ºğ， （№. ###### %% ， ， , , 8 e ： «¿ † # * • sae ！!！！！ <& 4. 5...". ！ 2¿ -: -·ſaeſº，0 ſae¿¿.* ' ， și º şºş≡ ſae！ſaeſſaem ·§§§§§§§§§§§ |×#::ķſae§§§§）; º º * † * º și ae ae*，×-- -·*~ * * * ， ， ， ， ， ， ， ºș șţă și ºº = ~----§ ， ， ，ſae， § §§§§）; }， *）*）*）3*?）（ ） ș， aprº， № （; * *× （-∞， ∞.'，،،$###########g^+ ſae:→· -·ſaeſae，… :-）--ºſaeſſaeſae, §.$· ¿·ſae§§§####·§§§§ſë;ķī£§！:#:{x∈ ſ ≡****¿¿.*§ ¶ ¡ ¿&§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§e， * -ae-) → ： -¿. -###$£§§§§§§§########-： ！！！!！！!！!！!！！！！！！!!!！，، -----·¿-§§§§§§：（? ¿ §§§§§§§§、、¿ſae.№ºaeg§§§§#####§§§§$$$$$ ¿¿.*¿¿.*§，--º-，·}*******， ** ， ， ， ！ſae…ºğžšķ*§§§：ſſae;·， ， ，&gae************~∞ *** 23. ！！***،----ſaeſºß¿،·：★ - № 3 ：： · ſae·-¿-§§§#############################ſae aeſtiț¢№ț¢ §§§§§§§§§ ¶ ¡ ¿·----§§§§§§§§§§§§§$%$§$%ķț¢;§$% ſaeae*** ***§§§§§§§ſae;：§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§） ¿*** ¿、、、。|-، ، ، ، ،ſae aeſſae¿? ſaeſ！ #（.*¿¿.*·：¿::::::::::::::::： §§§*¿¿.*gºg،·· · · · --★ →ſ šķķºſ ģ%§§§§§§§§§§ ¶ • ¡ :，，，*º：-¿ · |-،§§ș și∞ $3،-• s.··*}}';：- ∞ √*…**！: ::：:::::：:::::::: ، ، ، ، ، ، ، ºſſ （; ; ; £º i. & lººs & ºg.º.º. ;:º º, º g; º …-· *ſisſae·ș，|-:-->*¿ $¢ £- :::&{3}&{;§§§§§§·§§§################șiță §§§· ：、。、、、。}~--~··：:：::::::::::::：：：：:#### §§§§§§§§§§§§§§§###### §§§§§§§ț¢-$-≡ º: iº º fº ،，，…）-¿? ſº: ***¿§ ¶ ¡ ¿ $¢: （.**** sae ſae; ~·-№sºſ; 33; } ??¿ \≡ ?~ ·ş，× × × ×* §.：§¶√∞§§§§·§§§§§§ ， ， ， ！M ،º: ，§ ¶√≠√≠√¶√∞:'， *** * *$'，§：::::：::：::::：:::::: ¿--- ^ ： ~~~~ §§§§§§§§§ſae;-· ，*、、。 |-≡··|-}§ 3 ， ！§§§§ ^~-ș， t º º sº º &: : ș. g * * * *-§§§ §§§§· · · · · · · ·，·-§§§§§§§§§§： -Ķiģ º， ， ,….…….….*..*：ſae;ſăłºż:（$$）·…§§§§§≡ ≈ ≠ ≤§ ù * * * · · - Þ§ ¶ ¡ ¿----ſae----~--~~~~. :） --º-:： -*…* -->~--~-¿§§· ：~::::::::：:: * * * ***.* ..º. #. ſºț¢; ſae…ºf № §:ſſä ،， ， ， ， º§§§ šºſ， º****ſaeº &#š✉^ ſae∞✉ § **** & * & ***， *ſ， ºſ--º----~ #:#######################3）§§řșºț_ſºț și-：§§§）， ſae，：№ §:ſſae:¿¿?-：-،$ $：· |----- |-· ！！！！！！！$$$$ț¢،،∞ √°.* º *. ··----¿?ķae pº ? !！ ！！ ！! */* } ***（ *$， ſi- }*...!！！ :）~Ķºņºſ，|- ：… ·§ © ¿ -：§ **）， § §§-:…~ ،·Šķī£§§§:: ،（ -|-º.¿¿.*…：ſae;¿¿.** ··******şºğș， și （~--~--~·、。 -·~ſae? ~·، ：|× sº § º ¿¿. ſaei §§ §§ Es º º *: ºf & º § º × × × ſaeae ：: ſº zgºț¢;&#'， ， ， & ¿¿.*¿¿.* º aeg！!！！！！！！$$ §§§ : i. §3. zº ſ！！:（?）∞， №gaeae&.*、、。--¿ ſae ºffſ）:¿§§§*>：-：ſae|-§:ſſä ſaegae¿¿ $¢ £.*¿¿ $¢ （* *（ſ） :：§§§§§§§§§§§§ }§§§§§§§ º ，-§§§§§§§§ ¿§;e ：✉ ₪ae： º º :::: §º '...}* sº. §：:: * * *$. ∞ ####### …¿******-ºg §.ſaeae: ·-،ſae·º，ě #， &ae·;* * * * * * * * 4. §··：ºſ sº ſº gº， ：- ،-§§§###### § ************; *****• •ſae-：:: *** ·* ， ， ，、、、、、、~gº！ ：） ·ſae ----،ſae·3· · * * *， º*.：·， ， … ：（--~~~ -…） - ~~~~ ·sae; -！!！！！！！！· ·§§§§ ſaeaeae 。、、。 §§ ¿ & & § ¶ • • • •¿ ： **** 、、。-§§§ §§ ſae. §§§ºſ šķºs，cº:،· *± -¿¿.**ş aeg *ſ**， **** ：$$$$$$$$$$$$$$º¿?∞ √≠ ∞ f√¶√≠√ §§-, ¿.**） ºſ ſae §§---~ - ：：·--~~，- ，·- ·×： §.**： ： . Lae ！ ！！- ·：ſae§§§§§### ¿-،----- -ſ.£§§§§ ſº:35，· ：،·：~- ·≡≡ ≈ ≠ ≤ ！ ！！*#：;·-،：^ &.:::：::：：:، ș， ț¢ £,- ：·|-، ·§§§#ffaex;º.33 -§§§-----·-ſae:::::::： ~، ،ſae ， ， ， ， ， .§§§§§§§ -：ºrº§§§¿¿. №ț¢¿ §§§§§§§:5：§§§§§§§- º-º--º-：№ ſº→ſae'. '; Saeſ~ §¶√¶√∞aeſaeſ. * *·， '！…－-~، ș*¿+? ¡ ¿、、。~…¿¿.*§ （3）---- ：→ ·： -·***** ¿ ----·： ·§§#######ſº ############ ſqºg; 、、。§§ ſae ¡№ºº ſaeae §§ №:8 && § ¶ ¡ ¿ ſae ſae· · * *** -· -c§ 4º aeżęſ3 -----|-∞∞∞∞∞ -sººs ºae, § §§§§§） și-ae， §:ſsä， º.s. º. ... * * *， º*.Eº-~~~ ~~·S.~ -：ț¢ £ €șwgaeg ：·-§¶√≠√≠√≠√∞aeae、、、、、、、、、。、。 &.*?） ***-： ~· ·…·ſsſº-¿：،∞ §§§：§§§ && ſºț¢&· -·：-（， ， ，·§§§•și ț¢|-§ § §§§§§§§ . .，¿?·：-…：§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§ ∞ √∞a√∞ √° √≠ ± − × × × × × × × ×·º º•-ºrae-：M-&ž， *****§ ø ¡ ¿：∞§©®;&#ffff;！！！¿iae 、、、、、、、、、、、、、、、、、、。3：ſº º- ··ț¢;،~ *~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~→ --º-º-º-º-º-º-¿¿.*; *******¿.-¿¿.*¿¿.*ſae§§ ¿-→·--、、、、、：§§¿&& ！！ ！！§§§§§#§§§ §§：8§§¡ ¿:; '，- º****.**. 3¿§§§ .$. ·&. ， × × -:·§ 3. §） »*·¿ $¢ £ € © ··- §§7;&#%&&~····· ·|- *** ¿×）)ſaeae, 3·###### ſºſ--ſaes?ſae *****-→ |-：·-~ș，-·-，§§§§§ ¿~~~~--~§ 3}，§§→ -->------§§§§§§）; }-§§§§¶√∞:'，·*）$'）;:::：:：::：¿? ：：·، ، ، ،^-¿¿.*：-- ----: ~ ¡ ¿= №č，ěšķķº ķºſºs,§3 ae¿brae→----··-***¿¿.*¿.* # ș** **ſae; ~~··&. * * * , ，|- • •§§ *:）*******§§§ ? ！!！...«*ſaeſ -¿¿ $¢ £ €¿ ：- 、¿ №§§） ***：· · · · * * *šķ*¿¿. × × × × ×º -·; ; ） :3 º $：·ģ- -،3.-& § ¶ • ¡ ¿· -ſº;，&#š.~º ： ·- • ·ºğ;&~·: ſae …¿?، ، ، ،→ §::::：：:：:：:::：:}：：---- *** ！！ ！!！ ¿¿.*;---- --- ^s.■ * x) * ſ; } ----ſ...！！！！！！！！！ ¿|-،£ € ¥°， ≡- za šº ģ < Ķīši，：șý － & * º. p.§3 ¡ ¿***...， ¿ºſ: ¿? × ≤ ≥ ≡####（ºſ:ț¢;）; ، ،ș.aeº ¿?§§§§§§§§§§ （±（√3）§§ș （šķſ，¿¿.*¿¿. º ~º： w¿*¿¿.*---- × .….….….…" ：-（. S.£§§ --~~--~§§§§§ - x,;，&# * & * * * ########|- №t:§§|-، ·： ºſsº， ¿* -º $$（* * ſ;--· ț¢ £ © ®***** ¿~--→-· și ſº: ¿·، ، ،-~~ ț¢&#*） ≤≤;º ºſ ~：&.ſae ſae ff ;********* :$3$5$$$$$$$$$（'#'）;$$$$·& *******£ §§§§§§ſºſiſ*: №~ · #32;（）;::：&####！！ ！！ ！! F¿¿.** —ſae ∞،！~~~~ ！ € <， ≥ ± − × ≤ ≥ ≡ ?§§ >>+， *） * *|-·×3， ººº ;***** ∞∞∞·ſae sae!-… ſae####§§§§§--ſaeſae * º * * * ·,≤）±（√¶√≠√≠≤-|-¿$$$$$ *ț¢º.ae）（.*）*（--&&&。ſae ·§§§¿¿.* &ş ºšīs 3 gae * · * * * * * ºs. № ！！ ！!· ··c ºººººº *******：·-•：- § . . "° - ° ） ' ！ .. " º .ae, , , ， , ， ，' ’; : : ， ， :， ’:’， ：’， :， ’:’, ‘ ’ . . . ，,.，:.，.）. №s ſrž.·ſae 54:;:aeºſ*ºz，·^----§§ſìſae*** <<< -ç-##≡ ********** |،-§§§§ ¶√≠ a√∞ √≠≤≥±−×÷←→·§|-§§-|-3.·ț¢ģ ·-：·***************®£，§§§§įſ;،-ĢģĞğ############## SOLID FOR MULHOOLY *----.......... •- “-----, -i-... ...,. *-** * t 3° 2 q & 6- - **'. ------ ~~~~~~~...~........... . A POLITICAL SATIRE BY R U FU's E. S. H A P L E Y “Cats that go ratting don't wear gloves” —Spanish Proverb NEVV EDITION VVITH OFIGINAL ILLUSTRATIONS BY THOMAS NAST PHILADELPHIA GEBBIE & CO., PUBLISHERS 1889 Copyrighted, 1889, by GEBBIE & Co. tº: sº \{ . !: . f ' ' , 7. --> - **- ãº. | ?, –––––– --~~i== §ſº G0ING a. uſ is H. oo'l-` - \ S. M., ` -..*:* -" º *.%*• * r Y& 4. * v. * * * * * * * —r R. v S T HIS PORTRAIT. (Frontispiece.) Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. WHAT THE PRESS SAYS OF SOLID FOR N/IULHOOLY. “What Mrs. Stowe’s “Uncle Tom’s Cabin ' was to slavery, and what Judge Tourgee's ‘Aſoo’s Frrand’ is to Southern reconstruction Mr. Shapley’s “Solid for Mulhooly' is to municipal misrule. It is the keen- est and most polished satire of the age. . . . It will be the most suc- cessful gospel of municipal reform that has yet confronted our ring- ridden municipalities.”—Philadelphia 7%mes, “Those who hold aloof from City politics, indifferent or ignorant about them or their workings, would do well to read this book. The inclination will then be less to laugh over Some of its pages than to bring the blush of shame to an honest man's cheeks. . . . . Of in- numerable volumes of this character, “Solid for Mulhooly’ is undoubtedly the best.”—AVew York Times. “One of the brightest satires ever written.”—Louisville Courier- Journal. * } “Extracts would hardly do it justice. It should be perused in its entirety. All is given with an effectiveness that cannot easily be over-praised. . . . . It is the production of a writer of no common power. He has mastered completely his subject, and has seen to the bottom of it. His satire is a truly vivid picture of one of the most threatening abuses of the times.”—Boston Gazette. “The satire is so entirely true to the life, and written with such pun- gent wit, as to make its way at once to popular appreciation. . . “Mike Mulhooly' and ‘Blossom Brick’ have become as familiar as household words all over the country.”—Baltimore Gazette. “If anything could be a satire on American politics, it would be such a book as ‘Solid for Mulhooly,” but unfortunately for our would- be Swifts and Thackerays, our politics are so scandalous in them- selves that it is impossible to satirize them. We have all met the hero of this brochure—Michael Muihooly.”—M. Y. Zvening Mail. “That wonderfully clever satire on City politics, “Solid for Mul. hooly' . . . This neatest of all modern political satires . . . shows to a dot and with exquisite irony how the Bosses keep up their rule.” —Phila. Public Ledger. “In the municipal canvass through which we have just passed it was the quiver from which almost every arrow was drawn. It illu- minated the speeches on the stump; pointed hundreds of paragraphs in the newspapers; gave spice to advertisements; flamed out on the walls; shone on the banners; became the ingenious device under which the Academy of Music was secured for a political meeting; furnished the watch-words and prototypes of the canvass; and coined a new vocabulary which at once passed current in the whole speech (5) ~6 WHAT THE PRESS SAYS. of the people. It pictured the reality so vividly and reflected the popular sense so powerfully that it immediately became the life of the Campaign. As a political satire it takes very high rank. It com- bines the merits of polished style, caustic wit, skilful construction and trenchant truth. The chapter of maxims laid down by Blossom Brick is a masterpiece of its kind. Mr. Shapley’s mastery of munici- pal politics, his pungent pen and his right inpulses have produced what will everywhere be the flashing blade of reſorm.”—The Phila- delphia Press. “It carries the American political system into the dissecting room, and pitilessly exposes the hidden seat of the disease. . . . Its interest is so great, and the conclusions which seem naturally to follow its story pierce the soul and marrow of modern English politics with so true and acute a rapier-point, that representative Radicals like Mr. Chamberlain, or disguised Radicals, as is Lord Randolph Churchill, might well republish the work for gratuitous distribution in the still unenlightened and unregenerate constituencies.”—Aorfmight/y A’e- view, “In Philistia,” by Sir Lepel Henry Griffin. “It is certain to attract as much attention in all the misruled cities of the Union as did Judge Tourgee's “ Fool’s Errand’ in na- tional politics. . . . It is one of the most searching satires on muni- cipal boss rule that has ever been given to the public.”—San Fran- cisco Golaſen Zºra. • * “One of the most entertaining books of the day. . . . Every man acquainted with municipal politics in New Orleans may find a graphic picture in this volume of some influential emanation of the gutters or cheap grog-shop, who has become, through machine methods, the agency of rings and bosses, both rich in pocket and influential in public affairs.”—-Mew Orleans States. “Paints to the life the workings of the municipal boss system that has worked great evil in cities like New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, Cincinnati and Chicago.”—Providence Journal. “The graphic pictures it draws find their counterpart in every other city where machine methods dominate. Its author is evidently familiar with the whole ‘boss’ system in all of its phases.”—Albany Avening Journaz. “Very bright and witty, full of sharp thrusts at the illiterate rogues who run the machine, and, as a political satire, has seldom had an equal.”— Washington Herald. . “One of the brightest satires of the day. It hits off in excellent style the political methods in vogue in large cities.”—Boston Post. “A satirical, graphic, and very amusing account of the general corruption and debasement to which the Caucus system and the Irish vote have reduced American politics is given in the true story, “Solid for Mulhooly’ which we begin in this week's England.”—England. P. F. E. F. A. C. E. lished in 1881, at a time when the respecta- ble people of New York, Philadelphia and other large cities were engaged in one of their periodical struggles to throw off the yoke of their local political masters, and were, for once, making an honest and serious effort at self-government by trying to select their own municipal officers. It seems hardly necessary to say that it was not es- pecially aimed at any particular city, but was an attempt to give a picture of “the Machine” cal- culated to help those who denounce “Boss-rule,” but assist in perpetuating it, to a better under- standing of what “the Machine” is, how it is built up, and how its power is exercised and Imaintained—wherever “the Machine’’ exists. As it has been out of print for several years (owing mainly to a desire to correct some errors in Cº. sketch of “Boss-rule” was first pub- (7) 8 PREFACE. the first editions), and as constant demands are made for copies which cannot be supplied—not- withstanding the fact that it has been widely cir- culated by republication in the columns of news- papers in this country and in England—a new and revised edition seems to be needed. If any one can be found innocent enough to sup- pose that because the people, here and there, have succeeded in temporarily overthrowing a “Boss” or set of “Bosses,” Mulhoolyism has become a thing of the past—at least in his city—let him take off his party spectacles for a moment and study the political conditions right around him, through the medium of his local newspapers; and then, when his eyes have been somewhat opened to the truth, if they should by chance rest upon these pages, he may possibly find a meaning between the lines, and may be led to suspect that they were not written merely for yesterday or to-day. If some one were to collate and publish each year a volume composed of cuttings from reliable newspapers throughout the country, properly classified, and showing to what extent local mis- government actually exists in every large city, notwithstanding all previous efforts in the direc- tion of Reform, the result would be found to be startling. A single newspaper cutting of this character is printed in the Appendix, as an illus- PREFACE. 9 tration of Mulhoolyism in one of its most common forms to-day. The problem of securing good government in large cities under a form of government like ours, where a newly-naturalized foreigner, possibly un- able to read or speak our language, and without a dollar of taxable property in the world, has, not Only a voice and a vote, but—what is still more important—a voice and vote equal to that of the President or Chief Justice of the United States in passing on all governmental issues, and quite as potential as that of an Astor or a Vanderbilt in all municipal matters involving the taking, through taxation, of the property of our Astors and Vanderbilts, and the expenditure of the pro- ceeds; where undiscriminating, unintelligent and irresponsible voters outnumber, by five to one, those who give half as much thought and care to the choice of public officials as they give to the selection of the clerks in their stores, counting- rooms and banks ; where boodle-Aldermen are consequently the rule, rather than the exception —is one that is not likely to be solved by this generation. And intimately connected with it, because it lies at the very foundation of popular government, and not less difficult of solution, is the problem of securing the purity of the ballot-box, and pre- 10 PREFACE. venting the election frauds which are now notor- iously perpetrated, or attempted, to a greater or less extent, at every election in almost every election district in the land ; which, in the Presi- dential elections of 1876 and 1884, so nearly pre- cipitated the country into open revolution, and which, unless made impossible, may, at any time in the near future, produce results so disastrous that one does not care to contemplate them. These two vast problems must be solved—not theoretically, but practically—before we can surely say that our American experiment at self- government is not a failure. The very first step, however, towards their so- 1ution is to compel the people generally to under- stand exactly how and why these evils are made fossible, so that, understanding the cause, they may be willing to assist in securing such amend- mendents to our State and Federal Constitutions as may be found necessary in order to provide the remedy. Every effort towards that end, however humble or imperfect it may be, is a step in the right di- rection, and that is all that the author can say in defense of this sketch of “Ring-rule.” PHILADELPHIA, December 25, 1888. CHAPTER I. II. III. IV. VI, VII. VIII. IX. XI. - XII. XIII. XIV. CONTENTS. Michael Mulhooly—His Antecedents His First School Learns the A B C of Politics Studies the ar y 2 of Politics . An Upward Leap . º - e º º A Modern Statesman . & º e A Digression . º & & © * A Political Gamaliel º • * gº The Machine . . Mulhooly Thinks of Himself The Boss . Mulhooly Feeds with the Gods . © One of the City Fathers A Great Public Danger . PAGE I5 19 24 29 34 4I 49 54. 6I 71 76 8I S6 97 (ii) 12 CONTENTS, CHAPTER PAGE XV. The Canvass . . © © & tº º • IO7 XVI. The Convention . e * º wº © ... II.7 º XVII. The Voice of the Press . tº c * } gº • I.33 XVIII. Trouble . * ſe e ſº º o • . I4O XIX. Justice . tº jº e gº © tº e • I45 XX. A Judge Challenged . * @ º º . I68 XXI. One Way to Run a Campaign . . . . I72 XXII. Another way to Run a Campaign . . . . 183 XXIII. The Result . * te tº g tº © . I98 APPENDIX—Daddy Rat as Jail-keeper & e tº . 204 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. HIS PORTRAIT e e tº º Frontispiece HIS BIRTHPLACE HIS FIRST SCHOOL, . THE BALLOT Box— ‘One election officer well in hand is worth a score of voters on the half-shell” THE GREAT SUPREME THE KICKER's FATE INGRATITUDE . POLITICAL, TwſNs— “And the Judge came down and shook hands with Michael Mulliooly '' . THE GENIUS OF THE RING— “The Boss’s “I Will' is the Leaders’ ‘We Must’” PRACTICE. z/S. THEORY . t . tº PAGE I6 2O 57 7o IO4 I39 I66 I85 2O3 (I3) Solid For ‘ſſ?ulhooly. {- &vº * * * * * TS I. Michael Mulhooly—His Antecedents. I) )* MULHOOLY Owed noth- ing of his greatness to high birth or early advantages. On the contrary, when he first opened his eyes his surround- ings must have struck his infant mind as offering far from encouraging prospects to one about to begin life. - The ancestral halls of the Mulhoolys, sit- uated among the bogs of County Tyrone, Ire- land, consisted of a cabin of the style of archi-. tecture then fashionable in that section of the country, containing a single apartment, in- gº (15) 16 MICHAEL MULHOOLY. habited, at the moment of his birth, by his parents, ten rapidly-maturing pledges of their love, and two pigs, which, encouraged by the example of the elder Mulhoolys, annually contributed somewhat more than their share towards the common wealth. These humble but faithful dependents of the family joined their voices to the general welcome which greeted the arrival of the future statesman, and, as soon as he was able to crawl upon the cabin floor, they treated him as foster-brother to their own latest addition to the family cir- cle. Thus his infancy, like that of so many of his countrymen who have become leaders of men in our own free and happy coun- try, was spent in a condition of poverty and squalor not apparently conducive to ex- ceptional mental growth, but which is, never- theless, as experience has demonstrated, es- pecially calculated to develop a genius for leadership in American politics. Education, such as is derived from books, he did not acquire as he advanced towards the years of manhood, on account of circum- stances over. which he had no control. The \\ § §§ ſº \\\\\\\º º º ł & º *Sº f - º §§ : *** * *lºº º W § ſ º: tº: 8 º sº . º Ö §:º º % § º º gº § § §º º ºš - §§§ SS º ** sº º f º º & §§ Sºft. zºº % % Zº % & º &S § * . - º ź. Ž%% Zºº º % Ž 4% % ºzºº - w/º: : -º º º . . . º - º º C. sº § s r . º º Fº - º .* § wº N & 2. § tº .* C ZXZ. % a. Sºº Sºº º º CºA: sº ºf i & º HIS BIRTHPLACE-p. 16. Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. MICHAEL MULHOOLY. 17 fact is, there was not a school-house, or a school-teacher, and probably not a printed book of any kind, within fifty miles of his parental home. The Mulhoolys had not learned to regard it as a disgrace that no member of the family of their acquaintance llad ever learned to read and write. Had such a view of the case been suggested to them, they would, doubtless, have pointed proudly to that long line of Irish kings, from whom they, and all of their countrymen, are descended, not one of whom had ever trou- bled himself to acquire such useless accom- plishments. s When Michael was eighteen years of age, chance brought about a change in his life which laid the foundation of his fortunes, and proved to be the starting-point in his career of greatness. Dennis Mulhooly, a distant cousin, while on a visit to the tombs of his ancestors, conceived the idea of taking the boy back with him to America, and putting him at work in his saloon, known as the “Tenth District House, by Mr. Dennis Mul- hooly.” So Michael, not unwillingly, yet not 18 MICHAEL MULHOOLY. without many tears, bade farewell to that beautiful green isle which—as all his coun- trymen from time immemorial have sworn, and until time shall be no more will continue to swear—is the finest spot of green earth on this large globe; but which, nevertheless, so Imany of them leave at the first opportunity, and to which so few of them ever return in the flesh—owing probably to the surprising dearth of native talent for statesmanship which they discover here as soon as they land upon our hospitable shores. II. His First School. PON his arrival Michael Mulhooly be- (l gan at the very foot of the ladder. The “Tenth District House, by Mr. Dennis Mulhooly,” was not situated in what certain people would call a fashionable neigh- borhood, nor was it patronized by the most exclusive circles of society. Ministers of the gospel, bank presidents, and merchant princes never crossed its threshold. Public banquets to foreign potentates, men of letters and great generals, were never given in this Hostelry. There were safer places in the world for a man to fall asleep in, if he wished to retain his watch or pocket-book. An oyster counter, a bar, three or four chairs, and a stove, comprised all the furni- ture of the one low room where Mr. Dennis 2 - (19) 20 IHIS FIRST SCHOOL. Mulhooly catered to the appetites of the pub- lic. Two men were all the assistants he had required prior to the arrival of Michael, who was immediately installed in the responsible but unremunerative post of boy-of-all-work. He scrubbed the floor, carried out oyster- shells, made fires, ran errands, and occasion- ally lent a hand behind the oyster-counter and the bar. But he was happy. For the first time in his life he knew the luxury of having enough to eat, a warm place in which to sleep when it was cold, and clothing enough to cover his entire body. He re- ceived no wages beyond his board and cloth- ing, but an occasional dime, earned by some menial service cheerfully performed, lit up his dreams with the rose tints of approaching prosperity and made him smile in his sleep. But this humble bar-room, or low grog- gery, if you please, was the school-room in which his first lessons of life were learned, and where was revealed to his young ambi- tion the shining ladder, like that which Jacob saw in a dream, leading up to the political Olympus upon which he was destined one day to stand and talk with the gods. *** *** ***. ~-Isº -:ºitº.”- .* * * * * Y', {- - - - -->.T.C. Stº: J:sº º - º: sº º jºº - ~ gº tºº- - gº º a-E- ==== - º, sº 㺠jº#º & sº & ~. & 9 - E ſº ſº - Eº §ººHº" º * - * G *:::: º = -- - - * * -- w º § #0 V ºr º S v J !' I * Y] º Kºttº # - % # w Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. HIS FIRST SCHOOL. 21 Here the party-workers of the district were wont to congregate to discuss the affairs of the nation; and here, prior to party conven- tions, occasionally came the leaders of the ward, and, sometimes, those greater states- men whose comprehensive minds ward-linuits could not confine, to make those preliminary political arrangements for the good of the country, which they call “getting in their work.” Why continue to talk of the free-school on the hillside as the hope of the Republic, when every day, under your very eyes, you see the indubitable proof that the despised grog-shop is the true birthplace of statesmanship, and the maligned gin-mill the very cradle in which shall be rocked into manhood the coming American politician 2 It was not surprising that the visits of these great men gave to the young Irish lad glimpses of a world which seemed very far above him, and in which he hardly yet dared to hope some day to live and move. It was not surprising that the fluency of their con- versation about politics, sporting matters, and 22 HIS FIRST SCHOOL. the women of their acquaintance; the rich- ness and elegance of their clothing, the mas- siveness of their watch-chains, the size of their seal rings, the brilliancy of their dia- monds, their lavish expenditure of money, and the lordly grace with which they smoked the fragrant “Reina Victoria,” and ordered Pat, the barkeeper, to “set 'em up agin,” or “open another bot,” dazzled his young im- agination and fired his soul with the daring ambition to be, some day, so great a man and so polished a gentleman. - As he approached the age of manhood, his eyes were opened to his want of education and the advantages which he might derive from being able to read and write. Nothing daunted by the difficulties before him, he set to work in his leisure moments, under Pat's instructions, to master these accomplish- ments. It was slow work for such a pupil, under such a tutor, but other men have be- come senators, judges of the Supreme Court, aye, and even Presidents, who began to study under scarcely more favorable circumstances. Michael had industry, perseverance and am- HIS FIRST SCHOOL. 23 bition, and, though great was his labor, great also was his reward. When he became able to spell out, in the Police Record, or the Sporting Man's Own, the chaste and graphic accounts of the latest prize-fight, he felt something of that mental exaltation with which more fortunate school-boys read of the days and deeds of chivalry, when kings and princes contended in knightly tourney. And, as he read of these exhibitions of science and courage, he longed to be some day spoken of as a Heenan, a Morrissey, a Mace, or a Sayers. He lost no opportunity to perfect himself in the manly art, and, as opportunities for practice were not wanting in his neighbor- hood, before he had reached the age of man- hood he had won the reputation of being the hardest hitter and most scientific sparrer in that end of the ward. Happy the youth who wisely selects his ideal of true manhood, and molds his own life in strict accordance with its bright ex- ample ! III. Learns the A B C of Politics. 1T) EFORE he came of age he had com- mended himself to the party-workers who frequented the saloon by acting at the polls as the representative of a gentle- manly young clerk, who, when he offered to vote in person, was surprised at being told that he had already voted at an hour when he could have sworn he was perfecting his toilet, and who, after being rudely hustled from the polls, was glad enough to escape being beaten and afterwards arrested on the charge of attempting to violate the sanctity of the ballot. At the age of twenty-one Michael Mul- hooly was duly naturalized. It was true that, by the ordinary methods of computing time, he supposed he had only (24) THE A B C OF POLITICS. 25 spent two years in this country; but as the records of the court showed that two highly respectable citizens, known to and approved by the court, had made solemn oath that they had personally known the applicant for up- wards of five years, during which time he had actually resided in this country, and that he was well disposed to the Government and familiar with its Constitution, it was evident that the stringent naturalization laws of the United States had not been abused. . He was now clothed in the full panoply of American citizenship. The political “world was all before him where to choose, - And Providence his guide.” There was no office of election or appoint- ment, from constable to United States Sena- tor, to which he might not lawfully and hope- fully aspire. His brand-new certificate of citizenship was far from a disadvantage to him. Judging from the experience of , so many of his countrymen, it was rather a passport to place and a title-deed to a re- versionary interest in the offices which they 26 THE A B C OF POLITICs. were holding, as soon as he could dispossess them. Only the office of President of the United States was hopelessly beyond his reach ; or, not hopelessly, if the rapidly in- creasing foreign-born population of this country shall determine to erase from the Constitution of their adopted country that invidious discrimination in favor of native- born citizens which defaces it. It is scarcely necessary to record the fact that Michael Mulhooly did not neglect to vote at the election immediately following his nat- uralizatioſi. Indeed, from his own state- ments, made that night while celebrating his political second birth, so great was his fear that his vote might not be properly counted in his own Election District, that he took the precaution to deposit another constitutional "expression of his will in an adjoining Dis- trict; and, to still further protect his newly- acquired rights of citizenship, he repeated this precaution against fraud in two other Districts more remote from his home. The wisdom of this course was highly commended by all his hearers; and some of them, with 'THE A B C OF POLITICS. 27 prophetic eye, even looked forward to the time when the country would be proud of its newly-adopted child. * - Owing to a misfortune which befell Pat about this time, resulting in his temporary withdrawal from the active labors of life, by reason of his mistaking the ownership of a watch, which he said had been dropped upon . the floor by a belated individual who had lost his bearings and wandered into the saloon very late one night—Michael was promoted to the post of regular bar-keeper, with a sal- ary nominally fixed, but virtually to be de- termined by himself. This promotion enlarged his opportunities for prosecuting his political studies. It placed him at once upon terms of easy familiarity with the statesmen of his acquaintance who dropped in, after a night spent in emulating the moral practices of the Roman emperors, for that inspiriting morning drink which Anacreon named a “cock-tail,” but which Catullus always insisted, down to the day of his death, should be called “an eye-opener.” Besides, it initiated him into that mystic 28 THE A B C OF POLITICs. brotherhood—that ancient, honorable and well-dressed order founded ages ago by one Ganymede—which has, in every age, exer- cised such a mysterious and powerful influ- ence over its politicians and legislators. No wonder that the poet said, “Let me mix a nation's cock-tails and I care not who makes its laws.” - IV. Studies the a y z of Politics. T the next election he took another A forward step in his political studies. Six brand-new American citizens from a neighboring city were so anxious to prove their gratitude to the Government for adopting them, and so determined to put down its enemies, that, dropping all business at home, they hurried over to this city and placed their services at the disposal of the Hon. Hugh McCann, a member of the State Legislature, to whom the City Committee had given $1,000 to place where it would do the most good. These public-spirited men were provided with lodgings over the “Tenth Dis- trict House by Mr. Dennis Mulhooly,” and to Michael was intrusted the delicate duty of guiding them to the Election Districts in (29) 30 THE + y 2 OF POLITICS. which the committee had decided they could best serve their country. One of these gentlemen had the misfortune to resemble a well-known kleptomaniac whom the police authorities of his own city were anxious to persuade to return to the sumptu- ous apartments which they had provided for him in the hope of curing his malady by keeping him from temptation. This resem- blance struck an overly zealous police officer near the polls so forcibly, that he insisted. upon taking the would-be voter, along with Michael, to the nearest station-house for iden- tification. To this unconstitutional interfer- ence with a voter while in the exercise of the elective franchise Michael strongly objected, and commenced to discuss the constitutional questions involved with so much spirit and force that the officer, overcome by his argu- ments, twice lay down upon the pavement, while Michael persisted in his effort to im- press upon him the soundness of his own views of the case. While thus occupied a squad of policemen under the command of a sergeant came up, and mistaking the mean- Ar THE a y 2 OF POLITICS. 31 ing of Michael's gestures, captured him, and, not without some difficulty, at last got him inside the station-house, where they preferred against him charges of “assault and battery,” “resisting an officer,” and “vouching for a repeater” known to them as “Big Pat.” Michael's detention, however, lasted for only a few minutes, for Hon. Hugh McCann, who had heard of the misunderstanding, came to hunt him up, entered bail for his appear- ance, and assured him that early in the morning he would himself see the Boss, who would see Judge Coke and have the whole thing “squared.” Michael had not yet reached that clause in the Constitution which referred to the office of Boss, and, therefore, he failed to understand, as clearly as he would have done a few years later, the nature of this office and the process of getting such matters “squared.” He had now won his political spurs. He had proved himself worthy of citizenship. He had given unmistakable evidences of pos- sessing talents with which, by proper train- ing, he could not fail to make his mark upon 32 THE a y 2 OF POLITICS. the political history of his country. He had voted once before he was of age; had voted four times at the election immediately suc- ceeding his naturalization ; at the following election had led to the polls six citizens whose votes it was known would be challenged, and had succeeded in persuading the election of- ficers to receive five of them ; had twice knocked down a police officer who interfered with him while he was discharging this deli- cate and important public duty, and was already under indictment for an alleged vio- lation of the election laws, as well as for an alleged assault upon an officer of the law. Such talents are well known to be more useful in politics than a knowledge of Greek prosody, or familiarity with the writings of Adam Smith. Such men never fail to re- ceive that recognition from the party leaders to which such invaluable party services en- title them, and, accordingly, Michael Mul- hooly was immediately placed upon his Ward Committee, and, at the next election, was duly appointed by the court an election officer to fill a vacancy, at the instance of one of the THE + y 2 OF POLITICS. - 33 ward leaders who was a candidate for consta- ble. This duty he also discharged so suc- cessfully that when the returns were made up by the election officers, it was found that his candidate for constable had received nearly a hundred more votes than those who kept the lists could account for, or believed had been cast. Thus he commenced to comprehend those wnknown quantzłzes in politics which so ma- terially affect results. V. An Upward Zeap. BOUT this time Michael Mulhooly formed an acquaintance by which he was enabled, at a single jump, to mount several rounds of the political ladder which, in his young dreams, he had seen leading from obscurity to that Olympus above the clouds where the political gods sit and control the destinies of men. This acquaintance he owed partly to his personal charms, partly to his recognized po- sition among the party leaders of his ward, and partly to his fame as an athlete who could hit straight from the shoulder, and who was always ready to enter the lists and con- tend with the officers of the law. He had by this time learned how to improve his natural personal advantages by those arts of dress (34) AN UPWARD f, EAP. 35 which gentlemen of his class so well under- stand. As he sauntered along the fashion- able thoroughfares on Saturday afternoons when he was off duty, clad in light plaid breeches, tight at the knee and thence curving gracefully until nearly the whole foot was hidden, cut-away coat of darker plaid pattern, trim at the waist, and with shoulders project- ing like the eaves of a Swiss chalet, red silk cravat, Derby hat, yellow kid gloves, and fancy-headed cane, you knew at a glance that you beheld one of those butterflies of the sidewalk known as “mashers.” It was not strange, therefore, that all these advantages of person, position and reputation won the regard of a woman some years his senior, whose house, situated within a square of his saloon, was frequented by most of the political leaders of his acquaintance. Nor was it strange that, flattered by her uncon- cealed preference, he became a constant visitor at her house, her escort to the fashionable minstrel halls and variety shows which she loved to frequent, and stood ready at all times, like a knight of old, to throw down the gage 36 AN UPWARD LEAP. of battle to any who dared dispute her right to the title of Queen of Love and Beauty. In her society, and that which she drew around her, his manners rapidly acquired much of that polish which he had formerly so much admired in his exemplars, and which afterwards contributed so largely to his own popularity and success in life. In return for the many delicate services which she received from him she gave him a plentiful supply of pocket-money, many arti- cles of jewelry indispensable to a gentleman in his station, a diamond shirt-stud, and, when Dennis concluded to purchase a larger saloon in another portion of the city, the necessary capital to buy out the old saloon, repaint, and refit it, and commence business for himself. That was a proud night for Michael when, standing for the first time in front of his own bar, while the radiance of his diamond almost blinded his new barkeeper, he invited up a number of his political friends who had as- sembled to offer him their congratulations, and himself gave the order he had so often obeyed, to “set 'em up all round.” Q AN UPWARD LEAP. 37 O Michael Mulhooly, honored representa- tive of a wealthy and aristocratic constituency! if, dozing in thy seat in the nation's Capitol, thou didst ever cast thy mental eye back along the long line of thy many triumphs and achievements, say, was not that the Supreme moment of moments, fullest of pride and gratified ambition and unutterable bliss, when thou didst utter, for the first time in thy life, that memorable order to thy trembling de- pendent, “Larry, set 'em up all round?” But the most important of the many ad- vantages which he derived from his associa- tion with that generous woman—over whose unmarked and nameless grave, alas ! the winter winds now wail—was an acquaintance he formed at her house which greatly in- fluenced his own career and materially af. fected the political history of his country. Among the many men of note in local politics who delighted to spend their evenings in the gay circle which she drew around her, and who welcomed Michael into their midst and gladly accorded to him that high degree of consideration which was his due, as the 38 AN UPWARD LEAP. recognized favorite of their hostess, was one Blossom Brick, who was a leader of leaders in municipal politics, and whose influence was recognized in state and national conven- tions. Over the wine-cup and out of the confidences of the midnight revel the casual acquaintance of these two men ripened into a close and intimate friendship, resulting from a similarity of tastes and pursuits. Blossom Brick was not slow to perceive that a man like Michael, broad of shoulder, muscular, fearless and always ready for a fight, could be of service to him in many ways. In the early days of their acquaintance this was proved to him in a manner which he could not soon forget. Late one night, just after they had parted at Michael's door, while Brick was waiting to hail some passing cab, a poor devil whom he had caused to be discharged from the Custom-House for voting contrary to his wishes in a ward convention, rendered desperate by the prospect of starvation for himself and his little family, and maddened by the rum which he had been drinking, sud- denly sprang upon the unsuspecting leader, AN UPWARD LEAP. 39 felled him with a powerful blow, jumped upon him, and threatened to avenge the wrongs, for which the law gave him no redress, by scattering upon the pavement the brains that toiled so ceaselessly for the public. For an instant Blossom Brick was compelled to look death squarely in the face, and, realiz- ing his imminent danger, his cry for help rang sharply out on the stillness of the night and the lonely street. Fortunately it was heard by Michael, who sprang out just in time to save his friend from a terrible blow; and then he punished the assailant so severely with his fists and his boots that the poor devil had to be taken to a hospital, where he lay for six weeks in a fever, during which time one of His children died, and his wife, turned into the streets with her baby at her breast, was compelled to seek shelter in the alms- house to save herself and her infant from starvation. Blossom Brick, knowing of Michael's many talents for politics, and desiring to extend his own empire over the ward in which the “Tenth District House’’ was situated, unde. , 40 AN UPWARD LEAP. took, not unwillingly, the task of instructing him further in the mysteries of practical politics—a task for which he was pre-emi- nently qualified. VI. A Modern Statesman. LOSSOM BRICK had commenced life B by learning a respectable trade; had married a respectable girl as poor as himself, and for nearly ten years had earned an honest living for himself and his family by hard work. He owned the small house in which he lived, having bought it out of his savings, and employed two workmen, by whose labor and his own he was able to make from $1,2OO to $1,500 a year. Somehow he drifted into politics, for which he rapidly acquired a taste, and after serving as a dele- gate in several conventions, was himself nominated for the Municipal Legislature, and elected. To defray his expenses he was compelled to mortgage his little house for half its value. - (41) 42 A MODERN STATESMAN. As the office paid not one cent in salary or fees, and as his income in the best of times was but a small one, his neighbors were sur- prised that he should be willing to pay so much for an honor which they were certain he could not afford to buy at any such price. They were also surprised to observe that he soon almost wholly neglected his business, and devoted, not only his days, but also his nights, to his public duties and political pur- suits. But what surprised them most of all was to see that, as his business fell off, his income, in some unexplained way, was grow- ing larger daily. The butcher, the baker and the grocer could not fail to note the fact that his bills with them were more than twice as large as they formerly had been, and that they were always promptly paid on presenta- tion. Inside of a year the mortgage on the House was paid off, and the house itself was thoroughly repaired, repainted and refur- nished. Two of the children were sent to boarding-school, and both himself and his wife dressed in a manner which indicated the possession of considerably more money than A MODERN STATESMAN. 43 was necessary to support the family in their present style of living. - When Blossom Brick's term expired, he was re-nominated and re-elected; but owing to the liberality and popularity of his op- ponent, a wealthy manufacturer, it was gen- erally understood that his campaign expenses were largely increased and that his re-election had cost him about $2,000. He still osten- sibly carried on his business, and continued to employ two workmen, but he had entirely ceased to give it his personal attention, and it was very evident that he could not, from their labor, make much more than sufficed to pay his shop expenses. Where, then, did this largely increased in- come come from ? That was the question one neighbor would ask of another, when talking, as neighbors will talk, of the affairs of their more fortunate neighbor. But while they continued to talk and to wonder he continued on in his strangely prosperous career and grew richer every year. At first he bought a house adjoining his own ; then a vacant lot on the other side of his house; 44 A MODERN STATESMAN. then two houses on the opposite side of the street, and before the close of his third term he was known to own twelve houses in the ward which he represented. He was re-elected again and again almost without opposition, so completely had he got the working politicians of the ward, who busy themselves at delegate elections and go to conventions, under his control. His constituents could not fail to see, how- ever unobservant they were, that he was now a man of considerable wealth. He wore a diamond stud worth at least $1,000; he drove a pair of fast horses every fine afternoon to the park, and bought wine with the liberality of a coal-oil prince; his wife dressed in silks and velvets, and his contributions to various political organizations, independent of his expenses when a candidate for re-election, amounted to fully twice as much as he could possibly have made out of his business when he worked at it from morning till night. But he seldom even looked into the shop now, although the sign still remained up and the two workmen continued to come and go, and to A MODERN STATESMAN. 45 talk of the business as though it was their OWIl. - Those of his constituents who examined his record could not fail to observe some things in it worthy of attention. They saw that whenever a bill was up involving the outlay of a large sum of public money, he invariably voted in favor of the expenditure; that whenever a public improvement was pro- posed, he was an advocate of the improve- ment; that the Committee on Streets, of which he was a member, was constantly re- porting bills to open, pave and grade streets, some of which no mortal eye had seen, and no mortal foot had ever trodden or would have any occasion to tread for years to come, and many of which appeared only on the city map as spaces between imaginary lines lead- ing from No-where to No-place. They also saw that when any corporation or citizen de- sired legislation of pecuniary advantage, his services were, in some way, and at some time, bound to be secured, or the desired legislation failed; for Blossom Brick had become the 46 A MODERN STATESMAN. acknowledged leader of the Municipal Legis- lature. - He soon came to look upon his ward as a property which he owned, or as an empire which he had the right to rule as with a rod of iron. No man in it could hope for any appointment except through him, and no man in it dared be a candidate even for school director without his permission. He even came to look upon the whole city as, in a large measure, his own private property. He made daily visits to each department of the city government and demanded appointments for his followers and the removal of those who disobeyed him, as though the depart- ments had been created for his exclusive benefit. * He lived but for the public. In order that the people might make no mistakes he dictated what nominations should, or should not, be made. To save the people trouble, he selected in advance their candidates for legis- lators, for congressmen, for judges. He did not hesitate to direct legislators, congressmen and judges how they should discharge their A MODERN STATESMAN. 47 public duties. His devotion to his party knew no bounds. At every important elec- tion he organized a campaign club which bore his name, and paraded a thousand uniformed men, bearing torches, and marching with the precision of veterans. When his form was seen advancing at the head of this formidable column, briefless young barristers on the sidewalks, filled with vague yearnings for political fame, knelt in spirit before his power, and well-fed millionaires, standing at the windows of their club-house, nodded ap- provingly to each other and said, “There goes a man whom the country could not afford to lose.” - Such devotion to the public deserved the gratitude of the public, and that gratitude was displayed in asking him no questions as to where his money came from, or how he could grow rich by serving them without any salary. Nor was he insensible of the debt of gratitude which the people owed him, and, in order to place them under still heavier ob- ligations, he did not hesitate to extend his 48 A MODERN STATESMAN. empire over three other wards as large as his OWI1. He thus, naturally, came in time to speak of himself and his political associates as “We, the people.” VII. A Digression. HEN one man owns and dominates four wards or counties he becomes a Leader. Half a dozen such Leaders combined constitute what is called a Ring. When one Leader is powerful enough to bring three or four such Leaders under his yoke he becomes a Boss, and a Boss wields a power almost as absolute, while it lasts, as that of the Czar of Russia or the King of Zululand. The Leaders, the Ring and the Boss com- bined, constitute the modern system of Ameri- can politics which has been found to work so successfully in all large cities, especially in those which are fortunate enough to have secured a working majority of Leaders from Ireland. It has also been tried with en- couraging results in several of the oldest and (49) 50 A DIG RESSION. largest States of the Union; and even with all the disadvantages of American birth and prejudices, some statesmen of commanding genius have been found who could thus rule their own States absolutely, for many years, by combining in themselves at once, all the func- tions of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss. The great merit of this system is that it takes from the people all the trouble of self- government and imposes that burden upon the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, com- pelling them to assume all the worriment of selecting proper public servants and all the responsibility of managing public affairs, while it preserves, in unimpaired purity, the form of a “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” It is true that there are still to be found in this country some very honest people, who are so slow to learn, that they cry out against this modern labor-saving system, and prefer the primitive methods of their grandfathers, who, for want of something better to do, were willing to select their own school directors, constables, judges, legislators, governors and A DIGRESSION. 51 Presidents, notwithstanding the anxiety and 1abor which it involved, as well as the risk of their making unwise selections. It is also true that there are many dis- appointed office-seekers whom the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss have, in their com- bined wisdom, found unfitted for the public service, who go about declaiming against what they call Ring-rule and Boss-rule, and magnifying what they pretend are the evil results of the operation of this beneficent system. The impartial historian of our times, while appreciating their real motives, will doubtless give them a patient hearing, and for the instruction of posterity will set down at some length their objections, and the arguments adduced in support of them. In this sketch of a distinguished represen- tative of this system it will be sufficient to give the following specimens of these objec- tions to show what obstacles the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss have to overcome in their unselfish efforts to serve an ungrateful people. These malcontents say: 52 A DIGRESSION. “Such devotion to the public service, if exercised only for the benefit of the public, would be sublime in its unselfishness. But it would still be a despotism, pure and simple. That it is exerted, not for the good of the people, but for the exclusive benefit of the Leaders and Bosses themselves, is self- evident.” “It does not require an inspiration of genius to perceive that when a man makes from twenty to a hundred thousand dollars a year out of an office that pays no salary and does not allow car-fare or postage stamps as perquisites, he makes it alºunde.” “It does not require a revelation from Heaven to demonstrate that such a mathe- matical miracle can be performed only by Theft, for official corruption is Theft, pure and simple.” “A man would not be entitled to letters patent of the United States for the discovery that when a million of dollars is squandered in contracts controlled by three or four Leaders, who grow mysteriously rich during the transaction, they have stolen at least a A DIG RESSION. 53 portion of that money, no matter how loudly they pray in church, or how much honesty and patriotism they profess in public.” “When a common day-laborer, in twenty years devoted exclusively to politics, becomes, not only a Boss, but also a millionaire, it is perfectly safe to conclude that he is a Thief, although the statute of limitations may save him from the penitentiary.” VIII. A Poſztzca/ Gama/ze/. N astute and experienced politician Once gave an applicant for a respon- sible and lucrative office a letter which secured his appointment and was thus laconically worded: “/Dear 7?? - “The bearer understands Addition, AJazz sºon and Silence. Appozní hºm? / “Yours, “AP2//?” The writer of that letter was more than an epigrammatist; he was a philosopher who had sounded the profoundest depths of politics and who deserves immortality. Addition / AJzzyzszowa / Silence / In those three words (54) A POLITICAL, GAMALIEL. 55 are contained all the wisdom of modern poli- tics. . . Blossom Brick understood every possible meaning and combination of those words. He had never read a book on political econ- omy, but he had studied the people. For twenty years he had lived upon them and grown rich from offices that paid him not a cent in salary or fees. He knew nothing of logical forms or methods, but he knew the tree by its fruits. From political results his mind jumped to political axioms. His con- versation became epigrammatic. It was not scholarly, or elegant, or refined; but it was forcible, frank, easily understood, and full of worldly wisdom. It contained the germs of a system of political philosophy not recorded in books. Like a female Savage who knows nothing of the modesty of clothing, he spoke without shame of the things which he did without blushing. Michael Mulhooly, so to speak, sat at the feet of this modern political Gamaliel, and learned wisdom. He treasured up his sayings as the words of Socrates and Plato were 56 A POLITICAL, GAMALIEL. treasured up and transmitted to posterity by their disciples. Some of these sayings are worthy of being recorded. Here are a few specimens: - In speaking of the people and the little share they actually have in governing them- selves, through popular elections, he said: “In politics the people are blind asses who think they can see through brick walls, they are only dangerous zwhen they kick.” “They are all right. Only make them believe they rule and they are happy.” “The government means, not those who vote, but those who receive, count and return the votes.” “Elections are ratification meetings which We hold to indorse our nominations.” “Election laws are marked cards with which We cheat the opposition.” “A man's right to vote depends upon what heading the judge sees on his ticket.” / \\ ： \)\\ \ leſz，{ | ſ ،}} \\ \\ . ，，R，R，…，- º. Ä ∞≤ ≤ | $§ | ::ta= E BALLOT BOX. TH “One election officer well in hand is Wor half-shell.”—p. th a score of voters on the 57 Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. A POLITICAL, GA.MALIEL. 57 “It matters less how many votes you have than how many you pol/; it matters less how many you poll than how many you get counted.” “One election officer well in hand is worth a score of voters on the half shell.” “The result of an election is only a guestion of figures. A stroke of the pen before the figures 99 is as good as the votes of a hundred millionaire tax- payers—if you're smart enough to get away with it.” . “It is therefore more important for you to see the election officers than the voters of your District.” “It is, after all, only a question of money. Here's a 7ttle you can bet your bottom dollar on, and the man who invented it was smart enough at figures to make a miſ- /ion dollars out of politics in ten years. Divide the num- ber of votes necessary to 17take your election absolutely certain by the number of Election Districts in which you have or can make the election officers solid, and then you know just what work you must get in in each Dis- trict. Then multiply the number of Districts you've got to make solid by the cost per District and you know just about what the ſoč'// cost.” “What We zvant all the timze is a solid election 58 A POLITICAL GAMALIEL. officer, a solid fury, a solid judge, dnd a solid gov- ernor, in case of Slips, and the people may be d dº.” In speaking of the way in which nomina- tions are made, he said: “Party rules are the reins and party spirit the bit by which We drive the people all the time.” “A scratcher is a traitor—to Us.” “The temporary chairman is the convention. He's an 8 to 7 man all the time.” “If you can't make a nomination yourself, be sure to name your man, but be dº d sure he's homest enough—to divide.” “Put up a slate you want broken and get in your real work behind it. When the people have broken your slate with their heels they take a rest, and every- thing's lovely.” “The meanest thing ºn the world is a Ring—that counts 772e out.” “If you want office, young man, kneel to the Boss Jirst, then to the Leaders, then to the people, and A POLITICAL GAMALIEL. 59 - afterwards to the Lord, if you have any spare time left /* - - In speaking of bribery and corruption, he said: “A man who's d-d fool enough to call in wit- messes to see him take a bribe deserves the extreme penalty of the law.” “The man who gives a bribe can't fell, and the fellows who divide it wont, so the law protects the boys all the time.” - “Oaths of office are the most useful things I know of-they make the people believe in Us.” “The man who intimates that I can be bought 2nsults me—not the fellow who talks àig.” “The larger the divisor the smaller my share; therefore / want as few in the pot as possible.” “Official advertising is the Pain-Killer of Politics.” “Give the people plenty of taffy and the newspapers plenty of advertising—then help yourself to anything that's lying around loose,” 60 A POLITICAL GAMALIEL. “A chunk of meat will cure the baré and the bite of a dog, therefore if you don't know how to silence a Reformer, it’s your own fault.” “Honesty is the best policy by all odds—when you're in a hole.” “It’s cheaper to buy with promises than with cash.” And once, when there were signs of a re- bellion against one of their candidates, he said solemnly : - “If the people ever tumble to our game—Hell will. be to pay /* . IX. 7%e Machzize. NDER the tuition of such a master, Michael Mulhooly could not fail to make rapid strides in the study of practical statesmanship. * As a member of the Ward Committee, as the proprietor of a saloon which was becom- ing the party head-quarters of the Ward, as well as of his Election District, and, as the intimate friend of so powerful a Leader as Blossom Brick, his influence grew so rapidly that in a short time he was chosen as the representative of his Ward in the City Com- mittee. From this vantage ground he could now survey the whole political field, and study the party organization in all its divisions and sub- divisions. He saw that it was a political (61) 62 'THE MACHINE. machine as complicated, as ingenious, as per- fect as the works of a watch ; that it had its little wheels and big wheels all moving within and upon and around each other in perfect harmony and with a common purpose; that it had its regulator, its hair-spring, its bal- ance-wheel, and its great, strong main-spring which kept the whole in motion, in obedience to the will of the master spirit who held the key and understood its use. He proceeded to study it, somewhat after the manner of an apprentice who undertakes to study the works which he must be able some day to make, and who, therefore, holds them up between his eye and the light and, having thus gained a comprehension of them as a whole, proceeds slowly and carefully to take them to pieces, examining each wheel and pinion so as to understand its composi- tion, form, function and relation to every other part, and then endeavors slowly and carefully to put them together again, so that they will once more perform their perfect work. He saw that the party organization was 'THE MACHINE. 63 composed primarily of District Committees, Ward Committees and the City Committee, and, secondarily, of Conventions to place in nomination candidates for various offices to be chosen at elections held by the people; and that all these various members or parts of the organization were provided for and gov- erned by a system of laws called Party Rules, which operated like the Constitution and laws of a great Commonwealth. He saw that while this perfect party or- ganization was ostensibly created to insure the success of the party, and, thereby, the good of the people, it had been so ingeniously devised as to compel obedience on the part of the great body of voters, while it placed the entire control of the whole machinery in a central head or master-spirit, composed of one man, or two men, or half a dozen men, according to circumstances; or in other words, of the Leaders, the Ring, and the Boss. - He saw also, that however the Party Rules might be modified from time to time, in the apparent interest of the great body of voters, 64 THE MACHINE. in their practical operation they would still be found to contribute only toward strength- ening the power of those who, by the natural tendency of party organizations towards cell- tralization of power, might, from time to time, constitute the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss. He saw that by this system the Leaders, the Ring, and the Boss practically nominated all candidates, and as—where the party is largely in the majority, and the voters can be kept in the traces—a nomination is equiva- lent to an election, they, therefore, practically appointed all public officers, under the form of an election by the people. He saw that this system necessitated a species of competitive examination, not con- templated by the advocates of Civil Service Reform, but calculated to strengthen the system and perpetuate the power of those who control it. He saw that any one desir- ing to enter the lists as a candidate must give satisfactory proofs that he had already rendered valuable services to Them ; that no other man could fill the place with such ad- THE MACHINE. 65 vantage to Them; and that he would at all times, and under every circumstance, im- plicitly obey Their orders, irrespective of con- sequences, legal, moral, social, or political. He saw that if, for instance, one desired to be , a candidate for judicial honors, he must be able to give undoubted assurances, either by his past record, or by some satisfactory pledges, that he would hold his office as of Their gift, and might be at all times safely and privately conferred with by Them, so as to be instructed how to administer Justice, and yet further Their interests in all matters falling within the scope of his judicial func- tions. He soon saw that this whole system was founded on (a) the tendency of every voter to work in the traces, and vote for any man ostensibly nominated by the party; (b) the strict enforcement of the Party Rules; and (c) the judicious distribution of the 4,036 regularly salaried officers in the various de- partments of the city government, with a sal- ary list of $6,595,625.50; the various munic- ipal, State and national offices to which only 66 THE MACHINE. perquisites and alºunde profits are attached; the various appointments which may be, from time to time, controlled in the various State and national offices, such as the Custom- House, Post-office, Treasury, etc., and of the various contracts for public work, involving the outlay of millions of dollars given to con- tractors who are willing not only to Rebate, but also to properly control at all times the thousands of workmen whom they employ in the public service. His estimate showed that, directly and indirectly, nearly ten thousand persons were employed, and nearly $10,000,000 expended annually in the public service through these various channels. He next endeavored to learn something about how these offices were distributed, and for that purpose he made up a list of the mem- bers of the City Committee, and the occupation of each member, with the following result, VIZ. . * CITY COMMITTEE. Ward. Memtöer. Occupation. Salary. I. Dennis McNulty, Department of Taxes. $2,500. 2. Michael McCann, § { Water. 2,OOO. 'THE MACHINE. 67 I : . I 3 3. Patrick McBride, Department of Water, 4. Timothy McCrory, { { Streets. 5. James McElwee, ( & Fires. 6. Owen McPeak, “ . Wharves. 7. Michael Mulhooly, 8. James McPodd, - ( & Health. 9. John McGuiggen, 6 & Markets. O. Tim. O'Hoolahan, ( & Sewers. . Blossom Brick, Municipal Legislature. . James O'Rafferthy, Department of Parks. . Michael McGaughey, { { Taxes. . Thomas McNobb, Dep’t of Public Buildings. . John Smith, . Patrick O’Donahugh, Department of Fires. . James Kelly, ( & Schools. . Michael Mulligan, 4 & Streets. . Bernard McGoul, { { Wharves. . James McGinnis, & Water. $2,000. I,8OO. 2,OOO. I,900. 2,250. I,8OO. 2,OOO. P. 2,2OO. 2,500. 2,350. 2,OOO. P. 2,200. I,900. 2,OOO. . Robert Lannigan, Candidate for Municipal Legislature. He also made up a similar list of the Presi- dents of the various Ward Committees, and the occupation of each, with the following results, viz.: PRESIDENTS OF WARD COMMITTEES. Ward. President. Occupation. I. Dominick McGrody, Department of Fires. 2. Daniel McMaekin, ( { Wharves. 3. Thomas McCue, { { Health. 4. John McTee, - * { { Streets. 5. Michael McLaughlin, ( & Sewers. 6. James O'Dowd, & 4 Taxes. Salary. $1,500. I,2OO. I,4OO. I,2OO. I, OOO. I,250. 68 THE MACHINE. 7. John O’Toole, Department of Parks. $1,000. 8. Patrick O’Rourke, { { Water. I,3OO. 9. Bernard O’Leary, { { Markets. I,4OO. Io. Sandy McDermott, Dep’t of Public Build’n’s. I, OOO. II. Patrick Kelley, { { Justice. I,2OO. 12. Timothy McElhone, “ Police. I, OOO. I3. James O’Donnel, { { Treasury. I,500. 14. John McFall, & 4 Comptroller. I,2OO. 15. Dennis McCrystal, ( & Schools. P. I6. John McCrossin, ‘‘ Public Build’In’s. I,2OO. 17. Michael McGahey, ( & Parks. I, OOO. 18. Larry McCusker, { { Water. I,2OO. I9. James McGurrity, { { Taxes. I,500. 20. Hugh McDaid, Contractor on Streets. P. 2I. John Brown, Candidate for Municipal Legislature. He did not attempt to make up a complete list of the five hundred and thirty members of the various Ward Committees, or of the Chairmen and members of the five hundred and thirty District Committees, or of the two secretaries of each of these City, Ward and District Committees, or of the many local Leaders, for whom there is no room on Com- mittees, but who render valuable services in Ward, District and City Conventions, in re- turn for the appointments which they hold. His examination, though imperfect, had been carried far enough to show him these important results: THE MACHINE. 69 I. That nearly every member of the City Committee and of the various Ward Com- mittees held a lucrative position by the ap- pointment of some Leader whose orders he was compelled to obey. 2. That, as these Committees fix the times and places for holding Convention, select the temporary Chairman to organize them, and decide all disputes and appeals, they practi- cally control all Conventions. 3. That every one of these four thousand and thirty-six Department employees is pre- sumed to be able to go to a Convention when ordered to do so, or to send in his place a person who will obey orders; and that these appointees, as well as the thousands of others in other offices and employments, are so dis- tributed through the different Wards as to be able, when acting in concert, to control a large majority of all the Wards. 4. That the Leaders had, in one way or another, obtained control of one Department of the City Government after another, until more than four-fifths of all the men employed directly and indirectly in the public service 70 THE MACHINE. and paid by the public money were under their immediate orders. 5. That the Leaders were themselves sub- ject to the orders of the Boss, who had “made ’’ most of them, and without whose favor they would be comparatively powerless. 6. That the Boss was the Great Supreme. ſº a > º #. º 㺠Pºs y \r #º º ! §* - 2 f º| ; fº §: Kºº ~ ...’ hº º - - ſ &#|- #º It y \{{R 2:tº º “THE GREAT SUPREME.”—p. 70. Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. § º º - E. غ& 2 * * *Cººr: º º - º º: .." º e. §§ºś - §§§ º 8 ſº sº ſ jºš jº. § ſº .32 ºº º g tº ºf Bºº | #: º sº ſº ×3 eº 3. º º > º: 㺠£º ºf &\}<}<}; t §iº" Nº. ºº § &:& 242 §§§ºšº §§ §3 ºl\ * º º Č2 Z º X. 7%zmás of Himself. based on his political observations, resolved themselves into the form of elementary rules which he would probably have put into something like this shape : p)º MULHOOLY'S reflections, I. To succeed, you must be useful. Therefore make yourself useful at the polls. It may be done in many zvays. 2. Attach yourself as soon as possible to a Leader. The greater his power the better; and the more useful you can be to him the greater will be your reward. Whoop for him all the time / 3. Secure the control of your own District at the earliest possible moment. Setting 'em up freely and frequently for the boys is the best way to begin. (71) 72 THINKS OF HIMSELF. 4. Then extend your influence to the adjoining Dis- trict, and so on from one to another, until you can con- trol a majority of the Districts of your Ward. To do this, you must form combinations with men like your- self, and secure employment for others in return for the services you render the Leaders. 5. When you have gained the control of your own Ward, you are yourself a Leader, and are entitled to something soft. 6. From this time forward, the more candidates you help to nominate and the more men you get appointed by them, the higher your rank among Leaders and the "more abundant your harvest. 7. Always remember that in politics the Boss is God / He was now in a position which he thought entitled him to some reward for his labors. He had represented his Ward in the City Committee for nearly a year; had on several occasions voted on important questions, according to Blossom Brick's wishes—the highest law that he then knew ; had friends for whom he had secured employment, and 'THINKS OF HIMSELF. 73 who would stand by him in every Election District of the Ward, and consequently felt that, with the favor of the Boss, he could easily secure a majority of the delegates to a Ward Convention. Without that favor, he knew it would be useless for him to attempt anything. He looked over the entire field to see what position there was within his reach which would best enable him to make money and, at the same time, to extend his political in- fluence. He saw that if he asked for and received an appointment in one of the City Departments his salary would be limited, his perquisites small, his time no longer his own, and that he would lose his independence and make no headway towards that leadership to which he aspired. He saw that to obtain a seat in the State Legislature he would have to defeat the sitting member, who was popular with the party workers, and useful to the Leaders, whom he had faithfully served for two sessions. He saw also that, even if he could secure the nomination, his campaign expenses would more than consume his whole 74 'THINKS OF HIMSELF. salary, and that an inexperienced legislator would have little opportunity to make any- thing allunde, by reason of recent changes in the State Constitution which, to a great ex- tent, prohibited special legislation. He fully realized that he was too young in politics to hope for any valuable city or “Row' office. But he saw from the example of his friend Blossom Brick, that if a member of the Munic- ipal Legislature fails to make his position pay, both pecuniarily and politically, he has no one to blame but himself. He also saw that there would be a chance for him to enter this body from his Ward if he could secure the Boss's approbation. The member at that time, J. Augustus Dootson, Esq., -a young lawyer whose pre- possessing appearance, perfect taste in panta- loons and positive genius for leading a Ger- man, had secured him a rich wife with a Handsome income and a brown-stone house on a fashionable square—had been nominated by the Leaders as a means of conciliating certain wealthy tax-payers of the Ward who had been seized with the Reform-fever and THINKS OF HIMSELF. 75 had threatened to overthrow the Leaders and their system. But this young gentleman, upon taking his seat, had endeavored to walk alone, or, in the language of Blossom Brick, “to set up in business for himself,” and con- sequently it was not probable that those whom he had thus insulted when they sought to guide his inexperienced legislative foot- steps would favor his renomination. Michael, therefore, concluded that as he might go further and do much worse, he would suggest the subject of his own candi- dacy for a seat in the Municipal Legislature to his friend Blossom Brick. This he did without delay and found that the idea was Highly commended by that sagacious states- man. It was accordingly determined that the subject should be diplomatically opened to the Boss, and that Michael, who had never seen Him, should be presented on the first favorable opportunity. A few days later Blossom Brick called and took the young aspirant for legislative honors into the pres- ence of the All-powerful, to learn His pleas- U11'e. XI. The Boss. D)º had heard so much of Him, of His power, and of His mighty wrath when offended, that his legs naturally shook when they were about to usher him, for the first time, into that august Presence. He was not quite certain that he would not find Him seated upon a throne, clad in regal purple, wearing a crown of diamonds, and surrounded by all the splendor of royalty. When he entered the modestly furnished private office where this Great Ruler received His reports from His ten thousand faithful subjects, and issued those secret orders which were the cause of so much happiness or misery, by which men were set up or de- stroyed at His awful pleasure, his sense of (76) THE BOSS. 77 relief was scarcely less than his feeling of disappointment to see a plainly-dressed, or- dinary-looking man, reclining negligently in an arm-chair, with His feet resting on the top of a table before Him, laughing and talking, like any ordinary mortal, with two or three other plainly-dressed, ordinary-looking men, who wore their hats in His presence, and did not perceptibly tremble when they ad- dressed Him. The conversation related to a certain mem- ber of Congress who was seeking a renomi- nation, and who had declared, as some one stated, that he intended to return to Con- gress—with the Boss's permission, or without 1t. At this remark the Boss's face flushed hotly, and, turning angrily towards Blossom Brick, He said—with a slight accent that as- sured Michael he was about to approach a fellow-countryman : “D'ye hear that, Brick 2 Didn't I make him befoor, just to plaze you; and didn't I tell ye the whipper-strapper 'd be agin Us?” 78 'THE BOSS. “Indeed you did,” replied Brick, “and now We've got to teach him a lesson. We’ll show him that We make Congressmen.” Then calling up Michael, he introduced him to the Boss, who bade him “sit down,” and, without changing his position, said, “Mi friend Brick tells Me you'd like to go till the Municipal Legislature from your Waard. I can tell you wan thing—I’m agin Dootson. I don’t like 'im. I made 'im befoor, as me friend Brick '11 tell you, and now he's put- ting on airs, and I mane to punish 'im. I'd like to know where he'd have been but for Me P 2) Then turning to one of the other gentle- men, he said: “D'ye know that afther all I did for that fellow Dootson, I sint for 'im whin the bill to pave Goodenough sthreet was up, and tould 'im I was much interisted in it, and that I would thank him to vote for it. And what d'ye think he answered Me? That the respictible peaple of his Waard were opposed to it, and therefore he couldn't do it. Then I tould 'im to go back to the 'THE BOSS. - 79 respictible peaple of his Waard, and ask them to re-nominate 'im, but that I’d be agin 'im annyhow. And d'ye know that he hasn’t spooken to Me sence P Sometimes I think I'll give up polatics intirely. The more you do for some peaple, the more ungrateful they are to ye.” - The gentleman addressed laughed, and said, “Oh you always say that.” Then the Boss, who was evidently smart- ing under the recollections of the ingratitude with which He was treated, put on His hat, commenced to pull on His overcoat, and Blossom Brick said, “Come, Mike, let's go!” and the interview terminated. Michael himself had not spoken a word, and he went away entirely uncertain as to whether the Boss intended to “make 'im,” or 11Ot. But though the interview had not been all that he might have desired, it was, neverthe- less, of great political significance. He had climbed to the radiant summit of the political Olympus; had stood at the very foot of the throne; had listened to the hurtling of the 80 THE BOSS. direful thunderbolts hurled wrathfully down towards the earth in his very presence, and had talked, face to face, with the great Jove, Himself. - XII. Aeeds with the God's. FEW days later Michael Mulhooly A was bidden to a banquet of the Gods. An invitation came from a gentle- man whom he had never seen, but of whom he had frequently heard as a favorite con- tractor, who furnished half a million dollars' worth of supplies annually to the city, to an excursion and banquet given to the Boss, and such of the Superior Deities and such of His most highly-favored subjects as He might indicate it was His pleasure to have invited. It was a banquet worthy of the Gods. Everything that could charm the eye, delight the ear, tempt the palate, please the stomach and elevate the soul was provided most bountifully. Everything was arranged so as to convey some delicately-suggested compli- (81) 82 FEEDS WITH THE GODS. ment to the political Father of Gods and IIle11. Fragrant beds of many-colored flowers arrested the eye, and showed His monogram worked in the sweetest and most beautiful rose-buds, as though nature had busied her- self to do Him honor. Birds of gorgeous plumage, half hidden in ivy-covered bowers, called out His name to every passer-by, as though the pleased universe could not keep the joyful secret of His presence. The music consisted of the old songs and national melo- dies that He most loved to hear, and which, in His hours of relaxation, He was wont to hum softly to Himself. Wine, sweet as the Honey of Hymettus, and cold as the snows that melt on the top of Mount Hybla, flowed from gigantic bottles labeled, in letters of pure gold, “The Boss”—His own favorite lorand, named after Himself. The toasts proposed were all variations of one theme—the honor due from men and Gods to Him; and the speeches all took up and repeated this refrain in all the varieties of tone and semitone, like a musical symphony. FEEDS WITH THE GODS. 83 The guests being of His own selection were worthy of His presence. With the exception of Michael Mulhooly, a Judge, a Governor, and the liberal Amphitryon of the feast, none were present except those Superior Deities who presided over Departments, or whose dominions consisted of not less than two or three Wards. Blossom Brick, as His acknowledged favorite, sat at His right hand and whispered in His ear, from time to time, those brilliant inspirations of statesmanship that were con- stantly flashing like meteors across his own mighty mind. Juno and Minerva were, of course, absent. Even lovely Venus herself had not been in- vited. It was not customary to bid to these stag-banquets Terpsichore or Thalia, Mel- pomene or Urania, or any of their talented sisters, and even Hebe was forbidden to show her pretty face and trim, lightly-clad figure on such occasions. Not that the female divinities were put wholly out of mind; for the conversation would sometimes drift from graver themes to such lighter subjects as the 84 FEEDS WITH THE GODS. size of Terpsichore's ankle, or the perfect swell of Venus's matchless bust. But their conversation dwelt mainly on weightier matters, such as the political affairs of men and the destinies in store for them. It was customary, too, on such occasions to determine who, among the sons of men, by reason of their superior fidelity, were entitled to political rewards; and who, on account of their disloyalty, were especially deserving of punishment. These were also considered fitting opportunities for the Superior Deities to ask for those political favors for their friends which, in His moments of greatest good humor, He was accustomed to distribute among them. The hours glided imperceptibly by, and as the day began to wane, the Boss soothed and melted by the flatteries which rose around Him, looked approvingly towards Michael Mulhooly, and said once or twice with em- phasis, “I’m fur 'im. Yis, I’m fur 'im,” and then added angrily, “I mane to tache young Dootson what it costs to defy Me. I’ll show FEEDS WITH THE GODS. 85 'im what the respictible peaple of his Waard can do for any wan that's agin Me!” This was a decree of Fate. It affected the destiny of a great people, and materially al- tered a nation's history. XIII. One of the City Fathers. p) ºf MULHOOLY was duly nominated and elected to the Munic- ipal Legislature, and thus became one of the “City Fathers.” When his campaign was over he found that it had cost him considerably more than he had expected to be called upon to pay for the honor to which he aspired, and at first he failed to see clearly how he was to get back the $1,400, which he had expended in paying his assessment, his contribution to the “Michael Mulhooly Club,” in the purchase of a diamond for the Boss, and several other investments of a confidential character, which it is not necessary or proper to particularly set forth. But before he had been in his seat many (86) ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. 87 months several opportunities occurred, of which he was not slow to take advantage, which enabled him to make up all he had spent and to lay the foundation of his for- tl111e. The firm of Stone, Lime & Co., of which the Amphitryon of the feast was a member, impressed with the influence which must of necessity be wielded by one whose relations with the Boss were as intimate as were Michael Mulhooly's, enlisted that rising statesman's interest in passing an ordinance which would result in their furnishing a large quantity of material for some public works, and promised, in the event of his success, to 1eave with him a contribution of $5,000, to be expended in any way which he might deem for the best interest of the party to which they were all so devotedly attached. Michael Mulhooly did his work so well and disposed of the fund so advantageously that over $2,500 of it remained in his hands for future distribution. Not long afterwards the firm of Iron, Steel & Co. conceived the project of building for the 88 ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. city a bridge, at a cost of $1,500,000. Under- standing the kind of argument which could be most successfully used to secure the pas- sage of legislation of this character, they named a price which was $250,000 larger than the sum which would yield them a clear profit of $250,000, on the work. The project was, at first, violently opposed, and then the wisdom of their allowing themselves so large a margin became apparent. Their confiden- tial agent sought out Blossom Brick, who was one of the strongest opponents of the measure when it was first proposed, and in the course of two or three short interviews on the street, presented the case in so new and favorable a light to that discerning states- man, that he immediately moved the appoint- ment of a sub-committee to ascertain and re- port, “What would be the probable increase in the taxable value of property in twenty- five years, by reason of the proposed im- provement,” of which sub-committee he was appointed Chairman. Their report was so favorable and showed so clearly that in less than a hundred years the public would be so ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. 89 fond of this bridge that they would insist on having another one just like it, at no matter what cost, that the measure passed the House by a majority of two votes. It subsequently passed the Chamber, of which Michael Mulhooly was a member, by a still closer VOte. The firm's confidential agent subsequently reported to his employers that the whole of the $250,000 had been distributed in ways that they were not required by law to know anything about. The private memorandum which he after- wards tore up, showed a list of initials set opposite various sums ranging from $25,000 down to $200. Upon it were these letters and figures: “B. B. $25,000.” “M. M. 7,500.” Later in the year the M. & V. C. R. R. Company desired the privilege of laying their tracks through certain streets, and the transfer of a certain unused tract of land belonging to the city, upon which they pro- 90 ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. posed to build a freight depot. The neces- sary legislation was regarded by the com- pany as of such value that the sum of $50,- OOO was placed in the hands of Sanderson Oily, Esq., the regular counsel for the com pany, to be expended by him in wine, cigars and matches for the refreshment of the mem- bers of the Committee on Streets and the Committee on Railroads while listening to His elaborate argument to prove that the more privileges a city grants to railroad companies the richer the citizens become, and that the less unimproved real estate it owns the less money must be raised by taxation to pay for the removal of the brick-bats and tomato-cans that necessarily accumulate in large quanti- ties upon such unimproved and worse than useless property. His arguments were so unanswerable that the desired legislation was secured ; but, being a lawyer, he kept no memoranda of the items in which he had ex- pended this large sum. Blossom Brick, how- ever, in talking over the subject with Michael Mulhooly, declared that he himself had paid out less than half the sum put up in his ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. 91 hands, and yet had brought over all the members he had agreed to fix, and had put away $8,000 in government bonds which “couldn’t squeal.” He also added that if Michael didn't know better how to measure the men he undertook to make solid he ought to go to farming, and that it was nothing but his own d d stupidity he had to blame for having only $2,500 left for himself. Of course, as soon as Michael Mulhooly had fairly entered upon his duties as a legis- lator he commenced to speculate in stocks of all kinds and especially in Street Passenger Railway Stocks—the favorite investment of legislators—and made daily visits to the office of his brokers. When one is a legislator one is constantly liable to suspicion and frequently in danger of investigating committees. There are people who are ready to swear that a legis- lator is a bribe-taker as soon as he shows symptoms of the too-common complaint of growing rich without work. There are people who can not be made to understand how the business of a bar-room that never 92 ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. could be made to pay $1,500 a year can be made to yield an annual income of $15,000, or more, as soon as its proprietor becomes a member of the Municipal Legislature; or how a lawyer, whose practice never before would pay his office-rent, can, by wholly neglecting his office to attend to the daily and nightly meetings of his Committees, live like a prince and buy wine like a Russian Grand Duke. Nevertheless, such apparent miracles are of by no means rare occurrence. Therefore, when one is thus liable to be misjudged, it is a great satisfaction to be able to refer to that lucky rise in P. T. & X., which netted nearly $IO,OOO clear, and to hint at the probability of realizing, inside of six months, a quarter of a million out of the Bully-Boy-Put-Your- Money-Down-Here Mine. Of course, the mine is too far away—and too deep—to be investigated ; and no respectable broker will open his books and exhibit a customer's ac- count to any impertinent newspaper reporter. But, however it happened, as the years went on Michael Mulhooly grew fat in body and pocket. After entering upon his second ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. 93 term he sold out the saloon, bought real estate, and told the canvasser for the City Directory that his occupation was “Gentle- man.” Under the generous living in which he indulged, and the summer-like calm of the soul begot of a still and quiet conscience, he gradually developed that rotundity of person which is almost invariably found to accom- pany and indicate a genius for statesman- ship. As he walked the streets, splendid from head to foot in shining broadcloth, white cravat, white overcoat, white hat, diamond shirt-studs, yellow kid gloves and patent- leather boots; turning the scales at 230; slick, oily, rotund and smiling; bowing to the right hand and to the left with something of the dignity of a duke and the grace of a Brummel; now stopping to press the hand of a hard-working constituent, and impress him with the honor of a great man's notice; now inviting “the boys’ into a neighboring saloon, and now stopping a Judge to inquire after the health of his Honor's family, it was not strange that he seemed, both to his con- 94 ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. stituents and to himself, as one whom the people justly delighted to honor. His political influence also grew with the expansion of his fortune, mind and body. He was now high in the rank of Leaders, and his knees no longer shook when he entered the presence of the Boss. He had served faithfully those who had “made" him, and they found no fault with him for having likewise served himself. He was the undis- puted master of his own Ward. There was not an Election District whose active party- men he had not provided with places, and from which he could not, at any time, com- mand the delegate. This was true of even the two Districts which included within their boundaries the fashionable avenues occupied mainly by bank-presidents and millionaires. It is true that his acquaintance with such men was not of a strikingly intimate charac- ter; but such men "rarely go to delegate elections, and when they do, their votes count for so little that they are seldom counted at all. Up to this time Michael Mulhooly's public ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. 95 career had been like a cloudless summer day. He would probably have been satisfied to remain for some years longer in this posi- tion of honor and usefulness, had he not seen rising just above the political horizon a cloud scarcely larger than a man's hand. But he lºnew that it threatened a storm, and from boyhood he had been noted for that rare fore- sight which taught him how to seek shelter in rainy seasons. For some time what was called the “Reform movement” had been ad- vocating the election of what was also called “a better class” of men to the Municipal Legislature. Not that this movement in the slightest degree affected the certainty of his own renomination and re-election, for his hold upon the party was too strong, and the party majority was too great, for any such movement to be able to defeat him in his Ward. But he saw that this Reform move. ment, by concentrating all its force upon this one point, might secure control of both branches, elect both Presidents, and thus be enabled to reconstruct all the standing Com- 1mittees. 96 ONE OF THE CITY FATHERS. In the event of such a change occurring he foresaw the likelihood of his being removed from the Chairmanship of his Committee, to which he owed his political power and his opportunities for usefulness to himself and his friends. He therefore concluded that it was time for him to look for promotion. He had been a citizen for nearly ten years; had faithfully served his party during all that time; had by his own industry and talents |become a gentleman of leisure and a tax- payer; was worth at least $100,000, and, therefore, he felt that he was entitled to enter a broader and higher field of usefulness, and he determined to be a candidate in his Dis- trict for a seat in the Congress of the United States. XIV. A Great Public Danger. HE Congressional District in which Michael Mulhooly lived was composed of five Wards. It had been repre- sented for one term by Charles Chauncey Chumbleson, Esq., a gentleman of large wealth and aristocratic lineage, who, knowing nothing of political methods, delegate elec- tions and District Conventions, but desiring to hold an official position at Washington—for the sake of his two daughters, who were anxious to become, by marriage, the March- ioness of Carabas, and the Duchess of Dorking—thought the simplest and surest plan was to pay $5,000 for the honor to Tim O'Hoolahan, Barney McGhoul and Paddy O'Rourke, a Committee who agreed to place (97) 98 A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. in his hands, for that sum, the certificate of his nomination by the party Convention. This highly creditable and satisfactory ar- rangement was carried out to the letter by each of the contracting parties, and, as the majority in the District was nearly nine thousand, he was duly elected without further trouble and with comparatively little addi- tional expense. He continued to contribute liberally to all the party organizations and associations in his District, but, when he had done that, he considered that he had faithfully discharged his full duty to his Constituents- by-purchase, and would not enter a depart- ment to ask for a single appointment. Nor did he feel bound to break the fashionable calm of his existence by useless efforts to make himself heard by uninterested and in- attentive Members on the floor, or by the almost indiscernible spectators in the far- distant galleries. The Hon. Charles Chauncey Chumbleson thus made two fatal mistakes. The party- workers who make nominations consider that the main object and purpose of sending a A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. 99 Representative to Congress is to secure, through him, the appointment of the greatest possible number of men from his District to positions in the Navy Yard, the Post-Office, the Treasury, the Custom-House and the various Departments at Washington. On the other hand, business men and people of intelligence, who care nothing for and know nothing about these appointments and the important part they play in practical politics, believe that a Congressman should have broad, profound and decided views of his own on all questions affecting the policy of the national government at home and abroad, and that he should be able to impress those views upon his colleagues and upon the Country. It was evident, therefore, that however widely these two classes differed on this subject, they entirely agreed that Hon. Charles Chauncey Chumbleson was a failure as a member of Congress, and ought not to be renominated. He was, nevertheless, a candidate, and hoped that, through the agency of Tim O'Hoolahan, he might be again able to buy a certificate for 2. second term, just as he was accustomed to 100 A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. buy a pug dog for his daughter, or a new coupé for his wife. The Reform element of the party, led by men of wealth, culture and character, had determined to nominate and elect Mr. Henry Armor, whom they considered in every way worthy of such a position, and who, by his eloquent speeches and scholarly articles, pub- lished in the magazines to which he was a contributor, was recognized as the leader of the Reform movement. Though still a young man, he had given unmistakable evidences of the possession of talents of the very high- est order, and had already won a national reputation as an orator. He possessed all the advantages of good birth, an admirable educa- tion improved by foreign travel, large means, which enabled him to practice the profession of his choice without being dependent upon it for his livelihood, an acquaintance with most of the literary men and prominent statesmen of the country, and a large circle of intimate and admiring friends, to whom his modesty, genial manners, purity of heart, manliness of A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. 101 character and brilliant intellect had greatly endeared him. He was the irreconcilable enemy of the new school of politics of which Michael Mulhooly was the perfect type. He believed in the almost obsolete methods of his fathers, and contended that the people not only had the right to select their own servants for them- selves, but also that they had the right to do it without the aid, instrumentality, agency or dictation of any Leader or set of Leaders. He professed to believe that the people them- selves could select more honest and more capable public officers than had ever been, or ever would be, selected for them by the Lead- ers, the Ring and the Boss, however excep- tionally qualified for the discharge of this duty many of them might be, after a few years' residence in this country, by reason of their foreign birth. He claimed that, as the stockholders of a Bank choose their Board of Directors, and as the Directors in turn choose a President and a Cashier on account of their proved capacity and integrity, and not on account of their 102 A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. political views, so the Mayor, Comptroller and Treasurer of a great city should be selected, not because of their services to this party or to that, but because of their special qualifications for these offices and their ap- proved fidelity to the people and to the high trusts reposed in them by the people. He even advocated that un-American idea known as Civil Service Reform, which teaches that the clerks and letter-carriers in the Post- Office ought not to be turned out every time a new Post-Master is appointed, and their places filled by others who, though able to go to Conventions, know nothing of the new duties required of them ; and that clerks in the United States Treasury Department who Have had twenty years’ experience in the pub- lic service are not necessarily unfitted to re- main and unworthy of trust because they do not belong to the same political party which has happened, by an 8 to 7 vote, to elect the incoming President. He even went beyond these impracticable dreamers and taught seditious doctrines of the most dangerous character. While admit- A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. 103 ting that in a Republic great political parties are necessary to promote great political doc- trines, he contended that the natural and inevitable tendency of every party is, in the course of time, to permit the entire control of the party to fall into the hands of some selfish man, or set of men, and thus to become cor- rupt and unworthy of public confidence; and that, just as destructive thunder-storms are necessary in nature to purify the atmosphere from pestilential and deadly vapors, so the occasional defeat of the party in power is essential for its own purification, in order to break off the corrupt hold of party dictators and remand back to the people the power wrested from them. - He contended that this party purification could not be effected by amendment of the party rules, or tinkering at the party ma- chinery, because the party rules and the party machinery are, and always must be, com- pletely under the control of these party dic- tators. He claimed that the hope of the country for the future was in the Indepen- dent Voter, who would antagonize his party 104 A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. when he found that it was becoming corrupt, and in the “Scratcher,” who would not hes- itate at any time to erase from his ticket the name of an improper candidate improperly placed upon it. He often said, “The Inde- pendent Voter and the Scratcher are the country's safest, cheapest and best doctors. You must starve the Boss system to death to kill it.” He boldly attacked those party dic- tators whom he called “our political gods of Irish parentage,” and he denounced Boss-rule as an insult to a free people, a disgrace to American civilization, and the shame of our age and country. - These dangerous views—in which he was sincere, however much mistaken—he advo- cated in eloquent, scholarly and plausible speeches, which attracted universal atten- tion and made not a few converts. It was, therefore, manifestly unsafe to per- mit such a man to attain any position of in- fluence and power in his party. His success would not only greatly extend his opportu- nities for preaching and promulgating these seditious doctrines, but it would be at once an ！~， №. § © →（（N) 2=Sw: ÇXYð ſ.$∞ [] |ſſſſſſſſ ſae Ñ §SS：（N\ Kºº. &xº Sº WY WTSS Sº |0� ſ.*(] %%}}�} } ∞● oſº● £X®)0 Ø ∞ ģ ..—p. IO4. E. THE KICKER'S FAT Copyrighted 1889, by Gebbie & Co. A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. 105 insult and a menace to those who had done so much to build up the party and promote its Sll CCeSS. The great Leaders and the Boss held a sol- emn council. They felt that a grave public danger was impending over the party and the country, and They determined that his nom- ination must be prevented at any cost. Just at this opportune moment Blossom Brick suggested that Michael Mulhooly, who had proved his fidelity to Them and to Their system in numberless ways, and who would have his own Ward “solid '' to start with, would be the best man They could find in the Congrèssional District to support for this nomination. The emergency was indeed a grave one, and this suggestion at the time proved to be a masterpiece of statesmanship. They saw at once that They could fill Michael Mulhooly's place with a man of equal fidelity, and that by promoting him to Congress his influence would be extended over five Wards, and that they would thus be able to control a large number of valuable appointments which had been wholly lost to Them by the utter 106 A GREAT PUBLIC DANGER. incapacity of Hon. Charles Chauncey Chum- bleson. .* The Boss, according to his custom, spoke first and spoke briefly. He said, “I’m fur 'im;” and Blossom Brick replied, “That set- tles the business. We're solid for Mulhooly.” It was, therefore, immediately determined that Michael Mulhooly should be the next Congressman from that Congressional Dis- trict, and accordingly the decree went forth through every Department under Their con- trol, and to the remotest corners of Their dominions. XV. 7%e Cazz/ass. to work to canvass his Congressional District in a manner which indicated that he thoroughly understood his business. He did not waste his time hunting up ministers of the gospel, or bank presidents, or the Östensibly masculine leaders of fashion- able society. He knew that the people who dwell in courts and alleys and unfashionable streets outnumber ten to one those who live in brown-stone and marble palaces—and out- vote them all the time. And he knew meth- ods of appealing to the more numerous classes far more effectively than by speeches, or pub- lic meetings, or the publication in the news- papers of cards signed by “thousands of our business men and best citizens.” m) ºf MULHOOLY at Once Set (107) 108 THE CANVASS. In company with some local Leader familiar with the people, he visited every bar-room in every Election District, having previously notified the proprietor to inform as many of the workers as he could reach that the Hon- orable Michael Mulhooly would be at the Saloon on such an evening, to meet and con- sult with his friends. He endeavored to convince those whom he thus met that he was qualified for a seat in the Congress of the United States, by treat- ing and drinking with them every five min- utes, and by assuring them, during the short intervals between drinks, of his intention to take care of “the boys,” and by promising innumerable appointments, from $3,000 clerk- ships in the Treasury Department down to the less responsible employment as day la- loorer in the Custom-House. He well knew that these were arguments which proved his fitness for Congressional honors far more conclusively than the most learned discus- sion of 11ational issues. He seldom left a bar-room without the most satisfactory assur- ances of the success of his arguments; these 'THE CANVASS. 109 assurances being conveyed to him through such expressions as “Three cheers for our next Congressman,” “You bet the boys are all with you,” and “We’re solid for Mike Mulhooly all the time.” [The use of such arguments Henry Armor and his friends did not understand.] Thus he spent his nights, seldom reaching his bed until near day-break. But his most scientific work was done in the day-time, when, with the assistance of Blossom Brick, the other Leaders and the Boss, he endeav- ored to make sure that those whom he saw at night should be “solid for Mike Mulhooly all the time,” by preventing them from being anything else. This was done by selecting the delegates who were to run in each Election District, and by setting right the officers who were to conduct the primary elections. It is in this kind of work that a genius for leadership is displayed to the greatest advantage. To pick out a man who can be relied on, and who can carry his Election District against all opposition; to select a man who 110 THE CANVASS. can induce the opposition to run him in a District which they are certain to carry, and who will betray them when he enters the Convention ; to make such arrangements with the election officers that a District which can- not be carried in any way will yet return friendly delegates, these are the strategic Imovements which betray political general- ship, and show that the master-hand of the great Leader, or the greater Boss, has not been idle. These are the scientific move- ments on the political chess-board, by which pawns are made knights and bishops and queens before the movement is discovered by the adversary, and which decide political battles. And that political chess-pawn whose scruples prevent him from jumping a square, contrary to the laws of the game, when the Great Player indicates that He wishes such an advantage of position, need not hope for reward or favor. His usefulness on the polit- ical chess-board is ended. [Of this kind of political chess-playing Henry Armor and his friends had no knowl- edge.] THE CANVASS. 111 But the most important part of the con- test yet remained to be accomplished. The temporary chairman who would organize the Convention had not yet been elected, and to capture him was to hold the key to the situa- tion ; for, in the language of Blossom Brick, “The temporary Chazrmzan 2's the Conventzon. A ſe’s an 8 to 7 man all the time.” If a candidate has failed to elect a majority of the delegates, but has secured the tem- porary chairman, it is his own fault, or that of the person selected for that position, if he does not secure the nomination. Under the Rules, that officer was elected by the members of the City Committee from the five Wards which constituted the Con- gressional District. It was, therefore, neces- sary to make sure that three of these five Committee-Imen would vote for John O’Doyle, an ex-member of the Legislature, with large experience in organizing Conventions, and at present a Street Commissioner, who had been selected for this responsible position by Michael Mulhooly. The gentlemen upon 112 'THE CANVASS. whom the duty of making this selection devolved were— I. Tim. O'Hoolahan. 2. Owen McPeak. 3. Daniel McGrody. 4. Dominick McTee. 5. James Sullivan. O'Hoolahan at this time held a position in the Department of Sewers, but was in the interest of Hon. Charles Chauncey Chumble- son, and it was understood that he was pre- pared to purchase the temporary chairman with cash, if it could be done within reason- able limits. McPeak was the member from Michael Mulhooly's Ward and had been recently ap- pointed by him to a clerkship in the Treas- urer's office, and could therefore be relied on. McGrody was an assistant engineer in the Department of Fires, but, having been dis- charged from a situation in the Department of Taxes, about a year before, for acting con- trapy.to. Blossom Brick's orders, it was doubt- THE CANVASS. 113 ful whether he could be induced to vote for any one in whom Blossom Brick was inter- ested. McTee was an appointee of the Boss in the Department of Public Buildings, but it was feared that O'Hoolahan would secure his vote with money, even if he had to give up his situation, which paid him only a small salary. Sullivan had recently been discharged from the Department of Health, and was at this time a candidate for the 11omination for the Municipal Legislature. McPeak's vote was, therefore, the only one which could be relied on. It was absolutely necessary to secure two more votes, and, to guard against accidents, an additional vote, if possible. When a member of the City Committee finds that his vote is indispensable, he nat- urally places a high value upon it and takes advantage of the situation. And now began a series of interviews and negotiations as deli- cate and as guardedly conducted on both sides, as those diplomatic interviews between the 114 THE CANVASS. representatives of great powers, upon which hang the fate of empires. $ Sullivan was offered, first, a $2,000 clerk- ship in the Department of Water, which he refused; then, an Inspectorship in the De- partment of Streets, with opportunities to make a/aunde $5,000 a year, which he also refused; and, finally, when nothing else would satisfy him, he was assured of the nomination which he desired, whereupon he agreed to vote for any person whom the Boss might name, and promised to be forever after- wards His most dutiful servant. McTee was sent for and told what was ex- pected of him, whereupon he declared that he couldn't support his family on the small salary he was getting, and intended to resign. He was told to do so, and left, swearing that he was “agin Mike Mulhooly all the time.” "A day or two later, however, he was again sent for, and upon being offered the $2,000 clerkship in the Department of Water, which had been refused by Sullivan, gladly accepted it, and swore that he had been “solid for Mulhooly all the time.” Thus three votes THE CANVASS. 115 were now promised; but, in order that no mistake might be made, a brother of McGrody was given a place in the Department of Parks as an overseer of laborers, and thus a fourth vote was secured. The five Committee-men met and elected Hon. John O'Doyle temporary Chairman to Organize the Convention. [Of these diplomatic interviews and of this strategic movement Henry Armor and his friends knew nothing.] To judge from the talk one heard in count- ing-houses, in the private offices of bank- presidents, at the club, and on the church steps, the nomination of Henry Armor was inevitable. It was universally agreed by all the good people one met in such places that his popularity was so great, his capacity so well known, his character so spotless, and the propriety of placing him where his great tal- ents could be devoted to the good of his country, so manifest, that the mere suggestion of his candidacy was equivalent to a positive assurance of his triumphant election over all oppositiºn. 116 'THE CANVASS. The primary elections were duly held, and after a careful canvass of the results, it was claimed by Mr. Armor's friends that he had certainly elected sixty-one out of the ninety- seven delegates, or twelve more than were necessary to nominate him, after conceding all doubtful and contested Election Districts to his two opponents. & It had not been expected that the combined opposition would show so much strength, but the result was in every way most satisfactory, and his nomination on the next day but one was considered a foregone conclusion. XVI. The Conventzon. HEN the hour for the Convention to assemble came it was found that Michael Mulhooly's friends had pos- session of the Hall, and that the doorkeepers, who had been appointed by the temporary chairman, refused to admit any delegates ex- cept those whose names appeared upon a printed list, which had been prepared by the Chairman of the City Committee. It was found that by this manoeuvre but forty-two of the Armor delegates, or seven 1ess than a majority, were admitted to the room. Those who were refused admission were told that they would have to go before the Committee on Contested Seats, which would be appointed immediately after the calling of the Convention to order, when they (117) 118 'THE CONVENTION. might, if they could, establish to the satisfac- tion of the Committee their right to sit as delegates. Promptly at II o'clock the temporary Chairman rapped sharply on the table and declared that he had been delegated by the City Committee, in accordance with section I of Rule III., to organize the Convention, and He thereupon appointed as temporary secre- taries John McNulty and Michael Dugan. The Chairman then directed one of the secre- taries to call the roll from the printed list which had been prepared by the Chairman and secretaries of the City Committee. An examination of this printed list showed the Armor men that, according to their re- ports, the names of nineteen Armor delegates Had been left off, and the names of nineteen Mulhooly men placed on the list in place of those omitted. Honorable Ingersole Aspenwall, a vener- able gentleman who had represented his gov- ernment at two European Courts, took the floor and courteously called the Chairman's attention to the fact that there were several THE CONVENTION. 119 mistakes made in the names of the delegates from his own Ward; that in the seventh Election District the name of Patrick Dugan, who had received but seventy-three of the votes cast, had been inadvertently substituted for that of Mr. Howard Fielding, for whom one hundred and twenty-two votes had been polled, and to whom the election officers had given the certificate; and also that the name of Mr. Brantley Livingstone, who had been elected in the thirteenth Election District without opposition, was not to be found on the printed list, but in its place he found the name of Dennis Mooley, who had not been mentioned as a candidate, or even voted for. Here a gentleman, evidently laboring under great excitement, and brandishing his arms in a threatening manner, said, “Mr. Prisi- dint, it’s a dom'd lie, and it’s misilf, Dennis Mooly, as knows it an’ sez it; and’ll trow ony mon out of the wundy that sez I'm not a dacintly ilicted diligate. I’m fur Mike Mul- hooly, and that's wat's the mather.”. The speaker continued to brandish his 120 THE CONVENTION. arms, but his voice was drowned in the vocif- erous cheers for Mr. Mulhooly. - “Mr. Chairman,” continued Mr. Aspen- wall, not noticing the threat to throw him out of the “wundy,” “I cannot suppose that these irregularities and mistakes were intention- ally made by the Chairman of the City Com- mittee, but—” THE CHAIRMAN : “For the information of the gentleman the secretary will read Section 5 of Rule IV.” The secretary read as follows: “Section 5. The election officers of each Election District shall, on the day after the pri- mary election, furnish duplicate returns of the votes cast for delegates to the Chairman and sec- retaries of the City Committee, who shall sit at the Committee Rooms between the hours of I2 M. and 2 P. M. On that day for the purpose of receiv- ing such returns; and they shall from the dupli- cate returns so presented to them make up a list of the delegates who appear to have been elected to each Convention, and shall furnish a printed copy of said list to the Temporary Chairman of such Convention before 9 o'clock of the day for holding the Convention, which list shall be the 'THE CONVENTION. 121 roll of the Convention until corrected by the adoption of the report of the Committee on Con- tested Seats.” THE CHAIRMAN: “The gentleman will, therefore, see that if such mistakes as he alludes to have been made, the Chair is pow- erless to correct them, but they must be passed upon by the Committee on Contested Seats, which will be selected in the manner prescribed by the Rules as soon as the secre- tary has finished calling the roll.” MR. ASPENWALL : “But the Chair must see that the gentlemen who have been regularly elected—nineteen of them, I am informed— have not only been excluded from the Hall, but they have not even been notified of this action, or that there is any dispute about their right to their seats; and, therefore, they came nere without having given the notice required by the Rules to entitle them to appear as con- testants, and without having prepared the requisite petition to entitle them to be heard by the Committee. But what is still worse is that nineteen other gentlemen, some of whom were not even voted for by the people, 122 THE CONVENTION. have been placed on the roll as delegates, have been admitted to the Hall, are allowed to participate in drawing the Committee on Contested Seats, and, as no notice has been served that their seats are contested, may even sit on that Committee and refuse to hear those whose seats they have wrongfully taken. The manifest unfairness, injustice and irreg- ularity of such a proceeding must ) ) THE CHAIRMAN: “The gentleman is out of order. The Chair does not make the Rules. Its only duty is to interpret and en- force them, and that it proposes to do fairly and honestly.” MR. ASPENWALL : “I move the appoint- ment of a Committee ) ) THE CHAIRMAN: “The gentleman is again out of order. Under the order of business laid down in Section 2 of Rule V., no motion, except to take a recess, is in order until the report of the Committee on Contested Seats Has been made to the Convention. The Chair will be compelled to refuse to recognize any gentleman until the calling of the roll THE CONVENTION. 123 is finished. The secretary will proceed with the call of the roll.” - When the secretary had finished several gentlemen attempted to call attention to the omission of the names of regularly-elected delegates and the substitution of others, and great confusion and excitement followed. For fully fifteen minutes the Chairman con- tinued to pound on the table with a hammer which he used for a gavel, and tried to per- suade the delegates to take their seats. For some time it looked as if a detachment of po- lice would have to be sent for to clear the Hall. Finally, in a temporary lull, the Chairman succeeded in announcing that the first business in order was the selection of the Committee on Contested Seats, and directed the secretary to read Section 3 of Rule V., which was in these words: “Section 3. Immediately after the calling of the roll has been concluded, a committee of seven . delegates, to whom shall be referred, without de- bate, all questions relative to contested seats in the conventiqn, shall be drawn in the following manner : & 124 THE CONVENTION. “The secretaries shall write upon separate slips of paper of equal size the names of all dele- gates whose seats are uncontested (and no dele- gate's seat shall be considered as contested unless the notice provided for in Section 8 of Rule IV. shall have been given), and when the slips shall have been thus prepared, they shall be handed to the temporary Chairman, and be by him exam- ined and counted, and if he shall find them to be correct, he shall then place them in a hat or box and see that they are thoroughly shaken and mixed together. One secretary shall then draw a slip from the hat or box and hand it to the tem- porary Chairman, who shall announce the name appearing thereon to the Convention, which name shall be forthwith recorded by the other secretary. Any delegate may then peremptorily challenge the right of the person so drawn to serve upon said committee, whereupon the name so chal- lenged shall be marked ‘Challenged.” Another slip shall then be drawn, and the name thereon announced and recorded, and so on, until but seven slips remain in the hat, when the seven slips so remaining shall be handed to the tem- porary Chairman, who shall announce the names which appear thereon as the members of the Com- mittee on Contested Seats, and 110 challenge shall THE CONVENTION. 125 be allowed to any of the said seven names so drawn.” This rule had been recently adopted be- cause the old rule, which allowed the tem- porary Chairman to appoint this Committee, was found to invariably result in the selection of a Committee wholly in the interest of the candidate favored by the temporary Chair- man, and in the unseating of a sufficient number of delegates by the Committee to se- cure a majority in favor of the fortunate candidate. In theory, the new rule was admitted to be perfectly fair, as it left the selection of the Committee almost entirely to chance. But persons were not wanting who contended that its practical operation was no better than that of the old rule, which made the temporary Chairman “an 8 to 7 man all the time.” They alleged that this rule was only used as a screen, behind which to perpetrate, the old- fashioned frauds, and that the Chairman and Secretaries invariably managed to draw a majority of the Committee favorable to their candidate. They contended that it was the 126 THE CONVENTION. easiest thing in the world to do so by giving the seven slips previously agreed upon some slight peculiarity of size, shape or color, or by miscalling the names, or by secret- ing these slips under the hat-band or in the sleeve—tricks which could be easily per- formed without danger of discovery by one not possessing the skill of a sleight-of hand per- former. Of course, these complaints were always made by defeated and disappointed can- didates. The drawing then proceeded according to the rule, and resulted in the selection of the following persons, viz.: Fred. M. Finnel, an Armor delegate. James Smith, “ ( { ( ( Edward Whitley, a Chumbleson delegate. James Kelly, “ Mulhooly {{ Patrick Donohue, “ {{ {{ John McGinnis, “ {{ {{ Terrence McGlue, “ { { {{ The Committee, therefore, stood four for Mulhooly, two for Armor, and one for Chum- bleson. The Armor and Chumbleson dele- THE CONVENTION. 127 gates had never before been in a Convention, and knew nothing of their duties as members of such a Committee, while the Mulhooly men were experts. All four held positions in De- partments controlled by the Boss, and could be relied upon not to lose a trick. The Committee immediately retired, and, after selecting James Kelly as Chairman, an- nounced that they would hear all persons claiming seats in the Convention, including those who had not given notice or prepared petitions according to the Rules. This spirit of fair dealing was highly commended. They were in session for nearly two hours, and finally reported in favor of the sitting dele- gates, and consequently against the nineteen Armor delegates, who had been prevented from entering the Hall. The Armor mem- bers made a minority report, but the Conven- tion adopted the report of the majority by a vote of fifty-one to forty-six, and by the same vote elected Hon. Samuel Snort Pres- ident, and made the temporary secretaries officers of the Convention. & The Convention being thu organized, the 128 THE CONVENTION. President announced that nominations were now in order, and called for the pledges re- quired of candidates by Section 9 of Rule V., which was in these words: “Section 9. No candidate shall be placed in nomination or voted for in any Convention, until he shall have signed and filed with the Chairman the following written pledge, which shall be in all cases read to the Convention : - º “I pledge my honor that I will abide by the decision of this Convention, and will support its nominee or nominees; and that I will not under any circumstances run as an independent candi- date, or permit my name to be used as a candidate for the office of , by any other party, associa- tion, meeting or committee.” The pledges of Mr. Michael Mulhooly and Hon. Charles Chauncey Chumbleson were then handed up and read, but no response was made to the call for Mr. Armor's pledge. Hon. Emanuel Fairweather then nominated Hon. Michael Mulhooly, and paid a glowing tribute to his personal worth, his party ser- vice, and his spotless record in the Municipal Legislature. THE CONVENTION. 129 Hon. Charles Chauncey Chumbleson was also nominated, but the name of Henry Armor was not mentioned. - A ballot was immediately taken, which resulted as follows: Mulhooly, 51. Chumbleson, 4. The Armor delegates did not vote. The President then declared that the Honorable Michael Mulhooly had received fifty-one votes, and as this was a majority of all the delegates present, and a majority of forty-seven of all the votes cast, he was duly nominated as the candidate of the party for Congress from that District. . A committee was thereupon appointed to wait upon the candidate and announce to him the action of the Convention. They found him in Tim O'Leary's saloon across the street, and when, five minutes later, they en- tered the Hall, Terrence McGlue leading him by one arm, and Patrick Donohue by the other, the enthusiasm of the Convention 130 'THE CONVENTION. knew no bounds. Delegates stood upon chairs and benches, waving their hats and cheering for “Mike Mulhooly” for fully fifteen minutes, while the Armor delegates sat in sullen silence, and the successful can- didate stood bowing and smiling at the front of the platform and endeavoring to obtain a hearing. Finally, when the excite- ment had in a measure subsided, he spoke as follows: “I’m proud of this unexpected honor, and I thank yez all for it. As it was unsolicited on my part, I feel the honor you’ve done me in nominating me for Congress. Ony man might be proud of it. And I’m not ashamed to say I am proud of it. [Cheers.] I’m not a public speaker, but I'm one of the bye's, and, what's more, I’m for the bye's all the time. [Cheer after cheer greeted this utterance.] And I mane, if ilicted, to take care of the bye's all the time. [This brave and manly declaration of principles provoked still greater enthusiasm.] I point to my past record for the truth of what I say. And so, thank- ing you once 1more, I’ll be glad to see THE CONVENTION. 131 yez all across the way, at Tim O'Leary's saloon.” * Having reached his climax, like a true orator, he bowed and retired. When he reached the floor he was surrounded by his devoted followers, who were anxious to shake hands with their next Congressman, who was not ashamed to say he was one of the “bye’s ” and “for the bye's all the time.” They followed him across the way to Tim O'Leary's, where case after case of wine was opened, and the rejoicings over their great victory lasted all through the day and late into the night. Thus Michael Mulhooly was nominated in strict accordance with the Rules of his party. According to all its traditions, he had won his nomination fairly, was entitled to the sup- port of every true party-man, and to have voted against him would have been the un- pardonable political sin. Nevertheless, the same afternoon the sixty- one Armor delegates who claimed to have been elected, met, organized and adopted a resolution, denouncing the proceedings of the 132 'THE CONVENTION. regular Convention held in the morning, and declaring that Henry Armor, Esq., was the regular nominee of the party in the District for Congress. XVII. The Voice of the Press. HOSE newspapers which the Reformers claimed belonged to, or were controlled by, the Ring, indorsed the nomination of Michael Mulhooly in the most earnest manner. They spoke of him as the regular nominee of the party, and referred to the Armor delegates as “kickers” and “bolters,” and dismissed their Convention and their nomination as unworthy of consideration. The ARGUS-EYED said: “Michael Mulhooly, the regular nominee of the party, is a man of the people, who, by indus- try and perseverance, has risen from an httmble station to a position which any man in this great city might feel proud to hold. His career in the Municipal Legislature gives assurance that he will not misrepresent his District in the National Leg- (133) 134 'THE VOICE OF THE PRESS. islature, and we predict his election by a mag- nificent majority.” The DAWN OF DAY said: “It is seldom that a party Convention so well expresses the party’s will. The people of this Congressional District desired the nomination of Mr. Michael Mulhooly because they had tried him and found him in every way worthy of their confidence. They felt that his abilities and pub- lic services merited this recognition, and that his experience in public affairs peculiarly qualified Him for the higher and broader field of national politics. We say, Gentlemen of the Convention, well done !” The BOSS’s Own said: “No man in this District is better qualified for a seat in Congress than Mr. Michael Mulhooly. He was our choice first, last and all the time, and the action of the Convention is, therefore, grati- fying to us.” The VOICE OF THE PEOPLE said: “That Mr. Michael Mulhooly is worthy of this new honor no one who knows him will doubt or THE VOICE OF THE PRESS. 135 question. That he will be elected by a majority which will be a credit to himself and to his Dis- trict, we feel sure. The people of this country are at last commencing to understand the differ- ence between practical statesmanship that brings forth fruit and the barren political Miss-Nancyism, of which Mr. Henry Armor, who received the empty honor of a so-called 11omination by a few ‘kickers,” is a fitting representative.” The PUBLIC WATCH-DOG, after paying a high tribute to the distinguished talents of the regular nominees, said: “The action of the score or two of kickers who, after participating in the proceedings of the Con- vention and finding themselves hopelessly in the minority, proceeded to hold a Convention and nominate a candidate of their own, would be un- worthy of notice were it not that such action is always a dangerous precedent, which should not go unrebuked. No man has a right to ask to be sent as a delegate to a Convention who is not willing to be governed by the party rules, and to abide by the decision of the majority. No man is fit to be candidate who will encourage such dis- honorable conduct on the part of his delegates. Fidelity to the party is a duty which every good 136 THE VOICE OF THE PRESS. citizen owes to his party for the sake of its princi- ples, and in order to assure its success; and that duty is not discharged by fidelity only when the action of the party is in accordance with our in- dividual wishes or preferences. If the minority is to be encouraged to bolt as soon as it discovers that it is the minority party, organization is at an end, and party success a matter of chance. We trust that a rule will be adopted compelling every delegate, before he receives his credentials, to remain in the Convention and abide by the decision of the majority, whatever that decision may be.” Such was public sentiment as reflected in all the journals of the city, except one. The TRUTH-TELLER, a journal which catered to the tastes of those people who sympathized with the Reform movement, after complimenting the seceding delegates on the manliness and independence of character which they had displayed, and indorsing their nominee as one pre-eminently worthy of public trust, and pre-eminently qualified to represent his District, said: . “But who, on the other hand, is the Ring 'THE VOICE OF THE PRESS. - 137 candidate for a seat in the Congress of the United States of America, and what his antecedents? No honest man can answer that question truth- fully without a blush of shame. But it is a ques- tion which must be asked and must be answered without mincing words. “A bog-trotter by birth ; a waif washed up on our shores; a scullion-boy in a gin-mill frequented by thieves and shoulder-hitters; afterwards a bar- tender in and subsequently the proprietor of this low groggery; a repeater before he was of age; a rounder, bruiser and shoulder-hitter ; then made an American citizen by fraud after a residence of but two years; a leader of a gang of repeaters before the ink on his fraudulent naturalization papers was dry ; then a 'S ; then a corrupt and perjured election officer; then for years a corrupt and perjured member of the Muni- cipal Legislature, always to be hired or bought by the highest bidder, and always an uneducated, vulgar, flashily-dressed, obscene creature of the Ring which made him what he is, and of which he is a worthy representative ; such, in brief, is the man who has been forced upon the party, by the most shameless frauds, as its candidate for the American Congress. This is filthy language, but it is the only way in which to describe the filthy subject to which it refers, and every man who 138 THE VOICE OF THE PRESS, reads it must admit that it is only the simple truth. “Is it possible that the American people are compelled to scour the gutter, the gin-mill and the brothel for a candidate for Congress? Is it possible that the Ring which has already plun- dered the city for so many years, and which has so long abused our patience with its arbitrary nominations of the most unworthy people, for the most honorable and responsible offices, will be permitted to crown its infamies by sending to Congress this creature, who represents nothing decent, and nothing fit to be named to decent ears? - “There is one point of view, however, in which this nomination, monstrous as it is, may prove to be a public blessing. It will provoke the people to throw off the yoke of this Ring of Confederated Thieves under which they have patiently stag- gered and groaned for years. It will show them that, monstrous as Ring-rule is, as a scheme of plunder, it is more monstrous as a despotism which makes of free people its slaves, and laughs at the shame and stripes it puts upon them. It will show them that the notorious Blossom Brick told the simple truth when he said ‘party rules are the reins and party spirit the bit by which We drive the people.” It will force the American -º-º-º-º-º: º- UZaº £º- --> º º kº E----- [..." EP: Nº- Cº-ºº: g E.- % º &º. Ç º Š º Š SS º } º º .' * Ş º º §º *P sº INGRATITUDE.—p. 139. Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. THE VOICE OF THE PRESS. 139 people to rise in their majesty and say to each one of these Bosses—the worst of whom are always uneducated, unscrupulous and character- less foreigners—we invited you here to find a refuge, not to build an empire ; we welcomed you as strangers, not as rulers; we adopted you as citizens and in return you have made us slaves, and have fattened upon us for years, and have kicked us when we dared to ask for but an equal share with yourselves in the control of this, our own government; but the end has come. Go || Choose between the obscurity from which you came and the prisons which your crimes have prepared for you. Choose, but choose quickly l’’ This article produced a profound impres- sion upon the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, if it did not greatly disturb the people. It meant business and threatened danger. XVIII. 77°ouble. Leaders and the Boss was held at His private office. They looked at each other significantly, and each waited for the other to speak. Finally, some one hurled a verbal thunderbolt at the editor of the libelous sheet. Then another and another followed in quick succession. Their wrath was like that mighty wrath that raged upon Olympus when the Giants dared to assail it and disturb its serenity with their clamor. Then Blossom Brick uttered those mem- orable words:— “IF THE PEOPLE EVER TUMBLE TO OUR GAME—HELL WILL BE TO PAY!” His practical mind did not waste itself in impotent wrath. He looked forward to the A* noon that day a conference of the (140) TROUBLE. 141 possible results which this publication might bring about. He saw in it more than an in- sult; it was a menace. It meant rebellion. The people, the “blind asses” as he was wont to call them, are never dangerous so long as they are deceived, but he knew how great the danger is from the moment when they begin “to kick.” His suggestion com- manded instant attention. The sense of in- sult was forgotten in the sense of danger which settled down upon them like an invis- ible cloud. They began to realize that their power was in danger, that their rule was threatened, that their gigantic schemes for the public good might come to naught if such pub- lic utterances were allowed to be repeated with impunity. They said, “If this licentiousness of the press is not speedily rebuked and curbed, which one of us will be safe?” Then they sent for their candidate Michael Mulhooly, whose ambition had brought all this trouble upon them. He came, as slick, oily, rotund and smiling as ever. He had read the ARGUS-EYED, the DAWN OF DAY, the Boss's OWN, the VOICE OF THE PEOPLE and the 142 TROUBLE. PUBLIC WATCH-DOG, but he had not read the TRUTH-TELLER. It was shown to him. He took it up with a smile, which gradually faded from his face. He laid the paper down and was evidently not pleased with what he had read. He looked first at one, then at another, and finally at his watch, and said, “If I can find the I’ll put a head on him!” He made the too common mistake of supposing that when one has been charged with crime by a newspaper, the best way to disprove the charge is to “put a head on ” the editor. Then they sent for their favorite lawyer, Theoptolimus Sly, Esq., a small man with a big voice, who was certain to make at least as much noise in the world as a dinner-gong. He came promptly, in obedience to orders, as He always did, and comforted them with the assurance that the article was undoubtedly a libel, and that the editor could be arrested for it. - Then the Boss Himself sent a messenger for Judge Coke, whom he had “made,” and 'TROUBLE. 143 who wanted to be re-“made” shortly. He, too, came in obedience to orders, as he, too, always did. He was closeted with the Boss for an hour, and, after he had gone, the Boss said, “I’ve fixed it.” This was another decree of Fate. That afternoon Mr. Carson Cleaver, the editor-in-chief of the 777tth-ſeller, was arrested on the charge of libel, and held to bail in the sum of $2,000. A bill of indictment was im- mediately sent before the Grand Jury and returned “a true bill,” and Theoptolimus Sly, Esq., announced that the defendant would be tried the next day and “railroaded,” a tech- nical term of the Sessions, which signifies a Imodern mode of administering justice so ex- peditiously that one accused of crime is arrested, tried, convicted, sentenced and put at a felon’s work-bench before he has time to sneeze or to say, “God bless me, where am I?’” Judge Coke, however, was not on the bench the next morning—his term was not to com- mence until the following Monday—and the defendant, Mr. Carson Cleaver, was notified 144 TROUBLE. that his case would not be called for trial that day, but would be tried, God willing, on the following Monday. Thus the impending sword of Justice was temporarily stayed. XIX. Justice. in court with his counsel. Mr. Michael Mulhooly also appeared with his coun- sel. In addition to Mr. Theoptolimus Sly, there had been retained to assist the District Attorney—another Boss-made administrator of Justice, whose life was rendered miserable by his fear of newspaper criticism on the one hand, and his dread of Boss disfavor on the other hand—two distinguished criminal law- yers—Mr. Gandy Grip and Mr. Bowles Bowser. Gandy Grip was a leader in his profession. He had come to the bar with meagre educa- tional and social advantages, but possessing what proved to be of much greater value to him—a profound knowledge of the criminal O” Monday Mr. Carson Cleaver appeared (145) 146 JUSTICE. classes and their habits, derived from his early associations, and an exceptional capacity for attracting clients, which insured his suc- cess. This rare business tact was at once displayed by his giving a supper to all the court officers and deputy-sheriffs of his ac- quaintance, which resulted in establishing so good an understanding between them that they recommended him to all criminals who came under their charge, and he divided with them all the fees which he was thus enabled to earn. The worldly wisdom of this arrange- ment was speedily demonstrated by the fact that when older lawyers than himself were still wrestling hopelessly with the problem of how to pay office rent out of office receipts, he was enjoying a lucrative practice, and carrying on his person and in his pockets dia- monds enough to have stocked a jewelry store, received from clients with more diamonds than cash. In a short time his reputation became so firmly established that no thief or burglar in the city would go to work with any degree of confidence without first ascertaining that Gandy Grip was in town, and that his ser- JUSTICE. 147 vices could be secured at a moment's notice. He could demolish a witness by a single question, and his powers of vituperation were so transcendent that the critical audiences who frequented the Sessions placed him in the front rank of living orators. He confined himself exclusively to criminal or quasi-crim- inal practice, and would not enter a common pleas or an equity court without having first procured an introduction to the presiding judge. He knew better than any detective on the force how to recover stolen bonds, and in doubtful divorce cases he was regarded as the highest living authority. But he was pre-eminently great in securing verdicts. When he was engaged in the trial of a case there was not a sporting man in town who would not give long odds that if he did not get a verdict, he would at least secure a dis- agreement of the jury. Bowles Bowser, his colleague, was also a criminal lawyer of note. Having no taste for office practice, he found that he could more advantageously employ his office hours in the neighboring bar-rooms, studying human 10 148 JUSTICE. nature, than in poring over abstruse and con- tradictory law books. Whilst he was, there- fore, somewhat weak in legal knowledge, he was surprisingly great in disorderly house cases. Had there been a defect in the plead- ings large enough to have allowed a circus band wagon to be driven through it with ease, he would probably not have found it in a lifetime with the aid of a microscope; but his skill in “fixing” juries was so perfect that older lawyers frequently retained him as a silent colleague on account of this exceptional talent. It was evident, therefore, that the prose- cutor meant business. As soon as Judge Coke had settled him- self comfortably in his seat, and the clerk had satisfied himself as to the condition of his voice by calling over the list of jurors, the counsel for the prosecutor advanced to the bar of the court—Mr. Sly in advance, and as eager as a dinner-gong to make himself Heard; Mr. Bowser following, and nodding encouragingly to a juror of his acquaintance; and Mr. Grip bringing up the rear and un- JUSTICE. 149 limbering his heaviest guns for the engage- ment; and one after another reminded the court—although it was the first day of Judge Coke's term—that the case of The People against Carson Cleaver had been fixed for trial, and that they desired that the defendant might be at once arraigned and required to plead, so that the case could proceed to trial without delay. The court having been satisfied by the assurances of three such eminent counsel, and by an encouraging but nervous nod from the District Attorney, that Mr. Carson Cleaver ought to be called upon to answer as to the wrong he stood charged with having done the people, instructed the clerk to interrogate him upon this subject. This duty the clerk pro- ceeded to discharge with his most tremendous frown and in the very lowest notes of his register, believing that no criminal, however Hardened, could endure this terrible ordeal without confessing his guilt; and he looked both shocked and disappointed when Mr. Car- son Cleaver, in a tone of cool indifference, re- 150 JUSTICE. plied, “Not guilty,” without even looking at Him. Before the clerk had entirely recovered his breath and his countenance, the counsel for the defendant rose up and said that his client was unprepared for trial, although anxious for it; that he proposed to sustain his plea of “Not guilty” by proving that the prosecutor Himself was guilty of all the crimes with which he had been charged in the alleged libelous publication, and that as he would be compelled to summon a very large number of witnesses in order to establish every charge He had made, he would require a week for this preparation, and would willingly appear on the next Monday and make good his charges, or take the consequences. This application, as well as the implied as- sault upon the integrity of their client, so incensed the prosecutor's counsel that they endeavored to address the court in chorus, and to demonstrate that the application was nothing less than the most monstrous attempt to trifle with Justice that had ever been wit- nessed by each of them individually, and by JUSTICE. 151 all of them collectively, in a court of Justice. Finally, when these gentlemen had ridden down the defendant and the defendant's counsel, and trampled over each other in their precipitate charge upon the court, to prevent it from permitting Justice to be trifled with in its presence, Judge Coke looked encouragingly at the District Attorney, who, finding that some effort was also expected of him to defeat this contemplated attempt to trifle with Jus- tice, timidly suggested that as the defendant had been notified on the preceding Wednes- day that his case would be tried on this day, and had, therefore, had five days in which to prepare, and had made no attempt whatever to prepare, it did, indeed, look like an attempt to trifle with Justice. Judge Coke, who by this time seemed to have some suspicion that there was really all intention on the part of some one to trifle with Justice, and in his own presence, too, remarked, angrily, that as no “legal” ground Had been laid for a continuance, he thought the counsel for the prosecution were right, and that the application looked very much 152 JUSTICE. like an attempt to trifle with Justice. Warm- ing up with his subject, he continued, that “when an editor publishes so gross a libel on a citizen, and especially on one so favorably 1---- |\,!//Z A.ț¢§§§\º №&=@-***► ||�%%%，ff;ae§$%&&&}§§}SS=<``ı •_）~~~~ �{%%fffff;ģĞğ&&&&&#ffÈ→=−=−.…* • ſ|2|#ffae£§§%���§§%§§-…º ;!ſae{{###22°√¶√∞i√∞',$№ |######%$§$* ſae º ſe ºſſºſſººſ "... “ （ ; ſºº£;ſae $\}}Ķ; ~}}ķ POLITICAL, TWINS. —“and the Judge came down and shook hands with Michael Mulhooly.”—p. I66. ±±（√Y ， ! gº º 4 %% /}% }• • •=;}ķ}}}}}§çº,. |! №， №}}%% ",|>§§§§） · ·#\%\ğ%% | ||| 5u /}$Ž%24 }|}-|-. J. *|?$<ģ}$%}}#4 |}~£Y P -cc-a- tº ſelf-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-, Vy E. E.ECºr ou R. -%%ķ§ ' '§2ººººººº# țQ_º}~’, /$ק¶：ģģ%·Ž’,/ |į į š~ º)/%ķģĞğſºſé.-- |-\ Q C →////%%%&#ffff}}* & * .*? =+3* . – ă ě, , 7°/%żſ||? §3;};}}{{{ //////%%ffffff'}; // „• ...’ ,•####ffff; ////%//Źź% .*·} } | • × ° €es sºs ،ſae 0§ !&žų 2$#ffffffff;}} --,| + '，' ، {VÁ*-- ∞•* Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. JUSTICE. 167 Thus Justice was done and Michael Mul- hooly was vindicated. The verdict of a jury of his countrymen had declared that his character was as white and spotless as the ceiling of the temple of Justice itself, which had just been newly calcimined. XX. 4 /udge Challenged. HE next morning in the Truth-teller appeared the following double-leaded leader: JUDGES, HALT 1 || “Almost any evil in a Republic can be endured with some degree of patience ex- cept that of a corrupt or slavish Judiciary. When Judges, forgetful of their manhood and their oaths, lend themselves to op- pression and become the pliant tools of tyrants, they may be very sure that the people will not be slow to redress such intolerable wrongs, and that they will, if forced to the extremity, enter the temple of Justice and tear down the dishonored and foresworn priests who have desecrated the sacred altars, and will trample them under foot in the mire of the streets. Salus populà suprema est lea. (168) A JUDGE CHALLENGED. 169 “This solemn warning is especially addressed to Judge Coke. “It is within the personal knowledge of the editor and two of his friends that, immediately before the warrant for his arrest was issued, the head of the Ring sent a message for Judge Coke, who im- mediately went to the Boss's private of fice, where he remained closeted with him for nearly one hour. Did he go there in obedience to orders, to receive orders that the editor must be convicted at all hazards? What actually passed at that interview can be known only to Judge Coke himself, and to one other person. But immediately after the termination of that interview a warrant for libel was issued against the editor, and he was bound over, a bill at once sent before the Grand Jury, and the intimation given out of the intention on the part of prosecutors to “railroad” him. For some reason, not difficult to understand when it is known that Judge Coke was not then upon the bench, and that his term would not begin until the next Monday, the case against the defendant was postponed until the very day upon which Judge 170 A JUDGE CHALLENGED. ing Coke's term began, and he was then im- mediately forced to trial, notwithstanding His demand for one week’s time in which to procure his witnesses, and his solemn avowal that he would in exactly one week from that day appear and prove the truth of every word he had published, and show that, so far from being guilty of publishing a libel, he had discharged a sacred duty to the public by exposing the utter unfitness of Michael Mulhooly to represent the District from which he is a candidate in the Congress of the United States. We do not now allude to Judge Coke's rulings upon the trial, because a motion for a new trial is pend- g, and this is not the proper place for its discussion. “But if Judge Coke's prompt obedi- ence to the message from the Boss—to whom he owes his seat, and to whom he must look for a renomination—in con- nection with what followed his visit, forces people to believe that Judge Coke is the mere creature of the Ring, and ex- ecutes its orders under the pretense of administering Justice, Judge Coke has no one but himself to blame ; and, being A JUDGE CHALLENGED. 171 thus suspected, he would show greater wisdom than he has hitherto displayed, if he would at once abandon the judg- ment-seat before the people drive him from it. “It is, unfortunately, a matter of com- mon belief that Judge Coke is not the only Judge upon the Bench to-day whom the Ring feels safe in approaching in se- cret, and instructing in advance about cases to be tried in which its creatures are parties. A Judge who would take a bribe is not more despicable than one who is willing to be thus approached and directed how to administer, not justice, but injustice. “To all such Judges we now call, Halt The people will no longer toler- ate such infamous practices. “If Judge Coke thinks we have done him any injustice, we challenge him to call us forthwith to account for this pointed and solemn warning, deliberately given.” - No notice was ever taken of this challenge, because its author had been convicted accord- ing to law as a common libeler of mankind. XXI. One Way to Run a Campaign. NR. HENRY ARMOR entered upon His campaign in a manner which indicated clearly that he did not understand his business. - He did not visit bar-rooms, or drink with and treat the party-workers, or hunt up and consult with the election officers, or endeavor to conciliate the “boys’ by promising them appointments. Nor did he call upon the Heads of Departments and seek to induce them to issue orders to their subordinates relative to the amount and kind of work which they were required to do in their re- spective Election Districts. He probably would have said that a man who would resort to such methods to secure his election to any office was unfit for the office and unworthy (172) - ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 173 of public trust. It is doubtful whether he could have told the name of a single member of the City Committee, or of a President of a Ward Committee in his District. As he had been nominated by sixty-one out of the ninety-seven delegates, who, accord- ing to his belief, should have composed the regular Convention, and had also been reg- ularly nominated by the Reform Associa- tion; and as he had subsequently been in- dorsed by every minister of the gospel and bank president in his District, and by “Thousands of Our Business-men, Tax- payers and Most Respectable, Intelligent, Wealthy, Prominent and Influential Citi- zens,” as he was was informed by the large posters which met his eye at every corner, he considered his election almost a political . certainty. His friends, believing that his eloquence could not fail to convince the voters of his fitness for Congress, organized a series of meetings to be held in each Ward, and made arrangements for a grand ratification meet- ing to be held at the Academy of Music on 174 ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. the Saturday night immediately preceding the election. At each of these meetings Mr. Armor spoke in his usual scholarly, elegant and eloquent manner. His friends all declared that his speeches were unquestionably the ablest that had ever been made in the city. The Truth-teller devoted a full page each morning to these meetings, and published verbatim reports of his speeches. The other newspapers, however, regarding such matters as uninteresting to their readers, disposed of them in something after this fashion : “The kickers and bolters held a meeting last night at Hall, which was addressed by Henry Armor and others.” Many an ambitious young member of the bar who had devoted weeks to the preparation of a speech which he regarded as a master- piece of oratory was surprised, on getting out of bed before daylight in anticipation of reading his own polished sentences in print, to find that he, and two or three as distin- guished orators as himself, had been bunched like asparagus-sprouts, by some unapprecia- ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 175 tive reporter, in that stereotyped phrase, “and others.” No attempt was made by the Committee which was charged with the management of Mr. Armor's campaign to effect any organi- zation of the voters in his interest, beyond the formation of a club in each Ward, called the “Young Men's Reform Association.” These clubs were composed of young lawyers, storekeepers and clerks in banks, counting- houses and insurance offices. Each member wore a high silk hat, dark clothes, white gloves and a badge of white satin, upon which was printed in gilt letters the number of the Ward, the name of the association and a peculiar device. - r When these five clubs all turned out, pa- rading about two thousand handsome and handsomely dressed young men, they at- tracted universal admiration, and the ministers of the gospel, bank presidents and “Thou- sands of Our Business-men, Tax-payers, and Most Respectable, Intelligent, Wealthy, Prom- inent and Influential Citizens” felt that the country was certainly safe. 176 ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMIPAIGN. On the appointed night the “Grand Ratifi- cation Meeting in Favor of Reform and of the Election of Henry Armor, Esq.,” was duly held. The Academy of Music was crowded from floor to ceiling and presented a brilliant spectacle. In the middle of the stage, and immediately over the orator's table hung suspended an enormous copy of the old Liberty Bell, around the rim of which ap- peared the familiar inscription: “PROCLAIM LIBERTY THROUGHOUT ALL THE LAND, UNTO ALL THE INHABITANTS THEREOF.” Upon the body of the bell blazed out in dazzling letters of light, formed of innumerable gas. jets, this inscription:— NO KING NO CLOWN SHALL RULE THIS Town. The front of the stage was crowded with ministers of the gospel, bank presidents and ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 177 “Thousands of our Business-men, Tax- payers, and Most Respectable, Intelligent, Wealthy, Prominent and Influential Citizens.” Honorable Ingersole Aspenwall presided, assisted by a large number of Vice-Presidents, whose combined wealth was said to exceed $IOO,OOO,OOO. When Mr. Armor was introduced the vast audience rose to their feet and gave him a right royal greeting. So great was the en- thusiasm that even ladies stood upon the seats waving their handkerchiefs and fans, and some of them, carried away by the novel excitement of the occasion, grew hysterical. Old gray-haired gentlemen on the stage so far forgot themselves that they pounded with their canes and threw up their hats like school-boys. Finally, when he could be heard, Mr. Armor began with these words: “I do not mistake the meaning of this greeting. It is not merely a compliment to the speaker, or an indorsement of your can- didate. It has a deeper significance. It is the death-knell of Boss-rule. It is the shout of victory which a free people sends up over 178 ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. its new declaration of independence. It means that you have resolved from this day forward to govern this city yourselves, without the assistance of any self-appointed Boss, whether native-born or foreign-born.” As each sentence rang out, clear and dis- tinct as the note of a bugle, it was answered by cheer after cheer, to assure the orator that he had read the hearts of his hearers aright and had uttered their sentiments. He continued:— “I do not war against individuals. It is not the Boss who happens to be in the as- cendancy to-day that I antagonize. It is the Boss of to-day—of to-morrow—of all time who is my enemy; it is the Boss in the City, the Boss in the State, the Boss in the Nation against whom I would have you wage unend- ing war. It is the Boss system which I arraign as the curse of the country and the shame of our age. By this system the pub- lic servants are made the masters of the people. By this system the ten thousand employees of the City are made ten thousand arms with which the Boss of the City rules ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 179 the whole community. By this system the twenty thousand servants of the State are converted into twenty thousand hands with which the Boss of the State holds the com- monwealth by the throat. By this system the hundred thousand employees of the Na- tion become a hundred thousand bonds which the National Bosses bind upon the people of the Nation, converting them into slaves bound to obey their imperial orders. “The opportunity which it gives a corrupt Boss to plunder the people is one of the least of the many evils which flow from the sys- tem. It begets corruption in every branch of the public service, and tempts every man in office to become a thief. It teaches that official dishonesty is no crime—that official perjury is no sin—that to override thé will of the people and to trample upon the sanctity of the ballot is the highest duty of American citizenship. It breeds universal corruption, and fosters in the rising generation an utter disregard of law, of morality and of common decency in everything pertaining to politics. It is like that most loathsome of diseases, 12 180 ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. which creeps from limb to limb, and from in- dividual to individual, until the whole com- munity is a community of lepers. Boss-rule is political leprosy. There can be no political health where it is permitted to exist. “It cannot be cured; it must be extirpated. There is no remedy which you can apply and say, ‘Lo, the sore is healed!’ You need not hope to purge your party from it by amend- ing your party rules. You can do that only by purging it of these political lepers, and that can be done only by starving them to death. When honest men learn that they owe a higher duty to their city, their State and their country than they do to their party, they will have found the only antidote for this poison. When they apply this antidote freely at the ballot-box by voting down the political leper and his candidate, the day of deliverance will not be far off. When the independent voter and the scratcher shall have grown so strong that they can and will prevent the election of every unworthy candi- date who has managed to secure a nomina- tion, Boss-rule and Ring-rule can be crushed ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 181 out. They exist only upon the spoils of office, and grow strong only when their party is largely in the majority. Their power is based solely upon the devotion of honest voters to the party. They preach the polit- ical religion of ‘fidelity to party,’ and, like false priests, grow fat upon the fruits of their preaching. The dishonest official whose pock- ets stand out with his stolen wealth consid- ers it an unpardonable sin for an honest man to scratch his ticket. Fidelity to party, wherever the Boss system exists, is treason to yourself, your country, your God. There is but one true political religion for honest men to practice, and that is to vote for an honest man because he is honest, and to vote against a dishonest man, no matter what party claims him as its candidate—to keep an honest man in office as long as you can, no matter what party put him there, for fear a less honest man may take his place. I be- lieve that the honest citizens in every com- munity outnumber ten to one the class from which Bosses are bred, and when the honest 182 ONE WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. citizens of this country learn this religion and practice it, Boss-rule will be no more.” For nearly two hours the orator continued to delight his audience with such “rhetorical fireworks and political generalities,” and, as they had come to hear just such sentiments, they were wrought up to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. When he had finished, every man and woman present insisted upon shaking Him by the hand and assuring him of his tri- umphant election. That night when he left his club, where a banquet had been given in his honor, he entertained no doubt that he would be elected by several thousand majority. XXII. Another Way to Aºun a Campaign. by surface indications. He knew nothing of the power of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss. The “I made 'im” is no idle boast, nor is the “I’m fur 'im” an empty promise. The Boss's “I Will” is the Leaders’ “We Must,” and when they They determine to “make” a man, he is as good as made; when they deter- mine to unmake he is already undone. The first law of an army is unquestioning, implicit obedience. Not infrequently has the disregard of, or the failure to execute, an ap- parently trifling military order caused the defeat of a great army—the downfall of an empire—the overthrow of a civilization—the Fº ARMOR, however, was deceived (183) 184 ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. opening of a new volume of the world's History. The Leaders, the Ring and the Boss com- mand an army composed of elements as dam- gerous as those which make up the crew of a pirate ship. The instant the slightest sign of weakness is shown, each man aspires to be commander, and is willing to sink the ship and all on board rather than to forego his own ambitious schemes. Therefore, disobedience, or want of obedience, means danger, not only of defeat, disaster and ruin, but also—as the Reformers believe—of the PENITENTIARY. A repulse may prove to be a rout. The loss of a single member of the Municipal Legisla- ture may mean a reorganization—rearrange- ment of Committees—INVESTIGATION, and— who can tell what? It is imperatively neces- sary, therefore, that every man shall be taught that to fail is to betray, to disobey is to rebel; and that to do either is to invite political death. Punishment is more than a duty; it is an absolute necessity for self-preservation. There are also dangers from without as well as from within. The Leaders, the Ring and – ==== - -: | ~ſil > , **=s. *s. * * * - * ..sº sº -ºl. ~= — ::=ºº-ºº: * :*::=s* - -> ------, .**s * * * º H -}#. -ſ º .** \t w .* -- * The Boss’s ‘ *::==== ** c o N v E N T O N ----- -$ 1- **- _v^v E Point virs PR ID # #ºn #Cu T AND D RJ E D sºjºki we ºº::\tº Fºx. 2~" ======s=sº *sº t! y w Nºt E \ \-i 2. 3. 2- *: .1.4 * º † 3.x: tº: #2 - & 2 gº * * % --- * e KZ-l QN § º smºsº -v \ * .” * *4 * ~ 3–3. ºº: }*: # Y - ** ^: - ..º. tº- THE GENIUS OF THE RING, I Will' is the Leaders’ ‘We Must.’”—p. 185. Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 185 the Boss are required to practice eternal vigi- lance. They are compelled to do more than simply to repel hostile assaults; they must punish them with political annihilation. Their power to be preserved must be feared. It must be proved to be even greater to pun- ish than to reward. Therefore, it does not stop at removing an insubordinate from place —withdrawing from a disobedient editor all patronage—placing insurmountable obstacles between a too independent candidate and the object of his ambition; it pursues its vic- tim like a remorseless, an implacable, an in- exorable Fate. For those assailants whom such punishments cannot reach, others are provided. What cannot be done directly is done by indirection. The vengeance of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss is like the Vendetta which re- ceived its name in Corsica, but which was a religion among the ancient Scandinavians, and has been practiced in every age and in every country to redress those wrongs for which the law provides no remedy. Its agencies are as numerous, as secret, as dan- 186 ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. gerous as those employed to-day by the Nihilists of Russia, or those which were practiced by the Thugs of India prior to 1837. Its punishments even extend to the destruction of private character, the invasion of the family circle, the assault upon womanly honor, and violence to life and limb. Few persons comprehend the power which a single man with a million of dollars can exert, if he will. Fewer still are able to comprehend the terrific power which the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss can wield, when it is necessary to do so, for self-preservation. In every large city is to be found a class of men who form their secret police, executing Their will with- out fear, knowing that They stand as a shield between Their agents and the law. If the secrets of the “mysterious disappearances” of which we read were all disclosed—but for- tunately, perhaps, the dead cannot speak. Henry Armor not only failed to understand the power of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, against which he hurled his polished and not wholly harmless sentences, but he also failed to comprehend the necessity which ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 187 demanded his defeat. The contest, owing to the tendency of the people to run to ex- tremes, had assumed so serious a shape that it rendered doubtful the election of three, and possibly of five candidates for the Muni- cipal Legislature in that Congressional Dis- trict. The Reform assault, therefore, threat- ened not only to drive in the line of skir- mishers, but also to endanger the safety of Their whole army, and made the overthrow of Their empire possible. The ascendency of the Reform Association, at all events, meant a standing menace to the power and safety of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, and, therefore, They said, “We must destroy them to save Ourselves.” It was the delenda est Carthago of the Romans. The Leaders, the Ring and the Boss were not idle. They also held meetings—not to make converts, but to encourage the rank and file, and to conceal the manner in which Their skirmishers, Their sharp-shooters, Their guerillas, Their bush-whackers and Their light-cavalry were engaged, and the 188 ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. mode in which They had determined to handle Their troops and give battle. Neither Michael Mulhooly, nor Blossom Brick, nor the Boss spoke at any of these meetings. Their time and talents were more usefully employed. They were wholly oc- cupied in strengthening Their wavering lines; in compelling submission where They dis- covered signs of insubordination; in exhaust- ing the possibilities of each Department; in laying out the exact work expected of each one of the many hundreds of employees in the District, and in arranging all those count- less details with election officers, window-book men and committees to bring out the vote, which go so far, in every close contest, to- wards conquering success. One of the first steps which was taken was to make an example of those employees of Departments not directly under Their control, who had been 1ed into acting with the Reform Association, by reason of its professed re- spectability, and by the plausible argument that, as Henry Armor was a candidate of the party, although an independent one, he could ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 189 be supported by every party-man without in- fidelity to the party. Against such offenders They acted promptly and decidedly. Henry White, a clerk in the Department of the State Treasury, was one of the first victims. He had paraded with the Reform Association of his Ward, and had acted at a public meeting of the Association as one of the secretaries, and had read a series of reso- lutions strongly indorsing Henry Armor, and, of course, by implication condemning the Boss. He had not been long enough in office to know any better. His offense was a glaring one, and nothing but his official head would appease the wrath which he had unconsciously aroused. Ac- cordingly the Boss called promptly upon the Head of the Department—made known His will—refused to take a denial or listen to an apology, saying only “I’ll tache 'im,” and as He could not be offended with impunity, although the Department was not under His control, that very afternoon Mr. White, on leaving the office, received an official envelope which he discovered contained a written 190 ANOTHER way to RUN A cAMPVIGN. notice of his dismissal. It was a thunder- bolt from a cloudless sky. He had just taken a small house and furnished it, mainly on credit, and was daily expecting his young wife to be confined with her first baby. He read the letter over again and again, seeking in vain to find some explanation of his offense, in the lines which told only too plainly of his punishment. With a heavy heart he sat down at the supper-table which she had prepared, according to her custom, to welcome him after his day’s work, and pleaded a headache as an excuse for the de- pression which he could not wholly conceal from the watchful eyes of the poor little woman to whom he was lover, hero, and almost God. That night, while sleep made many another aching heart temporarily forget its woes, she refused to him her blessed consolation. He heard the solemn tones of the great town- clock slowly counting off the hours of the long night. He listened impatiently to his own cheap clock ticking away, one by one, the seconds, each one of which brought him ANOTHER way TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 191 one step nearer the moment when he could meet his Chief face to face, and demand an explanation of this heavy punishment for a fault of which he was ignorant. He looked at his young wife, sleeping in blissful ignor- ance of the great trouble which the next day’s sun would surely disclose, dreaming of the baby that was so soon, like a kind mes- sage from the Great Father, to gladden their humble but happy home; and then the silent, scalding-hot tears one by one—but, Pshaw why waste any sympathy upon a fool who expected to live by a system which he was not willing to obey as a slave? Of course he thought when morning came that in that one night he had lived through ten years of misery. Of course he hurried to the Department, still hoping that the God to whom he prayed for his wife and unborn child, might find some means of arresting the calamity. Of course the ostensible Chief of the Department received him kindly, and explained to him the crime which he had committed, and expressed his regret that he had been compelled to thus summarily dis- 192 ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. miss him. Of course he grew indignant at this, his first lesson in practical politics, and denounced his dismissal as an act of tyranny, wicked, disgraceful and cruel; and then, Sud- denly thinking of his home, of his wife, and of how he was to provide food and nursing and a doctor, broke down utterly, and, sob- bing like a child, told of his great necessities, and promised to submit in the future and to do anything in his power to repair the wrong he had done, and was told, kindly but frankly, that nothing could be done, as his place had already been filled. Of course he went away cursing the system, and praying God to visit upon the Boss something of the misery which He caused others to suffer, and stopping every acquaintance whom he met on the street to tell his story, receiving sympathy from all, and from some the consoling assur- ance that he “ought not to have been such a d d fool.” Of course some of his hearers, warned by his example, endeavored to make amends for their own indiscretions by going from one saloon to another where there was a prospect of meeting any of the Leaders, and ANOTHER way To RUN A cAMPAIGN. 193 hurrahing for “Mulhooly all the time.” Of course, when he was at last compelled to go home, tired, hungry, and sick at heart, and to tell his poor young wife all, the shock brought on Well, Nature has not pro- vided us with a sufficient supply of tears to meet the demands made upon our sensibilities by the miseries brought upon the innocent and helpless by the follies of our fellow-men. A few such examples are sufficient to strike terror to the hearts, not only of the employees of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, but also of all who are in the public service and whom Their vengeance can possibly reach. Their next task was to raise sufficient money to defray the expense of electing Michael Mulhooly, and it was an easy one. Henry Armor, indorsed as he was by bank- presidents and millionaires, who, according to their own views, had contributed most liber- ally to his campaign fund, would have been greatly astonished had he been told that a sum nearly three times as large as that which had been subscribed by his wealthy friends 194 ANOTHER way To RUN A cAMPAIGN. had been raised without difficulty to secure his defeat. Blossom Brick, as Chairman of a sub-Com- mittee of the City Committee, took upon him- self the, to him, agreeable duty of collecting this fund. Lists were always ready for use on such occasions, containing the name of every man directly or indirectly employed un- der the city government, with the amount of His salary, or an estimate of the Rebates and a/zumde profits attached to his office, set oppo- site his name. - It was customary to levy an assessment varying from one to five per cent. upon the estimated salary of each. With a salary list of $6,595,625, one per cent. of this sum would amount to $65,956. Even if but two-thirds of those who were requested to pay their as- sessments responded—and it is a dangerous thing for any man to refuse to comply with so obviously just a request—over $40,000 could thus be raised in a few days. Allowing a proper percentage of this sum for natural leakage while passing through the hands of those charged with its collection—and surely ANOTHER way TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. 195 those who labor day and night for the party without any ostensible salary ought not to be expected to account for every cent—it will be readily seen that if Blossom Brick's rule for estimating the cost of securing an election be correct, there still would remain a very large sum to be used in making the requisite number of election officers “solid.” In this rule Blossom Brick placed implicit faith. He laughed when other people talked about relying upon public meetings and speeches to carry an election, and repeated one of his favorite expressions, “An election officer well ºn hand 2s worth a score of voters on the half shell.” Having raised this fund, he also took upon himself the, to him, agreeable duty of dis- bursing it. One of his peculiarities in man- aging this responsible part of the campaign, for which he was noted, was that he never allowed any portion of such a fund to remain unexpended, or turned over any surplus to the Committee for a reserve fund. On the contrary, he invariably had bills outstanding, and claims of his own for bills which he had 1 196 ANOTHER WAY TO RUN A CAMPAIGN. felt compelled to pay out of his own pocket. This proved how thoroughly he did his work. Upon him also mainly devolved the deli- cate and responsible duty of conducting those diplomatic negotiations, not only with election officers, upon whom he so strongly relied, but also with that valuable body of statesmen, such as Hon. Hugh McCann, Piggy Degan and Pud. Muldoon, who have a positive genius for bringing out voters, even in Wards in which they do not reside, and where they are supposed to have no very ex- tended acquaintance. It is sufficient to say that when such work was done by Blossom Brick it was well done, and that he highly commended Michael Mulhooly for the assist- ance which he rendered in more than one case of peculiar delicacy and difficulty. Each Election District was carefully and accurately canvassed, and at a private meet- ing of the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss, field on the Saturday evening when Mr. Henry Armor was delighting the large audi- ence in the Academy of Music with his rhe- torical display, They were able to point out ANOTHER way to RUN A cAMPAIGN. 197 exactly the amount and character of work which was still necessary to be done in cer- tain Election Districts to insure success. On the night before the election—so ad- mirably had Michael Mulhooly's campaign been managed—the sporting men commenced to bet heavily on his election. XXIII. 7%e A’eszz/t. T ten o'clock on election morning it was evident that Henry Armor was polling an exceedingly strong vote. At two o'clock P. M. bets of $1,000 to $500 that his majority would not be less than two thou- sand were offered at the clubs without takers. At four o'clock P. M. the afternoon papers published reports of disturbances at several voting places in the District. When the polls closed there seemed to be Ino doubt of the election of the Reform Can- didate, but by a much smaller majority than his friends had predicted. For the last hour, in a number of Election Districts, the Mul- Hooly voters rallied in such strength and numbers around the polls as to prevent any other voters from approaching the window. (198) THE RESULT. 199 Toward nine o'clock P. M. rumors com- menced to come in of frauds in counting the returns, and of the carrying off of ballot- boxes by bodies of armed men who declared that the Armor election officers contemplated making false returns in favor of their candi- date. In one of these Election Districts an election officer was shot, and in another two citizens who were assisting the election offi- cers to defend the ballot-boxes were reported to have been mortally wounded. At two o'clock A. M. a number of Election Districts were yet to be heard from, no re- turns having been made, owing, as was alleged by Michael Mulhooly's friends, to the attempt of a body of armed roughs in Armor's employ to count their candidate in. Michael Mulhooly and Blossom Brick were up all night, driving from one voting-place to another, encouraging their election officers to stand firm, and not to allow Mulhooly to be counted out. At daylight Blossom Brick ordered Patsy Maguire—at whose saloon they had just ar- rived, worn out by their arduous labors—to 200 THE RESULT. open a basket of wine, and invited up some twenty members of the “Michael Mulhooly Campaign Club’—who had also been en- gaged all night in guarding the sanctity of the ballot—to drink to the health of their “next Congressman, Hon. Michael Mul- hooly.” When the official returns were all in and counted it was found that, notwithstanding the unprecedented frauds which were alleged to have been committed in the interest of the Reform candidate, Michael Mulhooly was elected by a majority of three hundred and seventy-nine votes, and consequently, he re- ceived the certificate of election. Thus were the Leaders, the Ring and the Boss vindicated by the people. Mr. Armor's friends were astonished at the result, and indignantly denied the charges of fraud made against them. They claimed that their candidate had been elected by more than one thousand majority, and had been deliberately counted out. Steps were immediately taken to contest Michael Mulhooly's seat. A committee was THE RESULT. 201 appointed to canvass the Congressional Dis- trict; a large fund was subscribed to defray the necessary expenses, and a number of eminent counsel were employed to prepare the proper petition and present the case at the opening of the next session of Congress. The 77 wth-feller from day to day published the details, which it claimed would establish the most wicked and stupendous scheme to over-ride the will of the people that had ever been perpetrated or attempted in the city. A number of election officers were arrested and held to bail, and one of them made an affidavit that he had been paid $150 by Blos- som Brick, in the presence of Michael Mul- hooly, to alter the returns so that they would show a gain of fifty votes for Mulhooly. It was announced that upon this affidavit a war- rant would be issued for the arrest of both these gentlemen, but no such warrant was issued, on account of the sudden disappear. ance of the man who had made this affidavit. This singular conduct on his part gave color to the allegation of Blossom Brick that it was only a “put-up job,” and that the man had 202 THE RESULT. been paid by Armor's friends to make the affidavit and then “skip,” so as to enable them to cover up their own frauds. As the session of Congress drew near, each, party claimed to have secured overwhelming evidences of frauds committed by the other side. The contest, however, was never to be made, owing to the sudden death of Mr. Henry Armor, who, notwithstanding his peculiar political views, had won the regard and esteem of many-of the best people in the community, by whom his loss was sincerely Imourned. The night before Michael Mulhooly's de- parture to take his seat in the American Congress the Michael Mulhooly Campaign Clubs tendered him a serenade and made a street parade, marshalled by Hon. Hugh McCann, Piggy Degan and Pud. Muldoon, and carrying transparencies upon which were inscribed various striking and original In Ottoes. Two of these transparencies, borne side by side, were so peculiar and suggestive, that this sketch of a distinguished representative PRACTICE VS. THEORY..—p. 203. *===me Copyrighted, 1889, by Gebbie & Co. THE RESULT. 203 of the system which will fill so important a page of the political history of the country, cannot be more fittingly concluded than by reproducing the mottoes which they bore: MIKE MULHOOLY, M. C. BY THE GRACE OF THE GODS. A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, BY THE PEOPLE, AND FOR THE PEOPLE. The Leaders, the Ring, and the Boss, and Their thousands of dependants, had been truly—Solid for Mulhooly. APPENDIX. DADDY RAT AS JAIL-KEEPER. [From the Baltimore Civil Service Reformer, September, 1888.] ( | )"; James Ratcliffe, otherwise “Daddy Rat,” is brought out of the old Tolbooth, or “Heart of Midlothian,” and calmly proposes that, in- stead of being hanged on this his fourth sentence, he shall be made under-turnkey, the magistrate is appalled at the fellow’s effrontery. A strange set of circumstances lead (in the story) to the granting of his request, and Madge Wildfire meets her new jailer with the salutation, “Gude e'en to ye, Daddy Ratton; they tauld me ye were hanged, man.” In relating this incident, Sir Walter Scott probably thought that he had driven the improbable quite as far as was safe, even in a novel. Truth, however, is stranger than fiction ; at least it is so in the State of Maryland. Had Scott lived here in the present year of our Lord, he would have found that what he considered a rather sensational episode was the “regular ’’ rule, and our penal institutions were in great measure intrusted to men of known criminal antecedents. At this very hour Mr. Mike Murphy, one of the most notorious of the Wey- (204) APPENDIx. 205 1er gang, is deputy warden in the Baltimore City Jail, in which he was a convict only a few years ago. He took the place of Dick Carter, Weyler's brother-in-law, and another of the same gang, whose record shows thirteen arrests and three indictments, and who retired to assume the charge of Weyler's saloon at the Cross Street Market, which is the rendezvous of the gang. - But the most sensational appointment we have yet had was made a few weeks ago, when John W. Weyler him- self, the veritable “Daddy Rat’’ of the organization, was appointed Warden of the Penitentiary, the institution in which two of his most useful followers, Burke and Ken- nedy, are now serving out sentences for a political mur- der. Is not this a little startling, even for Baltimore? Does not the presence of three members of this gang in important places in the management of our jail and peni- tentiary give to the direction of those institutions rather too much the air of a representative government? The rise of this man Weyler is the strongest of all proofs of the close connection of our “regular” organi- zation with our criminal population. Weyler has for Some time been a prominent and a corrupt member of the City Council, and is now the President of the First Branch, and is sometimes Acting Mayor. The giving to him, however, of the important office of Warden of the Penitentiary at the same time that he holds these other positions, is an unusual proceeding, and deserves atten- tion. Let us see who and what Weyler is. It is a little difficult to give a clear notion of this. The simple method of getting at the record of an ordinary Baltimore 206 - APPENDIX. “statesman '’ will not do in this case. A short run through the dockets of the Criminal Court will give for most of our rulers a history both satisfactory and volumin- ous. Weyler, however, was a detective at the beginning of his career, has all of Daddy Rat's wariness, keeps dark when sober, and generally acts on the detective’s rule to do nothing in person that can be done by an agent. His life, therefore, is not “spread upon the records” as are those of so many of our great men. One instance will serve to illustrate this difference. In the congressional election of 188o Weyler had had ap- pointed as judges of election his friend “Mike '' Murphy and a young man named Bowers, a Sailor, scarcely of age, entirely ignorant of all election matters and fresh from his first voyage—the recognized machinery for stuffiing a bal- lot-box, namely, one scamp and one tyro. Acting under instructions from Weyler as to his powers and duties as judge, Bowers refused admittance to and assaulted the United States Marshal. For this Bowers was convicted in the United States Court and served a short term in jail, but Weyler escaped all punishment. Usually working thus by indirection, it is difficult to fasten his crimes upon him. Some facts can, however, be given that will illus- trate his true character and show the enormity of his ap- pointment to so important a post as that of Warden of the Penitentiary. The most significant of these is that Weyler is chief of the Seventeenth Ward gang, that has figured so prominently in the discussions and disgraces of the last two years. He has thc distribution of the patronage, and selects the agents that are needed for the APPENDIX. 207 kind of work on which “the party” relies in that ward. The names of his principal lieutenants and agents have become familiar; but, at the risk of telling an old story, we will recall a few of them, as showing what kind of an organization Weyler is at the head of: James F. Busey is Superintendent of Streets. Has been arrested thirty-nine times and indicted twelve times. (Said by Mayor Hodges to have “an interesting family.”) Many of his indictments have been for very brutal assaults, and one at least for an assault on a woman. Busey was once Weyler's senior officer, but Weyler has been pro- moted over him for meritorious service. Beauregard Carter, a notorious and dangerous ruffian, killed in cold blood by other members of the gang some four years ago. Tom Hogan, indicted for the killing of Councilman Mulligan, but acquitted. John Burke and James Kennedy are now serving out a term in the penitentiary for the murder of John F. Cur- ran. They were appointed judges of election through the Weyler machinery, and this was their first act after they joined the harmonious officialty described by Mayor Hodges. Richard Carter was until a few weeks ago Deputy War- den at the jail. He has been arrested thirteen times and indicted three times. He is now in charge of the grog- gery, No. 25 Weyler Street, formerly kept and still owned by Weyler himself, which is the meeting place of the “officialty” of the ward. He is Weyler's brother-in- law. A good photograph of this gentleman would be of 208 APPENDIX. much use during our local campaigns, and during off years it would serve as an illustration for Dickens' char- acter of Bill Sykes. Mike Murphy is now a Deputy Warden at the jail. He was formerly a convict there. He has often been arrested. For many years he was an assistant to Jim Busey, but he took Carter's place at the jail when the latter took charge of Weyler's saloon. As the Hatter said to the March Hare, “All move up one place.” John Murphy, alias Butch, is a well-known tough, fre- quently arrested, and always in office. He is the close friend and protégé of Weyler, who has for years kept him in his present post of page in the City Council. He is under indictment at the present time for fraudulent regis- tration. As to Weyler's own individual character, much is known, but not much is speakable. A few of the more presentable facts will, however, prove interesting. He was once on the police detective force, but was dismissed for misconduct. Weyler was arrested in 1884 for intimi- dating voters. The charge was not pressed, for the rea- son that the prosecuting witness was unwilling to press it. This reason, when entered in political cases, generally means that the prosecuting witness was threatened or bought off by the accused and his friends. Characteristic of his associations are the thrashings Weyler has suffered. He was beaten in a very brutal way in his own bar-room some years ago by one “Billy” Car- roll, a brother of James F. Busey, who for some reason had had his name changed. He was also beaten by one APPENDIX. 209 Michael Wagner in front of the saloon of the well-known ex-City Councilman Jacob Crow, and was picked up in an unconscious state from that statesman’s cellar-door. The latest episode of this sort in Weyler's career, how- ever, was the assault upon him in 1884 by “Bill '’ Harig, a well-known political “bruiser’’ of the Fifteenth Ward, who for years back has been equally at home in the crim- inal dock and at the governmental table. Harig as- saulted Weyler most viciously, apparently without any provocation. He was indicted for assault with intent to kill, but he was only convicted of a common assault. Harig exhibited during the trial the most reckless au- dacity, and rather interested the jury in spite of the evident fact that he was a desperado. He called as wit- nesses indiscriminately the most prominent and respecta- ble men in Weyler's ward to prove that he was not to be believed on oath, and Weyler made no attempt to con- trovert this charge. Harig boasted openly that he had gotten himself arrested for the sake of producing this proof, and his character and behavior make this seem not improbable. These are a few facts in the life of this man who is now President of the First Branch of the City Council, who sometimes acts as Mayor, and who has been appointed Warden of our Penitentiary. They will serve to show in a very general way the style of man chosen for this place. We have not gone into the more revolting details of his life, because to do so would make this recital too dis- gusting. People will ask how such a man can get an office of 210 APPENDIX. responsibility like the wardenship of the penitentiary P But it should be understood that Weyler, in spite of his low character, is quite a power in our city politics. Mr. Rasin's three principal lieutenants in the city are Quinn, Mahon, and John F. Weyler; and it is said that Weyler of late has had more influence than either of the others. With two of the best offices in the city, his seat at the governmental table is a very prominent one, and he is no man to go unfed. The post of Warden is a particularly attractive one to a covetous statesman, as it affords among its perquisites free board and lodging in a fine house and unlimited “supplies.” There is a peculiar significance, too, in Weyler's appointment, which is apparent on reflec- tion. It seems likely that all political offenders are to be granted clemency as soon as it shall be safe. A large part of the convicted judges and clerks have already been pardoned by Governor Jackson, and the last legislature condoned the crimes of all not yet convicted. But the pardon of Burke and Kennedy, who rendered a more im- portant service than any of the other judges, is still de- layed, doubtless, as Higgins said when trying to get rid of one of the witnesses against them, till public attention shall “blow over.” The two martyrs have a right to con- sider themselves most unfairly and ungratefully treated. It cannot be doubted that they are restless and complain- ing. Is it uncharitable to surmise that one of the duties of the chief of the Seventeenth Ward organization, who has been put in charge of them, will be to keep them from “squealing ” till the city statesmen can compel the Governor to pardon them? LIST OF THE NEW PUBLICATIONS OF Gebbie & Co., 900 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, LONG FELLOW'S POEM OF NUREM BERG. Illustrated with 28 photogravures from views of the ancient city, and the 27 verses of the poem embellished with illuminated initial let- ters from works of the middle ages. Copied and arranged by Mary E. and Amy Comegys (permission of Houghton, Mifflin & Co.). $7.50 Imperial 8vo, cloth gilt & º e e An Edition de Luxe (limited to 500 copies), with plates on India paper, each copy numbered, full parchment or grained morocco . º & I2.5O gº. The photogravures in this work are made by the Gebbie & Husson Photogravure Co., Limited. |MEMOIRS OF THE COUNT DE GRAMMONT. A new edition, copiously illustrated with 20 portraits by Scriven, and 17 photogravures from Lely’s “Windsor Beauties,” besides 25 new illustrations by Delort (photogravures), forming an elegant gallery of what Horace Walpole terms “The Court of Paphos.” With notes by Horace Walpole, Sir Walter Scott and Mrs. Anne Jameson. The most complete and elegant edition of this graphic picture of the court and times of Charles II. ever published. 8vo, cloth gilt tº tº e e º $5.OO An Edition de Luxe (limited to 500 copies), with plates, on India paper, each copy numbered, imperial octavo, full parchment or grained morocco . e © . I2.5O Bº Photogravure reproductions by the Gebbie & Husson Co., Limited. - WORKS OF ROBERT BURNS. A new and complete edition, self-interpreting, with copious notes and 60 new illustrations on steel. 6 vols., 8vo, cloth extra, gilt º & g © . $18.oo 6 vols., Edition de Luxe, plates on India paper, cloth, gilt top . - • g e - * - . 3O.OO The chief feature of this edition is that it is prepared specially for English readers, the Scotch words being glossed at the end of each line in the English translation, so that American readers can easily sunderstand the whole. Afrom General Wilson, AWezy Poré. DEAR MR. GEBBIE : I think I may safely say that your edition of Burns must be the final edition, and that nothing will be leſt for those who attempt to follow you. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Carnegie, January 23, 1888. Please retain half-dozen copies of Edition de Zuxe Burns for me. I shall use them for presents to some Scotchmen dear to me on the other side. So glad to have America send them such a marvel. You have at last given mankind the edition of Burns' works upon which it (his fame) will rest. No other is ever likely to be required. That the land of Triumphant Democracy—of which Burns was the prophet poet—should give this to our and his native land, warms my heart Zvith rejoicing. Yours always, ANDREW CARNEGI.E. MR. GEBBIE, Philadelphia. MAN ON LESCAUT. By the Abbé Prevost. Illustrated with over 200 designs by Maurice Lelior and 12 original exquisite etchings, printed on IHolland paper, proof before letter. Imperial octavo, cloth, gilt top, uncut . © ſe . $12.50 The most elegant edition of this celebrated French classic ever published. GOETHE'S REYNARD THE FOX. Translated by Arnold (unabridged), with all Kaulbach's illustrations, etchings and photogravures. 8vo, cloth gilt e e & $1.50 SUETONIUS.–THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS. - By C. Suetonius Tranquillus. The translation of Alexander Thom- son, M. D., revised and corrected. Illustrated with 24 portraits on steel, from authentic antique statues and busts of the emperors and their contemporaries, in the museums of Europe. 8vo, cloth extra . * & º g * * . $3.75 THE APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Being the Gospels and Epistles used by the followers of Christ in the first three centuries after his death, and rejected by the Council of Nice, A. D. 325. Illustrated with 32 engravings from ancient missals. I vol., royal 8vo . te tº te tº & º • $1.25 STEAM AND ELECTRIC PRACTICE AND ENGINEERING. A practical guide to approved methods of construction and the prin- ciples relating thereto, with examples, practical rules and formulae. By John G. Winton, Engineer, author of “Modern Workshop Practice.” Assisted by W. J. Millar, C. E., Secretary of the In- stitution of Engineers and Shipbuilders in Scotland, author of “Principles of Mechanics,” etc. With additional American Ex- amples, and an Introduction by Joseph M. Wilson, C. E., of Phil- adelphia. Illustrated with about 900 engravings. 4 vols., 8vo, cloth e e gº e e * . $12.OO CHARACTER SKETCHES FROM DICKENS. 13y F. Barnard. Containing 12 photogravures. India prooſs $5.00 CELEBRATED COMEDIANS. Containing 12 character portraits of eminent comedians, etchings. India proofs . gº g tº tº c * tº . $5.OO THE LIVES OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS AND THEIR ASSOCIATES. From Julius Caesar (B. c. 100) to Augustulus (A. D. 476). Translated from the original text of Suetonius Tacitus, Mongez, Visconti, Crevier, and others. Edited by J. Eugene Reed, A. M. 5 vols., 8vo, cloth, gilt © º te tº e . $15.OO PFOSPECTU.S. The preparation of the “History of the Lives of the Roman Em- perors” dates from the days of the Caesars. In their lifetimes their portraits were made in marble and bronze by famous artists, and their lives were written by contemporary historians, and although both the statues and the histories were engulfed in the dark ages that succeeded the fall of the empire, yet, as Europe in the Renaissance emerged from ignorance and barbaric desolation, the histories first were restored to the libraries, and, more slowly, the statues to the museums of Europe. TENNYSON'S COMPLETE WORKS. 13 volumes bound in 3 volumes . * * º & . $4.50 gº. This edition is printed from the large-type 13-volume edition published by Kegan Paul & Co., and sold at 2s. 6d. per volume; it includes “Queen Mary” and “Harold,” and all the minor poems till 1883. THE IMITATION OF CHRIST. By Thomas a Kempis. A new translation. Elegant edition with artistic borders and 20 photogravure steel-plate illustrations selected chiefly from the old masters in the Gallery of the Louvre. Gilt cloth, 8vo . & * * tº g wº . $5.00 B& The old masters are in the true spirit of holiness, and fitted to keep company, artistically, with the devotion of Thomas a Kempis. THE DICTIONARY OF BIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCE. By Lawrence B. Phillips, F. R. A. S. New edition. Containing over IOO,OOO brief biographies of all eminent men who have ever lived in all times and countries till the present day. Revised and augmented till 1889. With appendix till date by Frank Weiten- kampf, of the Astor Library, New York. Upwards of 1,000 pages. Philadelphia, 1889. 8vo, half morocco g fe e º ſe © . $5.OO Hº This work contains reference to all biographies included in over 50 Encyclopaedias and Biographical Dictionaries, none of which includes more than 15,000 biographies—this contains more than IOO,OOO. From the Zibrarian of Congress. WASHINGTON, D. C., October 13, 1888. Dear Sirs. Phillips’ “Dictionary of Biographical Reference” I nave long used as the only trustworthy guide to the exact full names of all persons, giving every Christian name in the vernacular lan- guage of the country to which he belonged. I have had to buy no less than four copies of it for the use of my catalogue force. With high regard, (Signed) A. R. SPOFFORD. To MESSRS. GEBBIE & Co., Publishers. THE HISTORY OF Joshua DAVIDson, COMMUNIST. Or the Modern Imitation of Christ—how it works in practical life in the nineteenth century. By Mrs. E. Lynn Linton. I2mo, cloth . tº † o º © tº . 75 cents. “A novel in the same line of thought, but superior to Robert Elsmere.’”—Philadelphia Inquirer. Hºt This book was suppressed by the first American publishers. SOLID FOR MULHOOLY. A political satire. By Rufus E. Shapley. With Io full-page new drawings, designed expressly for the work by Thomas Nast. 12mo, cloth . ſº ſº e ſº º & e © .75 Paper . te t tº • * > o tº º & .5O B& The most brilliant political satire of modern times. THE LAUGHING PHILOSOPHER. (In the Middle of the Nineteenth Century.) Edited by Alfred Crow- quill. With 140 illustrations. I2mo, cloth . ſº g ſº tº & $1.5o B& Rare fun and pleasant philosophy, treating of Medicine, Law, Smoking, Drinking, Sleeping, Marriage, Idleness, Racing, Oratory, Fighting, The Feelings, Punning, etc. ** Any of the above publications will be mailed by Gebbie & Co., fostage paid, on receipt of the retail price. tº-º-º-º-º-; * - - º:…sº lºssº. fººtº: - ... sº tº prº fºliº, ºgºś º, & : Hºº" a.º.º.º. sº §ºg ºrºsº | * ºs wºrs... ºrsy tº trºº tºº.Rºss . . ." ºw a s:::::::: ſººſ HIGAN | |||| |||| ∞ √∞ ！:ſſä; |||| 3 9015 O1 JAN U 2 1992 ſae: §§§ ‹› ‹‹. ſae DO NOT REMOVE OR MUTILATE CARD :33:3，5. §、、、、、、、、、、）########§），-$£§§: §§§######¿&#};};};\;###333;， §ğ#######################× *。'&'（）**º.）*， *:ț¢ £ ##§§§#####ģ ----§§§§§§§§§ §§§§ģ $$$$$$ •ę ---- ;: - -4×$$$$$$;$$$$Źºſ: §§§ģ$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$§§§§ğ§§§§§§- -*:ſ！-§§§）}{3!Äſi.;&######### §§§§§-º，#:#$$$$$$$$$-！*** gwae:----- §§|-! #¿¿?！?§§§;*$ſ;r§§****- -·|-r， #±，±，±，±），№ºae,|-|-#######·§§§§§§§§）;$ $ $%&&ſ, į№r:; *?,（~~~s:|- ¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡¡ -};}$$*-№º！!!ķ§:ſ::ys§§§§§|ě· ·';º&£§§į.- ·--\$3'）;:#***+-« ， ºwº§§§§§*?- •* •№:№è:#ʧ§§§§§§§-************• ！！!;3， ±,±，±，±，±），！ ?· ############ț¢;################$$$$$$$$$$$$$§§§§§$$$$$$$$$$§§§§ #########################################ģ̧§§:::::::ffffff;$$$$$$$-##### ############################ģţ ğ########################$%$§§§§§§§- ################ğģ§§§）};&#};ģ¿$$$$· … .*¿.**** **、、。•* • ***...*..*.*¿.*- …*…::<șº: }∞§¿-----* ----£ĶÅ-***¿¿.ķ »§§|ſå· • ×#:##Ž:º） *- -！ 3§§§:§§|- - ¡ ¿+;§§！}、。}%#####}}Żºłę{*$$$$ #########§§§§§§§§§§§$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$。##$$·§§§§Ë #ffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffff; $$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$§§§§§:ſſae*…*----}}$$-Ķ##žšºſ#№ț¢;$$$$$$ Ź№ſsaeģ§§$$$$$$$$$× × ×ģ;&##∞ √° *** Ķſ$$}ğ#ģ####ț¢¿?- Ķ #:;ſ įģ*.*$ ~~xe exe: ºſy < :*: $$$$$$$ ¿ §§§ 、、、、、、、、、、、、、、、 „， , ** §§$šķºſ:×4×$$§§§§§$#######2$$） };###--|- ！****� ģ-§§§:::::： .*,，----------#######§§§ #::::::：}%;! *ſ*: » f *§§§Žºr:ſi: ;$.*?\}\ſ*.*Ķț¢;};¿??¿-***， ¿######¿##¿?·%-------- $$$$$$- … ºffs # && i.4% §º: §§ §§*******· şſe,¿.*;;#33;: *ae¿?#######################ģ ¿;$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$¿??¿?și¿šķ ###################$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$$¿ğț¢;#####¿#####šī£ğ###r. ţ########&#;¿§§§§§§§§§§§§} {ļģĶĒĖĖĘĘĢģĞğ###- -- }* §ğĒģ ！， };&#}; * •*æ $$$$$$$§§§§############}&{;§§§§§§ §ğ#####¿{§§§§§}}}}§§§-§§§ - §;$####$$$$$$$$$$-...ºvº- ģ#######-• ķ#########- šķ########### £.":¿######ğţ *• .* |--。# ·wſ ºſ ¿<;;&#， *****ț¢;ſaeſſae&?#%&ºffſ.{{#¡Ã ¿§§§§§§§§§§§§§§ §ğ##!#%$% * * † ;3 º; § ##### |- -§§§§• .---****）- *§§§§§§§§§§1±*$';*ĢĒ$$$$$$$??????¿:3§§ ¿?§{ſ}§§§§§§§*****-23， §#;ț¢;&###Ė###########$$$$$$ #: - $” - #: ºf;: ::::: wº - ºf wºº --:*（?:.**…*?）&&&&&&！::::::::::：: §§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§§ Ë¿$$$$$$$ # $4. *; :::::ķț¢§§§§§-~§§-}|-¿$··$（'#$$$$$ț¢; ¿ §§§§§§īvº）¿Ë§§§§§Ř-§3§§§§§§§§§¿§§§;&### »§§- •，，.，，.，:.，， （ -¿ †*șºſº w$$$$$$ſaer.######## ș• ---------#f:{{:{{: ----*:）-**********.**…*¿.* };}Ź;&š?！?$$$######{}; ！*#！**$ſ;-$$$$$$§§§§:ſſae &####}&\;&#:};§§§§· y！ſĘț¢， $§$%$########3;&##};+ }·№sº-,!！！！|-::·** ·ğ###ţģţģğţĶī£§§§§§:::：: ####ğ#####šķğğģēģğț¢;$$--#############ğžič;&###-§§§§§§§）; §§§§§§§¿?§:ț¢ £7;&:§3;$ț¢:ț¢§§±%#??）;È ſ.:::: ********- Ēģżț¢#######ţ-ț¢;&#***-- - º ſº waeRae §§-- ----- ·¿ ########## };;;;;}};$$$$- ：§§šķļģğ};- ſăſł}}›‹ſae É # § º: ::::::::::: §¶√∞ √±¿¿.* ***）， §§ → ·¿№ :******* }}&###§§§ §§§§§§:ſſaeº, †: r º : # #:: §§ 4 § # §§ -§§;$ și -§F:{::;;，，，:::}} ----ț¢;:§§§§- ，，.，：;--§§§%ſ*$$$$$$$$$$~----§§§§§§ ，|-…-'.» º «…….&# : ;------， ，ºſſºſ:：::::§§§§ -###########################ğË#$$$$$$$$$$$$$$§###########§§§§######3- țţģ#ffff;¿¿': ***¿¿.*¿¿.* išķºš#########}}******„¿· ¿################### ſ맧}·#·· **}{{§ -----、、。######ģ§§#####*& ：¿}; - § - .??ſaegs，§;:říši- *§;¿·$$$$$$$ -|-|-* ---- s ≠ ≠-*$%&'（）**·*-*****$5），§•#'）;;;;ſ.---- -ſå¿??¿?!--¿?--######};&#$;':·ș，- ….…··***）:::****-----* №w：§¶√∞* ... ------ !，3%）-· ·§§######## |-·· -----|-§§§:.§§####× ± --★ →¿?.?. |-¿?###### §§·¿################################§§§########!«§§§§§$%$§$%&&£;:§§§§ș #ffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffffff; ?;: $43，ģţ-{{!}}}įſiš;$}}ģ- --§§§§· ·ſae, --ț¢;-- $$$$$$$$$ -§§→ §§§§§§§§§§§ țăţ ::::::::}。ģ §§§-。 $3 §§§: --- * * * ::::::::A; ºf::::::: $º. ::: +º §§§ță£§§§ ********ș########§§§§##### § **: *: t §§§§§）; ----§§ğ? :：:：: *******¿¿. §§§§§§§§§ §§#: §§#w. : $