve this

664
Chap. XIV. v. 2o.
The Vintage.
this ſpace is and ſignifies. Grotius and Mede have obſerv'd, that this is the extent
of the Holy Land, conſidered according to the promiſe of God made to Abras
bam of what Iſrael ſhould actually poſſeſs by Inheritance, not of what they
ſhould extend their Dominion to, by way of Tribute beyond their Inheritance.
This Poffefſion of Inheritance was limited by Dan and Beerſheba proverbially, as
it appears by many places. Now (a) St. Jerome tells us, theſe two were di-
ſtant about one hundred and fixty Miles, that is, Roman Miles, which were
equal to ten Stadia or Furlongs of the Greeks. Hence our (b) Fuller took this
place to be a proper Determination of the extent of the Holy Land, and ſays,
that in the Eaſtern account there are ten Furlongs to a Mile. (c) Pliny makes
the length of Paleſtine to be 189 Miles. 'Tis not my Buſineſs to enter upon
Chronological Niceties, nor Geographical; theſe can never be determined
bue by an exact view of the Places. I ſhall truſt to (d) Fuller, who ſtudied
this matter particularly, as a proper Author. And indeed the Mofaical Dif
penſation being made uſe of to be the Type of the Chriſtian in all other re-
fpects, why muſt we not look on this meaſure, which ſuits with the accounts
of learned Men, as that of the Extent of Iſrael, the Vine which God had
brought out of Egypt, and planted to ſtretch from Dan to Beerſheba ; that the
Flood of the Wine Preſs may extend over the Lands of the Vine of che Earth :
and by Conſequence here to ſignify the Extent of the corrupred Church,
which is now the Vine of the Earth ? And this Extent not to reach barely
to what ſome call the State of the Church in Italy, but to all the Popiſla Countries,
which are all really the Territories of the City profan'd by the Gentiles.
Further we are to obſerve, That as there was a larger meaſure of the Land
promiſed to Abraham, from Egypt to the River Euphrates ; ſo the Holy Ghoft
has taken the ſhorter meaſure of the Land poſleſs'd by Inheritance, to thew,
that the corrupted Church is now ſhort, as when the Iſraelites were pent up
within the ſhorter Compaſs, but however, no part of this ſhort meaſure ſhall
eſcape from the bloody Execution of this Judgment. It is to be univerſal, as
well as very dreadful; the City only excepted, which is reſery'd to fuffer its
diſtinct and ſpecial Judgment.
To ſum up all the Characters of this Vintage, and its own Conſequences,
in order to apply the Event of the Propheſy; they now appear to be theſe :
Firſt, The principal Actor comes out of the Temple, that is, out of the Pro-
teſtant States, which are now in Poffefſion of it. Secondly, It begins upon
the Repreſentation made by the Miniſters attending on the Altar, or Proteftant
Clergy, of the Crimes of the corrupted Chriſtians now come to their pitch.
Thirdly, It conſiſts of an Exciſion or Slaughter of the corrupted Members,
attended with ſome aggravating Circumſtances. Fourthly, The Capital City,
or Babylon is clearly excepted, and appears to ſubſiſt ftill. Fifthly, The
Slaughter extends over all its Territories:
som
It may be asked, whether this Judgment is accompliſhed now, or remains
abſolutely not executed. To this I think it prudent as well as proper to return
this ſpecial Anſwer, that it is accompliſhed in a War upon the Territories of
the Romiſh Church, wherein the Members thereof have been all over trodden
under Foot, and in ſuch a manner as anſwers to the Predi&tion. But whether
the Work be wholly finiſhed, we muſt not pretend to decide. This is not to
be done till we ſee the next great Act predicted under Execution; which is the
final fall of the Capital City, about and out of which the Vintage was trodden.
'Tis not therefore ſafe to ſay or conjecture, that it is fully accompliſhed; ſo
that there may not be ſtill a Flux of the ſame Judgment, or further Progreſs in
the Execution thereof, and a gleaning of the Grapes too. With this Caution
and Limitation I dare venture to ſay, that the Vintage and Preſſure is executed ;
and that this was done by the late War managed by the Proteftant States ali
over Europe, of which the Popiſh Countries were the Seat, as many of them as
ſtill remain the Dominions of the ſpiritual Babylon, which has wholly eſcap'd
out of this War.
The great Alliance between England, the United Provinces and the German
Princes ſer this War on Foot, and carried it into the. Popiſh Countries, which

(a) Hieronym. ad Dardan.
(6) Fuller's Piſgah. Lib. I. ch. 2.
(c) Plin. Nat.
Hift. Lib. V. cap. 13. puisi () See Lightfoot's Harm of the N. Teſtam in loc. & Decad.
Chorogr. in Marc. C. VIII
became

Ch. XIV. v. 20.
The Event of the Vintage.
665
became ſolely the Seat thereof. There were a dozen Battles fought and won
by them or their ſpecial Means, in which ſo much Blood of the Popiſh Party
was ſpilt, and in the taking of Towns, that it may be aſſerted, there has not
been ſuch a War for the Greatneſs, Duration, as well as the multiplicity of
Actions within ſeveral Centuries before this. And if the Confederates had a
Foil or two, at Landau and Almanza, theſe only puff’d up their Enemies to
receive more faral and bloody Blows elſewhere and ſoon after. At the ſame
time alſo the King of Sweden råvag'd Poland, till the Famine and Peſtilence in a
manner drove him out : ſo that he alſo, whilſt the Emperor was bufied elſe-
where, gave occaſion to the Hungarian Proteſtants to riſe and ravage che Here-
ditary Countries of the Emperor, which othewiſe might have eſcap'd. And
chat no little Corner might efcape by the Advantage of its Situation, the Pro-
ceſtant Cantons of the Swiſs were ſtirred up by the Abbot of St. Gall to fall up-
on the Popiſh, and in ſeveral Battles to tread them down allo; whilſt the City
of Rome was a Spectator of the Proteſtant Atmies round about. For though ic
feem'd uneaſy, and gave fome Provocations too, nevertheleſs it was not
touch'd, its Hour not being yet come. But when it does, it will be ſudden and
sho
unexpected.
Conſider therefore the State of Europe during the Reign of ANNE, Queen of
Great Britain, and it will be found, that this Vintage and Preſſure were execu-
ted therein by the Proteftant States as principal Agents. For though the Wars
ſeem'd to be carried on by Men upon human Views and Reaſons of State, this
hinders not their being in the Deſign of God a great Judgment upon the
Papiſts, as being now the only active Members of the corrupted Church. So
that theſe Wars exactly anſwer to all the Characters given by the Holy Ghoſt
in this Prediction; the Application of which may be eaſily made by every
Man, who is capable of reading this, and knows the Hiſtory of thoſe Wars.
ជាជាង
por
to ad
oot
Yd be
WIE
300
zona
sto
Rocus from
Gorofilarla

ob to
usbudd Bus STOSZY
8 G
Bet la SV
CHAP

666
Ch. XV. v. 1.
dolls
THIS
38 bugilon
- St. 2522 กะไ5.2 กัน
ordenata do to P.
CHAP. XV.
Sihat
DS
sto
Sushi Sum
SO
THIS ſhort Chapter is one of the hardeſt, if we judge of the Difficulty
by the ſlender Attempts of Interpreters to explain it. Mede look'd upon
this and the next as containing an account of the Fall of Antichrift; but 'tis the
quite contrary: For it foretells in ſome places the increaſe of the Antichriſtian
Power. What is it then? 'Tis a ſpecial account of the ſtate of the ſuffering
Saints, as the next Chapter contains a ſpecial account of the inward ſtate of the
corrupted Church, and the Miſery of its Members. To make this plain, we muſt
lay down this Propoſition, that whereas the former Chapter already explain'd
contains ſome ſhort Hints of fpecial Accidents during the two Periods of the
militant ſtate of the Church, which are afterwards to be further illuſtrated, or
were before explain'd at large, with ſome Specialities in the rehearſing no
where elſe expreſs’d, as I have already hinted : ſo in particular theſe two
Chapters enlarge upon five Verſes of the fourteenth Chapter, which contain
the Errand of the third Angel therein, and of the Voice from Heaven. That
Angel appears at the ninth Verſe, and the Voice at the thirteenth. The Angel
gives warning of the perpetual Torment of the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, and
of the patience of the Saints; and the Voice aſſures the Saints of their eternal
Reft and Reward. And thus the Perſecutions of the Saints, who refus'd to
worſhip the Beaſt, and the Torments of the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, which
were to laft all along during the Tyranny thereof, and have been predicted by
way of warning, and for that reaſon in a manner only' hinted at, and ſlightly
paſt over, will be now fully deſcrib'd through all the Parts and Inſtruments of the
Torments by great and proper Symbols. Theſe two things only concerning the
Members of the perſecured Church, and thoſe of the corrupted are in theſe two
Chapters ſet together in a parallel ; and the Holy Ghoſt gives us all the neceſſary
marks to ſhew that they are collateral and to what times they belong; and by
Conſequence how they are link'd with the other parts of the Propheſy: and ſtill
more particularly how by theſe Plagues the power of the two Witneſſes in
Chap. 11. 6. to ſmite the Earth, or Members of the corrupted Church, with
all kinds of Plagues is executed. As alſo, that all this is antecedent to the
fall of the Antichriſtian State, Babylon the Capital and the Beaſt with the Falſe
Prophet : ſo that it is now high time to deſcribe all this; becauſe thoſe laſt
Judgments begin at the ſeventeenth Chapter. This is the Key of theſe two
Chapters, as we ſhall prove it.
A. verſ. 1. Kai Gidov cimo onuçãoy év med šgaevõ méga rj Sarprasdy, And I Saw another
Sign in Heaven great and wonderful.] The Holy Ghoft in Chap. 12. 1. began
the Deſcription of the Struggles of the Church in the firſt Period by deſcribing
a great Sign of the Woman in Labour ; and another great Sign of the Dragon her
Enemy. In the ſame manner this Chapter and the next ſhewing che Struggles
of the Saints of the ſecond Period againſt their Perſecutors, together with their
Vi&ory, with the effect it hath immediately upon theſe Perfecutors in their
continual Torment, the Holy Ghoſt follows the ſame method of Signs. This
Obſervation ſhews the Uniformity or Symmetry of the divine Judgments to
one another; which will alſo further appear in the ſame Proportion which
theſe ſeven Plagues bear to the Plagues of the ſeven Trumpets, to which theſe
Bowls are partly ſynchronal : that is, to thoſe of the Trumpets which are at
tended with Woes.
The Sign is great and wonderful, becauſe it contains a Demonſtration of
the divine Juſtice, wherein. by the Effects thereof the Grearneſs and Glory
of God appear in the greateſt luftre. It is great becauſe God thereby con-
founds and overcomes his Enemies; ſee Nore on Chapter 18. 23. B. and
Pſalm 145. but eſpecially the 32 5, 6, and 17 Verſes, or even the third
Verſe of this Chapter; it is wonderful, becauſe it brings Terror upon his Ene-
mies and makes them at laſt confeſs themſelves overcome by him, and beſides
thas


Ch. XV. v. 1.
The ſeven laſt Plagues.
667
that makes him to be admired by his Saints; ſo that they have thereupon freſh
occaſion to praiſe him, and to celebrate his Attributes. Further, this Sign
may be ſaid to be great comparatively; becaufe the Judgments which they ex-
hibit exceed thoſe by which Paganiſm was chaſtis’d in the opening of the Seals,
or deſtroy'd by the Trumpets. For as the Perſecution of the Saints is greater
in this ſecond Period, ſo is their Victory the more ſpecial; and by conſequence
the Condemnation of their Perſecutors is more terrible. As the corrupted
Chriſtians had more Knowledge, ſo their Puniſhment is doubled. See our
Note upon Chap. 18.6. B. where this is demonſtrated.
B. 'Agzénes éle, Seven Angels.] We might tranſlate the ſeven An becauſe
theſe are the ſeven principal Angels ſtanding before the Throne
are im-
ploy'd about the founding of the Trumpets. The Trumpets fig pporal
Alarms, or from Enemies without ; the Bowls, by which theſe Angels execute
their Office, are internal and religious Judgments. God orders therein mat-
ters ſo, that the very Crimes of the ſuffering Members become the means of
their Puniſhment. The Trumpets cut ſhort the Enemies of God by external
Enemies ; here the ſame Enemies are tormented and deſtroy'd by their own
Ads. Their Power and Greatneſs become the means of their Miſery, the
Idol which they have ſet up, throws them into the Fire. It being obſerv'd
elſewhere, that theſe Plagues, manag‘d by theſe Angels, allude, and are as to
the literal Import like thoſe inflicted upon Egypt, we find in Pfal. 78. 49. that
the Egyptian Plagues were perform’d by Angels
. If any will ſay, that theſe
may be any ſeven Angels, and not the ſeven Archangels, becauſe the empha-
tical Article is wanting; I will not contend againſt it. The thing being equal
as to the Event, for which we are moſt concern'd.
C. "Egorias mangai's cold tas égeetas, Having the ſeven laſt Plagues.] To begin
here with the Signification of the word Plagues, on which all the reſt depends.
Plagues are Chaftiſements or Warnings, before the final Judgment comes. Ac-
cordingly at the end of theſe, when the ſeventh Bowl is poured out, the
Holy Ghoſt hints, that Babylon came in Remembrance before God, whereupon
follows in the ſeventeenth Chapter, td spice tñs cópons, the Judgment, or Con-
demnation of the Whore, and the Execucion in due order. After theſe Plagues
there is no more calk of Warnings, by way of gentle Correction ; all tends to
an utter Extirpation of God's Enemies. Now tho' theſe Plagues bring a con-
tinual Torment upon the Subject, and tend to the Deſtruction of many India
viduals, in reſpect to whom they are Judgments, yet in reſpect to the whole
corrupted Church, they appear deſign'd by God by way of Chaftiſement to
procure the Amendment of the whole. So the ten Plagues of Egypt are ſo cal-
led, becauſe Warnings, and not the utter Deſtruction of the King and Na.
but when Pharaoh and his Hoft were drown'd, this is their Judgment and
Deſtruction, Even the Deftruction of the Firſt-born is the laſt Plague, and 'tis
ſo called, Exod. 11. 1. Hence St. Jerome ſays well : (a) Et ille (Pharaoh) di-
latus eft, & decem plagas, non quaſi ab irato deo, ſed quaſi a patre commonente lufti-
nuit, donec in perverſum acta pænitentia, populum, quem dimiferat, per deſerta le-
queretur, & ingredi auderet maria : per quæ vel ſola doceri potuit; timori habendum
eum, cui etiam elementa ſerviunt. The word Plague in that place of Exodus is
D33, which is there in the LXX. turn'd by many; and elſewhere is turn'd by
ards 15, as in Pſal. 39. 10. Pſal. 89. 32. Pſal. 91. 10. Thus even the Fall of the Greek
Church and Empire, tho'a Deſtruction in itſelf, or ſlaying of the third part of
Men, yet was deſign'd as warning to the whole ; and ſo it is ſtill called Plague, ini
Chap. 9. 20. as that of the Locufts. See to this purpoſe a Chapter in (b)
Ifidorus Hifpalenfis, and another in (c) Euſebius. After all it is to be obſerved,
that the Puniſhments of God upon the Pagans are never called in this Book by
the name of Plagues; for theſe being deſign'd for paternal Corrections, are
only us'd on God's Children, Hebrews 12. 7, 8. that is, at leaſt ſuch as were
fo, but having forſaken the true Worſhip of God, he endeavours by theſe to
call them back,
Let us now conſider why theſe Plagues are called the laſt. The word 'ég:10
in the LXX. anſwers to the Hebrew In, which not only fignifies laft or latter
tion;

(a) Hieronym. ad Sabinian.
Hilt. Ecclef. Lib. VIII. cap. I.
(b) Ifidor. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. III. cap. 2.
(c) Euſeb.
abfolutely,

668
The ſeven laft Plagues.
Ch. XV. v. 1
abſolutely, but alſo the future time in general or to come hereafter, without
Determination, whether it be abſolutely final. So in Genef: 49.1. évigatay
mi negãy, in the laſt days fignifies in future Ages. See Prov. 3.1. 25. Deut. 4. 30.
and Chap. 31. 29. This hath been obſerv'd by (a) learned Men, and indeed
this Obſervation would be proper here, if the Holy Ghoſt had not exactly
diſtinguiſh'd theſe Judgments of the Bowls by a word different from Judg-
ment of Condemnation, becauſe ſome ſuch resicule Judgments follow hereafter
upon Babylon and the Beaft. But there is no occafion now for it: for by calling
theſe laft Plagues in the uſual ſenſe of the word, the Holy Ghoſt implies only,
that they are the laſt Warnings to the corrupted Church, and that after thefe
nothing is to be expected but a Condemnation to final Deftrudion without
Mercy, as upon impenitent Sinners, inſenſible to all Gods Chaftiſements, and
therefore to be utterly deſtroy’d.
Laſtly, we muſt conſider their number, being ſeven. We have hinted ſeveral
times, that this number is of Perfection and Fulneſs. The Etymology of it in
Hebrew is evident: for van leven, is plainly deriv'd from yaw Satur fuit, plenus
fuit, or at leaſt is a kin to it, as’tis well obſerved by Kircher, tho' the Points be
different. Theſe Points ſeem to be arbitrary. (b) Philo was cercainly of this Opi-
nion, for with him if douas is Teleoợó?Q. If the learned Gouflet had obſerv'd this, he
would not have been ſo puzled to derive the word yawi to ſwear from the word
which ſignifies Seven. For both as it ſignifies ſeven and to ſwear, it ſeems to be
deriv'd from the Signification of Fulneſs.. An Oath is the end of all Strife, for
Confirmation, Hebrew. 6. 16. when things are unſeen or future, to content
for the preſent, ſatisfie and fill the Mind, explere animum. How punctually doth
the Poet join theſe two Notions, of ſwearing to fill or content the Mind?
(c) Eas ad mulieres huc intrò, atque iſtuc jusjurandum idem
Polliceare illis: exple animum iis, teque hoc crimine expedi.
But this by the by; the number ſeven is therefore of Fulneſs and Perfe&tion. 'Tis
ſo at leaſt in all the divine (d) Oeconomies from the Day of the Creation :
From the Glimmerings of that Tradition the Heathens look'd upon it as a ſacred
number denoting alſo Perfection ; of which (e) Clemens Alexandr. and (f)
others have created ſufficiently. In the divine Oeconomy in refpe&t of Char-
tiſements 'tis very evident. Thus in Feb. s. 19. the juſt is only ſmitten fix
times, but not a ſeventh. He shall deliver thee in ſix Troubles : yea, in ſeven there
ſhall no evil touch thee. Thus alſo in Exek, 9. 2. lix Men are imploy'd to deſtroy,
but the ſeventh has the Ink-horn, whereby they that are to be ſaved are mark'd.
Tychonius ſays: (g) Noviſſimas dixit, quia ſemper ira dei perculit populum contu-
macem ſeptem plagis, id eft, perfe&tè: ficut ipſe deus in Levit. (26. 24.) Et percutiam
vos Septies propter peccata veſtra. Further as Philo has obſerv'd, that the number
four is a number of Univerſality in nature, (b) ÉTHS Te vleu év tergode, ſo
the ſame obſerves that Nature loves the number ſeven ; (i) zalpes de ri çúcis
ibsordd'r which Cenforinus confirms by ſaying; (k) Eo quod in omnibus numerus
Septenarius plurimum poffit
. Theſe two numbers of four and ſeven are alſo by Hip-
pocrates obierv'd to be critical in the Growth and Reſolution of Fevers. Tie
ſays: (1) Tão aldi i 787 epln bridna G. irigas éffordd o r ég fón aoxin Ozmenilai seni
ενδεκάτη άυτη γαρ έσι τετάρτη της ετέρης εβδομάδα. Θεωρητή δε πάλιν η επίακαιδεκάτη
αυγη κας έσι τετάρτη με άπο τής τεσα ρεσκαιδεκα της εβδόμη δε άπό τής ένδεκα της Every
pare of chis Aphoriſm might be applied to the three Periods of the Seals, the
Trumpets and the Bowls, but it would carry me too far. As alſo if I would
in the Platonick way compare the Progrets and Sress of the divine Oeconomy in
the Church's Fates to the Harmonies and extent of Sounds and Voices in Man:
which might be done, but loucov od mequm refóos, they who are skilled in the Prin-
ciples of Harmony will eaſily underſtand me and ſupply it of themſelves. 'Tis

(a) Worthington's Obf. on Script. mil. p. 102 Dr. Allix's Exam. of M. W. Scripi. Proph. p. 42.
(6) Philo Jud. de Mund. Opific. f. 15. (c) Terent. Hecys. A& IV. Sc. V.
(d) V.
Philo Jud. de Mund. Opificio. (e) Clem. Alex Strom. Lib. V. p. 256.
(f) Andr.
Mafii Comm. in Jof. 6.15. Epiphan. Lib. de Numeror. Myſteriis vid. Lindenbrog. Not.in Cenforin.
(g) Tychon. Hom XI.
(b) Philo Jud. de vira Mol. Lib. III. p. 456,
(i) Philo Jud. Allegor. Lib. I. p. 29. (k) Cenforin. cap. 7. U Hippocrat. Aphor. Lib. II. 5.24
enough
Cap. VII.

Ch. XV. v. 2.
The Sea mixt with Fire.
669
GAS OUS
enough to hint ir. I ſhall cloſe up this with the following Obſervation of the
Auchor of the Clementine Homilies : (a) ?Ax dulc oes d'exówfiere a fuláseség é megálya
των έχεσι τίω φύσιν' ών και με απ' αυτά λαβών των αρχώ δείκνυται εις ύψο άνω και δε
εις βάθG- κάτω και δε οι δεξιάν και σε όλη λαιών και δε έμπροσθεν και σε όπιθεν
αυτός αποβλέπων, ως εις αριθμόν πανταχόθεν ίσον χρονικούς εξ διασήμασιν σιωθελες τον κόσμον,
αυτός ανάπαυσις ών, και τον έσομενον άπειρον αιώνα εικόνα έχoν αρχή ών και τελετή εις
αυτόν γαρ τα εξ άπειρα τελάτά, και απ' αυτό το ως άπαρον έκβασιν λαμβάνει τέτό έσιν
OCDoudSG pus ágcov 'Tis evident therefore from all this, that the Subjects fuffer-
ing in theſe Plagues muſt be Chriſtians, that they are guilty of groſs Crimes
quite contrary to their Profeſlion, and that they have appeared to be incor-
rigible ; being ſo far from Repentance, that even after the laft of them they
blafpheme, inſtead of repenting.
D. "One & diutais étenén ở gouds og St, Becauſe in them is finiſhed the Wrath of
God.] Theſe words plainly prove what we have ſaid in the former Note of
the power of the number ſeven. The Holy Ghoſt argues upon that Notion;
finiſhed here implies not the end, or Ceffation and Conſumpçion of God's An-
ger, but its Perfection and Accompliſhment. The Phraſe is found in Lament.
4. 11. owerianor Kúzio gundy autšu that is, he has fully poured out bis Anger ;
to in Lamen, 3. 22. Š OMETENÉJu say oi olxluguoi duls, his Compaſſions fail not. Now
this Perfection is only in reſpect to the Subject ſuffering here. This excludes
not his Wrath laid up hereafter againſt the Capital City, the Beaſt and Falſe
Prophet, becauſe theſe fall upon the Earth, or upon the individual Members of
that politick Body. This Anger was threatned before in general terms, Chap.
14. 10. in the future, here it is executed accordingly; the Stile of the Holy
Ghoſt is exa& in this place, as every where elſe; wonderfully nice.
A. verf. 2. Kai & Sov, And I Saw.] A freſh Viſion, breaking off the Narration
of the Plagues for two ends. Firſt, To Thew by a Parentheſis fome Incidents
collateral to this Judgment, which concern the fate of the true Worſhippers,
during the Chaſtiſement of the corrupted Members; che Oeconomy of the
Holy Ghoſt herein being in this ſecond Period exactly like that we have ſeen
before, when the Angels received the Trumpets. For there alſo the Narration
is interrupted by a Parentheſis of the ſame length and Deſign, to ſhew the ſtate
of the true Worſhippers at the end of the firſt Period. After that the Angels,
as here begin their Office. Secondly, God never torments, or puniſhes Men,
but he lets them know their Faults. Now by the Deſcription of the ſtate of
true Worſhippers, it appears they are perfecuted; therefore this Torment of
the Plagues comes juftly upon them all along for perſecuting the Saints.
B. 'S25 Sanaarar verivlu Tupi uenig refelw, As it were a Sea of Glaſs mingled with Fire.]
This is to be underſtood by Trajection, Serdarar as veaivlss, a Sea as it were of
Glaſs; as it ought alſo to be underſtood in Chap. 4. 6. if that be the true read-
ing. That place ought to be conſulted, becauſe the Signification of that is in
a great meaſure to be applied here, with ſome little Alteration. This Sea
being the ſame, only mingled with Fire, whereas the other is like Cryſtal,
bright and clear. Fire is the Symbol of Torment by any means, but eſpecially
War. To the Wicked for Chaſtiſement, Puniſhment and Deſtruction; to the
Saints for the Trial of their Faith ; but even in this Cale that Trial commonly
proceeds to the Deſtruction of their mortal Bodies. So in ferém. 9. 7. ist é you
Kupaow aules rý dore pcã kules, I will fire them, and try them: So likewiſe in Iſaiah 1.
25. and Chap. 4. 4. and Dan. II. 35. that Fire may in general ſignifie any
War, we have a clear inſtance in Ariſtophanes : (b)
Είτα περικλόης φοβηθείς μη μελέχη της τύχης
Τας φύσης τμών δεδoικώς, και τον αυγοδάξ τρόπον,
Πριν πεθάν τι δεινόν, αυτός εξέφλεξε τίω' πόλιν,
"Εμβαλων σπινθήρα μικρόν μεγαρικά ψηφίσμα?
But of this I have treated ſufficiently before on Chap. 8. 7. A. I find indeed
the Portentum of a (c) Lake of Blood in Livy, but without any particular Expo-

(a) Clement. Homil. XVII. S. 9.
Lib. XXIV.
() Liv. Hift.
(6) Ariſtoph. in Pac.
8 H
ſition,

670
The Sea mixt with Fire.
Chap. XV. v. 2.
fition, or hint how it was underfood. However, the Poet Sophocles, to repre,
fent the ill ſtate of Thebes during the Plague, uſes the Symbol: (e)
Tións zo's, Koneg x kulds toogãs, os gan
Ήδη σαλάει, κανακεφίσαι καρα
Βυθών έτ' έχ οία το φοινίς σάλα.
Tacitus mentions an Oftentum of the Sea bloody or red; (b) Oceanum cruento af
pectu, before the great War in Britain ; but Livy tells of the Sea being on Fire :
(c) Mare arfit eo anno. Thus alſo in Horace: (d)
Nec Siculums mare,
Pæno purpureum Sanguine.
to
This and ſuch like explain the Symbol of the Sea becoming Blood in the next
Chapter. So Silius Italicus ſpeaking of the Omina before the Battle at the
Lachs Thraſimenus : (e)
I&tus do ethered per ftagna patentia flammas
Fumavit Lacus, atque arferunt flu&tibus ignes.
As the Sea is the Symbol of a Multitude, ſo the Fire may ſignify the Diſpoſition
of the People to War, Bloodſhed or Perſecution. Fire and Blood being in a
great meaſure ſynonymous; and thus the Symbol may be taken active-
ly, that is, the Sea may be taken for the Concrete, or the Multitude of
the corrupted Chriſtians who perſecute the Saints. The Sea may be taken
paſſively to ſignify the Multitude of the Saints, whoſe ſtate is to be like a Sea
of Glaſs, a pure and holy Life in a very unſettled Condition, whilft they alſo
indure the fire of Perſecution. This Sea is the Scene which is to laſt in the
fame ſtate during all the pouring out of the Bowls; and conſequently ſignifies
the ſucceſſive ſtate of the Church perſecuted by thoſe, who ſuffer the Plagues,
or God's Chaftiſements without Repentance; ſuch a Sea is ſo explaind in
the Paſtor of Hermas, Lib. I. Viſ. 3. 9. 2. S. See the Note on Chap. 8. 8.
By this we fee, that there are two Significations of Fire, as it is a Symbol ;
ſometimes it ſignifies the Deſtruction of the Wicked both in this world, and in
the next; and fecondly, it fignifies the Trial of the faithful. Either of theſe
ways this Fire is a Puniſhment and a Purgatory; a Puniſhment to the Wicked,
as it firſt chaſtiſes, and then torments and deſtroys them; a Purgatory as it
clears the World, and more eſpecially the Church of the Evil therein. It is a
(f) Puniſhment to the Juft to curb their Pride and Luft, and to amend what-
ever is amiſs in them, that by ſuch Correction God may find them acceptable
in the Day of Vifitation. Hence 'tis ſaid in this Propheſy, that they who
are once out
of the great Tribulation, have waſhed and wbitened their Stoles in the Blood of
the Lamb, Revel. 7; 14. and therefore this Correction by way of Trial of their
Faith, quickning it into Zeal and Patience to the end, unites them ſo by the
Conformity of their Sufferings to Chriſt their great Exemplar and High Prieſt,
that their Souls are thereby purged by his Blood; and thus in the Conſequence
alſo proves a Purgatory Fire to them, clearing them of all their Droſs.
There is then a purgatory Fire, but it is only whilſt Men are in this mortal
Life ; and the Holy Scriptures ſpeak of no other. This is confeſs’d, even by
the Adverſaries in thoſe very places upon which the Do&rine of Purgatory is
pretended to be grounded. Some indeed there are in holy Writ, which de-
ſcribe the eternal Torments of the Wicked in the ſecond Death, but of theſe
there is no Diſpute; for their Eternity fhews, that they are not purgative
but penal; but whether they be literal or ſymbolical to expreſs only their
Torment, in a manner which now we cannot conceive otherwiſe, the Ex-
preſſions of Salt, Sulphur, or which is the fame, eternal, ſhew that this eternal

(m) Sophocl. Oedip. Tyr. (6) Tacit. Annal. XIV.
() T. Livii Hift. Lib. XXIII.
(d) Horat. Lib. II. Od. II.
(e) Sil. Italic. Punic. Lib. V.
(f) V. Cyprian.
de Lapſ p. 124. Eufeb. H. Eccleſ. Lib. VIII. cap. I.
Fire

Chap. XV. V. 2.
The Sea mixt with Fire,
671
mentum.
Fire or Torment is abſolutely penal and without Recovery; ſo far is it from
being purgative. And after all, tho' this Fire were expreſs’d with the Ad-
jun&s of Salt and Sulphur, yet the reft of the Propheſy fufficiently diſcovers
to us whether it belongs to this Life of Trial or the next, and whether it be
purgarive to the Juſt, or Deſtruction to the Wicked. The firſt Riſe of the
Opinion of a purgatory Fire after this Life came from Origen, who, to ſettle
his Anovela'suous and Revolution of Souls, applied this Fire to the Souls depart-
ed ; becauſe he found, that ſome ſort of prophetical Fire is purgative. Saint
Auguſtine trimm'd too much upon it, and tho’he propos'd it only as a Problem,
yet his Authority was ſuch in the weſtern Churches, that it was ſettled as a
certain Doctrine, when the Uſefulneſs of any Doctrine to the preſent Intereſt
was enough to make it true. However, he explains by Allufion the celebrated
Paſſage of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 3. 13, 14, 15, as we do. I ſhall conclude this with
his words : (a) Poteft quippe ad iftam tribulationem pertinere etiam ipfa mors carnis,
gua de peccati primi perpetratione concepta eft, & ſecundum cujuſque ædificium tempore
ſuo ab unoquoque ſuſcepta. Pollunt & perfecutiones ecclefiæ, quibus martyres coronasi
Junt, & qnas patiuntur quicunque Chriftiani : probant utraque ædificia velut ignis,
á alia conſumunt cum ipfis adificatoribus, fi Chriftum in eis non inveniunt funda-
This is like St. Auſtin, grave and ſolid.
C. Και τες νικώνας εκ τέ θηρία, κ έκ τής εικόνο αυτέ, και εκ τ8 αριθμε τα ονόμαίG- αυγά,
And them that had gotten the Victory over the Beaft, and over its Image, and
over the number of its Name.] Brightman has obſerv'd very well, that the
Prepoſition éx which is commonly us’d to expreſs the Hebrew in, is here
imployed in the ſame manner as that Hebrew Particle, after words that
fignify Victory and Superiority. So, tis found in 2 Sam. 1. 23. and Pfal
.
65. 3. The Beaſt is ſaid to make War with the Saints and Witneſſes, and
to overcome them, Revel. 11. 7. and Chap. 13: 7. and yet the Saints are alſo
faid to overcome their Enemies ; as in the Caſe of the Dragon, Revel. 12. 11.
and here of the Beaſt. There is no Contradiction at all in this; the Victory
of the Saints conſiſts of two parts; they overcome in the firſt place, becauſe
they refuſe to ſubmit to the end ; and ſecondly, they gain a compleat Victory
in a judicial way in the divine Court, where their Cauſe is heard, and Sentence
is given on their fide. Now the Holy Ghoſt mentions only this ſort of Victory,
when the Execution of the Sentence is read; ſo that it implies, that their Ad-
verſaries are now to ſuffer ; and by conſequence theſe ſeven Plagues are an
effect of that Sentence. Herein we ſee why theſe Plagues are ſent ; for the
Holy Ghoſt, to ſet the divine Juſtice in a due Light, never ſpeaks of any Exe-
cution of Judgment, but there is expreſs mention of the Crimes for which 'tis
perform’d. Theſe Reaſonings are clear'd elſewhere. Now the Sufferings of
the Saints continuing during all the reign of the Beaſt, this Scene muſt there.
fore endure ſo long. Every Day the Beaſt ſlays the Saints, and therefore every
Day the Saints gain Victories over it,
I muſt not forget to obſerve, that altho' here is a Repetition of things men-
tion'd before in more than one place, theſe having been deſcrib'd before in the
account of the Witneſſes, the War of the Beaſt and elſewhere, yet it is not in
vain ; both upon the account already mention’d, and alſo becauſe it is accom-
panied with freſh Circumſtances. The former accounts only deſcribe their suf-
ferings and Death ; but this place ſets forth their Condition in the ſeparate
State after this Life. Thus Repetitions in the uſual method of the Holy Ghoſt
are made with Improvements.
We have ſeen before in the Deſcription of the Beaſt, that its Falſe Prophet
forces all Men to worſhip the Image of the Beaſt, to take its Character, and
the number of its Name; which as we have prov'd there obliges all Men to
worſhip the Beaſt and its Image ; that is, to ſubmit to its Tyranny and Reli-
gion, to make a publick Profeſſion of that Submiſſion, and to give it all the
Afiftance it requires, the Submiſſion muſt be intire. Therefore in this place
the Holy Ghoſt repreſents, that they only are the true Saints who refift unto
Death in refuſing to comply with any part of that Submiſſion. 'Tis nor ſuf-
ficient to reſiſt to ſome things, and to yield to others. Such a Compliance
is Hypocriſie : hence we ſee all thoſe terms of Submiſſion enumerated here
and even ſome Copies add after eixóvo evf theſe words : óx Ti gagalyua? v78,

(«) Auguſt. de Civit. dei Lib. XXI. cap. 26,
and

672
The Harps of God.
Ch. XV. v. 2.
and
and over its Charakter. But as this is not read in the Complut. Alexandrian MS.
and others; and that (a) Dr. Mill doth not approve of it, we need not infift
upon it, becauſe the Character is the ſame as the number of the name.
D. 'Es@tas Ohi Thu Serce en Tle d'eniylw, Standing by the Sea of Glaſ».] Standing
upon the Shore as Men that have gone through it. For 'tis plain by the next
Verſe the Holy Ghoſt alludes to the Deliverance of the Iſraelites from the
Egyptians, when they had paſs’d the Red Sea. So that this ſtanding poſture ſhews
a Reſiſtance, and by the Alluſion argues a Conflict paſt: that they have re-
fifted the Temptation to be indured by paſſing through that Sea mixt with
Fire, and that they are now clear of it. The Prepoſition in which anſwers
to yo ſignifying not only upon, but alſo by or near. And fince the Saints are
perſecuted to death, 'tis plain they are not clear of this Sea till after death,
and that therefore the Holy Ghoſt here repreſents them in the ſeparate State, as
the Souls under the Altar. The Conſequence of this is, That by their Suffer-
ings they are clear'd and declared innocent by an anticipated Judgment; be-
cauſe they are ſaid to ſtand after their Paſſage or Trial. Now ſtanding in Judg.
ment has that Signification, in Pſal. i. 5. Pfal. 5. 5. 'Twill not be improper to
add here ſome remarkable and appofite words of (b) S. Auft in : Utrique tanquam in
Sagenam Evangelicam colliguntur ; & in hoc mundo tanquam in mari utrique incluſi reti-
bus, indiſcrete natant, donec perveniatur ad littus, ubi mali fegregentur à bonis, & in
bonis tanquam in templo ſuo fit deus omnia in omnibus.
E. "Egories Hostages of Sst, Having the Harps of God.] (c) Bochart has proved,
that the usage of the Greeks is the ſame as the 7739 or revúpel or xurruga of
the Hebrews, and ſo the LXX. turn that word by ruvuęce or stelpa,
fometimes, but more rarely, by fantágrov, but this only ſhews the uſe of the
Harp, or rather Guitar, in ſinging of Pſalms. (d) Plutarch calls the Inſtruments
of the Levites suwezas; and therefore the ſame as augas, for the Lyre and Guitar
are ſynonymous in the Greek (e) Authors. And if (f) any of them make any
difference between thoſe two Inſtruments, they ſuppoſe it to be very ſmall,
ſuch as we may ſuppoſe there is between a Violin and a Kit. The Diſtinction
ſeems to me to have ariſen from the different number of Strings: In the Times
of Terpander, who is obſerv'd in (g) Athenaus to have been Victor in the firſt
Carnea, which falls in with the XXVI. Olympiad, his Thorminx or Guitar had
but ſeven, as appears by a Diftich of his cited by <b) Euclid. But in the ſame
place a Paſſage of the Tragedian Fon ſhews, that a Lyre had ten Chords, ſo
that 'tis to me very likely, that thoſe who pretend to ſpeak diſtinctly, make
this the difference, about which others are not ſo nice. The Greeks niaking
a different uſe of that Inſtrument in Mourning, their Onirocriticks explain it
both ways of Mourning and Joy. So Artemidorus Lib. I. cap. 58. sýretagičev,
προς γάμος και κοινωνίαν αγαθόν, δια των αρμονίαν προς δε τας άλλας ευχαρίσεις, πονηρόν
The Perſian and Egyptian Onirocriticks in Chap. 51. explain it of bad Succeſs;
'Εαν 7 και τις ότι κιθαρωδώ, ή κιθαρωδειο ακέει ο μ' έσι βασιλός καθασκίασει καλά
Tôvégend pôv buna's, vis tlusúsetak The reaſon of this is plain from this, that the
Guitar was a religious Inſtrument, and the Religion of the Egyptians conſiſting
chiefly in Mourning for the Dead, the Guitar was an Inftrument of Mourn-
ing. So that cho' the Greeks borrowed moſt of their Rites from them, yet
moſt of theſe were turn'd into Jollity, which was more ſuitable to their jovial
Temper. So Plutarch has obſerv'd ſomewhere: But in explaining the Language
of the Holy Ghoft, whom can we conſult better to determine the signification
of a Symbol than the holy Scriptures ? In theſe the Guitar is conſtantly an
Inſtrument of Joy. See Genef. 3r. 27. Pſal 81. 2. Iſaiah 24. 8. Job 30. 31.
with many others, and this place is ſuitable to the fame Notion. There is alſo
an Adjunct of theſe Harps, that they are of God. Either this is an Hebraiſm
to fhew their Excellency, as that Addition often ſignifies, as in i Kings 19. 8,
vid. Buxtorf. Theſ. Gram. Lib. II. cap. 3. and by Conſequence, that the Joy of
theſe Saints is moft excellent; or elſe, that theſe Harps are given as from God;

(a) Mill. Prolegom. p. 159.
(6) Auguſt. de Civit. dei Lib. XVIII. C. 49. (c) Bochart.
Canaan, Lib. II. cap. 7.
(d) Plut. Sympoſ. Lib. IV. cap. 5. (e) Ariſtoph. Neb.
Ælian. V. Hift. Lib. XIV, cap. 23. Hefych. in V. Horat. freq. (f) Platon. de Rep. Lib. III.
p.396. vid. ejuſd. de Legib. Lib. VII. p. 578. Plin. Cæcil. Lib. VII. Epift
. IV. Ariſtides Quintilian.
Lib. II. p. II.
(8) Achen. Lib. XIV. cap. IX.
(b) Euclid. Introduct.
Harmon.
and

Ch. XIV. v. 3.
The Harpers Song
673
7
and by Conſequence, that they receive from God ſuch Affurances of his Fa-
vour, as gives them exceeding Joy. Perhaps there is ſomething more deſign'd
by them, that they may be called ſo in Oppoſition to larps common or pro-
fane, or what is uncertain, equivocal and even miſerable ; as it happens to all
things depending upon Man. But we ſhall diſcover more nicely the reaſon of
this Addition, by comparing this Expreſſion with what is ſaid in Chap. 14. 2.
For there the Harpers are ſaid to play upon their own Harps; but here theſe are
ſaid to have Harps of God. Now obferve che different states ; thoſe are then
ftill in a mortal State, but theſe in the ſeparate State. So that thoſe thank
God with what they voluntary offer and provide of themſelves; but there
thank him with the very Inſtruments and Tokens of the divine Favour; God
putting them in that State in a Condition to acknowledge it, and praiſe him.
So that they ſolve the doubt in the Pſalmiſt, 6, s. In the grave who shall give
thec ThanksThe decorum of the Symbols muft be obſerv'a ; in the account of
the Seals that of Garments had been us'd. The Souls had Stoles given them,
and the Confeffors put on white Garments : fo here thefe have Harps given as
the Virgin Company us'd Harps of their own.
From all which it appears, that theſe Saints, who are the Brethren and Fel-
low Servants of the Souls under the Altar, and Partakers of the like Sufferings,
have in this place the like Tokens of divine Favour and Promiſes, which theſe
Souls receiv'd by the Delivery of their white Scoles. And none of thefe being
yet perfectly happy till the Reſurrection, we ſee how gradually the Holy
Ghoſt proceeds; the Souls under the Altar have white Stoles given, common
to all Worſhippers, to Levites and Prieſts approved, but not yet conſecrated.
In this place their fellow Sufferers are preſented as Levites, and admitted nearer
to the divine Favour, Service and Preſence. This being an increafe, One
may ſuppoſe, that at the ſame time the Souls have more joy, being by theſe
aſſured, that the time of their Perfe&tion is nearer than before. In their Re-
ſurrection, Chap. 20. 6. they are ſaid to be Prieſts, that is, compleat, con-
fecrated, and perfectly happy : as we ſhall explain that there. See our Notes
on Chap. 6. 11. A. and Chap. 20. 6. D. I am apt to think, that Ignatius had
fome Notion of this Gradation of the Glory of the Martyrs, when he makes
this State, into which he was going to enter, the beginning of a new Diſciple-
ſhip, of which he ſpeaks in ſeveral places. The Fathers indeed did look upon
Martyrdorn as a ſecond Baptiſm, an Entrance into a new Church, wherein
they proceed by degrees to the inmoſt San&uary. Chriſt himſelf was baptiz'd
with this Baptiſm in his Death; and entred not into his full and perfect Glory
at his Death, Refurre&tion and Aſcenſion. For even his glory is to be more
perfect in the Reſurrection of the Juft, and in the general Reſurrection it is to
be at the pitch of Perfection. He is our great Type in every reſpect, and ſo
of the Martyrs chiefly, who are above others made more conformable to him
by their Sulferings. Compare with this the Note upon Chap. 22. 8. B. Thus
we have frequently occaſion to admire the accuracy of the Holy Ghoſt
A. verf. 3. Kai door TW Ś Mw Mevočas rå réax 78 Fax, xj thu qi Mw' iš apvix, And
they ſing the song of Moſes the Servant of God, and the Song of the Lamb.] Tis
vilible that this
alludes to that Song of Moſes after the Iſraelites had paſs’d the
Red Sea. That Song of Moſes contains a Thankſgiving for God's Mercy to the
Iſraelites, and a Propheſy: So doth this thank God firſt for judging the Perſe-
cutors of theſe Martyrs, and by that Judgment giving them an earneſt of their
Reward. And then it prediets the univerſal Converſion of the Nations, which
is a Concoinitant Circumſtance of their Reſurrection. But then as the
Song of Moses makes no expreſs mention of the Lamb or Chriſt, who was
then only as a Miniſter, but now fits on God's Throne, and has his ſhare with
the Father in theſe Judgments; left we ſhould be apt to think, that Chriſt is
here forgotten, there is added, and the Song of the Lamb, upon whoſe inter-
ceſſion, and by whoſe Mediation and Power cheſe Saints have gone through
the fiery Sea of Temptations, and the Vengeance of their Cauſe is executed
upon their Enemies. Further, theſe Saints are Witneſſes to the Truth of the
Mofaical Law as well as Goſpel of Chriſt, and they are not only ingrafted
upon the carnal Iſrael, but alſo at firſt ſprung and compos'd out of the Church
of Iſrael and the Gentiles, eſpecially called by the Chriftian Goſpel ; they have
now a freſh inftance to repeat a Song of Thankſgiving like that of Moſes, buc
put at the ſame time into their Mouch by Chriſt cheir Saviour. So that the
8 I
words

674
The Harpers Song.
Ch. XV. v. 3.
words are to be taken in a compounded Senſe ; that there is but one Song
fung, like that of Moſes and ſuch as becomes the Servants of Chriſt. The
Song as of the Lamb, would imply only general Thanks to Chriſt, but the
mention of Moſes by Alluſion ſhews the ſubject thereof.
Some have thought, that this Song belongs to the Times of Conftanting the
Great, but they are ſuch as ſeem to know very little of the Conſtitution of
this Propheſy: and indeed ſuch a Notion is evidently inconſiſtent with the very
Deſcription of the Circumſtances. What have the Times and Actions of
Conſtantine to do with a fiery Sea and a Beaſt perfecuting the Saints? But (a)
M. Jurien, whoſe Notions may be the more heeded, becauſe indeed that acute
Writer has had the firſt beft Notion of the ſeven Plagues concurrent with this,
ſays, That the Holy Ghoſt repreſents theſe Harpers as in their eternal Sabbath
of Reft. But this cannot hold, unleſs it appear'd, that theſe are raiſed again
with their Bodies. For there is no abſolute, eternal Reft but at the Reſurrectia
on. The middle State of the Soul is but improperly called an eternal Reft. 'Tis
in order to it, and theſe Souls have Aſſurance thereof; but ſtill it is future:
therefore in their Song the Expreſſions, which hint at it, are in the future.
The Scene holds out during all the Period of the Plagues; and the Song ſuits
with the Condition of every individual, as ſoon as he has paſt the fiery Sea,
and ſtands on the Shore. The Reft or Reſurrection follows this Period, at no
great diſtance, very probably ; but tho' they ſhould immediately cloſe, they
are very different States, and effentially diſtinguiſhed.
B, Aézovles, péyince ng Saunasa tai ligge os, Saying, great and wonderful are thy Works.]
Compare Exod. 15.11. Jerem. 10. 6. and our Note on v. r. A. to which there
words refer; for at the ſame time as theſe are ſinging this Song, the Judgment
of the feven Plagues is executed. But further, the power and glory of God is
prais'd by theſe Saints, becauſe themſelves have made trial thereof, whilft God
affifted them in their Conflict with their Perſecutors: for in this Victory God
is alſo magnified and admired, or ador'd juſtly of his Saints.
C. Kugle, • Osòs ó Tayloxgetup, O Lord God Almighty.] The Title of Lord is of
Invocation to direct the Song of Praiſe ; that of God and Almighty are us'd be-
cauſe God therein ſhews fully the Attribute of his Power every way, by making
good his Promiſes to the Saints, and on the other Hand by puniſhing the
Wicked.
D. Aixalol rý ánn Gevoi ai osol o's, Juſt and true are thy ways.] I kt1ow that
á an Jerôs may fignify ſometimes juſt and equal, as it is found in (6) Homer and
Heſychius, where dangus is ſynonymous to disco as alſo Verus in Latin ; ſo usd
in (c) Horace and (d) Virgil
. And indeed ſo we uſe the Engliſh word t rue fome-
times. But in this ſo exaè a Book we need not ſuppoſe it to be ſo, but to fig-
nify fomething different from juſt, therefore I think, that the ways of God are
called juſt in reſpect of the Puniſhment of the Wicked, who are in part the
ſubject of this Song ; and true in reſpect of God's making good his Promiſes to
the Saints; and this I take to be moſt commonly the meaning of the word in
holy Writ. As to the whole Expreſſion compare, Exod. 15. 13. Deut. 32. 4.
Pfal. 145. 17. Ifa. 25. 1,
2. Hoſea 14.9. Addit. to Dan. 3. 27. in the Greek. The beſt
Authors of the Greek Tongue have it alſo. Euripides; (e) ?EČrsogña oul cãy of op
Goholyester. I ſhall obſerve by the by, that the Mahometans call their Wars to
deſtroy the Enemies of their Religion, the (f) Way of God. For which reaſon
they account all theſe who die in ſuch Wars as the Martyrs of God, calling
them (8) Schoháda.
E. O Bagiadis tãy étrwv, O King of the Nations.] So the MS. Alex, the Com-
plut. Edition, Andreas, Aretas, the Arabick Verſion, and the Ethiopä сk Verſion,
which thus rather paraphraſes the Text, Juftitia & re&titudo funt viæ tuæ,
quibus imperium exercuifti Super omnes gentes, and others. Ansbertus likewiſe had
ſeen this reading, and obſerves it alludes to Ferem. 10. 7. this he explains in
another place thus : (b) Et fi reprobi filiorum dei gloriam perdiderums, dominium
tamen ejus non evaferunt : utitur enim eis ad utilitatem Sanctorum, etiam cum pugnat
at to do is on allergi
gni loom ons vodi
solo allo
(a) M. Jurien's Hift. of Worsh, and Opin. Lib. II. P. III. c. 9.
(6) Hom. Iliad. the
(d) Virgil. Æn. Lib. XII.
V. 433.i var's (c) Horat. Lib. I. Ep. 7.
(e) Euripid.
Hecub. v. 744. vid. Heraclid. v. 237. & Not. Joh. Brodæi ibid.
(F Herbelot. tit.
Baiazid. II. & Gedal.
(S) Vid. Herbelot. in titul. 159091 (1) Ansbertà Lib. VIII.
ad Apoc. 197 14.2001vs risinde yd duOM 1983 onni siis nisl
ow
Adverſus

Ch.XV. v.3.
The Harpers Song
675
adverſus eorum perfidiam. Secundùm etiam hunc intelle&tum Nabuchodonofor feruus
dei vocatur : & Angelus Refuga, ſpiritus domini malis. Other Greek Copies read
dziwy, Saints, inſtead of Nations; and fo 'tis in ſome Copies of the Vulgate in
MS. the printed having Seculorum, whereby it ſeems it has been read&t evcipe
(a) Dr. Mill approves this reading as genuine, and looks upon the other two ås
crept from the Margin. He takes the Expreſſion to be brought from Jerem. 10.
10, 9jbo, b) : Caoundis röv okcóvav is one of the divine Titles which
comprehends both the other, of Saints and Nations. And if we conſider, that
this Song celebrates the Aas of God for the Saints, and againſt the Nations or
Idolaters, we ſhall ſoon perceive the Neceflicy of having a more comprehen-
five Title here than either of the other two ſingly. Thus tho' I like this better,
'tis not very material to determine, which is the trueſt reading; ſince any one
of them ſuits the place very well, and that in the Song of Moſes, Exod. 15. there
are ſo many Attributes given to God, that they authorize all theſe Differences,
as dziwy, v. 11. égvãv, v. 14, 15, 16. acirese, v. 18. where the LXX. have Kuzic
Geoindor tov drãvel, aj fai dāva, sj for to the very fame purpoſe. God being
King of the Ages, becauſe he has made and governs both this preſent World,
and all the Ages and Conſtitutions thereof, that are to come hereafter. Now
the higheſt act of Dominion being that of having power of Life and Death,
God ſhews that he has this Power, when the Wicked are by him condemn'd
and puniſh'd, and the Juſt receive their Reward of Immortality.
A. verf. 4. Tís usa voln eri as, Kugee, who ſhall not fear thee, O Lord?] Compare
Exod. 15. 14, 15, 16. Pfal. 106. 22. The meaning is, that ſince God hath
perſorm’d ſuch Wonders in tormenting and puniſhing the corrupted Chriftians,
this will ſtrike a Terror into all the remaining Idolaters: in the ſame manner as
when he had deſtroy'd Pharaoh with his Plagues, and at laſt in the Red Sea, all
the Nations of Canaan and the Confines were frighted at his Actions, ſo that
their Hearts failed them, Hofh. 5. 1. and by conſequence all they who will re-
fift, being before hand diſmay'd, ſhall be eaſily overcome as the Canaanites,
Theſe matters will be more evident when we come to conſider the latter end of
the Beaft and Falſe Prophet.
usado
B. Kai Dogdon od ovoué os, And glorify thy name.] That is, ſhall be converted
to thee, as that Expreſſion frequently implies, by ſuppoſing, that thoſe
who glorify God, were in an oppoſite Condition before. Rom. 15. 9. 1. Pet. 2.
12. theſe Plagues or Judgments of God ſhall prove Deſtruction to one part,
and means of Converſion to the other, who ſhall by them be frighted into it.
See Chap. 11. 13. E. for we ſhall find, that the Reformation is in part one of
the Effects of the Plagues, as it is likewiſe the Antecedent, and a part of the
general Converſion.
38 ads soa
C. "Oti jóvo agio ., For thou only art boly.] The Notion of Holineſs, both
of God and his people, has been explain'd before upon Chap. 4. 8. F. and is
that which conſiſts in ſuch a mutual Relation by Covenant, on God's fide to
favour his People with the beſt of his Bleſſings, and on the part of the Saints
fo to worſhip only God, that all other objects are excluded, and no other
People to be favour'd with the proper Bleſſings of the Saints. Now when God
has by theſe Plagues procured a general Converſion of Men, then he is only
Holy, becauſe the only Object of religious Worſhip. The truth of this is evi-
dently made out by the next words : God is only Holy, becauſe all Nations
fhall come and worſhip before him. That Title doth therefore at all cimes be-
long to him, becauſe he alone has a true right to that Worſhip, and he will ac-
cordingly be poffefs'd thereof. So Chriſt immediately upon his Reſurrection
ſays, all Power in Heaven and Earth is given to him in right, tho' not quite
in Fact. Such a Right and Power therewith, that in due time he will be in
a&ual Poffeffion of all his juft Rights. Now this Proclamation of that univer-
fal Right of God to be worſhipped, in Excluſion of all other Obje&ts, is made
juft when that Title is to be made good to him. fotoqxoni niged ol
Many other Copies have here or inſtead of dre: that is, clear inſtead
of Holy. The difference is not little between theſe two : For as I ſhall prove
upon the next Chapter, 10 fignifies clear in reſpect of guilt or injuſtice. Pro-
to woli i ona bih ono o no
(a) Millii Prolegom. in N. T. p. 5o.
Lib. II. cap. 14.
si tobo (6) 1 Tim. 1, 17. vid. Bachart. Canaan
bestun yorda 343 Ol
perly

676 The Preparation of the Plagues.
Ch. XV. v.5.
perly gro is the ſame as purus ; ayro the ſame as Sanétus ; d'yvos the ſame as
Caftus. He that carefully conſiders this, and what has been faid on the words
before us, muſt own that we have followed the moft proper reading. Yec if I
may indulge my ſelf in a Conje&ure, I ſhould think that both are to be read
here, and jeric. So that the very next
words refer to éyic, and explain it ;
and the following refer to and explain 8016. See the
Nore on Chap. 16. 5. B.
D." Og måste tee 19ym siłyou ry aspoo xurańóxowy év ámów or, For all Nations ſhall come and
worſhip before thee.] This is an Hint or Predidion of the univerſál Reign of
God upon Earth by the Converſion of all Nations, which is more fully defcribed
afterwards in the order of the Prophefy relating to the very Times of its Aca
compliſhment. Now we muſt call to mind what was ſaid before ; that this
Hymn doth indeed ſuit with the Condition of every individual, as ſoon as he
comes into this State, but that it alſo ſuits the whole aggregated Body, when
compleat at the end of its Period. And therefore this song is inſerted in a
place, and in words de futuro, being juſt ſpoken as it were in the nick of the
time antecedent to the Event it foretells. For the fulfilling of the number of
the Saints in Sufferings, haftens and procures the univerſal Kingdom of God,
by the Deſtruction of his Enemies, and the affrighting of thoſe that are con-
fiderate. The Reward, which is to be beſtow'd upon theſe Saints, muſt be a
conſequence of this Event, and therefore in full Confidence of their hope they
forereſ its Approaches.
E. "On tai onenigeo]d ox iqavegódnowy, For thy Judgments are made manifeft.] As
the former Expreſſion containd the reaſon of that which went before, ſo this is
added to inforce that reaſon; all Nations ſhall worſhip God, becauſe he has
made known his Dominion to them, and ſhews his Juſtice in the Puniſhment of
theſe that have forſaken him. The Judgments of God are here taken in the
fame Latitude as the word to judge in holy Writ, which fignifies to exerciſe all
regal power. See the LXX. in Deut. 30. 16. Pfal. 119. Ezek. 20. 2. All
Laws, Statutes, Ordinances, Promiſes and Threatnings, as alſo the Execution
of them upon the obedient and diſobedient, reſpectively come under that name;
and conſequently this fhews, that upon the Execution of theſe Plagues the
Juftice and Power of God ſhall be recogniz'd, and that thereupon the true
Worſhip and Religion of God's Inſtitution ſhall be receiv'd. When the
Wicked are puniſhed and deſtroy'd, the remaining part ſhall then give glory to
God by a fuitable Converſion. Beſides, as theſe have receiv'd a Pledge of the
divine Favour, and by that know, that God
will do them Juſtice ; and as they
have ſuffered for his fake, God will award to them ample Rewards: they may
therefore acknowledge, that his Judgments are juſt, and his Promiſes true.
See the Note on Chap. 19. 8. B.
A. verf. 5.
Kai milá THU TIL LAV, And after that I ſaw.] This Metall tãula is a
mere Tranſition, whereby the Holy Ghoſt takes up again the Narration left off
by the foregoing Parentheſis: and now goes on to exhibit by retail, what was
mentioned in grofs at the firſt Verſe. Compare what we have ſaid concern-
ing the Preparation of the Trumpets in Chap. 8. the Oeconomy of theſe
Plagues performed by the Effuſion of the Bowls is exactly conformable to
thoſe.
B. Kai jroiyn o vads rūs оrluñs iš sagtugis ay mas spayo, And the Temple of the Ta-
bernacle of the Teſtimony in Heaven was opened.] This is the only place, as far as I
know, wherein is found this Exprellion: The Temple of the Tabernacle
. For in-
deed in ſome ſenſe Temple and Tabernacle are oppoſite to each other. One might
find an eaſy way to ſolve this by taking oulun for oxlimust, the Tent or Tabernacle
to ſignify the Habitation or Dwelling ; ſo that the whole might be thus tranſlated
accordingly; the Temple of the Habitation of the Teſtimony, wherein the Tefti-
mony dwells, or is plac'd: but we need not make uſe of this. The ſymbolical
Expoſition of the Terms is ſufficient to ſolve all.
To begin with the Expoſition of that Term, the Tabernacle of the Teſtimony,
and to ſhew, why it is usd here. The Ark, and the whole Tabernacle, have
this Attribute given to them, Exod. 25. 16. Num. 17. 7. becauſe they con-
tain'd the Monuments of the Covenant between God and Iſrael. They aſſured
on the one Hand the Iſraelites of God's Preſence, and by conſequence of his
Favour, and of the Certainty of his Promiſes. On the other hand they al-
ſured, or were defign'd to aſſure God of the Promiſe of the Iſraelites to obſerve
his Laws : ſo that if they tranſgreſs'd, theſe Monuments ſerv'd to witneſs
againſt

Ch. XV. v.5.
The Preparation of the Plagues. 677
againſt them, that God's Puniſhment inflicted upon them for their Diſobedience
ſhould be very juft, Deut. 31. 26, 27. ſee alſo Deut. 8. 19. where Moſes as a
Prophet or Mediaror teſtifies againſt the Iſraelites, that they ſhall ſurely periſh;
if they forget God and commit Idolatry, calling to witneſs Heaven and Earth
of which we know the Tabernacle was a Type. Now God being to ſend theſe
feven Angels to pour out his Wrath upon Men, they are ſaid to come out of
the Temple where the Teſtimony is laid up, to ſignify that theſe Plagues are fenc
upon theſe Men upon the account of their having broken the Covenant of
God. And by conſequence theſe Men muſt be ſuch as having been Chriſtians,
or true Worthippers according to God's Covenant, have nevertheleſs corrupted
their Ways; and God ſends his Judgments on them as Breakers of his Cove
nant. So that theſe Angels mult be ſuppos’d to be prepared for the Executioni
of theſe Plagues, and to come out at ſuch a time as the Chriſtians began to be
corrupted. Now at this very time the Temple was in Heaven, becauſe it had
been and was ſtill ſettled by and with the Temporal Powers; for the ten Kings
or Horns of the Beaſt did either imbrace, or at leaſt protect for the moſt part
the Chriſtian Religion, and were not yet become ſo ravenous a Beaſt as after-
terwards ; upon the account of which change in Proſpect, the Holy Ghoſt,
taking things in the general View, makes them alſo to be a Beaſt even from the
Beginning. But becauſe the Church was then in a cottering Condition, and
the true Worſhip in Danger, the Holy Ghoſt gives the Temple che Title of
Tabernacle too, in the ſame manner, ás Fereón. 10. 20. did give the Church of
Iſrael that Title juſt before the Incurſions of the Chaldeans. For the proof of
all which may be conſulted, firſt our Note upon the Temple, Chap. 7. 15. C.
as alſo the account of the Witneſſes in Chap. 11. the Flight of the Woman in-
to the Wilderneſs, in Chap. 12. and the Hiſtory of the Beaſts in Chap. 13. upon
theſe accounts it may be alſo obſerv'd, that this Temple may have the Adjunct
of Tabernacle of Witneſs, becauſe the Worſhippers therein, upon the Iricroach-
ments of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, coming out and prophefying in Sack-
cloth and Aſhes, become Witneſſes of God, and are ſlain; and thus become
Victors of the Beaſt : and it is they who cauſe theſe Plagues. By all which it
is evident, that theſe following Plagues cannot be for ſuch as were originally
Idolaters as Heatbens, but corrupted Chriſtians. And fecondly, That this
Preparation happens ſome time before the intire Corruption of the Church, or
before Idolatry had therein come to an Head, ſo as to deferve God's Plagues;
and that is the beginning of the Reign of the Beaſt and its Falſe Prophet.
Mr. Whilton labouring hard to make theſe Plagues Accidents of the feventh
Trumpet, produces this place among others to that Intent; becaufe he finds
a Similitude of Expreſſion in the opening of the Temple here and at the
ſeventh Trumpet. But a Similitude of Expreſſion is but a ſlender Evidence of
the Identity of the things. It may ſometimes argue a Similitude in the Event,
and that's all. We muſt conſider whether all the other Circumſtances concurr
or not. 'Tis not my buſineſs to confute other Men's Errors; There's no end
of that ; but I muſt not forbear to obſerve, that theſe two Openings of the Tem-
ple are different. At the ſeventh Trumpet the Temple is opened, ſo that the
Ark is ſeen ; that is, the Worſhip of God becomes abſolutely publick, and
then are ſeen the Effects of God's Promiſes, and this Myſtery is perfected.
But here this opening ſuppoſes, that the Temple is ſhut ; that it is only opened
to let the Angels go out upon chis ſpecial occaſion. Hence 'tis obſerv'd a little
after, that the Temple is ſhut up, that no Man can enter therein. Every part
therefore of theſe Plagues is antecedent to that opening at the ſeventh Tramper.
Theſe Angels go out, whilſt the true Worſhippers remain therein, and are as
it were in ſecret. None goes out but he becomes a Witneſs, propheſies and
is ſlain. We have found in the account of the Codicil, that the Temple is
meaſur’d, and ſeiz'd on by Followers of the Angel thereof : and ſince none
could be admitted into the Temple during the Effuſion of the Plagues of the
Bowls, 'tis evident, that all the Bowls muſt have been poured out before that
meaſuring of the Temple, which being an Accident happening between the
founding of the ſixth and ſeventh Trumpets, the pouring of theſe Bowls muft
therefore be antecedent to the ſeventh Trumpet. That is, God chaſtifes the
corrupted Chriſtians by the Plagues of the ſeven Bowls, before he makes an ut-
ter Deſtruction of the Antichriftian State by the founding of the ſeventh Trum-
pet, which was to be provid.
8 K
There


678 The Preparation of the Plagues.
Ch. XV. v.5.
There is a conſiderable variety of reading in Tichonius, who omits the word
Temple, and turns the whole thus : (a) Et ecce apertum eft tabernaculum teftimonii in
cælo. This is not obſerv'd by Dr. Mill; tho' this reading were admitted, it will
make no effential difference in our Expoſition. For it being certain, that the
Temple ſtood before the times of the Beaſt
, we might only
conclude from this,
that conſidering the Condition of the Temple during the Preparation of there
Plagues and their Execution, the Holy Ghoſt has given it the name of Tabernacle,
to the ſame intent as the Prophet Jeremiah 10. 20. cited before and explain'd.
But this fingle Authority is not ſufficient to make us recede from the common,
no more than that of the Ethiopick Verſion, which makes no mention of the
Tabernacle. We may obſerve likewiſe, that the words év ted spevo, in Heaven,
may ſignify not ſo much the Situation of the Temple as the Inftrument of its
opening to let out the Angels, as the Prepoſition is frequently uſed in holy
Writ. So that it may imply, that theſe Angels are commiſſioned by the fu-
pream power of the World, God Almighty and his Chrift, or elſe by the tem.
poral Governours under God, by whoſe means as we ſhall fee, the Effects of
theſe Plagues are perform’d on their proper Subject ; for theſe are not to chaſtife
the Beaſt it ſelf, but its Worſhippers,
A. verf. 6. Kad Eña Joy oi total"Agged01, oi lexoves toi's Sale Tanza's, éx 78 égayi, And
the ſeven Angels came out of Heaven, having the ſeven Plagues.] Moft Copies in-
ſtead of éx 78 šgarš, read fx ti vas, out of the Temple, which I take to be the true
reading, tho' (b) Dr. Mill looks upon it as a Scholion, it being thought unne-
ceffary, but I ſee no reaſon for ſuch a Judgment. If we ſhould take it accord-
ing to the Complutenſian, then as the going out is a mark of their Commiſſion,
for as Tichonius ſays : (c) Juſſionis enim exitus eft, ficut Evangeliſta dicit, exiit
ediétum à Cæfare Augufto, theſe Angels are actually commanded by God himſelf
to execute the Plagues, and 'tis the deſign of the Holy Ghoſt to Thew by theſe
words, that they are ſo commanded. Or if we take it in the common way,
they are faid to come out of the Temple, becauſe the three Worſhippers being
therein, and finding the Corruption of Men incroaching upon them, in the
Hindrance of the true publick Worſhip of God, and the Perſecution of their
Members who propheſy, call upon God to revenge their Wrongs, and to cor-
re&t their Miſdoings. So that theſe Angels come out of the Temple for the
like Reaſons as thoſe that we have obſerv'd before coming out of the ſame
place, in Chap. 14, 15, 17. But becauſe we find, that upon their pouring
out the Bowls, other Inſtruments are us'd to effect their Curſe viſibly; we
muſt conclude, that their coming out of the Temple implies, That theſe
Plagues are not in the firſt inſtance to be effected by any Agents taken out of
the viſible Church, but by ſuch Inſtruments as are the Angels, or Miniſters of
the more ſecret Acts of God ſent out for ſuch Purpoſes: whereas we find in
other places, that when the Temple is publickly poſſeſs’d by Worſhippers, God
uſes them as the Inſtruments of his Vengeance. Their coming out from thence
being only to fignify, that ſince God will favour his Elect or true Worſhippers,
is therefore among them, and hears of their Oppreſſion; he accordingly ſends
out the Meſſengers of Vengeance upon the Oppreſſors. The Expreſſion
having the ſeven Plagues is not to be underſtood like that in Chap. 13, 14. o go
This mangle, which there denotes the Subject ſuffering by the Wound or Plague,
but as having power to execute, or cauſe to be executed theſe following Plagues.
We ſhall be told in the next Verſe by whoſe Contrivance that Power was ſo
committed to them ; for what reaſon therefore, and likewiſe by what Methods,
and with what Limits they are to be executed.
B. Oi hoop in de Suelon aivov, xai xec Sagor, rj acuergdr, Which were clothed in Linen,
both pure and ſhining white.] There is a various reading in this place, in the Alex.
Ms. and moſt Copies of the Vulg. Lat. which ſeems rather to be an Error, in
putting aidor for alvos, as if theſe Angels were clad with Stone. The Obſerva-
tion of (d) Job. Croius may be conſulted upon this place. The clothing ſhews
the quality of the Perſon. The clear ſhining colour ſignifies the Righteouſ-
neſs of the Perſon, and by Conſequence of the Acts done by that Perſon : ſo
that this may fignify the Juſtice of God's Proceedings in theſe Plagues.

(a) Tichon. Hom. XII. (6) Mill Prolegom. in N. T. p. 97.
XII.
(d) J. Croii Obl. in N. T. cap. XV.
(6) Tichon. Hom.
Further,
2

Chap. XV. v. 6.
The Preparotion of the Plagues.
679
Further, as this clothing with che Girdle ſhews, that theſe Angels are clothed
like Prieſts, the Plagues are therefore Ecclefiaftical Judgments falling upon the
Members of the corrupted Church. It will be found, that they come by way
of Ecclefiaftical Miſchiefs; that they are brought upon them merely on a re-
ligious account ; and that Religion will be the Means or Inſtrument of them
all, and not barely the impulſive Cauſe. The very Idolatry and Blaſphemy in
Opinions and Prađice will be the means, as if Curſes had been thrown upon
them in ſuch a manner, that their own ways ſhould be the means to draw them
into the Snares. Worldly Ambition was the means by which the Effects of
the Trumpets were wrought, but theſe ſhall come from the Eccleſiaſtical
Ambition and Tyranny. Hence we may find thac they are to be Chaſtifea
ments chiefly proceeding from internal Cauſes in the corrupted Church. If any
external Agents are concern'd therein, it is merely becauſe they are promp-
ted by Cauſes internal. They are all chiefly religious Curſes.
C. Kai Tepee's
wolf'le papà ti shon Sabyas xsusās, And girt about the Breaſts with golden
Girdles.] Here are three Symbols, the Breafts, the Girdles and the Gold. The
Breaſt is by the Onirocriticks explain’d of Prudence. So the Indian, who gene-
rally comes neareſt to the Scripture Notions, as being a Chriftian. He ſays in
Chap. 76. te sáin og evtpote vi dwiezuis ési tñs øgernoecoge The Greeks ſeem to
have had this Notion, that the Breaſt was the Seat of Wiſdom, for opóveu@ wiſe,
with them comes from ogéres which are the Præcordia, the parts of the Breaſt
about the Heart ; whence Juvenal ſpeaking of a dull Youth faith: Quod leva
in parte mamille nil ſalit Arcadico juveni. And thus alſo the Hebrew ss the Heart,
and ſometimes the Breaſt, säge, as in Exod. 28. 29. fignifies alſo the Mind,
Soul and Wiſdom. The Perſian and Egyptian Interpreters explain the Breaſt of
long Life, Riches and Victory, which are Effects of Wiſdom, and the great
marks of it, as I ſhew elſewhere. The Girdle has been in part explain'd before
of Strength, in Chap. 1. 13. D. I ſhall here add ſome other Proofs. And this
is no ſlender one, that in the old Languages to gird is the ſame as to ſtrengthen,
and to arm. So (a) Bochart has proved it of the Hebrero Tongue by citing,
I Sam. 2. 4. Pfal. 18. 39. Pſal. 65. 6. 2 Sam. 22. 40. and other places. Hence
Aſdrubal is the ſame as (6) Kachlórego in the Greek. Pauſanias obſerves, that
the ancient Greeks expreſs'd the putting on of Armour by C'esorcy to gird: (c)
Το δε ενδόναι τα όπλα έκώλοω άρα οι παλαιοί ζώσας και δη "μηρον "Αρει τον 'Αγαμέμνονα.
ποιήσανlα ενoικέναι τίω ζώνω, των όπλων τω σκάω φασιν εικαζειν. See Homer's liad.
B. v. 478. "Ageï de (covluwse the Schol. fays : Tè xulci că rullo pake @ û tle Granow ſo in
Iliad. 2. v. Is. Surreats dragere the Schol. explains it by me. Sotaiceats. Thus where
Virgil ſays : (d) ili ſe prædæ accingunt. Servius ſays thereupon: Studioſe parant, ut
alibi: Acccingunt operi. Accinctos enim, induſtrios dicimus: ut Paribus quæ accingitur
armis. Horat. Altius ac nos Præcin&ti ſumus : ficut contrà negligentes diſcinctus
vocamus : ut diſcin&tos Mulciber afros: & Horat. Quod aut avarus ut Chremes,
Terra premam. Diſcin&tus aut perdam, ut nepos : ut Græcè d'{wvou expediti dicuntur.
and upon the words, (e) diſcin&tos Mulciber Afros, he ſays : Inbabiles militiæ :
omnes enim qui militant, cinéti funt: aut certe inefficaces : ut contrà Præcinétos,
ſtrenuos dicimus. Horat. Altius ac nos Præcin&tis unum. Unde & Græcè čular @ ap.
pellatur, non qui bonam Zonam habet, ſed qui eft ftrenuus. Hence St. Hilary alle.
gorizing John the Baptiſt's Girdle, ſays: (f) Zone autem præcin&tio, efficax in
omne opus bonum eſt apparatus, ut ad omne miniſterium Chrifti voluntatis cingulo
fimus cinkti. And elſewhere: (g) Zona est minifterii apparatus, & ad efficacians
operis præcinétio. The Gold I prove elſewhere, to fignify the Incorruptibility,
Glory and Durableneſs of the Subject.
The meaning of the whole is therefore thus : That by the Miniſtry of theſe
Angels, or the Execution of the Plagues committed to them, God will ſhew
his Wiſdom and Power ; not only by the Greatneſs of the Acts, but by their
Durableneſs. For we may here obſerve by way of Anticipation, that theſe
Plagues are ſo ſent upon the corrupted Chriftians, that altho' the beginning
of each is diſtinct, and ſucceſlive in order of time, yet their end is not, but
continues afterwards in its Effects, notwithſtanding the beginning of the Reſt.

(a) Boch Can. Lib. II. cap. XII.
(6) Diogen. Laert. Lib. IV.S. 67. Steph. de Urbib.
V. x4PXndwv.
(c) Pauſan. Baotic. p. 295.
(d) Virg. Aneid. Lib. I.
(6) Virg. Æneid. Lib. IX.
(f) Hilar. Pict. Com. in Matth. Can. II.
(g) Hilar.
Piet. Com. in Matth. Can. X:
So


680 The Preparation of the Plagues.
Ch. XV. v. 7.
So that the Plagues
are not only freſh and different, but alſo multiplied upon the
Subje&, as the meaſure of the Sins increaſes, and the Reſolution to avoid Re-
pentance. And thus alſo we may obſerve, that theſe two Adjuncts of the Ana
gels, the clothing pure and ſhining, and their golden Girdles about the Breaſts, are coun.
terparts, or correſpond to the two parts of the Harper's Song, great and wonder-
ful are thy Works, and juſt and true are thy Ways. For the golden Girdles about the
Breaſts, ſhew fymbolically the greatneſs and wiſdom of the Works ; and the cloth-
ing pure and ſhining ſhews the Juſtice and Truth of the Ways. Thus may be feen
how admirably the parts of this Propheſy correſpond!
A. verf. 7. Kad y ex vÖv teavépcov Subwv, And one of the four Wights.] It might
be tranſlated, the firſt of the four Wights; as in Chap. 6. 1. buc ic is all one in this
Cafe, becauſe the power of theſe Wights is in folidum; as has been obſerved in
our Nore on Chap. 4. 7. A, and the Act of one is that of the whole Body re-
preſented by them. The Wights repreſenting the Chriſtian Clergy uncorrupted,
this proves, that theſe are Ecclefiaftical Plagues, and proceed from the true
Clergy injur'd by the Idolaters, and therefore in the name of all putting up
Prayers and Complaints to God, that the Perſecutors may be puniſhed accord-
ing to their Merits. See our Notes upon Chap. 8. 3. A. and on Chap. 11.6. A.
By this Compariſon we may ſee, that the two Witneſſes are Repreſentatives
as well of the Clergy as of the Laity; and by this place in particular, ſince
the Wight gives the Curſes to the Angels, it appears that the Chriſtian Clergy
are che Promi Condi, the Sewards of che Myſteries of God, the Diſpenſers of his
Promiſes and Threatnings, Bleſſings and Curſes; that they have conſequently
the power of binding and loofing under God diſtinctly from the Lairy, in the
fame manner as among the Jews, the Prieſts with them being always imploy'd
in ſuch Caſes, as alfo in all Religions from the times that the Prieſthood was
diftinguiſhed. See Numb. 22, 5. 6. ſo that his place ſhews, that God ratifies che
Denunciation of his Curſes by the Clergy, ſeeing that theſe Angels receive
their power and laſt Inſtructions to execute God's Plagues immediately from
the Wight cr Clergy. St. Chryfoftom ſays accordingly. (a) Kald meg érzelowylar
κατα οι ιερείς, ταύτω ο θεός άνω κυρού, και τω των δέλων γνώμίω ο δεσπότης βεβαιοϊ. See the
place where he proves this ſufficiently.
Thus as theſe Plagues are analogical to the Egyptian, ſo we find that tho'
God had decreed them before, and imploys Angels to that purpoſe, as it is hin-
ted in Pſal. 78. 49. yet none of them were effected before Moſes had pray'd, and
alſo perform'd ſuch ſymbolical Ceremonies as were proper to each; by them as it
were immediately ſending his laſt Orders to the Angels that waited for that
purpoſe. Now Moſes was a Prieſt and a Miniſter of God, repreſenting then
the Chriſtian Prieſthood. See the reaſoning of (b) Famblichus upon ſuch a
Practice. (c) Lightfoot ſays to this purpoſe: Here a Wheel on Earth moves
the Wheel in Heaven. Such power has the Prayer of the Faithful, and ſuch
• delight hath God in their Prayers : that he takes as it were che watch word
s from them”.
Now this again proves evidently that the Sufferers muſt be corrupted Chri-
ftians : them that are without God judges, 1 Cor. 5. 13. we have nothing to do to
ſuch, but knowing the Terrors of the Lord we muſt only endeavour to perſuade them.
The Chriſtians as ſuch are without the power of their Governors the Clergy.
It is indeed obſerv'd before, that upon the Prayers of the Clergy God ſends Pu-
niſhment upon the Idolaters, as in Chap. 6. 6. and that upon the Cry of the
Martyrs God pulls down Paganiſm, and the Dragon is caſt out of Heaven:
Chap. 6. 10. and Chap. 12. 12. But there 'tis evident, that the Prayers or Cry
are only the impulſive Cauſe. Here the Act of the Wights is the efficient
Cauſe concurring with the Act of God. In the former the Ad is by way
of Plaint; but here the Wight acts with Authority and judicially, giving the
immediate order to the Angels.
B. "Es
wxo Tois et le sygénois érlee pidaes, Gave to the seven Angels Seven Bowls.]
Theſe Bowls contain the bitter Liquor of God's Wrath, and conſequently the
Plagues. Therefore theſe Bowls were given to the Angels before they came
(a) Joh. Chryf. de Sacerdot. Lib. III. p. 16. Ed. Sav.
cap. 2. fin. (6) Lightfooi's Sermon on Dan. 10.28.
() Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. IV.
out

Chap. XV. v. 7. The Preparation of the Plagues.
681
out of the Temple, becauſe they came out having the Plagues. So that this
Verſe which thus explains that, is antecedent to it as to the Execution of the
matter contain'd therein. We have proved already in our Note on Chap. 5.8.
D. that quánn is a Bowlor Baſon proper for (a) Libations, to pour the Liquor
contain'd all at once, as the blood of a Victim upon the Altar or at the bottom,
as occaſion requires. It remains now to fhew that the pouring out of theſe
Bowls, full of God's Wrath, Gall or bitter Curſes, repreſents fymbolically
thoſe Plagues which God fends upon theſe Men. And by confequence that
the delivery of the Bowls to the Angels is the giving to them Commiſfions to
execute accordingly the Plagues. In order to that I muſt ſhew, that in Curſes
as in all other religious and ſymbolical Ceremonies 'tis uſual to aſcribe the Effect
defign’d to the Symbol, as if it followed thereupon as ſome ſpeak, ex opere
operato ; that is, as if the Symbol or Type in the religious Ceremony were
really the efficient Cauſe thereof.
This is to be made out thus: Bleſſings and Curſes are religious Ads, and when
publick Concerns, have always been perform'd with ſome religious Ceremonies
both among the Pagans and Ifraelites that were typical; that is, bore fome Re-
ſemblance with the Deſign. It was neceſſary to make the Bleflings or Curſes
religious Actions, becauſe God was to be invok'd, that he mighe confirm them
by applying to the Perſons bleft or curft, what was repreſented by the Symbols.
So that the Symbols, or Ceremonies us'd therein, which bore no other rela-
tion to the Effect, but by way of antecedent and conſequent, did by the Con-
currence of the Act of the Deity invok'd, become really an efficient Cauſe.
So that the Ceremony is a ſort of Vehicle to the Bleſſing or Curfe, in the ſame
manner as the Incenſe is to the Prayers of the Saints. See the Noces upon
Chap. s. 8. E. and Chap. 7. 4. A. All the force it has to become an efficient
Cauſe ariſes from the Invocation and Acceptation of the Deity. So it is with
the true Deity; and ſo it is with the falſe Deities, the Dæmons or Gods of the
Pagans and Magicians, the Gods of this world. Magician Inchantments are
nothing elſe buc ſymbolical Ads of Religion addreft to ſome Dæmon, or to a
falſe God; and thus truly, tho'indirectly to the Devil, to cauſe him or them to
operare really, what the Magician did ſymbolically repreſent in his Inchant-
ments. Whether the Devils effect it or not, is not material to us at preſent. It is
ſufficient, that they had ſuch a Notion: God we know hears the Prayers of
his Saints, and confirms the Bleſſings and Curſes pronounced by his Prieſts,
now the Chriſtian Clergy.
Thus we ſee, that when the Patriarchs gave Bleſſings, the Bleſſing alluded
conſtantly to ſome Act or Circumftance perform'd then, upon which followed
an Invocation of God, which pray'd for a ſuitable Event. Thus alſo when
Balaam was to curſe Iſrael, he got up on a Mountain to fee part of them;
and when this did not ſucceed, he was advis’d by Balak to get upon Piſgah,
the higheſt Mountain thereabouts, to ſee them all; for I follow in this the
Expoſition of Vatablus, Numbers 23. 13. and when the Prophet and Balak
were ſo high above the People, they thought it would conduce to make Balak
ſuperior in fight. And when that would not do, he thought again, that the
change of place might make a change in the prophetical Curſe. The Egyp-
tians, to avert all Curſes from themſelves, did in their Sacrifices lay them on
ſolemnly upon the head of the Victim, after they had divided it from the reſt
of the Body, and then threw it into the River as an execrable thing, and bea
lieving it would in the ſame manner effectually carry them away, which
Cuftom (b) Herodotus ſays was univerſal in Egypt. Thus alſo the reſt of the
Heathens, Greeks and Romans and others, in the cimes of publick Calamities
averted them by impoſing a Curſe with religious Ceremonies upon the Head of
fome human Vidim, either devoting it felf, or elſe choſen for that purpoſe :
upon whom the Curſes being laid, he was facrificed ; and ſo was thought to
clear, purge and cure by carrying away the Curſe; whence they were called
xe Salguemila and pegue vero See Heſychius, and the Scholiaft upon Ariſtophanes. So
the love fick Inchantreſs in (c) Theocritus uſes ſeveral magical Rites againſt her
Lover, either to bring him back, or to curſe him for having forſaken her;
which are all ſymbolical. Firſt, She religiouſly crowns a Bowl of Liquor,
(a) Vid. Lightfoot. Proſpect Templ. cap. XXXVII. 6. IV.
(c)Theocrit. Id. II
8 L
(6) Herodot. Lib. II. $. 39
and

682 The Preparation of the Plagues.
Ch. XV. v. 7.
and offers it, calling upon Hecate, or the Moon; then ſhe burns Meal, and
ſprinkling it on the Fire, prays, that his Bones may be lo ſcatter'd. Then ſhe
throws a Bay-Leaf into the Fire, and prays that as it conſumes and leaves no
Aſhes, ſo Delphis her Lover may pine away: then the melts Wax, and prays
that as it melts, ſo Delphis may melt with Love: then ſhe takes a Rhomb or
Spindle, and turning it, prays that Delphis may turn at the ſame rate about her
Door, and be confounded that he knows not what he doth. This Rhomb is a
fymbolical Inſtrument us'd in the Myſteries, as we learn from (a) Clemens
Alex. and (b) Heſychius ; that it was alſo us’d in Charms, we find in (c) Lucian,
as well as Theocritus.
And now do we not ſee, that the Pſalmiſt has made uſe of theſe very Symbols
and the like in his prophetical Curſes? 'Tis worth the while to make the
Compariſon. To begin with the Wax; Pſal. 68, 2. As Wax melteth before the
Fire, Jo let the Wicked periſh at the Preſence of God; and in Pſal. 22. 14. ſpeaking of
his own miſerable State, doth he not repreſent ic by two or three of theſe
Symbols ? I am poured out like Water, and all my Bones are ſundred: my Heart is like
Wax melted in the midſt of my Bowels. Theſe words are a Propheſy of the Meffias,
and very exactly like theſe of Theocritus : *Osea zdara,, I ſhake bis Bones and
Scatter them : and, ss TŠTOV Tòy keepdo ego owi Seijove Tános, a's Te Kou So Pront égalo :
kwn avlingt Alapis See Micah 1. 4. ſo in Pſal. 37. 20. he borrows in like
manner a Symbol from the Sacrifices. The Wicked ſhall periſh, and the Enemies of
the Lord ſhall be as the fat of Lambs, they ſhall conſume; into Smoke shall they con-
Sume away. Juſt as Theocritus fays of the Bay-Leaf thrown into the Fire :
Κ' ήξασίνης άφθη, κάθε σπoδoν είδομες ανίας:
And laſtly, in Pfal. 58.4, 5, 7, 8. having juſt ſpoken of Charmers, if he had a
mind to imitate their Stile, it could not be more exactly. He curſes the Wicked
that they may melt away like the Waters, that they may paſs away like Snails,
never ſee the Sun like the untimely Fruit of a Woman, that God ſhall take them
away as with Whirlwind. Is not this Whiriwind like the Rhombus or Spindle; the
Property of both being diviss, to whirl round; for the Effect of a 'Whirlwind
upon Men is expreſt in Pfal. 107. 27. by van, from 24 to dance or turn round
with Giddineſs; whence comes y, a Circle, and the Greek words xurcico and
xuxa and the like of a cognate Signification. Upon which account the Pro-
phets deſcribe the Confternation of any under Afiction by Drunkenneſs, the
Effect of which is to make Men giddy : as in Job 12. 25. ſee lſaiah 29. 9.
Ferem. 23. 9. Chap. 43. 26. make him drunken. The Targum : Adduc ſuper eos
anguſtiam, ut fint fimiles ebrio, the like in Ferem. 51. 39. Thus we read in
Theocritus, (d) Tangais usduw, drunk with Blows, and therefore Drunkenneſs is the
Symbol of Troubles and Quarrels. So Aſtramplychus : "Oive wildgav, pgoodoxet Serva's
preboxes and Nicephorus : Oive pilagin góiv Jopubxs spoo d'orciº
When God ſent his Plagues upon Egypt, tho' he might have done it without
any Preparative ſymbolical Rite, he nevertheleſs ordered Moſes to uſe ſuch : as
to ſmite the Waters, as if he gave them a Wound, to turn them into Blood :
So likewiſe in ſmiting the Duſt of the Land, to turn it into Lice: in ſprinkling
the Aſhes of a Furnace in the Sight of Pharaoh, to make them come down
upon Man and Beaſt as Blains breaking out. Theſe were extraordinary Caſes.
As to the folemn Rites of curſing, they were either ſpecial or ordinary. One
ſpecial Curſe was commanded to be perform'd upon Mount Gerilim and Mount
Ebal. Yet we ſee what a ſolemn act of Religion it was. An Altar was built
for that purpoſe; burnt Offerings and other Oblations were offered upon it;
a great Feſtival obſerv’d, and the Stones were to remain with the Inſcription of
the Curſes, to be a laſting Monument, Deut. 27. Of the ordinary ſort there
were two. The firſt was the Expiation of the Scapegoat, on which the Sins
of the whole Nation were laid by the Prieſt ; and then he was ſent out to carry
them away, as it were into the Wilderneſs; and that the People might join
therein, he was by them fet forwards with Imprecations and Blows, as we learn
from (e) Børnabas and (f) Tertullian, who ſeem to cite it out of the LXX. This
(a) Clem. Al. Paræn. ad Græc. p. 5.
(6) Helych. in Voc.
Mel. & Bacchid.
(d) Theocrit. Idyll. XXII. v. 98,
(f) Tertullian. adv. Jud. & c. Mac. Lib. III.
(C) Lucian. Dial.
(2) Barnab. Ep. cap. 6.
*
W25

Ch. XV. v.7. The Preparation of the Plagues.
683
was to ſhew their Repentance and Deteftation of their Sins, with Reſolution
to forſake them. The other Rite has ſome things nearer to our purpoſe :
"ewas the Curſe in the Trial of Jealouſy. For therein by a religious Aa, and
with an Oath, an earthen Bowſ being filled with holy Water ; which being the
ſame as the water of Separation Numb. 19. was therefore a kind of Lee made
with the Aſhes of an Heifer, facrificed after a certain manner; and the duſt
of the Pavement being added thereto, to make it a loathſome Drink, and
therefore called a bitter Water; together with the blotting of the written
Curſe therein, the whole was forc'd into the Woman. That as this bitter or
curſed Water went into her Belly, ſo it ſhould therewith convey a Poiſon, to
cauſe her Belly to ſwell, her Thigh to rot, and the Woman to become a
Curſe among her People, in Cafe The were guilty :: otherwiſe to do her no
harm, but make her fruitful to become afterwards more amiable to her Hur-
band; which contrary Effects no ways depended upon the virtue of the Water,
but the ſecret and miraculous influence of God's Power. After this I ſhall not
need to inſiſt upon the ſolemn Rite of Diſcalceation, inſtituted in Deut. 25,
which was a ſort of political Curſe or Infamy, with ſome external Rites of
Reproach and Shame. But from all this we may conceive, how theſe Bowls
thus filled with the liquid Gall of God's Wrath, a metaphorical Poiſon, by
their fall upon deſerving Subjects convey the Plagues and Curſes of God, by
ſuch means as God ſecretly and miraculouſly excites to that purpoſe, and
which are each of them reſpectively deſcrib'd in every Plague ; the Holy
Ghoft not only ſhewing what they fall upon in general, the Earth ; buc
alſo afterwards in each of them affecting ſome diſtinct part to plague the
Earth.
C, Xevoüs, Golden.] It may be ask'd why theſe Bowls are ſaid to be golden,
when according to the Analogy of Curſe in the Trial of Jealouſy, every
Rite therein tended to ſhew it was a contemprible and loathſome thing; and ſo
the Bowl uſed therein was of earth, ospésuvey, which is of it fell alſo a Sym-
bol of Contempt and Vileneſs, 2 Cor. 4. 7. and 2 Thel. 2, 20. for in theſe
two places Gold and Silver Veſſels are for Honour, Wood and Stone are for Dif
honour. To take off this Obje&tion we may obſerve, that in the Trial of Jea-
louſy the Honour of God was not fought, but the pacifying of an humourſome
and jealous Husband. The thing it ſelf was odious, God's Honour and Vera-
city being brought into queſtion upon a ſmall Subject. But here it is not ſo
becauſe in theſe Judgments executed in the Plagues the Glory of God is highly
concern'd, and they ſerve to vindicate it. This is God's main Deſign ; and
not the Deſtruction of the Sufferers. For this reaſon the Actors ought to ap-
pear with their Inftruments of Office in as glorious a manner as may be. This
Intention we ſhall find laid down in the next Verſe; the Obje&tion being
taken off, let us account poſitively for the Symbol. The golden Bowls here
ſhew the purity and ſtability of the Judgment of God, not to be blam'd or
chang'd. God in his Judgments is not only juft, but he will appear to be ſo,
as the Pſalmiſt 51. 4. argues. And when he chaſtiſes impenitent Sinners, his
Threatnings are at laft turn’d into irrevocable Decrees.
D. Tepsous iš surš iš JS, Full of the Wrath of God.] We have already obferv'd
that supòs and goana are ſometimes ſynonymous, that 2001). Gall of the Species is
put for any Bitterneſs in general, and Bitterneſs, and Curſes and Miſery are either
ſynonymous or at leaſt imply each other : and by conſequence theſe Bowls,
being full of that Wrath, ſignifying that theſe Torments and Miſeries, which
ſhall fall upon thoſe that are affected by them, ſhall be as great as can poffibly
fall upon thoſe, who have drawn upon themſelves the juft Anger of the living
God. By this we may fee, that we have in the pouring out of theſe Bowls a
particular account of the Torment of the Beaſt's Worſhippers, becauſe they
contain the Diſpenſation of God's Wrath, where with they are threatned, in
Chap, I4. 9. Io.
E. Tš Görto es tès elõvas tão aidvey, who liveth for ever and ever.] This
Epithete of God beſtowed upon him on this Occaſion, when he is puniſhing
the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, feems to contain a ſort of ſharp Irony againſt
thoſe who have offended him in worſhipping Idols, which are no living Gods,
but dead and ſenſeleſs Stocks, and whole Worſhip ultimately determines to chat
of the Devil, the Murderer from the beginning. The Title of living God is
frequently given in holy Writ to God, in Reſpect and Oppoſition to that. See
Exod.

684
The Temple ſhut.
Ch. XV. v. 8
Exod. 7. 4, 5. where God takes his Name, which above all implies that he is;
and alſo Exod. 14. 18. Deat: 4. 35. in which places God takes this Title when
he mentions his tormenting by Plagues the idolatrous Egyptians who had perſe-
cuted his people. As to what lies before us now, it implies, that the like Per-
ſecutors of his people ſhall find that God whom they have offended, a living
and active Principle, a juſt and ſevere Power, who chaſtiſes and even kills on
the one Hand, and is kind and merciful, and makes alive on the other, thoſe
whom theſe Perſecutors have opprefs’d.
A. verf.8. Kai équían ő valos no cavi tn 7ňs dóğns 78 Suš, éx tñs deusezuecos auls, And
the Temple was filled with Smoke, from the Glory of God, and from his Power.] This
Verſe contains an account of the ſtate of the Temple during the Perſecution of
the Saints and Witneſſes, which has been no where deſcribed before. In the
ſeventh Chapter we have ſeen, that the Temple was ſtanding and flouriſhing;
in the eleventh we find it is meaſurd, or forcibly entred; and at the ſeventh
Trumpet ſo fully opened, that the Ark of God is ſeen. This ſuppoſes that the
Temple was ſhur, and the Gentiles being in Poffeffion of the outer Court when
it was meaſur'd or ſeiz'd, that therefore none of the true Worſhippers from
without could come in , that is, the true publick Worſhip of God was obftru-
eted. And by conſequence the Temple's fhutting is antecedent to the ſeventh
Trumpet, and its being ſo during the Effuſion of the Bowls, or Execution of
God's Plagues and Chaſtiſements upon the corrupted Chriſtians, thoſe Plagues
are all antecedent to that Trumpet. Not to ſay here, that the ſeventh Trum-
per or laſt Woe, being a final Deſtruction, the Judgment of Corre&tion muſt have
preceded it. The account of the Temple confifts therefore of two remarkable
Circumſtances during the Plagues upon che Perfecutors thereof. The firft is,
That God's Glory fills it with Smoke, and the ſecond, That at the ſame time
it can receive no Addition of true Worſhippers from without: it is ſhut fo, that
no Man can enter therein during that time, but it had ſecret Worſhippers
therein, as in Chap. I]. I.
I proceed now to the Symbols, which deſcribe this firft Accident. There
appears at the firſt fight an evident Alluſion to the Tokens, which God
gave to the Hraelites upon the firſt ſetting up of the Tabernacle, its Rea
movals, and alſo at the Dedication of the Temple of Solomon, which was ſub-
ſtituted to the Tabernacle. Of theſe we have an accounc in Exod. 40. 34.
Numb. 9. 15. and Chap. 16. 42. I Kings 8. 10. 2 Maccab. 2. 8. In thoſe places
we find the Cloud or Glory of the Lord filling the Tabernacle and Houſe over-
fhadowing of it: ſo that the Prieſts, as Moſes before, could not ſtand to mi-
niſter and go into the Tabernacle and Temple. During the ſtay of the Iſraelites
in the Wilderneſs that Cloud hover'd thus daily upon the Tabernacle, except
by its remaining God intended to ſhew, that the Iſraelites muſt alſo remove
their Camp. But if it be objected, that the Caſe before us is no Dedication,
the Temple being ſuppos'd ſtanding before, then we may obſerve, that the Al-
luſion may be ſtill the ſame, if it be only granted that the coming down of che
Cloud was a Symbol of che divine Preſence and Protection from that time for-
ward, and that the Holy Ghoſt obſerves it here to fhew, that this Temple is
alſo under the ſame Protection. And that the Cloud was ſo, even upon an
emergent Occaſion, when God's Worſhip was corrupted, is evident alſo from
the Mofaical Hiſtory. When during the Abode of Moles in the Mount, the
Ifraelites had made and worſhipped the molien Calf, ſo chat God threatned to
forſake the Ifraelites, and give them only an Angel to guide them ; that is, to
leave them to ordinary means or a little more; and then ſays he will viſit them,
to ſee if they will repent; then Mofes took bis Tabernacle, ſo the LXX. and
pitching it without the Camp afar off, called the Tabernacle of the Congregation
or of the Teſtimony, ſo the LXX. to ſee whether the People would repent, leave
their Idolatry, and reſort to it. Whereupon the cloudy Pillar deſcended upon
it, and ſtood at the Door, which was a plain Token of God's Favour and Pro-
tedion to Moſes and them that reſorted to him; and of his forſaking che reſt
of the Camp. See Exod. 33.
This Smoke here of the Glory and Power, the Schekinah of God, is equiva-
lent to the Cloud; for ſo we have ſhewn elſewhere, that Smoke and Cloud are
taken for each other mutually. Now the Cloud of God's Glory and Power,
being therefore a Symbol of the divine Preſence, ſhew'd that God's Favour at-
tended it; and its covering the Tabernacle and Temple, that he did protect it,
as we have hinted before in ſeveral places. The meaning therefore of the
whole

Chap. XV. v. 8.
The Temple preſervd and ſhut. 685
whole muft be, that although the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet with their Worſhip-
pers have aſſaulted the Temple with its Worſhippers in it, or in ſecret, by
trampling upon the holy City of God, and the outer Court of the Temple,
which is the time alſo that God takes to chaſtiſe them with theſe Plagues, yeć
he will preſerve the Temple miraculouſly with his Glory and Power, fo that it
Thall perfevere and be preſervd from them, till by the ſeventh Trumpet, when
he will utterly deſtroy all his Enemies, his Temple may be fully open'd. And
reciprocally the Preſervation of the Temple and its Worſhippers will give
them and all the Saints occafion to ſet forth the Glory and Power of God ſo
miraculouſly and viſibly imployed in their Preſervation.
The Symbols may be further illuſtrated by that Rite in the great expiatory
Sacrifice, Levit. 16, 13, of burning Incenſe before the Lord, in the moſt holy
place, that the cloud of the Incenſe might cover the Mercy-Seat that is upon the Teſtia
mony : and this is commanded under this ſevere Neceſſity, that the Prieſt Offer-
ing die not. 'Tis evident by this, that no human Prieft could worthily appear
before the Lord without the intermediate Veil of the Cloud of Incenſe; and
on the other Hand, that the Cloud was a Token of the divine Mercy in aca
cepting the Prieſt to make the following Attonement. Now it has been ob-
ſerv'd before, that in general the Puniſhment of the Wicked is a proper Sacri-
fice made to the divine Juſtice. See the Note on Chap. 14. 18. A. and in par-
ticular that the Torment of the Worſhippers of the Beaft, which is inflicted
by theſe Plagues, is a continual Holocauſt. See the Note on Chap. 14. 10. C.
And it is evident, that they are a Sacrifice which God makes to his Juſtice by
exerting his Power, and to fhew his Glory. So that it implies, that
ſeeing he
procures himſelf a Satisfaction for the Corruptions introduced in the Church,
he will in the mean time be ſo far pacified with his true Worſhippers in his
Temple ; and by conſequence maintain it and them againſt all the Efforts of
his Enemies, tho' it ſeems to be ſhut up, and as it were out of his Favour, as
if God neglected his Saints whilft he permits them to be perfecuted.
By this we might explain, let him that readeth underſtand, one difficult
place of Ezek. Cháp. 10. 3, 4, 5but I ſhall put it off till I can go about that
noble Viſion of Ezekiel, the Mercabab, which if God grant me Life, withi
ſome more external Abilities very neceſſary to ſuch a Work, it is my deſign
to illuſtrate, together with ſome others of the moſt abftrufe parts of the Pro-
phets : and I truſt that by the help of my Principles, and in the ſame Method,
I ſhall be able to make it as plain as any part of this Prophefy, or perhaps any
other part of holy Writ; it being written to be underſtood.
Β. Και έδως ήδύνατο εισελθών ως τον ναόν, άχρι τελεθώσιν αι επήα πληγεί τον εα10
dyzémy, And no Max could enter into the Temple, till the ſeven Plagues of the leven
Angels were fulfilled.] This firſt part of the Expreſſion is a Periphrafis to ex-
preſs, that the Temple was ſhut. Tis a plain Symbol, that during theſe
Plagues the publick true Worſhip of God is ftopt, the Temples are open in the
time of publick Worſhip. Thus when the Senate refusd to grant a publick
Thankſgiving upon the Letters of Gabinius, Tully ſays : (a) Poftremo, ne deos
quidem immortales velle aperiri ſua templa, & fibi ſupplicari, bominis impuriſſimi
& fceleratifſimi nomine. And on the other hand ſpeaking of himſelf he ſays: (6)
Mibi togato Senatus, non ut multis, bene gefta, Sed ut nemini, conſervatæ republicæ fime
gulari genere fupplicationis deorum immortalium templa patefecit. The Temple in
Jeruſalem was always open; hence Baruch or Jeremiah in his Epiſtle, v. 18. uph
braids the Pagans, that their Temples were ſometimes ſhur, as if they were
afraid of Thieves. In Iſaiah 24. 10. Houſes Shut up are a ſign of Deſolation.
Ammianus Marcellinus has the very fame Expreffion : (c) Hæc lacrymoſa, quæ in
citante Petronio ſub Valente clauſere multas paupertinas & nobiles domos, impendentium-
que Spes atrocior, provincialium & militum paria gementium fenfibus imis bærebant.
Šee the Note on Chap. 21. 25. A. So in Malach. I. 10. the ſhutting of the
Doors of the Temple is the refuſing of prophane Sacrifices and Worſhip, As
the opening of any thing is ſaid when it may a&t ſuitably to its quality; ſo the
ſhutting thereof is the ſtopping of its uſe. The Temples being ſhut of them-
ſelves, is put among the dreadful Preſages in the Poet (d) Statius. And in
(1) M. T. Cic. Orat. de Prov. Conſul. (6) M. T.C. Orat. in L. Piſon. vid. T. Liv. Lib;
XXX.
(c) Ammian. Marcel, Lib. XXVI.
(d) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VII.
. 407, &C.
8 M
Seneca

686
The Temple fhut.
Chap. XV. v. 8,
Seneca the ſhutting of the Temples is a Circumſtance of utter Deſolation.
(a) Olynthiis, ſays Clodius Turrinus, Urbem aperuimus, templa præclufimus. To
which muſt be added this Paffage in Herodotus (b) Taite iç me tej érer lèv nozicover
έτεα, εν τοίσι, Αίγυπτίοισί τά πάσαν δναι κερκότηθα, και τα ερα χρόνε τοσέτε κατακληϊσθένα, εκ
diyomshwar Theſe words need no Comment ; but I muſt add the account of
the Temples being opened afterwards as Signs of good Times. Tøv de
δρά ανοίξαι, και τον λαόν τετρυμώον ες το έχαιον κακά, ανείναι προς έργα τε και θυσίας This
therefore ſets forth the ſtate of the true Worſhip of God, whilſt the Gentiles
profane and trample upon the holy City and outer Court, and by perfecuting
the Saints, not only hinder them from worſhipping God publickly, but alſo
hinder further the Propagation of the Goſpel into ſuch parts as it was not
known before ; for what Converſions are made, are Additions to the Worſhip
of the Beaſt, but not to the true Worſhip.
So that it is plain, that this period of the Bowls lafts all the time of the Core
ruption of the Church. For ſo long as the Sin laſts, ſo long muft theic Tor-
ment indure, Chap. 14. 10, 11. But however, as it is only faid, that no Man
could enter till the Bowls were pour'd out, not that the Temple muſt then be
opened, this will further prove, that it is not neceſſary to fuppoſe, that imme-
diately upon the Effuſion of the laft Bowl, the Temple muſt be fully open:
but there may be a conſiderable ſpace of time betwixt choſe two Accidents.
And becauſe we have ſeen that St. John in the name of the Reform'd Churches
hath meaſur'd the Temple and Alcar, together with thoſe that worſhip therein,
and conſequently entred into it; ſo we may conclude, that by the Reformation,
or at leait juft upon it, or before it, the laſt Bowl has been poured out ; and that
none of them remain to be poured out. Tho' I deny not, but that the Effects
of the laſt, yea and perhaps of all the reſt do ſtill laft out, and muſt do ſo in
fome meaſure till the utter Deſtruction of the Antichriftian State. From all
which it appears, how much reaſon we have to wonder, that many learned
Men ſhould make the Period of the Bowls to ſynchronize only with the fixch
Trumpet, or even to come after the laſt. But this happens, not only becauſe
they have not underſtood the particular meaning of each of the Bowls, but
alſo becauſe they have not perceiv'd in general, that the Torment of the Wor-
ſhippers of the Beaſt is quite a different Judgment from the final great Judg-
ment of the great Whore, the Beaft and Falſe Prophet. And alſo, that
Plagues or Chaſtiſements are quite different things from final Judgments and
utter Deſtruction,
But when we have ſaid, that this Temple is ſhut up during all the Plagues,
and that thefe Plagues laſt during the Sin; we do not ſuppoſe thereby, that
they began exactly with the Sin, and that they begin therefore with the very
reign of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet. As the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet grew
by degrees ſo, not being at the firft in the height of Wickedneſs, but by de-
grees ; fo likewiſe the Wickedneſs of their Worſhippers came to ſome height
before it drew God's Judgments upon them. The true Worſhippers were not
abſolutely oppreſs’d from the beginning, nor the Temple quite fhut up with
them, ſo that they ſhould need to cry at the very firſt for Vengeance. The
true Worſhip of God was not fully ſtopt before the Introduction of the Invo-
cation of Saints and the Worſhip of Images. This laft Circumſtance is that
which quite ſubverted the true Worſhip. So that the fitting up of the Temple,
and by conſequence the Execution of theſe Plagues may be placed in that
Period of time, which comes after the full Settlement of Image Worſhip, when
it was carried in ſpight of all the Oppoſition of the Iconomachi, who being
Men that had yet ſome ſenſe of true Religion ſtruggled hard to ftop its courſe,
but were at laft over power'd, and forc'd to yield. For from theſe times the
Spirit of Perſecution and Idolatry went on moſt furiouſly, and a diſmal Cor
ruption was ſpread over the whole Church of Chriſt. na i
To
de Boli to 2000
(a) Senec. Lib. V. Controv. XXXIV.
(b) Herodot. Lib. II; cap. CXXVIIT,
2012
CHAP

Ch.XVI. v. 1.
687
CHAP. XVI.
1
A. verf.
I.
Αι ήκισα φωνής μεγάλης έκ τ8 ναύ, λεγέσης τοϊς επήα αγγέλοις, υπάγε, και
to ,
Temple, Saying to the ſeven Angels, go on, and pour out the Bowls of the Wrath of God.]
(a) Dr. Mill rejects the words, šx 78 vor, out of the Temple, fuppoſing them to be
à Scholion: but I can't think ſo. The Explication we ſhall give thereof will
be a fufficient Vindication. Now this Voice is fent out of the Temple upon
the like account as thoſe iſſued out of the Temple in the like Caſes in Chap. 14,
15, and 17. and Chap. 15, 5, 6. therefore ſee the Notes thereupon, for as the
Angels in the laſt place have in general their Errand from the Temple ; ſo
from thence alſo they have their laſt Order and Inftru&ions for the very time of
the Execution thereof. Theſe Plagues are the Effects of God's Juſtice and Ven-
geance for the Sins of idolatrous Chriftians, who perſecute the true Worſhippers,
obftruct the true divine Worſhip, and thut up the Temple. The Sufferers cry
out of the Temple to God to revenge them, and by Correction, as it were to
bring the Perſecutors to Repentance. When their Sufferings are come to a ſuf-
ficient Head, then as the Souls under the Altar, they know chat it is time to
do it. But chey not calling for ſuch a Vengeance as tends to the whole De-
ſtruction of their Enemies but their Amendment, without complaining of De-
Jay, they determine 'ois now time to correct. One may alſo ſuppoſe, tha tthe
Throne of God is in the Temple, which, comprehending the whole Body
of the Church, Clergy and Laity, there has been a ſort of Court kept
therein, and that the Church having complain'd to God, and there having
been a Conſultation thereupon, the Reſult of the whole has been to ſend the
Angels to their Work. But there is no occaſion nor grounds for ſuch a Suppo-
fition. The Temple is no where repreſented ſo, as to appear to have been
built about the Throne of God and its Attendants. It is indeed ſaid to be in
Heaven, and they that worſhip therein are ſaid to be before the Throne of God, in
Chap. 7. 15. but all this may be true, if it be but by or before. Nay, I believe
the Holy Ghoſt has rather choſen not to determine it thus, but that the Throne
of God is in Heaven in general to ſhew, that God and his Chriſt reign over all
the Creation, as they more eſpecially protect and govern the Church, which
Notion is more ſuitable to the Dignity of the divine Majefty.
In the general Oeconomy of theſe Plagues may be obſerv'd three Particu-
lars, which have a Relation to each other, and a kind of Gradation. The
Angels come out of the Temple, they receive the Plagues from one of the
Wights, and they begin to execute them upon a great Cry from the Temple.
The first ſhews, That the efficient Caufes of the Plagues ſhall come out of the
Church; and by Conſequence that they are Ecclefiaftical Plagues. The
ſecond ſhews, That the power of the Execution of the Plagues, as Curſes of
God lies in the holy Clergy, who give the Commiſſion about it, which is con-
firm'd by God. The third ſhews, That God ſends his Judgments, when the
Cry of his Church requires it. The right of the Curſe lies in the Clergy to
pronounce it, bat the whole Church is concern'd in the Cry or Complaint.
B. Els tl glä, Upon the Earth.] All the Plagues have one ſubject affected by
them in general; but for all that every Plague falls fingly upon a different Sub-
ject, which is to be as it were, the Inſtrument thereof. Therefore the whole
Effect of theſe Plagues falls upon the Earth, to fignify in general, that the Ina
habitants of the Earth, or the Antichriftian Idolaters, which the Holy Ghoſt,
explaining his meaning, calls preſently the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, ſhall be
tormented by them. Not that theſe Plagues deſtroy the Beaſt it ſelf and its
Falſe Prophet, but torment and puniſh their Subjects continually. As to what
(a) Millii Proleg. in N. Teſt. p. 57:

688 The Subject of the Plagués.
Ch. XV. v. 1.
we lee, that each Bowl is afterwards poured out upon other Subjects, as the
ſecond upon the Sea, the third upon the Rivers, the fourth upon the Sun, and
fo on ; that is to ſignify to us, that the divine Providence, by affecting there
with thoſe particular Subjects, will make uſe of them as Inſtruments whereby
the Earth in general, or the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, ſhall be tormented. So
that their Torment ſhall immediately proceed from that Inſtrument or Subject,
eſpecially affected by each Bowl. Oc elſe why have we at firſt this general
Determination of all the Bowls upon the Earth, and afterwards each Bowl is
determined upon ſome ſpecial part; ſome of which parts both literally and
fymbolically are clearly different and oppos’d to the Earth, as the Sea, the
Sun, the Throne of the Beaſt, the River Euphrates and the Air. Now this
ſpecial Determination has in each.Bowl ſome Adjuncts, which evidently ſhew,
that they are inſtrumental in tormenting : The Plague that falls upon them
working them into ſome Condition or other, which turns to the Torment of
Men. By thus diſtinguiſhing between the general Determination of all the
Plagues, and that of each in particular, we make all plain and conſiſtent ; and
thus find out, that ſome of thoſe particular Subjects or inſtruments, are not ac
all defign'd to be deſtroyed by theſe Plagues, but made uſe of to torment the
falſe Worſhippers, who are the general Objects of all theſe Torments.
I proceed now to demonſtrate the ſymbolical Signification of the Earth,
which I have in a great meaſure reſerved for this place, becauſe here it re-
quired a very accurate Inquiry to make out the Diſtinction here infifted upon,
which is fo neceſſary for this place. The Earth may be taken two Ways, the
larter of which ſtill depends upon the firſt, including its Signification with a
different Proſpect. Firſt, Ic fignifies Men ſubject to the Powers of the
World; and this Title or Symbol, is always usd in Oppoſition to the People
of God, to ſignify ſuch Men as are Sinners, Idolaters, out of the Covenant
of Grace, or at leaſt Apoftates from it. Secondly, It ſignifies the ſame with
reſpect to their quiet Submiſſion to the preſent tyrannical Powers, in Oppo-
fition to a ſeditious Multitude, or People in War: at which time the Holy
Ghoſt repreſents them under the Symbol of Sea. Which laft Symbol is of a
dubious nature, and may be applied to the People of God, as well as to any
other Multitude. This way Earth is underſtood in the firſt Bowl; which ap-
pears by the Diſtinction of the Holy Ghoſt in the ſecond, where the ſame
Men come under the Symbol of Sea, becauſe in a tumultuous State. But the
Earth in general, where no ſuch deſign to diſtinguiſh appears, fignifies the
Subjects of any tyrannical, idolatrous Government, and is given alſo to the
People of God in a ſtate of Apoftacy.
The reaſon of this is eaſily given in the Principles of the ſymbolical Lan-
guage. The (a) Natural World repreſents the Political : The Heaven, Sun
and Luminaries reprefent the governing part, and ſo Earth muſt repreſent the
part governd, ſubmitting and inferior. This has been prov'd elſewhere : The
People of God, eſpecially the Chriſtians, muſt not have this Name, becauſe
our Converſation is in Heaven. Laſtly, This is the conſtant Stile of the
holy Scriptures. Thus in Genef. 11. 1. All the Earth, rūca si gñ, fignifies all
Men living then, who had begun to apoftatize. Chryfoftome ſays upon it ;
Ου περί της γής λέγεσα, αλλά περί τε των ανθρώπων γύες: The like you read in Gene/
6. 11. for the ſame reaſon that Men were corrupted. So in Jeremiah 22. 29.
O Earth, Earth, Earth. Upon which Clemens Alex. deſcants thus: (b) Oti dè tés
ανοήγες και απειθες, γώ καλεί η γραφή, σαφές ποιήσει Ιερεμίας και προφήτης κατά Ιωακείμ και,
Tão ideação dele aigesv, så, så, árve aéger Kupite And Theodorus upon view of
Hoſeah, 1. 2. (c) 'ou ga'p to sorzãoy abyu, enne tss Ted sarxeiw, išsangfures ogórnece
exorlas. Origen : (d) 'o efo zaię dumplerwy ons 27° dv, ésiv si gña ois tui aussfuñ, è ad un'
μελανοή εσόμθμός ση' To this purpoſe there are many Pallages in Philo, ſome of
which have been cited before upon Chap. 14. 17. A. and what has been ſaid
there of the Earth muſt be added here.
'Tis to be obſerv'd beſides, that the ſubject of theſe Plagues is general, with-
out Limitation ; they are caft upon the whole Earth. It is crue, that there is
a ſort of divlesoxid, or Correſpondence, between theſe Plagues and the Trumpets.
(2) Vid. Philo. Jud. de Monarch. p. 556.
(c) Inft. op. Clem. Alex, p. 344. Eccl. Proph.
(6) Clem. Alex. Scrom. Lib. IV. p. 232.
(d) Origen. de Orat. P. 11. §. 19.
The

Ch. XVI. v. 1.
689
Bowl. I.
The Trumpets have moſt of them a Limitation, that their Effeas fall upon a
Tgitov, or third part, but thefe Plagues have no ſuch; the Reaſon is, becauſe
the Corruptions are now increaſed, and partly come to their height. But
when the Trumpets began to have their Effedts, the Caſe was not the ſame.
For the Subje&ts affected by thoſe firft Trumpets were in a different Condition
from theſe. They confifted firſt of down right Pagans. Theſe are not to be
puniſhed with the ſame meaſure as apoftate Chriſtians. See on Chap. 18. 6. B.
and ſecondly, partly Chriſtians ; but theſe were only beginning to be cor-
rupted, and Corrections increaſe
according to the meaſure of Sins. The latter
Trumpets are heavier Puniſhments, and therefore are called Woes. So here,
when the Apoftacy of the Chriſtians is quite formed and almoſt univerſal, the
Plague is univerſal too. We muſt therefore expe&t herein Judgments univerſal,
no ordinary or partial Corrections.
09860OGGISSIEG.04.09-0999999.9995
S
0906.99g"OCIOS 996999
3930. OOOOOOOogis
BO W L I.
K
A. verf. 2. A) érñaSay mpôt, Etxee Tlu pidalw auts i glugló, And the
firſt Angel went, and poured out bis Bowl upon the Earth.] Since
all the Bowls in general are caft upon the Earth, and that this is more peculiar-
ly caft upon the Earth, the others not; but upon ſpecial Subjects; that this
may be like the reſt, we muſt take the Symbol of Earth in its ſpecial Significa-
tion; and that is by comparing it with the next Bowls in Oppoſition to Sea,
and ſo muſt ſignify here, that the Subjects of the Beaſt, who are to ſuffer by
this Plague, are to do it without any reſpect to War, but in Peace and in Sub-
miſſion to the Powers over them. The Proof of this depends upon what we
have ſaid in the foregoing Note, and the careful Obſervation of what follows
in the next Bowls. By the ſecond and third the Torment comes from Wars,
by the fourth it comes from the ſupream Powers, and ſo on : but here it comes
upon theſe Men by and from themſelves, becauſe God gives them up to them-
ſelves, and ſuffers them to be involv'd in the Miſchiefs portended by theſe
Bowls, whoſe effect is thus deſcribd:
B. Keh Safélo čaxG YAXÒr sy rovngor, And it became a noilom and grievous Sore.]
The Symbol of Sores or Ulcers is very analogous to the Vices and Guilt of the
Mind. For as the Habit or Clothing ſhews the quality and fortune of the Per-
ſon; ſo the Affections of the Body can be us'd only to denote thoſe of the Soul.
The Proximity of the clothing is thought to be ſufficient to affect the Body, and
the cloſe
Union of the Body muſt certainly affect the Soul. Hence comes the
general
Opinion of the Oriental Nations, Pagan and Mahomet an, that the Dirt
of the Clothes makes the whole Man impure, which is as old as the Times of
the Patriarchs before the Mofaical Diſpenſation. A Sore therefore ſignifies an
Uncleanneſs, a Sin or Vice, proportionable to the Properties of the Sore. This
I prove from holy Writ thus. Firſt, in Deut. 28. 35. énrő prorngor, Ulcus depafcens,
an eating Sore is ſaid to be the Puniſhment or Ćurſe for Diſobedience. And
thus as in the Hebrew Stile the Work is taken for the Reward, and the Reward
or Puniſhment for the Work, the Sore may repreſent the Guilt. So that this
Sore, ſo bad and painful, denotes the great Wickedneſs of theſe Men, and their
horrid Idolatry. Job's Friends from the Greatneſs of his Sores, which in Job 2.
7. are called by the fame Names as here, did agree about the Greatneſs of his
ſuppos'd Sins, and taxed him accordingly. Secondly, becauſe a Sore, Leproſy,
or running Sore, were the viſible marks, which not only drove a Man from
coming into the Preſence of God, but alſo forced him to go out of the Camp,
and the Society of Men. Whence this may very well fymbolically repreſent,
that thoſe who are thus plagued are driven away from the Preſence of God, and
become abominable in his Sight, and unfit for the Society of Chriſtians: which
we know in the Chriftian Religion ariſes not from any bodily Infirmity, but
from the Ulcers of the Soul, the Sins and Wickedneſs of Men, Thirdly, Be-
8 N
cauſe

Bowl I.
690
Chap. XVI. v. 2.
cauſe in the Hebrew Phraſe and Notions, to heal ſignifies to pardon Sins, and to
pardon the Sin is equivalent to healing. As for Example, 2 Chron. 30. 20. Hezea
kiah having pray'd, that God would excuſe and pardon thoſe who had eaten
the Paſſover, without being fufficiently purified, the Lord bearkned to Hezekiah,
and healed the People. So in Exod. 15. 26. I am the Lord that bealed thee. Ferem.
3. 22. I will heal, No7, the Targum, POUN, dimittam. V. (a) Schindler. fo
in Chap. 8. 15. a time of bealth is in the Targum, Tempus propitiationis, peccatorum,
and in Chap. 30. 17. I will reffore Health to thee
, and I will heal thee of the
Wounds ; Chap. 33. 6. I will bring it Health and Cure; Iſaiah 53. 5. And with
bis Stripes we are healed ; Numb. 12. 13. beal ber now, o God, I beſeech thee. In all
theſe bealing is pardoning ; ſo in Pfal. 6.2. O Lord heal me, for my Bones are vexed
Pfal. 41. 4. Be merciful unto me, heal my Soul, for I have linned againſt thee. Pral.
103. 3. Wbo forgiveth all thine Iniquities, who bealeth all thy Diſeaſes. So in Pfel.
38. having deſcribed his Wounds and Sores, he ſhews that he means Sins, be-
cauſe he faith, v. 18. For I will declare mine Iniquity, I will be ſorry for my Sin.
In theſe places, by comparing them together the Pfalmift ſhews, that Diſeaſes
are Sins, healing is forgiving. So the Prophet Iſaiah 33. 34. And the Inbabitants
ſhall not ſay, I am fick : the People that dwell therein ſhall be forgiven their Iniquity.
See alſo Chap. 6.10 and eſpecially Chap. 1. 6. of this Prophet, where the
Targum ſays : A reliquo populo uſque ad principes non eft in eis qui perfetus fit in
timore mei; omnes ficut contumaces & rebelles coinquinati ſunt in peccatis ficut
plaga ulcerola; non dimittunt ſuperbias ſuas, nec defiderant agere poenitentiam, ne-
que funt in eis juſtitiæ quibus protegantur. So that in this Allegory, Wounds,
Bruiſes, and Sores are Sins ;' the binding up of them fignifies Repentance, and the
healing up Remiffion. Pbilo uſes it: (b) o'quc nov gap oss zgavydtop rj alexñs matavi
kózo- ési solusion : (c) Elſewhere he ſpeaks fully to this purpoſe by obſerving,
that the Leproſy is the Symbol of the Sins of the Soul. Hence we may under-
ſtand the import of that Phraſe of our Saviour. Thy Sins be forgiven thee, when
he did a Miracle of healing ; the Terms ſeem to be fynonymous
The fame Notion may be perceiv'd in ſome Greek Authors: Thus Sopbocles
uſes the word vórG- for guilt, which literally is Sickneſs.

(d) Oix ide refuse get's tñ dě téanalai yćom;
Is not this Woman ſeizd with this Diſeaſe?

That is, is ſhe not guilty of the Crime ſhe is accus’d of. Euripides uſes the
Metaphor (e) yocãy to the ſame purpoſe, and (f) iculo. And thus he that
gives Counſel to a Sinner is a Phyſician of his Soul. The Metaphor is us'd in
the (9) Laws of Charondas, and more than once in Tully. See his Work de
Leg. Lib. I. & Tufcul. Qu. Lib. III. I fhall only add this place of Seneca, in
which both the Symbol and the litteral Expreſſion is found, (b) Quid aliud eft
vitia incendere, quam au&tores illis infcribere Deos, eo dare morbo, exemplo divini.
tatis, excufatam licentiam. The Onirocriticks explain the Symbol of the Ulcers
with ſome little difference, but yet ſo, that their Expoſition is conſiſtent with
ours; and they add ſome Obſervations which are not improper to our Caſe.
All of them ſay, that Sores and Impoftumes ſignify the Acquiſition of Riches,
with Envy and to the Prejudice of the ſupream Power, and that too with
Shame and by Stealth ; Chap. 105, 106, 107. Egy idin tus oti innos.In, xjerrosá-
pic?d mä se ei mev, å mãto colé mantwtnostne velce pob's exor Col@. Felv ind in TIS
ότι ώΓκώθη η σαρξ αυτε αποσήμασιν ελκωτικούς" το παν είς πλάτον διακρίνεται '
Εν τις ήδη
ότι έλωζώθη, πλετήσει αναλόγως της λώβης αιχωόμως και αποκρυπlόμωG: This Iatt
thought is exa&ly like that of Raduph. Flaviacenfis in theſe words: (i) E.
caro & cutis bulcere leditur, cum & intus hominis conſcientia flagitii perpetra-
ione corrumpitur, & fama exteriùs dehoneftatur. Again a little before : Per bulcus
quod in corpore oritur, & ipfius corporis decorem fæditate ſua corrumpit, flagitiorum
ſanies exprimitur, per quam boneftatis humane Species violatur , and "Tychonius : (k)
() Schindler. V. XD%
(6) Philo. Jud. de Infomn. p. 395. (2) Philo Jud. de
Immutab. p. 210.
(d) Soph. Antig. p. 243.
(e) Euripid, Phen. v. 475. vid.
ejuſ. Hippolyt. V. 933.
(f) Euripid. Oreft. 649. (9) Apud. Scoba. a'.
(h) Senec. de Brevit. vit. cap. XVI. (i) Rad. Flaviac. in Levit. Lib. IX. c. 3• (k) Tychoa.
Hom. XII
Voluntaris

Ch.XVI. V. 2.
692
Bowl I.
Voluntaria e mortalia peccata quae funt ulcera in animabus fuis, patiuntur omnes
impii & Superbi
. Now at the time, in which we find this Plague came, we ſhall
find, that the corrupted Church-Men, and particularly the Church of Rome,
was wholly intent in acquiring Riches by all manner of baſe Ways and Impo
ftures. Theſe Riches became the Cauſe of the decay of Piery, and of the
horrid Luxury, which produced therein all manner of Crimes and Idolatries.
C. Εις της ανθρώπες τες έχονlας το χάραγμα τε θηρία, και τις προσκυμοιώντας την εικόνα αυτή,
Upon the Men that have the mark of the Beast and worſhip its Image.]. Tho' the
Earth ſignifies as we have proved, the Subjects of the tyrannical Power of the
Beaft, and that it has been ſaid, that this Plague was fallen upon the Earth,
yet this Expreſſion is not needlefs. Firſt, Becauſe the Earth is a more general
Symbol than this ; and that therefore there is need to ſpecify it : and Secondly,
Becauſe the Holy Ghoſt had not yet preciſely mention'd, that theſe Plagues
were deſign'd againſt chefe Men, tho' we have had ſeveral Hints that theſe were
deſign'd to be affected by them. The Earth may ſignify the Heathens, but this
Title can belong to none but corrupted Chriſtians, who obey the Beaſt fet
upon the inflaving of Men by the Inſtigations of the Falſe Prophet, who
ſpeaks like the Dragon, but pretends to have Horns like the Lambs. I have
proved, that they who bear the mark are ſuch as out of fear ſubmit to the
Power of the Beaſt; and they who worſhip its Image, are ſuch as freely im-
brace its Religion out of Admiration of its Power. The meaning of the Ho-
ly Ghoſt here is therefore, that ſuch Men, whether freely or ſneakingly Ido-
laters, ſhall lie under the laſh of theſe Plagues. A Worldling might argue, that
this is no Plague; to have Riches and Pleaſure are accounted the Happineſs of
this world. But the Holy Ghoſt argues at another rate, and ſhews us elſea
where, that Wickedneſs is the worſt of Plagues. Worldly AfHictions are Father-
ly Corrections to the Juft: but the greateſt Miſery of the Wicked is to become
a Reprobate, a Caſt off, one left unto himſelf. And this very Miſery is the utmoſt
of God's Curſe, as S.Paulargues, Rom. 1. 23, 24, 25, 26. and that too with a kind
of emphatical Reduplication, that becauſe the Heathens forgetting God have
ſet up Idols, therefore he has ſuffered them to run into all Vice. Now as this
Plague is the firſt, ſo it is the greateſt, upon the account of its ill Conſe.
quence in proving Men abſolute Apoftates, and then becauſe being the firſt,
and its Effeats lafting on to the end, it is of the longeſt Duration, and draws
on, not only the reft of the Plagues, buc eternal Condemnation at laſt.
oil
The Event of Bowl 1:
He Accompliſhment of this Plague in the corrupted Church is eaſy to be
ſeen; and indeed 'tis eaſier to perceive the height of the Plague, than
the very beginning: However, from the words of St. Paul juſt cited, which
fhew the method of the divine Providence in ſuch Caſes, ſince that Providence
is uniform in its Diſpenſations, we may conclude, that the Curſe of Wicked-
edneſs was inflicted after the Depravation of the Worſhip, St. Paul ſaying, that
when the Pagans had changed the Glory or Worſhip of God into that of Images,
then he gave them up unto their own Hearts Lufts. So here, when the Chri-
ftians had corrupted the Goſpel Doctrine by the Invocation of Saints and An-
gels, and the Worſhip of Images, then this Plague began to have its Effect.
The ſecond Council of Nice had fully ſettled that Worſhip in the Eaſtern
Churches, which is the very height of Corruption in Worſhip or Idolatry, by
the Year 787. with the Concurrence of the Biſhop of Rome, for tho' Charles the
Great with the help of the Synod of the German and French Biſhops had con-
demn’d the Nicene Council, nevertheleſs the Popes ftanding to it, the Worſhip
of Images was ſettled every where at laſt
. However, even theſe were then
rank Idolaters in invoking Saints and Angels. Now in the ninth and tench
Century we find the Church involved in the moſt abominable Wickedneſs that
ever was heard of in the World. I ſhall not inlift upon Particulars, but refer to
the Hiſtorians, even the Popiſh, as Baronius; who has given the tenth Century
the names of šron Age, leaden Age, obſcure Age.
Oslobortis
BOWL

692
Ch. XVI. v. 3.
Bowl II.
90%GIÁOGOSIOSIOGISCONOCIDOGOCIOLOGØISSIOGI-U5635639SIOGI.CG933 GI*OGOGISG950
BO W L II.
A. verſ. 3.
K11
Ai o ddtop yuan Etxes Tlu pedalus suri sis the sandarayo And
the ſecond Angel poured out his Bowl into the Sea.] We have ſuf-
ficiently explain’d the Symbol already: it appears then, thac this Bowl muſt
have its effect in War, the Sea being the Symbol of a multitude in War. And it
muſt be ſuch a War, that all the corrupted Church mult be concern'd therein :
and it muſt alſo be upon a religious account. The corrupted Chriſtians muſt
as it were bring it upon themſelves: but let us look a little further into it.
B. Kaà égfúelo cha as vexçê, And it became Blood, as of a dead Body.] Beſides the
difference of this Plague, and that of the ſecond Trumper, which only affe&s
the third part of the Sea, the Symbol is alſo much heightned here by the Ad-
dition of w's verpf, which muſt therefore denote a prodigious Mortality and
Slaughter, as ever was known; and as great as can be imagin’d. I have aſſign'd
a good reaſon before, why theſe Bowls are greater Plagues than thoſe of the
firſt Trumpets: and this makes way for what follows. As to the Symbol of
the Sea becoming Blood, it is explain'd in the Note upon Chap. 15. 2. B.
C. Και πάσα ψυχή ζώσα απέθανεν εν τη θαλάοση, And every living Soul died in the
Sea.] This general Propofition muſt be underſtood with a little Seaſoning, as
moft Expreſſions of that fort in holy Scripture, to fignify the greateſt part by
much, with few Exceptions. It may be alſo underſtood thus, That all thoſe
Men who were concern’d in theſe Wars predicted by this Plague died therein ;
and then the Propoſition will ſtill be more general, and admit of fewer Ex-
ceptions,


The Event of Bowl II.
TH
He Event to be applied to this are the firft Wars, or Cruſados in the pretend-
ed boly War, for the regaining of that which was the Holy Land. Theſe
Wars have all the Characters neceſſary to fulfil this Propheſy; And indeed no
other can do it. For as the Holy Ghoſt repreſents in the Symbols a vaſt Mor-
tality by War; ſo I defy any Man to ſhew in any Hiſtory ſuch deſtructive
Wars as thoſe were; not ſo much by Battles, as by the Difficulty of the Un-
dertaking. Firſt, The Times fuit, they being begun after, and during the
Corruption of Morals in Chriſtendom. Secondly, They were religious Cur-
ſes; the deſign of them being abſolutely fanatical. Thirdly, they involv'd all
the corrupted Chriſtians. The Weſtern croſſed themſelves, and over-ran the
Eaſtern; who being uneaſy to ſee ſo many and great Armies coming over their
Country, laid Ambuſhes to deſtroy them : but were frequently involved in the
ſame. Some ſay, That in three or four Years time there periſhed about two
Millions of thoſe Fanaticks, in which account we muſt not bring in thoſe whom
they ſlew in the Greek Empire, nor the Sarracens and Turks. Authors obſerve,
that there were hardly any Men left in the Weſt, and almoſt nothing ſeen buc
Orphans and Widows. As 'cis ſaid, that every Soul died in the Sea ; ſo 'cis ob-
ſervable, that all thoſe who undertook theſe Wars died therein, few excepted,
who return'd only to fetch more ſuch Fanaticks to periſh in the ſame manner.
A few that eſcape out of a Battle, do not hinder an Hiſtorian from ſaying,
that the whole Army was deſtroyed. Laſtly, They brought it upon them-
felves, for it was a voluntary Undertaking at firſt, without any Command of
the ſupream Powers. One filly Monk, Peter the Hermit began this furious
Freak; that we might fee in it the Work of God, whoſe method it is to pro-
duce his Deſigns by unexpected and unlikely means. The Hiſtory of theſe
Wars being wriccen by Maimbourg and Fuller, both which are now in Engliſh,
I refer to them
BOWL



Chap. XVI. V.4.
693
Bowl III.
COSOGOOGS31036938066591409359,05950"Ogecoc:9500
56960లకండ
the road
BOWL IILAI
K.
A. verf.
ΑΣ ο τρίτος άγγελος εξέχεε τίω φιάλω αυγά εις τες πόζαμες και εις τας ανε,
4.
Täv i Sázavo wġ glueo ciuc, And the third Angel poured out his Bowl
upon the Rivers, and upon the Springs of Waters; and they became Blood.] It is plain,
that this plague is of the ſame nature as the former; and as it were the com-
plement of what the former had miſs’d, or a gleaning of what was left by the
former
. We fee, that the Holy Ghoſt takes them to be two parts of the ſame
thing, becauſe the Angel which prefides over the Waters in general, appears
hereafter to make his Reflection upon theſe two Judgments after the latter only.
Whereas if this was not the ſecond part of the former, it had been as proper to
have made that Refle&ion after the former, as being the moſt confiderable.
But this Plague is leſs ; and bears the ſame proportion to the former, as the
Rivers and Springs bear to the Sea. This Diftinction is not only of decorum,
becauſe of the Allufion to the Diviſion of Waters into Sea and Rivers, but alſo
to the Diſpoſition of the Waters in the Tabernacle, and particularly in the
Temple of Solomon ; which were diſtributed, firſt into one great Veſſel called
a Sea ; and then into ten Lavers or Kerties, which were much leſs. And thefe
did repreſent fymbolically the great Sea and ſmaller Waters in the World, as
we have fhewn upon Chap. 4. 6. A. that the Cryſtal Seal repreſents the Chri-
ftian World, and as indeed the Tabernacle and Temple were Symbols of
Heaven and their Adjuncts of the Earth, and the Service of the Temple that
of all the Creation. By comparing 1 Kings 7. 23,27,38, 39. and 2 Chron. 4. 2,
6. we not only learn the uſe of theſe great Vefſels of Water ; but alſo, that it
was diſtine. For the Sea, or the Water contain'd therein ſerved for the Prieſts
to waſh themſelves, as it is commanded, in Exod. 30. 19. and the Lavers con-
tain'd the Water to waſh the Holocaufts. The obſerving of this Allufion is
neceflary for what follows in the Angels Epiphonema.
Now tho' this Plague be exa&ly of the ſame nature as the former, yet there
are three Particulars by which it appears, that it is deſign'd to be much leſs.
Firſt, There is a Diſproportion, as from the Sea to the Rivers and Springs :
Secondly, They are turn'd only into Blood without the Addition of the aggra-
vating Circumſtance in the corrupting of it to the Blood of a dead Body, which
is an Adjunct implying great Horror in the Carnage: and Thirdly, The Ob-
fervation, that every living Soul died therein, is alſo omitted. As to the Symbols
ſignifying a Slaughter, it is evident by the Analogy. I ſhall only add that the
Heathens took it always ſo. (a) Livy produces the Portentum of Rivers of Blood;
but mentions nothing to ſhew how it was underſtood eſpecially, but in general
obſerves, that it was expiated as a dire Omen. In (b) Quintus Curtius the
Tyrians had the Omen of Streams of Blood out of the Fire, which by miſtake
they applied to the Macedonians, but the Author hints it boded them ill. Ac-
cordingly they were taken, and either put to the Sword or made Slaves.
Thus alſo 'tis obſerv'd in (c) Alian, that the Deſtruction of the Thebans was
ſignifyed by the Fountain Dirce being ſeen full of Blood. The ſame is obſery'd
in (d) Diodorus Siculus. But enough of this.
XII. cap. 57
(a) Liv. Hift. Lib. XXVI.
(6 Q. Curt. Lib. iv. preto
(C) Alian. V. Hiß. Lib.
(d) Diodor. Sic. Lib.XVII. polar ad og
DHOM vib sd 16 songs Mad yaoi oi Ji tot cott
es
is 103 2999814 sista hari biasata, a to su slower lo noir
indo buquno slot) youllab du son dos basat100 olifera o anaw
maths to builo bas broa) 1a ada 19 bestselleu o 2raqqidhawift
mol qs ad OriginsM 1080) bata paold staat asosate
Hiboto silu bas agr 80 impego oniqat 500 sugis o The
sd blog sisca zivsed bosonovi 1638 003 31 menelitis
694
Ch. XVI. V. 5.
Bowl III.
Avec
The Event of Bowl III.
Micient
THe Plague of this Bowl was accompliſhed in thoſe latter Cruſades by which
T
that pretended holy War was carried on: when there were no more ſuch
general Inſurrections of the Weſtern Chriſtians as before ; ſome few Nations,
and of theſe much fewer, continued in that fanatical Fury. The French held it
the laſt ; their King Lewis IX. called the Saint, having made two Expeditions
to that purpoſe. In the firſt he was taken Priſoner in Egypt, in the latter he
died of the Peſtilence at Tunis, whither he had led an Army of about fixty
Thouſand Men, which periſh'à miſerably for the moſt part about A.C. 126%
Now as nothing can better deſcribe thoſe fanatical Expeditions, wherein ſo
many Millions of Souls periſh'd miſerably, than a Sea of Blood and Rivers, and
Springs turn'd into the ſame, ſo 'tis to be obſerv'd, that in the (a) Hiſtory of
the Grecian Emperor Alexis written by his Daughter an Eye Witneſs of the
beginning of theſe Wars, ſhe compares them to many Rivers join'd together to
make a great Humber ; and their Expedition to an Inundation. This is one
of thoſe fatal Expreſſions, which ſet forth a kind of Coincidence of the Event
with the Symbols of the Propheſy.
I muſt here obſerve likewiſe more particularly concerning the Diſpoſition of
theſe Plagues, ſignify'd by the pouring of the Bowls, that the Dates of the
Plagues muſt be taken from the beginning, and not the whole Extent. There-
fore a new Plague may begin, and ſtill may be poſterior in order to theſe, tho'
it had begun its Effect, before theſe were fully accompliſhed ; becauſe the
Order muſt be taken from the very beginning. And thus, as the two Plagues
upon the Sea and Rivers are but two diftinct parts of a Plague of the ſame
nature; ſo a fourth Plague may be pofterior to them, tho it began much
fooner, and that they run on together. Thus even the firft Plague runs on
ſtill in a greater meaſure upon the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, though not in ſo
eminent a degree. The freſh Plague takes up the Deſcription of the Holy
Ghoſt, and ſeems to obliterate the former in this body Politick of the corrup-
ted Church, as one Grief or Pain more acute dulls the ſenſe of the weaker in
the natural Body, according to the (6) Aphoriſm of Hippocrates.

(a) Anne Comn. Alexiad. Lib. X. cap. 6.
(6) Hippocr. Aphor. Lib.II. 9,46.
v za An Epiphonema upon the two former Plagues.
A. verf:
K4
Ai önkou rõ 'Agrlad tão irátus, aizle, And I heard the Angel of
the Waters Saying.] It may be ask'd at firft, how comes this ſo-
lemn Epiphonema to be inſerted here? I anſwer, That there is ſpecial occa-
fion for it, to juſtify the Management of the divine Providence in the Execu-
tion of theſe two Plagues. We are told, that theſe Plagues were to be ſuch as
were to chaſtiſe, corre&t and amend, but not to deftroy theſe corrupted Chri-
ftians, Worſhippers of the Beaft; and yet the very fecond and third of them
repreſent to us fuchia bloody Tragedy, that carnal Men might be ape from
thence to argue and repine againit the Goodneſs and Juftice of God, as if
fuch Chaftiſements were too great for the Offence, and heavier than could be
born:



celis
695
Ch. XVI. v.5.
The Angel's Epiphonema.
born: Nay, that they rather deſtroy'd than corrected. But the Holy Ghoſt
prevents that Objedion, and takes it clear off, by this Epiphonema, which
fully juſtifies the divine Attributes. Therefore God is therein called "@,
clear and blameleſs, of which hereafter. Secondly, it may be ask'd why Angels
are imploy'd to make this Recognition of God's Juſtice. The reaſon is, be-
cauſe the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to thew us that theſe are unrepenting Sinners,
and therefore very far from making ſuch an Acknowledgment, which would
imply they have a clear knowledge of their Sins... But the divine Juſtice muſt
appear in all his Actions, and ſo muſt be own’d by other proper Actors.
I proceed now to the Expoſition of the Office of the Angel making this
Epiphonema, which is ſaid to be the Angel of the Waters, and it is to be done up-
on the Principles by which the Office of the Angel ſer over the Fire, in Chap.
14. 18. has been explain'd. There were two ſorts of Water uſed in the Levia
tical Service, living Water, fetch'd out of ſome running Spring, and boly Water
called otherwiſe Water of Purification or Separation. The Compoſition of this
latter Water was of the Aſhes of the Heifer ſacrificed, as in "Numb, 19. and
Spring water. This was to be us’d upon particular Occaſions by a mixture
made for that purpoſe; but the living Water was us'd almoſt continually. Every
Prieſt that came to officiate, was bound to waſh himſelf; and every Offering
of Animals was alſo to be waſh'd, at leaſt its Belly and Legs, Exod. 30. 18.
Levit. 1. 9, &c. for thoſe Reaſons Water was kept continually freſh and clean
in the great Brazen Sea for the Prieſts, and in the ſmaller Lavers for the
Vi&ims, as before obſerv'd. Now it cannot be imagined, that the Prieſts waſh'a
their Bodies therein, for then one had defiled the whole water of the Sea, and
one Vidim that of the Laver : but either they took it out in Bowls, or elſe out
of (a) Cocks or Spouts, as the Rabbies ſay. That therefore no Diſorder ſhould
be committed in the Diſtribution, that the Water ſhould never be wancing,
nor itay too long to ſtink or become filthy, which would have been abomina-
ble, and ſuit ill with the Holineſs and Purity of the Service ; (b) a Prieſt was
fet over theſe Waters to order that all things ſhould be right. Beſides this, un-
doubtedly the Care of thoſe noble Aqueducts, which brought the Water to the
Temple, and perhaps to the reſt of the City, as they are deſcrib'd by Ariſteas,
was part of the ſame Office ; which was look'd upon as ſo wholly belonging
to the Prieſthood, that when (c) Pilate attempted to make an Aqueduct out of
the Moneys of the Temple, the Jews were ready to make a Sedition, looking
upon that Attempt as an horrid Profanation, that an Heathen ſhould have any
thing to do with thoſe Waters, which ſeemed to be polluted by his medling
therein.
Further, as the Temple was the Pattern of heavenly things, ſo in the ſym-
bolical Learning, wherein one thing is repreſented by another, this Officer
over the Waters was ſuppos'd to repreſent that Angel, who in the viſible World
governs inviſibly all the Collections of Waters. This Angel is by the more
modern Jews called by the Name of 894 Now, the Prince of the Sea. The
fame Notion being entertain’d by the ancient Perſians and their Magi, they
called this Angel preſiding over the Waters by the name of Ardisûr, or Arduisúr,
as (d) Dr. Hyde has obſervd ; and that the Holy Ghoſt alludes to theſe No-
tions is evident by the like Offices perform’d by Angels, as that over
the Fire,
and thoſe over the Winds. Now the Sea and Rivers being repreſented as
turn'd into Blood, the Holy Ghoſt brings out the Angel fet over them as
aſtoniſhed at the Judgment of God therein, and making the following Re-
flection upon the divine Juſtice, to fhew us why theſe Warers are affected with
theſe Plagues; and that is becauſe the People in them, and repreſented by
them, had ſhed the Blood of God's Saints and Prophets.
B. Aixug, Kugte, &, à òv, vi nå we, o doro, TAUTA Èxgivels, Righteous, O Lord, art
thou, which art, and which waſt, the blameleſs, becauſe thou haſt judged theſe things.]
This is the reading of the Complutenſian Edition, ſaving that the word Kúpie is
omitted therein, as in many other Copies; and indeed they all vary ftrangely.
Beza found in a MS. &góulo, inſtead of sole, which was not obſerved by
() Miſchnæ Cod. Joma. cap. III. Et Schilte Haggibborim apud Wagenſeil. in Sota p. 357. vid.
Lightfoot's Temple c. 37. (6) V Lightfoot's Temple Service, Chap. 2.
Archeol. Lib. XVIII. cap. 4.
(d) Hift. Relig, Ver. Perf. cap. 6.
Dr.
(c) Joſeph
*

696
The Angel's Epiphonema.
Ch. XVI. v.6
Dr.Mill; and this is the more to be wondred at, becauſe even our publick Ver-
fion in Engliſla has follow'd that reading. I fhatbexplain them aslohey lie before
me, but even thus there is ſome Diſagreement how they are to be tranſlated for
(a) fome turn the words & drag the Saint or Holy as ſtanding abſolutely by theme
ſelves, and ſo to be underſtood with?the Supplemene of the Verb Subftantive,
art, zubo art the Saints and (b) others join them with the formerhSubitantives
@v and wi, who art, and waſ the Saint ; ufor my part I would have theſe words urs-
derſtood thus by reading, wj 8016, as it is in fome Copies : Righteous art thos, o
Lord, which art and well for and alfo pure or blameleſs, that thou haft fo judged chefe
things
. By this means the ó wr and ki, are not to thew the Eternity of God,
but his continuing to be Lord as he was before the Apoftacy of theſe Worſhip-
pers
. For when Men by Apoftacy rebel againſt God's Dominion, he afferts at
by puniſhing them : and the Holy Ghoſt, as we have already hinted, affects on
ſuch occaſions to give hines, and infift upon thati Titleislakensadasd 81
The word G in this place deſerves ſome notice. Caft alio hath turn'd it here
"by, Auguſtus; but this Man by affe&ing Elegancy, has neglected Propriety.
The meaning of the word is to be diſcover'd by the uſe of it in holy Writ
. In
the LXX. Prov. 20. 10. 6016 anſwers to the Hebrew2,78, which comes from 335
Mundus fuit, or from 7pi, purificare, to purify, oraicheard And this Hebrew word
J in Febis. 14. is turn'd in the LXX: by d'eauales blameleſs, which is the true
Notion chereof in this place. For fuller Satisfaction the critical Reader may
conſult the Concordances. I ſhall only, add, that in St. Paul, 1 Thef. 2. 10. odias
dinerícos and opéuzows are us'd as words abſolutely ſynonymous, ſo that ó 60105 is
one whole Perſon and Actions are ſo pure and clear, that he is blameleſs. And
by conſequence the meaning of the Angel is, That ſince God has been pleas'd
to exert his Dominion and Right, which he had over theſe corrupted Chriſtians,
who by Covenant were more nearly within his righe, by theſe terrible Judga
ments and Chaſtiſements ; ſo in all this he has done nothing for which he may
juſtly be blam'd or accus’d of Cruelty. nobod 10 lat os gooi
gooi 003 YT1000
A. verſ. 6. "OTL excese dziwy aj hloqnmv elexcav, Beoauſe they have ſhed the Blood of
Saints and Prophets.] Prophets and Martyrs are fynonymous terms in this Pro-
phely, as ſhall be made out upon Chap. 19. 10. D. Saints are the true Chri-
Itians, as has been ſhewn before. The words may very well be underſtood by
an ŝv sode svov, to ſignify the Chriſtian Martyrs, or the Martyrs who ſuffer for
the true Worſhip, becauſe there are note that ſuffer, whoſe Blood is thed,
but they are Martyrs or Prophets. If you will take the words in a divided
Senſe, then they may be underſtood thus. The Title of Saints is given to
Chriſtians chiefly in Oppoſition to the abſolute Pagans, becauſe they are by
Covenant ſeparated and confecrated to God; and the true Worſhippers, who
oppoſe the Corruption of Chriſtianity are the Prophets or Martyrs. And as far
as I can perceive the Holy Ghoſt never calls the Saints, who ſuffer'd by the
Pagans, by the name of Prophets, though they who ſuffer'd by the Beaſt and
Falſe Prophet are frequently called Saints : the word Saints being more general,
and belonging equally to both. For though they are the ſame, yet by reaſon
of their different circumſtances they are Saints one way, and Prophets ano-
ther: there being a real difference between defending in groſs the whole
Chriſtian Religion, and in particular only the Puricy of its Worſhip; as Saints
they do both, as Prophets only the latter. But if theſe two words be under-
ſtood to ſtand as contradiſtinguiſhed, the Prophets being ſpecial, muft fignify as
they do, and the word Saints muſt have that ſpecial signification which di-
ſtinguiſhes them from Prophets. In this ſenſe the meaning will be, that theſe
corrupted Chriſtians fuffering by theſe Plagues, are guilty equally of ſhedding
the Blood of the Primitive Martyrs, as well as thar of the zealous Chriſtians.
Two things may be objected, the clearing of which will at the fame time
ſhew the Accompliſhment of the Propheſy, and the truth of the Crimes, laid
to the Charge of theſe Sufferers. Firſt, That the Saints or Martyrs of the
Primitive Church were ſain by Pagans, before there was any ſuch thing as
Worſhippers of the Beaſt: and Secondly, That until this time there had been
no Perſecution on the account of Religion, and that Popery had in no wiſe
before the beginning of the Cruſades ſhed the blood of Saints and Prophets. To
(a) Verſ. of Port Royal or Mons.
() Tranſ of the Drs. of Losunin.
this

Ch. XVI. v. 6.
The Angel's Epiphonema.
69 7
this í aniwer by the following Obſervations. Firſt, Thac this 'Antichriſtian
State by having imbraced the idolatry and perſecuting Principle of the Dragon,
to perſecute and ſlay the Saints and Confeffors of Chriſt, is of it ſelf become
guilty of the Blood ſhed by the Dragon , as the Blood of all the Saints, from
that of Abel to that of Zacharias the son of Barachia was to be revenged upon
the infidel Fews, when by the Murder of our Saviour and of his Apoſtles they
had fulfilled the meaſure of their Sins, and made themſelves one with all the
former Murderers from the beginning and ſo all the Blood ſhed would in the
Puniſhment be imputed to them. This is done by the Communication of the
dyos or guilt, and that there is ſuch an éves, and Communication thereof, is
plain even by the ſecond Commandment; which in the Caſe of Idolatry paſſes
to the third and fourth Generation : in that of Murder paſſes further, both
by Approbation and Continuation of the Crime to all Generations till the
Meaſure is fulfilled to bring down the utmoſt point of the divine Vengeance,
as it will happen to the ſpiritual Babylon. See our Note on Chap. 18. 24. B.
compare alſo what we have ſaid upon Chap. 6. 17. A. Secondly, It being
evident that the firſt Eſtabliſhers, the Monarchs or Horns of the Beaſt, whom
theſe corrupted Chriſtians have all along worſhipped, being Goths, Vandals;
Franks and others, which were either downright Pagans, or at leaſt Arians, and
being Enemies to the Divinity of Chriſt, were no true Chriftians, becauſe he
that has not the Son, has not the Father; theſe I ſay, having perſecuced hora
ribly, the true Chriftians, and flain ſo many thouſands of them, the following
Worſhippers of the ſame Beaft, by having ſubmitted to it, imbraced its Relia
gion and Idolatrý, and alſo taken up the ſame perfecuting Principle, were bea
come guilty of all the Blood ſpilt by their Predeceſſors, the original Subjects
of the Beaſt in its firſt riſing : which Blood comprehends a great part of choſe
who ſuffer'd for the true Chriftian Worſhip under theſe Pagan and Arian Kings,
the firſt Beginners, and under their Succeſſors. Thirdly, I obſerve, that the
ſecond Objection is abſolutely falſe. I have ſhewn before on Chap. 13. 15. C.
that even as high as the Times of the Emperor Juſtinian, there were Laws for
puniſhing Men by Death upon the account of Religion. And 'tis clear, chat
the Worlhip of Images was ſettled with much Blood ſhedding; it was ſettled
by Law through Craft, Terror and Ambition, and was confirm’d by Perſe-
cution, and thouſands of Men have periſh'd upon that account. It is plain alſo
by the Hiſtory of the Emperor Alexis Comnene; that the burning of Hereticks
was common then, and under that name the Oppoſers of Idolatry were com-
prehended. Thus Berengarius in the Weſt was made to recant through the fear
of being burnt; ſo that no Man could ſay any thing againſt the eſtabliſhed
Corruptions then, but he was ſerv'd accordingly ; However, theſe Violences
were not lo general as afterwards, when the Fury of the Popes grew to a
greater height ; ſo that they proceeded to Wars and Maſſacres upon this account:
Nay, in the heat of theſe Cruſades that fury of Perſecution came to its height,
by forcing the Cruſades againſt the Oppoſers of the Papacy, the Albigenſes,
Waldenſes and others. Of theſe people there are ſaid to have been ſlain à Mil
lion of Souls. Now it is obſervable, that the Epiphonema being ſubjoin'd to the
latter of theſe Plagues, the Holy Ghoſt meant to comprehend this Slaughter of
Saints therein. Whatever Slaughter therefore was made of Chriſtians, who
juftly oppos’d the growing or confirm’d Errors and idolatrous Practices in the
Church, by the temporal Powers at the Inſtigation of the corrupted Church-
men ; this is all to be caft into the account of theſe Men. And that there
have been many Executions of this kind before the eleventh and twelfth Ceri-
tury, we may conclude from the Laws then made, though Hiſtorians make
little mention of them ; but they will be remembred on the Day of Vena
geance.
B. Kui cx pse dulcis #saras Tiar, Thou alſo haſt given them Blood to drink.] "Tis
uſual to ſay, That thoſe who are cruel are thirſty of Blood ; and to be forced to
drink Blood is accounted a great Curſe, and a ſuitable return to Murderers.
The Paſſages of Authors which I ſhall cite, make this out. Thus Thomyris
Queen of Scythia fpake to Cyrus, who had flain her Son, when ſhe had taken
him, and put his Head into a Veffel of Blood : (a) cé do yoo ne tré mes nweianorte
(a) Herodot. Lib. I. S. 214.
8 P
cui prael

698
The Angel's Epiphonema. Chap. XVI. v. 6.
quele- rapécess which Juſtin has thus tranſlated : (a) Satia te ſanguine quem fi-
tiffi; the like is found in (b) Valerius Maximus. Tully: (c) Qua Janguine alitur,
que
'in omni crudelitate ſic exultat, ut vix bominum acerbis funeribus ſatietur. Thus
alſo ſpeaking againft Vatinius : (d) Sanguinem principum civitatis exforbere. And
ſpeaking of Lucius Brother to Mark Anthony : (e) Etenim aderet L. frater, gladia-
tor Afiaticus, qui Myrmillo Mylaſis depugnarat: ſanguinem noftrum fitiebat, fuum in
illa gladiatoria pugna multum profuderat. And elſewhere of the fame: (1) Cujus
Sanguinem non bibere cenfetis? And elſewhere of Clodius and his Gang: (g) Statim
me perculſo, ad meum ſanguinem hauriendum, & Spirante etiam republica ad ejus spolia
detrahenda advolaverunt. Valerius Maximus : (h) Quoniam, inquit, Fulvi, cupi-
ditate tanta hauriendi ſanguinis noftri teneris, quid ceſlas in me cruentam ſecurim
diftringere, &c. In Suetonius we read thefe Vefres.
(0) Faſtidit vinum quia jam ſit it ifte cruorem :
Tam bibit hunc avidè, quom bibit ante merum.
usebio
Silius Ital. ſays : (k)
Optatum Latii tandem potura cruorem.

Philo: (l) vangelhoorles de men's tragedías çevwvv Te xj dy ve eps gcontents of proclog Thus alſo
in the Paſſion of S. Pherbuthe a Perſian Martyr; Si noftrum fanguinem fatitis, quif-
nam eft qui probibeat vos eum bibere. That this is a Curſe the following prove
it; fo Fornandes: (m) Ita conftri&ti forte miſerabili fordebant, potantes fanguinem
quem fudêre Sauciati
. He ſpeaks of that bloody Battle of Attila and the Romans,
(n) Nicetas tells a Story of the Emperor Manuel Comnene, who after a Battle
having called for ſome Water to drink out of a Brook, and perceiving it was
tainted with Blood, cried out as he threw it away: What a Wretch am I to drink
Blood ? Upon which one of the Soldiers anſwer’d, That this was not the firfi
time he bad drunk Blood, who had been us'd to drink till he was drunken with the
Blood of his Subjects. Note, that this happened in the very time of theſe
Plagues; and ſo that it is in part a literal Accompliſhment of the Propheſy.
Thus allo Iſaiah 49. 26. ſays, They ſhall be drunken with their own Blood; which
the Targum turns thus : Et ficut inebriantur vino mero, ita beſtiæ agri inebriabuntur
Sanguine eorum. See Ezek. 16. 38. and Chap. 14.19. Thus alſo one in Artemi-
dorus, Lib. V. §. 59. who dream'd that he drank human Blood in a Trough ;
the Évent being, that he became a Gladiator, a baſe and cruel Buſineſs. See
Lactantius, Lib. VI. cap. 20. and compare our Note upon Chap. 17. 6. A.
Theognis makes it a Curſe for them that had plundered him : (0) Tæv on véner
og ude tidy, 67 ' fonds ägoito Adiues, os veel suor vouũ TERÉGHE Teide,
This Blood to be drunk is the ſame in effect as the Bitterneſs infus'd in the
Waters at the third Trumpet, which cauſed a Curſe, or all manner of Tor-
ment, but there it is in a leſs degree than here. Blood fignifies both the Crime
and the Puniſhment: and as Euripides ſays, 'tis a bitter return or way to pay a
Debt. His words are:
(p) ---- Afua d'aval
ITexgès d'avviouds inde TS Selvorle vuð

Therefore it may further imply, that theſe Plagues are to have their Event as
well actively as paſſively. That at the ſame time as theſe Murderers ſhould by
them be deftroy'd, ſo they would be furiouſly intent to ſhed Blood, to drink
Blood, and deftroy others, or one another. And this we find a&ually accom-
pliſhed in the Cruſades. For at the ſame time as they were led to Deſtruction
in theſe Wars, with a Thirſt to deſtroy the Saracens, they deſtroy'd one
another ; the Latins and Greeks, or Weftern and Eaſtern Chriftians being ſet to
fall foul upon each other to their own Deftruction ; it being well known, that
(a) Juſtin. Hift.
(6) Valer. Max. Lib. IX. cap. 10.
(c) M. T. C. apud
Nonium v. Exſultare. (d) M.T. C. in Vatin. (@) M. T.C. Phil. V. (f) M. T.
C. Phil. XI.
(9) M. T. C. Pro Sext.
(b) Valer. M. Lib. III. c. 2.
(1) Sueton. Tiber. 8. 59.
(k) Sil. Ital. Lib. VIII.
(1) Philo Jud. de Leg. ad Caium
p. 691.
(mm) Jornand. de Reb. Getic.
(n) Nicet. in Manuel. Comn. Lib.
Theogn. V. 349: (P) Euripid. Ele&tr. 857.
thos
V. sap 1

Ch. XVI. v. 6.
The Angel's Epiphonema.
699
tho' the main Deſign of the common ſort was to drive away the Saracens ; yer
the private intent was to ſubjugate the Greek Churches and Empire to the Ty-
ranny of the Papacy. The Greeks being ſenſible of it, ſerv'd them accordingly.
So that they continually laid Ambuſhes for each other
. Sometimes being pre-
vented or drawn aſide from thefe Deſigns, they fell like Beaſts of Prey upon
the Saints, devouring their Blood in the moſt ſavage manner that ever was
known. For the Albigenſes, Waldenſes and others, who abominated the Idola-
try of the corrupted Church, and derided the Folly of thoſe that ſought for
Salvation in Pilgrimages to the Holy Land, and ſuch like Fopperies, were then
ſet upon, and Millions of Souls were ſlain. So that in every reſpect one
might eaſily imagine, that the Religion of theſe Men was to drink human
Blood ; ſo very fiercely were they ſet upon it every way. And certainly there
can be no greater Plague upon a Man than to deſire to ſhed, and as it were
drink human Blood, for the Reward follows the work. They who will ſpill
Blood, ſhall have their Blood fhed. And this having Blood given to drink,
argues in the Receivers a murdering Appetite. Thus we ſee how in every re-
ſpect the Sea and Rivers were turn'd into Blood; and that this Judgment of
God falls on theſe falſe Worſhippers to do Miſchief and Murder, as well as to
ſuffer the ſame: their Sin heightning of it ſelf their Deſtruction. They are
puniſhed by the ſame means, and at the ſame time as they commit their Sio.
The Curſe or dyos of Blood never ceaſing till it is purged by the Blood of the
Murderer. See here the noble words of Æſchylus and Sophocles cited before,
upon Chap. 6. 10. A. I ſhall only add the Obſervation of Horace upon che
Civil Wars excited by Brutus and Caſſius. The Poet lays the Cauſe upon the
Crimes of the Romans, and fetches the Curſe as high as the Blood of Remus :
I
(a) Sic eſt, acerba fata Romanos agunt,
Tags
Sceluſqua fraternæ necis.
Eton Ut immerentis fluxit in terram Remi,
Ons goed gelis
Sacer nepotibu's cruor.
bare
Pro
91010
30
By theſe words we ſee, that the Pagans thought, that the fury of Civil Wars
and Bloodſhed did ariſe from their guilt of Blood and that the Curſe of Blood
may be tranſmitted to che ſucceeding Generations ; in the very fame manner as
our Saviour argues.
C. "Aěco cioi, For they are worthy.] Blood for Blood is juſt ; 'tis evident by this,
that the Holy Ghoſt uſes Blood, both to ſignify the Sin and the Puniſhment.
Thus we read frequently, his Blood Mall be upon him, to ſignify that the Crimi-
nalis juftly puniſhed, and muſt not eſcape, Levit
. 17. 4. Blood ſhall be imputed
unto that Man, he has ſhed Blood, and that Man ſhall be cut off from among bis People.
See Num. 35. 33. there is no cleanſing of Blood, but by the Blood of him that
ſhed it.
A. verſ.7. Kad ñusou én suolasugía aézertos, And I heard one from the Altar ſaya
ing.] Some Copies have õans after šukose that is, I heard another Angel, but
whether we read fo or not, the ſenſe is the fame: for 'tis an Angel that attends
upon the Altar, as before in Chap. 8. 3. But Dr. Mill produces many Copies,
which neither have that eno nor the following éx; by which means St. John is
fuppos’d to fay, that he heard the Altar ſpeaking. Among theſe Copies the Com-
plutenſian is nam'd as wanting the Prepoſition alſo; but if may believe Arias
Mont. who has followed the Complutenfian, it is read there. As to the Altar
ſpeaking, which (b) Dr. Mill ſuppoſes is no Abſurdity, by allowing thoſe Omiſ-
fions, I muſt obſerve, that it is abfurd and againſt the decorum of the Symbol.
The Holy Ghoſt never in this Propheſy puts words as ſpoken by any other buc
animated things. Indeed the Image of the Beaſt is ſaid to ſpeak ; but then
'cis faid, that it had a Spirit of Life given to it. So that there is alſo a Decorum
in that place; bue I muſt proceed to the Expoſition.
We may obſerve in holy Writ, that the Word Altar is never us’d without any
other Adjunat, but it is always to fignify the Altar of Holocaufts. The Altar
of Prayer or Incenſe has always ſome other Title, as that of golden, before the


(a) Horat. Epod. VII.
(6) Millii Proleg. in N. T. p. 1453
Lord

700 The Confirmation from the Altar.
Ch. XVI. v. 7.
Lord, of Incenſe and the like. Look back upon our Nores on Chap. 8. 3. B.F.
and Chap. 9. 13. A. This Altar muſt be therefore underſtood to ſignify here
the ſame thing as the Altar of the Holocauſts; that is, that the Voice coming
from it, or the Angel concern'd about it, is the Voice of one concern'd in of
fering ſuch Holocauſts or Sacrifices for Sin as were offer’d upon that Altar in the
Levitical Service. Blood for Blood is the fundamental Reaſon of all Sacrifices
for Sin, there being no Attonement made without Blood, at leaſt as to any pub-
lick Concern, as St. Paul argues, Hebr. 9. 22. Theſe Sacrifices attone for Sin,
by ſuffering the Punilhment of the Offerer : ſo that when the Prieſt arrones
with the Blood of the Vi&tim, he makes thereby a Prayer to God, that the
Blood of the Vi&tim may be accepted of inſtead of the Sinners. So Chriſt at-
toned for our Sins by his Blood, dying in our ſtead, to ſave us from eternal
Death. And whereas in the Law all vicarious Satisfaction is forbidden, no
Blood but that of the Murderer can attone for the Bloodſhed, his Death is a
Sacrifice made to ſatisfy the Divine Juſtice ; hence his Perſon is accurſed and
devoted. Therefore as a Prieſt officiating about the Altar is the Perſon who
makes an Attonement, and conſequently a Declaration, that the divine Juſtice
is ſatisfied, when the Sacrifice is rightly perform’d, which in the Cale of a
Murderer muſt be by the Blood of the Guilty; ſo the Puniſhment of theſe Wor-
ſhippers of the Beaſt, the Murderers of the Saints and Prophets, is here alſo
declared by an Angel officiating about the Altar where ſuch Attonements are
made for Sins; to lignify that it was in order to ſatisfy the divine Juſtice.
Now that the Puniſhment of the Wicked, and the ſhedding of the Blood of
Murderers and Idolaters is a Sacrifice made unto God, has been proved elſe-
where in our Note on Chap. 14. 18. A. and particularly, that the Torment of
theſe Worſhippers is a perpetual Holocauſt; ſee the Notes on Chap. 14. 10, 11.
theſe places mutually explaining themſelves.
Further it appears by the Levitical Law, that the Prieſts were the Judges of
all things belonging to the Sacrifices, to determine what was the proper Actone-
ment for every Sin; and particularly the price of all Vows, Levit. 27. 2, &c.
and ſtill more particularly, if any matter aroſe too hard for the common Judges,
between Blood and Blood, between Plea and Plea, &c. then Application was to be
made to the Prieſts, whoſe Judgment thereupon was to be final, Deut. 17. 8.
to v. 13. Now the former Angel had indeed made a Reflection on the Juſtice
of the things done upon the parts of his Juriſdiction; but the final Deciſion is
reſerved to the Prieſts that attend on the Altar, where ſuch Judgment was to be
made, as appears by that Law, and not every where. We ſee by this, that
where God has appointed proper Miniſters of Judgment, he will even have
thoſe to be judges of matters proper to their Offices, though himſelf be there-
in concern'd, and does not evocate the matter. God himſelf conſenting thus
to have his Judgments deſcanted upon, Pfal. 51. 4. Rom. 3. 4. and thus we
have ſeen before in Chap. 15. 7. that though he had decreed the Plagues, he
leaves the Prieſthood to give the immediate Commiſſion in a thing within their
reach. And this will be the more evident, if rejecting the day of ſome Copies,
we take the Voice coming from the Altar to be that of one Perſon who pro-
nounces Sentence thereupon in the name of all thoſe that attend on the Altar.
Which Obſervation may alſo ſtand, though that Particle be allow'd, provided
we ſuppoſe, that one Perſon (peaks in the ſtead of all thoſe in the ſame
Office. Thus to own in the Sufferings that a Retaliation is made, may be even
done by thoſe concern’d in the Sufferings, as by this Angel of the Waters in
the name of all ſuch who ſuffer therein; as Adonibeſek in Judg. 1. 6.7. the
(a) reſemblance of the Sin to the Puniſhment being often very evident; but a
formal and final Sentence muſt be pronounced by proper Judges. And thus
you fee, why the Juſtice of theſe Piagues is thus twice aver'd; if you will not
be ſatisfy'd with that ordinary Obſervation, that every thing muft ftand which
is confirm'd by the Teſtimony of two. It may be you will ſay, 'tis odd, that
God's Decrees ſhould thus be as it were called over to Examination. But I
anſwer, That God's ſecret Decrees muſt not be examined by us: however,
there may be fome Occaſions wherein he will have them proclaim'd, juſtified
and recognis'd to be juft. And when he puts the matter into proper Hands,

(a) Vid Mede's Diſc. XXX. Obf. 3.
and

Ch. XVI. v.7.
The Confirmation from the Altar, 701
and Sentence is accordingly paſt, it ſtops all Murmur and Preſumption.
had almoſt forgot to obſerve that this Angel is concern'd to make this Obſerva-
tion upon the account of his Office, which being to attend the Altar, the
Souls of the Prophets are as well to be ſuppos'd under ic as the Souls of their
fellow Sufferers at the fifth Seal in Chap. 6. 9. the Conformity of their Suffer-
ings proves this. And if the Holy Ghoſt have made no mention thereof here,
it is, either becauſe the thing is ſuppoſed in what has been ſaid in Chap. 6. 11.
or elſe, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt paft it by to give an account of the Prophecs
in their intermediate State, which was not ſaid of the former Martyrs, buc
muſt be underſtood of them as well as theſe, to avoid Repetitions.
E. Nai, Kugie, ó @eds farloxpérwe, d'an Suvai vj dingide ai ngions 0%, rea, Lord God
Almighty, true and juſt are thy Judgments.] The word Naw, yea, refers to the
foregoing Reflection, to confirm it. The Reaſons of that Confirmation
follow; that God is Almighty, and ſecondly, that his Judgments are true and
juſt. As he is almighty, he had a right to puniſh theſe wicked Men according
to his Wiſdom : this firſt part ſettles God's right in general to judge. As his
Judgments are true and juſt, he could not do them wrong in the meaſure of
their Puniſhment. God's Judgment againſt theſe is true, in that he has
threatned to exerciſe fuch Severities on Idolaters and the Murderers of his
Saints and Prophets. They are juſt, in that they are commenſurate to their
Guilt. In this the Prieſthood attending on the Altar, determines according
to the known Laws of God, which command Retaliation, Numb. 35. 31
Exod. 21, 23, 24, 25. Levit. 24. 17, to v. 21. Deut. 19. 21. Matth. s. 38.
Obadiah 15. 16, boc.
The Event of this Reflection of the Angel of the Waters and the Confir-
mation from the Altar is to be found in thoſe ſerious Reflections of the Hiſto-
rians of the pretended holy Wars upon the prodigious Wickedneſs of their
Age, and eſpecially in the Armies of the Cruſades; which they repreſent as
exceeding all Imagination. The Confirmation has its Event in the like Re-
flections made by good Men at that time, and more particularly by thoſe who
flighted all theſe Pilgrimages, ſuch as the Waldenſes and Albigenſes, who at the
fame time as they were perſecuted by theſe Men, could not but think and ſay,
that God's Judgments on them in their fooliſh Enterprizes, tending ſo plainly
to their Deſtruction, were plainly juſt and true, The Reader, who is fura
niſhed with the original Hiſtories of theſe Wars, may ſupply what I only ob-
ſerve here by Memory. This is more happy, God be thank'd, than my pre-
ſent Circumſtances as to the conveniency of conſulting ſuch Books, as not
being ſo very neceſſary in a Country Retirement, I have not therefore made
before hand Proviſion chereof.
br
noted along
659399999999999999GOGIESIOGOGOGOGO9C%5093999999:9999991599409908393993
BO W L IV.
si riso
no Bot
Un 50
A.verf. 8: Ai i téteglo dyno exae li peerlu diulie Tome ñarov, And the
fourth Angel poured out bis Bowl upon the Sun.] The Sun ſignifies
the ſupream Powers according to the place, or Scene of the Action ; ſo that
the ſupream Powers Civil and Eccleſiaſtical in the corrupted Church ſhall be
the Inſtruments by which the Worſhippers of the Beaſt Thall be tormented in
this Plague. The manner how the Sun doth it is deſcribed in the following
words.
B. Kaà édéon duten meumalioue oss av Spodars tv mouse, And power was given to it to
Scorch Men with Fire.] The natural Sun with his Rays exhibits a benign In-
fluence upon all things below; and gives Light to Men and Animals to per-
form the Funcions of Life conveniently ; but when he grows too hot for
want of the Interception of protecting Clouds, ſo that he burns, theſe In-
fluences become a Miſchief. Thus the Temporal Power affords Protection to
the Subje&s, but when that grows too violent, it becomes Tyranny, and turns
to the Deſtruction of its Subjects. Look back upon Chap. 7. 16. B. how-
8 Q

ever

702
Bowl IV.
Ch. XVI. v. 8.
ever I ſhall add ſome Proof of the ſame. The Onirocriticks concur all in this
particular about the heat of the Sun burning Men to ſignify Puniſhments and
Torments inflicted by the Civil Power. In Chap. 169. they ſay: din idm te
πλάκα απέκαυσεν αυλον (ο ήλιΘ-): Δρήσι τιμωρίων ανάλογων της καυτηρίας» and the Indian
had ſaid before in Chap. 165. 'Ovoicos xij si secara resforlu Séguavois dis Saint tv ngivelas,
Hence the burning of the Heavens is a portentum explain'd of Slaughter in (a)
Livy. Thus Pſal. 121.6. The Sun ſhall not ſmite thee by Day ; nor the Moon by Night,
is thus explain' in the next Verſe: The Lord ſhall preſerve thee from all Evil
be ſhall preſerve thy Soul. Conſult the words of (b) Hilary on that place of the
Pſalmiſt. 'Twas undoubtedly under this Confideration of the Sun's burning,
that the Egyptians called him (c) Typho, as (d) Plutarch ſays the Egyptians own'd
to him, and that he is therefore the Symbol of Drought, and of the Miſchiefs
done thereby: Typho being with them the Principle, and by Conſequence a
Name to denote any kind of that Evil. Further, the manner of the Sun's burn-
ing is deſcrib'a by an aggravating Circumſtance, it being ſaid to be done with
Fire. Now Fire ſignifies War ; the whole being therefore laid together ſignifies,
that the fupream Powers in the corrupted Church ſhall by Wars and tyrannical
Ads mightily torment and plague their Subjects.
A. verf. 9. Kad smerupealidnoun oi ävpwpol recīvde végd, And the Men were ſcorch'd
with a great beat.] That is ſuch heat or ſcorching Blaſts as have been deſcriba
before upon Chap. 7. 16. B. Theſe words only ſhew, that the Plagues were
accordingly executed as it is deſcrib'd in the former Verſe. So that for the
Expoſition of it we muſt only apply the Event.
(a) Livii Hift. Lib. III.
de Idolol. Lib. II. cap. 24.
(6) Hilar. Pietav. in Pfal. CXX.
(d) Vid. Plutarch de Ilid. p. 402, 404.
(c) Vid. G. J. Voff.
The Event of Bowl IV

T:
To this Plague are to be applied theſe bloody Wars excited in the Weſt, by
the Popes againſt the Emperors, in which the Emperors endeavouring to
keep their Authority, were forced to imbroil a great part of Europe, other
Countries being obliged to enter into theſe Quarrels
. There had been ſome
Quarrels before between the Emperors and Popes from the Times of Gregory
the VII. called Hildebrand, but in this Quarrel they ſtrove chiefly about the In-
veſtitures, and not for the intire Dominion, which was the Subject of the
Quarrels afterwards. The beginning of this in the Weſt may be therefore ſaid
to be in the Times of Pope Gregory IX, and the Emperor Frederick II, and was
carried on under the Name of the War between the Guelphs and Gibelins ; or it
may be run up as high as the Emperor Frederick Barbaroſa, who had the ſame
Quarrel before. And his Son Henry the VIth over-ran all Italy and Sicily, ex-
erciſing the greateſt Cruelties imaginable, to the ſame purpoſe. At the ſame
time the Eaſtern Churches and Empire were moſt furiouſly tormented by Ty-
rants, Uſurpers, Impoſtors or ſuppos’d Princes, whoſe Hiſtories are related
by Nicetas Choniates. And the beſt of their Princes made but a very ill uſe of
their Power ; ſo that one can hardly expreſs the Miſeries of thoſe Nations
that were under them. And theſe exactly anſwer to the ſpecifical Character
of this Plague, which being upon the Sun, ſhews that it muſt be executed by
an ill uſe of ſupream Power ; which was in thoſe times moft evident.
It may be objected, that I aſſign but a ſmall time between the pouring of
theſe Bowls, eſpecially the three laft; and that I hook them as it were one
within another. But let it be obſerved, that they are ſufficiently diſtinguiſhed to
fulfil the Intention of the Holy Ghoft. Provided they do but follow one another
in due order, it is no matter if the Effects of them do continue after the be-
ginning of the following. For that makes the Torment ſo much the greater,
as has been hinted; when, before Men have gotten out of one Plague,
another


Chap. XVI. v.g. The Event of Bowl IV. 203
another comes upon them, and makes a Multiplication of the Evils. Beſides
it being evident, that the Oeconomy of the Holy Ghoſt in the Diſpoſition of
theſe Bowls is analogous to that of the (a) Trumpets; now we find, that
all the firft four Trumpets were poured out in a very ſhore ſpace of time, name,
ly, from that of Honories and Arcadius to the Reign of Marcian and Leo, noç
much more than fifty or fixey Years: but the three laſt Trumpets extend to a
very long time, ſo it is with theſe Bowls. The firſt four are foon poured out;
but the three laſt are much ſower, and their Effe&s more clearly diſtinguiſh'd.
There is the ſame reaſon in both places. The aſſigning of a century of Years
to each is a precarious Suppoſition.
Β. Και έβλασφήμησαν οι άνθρωποι το όνομα τα θεξ τε έχονlΘ- τίω εξεσίαν ότι τα
Ange's Tautas rj š Merevón our docõee aules sótano And the Men blafphemed the Name
of God, who has power over theſe Plagues; and they repented not to give him Glory.]
This is not to ſhew, that theſe Men began now to blaſpheme, but that they
continued ſo to do, by hardning their Hearts. Ansbertus : Sciendum vero bom
mines pro irrogatis plagis Deum blaſphemare, voce, ſcilicet, & cordis obduratione ; ſee
the reſt. If it ſhould be objected, that God is too ſevere in chaſtning by theſe
very dreadful Plagues, the Holy Ghoft takes care to let us know, that they
continue in their Sin, and harden themſelves againft Repentance. Thus when
Moſes brought the Plagues, before he relates that a new one was brought upon
the Egyptians, he takes care to let us underſtand, that Pharaoh had hardned his
Heart: the like we find here and worſe. For Pharaoh, who at firſt would not
acknowledge God, but ask'd, who is the Lord ? Yet being chaſtis’d, bad Moſes
to apply to that God for the Remiſſion of his Sin. Theſe do no ſuch thing,
theſe continue to blaſpheme, therefore freſh Plagues muſt be ſent to them
they will not give any Glory to God. What is the meaning of giving Glory
Let Ambr, Ansbertus anſwer: Quid verò eft dare claritatem deo, nifi de præteritis
ſceleribus dignam ei confeffionem exhibere, ille bo enim claritatem deo dat, qui & ini-
quitates fúas in conſpectu ejus accuſat, & jufta judicia ejus collaudat. The ſame
Author ſtarts an Obje&ion to this purpoſe ; it is ſaid in Chap. 11. 6. that the
Witneſſes had power to ſmite the Earth with all Plagues, when they pleaſe.
He anſwers ; ſed in Chriſto, cujus ira, id eft æquitatis judicio, eorum phiala referun.
tur. We have obſerv'd it before, that this power of the Witneſſes ariſes from
their Prayers. But here as the end of the Chaſtiſement is to bring theſe Sinners
to recognize God and Chriſt, whoſe Wrath is now diſpenſed;
ſo the Holy
Ghoft refers the Plagues to their firſt origin. And ſince they refuſe to recog-
nize that, we may infer that they will much leſs recognize his Witneſſes
Now as Blaſphemy in holy Writ, and ſpecially in this Book, fignifies Idolatrys
we may from this Obſervation of the Holy Ghoſt conclude, that theſe Sinners
are ſtill more hardned than ever in their Idolatry and Tyranny over the Prom
phets. Accordingly we muſt obferve, that in all the time of theſe Plagues,
and ſpecially after the laſt of the four, Idolatry rather increaſed than dimi
niſhed every way, and Perfecution came to its height. Some Nations indeed,
as the Germans and French, howſoever plunged before in the Idolatry, or blaf
phemous Invocation of Saints and Angels, did not then worſhip Images, the
utmoſt Folly and pitch of Blaſphemy; but ſtuck it ſeems to the Definitions of
the Council at Frankford. (6) Nicetas, an Hiſtorian of the Age, obſerves the
Germans, who accompanied the Emperor Frederick to the holy War, did not
worſhip Images. But ſoon after they ſwallowed this as well as other Errors,
in which they were followed by other Nations. About theſe Times the ido-
latrous Worſhip of the Elements in the Maſs was introduced, and the Inquiſi-
tion was alſo invented by Dominick, which is indeed the very Quinteſſence of
religious Tyranny. Thus theſe Men inſtead of repenting, blaſphemed more
and more againſt God and his Saints. About theſe times many People ſaw very
well, that the Church was horribly corrupted, and cried out againſt the Pope,
that he was Antichrift; but yet no Reformation therein was effected, and mat-
ters went on worſe and worſe. Hitherto by theſe Plagues the Power of the
Corrupters of the Church rather increaſed ; but by the following ſome part or
other of that will be diminiſhed.
(a) Vid. Not. on Chap: 6. 2. D.
(6) Nicet. Chon. Hift. Hac. Agg. Lib. II. cap. 42
BOWL

V Bowl V. dr
704
Ch. XVI. v. 10.
cally to not goilialo s 29 bos modo aquam doces
pomogli srli ni flodd. vIoH arba lo vero nous ada seda nebiventadas
GSISIKIOSKISKOISIISA OSIEGESKOGSSIGG.UKOZYSKIGOGOANS' ORIGSKOISSEIOS
obne sito ngia stats of what has mine to s motv
sobre alguno de Sants and 2729 yaxit 10 vullnede srom sloturk
pauco Bonog BOTOL Bwv driwa z osmisaolvier
nitko je ta pola gonos BOWL Voraut, on nisl donds and and
2. Yo
to gain et si, 200 slobodni nol
laod inolona

A. verſ. 10.
K.
Ai i mium1 dygero etxee the pedalus as18 Hi Tòa Spóvoy aš Ingíso
And the fifth Angel poured out his Bowl upon the Throne of the Beaſt.]
The fifth Period of the Torment inflicted upon the Worſhippers of the Beatt
proceeds from the Throne of the Beaſt ; as that is affected by the Curſe of the
Bowl, fo it becomes inftrumental in tormenting the Worſhippers. We muſt
repeat here what has been obſerv'd before, that when the Holy Ghoſt men-
tions the Beaſt by it ſelf, 'cis to be underſtood of the great Beaſt with ſeven
Heads and ten Horns, that is, the ſecular Powers within the Precincts of the
corrupted Church ; not the leſs Beaſt with two Horns, which is deſcribed and
ſaid to be the Falſe Prophet, which fignifies the Heads of the idolatrous
Clergy. And that this Diſtinction is true, we need to go no further to prove
it, than this very Chapter ; where the three great Enemies of Chriſt are
named, the Dragon, the Beaſt and Falſe Propher. The Beaſt thus fingly
mentioned, being plainly the great Beaſt aforeſaid. Beſides, the Throne
ſpoken of here is the Throne given to that Beaſt by the Dragon, in Chap. 13.
2. and not to the Falſe Prophet or leſs Beaſt, who is not ſaid to have a Throne,
but is deſcribed as the great Affiftant of the former.
That Throne, as we have ſhewn in that place fignifies the imperial Seat of
the Dragon, which together with his Capital and great Power is ſurrendred to
the Beaft
. The Throne being the Seat of Empire, and being thus joined to
the Head or Capital City, is inſeparable from it, and as it were all one, being
in that Capital, at leaſt principally: though becauſe the Horns have divided
the Power, it is not wholly therein, but ſeems to be imparted to others : how-
ever, in ſuch a manner that there ſeems to be a main reſort to that one head or
t'other, that were the main Heads of the Dragon. And becauſe the two
Horns of the Falſe Prophet exerciſe all the Power of the great Beaft, where
theſe two Horns reſide there ſeems to be the main Seats of the power of the
Beaft. Since we ſhall find, that by the ſeven Heads the Holy Ghoſt did not
mean, that all ſhould be independent Capitals, equally ſupream; but that
from the times of St. John one was chiefly ſo, and after that anocher was to be,
and then an eighth, which was before one of the ſeven ſhould be the Head of
the Beaſt; as all this is accounted for in the next Chapter. This Throne
therefore denotes ſpecially the great Seats of the Roman Empire at Rome and
Conftantinople, which ſtill under the Beaſt were the great Heads of the Eaſtern
and Weſtern Empires. By ſome Miſchiefs, and thoſe very great, falling more
particularly upon the Power and Authority of the Beaſt in theſe two imperial
Cities, which have been, and were ſtill at the time of this Bowl, the great
and remarkable Seats or Thrones of the Secular and Ecclefiaftical Power in the
corrupted Church, muft a great Torment or Plague fall upon the Members of
that Church.
B. Kai égfúelo si Cucindia dul& eoxologue'n, And its Kingdom became full of Darkneſs.]
Government in the ſymbolical Language is called Light when good, and the
Governors are the Luminaries. Hence we ſee how proper it is for the Holy
Ghoſt to uſe the Symbol of Darkneſs, to ſhew the manner how the Authority
fignifyed by the Throne, and in this Sentence mention'd literally, is affected
by this Plague. The Intention of the Holy Ghoſt being not that the Capitals
ſhould be ſo affected by this Plague, that they ſhould ſuffer in a way ſuitable to
them, but that the Authority lodged therein is the Subject thereof. Not that
theſe Cities are to be deſtroy'd, but that their Government is to fall into Con-
fufion, and by that Confuſion involve the Subjects of the Beaſt into prodigious
Miſeries; theſe Plagues being no ordinary Calamities, but conſpicuous, emi-
nent and durable Chaſtiſements,
As

Ch. XVI. v. 10.
The Event of Bowl V.
705
As to the Symbol of Darkneſs, I have already touch'd upon it in Chap 8.12.
B. and in Chap. 9. 2. C. buc chiefly out of the ſacred Writers. I ſhall add
the Evidences of ſome others, which ſhew that Darkneſs is the Symbol of Mi-
ſery and Adverſity, as on the contrary Ligbt is that of Foy and Safety: Arte-
midorus examining the various Significations of the Air, as to irs Qualities, ſays:
“Ο δε γνοφερός ή σκοινός, ή σιωγεφής, προς ταίς απραξίαις, και λύπας σημαίνει: A gloomy,
dark and over clouded Air ſignifies ill Succeſs or want of Power, and Sorrow ariſing
thereupon. Lib. II. cap. 8. Horace: (a) Et Aſdrubal Devictus, & pulcher fugaris
Ille dies Latio tenebris. The Commentator thereupon ſays, Tenebras Afros' vocan.
vit propter terrorem & mærorem. Thus alſo in Æſchylus, Atoſa upon the hearing
of the bad News of Xerxes's Defeat, and that he is alſo ſafe, compares that to
a Light after dark Night: (6) 'Egois reko
' d' was surnou pao kéza, Kai adimòn hipecie vuxlas ex
piena Ixiux. Thus Sophocles oppoſes Foy to Night in the various Viciffitude of hu-
man Affairs : (c) Méye gaie om åróna vuç Ceótoan, eta xñpes, oute Tairo, m'm' more
CICAXE med de miezéles, jaiporr te rý sipeats. And thus in Ariftopbanes : on bibit
bono
მეკარეეტყოდა,
() Huisou péo simégas
"Esat Tuia persone wat ohit odio a
and Trior di peryx jávorbiri bilan od
*Hy Kabar e rendesen worden
ning qo's)
Thus Tully calls the troubleſome Times of Sylla Darkneſs : (e) Qui tantum agri
in illis reipublicæ tenebris occupavit, quantum concupivit. And of Catiline's Con-
ſpiracy: (f) O nox illa, quæ pæne æternas huic urbi tenebras attulifti, cum Galli ad
bellum, Catilina ad urbem, Conjurati ad ferrum de flammam vocabantur, And
of the Times of his Proſcription : (g) Ex fuperioris anni caligine & tenebris
tucem in republ. Kalend. Januar, reſpicere cæpiſtis; which Metaphor he repeats in
(b) another place or cwo of the fame matter, and of the like in () another,
which I forbear. Seneca ſays: (k). Crudele regnum, turbidum, tenebriſque obſcurum
eft. To all theſe may be join’d what
I have already ciced on Chap. 7. 2. A.
The Event of this Bowl is very manifeſt, and comes very cloſe to the for-
mer, and as it were runs on with it. The former ſhew'd, that the Subjects
had been tormented by reaſon of the ſtretch of Power; and this ſhews, that
the Beafts Authority hath ſuffer'd by the Confuſion ariſing in its Capital: ſo
that it is in a manner a Conſequence of the former, and a Complication of
the Miſchief. It denotes more particularly that part of the Plague, which
aroſe upon the Expulfion of the ſecular Powers froin the great Capital Cities,
We may apply to this therefore the Expulſion of the Weſtern and Eaſtern
Emperors from their Capital Cities, and then the Miſchief which befell there
Cities a little after by the great Schiſms excited by the Antipopes in the West,
and the Quarrels and Confuſion which befell the Eaſtern Members by the great
Schiſm in the Greek Churches, which aroſe from the Endeavours to unite the
Greeks to the Latins, that is, to bring the Patriarchs of Conftantinople under the
Biſhop of Rome. All theſe matters brought a confuſed State upon theſe two
Capitals, or Seats of the Beaftºs Power, and cauſed much Miſchief and Blood-
Thed; and therefore deſerve to be ſpecified,
In the Year 1203. the Latins, that is, the French and Venetians took Conſtantia
nople, and having depoſed the Emperor, ſet up another according to their
mind; but the Year following having taken it a ſecond time they ſet up a
Latin Emperor, Baldwin, the Earl of Flanders, and kept out of the Throne
and City the Greeks for about the ſpace of fixty Years. The inſatiable Ambie
tion of the Biſhops of Rome made the Latins take a Reſolution to invade the
Grecian Empire, and to ſeiže upon the imperial Seat urider Pretence, that the
way to the Holy Land would be more eaſy and ſafe to the weſtern Princes, if it
were in the Hands of his Creatures. But the real deſign was to get the maſte-
ry over the Patriarchs of Conftantinople
, and to bring all the Chriſtians under his
Yoke. This appear'd plainly ſoon after, when the Hurry of that Revolution
(a) Q. Horat. Lib. iv. Od: 4.
(b) Ærchy. Perf. 300
(c) Sophocl. Trachia
P: 331
(a) Ariſtoph. Equit. (2) M.T. Cic. de Leg. Agr.) M.T.
Cic. Orat. pro L. Flac. (8) M. T. Cic. Orat. p. red. in Senat.
(6) M. T. Cic
p. dom. ad Pontif. & Orat. pro Cn. Planc.
(1) M. T. Cis. Orat. de Prov. Conſul:
Ck) Senec, de Clement. Lib. 1. cap. VII.
8 R
was

706 The Event of Bowl V.
Chap. XVI. v. 10.
was over : for in the Year 1213. a (a) Legat of the Pope was ſent to Conftan-
tinople to compel the Inhabitants co receive the Roman Rituals. Henri the then
Latin Emperor thought fit upon Complaint to ſtop the violent Proceedings of
the Legac. Then attempts were made to put Latin Patriarchs on the See, but
the Greeks proved too hard for them. The taking of that City fo broke the
ſtrength of that Empire, that it began to crumble into pieces, fome Princes
having canton'd themſelves in ſeveral parts, as in Epirus and Albania, and in
Trebizond. So that though the City was retaken by Craft, yet that Empire did
not only ſeem to gaſp for Life, having loſt its Authority, and ſo not being able
to reſiſt any Enemy, but being continually haraſs’d by its own Members, it
ſeem’d to be in dying Convulſions. The prodigious Confuſion of that Empire
upon the taking of the Capital City may be ſeen by the Obſervation of (6)
Pachymeres, that it was reduced to three Towns in Afia, Nicea, Pruſſia and Phila
delphia, the Latins having ſeiz’d upon ſeveral parts thereof. But as the Holy
Ghoſt did not mean, that theſe Thrones ſhould be quite deſtroy'd, but only
confounded; ſo with ftruggling great parts thereof were recover'd, but then
that Recovery really effected the Miſery and Torment of the corrupted Mem-
bers on both ſides, Greeks and Latins.
On the weſtern fide, not many Years after the taking of Conſtantinople by
the Latins, the weſtern Emperors were driven quite out of Rome and Italy by
the Popes and their Faction; there being during that Expulfion many Depo-
fitions and Excommunications by the Popes and thoſe whom they ſer
up. Info-
much that not one Emperor came into Italy for the ſpace likewile of ſixey Years,
till Henry the VII. who was confirm'd by the Pope, only upon Condition chat
he ſhould pacify the Troubles of Italy in iwo Years; that is, leave himſelf little
power therein, as indeed they never had much there ſince that time. But this
is not all; the Popes finding by theſe Wars what Power they had in fecular
Matters, fubjugated in a great meaſure all the Princes of their Communion,
making them their Tributaries and Liege. Men, and then ſent Legates and
Procurators to plunder their Dominions. If any offer'd to reſiſt, or ſhake off
his Yoke, he was immediately excommunicated, and his Dominions were be-
ftowed upon another. This caus’d perpetual Civil Wars, and the Depoſitions
of many Kings ; whereby indeed the Throne and Kingdom of the Beaſt, or
ſecular Power became full of Darkneſs. The Effect of this Bowl continues
in ſome meaſure to this Day.
It was obſerved before, that the Throne of the Beaſt being ſeated in its
Capital Cities, this Plague alſo extends to thoſe Miſchiefs which fell upon
the two Horns of the Falſe Prophet, whoſe Reſidence was kept therein. Not
that it deſtroyed the Horns, but by the Confufion wherein they were, they in-
volved the Worſhippers of the Beaſt in a horrid Plague of Wars and Tumults.
This is juſt the ſecond part of the former Tragedy, both in the Eaſt and West;
and follow'd it ſo cloſe, that it gave not a Minute's reſt to the Worſhippers of
the Beaſt, as it is predicted before in Chap. 14. 11. The City of Conſtantinople
being retaken by the Greeks in the Year 1261. the Emperor Michael Palæologueat-
tempted to unite his Church with the Latin, and having ſent two Embaffadors
to the Pope, (c) their Reception was, That one of them was hang’d by the
Heels and Head alive ; the other had the good luck to eſcape the like Treat-
ment by Flight. After ſome Attempts the ſame way to reconcile theſe Chuches at
laft, about ten Years after in 1272. (d) Pope Gregory X. ſeem'd to be willing
to treat about it in good earneſt. But the Effect this had, was only to cauſe a
great Schiſm, attended with perpetual Viciſſitudes and Depoſitions of the
Patriarchs, with a cruel Perſecution of all thofe who would not comply ; till
at laſt the Emperor (e) Michael quite ſank the Power of the Patriarch, leaving
him only Biſhop of his own Dioceſs within the City. This Confuſion in that
Patriarchal See continued all the Times of the Palæologues to the taking of the
City by the Ottomans. The Perſecutions and Vexations cauſed thereby are ſee
out by the Hiſtorians, Pachymeres and Ducas. So that the nearer the City was
to its Declenſion, the more furious were the Effects of the Schiſm; being ex-

(a) Georg. Acropol.
II. cap. 36.
(6) Pachym. Lib. I. c. 20
(1) Pachymer. Lib. V. cap. xi.
() Pachymer. Lib.
(e) Pachymer. Lib. VI.
cap. 13.
treamly

Ch. XVI. v. 1o.
The Event of Boiel V.
707
treamly like the Miſchiefs caus’d by the Zealots in the laſt Deſtruction of Je-
ruſalem by Titus the Emperor. The Hiſtorian Ducas gives a diſmal account of
theſe Matters at the End; as, Pachymeres at the beginning. In this conſiſted
the Torment of theſe Members of the corrupted Church, that they were in
horrid Diviſions cauſed by contrary Excommunications, not daring to converſe
with each other; and the laſt Effect was, that by their Diviſion all that
Church and Empire became a Prey to all its Enemies round about, who ima
proved the Occaſion, to the mutual Torment of each other, and made at laſt
all theſe Worſhippers of the Beaſt in the Eaſt become a Prey to the Infidel
Mahomet aus.
At the ſame time the Weſtern Worſhippers of the Beaſt had but little Reſt,
but a very great Torment, occaſion'd by a much worſe Confuſion in the
Throne of the Beaſt, cauſed by the Confuſion in the See of the weſtern Horn
of the Falſe Prophet. I mean the monſtrous and fatal Schiſm in the Papacy
cauſed by their withdrawing of the Popes from Rome to Avignon, and by the
ſetting up of Antipopes. At the very time of the healing of the Confuſion
caus’d by the Excluſion of the Emperors from Rome and Italy, which was effect-
ed in the Emperor Henry the VIIth's Election, about the Year 1307. then alſo
that Confuſion fell upon the Papacy, and principally upon Rome the Throne
of the Beaſt, which from being Miſtreſs of the World, became a kind of Dem
fart. Whereupon the Cities of Italy began to withdraw themſelves from the
Papacy. All the Popes from Clement V. to Gregory XI. having withdrawn
themſelves from Rome, Gregory was forced to return thither. But then this re-
turn was attended with a greater Miſchief and Confuſion; for after his Death
there were different Popes choſen, ſome of which fat ac Rome, and ſome ac
Avignon, and that Schiſm laſted about forty Years, till it was extinguiſhed by
the Council of Conſtance. The Popes fat at Avignon about ſeventy Years; and
then the Schiſm of the Antipopes lafted about fourty Years. . Thus this Con-
fuſion upon the Throne of the Beaſt, and on the Kingdom of the weſtern
Horn of the Falſe Prophet continued for about a Century, until the Conclu-
fion of the Council of Conſtance in the Year 1418. at the meeting of which
Council there were three Antipopes. One at Rome, another at Avignon, and a
third in Arragon; all ſet up by the Italians, French and Spaniards reſpectively.
The Miſeries of theſe Times muſt be ſearch'd for in the Authors of the Age,
and particularly in Tbeoderick à Niem, who wrote the Hiſtory of that Schiſm, in
which will be found the worſt Cruelties exercis’d upon the Worſhippers of the
Beaſt engaged in theſe Quarrels, which put all Europe into a diſmal Condition.
Princes, Cardinals, Prelates and Prieſts were then wracked and execured, and
many bloody Battles were fought, and all was in Confuſion by the contrary
Excommunications ſent out againft the contrary Adherents,
C. Και εμα αστώνο τας γλώσσας αυτών έκ τε πόνε, And they gnawed their Tongues for
pain.] When Men are in Pain, Anger and Rage, and that is a great pain
for the preſent, 'tis ufual with them to expreſs, and try to vent it, by gnaſhing
their Teeth, and biting their Lips or Tongues. Gnaſhing of Teeth in anger you
find in Atts 7. 54. Pfal. 35. 16. Pfal. 37. 12. Pfal. 112. 10. Lament. 2.
and in pain, even that of the damned, in Matth. 8. 12. and elſewhere pretty
frequently. Of the biting of the Lips there is an example in Ariſtophanes: (a)
op oyms sli gencles estawy. the Scholiaft, 18 ti ta' xxiin, oi sap ögzusoufsou évSexVXGA
tai Xeirmo which Homer expreſſes thus : (b) talves édes év gríxéos qwiles the .Sciol.
'Ex daxóvlss Tà xeian But after all I look upon this Expreſſion us'd here to be
fuperlative to the reſt, and by a Metonymie to denote a State of mighty great
Anguiſh and Vexation. The Proof of this cannot be made in a few words,
but by reading of the Hiſtories of the matters we have applied to this Bowl,
ſuch as Nicetas Choniates in the latter parts of his Hiſtory, Georgius Acropolita,
Pachymeres and Ducas for the Eaſtern; and for the Weſtern part, the aforeſaid
Theodorich à Niem, together with the Hiſtories of the particular Nations of
Europe concern'd therein. This is certain, that there never were ſuch furious
Doings in the World as in theſe Times. The Apologiſts for the Romiſh Church
are out of their Wits to get over this. And as by the former part of this
Plague, the Authority of the fecular Powers was confounded; ſo by the latter
16.

(a) Ariftoph. Vefpo
(6) Hom. Odyff. 6.3816
that

708
The Event of Bowl V.
Ch. XVI. v. 11.
thât of the Falſe Prophet became contemptible ; the Council of Conſtance hava
ing ftrangely curb’d his Power, as in the Eaſt the matcer of the Union with
the Latins quite took away tħe reſpect and difference, which was formerly given
to that Horn.
A. verf. 11. Kai ibras púninozy zdy Sady zř šgers, And blaſphemed the God of
Heaven.] During theſe times the Idolatry of the corrupted Church became
worſe and worſe, whereby they blaſphemed God the more ; the meaning of
the Holy Ghoft is to fhew, that though God ſent theſe Plagues as Chaſtife-
ments, yet theſe Men never amended, but rather grew worſe in their Idolatry:
and that inſtead of giving Glory to the true God, who is the God of Heaven,
they attributed their Plagues rather to idolatrous Cauſes; doing therein juſt as
the Pagans, who inftead of attributing the Cauſes of God's Vifitation to the
true God, rather ſuppos’d that they came for having neglected fome Duty to
the falſe Gods; and fo proceeded to ſacrifice to them in more folemn Rites.
This is the way of the Greeks and Latins ; that upon ſuch plain Viſitations of
God, inſtead of examining into the Nature and Duties of the crue Chriftian
Religion, they fall into ſome other Courſe of making Proceſſions, Prayers,
Litanies and Vows to the Virgin Mary or ſome other Saifits, by which God Al
mighty is rather diſhonoured and his Name or Worſhip more blaſphemed. In
ſhort they have continued in all the Crimes by which this corrupted State is de
ſcrib'd; of Cruelty to the true Worſhippers ; of Idolatry in Worſhip, and
Corruption of Manners. Nay, the Corruption of the Church grew more and
more. An intelligent Reader who is a little acquainted with Hiſtory can eaſily
ſupply this by his Memory; and to others 'tis not poſſible to give a fufficient
account without a long Diſcourſe, not ſo proper for ſuch a Commentary :
neither indeed have I a mind to be thought a Writer of Satyr againſt that
Church ; which I am afraid a Diſcourſe of ſuch a nature would reſemble too
much, whatever ſoft Expreſſions could be us'd to fhew the Writer has no mind
to be ſharp. I ſhall only give fonie Hints upon the three ſorts of Crimes already
mentioned.
Firſt, In theſe times the Inquiſition was ſettled, and Laws were made for the
burning of Hereticks ; that is, the Slaughter of God's Prophets or Witneſſes of
the crue Worſhip was reduced into a ftanding Method. Secondly, There was
an increaſe of Idolatry, not only in the increaſe of the Objects of Worſhip,
but alſo in the manner, by the Settlement of Proceſſions and the like; buc
above all in that new way of Idolatry by the Adoration of the Hoft. And
laſtly, By the taking away of the Cup from the Lairy, which was practic'd
during thele times, and was ſettled by the laſt Act of this Tragedy, the Coun-
cil of Conſtance. This being a flat Contradi&tion to the Inſtitution of Chrift is
open Blaſphemy againft him. Thirdly, The Corruption not only continued,
but became now a Settlement by Law, by the practice of Indulgences, and
the Settlement of the Tax of the Roman Chancery and Penitenciary, in which
Sin is ſet to Sale ; and Simony of all kinds beſides was alſo ſettled, by all
which the Sins of Men became the means of maintaining the Falſe Prophet.
At this time alſo the Legends and falſe Miracles increaſed to an high degree.
Dreadful indeed was the outward State of the Church. And indeed as the
Papacy ſeem'd then to have put off even the Appearance of Chriſtianity ; ſo
in the Council of Conſtance it put off Humanity it ſelf, in ſettling that (á) in-
human Maxim boch by Practice and Law, that Faith is not to be kepe witti
Hereticks.
B. 'Ex sãv róman dulõv, rj éx tão faxão aulov, Becauſe of their Pains, and becauſe
of their Sores.] According to this Tranſlation, and by taking the words in a
divided Senſe; ſo that the Pains refers to the gnawing of the Tongues, and the
Sores to the blaſpheming of God, this Expreſſion may ſet forth the moving
Cauſes of the Deſpair and Blafphemy, as if the Pains were peculiarly the
Cauſe of the Deſpair, in which Men gnawed their Tongues ; and the Sores
the cauſe of their blaſpheming. For the Sores do fymbolically reprefent the
Corruption of Manuers, which prompts them to continue, and rather grow
worſe in Idolatry. Or elſe we may turn it thus : Out of their Pains, and out of
obeir Sores; that is, whilſt they were in their Pains, and in their Sores. The

(a) Vid. H. Grot. de Jur. B. Pac. Lib. III. cap. 19.
Pre-

Ch. XVI. V. 11.
The Event of Bowl V.
709
Pre polition én being here taken as it is frequently. Thus in Pſal. 130. I.
ex foede av énéxpa&a, cut of the deeps have I cried: that is, whilſt I was in the deeps.
The like is found in Fonas 2.1, 2. and Pfal. 3. 4. Pſal. 18.6. Pſal. 20. 2. Pfal. 5o. 2.
Pfal. 134.3. the Deſign of the Holy Ghoſt is to ſhew us, that theſe Plagues being
deſign'd for Corredion and Inſtruction, theſe Men make quite a wrong uſe of
them, and rather grow more guilty ; and that therefore the following Plagues
will be juſtly infli&ed upon them, and theſe too of a more ſevere Complexion,
becauſe they will cut the corrupted Church much ſhorter than it was before.
All the Plagues hitherto having been within themſelves, and fo leaving
Chriſtendom as to its Dominions, pretty much entire. But that which follows
will fink ſome of its Dominions by the means of foreign Enemies. See our
Notes upon Chap. 9. 13. A. B. Further, it is plain by the mention of theſe
Sores, which were inflicted upon theſe Men by the firft Plague, that the
Effects thereof have and do continue cill this fifth Plague was ſent, and con-
ſequently that the pains of that and all the reſt did ſo too ; which proves what
I have more than once hinted before, that the beginning of the Plagues is
plain and viſible, but the end of them is not ſo perceptible; and that their
Effects are contiguous. So chen we need not to wonder, that the beginning
of this Plague ſhould fall at a time when the corrupted Chriſtians lay under the
Effects of the firſt, that is, when their Wickedneſs ſtill continued, and alſo
whilſt the Miſery of the Cruſades Atill lafted, and whilft Chriſtendom from
the Eaſt to the Weſt was ſtill tormented by the abuſe of Power, and Contention
excited about it generally by the Uſurpations of the Popes; which are the
Effe&is of the firſt four Plagues, for the reaſons mention d'before.
C. Kad š velerónocer éx tão égy con dulov, And repented not of their Works.] Theſe
Works are idolatry, Cruelty to the true Worſhippers, and all other Immo-
ralities, whereof you have a ſhort Catalogue in Chap. 9. 20, 21. for as the
fixth Plague is partly the ſame thing as the ſixth Trumpet, the Holy Ghoſt has
before the laſt Trumpet enumerated their Crimes to ſhew the Juſtice of God
in ſending the third Woe of the ſeventh Trumpet ; it was therefore neeeffary
to give a full account of them, and that being done there upon an Occaſion
poſterior to the times of the fifth Plague, it was not ſo neceſſary to do it here:
becauſe the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd to do it after the fixth Trumpet, to which this
fifth Plague is antecedent in point of time, and ſo it muſt be underſtood to
have been ordered in the Inſtitution of the Decrees, though in the Series of
the Propheſy, theſe things ſeem all to come after. 'Tis evident however by
theſe words, That God deſign'd theſe ſeven laſt Plagues as Chaſtiſements, not
utter Deſtructions. They are ſo indeed to ſome of the Members, but not to
the whole ; that the whole may take warning by the Sufferings of the affected
Parts.
The Inference to be drawn from this Declaration of the Holy Ghoſt, that
theſe Worſhippers of the Beaſt are ftill Blaſphemers of God, and have not re-
pented, is this ; That the following Torments ſhall be of an higher Nature;
that God will withdraw his Protection from the corrupted Church, with whom
he hath hitherto born patiently, and chaſtis’d its Members as Children ; and
that therefore he will let looſe into Chriſtendom, the Kings of the Eaſt, which
hitherto had been kept back. See the Notes upon Chap. 9. 13,
God deals with the corrupted Chriſtians, as he did with the Iſraelites. As
ſoon as Solomon had corrupted himſelf with Idolatry, God ſtirred up Adver-
ſaries againſt him, 1 Kings 11. 14. 23. and threarned to rent the Kingdom
from his Son. When it was rent, and that the Iſraelites ſtill proceeded to com-
mit Idolatry publickly to Baal in the Reign of Ahab, God ſhut up Heaven,
that it ſhould not rain during the term of three Years and a half. When they
could not mend, he cut them ſhort in the Days of Jebu, 2 Kings to. 32. by
removing ſome of the Tribes away. When all theſe Puniſhments would not
ſerve to bring them to Repentance, God brought an Enemy from the River
Euphrates, which removed the ten Tribes quite away; and afterwards another
Enemy from the ſame parts, which captivated the remaining Tribes, took
Jeruſalem and deftroy'd the Temple. The ſame is done, and to be done to the
corrupted Church; and God's Chaſtiſements will be turn'd into abſolute De
ſtruction,

suivre
8 S
coon 2020)
BOWL

710
Ch. XVI. v. 11.
Bowl VI.
SCUOCNGGOSOKONGSGOSUTUSKOOOSSS.SG9G"USKOOSOC-COCTISG"SCROGLOGSSSSSS
Joos
dolt BO W L VI.

A. verſ. 12.
2.K^
L
Α) και έκτG- άγγελΘ- εξέχεε τω φιάλω αυ78 ohm τον ποταμόν τον μέγας
Eupgély, And the ſixth Angel poured out bis Bowl upon the great
River Euphrates.] We have obſerv’d and prov'd before in our Nore upon Chap.
9. 14. B. that as the River Euphrates lay on the Eaſt ſide of the Dominions of
David and Solomon, and was therefore the Barrier of the promised Land on
that ſide; ſo was it of the Roman Empire, within the Precincts of which the
Chriſtian Church was chiefly planted, as the Holy Ghoſt conſiders it in this
Propheſy; and that therefore it fignifies fymbolically the Eaſtern Barrier of
Chriſtendom. So that the Torment ariſing from this Plague upon the Wor-
ſhippers of the Beaſt, muſt therefore come from that ſide, by the forcing of
that Barrier. All the Cauſes therefore which gave Entrance to the Enemies of
the Chriſtian Religion that way, in order to ſettle themſelves in the Lands of
Chriſtendom belong to this Plague. And every thing which before ſerv'd to
keep out thoſe Enemies was its Euphrates. Yet I deny not, but that the Ene-
mies which are to do this may preciſely come from beyond that River : and
therein we ſee further the Wiſdom of the Holy Ghoft, in making the Symbols
and Events to agree, as well in the literal as the ſymbolical Senſe.
B. Kaltengelyen tò ÚS ap durg, And its Water was dried up.] The drying up of a
River or Sea is always in holy Writ a Symbol of ill to the Land adjoining. It
ſignifies, that its Enemies will eaſily make a Conqueſt thereof, when they find
no Water to ſtop their Paffage. So Fordan was dried up to give the Iſraelites
Paſſage and Poffefſion of the Holy Land. So lſaiah 44. 27. ſpeaking of
the Conqueſt of Cyrus, and Deſtruction of the Babylonian Monarchy, has theſe
words : That ſaith to the deep, be dry, and I will dry up thy Rivers. See alſo
Chap. 42. 15. and Chap. 5o. 2. The Prophet Zachariah 10. II, explains the
Symbol ; And be ſhall paſs through the Sea with Affliction, and ſhall ſmite the
Waves in the Sea, and all the deeps of the River ſhall be dry up : and the Pride
of Aſſyria shall be brought down, and the Sceptre of Egypt Mall depart away.
The like is to be found in Iſaiah 11. 15, 16. Chap. 19. 5, 6. Chap. 37. 25.
Chap. 51. 36. and Ferem. 5o. 38. and Chap. 51. 36. To the ſame purpoſe
the Perſian and Egyptian Onirocriticks in Chap. 176. ſay ; 'Eev iM TI TòY õp Sorte
The gleiñ owń iwe moleepór Engar Sévle" dignon é tómos armòr rj gégiever rý Jailer Thus
alſo (a) Procopius in his Anecdotes going to inlarge upon the tyrannical Go-
vernment of Juſtinian, by which chat Author pretends to ſhew, that this Em-
peror ruin'd the People ; begins that account by ſetting down the Dream of
ſome great Man of that Court, who in the beginning of Juſtinian's Reign
dream'd thus: He thought himſelf at Conſtantinople upon the Sea ſhore over
againſt Chalcedon ; and that he ſaw Juſtinian in the middle of the Boſphorus, of
which he ſwallow'd all the Water; which having done, he remain'd upon the
dry Sand : and that many muddy Brooks having filled up the Canal from all
Parts, 7 uſtinian dried it up a ſecond time. The Application made by the Author
of this Dream, true or falſe, is proper to the preſent Cafe. For it ſhews us,
that he underſtoodit, and that too according to the Rules of the Onirocriticks,
of the ruin of the People. So that this drying up of the Waters of Euphrates
Thews, That by this Plague the corrupted Members of the Beaſt ſhall be core
mented, and ruin'd in ſuch a manner, that they ſhall be unable to hinder the
Paſſage of the Kings of the Eaſt in Chriſtendomen Which Kings ſhall there-
upon enter into Chriſtendom to ſettle therein, and torment all the Worſhippers of
the Beaſt in general. For as Waters fignify People and Multitudes, ſo the
(4) Procop. Anecd cap, 19
2.8
drying

Chap. XVI. v. 11.
711
Bowl Bowl 1
de
Vi. VI. drying of them muft fignify ſuch a loſs of Men by ſeveral ways, to the weak-
ning of the corrupted Church, that it ſhall not be able to withſtand the Aſſaults
of the Kings coming from the Eaſt, who before were kept off by God's Di-
re&ion, till ſuch time as the corrupted Chriſtians being found incorrigible by
the former Plagues, God thinks fit to let in upon them foreign Enemies.
C. "Ive étorre at no hi odès vão Cao19€w, That the way of the Kings might be prepared.]
Primafius ſeems here to have read faouiws inſtead of Caviałw in the Plural; for
he turns it, (a) Ut præparetur via venienti Regi ab ortu folis. Tychonius ſeems
not to have found that word, for he hath : (b) Ut preparetur via eorum qui
ſunt d via folis. Tho' neither of theſe any ways alters the Senſe, I thought
fit to ſet them down, becauſe Dr. Mill has obſerv'd neither of them; but I
muſt proceed to the Expoſition. This Expreſſion ſeems to allude to the uni-
verfal Cuftom, that when Monarchs come to take Poffeffion of their Throne,
Capital City or Kingdom, or go upon a great and ſolemn Progreſs, their
ways are prepared before them, made paſſable, clean, and are ſometimes beau-
tified with the ſtrowing of Carpets, Clothes, Boughs and Flowers, or any
other Ornament: of this we have inftances in holy Writ, as in 2 Kings 9. 13:
Matth. 21. 8. the Poet (c) Æſchylus tells us, That Agamemnon returning vi-
&orious from Troy, was ſo receiv’d upon his return. The Perſian Monarchs
never appear'd in publick but this Honour was paid to them, as appears from
(d) Herodotus and (e) Quintus Curtius. This ſeems to have given occaſion to
ſuch an Expreſſion about preparing the way for the Meſſias, or the Lord,
iſaiah 40. 3. Chap. 57. 14. Chap. 62. 10. Malach. 3. I. Matth. 3. 3. and
Chap. 11. 10. Mark 1. 2, 3. Luke 1. 76. Chap. 3: 4. Chap. 7. 27. fo that
this Preparation fhéws, that the Kings of the Eaſt ſhall get Dominions within
the Precincts of the corrupted Church, and pull down ſome of its Monarchies;
and thereby torment the Worſhippers of the Beaſt.
D. Tôr arto evalonov inís, Which come from the riſing of the Sun.] This follows
of Neceflity and Decorum, becauſe Euphrates was the Eaftern Border of the
Land of Canaan and of Chriſtendom too, as it ſtood when corrupted ; from that
part muſt therefore come thoſe Kings, which are to gain ground in Chriſten-
dom. Moreover, the coming of theſe Kings from the Eaſt is an Omen, or to
Speak more properly, ſignifies their good Succeſs in their Undertakings, as we
have ſhewn upon Chap. 7. 2. A. but as they are Strangers to the Worſhippers
of the Beaſt, their good Succeſs implies the contrary to thoſe upon whom they
come ; and by Conſequence a great Deſolation and Torment to the corrupted
Chriſtians. This Torment is therefore certainly implied in theſe few Sym-
bols; and the Holy Ghoſt hath not thought fit to infiſt more upon it becauſe
this Plague is effected in a great meaſure by the ſame means, and at the ſame
times as the ſecond Woe or the ſixth Trumpet, which have been deſcribed be-
fore, although they are not the fame. For this is but the Preparation of that
in part, and hath its Effect much further and longer in tormenting the Wor-
ſhippers ; wheteas the Euphratean Horſemen have done their work when they
have ſlain the third part of Men. This will be plain by what I ſhall ſay in the
Application of the Event. I ſhall only add here that Philo hath the very
fame Expreſſion as St. John. His words are theſe; (f) Kend'et zais Tezgovic
τα της Συρίας απίσης υπάρχω προς δν και όπιςολίω έκγράφει, της παρ’ Ευφράτίων σρατιάς
stes Med Edotv tãy eglwy faoinbase seje é vão mage munarle, thus suíomar äger i Tès ’Is-
pbook

laiks
(a) Primaſ. apud Ambr. Ansbert. (b) Tychon Hom. XII. (c) Eſchyl. Agam
V. 917. 930, 966,
(d) Herodot. Lib. VII. & Lib. VIII. (e) Q. Curt. Lib. v.
& Lib. X.
(f) Philo. Jud. Leg. ad Caium. p. 703,
, to get end svar 03
Soholsona mols bon
Not varit some ot 1879
t shibno dans les morts al was to w
et olarmen over ditt mobotid otsust
Basilica documtogos da o od o sumindbod based
Soset booruit saldo Wholesterbo
gotos os nossonone 22 sd 03. Footstonia
os Choi Sobnog yd baie soon as 10.00 979 de alte The
-100 To $1.00 gus aids od 1910 ado organizace

712
The Event of Bowl VI.
Ch. XVI. v. 12.
sro 022
ter
em
2013 July
The Event of Bowl VI.
an

,
Bſerve therefore, that this Plague doth not conſiſt in the coming of the
Kings of the Eaſt, which is indeed the Plague of the fixth Trumper,
and is wholly external : but this here is internal as well as the former, and con-
fifts in the drying of the Waters in order to prepare the way of thoſe Kings;
ſo that this is really antecedent to the ſixth Trumpet, though it may be chas
the Torment ariſing from that Preparation by the drying of the Waters of
Euphrates will continue in its Effects even after thoſe Kings of the Eaſt are come
inio Chriſtendom, and have in the mean time effected what was ſignified by the
fixth Trumpet. One thing is the Deſtruction of the Grecian Empire, another
is the ruin of the Subjects, making way to chat Deſtruction, and the Torment
and Fear ariſing from theſe Kings of the Eaſt, who after they have by the by
finiſhed the work of the fixth Trumpet, may ſtill continue to torment both the
Worſhippers of the Beaſt in the Eaſtern Church, and alſo thoſe who were not
compriz'd in the third part of Men ſlain. In the Preparation of the way, there
is no need that the Kings of the Eaſt ſhould be principal Inſtruments; and
herein lies the greatneſs of this Plague, that God ſends ſuch a Spirit of Un-
eaſineſs, and ſuch a Curſe upon theſe corrupted Chriſtians, that they contrive
of themſelves ways to bring upon themſelves a foreign Enemy to deſtroy them.
The only Character given us by the Holy Ghoſt to fulfil this Plague in
order to prepare the way for the coming of the Kings of the Eaft, is the dry-
ing up of the Waters of Euphrates, and that fignifying the Depopulation in
general of the Eaſtern Barrier of Chriſtendom; and beſides, that the Holy
Ghoft ſhewing no particular Accident, by which that Water of Euphrates is to
be dried up; we are left therefore to apply this Curſe all thoſe ways by which
the divine Providence ſuffers Nations to be depopulated, either by the Sword,
by Famine or by Peſtilence. Now this drying up of the Waters of Euphrates
is accompliſhed by the miſerable Deſtruction and Depopulation of the Grecian
Empire; by their own Civil Wars between the Emperors John Paleologue and
Cantacuzene, at which time thoſe Countries were harraſs'd by all the neighbour-
ing Nations, and more particularly by the Inroads and impolitick Alliances
with the Turkiſh Sultans of Aſia Minor. To theſe Accidents the Riſe of the
Ottoman Empire may be attributed, and it is ſo done by the Hiſtorian Ducas.
The State of the Eaſtern Chriftians was at that time moſt deplorable : there
was nothing but continual Wars; the Bulgarians, Servians, Genoeſe, Venetians,
Piſans, Catalans, Sicilians, Alans, Tartars, Turcoples and others were all ſet to
deſtroy that Barrier of Chriſtendom. Add to this, that at the ſame time God was
pleas'd to afflict all the Territories of the corrupted Church with a grievous
Famine firſt, and then a Plague ſo univerſal, having begun in Egypi, and ſo
reached quite into the West, that the third part of Men died, this was about
the Year 1315. Thus therefore ſoon after this Empire had got out of its
Confuſion by the retaking of the Capital, which was the Effect of the former
Plague, it fell into that diſmal ſtate which was to prepare it to be over-run by
the Ottomans, who were juſt then contemptible Enemies. And what ſhews it
to have been a Plague of God's infiding is, that not only the Grecians weak-
ned themſelves, but alſo invited the Ottomans to come into Europe, and aſlifted
them to make them great. This I have ſhewn upon the fixth Trumpet. I
have alſo ſhewn there, how theſe came from the Eaſt and beyond the River
Essphrates into Chriſtendom. How much they have been a Torment to Chri-
ftendom, and how they continue to be ſo to the corrupted Chriſtians ſtill,
needs no Proof. Only this I ſhall obſerve further, That God ſeems to have
choſen theſe Countries to be the Seats of the Reformation, and take Poffeſſion
of his Temple, which were out of the reach, and by conſequence in no apo
parent Danger to be tormented by this Plague, or its Effe&s ſince. To con-
clude,


Chap. XVI. v.13.
713
Goblins.
clude, the Greeks upon the taking of Conſtantinople acknowledged, that they
doank then of the Cup of God's Wrath, and that they muſt drink it to the
full. So faith (a) Ducas. They repented nor of their Idolatry, but after ſo many
Tryals God ſeems not now to heed their Repentance ; the Holy Ghoſt taking
no notice here whether they do ſo or not.
Some Proteſtants who are taken with the Propheſies of Drabicius think, that
theſe Kings of the Eaſt are to take and deſtroy Rome. And that this is their
way, to which this Plague is a Preparation. But I have ſhewn that their way,
that is, proper Work, if we take a way in the ſenſe of theſe Men, was only
to kill the third part of Men, and that this is done already, and yet Rome is
ſtanding. By this I judge Drabicies was no true Prophet; for if the Holy
Ghoſt cannot contradict itſelf, and the Revelation is an inſpired Book written
by the Direction of the Holy Ghoſt, we may be ſure, that the Pope, as he is
one of the Horns of the Falſe Prophet, is to be deſtroyed only by the Armies
of the word of God, as it is ſaid in the nineteenth Chapter; and as to the De-
Itruction of Rome, 'tis to be done by the Horns of the Beaſt, by thoſe very
Kings who had been her Friends, as we ſhall ſee in the ſeventeenth Chapter.
SA
ad: 2010
do
(6) Duc. Hiſtor. cap. XXIX. S. 11. & 14.
Spin
OGSGO SOOJUSIOGOGOGOGOGOSIOSCOSOCODOGS59514393.699039896499105X996)
was swinger
nous
Bos
AN
stogowosodalle centre
eli zobacconige Mis site
stegno ano
E.PISO DE
STUDIO
A. verf. 13.
13:K"
Ai asov, And 1 faw.] This is a freſh Viſion, that is, the Vi-
fion of a freſh matter different from the former, and therefore
hath this freſh mark of Attention. The Holy Ghoſt has here followed the
method obſerv'd before in thoſe parts of the Viſion which are diftinguiſhed by
ſeven Epochas ; namely, to have an Epiſode or Parentheſis diſcovering ſome
collateral and remarkable Accidents which ſeem not to follow the ſame kind of
matters, and could not be ſo well placed elſewhere, and this is done conftant-
ly after the ſixth Epocha. The following Parentheſis or Epiſode is parallel in
fome reſpects, to that which is ſet after the ſixth Trumper in Chap. 9. 17. &c.
to v. 21. and viſibly like it in the number of the Agents doing Miſchief. We
ſhall find alſo, that as the forner Agents in that Epiſode of the ſixth Trumpec
are external Inſtruments of divine Vengeance, ſo theſe are internal Inſtruments,
within the boſom of the corrupted Church, effecting ſecretly Vengeance upon
God's Enemies by infinuating themſelves ſo far into the Secrets of the Kings
or Horns of the Beaſt, that by putting them upon Miſchief, they really bring
them before God, that God may have occaſion to puniſh the Kings by thoſe
very Acts, upon which theſe Agents put them. For though theſe as to their
Inſtitution come plainly from the Enemies of God, and as to their Office muft
viſibly act againſt his Glory and Worſhip, being unclean; yet God ſecretly
makes uſe of them to bring about thoſe ends, which he propoſes to himfelf,
that is, to bring theſe Kings into Torment and Deſtruction. And this is ſuita-
ble to what we find in the Viſion of Micaiah, 1 Kings 22. 19, 20. 21. 22. and
2 Chron. 18. 18, 19, 20, 21. wherein a lying Spirit offers tơ ſeduce thoſe,
whom it is God's Intention to be blinded, that they may be brought to thoſe
Circumſtances which will involve them in Deſtruction.
When M. Furieu, who is the firſt that has ſaid any thing to the purpoſe upon
theſe Bowls, comes to this place he ſays ; this a Parentheſis of great depth and
obſcurity; ſo it ſeems : and as a place may be look'd upon as obſcure, when
the Interpreters diſagree, or know not well which to chuſe, M. Juries has
ſet down two, but at laſt pitches upon one that is abſolutely improbable, and
8 T
will


714
The Goblins.
Chap. XVI. v. 13.
,
Aary active Inftrunients under the Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, it is a
will not anſwer to the Characters given by the Holy Ghoft
. For applying
theſe three Goblins to the three parts of the Canon Law receiv'd in the
Church of Rome, he rejects that Expoſition which might underſtand it of the
Monks. I can give three good reaſons why theſe Goblins cannot repreſent
ſtanding rule, thac a&tiones funt Suppofitorum. The Canon Law doth not act,
but its Miniſters, that put it in force; and the Law is only the rule by which
they are directed: whereas widelce, Spirits, are Agents. See our Note upon
Chap. 16. 7. A. Sccondly, The Canon Law can never be faid, but by very
far fetch'd Conſequences, to come out of the mouth of the Dragon and the
Beaft. Did the Roman Emperors, or the ſecular Powers in corrupred Chriften.
dom compoſe that Law? The Falſe Prophet indeed has framed it; but that
Canon Law was before ſufficiently deſcribed, where the Holy Ghoſt ſays,
that the Falſe Prophet ſpeaks like the Dragon, and exerciſes all the power of
the former Beaſt, Chap. 13. 11, 12. Thirdly, This Expofition will only reach
one of the Hörns of the Falſe Propher in the Weſt. And if you put in the
Greek Code, either you make four Spirits of them, or elſe only two diſtinct
ones, the Greek Canons and the Latin. Beſides, I cannot ſee, that there are
three ſo eſſentially diftinct parts in the Latin Code of the Canon Law. 'Tis
all one thing and of the ſame nature; ſome other reaſons ſhall be given in
the Progreſs of the Work. Before we enter upon the Deſcription of theſe Goba
lins, which are the ſubject of this Epiſode, it will not be improper to ter down
in general what and whom I take them to ſignify or repreſent. This way will
make my work eaſier, and more eaſily underſtood. Now as the Dragon
ſignifies all the power of the Devils, and their viſible Agents the Pagan Emperors
and Magiſtrates under them with their Succeſſion, and the Beaſt the icular
Powers of Kings and Governors in the corrupted Church, and alſo the Beaſt
with two Horns or Falſe Prophet fignifies the two Heads of Ecclefiaftical
Powers, together with the whole Body of the under Governors under them
ruling in the corrupted Church in two diftinct Bodies ſucceſſively continuing
therein : Thus alſo Goblins or Spirits avdicilce, which here are ſaid to be three,
being Agents or wicked Angels, or Miniſters under theſe great Heads, mutt
fignify three diftin&t ſorts of miniſtring Agents in the corrupted Church under
the Powers Secular and Eccleſiaſtical, making up three diſtinct Bodies of them
perpetual and political. Theſe are therefore the three ſorts of the great In-
troducers, Supporters, and Miniſters of the Tyranny, Corruption and Idola.
try in the corrupted Church; namely the ſecular Clergy, the religious
Knights and the Monks, as theſe are diſtinguiſh'd from the Prelacy in the
Patriarchal Sees of Rome and Conftantinople who make up in general the
Kingdoms or Horns of the Falſe Prophet. Thus when the Falle Prophet is
mention'd fingly, we muſt underftand by a general Comprehenſion all that be-
longs to thoſe two great Bodies, the Heads and the Members. But when there
are diftinguiſh'd as its Spirits or Agents, we muſt take them as they are Mini-
fters, the Hands and Limbs of that Body whereof the Falſe Prophet is chiefly
and properly the Head. The Head implies the whole Body, but it may be di-
ftinguiſhed, when ſome parts of that Body perform A&ions diſtindly from the
Head.
There is another way to account for theſe Goblins, which is that rejected
by M. Furieu, by taking theſe to fignify the Monks, and ranking them into
three Claſſes, begging, not begging, and mixe as the Jeſuits are. But this Divi-
fion is not made with any eſſential difference, and beſides fails mightily in this
eflential point or rule, that all the parts taken in a lump muſt be equal to the
whole; and therefore can by no means be admitted. 'Tis the deſign of the
Holy Ghoſt to ſhew under the Symbol of theſe three Goblins the ſtirring Agents,
or Miniſters of the Powers, in the corrupted Church, which are the Promo-
ters of Impurity, and the great Sticklers to gather the Kings of the Earth into
the Battle of God Almighty. But it is evident that the Monks alone have not
been ſuch Miniſters, but that the ſecular Clergy and religious Knights come in
for a ſhare in the Commiſſion; and that theſe two laft forts of Agents confti-
tute two ſorts of Men quite different from Monks, and yet equally buſy to
promote the Affairs of the corrupted Church. The Diviſion, which I ftand
upon has not this Deficiency; for the Monks, the religious Knights, and the
Jeculay


Ch. XV I. 1.13.
The Goblins.
715
ſecular Clergy are really diſtinct from each other; and they alone are the true
Agents or Miniſters of the Antichriſtian State, anfwering to the Charact-
ers given by the Holy Ghoſt to theſe three Goblins.
B. ’Ex tš souala, Out of the Mouth.] The Mouth is the Organ of Speech,
and Words in the ſacred Stile are the ſame as Commands and Actions, becauſe
they imply the Effiets of the Thoughts; Words or Commands being the means usa
to communicate the Thoughts and Decrees to thoſe that are to execute them.
To come out of the Mouth therefore ſignifies to be conſtituted and commanded
to become an Agent or Miniſter, under a ſuperior Power. Thus the word of
God, or the word that proceeds out of his Mouth ſignifies ſometimes the Adi
ons of God's Providence, his Commands whereby he rules the World, and
brings all things to his purpoſe; and ſometimes that divine Perſon or emanated
ſubſtance of himſelf, which executes his Commands or Word, as a Miniſter;
and by a Metonymie of the abſtract for the Concrete uſual in holy Writ, is
called the (@) word of God. This Symbol of coming out of the Meub is of de-
corum to the Title of the Agents, who are ſaid to be øvd'imla, Spirits or Goblinsa
So the Angels are Spirits ; Angels & y80401, becauſe they are fent ; Spirits, bea
cauſe their very Life or Being as far as we know them conliſts in executing
the Words or Commands of God. The Miniſters of Satan, or his Subfticutes
may be ſo called Angels, as in Chap. 12. ?. or Spirits, becauſe he is himſelf
the God of this Worid. This Expreſſion therefore of their being Spirits of
Goblins coming out of the Mouch of the Dragon duc. implies that there
are Agents, executing the Commands of that or thoſe from whom they come,
or out of whoſe Mouth they are ſaid to come.
But let us ſee a liccle further how the Onirocriticks explain this Symbol, and
we lhall find their Expoſicion is more preciſe and particular; but yet fo, that
the former is very well conſiſtent with it. They ſay the Mouth fignifies the
Houſe; and by analogy the Teeth ſignifie the Servants of the Houſhold The
Indian Interpreter ſays in Chap 41. Tè Nesów.ce as oro xgível de ti áve pants de
κατέχναι οι εν τω οίκω αυτές οι γας οδόνες και το οίκε εισί λαός" and Chap. 58.
the fame ſays: gò sóuse è vixés ési jos dv.Jpcómt's p ouykacielar rivlee taie fyn eu
Artemidorus ſays the very fame in Lib. I cap. 32 Tãy ódó ar ci iclo dvader. 18
χεται τον διχον τα δόντG- Cελλίονας και διαφέρονlας ανθρώπες σημαίνεσιν, οι δε καλωθέν της
u zod eeséges diron refi hai's Big Gratis xp tò sóuel See our Note upon Chapter
G
Now as to God the whole world in general is his Houſe, and che Church
is ſo in particular. To a King likewiſe ſometimes his whole Kingdom is his
Family, and all his Subjects his Sons, Servants and Domeſticks : that general
ſenſe is ſometimes reſtrain'd. Here theſe Spirits or Goblins coming out of the
mouth of the Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe Prophet fignify theſe Agents, which
being bred within the Dominions of the corrupted Church, and being the
moſt ſpecial Miniſters of Idolatry, Tyranny and Corruption, fet forwards in
a ſpecial manner the Affairs of Pagan dolatry, Tyranny and Falſe Propheſy
therein. In the Enumeration of the Maſters of theſe which follows ; I ſhall
take notice how the Monks, religious Knights, and ſecular Clergy under the
Biſhops of Rome and Conſtantinople, are the Miniſters and familiar Agents, to
fet forwards the matters aforeſaid. In ſhort, that they are abſolutely menial
Servants to them.
C. Ti Aga xovle, of the Dragom.] How comes the Dragon to appear in this
place, which belongs to that period, wherein the Dragon has given away all
his Power ? Two Obſervations will ſolve the Difficulty, and ſhew how theſe
Goblins are ſtill his Agents ; if not all, yet ſome of them originally, and all
by relation. Firſt, We muſt obſerve, that the Dragon is indeed the Devil, and
that he is deſcribed in this myſterious Book by the marks of that external and
viſible power, which he hath. In the former parts, becauſe he was Maſter in
the Roman Empire, he is deſcrib'd with ſeven Heads crown'd with Diadems,
choſe being the conitituting parts of that Empire. But here not being ſo
adorn'd, becauſe he hath given away his Power and Diadems to the Beaſt, he
muſt be underſtood to be fuch as he became by that delivery of Power, and
as he is deſcribed when ſtanding upon the fand of the Sea, that being the laſt
I. 16. B.
(-) See the Note upon Chap. 19. 13. B.
Aaiona

716
Goblins.
Ch. XVI. v. 13.
Adion of his in the former parts of the Viſion, which is not altered by the de-
livery of his Head and Power: that is, the Devil had ſtill a Power and Being
Jeft him among the common People, ſignified by the Sand of the Sea. See the
Note upon Chap. 12. 18. A. and indeed alſo a power in the Government, in-
aſmuch as the Beaſt is but his Vicar and Succeſſor ; and the Falſe Prophet who
is the great Counſellor of the Beaſt, ſpeaks like the Dragon. For by under-
ſtanding the Symbol of the Dragon thus, of the inviſible Enemy of the
Church, as well as of the viſible, who indeed are but the Miniſters and Inftru-
ments of the inviſible, we ſee the continued and ſucceſſive State of them from
the firſt Period of the Church to the third, or Millenary and Triumphant ſtate
thereof. See our Note upon Chap. 20. 8. A. in which he is firſt to be chain'd
up, and afterwards thruſt into the Lake. Wherefore as the Dragon's power is
* ftill among the common People in corrupted Chriſtendom, as well as in his
e Vicars or Succeffors; ſo this may ſignify, that theſe Spirits ſhall be rais'd out
of the common People. Now this is certainly applicable to the Monks in their
firſt origin; the Devil working in them preſently to make them fet up Objects
of Worſhip in the Church ſuitable to the Notions of Paganiſm, which Objects
3 have in time in a manner quite deſtroy'd the purity of the Worſhip, and placed
astherein Creatures and Lies inſtead of that which God hath inſtituted in Chrift;
by all which the Devil is ſerv'd. Iſidorus Hiſpal. ſays very well : (a) Os diaboli
7 verba ejus ſunt. Verba verò ejus inſpirationes occulta ſunt, quibus corda hominum
s alloquens occultis urit cupiditatibus. So the mouth of the Bridegroom in the Can-
ticles is by (b) Gregory the Great explain’d of the Inſpiration of Chriſt.
Secondly, It may be obſervd. that as the Goblins are deſcrib'd in this Epiſode
before the Period is run out, fo 'tis not neceſſary to ſuppoſe, that they appear
ssjuft then, upon the pouring of the fixth Bowl, but thac they had their Being
before ; becauſe as its evident from their Office and Actions hereafter deſcrib’d,
they have been acting all the time of theſe Plagues, and are only deſcrib'd here
by way of Epiſode, becauſe then they came to their height; and ſo were
made ready to compleat the great deſign of God in permitting them to act,
which is to bring the idolatrous Kings to the Battle of the great God to be
deſtroy'd, Wherefore their coming out of the Dragon's mouth may ſignify,
that the firſt origin of their Orders and Inſtitution aroſe when the Dragon
was in power, and was conrriv'd to do his Work; ſo that he left as it were
this Inſtitution to carry on, when he ſhould loſe his power, thoſe deſigns
which he could not perform ſo openly with Peace. We find accordingly that
the Monaſtick Life is a Pagan Inſtitution, handed down from the Indian Brach-
manes and (c) Egyptian Prieſts, who were truly Monks, to the Pythagorean
Philoſophers, and to the Jews, whoſe Sect called Ellens were really Monks,
Hence Philo himſelf is called a Pythagorean by (d) Sozomen; 'and he (e) indeed
compares them with the Indian Brachmanes or Gymnoſophiſts, and the Egyptian
Hierophants
. In ſhort, thoſe who have treated of their origin agree in this,
even the Authors of the (f) Romiſh Communion, as well as others. Even
the Profeſſion of begging, ſo contrary to the Precepts of the Chriſtian Religi-
on is an Imitation of the practice of the Prieſts of (g) the Syrian Goddeſs, who
ftroled about begging in the ſame manner. But if a proof by the Authority
of St. Auſtin be neceſſary to ſhew, that Satan himſelf did firſt ſet the Monks
at work, here it is : (b) Tam multos hypocritas ſub habitu Monachorum uſquequa-
quam difperfit (Satan) circumeuntes provincias, nuſquam miſſos, nuſquam fixos, nuf
quam ſt antes, nuſquam ſedentes. Alii membra martyrum, fi tamen martyrum, vendi-
tant omnes petunt, omnes exigunt aut ſumptus lucroſce egeftatis, aut fimulate
pretium ſan&titatis. And I think that thoſe who came after have not ſwerved
from this beginning.
bn But after all, as our Saviour faid of the Jews, John 8. 44. that they were of
their Father the Devil, becauſe they did the Lufts of that Father ; fo in this
Caſe theſe Goblins may be ſaid to come from the Dragon or Devil, becauſe
(f) Luc.
b (a) Iſidor. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. III. cap. 5. S. 30.
(6) Gregor. M. Exp. in Cant.
cap. 1.
(c) Gale. Philof. Gener. Lib. I. cap. II. Sect. 7.
(d) Sozom.
Lib. I. cap. XII.
(e) Philo. Jud. Quod Omnis bonus liber, p. 600.
Holſten. Nor, in Porphyr. de Vit. Pythag; p. 70.
(g) Apul. Metam. Lib. VIII. Tertul.
lian. Apol. cap. 13. vid. Polydor. Virgil. de Invent. Lib. VII. cap. 7. () Auguſtin de Oper.
Monach. cap 28.
they

Ch. XVI. v. 13
The Goblins.
717
they really ſet forwards this work, and whatever Inſtitution they were of,
howſoever pious it were and good, yet in as much as they have ſet forwards
the Impurity, Idolatry and Tyranny of Paganiſm, they are of the Dragon as
well as the Jews, though they boaſted to have Abraham to their Father. From
all this we may conclude, that in the corrupted ftate of the Church we muſt
find Paganiſm intermix’d, becauſe it hath therein Agents of its own Production,
as indeed the Falſe Prophet, who directs all theſe, is ſaid to ſpeak like the Dra-
gon, Chap. 13. 11.
D. Kai éx gê sóuce10 ti Ingie, And out of the mouth of the Beaft.]This is the
great Beaſt with ten Horns, as it appears by its being diſtinguiſhed from the
Falſe Prophet, who is the ſame as the Beaſt with two Horns, and conſequent-
ly denotes the Civil Powers in the Dominions of the corrupted Church. What
Encouragement theſe have given to the Monks and religious Knights is plain
from the Hiſtory of the Foundations of the Monafteries and religious Houſes.
But though none of them had been ſo founded, yet in as much as the Monks,
religious Knights and ſecular Clergy, affiſt in maintaining the religious Ty-
ranny in the Church, they may be faid to come out of the mouth of the Beaſt.
E. Kai én rã sáue10 78 4de d'ongopüle, And out of the mouth of the Falſe Prophet.]
Idols, Falſe Prophets, and unclean Spirits are things very much a kin, and de-
pending on each other, as it may be made out, not only by the Conſideration
of the things themſelves, but alſo by the expreſs words of the Prophet, Ze-
chariah 13. 2. And it shall come to paſs in that Day, ſaith the Lord of Hofts, that I will
cut off the Names of the Idols out of the Land, and they fall be no more remembred;
and alſo I will cauſe the Falſe Prophets, and the unclean Spirit to paſs out of the
Land. So it is to be underſtood; for the LXX. have turni'd it with the word
foldongopurus. In the Viſion of Micaiah, 1 Kings 22. 22. the Falſe Prophets
are faid to be acted by a lying Spirit. But here the Falſe Prophet is faid to ſend
them as out of his mouth. The reaſon of this Difference is to be fetch'd
from the intimate Relation between the viſible and inviſible World ; that is,
between the Spirits, inviſible Enemies to Chriſt, and their viſible Agents or
Correſpondents. As to the inferior Agents, the inviſible always repreſent ia
the prophetical Viſions the viſible. But becauſe in this caſe the ſuperior are
diftinguiſhed into Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, the viſible alſo join'd
in Fellowſhip with the inviſible; and alſo becauſe the inviſible Spirits or
Agents inſpire the viſible; therefore even the Falſe Prophet, though a viſible
Head, is ſaid to command and ſend thoſe Spirits or Agents, which are ſent
to inſpire, and ſo repreſent the viſible Agents; becauſe the head of the invi-
fible World in Enmity with Chriſt hath communicated his power, and con-
curs with the viſible ; heads, the Beaft and Falſe Prophet. The ſending of theſe
Spirits or Goblins out of the mouchs of the Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe Prophet
being to be underſtood in a join'd, not divided ſenſe. For the Holy Ghoſt
ſays not, that one of the three Beaſts came out of the Dragon's Mouth,
another out of the Beaſt's, and a third out of the Falſe Prophet's; but
three out of their mouths. In the Prophecy of Micaiah, the Falſe Pro-
phets inſpired by the lying Spirit are a ſet of inferior Agents, but this Falſe
Prophet is an head in Amity with the head of the infernal Powers.
As to the three Orders of Men, which we have ſaid to be repreſented by
theſe three Spirits, the idolatrous ſecular Clergy, the Monks, and the reli-
gious Knights, coming out of the mouth, or being bred within the Houſhold
of the Falſe Propher, the Biſhops of Rome and Conſtantinople, and their being
maintain’d therein, 'tis ſo evident, that I need not to infift upon proof : as alſo
their maintaining reciprocally the Power, Tyranny and Idolatry ſettled by
theſe two Biſhops or Horns of falſe Prophecy. The fecular Clergy indeed,
that is, the (a) Epiſcopal College and inferior Prieſthood are an oppreſs’d
Body, this being the Maxim of that Hierarchy to pull them down, by con-
tinual Uſurpations upon them, and the ſetting up of the monaftical Orders in
Oppoſition to them, and to uſurp their Office. But in as much as this Clergy
yields to that Uſurpation, and even at laſt concurs to carry on the ſame deſign,
they become as much the Agents or Spirits of the Falſe Prophet as the reſt.
As to the Monks and religious Knights, 'tis well known, that they are by
their very Inſtitution wholly devoted to the Service and Maintenance of
ON
(a) Vid.New Goſpel of Cardin. Pallavicini, Chap. V. Art. XI. p.228.& Art. XII.
8 U
che

718
Goblins.
Ch. XVI. v. 13.
many
the Romiſh See. And it is well obſerv'd, that their Monaſteries are as fo
Forts, and the Monks therein -as ſo many soldiers of the Papacy. And che
Knights are by their very (a) Admiſſion to that dignity devoted to the Ada
vancement of Popery. The Proof of this is to be found in proper Authors,
who treat of theſe Knights
. In ſhort, their Inftitution is ſo much the Pope's
that they are fometimes even conſecrated by him, and that tuch Knights, if they
take againſt that Church, are to be degraded by the Canon Law. They have
been and are ſtill divided into ſeveral Orders : as St. J bn of Jeruſalem or
Malteze, Templars, Teutonick, of St. James, of abrabam, and ſeveral others.
Buti proceed.
Frivollecile ogice e'nek tasla a's Collp@xo!, Three nafty Goblins like Frogs ] I ſhall make
an Observation upon theſe words, which I ſhould forbear, it it were not to
account for the Tranſlation. The Holy Ghoſt affects no Elegancy, but yet
there is a great Propriety in the Expreſſions. And in this caſe theſe Goblins
are deſcrib'd with ſome Indignation ariſing from the Conſideration of the baſe-
neſs of their Characters. Indignation is frequently ſhewn in the very found
of the words, which are then ſpoken. Bawling, grinning and gnaſfting of
Teeth are its Effects; and therefore a concurrent ſet of words full of gs and
R's expreffes very well ſuch Indignation. Thus Tully ſpeaking of a Man that
ſlighted and diſdain'd the Conſulate, and at the ſame time imitating him, ufes
this Expreſſion : (b) Et operarum harum quotidianarum putat eflc conſularum. And
ſpeaking to Catiline in a ſcornful way of that Rabble-rout of his Party gather'd
under Manlius, ſays: () Tua illa Manliana Caſtra. And elſewhere mocking
Verres for having inſtituted a Feſtival in his Name, he ſays : (d) Praclara illa
Verrea celebrantur. As alſo when he derides the Levity of the Greeks: (e) Sic
ſunt expreſſa ita præclara, quæ recitantur, Plephiſmata. He has imitated in this
that Saying of Terence put into the mouth of a young Spark, who diſdains
what he ſpeaks of in this manner : (f) Tædet quotidianarum harum formorum. An
inſtance of the like Expreſſion there is in ariſtophanes : (g) Aétor Ti Tūv veelepar,
Örl èsà Tei oopce TRŪTG The Expreſſion of the Holy Ghoft ſpeaking of theſe
Spirits is ſo much like theſe, that one would think the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks of
them with the greateſt Indignation, Ily&tual de Tsich eixel Jeep! ele as Gálpaxor the
found of the words and the Compariſon together ſet this Expreffion even be-
yond thoſe of Tully and Terence
. The Holy Ghoſt here deſcribes thoſe
Spirits which are in a manner the Authors of the Corruption of the Church,
and therefore may very well ſpeak of them with diſdain. I have endeavour'd to
imitate that in my Tranſlation. Three naſty Goblins like Frogs expreſs in my Ears
the Paſſion of Indignation better than, three unclean Spirits like Frogs; eſpecially
when they are help'd out by the Pronunciation. I proceed now to the Expofition.
G. Hydí prilon éneklagta, Naſty Goblins.] Or unclean Spirits. Theſe are explain'd
preſently in the next Verſe to be avaluata d'crubven, Spirits of Dæmons or Devils.
in the ſame manner in Luke 4. 33. we have all the three words together, avdium
Servovíc dixer Salpy the Spirit of an unclean Dæmon. The two latter being only to
determine the signification of Spirit to a certain Species of them. So in Mark
3. 22. our Saviour being accus'd to be poſſeſs’d with Beelzebub the Prince of
the Devils or Dæmons, this is expreſs'd in v. 30. by wudiua iné sag lov 6X4, he bath
an unclean Spirit. Such as the Maſter is, ſuch muſt be his inferior viſible as well
as inviſible Agents. Now this Uncleanneſs may be attributed to thoſe Goblins
upon two accounts, that of their Origin or Manſion, and that of their Office
or Actions, both in reſpect of the inviſible or ſymbolical, and of the viſible repre-
ſented and inſpired by the former fort, becauſe theſe two ſorts have an intimate
relation.
Firſt, Then I believe, that theſe Spirits are called unclean, by the Principles,
and in the Notions of the Jews, becauſe the (b) wicked Spirits that inſpired
the Falſe Prophets and Magicians, that gave out Oracles and Divinations from
the Monuments of the Dead, and which were by the Heathens ſuppos’d to be
Souls of Men evocated by Charms made at their Tombs, about which the
Souls were ſuppos’d to hover; but by the Jews were look'd on as wicked Dæmons,
(a) Vid. Pontifical. Roman. & Selden's Titles of Honor. Lib. II. ch. 1. S. 61. (6) M. T.
Cic. Orat. pro Muræn. (c) M. T. Cic. Orat. I. in Catilin.
(2) M, T. Cic. Orat.
in Verr. Lib. II.
(e) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Flacc.
) Terent in Eunuch.
(g) Ariftoph. Nubib.
(b) Vid. Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. p. 103.
who

Chap. XVI. V.13.
719
Goblins.
who deluded theſe Votaries, were therefore called' unclean Spirits ; becauſe of
their dwelling and converſing about the Monuments and Carcaſes of the
Dead, which were look'd upon as unclean ; ſo that our Saviour according to
their Notion makes the Graves of dead Men the Types of all Filthineſs, Matth.
23. 27. to which may be added, that the Dæmons which poſſeſs’a fome Men,
were apt to drive them into the Tombs of the dead, Mark 5. 2. 5, Luke 8.27.
Matth. 8. 28. fee St. Chry/oftome on this place, and Grotius. For the like reaſon
a City which is become the Grave of its inhabitants and Deſert, is ſaid to be
the Habitation of Demons, and of every unclean Bird, in Chap. 28. 2. thefe Birds
being Birds of Prey, and living upon the Carcaſes of Men and Animals; and
for that reaſon being accounted unclean. On the ſame account Horace calls
two Witches, (a) Obſcunas.
If we conſider the Uncleanneſs with a view to the Subjects ſignified by theſe
Goblins, we ſhall likewiſe find, that it is a very proper Epithere. For as Po-
pery is Paganiſm reviv'd, and made in ſome fort of a Chriſtian Faſhion, theſe
Angels and grear Promoters of that Corruption deal in the ſame manner as the
Prieſts of Paganiſm, with the Bodies and Relicks of dead Men, pretending to
work Miracles, and draw out Oracles, Viſions and Propheſies from the Souls
of dead Men, and thus converſing with Dæmons, who deceive them under
thac Notion. And there is this particular to be obſerved, That the firít Monks
who introduced moſt certainly Idolatry did it in carrying about the Relicks of
dead Mens Bonés. So (6) St. fuftin's Obſervation is confirm'd by the Re-
proach of (c) Eunapius a Pagan Writer to the Monks ; and indeed that method
continues to this Day. All this reaſoning is grounded upon thac Notion, that
Carcafes and Bones of dead Men are unclean, which is very evident by the
Levitical Law, and needs no proof. I ſhall therefore only add the reaſon
which Philo gives for it. He ſays, that the Soul is the ſign of the Man or as an
Ariſtotelian would tranſlate it, the ſubſtantial form and eſence of Man, which being
removed and tranſlated, all the remaining parts are corrupted and defiled, as being de-
prived of the divine Image. His words are ; (d, Luxne zase doni padan onuci ov, kis
μελανιςαμβάης και μεθοικιζομδύης τα απολειφθένα στανα μιαίνεθαι, σερόμβώα θείας εικόνΘ-.
And that the Heathens had the ſame Notion appears by this only reasoning of
Plato againſt making Idols of Ivory, becauſe it is the Bone of a deceas'd Ani-
mal. So Clemens Alex. cites his words : (e) 'Erboas dè, & Tontonóre fuxlu ochuco,
år luay's éve' Impece Upon the ſame account the ſtrings of the Guitars us'a in the
Service of the Gods were made of Flax, not of Guts of Animals. This is
found in the Scholiaft upon Homer :( f) 'Emh oi pôrou tots gecis pelas dñs i men
κιθαρίζονες, εκ εξ ενέρων κατεσκεύαζον τας κιθάρας, έχ όσιον, έργο θεϊς αρεσόν είναι υπολαμ-
Gάνονίες, δια το έκνά'εων πεποιήθς, αλλ' εκ λίνκ πεποιημβόε" and the fame appears from
the solemn Purifications after a Burial, of which the Writers of Greek and
Latin Antiquities treat ſufficiently. See alſo the Notes of Grotius upon Levit.
21. 11. who proves there, that the Heathen Prieſts avoided being defiled by
the approach of the Dead. Now ſince originally their Worſhip was given to
dead Men, and their Altars the Monuments of the dead, whatever their pre-
tence might be to Purity, they were unclean in the height of their Miniftra-
tion.
Secondly, Theſe Spirits are called unclean upon the account of their Office
or A&ions. The wicked Spirits, who have ſeduced Mankind from the begin-
ning of the World, have always done it by corrupting their Morals, and in-
troducing all manner of Impurity. That they who did ſeduce the Pagan Prieſts
and Magicians, and by their means all the Idolaters, led them into all ſorts of
Impurity, is evident from the account we have of their Practices. Jamblichus
lays it down as a diſtinguiſhing mark of Dæmons: (5) Otev de Tès dui vores ge-
ωρώσιν, όρεξιν τής βρίσεως και της φύσεως όλα θυμίαν, τών τε καθ' εμεμβόω έργων αποπλήρωσιν,
διμύαμίν τε αποξέλεσικό των τοιέτων πράξεων παραδέχον]αι· They fate down to eat
and drink of their Sacrifices, and then roſe up to play in all kind of Lewdneſs:
(a) Horat. Epod. V.
(b) Auguſtin. de Op. Monach. fupr.citat. (Eunap.
Vic. Ædelii
. vid. Mede's Apoftar. P. II. chap. VIII.
(d) Philo Jud. de Leg. Spec. p. 55.
comp. Jamblich de Myft. fect. VI. cap. 1.
(e) Clem. Alex Stro, Lib. V p. 249. ex
Placon de Leg. Lib. XIJ.
(f) Ad Homer. Iliad. o. v. 570. (g) Jamblich
de Myft. Se&. II. cap. 9. Vid. Se&. IV. cap. 11,12, 13. vid. Porphyr. de Abftin. Lib. 11.9. 42. Ifidor.
Hifpal. Lib. II. cap. 39. G. 21, &c.
As

720
The Goblins.
Chap. XVI. v. 13.
As to the viſible Agents repreſented by theſe, that is, the Monks, fecular
Cler-
gy in the corrupted Church, and religious Knights, being the Inſtruments of
Impurity both by their Example and Inſinuation, needs not to be prov'd in this
place; it has been done fufficiently by others. My deſign is not to enlarge
upon that, which would look rather as a Satyr upon them than a Commenta-
ry. But I ſhall take it for granted at this time.
Theſe Agents being the ſame as thoſe deſcribed by St. Paul in that excellent
Prophefy, Tim. 4. 1, 2, 3. who are there deſcribed as the great Inſtruments
of the great Apotiary in the Church ; and ſometimes in that Propheſy being
to be underſtood by what we have ſaid more accurately than has been done yet,
I ſhall make bold to inſert a ſmall Digreſſion to that purpoſe. The words of
St. Paul are as follows. Το δε πνεύμα ρητώς λέγει, ότι έν υσέρους καιρούς έποςήσου και
σινες της πίσεως, προσέχοντες πνδυμασι πλάνης, και διδασκαλίαις δαιμονίων" εν υποκρίσει ψάδο.
λόγων, κεκαυτηριασμένων των ιδίαν συνείδησιν" κωλυόντων μμείν, απέχεθαι βρωμάτων, and fo
forth. What I have to ſay upon this will be contain'd in ewo Obſervations ;
the reſt being fully explain'd by Mede. Firít, Thac the ósegou nelepoè being the
fame as légkalon neugod, are moſt conveniently tranſlated here by the times to come,
as it has been proved, that this is frequently the signification of the words, in
our Note upon Chap. 15. 1. C. ſo that there is no need of that elaborate Dir.
quiſition about them, ſuch as Mede hath made at leaſt as to this place; which
by the nicety thereof will even make one ſuſpect it. Secondly, It will not be
denied, that the Expreſſion probl.coe Faerns, or anévols, as ſome Copies read,
ſignifies the ſame as moiuala fourgo Now avdicice of obsès, a lying Spirit, is the
ſame as audi pace excí seglov, an unclean Spirit, as appears by comparing, 1 Kings. 22,
22. and Zechar. 12. 2. cited before. Thus the Author of the Teſtaments of
the Patriarchs ufes the words (a) πνδύμασι πλάνης and (b) ανάμα πλάνης τε βελιας
as ſynonymous, and indeed Lies, Error, and Uncleanneſs are ſec indifferently to
fignify idolatry ; for which reaſon we ſay they are the ſame, becauſe Idolatry
always goes with the reſt. And by conſequence the Spirits of Errors and Demons
are the ſame; ſo that the two Expreſſions of the Apoſtle, agoríxovles mudiyu o'z
Taduns, and odernealais despoiwy, giving heed to Spirits of Error, and to the Doctrines
of Devils, are ſo too: the dielcovíoy being the ſame as the wybudol nevns, the
Appoſition being only inverted in the Conſtruction, which is the ſame as if
the Holy Ghoſt had ſaid, sj shtuaviors didboukol, and to Devils teaching. And then
the following Adjectives muſt have been in the Dative Cafe, which are now
in the Genitive, and appear plainly to belong to despovi cor• But if you
take the word da iyoviwy Paſſively, for Doctrines about Damons, what will you do
with the Conſtruction? whereas in our way all is eaſy. (c) Mede thinks it
harſh to ſay that Dæmons lie, have leared Conſciences, forbid to marry, and ſo on :
but this Objection is not material, becauſe this being a Prophely, the words
Spirits and Demons are fymbolical, fignifying ſome Men as Agents, and in-
fluenc'd by the Spirits of Error and Dæmons. The Doctrines which theſe
Agents teach having the Devil for Author, becauſe they are quite oppos’d to
that Blefling, which God hath beſtowed on Meats and Marriage, and are con-
firm'd by Lies, whereof the Devil is the Author : by all which Men are drawn
into Apoftacy againſt God. But we may alſo explain the words of St. Paul
litterally of Dæmons, without any Excluſion of the former Expoſition, which
is of their viſible Agents, becauſe of the intimace Union between the viſible and
inviſible Worlds, of which ſo often elſewhere. And then we need only ob-
ſerve, that St. Paul alludes to the pretence of the Pagans, that their (d) Worſhip
and Rituals, the matter, manner and variety of their Sacrifices, Names of
Gods, and Invocations proceeded from the revealed Will of their Gods, who
were certainly Dæmons, in their Oracles and Dreams. This pretence is plain-
ly ſeen in their accounts of the Inſtitution of their Mifteries, as of Bacchus,
Ceres and others; and it is infifted upon, not only as to particular occaſions,
but as to the whole Inſtitution by (e) Jamblichus, who may be conſulted.
Thall content my ſelf to let down the words of Proclus : (f) Deinde à Dæmoni-
(a) Teſtam.Jud. S. 23.
(6) Ibid. S. 25.
(c) Vid. Mede's Apoft. of latter Times,
p. II. chap. I. (d) Vid. Platon. de Republ. Lib. IV. p. 406.
(e) Jamblich.
de Myft. Se&t. V. cap. 23, 24, 25, 26. Porphyr. apud Eufeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. V. p. 118. &c.
Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. p. 762.
(f) Proclus de Sacr. & Magia.
bus

Ch. XVI. v. 13
721
The Goblins.
bus ad ipſas deorum vires, actiones quæ proceſſerunt, partim quidem docentibus dæmonibus
addiſcentes, &c. A pretry way this by the by, that the Devils muft ſhew the
Worſhip of the Gods. But will not the Devils draw this to themſelves ? yes
lure. So St. Paul ſays flatly, 1 Cor. 10. 20. But do the crafty Magicians deny
this? Not at all ; but ſome tell us roundly 'cis ſo, as Proclus : (a) Gratulantur
Sane quando Apollines, Mercurii, Joves nominantur, quippe cum propriorum deorum
proprietatem in ſeipſis exprimant. That is, by virtue of the Chain or Union.
Therefore Athenagoras rightly concluded (6) Kai išs rifo deluovas divas TŠE O9C%28.
ονίας τοϊς ονόμασι, πίσις ή έχασε αυλών ενέργεια But (4) Jamblichus to ſolve the
Threatnings againſt the Gods, is forc'd to ſuppoſe them as ſtopping in
the Dæmons ; but is there not the ſame reaſon for the Sacrifices and
Prayers? The Dæmoniac in (d) Plutarch owns it as to the Names;
and then the reſt follows. Therefore Placid. Lactantius ſpeaking of the
ſupream God , ſays plainly; Dirè ſentiunt , qui eum intereſſe mefandis artibus
a&tibufque magicis arbitrantur. Thus 'tis plain by their own Principles, that
the Heathens worſhipped Devils. And that they were taught ſo to do by the
Devils themſelves : ſo that the Pagan Doctrines were really Doctrines of De-
vils, having Devils for their Authors. Now this Alluſion is applicable to the
Caſe of the corrupted Church, for our learned Proteſtants have ſufficiently
made out, that the idolatrous Worſhip therein owes its origin to Enthuſiaſtick
Monks, pretended Miracles, Viſions and Dreams. . Whether true or falſe, the
Devils are the Authors of them. The only difference which is it ſelf a Con-
formity, is that formerly the Devils were called Joves and the like, but ſince
the Dragon has given up his viſible power to the Beaſt, his Worſhip comes to
him through the Mediation of the Beaſt ; that is, ſuch Names as the Beaſt
ſets up: Note on 13. 3. D. Therefore the Worſhip and Prayers of the cor-
rupted Chriſtians can never reach to the ſupream Deity, becauſe they have
falſe Mediators.
By comparing the Propheſy in St. Paul with the Deſcription made by Saint
John, we ſhall find that in other terms the ſame things are ſignified; where
St. John ſays they come out of the Mouth of the Dragon and Falle Prophet, this is
equivalent to, Spirits of Error, Liers, Hypocrites and ſeared Conſciences. The
Epichere of unclean or naſty, and the warning given afterwards to watch our
Garments, leaſt the Nakedneſs be ſeen, are general terms, which are more ef
pecially couch'd in St. Paul, when he ſays they forbid to marry. For who can
forbid to marry, but they who deſign to make Men diſſolure, and deliver them
to all Uncleanneſs and abominable Practices? If St. John is nor here more par-
ticular as to that part of their Defcription, it is becauſe the Holy Ghoft having
already defcrib'd them by ſome Characters in that Propheſy, which alſo al-
ludes to that of Daniel, II. 36, 37, 38, 39. contents it ſelf to ſay ſo much of
them here, as may ſerve for a general Knowledge, and is more ſpecial in that
part which ſhews how they are inftrumental in theſe Plagues, which was not
ſo much as hinted in theſe Predictions of Daniel and St. Paul, but is that
which is chiefly intended in this place, the Deſcription of the Plagues being
the hint taken by the Holy Ghoſt to give us a Deſcription of theſe great In-
ſtruments of the Churches Apoftacy. For that view of them was mainly in-
tended by St. Paul, whereas herë 'tis intended to ſhew them as Inſtruments
which intice firſt the corrupted Members, and then hindring them from Con-
verſion, and rather puſhing them on to reſiſt God's Warnings, become thus
inftrumental in making the corrupted Chriſtians to fall under the divine Judg-
ments. And further, as the Holy Ghoſt has not taken notice in St. Paul's Pro-
pheſy of their Heads, the Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe Prophet ; whence it came
that (e) Mede could not find therein the monaftical Vow of Obedience, as he
had done that of abſtaining from Meats and Marriage; ſo it is found here in
a very ſpecial manner, by their being repreſented coming out of the mouth of
the Falſe Prophet, by whoſe means they are alſo in League with the Beaſt and
the Dragon, and therefore equally come out of their mouth.
(a) Proclus de Anima & Dæm. p. 198.
(0) Jamblich. de Myſt. Se&. VI. cap. 5, 6, 7:
vid. Placid. Lact. in Stat. Theb. Iv. v. 5, 6.
Times, Part. II chap. VII,
8 X
(6) Athenag. Legat. p. Chriſt. p. 333
(d) Plutarch de Def. Oracul. p. 282.
le) Vid. Mede's Apoſtaſy of the latter

The Goblins.
722
Ch. XVI. v. 13.
Or
It will perhaps be obje&ed to me, that I am hard upon the Monks, whoſe In-
fticution and original in the Primitive Church ſeems to have been ſo innocent
and holy, though it is not divine: and the Objection will be much ſtronger in
reſpea of the Greek and Romiſh Clergy, which cannot be denied in its origin to
be of divine Inſtitution. I have as much reſpect for thoſe cwo forts of Men,
upon the account of their Inſtitution and firit Deſign, as any good Chriftian
ought to have for ſuch as deſpiſe this world to ſerve God ſincerely and fervent-
ly, but I cannot approve of their Corruption and preſent State, wherein they
are fo vilbly degenerated from the firft. As therefore they are now, and have
been for many Centuries, I can look upon them as no other but what the Holy
Ghoſt deſcribes theſe, the great Agents and Inſtruments of Apoftacy. Even
the Falſe Prophee their Head, who ſpeaks like the Dragon, has Horns like the
Lamb's, and appears here in a double Capacity, as good Biſhops of an holy
Inftitution, but ftrangely degenerated by Pagan Do&trines. Thus the Greek
and Latin Clergy are Men really ſet apart to attend upon the Altar of the
true God, and as ſuch ought to be reſpected accordingly; but yer their Cor-
ruption and daftardly Submiſſion to the Tyranny of the Falſe Prophet degrades
them into another rank. This Diſtinction us’d by all good Proteſtants, when
they conſider the validity of their Orders, is really true and ſolid, being ground-
ed upon the practice of the Holy Ghoſt.
For it is to be obſerv'd, as I have already hinted, that when any Actor exe-
cutes the poſitive Will of God, either by deſtroying God's Enemies,
aſlifting his Servants, then he has the glorious name of an Angel; fo Ma-
homet in Chapter 9. 1. is a Star and an Angel; the Ottoman Monarchs
in Chapter 9. 14. are Angels. Thus the Medes are called San&tified ones
when God ſends them to deſtroy Babylon, Ifaiah 13. 3. 17. Even the King of
Babylon is called God's Servant, when he executes God's Will in puniſhing the
Jews, Jerem. 25. 9. Chap. 27. 6. Chap. 43. 10. But when any Agent fees
forth the Deſigns and Work of the Devil, and any thing contrary to God's
Worſhip, he has the odious Names of Dragon, Serpent, wild Beaft, unclean Spirit,
Dæmon, Satan, and what not? Thus our Saviour himſelf, the great pattern of
Meekneſs, calls his Apoſtle Peter by the name of Satan, when that Apoſtle
goes about to perſuade him to evil ; Mark 8. 33. Math. 16. 23. I ſhall chere-
fore apply my ſelf to the Greek and Latin Clergy in the words of St. Chryfoftome
upon that place: ' (a) Let all thoſe who are aſham'd of the Croſs of Chrift
• hear. If the chief of the Apoſtles, and even before he was fully inſtructed, was
. called Satan upon this account, what Excuſe will they have after ſo great a
• Demonſtration who deny the Myſtery'? See the whole Paſſage, and conſulc
Ambroſius Ansbertus upon Apoc. 17. 14. Lib. VIII. and Galat. 1. 8.
H. Tpíc, Three. ] This number correſponds to the three Inſtruments of ex-
ternal Enemies of the Church us'd by God to deſtroy ſome part of the cor-
rupted Church, as they are deſcribd in the Epiſode of the ſixth Trumpec to
which this correfponds, Chap. 9. 18. whereas theſe are internal Agents, who
at the ſame time as they are Miniſters of Corruption, are alſo Miniſters of
fury in the corrupted Chriſtians to prompt them into the Wars wherein God
deſigns to chattiſe, and at laſt fully deſtroy the corrupted Church. Secondly,
Their number anfwers to that of their Heads, the Dragon, Beaſt and Falſe
Prophet ; that each may be ſaid to ſend out one, but 'tis not ſaid, that they
ſent them out ſingly, to fhew that all the three concur to ſet forward the De-
ſigns of their three Heads in Conjun&ion. All the Agents concur in one and
the ſame Work.
1. 925 Colle&xos, Like Frogs.] Other Copies read ouola 6a:7poézors, but Dr. Mill
approves the former. It matters not much which way we read, che ſenſe being
the ſame. Theſe Frogs allude to the Frogs of the Egyptian Plague: 'Tis a jo-
cular Criticiſm the (6) Rabbies pretend to put upon us, when they ſay, chat
the Egyptian Plague was caus’d, not by Frogs but Crocodiles ; pretending that
the word us’d by Moſes 377DY ſignifies a Crocodile
. If I may give my Opinion
upon that word, which is ſaid to be Egyptian, I look upon it as akin, and
compounded of two Hebrew words, yox which fignifies a Serpent or Cocka-
bantoor
(a) Joh. Chryſ. in March. Hom. LIV.
Mof. . 296.
(b) Vid. Gaulmyn. Not, ad Lib. de Vit.
trice,

Chap. XVI. v. 14.
723
The Goblins.
trice, whence perhaps the Latin Seps comes, and nyn by the Tranſpoſition of
the two laſt Letters which ſignifies to tremble, as if it were a trembling Snake,
the Frogs being always accounted in that Species of Animals, and the moſt
fearful of all, hiding themſelves in the Water upon the leaſt noiſe. The An-
cients deſcrib'd the Paſſage to Hell through a Lake, and therefore Bacchus
going to Hell in (@) Ariſtophanes has a Chorus of Frogs, as proper Inhabitants
of the place. Hence alſo the Poet Juvenal ſays: (b) Stygio ranas in gurgite
pigras. And as being a naſty and helliſh kind of Animal ; Horace gives them
the Epithete of nafty, and makes their Blood an ingredient into fortilegious
Charms: (c) Et unéta turpis ova rana fanguine, which Epithete is alſo given
them in (d) Ovid and (e) Martial; and ſhew's the Connexion between the
uncleanneſsof the Goblins and their being compared to Frogs. But as the Com-
pariſons of the Holy Ghoft in this Propheſy are not bare Illuſtrations, but alſo
deſignd to ſhew a Participation of the Qualities of the thing compared to
another, ic is neceſſary for us to find out what Signification the Symbol of
Frogs may have. The oriental Onirocriticks are not ſo clear in this point, as
they uſually are, for they content themſelves to rank the Frogs among Serpents
and other creeping things, taking them to ſignify. Enemies in general. See
Chap. 176. Suetonius reports this concerning Auguſtus: (f) Cum primum fari
cepillet, in avito ſuburbano obſtrepentes forte ranas filere
juffit : atque ex eo negantur ibi
ranæ coaxare. This being reported among the Oftenta which fignified his be-
coming Maſter of the Republick, ſeems to imply that Auguſtus ſhould one
Day filence the Demagogues. So Tully compares theſe Men to Frogs in the Ex-
preſſion, (g) rane pinlop dwore But Philo is more ſpecial, and Artemidorus is above
all. Philo lays they are the Symbol of vain Opinions and Glory, having only
noiſe and ſound, void of reaſon. His words are, (b) 'Ana' tcūs intégois Nogais,
aéya de Calpázols a legais, ixou xj propov tépnuon agayudta á molensor Artemidorus: (i)
Βάγραχοι δε, άνδρας γόνας και βωμολόχες προσημάινκσι, τοις δε εξ όχλο ποριζομδύοις
dicin djaloi Frogs, ſays he, fignify Impoſtors and Flatterers, and bode good to them
that
get their living out of the cornmon People. How exactly doth this fuit to the
Agents we have mention'd, whoſe Profeſſion is to lie, cheat, flatter, and rob
the Goods of the corrupted Chriſtians ? Upon this Subject may be conſulted
the curious Book of F. Paolo the Venetian de Beneficiis; and upon their Legends
the Treatiſe of Mede upon the Apoſtacy. Their Flatteries are ſeen in the pra-
ctice of Confeſſion and Pennance, of which theſc Agents are Diſpenſers;
which are now ſublimated by the cafuiftical Divinity of the Jeſuits to ſuch a
pitch, that they have quite taken away the notion of Sin ; ſo that one of their
Communion ſaid very elegantly concerning one of theſe Caſuiſts: (k) Ecce qui
tollit peccata mundi.
A. verf. 14. Eisi gas and collec despórowe moved on price, For they are Spirits of Dea
vils working Signs.] That is, theſe Goblins are well called naſty, and compar'd
to Frogs, becauſe they are Spirits of Dæmons, and pretend to work Miracles.
They are diabolical Inſtruments ſet on work by their Heads, and through the
Inſpiration of the Devil to perform falſe Miracles: for ſuch are all the Miracles
which come out of the Devil's Shop; making a vain noiſe without real Effect,
at leaſt in Compariſon with the divine : and more particularly thoſe of the
Falſe Prophet, whoſe Miracles muſt be falſe according to St. Paul's Prediction,
2. Thef. 2. 3, 9. 10, and compare therewith, Revel. 13. 13. 14. with our Notes
This place fhewing that the Falſe Prophet chiefly performs, or pretends to
perform Miracles by the means of theſe Men. The Expreſſion Adipórcy pão de
svélikertel is to be found in (1) Jamblichus, and he owns, that ſuch Spirits
affect to cheat, and obſtruct the Viſions of the good by falſe Apparitions.
B. A furoedelai, Which go out.] This is as much as to ſay, whoſe Office it is
to be imploy'd by their Principals to go out. The word being proper to
denote an Officer or Meſſenger, who goes out from the preſence of his Mafter,
to execute his Commands. So the miniſterial Office of che Holy Ghoſt is
expreſs’d by this very word in John 15. 25. See our Note upon Chap. 12. 1. F.
lob
199
(a) Ariftoph. Ran.
(6) Juvenal. Sat. II.
(6) Horat. Epod. V.
(d) Ovid. Met. Lib. VI...,
(e) Mart. Lib. X. Ep.37.
(f) Sueton. in Aug
cap. 94.
(8) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. XV. Ep. 55 dB () Philo Jud. de
Sacr. Abel. p. 95.
(1) Artem. Lib. II. cap. 15.
(k) Provincial de
Montalt. Lib. IV.
(1) Jam blich. de Myft. Sect. III. cap. 13.
the


724
The Goblins.
Ch. XVI. v. 14.
the word anſwers to ſending. The Mafter Sends, and the Miniſter or Officer
goes out at his Command, or by his Permiſſion, as the Devil in reſpect of God,
Job 1. 12. and Chap. 2. 7. and in the Viſion of Micaiah, 1 Kings 22. 22.
C.’Exì tès belongs tñs einseifing oans, to the Kings of the whole inhabitable World.]
This alludes to the importunate Egyptian Frogs rais d againſt Pharaoh, which by
Moſes, and in the Pſalmiſt are ſaid to go even into their Kings Chambers, Pfal. 105.
30. Theſe Kings therefore are the idolatrous Princes, into whoſe Courts there
Frogs inſinuate themſelves, to promote the intereſt of their Principals. There
is another reading in this place, namely tñs vñs xj tñs onsselens oans of the Earth
and of the whole inhabitable World. If this be true, then as the Earch in this
Caſe chiefly denotes the Lands of the corrupted Church, ſo by the reſt the
Holy Ghoſt may imply, that the Errand of theſe Frogs is not limited to the
Princes of corrupted Chriſtendom; but that they extend themſelves to all the
reſt of the World to make Profelytes to their Church, in order to engage all
Princes to their Party. The Romiſh Clergy and Monkery accordingly rends
Miſſionaries into all parts of the World, into China and America.
D. Iwayayay dulos ois tÒN TÜREmov
. To gather tbem to the War.] The Frogs of
the Egyptian Plague, to which thefe allude, are ſaid by the Pſalmiſt, 78.45.
to have deſtroyed them. le is eaſy to underftand this, if we conſider the
nature of the Plague, and the Diſpoſition of the Egyptians. Had they continued
any time without being remov'd by Moſes, they muſt have deſtroy'd them of
courſe. They came into their Houſes, Bed-Chambers, Beds, Ovens, and
kneading Troughs. The Egyptians were a ſuperſtitious and neat People, who
could not eat with Strangers, Genef
. 43. 32. and undoubtedly eſteem'd Frogs
unclean Animals, which defiled all they touch'd. Whilſt therefore theſe ran
among them and defiled every thing, ſo that the Egyptians could neither ſleep,
nor keep their Clothes on, nor cat ; this muſt have deſtroy'd them at laſt.
Theſe lymbolical ones do the ſame effectually by defiling all thoſe upon whom
they intrude; and having brought that Curſe upon them, that they are out of
God's Favour and Mercy, muft in the end cauſe them to periſh in the Day of
God's Judgment. But theſe being Agents, who are only compared to Frogs,
but are really Spirits of Dæmons, who perſuade and ſeduce Men; their Intent,
or at leaft the effect of their Deceit is, that they bring them into ſuch an
Apoftacy, that the end of it is to become God's Enemies, and ſo to make open
War againft him wherein they are at laſt deſtroyed. Let us ſee what this War is.
This War is either that which has already been excited to torment the
Worſhippers of the Beaſt; or elſe that which is to be made to deſtroy in the
end the great Beaſt and Falſe Propher; or it may be both theſe Wars. The
following words ſeem indeed to determine the ſenſe to the latter Signification,
bue yer as theſe are of an unlimited Signification, the former kind of War
may alſo be very rationally included therein. Becauſe the Torment of theſe
falte Worſhippers is part of God's Judgment, and conſequently of his great
Day.
The Cruſades were wholly begun by one Monk, and then preach'd and
kept up by the reſt : They were not only Inticers, but great Actors therein.
As they were very numerous, ſo they were able to form Armies to that pur-
poſe. The (a) General of the Minorites offer’d once to the Pope for an Ex-
pedition againſt the Turk thirty thouſand Soldiers out of the fingle Order of
the Franciſcans, to perform the duty of Soldiers, beſides their other Functions.
As indeed the Prieſts in choſe Wars perform'd likewiſe the duty of Soldiers, as
the Hiſtorian (b) Anna Comnene has obſerv'd. Now take what Eraſmus ſays on
this Subject : (c) Alaft. Sunt alii contrà qui non minus juvent rem noftram quam ipſe
Furie. Char. Quinam ifti? Alaft. Sunt animalia quædam pullis & candidis palliis,
cinericiis tunicis, variis ornata plumis ; hæc nunquam recedunt ab aulis principum,
inftillant in aurem amorem belli, hortantur eodem proceres ac plebem, in Evangelicis illis
concionibus clamitant, bellum elle juftum, fanétum ac pium. See the reſt. And
in all probability, as we may gueſs from their conſtant practice, they will be
the Men, who Thall incite the Remainder of the idolatrous Princes, to ſtand
up to the laſt for their Idols, when the laſt and final Judgments of the Beaſt
and Falſe Prophet ſhall come.
don
8.
(c) Eraſm.
(a) Sabellic. Ennead. IX. Lib. 6. ex Brightman. (6) Alexiad. Lib. X. cap.
Colloq. Charon.
$1 viejas In 32.8M *
E. Täs

Chap. XVI. v. 15.
725
The Goblins.
E. This vizégces éxoiuns añs wezánns iš Još davloxgérop G, Of that great day of God
Almighty.] The great day of God ſignifies that time wherein God by remarka-
ble, and glorious A&s vindicates his Honour upon wicked Men, his Enemies
or thoſe of his Church; ſee our Note tipon Chap. 6. 17. A. and Chap. 18. 23,
B. by which God ſhews his great Power and abſolute Dominion over the
World. One of the moſt remarkable of all which occaſions will be that
wherein he ſhall deſtroy the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet ; to which theſe Sprights
or naſty Goblins are preparing all the Princes, which they can perſuade, to
reſiſt as much as they can, till indeed they are all involved in the Deſtruction
for the Title of Almighty, of Governor of all, às that word ſignifies, is not uſe-
leſs in this caſe, but implies, that they ſhall be therein deſtroy'd ; God being
on ſuch occaſions reſolv'd co exert and demonſtrate the plenitude of his Pow-
er. Such a Day therefore does not ſignify a ſhort fpace of time, but indefinites
ly as much time as God thinks fit to imploy therein, be it never ſo long.
A. verf. 15. 'Ist égageres es's nabolus, Bebold 1 come as a Thief.] Upon the men-
tion of the great Day to puniſh che Idolaters, the Holy Ghoſt takes occalion
to ſhew us, that it will come unexpectedly, and to inſert an Admonition to ſtand
always upon our guard. And though this Admonition ſeems to interrupt the
Deſcription of the Goblins, there are nevertheleſs two reaſons why it fhould
be join'd to their Deſcription. Firtt, Becauſe theſe Goblins are the main In-
ftruments of all the Corruption, Tyranny and Idolatry, introduced into the
Church; ſo that the Admonition againſt their deſign is properly inſerted in
their Deſcription: the Holy Ghoſt being here uniform in this Cafe to what
has been done elſewhere. The ſecond reaſon is, that when the day of God's
Judgment is mention'd in holy Writ it is generally accompanied with ſuch a
warning, nothing being more unſuitable to the Profeflion of a true Chriſtian
than Preſumption or Negligence. See 1 Thill. 5. 2. 2 Pet. 3. io. Revel. 3. 3:
Matth. 24. 43. As to the Compariſon, it ſtands thus ; not that Chritt is com
pared to the Thief, but his coming to the coming of a Thief, when Men are
For that Chriſt is the Speaker in this place is plain, becauſe
he delivers this Revelation to St. John by the Miniſtration of his Angel.
B. Maxgépi • 78129pãi, Bleſſed is be that watches] Compare Mattb. 24. 46.
Luke 12. 38, 43. Revel. 1. 3. Chap. 3. 2, 3. This ſignifies, that God pro-
miſes everlaſting Rewards to them who ſuffer not themſelves to be impos’d
upon by theſe ſeducing Spirits, whoſe buſineſs is to draw Men into Deſtructi-
on, into which they are brought by committing Idolatry. He that refifts to
their Temptations, and keeps himſelf to the end, ſhall have a ſhare in the
Reward co be beſtowed after the Judgment of the great Day upon the cor-
rupted Church; when theſe Spirits ſhall be deſtroy'd with their Principals,
the Dragon, Beaſt, and Falſe Prophet. See our Notes upon Chap. 6. 11. and
Chap. 10. 7. and Chap. 11. 18. 19. and Chap. 14. 13. It may not be im-
proper to obſerve here, that (a) Lightfoot thought this Expreſſion and that
which follows, to obſerve the Garments, alludes to the Watches of the Temple
of Jeruſalem, which if negligent and found a fleep, were puniſh'd by ſetting
their Garments on fire. But I ſhall ſhew in the next Note, that we muſt
affign a reaſon for the Alluſion to ſuit better with what follows juſt after, that
he may not go naked.
C. Kai Tngão Tai iuditiu euri, iva un gouvès régimen, And obſerves his Garnents, that
he may not go naked.] As the outward appearance of the Body, and even that
of the Skin when ſound, or when full of Ulcers, ſymbolically repreſents the
inward ſtate of the Soul, whether clean or unclean, holy or wicked ; ſo the
very Garments repreſent the ſtate of the whole Man. Philo fays, that the
Garment is the Symbol of our aóro, Reaſon. His words are : (b) Aézorlu zaip gia
μείς επόμενοι τοίς αλληγορίας νόμοις, τα τρίπονα περί τέτων φαμβο τοίνων λόγο συμβολος
illation di Now as reaſon is given us to direct our Adions, ſo as that ſtands
or is taken away, or diſpos’d by Prejudices, ſo are our. Adions good or bad.
He therefore that obſerves his Garments, is one who makes reaſon the rule of
his Actions, and by them becomes good or bad, and by conſequence happy of
miſerable. The Onirocriticks generally take the Symbol in its Conſequences;
but Philo aſcends up to the Principle, as the mind of Man by its free Will is
not aware.

(a) Lightfcot's Temple Service Chap. VII. §. 1.
(6) Philo de Infom. p. 394.
8 Y
the

726
Chap. XVI. v. 15.
The Goblins.
the Diſpoſer of his Fäte. On the words of Virgil, (a) Vittaſque refoluit, Servius
fays : in ratione facrorum par eft do animæ & corporis cauſa ; nam plerunque, qua non
poſſunt circa animam fieri, fiunt circa corpos, ut folvere, vel ligare : quo poffit anima
quod per ſe non poteft, ex cognatione fentire. Unde eft. Unum exuta pedem vinclis
,
in veſte recincta. Bene ergo Helenus cuncta corporis folvit, ne qua parte animo religato
ad numen accederet. According to this Analogy Nakedneſs may fignify sin or
Folly, which is a Deprivation of reaſon, and by conſequence a ſtate of
Miſery.
Nakedneſs therefore in holy Writ is taken for Sin in general
, as in Geneſ. 3,7.
and ſometimes more eſpecially Idolatry, which is the main Sin of Apoſtacy or
Rebellion againſt God, as indeed every Sin is an act of ſuch Rebellion one
way or other. So 'tis taken for Idolatry, and Apoftacı, in Exod. 32. 25. Ezek.
16. 36. and in 2 Chron. 28. 19. where the Hebrew yod is usd, as alſo in the
place of Exodus cited and turn'd in the LXX. by lzemeivadi, the uſual Expreſ-
fion in holy Writ for Fornication ; this by the Hiſtory appears to have been by
forcing Men to commit Idolatry to Baal. Secondly, It is us’d for Miſery any
way, as being the Confequence and Puniſhment of Sin and Idolatry in par-
ticular
. So'tis us'd in the Revel
. 17. 16, and before in Chap. 3. 17. So the
Perſian and Egyptian Interpreters interpret right when they ſpeak in general,
Chap. 117. Εαν δε γωή ήδη ότι ευμνώθη και διαν εν τω οίκω αυτής θολιάσεθαι των
dodgi sy paregestnos)c1° But as to a Man, becauſe he is obliged upon occaſions to
be naked, they rather conſider Nakedneſs according to theſe Circumſtances.
But the Indian in the preceeding Chapter, as being a Chriſtian, is abſolutely
conformable to the Scripture Notions,
God
Now it is eaſy to determine what ſpecial Signification Nakedneſs has in this
place; and that it hath a peculiar Aſpect towards Idolatry, that being the great
Crime of the corrupted Church againſt which the Holy Ghoſt thinks fit to
give warning, as it has been done before in Chap. 14. 9, 10. 11. this being
the very ſame thing couched in other words. Idolatry and Fornicacion are a
kin and reſpect each other. Now Fornication is oft'n in holy Writ modeſtly
called the uncovering of the ſhame or Nakedneſs. And indeed the idolatrous Rites of
the ancient Times were perform’d with not only Fornication, but all the la-
ſcivious Poſtures imaginable, and ſhewing what Modeſty requires to be hidden.
Though it muſt be own'd, that in other Caſes the oriental Nations are ſtill,
and have been very ſhy to ſhew their Nakedneſs, as Herodotus has obſervd:
(6) Παρα γαρ τοϊσι Λυδοϊσι, εδόν δε και παρά τοϊσι άλλοισι βαρβάροισι, και άνδρα και φθlώαι
puuroy, sigwile Mezarlu Péget's So that the uncovering of the Nakedneſs has a
plain Relation to, implies and fignifies Idolatry. Therefore to prevent the
very approaches of Idolatry, God forbad the Iſraelites to build Altars with
Steps as the Heathens, Exod. 20. 26. leaſt in going up to them, their Naked-
neſs ſhould be ſeen. So che Prieſts in waiting were commanded to wear Linnen-
Drawers from their Loins to their Thighs or Legs, Exod. 28. 42. upon which
(c) Philo may be conſulted. Even the common People, who it ſeems had no
Breeches or Drawers, but very long Caſſocks girt about the middle, were
commanded to have Fringes, that is, Points or Latches on the Borders of their
Garments to tie the Flaps together, and keep the Garments cloſe ; leaſt by
Negligence the Flaps ſhould wave aſide, and ſhew their Nakedneſs; Deut, 22.
12. Numb. 15. 38. which Ordinances have a peculiar Aſpect to the idolatrous
Rites, and impudent Behaviour of the Idolaters of thoſe Times ; as it is pro-
ved by the learned (d) 7. Spencer. And though the Romans and Greeks were
ſomewhat modeſt, yet we find by the Poet (e) Martial, that the Roman
Prieſts failed in this point ; and by (f) Theophraſtus, that the common Greeks
made no great fcruple of thewing their Nakedneſs; which further appears by
the accounts we have of their Paleſtra, and the Lacedemonian Laws about the
publick Dances of their young Maids. Conſult alſo what Tully ſays about
modeſty in words and behaviour in his (g) Offices, Wherefore we may con-
clude, that as the Holy Ghoſt inferts this Admonition againſt Idolatry in the
Deſcription of theſe naſty Goblins, or Spirits of Dæmons; fo'tis ent, that
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
Mof. Lib. III. p. 459.
Lib. II. Epigt, 24.
Offic. Lib.
(6) Herodot. Lib. I. cap. XI.
() Philo de Vic.
(d) J. Spencer. de Leg. Hebr. Lib. II.
сар. .
VII. (e) Martial.
(f) Theophraft. Char. Barnupias.
(8) M. T. Cic. de
they

Ch. XVI. v. 16.
The Goblins.
727
they are the Inſtruments in tempting Men to Idolatry by falſe Miracles. And
thus by conſequence they are the ſame as thoſe deſcrib'd by St. Paul in that
illuftrious Propheſy of the Apoſtacy.
D. Kai Caérose tlu ei commodule duré, And they ſee his Shame.] As they who
diſcover the Nakedneſs of a Land, according to the Stile of the Prophets, are
ſuch as conquer it, as may be ſeen in Jeremiab, Lament. 1. 8. Ezek. 16. 37.
ſo they who ſee the Nakedneſs of Sinners, are ſuch as puniſh them for their
Sins. So likewiſe when God threatens to uncover it, in Iſaiah 47. 3. it is in
order to have the Sinners puniſh'd . The meaning is, that they who yield to
the Temptation of the Goblins, ſhall be puniſhed with the reſt of the Wor.
ſhippers of the Beaſt
. See alſo Nahum 3. .
A. verf. 16. Kai ouvñgager dules, And they gathered them.] Our Verſion has,
and he gathered them together, in the ſame manner as the Vulgate. But this way
it doth not appear who acts here, whereas according to ours all is plain, the
Spirits or Goblins being they who gather the Kings, and their Name, being
neuter and plural, may be join'd with the Verb ſingular. Now the Deſcrip-
tion of the Goblins, which was interrupted by the former Admonition, is here
caken up again and ended : and theſe words ſhew us the finiſhing ftroke of all
the Ads of theſe Goblins, which is to gather the Kings of the corrupted
Church into that Field of Battle, wherein they are cut off in ſuch a manner
as is deſcrib'd before and hereafter, the Holy Ghoſt explaining here further,
what has been ſaid in the fourteenth Verſe, that they gather them to Battle or
to che War of the great Day of God, wherein they are certainly to be de
ſtroy'd, becauſe it is in the fatal place of Armageddon. In this Tranſlation I
have followed the beſt Interpreters, as Aretas, Grotius, Hammond, Mr. Furiet,
and others; and indeed the place will not bear any other. cd: bas
B. •Eis tómov Tor menselier & païsì ’Apua jedlcóy, Into a place which is called in the Hebrew
Tongue Armagedon.] It will be eaſy to find out the meaning of the Holy
Ghoſt in this place if we do but keep to our Principles. For ſince the Holy
Ghoſt names this place by an Hebrew Name, it is evident that there is an Al-
luſion to ſome place ſo called by the Iſraelites famous for ſome great Accident,
the like to which muſt be applied in this place to the Church which lies in the
Same Circumſtances as that of Iſrael did, which is the Type in its Deſtinies as
well as Conftitution to the Chriſtian, as we have frequently obſerv'd. It is
uſual to give ſpecial Names to places of remarkable Accidents, eſpecially of
Battles, and to take ſuch ſpecial notice of them that they afterwards become
proverbial to denote the like Accidents. Thus in Ezek. 39. 16. the place
where God defigns to deſtroy Gog, is to be called by the name of Hamon Goga
in the LXX. tò maudys gioy ti ray the Burying-place of Gog; as 'tis now pro-
verbial to ſay, that Italy is the Tomb of the French, from their frequent Diſaſters
receiv'd there. So che place where (a) Camillus deſtroy'd the Gauls hath ſuch
à Name. So the Romans chemiſelves had places famous for their own Loſſes, as
Allia, Trebia, Lacus Thraſmenus and Cannæ. Therefore Fabius the Cun&tator al-
luding to ſome of theſe ſays in Silius Italicus :
(6) Tedetque in tempore tali
Nullum clade nova, clareque fragore ruina amigo
Infignem feciſe locum.
And TÆmilius Paulus of Canne: (*)
Nec Grajo poftbac Diomede ferentur,
Sed te, fi perftas, infignes Conſule Campi.
Thus in ancient Times, becauſe God puniſhed the antediluvian Giants by an
utter Deſtruction in the Deluge, the ſtate of all ſuch miſerable Wretches, as
like them rebel againft God and are deſtroyed, is ſaid to be J'xD5apa, in coetus

() Procop. Hiftor. Mixt. cap. 29.
Ital. Lib. IX.
(6) Sil. Ital. Punic. Lib. VII.
(c) Sil.
Gigantum ;
1-

$28
The Goblins.
Ch. XVI. v. 16.
Gigantum; ſee Prov. 21. 16, compare Prov. 2. 8. Chap. 9. 17. 18. Job. 26. 5,6.
and this is the ſame as Hell. Afterwards the ſame State was called Gebinnom, or
Gebenna, the Valley of Hinnom ; becauſe that place became famous for the burn-
ing of the Children to Moloch, and becauſe the idolatrous Jews were flain there
by the Babylonian Armies. Concerning which Slaughter the Prophet Feremiah
ſpeaking in two ſeveral places, Chap. 7. 32. and Chap. 19. 6. gives it, as the
Holy Ghoſt doth in this place, a new Name in Hebrew, to denote that fatal
Slaughter, which ſhould happen therein, calling it the Valley of Slaughter: in
the LΧΧ. φάραγξ των αναρηκδύων, and πολυάνδριον της σφαγής
Armagedon, or Armageddon, as fome Copies have it, is in the Hebrew Cha-
racers 1129.99'; that is, the Mountain of Mageddon or Mageddon. Megiddo
,
which as I ſhall prove is the ſame as Mageddon, was a place, Mountain of
tract of Hills, in the Tribe of Menaleh near the Portion of Ephraim. By com-
paring theſe places of holy Writ, Fudg. 4. 16, 17. and Chap. 5.19. 21. Pfal.
82. 9, 10. Forh. 17. 11. 2 Kings 23. 29. 2 Chron. 35. 22. it appears, that
Megiddo was a Town, which had Vallies, Rivers and Brooks, taking their
Names from it; and particularly, that it was a place about which iany ido-
latrous Kings and their Armies were cut off. As firft the Battle between Barak
and Siſerah was fought cherein, in which the Army of Siſerab was cut to pieces,
and himſelf running from it was ſlain by a Woman. Allo Foram who fucceed
ed Abab in his Kingdom and Idolatry, together with xhaziab King of Judah,
who fymboliz'd too much with the former, were ſlain thereabours. For the
latter being wounded is faid to have died at Megiddo, namely the Town; which
muſt have been pretty near the Field of Battle, becauſe he could not be carried
far, having receiv'd a mortal Wound. Afterwards King Fofiah noc trufting in
God, and that he might be puniſhed for the Idolatry of his Grandfather Me-
naſſet was ſlain there, and his Army was cut off by Pharaoh Necho King of
Egypt. This death of Fofiah having prov'd ſo fad an Accident, that the Mourn-
ing which they obſervd for him, became proverbial, as appears from Zech. 12.
I. 2 Chron. 35. 24. Now the place which in the Hiſtorians, is called 9732, is
in the Propher called 71720, and the LXX. according to the Barberin MS. have
tranſlated it Magédsw, whereas other Copies have éſxon 1osefar, or éxiton tortis ; as
if it were not a proper Name, but a Particle. It may be that in the times of
the Prophet or after the Captivity this Name was augmented with the laſt Let-
ter, which is frequently usd in Nouns form’d of Verbs. As to the Particle
which begins the word Armageddon and fignifies Mountain, it is frequently
usd with names of Cities, which are placed upon Mountains; and as frequent-
ly left out. So Garizin is alſo called Argarizin in many (a) Authors; and
Samoſata is alſo called (b) Arfamoſata. When the Holy Ghoſt therefore faid,
that the Kings of the Earth are gathered into Armageddon, it is evident, that
the Princes and Armies of the corrupted Church, which ſhall endeavour by
War to maintain their idolatry, ſhall be therein deſtroyed.
This might ſuffice to explain the general Intention of the Holy Ghoſt, but
becauſe, as has been obſerv'd before, the Holy Ghoſt may have a further view,
and that when Hebrew Names are us’d, their Etymology expreſſes the nature of
the things, let us ſee what may be done in this Caſe. The neareſt to Truth in
my Opinion, (and Etymology is for the moſt part grounded upon Conjecture,)
is this, which derives the word Armagedon, or Armageddon, as ſome read it,
from 700 and 717 or more fully 71742; and theſe two words fignify Exciſio
exercituum, the cutting off of the Armies. In Num. 14. 45. and Chap. 21. 3.
Fudg. 1. 17. and 1 Chron. 4. 30. 17974, Chormab, is the name of a place, or
places ſo called from the like Accident, which did happen fo to be to the
Canaanites, who were according to God's order to be cut off, being under that
Curſe, which is called on Exciſion. It ſeems probable, that the Greek word
zagun comes from that word. The account given of it by the Greek (c) Cri-
ticksis ridiculous: but a Battle is indeed an Exciſion; and we find, that they
were fought to execute the foregoing Curſe pronounced againit the Enemies.
This has been ſhewn of the Romans in the Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A. I

(a) Eupelem. apud Euſeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. IX. p. 245. Joh. Malela. Lib. XVIII. Damafc. Vit.
Idor.
(6) Plin. H. Nat. Lib. VI. cap. IX. Vet. Ed. Ptolem. Geogr. Tacit. Annal.
Lib. XV.
(c) Schol, Homer, in tiad. d. v. 222, 5.9. & Etymol. Mag. v. zágun.
take

Ch. XVI. v. 17.
729
Bowl VII.
take this to be the meaning of Numb. 22. 6. &c. and Judg. 5. 23. and Chap.
9. 27. ſee the Note upon Chap. 19. 20. A. Grotius makes it to be man na the
Mount ain of the Allembly. M. Jurieus deriving it from non, Harmah, and 1973,
makes the word to ſignify a cutting off from the Earth by a Cbærem, or Excom-
munication, but then this will not ſtand. For the Holy Ghoſt fays not, thac
theſe are compelled together in, that is, by Armageddon, but in a place ſo called.
Since Armageddon is ſaid to be a place, it is not the Inſtrument of the Collection,
but the name of a fatal ſpot, which brings Deftruction on them who meet
there. If this Etymology be true, there is however this fatal Coincidence,
that as the Goblins compel the Kings by the terror of Excommunication to
come to the Battle, ſo it doth really bring upon them that Curſe or Exciſion,
which by their coming together they blindly endeavour to avoid. The divine
Providence diſpoſing ſo che Event of things, that whac the Wicked endeavour
to fly from, comes certainly upon them by theſe very means, which they im-
ploy’d to the contrary. After all perhaps there is no need to fift for any other
Derivation but that of Megiddo, which might have that name from the firſt
Difafter which happen’d therein; and was more taken notice of when other
ſuch like alſo happened there.
songs
UGOGOSSISCONOSO909303999999999.CGSG'94197051061033*$63393363599
SSHO 100
GDE
gio
to and
novo bomo
BOWL VII.
contoh dod
7.K^
A. verſ. 17.
Α) και έβδομG- αγγλG εξέχεε τίω φιάλω ας εις τον αέρα, And the
Seventh Angel poured out bis Bowl into the Air.] The caſting of
this Curſe upon the Air is ſuitable to the Symbols by which the Holy Ghoſt
ſhews, That this Plague upon the corrupted Church is to be effected. For
ſince it produces firſt a great Voice, and then Voices, Thunders, Lightnings
and Earthquakes or Commotions in general, as all theſe things are naturally
effected upon the Air, ſo the Analogy or Decorum required, that the Bowl
which produces them ſhould fall upon the Air, which is the Subject of thoſe
Effeas in nature. For all Sound and Voice is made by the tremulous motion of
the Air. Hence Homer, whoſe Epithetes are always proper, gives the Criers
the Title of (a) negómavos, founding in the Air. Now let us come to the Expo-
ſition of the Air. This may be taken two ways; Firſt, Plainly, and then as
the Air is the ſame as Meorgáyneet, the midſt of Heaven, or the Region between
Heaven and Earth. As to the firſt way, the Air is the Manſion of the Devils,
the Powers Enemies to God and his Church. St. Paul affirms it plainly,
Ephef. 2. 2. calling Satan the Prince of the power of the Air. The (6) Com-
mentators upon that place obſerve, That 'tis a Jewiſh Tradition, to which
Saint Paul alludes. Such a Tradition is ſufficient to eſtabliſh the uſe of the
Symbol in St. John, who frequently alludes to ſuch Traditions. Theſe Powers
of the Air exerciſe Authority in the corrupted Church by their Spirits and
their Vicars, the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet. All theſe are to be affected by the
Voices, and Thunders and Lightnings, in ſuch a way as theſe laft Symbols
imply. Hitherto by the former Plagues the Members of the corrupted Church
have been affected with Puniſhments or Means, which only tormented thein;
but by this laſt they are to be affected by ſuch Promulgations of divine Laws,
and Converſions of Men by them, as never happen'd before. But if we take
the Air to ſignify the ſame as the midſt of Heaven, then as that Symbol has
been explain'd upon Chap. 8. 13. B. it gives us an hint, that this Plague to the
Beaſt's Worſhippers works an Act, or is wrought by an Ad of the divine
Goodneſs offering now ſome new terms of Mediation, Reconciliation, and
(a) Homer. Iliad. o. v. 505.
T. G, No. in Jamblich. Se&t. I. cap. 8.
(6) Grot. in locum. Med. Lib. I. Difc. IV. conf.
8 Z
Con

Bowl VII.
730
Ch. XVI. v. 17.
Converſion to them that will receive it, to leave off the falſe Worſhip, in
which they were involv’d, and by that Converſion to give a Torment to the
Impenitent, who will endeavour to keep them under their Tyranny; and thus
bring on themſelves freſh means of Torment. This way of explaining the
term of Air is not only conſiſtent with the former, but alſo implies and con
firms it. In ſhort, the meaning of the Holy Ghoſt is, that the Reformation of
the Church, which has been deſcribed before in the tenth Chapter, ſhall be-
come a Torment to the corrupted Chriſtians. So that this part of the Prophely
is collateral to the former, but as the Holy Ghoſt never repeats any thing in
vain, it alſo affords us ſeveral Circumſtances of that great Event not predided
before, with this peculiar Circumftance proper to this place, that this Event is
made uſe of by the divine Juſtice to torment the Remainder of the impenitent
Members, in the corrupted Church.
B. Kai leña de qurd xezdan droo zi vaš iš šgavši áron të spóve
, aówod, Tézove, And
there came out a great Voice from the Temple of Heaven, from the Throne ſaying, It
is done.] This Voice which introduces the Effects of this Plague is fingular;
and since it comes from the Throne ſhews, that God has an immediate Hand
in the preparing of theſe matters, which are the Inſtruments afterwards of the
Plague; ſo that we need not to queſtion but the Voice is an efficient Cauſe
thereof. Further, one would think, that it had been ſufficient to ſay, That
this Voice came from the Throne, without adding the Particulars, from the
Temple of Heaven; but as I have frequently obſerv'd, that there is not one idle
word in this Propheſy, but every one is fignificative, no doubt is to be made,
but this ſeeming ſuperfluity rather ſhews us ſome Circumſtance of the Voice,
or means of the Plague; and that tho' it primarily comes from God's ſpecial
Command and Direction, yet the ſame muit be tranſmitted by ſuch a Medium
as the Holy Ghost calls the Temple of Heaven.
I ſhall begin the Expoſition of the whole by that of the meaning of
the word rézove, it is done. It is doubtful whether the word be Indicative
or Imperative, it is all one to us which way it is taken; though it is
taken in the Imperative or Indicative, this laſt has the force of the for-
When God ſays a thing is done, he gives out a Commandment
to have it done. The future in this caſe is implied in the paſt, for that bero.
kens, that it is as ſure as if it were paſt, and indeed 'tis in the oriental Stile. So
in the (a) Arabian Stile the Curſes againſt the Ommiades are ſet down in the paſt
time inítead of the imperative, God bath curſed, inſtead of let God Curſe, (b) as
Herbelot explains it. So the Stile of the holy Scriptures is to ſay, that God bath
ſaid, and that implies a Command to have the thing done, which is by con-
ſequence done accordingly withour failure. As Philo ſays: (c) 'o zaip Seds aí,
γων άμα επόιε, μηδέν μιαξυ αμφόιν τιθείς ει δε χρή δόγμα κινείν αληθέςερον, και λόγG-
tészev t]8. His words ſignify his Aktions. See Iſaiah 55. 11. Pfal. 68. 11. Pſal.
107. 20. Pſal. 147. 18. when the Centurion ſaid to our Saviour ſpeak the word
only, Matth. 8. 8. Luke 7: 7. he ſet him in the ſame level with God Almighty,
whereas 'twas uſual to ſay to the Prophets pray to the Lord, 2 Kings 19. 4. com-
pare 2 Kings 5. 11, ſee alſo (d) John D’Eſpagne upon this Subject. I could
here recite ſeveral places out of (e) Sophocles, (f) Apuleius, (g) Clemens Alex.
(b) Novatian, and others to ſhew, that words are the ſame as Actions, eſpecial-
ly in reſpect of God. But I muſt not omic this Obſervation of Ifidorus very
proper 'in this place : (i) Pro fa&tis divinis plerunque do di&ta ponuntur ; idcirco,
quia non operatione manuum deus, ſed dicendi imperio operatur, ficut ſcriptum eft,
Dixit, a facta ſunt : mandavit, & creata ſunt. Thus alſo in holy Wric words
are ſpoken, and a Command is given; and yet no notice is taken of the Exe-
cution, becauſe it is ſuppos’d. See 2 Kings 20. 7. Iſaiah 38. 21. The Expref-
fion rézove implies therefore the certainty of the Event ; and ſecondly the mag.
nificence of it, ſince the Commiſſion about it is ſealed with the divine ſtamp.

mer.

21
(a) Vid. Lud. de Dieu in Rom. 3. 4. (6) Herbelor, tit. Moez. Aldaulat. (c) Philo
de Sacrif. Abel. p. 95. Vid. Lib. I. de Vit. Mor. p. 439. de Inſomn. p. 402. Lib. Quod Pejor infid.
Meliori p. 124.
(d) Harmon. Part II. p. m. 88.
(e) Sophocl. Electr.
Ed. H. St. p. 82.
(f) Apul. in Aſclepio.
(8) Clemen. Al. Strom. Lib. V.
p. 254.
(b) Novat. de Trinit. cap. VI.
(1) Ildor. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. I.
What

Cap. 18.

Ch. XVI. v. 17.
731
Botol VII.
What is done thereupon are the Thunders, Lightnings and Voices, Earth-
quake, and all the reſt of this Plague. They are matters wherein God's ſpe-
cial Hand is ſeen : but as yet, as the Voice paſſes through the Temple of Heaven,
all theſe matters ſhall be done by thoſe who are repreſented by this Symbol.
But we have ſewn in other places that the Temple is the symbol of the true
Church ſince its Settlement with Authority; and that, ſince the Corruption of
the Church, it can never be ſaid to have been in Heaven, but at the Reforma-
tion, when the Civil Powers back'd and protected the true Worſhippers.
Theſe are therefore, ſince all other Circumſtances of time agree, the Inftru-
ments rais d by God to effect his Command, to plague in their turn the Mem,
bers of the corrupted Church. Now ſince I have obſerv'd, that this is collateral
to the Propheſy of the tenth Chapter, I ſhall likewiſe obſerve, that this Voice
which is called great very properly, though (a) Dr. Mill thinks it an unneceſſa-
ry Addition, for want of underſtanding the Oeconomy of this Propheſy; chis
Voice I ſay, is equivalent to the Voice of the Angel, and the Epithete of
ſtrong given him, and the Compariſon of his Voice to that of a Lion ; as the
place of the Voice, the Air is equivalent to the Rainbow, the Symbol of
Reconciliation; and the Temple of Heaven to thoſe Symbols of the Cloud
and Sun, which there imply, he ſhall have the Protection of the fupream
Powers in the Civil State. In that former Propheſy the Reformation once
ſettled is indeed afterwards repreſented ſometimes in a ſtate of War, and
ſometimes of Peace, and its Votaries as propheſying ſtill during the corrupted
ftate of the Church; but here it is ſhewn with another Aſpect, as being inſtru-
mental in plaguing che Enemies of God, till God thinks fic to deſtroy them
perfectly, Heads and Members. Now whereas all the former Plagues implied
evil only to the idolatrous Chriſtians, and God ſhewed his Greatneſs only bý
Severity, this Plague upon them has a mixcure of good; God therein ſhewing
his Mercy in raiſing up ſome of his diſtreſs’d People, and offering Reconcilia-
tion to ſuch as will be converted. His People had ſuffered by the former
Plagues, being involved with the Wicked, but though he ſuffer them to be
tempted fix times, he raiſes them up in the ſeventh, by which he compleats
his fury upon his Enemies. This deſerv'd beyond all the reſt, that God ſhould
interpoſe in a fingular manner; God being therein more ſpecially magnified in
ſhewing Mercy to ſome, ar the ſame time as he executes Judgment upon
others.
C. Ti égari, Of Heaven.] Tis true, that ſome Copies have not theſe two
Words ; for which reaſon (6) D. Mill rejects them as ſurreptitious. This is
another inſtance of the critical Itch, to throw out what is not well underftood.
But after all, cho'indeed one may ſuppoſe, that the Propheſy might well ſtand
without them, becauſe upon view of the Event one may reaſonably infer,
that before the Thunders, Voices and Earthquake, or Revolution cauſed by
the Reformation, the Temple was not yet in Heaven, that is, back'd with the
ſecular Power, yet if we conſider, that this Voice is as the prime efficient
Cauſe of the whole Plague, and being divine has its influence ſubſiſting
throughour, it is evident, that the Inſtruments who plague, enter upon the
execution thereof, when they are protected by the ſecular Power, and then
the Temple may be ſaid to be in Heaven. The Reformation was at firſt defpis'd
and negle&ed, but when the ſecular Powers threw off the Supremacy of the
Pope, and eſtabliſhed the Reformation by Law, then the Popes thought it
high time to get them reduced by War; and then came the Torment of his Vo-
taries. This Torment is not exprefly deſcribed, but implied by the Effects
of this Voice. When therefore the true Worſhippers of Chriſt, who before
were driven into Wildernetfes, lay skulking and hidden, could appear openly
with the Concurrence of the Civil Powers, and not only defend themſelves,
but greatly annoy their Enemies, their Temple may be ſaid to be in Heaven.
A. verf. 18. Kai igúrto dispatal, rj Ceovlad 'ij Qural, And there were Lightnings
and Thunders, and Voices.] We have frequently before obſerv'd, that there
Symbols ſignify the Promulgation of God's Laws, together with an irreſiſtible
and conſequently the publick Settlement of the true Worſhip Now
Effect;
(a) Mill. Proleg. in N. Teft, p. 159.
(6) Mill. Poleg in N. I. p. 129.
fince

232
Bowl VII.
Chap. XVI. v. 18.
tince the Corruption of the divine Worſhip in the Chriſtian Church by the In-
trodu&tion of the Worfhip of Saints and Images, no publick Settlement of the
true and fincere Worſhip of Chriſt was ever made in the Church, but at the
Reformation begun by Luther, and followed in many parts of Chriſtendom.
This is therefore the Deſcription of that Settlement, and to this all other
Charaders of Time and Circumſtances agree. This is the Accident, which
cauſes the laſt Plague to the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, without abſolutely
deſtroying the Beaft, but reſerving it to another kind of Judgment. The
following Symbols will ſhew us ſome of the Accidents of this Torment.
B. Kad choruos égfuelo péjas, And there was a great Earthquake.] Edsopds is a ſhaking
in general, and in this Propheſy may fignify that of the Heavens as well as of
the Earth, as I have proved in my Note upon Chap. 6. 12. B. and ſo signifies a
great Revolution of State or change in the worldly Affairs. How true this is
concerning the Reformation needs not to be prov'd. For it has caus'd ſeven
Monarchies to fall off from the idolatrous Church. 'Tis remarkable, that
this caus'd many Revolutions in the State as well as the Church ; ſo that moft
of the Hiſtories of it may be called the Hiſtories of ſo many Revolutions.
The Struggles of the idolatrous Party forc'd in many of theſe States the Peo-
ple to change their Governments, and put them into other Hands. This ſhak-
ing was therefore caus'd by the Lightnings, Thunders and Voices, and is
mention'd as a conſequence thereof. It may be obſerv'd likewiſe, thac whilſt
chis was a doing in the West, the Eaſtern Chriftians ſuffer'd a mighty ſhaking or
Revolution by coming under the Subjection of the Ottoman Emperors, as may
be feen in our Notes upon Chap. 11. 13. to which chis place is in ſome mea.
ſüre collateral, faving that the matter is repeated here more at large, and upon
a different View, as I have juſt now hinted. But tho' we ſhould not take
that in, but reſtrain the ſhaking to the Reformation, that is ſufficient to an-
ſwer to the great Character given of this ſhaking or Revolution. For hither-
to the Tyranny and Idolatry of the corrupted Church had gone on without
any ſuch Change. Attempts were made to reform the Church, but they had
been cruſhed ; the Reformation only made a thorough Change, where is
went in its proper Characters; that is, with the Concurrence of the Civil
Powers, in other places it was ſtopt effe&tually. See our Note upon Chap.
C. Ojo šx égleto do Soi ävIga tel ég oorlo znis gñs, Thaixã TO Houds oita jéges,
Such as was not fince Men were upon the Earth, So mighty an Eartbquake and ſo great.]
This Expreſſion appears at firit fight to be added with no other Deſign but to
characterize this Revolution, as one very extraordinary. There is no Difficul-
ty in that; but the Expreſſion, ſince Men were upon the Earth, is ſomewhat more
ambiguous. It may be taken in a literal Senſe, to ſignify in general, ſince the
Creation of Man, or elſe in the ſymbolical, ſo frequent, and perhaps the only
Signification it ought to have throughout this Book, to ſignify the idolatrous of
corrupted Party according to the preſent Circumſtances and Period of the
Church. In the primitive it ſignifies the Pagans ; in the ſecond, the Members
of the corrupted Church. So that here it may fignify, that there never hap-
pened ſuch a Revolution ſince Men became Idolaters, or Worſhippers of the
Beaſt. We need no great proof to apply this to the Reformation. The matter
is evident. Yea, and if we take that Expreſſion litterally, we ſhall find it to
be as true, as to matters of Religion.
It was never known, ſince the World began to be inhabited by Men, that in
about the ſpace of forty Years ſo many Countries ſhould wholly imbrace the
true Worſhip of God, ſo univerſally as it is done in the Proteſtant Countries
by the Reformation. The firſt planting of Chriſtianity made not ſo great a
ftir, nor even the falling of the Empire into the Hands of a Chriſtian; but all
was carried on lowly, till the greateſt part were become Chriſtians, and the
Church became ripe for Power. Which being conſidered, this work ſeems to
have had more of the divine influence for a great turn, implied in the word
nézove, it is done, than any elſe that has happened hitherto. So that it is only
us'd here, and hereafter upon another occaſion, which will ſhew the divine
Power in its pitch, the Renovation of the World by an univerſal Making, Revel.
21. 6. when Chrift makes all things new. Now as Heaven is the symbol of
the fupream Power, and Monarchs the Repreſentatives of God, ſo ʼtis very
likely that the Holy Ghoſt, to ſignify that God's Vicegerents chiefly were to
unders
10.4. B.


Ch. XVI. v. 19.
733
Bowl VII.
undertake and perfe&t this Work, hath for that reaſon premiſed a Voice from
the Throne out of the Temple of Heaven by way of Subdelegation to them,
as the cauſe of the Lightnings and Thunders; that is, of the preaching of the
Law of God, and his true Worſhip inforced by the ſtamp of the legal Autho-
rity. This great ſhaking is therefore a Prelude, or Type of the great ſhaking
in the univerſal Renovation of all things. It is an earneſt of the
general Con
verſion of the World, which is attended with the like Voice immediately pro-
ceeding from Chrift. This is done by his Miniſters in Church and State, but
that is to be done by Chrift himſelf, from whoſe Preſence the former World
muft paſs away to receive his new Inftitution.
A. verf. 19. Kai é yfósto si róxis vi vezaan eis tgic ulgn, And the great City was divided
into three parts.] The word églielo became, or was divided is here taken in the
ſame ſenſe as the word 'n in Geneſ. 2. 10. it is tranſlated by the Greek égfielo
in the LXX. and in that place it is us’d as a term ſynonymous, or conſe-
quent to the word 779, to divide, it was parted and became into four Heads. Now
this is eaſily fo underſtood in this place, becauſe the Expreſſion into three parts
doch evidently ſuppoſe ſuch a Diviſion. The word nómes without its proper
Name is us'd in Contradiftinction to the Capital. For as zóns may fignify the
Territories belonging to it, as hath been proved in the Note upon Chap. 11. 2.
D. ſo to be ſure the word muſt be taken in this place, becauſe in this very Verſe,
when the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks more eſpecially of the Capital, its proper name is
us’d, Babylon. 'Tis further plain by the Oeconomy of the Accidents foretold
here, that the City is a general term in this place. For this being a Judgment
of God upon the City in general, which he cauſes to fall into Diviſions, and
then the Cities of the Nations being ſaid to fall, we are told in the laſt place,
that Babylon came in Remembrance before God. Now if God doth but then
remember Babylon the Capital of the corrupted Church to judge her, then the
great City muft imply ſome other part. But as the word City can have no other
Signification, when diſtinguiſhed from any ſpecial Notion, but that of the
Territories belonging thereto, 'cis plain it muſt be underſtood fo in this place.
The meaning of the Holy Ghoſt muſt be therefore, that by, and at the time of
the Reformation, the Territories of the corrupted Church muſt fall into three
great and notorious Diviſions.
The three parts of the great City into which it is divided by, and at the time
of the Reformation, were theſe. Firſt, The Eastern or Greek Churches which
are irrecoverably divided from the Weſtern or Latin Church. This is that
tenth part of the City which fell with the ſeven thouſand Names, at the ſame
Earthquake which frighted the reſt, or at leaſt ſome of the reſt, to give Glory to
God, in Chap. 11. 13. That tenth part is there ſo called in reſpect of its being
the Church contained under one of the ten Horns of the Beaſt, and it is deno-
minated there from that Circumſtance, becauſe it is ſaid to fall; that is, loſt
the Protection of the tenth Horn, and became ſlave to a tyrannical Power of
ſtrange Nations, but did not for that ceaſe to exiſt. But here, where it comes
not under that Conſideration, but only that of a Diviſion or Party in reſpect of
Religion, it is apparent, that it contains a third part of the whole Body of
Chriſtendom, within the Roman Empire and the Dominions, which were pof-
feſs'd by the Beaſt Succeffor of the former. For it matters not which way fo-
ever it came to be divided, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks in general, that the
City became three parts, that it was divided into ſo many parts. And for all
that Diviſion it continues ſtill in the fame Corruption, and the Horn of the
Falſe Prophet ſubfifts therein with the main part of its Power of Falſe Pro-
phefy. The ſecond part is the remainder of the idolatrous Church, now com-
monly known by the name of Latin, or Roman Catholick Church. And the
third part is that Body of Chriſtians which conſtitute the reformed Churches,
Theſe I ſay, make but one Body of true Worſhippers, being united by two com-
mon Ties; the firſt, That they are oppoſite to the corrupted Church, and the
next that they are in Communion with each other, and hold a Brotherly Cors
reſpondence, being alſo called by one common Name, Proteſtants.
We neither muſt nor can own, if we conſider the matter ſeriouſly, and
even with a view to this Propheſy of the Deſtinies of the Church, that
the Proteſtants muſt be accounted two diftinct Bodies, and different Coni-
munions, as M. Jurieu hath done ; who like moſt of the Proteſtant In-
terpreters of this ſacred Book, overlooks the Greek Churches here, and in
mnoft
9 A

734
Bowl VII.
Ch. XVI. v. 19.
moſt other places. But the Pope is with them vei meile, all and every thing,
Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, (wo Horns and ten Horns. But it is certain, that
the firſt Reformers though apparently diſtinguiſhed by ſeveral Names, as che
Churches fince under them, did from the beginning hold in one Communion;
that at a general meeting of many of theſe Reformers in the beginning, they
communicated together in token of holding one Religion and Brotherly Cham
rity; and that ſince that time all the ſeveral Members upon all occaſions own
each other as Chriſtians of the ſame Faith, and true Worſhippers of God and
Chrift. And this may be demonſtrated in this manner, by making the Church
of England the Medium to prove the mutual Correſpondence of all the Prore-
ftants together. For it is certain, that all the Proteftant Churches do own the
Church of England to be a true Church, and to hold the true Faith and Worſhip
of the Chriſtian Religion. This hath been fully prov'd by Mr. Durel, and in-
fifted upon by many others. Again, on the other hand the Church of England
holds the Proteftant Churches abroad to be true Churches and Parts of the
Catholick Church of Chriſt, as has been fully made out lately by a (a) wor-
thy Man in an hiſtorical Deduction of all thoſe Acts and Teſtimonies, which
may demonſtrate that Brotherly Correſpondence. Wherefore ſince all of them do
mutually agree in this point, looking on each other as true Worſhippers and of
the ſame Faith, the ſlender Subdiviſions between them, occaſion'd rather upon
the account of temporal Government, can be no eſſential Obſtacle to their
being accounted of the ſame Religion ; and conſequently to be conſtituent
parts of the ſame Church of Chriſt
. There never was ſince the Apoſtles ary
Age, but there were ſome different Rites and Opinions leſs eflential to the
true ſaving Faith, whilſt it was proved by a Catholick Charity to each other,
So that nothing hinders them from being one great part of the three into
which the great City is now divided. As to the account given by the Holy
Ghoſt in other places concerning the Proteſtant Churches, which is to be
found very particularly deſcribed by the ſeven Thunders uttering their Voices
together, and after the one Voice of the Angel in the tenth Chapter, that
Symbol repreſents the Proteſtant Governments all perfectly united, and con-
curring in one Deſign ; and at the ſame time taking Poffeflion of the Temple,
So the Reſt in Chap. 11. 13. fhews no difference.
(b) Biſhop Stilling fleet confirms this Notion by aſſerting all the Proteſtants
make one of thoſe great Bodies or Communions of Chriſtians, into which the
Catholick Church is now divided. But becauſe that great Man hath made
ſuch a Diviſion of them as ſeems inconſiſtent with my Affertion in this place,
I ſhall conſider a little how far it reaches me. He divides the Chriftians into
five great Bodies. Firſt, The Neftorians under the Patriarch of Muzal. Second-
ly. The 7acobits or Cophts in Meſopotamia, Armenia, Egypt and Abu Sinia.
Thirdly, The Greek Church, comprehending the Muſcovites, Melcbites and
Georgians. Fourthly, The Roman Church. Fifthly, The Proteſtant Churches.
As to the firſt Diviſion, I take it off at once by this Obſervation, that it comes
not within the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt in this place, becauſe it was
made too long before ; ſo that at the time of this Plague theſe Chriſtians were
out of the Dominions of the Beaſt, and the Juriſdiction of the Falſe Prophet,
and ſo were then no parts of the great City. As indeed neither the Muſcovites
nor Abyſſinians were any parts of the Roman Empire, but tho' they ſhould be ſo
accounted, yet they hold ftill Communion with the Patriarchs of Confi antinople
and Alexandria. And then ſecondly, As to the next Diviſion, I doubt there is
a miſtake therein; for the Patriarch of Alexandria is in Communion with that
of Conftantinople. This appears ſufficiently by the Accounts we have of Cyrillus
Lucaris once Patriarch of Alexandria, and ſoon after of Conftantinople, who died
within theſe hundred Years. (c) M. Aymon faith out of Dr. Smith's account of
that Patriarch, that Cyrillus was a Candiot, and was made Prieſt by Meletius P.
of Alexandria, to whom he ſucceeded as Patriarch ; that then upon the Baniſh-
ment of Neophytus Patriarch of Conftantinople, the Adminiſtration of the vacant
See belonging to Cyrillus, as poſſeſs'd of the ſecond See in the East, he removed
thither, and the Patriarch dying, Timotheus by Simony got the Chair; but dying
(a) The R. M. Cl. Grotefte of the Savoy, lately deceaſed.
(6) Stillingfleet's Anſw. to
Sev. Treat. ab Idolatry, P. I. p. 174.
(c) M. Aynson's Prelimin. dift. to the Authent. Mon.
of the Greek Church.
loon

Chap. XVI. v. 19
735
Bowl VII.
foon after, Cyrillus was freely ele&ed by a Majority of Voices, and receiv'd as
Patriarch.
Further, the word róas City doth not ſo much reſpe&t Religion, but it does
alſo, and that too chiefly Civil Power over its Territories. In this Senſe at
and by the Reformation the Power in Chriſtendom fell into three diſtinct
parts very plainly; the Empire of the Ottoman Princes; that of the Pope and
the Princes ftill remaining in Communion with him, who during that
Coma
munion conftitute the Beait and Falſe Prophet ; and thirdly, that of the Pro
teftant Governments. In this ſenſe all the Diviſions of the Chriſtians of the
Eaſt fall into one Denomination.
Now this is the firſt Accident implying Torment to the Members of the cora
rupted Church in this Plague, and that it conliſts of a very great Revolution, let
us fee if its Type the Jewiſh Church had not ſuch an Accident in ſome of the
Prophets. For this end we muſt look out in ſuch things as happened to the
Moſaical Oeconomy in its corrupted State, falling under God's Diſpleaſure,
and ready for Condemnation. Now in that State there happened two Occa.
fions, wherein God condemn’d them; the firſt for Idolatry, the latter for
Murder in crucifying the Lord of Glory. Rome as Pagan and corrupted Chri-
ftian is alſo guilty of both theſe Crimes : that it crucified the Lord of Glory,
and ſays his Martyrs, has been prov'd already in our Note upon Chap. 11. 8.
F. and that the Guilt of this is communicared really to the preſent Rome, ſhall
be proved in our Note upon the word Babylow, in Chap. 17. 5. C. that it is alſo
guilty of Idolatry, both as Pagan and Chriſtian, is ſhewn in many other places.
The Judgment that is to fall upon it hereafter is to be infli&ed for all the Sins
it is guilty of by Complication. So that whatever happened to the corrupted
Ifrael in either of its Judgments ſhall be complicated upon the corrupted
Church headed by Rome. And therefore if we find in the Prophets ſpeaking
of the Church of Iſrael, that the Holy Ghoſt has made a Divifion of that
Church into three parts, upon ſuch occaſions we may conclude the Holy Ghoſt
alludes to it here.
Now juſt before the Babylonian Captivity was completed by the taking of
Feraſalem, the Holy Ghoſt in the Prophet Ezekiel, 5. 2, 12. divides the Rem-
nant of the Iſraelites or Jews, into three parts; two of which are to periſh,
and the third to be ſcattered, and in continual Terrors. Thus in the Caſe bea
fore us, by comparing what is ſaid here, and in Chap rr. 13. collateral to it,
one third falls under the Power of the Mahometans ; another parc is to be de-
ftroy'd by the Vintage, which is pofterior to this Plague, or at the end of
it, beginning the Judgment of Deſtruction to be compleated by the fall of
Babylon, and the laſt War of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophec deſcrib'd here-
after ; the third part by their being terrified, repent and give Glory to
God ; but as it appears by Chapter 10. 11. collateral to theſe places it is ſtill
to prophefy before Kings and Nations, having drunk with Saint John that
which imbittereth their Belly; or as Ezekiel words it, a Sword is drawn out after
them. For they being the Feet, or Followers of the ſtrong angel, muſt be part
in the Sea, and part upon the Earth ; and become as Pillars of Fire, Chap. 10.
1, 2. In all theſe points the Church of Iſrael is a Type of the corrupred
Church. T'other Propheſy concerns the latter end of the Jewiſh State in
theſe words, Zechar. 13.8, 9. And it ſhall come to paſs that in all the Land,
faith the Lord, two parts therein ſhall be cut off and die but the third ſhall be
left therein.
And I will bring the third part through the Fire, and will refine
them as Silver is refined, and will try them as Gold is tried; they shall call' on
my Name, and I will hear them: I will ſay, It is my People, and they all say,
the Lord is my God. The latter part ſhews Mercy, but in Ez kiel all is Ter-
Berween theſe two the Type of the Reformed Churches is completed;
God ſhews his terror to them on the one Hand, but Mercy on the other.
La&tantius alluding to the Propheſy of Zechariah ſpeaks as if it concern’d the
end of the World ; that is, theſe Times : (a) De cultoribus etiam dei duc
partes interibunt ; bu tertia, quæ fuerit probata, remanebit. This is our very Cafe.
B. Kai ai sóters tão é Svæv 'moov, And the Cities of the Nations fell.] The Divi.
fion made of the great City in the former words was no ways determined how
ror.

(6) Lactant. Inftit. Lib. VII. cap. 16.
ic

736
Bowl VII.
Ch. XVI. v. 192
it happen'd. According to the uſual practice of the Holy Ghoft, theſe explain
ſpecially what was before ſaid in general ; that is, the great City became into
three parts by the falling of the Cities of the Nations, becauſe or for, the Cities
of the Nations fall away; the Conjunctive r having frequently the Significa
tion of the Illatives and Cauſals. The meaning of this place is, That the
idolatrous Cities
, or of the corrupted Church, fell off
. This may either ſignify,
that ſome of the Countries and Provinces fell into the Hands of Enemies to
the Church of Chriſt in general, as when the Eaſtern Churches fell abſolutely
under the power of the Mahometans, which the Holy Ghoſt elſewhere expreſſes
by the fall of the tenth part of the City, in Chap. 11.
13. or elſe that many
Provinces, for ſo Cities imply their Territories, fell off from the corrupted
Church and its Idolatry, as they have done by the Reformation. Both theſe
Senſes muſt be receiv'd, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt uſes a general Term, which
implies them both. However, by either and both theſe, a great Torment
hath fallen on the Worſhippers of the Beaft; their ſtruggling againſt theſe
Revolutions having coft them much Blood, both then and ſince, whilſt the
force of the Plague continues,
C. Kai Balurar peezećan žuvinatun évérov og get, And the great Babylon came into
remembrance before God.] The meaſure of the Sins of the corrupted Church
begins now to be filled up; and ſo to ſend forth a great Cry up to Heaven,
becauſe God having ſent the full number of his Chattiſements or Plagues in
theſe feven Bowls, there is but a part that hath repented, the remainder with
their Capital City, and the Heads which maintain it, being ſtill impenitent.
Men's good Actions well as wicked, their Prayers and Blaſphemies, come up
to Heaven as a Memorial ; and they are ſaid to be before God, when he reſolves
to take Cognizance of them in Judgment. Therefore when Babylon is ſaid to
come into Remembrance before God, this fignifies, that God begins now to viſit
her, or will ſhortly viſit her for her Sins. See 1 Kings 17. 18. and Hoſea 7. 2.
and Chap. 8. 13. Ezek. 18. 24. and conſequently, that he will ſhortly execute
his Judgments upon her. As indeed we fee, that one very conſiderable
part of
the Eaftern Church being idolatrous hath felt already the heavineſs of God's
Judgment: this is but a prelude and warning of the final Judgment of God
upon the whole that remains ſtill intire, the account of which follows im-
mediately in the next Chapter ; where we ſhall ſhew, that Babylon ſignifies
Rome, as it ſtands now. See our Notes upon Chap. 10. 5, 6, 7. Chap. 11, 13,
14. and Chap. 14. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. compar'd together; the mat-
ter of them being in ſome fort collateral to this. But as this evidence of God's
taking Babylon into remembrance, may, and doth imply an A&, or prepara-
tory hint of that deſign’d Judgment of Deſtruction, this is actually given in
another place with all its Circumſtances in the Deſcription of the Vintage,
which is, as we have ſhewn, executed after this Plague, and yet before the
total Deſtruction of the great City; and repreſents the waſting of the Ter-
ritories of the corrupted Church by the Slaughter of its Inhabitants and
Members; whence it is, that in the next Chapter the Angel repreſents Babylon
as in a Deſert. So that this hint is collateral to that Vintage, which lays
waſte and makes a Deſart of the Territories belonging to Babylon. And thus
we ſee how gradually the divine Providence proceeds to Judgment, and
gives warning to the laſt of their approach by theſe very matters, which are
preparatory to their Execution.
According to our Notions and Ways we ſhould expreſs this matter thus :
that an Impeachment, Accufation or Indictment was now entred in the Court
of the divine Juſtice; but that in the mean while the Party accus'd has time
given to repent, and make his Peace by Submiffion; for want of which the
Accuſation muſt at laſt be purſued, and the Cauſe being brought to Trial,
Judgment and Execution muft follow. This method has Precedents for it in
holy Writ: Compare Exod. 17. 14. with 1 Sam. 15. 3, and Chap. 30. 16. alſo
Eſther 7, &c. which is the Caſe of the Amalekites. That of the Canaanites is
like it. See Genef. 15. 16.
C, Aõuwae dutý zo solágsoy tő olve të Jugó tñs oggiñs eiud, To give her the Cup of
Wine of the fierceneſs of his Wrath.] This Phraſe has been explain'd before in
Chap. 14. 10. A. it implies abſolute Deſtruction to the Subject. At the firſt
fall of Babylon in that Chapter, 'tis a plain Fall; that is, out of which ſhe may
recover,


Chap. XVI. v. 19.
737
Bowl VII.
recover, but here ſhe is to drink the Cup of Wrath, the Symbol is aggravated,
ſhe muſt be abſolutely deſtroy'd.
A. verf. 20, Kai márce vores 'épuye, sjöen š% dipé Ingyelj, And every Iſland fled away,
and the Mountains were not found.) The falling of Cities, the ſinking or removing
of Iſlands and Mountains, are the uſual Effects of great Earthquakes. So far
the decornm of the Symbols is obſervd: Theſe Symbols of Iſlands and Moun-
tains has been already explain’d in our Note upon Chap. 6. 14. B. to fignify the
idolatrous Temples, which were the Forts or Mountains of the Dragon, and
their Riches. Here therefore it muſt ſignify the like matters in the corrupted
Church; that is, the Monaſteries and their Riches, Lands and Revenues,
which being plundered, the Monaſteries muſt fink; and theſe are the Effea's
of the great Earthquake or Revolution, caus’d by the Reformation. This is I
think pretty evident; and the matter would need but little further proof. But
becauſe ſince the former Note was written, there are ſome other Obſervations
towards that matter, which have occur’d to me, they ſhall be ſet down here ;
ſome to prove further, that the Notions of Iſlands and Riches are akin; and
the reſt to ſhew the decorum of the Symbol of Mountains, to fignify the
Monafteries; which come in properly here.
To begin with the Iſlands; and to thew, that the Notion which the ancient
Interpreters had of them was with reſpect to the Merchandize and Riches
which came from them, an Obſervation ariſes from comparing the åncient
Targumifts upon the Hiſtory of Moſes, Genef. 25. 3, concerning the Sons of
Dedan. The ſacred Writer ſays, The Sons of Dedan were Aſhurim and Letuſhim,
and Leummim. The Targumifts take them generally to ſignify their Occu-
pations, not their Names. That of Onkelos in Aſhurim, puts 7900s, thoſe that
are in Camps: inſtead of Letuſhim, he puts pe330s, thoſe that are in Tabernacles,
or Tents : and inſtead of Leummim, he puts 79317, Thoſe that are in Iſlands. In
ſtead of this laſt the other Targums put Merchants, wherein they are followed
by the Samaritan Targum. So that they who deal in the iſlands are Merchants
or rich Men, and the iſlands are the places where they merchandize and gec
Riches, by Trade and Navigation.
Secondly, I ſay that as the Mountains in the former place ſignfied the Forts
of Paganiſm, that is, the Temples and Colleges of the Prieſts, ſo here they
fignify the Monaſteries of the corrupted Church, and their Churches ; which
by the Reformation were either taken from them or quite deſtroy'd. It is
therefore worthy of Obſervation, that anciently Monafteries were placed
upon Mountains, and built like Forts. Thoſe in the Greek Church were cer-
tainly ſo, as appears by ſeveral Authors, as (a) Cyrill of Alexandria, and (b)
St. Chryfoftome, who therefore calls the Monks tès év tore ogeour but that in his
Time ſome had crept into Antioch, is alſo evident by another of his (c) Homi-
lies. Upon Mount (d) Atbos there are ſtill XXII. Monafteries, and about
6000 Monks therein : in this they are conformable to their pattern the Thera.
peutæ of (e) Philo, who dwelt upon a Mountain, and whoſe Cells were called
Monafteries. There are alſo Monaſteries upon Mount (f) Sina, and that is
truly a (&) Fort built by Juftinian to defend them from the Incurſions of the
Arabs
. Therefore the Emperor Manuel Comnene was for keeping them to their
primitive Inſtitution in the Deſerts and upon the Mountains, as the (b) Hiſt-
orian Nicetas relates. The fame is true of the Etbiopick Monks. Therefore in
that Language the ſame word fignifies a Mountain and a Monaſtery, as appears
from (1) Ludolf
. it is Dabuyr, and by Herbelot, that there are Monks upon the
very Mountains of the Moon, one of its tops being called, (k) Gebal al baical
al Moſlaovar, the Mountain of the Temple of the painted Church. Here alſo obſerve,
that the very Etymology of the word helps out the Signification of the Sym-
. a ,
Chaidee 7271, and Arabick 727 fignify to command, ſubdue and govern as (1)
10
Do
(a) Cyrill. Alex. adv. Anthropomorph.
(b) Joh. Chryf. Hom. XIII. ad Epher.
p. 831. Ed. Sav. & Hon. I. ad Ant. T. VI. p. 449.
(c) Joh. Chryf. Hom. XVII.
de ftat. T. VI. p. 577, (d) Vid. Rutgers. Var. Le&. Lib. II. c. XI. D. Bern. de Montfaucon,
Palæogr. Gr. Lib. VII. Aymon. Monum. Auchent: p. 476. (e) Philo. de Vita Contempl. p. 6J1
(f) Herbelot. tit. Sina. (8) Vid. Euagr. Hift. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. VI. (1) Nicet.
iu Man. Comn. Lib. VII. cap. III (i) Ludolf. Lexic. Æthiop. p. 376. (k) Herbelot.
tit. Gebrail.
(1) Schindler. in Voce.
9 B
Schindler

738
Chap. XVI. v. 20
Bowl VII.
2
Schindler and (a) Golius. Thew. So in our Military terms Hills and Mountains
are ſaid to command the places about them. Moſt certainly the Monaſteries
were the Forts or Mountains of Popery. Many Authors, who ſpeak of them
affected to call them fo. Thus Sir R. Baker, ſpeaking of the Diffolution of
the Monafteries, that is, of the very Accompliſhment of this Prophefy, has
term'd them ſo. For ſpeaking of Henry VIII, he ſays: But thinking the Work
not ſufficiently done, as long as Abbies and Priories kept their Station, which were
as it were his FORTRESSES and Pillars, that is, of the Pope. Thus alſo a
French Author fpeaking of the Monafteries in his Country ſays: (b) On peus
dire dos Moines, que toutes les Maiſons qu'ils ont en France, ſont autant de CIÍ A-
DELES que la Cour de Rome a dans le Royaume. It may be ſaid of the Monks,
that all the Houſes they have in France, are ſo many CITADELS, which the
Court of Rome has within the Kingdom. Therefore the Exemptions of the Re-
gulars or Monks from the power of the Biſhops ſerve to maintain the Papacy,
according to the Maxim of Cardinal Pallavicini, which may be found in his
(c) new Goſpel. The matter is ſo plain, that it needs no further proof.
Beſides, all the Temples of the Idols, as alſo the Temples of the corrupted
Church were places of Aſylum, and beyond all were, and are look'd upon as
the Forts and Defenders of the Worſhippers, by the preſence of the falſe
Deities, and of the Relicks of deceased Men kept therein within the Sanctua-
ries. Thus in (d) Euripides we find, that the Heroes in their Tombs were
thought Saviours and Defenders of the People. The ſame appears from ſome
places of (e) Æſchylus and (f) Sophocles; as alſo ( 8 ) Lycophron and (b)
Apollonius. Upon which may be conſulted the Reaſonings of (1) Tully, (k)
Clemens Alex. (1) Arnobius and (m) Lactantius, and the Examples they give
of dead Men worſhipped upon this Suppofition, that the preſence of their
Relicks fix'd the Dæmon to the place, and protected thoſe for whom they had a
Kindneſs living. Hence the Spartans in Diſtreſs are by an Oracle dire&ed to
get the Bones of Oreſtes, as (n) Herodotus reports, and after him (o) Pauſanias;
which laſt gives another example in the (p) Athenians, who in the like Caſe
were bidden to find the Bones of Theſeus, which was perform'd by Cimon. Thus
alſo the (q) fame having obſerv'd, that the Bones of Arift omenes the Meſſenian
Heroe were brought to the new Meſlene, and there gave out Oftenta, the Au-
thor gives a reaſon for it, fetch'd from the Immortality of the Soul, by which
he ſuppoſes, that Souls in the ſeparate State keep ftill their Thoughts and Af-
fe&tions as before ; and by conſequence allift their Votaries in ſuitable Enter-
prizes; on which account their Relicks are though to do Miracles. So the
Shield of that Hero is thought to have help'd the Theban Army againſt the
Lacedemonians. So in the ſame (r) che Thebans are commanded by an Oracle
get the Bones of Hector. The Bones of (0) Hefiod were fetch'd out of Naupattia
in a Mortality; thoſe of (t) Att aon in a Scarcity. We read the like of the
Bones of Hercules and Pelops helping to take Troy. In the ſame (u) Author the
like fancy went current among the Indians as (x) Clemens Alex. obferves, and
the fame to be ſure went among the (y ) Romans, when they buried the
Bone of a Man that had triumphed in the City. This Notion we can trace
up as high as (% ) Heſiod: it being indeed the Foundation of all Idolatry, and
was improv'd by the Suppoſition, that without the Relicks, the Invocation
wich Sacrifices might turn human Souls into Deities, as (a) Servius proves out
of Labeo, whereof we have inſtances in (b) Lycophron, and an Alluſion in (c)
Martial.
p. 228.
(a) Golii Lex. Arab. col. 790.
(6) Politiq. du Clerg, de France p 211. Comp.
M. Jusieu's Prejug. Legitim. Parr. I. chap. XVI.
(c) N. Goſp. of Card. Pallavic.
(d) Euripid. Heraclid. v. 1030, &c.
(e) Æſchyl. Perſ. 635
(f) Sophocl. Oedip. Colon. p. 291. 320. (8) Lycophr. Cafl. 402. (6) Apollon.
Argon. Lib. II. v. 848, &c. (i) M. T. Cic. de Nat. Deor. Lib. I. fin.
(k) Clem.
Alex, Prorrept. p. 13.
(1) Arnobius adv. Gent. Lib. VI.
(m) Lactant.
de Falf, Rel. Lib. I. cap. 15.
(n) Herodot. Lib. I. S. 67.
(0) Pauſan.
Lacon. p. 83:
(p) Pauſan. Lacon. p. 84.
(9) Paufan. Meſſen. p. 142.
( ) Pauſan. Boeotic. p. 295.
c) Paufan. Bæotic. p. 311.
(t) Pauſan.
Boeotic. p. 312.
(u) Pauſan. Eliac. Lib. I. p. 160.
(x) Clem. Alex. Stro,
Lib. II]. p. 194.
( ) Plut. Queft. Rom. p. 252.
(2) Hefiod. Op.
Lib.I. 121. &c. vid. Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. XIII. p. 388. (a) Servius in Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
(6) Lycophr. Cafland. v. 9273 ii. 23. i. 26. adv. 1143,
(6) Mars. Lib. VIII.
Epig. 24.
Now

Ch.XVI. v. 20.
Boiel VII.
739
Now this Notion pafling with the new Converts of Chriſtianity, and being
help'd out by the great Veneration paid to the Martyrs and their Relicks, foon
made Deities of them by Invocation. And the fury of the People was
ſo great, that they rais'd up Alcars in every place to the Martyrs without Rem).
licks, helping out the deficiency by Dreams and falſe Revelations. A (a)
Canon of the Council of Cartbage ſhews all this; and the Fathers cherein ſeem
afraid of the Tumults of the People in ordering theſe to be demoliſh'd, which
had no ſuch Relicks. So that now no (b) Altar is rear'd in any conſecrated
place without them, true or falſe; which are thruſt into it in ſome Hole made
for that purpoſe. By which all their Altars are become Tombs of the Dead,
as were thoſe of the Pagans ; and their Churches the Houſes of their Protectors
and Saviours ; all the difference being, that they have taken the Martyrs or
Heroes of the Church inſtead of thoſe of Paganiſm.
Now as there are two fundamental Errors' in Paganilm; namely, that of
worſhipping che heavenly Bodies and other natural Beings, and that of deify:
ing the Dead by worſhipping and invoking them in hope of Protection and
Relief. So 'tis evident, in taking dolatry to be Synonymous to Paganiſm, that
whoſoever thus worſhips and invokes the Dead, thus making them Gods, who
by nature are no Gods; is an Idolater, a Worſhipper of ſtrange Gods. The
worſhipping of Idols is a new ſuperſtructure in Paganiſm upon the former
Errors. The Members of the corrupted Church, Greeks and Latins, are evi-
dently guilty of this kind of Idolatry in worſhipping the Dead and Images
which are certainly Idols, though they be of the crue God and the Saints.
From this I ſhall draw a Corollary, which is not perhaps expected, that the
modern Jews are Worſhippers of Arange Gods, Heathens and Idolaters in the
general ſenſe of the word, for they alſo invoke the Souls of the Dead in ge-
neral, and thoſe of their Anceſtors, as the very Chineſe do, and expect, as the
Heathens did to be protected and reliev'd by them; and which is ſtill worſe, they
feign Lies to ſhew it was ſo practic'd by their Forefathers. This is prov'd by
(c) Gaulmyn, as the former Accuſation is full made out by (d) Wagenſeil
. And
which is worſt of all, they have (e) ftudied Magick, Sorceries, Charms, and
judiciary Aftrology, and are therefore reaſonably ſuſpected to practice all
thoſe things. What more could the Chaldeans and Egyptians do ? Therefore
ſuch Jews are the Synagogue of Satan.
COOTER osta
Thus we ſee why the iſlands and Mountains, fignifying the Revenues and
Riches of the corrupted Church, and the Monafteries, the Holy Ghoſt has
converted theſe two Symbols. The Revenues were plundered, and then the
Monaſteries ſank. In theſe parts of corrupted Chrif endom, which fell at the
time of this Plague into the Hands of the Mahometans, this was perform'd ac-
cording to the ſtanding-Maxim of the Ottomans, to ſeize on the Revenues of
- the Churches and Monafteries, and then moft of them fink of courſe. The
Proteftant Princes have done the ſame, ſeiz'd on the Revenues and religious
Houſes, and then theſe Corporations, the Bulwarks of Popery ſank. And
though all is not alienated from the Service of God, yet they are loſt to the
corrupted Church, which now enjoys them no more. To conclude, the
word vão, all or every Iſland, muſt be reftrain'd here, as it is uſual in holy
Writ, to the ſubject matter ; that is, to fignify all the Iſlands and Mountains
within the Territories and Juriſdiction of thoſe Cities that fall. However,
the Effects of this Bowl ftill ſubfifts, and may extend further. No time is yet
loft. The example of the Proteſtants may be followed elſewhere.
We muſt here likewiſe obſerve the Propriety of the Expreſſion of the Holy
Ghoſt, as we have done before, in Chap. 6. 14. C. There it was ſaid of both
the Symbols, that they were removed into other Hands, but here a ſpecial Ad-
junct attend each Symbol. The Iſlands fled, the Mountains were not found.
Now as Ilands fignify Revenues and Riches, it is no uncouth Expreſſion
to ſay, That they fly when they remove from one Hand to another. For ſo
Solomon ſpeaks, Prov. 23. 5. of Riches; they make theinſelves Wings to flie away
as an Eagle. The Mountains are ſaid not to be found, which ſhews that they ſhall
cap. IX.
(a) Conc. Carthag. Can. 86.
(6) Vid. Pontific. R. & Dalla. de Obj. Cult. Lib. IV.
ic) Gilb. Gaulmýn. Not. ad Vit. Mol. Lib. II. cap. 3. (d) Wagenſeil in
Sotah. p. 332.717. App. p. 1218. Vid. Lightfoot, Erubbin. c. XL.
(e) Vid. Lightfoot's
Fall. of Jerufal
. §. IX. & Horæ Hebr. & Talmud. in Match. 3. 17. & c. 24. 24.
be

Bowl VII.
740
Ch. XVI. v. 20,
be quite deſtroy'd. The Event is ſuitable to the Propheſy. For the Revenues
of the Monaſteries, which means chiefly the Corporations of the Popiſh
Clergy, particularly the Monks, who were the great Props and Forcs of Pope.
ry, as alſo all their San&uaries, and their Mabuzim, or prote&ting Relicks ;
all theſe are no more found. The order of the Symbols is alſo changed. Here
the iſlands go before, and after them, the Mountains : in the former Cafe of
Paganiſm all went together; hereby degrees. The Revenues were firſt ſeiz'd
on, and then the Corporations ſank. Here in England 't was very evident: For
the Corporations are ſaid to have fubfifted after the Grant of Revenues, but
for want of means, and the progreſs of the Reformation going on, they
dwindled away.
Α. verf. 21. Και χάλαζα μεγαλη ως ταλανιαία καλαβαίνει εκ τά έρανέ & τες ανθρώπες,
And there fell upon Men out of Heaven a great Hail, every Stone about tbe weight of a
Talent.] I ſhall not diſpute to find out how much a Talent is, but take it for
granted, that as a Talent is a great weight, ſo it is only usd here to fhew,
that theſe ſymbolical Hail-Stones were very great ; and that the Compariſon is
only to heighten the Symbol. I have already ſaid ſomething concerning the
Symbol of Hail in my Note upon Chap. 8. 7. A. wherein I have ſhewn, that
it is the Symbol of War. The Heaven is not here of bare decorum, but fignifies
that it ſhall be carried on by the ſupream Powers. "The Men are here the
idolatrous Members of the corrupted Church, diftinct from their Leaders, the
Beaſt and Falſe Propher. They are only mention'd now, as if the former
Effects of this Plague had not touched them, and ſo were only Preparatives to
this part. In the Cortex of the Symbol Lightnings, Thunders, and Shakings
ſeem indeed to bring on ſtorms of Hail; and ſo 'tis much more true in the
Event, that the Revolutions mention'd in the former Symbols, are introdu&ory
to this prodigious War, implied by ſuch great Hail Stones. The Divifion of
the great City has caus’d the Alienation of ſome of the ſecular Powers from
the corrupted Church, 'Tis from this Heaven in part, that this Hail proceeds.
Therefore the whole ſignifies, that whilft the Plague lafts, there will be pro-
digious Wars and Bloodſhed, the Effects of which will fall chiefly upon the
idolatrous Chriftians. The Event of this comprehends all the Wars carried on
by the Ottoman Princes ſince the ruin of the Greek Empire to conquer the Rem-
nants of that Church, and ſince againſt Hungary, Germany and Italy. Like-
wiſe, and that chiefly too, all the Wars excited among the Princes of the
Weft at the Inſtigation of the Biſhop of Rome and his Clergy, to regain the
Power loft by the Reformation, in all the Countries that have imbrac'd it.
This contains all the religious Wars, Rebellions, Plots and Maſſacres carried
on ſince that time. All which in the end have turn'd upon the Heads of the
corrupted Chriftians ; who nevertheleſs have not been able to root out the
Reformation in any one place, where the ſecular Power at firſt join'd with it.
See our Note upon Chap: 10. 3. B. I ſpeak of things too freſh and well
known, to need any further Inlargement, to ſhew the greatneſs of this War,
or continued Wars upon theſe accounts. Take therefore this excellent Ob-
fervation of Thuanus : (a) Nemque ad cetera, quibus hoc infeftum virtuti Seculum
ſcatet, mala, religionis diſidium acceſſit, quod jam toto pæne ſeculo orbem Chriftianum
continuis bellorum motibus vexat, cu deinceps vexabit, niſi tempeſtiva remedia, at-
que
adeo alia, quam quæ hactenus adhibita ſunt, ab iis, quorum præcipue intereſt, ada
bibeantur. We may alſo take notice, that this Symbol involves the great War,
by which the Vintage is accompliſh'd ; but becauſe that War was to be of a
peculiar nature, the Holy Ghoſt has thought fit to give a peculiar account
thereof in another place. For that Vintage is ſo great, that it not only ror-
ments, but makes a great Deſtruction; 'cis a Judgment, not a Plague. The
Tormene comes upon the corrupted, becauſe they involve themſelves in Wars;
but that is excited by God moving the reformed States to make a more general
Devaſtation. This Plague begins in its Epocha, but the Vintage is the upſhot
of the Miſery brought upon the corrupted Church, juſt before God ſtrikes at
the very heads thereof, to deſtroy them quite. And he will begin with Baby-
lon, whom he now thinks on, to viſit her in the end of all. Theſe maccers we
ſhall ſee in the following Chapters.
(*) Thuan. in Præf. Hift. ad Hear. R.
B. Kai

Ch. XVI. v. 26.
741
Bowl VII.
Β. Και έβλασφήμησαν οι άνθρωποι τον θεόν εκ της πληγής της χαλάζης, And the Men
blafphemed God becauſe of the Plague of the Hail.)That is, thefe Wats have made
the Eollowers of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet more obftinate in theif Blaſphe-
my or Idolatry, than they were before. Thoſe who did not repent from the
beginning of this, and heard God's Voices in the Lightnings and Thunders,
have perfifted in their Idolatry. The Greek Church, notwithſtanding the ſevere
Vifitation of God they lie under, are as fuperftitious and idolatrous as ever
they were. That part of the Latin Church, which has adherd to the former
idolatry, is now more bigotted therein than ever it was. They have not taken
example by their Reform'd Brethren, who have repented. Idolatry is now
more fix'd among them by the Council of Trent, and the Severity of the In-
quiſition. Now this is not obſerv'd in vain. For ſince theſe Plagues were to
be Chaſtiſements and Warnings; and that it appears they will not repent,
the following Judgments of God are juſtly inflicted upon them.
C. "OTI urgenes esiv manga dulñs opédsa, For great is the Plague thereof exceed-
ingly.] This is an emphatical Reduplication, to expreſs the Vehemency
of the Wars upon the account of Religion ſince the Reformation. The
Plagues of God go on always increaſing, becauſe the impenitency of Men
extorts from him a ſharper method than the former, which by the little
Fruit it has produced ſeems to have been laid on too gently. But God
is penitent and merciſul, until he is provok’d to the utmoſt.
To make this more evident, let us caft back an Eye upon the whole Oeco-
nomy of God's Plagues, upon the corrupted Church, and here apply
that Principle of (a) Irenæus, which very likely came from Saint Jobs
himſelf by the Tradition of Polycarpus, that before the Church can come
into its Reft, the Nations or Idolaters muſt ſuffer the like Plagues as
Egypt did before Moſes led the Iſraelites out of it. This is true as to their
number, and ſome other Circumſtances, provided we take theſe things
fymbolically, as we have ſhewn we muſt, which happened literally to the
Egyptians. The ten Plagues of Egypt were theſe : I. The Rivers and Wa-
ters turn'd into Blood. II. The Frogs. III. The Lice. IV. The Mur-
rain of Cattle. V. The Boyls breaking out. Vil. The Hail. VIII. Lo-
cufts. IX. Darkneſs. X. The Slaughter of the Firſt-born. This laft
was ſtill a Plague, Chaſtiſement or Warning of what God would do, if
they perfifted. So Philo (b) "Ori Tšs oikálogas ó reds vegarioul permetton clénele în
Dram feipas The Plagues falling on the corrupted Church are theſe, ten
alſo in number. Firſt, The leven Plagues of theſe Bowls. Then the
three nafty Goblins are the eighth. Alſo the fifth and fixth Trumpet,
or the two firft Woes, which are called Plagues, in Chapter 9. 20, care
the ninth and tenth. For that thoſe two Trumpets are Warnings, is very
evident by comparing Chapter 9. 20. with Chapter 8. 13. There is fur-
ther this Conformity in this caſe, that as Iſrael began to go out after
the Slaughter of the Firſt-born, ſo the ſecond Woe which precedes the
urmoft Deſtruction of the corrupted Church, ſmites the Firft-born of chac
Church, the Grecian Empire and Eaſtern, and makes way to the Re-
formation, by which the fpiritual Iſraelites begin to go out of Egypt. But
they are ſtill perſecuted by the Egyptians till the third Woe deſtroys them
all, as Pharaob was in the Red-Sea. For as God reſervd Pharaoh during
the Plagues, that he might ſhew his Power upon him, Exod. 9. 16. ſo by
the Deſtruction of the Capital of the corrupted Church, and then of
the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, he deſigns to begin the Demonftration of
hir great Power, and then lead the Church into its Reft.
For here we muſt obſerve, that as God is to make a thorow Work with
his Enemies, that no part of the idolatrous Church is to be ſpar'd from
Deſtruction, ſo care is taken to ſet before us the ſeveral parts and ſteps
of its ruin. The Territories have been waſted by the Vintage, and the tread.
ing of the Vine-preſs without the City ; its Diviſions, and the falling off
of many Cisies or Provinces depending upon it, have been ſhewn as per-
form’d by the ſeventh Plague ; ſo now it remains, that the Capital City
(a) Comp. La&ant. Lib. VII. cap. 15.
p. 421.
Post
(b) Philo de Vit, Moſ. Lib. 1.
90 Vecue gab muft

Ch. XVII. v. 1,
MOJA 1521
stue
Photo
o Aerein he
712 The Judgment of the Whore.
muſt be attacked and deſtroy'd. But the Deſtruction of that doth not imply
that of all che Enemies of Chriſt in the corrupted Church at the ſame time,
But as when a City is beſieg’d, ftorm'd and taken, thoſe that are in power
find ſome way to evade, either by getting out before the Siege or afterwards
and ſo even after that ſtrive to make an Head, to recover their former Power
ſo will it happen in this caſe. And much the eaſier, becauſe the Powers of
the corrupted Church do not all dwell in the Capital. But though they did,
and were involv'd in the fate of the City, the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet do not
ſignify fingle Perſons, but a Succeſſion of Powers, who may be ſupported
by new Elections, whilſt there remain any Votaries of the corrupted Church
Accordingly we find they ſublift after the Fall of the Capital, and are de
Itroy'd by other means afterwards.
Sanomat
tar vi 016 Do, 10:29 o gain
CA
yongmədover 21919X2 Loissotiqabat laghandam se T
65609685356000CGISCOSSIOGOCSKOG OG 9710530S0999.99.6g'on 09*sa$o96
A10M 10 votontaguoi da
mint a bolo
shasil gris veidoido uno de los botoi 100
hoa sua Ruang 001 mot mod os ou amost beau bote the
C H A P. XVII.
0030 sier nogu
Vilo biva Scott is
Vlags 97911 bus
bsito
Loqubos
e polo mon
nice non so y VIY Bairw20290 to planiranda
Omog 0 donde sold 3
A, verf. 1. ΤΑ} ήλθεν εις εκ των έαα αγγέλων τών έχονlων τας επήα φιάλας, And
niodoo PL one of the ſeven Angels, that had the ſeven Bowls came.] The
Actors which appear in this Propheſy being fymbolical, the Perſon of Saint
John himſelf being any ways concern'd in the Adion, muſt be ſo too; that
appears concern'd. See our Notes upon Chap. 5. 4. A. and Chap. 10. 4, 8,
10,1 1 1. and Chap. 11. r. A. Upon this account the Diſcovery, which this
Angel makes to St. John concerning the Judgment of the Whore, diſcovering
per preſent State and A&ions to the full, implies, that after the pouring out of
the leven Plagues, immediately after the Execution of the laft, the whole
Myſtery of this Whore would become publickly known to the true Chriftians,
and the Certainty of her ſpeedy Deſtruction would be fully made known to
them. Accordingly ſince the Reformation we find that the Clergy of the re-
form'd Churches have truely diſcovered who this Whore was, and we now fee
her Diſtreſs, and plainly perceive the Certainty of her future Deftrudion as
near approaching. And by this we ſee that the time of our Redemption draws
near, and are therefore comforted in the Aflictions which this Whore has
brought upon us ; that being the beſt Argument of Confolation when God
Shews us that our Caufe ſhall be foon heard, and our great Adverſary ſhall be
then condemn'd; and his Condemnation makes way for our Reward.
B. Kairéadange pelo é që, aby wv, sdcpo
, debes col to ksiut, And ſpake with me, Jaying,
come bither, I will ſhew thee the Fudgment.] The word upłuc Judgment is common-
ly taken for Condemnation, which is the Concluſion of the whole proceſs of
Juftice; but it alſo has a more general Signification to fignify the whole pro-
cedure, the Accuſation, Convi&tion, Condemnation and Execution too. Here
it is evidently taken in this laſt Senſe. So that we are to expect from the An-
gel an account of the whole State and Adions, and by confequence, fince 'cis
done in Judgment, of the Condemnation of the great Whore, as God has de-
termind it, before whom ſhe is now ſuppos’d to ſtand as a Criminal fince the
time that the Holy Ghoſt has declared in the former Chapter, that Babylon
came into remembrance before God. See the Note upon Chap. 18. 20. C.
where you will find who they are that have entred ſuit before God againſt this
Whore ;
for a Judgment is the final Determination of the proper Judge in a
Controverſy between two Parties. (a) Judicium, ſays, Grotius, primitiva ac
genuinâ fuâ fignificatione denotat getum fuperioris
, quo inter duas partes id quod juftum
eft definit.

a) it. Grot. de Imp. Sum. Poteft, cap. V. 31.
C. TMS

Ch. XVI. v. 1. The Judgment of the Whore.
743
C. 1ñs ntóçons, of the Wbore] To underſtand exa&ly what this Whore is, we
muft firſt underſtand the Notion of this Word in general, and then by conſider-
ing how a City may be compared to a Woman, this Title of where then beft dif
covers her Qualities. The Hebrew word 7.597, which the LXX. curn by mógun,
fignifies not only an Whore, but alſo an Inn keeper, Bawd and trading Woman,
from 11 to feed, to entertain Strangers. And becauſe ſuch Women did general
ſy proſtitute themſelves or other Women to their Gueſts, hence the word
came to ſignify a Bawd or Whore. And that they might have always Women
for that purpoſe, they uſually traded in Slaves, either ſelling the Perſons or the
uſe of them, as it is ſtill pracic'd in the Levent, where the Trade is frequent.
Thus the Harlot Rahab, 7217, is in the (a) Samaritan Chronicle 7'77D, an
Hoſteſs, that word being derived from the Greek maydoxd's; and by the fame
word” are Terufalem and Samaria deſcribd in the Targum, on Ezekiel 23.
44.
where the Prophec deſcribes them at the ſame time as Whores and Hofteſes, enter-
raining all the idolatrous Strangers. Thus alſo (b) Euſebius ſpeaking of the
abominable practice in Heliopolis of Plenicia, in proſtiruting the Women, ſpeaks
of it as being áréuva žu opías, a baſe Trade See alſo (c) Strabo's accounts of
Comana and Corinth. The Greek Word lógvn favours this. Notion; for it comes
from πέρνημι Or πέρνω, το fell ; οιονεί πέρνη τις εσα, ή τίω μίξιν πωλέσα, faith the Ery-
mologicum. Therefore the Athenian (d) Law did not permit, that a Man who
was taken in the company of a Woman that fold in a Shop, or openly in the
Market, ſhould be created as an Adulterer ; fuch Women being ſuppos’d (e)
Harlots, as pretending to keep a Trade or Shop, or publick Houſe, to carry
on the other trade of Proſtitution. Flavtox cior, an Inn, ſignifies alſo a Brothel in
che Verſes of Philippides cited by (f) Plutarch. And indeed a whore is a Wo-
man that ſells herſelf; Quae ipſa Jeſe venditat, ( 8) as Plautus ſpeaks. So like-
wife (b) Philo and (i) Demojt benes. The Latin words Leno, Meretrix and Profii-
bulum, confirm the ſame Notion. By this we may gueſs
, why it was ſo ſhame.
ful to be ſeen in a Vi&ualing Houſe, as we
we find it was by fome Paſſages in
Diogenes Laërtius, Atheneus, Ælian, llocrates and Theophraſtus, becauſe as (k)
Philoſtratus ſays, the runneie were ippodiouz, Brothels. So Xiphilin out of Dio,
1peaking of Heliogabalus, who fet up fuch a Trade, τα των καπηλίδων εργαζόμενος
tells us immediately, that he invited the Paſſengers to Lechery. Thus alſo in
(1) Ariſtophanes repróiz the Brothels ſignify the Inns. Hence the Reproach in
Feremiabs. 7. év oixols Fogvãy xes]énvoy, they lodge in the Harlots Houſes.
We ſhall not think much, that ſuch People as theſe, in the times of Paga-
wolls
niſm fo given to Fornication, ſhould gratify their Gueſts with means to ſatisfy
their Lufts, when we find, that among the more creditable fort of Men, when
they entertain'd Gueſts hoſpitably, the Cuſtom was ſometimes to preſent
them with a Bedfellow. We have an inſtance of it in (m) Plautus, and
another in (n) Menander the Hiſtorian, and to the ſame purpoſe in (0) Diogenes
Laertius. The ſame happened to Tavernier, who being entertain'd by the King
of Perſia, was bidden to take one of the Dancers, and to carry her Home.
Modern (p) Travellers alſo tell us, that in Egypt tis the Cuſtom of the Country
to found, as an act of Charity, ſuch Brothels for the uſe of Travellers gratis
.
Thus alſo we find in (9) Homer, that Agamemnon offers to Tencer a Woman to
be his Concubine.
From this Notion of an Whore's being a Trader and Entertainer of Strangers,
៥ ។
the City of Tyre, which was the fineſt Marc in the World at that time, is by the
Prophec Iſaiah called 11317, in Chap. 23. 16. and fo likewiſe Nineveh, in Nahum
4. a whore is therefore to be conſidered with two Qualities, one of Trading,
t'other of Fornication, and becauſe this latter is the Symbol of Idolatry by a
Metonymie of the Adjun&, this Whore muſt be conſidered under the com-
plicated Notion of theſe three Qualities, Fornication, Idolarry and Riches
17 TO DE
3:2
Siin on
suods
(@) Vid. Hottinger. Diſ. Antimorin. S. 60.
(6) Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IV. p.
97.
(c) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XII. p. 559. & Lib. VIII. p. 378.
(d) Vid.
Demofth. conc. Neæram.
(e) Artemidor. Onir. Lib. I. cap. 80.76W09 (Pluc.
vit. Demetr. tolda (8) Plaut. Mil. Glor. A&. II. Sc. III. odco (b) Philo de
Leg. Spec. p. 537. & Lib. de Mened. Meretr. p. 389.
(i) Demoſth, contr. Neæram.
(k) Philoftr. Epift. ad ywatne MATTIA.
(1) Ariftoph. Ran.
(m) Plaut.
Mercator. Prolog.
(n) S. .
(0) Diogen.
67-
(p) Vid. M. Bernard's Rep. de Lettres An.
(9) Homer. Iliad. 6. v. 291.
acquired

744 The Judgment of the Whore.
Chap. XVII. v. U
.10
acquired by the former. The two hift are brought here in her Acculation,
but as Riches are no Grimes in themſelves, unleſs they are ill acquired or ill
us'd; the Holy Ghoſt doth not mention them here, but they are deſcribd in
the next Chapter in the Lamentation of thoſe that loſe them by her Fall.
Therefore this great City, which is here going to be repreſented as a Woman is
juftly called an Harlot, becauſe out of her Gains ſhe maintains Idolatry.
Becauſe we apply this to Rome even lince it has receiv'd Chriſtianity, and as
it ſtands now, the Biſhop of Meaux, one of the late Apologiſts and Diſguifers
of the Roman Church, obſerves, that this Symbol of Whore cannot belong to
it, but that ſhe ought to have been repreſented as an Adultereſs, and that the
Prophers repreſent 7eruſalem, or the Fewiſh Church under that Symbol. It is
true, that the Prophet Ezekiel in two places, Chap. 16. 38. and Chap. 23. 45.
uſes the term of mong in the LXX. Noixanis, upon this Subject, to which may
be added that of Hoſea, 3. 1. where the ſame word is us’d to fignify a Woman
which was to repreſent that Church ſymbolically ; but his Obſervation is falſe.
For the Symbol of Harlot 791 is more frequently us'd, even about Jeruſalem ;
as in Jaiah 1. 21, Jerem, 2, 20, and even in Hoſea 1. 2. and Ezek. 16. 3º. and
Chap. 16.44. where we have the word, which is tranſlated in the Targum by
*72735, that is maydoxedorgia), a Bawd or Hoſteſs. And we may obſerve, that
the word 17511, wógun, is really a greater Aggravation of the Crime than the
word Adulterefs
. For this may be done privately, but the other implies open
and ſhameleſs Proſtituticn, which is much worſe. For 727 is always ſaid of a
Wonian guilty of ſuch repeated Crimes, and is therefore in Levit. 21. 7.
diſtinguiſhed from aron a Woman profaned or deflowred, as the (a) L. Goullet
fhews. Thus when Amos propheſies againſt Amaziah, Prieſt of Bethel, that
his Wife ſhould be an Harlot in the City, this is worſe than if he had ſaid ſhe
ſhall be raviſhed. The meaning of the Propher ſeems to be, that ſhe ſhould
turn an open, publick Bawd or Proſtitute. Thus nothing is gotten by forcing
us.co clear this matter,
ao
It muſt not be expected here, that I ſhould now prove Rome to be an Harlot
in the senſe of the Prophets, by ſhewing that ſhe is guilty of "Idolatry. I
ſuppoſe that matter ſufficiently prov'd by other Proteſtant Writers; and I have
already, and ſhall hereafter give ſuch hints as fully perform it. But as I ſaid,
that Fornication was commonly an attendant of Idolatry, and therefore
fignifies it ſymbolically, ſo I ſhall here obſerve, that Fornication is itrangely
allowed and practis’d at Rome, and in all its Territories. It is with them not
only a venial Sin, bus they are in a manner perfuaded it is none at all. So
that in (b) Italy the Confeffors for the moſt part will not be troubled with
Stories of that nature from their Penitents, but put them off to ſome other
matter. I ſhall give no other proofs of this, leaſt I be thought to write
Satyr.
D.Tus vezéans, The great ] This may be ſaid in reſpect of her Power, and then
may be conſulted our Note upon Chap. 18. 23. B. and it may be alſo ſaid in
reſpect of her Whoredoms or Idolatry, and then Rome may be obſerv'd to
have adopted all the Idolatries of the Nations conquered by her when Pagan.
Upon which ſee our Note upon the word Babylon in this Chapter ; and ſince
ſhe is become the Head of the corrupted Church, ſhe has likewiſe adopted all
the Idolatries Follies in the Church as chey aroſe, and by humouring theſe
the draws them to her Party for Protection, and by their means forces them on
the reſt. This is one of the Maxims of her Policy, like that of her former
Siate. But becauſe this Capital comes in this place under the Symbol of an
Harlot, it ſeems this Epithete concerns her here chiefly in that quality. And
thus ſhe may be ſaid to be the great Harlot, becauſe ſhe is the Mother of all the
whoredoms of the Earth, as diis faig, fomething that fitreth upon many Waters.]
Ε. Της καθημδύης και των
This fymbolical Whore, or idolatrous Church, or rather the Capital City
thereof, has all the Attributes of the litteral Babylon and Egypt, whoſe noble
Situation upon the Rivers of Euphrates and the Nile, and Sea
a occaſion'd the
Wealth and Power thereof, and by conſequence the increaſe of their idolatrous
Power. The Prophet Jeremiah 51.A 13. ſpeaks thus to Babylon : 0 thou that
og notast
goid
@logo baneM.
(a) Guffet Comm. y. 720 M LEV (9) (1) Vid. Miffon's Travels in the gret
doło dwellest
beriepoeier
ز
.33158
SYSM
69M

Ch.XVII. v. 2. The judgment of the Whore. 745
ment.
dwelleft upon many Waters! then it follows, Abundant in Treaſures, thine end is come,
and the meaſure of thy Covetoufneſs. See alſo Iſaiah 43. 14. as alſo (a) Strabo and
(b) Pliny. We have the like Symbols us'd about Egypt in the Prophet Ezekiel,
which the Targum explains as the Angel does in this account, in Chap. 29. 3.
he compares the King of Egypt to a Dragon or Crocodile: the great Dragon
that lieth in the midſt of his Rivers. And whereas the reaſon of it is, becauſe be
bath Said, my River is mine own, and I have made it for my ſelf ; chere the
Targum explains it thus : Meum eft regnum, & ego ſubjugavi illud : which is re-
peated at the ninth Verſe. And in Chap. 32. 2. Thou art a Dragon in the Seas;
and thou cameſt forth with thy Rivers, and troubleſt the Waters with thy Feet, and
fouleft their Rivers: The Torgum; Et tu ficut Draco, qui eſt in mari
, expugnäſti
exercitu tuo & commevifti populos cum auxiliis tuis, & vaftafi provincias eorúm. We
have ſhewn already, that Waters ſignify Peoples; and ſo indeed this Angel ex-
plains it at the fifteenth Verſe. The meaning therefore is, that this Whore fits,
that is, rules and commands over many people and large Territories; and ſo
theſe Waters fignify the Members of the corrupted Church. There is no City
now that commands over corrupted Chriſtendom but Rome; to that is the laſt
reſort of all the corrupted Members, that are not fallen by lome Judg.
A. verf.2. Mg 90 ks trógv de oay of foodás tñs gñs, With whom the Rings have committed
Fornication.] Have craded in Idolatry and Tyranny, for by committing Idola-
try with their Capital chey have obrain'd Dominion over the corrupred Mem-
bers. For the Falſe Propher who fits therein as her Husband, of which more
hereafter, being their Fototum ſets up their Image, that their Subjects may
worſhip them therewith. Wboring and Trading are ſynonyn ous, as appears
from the Notion of Whore already diſcuſs’d, and by conſulting, Iſaiah 23. 17
and the return of Trade is ſuch, that the Kings committed Idolatry, and force
upon their Subjects the Religion of the Whore, and ſhe in Recompence imploys
her force to maintain them in their Power. This is implied in the Symbol of
Fornication, as the Onirocriticks explain it. The Indian fays in Chap. 126.
Εάν δη τις ότι σωσίαζε πόρνη, αυξήσει μία εις τον πλέον αυτ8, εξ αδικίας δε: The
Perſian and, Egyptian in the next Chapter ſay: 'Egy ido ó baoind's MaySVO STE
σωσίαζεν υπανδρω, τίω θυεαν αυλής υψώσει και πλετήσει, και τίω αξίαν τε ανδρός υμώσει,
96.3 óoc itixet Conſult alſo the ſame in Chap. 96. and the Indian in Chapa
132. If it be with ones Mother, it fignifies obtaining of Power in ones
Country. So Artemidorus Lib. I. cap. 82. 'Agador de parle dnsywy o xj toreldra
enuaire gei'p tliet matgida si pilnge er meg cu ó pegou'relu xsila rówou 'Aogosions, nora
16 άρχει το σώμα της σωέσης πειθομένης και εκάσης" έτως ο ίδων, πάνων προσήσέlαι
τών της πόλεως πραγμάτων" Hence this Obfervation in Suetonius concerning fulius
Cæfar: (c) Etiam confulum eum fomnio proximè noétis, nam viſus erat per quie-
tem matri ftuprum intuliſe. Conjectoris ad ampliffimam spem incitaverunt, arbi-
trium orbis terrarum portendi interpretantes ; quando mater, quam ſubje&tam fibi
vidiſſet, non alia efet quam terra, quæ omnium parens haberetur. Such another Sto-
ry we find in (d) Herodotus, who mentions a Dream of Hippias Son of Pififtratus,
who returning with the Perſians to be reſtored to his Father's Tyranny, dream'd
that he lay with his Mother; and gueſs'd from thence he ſhould be reſtor'd in
his Country. There is alſo the like in (e) Pauſanias. For the ſake of the
Engliſh Reader 1 ſhall add one Paſſage out of an Engliſh Author, who uſes moft.
of thele Symbols of the Holy Ghoft about Rome ; by which one may ſee how
natural it is to repreſent her as the Holy Ghoſt hath done. He ſays: (f) . I
cannot hinder my ſelf from a ſmall Digreſſion, to conſider with Admiration,
* that the old Lady of Rome, with all her Wrinkles, ſhould yet have Charms
• able to ſubdue great Princes ; ſo far from handſome, and yet ſo imperious ;
' ſo painted, and yet ſo pretending, after having abus'd, depos'd and murther's
• fo many of her Lovers, ſhe ſtill finds others glad and proud of their new
• Chains ; a thing ſo ſtrange to indifferent Judges, that thoſe who will allow
no other Miracles in the Church of Rome, muſt needs grant that this is one
not to be conteſted; ſhe fits in her Shop, and ſells at dear Rates her Ratcles
Se ed
5
(a) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI.
(b) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VI. cap. 26.
(c) Sueton. in Jul. Cæf. cap. 7. (d) Herodot. Lib. VI.cap. CVII.
Meflen. p. 136.
(f) Marg. of Hallifax in the Char: of a Trimmer
, p. 56) Pauſati
and
9 D

746 The Fudgment of the Whore.
Ch. XVII. v. 2
and her Hobby Horſes; whilſt the deluded World ſtill continues to furnih
her Cuſtomers'. I ſhall ſum up this matter with the words of Radulphus
Flaviacenfis: (a) Coire vero cum illa, eſ unum quodammodo cum illa fieri, long aque
conſuetudine immunditiam mentis illius, converſationiſque pravitatem plene in fe tranſ-
fundere
olibe
Thefe Kings are all the great Men who have had Power, ever fince Chrift
came into the World, whilſt Rome has been the Seat of Empire, Heathens,
and more eſpecially the corrupted Chriſtians. For I muſt here obſerve andere
peat, that we find Rome is here deſcrib'd in all its extent of Power ſince the
beginning of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation. Her Oppoſition firſt to its Promal-
gation, and then to the Purity of its Worſhip is her Crime, which God takes
now notice of. She had a fall before as Pagan, but recover'd, inſtead of amenda
ing, the only charg'd her Crimes into others of the like nacure, but with more
aggravating Circumſtances, becaufe ſhe had more Light and Knowledge.
Therefore this Judgment brings on her a ſecond Fall irrecoverable, and with a
double return, as we ſhall ſee in the next Chapter. When this is called to ack
count, her former Iniquity is alſo called to Remembrance, and comes to ago
gravate her Crimes. Thus when the Propher Ezekiel, in Chap. 16. ſpeaks of
God's Judgment upon Jeruſalem, he begins with the Amorites by whom its
Foundation was laids. Likewiſe in Chap. 23. when he conſiders the ſame
Judgment, and that of Samaria together, and of their Inhabitants, he begins at
the Oppreſſion of the Nation in Egypt. The like is done heres for the Judg.
ment of God upon that Church was the Type of his Judgment upon corrupted
Chriſtendom.
Sales and
We may here obſerve, that Babylon at the time of her former Fall in Chap.
14. 8. is nos ſaid to have fornicated with Kings, but here ſhe is..o In her for-
mér Srare all Men were People under her, to ſpeak properly, none had Dos
mihion in Fellowſhip with her ; ſhe ruld by her own Power. But now ſhe ra-
ther rules by Art and Flattery, and ſo is more like a Whore than a Conqueror.
The Kings of the Earth trade with her ; the Power ſhe has now is grounded
upon a quite different Foundation. Rome Pagan ſubdued and deſtroy'd the
Kings ; but this crades in Whoredom with them, and juggles to gain chem
with her Myſteries.
"B, Και εμεθύδησαν οι καλοικοιωθες το γήν εκ τέ όινε της πορνείας αυτής, And the Inhabi-
tants of the Earth bave been made drunk with the Wine of ber Fornication.] The
Holy Ghoſt having mention'd the Dealings of this Whore with the mighty Men,
proceeds now in her Deſcription by ſhewing her Dealings with the inferior
fort or their Subjects. It has been faid, that the Kings fornicated with her,
and this Fornication implies a Communication of Power, and therefore the
fame Symbol is very improper to expreſs her Dealings with the People,
whom the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to repreſent as Loſers by the Trade with her,
and rather under her Tyranny. Therefore as this Capital City is compared to
an Harlot, who is proud, and only granteth her Favours to the mighty, and
yet in the quality is one that keeps a Brothel or Houſe of Entertainment for
all ſorts of Men, ſhe is here repreſented as entertaining the common fort of
Men with thoſe means of Riot and Folly which are committed in ſuch Houſes,
And
becauſe thoſe who communicate with ſuch Perſons, cannot be free from
their Guilt, therefore ſhe is ſaid to be guilty of making them drunk with the
Wine which is kept in her Houſe, and which may therefore be called a Wine of
Furnication, becaufe as this Harlot is afterwards repreſented as the Mother or
Govérheſs of all the Harlots of the Earth; this Riot of the common fort brings
them to fornicate with her Underlings, and by that means to communicate
with the Sins of the great Harlot, which are, to commit Idolatry, and to ſub-
mit chemiſelves to her Tyranny.
{ បាន
b That we may underſtand the heinouſneſs of the Riots committed by the
us
higher.. To be fure the Women of Iſrael could not be thought to be the firſt
Introducers of Brothels in their Land, becauſe the Law was ſo ſevere to ſuch
Women of their Blood. Death is their Puniſhment. They muſt be then of
the Remnant of the Canaanites. When the Iſraelites had taken Poffeffion of
j
22-៉ុង2
(a) Rad. Fav. in Levit. Lib. XI, cap. 3. con lo pre
V di Itobo SH (1)
the

Ch. XVII. V.2.
The Judgment of the Whore.
747
wa
the Land of Canaan, they became ſo Poffeffors of it by Diviſion, that the
Heathens, who were left among them, could have none, wherever the Iſraelites
were Matters. So they were forc'd, having neither Land nor Houſes to live
by, to betake themſelves to Trades, handy Crafts and tippling Houſes, the
I/raelites being the only Husband-men. They had no other way to live, and
by their Education could make no fcruple, or think it a ſhame to proftitute
occaſion of the iſraelites falling into their ways of living, and by Whoredom
to learn their idolatrous Prađices. Solomon in Prov. s. calls therefore an Har-
lot, a ſtrange Woman, becauſe their Harlots were all ſuch; and by the Deſcrip-
tion he makes there, and in Chap.7. it appear's how they invited the Iſraelites
to Riot and Drunkenneſs, to drain their Pockets, and make them Partakers of
their Idolatry by eating of their Sacrifices, Prov. 7. 14. their Wine alſo un-
doubtedly according to the Pagan Cuſtom, being all conſecrated to their Idols,
which they offer'd to chcir Guefts. So that to drink thereof, was to partake of
their Lewdneſs and Idolatry too; as they who eat things ſacrificed to Idols,
are Partakers of the Idolatry, and ſo accounted in this very Book. And it is
very likely, that theſe Women allured the Ifraelites that came to 'em, to join
with them in the Worſhip of their falſe Gods, as the Women of the Midia.
nites had done before ; (a) Foſephus informing us, that they conſented to the
Iſraelites upon this Condition. We are ſure, that Solomon was drawn into Ido-
latry the very fame ways, 1 Kings Ir. 1, to 8. See the Law in Exod. 34, 15.
by which God aim'd to root out the very cauſe of this Evil ; and then ſee our
Nore upon Chap. 2. 14. C. Thus I think the decorum of the Symbols is fuf-
ficiently explain’d; and that this Wine of Fornication implies idolatry.
We come now to conſider the Drunkenneſs. It is ſometimes taken in a good
Senſe, as in Ferem. 3r. 14. alſo in Iſaiah 58. 11. Thus in Pletho : (6) Stóssy
ceede gusar, which in the Stile of the New Teſtament ſignifies the ſame as full of the
Holy Ghoſt. The Onirocriticks ſometimes, as in Chap. III, 112. explain ic
of the Acquiſition of Riches. See alſo Chap. 196. theſe Senſes are not ſo
proper to our Cafe. Sometimes Drunkenneſs is the Symbol of Folly, and of the
Madneſs of Sinners, who making no uſe of their Reaſon, thus involve them-
ſelves into all ſorts of Crimes. So Pbilo explains it: (c) Súucoach od ångelen
Μωσής έχ ενός, αλλά πλεόνων είναι νομίζει, το Αηρεϊν και παραπαίεις, αναιδησίας πανελάς,
έπλης ας ακορέσες και δυσαρέσε αθυμίας, και δίφροσμύης της τ'άλλα περιεχίσης, και πάσι τοίς
ειρημδόοις έμφαινομβάης γυμνότη76, τον Νώε μεθυθένια φησί χρήσεις. So 'tis caken in
Iſaiah 28. 1, 3. and Artemidorus Lib. III. c. 42. Magi'wv šdavi e'zo gov, šte ov$si, śre
γυναικί, πολλω ρ αφροσώίω παραποδισμόν των χρειών σημάιver And then as Puniſh-
ment is the conſequence of Sin, fo Drunkenneſs in the Prophets is taken for
that Stupidity, which ariſes from God's Judgments, when the Sinner is under
the Confternation of his Miſery. Fob 12. 29. Iſaiab 29. 9. Jerem. 23. 9. and
Chap. 48. 26. make them drunken. Targum: Adduc ſuper eos anguſtiam, ut fint
fimiles ebrio. Jerem. 13. II. Implebo oinnes tribulatione, & erunt fimiles ebrio, ſays
the Targum: See alſo Jerem. SI. 39. Lam. 3. 15. and Chap. 4. 21. Nakum 3.
11, Iſaiah yi. 21. compare with this what has been ſaid in our Note upon
Chap. 14. 8. D. Thus we find in Plautus": (d)
JA Todaw scle to
of tidisma tannai
Si ſemel Amoris poculum accepit mere, ritari at money
Eaque intra peétus fe penetravit potio, authorisqu734
Extemplo o ipfus periit, & res, & fides. Hoy os
z dosad Pandora
See the reſt. And in Terence : (e)
1o do sorguladt gibrid y tab
Esta Te aste en
hangosabbnih
Temulenta es.nl te gebore molto poi
Pyth. Utinam fic fient, mihi qui male volunta
bidw en
Donatus. Non neg at ſe elle ebriam, ſed non vino, verum malo ebriam vult intellegi.
Grid
η HO
(a) Flav. Joſeph. Antiq. Lib. IV. cap. 6. (6) Philo de Ebrier. p. 163. 1) Pleth
Sch. in Or. Chald.
(d) Plaut. Truculent. A&. I. Sc. I. Terent. Eun. 1
A&. IV. Sc. III.
The

748 The Judgment of the Whore.
Chap. XVII. v. 3,
The Drunkennels here may be taken in the two laft Senſes ; Firſt, That the
Nations are become mad, and ſtupid with the Idolatries and Sins, which they
have committed at the Inſtigation of this Harlor; and Secondly, That by the
Terrors of hier Tyranny and Cruelty, ſhe has brought the World into a Stupi-
dity, that they knew not what to do ; and ſo ignorantly perform'd what the
pleas’d to lay upon them. And indeed as Rome, when Pagan, forced the great-
ett part of the World to ſubmit to its Power, and to worſhip her Emperors as
Gods, ſo the Terrors of the Thunder of the Vatican, when Rome became again
the Head of corrupted Crriſtendom were ſo great, that all the Nations of
Chriſtendom were forced to ſubmic to her Tyranny ; to receive her Deciſions
as true, tho' never ſo contrary to the light of Reaſon and Scripture. By
which the corrupted Chriſtians were thrown into a ftupid ignorance of the
main Doctrines of the Goſpel, whilft none knew any Objects of Worſhip but
Saints and Images. Something more on this Subject is ſaid in the Noce upon
Chap. 17. 6. A.
A. verf. 3. Kai dar Weyni ve cis fignaco įv avd'ha]c, And be carried me away into the
Wilderneſs in the Spirit ] I have ſaid ſomething concerning the Expreſſion in the
Spirit, in my Note upon Chap. 1. 10. A. The like is done in Ezekiel, Chap.
8. 3. and Chap. 11. 1. to fhew him the preſent ſtate of the Nation of the
Jews, as the Scene removes, the Spectator muit be ſuppoſed to be tranſported.
And the Prophet in the Viſion being ſaid to do any thing, becomes part of the
Prophetical Viſion, and repreſents ſomething in the Event. I have given al-
ready fome Proofs of this in other places, as in Chap. 5. 4. A. Chap. 10. 4.
A. and Chap. 11, 1. B. whence Ansbertus obſerves : Cujus vero Angelus figuram
gerit, niſi Domini redemptoris, vel certè prædicatoris ejus ? Cujus quoque 5 obannes,
nifi Ecclefie? Angelus enim Johannem in defertum ducit, cum redemptor nofter, five
per interna aſpirationis doétrinam, ſive per vocem prædicantium ad intuenda ac diſcer-
nenda reproborum opera, corumque damnationem inſpiciendam, Ecclefiam inftruit. It
may be ask'd, why the Holy Ghoſt mentions here a new Tranſlation of the
Prophet in the Spirit into the Wilderneſs, ſince none was mentioned when the
Woman repreſenting the Church, went into the Wilderneſs. The reaſon is,
becauſe the Deſcription of the Woman's State ends in that Symbol, and her
abode cherein, as to the time and means of her ſubliſting there, are ſufficiently
ſupplied by the Oracle that follows. St. John himſelf has nothing elſe to do
with it ; but this is a different Caſe. This Harlot is an Enemy to the Church
ac a diſtance. The Diſcovery of her Judgment is a matter of long Dedu&ion.
When the Holy Ghoſt deſcribes the new Jeruſalem, St. John is then alſo tran-
ſlated to ſee it. The Ruin of this Harlot or great City, is to make way to the
coming down of that Jeruſalem. 'Tis its Rival and Opponent. Now this
great City is an external thing in ſome Senſe to the Church, and to the
Theatre of theſe matters, for which St. John was in the beginning of the Vie
fion called up, and transfer'd by the Spirit into Heaven, She is now driven
into the Wilderneſs, to ſee her he muſt be transfer'd thither.
B. Eis igncesy, Into the Deſert.] We muſt obſerve that St. John is now to be a
Spectator of the Judgment and Deſtruction of the Whore, and that he is there-
fore carried into ſuch a place as it is proper to ſuppoſe may repreſent the ftate
of the Whore upon her Accuſation and Convi&ion. For though that Accuſa-
tion and Conviction ſhews her ſtate of Proſperity, yer in the divine Conſide
ration ſhe is in a ftate of Miſery. So that the Scene of her Convi&tion muſt
be repreſented by ſuch Symbols as may ſhew under what view the Holy Ghoſt
would have her preſent Condition to appear. A Priſoner appears in a Priſon
or in Chains, but a City is to be repreſented as forſaken by thoſe who are able
to defend it by hindring the Approaches of its Enemies. A Capital City is in
that Condition when her Territories are wafted, and when ſhe therefore
ſtands as in a Wilderneſs. Hence a Wilderneſs is a proper Symbol to repreſent a
City forlorn, and deftitute of all human means of Alliſtance. The like has
been obſerv'd before in the Deſcription of the Dragon and other matters.
Thus allo the Woman, which is to repreſent the Church, is upon her firſt Ap-
pearance repreſented in Heaven, the place of ſupream Power where the Dra-
gon is already, becauſe ſhe is to contend with him for it, and is to ſucceed
therein when he is thrown down. So this Whore or Capital City, like Capera
naum, Matth. Ir. 23. having been exalted up to Heaven, as the firſt and
living Head of the Dragon, and afterwards recovering, to become again the
principal

Chap. XVII. V. 3. .990 The Judgment of the Whore.
294
principal Head of the Beaſt, is now juft upon the brinks of Deitruction, and
ready to become deſolate. She is indeed repreſented with all the glorious
Attributes that ever ſhe had, becauſe this ſets forth her Crimes, and ſhe is not
yet deſtroy'd or depriv'd of her Pretences, but only going.
In this the Holy Ghoſt has exa&ly followed the ſame method, as in the
ancient Prophets. Thus Ifaiab, who in the very beginning of his Propheſy,
foretels the Captivity of the Jews, and the ruin of Jeruſalem, repreſents her as
a Tent in a Vineyard, as a Lodge in a Garden of Cucumbers, as a beſieged City,
Its Country is deſolate, the Cities about it burn with Fire, the Land deyour'd
and deſolate, as overthrown by Strangers ; Iſaiah 1. 7, 8. The ſame Prophet,
Chap. 21, I. calls by the name of the Burden of the Deſart, or as in the LXX.
To oga pea oñs spáles, the Viſion of the Deſert, thar Vifion wherein he foretels the
Deftruction of Babylon. Burden is a word us’d in Propheſies, as in 2 Kings 9.
25. Iſaiab 13. 1. and Chap. 14. 28. Ferer. 23: 33, 34. It implies, that the
Propheſy lays ſomething on the Party which is to be ſuffered. Ezekiel alſo
follows the ſame method : in Chap, 19. 13. where he prophefies concerning
Jeruſalem under the Symbol of a Vine, he ſays: Now ſhe is planted in the Wilder-
neſs, in dry and thirſty Ground; and in Chap. 20.35. where God ſays: I will
bring you into the Wilderneſs of the People. This place ſeems to ſignify, that
when the Babylonian Kingdom ſhall be deſtroy'd, the Fews ſhall be sem
ſtor'd. laid
There is alſo to be obſerv'd in this place the decorum of the Viſion ; moft
of the Symbols being taken from the Jewiſh Oeconomy, and the Temple and
Land of Iſrael; the very laſt parts of the Viſion antecedent to this were ſup-
poſed to have theſe places for their Scene. But to paſs from Jeruſalem to the
litteral Babylon, the way lay to paſs through the Wilderneſs of Arabia ; on
the Skirts of which lay the Plains of Shinar in which Babylon ftood with many
Rivers about it; and upon the account of its bigh Towers to be ſure
e fure very con-
ſpicuous afar off
. In this we ſee the reaſon why the Prophet is removed in
the Spirit into the Wilderneſs.
boncoisa i usmpw
Now the Holy Ghoſt has indeed taken care to fhew us, how this Harlot or
Babylon is now in a Wilderneſs, by the Deſcription of the Vintage and the tread-
ing of the Wine preſs in all its Territories out of the City, which join'd to
the ſeventh Plague, by which the Cities of the Nations fall, the Mountains
are remov'd, the Iands fiy; all theſe things being now accompliſhed, do
fufficiently inform us, that the Holy Ghoſt may now very properly repreſent
her as a Wilderneſs, in the ſame manner as Iſaiah did repreſent Feruſalem in his
Time, whilſt fhe yet ſtood, but was expos’d to the Incurſions of the Babylonians,
or rather Aſyrians. And further, ſince this Harlot in the Wilderneſs repreſents
Rome even as it now ftands; we may obſerve, that there is a litteral Coinci-
dence of the Event to the Symbol, the City of Rome now really ſtanding in a
proper Wilderneſs; for by the abominable Tyranny of its Government that
moſt delicious, beautiful and fertil Territory about it is now almoſt as forfaken
of Inhabitants, as the Deſerts of Arabia; being full of unwholſome Marſhes
and Ponds ; neither is it likely to recover. 1 mei wpd mod aches 1997
o C. Kal & dor yw cùngs, And I faw a Woman. ]. Since this Capital City, contes
under the Notion of an Harlot, the viſible Figure, that repreſents her, can be
no other than a Woman, clad like an Harlot. Tis uſual in the Prophets to re-
preſent Cities under the Type of Women, Virgins, Wives, Widows and Harlots,
according to their different Conditions. So Jeruſalem is a Virgin, in Iſaiab 37.
22. Comp. 2 Kings 19. 21. Zerem. 14. 17 Chap. 18. 13. Chap. 31. 4. Lament.
I. 15. Chap. 2. 13. Egypt, in Ferem. 46. 11. Mother is alſo given to Tome
Cities, and Daughter to others; Ezek. 16. 44, 46, 48. Chap. 23, 2. Widow is
ſaid of Babylon, in Iſaiah 47. 8, 9. Lament. 1. I. it is ſaid of Jeruſalem. Harlot
,
is ſaid of Tyre, Nineveh, Jeruſalem, Samaria, Babylon and others in places cited
already. Thoſe who have occaſion to repreſent Cities in ſymbolical Figures
generally do it in the Similitude of Women, as may be ſeen in the Medals of
the Ancients; and Statues in the ſhape of Women were alſo made to repreſent
Cities. So even the Chriſtian Church, which is the City of God, has been
repreſented as a Woman in this Propheſy, Chap. 12. 1. D. and the New Jery-
Salem will be hereafter exhibited as a Bride, in Chap. 19. 7. but there called
by the more general name of Woman, lumi, though her Circumſtances ſhew
her to be then a Bride. The Analogy of theſe Diftin&ions is very plain.
9 E
D. Kahnuf'lim

750 The Judgment of the Whore.
Ch. XVII. v. 3.
D. Ke9nuilee Bin Smpíov, Sitting upon a Beaſt.] That is ruling, governing, and
being affifted by the concurrent Submiſſion and Power of a Beaft, or tyrannical
fecular Power. The Holy Ghoſt changes the Symbols according to the feve
ral Views taken of the things propheſyed. This Capital City is in one place
reprefented by an Head, or the firſt Head of the Beaſt wounded to death, be-
cauſe the Holy Ghoſt then conſidered it as Pacient. In another place it is
called the Throne of the Beaſt, becauſe then there was Confuſion in it fo
that the Government thereof was difturb'd; but here, becauſe a Judgment
is to paſs upon it for its Actions, therefore the Holy Ghoſt makes a Perſon
of it, as being guilty of all the Crimes, which its Inhabitants have committed
through the power lodged in the ſtrength of chac City. And becauſe the in-
habitants thereof, under the Pretence of the Prerogative of thae City, have
perſuaded the Powers lodged within the Precinds of the Territories of this
Capital, to carry on the tyrannical Deſigns thereof, therefore it is now more
proper to reprefent the Beaſt as ridden by the Type of the City. So that there
is neither Conrradiation nor Incongruity in all this Management. The Sym-
bols have been already conſidered, and we have ſeen in Chap. 13. that there
was a Beart of the ſame quality as this, which exerciſed Tyranny during the
preſent Period of the Church againſt the true Worſhippers of God. As the
Holy Ghoſt now views this City in the end of that period, fo che Woman is
deſcribed by the preſent Circumſtances. But this Beaſt being the Succeffor of
the Dragon, has therefore all the Attributes which that Dragon had, as well as
thoſe it hath as its Succeſfor: The different States of the City are now alſo
deſcribed, but by the help of other Symbols, that the Holy Ghoſt might not
be obliged to deſcribe her riding or ſitting upon the Dragon firſt, and then
upon the Beaſt. Thus the Deſcription runs on much more ſmoothly ; for the
prefent State being ſeen at firſt view in the Symbols, the account of the Angel
ſupplies the Deſcription of the former States Sdnos bas
The decorum of the Symbol may be firſt conſidered, which I ſuppoſe to be
this, that the Woman is repreſented as facting ſideways upon the Beaſt. The
Women in this Country do ſo now, but in all other parts of Europe they ride
on Horſeback at the Men do. In this Caſe we muſt conſider how the ancient
Pradice was. Achilles Tatius has deſcrib'd a Picture of the Rape of Europa in
which ſhe was painted fitting ſideways upon the Bull; (a) A reprévo nécroig
επελάθητο τοίς νώτοις τε €οος, και περιβάω, αλλα καλα πλάρεν, όλι Λεξια συμβασα τα πόδια.
But this mo
may be thought a ſpecial Caſe; There is a Paſſage very clear for it in
Ammianus Marcellinus, who ſpeaking of the ancient Hurs, thews that they rode
ſometimes, fiđeways as Women; his words are as follows: Equis prope aſfixi
duris quidem fed deformibus
, & muliebriter iifdem nonnunquam infidentes, funguntur
muneribus confuetis. The preſent Huffars, a Remnant of this Nation, do ſo
till to eaſe themſelves upon the Saddle, on which they almolt continually
fit.
ΠΙΘΥΟΥ 3ΟΣ. Ο γης Sidoniods 3
; logisbli25901
To fit upon a Beaft is according to the Stile of holy Writ the ſame as riding ;
and the Expofitióf of either of theſe fies this place. To ride ſignifies to con
quer, as has been ſhewn in our Note upon Chap. 6. 2. A. and to fit ſignifies
govern, and is a confequence of the former; i a Seat or a Throne being the
Symbol of Government, a right to which is obtain'd by Conqueſt, that being
now the original of all Government. I ſhall cite only two Stories, where thoſe
two Symbols are found, with an Expofitionwhich ſhews howethoſe who deal
about ſuch matters underſtand them. The firſt is out of (6) Procopius, who
Tays he heard a Roman Senator fay, that in the Times of Atbalarich, who
Teignd in Italy, an Herd of Oxen paſſing through the Market, one of them
rid a brazen Bull, and that a Tuſcan Peaſant ſaid thereupon, that ſometime or
other an Eunuch ſhould ſubdue the Tyrant of Italy. This he ſays was fulfilled
by Narſes an Eunuch, General under fuftinian. The next is a Story out of
the Turkiſh Hiſtory, Thar Nation ftill minds Dreams, and ſome of them ſtudy
very much the ſymbolical Language. The Story is of Orbman the IId, in theſe
words : One thing is worthy of Note ; a litele before this Tumult happen'd,
Oſman dream'd that he rid a Camel, and being mounted he could not force
him to go by fair means nor Stripes, and that then deſcending in a Rage to
as bogidiins 1931609
གསལ་
གཞིགས་པ་ལགས་སུ་ལག་པ་ཐ་ག་པ་བ་བཀའ་ཟུར་ས་ཚུགས་ལ་
vo
(a) Achill
. Tat. Eroti Lib. I. id sods (6) Procopa Hiftor. Mixt: cap. XXI. 197!
revenge

Ch. XVII. v. 3: The Judgment of the Whore. 75.1
revenge it with his Sword, the Body of the Beaſt vaniſhed, leaving in his
• Hand only the Head and Bridle ; at which Dream being exceedingly trou-
bled, he the next Day ſends for one of his Wizards to interpreto ic but he
refuſed, perſuading him to apply himſelf to the Mufty; which he did, and
had this Interpretation, viz. That the Camel ſignify'd his Empire; his
riding his abuſe in Government ; his defcenfion or alighting, his Depofing :
the vaniſhing of the Body of the Beaſt, the Revolt of his Subjects; the
Head and Bridle remaining in his Hand, only a bare Title ; and that he
• ſhould ſhortly die and loſe his Empire, the empty Name only of Emperor
accompanying him to his Grave'. How exactly the fecewo file our Caſe is
eaſily ſeen. The Beaſt is further explain'di preſently body 90 posto
E, Kóxxuyov, Scarlet coloured.] No matter whether the Beaſt be ſo called, from
its having Scarler Trappings, as Grotius thinks, or its Skin and Appearance were
ſuch in the Viſion ; which is more likely : for the Symbol is ſtill the ſame.
This is the ſame thing as the suppår, red, which is the colour of the Dragon, in
Chap. 12. 3. If there be any difference, it is to imply, thạc this is an higher
colour than the red of the Dragon, to thew that Rome in its lacter Period would
be more bloody than in the former ; which is true, and I have obſerv'd, and
prov'd it before. Bloody towards the Servants of God. Scilicet propter ſanguineon
martyrum, fays Ansbertus. Further, this colour being that of Kings, sit may
ſignify that, without excluding the former Signification is to fignify altogether,
that this real Beaſt is alſo tyrannical in the Church. Ibis colour was that of
she Emperors in time of War, their Paludamentum being of that colour, as
(a) Pliny obſerves. The purple colour was thaс of Peace, and was worns by
the Senators in their Latus Clavas, always worn at home. But this Beastu has
none of that colour, becauſe it is wholly imploy'd in making War with the
Saints, as has been ſaid in Chap. 13. 7. This Diſtinction will be further ex-
plain'd upon the next Verſe. It is very proper to add here this Obſervation of
Du Moulin in his (6) Apology for the Confeffion of Faith of King James the
Firſt, The Pope Paul II. firſt diſtributed ſcarlet Cloth to his Cardinals as well
for themſelves, as for their Mules, that this Propheſy which agrees in ged
neral with the See of Rome, might alſo agree with every Pillar of that See
that is, to be mounted on a Beaſt coloured in Scarlet's en anii da sdi avet
F. réucoy óvogager Gracquias, Full of Names of Blaſphemy.] It is ſaid of the
Beaſt in Chap. 13. 1. That there were upon its Heads names of Blafpbemy, and
a little after, that it had a Mouth ſpeaking great things cand Blaſphemiese and of
the Falſe Prophet, v. 11. that be ſpeaks as the Dragona So that this Whore,
who in another Senſe is the Capital City of the Beait, has always had within
its Dominion Tyrants, who blafphemed; that were Idolaters and Perſecutors
of the true Church. We fee by chis, than though the Holy Gholt deſcribes
here in a great meaſure the fame thingsl as before ; yet becauſe the principal
end of this part is to deſcribe the Capital City of the idolatrous Church, and
that this is co be done under the Type of an Harlot, the other parts of that
ftate which is in Confederacy againſt the true Worſhip of Chriſt muſt enter
into this Deſcription with decorum, that is, the Symbols which deſcribed the
former matters muſt come in here in a ſuitable train of Allegories. For in one
Senſe this City rides upon the Beaft with ſeven Heads and ten Horns, in ano-
ther this City it ſelf is the firſt Head of the Beaſt. And as it is the main
Seat of Chriſt's Enemies, as they are alſo one Body concurring in the ſame
deſign, ſo all the parts of that Body may enter into the Deſcription of the
Capital by a ſuitable Diſpoſition of the parts. We are not therefore to imagine
that the Holy Ghoſt in this place, muft ſpeak of the matters mencion'd before
juft the ſame way, but in a method ſuitable to the train of Symbols by which
this view is taken of that Body.
e tem os IS_25iziono
G. "Exov yapane's empled iġ xiscle Nine, Having ſeven Heads and ten Horns.] Theſe
are che characteriſtical marks of the Dragon and the Beaſt his Succeſſor, as
they are deſcrib'd in the twelfth and thirteenth Chapter, by which the Holy
Ghoſt intends to deſcribe the ſame Dominions and Power; if not all, yet as
they have been in the moſt flouriſhing ſtate of the Whore, which is the moſt
proper point of light to take the moſt exact Pi&ure of her. For though the
1.vou banV
(a) Plin: Hift. Nat. Lib. XXII. cap. 2,
di mono outlo! lol
(b) Part: 1. ch. IIInori
have

752
The Whore's Dreſs 301
Ch. XVII. v. 4.
have theriy not all now, yer ſhe is accountable for the Actions and Crimes the
committed when ſhe had them. It is not faid here, that either the Heads or
Horn's had Diadems as before, when chat Diftin&tion was neceſſary to ſhew at
whacbeimerithe Heads did govern, and how afterwards the power paſt into the
Horns. But as this thews at once both, fo the very naming of Heads and Horns
implies the fame Power, and the Angel's Oracle will ſhew afterwards how,
and when this e aggregate Power was exercis'd in different Periods." If the
Holy Ghoft had repreſented Diadems upon the Heads and Horns, this would
have implied, that the Power was exerted at the ſame time, which would be
contrary to the former Deſcriptions and the Event, but what may be, though
without neceflity, thought to be omitted here, is fully ſupplied afterwards, and
with mach more Plainnefs: 1 And indeed this Chapter ſupplies many Particu-
Jars, according to the method of the Holy Ghoſt in all Repetitions, which
could not conie in fo wellby Symbols as by the Oracles of chis Angel. For the
fymbolical Viſion ſhews all the Symbols at cne view, but the Oracle explains the
fucceflime Chariges, which would in a manner require fo many different Viſions.
Therefore what may be obſcure in the one is made plain in the other. So
that though fome parts of this Oracle look like intricate Riddles, yet I hope
to make them all plain, without leaving room for Objections. . 16 sa v
V A. verf. 4. Kalbi szish this weg:6oCanufón magpugar sy xóxxinar, And the Woman Was
arrayed in purple rand ftatlo:] Harlots in ancient time had affected Dreſſes ; hence
we read of the & Gelaagverdu, as the LXX. call it in Prov.7. 10. the Prophet
Ezekiehl Chap. 16. deſcribes it much after the ſame manner as here, and ſo
likewife (2Philo, who deſcribes the Garbs and Geſtures of ſuch Women very
accuratelyezi and chere amongſt many Circumſtances we find theſe, that the
Holy Ghoft ufes here. So Plautus ſpeaking of ſuch a Woman, ſays: (b) Sed
veftitaji aurata, lornatao 'ast lepidd. Thus alſo Ceſtius in Seneca : ( c. Stetiffi cum
meretricibus, ftetifti fic ornata, ut populo placere polles, es veſte quam leno dederat.
Many Authors have ſpoken of the purple and its Invention, as (d) Plány, (e)
Vitris vius, (f) Achilles Statius, ( 8 ) Jul. Pollux, and others. If we may be-
lieve Pollux, the firſt Garment died of that colour was ſo done to pleaſe a
Wench of Tyre, a Phænician therefore, or Canaanite Harlor. (b) Fobin Malela
ſays, that the King having admired the colour, forbad every body to wear it,
reſerving it for his own uſe and Succeffors, whence ic became the colour to
diſtinguiſh the Kings by. From hence the Cuſtom pafs’d into other parts of
the World. I am ape to think it was not forbidden to Women, and it is plain
it was not in the Roman Empire. But whether fo or not, this Harlot may be
faid co wear it not only as ſuch, but as a Queen. Thus in 1 Maecab. 14. 43.
purple and gold Rayments are allowed to be worn by Simon, as the Enfigns of
ſupream Power. The Scarlet colour being that of Blood, is the Symbol of
Slaughter; this has been proved elſewhere. Since the Holy Ghoſt has only at-
tributed this colour to the Beaſt, and both together to the Harlor, theſe two
colours muſt have different Significations. And what can it be but that this
Whore is a great Flatterer, uſes the arts of Peace to allure Men, and in the
end hews its Cruelty upon thoſe over whom ſhe cannot prevail otherwiſe.
This matter is ſo eaſily applied to Rome, fince it became head of the corrupted
Church, that it needs no proof; no more than of the litteral Coincidence in
the Roman Garments.
Assa
sed 10 bromsds esta
B. Kexquówufen x quomon xj aija tiuio, sij piepgagítais, Decked with Gold, and precious
Stones and Pearls.] As thefe Ornaments are marks of Power and Riches in
Princes, fo they are Allurements in Whores, either to ſet off their Beauty, or
to draw Admiration from the Beholders ; to gain Love and Reſpect. The
abuſe of theſe things are marks of Pride and Luxury; and by hiding of De-
formities are alſo marks of Vanity and Diffimulation, of a deſign to chear by
borrowed Charms theſe who would otherwiſe deſpiſe the Poffeffor. Hence
Tichonius: (i) Er ornata auro, & lapide pretioſo, id eft omnibus illecebris fimulatæ
veritatis. In this fymbolical Whore they may be taken as Symbols. And thus
25 19V ells soft 100 ons noinimo metoda de los abon
Homewo TO STATOTT TOT 5
(a) Philo Jud. de Merced. Meretr. p. 590. X Moto (6) Plaut. Epidic. A&. II. Sc. IL.
(c) V. Senec. Lib. 1. Controv. II.
(d) Plin. Nat. H. Lib. IX. cap. 36.
(e) Vitruv. de Arch. Lib. VII. cap. 13.
(f) Achill. Star. de Amor. Clit. Lib. 11.
(8) Jul. Polluc. Onomaſt. Lib. I.
(6) Joh. Mal. Chronogr. Lib. II.
() Tichon. Hom, XIV.
TIXX 1812
the

Ch. XVII. v.4. Volly The Whore's Drefs.
753
the Gold, as we prove elſewhere, is the Symbol of incorruption and wiſdom
gaining Power : the precious Stones are the Symbols of the Divine Oracles in
this Prophecy; the Pearls, as the moſt precious Ornaments, of the excellency
of her Being, and the perfe&ion of her Qualities
. So that the Gold may here
fignify the Roman pretence to Eternity, Infallibility and univerſal Power :
The precious Stones, that ſhe can deliver our Divine Oracles and Laws to be
obſerv'd with the ſame reſpect as choſe truly Divine ; and the Pearls the excel-
lency of the promiſes which ſhe makes to her Votaries. Thus ſhe ulurps the
promiſes of God made to the whole Church, that the gates of Hell ſhall never pre-
vail againſt it, that ſhe is the pillar and ground of truth; Secondly, that ſhe is the De-
poſitory of the Divine Oracles; and laſtly, that ſhe has the Keys of Heaven, to life and
immortality. See Ansbertus, whoſe words we have applied to Rome with a llender
Improvement.
C. "Έχασα χρυσίμω ποτήeμον όν τη χειρί αυτής, έμον βδελυγμάτων, Having a golden Cup
in ber band, full of abominations. ] Some Interpreters think, that this al-
judes to the Love potions us'd among the Ancients by Strumpets, to allure
Lovers. Theſe were made abominable things. (a) Horace deſcribes one in
his Epod againſt Canidia. But as Idols and idolatrous practiſes were abominable
things to the Jews, we need not ftretch out the litteral ſignification of theſe
Words any further than to fignify that this Golden Cup contains a Liquor con-
ſecrated to Idols. Look back upon our Nore on this Chap, 17. 2 B. This Sym-
bol ſeems to be an alluſion to Jerem. 5 1.7. and it is ſuitable to the notion of an
Wbore, who is one that ſells Wine, and invites Men to come and Drink of it.
She allures them with the ſhew of a Golden Cup, but involves them with the
intoxicating Liquor into an abominable communion of her Idolatry; fair in
appearance, but in reality leading Men to Deſtruction, according to the Cha-
rader of the Harlot given by Solomon, Prov. 2. 16, &c. Chap. 5. 3, &c. Chap. 6.
24, &c. and Chap. 7. 13• This is applicable to Rome on the account of its fais
pretences to Divinity and Eternity in the times of Paganiſm, and Infallibility in
the times of the corruption of the Church. That is, the Golden Cup, which
promiſes Life and Immortality ; but in thoſe pretences there is damna-
ble Blaſphemy, and abominable Idolatry; the means by which ſhe offers that
Immortality. This in ber Hand; that is, by her power ſhe forces men to ſwal-
low at laſt, if once they give way to the allurement of her Golden Gup. With
this they grow Drunken, Dizzy and Mad; for it inſtills into them a Superſti-
tious Folly, and a furious Bigotery, which overcomes all their Senſes and Rea-
ſon; making them deſpiſe the Divine Laws, which contradicts their furious and
unreaſonable Zeal. Theſe Symboles are equivalent to the impoſition of the
mark of a Bealt on the Hands and Fore- heads ; but they are different in this,
that the impoſition of the mark ſhews ſpecially the tyranny of that Antichriſtian
State, and this ſhews more ſpecially its Idolatry: fo that ſuch repetitions are
not vain, but put things under another view. I ſhall ſum up this with the Words
of Ansbertus ; (b) Sciendum verò nobis eft, quia hæc eadem reproba civitas cum à vino
ire fornicationis fuæ omnes gentes debriat (f. inebriat ) uno eodemque aureo calice, id eft,
potentia ſeculari, alios vitiis, alios propinat ſuppliciis conſentientes ſcilicet fibi propinat vi-
tiis : abnegantes vero ejus voluptates, inebriat ſuppliciis.
D. Kai vai excé Secpra rūs zogveices autñs, And the filthineſs of her Fornication. ] Other
Copies read this with ſome difference: but Dr. Mill thinks, that the genuine
Reading is this, and Joog te tñs mogveids tñs gūs, the filthineſs of the Fornications of the
Earth. °So that the meaning is, that this Whore has in her Hand, or Power,
the filthineſs of the Fornications of all the corrupted Church, becauſe ſhe is,
as is ſaid afterwards, the Author or Mother of all ſuch. I ſhall not diſpute about
the variety of the Readings, the Senſe comes to the ſame thing any way. One
would think, that theſe words were intended to fignify literally thoſe things
which I ſhall rather chuſe to give in the words of that Poet, who by them would
take off his Reader from the company of ſuch Women. He ſays,
(c) Ille quod à Veneris rebus Jurgente puella
Videt in immundo figna pudenda toro.
And afterwards, Quid qui clam latuit reddente obfcæna puella,
Et videt, quæ mos ipſe videre vetat.
(*) Horat. Epod. 5. (6) Ansbert. Lib. VI. ad cap. 14. 8.
(d) Ovid Remed. Amor.
(c) Mill Proleg. in N. Teft.
Rag. 62.
9 F
And

794
The Whore's Name, Myſtery.
Ch.XVII. v.5.
03
Now as alichele, exprellions or Symbols fignify a grofs Idolatry, ſo this pub-
lick exhibition of them in her Hand, or even in the Golden Cup, Shew the
publick and ſhameleſs profeffion of this Whore, who is openly guilty of che
things for which ſhe is accuſed. In the Event to be applied to the Church of
Rome, Idolatry is her open and avowed practice; the macter is not minced.
Some Controverfiſts being pinch'd, to palliate cheſe chings and reconcile them
to their profeſſion of Chriſtianity, have ſeem'd to fight their Worſhip; but at
Rome it is plain.
A. verf. s.
Koi Bai rò uéto toy ciulis, vole gegeelu.ufosov, And upon her forebead
was a Name written] This ſeems to allude to the cuſtom of the Profti
tates, who fer up theic Name before their Houſe or Cell, as alſo the price of
their Hire, Noctis pretium. The Roman Proſtitutes did ſo in the cimes of St.
Fobu, and this were enough in the preſent Cafe. There are proofs enough of
this in one of (a) Seneca's Controverſies. Martial alludes to that in theſe Words,
Intråffi quoties inſcriptæ nomina cellæ. So ſome read, and not limina which is bet-
ter. Examples may be ſeen in ( 6 ) Juvenal and (c) Petronius. The Commen-
tators upon him produce che Form thereof out of Symphufianus, Quicunque Tarfiam
defloraverit, mediam libram dabit : poftea populo patebit ad fingulos felidos. “Some ob-
ſerve, that the Proſtitutes, who took a Licence of the Magiſtrate to carry on
that Trade, took them a new Name, So they collect out of (d) Plautus and Juvenal
aforecited. Nay the very Name of the Proſtitute was upon her Forehead ſome-
times, perhaps written in a Label: So (e) Ceſtius, Nomen tuum pependit in fronte.
And this in the ſame manner as the Slaves had ſometimes the names about their
Necks, So Propertius in theſe Words.
de Aut quorum titulus per barbara colla pependit: had
But further, as chis Harlot is an Hoftiſs this may alſo allude to the Sign on the
Front of the Houſe, to give notice and invite Strangers to lodge there. Now
as this is upon her Forehead, ic fignifies that ſhe makes a publick Profeſſion of
that which is contained in her Name, and not barely that ſhe indeed affumes
the name mentioned by the Holy Ghoft. So ſhe pretends to a Myſtery, tho'
fhe affumes not the Name; ſhe ſets up to be Babylon the great, tho' ſhe does
not take that Name literally.
B. Mushelv, Myftery ] This Myſtery, is what St Paul calls the Myſtery of iniqui-
ty; the ſetting up of a Religion pretending to be a mighty Myſtery, as if it
were the only Myſtery of Godlineſs, the true Myſtery of God; but being, as it fola
lows, rather the ſame as Babylon the great. As if it were thus : ſhe pretends to
have a Myſtery, and ſhe is indeed Babylon the great, the Mother of the Whore-
doms and Abominations of the Earth. For the litteral Babylon pretended alſo
to a Myſtery and Wiſdom above all the World, and by that to have Dominion
over all. So 'cis ſaid in Ifaiab, 10. 13. and Chap. 47. 10. This pretence there-
fore muſt be proved to be contain'd in the word Myſtery.
A Myſtery, according to the Notion of the Heathens, was a Religious Inſtia
tution, wherein by the cuſtody of ſome Relicks of Bones, Aſhes, or other
Trinkets of ſome pretended God, or Heroe, the Prieſts or Magicians did pre-
tend to ſecure Preſence, Favour and Protection of that Deity to the Votaries,
In the Management of this Myſtery they pretended to beſtow Favours and Pro.
te&tion both in this Life and after the ſeparation of the Soul from the Body:
Alſo to give out Oracles and Divinacions, and to procure Dreams and Omens
to the like purpoſe, and likewiſe to perform Miracles ; and (f) particularly
to ſecure the good Fortune and Proſperity of particular Nations, or Cities. So
that in all this they uſurp'd a power over all whom they could bring in by their
Craft; and to extend it by their means, Craft, or Conqueſt, they thought, thao
the keeping cloſe and ſecret the pledges of their Myſteries did much contribute ;
for which reaſon fuch Inſtitutions were called Myſteries, and all the operations
of the Prieſts or Magicians are called Myſtical. I ſhall now make ſome Obſer-
vations to prove all the parts of this Deſcription, and apply them to Rome both
Pagan and corrupted Chriſtian.
(a) Seneca Lib. I. Contr. II. ( 6 ) Juvenal Sat. VI. 15. (c) Petron. Satyric. pag. 23.
Ed. Hadr. (d) Plaur. Penul. A&, V. Sc. III fet Apud Senec, ut fuprà. Vid. Nac.
Grut. in loc. (f Vid. Jamblich. de Myſter, Ægypt. Sedr. VI. Cap. 7.
IC
Be

Ch.XVII.4.-5. The Whore's Name, Myſtery, sdt
If we ſhould go about to prove all theſe points fullyric would require whole
Volumes; we ſhall cherefore content our felves with obſerving, that the Reli-
gions of all the Pagan Nations were Myſteries, and thac theſe were grounded
and ſupported by the ads of Magicians. The Magicians and Prieſts were the
ſame ; fo it was in Fgypt, fo in Chaldea. (a) Pliny has obſervd, that the Art of
Magick Spread ies fell over the World; but that is not to be admired, ſince Ido-
latry was of the same extent, and the Prieſts of all theſe Religions cultivated
that Art by which their Religion was firſt founded. The dovention of Myſteries
was made by that Art, and according to its Rules; and all their religious Actions
were niagical Ceremonies. In theſe the Devil aped God Almighty by Divina-
tions, Dreams and Inchantments. As God has ſupported the Knowledge of
himſelf by ſuch means as Prophefies, holy Dreams and Mirades, ſo the Devil
has ſupplied his Voraries with the like. So far as the Devils were able to perform
the like, fo far the Magicians were his Inftruments, and when theſe fail'd, the
Magicians were left to ſupport their credit by Crafe and Impoſtures. Hence
the word myſtical is in ſome (6) Authors fynonymous to crafty, knavith and
deceitful; and (c) musica are magical Inchantments, and (d) pusápee, magical Opera-
tions. Thus the myſtical Cheſts were made by magical Art to be the fortunes of
Cities, as I have prov'd elſewhere. Orpheus who fifft brough his Myſteries
into Greece was a Magician : Some learned Men conjecture, that his very name
implies it : for they derive it froni xay to heal; for in ancient times che Ma
gicians were alſo Phyſicians. They pretended to caſt off Diſtempers by their
inchantments, affirming, that they proceeded from the Poffeffions, or at leaſt
Operations of wicked Spirits. And Pliny obferves, thar Magiek is grounded
upon, and contains three Arts, that of Phyfick, Religion and Mathematičks,
which laſt comprehends with the Ancients that of Divinarion.
By this we may eaſily conjecture how the Symbols or Teſtimonies of the
Pagan (e) Myſteries came to bs made of Bones and Relicks. The Art of Mat
gick deals in ſuch matters. When the Bones of a dead Man; or any thing
which belong d co him, fome Image, or other Trinket, had been confecrated
by Inchantment, or the Invocation of ſome Soul in pretende, but Dæmon in
reality, the power of that Dæmon was ſo far fuppos’d to be tied to the fubject
matters, that it could not be remov'd without fome ſtronger Inchanimenes.
For this reaſon the name of the Genius, as well as the Symbols of the fr.
chantment were kept very ſecret, and therefore called Myſteries. The Genius
was not to be invocated, but by its true name; for ſuch only are of force and
unchangeable. The fortune of the place in which he preſided was thought
immutable till thoſe Myſteries were diſcovered. Hence their great care
ferve them from fighe. And when the Magicians found the Dæmons teffy,
and were as it were obliged to lay a neceffity upon them to appear and give An
ſwers, they did it by threatning che Dæmon to diſcover the Myféeries or thoſe
things which he would not have revealed. Such a Revelation being enough
to ſpoil all the Worſhip given to them. See the Note on Chap. 1. 17. B.
There is an example of this in Pap. Statius, who makes Tirefas to ſpeak
thus :
tarvitse on erit 1o. intro
gaivio stotine Tvisoru A fisys
၂
(f) Spernite ne moneo, & nobis Savire facultas, inic to ne oda
abot abrsize daily
Scimus enim, & quicquid dici
, nofoique timetis M Maisos
lo sigan odt
Theſe matters are eaſily applicable to Rome, either Pagan or corrupted Chris
ftian. As Pagan ie was at firſt founded by Romulas inftru&ted by fome Etrufcan
Maſter with all the Ceremonies of a Myſtery, pusg év 7eaetñ, as (£) Platarch ob-
ferves. And ſoon after it likewiſe had Myfteries or Pledges of its fortune called
by their Authors, (b) Pignora Imperii, and (i) Secreta imperii pignora. Numa
their ſecond King who was a great Magician did firſt appoint them. Theſe
were, firſt the Palladium. (k) Clemens Alex. tells us, it was made of the Bones
to
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXX. cap. I.
(6) Johan. Mal. Chron. Alex. GI HA
martol.
(c) Johan. Mal. p. 49.00
(d) Johan. Mald Lib. II. p.64.
() Vid. Sapient. Salomon. cap. 14. 15
(f) Pap. Seac. Theb. Lib. IV. V. $14.
(8) Plutarch. vit. Romul.
(b) T. Liv. Lib. V.
(i) L. Flor. Lib. I.
() Clem. Alex. Pro. ad Gent, p. 14.
of

756 The Whore's Name Myſtery. eft
Ch. XVII. v. 5.
of Pelops. The reft i find thus related. The Ancile or Buckler of Pallas ; the
Aſhes of Oreftes ; the Scepter of King Prióm; the Hair Bodkin of the Mom
ther of the Gods; the Vail of Ilione. And laftly, a (a) Chariot with four
Horſes of Earthern Ware, and bak'd at Veit. To which I find are added by
(b) fome, the Arms of Hercules
. Whether Numa appointed all theſe is no great
matter ; Additions might be made to what he inſtituted upon the fame Views.
(c) Tacitus alſo calls the Capitolium, Pignus Imperii, (d) wherein was that fatal
Head kept, which portended that Rome ſhould be the Head of Italy ; of which
mention has been made. Porcius Latro calls the Fire of Veta, Imperii Pignus :
(e) Veniet, ſays he, ad colendum Romani Imperii pignus. In Livy: (f) Fatale pig.
nús Imperit
. Hence Pallas in Silius ltal. ſays: (g) Noftro cum Pignore regnet Roma,
e Palladio ſedes bac urbe locarim. The virtue of this Pignus he thus deſcribes
afterwards : ( 6 )
2 113 1143
ou autog
bas niyor.
Quippe deis vifum, ne cui perrumpere detur,
Efigies ea quas unquam poſjederit Urbes.
1590 min
Bonades acier
Indeed the Romans by the Invocation of all the Gods of conquered Nations,
and fixing their worſhip and Preſence at Roine, endeavour'd to ſecure to them.
ſelves all the power of the World, by making all the Gods on their fide. Now
leaſt che Inchantments of ſome more crafty Magician mighe prevail upon the
genius of Rome to remove, and ſo to take away their power, it was ordaind
that his (i) Name ſhould be kept ſecret, and ſevere Penalties were inflicted
upon thoſe who divulg'd it, or the (k) name of the City. For Rome was not
the true Name, but (1) Valentia. One may gueſs that Romulus, who is ſaid to
have been well skilled in ſuch Learning, gave it that name of Valentia in Latin
at its Dedication as the true Name, but tranſlated the word into a Greek Name,
akin to his own, which was to be the common publick name thereof. And
this is ſuitable to that are of Magick, wherein as (m) Jamblicbus a celebrated
Magician ſays, The Names tranſlated into other Languages do not retain the
Same Efficacy. And thus we ſee, that the true name of this City or Harlor is a
Myftery. (n) Procopius, who was an occaſional Chriſtian, but much cainted with
the ſuperſtitious Notions of the Heathens, gives us to underſtand, that it was the
Opinion of the Inhabitants of Conftantinople, that the Emperor Conſtantine tranſ-
fer'd the Palladium to that City, and that it is buried there. (c) Others ſay that
he expos’d it to publick view therein upon a Column of Marble ſet up in the
middle of the Forum. And thus we ſee, that the Myſtery of Rome Pagan was
revealed and flighted, at a time when the Chriſtian Religion began to be in
power, and Rome as Pagan was drawing towards its Fall. Now that the Dir.
covery of ſuch Myſteries implies the ruin of theſe that pretend to them, ſhall
be ſhewn hereafter upon the ninth Verſe of this Chapter.
Wiſdom gives Power. The Magicians who pretended to ſet up Myſteries
did thereby aſſume power over others. (p) Pliny ſays, that Magick involves
within it three of the moſt imperious Arts among Men, which therefore give it
a vaft Authority. That is, Phyſick, or the Art of preſerving Life ; Religion,
which pretends to draw the favours of the Gods; and Mathematicks, that is
the art of Divination, which pretends to forecel their Fortunes, and warn Men
againſt Miſchances. The Myſteries of the Ancients pretended to all this.
The firſt practice of (9) Phyfick aroſe from the oracular Dreams in the Tem-
ples of Æſculapius, or any other Oracles conſulted upon the Caſe. Secondly,
That their Myſteries pretended to draw divine Favours both in this and the
next Life, has been proved elſewhere in this Commentary ; and Thirdly,
(a) Vid. Feft. Voc. Ratumena. (6) Johan. Mal. Lib. VII.
(c) Tacit. Hiftor.
III.02 1 (d) Varro de LL. Lib. IV.
(e) Apud Senec. Lib. I. Controv. III.
(f) T. Liv. Hift. Lib. XXVI. cap. 27.
(g) Sil. Ital. Punic. Lib. IX.
(b ) Sil. Ical. Punic. Lib. XIII. (i) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. III. c. 5. & Lib. XXVIII cap. 2.
(k) Servius in Virg. Æn. Lib. I. & V. & in Georg. Lib. I. col. 197. (1) Feft. V. Roma. Johan.
Mål. Lib. VII. Solin. cap. 2.
(m) Jamblich. de Myft. Ägypt. Sect. VII. cap. s.
a) Procop. Goth. Lib. I. cap. 15 (0) Onuphr. de Civ. Rom. p. 119.
Nat. Hift. Lib. XXX. cap. I.
(9) Vid. Jamblich. de Myd. Ægypt. Sect. IlI.
cap. 3.
70
That
0
(P) Plin.

Chap. XVII. v.5. The Whore's Name, Myſtery. 757
That they pretended to tell the Fortunes of Men and Empires by the fucceſs
of their Myſteries is as plain. They who can do all theſe things by their
Wiſdom may pretend to rule over others. The Prophet Iſaiah, in Chap 10.
13. 14. pues that reaſoning in the mouth of the King of Babylon, or rather
Allyris. And in the ſame Prophet, in Chap. 47. 10. to 13. God makes an
Irony againſt Babylon for truſting to theſe Aas of Myſtery and Secrecy, by
which they of that City thought themfelves invincible. And in Ezekiel, Chap.
28. 2. to 10. the like is made againſt Tyre. Thus Rome Pagan pretending to out
wit all other Nations by its Wiſdom and Power, pretended at the ſame time to
make the Happineſs of the World by fertling Peace and Religion therein, as I
ſhall ſhew in the nexe Nore. Theſe Notions appear in theſe Verſes of two
Romans; Sulpitia the Poeteſs ſays:
01
(a) Duo ſunt quibus extulit ingens
Roma caput, virtus belli & fapientia pacis.
And Virgil:
(1)
Tu regere Imperio populos Romane memento
Hæ tibi erunt Artes.--
Therefore when the power of Rome was communicated to Conſtantinople, a Rom
man Author expreffes it thus: (c). In qua nunc ſecunde Artes Romanæ Urbis funt con-
Aitutæ. Conftantinople became thus Partaker of its Myſtery. And when Rome
fell, all her Myſtery was laid open, and ſhe was outwitted. Her Foundations
were dettroy'd when her 710 Myſtery was laid open ; the word ſignifying both
that and Foundation ; becauſe ſecret Counſel is the Foundation of all power. I
think I may now very properly cite the following remarkable words of Claudian:
(d) Procul arceat altus
Fuppiter, ut delubra Nume, ſedemque Quirini,
Barbaries oculis faltem temerare profanis
Poffit, arcanum tanti deprendere regni.
27999
And thus (e) Pompey having taken Jeruſalem by the right of War, demanded
to ſee the moſt holy place in the Temple.
The Application is ftill more eaſy upon Rome ſince ſhe became the Head of
corrupted Chriſtendom. Myſtery is her Pretence, and ſhe only rules by Art,
Crafe and Myſtery. All her power conſiſts in her Arts and Allurements by the
Crafts of magical Myſteries. Pretences and Means all concur. The end muſt
likewiſe be the ſame; when ſhe is known, ſhe is undone ; thoſe that diſcover
and lay her naked, deſtroy her quite, I had rather the Reader would ſave me
the trouble of writing down Meditations, which muſt eaſily come into his
mind. Rome's Religion is truly Pagan and Magical ; her Oracles and Miracles
are Impoftures and Sorceries; her Craft is her only Power.
To begin with the Trinkets of her Myſtery. What is her Palladium ? 'Tis
the Bones of St. Peter and Sc. Paul, whoſe Relicks ſhe came to by murdering
theſe two Saints. On theſe and the Relicks, true or falſe of ſome others, the
builds her Aſylum, and makes the Cheſt of her Myſtery. By their being at Rome,
ſhe pretends to be the Apoftolick See, the Seat of Christ's Vicar. Neither of
theſe Apoſtles was truly ſo above the reſt of Chriſt's Apoſtles; and neither of
them was ever the fix'd Biſhop of the place. But here is the Myſtery; ſhe has
found the Art of perſuading the Chriſtian World that both are crue, and by
that Art ſhe rules and domineers over all, cruſhing all Oppoſition. With the
fhew of her Trinkets, the Hierophanta of this Myſtery gulls the deluded World,
who think, that theſe are their Gods and Saviours. They worſhip them, they
expect all from them. By theſe Miracles are pretended to be done ; from theſe
Propheſies, Dreams and Oracles proceed. In ſhort, the Conformity of their
Religion to the ancient Myſteries, Religion and Sorceries of the Pagans, is too
(a) Sulpit. Satyr.
Breviar.
cap. 5.
(b) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI.
(d) Claudian. de B. Geric. v. 100.
(c) S. Ruffus in
(e) L. Flor. Lib. III.
9
Grid
viſible

738
The Whore's Name, Myſtery.
Ch. XV I. v.5.
is written
viſible to need enlarging upon it. Theſe are their real Pretences and Means
of Power; the Chriſtian Religion is but a Cloak to hide the Myſtery.
There is but one thing more to be done in order to clear this matter, and
that is to ſhew, that as the pretence of this Whore is to ſet up a Myſtery in the
ſame manner as the Idolaters of old had done ; fo che Fews had the very fame
Notion of the word Myſtery, as that which we have already laid down, when
they ſpake of the Myſteries of the Idolacers; taking them to be equivalent to
the idolatrous Inſtitutions. This appears by a Paffage in the Book of the Wir
dom of Solomon, Chap. 14. 12. which therefore I ſhall ſet down here. For the
deviſing of Idols was the beginning of Fornication, and the Invention of them the Core
ruption of Life. For neither were they from the beginning, neither ſhall they be for ever.
For by the vain Glory of Men then entred into the World, and therefore shall they
come ſhortly to an end. For & Father afflicted with untimely Mourning, when he
hath made an Image of bis Child foon taken away, now honoured him as a God, which
was then a dead Man, and delivered to thoſe that were under bim Myſteries and
Imitations, Muságice sỹ tenetas. Thus in proceſs of time, an ungodly Cuſtom grown
ſtrong, was kept as a Law, and graven Images were worſhipped by the Commandments
of Tyrants. And to fhew what Opinion they had of theſe Myſteries, the ſame in
v. 23. puts them becween the ſacrificing of Children, and the mad Revellings of
the Idolaters, with a long train of Crimes and Vices. And thus have I explain'd
the word, as it ſignifies a Thing,
But as the word may alſo lignify, and indeed the Thing alſo implies it, thac
the name of the Thing is a Secret or Myſtery s lo we may obſerve, that as the
Holy Ghoſt has ſaid elſewhere, in Chap. 13. 1. that there were Names of
Blaſphemy upon the Heads of the Beaſt, whereof in another view this Harlot is
one, and thac the Beaſt that acts under her is full of Blaſphemy, or blaſphemous
Names: ſo her pretending to be a Myſtery is a Blaſphemy, in as much as Myſtery
fignifying an idolatrous Craft is a Blaſphemy, becauſe all Idolatry is ſuch ; and
further, that the very Pretence to have a Name that is a Myſtery or Secret, is now
a Blaſphemy againſt Chriſt, whoſe Name is a wonderful and ſecret Name, as ap-
pears by Chap. 19. 12. D. upon which our Note may be conſulted. And all
ſecret things belong to God, Deut. 29. 29. and he alone can pretend to Myſteries,
who can reveal deep and ſecret things, Dan. 2. 22. He alone like wiſe hath My-
ſteries, which can only be revealed when he pleaſeth.
We have obſerv'd before in our Note upon Chap. 13. 18. A. a Coincidence
of this Secret or hidden Name and Myſtery, which in Hebrew is ind, with the
Name of the Beaſt, which this. Harlot rides, as being by Gematria the ſame,
becauſe its Letters make in the ſame manner the number 666. ſo likewiſe as
her Name is hidden there is another Coincidence of her Name, which original-
ly was Saturnia ; and Mount Capitolin, on which it firſt ſtood and its Fortreſs,
was called, (a) Mons Saturnius or Saturninus ; and the Country about it Saturnia
terra, which by a Tranſlation of the word was called Latium.
Some Authors have obſerv'd another Coincidence of the Event with the
Letter of the Propheſy in the word Myſterium, which is ſaid to have been writ-
ten upon the Miters of ſome Popes, before the Triple Crown was made, and
turn'd out the Miters. And indeed they have ſuppos'd, that this contain'd lan
abſolute Accompliſhment of this part of the Propheſy. The Fact is averr'd
by (6) Brocardus a Venetian, and Member of the Romißh Church, and by (a)
Fol. Scaliger, who ſays he had ſeen them at Rome with this Inſcription. This
was but faintly denied by the Authors of that Communion ; but now they
grow bolder. The Biſhop of Meaux banters this account, and ſome Profeflor
is this: Joh. Ludovic. Hanneman Philoſoph. Nat. Prof. Miſterium Papali Corone
aſcriptum non ens, ſeu Commentarius in Apoc. Cap. XVII
. v. 5.quo demonftratur Papali
Corona Myſterium nunquam afcriptum. I never ſaw the Book, and cannot judge
therefore of the Performance; but by the Title 'tis plain, that it is equivocal
.
No Man that I know ever ſaid, that this word was written on the Pope's
Crown, but on the ancient Miters of the Popes, worn long before ſuch a
Crown was made ; for that Crown is but a later Invention. If his Arguments
(m) Varro de Ling. Lat. Lib. IV.
dob
(6) Brocard. Not. in loc.
ligeran. & Not. in loc. & apud Molin, in Accompliſh. of Proph,
belias Wat in der
692
(1) Joſ. Scalig, in Sca-
only

Ch. XVII. v. 5.
759
Babylon.
only reach this Crown, tis a vain undertaking; if he pretends to the former
how cân his negative Arguments deftroy the Teſtimony of ocular Witneffes?
This may be however aſſerted, that ſome of that Communion have given us Pin
cures of ancient Miters with Inſcriptions. (a) One ſaid to have been Pape
Sylveſter's the I. but to be ſure of a much later date, has upon it cheſe Words im-
broidered, AVE REGINA CELI. Above theſe words are repreſent-
ed a Woman fitting on a Bench, with ſeven young Boys, with Wings as An-
gels; one upon her Lap, the reſt about her ; and leven Stars. If this be not
Blaſphemy, what can be ſaid to be ſo? The Title, the Symboles, and the In-
vocation, are all Uſurpations againſt Chriſt, and even Pagan. See Jerem.7. 18.
and Chap. 44. 17, 25. Therefore I ſay, this cannot be ſo old as Pope Sylveſter I.
Such expreſſions were unknown in his time. But enough of this, becauſe the
expoſition of the Myſtery in this place doth not depend upon it.
There are other Interpreters who ſay, that the intention of the Holy Ghoſt
was noi to fignify, that the Whores Name was Myſtery, but that the following
Name Babylon the Great was to be underſtood Myftically: So that uusúecor ſhould be
here the ſame as uusnevades, not Myſtery', but Miſtical. What I have ſaid thereup-
on may, I believe, fatisfy any Body, that as this laft way is forced, by making
a Subſtantive to be an Adje&tive, ſo there is very good reaſon to think, that
this Harlot really pretends to be a great Myſtery, if there can be any ſuch.
C. Becuacy, Babylon. ] There is not a Symbole in all this Propheſy, in the
underſtanding of which the Interpreters íhew a more uniform Agreement, that
it ſignifies here Rome. Some diſputes there are indeed, whether in this place it
fignifies Rome Pagan, or elſe Chriſtian. Even ſome of the Romish Commenta-
tors own, that this muſt fignify Rome in the latter Senſe. I have hinted alrea-
dy, that the Holy Ghoſt here conſiders her in the whole extent of her Dura.
tion; but chiefly as ſhe ſtands now, the Head of corrupted Chriſtendom. And
therefore as her Judgment, or rather the Execution of it, is to come ; ſo ſhe is
now under Accuſation ready to be convi&ed. Some may fancy, that St. John
has not named her, but under a Symbolical Name, leaſt the Chriftians, if this
Propheſy came into the Hands of the Heathens, ſhould become too obnoxious
to their hatred, much after the ſame manner as St. Chryfoftome reaſons upon
St. Paul's Prophefy in 2 Theſſal. 2. 7. But whatever reaſon St. Paul might have
there, this Symbol is ſuitable to the Method of the whole Propheſy. Now
becauſe this Symbol, upon the account of the importance of the matter, ſeeing
it repreſents the Capital City of Chriſt's Enemies, whoſe deſtruction is to make
way to Chriſt's ſecond Advent, may be ſaid to be a Cardinal one, upon which,
as on an Hinge, thoſe great matters depend; I ſhall not content my ſelf to
prove, that it fignifies Rome; but I ſhall make a thorough Perquiſition of the
Reaſons, why the Holy Ghoſt hath pitch'd upon this, rather than any other
in the Prophets ; there having been many Countries and Cities, which migho
have ſignified the ſame, but none ſo well as the literal Babylon. This ſearch
may be fomewhat long and tedious in ſo plain a matter ; but becauſe my Task
is as well to demonſtrate the fignification of the Symboles, by Reaſon, as by
Authority, I ſhould think my Work imperfect without it. Perhaps the curio-
ſity of the Subject may make ſome amends for the tediouſneſs of the Perfor-
To fhew why Rome a tyrannical and idolatrous City is repreſented by the
Holy Ghoft under the name of Babylon, I think my ſelf oblig'd to prove two
things : Firſt, that the literal Babylon was ſuch a City it felf; and Secondly,
that this title is of right now devoted upon Rome by Succeſſion, or Pofſeflion
of the pretended Rights of Babylon. So that Rome is now a-kin to, as well as
like Babylon; and that there is between them a ous fuese and guotótns, which are
the Principle of the Hieroglyphical Learning, as I have Thewn in my Prelimi-
nary Diſſertation. By which means the Symbol will be found to be properly
adapted to the thing ſignified, not only by the way of Metaphor, but alſo that
of Synecdoche and Metonymy.
As for the literal Babylon, 'cis plain that it is accounted in Holy Writ as a Gi-
ty either built by Nimrod to be the Seat of his Tyrannical Power, or elſe that
after it was Built, he took it and made it the Seat of his Empire for that pur-
mance.
(*) Vid. Gregor. M. Op. Antwerp. Ed. A. 1615.
poſe,

700
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
poſe. I chuſe ro ftare this matter alternatively, as being the ſame thing to my
deſign, becauſe ſome will not own, that Nimrod was at the Head of thoſe that
built Babel
. Tho' my opinion is, that Mofes meant Nimrod began his Robbe-
ries, or ſectied his Conqueſt by building Bebel, and other Cities, or Fortreffes.
Therefore it lies upon me to prove, that Nimrod himſelf was an Uſurper and
Tyrant, and as moſt think the beginner, or at leaſt he that gave the firſt oc-
ciſion to Idolatry, and forced his own Religion upon others; and alſo that the
conſtruction of Babel, whoever was the Builder of it, was done with a deſign
to ſettle Tyranny and Idolatry. To make this out we muſt conſider thoſe pla-
ces of Holy Writ wherein the Hiſtory of theſe two Points is laid down.
To begin with Nimrod; 'Tis evident by Genef. 10.6,7,8. that he was of the
Offspring of Ham, and Son of Cuſh: and by conſequence that his portion fell to
dwell in Arabia ; and that he was a mighty Hunter, that is, Robber or Uſurper;
for ſo much is implied by the Hebrew Words, 22. and 770%; as may be ſeen
in Pſal. 91. 3. Pfal. 124.7. and Ferem. 16. 18. By Genef. 10. 11. that he went
out with a Band of Companions or Robbers, and made inroads into Aſſyria.
By Genef
. 10. 10. that he uſurp'd Dominion there, and either took, as ſome ſay,
or rather build the City of Babylon to be the Capital of his new Uſurpation over
the Families of Shem, whom by the means of this Fortreſs he ſubjugated. For
if it be true, as 'tis moſt likely, that Diodorus has related the Acts of Nimrod, as
done by his Son Ninus, which is the opinion of Bochart, then he laid a Tribute
upon them; which is a true token of Servitude. The words of Diodorus are
thefe, (α) τέτοις μ' έπαιξε τελών κατ' ενιαυτόν ωeισμό ους φόρες, τον 3 βασιλέα και καταπολεμη-
θέντων λαθών μέγα 3 τέκνων αιχμάλωτος απέκλεινε. And St. Chryfoforoe confirms our O-
pinion by obſerving of Nimrod in this manner, (b) 'ETELOV domei as tuodipe témov,
aeχων και βασιλάς γυέθαι επιχείρησε. Then he goes On, Ου και ως προϊστάμου G- αυτών υπέτει
εν, αλλά και πόλεις ώκοδόμοι, ίνα άρχη και πολεμίων. And ſo this City continued to be
the Capital of thoſe Aſſyrian Monarchs, Ulurpers of thar Country, which of
right belong'd to the Poſterity of Shem, by the Partition made after the Deluge.
But in the times of Mofes, Relen ſeems to have been made the Capital of that
Empire, which having been built alſo by Nimrod, was by his Succeffors fo ſub-
ſtituted to Babylon, tho' Nimrod had made Babel ſuch. So I underſtand the
words of Moſes in Genef. 10. 12. 77787989 Nin, with the emphatical Particle
before the Adjective, well Tranſlated therefore in the LXX, áut v zónes si mezaam,
according to the Complut. Edition, and the Alex. MS. So that the whole ſeems
to be beft turn'd thus, This is the great City, that is, This is now the Capital City of
that Empire: Or, this Reſen is now become a Capital City, for the word - im-
plies this Notion. In the times of the Prophet Fonas
, who being named in
2 Kings 14.25: appears to have lived in the times of Jeroboam II. King of 16-
rael, Nineveh became, or was become, a Capital Cicy, having a King of it's
own, though perhaps one of the Chaldean Succeſſion, and is therefore called
by that Prophet, Jonas 1. 2. as Babylon and Reſen, 7y3790377, turn'd in the LXX
by, rue dónio the verdale. So it was ſtill in the times of Sennacherib, 2 Kings 19.
36. However in the times of Nabuchodonoſor, or racher his Fathers, there ſeems
to have been fome Revolution in the Government, which he ſettled upon him-
ſelf, and then his Son repair’d Babylon, and made it the Capital City of the
Chaldean Monarchy. And it was ſo when the Fews were led into Captivity.
Dan. 4. 30. The King ſpake, and ſaid, is not this great Babylon, or rather, Baby-
lon the Great, as the LXX turn it, Baluacy vi vezan, That I have built for the houſe
of the Kingdom. Not that he had built it from the Foundation, but that he had
made it the Capisal of his Kingdom by repairing it and the (c) old Palace, and
building a new One. So that after this, we hear no more the Kings of Aſſyria
ſpoken of, but of the Kings of Babylon. Herodotus feems to have known of this
Tranſlation of the Empire ; for he ſaith, (d) To ĝi avoue sóma toy xj igue tatoy, xj Wy Soul
ope, Nivs ävesile gluoresoins. Te Bocoraíña xa lesúree, W Balurav. Nabuchodonofor was aflifted
in deſtroying Nineveh by Abaſuerus King of Media, who is the ſame as Cyaxares ;
Tobit 14. 15. and (e ) Herodotus ſpeak of this matter.
(a) Diodor. Lib. II. Pag. 64.
(b) Joh. Chryf. Hom. XXIX in Genef.
(c) Berol. apud Joſeph. Archæol. Lib. X. Cap. II. (d) Herodoc. Lib. 1. Sect. 178.
(e) Herod. Lib. I. Sect. 103.
Let

Ch. XVII. v. 5:
761
Babylon.
Let us now ſee whether the deſign of thoſe who built Babel
, as it may be
drawn from the words of Moſes, may nor be found to be Tyrannical, they being
ſet upon it by Nimrod, as (a.) Joſephus exprefly vouches, as well as (6) Philo.
The deſign is thús laid down in Genef. 11.4. Let us build us a Ciry and a Tower,
whoſe top may reach unto Heaven. This may be thus explain'd, by obſerving the
Symbolical Hebraiſm us’d therein, to ſignify as (c) Mede expreſſes it, Let us
build the Metropolis of an univerſal Monarchy. Thus alſo St. Auſtin underſtood it:
(d) Quo civitatum cæterarum gereret principatum, ubi ellet tanquam in Metropoli habi-
taculum regni. Theſe words are indeed ſaid upon Geneſ. 10. 10. but St. Auſtin
underſtood this to have reference to the building of Babel.. So that the words
of Moſes may be thus Paraphras’d. Let us build us à City with a Fortreſs,
• which may awe and rule all Mankind, as Heaven doth the Earth ; and that
we may fubjugate and keep under tribute and ſubjection all Men about us
6 under this one Head, leaſt they having no Fort to curb them, begin to be
Seditious, and let up for themſelves another Government oppos’d to us. To
confirm this it may be obſerv'd, that Joſephus ſays, that Nimrod deſign'd in this
undertaking to become a Tyrant. (e) Kai merisa rest] óalgo eis quequoida toi egy-
ματα, μόνως έτως νομίζων αποσήσεων της ανθρώπες ωρά σε θεε, ει χρώμθυοι τι αυτό διωάμει διατε
hover, . The very name given to the Tower, being 5710, and coming from 573,
feems to argue the ſame; for that word implies they deſign'd to magnify them-
ſelves above the reſt of Mankind. Upon which word may be conſulted our
Note upon Chap. 18. 23. B. For I take this account of the Hebrew name of the
Tower to be more ſatisfactory than that given by (f) Bøcbart, who will needs
have that word to be uſed only becauſe ſuch buildings exceed in Magnicude the
reſt of the Buildings in Towns. Grotius ſays very well, ($) Præcipue vero con-
cordiam rupit generoſius vitium, ambitio, cujus fignum Turris Babylonica. And indeed
'tis evident that Fortreſſes are built to curb the Country about them, and
ſtrengthen the Government. So Seneca ſays upon this view, (b) Neſcitis cupidi
arcium Regnum quo jaceat loco. Tho' generally ie is pretended that they are for
the Security and Protection of the Subject. So the Fortreſs in Babylon was
called (i) Treg., Wings, from the Protection it pretended to afford, according
to the notion of Wings laid down in Chap. 12. 14. On which account Vegetius
ſays, ( k ) Equitum Ale ab eo dicuntur quod ad fimilitudinem alarum protegant aciem,
Other reaſons are nothing to the purpoſe. And indeed Lucretius gives the ſame
reaſon for building Fortreſſes: (1) Condere cæperunt Urbes Arcemque locare Præ-
ſidium Reges ipſa fibi, perfugiumque. Hence Aſconius ſays, ( m.) Arx ſedes tyranni
dicitur. And (n) Arx is uſed by Placid. Lactantius for Empire and Life too. Porcius
Latro : ( ) Vidi filium in arce, that is, a Tyrant. See (p.) Servius.
But this deſign of univerſal Monarchy, the Idol of all ambitious Monarchs,
was by the Wiſdom of God confounded, by cauſing Diviſions and Seditions to
fall among them, the beſt way to blaft ſuch Deſigns; which are really levella
againſt himſelf, who alone is the univerſal Monarch of the World, and has
lawful Power over the Liberties and Religion of Men, both which ſuch ambitious
Uſurpers, to carry on their deſigns, ſeem according to the Rules of Human
Politicks oblig'd to form according to their pleaſure; as we ſhall ſee by and by.
Thar Seditions were the means to deſtroy the deſign of theſe Builders, has
been obſerv'd likewiſe by Joſepbus : for he ſays, ( 9 ) eis sãov § &ulos evocænev, smo-
γλώσσες απερασαμενΘ, και το πολυφωνίας ποιήσας εαυτών ασιωέτους είναι, By this he feems to
have taken the Phraſe, to confound their Language both Mecaphorically and Litem
rally, as if the means of theſe Seditions had been the change of the Languages;
for which I ſee no reaſon. But the confuſion of the Languages ſeems to me to
be meerly the effect of the Seditions, and the conſequent thereupon Diſperſion
of Men. Abydenus ſays, that the Winds were the Inſtruments, by which this
cap. 2.
(a) Joſeph. Arch. Lib. 1. Cap. $. (6) Philo. Jud. de Gigint. p. 197.
(c) Med.
Difc. XLIX. (d) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap. 4.
(e) Jofeph. Archæo-
log. Lib. I. Cap. 5:
(f] Bochart. Phal. Lib. I. cap. 9.
(g) Grot. J. B. Pac. Lib. II.
(b) Seneca Thyeſt. v. 241.
Stephan, de Urbib. Vid. Plin. Nar Hift.
Lib. VI. cap. 26. (k) Veget. de Re Milic. Vid. Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib, XI. Col. 1601.
(1) Lucrer. Lib. V. v. 1107.
(m) Alcon. in Orat. in Q. Cæcil.
(2) Plac. Lact.
in Star. Theb. Lib. V. v. 345.
Co) Apud. Senec. Lib. I Controv. VII.
in Virg. Æn. Lib. IV. col. 8 476 de (9) Joſeph. Loc. citac.
contrivance
(P) Serv.
9 H

762
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v. 5.
contrivance was deſtroy'd. His words are, () Kai Tou's evéuss, Seoror Begiones de pelo
gee toe moei dulcior to ungeuners
. This Author having taken his Memoirs out of the
Chaldean Commentaries, which owed their Origin to Tradition, and the Sym-
bolical Writings, has taken theſe Winds to be litteral, which may, and ought
in the Mythology of the Antients to be taken Symbolically ; that is, that the
Winds are Symbols of Wars and Seditions, as has been proved before.
Learned Men begin now to be ſenſible, that to underſtand the meaning of
the ancient Mythology, we muſt take their Stories looking like falſehood, by
the Symbolical Handle, and then we find out the truth hid therein. And lo
(b) Plutarch, and (c) Pauſanias with ſome (2) others have done before us.
We have likewiſe obſerv'd before that their Images were Symbolical.
Thus alſo we ſee by that Paffage in Plutarch, which has been cited at length in
our Note upon Chap. 12. 9 B. that the Chaldeans, who had
a notion of the great
Reftitution of all things after the Six Thouſand Years Conflict beeween the
good and evil Principle, repreſent that State of univerſal Peace and Commu-
nion of happy Men, with this adjune of their being of one Tongue,
ouozac'avev; by which it is evident, that the confuſion of Tongues may be un-
derſtood of Seditions. And thus alſo we may underſtand, that as Tyranny and
Idolatry brought in Confuſion, ſo the (e) propagation of the true Religion will
produce Union and good Underſtanding becween all Men; wherein all Men
may be ſaid to be at laſt of one Tongue. In Polybius Nigorass gu dei Tec TO TAVTES, Al!
Saying one and the Same thing, fignifies an univerſal Peace and Concord. The
words are taken out of the Reflection of Agelaus Naupa&tius upon the conclu.
fion of the Ætolian War, which he begins thus, (f) Año pełnega rele
' uin SÉROTE MAS-
μείς τους Ελληνας αλλήλους, αλλά μεγείλω χάριν έχεις πίς Στοϊς οι λέντις εν τούτο πάς-
Πες, και συμπλέκονίες τας χείρας, καθαπερ οι του ποταμός διαβάινοντες, δύναινο τας η Βαρ-
Ce pcos éęódus anolescóuevo, owróleur oçãs áutius rei tohis módete, See 1 Cor. 1. 1o.
And by this we fee, that when Moſes ſays that God, to blaſt the deſign
of the Builders of Babel, ſent upon them the Confuſion of Tongues; and
'Abydenus that the Winds affifted the Gods therein, the meaning is that Nima
rod s deſign to eſtabliſh his Univerſal Monarchy was diſappointed altogether,
and that Men ſpread themſelves abroad to evade his Tyranny. Though
indeed the City and Tower of Babel ſtood ftill, and kept up a face of a
Government. For it is evident by other Hiftories, that both ſublifted after the
Diſperſion. Yea and God permitted, that both ſhould be repair'd, and the
Monarchs dwelling therein ſhould again grow very powerful, when the Di-
vine Providence thought fit to puniſh the Jews, that the firſt Principle of Ty-
ranny and Idolatry ſhould be reſtor'd therein ; As we ſee that the ſame Provi-
dence has ſuffered during the Chriſtian Diſpenſation that ſuch another City
ſhould ariſe with the ſame deſign and ſucceed to the firft Babylon in power for
the like purpoſe.
Lec us proceed now to prove, that Nimrod was the firſt Author of Idolatry
in Babel. That Babylon was groſly Idolatrous at the time of the Jewiſh Capri-
vity, and that it forced the Iſraelites to worſhip its Image is plain enough ; but
that it was ſo from the beginning is not ſo eaſy to be proved, tho' highly pro-
bable upon ſeveral accounts; and if we may ftand to the Authority of the In-
terpreters of Holy Writ, and other Authors who have ſpoken of Nimrod, it is
paſt diſpute. However in this caſe we muſt not think that if Idolatry was in-
troduced at firft in Babel; and by the Powers therein forced upon Subjects con-
quer'd, that therefore it ran then up to the height, as that of worſhipping Images
is ; 'tis fufficient that we prove the Fundamental Notions and Principles of it
to have been introduced at firſt. The reft muſt be ripened by time, with this
allowance I ſay, that Moſes deſcribes Nimrod, and the building of Babel
, with
ſuch Characters as make it out.
Now firft, whereas Nimrod is ſaid, Genef. 10: 9. to be a great bunter
before the Lord, this ſignifies plainly in the judgment of God, or againſt
his will, as by Rebellion againſt God, either way it comes to the
ſame thing at laſt. To prove this notion by Authorities. Philo confirms
cap. 5. Orac.
(a) Apud Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX: pag. 242. comp. Joſephus Arch. Lib. I. cap. 5.
Sybillin. Lib. III. Theophil
. ad Autol. Lib. II. pag. 157. (b) Plutarch. de llid. pag. 412.
(6) Pauſan. Arcad. pag. 242.
(d) Vid. Palæphac. Phurnurum, Saluft. Philof. de
Diis & Mundo. Jamblich, de Myft. Ægypt. Se&. VII. cap, I.
(6) Vid. Cyrill. Hier.
Catech. XVII. (f) Polyb. Lib. V. pag. 441.
boch

Ch. XVII. v.5.
Babylon.
763
bosh. His words are: (a) Adyelue dê avloxgen od lefed eos iz Ogdu avleseheuw, sò de cinqué-
τον ως επί κρισιν ως και κρινόμως το διάση, for the follows the Verfion of the LΧΧ.
who have tranſlated the words of Moſes by évævlíon xugía whereupon alſo Saint
Chryfoom fays: Και τινες με φασι το έναυλίαν κυρίε, αν τε ένανιέμιος τω θεώ that
is, that Nimrod was a Rebel againft God, as indeed the Name of Nimrod im-
plies. Hence Philo in another place; (b) Kad the incier zij de pueblyos Tážev tenemov,
προς δε τίω χείρω και εναντίον ήύλομόλησαν, αρξαν τα έργα Νεβρω,
įgulu d'elet me
Necpròd dulovóandic the Expreffion 3.30 in the LXX. évævlov člaš, in Isaiah 65.
3. muft evidently be taken fo ; and’ois more evident by comparing Exod. 20. 3.
and Luke 15. 19. Thus alſo the Targumifts paraphraſe it. Fonathan B. Uziel
ſays ; 87192 77'8" op Potens rebellis coram Domino ; and afterwards, Potens
in venatione, & rebellis coram Domino. The Jeruſalem Targum fays the fame,
or what is ſynonymous ; for we read there ap ONONI N782 923
Potens in venatione, in peecato coram Domino. And indeed as the Targumilts call
Nimrod a Rebel, 87119, ſo his very name was given him from his Rebellion.
This not only appears by the words of Philo cited before, to be the Notion of
the word among the Jews, but is alſo that of the (c) Arabian Writers:
For theſe Reaſons Fofephus ſays; Enge de mules após 7e Cge of Ješ sj xe:Tee@górncir
ya@geódniso and in the words cited before he has droshome, which is to rebel. And
Abydenus ſpeaking of the Builders of Babel characterizes them, and by conſem
quence alſo Nimrod their Head, thus (d) Pajun to a ways let yowwhérias, rj dit
ésão muitas povíodylase ſo that thoſe Interpreters who explain the words, before the
Lord, in good part, i un into this Abſurdity, to ſuppoſe a Man, who in holy
Wriť is called a Giant 93'd, to be well accepted before God, againſt the plain
Indications of holy Writ, wherein that word is always odious. Thus in Genef.
6. 4. the Giants there called DSD17, are called in the Targ. Onkel. Nagai,
Giants ; and their very Name deſcribes their Qualities, as being Apoftates or
Rebels, from 793 to fall or apoftatize, which is frequently the signification
of falling. In which ſenſe vials, and magawinlos
, as in Hebr. 6. 6. are frequently
us'd to lignify a fall from the Faith or Obedience due to God or Chriſt now.
And indeed the word fígas is as odious in the Greek Tongue: for it fignifies
ſometimes a Ruffian who bids defiance to the Gods. So Capaneus is called rizas
by (e) Æſchylus and (f ) Euripides. So that the Deſign and Acts of Nimrod
ſeem to be very well deſcrib'd in theſe words of Munſter ; Voluit quoque regnare
in religione ; erexit novos cultus coram domino ; ufurpavit ſacerdotium vi do ferro, per-
ſecutor Prophetarum cu ſanctorum & populi dei
, lineæque ex qua Chriſtus oriturus,
For ſuch Rebellion not only tends unavoidably to Idolatry, or the ſetting up of
a falſe Worſhip; but is accounted the ſame in the fight of God. For Rebellion is
as the Sin of Witchcraft, and Stubborneſs as Iniquity and Idolatry, 1 Sam. 15. 23.
In the ſame manner all thoſe ancient Authors, who ſpeak of the Founders of
Babylon, make them to have been Rebels and Apoftates againſt God. So that
the Foundation of Babylon is owing to their Apoftaſy and Rebellion. Which
conſiſts in their making the firſt Incroachment upon the Liberties of Mankind,
and the rights of other patriarchal Families, and bringing them under their
Subje&ion, till God confounded that deſign by their Flight and Diſperſion in-
to foreign parts of the World out of the reach of the Babylonian Tyranny; that
is, God having been pleas'd to viſit and condemn this Undertaking by con-
founding the Language of the Builders, or cauſing Diviſions and Factions
among them, the Nations ſubdued by Nimrod had an Opportunity of recover-
ing their Liberty; ſo that altho' the Succeffors of Nimrod might keep Poffeffion
of Babylin, yet in the very times of Abraham we find the King of Sbinar to be
then only a petty Prince. Tho' indeed I cannot think Nimrod himſelf to have
been a very great Prince, when compared to the Conquerors that have been
ſince the World is become more populous; which could not well be in the
times of Nimrod.
When we come to conſider the very firſt Expreſſion of Moſes to deſcribe the
deſign and ads of the Babylonian Builders, Genef
. 11. 2. we find therein an
Argument of the feditious and rebellious purpoſe of Nimrod and his Adherents.
(a) Philo de Cherubin. p. 74.
(6) Philo de Gigant. p. 197.
tit. Nimrod. (d) Apud. Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX. p. 243.
c, Theb. V. 430.
(f) Euri piả. Phen v. 138.
(c) Herbelor.
(e) Æſchyl. VII.
The

764
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
The words of Moſes are prou, in the LXX. év Ted ravño de aulesoOur vulgar
Tranſlations do not fufficiently expreſs the Purport of the words: and fo moſt
learned Men have been puzzled to explain this Paſſage. This ariſes from chac
falſe Suppoſition, that Moſes here begins to mention the Proceſs of Men from
the Ark. This being ſaid to have ſtopped upon the Mountains of Ararat, which
are thought to be either thoſe of Armenia, or thoſe which are called Gordiean;
either of which ſtand in a manner full North of the place where the ancient
Babylon was ſituated, they can't imagin how Moſes ſhould ſay, chey went to it
from the Eaſt. Many Suppofitions have been made to account for this ſeem-
ing Difficulty ; and (a) Bochart having propos'd ſeveral, has nevertheleſs miſs'a
the main point by following the Suppoſition aforeſaid, that Moſes ſpeaks of the
proceſs of Men from their firſt going out of the place where the Ark ſtood,
and where they multiplied for ſometime. But who can imagine that Mores,
who in the beginning of this Chapter ſpeaks of an Accident, that happened
ſo many Generations after the Deluge, ſhould here drop theſe words, to fig-
fy that this was the firſt Sally of Men after it? No ſure, for the tenth Chapter
gives us an account of the ſeveral Diviſions and Diſperſion of Men into ſeveral
Lands after the Deluge, and by a Prolepſis of many Colonies, which were not
ſpread abroad, till perhaps®ſome Ages after the building of Babel. What does
the eleventh Chapter therefore mean? Namely to ſignify, that after the (6)
Patriarchal Diviſion of the Earth, fome Men were not content with their Lot,
but made Incroachments upon others. When therefore Moſes ſays, That all the
Earth was of one Lip, and of one Tongue, he plainly means, that when Noah had
divided the Earth among his Pofterity, they lived together without making
War againſt each other. They had Land enough before them, and ſo no need
to fall
out for any Poffeffion. But that the Sons of Cuſh, who were at firſt ſet-
tled in Arabia, called , or Eaft, in the Times of Moſes, being not contenc
with their Land, firſt began to make an Incurſion under Nimrod the famous
Robber from the Eaſt, or Arabia, into the Country of Shinar, which was part
of the Lot or Inheritance of Shem. Therefore the word you, coming thus after
that mention of the univerſal Peace of Mankind, implies a warlike Expedition.
And indeed the LXX. in Genef. 12. 9. have turn'd the word by észalonésdory;
incamped, and in Num. 9. 18. by museuCanšow, by which laſt they alſo turn in
the ſame place the word, which is abſolutely a military term ; there being
only this difference between theſe two, thac che latter denctes properly the In-
campment of the Army, the former its Progreſs or March. And thus alſo in
I Sam. 15: 18. 7772, ex of ģio on a Journey, is an Expedition againſt the Amale-
kites, ſo in Judg: 4. 9. 777777, in the LXX. Oni zlodir; that Journey fig-
nifies the Expedition of Barak againſt Siſera. The LXX. tave underſtood the
force of the word when they have tranſlated év tyd surñoral d'ulès, for xuño e im-
plies a warlike Expedition, and a ſeditious and tumultuous Motion, as in
Maccab. 13. 44. xiunge is an Uproar. So in A&ts 21. 30. éxevnan vi zórus, all the
City was in an Uproar. And in A&ts 24. 5. seront la sálov, raiſing a Sedition. Hence
in Heſychius, xivnice is TexperXid. And ſo the word is us’d in Polybius frequently;
and in Homer too, to ſignify a warlike Expedition, as in (c) Kivwo pedegjes is
not xvõ the ſame as on? In this Senſe alſo Polybius has us’d the word: (d)
Φίλιππος δ'εκ Μακεδονίας ακίγει με της δυνάμεωςand a little after fpeaking occa-
fionally of the Expedition of the Gauls under Brennus : (e) OSTOL No éxiynour celi
άμα τοϊς περί Βρέννον εκ της οικείας Thus allo in the Roman Authors iter facere fig-
nifies to make an Expedition with an Army. Thus in Tully: (f) Si quando rem
agere vellet, ne impediretur auſpiciis, le&tica operta facere ſe iter folere. In Livy:
(g) Et Annibalem incertum, utrum cæptum in Italiam intenderet iter. And a little
after : Cum ab occalu folis ad ortum intenderent iter. In Cæſar's Commentaries the
Expreſſion is frequent. So in Tully: (b) Interim quum, exercitu luſtrato, iter in
Ciliciam facere cæpillem. Eutropius : (i) Primus omnium Romanorum in Tauro iter
fecit: that is, a military Journey or Expedition. Thus then if we take this
firſt Expreſſion according to the Emphaſis it ought to have, the whole Dis-
(a) Bochart. Phal. Lib. I. cap. VII.
(6) Vid. Epiphan. Panar. Hær. LXVI. S.
83, 84.
(c) Hom. Iliad. d. v. 281. 332,
(d) Polyb. Lib. IV. p. 3-6.
(e) Polyb. Lib. IV. P. 313.
(f) M.T: Cic.de Divinat. Lib. II
(8) Liv.
Hift. Lib. XXI. (b) M. T. Cic. Lib. XV. ad Famil. Epift. IV. (i) Eutrop. Lib. IV.
vid. Solin. Polyh. cap. LII.
courſe

Ch. XVII. v. 5.
Babylon.
765
courſe of Moſes hangs well together, and is very plain; which otherwiſe be-
comes very intricate.
If we proceed to conſider the account of Moſes we ſhall be more and more
confirm'd in our Expofition of the deſigns of Nimrod and his Followers. The
words in Geneſ. 11,4. Let us make us a Name, will infer the ſame Concluſion,
take them in a manner as you will. For if by Name or Renown we underſtand
their daring and tyrannical Deſigns, 'tis the ſame as that of the Antediluvian
Giants, Men of Renown, oi čvOgwmob oi óvoasós, and that is dire&ly levelled
againſt God, but if by Name so was meant an Obje&t of Worſhip, whoſe
Name is invok'd, which is the Opinion of the Targumifts, the whole matter
is immediately put out of diſpute. The Targum of Jonathan fays, Et faciamus
nobis imaginem 190, adorationis
, in ejus faftigio, & ponamus gladium in manu. In
manu ejus, ut conſerat contra acies prælium, priufquam diſpergamur de ſuperficie terre.
Thac of Jeruſalem has no difference, ſaving that inſtead of 1910, it has 140 m2
Domum culsus, which is the ſame in Effect. (a) Kircher alſo produces the
Samaritan Targum which ſays; Et faciamus in medio ejus adorationis locum & fimu
lacrum, in cujus manibus fit gladius. See (6) Lightfoot
. As for that latter Ex-
preſſion in the Targum, Jonath. ponarus gladium in manu. Let us put a Sword
in the Hand, the meaning is, that their Deſign was to make the Object of their
Worſhip a Protector to defend them againſt all their Enemies as a God, who
might help them to deſtroy thoſe Enemies, as in Exod, 5.21. the Expreffion
to put a Sword in their Hands, is to give occaſion and means to deſtroy the
Ifraelites. Now this has been the conſtant (c) Notion of the Heathens of their
deceas'd Heroes in the Monuments to which they paid any Worſhip. All
which at firſt were placed upon Mountains, and their Temples were accounted
Forts. So that theſe Paraphrafts finding the word Name, ow, after that of
77313, Tower or Fort, a ruling Mount ; they have not without good reaſon,
taken the Name to fignify an Object of Worſhip, as thoſe of ancient Heroes,
Rulers and Founders of Nations, who were by their Poſterity reverenced and
invok’d. The Deſign of Nimrod and of his Followers being thus, that he
Should be their Protector during his Life and after his Deach too. That as his
mighty Deeds in ſubduing ochers had forced his Worſhip upon them, ſo that
whilft living he was ador'd as a God, he might likewiſe be worſhip'd after his
deceaſe. We muſt on this account diſtinguiſh three ſeveral Acts of cyrannical
Uſurpation. Firſt, That he impos’d his own Religion upon the conquer'd
Nations; and Secondly, That he was worſhipped as a God when living; and
Thirdly, After his Death.
Theſe three things will be made out as fol-
lows.
Firſt, It was the Tradition and conſtant Opinion in the time of St. Joon,
and that is it ſelf fufficient to ground an Hieroglyphical Character, which is
founded upon the Notions and Opinions of Men, that Nimrod was the Intro-
ducer of the Idolatry of the Magicians of Chaldea. The Author of the Clea
mentines diſcourſes at length upon it. He ſays: (1) Septima decima generatione
apud Babyloniam Nemroth primus regnavit, urbemque conſtruxit, & migravit ad Perfas,
eoſque ignem colere decuit. Again: (e ) Ex quibus urus Cham nomine, cuidam ex
filiis fuis
, qui Mefraim appellabatur, a quo Ægyptiorum ebu Babyloniorum & Perſarum
ducitur, male compertam magicæ artis tradidit diſciplinam : bunc gentes quæ tunc
erant Zoroaftrem appellaverunt. But as this is only a Viſion, the original is more
plainly for us, in which we find : (f) Nyás Tis emo go'ss cv X«', tô Toujour16
Μεσρέμ, εξ έπερ τα Αίγυπρίων και Βαβυλωνίων και Περσών επλήθως φύλα: And a little af.
'Εκ τε ύες τότε γίνεαι τις καλά διαδοχιων μα μια παρειληφώς ονόμαίι Νεφρώ.
ώσπερ γίγας ένανία τω θεώ φρονείν έλόμβως: . The reſt may be conſulted, which
contains a curious account of the Fire of the Magi, and of the origin of Statues,
and of the idolatrous Worſhip paid to the dead. It inay be obſerv'd upon theſe
Citations, that Nimrod is ſaid to have been in the ſeventeenth Generation, be-
cauſe in this account the Generations before the Deluge are computed. For
the (8) Chaldeans having a Tradition of the Deluge, ſay that after the Deluge
ter ;
(a) Athan. Kircher. Obelifc. Pamphil. Lib. II. cap. 10.
(b) Hor, Hebr. & Talmud.
in Rom. 8. 20.
(C) See the Note on Chap: 16. 20. A.
(d) Clement.
Recognit. Lib. I. §. 30.
(e) Clem. Recognit. Lib. IV. S. 27.
(f) Clement,
Hom. 1X. S. 3, 4
(%) African. apud Syncell.
Ego ſeven
91

766
Babylon.
Ch XVII. v.5.
time of the building of Babel. This I fuppoſe ariſes from chat Conceit men-
ſeven Kings reigud of their Nation, and then the Arabians ufurpd upon
them, the firſt of which is called Mardocentes. This I ſhall fhew is the ſame as
Nimród; and thus this account agrees perfectly well with that of moles.
Further, whereas this Author ſeems so ſay that the Egyptians, Babyloni-
ans and Perfians came out of Mefraim, this Abſurdity is very eaſily remov'd by
referring the relative, not to Meſraim, but to the former Subftantive Cham:
and then all is righe. For indeed (a) Diodorus ſpeaks plainly wien he ſays,
that the Egyptians pretended that Belus carried away a Colony of their People
to Babylon, and there appointed Prieſts in the ſame manner. Bur this needs not
to be founderſtood, that Nimrod came out of Egypt, as if he had been the Son
of Mefraim, for very likely at that time the Land of Egypt was not a Kingdom,
nor perhaps inhabited; but that the meaning of the Egyptians was, that this
Belus or Nimrod was of their Nation, which is very certain, ſince Moſes ſays,
that he was of the Off-fpring of Cuſli
, Brother to Mefraim ; both which were
Sons of Cham; and that their Nation was afterwards ſettled in the Land called
Egypt and Meſraim from that Patriarch. Conſonant to theſe places of the
Clementine Author ate likewiſe theſe words in the Alexandr. Chronicle: 'Aurdy
Νίνον τον Νεύρωδ οι Λασύριοι προσηγόρδισαν έτG- διδάσκει 'Αασυρίες σεζόν το πρ There
words prove two things: First, That the names of Ninus and Nimrod fignify
the fame Man, and that it was the Allyrians who gave him that n-me of Nimrod,
for fome ſpecial reaſon, of which hereafter; and Secondly, That Nimrod
taught or forced the Aſyrians to worſhip the Fire, that is, to become Idolaters,
and ſubmit to his Religion and Government. Of this Opinion are likewiſe the
(6) Arabian Writers, who ſay, that he was a Magician and Sabian, and fift
eſtabliſh'd che Worſhip of Fire. And whereas we have ſaid elſewhere that
Nimrod was the ſame as Bacchus; to it is obſervable, that the Mythologiſts
among the Greeks give out the Cauſe, why Bacchus made an Expedition into the
Indies, to be only that he mighe fertle his Orgies or Myfteries of Religion, and
that he might be acknowledged and worſhipped as a God. This among others
we find in (c) Euripides and (d) Diodorus. And it is to be added as another
point of Conformity to that of the Invention of the Diadems, and thoſe pro-
duced by Bochart, to ſhew that the Greeks knew of Nimrod under the name of
Bacchus. To'which may be added likewiſe, thac (e) Pan being faid to be the
General of Bacchus, was alſo the Inventer of drawing up an Army into a Body,
and of forming it with a right and left Wing; whence Pan is repreſented with
Horns. To which may be added this alſo, that Peniheus in Ovid attributes
magical Fraudsto Bacchus ; (f) Er magicæ fraudes ? and commenta facra. Now
the holy Scripture repreſents this Expedition of Nimrod as the very firſt that
ever was made. Who ſhould keep up ſtanding Armies, and train up Men in
that univerſal Peace, but ſuch as will fubdue their Neighbours, and think of
enlarging their Power? Or elſe ſuch as having conquerd, muſt keep ſtrong
Forts and Garriſons to curb the Tributaries. What I ſay hers of Nimrod, and
his Adherents, Conquerors of Chaldea, is abſolutely fuitable to the account of
the holy Writings. And it is cerrain by them, that the Pofterity of Shem and
Afhur were compelled to that Worſhip, as Thare
, Abraham and Nachor, Hofh. 24.
1, 2, 3. That it was the Cuſtom of the Heathens to oblige the conquered Na-
tions to follow the Religion of the Conquerors, is inade out in the Note on
Chap. 6. 13. A.l)
All the Objections that I can think of againſt my Notion of Nimrod's being
the firſt Author of Idolatry in Babel, ariſe from the Authority of the learned
Bochart, whoſe Notions in this matter are fingular, and not very well conſiſtent
with themſelves. (g) He ſays firſt, that Nimrod was not perhaps born at the
tion'd before, that Nimrod was not concern'd in the building of the Tower;
but (b) he owns, that he was the fame as Belts, and that he built Babylon:
Now this ſuppoſes, that the Tower was builc long before Babylon is ſelf, or that
Nimrod only repaired the Work. The firſt Suppofition is plainly contrary to
Bu(a) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. p.19. 1. (b) Vid. Eutych. Annal. & Herbelot. Tit. Nimrod, &
Abraham.
(c) Euripid. Bacch.v. 21, 34
(d) Diodoc. Sicul. Lib. I.
p. 10,
(e) Polyæn. Maced. Strateg. Lib. I. comp. Clement. Rec gn. Lib. I.
(f) Ovid. Metam. Lib. III v. 534. & 558.
(&) Bochart. Phal.
(b) Bochart. Phal. Lib. IV. cap. 14.
Genef. 11.
$.31.
Lib. I. cap. 10

Chạp. XVII, V, 5.
767
Babylon.
true.
*539000
Genef. 11. 4. and the lacter is unheard of in any Authors. All ſay, thar Ninus
or Belus, or (a). Nimrod built it, or at leaſt his Wife Semiramis ; both may be
Or we may diſtinguiſh with (b) Ammianus Marcellinus, that Belus built
the Tower, and Semiramis che City Walls afterwards. She might finiſh and
dedicate what he had only begun and fee forwards. As for that 'tis ſaid by the
ſame Author, that Nimrod or Belus was not worſhipped till dead, 'tis enough if
he had luch a deſign of being ſo after death, and took an effectual courſe for
thac end. 'Tis very likely, that the Proftration and Worſhip given to the
oriental Monarchs of old as (c) Gods was his Contrivance; and if Nimrod be
the ſame as Bacchus, which is ic ſelf the Opinion of Bocbart, and a more than
probable one, that conrrivance ſeemis akin to the Invention of the Diadem and
the Inſtitution of the Bacchical Orgies. And ſuch a Contrivance was a proper
ſtep to procure Nimrod divine Honours after death; one making way for the
other. Even ſuch Honours whilſt living are Idolatry, and Affectation of
getting a Name in Oppoſition to God. Thus the Man of Sin, in 2 Thef. 2. 3.
&c. fitting in the Temple of God, to be worſhipped as God is a living Mortal,
who aſſumes the Honours due to God; and is therefore the Author of the
great Apoftaſy, and the Husband of the myſtical Babylon, Revel. 18. 7. 12
But further, 'Tis objected, that Jo Name, is never taken for an Idol. If
Idol be taken ſtrictly for an Image or Repreſentation of the Obje& worſhipped
it may be granted; but there is an Idolatry or falſe Worſhip without Idolsa
The falſe Objects of Worſhip are firſt choſen ; afterwards Idols are made to
reprefent them: but nevertheleſs we count it Idolatry to worſhip any falſe
Object. The old (d) Egyptians had no Statues ; nor the (e) Greeks before the
Times of Cecrop ; nor the (f) Romans, (g! Numa having forbidden them to
make any. So likewiſe Silius Italicus ſpeaking of an ancient Temple of Hercules
in Spain, obſerves it had within it no Statue : (b)
Sed nulla Effigies, fimulerave nota deorum
Majstate locum, du ſacro impievere timore,
In foribus Labor.
a basic
Yet all theſe were accounted Idolaters. The word 0, Name, denotes
fimply an Object of Worſhip, or Invocation. If this be not true, it may be
asked then whence comes it that on, the Name, ſhould fignify the true
God, the Object of worſhip to Iſrael, if fuch a word was not usd to that pur-
pofe before the Times of Mofes, at leaft as to the Gods of the Gentiles? Or
that other Expreſſion in Exod. 20.25. when God ſays, I record my Name? When
tis plain, that his meaning there is this; I chufe a place where I require to
be worſhipped, wherein I will fhew my Glory and Power, and hear the Pray.
ers of them that invoke me. And thus in the third Commandment of the
Decalogue, good Interpreters underſtand the taking of the Name in vain, of
worſhipping the true God in or by a vain Thing or Image, which is a vain Rex
preſentation of him who cannot be repreſented by any Image. And thus God
himſelf gives a proof of this when he firſt ſhewed himſelf to Mofes, Exod. 3. 15.
and faid ; This is my Name for ever, and this is my Memorial unto all Generationsis
Upon which 'tis well obſerv'd, that this reſpects his Worſhip; 'tis that Name
by which he is to be remembred, that is invok'd and ſerved by his People, and
diſtinguiſhed from all other falſe Objects. For the word Memorial is a term of
the Ricuals, Levit. 2. 2. Therefore when God forbids Ifrael, in Exod. 23. 134
even to make mention of the Names of other Gods, he forbids to worſhip and
give any Veneration or commemorate in publick or private Worſhip wich the?
falſe Votaries thefe (i) Actions of other Gods which had occalion'dicheits
being deified. For God is and calls himſelf, Exodus 34. 14Ain the LXX.
(nach dy ovocie, a jealous Name, a jealous God or Object of Worfhip. It was
on this accound therefore, and with a due ſenſe of Gratefulneſs to God's
Kindneſs to Ifrael, that Mofes inquired after the Name of God, when he appear'da
to him, and that the Iſraelites might do it likewiſe, Exod. 3. 13. But Maroak
Speaks out in Judg. 13. 17. What is thy Name, that when thy Sayings come to patóge
We may do thee Honour
?
bandarine mafiot
(a) Vit. Theopil ad Aucol Lib. II p.154.
(b) Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. Xxula
(c) Vid. Verba Artabani Perfæ apud Plutarch. in vit. Themiſtocl. Fol. 39% BIL V d) Lucian.
de Dea Syria. (e) D. Potter's Antiq, of Greece Lib. II. C. 2.di (f) Vatro apod
Auguſtin, de Civit. dei. Lib. IV. cap. 36.
(5) Clement. Alex, Stromat. Lib. I.
(b) Sil. Italic. Lib. III.
(i) Vid. Tertullian. de Idololatria cap. Xx.
The
பைக் ப
p. Igi.

768
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v. 5.
The origin of this Expreſſion appears to me to be this. When God appear'd
by ſome Viſion, Dream or Miracle to the Patriarchs, they noted the place,
and commemorated the Event by ſome folemn Aas of Devotion, and the im-
poſition of a Name, as in Genef. 12. 7, 8. and Chap. 13. 4, 18. and Chap. 28.
18, 19. But when Men miſtook the object of their Worſhip, and by what-
ever miſtake worſhipped with divine Honours, either living or dead Men,
which moſt plainly was done to Nimrod, and to all the other Heads of Families
after the Deluge, except Abraham and his Deſcendants by Jacob, at leaſt after
their deceaſe; then where ever this object of Worſhip had done ſome memo
rable Adion when alive, or was believed to have done ſo after his deceaſe up-
on the Prayers or Invocation of his Worſhippers, or where he was buried and
ſuppoś’d to preſide and favour his Worſhippers ; there a Monument was rais'd,
and his Name invok'd in proper Hymns, with ſuitable Praiſes and Thanks. See
an inſtance in Pap. Statius, Theb. Lib. IV. V. 764. and the Note upon Chap.
22. 4. A. Hence it comes, that not only among the Jewiſh Authors, but alſo
the Gentile to Name is the ſame as to invoke in divine Worſhip. For inſtance,
the LXX, in Iſaiah 26. 13. Kúpit éxós og draer šx vidaulio od ovou.e os óvous coule
St. Paul, 2 Tim. 2. 19. Kalamosítw artito diferias nos ó bronccdiscor Tè Brouet Xpisão The
Author of the Teſtaments of the Patriarchs ; (a) Tis kan ovlas Joss vomid's solº
The like is found in (b) Theophilus Antioch. In one of the Canons of Laodicea
we find, (c) Aggéros ovobrdo, which words are in the Commentators explain'd
of Interceſſion and Invocation. Of the Pagans we may cite firſt Herodotus :
(4) Τάτω δε τπυ 'Αραχάλη θύεσιν 'Ακάνθιοι εκ εοπεοπίε, ως ήρωϊ, επονομάζονες τάγομα.
and then Plutarch who ſays : (e) Aid' ti red nigonne govorefe'ns Juoids, mor šsive
Seãy évoue (wory• Among the Roman Authors the beſt for this purpoſe, are thoſe
who have written of their Rituals, ſuch as Macrobius : in him we find theſe two
Paflages. (f ) Sed & Fabius Maximus Servilianus Pontifex in libro duodecimo negat
oportere atro die parentare ; quia tunc quoque Fanum Jovemque præfari neceſſe eft,
quos nominari atro die non oportet. And a little before : Apud veteres quoque qui
nominallet Salutem, Semoniam, Seia, Segetiam, Tutilinam, ferias obſervabant. Am-
mianus Marcellinus ; (g) Unde do in ritualibus & Pontificiis obtemperantibus
facerdotiis cautum, ne alio deo pro alio nominato, cum qui eorum terram concutiat
fit in abſtruſo, piacula committantur. Porcius Latro ; ( b ) Invocavi, inquit deos,
Statuta in illo Saxo deos nominaſti. Junius Baſſus: In illa cruce Veſtam nominaverat.
Hiſpanus: Cum in Saxo deos nominaſſes. Marillius : Conſtituta in Saxo invocavit
deos. Publica indignatio exorta eft. Audet iſta nominare deos, andet boc loco? So
likewife (i) Gellius.
Laſtly, 'Tis objected, that when the word au is us'd to ſignify the God
of Iſrael, it hath the emphatical Particle before it, as in Levit. 24. 11. But
this is not material ; God was indeed then to the Iſraelites their
own, de-
finitely and emphatically ; but when the Builders of Babel ſpeak of their De-
fign, they uſe the word indefinitely without Emphaſis; but by the Particles
"37 80 us, it is defined and becomes Own to them. And thus when the affix'd
Particles, or ſome other word determine the Name to the God of Iſrael, then
the Emphatical 77 is omitted, as in i Kings 8., 16. ou my Name, and v. 48.
3907, to thy Name, and v. 17. 20.79 Dus, to the Name of God. Thus
alſo in Levit. 24. 11. the DMM, upon which this pretended Rule is founded,
is in v. 16. explain'd by Du Du, without the emphatical 77, it being then
unneceſſary to fix the Signification of it, which is done by the latter word. So
that upon the whole I am fully ſatisfied, that the deſign was to ſet up an Object
for divine Honours, and that this was the firſt Contrivance and Foundation of
all Idolatry; which being forced upon the Subjects fubdued became a tyrannical
Uſurpation. And indeed Philo the Few hints, that theſe Builders were Poly-
theifts or Idolaters; and that they are for this reaſon called Sons of Men, a
vulgar Epithete in the holy Writers for Idolaters and oppreſs’d People, as has
been ſhewn elſewhere ; or at leaſt in the Opinion of Pbilo they are firſt, and
(a) Teftam. Patriarch. Jud. 5. XIX,
(6) Conc. Laodicen. Can. XXXV.
(e) Plutarch. Qu. Rom. p. 254.
(8) Ammian. Marc. Lib. XVII.
Gell. Noct. Arcic. Lib. II. cap. 28.
sonte XIA
(b) Theoph. ad Autol. Lib. II. p. 145.
(d) Herodot. Lib. VII. cap. CXVII.
(f) Theod. Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. c. 16.
( Apud Senec. Lib. I. Controv. III.
(1) A.
by

Chap. XVII. v. 5.
769
Babylon.
by conſequence ſtanding Repreſentatives, or allegorical Symbols of the reſt
of the Idolaters by the force of the Similitude. The words of Philo are thefe :
(α) Τί ο τέτο, οι πολλές ελεγραφόμβυοι των όντων ώσει σπαγόρας, και το πολύθεον
songs fuos sioc. In the ſame manner Epiphanius, having objected to the Arians
the Introduction of Polytheiſm, compares them to the Builders of Babel;
which ſhews, that he underſtood the deſign of theſe Builders to be the Intro
duction of Polytheiſm or Idolatry. His words are ; (b) navouedo oi and my tw
φύσιν εργαζόμενοι το Cαβυλωνίαν· Here 'tis plain that φύσιν making no fenfe, we
muſt correet the place. Tupour fits it exactly, and is the very word uſed by
Abydenus concerning this very matter in the place to be cited hereafter. In the
fame manner Euſebius takes the Aſyrians to be in the Prophefies the ſtanding
Symbol of all the prevailing Gentile Enemies to the Church of God: (0)
Δια με τα των 'Ασυρίων ονόματG- ηγέμαι τις καθ' έκασον χρόνον επικρατέσας των εθνών
lecincuv on palveg. So that in the following words he makes the Allyrians to
ſtand for all thoſel Powers to the Romans, who have ſucceeded each other,
and oppreſs’d the People of God. And this he ſays was done by the Prophets,
to give no Diſtafte to the prevailing Powers, had they been ſpoken of more
plainly.
It being thus evident that a Name is an object of Worſhips and that by con-
ſequence the firſt Builders of Babel did deſign by the Fortreſs and City to ty-
ranniſe in Government ; and by the Name in Religion, it will be eaſy to
ſhew, that this was againſt God, as well as Men. For it is evident by the Bleſ-
fing of Noab upon Shem, which was pronounced by a prophetick Spirit, and
was therefore a divine Commiſſion, that Shem was to enjoy the right of the
Prieſthood above his Brethren, Genef. 9. 26. eſpecially above Ham, who had
rather drawn a Curſe upon him. (d) Bochart has obſervd, that therefore Shem,
who was for this envied, was in the Mythology of the Pofterity of Ham made
the Smy, the Typhon and God of Hell. Now whereas his Name, Shem alluded
to the Name of God, they made it in Deriſion allude to Dow, which fignifies
to blot out with an Implication that the thing is abominable. So that when Nima
rod, Son of Cuſh, and of the Offspring of Ham, did by his hunting or Rob-
beries invade the Lot of Shem, and therein built a Fortreſs, and ſet up a religi-
ous Worſhip, by both which the Sons of Shem were inſlaved; what can this
be but a Rebellion againſt God, as well as an Uſurpation upon the Rights of
Shem. Therefore as by his Uſurpation Nimrod rais'd up himſelf to Heaven in
Power, and ſo eſtabliſhed his Worſhip ; in debaſing the Poſterity of Shem and
making them Slaves to him, he thus ſank down Shem into Hell. Such Expreſ-
fions are us’d by our Saviour upon Capernaum, in Matth. 11. 23. and Luke 10.
15. For as the ſymbolical Character occafond the Idolatry of Image Wor-
ſhip, ſo the ſymbolical Language occaſion'd the framing of a Mythology. As
therefore the Pofterity of Shem was humbled by that of Ham, the heads of the
Kindred were placed, the one in Heaven, t'other in Hell, which are the Symbols
of theſe two oppofice States.
That Nimrod had divine Honours given him, may be prov'd from the profane
Hiſtorians, if we do but firft obſerve, that he was the (e) Belus of the Aſyrians,
the Founder of that Monarchy, to doubt of which there is no reaſon; and
that he had a Son and Succeffor called Ninus by the Greeks, or Ninyas, From
which it comes that theſe two are often confounded together. f) St. Jerome
ſays: Idolum Baal live Bel, bu ut apertius dicam Beli, Aſyriorum religio eft, conſecrata
d Nino Beli filio, in honorem patris. Diodorus ſays, That Ninus was buried, and
over him a Tomb was rais'd upon a Hill or Barrow nine Furlongs high, and
ten broad, which look'd like a Citadel, and that this was done by Semiramis ; (g)
Και κατεσκεύασεν επ' αυγά χώμα παμμέγεθες, και το μ' 4G εννέα α' σαλίων, το G-
ώς φησι Κτησίας, δέκα διο και της πόλεως παρά τω Ευφράγη έν πεδίω κειμδύης. απο πολλών
στιδίων αραίνει το χώμα, καθαπερεί τις ακρόπολις: Το reconcile this with the holy
Writings, we need only to obſerve, that this Ninus or Nimrod, had built this
Hill or Tower with a deſign to be buried there, and that his Widow perform’d
(a) Philo de Confuf. Diale&. p. 230.
(b) Epiphan. Panar. Hær. LXIX. S.
31. Lib. I. Tom. I. p. 7.
(6) Euſeb. Demonſtr. Evang. Lib. VII. p. 199.
(d) Bochart Phal. Lib. I. cap. 1.
(e) Vid. Jac. Periz. Orig. Babyl. cap. VII.
p. 94.
() Hieronym. in Ezek. cap. 23.
(s) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. II.
p. 67
that

9 K

770
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
that Office for him, and built him a Temple or Monument, If ſo be that this
Semiramis is not rather the Widow of ſome other Ninus or Belus who has been
confounded with the ancient Belus. For that ſhe came long afterwards, and
was not the firſt Builder of Babel, but the ancient Belus is affirm'd by (a He-
rennius Philo; which laft is alſo affirm'd by the Poet Dorotheus Sidonius, and
Abydenus, with Beroſus and others. Now if we truft to (b) Herodotus, though
his account be not a little different from the former, then certainly there
was a Temple on the top of the Tower. But as Ctefias ſpeaks of the more
ancient Times, and Herodotus of the ſtate of the City, as it was in his Time,
this difference may have ariſen from the Alterations made in the Ages after
Nimrod; and the Tower and Temple, which in proceſs of time were decay'd,
might (c) by Nabuchodonofor be reſtor’d to that ſtate which Herodotus deſcribes.
One Circumſtance there is, which has a great ſhew of (d) Antiquity. The
Temple on the Tower had no Statue therein, but there was another Temple or
Chapel lower, which had both the Statue of a God, and on the outſide a gol-
den Altar. The firſt ſeems to have been the more ancient Temple, or elſe one
repair'd according to the old Model, and with the Simplicity of the anciene
Times, in which no Statues were us’d, nor Altars for Sacrifice, and the place
of the Sepulchre, or Tomb and Altar made thereupon, ſerv'd for the Liba-
tions and frugal Feafts made thereat. So that matters being thus prepared by
the firſt Builders of Babel, and then finiſhed accordingly by their Succeffors in
fuch a manner, that though Nimrod was not the firft Author of Idolatry, but
the fetter up of a tyrannical Power, which forc'd its Subjects to uſe the ſame
Religion, and his Succeffors made him only an object of Worſhip after his
death, and that this was actually done in the Times of Moſes, it may be juſtly
faid to have been the great defign of the firft Founders. Ninus is ſaid by the
Hiſtorians to have been the Founder of the Monarchy, (e) Níve to cusingeple's
tuwi siyeroviar , ſays Diodorus, When they ſpeak of him as a God, and
ſometimes otherwiſe, they call him Belus ; yet the fame Belus was by
the Aſſyrians themſelves reckon'd to have been at firſt no other than a
montal Man, one of their Anceſtors, and Founder of their Empire, to
whom for his Proweſs they gave Honour and Worſhip after his deceaſe, as a
Protector of the Empire, which is the common Notion and Method of all the
Idolaters. All this is to be made out from that prophetick Speech of Nabu-
chodonofor reported by Abydenus out of the Chaldean Commentaries : (d) OfTG-
εγώ Ναζακο δρόσιρG- ο βαβυλώνιον, τίω μέλλεσαν υμίν προαγγέλλω σομφορlω, τίω' έτε ΒήλG-
μός πρόρνΘ, έτε βασίλεια Βόλτς αποτρέψαι, μοίρας πείσει είτεγάσιν And indeed after
the Accompliſhment of chis Predi&tion, (g) Xerxes is ſaid to have opened the
Coffin of this Belus, wherein a dead Body was found preſervd in Oyl, ſo that
it appears, that Ninus is the Nimrod of Moſes. And there is this further Con-
formity to prove it, that Diodorus ſays, Ninis built a Town of the fame
Name, which is indeed Nineveh, and that he had a Son called Ninyas ; for fo
Moſes ſays, that Nimrod built the City of Nineveh : that (b) word fignifying
alſo the Habitation of Ninus in Hebrew, and the reſt of the (i) oriental Tongues.
And by conſequence the common Tradition that Belus, Ninus and Nimrod is
the fame Man, is not to be rejected, which was in vogue in St. John's Time, as
appears by the Clementin Auchor : (k) Rex appellatur quidam Nemroth, quem bo
ipſum Graci Ninum vocaverunt ; ex cujus nomine Ninive civitas vocabulum fumfit.
Such a Tradition of this matter, and of Babylon's being built to eſtabliſh Tyran-
ny and Idolatry, is ſufficient for an Hieroglyphical Symbol, which is indeed
but a Metaphor or Metonymie. Now theſe are allowed to be fetcht from the
Tables already eſtabliſhed, as (1) they who have written of Impreſſes have
already determined, and as it might be prov'd by the reaſon of the thing, and
the Authority of many Examples.
eing aliud
Gabine
(a) Steph. v. Baluray.
(b) Herodot. Lib. I. S. 181.
(C) Vid.
Berof. apud Jofeph. Archæ. Lib. X. cap. 11.
(d) Vid. Epiphan. Lib. I. Tom. I. p. 7.
(e) Diodor. Lib. IL. p. 78.
(f) Apud Euſeb. Præp: Evang Lib. IX. p. 268.
(8) Cteſian in Perſic. §. 21. Ælian. Vat. Hift. Lib. XIII. cap. 3. Arrian. Expedit
. Alex. Lib. VII:
(5) Vid. Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. IV. cap. 20. & Prefat. Ninvah,
(i) Herbelot. Tit.
(k) Clem. Recogn. Lib. IV. S. 29. vid. Strabon Geogr. Lib. XVI. p. 737. & Lib. II. p. 84.
(1) Bouhours, Entretiens d'Arift. Ent. VI. p. 286. vid. Prelim. Diſs. p. 11. $. 32.
But


Ch. XVII. v. 5:
7991
Babylon,
But I ſhall beg leave to fet down here a Conje&ure concerning the origin of
the variety of Names given to this fame Man, who in holy Writ is conſtantly
calld Nimrod, but in other Authors ſometimes ſo, and Ninus and Belus more
frequently, eſpecially in the more ancient Hiſtorians. 'Tis not likely, that his
firft Name could be (a) Nimrod, which fignifies Rebel or Uſurper. His true
Name is to be found in the word Nineveh a City of his Foundation, and figni-
fying the Habitation of a Man whoſe name is Nin, with the termination of the
Greek and Latin Tongues, it is the ſame as Nivo and Ninus. When Ninus be-
came a Conqueror, and had ſubdued Foreign Nations, he calld himſelf Baal
or Bel, becauſe he was their Lord ; the word "sa, Baal, fignifying that, and
(6) Bel is own'd to be the ſame in another Dialect. Hence came the Belus.
On the other hand his Subjects oppreſs’d by him into Servitude, or forced to fly
abroad from his Incroachments out of their Country, which were chiefly of
the Pofterity of Shem, of which Abrabam and Moles were, gave him that odious
Name of ( c ) Nimrod, or Rebel and Uſurper.
That in old times ſuch mock Names were given to ſeveral things in Deri-
fion, which afterwards ftuck to them, is evident by many Examples. Thus
when the Iſraelites had fer up their Calves in Bethel, which fignifies the Houſe of
God, the Prophets and Fews, who ſtuck to the true Worſhip of God, and were
highly offended with that Idolatrous Attempt, call'd it Betb-aven, the Houſe of
Vanity, or Idolatry. Thus alſo the name of Sychar in fohn 4. 5. implying
Drunkenneſs is thought to be given to Sychem in alluſion to laiah, 28. 1. Wo to
the Drunkards of Ephraim, Hebr. O "ON U. So (2) Lightfoot, who gives more
Examples. In like manner Achan. in Foſh. 7. is called Achar in 1 Chron. 2.7. the
Diſturber, from 9y us'd before in Foſh. 6.18. for bringing a Curſe upon Iſrael,
and in the LXX he is conſtantly calld by the Nick-name. The Impoſtor Barchon
cheba, i. e. Son of a Star was alſo called in Deriſion Barckuziba, Son of a Lje.
Thus alſo the (e ) Saracens had the name given them from their Robberies,
for they never call themſelves fo. In the ſame manner the Perſians called the
Scythians Sace, and ſo did the Greeks after them; but the Scythians in revenge
called the Perſians Chorfacos, as (f) Bochart reads in ( g ) Pliny out of Solinus, and
gueſſes that this word implies they fled from, or fear'd the Sace. Thus the (b)
Mardi are thought to be ſo calld, becauſe Rebels and Robbers, as Nimrod. So
likewiſe whereas (i) Philo has obſerv'd that Shinar ſignifies excuſſion or expulfion ;
the ſame ( k ) Bochart obſerves, that this Land had this Name, becauſe by God's
Judgment the firſt Inhabitants were expelled out of it. So that it has this Name
in Moſes by a Prolepſis as to the Hiſtory of Aſhur. Or elſe we may ſay, that
Mofes gives the reaſon of the name of Shinar, Genef. 10. 10. in the very next
Words, Out of that Land went out Aſher, that is, was forced to remove out of
the Country, wherein Babylon was built, according to the way of tranſporting
the conquered Nations, to ſecure the Conqueſt; Nimrod having for that rea-
ſon expelled them out of the Land, which they had by the firſt Diviſion, to
ſecure his Conqueſt, and make them abſolute Slaves, ſee Gen. 47. 21. So that I
take Aſher or Aſhur to be the name of a People deſcended from the Man of that
Name, and this is a Parentheſis to explain the name of Shinar given to the
Country; ſo that and builded Nineveb, is to be attribured to Nimrod or Ninus, asin-
deed the very name ſhews him to be the Mafter thereof. Tho' it may be ſaid
that Aſhur built it by the command of Ninus or Nimrod, who having conquer'd
that people and remov'd them out of Babylonia, or Shinar, employ'd them to
build ſuch Towns, as the Egyptians did by the Iſraelites,
( a ) Vid. Jac. Perizon.
Orig. Babylon. Cap. VIII. p. 122. (6) Vid. Bochart. in Canaan. Lib. II.
C. 10. Schindler, v. 772 Boch. in Canaan Lib. IV. cap. 14. Hieronym. in Ezekiel cap. 23. & in Hof.
cap. 2.
(c) Vid. T. Hyde Hift. Rel. Perſar. cap. 2. pag. 37. (d) Lightfoot Cent.
Chorogr. in Matth. c. LVI. & in Johan. Inq. Chorogr. c. IV. Vid. Hor. Hebr. Talm. in Matth.
12. 24. de Beelzebul. & Hor. Hebr. Talm. in A&t. Apoft
. 7. 43. de Remphan. & Profpe&t. Temple.
cap. III. de Monte Corruptionis, 2 Reg. 23. 13. Vid. i Kings 18. 19. 25, 29. in LXX.
(e) Bochart. Phal. Lib. IV, cap. 2.
(f) Boch. Phaleg. Lib. IV. cap. 1o.
(g) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VI. cap. 17.
(b) V. If. Voff. ad Pomp. Mel. Lib. III. cap. VI
v. 26. & Berkel. ad Steph. in Voc. (i) Philo de Confuſ. Dial. pag. 223.
(k) Boch. Phaleg. Lib. I. cap. 5:1
Laſtly,
Plaat

772
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
Laitly fo Jerubbaal, as it is read in the LXX, 2 Sam, 11, 21; and very likely
was ſo in their Copies, is now
read in the Hebrew Jerubbeſheth, where Beſbeth
fignifies Confuſion, and is put inſtead of the odious name of Baal, according to
the alluſion made in Jeremiah 11. 13. between uay and 42.
Here therefore it comes in very properly to obſerve and prove what I hinted
before, that Nimrod is the Mardocentes in the Chaldean Dynaſties. Firſt the
words agree in fignification, for Mardoccntes viſibly comes from 979 and 1937,
to Rebel, and to purchaſe or poles ; ſo that Mardocentes ſignifies a rebellious Poſtellor,
or Uſurper. Secondly, this Mardocentes was an Arabian, who uſurp'd upon the
Chaldeans ; ſo was Nimrod. Thirdly, it was obſerv'd before, that Nimrod was
in the ſeventeenth Generation, which may be eafily underttood, by accounting
them from Adam, ten before the Flood, and ſeven after; which ſuits exactly
with the times of Phaleg. Accordingly the Chaldean Story names ſeven Kings of
Chaldean Extraction before Mardocentes, who being an Arabian, uſurp'd the
Kingdom of the Babylonians. Now thoſe ſeven Kings were only Patriarchs or
Heads of Families: the firſt of which being Euechous, methinks this name
ſmells much of Noah. Compare with this che Obſervation of Theophilus Antioch:
who ſays that fome calld Noah, Eunuch. However this Number jumps in fuffi-
cienely with the Genealogy of Shem to Phileg, in whoſe times Nimrod ufurp'd
upon the Chaldeans or Affyrians. And 'cis certain thoſe Chaldean Hiſtorians knew
of the Flood. And this Euechous is ſaid to be the firſt after it.
In the ſame manner it ſeems very unlikely to me, that Babel ſhould have that
name given to it by its firſt Founder at its Dedication, the word fignifying
Confufion, and being directly contrary to the very deſign of the Contrivers, who
did it, left they ſhould be ſcattered, divided, and ſo confounded, the name of
Babel ſeems therefore to have been given after the Diſperſion, and in deriſion
of that tyrannical Deſign ſet on foot by the Contriver, and by that Confuſion
baffled in part. Now when the name of Babel was once given to it, then the
Inhabitants of the City itſelf and Country thereabouts, which were moſt of
the Poſterity of Shem, and to be ſure, not very well pleaſed with their Maſters,
made it paſs current. I am therefore fully perſuaded, that Babel or Babylon is
not the original Name, but a new Impoſition. And indeed Abydenus plainly
affirms, that it was given afterwards from the Diſperſion. When he ſpeaks of
the Tower as nam'd Babylon, he ſpeaks with cautionary hints, that this Name
was impoſed afterwards: for he uſes that caution more than once : (b) ITúegwe
nópov naíbatov deipov, iva yuð fabuacha ésiv. that they raiſed a Citadel of Towers up to
the Sun, where now Babylon ftands ; T& Note égcíma aéreas Baburðve, That at lali, or
afterwards, the ruins of it were called Babylon. Oğ Tó TOS ♡ zèv Tlupper c»Ko sóuna
ouy, vrv Baburado menettes
. But the place in which they built the Tower,
is now call'd Babylon. This proves, that the name of Babel was not the
original Name ; and that the firſt Tower built by Nimrod came to
decay ; and that the Babylon, of which Herodotus ſpeaks, was repair'd
afterwards, moſt likely by Nebuchodonofor, who made it the Capital again of the
Aſyrian or Chaldean Monarchy.
What the true name of Babylon was, as Nimrod impos'd it, is not ſo eaſily to
be found out for want of Records ; but that it had originally another Name is
made very probable, both from what has been already ſaid, and from the name
of Nineveh, which bears the true name of Nin, the ſame who is nick nam'd
Nimrod : ſo that 'tis not likely, that he building this City gave it no Name, but
left it to others. The builders of Cities have ever affected to give them firſt a
Name. But as to the Name itſelf, we are left to conje&ure. How ſhall we
then find it? By Analogy : for as I have obſerv'd, the Nick-names bear ſome
reſemblance to the true. So Jerubbeſheth to Jerubbaal; Bethaven to Bethel;
Coniah to Feconiah ; and laſtly Nimrod to Nin or Ninus. Thus alſo I believe Baa
bel, 722, alludes to that which I take to have been the firſt Name 72 73, Beth-
bel, that is the Houſe of Bel; that is, as Nin gave his own Name to the City of
Nineveh which be Built, ſo he called Babel, being his Capital Seat of Empire,
a Name which implied it, by calling it the Houſe of the Lord or King; the de-
ſign of building it being properly to make it the Capital Manſion of his Domi-
nions; and with the like deſign as Nebuchadnezzar, who repair’d it, to make it
in like manner, 1970 nya'y the Houſe of the Kingdom, Dan. 4. 30. it being very
( * ) Theoph. ad Autolyc. Lib. III. pag. 243.
Evang. Lib. IX. pag. 244.
(b) Abydenus apud Eufeb. Præp.
likely

Ch. XVII. v. 5:
Babylon.
likely that Baal or Bel was only then us’d to fignify Lardſhip or supremacy, and
that other Titles are more recent: for Baal lignifying alſo an Husband, is the
firſt Title of Lordſhip in the World, ariſing from the Bond of Marriage, by
which the Females are made ſubject to the Males, as their Lords and Husbands:
Now it is eaſily conceiv'd, that the word Beth.bel, may be changed into Babel,
eſpecially having that remarkable Circumſtance of the Diſperſion and Confufton
to help it out. To confirm this I ſhall obſerve, that in like manner the Royal
Palace was called Beltis from Bel. So we read in the words of Nabuchodonofir
cited already, šte Casiasa Búatıs. Thus indeed I underſtand the words ; though
ſome take Beltis for a Woman, the Wife of Belus, and ſo explain Booiasa by Queen,
reading ýte inſtead of 8ts. But how comes that word here to ſignify a Queen?
The ſenſe ſtands very well for the Palace or Court, which in old times were
Citadels. Alexander Polyhiſtor. cited by (a) Euſebius quotes an Anonymous Au-
thor ; who ſays that the Tower was called Belus from the Builder. My fv ele
ζήλον εκφούρνα τον θάνατον, έν βαβυλώνι κατοικήσαι, πύρ Γον τε καθασκευάσανα, εν αυτώ διαιτίύς,
y del otro 7Ğ rete Tudúourt Cúax, Cňaoy oyoua slöar" One would think, that this
ought rather to be Búatis than the very name of the Founder, without a different
Termination, as uſual in ſuch caſes. And indeed in this ſenſe there feem
to remain ſome Footiteps of this word Beltis in the name impos'd upon
Daniel, Chap. 1. 7. Belteſhazzar ; which is abſolutely deriv'd from this name of
Beltis; for by that name he was Treaſurer of the Houſe or Temple of Belus and
as it is ſaid afterwards, Ruler over the whole Province of Babylon, and chief of
the Governours over all the Wiſemen of Babylon. Moſt of which Land was devoted
to the Service of Belus, and the maintenance of his Prieſts, the Wiſemen or Chala
dean Magicians, as (b). Arrian fays; thạc is, he was firſt made Treaſurer of Bel-
tis, and afterwards chief Governour ; being advanced firft by the Mafter of the
Eunuchs, and then by the King himſelf
. The Etymology of the word is fui-
table to this Notion, and eaſily found. For 7SNWD), muſt be firſt divided
into two words w07, and 18Nthis laſt fignifies recondidit, whence comes ya,
a Treaſure, becauſe hidden; and ſo it fignifies Treaſurer of Beltis
. As for woya ic
ſelf, it muſt be deriy'd from 2Belus, and XUV, abfcondit, occultavit ; fo that
it ſignifies the Adytum, or Sanétuary of Belus
. And ſo 'tis evident, that chis name
muſt be of later Impoſition than that of Berbbel, which ſuits Ninus as living ;
whereas Beltis ſuits to him when dead and deified. The firſt alſo more proper-
ly implying the name of a Town, and the latter of the Temple or Tower,
and Citadel of Belus. In this Tower, Citadel and Temple was the Monument
or burying place of Belus or Niñrod; which alſo bore his Name, being called
Belitana. Cteſias has preſerv'd this word, for ſo we find in the Abridgement of
him made by Photius : (c) ngólagoy de eis Baluacy or a pixelo, sy is one og Jóunos FÒN
Benstarã raipov, rj adé dice Mapsović. Ælian, who has inſerted this Story out of
Ctefias into his Collection, tells us, that this was the Monument of ancient
Belus, (d) Búas exaís ; that is of the very Founder of Babylon, to diſtinguiſh
him from ſeveral others of the ſame name. So that I make no queſtion, but
this was the very Body of. Nimrod. The word Belitana, written in Chaldean
Character is, N9079; that is the Cheſt of Bel, from 79, and Xd, which latter
word is only found in Deut. Chap. 26. and Chap. 28. and is there by the LXX.
turn'd by Káslame, and ’Ayodhun, and in the Targum by So, which in Chaldea
may have been alſo taken for a Coffin or Cheſt, wherein the Corps of a Man
might be kept. So that Ctefias has here given us the Chaldean name of that
Monument ; which, though in the Chaldee ſhews it ſelf to be a Monument,
yet he has added the word Támor to fhew its meaning to the Greeks ; who
could not otherwiſe underſtand the meaning of Belitana ; which word is
now plainly the name of the Monument which was made ; Beltis the name
of the Tower, and Bethbel that of the City contriva by Nimrod and his Alfo-
ciates. This Monument of Belus is reported to have been deſtroy'd by Xerxes,
as (e) Strabo ſays.
Bugis enoroda yesus
There is one Expreſfion more in holy Writ, concerning the deſign of theſe
Builders of Babel, which ſhews their tyrannical Ambition, and the Prevences
upon which they founded their Deſigns. The Words are in Genef. 11. 4. Left
0 DOI W 03:11 oar brol yller
(a) Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IX. p. 246.
(6) Arrian. Expéd. Alex. Lib. VII.
(c) Creſias Perſ. 6. 21. (d) Ælian. Var. Hift. Lib. XIII. cap. 3. (e) Strabon.
Geogr. Lib. XVI. p. 738.
9 L
3

774
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v. 5.
we be ſcattered abroad upon the face of the whole Earth. (a) Foſephus explains
this by obſerving, that God had given a Commandment to Noah and his po.
ſterity, to multiply che Race of Mankind, by ſending Colonies abroad to im-
prove the Ground, and thus prevent Sedicions ariſing from the increaſe of Men,
that they might have more plenty of the Fruits of the Earth without envying
each other. He ſeems to have underſtood the words in Genef. 9. 1. repleniſh the
Earth, not as our Expoſitors, but as the modern Fews and others, to be a po-
ſitive Law, laying an Obligacion to increaſe the kind, and to provide chem
maintenance by foreign Searlements. In this ſenſe the deſign of Nimrod and
his Aſſociates is a plain Contradiction to that divine Law; for they undertake
to keep Mankind together under Subjection; not being content with their fo-
reign Settlement, but returning in an hoſtile manner upon thoſe who were
thought to have ſettled in a better Soil, and to lord it over them, whilft he
and his Aſſociates might indulge their Ambition and Eaſe, and thus hindring,
as all tyrannical Governments muſt needs do, the general benefit of Mankind,
to gratify the Ambition of ſome few. Now it cannot be laid, that theſe Bas
bylonians did this with a view to the Diſperſion which ſucceeded, and was only
fear'd and ſuſpected, as being an evil to Mankind, unleſs they propos'd it as a
good to themſelves; it proceeded therefore from Self-love and Ambition, And
ſo theſe words muſt contain a fallacious pretence of a miſtaken Benefit, to cover
their Deſigns, and they muſt imply, that they were reſolved to ſet up fome
means, which ſhould unite all Mankind, and keep them under one head, ac
leaſt thoſe whom they could force to it.
God himſelf keeps Mankind to him by Religion, and ties them up to a ſuita-
ble Life of univerſal Charity, by a fraternal Communion. So he ried the Il
raelites to the Worſhip to be perform’d in one place, and yet fince in the Chri-
ftian Church to a Catholick Communion, as near and as full as may be
convenient to human Society. Thus Tyrants, who uſurp'd the divine Autho-
rity, are forced to take the like Meaſures, when they have conquer’d, and
would keep Poffeffion of what they have gain'd. It has been the Principle of
all the Tyrants in the World to reduce as much as they could all their Subjects
to their own Religion, without conſidering whether in this they do not uſurp
upon God's right ; ſo that though they ſuffer Men to follow their own ways in
many points of Manners and Religion, yet they require ſome ſpecial Teſt of
Submiſſion. Differences in Languages, Cuſtoms and Religion are the common
Cauſes of Diſſenſion and Faction among Men. Tacitus : (b) Utque exercitu vario
linguis, moribus, cui cives, focii, externi intereſent, diverfæ cupidines, & aliud cui-
que fas, nec quidquam illicitum. Hence the care of tyrannical Politicians to bring
all to the fame Language, Laws and religious Rites. After the Deluge cift
the Diſperſion the Government being patriarchal and circumſcrib'd in each
Family, all che Dependants muſt follow the ways of the Head, and as there is
no queſtion, but the Corruption of the Primitive Worſhip of God muſt have
been preceeded and introduced by change and variery, 'tis very likely that in
the firſt five or fix Generations ſuch a change happen'd ; ſo that they who first
uſurp'd, were the firſt who forced others to comply with their own Rites, be-
cauſe they came in as it were into another Family, and muft obey the Will of
the Head ; who requiring not only Payment of Tribuce, Submiſſion and
Compliance, but alſo Worſhip; this Worſhip paid to him whilft living, was
paid to him alſo dead out of the ſenſe of Veneration which his Poftericy had
for him, and to which they accordingly forced all. There is no keeping Men
in ſuch a degree of Subjection, bue by this Merhed; at leaſt this is generally
thought to be the proper way. On which account we find that all the Heads
of Dynaſties have been deified in their Dominions, and this has been the Intro-
duction of all the Pagan Idolatry in all the ancient Dynaſties as high as profane
Hiſtory can reach. 2od svi
We may therefore argue à pofteriori,that the ſame way was taken in the Foun-
dation of the Babylonian, and we may be certain of it, if Pelus be the ſame as
Nimrod, that he did fo too. Efpecially ſince we can alſo argue a priori from the
Hiſtory of Moſes, whoſe words will not only admit of chis fenfe, but very natu-
rally lead us to it: to which we have the Concurrence of many ancient Aus
(a) Joſeph: Arch. Lit: I. cap. si
9:26) Tacio Hiftor. Lib. III. 1999 de
4 IV dthors:


Ch. XVII. v.5.
Babylon.
775
thors. So that we conclude, that the words, Left we be ſcattered, which come
juſt after thoſe, wherein they propoſe to make themſelves a name, which ſeems
of it ſelf to be deſign'd to prevent what is ſaid in cheſe, muft therefore imply,
that they were reſolvd to ſet up a Government and Worſhip, which ſhould
unite and keep under one Head all Mankind; at leaſt all thoſe whom they
could ſubdue by the many Expeditions of Nimrod the great Hunter, or Robber
and Tyrant of Babylon. Which defign was certainly carried on by his Succeſa
fors, and afterwards imitated in other parts by all thoſe who ſet up for Con-
querors.. Juſtin the Hiſtorian ſaid therefore right: (a) Primus omnium Ninus,
rex Affyriorum, veterem, do quaſi avitum gentium morem nova imperii cupiditate
mutavit. Hic primus intulit bella finitimis: and a little after, Ninus magnitudinem
quæfita dominationis continua poleſione firmavit. Which words are a Paraphraſe
of, Leſie we be ſcattered.
gator do
Having long before compos'd this Note, and coming to write ie over, the
Tracts of the learned (6) Perizonius concerning the Babylonian and Egyptian An-
tiquities came into my Hands. I left all till I had perus’d them, to ſee if I
could get any light upon chis Subject, or find reaſons to change my Opinion ;
but upon the moſt ſerious and reſolv'd Impartiality I could be Maſter of, he
has ſaid nothing ſufficient to effect that change. My deſign is not to enter into
Controverſy with that learned Man, but to leave all to the Judgment of others;
only for the ſake of thoſe who may read this, without having his Book, this
may be obſerv'd, That his deſign in general is to prove, that the Tower of Ba-
bel was only built to ſerve in the great Plain of Shinear as a Sign or Landmark
for thoſe Men, who were moft of them Shepherds, to return home, left they
Should loſe their way. Now whether this flight account of that matter will be
of ſufficient weight, in the Judgment of learned Men, to fill up proportiona-
bly the account of Moſes, ſhall not be diſputed here. This is grounded upon
an Expoſition of the word Shem, which is wholly new, and unknown in
holy Writ, as if it fignify'd a sign. But I could even paſs that by, and
admit it as true, provided we may take the word Sign according to the full im
port of it when join'd with City and Tower, or Fortrefs. A Sign in ſuch a
Poſition is the ſame as an Enſign or Standard of an Army, performing at leaſt
the ſame Office, which is to bring all the Men or Soldiers under their General,
to inform them where they are to aſſemble in order to obey his Commands.
There being no other inſtance in Holy Writ of the word ou Sbem us'd in
that ſenſe, we muſt look about for ſuch words as have the fame Signification
and Uſe. Therein we find m18, and 9311, and d). The La Goullet, accord-
ing to his uſual accuracy diftinguiſhes them thus. nis, a Sign, when us'd in
War, fignifies the Enſign or Colours of a ſmall Body: 737, a Standard for
fome large Body, but determin'd: and on an Enign or Standard fix'd in the
Spot. In Pſal. 74. 4. and Ferem. sı. 12, 27. the ſetting up of an n and
ba is a sign of Conqueft. So likewiſe the ſetting up of a ps in Iſaiah
5, 26. and Chap. 11. 12. is the Symbol of the preaching of the Goſpel, and
of the raiſing of the Kingdom of Chrift by the call and aſſembly of all Na-
tions: Either way 'tis evident that Nimrod fet up that Sign for an univerſal
Monarchy, to ſubjugate the Country, and oblige the Inhabitants to pay him
Service and Tribute, wherein by collecting his Dependants he might fally out
to make freſh Incurſions upon the reſt of Mankind. Koplovs
And thus I think we have ſufficiently prov'd that Babylon in its firſt Inſtitution
was defign'd for Tyranny, Uſurpation and Idolatry. So that the Egyptian
Tradition of Belus is very true, that he led a Colony upon the River Euphrates,
and there ſettled Prieſts like the Egyptian, which are called Chaldeans ; which is
an evident mark that he there ſettled his Religion, which was that of the
Magicians, the rankeft Idolaters.
But what need is there of proof out of ſuch Authors, fince God himſelf in
Ifaiab 47. 12. accuſes Babylon of magical Inchantments and Sorceries from her
youth. The Hebrew ſtanding for youth is sys. Now that word in the Concrete
is ſometimes turn’d by vývo, as in Prov. 23. 13. Hofea 11. 1. and if you will
compare Ezek. 23. 3. where the very fame word is us'd in another but the
like Caſe, with Ezek. 16. 4. you will find that it ſignifies the very firſt origin
(a) Juftin. Hift. Lib. I.
207
(b) Jac. Perizon. Origin. Babylon, & AEgyptiac.
*..

776
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
of a City or Nation. Therefore Babylon was an idolatrous City from the be.
ginning; which was what I undertook to prove.
But after all, tho' we ſhould be miſtaken as to the firſt Origen of Idolatry
in Babylon, and the Tyranny ſettled therein ; yet if we conſider it in the point
of its Reſtauration by Nabuchodonofor, that ftate thereof is ſufficient to authorize
the Symbol, it being then moſt in view to the Jews, who ſuffer'd by its Ulur-
pation, and ſaw its ſettled Idolatry: We may be aſſured in Holy Writ by paf-
fages which are liable to no equivocal Interpretation, that King Nabuchodono-
for, a ſecond Nimrod, reftored Babylon, and made it the Capital and Imperial
Seat of his Dominions; that he put it into a ſtare of awing his Empire, and
ſubjugating the People of God, as the ancient Babylon had ferv'd the Patriarchs
from
Phaleg to. Abrabam, upon whoſe account it is that the Holy Ghoft takes
ſuch notice of it, and gives us its Hiſtory; and that after other means to bring
the Iſraelites into Captivity, he fet again on foor the deſign to unite all his Sub-
jees by one common bond of Religion, cauſing them to worſhip that one
Image, which he ſet up to try their Obedience and uſe them to his Yoke, by
forcing them to worſhip his own Gods, Dan. 3. 14. This( a ) Nabuchodonofor
was a mighty Conqueror ; for he not only ſubdued the Fews, but the Egyptians
and Libyans, carrying his Conqueſts to the Straights and into Spair, from which
he tranſported a Colony into Iberia in Afiam in
But here comes in a rub in our way, as if Babylon itſelf was not an indepen.
dent Capital even in the times of Nabuchodonofor, and ſo cannot properly ftand
for the Mother or Metropolis of Tyranny and Idolatry. This rub comes from
the (b) Perſian Hiftorians. They ſay, that Bahaman Son of Asfendies, a King
of the ſecond Dynaſty of Perſia called Kaïanides, took away the Government
of Babel from the Son of Nabucad Naſar, that is Balthazar, and gave it to Kires
or Cyrus; from which Herbelot conjectures, that theſe Monarchs of Babylon and
Perſia, who have paſſed for abſolute among the Greeks and Jews, were not ſo,
but were only Lieutenants of other Kings reigning further in Aſia But i
muft beg leave to diffent from ſuch a Notion, grounded upon ſo Night a Cir-
cumſtance, and explain this of the Perſian Hiſtorians, as if their meaning was,
that Cyrus was therein aſſiſted by other Monarchies, without Babylon's being
their Subject. The Hiſtory of Cyrus and of the fall of the Babylonian Empire,
was too well known to the Jews and Greeks, for them to miftake in ſo great a
Point: in which indeed the Perſians ſeem to lay too great a ſtreſs through a
deſire to advance their own Glory. It is well known that the Oriental Mo-
narchs have, and do ftill affect pompous Titles, and call themſelves Emperors
of the World. So that 'tis no wonder if a potent Prince, who attacks a neigh.
bouring Soveraign; calls him his Valal, that he may demand Submiſſion as of
right. Thus in the (c) Fragment of Berofus it is ſaid, that Nabuchodonofor was
fent to reduce the Satrape of Egypt, who had rebelled; and yer 'tis well (d)
known, that the King of Egypt was not then a Vallal.
Having thus prov'd the literal Babylon to be the Mother, that is, beginner
and ſupporter of Tyranny and Idolatry, it follows nexe to prove that this title
is now devolved upon Rome both Pagan, and corrupted Chriſtian. Now this
is true on the principles of the Symbolical Language, Similitude and Affinity.
the Similitude is ſeen in the pretences of both, the Affinity is proved by the
fucceflive devolution of Power, which has been tranſmitted from Babylon to
Rome by the interpoſition of two other Monarchies, which kept up in the mean
time the ſame Pretences and Power, and at laſt devolv'd them upon Rome.
This is now incumbent upon us to prove, for though the Similitude would be
fufficient upon our Principles to prove it in fact, yet the Demonſtration is
much fuller when to this is joyn'd that of the cauſes and means which unite
thus the literal and ſpiritual Babylon. Thus Jeruſalem is called Sodom and Go-
morrba in Iſaiah 1. 10. merely from the ſimilitude of the Crimes, without any
other Affinity; and even Rome in this very Book, Revel. 11. 8. is called Sodom
and Egypt, or at leaft the corrupted Church headed by Rome, from the fimili-
tude of Luxury, Debauchery, Tyranny and Oppreſſion of God's faithful People :
1796
( * ) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XV. pag. 687. (6) Vid. Herbelor ticr. Babel. Bakhralnaffar,
Loborasb. and Raham. (c) Beroſ. apud Jofeph. & Eufeb. & al.
Peris
(d) Vid. Jag
zen. Orig. Ægypt. cap. XXUÍ.
for

Ch. XVII. v. 5.
Babylon.
277
for in Egypt the Iſraelites were forced to ſerve their Gods, Foſh.24.14. Ezek. 23.3, 8.
and Chap. 20. 8. But the proof of the Succeflion includes alſo that of the Si-
militude, and therefore I ſhall now joyn chem both together.
The Power of Babylon being devolv’d upon the Perſians under Cyrus, who took
that City and the whole Empire thereof; and from the Perſians to the Macedo-
nians, whoſe King, Alexander the Great, cook the fame Babylon ; and from theſe
to the Romans ; 'cis plain that Rome has ſucceeded to the power of the old Baby
lon. So that by adopting the worſhip of the falſe Deities of the conquer'd Na-
tions, which the Romans invited to come to Rome, promiſing them Temples and
all the ſervice ſuitable, Rome is by her own a&s become the Heireſs and Succeffor
of all the Babylonian Idolatry, and of all that was adopted into it by che mediate
Succeſſors of Babylon; and by conſequence of all the Idolatry of the Earth.
Now that the Romans invited the foreign Deities we have pregnant teftimonies
of their own Authors. So Pliny (a ) Verrius Flaccus autores ponit, quibus credat,
in oppugnationibus ante omnia Jolitum à Romanis Sacerdotibus evocari Deum, cujus in
tutela id oppidum ellet, promittique illi eundem, aut ampliorem. locum apud Romanos,
cultumre. Durat in Pontificum difciplina id Sacrum : conftatque ideo occultatum, in
cujus Dei tutela Roma ellet, ne qui hoftium fimili modo agerent. In (b ) Macrobius
we find the Form. In (c) Livy we read with how many Ceremonies the Sta-
tue of Juno was invited to Rome from Veii. Upon which ſtory Machiavel has a
notable Diſcourſe; the latter part of which comes home to the degenerate Ro-
man Church, as Dr. Worthington obſerves. Therefore Servius upon theſe words of
Virgil, ( 2 ) Excellere omnes adytis, obſerves thus, Quia ante expugnationem evoca-
bartur ab hoftibus numina, prepter evitanda Sacrilegia
. I ſhall lum up this with the
words of Arnobius, (e) Nam ſolere Romanos Deos omnes urbium ſuperatarum partim
privatim per familias ſpargere, partim publice conſecrare, ac ne aliquid deorum multitu-
dine aut ignorantia præteriretur, brevitatis & compendii caufâ uno pariter nomine cunétos
Novenfiles invocari. And as to the preſent Rome, it is evident to all thoſe, who
know any thing of Ecclefiaftical Hiſtory, thac co gain the affections of all Men
it is the Roman Policy, to adopt all the Errors in Opinions and Practices, which
ever gain'd a conſiderable Party in Chriſtendom; by which means they become
at laſt ſettled Doctrines and Worſhip. So that tho' weaker at firſt, when they
reſort to Rome for ſupport, by the acceſſion of its Strength they get uppermoff.
and then Rome impoſes its Yoke equally upon the contending Parties. Or to
borrow the words of Tacitus, (f) Ubi diſſenſere, dum fibi quiſque contra amulos fub
fidium vocat, accitus in partem, adverfum omnes valeſcit. 2010
Now it is to be obſerv'd, that 'cis uſually the ſtile of the Prophets to give the
name of the Head, or firſt Inſtitutor, to the Succeſſors; tho’ by ſeveral cir-
cumſtances they be vaſtly different. Upon which account the preſent Rome
may and ought to be called Babylon, tho' the preſent Errors and Practices of ic
be of quite another aſpect, as long however as chey are of the ſame Nacure,
and by that have ſome affinity with thoſe of the litteral Babylon; as undoubt-
edly the Tyranny and Idolatry of both are ſuch ſtill, tho' the firit was abſolute
ly Pagan, and the latter has ſtill a kind of Chriſtian aſpect. This way of the
Propherick Stile muſt be made out by ſome few Examples. David in Ezek. 37.
24. fignifies the Meſſias King of the World, as Chriſt is Succeſſor to David
the litteral King of Iſrael, there being no other affinity between them, but
that the Human Nature of Chriſt came from David: And as David was King
of the litteral Iſrael; lo Chriſt is of the Spiritual, the Church. Even Iſrael, in
Galat. 6.16. Revel. 2. 14. fignifies the Chriſtian Church, though chiefly compo-
fed of Gentiles, and that too as ſucceflively inheriting the promiſes made to the
litteral Iſrael; but in a Spiritual Senſe, which was indeed included in the genes
ral promiſe made to Abrabam, and confirmed to Ifaac and Iſrael; an affinity to
which our Church has alſo by having ſome of the Members thereof of that
Blood, and by them being link'd and ingrafted to that Stock. So Rachel in
Jerem. 31. 15. Matth. 2. 18. is put for the Town or Women inhabiting the
Town of Bethlehem, wherein was the Sepulcher of the litteral Rachel, Genel,
35. 19, 20. 1 Sam. 10. 2. of which by conſequence choſe inhabitants were ſtill in
www.ad liseltenido sind aid ils to
(a) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XXVIII. cap. 2. Vid. Feft. Voc. Peregrina Sacra. 97366) Macrob. Sar.
Lib. III. cap. 9.
(6) Livii Hilt. Lib. V.
(d) Virg. Æneid. Lib. II.
fe) Arnob.
adv. Gent. Lib. III. (f) Tacit. Annal. Lib. VI.
9 M
Poffer

778
Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v.5.
Poffeffion. Thus in the Rabbinical Stile the Armillus, or Romultis, fignifies the
Popë, as Succeſſor of Romulus, becauſe he is in poffeffion of the City founded
by Romulus. So the ( 4 ) Perfians and Mogols call the Ottoman Turks by the name
of Roumi, Romans, becauſe in Poffeffion of the Country and Capital enjoy'd by
the ancient Romans.
The fucceffive pretences of the four great Monarchies, whereof the litteral
Babylon was the firſt Author, and Rome, the laſt of them, has been and is ſtill
the maintainer, will fully make out the Similitude and lineal Succeſſion. We
have ſeen already the pretences of Babylon in the words of Moſes, 'cis now time
to fhew, that they have been kept up, and are ſtill ſo by Rome; and before
Rome by the Macedonian Conqueror ; and before him by the Perſian, the imme
diate Succeſſor of the Babylonian Monarchy. In which we muſt obſerve, that
as Ambition, or the immediate deſire of lording over others, has been the true
Motive in all theſe; fo their outward Pretences in order to flew their actions
to be plauſible, have been conſtantly the very fame. Now thoſe of Rome,
which are in effect the fame as thoſe of Babylon, are as follows. Firſt to be a
common Mother or Metropolis for the ſetting up and preſerving of an univer-
ſal Religion over all, as other Metropoles have always pretended, that they
have a right to impart their Religious Rites, Laws and Cuſtoms to their Colo-
nies and Dependencies. Under prerence to unite all Nations, and to prevent
their Diſperſions and Fadions, and growing Seditions, to have one Language,
Laws and Religion; cho' it were againſt the poſitive Law of God, even known
to them, at leaſt when the Holy Ghoſt takes notice of them. For as Nimrod
knew of the Divine Oracle to multiply and ſpread by Colonies, rather than
ufurp upon the Lors already poſſeſs'd; ſo Rome knew of the Chriftian-Religion
and refolv'd to ſtop it, before the Holy Ghoſt took notice of it by the name of
Babylon ; and long before it might have had the knowledge of God from the
Fews, but inftead of admitting their Religion as many other Pagan Proſelytes
did, it ftrove to make a Conqueſt of them, and to ſubjeđ them to their Idola-
try, as when ( b ) Pilate attempted to put up the Roman Eagles, and with them
the Images of Cæfar, in Jeruſalem. By which Rome has pretended to have an
univerſal Right to impoſe its own Religion upon all the World; and conſe-
quently to ſet up a Power in oppoſition to God, and as great and independent.
All theſe Points were certainly maintain’d at Rome as the Pretenſions of that
ambitious City, and they are ſo now with only a change in the Circum-
Itances.
To make this out let us ſet down the words of Pliny, for though he ſpeaks
of Italy in general, yet all is ſaid upon the account of Rome the Head of it:
(c) Nec ignoro, ingrati ac ſegnis animi exiſtimari poſle meritò, ſi breviter atque in
tranſcurſu, ad hunc modum dicatur Terra, omnium terrarum alumna, eadem &• Parens,
numine deum ele&ta quæ celum ipſum clarius faceret, ſparſa congregaret Imperia, rituſque
molliret, bu tot populorum diſcordes feraſque linguas, fermonis commercio contraberet ad
colloquia, o humanitatem homini daret, breviterque una cunetarum gentium in toto orbe
patria fieret
. And that all this may be look'd upon as owing to Rome, he adds a
little after. Urbs Roma, vel fola in ea, & digna tam feſta cervice facies, quo tandem
narrari debet opere? In another place he ſeems to intimate, that this Conqueſt of
the Nations was a favour to them :(2) Et bæ Gentes ſi vincantur hodie à Popule
Romano ſervire ſe dicunt. Ita eft profeéto, multis Fortuna parcit in penam. So ſenſi-
ble and proud of this the Romans ſeem'd to be, thac ſome of their Emperors re-
fus'd to receive the Submiſſions of ſome (e) Nations, who deſir’d to be under
their Allegiance. uonto
But Rome now a days compaffes Sea and Land to get ſuch. Proſe-
lyces. It maintains fill the ſame Principle of unity for all the World,
both as to Religious and Secular concerns, it pretends to keep a Head, to pre-
ſerve the unity of the Church againſt Hereſies and Schiſms; a ſupreme Judge
in all Controverfies; an Arbitrator to keep the Subje&s in Obedience. It pre-
tends to have the ſame power as God in declaring what ſhall be believ'd and
pra&tic'd. Accordingly its Rites and Language is to be receiv'd in all religious
Concerns, and becomes neceffary to find Procedion in its Courts. The proof
of all this being obvious, ſhall be way'd. Upon theſe accounts, the Pope fers
MIS
Lib. III. cap. 5.
( a ) Herbelor, cit. Roum.
(6) F1. Jofeph. Ant. Lib. XVIII. C. 4.
(c) Plin. Nat. Hift.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XVI. cap. I.
(e) Vid. Appian. Al. Præfar.
himſelf

Chap. XVII. V.5.
779
Babylon
JUOS
himſelf up as a God, and is to be worſhipped as ſuch for that office and favour
to all Mankind : So that in conſequence to this, more deference is to be paid
to him and his Laws than to God Almighty and the Goſpel, and 'cis more dan-
gerous to offend him, than God's Law; the puniſhments for the breach of the
Papal Laws being incomparably greater than for the worſt breach of the Di-
vine. In which two Points there is a perfect conformity between the Pagan
Emperors and the pretended Vicar of Chriſt, as we learn from two noble pafa
ſages in Tertullian, which deſerve to be copied, (a) Nos omittam, ſays he, con-
greffionem quam vocat illa præfumptio dicentium Romanos pro merito religiofitatis diligen-
tiffime in tantum fublimitatis elatos, ut orbem occuparint, & adeo Deos ele, ut præter cæ-
teros floreant, qui illis officium præter cæteros faciant. And afterwards, (6) Siquidem
majore formidine & callidiore timiditate Cæſarem obſervatis; quam ipfum de Olympo
Fouem, & meritò fa ſciatis
. Quis enim ex viventibus non cuilibet mortuo potior ? Sed
nec hoc vos ratione facitis potius quam reſpectu repreſent aneæ poteftatis, eded ca in ifto
irreligiofi erga Deos veſtros deprehendemini, cùm plus timoris humano Dominio dicatis : ci-
tiùs denique apud vos per omnes Deos, quam per unum Genium Cæfaris pejeratur. Which
alſo appears by (c) Tacitus, (d) Minutius Felix, (e) Lucan and ochers.
To puoceed in our proof upwards to Alexander the Great, Head of that Mo-
narchy, which the Romans ufurpd. Let us ſee how the ambition of that Man,
who ſet himſelf up for a God to be worſhipped by all Men, is coloured in the
fame manner as Pliny has done that of Rome. The Man to be cited to this
purpoſe is the wiſe Plutarch: but he being dazled by the tinſel Glory of the
Greek Nation, and at the ſame time clouded by the darkneſs of Pagan Nocions,
falls into the very fame falſe reaſoning, in thinking, that the Conqueſts of
Alexander were of advantage to Mankind, and palliates thoſe raſh and inſatia-
ble Attempts with the colour of this general Benefit
. To this purpoſe it would
be neceſſary to recite the whole Tra& he has written upon that Subject of
Alexander's Fortune; but that being too long, and ready to be conſulted, let
us be content with two or three Paſſages. He ſays in one place (f)
'Αλλ' ενός υπήκοα λόγώ το όπι γής, και μιας πολιτείας, ένα δίκον ανθρώπες απαντας αποφίώαι
βελό μας, έτως δαυτών έχει μάιζενει μη στα χέως και σιδες και ταπέμψας τίω 'Αλεξάνδρα ψυχίω,
everythéou to sui qucov, eis op vóung d pappas avsprózus énábasze, Dj rege ên di nationale weg's solvèy
διωκείτο φώς, νου και της γής ανήλιον μέρος έμεινεν, όσον αλεξανδρον εκ
tlement of one Religion he ſays : ($) "2 Savja.sñs Pinocopies, si bw 'Irlo's Jowks Ex-
λινικές προσκιωξσι, See the reſt. And as to the unity of Government and Cu-
ftoms ( b ) 'Amerčevs pas ģ émérafie velit ni agera Tòv beordendv xj JGov Jaov, os TÉAG, W, 8
χρυσος και μυείων καμήλων εικομιζόμΘ, 86 τρυφαί μιδικα και τραπεζα και γυναίκες, έδε και
Αυών.G-
οίνο, εν όρκανικοι ιχθύες
, αλλ' εν κόσμω κοσμήσαντο πάντας ανθρώπες
, μιας υπηκόες
size uovíds, ry wis e Freides deltus netesãou. Where by the way obſerve, that Plutarch
looks upon this undertaking to bring all Men into one Religion as the work
of God, and that Alexander aſſum'd it upon himſelf: and indeed a little after
he calls him the King and Lord of the Univerſe, Tor väs oinspelns Brothée aj wiecova
Which is a blaſphemous Title, as belonging only to God, and now ro his
Chriſt. And tho' Plutarch endeavours to excuſe the folly of Alexander, in that
he would needs make himſelf a God, and laboured to be worſhipped as ſuch
even during his Life, that he might alſo be honoured ſo after his Deach; A
lexander did no more therein than all ſuch Undertakers had done before him, even
his own Father; and what was the common practice of the Roman Emperors
in an Age when Men thought themſelves as wiſe as thoſe ancient Heroes, and
the cotemporaries of Alexander ; and what is done ftill by a Generation of Men
who make Gods of their own in the fame manner, tho' they have as much
human means as any former Ages for Inftruction; and beſides thoſe the Divine
Revelation, to prevent ſuch Errors. But tyrannical Ambition, and corruption
funk into Idolatry, put Men upon the ſame Notions and Ways. The fame
corrupt Principle muſt produce the ſame abſurdities in Practice. However this
Canonization of Alexander is an argument of Similitude between him and the
firſt Author of it in Babylon, Nimrod or Belus, to which this may be added, that
Alexander was affectedly buried in a Coffin of Honey as Cyrus and Belus had been
in Oyl. This we learn from Papinius Statius in theſe Words, I VUORO)
devo
(a) Tertullian. A pol. $ XXV. (6) Tertullian. Apol. $ XXVIII.
Lib. I. (d) Min. Felic. O&av.
(e) Lucan. Pharfal. Lib. VII.
Fort. Alex. Lib. I. p. 529. (g) Plutarch. de Fort. Alex. Lib. I. p. 827,
Fort. Al. Lib. II. pag. 539.
(c) Tacit. Ann.
(f) Plutarch. de
(6) Plur. de
(a) Due

480
Sol Babylon.
Ch. XVII. v. 5
besoittoa ol danes
Bisciod
gostoso
iis
ab avon (a) Duc & ad Amathios Manes, ubi belliger urbis
dan Conditor byblæo perfuſus nectare durat. Mid
0202
Vio
Ines
It follows next that we treat of Cyrus and the Perſian Monarchy; but as we
have none of their Authors to expreſs their Thoughts, as of the Romans and Greeks,
we moſt gueſs about their
Nocions from their Adions ; juſt as on the other
hand we gueſs’d from the Thought and Saying of the Builders of Babel, what
was done by them and Nimrod. And indeed the A&ts are the beſt Expoſitors of
the Thoughts, which may be often falſely coloured with fair Pretences. In
this caſe therefore we find a perfe&t Conformity with the reft, as may be ga-
thered from ſome few Tranſactions, which need not to be prov'd here at large,
becauſe they are ſo by (b) B. Brillonius. We find then that Cyrus, as he con-
quer'd the Babylunians, ſo he ingrois'd all their Pretenſions to indaye all Nations
about him as he could ; That he and his Followers deſtroy'd all the Temples of
thoſe Nations whoſe Worſhip he did not allow, but adopred that of the Baby-
Icnians ; That Cyrus himſelf when dead, was worſhipped with Sacrifices; and
he and his Succeffors were when dead thought to be Gods or Dæmons, and
accordingly invok'd, as we learn from a formal Paſſage in (c) Æſchylus.
Whilſt living, they were worſhipped as Gods, and Incenſe burnid to them:
which Cuſtom was kept up towards Alexander the Great as he paſt by through
Babylon. And therefore the Perſians ſware by them; and to ſhew their perfect
Submiſlion (ware by the Gods of their Kings. That they alſo under Pretence
of keeping Peace, and the unity of Government, attempted to ſet up one Re-
ligion, is plain from the pretence of Haman, who from that coloured his de
fign to deftroy all the Fews, as appears by the Additions to (d) Efther. And
laſtly, that the Perfans had adopted the Babylonian Gods, is not only plain from
the Worſhip continu'd to Belus and Ninks, but their very Images made up the
Pageantry of the Perſian Kings. So Quintus Curtius : (e) Utrumque currus latus
deorum fimulacra ex auro argentoque expreſſa decorabant
. Diſtinguebant internitentes gemme
jugum, ex quo eminebant duo aurea ſimulacra cubitalia, quorum alterum Beli gerebat
effigiem. (f) Ochers read this thus: quorum alterum Nini, alterum Beli gerebat
effigiem. But if I might be indulged in a Conjecture, I ſhould rather think that
the word Cyri Chould be put inftead of Nini, that ſo the two chief Authors of
that Power might be own'd as Gods, and Protectors of the King, who rode in
the Charict. And indeed as the Arſacide were affectedly Imitators of the an-
cient, Perfians, whoſe Monarchy they had ſet again on foot, ſo they did cano-
nize the firſt Author of that reſtor's Monarchy; of whom Ammianus Marcel-
linus ſpeaks thus , (g) Certatimque fummatum bu vulgi ſententiis concinentibus, aftris,
ut ipſi exiftimant, ritus ſui confecratione permixtus eſt omnium primus. And a little
after : Quamobrem numinis eum vice venerantur do colunt. Thus we ſee that the
Pretences of Babylon from Nimrod to this time, have been lineally tranſmitted
to Rome; and by conſequence it is the Babylon of this time ; which was to be
provºd. pidatoh bat ere langon't
Had not the proof of this carried me ſo far, I Mould have inſerted here a
Deduction.cf many paſſages of (b) Authors, who from the times of St. Fohn
have all along ſeen and declared, that the Babylon of St. Jobn was meant of
Rome. But it is now needleſs, and the thing has been perform'd by others.
However, this muſt be a very ſtrong Argument of the Expoſition, ſeeing the
truth of it has made ſo ſtrong an Impreſſion upon the Minds of ſo many Men,
many of which one would think nighe have been highly byaſs'd againſt it,
becauſe communicating with Rome. So that we may from thence conclude,
bos
bobor
(a) Papin. Stat. Sylv. Lib. III. Carm. 2.
(b) Birc. Briſſor. de Reg. Perſ.
(c) Æſchyl. Perf. v. 635. vid. Xenophont. Cyrop. Lib. VIII.
(d) Eſther.
(e) Q. Curt. Lib. III. cap. 3:
(B). Joſ. Scaliger. &
Jan. Rutgerſ
(g) Ammian. Marc. Lib. XXIII.
(b) Irenæ.
Lib. V. cap. XXX, Papias apud Euſeb. H. Ecclef. Lib. II. c. 14. Tertullian adv. Jud. cap. IX. &
adv. Marcion. Lib. III. cap. XIII. Hieronym. Præf. in Lib. de Spir. S. & Epiſt. ad Marcell. & Qu.
ad Algaz. Gregor. M. in Ep. Auguſtin, de Civ, dei Lib. XVI. cap. 17, & 22. Arnulph. Aurelian.
in fyn. Remení
that
cap. 13.

Chap. XVII. v. 5.
781
Babylon
,
that Rome, both Pagan and corrupted Chriſtian, bears really the Charaders,
which the Holy Ghoſt has given us of this myſtical Whore, Babylon the
great.
I lhall therefore conclude this with the words of the learned Perizonius :
(a) Sed ea quid obftat, quo minus ab ipfo initio deus voluerit priſcam Babylonem elſe
typum Babylonis figuratæ, quæ poftea in medio Chriftiana eccleſiæ eft exorta, & veros
dei cultores partim in errores graviſſimos pertraxit, partim dirifſimis vexavit & affixit.
modis, aque ac antiquæ Babelis vicinia hoc tempore majores Abrahami ad idololatriam
adduxille videtur, & deinde Judaicam gentem deo faderatam oppreffit, & in fervitu-
tem abduxit. Theſe words introduce very naturally an Obfervation to be made
here in the Concluſion, concerning the Conformity of the litteral Babylon to
she myſtical, which appears in two very remarkable Particulars ; Firſt, As to
the perfecuting the Mofaical Oeconomy, both in its primitive State and allo
publick Sectlement ; and alſo Secondly, In having had two different Falls, the
laft of which proved irrecoverable. The Mofaical Diſpenſation moſt certainly
began with Abraham and the Covenant made with him, and he was ſo penſe-
cuted as to be forced to worſhip the Gods of Chaldea, or Babylon. So'tis
ſaid in 7oh. 24. 2, 14. However it is plain, that he and his Father having been
forced to that ftrange Worſhip, Babylon became tyrannical in its primitive State
to the people of God. After chis by the Diſperſion or Diviſions of the Nations
oppreſs'd at firſt by Nimrod, though Babylon did ſubfift, it became weak. And
Moſes ſeems to hint that it was not then the great City, but another. So that
by later Hiſtories we find Nineveh to have been Capital, of which Babylon it
félf ſeems to have been dependent, till Nabopobalar the Father of Nabocolafar,
or Nabucodonoſor, having ſhak'd off the Yoke, and deſtroyd Nineveh, Babylon
was rais'd up again to be the Houſe of the Kingdom ; which then quite broke
the Fewiſh Nation by the Captivity, and deſtroy'd the Temple. Buc Toon
after Babylon alſo loſt its Dominion, being taken by Cyrus; and has been fince
ſubje&t to ſo many changes, that it is now hardly ſeen. The Application to
the myſtical is eaſy.
D. Mozáan, The great.] That is, which magnifies it ſelf by reſiſting to God,
and oppreſſing his Saints and Worſhip. Look back upon Chap. 14. 8. Coojzon
Ε. Η Μήλος των πόρνων και των Cδελυγμάτων της γής, The Mother of the Fornica-
tors, and Abominations of the Earth.] Father and Mother are words which in all
Languages may figuratively ſignify the Author or Producer of any thing.
And in this caſe 'cis both ſuitable to the decorum of the Symbol of an
lot, to call her Mother, that is
, the Author, and alſo to the uſual way of
ſpeaking, as it repreſents a City, which has great Dominions under it, and
by conſequence ſeveral other cities, which by Analogy, are her Daughters
:
Examples of this there are ſeveral in holy Writ; as in Ezek. 23. Hoſea 2. 2,5;
Chap. 4. 5. Iſaiah 50. 1. i Macca. 5. 8. Thus Solinus ſpeaking of Cilicia ſays ;
(6) Matrem urbium habet Tarſon. And fo (c) elſewhere, Mazacham, Sob Argea
ſit am, Cappadoces matrem urbium nominant.
And Ammian. Marcellinus : (d) In
excidium urbium matris Seleuciæ efferebantur. Nay, a City may be called a Mo.
ther in reſpect of the Inhabitants : as in Iſaiah 49. 23, and therefore in the
ſymbolical Language Mother is explain’d of the Patria, or Country or City: as
in the Caſe of Cæſar's Dream mention'd in Suetonius : (e) Etiam confulum eum
fomnio proximæ noctis, nam viſus erat per quietem matri ſtuprum intuliſſe, conjectores
ad ampliffimam spem incitaverunt, arbitrium orbis terrarum portendi interpretantes:
quando mater, quam ſubjectam fibi vidiſſet, non alia elet, quam terra, quæ omnium
parens haberetur. So in (f) Livy, Brutus explaind the Delphick Oracle, to kiſs
the Mother, in kiſſing the Earth ; the ſucceſs of which was, that he became the
chief Man in Rome. (8) Pauſanias ſays, that Gomon chief of the Meſſenians,
when exiled, had a Dream, that he lay with his Mother when dead, and that
lying with her a ſecond time, ſhe came to life again. This Comon explain’d of
Naupa&tus, out of which he had been laſt driven; but Pauſanias ſays, that it
meant he ſhould reſtore Meſlena, as it happen'd. And thus (6) Plutarch obſerves
Har
(a) Jac. Perizon. Orig. Babyl. cap. IV.
(6) Solin. Polyhiſt. cap. XLI.
(c) Idem cap. XLVII. di (d) Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XIV. vid. Lib. XVII. Lib. XXI.
(e) Sueton. in Jul. Cæſ. S. 7.
(f) Liv. Hiſt. Lib. I. vid. Serv. in Æn. Lib. III.
col. 688.
(8) Paulan. in Mellen. p. 136.
och Placarch: Lib.
de Progr. in virt. p. 72.1.gada
9 N
Guess
Out

782
.
To
Babylon
out of Plato, that Tyrants were wont to dream of lying with their Mothers.
Hence Artemidorus has given it as a general rule in words cited before
(a) Enresives sais old walgide si málne ſo in Ezek. 26; 6. The Daughters of Tyre
are in the Targum explain'd thus: Habitatores villarum ejus funt in agro. The
like we read at the 8th Verſe. See alſo : Maccab. 5. 8, 65. and ſo Plato; (b)
Comes Teds unlega, agàs the tónur' So in Virgil; (c) Populonia Mater. Servius :
Civitas Thufciæ ; matrem autem eorum qui venerant dixit, alibi: () Infignem quem
mater Aritia miſit. This Notion of Mother Cities pafs'd to the Greeks, who
called them Metropoles, which alſo Suidas defines thus : Mutsoránces' Coll zónees
d'Aoixícsésunar. The right of which was, that the Colonies affifted at the
common Affemblies, paid the uſual Honours to their Mother, obſerv'd the
fame Rights and Rites of Religion ; and to ſhew their Submiſſion receivd all
the chief Priefts from it and the like, as we learn from (e) Thucydides, upon
whom the Nores of the learned D. Hudſon may be conſulted,
Theſe are exa&ly the Pretenſions and Practices of Rome in reſpect of all the
Churches in the World, and which have their effect where ever it has power,
by forcing them to comply with her Rites, to fend Tributes under various
Names, and to receive from her their Biſhops ; fatally affecting to be called the
common Mother of all the Churches, and being conſequently the Author and
Mother of all their ſpiritual Fornications, which are Abominations to God.
Some other Copies read fogvãy, Whores; others topvety, Whoredoms : which is the
fame in ſenſe. Only one may diſtinguiſh the Expreſions thus : That the
Wboredoras ſignify the Idolatry, and the Abominations the Depravily of Morals
enſuing upon it. For, as has been obſerv'd before, Fornication is a Symbol by
Metonymie, becauſe an Adjunct of Idolatry. We are therefore likewiſe to
obſerve, that the two Babylons, litteral and myſtical, are alſo complearly alike
in this point. Ancient Authors have taken notice of the abominable Lewdneſs
of the old Babylonians, as (f) Herodotus, the Author of the (g) Epiſtle of
Feremiah, and (b) 2. Curtius. As to the preſent Babylon, fince I do not deſign
to write any thing which may look like a Satyr, 1 ſhall ſay nothing; it is no-
torious, and has been prov'd ſufficiently by (i) others out of the Roman Au-
thors: but I am obliged to hinc at it to make my Expoſition full. All that can
be objeđed is this ; that the Holy Ghoſt repreſents this Babylon as Author of
fuch Corruptions, whereas 'cis known that the Corruptions grew every where
throughout the Church. But I anſwer, as ſhe is the Mother or Ruler of them,
when ſhe doth not reform them, ſince it is in her power,the Sins lie at her Door:
1 Sam. 2. 29. 30. Chap. 3. 13. Her Connivance authorizes them; and all the
Reformation tends only to ſet the Sins to fale, of which there has been made
a moſt abominable Traffick.
Α. verf. 6, Και εδόν τίω για να μεθύασαν εκ τε αίμα και των αγίων, και εκ τέ αίμα]G-
gotov cestúgeoy 'Inož, And I ſaw the woman drunken with the Blood of the Saints, and
with the Blood of the Martyrs of Jeſus.] It has been obſerv'd before, that the
Holy
Ghoſt characterizes the Antichriſtian State by two great Marks, Idolatry
and Tyranny, which two are ſuch Vices as draw an infinite number after
them, but theſe two are the Capital. So now, that the Capital City of this
Antichriſtian State is deſcrib'd, and we have hitherto feen only the firſt
Character of Idolatry; it follows to deſcribe the Tyranny. This Symbol of
its Tyranny is very emphatical, and beyond any of thoſe that have been us’d to
fet out the Tyranny of the Pagan State. It has been ſaid before of the Sub-
je&s, that they were drunken with the Wine of ber Fornication, and now 'tis ſaid
ſhe is drunken with the Blood ſpilt by her cruel Tyranny. Whereas before in
Chap. 14. 8. which reſpe&s only this Babylon in her Pagan State, it is only
faid mrótike, made them drink, without any Aggravation of having proceeded to
Drunkenneſs. And
it muſt be own'd, that us súrover here, and luzov Snorun, are
ſtronger words. So that you ſee the Symbols increaſe, and Babylon is grown
worſe fince that time. So the Dragon was red, but Babylon is not only clad in
(a) Artemid. Lib. I. cap. 82.
(6) Plato in Euthyphrone. vid. ejuſd. Epitaph. p. 366.
de Repub. Lib. III. p. 402. VIX Jison (c) Virg. Æneid. Lib. X.
. (d) Virg.
Æneid. Lib. VIII.
(e) Thucydid. Lib. 1.9.24, 25.
(f) Herodot.
Lib. I. $. 196, 199.
(8) Ep. Jerem. v. 43. salony (1) Qu. Curt. Lib. V.
c. I.
(i) V. M. Jurieu. Prejug. Legit. c. le Papiſm. p. I. chapt. 26, 27, 28, 296
purple


Ch. XVII. v. 6.
The Whore drunk.
783
geance is come.
purple and ſcarlet, but alſo drunken with Blood. All which proves, that this Baby-
lon is now conſidered in worſe Circumftances, and ſo worſe Puniſhments muſt
follow; for as it is obſerv'd in the Greek. Proverb cited by Ariſtotle : (a)
Tois ue túto dati ta Blius, The drunken are doubly puniſh'd; fo we ſhall find it in the
Puniſhment of this Harior. And indeed we ſhall find, chat all the reſt of this
account concurs to aggravare matters : which muſt be well obſerv'd to diftin.
guiſh Rome Pagan from what it is now, that is, infinitely worſe, both as to its
Idolatry and Tyranny.
We may obſerve the Gradation another way. When the Beaſt comes up firſt,
it makes War with the Saints, Revel. 13. 7. then the Falſe Prophet cauſes to be
flain thoſe that refuſe to worſhip the Image, Revel. 13. 15. at the ſecond and
third Bowls, the Worſhippers of the Beaft have ſhed the Blood of the Saints and
Prophets, Revel
. 16.6. And now their Capital City is drunk with Blood. She
can drink no more, the meaſure of the Murders is filled up; the number of
the Brethren who muſt be fain is fulfilled, Revel. 6.11. Therefore the time of Ven-
We find theſe Gradations in thoſe Authors who write of Mark
Anthony a moſt cruel Man: Thus Tully ſays ; (b) Guft åras civilem sanguinem,
vel potius exforbueras : fueras in acie Pharfalica ante fignanus. In the Pharfalian Bat-
tle he firſt cafted of Blood, or rather ſupped it up. But ſpeaking of him as
afterwards : (c) Saturavit se Sanguine diſſimillimorum ſui civium, But Pliny makes
him drunk with it : (d) Quo facile intelligatur ebrius jam Sanguine civium, en
tanto magis eum ſitiens. Theſe Symbols are alſo usd in Deut. 32. 42. and il diab
49. 26. I ſhall here fubjoin a Paſſage out of Plutarch, which ſhews what No-
tion the Egyptians had of the relation between ſhedding of Blood and Drun-
kenneſs. (e) Oil Cearners as welenloo k mayor ?
fr tão ingco y po puótov, os exce?co
Στόρηκεν, ιερείς όντες, ήρξαντο δε πίνειν από ψαμμητίχε, πρότερον δε εκ έταγον οίνον, δδε έσπενδος
ως φίλιου θεούς, αλλ' ως αίμα των πολεμησανίων πιε τοις θεούς, εξ ών οίοναι πεσόντων και τη
γη συμμιγενίων αμπέλες ψυές διο και το μεθύειν έκφρονας ποιεί και παραπλήχας, άτε ή
Tõv apoyóvar (f. googlecov) ti opa10 euant dcple'sse See our Notes upon Chap. 14.
20. C. and Chap. 16. 6. A. B.
Thus che Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn before the Qualities and Actions of this
Harlot in reſpect to God, ſhews by this what ſhe has done towards his Saints.
This Character indeed includes that of Rome Pagan ; for then ſhe began to
fhed Blood; but it reaches Rome Antichriſtian, who having all along thirſted
after the Blood of all thoſe who oppos'd her Deſigns, is now quite drunk with
it. It has indeed been couch'd upon in ſeveral places, but not with this Aga
gravation, becauſe this is now her ripe State. However, the Holy Ghoſt loves
to give us the account of the corrupted-Church according to ſeveral Proſpects.
Sometimes the temporal and religious Government thereof is conſidered,
ſometimes the ſtate of its Subjects, ſometimes that of its Oppoſers the Martyrs,
and ſometimes as here, that of its Metropolis: by the fall of which as the
Foundation of all the reſt, the Deftruation of Idolatry is to be effected, or ac
jeaft begun ; for as long as it ftands, the Enemies of God's true Worſhip, and
all their naſty Goblins, having ſuch a Fort for Refuge, will ever be making
head. Therefore as Telefinus formerly obſerv’d of Rome, though with unhappy
ſucceſs: (f) Eruendam delendamque urbem, nunquam defuturos raptores It alice liber-
tatis Lupos, nifi filva, in quam refugere ſolen ent, esſet exciſa. But we have now the
warrant of the Holy Ghoſt to confirm our Hopes. Moreover, the Saints and
Martyrs are here, by an Hendy adis, the ſame holy Martyrs of Jeſus, who are elle-
where called Prophets. See our Note upon Chap. 16. 6. A.
B. Kai į Savureu i Scov a'ullet Saülle uíza, And when I ſaw her, I wondred with
great Amazement.] This is an emphatical Expreſſion according to the Hebrew
Stile. It has been obſerv'd before on Chap. 138 3. C. that che word Saveden
fignifies to honour, reverence and obey through fear; but here it fignifies to wander
with Amazement and Fright only, there being no Token of St. John's Sub-
miſſion, but of his Confternation; and therefore he is by and by comforted.
The word is ſo ſpoken in Ferem. 4. 9. according to the LXX. Kal és do
εκείνη την ημέρα, λέγει κύριΘ, απολείται η καρδία τε Cασιλέως, και η καρδία των αρχόντων, και
(a) Ariftot. Ethic. Nicom. Lib. III
. c. 5.
(b): M. T. Cic. Philip. II.
(c) M. T. Cic. ibid.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XIV cap. 22. vid. Senec. Epift.
LXXXIII. fin.
(e) Plutarch, de Irid. & Ofirid. p. 392,
(f) v. Vell.
Patercal. Lib. II. cap. 27

784
Fohn comforted.
Ch. XVII. v.7
si ispôs exsusovlev, ģci agopilco Jeruvdorovleri
, And it ſhall come to paſs at that day,
Saith the Lord, that the heart of the King Shall periſh, and the beart of the Princes;
and the Prieſts ſhall be aſtonijhed, and the Prophets ſhall wonder
. Where the Hebrer
anſwering to sus úrovlei is mus, and hipno anſwers to sevedoorlein, both being
ſynonymous and implying Confternation. The like we find in Habak. 1. s.
Jawyés oule Jauréole, wonder ge marvelouſly, or with great Amazemene, where the
Propher foretels the great Terror and Miſchief which the Chaldeans ſhall bring
upon the Land. Thus where Virgil ſays : (a) Obftupuit fimul ipſe, fimul perculfus
Achates: we find this Note in Servius : Obſtupuit
. Et ad miniſtrationem, & ad
timorem bic pertinet ſermo. This therefore ſignifies that St. John was frighted at
che ſight of the Woman. Now as he here is ſymbolical, it fhews that this
Woman or Metropolis of Idolatry will put all the Saints or true Worſhippers in
a great Confternation, and that it will hold out to the end; and then as much,
if not more than ever it did before, even though ſhe is juſt going to be de
ſtroy'd, becauſe her power ſhall be itill very great, and having already eſcap'd
the Judgment of the Harveſt and Vintage, out of which ſhe was excepted,
ſhe will ſeem to have power to recover all her Loſſes ; and having no Appre-
henfion of her future Deftruction, becauſe it is to be very ſudden and unex-
peeted, ſhe will revive all her former Pretences. So that the Proteſtants ſhall
conclude, who judge according to human Wiſdom only, without Expecta-
tion of the Event of the divine Propheſies, that what ſhe has done before, the
may do ſtill, with greater probability of Succeſs. I think this is now the
common Opinion among them : but let us ſee what the holy Spirit ſays about
this Confternacion.
A. verf. 17. Keà åré pon e dygeno, Alde zi elupoloes, And the Angel ſaid to me,
wherefore didſt thou wonder?] According to the uſual Intention of ſuch Inter-
rogations, this means plainly, as if the Angel had ſaid, Thou muſt not wonder,
or be afraid of this Harlot. Now this is according to the uſual practice of the
Holy Ghoft; who after a frightful Object, or diſmal Prediction, never fails
to give us ſome means of Comfort See our Notes upon Chap, 13. 10. and
Chap. 14. 13. But who is this Comforter ? From whence is he to come?
how ſhall we receive his Meſſage ? Soft and fair. St. John that is frighted
Is a ſymbolical Perſon repreſenting the faithful among the Proteſtants, and ſo
muft this Angel be a ſymbolical Meſſenger, a Repreſentative of ſuch Perſon
or Perſons as ſhall accordingly perform the ſubject of this Errand. The Mef-
ſage of this Angel therefore repreſents here the endeavours of the Proteftant
divines, who have diſcovered the Myſtery of the Whore, and therewith her
nearly furure Deſtruction, to comfort all the Proteſtant Churches with the
hopes of ſeeing her foon at an end, and to their Fears and Miſeries removed.
The Angel ſays to St. John, Wherefore didſt thou wonder? Why didſt thou fear?
So the Miniſters of God in the Proteſtant Churches, who are the viſible An-
gels correſponding to the inviſible in Heaven, and the ſymbolical in the pro-
phetical Viſions, ſay to the Proteftants, why do ye fear and ſtand amazed at
this idolatrous and tyrannical City, when we tell you, that ſhe is juſt going to
be ſuddenly deſtroy'd ?
It is further to be obſerv'd for the better underſtanding of what follows, that
tho’ the Perſon of St. John is here typical ; yer as it is cuſtomary with the
Prophets, when they manage a typical Subject, to mingle ſome of the Cir-
cumstances of the Type with the Deſcription of the Antipye : ſo here tho?
St. John repreſents the Saints in this circumſtance, the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks to
him with a view to his preſent Circumſtances, and the times wherein this
Propheſy was revealed to him. We may illuftrate this practice of the Holy
Ghoft by the like of the Dramatick Poets in the old Comedy, who us'd to mix
the Repreſentation with the Action, and the Spectators with the Drama it ſelf;
and ſo might commit Anachroniſnis, which would ſeem intolerable, were they
not excus'd by this reaſon, that no Man can be deceiv'd thereby; and that this
method heightens the livelineſs of the Drama. So St. John is ſpoken to as an
Apoſtle, and Spectator of the Vifion, and alſo further yet as a Repreſentative,
and one that bears a part in this Dramatick Viſion.
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I.
B.
769

Ch. XVII. v. 8.
The Beaſt.
785
)
B. 'Ego son égão zò uusúzlov tñs gwaixo, aj 78 Sugis iš fusedlovjo duw. I will
tell thee the Myſtery of the Woman, and of the Beaſt which carries ber.] Anunknown
danger diſcover'd only in part produces a panick fear, through the ignorance of
the parts undiſcover'd, but a thorough Diſcovery takes off the fright, by giving
occaſion to apply Remedies and hinder the effect threarned. This is the way
the Angel takes to give St. John a better aſſurance. Babylon reigns, becauſe
ſuch is the Will of God; which whilft it is ſecret and myſterious, muft keep
thoſe who are in fear from the deſigns of Babylon, till they know to what end
God has deſign'd to permic her to týrannize. Now as the diſcovery of the
myſtery of God fignifies and implies the Accompliſhment of it, ſo this myſtery
of or about the Woman, if the word be ſaid in reſpect of God, muft fignify
the Accompliſhment of it, and conſequently imply her Deſtruction. This
reaſoning is grounded upon the common Notion of God's Juſtice, and his re-
vealed Promiſes to deſtroy all Wickedneſs and the Kingdom of Satan. The
fate of which muſt one day or other involve this Babylon, becauſe it is found the
is within this Accuſation. If this Myſtery be ſaid in reſpect of Babylon is felf,
it fignifies ſuch a Revelation of her fecrét
. Deſigns, that they will be now de-
feated to her Deſtruction. For her Nakedneſs will be thereby uncovered, and
that which kept up her power like a Charm, will loſe its Efficacy , which muſt
needs happen according to the Principles of the magical Inchantments, of
which enough has already been ſaid. Either way comes to the ſame thing, but
the firſt ſeems rather more ſuitable to what is ſaid afterwards in v. 17. And thus
the word Myſtery will have the ſame Signification as in Chap. 1. 20. namely,
that the Angel is going to inform us what is the meaning of God's Myſtery, or
deſign in exhibiting the Viſion of this Harlot ; and how that deſign is to be
accompliſhed.
To zred
The Beaſt mention'd here, as bearing the Harlot, is not quite the ſame as in
the chirteenth Chapter ; for we do not ſee any mention of Diadems, but of
feven Heads and ten Horns. So that the intent of the Holy Ghoſt appears to
be, to give us an account of Rome all in one view from beginning to end, but
with an Intention to conſider it chiefly as to its end, at which time it rides in-
deed upon the Beaſt ſo deſcrib'd, and here the Angel promiſes to declare its
Fate alſo with that of its Capital. For in the former Defcription, there is buta
Nlight hint of its future Deſtruction ; but now we are like to ſee its Fate at large,
and in all the Circumſtances of its Fall, which is indeed involv'd as to its being
a Beaſt, with the fate of the Capital City. Beſides we learn here how to dia
ſtinguiſh the Beaſt from the Horns thereof; the uſe of which will be ſhewn in
the proper place.
A. verf. 8. @nplov dides, w xj šx ése, a miroi deve farvery ex tñs dluars, mis di Tio
dolay u rayev, The Beaſt which thou ſaweſt, was and is not, and ſhall aſcend out of the bot-
tomleſs Gulpb, and go into Deſtruction.] Here begin the Riddles of this Chapter,
which are wont to puzzle Interpreters ſo much, but which contain more ſeem
ing Abſurdities than real Difficulties. The former Expoſitions we have given
will make all this as eaſy as any part of the whole Book. For indeed they need
no freſh Expoſition, but an Application of what has already been ſaid. The
Beaſt is really the ſame as the Roman Empire in its Pagan State, as to the
temporal Power, but otherwiſe diftributed in the very Territories, and under
the ſame Capital City : and therefore the Beaſt was in the Roman Pagan Em
pire of the Dragon; and is not at the time of St. John's feeing the Viſion, or
appear'd not as yet under that which is properly the Denomination of the
Beaſt, as it has been before deſcribd. That is, the Roman Empire is not yet
divided, and put into the hands of ſuch as are diftin&tly called the Beaſt, but
it will be afterwards, when that Empire is divided, and diſtributed to the Beaſt,
which ſhall ariſe out of the bottomleſs Gulph. All this is before expreft thus:
the Dragon having ſeven Heads and ten Horns, the Heads with Diadems and
the Horns without them, gives his power to the Beaſt and all his Dominions,
and by that means the Beaſt transfers the Diadems from the Heads upon the
Horns. So the ſeven Heads with Diadems are this Bealt as it was, or the State
of its Predeceffor ; and the ten Horns with Diadems are the ſtate that is not yet
at the time of the Viſion, but will be afterwards by the riſing of the Beaft oue
of the Abyſs. And this Beaſt that will thus ariſe, is that which is now, afres
the pouring of the Bowls, juſt going into Deftru&tiona
Yine
90
On


786
The Beaſt.
Chi XVII. v.8.
One may take theſe words with a very Nender difference in another manner;
but which comes to the fame thing at laſt, by obferving tharthe Verble, which
in Greek is of the times paft, according to the Stile of the kebrew Language fol-
lowed by the Apoſtles, and in which moſt probably this Prophefy was firit con-
ceived, ſtands alſo for the preſent time, the Hebrew having no other way or in-
flexion to expreſs it; fo that was is the ſame as is ; and then the whole ſhould itand
thus, The Beaſt which thou ſaweſt is and is not, but muſt hereafter ariſe out of the Sea, and
when it is ariſen, go at laſt into deſtruction. The Beaſt is already in the Dragon or
Roman Empire, becauſe the Beatt is the Temporal Power within the ſame Pre-
cincts, and cyrannizing over the ſame People, that Power being only pur into
different Hands, and diſtributed in another manner: and 9s not, becauſe that
change of Hands and diſtribution is not yet made in the time of the exhibition
of the Viſion to St. John; but muit ariſe hereafter out of the Wars, whereby
the preſent Conſtitution of the Roman Empire is to be diffolv'd, diſmembred,
and changed into chat Form, which is repreſented by the Beaſt. Now this
Beaſt, according to the times ſet forth in this part of the Vifion, being now in
the Deſert, mut ſhortly go into Deftru&ion, at leait as a Beaſt : that is, the
Monarchies which now fide wich Rome, and maintain its idolacrous and tyran-
nical Pretenſions, muſt produce a Change from that State of idolatrous Tyranny,
and caft it off, to let the Capital Cicy be deſtroy'd firſt and all the Idolatry and
Tyranny thereof follow its Fate, and that of its Maintainers : not that the
Monarchies themſelves are to be deitroy'd. This we ſhall find by and by to
be the true intention of the Holy Ghoft by very clear indications.
2 Β. Και θαυμάσινται οι κατοικδιωτες επι της γής-βλέποντας τη θηρίου, And they that
dowell, on the Earth Mall wonder .--. when they behold the Beaſt.] And all the Mem-
bers of the corrupted Church, who are guilty of Idolatry, thall give Honour and
ſubmit to this Beaſt when ariſen, and ſhall comply with the tyranny introduced
by the Beaſt at the inſtigation of the Falſe-Prophet, who for the ſake of his
own Ambition, ſhall magnify his own City, and make it Babylon the Great ftill.
Theſe Phraſes have been explain'd before. See our Notes upon Chap. 13.3, C.
Chap. 8. 13.C.: The word BaémovTES, ſeeing, or when they behold, implies, chaç
they ſhall be glad of it, and rejoyce at their Slavery. See the Note on Chap.
11. 12. C. But how ? Not juſt in che time of the Conqueſts of the Barbarians
to be ſure : but when the Clergy, which was them bafely corrupted, found
means to draw the Secular Powers into their Church, and make then confirm
and much inlarge their Power. Who can queſtion but they rejoyced, and in-
deavour'd to inſpire the ſame joy into the People, by the hopes of good
times ?
CCS S név esema Ted' čvópice za čmi cà Betaíov tûs Saiña de 70' xeste bortis nãout Whoſe names
are not written in the Book of Life from the foundation of the World ] Theſe Words,
which come in before by way of Parenthefis to deſcribe further the Inhabicants
of the Earth, are a negative Definition, or Deſcription of the worſhippers of
the Beaſt, ſhewing their oppoſition to the State of thoſe that worſhip God and
the Lamb. For there being deſcrib'd throughouc chis Prophefy two different
States, the Kingdom of God, and the Kingdom of Saran; and each of theſe
having their Followers, or Members; we find them ſignified by many poſitive
Symboles, and by Oppoſition and Negation. Thus the Idolaters are called che
Earth, the Inbabitants of the Eartb, Tribes, Tongues and Peoples, the Men, the
worſaippers of the Beaſt ; theſe are Poficive, the Negative are ſuch as this before
us, thoſe whoſe names are not written in the Book of Life. On the other hand, the
true Worſhippers are thus called, the Saints, Martyrs, Prophets, Redeemed from
the Earth, from among Men, firſt Fruits to God, Followers of the Lamb, Virgins. And
negatively thoſe that have not worſhipped the Beaſt, nor its Image, nor received its
Name or Mark. But then as in the Scripture Stile the ( a ) Negacives have the
force of the contrary Affirmatives ; fo chis ſignifies ſuch as have been blotted
out of the Book of Life. The inference which I would draw from hence is
this, that theſe admirers of the Beaſt muſt therefore be corrupted Chriſtians,
who have left off the Covenant of their God, and being ar firit matriculared in
the Church have been expunged out of the Book of Life. For none can pro-
200 is si lo ganisti pd abism Iliw oud noi si 10 sm ons
bado
wing elwod aria lo sannog ads
(*) Vid. S. Glaſlii Philolog. Sacr. Lib. III. Tract. IIf. Canon. XX. & Lib. III. Tract. V.
oe
perly
Canon. XX,

Ch. XVII. V. g.
The Beaſt
perly be ſaid to be blotted our, who has not been entred therein before. And this
fixes how Romeis to be underſtood in this Viſion. As to the meaning of the
Book of Life we ſhall conſider what it is, when the Holy Ghoft comes to repre.
ſent it opened in Chap. 20. 12.05.2013
Di Sul on
20 99ds on
This Bonk of Life, being mentioned before in Chap. 13. 8. has there a further
Deſignation, that it is the Book of Life of the Lamb that was fain: which has
made Dr. Homm .nd thinks that there was a difference between theſe two. But
the places are abſolutely parallel ;v and this coming after, there was no need
to repeat all here ; now what is moft effential is, that at the general Judgment
there appears but one Book of Life opened therein; which is as well for all good
Chriſtians as for the Martyrs zodi svods
1513
D."0,5 W, rý óx ést, rj megáseep, which was, and is not, and ſhall be bereafter.] I
take this reading to be the crue, for teepesu is here the ſame in Senfe as what
has been ſaid before, rj pént éva Cahvey, and hall ariſe. But Dr. Mit takes
zij wegésar to be a Scholium or marginal Note crep into the Text. Other Co-
pies have xj meg én, altho' it be, or, and get is, as in our publick Verſion, the
meaning would be, that in one Senle it is not yet, tho' it be really the ſame as
that which is already under a different Name and diſtribution of Power. It is
the fame Power which has palied from other hands.
A. verf.9. TOM o vos sé gou oogider, Let the Mind which has Wiſdom attend bere.]
This is a Proclamation to require attention to a thing which muſt not barely
be heard and heeded, for then the Proclamation would be as in other places,
He that has an Ear let him hear, but alſo ſeriouſly conſidered and ſtudied. Here
is a Secret to be revealid and explain’d, lo that he that hears it muft have Wif-
dom, and imploy ic to conſider attentively what is propoſed. Now as the
Holy Ghoſt can never propoſe to any Man the ſtudy of a mere Curiolity, there
is in this caſe undoubtedly ſome practical Emolument in diſcovering the inten-
tion of the Myſtery. What then can it be? We mult find it out by conlidering
the nature of the thing. If it were a Myſtery of God wholly reſpecting his El
ſence or Attributes, the pra&ical Reſult muſt rend to the drawing of Men to-
'wards him by Repentance or ſome ſpecial act of Obedience : but ſince it is to
conſider a Diſcovery of the Myſtery and Deftinies of Chrilts and our Ene-
mies, it is plain, that God deſigns we ſhould at ſome time find out their Secrets;
and by conſequence, that at one time or other he will think fit to give us ſuch
Grace and Wiſdom to find them out plainly: which, when it happens, muſt
argue in us fuperiority of Wiſdom and Underſtanding, and therefore of Prof-
perity and Succefs againſt them. For that is the importance of this Superio-
rity in us, and of their Weakneſs at the ſame time.
This I muſt now make out by proofs from Holy Writ and other Tópicks.
We have obſery'd (a) before, that the Ancients made Wiſdom to confift in the
knowledge and diſcovery of Secrets, Parables, and all other parts of Symbolical
Learning; which muſt needs be ſo, whilſt there was no other fort of Learning
but the Symbolical. So that he was the wiſeft Man who could propoſe, or folve
in his turn the moſt difficult Enigma's, or Myſteries. And as he, who did ſo,
commonly amerced the Opponent; hence it is, that ſuch wiſdom giving a Su
periority made the other Homagers to the Man indued therewith. To confirm
which we muſt now prove that this introduced a Notion that Wiſdom or craft
implied Proſperity and Succeſs above others; which Notion is eaſily made out by
the Stile of Holy Writ. Firſt by the placing of theſe Notions in Conſort, as
in Iſaiah 52. 43. Behold, my servant shall deal prudently, be ſhall be exalted and
extolled, and be very high, in the Hebr. tur in the LXX. awńce, shall undere
fiand ; and therefore by a Metonymie to underſtand or be wiſe, fignifies to Proſper;
whence ic comes, that this is the marginal Word in our Verfion. So in Daniel
8. 23. A King of a fierce countenance, and underſtanding dark Sentences, Mall ftando
up, and bis power ſhall be mighty, in the LXX Owiccoy mes Cañue ta, So Solomon fays,
Prov. 11. 29. I be fool Mall be ſervant to the wiſe of heart, that is, the wicked is
puniſhed by God with Poverty, and forced into Servicude to the Wiſe, or
Righteous, whom God bleffes with Riches and Powerpui But let us conſider
thac in Daniel 12. 10. which place, as many think not without reaſon, has ſome
relation to our Cafe, the words are, None of the wicked ſhall underſtand, bus the
09190
THITH 3967
( ) Note upon Chap. 13. 18. B.
wile


288
The Beast.
Ch. XVII. v. 9.
wiſe shall underſtand, 1939, which word in the LXX, 2 Chron. 11. 23. is turn'a
by sušhou, increaſed, proſperéd: the meaning of Daniel is therefore, that the Wic-
ked ſhall then be Confounded, and the Wiſe, or Righteous, ſhall proſper,
when they underſtand the numbers there laid down concerning the duration of
the times of Tribulation there predicted, the like may be ſeen in 1 Sam. 18.
30.
Ferem. 23. 5. Dan. 11. 30. Prov. 28. 16. in the Hebr. and LXX. compared with
Job 28. 12. So that, as owe av megbahpuc te ſignifies one whoſe Cunning is ſuch,
that he can over reach others to proiper above them, and reduce them below
himſelf, lay Taxes upon chem, and pretend to work wonderful things, as God,
whoſe marvellous Works are called Myſteries, and resbahcuota too in Pſal
. 958. 2.
So whoſoever ſhall be at this time above the Whore and Beaſt, ſo as to find oue
all their Deſigns and Power, ſhall be ſuch as proſper above them; and at laſt
bring them under. Pbìa fay ,( 4 ) ºan 3, Tu do bass uuu, đỡ Juunyi as, Tu 3 axit
Her ne de çovies doties ar vel bir
And indeed the thing is fuitable to common Senſe; fo that 'tis a common
notion in all Authors, that Knowledge is Power in a great meaſure. Thus Me-
nander fays, (b) "A muy tet Mônico TOS pegueio no Fisa teld, &c. Ariſtopbanes calls Eools the
gains of the Wife ( c ) dTi ndoa" dCéateegi justeege réfra oso oopôr. Tully, (d) Illa
ipfa domina rerum ſapientia: . One may be always maſter of thoſe which he
knows well, becauſe he who is perfeąly known is in ſome meaſure fubinitted
to him that knows him', ſays an ingenious(e) Lady. Hence the reaſoning
of the King of lyria, Iſaiah 10. 13. and with a juſter title than that of
God in Deut. 4. 6. for as Euripides ſays, (f) 'Olous. Tu gS Tòv disu zawote, stelvéniszents
sexãs. So the reaſoning about #upiters ( 8 ) Power is in Homer grounded upon
this, that he knew more than the reſt
volcube ក
Thus this Whore may be compar'd to the Sphinx, which really was an Whore,
who uſed to invite and entice Travellers to lodge with her, and then carrying
them through by-ways to her Houſe, robb’d and kill'd them. When her Trick
or Myſtery was found out, ſhe was eaſily overcome. Euripides and Plutarch
thought both, that this Wiſdom of the Sphinx conſiſted in her Power. Euripides
introduces Oedipus boaſting, that he ftopt the Power of the Sphinx, (b) Loivos
δς μόνΘ- κατέρων της μιαιφόνε κράτη. Ρlutarch expreffes it thus, (i) Και τίω σφίγγει εκεί-
νίω έκ αν ώνησεν η σοφία ωει ο φύκιον άνω καθεζομβίω αινίγματα και γείφες πλέκεσαν, ει μη
papun tej epf goiờ mong ses self uewe ensuegro. Coníult ( k ) Bochart on that Story. So
this Babylonian Whore, when her tricks had been diſcovered, ſhe has begun to
go to ruin, and when all her Secrets are diſcovered ſhe is undone. She has
found new tricks fince, but all will come out at laſt. This is now the time.
2020 is an emphatical Particle implying at this time, as has been obferv'd before
upon the like occafion, by its poſition in this place, it ſignifies after the pour-
ing out of the Bowls. But we have ſeen, that the Bowls are poured out,
the Vintage is trodden: therefore the very bottom of her Myſtery will be now
found out, and fo her Ruin is very near. The fame God, who gives Wiſdom
to diſcover, will give Power to effect it. The Popiſh Princes, who, or ſome of
whom, as I conje&ture hereafter, are deſign'd by the Divine Providence to efa
fect it, are now very ſenſible, that the Power of Rome and Vatican Thunders
are of ſmall force; and the Magick of thoſe Inchantments upon the People is
much worn off; and that the Proteſtant States are able to defend any Prince
who affronts her, Therefore they know her throughly, and begin to ſee her
Nakedneſs. Such diſcoveries even according to the common workings of Po-
litical Maxims are look'd upon as fatal to States; and are accordingly obſerv'd
by Authors. So Tacitus obſerves of ancient Rome. (?) Evulgato imperii arcano,
polle Principem alibi quam Roma fieri. So Thuanus has noted of the Emperor
Charles V. (m) Cæſar ut injuriam fibi à Clemente illatam ulciſceretur, nominis Pontifi.
cii auctoritatem per omnem Hiſpaniam aboler, exemplo ab Hiſpanis ipfi pofteritati reliéto
poffe Ecclefiafticam difciplinam citra nominis Ponrificii auctoritatem ad tempus conſervari.
21 badow
10 W 93 at buvo T 15701 19VOTTI
(a) Philo Legat. ad Caium. pag. 689eado 6) Menand. apud Stobæ Serm. I.RO
(c) Ariftoph. Nebul.
(d) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Muræn.
(e) Marg, de Sabil.
(f ) Euripid. Heraclid. v.746. (g) Homer. I' ad. . v. 355.conf.
Plut. de Ilid. & Oſirid. prir cip. (b ) Euripid. Phæn. v. 174%. ( 2 ) Put. de Brutor,
(k) Bochart. Canaan. Lib. I. cap. 16. Vid. Palæphar. Incred. de Sphinge,
(1) Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. I. (m) Thuan. Hift. Lib. I. ad An. Clɔlɔ XXVI.
with croquis This
23
Max. XXXVII.
rat. pag. 359.


Ch. XVII. v.ilo. O The Beaſt.
789
B407Y
This Rome (a) underſtands, and knows very well that it ought to apply to itſelf
this of Tacitus, ( 6 ) Publicum tibi odium, extremam ætatem, magiſque fama, quam
vi, ftare res fuas. See alſo che reaſoning of St. Paul 2 Tim. 3. 9. &c. Plans
Β. ΑΙ εττα κεφαλαι όρη είσιν επτα, όπε η γυνή κάθηται επ' αυτών, και βασιλεύς επτα
The Seven Heads are ſeven Mountains, on which the Woman fitteth, and they are ſeven
Kings.] Firſt we ſee, as before, that the verb Subſtantive in the expoſition of
Symbolical Terms is the ſame as fignifies, and then that Mountains, Heads and
Kings are equivalent Terms, and lignify intire Monarchies with all their lineal
Succeſſion of Power, not barely one ſingle King or Man; and that King ſigni-
fies indefinitely any Government, which has of courſe and neceſſity a Capital
City. The Origin of which ariſes from the placing of a Capital City, to be
the Seat of a Kingupon a Mountain, that it may be ſtrong and command cha
adjacent Country. This has been ſhewn in our Note upon Chap. 12. 3, E.
But as Mountains only fignify places of Strengěh in general, when the Holy
Ghoſt means it ſo, they are an indefinite number, but when the number is to
fignify ſo many Nations
or
Governments it is preciſe, and they are called
Heads; and ſometimes that is not expreſſed, unleſs che decorum require it, as
in Hermas, (c) Audi, inquit, veritatem horum montium: id eſt, duodecim gentium.
Now Rome itſelf being built, or ſtanding formerly on ſeven Hills, this makes
a very fatal Coincidence. Tis a known ching, and the Roman Authors are full
of that Obſervation, but I ſhall content myſelf with one of Martial. (d) Hinc
Jeptem dominos videre montes, Et totam licet æftimare Romam. Now indeed it does not
fo; but that notion would be ſufficient to denote it, if we had need infiſt up-
on it as a principal Intention, whereas we ſay, that thoſe ſeven Heads are the
feven great Monarchies, out of which the old Roman Empire was compos’d.
And 'tis the ſame City, tho' it be not ſo great as it was ; and the ſame Empire,
tho' it has loft many parts of its Dominions.
Poenaris iad
A. verſ. 10, Oi mérre introw, Five are fallen. ] The falling of a Mountain, City
or Monarchy, as has been obſerv'd, fignifies the loſing of it's Power by coming
under the power of an Enemy. Now this plainly fignifies here, that in the
rimes of the Viſion five of the ſeven Monarchies, which make up the Domi-
nions of this Beaſt and Whore, were fallen or conquer’d; and that this Capital
City, or Whore, had rais'd its power and inlarg’d its Dominions by the Fall or
acceſſion of thoſe fallen Monarchies. Theſe are the Capitals, or Monarchies
annex'd to them, of the Carthaginians, Alexandrians, Mithridates, or if you will
Antigonus, Macedonians with the Greeks, and of the Gauls with their Dependen-
cies, by the Fall of which the City of Rome became the Miſtreſs of the World,
enlarging its Dominions from the Weftern Ocean to the great River Euphrates,
All which was already done in the time, and ſomewhat before the exhibition
of the Viſion. But whereas theſe Heads, whilſt they are repreſented under
che Dragon, had Diadems, and by conſequence a ſhare of the Government with
Rome, as has been ſhewn before ; when they came under or upon the Beaſt,
that participation of Power was taken away, and executed by other Hands
for which reaſon they are repreſented without Diadems and Fallen. Thus we
fee how one thing explains another, and all is very ſuitable to the Events,
There is an Expoſition of theſe five Heads fallen in Radulphus Flaviac, which
becauſe it is not mentioned in our modern Commentators, as far as I know, ic
may not be improper to take notice of ibi rif it were
bue to facisfy Curioſity,
He ſays theſe Kings fallen are che Allyrians, the Medes, the Perſians, the Greeks,
the Africans, and the ſixth is Rome ; which he ſays is the fourth Beaſt in Daniel.
Of all theſe Expoſitions hitherto given this in my opinion was the moſt inge,
nious, and ſuitable to the Symbols : for he has ſeen very well, that an Head
is a Capital City with its Dominions gavern'd by a lineal Succeſſion of Kings
in the ſame. And this is far more probable than the way of Grotius
, who
makes theſe Heads to ſignify only the ſingle Perſons of ſo many Emperors ;
or that of our Proteſtant Interpreters, who make the change of Government in
the ſame Capital City, from Kings to Conſuls, Tribunes, Dictators and the
like, to be ſo many different Heads. But the notion of Radulphus cannot an-
,
2
ORADO
(a) Vid. New Goſpel of Card. Pallavic. Chap. 7. (6) Tacit. Annal. Lib. VI. Vid.
Lib. XIII. cap. XIX. (c) Hermæ Paff. Lib. III. Sim. IX. $ 18.
Lib. IV. Epigr. 64, (e) Radulph. Flav. in Levic. Lib. XVIII. cap. 1.
1820 i 10 (d) Marcial.
garde
9 P
ſwer

791
The Beaft. d
Ch. XVII. v.110 v1
head of that
fwer to many other Symbols, and particularly to that of the Diadems placed
upon theſe very Heads in the times of the Dragon: for that Symbol implies
plainly a ſhare of Power executed during that time, even by theſe Heads, in
conjunction with Rome.
B. 'o bis igir, One is. ] One, or rather the Firſt and principal of theſe re-
mains now fole and imperial Head of all the Territories comprehended under
the reſt ; and that is the City of Rome itſelf, as in St. John's time, and was
then affectedly called the Head of the World, as in theſe words of Ovide again
gil guide brusensM 10 yrs
FORWon to colloque
Istiqbus patasan(b) Roma triumphati dúin caput Orbis erit. y 15 ylstinntabni 291
od 03 Vilnias Flo 9.0
uigno edT Vio
g1002903
And in many Authors; fome of which have been cited elſewhere, and (a) o-
thers might be added, if it were needful.
C. Oknow ha. He they grey a , dalyv eutův sã pare, The other is not yet come ; and
ROM 29 308
when he cometh, he muſt continue a ſhort ſpace. ] This is the ſeventh Head, which
was not in being at the time of the Vifion. This ſeventh Head was Byzantium,
which by Conſtantine the Great was made one of the Heads of this fame Empire
and Dominions, with all the Honours and Prerogatives of the former; being
not only called from the Reſtorer thereof Conſtantinople, but alſo New Rome,
Empire from the time of Conſtantine to that of the Emperor Marcian, under
whom the other parts of the Empire being diſmembred, it was no more one of
the Heads of the Whole, but one of the Heads of that part which fell into the
Diſtribution obtain d by one of the ten Horns. The City was finiſhed A.C.
CCCXXX, and then dedicated, as ( 6 ) Petavius fhews. So that its reign over
the whole Empire was but of 125 Years, if you put the Epocha of the diſmem-
bring thereof at Valentinian's the II. Death, o
the Ill. Death, or 155, if you place it at the de-
which is buc a ſhort ſpace in reſpect of the
whole Roman Empire of the duration of the Beaſt itſelf. Perhaps this orizon
may only fignify, that this Head to come hereafter muſt not hold out ſo long
as the former and principal, but muſt be put down before it. And this is alſo
come to paſs, the City of Conſtantinople having been long ſince ſubdued by
the Ottomans, whilft Rome holds our ftill more than two hundred and fifty
Years. DOMO 2811g ad OTOM
A. verf. 1 Kain Seeing a wo, ni ex ési
, xj dur's žysõóz işi, And the Beaſt which
was
, and is not
, even it is the eightb.). It is evident from theſe words, that
it
was the intention of the Holy Ghoſt to fhew, that the Beaſt is the Symbol of
a tyrannical Government, which fucceeds that of the feven Heads, when they
had Diadems; being not collateral to it, but as it were ingrafted thereon by
Succeflion, and ſo with its Capital City making an eighth Head of Govern-
ment. So that this makes it farther evident, that the Dragon and the Beaſt are
Governments fucceeding one after another, and that both are ſaid to have ſeven
Heads and ten Horns, to fhew that they are the ſame in lineal Succeſſion ; that
is, ' that the Dragon is to be ſucceeded by a Beaſt with ten Horns, and that the
Beaſt with ten Horns is to ſucceed the Dragon, that had ſeven Heads; who
are thus allied together by having one and the fame City for Capital, which
was effe&ed by the Dragon's furrendring up that One, or Firſt Head, to the
Beaſt with a mortal Wound; of which that Head recovered, and to became the
Head of the Beaſt. And the Holy Ghoſt makes them to be thus a kin, to
Thew, that the Beaſt and its Capital City, or Head, would affect to have the
fame Principles
and Pra&ices
as the Dragon, and affect to itſelf the Power and
Government of the Dragon, by the means of the Falſe Prophet, or Beaft with
two Horns, who is therefore ſaid to ſpeak like the Dragon; and by conſe.
quence ſeems to be the eighth Head, becauſe tho' it is one of the Seven, it has
Luffered a great Change,
ITC Xiingia
SUB. Kar in rd 131, And is of the Seven. ] This eighth
Head is not really
diftin& from the One or Firſt of the Seven, being exa&ly the fame. For by the
1930S
(a) Ovid. Amor. Lib. I. Eleg. XV. (b) Lactant. Lib.
Lib. VIII. cap. 14. Arnob. adv. Gent. Lib. VII. circ. fin.
. LibVII. cap. as, vid. Val. Maxim.
(€? Petzv. Nor, in Julian Orat. I.
Vid. Bevereg. Not. in Conc. CP. 11, Præfat, vel Tituli siglubestico)
rgiaVJI
making

Chap. XVII
. „W.11.
The Beaſt.
792
making of Rome Capital of an idolatrous and tyrannical Empire in the ſame
manner as it was when Head of the Dragon; and the Governments within
che territories of the corrupted Church, which were formerly thoſe of the Ro-
man Pagan Empire, joining with it and owning its Juriſdiction, Rome is the ve-
ry ſame. But becauſe in palling from the Dragon to the Beaſt ic has received
a deadly Blow, and by conſequence ſuffered a Change, it may be called an
eighth Head, as we ſee the Holy Ghoſt has called ic before in Chap. 13. 3. Ic
receiv'd then an intermiſſion, and was forc'd to take new meaſures to ſet itſelf
up again. Rome under the Antichriſtian Beaſt ſince the diffolution of the Ro-
man Empire is really and in effe&t the ſame as it was ; but yet becauſe of this
change of Maſters, by which it had like to have fallen quite, it is become an-
other in ſome Senſe ; though it is ſtill the ſame City with the like Power. Ic
is become therefore, and
has made the Beaſt an eighth Head of Government in
the ſame manner as it was one and the principal too of the feven Heads of the
Dragon. Thus we clear this Holy Riddle in the Revelation, which was thought
to be ſo very hard, and illuſtrate it too by the very example produced by an
Author who has chought ſo. And that is the Temple of Jeruſalem called the Sea
cond, but pulled down and rebuilt by Herod, whereby it became both ( a.) fecond
and third. His words are theſe, (b) Haggai bis propheſy found che full ac-
compliſhment thereof in our Saviour's preaching in Herod's Temple, which
was no diſtinct, but in all effentials the ſelf ſame with Zorobabels. The Holy
• Riddle in the Revelation is very hard to be underſtood, how the Beaſt was
* the Eighth, and yet of the Seven, But here it is obvious to apprehenſion,
this was the Third, and yet the ſecond Temple ſet up in the ſame place of
the former. The application is eaſy, and I hope the Riddle is now ſo too.
C. Kai ois démódosur UmiyaAnd goes into destruction, ] This Empire cyrannizing
over the Church, called the Beaſt with its Capital city now deſcribed, which
are thus a ſeventh-eighth Head, is that very tyrannical Empire and Capital
City, whoſe deſtruction now foretold is juſt going to be deſcribed hereafter in
all its Circumſtances as ready at hand.
modo no,
bando
Α. verf. 12. Και τα δέκα κέρατα και άλλες δέκα βασιλείς ασιν, οι πινες βασίλειαν έπω έλαζαν,
And the ten Horns which thou ſawelt, are ten Kings, which have yet received no King,
dom.] This is collateral to, and explains why the Dragon has the Diadems up
on the Heads, and the Beaſt has the Diadems upon the Horns and not
the Heads: becauſe the Horns in the time of the Dragon had not
yer received the Kingdom ; and ſo the Horns were only in expedia-
tion. Horns conſider'd as ſuch Symbolically ſignify only Powers or Monar-
chies; but as they are upon a Beaſt, they fignify, that thoſe Powers are tyran,
nical, ravenous and at enmity with true Religion, God and his Saints. Wheren
fore we muſt diſtinguiſh between the Beaſt and the Horns, though they are in
conjun&ion; and we ſee the Holy Ghoſt does ſo. The Beaſt is to be deſtroy'd,
becaufe the Horns, or at leaſt ſome great part of them are to ceaſe, and as
laſt will do ſo, to give their power to maintain Tyranny and oppreſs the true
Church; and ſo the Beaſt or Tyranny may ceaſe, and be at laft deſtroyd, and
yer the Horns or Monarchies may remain. Now theſe Monarchies as
part or time of the Viſion, that are to be tyrandical, did not exiſt at the time of
the Exhibition thereof, but aroſe out of the Diffolution of the Roman Empire,
See our Note upon Chap. 1.3. 1. F
moda prome, od o bis 21 ngah di
Β. Αλλ' έξεσίαν ως βασιλείς μίαν ώραν λαμβάνει μετά το θηρίο But receive power, as
Kings at one hour with the Beaft. ] That is, affoon as theſe Monarchies ariſe, they
conſent together to drive on the delign of oppreſſing firſt the Subjects of the
Roman Empire, and to become Tyrants over them; and then which is the
principal intention of the Holy Ghoſt, to perſecute the true Worſhippers and
eſtabliſh Idolatry; which deſign is fpiritual Tyranny, the worſt of all
. Which
Tyranny is Symbolically repreſented by the Beaſt on which the Horns are
fet. In the Viſion of the thirteenth Chapter the Horns, appear, having the
Diadems as ſoon as the Beaſt appears. Theſe two places explain each other,
So that we may reject the pretences of ſome Romifh Interpreters, who think to
help
their cauſe
by the authority of the Vulgate, which here has Poft beftiam,
contrary to the meaning of the Greek words, which are conſtantly read in the
as to this
(a) Vid. Lightfoot’s Profpe&. Tempk cap. X. fin. & cap. XL. S tem v (b)| Fuller's Piſgah
Sight. Lib. III. ch. 6.
Sud
fame

292
Ch. XVlI. v.13.
The Beaft.
1s.
llation of the words, play spay, at one hour, is alſo confirm’d by Cyrillus of Jeruſalem,
fame manner as the preſent Copies from the time of (a) Irenæus. Our Tran-
who fays: (i) 'Εν διαφόρους και ίσως τόπους και δε τον αυθον βασιλεύεσι καιρός: And
yer this Author is thoughe a good Friend to the Romilh Caole, whoever he
So that they who put this in the Preſs, knew nothing of the Neceſſity, which
fome others thoughe there was, to turn the words for an hour, to ſignify a little
while. "Sige fignifestime indefinitely both in facred and prophane Authors. In
Ariftophanes, (c) 'HG bę¢ in the Spring time. In Thucydides, "2p ce étus, the
Summer time. And fo (d) Hora is us'd in the Latin Authors for Time or Seaſon in
general. So that this Expreſſion here is the very fame as that in Chap. 9. 15.
and methinks the whole ſcope and drife of the Diſcourſe, as well as the deco.
rúm and viſible Intention of the Symbols, do plainly lead us to take it ſo, and
to make us underſtand, that theſe Horns become Members of a Beaſt as ſoon as
ever they appear upon the Scene of this Prophecy.
3d A:Overf. 13. Of to'play gvebbles Exxon, Theſe bave one mind.] All theſe ten
Monarchies ſhall drive on the ſame deſign cogecher. Now this deſign is laia
down in the following words, which ſhewing what theſe ten Monarchies will
đo, it is plain that their deſign muſt be known by their Actions. Biſhop Boluet
fays, that this deſign is to ſettle themſelves in the Territories of the Roman
Empire. But this is a miſtake ; for the very Symbols of Horns upon the Beaſt,
and the Beaſt's aſcending out of the Sea or Abyſs, ſuppoſes them in thoſe Tera
ritories, and the Delivery of the Head by the Dragon ſuppoſes them ſettled in
all their Dominions. The deſign muft therefore be that which follows.
Now
chis lecs us into the deſign of the Holy Ghoſt, and ſhews us the reaſon why all
the Kings of Chriſtendom ſettled within the Dominions of the old Roman
Empire, come in this Viſion under one Symbol. For that one mind or united
deſign makes them concur in one act as an aggregate Body, and ſo unites them,
that they muft be repreſented by ſuch a ſingle Symbol as implies ſuch a joint
deſign ; and that is of a wild Beaſt. The Roman Empire was indeed one Mo-
narchy, and ſo might without Objection be well repreſented by the ſingle
Symbol of a Dragon, ſeeing that the inviſible, as alſo the viſible Enemies of
Chriſt and his Church, were then thus each united reſpe&ively in one Govern-
ment: but the Monarchies ereded upon the Ruins of the Roman Empire
were no otherwiſe uniced, but as they all concurred in this one deſign to bem
come a wild Beaſt in tyrannizing over the true Church and introducing Idolatry,
- Β. Και τίω διώαμιν και τις εξεσίαν αυγών το θηρίο διδόασιν, And give their Power
and Authority to the Beaſt.] That , all combine in one deſign give and im-
ploy their ſecular Power to fettle a tyrannical Government for the Eſtabliſh-
ment of Idolatry, and Deſtruction of the true Church. In the ſymbolical
Character the Notions of the mind, or abſtracted Ideas and Qualities, are ex-
hibited by viſible Subſtances, and therefore become Perſons. So the Horns here
of Monarchies, being to be diſtinguiſh'd from the ſame become tyrannical, when
that Symbol which repreſents them as Monarchies barely comes to be ſeparated
from that Symbol which repreſents them as tyrannical, the Symbol of Tyran-
ny ; that is, the Beaſt becomes then a Perſon or Subſtratum, and ſo may be
repreſented as an Actor or Sufferer'; Nor bưe thar however, as long as it is fo
repreſented a&ting or ſuffering it has always ſome Powers or Subfratum annex'd.
This deſign is ſaid to be put into them by the ſmaller Beaſt or Falſe Propher,
who makes uſe of it to eſtabliſh his own Errors and Authority. Revel.
13. 122
13. 14. This univerfal Conſent of all the Powers within the Limits of the
old Roman Empire, to perfecute the true Worſhippers and ſettle Idolatry,
making all theſe Powers one aggregare Body, has therefore fitted to be repre-
fented by one fingle Symbol, that of a Beast, whoſe feven Heads and ten Horns
thew firft its origin and extent of its
' Dominions, and then the change, or new
Diftribution in the Government.
On To 97180199
A. .
ostor piele og Agdís voreuñokon
, "Theſe hall make War with the
Lamb.) This determines to what uſe the given Power is pur; and that is to
Make War with Chriſt or his Church, or the Saints, as it is defcrib'din Chap. Ad.
7. and Chap. 13. 6, 7, 10, 15. But from Hiſtory 'tis clear, that theſe Kings
59910 3014 10 300 900
des) Irenæ. Lib. V.cap. 26. 2. 74.99 * () Cyrill. Hierof. Catech. xvode () Ariftoph.
Nebul.
(d) Vid. Voff. Etym.
do Nene
omst
turn'd

Chap. XVII. V. 13. 3.
The Beaſt.
793
1
turn'd Chriſtians; and therefore how can they be ſaid to make War with
Chrift? Even juſt as St. Paul, to whom Jeſus ſaid, I am. Jeſus whom thou perſen
cuteſt, when St. Paul as he confeſſes, only perſecuted the Church of God; and thac
too as the reſt of the Fews, thinking to do God Service. So theſe have made
War with the Lamb, becauſe from their very Settlement they have lent. their,
ſecular Power to eſtabliſh Idolatry, being guided by the Falſe Prophet to pers
fecute thoſe that oppoſe his Doctrine, that they might preſerve the crue and
fincere Worſhip of Chriſt. Now this War is to continue as long as the Beaſt
makes War with the Saints, the term of which has been conſidered before ;
and the Beaſt laſteth as a Beaſt ſo long as any fecular Powers join tos
gether to carry on this War and Perſecution of the Saints, and join with the
Falſe Propher. So that if one, two or more of theſe Horns break off from
the Beaſt either by Conqueſt, as the Eaſtern Empire is fallen, or by Deſertion
as all the Proteſtant Princes have done already; this is not the Deſtruction of
this Beaſt. But that muſt be effected either by the intire Deſertion of them all
from the Whore and Falſe Prophet, or by the very Deſtruction of the Mo
narchies which adhere to it when they are vanguiſh'd or conquer'd by the true
Worſhippers
. The Title of Lamb given to Chriſt in this caſe is proper to the
preſent ftate of things in the militant Condition of the Church, antecedent to
the triumphant. For whilft the Church is afflicted, its Head ſympathiſes with
it, and is therefore ſtill the Lamb. But of a ſuffering Lamb he is to be as we
ſhall ſee preſently, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.
B. Kai ad 'Apvíoy vernoe dutés, And the Lamb Shall overcome them.] To begin
with the Obſervation of Ansbertus: Cum partis adverfæ certamen Angelus expria
meret, congruentiſſime in confolationem electorum, Agni viftoriam fubjungit
. And
this is according to the conſtant Cuſtom. They ſhall not therefore prevail and
overcome in their War againſt the Lamb and his Church by the Eftabliſhment of
their Tyranny and Idolatry, and the Perſecution of the Saints : but in ſpight
of all their endeavours the Blood of the Saints ſhed in their Teſtimony for the
ſake of the Lamb, ſhall draw the Judgment of God, who thereupon ſhall cauſe
the true Religion to revive, and put down in its turn their Tyranny and Ido-
latry. This conſolatory Predi&ion is collateral to the Reſurrection of the
Witneſſes, in Chap. 11. 11, 12. and to the Prediction of the Beaſt's Deſtruais
on in Chap. 13, 10. Nay, and even every one of theſe Saints, who thus dies
in his Teſtimony, obtains a Victory over this Beaſt and all its Adjun&is, in
Chap. 15. 2. which therefore draws upon its Members a perpetual Torment,
ſhewn in the Effuſion of the Bowls. But the Lamb will compleat all theſe
Victories by a ſignal and mighty one conſiſting of two great parts, the Fall of
Babylon the Capital, in Chap. 18, and the utmoſt Extirpation of the Beaſt,
Falſe Prophet and their Armies, in Chap. 19. 19, 20. Theſe two degrees of
Victory are ſet out here in one hint, and the Cauſe or Foundation of the Vi&to.
ry in the following words.
C.'071 Kúse rugía ési i Busind's Caoirlain, Becauſe be is Lord of Lords, and
King of Kings. ] Ansbertus again : Subjungitur autem caufa tante victoria, cum de
Agno dicitur, Quoniam dominus dominorum eft, & rex regum. Ac fi diceretur: idcirco
Agnus triumpbat in fuis, quia etſi reprobi filiorum dei gloriam perdiderunt, dominium
tamen ejus non evaſerunt. The Expreſſions are Hebraiſms, which are illuſtrated
elſewhere, and they ſignify, that the Lamb is a mighty Lord, and a mighty
King ; King and Lord Paramount to all others. That he is therefore ſo ex-
cellent, that none can come near him for might. In holy Writ the Holy Ghoſt
gives no names as Complements, or mere and Arbitrary Titles of Honour;
but the Names expreſs the Effences of things. And ſo this ſhews eaſily why
the Lamb ſhall overcome the Kings, that make up the Beaſt, and at laſt ſubdue
or reduce them to be under him ; ſeeing that he is almighty, and has the Titles
of God. St. Paul gives Chriſt the ſame Titles to the fame purpoſe in 1 Tim. VI.
15. This difference of Titles of the ſame Perſon in different accounts of
things ſhews, that though whilſt his Church is perfecuted he has therefore proa
perly the Title of Lamb, or is repreſented as a Lamb, yet having it in his Powe
er and being deſign’d by God to be ſhewn in the World as Lord of Lords, and
King of Kings, as he will appear hereafter, even during the Times of the
Humility of his Church, though he takes the Title of Lamb, as ſuitable to the
head of a ſuffering People, yet he has an intrinſical Power to overcome his
Enemies. During the perſecuted ftate of the Church che, power of its Head
Teemis
jong.3.2003
9 Q

794
The Whore's Deſtruction,
Ch. XVII. v. 14
ſeems to be eclips'd, becauſe he is meek and lowly as a Lamb, yet he is really
by Nature and Office moſt powerful, Lord of Lords, and King of Kings. Here
after he will appear with that Title, when he is a&ually exerting the import
thereof. And tho' even in the millenary and ſubſequent ſtate of Happineſs
eternal, this Propheſy gives him ftill the Title of Lamb, it is then only to im.
ply, that the then preſent ftate of Glory is conferr'd upon him on the account
of his Sufferings and Actions as a Lamb, and that we may know the ſame
Perſon to have been the Lamb and to be then the Luminary, or Governour of
the new Jeruſalem ; to be King in the higheſt Glory, over Saints exalted into
everlaſting Glory and Happineſs. See Chap. 19. 16. and Chap. 21. 23.
D. Kai ei pél eus xanlde aj exasuloi sy msói, and they that are with him are called
and choſen, and faithful.] This is to give a ſecond reaſon why the Lamb mult
certainly overcome at laft; becauſe his Army is compos’d of ſelect, chofen
and faithful or ftout Souldiers. 'Tis plainly an Allufion to the common Ob-
ſervation whereby the Event of Battles is prognoſticared ; Firſt, From the
Prudence and Power of the Commander, and then Secondly, From the good
Diſpoſition of the whole Army under his Command, whoſe Excellency con-
fifts in being compos’d of ſelect and faithful Men. Kantoù called, and by con-
ſequence Volunteers, having freely liſted themſelves : 'Exnexłod, cholen, Select, and
by conſequence of the beſt fort, moft ftout, for that they are approved. So
3r3 which fignifies to approve is turn'd by fuaexlds in the LXX: Prov. 17. 3.
Iſaiah 28. 16. This word'exasxlòs is often us'd in the LXX. to ſignify the choſen
Men of an Army, and ſo ſometimes orínexl@. So in Tully we have this Die
ftin&tion : (a) Addidit etiam illud, Equites non optimos milille tibi. Veteres, credo,
Cæſar : nihil ad tuum equitatum: Sed mifit ex iis, quos habuit ele&tos. And indeed
what Hiſtorian has not occaſion to make uſe of this Diſtinction ? Tesòs is the
third Quality, and a conſequence of the two former. It has been ſhewn before
that this ſignifies ſtout, firm to what a Man is engaged to perform. As there-
fore the War is, and has been carried on by the ſecular Powers againſt the
Lamb in deſtroying his Worſhippers ; but they being choſen and faithful
Souldiers are never to be diſcouraged from continually reſiſting and ſacrificing
their Lives for their Lord ; fo when at laſt he ſhall be pleas'd to give a general
Battle againſt the Beaſt, then to be ſure Victory muſt follow on his ſide.
A. verf. 15. Kai aéya uol, tà į teil de älds, S zrósyn xe: Su lellacol rý čxao diot, is
EI No rj gawarai, And he ſays to me, the Waters which thou ſawelt, where the Whore
fetteth, are Pesples and Multitudes, and Nations and Tongues.] We are now come to
the latter Acts of the Horns towards this Whore, which tend to her Deſtructin
on, as the former did advance her Power. But before the Deſcription of thao
future Deſtruction begins, the Holy Ghoſt has thought fit to give us here by the
Interpoſition of this Angel one Symbol more, which had not been explained
before ; and which implies, that the Whore Babylon was not only ſupported and
advanced by the ten Horns of the Beaſt, but that they had cherein the concur-
rence of the Multitudes within their Territories, which Multitudes were fym.
bolically repreſented by the Waters upon which this Whore was ſaid to fit in the
firſt Verſe of this Chapter. The Expoſition being that of the Holy Ghoft, is
ſelf-ſufficient; but by what we have faid in other places upon Waters, Seas,
Floods and Rivers it may be ſeen, that the Expoſition is alſo ſuitable to the
ftile and manner of the ſymbolical Character.
There are two ſlender Objections, or rather Queftions to be made in this
place. The firſt is, Why the Holy Ghoſt has not us'd the Symbol of Sea, but
rather that of many Waters? Firſt, This was more ſuitable to the decorum of
the Symbol, the litteral Babylon ; which was not built upon the Sea, but che
River Euphrates, and in that place where there were many Canals and Cuts of
the ſame River; ſo that the Country about it was very finely watered. And
beſides, that the Holy Ghoſt has here borrowed a Symbol already us’d in Jerem.
51. 13. Further, the
Further, the Sea was too noble a Symbol, the Holy Ghoſt having
before ſubmitted that to God and the Lamb, as Babylon has not all, itis
ſufficient to allow her many Waters. To which may be alſo applied what
we have ſaid in our Note upon Chapter 4. 6. A. The Second is, Why,
this Whore ſhould be repreſented fitting upon many Waters; and yet at the ſame
time in the Deſert. It being plain that according to the Notion of a Deſert, and
the Stile of holy Writ, it is a place where Water is wanting. A dry place and
(8) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro, R. Dežot.


Ch. XVII. v. 16.
The Whore's Deſtruction.
795
a Deſert are ſynonymous, the dryneſs of the Ground being an unavoidable cauſe
of Defertion. But we muſt here remember what has been obſerv'd elſewhere,
that there is no Contradiction at all in this, when the Signification of the
Symbols is rightly conſidered. She fits upon many Waters, becauſe ſhe has
Dominion over many people ; ſhe has had it before, and keeps ſtill a great
part of them. Now the Holy Ghoſt conſiders her in the extent of her Empire
and Duration. But ſhe is in the Deſert, becauſe ſevere Judgments are come
upon her People by the Plagues of the Bowls, and the Judgments of the
Harveſt and Vintage; ſo that in Compariſon of her State of Proſperity ſhe is
deſerted, and 'tis with a ſpecial view to that laſt State, that the Holy Ghoſt re-
preſents her ſo. And to have prevented that we might have tranſlated the
word xe. Suggens, v. 1. not by, that ſitteth, but Sat; for it may bear it, but there
is no great need of it.
A. verf. 16. Kai roi serge négcel ce da Ses vÝ To Sugíay, 8701 queñoror tlw rógrill, And the
ten Hirns which thou ſaweſt upon the Beaſt, theſe ſhall hate the Whore.] This is the
reading of the Complut. Edition, but the reſt have bhi to Sugíov, inſtead of jy
To Sugion. But this laſt is not conſiſtent with the Deſcription or Diſtinction of
the ten Horns and Beaſt, and therefore I have receiv'd the other in my Tran-
flation. For the Beaſt as ſuch can never be ſaid to hate the Whore ; but the
Horns upon the Beaſt may. The Beaft as we ſhall ſee and the Falſe Prophet keep
together, and are deſtroy'd only afterwards, we cannot rell how long, even
after the Fall of Babylon or the Whore. Now to come to the Expoſition of the
terms ; Firſt, It may be ask'd, why the Beaſt has yet ten Horns, when it is
plain, that in the time wherein this Viſion places the Harlot, the tench part of
the City, and by conſequence one of the ten Horns is fallen, and ſome other
Horns beſides have wholly deſerted the Whore in the blowing of the ſixch
Trumpet, that is, when the ſeven Thunders uttered their Voices; and by con-
ſequence other Horns are alſo fallen off from the Beaft. But all this is eaſily
anſwer'd by what has been ſaid, that the Holy Ghoſt conſiders things in their
whole extent, and according to their Perfection ; ſo that the names which
they have then, they retain them ftill, provided the changes which have hap-
pened to them, have not alter'd their nature. The loſs of ſome individuals
doch not deitroy the colle&tive Body, ſo as to make it loſe its name, The Di-
minution of the quantity does not alter the quality of the whole which is com-
pos’d of fimilar parts. And if that collective Body have its firſt Denominacion
from the number of the conſtituting parts at the firſt, it may retain its firſt
name ariſing from that number, even though ſome of the parts be miſſing or
excepted from the reſt of their Collegues. There are ſeveral examples of this
in Authors in the Caſe of the ſeven Perſian Lords who flew the Magicians, and
of the Triumvirs. (a) Rutgerſius who made this Obſervation, has collected
them ; to which may be added this of Herodotus : (b) 'Ifórles de tã v12 i egle, che
78 Adpeis may les divery gucoule' The Seven ſeeing this, commended the Opinion of
Darius. But Darius himſelf was one of theſe ſeven. Examples of this there are
alſo in holy Writ, as in Genel. 42. 13. John 20. 24. I Cor. 15.5. Thus allo in
c) Xenophon, tho' Theramenes was dead, one of the XXX Tyrants, the reſt
of that Body are ſtill called the Thirty... And therefore theſe ten Horns may
be ſo called, tho' ſome of them are fallen, or gone off from the firſt Inſtitu-
tion. As to the word ſhall bate, it implies ſhall forſake, as it will be niade out in
our Note upon Chap. 20. g. G. And if the Kings in Chriſtendom forſake
Rome, what can follow, but that either they will combine to deſtroy it, or
elſe rather ſtand by Neuters whilſt ſome one of them performs this laſt Office;
to deſtroy it. This fully demonſtrates, that the Holy Ghoſt conſiders the ſe-
cular Powers within the Precincts of the corrupted Church diſtinctly from the
fame Authority turn'd into Tyranny to oppreſs the true Church; or to ſpeak
more plainly, diſtinguiſhes the Chriſtian Princes from Popiſh Tyrants. And
this place ſhews, that they will fall off from that Tyranny. The Beaſt as ſuch,
the Falſe Prophet and the Whore, are inſeparable Companions, that is, the
Romiſh Church or City, Popery and Tyranny. But the Horns ſhall be ſepaa
rated from the Whore, and conſequently from the Beaſt, or the exerciſe of
that tyrannical Power, which makes them a Beaſt, and maintains this Whore
(a) J. Rutgerſ. Var. Le&. Lib. I. cap. 8.
766) Xenoph. Hellen. Lib. II. cap. 8.
(6) Herodot. Lib. III. S. 76.

796
The Whore's Deſtruction.
Ch: XVII. v. 15. 16.
in Splendor and Power. From this place and the following we may fafely con-
jecture, that the Inſtruments God ſhall make uſe of to deſtroy Rome, not being
ſaid to come out of the Temple, ſhall not therefore be of the number of the
true Worſhippers or Proteſtants, but of thoſe that are ſtill Horns upon the Beaf;
that is, of ſuch as are ſtill in Communion with Rome, at leaſt ſome one or
more of them.
B. Kai jonucnrele'les motÝCHOUP aufein, Bij gur lo zousesty dullw, And ſhall make ber des
Jolate and naked.] I ſhall begin this Note with fome Paſſages of the Prophers
,
which explain the Symbols. I have already produced upon the third Verſe
ſome places of the Prophets which have the Symbol of the Deſert, all which
are applicable to the firſt of theſe new.autów. I ſhall only add this out of Virgil
,
becauſe Servius explains it upon the Principles of the Art of Symbols. Virgil
ſpeaking of Dido in Diſtreſs ſays : (a)
Agit ipfe furentem
gore up in ſomnis ferus Æneas, ſemperque relinqui
Sola ſibi, ſemper longam incomitata videtur
9. Triviam.
Servius : Per omnes noétes navigare videbatur Æneas, quafi eam semper deſereret. Incom
mitata. Quod ferale ; id eft, mortiferum omen eft, & præcipue regi. Let us conſider
the Nakedneſs. Jerem. 49. 10. But I have made Eſau bare, I bave uncovered bis
ſecret places, and be ſhall not be able to hide himſelf; his Seed is ſpoiled, and his
Brethren, and his Neighbours, and be is not. The Hebrew words are going
770, I bave revealed bis Myſteries. This ſhews, that the Diſcovery of the Mye
Aeries of God's Enemies implies their Deſtruction. So in Iſaiah 47. 3. where
the Prophet ſpeaks of Babylon, Thy Nakedneſs ſhall be uncovered, yea thy ſhame ſhall
be ſeen: That is, thou ſhalt be humbled and made a Slave. Aſtramp/ychus ſays:
Tuuròs nou. Je dels obv ÜT:xsñ acayuclcro Thus Tully accuſing Verres to have plun-
dered and ruin'd Sicily, obſerves very waggiſhly, that he had ſet up a Statue
repreſenting him on Horſeback, and looking upon the Province naked : (b)
Ipfe autem ex equo nudatam ab ſe provinciam profpicit.
See Ezek. 16. 36, to 39.
and Chap. 23. 26. The Indian Interpreter in Chap. 116. fays : 'Edvin TIS TL
εγυμνώθη αθρόως εν τόπω τινι, και ότι εφάνησαν τα κρύπα αυτά ενώπιον λαέ, φανερωθήσεται και
InChcel al jezdams See the reſt, and the next Chapter. Artemidorus grounded him-
ſelf upon theſe Notions when he explain'd, that it is unfortunate to a rich
Man to dream of being crucified, becauſe they are naked and loſe their Fleſh,
who are upon a Croſs : (c) Tšs de Taxoiss Créolet
" guy.vod zaip saupsilde, rj Tai's ovip reis
amoniúxou oi saupeogéves The Interpreters of Omens have always explain'd the
Nakedneſs of Enemies, as ſignifying that by fome diſcovery of their Secrets,
a way would be made to vanquiſh them in the end. Of this we have a very re-
markable inſtance in (d) Procopius. He obſerves, that when the Perſans came
to beſiege Amida in Meſopotamia, the beſieged made fuch Reſiſtance, that the
King ordered the Siege to be rais’d; and then ſome lewd Women in Deriſion
took up their Coats, and ſhewed him their Nakedneſs
. The Magicians having
obſervd this, hindred the raiſing of the Siege, and aſſured that this was an
Omen, that ſhortly the beſieged ſhould ſhew what they had moſt hidden. Ac-
cordingly a little after a ſecret way was diſcovered, by which the Town was
taken. By theſe Notions we may underſtand that form of threatning usd by
the Magicians, (e) Tai xguala Tws "Ioidos exportiv, to diſcover the ſecrets of los, whole
boaſt it was, that no Man had uncovered her Garment, as Plutarch words it: (f)
Και τον εμόν πέπλον έδους σωθνήθος αποκάλυψεν. This fpoken in the firft Intention,
or of the ſupream Deity, is true; for God is he alone to whom Secrets belong,
and whoſe ways are paſt finding out. But in the ſecond Intention, that is, as
Ifis is a Pagan Deity, or real Dæmon, to whom ſuch a threatning is addreſs’d,
as Famblichus is forc'd to own it is ; then the threatning implies, that they will
forſake his Worſhip, diſcover the Myſtery of a Dæmon's being worſhipped
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. IV.
Onir. Lib. II, cap. 58.
de Myft. Sect. VI. cap. 5.
(6) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. II.
(d) Procop. Perſic. Lib. I. cap. VII.
() Plutarch. de Ilid. & Ofirid. p. 393.
(c) Artemid.
(ei Jambliche
sander

Ch. XVII. v. 16.
The Whore's Deſtruction. -8797
under the name of a true God. When ſuch a Diſcovery is made, that Wor-
ſhip muft ſink, for the Pagans worſhipped Dæmons through ignorance, believ.
ing them to be Gods indeed. Behdes, the Diſcovery of Myſteries takes away
their very Eſſence ; and by conſequence their Efficacy and Power. Thus
we ſee what Relation there is between diſcovering the Mystery of chis Whore,
and her Deſtruction. When ſhe is naked and laid open, ſhe is utterly un-
done.
There is another way to thew the relation between Nakedneſs and Deſtruction,
as Nakedneſs ſignifies Guilt
, and Defirection is an effect of God's exerting his
Juftice to condemn and puniſh Guilt. That Nakedneſs implies Guilt, we have
ſhewn in our Notes upon Chap. 16. 15. C. as it is a Note of ſhame, which is
the conſequence of a guilty Conſcience, and has a more ſpecial aſpe& co-
wards Idolatry, a Sin which God never leaves unpuniſhed. When the My-
fteries of this Whore are laid open before God and Man, and her Sins diſco-
vered to the full, Juſtice is called for, and Judgment muſt enſue; and Deſtru-
&ion muſt follow Condemnation. Now the Progreſs of this matter ſtands
thus in the account of the Holy Ghoft, and is finiſhed in four gradual Actions,
the Kings that loved this Whore formerly begin to hate her, the firſt effect of
which hatred is chat they make her deſolate ; Secondly, They lay her openly
naked; Thirdly, They eat her Fleſh ; Laſtly, they burn her.
The Application of this to Babylon ftands thus, as to the firſt ewo which are
now before us. The Kings of the Territories of the corrupted Church will ac
laſt grow weary of the Tyranny of Rome, and of being guided by the Pope,
who is indeed the Husband of this Babylonian Whore. I believe this is now the
Caſe of moſt of the Chriſtian Princes ; however bigotted they may ſeem to
their Religion. Some ſpecial ſudden occaſion muſt happen, wherein fome one
or more of them obſerving the reſt not caring to ſupport Rome, or perhaps pre-
venting them, will ſuddenly ſet upon it. Rome is now a City and State fo
weak of it ſelf, if conſidered withoạt foreign Alliances, that it cannot hold
out againſt an ordinary Enemy. It muſt be therefore in ſuch a Jun&ture eaſily
Atorm'd and taken. 'Tis naked, and will be found ſo, and deſpicable. There are
Precedents enough to encourage a Prince to actempt this, for Rome has been
frequently taken by Chriſtian Princes, who afterwards out of reſpect to the
See have ſuffer'd it to recover it felf; but its Forces never ſtope chem. When
her hour is come, there will be the ſame Facility to do it; and we may ſup-
poſe, that the Prince or Princes, who then ſet about it upon the account of
ſome Quarrel with the Pope, will then take a ſudden Reſolution to ruin his
Capital, in order to prevent his Revenge upon them as in former times. So
that it may be that this deſign may be formed very ſuddenly by Perſons, who
at firſt had no ſuch Thoughts; and thus the Deſigns of the divine Providence
and Juftice will be accompliſhed upon it.
C. Kai tais créz xogos divlūs pazevic, And eat her Fleſh.] Fleſh in the ſymbolical Lan-
guage fignifies the Riches, Goods and Poffellions of any Perſon, or Subject
conquer'd, opprefs’d or ſlain, as it happens. Thus in Iſaiab 9, 12. They ſhall de-
vour Iſrael with open Mouth. The Targum : Diripuerunt ſubſtantiam Ifrael in omni
loco. Iſaiah 17. 4. The fatneſs of his Fleſh jhall wax lean. The Targum : Et di-
vitiæ gloriæ ejus tranſmigrabuntur. In Jeremiah 5. 28. They are waxed fat. The
Targum : Divites fa&ti ſunt. So Daniel in the Deſcription of the ſecond Beaſt,
which is the Medo-Perſian Monarchy, Chap. 7. 5. obſerv'd that it was ſaid to it,
that is, it had leave or power, to ariſe and devour much Fleſh, that is, to conquer
and ſpoil many Enemies of their Lands and Poffeffions. In Micab. 3. 2, 3.
the Prophet ſpeaks thus of the Princes of Judah; Who hate the good, and love
the evil, who pluck off their skin from off them, and their Fleſh from off their Bones.
Who alſo eat the Fleſh of my People, and flay their skin from off them, and they break
their Bones, and chop them in pieces, as for the Pot, and as Fleſh within the Caldron.
The Targum on the third Verſe ; Et qui diripuerunt fubftantiam populi mei, ei pea
cuniam eorum precioſam tollunt, reliquiaſque eorum confumunt, &c. Zechar. 11. 9.
And let the reſt eat, every one the Fleſh of another. Tarğum : Diripiat unuſquiſque
fubftantiam populi ſui, and in Chap: 11. 16. Rut be fall eat the Fleſh of the fat.
Targum : Et ſubſtantias divitum diripiet. Thus alſo in Pſal. 22. 30. PON17 tbe
fat of the Land, in the LXX. Nieves tñs viño. The fat ones of the Land are here
the Rich, the noble and powerful. So Schindler. All the Onirocriticks con-
cur in the fanie Expoſition of this Symbol. The Indian in Chapter 87.
also
ſays
9 R

798
So The Whore's Deſtruction.
Ch. XVM. v.16.
fays, “Η σειρξ όλη ας πάντα πλάτος και χρυσόν διακρίνεται. The fame is confirm'd by
the reft in the nexe Chaprer, and in many other places obliquely. Artemidorus
γ too Lib. Ι. cap. 72 Τρόπον ο πνα οι άνθρωποι όταν ώρελώνται προς αλλήλων, έθνεσιν αλλήλες.
And a little after, 'Aga. Por tautos Fue's sole regos Edierºzolie ys en this éxdgõv šoídy cipe-
an Swaz onuaire. See alſo Lib. V. cap. 42. There is nothing more common in
the Greek and Latin Authors than the Metaphor of Eating, Worrying, and the
like, for Robbing and Plundering. Thus in Homer a Tyrane is (a) Ampoló egs Besoz-
adis
, in Theognis (6) Anupino nisoves
, in Terence, (c) Quid te fururun
cenfes
, quem afſidue exedent : Again, (d) Hunc comedendum & deridendum vobis
propino. Juvenal : (e) rapturus de nobilitate comefa Quod fupereft. The
like may be cited out of (f) Plautus, (g) Varro, (b) Anaxilas and (i) -
thers. Lucian tells us it was the uſual Stile of the Magicians to call the Rich,
Tlajeis, the Fat ones. I ſhall cite his words, becauſe they ſtand in need of a
Correction : (k) Περαίεσαν γοκ άοντες και τες Παχείς και ανθρώπων, έτω γαρ αυτοί τη παλεία
Ο μάγων φωνή της πολλές ονομάζεσιν, αποκείροντες. Initead of πολλές read πλεσίες Tis
true the Metaphor is very ſuitable to the Symbolical Language underitood by
the Magicians : but an Author need not be a Conjurer to uſe it. Ariſtophanes
has it more than once. In one place he ſays,
no od
pone 9810
inte vada
(α) Ίάτων ος αν και παχύς Θύσας επιδειπνείς.
se torqA
Again,
179
od
polscy d bob(?8
η (7) Και 8 ανής παχύς ήκει και προδόντων
To vise WOTE
mon ci zida avellad | Teini Upelunsa de
abson
1991 m
Motoro
The Scholiaft, mege's go masoas. See Heſychius and Suidas in thoſe words. So
Far&tus, which properly is fatrened, ſignifies enriched in Vitruvius : (») Neque is
rex ab inopia boc fecit: infinitis enim vectigalibus erat far&tus, quod imperabat Cariæ
tosi. Hence we find in Æſchylus, (o) Aydgars d'apusão vouco gay sexw Ocie. By
this third Act of the Horns it appears, that the Secular Powers, who ſhall
attack this Whore, will not only ftrip her of her Riches and Revenues, but
alſo appropriate them to themſelves. This is an evident conſequence of Rome's
being ſtorm'd.
Planaspoti
26 D. Kad cul reta revono šv zuei, And utterly burn her with fire. ] This is their
laſt act towards this Whore, or Capital City, they thall not only take and plun-
der her, but deftroy her with Fire and Sword; and by that means leave no
Refuge there to any of her Lovers to hold up and maintain by her Power the
idolatry and tyrannical Dominion exercis'd by her. Moſt certainly theſe Sym-
bols imply the entire deftruction of this Capical City : for as long as it ſtands
it will one way or other maintain the ſame Principles, and ſtrive to keep the
ſame Power. So that the only way to take off all hopes of Recovery, muſt be
by deſtroying it utterly, and hindring its Friends from ever feeling therein.
Thus her Fate will be like that of the literal Babylon, whoſe ſituation is almoſt
now unknown, becauſe it has been utterly deſtroy'd. The Fall of this myſti-
cal Babylon muſt make way to the Fall of Idolatry, it ſeems morally impoſſi-
ble, that the one ſhould be done wichout c'other. And when we conſider the
conſtant method of the Divine Providence, which has been to include the Ca-
pital in the Fate of the Nation condemned, as Niniveb, Babylon, Ferufalem, Sa-
maria and ſome others; why ſhould we think it will be more favourable to Rome,
the City which has been a greater and more conſtant Enemy to the true Re-
ligion, both in the Jewiſh and Chriſtian Diſpenſation, than any other; and
has tyranniz'd with the moſt horrid aggravations beyond any thing before.
Here may be conſulted what has been ſaid in our laſt Note upon Chap. 3.
and the next Chapter deſcribing the circumſtance of the Fall will put it our
of doubt, that the utter deſtruction of Rome is deſign'd by God Almighty. Ne-
also britseis noces
() Homer Iliad. e. V. 291, der b) Theogn. v. 1183. (a) Terent Heausa
A&. II. Sc. I. (d) Terent. Eunuch. A&. V. Sc. ultni bna (e) Juvenal Sae. I.. :)
(f) Plauc. Moltell. A&. I. Sc I. Id. Pſeudol. A&. IV.Sc. 7. (g) Apud Nonium. v. occupare.
(b) Apud Athene Lib. VI. cap 16.
(i) Vid. Palæphat Incred. de A &æon & Diomed.
Equis. & Glauco Siſyphi. 230 (k) Lucian Pſeudom. (1) Ariftoph. Eguít.
:r{m) Ariftoph. Crabr. ( ») Vitruv. Archit. Lib. II. cap. 8.63 10.) Eichyl. VII.
cont. Theb, vo 776 nihil ad lode ale to norimo za gastronometer
vertheleſs,
al

Ch. XVII. v. 17. The Deeree of God.
799
vertheleſs, as it will appear afterwards in the nineteenth Chapter, tome confidea)
Iable part
of the favourers of Idolatry and Tyranny, ſhall till fubfift after the
Fall of this Babylon, and keep up the old pretenſions of the Beaſt and Fallen
Propher, till they are deſtroy'd by a Judgment there deſcribd and foretold.
But in the mean time they ſhall never be able to reſtore Babylon to it's former
State. See the Nore upon Chap. 78.8. A. nis bus
1911
A. verf. 17.0 38 fos é soner eis tels neapdros QUtāv polfinale olis y dulu dupe, sj TOLVO
granulu peida, aj divae olis Becorreios diu Twy med sneio, For God bas put it into their hearts tog
do bis pleaſure, and to perform one will, and to give their Kingdom to the Beaſt. 1:
Since che Errand of this Angel is confolatory, theſe words are inſerted to
that end, as well as che diſcovery of the Whore's future deſtruction. This
datter argument works upon our hopes; the former on that neceſſary diſpo-
firion in a Chriſtian, which conſiſts in an abſolute reſignation to the Will of
God, even tho' he fhould give us no other reaſon. This may work upon thoſe
who are deſign d to eſcape; but that is neceſſary to them whoſe lives muſt be
laid down in the Temptation. The Reſignation is the Argument, which buoys
up the Martyrs ; the diſcovery of the End affe&s thoſe who have hopes to
ſurvive. Now the Angel here declares, that it is the Pleaſure, Will or Decree of
God, that theſe matters ſhould go on as they are foretold ; that this Idolacry
and Tyranny muſt cherefore have their courſe in the Chriſtian Church; and
that they muſt end, when, and as God has decreed them. I'vcáren, which we
have turn'd by Pleaſure and will, ſignifies properly a Decree, Reſolution, or Law.
the LXX, who by that word often turn the Hebrew any and the chaldee yo
in Eſdras and Daniel, do alſo uſe frequently inſtead of it the word asyua, Decree,
and the like. STO
This expreſſion ſeems harſh to us, that God ſhould Will or Decree, and as
ic follows in the next words even ſpeak or command, the defign of theſe ten
Horns, which is evidently that of ferling Idolatry and Tyranny in the Church,
by which ſo many Crimes have been committed, and for which they are even
condemned by God's righteous Judgment. So that one would think God mo-
ved their Wills to that unanimous Wickedneſs
. But to clear this in ſome mea_1
ſure we are co conſider, thac Ged being the firſt cauſe of all things, he is alſo
the firſt cauſe of all Events, either immediately or mediately. He is the firſt
cauſe of the Liberty of Will in all Intelligent Beings; but he is only the me
diate cauſe of their Adions. But however it comes from thence, that in the
Stile of Holy Writ, God is ſuppos’d to ſay and command what he only per-
mits, upon this ſuppoſition, that nothing can happen, but what he has foreſeen,
and decreed to permit. Of this we may give ſome inſtances, which can adoo
mit of no diſpute.
a istotner's bas
Thus then when Shimei curſed David, 2 Sam. 16. 1o. and Abilbai, who heard
hin, would have puniſhed him for it ; David forbad it, ſaying, So let bim curſe,
becauſe the Lord bath ſaid unto him, Curſe David. Who shall then ſay, wherefore balti
thou done fo? the meaning of David is, that God had decreed he ſhould be trus's
humbled, and that God had therefore permitted Shimei to do it accordingly v
and that it behoved him to ſubmit himſelf to God's afliating hand, without
repining, or ſeeking revenge. Thus whereas in 1 Chron. 21. 1. Satan is ſaid,
to frand up againſt Iſrael, and provoke David to number the People; in 2 Sam. 24. r.
that is faid to be done by God himſelf, for ic is in vain to curn the Words any
other way, ſome taking the word Lord to fignify Satan, who is the God of this
World, as ( a ) Eulogius Alexander has done; and ſome taking the anger of thels
Lord to be a Periphraſis for Satan. The words are theſe, And again, the anger of
the Lord was kindled againſt Iſrael, and he moved David againſt them, to ſay, gav
number Iſrael and Judah. Wherein whac is before attributed to Satan, is here
ſaid of God, becauſe God permitted Satan to do it. Thus further appears from
the Vifion of Micaiah Son of Imlah, 1 Kings 22. 21, 22. And there came forth a
Spirit, ond ftood before the Lord, and ſaid, I will perſuade bim. And the Lord ſaid
unto him, wherewitb.? and he ſaid, I will go forth, and I will be a lying Spirit in
the mouth of all his Prophets.w And he ſaid, Thou shalt perſuade him, and prevaili
alfas go forth and do ſo. The like we have in the cale of Job, Chap. 1. 1 2. and
Chap. 2. 6. I may be obſerv'd, that in St. Paul's Epiſtles Sin is upon thefe ac-
(2) Eulog. Alex. Sol. Quæſt, è S. Script, apud Photium, Cod. CCXXX.
b'acer 1ន៍
counts

800
The Decree of God.
Ch. XVII, V, 17)
counts attributed to three ſeveral Principles, to God, to Satan, and to Mens
Firſt, To God, as in Rom. I. 24, 26, 28. God alfo gave them up to Uncleanneſs;
God gave them up unto vile Affections, God gave them over to a rèprobate mind.
Secondly, To Satan, as in 2 Cor. 4. 4. In whom the God of this world has blinded
the Minds of them which believe not. And in 2 Thefl. 2. 9. The Man of Sin cometh
after the working of Satan, and yet in Verſe 11. God is ſaid to ſend them Strong
Deluſion. I hirdly, To Men, as in Ephef. 4. 19. where they are ſaid to have
given themſelves over unto Laſciviouſneſs. Now all this is reconciled by obſervinig,
that God permits, Satan entices and prompts, and Men yield to cheſe Tempta-
tions. This is thus folv'd by St. Chryfoftome : (a) To cw, zapédare, tếtó ési, ouni-
zagricar By this Expoſition of the word to give ſignifying to permit, one may
juftify the Paſſage of (b) Fuſtin Martır, lo much cried down; that God gave
the Sun to be worſhipped. Tòp ufo' insov, • Ozds &desainct cogólegop sis to reso nively
evler. The meaning is, that God permitted the Idolatry of the Sunneve
By this we are given to underſtand, that the divine Providence makes uſe of
the Wickedneſs of Angels and Men, to produce thoſe great Ends, which have
ſome ſort of Dependance, and muſt go through ſinful Beginnings and Means,
which God cauſes to be turn'd to his good Ends. Thus making uſe of Angels
and Men, good or bad, according to their previous Diſpoſitions. So that the
Wickedneſs is of the bad Angels and Men, but the good reſulting at laft, which
is God's firſt Intention, comes only from God, who has ſuffered the evil to
do a more excellent good. I ſhall conclude with the words of St. Auſtin : (c)
Nec dubitavit Apoftolus addere du dicere. Ideo mittet illis deus operationem erroris, ut
credant mendacio. Deus enim mittet quia deus diabolum facere permittet juſto ipfius
judicio: quamvis faciat ille iniquo malignoque confilio. Therefore the word Carey
has here the ſame ſpecial Signification as the Hebrew ina, which is fometimes
turn'd in the LXX. by soinu to permit. God has permitted to theſe Kings to
perform what he has decreed, and to concur in that unanimous delign of be-
coming Perſecusors.
B."Agse Tenedolce ei abgee tã Irf. Till the words of God are fulfilled.] The
Deſigns, Will, Decrees, commands and Permiſſions of God are all in general
called in holy Wsie by the name of word of God, ſo that dózou words, in this
place are the ſame as yraun in the former words. As all the deſigns of Men
have only their effect as far as the divine Permiſſion reaches, fo when God has
reſolved that they ſhall be ſtopt, they can proceed no further. But the holy
Spirit has before declared that the Beaſt ſhall have power to make War with the
Saints, and proſper during forty two Months, Revel. 13.5. the end of that term
compleats the Decree of God as to theſe Kings giving
their power to the Beaſt,
and therefore it was not neceſſary to repeat it here. Further, ſince the hating,
deſolating, ſtripping, eating of the Fleſh, and burning of this Whore is the
firſt Act determining the reign of the Beaſt, it ſeems very probable, that this
Ruin of Babylon is the finiſhing Epocha of that term. And the only Acts of
the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet obferv'd in this Propheſy are, that they make War
with the Word of God and his heavenly Hoſt, and are therein deſtroy'd; of
which more hereafter DOD
min bevoor
A. verf. 18. Kai ji grush Beis de Mes, Esty i zónes ji wege'an, 28ece Casinohay Tän
Gustawy oñs gris, And the woman which thou ſaweſt, is that great City, which bath
the Kingdom over the Kings of the Earth.] It had been ſaid indeed before, that this
Woman was the Symbol of Babylon the great City ; but here the Holy Ghoft by
the Mediation of this Angel thinks fit to let us underſtand, that this is not Baby-
lon litterally, but that very fame Capital and ruling City known by St. John,
which was no other than Rome; then indeed for the vaftneſs of her Conqueſts
called the head of the World. City indeed may in ſome Circumſtances imply
all irs Territories, as when 'cis ſaid, the tenth part of the City, the great City was
divided into three parts, and the like, as I have ſhewn before ; but where the
City is diſtinguiſhed from its Dominions, as here; then the Capital City of the
whole idolatrous Church is peculiarly noted, as the Foundation of all the
Idolatry practic'd in all the Territories thereof; which Idolatry would never
ſubhiſt cherein, were it not maintain'd, and by conſequence commanded and
150 g
Ildo od Sri
p. 274,
(a) Joh. Chryfoft. Orat. XIII. ad Epheſ. 4.
(b) Juftin. M. Dialog. c. Tryph.
(c) Auguftin. de Civit. dei Lib. XX, cap. 19. 10
impos'a

Ch. XVIII. v. 1. The Ariġel of Babylon's Fallo ste 801
T
impos’d by the Capital City, which finds that as the moſt proper way to keep
up her Power. And thac is plainly the Caſe of Rome, both in St. Fobn’s Time
and now; which therefore all the other parts of Chriſtendom have imitated,
either as a City Siſter, which was the Caſe of Conftantinople; or as Daughters,
which is the condition of all the reſt, and of Conſtantinople too according to the
Precenſions of Rome. For all have ſubmitted to, or imitated the Idolatry of A
Rome; which Rome is now the laſt Supporter of it, and therefore Mother. Hisban
We may obferve, that the Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn, that in this Vifion the
great Whore fignifies the myſtical Babylon, or the Capital City of Chriſt's Ene-
mies
, ſpeaks no more of her as a Woman, but as a City; and having plainly
diſcovered her Myſtery, and the very Symbols which in the Viſion repreſenta
ed her, the Deſcription of her Fall is made in more plain and litteral Characters
as becomes a Cicy.molle fogn 100.
and aeftimado io
lite od visar ona əri mogu zaidil od doid dois alga
Danes odbi volio sunde wiedwyd Todmy or to 0995
Led to one ano ito bagna lo choisir
ASSISKECISSISTISKOVISSISSISKOSISSISCING ESSICISSIMOSASCASARAS REGISCHISSEMIASSI I
Bloons and bitrate it aidosti od vlastito ngile eritt eivė abulo
asta yd belonger volodinyl di and we gogut conda zida ni lodaya
as biss Worlani On beeldop vom vd en yd sred boa
Dime resto de ACH A P. XVIII. sbol usiw bts9.gs. ayed
enwogi Atsdt mod w 100
Stone Island loggbolwunst otot e ud osadgilma
artw bo to navob olu bas boossils tot asa arawis atgal at
HIS whole Chapter is taken up in deſcribing the Fall of Babylon, and
thewing a ſymbolical Sign of the Perpeţuity of chat Fall. I may be
thought, that the Holy Ghoſt needed not to have ſo laboriouſly deſcrib'd this
Fall of a ſingle City, which might have been done in few words: but we ought
to conſider, that this Fall is a matter of vaſt importance, becauſe it makes
way to the whole Reformation of the Chriſtian Church, and the utter Exeira
pation of Idolatry therein ; and indeed to the very converfion of the Pagans
abroad, and the ſecond coming of Chriſt. Beſides, in the accurate Deſcription
of this Fall, the Holy Ghoft has an opportunity to inſert ſeveral Characters of
the Antichriſtian State, which could not come in ſo conveniently before ; but
having a near dependance upon the Capital City of that Stare, enter natural-
ly into the Lamentations of thoſe that bemoan her Fall.
A. verf. 1. Koù uzlee Tatta di for å mov mogen op met de. Galvorle še iš épces, And after
theſe things I ſaw another Angel coming down from Heaven] This Angel comes !
now to declare the actual Fall of Babylon, after it is juſt executed ; and there-
fore has a Relation to the Actors which cauſe its Fall. His coming down from
Heaven fignifies, that it has been done with publick Authority, and the ſecular
Powers have perform'd it. For this Errand is ſuitable to the practice of great
Generals of Armies, who when they have gaind a great Vi&ory, or taken a
great Town, ſend home ſome conſiderable Perſon, ſuitable to the greacneſs of
the Errand to give Information thereof, as a piece of good News, which
affects the whole State.
CORO
We may therefore expect that the Errand of this Angel ſhews us ſome of the
happy Conſequences of the Fall of Babylon. And indeed this Errand is in ſome
meaſure collateral to the great Voice from Heaven calling up the two Witneſſes
in Chap: 11. 12. For the Fall of Babylon or Rome, the Deſtruction of Idolatry
and the Reformation of the true Worſhip are matters which depend ſo much
upon each other, that the Performance of this Fall will neceſſarily produce the
other two. From which we may reaſonably conclude, that when once the
fecular Powers ſhall have deſtroy'd Rome, its Empire muſt ſink, no matter how,
or upon what views that Fall is effected ; but the true Worſhip half by that
means gain ground, and though they who deſtroy'd Rome may be then of its
Communion, they ſhall not dare to let it riſe again, and by conſequence will
be eaſily inclined to ſuffer and hear the Preachers of a religious Reformation.
B. "Exorla iuoiar uegoalu, Having great Power.] Mind this now; the Angel
in Chap. 14. 8. who declared the former Fall thereof, but ſuch a Fall that
Rome was to recover from it, has no ſuch Accribute given to him of great Power,
but is a
this
is be abſolute. In ſo exact a Book as this, ſuch hints of difference are of
9S
great

802 The Angel of Babylon's Fallin Odt Ch. XVIII. v. 1.
greac weight. The Work being to give a deadly and irrevocable ſtroke to the
great Babylon, the laſt and ſtrongeſt Intrenchment of Chriſt's Enemies, requires
à ſuitable Aâor. He therefore declares it done having great Power; and con-
ſequently able to finiſh it alſo. For by this great Power a Work, by which God
is magnified above his Enemies, is perform’d. See our Note upon Chap: 18.23.
And the Conſequences of it, ſhewn in the next words, require and Thew the
neceſſity of that great Power.
C. Kai giñ šposlion in tñs Mens euls, and the Earth was lightned with his Glory.]
Theſe words are taken out of Ezekiel, 4.3. 2. which is a place in ſome fenie
of the fame Iinportance as this. The LXX expreſs ir thus: Kai vñ žiadumasy as
péyyG Sro tñs Sons RUMAÓJer, And the Earth ſhined as a light with his Glory round about.
This place ſeems to foretel the preaching of the Goſpel and the Efabliſhment
of the Chriſtian Church. The Errand of our Angel alſo implies the like. The
light with which he ſhines upon the Earth may be eaſily accounted for, as to the
decorum of the Symbol, by what we have obſerv'd before concerning the Appa.
ritions of Angels like Fires, or glorious Lights, on Chap. 1. 4. C. But then
as we ſee, that other Angels often appear in theſe Viſions without mention of
any ſuch Adjunct of Light and Glory inlightning the Earth, we may eaſily con-
clude, it is the Deſign of the Holy Ghoft, that this Light ſhould be a neceflary
Symbol in this place, importing what is ſymbolically repreſented by Light.
And here by the by may be obſerved, that no Angel in holy Writ is ſaid to
have appear'd with ſuch a Light, but it was implied thereby, that God would
enlighten by a further knowledge of himſelf thoſe for whom that Angel was
fent. Light is always taken for the good and gentle Government of God, who
guides us into all Truth, and ſaves us from all Evil. It is oppos’d one way to
.
Night, which ſignifies the ſame, as in Chap. 21. 25. B. and Darkneſs, which
is the Symbol of Ignorance and Confuſion, as in many places of holy Writ. See
alſo the Note upon Chap. 16. 10. B. There is a story concerning Mabomet in
the Arabian Writers, which is grounded upon Notions that illuſtrate this mata
ter. (a) They ſay that Mahomet fortifying himſelf in Medina, and making a
Trench to that purpoſe, a Rock was found. Whereupon he took a Maſs of
Iron and ſtruck upon it. The firſt Stroke produced a flaſh of Fire, whoſe light
was ſeen as far as Madain Capital of Perfia. At the ſecond the light reach'd to
Iemen, or Arabia Felix. At the third, The Palace of the Greek Emperors ar
Conſtantinople was enlightned. All this Mahomes explain’d thus, that his People
ſhould conquer all theſe Places, and that the Light of the Faith preach'd by
him ſhould reach them all. Indeed Houſſain Váez the Reporter is but a modern
Author, who lived after Conftantinople was taken; for he (b) died A. H. 910, that
is, A. C. 1504. but 'tis not the truth of the Story which ſtands here for a
proof, but the notion on which ’tis invented. On the ſame notion is grounded
this story in Suetonius concerning the Preſages of the Greatneſs of Auguſtus; (0)
Somniavit & pater O&tavius utero Acciæ jubar ſolis exortum. In Capnomancy a clear
Light is the Symbol of good Succeſs or Vi&tory. Statius : (d) Clara tanden media
faftigia Lucis. On this Lactantius ſays : Per medium ſplendentem apicem viétoria
Thebana monftratur. Many more might here be produc'd; but they are cited in
other piaces. See on Chap. 10. 1. E. It has been obſerv'd in the (e) Prelimi-
nary Diſcourſe, that Virgil is wont to ſuit his Deſcriptions of approaching Day
to the work to be done therein, and that the Management of the Holy Ghost
in this Prophecy was in ſome meaſure ſuitable to that artificious method of the
Poet. It appears very plainly in this Caſe. The Poet deſcribes the Day on
which Turnus and Æneas fought, and wherein Turnus being flain left Æneas in
210g
Peace to gain Lavinia, and a Settlement in this manner :
រៗ"។
OT tous
WSW noga 20
(a) Herbelot. Titt. Aiát, & Madain.
(6) Herbelot. tit. Višedhong () Sueton.
in Aug. cap. 94.
(d) Pap. Star. Theb. Lib. X. v. 595. (e) Prelim. Difc.
P. II. S. 43. Ri C1322 Rotary 4 0017 EH EH sei
Cogna so wonde bok i sesos sring MÁ TALA wa miaka mitandards of ouxe it
aste domlud tooth rouot 90 B ou lasai
senang to matcris one is A dout on a 1900-10.25W 480
Waldwed to non si polttoaill salu Tiga Amista
20 S 19 iubio aid soit eide a lood persoi ni vouloids a
Poſtera

Chap. XVIII802
XVIII.
. v. 2.
The Angel of Babylon's Fall.
Gernika (2) Poftera vix Summos Spargebat lumine manses
Orta Dies, cum primum alto ſe gurgite tollunt
3isb
Solis equi, lucemque elatis naribus efflant est sous to moinsa
If we take the words of the Poet ſymbolically they mean, that Æneas after 2
long continuance of adverſity and dangers, and by a Vi&ory in fight procures
to himſelf a joyful and illuſtrious Secclement. The Gurges fignifying the dan-
gers; the Horſes the Vi&ory in fight ; and the Light coming oue of their No.
Itrils, the good Succeſs of the Victory obtain'd by the Fighe with the angry
and obſtinate Turnus. Servius has not explain'd this, but I have done it according
to his own Method and mine. And now to come to the words before us.
Thus then the enlightning of the Earth by the glory of this Angel ſignifies,
that by the Fall of Babylon, the Idolaters of the corrupted Church ſhall be con-
verted to the true Worſhip, and be guided by the Light of the Goſpel. Now
we ſhall ſee by the next Chapter, that this Light about the Angei implying
this, is alſo back'd with a Voice from the Throne, Chap. 19. 5. which ſhews, that
this converſion, ſo immediately following the Fall of Babylon, will be followed
by another more general. But of that in its due place.
da bo bo
Light alſo is the Symbol of Joy. Thus in Pſal. 36. 9. In thy light ſhall we ſee
light; but more plainly in Efiber, 8. 16. The Jews bad light, and gladneſs, and joy
and bonour. See Ifaiab 9. 2, 3. Micah. 7. 8. Job 3. 20. and Chap. 29. 3. But this
Signification coming by a conſequence is reconcileable to the former; and
both are conſiſtent in this place, as in moſt, if not all others. Now the
Earth receiving this Lighi, this muſt ſignify, that really the Men of the Earth,
that is a great part of the corrupted Church, who now groan under the oppre-
ſfion of Rome, and are weary of its Tyranny, will be very glad to ſee it
ruin'd, in hopes of a Reformation, which we are ſure many of them with very
fervently, tho they dare not ſpeak openly. This joy and that of the reſt of
the Church we ſhall ſee ſet forth in the beginning of the nineteenth Chapter
in very emphatical Expreſſions. For in this Angels Habic, or Adjuncts, nei-
ther this joy, nor the Converſion, are adually contain’d, but only foreſtalled
and implied. Thus chis Angel, coming upon an Errand of extraordinary good
News, imitates in his Habit, or outward Adjunds, thefe Meſſengers of old,
who in their outward Habit ſhew'd what kind of Errand they brought. See
I Sam. 4. 12. 2 Sam. 1. 2.
A. verſ
. 2. Koù Ëneučev ev isveš cese ni tégwow, And he cried with a ſtrong voice. ]
Other Copies have šv iguż o ovim utzean asgar, as alſo the Vulgate ſeems to have
read, which indeed ſeems more ſuitable to the Hebrew Stile, but the Senſe is
the ſame in both. The voice of this Angel is ſuited to his great power, and
by conſequence to the fubje&t of his Errand. And this is another circumftance
of the aggravation of this Fall of Babylon, and proportionable to the Power of
thoſe, who having cauſed it, have alſo at the ſame time cauſed this Angel to
proclaim it. There is no queſtion but the utter Deſtruction of Rome will
cauſe the Reformed Preachers to ſpeak very loud concerning that great Event,
and to uſe it as an argument to invite the corrupted Chriſtians to forſake their
Idolatries, that they may come out of that Babylon, according to the admoni-
tion of God, and joyn in with the Halleluias of the true Worſhippers predicted
in the next Chaprer. dass
B. "EMOEV, émeos Baluacy i pezoian, Babylon the Great is fallen, is fallen.]. All theſe
Expreſſions have been explain'd before in our Nore upon Chap. 14. 8. B.C.
where the firſt Fall, or that of Rome Pagan, is deſcrib'd in theſe very words.
The preſent Circumſtances and following Adjunds of this Fall will very plain-
ly demonſtrate, that this is a ſecond Fall, which will be the laſt and utmoft,
being attended wirh an utter Deſtruction never to be repair'd,
C. Και εγύετο κατοικητήριον δαιμόνων, και φυλακή παντός επιδόματος ακαθάρτο, And is be
come the babitation of Devils, and the bold of every unclean Spirit.) To fhew the
abfolute deſolation of this Babylon, the Holy Ghoft makes uſe of theſe Symbols
which the old Prophets have employ'd to ſet forth the utrer defolation of the
A 95 odst.
Te Jivi di dovi 2012 by
Tur
VI BA
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. XII, un bobo
bog 193670
op.v.IIX Literat
T!! Han
ds
ori.3.94

202
Boom
Ch. XVIII. v.2.
804
Babylon's Fall
literal Babylon; which Symbols are taken from the uſual accidents happening to
deſerted Cities falling into ruinous heaps, and become thereby the only habi.
tation of thoſe Creatures, which delight in places deſolate and free from the
commerce of Men. Theſe and the immediately following words ſeem to be
taken out of Iſaiah's Propheſy, Chap. 13. 19, 20, 21, 22, and Chap. 14. 23.
And by conſequence the ſignification of theſe Terms muſt be fetch'd from
thence. For, as I have obſerv'd in other places, the fame words may have
different Significations, as they are differently placed, or allude to differene
matters. We muſt not therefore take here Dæmons, and unclean, or nafty
Goblins, in the fame Senſe as we have done in Chap. 16. 13. wherein the Dead
mons and Spirits are rather the Inhabitants, or Miniſters of Babylon in its flou.
riſhing State: but we muſt be determind by the allufion to iſaiah's Deſcription of
the ruin of that Babylon, and the whole context here ; wherein the Holy Ghoſt
plainly deſigns to deſcribe the Deſolation of chis great City. Now becaufe
Dæmons or Devils, at leaſt ſome ſort of them, are ſaid to delight in Deſerts,
Matth. 12. 43. Mark 5.2, 5. Luke 11, 24. Therefore this expreflion, babitation
of Devils and unclean Spirits, fignihes a Deſert, a place not inhabited by Man-
kind. And thus whereas Iſaiah in Chap. 13. makes Babylon an Habitation for
ſuch, in v. 20. he ſays it ſhall not be inhabited for ever ; no, noe ſo much
as by the wandring Arabians, nor by Shepherds; and in Chap: 14.23. he fays
LXXSoro slee lépn qovCountry
bylon a Deſart. In Iſaiah 13. 21. the Hebrew has to which the LXX
turns by A diópia, and (a) Grotius explains it, not without reaſon of ſuch
Goblins as appear in the ſhapes of Goats, according to the Notions of thoſe
times, whence it came that many Heachen Gods were repreſented in ſuch
Shapes, or ſome parts like Goats; as the Fauni, Satyrs, Nymphs, and the like.
But as theſe Apparitions are really Dæmons, or unclean Spirits
, the Holy
Ghoſt has given them that name by which the Greeks us’d to call them; among
whom they had that name of Acupcovia and Sai coves, becauſe they frighted thoſe
to whom they appeard, as (6) Eufebius very well obſerves ſomewhere Afebylus
ſpeaking of the Coryciam Den on Parnaſſus ſays, (c) E66w Û Nóupit's 'Ev Su Kaplie's
πέτρα κοίλη, φίλορνις, Δαίμονων ανατροφή. The Sibyllift, who fpeaks of this Ruin of
Rome, makes Wolves and Foxes becoming Inhalbitants chereof to be the Sign
of its Deſolation based to be sodo ben gidil JASO Filium
Ισσ η τ ο 5 (d) Και σα θέμαθλα λύκοι και αλώπηκες οικήσεσι
40*9
e os asut gan Kaè tóz' Péon zavésnyo oras, as min. 24201 xo sitios
a blusa sa sud olie isra
e9iCourse
gros
which Notion Horace has expreſſed thus, (e) Feriſque rurfus occupabitur for
lum. Iſaiah having alſo nam'd wild Beaſts in his deſcription, chis makes me
think, that the Sibylliſt rather took it from him than St. John.
D. Koi quranit mayro's ögvés de uge.Jalglo sej wiepuomufón, And à neft of every unclean Bird
and bateful. ] All Birds of Prey, and Night Birds, are unclean according to
the Levitical Law, Lev. 11. 13. and therefore abominable to the Fews. The
Pagans alſo gave them this Epithet. Seneca, (f) Miſcetque & obfcænas aves,
Virgil alſo, (8) Ne me terrete timentem Obſcæne Volucres. A. Gellius likewiſe, (b)
Obſcænis avibus ominofum. And Tacitus, (i ) Concionanti [Vitellio ] prodigio-
ſum diétu, tantum fædarum volucrum fupervolitavit, ut nube atra diem obienderent.
all cheſe Birds affect to retire, and make their Nefts in deſolate Places,
old Towers, Rocks, forſaken Houfes, and ruinous Heaps ; and ſo very proper-
ly enter into the deſcription of a deſolate and ruin'd City. Iſaiah 34. 11. men-
cions ſome of this kind of Birds, as adjuncts of Edom deſolated; but as the
Targum explains that place, it is to be underſtood of Rome, becauſe the Fews
commonly make Edom a Symbol of Rome.ailea
1019330 ns diw bebe9136 enten
A. verf. 3. "On éx a Juveg ro ožys tñ's novelas dutñs 7870tive rente tal forn, Becauſe the
bas made all nations drunk with the wine of the wrath of her Fornication. ] This An-
aldamento su celko hodpioloto. Habana pide lo scontolob
porque conqori bio di noin
(a) Vid. Grot. Not. in Levit. 17. 7. Guſſet. v. Onu Bochart. de Anim.
( ) Æſchyl. Eumen. v. 22. (d) Sibyllin. Orac. Lib. VÍJI.
(e). Q. Horat. Epod. 16.
(f) Senec. Medea, A&. IV. v. 731.
(6) Virgil.
Æncid. XII. v. 876. (1) A. Gell. No&t. Attic. Lib. XIII. cap. 34. Iisalil Tacit.
Hiftor. Lib. III.

Mons
Now a
( 6 ) Eufeb.
Pr. Ev. Lib. IV.
gel

Chap. XVII. v. 3. Babylon's Crimes.
805
gel now begins to publiſh the Crimes of Babylon for which this Judgment of
God is now come upon her, as it was done upon her firſt Fall: ſaving that
here the Crimes are more aggravared. As to this part, it is the very fame as
before, and therefore the former explication is to be applied here out of our
Note upon Chap. 14. 8. D. for which reaſon we may ſafely conclude, chat
that the words fúne are here Tranſpos'd, and ſhould be puc after one, as moſt
other Copies have it. Alſo obſerve, that many other Copies have inſtead of
72 76 nixe métrwne, which might indeed agree with Oyn, ſuppoſed to be the Nomi-
native to it; but then this is not ſo grievous, as it we ſuppoſe Körn the Nations,
not to have drunk willingly of this wine of Fornication and Fury, buc to
have been forc'd to it by Babylon ; which ſhould therefore liere be the Agent.
But this may be falved by obſerving, chat mirone has here a tranſitive Significa-
tion as well as memórixi, or to ſpeak in the cells of Grammar, has the force of
the Hebrew Hiphil; which Stile is not only frequent in the Holy Writers, but
alſo in the Prophane. Thus in 1 Cor. 2 2 SEVA to know may very well be ex-
plain'd by to make known, ängúču to preach, as ihe Greek Scholiaft has it. In
Euripides there is more than one inſtance of it. ( a ) "pper xerci me is ’Agen-
afws, here epper is the ſame as to nevd£y. In another place, (b, "Erandiocy od 16v-
Tia xxúck to Núñor ogenues, and (c) elſewhere. So in Homer, ( d , 'Exaéna.gov u Sareesove
the Scholiatt, émains i molnoun. Thus alſo in Ariſtophanes, ( e ) ishubacances, those
haft caus’d to miſcarry. So Virgil, (f) Requierunt flumina curſus. Servius, Quietos
effe fecerunt. I ſhall now only obſerve here, which alſo ought to be applied to
the former place, that in this Wine there is a mixture of Wrath, and Fornication;
that is, of the Fury of Tyranny, Oppreſſion, Perſecution, and Hatred of its
oppoſers, as well as of idolatry. So that Rome is Tyrannical as well as Idola-
trous. As to the proofs of theſe Points, there is no need for me to give any
here, becauſe I have elſewhere given fofficiently hints thereof.
B. Ka år Bearnais tñs gñs wir aulis êtrópydoorld, And the Kings of the Earth bave
committed fornication with her. ] That is, the Secular Powers have concurred
with her in Idolatry and forced her Subjects to embrace it, or perſecuted them
that refus'd to Death; as it has been flewn before in our Note upon Chap. 17.
2. A. This had not been ſaid in Chap. 14. 8. to charge Babylon, that fell then,
with the Crime of having the Kings of the Earth to Fornicate with her. But
for this I have accounted there likewiſe.
C. Kai oe 'Ejl770@ge oñs jūs éx tñs duwé wewe să spués culis étréthodes And the Mer-
chants of the Earth be grown rich through the power of ker luxury. ] This great
City being deſcrib'd under the notion of an Harlot, which is both a Bawd and
a Trader, chere muſt be conſequently two ſorts of Men with whom ſhe deals.
With the Kings of the Earth The Fornicates, with the Merchants ſhe Trades,
Theſe Merchants are therefore an inferiour fort of Men to the Kings, who
gain by this City. The Soveraign Princes in Chriſtendom have really gain'd
little by their Idolatry and Communion with Rome, but rather loft much in
being forced to ſhare their Power with Rome, to have her Protection, to keep
their Subjects quiet. But the Romiſh Clergy, who are moſt of them Subjects to
theſe Princes, by trading in Spiritual Matters, ſo pretended at leait, with
Rome, have gotten vaſt Wealth. Theſe are the Merchants of the Earth. I
ſay, the Idolatrous Clergy, who with their Popiſhi Tricks and Trinkets have
gain'd a good part of the Wealth of the World into their Hands. It is a noto-
rious Buſineſs, and therefore we may ſpare them ſo far to avoid being thought
Satyrical. In ſhort Rome is a great Mart; the Romiſh Clergy are the Mer-
chants and Factors ; the Secular inferioúr Clergy abroad, the Monks and
Friers, are the Pedlers and Hawkers, which retail abroad the Merchandize.
As for the Luxury of Rome procur’d by this Trade, it is notorious likewiſe,
and needs no proof. The Merchants will of themſelves deſcribe it afterwards
in their Complaints. I muſt there have a touch with it and them too, and
Thew, that their very name of Merchants is an odious name in the account of
the Holy Ghoſt. Of spluus alſo by and by:
VO
(a) Euripid. Hecub. v. 528.
eids vib) Eutipid. Iphig. Täur. v. 409.
Bacch. v. 147. Rheſ. v. 446. (d) Homer. Iliad. B. Catal. v. 107.
Nebul.
(f) Virgil. Eclog. VIII.
9 T
96.9095M
(6) Euripid.
() Ariſtoph.
A. vert:
SAC

806 Warning to come out of Babylon.
Ch. XVIII. V. 46
A. verf. 4. Kai škvorce d'alime parles ex på segos alysowy, 'EGÉANTO BE evlñs o de ós piese
And I heard another voice from Heaven, saying, come out of ber, my People. ] The
Prophets ſpeaking of the deliverance of the Jewiſh Nation from their
Babylo-
nian Captivity, ſet it forth by the way of Exhortation to come out of Babylon.
Iſaiah 48. 20. Jerem. 50. 8. and Chap. 51.6. Zechar. 2. 7. Such admonitions are
Prophetical, that is predi& certain Events, upon chae rational Suppofition,
that God cannot juftly exhort Men to do a thing, but he gives them at the
ſame time proper means to perform it. I have alſo ſhewn before, that a voice
from Heaven fignifies a prevailing, effe&ual aſſiſtance, ſee our Notes upon
Chap: 10.3. B. and Chap. 11. 12. A. and it muſt needs be ſo, fince it is from
the Secular Powers, or ſupreme viſible Government. So that this Voice from
Heaven ſignifies, that the Temporal Authority will at the ſame time, as Rome
is fallen, exhort and encourage the People to forſake idolatry ; their Commu-
nion with the Church of Rome being indeed a Slavery, or Caprivity, from
which chey will be delivered by thoſe Secular Powers, that ſhall pull down
Rome, and very likely will be imitated therein by ſome others. Thus the Con.
verſion of ſome conſiderable part of the Romariſts will be a near conſequence
of the Fall of their Capital City. And who knows, but even the Laity in
Rome, who muſt be very weary of their Yoke, will be glad of the Opportunity,
as alſo that of the Srates about it. I queſtion not but God has ſome pious Souls
even in that City, who wiſh for a Reformation ; or will gladly accept it,
when offered. We muſt not think, that this warning is juſt only to avoid the
fire and Fall of Houſes; that is too mean a Circumſtance. Ansbertus knew
berter: Et ille de medio Babylonis exit, qui perverſorum errores de vitat. This Nocioni
he had from (a) St. Auftin.
Β. "Ινα μη συγκοινωνήσετε ταϊς έμαθίαις αυτής, και εκ των πληγών αυτής ίνα μή λέβηΐe, That
gje be not Partakers of her Sins, and that ye receive not of ber Plagues.] This al-
ludes to Ferem. 5 1. 6. Flee out of the midst of Babylon, and deliver every Man bis
Soul : be not cut off in her Iniquity. Now as this City is guilty of lo much Wick-
edneſs, that ſhe has contracted an eye, a guilt drawing along with it a Curſe,
ſo all thoſe who communicate with it involve themſelves in the fame. And
this is not only true according to the Notions of Divinity, but alſo of common
human Prudence. So Plautus ſays:
(6) Nunc ego verum illud verbum efle experior vetus : act to
Aliquid mali eſſe propter vicinum malum. oleh od 1910
jordans
SHIV
Therefore this Fall being the Execution of God's Judgment coming upoti
Babylon for her Sins, all thoſe who partake therein, and ſo continue in their
Refolution to adhere to her, muft ſmart for it. This implies therefore, that
the ſecular Powers will puniſh all thoſe who ſtand in the Roman Communion;
ſince they are reſolv'd, having deſtroy'd Rome, to reform the Church, and bring
it to the true Worſhip of God, as far as their power reaches. Not that I be-
lieve that the Proteſtant Princes who are now fo, and thoſe which may be
ſuch hereafter, ſhall take upon them to perſecute Men, to force them to quit
the Romiſh Communion; but that the Papifts will be ſo obſtinate, chat to
fupport their Cauſe, they will form Parties, and raiſe Wars ; and by ſtanding
to the laſt, involve themſelves in the ſame Deſtruction.
A. verf. 5. 'On Exorýstiones diul mis ai cumplice ăxse of spars, For her Sins have cleaved
up to Heaven.] This is thus expreft by the LXX. in Jerem. $1.9. 'Oti ñyſexsy to's
agaydy tờ xgina a'u lñs, ščñeev fas tāv disgau, For ber Judgment reacheth unto Heaven,
and is lifted up even to the Stars. The Hebrew word anſwering to ñyfirav is ya, to
touch, which is well expreft by tromíswious, and though other Copies have
broné.Smot), which may nearly expreſs the ſame thing, yet the former ſeems to
me more energical, and Dr. Mill looks upon it as Genuine. For if her Sins
cleave to Heaven, they require fpeedy Judgment, leaſt they ſhould ſeem to
bring as it were (c) Guile upon it for want of Vengeance. Homer has expref-
ſed, that the Sin of Penelope's Woers was ripe by this Expreſſion; which comes
very near that before us :
Isda
Iodov ,
() Auguſtin de Giv, dei Lib. XVIII. cap. 18.
(6) Vid. 1 Sam. 3, 13.
(6) Plaut. Mercator. A&. IV, Sc. V.
(a) To

Ch. XVIII.v.5,6. The Aggravation of Babylon's Puniſhment. 807
(a) Täv & Spis te, Cin Tia adingsoy spavdy i Km
The Cry of the Sins of this myftical Babylon has reached up to Heaven, and
by conſequence the time of God's Vifitation and Judgment is come upon her,
her
Indiáment was lodged there long ſince. Look back upon Chap. 16. 19.
C. Ever ſince the Reformation of the Church, Rome has had occafion, and
invitation to reform ; but ſhe has neglected them, and is become worſe.
B. Kai surnuórdosv áulñs o feos Teil dereñuela dulñs, And God has remembred ber aca
cording to her Iniquities.] The Indi&ment was entred before, to put God in
mind to execute Juſtice, and he has accordingly done it. So to ſhews Mercy is
ſynonymous to remember no more Iniquity, in Hebr. 8. 12. Jerem. 31. 34. Prayer
coming up as a Memorial is a Token of God's defigning fome ſpecial Favour, hes
19. 4. fo to call Sin to remembrance is the ſame as puniſhing by the Ilaying of a
Son, 1 Kings 17., 18. See the Note on Chap: 16. 19. C.
A. verf.6. 'Apódote aulas v avli emédwxey viv, Render unto her as ſhe has rendered
into you.] Such Commands are Predictions, that the Event will be ſuitable.
This to be ſure muſt imply a very grievous Puniſhment, according to the Rule
laid down by Tertullian: (6) Nibil amarius quam id ipſum pati, quod feceris aliis.
And Euripides in theſe words cited already : (c)
Aius sodi malo
Πικρός δάγισμός ήλθε το κάνουμε να
.
For as Ovid ſays: (a)
Neque enim Lex æquior ulla eſt,
Quam necis artifices arte perire Jual
And Seneca : (e) Sünt dii immortales lenti quidem, fed cerii vindices generis humani;
& magna exempla in caput invenientium regerunt : ut juſtiſſima patiendi vice, quod
quiſque alieno excogitavit ſupplicio, fæpe excipiat fio. Thus alſo ariſtotle ſays : )
VE
-T; 'Pedalsvuo- Ning.com
'Elx6 pe' for coi x'piše, dicm x is die Budito
See Füdſ. 1:6, 7. Ferem. 51. 24. ſaid the fame of the litteral Babylon : I will
render unto Babylon, and to all the inhabitants of Chaldea, all their Évil that they
have done in Zion in your light, ſaith the Lord; and v. 49. As Babylon has cauſed
the flain of Iſrael to fall; ſo at Babylon ſhall fall the pain of all the Earth. Com-
pare with this Ezek. 35. 15. and Habak. 2. 8. Exod. 1. 22. compared with Exod.
12: 29. Chap. 14. 27, 28. 2 Sam. 11. 4: and 15. compared with 2 Sam. 16.22:
and Chap. 18. 32. 33. alſo 2 Chron. 21. 4. compared with v. 17. likewiſe Jerem.
26. 23. compar'd with Chap. 22. 18, 19. and Joſephus Archeol
. Lib. X. cap.
VIII. So the Author of the Teftaments of the Patriarchs : (8) si v gas žys
θρωπG- περανομεί, δί εκείνων και κολάζεται: 'Έποί ομώ ανέκοβο το ήπαλά με ανηλεώς κατά τε 'Ιωσήφ,
med me']a srégcàv &vnaeãs éiguvõulis ti ule was év de mete, reng odor Xigóvov ev@gör med 'I woho čas ivoi sipendente
This Command is not therefore contrary to the Goſpel, which forbids to
render Evil for Evil; but it is a Predi&ion, that the Evil will be return'd, to
puniſh Men for their doing evil to others. For it may be, as we have an hint
in Chap: 17:16; 17. that they who do this work, fhall not know that they do
it as ſuch: but however, they are to be ſuch as this Babylon has made Slaves to
her, and us’d them very tyrannically. However obſerve here, that fo far no-
thing is done to Babylon, but what has been done in the way of the divine
foque
(a) Homer. Odyſs: 6. V. 328. P. $65.
(b) Tertullian. ady. Marc. Lib. IT:
cap. 18.
(c) Euripid. Éle&r. v. 857.
(2) Ovid. de Arte
Amand. Lib.1.
(e) Senec. Lib. V. Proem.
(f) Ariftot. Ethic. Nicom
Lib. V. cap. s. ex Hefiod.
(g) Teſtam. Patr. Gad. S. V.
juftice

808 The Aggravation of Babylon's Puniſhment Ch. XVIII. v.6:
Juſtice to the litteral Babylon a Pagan. But we ſhall ſee next, that God has an
heavier Burthen for this Babylon, which has been not only a Pagan, but a
Chriftian too.
B. Kæ defcócz]o divlý darão reale te krye evlñs, And dıuble unto her double according
80 ber Works ] It is to be obſerv'd, that the method or rule of the divine Juſtice
towards Men is ſuch, that he is more (a) fevere upon his own People in their
Tranſgreſſions, than towards Strangers or Heathens. This appears from the
Threarnings of the Prophets both ways. I have cited ſome Paffages juſt now
againſt Babylon and Edom, which are grounded upon the Law of like for like.
I ſhall only cite here this of Ferem. 5o. 15. Take Vengeance upon her ; as ſhe bath
done, do unto her. Pfal. 137. 8. O Daughter of Babylon who art to be deſtroyd;
happy ſhall be be that rewardeth thee, as thou haſt ſerved us.
But when the Pro-
phers ſpeak of the Jews, they lay, on a diuble weight. So Jerem. 16. 8. Fifft
I will recompence their Iniquity, and their Sin double. Jerem. 17. 18. Bring upon
them the Day of Evil, and deſtroy them with double Deftruction. See Ezek. 3. 14.
Iſaiah 40. 2. For ſhe bas received of the Lord's Hand double for all ber Sins. The
(b) realon of which is given in theſe words of our Saviour, luke 12. 47.
And that Servant which knew bis Lord's Will, and prepared not bimſelf, neither did
according to his Will ſhall be beaten with many Stripes. But be that knew not, and did
commit things worthy of Stripes, ſhall be beaten with few. Stripes. On the other
Hand, when they repent, a double Reward is promis'd for their Sufferings, as
in Iſaiah 65. 7. Zechar. 9. 12. Job 42. 10.
Now I cake the word double in ali tuch Caſes to ſignify vaſtly great. Thus to
expreſs the vaſt Miſchiefs brought upon Trow for the ſingle Crime of Paris,
Æſcbylus calls them double : (c) Altră s Ericay Ngempédos Sociuch, Ticzo which words are
thus explain'd by Euripides: (d)
Τάλαινα Τροία, μυρίες απώλεσάς
Miãs que sexco's, j aixes suajus gioipigia
Sophocles has the ſame Thought : (e)
Kai Secunda nöddy év TOOŠTOLS humor
Διπλά σε πουθεν, και διπλά φέρων χαχα
Thus alſo in Euripides (f) duble Joy, and double (g) Honour, for great Joy
and Honour. Thus alſo in Pindar, a double Treaſure is a great Treaſure :
(5) "Er Ja oi te os Susupèr Nidoror
Maylor wiers
honek
Theognis: (i)
*Ει ποτε δεν είσαιμι φίλο κακόν, αυτός έχουμε
"Ει δέ τι κείνα έμοι, δις τόσον αυγος έχοε
And therefore 'tis thought, that Cecrops was called diouns, becauſe of his gigan.
tick Stature, as being sea yule yasas. Upon the ſame ſcore Lucretius ſays:
(k)
agter
At gemina bo mammoſa, Ceres.
So Duplex in Latin Authors is frequently taken for great. As in (1) Horace and
(m) Virgil, on which Servius may be conſulted. Apuleius : (n)
1919
Oro
(a) Vid. Juſt. M. Q. Reſp. ad Orth. $. III.
(6) Vid. Hergé Paft Lib. III.
Sim. IX S 18. M. Tull. Cic. de Leg. Lib II Hug. Grot de J. B. P. Lib. II. cap. 2 . $ 32.
& cap. 15. S. 1X, 8. De Satisfact. Chr. cap. V.
(6) Æſchyl. Agam. v. 546.
(d) Euripid. Troad. v. 775. vide Homer. Iliad. d. v. 161.
(e) Sophocl. O dip.
Tyran.
(f) Euripid. Suppl. v. 333.
(8) Euripid. Suppl. v. 781,
(6) Pind. Olymp. Od. VI.
(2) Theogn. v. 108
Lib. IV.
(k) Lucrer.
ror
(1) Horat. Lib. II. Sat. 2. v. 122.
v. 659. Georg. 1, v. 172.
(m) Virg. Aneid. I,
(n) Apulei. Metam. Lib. III.
CO
Augetur

Ch. XVIII. v, 6. The Aggravation of Babylon's Puniſhment. -0809
bosbut
Augetur oppido, immo duplicatur mibi majtitia. losos
modo mi video
composite
And ſo Propertius At mihi quod vivo detrexerit invida qurba,
ooi ons op baco
Poft obitum duplici fænore reddet Honos.
szawidged
Audio
From this we may collect how guilty Babylon has been, according to the rule
of St. Auſtin : (a) Quis dubitaverit hoc. elle ſceleratius commiffum, quod eft graviti
vindicatum ? Now Rome Pagan was equally guilty of Blood as Rome Chriſtian
The Crime muft therefore be increas'd in reſpect of the Agent; ſo that the
Guilt muſt be increas'd by the meaſure of Knowledge, which Rome Chriſtian
has beyond Rome Pagan.
C. 'E, 7Tongío es énégaos, Kapéocle culñ draou, In the Cup wbich Me bas mingled,
mingle to her double. ]. The meaning of this Cup has been explain'd be-
fore in our Note upon Chap. 14. 10. A. There is only this difference, that
the Cup there belongs to the Worſhippers of the Beaft, to drink out of it as
God has prepared it ; that is, in the Plagues of the ſeven Bowls, and choſe of
the Harveſt and Vintage; but this is the laſt Cup for Babylon in the end, prepar'a
by thoſe who have drunken of hers; who now return it in a double meaſure.
The Cup which this Babylon had, was full of Wrath, Fury and Fornications, as
appears by comparing Chap. 17.45 6. with Chap. 18. 3. and Chap. 14. 8.
That is, it contain'd Perſecution and Idolatry, this being the mixeure. Now
it is not neceſſary, that we ſhould underſtand this ſo, that God commands of
deſigns, that the perſecuting Spirit and Idolatry of Rome ſhould be recurnd up-
on it, by forcing another ſort of Idolatry tyrannically upon the Subje&s of ir.
No ſure, but the Cup, which God commands to be filled for this Whoře, muſt
be explain’d in a manner ſuitable to the divine Juſtice, as all other Symbols
muft be ſuited to their Circumſtances. Now that which God mixes for Puniſh-
ment is only full of Wrath, in Chap. 14. Jo. Chap. 15. 1, 7. and Chap. 16. 1.
and therefore this mixture here muft be of the ſame kind ; that is, caure Tot.
ment and Deſtruction ; and the next words ſeem plainly to explain it ſo. But
then, as the Wrath of God far exceeds the power of Mán, ſo this mixturė, being
according to his order, in this Cup, it muſt cauſe a mighty Deſtruction, and
fully reward Rome for tyrannically impoſing her Idolatry upon the Chriftian
Church. There is a ſpecial Signification of the Expreſſion ſowre Drink, in
Hoſea 4. 18. which the Targum there explains thus : Principes eorurn multiplicave-
tunt convivio ex rapina. And in Amos 4. 1. Let us drink ; where the Targum in
like manner ſays, Facite nobis poteft ten út diripiamus. Of this there will be
enough to be ſure in the Fall of Babylon: but then it does not come up to the
full importance of the words here. In Plautus we have the Expreflion: (b).
Ut ſenex hoc eodem poculo quo ego bibi biberet.
Α. ver. 7. "Όσα εδόξασεν εαυτώ, και τρίωίασε, τοσύτον τότε αυτή (ανατίσμών, So much
she bas glorified herſelf, and behaved herſelf prodly, ſo much Torment give ber.]
To begin here with the word sslusiare, which contains no little Difficulty.
This is the account I can give of it. The Etymologiſt derives it from separ mis
luice, which he explains by anog zião ; ſo that it is a Metaphor from Horſes who
fhake their Heads to draw or ſlacken the Bridle Reins, and ſo toſs them up
and down out of Wantonneſs. This is eaſily applied to wanton Women. See
Iſaiah 3. 16. Heſychius takes it in the Metaphorical Senſe: Ergüvörles; maneyusuot.
δηλοί δε και το δια πλάτον υβρίζειν και Εαρέως φέρευν". Yet the fame explains Etglies
by σαφές, ευρόν, τραχυ', συγνόν, οξύ, ανατελαγιββού σglώδν" and Στρίωές Coάν, το σκληρός
which ſhews, that he had not a very preciſe Notion of it.
I take spl a to
fignify a proud wanton and haughty Behaviour, as in the place of Chap. 18.
3. c. and that Superes has there the ſame Signification as Vis, that is, abundance,
as in Terence Vis boni. sglio is but once found in the LXX. 2 Kings 19. 28.
Kai od spliós or dy6CH év tois coí pes it ftands there for the Hebrew Niv, which
fome derive from 780, perſtrepüit ; but mechinks Schindler does better, who
does it from Ru tranquillis, and by a Metonymie Securus, infolens, as in Pſal.
as
(6) Plaud
(a) Auguftin. Lib. II. de Bipt. c. Donstiſt. vid. Gregor. Lib. VII. Epiſt. LIV,
nodi
Calin. Aa. V. Sci 2
U

Ch. XV II. v.7.
FOTO
CLOS
words before us. This I Thali them ich two places are exactly parallel to the
810
123. 4. And indeed in two places of the Prophets, Iſaiah 47. 8. and Zephan.
2. '15. to whoſe words the Holy Ghoſt alludes here and afterwards, they uſe
the word nou to be confident and careleſs, adverbially ro27, in the LXX.
Me postórws, in ;
by and by, sgleilã found the
Sophilus :
(@) Ns) tò Alévuodv, ardges, in splusão
og ysmito
olur 90% yalbopos 11990 and women valtug w
And in Antiphanes. (b) Arinatuote maha v rů ve vãy esegudress
2 & 10
Slos oια 10 Πιάν τε προπόσες τρεις ίσως, ή τελαρας,
seda sans of 3099 A 30 Esglwíwr tõs nelabeBearios cilía, se oni od desno
no
smo doinw : 59IT5 trepárlev Teilegas
g 40 bayad at
Mosolares
St. Paul in 1 Tim. 3. IT. uſes seilas slumrowor about Women growing wanton of
proud, and fickle againſt Chriſt
. In the Teſtaments of the Patriarchs : (0)
AyaqedosJe ev ywaaži spluós, the Latin Verſion, Renovabitis in mulieribus motus inore
dinatos. I think it ſhould rather ſignify, You will behave your felves youthfully to-
wards wanton Women, or Women of Wantonneſs. i Now it happens to this Babylon as
Solomon ſays in Prov. 16. 18. Pride Haughtinefs and Luxury areas ins againſt God, who
refifteth the proud, but gives Grace to the humble; and therefore they are
ſufficient Motives to cauſe his Anger and Indignation. The Torment thews,
that by the mixing in the Cup God deſigns to puniſh, by the evil of pain,
the evil of Sin committed by this Babyloniin mixing her Cup to others;
and by conſequence determines their Signification both ways. How Babylon has
glorified herſelf will be ſhewn in the following words.rbons gnioto1
B. Kai 7G, And Sorrow.] Theſe words are not in the Complutenſian, but
are found in moſt other Copies. i)(d) Ticbonius reads them, and ſomewhat
more ; for he tranſlates, Et luctum populo fuo Pretty well, for Rome is burne,
and then the can be no more ſaid to forrow, but her People may remain. The
Torment affeâs her, Sorrow the People that eſcape, as we ſhall fee. But tho'
theſe two laſt words in Tichonius may be crept in as an Expofition, I think we
muſt keep the two firſt, aj ninc, becauſe thefe ewo are very aptly oppoſed to
the glorifying and Luxury, or prond Wantonneſs. For the idolatry and Ty-
ranny, which ſhe has taught and exercis’d, being only to uphold her Pride and
Luxury, God returns upon her Puniſhments quite oppos’d to them, of Torment
and Sorrow. The Torment or burning to deſtroy her Luxury; and the Sorrow,
to abate her Pride and glorifying.
The Romaniſts own, that their Idolatry and corrupted Practices are neceffa-
ry to maintain the Splendor of their Church, or rather Court of Rome. "Tis
the great Principle of Cardinal Pallavicini ; and the main deſign of his Hiſtory
of the Council of Trent, as the Author of his new Goſpel fhews ; that the
vulgar loving a theatrical Pompin Religion, and the Nobles, and generally
all Men to live according to the Fleſh a happy and eaſy Life, this Humour is
by all means to be cheriſhed, ſeeing Chriſt is come to make the Church happy,
even according to the Fleſh : and that therefore Pleaſures, Riches and How
nours are neceſſary to this great end. Hence he vindicates the ways to acquire
thoſe Pleaſures, Riches and Honours, which are practic'd in that Church, and
conſiſt in maintaining all the idolatrous Practices and corrupt Abuſes thereof,
ſuch as Simony, Firſt Fruits, Penſions, Sine Cures, Pluralicies, Diſpenſations,
Appeals, Prohibitions, Jubilees, Indulgencies, Exempcions, and the Settle-
ment of religious Orders, ſpecially that of the Jeſuits ; and by conſequence
all the Idolatry and Corruption, which theſe have introduced, and ſtill keep
up. So that we fee, that_Idolatry and luxurious Corruptions to maintain the
Pride, Pomp and Luxury of the Romiſh Clergy, and above all that of the
Court of Rome, are neceſſary to their Religion and Church. They have gotten
into the very Bones and Marrow thereof, and are wholly wrapt up in its Con-
ftitution. Theſe muſt be remov’d by effectal Remedies : Deftru&tion by Fire, to
bring Rome to Poverty ; Sorrow to remove their Luxury. Thus their Glory in
fin.
(-) Apud Athenæum Lib. III. cap. 21.
1
2.biro (6) Apad Atheæum Lib. III. ſub
(c) Teftam. Patriarch. Benjo S. IX.
(d) Tichon.
Hom. XV,
Wealth,

Ch. XVIII. v. 7. 3 Babylon's Pride: 2 nolydna 811
on
sosten
Wealth, ill gotten and worſe us’d, will be puniſhed by loſs and want; and
wicked Luxury by bitter Sorrow in the end. For as Æſchylus faith : biso
to e od ista 11
(α) Γλώση μαθαία ζημία προςρίζεται ο ντε Τοπογραφές
tad finisge lisvona novac
aid erit o A is zidia
And Pindar in theſe remarkable words : (b) terms bolino vads dainw
buolf bas; be the neid
Το δε παρ δίκα» ΙΗΣΟ
1ο Γλυκυ πικροτείται μένει τελάτο Πεκίνο στην διά
3710
Euripides : (c) 'Αχαλίνων δομάτων, Αγόμε τ' αφροσυνας, Το τέλΘ- διυτυχία» 19 του
c. On én tñ replica dulás néza, Ké. In que Bacíniosa, For ſhe faith in her beart; 1 Be
Queen.] This and the following Expreſſions are alſo taken out of the Pro-
phets, and here applied to Rome. So Iſaiah 47. 7. ſpeaking in the Perſon of
Babylon : I ſhall be à Lady for ever. The LXX. cis tòy côvee koopas "Apg'bord, the
Hebrew is n73, a powerful Lady, which like a 133, potent Lord, potent Man
of War, prevails over her Enemies. Késap.ce, 1 ſit, is here the fame as I reign,
which is one of the Significations of that term, as has been ſhewn in the Note
upon Chap. 4. 2. E. But in this place it ſeems to have a peculiar Emphaſis,
and to imply a full Settlement; and ſo to be the ſame as I ſhall be for ever ; for
it has here the fame Signification as the Hebrew 20, by which "tis often
tranſlated, and that word denotes a permanent Habitation or Settlement,
as has been ſhewn before in our Note upon Chap. 7. 15. C. eſpecially fince it
is ſaid here ſo emphatically. Thus alſo v.8. Therefore bear now this, thou that
'art given 10 Pleaſures, that dwelleſt carelefly, that faiſt in thy Heart I am and none elſe
beſides me, I ſhall not fit as a Widow, neither ſhall I know the loſs of Children. So
Ezek. 37. 3. ſpeaking in the Perſon of Tyre, faith : Thus ſays the Lord God, o
Tyrus, thou haſt ſaid, I am of perfect Beauty. And Zephaniah 2. 15. of Nineveh;
This is the rejoicing City, that dwelt careleſly, that ſaid in ber Heart, I am, and there is
none beſide me. And indeed moſt of the Symbols of this Fall of Rome are found
in that Chapter of Ezekiel. Now did not Rome pretend to be a Lady and Queen?
That ſhe did ſo formerly take it in the words of Ammian. Marcellin. (d) Per om-
nes tamen quotquot ſunt partes terrarum ut domina conſpicitur du regina. This
Title was given notwithſtanding the Diviſion of the Empire, and the Rights
of Conſtantinople. That Rome keeps up thoſe Prétences, and has upon occaſion
ſhewd herſelf as Queen of the World, is evident by the Popes pulling down
Emperors and Kings, and ſetting up others in their ſtead, which needs no new
proof in this place. The ſame is to be underſtood as to Ecclefiaftical matters;
for irideed Rome has made this right the Foundation of the other. I find alſo
this Paſſage of (e) Pompon. Letus, Roma terrarum dea du gentium regina, Dei ſedes
os imperii generis humani.
D. Ke zugee óx eiui, rj névIG ở vw Ytte, And am no Widow, and ſhall ſee no Sorrow.)
Iſaiah in the place afore cited, I shall not fit as a Widow, in the LXX % xe más
knees
, Sitting in this occaſion is quite contrary to fitting as Queen : for it fignifies
being in Åfidion as a Widow. See our Note upon Chap. 14. 6. C. The
next words of Iſaiah are ; neither ſhall I know loss of Children, in the LXX. in
one word óspavíay, 500 from 70. which ſometimes has the Signification of
miſcarrying, as in Geneſ. 31. 38. Fob 21. 10. in which laſt place the LXX. have
šx éopane, did not miſcarry. But the term of the Holy Ghoſt in St. John is more
general, and comprehends all theſe. For next to Widowhood the Sorrows of a
good Woman ariſe from loſs of Children and Miſcarriages, which are the ſame
in effect. See alſo Lament. 1. 1. Thus, Tully calls the Commonwealth Widow
or Childleſs, for the word (f) Orba Republica is ambiguous, when he was driven
from Rome. Now it is very lucky, that the Popes call the whole Church their
Spouſe, and by conſequence themſelves the Husband of the Church. This ap-
pears in many places of their Canon Law. Beſides, the Romanifts hold that
be
sonlp to
(a) Æſchyl. Prometh. Vin&t. v. 329.
(6) Pindar. Ithm. Od. VII. Epod.
(0) Euripid. Bacch. v. 385.
() Ammian. Marc. Lib. XIV.
vid. Martial. Lib. XII. Epigr. 21. (e) Pomp. Lät. Hift. Lib. II. in Gall, (f) M. T.
Gic. Orat. ad Quirit. poft Red, & Orat. in Senac poft Red.
191
ult.

812 Babylon's Pride, cauſe of her Deſtruction. Ch. XVIIIv.7,8
.
As to
the Chair of St. Peter and Apoftolick See cannot be ſeparated from Rome, nor
carried to another place. And then by pretending to be the only Church of
Chrift, the affumes to herſelf the divine Promiſe, that the Gates of Hell ſhall
never prevail againſt her. So that ſhe can neither loſe her Husband, and be a
Widow, nor receive Sorrow by the loſs of her children. There may be alſo
in this an Allufion to the blaſphemous Title given by the Romans to their
City,
which they called eternal, ROMA ATERN A, and URBS ÆTERNA
This laft is ſtill usd ; and is to be found in the very Title of Kircher's Obeliſcus
Pamphilius : In URBIS ÆTERNÆ Ornamentum erexit Innocentius X.
Pont. Max. But we ſhall ſee whether God will allow of theſe Pretences, and
not rather for theſe very proud and blaſphemous Preſumptions bring her to
Judgment. We are aſſured he will do ſo by the next words,
A. verf. 8. Aid Tšto èy się nieéges i sav si Tanged aiulñs, Svalo- roi zirG xj Apude
,
ly musi relaxeu Sri cel , Therefore shall her Plagues come in one day, Death and Mourg-
ing and Hunger ; and ſhe shall be utterly burnt with Fire] Theſe words feem to be
taken from Ifaiab 47. 9. But theſe two things ſhall come to thee in one day, the loss
of Children and Widowhood: they ſhall come upon thee in their Perfection for the Mul-
titude of thy Sorceries, and for the great abundance of thine Inchantments.
the preſent Babylon, theſe words thew us three Particulars concerning her
Chaltiſements and utter Deftru&ion; the Cauſe, the Time, and the manner.
The Cauſe is couched in the words dice rito, therefore, which refer to the for-
mer words wherein the idolatry, Tyranny, and Pride full of Blaſphemy are
contain'd, which this. Babylon is found to be guilty of. The Time is ſhewn in
the words év juią suéges in one day, that is all on a ſudden. This will be con-
fider'd afterwards an Verſe 10. The manner is expreft thus, that her Chaſtiſe-
ments ſhall be Death, Famine and Mourning, and that at the ſame time the
ſhall be quite burnt with Fire. For I diſtinguiſh this laſt from her Plagues.
This Babylon as a Capital City has yet receiv'd no Plagues as Chaftiſements,
The ſeven Bowls were upon the Earth. The two firſt Woes only touched the
third part of Men, and the tenth part of the City, that is, of its Dominions:
The Harveft did not concern her, as it were in Perſon; the Vintage affected
the Vine of the Earth, and the Wine-preſs was trodden out of the City. But
now God puts the Chaſtiſements of Babylon and her Judgment to Condemnation
altogether' ; ſhe is ſervd in the lump,
Obva76 Mortality or Peſtilence; ſee our Note upon Chap. 6.8. H. is a Chaſtiſe.
ment to a City, not an abſolute Deſtruction ; for we do not ſee, that the
divine Providence ever inflicted that Chaſtiſement in ſuch a manner as to de-
ſtroy all the Inhabitants univerſally without Exception in any great City. This
affects only the Inhabitants. névsG, Mourning, Sorrow ſeems here by a Me-
tonymie of the conſequent for the antecedent, to imply the death and ſlaughter
of her Sons cauſing this Sorrow. So that this is equal with the Sword one of
the four Plagues of God. The third Plague is Aryds, Famine, an uſual atten-
dance of the two former. There is no mention here of the fourth Plague of
God, the Beaſts of the Earth, becauſe that is not uſual in Cities, and beſides
the nature of the Subject will not bear it, for it is to be burn'd ſuddenly. How-
ever that too will come afterwards : Feriſque rurſus occupabitur folum. The Soil
or Seat of Rome is to be a Lodge for Goblins and Owls, which is the ſame thing.
Look back to our Note upon Chap. 18. 2. C. And ſhe ſhall be burnt with Fire;
this is now her xpiece, Condemnation, and utter Deſtruction. I have added in the
Verſion utterly, but it is well known, that the Particle (a) usta in Compoſition
implies this; wherein I have follow'd our Tranſlators, who ſhould have done ſo
before in Chap 77. 16. This I obſerve againſt Grotius and Hammond, who
have made here too bold with the Text, only to ſerve their Hypotheſis, thac
this is only a third part of it, that is to be burnt. Bue then what need is there
of the emphatical words that follow, that God is ſtrong who has judged her? Nun
licet exiguis rebus adeſe Fovi.
B.Ori igupds Kegio @sos i xsivos dulkes, Becauſe it is the ſtrong Lord God who
has judged ber.} Other Copies have spávcov, and the vulg. ſeems to have read
xçıvõr, ſhall judge. But Dr. Mill approves usives as genuine, and indeed Babylon
is fallen; therefore already judged. This implies what the Prophets add,
(*) Vid. Etymol. M. v. Kalacóspuxo Nouv. Methode Grecq. Lib. VI. C. 2.
faith

Ch. XVIII. v. 9.
Kings 813
out
The Lamentation of the Tout
ſaith the Lord, and the like, when chey predi& fome ſpecial Event; particularly
the Fall of Babylon, as in ferem. si. 1, 12, &c., frequently. This ſhews not on-
ly the certainty of it, See our Note upon Chap. 17. 14. C; but that it mult be
a great, marvellous and compleat Destruction. To
Α. verf. 9. Και κλαύσεσι κ κόβονται επ' αυτίω δι βασιλείς της γής δε μετ' αυτής ποργάσαντες
Ερηνιάσανπς
, όταν βλέπωσαν τον καπιόν της πυρώσεως αυτής, And the Kings of the Eurro, νbo
bave committed fornication with her, and have bebaved themſelves proudly, shall bewail
and lamient over ber, when they shall ſee the Smoak of her burning: ] We may firſt
obſerve a change of Stile in the Account of this Judgment. The Angel faid
Babylon is fallen, 'tis done;
and now 'tis ſaid, the Kings shall bewail. What is the
reaſon of this Change? There may be two reaſons aflign'd for it. Firſt be-
cauſe the Angel is a Meſſenger relating, and for that reaſon repreſenting the
thing as juſt done. But thefe Mourners have had as yet no time to Lament,
the Lamentation is to come after. Secondly, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt deſigns
to thew, that their Sorrow muſt be of a long continuance. They are likely
to Lament on. Babylon is fallen never to riſe again. Secondly, we may ob-
ſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt has not taken notice of any ſuch Lamentation over
the former Fall of Babylon in Chap. 34.8. when ſhe was involv'd in Paganiſm.
The reaſon is, that when it was the Head of the Dragon, tho it receiv'd a mora
tal Wound, it was never quite deſtroy'd, but left with hopes to recover again
its Power, by which its Friends were comforted. But now the caſe is quite
alter'd. This is an abfolute Deſtruction, and an irrecoverable Fall. So the
Holy Ghoſt proceeds now to fhew that urter Deſtruction by the deſpairing La-
mentations of its Friends, who now look upon it as quite gone. Therefore
thirdly, we may alſo obſerve, that they bewail the Fall in the ſame manner as
Men uſed to Lament and Mourn over the Dead. The Holy Ghoſt is not con-
tent to ſay, that they wept, or bewaild with Tears, which is the fignification
of xaductor but they proceeded to the exceſs of Grief practiſed among the Fows;
which conſiſted in Knocking their Breafts, which is the ſignification of xóakovred?
The(a) Heathens indeed of thoſe time cut themſelves too, to make the Blood
run, and Naſhed themſelves with Knives ; which is prohibited to the Ifraelites
in Levit. 19. 28, and Deut. 14. 1. but upon a ſpecial account, for that they did
it is plain from ferèm. 16.6. Chap. 41.5. to which alſo there is alluſion in Ferem.
47. 5. Chap. 48. 37. and Iſaiah 15. 2. in the LXX. But either that too is con-
tain'd in the word x64 or for, or elſe the Holy Ghoſt took no notice of it, becauſe it
was not the cuſto:n of the Romans, by whoſe (6) Laws this was forbidden; orbe
cauſe it was foreſeen, that this cuſtom would not be practis'd in the corrupted
Chriſtian Church. Fourthly the Lamenters are to be conſider'd: In general
throughout this Lamentation they are rank'd into three Clailes, Kings, Mera
chants, and Saylors; all ſuitable to the deſcription of this City, which having
Rale over the Kings of the Earth, and trading in all kind of Merchandize;
and laſtly being ſeated upon many Waters, it is evident, that theſe three Ranks
of Lamenters anſwer to theſe Properties. And every one of theſe Orders of
Men has a mournful Ditty ſuitable to his reſpective Loſsen we find the like
Mourning over Tyre in Ezek. 27.28. to the End ; wherein the Seamen, becauſe
Tyre was chiefly a Sea Port, make the Lamentation chiefly; but the Kings and
Merchants joyn therein at laſt, vi35, 36. lol
As to all thefe Orders of Men, we are alſo to take notice that the Holy
Ghoſt mentions only ſuch as are out of this City at the time of its Destruction,
the Holy Ghoſt ſuppoſing its Inhabitants, or Citizens, to be involved in her
Plagues of Mortality and Famine, but the Kings of che Earth, the Merchants
of the Earth, and Seamen are ſuch as feem to dwell out of it, but to have à
dependance upon it, by way of Reſort and Trade, is Which Obfervation thews
ſufficiently the diſmal Circumſtances of the Fall, and that her Citizens, or
Sons, can eſcape ſo little, that they cannot make up one Order of Men to be-
wail their Loſs, which is a token of utter Ruin. In particular, the Kings of the
Earth, as that word Beoses in the Stile of Holy Writ ſignifying not only Supreme
Governors, but alſo Princes or inferiour Magiftrates; theſe Kings may be reca
kond ſuch of the ten Horns as have not an immediate hand in burning this
YO
(*) Vid. G. Spencer, de Leg. Hebr. Lib. II. Cap. XIII.
Lib. III. De Legib. Lib. II. Feftus V. Radere.
(6) M. T. Cic. Q. Tufcul.
9 X
Whörs


814
The Lamentation of the Kings. Ch. XVIII. v. 9. 10
a
Whore or City : for we hinted before, chat there was no neceſſity to ſuppoſe
them all actually concern’d, but that the Ten Horns in Chap. 17. 16. may by
Synechduche be taken for ſome of the Ten Horns; and this without excluding
the Kings of che inferior Sort, which will be in great Numbers ; and they are
ſuch as have gotten Power in their hands by their being of the Romiſh Commu-
nion. It may be ask'd, what may be the reaſon that the Holy Ghoſt takes no
manner of notice of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet among the Mourners, tho
Babylon is the seat of the Tyranny? In order to give an anſwer to this Queſtion
it is fie to make ſome previous Obſervations. Firſt, that tho' the Beaſt as ſuch
hath this Babylon for its Capital, yet in the Fall thereof the Horns, that
conſtitute it, are divided from it, hate it, and cauſe its Fall. So that it is not
fic for the political Body to Mourn, when its Members rather rejoyce, as indeed it
is not at all proper to introduce political Bodies Mourning, but private Perſons.
Secondly, that the Falſe-Prophet has only one of its Horns there, who is
therefore only concern'd for it. It is not likely that the other Horn at Conſtan-
tinople will lament for a City which has been its continual Rival, and in ſome
meaſure one of the viſible cauſes of their Misfortunes. Thirdly, the Beaſt and
Falſe-Prophet, as ſuch, appear not to loſe their Power by this fall; they ſub-
fift as ſuch ftill afterwards, even to combat againſt the Word of God and his Hea-
venly Hoft. The Mourning therefore is a peculiar concern to the Parties in-
tereſted immediately with Babylon; and it becomes ſuch only to Lament over
ic, not as Political Bodies, but private Individuals.
B. To set they do tãs zugesrews, the ſmoke of her burning. ) Firſt we are told, Babylon
is fallen; and now ſhe is repreſented in Flames. Theſe Flames are put to it
by the ten Horns, Chap. 17. 1670 This is all conſiſtent, by diſtinguiſhing a lit-
tle the times. Babylon falls, when the Horns hate, and make her naked, aftec
that ſhe is in Flames and Smoak, when they burn her with Fire; which accor-
ding to the nature of the thing may laſt long, tho' the Fall be ſudden. Vir-
gil has juſt hit upon this very thing, and is ſo explain’d by Servius as we have
done:
son et doing
2. vis morts is alors
(a) Poftquam res Aſia, Priamique evertere gentem
Immeritam viſum Superis, ceciditque Superbum
Ilium, & omnis humo fumat Neptunia Troia.
potable
Servius: Sane queritur, quomodo dixit, Cecidit &• fumat? ſed aut per licentiam poftia
cam tempus pro tempore pofuit : ut meminiſſe borret luctuque refugit. Aut certe naturam
rerum expreffit : Nam ruina in brevi fit, fumus verò longo permanet tempore. Seneca
ſpeaks no other way, (b) Carthaginis ac Numantiæ Corinthique cineren, & fi quid
altius cecidit, lamentetur. See the Note upon Chap. 19. 3. B.
A. verf. 10. PA To doneo Tev esa xones del toy pólov på Scornious aulñs , Standing afar
off for fear of her Torment. ] . Burning and Torment are Synonymous, becauſe
Torments of old were generally inflicted with Fire. See our Note upon Chap.
9.5. B. And I think the Holy Ghoſt affects to call this Burning fometimes by
the Name of Torment ; to fhew us, that it is not accidencal, but judicial, and
an effect of her being condemned for Crimes. By this alſo we ſee, that this
Ruin of Rome is irrecoverable, when her beſt Friends have not only firſt forfa-
ken and burnt her, but thoſe alſo that continue ſo, do not approach to give
her any help, and ſtop her burning, but ſtand afar off, being themſelves in
fear of it. The Pſalmift deſcribes his forlorn condition in the fame manner,
Pfal. 38. 11. My lovers and my friends ft and aloof from my fore, and my Kinſmen ſtand
afar off ; the like is to be found in Exod. 2. 4. and Chapt. 20. 18,21. Deut. 29.
22. So Job 2. 12. upbraids his Friends, as if they had been afraid or afham'd to
own their former Friendſhip, in Chap. 6:21. Pfal. 10. 1. Matth. 26. 58. Chap.
27.55. Mark 14:54. Chap. 15. 40. and Luke 23.49. This is likewiſe taken
from Ezekiel 27. 29. See Grotius on that place.com
out to:
Standing for fear fuit one another, for ſo Homer repreſents the Trojans aſſemb-
ling to conſult, and not fitting, as uſually otherwiſe; and that for fear of Achila
les, who then appear'd upon the death of Patroclus :
(a) Virgil Æneid. Lib. III. v. 1.
(6) Senec. Conſol. ad Polyb. init.

Chap. XVIII. v. 10
815
The Lamentation of the Kings.
sodiliw bort
(*) 'Es de poplis egéoguta, ndegs fóęziolo unde gallos sua
Οθών δ' έσαότων αρχή γίνετ', δέ τις έτλη. Οι onli osan
*EÇENOS téptet's g8 ége refuos, švex' 'A geradis 'EĚepávn..bou
Whereas uſually in Mourning they (b) fat or (c ) lay, and ſometimes (d)
rolled themſelves on the Ground in the Duft or Dirt. This is alſo to be ob-
ſerved of the following Mourners. They all ſtand.
B. Názovtes, 'Ouai, šai, Saying Alas, Alas. ] or Woe, Woe; and ſo this is preciſely
the beginning of the Third Woe, which was but tacitly implied in the feventh
Trumpet. The Firſt Woe upon the idolatrous Church came upon it by means
of the Saracens. The Second by the Ottomans, who pulled down the Eaſtern
Empire with its dependencies and the tenth part of the City. At the fame
time came the Reformation, which has been a great Torment, and by conſe-
quence woful to the idolatrous Church. Now this Fall of the great Metropo.
lis thereof brings the chird Woe upon the Idolaters, by the utter deftru&tion of
that ; and the Victory, which is to follow, of all the Partiſans thereof, canton'd
ſomewhere, and to be utterly exterminated, to make way for thoſe great
Events, which are related there ſuccinctly, and imply thefe, which are here
fully opened. Now theſe great Events are introduced by the blowing of the
Seventh Trumpet. And thus whac is ſuccinctly related in five Verſes upon the
blowing of that Trumpet, is the ſubject of theſe five laſt Chapters of the
Prophecy; or at leaſt diſcovers the beginnings of all the great Adions there-
in.
But it may be ask'd, why this third Woe is not pronounced by the Angel,
and that too antecedently to the Fall, as has been particularly done by the two
former. I anſwer, that this is ſo great a Woe, that the very Sufferers, or their
Friends, ſhall own it to be ſuch; whereas they would not own the two former
to be puniſhments of God inflicted upon them for their idolatrous Crimes, being
reſolv'd not to repent of them by owning, that the hand of God was on them
upon that account. And that the Woe is not pronounced antecedently as the
two former, which were Warnings, becauſe this is to be a fudden condemna-
tion of thoſe who have already reſus'd to hearken to God's Warnings.
As to this Woe it felf, as it is the Fall of the great Capital of the corrupted
Church, who can queſtion but the fall of Rome into this diſmal condition will
cauſe a very great miſery to the idolatrous Church and all its Members, who
will not ſoon repent, and forfake that Communion to worſhip God truly The
great ſtruggles, which they will undergo, either to ſave it, or to raiſe it up a-
gain, muſt needs involve them in prodigious Miſchiefs and Woes. Therefore
this Woe is in every repetition thereof, repreſented double, Woe, Woe, or Alas,
'Alas, whereas the former are not ſo doubled, nor this neither in thoſe places
where it is mentioned with the reſt; but in this it is repreſented as it really is in
itſelf. Can you think that in this myſterious and exa& Prophely this is of no
force ?
vito
2013
C. ‘H róxis si puzdan Buburcov, si móds vi igjed, The great City Babylon, that mighty
City. ] It is not ſo proper for Kings or Princes to enter upon the detail of all
the riches of this City, as for Merchants; and therefore the Holy Ghoſt leaves
that to them. But Princes, as they value themſelves for having great Dominions
and Strength, ſo theſe only conſider the Power and Dominion of this great City,
which was vaſtly great and far extended. The loſs of theſe they bewail, becauſe
they ſhared therein, or were thereby aflifted and ſupported. This Babylon having
been the greateſt City in the World, known in Hiſtory from the times of
St. John, all the World is amazed how it was poſſible ſhe ſhould Fall once as
ſhe did; and ſtill 'tis more wonderful, that ſhe ſhould recover the like Power,
as ſhe has done under the Popes. Therefore it will be more wonderful when
we ſhall ſee that it is quite ruin'd. The fight of that will be amazing to all, but
more eſpecially to thoſe Princes who think it now impoffible ſhe ſhould ever be
pulled down. But this will be the Lord's doing and marvellous in our Eyes,
abpm
(-) Homer Iliad. c. V. 245. miss. (b) Vid. Nore on Chap. 14. 6. C.dil TEM (Homer
Iliad. r. V. 26. 461, (d) Homes Iliad. %. v. 414. & W. v. 164, 165, 640.
and

816 The Lamentation of the Kings,
Ch. XVIII. v. 10.
and will be allliding to the Popiſh Princes, becauſe it is a Woé inflicted by God
himſelf. But, as great Men are Slaves to their Ambition, 'tis the more aflic-
ing to them, when they find their power is inconfiftent with their duty to
God.
D. "Ons ría ápçe injev v xeios oy, Becauſe in one hour thy judgment is come. ] This
explains the former Expreſſion en vé ce ruled, in one day, by which the Holy Ghoft
delign'd to ſet forth the ſuddenneſs of her Deſtruction. The words enter into
each of the mounful Dirties over this kabylon, they are the burden of every
Song, See v. 17. and v. 19. All theſe appear inconſolable, becauſe unprepa-
red to ſee ſo ſudden a Deſolation ; this is ſuitable co the nature of Human Pa.
llions, which riſe in proportion as the caufes or occaſions are leſs expe&ed.
Foreſeen Erils find us prepared to receive them coldiy, becauſe reaſon has time
to aſſiſt us. (a) Maxime commoventy afays: Seneca, que contra ſpem expectationem
que evenerunt. And in another place, (b) Necelle eft itaque magis corruamus, qui
quafi ex inopinato ferimur. Quæ multo ante proviſa ſunt, languidius incurrunt. And a
little after, Aufert vim præfentibus malis, quisfutura profpexit. So Servius on
Virgil, (c) Probibet autem fuire mortem patris, ad augendum inopinatum
dolorem. See
the reft. Tully ſays, (d) Videntur enim omnia repentina gravioranı But this Fall
muſt be ſudden. God begins now to take to him his Great Power in doing Mi-
racles; of which the greateſt proof is the ſuddennefs of the Effect.bonego (n.
A. verf. 11. Kas on ku.70894 vis gūs znosisat sig niv som kan evi, And the Merchants of
the Earth weep and mourn over her. ] There ſeem tɔ be thoſe whom Ezekiel 27
36. calls the Merchants among the People
, utha nis, thoſe whol trade by Land. For
this alludes to the Cuſtom, ſtill us's in the Eaſt, that all Merchants are Travel.
lers, going by Land with their Merchandiſe carried upon Camels or Horſes; and
for that reaſon they are called 'su zolege Travellers, according to the primi iwe fignifl.
cation of the Word; and thus Plato dehnes them, (ien) Tous levntes émi rei's Tóxets,
[x9:Acựufe] {p.zróges. Therefore the words vis gñs of thel Earth are added to diſtin-
guiſh this ſort of Merchants from thoſe that are defcribd afterward, travelling
by Sea. Such Land or Travelling Merchants are called ( f) Maléumoes in Stram
bo. For Trade, or (g) Mezubauna); being of two ſorts; tu.Tolera), and we anaerit,
Merchandizing and Retailing ; the firit is divided again into veuraneia and costupés,
that is, Merchandizing by Sea Carriage, or Land Carriage. Búc lome (b) Gram-
marians think he is the only "é uroegs, who travels by Sea. The word us’d by
Ezekiel is o no, from 770, which ſignify to Travil about, and alſo to Trade,
and are therefore very well corn'd by eutrogdious and utep, in Genef. 34. 10.
21. and elſewhere frequently; and in the Greek Tongue the notions of (i) priprnu
to Sell, and windoro, the ſame ; and alſo that of ( k) megco to Tranſport are re-
ciprocal, as the Grammarians ſhew, gibo
SV about
B. On tir gólov e’utāv šleis apegle šrén, Becauſe no man bugeth their Lading. ] To
ſet forth the Sumprucuſneſs and Luxury of this great City, the Holy Ghoſt
introduces the Merchants bewailing the loſs of Trade by the Fall thereof. For
Merchants do not ſo much travel to purchaſe things abſolutely neceſſary for
Life, as for thoſe chiefly which ſerve to entertain Luxury. It is by theſe that
they gain moſt. Accordingly moſt of the things named hereafter, as parts of
this Lading, ſerve only to Luxury. But it is alfo neceffary to very great Cities,
as this is repreſented to be, to have the things which are neceſſary for Life
convey'd to them by Merchants, the Country about them not being ſufficient
for the ſtoring of the Markets by the Husbandmen, who are not Merchants,
becauſe they ſell at the firft Hand. The Trade tof Wine, Oyl and Flower,
Wheat, Beafts, and Sheep, in great Cities for that reaſon becomes Merchana
dize. And ſo the Scripture ſpeaks of that Trade, which is called inland Tradea
For in Genef. 30.10, 21. Jacob is invited to trade in the Country, gut op diegs, by
Shechem; tho he dealt in nothing but Cattle, Genef. 46.32, 34. "The Pope him
ſelf, who forces his Subjects to fell him theit Corn at a low Rate, and fells it
again out of his Magazines at double or creble the Rate, muft I ſuppoſe be al.
od 1973 bluodant sidil giro mis
sont
eft
299 150 m
ollistiem
(a) Senec. de Ira, Lib. II. Cap. XXX.
( 6 ) Senec. Conſol. ad Marc. cap. IX.
(c) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. III. col. 736. (d) M. T. Cic. Tufc. Qu. Lib. III.
(e) Placon. de Rep. Lib. II. pag. 387. (f) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI. pag. 766.
(8) H. Grot, Mar. Liber. ex Ariſtot. Lib. I. de Republ
. Vid. etiam Schol. Ariftoph.
(b) Hefych. Suid, Porphyr. Quelt Homeric. I ()Etymol, Magn. (k) Helych.
bas
low'd

Chap. XVIII. v. 12. The Lamentation of the Merchants. 817
too.
low'd to be a Corn Merchant. The Fall of Babylon will fink that odious Tråde
Thoſe who allegoriſe all the Wares, and make them fignify Pardons, Indul-
gences, Diſpenſacions, and the like, have not confidered, that 'the Holy Ghoſt
chiefly takes notice here of the Wares Imported, more than of thoſe Exported.
Rome receives all theſe Luxurious Wares, and irritament a malorum, but ſhe has ſo
infatuated the World, that the pays nothing for them but Trumpery. Her
Money are her Inchantments and Sorceries, V, 23. Her Merchants ingroſs all che
real Wealth of the World to bring it to Her, and her Returns and Exportacions
are in Paper and Bills drawn upon Heaven and Hell, never to be accepted.
However theſe paſs among the common People in Payment, as if they were of
real Value. The Merchant, who finds means to get ſhut of them, takes no care
about their intrinſick value, finding Gulls who take them off his Hands for real
Wealth. For the vaſt Treaſures, that go out of the Popiſh Countries every
Year to Rome, there is a return of ſuch Paper Credit all over Europe, and as far
as the Indies and America. 'Twas a pleaſant Baulk to the Dutch Capers during
the Low Countries War with Spain, when they took Spaniſh Ships, and inſtead
of Gold and Silver Bullion found only Cheſts of Papal Balls and Pardons, which
were ſent to the Indies and America for their rich Wares and Metals. Beſides,
we are to obſerve, that ſince the Angel has declared the Myſtery of the Whore,
and called her Babylon, and Capital City, the Stile is more litteral; and the
Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks in plain Language, as the old Prophets have done in deſcri-
bing the Fall of Tyre and Babylon. Theſe Symboles therefore are not Mera-
phorical, but Litteral, to denote the Wealth and Luxury of Babylon; for which
The returns upon the People only the Cup of Wrath, and full of abominable
Whoredoms and Sorceries; forcing them upon Men inſtead of their Servite
Tributes. Now this Trade being ſtopt by her Fall, and the gains of the Mer.
chants quite gone ; this is what now grieves them. Her Fall maſt of neceffity
make them Bankrupts.
A. verf. 12. Tópon xsuos, The lading of Gold.] After what has been ſaid of the
litteral ſignification of theſe Wares, 'tis not neceſſary to make fpecial Notes
on each. I ſhall therefore paſs over ſeveral of them, and only cake notice of
thoſe upon which ſomething inſtruđive may be ſaid.
B. Kai xétro tieds, xj utggaeits, and precious Stone, and Pearl. ] A Synecdoche
to ſignify all ſorts of precious Stones and Pearls. Pearls are rightly diftingui-
fhed from precious Stones, tho' they generally come together. Pliny, (a)
Principium ergo, culmenque omnium rerum pretii, margarita tenent. Tully, (b) Gem-
mas alii eo margaritas. "See the Note upon Chap. 21. 21. A.
C. Ke Búas, And byſſe. ] See our Note upon Chap. 19. 8. A.
D. Kan oneers, And Silk, ] Silk was altogether a { c ) Foreign Commodity in
the whole Roman Empire when $t. Fobin wrote, and by conſequence mult be
(d) ſcarce, fit only for the beſt ſort of Men and Ladies, being brought by the
Merchants a great way. (e) Juſtinian the Emperor is ſaid to be the firſt who
procur'd ſome Eggs of Silk Worms from the Indies, by the means of ſome
Monks; by which the Manufacture of Silk came into Europe.
E. Ko são čudor Suivov, And all kind of Thyme Wood. ) The Alex. MS. has
Oxdos Surov, Furniture of Thyme Wood, for fo the word oxidies may be tranſlated,
that it may comprehend Tables, to which uſe that Wood' was commonly im-
ploy'd, rather than ſay Veſſel. Vas in Latin has alfo that general ſignification of
Furniture, as in Terence ( f ) Nihil relinquo in ædibus, nec Vas nec Vélimentum. That
famous Wood for making Tables called in the Greek Miov or sud, as (g)
Pliny
faith, was called by the Romans Citrus. By their deſcription it was a ſweet
Smelling Wood and different from Cedar. The words of Homer are,
oll on something
(b)
Tnabg do os anos de segona
219 w noftsd tisda
Set do os contidid kes ce 7 disedTube Sus gi dva vñoov o fó Net, Door
Acouſewy.
Some have thought, that the Citrus was what we call Citron Wood bearing a
Sup-
VOST 62
8. A. .005
2012
sa 10
5
bare 952 NA
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. IX. cap. 35:
(b) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. V.M
(c) Plutarch. Præc. Nuptial. ſub fin. Y (d) Senec. de Benef. Lib. VII.
cap. 9.
(e) Procop. Hift. Mixt. cap.xvii. f) Terent. Heaut A&. I. Sc. I. (8) Plin. Nati
Hif. Lib. XIII. cap. 16.
(6) Homer Odyff...ani
gerly It
Fruit

818 The Lamentation of the Merchants.
Ch.XVUI. v.1 2,13.
ST
G. Kai
Fruit of that Name ; but that miſtake may be corrected from the very words
of Pliny. For where he ſays, alia eft arbor eodem nomine, that refers to the
word Citres and not to Jljov. The jou was indeed called Citrus, but that Greek
word was never applied to that other kind of Citrus, which Pliny deſcribes as
our Citron Wood. (a) Pling faith, that the Citrus was like a Female Cypreſs in
Leaf, Smell, and Stock; that the choiceſt grew in Mauritania, but was then
exhauſted. The value of it aroſe from the variety of the grain in the Root.
Radice nibil criſpius, nec aliunde pretiofiora opera. Thus alſo Strabo ſpeaking of the
Wood of Liguria, (b) flomd o nej zorunia mus suirca o'x isi zsiges meos Teis Team
fortes. This was ſomething like our Cabinets and other fine Works of Walnut
Tree Roots, or Box or Maple; which laſt (c) Pliny ſaith is next to the Citrus
for Beauty, whofe Knags or knotty parts, called Bruſcum and Molluſcum, if they
could make as large Works, would be even preferr'd co the Citrus. Hence (1) Ovid
faith, Acerque coloribus impor., (e) Martial puts it in the nexo place to the Citrus,
and the Citrus far beyond the value of Gold ; and indeed extravagant Prices
were given for them ; even ſo that one of them would have coft a (f) Senator's
Eſtate ; and the Women retorted this Vanity upon the Men, when mock'd
about their Pearls. You may ſee in Pliny choſe vaft Prices. Now as the da
lex. MS, has ordºos, Furniture, ſo we may further obſerve that che Romans had al-
ſo Beds made of this Wood. Perfius,
(8) Non quicquid denique left is Scribitur in citreisa och VOEL
Vigil,
( b ) Nec Libys Allyrio fternetur lectulus Oſtro. qui sa
Libys le&tulus, an African Bed is the fame as made of Citrais, becauſe it was
fetch'd from Africa. So likewiſe Doors were overlaid, or were made of it, as
appears from this of Varro, (,) In quibus Libylla Citrus faſevis cingit fores. I thali
only obſerve, that (k) Leonhart Rauwolf ſpeaks of a Tree called Tax, which is
very like the Cypreſs in ſhew and bigneſs, only the Root is not ſo long; ic bears
in great pieces fomewhat like Frankincenſe, or Ammoniacum, which is
chewn like Maſtick, and is called Taxa. He ſays it is the Thyia of Pliny and
Theophraftus. I'make this obſervacion, to ſhew, thae che Citrus alſo grew in the
Levant, as well as in Mauritania, where ic is ſtill uſed, as (1) Salmafius obſerves,
for Tables and other Utenſils; and that 'uis very likely, that this Wood is the
very fame as the Algum Trees, muyd, in 2 Chron. 2. 8. and Chap. 9.10.
which word ſeems deriv’d from 1778 and pu, drbor gummi, as Leon, Kauwolf
defcribes it. Tð rítegy cis digluñ års ega aj maśmov, del zo dads. So ſay the Onitecria
ticks in Ch. 200.
od 2010
F. Kai
rupe selgeov, And Cinamomum.] See Bochart in Canaan, Lib. II. cap. 3.
άμωμον, And Amomum. ] So ſome Copies approv'd by D. Mill, in Pro-
leg. An Aſyrian Plant, and alſo a ſort of Perfume mentioned in Perfius, and Sie
lius Italicus
. See Pap. Statius, Heſychius, Salut in Fragm, and Bochari in Canaan,
Lib. II. Cap. XIII. For the Babylonians being a very Luxurious People were all
of them perfum'd all over, Moinesgußu'os nav to swee, ſays Herodotus, Lib. I. cap. 195.
the Romans and Italians affect Perfumes now beyond all Men. And fo they did
in St. John's time. See Solinus, Cap. XLVIII. Senec. Epift. LXXXVI. Plin. Nai.
Hit. Lib. XIII. cap. 1.
sclosu How
breriaramog se la
A. verſ. 13. Kainme, And of Horſes.] It ſeems a little uncouth, that Horſes
ſhould be puc into the number of things which ferve for Luxury, becauſe we
think they are ſo very neceſſary for ules very far from it. But we mult rather
look upon them as they were eſteem'd among the Fews, or may be cuen'd to
proud and luxurious Uſes for Parade and Sports
. Now at firſt among the la
raelites, they ſeem to have had no Horſes till the time of Solomon. Before that
their
beſt Men were great enough if they did but ride upon Aſſes. See Judg. 5:
10. Chap. 10.4. and Chap. 12. 9, 14. Hence the Prohibition to the fucure
02
00V
150 gr SV smo
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XIII. cap. 15. (6) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. IV. pag. 202.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XVI. cap. 15. cap. 16. & Lib. XXX.
(d) Ovid. Metem. Lib. X."
(e) Martial Lib. XIV. Epigr. 89, 90.
(f) Seneca de Benef. Lib. VII. cap. 9. vid. Ja
Lipſ. Not. & de Tranquill. cap. 1. (8) Perl. Saty: !.
h
(1) Varro apud Non: V. Faſciam, ut emendate leg. apud Volf
, in Etymol
. Voc Gilius. (k) Leonb.
Rauwolf. Tra. P. II. chap. 8a (1) Salmaſ, de Hom Hyl. Biatrie
dr.
dil
aat
King,
Ryoin

Ch. XVII.v. 13. The Lamentation of the Merchants.
819
1970
King, to multiply Horſes, Deut. 17. 16. Iſaiah 2. 7. names the Horſes as a token
of the Corruption of their Manners. But the humility of the Meſſias is
ſhewn by his fitting upon an Aſs, Zechar. 9. 9, 10. . Thus alſo (a) Seneca ob-
ſerves, that Cato che Cenſor was content co ride on a plain Gelding, and there-
on a pair of Bags to carry ſome neceſſary things. But keeping of Horſes, was
à token of Luxury even among the Greeks. So Æſchylus:
Obno
bonor avsatis
(6) °Yo' eguatº 520,204 oranviss.
morta nesú
“Ισπες, άγαλμα της υπερπλέτε χλιδής αινίγει το Πολ :
10:27 secondo
(8) Ariſtophanes has expos’d this Pride ſufficiently in one of his Plays and (d) The
cydides taxes it in Alcibiades by the mouth of Nicias
. (e) Saluft allo does it in the
young Rakes of Catilina's Party, And Horace ſuppoſes they are Kings, that is,
great Men, who buy fine Horſes ; (f) Regibus hic mos eft, ubi equos mercantur.
Ånd indeed ſo they muſt be to give an Attick Talent for an Horie. Varro': (g)
Nunc emunt troſili nardo nitidi vulgo Attico talento equum. That is, near two hun-
dred Pound ſterling, a great Sum then. Hence Plato having once got upon an
Horle, alighted preſently; ſaying, He was afraid to become Horſe proud. This is
thus expreſs’d in Diogenes Laertius : (b) quoas dinalads uw in rolupia anagri
. The pride
of Horſes is very well known. To which may be added, that the Aſiaticks ſet
a great value upon Horſes. Afconius : (i) Afiani magno pretio æftimant equos.
This he ſays in a place where Tully by name taxes the Luxury of Verres in keep-
ing ſuch Horſes in Aſia. As to the Romans more eſpecially, this fondneſs for
Horſes was even bred with them from their Mothers Womb. I have good
proof of this. Quinctilian or Tacitus ſays: (k) Jam vero propria e peculiaria
hujus urbis vitia pene in utero matris concipi mibi videntur, biſtrionalis favor, di
gladiatorum equorumque ftudia. It is needleſs to add any more.
B. Kai paldov, And Coaches.] Or rather pé-soya Rheda is a Latin word, which
firſt came from the Gauls, and becauſe the Roman Magiftrates made uſe of
them in the Provinces, it was ſoon taken up there. Rbeda is moſt certainly a
Coach, with this difference, that they, had not then the uſe of Slings to make
them ſo eaſy as now. lſidorus : (l) Rheda genus vehiculi quatuor rotarum. The
Ladies us’d them formerly ; they were then called by the names of Pilentum and
Petoritum. Iſidorus again; Pilentum vel Petoritum, contextum quotuor rotarum vebi-
culüm quibus matrone utebantur. But the great Men us’d them alſo in the Times
of (m) Horace. Afterwards it was permitted to the Senators to have ſuch
Coaches adorn'd with Silver. Lampridius : (n) Carrucas Roma & Rhedas Senatoribus
omnibus, ut argentat as haberent, permifit: intereſſe Romanæ dignitatis putans, ut bistante
urbis Senatores večtarentur. But before theſe times they ſeem only to have usd them
abroad. So (c) Tully fays, Milo, when Clodius was dain, rode in a Rheda with
his Wife. And elſewhere he deſcribes handſomly a fluttering Coxcomb in his
Travels: (P) Hoc ego ex P. Vedio magno nebulone, ſed Pompeii tamen familiari audivi.
Hic Vedius venit mihi obviam cum duobus Elſedis, & Rheda equis juncta, &• lettica
por familia Magna : pro qua fi curio legem pertulerit, H-S. centena pendet mecelle
eft.' Erat præterea cynocephalus in Elſedo, nec deerant onagri. Nuxquam vidi bominens
nequiorem. This Coxcomb rode with two Chaiſes and a Coach, and a Litter
carried by Slaves, having a Baboon in one of the Chaiſes, and I ſuppoſe the
wild Affes drew it. By this we fee what ſhew they made in their Equipages.
See Seneca, Epift. 87. 123.
hombhaata
The Word I ſay is Gallick, but ſome ſay it is (g) Syriać, and fome -(0)
Chaldee ; the Romans fay they had it from the Gauls. So (S) Quin&ilian : But
the ancient Germans had it too. For the Anglo-Saxons had Radwign, and I find in
the Teutonick Gloſſary of Lipſius, Radiwagon, Currus. With theſe Radt is a Wheel
with this help we may underſtand and corre& a Paſſage in Pliny, who ſpeak-
Di
- (a) Senec. Epift. LXXXVII. J (6) Æſchyl. Prometh
. vin&t
. v, 469,
Espaid
(6) Ariſtopha
(d) Thucydid. Lib.VI. 9.12. (e) Saluſt. B. Catilin. cap.XIV. (f) Horar
Lib. I. Sat. II. vid. Schol.
(8) Varro apud Non. Voce Troſſuli.
(1) Diogen. Laert. Lib. III. §. 39. (i) Afcon. in Lib. I. in Verr. (k) Dialog. de
Cauf. Corrupt. Eloq.
(1) Ifidor. Orig. Lib. XX. cap. 12.
Lib. I. Sat. VI. v. 104.
(1) Ælius Lamprid. in Alex. Sever.
(0) MT. Cic.
Orat. pro Milon.
(p) M. T. Cic. ad Attic. Lib. VI. Epift, I. (9) Leigh
Critic facr.
(r) Bochart. Canaan Lib. I. cap. 49.
US) Quinctilian. de
Juft. Orat. Lib. I,
ne fay it is
bas
SD
Nebul.
(m) Horat.
Com
SIS

820 The Lamentation of the Merchants, Ch. XVIII. v. 13:
ing of the ſeveral ſorts of Ploughs has thefe words : (a) Gallie dúas addiderent
tali rotulas, quod genus vocans planarat. Io ſhould be read plugrat, or plugradt. So
the Petorritum is Petoar, or Pedwar, Four, and radi, Wheel; thoſe very words
having ſtill the ſame ſignification in the Britiſh Language, as Bochart and Cambden
have obſery'd.
haigal
bonita visto smolo catalous 10
C. Kai omple cou, ij Juges du póstov, Arid Slaves and Souls of Men.] All Interpre-
ters have found difficulty in theſe words, to know what Diſtinction there is be-
tween them : for 'tis agreed, that both may fignify Slaves. This may be foon
taken off by obſerving, that the Conſtruction being here chang’d, as it is often
in chis Catalogue or Bill of Lading, ſome words in the genitive Caſe are
govern'd by the foregoing poucov, and ſo are put in the Accuſative and govern'd,
as well as zóuor, of the Verb, egese [ht Now as the word owotwy is put in con-
fore with int w and péscov, it inay be an Adjunct of them, and then hgnify At-
tendants, Equipage. As indeed 'tis neceſſary, thar Horſes and Coaches have
ſuch conſtantly about them; for which reafon we find che words familia magna
in Tully aforecited, with the Chaiſes, Coach and Liteer; as alſo in Horace:
(b) Plures calones, atque Caballi paſcendi, ducenda Petorrita. And then it ſhould
feem that the intention of the Holy Ghoft was to ſhew, that Merchants fur-
oniſhed great Men with Horfes, Coaches and Attendants, altogether. But chat
by luzes dvd pców might be underſtood that more ordinary Tort cf slaves, who
were ſold ſingly to any that wanted, and were carried into the Markets like
Cattle by whole Droves, to be ſold to any Body. Edual a in the Greek Tongue
fignifying in general Men, whether bond or free, this Interpretation is fuf-
fficiently authoris'd. Thus (c) Demofthenes has often us'd it to ſignify the
Citizens of Athens, and in Plutarch we find (d) owudz cop rijeçovenor apmaya
from whence (e) Pollux has drawn a Rule, that om walce is not to be us'd for
Slaves without the Addition of sind And ſince the Holy Ghoſt has made a
Diftin&ion, we may ſuppoſe that this place is to be underſtood accord-
ingly.
s The Holy Ghoſt deſcribes here the Luxury of Rome in general with a conſtant
Eye to the condition in which it was in St. John's Time ; in which as we ſee,
cit was uſual to have all cheſe things mention'd before, and in particular thoſe
Thyine or Citrin Tables, which ſhew us evidently how the Luxury of the an-
ciene Romans is applied in general to the whole Duration of the City. Noc
that we ſhall want to find, that this has place in the preſent Rome in matters ab-
ſolutely equivalent, but becauſe the Notions of the words may be beſt under-
ffood with that view. Now ar that time the Pride and Luxury of the Romans
appear'd in this, that they affected fine Horſes, Coaches, Litters and great At-
tendance, not only of Slaves, which was prodigious as we ſhall ſhew by and
by, but alſo of a kind of half Freemen, which were called by them Clientes
and Hofpites, conſiſting firſt of the poorer ſort of the Roman Citizens called
properly Clientes, and alſo of their Liberti and Libertini: and ſecondly of even
a rich fort of Men, who being Strangers at Rome, and coming thither upon
Bufineſs, and ſtanding in need of favour, courted it by waiting upon the
Patron. To which purpoſe they attended arche Levee of the Roman Noble-
men, and followed them in the City to make a ſhew of their reſpect, and thus
honour them; and this they often did whilſt che Patron went in a Litter.
Theſe may be called odwale, take the words as you will ; either by making
them Adjuncts to the Coaches ; or elſe conſidering ihem as diſtinguiſhºd, and
yer with the tugas evo saperwy, who are properly Slaves
. For they are Freemen
in one Senſe, and yet not free, but Perſons attending, and upon whom the
Patron had ſeveral Rights according to their different State. Therefore ſuch
were quite different from Slaves; and therefore muſt be diſtinguiſh’d, though
they ought to be mention'd here, becauſe they ſerve to ſhew the Luxury, Pride,
and ſumptuous ſtate of this Capital.
It may be objected, that theſe Men were not bought and ſold, and ſo can-
not properly be ſaid to be a Lading or Merchandize. This is true indeed, but
then neither moſt of thoſe things, which ſervid to the Luxury of the Romans
not
QE UT JA
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XVIII. cap. 18. (b) Horat. Lib. I. Sat. VI.
Phil. III & de Symmoriis.
(d) Plug. V. Pompeii.
. Onom. Lib. III. cap. 8,
pot
(1) Demoſth.
(e) Polluc.
were
1

Pedrera*
or
Ch. XVIII. v. 13. The Lamentation of the Merchants. 821
were bought by them; but either taken in War, or plundered by the Roman
Magiſtrates in the Provinces where they govern'd, as might be prov'd from
ſeveral (a) Authors. Therefore the Holy Ghoſt calls them all Merchants, who
brought that affluence of Riches, cauſing and ſerving the Luxury, howſoever
ebey came by them; becauſe Merchants in general are the Men, who convey
all ſorts of things which ſerve, or belong to the Luxury of the Cities, to
which they reſort. And the great power of theſe Roman Noblemen was that,
which occaſion'd their having ſo many Attendants and Clients, as well as the
Slaves which they bought ſometimes for Money. The Clients for the fake of
Protection being forced in a manner thus to ſell themſelves to their Patrons,
chough in a Servitude ſomewhat above that of Bondmen. Such a Diſtinct on
there is to be fure in matter of Service and Attendance where ever chere have
been Slaves. Hence in Greek che difference between dag and dedkovo,
eringérns, for daxords is only a Miniſter, but sino is a Slave. So among the Ger-
mans and Gauls they had their (b) Ambe&tos as Cæfar ſays, which he explains by
Clientes, (c) Tacitus by Obærati; but theſe were not abſolute Siaves. The
Gothick (d) Tongue, which had likewiſe that word, has another very different for
Slave. This is Skalks, the other Andbahts.
There may be another way to account for this ſaying, that theſe two words
valueand fuxai av Spaów w fignify the ſame thing, either by an Hendyadis, or
as purely fynonymous ; as if the latter was an Explanation of the former.
For both indeed may rignify Slaves, and that too in the Scripture Phraſe.
zabalde is frequently us'd lo, and that ſignification might immediately come to
the Fews from Alexandria. So Heſychius : KuxnG, Tepícono, aj év égagé Tómo trda
ar d'n nach océdecale niepáo xelat it is alſo
found twice in 2 Maccab. 8. 11. fo in Genel.
36. 6. Ten omiscela are the Servants. Thus alſo the Author of the Apoftolick
Conftitutions : (e) Πισον γαρ εν πανηγύρει ο χρή παραβάλλειν, πλείον τα σωμάτιον πρίας, και
ψυχω περιποιήσας, και έτερά τινα σωωνήσεθς των προς σύσασιν αρμοζόγων - Likewife in
Tobit 10. 10. Gebude ce are Slaves, and the word is ſo usd in (f) Arifteas frequently?
For indeed Eõua ſeems to be the primitive term for a Slave, becauſe it is a
Perſon ſaved in War, as in Latix (g) Servus a Servando. As to tuxai áo Jpcómedy,
chat to be ſure fignifies a Slave, it being ſo often us’d in holy Wric as alſo the
ſingle word fuxid Soulbut it is ſo us'd more ſpecially in that place of Ezek. 27.
13. to which this Vifiοn alludes : ούτοι ενεπος Δίονο σοι εν ψυχάς ανθρώπων: So in
1 Chron. 5. 21. in the Complut. Edit. fexced doodport we in Numb. 31. 35. is found
this fingular Expreſſion, fuxai dvipatwy wno' Tā gwertão, Souls of Men from
among the Women, for Women Slaves. Nay, the word fux) by ic ſelf ſignifies a
Slave. Thus in Levit. 22. 11. eziv de iep is utáoeloe fugle 'gx]n] ay apgugis. So in
Genef
. 14. 21. where the Hebrew has vou and accordingly Aquila had this fugle,
and Symmachus toi's tegels, which is more ſuitable to the ſcope of the place, tho'
our Copies of the LXX. have 7ès å vSpes, yet the Oxon MS. has Tès sodas, that
is, Servants. Hence in Heſychius fuzazwyės, o evs pazudishie which two words are
us’d ſynonymouſly by Clemens Alexandr. (b) 'Ayd eglmodisci 7e xj Yugayugi: On
this account the Brontoſcopia of Nigidius Figulus ſays in one place : (i) Néges
δαναληφόρες ταϊς δολικάϊς ψυχαίς απειλεί. “So Μeurfius reads inftead of τύχεις, obfer-
ving that the Greeks afterwards called Slaves fuzeégime to which may be added the
place of the Apoftolick Conſtitutionis juſt before cited. Nay further, if the
next word a'vogaoz cosy laid emphatically to the fugees be rightly conſidered, it will
even by ie ſelf imply the ſame thing. To this end look back to our Noce upon
Chap. 1. 13. B. where we fhew that the word dvsparios anſwering to the
Hebrew 78 and wax fignifies a Man in a low and abject State, ſuch as Slavery
is always. Thus in Ezek. 27. 16. the LXX. turn evigué mes tuttogiar, to ſignify
chat Tyre dealt in Sláves, which hews they read N, not , as 'tis now.
Thus alſo in 1 Kings 10: 8. FUN tby Men, Our Verfion has tby Servants,
the LXX. oi toisés or And indeed in moft Languages Man ſignifies a Slave or
OUDUO
(a) Vid. M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. III. & Lib. IV. & Orat. pro Leg. Manil. Juvenal. Sat. VIII.
Plut. in M. Anton.
(6) C. Cæfar. de B. Gall. Lib. VI. cap. 4.
(c) Tacir.
Anna). Lib. 111. cap. 42.
(d) Vid. Junii Gloff. Goth. p. 56.
(e) Apoft.
Conftit. Lib. II. cap. 62. (f) Vid. Jofeph. Arch. Lib. XII. cap. 2. (g) Juftinian,
Inſt. Lib. I. T. 3. de Jure perſon. Ilidor. Orig. Lib. IX. cap. 4.
(b) Clem. Alex.
Strom. Lib. I. p. 125.
(i) Nig. Figul
. Br. Jülü VI.
1345216 nini
Servants
9 Z

882 The Lamentation of the Merchants,
Ch. XVIII. v. 13.
See
Servant, and this too in the beſt of Latin Aüthors, as well as the more recent
and in the Languages of thoſe that invaded the Roman Empire, from whom
it is thought, chat this uſe of the word Man came. 'Tis ſo in Zully more than
once. a) Hominem P. Quinetii deprébendis in publico : conaris abducere ; non
patitur Alpbenus: vi tibi ademit; curat
, ut domum reducatur ad Quinctium.
Again : (5) Servos artifices pupilli cum haberet domi, circum pedes autem homines
formoſos, em litteratos, fuos effe dicebat, se emille. And a litele (c) after: H.-
mines poftea quam teus factus eft, alii redditi, alii etiam nunc retinentur.
Calepin's Dictionary, who cites Scævola and Cetulus upon this accounr. So that
leis no wonder this ſhould be alſo found in Caffiodorus: (1) Theodofio Homini ſu
Ilzodabadus rex. Of which alſo G. Fornerins in his Noce thereupon gives in.
ftances out of the Theodoſian Code; and fnews, that it is the ſame as Domeftico do
Clienti. The like is found in ſeveral other me) places; and in (f) St. Auſtin,
and in Julius Capitolinus : (8) Ut apud vada Sabatia mei caturas exercuerit Imperator
per homines fuos. Alius Spartianus': (b) De omnibus bomnibus per fideles homines
fuos femper quafivit. It's needleſs to give inſtances of the Gothick and Cognate
Languages lince the very Homage is a proof of it. Neither fhall we here give
any account of the vaſt number of Slaves, which the Roman Noblemen kept,
becauſe we have done ie in our Note upon Chap. 13. 17. E.
29 But before I proceed to the Application, I think my ſelf oblig'd to take
notice of an Obfervation of D. Vitring 7, which if true, will indeed take off the
difficulty of this Expreſſion ; j sous leo aj funcis v po'tmay He ſays, that okouzle
here are the ſame as Facultates of Inftrumenta Doffice ; and the word is here to
be taken as in the LXX. Gewef: 34. 29. Kou návlae tel och je da ce dulõv, which an.
ſwers there to the Hebremy i bora y so that the meaning of the Holy Ghoft
ſhould be chus: of Horses and Coaches, and Houfhold Stuff and Slaves. But tho
the LXX. in this place upon view of the whole account have thought fit to
mention che Slaves, which muſt be of the Female kind, becauſe all the
Males were fain, and that thoſe alſo are Houſhold Goods, and by a Synecdoche
may be put før them in this place, it does not follow thaenon is the ſame as
otóval in St. John, and that therefore the word may be us’d commonly To.
For if it be only to avoid a Repetition, the otójucila here would alſo make one,
becauſe all forts of Utenſils or Houſhold Stuff have been named before. I
had indeed noted che place, but upon this Conſideration did not think it could
ſerve to my purpoſe. But I think 'tis better to follow my firſt hint, that the
words of the Holy Ghoſt imply different things; that is, Attendants and Slaves.
But now to come to the Application of the old Luxury and Pride of the Ro-
máns to the preſent aſe of the Roman Courtiers, who have not only great
Equipages of menial Servants or Domeſticks, but alſo affect the ſtate of the
old Romans, to be Patrons to Kings and Nations; and accordingly at Rome to
make all the Gueſts of ſuch Nations artend their Patrons when they appear in
publick. This che Papilts never fail co do; and I hear our Proteſtant Travel-
iers condeſcend ſo far to worſhip the Beaſt, and communicare with the Whore
of Babylon. The Trick by which they are gulled into this freaking Compliance
is worth telling. If there be ſome publick thew, they are invited to do it;
but in common Caſes they are invited to the Table of ſome Cardinal upon a
fer Day, or elſe if they think fit to dine with him, they are privately adno-
niſhed to give ſome notice of their deſign, which is generally done when ſome
number of them can go together. As ſoon as they come in Coaches, for that
is neceſſary too, and wait upon the Cardinal, he is thereupon prepared to
fing or ſay a Mafs in St. Peters, thither the Gueſts muſt in Civility attend liim
with all their Pomp; and thus our young Nobles become the Trencher
Knights of theſe Roman Patrons, and exa&ly perform the Office of Clientes, to
ger a Roman Sportula, debaling theinſelves for a meals Meat.
The origin of chis Patronage is ignominious; it aroſe firft from Slavery and
Conqueſt. The Roman Clientes became ſuch when ſet ac liberty out of Slavery:
for though they became Citizens, they ſtill owed publick attendance upon the
Ronan Nobles, which duty out of a neceſſity of Protection not only deſcend-
3
7710g
20 o pol ml. V ()
(6) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro P. Quinetia. A (6) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. 1. IT (c) M. T
Cic. ibid.
(d) Caffiod. Vat. Lib. X. Ep. 'sobus .0 vt (e) Caffiod. Varior.
Lib. IV. Ep. 44. & Lib. II. Ep. 29. & Nor, G. Fornl ibid.
(f) Auguſtin. Ep. 59.
(5Jul. Capitol. in Pertinac.
(b) AI. Spartian. in Alex. Sever.

Ch. XVIII. N. 13. The Lamentation of the Merchants, 82
29
ed upon their. Pofterity, but alſo became neceſſary to the reſt of the (a) Citi-
zens. Plautus therefore calls it a (b) publick Slavery. As to the Clientela of
Foreigners, it aroſe from Conqueſt. The Cities and Nations which ſurren.
dred themſelves in fidem, upon Diſcretion, to a Roman Commander, became
afterwards Clientes to him and his Poſterity. This is (c) Tully's account of it.
As Rome now endeavours to keep up the State and Pretenſions of the Power it
had when Pagan, ſo it has ſtill the Names, and ſome few of the things too;
and ſets as high a value upon them as it can. Now this is no little matter wichá
thoſe who are deceived with thoſe Witchcrafts.
This is enough, as to the proof of their luxurious Pomp; but let us ſee a
little further, not only how they excuſe or palliate this, but alſo defend it,
as neceſſary to the Church. Now according to the (d) new Goſpel of Car-
dinal Pallavicini, the Perfeâion of any thing conſiſts in having greater plenty
of Goods than neceſſity barely requires : thac thoſe things are firſt found out,
which were neceſſary for human Liſe ; and then thoſe which may render it
happy and eaſy. So that our Saviour having inſtituted a Church, only with
the things neceſſary, it had remain'd unperfect, if that Perfection had not been
added to it, which is by Riches, Honours, Pleaſures and Plenty which the
Church has ſince acquir'd and enjoys. Whereupon Father 7. B. Giatino che
Jeſuit, who tranſlated the Cardinal's Hiftory into Latin, adds an Obſervation
concerning the ſplendid Equipages of Pages, Footmen and Servants attending
upon the Romiſh Churchmen, which admirably fics, this place; Angelirum efi
præſtantia qui famulis non indigent, famulis carere ; led hominum, quibus Sant opus,
præftantia eß fupra quam-indigent iis abundare. Ita universè nebus quæ fulcimentis
non egent, prajtantia vertitur fulcimentis vacare; ſed rebus que fulcris indigent, eis
pluſquam indigent abundare. I thought that according to Ariſtotle, whoſe Philo-
fophy is ſo ſacred even beyond the holy Scriptures, Virtue conſiſted in a due
medium, and that Temperance and Moderation in the uſe of things are Virtues.
But here we fee Pride, Luxury and Extravagance becoming human Perfe&ions.
'Tis not meant by this, that the uſe of the Goods of this world is unlawful,
but the abuſe; no more than it is unlawful to drink Wine, or eat white Bread
and uſe Oyl, which are mention'd in this Bill of Babylonian Luxury. But the
Crime of this Babylon is this ; that ſhe eſtabliſhes Idolary and tyrannizes over
the Bodies and Souls of Men to make a gain of them, and maintain this unrea-
ſonable Luxury. There's the Sin chiefly, God's Favours to any Man in the
good things of this World are not criminal in him, but the abuſe of them, or
the bad means us’d to ſupport or increaſe them. This Rome does, I ſhall there-
fore apply to them the words of Lactantius deſcribing Worldlings in general;
(e) Idem maximum bonum judicant opes, quas si bonis artibus aflegui non poflunt,
maks effequuntur. Fraudant, rapiunt, Spoliant, infidiantur, abjurant a nibil denique
moderati aut penſi babent, dummodo auro corulgent, argento,
gemmis, veftibus fulgeant,
avidiſſimo ventri opes fuggerant, ſipati familiarum gregibus, per dimatum populum
femper incedant. See Ammianus Marcellinus Lib. XIV. & XXVIII. and Seneca Epift
.
LXXXVI. & CXXIII.
A. verſ. 14. Kaš v ó cipce, rūs on Quyées, rūs turers 98 e'zinin şev fire op, And the Harveſt
of the deſire of thy Soul is departed from thee.] Beza thought, that this Verle.
is tranſpos’d, and fetch'd from the end of the twenty third, which would as he
thinks, if it were put in that place, make all agree without Tranſlation or
Change by ſuch frequent
Apoſtrophes. For the fifteenth Verſe ſeems to fit ex-
actly the end of the thirteenth. But if for this reaſon we muſt change the
reading, there would be no end, it being common for St. John to change his
Conſtruction, he not being very exact as to thac point. And even the twenty
fourth Verſe is an inſtance thereof, where the Angel having ſpoken before in
V. 21. in the third Perſon of Babylon, ſpeaks in the ſecond Perlon quite through
the twenty third, and then at the twenty fourth, falls abruptly to ſpeak in the
third Perſon. Nay, and if you go to that, then Criticifm. for Criticiſm, I
ſay, that this abrupe way in a Lamentation
and broken Sentences, a Pindarick
Stile, and frequent Apoſtrophes, are more proper and pachetick upon ſo great
and ſudden a loſs, than a ſmooth and ſtudied Complaint in a nice grammatical
Sais
Jos liv i Vie?
fa, Vid, Feſt. V. Patrocinia. 105071) (0) Plaut. Capt. A&. II. Sc. II. v. 843-85.
(2) M: T. Cic. de Offic. Lib. I. Allged) Newi Goſpel of C. Pallavic. Chap. IV.
(e) Lactant. Inſtit. Lib. VI. cap. io.lxx.com
MCA SIVX di 1909)
nedio
Conſtruction

824
The Lawnentation of the Merchants.
Ch. XVIII. v. 14
Conſtruction. (a) Perturbatis, jugis non datur oratio ; fays Servius. Conſider
this well and you will find, that this paſſion is moft excellently repreſented.
This may ſerve for a ſecond reaſon to defend the Text; to which a third muſt
be added no leſs ſtrong than the former. Obſerve then, that all the Merchan-
diſe mention'd before this Verſe, are things imported to Babylon, and that the
Merchants lament, becauſe no Body is left to buy them off their Hands. But
can we think a great Mart ſubfifts without Exportation and returns of Goods?
No ſure, all Merchants that import, export alſo back, to make a double Ad
vantage, by the firſt venture and return. The things mention'd in this Verſe
are ſuch as are ftaple Commodities of Babylon, and of the growth or product
of what is peculiar to her, and fit to be return'd. Since all theſe things are
gone, the Holy Ghoſt having repreſented Babylon in a Deſert, naked and her
Fleſh eaten, what can the Merchants bring back? Therefore this is a double
loſs, and increaſes their Sorrow beyond meaſure ; for Merchants are (b)
oxoxas Sésulov súc, as Theophyla&t ſays, Men wholly intent upon, and very greedy
of gain. Now theſe loſe every way.
But now to come to the words chemſelves. 'Oswaiget ſignifies here the whole
Crop of Fruits. Heſychius : 'Otwę, z Jéo, xj zò uelostegóv, xupicos de saquail.
καταχρηστικές διε, και δη των άλλων ακροδρύων: By Fruits therefore we muft underftand
the Summer and Autumn Fruits, that is, the whole crop of the Fruits of the
Earth in Corn, Fruits of Trees and Pot-herbs. For I take the Etymology of
the word to be from na to fruétify, which makes in the Participle -970,
Poreh, hence recópolº For I ſay, though in the proper Greek this word mould
only ſignify the Grapes, or at moſt the Fruits of Trees, yet fince it has a
more looſe and general ſignification here, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt having di-
vided all the things which belong to Babylon as of her own Product into three
forts, and that this makes one Branch, we muſt ſtretch it ſo far ; becauſe as
we ſhall ſee, the other following words, Arte pled fat things making the fore chat
comprehends Carcle, and naungal the ſhining things belonging to Garments, we
find that the Holy Ghoſt has endeavour'd to comprehend in theſe three words
all the abundance of the litteral Babylon, which conſiſted in having a very fruit-
fal Soil, fine Cattle and a great Manufacture of fine Works for Garments.
Theſe lſhall further explain in their proper places, being oblig'd co give only
an hint here to ſhew why I take the word before us in to general a Signifi-
cation.
10 As for the whole Expreſſion it ſelf, the Harveft of the deſire of thy Soul,
it is an Hebraifm importing, thy beloved and pleaſant terveſt, upon which thous
haft ſet thy mind. The Genitive tãs OM.Tu puies is puc initead of the Adje&ive
om gulungds, very deſirable. Thus in Dan. 10. 3. "Aglov om Supervo óx épazov, 1 eat no
Bread of Deſires ; that is, no pleaſant Bread as our Verfion has it. So in Hoſea 13.
cI5. Velſels of deſire, :7700 s, in the LXX. se oud'n toe om Soundé, pleaſant Vellels.
Thus alſo in Iſaiah 2. 16. 77707730, Pictures of deſire in the Margin,
that is, pleaſant Pictures, or fine ſhews of beautiful and painted Ships for the
LXX. ſay : J'avandlar og'rlos' In Dan. 10. 11. Ion U's, Axię on suurior, a
Man of Deſires, that is, a Man much beloved. As for the Genitive rñs tezős os
of thy Soul, that only increaſes the Emphafis. Thus in lſaiab 26. 8. The deſire
of our Soul, ſignifies our earneſt deſire. So in Ezek. 24. 15. teil migurnouce la tão
op Jaapeño ou, the deſire of thine Eyes, that is, thy moſt earneſt deſire, which is to
expreſs his moſt dearly belov'd Wife, as it is plain from v. 18. and again, in
v, 21. Βλι θυμήματα οφθαλμών υμών, και υπέρ ών φείδονται αι ψυχαί υμών, the defire of your
Eyes, and that which your Soul pitieth ; that is, the moſt dearly beloved Object
of your Love, the darling of your Soul, ſaid of the Sanctuary of God, of
which the Iſraelites profeſſed to be ſo fond, co affect ſo earneſtly, that where-
upon they fet their Minds, whereon their Soul is lifted up, as ic is explain'd
in v. 25,
As the Holy Ghoſt takes this Deſcription with a reſpect to the litteral Babylon,
ſo it is proper here to Thew the vaſt Fruitfulnefs of the Soil about Babylon. (c)
Herodotus has taken notice of it. He ſays indeed, that tho' it does not exceed
Inol RTG sin sisam
(a) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. II. col. 659.
(6) Theophyl. in March, 22. vid.
Platon, de Legib. Lib. XI. p. 616.
(c) Herodor. Lib. I. cap. 193. vid. Plin. Nat.
Hiſt. Lib. VI. cap. 26. Q. Curt. Lib. V. cap. 1. Plin. Nat. Hift, Lib. XVIII. cap. 17. Strabon.
Geogr. Lib. XVI. p. 742. Ammian Marcellic. Lib. XXIII.
201310
other

Chap. XVIII. v. 84. The Lamentation of the Merchants. 825
other Countries for Fruit, Trees, Figs, Vines and Olives ; yet for Corn 'tis
beyond all; that it produces often ewo hundred for one, and in ſome of the
beſt places three hundred: that the Blades of the Wheat and Barley are four
Fingers breadth ; that the Miller and Seſamum grow up as high as Trees,
which Seſamum furniſhes them with Oyl; and that they have abundance of
Palm Trees, which produce for them Meat, Wine and Hony. The Prophet
Jeremiah st. 23. alludes to cheir great Husbandry, as being very remarkable.
And indeed the firſt attempt of Conqueſt having been made upon that Country,
this is an Argument of its excelling the neighbouring Lands. Bue if we ap-
ply this to Rome, 'cis true the Soil is not ſo rich as the Babylonian, but we may
lay, that it has about it one of the fineſt Countries in the World, and the moſt
fruitful in Chriſtendom, were it not under fo miſchievous a Conſtitucion in
Government, by which it is almoſt depopulated, and grown like a Wilder-
neſs.
B. Kai reyla to magad, And all the dainty fat things.] This is the ſecond
branch of the home Product of Babylon. We might have trandared all the fata
lings or fat, as the Butchers and Graziers ſpeak. This I ſay relates to the Cattle
fit for Sacrifices and Dainties. For no pugad here is the ſame as palavere price in Pſal.
66. is, and peo's genéséclaufuos in Ezek. 39. 18. the Hebrew words D'no and
30, which ſtand for them being us'd without the Subſtantives as appears
from that place of the Pfalmifi and Amos 5. 22 wherein the latrer word is with-
out á Subſtantive. In Iſaiah 25,6. pois turn'd by diogoow'lu, but ſome add
as nuo uod Town, which may be ſuſpected to be of Symmachus. This ſhews that Arapce
are dainty Meaes; the word it ſelf ſignifies well fed, plump. Heſychius: ne napoioevs
Ατραφετέροις, λιπτι ρούσι πόδεσι, τοϊς άτραφάσι και ασύρκοις Λιπανθείς, πιανθείς. So in
3 Eſdr. 9. 51. pézele deteo ucelee, eat the fatlings, which is alſo in Nebem. 8. 10.
where the Hebrew is O'nun, from 100, Oyl, or any fat Stuff. So Dainties in
Homer come under the name of Marrow and Fatneſs. So ſpeaking of the feed-
ing of Aftyanax upon the Knees of Hector his Facher, he ſays,
(4) Μυελόν οίον έδεσκε, και οιών πίονα δημών
So in Plautus (6) Saginam cædere is to eat delicately, and (c) Sagina plane eft,
means a luxurious Life. Juvenal, (d) Propera ſtomachum laxare Jaginis (e)
Tacitus alſo uſes the Expreſſion more than once : as Gladiatoria Sagina ; and
Sumptu Saginaque, as I ipfius has corrected the place. Thus likewiſe Seneca (f)
Dum corpus in præſenti Sagina jacet, cogitationes ad futura præmittat. Therefore fat
in the ſymbolical Language fignifies Riches. See our Nore upon Chap. 17.
16. to which add Jerem. y. 28. they are waked fat, they shine, in the LXX.
Sule zaawównown wij raćTNOUN" Ferem. 3r. 14. I will ſatiate the Soul of the Prieſts with
Feineſs; the LXX. pieza duwă saj let StoreSo in Theocritus, ( g ) nav pélpon, which
the Scholiaft explains by petsa xurce Tone" såso'it Thus then Fatlings and Fat,
being pleaſant, dainty and delectable, the Magicians, whoſe Notions and
Charms are grounded upon the ſymbolical Language, as I have fhewn ellen
where, have fancied, that to be anointed with the fat of a Lion would procure
favour, that is by making a Man delectable, from Kings and People. Pliny:
(b) Magorum vanitas perunétis eo adipe faciliorem gratiam apud reges populofwe pro-
mittir. I ſhall leave it to the Criticks to confider, whether (i) Chiron the Cen-
taur, who was a Phyſician, and by conſequence according to the way of thoſe
times a Magician, did not give his Diſciple Achilles the Marrow of Lions to
make him a gracious Prince, and very popular; as alſo the Marrow of Bears
to make him a bold Warrior. (k) The Monks in the Levant, who live in De.
ſarts and upon Mountains, make a Pomatum of Lions Far and Garlick, by
which they drive away the wild Beaſts. This is more likely to do it, than
their Holineſs.
son blog
To fhew the Alluſion to the litteral Babylon, I muſt likewiſe ſhew here, that
Babylon had plenty of fine Cattle; of which we need to make no queſtion,
fince it was feared in a vaſt and fertile Plain. Buç this is enough to fhew it
10
lodia
(a) Homer. Iliad.%. V. 501.
(6) Plaut. Moftell. A&t. I. Sc. I (6) Plaut.
ibid. Sc. III. (a) Juvenal. Sar. IV.
(e) Tacit. Hift. Lib, 11. (f) Senec.
de Vit. bear. cap. VI.
OSS
(g) Theocrir. Id. VII.
(h) Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. XXVIII. c. 8. (1) Vid. Schol. Hom. Iliad. 1. v. 36. loo () (k) Habjarrahman
de Propr. Animal. cap.
XLII.
Oors
that
10 A


826 The Lamentation of the Merebants.
Ch. XVIII. v. 14.
ز
that ra) 2. Curtiu. ſays, the Lands between Euphrates and Tigris are ſo fertile,
that they are oblig'd to draw the Cattle from the Pattures, leaſt they ſhould
burſt ; we may likewiſe gueſs ac it by this account of (b) Herodotus, that the Sas.
trape of the Province of Babylon kept a Stad of eight hundred Stallions, and
fixteen thouſand Mares, beſides the Horſes of the Cavalry. See Jerem, 50.454
Chap. I. 23.
C. Kaca ti dauregia di tónoyto Siro os, and fining things are periſhed from thee.] The
Tranſlation of Mons has turn'd, or rather paraphras'd the word naumed by theſe,
magnificence of thy Furniture ; which nocion they have taken from Gratius; it
may
be back'd with this Obſervation, that the word aangege in the Writers of the
New Teſtament is always ſaid of Garments
. See I uke 23.11. mets 10.30. James
2. 2, 3. Revel. 15. 6. and Chap. 19.8. there are but two Exceptions, Revel. 21.
J. and Chap. 22. 16. the firſt of which ſpeaks of the Water of Life, the latter
of the Morning Star. I make no doubt therefore, but the Holy Ghoſt alludes
here to the ſumptuous Garments of the Babylonians, and the excellent Manufa
&ures of fine Scuffs made there, and famous all over whilft it ftood. The Pro-
phets allo allude ſometimes to thoſe Garments, as Eze. 23.6. and Nahum. 2. 3.
As high as the times of Foſhua, 7.21. Babyloniſh Garments were highly priled. (6)
Q. Curtius obſerves, that when Alexander firſt enter'd Babylon, the Babylonian Ca-
valry met him in ſo pompous an Apparel, that it exceeded in Magnificence.
To this more eſpecially thoſe places of the Prophets allude. I ſhall fay no more
of this becauſe (d) Bochart has created thereof, and prov'd it ſufficiently.
Thus by an indu&ion of particulars, both of the Foreign Trade and Home-
Product being quite taken away, the Holy Ghoft ſets foreh the utter delciari-
on of this Capital City; which can now neither buy the Merchandize of thoſe
that brought Luxurious things from abroad, nor receive and entercain them
when come with thoſe delicacies of Meat Drink and Clothing which ſhe had
before, nor make up ſuitable returns of Merchandize according to their former
Pradice. The loſs of theſe Advantages they now lament; as well the loſs of
their preſent Trade, as of their future hopes.
D. Ke śrén å si digúres du re, And thou ſhall find them no more at all ] A very em-
phatical Expreſſion to denote the utter deſolation of Rome, fince it is uttered
with a triple Negative. The Greek Tongue admits of two, but three are rare;
yet they are ſo found in the 1 XX. Iſaiah 65.17. and alſo v. 20. and in (e) lga
natius Diſciple of St. Fohn. Four Negatives are very ſingular, but yet found in
Demoſthenes, (f) 'oude moi dev kuiv s cest generale Nósmy, thoa little after he is
content with one Negative to exprefs the very fame thing, No são contest MOV TWY
bigverd. Now obſerve the change of Scile; the Harveſt, Fatlings and Garments
are gone ; but that may be done by an incurſion of an Enemy, who plunders
all he finds for the preſent; theſe things may be recover'd anocher Year, and
retriev'd by Induftry. But the Holy Ghoſt deſigning, to fhew, that Babylon is
ruin'd for ever, lays on ftronger Expreſſions ; Tbcu phalt find them no more at all.
Her loſſes are part any means of recovery.
Grosius endeavouring to apply this to the firſt Fall of Rome long ſince paſt, ſays
that it means, that the Empire was carried away and never recurn'd to Rome,
becauſe the Emperors abode in the Eaſt and in Germany ; but this is a pitiful
miſtake, unworthy of that learned Man. The Merchants do not bewail the
loſs of Empire, but of their Trade, which is now for ever loſt. Rome did re-
cover all
the good things in a great meafure, which ſhe had loſt; enjoys them
ftill and Empire too, as the Courtiers thereof give out; and 'tis but too true,
for all the noiſe of Liberties abroad. The Biſhop of Meaux, who will not al-
low that Rome has loſt its Empire, ſince it challenges Dominion over all the
World, has paſt this over in filence, and has done wiſely; for had he pretended
to ſay any thing according to his Principles, he could not have come off with
Credit. D. Hammond ſaw well enough, that this expofition of Grosius had no
Bottom, and therefore caits a double anchor to find one, for to explain it thus,
Rome fhall never be either the barbourer of beathen Idols, or the ſeat of the Empire any
more. But can any of theſe Symbols expreſs either of those Notions? You lee
(a) Q. Curt. Lib. V. cap. 1.
(6) Herodet. Lib. I. cap. 192.
(C) Q. Certo
Lib. V. cap. I.
(d) Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. 1. cap. 6. e) Ignac, ad Smyrn.
(f) Demoſth. c. Phil. Orage 1.
what
157

Ch. XVIII. v. 14, 15. The Lamentation of the Merchants. 9827
what it is to be a Slave to an Hypotheſis. This place alone is enough to blaſt
it wholly.
oni
E. I muſt not negleet to tell the Reader, that in the Appendix to the various
Readings of the Oxford Edition of the New Teftamene A. C. 1675. there is
produced out of the I. Petavian MS. a confiderable addition to this Verſe, which
is this, of 'n fugels eiud punay ng 2010 guros d'on, Neither halt thou trade for the future
in Souls of Men.] D. Mill quotes alio a Baroccian MS. for it. If this be genuine,
it alludes to the literal Babylon, which having been a conquering City, their
Victorious Armies muſt needs bring thicher vaſt numbers of Slaves, which were
there fold in the Markets. Theſe Slaves were therefore a kind of ſtaple Mera
chandize in that place, of ſuch a ſort as could not come in with the Harveft,
Fatlings and Garments; and ſo muſt make a ſpecial Article by themſelves.
Now this ſort doch noc exclude choſe Slaves being mention'd as being broughe
in by Foreign Merchants. For we muſt imagine they did in the Luxurious Ba-
bylon, as was done at Rome when Luxury came in. The Slaves taken in War
were ſold to ſerve in hard Works, tiling the Ground, Mines, and the like; being
commonly rough People, without Education, and ſo not fit for a genteel
Houſe, and a Luxurious Matter. Therefore the Slave- Merchants bought up
young People, and gave them good Education; and then brought them to be
ſold ac very dear ( a ) Rates, according to their Handſomnefs, Education, and
Learning. Theſe were afterwards made Pages, Amanuenſes, Secretaries, Ste-
wards, and the like, according to their abilities; and at Rome ſometimes their
condition was better than if they had not been Slaves at all. Witneſs Tyro, to
whom Tully has written (1) Letters in the moſt kind and tender Expreſſions ima-
ginable; and fometimes being infranchis’d were put into ways of Gain, ro grow
richer than their Mafters, as that Demetrius, who was not aſhamed to become richer
than bis Maſter, Pompey the Grear, as (c) Seneca ſays. And thus (d) Pliny re-
ports that Pallas, Calliſtus, and Narciſſus, three Liberti of Claudius Cæfar, raiſed
each of them greater Edares than M. Craſus. Now to apply this to prefert
Rome by an equivalent, ſeeing there are no ſuch things as Slaves; this may lig-
nify, that ſhe ſhall not be able to make any more Conqueſts or gain Proſelytes
to make them new Slaves to her Tyranny.
A. verf. 15. 'O BUFOege Téton és 728TÁSUV TES d'A' dutis, The Merchants of theſe things
ubich were made rich by her. ] The Merchants, or Sellers and Conveighers of
the good things mentioned in the three former Verfes, who grew rich by im-
porting foreign Commodities to Babylon, and importing her Home-Prodact,
Manufactures and Slaves too. When Rome falls, thoſe that traded in Popiſh
Trinkets, and carried the Wealth of the World to it, muft loſe that gainful
Trade in both the Branches thereof.
Β. 'Από μακρόθεν σώσονται δια τον φόβον τα βασανισμά αυγής, κλάιονες και πενθούντες,
Shall ſtand afur off for fear of her torment, weeping and wayling ] This had
been ſaid before of the Kings of the Earth. See our Note upo V.TO. A.
Α. verf. 16. Και λέοντες, Ουαι, Ούαι, η πόλις και μεγείλη, η περιβεβλημδύη βύωινον και πορ-
quesuu xj xóxxv av, se je na te su rusin ev xpuoớ rý aido mpiga xj pasjací teles, on pige boete apnuogin
o corštos ŠTO, And Saying, Alas, Alas, that great city, which was clothed in
byle and purple and ſcarlet
, and imbroidered with gold and precious ſtone and pearls ;
for in one bour ſo much wealth is come to nothing ] The Lamentation of thefe
Merchants is ſuitable to their Profeffion. As the Kings bewail the loſs of Pow-
er, fo chey the loſs of Riches and loſs of Trade. Gain is all their thought,
and the Luxury that makes their Profit. Trade is nothing without it. Nacure
is content with little; but open the gate of Luxury, and a mighey affluence of
Trade and circulation of Money inlues. As to the Byfle ſee our Note upon
Chap. 19. 8. A. The addition of Byle is a circumſtance not mentioned before
in Chap. 17. 4. It may be that this is implied in the Purple ; or elſe the Holy
Ghoſt left it to be mention'd in the Votaries, becauſe it is an Uſurpation; of
which in that Note cited.
ST
bilo
2453;
Tubo
(a) Vid. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. VII. cap. 39. Sueton. in Jul. Cæfar. cap. 47. Senec. Epift. XXVII.
(6) M. T. Cic. Ep. ad Famil. Lib. XVI. vid. Plin. Lib. VIII. Epift. 16. (c) Senec. de
Tranquil. cap. 8. (d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXIII. cap. 10. comp. Sueton. in Claudio,
wap. 28. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXV. c. 18. Horat. Epod. IV. & Comm. ibido
Ag

828 The Lamentation of the Seamen.
Ch. XVIII. v. 17
90
6
* A. verſ. 17. "On picte de noapecó su ó roštos mifTO, Becauſe in one hour ſo much
wealth is come to nothing. ] The burden of the song is ftill the ſame as before,
that all his wealth is gone ſuddenly. And indeed the wealth of all the World,
which is true of Rome, both Ancient and Modern. For the ancient, one paſſage
of Tully may ſuffice. (a) In urbe noftra pulcherrima, atque ornatiſſima, quod fig-
num, quæ tabula pięła eft, quæ non ab hoftibus vietis capta, atque apportata fit at
iftorum villæ fociorum fideliſſimorum & plurimis & pulcherrimis ſpoliis ornate refer-
tæque Sunt. Ubi pecunias exterarum nationum eſſe arbitramini, quibus nunc omnes
egent, cum Athenas, Pergamum, Cyzicum, Miletum, Chium, Samim, totam denique
Afiam, Achaiam, Græciam, Siciliamque, jam in paucis villis incluſas eſſe videatis?
Add to this the Rabtinical Proverb, (b) Decem Cabi Divitiarum deſcenderunt in
Mundum ; Novem fibi fumfit Roma : Unum reliquus Orbis univerſus As to the
modern Babylon, it has not indeed all the Riches of the World, but it pretends to
have a right to them; and in ſome meaſure finds a way to draw a great part,
either to maintain its Emiſſaries, or to fill its Coffers. Thus the Author of the
new Goſpel of Cardinal Pallavicini, who has put together the Maxims of the
Romiſh Polity, lays this down as one of them. (c)? That the Power of the
Pope is independant and without Limits; and the Riches of the World his
Patrimony. That as ſuch, all the Kings being his Subjects, he may diſpoſe
of their Goods and of thoſe of their Subjects, even againſt their Will. Thac
the Pope may compel them to pay him Tribute ; and to diſpute it is High
Treaſon. (d) That the Pope is the stomach of the Body of the Church,
and that he diſtributes Riches to all the Faithful who are members of that Bo-
dy. And if by theſe means all the Riches of the World ſhould come to Rome
to enrich the Popes Court, where's the harm? Does he not know beſt how
to beſtow them according to Merit? And would it not be as well, as to lec
them paſs, as they do now, from one to another, without Juſtice or Merit,
meerly by nearneſs of Blood or by chance?
Β. Και πας κυβερνήτης, και πας και επι την πλοίων πλέων, και να του, και όσοι τις θάλασσαν έργα-
Serres, And every Captain of Ship, and all that travel in Ships, and Sailors, and as
many as deal about tbe Sea. ] Tichonius ſeems not to have read theſe words, xà trăies
bhi nu mabwy masay, nor thoſe which ſome other Copies read inſtead of them,
and which may be ſeen eiſe where, it being not my buſineſs to enter upon ſuch
• matters, unleſs they make fome eflential difference. For, which way foever
they are read, it is evident, that the Holy Ghoſt intended to compriſe all that
fort of Men which deals in Sea affairs, and every where makes a diftin& body
of Men, as if they were a Nation by themſelves. The four Expreſſions before as
comprehend all that third ſtate of Dealers about Babylon, who now bewail her
Fall; the Holy Ghoſt making an induction of Particulars to fignify the whole
univerſally., KuCegvátns is plainly the ſame as verónaneys the Captain, Mafter or
Owner of the Ship, o danétus to maós. So Heſychius explains ysílaup G. xubegynzns is
usd by the LXX in Prov. 23. 34. and in Ezek. 27. 27, 28. out of which moſt of
the Symbols of this Lamentation are taken, inſtead of which in v. 29. and 70-
nas 1. 6. we find the word fewedis. Secondly o os maoiar aréav, or å hi Tox
Tómov Taśwy, he tbat fails to the place, is a plain Periphrafis to expreſs what ( d) De-
moſthenes and orhers call imbatus, and &u.Top@, the Merchant, or Owner of the
Cargoe, who goes himſelf in the Ship to make the beſt of it, being partly the
ſame as he who is now called Supercargo in long Voyages; with this difference,
that chis is an Hireling, buc in former Ages, as they do ſtill in the Eaſt, he was
the Owner. Notes are the common Sailors. All theſe it is plain have to do
with Ships, and actually go to Sea. But it is not so eaſy to know preciſely
whether the Holy Ghoſt deſign'd by theſe words as many as deal about the Sed,
to expreſs ſome different ſort of Men dealing in Maritime Affairs, or elſe to
ſum up in theſe words the whole order of the Mariners; in ſuch manner as is
frequently practic'd, to mention firſt all the particulars, and then to lay down
a general Expreſſion comprehending them all, to ſhew we have a deſign to ex-
cepe none; the words before us may ſerve to both Intentions, for there are
(a) M. T. Cic. in Ver. Lib. V. IV (6) Cetuborb. fol. 62. apud Wagenſeit
. in Serah. Bux-
torf. Lexic. Rabb. V.0.
(c) New Goſp. of Card Pallavic. Chap. III. Art 4, 5.
(d) New Goſp. ibid Art. 13. (e) Demofth. Orat. ad Zenother. (f) J. Chryfoft.
Orat. poft Calend. Ant. Tom. V, p. 222. Plutarch in Vit. Pomp. M. Hom. Odyſ... 299.
Men
co .

. , . . 1
Chap. XXVI. v. 17. The Lamentation of the Seamen. 829
Men who deal in Sea Affairs without going to Sea, as Captains, Merchants,
or Sailors.
sama en el sitios aleda sloqadino
'Eggesens in the New Teſtament as well as the beſt Authors of the Greek
Tongue ſignifies to gain and improve any thing for gain, and épocia is gain. Pla-
το, (α) Συχνών και άλλων Geoσ λεύσεται και επιστημόνων της φτεί τον δούλευαν εργασίας. ε Αρ-
pian, (b) Kai The Secroicowy oſe çolveres észcelówfuor
. Again Sy d'heres maños sezollatus
TW Vereasuy. in John 6. 27. égrale de Fland Beãou, that is, gain your Meat by wora
king. Thus in Prov. 31.18. szakas, lhe perceiveth that to gain is good, that's
the Senſe, no is Merchandize, and by conſequence gain. Herodotus (c ) épgedoka
lifuror ö xehue. Toe végende, having made great profit, gain'd much riches. Demofthenes (a)
cięzálezo tas ocóuo. ue ces pršose, and ſo afterwards frequently. Thus alſo of égzecid,
gain. In Theopbraſtus (e) épzcoich devensond is gain by afury, which Ariſtotle calls
Prego Qu're gpzeld eats 'Egzasie is gain, in Acts 16. 16, 19. in (f) Diodorus Siculus, in
(8) Porphyrius. So in the LXX Pfal
. 107. 23. TOISITES Épgooid en B ddion tools, which
is the very fame thing as the words before us. Inſtead of that ( b ) Maximus
Tyrius uſes the word Jan 0714870ww705, in Pbilo čegacia is the gain of Harlots; (i
Τών κβο και ετερών των εργασί αν κατέλυσε πολλάκις το γ' eas. Νay in Diadorus cited before
it fignifies the gain gotten by Stealing. Therefore by Soon thew Jeln dasten égzet Sov]
we muſt underſtand all thoſe who make a Profit by venturing at Sea ; either
by lending Money upon Uſury to the Merchants, or ém6x'), or by going them-
ſelves. The firſt ſenſe is authoriz'd by theſe words of Demofthenes, ( k ) megõreda
ventilois épočet I venture to trade, or gain at Searby Uſury, the latter by chefe,
épgavids TWw yoti Sándosev, gain by Sea, in the ſame Oration; for her adds áutės énuva
dudor, I ventured myſelf. Since therefore the Holy Ghoſt had mentioned be-
fore the dmd), Merchants adventurers upon Ships; if the dealers at Sea muſt be
different, they muſt be ſuch as venture another way, which can be no other
but by lending to others, or venturing the Cargo with other Mennoni age
But becauſe the Expreſſion is very general, we may alſo comprehend therein
all thoſe ſorts of Men who deal in Sea Affairs, the Holy Ghoſt alluding to Eze-
kiel's deſcription of the Deſtruction of Tyre, which includes all forts of Men
concern'd that way, Eze. 27.27. wherein we find the Caulkers, and Inſurers or
Brokers, which are called '29, beſides thoſe which are before mentioned in
our Text. Now that latter word has a great Latitude, the LXX have turn'd it
by åt ou upitol. The Traders, Go-between's, who intermix themſelves between
Parties to make bargains. Thus Commerce in Greek comes under the notion of
intermixture. Thucydidės, (2) Täs o$ furoeius su šonis, šte muégvwstes escos e mároisa
Appian, (m) is er d'xónas om ugrunde Ti Sendon, that ye may eaſily trade by Sea. Thus
where Cæſar ſays of the Britons,(n)Neque enim temere præter mercatores adit ad illos quila
quam, the Greek Interpreter has turn d it thus very properly, "Amos ribor zás 75 poble
όλως τοϊς βρεταννοίς όπιμίσης πλίω εμπόρων. So επιμιξία is Commerce in (ο) Menson.
Thus in Plutarch wides are Merchants, (p) i Jovto aos Koute to sevóulvoy or purades,
èixéras Exer Sty wvious. El Zontes. So that 'cis a miſtake in Salmafius to change the
Word. I obferv'd, that this Hebrew word fignifies alſo Inſurers; 'tis very likely
that the Brokers of chat time inſured the Price to the ſelling Merchants, as I
think they do ſtill in the Levant. Now theſe Seamen are thoſe who bring
riches to this City, the Carriers of the Wealth. Thoſe that collect the Reve-
nues of Rome, who go far and near to that purpoſe, and to bring back feveral
other Trinkets from Rome. This notion jumps in very well with what we have
ſaid of the Iſlands, in our Notes upon Chap. 6. 14. B. and Chap. 16. 20. A. See
Chap. 8. 9. B.
C. 'Ano feneoseb ishower, ſtood afar off.] See our Note upon v. 10. A.
Α. verf. 18. Και έκραζον βλέποντας το καπνόν της πυρώσεως αυτής, λέγοντες, And they
cried looking upon the ſmoak of ber burning. Saying.] The Alex. MS. reads rómov the place
of her burning, inſtead of wearydy (moak; and ſo ʼtis ſuppoſed the Vulgate did,
(a) Platon. de Rep. Lib. II. pag. 386. (b) Appian. Bell. Punic. Vid. & Strabon, Geogr.
Lib III. ſub fin.
(6) Herodot. Lib. I cap. 24. Vid. Ariſtophan. Equit. V. 836. 01
(d) Demoſth. conc. Neæram. (e) Theophraft. Chara&t. 'Ana Soveids, im. (f) Diodor,
Sic. Lib. I. pag. So. Lib. II. p.71.
sdi ) Porphyr. de Abſt. Lib. II. $ 4. (b) Max.
Tyr. Dill. VI. li) Philo. Jud. de Merced. Merer. p. 589. (k) Demoſth. Orat. adv.
Apatur. (1) Thucydid. Lib 1. St. it ito (m) Appian. B. Pun. (n) Cælar.
B. Gall. Lib. IV. cap. 5. ( ) Apud Phot. Cod. CCXXIV. (p) Plut. Sympoſ. Lib.
DAS
which
YO
JO B

830 The Lamentation of the Seamen.
Ch. XVIII. v. 18.
which D. Mill approves. But it makes an effential difference in the Senſe.
One mighe ſuppoſe that theſe coming laſt, the Smoak of her burning being o.
ver, they can only look at the place where it was ; which is not conſiſtent with
what is ſaid afterwards, Chap. 19. 3. Her ſmoak aſcendeth for ever; unleſs we take
this laft Symbol Metaphorically, or rather by a Meronymie of the Efficient, as
indeed it ought to be taken, it ſeeming morally impoſſible that a burning pro-
cured by Human Hands, as this is to be, being cauſed by ſome of the cen
Horns, ſhould be perpetual; unleſs at the ſame time God's acts ſhould concur
to make Rome's deſtruction like that of Sodom; and then the Text before us
being literal, it may be imagin'd, that 'tis the deſign of the Holy Ghoſt, upon
ſuppoſition that Tómov is genuine, to ſhew that nothing of a Town will remain
of Rome, ſo chat the place ſhall know it no more. Thus Virgil having ſaid, (a)
Ceciditque ſuperbum Ilium; and a little after, Omnis humo fumat Neptunia Troia; to
ſhew the utmost of its Deſtruction concludes with, Et campos ubi Troia fuit. The
beauty of this Senſe, and the like gradation obſerv'd before by the Holy Ghoſt
in the Fall, Burning and Smoak, makes me think that rómov is the genuine Word.
And to back it one may alſo obſerve, that when the Holy Ghoſt ſaid they ſtood
afar off, it was not ſaid, that it was for fear of her Burning or Torment, as in the
two former Caſes of the Kings and Merchants. Theſe are niceties you will
ſay; and the Commentators upon profane Authors are ſometimes mock’d, as if
they found Beauties and Subtilties, on which the Authors never thought; but I
hope fuch furmiſes cannot be made in this caſe, in Writings compos'd by the
inſpiration of the Holy Ghoſt, who foreſeeing the Events as preſent, may well
be fald to copy after Nature, and obſerves exactly to mpémov, the Decorum of eve-
ry thing.
B. Tis őponde Tütós tñ pegány, What was like the great City?] The burden of the
Song in commendation of this City riſes by degrees, and the lower are the de.
grees of the Lamentators, the higher are their commendations. The Kings
had admired her Strength, the Merchants her Riches; the Sailors and Seamen
ſum up all with this ſuperlative Expreſſion, what, or who was like it. By this
they even lift her up to Heaven, and compare with Almighty God; that is,
ſhew that they had pre-conceived ſuch an Opinion. For of God only it may be
ſaid, who is like unto tbee moſt mighty Lord? Who can do as thou doft ? See our Note
upon Chap. 13.4.B; the like having been ſaid of the Beaſt by its fond admirers.
The inferiour fort of Men among the Partizans of the Romiſh Church are thoſe
which moſt ſincerely believe the Infallibility of it. Secular Princes look upon
Rome as ſtrong by its Arts in Politicks; the Merchants of the Earth, or ſuperior
Clergy in that Communion, look upon Rome as Rich; they ſide with it, be-
cauſe they think it may afford them Protection to ſupport their State and Luxu-
ry. But the Monks, Fryars, and inferiour Clergy, look upon the Pope, as a
God on Earth, and Rome as Heaven. They think the Gates of Hell can never
prevail againſt it. Now the higher theſe Men lift up Babylon in their opinion,
the greater in their opinion is her Fall; and by conſequence the greater is the
Sorrow of thoſe that admired her, and gain'd by her Wealth. 'Tis juſt as if
they ſaid, It is a ſad thing, that we, who look'd upon thee as Infallible and Eternal,
may now Say, as Iſaiah 14. 10. of the litteral Babylon, Art thou become like unto
us? Art thou alſo become weak as we? like common Cities, which are ſubject to
A. ver. 19. Kai Bulow you imi mai's repara's autóv, xj frecz?ov xrd !OVTES, rj TV SONĪTES, NY
alystes, 'Ouai, 'Ooad Tónis il pezean, And they caſt duſt on their beads, and cried, weep-
ing and wailing, ſaying, Alas, Alas, that great City. ] Ezekiel 27. 30. ſays of them
that lamented over Tyre; They shall ſtand upon the land; and ſhall cauſe their voice
to be heard againſt thee, and ſhall cry bitterly, and ſhall caſt duſt upon their beads; they
fhall wallow themſelves in the aſhes. And they shall make themſelves bald for thee, and
gird ebem with Sackcloth; And they ſhall weep for thee with bitterneſs of heart and bitter
wailing. All theſe are actions of them that Mourn ; but moſt of them requiring
ſome time to perform ; whereas this Lamentation in our caſe ariſes from a more
fudden and ſurpriſing Accident, ſo theſe Lamentators make uſe only of thoſe
figns of Mourning, which might be perform'd the fooneſt, ſuch as Weeping,
knocking of the Breaſt, and cafting Duft upon the Head, which laft was one
of the ways of Mourning upon the moſt fudden occafions, as in sets 22. 23.
7ofh. 7.6. Ferem. 6. 26. 1 Sam. 4. 12. 2 Sam. 1. 2. and Chap. 13. 19. Feb 2. 12.
Chap. 16.15. Chap. 42. 6. Lament, 2. 10. It was alſo uſed by the Greeks as we
learn
De
ſuch accidents ?

Ch. XVIII. v. 19. The Lamentation of the Seamen. 831
learn from (a ) Homer, who alſo as the Oriental Nations, would ſometimes roll
themſelves in Dirt, as we learn from ( b) Plutarch. (c) Mafius thought, thae
this cuſtom owes its origin co that declaration of God to Man, Gen. 3. thou are
duft
, and to the acknowledgment made of it by Abraham, Gen. 18. 28. who am
duſt and ashes. It is not unlikely. Hence it came that dirt Symbolically ſignifies
Miſery and Sorrow. For this reaſon alſo the firſt thing done upon going out of
Mourning was to waſh the Face, 2 Sam. 12. 20. But then why do theſe Seamen
only caſt Duft, and not the Kings and Merchants of the Earth? This ſhews
us, that thoſe, who are in this rank of Men, will make a greater Lamentation
than the reſt. The Kings, that is, the Secular Princes, will indeed be afto-
niſhed, and troubled at this Fall of Babylon; bur they will be ſoon comforted.
Several Moral and Political Reaſons of this may be given. The Merchants
alſo, which denote the higher ſort of Traders with Rome that is, the ſuperior
Clergy of Primates, Metropolitans, Arch-biſhops, and Biſhops, will make a
great Lamentation; but yet will not adhere fo long to Rome, as either noc lo-
ſing by it at home, or ſome other way ſecuring themſelves in the Revolutions,
which will happen. Some teſty Men there may be, who will adhere to the
Roman Intereft, but 'tis very likely, that
moſt of the Biſhops will not be ſorry
to ſee the Papacy linking by the Fall of Rome. But the Seamen, which denote
the inferior ſort of Traders, or Drudges of the Court of Rome
e abroad ; that is,
the inferior Clergy, the Monks and Fryars, who cried, Who is like this City's
theſe finding no way of living like theirs, muſt for that reaſon make the moft
woful Lamentation, being deſperate, and having no orher Port to which they
may reſort. 'Tis evident, that theſe are the Conveighers of the Roman Trade,
confifting in Bulls, Indulgences, and other Trumpery, which they fetch from
thence, to keep on their Trade of Superſticious and Idolatrous Wares ; picking
thereby the Pockers of their Voraries, and with the preſents which they fend
to purchaſe that Ware, keeping up their Intereſt, and the credit of their rel-
pedive Orders. When Rome falis, they are undone ; their caſual Revenues
conſiſting in that ſort of Trade muſt fink of courſe, and 'tis very likely,
that their Houſes and Lands may be reſum'd by the Secular Powers, put into
other Hands, and appointed for better Uſes. They are a noiſy fort of Men,
which are elſewhere compar'd to Frogs; and there is no queſtion to be made,
but that upon this occaſion they will open their Mouths very loudly, to deplore
their Misfortunes, ariſing from the Fall and utter Deſtruction of their Merro.
polis and Capital Fortreſs.
pigoi
Β. Ε, και πλάτησαν πίντες δε έχοντας πλοία εν τη κλίση, By which were made rich
all that bad Ships in the Sea. ] When Slaves were common the Onirocriticks apo
plied the Symbolical ſignification of () Ships in Dreams, to the ſetting up
ways of Trade, which in ſuch times were generally carried on by the means
and work of Slaves; by parity of reaſon Ships may fignify any common deſign
manag’d by Men in Confederacy, as in the Ships the Trades are carried from
place to place by the Ship’s Crew. Now the Societies which Trade with Rome
are only the Monaftical Orders. They manage all the Trade of Rome, and
that too not only the Spiritual, ſo pretended, but the Mechanical and Com-
mutative ; it being very well known, that their Prieſts are Mechanicks, as
Taylors, and Shoe-makers, and the Monks are Stock-jobbers, Vintners and
the like, and particularly the Jeſuits are Drugſters; beſides their Trade in the
Eaſt Indies of Diamonds, and what not. By all theſe ſeveral ways they carry
Wealth to Rome, enrich the Popes Chamber and themſelves too; keep up their
Credit, live Fatly and Sumptuouſly. By the Fall of Rome all cheir Trade goes;
their Ships are uſeleſs, their great Mart is ſunk.
C. 'Ex ans Turisómal 6 évtñ's, Out of her Coftlineſs. ] Tepiw is the Price, thuses is Coſtly,
muuótus Coft lineſs, That man is the Price, may be ſeen in Matth. 27. 6.9. A&ts 4.
34. and Chap:5. 2, 3. And ſo it is taken in the beſt Authors of the Greek Tongue,
as well as for Honour or Glory. Hence Ariſtophanes plays upon the double
Senſe of the word,
Submit M10
( a ) Homer Odyſl
. 6 v. 315. & Iliad. a v. 23. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VI. V: 32. (6) Plut.
de Superfit. pag. 146. Vid. Platon. de Rep. Lib. III. pag. 392.
(c) Andr. Maf. in
Jof. 7. 6. pag. 124, (2) Vid. Note on Chap. VIII. 9 B.
(a) Mozamy

832
83198 Foriin Heaven. und Chap. XXVII. v. 19, 20,
aps
other. doid
Llorend blue Asie edges olisodomi) on so
c) Megapĝi trôs diros törlos jot
ssdoodgood naman
i nas laimers
ya mads & Mo Tlap é ud modurikes tosi & Des toi Jeór.
wo moito ods
Grass
(b) Homer uſes it fo likewiſe. Now the profits of Merchants and all the Tra.
ders under thein ariſe from this, that they conveigh things bought cheap to
thofe places where they may be ſold at dear Rates. Arnobius, (c) Penetrarent
abditas cum capitis diſcrimine nationes, & tranflatis mercibus caritatem ſemper, vilita-
temque captarent. Therefore wherever Wealth and Money abound, there all
things are coftly; and this coftlineſs enriches the Merchant. In greae Cities
coftlineſs is unavoidable, for they cannor ſubliſt of themſelves ; to prevent want
they muſt incourage the Merchant, and pay the Carriage. Neither indeed can
Cities beconte great, unleſs Wealth and Money abound therein; and then Lu.
xury comes in too, which puſhes Men to pay for all Delicacies and Vanities.
Luxury and Pride ſtick at no Price. Take the thought of Plautus upon it.
ol on teine as
2013
anoisuloti oda) Infit lenoni ſuadere, ut fecum fimul,
10 od 13Vid gail
oria o serbslo?
Eat in Siciliam : ibi eſſe homines voluptarios
upot ad son lliw equatil Dicit : potelfe ibi fieri cum divirem. dan yesos i
Bousb doinw asm6929014
10 110 monni sd:
Bert Merchandize alſo has its ſhare in promoting Luxury, as. Tully obſerves, (e)
Phænices primi mercaturis, & mercibus fuis avaritiam & magnificentiam, & inexplebiles
cupiditates omnium rerum ſupportaverunt in Greciam. Tis plain they ſupport each
Noi w G33101731741
ĐT. 175 17
D. "O pulse opp iguzeo'sa, Becauſe in one hour ſhe is made deſolate
. ] She is wholly
become a Defert; we have only to obſerve here the Gradation in the burden
of the Song of theſe three Ranks of Men, Kings, Merchants, and Seamen.
The Kings ſay, her Judgment, or Condemnation, is come. This is poflibly a ſoft
Term, for any Puniſhment is ſuch. The Merchants, ſo much riches is deſtroy’d.
This is defind indeed, bur carries no great weight, being accidental, and poſſi-
bly to be retrieved." But the Seamen ſay, ſhe is made Deſolate, is become a Deo
ſert, i wholly ruin'd. No aggravation can be laid upon that in itſelf, but the
impoflibility of any recovery. This they may hope, and ſay nothing to con-
tradict it ; but the Angel, that appears preſently, takes away thoſe very
Hopes.bolboot (185
or tools គ្នា
Minions
A. verf. 20. 'Evolgára em dum segit, Rejoyce over ber, O Heaven. ] When the
Prophets Iſaiah and Jeremiah foretell the Fall of the literal Babylon, they inſert
fuch exhortations to Heaven and Earth to rejoyce at it. Iſaiah 44. 23. in which
Chapter there is a Prophecy, hinting that God will puniſh the Idolaters, and
that he will raiſe Cyrus, to cauſe the rebuilding of the Temple, which tacitly
ſuppoſes the Fall of the Babylonian Empire; we find this Exhortation, Sing, 0 ye
Heavens, for the Lord hath done it ; ſhout ye lower parts of the Earth, &c. So in Fe.
rem. 5 1.48. Then the heaven and the earth, and all that is therein ſhall fing over Baby-
lon, for the Spoilers ſhall come unto her from the north, faith the Lord, ſo it ought to
berturn'd over Babylon, not for Babylon. In Iſaiah 49. 13, there is ſuch an Exhor-
tacion, to rejoyce for Mercies, but upon more general Terms, Sing, O Heavens,
and be joyful, o Earth, and break forth into finging, O Mountains, for the Lord hath
comforted his people, and will have mercy mpon bis affii&ted. This is grounded upon the
ſtria Union there is becween Heaven and Earth; between the inviſible and vi-
fible World; between the Angels and the Faithful upon Earth. Hence alſo our
Saviour ſays, Luke 15: 7. Foy ſhall be in heaven over one Sinner that repenteth; and
v. 10. There is joy in the preſence of the Angels of God, over one Sinner that repentetba
Beſides, there is a Decorum obferv'd here, which muft be taken notice of We
have feen before, that during the time of the Beaſt's War with the Saints or
Witneſſes, theſe had power to ſhut up Heaven during the time of their Propheſy,
which was to laft as long as this Whore, or Babylon, which was the Capital Ci-
tylof the Beaft. Now as God is Good and Merciful, and is by the wickedneſs
of Men hindred to do them good, their wickedneſs is a ſort of force upon Hea-
Ta Ariſtoph. Acharns.
(d). Plaut. Rudent. Prolog.
Comm. De Milit. Rom. p. 442.
(6) Homer. Odyff. %. v. 57. (c) Arnob. adv., Gent. Lib. II.
(e) M. Tull. Cic. de Rep. lib. apud. Non. Vid. Hens. Savil.

Ch. XVIII. v. 20.
Foy in Heaven
833
ven, hindring the benign influences which would otherwiſe flow from it.
Horace,
(a) Cælum ipſum petimus ſtultitia : neque
Per noftrum patimur ſcelus
Iracunda Jovem ponere fulmina.
And accordingly in the next Chapter we ſhall find the Heavens opened. There-
fore the Foy, to which Heaven is exhorted is a Predi&ion, that the Heaven ſhall
be opened; or a warning to it to prepare for that opening, and to give
Thanks to God, that the Obſtacle is remov'd by the Fall of Babylon. Further,
as the inviſible World is the Type of the viſible, and the Impreſſions made on
the one affect the other, Heaven which is the Type of the ſupream viſible
Powers on Earth rejoicing on this occaſion, we muſt conclude, that the fu-
pream Powers in Church and State will rejoice likewiſe at this Fall, by the
profpect of the Deliverance wrought thereby ; when the Fort of the moſt po-
tene Enemies of the true Religion is deſtroy'd, and happy quiet Days are ex-
pe&ed till the coming of Chrift. For who can queſtion but the Coldneſs ſeen
as to matters of Religion will be remov’d, and Men's Conſciences ſtartled and
awakened, when they ſee this unexpected Event accompliſhed in their Eyes,
as it is predicted in this divine Propheſy? Accompliſhments confirm its Au-
thority,
But we are to obſerve here, that the Exhortation is made to the Heaven in
the fingular number; which is vaſtly different from the ſame word in the plural.
See the Note upon Chap. 12. 12. A. And this obliges us to conſider which of
the Heavens is meant. By the Context, and what follows, that the Heaven is
to be open'd, and Chriſt is to come with the heavenly Hoſt, it ſeems evident
to me, that we muſt underſtand chiefly the inviſible Heaven. For the political
here having been rather with, and on the ſide of the Harlot, ſeems to be in a
ſtate of Sorrow. Beſides, the political Heaven, which is to be conſtituted up-
on the Fall of this Babylon, is to be made one with the inviſible, when the
New Jeruſalem comes down from it, and God ſets up his Tabernacle among
Men. So that there is to be a complear Union between the Heavens of che
inviſible and political World, and they are to be but one and the ſame.
B. Kai ei ole, ej vi ämnesool, aj oi ngopñtal, And the Saints, and Apoſtles, and Pro-
phets.] We cannot nicely determine, who theſe are ; that is, whether the Saints,
Apoſtles and Prophets long ſince departed in the Lord, or only thoſe who are
alive at the time of Babylon's Fall. But ſince the Holy Ghoſt has usid ſuch ge-
neral Terms without any diſtinction of States, 'tis moſt proper to ſay, that
both are comprehended therein. For who can doubt but the departed Saints,
who are, and know themſelves to be in God's favour ; (ſee our Notes upon
Chap. 6.11. C. and Chap. 15. 2. E.) have ſome notice of things below in the
viſible World, which at leaſt is given them, when it is proper for them to know
of them. In the primitive Church the whole Body of the faithful was divided
into three diftina States, eſpecially during the Times of Perſecution ; Saints,
Apoſtles and Martyrs, that is, Laity, Clergy, and Confeſſors before Men ready
to lay down their Lives for the word of God, and the Teſtimony of Jeſus
Chrift. Martyrs in this Propheſy come under the name of Prophets, as it is
ſhewn elſewhere. All theſe having obtain'd a good Report through Faith, are
not to be perfe&ted but in due time, and have had warnings to ſtay accordingly,
Chap. 6. 9, 10, 11. in the firſt Period, in Chap. 14. 12, 13. in the ſecond,
they are told that their Works, or Rewards follow them. And in Chap. 10. 6, 7.
that the blowing of the ſeventh Trumpet would produce the Perfection of the
Myſtery of God, as he has promis'd to his Servants the Prophets. The blowing of the
ſeventh Trumpet is the third and laſt great Woe, and then the Kingdom of
Chrift comes, and the cauſe of the dead is to be judged, and the Reward is to
be given to the Prophets and Saints, in Chap. 11. 14. to 18. Now the Fall
of Babylon is the Act of that Woe, as we have ſhewn in Chap. 18. 10. B.
Therefore, as their Enemies lament, 'tis now time for them to rejoice at the
very near approach of their Reward. 'Tis a ſign that their number is com-
(4) Horat. Lib. I. Od. III.
10 C
pleated,


834
Foy in Heaven.
Ch. XVIII. v. 20
pleated, when the great Deftroyer is deftroy's. But then neither can we ex-
clude the living Saines, Apoſtles and Prophets. Have we not now of that fort
of Men, every way qualified for theſe holy Names of Faithful, Clergy and
Confeffórs? Are not the Witneſſes or Prophets, fill in being ? Have not we
Poffeffion of the Temple? Here are therefore Saints, Apoſtles and Prophets.
Will not theſe have cauſe to rejoyce? Yes ſurely, when the Holy Ghoſt gives
them this notice. See the Nore on Chap. 15. 2. E.
But it may be objeđed as before on che like occafion, that this occaſion aria
fing from the Deſtruction of Men involvd in the Fall of Babylon, this Joy
ſeems to be againſt Charity. This has been anfwerd before in our Note upon
Chap. 6. 10. B. I ſhall only add here, to what has been ſaid there, the excel-
lent words of the Jews upon the Fall of Flaccus their great Perſecutor, as they
are in Pbilo: (a) Oix éon Sóc Sce, i deo rola, mu.cgious fx@ge, Adidley refoor meg's Tãy legãy
νόμων ανθρωποπαθεϊν, αλλα σοι δικαίως αχαρισμό οίκον και έλεον ημών λαβόνι, και τας συνεχώς
rai Stavangs verdows Onepionyle. And theſe words of Ansbertus ; Sciendum etiam,
idcirco ele&tos in mundi deſolatione ſuper judiciis dei dele&tari, non quo, ut di&tum el,
ipſe perit, ſed quo eorum gloria citius appropinquat. Hinc Dominus cum mundi defola-
tionem futuram denunciaſſet, admonendo fubjunxit
, dicens: His autem fieri incipientibus,
refpicite & levate capita veftra, quoniam appropinquat redemptio veftra.
C. "On énervey o Gads to nezveo u usão dulñs For God has judged your Cauſe against
ber.] All kinds of Judgments to Condemnation are conſidered as a Caule or
Plea concerning right and wrong; which paſſes before God between the Party
wrong'd and the Criminal. God is here Judge in right of his ſupream Domi-
nion and Providence. The Party wrong’d or Plaintiff are the Martyrs, and
Babylon the Criminal or Culprit. I have obſervd, that the Indiament, Ap-
peal or Declaration was thrown long ſince into the divine Court; and that God
being patient, to expect and give time for Repentance, has delay'd as long as
was conſiſtent wich his Juſtice; but that at lengch he has condemn’d and caus'd
Execution of his Sentence. Look back to our Nores upon Chap. 16. 19. C.
and Chap. 17. 1. B. and Chap. 18. 5. A. The Puniſhment of Crimes in holy
Writ is commonly attributed to God's Judgment in this judicial way. I think
it proper here to give Inſtances out of holy Writ. So our Saviour ſhews us the
method of God's Judgment upon the Wicked in the Parable of the Judge and
the Widow, Luke 18. where it is called, mér &xSixnov tøv exagxlãv divlf twy Goospery
for éxdiunaus is the ſame as xežuæ here. The like Expreſſion we have in Pſalm 9.
"On émincas Tle sein lex wij The Nulese Rup, thou haſt made my Judgment and my
4
Cauſe ; that is, thou haft by folemn and judicial decree maintaind my Right,
and done me Juſtice. inftituifii publicam & forenfem caufæ meæ cognitionem, ſays
Gejerus very aptly. But the fame David in 1 Sam. 25. 39. has the very fame
Phraſe as this before us, which he us'd reflecting upon the death of Nabal :
”Eurogolès Kueco, os fuewe ili neio ti ovethouš qux ex xereg's Nalan, Bleſſed be the Lord,
that has pleaded the Cauſe of my Reproach from the Hand of Nabal. The like we
have in "Micah. 7. 9. "Ews iš diversãour dulov Tlus Sulus het vej 70 voet od secue res, rej
az els que els pôs, Untill be pleaded my Cauſe, and executed Judgment for me : and be
will bring me forth to light. But plead comes not up to the force of the words,
it fignifies bearing my Plea. So here the Saints rejoyce at the Judgment of God
upon Babylon, for having found her guilty of Blood, and thereupon pronouncing
Sentence againſt her, by which judgment they are declared innocent and
wrong'd, and then he will bring them to light, to which the Condemnation of
their Murderer is a certain ftep. Therefore the Refurre&tion of theſe Saints
and Prophets approaches ; and this is the true and ſufficient Cauſe of their re-
joycing. But this laſt part is not yet mention'd, becauſe an entire end of all
the guilt is not yet made ; the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet remaining ſtill behind,
of which in the next Chapter. But however the Judgment is going on. Thus
our Saviour calls Abel juſt, in Matth. 23. 35. and Hebr. 11. 4. that is juſtified,
becauſe God took his Cauſe in Hand, declared him innocent, and his Brother
Cain guilty, Geneſ. 4. 9. having accordingly puniſhed him by curſing him,
which ſeem'd to him a Judgment worſe than death.
A. verſ. 21: Kai ñgev es gyneigueg's algow cos punor pézay, And a mighty Angel
took up a Stone like a great Mil Stone.] Hitherto we have ſeen the Condemnation,
(a) Philo. Jud. in Flacc. p. 674.
and

Chap: XVIII. v. 20.
The sign of the Mill Stone.
835
and deftru&tion of Babylon, and the Lamentation made thereupon fully deſcri-
bed, with ſome hints that her deſtruction is perpetual and without recovery.
But the Holy Ghoſt is not content with that ; becauſe thoſe hints only come
from Foreign Hands to the deſign of God, which, being Men on one hand,
ſeem to ſpeak according to their Fears, and therefore to confirm the words of
the firſt Angel, v. 2. and to ſhew that they are of perpetual force, backs his
Predi&tion of her Deſtruction and being become ruinous, by a Sign, which
Thews that her ruins ſhall never be repaired: ſuch repeated Signs being for con-
firmation; and this attended with thoſe circumſtances, that ſhew the former
hints are to be underſtood ftri&ly, and cannot be Equivocal. Now the Sign
here is not abſolutely a new one but improv'd : when Jeremiah had written his
Propheſy concerning the Fall of Babylon in Chaldea, he commanded his Scribe
Seraiab to do after this manner; And it shall be when thou haft made an end of read-
ing this book, that there fhalt bind a Stone to it, and caſt it into the midſt of Euphrates.
And thou ſhalt ſay, Thus ſhall Babylon ſink, and ſhall not riſe from the evil that I will
bring upon her: and they ſhall be weary. How, ſhall be weary that is, to raiſe her
up again; for the Prophets predicted the Fall of Babylon, that is of her Empire,
but the Symbols of their Prophecies do not abſolutely imply, that ſhe ſhould be
then totally ruin'd; and for that reaſon the Holy Ghoſt here fetches Symbols
froni other places, where ſuch Deſolations are predicted, as that of old Tyre,
and others too. Beſides the Symbols are more vehement here. A ſtrong Angel
,
inſtead of the Scribe Seraiah ; A Mill-ſtone, inſtead of another common Stone,
thrown into the Sea, inſtead of Euphrates. They ſhall be weary, may imply that there
may be ſome attemprs to recover it, but the myſtical Babylon is to be totally
ruin'd from the firft, never to be ſo much as inhabited as a Town.
By this Babylon appears to be a City devoted, or accurſed, as Fericho was;
faving that Jericho was accurfed condicionally, and tho' the condition was very
diſmal, yet we find it perform'd, Fofh. 6. 17. 24, 26. compar'd with 1 Kings 16.
34. Thus ( a) Troy was devored by Agamemnon, Sidene by Craſus. The Romans
devoted ( b ) Tonii, Tregetta, Gabii, Veii, Fidena, Carthage and Corinth. The
form of devoting among them is copied by Macrobius ; the deſign of which
Curſes was, that they ſhould never be built again; and we ſee the (c) Pagans
themſelves were very exact in that point. So that if a Town was built there,
it was juſt by, and not upon the Spot, and they thought they could not be ex-
piated by any Victim, as ſhall be fewn in our Note upon Chap. 22. 3. A. Now
I have obſerv'd before, that in religious Curſes they us’d ſeveral Ceremonies, as
repreſentatives of the Event threatned, as in our Note upon Chap. 15.7. B. So
in the words of Feremiah cited before, we ſee the Curſes or Predictions written
in a Book, and then the Book caſt into Euphrates, to fhew, that as the Stone is
never likely to riſe up again out of the Water, ſo the effect of the Curſe ſhould
continue; the like we have in the Caſe before us with a ſtronger Symbol, a
Millſtone. Our Saviour uſes it to fhew by compariſon the certain milery of a
Man, in Matth. 18. 6. Mark 9.42. Luke 17. 2. add Nebem. 9. 11. Upon theſe
notions is grounded the Symbolical Oath of the Phoceans, who fware they would
return no more, but when that Lump of Iron, which they threw then into
the Water, came up again, as (d) Herodotus reports, and to which Horace alludes
in one of his Epodes.
(e) Sed juremus in hac; fimul imis ſaxa reniriant
Vadis levata, ne redire fit sefas.
In Plutarch Cinna curſes himſelf by throwing a Stone. But in this he
only followed the publick and ancient (g) cuſtom of the Romans, who con-
firmed the publick Oaths by throwing down a Stone, and wiſhing, if they broke
them, to fall ſo. And indeed ſo Rome falls at this time. Now this mighty Angel
and his Action, being Symbolical, repreſent fome Chriſtian Prince of great or
at leaſt fufficient Power, who will oppoſe the rebuilding of Rome, and by con-
fequence the re-inſtating of the Pope therein, leaſt that ſhould give him Power
(a) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XIII.
601.
(c) Appian. B. Pun. ſub fin. Strabo ut fupr.
rat. Epod. XVI.
(f) Plutarch Viç. Syllä.
A. Gell. Lib. I. cap. 21. Feſtum v. Lapidem Silicem.
(b) Macrob. Saturn. Lib. III. cap. 9.
(d) Herodot. Lib. I. cap. 165. (e) Ho-
(g) Vid. Polyb. Lib. III. pagi 180, 181.
x
and

&z6
Babylon devoted.
Ch. XVIII. v. 21.
and occaſion to diſturb Chriſtendom any more; and ſo put him to his Shifts,
till he is deftroved quite as we ſhall ſee by and by.
Β. Και έβαλεν εις τίω θαλασσιν, λέγων, έτως ορμήματα βληθήσεται βαβυλών η μεγάλη πόλις, και
š un diez añón, sind caft it into the Sea, ſaying, Thus with yuſhing ſhall Babylon the
great City be thrown down, and ſhall be found no longer et all.] The Sea taken Sym-
bolically ſignifies a multicude of Men in a ſtate of War. And therefore this
Symbolical Adion ſhews, thac che Fall of this Babylon will be by War. It
mult then be beſieged in Form, taken, plundered, and burnt; and never re-
cover its former Stare ; as it is to all appearance morally impoflible, that a Mill-
Stone ſhould ariſe, ſwim, or by any ways get out of the bottom of the Sea.
Here, as I hinted, the Symbol of Jeremiah's Book and Stone is much increas’d.
So that if we may be allow'd to conjecture by way of Compariſon, the Fall of
this Babylon will be much more terrible than that of the literal. Jeremiah
repreſents the Chaldeans confounded, and ſtruck with a Panick as the coming
of the Perfians and Medes, and the Meſſengers running to tell the King, that
Babylon is caken, ſhews that he muſt be a very indolent and negligent Prince,
Ferem. $ 1.29, 30, 31. Buc that ( a ) Babylon was taken by a ſurprise, whilſt the
Babylonians were Feaſting. But the myſtical muft Fall of ushqesem, with ruſhing,
never to be found at all: for the Holy Ghoſt fhews in the following Words, that
it will not be inhabited any way, but muſt become the Manfion of Goblins and
Owls, as it was ſaid before. The ruſhing explains the ſuddenneſs of its Fall,
in one hour ; of which the Lamenters complain'd before unanimouily.
Α. verf. 22. Και φωνή κιθαρωδών, και μεσικών, και αυλητών, κ) σαλπιςων και μη ακεθ και αν σοι έπ
And the voice of Harpers and Muſicians, and Pipes, and Trumpeters ſhall be beard no
more at all in thee.] The Holy Ghoſt does not mention the loſs of theſe things,
as if the injoyment of them were a Crime; for the Crimes of Babylon are men-
tioned in the next Verſe ; but as a deſcripcion of a City depopulated, in the
Tame manner; as Iſaiah 24.8. and Jeremiah 25. 10. repreſent by chefe very words
the defolation of a Country. If we rank cheſe loſſes in this Verle and part of
i he next, as the Holy Ghoſt has done by the placing of the Verbs into three
Parts, we ſhall find, that all the Inhabitants of Babylon are gone for ever. The
Inhabitants of a City very great and Populous, as Capital Cities are, may be
rank'd into three Orders; Nobles, or Rich, faring ſumptuouſly; Tradeſmen,
or Craftſmen; and Slaves, or ſuch as are employ'd in the moſt ſervile and vile
Offices. By ſaying that all kinds of Mufick are gone for ever from Babylon, I
ſay that the Holy Ghoſt intended to ſhew, chat no Nobles, or Rich, and fump-
tuous Men, ſhould live therein; and this by a Metonymie of the adjunct is a
proper Symbol. Nobles, or rich Men, will of courſe ſpend what they have in
Luxury and Pleaſure. Theſe entertain Muſicians and Dancers. Petronius repre-
ſents the Luxury of Trimalchio by this Obſervation, that his whole Family
ſang in waiting. In the Eaſtern parts of the World, whole cuſtoms come near-
eft to thoſe mentioned in Holy Writ, there is no diverfion without Mufick and
Dancing; and they think there can be no diverſion withouc the publick Dan-
cers, as Tavernier obſerves. So that in the Eaſt all good Towns have them ; but
the Capital Cities, where any Governor dwells, have them kepr at publick
Charge, to play every Morning and Evening with loud Muſick, and entertain
thus the whole Town. So when David invited Barzillai the Gileadite to come
to Court with him, 2 Sam. 19.35: the old Man excuſes himſelf by alledging,
that he could take no delight in that fort of Life, nor hear any more the voice
of Singing Men and Singing Women ; the delights of Feaſting and Muſick
are there fer to deſcribe the Life of Courtiers, Nobles, and rich Men. See
Eccleſ. 2. 8.3. Eldras 4 63. Therefore the loſs of theſe Delights expreſſes very
well the miſery of a place, eſpecially one that was accuſtomed to ic; and ſhews,
that all the Rich are gone; and ſo che Prophets uſually expreſs ir: as in Iſaiah
24. 8. Jerem. 7. 34. Chap. 16. 9. Chap. 25. 10. Ezek. 26.13. 1 Maccab. 3. 45.
Thefe Muſicians are they who are called Sons of noiſe in Jerem. 48.45. or
elſe thoſe Drunkards and Feafters, who uſe them for Noiſe; Singing and Dan-
cing being adjuncts of Feafts. Thus the Brother of the Prodigal Son in Luke
15.25. concludes there is extraordinary feaſting at home from the noiſe of Mu-
fick, and he in Terence that there was no deſign of a Wedding, becauſe he found,
(b) in ædibus nil ornati, nil tumulti. Since the Holy Ghoſt has taken notice here
(a) Herodot. Lib. I. cap. 191.
(6) Terent. Andr. A&. II. Sc. II.
of

Ch. XVIII. v. 23.
n Babylon's ruinous Condition.
837
of the deftru&ion of this Luxurious City, by obſerving, that all kind of Muſick
usd both by little and great, and even that which ſeems the moſt allowable upon
all occaſions of Mirth, as Weddings, of which by and by, are no more to be
heard therein; it ſeems neceſſary for us to cake notice of the fondneſs of the
Romans for Muſick, as indeed it is very uſual in all great and Luxurious Cicies.
But as Rome has exceeded all other cities of the World in all kinds of Luxury,
fo more eſpecially in this point of Mufick, as well in former Ages as to this
Day; of which the Romans ſeem to be fuperlatively fond. For the times of St.
Fohn, I need but to cite one paſſage of Martial, who ſhews that Mufick is the beſt
Art to raiſe a great Eftate:
ra) Artes diſcere vult pecunioſas
Fac, difcat Citharædus aut Choraules.
Bar
Ammianus Marcellinus has taken notice of this fondneſs of the Romans for Mufick:
ſo that in his deſcription of the manner of the Romans in his time, he takes care
to inſert this Obſervation, that they had Guitars as big as Coaches: ( b ) Orga-
na fabricantur bydraulica, ou Lyre ad Speciem Carpentorum ingentes, tibiæque los
biſtrionici geftus inftrumenta non levia. Modern Rome is prodigiouſly infatuated
with Mulick and Dancing. Balls were contriy'd at the Council of Trent ; and
'cis ſaid K. Philip II. of Spain danced therein. But even this Dancing becomes,
with their Muſick, a great part of their Religion. Harlequins and Pantalons,
and others dancing Spaniſh Sarabrands, are ſeen in their Solemn Proceſſions ;
they think 'cis an imitation of David, but I doubt 'tis rather thar of the Pagan
Saliares, Corybants and Bacchanals. 'Tis a pleaſant reaſon which Servius gives
for it: (C) Sane st in religionibus faltaretur, bæc ratio eft ; quod nullam majores noftri
partem corporis effe voluerunt, que non ſentiret religionem : nam cantus ad animum, faltatio
ad mobilitatem pertinet corporis
. This will even vindicate Whoring in the Tem-
ples. The Greeks even at Jeruſalem, are as full of Gambols as the Latins. In
ſhort 'tis that fondneſs for Muſick which makes a Cremona Fiddle to ſell for fifty
or an hundred Pounds, and maintains the curſed practice of caftracing Boys,
merely for the ſake of fine Voices.
STA, edi mow
narrow () oloni con
B. Kai mãs neqvítus maious réxmus s pui digesa e ni 'én, And no craftſmen of whatſoever
craft be be, ſhall be found any more in thee.] This is the ſecond rank of Men, which
ſerve to inhabit a great Town; and without them it cannot ſublift. I ſaid in
the former Note, that the Holy Ghoſt did rank here all the Inhabitants into
three Orders, or at leaſt, that the Symbols allude to three ſuch Orders. I ſhall
fhew here, that this diviſion is already laid down in the Prophet Jeremiah 24.1.
when 'tis ſaid that in the firſt Captivity the Babylonians took away, as the LXX
expreſs it, you's mezovtas, TÀS TEXvítals, rj Tois domátus, the Rulers, the Craftſmen,
and the Slaves ; inſtead of dirustas, the Hebrew has njoon the Priſon, that is the
Priſoners or Slaves
. As to the word je Tous TašGius, added to the reſt, I take it
either to be a Gloſs, or to be a different Tranſlation inſtead of apgautas Duw,
which word the LXX in Job 29. 9. and Chap. 34. 19. turn by midwi. Heſychius
desi, maine, for indeed the words sỹ tou's sauvés, are not in the Complutenſian
Edition. Now as the Muſick reſpected the Nobles, Rulers, or rich Men, fo'we
ſhall ſee, that the third Order of the Priſoners are included in what is faid of
the found of the Mill.ſtone ; for that is ſaid with a ſpecial regard to the Slaves.
Ć. Kei pari paraov mni a nens i és mi in, And the ſound of the Mill-ftone ſhall be
beard no more at all in thee.] This is the third State, or order of Men, which
are no more to be ſeen in Babylon, being the Slaves; for this Symbol ſignifies
them by a Metonymie of the adjunct, becauſe the Slaves were uſually imploy'd
in grinding Corn with Hand Mills
. The Mills were fo contrivd in fudes,
that they might be turn'd about by an Als: hence the púaos ónexos in Luke 17. 2.
theſe by the Latins were called Afinariæ, and Verſatiles, but the moſt common,
as they are ftill in the Eaſt, are the Trufatiles or Manuales, thoſe Stones that
grind by ſhoving to and fro, as when Stones and Marble, or Glaffes, are ground
and ſmoothed. Theſe were us'd in Athens, as we learn from(d ) Tbeophraſtus, who
makes it part of the character of a Ruſtick, to aſlift his Maid Slaves in grinding.
() Mars. Lib. V. Epigr. 57. (6) Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XIV. ( . ) Serv. in Virg.
.
Ecl
. V, d) Theophraft, Char. Ruſtic
1.Vybomoa
7. To
of mo? carione burg inome Job
de Vogn & golicu
Qrup STARA V.M down
2011
doi* 43.7.5.1960)
10 D

838
Babylon's ruinous Condition. - Chap. XXVII. v. 230
Fob 31. 1o. excuſing himſelf from many Sins, and in particular of Adultery,
wiſhes to confirm it, that his Wife may become a Slave thus to grind, and after-
wards to ſerve her Maſter's Luft; Let my Wife grind unto another, and let oberss
bow down upon her. I know the Targum ſays upon it ; Dormiat cum alio
' uxor meat
bu ſuper eam incurvent alli; and feveral learned Men take grinding in an obſcene
Senſe, becauſe forſooth ihe Greeks and Latins have done fo; but the proper
Senſe is much more vehement and earneſt, that Job ſhould wiſh his Wife might
be usºd as a Slave; firſt to do the greateſt Drudgery, and then to be humbled
and us'd like an Harlot. So in Terence: gang 910 osud too
Seigsalita na
(a) Illi favilla plena, fumi ac pollinis
Coquendo fit faxo, e molendo : præter hæc
olma Meridie ipſo, faciam ut ftipulam colligat.
Tam excošt am reddam atque atram, quam carbo eft. M. Placera
HoMo ad Nunc mihi videre fapere, atque equidem filium
9269 2003 od omizin Tum etiam fe nolie, cogas cum illa ut cubet. b eid
--970 (5) so as gidas nits asd: Consvuld ads
And therefore I could but ſmile to fee (b) fome pretending, that when the
Philiftinér made Sampſon to grind, Judg. 16. 25. it was by a Diomedean neceſſity to
get out of him a race of ſtrong Men. 7ob therefore means the ſame as Iſaiak
prophefiese againſt Babylon under the Type of a Virgin. Thou shalt no more be
called tender and delicate. "Take the Mill ſtones and grind Meal
, uncover thy Locks,
make bare the Leg, 'uncotier the Thigh, paſs over the Rivers. Thy Nakedneſs Mhall be
uncovered, jea thu Jhame Thall be ſeen. Ilaiah 47. 1, 2, 3. which latt words in the
Targum are thus frürn'd: Suſcipe infirmitatem, & ingredere in fervitutem, revela
gloriam raġni tais Contriti ſunt principes tui, difperfi ſunt populi. exercitus tui,
migraverunt ficut aquæ fluminis tui, diſco operiatur confufio tua, e videatur quoque
ignorinia tua. "Now this grinding was one of the worſt Offices of a Slave.
Therefore Moſes in Exod. 11. 5! to expreſs all the degrees of Men from the
higheſt co the loweft, ſays : From the firft born of Pharaoh, that fitteth upon his
Throne, even unto the firſt börn of the maid Servant that is bebind the Mill. It being
uſual to imploy (c) Women to that purpoſe, which Euripides calls d'yé'yxl olor
Toldy, in theſe words deſcribing Slavery:
bidwal to los bnoos die in
ni bit frndal 30(d) naglais et évéyxlu oslo roden dy Jówors,
our ansidsduled ll Easchy te säden, xapxiny. z' emestivas'.
lirit broods os hulle alode
Simonides would io ſeems have a Wife do any of theſe things if need require,
though he owns they are ſervile Offices :
299398 eris
2152079
ad ar seda. Toda c) U dáme égger ny d'u'lwe msergens Ste srbs
si sa I 191 or's obsikt av uøans feucety, TS XÓTUVES
Ur 2 TV8x95 Jo breftai "Agheel in xóm egy ég once Caxoe. to sd 038
est du
ឬ ទេ ?
The Indien Wives, ſays (f) D. Fryer, grind their Corn with an Hand milly
swhen cheylfing, chat, and are merry. But of this ſinging more by and by.
So our Saviour fpeaks of two Women grinding in one Mill, Matth. 24. 41.
The Meni alſo did it frequently. So Feremiah Lament. 5. 13. They took the
syoung Men to grind, and the Children fell under the Wood. That is, made them
Slaves, the ſtrong to grind, the leſs to carry Wood beyond their ſtrength.
Now this was the worſt kind of Service, becauſe ſuch Slaves were pus to do is
Bin a Dungeon, as appears from Exod. 12. 29. So Antiopa for Levicy was put ini
a Dungeon to grind braſen Corns :-(g) Opprains švì gonndy a'Astedisorot reco's. So
indeed the Etymologift calls this Woman ; but (b) Apollonius,'out of whom
the Verſelis ncaken, gives her no name, but ſays ſhe was the Daughter of
Ecbetyspoiwbom: (i) Homer calls che Deffroyer of all Mortals. His Scholiaft, in
btelling the Story, calls the Woman Merope, or Ampbilla , and to hinder the
Slaves from eating the Meal at the ſame time, 'twas uſual in Greecep and very
likely every awhere elſe, ato put a wooden Engine, or mighey Ruff, about their
(a). Terent: Adelph. VIX di (b) Vid. Gemara in Sotah cap. 1. $.2307 (C) Vid.
Homer. Odyſ. Lib. v. v. 195, &c. Lib1. v. 103. Groer(e) Euripid. Hecub. v. 367.
(d) Simonid. apud Stobæ Serm. 72.
(f) Fryer's Travels. Ep. IV. Chap. VI.
(6) Etymol. Magn. v 'Anate d'Hortal
(b) Apollon. Argon. Lib. IV. v. 1095,
(1) Homer. Odyſse e. v. 84. & Schol
Necks
OX

Chap. XXVII. v. 2 3. Babylon's ruinous Condition:
839
Cap. 36
;
9.
buto
Necks, fo great, that they could nor pue their Hands to their Mouch, and it
was therefore called (a) muoinchatu, being like a Wheel. Therefore when the
(6) Romans raviſh'd the Sabines, they promis’d they ſhould not put them to grind,
to ſhew, that they took them for Wives, not for Slaves.
arda
In Jerem. 25. 10. we have this Expreſſion among che tokens of Joy, when
preſent, Miſery when loft. But there the LXX, as now read, have ooute penge
Tis evidently a miſtake for 6 Mew cú'de, which is the ſame as iflu' addor, the
Song ſung in grinding, as in che ſame place the Voices of the Bride and
Bridegroom are the wedding Songs and Muſick. I fhew'd one Day this to the
much regretted D. Grabe ; he approv'd it, but ſcrupled that 917 ſhould fignify
Song, giMw, tho' 'tis evident it has chat ſenſe in this Verſe throughout. But
having ſhew'd him, that 7p is turn'd by gd in Eſdras 3. 12. he acquieſced and
noted it. The like Miftake is found in Heſycbius : 'Anelõvede o toïc uvegis
Bharufsor" Read Mu'adis the ſenſe therefore requires, that we ſhould undera
ftand thereby, as well the Songs upon that occaſion, as the found of the
grinding. For the Slaves to drive away the Sorrow of their painful Work,
were wont to ſing, and particularly in grinding. Of this there is men-
cion in many Authors, as (c) Ariſtophanes, (d) Plautus and (e) Plutarch,
who has a Song importing, that the Wench comforted herſelf, becauſe of
Pittacus the Wiſeman, and King of Mitylene, wrought for exerciſe at the ſame
Work whence it comes, that this Song is called Career by (g) Athenaus,
Heſychius, (b) Pollux and (i) Alian. Such Songs as theſe (k) Apollinarius and
(11 Arrius are reported to have compos’d in order to propagate their Nocions
an pong the common People. Therefore in the Language of the Onirocriticks
to dream of a Mill ſignifies Life and Plenty: K&S šax : Rúnar eis Calue sy gewerlar aj
Tabitev xgivelo, ſo ſay the Perſian and Egyptian in Chap. 195. ſee alfo the Indian-in
Chap. 194. Now if this found of Millſtones or Songs of Slaves, are not heard
in Babylon, 'tis pliin, that there is not ſo much as a Servant left therein.
A. verf. 23. Ka qws aúxvx š uit mariña ir moi 'ni x cavvuugis mai vodu.ons ó pest & nos man
&v doi Eri, And the light of the Lamp ſhall ſhine no more at all in thee, and the Voice of
the Bridegroom and of the Bride shall be heard no more at all in thee ] Theſe Sym
bols ar e alſo taken from Jeremiah in ſeveral places, as firſt out of Chap. 7. 34.
where the Propher having ſaid, that God will take away theſe things, con-
cludes thus, that he may ſhew the deſign of God is to make the Land defolate,
871 bis dráu twouv tsus mãou i gw, for the Land shall be deſolate. See alſo in Chap. 16.
but in Chap. 25. 10. we have in particular the light of the Candle mention'd;
in which the Targum is remarkable : Vocem cætuum cantantium ad lumen lucernarum.
Now as the words are couched here they may be taken (wÔ ways ; Fitt,
rately without joining the light of the Lamp to the Voice of the bridegroom; and then
it will fignify, that there ſhall be no occaſion for Joy, when Men light Lamps
to be merry for a long time, and lengthen their Mirth far in the Nighe, in
order to which they muſt make great Illuminations about the Houſe : it being
to be ſuppos’d that this Light of the Lamp is to ſignify ſome extraordinary Oca
caſions and great Illumination, above that ordinary light which is us'd for the
neceſſity of domeſtick Buſineſs
. Secondly, The words may be join'd toget
ther to make up but one ſenſe ; ſo that the Lamp belongs to the Bridegroom
and Bride. All the Weddings in the Eaſtern Countries were celebrated with
Lamps or Torches. The Bridegroom and Bride, the Bridemen and Bridemaids
having each one in their Hands. This is ſufficiently known from the Parable
of the cen Virgins, Merth. 25. 1. (m) Tavernier cells us, That this Cuſtom is ſtill
obſervd in Perfia. The Greeks and Romans had it too, as may be made out
from ſeveral Authors, as (n) Homer, (o) Euripides, (p) Apollonius (9) Virgil
and others. It is upon this account that a Lamp Sconce fignifies in the ſymbo-
lical Language of common Dreams, a Wife
. Auxería, ywaissa on univet, ſays (-)
vloh sd 10 000 nisoibo toy and
(m) Hefych. Suid. Pollux. Lib. VII. C. 4. fimisgelost y (b) Plutarch. Qui Rom. p. 254.
(c) Ariftoph. Nebul. ow olen (d) Plaut. Mercat. A&. II. Sc. 111, ww non mile) Plutarch
Conv. VII. Sap. p. 1273 1199
Vids Alian'. var. H. Lib. VII. cap. 4. Clement.
Alex. Pedag. Lib. III. c. . capila.
($) Athena. Dipnol. LibXIV. cap. }
Onom. Lib. IV. cap. 7.
(i) Ælian. Var. Hift. Lib. VII.
(k) Sozomen. H. Eccl.
Lib. VI. cap. 25.
(1) Philoftorg. H. Eccl. Lib. II.
(m) Tavernier's Pers Trav. Lib.V.
e. 18. Nii (n) Homer. Iliad. p. v. 4920910lgno (o) Euripid. Phoenif v. 346. Modna, . 1029.
Iphig. Auk v.732. Helen. v. 645, 726.1. d) Apollon. Argon. Lib. IV.
, 114ironio-slow (2) Virg Eclog. XII. a short and (2) Artemid. Onifosi. Lib. I. cap. 760
Artemidorus
(1) Polluc.

840
Babylon's Crimes.
Ch. XVUI. v. 23.
Artemidorus. Now with theſe Torches or Lamps, they had a great Company of
Muficians and ochers, who ſang the Hymenæus, of which ſee the Note upon
Chap. 19. 7. A. This makes me think, that the Voice of the Bridegroom and
of the Bride ſignifies rather the Muſick that attends them. So that take the
words either way, the ſenſe comes to the ſame thing at laſt ; and all this to
gether ſhews an utter Deſolation and Depopulation, for where Men inhabit,
there muft be wedding : Res eft unius ætatis, populus Virorum, ſays Florus. No-
thing but Miſery diſcourages Marriages ; Plenty and Eaſe on the contrary in-
courage them. And ſo Jeremiah 33. 11. fets forth good Times, as Times,
wherein the Voice of the Bridegroom and of the Bride, and Mirth ſhall be
heard. Further, it may be obſerv'd, that this ſhews here, that Babylon is deſo.
late by a Symbol, which ſhews there will be no extraordinary occaſion for Men
to affemble therein for Mirth; as the former Verſe ſhews, that there will be
no Men at all therein, according to the common courſe of Cities inhabited by
thoſe three Orders of Men, the Rich, the Artificers and the Slaves. So that
Babylon is not only to fall for once, but for ever. All theſe things being well
conſidered, it is very plain, that ſince Babylon ſignifies Rome, this Prophefy is
not yet accompliſhed by any of thoſe Falls or Accidents, that have happened
to it hitherto ; and that by conſequence this Prediction remains ſtill to be ac-
compliſhed. When Jeremiab ſaid ſuch things of Judew, he did not ſay it was
for ever, but promis'd a return to the People. But where do we find any ſucha
thing hinted here, but rather quite contrary ?
B. on oi ke woesi os nou si mysãres tñs yñs, Becauſe shy Merchants were the Graz
dees of the Earth.) Thus far we have ſeen the Characters of the Deſolation of
Babylon; and now this Angel proceeds to ſhew us what were her Crimes, for
which ſuch a terrible Judgment is come upon her. But it may be ask'd here,
what need is there of ſuch a Repetition, ſeeing the former Angel, who report-
ed this Fall, had given an account of her Crimes ? But it may be anſwer'à firſt
in general, that the Holy Ghoſt makes no Repetitions, but at the ſame time
we find therein ſome freſh Circumſtances not mention'd before, and we ſhall
find ſuch in this place. Secondly, In particular it muſt be obſerv'd, that the
former Angel of the Fall has given us an account of her Crimes, to Thew the
Juſtice of God in her Condemnation : But this Angel has inform'd us by a
Sign, that God has laid an heavier burden of Puniſhment on Babylon, which
is, that the muft never recover again of that Fall; and therefore to ſhew the
Juſtice of God therein, this Angel gives an account of Crimes with aggrava-
ting Circumſtances; and indeed ſuch as exceed all meaſure. Her Crimes de
ſerve no token of any of the leaſt Mercies.
Let us now come to the words themſelves. Firſt, We ſee a Diſtinction here
between theſe Merchants and the former. Theſe are the Merchants of Babylon
it ſelf, the former were Merchants of the Earth. The former lamented upon
Babylon's Fall, but theſe are the Perſons for whoſe Faults Babylon ſuffers. The
former are miſerable, but theſe are Criminal: or at leaſt much beyond the reft,
for they participate of the Crimes of Babylon in a greater meaſure. In this
the Holy Ghoſt follows the decorum of things. For a City of great Mer-
chandiſe, as Babylon is repreſented, conſiſts of great Merchants within, and
foreign Merchants, who reſort to it. But now how does it appear, that the
Merchants of Babylon are ſo criminal, that they involve Babylon in their
Crimes? Or elſe to put it in another form, how does it appear to be a Crime
in Babylon, that her Merchants are the Grandees of the Earth? That becauſe
the Grandees of the Earth are become her Merchants, therefore Babylons has
deſervd to be deſtroy'd for ever? To ſolve this, it is neceſſary to explain the
Terms. I ſhall therefore make it iny bufineſs to prove, that the very name of
Merchants is very odious in the account of the Holy Ghoſt. And ſecondly,
that the term of Grandees, Meysăres, implies them to be Criminals of the very
worft ſort; that is, directly Rebels againſt God.
To begin then with the Merchants : 'Tis true, that theſe words are, as a great
part of this Deſcription is, taken out of thoſe, wherein the Prophets deſcribe
the Fall of Tyre and Babylon, formally found in Iſaiah 23. 8. wboſe Merchants are
Princes, whoſe Traffickers are the bonourable of the Earth. In the LXX, o fretoget
culñs kvo sobor degerles tñs gñs but the Complucenſian comes nearer to the Hebrew,
oi fu Togge uns gevaar å szex]a, oi stes tñs viñs the import of this geavans ſhall be
ſhewn preſently to be odious, but here they ſeem noc co have ſuch vehemence
as

Ch. XVIII. v. 23.
Babylon's Crimes.
841
calo
as in our Text; nor what is ſaid in Iſaiah 47. 15. of the Merchants of Babylon,
where the Targum calls them Principes fortitudinis tua ; for thac place is only an
Irony ; here they come in gravely, as part of Babylon's Crimes. We muft
therefore find, how this word becomes odious. This is quickly ſeen, when
we conſider that a Merchant was odious to the Iſraelites, becauſe the Merchants
were not of their Nation, but of the Canaanites or Phænicians ; ſo that the very
name of Canaanite ſignifies Merchant. '3y33 is a Merchant in Ifaiab 23. 8. as we
have ſeen in Prov. 31. 24. Fob 40. 15. Thus a Cbaldean, is an Aſtrologer or
Magician ; an Arab, a Robber; a Phrygian, an Imbroiderer ; and formerly
with us a Lombard, a Banker or Uſurer. For the Canaanites being Idolaters
and of the Nations accurs’d, were to be ſure very odious to the Iſraelites, and
their Profeſſion abhorr’d. Thus in Zechar. 14. 21. it is ſaid: There ſhall be no
more the Canaanice in the Houſe of the Lord. That is, the idolater, the crafty
Merchant. Compare Iſaiah 38. 8. Joel 3. 17. Matth. 21. 12. ſo in Holea 12.
7. Iſrael is opprobriouſly called by the name of Canaan. In the LXX. Xavaar,
sy geci duls Zuze's a' Mhxícas, xiladuwasole izdanos, where you ſee a Canaanite or Mer-
chant, for as ſuch he is repreſented with the Scales in his Hand, is ſynonymous
co a Knave, an Oppreffor and Tyrant. Accordingly in the firſt Verſe of the
Chapter Iſrael is taxed for lying, deceiving, multiplying Vanities and Follies,
being allied with Allyria, and ſetting up for a Merchant to trade with Oil into
Egypt. And indeed the very word Canaan comes from, and the Prophet very
likely alludes to, vs, to oppreſs, cheat. Among the Greeks the Phanicians paſsa
for great Cheats. Hence in Homer :
odce od uoslib st 92
(a) a) téte coinvě hugev evde a relince didas (9) esladique (1)
On Tga'x?ns, as dit stone meira do pé olay impyesingil W 325th
get to 270 w lobista ons
And in Heſychius pouverénırlov, amelna6v And thus I take the Expreſſion of Plato,
(b) pervixsxóv 71, co be the ſame as an old crafty. Phænicien Trick. The Romans
thought the ſame of the (c) Carthaginians, who were alſo Pbanicians. So that
Silius Italicus calls Carthage Fraudum domus, the Houſe of Cheats. So Tully ſays
of the Philoſopher Clitomachus : (d) Homo acutos, ut Pænus ; aand (€) Penulis,
bomo igitur acutus. Plutarch obſerves it alſo in the Lite of Timoleon. The
la me may be obſerv'd of the word 737 which fignifies to trade; for from thac-
comes 797, a cheat. 'Tis turn'd in the LXX. Prov. 11. 13. by dizawa G, a double
tongu'd Man; where Symmachus had someo: in Ezek. 22 9. apsas a Robber or
Murderer. Thus alſo in Greek the word 'ču. Toeg is taken in ill pair. Eufebius.
(f) Lwéuraga qode tñs gonlaics a ver chi Naylonki nośnulice in the Chaldean Oracles
we find 'Eurolinñs e tátna sheiyuelce. Hence (g) Mercury, God of Merchants, was
alſo the God of Thieves; (b) "Os ve onand covovať, ſays Euripides. (i) Homer
makes one of his Excellencies to confift in his being the only obeat in Heaven;
and yet ’tis own'd that his name of (k) Mercury came from 700 to merchandiſe.
'Tis true the Merchants make but an odd figure in this Picture, but it is only by
chis light that we muſt view them in this place, when they are ſet with the
word Meyçüves :
willow 70% soslo todo
I proceed now to conſider the words Meyesãves rñs gñs, Grandees of the Earth.
This is a great deal worſe than t’orher ; but betwixt them they make up a ſad
Character of Villany and Cruelty. The Earth throughout this Book ſignifies
either the idolatrous Nacions, or the idolizing Church. Now the great Men
or Princes therein, are ſuch as by conſequence oppreſs the true Worſhippers,
or People of God, in doing which they magnify themſelves above God and his
Saints. This the LXX. call uszanopnuovão and Mija AusSlett, as in Pſal. 3 $. 26.
Pfal. 38. 16. Pfal. 55. 12. Jerem. 48. 26. Zeph. 2. 10. the Hebrenj is yra, and
57974, Mezésires, as in Nabum 3. 10. Fonas 3. 7. when this is ſaid in reſpect
of God, or God's People, it is a Crime, upon which a proper Puniſhment
enſues. So in Jerem. 48. 42. sj amorei tak percaill do ozir vote. Om tedy scvetov é uejanweis
And Moab ſhall be deſtroy'd from being a People, becauſe he bath magnified bimſelf
(a) Homer. Odyff. 5. v. 288. vid. Odyff. e. v. 414. Comp. Platon, de Legib. Lib. IV. i-in)
(6) Platon. de Repub. Lib. III. p. 402.
(c) Vid. Sil. Italic. Lib. III. & Lib. VI.
(d) M. T. Cic. Academ. Lib. IV.
le) M. T. Cic de Finib Lio. V.
(f) Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. II. p. 39, moll
(8) Vid. Feft. Voc. Mercurius.)
(b) Euripid. Rheſ. v. 217. (i) Homer. Hymn. in Mercur. v. 4+5. (k) Bachart
Phaleg. Lib. l. cap. 2. S. Glaffii Grammat, Lib. IV. Tract. III.
to E 10 F ]
again?

842
Babylon's Crimes.
Ch. XVIII. v. 23.
againſt the Lord. How? In oppreffing his people. So the Targum very well;
Quia contra populum dei magnificati, funt. Lament. 1. 9. O Lord behold my af
fli&tion, for the Enemy has magnified bimſelf. Therefore Mezesäves
, Grandees, are
ſuch as become great and powerful by oppreſſing God's People, and enſiaving
them to their idolatrous Pradices. And it is a Greek word introduced into that
Tongue after the Macedonians had conquer'd the Eaſtern Countries and affe&ing
the Pomp of the Perſian Court called thus (a) the great Men ac Court by a word
which anſwers to the Hebrew '272; which word indeed may ſometimes be
applied to (b) rich Men, but however we find, that the Holy Ghoſt is even
cautious to give it as a Title to choſe that are of God's People. Thus when
God is pleaſed to tell David, that he has exalted him from a Shepherd to be a
King, he ſays not; I have made thee a great Man, but foftens ic thus, I have
made thee a great name, like unto the name of the great Men, 2 Sam, 7. 9. Täy mezcénar,
077). See Maith. 20. 25. Mark 10. 42. the Verſion of the LXX. when ic
fpeaks of foreign Grandees, calls them generally Meyşūves, unleſs by way of
Irony when the Prophets declaim, as Jerem. 14.43. The only inſtance to the
contrary is in 2 Chrom: 36. 18. as far as I can find. Foſephus never gives that
| name to the chief among the Jews. In Mark 6, 21. the wayısãves ſeem to be
Romans ; for they are diſtinguiſhed from the chief Men of Galilee, agãtor Tńs
ganidades, Foſephus ſpeaks uſually in that Stile. Den 5. 2, 3. the uspesūves are in
the Chaldee, 117 In ſhore the word was odious, for mezeias, great things,
only belong to God, Pfal. 111. 2, Pfal.1 26.2. and eſpecially Pfal
. 136.4. Art abanus
the Perſian ſays mighty well in Herodotus : (a) od zaię pesuben ő irov pêza 8
Jods ñ wütór• See the diſcourſe thereabouts, and other Authors to that purpoſe,
as (d) Sophocles, (e) Euripides, and (f) Tbeognis. Thus alſo (8) Mája kezev, a
great Work fignifies a wicked Work, and full of Pride and Haughtineſs, in
Homer ; and is ſaid of the Woers of Penelope, (b) freebrov 3 Cew 'é zxor, exceedingly ty,
nical
. And the fame Exprefſion is us'd by (6) Apollonius concerning the fact
of the Lemnian Women, who flew all the Men in the Iſland. Magnus and
Magnificus are likewiſe odious in the Latin Tongue. This Title therefore im-
plies, that the Merchants of Babylon were Tyrants and Oppreſſors; and for
that reaſon they cauſe the Judgment of God upon her, The Pagan great Men
in Chap. 6. 15. were called by this name; but they had their Judgment then;
theſe are a Generation of much worfe. Ambrofius Ansbertus has ſeen ſomething
of the force of theſe words, for he ſays ; Et cum Mercatores ejus Principes terræ
fint, ipſa infelici commutatione, pro terrenis lucris fuorum animas venales tradens,
elationis faftu fuper ſubjectos in fublime tollitur. By all this it is plain, that theſe
Merchants of Babylon are the Cardinals and Prelates of the Court of Rome
who are guilty of maintaining all the Errors and Tyrannies of the corrupted
Church to keep up their Greatneſs; and are the firſt and chief Promoters of
the baſe trade practic'd therein. Note here, That there is not one word
ſpoken of their ſuffering any thing in themſelves, nor of the Beaſt and Falſe
Prophet. The City only ſuffers in the preſent Judgment for the guilt of theſe
Men. They will eſcape and ſubſiſt, keeping up their Pretenſions in ſome
other place; for we ſhall find them deſtroy'd only in the end of the next
Chapter after many Tranfa&ions.
C. On ir tņ paguarned oxétarhanowy waylee tei forn, Fir by thy Sorceries were all
Nations deceived] The Merchants of Babylon were no ordinary Cheats in
Trade, and purſe-proud Lordlings, but were Cheats of the worſt kind in
Sorceries ; and Tyrants, to force Chriſtians to apoftatize and give themſelves
up to the Devil. Thy Princes, ſays the Angel, have not only been guilty of
Idolatry and Pride in themſelves, and within thy Walls, but have alſo impos'd
it upon all Nations; thou haft by them corrupted the whole Church of Chriſt,
ſaying the hidden Elea. This is the ſame Crime as is obje&ted againſt the lit-
teral Babylon, by Iſaiah 47. 9. év ti paguaxeię os, év və ixúï Tär troussão opósege
for the Multitude of thy Sorceries, and for the great abundance of thine Inchantments.
Compare Revel, 17. 2, 4, s. and Revel. 13. 14.
(a) Vid. Suid. & Hef. Phrynich. & Salmaſ. de Ling. Helleniſtic. (6) 2 Sam. 19. 32
(0) Herodot. Lib. VII. cap. 1o. S. 5.
(d) Sophocl. Antigon. p. 219. (e) Euripid.
Hipp. v. 6.
* Of Theogn. v. 159.
(g) Homer. Odyſf. w. v.457.
(b) Homer. Odyff. V. 410.
(i) Apollon. Argonaut. Lib. I. v. 162.
Hitherto

Ch. XVIII. v. 23.
Babylon's Crimes.
84
Hitherto we have ſeen the firſt part of the Accufation, or Crimes of Babylon,
conſiſting of Idolatry, Sorcery, Deceit, and Wickedneſs; which the has not
only committed herſelf, but alſo impos'd upon others. Of this we have fre-
quently ſpoken before. But I ſhall make here two Obſervations. Firit, To
confirm what I have ſaid, that this Angel fhews the Aggravation of the
Crimes of Babylon, it must be obſerv'd, that the Angels before only ſpake of
Fornication, and Wine of Fornication ; in Cháp, 17. 2. the Kings had fornicated,
and the Nations got drunk with the Wine of ber Fornication. The like in Chap
18. 3. the Angel chere tells us her Crimes were, that all Nations had drunk of
the Wine of the Wrath of ber Fornications ; where you ſee he alſo aggravates
more than t'other, by adding Wrath ; and the Kings had commiceed Fornication,
and the Merchants grown rich with the abundance of her Luxury. Bue here
chis Angel layson, and ſays, all Nations were deceived by her Sorceries. Who
fees not that this is the height of Wickedneſs in this train of Sins 2 Is not
Sorcery the greateſt Apoſtacy againſt God. Secondly, It may be objected,
that we have divided the origin of falſe Propheſy in the Church between the
Biſhops of Rome and Conftantinople, in our Note upon Chap. 13. 1. C. How
comes it now, thac all the Crimes are thrown upon Rome? Perhaps becauſe che
other is repreſented as fallen, when the tenth part of the City fell, the Holy
Ghoſt takes no notice of it, and ſo the whole burden now falls upon Rome the
Surviver, which made allthe Pretenſions in folidum and univerſally, of which
the other claim'd but her ſhare. But to anſwer more preciſely, Corft antinople
kepe up theſe Pretenſions but from a participation of thac Power which was
originally in Rome. Beſides we find, that the height of Sorcery or Idolatry
which was the ſecting up of Images, was mainly done by the Biſhop of Rome's
ftanding ftiff for chem, both againft the Eaft and Weft. His Authority bore
down the Scales. Therefore is fit that Rome ſhould bear all the burden of
the original Introduction of theſe Sorceries in the Church. If others afſifted,
it was with her concurrence and with the affiftance of her Power. Rome is at
preſent the only ſtanding Head and Principle of all this Wickedneſs in the
Church.
A. verf. 24. Kai šv auli cüpucela nepon õv nj dziwy decon, And in her was found the
Blood of Prophets and Saints.] Some Copies read out, but dipole is more ſuitable
to the Hebrew Stile, to ſignify Murder, or the guilt of Blood. For the Hebrew
Tongue uſes '97 to ſignify Murder, and the LXX, turn it by póro, in
Exod. 22. 2. Deut. 22. 8. Prov. 1. 18. Genef. 4. 11. in Levit. 20. 9. the plural
is turn'd by 'évozos's ar ; and in Deut. 19. 10. the plural '91, as being only a
fingular to ſignify Guilt, is join'd with the Verb fingular), which the LXX
turn thus: jön és ar ēv ooi di pie e voges. So Men of Blood are Murdereřs very fre-
quently in the Pfalms. Thus Pfal. 5-7. érdega ei declav, and Pfal. 16, 9. ardie die
ai pd twv, ir Symmachus gudspóymy though ſometimes the fingular is alſo us'd to the
ſame purpoſe. Thus Feremiah 2, 34. ſpeaking of Jeruſalem ; alſo in thy Skirts
is found the blood of the Souls of the poor Innocents
. I have not found it by ſecret
ſearch, but upon all theſe. The like is objected againſt the litteral Babylon, Jerem.
51. 35. The vivlence done to me and my Fleſh, is upon Babylon, jall the Inbabitants
of Zion ſay; and my blood upon the inhabitants of Chaldea ſhall Jerufalem ſay.
Alſo was found is a judicial term implying a preceding Inquiry. See Micab 1. 13.
Luke 23. 14, 22. The Propheteſs in Æſchylus ſpeaks of Oreffes's having killed
his Mother in the Stile of the Holy Ghoſt.
1 0001 2018 soara
an on 37019180
333 กรองหรอก
1945 yonOM 2016.0357
arri zobna od (a) Opão do em oupaaſ vir my gg Stouvoña Fluto al cuorisoll's
"Edege Ezovic, Tescórasov, akunelin is wonder bord
Στάζονlα χώρας, και νεοσπαδες ξίφG-
jod luogelet hos ose to
Νώει μεγίσω σωφeόνως εσεμμένον,
abortion 2
Oos
'Αργή μαλλώ.
od o ochrane
23 oved to boods to a
And the Furies a little after ſay to Oreſtes. on uut artrona zosts
mnogins to
(5) Τετραυματισμόον γας ως κύων νεβρδν
Προς άμα και ταλαγμόν άκμασα ομως
(a) Æſchyl. Eumen. V. 40. ontmoDeM (b). Æſchyl. Eumenid. v. 246.
In

844
Babylon's Crimes.
Ch. XVIII. v. 24.
In the ſame Author ajue is alfo caken for the guilt of Blood or Murder ; (a)
Kärol i mésus apie 6 d'éxlag ves, ſays one of the Furies to Apollo. For indeed that
whole Tragedy repreſents the guilt of Oreſtes juft as the Holy Ghoſt that of
Babylon in this place; that is, as reeking with Blood.
Interpreters ſeem to be puzzled to account for Rome Antichriſtian being
the Murderer of the Prophets
. Grotius comes off eaſily here according to
his Notions, that this ſignifies Rome Pagan ; but it is as eaſy for us to do it, by
obſerving that the Martyrs of the true Worſhip againſt the Corruptions of Rome
are alſo Prophets 3 theſe words being ſynonymous in this Prophecy. See our
Notes upon Chap. 11, 8. F. where we make out, that Rome is guilty even of
the blood of Chriſt, becauſe he was flain by one of the Magiſtrates of Rome
Pagan; and by conſequence of all the blood llain ſince, either in the primitive
Church, or during the corrupted ſtate of the Church, becauſe ſhe was ſtill the
Head and Mother of all the Fornications, and drunk with the blood of the
Saints and Martyrs of Jeſus, Revel. 17. 6. to which this place being compared
even thews, that Prophets and Martyrs are ſynonymous ; but I fall fully make it
out in my Note upon Chap. 19.10. D. ſee likewiſe Chap. 16. 6. A.
B. Kui miylar Tüy sopky refowy od rñs võis, And of all that were flain upon the Earth.]
Of all that have been flain within the Territories of the corrupted Church upon
the account of Religion, both during the Pagan ftare of Rome, and during the
Corruption of the Church. I ſee no reaſon why the Expreſſion may not be
limited to chat ſenſe ; the blood of the Saints being that which God chiefly
cakes care to revenge, and about which this Propheſy is eſpecially concern'd.
But yet if it be preſs’d further, to fignify all the blood that ever was ſhed upon
the Earth, in the utmoſt latitude of chat term, this will not be more wonder.
full than what our Saviour fays on the account of the Jews, Matth. 23. 35.
That upon
them might come all the righteous blood ſhed upon the Earth, from the blood of
righteous Abel, unto the blood of Zacharias the Son of Barachias, whom they flex
bitween the Temple and tbe Altar. * Ambroſius Ansbertus accounts for it thus : (b)
Sicut autem electi virtutum fimilium compagine, unum redemptoris corpus de je
reddunt, fic reprobi vitiorum parilitate conjunéti, unum antiqui koſtis corpus efficiunt
.
9 quam multi Cain impiium non viderünt, & tamen quia bunc imitantur ipfe Cain pro-
bantur. By Affinity and Similitude, which make a Communion, Rome is be-
come guilty of all the blood ſhed by all the uſurping Nimrods in the World.
I have ſaid ſomeching of this in my Note upon Chap. 16.6. A. In ſhort, the
Enemies of God are conſidered as one Body, and this Babylon is the laſt Reſort
of all his Enemies in the corrupced Church. See alſo to this purpoſe (c) Gretius
and (d) Zevecotius. Thus allo Tully, in the matter of wrong, makes all the
Roman Citizens to be one body; ſo that when one is wrong'd all are fo :
(e) Quid nunc in noftro fanguine tandem facere debemus ? Nam Civium Romanorum
fanguis confumtus exiftimandus eft ; quoniam id & ſalutis omnium ratio, & veritas
poftulat. Now the ſame reaſon holds as to Crimes, when the Body politick al-
lows them in private Perſons without doing Juſtice ; and alſo when one Body
politick takes up the Pretenſions of another, and imicates their Actions, or any
way pretends to defend them. Read to this purpoſe alſo the Hiſtory of the
Gibearbites and Benjamites in Judg. 19. 20, 21. And compare with this the reafo-
ning of (f) Jamblichus upon che divine Juſtice ; and of Mafius upon Acban's
(g) Cafe. That Rome is guilty of ſhedding an infinite quanticy of innocent
Blood needs not to be proved here. Yea ſhe is more guilty of blood ſhedding
than any Monarchy ever was ſince the Creation. Therefore as ſhe has ſurpaſs d
all others in cruelty, her Deftruation muſt be proportionable. Beſides, that
God muft now make an end of all Deſtroyers to make way for this Kingdom
of Peace and Righteouſneſs. And ſince the Holy Ghoſt distinguiſhes between
the Saints and Prophets mention'd before, and then all that have been llain,
theſe laſt ſeeming not to be Saints; why may we not ſay that God accounts her
guilty of all the blood of her Vocaries flain in her Quarrels? Rome is guiley of
their Errors; ſo ſhe muſt ſuffer for their Deſtruction
ht
(a) Æſchyl. Eumen. v. 204.
(6) Ambr. Ansberta in Apoc. 2. 20. Lib. Il.
(c) Groc. de J. B. P. Lib. II. cap, 2. 8. 14.
(d) Zevecotii Obſ. in L. Flor, Lib. III.
cap. IV. p. 413.
e) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. V.
(1) Vid. Jamblich.
de Myft. Sect. IV. c. Vos bisomea ( 8.) Andr, Maf. Com. in Jof, 7. 1. p. 119. 12.
CHAP

Chap. X X. v. 1.
853
The Halleluiabs
10
CHAP. XIX.
HE firſt four Verſes of this Chapter ſhould not have been ſeparated from
the former, becauſe they are but the Effect of the laſt Angel's Exhortati-
on, and of the Subject of his Errand, the Fall of Babylon, Thoſe whom he had
invited to rejoyce, begin to do it affoon as he hath finiſhed the Words of his
Meſſage. 'Tis a general Complaint of the Interpreters of Holy Writ, that the
Diviſion into Chapters is not ſo carefully perform'd as it ſhould ; fo 'tis no won-
der this Propheſy ſhould ſhare in that Neglect, ſince it has been ſo little under-
ſtood. But that is not the Main of our buſineſs,
A. verf. 1. Και με πιστα ήκεσα ως φωνlω όχλε πολύ μεγάλίω εν τω έρανώ ; And after
theſe things I heard as it were a great Voice of much People in Heaven.] The Joy, to
which the Angel in Chapt. 18. 20. had made an Exhortation, would have had
it's effe&t even tho no ſuch Obſervation had been made here. But ſince the
Holy Ghoſt has thought fit to mention it, we muſt expect, that this is done with
ſome ſpecial Circumſtances, which were not fer down in that Exhortation. Now
this we may obſerve at the very firſt, that what has been ſaid before of this Joy,
reaching through the inviſible and viſible World, is here more diftin&tly aſſerted.
So that one might take the Hallelujah's to belong chiefly to the inviſible, and the
Elders and Wights to belong to the viſible, World. But I think it is as proper for
us to include the Archetypal World and the Senſible both ways. But the Expreſ
fions are ſuch that the Hallelujab's are neceſſarily to comprehend the Archetypal
by the force of the plain Terms, and the fenfible World by Inference: and in
like manner the Elders and Wights more exprefly point at the ſenſible World, or
Church on Earth, but do alſo by vertue of the Union imply the Archetypal
World. Having obferv'd this, I ſhall in both places chiefly ſpeak of what is
implied to be done in the viſible World, it being the Acts of that which
chiefly concern us: and 'tis only by an Abſtraction of the Mind, that we can
conceive the Acts of the inviſible World, to which we muſt be led by a Compa-
riſon of the viſible Tranſactions, not being able to have at preſent a more ade-
quate idea of them.
This Joy concerns as yet the Chriſtians within the Territories of the corrupted
Church, and thoſe which have formerly belong'd to it, before they were reform’d,
or converted to the true Worſhip; who being now ſupported by the Secular
Powers, about the time of Babylon's Fall, ſhall be very glad to ſee her down,
in that thereby they have receiv'd Means of Converſion and Knowledge.
For that this Fall may be attended with ſuch Converſions is highly probable,
tho' a great part of the corrupted Church may ſtill for ſome time adhere to the
Beaſt and Falſe prophet, which are not to be deſtroy'd yet. However the Re-
formed Churches are great Companies in Heaven, that is, ſupported by the
ſecular Powers. Theſe have ſuffer'd very much by the Tyranny of Rome, and
are repreſented in Chapt. 10. II. as obliged ſtill to Propheſy, that is, to vin-
dicate the Goſpel and ſincere Chriſtian Worſhip againſt Popery; and alſo to
fuffer very much upon that account. They will undoubtedly rejoice, that God
has in that manner revenged the Blood of his Saints ſlain for oppofing the
Corruption, and that they are delivered at the ſame time from the Fears of the
Roman Politicks. If there be no more than this, it is enough to fulfill the Pre-
diction: When the wicked periſh there is ſhouting, Prov. 11. 10.
B. Mejárte, great. ] Prevailing ; implying, that God has prevailed over his
Enemies and theirs, and has chereby magnified himſelf. See our Note upon
Chapt. 18. 23. B. The Word great in this caſe ſeems to have the ſignification of
folemne, and very hearty to praiſe and magnify God's Works. Thus the Song
of Moſes in Deut. 32, 3, wherein the Works of God's Power are highly praiſed,
is by Philo the Jew called 'Si verdan, a great Song, a ſolemn Canticle to maga
nify and praiſe God. We found the ſame Expreflion in Revel. 7. 10. Pouring pagdan,
TOH

854
Chap. XIX. V.1,2.
The Halleluiahs.
to exprets the Thank givings of the Primitive Church upon their new Delia
verance from Paganiſm. The Caſe of the Proteſtants in general, when Rome
falls, will be much like it ; for they have as bitter Enemies upon them. Tycho-
nius is by Dr. Mill pue among thoſe who have not read this Word; but the
Edicion by me has plainly (a ), Audivi wicem magnam.
C. Aszóvlcov, ’Amnaćice, ſaying Halleluiah. ] This Hebrew Word ſignifying praiſe
ye the Lord, is very proper upon this Occaſion, being among the Hebrews one of
their ſolemn Words of Exclamation, as Hoſannah. In the Pſalms 'tis often us’d
when God is praiſed for his Judgments upon the Wicked. For this Reaſon the
LXX have not tranſlated it, nor the Greek Verſion of Tobit, 13.18. from them
the Primitive Church took it as a ſolemn Form, and moſt Churches have fol-
lowed them therein. Take the reſt of what may be obſerved upon this Ex-
preſſion, in the Words of Dr. Lightfoot (b), Ye firſt meet with it at the lar-
ter end of Pſalm CIV. where the Jews Nore upon it is not impertinent, viz.
That Hallelujah comes not till there be Tidings of the Ruin and Deſtruction of un-
godły Men ; and ſuch you have in the laſt Verſe of chat Pfalm, Let Sinners be
conſumed out of the Earth, and let the wicked be no more ; Bleſs thou the Lord, O my
Soul, Hallelujah. Ye have the like in that place of the Revelations; the Wick-
ed deſtroyed Babylon, Babylon no more, but ruined, fired, and her Smoak goeth
' up for ever and ever; and then are the Mouths of all the Church of God illed
with Hallelujahs, praiſing of the Lord for ſo great Deliverance”. So far he.
This ſhews the Emphaſis and Reaſon of the Expreſſion.
D. 'Howolneid, rj duarus, ej v SEQ aš Ješ muss, The Salvation, and Power, and Glory
is of our God.] There is frequently Variation of reading, with Additions or
Wants, in theſe Doxologies throughout the Book. Some Copies add alſo the
Words xj vi viuent, and the Honour ; which making up a fourth, would imply an
Univerlality of all the Attributes of Praiſe, that can be given to God. The
Salvation, or Hoſannah, implies a great Deliverance procuring Safety to God's
People. See the Nore upon Chap.7, 10. B. which Salvation confirms the Power,
Honour, and Glory of God, and gives occaſion to his People of returning Ac-
knowledgments of them all. The Awósepus, Power, is here ſingle, without the
leszáan, great: So that we ſee, that by the Fall of Babylon God does not yet
take to him his great Power ; when he does, the Beaſt and Falſe-Prophet, and
his old Enemy the Devil, go quickly into Deſtruction.
A. verf. 2. "O71 áan stich rý Sixzucie xelous arš, For true and righteous are his Judg-
ments. ] God's Juſtice had been vindicated before by the Angel ; but the Holy
Ghoſt does more, and ſhews us, that it will be alſo publickly acknowledged
in this Judgment, as in all others. As to the Words True and Juſt, they have
been explain'd in our Note upon Chap. 15. 3. D. See alſo the Note upon
Chap. 16. 5. B. The Fall of Rome will be true; becauſe God ſhall then have
made good his Threats and Predictions; Juft, becauſe the Crimes have been
very grievous, and abſolutely unrepented for.
B. "@n'énewe tlu nógvleue the percalw. For be bas judged the great Whore. ] The for-
mer Expreſſion fhew'd in general, that God is to be praiſed for all his righ-
teous Judgments; buc this begins to ſhew, why they exere themſelves in prail-
ing him particularly upon this Occaſion, of the true and juſt Judgment of the
great Whore, or capital City, Metropolis of all the Idolatry in the corrupted
Church. They call her Whore rather than City, to give her the Title which ſhe
deſerves, and which at the ſame time ſhews her Crimes.
C: "Hns Népferpe thu gleb ev tñ zogveią o tñs, Which did corrupt the Earth with her For-
nication. ] This is the firſt Crime, which conſiſts in ſeducing of the Church,
and impoſing Idolatry upon it, and all its Members. The Word Earth here
ſhews, that we muſt underſtand theſe Hallelujahs to be made at fartheft in the
Territories of Chriſtendom, and as far as her Corruprions extend. Her Pre-
tenſions indeed are over all the Earth, but her Power is not. She can be
charged no further than her Power has reach'd. This is however ſuitable to
the Practice of the Holy Ghoſt in Jerem. 5 1. 25. who ſpeaking of the literal
Babylon, ſays, to dap Jewegu Trious the gleiv, which deſtroyeſt, that is, corrupteft all the
Earth. But Babylon was never Miftriſs of all the Earth. Aldpreisey, to corrupt,
or ſeduce, is often us'd in this ſenſe in Holy Writ. See the LXX in Judges.
(a) Tichon. Hom. XVI.
(6) Dr. Lightfoot's Serm, upon Revel, 13. 2.
2. 19.

Chap. XIX. v. 3.
The Halleluiahs.
855
2. 9. Pfal. 14. 2. Herem. 6. 28. Ezek. 20. 44. Dan. 8. 25. Thus alſo in the
Acts of Thecla (a), dép geregs tie' inovićw zóny; and in the Épiſtle of Alexander to
Darius (b), Tès dues oiars deco.gereguleer
D Kai JESS'xnce to ci per ofer Séamu au Fő és vãs gereg's ownñs
. And has reveng'd the Blood of
bis Servants at her hands. ] This is the ſecond Crime for which this Whore has
been executed; that is, the Murther of the Saints and Martyrs, the true Wor-
ſhippers of God, who are in the account of the Holy Ghoſt the chief Servants
of God; the Phraſe én geregis, is Hebraical in this fenſe; it is found in 1 Sam.
25. 39. and 2 Sam. 4.11. Theſe rejoyce, that the chief Cauſe of Corruption
is remov'd; and therefore they hope to ſee the Church reformºd ; and finding
that God has revenged the Blood of his Saines, they hope that their Reſurre-
&tion muſt foon follow of courſe,
A. verf. 3. Kai de reegyei guzey, 'AmnaćïaAnd a ſecond time it ſaid Halleluiah. ]
How comes it, that the Holy Ghoſt obſerves this Repetition, or at leaſt, what
means it ? Firſt, it may be, that the Holy Ghoft alludes here to the ancient
Practice of finging Pſalms and the Praiſes of God, both before the Moſaical
Law, and afterwards in the Temple, which was by Antiphones. The whole
Chorus being divided into two parts; one Part ſometimes ſinging one Verſe,
and the other part another; or ſometimes one beginning the Verſe, and t'other
ending it. That the Chriſtians ſang their Hymns by Antiphomes is plain from
theſe Words of Pliny's Epiſtle to Trajan: Carmenque Chriſto quafi Deo dicere fecum
invicem. (c) Socrates ſays, that Ignatius the Martyr firſt introduced that way
in Antioch; which is very likely. Secondly, This Repetition is perhaps not ow-
ing to that, but the Earneftneſs of the Joy. Thus, in Zechar. 4. 7. the Shout
upon laying of the Foundation-Stone is repeated. And ſince the Holy Ghoſt
has not obſerved ſuch a Repetition in the Hymn of the Palm, bearing compa-
ny by the ſame Company, in Chapt. 7. 10. which we have applied to the Deli-
verance of the Church, wrought by Conſtantine the Great, we muſt ſuppoſe,
that the Joy upon the Fall of Babylon will exceed even that. It may be likewiſe,
that this Repetition may ſignifie ſome gradual Progreſs in the matter. Some
Parts of Chriſtendom may come into this Joy after the reſt. But of this more
preſently.
B. Kai o ne vos av trñs évalulver eis moj viõves ou oc? abywy. And ber Smoak afcendeth for ever
and ever ] The Holy Ghoſt repreſents the burning of Babylon as an Holocauſt;
becauſe the Execution of the divine Judgments upon the Idolaters are ac-
counted as a Sacrifice made to ſatisfie the divine Juſtice. See our Notes upon
Chapt. 14. 11. C. and Chapt. 14. 18. A. and afterwards upon Chapt. 19. 17. D.
And indeed the Burning and Conſumption of a City ſeduced to idolatry, ace
cording to the Law in Deut. 13. 16. is ſaid to be done before the Lord, that is,
to be an Offering made to him. Maimonides ſays thereupon (d), Quando quis
reos peragit in civitate" ſeducta, perinde eft, ac fiquis efferret holocauſtum confummatum.
Thus the Prophet Iſaiah 34. 6. predicting the Fail of Edom and their Capital
Bozra, ſays, That the Lord hath a Sacrifice in Bozrah; and then repreſents
it as an Holocauſt for ever burning with Pitch and Brimſtone ; and then
ſays, v. 10. It ſhall not be quenched Night nor Day, the Smoak thereof ſhall go up for
ever; from generation to generation it Mall lie waſte, none ſhall paſs through it for ever
and ever. Here 'cis plain, that the latter litteral Expreſſions explain the former,
which are ſymbolical
. Compare likewiſe the Paſſage of Virgil cited in the Note
upon Chap. 18. 9. B. where the Poet deſcribes Troy ſmoaking long after its Fall.
Now Troy was then in the ſame caſe as Babylon is like to be; that is, a devoted
City, as has been ſhewn in the Note upon Chapt. 18. 21. A. and by conſe-
quence a proper Sacrifice, and perpetual Holocauft. So Homer:
(e) “Ως δ' ότο καπνός των εις έραν δν ευρώ έκανα
AFG ai gonfiore, Decor de uliwie cvõre.
So then, the Smoak aſcending for ever, is not to ſignify a continual Burning; but
by a Metonymie of the Efficient for the Effea, to ſignify, that it is burnt for
ever, and never to be reſtored. Now this Repetition being attended with this
(a) Grabe, Spicileg. Patr. Tom. I p. 1os.
H. Eccl
. lib. VI. cap 8. Vid, Suid. v. 2oess.
(e) Homer. Iliad. v. 522.
(6) Arrian. Expedit. Alex. lib II.
(c) Socrat.
(d) Rambam. de Idololatr. cap. IV. $ 15
Circum-

856
The Halleluiahs.
Chap. XIX. v.4.
Circumſtance of this Judgment being irrevocable, we may fay that the firſt
Hallelujah was upon the account of Babylon's Fall, and this latter, becauſe it
is a Deftru&ion deſign'd for ever. So that theſe Hallelujahs correſpond in this
to the Errands of the two Angels, as we noted in the former Chapter ; one
of which tells of the Fall, the other ſnews it’s Perpetuity. And this is a good
reaſon for the Repetition of the Hallelujah, without excluding thoſe given before.
Α. νerf. 4. Και έπεσον οι φρεσβύτεροι οι είκοσιτέυερες, και τα τέσσαρα ζώα, και ουσικύησαν το
Faço te wo Surbów émer Sesve, And the four and twenty Elders, and the four Wights fell down
and worſhipped God, ibat ſat upon the Throne. ] It has been ſhewn before, that the
Elders repreſent the Chiefs, or Princes, of the Chriſtian People, and the
Wights the Clergy; and that their doing Homage by Adoration and Recog-
nition implied the Converſion of Jews and Gentiles to the Chriſtian Religion.
Now we can't imagine, but that when they are ſaid to repeat this, their Action
muſt be ſymbolical, and repreſent ſome thing of the ſame nature freſhly done
on the Occalion mention'd; eſpecially fince we find, that the Repetition is
not in the old Forms of the Fourth and Fifth Chapters, but in that which is ſui-
table to the State of the Church in the preſent part of the Vifion. This being
well conſidered, it muſt be concluded, that upon the Fall of Babylon there muſt
happen in the Chriſtian Church a very general Occaſion of worſhipping God
with holy Worſhip, as it was done in the beginning, and almoit univerſal
in Chriſtendom. For the Beaſt and Falſe prophet appearing ſtill to reſiſt and
be deſtroy'd, we muſt make an Exception of a Party that will adhere to them,
and ſtubbornly keep together, tho' perhaps continually leſſen'd by Deſertions.
I know that in ftri&tneſs the Wights and Elders, being Repreſentatives of the
true Worſhippers, might be explain’d of theſe only that remain fo. But if
this extends not any further, it can't be imagin'd why they ſhould be put
upon new Acknowledgments, and Worſhip, which they are already ſuppos'd
by their very Station to perform continually ; unleſs it be upon occaſion of
the Enlargement of the Worſhip, or of a freſh Liberty to perform it without
Conſtraint. Which Enlargment muſt needs be ſuppoſed to happen when Rome,
that great Enemy of God's true Worſhip, is deſtroy’d, which feduced the
Earth by her Enchantments and Tyranny. For as the corrupted Chriſtians
are, or ſhould be the Servants of God, it ſeems rational to ſuppoſe, that
when the Deceit and Violence, which had withdrawn them from their Alle-
giance, is removed, they return to it of courſe; and by conſequence return
Thanks by themſelves, and with their Heads for that fignal Favour. Now lec
us obſerve the Order of this Event.
Firſt we ſee, that the Multitude began the Thanks, and that too either by
way of Antiphone, that is, firſt one part, and then another ; or elſe the whole
repeating the ſame, which may fignifie a various Progreſs ; and then we fee
the Elders and Wights only joys therein after them. I cannot think this is
without Myſtery. What, if theſe Elders and Wights repreſent only at preſent
the reformed Chriſtians, can we think their Supreme Powers and Clergy ſo
backwards in making a publick Acknowledgment to God, that they only
follow the Zeal of the common People therein ? If this ſhould happen, 'tis a
very flender Circumſtance for the Holy Ghoſt to take notice of it. But if we
take in the Body of the corrupted Church, or at leaſt ſome great parts thereof,
this is worthy of Obſervation ; and then all theſe Circumſtances fhew us the
Order and Progreſs of their Converſion and Thankſgivings. I dare ſay there
fore, that this Converfion will begin with the People firſt, and then the ſecu-
lar Princes and Clergy will follow their Example. So that in this great Work
I foreſee two great Iteps : the firſt of the People, the latter of the Princes and
Ciergy. It may be alſo that the firſt of them ſhall be divided again into two ;
either becauſe ſome Countries imbrace the Reformation at one time, and ſome
others at another ; or elſe becauſe they ſhall at firſt ſhew themſelves ſo far
reſolv'd to be reform'd, that their Reſolution is here ſet forth by their repeated
Aſſeveration, or double Hallelujah. When this is ſo done the Chriſtian Princes
and Clergy, finding the unanimous reſolution of the People within their
Territories, will ſtrike in with them to ſay Amen to what they have done, and
then joyn in the Hallelujah. If any thing keeps the Popiſh Princes in Sub-
je&tion to Rome, it is the Bigortry of their Subjects, whole revole chey dread.
But when Rome falls, it's Votaries ſhall loſe their Power and Credit, and
then Kings and People may take their own Courſe. See the Note upon
Chapt. II. 16. A.
B, nézovles
و



Ch. X X. v.4.
The Voice from the Throne:
854
B Asgorles, ’Apulus 'Ammatic, Saying, Amen, Hallelujah. ] Amen has been ex-
plain'd before, as it is a Reſponſe to ſome Prayer, or Hymn. See our Nore
upon Chapt. 5. 14. A. The Hallelujah, juſt before. Theſe two Words vir-
tually contain all that has been ſaid in the three former Verſes: and ſo ſhew
the abſolure Concurrence of the Princes and Clergy to the Voices of the Multi-
cude: who were therefore ſaid to be in Heaven, becauſe the ſupreme Powers
were to allow of their Thankſgivings. I ſhould ſay, that the Princes will
as it were expect, and give way to the Defires of the People, and then will
openly joyn and confirm what they ſhall have done.
Thus far the Revolutions and Accidents, which have been tranſacted in
the Chriſtian Church, are ľuch Events as Men have ſeen, or may conjecture
how they ſhall happen; becauſe they are Occurrences in humane Affairs
directed by the ordinary ways of divine Providence in concurrence with the
Grace of the Goſpel, according to the firſt Scheme of the Chriſtian Religion,
which was to convert Men to the ſervice of God and Chrift, and to prepare
them to be meet Pariakers of a glorious Reſurrection hereafter. What follows
being attended and done by the great Power of God, and the opening of his
Myſtery in the Reſurrection of Men, is to be ſure mixt with ſuch ſupernatural
Accidents, as make it much more difficult for us to conceive the manner of
the Accompliſhment. Thar Reſurrection and the Order of it is clearly revealed
as future, but the Manner is neither explain’d, nor can indeed be conceived by
us. We are warn’d of it, that eye bas not ſeen, nor ear heard, neither has it entred
into the heart of man what things God bas prepard, '1 Cor. 2.9. Our Conjectures
muſt here proceed with more than uſual Caution, and the Words we can im-
ploy will be ſhort of what we ought to conceive about them : and indeed
the Conceptions themſelves can never reach to an Equality with the Events.
But as theſe things are mixt; therefore ſome of them will be of the ſame na-
ture, as thoſe which we have ſeen: and we muſt take care to diſtinguiſh them
exactly.
A. verf. 5. Kai çarà ike it Segre Feñage, aégsod, And a Voice came from the Throne,
ſaying. ] It has been ſhewn before, that a voice from the Throne was a Com-
mand from God the Father and Chriſt, who are both upon the Throne.
Therefore, whatſoever comes immediately from thence, muſt come from the
immediate Power of God and Chriſt eminently exerted in ſuch a manner,
that the Under-Agents act with an extraordinary Commiſſion and Aſſiſtance,
and their Actions muſt be as wonderful. The Voice which came from the
Throne in Chapt. 16. 17. did not come from it without Interpofition, but
through the Temple in Heaven, which plainly argues, that there is more than
one Medium before that Voice have it's effect : that is, it muſt be tranſacted by
the Interpofition of the Temple or Chriſtian Church in the ſecond Period; and
paſs through Heaven, or be Alifted with the Miniſtration of the ſupreme Powers
in Church and State. But this Voice comes out without any ſuch Medium from
the Throne, and by conſequence demonſtrates, that the Effects thereof muſt
come immediately from the divine Power, and ſhew by their Grearneſs viſibly
the Power of God; who produces thoſe Effects as from him. So chat all Men
ſhall ſee, that the immediate Hand of God is therein; and ſhall not think thoſe
Acts are produced by the Concurrence of ſecond Cauſes, as the Converſion of
Men in the Reformation, and their future Converſion upon the Fall of Babylon.
No Concurrence of ſecond Cauſes ſhall keep the prime Agent from fight.
Wherefore cheſe viſible Acts of God, wherein he Commands immediately from
his Throne, muſt be the Exhibition of chat Great Power mention'd before,
which God cakes co himſelf after the blowing of the Seventh Trumpet, Chapt.
11. 17. Brightman ſays very well: Exit è chrono, quod filius ſua magis unius virtu-
quam
ulla humana ope, rem hanc mirandam effe&tam dabit : gloriofifſime quidem hujus
rei partes fibi foli (umet, & omnia præftabit in folidum per ſe. Note, that this Voice
proceeds from God's Authority, but is ſpoken by Chriſt.
Β. Αιγείτε τον θεόν μη, πείνες οι σάλοι αυτέ, και οι φοβάμβυοι αυτον, οι μικροί και οι μεγάλοι, Praile
our God, all ye his ſervants, and ye that fear him, both ſmall and great. ] Other
Copies inſert rj before vi venese
, and by that diſtinguiſh the ſmall and great from
the Claſs of them that are called oi pobsyfos outův, they that fear God. But tho' it is
not inſerted, they are a diftin& Order of Men ; and I ſhall explain the Words
accordingly. For they that fear God are ſuch, as know in ſome ſort the Com-
mands of God, but ſmall and great imply a Concurrence of all fores of Men,
that
IO I

858
The Voice from the Throne,
Ch. XIX. v.5,6.
that Expreflion implying Univerfality ; fee Job 3. 19. and our Nores upon
Chapt. 11. 18. H. and Chapt. 13. 16. A. But they that fear him, are a fer
Number before this general Converſion, to which they, and all others are
invited. Accordingly I take the Servants of God to be ſuch as were true Wor-
ſhippers of God before the Fall of Bebylon, as the Reformed Chriſtians are:
they that fear bim, to be ſuch as ſeeing the terrible Judgment of God upon Baby-
lon, out of a ſenſe of the dreadful Judgments of God, have converted them-
ſelves, or may now do it : And the Small and great to ſignifie all other Nations,
who before this time have not heard, or receiv'd the Goſpel any ways, but
ſhall now joyn with the reſt. It may be they may alſo be called on ou Céufuos, they
that fear God; but however as theſe Expreſſions are comprehenſive of all Men,
we muſt ſuppoſe that theſe Words imply a general Call, even out of Chriſten-
dom,
This will appear further from what ſhall be ſaid on the next Verſe, wherein
we find the Accompliſhment, or Execution of this Commandment. For it is
here, as in all other Caſes where God ſpeaks, due tros, á ua épzey, the Command
and the Effect go together. See the Note upon Chapt. 16. 17. B. The Word
disses, our God ſeems odd ſince 'tis ſaid this Voice proceeds from the Throne.
But it proceeds from the Throne, to ſhew it has all the divine Authority, and
yet may be ſpoken by Chriſt from the Throne, who ſpeaking of his Father
calls him our Father, my God, and your God, John 20, 17. Chriſt is to fit there
till he has put all God's Enemies under his Feet, and brought all Men to wor-
fhip the Father and himſelf; ſee our Note upon Chapt. 4. 9. A. We all wor-
ſhipping the Father through him, and the Father receives now no Worſhip
but what is procur'd by the Son; who notwithſtanding his Exaltation keeps
to the Terms of Reſpect towards his Father, in calling him our God. But how-
ever Chriſt in that alſo procures Worſhip to himſelf.
A. Verf. 6. Και ήκεσα ως φωνlων όχλα πολλά, και ως φωνω υδάτων πολλών, And I heard as
the Voice of a great Multitude, and as the Voice of many Waters] This is an å dead
svoir, two Expreſſions to ſignify the ſame thing, the One being litteral, the
Other ſymbolical, of which ſort of Expreſſions the old Prophers are full, and
Pris an Elegancy in the Hebrew Stile. It has this Advantage, that one explains
t'other. This before us fets forth the vaſt Multitudes of Men, who are
now converted to the true Worſhip of God according to the Command in
the former Verſe, whereof this is the Execution. Therefore this Multitude
is compos'd of thoſe that have been deſcribed in that Verſe, who now ac-
cording to that divine Command, Call or Exhortation, make up cogether
but one Voice, to praiſe God for his taking them under his divine Prote-
ction and reigning over them. So that this Voice is really the ſame as
thoſe of Chapt. 11.15. For as I have ſaid before, the end of that Chapter
is an involv'à Propheſy, which is explain'd or evolv'd in the fix laft Chap-
ters of the Revelation. Obſerve, that the Chriſtian Church is not now cir-
cumſcribed in a Sea or Laver, but extends it ſelf as many Waters, and forms
innumerable Multitudes.
B. Koi wis parles Begurão igução, And as the Voice of mighty Thunders. ] Thunders
are the Voices of God proclaiming his Will to Men, or the Laws of his Vicege-
rents, to eſtabliſh his Worſhip ; and ſo, ſignify the Acquiſition of new Wor-
ſhippers, or the publick Settlement of the true Worſhip, as we have ſeen all
along. Theſe mighty Thunders muſt therefore imply the Promulgation of the
Goſpel to a vaſt Extent, whereby Men are brought in to joyn with the reſt
of God's Church, to ſing Hallelujahs to God. But then chele Thunders have
the Epichete of mighty given to them, which no Thunders had before. To
account for this we muſt obſerve, that all thoſe that went before were much
limited in ſeveral Reſpe&ts, the Goſpel in the Firſt and ſecond Period of the
Church being circumſcrib'd within certain Limits; and theſe, in compariſon
of what Lands are now found to be inhabited, were narrow enough, and
far from making the Church univerſal. But in the third Period it is to
extend far and near. Thus therefore the Thunders in Chapt. 4. s. and
that which accompanies the Voice of the firſt Wight, in Chap. 6. 1. by whichche
firſt Promulgation of the Goſpel is fignified; and thoſe which are mention'd
in Chapt. 8. s. Denoting the ſpreading and ſettlement of the Chriſtian Faith
during the Reign of Conſtantine and a little after ; and the ſeven Thunders
in Chape. 10. 3. which are the ſame as thoſe in Chapt. 16. 18. as I have
ſhewn,

Ch.XIX. v.7.
The Great Hallelujah.
859
ſhewn and ſignify the Reformation ; all theſe, I ſay, concern ſuch Promulga-
tions of the Goſpel as are nothing comparable to chat about which we are
now. As therefore the Auúdpus, or Power of God, is ſet down as belonging
to him without Epithet or Token of Increaſe, whilſt it is collateral to fuch
plain Thunders in the two firſt Periods ; ſo theſe Mighty Thunders correſpond
very well to the great Power of God which he is to take after the blowing
of the Seventh Trumpet, which is to begin the Period about which we are
now concern d. I muſt own indeed, that in Chapt. 14. 2. the Lamb being
upon Mount Sion, there is heard a Voice of a great Thunder, which I explain
as belonging to the Church in the days of Conftantine. But obſerve 'tis a
ſingle Thunder, but theſe are mighty Thunders.
C. Aszórlov, 'Ananaśče, on ébadiados Kvero o fios mueles é maxloxetwp, ſaying Hallelujah,
for the Lord our God Almighty reigneth. ] This is exactly collateral, both in Time
and Senſe, to what is ſaid in Chapt. 11. '5, 16, 17. Hallelujah being a word
equivalent to ingerees suger oor Kiers, We thank thee O Lord. For thankſgiving is wor-
ſhipping God for ſome Favour receiv'd and implies praiſing of his Name. We
have therefore in part Explain'd this upon that Place. The Kingdom of God
Almighty begins now to have it's due Extent ; and when ſome Accidents are
over, which hinder a little the full Settlement thereof, we ſhall find it deſcri-
bed in all it's Circumſtances. For I muſt give notice here, that the Words
of this Hymn in this Verſe and the two next, wherein the Marriage of the
Lamb and his Bride are mention'd, contain an Abridgment of all that fol-
lows from the Eleventh Verſe of this Chapter to the end of the prophetical Vifi-
on; the whole ſtate of the Reſurre&ion, and Happineſs of the Saints therein,
being involv'd and comprehended in that ſingle Symbole, as I ſhall fhew pre-
fently. We muſt likewiſe obſerve, that in this Hymn there is no Notice taken,
nor Thanks given for the Fall of Babylon, and the Juſtice of God ſhewn there-
in. This is a negative Argument, the wing fufficiently, that theſe who ſing
this Hymn are not taken out of the converted Members, formerly in the cor-
rupted Church; for if they were, they muſt needs take notice of Babylon's Fall,
as one of the Means, which God has put into their hands for their Converſion;
and by conſequence, ſeeing it is not likely; that God ſhould call Foreigners in-
to the Church, as the Jews and Pagans out of the Bounds of Chriſtendom, be-
fore he has given Opportunity to them that are Chriſtians, tho' corrupted in
their Worſhip, to be converted; the former Hymns, which are grounded upon
Babylon's Fall, muſt imply the Converfion of the greateſt part of the corrupted
Chriſtians. They who ſee the general Converſion of the Jews and Pagans will
be well qualified to thank God for the Approaches of the Marriage of the Lamb,
or Reſurrection, and excite one another to rejoyce'; for the Reſurrection will
be then, or foon after.
A. verf. 7. Xoiewuße xġ agama.cbus. Sot, Kaj so ufu The Bar 'outh, Let us be glad and rejoyce,
and give him glory.) This is an Allufion to the Prophecy in Iſaiah 61. 10. the
Words of which ſhall be ſet down in the nexe Note. There the Hebrew Words
ww and 13, which are tranſlated by the LXX by euppatronal, and cydugleonor; and
both theſe places are upon the like Occaſion, being Predictions concerning the
Reign of Chrift; the firſt of which Verbs in the Hebrew, as the Grammarians
obſerve, ſignifies internal Joy; the other, Foy ſhewn by external A&ts; and then
sökefe sez cu implies Foy expreſs'd in Words by Praiſes and Thankſgivings, or Halleluiahs.
Theſe Words ſhew the Diſpoſition of them that are at the Marriage of the
Lamb. . As they are in their preſent ſtate complearly happy, they are fill’d with
internal Joy, and have nothing to ask, nor Duty to perform, but in Acts of
Gratitude and Praiſe. This brings me to conſider, as far as we can conjecture,
the Nature of that future Worſhip.
All the Sacrifices of the Mofaical Inſtitution, for the ſake of Brevity, may be
reduced to two Sorts ; Sacrifices expiatory for Sin, and Euchariſtical to thank
for Mercies receiv'd or to be obtain'd. In the Chriftian Diſpenſation chere is
but one expiatory Sacrifice for Sin, that of Chriſt on the Croſs perform’d once
for all; but there remains an euchariſtical Sacrifice in remembrance of that ex-
piatory Sacrifice, and to apply the Expiation of it to all Times and Perſons ;
and when the Reaſon of that Application ceaſes, the Ceremonies thereof muſt
ceaſe too. In the third Period of the Church there can be no occaſion for
Sin-Offerings, nor to mourn and make Penance, but the Occaſions of giving
Thanks and Praiſe remain. The Evangelical Conſtitution, as it now ſtands,
being

860
The Marriage of the Lamb.
Ch. XIX. v.7)
comes.
being not in full Perfection, as it will be in the third Period when Chriſt comes
again, has therefore a Sacrifice with Ceremonies, which have a reſpex boch
to the expiatory and to the euchariſtical Sacrifices, being founded on the Com-
memoration of the expiatory Sacrifice of our Saviour, whereof it makes an Ap-
plication to the Receiver, as appears from 7ohn 6. 53,54,55,56. who at the
ſame time returns Praiſes to God and Chriſt for the Favours and Mercies ſhewn
to the Church in affording us the Means of Salvation. Buc then that com-
memoration ceaſes upon Chriſt's return; for we only ſet forth his Death till he
The Words of St. Paul are expreſs, 1 Cor. 11. 26. Ye do shew the Lord's
death till he come
Therefore the preſent way of worſhipping in the Chriſtian
Church, with the Ceremonies and Symbols of a Sacrament, which ſuppoſes a
Sin Offering, and apply it by Communion to the chankful Receiver, muſt
at the ſecond coming of Chriſt be left off, there being no need to ſet forth
the Death of Him, whom then every Eye ſhall fee, and ſee him too as a
Bridegroom, all glorious. Now we walk by Faith and Hope, but Then
by Sight and in poſſeflion. Theſe (a) Ceremonies and Symbols, which
are by ſenſible Objects of Repreſentation to bear up and ſtrengthen our
Faith and Hope, are abſolutely needleſs when Faith and Hope are perfe-
ated. Thus we may reaſonably conclude, that the Worſhip of thoſe who ſhall
be Partakers of that State of Perfection ſhall be clear of all ſuch ſymboli-
cal Ceremonies, and therefore exceed in Reality and Spirituality our pre.
ſent way of Worſhip, tho' ſettled by Chriſt, as even our preſent Worſhip ex.
ceeds the Mofaical. And ſo proceeding from Strength to Strength, when we
come to Perfeaion, all the Helps of our Infirmity will be unneceſſary; and
our Worſhip will be abſolutely ſimple and ſpiritual. Clemens Alex ſays thus:
(6) Μεθ' ω απολύτωσιν το γέρας και τιμαι τελειωθείσαν αποδίδονται, πιπιυαίοις μδ' της καθαίρσεως,
Tas mauribées ö rý neileg ziets tās mas, revizia i rj ir dizioso é meilee xs saegis tội neporą sluoreſoices XD! To
megoszès iš weis, weyoufies the rewela tñ difíos artone Tel saois. Hence allo St. Auftin asks
this Queſtion, which is in effect a Negative; (c) Nunquid enim Euchariftiam
eccepturi ſumus, cum ad ipfum Chriftum venerimus, & cum illo in æternum regnare
cæperimus ? To theſe might be added the Opinions of Modern ( d) Divines. I
fhall content my ſelf to ſer down this ſingle paſſage of Lightfoot (e), “So I
ſay of this Duty, Praiſe only. of all the Services we perform to God here,
goes along with us to Heaven. There is no praying, no hearing, no re-
ceiving Sacraments there, nothing but praiſing, lauding, and celebrating
"God: And that is the work of Saints and Angels to all Eternity”. But we
may ſee by this, how abſurd is the ancient and now-reviv'd Opinions of the
Millenarians, who will have the Jews reſtord to their Land and Temple, and
their Worſhip re-eſtabliſh'd there. To what end? To diſannul that of Chrift;
or as if the Happineſs of the Saints was to conſiſt in real and carnal Feafts. In
ſhort, their Opinion brings us back to the firſt Rudiments of the World, and is
utterly inconliſtent with the Wiſdom of God, and the Purity of the Goſpel
.
But theſe Matters are to be diſcuſs’d ſomewhere elſe.
However we may obſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt never tells us what kind of
Worſhip, or Behaviour the raiſed Saints uſe towards Chrift; ſuch a Silence
feems to imply, that as they are admitted to fit with him upon Thrones, and
to reign, there will be no occaſion for ſuch Tokens of Homage as before;
but then this is to be underſtood of the raiſed Saints only, who are glorified
with Chriſt: For as to thoſe who now rejoyce and give Glory, they ſeem
plainly to be only ſuch as prepare themſelves to be invited to the Marriage-
Feaſt of the Lamb, and ſo to partake of the Happineſs thereof as far as it is
ſuitable to their preſent Condition ; the Angel in v. 9. declaring them bap-
py, who are thus invited. See the Note thereupon.
Now this ſecond Hallelujah ſeems to me to be an Epithalamium before or up-
on the Marriage of the Lamb in praiſe of the Bridegroom and Bride, and ſo to
allude to the Cuftom of the Hebrews upon ſuch Occaſions. That there were
ſuch Songs uſed upon thoſe folemn Occaſions is evident from the Canticles of
Solomon, which are upon that Subject, and the Cuſtom is thougät to be hinted
ar in Pſal. 98. 63. And their maidens were not praiſed. So it is in the Margin of
(a) Vid. Jo. Chryſ. in Matth. Hom 82. in Moral. (6) Clem. Alex. Stro. Lib. VII. p.311,
(6) Auguſtin. de Diverf. Serm. IX. (d) Vid Hacker's Sermons pag. 454. Baxter's Saints
everlafting Reft, Part I. Chap. IV. S. II. Jurieu Exain, de L'Eucharift. Tr. 1. Se&. VIII S. 5.
(e) Lightfoor's Sermon on 1 Cor. 14 26.
our

Ch. XIX. v. 5.
The Marriage of the Lamb.
861
צעד ולא י
our Bibles according to the Hebrew, 17717 8%; for which it is ſaid in the
Tranſlation, were not given to Marriage; becauſe the Brides were then folemnly
praiſed, whereas before chey were more cloſely kept up. And therefore the
Bride's Cloſet, or Canopy, is called 910 93, P. uſe of Praiſe, in the Targúm
fore in the Note upon Chapt. 18. 23: A. that the Prophet feremiah alludes to this
in ſeveral Places. That it was uſual among the Greeks is alſo evident by a Pón
em of that ſort in ( c ) Theocritus upon the Marriage of Menelaus and Helens.
And the Scholiaft upon it obferves, that it is taken out of one of the Poems of
Stefichorus upon the ſame Subject; which ſhews, that Theocritus did not take it
from the Canticles of Solomon, which were tranſlated by the LXX in his Time,
as ſome learned Men have thought: The ſame Scholiaſt obſerves further, that
there were two ſorts of theſe Marriage-Songs; that the firſt was ſung at Night,
and the other in the Morning of the next Day. The Notes of that Scholiaft
being omitted upon that Poem in moſt Editions through Careleſneſs, I ſhall
copy them here out of an old Edition: (d) 'Enyeges tò magv citacey, 'Ezévns
επιθαλάμια καιν αυτώ τινα είλωται όμ σε τρώτε Στησιχόρε Ελένης ολι θυλαμίε. Τών και όλα.θαλαμίων,
πνα με άδετα εασέρας λέγθ καθακοιμητικα, άτινα έως μέσης νυκές άδεσι: πνα και όρθια. α και κρουα-
γραεται διεγκελικα. Τον και ότιθαλέμιον, άσεσιν αι παρθένοι ves το θαλάμε. Which (e) Martiα.
nus Capella ſeems to call by the Names of Cæmeſis and Egerſinon, as ſome Learned
Men underſtand him. This Egerſimon is hinted at in Theocritus. The Hallelujah
before us is of the firſt ſort, being ſung in the Night of the Church juſt before
the Appearance of Chriſt the bright Morning-Siar. See the Note upon Chap,
22.16. D. For though the Church be repreſented in this Propheſy in one con-
tinued Line through its three Periods; and ſo as it were one Body: Yet in an-
other View, and conſidering the vaſt Difference between its militant State and
the triumphant, theſe two States may be diftinguiſhed ſo, that the militant had
its Dawn, Morning, Noon, and Night; and ſo the triumphant becomes a new
Morning of perpetual Duration. In the Militant State the Propagation of the
Goſpel is its Dawn, to the Times of Conſtantine ies Morning, and the following
its Noon; but the corrupted State its Evening and Night. Is not the Enigma
of the Sphinx upon the Life of Man an Inſtance of this ? For in that Man is
A Creature
Four legʻd i'th Morn, Noon two, Night three,-
where the Morning ſignifies Youth; the Noon, full Age ; and the Night, Old Age.
Thus alſo in Genel. 49. 27. the Morning and Evening of Benjamin are commonly
explained of the firſt and laſt Times of the Tribe, which ſubſiſted to the end,
as well as that of Judah.
B. "On a Své zipo sa 'Apvís, Becauſe the Marriage of the Lamb is come. ] The King-
dom of Chriſt is by our Saviour himſelf compared to a Marriage-Feaſt, in Met.
22.2. and Chapt. 25.1: and St. Paul compares the Church to a Bride, 2 Cor. 11.2.
Epheſ. s. 32. This is ſuitable to the Practice of the ancient Prophets. So Hoſea
2. 19, 20. and likewiſe Iſaiah, in two remarkable places, which ſpeak of the
Kingdom of the Meffias; in Chapt. 65, 10. he ſays, I will greatly rejoyce in the
Lord, my ſoul ſhall be joyful in my God, for he bath cloathed me with the garments of
ſalvation, be bath covered me with the robe of righteouſneſs, as a bridegroom decketh hima
Self with ornaments, and as a bride adorneth herſelf with her jewels. And again, in
Chapt. 62. 5. For as a young man marrieth a virgin, so shall thy fons marry thee: And
as the bridegroom rejoyceth over the bride, so fhall thy God rejoyce over thee. So ther,
whereas the Church has before been repreſented as a Woman in travel, then
flying and abiding in the Wilderneſs, now with the new Tokens of Love which
her Bridegroom will give ber; of which by-and-by; ſhe will become a Bride,
and the Lamb will be her Bridegroom ; and this State of hers will be as a conci-
nual Wedding, a perpetual Honey moon; wherein there will be no fafting nor
mourning, becauſe the Bridegroom will be conſtantly with her. This Mar-
riage of the Lamb is therefore a good Cauſe, why there ſhould be ſo much
fa) Buxtorf. Lex. Talm. v.5207. & Sim. de Muis in Pfalm. Vid. Pirke Eliefer,
сар.
XVI.
fio.
(b) Edit. Venet. (6) Theocrit. Idyll. XVII. Vid. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. II.
V. 229. & Lact. ibids (d) Theocrit. Schol. Edit. 1916. in 8. (e) Mart. Capel. Lib. I.
& IX.
Joy
Yo K

862
The Marriage of the Lamb.
Ch. XIX. v.7.
Joy, and Gladneſs, and Thanksgiving of them that are to be preſent at this
Marriage
. 'Tis odd, you will ſay, that the Church ſhould be repreſented as in
Travel in the firſt Period, and her Marriage is only celebraced now. But lan-
fwer in the Words of St. Auſtin cited already: (a) Ecclefia & parit, & virgo
eli. There is no Contradiction in all this, becauſe theſe things are to be taken
fymbolically. If the Church has contracted any Defilements, her Husband can
waſh them. Therefore, as we ſhall ſee prefently, he firſt preſents her with
Robes of Innocence and Righteouſneſs, and then ſhe is fic to receive him, or
rather fit to be preſented as a chaſt Virgin, 2 Cor. 11. 2. And indeed ſhe is a
new Creature, being compoſed of Saints raiſed again.
It is evident, that the Prophers cited already took the Symbol of Marriage
to fignify a State, and Reaſon or Cauſe of great Joy and Happineſs. To
which may
be added what has been ſaid in our Note upon Chapt. 18.23. A. To
this alfo add John 3.29. Matib, 9.15. Mark 2. 19. Luke 5:34. and the Parable
in Matth. 22. 2. &c in Esther 1. 5. goyou, and in Chapt
. 9. 22. záprav, Marriage-
Feafts are taken for Times of banqueting and rejoycing, and even without any
Marriage properly ſo called. So 'tis likewiſe us'd in Homer ;
(b) Adony i zduor w Muprusopeut.
'Tis imitated by (c) Euripides. In Apollonius, Medea in a Caſe of Neceflity is mara
ried and bedded with the Hymeneus; buc Jafon referves to perform the (d) rám
pues, when he could do it conveniently at his Father's Houfe. The Perſian and
Egyptian Oneirocriticks ſpeak of it thus in Chapt. 129. 'Edv mis ilm on owercAEDE TOMOS
Per te zelep curs
, oʻxoak Hiokou cut mýtrs TIMI, rý úja.Soron shoor) tog . Seeing there
fore that God has prepared this Banquet and Marriage-Feaſt of the Lamb, this
muſt imply, that he has now deſign'd to ſhew the ucmoft of his Love to Man-
kind. But this Love of God is chiefly ſeen in this, that he gave bis only begot-
ten Son, to the end that all that believe in bim, ſhould not periſh, but have everlaſēing
life, John 3. 16. Hence 'tis added by the Angel a little after, Bleſſed are they
who are called to the marriage-ſupper of the lamb. For thothefe not having tafted
of Death, do not enjoy eternal Life as yet, neverthelefs the Glory and Hap-
pineſs of the Saints raiſed again, is in ſome things communicated to them.
Now eternal Life only beginning at the Reſurrection, this Life which is the
only Bleſſing which can crown all, can be no ways beſtowed upon us, but
upon our Reſurrection; and therefore this Marriage of the Lamb implies
the Reſurrection of the Bride, and a Participation of Happineſs to them
that are called to it, to partake of God's Love. And indeed the Fathers have
underſtood the Parable of the Marriage-Feaſt to fignify the Reſurrection. St.
Cbryfoftom ſays thereupon, (e) 'ATÒ 76T8 vj olu dresu tiv sivexáguesra eroSi 28 in Tuas free
Geoθεν τον θάνατον άππ, δήκουσιν ότι και ο δεύνατον τότε οι γάμοι, τότε ο νυμφίος. Τheophylasi ar-
gues from the Word Seimoy, uſed by St. Luke 14. 16. in a parallel place, which is
alſo the Word uſed in this Propheſy, that this Marriage muſt be underſtood of
the end of the Ages ; (f) A TVOn sefer 38, was er égátols rouesis Teactas pavévtos titulémou zeć
Ne, rj megs tñ éavéso šrot tas téase ou aicvwy. So likewile Hilary, older than both; (g) Vem
rum bic Nuptiæ, vitæ cæleftis dow in reſurrectione ſuſcipiendæ æternæ gloria ſacramen.
tum eft. Which Notion is again by the ſame Facher laid down a little after in
theſe Words ; ( b) Nuptiæ immortalitatis aſſumptio eft, & inter corruptionem atque
incorruptionem ex nova ſocietate conjunétio. But we muit take care to diſtinguiſh
the Bride from them that are invited to the Feaſt. Theſe are different things,
as we ſhall ſee.
Now the Opinion of theſe Fathers is fully made out by what follows ; for
the New Jeruſalem is the Lamb's Bride, which is now preparing herſelf, and
is deſcribd in Chapt. 21. 2. And this by the by proves what I have obſerv'd,
that this Symbole of the Marriage is an involv'a or comprehenſive one, cona
taining all the following Tranſactions, as we ſhall ſhew; the ſame beloved City
appearing beſieged by Gog and Magog in Chapt. 20. For the Holy Ghoft for-
bears to give the Deſcription of her till all the Acts of Chriſt towards the com-
pleating of her happy State are performd. But it is evident, that the New
(a) Auguſtin. de Tempor. Sermon. CXIX. (6) Homer. Iliad. 7. V. 293.
(61 Euria
pid. Helen. V. 1455. & Iphig. Aul. v. 707, 720. (d) Apollon. Argon. Lib IV. v. 1161.
(e) Jo. Chryfoft. in Matth. Hom. 69. (f) Theophyla&t. in Matth. (g) Hilar. Pigav.
in Matth. Can. XXII. (b) Hilar. Pictav. in Matth. Can. XXVII.
Ferufalem

Ch.XIX. v.7. The Marriage of the Lamb.
863
Jeruſalem is the City of the bleſſed Saints in the Refurrection. To this purpoſe
there is a very remarkable Paſſage in the Recognitions of * Clensens : Deus pedia
Filium ſuum, creavit mundum, tanquam duplicem domum, interjecti firmamenti hujus,
quod ccelum appellatur, diftin&tam; & in ſuperiori quidem Angelicas babitare, in ifto
autem vifibili mundo naſci bominum multitudinem dedit; ex quibus eligeret amicos Filio
fuo, cum quibus lætaretur, eo qui ei tanquam ſponſo, dilecta ſponſa pararentur. Veruria
uſque ad nuptiarum tempus, quod eft præſentia ſeculi venturi , ftaruit Virtutem quan-
dam, quæ ex his qui in hoc mundo nafcuntur eligat ex cuftodiat meliores, ac fervet Filio
ſuos sequeſtratos in loco quodam mundi, qui extra peccatum eft, in quo jam funt aliquanti,
qui ibi velut (ponſa, ut dixi, decora ad Sponfi prajentiam præparantur.
We may obſerve likewiſe, to Shew the Decorum of the Symbol, that as the
ftate of the Saints is in Holy Writ couched under the Notion of Perfection, and
that the Reſurrection is in this Propheſy brought under that of the Perfection of
the Myſtery of God, fo a Man is not perfeet till Marriage. Till that there is
ſomething wanting to make him eaſy, Genef. 2. 18. So Chriſt is not perfect in
his Glory till he cohabits with his Saints. Neither is the Church perfečt till the
Saints thereof are raiſed again. For a Bride in Hebrew is called my, that is a
perfe& one, from 572, to perfect, or conſummate. In the Militant State ſhe is betroth-
ed, but not perfected by a conſummated Marriage. Suitable to this was the no-
tion of the Greeks who called Marriage, Perfection, Téno. So (a ) Heſychius,
(b) Suidas and the (c) Etymologiſt : and married Men and Women are této
perfeet in (d) Æſchylus and (e ) Plato. To which add Artemidorus : (f) Téan reſión
S upórsete tois &vpcómois TD verópusay, rj o goluc, rj i Solydlo. Therefore the Greek
Mathemacicians, who affected to give fpecial Titles to the Numbers from one
to Ten, which were to deſcribe ſome of their remarkable Properties, finding
that the Number (g) Six was a Number of Perfection, gave that Number the
name of Marriage. Ariſtides, Quintilian. (b) TW 3 Ed Du, Tereótila o Ud.TG, cwnh-
palvor er mapato mer for seg so deris, ij er zeeplateia. do ng gou au mois megouzegden. Theon. Smyra
neus gives another reaſon for this name and Title, but that before us, fetch'd
from the notion of Marriage being a ftate of Perfection, ſeems to me more proba-
ble. However this reaſon may alſo concurr with his. Whence the Greeks
had this Notion, I can't imagin, unleſs they had it from the moſt ancient
Times, when Celibacy, and want of Children were ſhameful Conditions ;
And the latter is in (i) Homer made a Curſe: So that a Man was not a com
plete Man till he had a Wife. Hierocles fays it very plainly: (k) olxós ze hustrans refu
TYS övn fs galue; ( leg. cydus) TE'NG 5 rý mágns, o pš pelea panxóras. And afterwards, 'OM,
εκ άν αμάτοι (leg αμάροι) ής, ατελή φήσας οικίαν τίω ανα γάμου. Αntipater, (ι) ΤέλειG-
olxos sij Bios, ex omws dwagfelécts, 8 nE gewounds a Térywy Thus in Homer, Proteſilaus ha-
ving lefc his Bride to go to Troy, and there being the firft Man flain, the Poet
ſays his Houſe was left, (m) Muu TENÍS. Hence Strabo has ſaid, (n) Hysplug tillsa
τελή πνα βίον τον χώegν, καθώς και τον οίκον ημιτελή τον Πρωτεσιλάε δόση χώρος. He had the
Words of Homer in his eye. Whence perhaps came the Rabbinical Proverb,
(0) Cuicunque non eſt uxor, is non eft homo. In Canticl. 5. 2. and Chapt. 6. 8.
Solomon calls his Spouſe, teadla pou, My perfe&t one ; lo it ſhould be turn'd, the He-
brew Word being inn; and 'tis evident, that in the latter of thoſe Places fhe
is oppoſed to the Concubines. It may be that the Ifraelites gave that Name to
the firſt Wife married to a Man with Solemnity. For I believe that in all
Countries where Polygamy is uſed, there is a diſtinction made between ſuch a
Wife and thoſe who are taken with little Ceremony. Such Wives were by the
the Latins and Greeks called Pellices. And tho' a Man had a Wife before, yet
cheſe were ſaid to be married, Nubere, which implies, that there was ſome
Form uſed in the taking of them. Feftus : (p) Antiqui eam proprie Pellicem nomina-
bant, quæ uxorem babenti nubebat: So it muſt be read. Thoʻit is evident that
ſuch Concubines were in Dignity and Efteem far below the firſt Wife. Servius :
(9) Solent enim reges inter plures uni præcipuum dare nomen uxoris. And 'tis very likely,
* Clem. Recogn. Lib. IX. $ 3. (*) Hefych. V. mesti det, & TÉ 10401. (b) Suid. v.rés
λος. .
(c) Etym. m. ibid.
id) Æſchyl. Agam. 981.) Plato de Legib. Lib. XI.
(f) Artemid. Onir. Lib. II. cap. $46. (g) Vitruv. de Archite&. Lib. III. cap. 1. Cenforin.de
Die Natal, cap xi. & Not, ibid. (b) Ariftid. Quintil. De Muſic. Lib. III. pag. 122. Vid.
Nor, M. Meibom. ibid. & Lib. III. pag. 135. (i) Homer. Iliad. 1. V. 455. Ik) Hieroci,
apud Stob. Serm. LXV. (1) Antipat. apud Scob. ibid. (m) Homer. Iliad. B. v. 701.
( * ) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. VII. pag. 296. ( ) P. Fag. in Gen, 2, () Feftus, Voc. Pellices.
(9) Serv, in Virg Æneid. Lib. I. col. 396.
that

864
The Marriage of the Lamb.
Ch. XIX. v.7.
2W
that as the Husband called her his Perfe&t One, ſo the affected to call him her
Perfect Husband in Deciſion and Contempt of her Rivals. Which Polygamy
having been in Greece in old Times, as well as elſewhere, may have given
occaſion to call a Marriage ſolemniz'd with the Ceremonies by the Name of
Perfektion, and the Couple ſo married by the Name of Perfe&t. And becauſe
ſuch Wives were generally taken when young Virgins, it comes from thence,
that ſuch a Wife was called in the Time of Homer, (a) Kresin "Anoges, and ſhe cal-
led her Husband (6) Kreidoy lóow ; for in theſe Places it is oppoſed to a Con-
cubine. And indeed Briſeis, tho'a Widow and Concubine, bewails the death
of Patroclus, becauſe he had promiſed to perſwade Achilles to take her as a Per-
feet Wife, and to ſolemniſe the Marriage with a Feaft. This ſhe terms, (c)
Kreisiw drogov Sucev, and then, Adlohy zapov. Kreis in å rogos is the Tranſlation of the
Hebrew Dinge nun in Malachi 2. 15. Prov. s. 18. Wife of the Youth.
(d) Apollonius alſo has nkedin oppoſed to Concubine. It may be likewiſe, that
the Spouſals preceeding ſometime before have given occafion to call the Mar-
riage it ſelf Perfection, as we now call it Confummation, by a Word of the ſame
Import.
Now all this may be applied to Chriſt and his Church. For in this Life we
are only betrothed to Chriſt, till the Reſurrection comes; when we ſhall be
Conſummated, and compleatly Married to him. St. Paul argues upon this Noti-
on in 2 Cor. 11. 2. When he ſays he earneſtly defir'd, mappivou a zolw' Truegesňout tar
Xecsõ, to preſent you as a chaft Virgin to Chriſt: which elſewhere, Cololl. 1. 28.
He words thus : iya maegeshouse Teyla žu Sparty TÉA640p èn Xelsõ 'inot, that we may preſent
every man perfe&t in Chriſt Jeſus. Therefore as the compleat Union between
Chriſt and his Church can be only by the Reſurrection, this Marriage of the
Lamb implies it now.
C. Kai ji recent Surf STÓRUR OEN Saw Ti, And bis Bride, or rather Wife, bath dreſſed ber-
ſelf. ] I have hinted already who is this Bride, and by that have ſhewn, that
this is a ſymbolical Bride; which, as Chriſt is a King, muſt ſignifie his Power,
that is, his People. And here the Obſervation of the Indian Interpreter,
Chapt. 123. comes in very properly : 'H quen, të dyfeds vi dui duis sej Exoia Z5 Kases
&ν ίδη αυτίω κοσμίαν ήτε άκοσμον, έτως αποθήσεται αυτό. ή ακοσμία εις θλίψν, δδε κόσμG ος χάρgν.
The Preparation of the Bride already perform'd does therefore betoken preſent
Joy to the Faithful, who ſee theſe Times, and to them that are invited to the
Marriage. We muſt likewiſe here obſerve, that the Multitude which praiſes
God for the approaching Marriage of the Lamb is a different thing from the
Bride. That is indeed, the Bride conſiſts of the Saints raiſed again to inhabit
the New Jeruſalem, and theſe Multitudes ſinging Hallelujabs are the Converted
Nations of them which are alive without having yet tafted of Death. They
walk ſtill and rejoyce in the Light of that Jeruſalem. Theſe matters will be
Explain'd further afterwards.
But we muſt likewiſe obſerve, that when it is ſaid curs, bis Bride, this ſuppo-
ſes a Precontract between Chriſt and this Bride. And indeed the Term reun,
Wife, ſhews that Chriſt has now made it good to her. See the Note on Chapt.
22. 17. A. Chriſt has promiſed to theſe Saints, that he will reward them, by
raiſing them up again, and uniting them to himſelf for ever, Connubio ftabili.
See our Note upon Chapt. 10. 7. C. And Chapt. 11. 38. D. E. and upon
Chapt. 22. 2. F. Mind likewiſe ; that the Holy Ghoſt fays, the Bride has
Prepared berſelf, or dreſſed herſelf ; but the manner is not yet explain'd, it is as it
were done behind the Curtain, and out of ſight, as a Bride dreſſes in her Clo.
ſet. 'Tis not fit we ſhould know the manner; and indeed ſeeing this Prepara-
tion is the actual raiſing of the Saints, we could not conceive it. But God ne-
ver diſcovers what it would be impoſſible for us to comprehend. But we ſhall
ſee the Bride dreſs’d.
A. verf. 8. Kai idon wrhiva verbálantes Biarvov axuerein rij ne Suegr, And Bylle ſhining
and white was given her that ſhe might be arrayed. ] Or thus : And it was given to her
that ſhe might be clothed in Bylle ſhining and clear. ByMe, in Hebrew pia, is a Plant of
which is made very fine and white Linnen. It grew chiefly in Egypt, and Pale-
ftine. Schindler ſays, that it grows in Egypt, eſpecially about the Town of Some
bat, and is from thence diſpers’d all over. If ſo, it ſhould not have been put in
(a) Homer. Iliad.a. v. 114.
(6) Hom. Iliad. 7. V. 298.
Vid. d. V, 242, 243. 0. V. 39, 40.
(6) Hom. Iliad. e. V.414
(d) Apollon, Argonautic. Lib. III. v. 243. nt
the

Ch. XIX. v. 8. The Marriage of the Lamb.
865
the Number of those things that are lott, as (e) Pancirollus has done. Neither
can it be imagined, that the Divine Providence has ſuffered any of thoſe kinds
to be loſt, which were at firſt created; tho' ſome ways of uſing them may be
left off. It grew alſo in Elis, as Pasſanias ſays, but not fo yellow as that of
the Hebrews; his Words are theſe: (b) 'H 5 Búcsos vi & tn "Has atraétamos felis perce
šu Stefa viis 'Ebegéw, 'iga ý šx o xo i was četv sú. Hence we ſee alſo, that it grew in Pale-
ftine. For indeed they could not do without it, it being appointed by the Le-
vitical Law, that the Prieſts in officiating ſhould wear Garments made of it.
Moſes does not uſe the Word 72 to expreſs Bulle, which appears not in any Au-
thors older than the Book of Esther and Chronicles ; but 72 and ow, which the
LXX turn by biwos, Bybe, ſeem to have been uſed only in the Times of Mofes
.
All that we need to take notice of here, is, that it is the fineſt and moſt ſhining
white Linnen; and that it was the Stuff of which Prieſtly Garments were made,
being deſign'd to honour them, as God ſays, Exod. 28. 40. for indeed theſe were
the Garments of Kings and Nobles. In Genef. 41. 42. Foſeph in his Triumph was
clothed in one of them. So the LXX turn' the Hebrew by soalw' Buasirl, and
the Targum by 127. So, likewiſe David had one of them on a Day of Solem
nity, 1 Chron. 15. 27. In ſhort, the Byſſe Garments are the moſt ſhining and
valuable of all the Garments made of a White Colour, which were in uſe a-
mong the lfraelites. And our Saviour in the Parable of the Rich Man, who fa-
red ſumptuouſly, deſcribes him clad in Byle, cred Monelo zuppuegy sj Buwvor, Luke 16.19.
ſo likewiſe the great Harlor deſcribed before: Which two Words when they are
together, are taken by an ev dra doir to ſignify Bylle died in Purple, as Bochart
thinks ; and ſometimes the Byille it ſelf is puc for purple Garments, as in Hely-
cbius. But we muſt not take ic ſo here; and the reaſon is evident. This is all
that muſt be obſerv'd for our purpoſe.
Therefore to underſtand the meaning of the Byle in this place, we muſt con-
fider the Progreſs, or Gradation of the Holy Ghoſt, in appointing various ſorts
of white Garments, according to the various ſtate of the Chriſtians in the dif-
ferent periods of the Church. Firſt the Elders, or Chiefs, of the Chriftian
Laity at the Inauguration of Chriſt, Chap. 4. 4. are repreſented as clad in white
Garments, without any denotation of the Stuff, . Secondly, The Confeffors or
Primitive Chriſtians having triumph'd over Paganiſm in the firſt Period; had
only wbite Stoles, Chap. 7.9. Nay, the Martyrs of the firſt Period, when repre-
ſented in the ſtate of Separation of the Soul from the Body, as a Mark of their
being receiv'd into favour, are but rewarded with white Stoles, Chap. 6. 11.
without any notice of the Matter or Stuff whereof they are made; which ar-
gues them to be of the plaineſt kind, as uſual among the Iſraelites. The ſecond
Period of the Church is indeed a ſtate of mourning for the true Saints; either
they are hidden in the Temple, Chap. Ji, I. or they fly with the Woman into
the Wilderneſs; or elſe if they appear, it is as Prophets, clad in Sackcloth, Cham.
11. 3. and ſlain continually; and in Chap. 15. 2., wherein the Holy Ghoſt re-
preſents them victorious, and in the ſtate of Separation, no notice is taken of
their Garments; but they have equivalent Tokens of divine Favour to the
Martyrs of the firſt Period, by having Harps of God. But now that the Mar-
riage of the Lamb is to be celebrated, the Bride is clad in Bylle, which is the
Righteouſneſs of the Saints. Byle is the moſt valuable white Garment; Byfle there.
fore is the coken of the higheſt and moſt perfect Holineſs. The Refurrection
is the ſtate of perfect Holineſs; Byffe therefore is the Attribute of the Saints in
a ſtate of Reſurrection. This I think is a clear Reaſoning, and demonſtrative:
And ſo the Saints married to the Lamb are Saints raiſed again, and not barely,
Saints in a wavering Holineſs, as this Life is. See our Note upon Chap. 5.8. G. I
fhall conclude this with the Words of Hermas ; (c) Alba autem pars ; ſuperven
turi eft ſæculi, in quo habitabunt ele&ti Dei: quoniam immaculati & puri erunt electi
Dei in vitam æternam.
Now let us conſider the Decorum of the Symbol. This Bulle is the Wed-
ding Garment of this Biide for the Lamb, preſented by him according to the
ancient Cuſtom of the Eaſtern Nations, in uſe ſtill in Perſia and Armenia, as
Tavernier ſays. It was us’d in the times of the Patriarchs. So Abraham ſend
ing his Servant to ferch a Wife for his Son Iſaac; as ſoon as the Match was
(6) Paufan. Eliac. I. pag. ISI.
(6) Herma
(a) G. Panciroll. Rer. Deperd. Tit. V.
Paſtoi. Lib. I. Viſion IV.
JO L
concluded,

866
The Marriage of the Lamb.
Ch. XIX. v.8.
concluded, he preſented her in the Bridegroom's Name with Jewels of Gold
and Silver, and Raiment, Genef. 24. 53. that is, Wedding-Clothes ; ſee 1 Sam.
18.25. Which Cuſtom was alſo among the ( a ) Greeks and (b) Romans, as
we may learn froin ſeveral Authors. And indeed ſo it muſt be ; for in the
(c) Heroical Times of Greece, the Men gave Portions to the Brides. Ifa.61.10.
is another Evidence of this Cuftom, for the Bridegroom to preſent his Bride
with Garments. As to the choice of Byle, it is the moſt proper to expreſs
Holineſs of any other in the Opinion of the Heathens and Jews." Apuleius gives
us this reaſon why Linnen, or Byffe, was uſed in facred Uſes: (d) Atque ea
lineo texto involvere, quod puriffimum eft rebus divinis velamentum. Quippe lana, seg.
niſimi corporis excrementum, pecori detraéta, jam inde Orphei & Pythagoræ fcitis, pro-
fanus veffitus eft. Sed enim mundiffima lini Jeges, inter optimas fruges terræ exorta, non
modo indutui & amiétui ſanctiſſimis Ægyptiorum Sacerdotibus, fed opertui quoque inde
rebus facris ufurpatur. Plutarch (e) argues to the ſame purpoſe, and () Por-
phyrius. But Pbilo fetches the reaſon of it further ſtill: (g) Kai gép Ca nevñs ans E
& Navès ses repuxórwy Site Svícnav gluverkins. he ſpeaks of the Prielis Garments: And elſe-
where (b) he argues to the ſame purpoſe. See our Note upon Chap. 16. 13. G.
Alſo the fining and clear, which is undoubtedly the bright and white; that
is likewiſe proper to the occaſion. White was the Colour of folemn Feſti-
vals, When Ifaiah, 52. 1. ſays, Put on thy beautiful Garments, or Garments of Glory,
as the Word may be tranſlated, that is to be ſure the ſame as Coat of Salvation,
in Iſaiah 61.10: which being of the ſame nature as Cup of Salvation, in Pfal.
116. 13. muft needs, like that, fignify Garments taken upon the account of
ſome Deliverance, when a publick Solemnity of Worſhip is obſerv'd, to return
God Thanks for it. On fuch Occaſions, the white was the Colour of the Holy-
day Cloches.. Thus in Ecclef. 9. 8. white Garments are the Tokens of Joy and
Pleaſure. The Pagans had likewiſe this Cuſtom. Horace, (i ) Feſtos albatus ce-
lebret. So (k) Plautus, (1) Plutarch, (m) Julian, (n) Eunapius, (o) Cafe
fiodorus, and (p) Porphyrius; to which may be added, (9) Apuleius, (r) Va-
lerius Maximus, and ('s) Alchines ; ſome of which ſhew, that the Sacrificing
Garments were white, and ſome that the Nuptial were fo. But it was uſual
for Weddings to be attended with Sacrifices,
But how does Chriſt give this Byle to the Bride ? Tertullian underſtands there-
by the Fleſh rais'd again: (+) Nam etfi Animam quis contenderit ſponjam, vel dom
tis nomine ſequetur animam caro. This is ſuitable to the Intention of the Prophe-
fy; for this corruptible Fleſh muſt puc on Incorruption, as St. Paul ſays, i Cor.
15:54. and this mortal muſt put on immortality. Now this is attended with per-
fect Holineſs; the Bylle is the Symbol of it. The Interpolator of Ignatius has a
pretty good Notion, which fetches this a little further. He ſays, (u) Kaino
vuuan o Xest, nis, qépons nóye, Deemte vi oixãoy cứ qo; iva wrlw Jeapedon. Right, for
now the complete Application of that Blood is made upon the Saints, who are
fanctified in order to be glorified; and that is in their Reſurrection. Chrift has
as it were laid down the Price, or Dowry, in truft, and has given us the Holy
Spirit to be the Earneſt of our Inheritance unto the Redemption of the purchaſed Pol-
leſion, Ephef. 1. 14. When therefore the Dowry is actually paid to the Bride,
the Redemption is perfected, his Promiſes are fully accompliſhed; but we
know that this is not done till our Bodies are raiſed up again; 'tis then that
the Contract made at the Spouſals is fully accompliſh'd. In this ſenſe the incora
ruptible Body of the Saints, which they receive at the Reſurrection, is com-
pard to a Veiture; ſo that Byfle is the Symbol of the incorruptible Body.
Now this Metaphor is both ſuitable to the Analogy, which has been obſerv'd
( * ) Euripid Helen. v. 1448. Seneca Herc. Fur. v. 426. Terent. Heautont. A&t. V. Sc. 1, v.26,
Ovid. Metamorph. Lib. III. v. 3.9. Homer. Odyſſ. e. v: 127.
(6) Zoſim. Hift. Lib. V.
pag. 290. Edit. Oxon.
(0) Euripid. Schol. in Medæ. v.232. Homer. Iliad. a. 1.2 44. Odyſſ.
å v.281. p. V.161. & 3 v.159. & 8. v.318. & v. v.378. & c. v.18. comp. Iliad. s. v. 146.288. &
7. v. 190. Apollon. Argon. Lib. II. v. 239. Pap. Scar. Theb. Lib. II. v. 265. Vid. Comment, in
Horat. de Arte Poetic. v. 124. (d) Apulei. Apol. 1. (e) Plutarch. de Ilid. pag. 392.
(f) Porphyr. de Abſt. Lib. II. S 45. (8) Philo Jud. de Ebrier. pag. 169. (b ) Philo Jud.
de Inſomn. p. 406. & Lib. II. de Monarch. p. 564. (i) Horat. Lib. II. Sat. 2. (k) Plaur.
Caſin. A&. II. Sc. 8. V. 10. A&t. IV. Sc. 1. v. 9. (l) Plutarch. sgesprø, ſub fin. (m) Ju-
lian. Miſopog. p. 97;
(n) Apud Suid. Voc. Meresapós, () Caffiod. Variar. Lib. IV.
Ep. I. (P) Porphyr. de Abit. Lib. II. S. 45. (9) Apul Metam. Lib. VII. (r) Val.
Max. Lib. II. cap. I.
(s) Æſchin. c. Ctefiph.
(1) Tertull. de Refur.Carn. Cap. LXIII.
( ) Ignat. Epift. Interp. ad Philadelph.
before

Ch.XIX. v. 8. The Marriage of the Lamb.
867
before, between the Body and its Cloathing, and is alſo authoriz'd by ſacred
and profane Examples; the former may be found in St. Paul, 1 Cor
. 15:53.
2 Cor. 5.2, 3, 4. the latter in that Notion of the Philoſophers, who have ſup-
pos’d the Body to be a Veſture for the Soul. Seneca : (a) Nam boc (corpus) qxo-
que natura, ut quandam veftem animo circumdedit. Thus alſo in the Oracle cited at
length elſewhere, (b) Meroko'y drámanos gerõva ; the meaning is, that the Inſpi-
ration fills the whole Man, by which his Body becomes a Veſture to the Spirit.
So Virgil ſpeaking of Alecto, ſays, (c) Purialia membra exuit. See Servius there
upon. Hence alſo che Poet, deſcribing the Death of Capaneus ftruck by Thun-
der ſays:
1999 obra
(d)
Sed membra virum terrena relinquunt, ad
Exuiturque animus.
upon which La&tantius ſays; Mirè exuitur dixit, quia anima exuitur corpore : ideo
metaphoram à veftibus poſuit.
Further, I muſt not negled to obſerve the Proportion between the Stoles of
Repromiſſion, as Tertullian calls them, which are given to the Martyrs, and this
Bille. Every Martyr receiv'd a Stole ; an Earneſt indeed of God's Favour, but
Jimited. The Martyrs may indeed, during the ſtate of Separation of Soul and
Body, be ſaid to be but half clothed. Now here the Bylle is given to the Bride
without Meaſure and Stint. This ſhews us, that the Qualifications of her ſtate
are ſo; immortal, incorruptible, bleſſed and holy, beyond what can be ima-
gined, more than can be defir'd, able to fulfil the utmoſt of Deſire. Ifaiab ſpeak-
ing in the Name and under the Symbole of the Bridegroom and of the Bride in
Chapt. 61. 10. ſays, that he has receiv'd a Garment of Salvation and a Robe of
Righteouſneſs. n. the Word us’d there, is an upper Garment or Robe, as a Veil
is to Women, a Cloak to Men. So 'tis us’d in 2 Sam. 13. 18. and turn'd in
the LXX by énuditus, for a Woman; and in 1 Sam. 18. 4. for a Man. By
that Greek word St. John, Chapt. 21. 7. deſcribes the upper Garment of St.
Peter ; and of that ſort very likely was the Coat of our Saviour woven from the
top throughout. Betwixt theſe two there was a compleat Suit of Cloths. See
the Note on Chapt. 6. 11. C. This is compleat Kindneſs and Honour. This
Bride has Bylle enough for all: to make a Stole of Salvation, and a Robe of righte-
ouſneſs. She is paft all Dangers by the Stole of Salvation, and therefore com-
plearly happy and eafy ; ſhe is wholly covered with Holineſs by the Robe of Righ-
teouſneſs, and therefore perfe&tly holy. The Holy Ghoſt applying this after-
wards to them that have a ſhare in the firſt Reſurrection ſays, Blelled and Holy
is be that hatb a fare in the firſt Reſurrection, Chapt. 20. 6. Thus you ſee, that
the Marriage of the Lamb, and the firſt Reſurrection are a ftate of greater Ma-
jefty than that of the Martyrs in the ftate of Separation. If the Martyrs are
then compleatly happy and in perfect Glory, why are they bidden to ſtay a
while for their Reward?
Laſtly, the Holy Ghoft has obſerved, that the great Whore Babylon deals alſo
and is clothed in Byle, by which ſhe ſhould appear as glorious as the Lamb's
Bride. But there is a great difference between. Babylon is an Uſurper and
Deceiver : ſhe puts on glorious Apparel to make out her Pretences, but procures
thoſe falſe marks of Glory and Holineſs by Idolatry and Sorceries, Tyranny
and Murder. The Lambs Bride has the Bylle preſented to her by the Lamb.
'Tis real Glory and Holineſs, which cannot be taken from her; but Babylon
will be ſtript and ſhewn naked. Her Byle is mere Trumpery. As to the
ſhining and white, or clear, ſee the next Note.
B. Tè 98 Búostrov ta' dixcruciuc Ice rõv aizlar 22, For the Byſe is the righteouſneſs of the
Saints. ] Interpreters are at a ſtand in this place, and ſweat in vain to explain
a very eaſy Expreſſion. I ſhall not trouble my ſelf to copy and confute
their Conje&ures and Errors; but lay down briefly the true Meaning thereof.
I have ſhewn before in ſeveral places, that the Puniſhment of the Wicked
and Reward of the Saints proceeding from the Judgment of God, he pro-
ceeds therein in a judicial way, to try the Right and Wrong of the Parties
appearing therein, and then to pronounce Sentence accordingly. The Saints
are the plaintiffs ; they enter their Complaint and Indi&ment againſt the Wick-
(6) Virg.
( ) Senec. Epift. XCII, (6) Apud Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. p. 115.
Æneid. Lib. VI. (d) Pap, Stat. Theb. Lib, X. v.942.

868
The Marriage of the Lamb,
Ch. XIX. v.8.
ed. When God thinks fit to take Cogniſance of the Cauſe, he comes to hear
ic in Judgment and Form of Law. To be ſure he finds the Wicked in the
Wrong, and the Saints to have Right on their ſide. Thereupon he pronoun-
ces Sentence, and cauſes the Execution of it to be done upon the Wicked
by firſt chaſtiſing, and at laſt by deſtroying them wererly. We have ſeen,
that he has accordingly deſtroy'd the great Whore, and found in her the
Blood of all the Saints. There is now no more to be ſhed, their Number is
compleated, and thoſe, who had been bidden to ſtay till it was ſo, claim
their Reward. This they have in the Marriage of the Lamb; they are his
Bride. Therefore the Intention of the Holy Ghoſt in this Expreſſion is, that
the Biſle is awarded by judicial Sentence to be the Reward of the Saints: juft
as we lay in judicial Cauſes, the Plaintif has caſt his Adverſary to be puniſhed,
or pay ſuch Damages; and ſuch a Summ, or Thing of Value, Land, Houſe,
or Poſſeſſion, has been awarded to the Plaintif.
toin
Arxsusudila is therefore here the ſame as 'UDUS, by which that Hebrew
Word is often turn'd in the LXX, from Obu to judge ; which is God's Act.
Hence it comes, that we might have tranſlated the whole Sentence chus,
For the Byffe is the Awards of the Saints ; that is thoſe Rewards which are awarded
to the Saints by the Judgment of God; and as every Man is rewarded accorda
ing to his Works, the judgment ſeems to contain ſo many different Awards,
as there are Perſons concern'd: and therefore the Word ſeems to be put in
the plural very properly. I find indeed, that dregues parlee, is uſed in Dio, to figa
nify only the Rights or Privileges, which may belong to any Perſons. The
Words of Dio are: (a) Tois seger doritoars freidd gwaã xas xx es wierto exeyeoffer rómar égetr, toe
vegalenxótay dragees udla swxs. But as it is evident that in this place the Word
muſt imply a Right accruing to a Man by a Recovery, or Judgment of Law,
which is the ſtrongeſt Right ; for the very nature of the Word, which is de-
rived from (b) dieciów, implies it: ſo in Heſychius decrecytheway is seen exov. And tho'
the Word may be ſometimes taken in a more looſe Signification of Right, yee
where the senſe requires it, what can hinder us from taking it in it's full
extene? Thus alſo the Word, dixcrecipeeles, is often uſed in the LXX and New
Teſtament to ſignify the Laws of God. And thus to conſult God, is to ask the
Judgment of Urim: DDUD, The xeiny AS Saar, Num. 27. 21. But
that is ſo far from concluding any thing againſt our Nocion, that it rather
confirms it. For God's Laws and Oracles are really ads of his Judgment,
And his Placitum in this caſe is as much the reſult of his wiſe and ſupreme
Council of Juſtice, as the Execution of them, or Application in Judgment to
particular Caſes, wherein thoſe Laws have been either obſerved or broken.
See the Note upon Chapt. 15. 4. E. The very firſt Act of God towards Man,
is an Act of Judgment or Conſultation ; Gen. T. 26. Upon which Drufius has
obſerv'd : Ita loquitur ad Domum judicii ſui, inquiunt antiquiffimi Hebræorunt. Quid
hoc eft, niſi Filius & Spiritus San&tus. So Ifidorus Hiſpal. ſays: (c) Quantum cæte-
ris creaturis præftet bomo dignitate virtutis, ex ipſa reverentia diſcitur creationis, dum per
omnia dixit Deus: Fiat & facta ſunt. Creare verò hominem cum quadam æterni confilii
deliberatione voluit, dicens: Faciamus, &c. It is therefore an exceeding great Honour,
to uſe the Expreſſion of (d) St. Chryfoftome, which God does to Man; that he
does not act towards hin pro imperio, but with Counſel and Deliberation, which
is entred upon with his Word, the Wife Counſellor and our Mediator. So
that all God's Acts towards Man, even the moſt ſevere, are desur poto Decrees
of his fupreme Court, and that too after a mature Deliberation and hearing
of the Merits of the Cauſe. (e) Si merito, non eſt contumelia, judicium eft;
ſays Seneca : whoſe Words are applicable to the Matter before us, tho' his
Meaning be ſomewhat different in the place. Therefore, becauſe when
God comes to viſit Men, it is to judge of their A&ions, as has been ſhewn in
the Note upon Chapt. 14. 10. C. So the Words which fignify theſe Vinta-
tion's coming from PD, to Viſit, are frequently tranſlated in the LXX by Alkoho na
Meatu, as alſo by entoncei
, becauſe God's Commandments
, or Laws, are alſo Decrees,
or the Reſult of his Conſultations. Therefore God's Viſitations may be for
Good or Evil to Man, 'as Man is found therein. By this explain the contro-
no
(a) Dion. Caff. Hiſt. Lib. LX. (6) Vid. Clem. Alex. Eclog. Proph. fub fin.
6) Ilic
dor. Hifpal. Sentent. Lib. I. cap.13. (d) Jo. Chryfoft. in Genef. Homil
. VIII. (c) Senec.
de Conſtant. cap. XVI.
verted

/

Ch. XIX. v.9.
The Marriage of the Lamb.
869
A verf. 9.
verted Place in Ezek. 20. 24, 25. " Becauſe the Jews did not obſerve my
" Decrees, which were Laws to guide chem, I will make Decrees to puniſh
" and deſtroy them”. In ſhort we have a great Mafter that has decided about
the true Signification of this Word, and that is Ariſtotle himſelf, who has
defin'd it thus : (a) Arroécus. , rò étravóp Seous på did xúcustos, which is thus paraphrasid
by Andronicus Rhod. Aircú covece i idies, i tñs edisiens micoseid. Conſult the places.
And thus 'tis plain 'tis an a& of Juſtice.
Some may think, that it is a Plural to ſhew the Excellency of that Judgment
of God above all others, which might be ſaid to be according to the Hebrew
Idi:m. Take it that way if you will
. But we may obſerve, that tho' neimatet
would not be amiſs; yer ſeeing that Word is too general, and that the Judg-
ment of God in reſpect of theſe Saints can turn no other way but to their
Juftification, the Word uſed here is leſs ambiguous, and ſhews at the ſame
time that the Sentence of God was on their fide.
Now this Sentence is well expreſſed by the Rylle, which is ſaid to be aegla
in pov nej ve Sagày, which may be taken by an in de dois for ſhining clear : for the
notion of clearneſs is a kin to juſtification and overcoming in a Law-Suit:
So 791, which has the ſame Signification as 721, fignifies to be clean, pure,
as in Pfal. 51.6. where it's turned by verão in the LXX. And Rom. 3. 4. and
there ſer ſynonymouſly with pys, to be Fuſtified. As indeed to overcome is
a Term, even in the Greek, proper to expreſs a Victory in Law againſt
an adverſary. See Job 25. 4. In the LXX and Symmachás. The place be-
ing thus explain'd frames a freſh proof, that theſe Saints are in a ſtate of Re-
furre&ion, ſeeing they have paſſed before the ſolemn Judgment of God.
Kai néger for, Tesalov, And he ſaith unto me, Write. ] This is ſpoken
by the Angel, who thewed all theſe Myſteries to St. Jábn, as it is ſaid in
Chapt. 1. 1. and appears alſo by what follows. To Write is to publiſh accord-
ing to the Original notion of the Word. See our Note upon Chapt. I. 11. B.
But who is it that he publiſhes this to ? Not the Bride herſelf, or Saints rais'd
again, to be ſettled in the New Jeruſalem : for they enjoy what they do, and
have no need to be inform'd by others. But St. John here repreſents the
Preachers, who ſhall exhort the People to Converſion, that they may become
meet to be invited to the Marriage ſupper of the Lamb, and partake of the
Happineſs promiſed to ſuch. There will be occaſion for it when we know
who they are, that are called to this Marriage Supper.
Β. Μακάριοι οι εις το Δείπνον σε γάμε το αρνίε κεκλημένοι, Bleed are they who are called
to the Marriage Supper of the Lamb. ] It is one thing to be Married, and an-
other to be invited to a Marriage Feaſt. This is evident; and the Holy Ghoſt
diſtinguiſhes very well the different ſtates of theſe two forts of Perſons. The
Bride to whom Bylle is given, being the Saints to whom a perfe& Juſtification,
and the Effects of it are awarded, are Perſons in a ſtate of Reſurrection,
to whom Chriſt has perform'd his Precontract. But they who are only in-
vited to the Feaſt cannot be the ſame as thoſe that are Married. They
who are glorified with Brle, and thereby declared fully Fuſtified and Holy,
muit of courſe be happy: bue this happineſs is pronounced to another fort of
Perſons. Who are they then ? Even the Converted Nations, all ſuch Men
as having not yet taſted of Death, and appear'd before God's Judgment-Sear,
till Death and Hades are removed, are ſtill in this Life, and in a flate of Infir-
mity and Corruption as to their Fleſh; not being indeed impeccable, but afli-
fted by very great and extraordinary Effufions of Grace. However the Holy
Ghoft doch not pronounce them Holy, which in this place would be taken for
perfect Holineſs, but barely Happy; whereas thoſe who have a ſhare in the firſt
Reſurrection, are Bleſſed and Holy both. This Bleffing, or Happineſs, confifts,
as it is Expreſſed in Chapt. 21. 24. in this, that they walk in the Light of
the New Jeruſalem. But the Glory of God and the Lamb are the Lights or
Luminaries thereof: and ſo they who are guided by them, and favour'd of
God and Chriſt, cannot but be happy and bleſſed. None but Saints raiſed
again are called Bleſſed and Holy together. The Saints as to this Life are
ſo called, but not Pronounced happy, or blefled, at the fame time. Theſe
are called Bleſſed, but not holy at the ſame time. Theſe diſtinctions ſhew,
that they are ſtill in a ftare of imperfection. However this Expreſſion

(a) Ariftot. Echic. Nicom. Lib. V. cap. 7. Vid. & cap. 9.
You
JOM
Thews,
870
The Marriage of the Lamb.
Ch.XIX. v.9,10.

thews, that they injoy happy times, and had therefore reaſon to ſing Hal
lelujah, to be glad and rejoyce, that the Marriage of the Lamb was come:
for they will feel the bleſſed influences thereof. But of this more elſewhere;
for I write a Commentary, not a Treatiſe upon every thing. It is enough
10 ſhew the true meaning of the Propheſy.
We muſt repeat here, what we finted before, to make ſome impreſſion
upon the Mind, that this Symbol of the Lamb's Marriage is a very com-
prehenſive, or involv'd Symbol. And therefore, what is ſaid here about
it as in a very general Prediction, or firſt Poſition, is afterwards to be
evolved and deſcribed by Parcels in all the different Reſpects which belong to
it, the Marriage of the Lamb being attended with various Circumſtances.
Now chis is the very ſame Method as was obſerved in the Vifions diſcover-
ing the Sufferings of the Church in it's two firſt Periods, and it's Enemies.
Thoſe Matters are firſt nam'd in general, and afterwards more fully defcrib'd
according to the ſeveral Views, which the Holy Ghoſt thought fit to illuſtrate,
and thus give us a full and ample diſcovery of all the grear Events and rea
markable Revolutions in the Church.
C. Kai nézet sol, o toi oi aize aangevol dio og Osč, And he ſaith to me. Theſe are the
true Sayings of God. ] The former Symbols, as we have ſaid, ſeeming to
be a Concluſion of the Propheſy, becauſe they in ſome ſenſe imply the
Perfe&tion of God's Myſtery, one would think, that the Angel has only a
mind to ſet as it were his Stamp and Seal of Ratification. But upon a more
ſtrict Examination of the Place and Circumſtances; and ſeeing the Viſion
cannor end here, nor has it yet ſhewn one great part of that Myſtery, which
is the ſwallowing up of Death in Victory, it cannot be imagined, that this
Ratification is upon the account of the whole Viſion; but that it is ra--
ther a neceffary Ratification of what has juſt preceded. Now the Marriage
of the Lamb, the Juſtification of the Saints, and even the Bleſſedneſs of them
that are invited to the Feaſt, are ſuch an excellent Event, that it deſerves well
we ſhould be certified of its being future, as the Angel has declared. The An-
gels, who declar'd the two Falls of Babylon, did it with repeated Aſſeverations;
and even at the latter Fall an Angel is imploy'd to give a ſure ſign thereof,
and of the Perpetuity of it. The Angel here does it by a ratification uſual
in the old Prophers, Jays the Lord, the words before us being of the ſame
import. God has ſaid; he is the Fountain of Power and Truth; it will
certainly be ſo; he has Power to do it, and he has promiſed it ſhall be done.
There can be no ſurer Earneſt than that of the divine Word. Nevertheleſs ic
muſt be own'd, that the following miſtake of St. John in Worſhipping there-
upon ſeems to favour this thought, that theſe words are a Confirmation of
the Whole Propheſy: they may be lo indeed by inference, ſeeing this Event
has a dependency upon all that went before ; but they chiefly reſpect the
Event laft mentioned. For the Angel takes no notice of the Worſhip, as it
was the Occaſion, or recognition of a divine Meſſage by the Receiver, of
which there are Examples in Holy Writ, as in Geneſ. 28 18. and Chapt. 35 14.
Judg. 13. 19. but rather of his miſtake in the Object of his Worſhip. For the
other ground of the Miſtake, if it was at all upon that account is confuted by
it ſelf, becauſe the Extaſy and Viſions followed immediately in a continued
ftrain.
A. verf. 10. K si ne toy spoegadey SS 7ro são curê pegrauioru 'outh, And I fell before his
feet to worſhip him. ] A Learned Man fays upon this place, that St. John did
this, thinking that it was Chriſt himſelf, who ſhew'd him thefe things. But I
cannot think ſo, becauſe already in Chap. 17. 1. St. John had perceiv'd, that
Angels were imploy'd in the Viſion to inſtruct him, and carry on the scheme
of the Viſion. Beſides, St. John could not be ignorant, thar the Lamb himſelf
was Chriſt. Now this part of the Viſion does not exhibit yet the Lamb at his
Wedding, but he is ſpoken of as at a diſtance; the Marriage of the Lamb is
come, his Bride has dreſs’d herſelf, Byſſe was given her for Clothing; and then
the Angel ſays, Write, and ſo on. Further, cho' as we have hinced before,
ſome of the Jews might be in a miſtake as to their Dury, when they chought
they muſt worſhip the Angels that appear'd to them, of which I have ſpoken
in my Note upon Chap. 12. 8. A. Yet we cannot ſuppoſe that St. John, at the
time of this Viſion, ſhould be ignorant of that Foundation of Chriſtian Wors
Thip, that Chriſt is now raiſed above the Angels. Even this Viſion might af-
fure

Ch.XIX. v.10. Fohn's Miſtake.
871
ſure him of it. So that the Angels muſt not rob him of his Honour, as he is
God, and our Mediator. St. Paul had already condemn'd that Jewiſh Pradice
as a pretended Humility and Will-worſhip, Coloſſ. 2. 23. Beſides all chis, Fobn is
ſtill in his Extafie, and in the Spirit ; how comes it, that he makes ſuch a
Miſtake, ſeeing the Spirit is to lead Men into all Truth? And if the Angel
did produce in him the Extaſie, and Objects of the Viſion, by the Direction
of the Holy Ghoſt, it is ſtill the ſame; the Angel neither would, nor could
deceive him in ſo important a matter as this Propheſy. What ſhall we ſay then?
To find the Meaning of it we muſt fly to that ſtanding Principle, that during
the prophetical Extalie, the very Acts and Words of the Prophet are fymbo.
lical. I could prove this by Examples, and have indeed already given ſome,
to which ſome might be added out of the Pagan Writers : But I ſhall content
niy ſelf with one out of the New Teſtament, Acts 10. 10. St. Peter fell into an
Exrafie, and had a Viſion to fhew him, that God had ſet aſide the Diſtinction of
Meats, which ſeparated the Jews from the Pagans; and under that Nocion to
ſignify further, that the Partition-Wall betwixt Jews and Gentiles was now ta-
ken away, and that both ſhould be equally receiv'd into the Church; which
Viſion was corroborated by the miraculous Call of Cornelius the Centurion, and
the viſible Deſcent of the Holy Ghoft. Now in that Viſion Peter hears a Voice
ſaying, Kill and Eat. Peter in his Extalie refuſes upon the Principles of the
Moſaical Law, that he never eat any thing common or unclean, che Voice
was repeated a ſecond, and a third time for Confirmation. In this Viſion
Peter is the Repreſentative of the Jews, and of their great Stubborneſs to com-
ply with the Chriſtian Liberty, to eat of all things fit for Food, which was
to proceed ſo far, as almoſt to refuſe joyning with the Gentile Converts; lo
that notwithſtanding this Viſion, and the Authority of all the Apoſtles, they
would not comply; and even carried away Peter with their Diſſimulation, till
Paul corrected him for it. The Apoftolical Writings are full of that Diſpute.
I ſay therefore, that the Miſtake of St. Fohn, as well as that of St. Peter, is æco-
nomical, as the Fathers ſpeak, and contriv'd in the Viſion, to ſignify an Event
correſponding to it. See our Note upon Chap. 10.4. A. But what it is like
to be, is a Matter of deep Speculation. A little Patience and ſome Charity
may be allow'd me, when vencuring on ſo nice a Subject. I ſhall be as cau-
tious and ſhort as poflible, ſo as to be underſtood.
It has been obſerv'd, that this being upon the Marriage of the Lamb, there
are two ſorts of Saints concerned therein: The Bride, or the Saints raiſed a-
gain, and ſtriąly united to Chriſt; and the Gueſts invited to the Marriage-
Supper, that is, thoſe Saints, or Chriſtians, who are ſtill in a mortal Body.
St. John, as Propher, is a Repreſentative of thoſe Saints who ſee the Events of
the Propheſy fulfill'd, as he is the Spectator of the ſymbolical Acts in the Vi-
fion. There cannot therefore be allign'd a Reaſon, why he ſhould not be a
Sign for both theſe kinds of Saints. But in ſpeaking of them we muſt firſt
conſider the Saints, who are the Children of the Reſurrection. As to theſe, we
may, I hope, without Preſumption ſuppoſe, that though they are raiſed again
with glorious Bodies, yet their knowledge muſt be ſuch as it ſhall pleaſe God
to beſtow upon them. The Angels themſelves have no more. Hence they
are ſaid to deſire to pry into the Myſteries of God, 1 Pet. 1, 12. Then 'tis ſaid in
Job 4. 18. that God charges his Angels with Folly. So the LXX underſtood ir.
And tho the place has been variouſly render'd, yet take it as will, it argues
(a) Imperfection in them in reſpect of God. Some indeed have underſtood it
of the Apoſtate Angels, but I preſume it would be a Contradi&tion to call chem
the Angels of God, for the Text ſays his Angels, 1N?!, and it is contrary to
the Stile of Holy Writ. And therefore the Angels may be ignorant in fome
things, and miſtake without Crime. Sin ariſes from the Depravation of the
Will, not barely from the Weakneſs of the Underſtanding, Undoubtedly the
Angels themſelves improve in Knowledge. The Children of the Reſurrection
are to be like the Angels of God, Luke 20. 36. Altho' then they are in a ſtate
of Perfection, this is not abſolute in reſpect of God: ſo they will increaſe in
Knowledge, and have all that is proper for them; but in the mean time, they
may be ignorant of ſome things, and miſtake without Sin; which will be re-
(2) Vid. Th, Hyde Hift. Rel. Perfar. cap. 20. dub. fin.
vala selalubes
drefle'i

872
The Angels Refuſal.
Ch.XIX. V. 10.
dreſſed by the great Effuſion of God's Grace upon them. The Soul of Chrift
increaſed in Knowledge, as his Body in Stature; and tho' God did not give
him the Spirit by Meaſure, he profeffes to be ignorant of ſome things, which
were not revealed, becauſe not fit to be known, but reſerv'd in the Father's
Hand.
Suppoſe then the Saints juft riſing again with their Bodies, and gathered, or
led by the Angels of God, as our Saviour ſays very exprefly, Mat. 24. 31. in
order to be united as the Bride to the Lamb. May not the Saints in that firft
Surprize do like St. John, and take the Angels, with whom they are firſt, as
Objects of Worſhip, till they are redreſſed by them? I know not but ſuch a
thing is poſſible and probable, and yet be no Sin in them: but an Effect of the
Amazement of a Soul not yet aquainted with ſuch Viſions, even in the ſtate of
its Separation from the Body. We may likewiſe ſuppoſe, that then the Angels
will appear with great Magnificence, as the Miniſters of a moſt glorious Bride-
groom. But enough of this, as not knowing how ſuch a Speculation may be
receiv'd.
As to the Saints invited to the Marriage Feaſt, who are ſtill in a mortal ſtate
of Body, ſuch a Miſtake is eaſy to conceive. The Reſurrection of the Saints,
the Preſence of the Angels, and the Solemnities of their Union with Chriſt
will be very amazing. Beſides, we have thewn before, that it was probable the
Chriſtian Worſhip muſt be perform’d by different Rites from what it is at pre-
ſent. We now worſhip with a view to Chriſt's Death; but when he comes
again, ſuch a Worſhip would be like a ſeeking the Living among the Dead.
Ouu Worſhip muſt be then ſuitable to his Glory; our Prayers and Praiſes muſt
be ſuited to his State and ours. At firſt when the Angels ſhall come down to
converſe among Men, to aſlift at their Reſurrection, who are to have a ſhare in
the firſt; their glorious Appearance will amaze us, and we ſhall be at a ftand,
and think to ſee Chriſt in his glorious Miniſters. A Fear of negle&t in Duty
may put us beyond Duty it felf. Theſe things will want Çorre&ion, and we
ſhall quickly receive it. The Angels not pretending to aſſume to themſelves
more than Men ought to give them. But Time is required for Inſtructions,
and Miſtakes occaſion them. St. John's Miſtake is ſo far from being criminal,
that it really proceeds from Zeal and a Readineſs to give God Glory, in per-
forming the Duty of Adoration where we ſhall ſuſpe&t, cho' by miſtake, chat
it is due. But ſee the next Note.
Β. Και λέγει, “Ορα μη σώδελός σε μι, και 8 αδελφών σε 8 εχόντων του μαρτυρίαν Ιησε, And
he ſaith to me, See thou do it not ; I am thy fellow-Servant, and of thy brethren that
bave the teſtimony of Jeſus.] This Angel reaſons in corre&ing gently the Mi-
ftake of St. John, and muſt therefore give us occaſion to make ſeveral Obfera
vations in order to explain the Text, and ſhew the Dignity of Man's Nature,
communicated to it by our Saviour's aſſuming our Nature to effect our Re.
demption: For his Humility therein has ſet him above the Angels, and made
our Nature in a manner equal to theirs; however, ſo little below it, that we
are to have with them the Right-hand of Fellowſhip. And this Miſtake of
St. Jobn ſerves to give us notice thereof; ſo that to the Advantages of the Ho-
lineſs and Happineſs of that State muſt be added this of being in Fellowſhip
with the Angels. Radulphus Flaviacenfis ſays, (a) Pontificis noſtri paſſio, etiam
Angelicam tetigit celfitudinem, ut cum hominibus in pacem rediret.-----Nec folum ad
pa-
cem, verum & ad reverentiam humanam cives cæleftes adduxit pro hominibus celebrata
And then having cited the Words before us : Tetigerat ergo iftum
Sanguis Chriſti: quia reverentia illius motus, naturam illam ſibi proſterni non patiebatur;
quam apud Dominum ſuum tanti eſſe cernebat, ut morte propria ab eo redimeretur. Nay,
there will be a further Progreſs at the Marriage of the Lamb, that the Angels
ſhall acknowledge them as Fellow.ſervants, and that this Privilege is already
acquired by thoſe who have the Spirit of Propheſy, or the Teſtimony of Jelus. Be-
fides, we have proved on Chapt. 4.1. H. that the Prophets have a Prieſthood,
whoſe Office is to act between God and Man, and that they are by conſequence
in a Station like that of the Angels, whoſe Office is to act between God and
Men; they being God's Meſſengers on the one hand, and ſuppos’d Mediators,
as on Chapt. 8. 3. A. to put up the Prayers of Men, till ſuch time as the Word




pafſio divina

(*) Radulph. Flav. in Levit. Lib. II.
him-

Ch. XIX. v. 10. Martyrdom is Prophefy.
873
ſelf undertook that Office. See the Notes of (a) D. Gale on Gamblichus,
But above all this Exaltation of our Nature will appear in that we ſhall not
only be Fellow-ſervants, but alſo Judge the Angels, as St. Paul ſays, 1 Cor.6. 3.
that is, we ſhall be Aſſeſſors to Chrift, and having obtain'd Victory over the
wicked Angels, we ſhall have Authority to condemn them. (b) Dolet, ſays
Tertullian, quod ipſum @ Angelos ejus, Chriſti ſervus ille peccator judicaturits effe
And elſewhere: (c) Hi ſunt nempe Angeli, quos judicaturi ſumus : bi funt Angeli,
quibus in lavacro renunciamus. But upon a narrow View of the Words, we are to
limit this high Prerogative to the Saints raiſed again, and more eſpecially to
thoſe who are the Martyrs of Chriſt; for the Foundation of this reverence of
the Angel, and Recognition of Fellowſhip, is owing to thàt; for the Angel
ſays not, I am thy Fellow Servant, but of thee, and of the Martyrs: As if he ſaid,
1 am thy Fellowv-Servant, becauſe I am ſo to the Martyrs of Jeſus, of which Nums
ber thou art. And therefore we need not to ſtretch this to the Converted, or
Saines ftill in a mortal ſtate, at the Marriage of the Lamb. In the Paſſion of
St. Vincent an Angel is ſaid to ſpeak theſe words to him: Eſto igitur jam ſecurus
de præmio, quia mox depoſito carnis onere, noftro addendus eris Collegio. And Hermas:
(d) Hæc quicunque egerint, honorati Junt apud Dominum, & inter Nuncios locus eoa
rum eft, fi perfeveraverint uſque in confummationem parere Dominó. But ſee our Note
upon Chap. 22. 8. B. All come in at laſt.
C. To Orbo regonwinouj, Worſhip God. ] The Words are plaini enough, and ſhew,
that God is the only Object of Worſhip. Chriſt himſelf as Mediator is wor-
Shipped, but he is alſo God at the ſame time. The Worſhip given to him
as Mediator is accordingly only given upon the Account of the Condeſcenfiori
of the Divinity to be incarnated, and by that effect our Salvation. 'Tis won-
derful, that whilſt theſe Words have fubfifted as Canonical, the Worſhip of
Angels and Saints ſhould be ſettled as lawful and neceffary, nay Idols ſhould
be worſhipped by thoſe who receiv'd the Holy Scriptures, ſeeing the Angel
peremptorily refuſes it as being due only to God, tho' the Angels are ſuperior
to the Saints till the Reſurre&ion; and 'tis a Mark of the higheſt Favour for
the Saints to be receiv'd then into their Fellowſhip. And ſince ſuch Worſhip
is refus'd by the inviſible Angels of Light, 'tis aſſumed by thoſe of Darkneſs,
See our Notes on Chapt. 13. 3. D. and v. 6. D. and Chapt. 16. 13. G.
D. 'H 35 peoplueix aš 'Inés se To Ave Sud Täis aregonleics, For the Teſtimony of Jefus is the
Spirit of Propheſy: ] The Argument of the Angel proceeds thus, to thew that
the Martyrs of Chriſt are Fellow-Servants of the Angels, the Medium being
the Spirit of Propheſy. The Martyrs are as the Prophets, becauſe they have al-
fo the Spirit of Propbely; the Prophets are the Servants of God as well as the An-
gels; therefore the Angels are Fellow-Servants of the Martyrs. To illuſtrate
this, we may obſerve firſt, that the old Prophets, ás Elias and Eliſeus, were
accounted in a ſpecial manner the Servants of God. See 1 Kings 18. 15. and
Chap. 17. I. as alſo, 2 Kings 3. 14. Nay further, according to the Defini,
tiori of St. Paul, Heb. 1. 14. the Angels are miniſtring Spirits ſent to miniſter
for them who ſhall be Heirs of Salvation. The Office of the Prophets was to
perform Meſſages from God to Men for the ſame End. So far the Prophets
are Fellow-Servants of the Angels. And I am apt to think, that the manner
of Inſpiration, which the Prophets réceive from the Holy Ghoſt, which com-
municates immediately the divine Will to them, is in a great meaſure the ſame
as that infuſed Knowledge which God imparts to the Angels when they are
ſent on his ſpecial Errands; by which they may be ſaid to approach the Di-
vinity as nearly as the Angels, and upon that ſcore to be on the fame level of
Service and Attendance upon God. And indeed, (e) Inſpiration makes a
ftrict Union between the Divinity and the Prophet.
But then, how does it appear, that the Martyrdom is the ſame as the Spi-
rit of Propheſy? I ſhall prove it two ways, firſt fymbolically, and ſecondly
litterally. To prove it according to the Principles of the ſymbolical Language,
we muſt obſerve that the Verb ta is the Key of this Expreſſion, and is here,
as we have obſerv'd elſewhere, the Copulative of a ſymbolical Propoſition
which ſnews the Relation between the Type and the Antitype: And thus the
(a) Gal. in Jambl. de Myft. Sect. IV. cap. II. pag. 255,
(b) Tertullian. de Pænit. Cap.VII:
(c) Tertull. de Fuga in Perſecut, cap. X. (d) Hermæ Paftor. Lib.III. Sim.9. $ 27. (e) Vid.
Jamblich. de Myft Ægypt. Sect. III. cap. vii.
Spirit
Jo N

874
Martyrdom is Propheſy.
Ch.XIX. v.10.
Spirit of Propheſy and Martyrdom is the ſame ; becauſe the Spirit of Propheſy,
as it was
in the old Prophets, repreſented the Martyrdom of Chriſt's Diſciples.
For the Office of the ancient Prophets was not only to reveal future Events,
which Power was rather given them to eſtabliſh their Miffion, but alſo to preach
and maintain the Law of God already eſtabliſh’d, when the Iſraelites forſook it,
and to be zealous for it even unto Death; that their Zeal and Conſtancy might
be a Teſtimony againſt their Perſecutors of the Truth of God's Law.
We find it is a wrong Notion to think, that Propheſy conſiſts only in pre.
di&ing future Events by divine Inſpiration. There is ſomething more general
couched under that Word ; namely a publick Study and Zeal for God's Laws.
So that the Students therein were either called the Sons of the Prophets, or
even Prophets fimply, as in i King's 18. 4. Now becauſe theſe Students were
zealous for the Law, and became, as occafion ſerv'd, Aſſerters of it, and par-
ticularly Oppoſers of the Idolatry which Jezabel ſet up, they became the Ob-
jects of her Malice; ſhe flew fome, and others fled and hid themſelves. Thus
theſe Prophets became the Martyrs of the Moſaical Law. And conſequently
the Martyrs of Jeſus Chriſt are the ( a) Prophets of his Law, being in the
ſame manner zealous for it, and ready to dye, to confirm their Teſtimony
and their Martyrdom is Propheſy, ſo called here and in many places of this
Vifion, becauſe the Holy Ghoſt therein affects to fetch Types from the old
Law, to deſcribe moft of the Matters that belong to the New. Tertullian law
this, for he ſays: (6) Nobis igitur qui ſucceſſimus in locum Prophetarum, ea fuftinen-
tibus hodie in ſeculo guæ femper paſſi ſunt Prophetæ propter divinam religionem. alios
enim lapidaverunt, alios fugaverunt, plures vero ad mortis necem tradiderunt, quod
negare non pellunt. The ſame Author inſiſts upon this in a whole Chapter of an-
other Treatiſe, Scorpiac. Cap. IX. And Hilary: (c) Sed quid tandem in hac corpor
rum ſuorum oblatione voverunt ? Scilicet ut per hæc martyrii ſui exempla gentes ad spem
regni æterni erudirent. Qui enim tum Chriſtum prædicabant, non fibi, quibus tum erat
cognitus, fed nobis qui futuri adbuc eramus, vel quibus tum erat incognitus, prædica-
bant. Que eorum prædicatio omnis pofteritatis fidem ad martyrii defiderium accendit.
Non enim cauſa alia prædicabant, niſi ut fidei ſua du martyrii exemplo plures martyres
erudirent. To which may be added theſe Words of the interpolated Ignatius :
(4) “Ο πμ 8 oesφήτίω ίς όνομα σοφήτου, μιθον Θεοφήτε λήψεται δήλον, όπ και ο πμ δέσμιον
Ιησε Χρισέ, μαρτύρων λήψεται μιλών.
Having ſhewn that the Chriſtian Prophets are the Martyrs fymbolically, I ſhall
now demonſtrate that our Martyrs are Prophets litterally. This may be done by
two Arguments ; firſt by ſhewing, that the primitive Notion of a Prophet is that
of a Witneſs or Martyr of the Truth; and ſecondly, that our Martyrs have really
the Spirit of Prophely. To begin then with the true Notion of a Prophet. Seer
and Prophet are the ſame; ſo 'tis ſaid in 1 Sam. 9.9. but in different Views. A
Seer is ſo called, becauſe he ſees extatick Viſions, a Prophet becauſe he ſees the
Truth; for in the Hebrew N'I, a Prophet, comes from s.), to propheſy; but
to propheſy is alſo to interpret the Mind of another ; for a Prophet is plainly a Spokeſ-
man, as appears by comparing Exod. 7.1. with Exod. 4.16. So the Greek Word
Mebles, a Propbet, is not to be derived from (e) salvoud to rave, but pilevúcs, or
pavúw in the Dorick, to fhew, as (f) Iſaac Voffius has obſervd, citing alſo Feftus,
who ſays, Prophetas in Adraſto Julius nominat Antiftites fanorum, oraculorumque In-
terpretes
. Hence therefore the Expreſſion of Virgil, (g) Hominum Divumque inter-
pres Aſylas. Hence alſo in Tertullian ; (b) Quos diximus Prædicatores, Prophet de
de officio prafandi vocantur, Our Word Soothſayer, and the Saxon Sothbora, are
plain Evidences of the ſame Notion, and ſo called for ſaying the Sootb or
Trub; by which Name divine Oracles are called both by the Sacred and Pro-
fane Writers; and this I fhew in another place; Note on Chap. 21.20. I. as in-
deed they are moſt excellently.
There are abundance of places in Holy Writ where theſe two Notions ap-
pear to be a-kin. John may be thought the beſt Interpreter of his own Words.
Thus, when Chriſt was going to propheſy, that one of his Diſciples ſhould
betray him, he uſes the Word éusTuenos, teftified, inftead of propheſied, John 13.21.
( * ) Vid. Matth. v. 12. (b) Tertullian. adv. Judæos, cap. XIII. Vid. Irenæum, Lib. IV.
cap. lxiv. & cap. Ixv. (c) Hilar. Pictav. in Pfal. LXV. (d) Ignat. Epiſt. interp. ad
Smyrn. (e) Vid. Placon. Phædr. pag. 201, 202. () I. Voll
. Refp. ad Obj. Crit. Sacr.
(8) Virgil. Æn. Lib. X. (b) Tertullian. Apol. cap. xviii.
So

Ch.XIX. v.10. Martyrdon is Prophely.
875
So in Fohn 1. 7. to witneſs concerning the Light fignifies to preach the Goſpel
to be the great Prophet, Fore-runner of the Meffias. So in Aets . 8. and Chap.
22.15. the Apoftles and Paul are ſaid to be Witneſſes becauſe Preachers or Prom
phets ; in Atts 20. 23. the Holy Spirit is ſaid to witneſs, die pragtuse). See likea
wile 1 Pet. 1.Pr. Thus alſo in 2 Kings 17.13. teſtified by the hand of all tbc Pro-
phets, the like to which is found in Nebem. 9. 30. And in 2 Chron. 24. 19. Até
Seite wees.ourds mespuntes vej deres vues:20. He ſent Prophets to them, and teſtified. So the
the LXX. See Iſaiah 8.2, in the LXX. Thus alſo ſeveral Writers ſpeak of
the Prophets: In Fuftin. Martyr they are called (*) Meşrupes vãs dan Seids. Diodo
yus on the other hand calls Hiſtory the Propheteſs of Truth, (b) TW @egonna th's a'ana
Serials i social John Malala, fpeaking of the Sybille, fays, (c) le nj meye
' erano páples
EiGÚM. For which Learned Men read febylos
, but I fee no need of it. A Sy-
bylle in Parfemias call herſelf ouongee's, a Soothſayer, (d) oransseis eius abund.
Pindar, who, as all the Poets, pretended himſelf inſpir'd of the Muſes,
calls himſelf a Witneſs, becauſe he celebrated the Praiſes of the Conquerors.
fe) radnja orrátor udplug dibacom
. To conclude with the Words of an old Writer, the
Author of the Clementine Homilies; he ſays, (f) Tito 38, wespite idov, to stw dan-
Saw piwuer bovep, iaix isoy to ole muéegev pépony
. But what need have we of any other
Evidence, when this place of St. John is fo clear for it? This is the style of
the Revelation; it explains itſelf. In Chap. 11. 3. where the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks
of the two Witneſſes during the corrupted ſtate of the Church; their Office is
expreſſed segons d'oro, ſhall propheſy; and in v. 10. their Enemies call them the
Prophets
. And thus they, who in the Words before theſe are ſaid to have the
teſtimony of Jeſus, in Chap. 22.9. are called Prophets. Therefore I have con-
ftantly explain'd the Words Prophets, and to propheſy, of Martyrs, and maintains
ing the Truth of the Goſpel till Death, as the Martyrs do. nagu
But I have promiſed to ſhew, that our Martyrs have the Spirit of Prophe-
fy. Who can queſtion that, ſince our Saviour has promiſed it fo folemnly?
But when, ſays he, they deliver you up, take no thought how or what ye ſhall speak,
for it ſhall be given you in that ſame boisr what ye ſhall ſpeak, Matth. 10, 19. Mark
13. 11. adds; For it is not ye that ſpeak, but the Holy Ghof, or as Luke 12. 12.
words it, For the Holy Ghoftball teach you in the same hour what we ought to say.
See Grotius on the firft of theſe Places
. Hence St. Paul Cor. 12. 3. ſays:
No man can ſay that Jeſus is the Lord, but by the Holy Ghoft. See 2 John 4. 2. I
ſhall now add ſome Teſtimonies about the Primitive Martyrs. Minutius
Felix: ( 8 ). Pueri muliercule noſtre crésces & tormenta, feras & omnes supplia
ciorum torriculas infpirata patientia doloris illudunt. Lactantius has us’d chis Ex
preffion to the ſame purpoſe, (b) inſpirata patientia. See the Place, Tertullian's
Words are admirable: he ſhews the thing and the file too. He ſpeaks to the
Martyrs thus: (i) Nolite contriſtare Spiritum fan&tum qui vobiſcum introiit carcere.
fi enim non vobiſcum introiiſſet, nec vos illic hodie fuiſſetis
. And in another place.
( k ) Sankti ſpiritus vis operatrix Prophetiæ. To this purpoſe is alſo the following
Paſſage out of the Ads of the Egyptian Martyrs : ( 1 ) Hic chorus ad meridianum
erat diſpofitus prophetare verbum Dei, do magifterium cæteris exhibere. And Vigilius
Ep. Trident. ſpeaks thus : (m) Ordine propoſito martyrii fibi conſequens nomen, pro-
phetiam quam tenebat implevit : Expofuit vocabuli parabolam verus in omnibus rever
lator. Adrifit quod vocabatur nomen, &• meritis cumulavit : ftatuit natale vocabulum
ut origine fic paffione venturum: All this is to be underftood by taking notice,
that the Martyr he ſpeaks of was called Martyrius. There is alſo fomething
to this purpoſe in ( * ) Cyril of Jeruſalein. Now left any one ſhould think,
that the Promiſe of our Saviour only reach'd the Apoſtles, you ſhall ſee how
Tertullian reaſons upon it: (0) Quanquam etfi omnein banc perſecutionem conditio-
nabilem in folos tunc Apoſtolos deſtinafſet, utque per illos cum toto Sacramento, cum
propagine nominis, cum traduce fpiritus San&ti, in nos quoque fpect allet etiam perſe-
cutionis obeinda diſciplina, ut in Hereditarios Diſcipulos, & Apoftolici ſeminis frutices.
(a) Juſtin. M. Dial. cum Tryph.p.173.06) Diod. Sicul. Lib. I. Procem. pag. 2. () Jo-
han. Mal. Lib. IV. (d) Pauſan. Phocic. pag. 328. (e) Pind. Olymp. IV. (f) Cler
mentin. Hom. II. $ 6. (8) Minut. Fel. O&tav. (b) Lactant. de Inſtit. Lib. V. cap. 13.
(1) Tertull. ad Mart. cap. 1. (k) Tertull. de Anim. cap. xi. (1) Paff. xxxvii. Ægype,
Martyr. (m) Vigil. Ep. ad Joh. Chryſoſt de SS.Silinn. Martyrii, &c. Martyrio. (n) Cyrill
Hierofol. Catech. XVI. () Tercullian. in Scorpiac, cap. ix.
I ſhall
876
Martyrdom is Propheſy.
Ch.XIX. v.10.

I ſhall back all this with ſome Words of Philo the Jew, which illuſtrate
wonderfully all this Note. He ſays in one place, (a) Kai movi @ ev Spaímos e
σείο και ιερός λόγΘ σευφητείαν μαρτυρά. Gesφήτης ο ίδιος με έδέν απο φθι[9, αλλότρια και παρά
ongõv1Etégis
. and a little after, mely 106 giãn onbons dixgées, r:7exxefe'is zij weront d'orlees ex-
onzals. That is, that the divine abyc, or Word, inſpired all the Holy Men. Buc
ſince his Incarnation we know, that he has ſubſtituted the Holy Ghoſt as his
Vicar. Thus in 2 Chron. 24. 20. when Zechariah Son of Jehoiada ſtood up in his
Zeal againſt the growing Corruption, and for that became a Martyr, the Text
ſays, that the Spirit of God clothed him to ſpeak thoſe words. So the Marginal
Verfion, according to the Hebrew and LXX; but theſe have turn'd the fame
Word in Judg..6. 34. by èvedwo pewds, ſtrengthened. That is, God gave him an ex-
tatical Courage to teſtify against Iſrael, as 'tis worded in the foregoing Verſe, by
which he became a Prophet, as may be inferr’d from thence alſo, and he is ex-
preſly fo accounted by our Saviour himſelf, in Luke 11. 50, 51. And the fo-
ber Heathens had indeed the fame Notion, that no Man could be good, and do
things magnificent and excellent without the extraordinary and immediate AC,
fiſtance of God. Peruſe to this purpoſe an excellent ( 6 ) Epiſtle of Seneca,
and what he ſays to the ſame purpoſe at the end of (c) another. This made
Tully ſay, (d) Nemo igitur vir magnus fine aliquo afflatu divino unquam fuit. But
upon a particular Caſe, much like that of our Martyrs, which is that of Me
naceus, who devoted himſelf for the Good of his Country, the Poet Statius makes
this Reflection :
803 bis * Neque enim hæc abfentibus unquam
DI 970
Mens bomini tranſmilla Deis.
See Lactantius upon it. Martyrdom is the higheſt Act of Faith, and comes the
neareſt to imitate our great Exemplar the Saviour of the World, who was the
great Martyr, who witneſſed, to raptu golour tos, the good Confeffion before Pontius
Pilate, as St. Paul ſays, 1 Tim. 6.13.
One would expe&t ſuch a Matter of Fact to be proved by ſome Examples ;
but I ſhall rather chuſe to deſire thoſe, that would be further ſatisfied therein,
as to the primitive Martyrs, to conſult what the Learned Dodwell has ſaid up-
on this Subject in one of his (e) Diſſertations: and to be content with one
Paſſage of the Learned Theoderica Ruinart, who has pretty well confured Dodo
well, as to the Number of Martyrs, but agrees with him in this point. He
ſays, (f) Cùm enim ex divinis Literis habeamus, eorum di&ta, cùm ad Præfides fi-
ſterentur, ſupremo inſtinctu pronunciata fuile, fir ut quæ in his Actis, eorum ad Pre-
fidum quæftiones reſponſa continentur, pro facris Oraculis merito habenda fint. Nec fan
ne minori religione eorum facta, præfertim vero martyria accipienda funt, ut quæ non nis
fi Spiritus fan&ti impulſu ſuſcipi, necdum conſummari potuerint. As to the Martyrs
during the ſecond Period, or corrupted
ſtate of the Church, what Reaſon can
be aſſign'd, why they ſhould not be aſſiſted with the immediate Influence of
the Holy Ghoſt? Nay, theſe are moſt properly the Prophets in this Book, as in-
deed the Prophets chiefly appear'd among the Iſraelites after the Settlement of
the Nation under the Kings, the Urim and Thummim having then ceaſed, as
ſome Learned Men obſerve; and ſtrenuouſly oppos'd the growing Corruptions;
for which they ſuffered all kinds of Deaths and Miſeries. There being the
fame Reaſons for their being extraordinarily aſlifted, God cannot be want-
ing on his ſide. As Tertullian argued for the Traduction of the Holy Spirit, ļo
may we. And when I fay theſe larter Martyrs are moſt properly Prophets, it
may be inferr'd from this, that St. John ſeems to affect, when the Primitive
are mention'd, to call them thoſe who have the Teſtimony of Jeſus. As to Fact,
conſult the Martyrologiſts.
A. verſ. 11. Kai ador, And I Sami. ] This is a freſh Object of Viſion, which
we ſee is ſtill continued. The Holy Ghoſt goes on to fet forth at large, what
had before been only declared ſuccinctly; and it will be done in the fame Me-
thod as has been obſerv'd before, firſt to give a general View of ſome great
Event in complicated and involv’d, or comprehenſive Symbols ; and then to



() Philo, Lib. Quis fit hæres, p.351. (b) Senec. Ep. XLI. (c) Senec. Ep. LXXIIT.
(d) M.T. Cic. de Nat. Deor. ſub. fin. Lib. II. Vid. Senec. de Tranquillit, CXV. fin. Pap. .
Stat. Theb. Lib. X. v. 624. (1) Dodwell. Cyprian. Dill. XII. $39. &c. (f) D. Theod.
Ruinart. Præfat. in A&. Mart.
diſplay
Ch. XIX. v. 11.
The Heavens opened.
877
diſplay them in all the Circumſtances of the Event. Beſides, it may be ob-
ſerv'd, that the Marriage of the Lamb, which is the involv'd Symbol, has been
repreſented only as a thing in fieri, told of as being at a diſtance by thoſe that
rejoyce at the coming of it. St. John has yet feen nothing of it. But, as it
was neceſſary to give us a more diſtinct Knowledge of what is contained in
that Marriage, the Holy Ghoſt leaves that ſtrain of the Allegory, and rather
ſhews the Events by ſuch other Symbols, as may give a more explicit Know-
ledge of the things, when we ſee them put in different Views. So that what
was only ſhewn in fieri, or rather ſpoken of at a diſtance, is now brought
into the ſight of the Prophet as actually accompliſhed. Further, we are to
obſerve as a neceffary Premonition, that tho' it is ſaid, that the Marriage of the
Lamb is come, and that this implies the ſecond Advent of Chriſt to perform
it; yet both this Propheſy ſhews us, that before he can fetele to it, he has ſome
Actions to perform, without which he ſhould ſeem not to do it decently: And
alſo St. Paul, 2 Thel. 2. 8. tells us roundly, that the Lord is to conſume the son of
Perdition, that wicked one with the Spirit of his Mouth, and deſtroy him with the
Brightneſs of his coming ; or, with the Appearance of his preſence, tu empaveid rūs teem
psoids curs. And therefore, though Babylon is fallen before Chriſt's Appearance,
that Son of Perdition ſhall ſtill ſubfift for a while. Accordingly we ſhall find in
this Propheſy Chriſt is now come; and his firſt Adion thereupon is to make
War againſt the remaining Beaſt and Falſe Prophet with their Followers; who
after the Fall of Babylon will be cantoned in ſome place, and continue ſturdy
without Repentance to the end, or Chriſt's ſecond Advent. Then Satan is
bound, and lo the Saints are rais'd. Which Refurrection is always repreſented
in the other Propheſies of Holy Writ, as depending upon Chriſt's ſecond Ad-
vent. For indeed that Advent is the Key of the Reſurrection. So Tertullian ſpeaks
in theſe plain Words: (a) Nec alio tempore quam in adventu Domini, qui clavis eft
Refurrectionis. So St. Paul' joins the coming of our Lord Jeſus Chrift, and our gaa
thering together unto him. 2 Thel. 2. I. This laſt is che Marriage of the Bride
to the Lamb:
B. Töv šegvòv åregrynfov
, Heaven opened.] When our Saviour came to be bapa
tiſed of. John, this happened literally. Matth. 3. 16. cvetom Sune auto višegvoi,
the Heavens were opened unto him. So likewiſe 'cis expreſſed in Luke za 21. but
St. Mark 1. 10. expreffes it thus: eide gos orele'ns zod čegrès, he ſaw the Heavens clo-
ven, or rent, as it is in the Margin of our Verfion. So St. Stephen at his
Martyrdom ſaw the Heavens opened, when Chriſt then came and appeared
to comfort him, Atts 7. 86. And indeed 'cis ſo in ſome Copies of St. Mark,
but there is no need to alter the Text; the Word cloven leads us to underſtand
the Meaning of that opening. This Accident came within the Cogniſance
of the Augurs when it is natural, tho they look'd upon it as ominous. Seneca
ſpeaks of ſuch Overtures thus, (b) Sunt Chaſmata, cum aliquando cæli Spatium
diſcedit & flammam dehiſcens velut in abdito oftentat. Pliny: (c) Fit bo cceli ipfius
Hiatus, quod vocant Chaſma. Which he explains thus in another place : (d)
Expeétantur autem maxime, unde nubes diſcuſſæ adaparuêre cælum. Livy: (e) Faleriis
cælum findi viſum, velut magno biatu ; quaque patuerit, ingens lumen effulfille. See
our Note upon Chapt. 6. 14. A. Thoſe things were look'd upon as Tokens
of Revolutions. The Analogy of which is evident. For as the Natural Hea-
ven is the Symbol of the Governing part of the political World; a new Face
in the Natural repreſents a new Face in the Political.
But we may conſider the Decorum of the Symbol another way. The Heaven
may be ſaid to be opened when the Day appears, and ſhut when Night comes ;
which Notion appears in theſe Words of Virgil:
(f) Panditur interea domus omnipotent is Olympi.
as that of ſhutting in the fame cited by Servius on that place : Secundum Poetin
cum morem hoc dicit, Fa&tus eft dies : quia Poëtæ dicunt matutina tempore aperiri cælum,
nottu verò claudi. Unde eſt illud : (8) Ante diem claufo componer Vejper Olympo.

1
(a) Tertullian. de Ref. Carn. cap. XLVII. (6) Senec. Qu. Nar. Lib, I. cap. XIV.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 26. (d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 47. (e) Livii
Hiſt. Lib. XXII. (f) Virgil
. Æneid. X. (8) Virgil. Æn. Lib. I.
Nam
10 O

878
The Heavens opened.
Ch.XIX. V.11.
Nam & paulo poſt deſcripturus eft noctem, &c. Upon that place cited he ſays:
More poetico inquit : nam poëtæ dicunt cælum per no&tem claudi, & aperiri die: ún
de etiam ; Porta tonat cæli, & Confidunt te&tis bipatentibus. Which Notions can-
not be far from the Hebrew, becauſe they alſo ſpeak of the Windows of Hea-
ven, as Genef. 7. 11. and Chapt. 8. 2. being open and faut. See alſo 2 Kings
7. 19. Iſaiah 24. 18. Malach. 3. 10. See likewiſe P/al. 78.23. ſpeaks of the
Doors of Heaven. Thus alſo the Heaven is ſaid to be ſhut in 1 Kings 8. 35.
2 Chron. 6. 26. Chapt. 7. 13. Diut. 11. 17. Luke 4, 25. And in Ezek. 1.1.
The Heaven is ſaid to be open. Now it may be remembred, that in Chapt. 11.
6. The Heaven was ſaid to b fout whilft the Witneſſes propheſied ; that is
, du-
ring the ſecond Period, or Corruption of the Church : and Chriſt calls himſelf
the bright. Morning Star in Chapt. 22. 16. and is now coming to take in Marri-
age his Bride the new Feruſalem, in which there is no Night, Chapt. 21. 25.
and Chapt. 22. 5. therefore he muſt now open the Heaven, fhew himſelf as the
bright Morning Star, and procure this Everlaſting day, without night.
Thirdly we muſt make a compariſon between this beginning and that of
the firſt Period. We have ſeen before in Chapt. 4. I. that the beginning
of Chriſt's Kingdom, or the Goſpel Diſpenſation, was ſec forth by the Symbol
of a Door opened in Heaven: and that the Heaven fignifying a Government,
this fignified the New Settlement of one. We have likewiſe obſervd ſeveral
times, that the Holy Ghoſt makes a great Difference, as to the Majeſty of
the Symbols, between thoſe which deſcribe the Beginning of the Goſpel, and
the whole State of the Church, whilſt ic is militant againſt ſeveral ſorts of
Enemies in this World; and thofe Symbols which ſet forth the Kingdom of
Chriſt, or Church Triumphant, which we call the third Period. That dif-
ference appears in this place in a vaſt Diſproportion. For here the whole
Heaven is ſaid to be opened without Limitation. So that this New Kingdom,
or Improvement of the firſt, is to be in like manner more univerſal and Maje-
ſtick, than ever it has been yet, as an Houſe, City, or I may ſay the
whole Heaven is in compariſon of a Door. In ſhort the Diſproportion is be-
yond our preſent Comprehenfion.
C. Kai isa in mos ndonos, And behold a White Horſe
. ] The Lamb here will at
the very firſt be repreſented as conquering, and then ſettling himſelf into a
New Throne ſuitable to his Kingdom, with the New Acquiſitions he has made
by the Exertion of his Force, when he takes to him his Great Power. So chen
the Holy Ghoſt begins to deſcribe his Kingdom by ſuch Symbols as denote
new Conqueſts, becauſe ſome Enemies are ſtill left behind, which require
his preſence and proper Hand to be deſtroyed. This is implied by the Symbol
of this white Horſe. For the Horſe, as we have obſerv'd before, ſignifies Con-
queſt and New Acquiſitions; and the Colour is the Symbol of Holineſs, Joy,
Felicity and Proſperity, which he that rides upon him ſhall, or has acquired.
See our Nore upon Chapt. 6. 2. A. There is a Decorum in this Symbol
of a White Horſe to be obſerv'd becauſe Jeſus Chriſt is now coming as a
Bridegroom. For now in the Eaſt they then affect to ride on White Horſes
at the Marriage Cavalcade. Caffiodorus : (a) Equos argenteo colore veſtitos,
quales decuit elle Nuptiales. See the Place. And if we take Chriſt here as
entring into his Triumphant State, there is alſo a Decorum in his riding on
a White Horſe. (b) Qui autem triumphat, ſays Servius, albis equis utitur quatuor.
D. Kai o rete Friluos or Toy veaslefuos miso's zij dan Favàs, And be that Jate upon him was
called the faithful and true. ] Theſe are Titles of Jeſus Chriſt, Who has them
given him with the Addition of Meletus, Witneſs, in Chap. 1. S. and Chap: 3.14. as
alſo 'Aulu', which is a Hebrew Word to the fame purpoſe. They are beſtowed
upon him there with a view to his Confeſſion, and the Promiſes he has made
to his Church, the chief Quality of a Witneſs being that of faithful and true;
and as a Mariyr, of being ſtedfaſt: and as King of his Church, of his being
ready and able to make good all that he has promiſed; ſo that its Hopes may
be well-grounded, when the Church is inform’d of its future Sufferings for his
ſake. But here it reſpects wholly the Certainty of his Promiſes. So St.Paul
argues frequently, as in i Cor. 1. 9. Chap. 10. 13. Thel: 5.24. 2 Theſſ. 3. 3.
So Ignatius, (c) Oud inãs ezeugusúcs) i mendice vists ’Inows Xeisės, neither ſhall Jeſus Chriſt
( * ) Caſſiod. Variar, Lib. IV, Ep. I.
nat. Ep. ad Smyrn.
(6) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. IV. col. 839,
(c) Ig
the

Ch.XIX. V.11,12. The white Horſe and Rider.
879
>
Plato ſays, (a ) Ilu've esfu S ciggerle, era snežov ny draslu nãy All TOTEAM. He
the perfect Faith or Truſt put you to ſhame; that is, the Accompliſher of his Pro-
miſes; the Abſtract for the Concrete, visas for més
. Therefore the Holy Ghoſt
affe&s purpoſely to give Chriſt theſe Names at the very firſt upon this occaſion,
to ſhew, that Chriſt is now come to make good all his Promiſes : So that all
his former Teſtimony was true and faithful. They ſhall not ſay now as the
Mockers in 2 Pet. 3. 3,4. Where is the promiſe of his coming, » e me beria Tas see psories wit
do but they who ſee him now ſhall ſay to him, Thou art faithful and true. Ob-
ſerve likewiſe, that this is Chrift himſelf, who rides upon this white Horſe, as
appears by what is ſaid hereafter. Now in the firſt Period, or Publication of
the Goſpel, tho' he was to ſettle a Kingdom of one fort, yet he was not to be
preſent in it, but was to leave it in a militant State. Therefore his Conqueſts
then were not by himſelf, but he ſet Deputy.Riders upon the Horſes, who rode
for him. He gave them Commiffions by the opening of the Seals, and the
Voices of the Wights ; but here he rides himſelf. What can all this mean, but
the megvoice, Preſence, or the mouveia vñs me peoíos, the Appearance of his Coming, or Pre-
ſence, and that Chriſt comes now to ſettle himlelf in his Kingdom with his
Saints, who are now to be gathered unto bim ; and he is to begin the Sectlement
of it by the Deſtruction of the "Avose O, the Wicked, the Man of Sin, the Son of
Perdition, the Author of the great Apoft acy. He is to act therein himſelf, vili-
bly, without Deputies; at leaſt ſuch as he has already imploy'd.
E. Kai on direuerwin xelvet rj Tongues, And in Righteouſneſs doth be judge and make War.]
He is therefore coming to make War, and deſtroy the Enemies of God and his
own; he conquers and reigns, exerciſing Juſtice in every Adion of his Reign;
for Judges here is in the full Latitude of the Word, which it has in Holy Writ
,
fignifying all the Actions of Government; as a Judge is a ſupreme Governour.
καί τινα βόπον αρχών και πάνυ φαδλG γίγνεθ τίω τόθ' ημέραν, και ώς αν κρίνων τίω δίκίω Σπότελή. He
is therefore now come to Judgment; firſt to make war againft the Beaſt and Falſe
Prophet, who are the Wicked, "AyouG, in order to deſtroy them and their Ad-
herents, and thus judge them for their obftinate Impenitency; and ſecondly to
reign himſelf juftly, by awarding to his Saints and Servants the Rewards which
he has promiſed to their Works. Theſe are the two main Ends of our Saviour's
ſecond Coming, at leaſt thoſe which he will firſt accompliſh: tho to perfect
all this, he muſt deſtroy at laſt Satan and Death, and ſo judge all Men accor-
ding to their works in the laſt Judgment, much in the ſame Method as the
Matter is carried on in this beginning of it. For this he is alſo to do as he
is faithful and true. See i Sam. 8. 20.
A. verf. 12. , Oi j op Januod dust as cade mues's, And bis Eyes were as a flame of fire.]
Now the Holy Ghoſt proceeds to ſhew by what Means this Rider will perform
all this, and thus ſet forth his Qualities and Power. When Chriſt appears in
the firſt Viſion, or the beginning of this prophetical Viſion, he appear'd alone
with ſeveral Attribuces only inherent to his Perſon. As thoſe Symbols were to
deſcribe him and all things that belong’d to him as his Properties, we explain'd
the Symbols accordingly of ſuch Perfons, Acts, and Qualities, as belong any
way to Chriſt. But now that Chriſt does not appear a ſingle Symbol, but atcend-
ed with abundance of other fuppofita or Perſons, there is not the ſame reaſon
to explain thoſe Symbols, which the Viſion exhibits as adherent to his Per-
fon, of any other matter, but what belongs to Chriſt as a perſonal Property.
As to the Eyes in Symbolical Language, they admit of various Interpretations
according to the Circumſtances. I ſhall not go about to ſhew all, but pitch
upon that Signification which is proper to this place. The Eyes here are the
Symbols of Juſtice, and their being of fire, that this Juftice ſhall tend to the
Deftru&ion of them that have juftly deſerv'd it. In this fenſe theſe Eyes ſhew
that Chriſt will judge in Righteouſneſs as well as War ſo: By which Expoſition
it appears, that this Symbol
is to make good the Affertion juſt laid down before;
ſo the Egyptians explain the Symbol. Diodorus, (b) O ã op Januồs Sirus Tagumis.
Thus in Deut. 13. 18. right in the eyes of the Lord, fignifies what he judges to be
right ; in Deut. 16. 19. 'tis explain'd fo: Å gift doth blind the eyes of the wiſe, and
pervert the words of the righteous. Hence in Holy Writ, when God is ſaid to viſit,
it is to judge, and what is done before him to be as he judges it. See our Note
( * ) Platon. de Legib. Lib. VI. pag. 561.
(5) Diod. Sic. Lib. III. p. 101.
upon

880
The white Horſe and Rider.
Ch.XIX. v. 12.
upon Chap. 14. 10. C. Who they are whom he will judge and execute with
Fire or Deſtruction, are ſhewn afterwards.
B. Ko Hi ole svoualui aussi de suivez le mothai, And upon his bead were many diadems. ]
To begin with the Decorum of the Symbol. Since the Holy Ghoſt had fet
forth Chriſt the Lamb, as coming to be married to his Bride, it is proper to
ſhew him crown'd with Diadems, according to the ancient Cuſtom that Bride-
grooms ſhould be ſo crown'd with a Crown or Mitre on their Heads. Thus
Iſaiah 6. 10. ſpeaking of himſelf ſymbolically as a Bridegroom ſays: Juafi ſpona
Sum decoratum corona. *Ne vuudio web. Jané poe piregy. So the LXX. But the Mitres
are Crowns, as has been ſhewn elſewhere ; and the Hebr. TND is turn'd by
réderis, in Ezek. 44. 18. being the Ornaments of Prieſts or Princes, for Magnir-
cence. Conſult the Obſervations of the L. (a) Gouſſet on this. See ( 6 ) Pirke
R. Eliefer. So 'tis ſaid in the Canticles, Chap. 3.11. Behold King Solomon wisho
the crown wherewith his mother crowned him in the day of his eſpouſals
, And 'tis
obſerv'd in the (c) Miſchna, that after the Wars of Veſpaſian and Titus, the
Crowns of Bridegrooms and Brides were forbidden by a publick Decree among
the Jews. So the Poet Bion :
(4) Και σέρG- αξεπέτασε γαμήλιον.
Oppian,
* “Ως δε τις ήδέων υπο νυμφοκόμοισι γωαιξίν
Είμασιν αρβυνοϊσι κάνεσι πορφυράρισα
ΣτεψαμβωO, πνοίων το παλαισίνοιο μύροιο
'Ες θαλαμον βαίνησιν υμίν υμβαιον αέδων.
And Plautus : (é) Villicus hic autem cum corona, candide
Veſtitus, laute exornatuſque ambulat.
And a little after, (f) Sed eccum progreditur cum corona do lampade
Meus Socienus, compar, commaritus villicus.
Martianus Capella, ($) Conſcia jam Veneris nova ſerta parate Napæe
Crocumque le&to Spargite.
Sidon. Apollinaris : (b) Jam quidem virgo tradita eft, jam corona Sponſus, jam pal-
mata Conſularis, jam cyclade Pronuba, jam toga Senator bonoratur. And indeed it
could not be well otherwiſe even among the Pagans; becauſe Marriage was a
Covenant celebrated with Sacrifice. Lactantius Placidus ſays, (i) Apud anti-
quos ante aras numinum celebrant jura nuptiarum. Theſe Words of Tertullian ſhew
both, (k) Coronant du nuptiæ (ponfos, & ideo non nubimus Ethnicis, ne nos Idololatri-
am uſque deducant, d qua apud illos nuptiæ incipiunt. Artemidorus alſo puts Crowns
among the (2) Symbols of Marriage. But this Bridegroom is not crown'd
barely with Crowns, which are Symbols in this Propheſy of inferior Govern-
ment and Dignity. See our Notes on Chap. 4.4. D. and Chap. 9.7. B. and Chap.
12. 1. G. The Church itſelf, the Betrothed of this Bridegroom, having no on
ther. But Diadems are Symbols of ſupreme imperial Power. The Dragon and
the Beaſt had them in the two firſt Periods of the Church, as being then the
ſupreme Powers of the viſible World. But now the Kingdoms of the World
are become the Kingdom of our Lord, as is ſaid in Chap. 11. 15. and ſo the
Diadems are transferr'd upon the Poſſeſſor. So when the Ammonites were van-
quiſhed, David put on their King's Crown, 2 Sam. 12. 30. 1 Chron. 20. 2. Thus
alſo, in 1 Maccab. 11. 13. Ptolomy having taken Antioch, aſſumed two Diadems
on his Head; one for Afia, and t’other for Egypt. The Dragon had only Se-
ven, the Beaſt Ten: But now Chriſt has many, and without fet Number.
This is far more Majeftick.
C, "Ezer órómaila nespecifice sy volle gelegeneluov, Having Names written, and a Name
written: ] This is the reading of the Complutenſan; and I take it to be the
true. Chriſt has now many Names written or publiſhed, ſuch as, the Faithful
(a) Guffet. Comm. L. H. R. 17.) & IND. (6) Pirke R. Eliefer, cap.xvi. fin.
(6) Sou
tah cap. ix. S 14. Vid. Lightfoot. Hor. Hebr. in Joh. 2. (d) Bion. Epit. Adon. v. 83.
* Oppian. Cyneg. Lib. I. v. 337. (e) Plaut. Calin. A&. IV. Sc. I. () Plaue. Caſin.
A&. IV. Sc. II. (g) Mart. Cap. Lib. IX. () Sidon. Apol. Lib. I. Ep. 5. (1) Lacte
Plac. in Stat. Theb. Lib. II. v. 299. Vid. Platon. de Rep. Lib. V. p. 417. & Tacit. Annal. Lib.XI.
cap. xxvii. & Lib. XV. cap. xxxvii. Polluc. Onomaſt. Lib. III. cap. 3. & Serv. in Virgil. Æneid.
Lib. III. col. 695. (k) Tertull. de Coron. Milit. cap. xiii.
(1) Artemidor. Onir.
Libi IV. cap, vi, XXX. Lib. I. cap. lxxix.
LO
and

Ch.XIX. v. 12. The White Horſe and Rider.
...881
and True, and that which follows the Word of God. Yec Chriſt ſhall chez
have a Name written ; that is, fhall make it appear that he has one Name by
all his A&tions and Power, which is ſtill ſecret and wonderful, ac his Appear-
ance upon this Horſe, or on this Occafion. Of this next. But as to theſe
Names written, they ſhew, that Chriſt is now óvorasos, famous for many Names,
upon many Accounts.
Multis nominibus celebratus. So God tells David the
Type of the Meſſias, that he had made him a Man of Name, émoinoré os órowasów,
2 Sam. 7.9. made him famous for many Victories, which made him to be cele
brated upon different Accounts. See 1 Sam. 18.7, 8. Chap. 21:11. Chap. 29.5.
2 Sam. 12. 28. 'Tis known ſufficiently, that the Roman Generals affected to
take Names from their Victories, as Africanus, Afiaticus, Macedonicus, Creticus,
and the like; and ſometimes from things done at home to the Good of the
Publick; as Tully was faluted Pater Patriæ, and Auguftus afterwards. Some of
the Emperors became extravagant upon this Subject. Hence the tart Refle-
ction of Ammianus Marcellinus upon Conſtantius ; (a) Poft Magnentii exitium ab
que nomine ex fanguine Romano triumphaturus. Nay it ſeems the Pagan Gods
themſelves affected this way, So Callimachus introduces Diana begging that
Honour of her Father:
(6) Δός μοι παρθενίζω αιώνιον άλα φυλάσσειν,
Kai tavapupílu. Iya pun ucot goico seily.
,פלא And that is
And Ariftophanes plays upon it: (c) Das e poes són és' étravuris Toma's gene. But
Chriſt will have all theſe Names upon a juft Title for his univerſal Victories.
Theſe Names therefore correſpond to his many Diadems, and his new Conqueſts .
D. Kai própa de ſeguiufoor o ideis oidev ei sen durós, And a Name written which no one
knoweth but himſelf
. ] This looks like an Oxymoron, and it appears at firſt fight
to be a very knotty Queſtion, to underſtand the meaning of St. John. Sed
in his quæ ſequuntur, valde nodofifſima atque ad folvendum perplexa nobis exoritur quae
ftio, cum de Equi Jeſore dicitur, habet nomen ſcriptum quod nemo novit nifi ipfe. So
ſays Anſbertus. He and others ſince think, that this knot is looſed by the fol-
lowing Words, And he is called the Word of God. But this cuts the Knot, but
does not ſolve it. Is it not already revealed, that Chriſt is the Word of God?
And why ſhould the Holy Ghoſt ſay, none knows it but himſelf, if that be im-
mediately diſcover'd to be the Word of God? We muſt then account for this
another way.
The Expreſſion, which no one knoweth but himſelf, is a Periphrafis to fig-
nify, that he has a ſecret Name. That tho? he has many Names Written or
known by his Acts ; he has nevertheleſs One Name which is ſecret. Now
the meaning of this will be underſtood by conſidering that the ſame Word
which fignifies Secret, ſignifies alſo Wonderful in Hebrew.
,
which is affected to expreſs the ineffable Name of God. Thus in Judg.
13. 18. the Angel of God, which was then indeed the Divine Word
himſelf
, ſays that his name is ſecret or Wonderful X70, Jarunsdr. And therefore
Iſaiah 9. 6. to ſhew that the Meſſias ſhould be God, ſays, he ſhall be called
Wouderful, 20, that is none ſhall comprehend him or his Eſſence. Than
which there cannot be a clearer Evidence of the Divinity of Chriſt. Now
as the Name expreſſes the Qualities and AAs of the Perſon, ſo his Name is
Wonderful by his being Wonderful in Counſel, Iſaiab 28. 29. and doing wonder-
ful things, Iſaiah 25. 1. in both which places the affected Word əza is us’d,
as in many others to that purpoſe. And here by the way it may be obſerv'd
that this Notion confirms, and is reciprocally confirmd by what we have
ſaid of the Myſtery of God: Namely, that it is the ſame as the Exhibition of
great Power, in Chapt. 11. 17. B. That is, the Time in which he will
perform the greateſt Wonders, that ever he ſhewed in the World. So that now
Jeſus Chrift will ſhew himſelf in his full Power and Glory, as he is God, the
Wonderful in Counſel and Adions.
But then we have a kind of Oxymoron in theſe Words before us, that this ſecret
Name is written, that is, publiſhed. Nor at all; for that ſecret and wonderful
Name with all that depends upon it, is now to be manifeſted and made known
his
(a) Ammian. Marcel]. Lib. XVI.
Spanhem so) Ariſtoph. Pluto.
( (6) Callimach. Hymn. in Dian. Vid. Not. Ezech.
.
4,
10 P
in

882
The White Horſe and Rider
Ch.XIX. v.12.
in ſu n a manner, that there will be an Acknowledgment, that he is really
a wonderful, ſecret, incomprehenſible
, and ineffable Being; le will be ſo publiſhed, no-
tified, and even felt and acknowledged by Men. So that the writing of this ſecret
Name is ſynonymous to the Perfection of God's Myſtery, which is done by the
Manifeftation of its Accompliſhment, it is the fame as the sight of God's Ark,
whereby his Covenant and Counfei is diſplay'd : It is fynonymous to the open-
ing of Heaven, becauſe the powers of Heaven will then be ſeen in the wonder-
ful Acts of God and of his Son. And becauſe he will make his Saints Par;
takers of his Glory, he has promiſed that he will give them alſo a new Name,
a Name which no man knows but be that has it, Revel. 2. 17. Their Condition
ſhall never be known how glorious it is, till 'tis made manifeſt; and then too
ſhall be felt and underſtood only by themſelves; no other ſhall pretend to
take it from them; it ſhall be wonderful. Tacitus, (a) Omne ignotum pro magni-
fico eft.
Now this Notion of the ſecret and wonderful Name of God is very much
illuſtrated by the like Notion of the Egyptians, which they had of their Iſis
and ammon. It appears in the Words of Plutarch, which ſhall be copied, as
I think they ought to be read: (b) TÒ NO in odide vñs 'Afwaslü x) Plovy roul?s-
orv , ENG, emlegplu en gee yolcu tlu, 'Ega cique tõv. To gelovès, xej öv, rj écolelwar sj toy fuò v mi-
πλον έδεις πωθητος αποκάλυψεν. έτι 3 και πολλών νομιζόντων ίδιον παρ' Αιγυπτίοις όνομα σε Διός 13
TÖR 'Apião preesézovles pâs, "Ap.cova aézoufu. Mare geo's refers o Cervítns, to nexpunhaeferov ote)
τίω κρύψιν όσο που της δηλείας της φωνής. Εκείας και ο αβδηρίτης φησί τέτω και αεός αλλήλες τις
sürecele zemiantis tog 'Alguna irs, tai tuvi mego reinwo), we goxantialis gS D tlu pavlw, ono tom copo Tom
διον τω παντί τον αυτόν νομίζεσιν ως αφανή και κεκρυμμβίον όνα, προσκαλέμβιοι και παρακαλάνες έμ-
par slutats rj Mirov autois 'Apšv aégsory. And chus, what is this but the Queſtion
of Agur: What is his Name, and what is bis Son's Name, if thou canſt tell? Prov. 30.4.
Lactancius : (c) Primum ſcire nos convenit, nomen ejus neque angelis quidem notum
elle, qui morantur in cælo, ſed ipfi foli, ac Deo Patri: nec ante id publicabitur, ut eft
Janetis literis traditum, quam difpofitio Dei fuerit impleta. Deinde mox enuntiari poſle
bominis ore, ficut Hermes docet hæc dicens: Aitid 59 Témy artis j Jelo digandi Bóanois, si @cdr
aeglulesxev. S to čvorase s duug uvSpeszívos soumele acan Slūsu. Et paulo poft ad filium : ész go's 715,
και τέκνον, απόρρη76 λόγG σοφίας πανων, και wes€ννοεμβoές κυρίε, δν ειπείν των ανθρωπόν όξι Sed
quamvis nomen ejus, quod ei à principio Pater ſummus impoſuit, nullus alius pre-
ter ipſum fciet, habet tamen & inter Angelos aliud vocabulum, & inter homines aliud.
So Tully ſpeaking of Plato ; Qui in Timæo patrem bujus mundi nominari negat poſle.
'Tis eaſy to ſee from whence Plato had this Notion.
Seeing therefore that Chriſt at this time has ſtill a ſecret Name, though he has
many written and publiſhed, it muſt here impiy, as Lactantius well obſerves,
that after he has married his Bride, or raiſed his Saints in the firſt Reſurrection,
he has ſtill wonderful things to perform, and has not yet diſcovered all that he
has deſign'd to do. Now we ſhall find accordingly, that he has to perform a
general Reſurrection of all Men, whom he is to judge according to their
Works; and at laſt to deſtroy Death and Hades, and give eternal Life to thoſe
whoſe Names are written in his Book of Life. So that he ſtill hides himſelf
till he fhews himſelf a complete Saviour. So Iſaiah 45. 15. argues, Thou art a
God that hideft thy Self, O God of lfrael the Saviour God is hid till he fhews him-
ſelf, when at laſt he has ſaved; the LXX, EU 38 år gads, xj čx ydercego, o Ftàs to 'Isega
owtáp. Where innds, that bides himſelf, is myfterious, is rendered by, we knew
it not, that is, had not yet felt the Effects of thy great Deſigns for our Deli-
Further, there is ſtill another thing implied by this ſecret Name, which is,
that this Rider is invincible, and his Defigns indefeaſible; ſuch an Idea of the
Words is very ſuitable to the Context. He is called faithful and true; and there-
fore he will judge in righteouſneſs : And he will make War in Righteouſneſs, or
with good Succeſs, to condemn and execute the Wicked; for he has Eyes like
a Flame of Fire, he has acquired many Kingdoms of which he has the Diam
dems upon his Head ; and beſides, he has as many Names, or is very famous for
great Exploits and Victories. But that is not all; for a mortal Conqueror may
have theſe, and be foiled and beaten at laft. It is not fo with this Rider, he
19
verance.
(a) Tacit. de Vita Agricol. cap. 30. (6) Plutarch. de Ilid. & Ofirid. P-393. A. (10) La-
ciant. de Ver. Sap. Lib. IV.cap. vii. (d) M.T. Cic. de Nac. Deor. Lib, I. Vid. Placon, in Timzo,
pag. 477.
has
*

Ch.XIX. V.12. The white Horſe and Rider.
883
has ſtill a ſecret Name, a Name which his Enemies ſhall never diſcover. He
lays his Defigns deep, and his Wiſdom is paſt ſearching out, they ſhall never
diſcover any Nakedneſs in him, to boaft that they could find him out, and o-
vercome him.
Thus we ſee this is adapted to the Context, but the Proof is
grounded upon the Obſervations already made concerning the Notion of My,
Iteries, and of their Diſcovery, which implies the Subverſion of thoſe who
truſted to them. Look back therefore on our Notes upon Chap. 17. 5. B. and
Chap. 17.9. A. and Chap. 17. 16. B. ſay not here, that theſe are Magical Reaa
ſonings. Does not God in the Prophets often mock the Magicians in their
own way, and threaten them to blaft their Myſteries;
and therefore argues with
them upon their own Notions? So may the Holy Ghoſt here, and the more,
becauſe Babylon having been repreſented as a Myſtery, ſhe was but the Capital
City of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, who ſubliſt ſtill to be the Subject of the
very firſt Victory of this Rider. They being therefore the Authors of the Sore
ceries of Babylon, this is as much as if the Holy Ghoſt ſaid to them, that they
may conjure and charm, this Rider has a ſecret Name out of their knowledge,
ſo that their Charms can take no effect. Beſides, I need not repeat here, that
this Book alludes very frequently to ſuch Magical Notions, and is ſymbolical
as well as their Learning. This I have ſhewn in my Preliminary Diſſertation,
Upon this View I ſhall launch out into another Obſervation, to prove by
their Principles too, what I ſaid before, that when the whole Myſtery of
God ſhall be intirely compleated, then the ſecret Name ſhall be fully revealed,
and not before. Now theſe Men had a Norion, that the Ineffable, or ſecret
Name of God inſinuated it ſelf into all the World. This we may collect
from the Chaldean Oracle cited by Proclus in theſe Words.
(4) Πορθμιον όνομα τ' ον απείροις , και
Kóqurs en spãoxer.
Odwest
bloed bivog ya
This is, This paling Name infinuating it ſelf through infinite Wirlds. Thereupon
Proclus ſays: Ta i aponla ivópola töv seño oror nema ágant toy xótuov, 5o os Jersgoi régset
.
For the ſecret Names of the Gods fill the whole World, as the Magicians say. But
this is too general; for Famblichus ſeems plainly to reſtrain it to the ſecret
Name of the ſupreme Deity, as the Chaldean Oracle limits it to One. He
there ſpeaks of the Egyptian Mercury, who diſcovered the Anagogical Rites
of their Divinity, which Bitys the Egyptian Prophet explain'd, and deliver-
ed that Name of the Deity which paſſes through all the World. His Words are
(6) Yo s po sit ovoue nagé sure to sýrov N Ởax 78 xóquei Bitys, he ſays, took this
out of the Sanctuary at Sais in Egypt where it was couched in Hieroglyphs.
The Poet Statius has alluded to this Notion, and his Words fhew, that it is
to be underſtood only of the Supreme Deity. After the Word Deity: His
Words are theſe :
botte
(8 ไป5/30
(c) Et triplicis mundi ſummum, quem ſcire nefajtum, bechar asds
Illum fed taceo.
0 WOE 915 is
Upon which words the Scholiaft ſays: (d) Præter hos Deos cognitos, qui colintura
in templis
, alium principem, bu maxime Deum intelligit, cæterorum Numinum ordina-
torem, cujus nec nomen fciri, nec virtus poteſt perfe&te æftimari. From which it is evin
dent, that if they had been able to comprehend all his Vertues, that is his
Attributes and Decrees, they thought they could have been able to underſtand
his Nature, and by confequence to find out his Name. Upon this View
they ſet upon an Enumeration of them. And ſo by giving the Powers of Naa
ture the abuſive Names of God, they thought to reach to the Name of the
Supreme. So Lactantius fays on Statius: (e) Magi cum vellent, virtutis ejus us
putabant, Seſe comprehendere ſingulas appellationes, bas per naturarum poteſtates abuſivõ
modo defignarunt & quafi plurimorum nominum nobilitate Deum appellare conati ſunt,
Bat ſtill it is evident, that tho they knew the preſent Powers of Nature, and
ſo of God, yet they could not by them underſtand his future Acts: and by
(a) Apud Procl. in Alcibiad. Plat. (6) Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. Seet. VIII. Cap. Ý:
c) Papin. Stat. Thebaid. Lib. IV. v. 516. (d) Placid. Lact, usverba digellit T. Gale. Vid.
Platon. de Leg. VII. pag. 581. () Loc. fupr. cit.
confe-

884
The white Horſe and Rider.
Ch.XIX. v. 12.
conſequence having no knowledge of his Decrees, they could have none of
the Attributes concerning thoſe Decrees. But the Decrees could not be known
till the Events Thew'd them: And therefore, till the Events had perfected the
Decrees, the true Name of God muft remain ſecret by their Principles. And
therefore tho' Tirefias in Statius ſeems to prerend to know that Name, yet Plac.
Lactantius argues he could not. I ſhall ſet down his Words as I think they
ought to be : ( a ) Si ergo ſcire nefas, dici d vate non potuit. Licet magi figuras
habeant quas putant Dei nomen continere, Sed hoc Dei vocabulum à nullo fciri bomia
num poteſt. allo
Thus alſo Martianus Capella acknowledges an Intelligence above 7u-
piter and all the Gods, which he calls a ſecret Fire, and unquenchable Flame. His
Words are theſe, (b) Ipfeque iunc Jupiter, cælefteſque Divi fuperioris melodiæ agnita
granditate, quæ in honorem cujuſdam ignis arcani ac fiamma inſopibi is fundebatur, re-
veriti intimum patrimumque carmen paululum in venerationem extramundana omnes Iina
telligentiæ furrexerunt ? 'Tis plain by this he knew not the Name. Thus why
may not this be the Unkncion God, to whom the Altar with that Inſcription was
confecrated in dibens, mentioned in Acts 17. 27. The Argument of St. Paul
will thus be more full and true, than if ſuppoſed to proceed from an Alluſion
or Hint taken by the Apoſtle. If I am not much miſtaken, all this is akin to
the Paſſage of Plutarch afore-cited, and ſhews that they underſtood the fu-
preme Deity to be omnipreſent and eternal, that all the Tranſactions of the
Natural and Intellectual or Political World depended on him, and that his
Deſigns and Decrees were incomprehenſible, and by conſequence irreſiſtible;
and ſo, ſecret till they are revealed by the Events. When therefore all Events,
all Ages and Worlds are conſummated; this ſecret Name, which ran through
them all, and was ſtill ſecret, whilft any were not accompliſhed, becomes re-
vealed; and it's Myftery is perfected in the right of the Events. And there-
fore, that it was only to be (c) revealed when all things were accompliſhed.
I ſuppoſe, that all this aroſe from this Notion, or Experience, in their Art,
that when they knew the Name of a ſuppoſed Deity, but really a Demon,
they could by their Inchantments lay a Necesſity upon it of revealing Myſte-
ries to them: But finding themſelves ſhort in diſcovering the general and u-
niverſal Deſigns of the divine Providence, they from thence conclude, that it
was by reaſon of their Ignorance of the true Name of the ſupreme God. It
may be that Mofes, who was inſtructed in their Wiſdom, ask'd the Name of
God, to tell it to the Iſraelites, that in caſe they did not believe him, he might
challenge them to invoke the Deity, who ſhould thereby be neceſſitated to make
good his Promiſe. And if the Word 7978, which is the Name God there takes,
be of the Conjugation Hiphil, that is fignifies, (d) I will make to exiſt, then un-
doubtedly at the Twténete to dôvos, Confummation of Ages, when he has made all
things to exiſt which are to be, he has revealed his Name; that is, made it ap-
pear what is his Name, and that he is the Almighty God, in whoſe Power all
things are. But till that time that Name is ſecret, the things are not yet accom-
pliſhed, which are to make it plain. He therefore, who then appears in chac
Concluſion effecting all things by his Power, he is the Being who demonſtrates,
that he had the ſecret and wonderful Name, which has been the Cauſe of all things
that are now, or ſhall then be, to that Conſummation. Again, if the Word be in
the plain future to ſignify he that shall be, 'tis alſo evident, that we are put off to
underſtand the Name till thoſe fucure Ages, wherein God will ſhew himſelf as
he is : So that even that Name, as the Name Thews the Nature and Properties
of the thing, hints to us, that God's Nature and Properties are only to be known
in future Ages, when he has done all for Men that he deſigns.
1 It ſeems to me that the Magicians, who had a Notion of the ſupreme God,
and of the Trinity and Son of God too, as I may ſhew on ſome other Oc-
caſion, were at a ſtand at firſt what Name to invoke him by, becauſe God
indeed had not yet aſſumed any particular Name before he appear'd to Abra-
ham or to Moſes. For that he had not done ſo before, is evident from Moſes
asking for it, which he would not have done if Abraham had really known
of it. So that when in Geneſ. 14. 22. Abraham ſays, he has liſted up his
(a) Plac. Lactant. loc. ſupr. citat. (6) Martian. Capell. Lib.IX. Vid. Lib. I. p.15. Lib. II.
p. 43, 45. & Orpheum in Fragment. "Aq917ov, &c. Senec. Nat. Quæft. II c. 45.
(6) Vid.
Eccluf. 43. 31, 32. (d) Vid. Athan. Kircher. Obeliſc. Pamphil. Lib. II. Cap. 7. Lightfoot's
Gleanings on Exod. S X.
Hand,
A

Ch.XIX. V.12. The White Horſe and Rider.
885
find
Hand to nn', it ſeems to me that Moſes uſes here a Prolepſis: or that really
this is not the ſame Name as that communicated to Moſes, and ſo made known
only to Abrabam, when he call'd him out of Chaldea, or at leaſt out of Haran,
Genel. 12. 1. for in Genef. 13. 4. it is exprelly ſaid that Abraham called on the
Name of 77171': which ſeems to imply, that he then knew of it when he left
Haran, Genef. 12. 1. in which place Moſes ſays exprefly that 70'. God spake to
Abram. And yet in Exod. 6.3. God ſays he was not known to them by the
Name of 717", becauſe he had not really fnewn to them by the Effects that he
was the God who gave being to theſe things which he had Promiſed ; and by
conſequence it was ſtill a Myſtery to them. So that when God did accom-
pliſh chefe Promiſes to the Ifraelites, they knew him by that Name, and till
his Myſtery be accompliſhed for us, his Name will ſtill be a Secret. But whe-
ther firſt diſcovered to Moſes or Abraham 'tis the ſame in this caſe. Now the
Magicians, to whom the Demons revealed their Names and Rituals, and as we
have ſhewn before, affected to be worſhipped by the Names of known Gods,
as their Principal affected to be adored as the ſupreme God, might by the
means of the fame Demons have that Name communicated to them, that their
Chief might be worſhipped in the Name of the True God: And therefore a
Time mutt have been, when that Name was a Secrec in their Divinity : AC-
cordingly Jamblicus afferts, that this ſecret Name was by Bitys communicated a-
mong the reſt of his Theological Books to King Amoin, in the Words juſt be-
fore cited. Thus we find alſo, that the Name 'Idw, which is certainly the 71779
of Moſes, as ( a ) Diodorus exprefly affirms, is one of the Oracles of Apollo ſaid
to be the ſupreme God; but at the ſame time the Oracle turns that to the
Works of Nature and the Gods of the Heathens, Pluto, the Sun, and Bacchus.
The Words of that Oracle are as follows:
(b) beglso toy grey lwy Uralov gedr Péroule 'Il'W.
Ciones so da
Xoiuale refí q' disius, dicke michaegs ággoufere
'Hércoy Jépes, vilopropos de legy 'Idm.
So that tho’theſe Men had that Name in their Books, and perhaps too Rituals;
to pleaſe che wicked Spirit withal, and kepe it ſecret too in Imitation of that
ſecret Name mention'd in their Theology from antient Times, even before the
Word 'lee was known; yet feeing that Theology {pake of that ſecret Name pe-
netrating through the Worlds, they could only underſtand by that Word Name,
the Eſſence and Attributes of the Supreme Being ; and by that confeſs it was
ſecret and unknown to them, and could only be revealed by a full Diſcovery
of all his Works preſent and future.
Theſe Notions of the ancient Egyptians and Chaldeans may be ſupported by
ſome of the Rabbies which are Cabaliftical, that is, a-kin to the former, the
Cabbala appearing to be grounded upon the former. Firſt, they tell us, (c) that
the Name of God, 77', which is now among them ineffable, ſhall then be
plainly pronounced, or, as they expreſs it, that this Name, which is now pro-
nounced Adonai, Shall in the World to come be ſpoken as it is written. And
'tis generally ſaid among them, that the Meffias ſhall then teach them how to
ſpeak it. If this be taken litterally, 'tis trifling ; but if we look a little further,
and take their Meaning to be, that then we ſhall fee God, face to face, know
him even as he is, and ſo know what his Name is by a fall Diſcovery of his
Attributes and Decrees; this comes up to our Obſervations. Secondly, 'tis ob-
ſervable, that Mofes, in the Hiſtory of the Creation in Six Days, never uſes the
Word -40° to ſignify the proper Name of God, but rather the Appellative,
or Elohim ; but after he has mention'd the Reft of God on the Seventh: Be-
cauſe this latter ſeems to them an imperfed Name; but when the Work of God
is perfe&ed, then the Writer gives him his perfect Name, Gen. 2. 4. Others
add to this, that the Name 1710 conſiſts all of Letters of Reft, as they call
them, to thew that we can only come to our Reſt, when we come to God ;
which may be back'd by obſerving, that the Creation of the World in ſix Days,
and God's Reft on the ſeventh, are the great Type of the Militant State of the
Church, and of its Sabbatifm or Reft, in which we are to fee God as he is,
his Myſteries perfect, and fully underſtand his Name.
-1
(a) Diodor. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 59. ( 6 ) Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. Cap. 18. den () Vid.
Buxtorf. Lex. Hebr. Chald. min. Édit. A. 1698. è Cod. Peſachim. V 30 V
10 Q
A. verre

886
The Word of God.
Ch.XIX. v.13.
This Sym-
ជាបាន
A. verf. 13. Kai meiCelanueßio iudnion Belupesukopov disuel, And he was clothed in a Gar.
ment dipt in Blood. ] This Rider is clothed according to the Work upon which
he is going to enter, and that is the Deſtruction of his Enemies.
bol is the ſame as in Iſaiah 63.2. Wherefore art thou red in thine apparel, and thy gar-
ments like him that treadeth in the wine-fat? The like Reaſon is given here, v. is.
But here is more, the Garments are dipt in Blood. See our Note upon Chap 14.
20. C. St. Barnabas on this occaſion gives him Garments of Scarlet (a), 'ETHN
ψον αυτόν, τότε τη ημέρα τον ποδήρη έχονται τον κόκκινον ωοι τίω' σάρκα και ερασιν' έχ έτος όξιν, όν
ποτε ημάς έφυρώσαμε θξεθνήσαντες, και κατακεντήσαντες, και εμπαίζανες ; Οbferve here, that he
ſays that he had this Scarlet about bis Fleſh. Chrift will appear in the Body
wherewith he aroſe. Ovid deſcribes conquering Minos with a Scarlet Gar-
ment upon a white Horſe :
(b) Purpurcuſque albi ftratis infignia pi&tis
Terga premebat Equi.-
I ſhall have occaſion to treat more of theſe Garments upon v. 16. and to fhew
whac Blood this is upon the end of the Chapter. But in this place it may be
obſerved, that as Chrift upon his firſt Appearance is ſaid to have this Garmenc
dipt in Blood, becauſe he is come to execute a bloody Judgment; fo Virgil has
repreſented Tifiphone the Tormenter of wicked Men, clad in a Garment alſo
bloody: da
(c) Tiſiphoneque ſedens, palla ſuccin&t a cruenta,
Veſtibulum inſomnis Servat nocteſque dieſque.
why Chriſt coming now in his higheſt Glory is ſaid to have iudéziov
, an Upper
Garment, is explained in the Nores upon Chap. 1. 13. C. and Cbap. 6. 11. C.
B. Kol namig ro ovoua cura, ó A O'TO Seš, and his Name is called the WORD of
Ged] in the Viſion of the Seven Churches, Chriſt appeared like the Son of Man;
during the two firſt Periods or Militant State of the Church he has appeared un-
der the Symbol of a Lamb: But now he appears under a more Majeſtick Name,
the WORD of God. To explain this Title of Chriſt in this place, ic ſeems
to me neceſſary to anſwer to theſe two Queſtions. Why Chriſt is ſo called in
general ; and then why he is ſo called in this place? The Controverſies about
the Divinity of Chriſt have occafion'd many Learned Men to treat of this Ti-
tle of Chriſt, which proves clearly his divine Eſſence before the Worlds. 'Tis
not my deſign to inſert here what they have ſaid, much leſs to contradict them.
But however they have treated of it in general, by all the Writings about it
that ever came to my hands, I cannot apprehend that they have given ſuch an
account of the Title, as may any way ſerve to anſwer the two Queſtions a-
foreſaid, or at leaſt the latter of them. What I have to ſay being only de-
ſign'd to illuſtrate this place, will be ſo much the ſhorter; and the more becauſe
what I have to ſay to that purpoſe being in a great meaſure new, 'tis deſign'd
to be left for further Improvement or Correction, if need be. To begin then
with an Anſwer to the firft Queſtion.
God has an only begotten Son of the ſame Subſtance with himſelf, by whom
he created the Worlds, which Son is called his Word. It is now asked, What is
the reaſon of that Name, and what is meant by it? To anſwer this, we muſt
make cwo previous Obſervations. The Firſt is, that in Holy Writ, as well as
all other Languages, very frequently the Abſtract is put for the Concrete ; we
need not to go far for Examples, even in the Writings of St. John; for in Chap.
14. 6. of his
Goſpel, Chriſt calls himſelf, the way, the Truth, and the Life. All
theſe are Abftra&s for Concretes. Chriſt is the way, becauſe he is the Shewer
of the Way of God to eternal Life ; he is the Truth, becauſe he is the perfe-
éter of the Promiſes of God, ſhewing them to be true, by really effe&ing
them; he is the Life, that is eternal Life, becauſe he is the Railer of the Dead
unto that Life. Thus in Proverbs 14.1. 071N, Folly; but in the LXX, i dopwy,
the fooliſh Woman. Secondly, we muſt obſerve, that Word, dózo, whether it
, , ;
for theſe Words may be put to ſignify, Words, A&tions, and Commands. Chrift
has three Significations ,מאמר and אמרה אמר or דבר an
(
wer to the Hebrew
( a ) Barnab. Epiſtol. cap. VI.(b) Ovid. Mecam. Lib. VIII.
Lib. VI. conf. Ovid. Metam. Lib, IV. V. 481. .
($) Virgil. Æneid.
DOH
02
is

Ch.XIX. v.13.
The Word of God.
887
is all theſe in the Concrete in reſpect of God the Father. Firſt, he is his Word,
becauſe before his Incarnation, and much more fince, he has been the great
Angel of God to bring Meſſages or the Words of God to, Men. Juſtin Mart.
(a) nógov nainy, évesh se ties and get to me is ouríes dépei rois avSpahtuis
. Secondly, he is the
Word, becauſe he is the great Miniſter of God to perform all his Works, of Cre-
ation, Preſervation, and Redemption. This is clear, and needs no Proof here,
at leaſt in many Words. As to the Creation, ſee our Note upon Chap 12: 1.F.
which alſo proves it as to the Preſervation of the Church before che Incarna-
tion. But as to the Providence of the World in general, ſee John 5. 17. ſince
the Incarnation there is no queſtion of it. This whole Propheſy ſhews it.
Thirdly, as to the Word fignifying Command, Chriſt is, in reſpect of that, éwo
ſeveral ways the Word of God; firſt as he is the Executor of all God's Commands,
and as he is himſelf the chief Commander, and even now joined with God, fita
ting upon his Throne at his Right Hand, the Prince, 'Agxi and "Agzaur of the
Creation, and King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. I ſhall cloſe up chis with a
Paſſage or cwo out of Philo, which illuſtrate my Expoſition. The firſt ſhews,
that he is the Word as he is the Meſſenger of God: (b) Obre5 sij Thurš @ef sixóve
sin d'y gumov Aózou. cos autòv xail Qvošoy. I produce this Paſſage noc only to ſhew that
the Word is the Angel of God, but alſo his Image, occo's. See 2 Cor. 4. 4. and
Hebr. 1.3.10 which compare foon 14. 7, 9. Uſe will be made of this by and
by. The ſecond Paſſage ſhews, that the Word is the Executor of the Father's
Commands having creared the World: (c) Tày dù tòv testov iS o Čt Trão i dwu zoonos
άλλον αν έχει τόπον ή τον θείον Λουν τον ταύτα διακοσμήσονα. The late news, that the
Word is the Vicar of the Father, Prime Miniſter, the Shepherd, or Prince of
the World. (4) Καθαπερ γαρ ηνα ποιμνίω, γίω και ύδωρ και αέρα καδρ, και όσα όν τέτοις φυτε
7 all rj cos, ta selles suntei tee Joel
. 'n ö seqvš puoi rij rinia rij oerlu'ns aeróf og sj Trão i'm cum
ασέρων τροπος πώ και χορείας εναρμονίες, ως ποιμων και βασιλάς ο Θεός άγει και δέκω και νόμον, ω-
Shorénele Thy op. För att Aógov opatógorovýjx the cmusaeidy tiis isog's Tow'THS ajønns, ofu na uego-
λε βασιλέως υπαρχG διαδέξεται, και είρηται πε. Ιδε εγώ είμι, αποτελώ άγγελός μου ας weόσο πόν
To fos Quadšou de cv tñ ósý Here we ſee that the Word is to ſucceed to che great
Shepherd to rule the World. To theſe more might be added to the ſame purpoſe,
but I am content to prove thus in ſhort my Affertions by his Authority, and to
fhew in general, that St. 7 ibn has given theſe Titles to Chriſt according to the
Notions of the Jews before the Incarnation of the Word.
But further, as it is my way to ſearch into the Origin of things, I think
my ſelf obliged to do it here as far as poſſible in fo important a Subje&. As
far as I can conceive, the Antient Jews, who had this Notion of the 167
or Word, to which the Holy Ghoſt here alludes in this Vifion, and, which
afterwards St. Jibn applied at large to Chriſt in his Goſpel, cook it from
fome Antient Tradition of the Trinity of Perſons in the Deity, and ſo by
the Conformity which the Viſible and intelle&ual Worlds, both in Heaven
and in the political World, have together, ſeeing God the Father and ſupreme
King kept his Court in Heaven, ſo the other two Perſons bore a ſhare in the
Government thereof as two Prime Miniſters of ſtate. I have ſhewn before
out of Euſebius, that thus they compared the Univerſe, to God the Father ;
the Sun, to his Son ; the Moon, to the Holy Ghoſt. We ſee in like manner
from thoſe Paſſages of Philo and many others, which might be produced, that
the Terms which expreſs the Heavenly Government are alſo taken from the
political World, sás King, Throne and the like. It is therefore from this
Fountain, that we muſt fetch the Origin of the Title of aújo, Word, as it fig-
nifies a Prince, who is Miniſter of State. And firſt as to che way of calling
them by Abſtract Names inftead of Concrete, we need to ſeek no further for
Examples than the Perſian Court, who like the reſt of the Eaſtern Monarchs,
us'd fuch Names. Thus ſome were called the Eyes of the King, Orhers the
Ears, and all the Nobles Orojangæ, or Luminaries, and Princes that illuminate.
At this day in the Perſian Court the Prime Minifter of State is called Atbemat
Doalat, that is the support of the State, inftead of the supporter. In the Indies
the great Mogul gave himſelf after this manner upon his Acceflion to the
Throne the Name of Aureng-Zebe, that is the Ornament of the Throne for the A-
(a) Juſtin. M. Dial. cum Tryph.p. 280
de Creat. p. 4. & de Monarch. Lib. II. p. 563.
de Agric. p. 1326
(6) Philo de Infom. p. 401. Vid. etiam Philo
(6) Philo de Creat. p. 3e8d) Philo
dornera

888
The Word of God.
Ch. XIX. v. 13.
which Words are in
dormer. But we need not go far to find, that in Egypt a Minifter of State
was called 1870. For ( a ) Strabo names one of the Miniſters of State, *18:op
Aógox. There is no queſtion but this is a Greek Word, invented, or rather
adapted after the coming of the Greeks and Ptolomies, to expreſs an Officer
of ſtate of the ſame fort as thole which the Original Kings had before. For
Strabo ſays plainly, that the Romans made no Alteration therein; but that they
fent a Prefect inſtead of the King, and ſo of the other Magiſtrates: And if
the Ptolomies had not herein imitated the Egyptian Stile, they would rather
have callid ſuch a Miniſter by the Name of 1.20.8emas, as the Greeks did after-
wards in the Bizantin Court. And indeed why ſhould they have made any Al-
teration in the form of the Government, feeing Alexander himſelf made none
in their Cuftoms, as Q. Curtins ſays, which ſeems to imply, that none was made
in the Government. So that by thus comparing the lower World to the high-
eft, the Title of Aézes, Word, appears to be of Dignity, to fignifie a Vicar-Ge-
neral, a Miniſter of State, a Succeffor; all which are Titles given by Philo to
the Aózes, or as it were Expoſitions of it; for he calls him uzaggor, riarrefíce, 'Ag-
jeepía, and Arénozow, virtually in the Word da diesteld of the place cited. Now Add-
Agos is in (b) Pbilo ſynonimous to é regges, and in the LXX ſignifies a Minifter
of State; i Chron. 18.17. Compare here Eſth. 10.3. where de Ségelo is uſed. And
in that place of 1 Chron. 18.17, the Word Acédagoe anſwers to the Hebrew Word
J'aux1n, the Prime- Miniſters, or Princes of the State; but in a parallel place,
2 Sam. 8. 18. they are called 'an] Prieſts, or Princes in our Margin, and in
the LXX Avrászae, Chief Lords of the Court.
As I have obſerv'd frequently that thoſe Nations, who dealt in ſymbolical
Learning, ſuppoſed the inviſible or intelle&ual World, the ſenſible and the poli-
tical to be mutually Repreſentatives of each other, or antitypical; fo the Egyp-
tians, who made their Iſis to be the Univerſe in one ſenſe and the ſupreme God
in another, as is even ſeen in the Words of Plutarch already cited, and ſuppoſed
her Mother of Oſiris, who is the Sun: ſo that in ſuppoſing the ſupreme God the
Husband of Iſis, upon the Principles of the Union; (or as Nature is the Daugh-
ter in another Senſe, as well as viſible Type of the Inviſible ſupreme Father, and
Oſiris is Type or Son of the inviſible Son of the inviſible Father ) the Egyptians
I ſay, when they confidered Oſiris in the ſenſible World, argued, that he was
profecuted by Typho, their Principle of Evil in the Inviſible Word, and in the
Senſible the Corruption of ſenſible Things, did accuſe Oſiris in the ſenſible
World of Illegitimacy, as not being clear and ſincere as his Father, who in
the Inviſible World is unmixe and impaſſible. Now this Father of the ſenſible
Oſiris, that is, his Antitype in the intellectual World was preciſely called by
them Aze, Word. which Plutarch expreſſes thus: (c) 010 i za tie nóg autós
ved lov ter dvyns sjá que Sís. Compare with this the Hymn of Mart. Capella to
the Sun: wherein he calls him ; (d) Ignoti vis celfa patris vel prima propago :
and Regnum naturæ ; as alſo Aſſertio Divům, which I take to be aóra v rãs.
He adds,
Bioceno
erolio
2015 W voch Ultramundanum fas eft cui cernere patrem.
PORTA S boa
09
faid in John 1. 18. collated with John 6. 46. But it would take up too
much Time to conſider them fully; and they do not ſo properly conduce
to the underſtanding of the mutual relation between the Inviſible and Viſible
Worlds : at leaſt as to what immediately concerns the Matter before us, For
we muſt underſtand, that the intellectual World being Archetypal, or original,
is conſidered as productive of the ſenſible and political. From whence it
comes, as I verily believe, that Kings are called Sons of God; which Notion
was alſo tranſmitted and received among the Greeks, as appears by Homer,
who was not ignorant of the Egyptian Notions; becauſe as ſupreme Powers
in their Government they were repreſentatives of the ſupreme Deity. Thus
then by comparing theſe Egyptian Notions with thoſe of the Jews, as to the
inviſible World being Archetypal of the Senſible, ſo that the Univerſe repre.
fents ſenſibly the ſupreme Father, the Sun the Word the only Son of the Father';
the Aéros or Word is the Sun of the Church; and the divine Aózes has that Title
(c) Plu-
( ) Strabe Geogr. Lib. XVII. pag. 797. (6) Philo de Immutab. Dei, pag. 209.
carch. de Ilid. & Ofirid. pag. 411. (2) Marca Capella, Lib. II. pag. 43.
upon

Ch.XIX. v. 13. The Word of God.
880
upon the account of his Dignity, as being Prince of the Creation, and indeed
of all the Worlds. Upon which account he is to be Worſhipped according
to the Prophefy, Let all the Angels of God Worſhip him, Pſal. 96. 8. Hebr. 1. 6.
For as ſuch he has an effential Title which im plies it, being the exr, Image
of God, as Philo has called him in the Words juſt before cited and St. tuul
too, as has been obſerv'd before in the Note upon Chapt. s. 13. A. An Ar-
gument very proper to induce the Pagan World in leaving the Worſhip of
other viſible Creatures, which are not effentially the Image of God, to re-
ceive the Word as a proper Object of Worſhip, becauſe he is that eflential
Image, as they thought themſelves obliged not only to Worſhip che Image of
their Kings and alſo of their Gods; buc in Reſpect of Chriſt without dans
ger of Idolatry, or applying divine Worſhip to a wrong Obje&, ſeeing chat
the fullneſs of the Godhead dwells in bir bodily; and as ( a ) Sc. (bryoftime
words it, the divine Nature was inedpurifi'n in his Body ; that is fixed, and loig
ed as it were by a conſecracion ; that Term being uſed by the Pogans when
they invoked by proper rivesofome Deity of theirs to come and dwell in the
Image deſign'd by that Conſecration to be a fixed Object of its Wo fhip; tho'
át the ſame time, this is to us an irrefragable Argument of his Divine Na-
ture and Confubftantiality with the Father, as we are inftructed by Holy Writ,
unleſs, contrary to that, we took upon us to conclude, that norwichftanding
God's Affirmation, that he will not give bis Giory to another, he may communi-
cate it to a mere Creature, and oblige us to worship one that is riot God.
From what has been obſervd in the two former Paragraphs it may be fairly
concluded, that in the political State of the Egyptians, betore they were con-
quer'd, and whilſt they had Kings of their own, there were iwo grea: Mini-
fters of State under the king, whofe Office was ſuch, tha the Greek though
fit to turn the Egyprian Name of their Office by the Word Mózes it is alio evia
dent, that the Team of dros was a diftinguiſhing Mark, which ſhow'd, that
the Officer who bere that Title of idos Mózes, was interior to another, and had
a leſs or more private Juriſdiction; he being indeed, as we may find by the
Account of Strabo, a kind of Steward of the Houſhod, or Treaturer of the
King's Revenues. So that we may infer, thac chere was a genera nézos fupe-
rior to this. It is true, that the Greek Authors, from whom only we have
the Accounts of the State of this Nation with any lont of Preciſion, cail the
Prime Miniſter of State by the Name of High Justiciary, ppxedragsis. Bur chen
coming to conſider, that in their Notions the Worlds invidie vilible, and
political, correſpond; and finding by the Words of Plutarib, jutt cited, chac
the Antitype of Oſiris, or the Sun, was called sógos, which sun is but a Prime
Miniſter in the viſible World; and in like manner that in the Jewiſh Allego-
rifts, as I have ſhewn elſewhere in the Note upon Chap. 12. 1. F. the sun is
Type of the divine Aogos, as the Moon is of the Holy Ghoſt ; which Jewiſh
Notions are ſuitable to the Egyptian, we'may from thence conclude that the
Egyptians did look upon their Prime Miniſter of Stare, or Lord High Steward,
as bearing the ſame Office in the political World which was executed by the
Sun in the viſible, and by the Divine nóges in the invinble; and by conſequence,
that they might call him by the ſame Name of Aogos ; that is ſuch an Egyptian
Name, which in the Greek Tongue is fitly turn'd by sigos. But as unfortuna e-
ly we cannot find the Egyptian Word for it, by which we might have fome
gueſs; ſo neither can we conclude, that it aniwer'd exactly to the Greek Word
PA&zoor xestis ; for it may be, that in the giving of chat Name, che Greek Auchors
attended more to the Office it ſelf than the Egyptian Word, or that this Prime
Miniſter had more than one Name, as thoſe of nóges, and High Juſticiary, bea
cauſe in reſpect of the King he was his Word; but in reſpect of the Subjects,
he was a Lord-Chief-Juſtice or Chancellor. This may be illuſtrated by the
like Inſtance in the Ottoman Port. The Grand Vizier is the Preſident of the
Divan, or Lord-Chief-Juſtice, and yet he is conftantly callid by the Sultan
Walik, or Deputy ; But none of the Subjects call him ſo: It is therefore not im.
probable, that in Egypt the firſt Miniſter of State was called by a Name which
anſwers to sógos, or elſe it had been needleſs to add the diſtinguiſhing Mark
of idos, or Privy, if there had not been a ſuperior Mózes, whoſe Oifice was more
general over the Kingdom, who was a fóges ww.gonoxos, an (b) 512x, ama col,
(a) Joh. Chryfoft. Epift. ad Cæfar.
Lightfoot's Temple Service, Ch. V. S. IV.
(6) Vid. Buxtorf. Lexic. Talm. Rabb. in Voc. 108, &
IOR
OS

800
The Word of God.
Ch.XIX. v.13
or Immarcob, a commander-General, or High-Steward ; that Word is uſed in
the Tergem on Iſaiah 22. 23. to expreſs ſuch an Office, where the LXX have
* Appovlce. And the Rabbies have fince uſed it to expreſs ſome General Officers
in the Temple. Buc however, as I have hinted, that the 'Ap geringshis was the
Prime Miniſter in the Egyptian Kingdom, and might be alſo the General Come
mander of all the Armies, as we ſee the Grand Vizier is in the Ottoman Empire;
it does not follow, that when the Greeks came in, they intruſted him with this
latter Part of the Office, cho' they left him the other, and the ſame Rank of
Prime Miniſter.
However as it is evident, that Foſeph was the Prime Miniſter of State in Egypt;
ſo we find in Genef. 45.25. that he is called 500, which Word implies Dominion
much in the ſame manner as the former pN and 90%, and may be alſo taken
to ſignify an oracular Sentence, as it certainly does in Numb. 23. 7, 18. and
thus may have the ſame Signification as Aézes and sózov, which are often ſynony,
mous in the Greek Tongue, and eſpecially in the LXX, being frequently put for
hox the Subſtantive. So that the Chief Miniſtersis as the Oracle of the King,
becauſe he is the Executor of the King's Oraclesy, by which they exerciſe Do-
minion over the People, as they are the Reprefentatives of the Divinity, and
their Judgments and Sentences are Oracles; to which it may be further added,
that in Egypt eſpecially, the Decrees of the Chief Juſtice were given out as
Oracles with the Concurrence of the 'Arusha, which was their Urim and Thum-
mim, as ſhall be ſhewn in the Nore upon Chap. 21. 20. I. Thus alſo as the
Verb 700, in Geneſ. 1. 18. is uſed to expreſs the Dominion and Direction,
which the Sun and Moon have and exerciſe in the Day and Night; ſo in the
Participle yun ufed in Geneſis 24. 2. it expreſſes the Office of a fuperior Ser-
vane, who is Steward of the Houſhold to a Prince, as Eleazar was to Abraham,
which conſiſts in adviſing, directing, commanding, or giving the Word of what
is to be done to the inferior Servants. All which Offices are really perform-
ed by Chriſt as the Word of God under the Father. And further, as the Word
yun, being a Subſtantive, fignifies a Proverb, and Parable, but in that No-
tion that it is a Precept, Command, Sentence, By-word, and Advice, in which
Notion it is often uſed by Solomon: So the Word ayo anſwers very well to it.
In which ſenſe alſo Chrift was ſo far the Word of God, that he deliver'd his Do-
&rine in Proverbs or Parables.
Further, as in the Principles of Myftical Divinity (a) Man himſelf is a Mi-
crocoſm, being indeed created after the Image of God, and ſo bearing a Re-
ſemblance to his Creator; ſo that the Impreſlion of the archetypal Ideas ap-
pears throughout his Nature : So the School of Plato, perhaps becauſe they
would not exprels themſelves too openly, or elſe that they were not throughly
at firſt inſtructed in the Principles of the ideal World; or becauſe Monarchical
Government was not well-liked or underſtood about them, thought fit to draw
their Ideas of God the Father, and of his Son and Holy Ghoft, from the Na-
ture of Man. Hence came their Notions of the Nãs, or Mind, and NógG, Word
or Reaſon. The Holy Fathers of the Church came after, and finding the Do-
erine of the Holy Trinity attack'd by the Herericks, who aim'd to debale it,
were oblig d to defend it as it was attack’d. For it ſeems, that in this Prophe-
fy Chriſt was firft explicitly nam'd the Word of God; and John wrote it about
A.C. XCV. which in his Goſpel, compoſed not long after, he further ex-
plained as a Title due to Chriſt even before his Incarnation; whereas here it
is attributed to him only upon the Conſummation of his Glory. Now the firſt
Hereticks that we can find, who undertook to debaſe this Notion of the AbgG,
Word, were che Gnofticks, who in their Scheme introduced the Generation of a
Silence ſuperior and antecedent to the Word, by which means the Eternity of
the Word was contradi&ted effectually, ſtarted this Notion but a little after,
in the Times of Ignatius. He ſeems the firſt who takes notice of their Nocion
of the Silence being antecedent to the Word, and aſſerts thereupon, that the
Word is eternal: The Diſpute being ſtarted this way, it became the Fathers to
Shew the Erernity of the Word upon the ſame Principle; ſince even upon that
Principle the Word, or sógos, muſt be coeval with the Nës, or Mind. So that
the Mind, or God the Father being eternal, the Word, or Son, muſt be ſo too. I
am therefore very far from diſapproving of their way of Defence, that I affirm
(a) Vid. Euryphami Pythagor. Fragment. apud Stobæum. Platon. Timæ. p.482.
ic

Ch.XIX. v.13. The Word of God.
891
it to be very proper. But then, as I cannot find that they have afferted, that
their Notion of the Word was abſolutely adequate to the pollible Compre-
henſion of it; fo neither do I think, that they have bound us to ſeek no fur-
ther in Holy Writ for a way to get, if poflible, a more adequate and noble
Idea of the Word, in caſe ſome part of Holy Writ require it to be raiſed a
pitch higher : For though indeed the Aózef
; as it ſignifies Reaſon and Wiſdom. raiſes
in our minds a Notion of Command; as Salluſt ſays: (a) Animi imperio, corporis
fervitio magis utimur; and Ariſtotle cited in the Nore of my Learned Friend
M. Wafle thereupon: (b) 'A mega 38 Purging en resuelos ágget deavol en les deglis
, ó ý vos tis
ógéčews, martinlu ij Brozorlu; upon which account Salluſt the Philosopher says,
(c) 'Eví vetor 28 ci pillu dpgoyles Ted aóyo ; fo likewiſe Plato: (d). Deolóegin vej ope Cuteege
fugle ore uolos, cos demotiv rj uz 5v ge dig omfe'ow owesrodno. Hence alſo Lucretius lays of the
Soul of Man :
(e) Quæ nunc in noſtro dominatur corpore nata. A
Buc
yer it muſt be owned, that the sójos underſtood as a Dignity raiſes a loftier
idea, than that which barely comes from human Nature ; becauſe Dignity is
an Improvement of it. But, even in this caſe of Chriſt, a Symbol ferch'd
from Man, when he is called Son of Man, is thought more proper to denote
his State of Humility, and the perſecuted Stare of his Body, the Church.
Theſe matters being thus explain'd, lead us to an eaſy Anſwer to the ſea
cond Queſtion, why Chriſt is call’d the Word of God in chis place ? Firſt, be-
cauſe the former Symbols were abſolutely improper, as that of like the son of
Man, which gave us an Idea of Humility, which Chriſt after his Reſurrection
had only taken in the firſt Viſion to allımilate himſelf to his Church, that he
might ſhew, that he ſhares in the Miſeries and Perſecutions which ſhe ſuf-
fers. The ſame muſt be ſaid of the Symbol of the Lamb; for though indeed
it implies Dominion on one hand, as Chriſt is the Ram or Conductor of
his Flock, yet it implies a ſuffering State, as Lambs are offered in Sacrifice.
But Word of God is a Name wholly of Dignity, and is indeed that of the higheſt
Dignity : And upon this occaſion, whatever is fignified by the Title Word of
God is moſt eminently true of Chriſt. For firſt, being the Word as he brings
Meſsages, and is the great Angel of the Covenant, he brings now the greateſt
Errand, the Perfection of the Covenant in the Reſurrection, firſt of the Saints,
and then of all the Dead. Secondly, being the Word of God, he is his great mi
nifter, he now comes to perform the moſt magnificent of all God's Works. Thirdly,
as he is the Executor of God's Commands, and is to command or rule under the
Father, he comes now to be the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, to make
all the Kingdoms of the World to be the Kingdoms of the Father and of his
Chrift; he is to be Ruler in fecular and ſpiritual Affairs; he is to rule over the
Living and ſtill Mortal, and over the Saints railed again; he is now to ſhew
the greatelt Act of Dominion and Power, and perform the higheſt Acts, to
execute the Commands of God, which conſiſt in ſubduing firſt for a time sa-
tan the greac Enemy of God, and then execute upon him the laſt Doom and
caſt him into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone; and to deſtroy Death and Hades,
which is to be the higheſt Act of God's Love and Mercy to Mankind. Fur-
ther, as the Title of Word of God is the higheſt that can be given to Chriſt,
ſo let us obſerve the Modeſty of Chriſt, in aſſuming what is his due, and no
more; or rather ſhew the Exactitude of the Holy Spirit in the matter. Word
of God is indeed the higheſt Title; but yet it fignifies and implies the cospogui, or
Eminency of the Father, that the Monarchy may appear to be wholly lodg’d in
Him. Chriſt is only his Vicegerent, his great acédoxo, Prime Miniſter of State.
Thus the Arabian Writers obſerve that Aboubekr, would after the Death of Ma.
homet take no other Title but that of his Depury (f) Khalifah ; but his Suc-
ceſſor Omar, cook alſo that of Emir almoúmenin, Commander of the Faithful.
And what indeed is the Emir but the ſame as nógo, ſaving that the former is
taken in the Concrete, but nóg in the Abſtract ? If ſo be that Emir itſelf is
not originally in the Abſtract, ſo that if we deſire to turn the Name of Aóza
into a proper Latin Word, I know none that is ſo bue Dictator, ſo called, bea
(a) Salluſt. B. Cat. princip:
lol. de Diis & Mundo, cap xi.
fe) Luciet. Lib. III. v.709.
( 6 ) Ariftor. de Rep. Lib. II. Cap. s. (c) Salluft. Phi-
(d) Platon. Timæ. pag. 478. Vid. de Legib. X. pag. 6c8.
(f) Vid. Herbelot. Khalifah, & comp. the Note on Chaz.8. I A.
cauſe

892
The Heavenly Hoſt.
Ch. XIX. v. 13.
caufe an abſolute Commander by his Office, and yet inferior to the Supreme
Power, which at Rome was the People, and therefore liable to ſuffer an (a) Ap-
peal.
When St. Jerom comes to explain this Title of Chriſt, he applies to him all
the Significations of the Greek Word aózos. Thus he ſays: (*) Sójos enim græce
mulsa ſignificat : nam & verbum eft, ratio, di supputatio, & cauſa uniuſcujuſque
rei per quam funt fingula, quæ fubfiftunt. Quæ univerfa reétè intelligimus in Chifto.
But ſince thé Notion of the Aózos did not firſt ariſe among the Greeks, but was
among the Hebrews from very antiene Times, the way that we have taken to
explain it, from the Hebrew Language and Notions, is undoubtedly the moft
proper and adequate; and fo, gives the moſt explicite account that we can
conceive about it. But then cho' the Notion was among the Hebrews, and
then the Jews, it is however too liberal a Conceſſion of our (b) Modern Di-
vines to the Antitrinitarians ; tho' indeed they do but follow therein Juſtin
Martyr that Orpheus, or Onomacritus, who wrote the Oracles, and by conſe-
quence Plato and his School, had their Notion from the Jews. Tho' they
might conſult the ſacred Books, it does not follow but they alſo found it as
mong the Chaldeans and Egyptians, whoſe notions were ſo near a Kin, as in-
deed their Nations were. Grorius himſelf owns the Chaldeans had it; and in-
deed it is evident.
To compleat this Note there is but one Obſervation more to be made in or-
der to ſolve the ( ? ) Queſtion already made by ſome Learned Men, why the
Holy Spirit has here called Chriſt the Word of God, whereas in St. John's Gor-
pel Chriſt is only called the Nógós, Word. It is indeed ſaid, that the Word was
with God, and the Word was God, but it is not ſaid, as here, that it was the
Word of God. This is a conſiderable Difference in ſo exact a Book as this.
They give ſome Reaſons for it, which are good in themſelves; but not ſuffi-
cient for this place. Indeed the deſign of the Holy Ghoſt in theſe two places
is quite different, in the Goſpel the Word is conſidered before it's Incarnation,
and it is ſhewn, that it exiſted before, and was God. But here the Word is
conſidered in the Conſummation of it's Glory after the Incarnation. Beſides,
as has been hinted before, this being the firſt Time that this Title is given to
Chriſt in the Writers of the New Teſtament, it was neceffary to uſe the Expreſ
fion of God to determine whoſe nózos is underſtood, but not ſo in the Goſpel;
becauſe the whole drift tends that way; as if St. John was anſwering there
a tacit Obje&ion, that Chriſt might be made abos in his ſecond Advent ;
though he was not by his Nature, and from the Beginning ; which he does
effe&ually. In the ſame manner in 17ohn 5: 7. the fózos has no Addition,
becauſe being mention'd with the Father and the Spirit, that Iitle is not
ſubject to any Equivocation. Since therefore the Word was before the Worlds,
and is ſo in the Conſummation, being to reign therein for ever, Ignatius
did well to conclude that the Word was Eternal. The Addition of God is there:
fore both neceſſary to determine the Senſe, and emphatical too, as it is uſual
in the ſacred Books. The Learned (d) Gouſet indeed contends, that ſuch
Additions to Words always preſerve a relation or reſpect to God. This may
be granted, but hinders not, that 'tis made to fhew the Excellency; for every
thing that belongs to God is excellent in it's kind. Slavery or Service raiſes
a mean Notion, but to be Servant of God is an high Honour, above that of be-
ing merely a Man. The Servants of mortal Kings pride in ſuch a Title:
Surely ’ris not meant, that God's Servants are diſhonoured by it. The Intent
of the Holy Ghoſt ſeems therefore to be, that the Word of God now comes, and.
appears to be acknowledged as ſuch in the higheſt Honour, and to perform
the mighty Ads of that high Dignity. And indeed we find him now attended
with all the Majeſty of it, as will be ſhewn by the next Words.
A. verf. 14. Kai tu segtám te ta en tud segarco, And the Armies which are in heaven. ]
This being the ſecond coming of Chriſt, the Words before us thew how he
will be attended : and becauſe the Words ſeems here to be of a dubious Inter-
pretation, that is, whether theſe Armies are of the viſible or inviſible World,
it will be proper to take with us what other Hints we may have in the other
(a) Vid. T. Liv. Hiftor. Lib. VIII. cap. 33. coll. C. Lib. III. cap. ss. (*) Hieronyma
Epiſt. ad Parlin. (6) Vid. G. Bulli Prim. & Apoft. Trad. de J C. Divinit. cap 4.
(c) Vid.
Synopi. Crit. in Joh. 1. 1. (d) Guſſec. Comment.V.78 7.9.
ſacred

Ch.XIX. v. 14. The Heavenly Hoft
893
.
Luke 21, 27
facred Writers, which may ſerve to determine this poiue Firft tis faid, thac
he will come with, or in the Clouds, with great Power and Glory, Marth. 24. 30.
Chapt. 26. 64.
Mark 13. 26. Chapt. 14. 62.
Regel. 1.,7. buc
this is not preciſe, the Symbol only implying Power
' in general, not the
ſpecial kind, or Adjun&s of it. But then he is ſaid alſo to come with the holy
Angels, Mark 8. 38; and they are ſaid to affift him in gathering the Eled by his
command, Matth. 24. 31. Luke 9. 26. 2 Thell. 1. 7. in the ſecond of which
places he ſays exprefly that he will come in the Glory of the Father that is, in Ma-
jeſty becoming the Word of God, whoſe only Son he is. 'Tis enough and we
are ſatisfied he muſt make a viſible appearance with the Angels. Fuſtin Martyr
did undoubtedly underſtand it ſo, for he ſays: (a) Aủo y curs per protes megsxácuzcan
οι σερφή: μίαν μω, τίω ήδη κομβιω, ως αίμε και πειθητο ανθρώπε τίω 5 δατέρgν, όταν η εξης
εξ έρανών της αβγελικής από τραθιάς παραγυήσεις κεκήρυκό, όπ κ τα σώματα αναγορεί πιανίων των
gloomfi'cov do Splitwy. Here indeed he ſays, that Chriſt at his ſecond coming ſhall
come with the Angelical Hoft, and raiſe all the Dead He involves the two Re-
ſurrections into one, it being nor neceſſary to diftinguiſh them before the Pagan
Emperors as he has done elſewhere. Irenæus alſo underſtood it ſo; for he
ſays: (b) Hac enim alia univerſa in Reſurrectione Juftorum fine controverfia dieta ſunt,
quæ fit poft Adventum Antichrifti & perditionem omnium Gentium fub eo exiftentium, in
qua regnabunt fufti in terra, creſcentes ex viſione Domini, & per ipſum aſſueſcent capere
gloriam Dei Patris, eo cum fan&tis Angelis converſationem, & communionem, & uni-
tatem ſpiritualium in regno capient. If therefore the Angels are the Heavenly Hoft
,
the Words before us mean them. Now that is ſoon proved; for when Luke
2. 13. reports that an Angel appear’d to the Shepherds to give them Notice of
Chriſt's Birth, afterwards an Heavenly Holt in a Multitude came to the fame
Angel, and joyn’d with bim to fing, or praiſe God in the Hymn, Glory be to
God on high; the Words Hoft of Heaven are likewiſe to be underſtood of An-
gels in the Viſion of Micaiah, 1 Kings 22. 19. This is alſo the Stile of Plato,
70) O refon No pézus siyepeedy is gegrep zd's, Aldo á suo trauw organes sreçdie), diere o res zaple
aj Barvenéulu. Tợ Mmssegría Seño TE ý dospórov, Ev Deng pisn xoxorumulon. Propera
ly the Conſtellations of the viſible Stars are the Holt of Heaven, but by the Prin-
ciples of the ſymbolical Language, of which I have ſo often treated, they fig-
nify the Angels in the inviſible or intellectual World, by the ſame reaſon as
the Sun is Chriſt, and the Moon the Holy Ghoſt. See our Nore upon Chap. 12. 1. F.
By a falſe Conſequence from a typical Union, or relation, the Pagans argued,
thar the Stars were animated, as having Gods or Angels dwelling in them;
and fo worſhipped the Stars, Sun, and Moon, as Gods. $o Jamblichus, Por-
phyrius, and others.
B. ?Hxoné det "aeth, Followed bim.] A Term of War, becauſe the King is Lea-
der, and the Hoft or Army follows, Judg. 9.4,49. 1 Sam. 8. 20.
Ć. 'Em innues ndixois, Upon white Horſes.] The Conqueſts of this General will
be with great Speed and Succeſs, all the following Horſes being like his, that
is, all his Army being attended with the fame Marks of Succeſs.
D. 'Evde Nuesvos Búaryov adoxèv ro. Sicer, Clothed in Byſle white and clear. ] The Byffe
was allotted to the Bride, or the Saints raiſed again, who by their Reſurre-
ction became like the Angels of God: And ſo they appear in the ſame Dreſs
as this Heavenly Hoft. But the Bride had it given ; it fignifies, thar the Righ-
teouſneſs of the Saints is a new Acquiſition ; but theſe Angels having never
finned, have it inherent to their perſons. However it may be obſerv'd, that
tho' it is ſaid the Angels appear'd in White, or ſhining Garments, yet they are
never affirmed to be ſpecially of Byſſe. But theſe are now to be ſuited to the
Occaſion of their Appearance : And they are to ſhare in the Signification of
the Bylle, which is that of Happineſs and Joy; for if they rejoyce at one
Sinner's Repentance, much more at the Reſurre&ion of the Juft, will their
Joy be increaſed. They are an invincible and triumphant Army, and there-
fore appear in White, as the Roman Army did on ſuch Occaſions. So Juvenal,
Trebellius Pollio, Claudian, and Zonaras.
A A. verf. 15. kaì in fð sómarlo durs enzop d'e res pouquid disopio, Beña, And out of his
mouth proceedeth a sharp two edged Sword. ] The like as is deſcribed before in
Chap. 1. 16. See the Notes B. C, there ; it has been ſhewn there, that it figni-
Sobalar
W9
OM 10 TAOVS
(a) Juſtin. M. Apol. II. pag. 68. (6) Irenet Lib. V. cap. 350
(6) Irenæi Lib. V. cap: 350. (c) Piacon.Phædr.
pag. 202. Vid. Athenag. Legat. p. Chrift. pag. 29, 30,
yilsin
fies
IOS

894
The Rider's Habit.
Ch.XIX. 1.15.
ز
fies the Inſtruments of Chriſt's Victories and Judgments upon his ſeveral forts
of Enemies; and that during the militant State of the Church their Procellion
out of bis Mousb ſignified, that thoſe Inſtruments were taken out of his Church,
or at leaſt from his Subjects, as indeed even all Men are fince his Aſcenſion in-
to Heaven, whoſe Wills and Adions he can direct as he pleaſes, having all Pow!
er given thereupon; ſo that he can bring in foreign Armies of Pagans to puniſh
Men in his corrupted Church. So he acts whilft he is in Heaven at the Right
Hand of God; but whether he will make uſe of the ſaine Courſe, when he is
preſent, is another Queſtion, which cannot eaſily be determined, I ſhould
rather think, that he will take another Courſe therein, to make his Enemies
feel more ſenſibly the viſible Effects of his preſence and coming in part him-
ſelf to make an end of them. He ſeems to have reſerv'd them to fhew his
Power, when managed by his own Hands. So Pharaoh was preſervd in the E-
gyptian Plagues for a more ſolemn and miraculous Act of God, to be drowned
in that Sea ; which had been a means of Safety to the Iſraelites
. So 'tis ſaid in
the LXX. Exod. 9. 16. "Evezev této draingó Jes, as indeed the Hebrew there, and
St. Paul's Words, Rom, 9.17. may and ought to be underſtood. Thus alſo our
Saviour ſays, John 9: 3. that God ſuffer'd the Man to be born blind, not for
any Sin of his or of his Parents, but that the Works of God might be ma-
nifeſted in him. Chriſt has condemned the great Harlot of Babylon, and exe-
cuted her by human Inſtruments; he might do ſo by the Beaſt and Falſe Pro-
pher with their Adherents. If they are reſerv'd till his coming, it ſeems to im.
ply they are ſo to demonſtrate at the very firſt the Power of the Word of God.
But whether he will ſtrike them dead with a Word, as Peter did Ananias and
Sapphira, or what way he will cake for it ; cannot be conje&urd: We want
the Accompliſhment to fhew an Application, which may fix and determin
Symbols that are dubious in themſelves.
The Word di goud in this place may be brought into queſtion. Cyprian, Ti-
chonius, and Anfiin read it ; but Ireneus did not, tho' he reads it in the former
place. 'Tis likewiſe wanting in many good Copies. If this be true, how
comes the Difference? Chriſt has before his coming many ſorts of Enemies ;
firſt the Jews and Gentiles, Pagans and Hereticks; afterwards corrupted Chri-
ftians and mere Heathens. But now he ſeems to have but one ſort of ſtiff Op-
poſers, the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet. Theſe he ſays. As to the Remnant of
Heathens, he may be more mild. He only cauſes Satan to be bound : Gog
and Magog are not deſtroy'd with his Sword, but by Fire from Heaven. How-
ever, they are ſtill but one fort of Enemies. 'Tis not eaſy to determin about
this.
B. "Sve in ww'zi va Tel En Ti Ksun, That with it he may ſmite the Nations.] Theſe
ſhew us the ſubject of Chriſt's Victories; that is, all that will oppoſe the
pre-
ſent Eſtabliſhment of his Kingdom ; bat more eſpecially the Beaſt and Falſe
Prophet with their Adherents, who, as I have ſaid, are in a peculiar manner
to be handled by him. Thus 'tis ſaid in Ifa. 11.4. Kai netolzes gleiñ tad aóra sóuolaa
tos curs, ses és modi mele sad geraéwy evezői esebi And be fall (mite the Earth with the Word
of his Mouth, and with the Spirit of bis Lips shall be fay the Wicked. Compare
2 Thell: 2. 8. Nations and Earth are che fame ; for they ſignify all thoſe who are
not true Worſhippers
. The Word me te ars, to ſmite, implies a Deſtruction of the
Subject. See our Nore upon Chap. 8. 12. A. Therefore, tho' we cannot affirm
any thing about the Manner, yet we plainly ſee the Words imply a total Ex-
tirpation of the Subject upon whom this Sword of Chriſt falls.
C. Kai wirds Troporvei autov én példw asungel, And be fall rule them with a Rod of Iron. ]
The Word selbsG, Rod, has been explain'd to denote the obtaining of Power
over others. See our Note upon Chapt. 11. 1. A. fo St. Paul I Cor. 4. 21. uſes
the Symbol of Rod without addition, but oppoling it to the Spirit of Meekneſs,
by which it ſignifies the ſeverity of the Chriſtian Diſcipline. However, it
fignifies rule in general, the Rod, or Scepter, being the Symbol of Auchority,
whether it be for favour or ſeverity. But with the Adjunct of Iron, it's fignifi-
cation is limited to the worſt fide, Severity or Deſirudion ; even tho' the Word
porucivetv, which is the mildeſt term of Government, whence it comes that good
Kings are called mouke'ss, Shepherds, be joyn’d thereto, The placing of the Words
fo together implying, that Chriſt is indeed a good King, or Shepherd; and only
comes to extremities, when his Juſtice can bear no longer. The Expreſſion iş
taken from Pfal. 2. 9. and is either underſtood literally of Chriſt, or at leaſt,
Typically.
moda
D. K.

Ch.XIX. v.15,16. The Rider's Habit.
895
D. Kai au zis mula rhw alwör sã oire sš sudes ris oggiñs to gek oz Sreerlosegling, and be
alſo treadeth the Wine Preſs of the Wine of the fierce Wrath and Anger of God the Al-
mighty. ] The fymbols and Emphaſis of the Expreſſions have been explain'd
cliewhere in our Notes upon che end of Chapt. 14. and other places. They
are borrowed from Iſaiah 03. 3. and Lament. i, 15. The place of Sainh ime
plies, that the Garments of the Rider are red or bloody, becauſe he treads the
Wine-preſs. What we have to obſerve here is that this treading is quite dif-
ferent from the former in Chapt. 14. upon many accounts ; Firſt, that cread-
ing was of the Grapes of the Vine of the Earth; that is, a limited Number
and defin'd Subject. Secondly, it was done by Angels, that is, ordinary Inſtru-
mentsiz but this is done by che Word of God. Thirdly, it was done without the
City ; that is, whilft Babylon ſtood ; but this is done afterwards ; Laſtly, that
was done within a limited ſpace of Furlongs, and did not imply a total De-
ftru&tion of the Nations concern'd, tho' indeed a greac Carnage ; but this is
attended with the moſt emphatical Expreſſions of a total Judgment, and the
following Account confirms it. So that altho' they are different Treadings,
yet
becauſe it is ſaid with the Article thu'alor, the Winepreſs, which defines it to
that already prepared, we may conclude that this place implies a coral De-
ftru&ion, and as it were clean gleaning of that part of the corrupted Church,
which hitherto had eſcaped that Judgment, and even that of the Fall of Babylon,
but ſhall not eſcape this; ſeeing it is Chriſt himſelf, who is come to get it ex-
ecuted. And indeed, it is not probable, that the Beaſt and Falſe-prophet will
ftir out after the Fall of Babylon, and quite leave the Territories of the corrupted
Church. But then, as we ſhall find one Horn of the Falſe-propher, and a great
Body of Adherents without the Territories of that part of Chriſtendom concerni'd
in the former creading of the Wine-preſs, and yet not touched by that Judg-
ment, becauſe exempted by former Plagues inflicted on their fide eſpecially:
ſince it is found by experience, that they continue to adhere to the falſe Pro-
pheſy, chis Judgment muſt reach them, unleſs they repent before that time in
the general Converſion. And ſo the Wine-preſs may then be inlarged, and
reach alſo the corrupted Chriſtians in the Eaſtern Church, if they remain ſo.
But we have no Hints which can determin us one way or other. In ſuch a
caſe we muſt hope and pray for the beſt, but dread the worſt fide.
edo 29
A. verf. 16. Kalet om dine mor ry Ohi rov umegy aura poule de Segurefeon, And be bas
upon his Garment, and upon his Thigh a Name written. ] . It has been obſerv'd
before, that Jeſus Chriſt is introduced in this third Period, as going to pera
form two remarkable things: Firſt, to overcome the moſt ſtubborn Remain-
der of his Enemies; and, ſecondly, to ſertle himſelf in his peaceful Kingdom.
From 7. II, the Holy Ghoſt rakes a Deſcription of Chriſt ſuitable to that
future State in his Church. The firſt Names given to him concern his Vi-
étories, and the next his Acts of Settlement. The Inſtruments of his Vido-
ries have been ſaid to be a White Horſe, Eyes like Fire, a Garment dipt in
Blood, Armies in Heaven, a ſharp Sword in his Mouth, and by Implication
an Iron Scepere in his Hand: All which are ſuitable to the Word of God, as he
is going to perform that Office upon the Remainder of God's Enemies; or as
it is ſaid in the Propheſy, to tread the Wine-Preſs of God's Wrath. When all this
is done, he remains ſole Mafter, King of Kings, Lord of Lords. So that his Ti-
tle muſt then be publickly acknowledg’d by his Acts and Quality, and alſo by
the Homage of his Subjects, which is the meaning in general of the Name of
King of Kings and Lord of Lords being written on bis Garment and on his Thigh.
This is therefore a publick and folemn Inauguration of Chriſt, in order to
his laſt and complere Inthroniſation upon the white Throne hereafter men-
tioned, quite different from the firſt Inauguration and Inthroniſation deſcrib'd
in the fourth and fifth Chapters. This firſt Inauguration and Inthroniſation be-
ing done in Heaven with all Power, but not at all viſibly manag’d by himſelf,
buć by his viſible Miniſters here on Earth; when nevertheleſs his Subjects are
full of Troubles to keep up his Kingdom and preſerve their Obedience to him.
But in this laſt he is to come viſibly and reign, to make his faithful Subjects
happy in his Government, by being preſent among them. buwals oud ina
There are two things worthy of Obſervation about the different Inaugu.
rations of Chriſt; which alſo deſerve to be illuſtrated with Examples: Firft,
He is inaugurated as Lamb on the Right Hand of the Father, to be Collegue
even with his Manhood to the invifible Divinity : And afterwards he is inaugu.
ráted again viſibly; whereas the firft was inviſible to his Church, as alſo his
conſtant

896
The Rider's Habit.
Ò Ch. XIX. V, 16.
Conſtant actingombereina fince şi când in this dateer Inauguration he is to be
publickly ackuowledgºd din perfon King of Kings and Lord of Lords. The second
Oblekyavion is, ahad even abig latter Inauguration, and the Inthroniſation fol-
lowing thereupon in lits: propery time is perform’d at ſeveral times, and by de
grees He begins with his Cavalcade on the White Horſe ; he has many Dia
déms on his Head 3 hlas alred Garment; a Sword in his Mouth; then he takes a
Regal Garment on Robe, sande girds his Sword upon his Thigh. When this is
done, and his Éneenięsºave accordingly conquer'd, and by various Progreſs,
to belldeferibed hereafter, at laſt of all he is feared on his Throne, his laſt
gree white Thrones: Now Ifây, that theſe diferent Inaugurations, and Pro-
grefsitola complete Inthranilation, may be illuſtrated both by facred and divine
Examples; as alſo by profane cor common. book
-- It is abſolutely confonahti to Reaſon as well as Practice, that Inaugurations
and Inchronifarioms hould be performed by degrees, and repeated as there is
occafion ; and that the Ceremonies thereof ſhould be uſed as the Caſes require.
Forithe defémonids of Inaugurations being every where fymbolical, they muſt
bieiifuired forthel Circumfta hçes and Acquiſitions of the Power which is repre-
fented by themi grand ſo repeated and varied according to the new Acquifitions
of powebo19 The Inltances of the repeated Inaugurations in facred Hiſtory,
and by divine Directioh, are thoſe of the firſt three Kings of Iſrael; ſome of
which were most ceroinly Types of Chriſt; and ſo, very proper to illuftratè
Ithis matters - Firſt, b «Saull was privately anointed by Samuel with a Vial of Oyl,
land the Ceremottyiofi a Kiſs, 1 Sam. 1o. 1. Afterwards Samuel called the Peo-
Sple insMizpeh prwherte Slaid was elected by Lot and publickly recognis’d, and pro-
Ichim’dyo inaamshoul177024. And becauſe fomne had deſpiſed him, when Saul
-had given chiem fome Proof of his Valour by overcoming the Ammonites, they
Ines agail to renewithe Kingdom at Gilgal, Sem. 11. 14, 15, at which time
Soidl was made King with Sacrifices of Peace-Offerings ; that is, a great Coro-
ration Feáſka 10 The next was David. He was firſt anointed very privately, and
in a manner inviſiblyy as to the People; and then continu'd as a private Per-
föngisbut in veryli great Vicillitudes of Adverficy and Proſperity, 1 Sam. 16. 13.
When Săul was dead he was twice inaugurated and anointed with Oyl; firſt o-
ver the Tribes of Jwdab, 2 Sam. 2. 4. and a ſecond time over all iſrael, after
aitob oyle the foot baul had been lain, 2 Sam. 5. 3. The chird was Solomon, a
Princbof Relaced who was anointed before his father's Death, with great so.
lemnit yani Buesafdepivards he made a Throne of Ivory, and overlaid with the
beferGoldid dis not faid, indeed, in the Text, 1 Kings 10. 18. that he was fo-
Janiniyi ihthtonifed eveherein ; but is not likely, that he neglected to make a
Dedicadoh of lichid leaſt upon ſome ſolemn Occaſion. Such a Work would
be onllysforfuch a Deſign. In all theſe Inſtances we ſee a Progreſs of Cere-
monlesjlag other Power of thoſe Kings increaſed upon great Emergencies. 103
ni Te proceed pow to ſome other inſtances, which may be called prophane,
lori common din reſpect of the former. The Court of the Emperors of Con-
Atlantinoplez being in it's time one of the moſt polite in the World obſervd
ealwayssfuch Corémonies and ſteps in the Elevation and Inthroniſation of their
Elnpérors, Vas they probeeded to their Power. I ſhall fet down the Proceed-
fingsidf what happened orb (a) Michael Palæologue, who retook the Capital of
Juis Empire from behels Latihsa Firſt, he was elevated upon the Buckler, and
proclaund Emperorza which was the Ceremony of the Inauguration. Some-
time after she was crowned, and Inthronis'd at Nicea. Afterwards, when he
chad-rakenithe City of Conſtantinople, he was there Crowned again in the great
Church by che Parriärchid Thus alſo (b) Fohn Cantacuzene being forced to
Frévole, bandi affugelittebimperial Dignity, to maintain his Friends firm to his
-Party, was funft: Inauguravedy Proclaim'd, and Inveſted at Didymotheca ; aftera
wards he trias anointed and Crown'd at Andrinople by the Patriarch of Jeruſalem;
and when hel kad entred rinto Conſtantinople he was there alſo anointed, and
Orbwndragain. This was uſual in the Perſian Court during the times of the
2 bp [doidad; foipd) übfroek Son of Ormiſdas having been Proclaim'd and Inthronis'd
firſt; but afterwards driveg from the Throne, and forced to implore the affift-
tatice of the Emperor Mauritiusig when he was reſtor'd, he was again Inthro-
Arif aslamsxd diw boieftair
sugalo od o todos no bash david Johan, Cantacuzen: Hit
leni Vid, Hift, George Pachymer, sinivuVadi Johan, Cantacuzenidik ann mun
(6) Vid.
151115i dilitat sw Hii SN 269190w Yldhiv aisga Inisid,
Jagfinoo
214

Ch.XIX. v. 16. The Rider's Habit.
897
nisd, with a publick Feaſt and great rejoycing. Hence it comes to be ſure
alſo, that ic is ftill uſual in the Perſian Court for the Prince to be Inthronis’d
again, and change his Name as at the firſt Inauguration, after he has over-
come an Ulurper
. Thus (a) Tavernier gives us an account of the ſecting
up of a mock Uſurper, to give the King an opportunity to be Inchronis’d a
ſecond time, and change his Name; becauſe the firſt Inauguration was thought
to have been perform' in an unlucky Hour. We have alſo Examples of the
like repetitions of Coronations in our Engliſh Monarchs. (b) Richard 1. was
Crown'd a ſecond time upon his Recurn from the War in Paleſtine : and Henry
III. firft Crown'd at Glouceſter, was after the Dauphin's Departure crown'd all
London. (c) Selden alſo tells us of Alfonſo the VII. Crowned Emperor of Spain
in Leon, the Ceremonies being afterwards reiterated in Toledo, as in the chief
City of that Empire.
It follows now that I ſhew, that the Lamb is now recognis'd afreſh as Ring
of Kings by the Inveſtiture of his Garment, iuénov, his upper Garment or Robe,
and by the Marks upon his Thigh, on which the Words before us ſay that Name
is written; that is, publiſhed, and owned. To begin with the Garment. The
Robe, or Garment, of a Leader may ſhew his Quality two ways; either as it
is worn by him on his Body as an Enſign of his Dignicy; or, as he is the Lea-
der of an Army, his upper Garment, or Robe, may ſerve for a Standase. The
Texe having not limited which of theſe two ways it is to be taken, it may
be underſtood for both; and the more,, becauſe alternatively ſuch an Impe-
rial Robe has been uſed for the Standart of an Army; and the Standart of the
Army has ſerv'd to make an Imperial Robe. To conſider it therefore in the
firſt way as a proper Veſture: We have indeed no explicit Account in Holy
Writ of proper Garments uſed at the Inauguration of a King ; but yet, if we
carefully refle& upon Pſalm 45. we ſhall find it to be a Propheſy of the In-
auguration of the Meflias, with ſeveral Expreſlions, which illuſtrate this mats
ter; and if the Pſalm turns upon a typical Subject, which only reflects at last
upon the Meffias, it ſhews, that the Kings of Iſrael were known by their Gar-
ment, as indeed we find the Daughters of David with ſuch diſtinguiſhing Marks,
2 Sam. 13. 18. Now in that Pfalm, the firſt Symbol of God's Bleſſing is, that he
gird his ſword upon his thigh with his glory and magefty ; then his Horſe is named
implicitly, w. 4. In thy majeſty vide proſperouſly
, which anſwers to the White Herfe
in this Vifion. Then his Truth, his Meekneſs, and Righteouſneſs are named, as in
St. Fobn. Ic follows in the Pſalm, Thy right hand ſhall teach thee terrible things ;
this is equal to the ſecret or wonderful Name in St.fobn; and the Hebrew po 513
is turned accordingly in the LXX by Jav pesistös. The fifth Verſe ſpeaking of
his Victories anſwers to è diustar own xelvet xj zoneseci, and all the other Symbols in
this Viſion which denote Victory over Chriſt's Enemies: To which muſt be
added, the ſeventh Verſe of the Pſalm about loving Righteouſneſs, and hating Inia
guiry, for which Reaſons God has ancinted him. Then at the eighth Verle, the
Pſalmiſt ſpeaks of his Garments (melling of the Ointment, or Perfume, which
ſerved to his Un&ion. Then che Pfalmift deferibes his Queen, or Bride, which
has been touched upon before. But the Pſal. 93. 1. makes our, that the Gara
ment is one of the Symbols of Majeſty : The Lord Reignerb; bë is clothed with Maa
jeſty. Upon the whole, as the Pſalmiſt alluding to the rites of the Inaugurati-
on of the Meſſias ſpeaks in particular of the Sword upon the Thigh and of the
Garments; fo I think, that this Garment in the Words before us, and the Thigh
having thereon written the Name of King of Kings, repreſent the ſecond Inau-
guration of the Meſſias at his lärter coming into his laſt and moſt glorious
Kingdom ; upon the doing of which he is owned to be King of Kings and
Lord of Lords.
One thing there is to confirm this, that as Jeſus Chriſt in his firſt Inau-
guration was inthroniſed in a great meaſure as the Kings of Iſrael, which I
have proved upon the fifth Chapter, fo in this ſecond, when he fubdues all
the Nations, and the Kingdoms of the World become his, he affects to be
inaugurated after the manner of the Gentile Monarchs; to Thew, that he has
conquer'd their Dominions. For elſe, why is he deſcribed with Diadems,
33 VIII dos V 36T
832969
cutus
(a) Tavern. Perf. Trav. Lib. V. Cap. 1.
of Hon. Part. I. Cap. 2.
(6) Baker's Chron.
() Selden's Titles
10 T
when

898
The Rider's Habit.
Ch.XIX. V.16.
when it is plain, that the Kings of Iſrael had none: This being an Orna-
ment firſt invented by Nimrod, worn by the Aſyrian and Babylonian Monarchs
at firſt, who were follow'd therein by other Gentile Monarchs; whence it comes
that the Dragon and Beaſt in theſe Viſions are deſcribed with them. There-
fore this Inauguration alludes to ſuch Practices firſt invented by the Babyloni-
ans, followed therein by the Perſians, as the Perfians were followed therein by
Alexander and his Succeſſors. We have ſome Account of the (a ) Perſian Cu-
ftom in the Inauguration of their Kings. Firſt they put off their Cloaths to
put on thole of Cyrus ; then they had a Diadem put on their Head; then they
were placed on the Throne, and changed their Name, and in their Titles took
that of King of Kings. I cannot find the ſpecial Ceremony of girding of a
Sword upon che Thigh: But it is probable, that this was not neglected, be-
cauſe it is ſtill the Practice of the Perſian Monarchs at this Day, as Tavernier
obſerves ; and that they affect the ancient Cuſtoms of their Country, as
might
be proved in many Inſtances.
As to the Roman Emperors in St. John's time, a Garment of Purple was the
only Enſign of their Majeſty. Eutropius : (b) Nam prius Imperii infigne in Chia-
myde purpurea tantum erat : reliqua communia
. And a little after, privato habitu,
imperii infigne mutavit. Lactantius, (c) Nunc Rumanis indumentum purpuræ infig-
me eſt regiæ dignitatis aſſumpt&. And thus, as the purcing on of the Diadem
of
Alexander by chance portended to (2) Seleucus, chat he ſhould be King after
Alexander, in the Opinion of the Chaldeans; ſo che putting on of the Imperial
Purple, tho' by chance, portended, that the Perſon ſhould ſucceed. (e) Ha-
buit etiam aliud omen imperii. Cum rogatus ad cænam imperatoriam, palliatus veniſſer, qui
togatus venire debuerat : togam præfidiariam ipfius Imperatoris accepit. Which is con-
ſonant to the Opinion of the Perſian and Egyptian Opirocriticks in Chap. 232.
'Ecév ms is n on Carey (fort. 'éxd6ev ) iud nia nguval dowáguas. sopúch mulus vej fra endi qarog mange
acco, xj začnoy dverogov trñs seppótlo rjaa useimlo o imetis
. And a little after, Ei Niding
ότι ανεδύσατο πορφύραν νέαν, εις ένδοξόπegν και λαμπρότερον Σποζήσε 9 μτώ τα αραγμάζας. We alfo
find in (f) Foſephus, that the Kings of Adiabene had thefe Regalia, the Delive-
ry of which put the Perſon into poffeffion of the Kingdom, the Diadem, the
Seal, and what they call'd slui caufnegin, the Sampſera. I take this to have been
the royal Garment, in which the Princes were inveſted, when inchroniſed, as
that of Cyrus in Perfua, and thoſe of St. Edward's in England. Perhaps it was ſo
called from the Chaldee o Sam, which fignified Perfume, or Ointment, and
770 a Prince, or ſome other Word a-kin to it; ſo that the Whole may fignify
the perfum'd Garment of Royalty, or ſuch as we, which ſignifying to inter-
pret or declare, this may have been inſigne imperii, the royal Standart, or Enfign
of Royalty ; which, as I hinted, may have been there as a Chlamys, or Robe;
or the Ephod of Gideon ; of which by-and-by. For the Languages of Arme-
nia, Meſopotamia, Syria, and Arabia, were near a-kin, as (g) Strabo ſays ; fo
that it is not out of the way to draw the Etymology from the Chaldee and He-
brew.
Secondly, there may be an Allufion in this Garment to the Antient way
of making a Garment ferve for a Standart. So Gideon, J udg. 8. 26. having
taken the purple Garment of the King of the Madianites, made an Ephod of
it; and ſet it up for a Standart, as M. Jurieu thinks very probably. Now it
is very remarkable, that the Romans, in whoſe time St. John lived, made the
fignal of Battles by ſetting up as a Standart a ſcarlet, or purple Garment, the
Paludamentum, or Coat of Arms worn by their Leaders when faluted Emperors.
So Plutarcb ſays: (6) Tờ tús peizus onução seisnuar. ési getay xóuruvo vienas tñs seg197-
xñs celuñs de leurópefwos. And elle where, (1) Kated reges aves mas ozlario enea duos megema
να τον φοινικών χελώνα. Τατο 8 μάχης ρωμαίοις όξι σύμβολον. For as the Enfigns were of
Purple, ſo that which was ſet before the Generals Tent was white, as ( k )
Polybius obſerves, that is, it was ſo commonly; but upon a day of Adion the
White was changed for one of Purple, or Scarlet, as the Places cited prove it
fufficiently. When the Battle was over if they remain'd Vi&ors after a confide-
() Vid. Plutarch. in Artaxerx. &c. Barn. Briffon. de Regn. Perfico. (6) Eutrop. Lib. IX.
6) La&ant. de Ver. Sapient. Lib.IV. cap.7. (d ) Arrian. Ex. Alex. Lib. VII. (4) £1.
Lamprid. in Severo. (f) Jofeph. Archäol. Lib. XX. Cap. 2. ( 8 ) Strahon. Geogr. Lib. I.
pag. 41, 42. (b) Plutarch, Vir. Fabii, fol. 58. () Plutarch. Vit. Pompeii, fol. 214.
(k) Polyb. Lib. VI. pag. 486.
no 20
rable

Ch.XIX. v. 16. The Rider's Habit.
899
mus.
rable Slaughter che Captain or Commander was faluted by the name of Impera.
for, and clothed immediately in Purple or Scarlet ; perhaps with chae very Gar-
ment which had ſerv'd for the Signal or Srandart. This we know, that when
their Emperors became abfolute, but affected to appear no more than fuch Im-
peratores, ſo made by the Army; and that when the Soldiers ſet up ſuddenly
a new Emperor, if they had no other purple Garment, they took the Enſigns
for that purpoſe, or any other thing made of Cloth. So Gordianus was inveſt-
ed with che Purple taken out of the Enſigns. Fulius Capitolinus: (a) Sublata de
vexillis purpura, Imperatores eos dicemus, adhibitiſque inſignibus Romano jure firmabi-
celſus was thus inveſted with the Peplus of an Idol. Trebellius Pollio:
(b) Celfum Imperatorem appellaverunt, peplo Deæ cæleftis ordinatum. Flavius. Vopifa
cus ſpeaking of the Election of Probus : (c) Quafi divino nutu undique ab omni-
bus acclamatum eft, Probe Auguſte Dii te ſervent, deinde concurſus eu ceſpititium tribu-
nal: appellatuſque Imperator, ornatus etiam pallio purpureo, quod de ſtatua templi obla-
tum eft.
Now it muſt be further obſerv'd, that the Roman Enſigns had ſome of them
the Picture of the Commander, and ſome their Name. Conſult the Auchors
of the Roman Antiquicies, or be content with two Authorities which prove it
plainly. Gregory. Nazianzen fpeaking of Conſtantine's great Standart, or ( 1 ) Labo-
rum, as it ought to be read, not Labarum, which even appears from the place
of Gregory where he tacitely alludes to it's fignification, voudron authelov, cho'l
think it fnould rather be underſtood to be (e) fignum Lahorum and Laborum
for ſhortnefs.: Gregory I fay has cheſe Words: Kai Baciasdov, ws cv otol ti SS 205 TV
συνθημάτων. (f) "Οσα η βασιλέων ωeoσώποις αγάλλεται, και πεππεθασμόοις υφάσμασιν εν διαφόρους
Buscoãs rj reglupeone. To this Seneca alludes being a Roman, and applies it to the
Grecian Armies : (g ) Nomen ducum vexilla præſcriptum ferunt. Suetonius : (b)
Numen quæ ejus vexillis omnibus fine mora inſcripſerunt. And Tacitus : (i) Laceratif-
que vexillis nomen Vitellii præferentibus; for that ſuch Vexilla were Garments. Tertul-
lian ſays plainly: (k) Siparia illa Vexillorum & Cantabrorum ( al. Labarorum ) Bole
crucium funt. Thus we fee that the Garment conſidered as a Standarç may
have a Name inſerted. But whether any Commander ever wore a Garmene
on his Body, that had his Name written upon it, is a very different Queſtion.
That the Names of Perſons have been ſometimes written or embroidered upon
their Garments, there is clear Proof produced by (1) Alko Rubenius out of
Pliny and Vopiſcus; Pliny ſays ( m) Opes quoque tant as acquifivit, ut in oftentatione
earum Olympiæ aureis litteris in palliorum teſeris intextum nomen fuum oſtentarit. Vo-
pifcus, (a) Inſcriptum eft adhuc in Choraula pallio Tyrinthino, quo ille velut fpolio
mobilitatis exultat, Melalæ nomen et uxowis. As to the frft Paſſage, it ſeems to be
a fingular act of Zeuxis, and an effect of his particular Pride and Vanity. One
cannot draw from thence an argument that it was cuftomary among the
Greeks. As to the latter, it rather appears to me to have been a Woman's Gare
For who can imagin, that any Roman Nobleman would wear his
Wive's Name on his Garment, unlefs it had been a cuſtom ; of which we
ſhould have more inſtances, if there had been any ſuch. It rather ſeems to be
deſign'd for the uſe of a Woman, or to have been a Carper, which that Mufi-
cian curn'd into a Cloak. That is, ſuch a Carpet as the Romans uſed upon
their Beds, and which they alſo called ( 0 ) Toga. The Garment of a Roman
Emperor was only diftinguiſhed by it's colour of Purple. Dioclefian was the firſt
who adorn'd che Garment with Gems and the like. The Garment of Darius is
deſcrib'd by Q. Curtius, and ſaid co have been finely imbroidered. It had fi-
gures, which might be ſymbolical. The High Prieſt among the Jews had Im-
broidered Garments; and a Name too ingraven on his Crown ſufficiently de-
noting his Office. But tho' there was no ſuch cuſtom any where, to write
or imbroider the Name, or Office of him, that was to wear a Garment as a
Badge of his Quality'; yer as the ſymbolical Character allows the Complica-
ţing of Symbols, as there is occafion, and to joyn things, which otherwiſe are
ment.
(a ) Jul. Capicolin. in Gordian. Vid. Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XV. (6) Treb. Pollio in
XXX. Tyran
(c) Flav. Vopiſc. in : Caffiod. Lib. III. Epift. $I;
(d) Vid. Sozom. H. Eccl. Lib I. cap. 4 &
Fuller. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. II. cap. 1.
(f) Gregor. Naz.
in Julian. Orat. III. (g) Senec. Thebaid. v.400. (b) Sueton. in Vefpaf. cap.6.
cit. Hiftor. Lib. II. Vid. Lib. III. cap. xxxi. & Not. Lipl
. ibid. (k) Tercali. A pol cap. xvi.
(1) Albert
. Ruben. de Re Veſtiar. Lib. 1. cap. 1o. m) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXV.
cap. 19.
(n) Vopiſc. in Carino, (0) Vid. Varron. de Vid. Pop. Rom. apud Hon. Marc. cap. xiv. & Ar.
nob, Lib. II.
(2) Ta
never

900
The Rider's Habit.
Ch. XIX. v. 16.
never ſeen together ; ſo this before us can be no abſurdity, becauſe the things
thereby fignified are really join'd in the Event: and that is enough for our
parpoſe, wora su i
an
But the Holy Ghoſt fays farther, that this name was written upon his Thigh.
Let us now conſider how it muft be underſtood. The Difficulty of this Word
ariſing from its being mention'd barely without another, which mighe deter
mine irs Signification more ſpecially ; we muft therefore conſider all the ſym-
bolical Significations it may have in Holy Writ, to which without doubt the
Holy Ghoſt has alluded; and very likely intended we ſhould underſtand all in
this place, becauſe they are indeed all proper, and at laft concur in the ſame
matter. Firſt then, the Thigh in Holy Writ muſt be noted for being the Part
on which the Sword of a Warriour is hung. See to that purpoſe, Exod. 32.27.
Fudg: 3. 16, 21. Pſalm 45. 3. Cantic. 3. 8. Homer ſays:
( * ) "H 634 Çdo geroy oğu śpuasi'uelu add unge.
made lo storosdangi narodni
Accordingly this Name being written on the Thigh as well as on the Garment,
which is red with Blood, it may be implied, that Chriſt has now gotten him
that Nome by his: Victories and the Slaughter of bis Enemies : So that after he
has executed the Slaughter of his Enemies by the Sword which was in his
Mouth, he girds it on his Thigh, and then makes it evident as if it was written
upon it, that he is King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.
The ſecond Expoſition of Thigh is when we take it in Holy Writ to fignify by
a modeſt Metonymie the Parts in Man or woman which ſerve for Procreation,
and the Multiplication of the Species. Thus in (b) Genef. 46. 26. it is to be
underſtood as alſo ſome underftand it in Genef. 49.10, as alfo in Geneſ. 24. 2.
of which more preſently: And in Numb. 5. 21, 22, 27. So that the Curſe there
mentioned ſignifies that Diftemper called by the Phyſicians, Defriwory this uséegs,
Ureri procidèntiam. (c) Joſephus indeed underſtood it of the Dropſy, and rot-
ting of the Thigh; but (d ) Philo ſeems to underſtand it of the other; and
by conſequence, that the Thigh fignifies the adjoining Parts : But then he adds
to ir the Dropfy roon. However the Thigh is moſt certainly taken for the Parts
of Generation, in fudg. 8. 30. and in tudith 9. 2. and in the Sibylline Oracle
cited by (e) Lact antides, and in (f) Theophilus Antioch. as the Word Femur is
uſed in the (g) Tripartire Hiſtory to expreſs the Greek of (b) Theodoret,
Tudogovor cececov; and in St. Auſtin in the Words cited by-and-by. Now Christ is
promiſed to have a great Seed and Children, that is Subjects, as the King is the
Father of his people. Thus Iſaiah 53.10. He fall ſee bis feed; and in Pſal 45.16.
Inſtead of thy fathers thou ſhalt have children ; to which may be added, Pſal.22.30.
Thus alſo ſeveral antient Authoris underſtand the Children to fignify the Chriſt-
ians, and the Thigh to fignify the Offſpring. Tertullian having in his Eye Plala
71, ſays: (1) Et juftitiam tuamicfilid Regis, id sets populo Chriſti. Filii enim ejus
funt qui in ipfo renaſcuntur, and St. Auſtin : ( k ) Nam femoris latitudo, generis eft
multitudo. As therefore the Thigh is the Symbol of the Offspring; and that
Chriſt is in that reſpect the Father of all that are his Diſciples, and much
more fo of thoſe, I whoſe Bodies having raiſed, rhe has inade thereby the Chile
dren of the Refurretion; ſo that he is in a more ſpecial manner a Father to them:
So ſince he lias his Name of King of Kings written upon his Thigh, this implies,
that all his faithful Subjects, whom by the Reſurrection and Converſion he has
begotten, will make him be publickly known and recognis?d as ſuch. b diroleh
- But it may best that we have preſſed this too much, as if of neceſſity the Thigh
muſt be taken in that modeft way already mention'd, and not more literally
for what the Wordo ſignifies ; between which there will be fome Difference:
when they are conſider'd fymbolically. It is certain, that if this bescaken with
refpe& to the Parts ſerving to Generation, thoſe who are ſymbolically ſigni-
fied thereby muſt be of the Pofterity of the Perſon whoſe Thighs are mention'd;

(b). Vid.
2) Homer. Iliad... V. 190. Vid. Iliad. 7. v. 473. & Odyff. x. V.439. & v.535.
Photii Epift. 74. Tychon. Hom. XV. Ansbert. Lib. III. ad Apoc. 5. 1. & Lib. IX, ad A poc.
1o) Joſeph. Archæcl. Lib. III. cap. 1o. (d) Philo, de Legib. ſpecial. pag.
(e) La&ant. Lib. I. cap. 8. (f) Theoph. ad Ant. Lib. II. pag. 185.
Tripart. Lib. X. cap. 33.
(b) Theodor. Hift. Eccl. Lib. V. cap. 38.
(i) Tertullian.
adv. Marc. Lib. V. cap. 9. (k) Auguſtin. de Civ. Dei, Lib. XVI. cap:39:13 a sligov
cap. 19. 16.
538
(g) Hi
0800
998
Id che

Ch.X X. v. 16. The Rider's Habit.
901
the Reaſon is evident And ſo the Onirocriticks explain it. The Perſian and
Egyptian, in Chapt. 98. ſays thus: 'Eáv nisi dy on d'exézm toe aistie 'witi, al field Egen tiga,
Tasvážetel a Te si i let's [ ó ] Textábort, dóti ta' aidie agogos 637 fi adeguala. But when they
Speak of the Thighs, they diſtinguiſh, and explain them of Kinſmen unanimouf-
ly in Chap. 113. Os unegi, ois to crosswas, [ſubaudi Deneivovy. ] Now the Expreſſion
being thus taken, may be underſtood of the Children of the Reſurrection : But
then thoſe become Coheirs with Chriſt, and are to reign with him. This gives
them an higher Title than if they were then called Sons of Chriſt. And in-
deed in another ſtrain of Allegory they are the Bride of Chriſt, Fellow-Sha-
rers in his Glory when he becomes King of Kings and Lord of Lords. If we
take it this way, it gives us an higher Idea of Chriſt's Glory, and of that of
the raiſed Saints with him. But either way comes much to the ſame. But it
would be a great Miftake to take the Symbol of Thigh paſſively, or with rea
fpect to Chriſt's Progenitors, as David, according to the Fleſh; as if he laid
claim to this Title of King of Kings by Deſcent from David. That way is in-
conſiſtent with the Symbol, which is of ſuch a nature that it muſt needs look
downwards to the Poſterity, and not upwards. Does the Title of Son of David,
infer that of King of Kings? It does not ſo indeed, as to the Power of Davi:
which he enjoyd in perſon, and to which his Off-ſpring might accordingly
make a Claim, in which account Chriſt was indeed King of Iſrael ; but in
reſpect of the Propheſies, which promiſe to the Meflias, or Son of David, the
utmoſt parts of the Earth for a Poffeffion, that Title may imply it. The Thigh
of David had this Right, but the Thigh of Chriſt has its Right from his Sons
or Kinfmen ; and that is the Right now infifted upon.
A third fymbolical Signification may be ferch'd from the Cuſtom ariſen in
the Times of the Patriarchs; that when a Man impos'd an Oach upon ano-
ther to ſecure his Promiſe, he made him puc his Hand under his Thigh. We
-have an Inſtance of it in Abraham, who thus adjured his Servant Eleazar, Genef.
24. 2, 9. In the ſame manner Jacob adjured his Son Joſeph, that he ſhould not
bury him in Egypt, Gen.47.29. This is ſtill practiſed in the Eaſt, ſays Vatablus;
and indeed ( a ) Tavernier gives us an Inſtance of it in his Travels. But what
is moſt to be obſerv'd is, that the putting of the Hands under Solomon, 1 Chron.
29. 24. is a Ceremony of Homage and Obedience, whereby the Perſon ſwear-
ing gave the greateſt Token of his deſign to be faithful. So Joſephus ſays:
(b) és zu a od ulic meza nos miseo, that Abraham bound bis Servant with the greateft To-
kens of Faith. But when he adds, esto tow yongès innaos tais sereges érdguyósles, that
they put their Hands under each other's Thighs ; this must be underſtood in
general of the Cuſtom when both Parties were of equal Condition, and en-
tred into mutual Covenants to each other. But in the Caſe of Abraban it
could not be ſo ; and the Words are clear, that then the Servant only put his
Hands under . And we need not to queſtion it was ſo in the Homage given
to Solomon, and that when they put their Hands under him, as the Text ſays,
it was under his Thighs. We have ſtill ſome Remains of it when Men take an
Oath of Fidelity to their Superiotirs, and do them Homage : For then he that
ſwears puc his Hands between the Thighs of his Lord, kneeling down before
him.
This cuſtom was us’d among the German Nations, and other Northern Peo-
ple ; and by them was tranſmitted down. And whence ſhould they have it,
but from the moſt antient Times and their diſperſion from the Eaſt? The Word
by which they expreſs Homage, or an Oach, ſmells ſtrong of that extraction.
The Anglo-Saxons calld then Hold- Athas Oaths of Faith. Now the A. S. Atb
and Athas, and the M. Gothick Aith and Aithans in the Plural ſeems to me to
come from the Hebrew nato come, and the Chaldee xnx a Word uſed in the
moſt folemn Oaths and Curſes, as appears by the Maran Atha in St.Paul, 1 Cor.
16. 22. for it ſeems a Prayer, that God would come immediately upon the
breach of it to viſit, that is, judge and condemn the Breaker. (c) Junius
indeed derives it from the Greek & Tile, the Furies. But even that Greek Word
ſeems to have the ſame origin from nox, for the At, as deſcribed by Homer, is
the Nemeſis or a deſtroying Angel punifhing the Wickedneſs of Men. By this
we may explain the Celtick Word in Cæſar, Soldurios: (d) Cum DC devotis,
(a) Tavernier. Ind. Trav. Lib. II. cap. 3. (6) Jofeph. Archæol. Lib I. cap. 15.
nii Gloff
. Goth, pag. 46 7) C. Cæfar. de Bell. Gall. Lib. III. capo s:
.
Toy F. Juo
quos
1o V

902
The Rider's Habit.
Ch.XIX. 1.16.
ale
10.a.
quos illa Solduriøs appellant. (a) Nicolaus Damafcenus ſpeaking of this very Mat-
ter calls them Euaedtwins, the fignification of which is in Greek cup was ecīct. Calau-
bon will needs correct that place out of Cæfar into anodépes, as if any Man could
-pretend to correct Words which he does not underſtand, as to be ſure Caſaubon
did not this, for he would have explain'd it had he underſtood it; he had done
better to confeſs his Ignorance, as (b) Turnebus had done before. Silodunos is
the true Reading in the Gothick Sigljan is to ſeal, or bind; whence in the A.
Sax, Sigel is a Seal, which the Cambrobritiſh call Sel; the (c) Celtick was a
kin to this, and the antient Teutonick. In the Gloſſary publiſhed by (d) 7.
Lipfius we find, Farwathana, Malediéti, accurſed; and Farwahanuſi, Abominatione;
Farwet, Abominatus. Therefore, where 'tis printed Farkutha, Abominabilis, it
ſhould be Farwatha; for things are abominated when accurled; therefore Sin
lodunos is the ſame as bound by Oath, devoti, cu generacion. 'Tis very likely the Gauls
pronounced it Silwatbana,, or very near it, as Silwodona, or the like; from
which Caſar made his Silodunos, which Nicolaus Damafcenus having copied foon
after from him, has preſerv'd more entire than the Copifts of Cæfar. But to
return to the matter before us, and the Oaths made by putting the Hands un-
der the Thigh of the Impoſer zb according to this Notion all chis may fignify,
that as Chriſt according to his Habit, which ſhews the Conqueſt of his Ene-
mies, has gotten the Name of King of Kings; fo by the Homages of his own
Subjects, who ſwear under his I high, he will be recognis'd as ſuch. Thigh in
this caſe may alſo refer to the former Expofition.
# This gives me opportunity to conſider that antient Objection made againſt
the Primitive Chriſtians, that they worſhipped cheir Biſhops; and ſome went
further, and objected chat they worſhipped their Genitals. Thus we find in
the Acts of Fruétuofus, &c. Æmilianus Præfes Eulogio diacono dixit, numquid co ne
Fru&tuofum colis? Eulogius dixit, Fru&tuofum non colo, ſed ipſum colo quem d Fructuo-
fus. And Cæcilius in Minutius Felix : Alii eos ferunt ipſius Antiſtitis ac ſacerdotis co-
"lere genitalia, & quaſi Parentis Sui adorare Naturam. The Origin of this Obje-
dion muſt be fetch'd from the Cuſtom of the Primitive Chriſtians to kneel
down before their Biſhops to ask their Bleſſing. This was maliciouſly conftru-
ed, as if they worſhipped them and their Genitals. And ſo this Objection in
Minutius is a Proof of chat Prađice, fomewhat higher fetch'd than M. Bingham
has lobfèrv'd. If it had not been very antient and common, the Emperor Con-
ftantius had not ſubmitted to it, tho' he ſeemd to do it in Diffimulation and
Flattery, as St. Hilary objects to him : (e) Caput benedi&tioni fubmittis.
I have been ſomewhat long upon theſe Words, not only becauſe the Sym-
bols are obſcure, but alſo becauſe they are of dubious Interpretation; and that
being once cleared in ſuch a manner, that any of thoſe Expositions, and in-
deed all together come to the ſame thing at laft; and having ſhewn, that the
Holy Ghoſt alludes to the various Progreſs of Monarchs before they come to
their full Settlement on their Thrones ; this demonſtrates to us, that the Holy
Ghoſt borrows Symbols from the Monarchs of this World ; and fo, not only
confirms mightily the Expoſicion, which we have given of the Fourth and
Fifth Chapters of this Propheſy, but will alſo ſerve us extremely in conſider-
ing ſeveral other Matters afterwards.
raid
But tho' I have been ſo long, I muſt not forget to take notice of the Cortex
of the Symbole; that is, to ſhew how in the Vifion the Name might be writ-
cen upon the Thigh ; for Grotius ſuppoſes it was written upon the Handle of the
Sword that was upon the Thigh; others think it was wriccen upon the Breeches,
or the Skirts of the Veſture. But I ſee no reaſon for ſuch Suppoſitions. We
have obſerv'd before, and many Learned Men have ſhewn, that in antient
Times Men were wont to make Marks upon ſeveral Parts of their Bodies, to
ſhew their appertaining to ſuch Societies and Myſteries; which Marks were
ſometimes publick, as upon the Forehead and Hands; and fometimes more
private, on the Parts of the Body covered by their Clothes. None that I
know has ſaid or proved, that this was ſometimes done upon the Thigh.il
fall therefore produce one formal Proof of it out of Victor Vitenſis, who Ipeak-
ing of the Perſecutions of Hunerich King of the Vandals, has theſe Words: (f ) Et
nislava je
(a) Apud Athenæ. Lib. VI. cap.13. (6) Turneb. Adverfi Lib.XX. cap.15.
Voff. Erym. Voc. Bardie mold) J. Lipſius Epift. ad Belg. Cent. III.
Conſtant. Auguſt. pag. 264. (Vit
Vox
(0) Vid.

Ch.XIX. X. 16. The Rider's Habit.
903
dions.
ut le religiofum oftenderet, flatuit ſollicitius requirendos hæreticos Manichæos, ex qui-
bus multos incendit, plurimos autem diftraxit maribus tranſmarinis: quos pene omnes
Manichæos fue religionis invenit, & præcipue presbyteros & diaconos Ariana bareſeos.
Unde magis erubeſcens, amplius in illos exarfit
. De quibus repertus eft unus nomine
Clementianus monachus illorum ſcriptum babens in femore, Manicheus diſcipulus Cbria
fti Jefu. Now this was done in Africa, where the Country having been inha.
biced by Phænicians, many of their ancient Cuſtoms had remain'd. Beſides,
Manichæiſm itſelf coming from Perſia, might concur to introduce ſuch Marks
where it ſpread.
Upon this view the Name, being written upon the Veſture and the Body
of this Rider, may inſinuate to us, that Chriſt is now both in Externals and
Internals truly the King of Kings. For tho' the Veſture upon certain Occa-
fions may ſhew the Quality of the whole Perſon, yet where it is diſtinguiſh'd
from his Perſon, as here, it may ſhew that which belongs to him excernally.
Thus Chriſt is externally King of Kings, becauſe he has procured to himſelf
that Dignity by his Works; and he is alſo King of Kings by an internal Me-
rit, becauſe as Word of God, he is alſo God; that is both by his divine Nature,
and by his mediatorial Office; by his intrinſical Merit, as well as by his A-
And thus his Veſture will repreſent his Fleſh, Humanity and mediato-
rial Works, as ſome Interpreters explain it in Pſalm 45. 8. and his Thigh his
moft intrinſical Nature, or Divinity united to the outward Habit of his Flech.
But then this way does not exclude, but include the former Expoſitions : For
his mediatorial Office and Nature fhew themſelves in ſuch things as are re-
preſented by the Garment and Thigh; that is, by his Conqueſts over his Enca
mies, by their Deſtruction, by the gaining of a People who are Children
to
him, by their Recognition of him as Sovereign of the World, for which they
perform a ſuitable Homage. If you ſay, that the Symbols become thus very
ambiguous and looſe, I anſwer, no; becauſe the Title of Chriſt
, King of Kings
belongs to him upon ſo many different Accounts, and Chriſt the Word of God
is concerned in ſo many, indeed all the works of Creation, Preſervation, and
Redemption, that you cannot ſet forth that Title upon any Symbol as the
Subject of it, but that Symbol muſt be of great Latitude, to give at leaſt ſome
nearly adequate Idea of them. We muſt not cherefore complain of the Ame
biguity or Latitude of the Symbols, but endeavour, as we have done, to ſearch
them out in all the poſſible Significations which are proper.
ovod sw
B. Boondis Bandéwy, rj Kue G xveimus King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.] This pom-
pous and ſublime Title, which has the Advantage of thoſe generally taken by
Men, which are generally more full of Vanity than Truth, being here given
to Chrift in Reality, and true to the utmoſt, being now beſtow'd upon him
inſtead of Lamb, Root of Felle, Lion of the Tribe of Judab, ſhews that his
Condition is changed, and that he is now to be inaugurated into a new fore
of Kingdom, and inthronis'd upon a Throne of an abſolute Settlement, wich-
out having any to oppoſe his Dominion. It was obſerv'd before, that it was
the cuſtom of the Perſian Monarchs, upon their Inauguration, to change their
Names, and to take in new ones with their Titles, either upon ſome account
of Reſpect to ſome ſpecial Perfon or Accident, or elſe to ſhew their Vanity.
Thus ( a ) Ochus coming to the Throne, took the Name of Daricus. After
him (b). Arfaces took that of Art axerxes. (c) Codomannus, on the like Occa-
fion, took that of Darius. And every one of their Kings in general cook that
of (d) Beoind's Budrior. Some of the Egyptian Kings took it likewiſe.mns
(e) Diodorus ſays, Sefoofis took that of Beainda's Belgraémy sy decrétus deado slus, King of
Kings and Lord of Lords. The Perſian Kings of the Parthian Race affected it
100; and (f) ſome others ſince. Thus allo, as I noted before, the preſent
Monarchs of Perſia may change their Names then, and after they have remo-
ved an Uſurper from the Throne, and are again inaugurated, they may take
a new Name; as Scha Sephi II. took that of Soliman. In the Indies it is uſual
likewiſe, as we learn from Tavernier. So Sultan Selim took that of Jeban-guir
Patcba, which ſignifies Emperor Conqueror of the World ; his Son Sultan Coua
rom changed chat for Scha-jeban, King of the World; and the Son of s Scha.
( ) Ctefias in Perf.
(6) Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. (c) Juſiin. Hiſt. Lib. X. (d) Eſdr.
07.12. Vid. Barn. Briffon. de Regn. Perfic. Tihu (e) Diodot. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 35. VI b Vid.
Herbelor. tit. Schah er Scha'.
jeban

904
King of King's.
Ch. XIX. v. 17.
jeban call’d himſelf Aureng zebe, Ornament of the Throne; or elſe slem.guir
Aureng Jeba, the King who has the Univerſe in his Hand. The Kings of
(a) Erhiopia have this Cuſtom; and this ſecond Name is with them called the
Name of the Kingdom, and generally ſets the other aſide. King of Kings, accor-
ding to the Srile of the Oriental Languages, anſwers to great, as if it was Mégas
Bixound's, the Great King, which was the Stile of the Greeks when they ſpake of the
Perfian Monarchy. But ſuch Reduplications were not fo proper to the Oriental
Stile, but that to ſhew the Excellency of any thing the Greeks and Romans uſed
them too ; of which many Inſtances might be given out of the beſt Authors.
Now Chriſt changes his Name, and that Change argues a great Increaſe of
Power; fo in i Kings 1. 47. it is ſaid by way of Prayer upon Solomon's Accef-
fion to the Throne : God make the Name of Solomon better than thy Name, and
make his Throne greater than thy Throne. There the Increaſe of the Name implies an
Increaſe of the Power
, upon that Principle, that the Names are to expreſs truly
the Nature of the things. So Tertullian ſays; (b) Fides nominum falus eft proa
prietatum. Etiam cum demutantur qualitates, accipiunt vocabulorum poffeſiones. Now
Chrift, tho' at the Right Hand of Power, and exalted into Heaven, has not
yet this Name publickly; he muſt therefore take quite another Courſe to ob-
tain it. That Courſe is by coming himſelf, and ſetting up a Kingdom quite
different from that which he now injoys, in making it to be as viſible, real,
and abſolute, as it is now only inviſible and ſpiritual.
A. verf. 17. Kahe év a differov észõ Tee Co Tad sinies
, And I ſaw an Angel ſtanding
in the Sun. ] This begins with the uſual Preface to ſome new Matter. It has
been obferv'd in our Note upon verf. 11. A. that the Marriage of che Lamb was
fpoken before as a thing in fieri, and that we ſhould ſee the Matters contain'd
in that great Event alſo ſhewn in the Viſion. Now that Marriage of the Lamb
contained three great Matters; the Lamb's coming to be married, the Bride's
Preparation for it, and the Bleſſing of thoſe that are invited, to fee and re-
joyce when theſe chings are effected. Now to give us an account of each
in perfe&tion, there muſt be three Deſcriptions of them, when John comes to
ſee them perform'd in the Viſion; that is, we muſt have a Deſcription of the
Lamb upon his Marriage; Secondly, a Deſcription of the Bride ; and thirdly, an
account of the Marriage. Feaft, to which others beſides the Bride are invited,
to make them rejoyce and be happy. From that Verſe, the 11th, to this place,
we have had a very noble Deſcription of the Lamb as Bridegroom; and now
the Holy Ghoſt has the reſt to deſcribe. But putting off the Deſcription of the
Bride till afterwards, we are to have an account of the Marriage. Feaſt before
we have the other.
Many Reaſons may be aſſign’d for this Management; but this is the chief,
that the Bride is the Saints raiſed again ; ſome of which are only to be raiſed
after others: So that the Holy Ghoſt puts off the Deſcription of the Bride till the
general, as well as firſt Reſurrection, are effected. But they who are invited to
the Feaſt are ſuch as are ſtill in mortal Bodies at the time of the firſt Refurrea
&ion; it was therefore proper to deſcribe chat Feaſt firſt.
Now a Feaſt ſuppoſes a Slaughter by way of Preparation for the Entertain-
ment of the Gueſts; but ſuch a Slaughter, according to the Scripture-Notions,
fuppoſes a Sacrifice ; and a Sacrifice is an Ad of divine Juſtice, who muſt give
that to ſome, which others have merited to loſe. Hew ould not give che
Land of Canaan to his people, till the Meaſure of the Sins of that people was
completed, and they were devote to Slaughter by divine Juftice ; that the Iſrcem
lites might prey upon their Spoils with Juſtice, Genef. 15. 16. which is well co
be obſerv'd; becauſe the Enterance of Iſrael into Canaan is a Type of our Rea
furrection and Sabbatiſm, Hebr. 4. So it is here. For Chriſt comes now to ex-
cute Juſtice upon the Son of Perdition, that the Saints may inheric the Earth.
He is to make them a great faughter, and a great Feaft; wherein they are to
receive the Spoils of God's Enemies: Which being no Entertainment for the
Bride, or the Saints raiſed again, muſt fall to the ſhare of ſuch as are invited
to the Feaft; and which I have ſhewn are ſtill in a proper Station to partake
therein, as being Saints converted, and ſtill abiding in morcal Bodies.
( a ) Vid. Not. Ludolph, in Confeff. Fid. Claudi Reg. Æthiop. (b) Tercullian. de Carn.
Chrifti, cap. 13.
olada!
But

Chap. XIX. v. 17. Invitation to the Feaft. 905
But now to come more particularly to the Words before us. It was ſaid be-
fore, Happy are they who are called to the Marriage Feaſt of the Lamb. Now this As-
gel comes to make that Invitation. They are to be partakers of ic in ſeizing
on the ſpoils of the Enemies of God; and are invited before they are overcome,
becauſe Chriſt is now reſolv'd to deſtroy them; and the Vi&ory is fure, for he
has now his great Power and full Titles. See our Notes upon Chap. 17. 14. C.
and Chap. 18.8. B. Further, this is not only a Marriage Feaſt, but alſo fol-
lowing a Victory, and ſuitable to a Triumph. In all Nations ſuch emergencies
are attended with Feafts. Livy ſays, that at the Triumph of Q. Cincinnatus
there was a Feaſt at every Man's Door: (a) Epulæ inftruét ce dicuntur fuille ante
omnium domos : epulanteſque cum carmine triumphali, Bw Solennibus jocis comeſſantiuns
modo currum fecuti funt. And ſo Tiberius upon his Triumph gave a greac Banquet
to the Roman People. Suetonius, Prandium dein populo mille menſis, eu congiarium
trecenos nummos viritim dedit; the (c) Senate had theirs in the Capitol uſually.
The Sun or fupreme Governour is now Jeſus Chriſt himſelf. So that this An-
gel ſtanding in the Sun muſt ſignify ſome Prince, who being raiſed in Power,
and acting by the direction and influence of Chriſt, ſhall begin to invite alſo
cheir Princes and great Men, to fall upon the Enemies of Chriſt, in order to
ſeize on their Spoils; that they may be divided among ſuch as are converted.
His ſtanding ſhews a bufy Pofture, and thac the Invitation is attended with a ne-
ceffity of ſtriving; but at the ſame time all good ſucceſs will go along with it,
both upon the account of the Power he has, which is implied by the Sun, or
the ſupreme Power then in being and becauſe all the reſt concurs in it. ebula
B. Kai téregte parin pergány, aégros tū o Tois éprécis, And be cried with a loud voice, ſaya
ing to all the Birds. ] Firſt obſerve, that the voice of this Angel is greatuezcan,
that is prevailing, which overcomes all oppoſition. Theſe Birds are certainly
the Birds of Prey. Theſe kind of Birds are ape to ſoar very high, and ſo to
appear as it were in Heaven ; whereas other kinds rather fly low, or fit much on
the Ground, or Swim upon the Waters, or are Tame and Domeftical. The
expreſſion Birds of Heaven in the Prophets is commonly to be underſtood ſo;
and then they ſignify Armies of Enemies who come to prey upon a Country. See
to that purpoſe Iſaiab 18.6. Ferem. 7.33. and Chap. 16. 4. Ezek. 32. 4. and
Chap. 39. 17. I ſhall content my ſelf to copy one place oue of the Targum on
Jerem. 12.9. Et ficut avis que volat, fic congregabuntur conıra eam occidentes gladio vý.
diquaque reges populorum, & exercitus eorum venient contra eam ut diripiant eam. Ar-
temidorus ſays, (d) 'lega vej ixtiros prazas sjanseisompresyxow. isegi eifer pareggs wij ouścs
gweišytus, ixliro- nádega
, mm. Se ufu'es. So the Egyptian and Perſian Interpreters ex-
plain it in Chap. 133. ſaying, ?En éx ofs ilga tay Cógvácar ) rý dyxunozcinaw, So JE TË
αιτε και λοιπών, αναλόγως τα όρνάε αν δει μεγίσω συμφιλιάσει, και ωφεληθήσεται έκ τε πλύσε
wurs, Thus they fignify Men who are rich already, or enrich themſelves out of
the Spoils of other Men, as the Symbol is placed in different views. There is
a Portcntum in Livy, which ſerves to explain this (e) Inter alia prodigia & carne
pluit, quem imbrem ingens numerus avium intervolitando rapuiffe fertur : quod intercidit,
Sparfum ita jacuiſſe per aliquot dies, ut nibil odor mutaret. Libri per duumviros facrorum
aditi, pericula d conventu alienigenarum prædiéta, ne qui in loca ſumma urbis impetus
cædeſque inde fierent. Inter cætera monitum, ut d ſeditionibus abftineretur. For ſuch se-
ditions can only tend to cauſe the rich ſort of Citizens to be plunder'd by the
Seditious. Therefore the Perſian and Egyptian Onirocriticks in Chap. 287. ſay,
that if a King dreams that he lets fiy Hawks and Faulcons, this fignifies, that he
will ſend out his Nobles to make an Excurſion, and bring in Slaves : 'Eiv jid y mis
άπ απέλυσε ταύτα προς άγράν, ο μ όξι βασιλάς, άρχοντας ένδοξες απογελά ας διελάας. So
Vulturs were taken Metaphorically by the (f) Roman Authors for thoſe Men who
flatter'd old People to be made their Heirs; and ( g ) Plautus calls him a Vultur,
who ruins an Heir ; and ( b ) Tully calls two greedy Roman Conſuls, Piſo and
Gabinius, Vulturs ; and in (i) Euripides, Andromache calls thoſe, who come to take
from her and kill her Son, by the name of Vulturs.
(a) T. Liv. Hift. Lib. III. (b) Sueton. in Tiber. cap. 20. (6) V. Commentat.
in Horat. Lib. I. Epift. V.
(d) Artemid. Onirocr. Lib. cap. 20.
(e) Tit. Liv.
Lib. IIT. (f) Seneca Epift. 95. Martial Lib. VI. Epigr. 62. Catul ad Mall. (g) Plauc.
Trinum. Aet I. Sc. II, v. 64. (b) M.T. Cic. Orat.pro Sextio, & Orat. in Pifon.
(1) Eutipid. Androm. v. 74. VISA
10 X 16 II di A H.
IV ligt denta

906
Invitation to the Beaft. Chap. XIX. v. 17.
This
TOTT
Ω τέκνον, κενεσί σε
Διοι λαβόνες γύπες
In Baruch g. 16, 17. the Birds of Heaven are taken for Birds of Prey and Di-
verſion, ſuch as Faulcons ; the words being : Tiß ciow di deyerles tão dôvõu, vjet
κυριονές των θηeίων των δή τής γής, Οι εν τοις ορνέοις τε έρανε εμπαίζοντες:
feems to allude to the way in the Eaftern Countries, to train up Lions and
Leopards for hunting, and Eagles and Faulcons to hawk for Deer and Fowls.
The Greeks and Romans knew nothing of Faulconry till very lately, but the (a)
Thracians and (b) Indians us'd them of old. But when they come to be confia
dered ſymbolically, they are always to be taken for ſuch Men as prey or in-
rich themſelves by ſpoiling others. So (c) Barnabas explains the Levitical Law,
which forbad to eat ſuch Birds, of a Prohibition to communicate with ſuch
Men.
The reaſon of the Metaphor is plain. For as Birds of prey feed upon Car-
caſes, fo thoſe that take the Goods of other Men eat as it were their Fleſh;
which in the ſymbolical Language always ſignifies riches or ſubſtance. Now
the Symbol is in its ſelf indifferent. The Commniſſion is that which makes the
act lawful when God invites. who has a ſupream power to beſtow the Goods of
this World as he pleaſes; and in this Gaſe it is an act of his Juftice; but it is
evil to them that fuffer by it: They are evil to them at leaſt, though theſe
Birds of prey be ſuch as do well in accepting God's offer. So that as the Angel
is one, that has a divine Commiſſion to invite his Friends to feize to themſelves
the Poffeflions of the remainder of the idolatrous Party, theſe Birds fignify
thoſe who ſhall partake in that Invitation of the Spoils thereof. Who queftions
but that when Popery and Idolatry goes down all over Chriſtendom, all the
remaining Lands and Riches thereof, which had eſcaped ſince the Fall of Ba-
bylon, will be ſeiz'd on; either by the Nobles of thoſe Countries, which caſt it
off willingly, or by choſe that concur with the King of Kings, to whom they
ſhall then be given? This is eaſily underſtood.
C. Teis Filoufi'ois ér merkegyipak, That fly in the midſt of Heaven.] That is,
that fly between Heaven and Earth, in that ſpace that partakes of both, and is
between both. Now as Heaven ſignifies the ſupream Powers, and Earth che
Subjects, ſo this Mid-heaven denotes very well the ſtate of Noblemen, who are
neither ſupream nor inferior Subje&ts, but betwixt both. So that this Expreſ-
fion determines, that they who ſhall receive the benefit of the Spoils and
Riches of the corrupted Church, are ſuch as in this Revolution are, or become
of a ſuperior condition. Or perhaps all the Princes and others who ſhall divide
the Spoils, are only reckoned in an inferior ſtate and under Governors, becauſe
none is now ſupream, but the ſame as is King of Kings. And likewiſe this
placing of them in the Mid- beaven is to few, that they are ſuch as being before
of the Earth, or of the idolatrous Party, are now converted, and drawing up
towards the Heavens or the ſupream Lord of the World, and by receiving
2 thus his Favours, are willing wholly to ſubmit to his Government. They ſeem
before the Battle to be Neuters, who forſake the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, and
are therefore favoured as willing to ſubmit and receive his Bleſſing. s
D. Adite, awex Pulseis sãmyov od kéza 78 Sep, Come and meet together at the
great Supper of God.] Theſe words plainly allude to thoſe of Ezekiel 39. 17.
Speak unto every featbered Fowl, and to every Beaft of the Field. Aſſemble your feloves
O and come, garber your ſelves on every ſide to my Sacrifice, that I do facrifice for
you, even a great Sacrifice upon the Mountains of Iſrael, thar ge eat Flesh, and
drink Blood. This Allufion confirms this reading of the Complutenſian, which
is alſo that of the Alexandr. MS. Tichonius and others; and not the common
reading which has të uejeas Sef, of the great God. What is called in Ezekiel a
Sacrifice, is 192; a Slaughter ; but is in our Text nam vew, a Supper, or Feaft. The
reaſon of this ariſes from the cuſtom eſtabliſhed among Fews and Gentiles of
ſlaying, and then offering the Vi&ims to God in Peace Offerings, and then
feafting upon the fleſh of the Vi&ims which remain'd of fuch Sacrifices ;
2003
:
(a) Ariftot. de Mirab. & Hift. Animal. Plin. Hift. Nat. Lib. X. cap. 8. Martial. Lib. XIV.
Epigr. 216. Ælian. Hift. Anim. Lib. II. cap. 42.
(6) Ælian, Hift. Anim. Lib. IV.
cap. 26.
(c) Barnab. Epift. cap. VIJI.
and

Chap. XIX. v. 17.
Invitation to the Feaft.
907
and which was indeed the greateſt part. There being but a little burnt, and
ſome part left for the Prieſts. So that a Feaſt and a Sacrifice became ſynonymous.
See 1 Sam. 20. 6. So o Payà Slaughter, is a Feaſt in Jam. 5. s. ſee allo Prov. 7.
14. fo in Plautus:
(a) Credo jam que volebat ſacrificia ad epulum conduxit.ba
So in Terence; (b) Ubi veni, cauſam, ut ibi manerem, repperit :
Ait rem divinam feciſſe.
The meaning is, that Thais invited him to ftay at her Feaft. But then it is to
be underſtood, that ſuch Sacrifices were Peace Offerings, or Wave Offerings,
when the Offerer had the ſlain Beaft. But when it was a Sin Offering, it was
wholly Gods ; and therefore burnt, either on the Altar, or out of the Camp;
none could take away any thing of it. Now as we have prov'd before in our
Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A. the Puniſhment of the wicked is repreſented to
us throughout this Propheſy as an Holocauſt made to God, a Sacrifice made to at-
tone or fatisfy the divine Juſtice, and ſo their Slaughter is a Sacrifice; and their
Bodies, and all that belongs to them, being thus forfeited to him, they may
be beſtow'd as he pleaſes. I can't forbear ſetting down this noble Paſſage of
Seneca : (0)
Utinam cruorem capitis inviſi deis
Libare poſſem; gratior nullus liquor o zi Bho
Tinxillet aras ; victima haud ulla ampliore
Poteft, magiſque opima mattari Jovi, bromol
Quam rex iniquus. d os temos Ho to slabo
al oldott olva:
It may not be improper to obſerve, that Ulylles in Homer calls the Slaughter of
the Proci by the name of (d) Sópzov, a Meal, which is the ſame as Acayor.
See the Scholiaft upon that place. Thus therefore God having decreed to de
ſtroy and ſacrifice to juſtice the Beaſt, the Falſe Prophet, and their obſtinate
Adherents, they and all that they have, ſerve him to make up his Feaft, and to
entertain and bleſs all thoſe who are invited therero, who are Believers ftill in
mortal Bodies, none of the things that belong to thoſe Vi&tims being indeed
fuch as may fit the ſtate of them that are his Bride, whoſe Dowry is the Eyſs.
Laſtly, This Feaſt is called great, as indeed all the matters of the third Period
of the Church are fo, Chriſt having chen taken to him his great Power. But
it is great upon another account ; for it is a Perfection and completing of the
Judgments of God upon the corrupted Church, when Chriſt abſolutely
triumphs by the intire Deſtruction of it, and ſo makes an abſolute and complete
Gift of what it poſſeſs’d to che converted Saints, 000 dan oredak
Α. verf. 18. "Ινα φάγησε σάρκας βασιλέων, και σάρκας χιλιάρχων, και σίρκας ισχυρών, και
répras #ws, vij tão vou minulécon ça dut, That ye may eat the fleſh of Kings, and the
flella of Captains, and the fleſh of mighty Men, and the flesh of Horſes, and of them
that fit on them.] The Holy Ghoſt having given an account of the Invication,
proceeds to ſew what fare the Gueſts are to have ; and they have notice of it
beforehand upon the Invitation. The allegory runs on, and the decorum of
the Symbols is kept. The laſt Judgment of the Beaſt, Falſe Prophet and their
Adherents is to be repreſented as perform'd in a Bartle, and their ſubſtance is
to ſerve for an Entertainment to the converted Church. As therefore that is
repreſented by the Fleſh of the Nain, which ſerve to the Seizers, they appear
in the Viſion under the Symbol of Birds of prey ; it being obſervd, chat ſuch
Birds follow Armies, and fall upon the flain. All this hangs well together.
we have ſhewn before in our Note upon Chap. 17. 16. C. that Fleſh fignifies
the Riches or Subſtance of a conquered Enemy; and therefore this denotes,
that God will deliver all the Dominions and Goods of the corrupted Church to
be poffefs’d and enjoyed by the converted Chriſtians, who ſhall be happy
therein to enjoy them in God's Favour, without that uneaſineſs, which
troubled all good Chriftians, whilft Idolatry and Tyranny fubfift to diſturb
Religion.
10
goon bae 253 od 510
bardowiedziesz bits
(a) Plaut. Amphit. A&. IV. Sc. 2.
(Senec. Hercul. fur. v. 919.
(6) Terent. Eunuch, Act. III. Sc. 3.
() Homer. Odyff
. 6. 7.428.
And

908
The Battle and Slaughter.
Ch. XIX. v. 19.
And that we may be certified, that God will make a thorough Work of it,
ſo that Chriſtians ſhall never be troubled with the like, the Holy Ghoſt here
makes an Induction, which thews, that none ſhall remain of the corrupted
Chriſtians from the higheſt co the loweſt. Now we have ſeen before, that the
cen Horns will hate the Whore and burn her; which ſhews, that ſome will do
it, and only fome, becauſe the Beaſt fubfifts ftill ; and therefore fome of the
ten Horns will ſtill remain adhering to their former Principles with the Falſe
Propher. Therefore this Army confifts of many allied Kings, who are like to
fall in this grear Battle. Beſides, in a great Army of many Allies there are
Governors of Provinces; theſe are Kings too in the Stile of holy Writ. Then
there are Colonels or Chiliarchs below them, Commanders of Thouſands or
Regiments. All theſe fall in the Battle. Now the Holy Ghoſt repreſents them
as a curſed Generation of Men, not fit to be buried; ſee our Note upon Chap.
22. 3. A. they are to be ſerved as the Iſraelites and Jews, when becoming Ido-
laters, and thus falling under the Curſe of God. Ferem. 16. 4. and Chap. 19.
7. and as the Iſraelites ſerv'd the accurs'd Nation of the Philiſtines. See i Sam.
17. 46. In all Nations it has been usid to refuſe burial co ſome ſort of Male-
factors. In Greece the Traytors to their Country were not ſuffered to be buried
therein ; and ſacrilegious Perſons were thrown into the Sea, that they might
never have any ſort of burial, but be eaten by the Fiſhes.
B. Koci odpuces igução, And the flesh of mighty Men.] This is a word that fignifies
thoſe excelling Itout Men in an Army, who are as Champions therein. That
Greek word is often us'd in the LXX. to tranſlate the Hebrew 712), which is
faid of Nimrod, Goliath, and the three mighty Men in David's Army; and it is
ſometimes turn'd by Tiyos a Giant, or Mazałas, a Warrior, and the like. So that
by the uſe of it the Title ſeems to be given to ſuch as had ſignaliz'd themſelves
by ſome noble fears of War.
C, Και σάρκας παγίων, έλατέρων τε και δέλων, μικρών τε και μεγάλων, And the ft.fh of all,
both free and bond, both (mall and great.). This implies an univerſal overthrow
without Exception. See our Notes upon Chap: 13. 16. A. Chap. 19.5. B. But
it muſt be limited to the ſubject in queſtion.
von
A. verf. 19, Kai di Som od Snelor, rj Tès Cuoinãs tñs vñs, rj Tre spaldiuata duhan
Ewungufell, And I ſaw the Beaſt, and the Kings of the Earth, and their Armies gathered
together.] After the Invitation to come to the Feaſt of God, which has been
faid to conſiſt in eating the Fleſh of Kings and their Armies, the Holy Ghoſt
now proceeds to ſet forth the Battle, on the Event of which that Feaſt depends.
The Parties engaged in this Battle as Enemies, are on the one ſide, the Beaſt
and the Kings of the Earth and their Armies; and on the other, Chriſt, as the
Word of God and King of Kings, with his heavenly Hoft. The Enemies of
Chriſt appear in order as deſigning to oppoſe his Settlement, and refuſing to
ſubmit to him by Converſion. We have already ſhewn what the Beaſt' is,
namely the ſecular Powers within the Territories of the corrupted Church,
which imploy their Authority to ſettle and maintain their Tyranny and Idola-
try. This is here their laſt puſh, but rather to keep themſelves obftinately than
comply with the reſt who are already converted. For though we have ſeen,
that many of the Horns have forſaken their Principles, which make them parts
of the Beaſt, yer the Holy Ghoſt gives the ſame name so that Remnant, which
ſticks to them. But who gachers them? I anſwer, That the Holy Ghoſt
has already ſhewn us that, in Chap. 16. 14. 'Tis the Goblins, who come out of
the mouth of the Dragon, the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, and gather together
the Kings of the Earth in Armagedon, V. 16. look back upon our Notes there ;
for that is a Prophefy whoſe Event is not a ſudden accident, but in fluxu,
and by various Progreſs, whereof this is the very laſt.
Hlor
2. It may be asked here, why the Falſe Prophet is not mention'd with the Beaſt,
the Kings of the Earth, and their Armies; tho' we find him involv'd in the
Event of the Battle in the next Verſe. To this I anſwer, That this ſeeming
negle&is a buſineſs of very nice decorum. Such Perſons as the Falſe Prophet
are always ſuppos’d to attend an Army; but never to be reckoned in the num-
ber of the Combatants, as they are all whom the Holy Ghoſt mentions in the
words before us, and meet to make War upon the Rider of the white Horſe,
and againſt his heavenly Hoft. God himſelf appointed, Deut. 20. 2. a Prieſt
to attend the Iſraelites in their Wars, who was to make a publick Exhortation
to

Chap. XIX. v. 19. The Battle and Slaughter, at 909
to the Army. This Prieſt is called by the Rabbies ( a.) Unetus Caſtrenſis,
nangan 1900. And it appears by 1 Sam. 13. 11. That the Ifraelites us'd to
facrince before they went to Battle, to pray to God for good fuccefs; though
Saul did ill there, becauſe he did not ſtay for Samuel, who was a Prieſt
. Be.
fides, on ſuch occaſions che Iſraelites were commonly artended with the Urim
and Thummim, that they might have the Oracles of God. The (b) Heathens
had always fuch Diviners or Prieſts. So Balaam was preſent at the Battle with
the Midianites, as the hired Prophet of Balak, and was there llain ; Num. 31. 8.
Thoſe that went againſt Thebes had Amphiaraus, and when he diſappeared they
folemnly made choice of another. Agamemnon had Calchas; Alexander the
Great had Ariftander ; the Perſian Kings had cheir Magicians ; the Roman Con-
ſuls and Prætors had their Prieſts and Soothſayers; which always attended the
Armies. The Kings of the Lacedemonians were always attended abroad with
them, as we learn from (c) Nicolaus Damafcenus. The Athenians were obliged
to make a ( d ) Law that their Generals ſhould command the Soothfayers;
this ſhews they went together. But all fuch Men, cho' thought neceſſary to
an Army, were not reckon'd as part of the Army, becauſe nor obliged to fight:
So 'tis here of the Falſe Prophet. His preſence is fuppos'd. ir porno
B. floño es són per pceled to . Saufów ota të lare dig voel de los sgald'paye vill) Tamake
War againſt him that fate on the Hurle, and Lagainſt bis Army] We fee by chis
that the idolatrous Church, at leaft ſome considérable parts of it, with their
Leaders will perfift in the ſame furious purpoſe tilb all be deſtroyd in the end.
Nay and perhaps continue to be Aggreſſors ftill. Who iç is that fate on the
Horſe and his Army was explain’d in v. 11. and 14. Bysthole Deſcriptions
we may gueſs at the Event of the Battle. Here is a Battle indeed, but all the
Blows will fall upon one ſide. The odds of the Match are too great. The
Beaſt and his Army may ſay as he in Terence: (e) ni agaslo vas od biuow
Jogoa nog en lo laro ads
bo
5 - Nunquam vidi iniquiùs riz obem dois no onih seis
Certationem comparatam quum bæc hodie inter nos fuit. ilami stoic w
Ego vapulando, ille verberando, uſque adeo defifi Jumus.: s10191913
od) o
But here a queſtion may be ask'd, ſince we ſuppoſe Chriſt come again with his
holy Angels, how is it poſlible that any Men, that ſee on hear of hini, can be
ſo infatuated as to pretend to cope with him and reſiſt. But I anſwer,,That
the ſame ching may happen then which happened at his firſt coming, when he
wrought many Miracles, which could not be denied by his Enemies. Prejudice
and love of this World blind Men abſolutely. It may be, that they will take
his glorious appearance for Deluſion, till they feel the real Effe As.
esse bois
Å. verf. 20. Kai Emian zò Sugion, sy leer' duló tesoregrutns, and the Beaſt was
taken, and with him the Falſe Prophet.] The Conqueror racher endeavours to
take the Leaders than to kill them. When taken they ſerve to adorn a Triumph;
and this makes their Condition worſe, and cheir Deftru&ion more ligral and
lafting ; ſo that their Puniſhment ſeems not an effect of the chance of War,
b c it is executed upon them by way of Juſtice. Thus when Elias had provid,
that he was the Prophet of the Lord, and had all the People on his fide, he
ordered that the Prieſts of Baal ſhould not be llain out right; buc taken and
brought to Execution in another place, 1 Kings 18. 10. So Cyrus is believed by
(f) Herodotus to have deſign'd Crafus for a Sacrifice or a Vow; exessivia a Sacrifice
of Firft-fruits, dte rad Pixlw, or a Vow. The Roman Conquerors did all they
could to reſerve the Leaders of their Enemies for the Triumph But this was
not a favour ; for they had ſerv'd to that end, they were carried to the Forum,
and in that place where no other Malefactors us’d to be executed, they were
ſtrangled, which being done, the triumphing Conqueror who till that tinie
ftood at the Temples Door in the Capital, went in, and the Sacrifices, Thankſ
givings and Banquets followed, as we learn from (g )1 7o/ephus. So, likewiſe
Tully; (b) At etiam qui triumpbant, eoque diutius vivos hoftium duces ferohnt, iur
bodacoms Divert
anisert lan'l bogel a
des bagad visrsibsreden
(a) Vid Schickard. Jus Reg. Hebr. Lap. V. Titul. 18 Buxtorf. Rabb. Lexic. • (b) Vid.
M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. l.
(c) Nicol. Damaſc. apud Scobæum Serm XLII. Vid.
Herodot. Lib. VII. cap. CCXXI. & Lib. IX. cap. XXXII.
(d) Plato in Lachete.
(e) Terent. Adelph. Act. II. Sc. 2.
* (b) M. T. Cic. in Verr. Lib. V. H. Grot. de J. B. & Pac. Lib. III.
(. .
Jod. Lib. VII. cap. 18.
g
cap. IV. g. 12. & cap. XI 8.7.
his
10 Y

910 The Beaſt and Falſe Prophet taken.
Ch. XIX. V. 20.
bis per triumpbum du&tis pulcherrimum ſpectaculum, fructumque victoria populus Roc
manus percipere psit : tamen cum de foro in Capitolium currum fle&tere incipiunt, illos
duci in carcerem jubent ; idemque dies eu vi&toribus imperii, du vidis vitæ finem
facit. This Beaſt and Falſe Prophec ſeem to be ſerv'a'fo. They are taken and
reſerv'd for a worfe end.
I have ſhewn fufficiently what this Beaft is, and who the Falſe Prophet,
which is always called fo, when he is named with the Beaſt ; though at firſt,
in Chap. 13, ul. when he comes to be deſcribid, he is called a Beast with ewo
Horns; but then all his other Attributes deſcribe him as a Falſe Prophet. So
that where he is named with the principal Beaft, the Holy Ghoſt gives him the
latter Denomination. This includes the Horn of falſe Propheſy at Conſtantino
ple too, as well as in old Rome. The reaſons of it ſhall be ſet down in the next
Note. They will both keep up their Pretenſions as long as they can ; the
Ho in at Rome will not yield, though his Capital falls : buc e il berides them at
laft; they muſt ſink in the fame Judgment both, what that Judgment is, and
why different from the Adherents, ſhall be conſidered by and by in its proper
place.
B. 'O mo noves te onuria tvomey aus, who wrought Signs before it ] This is the
diftinguiſhing Character of the Beast with two Horns; and fliews, that it is
the ſame as the Falſe Prophet. And indeed that very name expreffes in ſhort
all that is ſaid in the Deſcription of that ſecond Beaſt. The words before us
alſo expreſs the main pari of his Character, the Signs being the means by
which the Falſe Prophec establiſhes his own Authority, and gains credit with
the great Beaſt, ſo as to exerciſe the whole Authority before the Beaſt, and
thus to ſet up Idolatry and Tyranny in Chriſtendom; Miracles cending to no
other purpoſe. There has been no hint in the whole Propheſy, that there
would be any change in the Horns of the Falſe Prophet, as there has been in
the Horns of the great Beaſt for the Holy Ghoſt has ſhewn us, that ſome of
the Kings, which made the Horns thereof, will hate the Whore and burn her ;
which implies, that fome of them would ſeparate themſelves from her. As
therefore the two Horns of falſe Propheſy fignify the two Sees of Rome and
Conftantinople, ſo the latter as well as the former muft in the end be concluded
in the ſame Judgment. We muſt infer ſo, becauſe we ſee that See perfifting
ſtill in the ſame falſe Propheſy. 'Tis true indeed that Horn is not ſo vigorous
as that of Rome, but the Conſtitution of it is the ſame as before. It ſtill pre-
tends to an Oecumenical power in Chriftian Affairs, and exerciſes a good
ſhare of it notwithſtanding the Curb of the Ottomans. But however it ſtill
maintains Idolatry in the Invocation of the Saints and the Worſhip of Images;
and that's enough to make that Biſhop a Falſe Prophet; and belides that, he
has ſtill the Character expreſs'd in the words before us, and pretends to do Mi-
racles ſtill to keep up his credit,
This will appear by the following account. The Miſſionaries of the Roman
Church pretend to run down the Greek Church, as wanting Miracles to confirm
ics orthodoxy, which the Church of Rome hach. (a) Nectarius Patriarch of
Ferufalem, finding this infifted upon in ſome Theſes compos'd to affert the
ſupream Authority of the Pope, retorts the Argument. He does not deny the
Popiſh Miracles ; but ſays, That it is ſo very far from being true, that the
Greek Church has none, that he can alledge four very well known in all the
Eaftern Parts. Theſe are as follows, The firſt is, That of the Ecclefiaftical
Bread, which though bleſſed only once a Year at Pentecoſt is preſerv'd without
Corruption all the Year; and that at Chandace a Town in Candia fome was
preſerv'd three hundred Years and found intire. The ſecond is, That the Wa-
cer bleſſed yearly on the Theopbany in the name of the Trinity, which by the
Holy Ghoſt ſtands uncorrupted, even for ſeventy Years, and keeps purer and
clearer than cryſtal. In a Monaftery of M. Sina ſome was found after eighey
Years very clear and ſmelling wonderfully, and even curing the Sick. The
daily Vertues of it are to ferment Dough, drive away Devils, and the like.
A depos’d Prieſt having approached it once during the Benedi&ion, it corrupted
immediately ; became as black as Ink, and ftank incolerably. The third is,
(a) Ne&arii Patr. Hierofolym. Refutatio Thef. de Papæ Imperio.Edic. 1672. in Moldav. & poftea
Londini.
090
That

Ch. XIX. v. 20. The Beaſt and Falſe Prophet caſt alive.
9:
That the Corps of an excommunicated Perſon cannot be diffolv'd, if the
Sentence be legal and canonical, but becomes ugly, infe&tious, and ſwells
like a Drum. The Greeks uſe the word tuumari cat, which may alſo ſignify to
be tormented. But that at the requeſt of his Heirs, Servants, or even Enemies
offended by him the Excommunication being taken off, it is ſoon diſſolv'd and
reduc'd to powder : whereas the Bodies of Saints are pleaſant, as aſleep and in-
corruprible. This Notion comes to as good account very near as that of Pure
gatory in the Roman Church. The fourth Miracle is chat on Eafter at the
holy Sepulchre. The Prieſt comes in before Day, the Candles being unlighed,
and having a handful likewiſe in his hand unlighted ; bur foon after a little
flame is ſeen coming out of the holy Stone, and like a beam of light conies on
by little and little, and lights at laſt all the Tapers in the Prieſt's hand, who
diſtributes them to the by Sranders. The Arabians there often cannot forbear
crying out at the ſight of ſo plain a Miracle. Thus we ſee that one (a) Sooth-
ſayer does not laugh at another, but each ſide endeavours to maintain his own
falle Prophefy by ſuch Miracles. But the Popiſh (6) Lay-men are noc ſo eaſy
with the Greeks.
C. Εν οίς επλένησε τες λαβόνας το χάραγμα τ8 9meία, και τις προσκυνθωας την εικόνα αυτό,
With which he deceiveth them that bad received the mark of the Beaſt and idem ob at
worſhipped its Image.] Theſe Expreſſions have been explain'd in our Notes upon
Chap. 13. 14. A. B. C. and Chap. 13. 16. A. B. &c. And chey serverere,
not only to clear the Senſe, and to let us know the Falſe Propher and Beait
with their Adherents, but alſo the Crimes for which they fall under this ſevere
Judgment of Chrift. The Holy Ghoſt is always very careful in chat point, to
vindicate God's Juftice.
D. Zãytes icin raas oi des Both theſe were café alive.] This is not only to fig-
nify the deſignd Deſtruction of them in that dreadful manner, which is lec
down in the nexo words; but alſo to fhew us, that the Puniſhment of theſe
Seducers and Tyrants will be more dreadfui than that of their Adherenes, and
at the ſame time the conſequences of ic For we muſt conſider, that the Ad-
herents are only Individuals, whoſe Puniſhment goes no further than their Per-
fons, but the Beaſt and Falſe Propher are Bodies politick and perpecual or
ſucceſſive; and that Chrift deſigns to fhew us, that he will not onty deſtroy
ar laſt the Perſons, who ac that time are in Poffeffion of what is lignified by
the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, but alſo utterly excirpare the Succeflion of che
Tyranny and falfe Prophely for ever. So that the Beatt and Falle Prophet
are Perſons in a double Capacity; that is, Perſons in general Enemies 000
Chrift, and alſo in Poffeffion of a Power, which is to be extinguih d wich
them. We muſt therefore conſider their particular Judgment with the double
view. And, Firſt, 'Tis evident, that to be caſt alive into a Lake of Wire and
Brimſtone is a very terrible Puniſhment, which is heighined by that Circum-
ſtance of going into ic alive. I laid before, that she Greeks threw facrilegious
Perſons into the Sea, as the moft horrid Puniſhment they could invent for chat
Crime. The Romans did to with the Parricides ; Veſtals that had been denied
were buried alive. Formerly with us Murderers were hanged alive in Chains,
to die in the moft wretched manner. The Monks have a way in puniſhing cheir
Fellows who deſerve to die, by pucting them in pace, as they call it to avoid
the publick Spectacle and Reproach. Buc that is worſe for the Sufferer, who
commonly by char deſperate Courſe is driven to eat his own Elefh. In fame
places Malefactors are thrown into boyling Ovl. The ancient Perſians had che
ore'odois, the like to which feveral ways is us’d in that Country upon ſome fort
of Maiefactors. The greattieſs of fach Puniſhments confifts in that Circuma
ſtance, that they live long under ſuch Sufferings. (©) Sophocles has enlarged
upon thoſe dreadful Circumſtances, when Antigone is condemnd to be buried
alive. And fo Lycophron ſpeaking of Laodice, who threw herfelf alive into the
Sea.
(α) Η ζώσα και άλλων ξεθαι καθαιζάτις
(a) Vetus autem illud Catonis admodum ſcitum eft, qui mirari ſe ajebat, quod non rideret Haruſpex,
Haruſpicem cam vidiffet, M. T. Gic. de Divinar. Lib. II. p. 250.
(b) Aymon.
Mo Authent. p. 443. (c) Sophocl. Antigone p. 246, 247, 2$1. (d) Lycoph.
Alexandr. v. 497
But

912
The Lake of Fire and Brimſtone edT Chah. XIX. v. 10.
But Lycophron goes here beyond, and is concrary to Homen, in suppoſing one
ahat is drown'd going into Hadesin e Homer, as Synėſius obſerves, has not exhibited
The Soul of Ajax in Hades in either of theſe places, where he deſcribes the
Sools therein: but ſpeaking of the reſt of the Souls
, commonly bbſerves they
go to Hades: whereas he ſays of that Ajax, that he was utterly lift after he had
drunk of the fale Water : (a) "25 å sebe v SPŠTÓ AWXEV, ŠTE miev dinuvegy ürecopil And
uſes the ſame word, (b) événwner, when ſpeaking of Ulile, upon fuppoficion
he was drown'd. So that this ſort of death has in Homer a ſuitable Epithete;
so that the very Heroes are exceedingly afraid of it. See the Note upon Chap.
20. 13. A. And indeed we have here ſome aggravacing Circumftances ; as
that of being caft alive into this Lake, and its burning with Brimſtone. The
Slave Boy that was condemned to be thrown into a Pond to be even by Lam
preys for having broken a cryftal Veffel, did think that ſo cruel, chat when he
-beg'd the Protection of Auguſtus, it was only, tot to be eaten.
The Story is
in (c) Seneca. But what is moſt proper to our purpoſe, Nofe's expreſſes thus
the dreadful Judgment of Corab and his Adherents. They and all that appert ained
to them went down alive into the Pit, and the Earth cloſed upon them. Num. 16. 33.
Thus alſo Seneca ſpeaking of thoſe Earthiquakes, which fwallow up whole
Cities ſays: (!) Nec deſunt qui hoc genus mortis magis timeant, quo in abruptum
scum fedibus fuis eunt, & è vivorum numero vivi auferuntur, tanquam non omne
fatum ad eundem terminum veniat. But tho' Seneca being addicted to Scoiciſm,
ſeems to make all deaths alike, we muft rather ſtick to the common Notions of
Men, according to which the Puniſhments of God are proportion'd (e)
Quis tam imperitus, ſays Barclay, reruin aſtimator, qui eju'dem ponderis eu momenti
ſuppliciis perille eos dicat qui terræ biatu deglutiti, vivi in infernum deſcenderunt,
atque eos qui funt ordinariis, vel extraordinariis humanarum legum pænis: af
fumpti
.
to bngib
But there may be ſtill a further meaning, when they are ſaid to be caſt alive,
thar as alive fignifies one having Power and Activity, ſo this is to ſhew that
this ludden Revolution ſhall happen to them whilſt they are vigorous and
ađive, ſtrengthening themſelves to refift and little expecting to be ſuddenly
zovercome, and that all the Power of this Tyranny and falle Prophefy ſhall be
fo deſtroy'd, that it ſhall never be able to act again. That is, not only that
the Perſons of them that hold the Power ſhall be deſtroy'd, which is but a
tranſient Puniſhment; but alſo, that their succeflion ſhall be ſtopt, and the
like Power ſhall never be reviv'd. This laſt I take to be imported in theſe
vords.
E. 'Eis TW xiuvt ti mugės tle' nelo peleles év Sem, Into the Leke of Fire burning with
Brimſtone.] That is, into an everlaſting Deſtruction, a Fire unquenchable, as
that which is lighted and entertained with Brimſtone ; and no wonder ſeeing
Brimſtone is a Symbol of everlaſting and irreparable Deſtruction, as we have
fhewn in our Nore upon Chap. 9. 17. D. This Lake of Fire alludes to the
Lake of Sodom and Gomorrah or the Dead Sea wherein thoſe Citizens were de
ftroy'd and overwhelmed, ſo that they were never ſeen fince. That being upon
.the border of Judea was a ſtanding Monument to the Iſraelites to make them
be aware of God's Judgments upon Sinners. In Ifaiab 1. 9. and Rom. 9. 29.
this Similitude of the Deftruction of Sodom and Gomorrab is us’d to ſignify the
eternity of the divine Judgment; and ſo the Apoftle 7ude v. 7. takes it ;
augos aitavis nislu uméxrouls' which Notion Tertullian has paraphras'd in one of his
Poems :
Sergio T 10 ved osnia
0101 emot nogu (f) Sic Sodomüm meruit tellus ardentibus uri
editored in all Flammis, e. finis portendere figna futuri.
35 and loade
And indeed the Fire of Sodom and Gomorrab is founquenchable, that it ſtill ſub-
fifted in the Times of Philo; for he ſays, (g) iġ méxee vw naltlar and he gives
this reaſon for it, that it always ſends out Smoke ; and that Brimſtone is taken
out of it; ſaying alſo in another (b) place, that there riſes up a dull fame as
() Homer. Odyſs. d. v. 511.
(b) Hom. Odyſs. Ž. V. 137.
() Senec.
de Ira. Lib. III. cap. XL.
(d, Senec. Nat. Qu. Lib. VI. cap. I.
(e) Gul.
Barclai. de Poteft. Papæ cap. XXXVI. fin.
cft Tertullian. Carm. de
Sodom,
(8) Philo de Abrah. p. 251.
(5) Philo de Vic. Mol. Lib. II.
P. 450.
au
of

Chap. XIX. v. 20. The Lake of Fire and Brimſtonë. 913
of a ſmothered Fire. From hence it comes, that the Rabbies when they mean
that a thing ſhould be utterly deſtroy'd, they ſay, it is to be caſt into the dead
Sea, (a) 1701 7 for Moſes in Genef
. 14. 3. gives it that name by a prolep-
tical Expoſition; which ſeems to be an Alluſion to the Expreſſion in Micaiah, 7.
19. which is alſo proverbial. The like is found in Horace, Lib. I. Od. XVI.
Now we have found, that the Holy Ghoft has all along made the Mofaical
Diſpenſation a Type of the Chriſtian, and the Land of Iſrael in ſeveral reſpects
a Type of the Terricories of Chriſtendom; as in the Caſe of the River Eu-
phrates, and in that of the 1600 Furlongs, in Chap. 14. 20. ſo here likewiſe
the higheſt Puniſhment, God inflicts upon theſe, is, in Allufion to that Lake,
to have them chrown therein alive, that they may undergo the fate of Sodom
and Gomorrah, an everlaiting Destruction. And we ſhall find afterwards, that
this is the ſame as that which is prepared for the Devil himſelf, Death and
Hades: and laſtly, for all thoſe who ſhall be condemnd after the general Rem
ſurrection in the laſt Judgment. From this we may ſafely conclude, that when
the Holy Ghoſt mentions the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet as caſt into that Lake
before that general Reſurrection, it muſt not be underſtood of the Perſons as
Men; but of their Qualities as Tyrants and Falſe Prophets, as we have obſervd
before in the former Note; but as to their perfons, as they are Men, they muſt
have their doom in the general Judgment. Which again ſhews us, that the
Deftru&ion of the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet in this caſe has been rightly diſtin-
guiſhed from that of their Adherents; who are indeed conſidered as common
Men, and not political ſucceſſive matters.
I ſhall not proceed before I have ſhewn, that this ſymbolical Notion of Hell
and Deſtruction was not unknown to the Pagans. For though this Symbol
ſeem to be fetch'd wholly from the Mofaical Diſpenſation, yet we have the
like Caſe in the allegorical Myſteries and Notions of the Greeks introduced by
Orpbeus among them. Theſe were all fetch'd from, and ſuitable to what the
Egyptians practic'd and taught. In the Deſcription of the ſtate of death they
had a Lake, a Boat, Charon for a Ferryman, Cerberus that kept the entrance to
prevent a return, the Erebus and Elyfium ; and the like; all which are a kin to
the oriental Notions, as the very words ſhew. Several learned Men have ſhewn
this. (b) Diodorus Siculus ſays, that all this was fetch'd from the Egyptian
Cuſtom to carry the Corps of dead Men over a Lake near the City of Memphis,
called Acherufia, where the Graves were. The Corps were carried over that
Lake in a Boat, by a certain Officer called Charon too. One may grant this to
Diodorus ; and yet allert, that in all this the Egyptians had a mind to repreſent
the ſtate of the Dead. I prove it thus upon the Principles already laid down
in other places. The Egyptians ſuppos'd, that the ſuperior and inferior Worlds
bore a reſemblance to each other; and the inviſible to the viſible. That there-
fore as what was done in Heaven was the Ideal and Seal, or expreſs Image of
what was done on Earth, ſo what was done in Heaven and Earth alſo typified
what was done in the inferior inviſible World, or ſtate of the Dead, and in-
ferior Gods and their Kingdom. Now we know, that all their Ceremonies
were typical. When they worſhipped the Superior Gods in Heaven, they en-
deavour'd to repreſent in their Ceremonies what they conceiv'd was done, or
wiſhed to be done in Heaven for them, to have the like Event perform’d upon
Earth. And therefore as all chat they did to the dead was religious; it muft
be typical, and was thought by them to repreſent their
State. Hence they ſup-
pos'd a Lake, a Boat and Charon, a Cerberus and the reſt. (c)
Charon ſignifies a Lion, becauſe Death is a Devourer like a Lion. And thus
whereas in Pſal. 22. 21. Chrift, of whom that whole Pſalm is a Propheſy, ſays
cherein, Save me from the Lion's Mouth. Euſebius ſays thereupon: (d) ai
sigušnics diúl do tris molee Joviss aivísledrebe duwéuets, and a little after ; "ANN Né Tis moynegi
και των εκάσε 9meίων ηγεμβύη διώαμις, λέων προσαρίδομβόη, το πλαίυ και έχανές το θανάτε
sόμα διανοίξασα, μελα των άλλων των εις άδια καιόνων και των αυγε ψυχίω καθαπείν ώρμο,
ώσπε ροώ πάλαι πρότερον καλέπταν ο θάνατG- ιού σας, έχ έτερος ών τα ένζαύθα λέονλG-, τα το
só let me le fi oalwegs sizeão dire&av]O. The Cerberus is uſually taken to be as it were
() Vid. R. Mof. Maimonid. de Idololatr. cap. 7. S. 6, 11, 18, 19. & cap. 9. Ç: 10. 11. &
D. Lightfoot. Centur. Chorogr. in Matth. cap. V.
000 (b) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. I. p.
$8. Conf. Senecam apud Servium in Virg. Æneid. VI. col. 1011.
(c) Hefych.
Voc. gepos.
(d) Eufeb. Dem. Ev. Lib. X. cap. 8. p. 315.
(6) aprobouse
Io Z

914
The Deftru£tion of the idolatrous Army. Ch. XIX. v. 21.
(a) recolóess, the Conſumer of the Fleſh; and indeed the Cerberus was thought
to feed upon the fleſh of dead Men; ſo the Commentator upon Statius : (b)
Fingitur enim Cerberus cadaveribus pafci. But it is more likely, that it comes from
927 to bury. To this Cerberus thoſe that went to (c) Hell are ſaid to offer a Cake
of Hony, which Notion aroſe from this, that to preſerve dead Bodies they
did it in (d) Hony. So Servius has well obſerv’d: Quod autem ait Melle, allufit
ad corpora quæ plerumque cum melle obruuntur. So the Erebus is from Vy, tenebre,
the ſtate of Darkneſs, the night of our Life, as in Horace ; (e) Sed omnes una
manet nox; hence in the Poet (f) Noç &gebevràThe Elysium comes from 177,
or pov, or 076, all which ſignify to rejoice. As to the Lake, the ( 8 ) Poets
in the firſt place repreſent it as acuaro, without bottom, to repreſent the irrecove-
rable ftare of death. And when they ſpeak of the Puniſhment of the Giants,
they always repreſent them as loaden, or overwhelm'd with the fulphurous
Mountains that vomit Fire ; that being the greateft Puniſhment they could in-
vent for them, that had openly rebell’d againſt the fupream Deity. And thus
the Fews who at firſt ſpake of Hell under the notion of the Congregation of the
Giants, Prov. 21. 16. and Job 26. 5. who repreſents them under the Waters, un-
derſtood thereby the height of their Puniſhment; but this notion was after-
wards couched under that of Gehenna, and is ſet in Compariſon by St. Peter,
2 Ep. 2. with the Fire and Brimſtone of Sodom; all which (b) Mede has
fufficiently proved.
The Concluſion of all, which I would draw froin hence is this ; that the
Pagans repreſented the ſeparate ſtate of the Soul under the notions of that
which happened to the dead Bodies; and we find that the Holy Ghoſt has done
ſo in the inſpired Writings. Therefore when extraordinary Judgments of God
are to fall upon ſome exceeding Sinners, thoſe Puniſhments are repreſented to
us now under the Symbols of ſuch notable accidents of divine Vengeance as
have happened to fome former Sinners in an eminent degree, ſuch as were the
Apoftates before the Deluge, and ſince that time the Inhabitants of Sodom and
Gomorrah. Theſe notions couched under ſuch words are now the moſt proper,
and only capable of giving us a fufficient Idea of the future Judgments. And in-
deed the ſame thing muſt be ſaid of the happy ftate of the Saints in the Reſur-
rection. 'Tis not poſſible for Men in a mortal condition to have an adequate
Idea of ſuch things; the Propheſy muſt therefore raiſe our Imagination by ſuch
Symbols of terreſtrial matters, as Men have an eſteem for, and value as moſt
precious, excellent and uſeful. It cannot be otherwiſe, neither can any Inter-
preter give any explicite notion by any Conjecture. The third Period of the
Church is an age of divine Wonders in a tranſcendent degree.
Α. verf. 21. Και οι λοιποί απεκάνθησαν εν τη ρομφαία τε καθημδώ κ τε ίσπε, τη
Een féon éx 7ð sóux10- dvs, And the reſt were ſlain with the Sword of him that Sate
upon the Horſe, which Sword proceedeth out of bis Mouth.] The reſt are the Kings of
the Earth and their Armies. It is evident by this, that a general Deftru&tion is
to be made of thoſe that adhere ſtill to the Corruptions of the Church, and do
not prevent that great Judgment by a timely Converſion. The Deſtruction
muſt be real ; for as we have obſervd, that Chriſt from the beginning had
ſuch a Sword, and that a divine Vengeance, and great Deftru&ion is fallen
upon the ſtubborn Pagans ; and in the continued Torment of the corrupted
Chriſtians, though it was executed by mediate Inſtruments, yet it was ſaid to
proceed out of Chriſt's Mouth, becauſe the Inſtruments have acted by his Com-
mand, ſo it muſt be here; the Event being the ſame, and more terrible. The
Agents however are not diſcovered very plainly; but they ſeem not to be mor-
tal Men; and the mention of the heavenly Hoft would be needleſs, if Chriſt
has not defign’d to make uſe of them, and command them to exterminate quite
this laft ſtubborn Generation of Men. What concurrence there may be there-
in of the viſible ftate, or the converted Nations, to effect this grear Event, is
alſo very dubious. But it may be Chriſt, to make a Demonſtration of his great
Power to them, will not make any uſe of human means. The words before
us fhew us to what purpoſe the Rider had a Sword in his Mouth at his firſt Ap-
1. (a) Vid. Voſſii Eeym. v. Sarcophagus.
(6) Lactant. in Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. II. v. 29
(c). Virgil Æn. Lib. VI. for (d) Herodot. Lib. I. cap. 198. & Strabon. Geogr. Lib. XVI.
p. 746.
(c) Horst. Lib. I. Od. 28. (f) Hom. Iliad. e.
Ran.
(7) Mede's Diſc. VII.
(8) Ariſtoph
pearance.

Ch. XIX. v. 21. The Birds Fed.
915
pearance. It was repreſented before as a thing prepared, and only in fieri ;
but here it is ſet forth as actually perform'd to prepare for matcers of another
fort.
Β. Και πάντα τοι όρνεα εχορτάτησαν εκ συ σαρκών αυτών, And all the Birds 2nere fed with
their flejh. ] Theſe Symbols have been explain'd juſt before, and do now make
our che Angels Invitation, which was but a thing in fieri, whereof theſe words
imply the Accompliſhment ; when there is no more Papacy, nor Cardinals,
and the like idolatrous Dignities, which the Falſe Prophet beſtows to keep up
his own greatneſs; and which, himſelf being deſtroy’d, muft fall of courſe ;
then all the Lands, Revenues and Riches, which ſerv'd to ſupport them, and
make them Kings in the idolatrous Church muſt fall into the hands of ſuch as
are true worſhippers of Chrift; who have been invited by the Angel to como
in, and ſhare them amongſt themſelves. This great Revolution muſt alſo pro-
duce a great change in the Secular Government, and property of Lands within
the Territories of corrupted Chriſtendom. Regal Families may be depoſed,
and extinguiſhed quite, for adhering to the former Principles; and new ones
being ſet up, the properties of Lands and Demains muſt paſs into the hands of
ſuch as have imbraced the true Worſhip. All this is eaſily conceived, as to
thoſe Parts, which are under the direction of one of the Horns of the Falſe-
Prophet, which makes its reſidence now in Babylon,or Kome; but at the time of
this Event forced by the Fall thereof to canton himſelf in ſome other part un.
known to us, becauſe undecided in the Propheſy, as a circumſtance unneceſſa-
ry to be known at preſent; and it may be this Horn of the Falſe Prophet ſhall
then have no certain abode, nor be able to make any conſiderable Settlement.
But 'tis not ſo eaſy for us to conje&ure what will be done in thoſe Territo-
ries which belong to the other Horn of the Falſe-Prophet in the Eaſtern Parts.
One may make ſeveral Conjectures grounded upon moral probability, drawn
from the ftate of affairs in thoſe Parts, upon ſuppoſition that we are not very
far from this happy Revolution. M. Jurieu in his Prefatory Advice to his Book
treating of the accompliſhment of the Scripture Propheſies, has conſidered the
preſent ſtate of the Mabomet an Religion in the Dominions of the Ottoman Prin-
ces; and thinks there are great diſpoſitions among them towards their Conver-
fion to Chriſtianity: So that they may be eaſily brought into the Church,
when it ſhall pleaſe the Divine Providence to forward ſuch a work by ſome ſpe-
cial dire&ion. Which Conſiderations he backs by ſome obſervations upon che
ftate of the World ; when God prepared the converſion of the Pagans to the
Chriſtian Religion ; finding that there is now the like Preparations made for
a general Converſion in ſeveral particulars. But it may perhaps fall out, chat
the Divine Providence will prepare the Mahomet ans to ſuch a Change by Con-
queſt; the Sword was the firſt introducer of that Religion, and is ſtill its Sup-
porter; and ſo 'ois as probable morally, that it will fall by the Sword. One
might likewiſe argue as probably, that God is now preparing a Nation to be
the Scourge, and at laſt deſtroyer of the Ottoman Empire. But theſe are only
probabilities in our Senſe, which are very far from God's Intention, as it may
happen. Therefore I repeat again the advice of Irenæus, "That it is more
« ſafe to wait for the accompliſhment of the Prophefy, than to ſuſpect and
gueſs.
66
СНАР.
e la seva din
wish to real
snaga u powsson

916
Ch. XX. v. !
CHA P. XX.
B
UT what? After this glorious Conqueſt over God's Enemies in the Ter-
ritories of Chriſtendom, ſhall this King of Kings, and Lord of Lords leave
untouched his old and first Enemy, and indeed the old and firſt Enemy
of Mankind, of whom this King of Kings is the Redeemer? No ſure,
He is come as the Word of God, and therefore to perfe&t all bis Myſtery. But be-
cauſe the old Dragon, who repreſents in this Propheſy that firſt Enemy of
Mankind, and by force of the Union between the inviſible, or intellectual
World, and the viſible or political, that is, Satan and his Angels united and in-
fluencing the idolatrous Nations according to the firſt corruption of the Divine
Worſhip, or Pagan State, having at firſt appear’d viſibly againſt Chriſt and his
Church in his Subſtitutes in the Pagan Empire of Rome; and having therefore
then ſeven Heads crown'd with Diadems, but being forced to part with them,
and loſing his place in Heaven, to ſtand upon the Sand of the Sea, and deliver
up his firſt Head and Power to the Beaſt, which he left as his only Subſtitute in
the territories of Chriſtendom ; ſo that the only viſible appearance he can
make during the ſecond Period of the Church is in the Kingdoms of the World
and Pagan Religion therein, which were out of the Roman Empire, within
which the Kingdom of our Saviour was moſtly ſettled during the owo firſt
Periods of his Church. Therefore now that our Saviour is conquering, and
hath firſt of all led his Armies, to releaſe his firſt Friends, and has actually faa
ved them from any other Perſecution and tyrannical Corruption, by deſtroy-
ing the Beaſt and Falſe-Prophet with all their Adherents: he proceeds to fol-
low cloſe that old and crafty Enemy the Dragon, the firſt Seducer of the
World, who ſtill has a viſible Power in many Nations of the World, and to
force and expel him from thoſe Parts, into which he ſeems to have canton'd
himſelf; that Chriſt may make a thorough Work of it by degrees, and extend
his mercy to all Men, by ſettling his Kingdom in thoſe Nations, which are ſtill
kept under the Dragon.
This we are now going to ſee done. And let it be obſerv'd, that as Chriſt
is how Victorious, and has his great Power, and beavenly Hoft, the work is eaſy
and ſwift. Nay it is already half over by that time that the Beaſt and Falſe-
Prophet are deſtroy'd. For it is eaſy to conceive, that when all the Chriſtian
Church ſhall be ſo reformed, and converted to the purity of Worſhip, as it has
been repreſented in the former Chapter, and has thoſe advantages of Chriſt's
great Power, the converſion of other Nations, by which the Devil will be driven
away from them, will be much eaſier and quicker; the corruption of Chriſtians
in Worſhip and Morais being acknowledged to be a very great obſtacle to the
converſion of the Pagans. For theſe reaſons the Holy Ghoſt does not repre-
ſent the Dragon fighting as before, but tamely ſubmitting to the Chains where-
with the Miniſter of Chriſt comes to bind him.
A. verf. 1, Kai Ador žygen av rete Calvonta éx på seqvs, And I ſaw an Angel coming
down from heaven.] This determines the Actor, and ſhews the power and
commiſſion of him that is to act in the following Scene, in which the Dragon
is bound up for a Thouſand Years. The Heaven, as we have frequently ob-
ſerv'd, ſignifies the ſupreme Authority, and that is now wholly lodged in
Chriſt and his Church, becauſe he has been declared King of Kings. As to his
coming down obſerve, how that the Angel is not ſaid to be falling, TEF Texóta, as
in Chap. 9. 1. that is, revolting ; but wyra Calvoyta, coming down, that is, acting by
a commiſſion from Heaven. See our Note upon Chap. 9. 1. A. Obſerve like-
wiſe, that our Saviour uſes this term xeta Caivostus in Fobn 1.51. when he ſpeaks
of the Angels acting by Divine Commiſſion, at the command of the Son of Man.
This is nice indeed, but ought to be heeded in this Propheſy, wherein every
word is weighed in the ballance of the Sanctuary, in the ſupreme Court of the Di-
vine Decrees. But to fall is to revolt or apoſtatife, as the Hebrew word 703 is fome-
times

Chap. XX. v. 2. The Dragon bound.
917
times taken, which commonly fignifies to fall, whence the Antediluvian Giants
are called '?D, Fallers, that is Apoftates. su da nila yd nowog
B. "Exorta olui masiv ñs el búas, Huving the key of tbe bottomleſs Gulph. ] We
obſerv'd, that Key ſignifies a Power, or Commiſſion to act. See our Notes upon
Chap 1. 18. D. Chap. 327-A. and Chap. 9.1, B. where Powers and Com
miſſions are ſignified by this Symbol to do a thing of the fame kind as this, but
oppoſite; for there it is to cpen, or let looſe; this is to bind and ſhut up, or
hinder the actions of another. However theſe places explain each other, as
we ſhall ſee. Therefore the bottomlefs Gulph, fignifying a ſtate of great War,
as we have ſhewn in our Note upon Chap. 9. 1. C; the difference becween this
Symbol and that differing only in quantity; for in that Chapter the whole
Abulle is not opened bue the Pit of it, whereas here the whole is to be ſtopt;
this Angel here has power to ſtop all War and Rebellion, that the Kingdom of
Chriſt may begin with a full ſettlement of Peace during all the time that the
Dragon is bound. See alſo our Note upon Chap. 21. 1.C.T from an iss
C. Kai auoi merdal oli oli xãžeg euri, And a great Chain upon bis band. ] St. Au-
fin ſeems not to have read the word wegdalee, great. In the Battle of the Word
of God, the Beaſt and the Falſe-Prophet were taken alive, to be deſtroy'd imme-
diacely by being thrown into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, -bur dhe Dragon,
or old Enemy, the Prince of the Power of Darkneſs, is not yet to be deſtroya,
but at the general Judgment. Therefore, that he may not diſturb the Peace of
the ſtate of the Saints during the Millennium, he is only to be chain d up as à
Priſoner for a time, and to be let looſe again afterwards, as we ſhall find, upon
one particular occafion. It is natural to conceive, that this Chain fignifies, chac
the Dragon, upon whom it is uſed, ſhall now be hindred from doing thoſe A-
ctions which were before ſuitable to his Character; for as Artemidorus lays, Lib.
III. cap. 35. a ruots, aj na toxlu sg eusiradau'r credece sunās, to which may be added
what he ſays Lib. IV. cap. 6. What the Dragon muſt be hindred from acting,
and how long, will be found explain'd in v. 3. and our Notes thereupon
verf. 2. Και εκράτησε τον Δράκοντα, τον άφιν τον αρχαίον, ός όξι διάβολα, και ο σατανάς,
• gadvãy this dreslefilu óalw, and he laid hold on the Dragon, that old Serpent, which
is the Devil and Satan, who deceideth the whole world.) This full deſcrip
tion is to make us underſtand, that this Dragon ro be bound, is not the
ſeducer only of the Roman Empire, at which time, according to his
Power in the political World, he appeard in the Viſion with ſeven Heads
crown'd with Diadems and ten Horns, but he is the Dragon in general, the
Prince
of the Power of Darkneſs ; and in him all his Angels; who has ſeduced
Men into Idolacry from the beginning, and ſtill keeps a great part of Mankind
ſubject to him by the means of that firſt Corruption, which ſtill continues a-
mong them. Therefore this fhews that as the Roman Empire, and all the Na-
tions within it, have either periſh’d, or been converted to Chriſtianity ; and
ſince the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, who had a delegated Power from thac
Dragon, all Men within the ſame Precinats have been either already converted
or abſolutely deſtroy'd, when obftinately refuſing to be converted at the laſt:
ſo this Dragon, who ſtill had power abroad in the viſible World, ſhall Toſe iç
by a general Conveefion of Mankind, with fome ſlender exceptions, of which
bereafter, according to the pleaſure of him, who now commands the Dragon
to be bound. And thus the Kingdom of Chriſt ſhall enjoy Peace and Purity of
Religion, without any diſturbance from that old Enemy working in the Chil-
dren of Diſobedience. As to the Titles or deſcriptions made of him here, they
have been already explain'd in our Note upon Chap: 12.9. B. We are only to
obſerve here, that che Epithet given to him in Chap. 12. 10. of Accufer of our
brethren before God day and night, is not given here; becauſe thoſe foreign Na.
tions, over whom he reigns now, are not our brethren in the faith. But he is ſtill
Accuſer to them by tempting them to Idolatry, and thus putting them into a
ftate of enmity againſt God; fo that they are liable to his Juſtice and Anger.
Now as God is kind and merciful, he is content to have them converted and
ſaved, but does not treat them as Rebels abſolutely, but with tenderneſs. The
ſtorm falls only upon the Principals, the inviſible Powers, nothing is ſaid of
the Nations; when Satan is bound, they are ſuppoſed to return to their Duty,
and to be in God's favour. This is the firft Invitation, and ſo there is no pu-
niſhment for them. This inference is grounded upon what has been faid in
other places,
D.
II A

918
The Dragon bound.
Ch. XX. v. 2.
D. Kai és hogy dutór, And bound him. ]o. The Magicians pretended to have a
power by their Charms, even to put a force dta'yrn upon the Gods, buc really
only on their Dæmons; which force is expreſſed by binding. Thus (a)
Euſebius
has given a whole Chapter of Oracles which own this, and in one of them is
ſaid, 'Exerci t? énichons avegun. (b) Famblicbus owns the thing in ſeveral places:
Lucan expreſſes the thing and the word too in theſe Words, Wiggins
10 giun bus neid osad Esio
25.anto dos (c) Cujus commercia padi.
To anois osazeninin
CV 1909 10 Obtrictos habuere Deos? parere neceſſe eft, satte ovo
en 099wed pastellid od in juvat? KOT S70
only needs
bre, lomy
And ſo likewiſe ( 2 ) Claudian. However the Jewiſh Writers uſe the ſame
Stile. Tobit. 8. 3. bj 'those durer dyn@, to which may be compared Jude v. 6.
and 2 Pet. 2.4. Thus alſo in the Fragment of the Book of Enoch, which con-
tains many Jewiſh Traditions, ſome of which are conſonant to this Prophely,
a commandment is given to Raphael to caft Axael bound Hand and Foot into
darkneſs. And there alſo Michael is ordered to bind Semixas the Prince of the
wicked Angels, and to caſt him into the lower parts of the Earth for ſeventy
Generations, and at the end of that Term to be caſt into the Fire, into an
eternal Priſon. So likewiſe the Author of the Teftaments of the Patriarchs ſays,
(e) Kai & Berecs de Sioe Tee u'a dur. And as the Magicians called their Inchant-
ments Souis Jeãr, the binding of the Gods; ſo looſing was alſo usd frequendy.
Thus Horace,
$320
(f) Que faga, quis te ſolvere Theſſalis
Dorobaron? b Magus venenis, quis poterit Deus?
And in another place,
(g) Ab, ab, folutus ambulat venefica
borbin
Scientioris carmine.
So on the other hand Pliny ſays, Defigi quidem diris imprecationibus nemo non metuit,
alſo Homer ſpeaking of Æolus, uſes the word Kezismos.
(1) 'Eνθάδε βυκίων ανέμων καταδισε κέλαδο.
which Horace has imitated,
statue Guil (k) Obftri&tis aliis præter I apyga.
Tad
'Tis not improper to ſet down this paffage of Homer, becauſe it is explain'd by
the Scholiaft ſo properly to our Caſe. Homer ſays, ont y
socio con altyd mida de
ari (1) Tañ refer magas, ēte uvºN70s, necTejs =" 'Eoidatus,
5. Αίτι Παίδες 'Αλωπος, Θησαν κρατερώ εν δεσμώ. 19
med nowa Xarrégo no en tiegiuga NSeto TeioxÚS Erice Mlives. jeans en
199570
The Scholiaf fays, "Αλοι και πεινότερον εξυγέμβιοι τα “Ομήρε, τες 'Aλωίδας τέτις φασί γο-
έως βασιλιάς της Ελλάδος. Πολύς 3 και βαρζαρε γής επικρατήσαντας, καταπαύσαι τον πόλεων,
και τις ας αυτόν παρασκάλας, και αν οριών ποιήσαι βιοldenν τες ανθρώπες. Δια τέτο έδοξα -
Tres Tor "Agluo turise toy róatuor.. And indeed to (m) bind, and to looſe, in the
Stile of the Holy Writ, ſignify to forbid, and to permit. So that when Sa-
tan is bound, he is forbidden to act according to his Character. (n) Auſtin ſays,
Alligatio diaboli, eft
, non permitti exercere tot am tentationem, quam poteft vel vi vel
dolo ad ſeducendos homines in partem fuam cogendo violenter, fraudulenterve fallendo.
And fo che Holy Ghoſt explains it afterwards. Darbo kode
E. Xina 'ém, One thouſand years.] We have had before feveral Words which
denoted time Symbolically, but never had yet fru, years, before this place.

ISTIT
OBILD.
( a ) Euſeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. V. Cap. 1o. pag. 115. (6) Jamblich. de Myſt. Se&. I. Cap. 15.
&c Seet 111. Cap. 18. &c. Sect. IV. Cap. 1. item. Se&. VI. Cap. 5. (c) Lucan. Phorf. Lib. VI.
(d) Claudian in Ruff. Lib. I. v. 149. (e) Teſtam. Patr. Lev. S XVIII. (f) Horat.
Lib. I. Carm. 27. (8) Horat. Epod. s. (b) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXVIII. cap. 2. ds
(i) Homer. Odyff. 20. (k) Horat. Lib. 1. Od. 3. (1) Homer. Iliad. 4. v. 385.
(1) Vid Wagenleil. in Sotah pag. 13, Lightfoot Horæ Hebr. in Matthe 16. (*) Auguſtin
de Civit. Dei Lib. XX. cap. 8.
S19 The

Ch. XX. v. 2.110 cho The Dragon bound.
919
o the
The reaſon was, that all the former Words, (according to che Stile of the He-
her
brew Language, in which chis Propheſy was very likely conceived, and alſo in
the Scile of the old Prophets, whoſe expreſſions are here imitated by the Holy
Ghoſt,) which denote sime, rather ſignify Revolutions undetermined, or ap.
pointed Seaſons, than preciſely Years; as that word fignifies the preciſe revo-
lution of the Sun from ſome ſettled point of the Ecliprick till it recurns ro
ſame ; ſo that in the former places the Holy Ghoſt has us'd thoſe cerms as génè-
ral, and involved arbitrarily; and to be determined, or revolved, according to
the analogy of the other Symbols, which are placed with them. Thas for
inſtance, the account of the perſecuted State of the Church alluding to the
Drought in the times of Elias, the whole duration of that ſtate of the Church
is compris'd in three years and a half, which was the licteral duration of thac
Drought in the times of Elias. So the Plague of the Locuſts is decermined to
five months, which is the utmoſt duration of the nacural Locuſts. Therefore
the old Prophets themſelves, when they deſign to exprefs Years of yearly revo-
lutions of the Sun, add ſometimes fome other Word which determines the
word of cime co that Signification. Thus we find in Iſaiah 16. 14. within three
years as the years of an bireling, in telaivénia, įTõv pe Sow fo; che like to which is
found in Iſaieb 21.16. There the Prophet, I ſay, deterinines che ſignification
Year by that alluſion to the hiring of mercenary Servants, which is done by the
Year. Thus likewiſe in Iſaiah 23. 15. Tyre ſhall be forgorren leventy year's accord-
ing to the days of one King, where the LXX have the word 'étu too bé tm souhkov za
dis xeso Coréws; that is, ſeventy Years of ſuch Years by which men count
the reign of a King generally; as in the firſt, ſecond, or third Year of ſuch a
King; which was the cultom of the Iſraelites
. Inſomuch, that to count, by
the Years of Simon in i Macc. 13. 42. as ftus rechts 37 ouwvos, in the firſt year of
Simon, is a mark of Royalcy, that Simon was then King of Fudea, tree from
foreign Yoke. It ſeems evident to me, that the uſing of this Caucion, or Ex-
planation, by the Prophet, comes from his endeavour to take away the Equi-
vocation of the former Word, becauſe ſuch words are often Synonymous to
other words of time, and uſed reciprocally. See our Note upon Chap 2. IC.
And chough this Diſtinction, or Explanation, be not always uſed, as in Zek.
29.11. 13. where the LXX have alſo léta, without any ſuch Explanation; yec
the uſing of it ſometimes ſhews, that the Hebrew word nou, us’d in all thoſe
places, which the LXX turn properly upon view of the circumſtances by fra
Years, admits of ſome Equivocation, for which it is neceſſary to add ſome other
Word to fix it to the ſignification of Tears properly. But however as in ſpeaking
of Years, or other terms of time, in the Symbolical Language of this Prophe-
fy, the Holy Ghoſt has never uſed the word érn; ſo we may conclude, that
here it muſt be taken in its ordinary Signification, as it ſtands in che LXX;
who I believe never uſe it otherwiſe, but where it ought to fignify Years accord-
ing to our way of counting
But more eſpecially may we judge ſo, when that word is here join'd with
xinra, one Thouſand, to fignify the Millennium ; becauſe the Millennium was very
well known before the time of St. John's Viſion by an ancient Tradition, and
was always taken for a determined number of Years of Solar Revolutions, as
we now underftand the Word. Let us therefore conſider chat Tradition, which
we ſhall do backwards, and very briefly, becauſe it has been treated of by many.
Firſt, it is evident, that St. Barnabas, who wrote his Epiſtle many Years before
the Revelation, did ſpeak of the Millennium as a Sabbatiſm, or Reſt of the
Church, which was typified in the Creation by the Reſt of God on the ſeventh
Day, after the Works of the ſix firſt Days. And he ſays further, that the son
of God will come then to deſtroy the time of the wicked, (a ) étar Gagar uids auss xsi-
rapyhoh tày nouegy évbus; for ſo that laft Word muſt be read, inſtead of Surs; or
elle évopics, as the old Verſion has here iniquitatis ; and the fame Author ſays in
another place, ó Ï eggeno nego tñs áropeias
. Now this ſuits evidently with this parc
of the Propheſy of St. Johr, which is indeed but a meer explicit account of
what has been ſaid in the old Prophets. So that the Holy Writers of the New
Teftament demonſtrate ſufficiently, that the Fews had ſuch a tradicion and
expectation of an Apocat aftafis, or Reſtitution, of a swzédose på dôvos, the end or
phao
(a) Barnab. Epift. Cap. XI.
perfe&tion

920
h The Dragon bound. Chap. XX. v.2.
Perfection of the World, of a great Sabbatiſm and a Day of Judgment, which St.
Peter 2 Epift. 3.7, 8. defines to be the Millennium. And feeing we find, that the
Holy Writers (peak of theſe matters in the very fame ſtrain as the Cebalifts and
other Jewiſh Writers, we may conclude, that they had there Notions from che
Traditions of their Fathers; becauſe they argue about them from the fanie rea-
fonings ; and the Fathers of the Church afterwards. See to this purpoſe the
Collections of (a) Mede, and the Obſervations of (6) 7. Voffius. saria
But this is not all, the deſtruction of Wickedneſs introduced by the ſeduction
of the wicked Principle, and the conflia of the good with the bad during fix
Thouſand Years, which will be ſucceded by very happy times, was the notion
and expectation of the Chaldeans themſelves, as we learn from Plutarch, a Tranſla-
tion of whole Words I have given in another place; bur I ſhall copy here the
Words themſelves, for they are very remarkable, (c) Os6 FOL.7105- Dé quer retten Tas
μαγες ανα μέρος τεμέλια έτη τον εξο' κραθείν, τον και κρατείας και θεών, αλλα και τριφύλια μα-
ας και πολεμείν και αναλύειν τα τε ετέρε τον έπερν, τέλΘ- και απολοίπιθς τον αδίων, και τες με
ανθρώπες δαίμονας έσεθς, μήτε τροφής δεομένους, μήτε σκίαν ποιέντας, των 5 ταύτα μηχρε-
νησάμθρον θεόν, ήρεμείν και αναπαύες χεινω, καλώς μια και πολιων πω θεώ, ώσπερ ανθρώπων και-
ecopelli ma reflecoy. Here we ſee the Evil of this world is to laſt fix Thouſand Years
during the ſtruggles between the evil and the good Principle, and then Hell is
to ceaſe and Men are to become happy, neither wanting Food nor making
Shade. If we add to theſe the Words juſt preceeding theſe, we ſhall have ſome
more Characters of this happy State, as Plutarch himſelf delivers the ſame Do-
&rine from that of Zoroaſter
. "Ethn xegvos si cuces referos; i cu tom Aposud vlop narxon
επάρντα και λιμον, ως τέτων αναγκη φθασαι παντού πισι και αφανιθίώαι, της και ενής ειπε και
και ομαλής μυομδύης, ένα βίον και μίαν πολιτείαν ανθρώπων μακαρίων και ομογλά οιων απάντων
spuéss. Firſt, here is a total Revolution in the World, to happen in a certain
time appointed, which, by comparing it to the former paſſage, is to be at the
end of lix Thouſand Years; that in that Revolution all the preſent State is to
be deſtroy'd, that is, as our Holy Writers ſay, the Heaven and the Earth muft be
deſtroy'd, and there muſt be a New Heaven, and a New Earth; that the Earth
may become plain and even ; that is, all Rule and all Authority muſt be put
down to make an equality among Men, who are therefore to have but one
Society; that Men are to be Happy and of one Tongue, that is, muſt be in
Peace and without War; then by adding the former Marks in the other para
ſage, Men are to want no Food ; that is, muſt have Spiritual and incorrupti-
ble Bodies; and they are to make no Shade : This laſt may be thus underſtood,
that they believ'd the Souls of Men in a ſtate of Separation made no Shade.
So Plutarch ſays in another place, (d) ou ubomor Mode veữ cho his kisw to this fugees
και τεθνηκότων, μήτε σκίαν ποιών, μήτε σπιρδαμύλων. And indeed as the ftate of the
New Jeruſalem is repreſented in this Viſion to be fuch, that there is no Sun
therein, but all is light, there can be no Shade therein; or we may underſtand
making a Shade, to ſignify building Houſes, or wanting Protection. I ſee there
fore through all this a notion of a future State of Happineſs, and freedom from
Evil; and that this is to happen after ſix Thouſand Years, and by conſequence
the ſeventh Chiliad muſt begin the happy State. We do not indeed find in all
this the Millennium by name. But the latter part of the Paſſage is manifeſtly
corrupted in the preſenc Copies of Plutarch, in the latter end of the Paſſage
cited. For Xegves, senãos, cannot well be made Senſe of. Other People have
ſeen ite Mr. Baxter reads, xeivov dne, ops, the Petav. MS. has xgóvor. I will not
off, but the term was limited, and in this very place ; and that we muſt read,
medrou Jease , ass scle & Fonu' Ted Beão
. Confider the place carefully, and what I
alledge further hereafter, to ſhew, that the Pagans had fome notion of a Mil-
lenniuris, and a Reſurrection, and you will be convinced, that I am in the
rights 10 beso
Beyo
Had Plutarch given us an account of the grounds of theſe Opinions from
themſelves, we ſhould very likely have found they were much the ſame as thoſe
of the Jews; and chat chey had them from Tradition; and what can that be
buc from the Holy Writings, or the Tradition of the ancient Patriarchs, to
(a) Comnent. Apoc. Part. II. fin. (6) J. Voff. de Sibyll. Orac. Cap. VIII. &c. Reſp.
ad Obj. Crit. Sacr. pag. 314. & ad Horat, Obj. p. 347.
(c) Plucarch. de Igid. & Ofirid.
pag. 408. Vid. Note on Chap. 1 2. 9 B. (d) Plutarch de fera Num. Vind. p. 4352
whom

Chap. XX. v. 2.
The Dragon bound.
whom very likely the Miſterious meaning of the Creation in lix Days, and
God's Reft on the ſeventh, to ſignify the bleſſed Sabbatiſm of the Millennism,
was not unknown. However one cannot forbear crying out thereupon, as
Tertullian has done in the like Cafe upon view of the conformity of the notions
of ſome Pagans to thoſe of the Holy Writ; (a) Unde bæc, oro vos, Philoſophis
aue Poetis tam confimilia ? non niſi de noftris facramentis
. Minutius Felix : Animadver-
tis Philofophos eadem diſputare quæ dicimus; non quod nos fumus eorum veftigia ſubſecuti,
fed quod illi, de divinis prædicationibus Prophetarum, umbram interpolatæ Veritatis imi-
tati ſunt. From this we may in this caſe conclude with Tertullian. Quod apud
multos unum invenitur, non eft erratum ſed traditum. But the Chaldeans were not
the only Men who kept up this Tradicion, for the ancient (6) Tuſcans had it
too. They ſaid that God had appointed cwelve Thouſand Years to his Works;
that the firſt fix Thouſand were imploy'd in the Creating of all things, and
Man himſelf, and that the other fix were appointed for the duration of Man-
kind. Here are incruſtations indeed, but 'tis plain, thac they looked upon the
Creation of the World, and the time it took up, ro be a Type of the duration
of the Political World, or Mankind, the Perſians hold this ftill.
All that I have to obſerve further is this, that in the counting of the fix
Thouſand Years, their beginning was taken from the Deluge, the Year before
it belonging to a World that was antiquared, and ſo to be counted for nothing.
Therefore St. Peter calls the Ante diluvian World, the old World, 2 Pet. 2, s. And
the Pagans, who had ſome knowledge of Noah under the name of (c ) Saturn,
make Saturn to be King of the former World, So Martial,
lar
nogosoai 916.416 Y baslads
(d) Antiqui rex magne poli; mundique priorisqooqui ode and neis?
។ ប្រជាជន
Sub quo pigra quies, nes labor ullus erat. iw orly ai bish zaidson
And the Jews affign of thoſe fix Thouſand Years, two Thouſand Years to the
ftate of Confuſion, or without Law; two Thouſand to the times of the Law,
or Moſaical Diſpenſation; and two Thouſand to the times of the Mefias: after
which came the Apocataſtaſis
, or Reftitution and Reſt, which by the invention
of Men was improv'd into an opinion of fucceffive Revolucions in the World
in ſuch a manner, that the ſame things muſt be tranſacted over and over again
to all Eternity. And it is very likely, that the Phenix, who burns himſelf to
be renew'd into a new Bird of the ſame Species, was invented by the (e) Egyp-
tians to be a Symbol of ſuch Reſtaurations expected after the Millennium, or by
it ; that Bird being ſaid to live a (f) Thouſand Years. Thus Martial
ſays,
s we rid: HS 29. son bon dio
yo (8) Qualiter Aſyrios renovant incendia nidos swl.olis gnisd dassb
'
o Una decem quoties fecula vixit avis.
གྱི （3E:༡ རྩིག་
wybox M317
o odos anobré sa gani
Which words may alſo give us to underſtand, that the Aſyrians or Chaldean Magi
had a notion of that Bird, which is not unlikely upon the account the con.
formity of their other
Notions. Claudian likewiſe alligns the term to the
Phenix
(b) Namque ubi mille vias longinqua retor ferit eftas. But ( 1 ) Charemon the Egypa
tian, who wrote concerning the ancient Hieroglyphicks, ſuppoſed, that the
Thanix lived fix and feven Thouſand Years, deſigning by that to comprehend
the whole Age of the World ; and by conſequence the renovation of the Phoenix
did fignify the renovation of the World. This account is preſervd by Tzetzes,
whoſe words deſerve to be copied here...me top 918 RATASR
ca con su 2990 on 10:10
gonna 200 lo jawog vangiti A-ods ydavada goibna 96M
-9151 mensag oss ^ • Aigúrno isegyfaqequel dos Xeepham og os mells buscamos
Ons roqú'Evdeißey diságy per or ons iegão requipo tay ni 10 9 8 ni yions
stads are quite a poivet et nois Eten nj en Tarageníos sociaris 01 Jn b10998 Bos
Ovñones, and galuórušu én témois Alwys. aid to itsi anla bas 1911
griseals tsag bariukiau sisi lo aliorax9
Theſe Six and Seven Thouſand Years I underftand in the ſame manner as the Tuf-
avant de tout mid on shironia de 04
Isa 949 29
បាន
(a) Tertullian. Apol. cap. XCVII. SEX (b) Vid. Suidam Voc. Tuppluvia gabege & comp.
Tho. Hyde Hiſt. Relig. Perſar. cap. 22. & Lib. Sad-der, Port XCI. (c) Vid. Bochart, Phal.
Lib. I. cap. 1. (d) Martial Lib. XII. Epigr. 63. Vid. Platon. Politic. pag. 121, 122.
(e) Vid. Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. X. cap. 2. (f) Vid. Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XXIX. cap. I.
(5) Martial. Lib. V. Epig. 7. 1b) Claudian. Idyll. de Phænice. (i) Vid. If, Voll
de Sibyll. Oracul. cap. V. Ex. Tzetz. Chiliad. V. Hift. VÍ.
II B 15 .iq, dsnusa (ha)

922
The Dragon bound.
Ch. XX. v. 2.
Yes
.00
2110W
प
can and Perſian Tradition before mention'd; the only difference is that the
thirteenth thouſand ſeems to be added to comprehend alſo in it the Renovation
of which the Phoenix is alſo the Symbol. So that by comparing this with Plutarch
before cited, we find they knew of a ſevench thouſand after the fix thouſands
of the Confią, which was to be peaceable. So that when the Fathers infilted
upon the Phæniz as an Argument of the Reſurre&ion, it is not fo trifling as
fome imagine, being not only an Argument ad bominem ; buc firm, becauſe
grounded upon the Conceſſion of the Adverſaries, who by the Symbol acknow-
ledge the ancient Tradition of the Reſurrection and Millennium ; and undoubtedly
that Reftitution of the Souls after a thouſand Years ariſes from the ſame origin
of which Virgil ſays; (a) oviswis businoge bid boa isula disi van
byalamoyow boomad it onusda
Dno 290in illo
AM 10 moisto Has, cmnes ubi mille rotam volvêre per annos bas al aire net
3d goca istool y Lethaum ad fludium deus evocat agmine magno, 1 1
Scilicet immemores ſupera ut convexa reviſanto antz/to nois
Leistunt to sa
bam 10 brew Isotilas
Of which Opinion is alſo (6) Lactantius ; and I ſuſpect that the Deſcription of
the Macrobii in (c) Orpheus, who are ſaid to live ſome twelve thouſand Months
in Peace, Joy and Holineſs, alludes to the ſame. gada bloW Ugnolo
But we are to obſerve in applying theſe natters to the Millennium of St. John,
that in theſe Viſions the Holy Ghoſt does no way authorize that Computation
of the fix thouſand Years, at which the Millennium is thought so commence..A
thouſand Years are indeed appointed for a reſt to the Church by the binding of
Satan; but the Epocha of this term is no way defin'd. But however, there is
nothing ſaid in the whole Propheſy which contradi&s that ancient Tradition,
therefore it is a vain Preſumption for any Man to pretend to find it. The very
act of the binding of the Dragon may be a Work of many Years. He is not
bound till all thoſe Nations are converted, over whom he reigns, to that ſmall
number where he is as it were impriſon'd; and the Duration of that Millennium,
it may be can only, commence when he is compleatly Priſoner. Again, we
obſcure notion of them among the Ancients before this Viſion. The new
Heaven and new Earth are only to be complete after the Millennium, when the
Devil being let looſe for a time, and ſeducing Gog and Mag.g, is after their
Deſtruction thrown himſelf into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone ; Revel
. 20.
Tis then that God makes all things new, and creates eternal Sabbaths
death being alſo ſwallowed up in Immortality, Barnabas ſays: (d) Opãte, tä
λέγει· έ τα να σαςcαlα εμοί δεκία, αλλ' ά ποπόδη κα, ενώ καλαπαυσας τα πείνα αρχικά
ημέρας ογδόης ποιήσω, ό εςι άλλο κόσμε αρχιω. διο και άρμίω τίω ημέραν τίω ογδόω ώς
direesubor, பதிகம் Ivasis arta 54 Pe4.phpy; %d pa.pagodas மேக்s Tas beens n So that here
fince the Refurre&ion of Chriſt on the firſt Day of the Week we have a new
Type of she eternal reſt in the general Reſurrection after the Millennium, the
anciens Type of the firft Week of the Creation reaching no further than the
Millenary, reftogaus toidavaoni ingius ad animarop 93070
A. verf. 2o, Koh Candy gulde sis mun á Bwasov, Andecaſt him into the bottomleſs Gulph.]
That is with an Intention to ſeal and fhut it upon him, to ſignify, that both
Idolatry and the warlike Tumults, which are caus’d by the Inſtigation of
Satan, ſhall ceaſe quite. In St. Luke 8. 31. the Devils, who are caſt out of a
Man, finding thereby the Almighty power of our Saviour, intreat him not to
command them to go into the abyſs, or Deep; that is, not to put them pre-
ſently in a ſtate of Inactivity, without having any more power upon Earth to
act according to their Character, before the general Judgment is paft upon their
Chief, and the reft of his Angels their Companions; thus anticipating by the
exerciſe of his unlimited power a ſpecial Judgment upon them in particular be-
fore the Judgment of the great Day, in which they know no Remiſſion can
be obtain'd. So that they deſire him not to torment them before the time appointed
for their general Puniſhment, as it is evident by comparing how this is expreſ-
ſed in Matth. 829. Hence it ſeems plain to me, that the words of St. Peter
1919.arood V (5)
10.
(a)Virgil, Æneid. VI. v. 748. comp. Platoni Timæ. p. 482. & Phædr. p. 203. & de Rep.
Lib. X. & Sil. Ical. Lib. XIII. (6) La&tant. Lib. VII. cap. 22.
(C) Orphei Argonauc.
v. 1905. & feq.
(d) Barnab. Epift. cap. XI. *
2 Epift.

Ch. XX. v. 2, 3.
The Dragon bound..
923
S17
2 Epift. 2. 4, (hegie Sbox zaplagesoes tagédaner eis reise tupsules, muſt be explain'd
thus ; that God having caſt down from Heaven the wicked Angels, at the
future Judgment of the great day, as 7ude v. 6. illuſtrates this, they are to be kept
in Chains of Darkneſs, or everlaſting Bonds of Darkneſs, which is the Abyſs
.
For as Light fignifies a Government, fo Darkneſs ſignifies a miſerable servitude,
under which being bound up as Slaves in che Pit, they cannot go abroad to do:
mineer in the World by ſeducing Men into Idolatry, which is a Submillion to
their Power. For if we ſhould underſtand the words of St. Peter inofuch a
manner, that the Devils from their very firſt Fall are bound in Chains of Dark-
neſs, then they are tormented before their time ; which nevertheleſs from this
place of St. John is not yet quite done, and will not be till after the Millennium,
when the Devil is caſt into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, where they are in-
deed to be tormented for ever ; but to this they are to be brought by degrees,
whereof this binding is a Forerunner. Now we lhall be fully ſatisfied thrac this
is the ſenſe of thoſe words of St. Peter by comparing them with the words that
follow ſoon after, v. 9. didices de dis nubegav asiseme xorde boulons tugein which are
plainly to be underſtood of a future Puniſhment, and not of a preſent. And
certainly St. Peter did not mean that the Devils are puniſhed before the time
that this Prophefy clearly indicates that they are to be tormented. You are to
The Ancients have always thought, chat the Abyſs was a place under the
Earth in the moſt internal parts of it, and indeed the Symbol taken in the Core
tex, that is litterally, is as certainly to be underſtood of ſuch a place, which
was thought to be a great Receptacle for the Waters, as the Sun, Moon, Stars,
and Eupbrates are to be underſtood of thoſe things which the words ſignify lic-
terally, though ſymbolically they repreſent to us other things analogical to
them. But for us to pretend to know, what the Abyſs repreſents, is mere folly,
And yet there may be really a litteral Accompliſhment of this as to the inviſible
ſtate of the Dragon and his Angels, as we find it in ſeveral things of this Pro.
pheſy; as even in the River Euphrates. Is it inconvenient for us that we ſhould
believe it ſo ? May not ſuch a local Confinement be a previous Puniſhment to
the Devils? The Devil is now Prince of the Air ; he has therefore liberty to
range therein. Will it not therefore be a reſtraint to him; if he be confin'd to
ſome dark Abyſs, to prevent him from coming near Men,or the greateſt part of
them? Grotius has propos'd a modeſt Conjecture, as he calls it, as to the Abyſs
on Luke 8. 31. that this Abyſs is out of this viſible World, as the Region of
the bleſs'd Spirits. This is to prove a thing unknown by one leſs known, or as
little. As to the viſible ftate or political World which is included alſo in the
Symbol of the Dragon in the ſame manner as the Pagan Roman Empire was
included in the Symbol of the Dragon with ſeven Heads, methinks the Holy
Ghoſt diſcovers that afterwards in the Symbol of Gog and Magog. At least
thoſe Nations are to be the firſt, who are ſeduced by the Dragon, when he gers
out of his Prifon. But even whether thoſe Nations may not during the Mil-
lennium be alſo converted Chriſtians is not at all denied ; and we may ſuppoſe
it without contradi&ing the Text. For the following Texts ſeem to hinc, that
they are only ſeduced when the Dragon gets out after the Millennium. aa zis 1
B. Ka Enacire, rý kopedyaev être pas culs, And ſhut and ſet a Seal upon him.] This
Abyſs is repreſented to us under the notion of a great Pit or Den, wherein (a)
Slaves were ſhut, as generally in the Eaftern Countries the Priſons were under
ground, as the Graves were, which in this are different from ours, at leaſt as
they are moſt commonly made. Hence it comes, that the Graves were com-
pared to Priſons, and reciprocally, Graves being then made as a Pit, vaulted
and built with Stone, or cut out of a Rock, and then covered with a large
Stone ; which was the Egyptian manner, and of the Phrygians too, as we learn
from (b) Homer. From thence come the Expreſſions of Shutting and ſealing ;
fee Matth. 27. 60. Dan. 6. 17. becauſe the Stones were rolled over them, being
very large. And as it is ſaid in thoſe two places, that a Seal was added for
greater Security; ſo the Angel is ſaid here not only to put the Dragon, but
to ſet a Seal over him. Wells were likewiſe (c) jhut with ſuch Stones, Genef. 29.
10. Hence in Canticl. 4. 12. the Bride being compar'd to a Well ſhut up to pre-
(a) Vid. Schindler. v. 0719.
Sic. Lib. II. p. 92.
(6) Homer. Iliad. W. V. 797
Vid. Diodor.
ſerve

924
The Dragon bound.
Ch. XX. v. 3.
ferve its Warer good and clean, thar is called a Fountain ſealed, amyl topestres pelíma
the Hebrew onn lignifies both to ſhut and ſeal, fo Hefy chius çegěd pluo, xaeimas now
Goegyis comes from éopolole Thus the Poet (a) Ariſtophanes, whoſe Plays are
full of Allegories, introduces Peace as having been before thrown into a Dun-
geon, whole entrance was lock'd up with Stones, to thew the difficulty of
coming at it. And indeed any thing, that is ſaid to be ſealed, is ſuppos'd to be
out of uſe and unknown, till it is opened agalı). See our Nore on Chap. s. s.
D. obſerve here the Gradation in fecuring this Dragon. He is taken, bound,
caſt into the Abyſs, shut and ſealed, and therefore made a Priſoner very ſafely a
for this Abyſs is called his Priſon by and by, v.7. So Papin. Statius ſpeaking of
Death and its Power. (b) Cæco gemeret mors cluſa barathro.
C. "Iya yah anavão é pe toate bovin, That be ſhould deceive the Nations no more.] Theſe
words ſeem to imply, that all Men ſhall be converted; for if none be deceivid,
all have receiv'd the truth without Exception. I think this is the moſt plauſible
way, and at the ſame cime the moſt ſafe to conclude from the words. Never-
theleſs becauſe we find often, that ſome Expreſſions of holy Writ, which ſpeak
of numbers of Men in very univerſal terms, do nevertheleſs admit of ſome Ex-
ceptions; and that by comparing of this Abyſs with that mentioned in Chap. 9.
1, 2. the Abyſs does not exclude all ſorts of Men; it may not be perhaps out
of the way to ſuppoſe here, as well as in the former Viſions, that the Dragon,
as a Symbol, implies the viſible as well as inviſible World of Satan, and that the
inviſible power of Satan may be ſhut up in the Abyſs with a viſible ſet of Fol-
lowers. But that both remaining as in a great Priſon, ſhall be unable to per-
vere the greateſt part of Mankind, as before ; and even to ſeduce any becauſe
out of their reach. La&tantius was of this Opinion ; for he ſays; (c) Qui autem
ab inferis ſuſcitabuntur, ii præerunt viventibus velut judices. Gentes vero non extin-
guentur omnino, ſed quædam relinquentur in viftoriam dei, ut triumphentur à juſtis,
ac fubjugentur perpetuæ ſervituti. Sub idem tempus etiam princeps Dæmonum, qui
eft machinator omnium malorum, catenis vincierur, & erit in cuſtodia mille annis co-
Leftis imperii. I have added theſe laſt words to ſhew, that Lactantius writ the reſt
upon view of this place. He ſuppoſes therefore ſome Idolaters remaining upon
the Earth during all the Millenary State ; and that out of theſe at the end of it
the Gog and Magog ſhall ariſe ; for he ſays in another place : (d) Sed idem, cum
mille anni regni, hoc eft feptem millia, cæperint terminari, Solvetur denuo, di cuſtodia
emillus exibit ; atque omnes gentes, quæ tunc erunt Jubditione juftorum, concitabit, ut
inferat bellum fanétæ civitati
. St. Auftin ſeems to have had ſomething of this
Notion ; for he ſays; (e) Gentes igitür Juni, in quibus diabolum velut in abylo
fuperius intelligebamus inclufum. However theſe Nations ſhall be, during the Impri-
ſonment of Satan, in ſo ſmall a Number, and ſo remote from the holy City,
and ſubject to the converted Nations, being perhaps ſuch as lie now in the uc-
moſt boundaries of the inhabitable World ; and ſo barbarous and inacceſſible to
the reſt of Mankind, and at the ſame time ſo feeble in Compariſon of the true
Chriſtians, that they ſhall neither dare, nor be able to diſturb the Peace of
Chriſt's Kingdom during all the time of the Millennium ; ſo that the Wiles of
Satan cannot perfuade them to rebel.
Let us noc here pretend to gueſs at the reaſons why any part of Mankind ſhall
be able to refift the miraculous Power of Chriſt ſo magnificently to be diſcovered.
Theſe are the ſecret things of God. It is ſufficient that the matter of fact be
revealed to us. Let us ſtick to that, and be ſatisfied without prying into the
ſecret reaſons of God's Decrees. He will not make an end of all at once ;
no more than he rewards all the Saints at once, but the Martyrs or ſuch as are
deſcribed preſently. When all Idolatry "is deſtroy'd, then comes the general
Reſurrection of all Mankind. But if we pretend to give any reaſons, why
Chrift ſhall ſuffer them to fubfift, though they are Idolaters ; let us draw them
from the great Love and Mercy of God to Mankind. Chrift himſelf in this
Exhibition of his great Power will not force thoſe Men, that ſhall be the re.
mainder of Paganiſm, into his Worſhip by ways of Violence and Perſecution.
But when they ſhall have neglected the means of Grace for ſo long a cime, and
at the end thereof inſtead of ſubmitting ſtill to his Power, ſhall racher endea,
SAT OJ OD 20 MW s ou d'amoo 2018
(6) Pap. Statii Sylv. Lib. V. §. I.
(d) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 26,
(6) Lactant. Lib.
Gel Auguſtin de Civit dei
(a) Ariſtoph. Pace.
VII. cap. 2 a
Lib. XX.cap. II.
esed
vour
540

Chap. XX. V. 4. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. 925
your to pervert others, and to ſubvert the Kingdom of Chriſt by attacking his
Capital City; then indeed he will puniſh and deſtroy them as Rebels, who
are by thae Adempt unworthy of any ſort of Mercy. In this cherefore he
will proceed as in the firſt converſion of Paganiſm by the opening of the
Seals. The firft Seal makes Conqueſt or Converſions, but the Rider is on a
white Horſe; there is no Puniſhment exerted againſt them chac refuſe. But at
the opening of the ſecond Seal, when the ſecond wight has given his Invita-
tion to come in, che Rider is upon a red Horſe and Slaughter follows ; God
commits Men one againſt another, and ſo the Plagues increaſe, as we have
thewn, till all Paganiſm is deſtroy'd. However Chriſt in this Period will not
fhew ſo much Patience to Gog and Magog, as we thall ſee; becauſe the means of
Grace have been greater, and their Obſtinacy and Preſumption deferves leſs
favour.
D. "Aqee Tshed in the Xiasm frn. Till the thouſand Tears ſhould be fulfilled.] The
Article is now put before che xínia érn, emphatically, to denote, that there are
the ſame thouſand years, as were mention'd before. This Obſervation is neceſ
ſary for what follows; becauſe ſome have pretended to find in this Chapter a
double Millennium; but of this more by and by.
E. Koù pela ciuta Så dulèv ad Iliõde, And after that he muſt be looſed.] This is
more fully deſcrib'd afterwards, when it is actually perform’d. But in the mean
time the Holy Ghoſt gives us an account of ſome very remarkable Coincidents
with this binding of Satan; which it was proper to inſert here, before any of
the following matters were entred upon. And indeed this binding of Satan for
a thouſand Years was but a preparative to that Coincidence, and a neceſſary
Condition to the effectual Accompliſhment of the Events, that follow in the
Deſcription, but are contemporary with the binding of Satan. However,
what is advanced here is to make us underſtand, that the Devil is not quite de-
ſtroyed by his Impriſonment, nor his Power and Seduction quite finiſhed. For
it is reaſonable that when Satan is deſtroy'd, and his Seducion quite finiſhed,
the Effea of that, which is the death of Men's mortal Bodies, introduced as a
Curſe for the Sins committed by the Temptations of Satan from the firft Man
quite through all Generations, ſhould ceaſe too. So that the Deſtruction of
Satan and that of Death, muſt go together; as we ſhall find by this Propheſy
they really do. His Impriſonment is a Puniſhment for his Crimes paſt, and
ſo the divine Juftice will wait for a freſh courſe of Crimes even in Satan
to give him the laſt ſtroke of Puniſhment. For God will obſerve the dea
corum of Juſtice even in the Puniſhment of Satan ; not only as he is a ra..
tional mind, but alſo as his Deſtinies involve thoſe of Mankind, for whom
God alſo thews Patience. Obſerve therefore as to the words before us how
carefully the Holy Ghoſt finding it proper to leave off here the account of
Satan's Deftinies, to deſcribe other matters, ends this account by leaving as it
were convenient Toothing, to build afterwards cloſe to it without Incongruity
fome new Work, which is not yet to be begun. This we ſhall find very plain-
ly done in v. 7. of this Chapter.
F. Mireñv xeóvov, A little Seaſon.] This is an indeterminate Expreffion. If
we ſhould compare it with ſuch another in Chap, 6. II, where the Martyrs of
the firft Period are bidden to ſtay xeģvor mineøv, a little while, it would imply a
very long time in reſpect to us: becauſe that little while comprehends all the
time of the Reign of the Beaſt, as we have ſhewn there; and it is evident by
the Event. But as we muſt conſider terms of time with a view to the Circum-
ſtances about them, it is evident that in this place the little Seafon or while, muft
be conſidered with a view to the Millennial Duration. And indeed this ſpace
of time being only given him to ſeduce Gog and Magog, for one fingle puſh a-
gainſt the Kingdom of Chriſt a ſmall time may ferve. But what it is, we are
not told.
A. verf. 4. Koù se do segris, And I ſaw Thrones.] This being a freſh matter is
uſher'd in with the mark of a freſh Viſion. Theſe Symbols of Thrones and of
them that fit thereon are to be underſtood by what has been ſaid upon Chap. 4.
4. But theſe Thrones, whoſe number is noc defin'd, are to be very carefully
diftinguiſh'd from the twenty four Thrones there mention'd, whereby the ſtate
of the Chriſtian Church, and its primitive and militant Inſtitution during the
two firſt Periods were ſignified. This makes an eſſential difference between the
ftate of thoſe two Periods, and that of the third, which is to begin with the
Millennium
FS HUS Brow conta dato banababgul isto i noismino diboo
ILC

926 The Millennial Reign with Chrift. Chap. XX. v.
ܘܛܐ
Millennium, to which theſe Thrones belong. As Chriſt has taken new Names
and Attributes, much more magnificent than before ; ſo will the number of
his Afeſſors ruling under him be greater, and their qualities much more ex-
cellent. Theſe Thrones are not yet the compleat Throne of Chriſt.
No,
that will be ſhewn hereafter, v. II, when he is compleat Victor of all bis Ene-
mies, which will not be till after the Millennium ; in the mean time his Throne
is not diſtinguiſhed from that of his Aſſeſſors. Theſe matters will be more
clear'd hereafrer.
Obſerve a little in the mean time the difference in the Management of the
Symbols in this place, and in the former Chap. 4. where che Thrones are ſaid
to be twenty four, a myſtical number compounded of twice twelve to compre-
hend the Heads of the Church made out of Fews and Gentiles. Here the num-
ber is not defin’d, but left to be generally underſtood ſo, that the Thrones are
in the ſame number as the Individuals, who are to fic thereon. In the former
place the Body politick was chiefly conſidered, and that includes the Individuals.
But here this is the ſtate of the Rewards which chiefly concern the Individuals
and their perſonal Rights, which each is to enjoy actually in Perſon.
B. Ka enci Brown è m' culès, And they ſate upon them.] The Management of this
Deſcription of the Millennial Reign is much the ſame as before. The Holy
Ghoſt mentions firſt the Throne and Thrones, and then tells us who ſat on
them. So here the Thrones are firſt mention'd; then we are told that ſome
ſet on them, and afterwards who they are, namely ſuch and ſuch, who reign
with Chriſt. D. Mill has fet down the reading of the Ethiopick Verſion, which
is thus, vej čreci Notu é duriss ó sós 78 dus gabors, and the Son of Man Sate upon them,
but this Copy is ſingle, none elſe having the like ; and ſo is the reading of
St. Auſtin, who turns ; Et Jedentes ſuper eas, as if he had read : j res vse. Sheldoors
&m' eulss, and thoſe that fate thereon. This is more elegant in the Conſtru&ion;
for ic follows, and Fudgment was given to them, not to Thrones ſurely, but to
them that fate thereon; tho' Thrones be the Symbols or Enſigns of Royalty
or Judgment. But no Man will ſeek for elegancy of Conſtruction in St. Fohn;
tho his Expreſſions as to their Signification be moſt accurate, and full of very
nice Diſtinctions, as we have obſerv'd almoſt throughout.
C. Kui sežu ÉS In dulcis, And Judgment was given to them.] That is, thoſe
who face on the Thrones receiv'd Authority to reign and govern, according
to the nocion which the Hebrews had of judging, which was abſolutely that of
reigning ; as it is alſo evident from this very Verſe. See alſo our Note upon
Chap. 19. 13. E, moft Interpreters apply the Viſion of Daniel, 7. 9. to this
part of the Revelation. But that Viſion is a Propheſy involv'd, and compre-
hends the whole Kingdom of Chriſt, from his firſt coming to the ſecond and
perfect Conſumination of all things, Such an explicite Knowledge of the par-
ticular ſteps of that fifth Monarchy was not communicated to Men before
St. John's Time. For as Daniel 12. 4. ſays; Many ſhall run to and fro, and
Knowledge ſhall be increaſed. The latter Prophefies are more explicite and evolv'd.
By chefe we muſt explain the former; and therefore the Book of his Propheſy
is ſealed to ſhew, that the underſtanding of it was yet myſtically obſcure, not
to be diſcovered, éws diabeya Jari tende sy answein sigvñois, as the LXX. turn it,
till many be taught and Knowledge be muliiply'd, which ſhews that the Prophets
that were to come after him would give Men a Key to his Propheſies. Now
that Key is ſolely lodged in the Revelation. Therefore I call it the eaſieſt Pro.
pheſy. However we may here obſerve, that the very words of Daniel are us’d.
Thus in Dan. 7. 9. Oi negros fréquotes, the Thrones were fet ; v. 14. évi edon si dex,
to him the Government was given ; and in v. 22. xj ne sežue és cuevaylors vifiss, and
be gave Judgment to the Saints of the moſt high. The former words indeed do
ſpecially denote the Kingdom of Chriſt at his firft Coming and Aſcenſion, as
it has been ſhewn upon the fourth and fifth Chapters; and the latter ſeem more
ſpecially to denote this ſecond Kingdom of Chriſt, where his Saints do reign
with him. But who could have found thar without St. John's Viſions. We
ſhould be all as the Jews, who expected but one Reign of the Meffias in Glory.
as chis Millennium is, Chriſt and his Apoſtles have inſtructed us in the Faith
and Hope of his ſecond Coming; and this Revelation is the only explicite ac-
count wecan have of the various Steps and Events thereof.
D. Kαι τις ψυχές των πεπαλακισμένων δια τίω' μαρτυρίαν Ιησέ, δια τον λόγον τε Θες,
And the Souls of them that were beheaded for the Teſtimony of Feſus, and for the word
of God.) The Conftruction is, that funds depends of the former word és dov, as if ic
were

Chap. XX. V.4. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.!
927
wer over
CS
rors and Lives of
were ſaid, I ſaw the Souts. Seeing theſe Souls are juft after ſaid to live, it is e.
vident, that they are repreſented as dead before. So that theſe are the Souls
of the Martyrs ſlain during the firſt Period of the Church by the Roman Empe-
the Subjects under their Government was outwardly ſhewn by the Symbol, of
the Axes carried before them by their Liftors; the word here uſed by the Holy
Ghoſt memek xonfocov, whoſe derivation is from zré news, an Axe, plainly demon-
ftrates the allufion Thefe Souls are therefore the ſame which St. John ſaw
up-
on che opening of the fifth Seal, in Chap. 6.9. The words are exa&ly the
fame in ſignification. In that place indeed it is ſaid of them čo ponudity, inſtead
of the word uſed here; but the Senſe is the very fame, the word in this place
expreſſing the Inſtrument of the Execution, whereas to paylfi'cu expreffes rather
che part of the Body on which the Execution is made, which is the oqayo, the
Neck or Throat. But either word characterizes in a manner the moſt common
way of puering Men to Death among the Romans, which was perform’d by Be-
heading. And if we ſhould read here as the Alexandr. MS. METADE DA Ricov, tliis
would indeed be a more general Term: but it would ftill be proper enough to
expreſs, that theſe Souls ilain had been under the perſecution of the Dragon,
of whom it is ſaid in Chap. 12. 7. éxoréunos, and in v. 17. motñce zóns poy. Turn
therefore this place as you will; let the reign of theſe Martyrs be explain'à any
how; yet
this is evident, that this expreſſion can denote no other Perſons, but
the very Perſons of the Martyrs. Thus far therefore we are certain, that in
this Propoſition, the fouls of them that were bekeaded did live and reign, the ſubject
of it is the Martyrs ſlain by the Romans. As to the Predicate, we ſhall conſider
that in its due place.
In the mean time let us conſider here why the Holy Ghoft denotes the Per-
ſons of thoſe Martyrs by the name of Souls
. It may be ſaid to be done upon
two accounts; but both of them come to the fame at laſt, that it is upon the
account of their being Dead before the time of this Vifion; the firſt is that
fugl is faid of a dead Man upon the account of the thedding of his Blood, which
is as his Soul. See the Note upon Chap. 6.9. A. the ſecond is, that ifugal fignifies
a dead body. In Levit. 19. 28. it is ſaid in the LXX, Kai en zopi Sors & zoríteni bhi tua
või en red obuceta vuor, the Targum there has s'n y, for a dead body, the like is found
in Num. 6. 11. Levit
. 21. 1. Ezekiel 44.25, where the LXX have a fugls, and
the Hebrew is no. See Schindler, v. UDI.' And in this Senſe one may alſo un-
derſtand that place of Revel 6.9. Now theſe Souls thus med, or dead, are to
live and reign, as it is ſaid in this Verſe. It being therefore certain, that theſe
very Souls are they which muſt be underſtood, thus dead and living again, and
that it is not poflible to underſtand it of any other ſort of Men, but of the
Primitive Martyrs, who are properly determined by the Expreſſions, for the
teſtimony of Jeſus, and for the word of God, which as ſhall be obſerved and proved
diftinguiſh them from the Martyrs made ſo by the Beaſt, and by conſequence
who are dead above one Thouſand Years before the Millennium ; it is now as
certain, that in this Millennial State they revive again and reign with Chriſt.
This I am ſure of, that theſe words can be underſtood only of ſuch as have been
Slain, not of any other ſort of Men, and ſo cannot denote any colle&ive body
of Men in a mortal State ; but only themſelves, the very Perſons who keep
the word of God, and have the teſtimony of Jeſus. To ſay that the raiſing of
the Church is the raiſing of theſe, is what can never be conſonant to the Senſe
of the words, nor to the Syſtem of the whole Propheſy. The Church of Chriſt
never dies, the Gates of Hell can never prevail againſt it. Indeed the two
witneſſes are ſaid to die, but the Church is repreſented by the Woman flying
into the Wilderneſs, and by the ſecret worſhippers in the Temple; and whae
has been ſaid of thoſe witneſſes is enough to prove, that they ſignify a fuccef-
five Line of Martyrs who repreſent both a political Body and individuals per-
forming each and altogether the fame Office. So that their Death implies both
a political and natural Death. Their political Reſurreaion has been fewn be-
fore, and the Reſurrection of the individuals is ſhewn in the next words, to
thoſe before us ; not under the name of Witneſſes or Prophets, leaſt we ſhould
este
(a) Vid. Heſychi in Voe. Joſeph. Archæolog. Lib. XVIII. cap. 4 Thucydid; Lib. IV. 9 48.&
Schol
alſo
Abicon

928
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
Ch. XX. v. 4.
SO
Susch
allo here take it of a political Refurre&ion; but they are repreſented as the
individuals who kepe up that Succeſſion, and are now to receive their Reward
as Individuals.
viving to reign with Chriſt, the notion is not new ; bur applied in this Viſion
to the Martyrs of Chriſt. The Jews had it long before our Saviour's coming,
of the Juſt in general
. The Book of Wiſdom has it clear, for he ſays, (2)
Airgánov
s tugonde os gored ads, xjë mi bezan dutüv Besuves. "Estan er op de anois diebuar 71.
νάναι, και έλoγέθη και κωσις η έξοδος αυτών. Και η αφ' ημών πορεία σώλειμμα. οι δε εισιν αν εί.
plun. And a little after, Kevšov 8 Son ij neslouet acerov, a Caordiont diutê Kueco się
Tòs alcoves. All this is ſpoken of ſuch as ſuffer, and die for the true Religion,
and the teſtimony of a good Conſcience. Conſider the place attentively.
When the Jews return’d from che Captivity, and found, that notwithſtanding
their zealous Obſervation of the Mofaical Law they were ſtill expoſed to Per-
ſecutions, they conſidered more diligently the Law and the Prophers, together
with the Nocions of the Divine Juftice, which are ſo frequently inculcated
therein. From thence they argued, and diſcovered, that there muſt be a Re-
furre&ion to be a time of Retribution. Hence thoſe of them that died for the
true Worſhip became full of the Hopes of immortality, as the ſame Auchor expref-
ſes it. When Chriſt came among them the Doctrine of the Reſurrection had
made great Progreſs, and was generally believed by all except the Sadducees.
Chriſt therefore only confirın'd it, and gave a demonſtration chereof by his
own, and of his power to raiſe again all thoſe to whom he has promiſed it,
and all Men too.
E. Kad se tives MegTexMÓN GULV TEM Smeigt, And which had not worſhipped the Beaſt. ]
The Conſtruction ſtands thus, I ſaw the ſouls of them that were flain which had not
worſhipped the Beaft. St. John is full of ſuch abrupt conſtructions ; but it is evi-
dent enough, that theſe, who have not worſhipped the Beaſt, are accounted
llain; becauſe it is ſaid of them as well as the former, they lived; that is, lived
again, as we ſhall fhew. I find indeed St. (b) Cyprian did not underſtand it ſo,
Mede; tho' this laſt uſes an argument in (d) another place which proves,
that they muſt be conſidered here as firſt Slain, and then reviving. So that he
ſeems not in that other place to have given his laſt thoughts. But be this as it
will, the whole tenure of the Propheſy ſuppoſes theſe worſhippers of God,
who have refuſed to worſhip the Beaſt, as Slain, and reviving in this Millennial
State. We have ſeen in Chap. 6.9, 10, 11, that when the souls of the Primi-
tive Martyrs cried up for Vengeance, and for the Reward promiſed to them,
they were put off, with a token of a certain Expectation thereof; but that the
time was not yet come for it; becauſe they muit have fellow Servants, which
muſt be Slain as well as they. We have ſeen, that in the ſecond Period of the
Church the Beaſt was to make War with the Saints, and to ſlay them, Chap.
11. 7. Chap. 13: 70145;. We have likewiſe ſeen in Chap. 14. 13. that a bleſſing
and promiſe of reward is made to them that die in the Lord at that time, which
is plainly as long as the Beaſt laſted. So likewiſe in Chap. 15. 2. they who o-
vercome the Beaſt, that is, are Slain, and by their death gain the moſt noble
Vi&ory, as the primitive Martyrs are ſaid to overcome the Dragon in Chap. 127
11. and are repreſented as having paſt the Sea of Fire, which implies their
Death ; theſe, I ſay, as well as the primitive Martyrs, are fewn with tokens
of the certainty of their Reward. So that in all things they are in the ſame
ftate as the Primitive Martyrs. Well then now the Beaſt is gone, they that
corrupced the Earth are deftroy'd ; therefore the time is come for the Dead to
be judged, that is, the cauſe of the Dead is tried, and they may receive their
Reward, as it is ſaid in Chap. 11. 18. which, as we have proved it, is collateral
to theſe times. We have ſeen, that Chriſt has promiſed to reward them chat
overcome ; that is, by Death, or to Death reſilt his Enemies. We find now,
that this Number is made up; there can be no more ſuch Martyrs, becauſe the
Beaſt is deſtroy'd, and Satan is bound; ſo that Chriſt ſeems to have no cauſe to
put off any longer his promiſe of Reward, now that their Number is fully
made up. We have ſeen, that the promiſe of Chriſt is, that the Martyrs, op
nor
(a) Wiſd. of Solom. Chap. 3. 1, 2, 3, 8.
(0) Mede's Rem. on the Apocalyps. ch. XII.
(5) Cyprian. de Exhort. Martyt. S XIL
(A Mede's Epift. xx.
Over-

Chap. XX. V.4. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. 929
Overcomers of bis Enemies, fhall reign with him. We fee, that Chriſt is now
come again with his Heavenly Holt to deſtroy, and has deſtroy'd his Enemies,
and reigns with his great Power, and as King of Kings and Lord of Lords * We
have ſeen, that he is come to his Marriage, and has given to his Bride Pylle
Garmients, which are the Righteouſneſs of his Saints; that is, their Reward in
Judgment; and this Byfle is the Symbol of the moſt perfect Holineſs, or Juſtifica-
tion, which God gives; and therefore ſuits only the ftate lof Refurre&ion,
wherein only the Saints can be perfe&ly Haly. Now we find here, that theſe
Martyrs of both Periods are mentioned as reigning with him ; and can we
doubt after all this, that this is not the Reward promiſed to them, to their very
Perſons? Have we not ſeen before the Converſion of the Nations done? Whac
can therefore oblige us not co own, that theſe very Martyrslare now leo riſe
again, and reign with Chriſt? So that this is indeed a litteral-Refurre&tion of
fuch Dead as are mentioned in the Words before us. cong115 quonso did io
Thus we find, that the whole Tenure of the Propheſy leads us to underfandi
this place of a proper Reſurrection of the Dead Martyrs. Is ie nor thereforera
ſad ching, chat ſome Divines ſhould preſume fo much upon the Penetration of
their Wies, as to pretend from the ſingle confideration of this place, without
having any other knowledge of the Oeconomy of this Prophefy oto determine
negatively, and againſt ſuch a proper Refurrection 2 Neither are they berter
grounded, who pretend to explain the place of the Converſion of the Fews By
what Grammar, by what Logick do they pretend to turn the words of St John
to ſuch a Senſe? Are the Jeurs properly thoſe who have reffted to Death for:
the teſtimony of Jeſus? Are they choſe, who primarily have oppoſed the Worſhip
of the Beaſt. Was this Prophely written for them ? Are they not rather there.
in called the Synagogue of Satan? Surely, it is favour enough to them, if theyabe
converted like other Nations, and come into the invitation of the Marriage of
the Lamb. Some others pretend, that the flouriſhing ſtate of the Church is
che Reward, which the Martyrs muſt expect; as if that could fully accomplifh
the promiſes of Chriſt to them for their eminent Sufferings and Conſtancyl
.
Forſooth, our Martyrs are but like common Heathens, who devoted their Lives
for the glory or freedom of their Country, to make their Children happy. Buc
even the ( a ) Heathens thought, that ſuch Souls had Prerogatives in Hell. And
do we not ſee, that Chriſt has promiſed ſuch Prérogatives to the Martýrs?
Yes, he promiſes, that he will give them the Moruing Star, in Chap. 2. 28. Even
as he has received of the Father. That is, as he roſe before the general Refærte-
ation, ſo muſt chey; they muſt ſhine as the Morning Star before the full Day
light of the general Reſurrection. But enough of this here: Let us proceed
to ſome other Obſervations. Os
GC) bris
Firit then, let it be obſerv'd from the Words before us, that whereas ſome
(b) learned Men, perhaps cut of Modeſtý, but ill placed, make the firſt Refur-
rection to conſiſt only of the ancient Martyrs, by which are underſtood thoſe
of the Primitive Church, or firſt Period, we muſt go nevertheleſs further to
find out cheir compleat Number, and include therein all the Martyrs made due
ring the Tyranny of the Beaſt, who are the Fellow. Servants of the Primitive
Martyrs, and joyn'd with them in this very place. This is plain from the great
care taken by the Holy Ghoſt here and elſewhere, to compriſe them both as
having the ſame right in the Promiſes made to the former, and here we find
them join'd in the Accompliſhment. The Patience and Faith of the Martyrs
of the ſecond Period were as great as thoſe of the firſt. See our Note upon
Chap. 13. 10. C. compare with that Chap. 14. 12. They are Prophets, have the
Spirit of Propheſy, and are therefore Fellow-Servants to the Angels. See our
Note upon Chap. 19. 10. B. Why ſhould they hoc then be equally rewarded
with the Primitive ? Thus the Number of thoſe that are to have a ſhare in the
firit Refurre&ion is not ſo ſmail as ſome might imagine. Beſides, how do we
know but God will alſo ſtretch the Title of Martyr co ſach Confeſſors as have
confeſſed bim before Men, tho' they are not Slain at their Confeflion, but ſuf-
fer otherwiſe, as St. John himſelf
, who without doubt will be therein equal to
the other Apoſtles, See Matth. 28. And our Saviour promiſes, that be tbatore
ama
រ
(a) Vid. Virgil Æneid. Lib. VI.
(6) Vid. M, Jurieu's Accompl
. of Script. Preph.
P. II. ch. 25. 9 7. Mede's Kemains on the Apoc. ch. 126 M mis VXXX.Gopala do
crivetle
ᏗᎥ Ꭰ

930
The Millennium of Chrift's Reign. Ch. XX. v. 4.
cejveth ia Prophet is the name of a Prophet, ſhall receive a Prophets reward, Matth. 10.
43, that is, the very fame as a Prophec. ( a ) Ofor otkids zor tespilles Donector de la
Mejobo de cav, ſaps St. Chryfoftome.
9 Secondly, it will not be improper to obſerve here, that though the Reward
of the Martyrs of both Periods be the fame, yet the Holy Ghoſt has always
diſtinguiſhed them in their Names and Attributes. The Martyrs of the firſt pe
riod being witneſſes againſt Paganiſm are ſaid to be Slain deal sev aósov fo for meg
olid peptuelar 'inois geest or 'Agvís, for the word of God and the witneſs of Feſus Chrift,
or of the Lamb, as may be ſeen in Chap. 1. 2. 9. Chap. 6.9. and in this Verſe,
to which Chap. r2. 11, agrees partly in Senſe, and partly in Words. But the
Martyrs of the fecond Period againſt the corrupted Church are ſuch as refift
the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet, and refufe to worſhip the Image, and to take the
mark of its name on their Hands and Fore-heads. What can be the meaning
of this cautious difference? I anſwer, that the Primitive Marcyrs had an Enem
my who perſecuted them for owning the true God and his Son Jeſus Chriſt,
and for obſerving his Word. The deſign of that
Enemy was to force them to caft
off the worſhip of both. But in the ſecond Period, or corrupted Church, the Beaſt
and Falſe Prophet do not pretend to force Men to do fo; yea rather pretend
to worfhip God and Chrift; and then they fet up beſides that Worſhip a falſe
Wordlip like the Dragon's ; and tyrannize over Men's Conſciences, to oblige
them to conform to it. The work of theſe Martyrs is to refaſe ſubmiſſion ta
the laſt Worſhip, as 'contrary to the will of God. The Holy Ghoſt foreſeeing
chis, has adapted the expreſſions according to the different States of the Mar-
tyrs. 1o W en bloqgo svet licmig or stod voda
F.:"Oure rõ sinóver outs, rj šx fraCor to geasyua oni me pite tv &UTür, as in the geiese
ciutow, Neither it's Image, and had not received its mark upon their forebead, or spons
their band. ] Thefe expreffions have been explained before. And as they are
different Symbols of Submiſſion, it ſeems to be implied by them, that none is
admitted to have a ſhare in this Refurrection, who has in the leaſt ſubmitted to
the corruptions of the Beaft and Falfe. Prophet.
- G. Kui erioeep And they lived.] nesnoav, lived, is the fame as divé hour, lived an
gain. This is eaſily proved, both by authority and the neceffty of it in this
place.. To go no further than the words of Chriſt in Chap. 1. 18. Kai éguémiles
vexegese ng Bowl Sõndique vis tids cãrus; And I was dead, and bebold"I am alive for ever-
more; that is riſen again. The like is found in Chap. 2.8. Os esfésze vones's vej 669-
OEV, which was dead and is alive. The like is ſaid in Chap. 13. 14. of the firſt
head of the Dragon wounded to Death, but recovering. This is indeed but a
political Reſurrection, but the Phraſe ſhews the uſe of the Word. See alſo
Roin. 14. 9. and ( 6 ) D. Mill's judgment thereupon. Thus alſo in Fohn 17.252
Refurreétion and life are put by our Saviour as Synonymous ; and indeed Life
in the New Teſtament is very frequently put for the Reſurrection.
This thews that the Souls were conſidered as ſain before, but now to be
alive. By che nexe Verſe it is clear, that this Life is the Reſurrection, for ſo it is
called: not that it is ſuch a Life as they, who are dead in Chrift, may be ſaid to
live in God, becauſe their Souls are not mortal with their Bodies. Therefore
theſe now live again, being riſen again, who had been beheaded for the witneſs
of Jeſus, whoſe Souls or Blood was fhed, and their Bodies dead; and alſo thofe
who had been ſlain by the Beaſt, whom the Falſe-Prophet had cauſed to be.
Hain for refuſing to worſhip the Image of the Beaſt, and to take its mark upen
their Forehead and Hand. In every Propoſition the Predicate muft be fuited
to the Subjects. Thoſe who live here, or riſe again, have actually been Slain.
They are now ſaid to live again; they are therefore fo far riſen again, as it is
poffible, or ſuitable to a dead Man, whom God deſigns by raiſing him to make
him reign with Chrift. We have ſeen at the opening of the ſixth Seal, how
thoſe that had eſcaped from the great Tribulation, are nicely diſtinguiſhed
from the Souls Alain at the opening of the fifth Seal. So that the Souls flair
under the Alear had no ſhare in that Reft of half an Hour in the Seventh, that
Reft being far below the Majeſty of the Millennial, as we have fhewn. There-
fore this is now their Refurre&ion and Reft, and not the Reſurrection of the
Church.
care sine to gogoani M.DIV
(a) Joh. Chryfoft. Ham. XXXV. in Matth. via 046) Milli Prolegom. pag. 72.
*) Milli Prolegom, pag. 72. II
IC

Ch. XX. v. 4. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
931
It is ſaid indeed, that the two Witneſſes are ſaid to be dead and to riſe again,
which is plainly to fignify, that the Church will riſe again; nor that it deuocès
the Reſurrection of private Perſons. But all this is inclufive. The two Wit-
neſſes fignify, a Body Politick and Continual ; and imply, or comprehend the
Suppofita or Individuals
. The Body Politick riſes again, but this does not infer,
that the Individuals ſhall not; yea rather the individuals fhall alſo have a pro-
per Reſurrection when the Body Politick riſes again, each ſuitable. The Po-
litical Refurrection of the Witneſs happens when Rome falls, and the Beaſt is
deſtroy'd, and the Nations converted; that of the Individuals muft follow.
Now leaft we ſhould miſtake this Refurre&ion, by applying it as fuits with a
-political Collective Body, the Holy Ghoſt uſes terms which only fignify Indi.
viduals. Upon the moſt ſerious application of Mind I cannot find that the
Terms usd in this Verſe can be underſtood of a Political, collective Body or
Society of Men in a mortal State of Mankind. The words are plain, and lit-
teral as to the Hebrew Stile. Souls llain fignify Dead Men. This is the Subject
of the Propofition. A proper Reſurrection of their bodies muſt be implied,
They are not Individuals, or a colleđive Body upon Earth, and in a morsal
Life; therefore a political Refurre&tion cannot be applied to them. They are
exa&ly diftinguiſhed in the whole Prophefy from living Mortals, and from the
Church Milicant. Their Warfare is over as to this Life. They are Victorious,
and entring upon a Triumphant State. The political Reſurrection of the Church
does not belong to them; and cannot be predicated of their perſons, That has
already been ſhewn in other Symbols; and ſo when the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks of
them, a different matter is applied to them. Ler it be proved, that the Souls
Alain for the teſtimony of Jefus, or thoſe that have oppoſed the Beaſt and Falfe-
Prophet, which are here repreſented as Slain and living again, do ſymbolically
fignify the whole Church, or rather the colledive Body of the Church of the
Saints in a mortal State ftill; and not barely and plainly the Martyrs departed
out of this Life, diftinctly from the faichful still in this Life, and then there
will be ſome weight in the Objection. But that I am ſure can never be done,
And if it were as to this place nrade plauſible, the Verſes following would ftill
prove refractory, as we ſhall demonſtrate,
Therefore this Life and Reſurrection can be only of ſuch Individuals as are
deſcribed in the foregoing Words, who are Perſons ſlain or dead before the
time of this Millennium. When Interpreters pretend to affix fome fignification
to the words of their Text, they muſt take care to do it with a view to the
whole Context; otherwiſe their Interpretations are raſh Conjectures, and the
Syſtem which they build thereupon is a mere rope of Sand. Eſpecially as to
this Prophefy, which is a compleat Scheme of Vifions cloſely and mutually
related to each other throughout, being indeed but one Vifion.
H. Kai Carin die sous uete të mesa, And reigned with Chrift] St. Auftin has cum
Jefu; but St. Cyprian has cum Chrifto. This friews us, that the Thrones ren-
tioned before were for theſe Martyrs to fit upon them; it is they that fat on them
in the preceeding words ; and they are they to whom Power and Authority to
judge or reign is given. All this in conjunction with Chriſt himſelf. As there-
fore Chriſt is rifen again, ſo are they; he was dead, ſo were they; he lives
for evermore, fo do they ; for the ſecond Death has no power on them. Here
is the Accompliſhment of the Promiſe made to him that overcomes in Chap. 3.
21. where Chriſt promiſes to him that fhall overcome, power to fit on his
Throne, as he has overcome and ſits on the Throne of his father. This Vi-
dory vias when Chrift witnefled the good Confeffion, and died to ſeal bis
Teſtimony ; ſo have they done in their Martyrdom. Therefore this Reign of
the Martyrs is granted to them, becauſe they have overcome in like manner.
This Life, Reſurrection and Reign will be more fully deſcrib'd afterwards in its
feveral Circumſtances, which prove that upon Earth during the Millennium,
and till Death and Hades are deſtroy'd, there will be two forts of Members of
Chrift's Kingdom ; ſome riſen from the Dead, and ſome converted to Chrift,
but in a mortal Condition ; that is, ſuch a Life as Men have now here, but
how far improv'd for length or happineſs we cannot certainly tell. Náy, and
perhaps ſome ſhall remain ſtill in Idolatry, but in a low condition, and under
A Vida
(*) Auguftin. de Civ. dei Lib. XX. cap. 7.
ēdil isa taifigu
the

932
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. Chap. XX. v.4.
the Government and Power of the Saints, not able to disturb the Peace of the
Churchr. Chrift now reigns over his Saints, but not with them ; but in the
Millennium he will reign with them ; they ſhall under him reign and govern che
World. They are his Bride, his confort. Lactantius : (a) Qui autem ab inferis
Suſcitabuntur ii preerunt viventibus velut judices. They ſhall not therefore want
proper ſubjects to exerciſe their judicial power and reign. Chriſt is here a name
of the higheft Dignity. is aan
boden au croitorulss 100
Further, it is ſaid, that they reigned with Chriſt, and ſo theſe words imply an
actual preſence of Chriſt with them ; and by conſequence confticure an eífen-
tial difference between this ſtate and the former ſhort reft under Conſtantine in
Chap: 7. 17. for in chac ſhort reft the Lamb was only to lead them as a Shep-
herd. See the Notes on Chap. 21. 3. B. C. D. and Chap. 21. 22, 23. This
may be illuſtrated by the faying of Chriſt reported in the Goſpel of the Egyp-
tians, and cited by ( b ) Clemens Rom and (c) Clemens Alex. 'E789.c9th Teis d'UTOS : Kú-
ειος των πνος, πότε ήξει αυτά η βασιλεία, επεν, όταν ένα τει δύο εν και το έξω ως το έσω, και το
posv male rãs Snacids, čte asosy, řTE Sñau. The Lord kimſelf being asked by a certain
man, when bis Kingdom ſhall come, he ſaid, when the two ſhall be one, and the cut-
ward part as the inward, and the Male-Sex ſhall be with the Female, as being neither
Male nor Fimale. The two are made one, when the Gentiles and the Jews are
converted and united; they that were without ſhall then be as they that are
within ; which two expreſſions ſignify, as has been proved already, the Gentiles;
who before their converſion are without, as the faithful are within ; and when
the diſtinction of Male and Female are taken away; this is done at the Refur-
re&ion, as our Saviour explains it, Luke 20.35. From all which a good Argu-
ment is drawn, that when Chriſt reigns, the Reſurredion of the Saints con-
curs with it, and they reign with him. s bosto109 Hoid
When this Interpretation of the word was calumniated in the Church by the
name of Hereſy and carnal Gnofticiſm, contrary to the notion of the moſt
primitive Fathers, who all received the Millenniat Reign of Chriſt upon Earth
with the Saints raiſed again ; but moſt certainly without any carnal Notions
favouring of Judaiſm or Epicuriſm, Men were forced to find out a new Inter-
pretation of them ſuitable to their preſent Notions. Their very Interpreca-
tions fhew however, that the words can no way be underſtood of any but the
very Martyrs as Individuals. By this Reign of che Martyrs they underſtood
therefore the Honours given to the Martyrs, and their power to work Miracles
after their Death, So St. (d) Auſtin. Others fince finding the Martyrs Wor-
thipped, underſtood it of that Worſhip and the power of Miracles. Grotius,
being ftung with the Dragon's Tail, when he wrote his Comment on this Pro-
pheſy, follows this. But D. Hammond was too good a Proteſtant, and too wife
and learned to follow Grotius in this Prevarication. What does he therefore?
He takes this Reign to be that of the Church in general Succeffors of the Mara
tyrs, as (e) St. Auſtin, not being content with the former, advances another
explication a little after, and takes in the Biſhops of the Church as reigning
with Chriſt; which is true indeed, but not ſuitable to this Period of the
Church, which is ſo eaſily and plainly diſtinguiſhed from the Milicant State.
So that Grotius and D. Hammond have fplit St. Auſtin's notions between them.
Ilad Grotius followed his Syſtem cloſe, the Proteftant Churches as well as Turks,
muſt have been the Gog and Magog. Read his Note, and you will ſee 'tis an
unavoidable conſequence. But enough of this. I blaft all ſuch Interpretations
by obſerving, that the Martyrs are ſaid to be beheaded, and after to live and
reign, and that too in the firſt Reſurrection. I hope the abſurdity of ſuch
Gloifes appears ſufficiently from this ſlender hint. objargeyro plnoudet
1. Ta záradémn, During the thouſand years.] This is ſpoken emphatically to de-
note, that theſe Thouſand Years, are the ſame Thouſand Years, during which
ftands the binding of Satan; and ſo it is often repeated, and always with the
article after the firft time. So the Complutenfian Edition, tho' it is not ſo in
that of Arias Montanus, which I have, who has nevertheleſs followed that. But
though the Article demonftrative was not inſerted, it is evident, that it may be
WONING
(a) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 24.
(6) Clemens Rom. Epift. II. $ 12.
(c) Clem.
Alex. Strom. III. (d) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XX. cap. 9. Vid. Mede, Epiñ. XIV.
fe) Auguſtin, de Civit Dei Lib. XX. cap. 9.
fo

Ch. XX. V. 5. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
933
ſo underſtood. So Lactantius in the words cited before; and St. Auſtin himſelf,
(a) Interea dum mille annis ligatus eft Diabolus, ſancti regnant cum Chriſto etiam ipſis
mille annis eiſdem fine dubio, & eodem modo intelligendis. Which is further evident
from what follows, where 'tis ſaid, that at the end of theſe Thouſand Years he
is ſuffered to go out of his Priſon, and to ſeduce the Nations Gog and Magog;
and bring them to beſiege the Holy City, which is the Capital of theſe reign-
ing Saints.
A. verf. 5. Kai oz 2017cheapes vexção šx egun ouy a xee Teatesh ti zárva črn, But the reſt of
the dead lived not again, until the thouſand years were finiſhed. ] The Article of the
Reſurrection of the Martyrs before the reſt of the Dead, being ſo neceſſary
for their incouragement to undergo their Sufferings, when they knew that they
had ſuch a Prerogative, the Holy Ghoſt has not only taken care to ſet that Rea
furrection forth in the plaineſt terms poſſible, but likewiſe has added theſe be-
fore us now, which are an irrefragable Argument to prove, that this is a pro-
per Reſurreâion of their Bodies ; fhewing alſo, that all thoſe, who are men-
tioned in the former Verſe, are conſidered as dead and living again. For how
could the Holy Ghoſt ſay che reſt of the Dead, if the former were not fo ? Here
is plainly an oppofition, or rather exception, which admits of no Equivocation,
out of a Rule or Affertion which muſt be of the ſame kind. Or elſe what need
is there of ſuch an exception? 'Tis a ſad thing to ſee what fetches, and ſhifts
to get over this place, they are forced to invent, who leaving the plain notion
of the Primitive Fathers, about the Millennial Reſurrection of the Martyrs, are
now become Antichiliaſts, or at leaſt Semi-millenarians. Their Gloſſes are more
diſtorted and aukward chan thoſe of thë Socinian Commentators upon the Divi,
nity of Chriſt and his Satisfaction. But take the former Verſe according to that
Primitive way, and the ſenſe of this is plain and eaſy, flowing in of itſelf.
Theſe dead therefore, who are not raiſed up till after the Millennium, include
not only the Wicked, who are dead ſince Adam's Fall, but alſo all ſuch among
the Chriftians, who are dead, or ſhall die till that time, having no title to this
firſt Reſurrection upon one of the accounts before-mentioned in the former Verſe.
But by this I do not pretend to exclude the Patriarchs, or ancient Martyrs in
the Jewiſh Oeconomy. All theſe may in ſome ſenſe be ſaid to have the teſti-
mony of Jeſus. But, becauſe this Propheſy is wholly written for the Chriſtian
Church, the Holy Ghoſt has only taken notice of the Reſurrection of ſuch as
are included therein, leaving the reſt to the former promiſes of God, and the
Declarations made by their Prophets. So that in my Expoſitions I wholly limit
myſelf to Chriſtians. But at the ſame time ſubſcribe to theſe words of Irea
neus, ( a ) Et in omnibus iis & per omnia idem Deus Pater oftenditur, qui plaſmavit
bominem, és bereditatem terre promiſit patribus, qui eduxit illam in reſurrectione juſtom
e promiſiones adimplet in Filii ſui regnum : poftea praſtáns illa paternaliter, quae
neque oculus vidit, neque auris audivit, neque in cor hominis aſcendit. Etenim unus Fin
Lius, qui voluntatem Patris perfecit ; & unum genus humanum, in quo perficiuntur my-
ſteria Dei.
They who will right or wrong explain this Life or Reſurrection, to ſignify
the Reſurrection of the Church in general, will find it hard to ſhew, why
thoſe, who are ſaid to be dead ſtill, and to live again during this firſt Reſurre-
&tion, muſt not be ſaid to be dead, and not to live again, in the ſame ſenſe as
they are ſo ſaid in v, 12. to be dead, who are there to ſtand, that is to be raiſed
again to ſtand before God, in order to be tried and judged. But all of them,
that ever I ſaw, confeſs, that this is to be underſtood literally of the laſt and ge-
neral Reſurrection of all Men in a bodily Reſurrection. St. Aufi in himſelf owns
it, (b) Poft hæc ipſum noviſſimum judicium, quod erit in ſecunda Reſurrectione
tuorum, quæ corporum eft, recapitulando narrat quomodo fuerit fibi revelatum. But if
this ſecond Reſurrection be of the Bodies, why muſt not the other? Are not
both expreſſed in the like Terms. If this conſequence be denied, then I chal-
lenge any Man to prove, that there is ever to be any bodily Reſurrection of the
Dead. For at this bold rate we may eaſily evade the force of all the Texts in
Holy Writ, which mention the Reſurrection of the Dead, and thus fall into
that folly of thoſe, who in the times of the Apoſtles, did, as ſome ſtill do, al-
run,
mor-
(6) Irenæ Lib. V. cap. 36.
(a) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XX. cap. s.
(5) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XX. cap. 14.
II E
beila
legoriza

934
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
Ch. XX. V. 4.
legorize the Refurre&ion of the Dead. Commend me therefore to Brightman,
who being reſolved to take away the Millennial Reſurre&tion of the Martyrs, has
quite taken the general too out of this Propheſy, even in that very place where
every body elſe finds it. Heads indeed conſequently; but then it muſt be own'd
that the denial of the Conſequence,that therefore the firſt is a proper Reſurrection,
isa prodigious Abſurdicy. But however abfurd ſuch an Expoſition be,yet Brightman
has therein been followed by Coccejus : who was indeed a very learned Man, but
ſuſpected to affect fingularity in his opinions. I know that an obſtinate Man
may find ways to evade by ſome Expoſition the plaineſt words. But the queſt-
ion is whether he can give us an Expoſition of this Methodical Propheſy, which
ſhall be confiftent with itſelf and the Events throughout, and at the ſame time
do this without falling into the Primitive Notions of this Millennium. Ireneus
has obſerv'd this inconfiftency, as to the matters before us, ( a ) Si autem quidam
tent averont allegorizare hæc quæ ejuſmodi lunt, neque in omnibus poterunt conſonantes
fibimet ipfis inveniri, & convincentur ab ipſis di&tionibus differentibus. Now it is plain,
that this part abfolutely depends upon the underſtanding of all that went be
fore; becauſe the Martyrs are here deſcribed by expreſſions which allude to all
the former parts of the Viſion. Therefore this place is not to be explain’d by
itſelf, but in fuch a manner as may conhſt with all that went before, and goes
after. You will ſay, the Primitive Fathers did not underſtand throughly the
Revelation. I grant it, becauſe the accompliſhment is the beſt Expoſition but
as to this Doctrine of the Millennial Reign, they had it as they ſay from the
very Diſciples of the Apoſtles. And indeed if this account of it be taken by it-
felf, it leads us naturally to it, becauſe the Holy Ghoft would diſcover a Doctrine
of this weight in as plain terms as could be. So that when there was occaſion
for Martyrs, this Doctrine always appear'd in the Church, as the beſt encourage-
ment for them.
B. "Aut si dyel' store si agcóth, This is the firſt Reſurrection. ]. The word agūros, firſt,
may have three ſignifications, which nevertheleſs are related to each other, the
latter implying the firſt, but not always reciprocally. [leãtos, firſt may be ſaid
in reſpect of order or time, this is the moſt common acceptation of the Word.
Secondly, it may be ſaid of the beginning, or firſt appearance of any thing
that is continual and without diviſion. Thus in Theocritus it is ſaid, { b) fider
apóóra, in the beginning of the Spring time, which the Latins expreſs by (6) pri-
mo vere. Thus in Virgil, (d) Primo menſe in the beginning of the Month; and in
Horace, e) Prima nošte; fo in Pliny, Prima and ultima are ſaid of the tip and
root of the Tongue, (f) Ranis prima cohæret, ultima abſoluta d gutture qua vocem
emittunt. In Lucan, Primo Sole fignifies the Morning Sun,
(8) Diemque
Miſit. in Ægyptum primo quoque Sole calentem.
In the Author of the Teftaments of the Patriarchs, ( b ) appão nas voeds ſeems not,
to be the firſt Temple of Solomon in reſpect of the ſecond built by Zerobabel, but
fignifies the fore-part of the Temple, even in the Second. In this Senſe
the words before us will not hinder the whole Reſurrection of Mankind, tho'
there be ſeveral Parts or Progreſs therein, to be but one. And indeed (i) Tera
tullian thought, that during the Millennium there would be a ſucceſſive raiſing
of the Dead, according to the different degrees of Merit in the Saints. But as
the Text makes no ſuch nice diſtinctions, ſeeming rather to imply, that all
they who are to have a ſhare in this firſt Reſurrection ariſe at firtt; and the
Words being poſitive, that they reign with Chriſt through the Millennium, this
of Tertullian muft paſs only for a Conjecture. The only progreſs that we can
now find in this Propheſy is, that there is firſt a Millennial Refurrection, and
afterwards the General
. Thirdly the word Firſt may fignify Principal, Excellent,
or Eminent above others. Now this ſenſe of the word may be very properly ap-
Tag Irene Lib. V. cap. 35.
(b) Theocrit. Idyll. 12,
(c) Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. XVIII. cap. 36.
(d) Virgil Æneid. Lib. VI. V. 453. (e) Horat. Lib. III.
01.g.
(f) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XI. cap. 37. (8) Lucan Pharſ. Lib. X. comp.
Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. 1. v. 200, & La&ant. ibid. (h) Teftam. Patriarch. Benj. $ Ix.
(i) Tercullian adv. Marcion. Lib. III. cap. 23. Vid. de Anim. cap. 35, 58. & de Reſurr. Carn.
cap, 45,48. Mede, Epift. LXVI.
plied

Ch. XX. V. 4.
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
935
plied to this firſt Reſurrection; for all the juſt partakers of it ſhall be Princes,
as they are Firſt-born of the Reſurrection. See our Note upon Chap. 1. 5.C.
for though it is probable, that ſome aroſe alſo upon the Reſurrection of our
Saviour, yet the Martyrs are the firft who ariſe out of the Chriſtian Church
and who anticipate by their Prerogative upon the general Refurredion of
Mankind. In this Senſe they are ſtill Firft-born.
The great Argument againſt our Expoſition of the firſt Reſurre&tion, and
indeed the only one which has any colour of Reaſon, is this; that the Refur-
rection of the dead is no where elſe in Holy Writ ſaid to be done at different
times. Bue what then? the Holy Ghoſt explains that here in irs ſeveral Cira
cumſtances, which was diſcovered no where elſe ſo explicitly. Cannot Men
conceive, that, as to clearneſs, abridgments and hints muſt be far fhort of a
large Account? All the ancient Propheſies were involved, or as Mede expreſſes
it as to Daniel's in reſpect of che Apocalypfe, (a ) contracted, and ( b ) in imagine
confufa, in a perplexed Viſion, in compariſon with the Apocalypſe, which is
much clearer, and fuller in its deſcriptions. Nay. all the Prediâions ſcattered
about in the reſt of the New Teſtament are ſo coo; becauſe the Apocalypſe is
the laft, being indeed a complear Syſtem of all the Events, which God deſign'd
we ſhould know before-hand. For though the Goſpel of St. John might be
written after, it is bar an Hiſtory of what our Saviour had Preached, and hint-
ed concerning future Evenes. All che hints therefore in the reſt of the New
Teftament are but involv'd, or contracted Predictions, in much more general
terms than this Apocalypſe. Nay in this very Apocalypſe we have found, as I
have obſerv'd upon occaſion, that the Holy Ghoſt uſes often to give a general
account of ſome Event, which afterwards is ſub-divided into many other cir-
cumſtances. So that there are in it involvd, or contracted, as well as evolv'd
and explicit Accounts. In theſe we are obliged to explain the contracted Ac-
count by the explicite. It is therefore no conſequence, that becauſe other parts of
the New Teſtament repreſent the Reſurrection, either as one Event, or very
ſudden, we muſt therefore think it is to be reckon'd but as one Event, done all
at once, without any gradual Proceſs: or becauſe of the ſuddenneſs predicted,
that therefore this is not poflibly to be ſudden, becauſe it is to be done at two
ſeveral times. If the firſt of them, or both, be done ſuddenly to the ſurpriſe
of the reſt of Men, that circumſtance is ſufficient to fulfil the Predi&tion.
The Reſurrection is no where elſe in the ſacred Writings more largely treated
of than by St. Paul, 1 Cor. 15, and if we will rightly underſtand that Chapter,
which is to be done with the help of the Apocalyptical Nocions and Evoluti-
ons, we ſhall find that Sf. Paul has there ſhewn us a different Order or Progreſs
as to the Reſurrection, and has given us a Notion of the Millennial Refurrection
of the Martyrs, confuſed indeed if compared with St. John's clearneſs, buç if
help'd therewith clear enough. There is in him plainly a difference in the Oxu
der or Progreſs, of the Refurre&ion; for he makes three degrees of it. Chriſt
firſt, afterwards they that are Chriſts at his Coming, and afterwards at the End,
Td
τέλο: . V.23, 24. Chriſt is the Firſt-Fruits ; of this there is no queſtion
now: but yet he aroſe not alone, ſo neither did he aſcend alone. But let us
proceed : Secondly, They that are Chrifts at bis Coming. Theſe are the ſame as
the dead in Chrift, that is, for Chriſt's fake as the Martyrs. See the Note upon
Chap. 14. 13. C. Theſe ſhall ariſe at his coming in tñ megole dulk, which is juſt
when he deſtroys t'y dvouov, the wicked, 2 Thef. 2. 8. which is the ſame as che
Beaft, Falle Prophet and their Adherents. For this megesía, Preſence, is collate-
ral or the ſame as the Millennial State. Bite, then, yea rather afterwards ; that is,
after the firſt Reſurrection, in the wesoie, Preſence; &ta being moſt certainly the
ſame as éteite. But this laſt énet implies a difference of time between Chriſt's
Reſurrection and his preſence, which time we find by Experience is of near ſeven-
teen Centuries, and how much more we know not. Therefore the di to, ſhew-
ing certainly a difference of time as well as the other word meta, may very
well imply a Millennium or more. Well, what comes dit afterwards, not sben,
as to the beginning of the megxoia Preſence? What ever comes, it muſt be as to
the order of the Reſurrection ; for that is the ſubject of St. Paul's Diſcourſe,
whoſe Intention is plainly to fhew, that the Reſurrection is to be in ſuch order
2015
(a) Vid. Medes Epift. XXXII.
(6) V, Meta Epift. VIIT.
HLXg đi
es
1

936
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign.
Ch. XX. v.5.
as God pleaſes, not as vain Men fancy. Afterwards then comes tờ Té@ ; which
is tranſlated the End. But what End is this? It is an End of Confummation or
Perfe&tion ; the full, perfe& and laſt End of the Reſurrection ; the general of
all the reſt of the Dead, who did not ariſe in the firſt Reſurrection.
It is plain therefore, that St. Paul knew of a firft or particular Reſurrection;
which was to be followed afterwards by the general : ſo that tho' St. Fobn only
of all the Canonical Writers applies the Millennium to this firſt Reſurrection
yet St. Paul knew of the thing. Nay, he knew of it as a Millennial State, tho
he has not here expreſs’d himſelf ſo explicitely. For if it be conſidered fe-
rioully, that in the Epiftle to the Hebrews he makes a long Diſcourſe to fhew
that Chriſt is to procure for us a perfect Reſt or Sabbatiſm; and that in Hebr. 4.
4.
he applies to it che Keft of God on the ſeventh Day of the Creation, with a
furd hint in v. 3. that the Works of God were finiſhed in the Foundation of
the World, and that therefore thoſe were a Type of all the reſt, and by con-
ſequence of the great Reſt of God prepared for Mankind, with a plainer hint
in v. 1o. that the Reſt of God implies in its due time the Reſt of Men, and
by conſequence in the ſame Proportion as to time ; this I ſay being conſidered,
it appears to me that Sc. Paul was not a Stranger to the Millennial Reſurrection.
Now compare with this what St. Barnabas the Companion of St. Paul has ſaid
of this Sabbatiſm, as we have obſerv'd before. If St. Barnabas wrote that by
Inſpiration, that is enough to confirm this matter, if he wrote it as a Tradi-
tion, St. Paul could not be ignorant of it ; if he wrote it as the reſult of his
Meditation, it is evident that St. Paul reaſons in the ſame way. The Epiſtle of
Barnabas was in the Primitive Church read as Canonical ; but when the Mil-
lennar Notion began to be oppos’d, it fank its Credit, becauſe that Notion was
too plain therein. The Revelation was oppos’d, and its Authority denied for
the ſame reaſon. The Epiſtle to the Hebrews had the ſame fate, very likely
upon the ſame account in part. Theſe two laft Books have weathered the
point, but that of St. Barnabas has not. Pro captu lectoris; which yet is hard
meaſure in ſuch a Caſe.
But to return to the place of St. Paul, in 1 Cor. 15. As the tranſlating of the
åta by then, and not afterwards, deinde as in the Vulgate, obſcures the Senſe, fo
that one cannot eaſily perceive the Diſtinction of time, as obſerved already,
becauſe then is equivocal; fo the Senſe is much more mar'd by thoſe, who take
the words év tas isio requele, in his own Order, to ſignify an Order of Dignity
or Excellency, and not of time. But that is evidently contrary to the drift of
the whole Diſcourſe of St. Paul, who here tacirely obviates the Queſtion of
thoſe who ask'd, Where is the promiſe of his coming? See 2 Pet. 3. 4. To this he
anſwers, That Chriſt is riſen the firit, afterwards he will raiſe every Man in
his proper Order ; at his coming thoſe that are Chriſts, and afterwards he will
compleat the end in a general Reſurre&ion, that every Man ſhall have his pro-
per Order in it. But even this Order introduces a Priority in Dignity too, as
has been obſerv'd before ; becauſe they that are Chriſts ſhall reign with him,
and even when all are raiſed, they ſhall be prior in dignity too. Why not?
The Angels themſelves are in differenc Orders, ſo muft the Children of the
Reſurrection be. See Matth. 19. 28. Luke 22. 30. and John 14. 2. on which
laſt fee Grotius.
I believe every one may alſo find the firſt Reſurrection in the fame Apoſtle,
1 Thef. 4. 16, 17. (a) The dead in Chriſt evæshoorlou agãtov, ſhall riſe firft. *"£704760
afterwards ; ſo it muſt be curn'd to avoid the Equivocation of the word then,
we that are left alive, &c. Now as dead in Chriſt ſignifies thoſe which are dead
for Chriſt's fake, that is, the Martyrs, ſo 'tis clearly faid, that they riſe firſt.
If you conſider well the context, and therewith put on Apocalyptical Specta-
cles, you will find, that St. Paul here ſpeaks of a firſt Reſurrection diftin& from
the general, which firſt Reſurrection appears to be of particular Perſons, the
dead in Chriſt, or Martyrs. As to what follows, either we muſt ſay, that the
words, we that are left alive, are meant of thoſe that were left alive then at the
time of St. Paul in that perſecution; or thoſe that ſhall be left alive at the
time of the firft Refurrection. If the latter, then St. Paul does not in this
place mention at all a general Reſurrection, but the firſt only or particular;
and then he is on our ſide; or elſe we muſt underſtand him according to the
(*) Vid. Mede Epift. XXII,
firſt

Ch. XX. v. 6. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reigns
firſt part of the Dilemma, that thoſe who were then left alive, ſhall alſo riſe
or be caughe up when Chriſt is already in his Glory, to reign for ever with
him, and with them, ára om d'utors; which is moft exactly what is diſcover'd in
this Book. This ſenſe is very ſuitable to the ſcope of the place, St. Paul is
there comforting the Chriſtians for the loſs of ſome Brethren, who very likely
were alſo natural Relations, and appear to have ſuffer'd deach for Chriſt's fake.
His Argument of Comfore is, That ſuch fall riſe firſt, and have the advantage
of time, as to the Reſurrection before others. But ſuch as we that are not
Martyrs, bue left, or eſcape the Perfecutions, which is the meaning of the Ex-
preffion, we are afterwards -ela, caught up to be with Chriſt, and with the
rais'a Martyrs ; that is, after the general Reſurrection, and that too in the
fame eternal State, Ilav707€ ou Kuela. From what has been ſaid I dare boldly
conclude, that Saint Paul was a Chiliaft.
The Note of Grotius upon this Returre&ion puts me in mind again of what
I ſaid concerning the forcºd Expoſitions of the Oppoſers of the Millennial Re-
ſurrection, which I compard to thofe of the Socinians. Thus they when pref-
ſed by the Argument drawn from the name of God, which is given to Chrift,
turn to their Concordances, and finding that the word God is ſpoken concern-
ing Rulers, Jeſus muft-right or wrong be called God upon another account.
Grotius found that in Lament. 3.63. the word so'p is by the LXX. turn'd’Ayase.015,
Reſurrection ; which there litterally ſignifies no more than a Man's riſing up from
a Seat ; and it is plain that Jeremiah uſes that ſaying proverbially as in Pfal. 139.
2. wherein the latter part of the Verſe explains the former. However by this
Grotius would hint to us that this firſt Refurre&tion is no more but a power to act
again. I grant this too ; but then this a&ting again muſt be ſuited to the Sub-
jea. If it be faid of a Man bound, it may be underſtood that he is at li-
berty; if of the Church, that it has liberty to worſhip God. As a predicate
it muſt be ſuited to the Subjea. Therefore fo here, where the dead are ſaid to
live and riſe, that Life and Reſurrection muſt be adapted to ſuch a former ftare
of the Perſons ; which by the Direction of the whole tenure of the Goſpel
Writings can be underſtood of 'no other Reſurrection but of chat of their Bodies,
which I call proper in Oppoſition to that which is only allegorical or political.
The other Citation of Grotius is out of Hebr. II. 35. St. Paul ſays, "Ex&Cor
gedăres ég drasáows tes vexess evløv, Women received their dead raiſed to life again.
Grotius himſelf on this place owns, that the Apoftle ſpeaks of the raiſing of the
two Children by the Prophets Elijah, and Eliſha, 1 Kings 17.21. 2 Kings 4. 34,
35. Well, what can we deſire more? This is indeed a Reſurre&ion to Life,
but it was ſuch that theſe did notwithſtanding die the common death of Men;
whereas in our Caſe theſe Martyrs are to be rais'd to a Life immortal. That is
the difference indeed; but we ſhall ſee preſently in the next Verſe, that the
Holy Ghoſt takes care to let us know the Martyrs riſe in the Millennium, never
to die any ſecond time.
A. ver. 6, Maxge:G 9 219 6 xy last dy Th 4va3kg Tị Tp, Ble|led and
holy is be that bath a ſhare in the firſt Reſurrection.] It is to be obſerv'd firſt, that
the Holy Ghoſt has indeed given the Title of happy or bleled, upon ſeveral Oc-
cafions before ; co the living upon ſome ſpecial accounts, as in Chap. 1. 3.
Chap. 16. 15. Chap. 22. 7. to the dead in a ſeparate ftate, as in Chap. 14. 13.
to the living, or ſuch as are invited to the Marriage Feaſt of the Lamb, as in
Chap. 19. 9. So likewiſe the title of Holy or Saints, is given to every Member
of the Chriſtian Church throughout the Propheſy. But we never ſaw theſe
two Titles join'd before this place, which evidently concerns thoſe that are in
the ſtate of Reſurrection. This Book is myſterious in all its Expreſſions,
and all the Expreſſions of it are weighed in the balance of the Sanctuary of
God, in the greateſt receſs of the divine Decrees. This is not therefore ſaid
at random and careleſly. I ſay therefore, that no ſtate of Men on this ſide of
the Reſurrection can be ſaid to be happy and holy together; but that this Expreſ-
fion means perfect and conſummate Happineſs and Holineſs, which can only con-
cur in the Children of the Reſurrection, who are then fully and complearly
juſtified, and enter into Glory and Happineſs at the ſame time. All other
Happineſs or Holineſs, are buc ſteps to that. When Blefing is ſaid of any other
ftate, it has a condition annex'd upon ſome fpecial view. But thefe are ſaid to
be bleſſed and boly upon no other account, bue abſolutely becauſe they have a
ſhare in tbis firft Refurreétion.
11 F
Secondly,

938
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. Chap. XX. v.6.
Secondly, Conſider this attentively, and tell me, whether you can find in
your Heart to ſay, that the Bleſſings and Juſtification on which the Victory of the
Martyrs is grounded, and which have been promisd to them upon their Cry,
or Appeal to God, but put off, can be ſaid to be accompliſhed upon any other
fubje& but themſelves, the very Perſons of the Martyrs, who have ſuffer'd by
the Dragon and the Beaſt. Can the Proſperity of the Church in that ſtate,
wherein Men are ſtill mortal, and quite different Perſons from themſelves,
make them amends for their Sufferings ? Doch St. Paul argue at this rate in
Hebr. 11. 8. c0 16. wherein from the promiſe made to Abraham and to his Seed,
to give him the Land of Canaan, in which he was only a Pilgrim, tho' his Seed
enjoy'd it, the Apoſtle argues, that Abraham muſt riſe again to enjoy it himſelf,
that the promiſe of God may have ies Effeet. This Argument ſhews us fuf
ficiently by Parity of reaſon, which is a good proof as to the divine Oecono.
mies, upon the account of the Conformity becween all the works of God,
that neither the bleſſing of the Seed of a Man, nor by conſequence the Prof.
perity of the Church, can ever make fully good the Promiſes of God made to
every individual, who ſuffers in his own Perſon, and muſt therefore ariſe in
his own perſon to enjoy the Reward. Now God has eſpecially diftinguiſhed
his Promiſes in general from thoſe that are eſpecially made to the Martyrs; of
which latt fort are indeed all thoſe in the ſeven Epiftles or firft Viſion, which
therefore ſerve as an Introduction to the ſpecial Predictions of the ſecond,
wherein their future Tribulations are ſo amply deſcrib'd; and they are ſpecially
ſaid to overcome. Can we therefore imagine, that in the ſame Propheſy, where
thoſe Martyrs are ſaid to be rais'd again bleſſed and boly, the Holy Ghoſt ſhould
mean, that others reap their Labours, tho' it has been ſaid before, that their
Works follow them, Chap. 14. 13, which is ſpoken of the Martyrs of the ſecond
Period. The ſame is co be obſerv'd of the Martyrs of the firſt Period. For it
being true and evident by Experience or Hiſtory, that between the fall of the
Dragon, or Roman Empire Pagan, and the Riſe of the Beaſt, or corrupted
ftate of the Church, ſince the Diviſion of that Empire, the Church was fou-
riſhing and clear of Perſecutions for the moſt part, at leaſt for ſome time during
the Reigns of the Chriſtian Emperors; who can ſay, That this Half-bours Reſt
or Silence, was a Bleſſing and Happineſs to the Souls of thoſe Primitive Martyrs,
which cried up for Vengeance and their Reward, which cannot poſlibly be
given to them but in a ſtate of Reſurrection. How comes therefore the Holy
Ghoft there to bid thoſe Martyrs ſtay a while, as we find in Chap. 6. 11. till
another Set of their Fellow-Servants was compleated ? For though God by An-
ticipation might take Vengeance of their Perſecutors, yet their Cauſe and Plea
as to the Application of their Reward in full, could not be fully heard in the
divine Court. And yet we find the reſt of them, that had eſcaped that great
Tribulation, are faid to flouriſh preſently after by the opening of the ſixth Seal,
which removes their Perſecutors.
When therefore we ſee, that theſe very Souls ſlain, with their Fellow-Ser.
vants the Martyrs made by the Beaſt, live now again, riſe, and are called bleſed
and boly, for having a ſhare in the firſt Reſurrection, what can this fignify, but
that a fiouriſhing ſtate of the Church made up for living Mortals, was not, nor
can be a ſufficient Recompence to the Martyrs without a proper Reſurrection,
which only can affect them. This is therefore now. For they are riſen to
reign with Chriſt, though the Reſt of the Dead are not ſo ; they are bleſſed and
bols, fully juſtified with the Marks and Rewards of their Juſtification in Per-
fe&tion. To underſtand the full ſtrength of this reaſoning, ’ris but recapitula.
ting and conſidering ſeriouſly the Expoſition of the three laft Seals. By that
it will plainly appear, that a flouriſhing ſtate of the Church by it ſelf, without
the Reſurrection of the Martyrs, can never accompliſh the ſpecial Promiſes
made to them; and that this is the only place in this Propheſy where thoſe
Promiſes are ſhewn to be eſpecially accompliſhed and beſtow'd upon the Mar-
tyrs. And ſo, that at this time none can be bleſſed and holy together but they,
becauſe they have a ſhare in this firſt Reſurre&ion, and reign with Chriſt. I
ſhall conclude this with the Obſervation of Athenagoras: (a) Où ulu de languecórne
ψυχής και χωρισμό ης σώματG: &ε γας τω θέρε τέτων εξ ών σιωέσηκων ανθρωπG- εσκο:
(a) Athenag. de Refur&. Sublin.
எர்
poate

Chap. XX. v. 6.
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. 939
πέμω ζωωω, ή τέλο, αλλά τι συ εσώτG εξ αμφοίν τοιέτο γαρ πας και τόνδε λαχών του
Giay Spa G, và đã có Tou] Lens Zy đi T T&A 9 Điềap vid, cºr.
the next
B. "A7G-, Holy.] The Notion of Holineſs has been conſidered in it felf, and
in various Relations, as when it is ſaid of God, and when of Men; as alſo
we have ſhewn, that in this latter Relation, or geois, it receives degrees, which
are of ſeveral forts. We have alſo ſhewn, that in Men it can only receive its
perfe& degree in the ſtage of Reſurrection, which is indeed that before us. See
the Notes upon Chap. 4. 8. F. and Chap. 5. 8. G. ſo that there is no need to
repeat here what has been ſaid. But ſeeing that in the ſtate of the Reſurre&ti-
on it is joyn'd to paneleco, bleſſed or holy, it has in this place another relation as
to that. Therefore in this place we muſt conſider it in that view.
As Sin always implies the Puniſhment by a neceſſity of conſequence ariſing
from the Juſtice of God, and the Reward follows the words ; fo Happiness muſt
needs follow Holineſs as its Reward, eſpecially where that Holineſs is in an abſo-
luce degree, for otherwiſe that Happineſs is not a neceſſary conſequence, but a
modeſt Preſumption. But as to miſery attending Guile, 'tis unavoidable. And
therefore we find, that even Language in common authorizes this latter No-
tion; ſo that Wickedneſs is even expreſly taken for Miſery. It is very plain in
the Roman Language, ſo that therein (a) Scelus, (b) Sceleftus, and (c) Sceleratus
ſignify frequently unfortunate or miſerable. For as Menander ſays ;.
() "Οταν έκ πονηρά πράγματG- κέρδG λάβης
Τα δυςυχεϊν νόμιζε σ' αρραβών” έχειν.
More to this purpoſe inay be ſeen cited by (e) Theophilus Antiochenus. To
which may be added what has been obſerv'd in the Note apon Chap. 14. 13-
G. Thus Sin leaves an eternal Blot upon the Soul. Koride Tois enouívors dueñ
ivansuazalo, Sardts Maxpé, ſays (f) Clemens Alex. chis Blot proves an dro or
Curſe upon the Soul and Body, which is not to be removed but by the Blood of
Chrift with a due Application, which therefore fan&ifies us and purges us front
all Iniquity. Therefore the Wicked ariſing again without that Purgation, his
Blot or Guilt remains for ever upon him, and ſo he muſt be eternally miſerable,
becauſe there is then no means left to remove it. This proves the Eternity of
Torments, and ſolves all the Difficulties againſt the unreaſonableneſs of them.
(g) Και οι σπηλοι δε των αμαργιών μένκσι τω σώματι ώσπερ μ πληγής προχωρησάσης εν
του σώμαι καν θεραπεία μύνται τις, όμως η αλή μέρα έτω και η αμαρία πλήσσει των ψυχω
και το σώμα, και μένεσιν οι τύποι των ήλων εν πάσι περιακρεολαι δε μόνος απο τών λαμβανόνων
od axtgby, ſays Cyril of Jeruſalem. See Irenæus, Lib. V. cap. 27. Nay, thoſe
eternal Puniſhments are uſeful to exalt the ecernal Happineſs of che Saints.
Radulphus Flaviac. (b) Nimirum quia, ficut ait Gregorius, ad boc impii in æternum
cruciabuntur, ut jufti, vifis eorum tormentis, liberatori ſuo gratias agant. Confiteri
enim debent, quod ipſi natura fuerunt filii iræ, & digni fimilia pati niſi gratia
ſubvenisſet. So on the other hand by Preſumption Happineſs and Piety are thought
to go together. Thus the Roman Emperors and Legions, which took the one
Title of Pius, took alſo the other of Felix ; (i) Quia pietatis comes ut plurimum
eft felicitas, ſays my Author. So the Commentator upon Statius ; ( k ) Bene
promeritos ſemper reſpicit æqua forruna. So then where Preſumption ceaſes,
by certainty theſe two are unavoidably to be join'd: but we have ſeen before,
that the Bride of the Lamb had Byle given her as the Juſtification of the Saints,
who compoſe her; that is, that thoſe Saints were judicially pronounced Holy
in the divine Court, ſo that their Holineſs is no more preſumptive, but abſo-
lute and perfect; and afterwards in this Bride, which is the New Jeruſalem, no
Curſe is ſaid to come into it ; and therefore no Sin, which can draw any divine
Puniſhment. And therefore theſe Saints, who are to dwell therein, are per-
(a) Martial Lib. VII. Epigr. 13. Terent. Eunuch. Act. II. Sc.III. v. 34 Petron. pag 354. Edit.
Hadrian.
(6) Plaut. Rudent. Act. III. Sc IV. v. 22. A&. IV. Sc. IV. v. 140.
Moſtellar. A&. III. Sc. 1. & alibi fæp.
(c) Vid. Feftum. & Ovid. Metam. IV.
(d) Men. & Phil. comp. (e) Theoph. ad Autol. Lib. II. p. 194, dc. (f) Clem. Al.
Protr. ad Gr. p. 28.
(g) Cyrill. Hierof. Carech. XVIII.
(1) Rad Flav.
in Levit. Lib. XII. cap. 1. Vid. Gregor. Magn. Homil. XL. In Evangel. & Conf. Ifidori Hiſpal.
Sentent. Lib. I. cap. 33.
(1) Gabr. Trivorius, obſerv. Apol. pro Juftin. cap. 31.
(k) Lactant, in Pap. Scat. Theb. Lib. I. v. 6.1.
fectly

940
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. Ch. XX. v. 6.
fe&ly bappy, becauſe perfectly and abſolutely Holy; not conditionally, but on
that ſcore, that they have a ſhare in this firſt Reſurredion.
C. 'Em rétrov o sditspo Diva]@ šnéza é soi cu, On ſuch the ſecond Death bas no
power.] To affect, or hurt them, as it is evident from Chap. 2.11. For this
Prerogative is given to them as Martyrs exprefly in that place. 'Tis their pe-
culiar Prerogative conſer'd upon them before the reſt of the Dead. And as
this is owned to concern the Everlaſting Puniſhments of the Wicked after Deach,
it makes it evident, that the Holy Ghoft conſiders theſe ſharers in the firſt Rex
ſurrection, as having all been dead or flain; and by conſequence the reft of
the dead are to be underſtood as dead litterally.
Second Death is a Phrafe us'd by the Jews to fignify Eternal Damnation after
Men are riſen from the Dead. This appears by their Targums. Thus in Deut.
33.6. Let Reuben live and not die. The Jeruſalem Targum ſays, Vivat Reuben in
ſeculo hoc, neque moriatur morte ſecunda, NIIN N012; but that of Yonathan ſays,
Nec moriatur morte qua moriuntur improbi in futuro ſeculo. This muſt be a very an-
cient way of interpreting the place; for Epiphanius, who was born a Few,
has it to prove the Reſurrection againſt the Samaritans, ( a ) Shru Pobiju, rý vent Store
θανέτω, τον Χπο πάλαι Τελετήσαινα, ένα ζωω δείξη άναι μετα θείψατον, κείσιν και διαιτέρα θανά-
τε εις καταδίκω. διδ δύο αλογίας αύlώ oποίθηση, το ζήτω λέγων εν τη ενασάσει, και μη αποθαρέ-
τον έν κρίσι, και θάνατον τον δια σώμα απαλλαγής λέγων, αλλα τον δια καταδίκης. So on
Iſaiah 22. 14. Surely this iniquity ſhall not be purged from you, till ye die; the Taz-
gum paraphraſes the laſt words thus, Donec moriamini morte ſecunda. Again in
Iſaiah 65. 6. But will recompenſe, even recompenſe into their boſom. The Targum,
Et tradam morti ſecundæ corpora eorum; and in v. Is. The Lord Jhall fay thee; the
Targum, Interficiet vos dominus morte ſecunda. And in Ferem. st. 39. 57. And
they shall peep a perpetual fleep; The Targum, Sed moriantur morte ſecunda, & non
vivant in feculo futuro. But this is not all. Philo had the notion before St. Fobu
wrote, which ſhews, that St. Fohn uſed it in a known Senſe. The words of
Philo are theſe; he ſpeaks of Adams Puniſhment, (b) "AyIgazol life 38 négers Tucou
ειών ίναι νομίζεσαι θεόναλον έν και των θείω δικασMeίω μόες έσιν έτος αρχή έπει τoίνω καινόν η
emov, det sy tlu en 'outro muwela xuvlid dige Shoe T S w esiv din ; Chansohexovta lice
χο τρόπον τον θάνατον εσομδύων και ατελάτη του θανάτε και διάδν άδος, το «ξε κατα τη
várou, o meg ágadóv észy ăn ciddpeegy to retto' (leg. usti] no drodyhoney, 5 of me x V nav.
Ttos, rj ooo Xegueróteegv, Baguttegv. And thus, tho' we ſee that the ſecond Death was
well known to the Jews by that name, and be ftill more clearly reveald in
Holy Wric, yet no other Author had us'd the Expreſſion in the New Teſta-
ment. However the Apoſtle Jude v. 12. has dis no Jaróvta, twice dead. The
notion of a ſecond Death was alſo among the Egyptians : for as they believed
the Soul Immortal, and ſo fubject to ſeveral Revolutions, during which it was
united to different Vehicles; and as che ſeparation of it from this corporal Ve
hicle was called Death; ſo they gave the name of ſecond Death to the next Sepa-
ration, and ſo on. This M. (c) Dacier has explain'd. And indeed according
to the Notions and Language of the Philoſophers the change of a form is a
Death. Lucretius ſays it,
(d) Nam quodcunque ſuis mutatum finibus exit
caisse coram Continuò boc MORS eft illius, quod fuit ante.
But the Jews, who knew that there is but one Judgment after this firſt Death,
look upon the ſecond Death as the utmoſt, and by that word expreſſed the laſt
condemnation upon Sinners, as this firſt death of the Body is the curſe of God
for the firft Sin. Further, as in the (e) Poets Death comes under the notion of
Night, Nox, and Æterna Nox ; ſo even the moſt miſerable ſtate of thoſe who
are Dead, and are not permitted to be in the Elyſium, in which there is a fort of
Light, is called in Statius, Altera Nox, Another, or a ſecond Night ; for he ſays,
(f) Et fi quos procul ulterfore baratbro
Altera nox, aliiſque gravat plaga cæca tenebris.
V
(a) Epiphan. Panar. Her. IX. $ 3. (b) Philo de Præm. & Pæn. pag. 671:
(c) M. Dacier's Verf. of Hierocl. in che Præf. Diſcourſe.
(d) Lucret. Lib. I. v. 671. &
v. 792. Lib. II. v. 752.
(e) Horar. Lib. I. Od. 28. & Schol. ibid. Virg. Æn Lib. X.
Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VIII. v. 10), 144. (f) Pap. Scar. Theb, Lib. VIII, V, 15.
Thus

Chap. XX. v. 6.
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. 941
Thus alſo the appearance of a Man Dead before to one alive, is called a fecond
Converſion by Sophocles, ( a) dózos ris dullus isiv andrary maleg's of os 78 xqipuš nauta
egν ομιλία 'Ελθόντος ές φώς.
Therefore this expreſſion ſhews here, that the Martyrs, being thus riſen aa
gain, are certain, that they ſhall never ſee the ſecond Deatb; but that they are
in a Life eternally happy. And they are already from the beginning of this
Millennium as fure of it, as thoſe who ſhall riſe afterwards in the general Reſura
rection, and who fhall be found written in the Book of Life, after they have
ftood before the Throne of Judgment, are ſure of immortal Life ; whereas the
reſt ſhall be thrown into the Lake of Fire, which is the ſecond Death, V 12,13,
14, 15. If therefore chis latter be a real Reſurrection of the Dead with their
Bodies, and ſo of Singulars, or Individuals, why muſt not this forf be ſo coo;
being deſcribed by the like Symbols. If any Man ſeriouſly confiders, and
without prejudice, theſe things; there is no way poſſible to avoid falling in
with this Expoſition of the Millennium. I cake God to witneſs
, chat I have
done ſo, and have endeavour'd to reconcile the common Interpretations withi
the whole cenure of che Propheſy, but have found, that it will not bear them;
nor any other, but what I have laid down. It ſeems evident to me that the Holy
Ghoft did deſign to ſhew us, that thoſe who died for the name of Chrift, fail
have a Prerogative of Order, both as to time and dignity above other aints.
D. 'AM' oortu iegais aš geš rý š xersa, But they ſhall be Prieſts of Ged and of Chrift.]
In Chap. 6. 11, as ſoon as the Martyrs cry unto God in a ſtate of Separacion
after their Sufferings, they receive a white ſtole; which, as we have proved,
fignified, that they were admitted to the Prieſt hood in the ſane manner, and
in alluſion to the practice of the Jewiſh Temple, wherein the Candidates were
admitted after due examination into the Prieſt-hood by putting on a white Stole.
It is true, that the Martyrs of the ſecond Period have not this white Stoke given
them, but they have ſomething equivalent, to declare them Candidaces. For
Chap. 15. 2. they are repreſented with Harps of God, which ſhews, char they
are prepared for the Priefthood. See our Notes upon Chap 6. 11. A. and
Chap. 15. 2. E. But tho' thoſe two places ſhould not imply that, buc ſhould
fignify only, that they are received into fome degree of favour, yet chis is
plain, that they are now both in the ſtate of Glory equally, being admitted
into the neareſt ſight and actendance of God and Chriſt. This is therefore one
of the Prerogatives of the Martyrs, which was promised in Chap. 1; 6. and
Chap: 3. 4. But then we are to obſerve, chat as we Chriftians are already a
Royal Prieſthood, the expreſſion of the Holy Ghoſt would be vain and ritling,
if no more at this time was confer'd upon the Martyrs than luch a Priesthood
as we now enjoy, and which is indeed but a ſhadow of chat Priefthood, or union
and intimacy with God and Chriſt, which is to be conferr'd upon us at che
Reſurrection. So that unleſs we will ſuppoſe this abſurdicy in this place, we
muſt underſtand by it the higheſt degree of chac Prieſthood, or incimacy. The
Holy Ghoſt doth not call them Prieſts, who enjoy the Reſt of the half Hour;
for one ſingle Angel puts up all their Prayers in the name of the whole ; but
here every one of them is Prieſt of God and of Chriſt. All which is another
evidence, that theſe are in a ſtate of Reſurrection. If you will compare the
Gradation obſerv'd in the Nores cired, they will appear very evident. See al-
ſo the Notes upon Chap. 22. 4. A. B.
Further it may be proper to obſerve, how fitly, after the Holy Ghəft has
ſaid, that theſe raiſed Martyrs are bleſſed and boly, 'tis ſaid here, that they ſhall
be Prieſts, for as in the Hebrew the word og ſignifies to Miniſter as a Prieſt, and
to be a Prince, which fignification the ſame word has in the chaldee, Syriac and
Arabick Tongues, which were much in uſe in the times of St. John, whence
comes the word / a Prieſt in the ſame Languages; fo particularly in the Syrine
the words ſignify to be bleſſed, and bleſſed, or happy and 129 is bappineſs. To
be made a Prieſt, or a Prince, implying all the félicity, which this World can
afford, and by conſequence all the happineſs in another Life, which the Di-
vine Favour, and the moſt ſtrict union and intimacy with Chriſt and God, cani
apply to our Natures thus exalted into Glory. It will be eaſy for thoſe who
are acquainted with thoſe Languages to conceive how the (b) notions of
(a) Sophocl. Electr. pag. 101.
(6) Vid. Schinder. v. 1693, & Kircher. Concórdia
.
G

942
The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. Ch. XX. v. 6,7
Prieſthood or Principality and Happineſs came to be a-kin, and to be both ſo to the
word 105, which fignifies to be right, firm, juſt, true, fincere and the like,
Laſtly, it has been ſaid before in Chap. 1. 6. that Chriſt has made us Kings and
Prieſts to God and his Father; and in Chap. 5:10. that he has made us Kings and
Trieſts to our God; but here it is faid that the Children of the Reſurrection are
to be Prieſts to God and Chriſt, and to reign with Chriſt. This is a manifeſt diffe-
rence ; and we may ſee by it, that in the Reſurrection Chrift gains a great Pre-
rogative. In this mortal State of ours he is our Mediator and High Prieſt, and
our Prieſthood is of the ſame Order, and he as ſuch is one of us. But in the
Reſurrection, having finiſhed his Mediacorial Office, his Prieſthood in ſome
ſort ceaſes, and he ftands upon the Merit of his works and the ſuperior dignity
of his Divine Nature; and as he is God is even the Object of the Prieſthood of
the Saints raiſed again. This raiſes the dignity of Chriſt, but does not letlen
that of thoſe Saints, yea rather magnifies it; for then they have no need of
an Interceffor ſo far, bnt that they may by themſelves approach God.
E. Kai Baord'oro reel' aula génez , And they ſhall reign with bim a thouſand years.]
As the Prieſthood and Government were at firſt joyn'd in the fame Perſons, fo
it ſhall be again in the Reſurrection. This alludes to the Propheſy of Iſaiah
61. 6. We have explain'd this in part before in the Notes upon v. 4. C. H. of
this Chapter; but the Holy Ghoſt adds it here too after having ſaid, that they
Shall be Prieſts, to fhew, that their Prieſthood ſhall be compleat ; not as in the
corrupt times of this World, wherein the Power of the Sword has ſeparated
the greateſt part of the Government from the Prieſthood. Not but that God
allows it, and calls the ſupreme Powers his Ordinances; but in a perfe& State
it muſt not be ſo, ſuch as is to be that of the Reſurrection, even during this
Millennial Reign amongſt thoſe who ſhall have a ſhare. But whether this Reign
takes away the Government of Mortals during that Millennium from the mortal
Princes, is another queftion, which ſhall be conſidered in a proper place after-
wards. Thus we ſee, that when they are ſaid to be Prieſts and to reign, this is to
ſhew by an Hendiadis, that they ſhall be a compleat regal Prieſthood, both the
Offices being connected. So that theſe Martyrs ſhall in all things be like unto
Chrift. For as he was a Prophet, a Prieſt, and á King ; ſo have the Martyrs been
Prophets, as we have proved it of them in the Note on Chap. 19. 10. D.
In like manner ſhall they be Prieſts and Kings. That as they have been conform-
ed to him in his Sufferings, ſo they may be in his Glory, Phil. 3. 10. 11. 12. Virgil
in his deſcription of the Elyſian Fields, which, as indeed all that he has ſaid of
the ſtate of the Dead, is taken from the Egyptian Notions, when he comes to
ſhew who enter therein, ſays of chem,
honu To Buong
ose (a) Omnibus bis nivea cinguntur tempora vitta.se
It is very well known, that ſuch a white Fillet was the Symbol of Prieſthood;
(6) Vittee Sacerdotis funt, ſays Servius elſewhere; and indeed the ſame as a Diadem.
I make no queſtion therefore, bur they, who firſt aſſerted this, meant that all
ſuch were as Prieſts and Kings in the Elyſium. Thus alſo (c) Silius Italicus def-
cribes Homer in the Elyſium, becauſe a Poet, and therefore Vates and Sacerdos.
It is true that Servius fays upon the words of Virgil cited, Per quod eos oftendit me-
ruille divinos honores; but it muſt be obſerv'd that they looked upon the Priesta
as a Deification by reaſon of the intimate union; and then it is the ſame
thing in the main. See the Note on Chap. 22. 2. F. Now what they applied
to the Souls in the ſtate of Separation is indeed deſign'd by God to be applied
in the ſtate of Reſurrection. So that Virgil's words contain a Symbol of what
the Holy Ghoſt ſays plainly, they ſhall be Prieſts of God and Kings. But the
Magicians alſo believed the Reſurrection. So we learn from Theopompus cited
by Ding. Laertius, (d ) Os rý d'vobib oras, et ted' Tou's Meyes, anot Tds ávApaštas, rj bosats
e savetes. Joyn this paſſage to that cited out of him by Plutarch concerning the
Millennium, and it will be ſeen whac ftrong glimmerings they had of that State;
for I make no queftion but Virgil had alſo this from them; as alſo Democritus,
who alſo believed the Reſurrection. Pliny, (e) Similis & de affervandis corporibus
ia arvoiton (de word
(a). Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI.
(b) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. III. () Sil. Ital.
Punic. Lib. XIlI. (d) Diogen. Laërc. Lib. I. S 9. (e) Plin. Nar. Hift. Lib. VII. cap. 55.
bominum

Ch. XX. v. 7, 8. The Millennium of Chriſt's Reign. Satan looſe. 943
hominum, ac reviviſcendi promiſſa Democrito wanitas, qui non revixit ipſe. For he
was their Scholar. But we need not to wonder ac Pliny's calling this opinion
by the name of Vanity, ſince he thought the Reſurrection impoffible even to
God, as well as eternal Life, (b) Nec mortales æternitate donare, aut revocare den
fun&tes.
osta
Ο Α. verf. 7. Και όταν τελειθή τα χάλια έτη, λυθήσεται ο σατανάς εκ της φυλακής αυτ8, And
when the Thouſand Years are ended, Satan shall be looſed from his Priſon. ] I think it
is now pretty plain, that the Holy Ghoſt has always ſpoken of the fame Mil-
lennium, wherein the Priſon of Satan, and the Reign of the firſt Refurre&ion are
Synchronical. As to the looſing of Satan, that Symbol has been explain'd be.
fore with that of binding; and it has been ſhewn what that Prifon nieant. See
the Notes on v. 22. of this Chapter. Now the Holy Ghoft having finiſhed, as
far as it was proper, the deſcription of Chriſt's Reign with the Martyrs of the
firſt Reſurrection during the time that Sacan was bound, proceeds to tell us the
laft Conqueſts, or Vi&ories, of Chriſt over his oldeft Enemies, and thoſe of
Mankind, Satan and Death; together with their laſt deſtruction. But becauſe
Satan was ſtill to play a laft Game, as has been hinted before at the end of v. 3.
before he was condemn’d to his laſt Judgment, by which he ſhall be quite
driven from having any thing to do with Mankind; the Holy Ghoſt goes on
now to ſhew us, how he comes to his End, in ſeeking, when looſed out of
Priſon, co regain his Dominion over Men, by aſſaulting even Chriſt and his
Saints, all over his Kingdom; even to the very attacking of the bleſſed and
boly City. This Priſon is therefore the Abyle wherein he was chain'd. We
have no hints at all to make us determine, what, and where this Priſon ſhall be;
whether Satan indeed ſhall during the Millennium be quite without viſible Vo-
taries, or whether he ſhall have ſome fuch, but in ſo low a condition, and ſo
much pen’d up, that he ſhall be as in a Priſon among them, without capacity to
make excurſions to diſturb the peace of the World. If this laſt be true, it is
likely, that it will be among ſome of thoſe Nations, which are called Gog and
Magog in the next Verſe, and which he will then feduce to diſturb Chriſt's
Kingdom.sd bus to bastante SVO STBN oncora
Theſe Nations then, we may ſuppoſe, having gotten Power by being very
much multiplied, and knowing nothing perhaps of Chriſtianity, which if it
have been preached among them at firſt may have been forgotten, becauſe re-
jected; theſe Nations, I ſay, will be eaſily induced to fall upon the peaceful
Kingdom of Chriſt. In the deſcription of that Kingdom, which we thall find
afterwards, there appears to be a mighey Peace all over, injoy'd by reaſon of
the New Jeruſalem having power to rule. And by this peace there muſt ac-
crue much happineſs and eaſe co them that are alive, as we are now, and which
ſhall be converted. This may be the inducement to tempo Gog and Magog to
come, and partake thereof, not by converfion but Conqueſt, and by conſe-
quence to diſturb the Peace of Chriſt's Kingdom. But there are only Con-
je&tures, let us rather obſerve, and take the direction of the Holy Ghoft along
with us
22 A. verf. 8. Kai len dostos galeriñsous tai Orn Tue és mais téaraigar gevious tñs gñs, And be
shall go out to deccive the Nations, which are in the four Corners of the Earth. ] This
Thews, either the endeavour of Satan ſhall be once again to ſeduce all, or elſe
that this ſedition and ſeduction ſhall only reach the excremities of it, as to the
Nations, who ſhall undertake to diſturb the Kingdom of Chriſt. For as we
muft underſtand by way of anticipation, that the Kingdom of Chriſt during
the Millennium ſhall conſiſt of what is deſcribed, as a Capital City, the New Fem
ruſalem, to be the habitation of the Saints raiſed up; and of a Subje£t Territory
all round it, to be the habitation of the converted Nations, as far as they fhall
lie over the whole Earth. This is here ſuppoſed, and the Holy Ghoſt deſcribes
it afterwards, as we ſhall ſee. Wherefore, as we ſaid before, Saran being bound
up in ſome obſcure corners of idolatrous Nations not converted, or perhaps ſe-
ducing fome converted before, which is likely, becauſe of the Plenty, Eaſe
and Fulneſs which they may enjoy, and ſo increaſing his Votaries; he will
corrupt them by their ſecurity into Pride and Preſumption, to follow the ſedi-
210
A
IV dinobota
(a) Vid. Diog. Lacrt. Lib. IX. cap. 34. 10 (b) Plin. Nat Hift. Lib. II. cap. VII. De Deo.
VII. De bad
tious

944 odstot Satan looſe. Gog .
IS
Gog and Magogand Magog. Chap. XX. v. 8.
dicious Courſes, which become thoſe, who forget God in proſperity; and by
their means, to diſturb the Peace of Chriſt's Kingdom for a little while.
I think that havrou here, as this alludes to the Propheſy of Ezekiel, anſwers
to the Hebrew 7018 TV, in Ezek. 39. 2. which the LXX turn by nu godtymis, so
Tead, for the notion of ſeducing is to lead Men aſtray out of che way hicher and
thither; and ſo che Targum explains it, Et errare, Seducere faciam te ; but the
word u naršou may alſo ſignify to ſeduce into Idolatry, and ſo'tis elſewhere taken
in this Propheſy. Neither need we to exclude this Senſe. When the Spirit of
Rebellion enters into the Minds of Men, it makes ſoon way for the Spirit of
Witchcraft and Idolatry.
B. Tàn Twy zġ Mayoy, Gog and Magog: ] It's very plain, that the Holy
Ghoſt here alludes to the Propheſy of Ezekiel concerning Gog and Magog. And
indeed the concluſion of St. John's Viſions, as that part of it which concerns the
deſcription of the Holy City, plainly alludes to the City at the end of Ezekiel's
Viſions; ſo that there is ſome agreement between them, as we ſhall find when
we come to conſider that. Again, it is as plain likewiſe, that Gog and Magog
are the names of Nations very well known by the Holy Writers, who have ei.
ther ſpoken of them Hiſtorically, or Prophetically. Moſes himſelf has ſpoken
of Magog in Genef. 10. 2. as one of the Sons of Japheth, which is copied in
1 Chron. 1. S. Gog is alſo found in the Vifion of Balaam, Num 24. 7. according
to the LXX, and the Samaritan Text; the place is much diſputed of among
learned Men; it ſeems to Propheſy, that the Kingdom of Chriſt is to be ſo
numerous, that it ſhall be exalted above Gog; the Senſe of it being thus, makes
ſome learned Men prefer that reading to the common. Gog is alſo mentioned
in Amos 7. I. according to the LXX. where it ſtands for the King of a great
Multitude. As to the Gog and Magog in Ezekiel, ( ) all the learned Men have
ſhewn, that the Scythian Nations are to be underſtood in that Propheſy, which
have over-run the reſt of the World, being all Sons of Japheth. But then, as
Ezekiel comprehends all the Sons of Japheth in the Incurſion, it takes in the
Greeks, the Romans, the Parthians, Turks, Ottomans, and Tartarians, who fince
the times of the Prophet have over-run the Land of Judea, and have held it in
Captivity ſucceſſively ever ſince. Now as St. John limits this to Gog and Magog;
and that by thoſe two Names in old times Special regard was had to the Scy-
thians, it ſeems to me that Gog and Magog, as formerly the word Scythians and
now Tartars, was uſed to denote the multitude of the Northern Nations, without
any regard to their ſpecial diſtinctions. From which it comes, that Mofes calls
the Scythians by the general name of Nations, 0912, in Geneſ. 14 1,9. whereas
the LXX turn the word there in the firſt place by čovão, as well as in the latter ;
buc Symmachus turn'd it in the firſt by Tidupualus, and in the latter by Exuvão,
Scythians; the Greek word Tlaupunía denoting a multitude of Nations, which was
the general Notion chen of the Scythians, that they were a promiſcuous Multi-
tude of Nations, who made it their buſineſs, as moſt of them do ſtill, to make
excurſions and plunder the better cultivated parts of the Earth. And as the
Greeks called all thoſe Nations (b) Scythians, ſo the Perſians called them by the
general name of (c) Sacæ., (d) Fuller conje&ured, that this Name was either
given him from a Word, which denotes their mixt multitudes, or from another,
which fignifies to run about and wander ; or elſe from a Word, which fignifies
that they dwell in Tents; any of theſe Notions ſuits very well with the Proper-
ties of thoſe wandring Scyrbians, or Tartars. The Arabian Writers call ftill by
the name of Jagiouge and Magiouge, which is Gog and Magog, all the remote
Northern Nations of Aſia, which we call Tartars. Hence we ſee, that becauſe
Gog and Mag'g of old were accounted a promiſcuous Multitude making excur-
fions upon their Neighbours; therefore theſe Nations, being to do the like here
to the converted Nations and Holy City, are ſymbolically upon the account
of the fimilitude of their Actions, called Gog and Magog,
It may be likewiſe, here, as in many other places of this Propheſy, that the
Event ſhall agree with the Letter, as well as the ſymbolical fignification of Gog
wollo
bos abi
(a) Vid. Fuller. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. II. cap. IV. Medes Diſc. L. & Rem. on Apocal. Chap. XII. $ 8.
Bocliart. Phaleg. Lib. III. cap. XIII.
b) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. I. pag. 33, 34.
1.) Herodoc. Lib. VII. cap. 64.
(d) Fuller Miſc. Sacr. Lib. II. cap. IV.
pe ) Herbelo, tit. Fagiouge. Vid. Geograph. Nub. Climat. VII. P.IX 1941 ord biva
300
and

Ch. XX.V.9.
Satan looſe, Gog and Magog. 945
and Magog. It may happen, that the Devil, being bound up during the Mil-
lennium, but having ſtill a reſerved ſet of Votaries among the posterity of Gog
and Magog, that is, ſome of the Tartars, Chineſe, Siberians, Laplanders, Green-
landers, or even the native Americans, who, as Fuller and Mede gueſs very proba-
bly, deſcend from the Scythians, or Gog and Magog ; ſome of theſe Nations may re-
fuſe to receive Chriſtianity. For as it will be very difficult to convert theſe,
ſome of which are far out of the way, and others of them, as the Greenlanders,
and ſome Americans, affect to avoid the very Commerce of other Nacions, by
which they ſeem to make their Converſion much more difficult than others;
So that the Kingdom of Chriſt being, as it is moſt probable in the old Continent,
and even tho' it ſhould be far ſpread in the New, theſe Nations ſeem according
to our preſent apprehenſion of things to be very properly conſtituted to maina
tain the old Idolatry; and, being multiplied exceedingly during the Millennium,
may be very well qualified to dilturb the peace of Chriſt's Kingdom by the
Devils inftigation. But after all, this is but a Conje&ture, and we can give it
no more weight.
C. Euwezagãy dulss eis tàv móde uov, To gather them together to the War.] This very
word is taken out of the Propheſy of Ezekiel, for in Chap. 38.4. and Chap. 39.
2. where God ſpeaks to Gog and his Crew, it is ſaid duvaw os, I will gather thee,
where we find God ſays, be will do, what he will only permit to be done. So the
the word owazagav is ús d as a military Term ſignifying to raiſe Armies in Chap.
16. 16. Chap. 19.19. This War of Gog and Magog appears to be made fo fud,
denly, that there ſeems to be no time given to Satan for perverting any great
multicudes of Chriſt's Subjects ; ſo that we do not find any expreſſion tending
to ſhew, that the ſeduction of Satan will conſiſt much in perverting thoſe that
are now true Chriſtians, but rather in putcing the Votaries he has left, now
much multiplied, upon an attempt of Conqueft; in order to ſettle therein Ido-
latry, as has been done in the World before, if it be now poſſible.
D. "Ly • d'espos ais jj pacos tñs Sandesas, The number of whom is as the Sand of
Sea. ] See what Ezekiel ſays of Gog in Chap. 38.4,15. The expreſſion is Pro-
verbial, to ſignify a great Multitude, eſpecially of Armies. See 1 Macéab. 11. I.
and che Note upon Chap. 12. 18. A.
A. verſ. 9. Kai dvéb nowy om to raditos täs gñs, And they went up on the breadth of
the Earth.] Thus in Ezekiel 38.9. Kai dvashon ás veris rj úžos oss vegéan kolmanda út och
yñv. Thou ſhalt afcend and come like a ſtorm, thou ſhalt be like a cloud to cover
the land, and Chap. 39. 2. 'Avo:CiCo os imigdre Coośã, aj évážas ce chi Tail Bpn 'Ioeghn,
And will cauſe thee to come up from the north parts, and will bring thee upon the
mountains of Iſrael. The word 'arebnouy is proper to military Expeditions, becauſe
Men aſcend to attack the Forts built upon the Mountains. See the LXX in
1 Kings 20. 1. Judg. I. J. 2 Sam. 2. 1. Chap: 5. 19, 22, 23. Judg. 20. 18, 23, 28.
2 Kings 18.25. and 1 Macab. 3, 15. In the beſt Greek Authors 'Ayabans is an Ex-
pedition, and that is the very Title which Xenophon has given to that of Cyrus
abielehefin e his and
Great. The Irátos rūs gñs, Breadth of the Earth is plainly oppoſed to
the Mountains, for shey come upon the Plains firſt, and expect to fee, if the
Enemies in the Garriſons will come out againſt them to give them Battle ; or
elſe they advance towards the Mountains, to take them in their Forts, or be-
liege them in the Capital City; which even here is fuppoſed to ſtand on a
on a very
high Mountain. This Treiros täs viñs is as an open Field proper to Incamp, and
by conſequence the Symbol of a Confia, or open War. So Philo allegorizing
και σεβρέπεται παραβρέθς, σημύον αμίλης και διαμάχης άναι φαμεν από και προφανώς τεκμαιρό-
pesuot mei etiam. opeõpeto. 38 785 greises osas dizainas retai TE TóReuon reh negotede siplules er
πεδίες σμυιςαμβοες. and a little after ; παρισάς εναργώς ότι φιλονικίας σημείον το πεδίον όζή.
By this therefore the Holy Ghoſt gives us to underftand, that Gog and Magog
are in open Rebellion againſt God and Chriſt. Now as the Holy City is the
Metropolis of Chriſt's Kingdom, and the Camp of the Saints that part which
is moſt carefully defended and protected; fo the Mae'ros vñs gñs, breadth of the
Earth muſt fignify that Territory, which is ſubject to the Holy City, che Ca-
pital Seat of Chriſt's Kingdom; and is therefore the Habitation of the convers
: field, fays thus,
S.
( a ). Philo. Lib. Quod pej. infido melior, pag. 105.
3T (0
II H
20 noyatov Mnifteri
te
d

946
Satan looſe, Gog and Magog.
Ch. XX. v.9.
ted Nations. Theſe Incurfions by conſequence, reaching up to the very holy
City, fhew us, that the Attempt of Satan is not only againſt the our ſide of this
earthly Paradiſe, but alſo againft the Capital Seat of the Kingdom of Chriſt, to
endanger if poſſible, the Subverſion of the whole. It is repreſented thus, as
being the laſt Effort of Saran againſt God and Mankind; and that the laſt
Judgment of God againſt him may appear juſt, and neceſſary too.
Β. Και εκυκλώσαν τίω παρεμβολίω των αγίων, και των πόλιν τlώ ηγαπημβόω, And 1η-
compaſs'd the Camp of the Saints, and the beloved City.] To come to a clear Notion
of theſe words, upon which I ſhall be obliged to make diftinct Notes to con-
ſider each in particular, I am to conſider them firſt in one view, to find out
whether the Camp of the Saints be diſtinct from the holy City, or whether
theſe two Expreſſions are an Hendy adis to ſignify the ſame thing : ſo that in this
Conjuncture of time the Holy City it ſelf will become as a Camp. For we are
to conceive that the Holy Ghoſt giving us Symbols according to our Notions
and the preſent Occurrences of things, thoſe Symbols are therefore to be exa
plain’d in ſome meaſure by the common Practices of Men, and the uſe which
is made among Men of ſuch things as the Holy Ghoſt uſes for Symbols. Now
as it is uſual when an Enemy makes an Incurſion into a Country, according to
the manner of the Ancients, and eſpecially that of the Scythian Nations, who
were and are ftill publick Robbers, to take all the People which is caught a-
broad as Captives, to make Slaves of them; it is, I ſay, uſual likewiſe for all
the People to fly into the Forts, and even into the Capital City, as being ſup-
pos’d to be of the greateſt ſtrength. Thus the Jews generally fled into Jeruſa-
lem upon ſuch Occaſions ; ſee Jerem. 35. 11. or elſe they fly towards it, and en-
camp for want of room under its Walls. Since therefore the Holy Ghoſt re-
preſents to us the ſtate of the firſt Reſurrection, ſo that the Saints rais'd dwell
as in one City, the Capital of Chriſt's Kingdom, and therein govern with
Chriſt all the converted Nations ; this ſhews us, that thoſe converted Nations
fly to Chriſt for Protection. So that the holy city, which is an Habitation for
the Saints rais’d, proves at this time as a Camp or Fortreſs to the reft of Chriſt's
Subje&s, From whence it comes to appear under the Notion of two ſeveral
things, which otherwiſe ſeem oppoſite to each other ; that is, a City, which is
a ſettled Habitacion ; and a Camp, which is an unſettled Habitation of Men,
who ſtand in ſome danger from Enemies appearing in a warlike poſture to at-
tack them. But of this more by and by.
This belov'd City is deſcrib'd fully hereafter, when the Holy Ghoſt ſhall
have given us an account of the general Refurre&ion; but we are to obſerve
here, that the Holy Ghoft deſign’d to give us to underftand, that the Holy
City afterwards deſcribd, belongs alſo to theſe Times of the firft Reſurrection;
the tenure of this Narration, and the words before us ſuppoſe it as ſtanding an-
tecedently to the loofing of Satan, and the Seduction of Gog and Magog; and
that it has a time before Gog, as well as after Gog, and to all Eternity. For the
Holy Ghoſt puts off the Deſcription of it till its abſolutely entire Settlement,
which it cannot be ſaid to have whilſt Satan has ſtill a time of liberty given
him to ſeduce Gog and Magog: The method of the Holy Ghoſt is here the
ſame as in the Deſcription of the Beaſt in Chap. 13. of which notice was given
before hand in the Deſcription of the Witneſſes in Chap. 11. 7. and which
Shew that this Beaſt was contemporary to all their time of propheſying. I ſhall
conclude with this two Authorities of Juſtin Martyr and Tertullian, who ſaw
very well
, that the ftate of the New Jeruſalem is contemporary to the Millen-
nium. Juſtin Martyr ſays : (a) Kai Thein zij rapº sição é vng mis ovouee 'Icévyns, erine
των Αποςόλων το χρισέ, εν αποκαλύψω μομβόη ανά χίλια έτη ποιήσειν εν Ιερεσαλήμ τες του
ημιτέρω χρισώ πας δίσανίας παρεφή δισε, και μετα ταυλα τίω καθολικό, και σωελόνι φάναι αιωνία)
oue suundov öpce odolwy dveguoy gleñosas, rj nelo Tertullian : (b) Quale autem ſpecta-
culum in proximo eft adventus domini jam indubitati, jam ſuperbi, jam triumphantis ?
Qua illa exultatio angelorum, quæ gloria reſurgentium San&torum ? Quale
" regnum
exinde juftorum ? Qualis civitas nova Hieruſalem ? Atenim ſuperſunt alia Spectacula,
ille ultimus eo perpetuus judicii dies, ille nationibus infperatus, ille deriſus, cum tanta
ſeculi vetuftas, & tot ejus nativitates uno igni baurientur. Let us now examine
the words in particular.
(c) Juſtin. M. Dial. c. Tryphone pag. 240.
(b) Tertullian. de Spectacul. cap. 30.
C, Eκύκλωσαν,

Ch. XX. v.9 Satán looſe, Gog and Magog.
947
C. 'Exuxadoors, Incompaſi’d] That is, beſieged. For this is a military word ap-
propriated to that purpoſe. Thus in Luke 21. 20. "Oray de idnite numarul'lu
seglozi Se Tu le jsoulaille, When ye shall ſee Jeruſalem compafi'd with Armies. Hebr.
11.30: Tai taiza Iteczci Entos nunna sér les Otà a la tripućegis, The Walls of Jericho fell
down, after they were compafi'd about ſeven days. Thus alſo in Ecclef. 9. 14.
xuradon iullw, and beſieged it. What the Dragon does with Gog and Magog ap-
pears wholly to be diſturbing of the Peace of the New Jeruſalem. He endea-
vours to attack the Kingdom of Chriſt on a ſudden to reign afterwards over
Men, as if by maſtering the Capital City he might wholly uſurp to himſelf the
whole Empire of Chriſt. God will permit it for the reaſons before men-
tioned, and to prepare Mankind for the following general Reſurrection. But
it is not for us at this diſtance to gueſs very near at ſuch Tranſactions. They
who ſee the Times of the Millennium may ſee a little more into them. It is
enough that we know ſuch an Event ſhall happen.
D. Tlw are beuloaww, The Camp] It is evident, that a Camp and a City are things
quite oppofite to each other. How comes it therefore that they are here put
together? It is called a City, as it rules, and has Dominions ; which ſuppoſe
a peaceful Settlement, wherein the Territories are in due Subjection. And
ſo was this City fully ſettled in Peace during the Millennium, whilſt Satan was
bound in his Priſon. But now that by the Permiſſion of God, he is looſe, and
has ſeduced Gog and Magog, to difturb the peace of Chriſt's Kingdom, even to
the proceeding on that vain Attempt to dethrone Chriſt in his Capital City;
and that Chriſt muft ftand with it, as it were in a ſtate of War, to defend hin-
ſelf, his Saints rais'd, and his Subjects walking in the light of the New Jeruſalem,
the face of Affairs being changed, the Holy Ghoſt repreſents it fo by giving
it the name of Camp. A ſtate of War is in it ſelf doubtful, at leaſt in the Eyes
of Men ; and the Holy Ghoſt being obliged to deſcribe things according to
our Notions and Capacity, gives this New Jeruſalem ſuch names as may raiſe in
us proper Ideas. A City it is, ſtrong and ſafe, if the Ruler therein be cona
fidered, who is the word of God, and King of Rings; but it is a Camp, whilſt
it is aſſaulted by open Enemies in a military poſture ; however vain their Un-
dertaking may be, and its ſafety be certain. Henceforward that all Enemies
are deſtroy'd and not mention'd, but when the Holy Ghoſt deſigns to ſhew the
Securicy of its ſtate in it ſelf
, it is always called a City, and the Holy City. I
fhall now add ſome Teſtimonies which ſhew us the Notion of a Camp. Saint
Cyprian gives the Church perſecuted that name : (a) Profilierat adverſarius terrore
violento Chrifti caſtra turbare ; fed quo impetu venerat, eodem impetu pulſus eſt. Thus
alſo in the Acts of ſome Martyrs ; (b) Sed non tulit exercitus dei tam immane
præceptum, ſacrilegamque juffionem perhorruit. And a little after; Ubi quiſque
botem reperiebat, caftra illic dominica colocabat. . Ansbertus; Ecclefia dei, que
ſcilicet quia adverſariorum infidias præcavet, recte Civitas ; quia vero in publico certa-
minis bello deſudat, bellorum Caſtra vocatur. Philo ; (c) İlaceuboaſgaie culo errorelei,
τραχοπέδων πολέμων και κακών όσα πόλεμG- εργάζεται, πλήρη μετασίαν ειρώης έκ έχονlεThus
alſo St. Paul argues, Hebr. 13. 13, 14. ſee the Note on Chap. 7.15. G. By
this we may ſee how accurate is the Stile of the Holy Ghoſt in this Propheſy,
as to the Propriety of the Expreſſions.
ន
E. Tấy dziw, of the Saints] Primarily of the Saints, that have a ſhare in
the firſt Reſurrection, ſo called in v. 6. and alſo protecting thoſe Saints of a
lower degree, who have been invited to the Marriage of the Lamb, who walked
in the light of this holy City, and are reciprocally protected by ic.
F. TW róaw, The City.] Firſt obſerve here the Gradation of the Symbols
us'd by the Holy Ghoſt to exprefs the various States of the Church. In the
firſt Period of it the Holy Ghoſt has compar'd it to an Army, and fo anſwering
to the ſtate of the Mofaical Diſpenſation, before the Settlement of the carnal
Iſrael in Canaan, during which time the Worſhip of God was in a Tabernacle.
After that the Holy Ghoſt repreſents the Church worſhipping in a Temple, in a
firmer Settlement under the Protection of the ſecular Power : but yet ſo, that
the fame ftate is alſo repreſented by a Tabernacle and Temple, when it comes to
be perſecuted as in Chap. 15. 6. the Temple it felf not being a full and perfect
bod
(6) A&ta SS. Saturn. Dativ. &c.
(6) Philo.
(a) D. Cyprian. Epift. LX. Edit. Oxon.
Allegor. Lib. II. p. 47. Vintert oday
Ons
Set-

948
Satan looſe, Gog and Magog,
Ch. XX. .
1.91.0
Settlement. Now ſince the Church is vaſtly increas’d, and ſome of the Saints
are come to their full Reft, the Symbol to repreſent that itate is a City, which is
the fulleſt, and moſt perfect and ſecure Habitation or Settlement that can be:
Bue yer becauſe that City it felf, though abſolutely ſafe upon the account of the
divine Protection, falls under an apparent danger from the endeavours of Satan,
Gog and Magog, whilft it is under that preſumptive danger, the Holy Ghoſt
gives it a Title of proportionable difference from a Camp to a City, as the
Tabernacle is to the Temple ; whereas afterwards when conſidered in it felf, and
during the Millennial Reſt, or the perfect Reft after the general Reſurre&ion,
- 'tis abſolutely called a City without any Qualification thac can leſſen its Per
fection, or infer any thing, but compleac ſafety.
vo St. Hillary has ſeen all this very well, and becauſe his words ſhew this gradual
increaſe of the Church till it is ſetoled into a City; and alſo that this was re-
preſented in the Mofaical Diſpenſation, I ſhall here copy them out. He ſpeaks
- thus therefore upon theſe words of Pſal. 122. 3. (a) Hierufalem quæ ædificatur
ut Civitas. Non Civitas, ſed ut Civitas ; qui illa terrene civitatis ædificatio, & Ta-
bernaculi inftitutio, ſpeciem illius æternæ & coeleſtis Civitatis præfigurabant. Et quia in
omne tempus d uſque ad ſeculi confummationem, & per omnium generationum etatem
ædificatio cæleſtis hujus Civitatis explenda eſt, ideo eam ædificari ſine temporis definitione
fignificat dicens ; ædificatur ut Civitas ; donec ut Apoftolus dit, intret plenitudo gen-
tium, & tunc reliquiæ Ifrael ſalve fiant. Sed quia unum eccleſiæ corpus eft, non
quadam corporum confufione permixtum, neque fingulis in indiſcretum aceruum & in
formem cumulum unitis, fed per fidei unitatem, per charitatis focietatem, per operum
voluntatiſque concordiam, per facramenti unum in omnibus donum, unum omnes fumus,
in quod nos hortatur Paulus dicens : Obfecro vos fratres, ut id ipſum ſapiatis omnes
eandem charitatem exercentes. Et cum fuerit, ut fcriptum eft. Erat autem omniun
qui credebant cor do anima une : tunc erimus Civitas dei, tunc fanéta fierifalem,
quia Hierufalem ædificatur ut Civitas, cujus participatio ejus in id ipſum. This Hilary
was an Allegorift, as has been hinted before ; and we may ſee by his Practice
how proper it is to uſe Jewiſh Precedents ; ſo that the Mofaical Oeconomy is
really a Pattern of the Chriſtian. Tis nor therefore a new Notion of ours, and
without example; but indeed we have been led into it by the nature of the
thing. And how rational it is, has been ſhewn in the proper place. bons
G. TW ijatnuévlw, The beloved.] A very proper Epichete this, conſidering that
this City is repreſented as the Lamb's Bride in Chap. 19. 7, 8, and Chap. 21.
2, 9, O. (b) Tychonius ſeems to have read, tūr nga ankar, for he has dile&torum.
But the ſenſe is the ſame. This Title forms an Argument, that God will defend
her, and deſtroy to that purpoſe Gog and Magog, Satan and all her other Ene-
mies, even to Death and Hades. The Notions which the Stile of holy Writ ap-
plies to the words to love and to bate are a kin and imply the ſame as the words
to cleave to, and to forjake. For as to love and to hate are oppos'd, as in Malach.
1. 2, 3. and Rom. 9. 13. Jacob have I loved, but Eſau have I bated: ſo to cleave
and to forſake are opposd and contrary, as in Genef. 2. 24. Therefore fall a Man
leave his Father and his Mother, and ſhall cleave unto his Wife. Moreover to cleave
to is often put for to love, and to forſake put for to hate ; and on the contrary.
Yea to love, and to cleave to, are put as fynonymous. Thus in Genef. 34. 3.
His Soul clave unto Dinah the Daughter of Jacob, and be loved the Damſet, Deut.
21.22. To love the Lord your God, to walk in all bis ways, and to cleave unto him;
the like in Deut. 30. 20. ſo in Rom. 12.9. to bate Evil, and to cleave to that
which is good, are oppoſed, and the latter is plainly put for to love; and ſo the
LXX. uſe the word izatuga pele toi sana, in Amos 5. 15. to which St. Paul alludes.
Thus alſo forfaken and hated, are put ſynonymouſly in Ifaiah 60. 15. whereas
chou haft been forſaken and hated. By this we may explain and ſoften thoſe
ſeeming harſh Expreſſions, as ſome think, that God hated Eſau, becauſe he
prefer'd his Brother Jacob in entring into a cloſer Covenant with him than with
Efau. Surely this ſolely depended of God's Will. A Man muſt hate his Father
for the ſake of Chrift; that is, forſake him to obey Chriſt, when it ſtands in
Competition. Therefore the Title of beloved in this place implies, that God
will cleave to this City, and will never forſake her. In Chap. 21. 3. where this
is more fully accounted for, this Love of God is expreſs’d by dwelling among Men,
Hilar. Pi&av. in Pfal: CXXI.
10X0 XI.Sic estesaya)
(b) Tychon. Homil. XVI. - Il diogolla
and

Chap. XX. v.9.
Satan looſe. Gog and Magog, 949
and with them, as their God the conſequence of which, as P/al. 46.5. expreſſes
it, is this, that ſhe shall not be moved, God ſhall help her, and that right early
. Thus
the Pagan Poets when they will repreſent their Heroes ſucceeding in their Un-
dertakings, repreſent their Gods preſent with them, and ſometimes looking on
them. Servius on Virgils (a) Eſpice nos : Quis intuentes dii juvant ; unde eft,
Atque oculos Autulorum rejicit arvis: contra, Diva Solo fixos oculos a verſa tenebat.
And when the Hero is to die, che God forſakes him. Servius: (b) Quoniam
numina quoties morituros viderint eos, quibus favent, ab eis recedunt : Sic Statius
Apollinem inducit Amphiarau n deferentem ubi eum vicinum morti elle cognovit: Difiliit
merens, lachrymaſque avertit Apollo ; & Homerus cùm lanx Hectoris expendente laeva
inclinaretur, ait ; Λίπεν δε ε φοϊCG- απόλλων Thus then the Holy Ghott at the
ſame time as we learn, chac this City or Camp of the Saints is beſet with Ene-
mies, takes care to give her ſuch a Title as ſhews, that all their Effores are vain
for God loves her; and therefore will aſliſt her quickly. Upon this ſcore we
ſee what follows thereupon immediately.
H. Kad nepécn rüş éx spars, ito af Jer, And fire came out of Heaven from God.]
So (c) Tychonius reads, but ochers tranſpoſe the words, and the Alexandr. MS.
omics Sind 78 Des from God; which were in (d) St. Auffin's Copies, as in moſt
others. This being a time of Wonders, I ſee no inconveniency to ſuppoſe,
that the Event will be according to the Letter, and that really Gog and Magog
ſhall be deſtroy'd by Fire from Heaven, by which Thunder and Lightning are un-
derſtood; and its being ſaid to come from God, implies the Certainty of the Ex-
ecucion. See i Kings 12. 24. 2 Kings 6. 33. A&ts 5:39. And chus Gog and
Magog periſh here as in Ezek. 39. 6. and alſo Chap. 38. 21, 22. ſuch viſible
Executions by the immediate hand of God are recorded in holy Writ. See to
this purpoſe, Foj. 10. 11. 2 Kings 7. 6. and Chap. 19.35. If we ſhould take
the Fire and Heaven ſymbolically, for a War from the ſupream power in the
New Jeruſalem, it comes to much the ſame. For Chriſt is in it with an heaven-
ly Hoft of Angels. The Deſtruction of Gog and Magog by ſuch Inſtruments is
no leſs miraculous than the former; and ſo comes to the ſame thing at laſt.
1. Kai reliquzey avlès. And devoured them up.] That is, ucterly deſtroy'd chem;
ſee the Note upon Chap. 11. 5. A. and the Note upon Chap. 18. 8. A. where it
is proved, that the Prepoſition se ci implies an utter Deſtruction. As to che
Metaphor of Fire devouring, it is uſual in holy Writ. See the LXX. in Exod.15.
7. Levit. 10. 2. we find therefore here, that the Holy Ghoſt makes no Excep-
tion at all of any Remnant that are ſaved. Indeed in Chap. 21. 24. there
is mention of the Nations of them that are ſaved; but as that Deſcription
comprehends as well the Times before Gog and Magog's Expedition, as after, we
cannot from thence affirm, that theſe ſhall be comprehended within that, at
leaſt ſuch of them as imbrace the Chriſtian Religion. But the effect of this
Fire ſeems top violene and quick to admit of ſuch a Repentance, when there
is no room or time left, bue for Execution; as indeed the laſt Judgment and
Reſurre&ion is near approaching, this Event appearing to be the laſt of God's
Judgments upon wicked Men in this Life. But the (e) Fews, who form to
themſelves very grofs Notions of the ſecond Coming of the Meſſias, will have
a great part of Gog to be ſaved from the Deſtruction by Profelytiſm, to ſerve
the Jews as Slaves. But it would not be prudent for us, either on the one
Hand to reſtrain the Bowels of God's Mercy to penitent Sinners even at the
laſt; or on the other, to allow Exceptions; where we have no warrant from
the words of the Holy Ghoſt ; here this Gog and Magog are not the very ſame
as in Ezekiel
However it may be obſerv'd, that ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt does not mention,
that Gog and Magog are thrown into the Lake or devoured by the ſecond Death, it is
evident that they are to be conſumed only,or at preſent by the firſt Death ; and
ſo that Gog and Magog are Enemies to Chriſt in this ſtate of Mortality, and by
conſequence, that there are mortal Men living during the Millennial Reign.
A. verf. 10. Kaió delong • Thayev dues bausn eis tlu aiurlu ti muids By John,
And the Devil that deceived them was caſt into the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone.] As
-
(a) Virg. Æneid. Lib. II. (6) Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib XII. col. 1746.
Hom. XVI.
(d) Auguſtin de Civ. dei Lib. XX. cap. 8.
Sahadia's Treat. of the laſt Redemption. S. 7, 8. A
(c) Tychon.
(e) Vid. R.
YA
before
II I

Satan deſtroy'd.
950
Chap. XX. v. 11:
before the firſt Refurre&tion of the Juft, the Devil was caſt inco Priſon, and
fhut up during the Millennium ; ſo before the general Refurre&ion he is to be caſt
into the everlaſting Deſtruction. Now that Gog and Magog his laſt Votaries
viſibly appearing in the World are quite gone, the Judgments which are ſaid
to fall upon the Devil, muſt be ſaid to fall wholly upon the viſible ſtate of the
Kingdom of Darkneſs
, whereof the Devil
, by which name in the ſingular is un.
derftood generally in holy Writ the whole Society of the apoftate Angels, the
Prince of them denominating the whole ſtate of them under him, is therefore
in this place the repreſentative. This is therefore che laft Doom of the wicked
Angels, which has been traditionally believed from ancient Times. Thus
in the fragments of Enoch's Book the wicked Angel Axael is ſaid to be caft ac
the laft Day by Raphael into the Fire. There is alſo ſome glimmering of this
in the Tradition of the Chaldeans cited before out of Theopompus, when they
ſaid, that Hades was to fall. St. John does more ; for he Thews us the order
and manner of time, when and how thoſe apoftate Angels are to fall under
this laſt Judgment. And as they began, and inticed Men, and at firſt were ac-
curs'd before Adam, ſo their Judgment alſo preceeds that of Men. Yet it is
ſaid to be the ſame, the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, which is the ſecond Death.
Of this they are as capable as Men after the Reſurrection. Take it in the
words of St. Auftin: (a) Sicut etiam deſertores Angeli, licet ſecundum modum quendam
mortui fint peccando ; quia fontem vita deſeruerunt, qui deus eft quem potando ſapienter
beateque poterant vivere; tamen non fic mori potuerunt, ut omnino defifterent vivere atque
ſentire : quoniam immortales creeti funt
, atque ita in ſecundam mortem poft ultimum
præcipitabuntur judicium, ut nec illic vita careant : quandoquidem etiam fenfu cùm is
doloribus futuri ſunt
, non carebunt. It ſeems by this, that by the Curſe firſt pro-
nounced againſt them they are as dead, and ſo this laſt and compleat Puniſh-
ment is alſo a ſecond Death to them, as well as it is to Men of the ſame
Order.
B. "Om sý To Suelo'z vý: fedoresenlns, Where alſo the Beaſt and the Falle Prophet.]
St. (b) Auſtin has Pſeudoprophetæ. The Beat and the Falſe Prophet have been
repreſenred before as Succeſſors and viſible Miniſters of the Dragon, as that
Symbol repreſents the powers of the inviſible Kingdom of Darkneſs. They have
carried on the ſame deſign as the Devil, againſt Chriſt and his Church ; and
therefore they are condemned to the very fame Puniſhment at laſt. See Matth.
25:31, to 41. Nay and I am apt to think, that ſeeing the Holy Ghoft has
taken care to ſignify to us their Puniſhment antecedently to that of the reſt of
Mankind, this Priority implies the Eminency of it before others, both as to
time and equality; as the Priority of the Reſurrection implies an Eminency of
Favour and Glory.
But here obſerve I beſeech you, the exa& Oeconomy of the Holy Ghoſt to
place the order of the Events; for ſince the Devil is ſaid to be caft into the
Lake where the Beaſt was caſt, it is evident, that this part of the Devil's Judg-
ment is pofterior to that of the Beaft; ſo that all the Erents predided in the
former part of this Chapter, are neither before, nor concurrent with the Aas
of the Beaſt, but after. And by conſequence the Millennium muſt happen after
the Deſtruction of the Beaſt. This I think is very clear.
C. Και βασανιθήσονlαι ημέρας και νυκός εις τες αιώνας των αιώνων, And they hall be
tormented day and night for ever and ever.] All theſe Expreſſions have been ex-
amined before in the Notes upon Chap. 14. 10, 11, and upon Chap. 19. 3. B.
But it is here to be applied proportionably to the Subjects, who are not now to
be tormented with the viſible Puniſhments inflicted in this world by the divine
Providence, but by ſuch as are prepared for the Devil and his Angels, and of
which we can have leſs Conception than of the Happineſs of the Saints rais'd,
and of the holy Angels, becauſe the Holy Ghoft affects to be more filent on
thoſe Punishments than on the happy State, which is hereafter deſcrib'd by va-
rious Symbols
. Day and Night, ſignify indeed in general che continual Dura-
tion of the things, and are applied to ſuch a ſtate as this World, which is full of
Viciffitudes. How comes it then to be applied to the everlaſting Torments
which are not to be ſubject to Vicillitude ? Ansbertus ſays: Nunquidnam tunc
viciffitudo temporum erit, & non potius apud electos æterna dies, apud impios æterna
(a) Auguſtin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XIII. cap. 24. o8 (6) Auguftin. de Civit dei Lib. XX.
cap. 8. 14.
nox

Chap. XX. v. 11.
The White Throne.
951
ponere
nox ? Sed ſciendum nobis eft, quia pro defe&tu mutabilitatis malorum, diem e notten
voluit ; and a little after : Die ergo ac notte in ſecula ſeculorum cruciantur reprobi.
Subaudis, & defe&tum mutabilitatis indefinenter patiuntur, & tamen deficiendo nun-
quam deficiunt, quia in ſecula ſeculerum ipfe mutabilitasis defectus perſeverat
. But this
not ſatisfying him he adds : Vel certe die ac noéte cruciantur, quia & ex recordata
electorum vita quam imitari noluerunt, & ex memorasis facinorum ſuorum iniquitatibus
efficiuntur. Quafi enim in die crucianiur, cum ad memoriam revocant bonum quod agere
ipfi noluerunt, & quafi in noéte torquentur, cum malum quad voluntate admijerunt, ad
notitiam ſusi reducunt. This indeed ſpeaks but of wicked Men, but I own it may
be alſo applied to the Devils, who were once Angels of Lighe. But ftill how
is it that during their Torment they have Day and Night? The Juſt in the Re-
furre&ion have continual Day, for there shall be no Night, as it is ſaid exprefly
afterwards : and by the rule of Contraries the Wicked muſt have all Night, as
indeed they are ſaid to be calf into w:ter Darkneſs, in Matth. 8. 12. and Chap. 22.
13. I believe therefore, that they may be ſaid to have Day, though not enjoy
it ; that is, to have ſome ſenſe as a glimmering Light, of the Happineſs of the
Juſt
, without receiving any benefit from that Knowledge, but rather an increaſe
of Torment. That the wicked ſhall have this Senſe or Knowledge of the Happi-
neſs of the Juſt is plain from the Parable of Lazarus, Luke 16. 23. and chac this
may ſerve to increaſe their Sorrow, is plain from Luke 13. 28.
OVA
Further it muſt be obſerv’d, that the Verb Caour doorles, being here in the
Plural, comprehends the Beaſt and Falſe Prophet as well as the Devil, and thac
though it was ſaid before in Chap. 19. 20. the Beaſt and his Falſe Prophet were
cait into the Lake, yet it was not ſaid there, that they ſhould be tormented for
ever. ; and that it is only ſaid here to ſhew that their Judgment was to laſt for
ever. From this compar'd with what has been obſerv'd before, that though the
Saints are receiv'd into a ſtate after Death, in which they have ſome token of
the divine Favour, but receive not the full meaſure of it till their Reſurrection ;
ſo neither do wicked Men enter into their eternal Puniſhments juft upon their
Diffolution, but rather when the Devils themſelves have receiv'd their Sentence:
For it is evident by this place, that they are condemn’d to the eternal Torment
together, and juſt upon the general Reſurrection, the account of which follows
immediately. And though the Beaſt, Falſe Prophet and Devil ſeem to be
Bodies politick, and ſo different from Individuals, yet by virtue of the Union
their Doom includes that of the Individuals, eſpecially when the collective
Body and Individuals are not diſtinguiſhed.
A. verſ. 11. Kad didor Degrov uiger adoro'y, And I ſaw a great wbite Throne.] A
freſh Viſion and Matter. The Matter is indeed the greateſt and moſt compleac
Work of God, the general Reſurrection and Judgment. This Throne is the Sym-
bol of it. When the Holy Ghoſt has ſhewn us the laſt Vi&ory of Chriſt over
Satan, by the Effe&s it has had upon that Enemy, it is reaſonable, as has been
praais'd conſtantly before, that we ſhould be inform’d what Effe&s it has upon
the Kingdom of Chriſt internally; and this is now to be done. For if there is
no more Devil, there is no more ſin; becauſe afl Sin is of the Devil, who is
.
the original Seducer : If there is no Sin, there muſt be no more Death : lf
there be no more Death, the Saints muſt be transform’d; but they muſt not be
transform’d without the Reſurrection of the Dead, that all may be judged at
the ſame time according to their works. Thus theſe matters are Conſequences
one of another.
But ler us come to the ſpecial matter. A Throne always denotes a Kingdom
and Government, eſpecially when it is fet ſingly; for then it ſignifies the ſu-
pream Power. Thus in the Scripture Phraſe the ſettling of the Throne fignifies
the fettling or Eſtabliſhment of the Government in Peace. Thus alſo che In.
largement of the Throne, ſignifies the increaſe of the Dominions. In 2 Sam. 7. 12,
13: it is faid, I will eſtabliſh bis Kingdom, he ſhall build an Houſe for my Name, and
s will eft abliſh the Throne of his Kingdom for ever. And v. 16. And thine Houſe,
and thy Kingdom fall be eſtabliſhed for ever before tbce ; thy Throne fall be esta-
bliſhed for ever. Where we ſee, that Throne and Kingdom explain each other, as
it is uſual in holy Writ, in the Stile of which it is an Elegancy to uſe double
Expreſſions, one of which explains t'other ; which is alſo very frequent in the
Prophets, and Poetical Books. Thus again we may underſtand what is meant by
making the Throne greater.
i Kings 1. 37.
And make his Throne greater th
than the
Throne of my Lord King David, which in v. 47. is thus varied, God make the name
of.

The White I brone.
952
Chap. XX. v. 11
proper
theſe, it .
of Solomon better than thy Name, and make his Throne greater than thy Throne. Now
as I have obſerved before, a better Name fignifies greater Glory, more magnificent
Adions. So the Inlargement of the Throne muft imply a great Acceſſion of Do.
minions and Power. For this reaſon when Solomon had Peace, after God had
fubjugated all the Nations round about him, ſo that they were oblig'd to
bring him Tribute ; and had thus inlarged his Dominions beyond what
David had poffefs'd before; he made a new Throne, a great Throne of Ivory,
which fymbolically repreſented his Power, and the Inlargement of his Do.
minions, and the Peace and Proſperity of his Reign.
Now it has been obſerv'd before, that a Throne was ſet before, to ſhew the In-
ftitution of the Chriſtian Religion, in Chap. 4. But that was a Throne only,
and this has further the Epithece of great. That firſt Throne was accompanied
with a Rainbow, which ſhews a Diſpofition to Reconciliation, and he that
fare upon it was like a Jaſper and a Sardine Stone, which ſhews that he had An-
ger as well as Clemency, to be diſpens'd as occaſion ſerv'd; bue this great Throme
is all white. It is wholly deſign’d to ſhew, that chis is to be a Kingdom of ablo-
lure Peace. For though indeed it begins with a ſevere Judgment according to
every Man's Work, yet that is only the firſt Ad, preparatory to the everlaſting
Peace deſign'd, wherein God chufes who are for the future to be his servants and
Favourites; the reſt being to be rejected as they have deſerv'd. Thus the
greatneſs of the Throne fignifies the abſolute and entire Dominion of God and
Chrift; and the whiteneſs of it ſignifies the Peace, Happineſs, Joy, and Holi-
neſs of his Kingdom, which devolves upon his Subjects, they reaping the ad-
vantages of his Government. In the intention of the Holy Ghoſt this Sym-
bol of the Throne is to ſhew principally the nature and Qualities of Chriſt's
Kingdom ; his diſpoſition towards his Enemies who are not to be of it, buc
diſpoſed of as they deſerve, has been ſhewn before in other Symbols, as of his
Horſe, Garment, and the reſt of them, which have been explain'd in their
fition towards his People, as we ſhall ſee further hereafter.
Therefore here is no mention made of Lightnings and Thunders, which are
the Symbols of Laws enacted with Terror. There is no need of Laws
for them that are perfe&ly holy, nor no occaſion for Terror with them
that can commit no Sin, and are to be eternally. The former Throne
becaure was conſtituted for the of Men in a mortal
Stace. This great white Throne is therefore infinitely more excellent. (a)
Quanto, Tays Seneca, æquius eft, hominem hominibus præpofitum, miti animo exercere
imperium, du cogitare, utrum mundi ſtatus gratior oculis pulchriorque fit Sereno &
puro die, an cum
fragoribus crebris omnia quatiuntur, aignes hinc atque illinc micani?
Thus alſo the Omen exhibited to the Tbeban Exiles, when returning to free their
City from the Lacedemonians the ws that Thunder, though it may ſignify good
Succeſs, yet implies that the Undertaking will be dangerous : Plutarch expreſſes
ir thus : b) 'Evious ad fanseafo dzidr evde Geovlis siaišar Model Twy Tuñv, rj Tè onusion
εθόκα καλών προς ασφάλειας, και δόξαν, ως λαμπρών, ακινδυνων δε των πράξεων εσομδύων
There is but one thing more to be obſerv'd here about this Throne, which
is, that the Holy Ghoſt cakes no notice of any Wights, covering, bearing, or
attending upon this Throne, becauſe Chriſt is upon this Throne judging and
reigning by himſelf, without any need of a ſtanding Clergy, Depucies, or
Vicars in his abſence; whereas ſince his fitting upon the former Throne till his
iuridible ſecond Advent, he is miſerable ; and being taken from the Earth into Hea-
ven, the Affairs of his Kingdom here on Earth muſt be diſpatch'd by ſuch vi-
fible Miniſters. This makes a very eſſential Difference. "The Office of the
Wights and Elders ſeem to me to have ceas'd from the time of the coming of
the Word of God, when the Heaven was opened, and the heavenly Hoſt came
along with the Word of God. The Government of the Church is thereupon
given to the Saints of the firſt Reſurrection,
B. Kai tòn ne Shufian email aulòr, and bim that late upon it.] Who chis is, may be
* Toon found in the Propheſy; for he deſcribes himſelf hereafter in Chap. 21. 5,
6, 7. with which muſt be compared, Chap. 22, 1. where this is called the
Out 090p911 151 Os no
(n) Senec. di Clement. Lib. I cap. VII. Vid. Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. VIII. col. 1329 & al.
(b) Plue. at Genio Socrat. p. 1028.
Throne

Ch. XX. v. 11.
The White Throre.
953
Throne of God and of the Lamb. Theſe are the Luminary of the New Jeruſalem;
fee Chap. 21. 11, 23. Then only do we find the King of Kings fitting upon
his Throne, when he has ſubdued all his Enemies ; and has nothing to do bat
pronounce his Judgment upon them.
C. Of amrå megsón, From before whoſe Face.] The word Face, ſpoken of God,
is not without Myſtery; for it ſignifies his Preſence and Power going to be
demonſtrated and exerted by ſome ſignal Aa. Yea, Face is ſometimes put for
God himſelf emphatically. Thus in Iſaiah 63. 9. The Angel of bis Preſence ſaved
them ; but the LXX. ſay more emphatically, * apéobus, 8 de ayno, ám' Aulds
KO WTEV Ufss, no Melinger or Angel, but himſelf ſaved them. Hence N97 98, bis
Face, is ſo emphatical, that the LXX would not turn it, in 2 Kings 2. 14. but
fay; nf o Gads sacs áoça, where is the God of Elias, who has preſence, Majeſty and
Power. Eliſha is there inciting God, to ſhew his Power and Preſence, or Face.
So in Excd. 20. 3. Thou ſhalt have no other Gods beſides my Face, wil fucis, but me,
ſay the LXX. fo in Exod. 33. 14. My preſence shall go with thee; in the LXX.
Aurès Free trop d'ooucí osº Face alſo ſignifies Anger, Fuſtice and Severity, when God
comes to vitic the Sins of Men. See the Note upon Chap. 12. 14. F. There-
fore the words before us ſignify, that what is done here, is done by the imme-
diate Power, Preſence, and Majeſty of God, himſelf being preſent to viſit the
Sins of all Mankind, and to judge with ſeverity every Man according to his
Works; and that nothing is able to withſtand his Preſence, and the rigour of
his Anger and Juſtice; and fo all the preſent Conftitution of the World will
appear to be Vanity before him, and fit to be removed and alter'd, that he may,
inftead of the preſent ſtate of things, frame ſuch a Conſtitution, as may in-
dure his continual Preſence. We ſhall find it to be lo by and by. He cauſes
indeed by his Judgment the Heaven and Earth to fly from him ; that is, as they
ftand now ; makes all things new, as he ſays ſoon after ; or new Heavens and a
new Earth, wherein dwelleth Righteouſneſs, as its ſaid in 2 Pet. 3. 17. Theſe
matters will be ſhewn more fully afterwards ; and we ſhall endeavour to find
out when the preſent Conſtitution of this Heaven and Earıh ſhall begin to be
chang’d ; and when that change ſhall be thoroughly perform'd according to the
hints of the Holy Ghoſt.
D. 'Epugeu o šegros y i gn, The Heaven and the Earth fled away.] That is, by
whoſe Power, Majeſty and ſevere Juſtice the old Conftitution, or preſent ſtate
of things in the political World of Mankind, was quite remov'd to make way
for a new Conſtitucion, a new Heaven and a new Earth. By the ſetting up of
this great white Throne ; he that fits thereon puts down all other Rule and Au-
thority whatſoever, which before was not ſubmitted to him, but were partly
guided by the Dragon, and own’d him as the God of the World. We may
here obſerve the Gradation; in che pulling down of Paganiſm, as it ſtood in the
Roman Empire, God only folded the Heavens and ſhook the Earth, to procure
the half hours Reft or Silence, for his Church: But at this time he cauſes them
to be quite removed, that the like may be never ſeen again. To which purpoſe
he has doom'd Satan himſelf with his laſt Judgment or Puniſhment; from
which Satan is never to be retriev'd. And all this is done judicially, becauſe
the Heaven and the Earth were before his Throne or Judgment Seat, found corrup-
ted. The word årro' regoor implies that, as dvomov, which has the ſame litteral
Signification alſo implies, ſee the Note upon Chap. 14. ro. C. Now here is
much more than in ſuch Caſes as we have had before. For Chriſt judged then
from Heaven, and in a more ſecret manner, by the Interpoſition of mean
Agents, but now he does it perſonally, in his 'Emporea, Apparition, or immediate
Preſence, limpsoía ; wherein therefore all things muſt be done much more mag-
nificently and perfectly; and as becomes the Majeſty of this fupream Judge,
who is the Word of God, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.
It may not be improper to obſerve here, what Notions even the Pagans had
of the Apparitions of the Gods, and how they were attended with much more
Splendor and Effect as they were higher in dignity. For according to them
ſuch Apparitions muit be attended with Circumſtances ſuitable to the power and
rank of each. Jamblichus has diſcover'd what they thought of this with great
accuracy, and conſidered thoſe Apparitions by many views. I ſhall cite Tome
words of his which are very exactly parallel to what are now beiöre us : (a)
(a) Jam.blich. de Myfter. Ægypt: Sect. II. cap. 4-
UIK

954
The White Throne:
Ch. XX. v. 11
Πείς δε τέτοις, το μέγεθG των όπιφανειών, παρα μοδο τους θεούς τσέπην όπιδείκνυθαι, ως και τον
έρανόν όλον ένιότη από καιρυ Πειν και τον ήλιον και των σελίδω, τώ τε γώ μηκέτι δuύας είναι
dulão me:]e6vavy. In this he has copied the Chaldean Oracle. I ſhall ſet it down as
I chink it ought to be read :
---'7
'Αθρήσεις πάντα δέονται
Ο ε Ούτε γαρ εράνες κυρίες τοπ φαίνεται όγκος, ,
"Ασέρες & λάμπασι, το μήνης φώς κεκάλυπται,
XSCY 8x ésnaes
My Edition had in the firft Verſe, zavin aeulov ; D. Gale has ma'yla a60v|ed
, but streyta
ộtorta is the true reading. The Poet Lucan knew of this, for he ſays: (a)
1
Paretis ? an ille
Compellandus erit, quo nunquam terra vocato
Non concuffa tremit.
That ille is the ſupream Dæmon who affected to be worſhipped and act as the
ſupream God. Thus Virgil obſerves when Jupiter ſpoke : (b)
E. dicente ; Deúm domus alta fileſcit;
Et tremefa&t a ſolo tellus, filet arduus æther,
Tum Zephyri poſuere, premit placida &quor a pontus.
On which Servius ſays : Loquente Hove ſtupor elementorum oftenditær per naturæ muta-
tionem ; nam quicquid in æterno motu eft, quievit ; & contrà terra mota eft, quæ fem-
per immobilis
. Compare with this Habakkuk's Hymn, Chap. 3. 5, 6. the like is
found in the Pſalms. And indeed when God appear’d to the Patriarchs and
Prophets, ſuch Accidents did litterally happen ; but they were commonly typi-
cal of what God was going to communicate to Men. i ſaid ſomething on this
Subject before as to the Apparition of God to Moſes; and hinted, that the very
Miracles which he did then were fignificative of the Event of things upon
which Mofes was ſent. I could make an Application of this to the divine Ap-
parition made to Elijah in Mount Horeb; but it would carry me too far. Thus
alſo when God ſpake at the Transfiguration of Chriſt upon the Mount, his ap-
pearance then was fyinbolical, not only of his future Power, but alſo of the
Reſurrection and ftate of the Saints in Glory. (c) Tò pénzer u.useczazão, ſays
Gregory Naz. by any remaining Enemies. Further, the Pagans alſo thought,
that theſe Apparitions procured ſome ſpecial good in proportion to the Eni-
nency of the appearing Gods. Thus Jamblichus ſays: (d) Emo dè TÁTOIS, refu
των θεών επιφάνεια αλήθειαν παρέχει και διαμιν, έργων τε κατορθώσεως, και δόσεις αγαθών μεισών
All this was grounded upon this Notion, that God came to viſit Men judicially ;
and ſo on the one Hand to correct, paniſh and change the preſent ſtate, and on
the other to procure ſome eminent good to the Juit, when they lay under Op-
preſſion, and invoked God to examine their Cauſe. Now here Chriſt comes to
a general Judgment and Examination of the whole Conftitution of the World,
living and dead. As all is corrupted, all muſt be removed and fly; but he pro-
duces a new Conſtitution inſtead of the old, new Heavens and new Earth for
the Juft, that they may be eternally happy. The fiying of Heaven and Earth
does cherefore ſignify fymbolically what St. Paul ſays more litterally, 1 Cor. 15.
24. when he ſhall have put down all rule and all authority and power, that he may dea
liver up unto God the Father a Kingdom intirely his without any Oppoſition to be
made by any remaining Enemies.
E. Kai Tómo in digéon áulois, And there was found no place for them.] This
is an emphatical Expreſſion to ſhew an utter Deftrudion, or Ceflation of
the marrer ſpoken of. It has been explain'd ſo in the Note upon Chap.
12. 8. B.
(a) Lucan. I harſal, Lib. VI. Compar. Apollon. Argonaut. Lib. II. v. 681. 682. Pap. Stat. Theb.
Lib. Ix, v. 639
(6) Virg. Æneid. Lib. X.
(c) Gregor. Naz.
Orat. XXXV.
(0) Jamblich. de Myft. Ægypt. Sect. II. cap. 9.
A. verſ.

Ch. XX. v. 11, i 2. The White Thrones General Reſurrection. .955
A. verf. 12. Koi di Sov Tès vexpês, išs wegdárs, rj tes psizgås, And I ſaw the dead
great and ſmall.] Freſh matters, and therefore a fresh Viſion. This exp effion,
great
and ſmall, Thews that here is a general appearance of all the Dead before
the Divine Throne; and therefore this judgment is the judgment which fol-
lows upon the general Refurrection. For the appearing of all the dead ſtanding
ſuppoſes and ſays exprefly that they are all raiſed again, and by conſequence
living. St. Paul ſays, 1 Cor. 15. 26. The Loſt Enemy that ſloall be deffroyed is death.
This death mult be the firſt, the death of our preſenc Bodies when the Souls are
ſeparated from them: for it is plain that the ſecond Death is a Condemnation or
Puniſhment inflicted upon Men rilen again, which does not annihilate cheir
being, nor effect a ſecond ſeparation of Soul and Body, but both remain to have
an eternal ſenſe of their Miſery. And as the ſecond Death is a Symbol of che
everlaſting condemnation of Men, by which they become forſaken, forgotten
and ſeparated from God, which is as a Death to them ; fo Deatb itſelf, as a Per-
fon in the Viſion is condemn’d to the fame Judgment, being here ſaid to be
caſt into the Lake of Fire, or ſecond Death ; or as St. Paul expreffes ic Death is
Swallowed up in victory. Now this vittory of the firſt Death, by which here all
Men are ſaid to be veresd, dead can be effected no other way but by a general
Reſurrection; which brft retrieves ail Men from that ſtate of Death, and then
for ever fecures them from the like So Sr. Paul explains it in v. 54. So wben
this corruptible Mall bave put on incorruption, and this mortal ſhall have put on immorta-
lity, then ſhall be brought to paſs the ſaying that is written, Death is ſwallowed up in
Victory. Therefore chete Dead are of ſuch a ſort as they are, who are Dead in
the Grave, and who muſt riſe again, as appears by what follows. Therefore I
think chere cannot be a greater Folly, or Blunder, committed by an Interpre-
ter, than that of pretending to explain the Words before us and following, of
any other kind of Reſurrection, but that which is to re-unite Soul and Body.
B. 'Esã mees évémov F degre, ſtanding before the Throne ] That is, riſen again, and
appearing before God's Judgment Seat Sső Tees is the ſame as evesaxómas, rifen
again; as inou is the very fame as eivéčnoun Dead ſtanding before a Throne can-
not be underſtood otherwiſe than as they are reſtored to life. This Throne is
the Judgment Seat of Chriſt, where all muſt appear, as St. Paul ſays, Rom. 14.
19. And by conſequence they are fanding to be tried for their Adions, and to
be Judged, or Sentenc'd, accordingy, as we ſhall ſee in the following Words,
after the Holy Ghoſt has ſhewn us how they come to ſtand before this Throne.
As to the word Atanding being judicial, conſult with attention the following
places of Holy Writ, 1 Kings 3. 16. Pfal. 1.5. Pſal. 5.5. Pfal.76.7. Pf. 109.6.
So the Latin word confiftere is affectedly uſed to that purpoſe, Seneca, (a) Alius
cum matre confiftit, that is, pleads, or goes to Law, againſt bis Metber. Confule the
Note of 7. Lipfius on that place,
But before we proceed further it is neceflary to give notice here of a dif-
ferent manner of reading, as to the placing of the words in this and the next
Verſe, which is very much different from the preſent Copies. This I think is
proper to be done, becauſe D. Mill has either overſeen, or neglected it, tho'it
be very conſiderable; and in my opinion places the words in a more natural
and proper order, without any change in the Senſe. I ſhall firſt ſer down the
words of Irenæus, as they ſtand now in the Latin Verfion, (b) Et ila quæ juni
generalis Reſurrectionis & Judicii exponit vidiſſe, dicens : mortuos magnos du minores.
Dedit, inquit, mare mortuos, quos in ſe babuit, eo mors & inferi dederunt mortuos,
quos apud fe habuerunt : & libri adaperti ſunt, fed dy vita, ait, apertus eſt liber, a
judicati ſunt mortui, ex iis quæ ſcripta erant in libris, ſecundum opera Jua, & mors &
inferi mifi ſunt in ftagnum ignii, fecundam mortem. Hoc autem eft quod vocatur Gehen-
ma, quod Dominus dixit ignem æternum. Et fi quis, inquit, non eft inventus in libro
vitæ fcriptus, miſſus eft in ſtagnum ignis. It is evident by theſe words, that Irenæus
did read the two firſt clauſes of v. 13. before the words in v. 12. sij Bebaía l'ex
Smour, and ſo on, and that he ſeems not to have read the laſt clauſe in v. 13.
which is now ig éreignocer enesos, and ſo on; for indeed the words being placed
fo, that clauſe is not neceifary, but ſuperfluous; the laſt clauſe in v. 12 çon-
taining theſe words. According to theſe obſervations theſe two Verſes ſhould
be read as follows, ν. 12. Και άδον τες νεκρές τις μεγάλες και τις μικρές εσώτας ενώπιον το
(a) Senec. de Ira, Lib. II. cap. VII. (6) Irenæ Lib. V. cap 35.

956
The General Refurre&tion.
Ch. XX. v. 12.
gefix. v. 13. Koci ksionev v Jaé Adecual tš5 év dulj vexcès, rj ó Sevcetas rj o ďdus k Storey Tess in eure
τοϊς νεκρές. V. 12. Και βιβλία ανεώχθησαν και άλλο βιβλίον ανεώχθη, και εκ της ζωής και εκείθησαν
δι νεκροί έκ και γραμμέων εν τοις βιβλίοις, κατά τα έργα αυτών, ν. 12.
dead, both great and ſmall, ſtanding before the Throne, V. 13. And the Sea gave up the
dead that were in it, and Death and Hades gave up the dead that were in them. v. 12.
And the Books were opened, and another Book was opened, which is the Book of Life,
and the Dead were judged out of theſe things which were written in the Books according
to their works. However in our Expoſicion we ſhall follow the common read
ing
C. Ka Gibría eveox Snoer. And the Books were opened. ] The like is found in Dan.
7. 10. Keilnecen érdé. Nos, a Cibaoe weex Sucay, The Judgment was ſet, and the Books were
opened. This is an allufion not only to the (a ) Courts of Judicature, but alſo
to the ancient practice of Monarchs, who cauſed all matters that happened to
them to be written down to ſtand as Records. To this the Prophet Malachy
alludes in Chap. 3. 15. And the Lord hearkened, and heard it, and a Book of remem-
brance was written before him for them that feared his Name. The Kings of Judah
and I/rael had ſuch to be ſure ; for 'tis thoſe Records, which the Books of
Scripture cite ſo often. So in Eſther 6. I. And be commanded to bring the Book of
Records of the Chronicles, and they were read before the King. In ſuch Books was
written every thing that was done or ſaid by the King. See (b) Barnab. Brif-
fonius. The Chineſe and Perſians do fo to this day. That the Macedonian Kings did
ſo, appears by the Ephemerides of Alexander, which were publiſhed ; and in
them ſuch exa&icude was obſerved, as to ſet down when the King drank hard,
and ſlept che next Day for it. This we learn from Plutarch. The Ptolemies fol-
lowed that example, as we are inform’d by Ariſteas. Now as God in Holy Writ
is conſidered as a King, this is alſo obſerv'd and frequently alluded to; as in
Exod. 32. 32, 33 Pſal. 40.7. Pſal. 56.8. Pfal. 139.16. See alſo 4 Eſdr. Cap. 6.
20. and the Teſtaments of the Patriarchs in Levi. Sect. V. So that when any
good or evil is done in the World, it is written in the Books of the Records
kept for the Divine Court at the laft Judgment. So when a wicked thing is
done, which diſpleaſes highly God; as in Ifaiah 65. 6. God ſays, Behold it is
written before me, to which may be compared Revel 16. 19. and the Note C
thereupon. The Heathens had the ſame opinion of their Gods, as might be
made out from ſeveral Authors; and they appointed particularly (d) Nemeſis,
to record all exorbitano Words and Axions. The Mahometans appoint an Angel
to this purpoſe whom they call (e) Sebbil, or Sebbael. Thus alſo the Poets
feign, that even in Hell Proſerpina enters the names of all the Dead; upon
which conſult (f) Statius and his Scholiaſt. (g) Marcianus Capella makes in
general the Parcæ Scribes to y upiter, to write his Decrees. Therefore the open-
ing of theſe Books before the Throne of God ſhews, that all the Actions of
Men, who are now riſen and ſtanding to be judged before him, are to be laid
open, that they may be either condemned, or abſolved, according to their reſ-
pective works. Rom. 2. 16.
D. Kad ne bibaís a veci x 9n 8 037 tñs Swiñs, And another Book was opened, which
is the Book of life.] (b) Tychonius and (i) St. Auftin ſeems to have read Qui eſt
vitæ uniuſcujuſque, or elſe they explain'd this ſo; but it is a miſtake. The for-
mer are the general account of all Men's Actions, this is ſpecial, as I can ſhew.
There is frequent mention in Holy Writ of this Book of Life; as in Pſal. 69. 28.
Iſaiah 4. 3. Dan. 1 2. I. Pbilip. 4. 3. Revel
. 3. 5. and Chap. 13. 8. and Chap. 17. 8.
It ſeems to be alluded to in Ezekiel 13.9. Exod. 32. 33. in Pſal. 69. the Targum
turns it by, Book of record of the living. It is evident, that this alludes to that
cuſtom of Kings, who, as of old they kept Records of all things, ſo they had
a peculiar Book, wherein were entred the Names and Ations of thoſe, who
had done them ſome ſpecial Service, that they might reward them in due time.
It is evident by the Hiſtory of Eſtber, that the Perſian Monarchs did ſo; for
when Mordecai had diſcovered a Conſpiracy againſt the King's Life, the King,
(a) Vid. Diodor. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 31.
(6) Vid. B Briffon. de Regn. Perf. Lib. I.
pag. 142.
(c) Homer Odyfi. Lib.g. v.48. Diodor. Sic. apud Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. III.
pag. 55. Philo Jud. de Infomniis, pag. 407. Æſchyl. Eumen. 6. 275. Plaut. Rudent. Prol.
(d) Sophocl. Ele&r. Callimach. Hymn. in Jov. & Cerer. (e) Herbelot tit. Sebhil.
(f) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. VIII. v. 10, (5) Mart. Cap. Lib. I.
(b) Tychon.
Hom. XVI.
(i) Auguftin. de Civit. Dei Lib. XX. cap. 14.
as

Chap. XX. v. 12. do The general Reſurrection. 957
e xelatov-
Tou
as the LXX word it in Eftb. 2. 23. commanded to record it into remembrance concerne
ing the good will of Mordecai with commendation or egottener, o, Caoradis e te zwelous bis
μνημόσυνον έν τη βασιλική βιβλιοθήκη, υπέρ της ανοίας Μαρδοχαία έν Γκωμίω the word κατα-
zweioue, which is alſo us’d by the LXX in Chron. 27: 24. on the like account,
ſeems to imply a ſpecial and ſacred Record different from the reſt, ſeparated
from the common Accounts. The words, šv ssrespeio, imply, chat Mordecai was
honoured with the Title of Benefactor. For they ſeem to have had a Book
wherein were recorded all the Benefa&tors ſpecially, that they might be reniem-
bred and honoured accordingly. So that if a Man gave but a Cup of Water
in time of need to the King, he was accounted, and entred as a Benefactor.
Ælian gives us an example of this, ( a ) Kai 'Evegyétlus Tor My TC Evó MOBV, which
Benefactors were called by the title of Oroſange Herodotus (b. QUAQROS , l'egzé-
της βασιλλος ανεγράφη, και χωρη δι έδωρήθη πολλή: δι 3 αδεργάται σε βασιλλος, οροσαγγαι
Nepaisi Now I have ſhewn before in the Note upon Chap. 12. 9. B. that
this ſignifies a Prince Benefactor ; and ſo it is an high Title of Honour. There-
fore, as Princes upon ſome occaſions face upon Thrones, or Seats, before the
King ; ſo it is obſervd by (c) Diodorus, that the Thebans only of all che Greeks
being accounted Benefactors
, their Ambaſſadors only of all the Greeks ſat upon
Thrones before the King. So likewiſe Plutarch, reporting the ſame ttory as
Ælian, ſhews us that the King highly prefer'd, the Man with Honour and
Riches, (4) 'Εξ αθεξε και πένητα, ένιμων και πλέσιον εποίησεν. Now compare this
with what our Saviour ſays, in Mattb. 10_42. Whoſoever ſhall give to drink unto
one of theſe little ones, & cup of cold water only, in the name of a Diſciple, verily I
Say unto you, he hall in no wiſe loſe his reward. Where it appears, chat God
will account him a ( e ) Benefactor to himſelf; and we have ſeen how he has
promiſed, that they ſhall fit on Thrones as Prieſts and Kings.
Now the Book of Life is that wherein God has encred the Names of thoſe
whom he will reward with eternal Life by a Reſurre&tion to thar end. Hilary
ſays, (f) Scribuntur autem in libro juſtorum, quibus juſtitia Chriſtus eſt faktus. Juſtus
enim ex fide vivit. Thoſe therefore, who are matriculated in that Book, are
ſuch as being found faithful to the end are thereupon entred into the Book of
Life, which is of the juſt. This is done upon every occaſion, but the Sentence
is only pronounced upon the opening of the Book, which is at the general Re-
ſurrection, except for thoſe who ſhall have ritle to the firſt; for theſe, as we
we have ſeen, receive the ſentence and the reward of their juftification when
the Bride of the Lamb receives the Bylle. This Book of Life being therefore
opened at the general Reſurrection, ſhews, that there is beſides thoſe that are
rewarded with that Byle, a certain number, whom God will reward with Eter-
nal Life ; whereas the reſt, who are not entred therein, are to be diſpoſed of
another way; the opening of this Book being the publication and application
of that reward to thoſe who are mentioned therein, according to the deſign of
it, which is to give Life Eternal. This Life is more fully deſcrib'd after-
wards.
E. Kai éneignoay or vexegà éx xos Hyegunele com en reis Cocaíors, And the dead were judg.
ed out of thoſe things which were written in the Books,] And Sentence was paft upon
trial on each of them, that were dead before, but are now alive and raiſed up;
and they were ſeparated from each other, ſome to Life Eternal, and ſome to
the ſecond Death, as it follows, in which the juſtice of God will be directed by
what is recorded in the Books concerning every Man. See the Note upon
Chap. 11.18. D.
F. Keti tu ipsc durâv, According to their Works. ] / g) Judicium Dei, ſays the
Author of the Recognitions, geſtorum cauſa agetur, non quæftionum. And a little
after, Operum hic locus, hoc tempus eſt, meritorum ſeculum futurum. See Matth. 12.
36, 37. and Chap. 25. 30. to 46. And Biſhop ( b ) Bulls Harmony.
A. verſ. 13. Kai 'Sonay si Jordare Tès év eutñ vengés, And the Sea gave up the Dead
that were in it. ] To ſhew the Univerſality of the Reſurrection, over and
befides what was ſaid in the former Verſe, the Holy Ghoſt takes up the Narra-
(a) Ælian. Var. Hift. Lib. XII. cap. 40.
(c) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. XVII. pag 569.
ce) Vid. Irenæi, Lib. IV. cap. 34.
ig) G. Bulli Harm. Apoft. Dill. I. cap. s.
(6) Herodot. Lib. VIII. cap. 85.
(d) Plutarch in Vir. Artaxerx. fol. 306.
( Hilar. Pictav. in Pfal. LXVIII.
(b) Clemene. Recogn. Lib. II. S 20, 21.
II L
tion


958
The general Reſurrection.
Chap. XX. v. 12, 13.
tion again, and ſhe ws by enumeration of the ſeveral means by which Men die,
that all are to riſe again. This recapitulation was obſerv'd by ( a ) St. Auffin,
and indeed that practice is frequent throughout the whole. Propheſy. Now this
Sea is to be taken either Literally, or Symbolically. If Symbolically, then this
ſignifies thoſe that are dead in War, in the confli&ts and diſturbances of this
Life by violent means. So (6) St. Auſtin underſtood it, Profecto convenienter
quidem hoc loco, mare pro ifto feculo pofitum accipitur. But if Literally, then it only
ſignifies thoſe that are drowned ; becauſe it cannot be ſaid, that thoſe either
died by Mortality, or have ever been laid in the Grave or Hades, as it is ſaid in
the next; by this the Holy Ghoſt ſhould ſeem, as Grotius has obſerved, to ob-
viate that norion of the Pagans, who believed that drowned Men periſhed ab-
ſolutely, becauſe their Souls were excinguiſhed in the Waters. So Servius (0)
Ingemit ] Non propter mortem : Sequitur enim : 0 terque quater que beati: Sed propter
mortis
genus; grave eft enim ſecundum Homerum, perire naufragio : quia anima ignea
eft & extingui videtur in marit id eft elemento contrario
. To this purpoſe allo sya
agfus fays, (δ) Έμε 3 εν τοις δεινούς όμνυμι σοι θεον δν φιλοσοφία πρεσβλία, το “Ομηρικόν
3 egitev éxóvo, www alege sean Ios sin Tàr vous? E se tos Salvatore bredegv er vele vej burās vãs afegãse aé-
8, έαν ότι και επών, "Αιας δ' εξαπόλωλεν επεί πίες αλμυρών ύδωρ, τον ον θαλάοση θανατος
άκριβεςάτω απώλειαν ένα πέμβιος σένα γύν εξαπωλολέναι φησίν, αλ' έκασος "Αποθνήσκων
üüdós do ECOCńke Tõuz' deg en dueñv Newton e quineds Aids & de pulët på seg pics16 riovávex),
is the funds airs in vous & aido So that they thought, that drowned Men could
not reſt, becauſe not admitted into Hell, or the regions of Hades, but wan-
dred about without reſt. This we find in (e) Virgil's account of Palinurus:
(f) Hence it was that drowning was thought the moſt grievous Death, and
the uſual Puniſhment of the horrid Sins of Sacrilege and Parricides; and there
fore alſo Ovid cries out.
yo
(8) Demite naufragium, & mors mibi munus erit.
And therefore the Epicureans endeavoured to take off this fear by denying the
immortality of the Soul, but the Remedy is worſe than the Diſeaſe. The no-
tion of a Reſurrection does it effectually.
But what if both thefe Expoſitions are to be joyn'd together; ſo that this and
the next clauſe may ſignify all kinds of Death. This to fignify all thoſe who
die by violent and preternatural Death, as in War, Drowning, and the like;
and by Death, and the Grave, or Hades, thoſe that die of Sickneſs, which is
Mortality, or Deatb; and ſo are carefully laid in the Grave, or Hades ; for to
there all kinds of Death are reduced, and fo comprehend all that can be un-
derſtood by the Symbols, in which univerfality is deſign'd.
But this is not all; for it may not be amiſs to think, that ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt
has
put che Sea giving up her dead before Death and Hades, it is to allude to, and
comprehend the dead of the antediluvian World, which is periſhed by Water;
whence it comes that this State of thoſe drowned Men, or Giants as they are
ſometimes called, did in old times denote and was look'd upon as the State of
Torment, or the Hades of ſuch as are gone into deftru&ion, Pro. 21. 16. So 7ob 26.
$. makes it impoſſible for theſe ( b Giants to riſe out of theſe Waters, that is,
without the interpofition of the Divine Power; the LXX expreſs the Hebrew
words thus, Mà ngayTES MercaFrivov; Shall the Giants be brought forth as a Child is by
a Midwife; a proper Metaphor of the Reſurrection, which in Holy Writ is rea
preſented as a Regeneration. However this will be now done for them, for
the Words before us are very clear and general: that old World is no more to
be excepted than the New, or thoſe dead ſince. And by the by it ſeems to me
very probable, that the memory of this ſo dreadful judgment of God by the
Deluge was the cauſe in part of that fear of Drowning among the Ancients a
bove all other kinds of Death, the drowned being conſidered as involved in
( ) Auguſtin. de. Civ. Dei, Lib. XX. cap. 14. (6) Auguſtin de Civit. Dei Lib. XX.
cap. I
(c). Serv. in Æneid I. col. 4º3. (d) Syneſ. Epift. IV. (e) Virgil.
Æneid. Lib. VI. Vid. Serv. (f) Conf. Homer. Odyli e. V. 306. Virg. Æn. I. Hom. Iliad.
9. V. 221. M. T. Cic. Tuſc. Queft. Lib. I. ex Ennio. (g) Ovid. Triſt. Lib. I. Eleg. 2.
(b) Vid Perron. Arbitr. Satyr. conf. Lucret. Lib. III. v.901, &c. Lactant. Lib. VI. Cap. XII.
& Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. III. v. 96 & 97. Lactant. Placid, ibid.
cap. XXXIV Et Not. Vorlt.
(i) Vid. Pirke R. Eliefer.
the

Chap. XX. v. 13. Death and Hades deſtroyed. 959
parate State.
the ſame judgment as the Giants ; and therefore never likely to reſt in the fe-
B. Kai Joivatus sy ở "Asus E Dorothy Tits eartãy vexgis, And Death and Hades deli-
vered up the dead that were in them. ] Hades is the State of the feparation of the
Soul and Body; but it may alſo be taken for the Grave in general, becauſe che
Body is laid therein during the ſtate of Separation, and the Ancients knowing
no more than we, how the Souls are diſpoſed of, only ſpake of that State by
what they ſaw, and as if the Soul, as well as the Body, were diſpoſed of in
the ſame manner. And the generality of Men did think, that the Soul ho
vered about the Body. See the Note upon Chap: 11.9. B. Death and Hades are
frequency joyn’d together, becauſe they ſeem of their own nature to be inſepa-
rable Companions. Therefore by Hades being thus joyn'd here to Death, and
making as it were but one with Death to give up their Bodies, thoſe that they
have in their keeping, it makes me think, that no more is meant by both but
Mortality, or the natural and unavoidable condition of Men, whoſe Bodies are
forced by the frailty of their Conſtitution to yield to the ſeparation of the Soul
from the Body, which is by fickneſs and decay of the Fleſh; whence it comes,
that Sickneſs, eſpecially that which is Mortal, as generally the Peſtilence is,
comes under the notion of Death, that is Mortality. See the Note on Chap. 6.
8. H. Obſerve here, that the Sea, Death, and Hades are repreſented like Perſons
giving up what they have in their Poiſeffion. But this is ſuitable to the na-
ture of a ſymbolical Prophècy, the ſymbolical Character affe&ing, and indeed
being forced to make things ſenſible, could. TOTOão, to make Perfons, to give Bodies
to the very conceptions of the Mind; and this is not the firſt time, that theſe
have been ſo repreſented. The Apocryphal Efdras repreſents Death and Hades
as in Labour, to give up what they contain, 4 E/dr. 4. 40, 41, 42. See alſo
Chap. 7.32. of the ſame Book. Further i may obſerve here, that though Chriſt
is repreſented to us in Holy Writ as, after he had cafted of Death, being as to
his Soul in Hades; yet theſe Viſions have never ſhewn us the Souls of the Mar.
tyrs in that State by Name, but under more Majeftick Symbols; as if Hades was
the State of the Souls of Men, who have not that Prerogacive. Wherein we
fee, chat Chrift was obliged to undergo the ftate of Death in the meaneft cir-
cumſtances. The nature and reaſon of this difference well deſerves a ſerious
Confideration; but the expofition of my thoughts about it would carry me too
far for the preſent.
C. Kai skeien soy XOSSO xet toe te lépga durar, And they were judged every one accorda
ing to his works ] We have had thefe Words before ; but they are repeated here
with the addition of the word éves O, every one, which ſhews, that Men are to
be judged ſingly, and not in the Lump, condemned and abſolved. This is no
Judgment upon a political Body, but of Singulars, wherein every Man muft
bear his own Burden. See the Note upon Chap. 6. 11. B. which place being
compared with this, thews, that as the General Reſurre&tion and Judgment
muft affe& Men as indivuals, ſo the firſt Reſurre&ion, which is promiſed to
thoſe Martyrs, and whereof they have each an earneft given them, muſt alſo
be of individuals; and by conſequence, that political Reſurrection of the col-
leđive Body of the Church cannot fulfil the Propheſy. Now the whole Tenure
of the Holy Writings Mews us, that the general Judgment is to affect the in-
dividuals of Mankind. See Matth. 16. 27. Rom. 2. 6. Chap. 14. 12. Galat. 6.4,
5. I Cor. 3. 8, 10, 13, 14. Chap. 4.5. 2 Cor. 5. 10. Ephef. 6. 8. 1 Pet. 1: 17. Revel.
2. 23. and Chap. 22. 12. C.
A. verf. 14. Kai Venato ý é das ebausmous dis oli aluslu mi zuels, And Death
and Hades were caſt into the lake of fire. ] That is, after che dead are raiſed out
of their Graves, wherein they were held by death in an inviſible State, they
who are in that condition ſhall never again feel of the firſt Death, but are Ime
mortal. And ſo Mortality itſelf ſhall be no more known among Men, accord-
ing to the prefent frailty of Human Nature. For this Lake of Fire is but a
fymbolical Notion, or repreſentation of the perpetual continuation and un-
changeableneſs of that State, into which thoſe macters are reduced, which are
ſaid to be thrown cherein; implying, that they ſhall no more affećt Mankind,
as being as to them utterly deſtroy'd ; and as to themſelves never able for the
future to be again what they were before that Condemnation. See che Note
on Chap. 19. 20. E.
1

960
Death and Hades dəftroy'd. Chap. XX. v. 141
I ſaid before, that the Holy Ghoſt made Perions of Death and Hades; this
alludes to what has been frequently inſifted upon, that the things done upon
Earth are viſible repreſentations of what is done in the inviſible State, Death
and Hades do therefore ſtand here alſo for chat or thoſe Angels deſtroyers which
effe&t chofe viſible accidents among Men. So when a Peſtilence was ſent to
puniſh David for numbring the People, this is ſaid to be done by an Angel, 2 Sam.
24. 16, 17. 1 Chron. 21. 15, 16. So the Pſalmiſt 78. 49. alluding to the Egyptian
Piagues, ſays, He caſt upon them the fierceneſs of his Anger, wrath and indignation
and trouble, by ſending evil Angels among them, which in the next Verſe is further
explain'd by. He ſpared not their Soul from death, but gave their life over to the peſti-
lence. And (mote all the firſt-born in Egypt. Hence the Cabaliſtical Fews have
made an Angel of Death, which they call Samael. So che Phoenicians had the
God (a) Mys, which by his name appears to be the God, or Angel of Death.
Among the Greeks all Plagues or Deaths by Peſtilence, or any other ſudden
way, as 'alſo Women's Death in Child-birth were attributed to (b) Apollo and
Diana. That they believed ſome Gods or Angels preſiding in Hell or Hades, is
too well known to be ſpecially proved here; when Hades itſelf in their Authors
ſtands frequently for the name of that God. The Arabian Writers alſo name
the Angel of Death (c) Adreiel, and the Angel of Hell (d) Thabekh. And the
Perſian Gaures call the Angel of Death, Hifhîm Div. Look back to the Note up-
on Chap.9. 11.B. This being ſo, we may look upon this Death and Hades as the
Angels preſiding over the Death of Men, of the fame Society as the great Satan,
or Calumniator and Tempter, who is above them, and having them under him
is therefore called alſo Murderer, John 8.44. They may therefore very proper-
ly be ſaid to ſhare in the ſame Puniſhment as Saran; and by virtue of the
Únion or Chain between the viſible and inviſible Worlds, this Puniſhment of
theirs implies the total removal of Mortality, by which they have reigned from
Adam till now. Rom. 5.14. In this ſenſe Death and Hades are as liable to the
ſecond Death as Satan or wicked Men.
2. By what may have been obſerv'd before, it appears, that in this Propheſy
Death has been found to have theſe following Significations. The firſt is Sym-
bolical, and may be applicable to political Bodies, Cities, and even Notions of
the Mind, as we ſee here, that Death it ſelf is alſo liable with Hades, to another
Death. It is therefore to be applied accordingly of their ceaſing to be, or act
as ſuch. The ſecond fort is that before us, ſignifying the ſeparation of the
Soul of Man from the Body, by any means in general: So that thereby the
Soul and Body paſs into an inviſible State, or Hades. And we find theſe two
liable to a ſecond Death; which muſt therefore imply a Ceſſation of them.
When Death is thus to be underſtood we may obſerve, that the Holy Ghoft
joyns to it Hades, which fixes the Signification. The third is when Death lig-
niớes Mortality or peftilence. In this caſe it is a ſpecial ſignification of the
Word. Thus in the fourth Seal, Death and Hades are the general Subject, Death
without the word Hades one of the ſpecial inſtruments of it. The fourth is
when it is called ſecond Death, or has ſome other adjunct implying the fame,
and ſo is ſuppoſed in the Event to ſucceed to the former, leaving no expecta-
tion of any recovery.
B. Of TG 31 ó SETERUS DivarG, i alurn og Tuess, This is the ſecond Death, this
lake of fire.] This is the reading of the Complutenfian Edition, which has many
other Copies and Verſions to back it ; but Ireneus ſeems not to have read in his
the latter Words, si algun på Tuess, This lake of fire. Some Copies of the Vulgate
have them not, but Ansbertus found them in his, Hæc mors ſecunda eft ſtagnum ig-
mis. From what has been ſaid we may without ſcruple explain this in ſuch a
manner as fuits the Subje&. So then, as ſecond Death ſignifies irrecoverable
Damnation to wicked Angels and Men, ſo to Death and Hades it ſignifies an
abſolute Ceſſation of the Effects, which we ſee the preſent Death and Hades
have upon Men; and conſequently, that thoſe who are not condemned to the
ſame State, but doom'd to live, ſhall never again be liable to the like Effect,
(*) Sanchuniath. apud Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. I. pag. 25.
(6) Vid. Homer. Iliad.
w v.758. Odyff. 7. v. 279. Odyſl. o. v. 409. Phurnur. de Nat. Deor. Apoll. Dian. Strabon. Geog.
Lib. XIV. p. 635. (c) Gaulmin. Nor. in Lib. de Mort. Moſ. (d) Herbelot. titul.
Gehennem, &c.
(e) Th. Hyde Hift Rel. Perſ. cap. XIII.
which

Ch. XX. v. 15:
961
The Wicked condemn’d.
which this Death and Hades had once upon their perſons; the very principle of
Death being itſelf deftroyed.
A. verf.is, kai di mis šX sugesnės cílago tñs (añs pregueifios
, ébanter ois the abil.
bles să muess, And if any Man was not found written in the Book of Life, he was caſt
into the Lake of fire. ] 'In Ezekiel 13. 9. we find this Expreſlion, They ſhall not be
in the aſſembly of my people, neither ſhall they be written in the writing of the Houſe of
Ifrael. The words of the Targum upon that place are remarkable, In ſecreto bono
quod abfconditum est populo meo non erunt ; bu in fcriptura vita æternæ, que ſcripta eft
juftis domus Iſrael, non ſcribentur. The word allembly in the Hebrew is 710, which
is turn'd by wegwynt ; now St. Paul 2 Theſ. 2 1. ſpeaking of the ſecond coming
of Chriſt, calls that alſo, nos émouvaguyn in autóv, our meeting together with him,
to which, as we ſee by the Words before us, and the alluſion to Ezekiel, they
only have a Title, who are written in che Book of Life. But whoſoever is
not upon the caſting up of the Accounts, and the examination of God's Re-
cords, found in the number of thoſe, whom God, in the general recording of
all the actions of Men, has alſo entred into the Book of Life, in the number of
thoſe whom he will reward with eternal Life, becauſe they have really been,
and are accounted by him, as thoſe who are to be honoured as Benefactors;
whoſoever is not fo entred, he ſhall be condemned for ever as a Reprobate, and
of the portion of the Wicked, whoſe ſhare is to be the ſame, as that of the
Devil and his Angels, in the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, which is the ſecond
Death; for as in this judgment Men are to be judged according to their Actions,
they who have done no good to Chrift, or his in his Name, and for his fake,
ſhall go into everlaſting puniſhment, but the juſt into Life eternal, as he has already
declared in Matth. 25. 46. Now the Holy Ghoſt here begins by diſpatching
firſt thoſe who are Condemned, and of which little is ſaid, to take our Minds
off ſuch odious Objects, and to dwell more upon the contemplation of the hap-
pineſs of the Saints, upon which the reſt of the Viſion is almoſt wholly im-
ploy'd, excepting ſome few expreſſions as it were by the by, but none plainer
than this. Virgil,
() Inclufi poenam expe&tant; ne quære doceri
Quam pænam, aut quæ forma viros, fortunave merfit.
Some are apt to think, that the Wicked, who are ſaid to be thrown into this
Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, will be deſtroyed by it; and therefore, that they
muft either be diffolved by it, or the Fire muſt at laſt ceaſe for want of Fewel
to be found in the Bodies of them that are tormented. All this proceeds from
this Imagination, that this is a material Fire of the ſame nature as that which
we now ſee and feel ; but it is a Preſumption to make ſuch a Concluſion. No
ſuch thing can really be inferr'd from the Symbols uſed in this Propheſy. Ic
fignifies indeed the reality of the Torments, of which Fire is the Symbol, and
the certainty of their continual duration in the ſame State, according to the
nature of the Subject concern'd, of which the Brimſtone is the Symbol. But
the ſpecial manner of the Torment, that is, the very means, or inftruments,
deſign'd by God to that purpoſe, are not at all determined, or decided by thoſe
Symbols. This is proved thus, in Chap. 14. 10, 1. the perpetual Torment
of the worſhippers of the Beaſt during the continuation of that State is repre-
ſented by the lame Symbols of Fire and Brimſtone, and we are ſure it is not a ma-
terial Fire that is ſignified thereby, becauſe the Holy Ghoft explains the mean-
ing of it further in the account of the ſeven Plagues of the Bowls. So that this
Fire and Brimſtone fignify ſeven different ſorts of Torment, of which, beſides
their complication, the Holy Ghoſt ſays that God makes uſe to chaſtize the
worſhippers of the Beaſt. And theſe ways of Torment are of ſuch a Nature,
that being executed in this Life, we may have ſome conception of their nature
and way of working. And the very fame Symbols may in all probability reach
further than this Life, as I have hinted in the Note upon Chap. 14. 11. B. for
being effects of Gods anger upon wicked Men, which are inflicted upon them
for their impenitency, all thoſe individuals who go out of this World in that
impenitent State, continue in God's Curſe; and therefore can have no ſhare of
God's Bleſſing in another Life, no accurſed thing entring into the New Jeruſa-
dem, which is the abode of the Bleſſed Saints in the Refurre&ion. This being
11 M
well
sind
"

962
The Wicked condemn'd.
Ch. XX. v. 15.
well confider'd ſhews, that we may conclude the Symbols of Fire and Brimſtone
prove the reality of the Torment, but ſhew us nothing of the manner.
However we may here compare the increaſe of the Symbols. The Torment
of the Worſhippers of the Beaſt, relating principally to their unhappy ftate in
this Life, is repreſented by the plain Symbol of Fire and Brimſtone, but the
Tormment of the Wicked after the general Judgment is repreſented by the
Symbol of a Lake of Fire and Brimſtone, and therefore hugely increas’d. For as
the Glory of this World is nothing to be compared with the Glory that ſhall be
revealed hereafter, fo neither the pains of this Life are in any proportion com-
parable to thoſe of the Wicked in the other.
As to the quality and manner of the everlaſting Puniſhments of the Wicked,
there is not one word ſaid, to give us any preciſe notion of them. I gueſs
there may be aflign'd two reaſons for this filence of the Holy Ghoft. Firſt,
Becauſe we can indeed form no explicite Conception of ſuch matters. As we
do not underſtand, what may be the Faculties of Souls and Bodies reunited in
the general Reſurrection ; ſo neither can we conceive, how they may be af-
fected. Our words in ſuch a Caſe muſt become equivocal; and that ftate muft
frame an unknown Language to us. God has never inſtructed us of it by Per-
ſons rais'd again, though it was poſſible to him, and of ſuch as have been rais’d, it
is obfervable, that none of them ever ſpake, Chriſt excepted; who only ſpake
of ſuch things as might be underftood by Men; and what he did was only to
aſſure his Diſciples of the reality of his Reſurrection in the ſame Body. Moſes
and Elias in the Transfiguration ſpake to Chrift before ſome of his Diſciples ;
but the ſubje& of their Diſcourſe was only of Chrift's Death, which might be
eaſily conceiv'd by them,
Secondly, Becauſe God ſeems to puniſh Men by Rejection from his Preſence,
and for that reaſon the Holy Ghoſt ſeems to affe&t not to dwell long upon the
Conſideration of ſuch Objects, which God abhors, ſo that little is ſaid of
them. They ſeem in the Lake of Fire and Brimſtone to be put as into a Priſon of
Forgetfulneſs, (a) opéecov tñs Ańsus, ſuch as the Perſian Monarchs us'd; wherein
Subjects who were not to be flain, were nevertheleſs kept, and for ever remo-
ved from the preſence of the Prince, as hateful Obje&s. No Man was to ſpeak
of them that were in it, which is ſtill a common (6) practice in the Country.
I think one may find the Perſian name of this Priſon in Ammianus Marcellinus.
He calls it (c) Caſtellum Agalana. I ſuppoſe it was called Agalanas, which may
be a kin to the Hebrew words, w3 Nyan. Ny is a Priſon, ob is to forget. (d)
Theophyla& calls the Fort in which it was Giligerd, 'tis an? Nyg the Town or Fort
of the Priſon, or Priſon Fort.
This Dereliction is therefore eternal, becauſe the Refurre&ion ſetting Men
in a ſtate to receive an irrevocable Doom, their Condition is immutable. So
that in God's Judgment they are never to be remembred again. And this is equal
to being blotted out of the Book of the Living, Pfal
. 69. 28. in the Targum :
Deleantur in libro memoriæ vivorum; & cum juftis non fcribantur. This Lake is there-
fore a Priſon of Forgetfulneſs; and by conſequence the Puniſhment is eternal.
Irenæus ſays: (e) Quicunque autem abfiftunt ſecundum ſententiam ſuam ab eo, his eam
que electa eft ab ipfis, Separationem inducit
. Separatio autem dei, mors; do separatio
lucis, tenebre; do Jeparatio dei, amiſſio omnium quæ funt apud deum bonorum. Qui ergo
per apoftafiam amiſerunt quæ prædi&ta funt , quippe defolati ab omnibus bonis, in
omni pæna converſantur, deo quidem principaliter non a ſemet ipſo eos puniente, profequente
autem eos pæna, quoniam ſunt deſolati ab omni bono. Æterna autem & fine fine ſunt
à deo bona ; & propter hoc, de amiſlio eorum æterna, & fine fine eft. Quemadmodum
in immenſo lumine, qui excæcaverunt ſemetipſos, vel ab aliis excæcati ſunt, semper pria
vati funt jucunditate luminis ; non quod lumen pænam eis inferat cacitatis ; fed quod
ipfa cecitas fuperinducat eis calamitatem.
10 2130mnt?
We may then be ſure of two things, as to the Torments of the Wicked; that
they confift in a ſenſe of Pain, and that they are eternal. And as the holy
Scriptures are clear in the matter, ſo it has been the conſtant Opinion of the
primitive Church. As to the firſt, it is evident, that their Torment does not
Anguftionis non
(a) Procop. de Bello Perfic. Lib. I. cap. 5.
(6) Vid. Tayern, Perf. Tray. Lib. II.
.
cap. 10. Lib. V. cap, 22.
(c) Ammian. Marcell, Lib. XXVII. apud Briffon, ſed Editio
Boxh. Agabana.
(d) Theophyl. Simoc. Lib. III. cap. s.
Lib. V. cap. 27.
barely
(e) Irene

Ch. XX.v. 15.
963
The Wicked condemn'd.
barely conſiſt in a Deprivation, but affects them with the ſenſe of pain. The
Symbols of the Worm that dieth not, and of the wire that is not quench'd ; of
the weeping and gnaſhing of Teeth, are too ſtrong not to imply ſenſe of pain in
Soul and Body. The Author of the Book of Fudith, 16. 17. underſtood that
the Symbols fignify a fenfible pain ; ΚύρμG- πανοκράτωρ εκδικήσει αυτές εν ημέρα κρίσεως,
Lowwal műe si orcóannes sis océproses diulõv, xj xaduocvtal tv o short filws alam @ Here is a ſenſe
of pain expreſly mention'd. Juſtin Martyr fays : (a). "O7E ý tei o cual de vegegeå
πάντων των νομίμων ανθρώπων και των με αξίων, ενδύσει αφθαρσίαν τών ' αδίκων, εν
αιθήσει αιωνία μετα των φαύλων δαιμόνων εις το αιώνιον πύρ πέμψα: And a little after :
*Εν οία δι αιτήσει και καλέσει βοήθη μέλλκσιν οι δικοι, ακέσεις των ομοίως εις τέτο εύρημβρίων:
Εσι δε ταύτα “Ο σκώληξ αυγών & πενθήσεται και το πύρ αυτών και στεθεί στται: Now
thoſe Expreſſions of our Saviour not only prove the Torments to affect the
Senſe, but alſo that they are in the ſecond place perpetual or eternal. The
Worm dieth not, and the Fire is not quenched. But our Saviour has by another
Symbol, which is that of Salt, fhewn the eternity of thoſe Torments, as has
been ſhewn in the Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A. And this was conftantly be-
lieved by the Chriſtian Church till Origen adopted the Notions of the Eg yptian
Philoſophy, and ſo ſet up a philoſophical notion of the Reſurrection; to which
he added che poſſibility of ſaving at laſt the Devils themſelves. Upon this ac-
count, whereas according to the ancient Chaldean and Egyptian Theology, the
Doctrine of the Reſurrection and of the Apocat aftales of Men was corrupced by
the Introduction of Periodical Revolutions of Souls, and the Tranſmigration
or Metempſychoſis ; Origen alſo adopted them, and dreſs’d them up into a Chris
ftian Scheme. But it is eaſy to remove that Rubbiſh, and find out the first Foun-
dation, which proceeded from the Notions of the ancient Patriarchs; it being
evident, that the Millennium and general Reſurrection is the true Foundation of
all, being indeed the Apocataſtaſis deſign'd by God Almighty, and the true Me-
tempſychoſis, or Tranſmigration of the Soul into the Body a ſecond time. But
once for all ; not in Periodical Revolutions for indefinite Terms ſucceſſively.
I queſtion very much whether the Egyptian Priefts, Pythagoras and Plato, who
aſſerted a ridiculous Metempſychoſis of the Souls of Men into other Animals, ever
believed that Dodrine. Timaus, whom Plato followed, is now the oldeſt Au.
thor of all we have, that ſpeaks of it as a Philoſopher ; and he is the Man who
gives up that Notion as a piece of Craft. 'Tis by that Key that we muft un-
derſtand it. Learned Men now ſpeak of thoſe Philoſophers, as if this was
their real Sentiment; but they ſeem not to have heeded that hint of Timæus. I
ſhall therefore copy here his words: (b) Nis gas teil okusilce vocaderi tónce u hed Souis,
οίκα με είκη τοϊς υγινότατοίς, έτω τας ψυχάς απέρρμες ψαθέσι λόψις, είχα μη έγκαι
αλαθέσι: Αίρινθο και αναγκαίως και τιμωρίαι ξέναι, ως με ενδνομό αν ταν ψυχών, των με
ειλών, ές γωλικία σκοίνια, ποθ' ύβριν εκδιδόμθρα των δε μιαιφόνων, ές θηeίων σώμαία»
ποι κόλασιν, &c. "Απανία δε ταύται αν δτέρα περιοδο « Νέμεσις συωδιέκρινε, συ δαίμονη
seenepavcíols x Saylors 7s, Tois étónle15 mãn evaporne ivor, which laſt words, if I under-
ftand him right, imply, that this Metempſychoſis is not preſently done upon the
Separation of the Soul from the Body, but in the ſecond Period' or Revolution ;
that is, at the next Apocataftafis, when the preſent Period is accompliſhed,
(a) Juftin. M. Apolog, II.
(6) Timæus Locrus de Anim, Mundi, Şüb fin,
Bura sostano
stamente
istis sit as a noite do iToyotisodi он найз залуу болуу
dobrih to 10
noorten von 2 York ;
Bilalle oud en siebiolo Vlao son
askattssosir
Howorodos possamos unok Siew onemos anos
si od leavit.0123 Sira U od to noisette ads signista
doit elle labbarqaror to o siw ten voyon et
Orice of sud ho lacinilog orto Hotel vicifold storing and
CHAP

964
Ch. XXI. v. l.
The new Heaven and new Earth.
CHA P. XXI.

K.
A. verf. 1.
Ai redom seg.vdy weg ny v ry ylə evlw, And I ſaw a new Heaven and a
new Earth.] When all manner of Enemies againſt Jeſus Chrift
are deftroy'd, as now ; ſo that he has put down all other Rule, Authority
and Power, but his own ; when he ſet up his great white Throne, and that the
Heaven and the Earth were remov'd from before him; all which things are in-
deed ſufficient to ſhew the removal of the whole Conſtitution of things, but
not poſitively the Introduction of any new in their ſtead; chen however there
is room made for a new Conſtitution, ſuch as this mighty Conqueror ſhall be
pleas'd to appoint, or rather has already decreed to ſettle. The Holy Ghoſt
therefore thews us affirmatively and explicitely, that the old Heaven and Earth
are removed to make way to a new Heaven and new Earth, that is, to a new
Government and a new People, as we have ſhewn before theſe Symbols fignify.
Now I ſay, that the removal of the old Heaven and Eerth, and the Introduction
of the new Heaven and Earth are Symbols of a Propheſy which has not its Aca
compliſhment in a ſudden Revolution or Moment, but in progreſs of Time,
that is, that the new Heaven and Earth begin to be conftituted, and have the be.
ginning of their Exiſtence as the Conſtitution of the old Heaven and Earth wears
away, which is done by ſteps. The Holy Ghoſt chuſing to ſpeak only of the
Introduction of the new Heaven and Earth, when the old Heaven and Earıb are
wholly removed, and when the new Heaven and Earth are wholly finiſh'd. But
it is only mention d here, becauſe when the Holy Ghoſt repreſents any thing
by ſome ſingle and entire Sign or Symbol, it is moſt uſual and proper to do it in
its full extent and entire Sectlement. So that this does not exclude the begin-
nings thereof, whilft it ſeems not perfe&, but ſuppoſes them. I ſay therefore,
that the beginning of the Conſtitution of this new Heaven and new Earth con.
curs with the firſt Reſurre&ion, that the great white Throne was placed therein,
and that the old Heaven and Earth have been moving off from that firſt Refur-
re&tion to the general Reſurrection and Judgment, which put a final Period to
the old Heaven and Earth, and to the Conſummation and Perfection of the nero
Heaven and Earth. All which is eaſily prov'd by this medium, that the Throne
of God and of the Lamb, who make all things new, is in the New Jeruſalem,
which comes down from Heaven, and that this New Jeruſalem the Bride of the
Lamb, the beloved City was in being during the Millennium of the firſt Refür-
rection, and before the Seduction of Gog and Magog. Compare Revel. 22. 3.
with Chap. 25. 2, s. and Chap. 19. 7. with Chap. 20, 4. to 9. And ſo (a)
Juſtin Martyr and (b) Irenæus underſtood the order of theſe Matters; for they
alſo make the conſtitution of the new Heaven and Earth fynchronal to the New
Jeruſalem, and the firſt Reſurrection, which will eaſily appear to any who fe-
riouſly reads the places cited. Although (d) Lactantius ſeems to place the Reno
vation after the Millennium.
As for the Symbols, they are not only taken from Iſaiah 65. 17. and Chap.
66.21. but in both theſe Viſions they belong to one thing, as Juſtin Martyr has
obſerv'd in the place cited ; and what is the more to be obſerv'd is, that the
words of Ilaiah ſpeak of the Reſurrection of Iſrael, which as that ſignifies their
Converſion to Chriſtianity, I believe to be a great part of the Millennial Con-
ftitution ; but likewiſe they are usd here by St. John to explain the Conſti-
tution of that ſtate, which not only comprehends the Millennial, but alſo the
general Reſurrection. And whereas ſome people are apt to fancy a thorough
change in the viſible Conſtitution of the Univerſe as to the heavenly Bodies,
this is not only inconſiſtent with the nature of the prophetical Srile, which als
fumes only thoſe Objects for Symbols of the political World, but alſo contrary
(a) Juſtin. M. Dial, c, Tryph, p.239.
Lib, VII. cap, 26.
(6) Irenæ. Lib. V. cap: 35,
(c) Lactant.
to

Chap. XXI. v. 1. New Heaven and New Earth, 965
Hova terra.
to the conſtant Opinion of the primitive Fathers, who, as I have ſewn elſea
where, underſtood this Renovation as we have explain'd it. And if there be
any alteration in the viſible frame of nature, it is only a conſequence, or ne-
ceffary condition, to make this Earth and Heaven proper Receptacles of the
glorified Saints. St. Auſtin himſelf, who was not much a Friend to that primi-
tive Notion of the Millennial Conſtitution, ſays thus : (a) Peratto quippe judicio
tunc eſſe definet hoc coelum er hæc terra , quando incipiet eſſe cælum novum av
Mutatione namque rerum, non omnimodo interitu tranfibit hinc Mundus.
Unde & Apoftolus ait, Præterit enim figura hujus mundi, volo vos fine ſollicitudime elle,
Figura ergo præterit non natura. . This new Heaven and Earth, thus compleated
by the general Reſurrection, is as Sr. Barnabas ſays, the (b) eighth Day, or be-
ginning of another World; we may therefore look upon the following account as
concerning the Millennial as well as the laſt Conftitution of the ſtate of the Re-
furre&ion, which being once well obſerv'd, will facilitate the Expoſition of all
that follows.
B. «O galę. Tpôro segyds sj i orgátu giñ rasta.se, For the firſt Heaven and the firſt Earth
were pafi'd.] Ngão G is here the ſame as former in relpect only of this new Hea-
ven and Earth. For we need not to ſtretch the ſignification of the word ſo far,
as to denote abſolutely what was the firſt, but only what is antecedent to this
laft new Heaven and Earth. Thus the antediluvian World was old and form o
to the poftdiluvian. So in the words of Iſaiah 65. 17. to which this place ala
ludes, j & weit gern dari tãy regtigwy, & Me went som en sy dvſão cha Tles xep díay. And
the former ſhall not be remembred, nor come into mind. This former Heaven and Earth
is that which before was ſaid to fly before the preſence of bim who ſat upon the
great white Throne, and which was quite removed upon the general Reſurrection,
but not mention'd before as removed, becauſe the Dragon was to have ſtill ſome
Votaries when he was let out of his Priſon. Thus whilſt any remainders of
the old World ſubſiſted, it could not properly be ſaid to be fled away.
C. Kai j graad 8x és un éti, And there was no more Sea.] The Sea, as has been
frequently obſerv'd before, ſignifies Multitudes in Commotion and War, exercia
fing all manner of Violence and Tyranny upon each other, or ſuffering it, bem
cauſe this Type may be alſo Paſſive. See the Note upon Chap. 15. 2. B. and
Chap. 20. 13. A. St. Auftin fays; (c) Fam enim tunc non erit hoc fæculum vitæ
mortalium turbulentum, dos procellofum ; quod maris nomine figuravit. So the Author
of the Teftaments : (d) Kai ton áulor's wis j Jainee wa PS2Cmes saię du dingsor si
άδικοι χιμάζονlαι, οι μ' αιχμαλωτιζόμενοι, οι δε πλετοιώτες, όυτω και εν σοι παν 'G
ανθρώπων, οι μεν κινδuωδίεσιν αιχμαλωτιζόμδυοι οι δε πλατύσιν αρπάζοντες' Ansbartus has 1-
moft copied, or at leaſt paraphras'd St. Auſtin's words, for he lays : Jam enim
tunc non erit hoc ſeculum vita mortalium turbulentum, caufarum diverſitatibus procellos
fum rixarum vel diſcordiarum amaritudinibus plenum, quod pertinere videtur ad maris
qualitatem. Thus this Symbol fignifies here, that in this new Heaven and Earth,
or Kingdom of Jeſus Chriſt now compleated, there fhall be no Tyranny, Op-
preffion, Violence, War, ſhedding of Blood, or any other turbulent Wicked
neſs, as in the preſent Conſtitution of the World; but the Subjects thereof
ſhall enjoy Peace and Quietneſs, in all kinds of Love and Juſtice poſſible,
without any unruly Paſſion to excite War therein. It ſhall be all Peace, which
poſitive quality is implied in the name of the Metropolis thereof, the New Jeru-
ſalem. But further, As in the former Periods of Chriſt's Kingdom there was a
Sea, which in the beginning of the firſt Period appears as Glaſs, and in the
ſecond mingled with Fire ; which not only fignified, that the Subjects thereof
ſhould be toſt and tormented by the Storms of this World; but alſo, as a Sea is
a Lake, or circumſcrib'd place and gathering of Waters, to denote the limited
extent thereof; in this laſt Period or Perfection of Chriſt's Kingdom, which
is formed of a new Heaven and new Earth, there ſhall be no manner of Limitan,
tion or Circumſcription, but God ſhall be all in all, 1 Cor. 15. 28.
A. verſ. 2. Kai yw 'Imárons d'sov, And I John ſaw.] It muſt be own'd, that
the words, éco 'Iwévvns, are not read in the Complutenſian Edition, and in
ſome other MSS. nor in Irenæus and St. Auftin, and that they may be wanting,
the ſame Intention being ſufficiently anſwer'd' by what is ſaid hereafter. But
(a) Auguftin. de Civ. dei Lib. xx. cap. 14.
(c) Auguftin. de Civ. dei Lib. XX. cap. 16.
(6) Barnab. Epift. cap.! XI.
(d) Teſtam. Patriarch. Jud. S. XXI.
NIN
as

966
Chap. XXI. v. 2.
The New Ferufalem.
as moſt of the Greek Copies have them, chey may be kept as very emphatical;
and upon
this view I ſhall obferve, that the Settlement of the New Jeruſalem is
the end or perfection of all God's Promiſes. Through the certainty of that
hope we are incited to ſuffer, and to do all that God requires of us. Where-
fore we have need to be well aſſured thereof. Now the Apoſtle here affures us
of it, as a thing that will moſt certainly be in its proper time 3 and to that
purpoſe tells us here, not barely that he ſaw it, but I John Saw it, you may
take it upon my Word and Teſtimony, that I have ſeen it in the ideal World of
the divine Decrees. I, whom God has favour'd ſo much, as to be one of his
Witneſſes and Martyrs before Men, do declare to you that are in the Churches,
that I have ſo feen it, and that therefore it will not be a vain Expectation.
Theſe words, I John, are in form of Law; for when Men will confirm their
Promiſes or Teſtimonies they ſubſcribe their Names. So St. Paul uſes it in
2 Cor. 10. I. Galat. 5. 2. Epheſ. 3. 1. Colol. 1. 23. conſult alſo, I Cor. 16. 21.
2 Thef
. 3. 17. Philem. V. 19. and the Note of Grotius on this laft place. So Horace:
(a) Vidi egomet ; on which the Commentator may be conſulted, who ſays, Quaſi
dicat, & ut meliùs mihi credas. Then he cites a place in Virgil to the ſame pur-
poſe ; (6)
Vidi egomet, duo de numero cum corpora noftro fold 931
Prenſa manu magna ; medio refupinus in antro
Frangeret ad ſaxum.
But further, as the Perſon of St. John in theſe Viſions is typical, this is an
Earneſt
, that thoſe whom he repreſents
, ſhall moſt certainly ſee this New Je-
rufalem. But of this we ſhall have further occaſion to treat, on v. 9, JO.
B. Thus córzy this igíay. The holy City] This City being the Lamb's Bride,
her Holineſs has been already touched upon in the Symbol of the Bulle. See
the Nores upon Chap. 19. 8. A. B. and it will be more fully deſcrib'd in v.7,8,
27. of this Chapter, and in Chap. 22. 3. The Chriſtian Church has indeed
been called the holy City in Chap. 11. 2. but not in a perfe& ftate of Holineſs
for it is there profan’d by the Gentiles
, liable to the Corruption of falſe Propheſy,
and the Tyranny of the Beaſt. Whereas this New Jeruſalem is perfe&ly boly.
and without any ſuch danger.
C. lepxocaine nouvlus, The New Jeruſalem.] This is the Capital City of the
Kingdom of Chriſt, as the old or lieteral Feruſalem was of God's People the
Iſraelites ; and indeed as to the Mofaical Oeconomy the Capital City of God's
Kingdom, whence our Saviour calls it the City of the great King; Matth. s. 35.
A new Heaven and a new Earth, new Kingdom, Government, and People muſt
have a new Metropolis ; for Chriſt is to make all things new. For as the Holy
Ghoſt has deſcribed not only the Enemies of Chriſt, but alſo their Metropolis,
fo after having deſcribed the Vi&ories of Chriſt, towards the perfect Settle-
ment of his Kingdom, the Viſion would not be compleat if we had not an ac.
count of the Capital City thereof; and therein of the Life and Happineſs of
thoſe, that are then to be his Subjeéts, who are to ſhare in his Kingdom. This
Management is ſuitable to the pra&ice of the Conquerors of this world, and
even to the Settlement of the Kingdom of Iſrael
. For when Solomon had built,
the Temple and his great Throne, he alſo finiſh'd the Walls of Jeruſalem ;
whence it is, that ſome have attributed the building of the City to him. La-
Shantius; (c) Illa fuit caufa, quòd Solomon filius David, templum deo ædificavit, eu
Civitatem, quam de fuo nomine Hierofolyma nuncupavit. 'And indeed both the
names of Splomon and Jeruſalem allude to that Peace which God gave to the
Iſraelites in his Days. It is therefore a proper Type of the City of Peace,
which God prepares for his Saints. The Author of the Teſtaments of the Pa-
triarchs fays ; (4) Και ανοι που συν7αι εν 'Εδεμ οι άλλοι και όλη της νέας Ιερεσαλήμ άρρας-
θήσοναι δίκαιοι, ήτις έσαι εις δοξασμα της έως τε αιώνα και εκ έτι υπομένει 'Ιερκσαλήμ
ερήμωσιν, έδε αιχμαλωσίζεται Ισegήλ, ότι κύεμG- έσαι εν μέσω αυτής, τους ανθρώπους συμανα-
slepório, xj 70- Ploegna Geoindicos es dues v Tefony d'Om, sej lv plexold. The two
ait words are to be underſtood as only oppos’d to Pride, Haughtineſs and Tyranny.
I have obferv'd before, that the names which the Holy Ghoſt gives to things
(a) Horat. Lib. I. Sazyn. VIII.
(b) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
Lib. IV. cap. 13°
(A) Teftam. Patriarch. Dan. S. V.
(c) Lactant,
as

Chap. XXI. v. 2. The New Jeruſalem.
967
as proper do really expreſs their properties. See the Note upon Chap.9 11. B.
(a) Jeruſalem ſignifies Viſion of Peace; the name therefore of this City implies,
that they who dweil in it enjoy an abfolute Peace. The Attack of Gog and
Magog ſeems to contradią this ; but ’ois a vain Effort, without Succeſs, and even
probability of it. What was therefore in the old Jerufalem a tranſitory Peace,
ſhall be fixed in this for ever; the foundation of this not being laid by
Men.
Beulands
ON
If it be asked, whether there ſhall really and literally be ſuch a City for the
raiſed Saints to dwell in, it may be anſwer'd, that we are not obliged to under-
ſtand it ſo literally, any more than when the Holy Ghoſt ſaid, as to the Reſt of
the ſeventh Seal, that the Confeſſors ſhould worſhip God in his Temple, this im-
plied, that there ſhould be really and literally ſuch a ſingular Temple for all
Chriſtians. But yet thele had a Stare, which bore ſome analogy to that of
worſhipping in one Temple; and ſo raiſed Saints ſhall be in such a ſtate as
bears an analogy to a City ſuch as the New Jeruſalema is repreſented here. And
ſo I think we need not preſs the latter of the Symbols too much. But the ſafeſt
is to wait for the accompliſhment, to underſtand the manner of thoſe things,
which we are now incapable to conceive; we muſt be therefore content with
having a general Notion of fuch things, whoſe exiſtence and excellency we
may certainly expect, but not fully underſtand till we enjoy them.
Ď, Karebaluxorey Stol på Fil ik er seg, Coming down from God out of heaven.] (6)
St. Auftin has Deſcendentem de cælo à deo aptatam ; which is the reading of the
Alexandrian Ms. and many others; but St. (b) Irenæus did not read the words,
Srò aš 9x8, from God. As to the Senſe of the Words, it is, that this New Jeruſa-
lem is conſtituted moſt immediately by the Divine Power, and with the con-
currence of the New Heaven, to which it is ſynchronal
. This is implied in the
word deſcending, as we have obſerved in the like Caſe before in the Note upon
Chap. 20. 1. A. which place is in ſome meaſure collateral to the coming down of
this New Jeruſalem; as it is evident by comparing v.9. where Gog and Magog
are ſaid to aſcend againſt this Holy and beloved City, of which God himſelf is
the Builder, Heb. 11, 19. And he has not only built it, but alſo for himſelf and
his people, as we ſhall ſee preſently.
E ‘Hrosunousoleus cos núvolw roxos emelkleue Tad ardei dutñs, Prepared as à Bride adorned
for ber husband.] For this New Jerufalem is the Bride of the Lamb, mentioned
before in Chap. 19.7,8,9. It being as we have ſeen, uſual with the Holy
Ghoſt to repreſent Cities under the Symbol of Women; and the Chriſtian
Church in particular has been ſo repreſented. Ninon fignifies properly a Wo-
man betrothed to an Husband till ſuch time as the Marriage is Confummated;
and this is the title of the Church whilft the faithful are in chis Mortal State, as
may be ſeen in this exact Book in Chap. 22.17. whereas in the State of Re.
ſurrection ſhe is called his Wife, Iwn So that the Holy Ghoſt ſpeaks cauti-
ouſly here, ss vulples, as a Bride. Chriſt puts his Church into a State like a
(c) perpetual Wedding, a continual Hony Moon. Among the Greeks the ticle
of Neuen was given to the new married Woman for ſometime, as appears by He-,
fychius, Núvor, ni ve asi puun saioa, in Matth. 10.35. is put for Nuàs, Nurus; but
where it is ſet in contradiction to Twn, Wife, it ſhews a State antecedent to the
full Marriage. And as it is ſet in this place, implies the very time wherein
that Marriage is juſt perfected ; that is, the Wedding Day. If we therefore
caſt our Eyes back upon what has been ſaid in that place, and in the laſt Chap-
ter before this, it will appear to any unprejudiced Perſon, as plainly as can be
demonftraced, that the State of this New Jeruſalem lafts as well during the
Millenial Reſurrection as the General. So that it muſt be the Manſion of the
Millenary Saints raiſed from the Dead, as it will be after the Millennium, and the
deſtruction of Gog and Magog, the Manfion of the Saints in the general Reſur-
furrection. And by conſequence, that the firft Reſurrection of the Millennium
is preciſely of the fame Kind and Qualities, as the laſt and general. There is
no poflibility to evade the force of theſe conſiderations; and I think it has
been made out ſo clearly, that the Marriage of the Lamb implies the Perfe-
dion of God's Myſtery, and is to be when the Saints are raiſed, that I cannoc
(a) Vid. Clement. Al. Strom. Lib. I. p. 122.
(c) Irenæ. Lib V. cap. 35.
(6) Auguſtin de Civ. Dei Lib. XX. cap. 17.
ſee

968
The Tabernacle of God. Chap. XXI. v. 3.
ſee how any reaſonable Man, who attends ſeriouſly to all the Parts and Cohe-
rence of the Viſions, can ever apply theſe matters to any other State.
A. verf. 3. Kai Enxgue pecavñs vega'ans éx på seguir leysons, And I beard a great voice
out of ben: ven ſaying.) The Heaven is now New, ſuch as He, that fits upon the
Throne, chus conftituted ; if this were the old Heaven it would fignify the fu-
preme Powers of this Political World, and thus the Viſion would make Men the
Authors of this happy State; tho' even thus underſtood one might conclude,
that the ſupreme Powers of this Civil World have now recogniz'd, that God
dwells among them. So that this being a Voice which is to be underſtood as
pronounced in the beginning of the Millennial Conſtitution, the old Heaven
going off, and the New coming on, it ſeems to be a kind of uncertainty, of
which ’ris meant. But as the New Heaven is acting, and the old paflive, this
Voice may be ſaid to contain a declaration of God the Father and Chriſt, that
they deſign to place their Tabernacle among Men, and that the ſupreme Powers
of the preſent political World ſubmit, and paſſively recognize them.
B. PIM si oxluun t , Behold the Tabernacle of God.] Theſe Words, with ſome
of the following, are taken out of Ezekiel, Chap. 37. 26. 27. xj Sow to byla úr
er uiou autõv sis tov e’sūve, rj éque vi vetar návmois dus ir duris, And I will fet my Jan-
Etuary in the midſt of them for evermore. This God is Jeſus Chriſt, who ſhall
then viſibly appear, and dwell among Men in the fulneſs of the Godhead; that
is, with all the Power, Glory, Majeſty and Dominion of the Deicy. So St.
Fobn ſpeaks of Chrift's firſt Advent in his Goſpel, Chap. 1. 14. Kai é sóyo.
ordet égoeta, rj forluwoer év vipão, The Word was made fleſh, and dwelt among us. This
expreſſion ſignifies a real preſence, and therefore ſo muſt that before us. Tis
true, that the firſt was an humble, deje&ted and ſervile kind of State ; but this
is alſo ſpecified, He came unto his own, and his own received bim not. That this
God is Jeſus Chriſt in the glory of the Father, appears from what is ſaid here-
after in v. 5,6,7; and by comparing that with Chap. 1. 11. and Chap. 2. 8.
and alſo Chap. 22. 13. And that he ſhall viſibly appear to govern is proved be-
yond all contradi&tion from Chap. 21. 22, 23. upon which ſee the Notes. As
to the word oxlu'n, it is properly to fignify the preſence of the Deity, as may
be ſeen from that place of St. John already cited; and it alludes to the Scheki-
nab, which fignifies the glorious dwelling and appearance of God: according
to the notion of the Targumiſts, the thing is ſtill more clear. And that it does
ſo, is not only thought by learned Men upon the fignification, and the very
found of the word Schekinab, but we ſhall find that the Holy Ghoſt exprelly
affirms it in v. ii. and 23. And becauſe ſince the incarnation of the Word
the fulneſs of the Godhead dwelleth in Chrift bodily, how can we ſuppoſe that
the Deity will aflume any other Tabernacle ? Therefore this fignifies the viſible
appearance and abode of Chriſt, as it follows among Men.
C. Mere offer evdecóray, Among Men.] That is, among his Subjects, now con-
verted from Idolatry, and worſhipping him preſent. The Holy Ghoſt avoids
ſaying, that he ſhall dwell among the Saints, or Martyrs; for that would be
come equivocal, and would not expreſs a bodily preſence upon Earth. There-
fore it is ſaid he reigns, or they reign with him, and he dwells among Men, in op-
poſition to his abode in Heaven now, by which he is abſent from Men. Indeed
as to the Divinity, its preſence may imply no further than an extraordinary
Protection, becauſe the Divinity cannot be circumſcribed by a Place. So Phile
(α) Κατοικείν και λέγεται αν όικω ο θεός, έκ ως έν τόπο. περιέχει και τα πάντα προς μηδενός
περιεχομως. αλλ' ως πρόνοιαν, και επιμέλειαν εκείνη τη χωρίς διαφερόντως ποιέμβWG. But what
can hinder Chrift from being bodily preſent? Is not his raiſed body of the ſame
nature as thoſe of the raiſed Saints? Therefore where they are, he may be like-
wiſe there. Thoſe who deny the viſible Preſence of Chriſt on Earth, are alſo
forced to deny the abode of the raiſed Saints on Earth. But let us hear what
they ſay, who medicated long upon the Subject, being to write purpoſely upon
ir; and ſurely ſuch are more to be heeded than the unthinking Crew. D. Hody
has ſo created of the Reſurre&ion; the reſult of his Thoughts, which may be
properly cited here comes to this, (b) 'That the place in which we are to have
our abode in the next Life is all pure Ether, or immaterial, is perhaps not ſo
(a) Philo de Eo quod Noe fobrius factus est, pag. 190.
(b) Hody of the Refurreétiox,
pag. 206.
trua

Ch. XX. v.3:
The Tabernacle of God.
969
c
true as generally fuppoſed. Perhaps after all, our Heaven will be nothing but
a Heaven upon Earth, or ſome glorious ſolid Orb created on purpoſe for us in
thoſe immenſe Regions, which we call Heaven: It ſeems more natural to ſup:
• poſe, that ſince we have ſolid and material Bodies, we ſhall be placed as we
are in this Life, on ſome ſolid and material Orb. Neither is this a new Opi-
nion, but embraced by many of the Ancients. That after the Reſurrection
we are to live for ever on a new Earth, was, as Maximus tells us, the opinion
of many in his time. And the ſame was aſſerted in the third Century by
ra) St. Methodius Biſhop of Tyre in his Treatiſe concerning the Reſurrection. St.
Peter himſelf tells us that after this World is diſſolv'd there will be new Heavens
. and a new Earth wherein dwelleth righteouſneſs. He adds that this the Saints look
for, with a plain intimation that there they are hereafter to inhabit. St. John
• alſo in his Revelations makes mention of a new Earth, where the Bleſſed are
to have their happy abode after this world is deſtroyed. Theſe places the Chi-
liafts produce to confirm their opinion; but they ought to be underſtood
of the everlaſting Habitations of the Bleſſed." Then citing John 14, 2, 3. he
adds; In the Regions of Heaven, tho' before our Saviours Aſcenſion there
were many Manſions of Angels or immaterial Beings, yet thoſe, it ſeems,
were not thought fit for the habitation of Men. There was no Manfion pro-
per for Men, none ſufficiently ſuited to their Nature, till Chriſt afcended up
thither in his Body. He then created one proper for the reception of his own
• Human Nature, and for the Habitation of our Bodies. This I take to be that
* new Earth or habitable Orh, which is ſpoken of by St. Peter and St. Fohn. There
• Chriſt remains ; from thence, as he ſays, he will come to judg this World,
and the Good he will carry up with him, to live there for ever in unſpeakaa
ble Happineſs. I know that St. John ſeems to intimate that that new Earth,
which he ſpeaks of, is not in Heaven; For he ſays that the New Jeruſalem
. came down on that Earth from Heaven. But we ought not to underſtand the
Deſcriptions contain'd in the Revelations too ſtrictly. By the New Jeruſalem
coming down from Heaven on that new Earth, he ſeems to mean only this,
that in that new Earth the Throne of God, or his moſt ſpecial Preſence will
be among Men.
Thus we ſee that D. Hody firſt thought, that this Earth might be that glorious Orb,
made a Heaven upon Eartb; but then being carried with the prejudice now prevail-
ing againſt the Chiliafts, he will rather ſuppoſe an abſolute change of the Habita-
tion into ſome other Cæleftial Orb, of which we have no manner of knowledge
from Holy Writ. Whereas this Earth itſelf may be as well prepared for thoſe
Manſions as any other Orb; and the Holy Ghoſt tells us plainly that God is to
dwell among Men, which title belongs properly to Mortals, ſo that Chrift muft
be preſent on this renovated Earth, even whilft there are mortal Men ſtill up-
on it ; whilft Gog and Magog come to attack his New Jeruſalem, as mortal and
wicked Men do now make War upon each other. However fince he uſes a disjun-
&tive Propofition, or as it were gives us a choice between this Earth and áno-
ther Orb, he did not think it ſo abſurd, that Chriſt ſhould again be preſent on
Earth, and the raiſed Saints with him. For when all is done, this Earth may be
as Heavenly and Glorious an Orb as any other, and as proper to contain the
glorified Bodies of the Saints. And indeed why may not this very Earth be
made by God Almighty proper to entertain the Saints in Glory? For, as it is
ſaid by an ingenious Author, (b)r wherever God will thus manifeft himſelf,
is Heaven, though within the circle of this ſenſible World."
D. Kai oxlwcost pest' d'utāv, And be will dwell with them.] Obſerve here the
difference of the Expreſſion, and that uſed in Chap. 7.15. orlwcom śr' euraa
Mall dwell over them, whereby the Protection of God and the Lamb was barely
denoted after the opening of the Sixth Seal, and to laſt during the Reft, or Si-
lence of the Seventh. For oxludou én dutès implies no more than an hovering
over them; to protect them from above; but this oxwáov ust' dutöv, be ſhall dwell
with them., as well as that of toxlwwosv er sikūs in John 1, 14. manifeſtly ſignify
an immediate Converſe, and familiar Co-habitation to govern and defend them.
Has any of our modern Interpreters obſerv'd theſe nice Diſtinctions, and ex
plain’d them without fuppoſing a real Preſence of Chriſt among Men? No,
>>
( * ) Apud Epiphan, Hær. 64.9 32.
(b) Relig. Medic, Part. I. Sect. 47.
II O
Then

970
The Tabernacle of God.
Chap. XXI. v.3.
seos, , , ,
Then I fav they have not underſtood this Propheſy, and rafhly conclude againſt
the Preſence of Chriſt among Men.
Ε. Και αυτοί λαός αυτά έσον), και αυτός ο Θεός έσαι μετ' αυτών, And they hall be his
People, and God Shall be with them.] This is taken out of Ezekiel 37. 27.
my People, which in Hoſea 2. 23. is put by way of Dialogue, Kai era Ted é nem pes,
aads les ig euros épét, Kveco Oeds wie die ou, And I will ſay to them which were
hat my People
, Thou art my People, and they ſhall Jay, Thou art my God. But the words
before us are more Emphatical, becauſe they have this addition, God bimſelf
ſhall be with them; for this muſt needs imply a more than inviſible reign of Chriſt
,
ünce that which he now exerciſes from Heaven, with the mediation of his Mi-
mifters, is diſtinguiſhed from that of his ſecond Advent by words quite different
from thefe, and implying no ſuch Communication. He reigns now indeed,
but is ſaid no where to dwell among Men.
F. @sds dutór, Their God.] Theſe words are not found in the Complutenſian
Edition and ſome other Copies, as alfo St. Auftin; bue they are in many others,
as alſo in thoſe of Irenæus ; and I think they are neceſſary, the Senſe being
ſomewhat imperfe&t without them, beſides that they are found in the places of
the Prophets alluded to and cited already; for whereas it is ſaid, Men are to be
bis People; it is neceſſary to make up the Relation, that he be their God; that
there may be between them a mutual title of Holineſs
. See the Notes upon Chap.
4.8. F. and Chap 5. 8. G. And in this caſe that Relation will appear in the
higheſt manner, being not now conditional, but irrevocable, and therefore as
that title of being (c) their God, ingages God Almighty to exert his goodneſs
towards them; it thereupon follows, that they actually feel it, as it is ſhewn in
the following Words.
Α. verf. 4. Και έξαλείψει πάν δακρυον Σπό τ' οφθαλμών αυτών, And he hall νίρε ανά»
every tear from their eyes.] See what has been ſaid concerning this expreſſion in
the Noce upon Chap 7.17. D. Here it is to be applied in the higheſt degree. And
this ( 2 ) negative expreſſion is to be underſtood to imply the contrary Affirma-
tive, as elſewhere; that is, that the removing of tears implies the procuring of Joy,
which poſitive Joy is ſhewn afterwards by other Expreſſions; and has been
already implied in the Bylle of the Bride and the Marriage, in Chap. 19.7,8.
and in the removal of the Sea, in Chap. 21. 1. as alſo in this Verſe, where the
cauſes of Sorrow are ſaid to be removed.
A. verſ. 4. Kai o Sevala šu ksan ért, And there ſhall be no more Death.] If we
conſider, that in this period of the Church, or ſtate of the New Jeruſalem, it
is to comprehend not only the Millennial State, but alſo that which follows the
General Reſurrection, when Death itſelf is thrown inco the Lake of Fire and
Brimſtone; it is not very difficult to apply this to the Caſe before us. To be
ſure thoſe that are raiſed ſhall no more taſt of Death. But then, as in the Mil-
lennial State there are ſtill to be Men in a mortal State, and perhaps ſome few
ſtill Wicked, or involv'd in Idolatry ; this propoſition before us muſt be confi-
dered more ſtrictly. La&tantius thought, that choſe, who were found alive at
the beginning of the Millennium, ſhould live quite through that line of time.
re) Tum qui erunt in corporibus vivi, non morientur, ſed per eofdem mille annos infi-
nit am multitudinem generabunt, & erit ſoboles eorum Janča, da Deo chara. And he
îtretches this even to the remaining Idolaters. Gentes vero non extinguentur omnino,
Sed quædam relinquentur in victoriam Dei, ut triumphentur à juftis, ac ſubjugentur per-
petua fervituti, But this is not certain, or grounded upon any clear Words. But
if thoſe, that are alive then, ſhall die indeed; yet as they die in the Lord, with
more evident marks of Favour, and much greater afſurance of a ſpeedy Reſur-
rection than we now have; their death will be an eaſy tranſlation to themſelves;
and inſtead of cauſing Sorrow, ſhall produce Joy. Again, as Death ſignifies
Mortality or Plague, which God commonly inflicts as a puniſhment for Mens
Wickedneſs; there being a great effuſion of Grace during the Millennial State
upon ſuch as are alive, God will ſend no Puniſhment of that nature ; and
therefore there hall be 110 anticipated Deaths before the uſual courſe of Nature.
(a) Auguſtin de Civit. Dei, Lib. XX. cap. 17. (6) Irenæ Lib. V. cap. 35.
(c) Vid. Comm. Andr. Maſii in Joſuam cap. I v. 9, 11. (d) Vid. Glaflii Gram. Lib. III.
Tr. III. Can. 20. (e) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 24.
A And

Chap. XXI. v. 4. The Tabernacle of God.
971
And ſo long Life will not only be a Bleſſing of God, but alſo a natural effect
of the Holineſs and virtuous courſes of all the Generations of Men, which
Thall compoſe in part the Church of thoſe happy Times. Whereas now the
Wickedneſs of Men not only brings on the Curſe of God, to plague them by
the common Accidents of the preſene State, but alſo cauſes of it felf, by the
proper force of ſecond Cauſes, an untimely death ; which is indeed Death em-
phatically; whereas in holy Writ the Separation of the Souls of the Juſt from
their mortal Bodies is ftiled a Sleep and Reſi, cr fome ſuch ſoft Exprellion. So
that in the Millennium they ſhall enjoy long the happy Fruits of their Holineſs,
and exchange, as it were inſenſibly, and without Sorrow, their mortal Fleſh
with a ſpeedy Hope and Aſſurance to receive for it an immortal ſtate of
Life.
C. Oğ TE névso, Te requyn, Nor Mourning nor Crying ] Mourning and Crying are
the Conſequences of Men's death affe&ing the Living ; the Fathers for the un-
timely death of the Children ; the Children Orphans for the loſs of the Pa-
rents, who dying before their full time, have left them to ſhift for themſelves;
the Widows for the loſs of their Husbands. Theſe ewo Expreſſions may be di-
ſtinguiſhed thus ; that mirea, or Mourning, ſignifies the outward habit of Men
in Sorrow, as to be bound or clothed with Sackcloth, to wallow in Dirt or
Aſhes, to fit on a Dunghill, and the like external Ads of Mourners; but
reguyn, crying ſignifies that Mourning which is expreſsd by our Voice. Orelſe
mévG may lignify the mournful ſtate of them that are oppreſs’d, and negozi
their crying up to God for Vengeance. See Luke 18. 7. Hebr. s. 7. and che
Note upon Chap. 14. 18. B. In thefe new Heavens and new Earth, there ſhall be
no occaſion for ſuch Mourning and Crying.
D. OTE TÓNQ- šr sus'éti, Neither ſhall there be any more pain.] Pain here may
fignify that Grief, which proceeds from all the other Torments, or Misfortunes
and Calamities, which may happen to Men; nor by the death of Relations,
but by the Affiliations coming upon them from God's Judgments, or the Iniqui-
ty of other Men, who find a pleaſure in afflicting or tyrannizing over others
,
So the word is us'd in Chap. 16. 10, 11. The Beaſt and Falſe Prophet are de-
ſtroy'd, who deſtroy'd the Earth ; and Satan is at firſt bound, and at laſt de-
ftroy'd too; therefore there can happen no tormenting Pain to the converted
Nations, who walk in the light of che New Jeruſalem. As to them that are rais'd
again to eternal Life, the matter is evident of it ſelf. But theſe words are to
be underftood fo, that they reach only thoſe for whom ſuch a ftate of Indolence
is prepard; as for the Wicked, their Pains are eternal; they are of another
Claſs.
E. "On te orgöte doñador, Becauſe the former things are pafi'd away.) The old
Heaven and old Earth are paſs d away; that is, the former ſtate of the World is
remov'd and chang'd. This is the time of the new Heaven and new Earth.
They that were tormented perſecuted and flain, are now alive, comforted,
happy and reigning. The Church or Aſſembly of Men in a mortal ftate ftill
,
who are converted to Chrift, flouriſhes; and the Peace of the World is abſolute-
ly fettled. On the other hand, they that were Maſters in the old World, and
oppreſs’d the Servants of God, are now remov'd out of this happy Stace or Con-
ftitution of the new Heaven and new Earth, and ſent into their Place, to be tor-
mented in their turn. So it becomes the Juſtice of God to order thefe things,
Luke 16. 25. Seneca fays ; (a) Cum deo viſum ordiri meliora, vetera finiri.
A. verf.
5.
Kad tev reizi ulu bhi To Segvx, ’ISxetivo 770: & miv]d And he that ſate
upon the Throne ſaid, Behold, I make all things new.] This Expreſſion is taken out
of Iſaiah 43. 19. and it ſignifies a change of the former ſtate into a better : But
here is an Addition, that all is new; ſo that it muſt imply a thorough change,
not only as to the inward ſtate of Chriſt's Kingdom, but allo without. With-
in the Church things are altered for the better. There is found in it no more
need of Wights, to ſupport the Throne ; that is, viſible Miniſters or Deputies
to attend upon God's Service; Chriſt being preſent ; the Thrones for Chriſt's
Aſſeſſors are not now ſținted to the number of twenty four; but there are
Thrones for all the Saints rais'd again. Without the Enemies of Chriſt, and the
Oppoſers of his true Worſhip are deſtroy'd, and the laſt Enemy Death itſelf,
(a) Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. III. cap. XXVIII.
loſes

972
The Tabernacle of God.
Ch. XXI. v.8.
lores ar laſt his Dominion. Now all this is done byo him, that now fits on this
great Throne, ſince his fdvent with the Celeſtial Armies. So that this is ad-
ded here, to denote huertainty of the things before mention'd, becauſe he
that fits on the Throne Jeclares, that he will actually perfect his deſign of maka
ing all things New. Therefore we are told in the following words, who this
is; and he is deſcrib'd by ſuch Attributes as denote his power to effe& all.
B. Kece aéget wol, regulov, ti &To bi nógol dan Gevel xej 150 cow, And he ſaith unto
me, write, for theſe words are true and faithful.] Thou mayeſt publiſh it, and it
ſhall be fully known at this time, that what I have ſaid or commanded, certain-
ly comes to paſs; and this is the time wherein I make out before all Men thoſe
Promiſes, which I have made to the Church; and that therefore all my purpoſes
ſtand. See Jerem. 5 1. 29. and Chap. 4. 28, and Chap. 49. 19, 20. lſaiah 14.
24. 26, 27. Rom.9. 11. we may ſee by this, that in the Viſion there are inter-
mixed ſome things, to ſhew that the Event is certain ; as it is certain, that the
Prophet fees the Symbols which repreſent them. Theſe are divine Seals to con-
firm and diſtinguiſh divine Extaſies.
A. verf. 6. Khi đi vat, Topva, và A', và rồ 2, sex x 76, Ad be paid to me,
I am the Alpha and the Omega, the beginning and the end.] The reading of this
place is very different in the Copies, but without any conſiderable Alteration as
to the ſenſe. The ſenſe of it is this: Theſe words are true and faithful, and the
things ſhall be done, becauſe I, who declare it, am the firſt and the laſt, the everlaſting
God, and have therefore power to make all my purpoſes ſtand. This Expreſſion of our
Saviour, I am the Alpha and the Omega has occur'd before more than once, It
is thus explain'd by Clemens Alexandr. (a) Ald' Tito "Arga y 28 nézet diental.
μόνο το τέλO αρχή γίνεθαι, και πλάτα πάλιν επι τίω άνωθεν αρχίζω, άσεμε” διασασιν λαβών
This may be illuſtrated as follows. As the divine aóng, or Word, was incarna-
ted in Jeſus Chriſt, fo Chriſt is now become, by that Union of the divine nature
with the human, the beginning and end of all things. For as he had Glory
with the Father before the World was, Fohn 17. 5. and by conſequence having
created the World, he was Prince thereof; fo likewiſe though he ſeems to have
been driven from his Glory by his Enemies, yet all will devolve upon him at
laſt, when he comes to his conſummate Glory. Wherefore I look upon this
Phraſe, I am Alpha and Omega, the Beginning and the End, to be equivalent to
thoſe which have been laid down before, as : "ApXcap Tây baondéwy tñs grs, the
Prince of the Kings of the Earth, in Chap. I. s. and o är rj li xj o ép xóuxo,
which is, and which was, and which is to come, in v. 8. and é got sj 'ége:10,
zbe firſt and the laſt, in v. 11, and i dexa tñs xfirews 78 Def, the beginning of the
Creation of God, in Chap. 3. 14. or as I have turn'd it, The Prince of the Creation
of God. And thus we ſee, that though many of theſe ſeem only to fignify
primarily his Eternity, yet they imply the eternal Government of all created
things. For none buc he, who exiſted before them, can have created them ;
and none but he, that created at firſt, can ſo order them, as to bring them
åt laſt to what he firſt deſign'd; ſo that Chriſt is the Word of God from the
Beginning to the End.
Now this is exadly ſuitable to the Title given to the Meflias in Iſaiah 9. 6.
which is in the Hebrew 70-38, but in the LXX szalag të uémoy16 año. So it is
read in the beſt Copies, as of Aldus, the Complutenſian, the Alexandrian MS.
and (b) Euſebius; and by comparing Hebr. 6.5. with Hebr. 2- 5. one may plain-
ly perceive chat St. Paul alludes to that Expreſſion in the LXX. Now this Title
of the Father of Ages, or Father of the Age to come implies, that the Meſſias is the
Creator and Ruler of the Ages or Worlds: that is, he can, as he has created the
Worlds, ſo order them as he pleaſes. So Flaſhe is Lord, in 2 Kings 5. 13. in the
Alex. MS. and in 1 Sam. 24. 11. my Father is ſpoken by David to Saul, whom he
had called Lord, in v. 8. ſo Fathers in Pfal. 45.16. is us’d for Princes or Governors
over the People. And ſo whereas Chriſt is ſaid to be the Father of Ages, he is
alſo called Basinois Tõv aidywv; or as he is called the Father of the World to come ;
fo St. Paul Hebr. 2.5. hints, that the World to come is ſubmitted to him, by deny-
ing that it is ſubmitted to the Angels. Therefore ſince Chriſt has put down all
Rule, and all Authority, by deſtroying the Beaſt and the Falſe-Prophet, and
(a ) Clemens Alex. Stromat. Lib. IV. p. 230. vid. Tertullian. de Monogam. cap. V.
( b ) Eufeb. Dem, F.v. Lib. V. p. 148.
tied
Chap. XXI. v.6.
The Tabernacle of God.
973
tied up Satan, and overcome Death by the Reſurrection of his Martyrs, and
going on to deſtroy it quite by a general one; theſe Works, as great and gloa
rious as any, and indeed the laſt and moſt ſublime, ſhew that he has created all
things at firſt, and that he has perfected all things, all Ages and Worlds at laſt.
That as he has created them at firſt for himſelf, and now in the end ſubdued
all to himſelf, and conſtituted them according to his purpoſe, to govern them
for ever; ſo he is the Alpha and the Omega, the Beginning and the End.
Thus then when we can get to underſtand the full import of the Words, we
are inabled to comprehend the Reaſonings contain'd under the conciſe Expref-
fions of St. John. By themſelves they ſeem to follow each other abruptly and
without Connexion ; but when ſtrictly examined they contain cloſe Arguments
in a ſtrong thread of Diſcourſe. Therefore when we do not underſtand here,
or elſewhere in holy Writ, the Arguments of the holy Writers, let us not to
excuſe our Ignorance ſay, That they are not concluſive, but modeftlý own it,
and plainly lay the faule upon our felves. They were once underſtood to thoſe,
who underſtood the Scile of the holy Writers better than we, and were then
good Reaſonings; and what is reaſon at one time, muft be ſo always, provided
we do but underſtand the terms wherein ’tis couch'd. Enjedinus a Socinian Wri-
cer complains of St. John's Stile in theſe words : (a) Si obſcuritas conciſa, abrupta,
minime fibi cohærens, & allegoriis conftans oratio ſublimitas dicenda eft , fateor Fobannem
elle ſublimem ; nam vix ullam Chrifti concionem ab eo relatam invenias, que tota non
fit allegorica, & intellectu difficillima. This is faucy; for it reflects upon Chriſt
himſelf, who preaching to the Fews, muft ſpeak in a Stile, to which they were
accuſtomed. And it is impudent ignorance not to know, that they were ac-
cuſtomed to Symbols and Allegories, and that their Writers were conciſe, and
the Prophets above all. And this ignorance is unpardonable in one that pre.
cends to interpret. The Eaſtern Nations were, and are ftill Men of bright
Parts, and quick Apprehenſions. A conciſe Stile, and abrupe Sentences, with-
out the languid uſe of many Particles was moft proper for them.
I had almoſt forgot to note, that as I have ſhewn the word 'Asx", Beginning,
may by taking the Concrete inſtead of it, fignify Prince or Ruler, "Aşxw, lo
likewiſe Téac, End, or elſe Confummation and Perfe&tion, may fignify and doth
really imply, that Chriſt is the Ender, Confummator and Perfectioner of all things,
he being alſo the Word of God, or the Accompliſher of all his Commands and
Deſigns. Which further ſhews, what reaſon he has to take that Title, when he
promiſes to make all things new. For as he is the eternal God, and one with the
Father, and has in the economy of the divine Trinity from the beginning
been imploy'd as the great Angel and Minifter of the Divinity, to create, pre-
ſerve and redeem the World and all Mankind, ſo he muſt continue to the end,
being indued with the fame Power to create, form, and reform all things acom
cording to the divine Decrees.
There is one various reading, which I ſhall take notice of, becauſe it is alſo
founded in (b) Irenæus : for inſtead of rézoves tò A' fome Copies have thus :
Tizovs. ya siku tò A. Irenæus ; do dixit mihi, Facta ſunt. I have admitted it in
my Tranſlation, wherein I turn it ; It is done. The force of this Expreſſion has
been ſhewn in the Note upon Chap. 16. 17. B. which may be eaſily applied
here; and it will be found as I ſaid, it makes no difference in the Senſe. For
he only that has exiſtence from himſelf, can give exiſtence to others.
B.'Eguci Tego stwole seow, I will give to bim that is thirſty:] Something has been
faid concerning the Symbols of Hunger and Thirſt in the Note upon Chap: 7.16.
A. but having paſs'd over the latter ſomewhat ſlightly in that place, I ſhall here
conſider it more narrowly, with a view to that and this place too; and alſo of
the Water of Life which follows. The Oriental Onirocriticks in Chap. 187. ſay:
Ei ne ism OTI udenxcom Tod naſ i den noe. Voepen zy rods detão Emover de auri, ci refer ésir
βασιλάς ο ιδών, ανθρώπες ήνααΓιασμόες χαροποιήσει και διεκζατήσει και πλατήσει' Artemi-
dorus Lib. II. cap. 27. IIolaus's eis oixiar pe muy xe sagde evdeo's 428018 sisódoy ois oluna
eixiar peau d'étae turp ngencia Two śrolnév ]cnyº And afterwards : Nagai Ne sj aplar sig
πίδακες, 3αι αγαθώ πλημμυρέσαι αγαθα πάσιν επίσης μάλιστα σε τοις νοσύση και τους απόρους,
ois helfen zaie di roeids. ois de canelas coil omenavloro. So Ennius in the Dream of the
Veital: (0)



(a) Enjed. de Prem. Evang. Joh. p. 136.
(-) M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib.
II P
(6) Irenz. Lib. V. cap. 35.
Nam
974
The Tabernacle of God.
Ch. XXI. v. 6.
009
Da Nam me viſus homo pulcher per amoena ſalita o go
Et ripas reptare, locoſque novos. Ita fola en
baş blok Poft illa, germana foror, errare videbant is a
Dagbdobesad Tardaque veftigare, & quærere te, neque poſſe 972
faire sonovog as Corde capeſſere. Semita sulla pedem ſtabilibat. Se
Exin compellare pater me voce videtur sados
sayo Wat His verbis. Cognata, tibi funt ante gerende Wabu
sono Ærumna, poft ex fluvio fortuna refijteto darama
ៗន se watoi
oi-vortseguito da v
An inſtance of the like Symbols we find in the Viſion exhibited to ſome of the
primitive Martyrs. Marcianus faw God in Judgment with Cyprian, calling him
to fit with him, and then he goes on; (a) Iter autem nobis erat per locum pratis
amcnum dro viridantium nemorum læta fronde veftitum, opacum cupreffis conſurgentibus
in excelſum, 6 pinnis pulfantibus cælum : & putares eum locum per omnem circuitus am-
bitum lucis virentibus coronatum. Sinus autem in medio pellucidi fontis exuberantibus
venis, & plurimis liquoribus redundabat. Et ecce fubito ab oculis noftris ille judex receffit.
Tunc ibi Cyprianus Phialam, que ſuper marginem fontis jacebat, arripuit ; et cum illam
de fontis ridulis impleſet, baufit: & iterum implens mibi porrexit ; & libenter bibi.
This implied that he ſhould ſuffer as Cyprian, and be rewarded like him with the
Crown of Martyrdom. The like is to be found in (b) another Caſe
Now there are two forts of Chriſtians, to whom the Promiſes of Chriſt made
to them that ſuffer Perfecution appertain; thoſe that overcome, and thoſe that
eſcape. They who overcome in Perſecution moſt gloriouſly are, chey, who
having made a publick Confeffion of their faith in open defiance of the Per.
ſecutors withſtand to the end; whether it be to die by the Torments; or whether
they only withſtand to the peril of their Lives, tho' they do not loſe them there-
in. Thoſe that eſcape are ſuch as indeed keep the Faith, and make a ſhift.to
weather the ſtorm of Perſecution. The firſt we may call Martyrs, the latter
Confeſors. In the firit Period of the Church there were of theſe two forts.
The Martyrs are defcrib'd at the opening of the fifth Seal, the Confeflors at
the opening of the fixth. The Martyrs receiv'd not the promiſe then; but the
Confeffors did in ſome meaſure ; at leaſt they being collectively conſidered
their reward was beftowed upon the Church by the opening of the ſixth and
ſeventh Seals, they becoming then Partakers of the Peace and Benefits enjoy'd
by the whole church. By the Promiſe made to them in v. 16. & Saúouri
,
they ſhall not thirſt, it is evident, that thirſty fignifies one that has indured Perſe.
cution ; and this is not only ſeen in thoſe Proofs juſt now produced, but alſo
by Analogy. For as heat, burning heat of the Sun, flight into the Wilderneſs
where no Water is, the drought of Heaven and the like, ſignify a ſtate of Perſecu-
tion wherein the powers of this World abuſing their Authority torment Men,
or the Church. So Thirſt may well expreſs the Sufferings of perſecuted Chri-
ftians, it coming upon thoſe that have ſuffer'd or laboured hard, as in John 4.
6. and they who are perſecuted indure hard Labour ; and Perfecution is ſo cal.
led in this Propheſy, Chap. 14, 13. But now, though ſome of the Confeffors
in the firſt Period had ſome ſhare of reward in the Peace of the Church, yet
how does that reach all the Confeffors, that were before from the first preaching
of the Goſpel ? And much more how can it affect thoſe that have ſuffer'd Tribu-
lation as Confeſſors ſince in the ſecond Period? But as Chriſt has ſaid, Come
unto me all that travel, oi nomārles, and are beavy laden, and I will refreſh you, Mat. II.
28. which implies a reward to the Individuals in that State, ſo here it is ſaid viri,
tim, to every individual, tớ setõvle, to him that is thirſty, to every one that has
been perſecuted ; in the ſame manner as to him that has overcome og vozwoli,
which muſt be always underſtood of the Individuals, as I have more than once
obſerv'd. Therefore in this New Jeruſalem, wherein Chriſt ſhall make all things
new, is the time and place, wherein he will reward every Individual, that has
kept the Faith, and has been one of thoſe that have been thirſty, in his own
order, this New Jeruſalem being eternal ; and fo the words are ipoken in gene-
ral to expreſs its whole State, as it will be beſtow'd at laftupon all thoſe whoſe
names are in the Book of Life.



(a) A&. $s. Jacob. & Marcian,
Lucii.
(6) Vid. Act. SS. Montani &
And

Ch. XXI. v. 6.
D
975
The Tabernacle of God.
And here let us obſerve the difference between this reward in the everlaſting
Reſt, and that of the half Hours Reſt of the ſeventh Seal. In Chap. 7.16, 17.
they that hunger and thirſt are rewarded by the Lamb's leading them to living
Springs of Water. Here he ſays, I will give. In he fift, they ſerve themſelves
when led; that is, when Chriſt has procured the Rult by his viſible Miniſters,
whilft he ſits on the Throne in Heaven. Buc here he gives it himſelf, fitting
on his great Throne in the New Jeruſalem.
And whereas this firſt Reward was
only out of living Waters indefinitely; we ſhall be inform'd in the next Chapter,
that the Spring of Life in this New Jeruſalem proceeds immediately from the
Throne of God and of the Lamb. But of that in it's proper place, for it is not
the only Article of difference.
C. 'Ex rñs anzös si Udde7@- rñs Saws, of the Spring of the water of Life.] That
is, as our Saviour explains it in John 4. 14. Úduto Mobi's sis {eliu atveon, of
Water, Springing up into everlaſting Life, which juſt before in v. 10. he had called
only i sæg Søv, living Water. For this Life is the Reſurrection to eternal life, and
conſequently is the ſame as eternal Life'; as we have proved, that to live is to
live again, or to riſe from the Dead to live for ever. Now as the Fire and Brim-
ftone, or Fire burning with Brimſtone denote che Eternity and Unchangeableneſs of
the miferable ftate of the Damn'd, fo living Water or a Spring of perennial living
Water denotes the eternal and unchangeable ſtare of the happy Saints, the Mar-
tyrs
and Confeffors of Chriſt. We ſhall meet with this living Water again in
Chap. 22. 1. with ſome other Attributes thereof ; ſo that we ſhall there have
occaſion to conſider it more fully.
D. Angeår, Freely] This word is very proper, and in ſome fort neceffary to
avoid Equivocations or Mil-interpretations of what has been ſaid before, that
every Man is judged according to his Work; for that Expreſſion ſtrictly raken,
and without this Modification, would be apt to make Men preſume, as if their
Works merited Heaven, and God gave us nothing, but what we have already
paid him for: Such a Notion would be derogatory to the divine Attributes.
The Oriental Onirocriticks in Chap. 187. ſay: Ei di irin ón ideggooi rj érculars
uusin d'aixeu cày custom avis, aj eis púvalus renlv' vizet
! Even in the Prophets to drink
Water by meaſure, as in Exod. 4. 17. or Water for Money, as in Lament. s. 4. are
Symbols of a wretched State. The Targum on that place of Ezekiel ſays; Ağusm
in defolatione & ftupore bibent ; and that is one of the hard Circumſtances of a
befieged City. Surely Chriſt will not be more niggard, than he would have us
to be towards each other. All this is therefore taken off by this word, d'aspectiv,
This ſhews therefore two things. Firſt, (a) That the Inſtitution, Offer,
and Promiſe of this Life eternal came freely and gratis from God, without being
before hand obliged by any means on Man's part. Secondly, As dengesin may
fignify liberally and plentifully
, this ſhews that eternal Life is large, proceeding
from the abundant Goodneſs and Liberality of God. So our Saviour feems to
argue with the Woman of Samaria, in John 4. 10.
If thou kneweſt the Gift of
Ged, slå sagear të Si, that is his Liberality, and who it is that asketh thee
, give me
to drink, and haſt thereupon given him ſome, thou wouldeſt have asked of him as
thy reward, and he would bave given thee living Water, a Water Springing up into
everlaſting Life, v. 14. an infinite reward in proportion for fo (mall an Office.
How great ſoever the Merit of Men might be, yet eternal Life is free largeſs, be-
cauſe there is no proportion in any thing of this Life to that eternal Gift. So
that the Gift or Liberality of God, appears not only in the liberal offer of the
Reward, but alſo in the Diſproportion between Man's Gifts or Works, and the
divine Rewards. See Rom. 8. 18. Hence alſo Philo ſays; (b) A1456 xn Setése
Sei oumbonexãs ai zdectes avls. See alſo Ephef. 2. 7.
This Expoſition of the word may be confirm'd by obſerving, that Osm, which
the LXX turn by d'apedy in Exod. 21. 2. and elſewhere frequently, comes from
the R.737, which fignifies not only to have Mercy, but alſo to give liberally. So
that dugga'y may accordingly ſignify liberally, with great tokens of Goodneſs and
Affection, as is done by thoſe who are liberal. So in Num. 11. 5. the Iſraelites
fay, We remember the Fiſh which we did eat in Egypt freely, S3, drogsals, that
is, in abundance, plentifully; the Nile being well ſtored with them fee
freely
(a) Vid. Hag. Grot. de Satisfact. Chr. cap. I. .
Abel. p. 94.
(6) Philo de Sacrific. Cain &
Ifaia

976
The Tabernacle of God. Chap. XXI. v. 7.
Iſaiah 19.8. Though I ſuppoſe the Iſraelites either paid fome ſmall rate for them,
or at leaſt took the pains to catch them. Now this litteral Expoſition of this
place is certainly much more folid than the Rabbinical (a) Solution, that the
Women in drawing their-Paikall of Water, drew them half full of Fiſh ac
the ſame time; or that ot er ſymbolical one, that they had Harlots for nothing.
And ſo the word 70 of a cognate Signification is ſometimes turn’d in the LXX.
by geels, Grace, as in Genel. 6. 8. and by éreo, Mercy, as in Ferem. 16. 13. fo
that the Grace and Mercy of God are the ſame as God's Love and Favour to
Mankind. So likewiſe érencoouun, Alms, is an act of Mercy in fhewing Libe.
rality to the Poor that need it.
By comparing ſome former Paſſages of this Propheſy together with this, we
may find out the rules of proportion obferv'd by God Almighty in the Puniſh-
ments and Rewards of Men In Chap. 14.8. to them that never had the
knowledge of God, or who never were within his Covenant, and perſecuced
his Church and People, the Puniſhment is by Retaliation. To them that know the
Will of God and his Covenant, but though they were entred into it, did never-
theleſs neglect it, and corrupted themſelves by Idolatry, and tyranniz'd over
God's Saints, we find that in Chap. 18. 6. a double Puniſhment is inflicted on
them. But to them that ſuffer for his fake, and perform his Commandments,
he beſtows an infinite Reward. This may be illuſtrated by the ſecond Com-
mandment of the Decalogue. God puniſhes to the third and fourth Genera-
tion, but ſhews Mercy to a Thouſand, as Men are guilty of Iniquity, or love
God and keep his Commandments. Beſides, I have ſhewn, that he gives the
Prerogative of a firſt Reſurrection to fome, who have eminently ſuffer'd for his
fake; and even as to the ſtate of the Reſurrection, there are different degrees
of Glory, according to St. Paul's way of argumenting, in i Cor. 15. as there are
different degrees of Glory in the Sun, Moon, and Stars; and as one Star dif-
fers from another in Glory. But ſtill this difference of Glory mention’d by
St. Paul may be only exhibited in the Priority of the Reception, not in the
meaſure of it when all are receiv'd. The Argument of St. Paul needs not to
be ſtretch'd any further than his own Concluſion, which is as I have ſhewn it,
of a Priority in time. But though it ſhould be otherwiſe, the compleatneſs of
Happineſs in each will leave no room for grudging in thoſe, who have enough
of it, and find themſelves ſo happy, that they are eaſy, though others have
greater degrees of Glory. (b) Conſult here the reaſoning of Seneca upon the
Meaſures of an happy Life. Nevertheleſs it may be obſerv'd, that when the
Holy Ghoſt comes to confider the happy Life of the Saints in the New Jeruſalem,
there is no difference obſerv'd between them; all are faid to reign.
A. verſ. 7. 'Ovexãy xanesvouthset tæūta, He that overcometh ſhall inberit theſe things.]
Other Copies inſtead of reize, theſe things, read reve, all things. The ſenſe is
the ſame; for theſe things are all the new things which he that fits upon the
Throne makes new for the ſake of them that are to be the Heirs of Salvation, that
they may be Co. heirs with Chriſt, and reign with him, who being Heir as Son
of God, has made us alſo adopted Sons. For according to the notion of xañegs
inberitance, and nanervouéir to inherit, both in Greek and Hebrew it ſignifies to di-
vide and poffefs as Lord and Owner. And ſo none but the Sons of God are to
enjoy what is now prepared and conſtituted in this new Heaven and new Earth.
Thus of Iſaac it is ſaid, Genef. 21. 10. xaneveunoes, he ſhall inherit; becauſe he was
the Son of Abraham ; but the reſt of his Children, by other Women than Sarah,
are called the Sons of the Concubines; and Iſaac, in Genef. 25. 5. is called empha-
tically his Son. Abraham gave all that he had unto Iſaac his Son. So the LXX
'I see e'st Tư ýo aurs, which is back'd by the Samaritan Text, the Samaritan Targum,
and the Syriac Verſion; and that expreſfion gives the reaſon of the diſtinction
which Abraham made in giving all to his Son Iſaac, and only gifts to the rett, bem
caufe Sons of bis Concubines. Thus the oppoſition is feen, and the right of Ifaac
to the Inberitance. See Galat. 4. 7. Pſal. 2. 7. 8. and Luke 6.35.
B. Kai 'foleo.adulo Deds, And I will be God to him.] God never calls himſelf the
God of any one, but it is upon the account of ſome mutual Covenant. So
when God covenanted with Abraham and his Seed, he concludes I will be their
God, Genef. 17.8. Therefore when God began to execute his Promiſe, and to
(a) Gemara in Sotak. Cap. I. Wagenfeil. p. 240. ex Cod. Foma. (b) Senec, Epift. LXXXV.
ſend

Ch. XXI. v. 7.
The Tabernacle of God.
977
fend Moles to that purpoſe, to fhew him, that he remembred his Covenant, he
faid to Moſes I am the God of Abraham, the God of Iſaac, and the God of Jacob, Exod.
3.6. repeating thus the title of God to every name of the Patriarchs, becauſe
he had ſingly Covenanted, or renewed the Covenant with each of them. And
ſo becauſe this promiſe was yet never fulfilled to Abraham himſelf in Perſon, to
whom it was alſo made ſpecially, our Saviour concludes from thoſe Words, that
Abraham ſhall riſe again, that God may perform it to him and the other Pa-
triarchs, Matth. 22. 42. The ſame may be ſaid of the words of Zacharias, Luke
1.72, 73. Therefore this Declaration, I will be God to bim, plainly implies, thae
God will perform his promiſes according to his Covenant, and that he will con-
tinue to ſhew them his Favour for ever; the Bond being now irrevocably ſecu-
red on both ſides, by a moſt perfect Holineſs, or Conſecration to each other, the
Saints having now obtain'd the higheſt Declaration of it.
C. Kai aules éstel wo uós, And be ſhall be Son to me.] He ſhall be my son in a
ſpecial manner, that is, I will always tenderly love him ; for thus God himſelf
explains that expreffion in 2 Sam. 7. 14, 15. my mercy ſhall not depart away from
bim, which implies, that this State ſhall be immutable. This expreſſion is alſo
applied to Chriſt in Heb. 1. 5. with whom the Saints are united by the ſtrict
bond of Spiritual Communion; and ſo claim, and obtain a ſhare in the ſame
benefics and glory.
A. verf. 8. Tois sendes tij duistis, But the cowardly and unfaithful.] This is the
other part of the Divine Judgment, which concerns them on whom the Sen-
tence of Condemnation is paft; and they are ſuch as are named here. The
words before us concern thoſe, who having heard of the promiſes of God,
have not courage enough to ſtand to the laſt, that they may overcome, buc
faint in their Profeſſion; and are unfaithful, that is, do not ſtand to the Promiſes,
which themſelves have made in entring into Covenant with God; which in-
deed proceeds from their wanting faith to believe in God's Promiſes; and con-
fequently by thoſe doubts ſuſpečing him not to be faithful. Thus we ſee, thac
theſe two caſes are near a-kin; and are therefore here ſer immediately toge-
ther. Now theſe being ſuch as God has favour'd with the knowledge of his
Covenant, who nevertheleſs forſake him and fall away, ſhall be condemned by
a ſeverer Sentence than others; and are therefore ſet here in the Front as one
of the worſt forts of Criminals Luke 10. 11, 12, 13, 14. Chap. 12. 47, 48.
Matth. 10. 15. Chap. 23. 13, 14. Mark 12. 40. Ansbertus : Et quos hoc loco alios
timidos intelligere debemus, niſi aut eos qui perſecutionis tempore, metu mortis vel ad
fidem non accedunt vel a fide recedunt, aut eos qui in pace Ecclefiafticar-bonum operari
refugiunt. But Tertullian by an over heated and ignorant zeal ſtretches chis coo
far; for he ſays, (a) Poftremo in Apocalypfi non fugam timidis offert; ſed inter cæteros
reprobos in ftagno Julphuris dignis, quod eft mors ſecunda.
B. Kai ewegrawnois, The ſinful.] Thoſe that are guilty of habitual and unrepen-
ted Sins, funk into a courſe of Sin and Wickedneſs. So the word is taken in
in the Goſpels
. This word is not found in ſome Copies; and Tertullian (b)
ſeems not to have found it in his.
C. Kai Nauy refiors, The Abominable.] Theſe are ſuch as are guilty of thoſe
grievous Sins, which are called Bekhuyuu tee, Abominations in Holy Writ, as Sodo-
mitry in Levit. 18.22. which indeed deſerves ſpecial notice, as being now com-
monly complicated with Atheiſm. Nam Atheiſmus poteft ejſe fine altero ; alterum
nunquam eft fine Atheiſmo, ſays Scaliger. Yet in ancient times there were Nacions
guilty thereof, and they thought thereby to honour their Gods, in giving them
preſents out of the Hire or Reward of ſuch Wickedneſs
. (c) Strabo acquaints
us with the great Solemnicies of this wicked practice among the Cretans, and
ſhews us that an Oxe was repreſented to be afterwards offered in Sacrifice to
Jupiter, and ſerved to entertain the Raviſhers and their Crew. And as Strabo
hints that the Cuſtoms and Laws of Crete paſſed inco Sparta, which was neareſt
to it, it is likely, chat the Greeks learned this abominable Vice from them. Plato
accuſes them of being the Authors of the Fable of Ganymede, and ſeems by that
and the reſt of his Diſcourſe to make them introducers of this Vice, wherein
(a) Tertullian, de Fuga, cap. VII. (b) Tertullian. de Pudicit.
сар. .
XIX.
(a) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. x: pag. 483. (d) Platon, de Legib. Lib. I. p. 5:15. Vid. Lib.
VIII. pag. 596. Sery, in Virg. Ecl. 11. & Æn. Lib. X. col. 1519.
и Q
he

978
Ch. XXI. v.8:
The Tabernacle of God.
ction of the
he is followed by Tully and Virgil in the places cited; as alſo by ( a ) Plutarch and
(b) Athena us out of Timæus. Now (c) Bochart has made it very probable, that
the Pbunicions ſettled in Crete ; fo that 'tis very likely they introduced that Cu-
ſtom therein, which very likely the Phænicians, or Philiſtines, learn from the
Sodomites, the firſt Inventors; and whom for that reaſon God Almighty made
an example to all the World by their dreadful Deftruction. I believe the Holy
Writers have affected to call this ſort of People by the name of Abominable, in
oppofition, or deriſion of the good Name which they took, calling themſelves
D'UT, that is Holy, and conſecrated. See tbe Note on Chap. 2. 20. C. and ex-
amples of ſuch changes in the Note on Chap. 17. 5. C.
D. Kai perdão, And Murderers] This is chiefly to be underftood of thoſe who
Perſecure, and kill the Saints of God, thefe are habitual Murderers.
E. Kad rógvots rige paguaxois rý silword leges, The Whoremongers and Sorcerers and Ido-
laters.] Theſe three are frequently joyn'd together, becauſe they were found
to be frequently and commonly complicated in the ſame Perſons, as being ef-
fenrial to the Pagan Religion as ſuch. See the Notes upon Chap. 9. 20, 21.
where the ſame crimes are objected to the corrupted Chriſtians. Their Fornin
carions and Idolatries have been fufficiently made out in ſeveral places. As to
their Sorceries both in the Eaft and Weft, they are very well known to learned
Men, and appear ſufficiently in the Eccleſiaſtical Hiſtory. If need be this
Point may be made out at large. And indeed their falſe Miracles are Sorce-
ries; of which enough has been ſaid.
no
F. Ka são toñs fato, And all lyars.] That is, all thoſe who contrive Lies,
falſe Miracles and idolatrous Worſhips to deceive Men, and make them fall into
Idolacry. For an Idol is a Lie in Scripture Phraſe.. See Amos 2. 4. Iſaiah 28. 15.
Ferem. 16. 19, 20, and compare with this the Propheſy of St. Paul, 1 Tim. 4. 2.
I make no queſtion, but che Holy Ghoft chiefly means this ſort of Lyars; but I
do not exclude from this Claſs thoſe, who in general are Lyars, falſe, deceit-
ful in all other dealings. And as every Lye is a Sin, Men muſt one Day account
for it. See Chap. 21.27. B.
G. Το μέρος αυτών εν τη λίμνη τη χριoμδύη πυει και θελω, Κι ο θάνα/G και δεύτερG-,
Shall have their ſhare in the lake that burneth with fire and brimſtone, which is the ſea
cond Death.] By this it is plain, that the Holy Ghoſt in theſe four laft Verſes
has given us an account of thoſe, who are written in the Book of Life, and of
thoſe who were not found therein; and by conſequence, that they are an in-
largement, or further explanation of what was ſaid briefly in the end of the for-
mer Chapter concerning the laſt Judgment, according to the uſual method of
the Holy Writers.
A. verf.9. Kai tager des éx of Stra' diyenaye ofis ezerzwi Teis érte' ple'aus reis deuétus
o osti wangão ofis égetrov, rj érdéanos ust' dui, And tbere came one of the ſeven Angels
which had the ſeven Bowles full of the ſeven laft Plagues, and he spake with me.] Al-
chough St. Fobn had ſeen before the new Jeruſalem, or Metropolis of Chriſt's
Kingdom, yet it was only ſlightly deſcribed as the Lamb's Bride, and the abode
of she raiſed Saints. Now the Holy Ghoſt does here what is ſo frequently
done in theſe Viſions; which is firſt, to make a general mention of things, as
they are connected with other matters lightly ; and then if the matter be of
of importance, to take it up again, and give us a more ample deſcripcion there-
of. This ample deſcription of the new Yeruſalem follows here ; and at the ſame
time the Holy Ghoft ſhews us, how poffeffion thereof ſhall be caken, and by
whom; that is, by what kind of Citizens it ſhall be enjoy'd. This Angel,
who ſhews all this in the Viſion to St. John, is very carefully ſpecified to be, ei-
ther one of thoſe chat poured out the ſeven Bowls in general, or rather the
ſeventh of them; and even the ſame as had before ſhewn St. John the deſtru.
Now I argue thus, ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt ſhews, that the fame Angel, who
has executed the Plagues, and ſhewn the deſtruation of Babylon, does alſo de
ſcribe and meaſure the new Jeruſalem, and not any other Angel indefinitely,
but one of the ſeven Chiefs, who ftand in the preſence of God: the matter of
the execution of the Plagues, and of the deftruction of Babylon, and of the
(a) Plutarch. de. Puer. Educat. pag. 10.
(6) Bochart. Canaan Lib, I. cap. XV.
(b) Arheo. Dipnoſ. Lib. XIII. cap. 8.
meaſuring

Ch. XX. v. 8,9.
The New Jeruſalem.
979
meaſuring of the New Jeruſalem have ſome kind of connexion. From this
careful and exact way of Management it may be conjectured, that the ſame
Angel, who poured out the laſt Bowl upon the worſhippers of the Beaſt, and
cauſed many Chriſtians, that is, of the Reformed Churches, to hear the word
of God, and become converted, and alſo to foreſee the approaching deſtruction
of the Metropolis of the Anti chriſtian State ; and even by what means this
fhould be effected ; the ſame Angel, I ſay, ſhewing alſo the Metropolis of
Chriſt's Kingdom ſymbolically to St. John, denotes, that the ſame Reformed
Churches ſhall have a foreſight, and ſubſifting, till the deſcent of this New Je-
rufalem diſcover at laſt the actual enjoyment of ic by thoſe for whom it is pre-
pared.
B. Aigwy, Adi eg, dezwa ool tlu yeweareta, thi veuple of apple, Saying, come bitber,
I will then thee the Wife, the Bride of the Lamb.] Here is the very ſame way
of Management as has been uſed about the great Whore, which is the Metropos
lis of the Anti-chriſtian Srate, in Chap. 17. 1. Therefore what has been ſaid
upon that place muſt be applied here in proportion. Now all this plainly
proves, that this New Jeruſalem, which is to be the Seat of Chriſt's Kingdom,
not only during the Millennium, but alſo after the general Reſurrection, is che
very fame Bride mentioned before in Chap. 19. 7, 8, 9. and the beloved Cicy,
the Camp of the Saints during the aſſault of Gog and Magog, after, or at the
end of the Millennium in Chap. 20.9; and by conſequence, that it is prepared,
and comes down juſt after the deſtruction of Chriſt's Enemies the Beaſt and
Falſe-Prophet, when the Dragon is by ſpreading of the Goſpel driven into
Corners and bound in Priſon. And further, that the State of the Millennial
Reſurrection is of the ſame nature as that of the General, ſeeing both are com-
priz'd in the deſcription of this one New Jeruſalem, the Lamb's Bride without
diſtinction.
I have ſhewn before in the Note upon v.2. E. that the Church in the mortal
State of its Members is as a Spouſe or Betrothed to the Lamb ; but not quite pre-
pared till ſhe has the Byle given her to be fully prepared to be united to the Lamb.
This is done at the Refurre&ion, which is repreſented as a complearing of the
Marriage, and the Joy thereof is to be perpetual. Therefore the Church is in-
deed then a perfect Wife, but ſhe is always as a Bride, becauſe ſhe has continu-
ally the Wedding Garment upon her.
A. verf. 10. Kot druegué ue Avdiuen i soggs uéza sj infnaðr, And be carried me
away in the ſpirit to a great and high mountain.] The Managment of this Viſion
is not unlike that in Ezek. 49. 2. where the Prophet is ſet upon a high Moun-
tain, to view and meaſure the Viſionary Temple. See alſo what has been ſaid
concerning this carrying away in the Spirit in the Notes upon Chap. 17. 3. A. B.
It's ſaid here upon a Mountain, becauſe the Holy City is built thereon. See the
Nore on Chap. 20.9. A. I have already ſhewn, that Mountains ſignified places
of frength and command, becauſe they are difficult of acceſs to an Enemy, and
that they over-aw or command the Country round about, being thus pro-
perly qualified both to ſecure what is on them, and to protect and govern what
is about them. Hence Fuller ſpeaking of the Hills on which the old Jeruſalem
ftood, fays, (a) No doubt the Emblem of the Streng:h, fi atelineſs and ſtability of
God's Church in glory. So Pburnutus ſpeaking of the placing of Minerva's Statues
and Temples upon Mountains fays, ίδρυται και αν ταϊς ακροπόλεσι μάλιστα, το δυσκατα-
gávisov xej dotontóguu may fuppy ou SASTEs. So in Dan. 2. 34, 35. a Stone cut without
Hands becomes a great Mountain, which fignifies the ſmall beginnings of Chriſt's
Kingdom, which thall at laſt extend over all the Earth. See alſo Ifaiah 2. 2.
Chap. 14. 13. and Chap. 33. 16.
Β. Και έδειξέ μοι τω πόλιν των μεγάλω τίω αγίαν Ιερκσαλήμ, And he jlnewed me the
great Císy the holy Jeruſalem.] The words slow descales, the great, being nor found
in ſome Copies, (c) Dr. Mill has condemned them as the addicion of ſome ig,
norant Scholiaft
. Great City, ſays he, is ſaid in the Apocalypſe of none but Babylon,
What then? when Babylon is fallen may not another City be called great? I have
ſhewn, that this word fignifies ſtrong, prevailing and exerciſing Power. Indeed
when it is ſaid of God's Enemies, its ſounds ill; becauſe they are Tyrants and
(a) Fuller's Piſgah. Lib. III. ch. 1. Sect. 3.
() Vid, Millii Prol. in N. T. pag. 97.
(b) Phurnut. de Nat. Deor. Minerva,
Uſurpers,

980
The New Feruſalem deſcribed.
Ch. XXI. v. 10.
Uſurpers. But as great things belong to God, why may they not be called
great, when God prevails, and confounds the great things of the World, which
magnified themſelves againſt him ? every is great in this State, the Mountain
on which it ſtands is great, the Wall is great, and the Throne thereon is great,
Beſides if there be any ill found in the word Great, it is ſufficiently abaced and
even changed by the title of Holy joyn'd to it. One might as well ſay, that bea
cauſe the Whore of Babylon affumes Eyle, and other Ornaments, it was not de-
cent for the Bride of the Lamb to receive Bylle for her Garments. But it was
alſo neceſſary, that che Holy Ghoſt ſhould call her great in reſpect of the old
Jeruſalem: for we ſhall find, that the dimenſions of the New exceeds twelve
times thoſe of the Old.
Juſtin Martyr was very well aware of this enlargement of the new Jeruſalem,
He ſays, 'Eyes 39
, tj ci nivés nav og fogvasuoves ne rei zuivto Xeisiamo, saj väznos elvásady gluña
σεθς δαισάμεθα και χίλια έτη εν Ιερεσαλήμ οικοδομηθεύση και κοσμηθείση και πλατωθείση, οι προφήται
leznxana, rj 'Hoaias, rj o á moc ouwroz.io. Of Ezekiel we ſhall prove it by and by in
another more convenient place. Iſaiah 54. 2. 3. Enlarge, ſays God, the place of
thy tent and thy feed ſhall inherit the Gentiles. The Targum, Dilata locum domus
habitationis tuæ, & d civitatibus terræ tuæ ne babitatores arceas : multiplica populum
caftrorum tuorum, ex principes tuos corrobora. For the increaſe of the Capital City
denotes the increaſe of the Dominions, by the fame analogy as a greater Name
or a greater Throne, of which before. The Indian Onirocritick in Chap. 147.
confirms this, 'Εαν ήδη τις όπ τα οικήματα αυτά έπλαλύθη έμεγαλμώθη και πλέον εφωνίδη και
Refer 37 Barraos, déghout garegio ry Storegteicu zins nacioro. Theſe words about the in-
creaſe of the Light, are alſo applicable to the new Jeruſalem, which has no need
of Sun or Moon, and yet has no Night in it. See Iſaiah 30. 26. The ſame In-
dian Author has in the fame Chapter theſe Words which may be applied to the
fuperlative Beauty of this new feruralem, 'Εαν τις ίδη όπ μειώκει και οικημάτων με
Bis Enregv, si vefa sio tai & Teens Miove dis for Ear reġ galego šče vellore. 'Es š lige Jainter sig
yósok, eis zeregin tiġ ugalow, compare with this Revel
. 22. 2. Ic ftands to reaſon, that
the Capital City ſhould be proportionable to its Dominions. Hence we find,
that the Romans would not ſuffer the Pomæria of their City to be removed to in-
large it, but by a Prince who had enlarged the Dominions of the Empire. This
appears from the obſervations of Flavius Vopifcus : (.c) Adhibito confilio Senatus,
muros Urbis Romæ dilatavit, nec tamen Pomerio addidit eo tempore, fed poftea: Pomerio
autem nemini Principum licet addere, nifi ei qui agri barbarici aliqua parte Romanam Rem-
publicam locupletaverit. Addidit autem Auguſtus, addidit Trajanus, addidit Nero, sub
quo Portus Polemoniacus & Alpes Cottiæ Romano Nomini tributæ. Tacitus, (d) pomem
rium Urbis auxit Claudius more priſco ; quo iis qui protulere imperium, etiam terminos
Urbis propagare datur. See the Note of 7. Lipſius thereupon. And alſo a paſſage
of Seneca cited in the Note upon Chap. 12. 3. E. Hence Horace joyns theſe two
together.
(e) Poftquam cæpit agros extendere victor & urbem
Latier amplecti murus.
And I think the word Great is ſufficiently defended and explain'd. The word
Holy remains. This holineſs is of the higheſt ſort. Nothing that is accurſed en-
ters into this City. See what we have ſaid upon the Byle of the Bride in the
Notes upon Chap. 19. 8. A. B. and that upon Chap. 22. 3. A. It is holy, in ref-
pect of the Saints, who dwell therein, Chap. 20.9.
C. Katalaínzowy és šš Šegovci Sto og 95, Deſcending out of heaven from God.] This
has been already explain'd in the Noce upon Chap. 21. 2. D.
A. verf. 11. "Ey your The Star Jež, Having the Glory of God.] Having the
Schekinah, or glorious and bright Light, which is the Symbol and viſible proof
of the Divine Preſence and Majeſty. That is, whom God himſelf, being pre-
ſent with all the brightneſs of his Majeſty, enlightens, or governs by himſelfa
See the Note upon v. 3. B. of this Chapter. Therefore Chrift, who is draugo peste
tñs foExs, and sexxlòng this mosdiosas aurê, the brightneſs of God's glory, and the expreſs
image of bis Perſon, Heb. 1. 3. is to dwell therein, and reign with the Saints,
(a) Juſtin M. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 239. (6) Vid. Feft. v. Profimurium.
(c) Flav. Vopiſc. in Aureliaa. (8) C. Tacit. Ann. Lib. XII, cap. 23.
Art. Poeta V, 208.
(e) Horat.
Fuſtin

γης Bναι, ατμητον
"διαν όταν
Ch. XX. v. 11:10 The New Feruſalem defcrib'd. I 281
Fuſtin M. ( a ) OSTOS XS ésiv ao Su vej tio Segvèr zij tw yw, xj de ou, o nulap uémet veriysg YY.
έτης έσιν δέν Ιερκσαλήμ αιώνιον φώς λάμπειν μέλλων. Therefore where the Son is, there
the Father is alſo; becauſe he is úzco muce žñs Sens, an emanation of his glo-
rious light and inſeparable ; whereas the Angels, tho' chey are Lights, are ſe-
parated Beings which revert nor, nor remain in the unity of God as the Son
doth. Thus the fame Luftin M. explains this matter in theſe Words,
wherein he firſt introduces others, perhaps (62 Sadducees, ſpeaking of the
λόγος, (ε) "Ατμητον 5 και «χώραςον σε Πατρός ταύτίω τίω διώαμιν υπάρχειν
, όνπερ τρόπον το
finnir par aus em
ν και αχώρισον, όντος σε κλίκ εν τω έρανώ και όταν δύσης
wa mpépetal ve qase, preko me the ones Báantie, diyan, duwiesen wuerit
π πεοπι ποιεί και
βέληται, πάλιν αναστέλλει εις εαυτόν. κατι τετον τον τρόπον και τις αγγέλες ποιείν αυτών διδάσκεσι.
Thus ſome explaind themſelves; which he admits with the following oorre-
re&tion, 'AM' on sefer our side mygdaoi, rj deed uivovtis, ij, was dy denuévele ce dis exéro
ούπερ γόνασιν, απο διδακται και ότι διαύαμις άυτη ως Θοδν καλεί και προφητικός λόγο,
Ολα πολλών ωσάντως απόδεικτα και εγκλον, έχ ως το το λίκ φώς ονόμαπ μόνον
αειθμείται, αλλά και αυθμώ έτερόν ή όχι, και εν τοις προερημίοις δια βραχέων τον λόγον
Entard, on Thw dwózkus ta sille regovina Sree Site få talegs, s whyet ry Brañ curê, eMP3
κατ' εποπμιω, ως επιμεριζομένης της σε πτιejς εσίας, οποία τα άλλα παντα μεριζόμενα και τεμνός
felva, o tai autá és v Ž wij mein tunsiva. See che Note upon Chap. 21. 23. B.
Β. “ο φωσης αυτής όμοι λίθω πμιωτάτω, ως λίθω ίασπίδ κρυσαλλίζoντι, And her light
was like a moſt precious Stone, like a Falper looking like Cryſtal.]. šasie is a Lumina-
ry, any lucid Body that gives Light. So the Sun and Moon are called mesõees
in Geneſ. 1. 14. 16. The uſe of them being to enlighter, or rúle, as it is ſaid
there ; for in v. 15. is found the word n71902, es païov; in v. 16. W127,
bis dgges; in v. 18. 700?, ésxev, and the Pſal. 136. 8. ſpeaking of the ſame uſes
wp1, which is turn’d in the LXX. eis exoíay. Hence Philo, (d) Mega
ο κόσμG έδοξεν είναι η δυνατός, και καθίσερ πόλις ή μεγίς», άρχοντας και έχασα και υπηκόες
άρχοντας με τις ον έρανώ πενται όσοι πλάτητες και απλανείς ατέρες. υπηκόες και τις μεται σελίδω
åv åée Teelgoirs purus. And therefore with him Inftru&ion is Light, (e) būs 3
tuznis ozi trendsette. And therefore in the Symbolical Chara&er and Language all
Luminaries are taken for Governors, as we have frequently ſhewn in divers
places. Thus the Commentator upon Statius, ſpeaking of the Sun and Moon,
ſays, (f) Cæterum Sol & Luna non funt Stella, nec ex planet arum numero, fed totius
mundi duces ac domini. Mart. Capella calls the Sun * Regnum Naturæ, that is, the
King, the abſtract for the Concrete. So Pliny ſpeaking of the Moon (g) Solis
fulgore eam ut reliqua fidera regi, where regi is put for illuminari, which reading is
approv'd by (b) Turnebus and Pintianus. °And a little after, ( 1 ) Poftea radiorum
ejus contactu reguntur: So the ſame approve the reading of the M.S. there cited.
Pliny therein follows the Stile of the Oriental Aſtronomers. Thus állo in Sta-
tius, (k) Et in totum regnaret Sirius annum ? So in the Aſclepius of Apuleius an E-
gyptian Author, (2) Secundum enim Deum huncce (folem ) crede, Aſclepi, omnia
gubernantem, omniaque illuſtrantem animalia five animantia five inanimantia. Ma
crobius, (m) Sol ut veteribus placuit, dux & moderator eft luminum reliquorum, og
Solus ftellis errantibus præſtat.
Hence Light and Lumináries are frequently uſed Metaphorically to fignify
Princes and great Men. So Plutarch ſpeaks of Alexander the Great, in à paſſage
already cited in the Note upon Babylon in Chap. 7. 5. The Poees and Orators
are full of ſuch Expreſſions. Virgil, (n)Lumina tot cecidiſſe ducum. Servius,
Id eft proceres. In another place ſpeaking of Hector, (o) 0 Lux Dardanic. So
in Plautus, (P) O Lux oppidi. Valerius Maximus, ( 9.) Non indignabuntur Urbis
noftræ lumina fi inter eorum eximium fulgorem, &c. In (r) Tully there are innumera-
ble places to this purpoſe; in one of which he calls Rome (s) Lamen Gentium,
becauſe governing all the World. Hence Gregory Nazianzen ſpeaking of that
and Byzantium.
P. 280,
(a) Juſtin M. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 266.
(b) Juſtin M. Dial, cum Tryph.
(c) Vid. Not. T. Gale in Jarnblich. de Myſt. Se&t. I. cap. III. (d) Philo
de Mon Lib. I. p. $ 50. (e) Philo Allegor, Lib. II. p 61. (F) Lactant. in Pap.
Stat. Theb. Lib. III, v. 63. (*) Mart. Capella Lib. II. p. 43. (g) Plin. Nat. Hilt.
Lib. II. cap. 9;
(b) Turneb. Adv Lib. XVIII. cap. 24.
(i) Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. II. cap. XV. ( k ) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. I. v. 635. (1) Herines in Aſclep.
(m) Macrob. Saturn. Lib. I. cap. 17. (n) Virgil Æneid. Lib. XI. v. 349.
(0) Virgil Æneid. Lib. II. v. 281. (p) Plaur, Sticho A&.IV. Sc. 2. (9) Valer.
Maxim. Lib. III. cap. 8 () M.T.Cic. Orat: III. in Catilin. Tufculan Qu. Lib. III.
Philip. V. & X. Orat. pro domo, (s) Orat. pro Sulla.
II R
Δύο
282
Chap. XXI. v. 1 2
The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd.

362
Hoe (s) Aưa refice 8. Novex únics puors,
Δισας 3 Ρώμας, της όλης αικεμβρ'ως γενικοί και στις
Adgriegls, eszcīóy ma ġ véor negro, nato di esort
bo
Τόσον διαφέροντας αλλήλων, όσον
TW Mefis meandurou snít, this on bomiegesoos
In the ( 6 ) Arabian Writers this is very common. And indeed there is a great
analogy between Light and Government. We ſhall find hereafter in this very
Chapter and prove, that as the Oracles of God, whereby he ruled Iſrael upon
extraordinary occafions, were the expreſſions of his Deſigns and Counſels, lo
they are called by the name of Jüret, pãmes and partie poo's, that is Urim, Lights;
and that in the Symbolical Character the Oracles of God, by which he governs
Mankind, are repreſented by Gemms, or precious Stones of all Colours, ſhew-
ing the variety of God's Deligns and Diſpenſacions ; ſometimes chaſtiſing and
puniſhing, and ſometimes favourable and propitious; one while angry, and
another ready to be reconciled according to the colours of the Gemms.
Now the Luminary, who is the Ruler of this New Jeruſalem, is here faid to
be like a very precious Jaſper of a Cryſtal Colour, chat is ſhining bright and
white. For there are Jaſpers of ſeveral Colours, and particularly fome like
Cryſtal. So Epiphanius (c) "Ann dè xgusano dati ogóle. Pliny : (d) Similiter can
dida eft, quæ vocatur aftrios cryftallo propinquans. In Chap. 4. 3. the Preſence or
Appearance of God the Father, is compar'd to Gemms of three Colours, white,
red and green ; becauſe from the beginning of the Chriſtian Diſpenſation God
was to ſhew not only good Will and Kindneſs, but alſo Juſtice and Severity, and
allo Mercy, or a diſpoſition to Reconciliation after Sin and upon Repen-
tance. But to this New Jeruſalem he appears all clear and bright, that is all
Peace, Proſperity, Joy and Happineſs, without any Diſpoſition, in reſpect of
its Inhabitants, to Juſtice and Severity. The Colour of this precious Stone is
that of a ſerene Sky, which is it felf the Symbol of a gentle and peaceable
Government. (e) Non alia facies, ſays Seneca, eft quieti moderatique Imperii, quam
ſereni celi do nitentis. The precious Stone denotes the Greatneſs and Durable
neſs thereof. Its condition is everlaſting, as the precious Stones are thought
to be Subſtances of great Value, which never loſe their orient or luftre. So
God and Jeſus Chriſt, who is viſibly to reign therein, ſhall enlighten his Peo-
ple, or rule over them with a conſtant and unchangeable tenure of Goodneſs
and Favour. And thus we ſee, why God's Government of the New Jeruſalems
is here compar'd to a Luminary ; and in part why that Luminary is compared
to a Jaſper. But this lait will be more fully made out afterwards : as alſo, that
this Luminary is to be underſtood of God's Glory and Preſence, when we come
to conſider v. 22. 23. and that Chriſt is to govern it perſonally.
A. verf. 12. "Exxouy taxO réza xej taknade, Having a great and high Wall.] The
Wall is the ſtrength of a City; and by conſequence ſignifies the ſtability and
ſafety of the ſtate of thoſe that are therein. So in Ifaiah 26. 1. Ewthecon Síou to
TÄXG sej TepitaxO, Salvation will God appoint for Walls and Bullwarks. So in
Zechar. 2. F. For 1, faith the Lord, will be unto her a Wall of Fire round about, and
will be Glory in the midſt of her. That is, I will defend her from all Enemies
without, and rule her within with my Glory and Majeſty. According to the
notions and way of the Ancients, before the uſe of Canon, the height of the
Walls was thought to contribute to the ſtrength of the Town. See the Note
upon Chap. 20. 9. G. on the word ngautif'Ww, Beloved.
B. "Exxoney Tuaðves Sádekes, Having twelve Gate-bouſes.] This is faid with rea
ference to what follows, to ſhew us, who are to have a right to enter into this
City. So in ferem. 17; 25. Then ſhall there enter into the Gates of this City, Kings
and Princes fitting upon the Throne of David, &c. that is, the Poſterity of David
fhall ſtill poffefs this City. Iſaiah 26. 2. Open ye the Gates, that the righteous Na-
tion which keeperb the Truth may enter in ; that is, a righteous Nation ſhall enter in
and keep Poffeflion of that ſtrong City. (f) Pbilo: Ainoile Tunāves égalw diorlas, coód'
(a) Gregor. Nazianz. de Vita fua, p. 9.
(c) Epiphan. Lib. de XII. Gemm.
(ej Senec, de Clement. Lib. I. cap. VII.
(6) Vid. Herbelot, tit. Salaheddin.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. c. 9.
(f) Philo de Exul. p. 324.
สมีย

Chap. XXI. v. 12. The New Jeruſalem deſcrib’d. 983
της προς άρε]ω σύμβολου: Origen : (α) Ει δε τις βάλοίίο μή αφ' ής παρέθετο, [ο Κίλσος!
αρέσεως ασημοτήτης, αλλά αποζιβλίων, πή με Ιεδαϊκών και εν ταϊς συναγωγαίς αυτών αναγιγω-
σκομύων, άπερ χειςιανοί σe9σίεναι, αή δε χριστιανών μόνων, λαβείν αφορμας της μυσυκλέρας περί
εισόδου ψυχών εις τα θεία θεωρίας" αναγνώτω του όλα τέλη της σε Ιεζεκιήλ προφητείας, έωραμβά
το προφήτη, εν οίς διάφοροι πύλαι καθαγκγραμμώαι εισίν , αίνισόμναί τινα περί της διαφορά
εισόδs των θιοτέρων ψυχών και τα κρύτονα, αναγνώτω δε και έκ τής Ιωάννα Αποκαλύψεως τα
πιει της πόλεως τε θες δερκσαλήμ επερgνία, των θεμελίων, και των πυλών αυτής και δε θαλαι
de cupbórwy gj Flow Asampele'l tão os doérlwy one to seek valstvº (6) Old Jeruſalem
had twelve Gates, and ſo has the City in Ezekiel; the number is myftical to an-
ſwer to the twelve Tribes, of which hereafter.
C. Kui oni tois turšav ayamos deséret
, And over the twelve Gate Houſes twelve Ana
gels.] To keep and defend them. This alludes to the cuſtom of placing
Guards at the Gates of the Cities, with an Officer to command them. (c)
Homer gives us an example of this in what he ſaith of Thebes in the upper Egypt ;
which is thus explain'd in Pomponius Mela: (d) Thebe utique centum portas
, ſive us
alii volunt centum aulas habent, totidemque olim principum domos, folitafque fingulas ubi
negotium exegerat, dena armatorum millia effundere. But this laſt Article is much
increas'd beyond Homer's account. So (e) Æſchylus places a Prince at each of
the Gates of Thebes. In Babylon there was a Satrape waiting at the Gare, as (f)
Philoftratus calls that Officer. In the Temple of Jeruſalem, which was a kind of
a Citadel guarded by the Prieſts and Levites as the ſtanding Militia of it, there
was an Officer at the Gates to prevenc Diſorders, and keep out any Strangers,
or unclean Perſons, who ſhould offer to come in, contrary to the order
and
warning written on the out fides. This place alludes to that, and perhaps too
to the Cherubim, who kept the way to the Tree of Life after Adam's Fall,
which was in the firſt Paradiſe. Now this New Jeruſalem is alſo called Paradiſe;
into which no accurſed thing is to enter, as we
ſhall ſee in v. 27. and in Chap.
22. 3. As all this is ſymbolical, we cannot eaſily conjecture and comprehend,
how it will be accompliſhed ; and whether it be only defin'd here, to denote the
great care and kindnefs of Chriſt to thoſe that are in this holy City. However,
it fhews that this ſtate is ſo ſecured to the Saints, that thoſe who are condemná
to be depriv'd thereof, ſhall never be able to enter therein ; there being no Sac
crifice or Purgation which may fan&ify them, if not before this Period pre-
pared in this Life to be juſtified in God's Judgment. See Luke 16. 26.
D. Ko óvópala Cheryegurifice, ă ési tão dá dice quavor tão joão 'Iregua, And names
written thereon, which are of the twelve Tribes of the Sons of Iſrael.] The names are
written on the Gates, to fhew who has right to enter through them into the
holy City. We have ſeen, that the Holy Ghoſt, to denote the Church which
was to take Poffeſſion of the Temple after the opening of the ſixth Seal in
Chap.7.4, 15. deſcribes the Members of it as marked out of the twelve Tribes
of Iſrael, and that this ſignifies, that the Chriſtian Church is now the ſpiritual
Iſrael, as being compos’d of carnal I/raelites, who had the firſt Title to it, and
of ſuch Gentiles as are now ingrafted upon that Stock, So here theſe Gates are
aſcrib'd to the ſame, to denore that the Chriſtian Church, or Kingdom of
Chriſt in Glory now inlarged, ſhall conſiſt of the ſame fort of Subjects, or
Members, who are indeed to be taken out of the carnal as well as fpiritual
Iſrael, becaufe the carnal Iſrael or Patriarchs and their Pofterity, were allo jufti-
fied by the ſame Faith as we, and had the ſame Promiſes made to them but in-
volved in more myſtical Chara&ers than we under the Goſpel. For though the
Revelation be fo contrived for the uſe of the Chriſtian Church, that it ſeems
wholly to concern its Members, and to limit all the Promiſes and Events to them,
yet it does not diſannul the right to the divine Promiſes, which thoſe Fathers
had obtain'd of God, and in the hopes of which they liv'd and died, without
ſeeing their Effect,
But God is faithful, and if they were not to be perfe&ted without us, as S. Paul
argues, they will be perfected when we are. This Symbol is indeed taken out
of Ezekiel 48. 31. who there deſcribes the New Jeruſalem, and mentions partia
cularly which name was ſet on each of the Gates on every ſide of the City.
But the Holy Ghoſt has paft over this ſpecially, to ſhew us now, that the pri-
(a) Origen. c. Cell. Lib. VI p. 290.
(6) Villalpand. Fuller's Piſgah:
(c) Homer, Iliad., v. 381.
(d) Pompon. Mela Lib. I. cap. IX. (e) Æſchyl.
Seprem Thebani V. 288. & v. 413, &C
(f) Philoftrat. de Vit, Apollon. Lib. 1.
vilege

984 The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd.
Ch. XXI. v.13.
vilege of Names ſhall not be accounted very ſtrictly in this ſtate; but that
every Man (hall be rewarded according to his Works, provided he be a true if-
raelite, without any neceſſity to ſhew his ſpecial Pedigree and Kingſhip to any of
thoſe twelve Patriarchs according to the Fleſh. However they are nam'd in
groſs, to ſignify ſymbolically and in general, that the ſpiritual Iſraelitiſm gives
us a title to enter into this City, to injoy its Rights and Happineſs; for that
on which a Man's name is called, is his Property. And beſides, this ſhews us
that the holy City is the very ſame everlaſting Reſt, which has been promisid
to the Patriarchs and the true Iſraelites of the Molaical Diſpenſation. So thac
they and the Chriſtian Church make up between them but one ſucceſſive Body
of the People peculiar to God, and prepared in various Diſpenſations to receive
the ſame effects of che divine Promiſes at laſt. Ansbertus: Et notandum quod in
Portis nomina duodecim tribuum Iſrael ſcripta referuntur: quod nequaquam folummodo de
illo Hebraico populo di&tum fuille credendum eft, fed de omni ecclefia, que eſt Iſrael, id
eft videns deum, re&te vocatur. And this the more, becauſe this holy City has been
already ſeen by Ezekiel and the other Prophets; and by conſequence has been
promis’d, as well to the carnal Iſrael as to the ſpiritual.
For the Moſaical Diſpenſation which St. Paul calls a Pædagogue to lead them
to Chriſt, was but a Cafe, as it were, to preſerve the primitive Covenant firſt
made to Adam after the Fall, and then afterwards frequently repeated to other
Patriarchs; which Caſe God ſuperadded, becauſe of Tranſgreſſions ; that is,
becauſe it was neceſſary to preſerve the Faith of the Covenant by a Syſtem of
carnal Ceremonies, ſeeing the Iſraelites had almoſt forgotten it in Egypt, and
appeard in the Wilderneſs ſo ready to return to that Corruption, on whoſe ac-
count God has brought them out. And when that flill was not ſufficient to
keep that people holy to God ; he thought fit to impare to their Prophets ſuch
further Tokens of his great deſign to ſave Mankind by a Reſurrection, that
they, and eſpecially Iſaiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, had Viſions of the ſtate belong-
ing to the Reſurre&ion, out of which moſt of the Symbols of St. Jobs are
fetch'd with ſuch Improvements as God did not think proper to communicate
fet to them, till his Son came, and then exhibited them to his belov'd Diſciple.
This ſhews why the Names of the Tribes of Iſrael are written upon the Gates
of this holy Cicy.
Α. verf. 13. 'Απο αναβολών πυλώνες τρείς, και από βορρά πυλώνες τράς, και από τότε πυλώνες
zgris
, j airro duo uwe munāves, apsis, On the Eaft three Gate Houſes, and on the North
three Gate Houſes, and on the South three Gate Houſes, and on the Weſt three Gates
Houſes.] This is likewiſe in part taken from Ezekiel's Deſcription, with the dife
ference hinted before, that none of the Gates here are obſerv'd to be mark'd
with any ſpecial name of the Tribes; ſo that all the Tribes have a right in folidum
to all the Gates ; and beſides the order of the Points of the World is changed,
for in Ezekiel it runs thus ; North, Eaſt, South and Weft. There are two things
to be cleard here. Firſt, Why this City is ſaid to have Gates anſwering to the
four Points of
the World; And Secondly, Why theſe Points are reckon’d in
this Order. Firſt, The Gates anſwer to the four Points or Winds or Corners
of the World to denote Univerſality ; that therefore there ſhall enter therein
- Perſons from all parts of the whole World, without Exception or Privilege,
but every one according to his Works. This will be according to the ſaying of
our Saviour ; Luke 13. 28. There ſhall be weeping and gnaſhing of Teeth when je
shall ſee Abraham and Iſaac and Jacob, and all the Prophets in the Kingdom of God,
and your felves thruſt out. And they ſhall come from the Eaſt, and from the Welt;
and from the North and from the South, and Mall ſit down in the Kingdom of God.
Theſe words of our Saviour are a plain Expoſition of this place ; wherein alſo
obſerve, that the Puniſhment of the Wicked is ſet forth by way of Rejection,
or Reprobation, which being for ever, muſt therefore cauſe an everlaſting
Torment. Therefore ſeeing there are but twelve Gates to correſpond to the
twelve Tribes of Iſrael, they are equally diſtributed to each ſide, to ſhew che
equal Diſtribution of the Rewards to all ſorts of Men, that none on the ac-
count of his being of this or that Notion, ſhall be prefer'd to another; the
Covenant of Grace having taken away thoſe Diſtinctions, of peculiar Families,
or Nations. As to the Order or Diftribution of the parts of the World, ſo
that the Eaſt is firſt nained; we may obſerve, that by placing the Eaſt in the Front
the natural order is kept according to the ancient Nocions, of which I have
created in the Noces upon Chap. 4. 7. A. and Chap. 7. 2. A. Upon this ſcore
the
blog
*

Ch. XXI. v. 13.
The New Jeruſalem deſcribed, 987
the Weſt muſt be behind, furtheft or laſt. And though the North be on the left
fide, and South on the right, according to thoſe Notions ; yet the Left is here
nam'd firſt, becauſe to him that conſiders this City as from the Front or Eaſt, the
North ftands then on his right ſide, and ſo is prefer’d; and the South on his left,
and ſo is poſtponed. This appears in the Scheme.
kodbolicas,
Ric Forte
West
Son,br
so napi
ay world nie
forord aldere oost
Bosnivibrodic
es ud
wees
BARight one Way,
Left another.
2000
North
to nos
Vippysen for ។
os med be
Left one Way,
Right another
South
East
lastele
tot stron
Front.
As to Ezekiel's Order, which is thus, North, Eaſt, South, Weſt, we may ſee
by this that he follows the Order of the Points of the Compaſs round, begin-
hing at the North. The reaſon is becauſe he was ſo ſituated towards that Vis
fionary City alluding to the Old Jeruſalem. For Ezekiel being a Captive and
tranſported to the River Chebar or Chobar, which is almoſt full North of Jeruſa-
lem, was taken in the Spirit and ſet upon a very high Mountain to view the
frame of a City on the South, as he ſays expreſly in Chap. 40. 2. ſo that the Front
of the City over againſt him was the North fide, by which he begins to count,
when he comes particularly to deſcribe the City it ſelf, in Chap. 48. 30, as to
its Gates and Meaſures.
A. verſ. 14. Kai tò tamo rūs masas Xov Stuenies So'dence, And the Wall of the City
bad twelve Foundations.] The term of Foundation being generical, it may be
wondred, how the Holy Ghoſt comes to ſay, That this City has twelve Founda-
tions; for all the ground Work of the whole building makes but one Foundation,
To clear this we muſt obſerve, That there is an Alluſion to an old Cuftom, per-
haps as old as the very firft Building, that thoſe who built a City, or any other
Building, were wont to lay themſelves the firſt Stone of it; and by that impoſe
their own name upon that and the whole Building, and thus taking and retai-
ning a right to it for ever; or elſe the name of their Sons, with a Deſign, that
they ſhould poſſeſs what was built by the Father for them. So Cain did, Genef
.
4. 17. to make a Settlement for his Son; perhaps becauſe he was himſelf con-
demn’d to a perpetual Baniſhment, and would not pretend to build a City, or
Settlement co evade the divine Sentence, and increaſe his Guilt. But if we
come lower to ſeek into thoſe Ages, of which we have more ample Reco's,
we ſhall find that the laying of the Foundation, as afterwards the Dedication
was perform'd with great Solemnities
. Something of this has been already col-
lected by (a) Doughty; and, if (6) Tacitus be conſulted, it will be ſeen with what
Ceremony the firft Stone of the Capital when rebuilt, was laid for the Founda-
tion by all ſorts of Men great and little, that it might be the Foundation of all
the Roman People. See alſo the Nore on Chap. 4. 1. F. I think there is an
Allufion to this in Foh. 6. 26; when Hofhua curſed Jericho. That Curſe ſeems
conditional, that it might be rebuilt, if he that did it laid the Foundation and
ſet up the Gates, that is, dedicated the City, when it is finiſhed; the ſetting up
of the Gates being the laſt Work, would do it in his eldeſt Son, and his young-
eft Son. A Condition which one would think would deter any Man. Now
I
think this implied he ſhould ſacrifice them, and that Hiel the Bethelite did ſo,
1 Kings 16. 34. I conje&ure from this, that Sacrifices being uſual on ſuch Oc-
caſions, the Iſraelites who were then mightily corrupted, imitated therein the
Pagans, who in the Eaſt offered human Victims to make their Souls by magical
(a) J. Dought. Annal. Sacr. Exc. CXXIX, & Exc. LXIV. Part. I.
(6) Tacit. Hiftor.
Lib. Iỹ, cap. 53•
II S
Rites

986
The New Jeruſalem deſcribd.
Ch. XXI. v. 14.
Rites the tutelar Deities of the place, and the Genius or Fortune of them. (a)
John Malela gives us many inſtances thereof. But to return to our Buſineſs. As
the laying of the Foundation Thewed the Propriety, ſo I think it comes, that
the word 711N, Lord, comes from 1714, Foundation; this laſt indeed being the firſt
and moſt undoubted right of Lordſhip and Poffeffion. So the (6) savegrízor, or
the ſercing up of a Croſs, to begin the building of a Monaſtery, gave the
Patriarch of Conftantinople, or Biſhop that did it, a right over it. And thus the
right of Patronage comes from the Foundation of the Church. Now the
Foundations of the New Jeruſalem are faid to be-twelve, becauſe the twelve
Apoſtles have equally concurred to lay the Foundation thereof by their preach-
ing; and becauſe this City was built upon the Foundations of the divine Ora-
cles, which are repreſented by the twelve precious Stones, as I ſhall thew by and
by. The Foundations muft therefore correfpond to thoſe two Numbers. As
to the general ſignification of the Foundations, they are to fignify, that the ſtate
of this New Jeruſalem is to be firm and ſtable; in oppoſition to the unſtable
ftate of this preſent Life ; as St. Paul reaſons, Hebr. 11. 9, 10, The Holy
Ghoſt begins here the full Deſcription of the Wall, which before in v. 12. was
but barely mention'd.
B. Kei trávfãy sederet övórcile tão sabe dere å osóawy zi d'gvís, And on them the
twelve Names of the twelve Apoſtles of the Lamb.] Though St. Paul I Cor. 3. 11.
fays : Other Foundation can no Man lay, than that is laid, which is Jeſus Chriſt, yet
in another place, Ephef. 2. 20, he calls the Apoftles the Foundations of the
Church ; and are built upon the Foundation of the Apoſtles and Propbets, Jeſus Chrift
himſelf being the chief corner Stone. And our Saviour himſelf Ipeaking to Peter
,
Matth. 16. 18. both alluding to his Name and Profeſſion conſented to by all the
reſt, ſays: Upon this Rock I will build my Church. So that St. Paul calls his preach-
ing the Goſpel, the laying of a Foundation, Rom. 15. 20. Irenæus : (c) Non enim
per alios difpofitionem falutis noftræ cognovimus, quam per eos, per quos Evangelium per-
venit ad nos, quod quidem tunc præconiaverunt, poftea verò per dei voluntatem in
Scripturis nobis tradiderunt, fundamentum a columnam fidei noftræ futurum. So that
the Apoſtles have laid theſe Foundations by their preaching the Oracles of God,
whereof they were Stewards, in the Faith of which the Church Militant has
been built ; and thereon rais'd the New Jeruſalem to be the ſtate of the Church
Triumphant. Wherefore this ſhews, that although the Iſraelites both litteral
and ſpiritual have a right to enter into the Gates of this City, yet the whole
City is only built upon the Foundations here nam’d; and none has right there-
in, but thoſe who have been built upon the ſame Foundation, which was laid at
firſt by the twelve Apoſtles of the Lamb. For though again this New Jeruſalems
was obfcurely foreſeen by the old Prophets, yet ſeeing it is Chriſt, who has
brought Life and Immortality to light, and his Apoſtles have actually ſo preach'd
of it, that they have brought all Nations to believe in it, they are properly the
Men who have built the Church. For what the old Prophets had only in Spe-
culation, and that too very ſlenderly, the Apoſtles have put into pra&ice; and
given a clear profpea thereof, with aſſurance that they who believe as they
preached, ſhall certainly enter therein. So that as thele twelve Apoſtles have
founded the Church of Chriſt, which grows up at laſt into this New Jerufalem,
ſo this gives them a Title of being Founders; the Prerogative of Chriſt's being
the chief corner Stone being preſerv'd ; and our Saviour confirms it by promi-
fing, that in the Regeneration, when the Son of Man
hall fit on the Throne of bis Glory,
they fall fit upon twelve Thrones judging the twelve Tribes of Iſrael, Mattb. 19. 28. the
Solemnity of which Foundation they alſo celebrated by offering their own
Lives for the Confirmation and good Succeſs of their preaching. The Ana.
logy of Preaching and Foundation is ſuitable to that of the Church being com
pared to a Temple or City, and it is not only thus found in holy Writ, but alſo
Prophane Authors call the Laws the Foundation of Cities, and the religious
Rites too. So Tully: (d) Mibique ita perſuaſi, Romulum auſpiciis, Numam Sacris
conftitutis, fundamenta jeciſe noftræ civitatis. And Virgil ſpeaking of Numa ; (e)
(a) Joh. Malel. Chron. Lib. V. p. 177. Lib. VIII. p. 244. P. 255. 259. Lib. IX. p. 303. Lib.
X. p. 348. Lib. XI. p. 361.
(6) Vid. Bevereg. in Can. XVII. C. Nicen. IT,
(c) Iren. Lib. III. cap. 1. (d) M.T. Cic. de Nat. deor. Lib. III.
Lib. VI.
(e) Virgil. Æneid.
Prima

Ch. XXI. v. 15.
987
The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd.
-Primam qui legibus urbem
Fundabit.
And Seneca ſpeaking of Auguftus, but introducing him ſpeaking, ſays : (a)
Ideo legibus urbem fundavi, operibus ornavi. But obferve, that the Apoſtles are not
faid to be the Foundations, but to have their names written on them; to ſhew,
that they have laid them. The Foundations themſelves are the Gemms, that is,
as I ſhall ſhew by and by, the Oracles of God, which the Apoſtles preach'd
The Interpolator of Ignatius : (b). Kai pula si enxano in, l in semarlo o zo omóson oe arme
oseglovy & wus megtav, ev tead o'x40]e 78 Xess, oinciog ispcă ou rý Tóvos. Tichonius has here, Atom
ftolorum & Agni ; implying that the name of the Lamb was alſo upon the Foun-
dations. This is ſingular, and ſuitable to the Truth ; for Chriſt himſelf firſt
preach’d, and the Apoſtles were but his Deputies. This is no deſpicable read-
ing, if it were backed by good Copies.
A. verſ. 15. Kai é dadão pez' fui, este uéteg vel ad rioy Xpusouš, And be that talked
with me had a meaſure a golden Reed.] The uſe of a Reed is, as has been ſhewn in
the Note upon Chap. II. I. A. to take Poſſeſſion of the thing that is meaſurd
therewich, in Alluſion to the way of the Founders of Cities or other Buildings,
who meafure with a Reed, and what they meafure they make their own by build-
ing upon it ; as they who make a meaſuring Line to paſs over a Country, to
divide it, take alſo Poſſeſſion thereof at the ſame time and give Poffeffion of it to
ſuch as they meaſure it for. God himſelf has prepared this City, and the Angels
take Poffefſion of it for themſelves and the Saints that are therein; of which more
by and by. The Management of this is abſolutely the ſame as that in Ezek. 40.3.
Gold is the Symbol of the great value, and alſo Duration, Incorruptibility,
and the ſtrength of the Subject to which it is applied. Ifaiah 13. 12. I will
make a Man more precious than fine Gold ; even a Man than the golden wedge of Ophir.
See lſaiah 60. 17. and Lament. 4. 2. So Veſſels of Gold, as being precious, are
oppos’d to Vellels of Wood and Earth, in 2 Tim. 2. 20. So (c) Clemens Alexandr.
obſerves, That our Saviour to fhew his Humility, was content to ask Water of
the Samaritan Woman, who drew it in a Pitcher of Earth, onda neegzueçõr. He
conjectured this from the Poverty of the Woman who came to draw herſelf the
Water, and by comparing Job.2. 6. Mark 14. 13. and Luke 22. 10. To ſhew
that Gold may fignify Strength and Durableneſs we might add, that 753, Gold,
and 1953, a Munition or Fortreſs, have the ſame original; but that the learned
Gorffet denies, char ſignifies Gold, yet this cannot be denied, that 782 lig-
nifies to ſtrengthen, and that Riches are the frength of a Man. See Prov. 18. 11.
So pin, which ſignifies to ſtrengthen, does alſo ſignify to enrich, or to give Money,
as in Ezek. 16. 49. for ftill Riches and Power go together, and are a kin in the
way of the World. For which reaſon Gold in the ſymbolical Language may aš
weil denote Power as Riches. So yn in Iſaiah 60. 5. 11. which elſewhere de
notes Strength and Munition, is there by the LXX. turned by Fašto in v.5.
and d'uí aques in v. 11., 'Tis very proper to copy here the words of ſome old Aus
thor in Suidas ; (d) 'Ana' xj bi goivises Tès gids vilõiv aletloos enimierles Candylie,
m's to xeroi ouulons övc duasoas. Juſt as we read in Flav. Vopiſcus : (e) Templum
Solis fundavit
, do Pontifices roboravit ; decrevit etiam emolument a architettis do minia
ftris. Thus alſo Potens is rich and Impotentia is Poverty. Quintilian ; (f) Simu.
lavit Afer, qui cum in cauſa ſubinde dicentibus Celfinam dicere, cognouillet quoderat
potens fæmina; Quis eft, inquit, ifte ? Terence,
(8) Omnes quibu' res funt minu' ſecunde, magi' ſunt neſcio quo modo
Suſpiciofi: ad contumeliam omnia accipiunt magis :
Propter Juam impotentiam.
Salluſt: (b) Poſtquam divitiæ honori eſſe cæpere, & eas gloria, imperium, potentia
dabin [fequebatur.
(a) Senec. Apocoloc.
(b) Epiſt. ad Philad.
(c) Clement. Alex. Pædag.
Lib. II. cap. 3.
(d) Suid. V. 'Epuñy.
(e) Flav. Vopiſc. in Aureliano,
(f) Quin&ilian. Inft. Orat. Lib. VI. cap. 3. (g) Terent. Adelph. A&. IV. Sc. III.
(b) Salluft. B. Catilin, cap. XII.
The
986
The New Jeruſalem deſcribed.
Ch. XXI. v. 15.
The Greek Poet cited by Strabo to prove this Notion,
(α) Τα χρήματ’ ανθρώποισι πιάταλα,
Διαμίν το πλείσω και αν ανθρώποις έχει.
Hence Tertullian fays, (b) Nam præter quod omnibus notum, Orientis virtutem, id eft,
vires, auro e odoribus pollere folitam, certe eſt Créatoris, do ex divinis Scripturis virtu-
tem quoque cæterarum gentium aurum conftituere, which he has repeated in another
place. Hence the Yellow or Golden Colour upon a Ram is thus explain'd in the
Thufcan Cominentaries which Macrobius produces upon view of theſe Verſes of
Virgil,
(c) Ipſe sed in pratis aries jam ſuave rubenti
Murice, jam croceo mutabit vellera luto.
(d) Traditur autem in libro Etruſcorum, fi hoc animal inſolito colore fuerit indutum,
portendi imperatori omnium rerum felicitatem. Eft Super boc Liber Tarquitii tranſcriptus
ex offentario Thufco: ibi reperitur : Purpureo aureove colore ovis arieſve ſi afpergatur ;
Principi ordinis & generis fumma cum felicitate lărgitatem auget, genus progeniem pro-
pagat in claritate, lætioremque efficit. For indeed that Eclogue of Virgil is full of
Symbolical Expreſſions, being taken out of the Jewiſh Sibylliſts, who compo-
ſed their Poems out of the old Prophets.
Now this Golden Reed ſuits here the glorious and permanent ſtate of this Ci-
ty ; whereas in the taking poſſeſſion of the Temple in Chap. 11. 1. there is uſed
only a Reed like a Staff, a plain and brittle Inſtrument ſuitable to the later State
of the Temple, even inferior to what it was before, and being defign'd not to
laſt long, but to be involved and abrogated by this New Jeruſalem. Laſtly,
whereas there the commiſſion to enter upon the Temple was given to St. Fohn
as a Mareyr or Prophet in Sackcloch, and the repreſentative of the diſtreſſed
Worſhippers ; this is not done here, but one of the feven Angels meaſures it
himſelf. For God will make uſe of the glorious miniſtration of Angels to put
us into poffeffion of that glorious State, wherein he will ſhew his great Power,
and give us thus admittance into that City, whereof himſelf is the Builder,
Heb. 11. 10; tho’the Foundation of it was at firſt laid by the Apoſtles of the
Lamb. And therefore we ſhall not enter therein, either by the voice of the
Wights, or viſible Miniſters of Chriſt, as in the beginning of the Chriſtian
Diſpenſation; or by an Angel Steward, or firſt of the Elders, as the Primitive
Church was put into poſſeſſion of the Temple at firſt, when that Steward
mark’d them to that purpofe ; nor by the ſame means as the perſecuted Pro.
phets, as in the latter ftate of the Temple; but by the glorious and mighey
Miniſtration, and in the Sociery, of the Angels of his Preſence, who attend
upon the Word of God for that purpoſe, as in Chap. 19. 14.
Now I fancy ſuch a gradation may be found in the Pagan Hiſtory of Tireſias.
When Tirefias was alive, and loſt his Eyes, but had given him inſtead thereof the
faculty of a Second Sight ; that is, of prophetical Viſions and Divination; he had
at the ſame time a blue Staff delivered, which was a Badge thereof. Apollodorus :
(6) Χαρικλίς και δεομβρης Χποκαταστήσει πάλιν τις δράσεις, μη διαμαρω στα ποιήσαι, τας ακιας
διακριθαρας, (leg. διεκαθαρgσαν,) άπασαν ορνίθων φωνω ποιήσαι σιωιέναι" και σκήπτροι αυτοί δου-
gúrants Xaveor, ő mégwe, poiws Tois Baéreo cárler. But this uſe of the Staff, only
to ſhew the way, tho likewiſe affirmed by (f) Callimachus, is unknown to the
Tragicks, who always introduce Tireſias led by a Boy, or his Daughter Manto.
That Staff muſt therefore be of that fort, which the Magicians and Augurs
made uſe of; and which they commonly pretended was given them by ſome
God to that purpoſe, as it is ſufficiently hinted in the words cited; and further
appears from theſe of Jamblichus, (g) peldon Exxoa, Thranesómas vai ser min mense
ob Scious. And thus when Hefiod pretends that he was inſpired by the Muſes, he
ſays they gave him a Scepter of Bay :

(a ) Euripid. Phæn. v. 443. & apud Srtabon. Geogr. Lib. IX. pag. 415; (b) Tertullian
ady. Judæos cap. IX. Vid. Lib. III. cap. XIII. adv. Marcion. (c) Virgil. Eclog. IV.
(d) Macrob. Saturn. Lib. III. cap. 7. (e) Apollod. Bibl. Lib. II. cap. 6. Sect. 7.
(f) Callim, Hymn. in Paliad. v. 127. (g) Jamblich, de Myft. Se&. III. cap. XI. Vidi
Nert. Capell. Lib, I. pag. 3, 4.
(*)

Chap. XXI. v. 15.
987
The New Jeruſalem defcribed.
(*) Karl Hoe oxñarlegv isov, delpuns tes Funéos Jov,
Δρέψας, θηκτον ενέπνδυσαν δέ μοι αυδω
Ocius, vel naciolu té c'éconfuetmes teórico
And Pallas herſelf in Homer (b) makes uſe of a Rod to a& the Magical Trick of
changing Ulylles into a Beggar. And again to (c) reſtore him. And thus I
make no queſtion but that
God commanded Moſes to make uſe of his Rod, or
walking Staff
, in the working of the Miracles in Egypt in oppoſition to the Rods
of the Magicians, which they uſed in their Inchantments, Exod. 7. 12. which
therefore he calls the Rod of God in Exod. 17. 9. And thus (d) Homer deſcribes Circe
the Sorcereſs playing her Pranks with a Rod. Thus alfo Varro treating of Bran.
chus, from whom came a famous Oracle, ſays, (e) Hic cum in filvis Apollinem of-
culatus fuiſſet, comprehenfus eft ab eo, cu accepta corona virgaque vaticinari cæpit
. Hence
alſo the Lituus of the Roman Augurs, firſt introduced by Romulus, who was ſo
skilful in the Etruſcan Diſcipline, that it was faid to be Inchanted, and to have
eſcaped burning in ſuch a publick Calamity as (f) Tully and (8) Plutarch fay.
All which Rods were undoubtedly made of Wood, as their name ſignifies, un
leſs it had been ſpecified otherwiſe. However, if need were, it might be proved
directly. And thus as anciently Kings were alſo Prieſts, and pretended to be
Prophets, they had Rods or Scepters, as we ſee by that of ( 5 ) Agamemnon, pre
tended to come from Jupiter, upon which Ulyles grounds a reaſoning, that his
Decrees as well as Scepter came from the fame Hand. So Servius obſerves, (7)
Sceptrum enim ipſius (Jovis) eſt proprium. Unde nunc tenet ſceptrum Latinus, non quaſá
Rex, ſed quafi Pater patratus. See the Note on Chap. 21. 20. I.
But to return to Tireſias, when he was dead, and that an Oracle was ſet up
in his name, (k) Homer takes from thence occaſion to inform us, that Proſera
pina had given his Soul an eminent Priviledge above all others, to have ſtili
Wiſdonı; that is, knowledge of future things : and for that reaſon Ulylles in the
Necromancy was only to conſult that Soul; which alone was able to give him a
ſatisfactory Oracle. For that Soul had an Oracle, and might be perpetually evo-
cated; but not ſo the reſt, they muſt not have been long ſeparated, as Laftan-
tius obſerves, (1) Conſtat enim animas eorum qui olim defun&ti fuerunt, evocari non
poſle. And if we believe Servius, as Necromancy could not be practis'd without
Naying a Man, (m) Quæ fine hominis occciſione non fiebat. So likewiſe according
to the fame Author the
ſame Soul may not be evocated twice. For in the
place where Virgil tells the ſtory of Euripides, and the Poet there ſays, (n) Nec
portitor Orci Amplius obječtam paſſus tranfire paludem ; Servius ſays, Myfticum eft: dia
citur enim, bis eandem umbram evocari non licere. For the Devils, who are Murde-
rers from the beginning, defir'd Fleſh Slaughters, or aim'd to force the Magi-
cians to murder Children or any other innocent Perſons, to carry on their
Art. But to return to what we were ſaying concerning the Soul of Tireſias.
When therefore that appears, Homer obſerves, that it had a golden Scepter, (o)
X FÚTroy ouñulegu li gan, this Golden Scepter is therefore the badge of the power of
Divination, which Proſerpina had given him. Now Homer's Epithets being gem
nerally proper, as Strabo has long ſince obſerv'd, he muſt therefore have undera
ftood, that by the Golden Scepter Tireſias had receiv'd ſome more eminent and dua
rable power of Divination than when he was alive, and had only his plain
mantical Rod or Staff; and when Homer ſpeaks of Circe, and copiouſly deſcribes
her Gold and Silver Plate, he only menţions a long Rod uſed by her in her Ina
chantments; but a Golden Scepter ſuits the immortal State of the Soul; ſo that
undoubtedly Homer thought, that the Oracle of Tireſias would ſubfift perpetually.
Wherein though Homer was miftaken, that Oracle having ceaſed before )
Plutarch's time, yet the Poet ſpake according to his conceptions of the things.
(a ) Heſiod. Theogon. v. 30. Vid Serv, in Virgil. Eclog. VI. (b) Homer Odyff y.
v. 429. F. V. 456. (c ) Hom. Odyff, v. 172.
(a) Homer. Odyffim. V. 293, 319,
389.
(e) Varro Divin, rer. apud Lactant. Placid, in Srat Theb. Lib. VIII. V. 198.
(f) M. T. Cic. de Divin. Lib. I. (78) Plut. Vit. Rom, f. 1o. (b) Hom. Iliad.
B v. 101. &
mo (i) Serv, in Virg. Æneid. Lib. XII. col. 1755. (k) Hom.
Odyff
. x v.493. Egc. (7) La&t. Placid in Stat. Theb Lib. III. v. 140. y. fupr. Note on
Chap. 11.9 B. (m) Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI. col. 1905. Vid, eund, col, 1011.
(n) Virgil. Georgic. Lib. IV. (0) Hom. Odyff. 1. v. 91, (p) Plutarch de Def.
Oracul. pag. 293.
205. Epe.
.
IIT
So

988
The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd. Chap. XXI. v. 15.
So that Tirefas has in that State a ſuitable Symbol of Divination among the
Souls, as Homer obſerves, that Mercury had an inchanting Rod of Gold to con-
duct the (a) Souls to Hell, and perform ſome other Feats, but not to divine ;
(6) Apollo, who gave it him, having made that Exception. In this however
we may ſee the conformity of the Notions of Homer to the matter before us.
Mercury with a Golden Rod leads and places the Souls in Hell; and here an Angel
with a Golden Rod puts the Souls raiſed again to be united with their Bodies in
poffeffion of the happy State prepared by God Almighty for them. This fhews
the Decorum of the Golden Rod.
Β. "Ινα με ρήση των πόλιν και της πυλώνας αυτής, και η τάχος αυτής. Το meature the
City, and the Gate-bouſes thereof, and the Wall thereof. ] And fo we muft ftill ex-
pect to find a further account of theſe three particulars. But though the firft
uſe of a Reed be to meaſure, and take account of a Building, and the like; yet
ſeeing the meafures of this City might have been told to St. John without ſuch
an Operation by one of the ſeven Angels, we muſt imagine, that there is
a further deſign therein, as well as in the former Caſe of the Temple; and ſo,
that as che ultimate end of meaſuring is to take Poffeffion, ſo the ſymbolical
Signification of this Operation of the Angel is to ſhew us who takes Poffeffion
thereof, and for whom 'tis done : much for the ſame reaſon as to Number Men
is in order to make them, and ſhew them, to be Subjects and Tributaries. As
therefore the meaſuring is in order to take Poſſeſſion and thew who is Owner ;
ſo the meaſures and calculations ſhew the qualities of the Building meaſured.
Therefore in theſe Meaſures we ſhall find the ſtate and ſignification of the parts
of this City, in order to diſcover that of the Inhabitants, or the everlaſting
and immenſe Felicity accruing to them who dwell therein. The Compluten-
fian Edition has not xj co tégos eurñs, and the Wall thereof; but this is viſibly an
omiſſion in that ſingle Copy.
A. verf. 16. Kai ji aórıs Titedim xatod, And the City lieth four ſguare. ] The
word meteg.zwros four Square, though in ftri&tneſs of ſpeaking it is only ſaid of the
plain Figure without conſidering the Solidity, yet it is alſo ſaid of Cubick Bo-
dies, as will appear in the paſſage I ſhall cite, even out of thoſe Authors, who
were profeſſed Geometricians. And that this City is a Cube appears from the
end of this Verſe, in which it is ſaid, that the length, and the breadth, and the
height thereof, are equal. Now all Cubick Figures muſt needs appear four
ſquare in the Superficies on all ſides. This (c) Figure is the Symbol of Stabi-
lity, becauſe which way ſoever it be ſet it ſtands upon a plain Bafis as good as
any other of the ſame Body. Thus Timaus ſays, ( 2 )'Ex % TƏ TETEJVcs glov är den
Tòn xilov, degóna tov zij sa sã or rely to oõpios Pburnutus, (e) Tetesigwros eles, tad te ideeñor
TE Bij woman's 'xav, ose rij Ta's mladous d'utou Below aver Plutarch, (f ) 'O pofe JA XUFO x-
φανώς σάσεως οικοδόν όξι σωμα δια τίω Η επιπέδων ασφάλειας και βεβαιότητα, Clemens. Αlex.
Το πτράγωνον ή με πόντη βεβηκέναι όρθείς γωνίας όπιτελομώ το ασφαλές δηλόι, Hence the
Philoſophers call a Man of Courage and Reſolution to ſtand to his purpoſe
Tetedgwov, four ſquare; which is to be found in ( b ) Ariſtotle in more than one
place; which i) Andronicus has not fail'd to copy, becauſe the expreſſion is
ſo Emphatical. Hence alſo comes the reaſoning of thoſe who are cited by Phur-
nutus, that the Muſes are nine, becauſe they make thoſe Men four Square who apply thens-
felves to them, (Ε) 'Εννέα δ' εισι, δια το τετραγώνες, ως φησί της και περιπές τες προσήκοντας
ev trūs Wo Tedân. The firſt Cube number is right, to which che Unit being joyn'd
makes Nine. Hence alſo we find in Suidas, Temegzavo dosadus, efesie. Aduer-
vo. asuvės ö leo zij digilcoy te arkyles xj TETE: Ovos. xj drdo fózov Teteyp. And in a-
nother place ſpeaking of Mercury, 'AM' ġ TETEG.7wvor dutiv mošo, de tw szopóru ter
dan Sas aóws, Mart. Capella. (2) In fanis omnibus ſoliditate cubica dominus ado-
So on the other hand a Cylinder is the Symbol of an inconſtant
Man. Hierocles, (m) as yo'q e xunwegs & metanegró rös ased too açove xuxarxña m-
ελαγωγής Σπο της ορθότητος πλαμαθείς" έτως έδε ψυχή της τάξεως και όντων αγαθών υγχάνες, σε
raiur.


(a) Homer Odyff
. w. v. 3. Horat. Lib. I. Od. X.
(b) Homer Hymn. in Mercur.
v. 530, &C.VC) Vid. Vitruv, de Archit. Lib. V. Præf.
d) Timæus Locrus de
Anim. Mund. conf. Platon. Timæ pag 487. (e) Phurnut de Nat. Deor in Mercur,
(f) Platarch de Orac. Defe&. pag. 258. (g) Clem. Alex. Strom. Lib. VI. p. 279.
(b) Ariſtotel Rhetor Lib. III. Et Ethic. Nicom. Lib. I.
(i) Andron Rhod. Eth Para-
phr. Lib. I. cap. 17. (k: Phurnut, de Nat. Deor. in Mufisa (1) Mart. Capel. Lib. II.
1m) Hieroch, in Pythagor, Aur, Carm. v. 56, &c.
op de

Chap. XXI. v. 16. The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd. 989
op de abge, xj tiñs reg's feòr suisses STO TET& 32. Hence the Proverb ir Petrosius, (a)
Ubi omnia quadrata currunt. From this propriety of the number Four, being the
Baſis of the Cube, the number Four has gotten the name of Firm in thoſe Au-
thors, who have affected to give particular titles to ſome ſpecial Numbers. An
giftides Quintilian, (b) Tetesi dhe mi segedy nepremiº.
Now as St. Fobu has here ſhewn us, that the New Jeruſalem was Cubick, or
Four-ſquare; ſo Hermas in his Viſions has deſcribed the great Rock which re-
preſents Chriſt, as being ſquare ; 'and the reaſon annex'd is, that it might bear
or contain all the World; (c) Petra illa altior montibus illis erat, du quadrata it à
est pollet totum orbem ſuſtinere. And as the Philoſophers call a good and conftant
Man ſquare, teledydgov: ſo in the Viſion of the Building in the fame (d ) Au-
thor; the ſquare Stones repreſent the beſt Chriſtians, they being the moſt pro-
per to build up the City of God, as the Square Stones are the moſt proper for
Building. To which may be alſo added this obſervation of Radulphus Flavia-
cenfis ; (e) Unde do Moyſes in tabernaculi conſtructione, Sanctuario dedit quadratan
menſuram, ponens in longitudine illius cubitos decem, din latitudine decem, & totidem
in altitudine. idem & in templo Salomonis reperies obſervatum, in cujus parte interiore
ædificatum eſt oraculum, babens viginti cubitos in longitudine, & viginti in latitudine, era
totidem in altitudine. Sic & in Apocalypſi
. Fohannis civitas cæleftis in quadro paſiva effe
defcribitur : cujus longitudo da latitudo altitudo, aqualia funt. And he has the
fame notion of the quadrate Figure as the reſt. (f) Quaternarius numerus, Julia
ditatis eo perfeverantiæ figuram; tenet. Quadrum quippe in quodcunque latus verteris foi
lide ftar. "I ſhall leave it to the Learned to judge, whether the following obſer-
vation of Feſtus is not to be underſtood by what has been ſaid. The words
are,
(8) Quadrata Roma in Palatio ante templum Apollinis dicitur, uti pofita ſunt quæ fo-
Lent boni ominis gratia in urbe condenda adhiberi, quia Saxo munitus eſt initio in ſpeciem
quadratam. Ejus loci Ennius meminit, cum ait : Et quis extiterat Roma regnare qua-
dratæ. See ( 6 ) Selinus in the place cited, and (i) Plutarch. As to the word xấTO,
it fuits very well with the notion of the Cubick Figure of the City, which is
moſt fixed. See the Note upon Chap. 4.2.C.
And as it is obſervable, that the Hebrew words having a literal Signification
are uſed in the other Oriental Languages very frequently in a figurative Senſe,
ſo chis may be applied to the Hebrew words which fignify Square, yan and
vann, which come from yon. Thus, to uſe the words of the Acute ( k) Fac.
Rhenferd, apud Arabes bonus felixque ftatuss, reéta eft priſtina difpofitio, una) Riba
vocatur, dos terminatione feminina no 27, T7X37O9N3), ac denique INVI),
e nxois, à foliditate, credo & firmitate corporis quadrati, ſive perfecti cubi
, qui quo-
modocunque fitus ſit, firmus eft eb ftabilis ; by the help of this he conjectures, that
in che Palmyrene Inſcription of Heliodorus the word 2712 anſwers to the Greek
ezutheias in the ſame. It is eaſy to ſee from this why this Holy City is repreſented
Square and Cubical.
B. Kai to ušinG avtñs o say to Andros, And the length of it is as much as the breadth ]
This ſhews, that the figure of its Bafis is a perfect Square ; this being the vul-
gar way to expreſs it, even when it is a Rectangle, for in the exact Geometri
cian way a Rhomb may have its length and breadth equal without being a
Square. It is of this Figure, as the moſt regular; and that it may ſhew equal
fides and an equal number of Gate-houſes to all the ſides or corners of the
World, and thereby denote the equality of right to all ſorts of Men, and the
equality or impartiality of the Divine Favour to Men of all Nacicns. See the
Nore on V. 13. A. Others explain it chus, that the length fignifies the Durati n
thereof, and the breadth the Capacity, or Extent; co ſignify, that this City ſhall cona
tain all Men, and ſhall laſt for ever, So Grotius. Others, that the length fignifies
the Eternity thereof and the breadth the extent and meaſure of the Joys or Objects
which ſhall be poſſeſſed therein. So Tirinùs. But I think this Symmetry of
the length and breadth only denotes, that this beautiful and wiſely contrived
State is to be univerſally poffeffed by Men of all Nations.
(a) Petron. Arbit in Crna Trimalch. (b) Ariſtid. Quint. De Muf. Lib. III. p. 122.
(c) Hermæ Paftor, Lib. III Siin. IX. Sect. 2. (d) Hermæ Paftor, Lib 1. Viſ
. III. S. 63
e) Radulph. Flav. in Levit. Lib. XVIII. ſub fin. Vid. Lightfoot's Glean, on Exod. Sea. 36
U) Rad. Flaviac. in Levit. Lib. XIV. c. 3. (8) Feſt Voc. Quadrata. (b) Solin
Poly bift. cap. 2. (1) Plut, Vit. Romul.
(R) Jac. Rhenferd. Tent. Palmyr.
C.
Carroup52

990
The New Jeruſalem deſcribed. Chap. XXI. v. 16.
C. Και αμέτρηση των πόλιν το καλάμω όλη σαδίους δώδεκα χιλιάδων, And he nea (tored
the City with the reed to twelve thouſand furlongs.] Here the Complutenfian 'Edi-
tion muſt be forſaken, which adds the word sódence after gensetow. For as the
common reading is confirmed by the beſt MS, and the moſt ancient Vulgar
tranſlation and others, and if that Number, ſays Potter, had been intended, then it
Phould have been ſaid, sad denge gearedwy do sercises, or rather dutexeiras de sexe Zaididow, or
Šve TÜV Teavaesi korta genocidos; hence 'cis concluded, that we muſt ſtick to the com-
mon reading. Bue the expoſition of the place will be the moſt convincing
Proof of the true reading. Ez kiel meaſured the City not in grofs, but each
fide; which contain'd, as it is there alſo computed, eighteen thouſand mea-
fures, each of the fides containing four Thouſand and five Hundred Meaſures.
Many Interpreters have ſuſpected indeed, that the City of Ezekiel was the
ſame as St. John's New Jeruſalem ; and by conſequence, that theſe two AC-
counts, that is, the eighteen thouſand meaſures in Ezekiel, and the twelve
thouſand furlongs in St. John, howſoever different in their denominations, had
nevertheleſs the ſame Powers; but none has proved this to ſatisfy an inquiſitive
Mind as Franc. Potter. Therefore I ſhall make no ſcruple to inſert here his ac-
count by way of Abridgment, becauſe it may happen, that they who read this
may not have his Book by them.
Firſt it is to be obferved, that the Angel here does not give us the ſum of the
meaſure of either the length or the breadth, or of the compaſs only, that is
either of the ſides of this Holy City, or of the Area or Ground-plot thereof,
but of the whole City itſelf confidered in groſs with the Mount upon which it
ftands. Which is evident from this, that in the next words to thoſe before us,
this City is conſidered as having the three dimenſions, and therefore as a ſolid
or cubical Figure. And becauſe the meaſure of the whole is fum'd up at once,
it is evident that to find the true meaſure of the ſuperficies and lines of this
Cube, it muſt be done by extracting the Cube Root of the Sum; which will
then give us the length of one of the Sides, and then of the whole Circumfe-
rence to the four Sides.
Secondly it is plain, that Ezekiel gives us the meaſure of the compaſs or cira
cumference of a Square Figure. Therefore to reduce theſe two Figures to the
ſame meaſure, or denomination of Numbers, they muſt be computed in ſuch a
manner, that the Cube, whoſe content, or ſolid Meaſure, is 12000 Furlongs,
muſt be in compaſs 18000 Meaſures, as they are computed by Ezekiel ; that is,
that a line of the length of 18000 Cubits, or Meaſures of Ezekiel, going about
a ſquare Figure, ſhall likewiſe incompaſs or go about the Cube of 12000 Fur-
longs of ſolid Meaſure, as St. John exprefſes it.
(a). That this may appear, ſays Porter, ſomething muſt be ſaid of the true
length of Ezekiel's Cubits, and St. John's Furlongs. Concerning the Cubit
I uſed by Ezekiel in the deſcription of his laſt Viſion, it is evident out of the
40 Chap. and s V. and out of the 41 Chap. 8 V. and out of the 43 Chap.
6 and 13 V. that this Cubit is longer than other Cubits ordinarily uſed in the
Holy Scriptures by one Span or Hand breadth, which is the fourth part of
the uſual Cubit, as Villalpandus and other Interpreters upon this place of Eze-
kiel, not without reaſon, do affirm. But the common and uſual Cubit men-
$ tioned in the Scriptures was about two Foot and an half. And therefore in
& ſome of our Engliſh Tranſlations, the Marginal Note equallerh 2000 Cubics
sto a Mile, and ſo doth Villalpandus alſo in his Map of Hieruſalem, entituled,
* Vera Hieroſolyma veteris Imago, &c And a Mile contains 1000 Paces, every
Pace being five Foot. If therefore this Cubit of Ezekiel be bigger by one
• fourth part than other Cubits, it follows then, that 22500 true or ordinary
· Cubits are equal unto 18000 of theſe great Cubits; for as 4 are to 5, ſo are
18000 to 22500. If then 22500 Cubits, every Cubit being two Foot and an
half be the crue Compaſs of the New Jeruſalem, as by Ezekiel it is meaſured,
it muſt be granted, that if 625 Foot make one Furlong, then the compaſs of
this City, reduced to ſuch Furlongs muſt be 90 Furlongs ; which Meaſure,
how near it comes to agree with the folid Meaſure ſet down by St. Jobn, may
eaſily be demonſtrated by extracting the ſolid Root of 12000; which if I
have rightly perform'd, the compaſs of this Cubical City, by neceffary con-
(a) Potter of the Number 666. Chap. V.
ſequence

Ch. XXI. v. 16. The New Jeruſalem deſcribed.
091
5
C
6
• fequence, muſt needs be between 98 and 92 Furlongs; or more exactly 91
• Furlongs, 72 Paces, 2 Foot, 11 Inches. And although it doth not exactly
and preciſely agree with the former, yet one or ewo Furlongs are not to be re-
garded in ſo large a compaſs ; yet not therefore not to be regarded, becauſe
a difference, if it could be proved, were not to be regarded, but becauſe it
is beyond all compariſon far more probable that theſe two Meaſures do exacta
• ly agree, becauſe the Cities are both one, than that any writer can now ex:
acly ſet down the juft length both of the fewiſh Cubit, and of the Roman
Furlongs. Thus far we take now the reflexion of Mede chereupon. There
is no ſuch argument to prove the Divinity of the Apocalyps, and confe-
quently to convince an Atheiſt of the Divinity of the whole Scrip-
ture, whereto this Book gives teftimony, as the ſtrange agreement between
• Ezekiels lineal, and St. John's cubical meaſures of the City. Feräiſalem for the
- Compaſs and Area thereof; both the Numbers and Denomination of Mea-
« fures being ſo differing as they are, and thoſe of St. John beſides to be deri-
« ved from 12. How could this be but from Divine Inſpiration, when S. Foba,
as the reſt of the Apoftles, was a yesuaTO- xj idoras, and far enough from skilí
in Algebraick Subtilties."
This being ſo, we may ſee what reaſon Juſtin M. had to ſay, that the Pro-
phec Ezekiel had ſeen this New Jeruſalem enlarged as well as St. John, whoni
Tertullian follows in theſe words, (a) Hanc dio Ezechiel vidit, & Apoftolus Fohan-
nes vidit. For we may ſee by theſe Computations, how great a miſtake it has
been in learned Men, to think, that either Ezekiel or Sr. John have given us the
deſcription of the Temple and City as they ſtood, and according to the meaa
ſures of the Temple and City of Solomon's times, and the reſt of the Kings of
Fudab. For if we make a compariſon between the meaſures of the City def-
cribed by Ezekiel, and St. John, and the old Jeruſalem, we ſhall find, that the
Old is but abqut the twelfth part of the New. This will be ſeen fufficiently by
what we can now diſcover of the extent of that old Jeruſalem. It is certain,
that Nehemiah did not lay a new Foundation for the Walls, but only repair'd
thoſe which had been thrown down; and by conſequence the compaſs of Jeru-
ſalem was the ſame after the return of the Fews, till the times of the Ptolomies, and
the Walls as they were in Solomon's as to their extent. After Jeruſalem had been
freed by the Maccabees, indeed the compaſs of the City increaſed by new Buil-
dings, which were taken in with new Walls; but as we have ſome pretty good
accounts of theſe matters, it will not be very difficult, by comparing them, to
come to ſome certainty about the firſt Walls. Hecatæus had written, that the
compaſs of this Cicy was fifty Furlongs, as we learn from ( 6 ) Foſephus. In the
times of Ptolomæus Philadelphus, as we learn from ( c ) Ariſteus an Eye-Witneſs,
the whole circumference of the City was but about forty Furlongs; which a-
grees with the account of (d) Timochares, who wrote the Life of Antiochus, cited
by Eufebius; but the Surveyor of Syria, cited in the fame, ſays, that it was much
leſs; and only twenty ſeven Furlongs about, which is the more probable, be-
cauſe with all the acceſſions it had received to the times of (e) Foſephus, it was
then as he ſays but thirty three Furlongs. He knew what he wrote, whereas
Ariſteas only gueſſes, as it appears from his own Words. If therefore you take
the old wall to have been in Solomon's time, and ſoon after the return about
twenty ſeven, or twenty eight Furlongs about, and that of the New Jeruſalem
in St. John ninety one or ninety two; and then conſider what ſpace of Ground
thoſe two dimenfions may contain ; you will find, that the Ground-plot of
this New Jeruſalem is about twelve times as much as chat of the literal Jeruſalem.
And had we exact meaſures of the old Jeruſalem, we ſhould very likely find, that
the New will be exactly twelve times as great.
D. Tð vñsos rý và trátos rj to Watos ávrñs You Dzi, The length and the breadth and
the height of it are equal.] This proves plainly, that St. John conſiders this City
as a Cube ; for the height is not that of the Wall, which is much leſs, and par-
ticularly conſidered in the next Verſe. Now as it is not uſual to conſider a Ci-
ty as a Cube, ſo there was ſpecial occaſion here to do it. And therefore St.
(a) Tertullian. adv. Marcion. Lib. III. Cap XXIV. (b) Joſeph, c. Appion. Lib. I.
pag. 1049.
(c) Arifteas de LXX Interp; pag. 37. (d) Åpud Eufeb. Præp. Evang:
Lib. ix, pag. 265.
le) Joſeph. de B. Jud. Lib. VI. cap. 13.
Foba

992 The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd.
Ch. XXI. v. 17.
Fohn here conſiders, that this City is placed upon a Mount, and he takes the
height of the Mount in the deſcription of the City. Neither is this without
Myſtery; for the height of the Mount is conſidered as part of the Conſtitution
of this City. Now as the Mount fignifies the Reign and Dominion, which
this City is to have; and that this height or exaltation of it’s Dominion is equal
to the length and breadth; we are therefore given to underſtand by this, that
the Reign of the City ſhall be commenſurable to its duration and extent that
they who are therein to poſſeſs it, ſhall reign for ever, as they are taken from
all Nations, and are to reign over all things univerſally. And this the more,
becauſe of the extraordinary height of the Mount. For if we (a ) conſider
the height of it literally, as being near three and ewenty Furlongs, which
make about three Miles perpendicularly, we ſhall find, that this height equals
that of the higheſt Mountains; the Pic of Tenarif being no more, and only a
Sugar-Loaf; whereas the Mount of the New Yeruſalem is ſuppoſed to have a
Plain on the top of it ſo many Miles ſquare, whereon the City is built. So
that I dare ſay there is no ſuch high and large Mountain upon the face of the
Earth; whence we ſee why St. Fobn has called it in v. 10. vého sj vilnady, a great
and high Mountain. So that this Cubical City reſembles in this particular the
Temple of Jeruſalem which was ſo buttreſs’d up with Walls on three Sides, to
inlarge the Courts, that on the out-lide it look'd like a Cubical Mount next to
the City, to which indeed it was joyned and made almoſt level by the filling up
the Vale between, as we learn from the deſcription of Joſephus. "And I have a
fufpicion, that as the Area of the New Jeruſalem is repreſented as containing
about twelve times the Area of the Old; ſo the height of the Mount exceeds
that of the Mount of the Temple, and perhaps Mount Sion too in the ſame prog,
portion; but I ſhall not ſtay here to make the Computation.
Α. verf. 17. Και εμέτρησε το τάχος αυτής έκατον πατεράκονlα τεωείρων πηγών, And he
meaſured the Wall thereof an bundred forty four Cubits.] This proves plainly, that
St. John conſiders this City as a Cube in giving the dimenſion thereof in the
foregoing Words, and that the height there is to be referr'd to the height of the
Mount, ſeeing the Angel takes ſpecial notice, and meaſures the Wali by itſelf
in different Dimenſions, as in the Words before us. We ſaw before in v. 12.
that St. Jobn took particular notice of the greatneſs and beight of the Wall, but
tho' that
greatneſs may imply, that the Wall was proportionably thick, yet feeing
there is but one dimenfion recorded, what can we think that the Angel mea-
ſures but the height? But Potter after Villalpandus will needs have this meaſure to
reach thoſe two Dimenſions, and that therefore the breadth, as well as height
thereof, muſt be found out by extracting the Square Root of this Number : So
that the height ſhould be only twelve Cubits, and the thickneſs the ſame; and
thus the 144 Cubits muſt be underſtood to be the number of Cubits contain'd
in the Seaion of the Wall. But beſides that this is only grounded upon bare
Conjecture without any hint in the Text for ſuch an extra&ion, how could a
Wall of twelve Cubits be ſaid to be uézar zij vifundo, great and bigh? The new
Wall of Jeruſalem in the times of Foſephus, was with the Battlements but five
and twenty Cubits, the Turrets Forty, and ſome Towers Seventy and Ninety;
and as (6) Tacitus ſays, they were in ſome low places raiſed to one hundred and
twenty Foot in ſuch a manner, that to thoſe who look'd at a diſtance they ſeem-
ed to be all of an equal height. And this was ſo contriv’d, to make the low
parts as ſtrong as the higher. And yet this is not to be accounted very high,
becauſe this City was of a difficult acceſs; but the old Walls were much leſs
acceſſible. Now the Walls of Nineveh were much higher, one hundred Foot
high, and the Turrets two Hundred, as (c) Diodorus ſays. So the Walls of Ba-
bylon are ſaid to have been fifty Cubits high, and the Turrets fixty, as (2) Sirabo
fays, and (e) Diodorus out of Clitarchus. I ſee down the leaſt Meaſures; for o-
ther Authors, as Herodotus, Ctefias, and others increaſe the Meaſures mightily.
How can therefore a Wall of twelve Cubits be called high, if we compare it to
theſe? But if we take the 144 Cubits to be the height of the Wall, which is it
ſelf a myftical Number, being produced out of 12 multiplyed by itſelf, even
(a ) Vid. Iſaac Voff
. Obſerv. in Pomp. Mel. Lib, II. cap. II. (6) Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. V.
(c) Diodor, Sicul. Lib. II. pag. 65. (d) Strabon Geogr. Lib. XVI. pag. 738.
(e) Diod. Sicul, Lib. II. pag. 68,
then

Ch. XXI. v. 18. The New Jerufalem deſcrib'd. 993
then this City will exceed all others in the height of its Walls; and this will de-
note the ſecurity of the ſtate of its Inhabitants. For as in our days the excel-
lency of Fortifications conſiſts in being low but thick, to elude or ſtop the ſhot of
Canons ; fo of old the height of the ſituation of the Walls was thought to con-
tribute to the ſtrength of Cities. See to this purpoſe the reaſoning of the Inha-
bitants of Celane to the Herald of Alexander in (a) Quintus Curtius, and the Note
upon Chap. 8. 8. A. and that upon v. 19. A. of this Chapter: To which I ſhall
only add this of Seneca : (6) Hoſtem muro repellam ; præriptæ altitudinis caſtella vel
mügnos exercitus difficultate aditus morabuntur. 7oſephus has no where mention'd the
height of the old Walls of Jeruſalem ; but ſeeing the new Walls in the more open
places and bottom of the City were but five and twenty Cubits high, 'tis very
likely, that the old were not ſo high, becauſe placed upon the edges of Preci-
pices and Rocks; and perhaps they were but about twelve Cubits high; and ſo
bear the ſame proportion to the New Jeruſalem, as the old City bore to the new
in greatneſs and height.
B. Méregy div&gabor ésir dyrénis, According to the meaſure of Man, which is the
Angels.] This looks at firſt fight as an Obſervation ſo needleſs
, that one may
preſently conclude, there is ſome conſiderable Myſtery therein. Have the An-
gels occafion to buy and fell by meaſure, or build Houſes and Cities, that they
Thould have peculiar meaſures different from Mens? No fure. Petter will have
this Expreſſion to imply, that this way of meafuring is to be by ſquare meaſure,
as building Stones and Timber are commonly meaſur'd. To prove this he
cites : Kings 7. 10, 11, 12. but this may be only underſtood of the length,
with a Suppofition, that the thickneſs was proportionable. For even in the
Temple built by (c) Herod there were ſtones of forty five Cubits in length, but
the breadth and thickneſs was only of five and fix, that they might be fitted to the
Wall; and the Outworks of the Temple were alſo made of ſtones forty Cubits
in length, as (d) fofophus fays: πότρgι δε' τεσσαράκοντα πρόχεις το μέγεθος ήσαν τα δο-
pesmecellos. But this Expreſſion is very neceſſary in this place; for whereas the
Angel meaſures the City, as meaſuring is taking Poffeffion, one would be apt to
think, that the Angel only meaſur'd it for the Angels; but this Addition fhews,
that ſeeing the meaſure of the Angel is the ſame as that of Man, fo he takes
Poffeffion thereof, not only for the Angels, but alſo for Men; the City being
to be inhabited equally by both; ſo that meaſure of Man is here the ſame as in the
name and right of Man, as well as his own; for Men as well as for Angels. Nay
the Angels cake Poffeffion thereof in order to put Men into Poſſeſſion, they being
the heavenly Hoft which came with the word of God; and are to gather the
Elect from the four Quarters of the World, that they may fit with Abraham,
Iſaac and Jacob in this New Feriefalem, which is the Capital of the Kingdom of
Heaven. The Saints therefore are to be put into the adual Poffeffion of that
happy ſtate by the immediate Procuration and Miniſtry of the Angels, who are
to be their Companions. Ansbertus has partly ſeen the ſignification of this Sym-
bol; Ecclefiæ menfura quæ nunc eſt hominis, quandoque fit Angeli : quia que nunc in
perfe&tione virtutum ſolidatur, quandoque ad ingenitam angelorum dignitatem perducitur.
And a little after : Tanquam diceretur, talem in ea menfura fortem in numero ac per-
fe&tione hominem babere fecit, qualem & Angelus. Quia ergo ex hominibus e Angelis
conftat, tantaque in ea multitudo erit hominum, quanta & angelorum ; rette menſura
ejuſdem civitatis, hominis & angeli, ese perbibetur. Here is therefore an Allufion to
that practice among Men, who buy or acquire any thing for another; and
in ſo doing ſet the mark of the deſigned Owner.
A. verf. 18. Köà le ni évfóungis të Teixess adulás idoms, And the building of the Wall of
it was of Faſper.] sóun, whence comes évfól, yols, is a Bed, or layer of Brick or
Stone, the laying of which one upon another makes the building ev dóunou, or
o bunuce, as in the words of Jofephus juft cited. It is the Fabrick of the Wall,
which Tichonius calls Supellex muri. Hence it is, that when all ſuch Layers are of
an equal Thickneſs, as it happens in brick Buildings, ſuch building is called (e)
Iſodomum. The matter of this is ſaid to be Falper, which is the very fame as that
to which the Luminary of this New Jerufalem in v. 11, is compared. This ima
(a) Q. Curt. Lib. III. cap. 1,
(b) Senec. Nat. Quæft. Lib. VI. cap. 1.
cJoſeph. Archæol. XV. cap. 14.
(d) Jofeph. de B. Jud. Lib. VI. cap. 14.
(e) Vitruv. de Archit: Lib. II. cap. 8. & Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XÝXVI. cap. 22.
plies

994
The New Jeruſalem deſcribed.
Ch. XXI. v. 19.
,
plies, that the ſame God and Chriſt, who reign therein, ſhall likewiſe defend it;
The divine preſence being continually cherein, to rule and defend it againſt all
harm. Both theſe advancages are laid down.cogecher by. Ezekiel in Chap. 48.35.
in theſe words, The Name of the City from that day ſhall be, the Lord is there. For
ction. Now as the Righteouſneſs of God, his kind and peaceful Diſpoſicion,
is that by which he will govern this holy City; ſo 'tis the Holineſs of the
Saints, which is to be their conſtant and fure Defence, of which the whiteneſs
and clearneſs of the Jaſper is the Symbol. As the Falper is felf, like other
Gemms, is that of the conſtancy and perpetuicy of the Subject.
This may be illuſtrated by what has been ſaid of the Affinity between the
Notions of Happineſs and Holineſs. See the Note upon Chap. 20.6. A. Hence
alſo the reaſoning of St. Paul, Ephef.6. 14. that Righteouſneſs is a Breaft-plate,
our Defence; becauſe it averts the anger of God, and was even thought to pro-
teet others. See Genel. 18. 23. and Prov. 28. 4. in the LXX, as if Heaven can
deny the righteous nothing of what they ask. a) Philo ; Tòy évldo reszow ý o copos
όλα έθνες αξιώμαι άμιλλάται, τάχα πεφραγμG- ακαθαιρέτω θεοσεβεία fants the Juft
had the name of (b) 'scríos, that is, as (c) Hegefippus explains it, senator win;
but (d) Epiphanius trigos; the one uſing the metaphorical word, the other that
which is intended. For even the former makes the Righteoufneſs equal to mielezgi
iš næô the Defence of the People. Thus Horace: (e)
Done
Hic murus abenens efto :
de to
Nil conſcire ſibi ; nulla palleſcere culpa.
Soa Cunning Man may be called the Fortification of a Town. (f) O'Too Egune Ba.
Gurav greslev ozupwuos, ſays Hybreas in Seneca, as the words are corrected by Schottus.
Ovid :(8) Graium Murus Achilles. (b) Silius has the like. But now chis Righ-
tecuſneſs is not only given to all the Inhabitants, but he alſo, who is Rightecuſneſs
it ſelf to procure it for them, has it inherent in himſelf, as alſo acquired by his
Blood ; and the ſame is both Ruler and Defender of this City.
B, Kai ji zónes xpuoioy vec Jacono And the City was pure Gold.] That is, all the
Buildings of the Houſes and Streets are of pure Gold; which denotes the power
and duration of the happy ftate of the Inhabitants. Sce che Note upon the
golden Reed, v. 15. A. of this Chapter. The word niet wegv, pure, is in Oppo-
fition to Droſs, which ſignifies Wickedneſs, as in Iſaiah 1. 22. Ezek. 22. 18. 19.
and is the ſame as refined ; that is, cleard from Vice, Zech. 13. 9. Malach. 3. 2,
3. and therefore this pure Gold fignifies the compleat Holineſs of all the
Inhabitants of this New Feruſalem, amongſt whom nothing comes that is
accurſed or unclean, co defile its State ; of which more in v. 27. A. and Chap. 22.
3. A. The decorum of the Symbols or tenure of the Allegory, is carried on,
to ſhew us, that every thing here is ſuitable to the whole Conftitution.
C. 'Ou.orov váno na negão, Like clear Glafs.] le is only like Glaſs in clearneſs, it
does not participate of its Fragility; this ſtate being far from being like that of
the Church in the former Periods of its militant State ; in the firſt of which it
is repreſented as a Sea of Glaſs, in Chap.4: 6. to denote its Holineſs, but at the
ſame time its uncertain ftate; in the latter as a Sea of Glaſs mixt with Fire, in
Chap. 15. 2. to denote its Holineſs too, but in a mucable tempeſtuous ſtate of
Perſecution. Here the Church ſhall have Holineſs and Happinefs together; ſhe
ſhall be as bright as Glaſs, but as trong and durable as Gold. The Hebrew name
of Glaſs is 01'5191, which is found in Job 28.7. as the LXX. have eurned it,
and the learned (i) Fuller has fufficiently confirm'd the Interpretation, though
is is there ſer in Compariſon with Gold; now this is deriv'd from 12 to be clear
or clear, and as this word is thus proper to expreſs Glaſs or Cryſtal ; ſo it may alſo
very well repreſent the Purity, and Clearneſs from Guilt of the Saints rais'd
again. Turn back to the Nore upon Chap. 19. 8. B.
Α. verf. 19 Και οι θεμέλιοι τ8 τείχος της πόλεως παντί λίθω τιμίω κεκοσμημξύ o, And the
Foundations of the Wall of the City were adorned with all kind of precious ſtone.] We

(a) Philo Tud, de Humanit. p. 489.
(6) Vid S. Glaff Grammat, Lib. IV. Tra&t.
II. Obferv. XI.
(c) Apud Eufeb. Hift. Eccl. Lib. II. cap. 23. (d) Epiphan.
Panar. Heref. LXXVIII. S. 7.
(e Horat. Lib. I. Epift. I.
c) M. Senec,
Suaſor. IV.
(g) Ovid. Metamorph. Lib. XIII.
(1) Sil. Ical. Punic.
Lib. XVI.
(1) Fuller. Miſc. Sacr. Lib. IV. cap. g.
haye

Chap. XXI. v. 19.
The New Jeruſalem defcribd. 995.
have ſeen already a full Deſcription of the meaſure of the City and of its Wall.
In v.14. St. John had begun to deſcribe the Foundations of it, and has told us in
whoſe Names, by whom, and for whom they were laid as Foundations. Now
he proceeds to give us an account of the nature of the Foundations themſelves,
and of each in particular. Theſe it is ſaid here in general are all ſorts of pre-
cious Stones. Tichonius has thus tranſlated : (a) Fundamenta muri civitatis omnia
lapides pretiofi ; as if he had read ; adytes alsoe vinos, without the word xexocunugeoca
But it is the ſame thing as to the Signification ; and indeed the following words
ſeem to make the precious Stones the Foundations themſelves, and not barely to
adorn them. Theſe it is ſaid are all ſorts of Gemms; and when they come to
be nam’d, we find not only, that they are the ſame in number which were put
in the Eſſen, or Breaft-plate of Judgment of the High Prieſt, but that they are
the very fame in name, or at leaſt the ſame Stones with different names, but
which may be reconciled together, when we come to examine each. And as
we ſhall find, that theſe twelve Stones make but one Symbol, we ſhall firſt take
account of them in order, and compare them with thoſe of the High Priefts
Effen ; and then give an account of the ſignification of the Symbol, and of the
origin thereof, as we are able.
B. 'O seuiro é rgãtos, iesnis, The firſt Foundation was a Jaſper.) There are fo
many learned Men whoſe Works are extant, who have treated of theſe Gemms,
that it may ſeem leſs neceſſary for me to infiſt upon it. I ſhall however ſay
ſomething of each to endeavour to Thew, that theſe are the ſame as thoſe which
were in the High Prieſt's Eſſen. But the Names here are not put in the ſame
order as the Names are in the LXX. Exod. 28. for there they ſtand thus ; as alſo
in Ezek. 28. 13.
Σαρδιών, Τοπίζιον, ΣμαράγδPG-, "Ανθραξ, ΣάπφερG, "Ίασπις,
Αιγύριον 'Αχάτης, 'Αμέθυσό, χρυσόλιθος, Βηρύλλιον, Ονυχον
In Joſephus the Hiſtorian they are ſaid to ſtand thus in one place.
(6) Σαρδόνυξ, Τοπιζα, Σμαράγδα, "Ανθράξ, "Ίασπις ΣάπφειρG,
ΛίγυρG AμέθυσO, Αχάτης, Χρυσόλιθο, Όνυξ, ΒασύλΘ.)
But in (a) another place he not only varies as to the Order, but the Names.
So that we cannot from the Order draw any Argument to prove how they exa
plaind each of the Hebrew words ſignifying theſe Gemms.
Learned Men however take this Jasper to anſwer to the Hebrew 1917), and
think that Hebrew word fignifies a Diamond. But M. Gouſſet has prov'd, that it
is impoſſible there ſhould be a Diamond in the Eſſen, becauſe the Art of in-
graving Diamonds was not yet known in the Times of Moles, and is but a (d)
modern Invention of ſome Europeans. (e) Tavernier had ſeen but two Diamonds
ſo ingraven ; one belong'd to King Charles the Martyr, and had the Arms of
Great Britain upon it. He carried it into the Levant, and could not ſell it; ic
ſeems it came back, and M. Goullet has ſeen it, but ſuſpects it is no Diamond.
But he needed not to queſtion it ; for Tavernier was too skilful a Man in thoſe mat-
ters to be miſtaken ; and he had ſeen the other which belong'd to the French
Queen, Mary of Auſtria. As a Friend of mine, who has skill in ſuch matters,
has ſeen the firſt, I make no queſtion but it is a true Diamond though the ins
graving has dulld its luſtre. Statius indeed ſays ; (f)
Harun
od ob nossow ihan
-Infauft as percuſum Adamanta figuras.
ainst agd somst ortot. noii cupon der
But then he ſuppoſes this to be the Work of the God Vulcan. But we have alſo
another reaſon for ſaying, that no Diamond could enter into thọ Compoſition
of the Effen, fetch'd from the ſymbolical Signification thereof; and which will
be confirm'd by what we ſhall ſay at che end, when we ſhall give an account of
the Symbol.
job
Baidom.pl
(a) Tichon. Hom. IV. OHT ( 6 ) Joſeph. Archäol. Lib. III. cap. 8. boiled
(c) Joſeph. de B. Jud. Lib. VI. cap. 15. 18 (4) Vid. Lud. Demontiofii Comm. de Sculptura,
cap. de Gemmar. Sculptura.
(e) Tavernier's Perf. Trav. Lib. IV. ch. 17.
(f) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. II. v,277. I toohang)
II X
All

996
The New Jeruſalem deſcribed.
Chap. XXI. V. 19.
2
All thoſe who uſe the Diamond as a Symbol or in a metaphorical Senſe obſerve
a Property therein, which is indeed the moſt remarkable, but implies a Contra-
di&tion to the deſigns of God in conducting Men to an eternal State. They al-
ways uſe it to ſignify ſturdy and implacably hard. I ſhall give ſome Examples of
it. So Æſchylus ſpeaking of the Bonds of Prometheus : (*)
"Αδαμαντίνων δεσμών έν άρρήκτοις πιολαις
110W HB
Euripides : (b) og Tóregs to abuso rą dauptos Ecosſeo es uit
LA
REST 2010310
Hefiod : (0) "Hmov, ám o Sipartos (gov regtsej'Peva Supor:
So Horace ; (d) Si figit adamantinos, ſummis verticibus dira neceſſitas, Clavos. Thus
alſo elſewhere : (e) Quis Martem tunica te&tum adamantina The Commentator
thereupon ſays; Allufit ad viros indomabiles, quique nullo bello fuperari poſſunt: fumta
comparatione ab adamantis lapidis duritie. So Hefiod before him ſpeaking of the
Giants.
(f) Alba de Thonon glúos moreš did deytas
Thus alſo Ovid ſpeaking of the Gates of Hell, which are inexorable :
quat (g) Carceris ante fores clauſaſque adamante Jedebant.
Wherein he has followed Virgil, who ſays:
hili ni som
(b) Porta adverſa, ingens, ſolidoque adamantc lumna, en la
Vis ut nulla virûm, non ipſi excindere bello
Cælicole valeant-
Philo; (1) "0 uur doxoi unda's av u stopu iyong ng ni adugo slow' fuglu si al siyas16 valeud'uso
And elſewhere ſpeaking of the Egyptian Taskmaſters ; (k) aduce aj del usav?
& Fedésegge
But God has commanded that the Stones of the Effen ſhould be of ſo many
different colours and forts to ſhew the variety of his Deſigns, in none of which
he ſhews himſelf implacable to Man; ſo that the Diamond was not ſo proper.
It ſeems to me the more likely to be the DD', which is the laſt Stone in the
Eſſen according to the Hebrew Text; and that the Holy Ghoft has here begun
and ſet that down firſt, which was laft in the Jewiſh Oeconomy. And that thus
the Holy Ghoſt begins in ſpeaking of this New Jeruſalem, to be the Habitation
of the bleſſed Saints with a white Stone; whereas in the Jewiſh Oeconomy the
account begins with a red Stone; as indeed that Oeconomy was full of Terror,
and commanded as it were in Anger, becauſe of their Tranſgreſſions. And
indeed as the ſound of the Hebrew word comes neareſt to it, fo 'tis very likely
that ſuch a name paſs’d from the Eaſt to the Greeks with the Merchants How-
ever we may now be ſure that there was no Diamond in the Effen, becauſe that
Gemm is not named in this Catalogue, which is made plainly in Imitation of
that. (l) Lightfoot ſays, The Jaſper-ftone upon which was inſcrib'd the name
of Benjamin in the Breſt-plate, was the firſt Foundation in the New Jeruſalem,
in Memory, as it ſhould ſeem of this Benjamite, S. Paul, the chief Founder of the
Gentile Church. But as the Holy Ghoſt gives no hint to apply the Gemms to
particular names, Paul was not of the twelve, nor the firſt who preach'd to the
Gentiles.
C. Sérpuas, Sapphire.] I make no queſtion for the ſame reaſon but this is
the ſame as the Hebrew 500, a blewith and clear Stone. las adidactice
D. Xanxudar, Chalcedonie.] There is obſerv'd in the Copies of Greek Authors
a frequent exchange between the words Xuaxndwo and Kapxindlas. Hence it comes
that this Stone is ſometimes called zatand'éreos and ſometimes Kaggedornos; which laſt
Jodonta ada

( a ) Æſchyl. Prometh. Vinet. v. 6.
(b, Euripid. Cyclop. v. 592.
(c) Hefiod. Oper, Lib. I. v. 146, 14 (d) Horat. Lib. III. Od. 24. c {e) Horat. Lib. I.
26.no (f) Hefiod. Theogon. v. 161.
(g) Ovid. Metam. Lib.
IV. v. 453:
(h) Virg. Æneid. Lib. VI.
(1) Philo de Abrah. p. 235.
(k) Philo de Vit. Mof, Lib, I.
(1) Lightfoot Hor. Hebr. & Talmud, in Rom. 2. 1.
Od. 6.
is

Chap. XXI. v. 19. The New Jeruſalem deſcribed. 997
is the true Name thereof; for it was ſo called becauſe the Carthaginian Mer-
chants traded with it. Thus Pliny ſpeaking of the Rubies ; (a) Horum genera,
Indici da Garamantici, quos do Carchedonios vocavere. It is therefore the Ruby;
ävleges, and ſo (b) Epiphanius thought; whereas now a Chalcedonie is thought to
be a kind of Onyx. The Jewellers diftinguiſh now three ſorts of Rubies, that
which is ſo called is the moſt valuable ; the next fort is what chey call a Balafio,
che laſt a Garnat, or Grenat. And this may be an evidence of the frequent
change of Names as to precious Stones, that Tavernier conſtantly calls a Ruby of
the beſt fort Ruby balays, or Balaſio. This word is oriental; for the Eaſtern Na-
tions call it now (c) Badakhſchiani, or Balakhcſbiani, from Balakhſchian a Coun-
try about the head of Oxus; which word is now corrupted into Balafio. I make
no doubt that theſe are the true Chalcedonies or Carthaginian ftones. Hence alſo
Petronius : Què Carchedonios optas ignes lapideos, Niſi ut ſcintillent?
E. Ecágydos, An Emerald.] This is very well known, being of a fine and
pleaſant green colour. M. Gouſſet obſerves, that this word agrees in found to the
Hebrew mpya, which the LXX. have turn'd by oudeky dos, if we may ſtand to the
order obſerv'd in the Copies. For the B. and M. are frequently interchang'd, as
(d) Bochart obſerv'd in this very word, which the Arabians ſometimes pronounce
Zabargad, and ſometimes Zamargad; though (e) Abr. Ecchellenfis will have it
pronounc'd Zmorrod.
A. v. 20. EXPJÁNĘ, A Sardonyx.] It is the ſame as 'Ovíxlov. In the Hebrew
Text according to the order it is 1700', which word comes nearer the Heſper ;
but there is a Jaſper calld 7 aſponys, or an Onyx which comes near the Falper, as
Pliny ſays: (f) En da onychi punéta, que Jaſponyx vocatur. This Sardonyx is alſo
called by Epiphanius Moroza's Pliny makes the Onyx quite different, and only a
kin in Name; but there are ſo many different kinds of Gemms only diſtinguiſh'd
by ſome very ſlender difference in Colour, Brightneſs, Spots and Shades, and
the Authors who have written of them, finding them miſcallid, have given us
ſuch different Deſcriptions, that one knows not how to underſtand them.
Beſides, our Jewellers have now very little skill but in Diamonds, Rubies
and Emeralds, which are now only in requeſt in theſe parts, that they know
nothing of thoſe Gemms which are deſcribd by the Ancients. So that about
ſome of thoſe one can only give Conje&ures, how they are now called; and
that is enough to our purpoſe, becauſe they are not fingly ſymbolical, but alcoa
gether, as they were us’d in the Ellen.
B. sapoleos, A Sardius.] Some call it a Sardine, and others ſay it is a Cornelian.
So (g) Schroder. In the Hebrew Text 78 anſwers to it, and we have feen,
that Joſephus is ſo little exact, that he calls it a Sardonyx in one place, which he
had called Sardius in the other. (6) Bochart thinks it might be a ſort of red Agate.
Epiphanius ſays it is tranſparent.
Ć. Xpuoó'nešos, A Chryſolitbe.] The Hebrew word correſponding to this is wunn,
which our Tranſlation calls a Beryl. Schroder ſays, it is what we call now the
Indian Topaze, which is a ſtone of an yellow colour very beautiful. But B. Porta
makes the Chryſolitbe to be a brighter ſtone than the Topaze, and the L. Bacon
after him.
ago
D. Bńsurros, A Beryl] The Hebrew word anſwering to this is ou, but the
LXX. in Genef. 2. 12. turn it by : aidos o apglowos, and in 1 Chron. 29. 2. they re-
tain the Hebrew word oodle, and indeed the Beryl is a ſort of Emerald. See (i)
Pliny, who ſays the beft are of a clear Sea colour.
E. Torelios, A Topaze.] Which according to the Ancients was a greeniſh fione
inclining to yellow ; ſee (k) Pliny. In the Hebrew is ſeems to be 100 which
is the ſame as the Greek by the Tranſpoſition of a Letter with
another, and turn-
ing the z into a, which is familiar in the Greek Tongue. I ſaid before, that our
Jewellers have given the name of Topaze to the Chryſolithe of the Ancients.
Tis very likely they do not now underſtand what the true Topaze was ; for it
was a very ſcarce ſtone. So ſays Hilary: (1) Præftat autem ut cæteris metallis au-
Sie bereid
TO 1000 913
(a) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 7.
(6) Epiphan. Lib. de XII. Gemm.
(c) Herbelot, tit. Badafchſchian.
(d) Bochart. Phaleg. Lib. II. cap. 17.).
(e) Not. in Habdarrabman. de Propr. Medic. Animal. &c. p. 175. HiH 3V( f) Pin.
Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. cap.9.
(8) Schroder. Pharm. Lib. III. cap. v. (9)
(h) Bochart. Can. Lib. I. cap. 34.
Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 5.
(k) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 8.19 (1) Hilar, Pi&ay, in Pſal. CXVII. Ain.
•980.

998
Chap. XXI. v. 20.
The New Jeruſalem defcrib'd.
rum, ita mo aliis lapidibus Topazius. Eft enim ipſe rariſſimus & Speciofiffimus omnium con
maximus. InThebaidis vero loco, cui Alabaſtra nomen eft, reperiri folet... Continet autem
iple ſolus cæterarum gemmarum optimarum pretiofifſimarumque' ſpeciem, o in uno illo
diverfifſimorum colorum
permixtio continetur. By this may be underſtood what Pliny
fays : (a) Egregia etiamnum topazio gloria eft, fuo virenti genere, & cum reperta elt,
prælatæ omnibus. By this, and what Pliny ſays further, may be ſuficiently per-
ceiv'd, that what the Jewellers call now Topaze is not what thoſe Ancients called
ſo; and therefore we know not what it is. (b) Pineda indeed ſays, That he has
ſeen one in the Hands of a curious Man : and it may be there are more to be
ſeen. But as it is rare, it has no name now; or elſe is confounded with ſome
other Gemms, and exactly known by few.
F. Aguoówegioos, A Chryſopraſus.] It is a Gemm near a kin to the Beryle, as
Pliny ſays; (c) Vicinum genus huic eft pallidius, & à quibufdam proprii generis ex-
iftimatar, vocaturque Chryſopraſus
. He puts it among the green and tranſparent
Gemms. This is ſaid to be what the Italian and French Jewellers call Sea Water,
Eaumarine. Perhaps after all, this Chryſopraſus may be the ſame as the Agate,
'Agdths, which had a place in the Eſen according to the LXX. and ſtood for the
Hebrew 100• I think that word being deriv'd from now, which is to lead Captive,
we may very well underſtand that ſeeing the word au is affectedly us’d of Men,
it fignifies to bind, for Men are the only Captives which an Enemy takes care to
bind when he takes them, and then the word 120 fignifying a thing bound or
Atriped, as Agates are, will be exa&ly the ſame as dizálns, which (d) Bochart de
rives from 7py, to bind; obſerving at the ſame time that 7py, bound, properly
fignifies ſtriped and ring ſtreak’d, in Genef. 30. becauſe ſuch ſtripes look like Bonds.
From theſe ſtripes he has derived the name of Agates ; though in Pliny's time
Agates were not much valued, I ſuppoſe by reaſon of chéir Plenty ; yet in for-
mer times they were much eſteem'd, becauſe the oriental Nations did eſteem
them of great Efficacy ; from which it comes, that the Arabians ſtill call it the
bleſſed Stone, (e) as Abraham Ecchellenſis obſerves. And this will hold by the ſame
Argument as St. Ferome uſes in the like Caſe; of which in the next Note.
G. 'TerurJG, Ăn Hyacintb.] It is not difficult to know what an Hyacinth is,
becauſe the Jewellers know it, and give it that name; but how to reconcile this
name with that of the Ligurium, or Lyncurium in the Eſſen, which in the Hebrew
is our. In order to this I ſhall begin with the words of St. Jerom, who has
ſeen this difficulty: (f) In primo ordine Särdius, Topazius, Smaragdus. In fecundo
Carbunculus, Sapphirus, Faſpis. In tertio Lyncurius, Achates, Amethyſtus. in quarto
Chryſolithus, Onychinus, Beryllus. Satiſque miror cúr Hyacinthus pretiofifſimus lapis,
horum numero non ponatur : nifi forte ipfe eft alio nomine Lyncurius. Scrutans eos, qui
de lapidum atque gemmarum ſcripſere naturis
, Lyncurium invenire non potui. Hos lapides
in diademate principis Tyri, w in Apocalypfi Johannis legimus, de quibus extruitur co-
leftis Hieruſalem, & fub borum nominibus & ſpecie virtutum vel ordo, vel diverſitas in-
dicatur. Epiphanius has exactly the ſame reaſoning, Pliny will needs have the
Lyncurium to be the ſame as Amber, Electrum. But (g) D. Plot will rather have
it to be a ſort of Belemnites, ſo called, becaufe it has an unpleaſant ſmell when
burnt or bray'd, like the urine of Caſtors, ramiſh Creatures
. However, its of
the colour of Amber, and ſomewhat tranſparent, as thoſe found in Oxfordſhire,
Now I can never believe, that God would appoint for the Effen a Gemm ſo brit-
tle as Amber is, and which indeed is no Gemm, or precious Stone, but a Gemm
hardned. It is more likely, that the Ligurium is the ſame as the Hyacinth. Schrom
der's deſcription of the Hyacinth will eaſily ſhew us, that it agrees with the De-
ſcription of the Ligurium, ſo that this might by Pliny be eaſily taken for
Amber; for Pliny knew not the Stone by that name, but takes all he has about
it from other Authors. Schroder's words are theſe : (b) Hyacinthus eft gemma pelo
lucida, ex flavedine rubens, igniſque flammas imitans.com Quoad colorem, referunt
alii colorem minii nativi, aut fanguinis admodum bilioſi ; & bi ſunt præftantiſſimi : alii
rubedine Croci flaveſcunt ; alii exaéte oftendunt fuccini colorem, da bi viliores: alii albi
pellucidi ſuccini colorem referunt, & hi omnium viliffimi habentur. Thus alſo on the
other hand Pliny ſays, ſpeaking of the Hyacintb: (i) Tamet ſe jam expertes gemmarum
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII, cap. 8.
(6) Pineda in Job cap. 28. v. 19.
(c) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII,
cap. 5.
(d) Bochart. Can, Lib. I. cap. 29.
(e) Not. in Habdarrahman, p. 173.
(f) Hieronym, ad Fabiolam.
(g) Plot's Nat. Hift. of Oxfordíh. Vid. Schroder. Pharm. Lib. III. cap VIII. Se&. II.
(b) Schroder. Pharmac, Lib. III. cap. 5.
(i) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII.cap. 9:
ulic

Ch. XXI. v. 20.
The twelve Geims.
999
wy,
ufue appellantur aliqui el Chryſelečtri in colorem ele&tri declinantes, matutino afpeétu jua
cundiores ; which ſhews how eaſily they might miſtake. As for the Belemnites,
it cannot be accounted a precious Stone, neither would God Irave put ſuch a
flinking thing in the Eſſen, to defile the Perfumes of the Sanduary and Holy
Garments, when there are ſo many other Gemms more valuable and beautiful.
As to the Hebrew word w, the Rabbies underſtand thereby a Turky-Stone;
which is thought by fome to be the Hyacinth of the ancients; that word is
turn'd in the Targum Onkelos 923p, and in that of Fonathan ben Uziel 1930.ap,
which ſome learned Men ſuppoſe to be the ſame word as (a ) Cenchrites in Plie
but I rather think, that it ſhould be corrected in both places by putting a
sy inſtead of the P; and then 99937, and 71297032 will be the ſame as Aiguecov, or
As y néckov, as it is called in Epiphanius, which Pliny confirms by obſerving that
ſome called it (b) Langurium. So that theſe Targums have cherein followed the
LXX. And whereas the Ligurium was a Gemm unknown by that name in St.
John's time, the Holy Ghoſt hath given us that name by which it could not be
miſtaken, and called it an Hyacinth. The Ligurium was ſo called, becauſe it
was found in Liguria, as (c) Pliny ſays out of Theophraſtus, which is alſo affirmed
by ( 2 ) Strabo; but as they ſay it was dug out, it is manifeft it could not be the
Electrum, or Amber. Whereas the Hyacinth is a Gemm found in the Ground,
and might be fetch'd at firſt by the Phænician Merchants from Liguria ; for whe-
ther it grew there or not, it might come thither from the more inland Countries
of Sileſia and Bohemia, in which Schroder ſays Hyacinths are now found. Which
is the very ſame reaſoning as that by which Solinus confutes the opinion of thoſe
who thought the Amber was produced about the River. Pos (e) Hanc Speciem
in Illyricum barbari intulerunt: quæ cum per Pannonica commercia ufu ad Tranſpadanos
homines foret delata, quod ibi primum noſtri eam viderant, ibi etiam natam putaverunt.
So that 'tis moſt likely, that the W7 is an Hyacinth. But what relation this
word may have to the City Leſhem, in Fof. 19.47. muſt be left for further in-
quiry. Precious Stones have often their Names, as well as any ſort of Mer-
chandizes, from the places where they are found, or from whence they are
brought, as the Chalcedonie, and Topaze, if we may believe the ancients.
H. 'Améguisos, An Amethift.] The Hebrew word anſwering to this is Tions,
from by to Dream, becauſe this Gemm was thought by the Superftitious to
drive away ill Dreams and Spectres. It is a Gemm well known by that name
fill. Now whereas it is ſaid, that theſe Foundation-Stones had the names of
the twelve Apoſtles of the Lamb written upon them; ſome have applied accor-
dingly their Names to each of them, and thus ventured upon ſome applications
of reſemblance ; but none of theſe ways are any thing authorized by the Text.
For as the twelve Apoſtles were but one College, or aggregate Body, having
each a power in Solidum ; fo chefe twelve Gemms make but one Symbol among
them all. We may not therefore do here as the Targum of Fonathan has done
in Exod. 28. as to the names of the twelve Patriarchs upon the Gemms of the
Ellen. I ſhall therefore leave that, and proceed according to promiſe upon the
conſideration of the Symbol, as theſe twelve Gemms fignify the Oracles of
God upon which the New Ferufalem is founded.
I. The måtter upon which I am going to enter, muſt be own'd to contain
ſome difficulty; and if we may believe the learned M. Gouſſet, it is not yet ex-
plain'd; for he ſays, (f) Quid ſignificaverint Urim & Thummim anxie quæritur,
ſucceſſu tamen nullo. If I may give my opinion upon the reaſons of that ill fuc-
ceſs in this place, it ariſes merely from the neglect of Criticks and Divines to
get a thorough knowledge of the ſymbolical Learning, and of the Principles
upon which 'cis grounded, as alſo of the various branches of Learning about
which it was employed. The notion which I have acquired of it from theſe
Principles, ſeems to me ſo clear, that I have ſome hopes it will appear as clear
and convincing to the learned World. This is a freſh evidence to me of the
truth of my Principles, ſince they are able to carry me through this whole Pro-
phefy, and alſo to give me light for all the other parts of Holy Writ to which
this Prophefy any way alludes. And I think my ſelf well grounded in explain-
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 2. b) Plin. Nat. Hiſtor. Lib, XXXVII. cap. 11.
C) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 2. (d) Strabon Geogr. Lib. IV. pag. 202.
le) Solin. Polyhiſt
. cap. XXIII. (f) Guflet Comment. Ling Heb, V. non
II Y
ing

1000
Ch. XXI. v. 20.
The twelve Gemms.
ing the Urim and Thummim, of which God ſpeaks to Moſes, as a thing undera
ftood by him, by endeavouring to acquire lome knowledge of the Notions
wherein Mofes was before inſtructed, which were ſuch as he had received from
the ſymbolical Learning of the Egyptians.
For the clearing the matter before us, I think it will be ſufficient to perform
theſe three particulars. Firſt, to fhew in general, that theſe Gemms being
the ſame as thoſe, which were put in the Ellen of the High Prieſt in the Leviti
cal Service, are che Symbol of the Divine Oracles. Secondly, to ſhew the ori-
gin and uſe of Gemms about Oracles. Thirdly, to ſhew the ſignification and
origin of the names of Urim and Thummim; and how thoſe words are applicable
both to the Gemms and the Oracles of God. In the firſt, the matter ſhall be
explain d in fact, and ſhewn by precedent and fimilitude; in the ſecond, I ſhall
endeavour to demonſtrate the expoſition a priori, by giving the reaſons why it is
fo; and by the laft it ſhall be ſhewn, how the names are fitly applied to the
things. In the doing of this it muſt be obſerv'd, that I am only to proceed to
far therein as the expoſition of the Text before us requires, and that therefore
there is no obligation upon me at this preſent time to launch out further
than the expoſition of the Symbol requires, becauſe it muſt be remembred,
that I am writing Notes, and not full diſcourſes upon every Subje& of impor-
tance. So that i ſhall ftudy to be as ſhort as the matter can well bear; being
alſo unwilling to repeat here what has been ſaid by others, who have written
copiouſly on this Subje&. 1. To begin then, it is certain, that the Ellen, dozãoy,
or aézov, the Breaft-plate of Judgment, was compoſed of twelve Gemms, which
had engraven on them the Names of the twelve Heads of the Tribes of Iſrael.
And that this Breaſt-plate was to contain the Urim and Thummim; that it was to
be inftrumental in performing that which was ſignified by the Urim and Thum
mim. The great queſtion here is to know, whether the Breaſt plate ſo compo-
ſed of the twelve Gemms was itſelf the Urim and Thummim, or whether the
Urim and Thummim was ſomething different from the Gemms in the Breaft-
plate; ſo that the Gemms were merely ornamental. (a) 7oſephus is clearly for
the firſt Opinion; and as his afirmation ought to be of ſome weight in this
matter, ſo he grounds it upon ſome matters of fact, wherein he could not well
be deceived. But our learned 7. Spencer is for the latter ; and ſuppoſes, that
the Urim and Thummim were two little Images, which by the miniſtration of
an Angel ſpake upon occaſion; and ſo, that the Elen was only a Caſe to keep
them. As it is not my preſent buſineſs to enter into a diſpute againſt him,
which would require a long Treatife, ſo I ſhall only declare, that I ſtand for
that of Foſephus; and whatever I ſhall ſay will tend to demonſtrate and explain
it ; that learned Few having left us ſhort in this, with a promife to perform it
in another Book, which is not come to our Hands, or he never finiſhed. Thus
whereas it is ſaid in Exod. 28. 30. Thou ſhalt put in the Breaft-plate of judgment the
Urim and the Thummim, I underſtand this expreſſion ſo, that the Urim and Thuma
mim is a name given to the Gemms ſo placed in the Breaſt-plate from the uſe to
which they were put; and thus the Gemms themſelves were the Urim and Thuma
mim, which gave out the Oracles upon occaſion, when the Iſraelites had need
to confult God. And therefore the Oracles, or aód, containing the Will and
Revelation of God upon emergent occaſions, iſſued out of this Elen, or the
Gemms. And therefore becauſe the Will or Oracles of God were diſcovered to
the Iſraelites by means of this Breaſt-plate, it was itſelf called the Oracle abov.
Now the word Oracle is a very general Term, by which in Holy Writ is not
only underſtood the extraordinary revelation of God's Will, Myſteries, Promi-
ſes, Predictions, and Threatnings; but alſo Judgments and Deciſions in doubt
ful matters; when the People, or Heads thereof, reſorted to him for a Deci-
fion; and by conſequence, as even the written Law was once a Myſtery, a de-
claration of God's Will, containing a collection of judicial Deciſions, Predi-
&ions, Promiſes, and Threatnings, which emanated from God as Oracles; the
written Law itſelf was alſo called the Oracles of God. And therefore, tho Mo-
ſes never uſed theſe Urim and Thummim, God ſpeaking otherwiſe to him, Face
to Face, from between the Cherubim, yet St. Stephen, Acts 9.38. ſays, that he
received the lively Oracles of God to give unto us; and St. Paul, Rom. 3. 2.
naming the privileges of the Jews above the Gentiles, mentions this in the firft
(*) Fl. Joſeph, Arch. Jud. Lib. III. cap. 9
place,

Ch. XXI. v. 20.
1001
The twelve Gemms.
place, becauſe that unto them were committed the Oracles of God, which indeed im-
plies all the Law and promiſes of God. For in ſhort, as God is King of all the
World, and was ſo peculiarly of the Jews, an Oracle is the Order, Command,
Anſwer, or deciſion in judgment of any King, either with or without the re-
queft of his Subjects. See the Note upon Chap, 10. 3. B. So that Laws them.
ſelves are Oracles..
Wherefore ſeeing viſible Symbols are uſed to repreſent the notions of the
Mind, by the way of Metaphors, Metonymies, and Synecdoches, theſe twelve
Gemms being the ſame as thoſe which were put into the Elen, or inſtrument
of the Divine Oracles upon the High Prieſt, and being here ſaid to be the Found-
ations of the New Jeruſalem, do accordingly by a Meronymie of the adjunct,
or rather inftrument, fignify, that this New Feruſalem, and what is contained,
or meant by it, the happy, ſtate of the Saints in the Reſurrection, is founded
upon the Oracles and promiſes of God. And thefe Gemms are therefore faid be
fore to have the names of the twelve Apoſtles of the Lamb written on them, in
alluſion to the names of the twelve Patriarchs of the Tribes of Iſrael, which
were written on the precious Stones in the Ellen of the High Prieft, becauſe the
Oracles or Promiſes of God, according to which the City is built, were com
mitted to the Preaching of the twelve Apoſtles of the Lamb. For their Preacha
ing and Do&rine are really the Oracles of God, and have that name exprefly.
Heb. 5. 12. Ye bave need that one teach you again, which be the firſt principles of the o
racles of God, sfs asyiwy . For though ſome few Copies have there aogan
inſtead of acrío, yet moſt of them have aoziwn, and St. Chryſaftome in the Text
and Comment. But if this be doubtful, the words of St. Peter
, 1 Ep 4. 10. Ir.
are not ſo; As every Man has received the gift, even ſo miniſter the same one të
another as good ftewards of the manifold grace of God. If any Man Speak, let him
Speak'ae the Oracles of God. Where he compares the Spiritual Gifts of the Chrift-
ians, as being the Oracles of God. But tho’the Doctrine of the Apoſtles were
not exprelly called Oracles, yet it is evident, that it was ſo, and deferved as well
the name as the Law of Moſes, or the anſwer of the High Prieſt, or the preach-
ing of the Prophets ; inaſmuch as the Chriſtian Covenant is more excellent than
that was, being grounded upon better Promiſes; and diſcovering God's Myfte-
ry or Deſigns concerning things more excellent by far than thoſe which were
couched in the Letter of the Mofaical Law,
bo
What has been ſaid máy ſhew fufficiently, that it was proper enough to re-
preſent the Oracles of God in the Chriſtian Oeconomy by the Gemms of the
Ellen in the Levitical Service ; but we have alſo poſitive proof, that Gemms in
general are the Symbols of the Divine Oracles, and alſo of the Human Ora.
cles, or Laws and Government in the Political World. The Indian Interpreter
in Chap. 247, fays thus, 'Or desguežtai, tj ó ai goe oops mouéco, os Teiss aózes, Geógumov,
Descopiar os Hi To Foru Secupívortal. He ſpeaks cautiouſly, and ſays for the
moſt part, as Olh Tò moru, that they are underftood of the Divine Oracles, or Laws;
becauſe with ſome other circumſtances they may be applied to the Human
Laws or Government, which are alſo Oracles in their kind, as I have ſhewn;
but if they are mention's indefinitely, then to be underſtood of the Divine
becauſe theſe are the true Oracles in the moſt excellent manner, and from which
the Human Oracles even receive their force, Human Government being ablo-
lutely derived, and ought to be conformable to the Divine. Therefore he ſays
a little after, 'Εαν ίδια της όπ δρεν, ή έλαβε παρά τινος μαργαρίτας, ή λίθες και τιμίων. θείων
εφαρί λαμπρότητα δογμάτων, αναλόγως σε μεγέθες και της λαμπες της. And that it may
alſo ſignify giving Laws to others, is affirmed by all the Oriental Onirocriticks
in Chap. 258, 'Εαν ήδη τις όπ εφάρει μανιάκι απο λίθων και μαργαριτών, άρήσει αξίωμα υπο-
pézor os doingon alacs, rj vendo's dooxnon autor, and indeed the whole Chaprer is to the
ſame purpoſe, that Gemims are the Symbols of Government, and by conſequence
of giving Laws, or Oracles to others. But this is enough to ſhew in fact, that
the Symbol of the Gemms is here to be explain'd of the Oracles of God, and
Doctrine of the Goſpel, which the Apoſtles of Chriſt have preached ; and
would be ſufficient to give us a right underftanding of the Prophely, were it
not that this being a remarkable Symbol drawn from natural Subſtances, whoſe
relation, fimilitude, or affinity to the Divine Oracles, or things fignified, is not
very obvious to us at prefent, it may be expected from me, according to my
method in ſuch caſes, that I ſhould give a demonftration of it à priori, by ens
quiring how it comes, that Gemms ſhould be uſed to that purpoſe in the Pro
phetical, or Symbolical Language.
a To


1002
The twelve Geums.
Ch. XXI. v. 20.
2. To ſhew therefore the origin and uſe of Gemms about Oracles, in order
to prove, that the Gemms are proper Symbols to repreſent viſibly the Divine
Oracles, I ſhall ſuppoſe in the firſt place, that Moſes being brought up in the
Learning of che Egyptians, when God ordered him to make the Ellen to be the
Trim and Thummim for the High Prieſt to ſerve him in judgment and
govern,
ing of the Iſraelites, Moſes I ſay, underſtood the meaning and uſe of the thing
from what he had learnt and faw pra&iſed before in Egypt. If this be denied
me, it will be eaſy to prove it from the manner of the Inſtitution, and the little
care taken to explain it, which would have been neceſſary if the thing had been
abſolutely new; becauſe it was indeed underſtood before in general, and God
only modelled the Inſtrument and uſe of the Oracle for Iſrael in particular. Be
fides the matter has already been proved, and ſo there is no great need for me
to do it in this place. Secondly, that before the times of Moſes, the Egyptians
were addicted to Idolatry and all the waifous kinds of Divination; wherein they
affected to ſtick to the old Cuftoms, and were very far from receiving the no-
tions and practices of other people, whom they deſpiſed as ignorant and bar-
barous, as we may collea from ( a ) Herodotus and (6) Famblichus ; whereas in-
deed other Nations rather received ſuch pra&tiſes from them, as it is confeffed,
and cvidently appears by comparing their Rites, and enquiring into the origin
of the Grecian Oracles and Myſteries. So that we may ſuppoſe, that what we
find ſettled afterwards was fo of old, if at the ſame time what is inſtituted in the
Molaical Religion bears ſo plain marks of likeneſs and affinity to the Egyptian,
that we may plainly collect from the compariſon, that they were inſtituted in
che Mofaical Religion with a view to the Egyptian Norions, to which Mofes and
the Ifraelites could be no ftrangers. It being very unlikely, that the Egyptians
would take them from the Iſraelites. Upon this view I ſhall lay down the fol-
lowing Propoficions, or Obſervations.
91. By what we can learn of the face of the Egyptians, the way of their Go-
vernment was ſuch, and their Superſtitions were ſo woven in with their con-
titution, that their Kings and Prieſts, of which order the (c) Kings alſo were,
pretended to govern Men as being Perſons delegated and affifted by the Gods to
that purpoſe; ſo that in the adminiſtration of Government and Juſtice they
pretended to guide the People as if they had Divine Oracles for that purpoſe,
And indeed they were ſo Superſtitious, that they hardly did any conſiderable
thing without conſulting Oracles and Diviners; and therefore much leſs could
the (d) Kings and Priefts perform any of the duties of Government, but as
they could perſuade themſelves and the People, that they did ſo 'with the con-
currence of the Deity. The height of their (e) Wiſdom muft therefore conſiſt
in divining and other magical Operations ; and they muſt be only thought fit
to govern, who had skill that way. Then as the Laws, which are the rules
of Government, have need to be confirm'd by the good opinion of Men, fo
they made them to be all of Divine Inſtitution and Religious concern; as indeed
it has hapned with all the ancient Law-givers in the Pagan State, that they
have pretended to receive them from the Gods, or at leaſt to have them appro-
ved by Oracles afterwards.
2. In the matter of Divinations by any of the ways practis'd by the Magicians
upon any occaſion, even in that which was perform’d by (f) Theurgy, they
owned, that there might be Deluſion, which they attributed to fome evil Spi-
rits, or Dæmons, when the due Ceremonies had not been obſerv'd ; bue that
the skilful among them, and ſuch as were duly qualified by Purifications, had
means, by which they pretended to hinder any Deluſion in this way, and were
at laſt filled with the Fire of Truth, andger Sto pro mues's maneswūru täis á an felds,
that is, have righe inſpiration for true Propheſies, have true Urim and Thummim;
for indeed thoſe two Hebrew words by an Hendyadis, expreſs the Greek rüs tus dan
Scics, as ſhall be ſhewn towards the end of this very Note. But as there was
no occaſion upon every ſlender cauſe to raiſe the Devil, and procure an extraor-
dinary Inſpiration, they had more ordinary courſes, and means ſuitable to their
ſuppoſed need.


(a ) Herodot. Lib. II. cap. 91. (6) Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. VII. cap. 5.
(c) Plutarch. de Iſid. pag. 392, 393. Plato in Politico. (d) Diodor. Sic. Lib. I. pag. 46.
(e) Vid. Plin. Nat. Hid. Lib. XXX. cap. 1. (f) Jamblich, de Myft. Se&. III, cap. 31.
3. There-

Chap. XXI. v. 20. The twelve Gemms.
1003
3. Therefore, as they believed it was poſſible by charms to delude Men, and
make them ſwerve from truth, as to gain favour without perſonal Merit, and
to prevent judgment in delaying cauſes, and gaining bad cauſes wrongfully,
and the like; ſo they thought it was poſſible by ſtronger Charins to prevent
ſuch Deluſion. And in particular they looked upon Gemms as having à Powe
er, if managed right, and conſecrated according to their Rituals, to performi
great wonders; and eſpecially to prevent Deluſions. From which I Thall draw
this Concluſion, that therefore Gemms might be inftrumental in Divination,
and in particular, as to the adminiftration of Juſtice, to deliver Oracles, and
ſhew the truth of any thing prefent or future.
Having thus laid down a Scheme in general of the origin and uſe of Gemms
in Divinacions and Oracles for Judgment, I ſhall now proceed to fhéw by autho.
rity the truth of this Propofition, upon which all the reſt depends, leaving to
prove the two former more at large if need be ; but this laſt is the main as to
our preſent purpoſe. And becauſe the matter is copious, and might be proved
by the concurrent teftimonies of many Authors, who have treated of Charms
and Amulets, and particularly of the extraordinary vertues of Gemms, I ſhall
content myſelf to produce ſome few paſſages of Pliny and ſome others, which
are full and proper. And as this laſt obſervation may be reduced to three parti-
culars, I ſhall accordingly make the Proofs. Firſt then, I ſaid, that the (a) Ma-
gicians thought it poſſible by Charms to delude Men, and make them ſwerve froin
che truth, as to gain favour without perfonal Merit, and to pervert judgment
in Cauſes. Now Pliny, ſays according to the doctrine of the Magicians, that the
Egg of a Serpent is wonderfully commended to gain Law Suits, and to procure
the favour of a King, (b) Ad victorias litium ac regum aditus mire laudatur. This
in another place he obſerves out of the Magical Books, that anointing with
Lion's Fat gave favour before Kings. (c) Magorum vanitas perun&tis eo adipe fa-
ciliorem gratiam apud reges populoſve promittit. And in (d) another place he ſays,
that the Perſian Kings and Magicians anointed themſelves with this and ſome
other ingredients, to appear gracious. Further, ſpeaking of the blood of a
Baſilisk, he ſays, (e) Sanguinem Magi miris laudibus celebrant, coeuntem picis modò
de colore, dilutum cinnabari clariorem fieri. Tribuunt ei ew Succeſus petitionum a Poteft s-
tibus, & a Diis etiam precum morborumque remedia, veneficiorum amulets. Among
the Magical vertues of a Dragon, he ſays, (f) Cordis pingue in pelle dorčadum nera
vis cervinis ad alligatum in lacerto, conferre judiciorum victorie. Primum ſpondylum
aditus Poteſtatum mulcere. Dentes ejus illigatos pedibus caprearum cervinis nervis, mites
præftare Dominos, Poteftateſque exorabiles. In the ſame Chapter ſpeaking of the
Vultur, he ſays, (g) Item cor ejus alitis babentes, tutos eſe ab impetu non ſolum fer-
pentium, fed etiam ferarum, latronumque, du regum ira. I ſhall add but one inſtance
more, which is that of the Remora Fiſh, or Sea Lamprey, (b) Quam ob cauſam
amatoriis quoque veneficiis infamis eft, & judiciorum ac litium mora. Were it necef-
ſary to infiſt upon it, one might ſhew, that all theſe pretended Charms are
grounded upon ſymbolical Notions; but that is not my preſent buſineſs. What
I think proper to obſerve here upon view of this ſort of Notions, which were
put in daily practice in Egypt and all the reſt of the Eaſtern Countries, is this
that ſeeing the knowledge and uſe of ſuch Trumpery, which had no efficacy
but from the power of Dæmons, which was look'd upon as the higheſt pitch of
Wiſdom and ability to command over others; how was it poſſible, that a King
ſhould preſerve his Power and Authority, and the Prieſts theirs over the Peo.
ple ; unleſs they thought him and them skilled in ſuch Arts, and at the ſame
cime able to contrive and uſe Charms more powerful, and ſufficient to take off
the force of the former and ſuch like, which ſeem to over-power the rational
Faculty, and the regal Authority itſelf, and to be able to impoſe upon it, that
ſo they might appear capable to ſee into the naked truth, and to judge impar-
tially of things; whether it was to direct the publick Affairs, and ſo to imploý
and beſtow their favour upon real Merit and Capacity for the management of
the publick Affairs, or in the adminiftration of Juſtice. This I ſay they muft
+
(a ) Vid. Orphei de Lapid. Proæm.
() Plin. Nat. Hift, Lib. XXXVIII. cap. 8.
le) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib XXIX. cap. 4.
18) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XXIX, cap. 4.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XXIX. cap. 3.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXIV. cap. 17.
(f) Plin Nat. Hift. Lib. XXIX. cap. 4.
(5) Plia. Nat. Lib. IX. cap. 25.
IIZ
do

1004
The Twelve Gemms.
Chap. XXI. v. 20.
do, chough at the rame time they became Slaves to this Art of Magick boch
vain and pernicious. And therefore in all the Eaftern Countries where it pre-
vail'd the Kings themſelves were ſubject to it. Pliny: (a) Ita pofleſſis bominum fer-
fibus triplici vinculo, in tantum faftigii adolevit, ut bodieque etiam in magna parte gen-
tium prævaleat, e in oriente regum regibus imperet. Now as the Kings of Egype
were obliged to (6) admit themfelves into the facerdotal College, and even to
(c) learn their Arts and Sciences, and live by their (d) Rules; ſo likewiſe the
Perſian Kings could not be admitted to reign without learning the Diſcipline and
Science of the Magicians. Tully : (e) Nec quiſquam rex Perfarum poteft elle
, qui
non ante magorum diſciplinam ſcientiamque perceperit. And muſt be made alſo one
of them, as if ) Pbilo ſays. And therefore Tully ſays in general: (g) Omnino
apud veteres, quirerum pot iebantur, idem auguria tenebant. Ut enim ſapere, fic divinare,
regale ducebant. Compare with this Deut. 34. 9. 1 Sam. 10. 6. 12. and Chap. 16.
13. and 1 Kings 3: 12. and H. Grot.de Imp. Sum. Poteft. cap. 5. Se&. 9
Secondly, I ſaid, that as they thought in general it was poſſible to prevent
ſuch Deluſions by ſtronger Charms, ſo they look'd upon Gemms in particular as
having a power to do very great things if rightly conſecrated, and to prevent
Delufions. This I am now to prove by Teſtimonies in the ſame manner, taking
them alſo chiefly out of Pliny, who has affected to expoſe the vanity of the Ma-
gicians. Speaking of the Amianthus, he ſays: (b) Hic veneficiis refiftit omnibus,
privatim Magorum. He begins his Chapter of the Jaſpers in this manner. (i)
Totus vero Oriens pro amuletis traditur geftare eam, quæ ex iis ſmaragdo fimilis eft ; eo
tranſverſa linea aiba media præcingitur, dow grammatias vocatur: quæ pluribus, poly-
grammos. Libet obiter vanitatem Magicam bic quoque arguere, quoniam banc concionan-
tibus utilem elle prodiderunt. In the ſame Chapter he has theſe remarkable words
ſpeaking of the Amethyſts : Magorum vanitas refiftere ebrietati eas promittit, be inde
appellatas. Præterea ſi Luna nomen ac folis ſcribatur in iis, atque ita ſuſpendantur à
collo capillis Cynocephali vel plumis hirundinis, refiftere veneficiis. Jam vero quo modo
adeſſe reges adituris
. [I read, quoque prodeſſe reges adituris.] Grandincm quoque avera
tere, ac fimilia, & locuſtas, precatione addita, quam demonſtrant. Nam è ſmaragdis
quoque fimilia promiſere, fi aquilæ ſcalperentur, aut ſcarabæi : quæ quidem fcripfile eos
non fine contemptu & irrifu generis humani arbitror. But how vain fo ever theſe No-
tions may be in themſelves, they influenced their Practices ; and it is by them
that we are to underſtand the reaſon and origin of the Symbols. In the next
Chapter where he treats of ſeveral precious Stones Alphabetically, he has the
following Obſervations. I doubt indeed that Pliny not underſtanding the foreign
names of thoſe Gemms, but finding them mention'd in the Books of the Man
gicians, which he copies, has inſerted them as different from thoſe ſeveral
Gemms which are commonly known, tho'many of them might be reduced to
however they are accounted Gemims. But I ſhall only take notice of
thoſe which are ſaid to have Virtues relating to the matter before us. To begin
then. (k) Antipathes, nigra non tranſlucet. Experimentum ejus fi coquatur in lačte :
fuit enim hoc myrrha ſimile immilla. Eamque contra effaſcinationes auxiliari Magi vo
lunt. Again : Alpilaten Democritus in Arabia gigni tradit, ignei coloris. Eam oportere
cameli pilo ſpleneticis alligari, invenirique in nido Arabicarum alitum. Et aliam eodem
nomine ibi in Leucopetra naſci argentei coloris, radiantem, contra Lymphatum babendam.
Lymphati are Men poſſeſs'd with Dæmons; or Madmen, who were thought to be
poſſeſſed with Dæmons. See Feftus in the word Lymphæ, and Heſychius in the
word Nuupóanalog. Pliny goes on. Atizoen in India & in Perfide ac ído monte naſci
tradit, argenteo nitore fulgentem, magnitudine trium digitorum ad lenticulæ figutam, odoris
jucundi, neteſſariam Magis regem conſtituentibus. A little after he ſays: Cbelonia oculus
eft Indicæ teſtudinis, vel portentofiflima Magorum mendaciis
. Melle enim colluto ore impofi-
tam lingua futurorum divinationem præſtare promittunt ; &c. Here we fee ſome
Gemms were thought to have a prophetical Virtue ; as alſo the following:
Erotylos eadem amphicome do bieromnemon, a Democrito laudatur in Argumentis divina-
them;

(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXX. cap. I.
(6) Blato in Politico. Plutarch. de Ifid.
P392.
(c) Plutarch. de Ifid. p. 393.
(d) Diodon. Sicul. Lib. I.
P. 44
(e) M. T. Cic. de Divinat. Lib. I. Vid. Platon. Alcibiad. 1. p. 222.
(f) Philo de Legib. Special. Lib. #P: 542,
(g) M. T. Cic. de Divinat, Lib. I. ibid.
(b) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib, XXXVI. cap. 19.
(i) Plin. Nat. Hift, Lib. XXXVII,
Rp. 9.
(k) Plin. Nat. Hiff. Lib. XXXVII, cap. 10.
fionum.

Chap. XXI. v. 20. The Tidelve Gemms.
1005
tionum. Eumeces in Ba&tris naſcitur, filici fimilis, & capiti Suppoſita vila nocturna ora-
cali modo reddit. Eumetren Beli gemmam, Sanctiſſimi deorum fibi Allyrii appellant, porn
racei coloris, ſuperſtitionibus gratans. This laſt perhaps is the Chryſoprafus. Hammo-
nis cornu inter facratiffimas Athiopie gemmas, aureo colore, arietini cornus effigiem red-
dens; promittitur prædivina fomnia repreſentare. A little after : Hyaniæ ex oculis
byæna, & ob id in vafe inveniri dicuntur ; ex fi credimus, linguæ hominis fubdita futura
prædicere. Hematites in Æthiopia quidem principalis, fed & in Arabia & Africa ina
venitur fanguineo colore, non omittenda promiſis ad coarguendas barbarorum infidias,
Then he tells us in general: Zachalias Babylonius in his libris quos fcripfit ad regem
Mithridatem, humana gemmis attribuit fata : bas non contentus oculorum & jecinorum mea
dicina decoralle, a rege etiam aliquid petituris dedit, & litibus judiciiſque interpofuit ; in
praliis etiam eas falutares pronuntiavit
. I ſhall cite but one proof more, wherein
he ſpeaks of the Diamond ; (a) Adamas & venena irrita facit, 6 Lymphationes
abigit, metuſque vanos expellit a mente. So that in their Opinion that Gemm has a
Virtue to drive away Devils. Thus allo (b) Silius Italicus deſcribes Nabis the
Ammonian Prophet as having the fame Opinion of Gemms as Zachalias, and
truſting in thoſe on his Garment and Helmet as ſufficient to ſecure him in the
dangers of War, though it prov'd in vain. The name given him by the Poet as
proper, is rather appellative. Nabis is plainly 1923, Prophet ; iſo the Ancients
generally called the ſuperior Prieſts. To theſe Teſtimonies of Pliny I ſhall ada
ſome few out of Epiphanius; who ſpeaking of the Gemms in the Elen of the
High Prieſt takes ſometimes notice of the Virtues allign'd to them by the Magi-
cians. Of the Emerald he ſays: (c) Aiyle tj Taies rois Mu. SO TOLÕIS TO Yasino's divas
Of the Jafper he fays; Λέγεθαι δε υπό των μυθοποιών άκος &ναι φανlασιών, or φασμάτων»
That is, it drives away Spectres and Deluſions, which they attributed to (d) De-
mons. He ſays the ſame of the Ligurium or Hyacinth; kr ne vej paquário d'henQSING
7o/ephus the Chriſtian, who is the Author of a Book called Hypomneſticon not yet
printed, but in MS.ſays of the Emerald likewiſe: (e) Eułegydd sempérap émedesixí.
In the Chaldean Oracles explain'd by: Pſellus there is a certain Stone ſaid to be pro-
per, when terreſtrial Dæmons appear, to drive them away, and invoke a great
Dæmon more powerful than the former to give a true anſwer. This Stone is
there called Müllvers See Voſſius de Idololatr. Lib. I. cap. VIII. who after Serrarius
having read the word vošieis, derives it from Menos ſebirim, hoc efi, fugans
pilofos, five dæmonia. The Poet under the name of (f) Orpheiis ſays, That the
Opale gives out true Oracles; and Solinus ſpeaking of the Ammonis cornu ; (g)
Predivina fomnia repreſent are dicitur ſubjectus capiti incubantium ; ſo 'tis in Pliny.
Ruæus, who has treated of theſe Gemms, has colle&ed a great deal to this pur-
poſe from ſeveral Authors ; but what has been cited is ſufficient for mine.
The Concluſion which I have drawn from what has been ſaid is now I think
very plain ; that according to ſuch Notions Gemms might be inſtrumental
in Divination; and in particular, as to the Adminiſtration of Juſtice, to deliver
Oracles, and ſhew the truth of any thing preſent or future. To illustrate this
Concluſion I muſt now ſhew, that this was accordingly put into practice;
which will not be very difficult to do, becauſe we have ſome Paſſages of Au.
thors very poſitive, and which plainly ſhew, that theſe magical Notions and
Pretences did really influence the practice of the ancient Pagans, eſpecially the
Egyptians, who were of the moſt ancient ſort, and partly a kin co the Chaldeans.
One of the moſt illuſtrious inftances of this practice among the Egyptians is ſeen
in the manner of their Adminiftration of Juſtice by the chief Judge, who as
(b) Strabo informs us, was the firſt Perſon in dignity after the King, when the
final Sentence was to be given, it was done by the Application of an Ellen of
Gemms hanging at the Collar of the Chief Judge, and which very likely was
as well the mark of his dignity, as it is probable, that it was a magical Enchant-
ment to diſcover the Truth from which that Judgment had its name. This we
learn from Diodorus; and becauſe the Paſſage is of great importance to clear
this matter, I ſhall copy it here, as well as to clear it from a faule, which now
ftands in the Copies. Speaking of the great Court of Juſtice for the whole Na-
(a) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 4.
(6) Sil, Ital. Punic. Lib. XV.
(c) Epiphan, de XII. Gemm.
(d) Jamblich, de Myft, Sect. III. cap. XXXI Se&. X,
(e) Jofeph. Hypomn. Ms. Se&t. egs".
(Orpb, de Lapid.
in Opalio. Cobo (8) Solin, Polyhift
. cap. XXX. (5) Strabon, Geogr.
ciog
cap. VII.

1006
The twelve Gemms.
Chap. XXI. v. 20.
tion he begins thus : (a) Διόπερ εκ των επιφανεράτων πόλεων της αείσας άνδρας αποδεικνώγες
δησσας κοινές, εκ απέτυχανον της προαιρέσεως" εξ ίλια πόλεως γαρ και 9%Cών και μέμρέως δικα σας
leg. δέκα) εξ εκάσης προέκeανον" και τύτο το συμβόeuoν εκ έδόκει λύπες των αθώωσαν αρεοπαγιτών,
ή των παρά λακεδαιμονίοις νεόνών» έπει δε σωέλθοιειν οι τριάκονία, επέκρινον εξ αυτών ένα τον
άρισον, και τέτον μία αρχιδικασω καθίσανlo, &ς δε τον τίτα τόπον απίσελεν ή πόλις έτερον οι:
Μασω σωλάξως δε των αναγκαίων παρα τε βασιλέως τοϊς με δικασάς έκαναν προς διατροφία
ézernzpunto, To si diezadanes zonnewidomi irágos SSTO, mei tdi teenginoy én Zsuors
λύσεως ήρθαμβά' ον ζωδιων των πολυψελών λίθων, ο προσηύρδων αλήθκαν Τών δ'αμφισβητήσεων ήρ-
govto Bediev Tl Tas angoins oftóva é dezedingsås med Then he tells us the me
thod of the Proceſs; which conſiſted in the Plaint and Anſwer, Reply and
Rejoynder ; and when we might expect, that they were come to joyn Iffue,
and have a Trial ; this Court was ſo far from this laſt method, that immediately
the Judges gave their Opinions, and the Chief Juſtice applied the Image of
Truth to one of the fides of the Queſtion, and ſo determined for it. (b) Alian
has ſaid ſomething concerning this Image of Tráth which he calls "Aganus and
'Arísed, with this only variety that he ſays it was made of a Sapphire; and not of
precious Stones in the plural number as Diodorus plainly ſays. home
as We may obſerve in the method of their Trials by the Sapphire Image, or of
precious Stones called Truth, that they were magical, and that this was done by
them, that the Sentence might ſeem to be oracular, and to proceed from the
Gods, at leaſt in theſe weighty matters which came before the great Tribunal of
theſe Thirty Judges with the Chief Juſtice at the head of them, which was the
great Tribunal indeed of all Egypt, and ſo muſt be only concern'd in deciding
the moſt weighty Affairs. Now though this may ſeem ftrange to us, yet it will
appear to be no leſs true, if we conſider what Notions they had of this magical
Wiſdom, and of the extraordinary Powers, which were attributed to it. And
upon Suppofition, that the Dæmons were really concern'd therein, who cannot
be denied to have means to know at leaſt things paft and done, although they
have been done by Men very ſecretly ; if the Dæmons would keep up their
Worſhip among them, it was proper to give inſtances of ſome peculiar
Honour to their Prieſts, by impowering them to make ſuch Diſcoveries. And
whereas Diodorus ſays, That the Etbiopians who liv'd next to Egypt, refembled the
Eg yptians in their Cuftoms; ſo we have a plain Indication in the fame (c) Au-
thor that their Prieſts gave their Judgment as an Oracle from the Gods. Of
which there cannot be a greater proof than the inſtance given by Diodorus, chat
when the Prieſts made a Decree, that the King muft die, and ſignified it to him;
he executed himſelf without delay. For they declared, that the Gods had ſo re-
vealed to them, and that no mortal Man ought to diſobey their Will. This
cuſtom laſted till Ergamenes King of the Ethiopians in the times of Ptolemæus Phila-
delphus having had a Greek and Philofophical Education, deſpiſed this, and taking
the Courage worthy of a King, ſet upon the Prieſts and flew them all; aboliſh
ing thus that Cuſtom, which before had been tamely ſubmitted to by the mere
force of Superftition.
But leaſt it ſhould be thought too weak a Surmiſe, drawn from the words of
Diodorus, without any ſpecial hint from the Author, that ſuch Trials were ora-
culár ; I ſhall add, that in leſs matters of Law and Juſtice, which very likely
came not before this great Tribunal, the way of the Egyptians, even in the Caſe
of common Theft, was to have a Trial thereof by an Oracle. I ſhall therefore
fer down a Paſſage out of Herodotus, which is very clear in the matter. (d)
Λέγεται δε και "Αμασε, ότε ώ ιδιώτης, ως φιλοπότας ή και φιλοσκώμμων, και εδαμώς κατεσπελάσο
μG- ανώς όμως δέ μιν πλείποι πίνοντα τε και ο πε5ίοντα τα πιτήδεια, κλέπτεστε αν πιείων"
οι δ' άν μεν φαίοι Έχειν τα σφέτερα χρήματα, αρνούμθυον αγεσκoν οι μαντήϊον, όκε ενώσοισι άη
πολλά με δή κατολίσκετο σο των μοντέλων, πολλα δε και υπέρδιγε επί π δ και άβασίλάστ,
εσόμησε τείοε όσοι με αυτόν των θεών απέλυσαν μη φώρα ναι, τέτων με των τρών άτε
impénero
, %Te és muudele Ndo ŠNr šte postkav i guess šdards išor džinor, aldide me
μαντίλα κεκτημδύοισι: όσοι δέ μιν κατέβησαν φώρα είναι, τέτων δε ως αληθέων εόντων και αξιδέα
μαντήλα παρεχόμβρων, τα μάλιστα επιμέλεο' And indeed magical or Oracular Trials have
been the moſt uſual in ancient times; and are ſtill ſo. See the Note on Chap.
8.11. D. And therefore when God to eaſe Moſes, commanded Elders to be ap-
pointed as Judges, Num. 11.25: they were divinely inſpired; chac their Sen-
(a) Diodor, Sicul. Bibl. Hift. Lib. I. p. 48. conf. p. 31. (6) Ælian, var. Hift. Lib. XIV.
cap. 34.
() Diodor, Sical. Lib. III. p. 102. 973. (4) Herodot. Lib, Il. cap. 174.
tences

Ch. XXI. v. 20.
1007
The twelve Gemms.
tences being look'd upon as oracular, the Ifraelites accuttomed to Egyptian Notions
might comply. And ſo the Kings of Iſrael had at firſt ſome degrees of Inſpira-
tion, as I hinted before, and their Judges too. And as the Lituus was the Staff
of Augurs in their Divinations, ſo Virgil deſcribes King Picus with one of them,
which Servius ſays was to determine Controverſies: (a) Regium baculum, in quo
poteſtas erat dirimendarum litium: which is alſo found in Donatusa
By all this we may conje&ure upon what grounds the oracular Images of
their Gods were adorned with ſo many Gemms; and even made of entire
Gemms, when they could get ſuch as were big enough for ſuch Purpoſes. I
have ſhewa elſewhere, that the image of Jupiter Hammon was ſo adorn'd, and
(b) Pling tells us out of Appion, that the image of Serapis in the Labyrinth was
a Colollus of nine Cubics height made of an Emerald. But very likely it was of
that Gemm which Pliny calls Pſeudofmaragdus.
What has been ſaid may ſerve to illuftrare che Hiſtory of Moſes about the Ex-
alcation of Foſeph, who was found to excell in Wiſdom and Diſcretion all the
Magicians and Wifemen of Egypt, Genef. 41. 41, 42. See I have ſet thee over all the
Land of Egypt. And Pharaoh took off bis Ring from bis Hand, and put it upon
Joſephs Hand, and array'd him in Veſtures of fine Linen, and put a gold Chain about bis
Neck. I take that gold Chain to have been a Collar of the ſame fort as that of
the chief Judge, whoſe Badge it was; and very likely, that he was thereby
confticured chief Judge and isG náz@, Chief Treaſurer and Miniſter of State,
and that all theſe Offices were conſolidated in his Perſon, chac he might be a ges
neral Vicar to the King, which Office was confer'd upon him by the delivery
of the King's Ring; that thereupon he was married co the Daughter of a Prieſt,
that he might thus be allied to che Prieſtly Families. And as 'cis likely, that
Foſepb's Collar had the image of Truth hung thereat, ſo the King's Ring was one
of thoſe Rings with a Gemm conſecrated and deſign’d to influence the King's
Judgment by preventing his being faſcinated with any magical Tricks, ſuch as I
have ſhewa before Men did pretend to uſe to get the King's Favour, and iinpoſe
upon others. For whereas learned Men ſuppoſe thac Ring was given to ſeal
Decrees or Orders, we are told by Pliny, that this was not at all practic'd in the
Eaft, nor in Egypt by name : (6) Non fignat Oriens aut Ægypius etiam nunc, literis
contenta ſolis. And indeed how ſhould this Ring be us'd to ſeal Orders or De-
crees, if it be true, as I have made it exceeding probable, that Leccers were noe
invented in the times of Joſeph; nor perhaps had they yet found out the art of
Writing in Hieroglyphick upon any thing but great Stones, Pillars, and other
Monuments ? The engraving which was us'd there was deſign'd to make them
conſecrated Rings or Taliſmans; of which I have juſt before given ſome Ex-
amples out af Pliny. Such Rings were thoſe of the Phocean Tyrant Execeftus, of
which Clemens Alex. ſpeaks thus out of Ariſtotle : (d) EEhresés 73 ó Þaxion quean,
δύο δακυλίες, φορών γερή διμβίες, το μόφω των προς αλλήλες δυο αθάνατο της καιρός τών πράξεων
απίθανες δε όμως δολοφονηθείς και του προσημηνανία- σε ψόφε, ώς φησιν 'Αριστοτέλης εν τη
Boxiney Todetaiq Thus alſo (e) Philoßratus obſerves, that there was in the Royal
Palace in Babylon a Room vaulted like an Heaven, and adorn'd with Sapphires of
che colour of Heaven, with Images of Gods placed aloft, and appearing as ic
were in the Air ; that the King was wont to give Judgment there, and that
there were four golden "luygas, or Charms, hanging down from the Roof, pre-
pared by the Magicians, and called Jeão gaõttel, Tongues of the Gods. What
can we chink all theſe chings were contriv'd for, if it were not that chefe Men
thought, that by theſe means the Judgments of the Kings would become divine
Oracles, and be ſo eſteemed by their Subjects? It appears evidently, that ſuch
Preparacions and Ornaments in the Preſence Chamber, or judicial Court of a
King. were abſolutely like the Adytum, or Sanctuary of a Deity, which was
chought to give out true Oracles; at leaſt as far as we can gueſs by thoſe ſlender
accounts that remain of them. Neither is it to be imagined, thac chey were on,
ly for Ornament, ſeeing we have ſuch hints of the contrary, thac they believed
chofe Gemms had ſpecial great Virtues ; nor can it be ever imagined that ſuch
Gemms could rife ſo much in value, if Men had only looked upon them as Toys
Profout we
aina
(a) Serv. in Virgil. Æneid. Lib. VII. (6) Plin. Nat. Hiſt. Lib. XXXVII. cap. 5.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift Lib. XXXIII. cap. 1.
(d) Clem. Alex. Srrom. Lib. I. P. 144. vid.
Ariſtophan, Plur. & Schol.
(e) Philoſtrat, de Vit. Apollon Lib.I. & apud Phot. Cod. CCXLI.
to
12 A

1008
The twelve Gemnts.
Ch. XXI. v. 20.
to make a ſhew. This being ſo, it will perhaps lead us to the underſtanding of
an Expreſſion us’d by Caſſiodorus, of which the Commentator Fornerius has taken
no notice. In the form of the Patent, for a Count of Naples he ſays; (a) Cone
fidis, or as it is in other Copies, Conſcendis gemmatum tribunal
. The moſt obvious
fignification of the term gemmatum implies, that the Tribunal
was adorn’d with
Gemms. Now the ancient Romans had no ſuch fplendid Tribunals. But as
Dioclefian, one of the laſt Pagan Emperors, introduced in the imperial Robes the
faſhion of the Eaſtern Monarchs, who wore Gemms upon them; fo it is likely,
that from that time the Tribunals of the Roman Magiſtrates were made in Imi-
tation of thoſe in the Eaſt. This happened, if not out of Superftition, as in-
deed thoſe larter Pagan Emperors were much ſway'd by the Superftitions of the
Magicians, as the Egyptian and Chaldean Learning got ground among them; yet
out of mere Pride. But if gemmatum ſignify only beſet with Spangles or inlaid
pieces of different colours ; yer it may be ſuppos’d that this was deſign’d to imi-
rate the Gemms usd in ſome of the more magnificent, ſuch as were thoſe of
Monarchs : who as we have ſeen had ſuch Gemms in their Tribunals not only
as Ornaments, but alſo as neceſſary to the well governing of the People. The
Arabian Writer, (b) Scherif Al. Edriſt ſays, that the King of Ceilan had always
in Council an Image in his Hand cover'd with precious Stones of an ineſtimable
value. I ſuſpect it was on the ſame account.
To illuſtrate this further, I ſhall obſerve out of (c) Herbelot, that according to
theſe Notions the Aoabian Writers ſay Solomon had a Ring, by the help of which
he perform’d Wonders; which as he put it off to go into the Bath, an infernal
Fury ſtole from him, and caſt it into the Sea. Solomon being depriv'd of it, ab-
ftain'd for forty Days from ſitting upon his Throne,as wanting thoſe Lights,which
were neceſſary to him to govern well. But at laſt he recover'd it by the means
of a Fiſh, which was ſerv'd upon his Table. Emadi a Perſian Poet ſays, That
this Ring, fo much boaited of, was nothing elſe but that Wiſdom which God
had imparted to him, whereof this Ring was the Symbol. Upon this Herbelot
obſerves, that many Rabbies maintain, that Solomon law in the Gemm of
this Ring all thoſe things which he deſired to ſee, in the ſame manner as
the High Prieſt ſaw in the Urim and Thummim of his Eſſen, which was alſo made
of precious Stones, all that he deſired to learn of God. And therefore I deſire
it may be obſervéd, how according to the oriental Notions the Ring of Joſeph,
the Collar about his Neck, the image of Truth by which the chief Judge in Egypt
determined Cauſes, and the High Priett's Breaſt-plate of Judgment, are things re-
lated to each other by the main defign of their Inſtitution, and differ only in
fome Circumſtances, according to the different views of the Inſtitucions. For
as the Egyptians were Magicians, and inftitured their oracular Inftruments to
thew their skill in that helliſh Art
, ſo God Almighty inſtituted the High Prieſt's
Effen to keep the Iſraelites from it. They had an Oracie, which might be con-
ſulted upon great Emergencies ; but that Oracle was cleard from the ſuper-
ftitious Notions and Prađices of thoſe who dealt in ſuch matters by the help of
Magick. 16
And indeed it ſeems to me, that, in the Faſhion of the Aaronical Eljen,
God has diſtinguiſhed it from the Egyptian Oracles with Gemms by two
very conſiderable Diſtinctions. The firit is, thac the Gemms were not put up
on an Image, nor made an Image of themſelves, as the Egyptian Elens díd.
For Ælian uſes the World á gadded, which commonly fignifies an Image, and ſays
it was made of a Sapphire ; by which it ſeems to have been made of a ſingle
Gemm ſhap'd accordingly : and Diodorus calls it Zastor and •Eszóvde, but fays it
was made of many Gemms. It may be they had ſeveral forts, and did not al-
ways uſe the ſame ; or that they were changed at ſeveral cimes; fo that Ælian
and Diodorus might have different accounts ; though the ſame Intention might
be ſerv'd both ways. The ſecond is, That God cauſed the ingravery, which
in the Egyptian Oracles, or oracular Gemms, conſiſted of conſtellated Marks, or
taliſmanical Figures, to be changed into the names of the twelve Patriarchs
which were fo far from being any ways fuperftitious, that they were indeed
ſubſervient to the Oracle ; as I might ſhew if I were now to treat of it at large.
But I think I have now ſufficiently ſhewn the origin and uſe of Gemms about
Oracles, and by conſequence how proper it was to make theſe Gemms the vifi-
(6) Herbelot. cic. Serandib.
(a) Caſſiodor. Var. Lib. VI. Epift. 23.
(c) Herbelot. tit. Soliman Ben. Droud, vid tit. Jazd,
ble

Ch. XXI. v. 20.
100g
The twelve Gemms.
u
ble Symbols of the divine Oracles. And from all this I will draw this Concluſion
à pofferiori, that ſeeing according to the Egyptian Notions, wherein Moſes was edu-
cated, ſuch Gemms were thought proper to exhibit oracular Anſwers, and that
God commanded an Eſen, or Oracle, to be made of ſuch Gemms, the Gemms
themſelves were the Urim and Thummim, and there was no need to add to the
Gemms any ſuch Images, as the learned Spencer has imagined to be the Urim and
Thummin.
It may be asked here, why the Oracles of God are ſignified by the precious
Stones, ſeeing that the Thunders are a proper Symbol of that? For as we have
Thewn in the proper places the Thunders and Lightnings ſignifying chat ; and
ſo the Voice of the fiuit Wight, (which being a Symbol of the Chriſtian Clergy,
and in the place where that Wight is ſaid to uccer a Voice, that Voice is com-
pared to Thunder,) repreſents there the preaching of the Apoſtles at the opena
ing of the firft Seal: How comes the Holy Ghoſt to change the Symbol in this
place, when one would think the other might have ſervd? To ſolve this, three
things may be conſidered. Firſt, That che Holy Ghoſt is ſometimes tied by the
Analogy or Decoram of the Symbols. As the happy ftare of the Saints in che
Refurre&tion is grounded, and has its origin from the Oracles or Promiſes of
God to his Church ; fo feeing that happy ſtate comes under the Norion or Sym-
bol of the New Jeruſalem, a glorious Cicy, whoſe Builder is God, the Founda-
tion thereof, or beginning, is moft aptly repreſented by ſuch precious Stones or
Gemms, as a building is made of Stones. Secondly, That though Thunders and
Lightnings on the one hand, and Gemms on the other, may properly be Symbols
of che divine Oracles, yet as the divine Oracles are not all of one ſort, theſe
Symbols fignify them with different views. The Counſels of God which are the
ſubject of his Oracles may be reduced to two kinds. Some are Laws command-
ing our Obedience, others are Actions which he deſigns to perform, and thinks
fit to give notice of before he performs them. Alſo ſome of his Oracles are pro-
mulgared to all Men with Denuntiations of terror, as his Laws ; and ſome only
to the faithful, as his future deſigns for the Advancement of his Church, and the
compleating of the happy ftare of Men. So that the firſt have a mixture of
terror, the latter contain the higheſt Arguments of Conſolation. The Laws or
Oracles of God whsch oblige all Men to come to him are well expreſs’d by the
Thunders and Lightnings; but the ſecret deſigns which he reſolves to put in
Execution for the Happineſs of the Faithful, and to conduct them to it are only
intruſted to the Faithful; as God gave the Law in Horeb with Thunders and Light-
nings to fright Iſrael into Obedience, but he gave them the Urim and Thummim
for a perpetual Direction. And thus we find that the Doctrine of the Apoſtles
contains ſertled Laws, and alſo gives Directions how to believe and hope till
the Conſummation. Thirdly, As divine Oracles contain Laws and Predi&ions ;
ſo the Thunders and Lightnings repreſent beſt thoſe Oracles which are Legiſlative,
and the Gemms thoſe which are prophetical. Look back to the Note upon Chap.
20. 11. A. where another reaſon is alſo given of this, which is alſo to be com-
pared with what is ſaid at the end of the Note upon Chap. 21. 11. B. Laſtly,
Obſerve that the Symbol of Thunder would be ſomewhat equivocal. For the
Thunders may be the Symbols of human Laws; the Gemms are not ſo, but of
divine Oracles. The Holy Ghoſt meant that God only is the Thunder, Hebr.
11. 10. Thus then the Holy Ghoft makes uſe of Symbols as they fit the Occa-
fions for which they are to be imployed, with an exa& Choice.
3. I am now according to my promiſe, to ſhew the ſignification and origin of
the names of Urim and Thummim, which are given to the Gemms uſed in the Ellen,
where they were imploy'd to exhibit Oracles ; and to ſhew how thoſe words are
applicable to that Subject. Now as the Urim and Thummim were given as Names
to things, which we have ſhewn were very much complicated; ſo it will be
neceſſary to proceed in this enquiry, very gradually, and from the moſt ſimple
fignification of the Words to that which is moſt complicated. That is, to fhew
how the literal fignification comes to be applied to the Subje& ſo complicated,
by the principles of the ſymbolical Character and Language of the Egyptians,
amongft whom Mofes
. was educated. The method of this gradual Proceſs thali
be therefore as follows, to fhew,
1. The literal ſignification of the words Urim and Thummim.
2. The application of that literal ſignification to the Gemms and Oracles.
3.
How all this is ſuitable to the principles of the ſymbolical Language.
1. The

1010
Ch. XXI. v. 20.
The twelve Gemms.
1. The Urim and Thummim, d'907) O'YIN7, are in the LXX ſometimes turn'd
by the Súrwav rý tlah Gaun as, in Exod. 28. 30. Levit. 8.8. The Urim are alſo
turn’d by Mūros, as in Num. 27. 30. Deut. 33. 8. and 1 Sam. 28.6. But in Eſdras
2.63. theſe two Hebrew words are tranſlated by, rois pall[ust aj nis TERHÍOS ; and in
Nchem 7.65. the Prieſt with the Urim and Thummim .is ftiled in the LXX, iesd's
calizar, but there the Complutenſian Edition has, siis pancrucis, rý mais TERHÁDEOT,
which keeps cloſe to the Hebrew Text. In like manner tiquila and Theodotion in
Levit. 8. 8. have tranſlated the words by rès punouds zỳ TEAMSHs. So that Urim
and Thummim only ſignify licerally, Fires, or Lights ; and Perfe&tions, or Truth.
Perfection and Truth are in the Scripture Scile ſynonymous in Senſe, becauſe
what is perfe&ted is truly done, neither falſe, or vain; nor get unexecuted, but ac-
compliſhed. Therefore as the Holy Writers frequently affect to put fynonymous
Words together, ſo we find in Joſh. 24. 14. Fear the Lord and ſerve bim in perfect-
ion and truth, nosay ), that is, really and perfectly. Thus Lyar is one that
cannot do as he ſays, Pſal. 66. 3. Thus alſo according to trurb, in Rom. 2. 2. is
the ſame as moſt certainly to be accompliſh'd ; therefore ifzon, work, and d'angoix,
truth, are Synonymous in John 3. 18. To this purpoſe there are many ex-
preſſions in Holy Wric to ſhew that the will of God is true and perfect, in that
it has a certain Event, and the ſame Attributes are ſaid of his Word, and of the
Prophers whom he hath ſent, as in i Kings 17. 24. The word of the Lord in tby
muib is truth; becauſe it will certainly come to perfection.
2. It will not be difficule now to apply that literal ſignification both to the
Gemins and Oracles of God. The Gemms are frequently called Lights and
Fires upon the account of their brightneſs and ſparkling. I ſhall not need to
cite the paſſages of Pliny to this purpoſe, becauſe too many nor thoſe of Epi-
phanius, which ſpeak of the lights and ſparkling of ſeveral ſorts of Gemms.
Take however there out of ſome other Authors. Lucretius,
( a ) Scilicet & grandes viridi' cum luce Smaragdi
Auro includuntur.
*f. fuis.
the like is found in (b) Statius. Petronius, (c) Quo Carchedonios opt as ignes lapis
deos, niſi ut ſcintillent. Ovid,
(d) Clara micante auro, flammaſque imit ante pyropo.
And in another place,
(e) Dumque volat, gemmæ ſubitos vertuntur in ignes.
Martial, (f) Miratur Scytbicas virentis auri Flammas Jupiter:
teo
Silius Italicus, (8) Fulvo micat ignea gemma monili.
Manilius,
Phæbeis certantia lumina flammis,
Gemmarumque * illi radiantes lucibus ignes.
Claydian, (b) Quis junxit lapides offro ? quis miſcuit ignes
Sidonii rubrique maris?
And Hierom, (i ) Ardentes gemmæ redduntur fcriniis. So likewiſe Ammianus Mar-
cxllin. ( k ) Infidebat aureo ſolus ipſe carpento fulgenti claritudine lapidum variorum :
quo micante lux quædam miſceri videbatur. And therefore as great or good Men are
metaphorically called Lights, ſo Tertullian ſays of the Apoſtles of Chriſt, (2)
Proinde ut gemme, illuminatari ſacram Ecclefiæ veftem. The Chineſe ftile of Lan-
guage and Notions, as far as we know of them, are near a-kin to the Egyptian
and Symbolical; it may not be cherefore improper to ſet down here a faying of
the King of China. I have four Miniſters of State who govern with great
" Prudence the Provinces which I have commicted to them. Thoſe are my pre-
cious Stones; they can enlighten a thouſand Furlongs. Now we find on the
other hand, that the Word Laws, Judgments, or Oracles of God, are in Holy
Writ very frequently compared to Light, and Lamps ; eſpecially in the Pſalms.

(A) Lucret. Lib. IV. v. 1120.
(6) Pap. Stat. Thcb. Lib. II. v. 276. Lib. XII. v. 527.
(c) Petron. Arbit. Sat. pag. 277. (d) Ovid Metam. Lib. II. v. 2. (e) Ovid Metam. Lib.
VIII. v. 18o. (f) Martial Lib. XII. Epigr.15:(8) Sil. Ital. Punic. Lib. VIII. Vid.
Lib. XV. de Nabi.am ( ) Manil. Aftronom. Lib. V. (h) Claudian in IV. Con. Honor.
(i) Hieronym. ad Demetriad. (k) Ammian. Marcel. Lib. VI. (1) Tertullian ady.
Marc. Lib. IV. cap. 13: (m) Morale de Confufius. Liv. II. pag. 45.
I

Chap. XXI. v. 201011
0.0
.
The twelve Gemms.
I ſhall cite but one place, Pſal. 119. 130. according to the LXX it is thus,
diawors ses aózeer of our me nje pubbliei venios, The manifeſtation of thy words will enlightens
and give underſtanding to the ſimple.
As to the Oracles being perfe&t or truth, that is eaſily underſtood of thoſe that
are truly Divine; and the Magicians to be ſure pretended no leſs that theirs
were fo; eſpecially thoſe that were given by the Urim of Gemms, which as
we learn from Diodorus and Slian in the places cited, they called emphatically
Truth. And 7ofephus himſelf ſpeaking of the Egyptian Diviners, calls their Dia
vination Truth. For having mentioned the beginning of the oppreſſion of the
Ifraelites, and going to ſpeak of that Scribe who counſelled Pharaoh to flay their
Male Children, and deſigning to ſhew, that he was one of their Diviners, he ex,
preſſes it thus, (a) Tøv iegyedusun TÉWY ms, rj guijpen oud ei anti théantuan birtir, eggina
Ted Baardi Textúratus Ava tois io egunaítelky, &c. The word Truth is alſo taken in the
fame Senſe in theſe words of Plato, (b) Meyrnufé'on gap tñs mileo's omsonñs oi &uuta
såvise spãs öte to Dintoy glo ÉTÉSEMSV as besson ois sveur moiâv, štw di nettop Sorūtis, wij
το φαύλον ημών, ίνα αληθείας στη wesσα πιτο, κατέσησαν εν τέτω η μαντείον, ικανόν 5 σημάος
wis pas tonlu speso muy sids dy dganiva se naroy. And in Theocritus;
(c) Eine sy 'Ayegi g'ara' tee, korxurópaytis.
Homer has alſo us'd the word in that Senſe; for he calls the Egyptians true, kangas,
becauſe of their skill in Divination. His words are (d) Aigualius eu anysas, for ſo
the Scholiats ſay, 0.5 thi tes kandas Aigjorlins, on partenas u.thege. Thus alſo in the
Oracle cited by Euſebius, (e)'Alèy aan teins cenazije, that is, ſhines always in i aſpirations
So likewiſe in Herodotus, sansuin ſignifies an Oracle or Predi&tion, (f) 'Auvine jy on &ua
δνη όνειρος, ός δι τίω αληθntω έραινε και μελλόντων γυίθ, κακών, κατα την παλιά, So likewife
Ammian, Mercellinus ſpeaking of the Chaldeans, (8) Apud quos veridica vaticinandi
fides eluxit. I take therefore the primary notion of dańsud to be that of Revela-
tion, or the diſcovery of a thing, which being hidden before, is no more fo, sò seni
20.90v is aanges; that is true, which is no more bidden. It is Veritas exiſtens ex non
exiftentibus, as Martian. Capella words it in this paſſage not underſtood by Grotius,
(b) His diutiſſime florem ignis atque illam exiftentem ex non exiftentibus veritatem toto
pectore deprecata. Here Flos ignis is the Light of Inſpiration, and that Veritas is
the faculty of Propheſying, or Prediating the truth of things to come. The
like is found in a Diſcourſe of P. Leo, wherein he afferts the Wiſemen, who
worſhipped Chriſt, were inſpired by the Holy Ghoſt. The words are, (i)
Præter illam ftelle ſpeciem, quæ corporeum incitavit obtutum, fulgentior veritatis radius
eorum corda perdocuit. Vid Cæt. It is in this Senſe that we muſt underftand this
expreſſion of Helenus in Virgil, ( k ) Animum ſi veris implet Apollo. For Servius
ſays very well, Veris implet. Oraculis: ut Lucanus : Atque hominem toto fibi cedere
juſſit Pettore. Thus alſo Autonoe in Silius Italicus ſays of the Soul of the Sibyl, (1)
Hæc veri fæcunda Sacerdos
. And Virgil of the Sibyl, (m) Obſcuris Vera involvens.
So that 'Aandria, Truth in the Diſcourſes of the Magicians is chat State, to which,
he that is rightly prepared by their anagogical ways being once come, he has
perfe& Divinations. See (n) Jamblichus to that purpoſe. And certainly they
who called Diviners by the name of Sooth-Layers and Druids, had the ſame notion
of them. For though (0) 7 amblichus, who wrote his Book in anſwer to Porphyrie,
a great Philoſopher, and one therefore not ſo eaſy to be deceived with preten-
ces, throws up all the Diviners by judiciary Aſtrology and ſeveral other ways,
to defend only the way of Dreams and anagogical Extaſies, in compariſon of
which the reſt are all ſhort of Truth, yet he won't have them neglected; and 'tis
evident, that before him the Pagans had not ſuch refin'd Notions, but look'd
upon all kinds of Divination as able to reach Truth, that is, to foreſee the future.
And at the ſame time it muſt alſo be obſerv'd here, that they alſo called the faa
culty of Divination by the name of Light, eſpecially that which was extatical
SM
(a) Joſeph. Archäol. Lib. II. cap. 5, (6) Plato in Timæo pag. 493. confer. ejufd.
Phædr. p. 213. Alcibiad. I. p. 223. (c) Theocrit. Idyll. III. (a) tom. Odyff. d. v. 83.
(e) Eufeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. pag. 114. (f) Herodot. Lib. I. cap. 34.
(8) Ama
mian. Marcel. Lib. XXIII. (1) Martian. Capella, Lib. II, (i) Leon. Pap. Serm.
IV. in Epiphan. (k) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III. (2) Sil. Ital. Punic
. Lib. XIII.
Im ) Virg. Æneid Lib, ví. (n) Jamblich, de Myk. Se&t, III. cap. 3. 31. (6) Jamba
lich, de Myſt. Se&. III, cap. 29, 30,
and
I2 B

1012
The Twelve Gemms.
Chap. XXI. v. 20:
and proceeding from Poffeflion. This I have ſhewn in the Noce upon Chap. 1.17.
B. So chat with them Divinations were Light's and Truth, Urim and Thummim.
This being ſo, it may not be improper in this place to conſider, whether the an-
cient name of a Prophet in Greek, which is Toušess found in (a) Lycophron, and Toušegri,
Prophefies, found in the ancient Copies of (b) Homer, as it is obſerv'd by (c) Strabo and
Euſtathius after him, and were terms uſed at Dodona the moſt ancient Oracle of the
Greeks ; whether I ſay theſe words derived by the Greek Criticks from vi ser ögary,
may not rather be derived from the Hebrew words before us, fo that Toušeou are
Thummim Urim. That is, theſe Propheſes were not like idle Dreams, but real Vi-
fions, which ſignified Things to be certainly perfected or accompliſhed; or as Homer
words it, (d youx öyp, da'i mong eat advotos TETSALOMÓvoy son, where (wag anfwers to
Urim, and remixeruloor to Thummim. And as the word orain may be changed in-
to fege, and Seor, as wegs certainly comes from it, fo it may be expreffed by degr:
whence alfo Tópdege is found in ſome Copies, and ( e) tumede, is found in Orpheus
and said of the Ship Argos which prophefied.
But this being equivocal in them, and only pretended, is really true of God,
whoſe ways are always perfect. Hilary.ſays, (f) Sed ad id etiam illud accedit,
quia mandata Jua veritas eft
. Nihil illic anceps, nihil dubium, totum veritatis abfolutione
perfectum eft. And therefore his Oracles ate Urim and Thummim. What he pre-
diēts, or declares, or commands, is deſign'd to enlighten Men, and will certains
ly come ro paſs. Take it in the words of Homer, who introduces Jupiter
ſpeaking of his Decrees in this manner,
τη στιγμή (3) - Ου γαρ εμον παλινάγρετον, * ' απατηλών,
Ουδατελεύτητος γ, ό, τι κέν κεφαλή κατανάσω.
OR
As to the Greek words, by which the Urim and Thummim are turn'd in the LXX,
the word Años being the ſame as Adaos, a Torch, fignifies therefore a Light ; and
that ſhews us why the Urim are alſo called owsiloutes and pomo; the latter being
the Abſtract, the former the Concrete : and why from the effect they are alſo
called Diamos; becauſe as Light, or lucid Bodies, Thew us the way, ſo the Ora-
cles are the manifeſtation of the Will of God concerning what we muſt do,
and what he deſigns to do. And as the expreſſion (b) Maqoy &vdiegtos is uſed in Pau-
fanias to ſignify the Oracle of a Dream, lo it is the property of Divination(i)
Geschõõg and meyo nguoivev, to fr.-ſignify things to come, as has been ſhewn in the
Note upon Chap. 1. 1 E. Why they are alſo called me for and THÁCH, Perfe&t and
Perfections, as alſo imágua, is ſufficiently evident from what has been ſaid. And
I take it that Urim and Thummim are by an Hendyadis to ſignify the Oracles which
few things that ſhall certainly be perfe&ted; and ſo are the rūs tãs d'anGads, the
Light of truth, as Famblichus already cited has tranſlated the words in the Greek
Language, which loves not that figure near ſo much as the Hebrew, wherein 'tis
obvious. For, that thoſe two Hebrew words refér both to one thing, is not on-
ly plain from what has been ſaid; but alſo from this, that the LXX have alſo
turn'd the word Thummins by snoe. The place is i Sam. 14. 41. I know that it
is alſo curn'd another way; but the meaning of Saul ſeems plainly to be, that
he prays to God to give him an Oracle, or ſhew him the truth by caſting the Lots,
ſeeing he refuſes to anſwer by the Ephod. Hence however Urim and Thummim
are predi&ions or declarations of what is true and ſhall come to paſs; and the
Gemms of the Eſen are themſelves ſo called, by a metonymie, becauſe they
were the inftruments by which God exhibited ſuch Oracles. Thus alſo as it has
been ſhewn in the Note upon Chap. 19. 8. B, that Oracles come under the no-
tion of judicial Decrees; fo it ſeems highly probable, that the Greek words
Olmus, and Ofuises come from Íhummim, becauſe decrees are the final Reſolutions
or Determinations of what is to be done, and the end of all ftrife and debate, botta
in judicial and civil matters, (k) Themis preſiding in both theſe among the Gods
and Men. But more particularly to be obſervd in this caſe is what Ammianus
022
POLO
(a Lycophron. Alex. V. 223; (b) Homer. Odyff.7. v. 403. (c) Strabon. Geogr,
Lib. VII. (d) Hom: Odyff t. v. 547. Vid. Platon, Politic, pag. 124. le) Orphei
Argonaut. v. 264. & 1954. (f) Hilar. Pi&tav. in Pfal. 118. Caph.
(g) Homer
Iliad e. 526. Vid. Æſchyl. fup. v. 95. Euripid. Alceft. v.978. Callimach. Hymn in Pallad, v.
135. (b) Pauſan. Attic, pag. 33. (i) Ælian, Var. Hift. Lib. II. cap. 31.
(k) Vid Homer Odyff
. B. v. 68. & Schol,
Marcel

Chap. XXI. v. 21. The Tivelve Gemms.
1013
Marcellinus fays of Themis the Deity preſiding over Oracles. For in a place,
where he ſpeaks of the Mantical Vertues, he ſays, ( a ) Quibus numen præeſe di-
citur Themidis : quam ex eo, quod fixa fatali lege decreta præſcire fas fit in pofterum, quem
tetbimena fermo græcus appellat, ita eognominatam, in cubili folioque Jovis vigoris vivia
fici Tbeologi veteres collocarunt. Which words I thought fit to recite here, though
they have been cited on another occafion. And indeed the (b) Oracle of Apol-
bo at Delphi was before attributed to Ibemis. And therefore we find in an Oracle
of Apollo,
(ε) 'Αυθήσει φέτος ημετέρη θεμιτώδεσιν ομφάς.
Now Themis is the ſame as Diana in Æſchylus ; that is Hecate or the Moon, which
was thought to give Inſpirations, of which before. The words of Æſchylus are,
(δ) Παρθενίε θ' αίματος οργά Περιβργως αληθυμεϊν Θέμις Stanly corrects περιέργως τ' όπιθυμεί και
which is right; but when he reads 'Appeuus for fuis, 'tis wrong; for the Verſe
can't allow it, as appears by the Strophe.
3. Having thus explains the meaning of the words Urim and Thummim, it
will not be now very difficult to Thew, how all this is ſuitable to the principles
of the ſymbolical Language; and indeed the true notion and full force of the
word Urim is only to be underſtood by thoſe Principles. To explain this we
need only to remember, that God was the King and Ruler of Iſrael, and that
his Oracles were the ſpecial Orders and Commands, which he gave to that
People to govern, guide, and make them execute his Will. Now all kind of
Government according to the Stile of thoſe Ages, which were acquainted with
fymbolical Notions, was repreſented by Light; becauſe the Lights or Luminaries
direct and ſhew the way, and by conſequence govern Men, who otherwiſe
ſhould not know what to do, or whither to go. The word Îbummim joyn'd to the
Urim, and ſhewing this Light is true and perfect, implied, that whatſoever God
ſhould by the Urim foretel, would certainly come to paſs
. So that when God
gave his Oracles as Urim, or Lights of direction to the Iſraelites, it was in order
to bring to perfection all thoſe Counſels, which he then diſcovered to them. It
is upon this account, that Chriſt is called the Light of the World, John 8. 12.
and alſo the Way, the Truth and the Life, John 14. 6. For thoſe titles fignify
his Dominion and Power to rule all the World, and he is the Urim and Thum-
mim, the diſpoſer of the Oracles of God to guide and rule Men, and to bring to
perfe&tion all the myſtery of God, which is to bring Men to eternal Life. Hence in
this New Jeruſalem, wherein that myſtery is perfected, he is with the Father the Liu-
minary thereof. So that this New Jeruſalem, being founded, or begun, upon the
Oracles and Light of the Apoſtles of Jeſus Chriſt, ſhall be compleated by having
therein the great Urim and Thummim, which gives Light to all that are therein,
and has perfečted all the Will, Counfel and Promiſes of God which are from the
beginning of the World to reſult in that; but more eſpecially thofe which have
been made from the beginning of the Goſpel Diſpenſation by the Apoſtles of
Chrift, who laid the firſt Foundation of an univerſal Church, and have there-
fore their Names written upon the Symbols of that Foundation.
A. verf. 21. Kas o sólince avaūves so desse ccpgaeitus, And the twelve Gate- houſes
were twelve Pearls.] As I obſerv'd in the former Note the decorum of the Sym-
bol of Gemms to Foundations; ſo it may be neceſſary here to fhew it of the
Pearls to the Gate-houſes. We know that Pearls are not Stones, and ſo cannot
be faid to be proper for building. But in the ſymbolical Language it is not ne-
ceffary to proceed upon a Phyſical nicety, but the common notions are ſuffici-
ent. Now as to Pearls Authors are divided. Some diſtinguiſh Pearls from
Gemms and precious Stones, others count them Stones; and ſo the Symbol is
proper enough. (e) Pliny has not deſcribed them among Gemms, but fuch
things as belong to the Sea; yet when he comes to creat(f) of Gemms, as if the
Reader might have expected to find them there, he ſends him back to the former
place. But as ſome ( g ) Authors diſtinguiſh them from Gemms and Stones,
others do not, but reckon them Stones. A Pearl is the moſt precious of all things
(a) Ammian, Marc. Lib. XXI, init. (b) Euripid, Oreft. v.163 Harpocration & Said.
V. Bejusder. Apollod. Biblioth Lib 1. cap. 4. Lactant. Placid. in Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. III. v.
560. (c) 'Apud Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. V. (d) Æſchyl. Agam. 223,
(e) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. IX. cap. 35. () Plin Nat Hift. Lib. XXXVII Cp 4.
(8) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. I. Voc. Baccatum. Placid La&ant. in Stat. Theb. Lib. VI. v. 63.
chac

1014
The twelve Pearls.
Chap. XXI. v. 21,
that are ſold among Men. Pliny, (a ) Principium ergo culmenque omnium rerum
pretii, margaritæ tenent. Therefore our Saviour compares the Kingdom of Heaven
to a Pearl of great price, Matth. 13. 45, 46. to purchaſe which a Man would
forego all other things ; and thus Philo prefers them to all other Gemms, and
numbers them among precious Stones, (b) Geoflaskord jy ý xero de Tiv Túpov š xer
και βυθ& θαλάθης διεράγωμύη, μία και εις αίθησιν αφανές εναπόκειται σε καλόν, και λίθων πολυτε
λών ανδρώσα ιδέας, τας με πέτραις εσπεφυκυίας, τους δ' οσρέας, αν και πμιλφέστραι γεγόνασιν,
fecus card Flu i Setiumtur. And ſo doth Clemens Alex. in a paiſage wherein he had
this very place in his view, (c) Λίθους 3 αγίοις τluυ άνω Ιερεσαλήμ εταχες παρελήφα-
μο, και τας ώδενα της έρανοπόλεως πύλας, πμίοις αποχασμοί ας λίθοις, το περι οπλον της Χρυσολικής
Panas swiments qüestos éxodegóue Soc. He makes here the doctrine of the Goſpel io be
compared to the precious Stones, and places the Pearls of the Gates in that num-
ber. Alſo our Saviour calls the precious Doctrine of the Gofpel by the meta-
phorical name of Pearls in Mattb. 7.6. But the Pearls being joyn’d to the Sym-
bol of Gates in this New Jeruſalem, which properly ſignify the right to enter
therein, ſhew that this right is of infinite value, to which nothing elſe in the
world is to be compared ; and by conſequence this ſhews the immenſe happineſs
of them that have a right to enter by theſe Gates into the New Ferufalem, to en-
joy the bleſſed State thereof. Moreover the whiteneſs of the Pearls may denote
the Holineſs as well as Happineſs enſuing of them that enter, and the neceſſity
there is of being throughly fan&ified by a perfect holineſs to chat end ; the mark
of which, they who enter have beſtowed upon them
by the Bylle given to the
Bride, which is the reward adjudged to the Saints in Chap. 19.8. Thus Fere-
miab in Lament. 4. 7. ſeems to compare the purified State of the Nazarites to
Pearls ; for he ſays, Her Nazarites were purer than Snow, they were whiter than Milk,
tboy were more ruddy, or rather bright, or ſhining, than 30, Pearls, that is
the moſt probable ſignification of the Word, which Bocharę approves ; adding,
as it is highly probable, that more, which is the Pearl Oyſter, and rivvexar a Pearl,
comes from thence.
B. 'Avei ois i neis ofer Tunaiv av w 2E Evos uspaelts, Every ſeveral Gate houſe was of
one Pearl.] This is to ſhew, that the Gate-houſes were not made up of little
Pearls, as it were cemented together, ſo that the value of them ſhould be the
leſs ; but each of one, to ſhew what vaft Pearls they muſt be ; and conſequent-
che immenſe value of the Right. For as the Gate-houſe of a City is one of
the largeſt buildings of all the Walls ; conſiſting, after the manner of the old
Fortifications, of ſeveral Towers and Turrets to flank and defend the Entrance:
ſo, what a prodigious Pearl muft that be, which is alone fufficient to make up
of itſelf one of the Gate-houſes of this great City, whoſe Wall being one hun-
dred and forry four Cubits high, the Gate-houſes mutt be proportionably ſup-
poſed to be much higher. The biggeſt Pearl known to be in the World belongs
to the King of Perſia. It is not ſo big as a Pidgeon's Egg, and coſt thirty two
chouſand Tumains ; that is, about one hundred thouſand Pounds Sterling. The
Great Mogul bid about ten thouſand Pounds Sterling for a Pearl belonging to
the Emir of Maſcale, which weighed but twelve Carats, and a little more, and
could not have it at any rate, the owner being unwilling to ſet any rate upon
it, becauſe it was round and tranſparent.
If one ſhould compute the value of a Pearl, ſuch as the Gate-houſes of this
City are ſuppoſed to be made of, according to the way of valuing Pearls in
proportion to their bigneſs; and on the other hand compute all the Wealth of
this World, and the value of all the inhabitable Earth, as it is rated in com-
mon Sale, I ſay, that all the Wealth of this World, in Land and Goods, could
not in a fair Purchaſe be equivalent to ſuch a Pearl. Therefore, as a Man
would give all this world to ſave his Soul, and that theſe Pearls fignify the right
to that immortality which ſaves Souls for ever; ſo a wiſe Man muſt ſacrifice all
this World to obtain it. Matth. 16. 26. Rom. 8. 18.
C. Και η πλατεία της πόλεως χρυσίον καθαρόν, ως ελG διαυγής, And the broad place
of the City was pure Gold, as it were tranſparent Glaſs.] linatäiding which the LXX
uſe inſtead of the Hebrew wind, from 71, to open wide or dilate, fignifies any
of thoſe Broad places, or Squares, in Cities, wherein Men gather together upon
(*) Vid. G. J. Voff. Etym. V. Margarita & Solin. Polyhiſt. cap. LVI.
(6) Philo. Lib.
Quod: Omn. bon, lis Liber, pag. 599. (c) Clem. Alex. Pæd. Lib. II. cap. 12.
any

Ch. XXI. v. 21.
The Broad place:
1015
any buſineſs of Juſtice, or Commerce ; and when it is put in the fingular Num:
ber, as here, it denotes peculiàrly that broad place, which commonly lies in the
midſt of a City, as the Market chereof. Such Broad places were alſo made ac
the Gates of Cities, and ſerv'd for particular Markets, as of Cattle and the like;
whereas the middle place ferves for more neat uſes, as Coures of Juſtice, Ex-
changes and the like. See Genef
. 34. 20. 2 Chron, 29. 5, and 32.6. Eſther 4.6.
Fob 29.7. Prov. I. 20. There is another Hebrer, word in Holy Writ, nøyt,
which the LXX frequently turn’d by Iratie, which has ſometimes the ſame
fignification, and may by a Metonymie fignifie a free and open Trade, or Com-
merce, as in 1 Kings 20:34. The words are, And Ben-hadad ſaid unto him, the
Cities which my father took from thy father, I will reftore, and thou ſhalt make Streets
for thee in Damaſcus, as my father made in Samaria. This is a Treaty of Peace;
and therein the King of Syria offers to reſtore the Towns taken, and to grant
the Iſraelites a free Commerce in Damaſcus, as we ſhould now expreſs it. It is
true that the LXX have there egidas, but that word is the ſame in Senſe; for it
implies a free ingreſs and regrets; which muſt be in order to Trade. So that
the Ifraelites might there ſet up a Staple. Wherefore this broad place denores the
internal converſation of the Citizens of this New Jeruſalem. And this being
faid to be of pure Gold, clear as Gold, denotes the moſt holy and excellently con-
Itant behaviour of them all in equity and goodneſs, 'without any mixture or
miſmanagement to tarniſh the continual courſe thereof. See the Note upon
Chap. 21. 18. B. and Iſaiah 60. 15, 16, 17, 18, &c. Obſerve likewiſe the cau-
tious expreſſion of the Holy Ghoſt in this compariſon. Leaſt we ſhould miſtake,
and think of the fragility of Glaſs, we are told, that the Gold is pure and like
Glaſs in its moſt clear quality, which is tranſparency, the neceſſity of which
diſtinction may be underſtood by what we have obferv'd of Glaſs in other places.
But this ſtate is abſolutely permanent and incorruptible as Gold, which Metal
is obſerv'd to loſe nothing of its ſubftance in the fire; and though it is hand-
led much loſes leſs than any other. It may be alſo obſerv'd that Homer deſcribes
the place wherein the Gods met to conſult with Jupiter, as having a Floor of
Gold.
tai (a) Od 9 Kölnop Zlivi ne-Só mayor izaebwyro
Χρυσές & δαπίσω.
be
A. verf. 22. Kai Nadu šne culm, And I ſaw no Temple therein.] How comes
St. John to affirm, that there is no Temple in this New Jeruſalem, whereas we
are told before, that the Temple of God was opened in heaven, and the
Ark of bis Com
renant was ſeen therein, Chap. 11. 19. and the Martyrs are promiſed, that they
ſhall be Pillars in the Temple of God. Chap: 3. 12. This place therefore ſhews us,
that this Temple is to be underſtood here of the material Temple, that St. John
did not ſee any material Temple in this New Jeruſalem, wherein God and Chriſt
ſhould be worſhipped as before during both the Moſaical Oeconomy, and alfo
the Chriftian, until the triumphant State thereof in this Jeruſalem. For as we
have obſerv'd before in the Note on Chap. 19.7. A. that the reaſons of ſeveral
parts of our preſent Worſhip ſhall ceaſe; ſo we may eaſily imagine, that on the
part of God and Chriſt many reaſons ſhall ceaſe, which required, that both the
Iſraelites and we ſhould worſhip in a material Temple; and accordingly thoſe
reaſons are laid down in the next Words. Ambertus ſays, Nequaquam ſcilicet in ea
templum materiale vel corporale ex lignis aut lapidibus elle, fed
fpirituale atque
incorporeum,
quod conſtat divina majeſtate. And thus the Martyrs may be Pillars of the Temple,
when God and Chriſt are the Temple, as they were in this life members of his
Body the viſible Church. Beſides all this, a Temple ſignifies a circumſcribed wor-
ſhip adapted to a Nation within narrow limits; as it is evident from our Saviour's
reaſoning with the Woman of Samaria, John 4:23: So that tho' the Chriſtian
Oeconomy had a much greater latitude than the Moſaical, yet becauſe the firſt
and ſecond Period thereof was fuch, that the Chriſtian Church was ſtill within
limits far below the univerſality of the third Period, the ſettled ſtate thereof
was then repreſented by a Temple ; See the Note upon Chap. 7.15.C; of which
therefore there is now no need in this univerſal State. Wę may there-
fore conclude, that the Symbol of the Temple is ſuppoſed to vaniſh away upon
. . in či
(x ) Homer Iliad. M. Vi teda
od to com
12
the

1016
God the Temple.
Ch. XXI. V. 22.
the firſt preparation of the Lamb's Bride; that is upon the firſt Refurre&ion,
when ſuch a mighty Revolution is effe&ed in the ſtate of the World, and that of
the Chriſtian Church too. There are ſome other reaſons why there ſhould be
no Temple in the New Jeruſalem; but becauſe the Holy Ghoſt has hinted at
them in the next Words we muſt conſider them there.
B. 'O 28 Kueco ó gods payroneg.twg, yoos d’utas EB, sy to deviou, For the Lord God Al-
mighty is the Temple thereof, and the Lamb.) There were many things which re-
quired a material Temple in the Moſaical Oeconomy. The principal of which
was this, that the Tabernacle and Temple ſerved to keep the Earneſts, Tefti-
monies, and Monuments of the Covenant made between God and the Iſraelites;
and thus to denote Symbolically, that God did dwell among them, in order to
protect them always, until ſuch tinie as all his Promiſes and Councils concern-
ing that Oeconomy were perfe&ed, which was only to bring them, as a Peda-
gogue, to Chriſt. The cloſeneſs and ſecrecy of that Temple, ſo long as it was
fut from the Eyes of Men, repreſented, that the great Counſel or Deſigns of
God were ſtill to be ſecret and unaccompliſhed. When by the coming of the
Meffias thoſe deſigns began to be laid more open by his Preaching, and of his
Apoſtles, God ſuffered that Temple to be removed, to make way for another
Oeconomy, which was the Chriſtian. In this latter Oeconomy Men are Mor-
tals ftill
, and they have need of a ftanding and viſible Worſhip, and publick re.
hearſal of the Divine Promiſes, to keep up their Faith and Hope. They have
therefore need of a Temple, and ſtanding Miniſtry therein, to obtain thoſe two
ends; and ſo the Holy Ghoſt has repreſented the ſtate of our Church by the
Symbol of a Temple
. But now in this New Jeruſalem, in and by which all the
Myſteries and Promiſes of God are fully accompliſhed, there is no need of a
material Temple to contain the Monuments of a Covenant, which is fully per-
formed. Neither is there need of any ſuch Symbol of Divine Protection, be-
cauſe God and the Lamb have already overcome the laſt of them, even Death
itſelf, as to all thoſe who are in the New Jeruſalem, and that they are conftant-
ly preſent, as it were in Perſon both, and the Lamb viſibly. And then as to the
publick Worſhip, which is now to keep up our Faith and Hope, they are both
unneceſſary to them that walk by Sight, and are in a&ual poffeflion of the Pro-
miſes; Faith and Hope being vertues of them that are not yet perfect, By which
we ſee, that the preſence of God and of the Lamb ſupply with great advan-
tage all that can be conceived by the Temple. So that they are the Temple of the
New Jeruſalem
C. Rok to ségváow, And the Lamb. ] Why is this title ſtill given to Chrift, but
to fhew, that he ſhall reign with his Saints in his viſible Human Nature For
this Kingdom being given to him on the account of his Sufferings in his Human
Nature, the fame muſt accompany him in his Glory. But of this more in the
Nore upon Chap. 22. 5. C.
A. verf. Και η πόλις 6 χρείαν έχει σε ηλίε, 3 της σελήνης, ίνα φαίγωσιν ν. dulni.
And the City has no need of the Sun, neither of the Moon, to ſhine in it.] This is alſo
taken from Iſaiah 60.19. The Sun ſhall be no more thy light by day, neither for bright-
neſs shall the Moon give light unto thee : But the Lord ſhall be unto thee an everlaſting
light, and thy God thy glory. This expreſſion by no means takes away the Sun and
Moon from
exiſting and
performing their natural Functions ; but becauſe Light
is the Symbol of good Government, and by conſequence of the happy State
which it procures, the meaning of che Holy Ghoſt feems by this emphatical
expreſſion to be, that the preſence of God and Chriſt, which are compared to
Light, both before and in the next Words, ſhall afford ſuch an happy Srate to
this New Jeruſalem, that it ſhall ſtand as it were in no need of any natural
means, ſuch as the Sun and Moon are, to afford its Inhabitants any affittance.
Further, as the Sun and Moon in the ſymbolical Language do frequently fig-
nify thoſe political Governours, which God has given to Men as his Vicars to
govern them; fo this expreſſion may and does imply, that the New Feruſalem
inall ſtand in no need of ſuch Vicars to govern in Chrift's abſence, but that he
with all the Glory of Divine Majefty ſhall be preſent to govern it himſelf
.
B. ‘H 38 Ažu ti sei èpoónion d'ullw, tj ó rugvo avtñs to égvíov, For the glory of God did
inlighten it, and the Lamb is the Lamp thereof.] What is here laid down in the
ſymbolical Language is mention'd in the Literal, in Ezek. 34. 24: And I the Lord
will be their God, and my Servant David a Prince among them; for David here ſigni.
fies the Mefias, the head of the Family being put for the Succeſſor, as it is fre-
quently
23.

Ch. XXI. v. 23.
No Sun nor Moon, but God's Glory. 1017
quently done in Holy Writ and many ancient Authors. The words before us
explain the eleventh Verſe, and ſhew us particularly, who is the Luminary of
the New Feruſalem. We lee cherein as well as here, that God the Father him-
ielf ſhall make his Glory to ſhine therein, that is to conduct the Inhabitants, and
that the Lamb or his Son Jeſus Chriſt with his Humanity, ſhall guide them.
That is, that Chriſt in his human nature ſhall be preſent with them, being con-
tinually attended with the Schekinah, or the moſt glorious appearing of che di-
vine Majeſty, as che Cloud, or Schekinab, dwelt conſtantly over the Iſraelites to
protect them from the ſultry heats in the Defart, and ſo moved to ſhew them
how they muſt cravel, by which they were viſibly, that is, by a viſible Symbol,
conſtantly affured of the divine Preſence, and by conſequence Favour. For when
God was angry againſt them, the. Cloud removed from the Camp, and ſtood
only over the Tabernacle, Numb. 16. 42. But then I think, that the Schekinah in
this New Jeruſalem will be exceedingly more glorious than thac which appear'd
to the Iſraelites.
As to the Lamb's being ſaid to be the Lamp, we ſee at the very firſt, that the
Lamp is a Luminary; and ſo it is the Symbol of a Governor. Upon occaſion it
may indeed ſignify a ſupream Governor or King, as in 2 Kings 8. 19. and ſome-
times inferior Governors, as in the firſt Viſion of this Propheſy, the Churches
are repreſented by Lampſconces, ſo that Biſhops may be repreſented by Lamps.
And by conſequence in ſome Circumſtances a Lamp may imply a Subordination,
ſuch as chac of the Son of God to his father, of the Humanity of Chriſt to his
Divinity. So Euſebius deſcanting upon the words of the Pſalmiſt, Pſal 132. 17;
fays thus : (α) “Ητοίμασα λύχνον τω χρισώ με τάχει ίσως και το ότι της ζηθλεέμ αναληφθέν του
χεις σώμα καθ' ετέρgν υπόνοιαν σημαίνων, επειδή δια σε σώμα/G ως δι' ός ρακίνε σκάλες
ενοικήσασα εν αυτή η θεία διώαμις, ως δια λύχνε τας σε θρίς και λογικά φωτός μαρμαρυγής εις
midy tets i Genapanlar erdgames. Thus alſo in this ftare, though Chriſt comes.with great
Glory, yet as St. Paul ſays, 1 Cor. 15. 28. he muſt be ſtill ſubje&t to the Father, that
God may be all in all, and ſo we find it here, the Lamp being deſign'd without
doubt to be a Symbol of ſomething leſs Majeſty than the Schekinah, or glory of
God; and yet the Union between the Father and the Son is ſo ftrict, that we
have ſeen in v.II. they are but one Luminary betwixt them. However this
Thews, that in this New Jeruſalem there is no other inferior Governor but one,
the Word of God, the prime Miniſter, and ſole Executor of all the divine Will,
who nevertheleſs admits his Saints as parts of himſelf to reign with him.
Further, As a Lamp is a vicarious Light which is us’d in the Night, and is
therefore an Alliftant in a time of need ; fo Chriſt may be ſaid to be a Lamp,
as he is a Mediator or Interceffor for the Saints themſelves, who could never
otherwiſe ſtand in the fight of God without Chriſt's Merit and the Aſiſtance
and Protection which he affords them in the ſolemn Judgments, And even after-
wards the continuation of the divine favour depends on the ſame; for if the
higheſt Perfection of the Saints be to be equal to the Angels, and the Angels
themſelves may be charged with Folly; as Job ſays Chap. 4. 18. the Saints them-
ſelves will ſtand in need of the continual Mediation of Chriſt to keep them in
their Perfection.
This place together with the reſt are to me ſuch ſtrong Proofs of a viſible Pre-
ſence of Chriſt among the Saints in the ſtate of the Reſurrection; and the fol-
lowing are ſo clear, that the New Feruſalem is to be upon the Earch, that I must
likewiſe conclude for Chriſt's Preſence therein. I know, that ſome will not be-
lieve this; but it cannot be help'd. When ſtronger Proofs are brought againſt
it, I will ſubmit. Tillchen, I beg leave to have an Article in my Belief, which
no way derogates from any fundamental Article of our Faith; nor contradi&s
bo
in the leaſt the Analogy thereof. 2003
A. verf. 24. Kai moee me TÍCHT Til Porn Nors' iš qortès d'ura'sAnd the Nations Shall walk
in the light of it.] This is alſo taken out of Iſaiah 60. 3. And the Gentiles ſhall
come to thy light, and the Kings to the Brightneſs of thy rifing. This holy City is to be
the Metropolis which is to govern all the World, her Luminary being the King
of Kings, and Lord of Lords. And therefore being taken all together with the
Inhabitants thereof, who are to reign with Chriſt, ſhe has a light to guide all,
(a) Eufeb. Dem. Ev. Lib. IV. p. 119.
Gomes
and
1018 God's Glory, and the Lamb's Light.
Ch. XXI. v. 23.

and ſo is indeed the light of all the World. 'Tis juſt in this manner that Tully
ſpeaks of Rome, which has ever ſince pretended to this univerſal Dominion. He
fays: (a) Videor enim mihi hanc urbem videre, lucem Orbis terrarum, atque arcem orn-
nium gentium, fubite uno incendio concidentem.
To apply this to the ſtate of the New Jeruſalem, we need but to remember,
chat che New Jeruſalem is a permanent City, and comprehends the Millennial
ftate before the general Reſurrection ; and that in the Millennial ſtate thoſe that
are alive, having been converted to the true Worſhip, ſhall be governed by the
Rules preſcrib'd to them from the ſupream King, the Ruler of the New Jerufaa
lem, who is the King of Kings. That is, the Kings of this World, or in a mortal
ftate, being converted to Chriſtianity with their Subje&s, ſhall be ſubmiſſive to
the Government of the New Jeruſalem, and ſhall enjoy the Peace, which that
ſtate procures for all the World. As the ſtate of the World ſhall then ſtand,
when Chriſt is preſent, and his Judgments upon wicked Men are freſh in the
Memory of the living, and his Power and Goodneſs is viſible to them that re-
main, one may eaſily conceive, that there will be a great zeal for good Works,
and great Arguments to curb the Paſſions, which reign now. So that the Go
.
vernment of Kings muſt needs be very eaſy,
both in reſpect of their Subjects, and
of Strangers ſubject to differenc Princes. The abundance of Peace will make
Armies unneceſſary, and ſo take off the occafions of Princes to oppreſs, or
burden their Subjects. There being ſuch an Umpire as Chriſt, Ambition muſt
needs be cruft'd, which now cauſes the diſturbance of the World. And this will
take off the fear of foreign Invaſions ; by which we ſee, that the glorious reign
of Chriſt affects not only the Saints rais’d, but all Mankind; and how proper
therefore it was to pronounce and acknowledge, as has been done in Chap. 19.
1.7.9. that they are bleſſed who are invited to the marriage Feaſt of the Lamb.
B. Tão owsoufícor, Of there that are ſaved.] Theſe words are not in the Coma
plutenſian Edition nor many other Copies, for which reaſon D. Mill rejects them
as a Gloſs. This sentence may be too ſevere, if we conſider, that the words are
not only found in good Copies, but that the fenſe leads us naturally to ſupply
them ; and belides, they are found in the Prophets, whoſe Language the Holy
Ghoſt'imitates. This will appear in the words of Mede upon the place. For
having nothing to add thereto, we ſhall not make any ſcruple to copy them.
*. Edes and deoch w in the LXX. anſwer to the Hebrew 170, to be left, to remain,
* ſo that there are but three places wherein it is otherwile rendred. Τα έθνη των
ou coulwy are they of the Gentiles which are left whom the Deluge of Fire hath
not overflown. See lſaiah 66. 19. And I will ſend thoſe that eſcape of them.
'0'D or wouluss, unto the Nations, to Tarſhiſh, Pul and Lud- and they shall
6 declare my Glory among the Gentiles. If I miſtake not, theſe are both to be under-
• ftood of thoſe who Ihall eſcape that Deſtruction which ſhall happen in the Ap-
. pearance of Chriſt, when he ſhall come to deſtroy the Enemies of his Church.
• Iſaiah 45. 20. Aſſemble your ſelves and come ; draw near together ye that are eſcaped
of the Nations : The Hebr. 377 0170, LXX. Ewcówfual amo Täv Ovãy. The
Prophet ſpeaks of the Vocation of the Gentiles as appears from v. 22. Look unto
me, and be ſaved all the ends of the Earth. For I am God, and there is none elſe, and
v. 23. Unto me every Knee shall bow, every Tongue ſhall ſwear'. All the dif-
ference (6) Mafius obſerves between you and 2970, both which ſignifie faved or
eſcaped, is that the firſt fignifies one that is ſaved by the Enemy and taken Cap-
live; and the latter one that has eſcaped by flight. So the Latins are thought to
fave called a Servant (c) Servus, a Servando, becauſe Slaves were ſuch as were
Javed in War, when they might have been ſlain ; and owoías among the Greeks was
the common name of a Servant; according to this notion Chriſtians are o
sw Shrefwor, becauſe God has saved us from that Deftruction, into which we muſt
have fallen if Chriſt had not redeemed us.
C. Kai Đi GamAR; TH vì có tới Tu ngay và Tây TIuu ducày ; curlus, And the King:
of the Earth do bring their Glory and Honour into it.] This is taken out of Ifaiab 60.
10. 11. Their Kings ſhall miniſter anto thee ---that Men may bring unto thee the Forces ;
that is, the Wealth or Glory and Honoisr, of the Gentiles, and that their Kings may
be brought. All this is according to the Propheſy concerning Chriſt, alſo accom-
0
(A) M. T. Cic. Ofat. IV. in Citilin.
8. 23.
(c) Vid. Yoff, Etym. v. Fuvo & Ser uns,
(6). Andr, Maf. Com. in Jofa
pliſhed,

Chap. XXI. v. 24. The Submiſſion of the Nations. 1019
pliſhed in part upon Solomon, who was a Type of the Meſſias. See Pſal. 45. 12.
1 Kings 1o. 24, 25. and Zechar. 14, 14. This Expreſſion therefore alludes co
the Tribute and Acknowledgements, which were made to Solomon, as a great
and potent King, by all the neighbouring Princes, who defired, ſeeing his Pow-
er, to live in Friendſhip with him, leaft he ſhould proceed, as his Father had
done to ſeveral others, to make abſolute Conqueſts of them. But as the ſtate of
the New Jeruſalem is ſuch, that ic does not ſtand in need of the goods of this
World for Splendor or Suſtenance, this Honour and Glory denote the Worſhip and
Submiſſion, which all the Kings and Governors of the political ftate among the
Nations converted, ſhall pay unto Chriſt as King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.
We may ſee by this, ſeeing Chriſt receives the Homage of Kings, that the Mil-
lennial State is very far from purting down without Diſtinction all Rule and Au.
thority whatſoever. The fanatical Chiliafts, who under Presence of ſerving up
King Jeſus, cover rebellious Principles, to ſet up their own Dominion, have no
ground for ſuch abſurd and miſchievous Notions from this Propheſy; which yec
proves a ſtrong Prejudice againſt the true Notion of the Millennium with ſuch as
will not give themſelves the pains to diſtinguiſh the true ſtate of it from ſuch
Abſurdities. So that when St. Paul, 1 Cor. 15. 24. hints, that Chriſt is to put
down all Rule, Authority and Power, it is evident, that this is to be underſtood of
thoſe which are oppos'd to the Chriftian Religion. Therefore during the Mil-
lennium the Kings ſhall ftill remain, and continue to be Kings of the Nations;
but by imbracing Chriſtianity, they ſhall thereby do Homage to Chriſt; and
chey ſhall be well recompenſed for it, even as to their preſent ſtate by the great
Peace and Happineſs, which Chriſt's Reign fhall procure to all the converted
World. This Tribute and Honour given to Chriſt will no way tarniſh their
Glory and Power ; but ſhall be reciprocally glorious and profitable for them.
And I hope no Prince, that has any ſenſe of Religion, would now think him-
felf diſhonoured by ſuch an Homage. As to thoſe which ſhall be alive at the
Millennium, the preſent ftate of things will certainly give them true Notions of
their Duty, and inſpire them accordingly to do it chearfully, as a duty which
concurs with their true Intereſts. As for the Poft millennial ſtate, or general Re-
furre&ion, I conceive there will be no need of ſuch Governments as we now
ſee.
As to the litteral Signification of the words ofta and Tuni', it is evident, that in
this place they come in to ſignify that which appears to be a Tribute or Ho-
mage and mark of Submiſſion ; and as they are things which are ſaid to be
brought, imply that they are Subſtances, and not bare Compliments of Duty.
So that theſe Kings honour the New Jeruſalem with their ſubſtance, and that
is their Riches. This further appears from the Alluſion to the words of Iſaiab al-
ready cited, where Forces ſignifies Riches as has been hinted in the Note upon v.15:
A. and alſo from that to the like Expreſſion in Iſaiah 61. 6. Ye mall eat the
Riches of the Gentiles, and in their Glory ſhall you boaft your ſelves. Where the word
Riches anſwers to the ſame Hebrew word, which in the former place is turn'd by
Forces; and the word which is turned by Glory, 722, is turn'd in the LXX. by
FA&TG, which is turn'd elſewhere by sbd, as in Geneſ
. 31. I. and Chap. 45. 13.
and ſometimes by mouen, as in Iſaiah 14. 18. by which we ſee that Wealth is Honour
and Glory. The Author of the Gothick Verſion ſeems to have had the like No-
tion of data, for he turns it in Matth. 6. 13. by WOLI HOS, and in v. 29. by
WOLTHO, where Chriſt ſpeaks of Solomon's Glory, which conſiſted in his
Riches; of which it ſeems that the Goths had ſuch a Notion, that in Riches con-
fitted the Honour and Glory of the World. For I make no doubt but that and the
Saxon Wuldor are a kin to the word Walethi or Wealtby ; and Welum, Riches, uſed
in the Saxon Verſion, Luke 8. 14. Thus all theſe words may come from (a)
W ATLÁ, well. The Latins have alſo us’d Honour for Riches. As in Horacez
(b) Ruris honorum : The Riches of the Country; upon which ſee M. Dacier.
Again ; (c) Er quoſcunque feret cultus tibi fundus honores. In Tully : (d) Magnus ha-
nos viri jucundus mulieri fuiſſet, is ſpoken of a great Eftate left by Will. Thus
alſo anciently Honeſtus ſignified Rich, as it is obſerv'd by Afconius on Tully: (6)
(a) Vid. Junil Gloſs. Goth. pag. 387. & 412,
(6) Horat. Lib. 1. Od. 17.
(c) Horat. Lib. II. Sat. 5.
(d) M. T. Cic. Orat. pro Cæcio. (e) Afcon. in
Lib. I. in, Vert.
12 D

1020
No Gates ſhut. Chap. XXI. v. 257
300
An vetuſte bonos pro magnis, boneftos pro divitibus poſuit ? Voſſius derives Honor from
717, Riches. And the LXX. turn that word by sid, in Pfal. 112. 3. In ſhort,
Wealth is the Honor of this world, and its Glory
. Hilary ſays; (*) In pecunia honor
ejus eft, ſpeaking of this World; and without doubt the Glory of it, which
Satan offer'd to Chriſt, Luke 4. 6. is plainly its Wealth. Now as the way of
thoſe Princes, which are inferior to ſome great King, is to pay him Tribute in
Money, or other Curioſities, which may be of the growth and product of their
Dominions, ſo this is that by which they honour him. I have ſhewn, that tiunt
alſo ſignifies Price, and implies giving Wealth. See the Nore upon Chap:
18. 19.C.
fischbau
A. verf. 25. Kai oi muaðves duoñs send nastaou šuéeys, And the Gate houſes thereof
Shall not be ſhut at all by day.] This is taken from Iſaiah 60. 11. Therefore thy Getes
Shall be open continually, they ſhall not be shut day nor night. This fignifies that there
Thall be a concival flowing in of Men as Iſaiah expreſſes it in Chap. 2. 2. that is to
come and ſerve, ut ſerviant, as the Targum explains that flowing in, both here,
and on 7erem. 51. 44. in which we find, Et non obedient ei amplius regna, and alſo
in Micab. 4. I. the Targum has, Et vultus vertent ut ferviant Super eo regna. In
Job 38. 10. the ſetting of Bars and Gates againſt the Sea, is the ſecuring of the
Earth from its Outrages. So in Pſal. 147. 13, 14. He hath strengthened the bars
of thy Gates ; he bath bleſſed thy Children within thee; this fignifies that God has
given it ſecurity, and put it out of danger; for it follows, He maketh peace in
thy borders, and filleth thee with the fineſt of the Wheat. But in this New Jeruſalem
there ſhall be ſo much Peace and Security, that there ſhall be no need to ſhut the
Gates againſt any Enemy, at no time, not in the Night, becauſe there is no Night
there. Gates open are a token of Peace, but Gates ſhut are the marks of fear, as in
John 20. 19. or of a ſtate of War; by this Expreſſion many Authors denote thoſe
two differenc States. Nay, Gates ſhut are a ſign of AMiation, Miſery and Deſc-
lation, as in Jerem, 13. 19. Thus in Horace; (a) Portaſque non claufas, & arva
Marte coli populata noftro
. Upon this the Commentator ſays: Afros non timentes,
& quafi jam vi&tores colereagros, cum exercitu Romano, quos jam vaſt averat. And in
another place : (b) Et apertis otia portis ; where the Commentator ſays: Pacem :
quia in pace portæ patent, ut panduntur porte : du contra, bello clauduntur, ut qua mænia
claufis ferrum acuunt portis.' That Panduntur portæ is taken out of (c) Virgil, upon
which Servius ſays ; fignum pacis eft; ut Salluſtius : Apertæ porte, repleta arva cul-
toribus. Cæſar ; (d) Portis patefaétis, eo die pace ſunt uſ. Thus alſo Tacitus : (e)
Pleni agri, aperte Domus. Occurſantes domini juxta conjuges du liberos, ſecuritate
pacis, e belli malo circumvenicbantur. And in another place ſpeaking of Rome ;
(f) Poftera die, velut capta urbe, claulæ domus. This ſhews the oppoſite ſide:
Scipio in Silius Italicus ſpeaking in the Senate to perſuade them to remove the
War into Africa. (8)
Carthago immunis noſtros ſecura labores
ht
Audiet interea, do portis bellabit apertis.
So the Perſians of Niſibis, in contempt to the Emperor (5) Juſtin the younger
when he beſieged them, would not ſhut the Gates of their City. Therefore
Ovid to ſhew the peace of the Gods in Heaven ſpeaks of cheir Manſions thus ;
(i) Dextra lavague deorum Atria mobilium valvis celebrantur apertis. And ſo when
Cæfar ſays ; ( k ) Portas claulerunt, he means, that they declared for War. On
the other hand (1) Xenophon obſerves, that upon the clapping up of a ſudden
Peace in Caria, the City Gates were immediately opened, and the Husbandmen
and Traders returned to their reſpective buſineſs. See the Nore on Chap. 15.8.B.
Beſides, this New 7erufalem has been repreſented as a Bride, and the ftate of
irs Citizens as a Wedding with a Feaſt kept for the Marriage of the Lamb,
which is his Union with the Saints rais'd again. Now in the Solemnities of a
Wedding it was uſual to keep the Doors open. This appears by the Parable of
The Ten Virgins ; ſee Matt. 25.10. Catullus takes notice of it ; (m) Claudite oftia

cap. 8
(8) Sil. Ital.
(*) Hilar. Pictaviens. Corr, in Matth. Can. XXX. (@) Horat. Lib. III. Od 5.
(6) Horat.
Art. Poet, v. 199.
(c) Virg. Æneid. Lib. II. v. 26. 27 (d) Cæfar. de Bello Gall. Lib. II.
(e) Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. II. (f) Tacit Hift. Lib. I.
Punic. Lib. XVI.
(b) Vid. Euagr. Hift. Ecclef. Lib. V. сар. .
8.
(1) Cvid. Metam. Lib. I. v. 171.
(k) Cæſar de Bello Gall. Lib. III. cap. 4.
(1) Xenophont. Cyropæd. Lib. VII.
cip.
IV.
(m) Catull. Epithalam
virgines;

Chap. XXI. v. 25. No Night.
102 1
virgines ; Lufimus fatis : Sepullius Baffus, in Seneca, ridiculing the Marriage of a
Slave with the Maſter's Daughter,fays; (a) Nuptias claufa domo fecimus. As if it
were a ſhame to have the Doors ſhut on ſuch an occafion. Thus ftill, when
ſolemn and long Feafts are kept in a Houſe, the Maſter is ſaid to keep open Houſe.
In the New Jeruſalem there is a perpetual Feaft; the Gates muſt be continually
öpen. 250, dogano
son
B. Nuk jag åx isu éxer, For there ſhall be no Night there.] This Symbol ſeems to
be taken out of Zechar. 14. 6, 7. And it ſhall come to paſs in that Day, that the
Light ſhall not be clear nor dark. But it ſhall be one day which shall be known to the Lord,
not day nor night; but it shall come to paſs that at Evening time it shall be light. (b)
Cyril of Jeruſalem calls this an Enigma, but takes a wrong way to ſolve it. The
meaning of the Prophet is, that there ſhall not be a Vicifficude of Day and Night,
but a conſtant Light, neither heat nor cold, but a conſtant temperate Sealon.
And this ſignifies ſymbolically, that there ſhall be no Viciffitude of Peace and
War, Perfecution and Peace, but a conſtant ſtate of quiet and happineſs. The
fenfé is the ſame as to the Expreſſion before us, which ſeems more conciſe than
that of Zechariah. The Night is a time of Darkneſs ; it is the Image and ſhadow
of Death; it is a time, wherein all the Beafts thereof do trample on the Foreſt, as the
Pſalmiſt ſpeaks, Pſal
. 104. 20, that is, all Beafts of Prey get out upon their de-
ſigns to devour. And therefore the Night ſymbolically denotes a time of Ad-
verſity, of Oppreſſion, War and Tumulr, in which Men prey upon each other,
and the ſtronger tyranniſe over the weaker. 'Tis ſo frequently taken in the
Pſalms. Thus in Pſal. 77. 2. In the day of trouble I ſought the Lord, my Sore ran in
the night Seaſon and ceas’dnot. Here day of trouble and night are ſynonymous, See
v. 6. of the fame Pfalm, and Pſal. 17. 3. Pfal. 30. 5. Pſal. 91. 5. Lament. 1. 2:
For whatſoever is black or dark, betokens miſchief, miſery, trouble, and the like;
as Day-light, and Morning denotes happy Times, good Government and Delive.
rance, of all which Symbols we have had
frequently occafion to treat. So like-
wife St. Paul Rom. 13. 12. calls the time of Ignorance and Gentiliſm by the name
of Night. Hilary ſays; (c) Agimus enim fecundúm Apoftolum, ſub principibus barum
tenebrarum, & nox nos feculi detinet, qua per Evangelicam predicationem jam prodiit
in lucem. In bac igitur notte ignorantie, infidiarum, infirmitatum, concupiſcentiarum,
vitiorum elevande ſunt manus in Sandta, non ad prædicandim la orandum tantum, ſed
etiam operandum. There is another (d) Paſſage like this in the ſame, but ſome-
what long; and ſo it ſhall be waved. It may not be improper to produce this
Paſſage out of Herbelet, which ſhews the ſame thing according to the Notion of
the Arabians (e)' In the Humajoun-nameh it is ſaid ; He that has done Juſtice in
this Night, bas built himſelf a Houſe for the next Day.. By this Night, ſays Herbelet,
we muſt underſtand the preſent Life of this World, which is nothing but dark-
neſs, and by the next Day, the future Life, which is to be a clear Day for good
Men'. To this may be added the words of Flaccus lamenting his Miſery thus
in Philo; (f) τίς η τοσάυή» μέθαβολή: νυξ εν ημέρα, καθάπερ εκλείψεως λυομδύης, τον έμδή
Štrigares Clov. Lucan: Ut vidit quanta ſub no&te jaceret Noftra dies: Æſchylus has alſo
theſe Metaphors: Porn Moxona d'inces Taxãa, tois refer žy chos, Ti Mo SV
BLeTouqułm oxols Méret Xevišova' zgor Gpues Tès d & xgyto exe wą, The Scholiaft ſays
upon Μεταχμίω, όσα δε υπερήθττει, ταύτα συν τόκω μεγάλο απέπσαν: So it matt be
read. And exegvi G Wę is explained by a dovo Jevato. Now this New Jeruſalemi
ſhall have no ſuch time, but all will be Peace, Joy, Happineſs and Security:
For though Gog and Magog came up after the Millennium againſt it, to over-run
the Chriſtian World converted to the true Worſhip, and living happily under the
influence thereof, yet the fire ſhall conſume them before they can affect the holy
City ; whoſe Citizens can ſtand in no fear of ſuch Attempes, both by reaſon of
their preſent ſtate, being rais'd again, and upon the account of the might of
their Prorector, who is always preſent with them. Now this very point makes
an effential difference between the Happineſs of the Church at the end of the
firſt Period procured by Conftantine che Great, and the reſt of this period.
There they ſerve God indeed Day and Night, Chap: 7. Is, but it is a ſtate of Vi-
(a) Senec, Lib. III. Controv. XXI.
(b) Cyril. Catech. XIII.
(c) Hilar. Piętav. in Pfal. CXXXIIJ. (Å) Hilar. Pi&tay. in Pfal. CXX. Vid. Gregor. Me
Expoſ
. Lib. V. in 1 Reg. 14, 36. & Ifidor. Hiſpal
. Sent. Lib. II. cap. 13.
(e) Herbelot, tit. Akhraz,
(f) Philo in Flacc p. 678,
ciffitudes
agrind

1022
Chap. XXI. v. 26
No Night.
ciſlicude, and therefore no full and perfect Reft, whereas in this there is no
Night, no room or poſſibility to pervert the happy ſtate of the Reft. I think this
is now very clear.
SHO 01 DIN
It may be obſerv'd here, that this Circumſtance of there being no Night, is
ſuitable to the Notion of the Allegory of the Creation. For whereas Mofes in the
account thereof at the end of every of the firſt ſix days Works obſerves thus: And
the Evening and the Morning were the firſt Day, or the ſecond Day, and ſo on to the
fixth Day incluſively; there is no ſuch Obſervation made upon the ſeventh Day,
which was Gods Reft; from this it is concluded, that as thofe firft fix Days are the
Symbols of the mortal ſtate of Men ſubje& to ſuch Viciffitudes, as are ſignified by
Day and Night, ſo the Millennial ſtate, which is the great Sabbatiſm repreſent-
ed by that ſeventh Days Sabbath, ſhall have no Evening, and by conſequence no
Night. St. Auſtin ſays: (a) Mille autem anni duobus modis poffunt, quantum mihi oc-
currit, intelligi : aut quia in ultimis annis mille iſta res agitur, id eft ſexto annorum mila
liario tanquam fexto die, cujus nunc ſpatia poſteriora volvuntur, fecuturo deinde Sabbato,
quod non babet veſperam, requiem ſcilicet San&torum, quæ non habet finem. There muſt
have been ſomeching of this known to the Chaldeans, Egyptians and Phænicians,
ſeeing that in the Deſcription of the ſtate of the Souls in the Elyſium they men-
tion a continual Light, at which Virgil aims in theſe Verſes. (b) ). 22ដងចុះ ?
1970
banda sone noge Largior hic campos æther & lumine veftit do 16 hou
Purpureo, Solemque ſuum ſua fidera norunt. oydoni els bus
Senecas; (c) Nulla ferenum umbra turbabit : cqualiter Splendebit omne cæli latus : dies dy
mox, aeris infimi vices funt. Quid tibi videbitur divina lux, cum illam (uo loco videris?
And I am alſo apt to think, that in the Chaldean Tradition already cited, that
Obſervacion, of the Souls making no ſhade, aroſe from this ſame Notion, as if
there ſhould be light all over; though they have turn'd it otherwiſe to the ſub-
tility of the Vehicles of the Soul. For this is a later Invention.
A. verf. 26. Kalološa thu dóžav zj tlu tiului Tây Svay ris aulli, And they ſhall bring
the Glory and Honour of the Nations into it.] This ſeems to be brought in here again,
to give a reaſon for the opening of the Gates continually ; ſo that the g ſeems
to be illative, and put for on or zeigAnd ſo it ſeems to be underſtood from the
Allufion to the words of Iſaiah 60. II. Therefore thy Gates ſhall be open continually,
they ſhall not be ſimut day nor night, that Men may bring unto thee the forces of the Gen-
tiles, and that their Kings may be brought. So that the Connexion of the Argument
ftands thus ; that City to which all Nations bring Tribute and Riches, and
which they thus ſtrengthen continually by their Submiſſion, muft needs have its
Gates continually open, and ſtands in no danger of Inſults, or Incurſions of any
Enemies. This is therefore properly repeated here; and beſides, it was before
ſaid of the Kings, who, if we inſiſt upon the decorum, may be thought to come
ſometimes, bring or ſend their Tribute, but here'cis faid of all the Nations un-
der them, implying a continual concourſe of People into it, after the manner
of the great Capital Cities. I think this fully implies a viſible Converſation of the
rais'd Saints with thoſe that are alive ; or we muſt ſtrain very hard to explain ic
otherwiſe,
A. verf, 27. Kas resi ciora Jij bis eutli ta'o xorror, And by no means shall any thing
enter into it that is common.] The Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn the general Qualities
of this New Jeruſalem, and how it is diſpos’d to make a fit Manſion for the moſt
happy Men, proceeds now to diſcover for what ſort of Men it is thus prepared ;
and in the following Chapter what manner of Life they ſhall lead therein. So
that this Verſe is an Introduction to it. What enters therein is first ſhewn nega-
tively, and afterwards poſitively. This sondy common or unclean, is oppos’d to ayG
in Chap. 20. 6. as every one is, that enjoys the Life of the Citizens of this New
Ferufalem. The like was ſaid before by Iſaiah 52. 1. Put on thy beautiful Garments, o
Peruſalem ! the boly City : for bence forib there ſhall no more come into thee the uncircumciſed.
and the unclean. And again, in Chap. 60. 21. Thy People alſo ſhall be all righteous.
See alſo iſaiab 35. 8. Zephaniah 3. 9. and Zechariah 14. 20, 21. What is
comminor unclean is oppos’d to the legal Holineſs or Righteoufneſs. Therefore
Byle, or the Righteouſneſs of the Saints, is to be given to the Bride to prepare
her for the Marriage of the Lamb. And ſeeing Uncleanneſs and Vice is that which
(a) Auguftin, de Civ. Dei Lib. XX cap. 7.
Ital. Pusic. Lib. XIII.
(c) Senec, Epiſt. CII.
b) Virgil. Æneid. Lib. VI. Vid. Sil.
†
brings

Ch. XXII. v. 1.
The Broad place.
1023
brings on the Curſes of God, this implies, that all they who have right to dwell
in this New Jeruſalem the Lamb's Bride, ſhall have without Interruption the di-
vine favour. So Hermas: (a) Habebis gaudium ſine triſtitia & rimore.
B. Kai motoð Gráaugue, Neither that which worketh Abomination.] St. John con-
tinues to ſpeak of things as Perſons, which is ſuitable to the Scripture Stile, and
that of St. John in particular ; John 6, 37, 39. compar'd with v. 40. As to the
ſenſe of chémuy poco See the Note upon Chap. 21. 8. C.
C. Kai foldG, And maketh a Lie.] That is, makes Idols to Worſhip them,
and contrives falſe Miracles to give them *Authority, and thereby ſeduce others
to joyn in the ſame Idolatry. See the Note upon Chap. 21 8. F.
D.'Ee w oi payeguaqk'o e av Tep Gicalo rñs Suiñe, But only they
who are written in the Book
of Life.] This is the poſitive part of the Character of the Citizens inhabicing the
New ferufalem. The meaning of this Expreſſion has been explain'd before in
the Note upon Chap. 20. 12. D. all this proves, that the Book of Life begins
to be opened by the Millennial Reſurrection. For every one of them chat riſe
then, is ſaid to be bleſſed and holy; and by conſequence meer to enter into this
holy City.
Ě. Toegvís, of the Lamb.] This is not a vain addition in this place, for it
Thews, that the Lamb, or Chrift, acts in chief, as well as the Father, in the
execution of the great Judgment, and the diſpofition of rewards; tho' he has
been ſaid to be only the Lamp of the New Jeruſalem. This whole Propheſy
is one continued Proof, that Chriſt is one God with the Father.
esorios
CHAPTER XXII.
"K
A. verf. 1. Ai Esagt uor To LÒy xos. Se egy dara soñis, And he ſhewed me a clear
river of water of life.] The Holy Ghoſt having ſhewn, who
are to enter into this Holy City, goes on now to ſet forth what advantages, or
happineſs, they ſhall enjoy therein, by ſuch matters as concern the particular
Life of the individuals, over and beſides thoſe general rights, which belong to
them as chey are Citizens of this New Jeruſalem; and which have been deſcri-
bed before as belonging to the whole City, or Commonalty. Now this is done by
ſhewing, that they ſhall have eternal Life, and at the ſame time a Life accom.
panied with all the Happineſs, which the divine Favour can afford to Man. So
that therein we muſt conſider the quantity, and the quality, and as the Sym.
bols of this Propheſy are fetch'd from Human or viſible Objects ; ſo becauſe
Human Life is ſuftain'd by Meat and Drink, the continual ſupply thereof ex-
preſſes as properly, as we can now conceive it, the continual duration of Life,
and the quality of the Meat and Drink the happineſs that attends thoſe who re-
ceive it. Thus we have it in the Pſalmiſt laid down in ſuch Words, as the Holy
Ghoſt ſeems to have alluded to, Pſal. 36.8. They ſhall be abundantly ſatisfied with the
fatneſs of thy bouſe : and thou ſhalt make them drink of the river of thy pleafures. For
with thee is the fountain of life : in thy light shall we ſee light. Therefore this clear
river ſhe ws the abundance of the Happineſs, and the inexhauſtible fund there-
of, becauſe coming from the Throne; and the clearneſs of it the Holineſs and
Peace of them that drink it. Iſaiah 66. 11, 12, ſays, That ye may fuck and be Jatisa
fied with the breaſts of ber conſolations : that ye may milk out, and be delighted with the
abundance of her glory. For thus faith the Lord, Behold, I will extend peace to ber like
á river, and the glory of the Gentiles like a flowing ftream, dc. The Symbol is un-
derſtood in the ſame way by the Onirocriticks. Aftrampſychus, Singel devyn's trie
yoos avat númees, ſo likewiſe Nicephorus. The Indian Incerpreter in Chap. 78.
Εάν πς 16η όπ διψών Εξ ύδατος ενεπλήθη και με έξι το δωρ ψυχρών και του και διειδες, η ζωή μας
εν χαρά έσαι και χρυσίων περισσότερον κήσε3. Η άνθολον και χλιαρόν και ανήθoνον, εις θλίψη και πικρίας
tej vósor zandtion, and in Chap. 175. ?Et Kmey Eauvre så potapi xj low si Jego wy niedo Tole
mahuse
, dignos galego ij ditarian in uozasávs. Compare with this the Apocryphal Eſther,
(a) Paſtor, Lib. III Sim. I.
12 E
Chap

1024
The River from the Throne.
Ch. XXII. v. 1.
Chap. 10. 6. and Chap. 11. 8. where Mardocheus reports his Dream of the Per-
ſecution of the Jews, and makes Esther the Fountain, which refreſhed them. For
as heat and burning ſignify Perſecution; ſo cooling and clear Springs are che refrefh-
ments and comforts of them that have ſuffered. See the Nores upon Chap. 7
16, 17. and Chap. 21.6. B.C. And obſerve, that ar the Period of the Primitive
Church the Reft comes under the Symbol of Springs of living Waters; but in this
triumphant State thofe Waters are not only Springs, but a River, and proceeding
from the Throne : which ſhews how this is more excellent. The Arabian Writers
have the ſame notion of a Fountain of Life, which immortalizes all that drink
of it, as ( a ) Herbelot obſerves ; but this is no great wonder, for they have ma-
ny other Apocalyptical Notions; which to be fure are taken from this Pro-
pheſy.
B. Adumegu cos xpusenter, Bright as Cbryſtal. ] Aqueso fe@mis to be more than
ng Saeor, clear ; for adutegn is generally ſpoken of thoſe things that are precious
and bright, being ſuch matters as caſt a great Luftre. So that this brightness, or
ſhining like Chryftal, ſignifies the gloriouſneſs, as well as peace and holineſs of
the Life, which ſeems to be continued and maintain’d by the drinking of this
Water, or river of Life.
C. 'Extroseduóufvor eu mi segue o Set aj iš apvie, Proceeding out of the throne of God
and the Lamb.]We have ſeen before in ſeveral places, that God and the Lamb
will deal with the Saints of the New Jeruſalem as Kings do with the Princes or
Nobles under them. Now one of the tokens of the greateſt Favour, that Kings
can do to them, is to feed them at their Table, and from it to ſend them
Meſſes. See Genef. 43. 34. Thus when David was in favour with Saul, he was
fed at the Kings Table, i Sam. 20.29. So likewiſe David, to return the kind-
neſs of Jonathan, fed his Son at his own Table, 2 Sam. 9. 10, 11, 13:
and Chap. 19. 28. Upon the ſame ſcore of gratitude David honoured the Sons
of Barzillai
, 1 Kings 2. 7. See alſo Chap. 4. 27. So Elias to fhew what favour
the Prophets of Baal met with, ſays, that they did eat at Jezabel's Table. See
here (6) Hermas, and the Notes of Cotelerius upon him. It were eaſy to produce
many profane inſtances of this Cuſtom from ſeveral Authors, both as to antient
times and preſent in the Eaſtern Countries, where Men are more renacious of
the old cuſtoms than in the West; for as (c) Cyrus practiſed it, ſo doth the preſent
(d) Emperor of China, King of Perfia, and others now and formerly, as the
(e) Perſians, (f) Arſacida, (g) Seleucidæ ; and among the (b) Byzantine Caefars
lome are ſaid to ſhew favour to ſome Perſons in this manner. Upon this ac-
count this River is ſaid to come out of the Throne of God and the Lamb,
not barely from the Table, to ſhew, that not only they that drink thereof Thalí
be in their favour, but that their happineſs is ſuch, that they ſhall participate
in the ruling power of God and the Lamb, ſo as to reign eternally with them,
being bleſſed with the eternal Tokens of the Divine Favour, which immediate
ly emanates from their Throne.
It muſt not be neglected to obſerve, that there is an analogy, or decorum,
in this Symbol of the River flowing from the Throne; and that this alludes to
the ancient manner of building Temples, both as to the Jewiſh and the Pa-
gan, which was to have them extremely well watered by ſome natural Springs,
or artificial Conduits. The Temple of Jeruſalem was ſo to be fure, becauſe Spring
Water was ſo neceffary to the Service therein. (i) Ariſteas admired thoſe Wa-
ters, and becauſe they were deſign d to Sacred Uſes we find in (k) Joſephus, thas
the Jews were ready to Mutiny, when Pilate offered to concern himſelf abous
them. Ezekiel alludes to theſe Waters in his Viſionary Temple, Chap. 47. That
of Jupiter Ammon was remarkable for it's Waters, as ( 1) Diodorus obſerves, as
well as for its Groves; and ſo was that of Apollo at Daphne near(m) Antioch. So
that Vitruvius has made it a ſtanding Rule for Architeas in the choice of the Scite
fit for a Temple, (n) Naturalis autem decor fic erit. Si primum omnibus Templis ſam
(a) Herbelot. titul. Khedor. Vid. Tavernier's Perſ. Trav. Lib. V. Ch. 19.
(b) Hermæ
Pait. Lib. III. Simil. v. $ 2. (c) Xenoph, Cyrop. Lib. VIII. cap. I.
(d) Ever. Ysbrants
Ides. Embaff to China, c. 14. (e) Athene Lib. II.c 9 (f) Sueton. Calig. c. 5.
(g) Terent. Eunuch, A&. III. Sc. I. ( ) Nicetas in Joh. Comn. Lib. I. cap. 11. Ann.
Comn. Alexiad Lib. II. cap. 1. (i) Ariſteas de LXX. Interpret.
(k) Joſeph. Ar-
chæol. Lib, XVIII. cap. 4.
11) Diodor. Sicul. Lib. XVII. pag. 589.
im) Eutrop.
Lib. VI. Strabon, Geogr. Lib. XV. (n) Vitruv. Lib. I. cap. 2.
luberrime

Ch. XXII. v. 2.
The Tree of Life.
1025
luberrimæ regiones, aquarumque fontes in his locis idonei eligentur, in quibus fana conftia
tuantur. (a) Plato has likewiſe taken care of this in his Common wealth. The
reaſons why they chofe fuch places are evident. They thought ſuch places
would be pleaſant to the Deities invoked, which would allure moſt the wor-
ſhippers to come to the Sacrifices. Therefore ſhady Groves, running Brooks,
and clear Springs of Water, were fitteſt for the entertainment of ſuch as came
Feaſt and Revel. I find this expreffion in Plautus, but cannot imagine how
he came by that thought.
(b) Ad caput amnis, quod de cælo exoritur ſub folio Jovis.
Sono
I ſhall be obliged to him that will give me an account of the Poet's meaning,
and how he came by that ſuppoſition of the River from Fupiter's Throne.
Α. verf. 2. Εν μέσω της πλατείας αυτής και το ποτάμι αντώθον και τα εν ξύλον ζωής,
In the midst of the broad Place thereof and of the River on this ſide and on that fide, was
she Wood of Life.] Firft we' muft obſerve, that (c) Hilary has here read the conjun-
&ion before the words ex uéto, as alſo the Ethiopick Verſion, as if the Greek were
aj v páow; which makes a very different Senſe from the common reading; fos
the common ſeems to imply, that the River ran out of the Throne in the
midſt of the broad Place, but, if we admit the conjunction, this whole expreſſion
only concerns the Tree or Wood of Life. But if we attend to the whole Scope,
we ſhall find, that this is partly equal, for the Wood being ſuppoſed in the midt
and about the River; this River mult therefore paſs through the midſt. But
(d) Mede pretends, that Maaleie here cannot be the main broad place of the
City, but ſome other broad place, as a Park or Paradiſe without it. Becauſe
the City being of Gold, was unfit for Trees to grow in. But this reaſon is not
folid, becauſe tho' it ſeems literally inconſiſtent, it is by no means ſo, when
we conſider, that all this is Symbolical. One might as well apply ſuch an ar-
gument to many other Symbols
. For as it is unnatural to any Animal, Serpent;
or Beaft to have any more than one Head; and yet the Holy Ghoſt has thought
fit to uſe ſuch Symbols; ſo one might in this caſe pretend to correct the Text;
and ſay, that it is inconſiſtent and contrary to the courſe of Nature, to have a
Dragon of Beaft, with ſeven Heads. In the choice of Symbols che Holy Ghoſt
obſerves ſuch a Decorum, or Analogy, when it will ſuic the Event in proſpect.
But it will not, the Holy Ghoſt is not forced to obſerve it right or wrong.
Further, the ſame Author having ſuppoſed, that the Tree of Life is in the Sym.
bol but one in its Species, concludes it might ſtand in the midſt between the
broad place and the River, or elſe that the River ran into two Streams on both
fides the broad Place, and fo che Tree was in the middle. But I fee no reaſon
to ſuppoſe the Tree of Life is fingular in its kind. I ſhall ſhew preſently, that
this is not neceffary: and yet the miſconſtruction of the Words before ariſes
meerly from this ſuppoſition. Mede proceeds in order to prove his Notion,
that this broad Place is not in the City, but without; by obſerving that in Revel.
2.7. che Tree of Life is ſaid to be in the Paradiſe of God, and ſo muſt be out of
the City, as Parks or Paradiſes are. But this is not neceflary neither. The
New Jeruſalem it felf is the Paradiſe. The Water of Life, and the Tree of Life
make it the Paradiſe of God. In ſhort, the whole matter ſtood chus in my opi-
nion, and this ſeems to be the moſt natural and eaſy account thereof. The
Throne of God and of the Lamb ftood in the midſt of the City, as it were at
one end, or ſide, of the broad Place; for that Throne being a Seat of Judg-
ment, or Court of Judicature, is ſuppoſed to be as the Baſilica of this City :
which fort of buildings are placed near or upon the Forum, or Market Place.
The River of Life proceeding from it, ran thus, and divided the broad Place in-
to two, by flowing through the midſt of it; and then the Tree, not an indivi-
dual Plant, but the whole Species, or Wood of Life, was planted upon the Banks
of the River on either ſide. Now this is ſuitable to the way of the Eaſtern and
hor Countries, wherein bearing Trees are planted on the Banks of Rivers ;
ſee Pfal. 1.3. As for the planting of Trees in the broad Place of the City, that
is alſo ſuitable to the Eaſtern Cuftoms, wherein neither the Streets nor Marker-
(a) Platon, de Legib. Lib. VI.
pag. 559.
(6) Plaut. Trinum. A&. IV. Şc, II. v. 98.
(c) Hilar, Pi&tay, in Pfal. 1. (a) Mede's Comment. Min. in Apocalypf.
place

1026
The Tree of Life.
Ch. XXII. v. 27
places being paved, they have the advantage of planting therein Trees, not on
ly for Ornament, but Shade, which is very neceſſary. And the River of Life
being alſo placed therein is ſuitable to the ſame Cuftoms, to bring the Aque.
ducts, or Fountains, into the midſt of the Market-place, that they may lie e-
qually convenient for the whole City, I ſhall now proceed to conlíder che
words in particular.
B. 'Es uéou vñs Tielbics, In the midſt of the Broad-place.] This ſhews, that the Im-
mortality, which is ſignified by the River of Life and Tree of Life, both which
are ſaid to be in this Broad-place, ſhall be common, and of right is to be en-
joyed by every one that is Citizen of this New Jeruſalem, as thoſe things which
are ſold in the Market are for the uſe of the Citizens. But here they have a
right to them from the Throne, that is by the Judgment, and according to the
legal Liberality of God.
C. Tâs taaloids dulós, Of the Broad-place thereof.] So the word dulñs muſt be
turn'd, not being an Adjective to rialoids, but a relative to ſomething preceed-
ing; and that is the City, as indeed all thoſe relatives at the end of the former
Chapter belong to the ſame; and ſo likewiſe the relative in euth in the next
Verſe is to be underſtood. I ſee no difficulty in all this, and there would have
been none, but for falſe Criticiſms.
D. Kai o Rotată cy]L*9ev v VTTYV, And of the River on this fide and on that fide.]
That is, on either fide, or bank of the River, was planted the Tree of Life. For
ſo it is expreſſed in Ezekiel 47. 12. according to the LXX; Kai Chi F notaus even
Chos), mi a Xaines durs konar v tv9av, sodir Eurov Brammos, And by the river upon the bank
thereof on this ſide and on that fide, Shall grow every tree fit for meat.
E. Zúñox Swis, Wood of Life.] Firft Wood is put for Tree ; and then ſecondly,
the fingular number expreſſes the whole Species; and ſo ſignifies here the whole
Wood, or Plantation of ſuch Trees. That Wood is put for Tree is evident ; the
( a ) Hebrew To has both theſe fignifications, of growing Wood, and of Tim-
ber, or Wood cut and dry. So lignum is put for Tree in Ovid,
for
Vstom
XST son (b) Oſcula dat ligno, refugit tamen oſcula lignum,
co
where he ſpeaks of Apollo embracing Daphne juft turn into a Bay Tree. So
Virgil,
(c) Quid tibi odorato referam ſudantia ligno
Balfamaque, & bacgas femper frondentis achantbi.
For the Balſam drops out of the growing Tree. See (d) Pliny. And (e) Lignorums
vocabula ſignifies the names of Trees in Donatus. Secondly, this zúhov is a gene-
rical Word. In the very firſt place, where Moſes ſpeaks of all kinds of Trees, he
uſes the ſingular Number 8, and the LXX turn it by Euroy. And thus when
he ſpeaks of the Oaks of Mamre, the Text is indeed in the plural ou78, Genef.
13. 18. Chap. 14. 13. and Chap. 18. 1. but the LXX conftantly turn it by the
fingular dgūs. Thus alſo Homer calls (f) 'Eeveds, a wild Fig-tree, a Place in Troas,
whereas there was a Wood or Grove of ſuch Trees, (g) Strabo ſpeaking about
it ſays, 'Eenveds Teggústis tóc, xj fereasks. And ſo (b)
angos a Beech in the ſame
may be underſtood of a Grove of Beeches. Thus likewiſe in Revel. 14.18. the word
äumen G is to be taken for aumena, a Vine for a Vineyard. So much may ſerve to
explain the letter of the Symbol; let us now ſee what is the fignification of it.
The meaning of it is, that this Tree gives Fruic to eternal Life; ſo that
they, who eat thereof continually, ſhall never die. For fo God himſelf ex.
plains the meaning of it, Genef. 3. 22. And now left be put forth his hand, and take
alſo of the Tree of Life, and eat and live for ever. So that this Tree of Life is a pro-
per Symbol, to fignify Immortality. And fo Solomon uſes it in Prov. 3.18.
where ſpeaking of wiſdom, which gives Immortality, he ſays, ſhe is a tree of
life to them that lay hold upon her, and Prov. II. 30. The fruit of the righteous is a tree
of Life, and Prov. 13. 12. But when the deſire cometh, it is a tree of Life. And from
(a) Vid. Schindler, in Voce.
(6) Ovid. Metam. Lib. I. v. 556. (c) Virgil.
Georg. Lib. II.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hiftor. Lib. XII. cap. 25. (e) Tib. CI. Donat. Epift.
ad Fil. ad fin.Comm. in Virgil. (f) Homer. Iliad. 3. v. 433. & X V. 145.
Geogr. Lib. XIII. (6) Homer íliad. &. v. 237.
Eldras
(8) Strab.

Chap. XXII. v. 20 The Tree of Life.
1027
Eſdras in the Apocrypha, "Lib. IV. Chap. 2. 12. we ſee that the Tree of Life was
a Symbol, or vulgar Expreſſion, by which they underſtood the happineſs of
Men in a future State ; and by parity of reaſon any fort of happineſs: as in
Prov. 15. 4. A wholſome tongue is a tree of life. So Jeſus the Son of Sirac in Ecclus.
19. 17. paraphraſing the words of Salomon, explains it thus, Tomorsér torony xvelv, nuk
d'éta Cons, or de 2018ytes
Tú egese '
arm de Ferdoias Siv SR99 Here arouiño. So the Complutenſian
Edition ſupplies what the Vatican has not. Now what is this Wood of immorta-
lity but the Tree of Life? Philo ſpeaking of that Tree, which Mofes put into the
Waters at Marah, to make them ſweet, ſays, (e) T: 5 Eudom Foto up Von TeppLa',
wġ a Javacier é tegyémo Tom And in another place, ( b ) Aéyxor 38 år med meeg dáse outi -
και μηδεν έoικότα τους παρ' ημίν, αλλά ζωής, αθεϊγασίας, ειδήσεως, καταλήψεως, σωέσως καλά και πάνω
, φαντασίας ταυτα και χέρσε μια ουκ άν είς, λογικής και ψυχώς ανακαίως φυτεί, ή με εός αιρεται
θοδο αυτή, ζωία αξενασίαν έχασα το τέλG. ή 3 ορός κακίαν, φυγω το τέτων, και θάνατον. And
therefore (c) Sc. Barnabas allegorizes the Tree of Life of our Saviour; who has
indeed procured immortal Life for us, which is actually beſtowed in the ſtate
of this New Jeruſalem.
F. Tosõuw reis Tès Moderate xet tee klõde énet SOP Standis 7dv reg tror durš, Bearing twelve
fruits, jeilding every month the fruit thereof.] 'I he latter part of theſe Words explains
the former; the twelve Fruits are to be underſtood of ſuch Fruits as this Tree
bears every Month; that is, continually. This is what Ezekiel 47. 12. expreſſes
thus, Neither ſhall the fruit thereof be conſumed: it ſhall bring forth new fruit accorda
ing to his months. So the Prophet Zechariah 14.8. ſpeaking of the Water of Life,
ſays, that it ſhall fow in Summer and Winter ; that is, continually. So Nigba
and Day fignifies a continual Succeffion, or Duration. Therefore this conti-
nual ſucceſſion of Fruits ſhews the endleſs duration of the Happineſs of the Saints,
which is maintain'd by the continual effuſions of the Divine Grace and Favour,
As to the divifion of the growth of the fruit by Months, I think, that this ariſes
from the ancient cuſtom of making diſtributions every Month of Meat and
Drink to Servants, or ſuch as depend for their maintenance upon fich Men;
and that the Kings of Iſrael did accordingly ſettle ſuch diſtributions to be
Monthly; and ſo contrived, that the Tributes, which were to ſerve for that
purpofe, were laid on by Monthly Accounts. As to Solomon's times we may
collect it from i Kings 4. 7. 27. That the cributes and maintenance of the Court
and Army of the Kings of Babylon were ſo regulated we may eafily colle& from
(d) Herodotus. So the Romans diftributed the Victuals to the Slaves (e) Monthly;
and the Primitive Church took this method to diſtribute the maintenance of
the Clergy, as we learn from (f) Tertullian and (g) Cyprian it was practiſed in
Africa. Whence it is, that this laſt Father calls it Sportula ; this being the name
of that diſtribution of Corn, and the like, which was given to the Roman com-
mon People; and that too Monthly, as we learn from (b) Suetonius.
It is not ſaid here who eats of this Fruit ; but only implied, that it is for the
uſe of theſe raiſed Saints, who are Citizens of the New Jeruſalem; whom God
keeps alive, not by the tribute or glory of the Nations, but by the Tree of Life,
or thoſe miraculous means, by which he keeps them alive eternally. However
tho it is not ſaid here expreſly, we may conclude it moſt certainly from what is
ſaid before in Chap. 2. 7. and hereafter v. 14. The Saints therefore have their
Meat and Drink from God, that is an eternal Life maintain'd by God himſelf,
who gives them the Ne&tar and Ambrofia, which ſuits cheir ftare of perfect Holi-
nels. Wherein we may note, that this Meat and Drink is not repreſented by
thoſe which we account now Dainties, nor conſiſts of ſtrong Meat, as Fleſh
and Wine. No, thoſe are rather marks of the infirmity of the preſent conſtitu-
tion of mortal Bodies, which wants them to repair the continual decay and haſty
diminution of Strength. Water and Fruits were firſt given to Man for his Food
in the ſtate of innocence. After the Flood only God permitted the uſe of Fleſh,
and Noah found the uſe of Wine. Here is then a reſtitution to a ſtate of Inno
cence, even to the eating of the Fruit of the Tree of Life, which is to make the
Saints abſolutely Immortal.
(a) Philo de Peregr. p. 267. (6) Philo de Plant. Vit. pag. 148. (c) Barnab.
Epift. cap. 9
(d) Herodot. Lib.I.cap. 192. (e) Plaut. Stich A&. I. Sc. II. v. 3 Donar,
in Terent. Phorm. A&t. I. Sc. I. Juvenal. Sat. VII.
(f) Tertullian. A pol. cap. 39.
(g) Cyprian. Epift. 34, & 39. Éd. Oxon,
(5) Sueton. in Auguft. cap. 40.
St.
12 F

1028
The Tree of Life.
Chap. XXII. v. 2:
St. Paul ſays, Rom. 5. 2. that websajt in the hope of God; and in Chap. 15.7.
that Chriſt has received us to the glory of God, and Heb. 3. 14. that we are partakers of
Chrif; and elſewhere, that we are Heirs of God and Co-heirs with Chrift. We
are therefore in the eternal Life admitted to a participation of the ſame Glory
as the Son of God; and by conſequence this eternal Life is a Deification of
Men. This conſiſts of two parts, firſt of the Reſurrection of their Bodies, and
fecondly of the Continuation of that Life to Eternity; which in this Book, as
we have ſeen, are repreſented under firſt the Symbol of a Marriage with Chrift,
and then of being nouriſhed with the Water of Life, and Fruits of the Tree
of Life. Now theſe two fame Symbols have been uſed by the Heathens to fig-
nify the Apotheoſis of their Heroes. Virgil alludes to it in theſe words ; ()
Cui non riſere parentes
Nec deus hunc menſa, dea nec dignata cubili eft.
That is, the Child on whom the Parents have not ſmiled ſhall never become
ſuch a great Man as to deſerve to be made a God. Servius obſerves thereapon;
Sicut Vulcano contigit. Unde divinos honores non meruit, ad quos per convivium numi-
num, aut per conjunctionem venitur dearum. Hence as the ſame obſerves, when
Funo offers to Æolus one of her Nymphs in Marriage, Æolus anſwers; (b)
Tu ſceptra Jovemque Concilias, tu das epulis accumbere divům. On which Servius
ſays; Hoc eft: tu me deum facis. Duplici enim ratione divinos bonores meremur, dea-
Tem conjugio, & deorum convivio. Virgil alſo alludes to it in this Verfe; (c)
Teque fibi generum Tethys emat omnibus undis.
So the dead by tafting of Lethe were thought to make their return impoffible;
and Proſerpine could not return from Hell
, becauſe ſhe had there tafted of a Pome-
granat, as (d) Servius obſerves out of Lucan. (e) Martianus Capella has obſerv'd
this very nicely. This notion aroſe from the way of uniting and confedera-
ting Men, which is naturalizing them, by Marriage and Communion in Sa-
crifices. Genef: 34. 21. and Deut. 7. 3. It is admitting them to a right of all
chings, ſacred and prophane, civil and religious. Hence in Virgil; (f)
Et patrio Andromachen iterum ceflile marito.
On which Servius ſays; Secundum jus loquutus eſt, quia uxor domicilium viri Sequi-
tur. Junéta ergo Hectori fa&ta Tröjana eft. That is, Andromache having married
Hector became a Trojan; and thus when ſhe was married to Helenus, the married
Patrio marito, to an Husband of her own Country. Now (g) Strangers were
not admitted to the Sacrifices. Now by Union and Communion we are made
Citizens of the heavenly Jeruſalem, and Coheirs with Chrift; fo that though
we taſte of death, yet the Bread of Life which we eat does.quicken us to eter-
nal Life. May not Genef. 2. 17. and Chap. 3. 6. be explain'd by this?
It may be asked here, whether the Symbols of the River of Life, and Tree of
Life, are ſo far to be taken allegorically, as to exclude abſolutely in the ſtate of
Reſurrection all manner of Drink and Food ; that is, whether our Bodies then
ſhall need them or uſe them. I think no poſitive anſwer can be given to this
Queſtion. The ſubfiftence of Mankind in the morral ſtate depends upon two
ſeveral means ; Preſervation of Life by Meat and Drink, and Provocation to
multiply the kind, and repair che loſs of the dying individuals. Our Saviour
has given a formal deciſion as to Procreation, excluding it from that glorious
itate, Matth. 22. 30. Mark 12. 25. and in Luke 20. 35, 36. the reaſon is added,
Olne gas Sævéiv 'én Swerbeul, For they cannot die any more. There is therefore no
need of Procreation to make Supplies
. This is back'd by another, which is,
that the Children of the Refurre&ion are like or equal to the Angels of God.
But then there is itill a difference, char the rais'd Saints have Bodies, which che
Angels have not. Whatever means therefore God uſes to preſerve thoſe Bodies
(a) Virgil. Eclog. IV. (b) Virg. Æneid. Lib. I.
I.
(d, Serv in Virg. Georg. Lib. I. col. 129.
(f) Virg. Æneid. Lib. III.
Lib. VIII. col. 1287.
p. 96.
(c) Virg. Georg. Lib.
(e) Mart. Capell
. Lib. II.
(g) Serv, in Virg. Æneid.
fo

Chap. XXII. v. 2. The Tree of Life.
1029
ſo rais'd, thoſe means are Meat and Drink to them. But I cannot find, that
the Holy Scripture has any where determined for the abſolute ſufficiency of the
Body rais'd again to maintain it ſelf for ever without any external affiſtance.
Theſe Symbols before us feem to hine the contrary; as we have obſerv'd before
in the Note upon Chap. 14. 18. A. that our Saviour ſays, the Wicked are
Salted in the eternal Torments, that they may ſubfift therein continually. Saint
Paul ſays indeed, 1 Cor. 15. 52. that the dead ſhall be rais’d incorruptible ; Buc
this is no leſs true, if ſome external means given by God are uſed to that pur-
poſe. Jerome was no Friend to a Cerinthian Paradiſe, and yet he ſays; (a)
Noli propter cibum, reſurrectionis fidem in calumniam trahere. Nam & Archifynagogi
filia reſuſcitatæ juffit cibum dari, & Lazarus quatriduanus mortuus cum ipso (cribitar
inille convivium, ne reſurrectio eorum phantaſma putaretur. And indeed our Saviour
eat and drank after his Reſurrection common Meat and Drink, Luke 24. 42,
43. Fobn 21. 12. A&ts 10. 41. So likewiſe he promiſed to his Diſciples, that
they ſhould eat and drink at his Table in his Kingdom, as well as ſic on Thrones
to judge the Tribes of Iſrael, Luke 22. 30. ſee allo Revel. 3. 20. fo Angels have
eaten and drunk, Genef. 18. 8. But indeed, as we know not how God ſhall
raiſe our Bodies again, ſo neither can we know at preſent how they ſhall be
kept.
G. Kal toit qu'ua të çuar dis seegaciay Táv édvæv, And the leaves of the Tree were
for the healing of the Nations.] Musa, Leaves, are rather here the Branches, as in
Ezek. 47. 12. 19y, in the LXX. 'velacis, the Sprouts or ſhoots, which is turn'd
in fome others qumes, as indeed the word is alſo frequently turn'd in the LXX.
I find the word Folia us'd in that ſenſe in Pliny: (b) Unius folia diſtinguuntur appel-
Latione. Lauream enim vocamus. For the Laurea is certainly a branch of Bay-Tree.
But this is a ſlighe matter. The Symbol and Expreſſion is taken out of Ezekiel
47. 12. where ſpeaking of the ſame Tree he ſays, And the leaf thereof for Me
dicine ; the LXX. Kai éválasis auför dis viriesv, which laſt words are in St. John
sis Hesteias, being the ſame in ſenſe and found too with the Hebrew of Ezekiel,
07n. From this in 4 Eſdr. 751. 53. Paradiſe is called, Habitácula Janitatis
du ſecuritatis ; and then it is ſaid further, Paradiſus, cujus fructus incorruptus per-
ſeverat, in quo eft ſecuritas ou medela.
As to the ſenſe of the words before us, I take it to be this. We have ſeen be-
fore in the Note upon Chap. 16. 2. B. that healing ſignifies pardoning or convert-
ing, which is in order to get pardon. As this holy City therefore is for the
Habitation of the glorified Saints whilſt the Nations in the reſt of the habitable
World ſhall walk in the light thereof, and as God is pleas'd to give Immortali-
ty to the Saints ; ſo at the ſame time he will favourably accept the Homage of
the Nations, who bring their Honour and Glory into the New Jeruſalem, and
pardon chem, who are now converted unto him; ſo that they
ſhall have no
Sores, Sickneſs, Bruiſes or Ulcers ; ſhall be guilty of no irremiſſible Sins, or
ſuch as draw divine Puniſhments upon Men ; but they thall profper in Holi-
neſs and Righteouſneſs, with the Peace and Bleſſing of God. And this from
that one and the ſame principle, which gives Immortality to the raiſed Saints,
as we ſee that Immortality is maintain'd, and the healing or Remiffion is pro-
duced by means, which proceed from the ſame Tree of Life.
It may not be improper to conſider here, how the Leaves or Branches of a
Tree may be the Symbol of Remiſſion of Sins, or divine Pardons; and ſo of
the divine Favour conſequent thereupon. All this may be ſhewn upon three
different accounts, which nevertheleſs have ſome affinity to each other. Firſt,
As Leaves of Plants are uſed medicinally to heal the fores and bruiſes of Bodies.
Secondly, As they have been us'd in religious Purgations or Expiations. And,
Thirdly, 'As they ſerve for Coverings. Firſt, As Leaves are us’d medicinally,
they may be the Symbol of Pardon, as that is compared to, and called healing;
by the very fame analogy as Sins and their Puniſhments are compared to Sores,
Bruiſes and Sickneſs. This has been ſhewn already: upon this view there may
be in this place, as well as in that of Ezekiel, an Alluſion to the Plant of Bal-
fam, out of whoſe Branches that excellent Medicine is extracted. It was and
is ſtill peculiar to the Land of Judea; and ſo may reaſonably be ſuppos’d to
(a) Hieronym, in Epitaph. Paule. Vid. Meddus in Mede Epift. XXI.
Wat. Hift. Lib. XV. cap. 30,
(6) Plin.
have

1030
The Tree of Life. Chap. XXII. v. 2
have been in the Intencion of the Holy Ghoſt. But indeed there are few other
Plants but whar have medicinal Virtues.
Secondly, The branches of Plants have been usd in religious Purgations or
Expiations. In the Mofaical Law there was one general kind of Sacrifice com-
manded for Purgation, which conſiſted of an Heifer ſacrificed and burnt to
Athes; with which, and ſpring Water, a Lee was made to ferve to many forts
of Purgations. When this Heifer was burnt, Cedar and Hyffop, with ſcarlet
Wool, were thrown into the burning ; and when Purgations were made with
this Water, a branch of Hyffop was us’d to ſprinkle it, Num. 19. 6, 18. alſo in
the Purgation of the Leproſy, the like branches of Cedar and Hyffop, with
ſcarlet Wool, weré usd, Levit. 14. 4, 6, 7. Hence in Pſal 51. 9. Purge me
with plop and I ſhall be clean ; waſh me, and I ſhall be whiter than Snow. Which
ceremonial Rite is fymbolical, and grounded upon the abfterſive, or purging
Virtue of the Hyffop. So Heſychius ſays, "Towards, Cotelon our x You And Porphyry :
(a) Tð notu zaie oulé vás d'evacuacas vye. Selgsar l'épaoay rèy lawmov. Hence the Etymolo-
gift ſays of it; "Eg si Correion xe. Ja plena!, duoi ce credentóxico So (6) Pliny and others.
The Pagans us'd Herbs ſeveral ways in Sacrifices and Purgations. I ſhall here
give ſome inſtances. Firſt, (c) Porpbyry tells us, That chis was the ancient way
of ſacrificing, to offer Graſs and Branches. (d) Pliny is of Opinion, that the
Thus, or Frankincenſe, was not us’d in the times of the Trojan Wars for a Per-
fume or Incenſe in religious Rites ; but that they us'd the ſmoke of Cedar and
Citrus. So the ancient Romans in the times of Romulus us’d the Myrtle in their
Purgacions. Pliny ; (e) Quippe ita traditur myrtea verbena Romanos Sabinoſque, cum
propter raptas virgines dimicare voluiflent, depofitis armis purgatos in eo loco qui nunc
figna Veneris Cluacina babet. Cluere enim antiqui purgare dicebant. And Bay was
likewiſe thought to expiate. Pliny ſays; (f) Ob has cauſas equidem crediderim,
bonorem vi babitum in triumphis, potiùs quam quia ſufrimentum ſit cædis boftium eu pur-
gatio, ut tradit Maſurius. A little after; Eadem purificationibus adhibetur. Aria
ftopbanes alſo names the Bay among thoſe things which were offer'd. (8)
Οιδες και λιβανωτών, και δάφνίω,
Ou farsòv, 8% iegéier, čx anódd
'Huiv 673vn Teis paraiso
Hence Ovid. (b)
Ara dabat fumos berbis contenta Sabinis
Et non exiguo laurus adufta Sonor
Here we fee Savine was us’d to the ſame purpoſe ; which is alſo found in Pliny ;
(i) A multis in fuffici pro thure aſumitur. And ſo likewiſe Virgil: (k)
Herbaque tburis opes priſcis imitata Sabinis.
Thus alſo the Melampodion was uſed in the Purgations of Houſes and Cattle.
Pliny: (1) Melampodion vocant, quo eo domos Suffiunt purg antque, ſpargentes & pecera
cum precatione folemni ; hoc do religiofiùs colligitur. This Herb is a ſort of black
Hellebore. Of the Quinquefolium Pliny ſays: (m) Adbibetur ea purgandis domi-
bui. Hence came the uſe of Crowns in Sacrifices; and theſe were us'd not on-
ly by them who offer'd, but upon the Statues and Altars too, to make the Gods
propitious. Plautus :
() Larem corona moſtruna decorari volo.
Uxor, venerare : ut nobis hæc babitatio
Bona, fauft , felix, fortunat aque eveniat.
&c.
(a) Porphyr. de Abft. Lib. IV. Sect. 6.
(6) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXVI. cap. 6.
(c) Porphyr. de Abft. Lib. II. Sc&t. 5.
(d) Plin. Nat. Hift.
Lib. XIII. cap. I.
(e) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XV. cap, 29.
(f) Plin.
Nat, Hiſt. Lib. XV. cap. 30.
(g ) Ariftoph. in Plut.
(b) Ovid.
Faſt. Lib. I. v. 343.
(i) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXIV.cap. II.
(k) Virgil, in Culic,
() Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XXV. cap. 5,
(m) Plin. Nat.
Hitt. Lib. XXV. cap. 9.
(n) Plant, Trinum. A&. I. Sc. II. Vid. Mercar. A&. IV.)
Sc. I.
ei
So

Chap. XXII. v. 2. - The Tree of Life.
1030
39 lexolosi
So Pauſanias ſpeaking of the Rites of the Eleians ſays: (a) Súsor of dexoney moves
Tegnore aberaldy gee ouê Truegis uendreskooss uážole Sweesãos of gdy Cuperoy 7.ícos Mi is xãõpety
όλαίας επ' αυτών και οίω χρώνται Hence therefore Clemens Alex, ſays: (b) Eu di e
πεθείς εδών ως αληθώς τον θεόν, κα θεσσίων μεταλάμβανε θεοπρεσσών & δαφνης συζάλας, και
ταινιών τινών, έeίω στορφύρα πεποικιλμύων δικαιοσμύίω δε αναδησείων, και της εγκρατείας
gent privada meidé uluc And Eufebius : ( c ) OB refers to cover perit Súery tis relégus und
ότιο των ζώων, μηδε θυμιάν τοϊς θεοίς, αλλ' όλίω καθ' και τους καθ' έegνον ασερις χλόμα και
οιονεί τινα της γονιμκ φύσεως χνουν ταϊς χερσίν αραχιδονες, πόαν τε και φύλλα και ρίζα
TveiAnd as the Pagans thought them purgative of guilt, fo they believed that
Plants had magical Virtues, to avere ſeveral kinds of harm, ſo that they uſed
them as Amulets, by putting them over their (d) Doors; or ſome (e) other
way. All which practiſes, as I hinted before, proceeded from the Conſidera-
tion of the natural Virtues of ſuch Plants, which by a Similitude or Analogy,
Between the Ulcers or Pains of the Body to the Sins or guilt of che Soul, they
applied in religious Rites, as we may be informd by (f) Proclus and (8)
Thirdly, Leaves ſerve for covering, and ſo may be Symbols of a Propitiation.
This conſequence will appear from the uſe of the Hebrew "Do which ſignifies
to cover with fomething, as Pitch or Tar. Hence D3, a covering, ſuch as
that of the Ark of God which is turn'd in the LXX, by inassero, a Propitiatory,
or Mercy Seat: The Relation between chefe two Notions is thewn by the learned
Gouſſet; and therefore I need not infift long upon it. Only I ſhall obſerve,
that Sins when grievous and ripe for Puniſhment, are ſaid to be before God. What
therefore covers them makes a Propitiation. Upon this ſcore the Cloud of the
Incenſe, which covered the Mercy Seat, when the high Prieſt went into Sani-
Cuary, is ſaid to prevent his Death, L:vit
. 16. 13. God would have a kind of
Veil to ſtand before the high Prieſt, that he might not as it were ſee God face
to face, which was a privilege only granted to Moſes, of which more by and
by. So in Pſal: 32. I. Bleſſed is he whoſe Tranfgreffion is forgiven, whoje Sin is
cover'd; and in Pſal. 85. 2. Thou haft forgiven the Iniquity of thy People, thou bafl
covered all their Sin ; wherein pardon and covering explain each other. Further,
Sin is Nakedneſs in the ſtile of holy Writ, and che conſequence of it is ſhame.
Thus in Exod. 32.25. when the People had committed Idolacry, Moſes ſaw that the
People were naked, for Aaron bad made them naked; fo 2 Chron. 28. 19. For be made
Judah naked, and tranſgreſſed ſore againſt the Lord. What therefore covers Man
takes off, or at leaſt leffens his ſhame. When therefore Adam had finned, he en-
deavour'd to palliate his frame by covering his Body with Leaves or Boughs. But
God, who was merciful, though he curs'd him in ſome things, yet he favour'd
himn in others, and upon his (g) Confeffion, which was a token of Repentance,
he clothed him. I think with Ainsworth, that 'tis the Intention of Moſes in that
Short account to ſhew us that God inftructed Adam to offer up ſome Vi&ims for
his Sin; and that thereupon he was commanded to cloth himſelf with the Skins,
which by that were indeed a mark of God's Reconciliation ; but ſhewed itill,
that the Guilt was not ſo quite remov'd, but that he continually ſtood in need
of the divine Mercy. And that this his own Inyention of the covering of the
Leaves was not that which could cover his Sin, but that which God allowd.
What was therefore only attempted, and pretended by Adam, to cover his Sin
with Leaves, is now done by this Tree of Life. And in this caſe we may fay,
as of the Byle,when the Harlor affumes it'tis Preſumption, but 'tis the Symbol of
Righteouſneſs
, when Chriſt gives it to his Bride. And as all cover implies Pro-
tedion, which has been ſhewn in the Note upon Chap. 7. 15. D. we may fee
the difference here between this State and the ſhort Reſt; wherein it is only
faid, that they ſhall be protected from the falling of the Sun's heat and blaſting
Winds, but here it is exprelly faid, that this is done by the branches of the Tree
of Life'; which is a more ſpecial, and therefore more noble Symbol. But
whether this implies, that the converted Nations, though in this morral ſtate of
(a) Pauſan. Eliac. Lib. I. p. 163.
(6) Clem. Alex. Protr, ad Gent. pag. 4:
() Euſeb. Dem. Ev. Lib. I. pag. 24. (d) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XV. cap. 30. Etymolog,
Magn. V. 'Avlu'ns, & V. 'Espersavn, & V. Kopp Jaan. (e) Plin. Nat. Hift. Lib. XX. cap. 8.
Lib. XXIV. cap. 17. Lib. XXV. cap. IX. X.
(f) Procl. de Magia,
( g ) Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. I, cap. 15. Se&. V. cap. 23.
( b ; Vid, Irenze. Lib.
III. cap 37.
Life
12 G

1024
The Tree of Life. Ch. XXII. v. 2.
Life as we are now, ſhall not then die during the Millennial ſtate, is a Circum-
fiance which ſeems to me dubious, though by the Communication of fuch pares
of the Tree of Life as beal, we may infer, that they ſhall have the benefit of a
long Life. Lactantius however was very poſitive in it. (a) Tum qui erant in cora
poribus vivi, non morientur, fed per eofdem mille annos infinitam multitudinem genera-
bunt, & erit foboles eorum fancia, ew deo chara. Much might be ſaid about this,
but I ſhall leave it as it is.
Thus have I endeavoured to explain this Symbol of the Branches ſerving to
heal the Nations, according to the analogy of the notions to be found in Holy
Writ compared with others. But the matter is of ſo ſingular a Nature, that one
can expect bue little help from the common ſymbolical Authors. Nevertheleſs
we are cold in general by the Oriental Onirocriticks in Chap. 15. that the leaves
of Trees reſpect Men, that is the inferiour fort, as Trees themſelves are the Sym-
bols of the better fort, Τα γυά φύλλα των δένδρων Θεός τίω διάθεσιν κρίνονται και ανθρώπων.
Τα 8 διθαλή και Δυτραφή, αθύτατα γνώμης διασημύνεση. Τα αδτι ή και δυσώδη, και μεμαραμυθία,
γνώμης διακρίνεσιν αθενείς τρόπος, and a little after, Τα 5 εν τοι σελέχει φύλλα, ως τα τέκνα
mah Teis megcupions of avigatwy. By comparing this latter Expreſfion with the former,
and the way of thefe Men to apply matters to ſingular Perſons, I believe, that
as the ſhoots of the Trunk, being nearer the Stock, ſignifies Children; ſo the
Leaves or Branches the Men, as that word ſignifies Servants or Subjects. And
indeed the converted Nations are the Subje&s and Servants, as it were of the
Citizens of the New Jeruſalem, who are Kings and Prieſts. So that the Leaves
are applied to the Subjects, and the Fruits to the Rulers; and then the healing
comes in ſpecially; and ſo muſt be explain'd as I have done already, to ſignify
their being converred, purged, and ſanctified of God; the conſequences of
which are his Favour and Bleſſings, in as high as manner, as their ſtate can re-
ceive. In Chap. 200. the fame Authors explain the Leaves of Cloaths, 'E, ö idy
871 dcia&mo stes qu'a.com This enabasauto reggis vij norynefex d'ideo's dignout Factor de getripwr
It is evident, that this is grounded upon the analogy of Leaves to Cloaths, in that
both ſerve for covering. Now remiſlion of Sins is a covering.
From this Plantation of the Tree of Life the New Jeruſalem is called the Para-
dife of God, in Chap. 2.7. For a Paradiſe is a Garden, or Park incloſed, and plan-
ted with Fruit Trees and others. The word is Perſian, as ( b ) Pollux ſays; but is
is frequently pue to uſe by the (c) Greek Authors, when they ſpeak of Perpan mac-
ters, to expreſs the Gardens of Pleaſure, or Parks, wherein the Perſian Monarchs
kept ſeveral forts of wild Beaſts, and retired to hunt them. From them the
Greek Interpreters have taken the Word to ſignify Gardens of Pleaſure ; and
in a ſpecial manner that wherein Adam was at firſt placed in the State of
Innocence, which was for that reaſon alſo called of Eden, 170, Pleafure.
The Hebrew Writers have alſo uſed the Word; for we find 0790 in Nehem. 2. 8.
Ecclef. 2. 5. Cant. 4. 13. From the pleaſantneſs of ſuch places Paradiſe is become
Proverbial, as well as Tree of Life, to ſignify any pleaſant, or happy State. See
Eccluf. 40.17. 27. Ezek. 28. 13. Luke 23. 43. and the Notes of Grotius there-
upon. St. Paul uſes it in 2 Cor. 12 4. to fignify that State, which he calls the
third fieaven. And in this Prophefy for the ſtate of the Reſurrection. It is there-
fore a general Symbol, which is to be diſtinguiſhed where it is uſed by the cir-
cumſtances. In St. Luke 23. 43. ic ſignifies the reſt of the Souls in the ſtate of Se-
paration, of which I have treated in ſeveral places, as upon Chap. 6. II. and
Chap. 15. 3. E. It is uſed by St. Paul, 2 Cor. 12. 4. for that ftate of Rapture, or
Extaſy, when the Holy Spirit clothed him with Inſpiration in a tranſcendent
manner; ſo that he had Viſions of Myſteries to prepare him for Converſion, and
the performance of the Office of Apoſtleſhip, to which he was deſign’d; that ha-
ving thus ſeen Chriſt in his Glory, he might not be inferiour in his teſtimony
to choſe Apoftles, who had ſeen him in his Sufferings, Reſurrection, and Al-
cenſion. The Chaldean Oracles have this Symbol of Paradiſe; Zátnoor Tacod 6009,
which, according to Pſellus, is that ſtate of Glory in the Divinity, and fruition
of its Good, to which Men enter by religious Piety, and is the reſult of the
Theological Verrues; that is, the ſtate of Union with the Deity, to which the
Chaldeans pretended to reach by their Magical Rites, when they had Divine
(a) Lactant. Lib. VII. cap. 24.
Briff. de Regn. Perſico,
(b) Polluc, Onom. Lib. IX.
(c) Vid. Barnab.
Extaſies

Ch. XXII. v. 2.
The Tree of Life.
1025
Extaſies and Inſpirations. So that in their Senſe Paradiſe is that State, to which
they pretended to ariſe, but St. Paul had really ſeen and felt; their Inſpirati-
ons being diabolical and illuſory, but his divine and real. (b) Pbilo
, whofe way
is to allegorize things into Philoſophical Notions, make Paradiſe the Symbol of
Vertue, to which alone belong truly Peace, Eaſe, and Joy. Thus this New
Jeruſalem is the Paradiſe of Pleaſure, wherein the Saints, being in the preſence
of God, as it is ſaid preſently, they receive at his right hand pleaſures for ever-
more. Pfal. 16. II.
A. verf: 3. Kdi nãy na té Seude éx isce etti, And there ſhall be no curſe any longer. ]
Other Copies read ratare deplet, and frı inſtead of śnei
. As to the firft Variation
thoſe two Words are commonly taken to ſignify the ſame thing. Thus where
in Matth. 26.74. the common Copies have natura Deusticer, moſt of the MSS.
have xatadeperilov. St. Mark has dve deciarilev. However all the Interpreters
are agreed, except one, of which more by and by, to explain žaráteua by Curſe.
(a) Fuſtin M. indeed makes ſome little difference between theſe two Words, but
it comes to the ſame thing at laſt. The Holy Ghoſt is not content to fhew,
that this holy City fhall be ſo, and all that enter therein, but intends by this ex-
preſſion to Thew us, that this holineſs is ſo perfect, that nothing ſhall ever inter.
rupt it, as Curſes, or Curſed things do, which defile all that are concern'd, or re-
lated any way, as well by complying as ſuffering the Curſe, or Curſed thing to
remain among them.
I think it neceſſary to explain here a little the meaning of Curles, co fhew the
connexion of theſe words with what follows. Whoſoever was guilty of any
Crime, for which there was no facrifice expiatory appointed by the Law of
Moſes, he was accounted as a Curſed Perſon, and ſo to be cut off from Ifrael by
Onn, as a Perfon who brought along with him a malediction upon all thoſe with
whom he converfed. For which reaſon he muſt be Slain, unleſs he ſaved him-
ſelf by Flight. Such crimes were Murder, Adultery, Idolatry, the refuſal of
Circumciſion, the touehing or keeping of any thing that had been accurſed,
and the like. Such Sins as theſe were faid to defile che Land; that is, to bring
the guilt on thoſe that ſuffered them to be unpuniſhed: for this reaſon they
were bound to make enquiry into them, and to puniſh them by extirpation,
eyen whole Cities; Deut. 13. 13, #4, 15, 16. Thus if a Murder was commit-
ted, and after due enquiry the Slayer was not fouud, the Inhabitants of the next
City were obliged to purge themſelves thereof by Oath, and then a proper Sae
crifice was appointed to take away the guilt of the Blood from them; Deut. 21.
1,9. So David having committed Murder and Adultery, which had defiled him
and the People under him, whilſt it was in his Perſon, God was pleaſed to re-
move the Curſe of both thefe Crimes from him. The Murders upon the Child
born of that Adultery, and that of the Adultery by a retaliation upon him, when
his Wives were defiled by his Son Abfalon. Upon his Repentance he made the
penitential Pfalm, wherein he hints, that God would accept of no facrifice from
him, and ſo he could only give God a contrite Heart, Plal.şı. 16. Again, if a
Man vowed, or curſed, any thing in his Power, Man, Beaft, or City; no
price was to be accepted for it, but it muſt Die, and be deſtroyed as an ávateve,
Levit. 27.28, 29. Fofbuah 6.17,&c. Thus Saul having unwarily devoted his
Son Jonathan, 1 Sam. 14. 24. he would have accordingly Slain him, to take off
the Curſe, v.44, 45. had not the People reſcued him. But however the Curfe
had its effect, for the Event confirm'd it. And we find, that David was there-
upon anointed, when this tranſgreſſion of Saul had been confirm'd by another,
in ſparing the Amalekites juſt after. So that both Father and Son being involved
under two differene Guilts, God rejected both Saul and his Family from being
Kings, and raiſed up David in their ſtead.
Secondly, they chat medled with the accurſed thing became accurſed. So 'tis
ſaid in Foſh. 6.18. And you in any wiſe keep your felves from the accurſed thing, left ye
make your felves accurſed when ye take of the accurſed thing, and make the camp of il-
rael a Curſe, and trouble it. And this Curſe, when Achan had taken off the accur-
ſed thing, was only removed by the People, when they had ſtoned him and all
that belonged to him, Sons and Daughters; and burnt all his Subſtance, with
the things firſt accurſed, Joh. 7. 26, 27. See Deut. 7. 26.and Deut. 13.17. There
(a) Philo Allegor. Lib. I pag. 33, &c.
(b) Juftin. M. Q. & R. ad Orthod: CXXI.
fodle

1034
s No Curſe. Chap. XXII. v. 3:
Shall cleave nought of the eurſed thing to thine band, that the Lord may turn from the
fierceneſs of his anger, and shew thee mercy. The effects of ſuch Curles were, that
God gave ſome viſible tokens of his forſaking the Ifraelites, as in Exod. 33.7.
when Moles removed the Tabernacle out of the Camp, upon which che cloudy
Pillars deſcended; or elſe they were affe&ted with ſome Plague, cr if they
went againſt an Enemy, they were beaten, Foſs. 7. I'l, 12. or if they asked
counſel of God by the Oracle, God refuſed to anſwer, ni Sam 14-37 Chap.
28.6. By this we may ſee the connexion of the Words before us, with thoſe
that follow; there ſhall be no curſe in the New Jeruſalem, and ſo the Throne of God
and of the Lamb ſoatl be therein. For the Curſe only can cauſe God and the Lamb
to remove from it, and ſo ceaſe from loving and favouring che Inhabitants
thereof and all that depend thereupon, as the Nations who walk in the Light
thereof.
The Pagans had much the ſame Notions about Curſes, namely, that they
had their effects; that they were irremiſſible ; and communicated their effe
to all that were concerned, till che Crime was puniſhed. Phenix in Homer owes
himſelf accurſed by his Father, and that the Curſe had its effect.
plosan
eritt saman want as trop
ĐÔ Tam
(a) IIathe No seco's durin' oides,
pranida bom
Torre ve Teezero, suvedis do imovánrer" "Ferqöes
Μη ποτε γόνασιν οίσιν εφέσεθς φίλον τον
. gaosa
PEE SUÉDer gezama, Jede f? Témativ i megis on vastaan si
e disse
Ζάς τε καταχθόνιθ, και επειινή Περσεφόνοια. ο
, aj als do noi
The whole Tragedy of Hippolitus in Euripides is grounded upon this. That ſuch
Curſes were irremiſlible we have the plain words of Horace.
Sios
0 1
- osvete al
bavnog
(6) Diris agam vos, dira deteftatio
Nulla expiatur vittima.
strogs 1990.
artitleumari பார்பாம்
And in another place he ſhews us not only that, but that it would alſo reach
choſe that knew nothing of the Crime for which the Curſe was laid.
DEI ថ្ងៃទី
(c) Negligis immeritis nocituram
en allow
Poft modo te natis fraudem committere forsão 101a basi
ogong sa
Debita jura, viceſque Superbæ
Te maneant ipſum. Precibus non linquar inultis ; 9515253
Futbalisse
Teque piacula nulla reſolvent.
barcele
os algos aillots
Hence Servius ſays, (d) Religio rigida, dicitur femel male commiſſa nulla ratione revocar).
Thus alſo P.lutarch having reported how Ateius ran out of the City, and with
formalities curſed Craſus, fays, (e) Tautas Qdo escaños tei's degis S70 Situs aj mendud's,
τοιαύτίων έχειν δεύαμιν ως περιφυγείν μηδένα τών ένοχεθέντων αυταίς. Hence, becaule, Hanni-
bal was a devoted Enemy co the Roman People, Horace calls him more than once
(f) Dirum, accurſed, implacable, as the ſame ſays, (g)
. Dira neceſſitas, implacable
Neceſſity; for which therefore he compares it to a Diamond.
Further, that they thought Crimes uhpuniſhed polluted the Land and its In-
habitants, is very plain from ſeveral Authors. Such were Murder. Sophocles
ſpeaks chus of the murder of Laïus;
(b) Micole gebegesc's perseguirloov 7.90:7
Deloning
'Εν τη ', έλαύειν μή ανήκεσον τρέφειν.
The whole Tragedy infifts upon it. But ſtill this Murder had been capable of
Purgation, had not Oedipus, through his rafhneſs and inconſiderate Zeal for
the People, anathematized the Perſon. For then there was no remiffion, but
Death, or Baniſhment. He offers to accept of Baniſhment, if the Murderer
(a) Homer Iliad 1. 1.453. (6) Horat. Epod. V. () Horat. Lib. I. Od. 28.
(d) Serv. in Virg. Æn. Lib. VII. col. 1219. (e) Plutarch Vit. Craſli, fol. 181. Vid. Ap-
pian. B. Syriac. Senec. Nat. Queft. Lib. V. cap. XVIII. Vel. Patercul Hift. Lib. II.cap. 46.
(f) Horat. Lib. III. Od. 6. & Lib. III. Od. 4. (8) Horat, Lib. II. Od, 24.
Chi Sophocl, Oedip. Tyr. pag. 153.
will
Chap. XXII. v. 3.
No Curje.
1035

will accuſe himſelf; but if not, he curſes him as one that deſerves no Remi-
ffion. Finding himſelf guilty he undergoes the Puniſhment which he had lefc
to the choice of the guiley Perfon. As the Land was defiled by their Preſence,
who had committed the Crime, ſo when they were baniſhed, they thoughe ić
was purified. Therefore every body avoided them. Euripides
(*) Καλώς ήθεντο ταύτα πατέρες οι παλαι;
"Εις όμμάτων με όψιν εκ ίων περαν,
Oud eis on relying?, osts a si Egeur xugan,
ougało dorton, Utamorulüven is who
Hence Phocylides,
(6) Ουχ όστον κρύσων τον ατασθαλον άνδρα απτού.
'Αλλα χρή κακοεργν Σποτροπίας ανάγκη.
Πολλάκι σωθνήσκεσι κακοίς οι συμπορεύντες.
Therefore it was their Cuſtom, when any Nation was grieved with fome pub.
lick Calamity, to conſult the Oracles ; and if the anſwer was, that it came
from ſome guilt of Blood, they expiated it accordingly. The Iſraelites did fo
too, 2 Sam. 21.1.9. Upon this account, when a City was accurſed, they
ſcrupled both among the Iſraelites and Pagans to build it in the ſame place. This
appears by the Authors cited in che Note upon Chap. 18. 21. A. who ſpeak of
ſuch Cities being devoted, or accurſed. Thus likewiſe, becauſe the puniſh-
ment of Malefactors was looked upon as a Sacrifice or Expiation of the
Guilt, which removed it from the reſt of the People, theſe Human Victims as
well as the reſt of the Victims, which were called á Toteftace
, and caſt out of
the Cities, either into the Sea, or ſome Deſart, were alſo executed out of the
(c) Cities, and even not ſuffered to be buried, but left to be devoured by the
Birds; as they were who were hanged upon a Tree or a Croſs; Genef. 40. 19:
to which mighe be added ſeveral other ( 8 ) Examples, And ſo although God
had commanded the Jews to bury ſuch as were executed the fame Day, yet by
the Levitical Law ſuch a perſon was reckoned accurſed, Deut. 21. 23. Whence
it comes, that Chriſt became a Curſe for us, when he ſuffered upon the Croſs ;
Galat. 3. 13. who is therefore obſerved to have ſuffered without the City, as an
expiatory Vi&im, Heb. 13. 11, 12, 13. and ( e) Barnabas obſerves, that the Scape
Goat, who was driven with Curſes and Buffetings into the Defart, was a type of
Chriſt, who ſuffered Curſes and Reproaches in like manner.
It ſeems, that the Syriac Verſion has taken the words before us in a Senſe
quite different from the former ; for they are therein thus tranſlated, Et nullus
fluxus foliorum erit ampliùs. By this the word neté seus appears to have been taken
in that fignification which belongs to it moſt properly, as coming from the Verb
HETATiJuu, to lay down; and ſo the word veresence, laying down, being applied
here immediately after the mention of the Tree of Life bearing Fruit continually,
and having Branches which beal the Nations, ſeems to import, that this Tree ne-
ver lays down, or caſts them, either Fruits, or Leaves and Branches which ſprout
from it. But then how great foever the difference in agnification of the word
Curfe may be from that of caſting Leaves literally and at firſt ſighe, yet in this
place they will both really ſignify the ſame thing, for, on the one hand taking
the notion of Curſe, as it is an irremiffible Guilt, which is denied to happen in
the New Jeruſalem ; and on the other, it being alſo denied, that the Tree of
Life' never caſts its Branches, or Leaves, which heal the Nations, and ſo procure's
pardon of their Faults; it is evident, that where there is a certainty of Pardon
and Expiation, there can be no ſuch thing as Curſe. . So that either way every
thing in this City, or chat belongs to it, muſt be Holy, and approved of by God,
without any variation, or poſſibility thereof. God makes this a Kingdom of
Holineſs, Peace, and Happineſs, without any of thoſe horrid Caſualties, which
bring a Curſe, and are therefore faid to trouble, Gen. 34. 30: Fofh. 6.18. Chap.
و
() Euripid, Oreft. v. 50. (ó) Phocyl. v. 125. **
(c) Vid. Levit. 24. 14. Num.
15.35. Deut. 17. 5. Joh. 7. 24. 25, Luke 4. 29. Acts 7. 58. Tacit. Annal. Lib. II. cap. 32.18
Lipf. Not. & Excurſ" H. (d) Vid Valer. Max. Lib. VI. cap. 2. & cap. 9. Seneca de Tranq.
cap. 14. M. T. Cic. Tufculan. Queſt. Lib. I. Petron. Arbitr, Satyr. Ada Ss. Martyt. Claudii,
Afterii, &c.
(e) Barnab. Epiftol. cap. VI,
12 H
1063
The Throne therein. God's Servants. Ch. XXII. v. 3.

7.25. 1 Kings 18.17, 18. i Sam. 14. 29. And this ſo continues till the evil is re-
moved, Deut. 13. 5. Chap. 19. 19. and Chap. 21. 21.
B. Kau Jefro på Ješ sŷ o equix en dutñ égla, But the Throne of God and of the
Lamb ſhall be in it.] The Throne mentioned before in Chap. 20. 11, ſhall be pla-
ced in this New Jeruſalem, that this City may be the Capital Seat of Chriſt's
glorious Kingdom, wherein he is preſent, with all the power of the Divine
Majeſty. This culi, as the former auzñs, refers to the City deſcribed all along.
And herein it nruft be continually without being removed, there being no Curſe
therein, which may cauſe God and the Lamb to remove it, and ſo withdraw
their Favour and Protection, as it has been done on ſeveral occaſions from par-
ticular Nations and Churches, who have ſuffered corruptions among them, and
fo are become unworthy of that ſpecial Favour. But the New Feruſalem is
throughly purged ; the Saints who are Citizens thereof, are perfectly Holy,
and its dependants have the benefit of the Tree of Lfe, by whoſe Leaves chey
are continually healed, or fan&ified before God.
C. Kaidi Simo duoš naledionov euró, And his Servants ſhall do bim ſervice.] God and
the Lamb, tho' ſometimes diſtinguiſhed, are ſtill, as here, ſpoken of as but one.
The Servants of God may be conſidered as in two different ſtates. Some as being
Saints, in a ſtate of Reſurrection; ochers as being converted Nations, in a mora
tal State, during at leaſt the Millennial Reſurrection. As to this latter fort, it is
undoubtedly an honour to them to be called the Servants of God, and a ſpecial
Favour, that they are admitted to do him Service in this Srate, ſeeing they are
Nations preſerved from the terrible Judgments antecedent to this happy State,
in which they are during the Millennium; and having no ſuch dread, as other
poor Morcals have now
upon them, of the final Judgment; becauſe this happy
State is a legal Preſumption, or Earneft, that they ſhall not be hurt by the ſe-
cond Death, to be inflicted upon the deſerving objects of God's anger by thao
laft Judgment. As to the former fort, which is of the raiſed Saints, it is true,
that they are ſaid to reign with Chriſt, but this honour does not quite take away
all the diſtinctions between the Creator and Redeemer on the one hand, and
the Creature and Redeemed on the other. So that God is ftill their God; and
tho they are his Sons, as it is ſaid in Chap. 21.7. yet they owe him ftill a ſub-
miſſion and ſervice of. Homage and Thankſgiving; which is ſo far from being
a burden, or diſhonour, that it is part of their Glory and Happineſs. In Chap.
20. 6. they are called Bleſſed and Holy, who have a ſhare in the firft Reſurrection;
and the reaſon given for it is firſt, that the ſecond Death has no power over
them; but that ſecondly they ſhall be Prieſts of God. 'Tis therefore the moft ho.
nourable Service that can be to them, that they approach ſo near to the Divini-
ty by a ſervice of Prieſthood, to which the moſt honourable Prieſthood upon
this Earth is no ways to be compared. And ſo indeed, whereas it was ſaid of
them, that were to enjoy the ſhort Réft at the opening of the Seals in Chap. 7.
IS. that they were to ſerve God Day and Night in this Temple; in the State,
which the words before us repreſent, theſe are neither to be troubled with the
viciffitudes of Day and Night, nor have any need of ſuch an interpoſed Vail as a
Temple, becauſe they have an immediate admiſſion to the Throne without it,
there being none in this Jeruſalem ; and beſides that fee God face to face, as
it is implied in the following Words. Laſtly the Service itſelf will be diffe-
rene, as has been hinted upon Chap. 19. 7. A.
A. verf. 4. Kai šalor Tee te mesotetor durš, And they ſhall fee bis face ] There is a great
deal of ftir in the ſcholaftical and ſyſtematical Divines about the Viſion of God,
which is part of the happineſs of the raiſed Saints. It is not my deſign to take
ncrice of their manner of explaining this Viſion, but to go to the Fountains, or
Springs, from whence fuch expreſſions are derived, that I may find out as far
as we can conceive, what the expreſſions before us fignify, and diſcover to us of
that bleſſed State. Here are two expreſſions before us. Firſt it is ſaid in gene-
ral, they ſhall ſee, which is ſpoken of God, and then more ſpecially, they ſhall
See his Face. Both the Viſion of God and his Face may have very different Signifi-
cations, as they are accompanied with various circumſtances. For as has been
obſerved in general of the expreſſions to fee, or bebold, according to the ſtile of
Holy Writ, there may be a Sight, which is for Terror and Amazement and
Grief; and there may be a sight of Pleaſure, Happinefs and Favour. See the
Note upon Chap. 11.12.C. In the ſame manner the Face of God may fignify
his Anger, Juſtice and Severity in one Senſe, and in another his Mercy, Favour
and

Ch. XXII. v. 3. 2
1037
The Viſion of God
down
and Affection. Here it is evident, that to ſee the face of God is a ſpecial Favour
and degree of Happineſs; and yet we find in Holy Writ that though this has
been a ſpecial Favour, it has been to ſome a Terror and expectation of Death;
and the favour of God is made to conſiſt in this, that they have ſeen God, and
he has fuffered them to live. I ſhall therefore ſet down ſome of thoſe places
which mention this.
The firſt Man that we read of, that was terrified with the preſence of God,
was Adam; but it happened juſt after his Fall
. Genel: 3. 8. And they heard the
voice of the Lord God walking in the garden in the cool of the Day: and Adam and his
Wife bid themſelves from the preſence of the Lord God amongſt the Trees of the Garden.
And the Lord God called unto Adam, and ſaid unto him, where are thou? And he ſaid,
I heard thy voice in the garden : and I was afraid, becauſe I was naked; and I bid
my
Self. Here we ſee God comes to viſit in Judgment; and Adam is afraid of the
light of God, becauſe he finds himſelf Guilty. God afterwards appeared feve-
ral times to the Patriarchs, but it is not obſerv'd, that they had any Terror up-
on them ; however it is ſometimes ſaid, that they offered Sacrifices thereupon.
The next that I obſerv'd to have this Terror upon him is Jacob, Genef
. 28. 17.
And be was afraid, and ſaid, How dreadful is this place! This is none other but the
houſe of God, and this is the gate of Heaven. Whereupon he ſet up the Stone, which
had ſerved him for a Pillow, and poured Oyl upon it, and devoted the tenth
of all his Acquiſitions. And Gen. 32. 30, when the Angel had wreſtled with
him, Jacob called the name of the place Peniel: for I have ſeen God face to face, and
my Life is preſerved; where the Angel left him with a Blefling, and the new
name of Iſrael. But Jacob had asked for his Name, undoubtedly to honour him
with Sacrifice. See the Note upon Chap. 17. 5. C. and therein what we have obs
ſerv'd upon the word ov, Name ; where I ſhew that ſuch a requeſt was to that
purpoſe. So God having ſpoke the Ten Commandments upon the Mount, the
iſraelites were frighted and ſaid, Exod. 20. 19. Let not God ſpeak with us left we die.
And when God favoured the Nobles of the Iſraelites with an admirable Viſion
upon the Mount it is ſaid in Exod. 24. 11; And upon the Nobles of the children of
Ifrael be laid not his hand: alſo they saw God, and did eat and drink ; that is, they
lived, or died not; eating and drinking ſignify that, as in this place of Amos, 7
12. O thou feer, go, flee thee away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread, and
propheſie there. And to the lſraelites, who had ſeen the Apparition of God upon
the Mount, Moſes ſays, Deut. 4. 33. Did ever people bear the voice of God Speaking
out of the midt of the fire, as thou haſt heard, and live ? So again Deut. 5. 24. We
have ſeen this day that God doth talk with man, and be liveth; that is, without con-
ſuming him, and in v. 25. If we bear the voice of the Lord our God any more, then
we ſhall die. The ſame notion is ſuppoſed in the following Words, Judg. 6. 23.
And the Lord ſaid unto him, Peace be unto thee, fear not, thou ſhalt not die; which
words were ſpoken to Gideon affrighted with the Apparition of the Angel to
him : which fright appear'd in his Words, Alas! O Lord God : for becauſe I have
ſeen an angel of the Lord face to face. For indeed God himſelf had declared to
Moſes, Exod. 33. 20. Thou canft not ſee my face : for there ſhall no man ſee me and live.
Therefore likewiſe when the Angel appear'd to Manoah, Judy. 13.22. he ſaid,
We ſhall ſurely die, becauſe we have ſeen God. But his Wife ſaid unto bim, if the Lord
were pleaſed to kill us, he would not have received a burnt offering and a meat offering at
our band, neither would be bave ſhewed us all theſe things, nor would as at this time bave
told us ſuch things as ubeſe. Theſe laſt ſhew us, why they offered up ſuch Vifions ;
for then they did think, that God had accepted of a propitiatory offering, and
that he had not viſited to deſtroy them, but to reveal his Will, and that he did
favour them. I ſhall conclude this collection with this Obſervation, that when
God would have the Ifraelites to ſee his Glory, when he deſign'd to give them the
Ten Commandments, he ordered Moſes to cauſe the People to fan&tifie them-
ſelves three Days before by thoſe Rites, which are mentioned in Exod. 19. 10,
11, 12, 13, 14, 15. Aud upon this is grounded one of the Beatitudes pronounced
by our Saviour, Matth. 5. 8. Bleſſed are the pure in heart for they fhall ſee God. So
that there is need of a proper Preparation to have the favour of the Divine Vi-
fions. See Iſaiah 6. 5.
From the words produced thus it appears ; Firſt, That there is a great dif-
ference between God's coming to viſit Sinners, and his admitting the pure to ſee
him; though in both Caſes they are ſaid to ſee God, or God to come and ſee
them. Secondly, That the firſt is a Terror, and the latter a Favour; and that
the


1038
The Viſion of God. Chap. XXII. v. 4.
the Terror of God's Viſion ariſes from the Confciouſneſs of Guilt. See Genel: 3.
8. &c. Thirdly, That upon due preparation the terror may be taken off; and
that the Admiſſion into the divine preſence or appearance of God by ſpecial
Revelation of Signs, or Angels, or of his son, is an Argument of our being
in his Favour. Fourthly, That when God accepted of Sacrifices and Service,
the fight to which he has admitted Men, or the Revelation of himſelf, which
he has made by Angels, is a mark of his having accepted all, and defigning to
favour them in ſome extraordinary manner : ſo that his preſence or fight, is fo
far from ſtriking Terror, that whatever it might do to them, who had a No-
tion before, that God would appear to viſit Men in Judgment, and to deſtroy
them in whom Wickedneſs was found, as there is none who is not conſcious to
himſelf that he is a Sinner ; whatever I ſay, it might do by the firſt Impreſſion
of ſuch unexpected Sights; yet upon Refle&ion, that his fight or coming, or
ſending was not to ſtrike a Terror, it rather filled them with Joy and a full
Confidence, that they were in his Favour, and that he defign’d them ſome fpe-
cial good.
If we rurn towards the Pagans we ſhall find, that they retain’d the ſame No-
tions concerning the Viſions of their Gods; as that they were afraid of them;
and that it portended Death or Miſery, to them that faw them; and that they
who intruded into their Myſteries, did it to their own harm, and loſs of their
Lives ; and yet they thought by Preparations according to their Ricuals, that
they might ſee the Gods without danger; and that in this fight they made the
Perfection of Man to conſiſt ; and that it tended to make them happy both in
this Life and hereafter. I ſhall now produce Paſſages of Aathors which prove
all this. Firſt, That the Pagans were afraid to ſee the Gods. This may be ſeen
in the very name by which the Gods were called by the Greeks. For the true
Etymology of the word Dæmon comes from that word which fignifies fear or
fright. So Euſebius has well obferv'd: (a) Ei Ni rg rétwy sucās tesorinos zlew iTurco-
λοίαν εξαπεϊν, έχ ή περ έλλησι δοκεί, πιρο, το δαίμονας ένα και ελπςήμονας, αλλ' και παρά το
διερμαίνων, όπερ ες φοβίες και εκφοβείν, δαιμονας πνας προσφυώς ονομάζες And it may be
upon theſe accounts, that the Gods of the Pagans are in the (b) Targumifts
called 157, Terrors, from 7817, Terror ; that word being indeed the fame as
Dæmons according to this Etymology of Eufebius, who has deſerv’dly rejected
that of (c) Plato tacitely, who derives it from their knowledge. And there-
fore the guin lfaiah 13. 21. which are ſo called from yo, Horrefcere, are
very properly tranſlated in the LXX. by Amovie, Dæmons, as being frigheful
Sighes. Hence Homer has laid this down for a general Obſervation:-(d)
gounemi de Deo patreats įvagy is meaning that when the Gods appear'd plainly to
any Man, this brought ſome great Calamity upon them. Servitis ; (e)
Nolunt enim fe videri numina, niſi ex nimia neceſſitate : Unde pro miraculo eft , Alma
parens confeſa deam; Quod non faceret, nifi in periculo filii. Callimachus has exprefs'd
this Notion thus; (f)
“ος κεν ίδη γυμναν την παλλάδα τα πολιάχου,
Τώρος εσομείται τετο πονυσάπιον
And afterwards;
Κρόνιοι δ' ώδε λέγει νόμοι
“Ος κέ τιν' αθανάτων όκα μή θεός, αυτός έλητα
Ο Αθρήση, μιθώ τέτον δεν με κίλω
Which he proves there at large by the Example of Tirefias. To this may be added
that of de con. So that the (g) Ancients believed, that when their Gods or
Dætnons, appear'd to them unwarily they became blind or mad, and the like;
whence comes the name of Nuupónntto, Lymphaticis, Cerritus, and the like.
And they give examples of ſuch as intruded into the Myſteries of the Gods, by
(a) Euſeb. Præp. Evang. Lib. IV. p. 8.
(6) Targ. Onkel. & Jonath, in Exod.
20. 23. vid. Eliæ Levit Methurgeman in v. 577.
( (0) V. Platon, in Cratyl.
(d) Homer. Iliad, w. v. 131. (e) Servius in Virg. Eclog. VIII.
(f) Callimach.
Hymn. in Pallad. vid. Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. II. v. 240. & Lactant. ibid. (8) Vid. Felt.
Voc. Larvati & Lymphe. Home.. Iliad 5 y. 139. Herodot. Lib. VI. cap. CXVII. Ptolem.
Hephæft, Lib. 1,
which

Chap. XXII. v. 4. The Viſion of God.
1039
which they pretended to have the fight of them, who loft thereupon their
Lives. Thus Pauſanias having given ſome inſtances of Men, that ventured to
intrude themſelves without due Rites into thoſe Dens from whence Oracles
were thought to proceed, and ſoon after died, makes this Reflection thereup-
on; (a) Tð é nos ovos e anbel'esvě013€ To Ounesu, ous dvi didiq ils fits tą gfúese two
sky-Spárrar švaggas ocã ogPlutarch alſo tells ſuch another Story of a (b) Pythian
Prieſteſs, which loft firft her Senſes, and ſhortly after her Life for going into the
adytum without a due Preparation. So likewiſe Pauſanias ſpeaking of the Village
of Marathon, where the Tombs of them, that were ſlain in the famous Battle
againft the Perſians, were placed ; and having obſerv’d, that there were ſeen Spe
cres, and Voices heard of Men, Horſes and fighting, he adds ; (c) Katasiñas
Nές ενέργή θέαν, όπ'τηδες μ' έκ έσιν ότω σιευθύεγκεν ανηκόω δε όντ και άλλας συμβαίν»
έκ έσιν εκ των δαιμόνων οργή
Upon fuch fights the Pagans alſo endeavour'd to expiate themſelves by Pray-
ers and Sacrifices. Virgil has taken notice of it in theſe Verſes ; (d)
Talibus attonitus vilis, ac vore deorum,
Nec fopor illud erat, ſed coram agnoſcere vultus;
Velatal que comas, præſentiaque ora videbar;
Tum gelidus toto manabat corpore ſudor,
Corripio è ftratis corpus, tendoque (upinas
Ad cæluna cum voce manus, de munera libo
Intemerata focis. Perfecto lætus honore, &c.
And alſo in theſe of the Fright. (e)
Tali Cyllenius ore locutus
Mortalis viſus medio ſermone reliquit,
Et procul in tenuem ex oculis evanuit auram:
At vero Aneas afpe&tu obmutuit amens,
Arrecteque horrore come, da vox faucibus bafiti
Which Fright upon the ſight of a God, Horace has counterfeited in one of his
Odes upon Bacchus.
(F-Recenti mens trepidat metzs.
Ànd thus Ion in Euripides conjecturing from the great blaze of Light, that a
God was approaching, offers to run away; (g)
Φαγωμω, δ τεκεσα, μη τα δαιμόνων
Opwpiſu, di più sereg's eat sila's deãy
And yet they thought, that by proper Rites they might approach the Deities,
have familiar Converſe with them, have Inſpirations and Sight. And in this
Sight and Union they made all the knowledge and happineſs of Life to confift
both in this and the next, or ſeparate ſtate. The place of Plutarch aforecited
ſhews it, and all thoſe Authors, who ſpeak of their Preparations to receive
Oracles, as to the Sight of the Gods without harm. "And as to the advantages
of the Sight and Union, affected by ſuch Rites, the whole Book of Jamblichus
which treats of the Egyptian Myſteries, tends that way ; to which may be added
what we have obſerv'd concerning Myſteries in the Note upon Chap. 11. 19. C.
By all which it muſt needs appear, that the sight of God implies a compleat
Happineſs.
But the Expreſſion before us is ſtronger than that of ſeeing God, and even than
that of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 13. 12. face to face. I ſay, that to ſee the face of God is
(a) Paufan. in Phoc, p. 350,
(6) Plutarch, de Defe&. Oracul. fub fin.
(c) Pauſan in Attic. p. 31. Comp. Plin. Secund. Lib. VII. Epift. XXVII. (d) Virgil.
Æneid. Lib. III. Comp. Apollon. Argon. Lib. II. v. 690. Lib. II. v. 924.
(ej Virgil.
Æneid. Lib. IV.
(f) Horat. Lib. II. Od. 19.
(8) Eurip. Ion, v.1551,
vid. Homer. Odyff
. 1. v, 36, &c. Apollon, Arg. Lib. Il. v, 683,
a ſtronger
12 1

1040
The Viſion of God.
Ch. XXI. V. 46
a ſtronger Expreſſion than either of the former; and that this is to be proved
from the Gradation, which we find in the words of Moſes collected from ſeveral
places. Moſes ſays in the places already cited, that the Ifraelites ſaw God; and
that is a great favour and privilege, but of himſelf he ſays, Exod. 33. 11. The
Lord ſpake unta Mofes face to face; and Deut. 34. 10. it is ſaid. There aroſe not a
Prophet fince in Iſrael like unto Moſes, whom the Lord knew face to face. In the
former of theſe two places the Expreſſion face to face is further illuſtrated by this
which follows it, Às a Man ſpeaketh unto bis Friend. But when Mofes deſires to
ſee his Glory, God ſays unto him, Thou canſt not ſee my face ; for there shall no
Man fee me and live, Exod. 33. 20. It is evident, that to ſee God in ſuch a man-
ner, was more than to ſee God, and to ſpeak face to face ; or at leaſt, that tho®
God ſpake, and knew Mofes face to face, yet Moſes did not ſee God face to face
nor ſee his face. However, that to ſee God, appears to be leſs than this, to ſee bis
face; if we ſuppoſe that the Expreſiion of St. Paul to ſee God face to face, is the
ſame, or at leaft implies the ſame thing as this, to ſee his face ; for which never
theleſs I ſee no reaſon, but that this laft is more emphatical. Though I would
not contend much about it, provided it be granted, that to ſee his face is ſtrong-
er than thoſe in general of ſeeing God, and ſpeaking, or rather being by him
ſpoken to, face to face; which is now evident from the Compariſon made be-
tween them. Now this Expreſſion, to ſee the face implies, that the Perſons who
are admitted to do it, are in ſpecial favour with him, whoſe face they fee,
when that perſon is ſuperior, and they are not in danger of falling under his
Diſpleaſure. Thus whereas, Genef. 42. 20. Joſeph had ſaid to his Brethren ;
Bring your youngeſt Brother unto me ; ſo Mall your words be verified, and ye ſhall not die :
Judah expreſſes it thus, Genef. 43. 3. Te ſhall not ſee my face, except your Brother
be with you. And thus when Abſalom was ſo far pardoned for the Murder of his
Brother, as to be permitted to return to Feruſalem ; yet David not willing to rea
ceive him into favour ſaid, Let him turn to his own Houſe, and let him not ſee my face,
2 S«m. 14. 24. That is, he muſt not come to Court, as if he were in the
King's Favour. For they only are in the King's Favour with whom he convera
ſes familiarly, and ſuch as are admitted into his Preſence to receive his Orders,
and feel the effects of his Kindneſs in the moſt eminent manner above all other
Subje&s. And in refpet of God, this is the ſpecial privilege of the Angels;
and even among them ſuch as are ſuperior to the Reft
. So Chriſt ſays, Matth.
18. 10. For 1 ſay unto you, that in Heaven their Angels do always behold the face of my
Father which is in Heaven. So the Angel Gabriel, Luke 1. 19. deſcribes himſelf
ſtanding in the preſence of God. Upon which two places the Interpreters, and
eſpecially Grotius, may be conſulted. Therefore the Expreſſion, they ſhall see
his face, implies firſt, that they ſhall have the ſame right as the Angels, to ap-
proach the Divinity; and by conſequence ſhall be as highly honoured and fa-
voured as that right can make them, who are permitted to ſee the face of God, in
the ſame manner, and in company with the Angels, who are in this ſtate their
fellow Citizens; (a) For the face of the Prince rejoyces ihe fight of his Subje&t.
Buc Mall they fee God? I anſwer, that the rais'd Saints ſhall ſee him continu-
ally in Chriſt converſing with them, and fitting upon the Throne of God. For
the durš bis, as in the former Expreſſion d'utội him, relates to God and the Lamb
as one ; ſo that when they ſee the Lamb, inveſted with all the Glory of the
divine Majeſty, they ſee God himſelf. So Chriſt argues, John 14. 9. He that
has Jeen me, hath ſeen the Father ; which is grounded upon the ſtrid union of
Natures, divine and human, as it appears from the following words. For as in
feeing Chriſt, even in his human nature and itate of Humiliation, Men might
ſee the Father, ſo when the Saints ſhall ſee Chriſt in the ſtate of Reſurrection
they ſhall then ſee God face'te face, and ſee his face, becauſe they ſhall ſee him in
Chriſt chus glorified with the power and majeſty of the Deity: The ſum of
what is advanced here is contain'd in theſe words of Hilary ; (b) Quia non nifi
per hæc probati, vel aſſumpti habebuntur in Chrifto, vel ei obviam rapientur in nubibus,
ſed in San&to dei non aliter apparebunt deo quam ſecundum illud ; Qui me videt, videt du
pairem. Atque illud ; ego du pater unum fumus. Quia in filii & natura do nomine
paternæ naturæ ac nominis fignificatia continetur, apparens filio. Apparons autem filio
(~) Vid. Herbelot. Tit. Mahmoud Ben. Segekteghin, & Horat. Lib. IV. Od. V. v. 6, 7, 8.
(b) Hilar. Pi&tav, in Pfal. LXII,
wel

Ch. XXII. V.
The Viſion of God.
1041
vel fufceptus a filio patri apparebit in filio, atque ut in fanéto appariturus dea. If there-
fore Chriſt was ſeen in the Fleſh by mortal Eyes, of which there can be no
doubt, he will alſo be ſeen familiarly converfant by the rais’d Saints in his Glory,
and in him the glory of the Divinity it ſelf with which he ſhall then be inveſted.
For as his Body
is glorified by the Reſurrection, fo fhall their Bodies too; and
their Eyes made capable to behold him. And as we ſhall then be like the Angels,
ſo that our Underſtandings will receive very great Improvements, ſo it is like-
ly, that we ſhall have the ſame faculty to ſee che Divinity as the Angels them.
ſelves have.
St. Paul and St. Fobn have two Expreſſions, which appear to inlarge upon this
fight of God face to face, which may therefore be further Expoſitions thereof;
for which reaſon it may be proper to conſider them a little here. St. Paul ſays,
Then shall I know, even as alfo I am known, 1 Cor. 13. 12. I think in the firſt place,
that he alludes to the Expreſſion of God to Moſes, I know thee by name, Exod 33.
12, which ſeems to be an Hebraifm to ſignify, I deal with thee as a familiar
Friend and Favourite ; ſo thąc as uſually in holy Writ the following words,
Thou haft alſo found Grace in my fight, are ſynonymous to it; and conſequently
explain it. Now though in this Life God calls us Sons, and by the Spirit we
have liberty to call him Fatber, upon the hopeful Preſumption, that we ſhall
find him ſo to be to the end ; yer in the Reſurrection we ſhall abſolutely find him
ſo; and our hope and preſumption ſhall be turned into Righe. As he has koown
us by name in calling us Sens ; we ſhall know him certainly to be our Father.
Secondly, To know God, may ſignify the ſame as feeling by real experience what
he is; true, powerful, and faithful to his Promiſes. This we now believe and
hope; but then we ſhall cercainly find true in the Execution. As God has
found St. Paul to be faithful, fo St. Paul ſhall find, chat God has actually fulfill'd
his Promiſes to him; and ſo all the faithful too. St. John's Expreſſion, we shall
Jee him as he is, Fobu 3. 2. may be reduced to the ſame fenſe. Chriſt was God
in nature and power, but he did not ſhew it to the full in his ſtate of Humilicy,
but made us Promiſes, which are to have their Accompliſhment at his appea-
rance. What we therefore now only believe and hope of him, we ſhall then
ſee and feel executed; and that he is really God, powerful, and true to his Pro-
miſes. We are now indeed called Sons of God upon the preſumption of our Faith
and Hope, but then we ſhall really be fo ; and as we ſhall be like him, we ſhall
be rais'd to the ſame Glory. Ansbertus ſays well out of St. Auft in and others
Suſpiremus vero ad tantæ vifionis claritatem, ad quam fi ipſa illuminante pervenerimus,
quod nunc nobis adbuc peregrinis latet, tunc civibus effe&tis patebit.
But ſhall the Saints rais’d to everlaſting Life be the only Men, who ſhall fee
God in Chriſt? No ſure, for it is ſaid before in Chap. I. 7. That every Eye shall
ſee him, even they alſo who pierced him ; even the Jews who crucified him, and all
they who have again crucified him a freſh by blaſpheming againft him in all
thoſe ways which are ſpecified in this Propheſy. They hall ſee him, not with
the fight which implies Favour and Love, but that which brings along with it
Terror and Miſchief. They ſhall have a fight of him in Judgment, and then
ſlaall for ever be baniſhed from his Preſence. That fight is fufficiently determind
to what it tends by the Expreſſion following there, which upbraids them with
the Crucifixion of Chriſt ; as here the ſight of his face is determined, both by the
Expreſſion of Face, and by the following words, his name ſhall be on their Foreheads,
as well as by the whole Diſcourſe, which is a Deſcription of the moſt happy
ftate. Ifidorus Hiſpal. (a) In judicio reprobi humanitatem Chrifti, in qua judicatu-
tuseft, videbunt, ut doleant ; divinitatem vero ejus non videbunt, ne gaudeant. Quibus
enim divinitas ejus oftenditur, utique ad gaudium demonftratur.
And we may further. obſerve, that this ſight of God's face is a Bleſſing which
only comes to Men at the Reſurrection. No ſuch privilege has been ſaid to be
allowed to the Souls in a ſeparate ftate, even to thoſe of the holy Martyrs and
Prophets. They have indeed ſome Tokens of God's Favour, and Affurances
that it ſhall be compleatly beſtowed upon them ; but they are not Prieſts to at-
tend immediately upon God, but when they have a ſhare in the Reſurrection.
The Souls are firſt bidden to rest a little while before their Cauſe is tried, and in
() Ifidor. Jun. Hiſpal. Sentent. Lib. I. cap. 30.
the

1042
The Light of the Saints.
Chap. XXII. v. 5:
the mean time they have Stoles given them; afterwards they are ſaid to have
karps of God Bue when the Marriage of the Lamb is come, and that his Bride
is to be prepared, Byle is given, and they are ſolemnly pronounced righteous in
che divine Coure, by which they become Prieſts of God and Chriſt, Revel. 20.
6. For the Expreſſion before us, as alſo that which preceeds it, and that which
follows, ſhew is the advantages or rights of that Prieſthood, to ſerve to ſee the
face, and to have the name written on the Forehead ; and imply, that not only the
Saints of the firſt, but all thoſe of the general Reſurrection, that enter into the
New Jeruſalem, ſhall have the ſame Rights at laſt. And I hope that by this I
have quite broken the Romiſh Looking-Glaſs in God's Viſion, contrived for the
uſe of the departed Saints, to know what is done below.
I ſuſpect this Looking glaſs to have had its origin from the Platonick
Notion of the idle World, which is ſuppos’d to be made as a Type for the fra-
ming of the viſible; which Type, or Suppoſition of the being of ſuch a Type,
aroſe from the Notion, that the viſible and political Worlds are made and go-
verned by and according to the rules of the inviſible World. This idle World
or Type, we find is preciſely called Speculum. Martianus Capella gives us this
plain account of him ; His igitur indumentis decenter ornati, ante conſellum in fug-
geſtu ſydereo quandam fphæram cælatam varietate multiplici conſpicantur, quæ ita ex
omnibus compacta fuerat elementis, ut nihil abeffet, quidquid ab omni creditur natura
contineri. illic omne cælum, aer, freta, diverfitafque telluris, clauftraque fuerant tar-
tarea. Urbes etiam, compita, cun&torumque ſpecies animantium, tam in ſpecie quam in
genere numerandce Quæ quidem Sphara imago quædam videbatur, ideaque mundi. In
bac quid cunéti, quid finguli nationum omnium populi quotidianis motibus agitarent pede
reformantis ſpeculo relucebat. Ibi quem augeri, quem deprimi,quem naſci, quem occidere
Fupiter vellet, manu propria ipſe formabat. Quam terrarum partem diſperdere, quam
beare, quam vaſtam quamque celebrem cuperet, fiktor arbitrarius variabat: Hoc igitur
Fatum publicum conſpicans, componenſque deorum ſenatum, juſſit admitti. This is in-
deed a proper Scheme to build upon it the Omniſcience of the Dæmons, and the
Worſhip which may be given to them. But even by this it appears, that the
Pagans knew that the inferior Dæmons had only a communicated Knowledge of
the future, not one inherent and intrinſecal. Thus Virgil ſays, that Juno bad
heard of the future fate of Cartbage. Audierat. On this Servius obſerves thus :
(a) A Jove, aut fatis; Non enim omnia numina babent divinandi poteſtatem, denique
ne ipſe quidem Apollo ſua ſponte divinat: ut eſt, Qua Phæbo pater omnipotens, mihi Phee-
bus Apollo Prædixit. But the Myſtery of God is even unknown to the Angels,
fince they are ſaid to deſire to pry into it. This they cannot do till God gives
them Commiſſion to inform Men thereof; as we find even in this Caſe of the
Apocalypſe, that Chrift ſent his Angel, to communicate it to St. John ; fo
that the Angels know ſo much of the Church's face, as God is pleas’d to dif-
cover in the Prophefies; and they know ſo inuch of them, as they are more
able to underſtand them than Men.
B. Kan ve ovo uo duls Hi TÔV WETO TWV AUTæv And bis name ſhall be on their Fore.
beads.] As the Saints in the Reſurrection are Prieſts, this Expreſſion alludes co
that Privilege, which the high Prieſt had during the Mofaical Diſpenſation, to
wear a golden Plate upon his Mitre, which made it a Crown, and had an In-
fcription upon it in theſe words, Holineſs to the Lord, Exod. 28. 36. which being
ſo underſtood, by taking the Abſtract for the Concrete as uſual, that the high
Prieſt was conſecrated to clfe Lord, ſanctified not only his Service to the true
God, but alſo that of the whole Prieſthood under his Government. But that
which was the privilege of one ſingle perſon in that Diſpenſation, and was only
ſet upon his Garment, becomes in the Reſurrection the right of every Saint,
and is fix'd upon his Perſon, and fo by no means alienable. By this therefore
Chriſt has fec an indelible and everlaſting mark of his having taken the Saints
into his eternal Service and Favour. Ansbertus ſays; Redte cum acceperit quod per
fidem credidit, ipſum fidei præmium pro titulo gloriæ in fuis frontibus geftare videtur. In
the ſhort Reſt the Angel from the Eaſt marks the Servants of God on their Fore-
heads, becauſe it was by human means that the ſhort Reſt was procured. But
here they receive the name from him, who has admitted them to the Prieft-
(4) Mart, Capelli Lib. I.
(b) Serv. in Virgil. Æneid, Lib.l. col. 381.
hood,

Chap. XXII. v. 5.
The name on the Foreheads. 1043
hood, when he gave the Byſe to his Bride, which was the reward adjudged to
Saints in the divine Court.
A. verf. s. Kai viť éx isurexa, And there ſhall be no night there.) This ſhews, that
the Saints in the Reſurrection ſhall never find any Intermiſſion of Favour, nor
meet with any Afflictions to diſturb their Happineſs; and thac this general ad-
vantage or quality, belonging to the New Jeruſalem, as was ſaid before in Chap.
21.25, concerns them chiefly; and by Communication ſhall extend even to
them that walk by the light of this Jeruſalem, as long as the Millennial ſtate there-
of indures, as well as for ever after.
B. Kai priar šx x xol axve, rj aros dals, And they have no need of Lamp, neither
of the light of the Sun.] See the Note upon Chap. 21. 23. A. For the Lamp
here reſpects the Night, during which Men either make uſe of the Moon, when
it ſhines, or elſe are obliged to light Lamps or Torches, and the like ; which
when the Moon ſhines they need not to ſee their way. Ariſtophanes : (a)
Mà feim pa sad smorda päs osalmains recabwe adulto
As there is no Night,there is no need of either Lamp or Moon. Thoſe that have God
preſent for their Ruler need not any other Governour, whilſt God favours them.
C. On mucca geds pazzei autès, Becauſe the Lord God ſhall give them light.] Firſt,
We are told in Chap. 21. II. that the New Jerufalemn has the glory of God, and
chat her Luminary is like a Jaſper clear as cryſtal ; which fhews us one of the
fpecial Properties of the ſupream Governor therein ; and then in Chap.21.23. We
are told that the glory of God enlightens it, and the Lamb is as the Lamp there-
of. Now the Holy Ghoft here applies this alſo to the Saints Inhabitants thereof,
and ſhews, that all this is for their benefit ; and that indeed that Luminary is
God himſelf. But why is not the Lamb here named alſo as the Lamp to en-
lighten the Saints? I anſwer firſt, That it is either fo expreſs'd ſhortly, becauſe
God and the Lamb are one; or elſe becauſe the Saints having Immortality
themſelves, and reigning with Chriſt, he is not abſolutely their Lamp, but that
they are themſelves Lights, which ſhine moft immediately from the divine
Light, as well as from Chriſt as Lamb, that is, his human Nature, by which
Chriſt himſelf is a deputed Light, and ſo called the Lamp of the Ncw Jeruſalema
It was therefore neceflary in this place, wherein the Holy Ghoſt ſets forth the
Rights and Privileges of the raiſed Saints, to fhew us this high Prerogative,
that they are immediately enlighten'd by the Divinity, as it has been ſaid be
fore, that they have that of ſeeing God's face. And yet it was alſo neceſſary in
the former place to inform us, that Chriſt, even in his human nature, is glo-
rified therein, ſo as to be the Lamp of the New Jeruſalem, though the Lamb
himſelf is God. That quality of Lamb giving him alſo a title to the preſent
Glory and Majeſty. See the Note upon Chap. 5. 9. D. to our Saviour him.
ſelf argues in John s. 27. And bath given him authority to execute Judgment alſo,
becauſe be is the son of Man. That is, Jeſus ſhall be glorified, be caule he has
ſuffer'd ; to reward him for his Sufferings, he ſhall become King of Kings, and
Lord of Lords. This Expoſition is eaſy, and riſes from the Signification of
the Phraſe Son of Man, which has been explain'd to this purpoſe in the Note
upon Chap. 1. 13. B. If therefore the Humanity of Chriſt muſt be glorified
becauſe it has ſuffered, ſo muft thoſe, who have ſuffer'd for his fake and the
cauſe of God. They muſt all together, and in the ſame manner be glorified;
and for that reaſon converſe familiarly together. Where he is, there the Saints
muſt be, and ſee the glory which the Father has given him, and receive the
honour which the Father will give them for ſerving Chriſt. See John 12. 26.
and Chap. 17. 24.
Hold 2
D. Kai Gaouadioso dis Tès aöyds tão elcóyovs, And they ſhall reign for ever and ever.]
This is ſpoken of the Inhabitants of the New Jeruſalem, and ſignifies, thac cheir
ſtate of Happineſs ſhall be erernal; and ſo, adequate to that of Chriſt, with
whom they reign ; whoſe Kingdom is alſo to be eternal, as it has been ſaid be
fore ; ſee the Note upon Chap. 11. IS. C. but is not repeated here, becauſe it is
fufficiently implied; and the Holy Ghoſt is now chiefly concern'd to de
ſcribe this reign, as it concerns the Saints, having already fufficiently
Spoken of that. of Chrift, Now this, being the laſt Expreſſion about
the reign of the Saints in full Glory, is as general and full, as it is poſſible to
(a) Ariſtoph: Nubib.
12 K
ex

1044
The everlaſting Reign.
Ch. XXII. v. 5.
expreſs it. There have been two other different Expreſſions about the reign of
the Saints, with which it is proper to compare this, that we may conceive the
fulneſs of it. In Chap. 5. 10. it is ſaid, they reign, ohi vñs vñs, or as it is in ſome
Copies ſhall reign, becauſe that is juft upon the Inauguration of Chriſt into the
Throne of God, and ſo is to be underſtood of the beginning of the Chriſtian
Oeconomy. Now this reaches no further than to drive out Paganiſm, and
make the Chriſtian Faith the ruling Religion. Again it is ſaid of the Saints
rais’d in the Millennial Reſurre&ion, chac they reign during a thouſand Years.
But as it is ſaid, that the ſecond death cannot have any power over them, we
eaſily conceive, that though the Holy Ghoft intended to thew, that thefe ſhould
have a priority of Reſurrection to reign with Chriſt a thouſand Years before the
general, yet this Millennium does not determine their ftate. When therefore
the Holy Ghoſt comes to conſider the general ſtate of all the Saints in the New
Ferufalem, wherein Chriſt is not only to reign during the Millennium, but for
ever; the ſame Expreſſion is us'd about the duration of their reign as about that
of Chriſt, who is no more ftinteá by zile Millennial reign, the privilege of ſome
few, than thoſe few are ſtinted thereby, or excepted from the ſtate of the Saints
after the general Reſurrection.
Abboo
de 2
The holy Scriptures, and eſpecially the New Teftament, are ſo clear for the
Eternity of the happy ſtate of the Saints in the Reſurre&ion; that I know of
no Chriſtians, who profeſs to believe the truth of thofe holy Writings, that
denies that Eternity. Mr. Whißon is the only Man, who has declared himſelf
for a ſtinted term, though he makes it indeed very long; and fo thinks it is fuf-
ficient for all the ends of Religion. The Socinians indeed have denied the
Eternity of the Torments of the Wicked; but then they fuppoſe themi annihi-
lated. Others deny indeed the Eternity of the Torments of Fire, as to the
fenſe thereof in the Wicked, but they leave them in the torment of Conſcience
for the loſs of the happy ſtate. As to the eternity of the ſtate of the Saints,
though Men differ in their Conceptions, yet all agree to ſuppoſe them eternally
happy and alive. The Arians themſelves, who denied the eternity of Chriſt's
reign upon the miſtaken Foundation, that after the laſt Judgment he is to make
an abſolute Reſignation of it, never took away the eternal Life of either Chrift's
human nature, or of that of the Saints. ss
bi
Mr. Whiſtor's Notion is grounded on this bare Conceit concerning the dura-
tion of the Millennium, that becauſe in ſome other places of this Propheſy a day
ſignifies a year, therefore the Millennium conſiſts of 365,000 Years. Not to
take notice of that flight miſtake, that even according to the method of the
Propheſy, the Year is ſuppos’d to conſiſt of 360 days only, and ſo he ſhould have
faid 360,000 Years according to his own Principle; this Conceit of M. Whi-
fton is involved with many. Abſurdities. The firſt is, that the Millennium muſt
be reſolved into days, to find out its duration to be of ſo many years, as there
are days. But of this I have treated in ſome other places. The ſecond is more
viſible than the firſt, which is, that this fuppoſes the Millennium to be the only
term of the Happineſs; whereas it is plain, that the Millennium is only
a Forerunner of the general Reſurrection. The third Abſurdity is, that ſuch a
determination either ſuppoſes, that the Saints themſelves muft be annihilated,
or chat there are to be periodical Revolutions according to the Platonick No-
tion. But the Propheſy before us is clear ; there can be no Curſe in the New
Ferufalem, and therefore no cauſe why God ſhould annihilate chat ſtate, or ſuf-
fer it to come to any other Revolution; and therefore the Saints therein ſhall
reign els tres alwrds tão aidyw, for ever.
Ånd thus we have done with the prophetick part of the Viſion of St. Fohn,
which concerns the Fates of the divine Oeconomy, or Chriſtian Church, from
its beginning to its Conſummation in Glory. As the changes of the World
are the ſubject of Hiſtory, ſo they are of Propheſy. For where Men live
for ever in the ſame ftate, there can be no reaſon to expect new Viſions, which
can only be exhibited to ſhew new Matters, or Revolutions : whereas it is evi-
dent, that the ſtate of the rais'd Saints is to be liable to no Changes or Revolu-
tions; but is to be always happy and incorruptible. So that there is no need to
ſay any more of that ſtate, which admits of no Variation. And ſeeing that
the Holy Ghoſt has been pleaſed to tranſmit to the Church this divine Pro-
pheſy, which gives us a full account of the Fates of the Church until its Con-
ſummation; after which there are to be no other Revolutions; it ſeems very
dide rational
%

Ch. XXII. v. 6, 7. The Epilogue or Confirmation. 1045
rational to conclude, that we muſt expect no other Propheſy of the famie nacure.
The Expoſition of this is ſufficient for us. What follows hereafrec is an Epi-
logue to confirm the truth of the Propheſy, containing alſo ſome Exhortations
to obſerve the Contents thereof.
A. verſ. 6. Kai aiye sion, Of toe vi aózel mooi g d'an Sirol, And he ſays to me, theſe
words are faithful and true.] Here begins a final Racification of the whole Pro-
pheſy, much more neceſſary here than in the former places, in Chap. 19.9.
and Chap. 21. 5, 6. or at leaſt, ſeeing the Holy Ghoſt thought fit, to give
Confirmacions in theſe places, wherein Viſions had been exhibited, which
brought indeed the Chriftian Oeconomy to its Conſummation in fome
compre-
henfive Symbols ; it was proper to add one where theſe Symbols had been
further explain'd by others, which ſhew'd the Circumſtances of thoſe conſum-
mating Events in Symbols more particularly ſetting forth thoſe Circumſtances,
By which means the whole Viſion is confirm’d by a triple Ratification,
B. Kai xúc Q . Sids tõv piduelta Toy Teigntãy, And the Lord God of the Spirits of
the Prophets.] The fame God who inſpires the Prophets to ſhew his Will to
Men, and to defend it againſt the growing Corruptions, will not only make
thus his Promiſes good to them, as they are ſet forth in this Viſion, but has alſo
thought fit to give them this account of the Events before hand. For as they
Thall happen ſo ſuddenly, that they will ſurpriſe the common fort of Men, the
Prophers or Martyrs who have need of Conſolation during the Afflictions,
which they undergo for the name of Chriſt, may ſee by this, that God is re-
ſolved to ſhew himſelf to be their God, by giving them a full account how he
will accompliſh his Promiſes, and by the Events ſhew them his Covenant, Pſal. 25.
14. See the Note upon Chap. 11. 19. C.
Some Copies inſtead of tão ayoyed twy have two eyic of the holy Prophets.
But this makes no great difference. However the reading of woehtav ſeems to
me to be more emphatical, and to ſignify, that God is the God of the Prophets
or Martyrs, even whilſt they are Spirits; that is, whilſt they are in the ſeparate
ftate, at which time God has received their Spirits to himſelf, and holds them
in his favour. So that this aſſures them of their future Reſurrection by the very
ſame Argument as God's declaring, that he was the God of Abraham, and of
Ifaac, and Jacob, when he ſpake to Moſes
, or after their death, ſhew'd that they
did ſtill live in him ; and that he would make good all his Promiſes to them
which Argument, we know by our Saviour's Authority, demonſtrated that they
fhould riſe again ; and ſo muſt theſe.
C. Αής Ηλε τον άγγελον αυτά δείξαι τοϊς δέλοις αυτέ, α δ ξύλος έν τιχρί, Hath fent his
Angel to Shew bis Servant s the things which muſt happen ſhortly.] This Angel is one of
the ſeven Angels of the divine Preſence, of which I have frequently treated.
See the Notes upon Chap. 17. 1. A. and Chap. 21. 9. A. compared with the
Notes upon Chap. 1. 4. C. and upon Chap. 4.5. B. As to the word év Tixos,
ſee the Note upon Chap. 1. 1. D. However we may perceive, that he ſpeaks
ſometimes in the Perſon of Chriſt, and ſometimes he ſpeaks as from himſelf of
Chrift in the third perſon,
A. verf. 7. 'Idd 's monede tegels, Bebold I come quickly.] Chriſt ſpeaks. Chriſt is
coming by all the Events, which happen and prepare thus matters for his Ap-
pearance. And as theſe things are unexpected by thoſe Men, who do not truly
believe in him, all is ſudden and unexpected.
B. Margie! Tagão ads abges tñs mesontains të Gicais cótv, Bleſſed is he that obſerves
the words of the Prophecy of this Book.] That is, bleſſed are all they, that can lay
ſo to heart the divine Promiſes made in this Book or Prophefy, ſo as to maintain
the truth of the Contents thereof to the end of their Lives ; for they thall certain,
ly receive the Recompenſe promiſed and explained therein. See Chap: 1. 3.
A. verf. 8. Kấga 'Iwdvvns o á xócsy Red Babtay Taüte, and I John am be who beard
and ſaw theſe things.] Some ſeem to have joynd theſe words to the preceeding,
as if Foln was declared bleſſed, for having ſeen and heard what is contain'd in
this Propheſy. But I think, that the meaning of St. John is, that the Angel
has confirm'd the truth of the Propheſy, and has ſpoken in the name of Chrift,
that he is coming ſuddenly ; that is, will perform the things contain'd cherein
fo St. John confirms the whole by affirming in the words before us, that he is
the Perſon, who has had this Viſion, the truth of which depending upon the
Authority of him that fent it, and the fidelity of them that report, St. John
here gives it under his Hand, and fets to his name, that it is certainly true
he

1046
The Epilogue.
Chap. XXII. v.7.
he being the ſame Perſon, who ſaw the Viſions and wrote them in this Book,
and one who is very well known to be a Perſon divinely inſpired. He therefore
has ſeen them in the divine Decree, and has been choſen of God to ſee that
Idea or Repreſentation of them, which God as a wiſe Architect has before.
hand made of them. So that the Prophet has ſeen them as preſent, and God
being true and powerful, is both able and willing to accompliſh them in due
time. (a) Quæ futura ſunt aliis præfentia ſunt ſacerdoti
, ſays La&tantius on Statius.
Sacerdos is the ſame as Prophet. See the Prelim. Diſc. Part. II. Sect. 55.
Β. και ότι ήκισα και έβλέψε, έπεσον προσκυνήσαι έμwesθεν των ποδών τα «γγέλα το
δωκνύοντος μοι ταυται" Και λίγη μοι, όeα μη σωδελός σε ειμι, και των αδελφών σει των προφηγών,
τών τηρίων της λόγες τα βιβλία τέτο' του θεώ περσκινησον, And when I had heard and
ſeen, I fell down to worſhip before the feet of the Angel, which ſhewed me theſe things.
And be faith to me, ſee thou do it not, for I am sby Fellow Servant, and of thy Bretbren
the Prophets, and of them which obſerve the words of this Book. Worſhip God.) There
is no great difference between theſe words and thoſe which we have found be-
fore in Chap. 19. 10. for the Brothers the Prophets are the ſame as the Brethren
wbich have the Teſtimony of Jeſus, it having been ſaid before that this Teſtimony is
the ſame as the ſpirit of Propheſy. But as this Expoſition is now needleſs here, fo
we find an addition which is of ſpecial import, for to the Prophets are joyn'd
thoſe who obſerve the words of this book. Theſe latter are plainly another fort of Men.
For the Expreſſion, they wbich obſerve the words of this Book, is more (a) gene-
ral than that of Prophets, or they who have the Teftimony of Jeſus, and therefore
comprehends any of thoſe good Chriftians, who attend to the Prophefies and
Promiſes of God, without being Prophets or Martyrs. This addition there-
fore muſt be the Key of this place; and few us in particular, how it comes,
that St. John has committed this Error a ſecond time, and receives the fame Re-
buke; which being ſo, it is moſt proper to inſert the Conjunction y and, before
the words tãy thepustaw, by which theſe are made different from the former :
and fo Biſhop Bull, who has examined this Text as to the Doctrine concerna
ing the Adoration of Angels, has obſerv'd before me, and concends that it
muſt be read.
It is ftrange indeed, that St. 7obn after having been admoniſhed, ſhould thus
fall into the fame Miſtake. This has made ſome think, that St. John is rela.
ting again what happened before, and this is but the ſame Miſtake. But if ſo,
why is it repeated with ſome different Expreſſions ? Now if we confider, that
in Viſions the very Acts of the Prophet are ſymbolical, it will be ealy to ſolve
this, even though it be a ſecond Miſtake. For this purpoſe ſuppoſing what
has been ſaid about the firſt Miſtake in Chap. 19. 10. we may obſerve, chat
there is a colour or decorum for this ſecond Miſtake, from the former words of
the Angel, who having ſpoken in the Perſon of Chriſt
, Bebold I come quickly, ſeems
to give a plauſible occaſion for it. But to come to the ſymbolical intention of
the Miſtake and Rebuke. Theſe words occurring after the Deſcription of the
New Jeruſalem, we muſt obſerve here again, That the Saints who are Citizens
thereof, are of two ſorts; Fift, The Millennial Saints, and then thoſe who are
glorified by the general Reſurrection. Now as the firſt Miftake and Rebuke, in
Chap. 19. 10. rather concerned thoſe, who had a ſhare in the firſt Refurre&ion
and beginning of the Marriage of the Lamb, for none elſe were yet feen to
be rais'd, and ſo ſhewed rather the beginning of the ftate of the New Ferufalem,
than its Conſummation; that firſt Miftake and Rebuke ſeem only to reach to
the caſe of the Millennial Saints ; but this being repeated at the end of all, and
ſpeaking of the laſt glorified Saints as well as the former, ſeems to imply, that
theſe laft Saints glorified ſhall be in the ſame Caſe as the others; and as they may
make the ſame miſtake, they may receive the ſame Rebuke, which tends to
much to their Honour, as to make them equal to the Angels.
Upon view of this and what has been ſaid before in the Note upon Chap.19.
10. A. there ſeems to be a fufficient Preparation to underſtand the Speculation
of Clemens Alexandrinus, it may be ; who ſays, That they of Men who are tran-
• Mated to the Angels are diſcipled by the Angels during a thouſand Years,
being brought to perfection. Afterwards they that caught them are promoted
to the Archangelical Authority ; and they who have learned diſciple thoſe
(a) La&t. Placid. in Sca:. Theb. Lib. III. v. 569.
who

Chap. XXII. v. 11.
The Epilogue.
1047
who are tranſlated from the ſtate of Men to that of Angels, and thus afterwards
in certain Periods are promoted to the proper angelification of the Body
(a) “Οι 3ξ ανθρώπων είς αγγέλες μεταστάντες, χίλια έτη μαθηταίoνθ και ο αγγέλων, εις τελθό-
τη τα αποκαθιστάμενου έται οι μας διδάξανπς, μετατίθενται εις αρχα[γελικων αξεσο αν οι μαθόντες και, τες
εξ ανθρώπων αυθες μεθσαμβύες εις αγγέλες μαθητών σαν έπειτα έπος «ειδες ρη τις εποχασαν τη
årrøde og cóual
Gyane frię. Compare this with what we have obferv'd in the
Note upon Chap. 15. 2. E.
Α. verf. 10. Και λέγε μοι, Μη σφραγίσης τες λόγους της vegφητείας σε βιβλία τέτο, And he
faith to me, ſeal not the words of the propheſy of this Book.] When the matters fore-
told are at a great diſtance of time, they are ſtill in the deſign, or Myſtery of
God, and by conſequence Secret : and that which ſymbolically repreſents their
fecrecy is Sealing. This is the reaſon why the Propheſy of Daniel in Chap. 12.
4,9. is ordered to be Sealed, becauſe it would be a vaſt while before that pard
of it, which concerns the Reſurrection, ſhould have its accompliſhment. Buc
as to the Revelation made to St. John, the matters predicted therein were ac-
compliſhing in part, and God was daily diſcovering the Secrets of his Counſel
by the events of ſome parts of the Viſion, at the very time that it was exhibited
to St. John, and St. John was commanded to write and publiſh it. This I have
ſhewn as to the firſt part of the Propheſy, and the matter contained in the fourth
and fifth Chapters, as alſo of opening of the firſt Seal. Some of which are ana
tecedent, and ſome cotemporary with the date of the whole Propheſy when
exhibited in Patmos.
B. Ono roued's eygus ésiv, Becauſe the ſeaſon is at hand.] That is, for their accom-
pliſhment. See the Note upon Chap. 1. 3. C. whereas Daniel argues to the con-
trary, but on the ſame ground in Chap. 12. 8, 9. Daniel propheſied of things
belonging to another Diſpenſation, which could not be accompliſhed till the
preſent Difpenfation was finiſhed, and the new had begun. So that God did
not deſign to unfold his Counſel yet, and theſe admonitions were given, that
the Faithful, who read the Propheſies of Daniel, might not think they were ſoon
to be accompliſhed. But St. John writes of things which God was actually pro-
ducing
A. verf. 11. 'O «Ixõ a'Sixnord tes in, He that wrongeth, let him wrong ftill] What
God barely permits is often expreſſed in Holy Writ by terms, which imply;
that he cortimands it, and of that which he ſays it is done, the execution will
follow, as if he had commanded it to be done. Therefore in the Prophetical
Stile, whether a thing be uttered in the paſt, or future, or in the Imperative,
it is equal ; the (b) Imperative being really a future as the Grammarians do de-
termine ; and the Future has frequently the force of an Imperative. Thus this
fignifies, that God has permitted, that the Wicked fhall proſper in their ways
for a time, and having commanded his Saints to keep themſelves innocent and
undefiled from the ways of the World; whilſt each ſide goes on in their reſpe-
dive ways and deſigns, Jeſus Chriſt ſhall come on a ſudden and unexpected
by the World, but yet according to the ſecret purpoſe which he has before-
hand determined. Now that this is the meaning of the words before us, and
thoſe which follow to the end of the Verſe, is evident by comparing this place
with that in Ezekiel, 3.27. He that beareth, let him hear; and be tbat forbeareth let
him forbear; for they are a rebellious houſe. That is, whether they obey, or diſo-
bey, yer the purpoſe of God fhall ſtand, as he had declared it. Upon this
truth is grounded the compariſon made by our Saviour of his ſecond Advent to
the times of Noah and Lot, Matth. 24. 37, 38, 39. Luke 17. 26, c. He that
wrongerb denotes in a peculiar manner throughout this Prophefy the Perſecutor
and Murderer of the Saints; as the Saint that ſuffers is called Singe, the Jujt,
becauſe he is innocent, and will be juſtified in Judgment by the puniſhment in-
flicted upon the unjuft. I have obſerved before, thaç the Holy Ghoſt reduces
the Crimes of che wicked Party to wo; Tyranny, or Perſecution; and Idola-
try or Fornication; to theſe the reſt are a-kin. And the words before us ref-
pect the firit, which is Tyranny, conſiſting in perfecuting the Saints for Con-
ſcience fake. For in that they wrong and hurt them.
B. Ka puzdegs putasd Sisu ini, And be that is filthy, let bim be filtby ſtill] This
reſpects the other Crime of Idolatry; for that Sin, and all the degrees and acts
(a) Clement. Alex. Eclog: Proph. fub fin. (6) Vid. Buxtorf. Thef. Gr. Lib. I. cap. 12.
of
12 L

1048
The Epilogue.
Ch. XXII. v. 11, 12,
of it, or dependant and conſequent upon it, come under the notion of filthineſs
or nakedneſs, or Sores; as indeed all kind of vice may be called metaphorically
filibinéfs ; in which kind of expreffions the Latin Authors abound. Valerius Maxi-
mus; (a) Candidam rogam adeo turpitudinis maculis obſolefactam in campum detulit. A
pulejus, (b) Nec enim vel unum vitium nequiffimæ illi fæminæ deerat ; ſed omnia prorfus,
ut in quandam cænofam latrinam, in ejus animum flagitia confluxerant. Eutropius ſpeak
ing of Carinus, (c) Omnibus fe ſceleribus coinquinavit, ſuch expreſſions are frequent
in (d) Tully, (e) Plautus and others. See alſo Job 15.16. Pfal. 14. 3) Iſaiah 4.4.
and Chap. 64. 6.
C. Kai o disco dixerunowólw formodre, And the righteous let him do righteouſneſs ſtill.]
Now this is the other ſide, or Party of Men, who are juſt and keep their righ-
teouſneſs, notwithſtanding the Perſecution which they ſuffer upon that account;
for they are called juſt in reſpect of their ſuffering innocently the tyranny of
their Perſecutors.
D. Ka : 270 &nu sitw én, And he that is boly let him be boly fill.] In the Holy
Scriptures the Juff are alſo called Holy iti relped of their being ſeparated and
cleanſed from the defilements of the World; this Holineſs is oppoſed to the Fil-
thineſs, as the Righteouſneſs is oppoſed to the Wrong.
A. verſ. 12. 'Idi ég zoude Tage, Behold I come quickly.) Whilſt on the one hand
the Wicked ſhall Tyrannize and Perſecute, committing Idolatry, and defiling
themſelves in all manner of Vice; and on the other the Servants of God ſhall
ſuffer innocently Perſecution, and maintain their Holineſs pure and undefiled;
then comes on a ſudden the Saviour of the World to puniſh the one, and re-
compenſe t'other, according to their reſpe&ive Works.
B. Ka ó luato's past" uš, And my reward is with me.] That is, the Eternal Life,
or Eternal Torments, which ſhall be beſtowed upon every Man reſpectively,
when I come, and raiſe them up to that purpoſe, that they may appear before
me in Judgment. The Phraſe ſeems to allude to Iſaiah, 40. 10. and Chap. 62.
II. Pſal, 62. 12. This Reward is here ſpoken of as if it were Money in a Purſe,
brought to pay off Workmen; and indeed our Saviour has a Parable to that
purpoſe in Matth 20. 1, &c. My reward is the reward which I beſtow upon o-
thers; for it follows:
C. 'Amos suau irgism ass voléezon Egoes divíš, To give every man according as his work ſhall
be.] See the Notes upon Chap 20.12. F; and upon Chap. 20.13. C. There-
fore the chief end of our Saviour's coming is not the deſtruction of political Bo-
dies on the one hand, and the ſetting up of a glorious Body on the other, or
Church in a flouriſhing State : for this might have been done, as in his abſence
it was done by Conftantine the Great. But alas! ſuch a flouriſhing State of the
Church does not mend matters therein. Therefore he comes not now to thať
purpoſe, but to judge the Quick and Dead; and ſo to raiſe theſe for that end,
That is the main, and the only deſerving end of his coming; and 'tis by that
Reſurrection, only that individuals may receive the proper rewards of their
Works; for as to this mortal Life, matters go therein in a quite contrary
courſe.
A. verſ. 13. "E70 70 A, 10.esmo g ring, o sporo j ó Egemos, I am the Alpba
and the Omega, the beginning and the end, the firſt and the laft.] The Senſe is thus
conne&ed : I do declare, that I will come and ſurpriſe the World: whilſt the
Wicked perſecute and commit Idolarry, and the Juſt ſuffer and keep themſelves
undefiled; then will I come to puniſh the one and recompenſe the other; pul-
ling down and deſtroying the one, and thus ſetting up and making happy the
other. And this I ſhall do moſt certainly, ſeeing promiſe it ; for I am ſuffi-
ciently able to do it, being the everlaſting God, and King of Kings; who can
change the Times and Seaſons, as I ſhall pleaſe. This is the meaning of the
Words before us, which have been explain'd in other places. di mogu
A. verſ. 14. Mandecor or mordetes tels en todas elutë, Bleſſed are they that do bis com-
mandments ] So (f) Tertullian read, and (8) Tichonius. The Beatitudes frequent-
ly interſperſed throughout this Prophely, to excite not only to an attentive
id basso
blat0891
150
200
(a) Valer. Max. Lib. II. cap. 5. 12 (6) Apulei Metam. Lib. IX. (6) Eutrop.
Lib. IX.
(d) Vid. M.T. Cic. In Vatin. (e) Plaut. Pænul. A&. IV. Sc. II. v. 4.
- Bacchid. A&. III. Scen. I. v. 17. Milit. Glor. Act. II. Scen. '. 12.
(f) Tertullian de Pudic. cap. XIX. . (8) Tichon, Hom. XVII.
KOLA doma
Reading,

Ch. XXII. v. 13, 14.
1042
The Epilogue.
C. Kai tris tuaãoy Bid'agosty sis tlu nói, And may enter through the Gate-bouſes into
Reading, but a ſerious Application, are always ſuited to the occaſion wherein
they are inſerted; and therefore, as in the beginning of the Prophefy the Bea.
titude is applied to the reading and obſerving of the Propheſy; ſo here at the
end, it is ſaid to them chat do the Commandments of God, becauſe the declaration
of rewarding every man according to his work was mentioned juft before. Some o-
cher Copies read here & Tubetes tes sónas a'Utwo Bleſſed are they shat waſh their gar-
ments, to which the Ethiopick Verſion has added, in the blood of the Lamb. But
Athanafius has di FARTWOYTES Ta's sónas, which inlarge their Stoles. The Senſe is not
much different, if we admit either of the two firſt Readings; for, keeping boli-
neſs; or, waſhing the garments; or, doing the commandments of God, comes to the
ſame thing at laſt. See the Nore on Chap.7.14. D. Our San&tification is the will
of God, 1 Thell.4. 3. See alſo 4 Eſdr. 2. 40.
B. ivæ discen itxoia dutãy to Euroy tñs Scañis, That they may have power over the wood
of Life.] That is, power to eat of the Fruit thereof. They who are to enjoy
the benefit of the Tree of Life, and Water of Life, are all the Saints in the New
Jeruſalem. Now theſe are not only the Millennial Saints, but alſo thoſe who
are raiſed at the general Reſurrection, and then found in the Book of Life.
Such as have led an holy Life, following the commandments of God. We are
indeed commanded to ſuffer Death for the name of Chriſt, when occaſion
ſerves, but God does not always offer us that opportunity. And therefore
they that in general follow the Will of God, have as much right to it in their
due time, as the Martyrs in particular, to whom Chriſt has promiſed this right
exprefly, Revel. 2.7. The anticipation by the Millennial Reſurrection does not
alter the general right, which accrues in due time to all them that do the Will
of God.
the City] (a) Tertullian has, in Sanctam Civitatem; which is alſo found in the
Ethiopick Verſion. What has been ſaid on the preceeding Words may ſerve in
general to theſe alſo. We fee however by theſe, that the Gate-houſes of the
City did ſymbolically ſignify the right of the Saints to the Reſurrection to eter-
nal Life; that being to be enjoyed by entring into this City. See che Note
upon Chap. 21. 12. B.
A. verſ. 15. "E£o de xwes, Without are the Dogs.] Thoſe which have a right to
this. Holy City having been named, it follows to ſhew, who are to be exclu-
ded. Theſe matters have been ſpoken of before ; but this Epilogue, being a
kind of exhortatory Recapitulation, admits of ſuch Repetitions. The Dog's
here are plainly puc for the ideauyliſu's in Chap. 21. 8. and Holowo Bravyping the
abominable, and they who commit abomination, in Chap. 21. 27: What iſ in the
Mofaical Law, Deut. 23. 18. the Dog be taken literally, as ſome learned Men
contend, yet the price of that being let in compariſon with Whores and Cata
mites, one may reaſonably ſuppoſe, that the Dog is the Symbol of ſuch as are
abominable by pra&tiſing unnatural Lufts ; and I think, by comparing this place
with thoſe cited, one may infer, that the Dogs here are taken ſymbolically for
abominable Men. See Pſal. 22. 16. 20. Matth.7. 6. Pbil. 3. 2. The Dogs are put
among unclean Animals in the Moſaical Law, and ſo the Pagans eſteemed chem.
Virgil,
(b) Obfcænique canes, importünæque volucres,
And fo Tertullian, (e) Canes ex Spurcis. Terence puts them among the bad Omens,
(d) Introiit in ædes ater alienus canis
. (e) Herbelor produces a paſſage out of the
Perſian Poet, who compares the Sodomites to Dogs.
Β. Και οι φερειακοί, και δε σόργοί, και οι φονείς, και οι ειδωλολάτραι, και πας φιλών και ποιών ψάδος,
And Sorcerers, and Whoremongers, and Murderers, and Idolaters, and whoſoever loveth
and maketh a lie.] Theſe expreſſions have been explain'd in the Notes upon
Chap. 21. 8. and upon Chap. 21. 27. There is no need for me to infilt upon
the little difference of loving and making a Lie, they are differenc degrees of
the ſame Sin.
(a) Tertullian de Pudicit, cap. XIX. (b ) Virgil Georgic. Lib. I. v. 470.
(6) Tertullian, de Anim, cap. 32. (d) Terent. Phorm. A&. IV, Sc. IV.
(e) Herbe.
lot. tit. Loth.
togu
A. verf.
ង

1050
The Epilogue. Chap. XXII. v. 16.
A. verf. 16. 'Ega! 'Incës émaunla còp dygenón us, I Fefus bave Jent mine Angel.]
Chrift names himſelf, to Seal and confirm the whole ; and to ſhew, that the
Angel himſelf only acted by his Authority,
B. Meptueñoak ução Teūra Hi moris enrangiaus, To teſtify theſe things to you that are over
the Churches.] Becauſe this Prophely is publiſhed by way of circular Lecter,
-dire&ted ſpecially to the Biſhops of the ſeven Churches in Aſia, and to the
Churches under them; and in their Names to the Catholick Church. Of
which we have ſpoken ſufficiently on the firft Chapter.
i C. 'Ego eique si biſa aj to go to Accid, I am the Root and Offspring of David.] See
the Note upon Chap. 5. 5. C. And therefore by me, and in me, are all the
promiſes of God, concerning the glorious Kingdom of the Saints, to be accom-
pliſhed. All the good which God deſigns for Man, paſſes chrough me.
D. 'Oasig ó napreds i regužvós, The bright morning Star.] See the Note upon
Chap. 2. 28. A. There the Morning Star is mentioned as the Reward; but here
Chrift takes it as a Title. I have endeavoured to ſhew, that this bright Morning
Star is a Symbol of the firſt Reſurrection; and here I muſt prove, that Chriſt
takes this Title, becauſe he is indeed the firft Fruits of the Reſurrectiori. The
Analogy is evident both ways, for as the ſtate of the Reſurrection is ſymboli-
cally repreſented by Day without Night, that which is the fore-runner thereof,
as the Morning Star is of the Day, may have that Title, or be repreſented by
that Symbol. And ſo the Reſurre&ion itſelf is the Morning of that Day. So
Hilary, (a) Quia cum omni tempore laus Dei cantanda fit à propheta, reſurgenti tamen ex
mortuis diluculo in celoſque redituro, exaltatio matutina gratulationis eft propria domino
Jeſu Chriſto. And elſewhere, (b) Inanis quoque erit matutina eorum Refurre&tio,
quæ quanquam omnibus, qui in lucem venerint, ſit conſtituta corporibus, tamen ea
quæ non fuerint edificata per Deum, nequaquam eam, quæ in Domino ex mortuis
reſurgente jam cæpta eft, matutina reſurre&ionis gloriam conſequentur. To which
I ſhall add theſe words of Ansbertús, which ſhew, that he underſtood Chrift to
be the Morning Star upon the account of his Reſurrection. He ſays, (c) Quis
enim diſcuſſis tranſatte noctis tenebris, diem mox affuturum ſtella matutina denunciat,
rečte per eam five nativitas redemptoris noftri in carne, ſeri reſurrectio ejuſdem poft mortem
figuratur. And a little after, Annon ex alia quoque ratione Luciferum ſe elle infinuavit,
qui diluculo ex mortuis reſurrexit, & fulgore ſui luminis mortalitatis noftræ tenebras illu-
minavit. Vivus quippe apparendo poſt mortem, matutina nobis ftella fa&tus eft: quia
dum in femet ipfo exemplum nobis reſurrectionis præbuit, quæ lux fequeretur indicavit
.
Here we fee he will no way go off this Notion, that Chriſt is the bright morning
Star upon the account of his Reſurre&ion. To ſpeak more preciſely, I think,
that Chriſt is the bright morning Star, becauſe this ſtate of Mortality is to us a
Night, which ſince the coming of Chriſt, is far ſpent, and the Day is at hand; as
St. Paul ſpeaks, Rom. 13. 12. whereof the Reſurrection of Chrift gives us hopes,
whilft he in che mean cine is our Luminary, or morning Star to guide us in the
darkneſs of this world. In the ſame manner he gives the Morning Star to them
that have a ſhare in the firſt Reſurrection, by making them to reign with him
over the converted Nations, and before the full day of the general Reſurrection
is come; which is not to come, as we have ſeen, before che Millennial Term
is accompliſhed ; and becauſe theſe Saints in the Millennial Reſurre&ion gain
by that a more eminent degree of Glory, as the morning Star out ſhines the reſt
of the Stars, (a)'Ewopćeo Sant's as aseges év å mors, ſays Pindar. See 1 Cor. 15:41.
R. Zacharia in R. Eliefer ſays, Somnus noctis fimilis eft buic mundo, evigilatio matuti-
nan Similis eſt futuro Seculo. So Gregorius M. calls the Reſurre&ion, (c) Verum
mane, the true Morning. See the Note on Chap. 19.7. A.
A. verſ. 17. Kal to novdut rý v ve'uien aby xov, kpx®, And the Spirit and Bride say,
come.] Tichonius has, (c) Et Sponſus du Sponfa dicunt. But this will not do ; for
Chrift being the Bridegroom ſhould then ſpeak to himſelf, whereas this is a
Reſponſe made to the promiſe of Chriſt, 1 come quickly. The Bride is the Church,
which longs, that the Marriage of the Lamb, wherein ſhe is to be made per-
fed, may come. The Spirit is the Holy Ghoſt, or Comforter, whom Chriſt
(a) Hilar. Pi&tav. in Pfal. LVIII. ſub fin. (6) Hilar. Pi&tav. in Pfal. CXXVI.
(c) Ansbertus in Apoc. 2. 28. Lib. I. (d) Pindar. Ifthm. Od. IV. Str. 2.
(e) Pirke R. Ejieſer. cap. 34.
(f) Gregor. M. Expof. Mor. Lib. II. cap. 22.
vid. cap. 33.
has

Ch. XXII. v. 18. anda
1051
The Epilogue.
w that one
has left as his Vicar therein, to rule it in the mean time. Now the Holy Spirie
never ceaſes to interceed with groanings that cannot be uttered, for the redemp..
tion of the Bride, ar:d fo to joyn with its Prayers, that Jefus Chriſt may come,
Rom. 8. 26. The Church of che Faithful in this Mortal Scate is very properly
compared to that of a Bride, or rather Betrothed, becauſe there is a Contract
paſt between Chriſt and his Church; which when accompliſhed the will then
be a Wife, reund; but in ſuch a manner that ſhe is a perpetual Bride. See the Notes
upon Chap. 19. 7. C. and Chap. 21. 2. E. and v.9. B.
B. Kad i arbav nimel ru, tex®, And let him that heareth Say, come.] Though this Pro-
pheſy be ſent to the ſeven Churches, we muſt not think, thac it is only for their
inſtru&ion; and not that of the Catholick Church, which they repreſent in
the Viſion, nor of every Chriſtian ever after. Chriſt takes care, not only of the
whole, but of every individual therein diſtinctly. Every Chriſtian muſt there
fore joyn in this Prayer of the whole, and concur with the groanings of the
Holy Spirit. This we do when we daily pray according to our Saviour's Ina
ftru&ion, Thy Kingdom come. And St. Paul ſays, We groan earneſtly, defiring to be
clothed upon with our houſe which is from heaven --tbat mortality might be fwallowed up
of Life, 2 Cor. 5. 2,4.
c. Ka å datov sezónta, tj o fe'lar axbétes sing (wóc Super, And let him that is thirſty
come ; and be tbat will, let him take the water of life freely.] Let him that is thirſty,
that is, who is in adverſity, and ſuffers for my Name, draw near with full cruft
that I will refreſh him in due time with the Waters of eternal Life flowing in
abundance, and which will abundantly recompenſe him far beyond his expea
&tacion ; ſo that he will acknowledge that I am very liberal towards him. See
the Notes upon Chap. 21.6.B.C. D. and compare Iſaiab 55. 1. with John 7. 37,
38. But beſides this, He that will may come to the ſame. For all Men are not
called to ſuffer for Chriſt's name ; but he that will come to him, though he
come not in thoſe circumſtances, the very fame advantage hall he have at the
laſt; for I reject none that come to me ; but kindly invite all Men to particia
pate of the ſame Salvation.
di Bolgadeiro
A. verſ. 18. Mepzução éza marlà d'ubown Tos aógus ris neganteras iš Bucaletére, I teftify
unto every man that beareth the words of the propheſy of this book. This Eger here as
every where elſe is emphatical
. So Clemens Alex. upon another occafion fays,
(a) 'H 3 få igal meraren megoszést egr Seisvuar tñs črtoañs olò évéşyear. So we find frequenta
ly in the Law and the Prophets, ſays the Lord, or, 1 the Lord have ſaid it. This
is in like manner an affirmation of Chriſt and adjuration, not only to confirm
the truth of the Propheſy, which has been done before ; but alſo to guard Men
from flighting of it, as if it were an Human Invention, to which any one might
make Additions, or Amendments. That Chriſt ftill ſpeaks here will be made
out from the twentieth Verle. Which being ſo, we may ſee, that not only
our Saviour would have his Revelation to be communicated to St. John, and
by him to the Churches; but that he alſo provides for the preſervation thereof
to all Ages; that chis Propheſy might be a ſtanding Monument for his Church
to know what deftinies do attend it, and that when Men ſhould ſuffer for the
name of Chriſt they might here find ſome Conſolation, both for themſelves and
the Church: for themſelves by the profpe& and certainty of the Reward; for
the Church by the teſtimony, that Chriſt never forſakes it, but will conquer
Β. Εάν το επιθη επ' αυτοί, όλιθήσει επ' αυτόν ο θεός τας επτά πληγάς τας
βιβλίω τέτω. Και εαν πς αφέλη από gr λογών τα βιβλία της προφηβοίας τάντος, αφέλoι ο θεός το μέρΘ-
αυτά απο το ξύλο της ζωής, και ο* της πόλεως της «γίας, και εγeαμμβίων εν τω βιβλίω τέτω.
If any man hall add to theſe things,, God ſhall add to bim the plagues that are written in
this Book : And if any man fall take away from the words of this prophely, God shall
take away his ſhare out of the Tree of Life, and out of the holy city which are written in
this book.] This is according to the Precedent given by Moſes in Deut. 4.2. and
Chap. 12. 32. which is followed by ſeveral of the Fathers, as Irenæus, Euſebius,
Ferom. Ruffinus, and others; who in their works have thus adjured the Copiſts
to tranſcribe them without variation. So Ariſteas tells us, that when the Ver-
fion of the LXX was finiſhed, Demetrius, who had procured it to be done, cau-
ſed ſuch an adjuration after the manner of the Jews to be laid upon thoſe that
at laſt.
Teis, zeyeypauló ens . Tad
(a) Clem, Alex, Strom. III. pag. 184.
12 M
ſhoul
d

1052
The Epilogue.
Chap. XXII. v. 20, 21.
ſhould add, diminiſh, or change any thing therein. Artemidorus likewiſe con
cludes his ſecond Book with ſuch an Exorciſm ; that Book appearing to havia
been that by which he concluded the firſt Edition of his Work; the reft having
been added to it alterwards one by one, as occaſion ſerved. So Vettius Valens ha
put an Adjuration, or Oath of Secrefy, at the end of his Book, which is ſtill
extant in MS. as Selden ſays, and Grotius upon this place. Tichonius ſays, (b)
Teſtificator bac propter falfatores fan&tarum Scripturarum, non propter eos qui fimpliciter
quod fentiunt dicunt
. It ſhould be conſidered whether, Chriſt having thus fet his
Seal and Teſtimony to this Divine
Propheſy, and even to the Book, which con-
tains it, they are not under this Condemnation, who either reject wholly this
Book, and ſo take it all away from the Canon of Holy Writ, making thus but
one blot of it all, or elſe give ſuch Interpretations thereof, as wholly ſubvert
the good deſign of it, to palliate thoſe Errors and ill practiſes which are condem-
ned therein ; when ſuch Interpretations are ſo far from the Majeſty of the
Symbols, that 'tis almoſt unavoidable, but they, who have learning enough to
write ſuch Comments, have judgment enough to fee, that their gloffes are
quite contrary to the deſign of the Propheſy. If ſuch works keep Men in Er-
ror, the concrivers of ſuch fallhoods will find their Reward.
A. verf. 20. Aires & kesep pupãr TeŪT Nai ép zowel zage, He who teſtifieth theſe things
Jaith, Jurely I come quickly. It is Jeſus Chrift that ſays, 1 come quickly; and it is
therefore he who teftifies theſe things, and ſo it is Chriſt who has made the for-
mer adjuration, and not St. John, who was barely the Scribe. It was a form of
adjuration among the Fears to conclude with the words Maran Atba, the Lord
cometh, when they deſign’d to make it more grievous by Praying, that God
would immediately come and revenge his Honour upon the breach of it. St.
Paul has uſed it, 1 Cor. 16. 22. It ſeems therefore to me, that ſeeing Chriſt ſays,
I come quickly after the adjuration; it muſt imply, that he will accordingly
bring a grievous Judgment upon thoſe that neglect it. And indeed they
chiefly negle& it, who notwithſtanding the plainneſs of the Prophefy in defcri-
bing the Kingdom of Chriſt's Enemies, by two clear Characters of Perſecution
and Idolatry, Itill perſiſt therein. Upon ſuch Chriſt will come quickly, that is,
Suddenly, and cut them off when they leaſt expect it. This repetition is not there-
fore improper in this place.
agus an ts 9ted visva
เSr4 :นัก
B. 'Aylu. Nai, gxúex 'Inox, Amen. even ſo, come Lord Jeſu] Theſe are St.
John's Words, who anſwers to the Adjuration, as it was uſaal, by Amen; confir-
ming thus the words of Chrift; and then according to the exhortation made in
V. 17. to every one to pray for Chriſt's coming, adds his own Prayer, Even fo,
come Lord Jeſu. ad pagli
A. verf. 21. H gdeis
, fo xeix 'Inca Xersi motel sely rear ofs bzip" oyles. The Grace of the
Lord Jeſus Chriſt be with all the Saints ; Amen.] Some other Copies have watae
vely twy i'mõv, cipele, with you all, Amen. The difference is not very effential. This
Book is an Epiſtle, not only defign’d for the ſeven Churches, bur for all the
Saints in the whole Church, and through all Ages; for this reaſon it ends like
the Epiftles of the Apoſtles ; wiſhing Grace, that is, that all gocd things and
ſpiritual Gifts may come upon them from Chrift, who is God, and it is there-
13610
fore from him that all good things do come.
nous
todos slid domus 90
Even fo come LORD J E S U: Amen.
@gins úr pó e o som 2310 voer is van obrados
2 SAU 1 0
Hom. XVII.
() Seļden. Syntagm. de Diis Syr. Lib. I. Marm. Oxon. N. I. 2.422 01 51 ) Tichon,
Carol OT
Poster
solo vio god da o dato Seesti 709 sot se od mora
basatud nizov yd novis no90979 on onnibroeid soos
z sidsthet 22 27 de ora lo lsisvol yd vollot zi saidwan
eftiqo3 er baraibs zurit ovariadow zied mic
som man an alles znolia 02 ditev sodwedi ednosti o
- 150 ob 9d on 11 65 710019 best odw eivisse berlini és XXI od to no??
ada stods nowu bisi ed or 2 sdalo neonam otsess noise for an rotito
The
1959 III .0114 Amo
1053
Cu o estou na
Talous on pinget og moms 1197 to-?
19091, ainde
70 9101 s 18 anisam ni aliow smaoing soda beb
191970 bas
boss

decemos P. 108. 1.17.
arsedias tol yaso es in Dadline niti ed yazilikanovisaties
YOONH
noi Bubon tono olon ne shib
The following ADDITIONS being found
ſince the putting this Book to the Preſs, written in the Re-
verend Author's own Hand, 'tis thought fit to inſert them
in this place, with References to the Pages of the Book they
belong to. ta ruoase you swiate clarini sanite ed erada signorld ol baa
saidw a nemoh nochener Indsten Ons mon bond oila arusa
sa 2191 Page 78. Line 37. after the word afterwards, add theſe.
Send osnovbo s
has actele Ooh
M
Any Propheſies are accomplilled in gradu, or fluxu, not by one fudden
Act, but either in a concinued ſpace of time, or by ſeveral Starts and
Events of the fame Nature, and tending to the ſame purpofe. Thus though
St. John in his Goſpel Chap. 19. 37. ſeem to have ſaid, that this Propheſy of
Zachary was accompliſhed at the crucifixion of Chriſt, yet by his applying it
alſo to a future Event in this place, we may underſtand, that ſo much of it was
then fulfilled as concerned the piercing of Chriſt's Side. But as for that other
part, that they ſhall look on, there is no neceſſicy to ſay that it was wholly accom-
pliſhed then, although it is true in part that Chriſt's Enemies did then ſee their
Lord pierced, but the time may alſo come when they ſhall ſee him that was
pierced by them, and lament too upon that occafion, as it is ſaid here. This
Lamentation is a Circumftance, which undoubtedly is not yet fulfilled, and ſo
remains to be accompliſhed as the Holy Ghoſt ſays here. Therefore (á) Tertul-
lian in more than one place affirms, that it ſhall be at his ſecond coming or
Deſcent from Heaven as the Angels promiſſed, Acts I. II, 16
M. le noi ចំ
នៅ CIT,
bar P. 101. 1. 17. after the word 30 add inlang volo foi
ed
It may not be improper in this place, where we ſhew, that God puts a diſtina
guiſhing Mark between the Divine Extaſies and the Diabolical, which Mark is
here expreſſed by the laying on of the band, to enquire into the effect of that, by
ſhewing what relation it has to the Extaſy, and ſo makes an Extaſy to be truly
Divine, which may be ſuſpected otherwiſe to be, either Natural or Diabolical.
For though, as has been hinted before, it ſeems to be abſurd for them thac ne-
ver had ſuch Inſpirations to treat of them, yet we may give ſuch an account of
them as thoſe who have felt them have tranſmitted ; and thus by comparing
the various Symptoms, diſtinguiſh the Divine from the Diabolical or natural
Extaſies; which laſt ſome Men fancy to be Divine, though they either proceed
from fome prerernacural diſpoſition of the Body, and ariſing from ſuch natural,
Cauſes, as we ſee many other Diſtempers do, or elſe are artificially procured by
ſuch means as excite that preternatural diſpoſition in the Body which is extatical.
An Extaſy is a preternatural affe&ion of the animal Spirits, by which ſome
of the animal Functions are ſuſpended, or chang’d in quality, or quanticy. Now
as the animal Spirits are the inſtruments of Motion and Senſe, ſo by an excaly
which affects thoſe Spirits, various changes may be produced in both theſe Fa-,
culties. As to Motion, it may be ſometimes ſo ſtopt, chat the Body ſhall lye
as dead, or it may be changed or increaſed in ſuch a manner, that it may pro-
duce a&tions quite beyond the natural courſe or regular and proportionable pow-
er of the Body. As to the Senſes all or ſome of the external may be then ſuf-
pended; or receive new Modifications, and in che mean time the inward Sen.
ſes may receive impreſſions of things which may be quite out of the natural
Courré: fo that the Imagination may then form Ideas which come in by none
of the uſual Methods. Thus as (6) Sleep is a kind of natural and uſual Excaly,
wherein the Animal Spirits being at reſt, as being not employed in Motion and
30 de 2113 01
Imid and bed
A lerensi bas 1900 ed out
(1) Tertullian de Carn. Chrift. cap. 24. De Reſurrect. Carn, cap. 26- & slua (1) Vid.
Platon. Timæ. pag. 493.15 W
bas
Senſe

1054
Additions,
Senſe receive a new increaſe or refreſhment to ſupply the neceſſities of the Bo.
dy; and then the imagination may work in Dreams ; ſo Extaſies are a ſort of
muſical and preternatural Sleep, which may give the ſame faculty opportunity-
to receive unuſual impreſſions.
I conceive that Extaſies may be diſtinguiſhed into as many ſorts as there are
differenc cauſes of their Production. Now we find by Experience and Hiſtory,
that there are four differene cauſes of Extaſies
. The firſt is ſome diſorder of the
Body, by which the courſe of the animal Spirits is fufpended, increaſed or
changed. But this being to be underſtood from the Obfervations and Treatiſes
of Philoſophers and Phyſicians, needs not to be explain'd any further in this
place. We may only obſerve that ſuch a diſorder in the Body may be procured
artificially by ſome Medicines, which will throw Human Bodies into Trances.
And fo though there be artifice in theſe, yet we may account them nátüral, be-
cauſe they alſo proceed from the natural Agents upon Human Bodies; which
may cauſe therein the fame Symptoms as the peccant humours or diſorders may
do. The ſecond Cauſe is an habitual art to throw the Body into an unuſual
Pofture and Frame by the help of deep Thought, Meditation, abſtraction of
Thoughe, Sympathy and Imitation; by which as we find by experience Men
may become befides themſelves. Of this ſort are the Excalies of Enchufiafts,
ſuch as the Quakers, Quietiſts and the like. For that theſe people find in their
extatical Meditations ſomething within them extraordinary, and a ſort of hur-
ry, motion, or ſenſible affection unuſual to Human Bodies, cannot be reaſona-
bly denied them; cho' there is nothing therein which is not the effect of Art,
Habit, or Sympathy. This M. Keith, who knows of it by Experience, has
demonſtrated and explain'd by a very ingenious and Philoſophical account there-
of. By which we find, that there is a natural Enthuſiaſm, which may be pro-
cured by Art and Induſtry; which nevertheleſs in ignorant Men'may be thought
to be a fupernatural and Divine Influence. But this being already diſcufied,
and ſomewhat out of my way at preſent, it is fufficient to refer to the account
of that curious Piece of M. Keitb. The two next proceed from ſuch cauſes as
are fupernatural to Men ; and thoſe are the diabolical and divine Operations
upon the animal Spirits and imaginations of Men. Theſe are the proper ſub-
my prefent Deſign, which is to ſhew what they are, and how they are
effected, that we may the more eaſily and certainly diſtinguiſh them according
to their originals, to prevent Error in a matter which concerns our eternal Hap-
pineſs.
To begin with the diabolical Extaſies
. Theſe we may diſtinguiſh into two
forts, immediate and mediate. The immediate are ſuch as the Devils by the
Divine Permiſlion cauſed by entring into Men, and ſo diſordering their Spirits
and animal Fundtions, that they both feel inwardly and our wardly do things ex.
traordinary, and in themſelves very abſurd and extravagant. Of theſe we read
both in Sacred and Prophane Hiſtories. That the Devils have ſuch a Power
can be queſtioned by none who believe the truth of the Holy Writings, and
are not meer Scepticks in Hiſtory: buc how this is done by them we can no
more comprehend than how all other ſpiritual Subſtances act upon matter.
we cannot comprehend this in our ſeives, in whom our Minds move our Bodies,
much leſs muft we'expe& to do it as to Angelical or Diabolical Spirits, whom
we may nevertheleſs
ſuppoſe to have more power and more excellent Faculties
than Human Souls. However their effects upon Human Bodies may be ſenſible.
And it is fufficient for our purpoſe if we can by theſe underſtand, that cho all
the angelical or diabolical Spirits may act upon them by Divine Permiſſion
yet the fame Divine Wifdom may ſo order their Powers, that by their effects
we may eaſily diftinguiſh by which of them we are aged or moved. So that
both the Perſons feeling may underftand how ſuch excalies are procured in.
them, and by their Words, A&ions and Teſtimony concerning themfelves may
indicate to others what kind of spirit has moved them; and thus by the confi-
deration of all the Circumſtances, altho themſelves ſhould be deceived thereing
Of from thence take occafton to deceive others, yet ſtrangers of more diſcerano
ing Judgmiént and inprejudiced Minds may detect their Error or Fraud. This
we muf needs conclude to be true, unlefs we could believe this abſurdity, that
God has left himſelf ſo far without Witneſs among Men, that we could
noc by proper and rational Arguments diſtinguiſh his Inſpirations from the
Diabolical. " But ſuch an uncertainty is inconſiſtent with the Divine Goodneſs
and
ject of
If

Additions.
1055
and Wiſdom; and would immediacely deſtroy all Human Knowledge of Truth
and Religion.
The mediate or mixt diabolical Inſpirations and Extaſies are ſuch as when
the Devils take occaſion from a Şubject pre-diſpoſed to extatical Paroxyſms to
inſinuate themſelves therein, and ſo co prompt them with ſuch Actions or Words
as may be inſtrumental to the Devils to carry on their deſigns. To explain this
further it may be obſerv'd that the Devils may concur and joyn with a Subject
already diſpoſed either naturally or artificially to Extafies, and ſo direct its
Actions or Words by its influence to what they deſign. Such Subjects are thoſe
who are affected with Epileplies, Hypocondriack Pallions, and the like; or elſe
thoſe who uſe Medicaments to procure Extaſies, be they taken out of the mate-
ria medica ;, or elſe thoſe who are affifted by Vapours of Grottoes, as in the (a)
Delphian Oracle ; or by drinking Waters impregnated with particular Vercues to
caft Men into ſuch Paroxyſms, as in the Oracle of Apollo, Clarius ar Colophon, it
was done by their Prieſt; or by receiving the ſteams of ſuch Waters, as was
done by the Prieſteſſes with thoſe of Branchide... If in any of theſe Caſes there
appears to have been done or faid things out of the reach of Human Power,
there is no queſtion but that the Dæmons had concurred in the extaſy to inſpire
the Prophet. Some ingenious Men have of late attempted to give a Solution of
the Pagan Oracles without the interpofition of Dæmons, and make them all
Forgeries of the Pagan Prieſts. I will not deny but that many of them might
be ſo, for the Prieſts were not always Maſters of the Devil's Humour ; and iç
may be the Devils were often puzzled to ſpeak of future Events, of which they
have no more knowledge (b) precilely than Men; cho' by having more means
of Knowledge chey may perhaps give more lucky Conjectures. In ſuch caſes
the Oracles were ambiguous, or when the Dæmon was ſturdy the Priefts con-
trived them to keep up their Repucation. But by the Syſtem of thoſe who whol-
ly exclude the Dæmons, one can never give a ſatisfactory account of thoſe
Oracles, wherein anſwers are given very exact concerning things done at a
great diſtance upon the conſulting of the Oracles, which Men could not find
our juft then, but the Devils might in a ſhort ſpace of time, ſo as to inſpire a
proper anſwer to the Prophet, The fact being ſo well averrd, that it can be
denied by no reaſonable Man, it remains that we conclude, that the Devils did
ſometimes inſpire the Pagan Prophets to give out Oracles, and even abouç
fome future Events of which the Devils could give a probable Conje&ture, by
underſtanding already what proper and likely preparatives were made to accom-
pliſh them. So that we muſt conclude that the Devils may inſpire Men either
immediately or mediately. So that tho there was no need to have thoſe Dia.
bolical Inſpirations affifted by any natural or artificial means, becauſe they may
be perform'd immediately; yet as che reaſon of that pra&iſe is very well. ac.
counted for by (c )Proclus, ſo it ſeems that the Magicians to cover their dealing
with wicked Dæmons, contrived thoſe ways to make the deluded World be-
lieve, that theſe were the acts of the true God, Lord of the World, becauſe
proceeding from natural Cauſes, of which God was thought the Creator and
Ator; or elſe the Devil gain'd this point to inftill Atheiſm into Men, by per-
fuading them that all Inſpiration or Enthuſiaſm proceeded from natural Cauſes;
ſo that there was no need to ſuppoſe a ſupream Deity: or, on the other hand
the Devil by this concurrence inſtilled into the minds of Men, that he, who
thus influenced thoſe natural or artificial Enthuſiaſms, was the ſupreame Deity.
By any of theſe ways the Devils carried on their own Deſigns. For they even
affect to have a ſhare in the worſhip given to the true Deity.
The Diabolical Inſpirations attended with Extalies may be alſo diſtinguiſhed
into accidental and arbitrary in reſpect of Man. Thoſe are accidental wherein
the Devils take occaſion at their own will to enter into Men in any of thoſe
caſes, which have been already mentioned; the arbitrary are when Men by
art or invocation obligé the Devils to inſpire them; which art is called Theurgy,
and extends not only to the procuring of extatical Inſpirations, but alſo to the
obliging of the Devils to appear, and otherwiſe communicate themſelves and
their knowledge to the Invoker by any of thoſe Methods, which that are im-
(a) Vid. Jamblich, de Myft. Seet. III. cap. 11.
(6) Vid. Ifaiah 41. 22. 23. Chap.44.
6,7. Chap 46, 9, IO. (6) Vid. Procl de Magia, & Ammian. Marcellín. Lib. XXI.
bo
12 N
ploys

1056
Additions.
7 Tornów
ploys; as murcering Voices, Phantaſms in the Air, or Water, or Mirrours";
alſo extatical Dreams, and extatical Viſions wrought in the imagination or fe-
cond Sight. In all theſe ways
whether there was any Extaſy or not, which
might be procured by the aſſiſtance of the matters uſed in theſe diabolical
Rices, yet certainly as there was a diabolical Inſpiration, this could not be ſaid
to depend upon theſe matters, or the Rites uſed therein as an efficient Cauſe;
but were wholly owing to the union between the invoker and the Dæmon, who
by the compact between them was obliged to produce thoſe effects upon the In-
voker at his pleafure, and upon refuſal was threat'ned into a compliance. (a)
Jamblicbus owns all this, and tells us what thoſe (b) threatnings were ; which,
if I underftand the ſymbolical Expreſſions under which they are couched, tend
to this, that the Invoker would break the union between him and other Wor-
ſhippers of the Dæmons, and thus withdraw the Worſhip given to them, and ſo
apoftatize quite from them. To prevent this the Dæmons own'd themſelves
(c) forced to comply.
From what has been ſaid ſome inferences may be drawn which are ſo many
ſpecial properties of the diabolical Infpirations, the firſt is, that they are arbi-
that of
of Man to
procure them, and ſo force even the Devils to give or cauſe ſuch Extaſies with
inſpirations. And thus ſecondly, we find that Jamblicbus concludes, that the
Excafy is different from the Inſpiration though they were joyn'd; ſo that the
Inſpiration came on during the Extafy. For, as we have ſeen, the Extaſies might
be procured by natural means, and even Art; but the Inſpiration was owing
to the force of the Invocation; which therefore ( 2 ) Jamblichus calls anagogical z
that is, if I underftand him right, the invocation drew the influence of the
Deity or rather Demon, and made an union between the Dæmon and the In-
voker. So that thirdly, in the Theurgical Way, which we may ſuppoſe was
clear of any natural means to procure Extaſies, but lefe them to be produced by
the Inſpiration, he makes the Extaſy to be a meer confequenee of the Inſpiration,
and accidental. And therefore laſtly (e) he owns, and it is an evident conſe-
quence grounded upon Experience, that in fuch extatical Inſpirations produced
by the diabolical Union the Prophets muſt be beſides themſelves, and are there
fore wholly obſeſſed by the Dæmon.
Let us now proceed to conſider what kind of Senſe the Prophets inſpired dia-
bolically had of the inſult, in which they muſt needs have a more quick and
diſtinct apprehenſion of it than afterwards, when wholly caſt into an Extaſy,
wherein their Senſes muſt be duller, becauſe then their Spirits were hurried in
an extraordinary manner, or ſo check'd and warp'd, that they could have no
diftin& apprehenſions of external Things, and ſo the imaginative Faculty was
more at liberty to receive the impreſlions of choſe things which the Dæmons
thought fit to communicate, either to the Prophets internal Viſion, of which
ſomecimes he might have ſome remembrance, or to puth . him to the ſpeaking
of ſuch Words, or the making of ſome ſignificative Motions and Geſtures to be
obſerv'd by others, who were appointed purpoſely to ſtand by. Now there
are two ways by which we may gueſs what kind of Senſe fuch Prophets had in
the inſult of the Inſpiration; which are firſt by conſidering what names they
gave to ſuch Inſpirations, and what they profeſſed to feel when they had them.
Firſt then, Inſpiration is by the Magicians called Light, or by ſuch Words as are
Synonymous to it.Jamblichus commonly uſes the word pôs Light, and in ſome places
Bugat, flaſh by light, and ſometimes tūs, Fire. And (1) Plutarch, who has treated
of it at large, compares it to Light, and calls that diſpoſition of the Soul which
receives it Heat; and for this reaſon the Authors, who ſpeak of ſuch Inſpirations,
affect to uſe Metaphors ferch'd from Fire, Heat, and Light. Damafcus, (g)
'Etsi fi sv xj 'Ansgard pas dalys testes diputus TE Rj di tuxes óreiegmuntiate rij Tis óveizus éneiro dá.
xì 'life' Ted 8Tw
πριν έν βαθείαν παρείχετο τίω μαρμαρυγίω, ώσε και αν και αιθητών όπι βατερα ανιαυγέντων επιλυ
μαζομδύω, είσω όμως ανάστες και διαλάμπουν.
cap v.
(2) Jamblich de Myft. Se&. I. cap. 14. Se&. IV. cap. I. (b) Jamblich, de Myſt. Seet, VI.
(c) Porphyr. ex Oracul. apud Euſeb. Prep. Ev. Lib. V. pag. 115. Callimach.
Hymn in Delum, v. 89. Lucan, Pharf. Lib. VI, Claudian in Ruffin. Lib. I. v. 149
(0) Jamblich. de Myſt. Se&. III. cap. 7. (e) Jamblich. de Myft. Se&. III. cap. 4.
cPlutarch, de Def. Oracul. p. 291, & 292. (8) Damafc. in Vita Ifidor. apud Phot. Cod. 242.
So

Additions.
1057
So likewiſe Claudian, who was an Alexandrian,
zasle sve bst es
(a) Namque mihi magicæ vires evique futuri
Præſcius ardor ineft. Novi quo Theſſala cantes
Eripiat lunare jubar ; quid" figna Sagacis
non
Ægypti valeant ; qua gens Chaldæa vocatis
Imperet arte Deis.
Sozille . ០ ។
baro o anoisir eige
This Ardor, and Vapor igneus is found in (b) Statius.
did bos uostolada
o temas
Again, (c) Pectora terrifici ftimulis igneſcere Pbebi, iar sesi
zny ellosita sendi
Thus alfo Statius,
sivid bos pois
(d) Priufquam
orionts wou somon 31
co
Obruit ora Deus, totamque in pettora lucémislexoni M tant
Detulit.
Martianus Capella calls it Florem ignis in a Paſſage cited in the Note upon Chap.
21. 20. I. and there explain'd. And therefore when the ſame Author fays in
the Hymn to Pallas, (e) Tugue ignis flos es, his meaning is, that Pallas gives In-
ſpirations ; which was believed, as I ſhall ſhew preſently. Thus allo in the
Chaldean Oracles we may find inftances of this; as,
xen os on d'Now weis no qu'es rj ceis malegs duga's,
'Ey 9" étréup In nor afegit Toa w fascife'n vouũ.
Again," is whámor, dupiyul Boscór, in Siy.
Juſtin M uſes it alſo in ſpeaking of the Divine Inſpiration of St. Paul: CY
Dorog muli xelto x av, being poſſeſſed with the divine fire. Hence allo St. Paul hima
ſelf fays, Quench not the Spirit, 1 Theffal. 5. 19.
The realon of this may be eaſily found in the Authors of the Theurgical
Science. For by the Theurgical Rites the Dæmons, being invoked, did affed
to appear with ſome antecedent flaſhes of (£) Fire or Light
. This ſurrounding the
Invoker, the Dämon entred and inſpired him. And thus Pallas appearing to los
and Crewfa in Euripides, is preceeded by a great Flaſh of Light, by the Poet com
pard to that of the Sun : (b)
*Έα της όικων Θεοδόκων υπερπλής
'Ανθήλιον Θεόσωπον εκραίνω θεών,
Thus alſo we find in Virgil, (1)
Ipfe Deum manifefto in lumine vidi.
Statius affords us another example in the Words ; (k) Multa fubitus cum luce
reful-
fit. On this his Scholiaft ſays, Quotieſcunque nümina ſe mortalibus ingerunt, multo
luminis fe fplendore perfundunt. Now because this adjund of the Extaſy and pre-
ſence of the Dæmons was thought to be the (1) cauſe of the Inſpiration, the
Inſpiracion itſelf was called Fire and Light: which becauſe it moved and (m) di-
rected the Prophet as the natural Light of the Luminaries direct Men in the
common offices of Life, hence all Government, as well as that which proceeds
from Oracles, is called Light in the ſymbolical Language, which was inftituted
in thoſe times, and by thoſe Men who pretended to rule others by vertue of the
power and dire&ion, which they had from the Gods, communicated in Oracles
and Inſpirations by Day, and in Dreams. And thus Tireſias, who being blind
(a) Claudian in Ruffin. Lib. I. v.148. (6) Pap. Stat. Lib. IV. Theb v. 470, 471.
(c) Claudian in Eutrop. Lib. II. v. 46. (d) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. IV. v. 541..
(e) Mart. Capel. Satyr. Lib. VI. (f) Juſtin. M. in Expoſ. Fidei. (8) Vid. Jamblich.
de Myft. Sect. II, cap. 7, 8. Pſellum de Dæmon. (6) Euripid. Ion. V. 1549.
( i ) Virg. Æneid. Lib. IV. (k) Pap. Stat. Theb. Lib. V. v. 267. (1) Vid. Jamb-
lich, de Myft. Se&. III.
cap. 7.
(mm) Vid. Jamblich, de My ft. Sect. III, cap. 6.
was

TOG8
Additions.
was led by a Boy, lays in Sopbocles ; char as thac Boy was his Guide, ſo is he
himſelf a Guide to others,
her time
•
(α) "Έμωι έτος ηγεμών, άλλοις δ' εγώ.
The like in ( b ) Euripides. Now the reaſons of the Dæmons appearing with
flashes of Light ſeems to me to have been theſe ; firſt, becauſe they would imi.
tate the Apparitions of good Angels and of God himſelf, which were actended
with glorious and bright Illuminations. Secondly, this might be in complyance
with the Notions of Men in the corrupted State of Idolatry, and even to con-
tinue it, that the Heavenly Bodies,
which are Luminaries, were Deities, and
that themſelves participated, and alſo communicated to Men in their Appari-
tions that great and Divine (c) Light. So that the Light of Inſpiration was it
felf thought to be a fluxion from the Heavenly and Divine Light. Thus Ammia.
nus Marcellinus explains it, (*) Aperiunt nunc quoque ventura cum aftuant hominum
corda, ſed loquuntur divina. Sol enim, ut aiunt Phyſici, mens mundi, noftras mentes ex
Jefe velut ſcintillas diffunditans, cum eas incenderit vehementius, futuri conſcias reddit.
The fame may be collected from ſeveral Oracles cited by (d) Euſebius ; but I
ſhall content my ſelf to copy one here, which is of Apollo,
'Pliue to poiCoins Stoyolipessoy ufó ser aigang
ani
Πνοή σε λιγυρά κεκαλυμμβίον αέρG- έγινε
Otagónlwor roszcão rj dippitois imitor.
Κάππεσεν αμφί κάρβωον αμωμίτοιο δεχώς
Λεπταλίων υμδύων, μαλακό και ανέπλησε χτώνα,
'Aubonádu drae gasey's creatiefvor manivogoor.
'Ayağ'den Bestéoro pialu & TEXNO' TATO paylus.
(e) D. Gale attempted to change the firſt word odium into #idee, but there is
no neceſſity for ſuch a change. For that Porphyrius read 1o, is evident from
the Paraphraſe which he added to chefe Words, wherein he uſed the word Step-
puse inſtead of it, together with Evolius, ayol rece gS vo vemòr, tj Steppola és tis inuegvís
δωάμεως ας οργανικών σώμα και έμψυχον εισελθέσα-φωνω αποδίδωσιν. And indeed tho the
inſpiring Power, or Cauſe, was thought to be widue, a Spirit, yet they look'd
upon it as a Fluxion. Plutarch uſes both theſe words in ſpeaking of this matter;
(f) Το δ μανικών βομα και πνεύμα θειότατόν όξι και οστώτατον, άν τε καθ' εαυτό θα είμος, αν και μια
vyçi ve uc tos épaup]; where he alludes both to the Delphick Method of Divination
by a Vapour, and to that of Colopbon and of Branchida by drinking and receiving
the Steams of Waters impregnated. And by this we may ſee why Apollo, who
is indeed the ſame as the Sun, ſhould be accounted by the Greeks the main God
for Oracles and Prophetical Inſpirations; and likewiſe Hecate, which is indeed
the ſame as the Moon, the other great Luminary in the Heavens, came in for
a ſhare therein, and even when ſhe comes under the name of Pallas; for under
that name alſo (g) Oracles are attributed to her. And thus it may be noted by
the way, that Athenagoras has us’d the very ſame compariſon in ſpeaking of the
Divine Infpirations, (6) Και τοι και αυτο το ενεργδω τις εκφωνέσι συφητικώς άμον πνεύμα,
Stopposan de vous perpefa' t Def, Soppkov rý étayapecóuefuor, cos drñra raís. But the Sun and Moon
were not the only Heavenly Bodies which were thought co ſend out this fluxion
of Inſpiration : for it was believed to flow alſo from all the Stars. Thus Mar-
tian Capella having ſaid, that Philology prayed for that Flos ignis, or Inſpiration,
by which one might Propheſy; to Thew that ſhe obtain'd it, he ſays; (i) Qiip-
pe quidam candores la&tei fluminis tractu ftellis eflammantibus difluibant. Thus allo
the Chaldeans ſpeaking of Daniel ſay, that he had 7'028 7117 aveữuua ges, and
1703, ysugégnors in the LXX, Dan. 5. 11, 14. Now as the former expreſſes
AVEījec according to the Tranſlation, ſo the latter more properly expreſſes
the percent or influxion of the Light, from 977), to flow; and fo the word na
in fob 3. 4. is turn'd by péyzes, and in Dan, 2. 22. by pås, in which place is pro-
(f) Plus
(a) Sophocl. Antig; pag. 255. (6) Euripid. Bacch. v. 195. (c) Vid. Not.
T. Gale in Jamblich. de Myft. Sect. III. cap. XVI. (*) Ammian. Marcell. Lib. XXI. init
(d) Euſeb. Præp. Ev. Lib. V. p. 115. (e ) Not. Gal. in Jambi. Sect. III. cap. 8.
tarch. de def. Oracul. p. 291. (g) Vid. Ezek. Spanh. Not, in Callimach.'Hymn. in Pallad.
4,121. (b) Athenag. Leg. pr. Chrift, p. 13. (i) Martian, Capella Lib. II. pag. 45. Ed. Grot.
perly

Additions.
1059
perly denotes the Divine influence in Prophecy. As to the word genrépuces, by
which Daniel's Inſpiration is expreſſed in the Greek, I take it to be what the
Greeks have otherwiſe called ümay, the Etymologiſts ſays, i zag, éyságogors. This
is that Inſpiration which comes upon Men when awake. And tho' the Greeks
diftinguiſh it from 'Oyap, Dream, yet as Dreams alſo were thought to be Infpi-
rations, it ſeems to me that 'Opas, Cyeregs, and polegs of the Æolian comes from the
Hebrew na and the Chaldee 1703 or No. As to trap I gueſs it to be a-kin
to the word g?, to ſhine, alſo uſed in Job 3. 4. with the other Word, ſo that
ü map is an Irradiation : the laft Letter may have been added to make it chime with
oyag. Thus we ſee, that the Greeks have ſpoken of the Inſpiration according to
the Chaldean Notions, and ſuited their expreflions. That Light alſo ſignifies in
the Sacred Writers the Divine Inſpiration and Oracles ſhall be proved in the
Note upon Chap. 21. 20. I. So does Fire. Our Commentators make a nice work to
explain the expreſfion of the Baptiſt. He ſhall baptize you with the Holy Ghoſt and with
Fire. See Mattb. 3.11. Luke 3. 16. For which it is ſaid elſewhere only with the Holy
Ghoft. Mark 1. 8. Akts 1. 5. Chap. 11. 16. The Holy Ghoſt and Fire are the nn and
1973. And ſignifies by an Hendyadis, that Chriſt will ſend to them that are bap-
tized the Holy Ghoſt to give them the divine Inſpirations and all the other
operations of the Holy Ghoſt, the chief of which is the Prophetical Light or
Fire. See alſo Iſaiah 9. 2. and Matth. 4. 16. Now at firſt the defcent of the
Holy Ghoft was indeed accompanied with Light or Fire. But whether or no
there was at firſt any ſuch appearances of flaſhes of Light in theſe oracular In-
ſpirations, which accompanied the Theurgical, yet theſe opinions were fuffi-
cient to authorize the uſe of the word Light to fignify the Inſpirations, both
upon the accounts already mentioned, and becauſe ſuch extafies were attended
with a very great heat in the Bodies of the poſſeſſed, of which they ſometimes
(a) complained. So that they glowed as if they had been all on Fire, which
profeſſion of theirs is the ſecond Method, by which we may gueſs what kind of
Senſe they had of ſuch Inſpirations. All this matter is very well deſcribed and
illuſtrated by Ammianus Marcellinus in theſe words, (b) Aperiunt nunc quoque venn
tura cum æftuant hominum corda, ſed loquuntur divina. Sol enim, ut aiunt Phyfici,
mens mundi, noftras mentes ex ſeſe velut ſcintillas diffunditans, cum eas incenderit vehe-
mentius, futuri conſcias reddit. Unde Sibyllæ crebro ſe dicunt ardere, torrente vi magna
flammarum.
As it is evident in natural Philofophy, that all motion of the parts of Bodies
is apt to excite therein Heat and even Fire, ſo it is ſure, that in Human Bodies
any hurry of the animal Spirits, ariſing from any ſudden and violent impreſſion,
may cauſe a great beat therein, and ſo the very firſt inſult of it may ſeem like
a flaſh of Fire. The bite of a Viper communicates ſuddenly a violent impreffion
upon all the Spirits ; and thus a Man bitten by a Rattle-Snake compared the
quick motion of the Poiſon thro all his Body to a flaſh of Fire penetrating thro
all his Veins, which is no improper compariſon, for Servius ſays, (c) Venenun
di&tum, quod per venas eat. Thus alſo a violent concufſion of the Optick Nerves
caufed by an outward blow about the Eyes, excites therein the ſame Senfe as a
flaſh of Light or Fire, as indeed all the modifications of the Sight are ſo many
different degrees and quantities of Light upon Bodies. And thus alſo a violent
motion of the Drum of the Ear cauſed by a Blow upon it, excites the ſame kind
of Senſe as that of a ſtrong Sound. As it is therefore found by Experience,
that the Dæmons can act upon Human Bodies, and infinuating themſelves into
them, affect the Nerves and animal Spirits ; ſo they may at the ſame time fo
touch or move this or that part of them, that they may excite in them the like
Senſations as if thoſe parts had been affected by common Objects. And thus
the imaginative Faculty may receive impreſſions from them of the very fame
nature, and not much unlike thoſe that are excited by external Objects. So
that it being the deſign of the Dæmons in extatical Inſpirations to procure a
Senſe of sight of ſome peculiar Objects which may be proper to frame the Vis
fion of a Symbolical Prophely and the like ; it is eaſy to conceive; that they
may modify accordingly the motions of the Nerves in the Excafies, and repreſent
the Images of thoſe Objects to the imaginative Faculty, by which they will be
(6) Ammian. Marc. Lib. XXI.
( ) Vid, Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XXI. init, infr. citat.
() Serv. in Virg. Æneid. Lib. l. col. 531.
12 0
ſeen

1060
Additions.
ſeen therein in a manner proportionable to that, in which ſuch Obje&s ſeen
or felt externally, do really make therein ſuch Impreſſions. And as the violenc
motion of the Optick Nerve excites the Senſation of a flaſh of Light ; fo the
violent motion of the Nerve, excited by the inſult of a Dæmoniacal Extaſy,
may appear to the imaginative Faculty as a Light, or Fire", and, becauſe it is
preternatural, cauſe in the Body a very extraordinary Glowing or Heat; the
like may be done upon all the other Senſes; ſo that Voices may be heard, O.
dours ſmelt, Taſts and Touches taſted and felt; as, alſo impreffions may be
made upon the Senſes of Hunger, Thirſt, and all the reſt that belong to Manz
But the extatical Inſpiration receives its name of Light from that Senſe which
is the moſt uſually excited therein, as Prophets were moſt commonly called
Seers. What I have ſaid here may eaſily be applied, and turn'd to all the diffe-
rent Viſions and Objects, which are ſeen or felt in ſuch caſes. ព
But how cunning ſoever the Devils may be in aping or imitating the natural,
or common, and the extraordinary acts of God, yet their imitations may be al-
ways diſcovered to proceed from ſuch Authors. That is, as every Man, who
in his Dreams receives upon his imaginative Faculty impreſſions of ſeveral Ob-
jects, yet when he is awake, perceives, that the Objects, which affect his
Senſes then, are much more lively than the former; by which he concludes,
that thoſe which were not ſo lively were ſeen in a Dream ; ſo the Objects,
which are repreſented to one Inſpired by a diabolical Extaſy, are far leſs acute,
exad, and lively, than thoſe which come in by the external Senſes, and per-
haps even leſs than thoſe which are perceived in ſome Dreams; and by conſe-
quence, that the Objects ſeen in the diabolical Inſpiration are very much con-
fuſed and imperfect. I clear the obſcurity of this thought by Analogy. For,
as I have proved (a) elſewhere, the diabolical Oracles were uttered in muttering
Voices ; ſo when the Necromancers had called up the ſuppoſed Souls of dead
Men, but in reality wicked Dæmons, it is obſervable in the (b) Authors, who
ſpeak about it, that their Voices were ſqueaking or hollow, and alſo confuſed
and uncertain ; ſo that Homer has compared them to the Voices of the Bates :
either way the Voices, tho like Human and Articulate, were nevertheleſs very
different from the Voices of Men. Whence we may conclude, that if the De
vils were ſuch Scrapers in imitating Voices, that they were more like the ſqueak-
ing of a Puppet, or the ſound of a Tub, they may be imagined to be as great
Bunglers in repreſenting Objects of Sight to the imaginative Faculty, with the
ſame diſproportion to the natural works of God, which come within our Sight,
which is to be found between a Dauber and a skilful Painter. By this we may
ſee the neceſſity of the Pythick Prieſteffes being attended by a (c) Prophec
Prieſt ; who having collected from the Words and Geſtures of the Propheteſs
the incention of the Dæmon, did afterwards compoſe an Oracle in Verſe pretty
elegant and ſmooth, as we ſee ſuch Oracles are, which remain upon Record.
Strabo ſpeaking of the Delphick Oracle, ſays. (d) Soignagy 5 fő souís Tehnoda odunov,
Bp or the musían syababusowy, dzouflens to avdiºcese
, Site Stomiletv équeled me sjáules, or even i
και ταύτα εις μέτρων ποιητάς τινας σεργώντας το ιερό, which is allo plainly affirmed in thefe
words of Plutarch, (e) novãy ở lui dnéesy on mountinó. Tives évfpes indegónfure this owra's
, sú
πολαμβάνοντες έπ καθηνται τα το χρησήeιον, έπη και μέτρα και ρυθμες οίον αγγεία τους χρησμοίς εκ το
megsuxóYTOS MATRÉxOy745. Therefore none but God, who has created Man, and
given him Faculties to receive inward impreſſions from the outward Senſes,
can fo affect his inward Faculties without thoſe Senſes, as to make the Objects
therein appear as clear and diſtinct, as if they had been admitted by the natural
Senſes. Which power however, as we know not but God may communicate
to the good Angels, ſo we have all the reaſon to think he has not imparted to
the
Wicked, that his own operations may not become equivocal.
This brings me to conſider the Divine Excaſies; which have indeed ſomething
common with the Diabolical, but many properties very different. I find in
Holy Writ no Extaſy more fully deſcrib'a chan one in Daniel, Chap. 10, Therés
(a ( Note on Chap 4. 1 F. (6) Vid. Leon. Allat. Syntagm de Engaftr, cap. V. ex
Horat. Lib. I. Satyr. 8. Lucan. Lib. VI. Virgil Æn. Lib. IV. Philoftr. de Vita Apollon. Lib. VI.
c. 5. Procop. in Eſaiam. Non. Dionyfiac. Lib. IV. Homer Odyfi
. Lib.c Iliad, af. v. ror, His adde
locum ex Stat. Theb, Lib. IX. v. 299. & Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. XXXI. fub init.
(c) Vid. Platon. Timæum, pag. 493.
(d) Strabon. Geogr. Lib. IX. p. 419.
(e) Plutarch Lib. we pay wil zegar ég festest p. 964.
fore

Additions.
1061
1
fore I ſhall here copy his Words : Therefore I was left alone, and ſaw this great Vi
fion, and there remained no ftrengih in me; foor my comelineſs was turned in me into cor-
ruption, and I retained no strength. Yet heard I the voice of his words: and when I
beard the voice of bis words, then was I in a deep ſleep on my face, and my face toward
the ground. And behold, an band touched me, which ſet me upon my knees
, and upon
the palms of my bands. And be ſaid unto me, O Daniel, a man greatly beloved, undera,
ft and the words that I ſpeak unto thee, and ſtand upright: for unto thee am I now fent.
And when he had ſpoken this word unto me, I stood trembling. By this account it
ſeems clear, that upon the approach of the Phaſma of the Man, which he deſ
cribes in the preceeding Words, he fell into a Trance, or Extaſy, and therein
ſaw the Phalma, which was not ſeen by the Men in his Company; and that
thereupon he fell on the ground upon his Face. So that tho' the Men with him
did not ſee ir, yet by his falling down they concluded he was viſited by God,
and through the dread of ſuch a Viſitation, they fled and hid themſelves,
according to the ancient Notion of which I treat elſewhere hereafter, that they
who were thus viſited were in danger of their Lives ; that immediately after
the firſt inſult of the Trance, which threw him upon the Ground, he felt an
extraordinary turn of affiſtance, which ſettled the hurry of his animal Spirits,
and left them to return to the animal Functions, by which he was able to riſe
firſt upon his Hands and Feet, and a little after by degrees to ſtand upon his
Feet, tho ſtill trembling at the firſt. So that the colour of his Councenance,
which at the very firſt was hugely changed, and the reft of his animal Faculties
were reſtored, even whilft the effect of the Inſpiration laſted. Beſides this we
find in the following Words, that at the ſame time freſh inſults of Extaſy and
Reſtitution were gradually given, not only that he might ſee and hear what
was exhibited and ſpoken in the Viſion, but alſo in his turn to make a proper
anſwer, and ſignify that he was in a ſedate Compoſure to hear what was to be
revealed.
The word uſed by Daniel to expreſs his Extaſy is 097, which is turn'd in our
Tranſlation by a deep Sleep, and in the LXX by Mt TuyEVUYild, the word is uſed in
Genel. 2. 21. to expreſs the Sleep or Extaſy, into which Adam was thrown when
God took Eve out of his Side, and in Geneſ. 15. 12. to expreſs a Propherical
Trance into which Abraham was caſt; the deep Sleep into which Siſerab fell is
thereby ſignified in Fudg. 4. 21, it is alſo found in Pſal. 67. 29. Pfal. 75.6. Prov.
10. 6. Fon. 1. $, 6. Fib 4.13. Chap. 33.15. Ifaiab 29. 10. 1 Sam. 26. 12. and
Dan. 8. 18. either in the Verb, or verbal Noun, which in the LXX is turn'd
ſometimes by "Exstors, or elſe by Jóung, gócG. and natívučtsBut in all theſe places
it is either an extraordinary Sleep, or elſe a divine Trance, which ſeizes upon
Men and cauſes them to Fall, and be in a kind of Stun, when they are, as Virgil
exprefles it, (a) Stupefa&tus numine, ſpeaking of Æneas. Thus alſo Horace ufes the
word Attonitus for inſpired, when he ſays, (b) Attonitus petet Vates. And Virgil,
(c) Attonite Baccbo matres. See Num. 24. 5, 16. and this as when Men fall into
Swounds, Trances and Extaſies; in all which the external Senſes being aſleep,
the inward Senſe or Imagination may very frequently be awake, and have Im-
preſſions, either ariſing from the motion of the Ideas lodged in the Memory,
which may ſometimes unite them in an odd manner, or elſe receive them from
ſome cauſe foreign to Man, as it happens in Inſpirations. And as it happens fome-
times in Trances cauſed by the diſorder of the Body, that fome Senfes may be
left free, ſo that in them the Patient can hear and remember all that is faid and
done about the Body, ſo God may cauſe a Trance wherein all the Senſes ex-
ternal may ſtill perform their Functions. And this is very well ſeen in the Ex-
taſies of Balaam, who was a Magician, but receiv'd divine Inſpirations to bleſs
Iſrael; theſe he owns he was noc Mafter of; and when they come upon him,
we neither find, that he had any Syncope, or any furious Symptoms, or broken
Speeches, ſuch as happen to choſe that are inſpired by a wicked Spirit.
From what has been ſaid it is plain, that the divine Extaſies deſcribd in holy
Writ have in ſome meaſure the like Symptoms as other Extaſies; but that thoſe
Symptoms which are very extacical, are not of a long continuance, nor have
choſe diſmal, furious, and ſenſeleſs effects upon Men, which the diabolical Ex-
G COCK
1
(b) Horat. Lib. III. Od. xix.
( a ) Virgil Æneid. Lib. VII.
Lib. VII.
(c) Virg. Æneid.
tafies

1062
Additions.
tafies always are accended wichal. The holy Spirit takes care to ſedate the
hurry of the animal Spirits, caus'd by the firſt Inſult, into a ſoft Inſinuation
operating only upon the imagination and memory of the Prophet, by which he
has an internal Viſion, or ſecond fight, and memory of ſuch Objects, Voices,
and Adions, as ferve to make a Propheſy, or Prediction of thoſe matters,
which the Holy Ghoſt then thinks fie co reveal; and all this is done without ta-
king off, or ſuſpending any of the Faculties of the Soul and Body, which are
neceſſary to the preſent occaſion, excepting the ſhort duration of the firſt In-
fult, which was very ſhort, and perhaps did not hinder them at all; though its
mocion made a very ſtrong Impreſſion upon them: ſo that this inſule was
more like a faintneſs than a total Syncope.
We are therefore to conſider three ſeveral degrees of Inſpiration. The firſt is
the inſult of the divine Spirit upon the Prophet, which produces an Excafy, hur-
rying his animal Spirits in an unuſual and very affe&ing manner for a very
ſhort ſpace. The ſecond degree of Inſpiration conſiſts in the continuation of
the Extaſy in a ſedare fenfe, during which the viſionary Objects and Oracles
are exhibited to the Imagination, inward Viſion, or ſecond fight of the Prophet.
Now cho', when a Prophet was inſpired the firſt time, the Holy Ghoſt might
think fit to excice his attention by che inſult of an Extaſy, with great altera-
tion in his Soul and Body; and likewiſe when ſome very extraordinary Vifon
was to be exhibited; ſuch as that of the Vocation of the Gentiles to St. Peter,
the Converſion of St. Paul and this Revelation to St. John; yet when the Pro-
phets were well acquainted with the fenſe of Inſpiration remaining after the
firſt inſult of the Extaſy, I conceive eaſily, that afterwards the Holy Ghoſt
might cauſe chis leſs tumultuous degree of Inſpiration, upon more ſlender oc-
caſions ; at which cime the Prophet was as ſenſible of an Inſpiration, as if it
had been introduced by a formal Extafy, and knew that he was acted by the
very ſame holy Spirit as formerly, when it was a freſh Inſpiration with Éxtaſy
to the full.
The Acts of this Inſpiration may be conſidered two ways. The firſt was
whilft it affected the imagination with fymbolical Viſions and Oracles, the
latter when it affected the Memory to record by preaching or writing the Core
tents of the ſymbolical Viſions and Oracles. For 'tis evident no Man's memo-
Ty would be ſufficient to ſet down exactly all the parts of ſuch a Viſion as the
Revelation, if the Writer had not been aſlifted with a directing Inſpiration, to
record ſuch a multiplicity of things, exhibited in fo long a Viſion, wherein the
Events are characteriſed by ſuch nice and diſtinct Deſcriptions. This double
aſſiſtance was therefore neceffary to all thoſe holy Writers, who have given us
Predi&tions, of which themſelves had the Viſions; but the latter only to thoſe
who have written the Hiſtory of the Acts of God, and of his people; of our
Saviour, and of the preaching of his Apoſtles ; or ſuch Epifties, as were de-
fign'd co explain and confirm the Doctrine of the Goſpel. Saving that antece-
dently to this writing they had an Inſpiration to puſh them on to the writing of
thoſe ſacred Books; and that thoſe of them which contain ſome Doctrine or
Expoſicion, were affifted by an Inſpiration, wherein thoſe two acts thereof
were concurrent.
In this ſort of Inſpiration therefore, beſides the advantage it has from the
divine authority above that of the Devil, both as to the truth thereof, and the
good it procures for Man; there are ſome diſtinguiſhing Properties from the
artificial Extaſies and the diabolical Inſpirations, by which the Prophet may
not only find, that he is divinely inſpired, but alſo others may in a great mea-
ſure determine, that he was ſo. Firit, The divine Inſpirations proceed merely
from God's Will, and cannot be procured by any Rites of the anagogical Arts.
No true Prophet is ſo far Maſter of the holy Spirit, as to have Extaſies when
he pleaſes. The whole Revelation of God is it ſelf an effect of his Grace and
good will to Mankind; and therefore the different Inſpirations of ic depend
on the ſame will. But the diabolical Inſpirations, though ſometimes owing to
the contrivance and choice, which the Devils made of fanatical Subjects, yet
they might be procured by a ſettled Art, which is called the Theurgical Magick.
And even the Delphian Oracle depended upon chat Art, which in that place
was ſettled to one Rule, but might be extended to admit of any other Rules;
becauſe it wholly depends upon the Compact with the Dæmons. And thus we
find, that every ſeveral Oracle had a different rule for Rices, to procure ſuch
Excafies


Additions.
106
Extaſies in the Prophets. However, we have good reaſon to believe, that in
moft Caſes every Dæmon, who ſet up ſuch an oracular Shop, took care to give
Inſtructions to his under Workmen the Prophets, how his Oracles and Worſhip
was to be managed. See the Note upon Chap. 16, 13. G. where I give gene-
ral Proofs of this ; and the Note upon Chap. 21. 15. A. wherein I thew one
ſpecial kind of it in ſeveral inttances. Secondly, The divine Extaſy produces
no Phrenfy, nor enthuaftical Extravagancies; it leaves a perfect Senſe and
Memory, and the reaſon and will of the Prophet concur with it. Thirdly,
Whereas the diabolical Inſpirations repreſent the Obje&s to the Imagination in
a confuſed manner, and more bluntly and roughly than Objects appear to the
external Senſes; in the divine Inſpiration they are repreſented moſt exactly
and lively. See Acts 12. 9. ſo that when the Prophet's Inſpiration ceaſes, he
recollects himſelf, and finds, that he has had a Viſion, by comparing his pre-
ſent ſtate with the former, as Men do about Dreams. Fourthly, The Holy
Ghoſt not being forced into Men by Medicaments and Inchantments, to ſatisfy
the Curioſity, and often the malice of the Invoker, as it happens in the diabó-
lical Extaſies, the Holy Ghoft I ſay, leaves behind no Terror or Danger to
the Seer ; but in ſuch Caſes the diabolical Prophets ran into the danger of their
Lives; and ſome actually died of the Diſturbance. Indeed Daniel, 8.27. ſays,
That he fainted and was fick certain days, and in Chap.7. 28. that his Medications
much troubled him, and his Countenance changed in him ; and this on the account,
and after two great Extaſies and Viſions; but by theſe places it does not appear
that this was ſo much an effect of the Viſions, as of his own thoughtfulneſs and
trouble, chat perhaps he did not ſo well underſtand them, as he could have de-
fired. Since no other Prophets have complain'd of this, neither among the 11-
raelites nor Apoſtles, it muſt be looked upon as a ſpecial Caſe, and no neceffary
conſequence of a divine Extafy, but a particular Event upon Daniel; for we
have no kind of Indication, that any other divine Prophet had the like
Accident.
Theſe are ſome of the main Properties, which diſtinguiſh divine from diabo
lical Excafies conſidered intrinſically in themfelves. As to thoſe Properties,
which ariſe from the ſubject matter, and the Prophet himſelf, as to his neceſa
ſary Qualities, they are not ſo proper to the preſent Deſign, and beſides, that
they would carry us too far to conſider them thoroughly, they have been als
ready conſidered by others.
P. 144. 1; 44. After the word megolzop die to, add.
And thus (a) Methodius the Biſhop and Martyr has underſtood the words of
Mofes in the beginning of Genel. 'Ex epxñ as being the ſame as ex aéya, or ły zopíc,
to ſignify that God by his Word or Wiſdom, which is the Prince of the Creation,
has created the Heavens and the Earth. See the place. And indeed it appears
very plain, that Theophilus Antioch. had ſuch a Notion of the term 'Apgen, when he
makes it equivalent to the A6205 ; (d) Ei rózor órw, disque d'uti aézet If I ſay his
Word, I ſay bis
. Magiſtrature : by this ic is further evident, that this very an-
cient Father did underſtand the Title of abges to be that of a Prince or Ruler.
This I ſhall further explain in the Note upon Chap. 19. 13. B.
P. 154. 1. 36. after the word Eveyyénión add,
But this is not all; for as we may ſuppoſe, that St. John was not unacquainted
with prophetical Extaſies before this time, and beſides that had already in the
beginning of this Viſion in Chap. 1. 10. an awakening by the Voice of a
Trumpet, ſo this Repetition of the found of the Trumpet in this place woula
ſeem in ſome ſort needleſs, if that ſound had not been exhibited to the Pro-
phet upon ſome ſpecial view concerning the matter of the Propheſy, as well
as on the account of the manner, and rather more, beca uſe it is now needleſs
to St. John to give him
warning of the continuation of the Inſpiration. So
that the ſound of the Trumpet is here ſymbolical too, and ſerves as an Intro-
duction of the Evenes predited thereupon, and ſo becomes a neceſſary part of
(b) Theophil. ad Autolyc. Lib. IP
(a) Method. apud Phot. Cod. CCXXXV.
9. Vid. & Lib. II. p. 83, & 97.
A (0) 12 P

1064
Additions.
the Viſion, becauſe deſcribing ſome of the Circumſtances of the Events, as I
have already hinted, it may ſignify the antecedent warning of the Goſpel before
Chriſt's Reſurrection. But becauſe the Trumpet may be a Symbol of different
things according to the uſe made thereof, and even of ſeveral at the ſame time;
it is not enough to ſay, that it fignifies the antecedent preaching of the ap.
proaching Kingdom of the Meſſias, but it may alſo imply another Circum-
ſtance attending that preaching, which is the joy and expectation, that this
preaching was the laying of a Foundation for the City of God in a more glo
rious and permanent ſtate than hitherto,
This being thus laid down, it will not be very difficult to give a fatisfactory
account of this ſound, both by the way of Precedent, and allo of Decorum ;
that is, Similitude and Affinity, which are the two grəat Topicks on which are
grounded all ſorts of Symbols. As to the Precedent or
Example, we need but
to obſerve, that the Holy Ghoſt is going to give us a Deſcription of the new
Oeconomy of the Goſpel, and that too according to the Types of the Mo-
ſaical ; that is, the litteral Conſtitution and Accidents of the Moſaical are to
repreſent thoſe of the Chriſtian. Upon this account we obſerve, that the firft
warning God gave publickly of the delivery of the Mofaical Law was by the
ſound of the Trumpet, Exod. 19. 16. pavà rûs oamyle äxer seége, the Voice of
the Trumpet exceeding loud. We need no more Precedents, for indeed we can
have but one. 'Tis plain, and that's enough. As to the decorum, we muſt
obſerve, that the Inſtitution of the Chriſtian Oeconomy is deſign d to build
the City of God, Sion, the Temple and the New Jerufalem. Now it may be
obſerv'd, that according to the cuſtom of the Ancients, both Zews and Pagans,
and alſo the Patriarchs, the Foundations of Buildings were laid at the ſound of
the Trumpets, or other muſical Inſtruments. 'Tis not ſaid indeed in the facred
Text, that the Tabernacle and firſt Temple were ſo founded, but it is highly
probable it was ſo done at the building of the Temple, for that whilſt they
were building of it, they continually fang with their Inſtruments of Mufick is
plain by comparing, 1 Chron. 6. 31, 32. with Chap. 16. 7. and Chap. 25. 1.
Therefore when the Foundation of the ſecond Temple was laid, and during
the building of it, it is ſaid in Eſdras 3. 10. That they ſee the Prieſts in their appa-
rel with Trumpets, and the Levites the Sons of Afaph with Cymbals to praiſe the Lord,
after the Ordinance of David. Thus alſo at the very Reparation of the Walls of
Feruſalem they obſervd the like tokens of Gladneſs, both with Thankſgiving,
and with ſinging with Cymbals, Pſalteries, and with Harps, Nebem. 12. 27. who
can queſtion but that Trumpets were alſo then uſed and ſounded by the Prieſts?
The like was done at the Dedication by the Maccabees after the Prophanation,
I Maccab. 4. 56, &c. For though Muſick and Trumpets are not mention'd
there, yet the Zoy and Gladneſs there mention'd very plainly implies it. And
indeed it cannot be otherwiſe ; becauſe ſuch Dedications, as well as Founda-
tions were perform'd with extraordinary Sacrifices, which were always attend-
ed with Trumpets and Muſick.
Among the Greeks we find, that when the Meſſenian Refugees were reſtored
to return into their own Country and rebuild a City, they laid the Foundation
of the new Meſlena with the Argian and Beotian Flutes, as (a) Pauſanias ob.
ſerves. The Bæotian were added to the Argian by way of gratitude to their
Friends, Epaminondas and the Thebans, who were the Authors of their Reſtaura-
tion. The Poet (b) Ariſtophanes has obſerved this Ceremony of a Sacrifice with
Flures at the laying the Foundation of his mock City in the Clouds. And
therefore Nepture is very angry in (c) Homer, becauſe the Greeks had built a
Wall about their Camp without offering Sacrifices to the Gods, and by conſe-
quence without Muſick. Thus alſo the Foundation of the Capitol was laid
again after it had been burnt with great Solemnicies and Sacrifices ; as (2)
Tacitus reports, which as every one knows, that has read any of the Ancients,
were conſtantly attended with Muſick; but among the Fews the Trumpets
were always uſed in the Temples, as I ſhew elſewhere. Nay, Pauſanias ob-
ferves further, That whilft the building went on, it was accompanied with a
Confort of Mufick; digzdorlo del rij vad uxoixñs d'uns sefi degãs, durão de Bocallar ay
Apzécor which was the very practice of the Jews, as obſerv'd before. And
(1) Homer. Iliad. 3. V.
(a) Paufan. Meſſen, p. 137.
(6) Ariftoph. Avib.
449. Iliad. 4. v. 6. (d) Tacit. Hiftor. Lib. IV. cap: 53.
there,

Additions.
1065
therefore no queſtion is to be made but that the poetical Fables of Apollo's
building of the Walls of Troy, and of Amphion's building thoſe of Thebes with
the inchanting Harmony of their Lyres, aroſe from this Cuſtom. But what
ſhall we ſay to the words in Job, 38. 6, 7. that when God laid the Foundation of
the Earth, the Stars and Angels ſang and ſhouted for yoy? They are a manifeſt Al-
lufion to this Cuſtom, and ſhew that ſuch a Cuſtom has been uſed in the pa-
triarchal Times ; to which alſo there is an Allufion, in Zechar. 4. 7. Thus
we fee, that the laying of the Foundation of the Church is accompanied with
the founding of the Trumpet.
In this fenfe therefore, how has this ſounding of the Trumpet its Accom-
pliſhment ? To them that will conſider the thing well, it is to be found in the
Magnificat, Luke i. 46. in the Benedi&tus, Luke, 1. 68. but more eſpecially in the
Gloria in excelſis, Luke 2. 14. in the Praiſes of the Shepherds, Luke 2. 20. and
alſo in the Nunc Dimittis, Luke 2. 14. And laſtly, in the preaching of John the
Baptift
. For all theſe were ſhoutings at the Foundation of the Goſpel, and
Warnings of its approach, requiring the Aetention of thoſe that waited for
Salvation.
But yet after all, this founding of the Trumpet may be here uſed upon ano-
ther view; and which to me ſeems the moſt probable. For as has been ob
ſerv'd already this part of the Viſion beginning with the Inauguration of
Chriſt into the Throne of the divine Majefty, it is evident, that here muſt be
an Alluſion to that ancient Cuſtom of ſounding the Trumpets when Kings
were inaugurated among the Iſraelites and elſewhere ; which was done, boch
to call the People together, and to make them Witneſſes thereof, as alſo to ex-
preſs their preſent Joy for it. Thus David deſcribes the Ceremonies to be ob.
ſerv'd in the Inthroniſation of his Son Solomon, 1 Kings 1. 34. Blow ye with the
Trumpet, and ſay, God Save King Solomon, Then we ſhall come up after him, that
be may come and fit upon my Throne; for be ſhall be King in my ſtead. The like was
done when Jebu was anointed King of Iſrael
, 2 Kings 9. 13. And blew with
Trumpets, ſaying Jehu is King. And alſo at the Inauguracion of Foaſh Son of
Abaziah, 2 Kings 11. 14. 2 Chron. 23. 13. By which we may infer, that ic
was us'd in all other Caſes not obſerv'd in holy Writ. Thus alſo the Roman
Emperors were inaugurated with the ſound of the Trumpets. Ammianus
Marcellinus : (a) Gratianuin declararunt Auguftum, Claſſicorum ampliffimo fono blan-
dum fragorem miſcentes armorum. There is no need to produce any other in-
Itance of other Monarchs; for I believe there has been, or is ſtill no Nation
govern'd by a King, but Trumpets have been, and are us'd in the Solemnities
of his Inauguration.
P. 197. 1. 18. After the word immediately, add,
Long after I had written this Note upon this Notion of God's Holineſs, drawn
from the Stile of holy Writ, and the formal Notion of the Hebrew word, and
which I thought was new among modern Authors, as not remembring to have
read it, I was very glad to find it is old. For (b) Photius cites it out of the
Works of that learned Monk Jobius, who in explaining the various Significations
of the term Holy, with a ſpecial Eye to the Hymn Trifagion, has theſe words:
“Αγιον γαρ εντάυθα, έχ το ρύπου πνός καθαρόν ναι δια σώμα και η ψυχής διαβαίνονθG- απαγή
πε ας εγκώμιον δεξ, μάλλον δε πώς έκ έσχες- ψόυς ως ύμνον παραλαμβάνεις το σταθώ,
απηλλάχθει το θλον λόγων των ημετέρων, αλλά το αφωρισμένος και υπεριδρύμαον των άλλων
απένων, και ανακεχωρηκος ανυμνεί σύνηθες δε τη θεία γραφή τε τοιύτον της λέξεως σημαια
νόμενον, ως το παν άρσεν διανοίγον μήegν, άμον των κυρίω κληθήσέlαι, τετέςιν αφωρισμου
And ſo he goes on with more examples of the like ſort, and at laſt concludes
thus : 'Αποδιδους μύτοι γε το μο θεός, και το άκΘ, προς αντιδιας ολων των ειδωλικών σεβασμό
των, και γιώδη τα ει και χειρών των ανθρώπων έργα, και δελύγμέα ως αληθώς: But what
is the more remarkable therein is, that Jobius owns in the place, that he had
this notion from a learned Few, converted and made a Catechift. Such Men
were better inſtructed in the Stile of the Hebrew Tongue than the generality of
the Chriſtian Writers, and 'tis chiefly from that we muſt fetch the underſtand-
ing of the propriety of words.
(a) Ammian. Marc. Lib. XXVII. Vol. I. p. 237.
(6) Phos, Biblioth. Cod. CCXXII.
cap. 2:
P.490

1066
Additions.
ung
P. 496. 1. 36. After the word Ignatius add.
For indeed thoſe Doxologies put the Holy Ghoſt apon the ſame level of Ado-
ration and Invocation as the Father and the Son. And how can it be other-
wiſe, feeing the very form of Baptiſm enjoyn'd by our Saviour is, and implies
an abſolute Invocation of the Holy Ghoft? This is to be proved from the very
form in the name; which as ſhall be proved in the Note upon Chap. 17. 5. C.
in ſuch Caſes ſignifies an Object of Worſhip and Invocation. Conſonant to
this is this of Origen, who ſpeaking of this very form of Baptiſm, fays : (a)
Täs megouw? mis reeddo baixanois The very Author of the Apoſtolical Conſtitu-
tions calls it by the ſame name, (b) OPELANGIS. And in the Latin Tranſlation of
the Recognitions by Ruffinus the word (c) Invocató is uſed. But more of this
ſome where elſe.
That we niay return to the miniſterial Office of the Holy Ghoſt. To the
former Teſtimonies may be added the following out of origen, who having
called our Saviour the unngétns, Miniſter of God's Grace, ſays that the Holy
Ghoſt is his Fellow-worker, ouepgo. His words are theſe ; (d) Ev Tomaſ de
od uelphta $x x eonfi'n and Jeg eis dusparks gaisin Jes, dice 78 tñs ePUTES Cantie eis vigas
χάουτς υπηρέτε 'Ιησέ χεισέ, και το συνέργε πνώύματG, Goλήσει θεα δuυατα άνεται: Af-
tewards he calls the holy Spirit the univerſal Steward of the Lord by cognate
words, which are theſe ; (e)O rówvwv štas dizbuļu tovãUTU Tegrupean Seis CMTN NetbTSPG
γίνεται ανακραθωϊαι τω πεπληρωκόπ τίω πάσαν οικονομίαν τε κυρίκ πνώματι According
to him therefore the Holy Ghoſt is the great Orconomus, or holy Steward of the
Lord in all things; that is, his Villicus, his Vicarius General. The Holy Ghoſt
is alſo by him called, (f) ingétus, the Miniſter, who ſupplies our Prayers.
To the end of P. 530. After the word, Verſe, add,
There is a Paſſage in Photius cited as from Theodorus, fuppoſed to be him of
Mopſueſtia, out of his Books concerning the Perſian Magick, which is very
proper to be conſidered here The words are: (g) Kai tu refer Tebe apostas aózes
εκτίθεται το μιαρsν των Περσών δόγμα, 3 Zασρρσης εισηγάσατο, ήτοι πιει τε Ζαρκαμ,
(al. Ζερεμ) δν αρχηγών πάντων εισάγει, δν και τύχω καλά και ότι σπόνδων, ίνα τέκη τον
Opuſoday, 'ÉTENSY ŠKŠKOON, vj Tòr Eatevãre Before I give a Îranſlation of theſe re-
markable words, I ſhall beg leave to make ſome fhort Obſervations. Firſt,
That there is according to cheir Doctrine an Archegos, or chief Principle of
all things, which they called Zarouam, or as other Copies have it, Zourouam.
This word I take to be a little corrupted, and that it ſhould be read Zeppelt,
Zouroulam ; which is plainly the ſame as the Hebrew 719 7w, that is the
Prince of Ages, and that is the ſame as in holy Writ the ancient of Days, or Father
of Ages"; and is by conſequence a very proper Expreſſion for the ſupream Deity:
ovin is with the (b) Rabbies the name of an Angel ; but they ſuppoſe
him to be the ſame as Metatcon, which is a name of the Meſſias, who is the Em-
mánuel
, God with us. Now that the Perſians pronounced the firſt word or Syl-
Iable Žour or Sour, appears by the word Surenas, which I have thewn ſignifies
the Prince of the Men of War, in the Note upon Chap. 13. 18. E. Afterwards
I read 6sú fwy inſtead of a névSw ; for what has this to do with Libacions ? Now
the whole Paſſage may be thus tranſlated; - In the firſt Book he ſets forth the
impure Doctrine of the Perſians, which Zaſrades introduced, or concerning
the Zouroulam, whom he makes the Principle of all things, and whom he
calls Fortune ; and that he ſtudying or deſiring to bring forth the Hormifdas,
* brought him forth and Satan. Here we fee chat Satan muſt be the ſame as
the Arimanes, the perpetual Antagoniſt of the Oromaſdes. And ſeeing the Au-
thor has uſed before the Perſian Names, it is evident that the word Satan or
Satanas was alſo uſed by the Perſians as well as that of Arimanes.
This is alſo plain by the account which we find in the Authors who have
ſpoken concerning the Euchites or Maffalians ; who were alſo called Satanians,
(a) Origen. in Johan. Tom. VIII. p. 124.
(6) Conftit. A poſt. Lib. III. cap.
16
(o Recognit. Clem. Lib. III. Se&t. 67,
(d) Origen. de Orat.
Part. I. Se Et: r
(e) Origen de Orat. Part. I. Se&t. 32.
(f) Origen. de
Orat. Part. I. Se&t. 36.
(g) Phot, Biblioth. Cod. LXXXI.
(5) Vid, Buxtorf, Lex, Rabbin. V. DU.
2012 TL
from

Additions.
1057
from their worſhipping of Satan, as may be ſeen in (@) Epiphanius. But that
Author had not ſo full a Knowledge of them as Michael Pſellus got afterwards:
Tis plain by it, that they followed the Do&rine of the ancient Chaldean and
Perſian Magicians. Now becauſe that account further explains what I have
cited out of Theodorus, and particularly calls Satan the wicked Principle, I
Shall ſet it down here likewiſe according to the Tranſlation of Marfilius Ficinus,
becauſe I have not at preſent the Greek Edition. The words are : (6) Tradunt
ergo principia plura, bo profe&to ab ipſo monente duo rerum principia Juppofita ſunt, ita ut
deo bonorum opifici deus malorum artifexque ponatur, deoque cæleftium domino deus do-
minus fubcæleftium. Hinc Eucbetæ miferi tertium his principium adhibuerunt. Nempe
apud eos unus quidem Pater eft ; filii vero duo, antiquior videlicet, atque junior. Prin-
cipia tria led Patri quidem Supermundana tantum, juniori autem filio cæleftia, ſeniori
vero ſubcæleftia velut dominis tribuuntur. Sed inter Euchetas, alii utrumque filium
colunt. Nam etfi diffidere eos nunc inter ſe dicant, uirumque tamen exiſtimant adoran-
dum. Quoniam ambo ex eodem Patre nafcantur, atque in poſterum conciliandi mutuò
fint. Alii vero alterum duntaxat, id eft juniorem colunt, utpote qui meliori præftan-
tiorique provinciæ dominetur. Seniorem vero non fpernunt quidem, fed obfervant ipſum
caventes, videlicet ne malefaciat. Deterrimi vero inter illos à cælefti quidem numine diſ-
junguntur omrino. Solum vero terreftrem Satanam finibus fuis excipiunt, ipſumque nom
minibus apud eos potioribus extollunt, appellantes primogenitum, & a patre ſejun&tum.
Any one may ſee, that this Father is the ſame as the Zouroulam ; the elder Son,
the ſame as the Arimanes or Satan; and the younger Son is the ſame as the
Oromeldes or Hormiſdas. Hence however we may conclude, that though theſe
Men ſpake of two Principles, one good, and the other evil ; yet they did not
make them the firſt Principle of all things, but ſubordinate to that one
and, firft Principle, and at the ſame time co-ordinate to each other,
and not ſelf exiſtent. And though the Doctrine of two co ordinate and ſelf
exiftent Beings be commonly attributed to the Manichees, which they are fup-
pos’d to believe ſupream, each in his own Sphere or Order ; yet ſeeing the
Manichees had their original from Perfia, it may be worth the while to conſider
whether their Opinion has not been miſrepreſented, ſeeing the Perſians deriv'd
theſe two Principles from one ſuperior, and as Father to them both. And ſo
the Paſſage of Plutarch aforecited, which ſeems to give way to that Suppofi-
tion of the two fupream Principles co-ordinate at the ſame time, muſt be un-
derſtood with the Allowance or Expoſition found in that of Theodorus ; which
laſt Author had moſt probably a clearer account of the belief of the ancient
Perfians than that found in plutarck, Derhaps there never was a Man, or much
leſs a Nation which explicitely profeſs'd to believe, that there could be ſuch
two Principles, co-ordinate, ſelf exiftent, and ecernal.
P. 577. P. 20. After the word Power add,
But ſeeing that thoſe, who have joynd the ſtudy of Daniel's Propheſies to this
of the Revelation, have found out, that the little Horn in Dan: 7. 8. coming up
among the ten Horns of the fourth Beaſt, is the ſame as this Beaſt with two
Horns or Falſe Prophet ; and that it is ſaid to have Eyes like the Eyes of a Man,
and a mouth ſpeaking great things, which expreſſion of eyes like the eyes of a Man, is
hitherto explain'd clearly by no Interpreter; and that even (c) one of the laft
who has publiſhed an Expoſition of the Vifions of Daniel with Approbation,
confeſſes that he has no Eyes to ſee what theſe Eyes of a Man were; I will
here try, whether with the Spectacles of the divine word we may not find 'em
My deſign is therefore to prove, that it was the Intention of the Holy
Ghoſt co ſhew by the Expreſſion Eyes of a Man, that at firft this little Horn had
but a ſmall and contemptible beginning and Deſigns of Greatneſs, tho' it
increaſed afterwards; and conſequently, that the Eyes of a Man imply the ſame
as riſing up out of the Earth, as this Beaſt with two Horns or Falſe Prophet is here
faid to do. Now to explain and prove this, we muſt firſt obſerve, that accord-
ing to the Stile of the Hebrew Language the Eye or Eyes ſignify the Behaviour,
Defires, and Deſigns of Men. Thus in Job 24. 15. The Eye of the Adulterer is the
Défire or Deſign of him that watches his Neighbours Wife. So accordingly in
out.
(a) Epiphan. Panar. Hæref. LXXX.
(6) Mich. Pſell, de Dæmon, Edir, Tornæſ.
(6) M Noble's Viſ, of Daniel expl. Part. I. p. 125.
12 Q
Plal.

1068
Additions
Pſal. 54.7. When David ſays, mine Eye hath ſeen his Defire upon mine Enemies, the
latter part explains the former. Thus therefore a good or evil Eye fignifies
good or bad deſires and deſigns. Deut. 28. 54. his eye ſhall be evil toward
bis Brother, and v. 56. her Eye shall be evil toward the Husband of ber Bófom
which the LXX explain by Berne var tyd op Sunuç evrs tov adapàr airs, and Bar Mewah
od ostanuco duis röv Evdelle autñs; that is, ſhall envy, and form cruel and wicked
deſigns to Kill, and even to Eat them; as it is evident from v. 53. So Mattb.
20. 15. Is thine eye evil becariſe I am good ; that is, wilt thou envy thy Brother,
and endeavour to do him miſchief, by alienating my Mind from him, becauſe
I deſire to be kind to him. So Prov. 22. g. a bcuntiful or good Eye, is ſaid of one
chat does good and is liberal to the Poor, as the LXX explain it, o treñv glager,
but on the contrary, Proverbs 28. 22. an evil eye baſteth to be rich ; that
is, an ill Man by wicked Actions hafts to grow Rich : in the LXX
L'Se jártev evas Bécravo. Accordingly one little in his own eyes in 1 Sam. 15.173
fignifies one that
has no aſpiring deſires or deſigns, and conſequently thinks not
proudly of himſelf. But on the other hand the bigh looks or high eyes, španuod
epnperas, Pfal. 18. 28. and the eyes of beight, Iſaiah 2. II. and the glory of high
looks, or eyes, sò Utos täs sóźns estes operació, in Iſaiah 10. 12. fignify all ambitious
deſigns exalting themſelves above meaſure in the ſame manner, he that has an
high look, or eyes, ſo it is in the Hebrew Text of all theſe places, Baghpavor doject-
pov, P/al. 101. 5. is the ambitious and wicked Man; therefore the LXX in Pro.
6.17. have curned the proud looks, or baughty eyes, by omjenude ubesă, and Pro. 21. 4.
the bigh look, or haughtineſs of Eyes, by uszanóngur er 66ger, where they are join'd
to a lying tongue, hands that ſhed blood, an heart that deviſetb wicked imaginations, a
proud beart, and feet that be ſwift in running to miſchief. To conclude therefore,
as to the ſignification of eyes like the eyes of a Man; by what has been ſaid it apo
pears, that it ſignifies the deſires, deſigns and behaviour of a Man; and ſo im-
plies, that it's intentions, appearance, and power are like, and no more than
thoſe of a Man.
It remains now to conſider what the phraſe of a Man may dénote in this;
which as we have ſeen in explaining the words Son of Man, appears to imply
the notion of Infirmity, Weakneſs, Oppreſſion, Slavery, Contempt, and want
of Power. So a countenance of a Man, kebOWTOV S Sv Spatog is a mean and con-
temptible appearance, ſubject to Perfecution and Oppreſlion; which is one of
the Characters of the Chriſtian Clergy in Chap. 4. 7. and ſo is very properly
applied to the Horn, whoſe firſt origine was among that Clergy, whoſe ap-
pearance in the World at firſt was very contemptible, and expoſed to very great
Perſecutioris ; in which the Biſhops of Rome had a very great ſhare, and by
conſequence, as to the World, were in an unlikely condition to riſe up to that
beighe of greatneſs, to which they are arriv'd; eſpecially conſidering how con.
trary it is to their firft Inftitution. And thus when it is ſaid, that this Hora
had Eyes like the eyes of a Man, it is meant, that its original deſigns, deſires,
worldly Power and appearance in the World, were mean and contemptible :
that it was itſelf mean in its own Eyes, and had no glorious appearance ; and
by conſequence a mean and abje& riſe and beginning; that is, as in the Words
before us, it roſe out of the Earth. . But notwithſtanding that, it has a mouth Speak-
ing great things, that is, as it is ſaid here, it ſpake like the Dragon, whoſe Succeffor
the Beaſt, which this Falſe-Prophet prompts to every thing, Spake great thing's
and blafphemies againſt God, his Religion, and his true Saints. Now if this
Falſe-Prophet be deſcrib'd again in Daniel 11. 21. where he is called a vile Pere
Sox, to whom they ſhall not give the glory of the Kingdom, but he ſhall obtain
it by Flatteries and peaceably, we need no more to confirm this expoſition of
the Phraſe, Eyes like the eyes of a Mano insigor och marios bukle
Tel Vlaoupalubns breasts belsenotto
5:03.g.com homo que o
03
naniblogos 02 sit 270odigion and doar amid longile toon11
FIN 1 $:
ar ,ន
origine
IN Telolet Vaaldal


D 408486
51.QUÆRIS FENINSULAMAMENAM
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 01481 1064
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
LIBRARY
1837
ARTES
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
OF THE
UNUT
TUEBOR
CIRCUMSPICE
THE
DUFFIELD
LIBRARY
THE GIFT OF
THE TAPPAX PRESBY-
TERLAN ASSOCIATION