ANCIENT ENGLISH POETRY SÅ DET 821.2 P43 1845 MACERAS ((C CO 70 D LOCA 3))) CCCTCC Fana JULY alice ))}} 35 AIAMAMATHIA In na MISE 1817 ARTES LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN VERITAS PLURIOUS UNOS SCIENTIA OF THE TCEBOR ||⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀||||||| ke SUERIS-PENINSULAM-AMCENAM CIRCUMSPICE AVĀM VAJES BENDIKOA SAN MARI THE GIFT OF Miss Mary S.Case MUILAS HALALLIKATU MYAL ) D WORK } 1 D 333 3 → D -12 برد D KE 33 2 7, D 333 072 32 D D })} 3 1097 TOYS 3 3 2.4 счу сг J * I ! хх his А ·BRA Į "+ } C L ! 3 f 821.2 P43 1845 } : 1 ! I 1. 1 I } i 1 جاناں OF FICH F.P. Stephanoff. J.Portbury Queen Elizabeth in Woodstock Parks HENRY GODDARD, RELIQUES OF ANCIENT ENGLISH POETRY, 59 Siphanoff COLLECTED BY THOMAS PERCY BISHOP OF DROMORE. L. Stocks Robin Hood and Maid Marian. LONDON HENRY G.BOHN: YORY STREET, COVENT GARDEN MDCCCXLV Ģ thee c } J RELIQUES OF j ANCIENT ENGLISH POETRY: CONSISTING OF OLD HEROIC BALLADS, SONGS, AND OTHER PIECES, OF OUR EARLIER POETS, TOGETHER WITH SOME FEW OF LATER DATE, AND A COPIOUS GLOSSARY. BY THOMAS PERCY, D.D. BISHOP OF DROMORE. LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. MDCCCXLV. ¿ ΤΟ ELIZABETH, LATE DUCHESS AND COUNTESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND, IN HER OWN RIGHT BARONESS PERCY, ETC. ETC. ETC., WHO, BEING SOLE HEIRESS TO MANY GREAT FAMILIES OF OUR ANCIENT NOBILITY, EMPLOYED THE PRINCELY FORTUNE, AND SUSTAINED THE ILLUSTRIOUS HONOURS, WHICH SHE DERIVED FROM THEM, THROUGH HER WHOLE LIFE, WITH THE GREATEST DIGNITY, GENEROSITY, AND SPIRIT; AND WHO FOR HER MANY PUBLIC AND PRIVATE VIRTUES WILL EVER BE REMEMBERED AS ONE OF THE FIRST CHARACTERS OF HER TIME, THIS LITTLE WORK WAS ORIGINALLY DEDICATED : AND AS IT SOMETIMES AFFORDED HER AMUSEMENT, AND WAS HIGHLY DISTINGUISHED BY HER INDULGENT APPROBATION, IT IS NOW. WITH THE UTMOST REGARD, RESPECT, AND GRATITUDE, CONSECRATED TO HER BELOVED AND HONOURED MEMORY. Log me to go Set Page 1 ESSAY on the Ancient Minstrels in England xiii 2 Notes and Illustrations... xxiii SERIES THE FIRST. BOOK THE FIRST. 1 The ancient Ballad of Chevy Chase.. 2 The Battle of Otterbourne. Illustration of the Names in the foregoing Ballads 3 The Jew's Daughter. A Scottish Ballad.. 4 Sir Cauline • .. 5 Edward, Edward. A Scottish Ballad 6 King Estmere... On the word Termagant CONTENTS. 7 Sir Patrick Spence. A Scottish Ballad 8 Robin Hood and Guy of Gisborne 9 An Elegy on Henry, Fourth Earl of Nor- thumberland, by Skelton 10 The Tower of Doctrine, by Stephen Hawes 11 The Child of Elle 12 Edom (Adam) o'Gordon. A Scottish Ballad 2 The aged Lover renounceth Love 3 Jepthah Judge of Israel.. 4 A Robyn, Jolly Robyn ·· 10 Corydon's Farewell to Phillis • 5 A Song to the Lute in Musicke.. 6 King Cophetua and the Beggar-maid 7 Take thy old Cloak about thee 8 Willow, Willow, Willow 9 Sir Lancelot du Lake BOOK THE SECOND. (Containing Ballads that illustrate Shakspeare.) Essay on the Origin of the English Stage .. 32 1 Adam Bell, Clym o' the Clough, and Wil- liam of Cloudesly... The Ballad of Constant Susannah .. Fortune · · 18 The Friar of Orders Gray ·· •• 11 Gernutus, the Jew of Venice 12 The Passionate Shepherd to his Love, by ·· • ·· Marlow The Nymph's Reply, by Sir W. Raleigh.. .. ·· 13 Titus Andronicus's Complaint 14 Take those Lips away. 15 King Leir and his Three Daughters 16 Youth and Age, by Shakspeare. 17 The Frolicksome Duke, or the Tinker's Good ·· • 5 My Mind to me a Kingdome is.... 6 The Patient Countess, by W. Warner 7 Dowsahell, by Drayton BOOK THE THIRD. 1 The more modern Ballad of Chevy Chase.. Illustration of the Northern Names 2 Death's Final Conquest, by James Shirley. 3 The Rising in the North + Northumberland betrayed by Douglas 1 10 ·· 5 9 10 11 12 13 19 20 20 24 27 28 30 40 47 48 48 49 50 51 120000 8:2050 m 52 53 55 55 55 59 60 61 63 63 64 66 70 70 71 73 76 77 79 8 The Farewell to Love, from Beaumont and Fletcher.... 9 Ulysses and the Syren, by S. Daniel.. 10 Cupid's Pastime, by Davison. 11 The Character of a Happy Life, by Sir H. Wotton 12 Gilderoy. A Scottish Ballad 23 Winifreda.. 14 The Witch of Wokey.. ·· • 15 Bryan and Pereene. A West India Ballad, by Dr. Grainger • 16 Gentle River, Gentle River. Translated from the Spanish 17 Alcanzar and Zayda, a Moorish Tale SERIES THE SECOND. BOOK THE FIRST. 1 Richard of Almaigne • 2 On the Death of King Edward I. 3 An original Ballad, by Chaucer. The Turnament of Tottenham 5 For the Victory at Agincourt.. 6 The Not-browne Mayd .. • ·· • • 7 A Balet by the Earl Rivers 8 Cupid's Assault. By Lord Vaux 9 Sir Aldingar 10 The Gaberlunzie Man. Scottish. By King James V. • • • • BOOK THE SECOND. 1 A Ballad of Luther, the Pope, a Cardinal, and a Husbandman .. ·· 14 The Murder of the King of Scots. .. - •• 104 11 On Thomas Lord Cromwell 105 12 Harpalus. An ancient English Pastoral .. 106 13 Robin and Makyne. An ancient Scottish Pastoral. 14 Gentle Herdsman, tell to me ·· • • • • · 15 King Edward IV. and the Tanner of Tam- worth.. • 16 As ye came from the Holy Land A Scottish Fragment. By 17 Hardyknute. Sir J. Bruce 4 ·· · • • .. Pige 80 81 • 13 Lady Anne Bothwell's Lament. A Scottish Song ** ***** ** 81 82 83 84 84 85 117 2 John Anderson my Jo. A Scottish Song.. 119 3 Little John Nobody 119 4 Queen Elizabeth's Verses, while Prisoner at Woodstock 5 The Heir of Linne • 6 Gascoigne's Praise of the fair Bridges, after- wards Lady Sandes 7 Fair Rosamond. By Thomas Delone 8 Queen Eleanor's Confession 86 88 89 90 92 92 95 96 100 100 101 123 124 127 9 The Sturdy Rock 129 10 The Beggar's Daughter of Bednal Green.. 129 An Essay on the word FIT, and the Ancient Ballad Singing 107 108 110 112 113 132 11 Fancy and Desire. By the Earl of Oxford 133 12 Sir Andrew Barton... 134 120 121 137 138 víii CONTENTS. 15 A Sonnet by Queen Elizabeth 16 The King of Scots and And. Browne. By W. Elderton • 17 The Bonny Earl of Murray. A Scottish Song 18 Young Waters. A Scottish Song. • 19 Mary Ambree 20 Brave Lord Willoughby. 142 142 143 145 21 Victorious Men of Earth. By James Shirley 146 ·· 22 The Winning of Cales 23 The Spanish Lady's Love • O • • • 24 Argentile and Curan. By W. Warner. 25 Corin's Fate.. 26 Jane Shore 27 Corydon's Doleful Knell 1 The Complaint of Conscience 2 Plain Truth and Blind Ignorance • • BOOK THE THIRD. Essay on the Metre of Pierce Plowman's Visions • • • 156 161 163 3 The Wandering Jew 164 4 The Lye. By Sir Walter Raleigh 166 • 5 Verses (viz. two Sonnets) by King James I. 167 6 King John and the Abbot of Canterbury.. 167 7 You Meaner Beauties. By Sir H. Wotton 8 The Old and Young Courtier. 169 169 170 9 Sir John Suckling's Campaigne.. 10 To Althea from Prison. By Col. Lovelace 171 • • • ·· BOOK THE SECOND. 1 The Legend of Sir Gaz 146 147 .. 148 152 152 155 • • · • •• BOOK THE FIRST. Essay on the Ancient Metrical Romances 1 The Boy and the Mantle 2 The Marriage of Sir Gawaine 3 King Ryence's Challenge 4 King Arthur's Death. A Fragment. 5 The Legend of King Arthur.. 11 The Downfal of Charing Cross.. 171 172 12 Loyalty Confined. By Sir Roger L'Estrange 13 Verses by King Charles I……. 173 14 The Sale of Rebellious Household Stuff 15 The Baffled Knight, or Lady's Policy 16 Why so Pale? By Sir John Suckling.. 17 Old Tom of Bedlam. Mad Song the First 177 18 The Distracted Puritan. Mad Song the 174 175 177 • • • • .. • • Second 178 19 The Lunatic Lover. Mad Song the Third. 179 20 The Lady Distracted with Love. Mad Song the Fourth.. • Page 139 180 21 The Distracted Lover. Mad Song the Fifth 180 22 The Frantic Lady. Mad Song the Sixth.. 181 23 Lilli-Burlero. By Lord Wharton.. 181 24 The Braes of Yarrow. In Imitation of the an- cient Scottish Manner. By W. Hamilton 182 25 Admiral Hosier's Ghost. By Mr. Glover. 183 26 Jemmy Dawson. By Mr. Shenstone 185 SERIES THE THIRD. • .... 140 • • .. 185 196 199 202 203 205 206 206 208 6 A Dyttie to Hey Downe 7 Glasgerion 8 Old Robin of Portingale 9 Child Waters 209 10 Phillida and Corydon. By Nic. Breton 211 212 11 Little Musgrave and Lady Barnard 12 The Ew-bughts Marion. A Scottish Song. 213 13 The Knight and Shepherd's Daughter 14 The Shepherd's Address to his Muse. By N. Breton 215 15 Lord Thomas and Fair Ellinor 215 16 Cupid and Campaspe. By John Lilye.... 216 17 The Lady turned Serving man 217 18 Gil (Child) Morrice. A Scottish Ballad.. 218 • • • · • 2 Guy and Amarant. By Sam. Rowlands 3 The Auld Good-man. A Scottish Song 4 Fair Margaret and Sweet William. 5 Barbara Allen's Cruelty 226 6 Sweet William's Ghost. A Scottish Ballad 227 7 Sir John Grehme and Barbara Allan. Ditto 228 8 The Bailiff's Daughter of Islington 228 .. 9 The Willow Tree. A Pastoral Dialogue... 229 10 The Lady's Fall 230 11 Waly, waly, Love be bonny. A Scottish Song 12 The Bride's Burial. Troy 23 The Witches Song. By Ben Johnson. 24 Robin Good-fellow .. • 25 The Fairy Queen.. 26 The Fairies Farewell. By Dr. Corbet.. BOOK THE THIRD. 231 232 13 Dulcina 233 14 The Lady Isabella's Tragedy. 234 15 A Hue and Cry after Cupid. By Ben Jonson 235 16 The King of France's Daughter 235 17 The Sweet Neglect. By Ben Jonson 18 The Children in the Wood.. 237 238 19 A Lover of late was I. 239 20 The King and the Miller of Mansfield. 240 21 The Shepherd's Resolution. By G. Wither 242 22 Queen Dido, or the Wandring Prince of • ·· • • .. ·· • •• ·· ·· • • Page 214 • 1 The Birth of St. George.. 2 St. George and the Dragon 3 Love will find out the Way 4 Lord Thomas and Fair Annet. A Scottish Ballad 255 256 5 Unfading Beauty. By Tho. Carew 6 George Barnwell.. 257 7 The Stedfast Shepherd. By Geo. Wither.. 260 8 The Spanish Virgin; or the Effects of Jealousy. 11 To Lucasta, on going to the Wars. By Col. Lovelace 12 Valentine and Ursine 13 The Dragon of Wantley. 14 St. George for England. The First Part.. 15 St. George for England. The Second Part. By J. Grubb. 16 Margaret's Ghost. By David Mallet 17 Lucy and Colin. By Tho. Tickell 18 The Boy and the Mantle, Revised, &c. 19 The ancient Fragment of the Marriage Sir Gawaine 20 Hermit of Warkworth Glossary 220 222 225 225 261 9 Jealousy, Tyrant of the Mind. By Dryden 262 10 Constant Penelope 263 243 244 245 247 247 of 249 252 254 264 264 268 271 272 276 277 278 280 283 293 ADVERTISEMENT TO THE FOURTH EDITION. TWENTY years have near elapsed since the last edi- tion of this work appeared. But, although it was sufficiently a favourite with the public, and had long been out of print, the original Editor had no desire to revive it. More important pursuits had, as might be expected, engaged his attention; and the present edition would have remained unpublished, had he not yielded to the importunity of his friends, and accepted the humble offer of an Editor in a nephew, to whom, it is feared, he will be found too partial. These volumes are now restored to the public with such corrections and improvements as have occurred since the former impression; and the text in particular hath been emended in many passages by recurring to the old copies. The instances being frequently trivial, are not always noted in the margin; but the alteration hath never been made without good reason: and especially in such pieces as were extracted from the folio manuscript so often mentioned in the following pages, where any varia- tion occurs from the former impression, it will be understood to have been given on the authority of that MS. The appeal publicly made to Dr. Johnson in the first page of the following preface, so long since as in the year 1765, and never once contradicted by him during so large a portion of his life, ought to have precluded every doubt concerning the existence of the MS in question. But such, it seems, having been suggested, it may now be mentioned, that while this edition passed through his press, the MS, itself was left for near a year with Mr. Nichols, in whose house, or in that of its possessor, it was examined with more or less attention by many gentlemen of eminence in literature. At the first publication of these volumes, it had been in the hands of all, or most of, his friends; but, as it could hardly be ex- pected that he should continue to think of nothing else but these amusements of his youth, it was after- wards laid aside at his residence in the country. Of the many gentlemen above mentioned, who offered to give their testimony to the public, it will be sufficient to name the Hon. Daines Barrington, the Rev. Clayton Mordaunt Cracherode, and those eminent Critics on Shakespeare, the Rev. Dr. Farmer, George Steevens, Esq., Edmund Malone. Esq. and Isaac Reed, Esq., to whom I beg lea appeal for the truth of the following representatio The MS. is a long narrow folio volume, contain ing 195 Sonnets, Ballads, Historical Songs, and Metrical Romances, either in the whole or in part, for many of them are extremely mutilated and imper- fect. The first and last leaves are wanting; and of 54 pages near the beginning half of every leaf hath been torn away, and several others are injured towards the end; besides that through a great part of the volume the top or bottom line, and sometimes both have been cut off in the binding. In this state is the MS. itself: and even where the leaves have suffered no injury, the transcripts, which seem to have been all made by one person, (they are at least all in the same kind of hand,) are sometimes extremely incorrect and faulty, being in such instances probably made from de- fective copies, or the imperfect recitation of illite- rate singers; so that a considerable portion of the sung or narrative is sometimes omitted; and mi- serable trash or nonsense not unfrequently intro- duced into pieces of considerable merit. And often the copyist grew so weary of his labour as to write on without the least attention to the sense or mean- ing; so that the word which should form the rhyme is found misplaced in the middle of the line ; and we have such blunders as these, want and will for wanton will*; even pan and wale for wan and palet, &c. &c. Hence the Public may judge how much they are indebted to the composer of this collection; who, at an early period of life, with such mate- rials and such subjects, formed a work which hath been admitted into the most elegant libraries; and with which the judicious antiquary hath just reason to be satisfied, while refined entertainment hath been provided for every reader of taste and genius. THOMAS PERCY, FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S COLLEge, Oxford. * Page 130. Ver. 117.-This must have been copied froin a reciter. † Page 139. Ver. 164, viz. "His visage waxed 7 PREFACE. THE reader is here presented with select remains of our ancient English Bards and Minstrels, an order of men, who were once greatly respected by our ancestors, and contribuuted to soften the roughness of a martial and unlettered people by their songs and by their music. The greater part of them are extracted from an ancient folio manuscript, in the Editor's possession, which contains near two hundred Poems, Songs, and Metrical Romances. This MS. was written abcut the middle of the last century; but contains compo- sitions of all times and dates, from the ages prior to Chaucer, to the conclusion of the reign of Charles I.* This manuscript was shown to several learned and ingenious friends, who thought the contents too curious to be consigned to oblivion, and importuned the possessor to select some of them, and give them to the press. As most of them are of great simpli- city, and seem to have been merely written for the people, he was long in doubt, whether, in the present state of improved literature, they could be deemed worthy the attention of the public. At length the importunity of his friends prevailed, and he could refuse nothing to such judges as the Author of the Rambler and the late Mr. Shenstone. Accordingly such specimens of ancient poetry have been selected, as either show the gradation of our language, exhibit the progress of popular opi- nions, display the peculiar manners and customs of former ages, or throw light on our earlier classical poets. They are here distributed into volumes, each of which contains an independent series of poems, arranged chiefly according to the order of time, and showing the gradual improvements of the English language and poetry from the earliest ages down to the present. Each volume, or series, is divided into three books, to afford so many pauses, or resting- places to the reader, and to assist him in distinguish- ing betwen the productions of the earlier, the middle, and the latter times. In a polished age, like the present, I am sensible that many of these reliques of antiquity will require great allowances to be made for them. Yet have they, for the most part, a pleasing simplicity, and many artless graces, which in the opinion of no mean * Chaucer quotes the old Romance of "Libius Disconius," and some others, which are found in this MS. It also con- tains several Songs relating to the Civil War in the last cen- but not one that alludes to the Restoration. critics have been thought to compensate for the want of higher beauties, and, if they do not dazzle the imagination, are frequently found to interest the heart. To atone for the rudeness of the more obsolete poems, each volume concludes with a few modern attempts in the same kind of writing and, to take off from the tediousness of the longer narratives, they are every where intermingled with little elegant pieces of the lyric kind. Select ballads in the old Scottish dialect, most of them of the first rate merit, are also interspersed among those of our ancient English Minstrels; and the artless productions of these old rhapsodists are occasionally confronted with specimens of the composition of contemporary poets of a higher class; of those who had all the advantages of learning in the times in which they lived, and who wrote for fame and for posterity. Yet perhaps the palm will be frequently due to the old strolling Minstrels, who composed their rhimes to be sung to their harps, and who looked no further than for present applause, and present subsistence. The reader will find this class of men occasionally described in the following volumes, and some par- ticulars relating to their history in an Essay sub- joined to this preface. G Ir will be proper here to give a short account of the other collections that were consulted, and to make my acknowledgements to those gentle- men who were so kind as to impart extracts from them; for, while this selection was making, a great number of ingenious friends took a share in the work, and explored many large repositories in its favour. The first of these that deserved notice was the Pepysian library at Magdalen College, Cambridge. Its founder, Sam. Pepys +, Esq., Secretary of the Ad- miralty in the reigns of Charles II. and James II. had made a large collection of ancient English ballads, near two thousand in number, which he has left pasted in five volumes in folio; besides Gar- lands and other smaller miscellanies. This collec- tion, he tells us, was "begun by Mr. Selden; im- * Mr. Addison, Mr. Dryden, and the witty Lord Dorset, &c. See the Spectator, No. 70. To these might be added many eminent judges now alive. The learned Selden appears also to have been fond of collecting these old things. See below. + A Life of our curious collector, Mr. Pepys, may be seen in "The Continuation of Mr. Collier's Supplement to his Great Dictionary, 1715, at the end of vol. iii. folio. Art. PEP. PREFACE. proved by the addition of many pieces elder thereto in time; and the whole continued down to the year 1700; when the form peculiar till then thereto, viz. of the black letter with pictures, seems (for cheapness sake) wholly laid aside for that of the white letter without pictures." In the Ashmole Library at Oxford is a small col- lection of Ballads made by Anthony Wood in the year 1676, containing somewhat more than two hun- dred. Many ancient popular poems are also pre- served in the Bodleyan Library. The archives of the Antiquarian Society at London contain a multitude of curious political poems in large folio volumes, digested under the several reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, James I., &c. In the British Museum is preserved a large trea- sure of ancient English poems in MS. besides one folio volume of printed ballads. From all these some of the best pieces were selected; and from many private collections, as well printed as manuscript, particularly from one large folio volume which was lent by a lady. AMID such a fund of materials, the Editor is afraid he has been sometimes led to make too great a parade of his authorities. The desire of being accurate has perhaps seduced him into too minute and trifling an exactness; and in pursuit of infor- mation he may have been drawn into many a petty and frivolous research. It was however necessary to give some account of the old copies; though often, for the sake of brevity, one or two of these only are mentioned, where yet assistance was re- ceived from several. Where Where any thing was altered that deserved particular notice, the passage is gene- rally distinguished by two inverted 'commas.' And the Editor has endeavoured to be as faithful as the imperfect state of his materials would admit. For these old popular rhimes being many of them copied only from illiterate transcripts, or the imperfect recita- tion of itinerant ballad-singers, have, as might be ex- pected, been handed down to us with less care than any other writings in the world. And the old copies, whether MS. or printed, were often so defective or corrupted, that a scrupulous adherence to their wretched readings would only have exhibited unin- telligible nonsense, or such poor meagre stuff as neither came from the Bard nor was worthy the press; when, by a few slight corrections or additions, a most beautiful or interesting sense hath started forth, and this so naturally and easily, that the Editor could seldom prevail on himself to indulge the vanity of making a formal claim to the improve- ment; but must plead guilty to the charge of con- cealing his own share in the amendments under some such general title as a Modern Copy," or the like. Yet it has been his design to give sufficient intimation where any considerable liberties* were taken with the old copies, and to have retained either in the text or margin any word or phrase which was antique, absolete, unusual, or peculiar, so that these might be safely quoted as of genuine and undoubted antiquity. His object was to please both the judi- cious antiquary and the reader of taste; and he hath endeavoured to gratify both without offending either. * Such liberties have been taken with all those pieces which have three astericks subjoined, thus ና. XI THE plan of the work was settled in concert with the late elegant Mr. Shenstone, who was to have borne a joint share in it had not death unhappily prevented him.* Most of the modern pieces were of his selection and arrangement, and the Editor hopes to be pardoned if he has retained some things out of partiality to the judgement of his friend. The old folio MS. above mentioned was a present from Humphrey Pitt, Esq. of Prior's-Lee, in Shropshiret, to whom this public acknowledgement is due for that, and many other obliging favours. To Sir David Dalrymple, Bart. of Hales, near Edinburgh, the editor is indebted for most of the beautiful Scottish poems with which this little miscellany is enriched, and for many curious and elegant remarks with which they are illustrated. Some obliging communications of the same kind were received from John Mac Gowan, Esq. of Edinburgh; and many curious explanations of Scottish words in the glos- saries from John Davidson, Esq. of Edinburgh, and from the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson, of Kimbolton. Mr. Warton, who has twice done so much honour to the Poetry Professor's chair at Oxford, and Mr. Hest of Worcester College, contributed some curious pieces from the Oxford libraries. Two ingenious and learned friends at Cambridge deserve the Editor's warmest acknowledgements: to Mr. Blakeway, late fellow of Magdalen College, he owes all the assist- ance received from the Pepysian library: and Mr. Farmer, fellow of Emanuel, often exerted, in favour of this little work, that extensive knowledge of ancient English literature for which he is so distin- guished. Many extracts from ancient MSS. in the That the Editor hath not here underrated the assistance he received from his friend, will appear from Mr. Shen- stone's own letter to the Rev. Mr. Graves, dated March 1, 1761. See his Works, vol. iii. letter ciii. It is doubtless a great loss to this work, that Mr. Shenstone never saw more than about a third of one of these volumes, as prepared for the press. + Who informed the Editor that this MS. had been pur- chased in a library of old books, which was thought to have belonged to Thomas Blount, author of the "Jocular Tenures, 1679," 4to, and of many other publications enumerated in Wood's Athenæ, ii. 73; the earliest of which is "The Art of Making Devises, 1646," 4to, wherein he is described to be "of the Inner Temple." If the collection was made by this lawyer, (who also published the "Law Dictionary, 1671,” folio,) it should seein, from the errors and defects with which the MS. abounds, that he had employed his clerk in writing the transcripts, who was often weary of his task. To the same learned and ingenious friend, since Master of Emanuel College, the Editor is obliged for many correc- tions and improvements in his second and subsequent edi- tions; as also to the Rev. Mr. Bowle, of Idmistone, near Salisbury, Editor of the curious edition of Don Quixote, with Annotations, in Spanish, in six vols. 4to.; to the Rev. Mr. Cole, formerly of Blecheley, near Fenny- Stratford, Bucks.; to the Rev. Mr. Lambe, of Nore- ham, in Northumberland, author of a learned "History of of Chess," 1764, 8vo. and Editor of a curious “Poem on the Battle of Flodden Field," with learned Notes, 1774, 8vo.; and to G. Paton, Esq. of Edinburgh. He is particularly indebted to two friends, to whom the public, as well as him- self, are under the greatest obligations; to the Honourable Daines Barrington, for his very learned and curious “ ()b- servations on the Statutes," 4to.; and to Thomas Tyrwhitt, Esq., whose most correct and elegant edition of Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales," 5 vols. 8vo. is a standard book, and shows how an ancient English classic should be published. The Editor was also favoured with many valuable remarks and corrections from the Rev. Geo. Ashby, late fellow of St. John's College, in Cambridge, which are not particu- larly pointed out because they occur so often. He was no less obliged to Thomas Butler, Esq. F. A. S. agent to the Duke of Northumberland, and Cl rk of the Peace for the county of Middlesex; whose extensive knowledge of ancient writings, records, and history, has been of great use to the xii PREFACE. British Museum, and other repositories, were owing to the kind services of Thomas Astle, Esq. to whom the public is indebted for the curious Preface and Index annexed to the Harleyan Catalogue*. The worthy Librarian of the Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Norris, deserves acknowledgement for the obliging manner in which he gave the Editor access to the volumes under his care. In Mr. Garrick's curious collection of old plays are many scarce pieces of ancient poetry, with the free use of which he indulged the Editor in the politest manner. To the Rev. Dr. Birch he is indebted for the use of several ancient and valuable tracts. To the friendship of Dr. Samuel Johnson he owes many valuable hints for the conduct of the work. And, if the Glossaries are more exact and curious than might be expected in so slight a publication, it is to be ascribed to the supervisal of a friend, who stands at this tune the first in the world for Northern literature, and whose learning is better known and respected in foreign nations than in his own country. It is perhaps Editor in his attempts to illustrate the literature or manners of our ancestors. Some valuable remarks were procured by Samuel Pegge, Esq. author of that curious work the "Curi- alia," 4to.; but this impression was too far advanced to profit by them all; which hath also been the case with a series of learned and ingenious annotations inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1793, April, June, July, and October, 1794, and which, it is hoped, will be continued. * Since Keeper of the Records in the Tower. needless to name the Rev. Mr. Lye, Editor of Ju- nius's Etymologicum, and of the Gothic Gospels. THE names of so many men of learning and cha- racter the Editor hopes will serve as an amulet, to guard him from every unfavourable censure for having bestowed any attention on a parcel of OLD BALLADS. It was at the request of many of these gentlemen, and of others eminent for their genius and taste, tha this little work was undertaken. To prepare it for the press has been the amusement of now and then a vacant hour amid the leisure and retirement of rural life, and hath only served as a relaxation from graver studies. It has been taken up at different times, and often thrown aside for many months, during an interval of four or five years. This has occasioned some inconsistencies and repetitions, which the candid reader will pardon. As great care has been taken to admit nothing immoral and inde- cent, the Editor hopes he need not be ashamed of having bestowed some of his idle hours on the an- cient literature of our own country, or in rescuing from oblivion some pieces (though but the amuse- ments of our ancestors) which tend to place in a striking light their taste, genius, sentiments, or manners. Except in one paragraph, and in the Notes sub- joined, this Preface is given with little variation from the first edition in MDCCLXV. : AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND. I. THE MINSTRELS (A) were an order of men in the middle ages, who subsisted by the arts of poetry and music, and sang to the harp verses com- posed by themselves, or others*. They also appear to have accompanied their songs with mimicry and action; and to have practised such various means of diverting as were much admired in those rude times, and supplied the want of more refined entertain- ment (B). These arts rendered them extremely po- pular and acceptable in this and all the neighbouring countries; where no high scene of festivity was esteemed complete, that was not set off with the exercise of their talents; and where, so long as the spirit of chivalry subsisted, they were protected and caressed, because their songs tended to do honour to the ruling passion of the times, and to encourage and foment a martial spirit. The Minstrels seem to have been the genuine suc- cessors of the ancient Bards (C), who under different names were admired and revered, from the earliest ages, among the people of Gaul, Britain, Ireland, and the North; and indeed, by almost all the first inhabitants of Europe, whether of Celtic or Gothic racet; but by none more than by our own Teutonic ancestors‡, particularly by all the Danish tribes.§ Among these, they were distinguished by the name of Scalds, a word which denotes "smoothers and (A) The larger Notes and Illustrations referred to by the capital letters (A) (B) &c. are thrown together to the end of this Essay Wedded to no hypothesis, the Author hath readily cor- rected any mistakes which have been proved to be in this Essay; and, considering the novelty of the subject, and the time, and place, when and where he first took it up, many such had been excusable. That the term Minstrel was not confined, as some contend, to a mere Musician, in this coun- try, any more than on the Continent, will be considered more fully in the last note (G g) at the end of this Essay. + Vid. Pelloutier Hist. des Celtes, tom. 1, 1. 2, c. 6, 10. Tacit. de Mor. Germ. cap. 2. Vid. Bartholin. de Causis contemptæ a Danis Mortis, lib. 1, cap. 10.-Wormij Literatura Runic. ad finem.-See also "Northern Autiquities, or, a Description of the Man- ners, Customs, &c. of the ancient Danes and other Northern Nations from the French of M. Mallet." London, printed for T. Carnan, 1770, 2 vols. 8vo. polishers of language." The origin of their art was attributed to Odin or Woden, the father of their gods; and the professors of it were held in the highest estimation. Their skill was considered as something divine; their persons were deemed sacred; their attendance was solicited by kings; and they were every where loaded with honours and rewards. In short, Poets and their art were held among them in that rude admiration which is ever shown by an ignorant people to such as excel them in intellectual accomplishments. As these honours were paid to Poetry and Song, from the earliest times, in those countries which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors inhabited before their removal into Britain, we may reasonably conclude, that they would not lay aside all their regard for men of this sort immediately on quitting their German forests. At least so long as they retained their ancient manners and opinions, they would still hold them in high estimation. But as the Saxons, soon after their establishment in this island, were con- verted to Christianity; in proportion as literature prevailed among them, this rude admiration would begin to abate; and Poetry would be no longer a peculiar profession. Thus the Poet and the Min- strel early with us became two persons (D). Poetry was cultivated by men of letters indiscriminately; and many of the most popular rhimes were composed amidst the leisure and retirement of monasteries. But the Minstrels continued a distinct order of men for many ages after the Norman conquest; and got their livelihood by singing verses to the harp at the houses of the great (E). There they were still hos- pitably and respectfully received, and retained many of the honours shown to their predecessors, the Bards and Scalds (F). And though, as their art declined, many of them only recited the composi- tions of others, some of them still composed songs themselves, and all of them could probably invent a few stanzas on occasion. I have no doubt but most of the old heroic Ballads in this collection * Torfæi Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist.--Pref. to " Five Pieces of Runic Poetry," &c. xiv AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. were composed by this order of men. For although some of the larger metrical romances might come from the pen of the monks or others, yet the smaller narratives were probably composed by the minstrels who sang them. From the amazing variations which occur in different copies of the old pieces, it is evi- dent they made no scruple to alter each others pro- ductions; and the reciter added or omitted whole stanzas, according to his own fancy or conve- nience. In the early ages, as was hinted above, the pro- fession of oral itinerant Poet was held in the utmost reverence among all the Danish tribes; and, there- fore, we might have concluded, that it was not un- known or unrespected among their Saxon brethren in Britain, even if history had been altogether silent on this subject. The original country of our Anglo- Saxon ancestors is well known to have lien chiefly in the Cimbric Chersonese, in the tracts of land since distinguished by the name of Jutland, Angelen, and Holstein*. The Jutes and Angles in particular, who composed two-thirds of the conquerors of Britain, were a Danish people, and their country at this day belongs to the crown of Denmarkt; so that when the Danes again infested England, three or four hundred years after, they made war on the descendants of their own ancestors. From this near affinity, we might expect to discover a strong resemblance between both nations in their customs, manners, and even language; and, in fact, we find them to differ no more than would naturally happen between a parent country and its own colonies, that had been severed in a rude uncivilized state, and had dropt all intercourse for three or four centuries: especially if we reflect that the colony here settled had adopted a new religion, extremely opposite in all respects to the ancient Paganism of the mother country; and that even at first, along with the ori- ginal Angli, had been incorporated a large mixture of Saxons from the neighbouring parts of Germany; and afterwards, among the Danish invaders, had come vast multitudes of adventurers from the more northern parts of Scandinavia. But all these were only different tribes of the same common Teutonic stock, and spoke only different dialects of the same Gothic language.§ From this sameness of original and similarity of manners, we might justly have wondered, if a character, so dignified and distinguished among the ancient Danes, as the Scald or Bard, had been totally unknown or unregarded in this sister nation. And, indeed, this argument is so strong, and, at the same time, the early annals of the Anglo-Saxons are so scanty and defective (G), that no objections from their silence could be sufficient to overthrow it. For if these popular Bards were confessedly revered and admired in those very countries which the Anglo-Saxons inhabited before their removal into Britain, and if they were afterwards common * Vid. Chronic. Saxon. à Gibson, p. 12, 13, 4to.-Bed. Hist. Eccles. à Smith, lib. 1, c. 15.-" Ealdsexe [Regio antiq. Saxonum] in cervice Cimbrica Chersonesi, Holsatiam pro- prie dictam Dithmarsiam, Stormariam, et Wagriam, com- plectens." Annot. in Bed. à Smith, p. 52. Et vid. Cam- deni Britan. + "Anglia Vetus, hodie etiam Anglen, sita est inter Sax- ones et Giotes [Jutos], habens oppidum capitale...Sleswick.” Ethelwerd. lib. 1. See Northern Antiquities, &c. vol. i. pag. 7, 8, 185, 259, 260, 261. Ibid. Preface, p. 26. and numerous among the other descendants of the same Teutonic ancestors, can we do otherwise than conclude, that men of this order accompanied such tribes as migrated hither; that they afterwards sub- sisted here, though, perhaps, with less splendour than in the North; and that there never was wanting a succession of them to hand down the art, though some particular conjunctures may have rendered it more respectable at one time than another? And this was evidently the case. For though much greater honours seem to have been heaped upon the northern Scalds, in whom the characters of his- turian, genealogist, poet, and musician, were all united, than appear to have been paid to the Min- strels and Harpers (H) of the Anglo-Saxons, whose talents were chiefly calculated to entertain and di- vert; while the Scalds professed to inform and in- struct, and were at once the moralists and theologues of their Pagan countrymen; yet the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels continued to possess no small portion of public favour; and the arts they professed were so extremely acceptable to our ancestors, that the word GLEE, which peculiarly denoted their art, con- tinues still in our own language to be of all others the most expressive of that popular mirth and jol- lity, that strong sensation of delight, which is felt by unpolished and simple minds (I). II. Having premised these general considerations, I shall now proceed to collect from history such par- ticular incidents as occur on this subject; and, whe- ther the facts themselves are true or not, they are related by authors who lived too near the Saxon times, and had before them too many recent monuinents of the Anglo-Saxon nation, not to know what was con- formable to the genius and manners of that people ; and therefore we may presume, that their relations prove at least the existence of the customs and habits they attribute to our forefathers before the conquest, whatever becomes of the particular incidents and events themselves. If this be admitted, we shall not want sufficient proofs to show that Minstrelsy and Song were not extinct among the Anglo-Saxons; and that the professor of them here, if not quite so respectable a personage as the Danish Scald, was yet highly favoured and protected, and continued still to enjoy considerable privileges. Even so early as the first invasion of Britain by the Saxons, an incident is recorded to have happened, which, if true, shows that the Minstrel or Bard was not unknown among this people; and that their princes themselves could, upon occasion, assume that character. Colgrin, son of that Ella who was elected king or leader of the Saxons in the room of Hengist*, was shut up in York, and closely besieged by Arthur and his Britons. Baldulph, brother of Colgrin, wanted to gain access to him, and to apprize him of a reinforcement which was coming from Ger- many. He had no other way to accomplish his design, but to assume the character of a Minstrel. He therefore shaved his head and beard, and, dressing himself in the habit of that profession, took his harp in his hand. In this disguise, he walked up and down the trenches without suspicion, playing all the while upon his instrument as a Harper. By little and little he advanced near to the walls of the city, and, making himself known to the sentinels, was in the night drawn up by a rope. See Rapin's Hist. by Tindal, fol. 1732, vol. i. p. 36, who places the incident here related under the year 495, AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. Although the above fact comes only from the su- spicious pen of Geoffry of Monmouth(K),thejudicious reader will not too hastily reject it; because, if such a fact really happened, it could only be known to us through the medium of the British writers: for the first Saxons, a martial but unlettered people, had no historians of their own; and Geoffry, with all his fables, is allowed to have recorded many true events, that have escaped other annalists. We do not however want instances of a less fabulous æra, and more indubitable authority: for later history affords us two remarkable facts (L), which I think clearly show that the same arts of poetry and song, which were so much admired among the Danes, were by no means unknown or neglected in this sister nation: and that the privileges and honours which were so lavishly bestowed upon the Northern Scalds, were not wholly withheld from the Anglo-Saxon Minstrels. Our great King Alfred, who is expressly said to have excelled in music*, being desirous to learn the true situation of the Danish army, which had invaded his realm, assumed the dress and character of a Min- strel (M): when, taking his harp, and one of the most trusty of his friends disguised as a servant†, (for in the early times it was not unusual for a minstrel to have a servant to carry his harp,) he went with the utmost security into the Danish camp; and, though he could not but be known to be a Saxon by his dialect, the character he had assumed procured him a hospitable reception. He was ad- mitted to entertain the king at table, and staid among them long enough to contrive that assault which afterwards destroyed them. This was in the year 878. About sixty years after‡, a Danish king made use of the same disguise to explore the camp of our king Athelstan. With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a Minstrel (N), Aulaff§, king of the Danes, went among the Saxon tents; and, taking his stand near the king's pavilion, began to play, and was imme- diately admitted. There he entertained Athelstan and his lords with his singing and his music, and was at length dismissed with an honourable reward, though his songs must have discovered him to have been a Dane (0). Athelstan was saved from the consequences of this stratagem by a soldier, who had observed Aulaff bury the money which had been given him, either from some scruple of honour, or motive of superstition. This occasioned a discovery. Now if the Saxons had not been accustomed to have Minstrels of their own, Alfred's assuming so new and unusual a character would have excited suspicions among the Danes. On the other hand, if it had not been customary with the Saxons to show favour and respect to the Danish Scalds, Aulaff would not have ventured himself among them, especially on the eve of a battle (P). From the uniform procedure then of both these kings, we may fairly conclude that the same mode of entertainment prevailed among both people, and that the Minstrel was a privileged character with each. By Bale and Spelman. See note (M). + Ibid. Anno 938. Vid. Rapin, &c. So I think the name should be printed, rather than Anlaff the more usual form, (the same traces of the letters express both names in MS.,) Aulaff being evidently the genuine northern name Olaff, or Olave, Lat. Olaus. In the old romance of "Horn-Childe" (see vol. iii. p. xxxiii.) the name of the king his father is Allof, which is evidently Ullaf, with the vowels only transposed. AP But, if these facts had never existed, it can be proved from undoubted records, that the Minstrel was a regular and stated officer in the court of our Anglo-Saxon kings: for in Doomesday book, Jocu- lator Regis, the King's Minstrel, is expressly men- tioned in Gloucestershire; in which county it should seem that he had lands assigned him for his main- tenance (Q). III. We have now brought the inquiry down to the Norman Conquest; and as the Normans had been a late colony from Norway and Denmark, where the Scalds had arrived to the highest pitch of credit before Rollo's expedition into France, we can- not doubt but this adventurer, like the other northern princes, had many of these men in his train, who settled with him in his new duchy of Normandy, and left behind them successors in their art: so that, when his descendant, William the Bastard, invaded this kingdom in the following century*, that mode of entertainment could not but be still familiar with the Normans. And that this is not mere conjecture will appear from a remarkable fact, which shows that the arts of poetry and song were still as reputable among the Normans in France, as they had been among their ancestors in the North; and that the profession of Minstrel, like that of Scald, was still aspired to by the most gallant soldiers. In William's army was a valiant warrior, named Taillefer, who was distinguished no less for the Minstrel-arts (R) than for his courage and intrepidity. This man asked leave of his commander to begin the onset, and obtained it. He accordingly advanced before the army, and with a loud voice animated his coun- trymen with songs in praise of Charlemagne and Roland, and other heroes of France; then rushing among the thickest of the English, and valiantly fighting, lost his life. Indeed the Normans were so early distinguished for their Minstrel-talents; that an eminent French writer (S) makes no scruple to refer to them the origin of all modern poetry, and shows that they were celebrated for their songs near a century before the Troubadours of Provence, who are supposed to have led the way to the Poets of Italy, France, and Spaint. We see then that the Norman conquest was rather likely to favour the establishment of the Minstrel profession in this kingdom, than to suppress it; and although the favour of the Norman conquerors would be probably confined to such of their own country- men as excelled in the Minstrel arts; and in the first ages after the conquest no other songs would be listened to by the great nobility, but such as were composed in their own Norman French: yet as the great mass of the original inhabitants were not ex- tirpated, these could only understand their own native Gleemen or Minstrels ; who must still be allowed to exist, unless it can be proved that they were all proscribed and massacred, as, it is said, the Welsh Bards were afterwards by the severe policy of king Edward I. But this we know was not the case; and even the cruel attempts of that monarch, as we shall see below, proved ineffectual (S 2). G *Rollo was invested in his new duchy of Normandy, A.D. 912. William invaded England, A. D. 1066. + Vid. "Hist. des Troubadours, 3 tom." passim ; et vid. "Fableaux ou Contes du XII. et du XIII. Siecle, tradnits, &c. avec des Notes historiques et critiques, &c. par M. LË Grand. Paris, 1781." 5 tom. 12mo. ! XVI AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. : The honours shown to the Norman or French Minstrels, by our princes and great barons, would naturally have been imitated by their English vassals and tenants, even if no favour or distinction had ever been shown here to the same order of men in the Anglo-Saxon and Danish reigns. So that we cannot doubt but the English harper and songster would, at least in a subordinate degree, enjoy the same kind of honours, and be received with similar respect among the inferior English gentry and popu- lace. I must be allowed therefore to consider them as belonging to the same community, as subordinate members at least of the same college; and therefore, in gleaning the scanty materials for this slight history, I shall collect whatever incidents I can find relating to Minstrels and their art, and arrange them, as they occur in our own annals, without distinction; as it will not always be easy to ascertain, from the slight mention of them by our regular historians, whether the artists were Norman or English. For it need not be remarked that subjects of this trivial nature are but incidentally mentioned by our ancient anna- lists, and were fastidiously rejected by other grave and serious writers; so that, unless they were acci- dentally connected with such events as became recorded in history, they would pass unnoticed through the lapse of ages, and be as unknown to pos- terity as other topics relating to the private life and amusements of the greatest nations. : On this account it can hardly be expected that we should be able to produce regular and unbroken annals of the Minstrel Art and its professors, or have sufficient information whether every Minstrel or Har- per composed himself, or only repeated, the songs he chanted. Some probably did the one, and some the other and it would have been wonderful indeed if men whose peculiar profession it was, and who devoted their time and talents to entertain their hearers with poetical compositions, were peculiarly deprived of all poetical genius themselves, and had been under a physical incapacity of composing those common popular rhimes which were the usual sub- jects of their recitation. Whoever examines any considerable quantity of these, finds them in style and colouring as different from the elaborate produc- tion of the sedentary composer at his desk or in his cell, as the rambling Harper or Minstrel was remote in his modes of life and habits of thinking from the retired scholar or the solitary monk (T). It is well known that on the Continent, whence our Norman nobles came, the Bard who composed, the Harper who played and sang, and even the Dancer and the Mimic, were all considered as of one com- munity, and were even all included under the com- mon name of Minstrels*. Imust therefore be allowed the same application of the term here, without being expected to prove that every singer composed, or every composer chanted, his own song; much less that every one excelled in all the arts which were occasionally exercised by some or other of this fraternity. IV. After the Norman Conquest, the first occur- rence which I have met with relating to this order of men is the founding of a priory and hospital by one of them: scil. the Priory and Hospital of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield, London, by Royer or * See note (B) and (A a). Raherus the King's Minstrel, in the third year of King Henry I., A. D. 1102. He was the first prior of his own establishment, and presided over it to the time of his death (T 2). In the reign of King Henry II. we have upon record the name of Galfrid or Jeffrey, a harper, who in 1180 received a corrody or annuity from the abbey of Hide near Winchester; and, as in the early times every harper was expected to sing, we cannot doubt ut this reward was given to him for his music and his songs; which, if they were for the solace of the monks there, we may conclude would be in the English language (U). Under his romantic son, King Richard I., the Minstrel profession seems to have acquired additional splendour. Richard, who was the great hero of chivalry, was also the distinguised patron of Poets and Minstrels. He was himself of their number, and some of his poems are still extant*. They were no less patronized by his favourites and chief officers. His chancellor, William Bishop of Ely, is expressly mentioned to have invited Singers and Minstrels from France, whom he loaded with reward; and they in return celebrated him as the most accom- plished person in the world (U 2). This high dis- tinction and regard, although confined perhaps in the first instance to Poets and Songsters of the French nation, must have had a tendency to do honour to poetry and song among all his subjects, and to encourage the cultivation of these arts among the natives; as the indulgent favour shown by the mon- arch, or his great courtiers to the Provençal Trouba- dour, or Norman Rymour, would naturally be imitated by their inferior vassals to the English Gleeman or Minstrel. At more than a century after the conquest, the national distinctions must have begun to decline, and both the Norman and English languages would be heard in the houses of the great (U 3); so that probably about this æra, or soon after, we are to date that remarkable intercommunity and exchange of each other's compositions, which we discover to have taken place at some early period between the French and English Minstrels; the same set of phrases, the same species of characters, incidents, and adventures, and often the same identical stories, being found in the old metrical romances of both nations (V). The distinguished service which Richard received from one of his own minstrels in rescuing him from his cruel and tedious captivity, is a remarkable fact, which ought to be recorded for the honour of poets and their art. This fact I shall relate in the follow- ing words of an ancient writert. "The Englishmen were more than a whole yeare without hearing any tydings of their king, or in what place he was kept prisoner. He had trained up in * See a pathetic song of his in Mr. Walpole's Catalogue of Royal Authors, vol. i. p. 5. The reader will find a trans- lation of it into modern French, in Hist. Literaire des Trou- badours, 1774, 3 tom. 12mo. See vol. i. p. 58, where some more of Richard's poetry is translated. In Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 238, is a poetical version of it in English. + Mons. Favine's Theatre of Honour and Knighthood, translated from the French. Lond. 1623. fol. tom. ii. p. 49. An elegant relation of the same event (from the French of Presid. Fauchet's Recueil, &c.) may be seen in "Miscella- nies in prose and verse, by Anna Williams, Lond. 1766," 4to. p. 46. It will excite the reader's admiration to be informed, that most of the pieces of that collection were composed under the disadvantage of a total deprivation of sight. AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. his court a Rimer or Minstrill*, called Blondell de Nesle who (so saith the manuscript of old Poesiest, and an auncient manuscript French Chronicle) being so long without the sight of his lord, his life seemed wearisome to him, and he became confounded with melancholly. Knowne it was, that he came backe from the Holy Land; but none could tell in what countrey he arrived. Whereupon this Blondel, resolving to make search for him in many countries, but he would heare some newes of him; after expence of divers dayes in travaile, he came to a towne‡ (by good hap) neere to the castell where his maister King Richard was kept. Of his host he demanded to whom the castell appertained, and the host told him, that it belonged to the Duke of Austria. Then he enquired whether there were any prisoners therein detained or no: for alwayes he made such secret questionings wheresoever he came. And the hoste gave answer, there was one onely prisoner, but he knew not what he was, and yet he had bin detained there more then the space of a yeare. When Blondel heard this, he wrought such meanes, that he became acquainted with them of the castell, as Minstrels doe easily win acquaintance any wheres: but see the king he could not, neither understand that it was he. One day he sat directly before a window of the castell where King Richard was kept prisoner, and began to sing a song in French, which King Richard and Blondel had some time composed together. When King Richard heard the song, he knew it was Blondel that sung it: and when Blondel paused at halfe of the song, the king began the other half and com- pleted it.' Thus Blondel won knowledge of the king his maister, and returning home into England, made the barons of the countrie acquainted where the king was." This happened about the year 1193. " The following old Provençal lines are given as the very original song¶; which I shall accompany with an imitation offered by Dr. Burney, ii. 237. * Favine's words are, "Jongleur appellé Blondiaux de Nesle." Paris, 1620. 4to, p. 1106. But Fauchet, who has given the same story, thus expresses it, "Or ce roy ayant nourri un Menestrel appellé Blondel," &c. liv. 2. p. 92. "Des anciens Poëtes François," He is however said to have been another Blondel, not Blondel (or Blondiaux) de Nesle; but this no way affects the circumstances of the story. + This the Author calls in another place, "An ancient MS. of old Poesies, written about those very times."— From this MS. Favine gives a good account of the taking of Richard by the Duke of Austria, who sold him to the Emperor. As for the MS. chronicle, it is evidently the same that supplied Fauchet with this story. See his "Re- cueil de l'Origine de la Langue et Poesie Françoise. Ryme, et Romans," &c. Par. 1581. Tribales." Retrudi eum præcepit in Triballis: a quo earcere nullus ante dies istos exivit." Lat. Chron. of Otho of Austria: apud Favin. Ø "C. mme Menestrels s'accointent legerement." Favine. Fauchet expresses it in the same manner. I give this passage corrected; as the English translator of Favine's book appeared here to have mistaken the ori- ginal-Scil. "Et quant Blondel eut dit la moitie de la Chanson, le roy Richard se prist a dire l'autre moitie et l'acheva." Favine, p. 1106. Fauchet has also expressed it in nearly the same words. Recueil, p. 93. ¶ In a little romance or novel, entitled, "La Tour Tene- breuses, et les Jours Lumineux, Contes Angloises, accompag- nez d'historiettes, et tirez d'une ancienne chronique composee par Richard, surnomme Coeur de Lion, Roy d'Angleterre," &c. Paris 1705. 12mo.-In the preface to this romance the Editor has given another song of Blondel de Nesle, as also a copy of the song written by King Richard, and published by Mr. Walpole, mentioned above, yet the two last are not in Provençal like the sonnet printed here; but in the old French, called Language Roman. BLONDEL. Domna vostra beutas Elas bellas faissos Els bels oils amoros Els gens cors ben taillats Don sieu empresenats De vostra amo qui mi lia. Si bel trop affansia Ja de vos non portrai Que major honorai Sol en votra deman Que sautra des beisan Tot can de vos volria xvii : Your beauty, lady fair, None views without delight ; But still so cold an air No passion can excite : Yet this 1 patient see While all are shun'd like me. RICHARD. No nymph my heart can wound If favour she divide And smiles on all around Unwilling to decide: I'd rather hatred bear Than love with others share. The access which Blondel so readily obtained in the privileged character of a Minstrel, is not the only instance upon record of the same nature (V 2). In this very reign of King Richard I. the young heiress of D'Evereux, Earl of Salisbury, had been carried abroad and secreted by her French relations in Normandy. To discover the place of her con- cealment, a knight of the Talbot family spent two years in exploring that province, at first under the disguise of a pilgrim; till having found where she was confined, in order to gain admittance he assumed the dress and character of a harper, and being a jocose person exceedingly skilled in the “ gests of the ancients*;" so they called the romances and stories which were the delight of that age; he was gladly received into the family. Whence he took an opportunity to carry off the young lady, whom he presented to the king; and he bestowed her on his natural brother William Longespee, (son of fair Rosamond), who became in her right Earl of Salis- bury (V 3). The next memorable event which I find in history reflects credit on the English Minstrels and this was their contributing to the rescue of one of the great Earls of Chester, when besieged by the Welsh. This happened in the reign of King John, and is related to this effect t. << Hugh, the first Earl of Chester, in his charter of foundation of St. Werburg's Abbey in that city, had granted such a privilege to those who should come to Chester fair, that they should not be then apprehended for theft or any other misdemeanour, except the crime were committed during the fair. This special protection occasioning a multitude of loose people to resort to that fair, was afterwards of signal benefit to one of his successors. For Ranulph the last Earl of Chester, marching into Wales with a slender attendance, was constrained to retire to his castle of Rothelan, (or Rhuydland,) to which the Welsh forthwith laid siege. In this distress he sent for help to the Lord de Lacy, constable of Chester: 'Who, making use of the Minstrells of all sorts, then met at Chester fair: by the allurement of their musick, got together a vast number of such loose people as, by reason of the before specified privi- ledge, were then in that city; whom he forthwith sent under the conduct of Dutton, (his steward,) a gallant youth, who was also his son-in-law. The Welsh, alarmed at the approach of this rabble, sup- * The words of the original, viz. "Citharisator homo joco- sus in Gestis antiquorum valde peritus," I conceive to give the precise idea of the ancient Minstrel. See note (V 2.) That Gesta was appropriated to romantic stories, see note (I) Part IV (1.) + See Dugdale, Bar. i. 42, 101. who places it after 13 John, A. D. 1212. See also Plot's Staffordsh. Camden's Britann. (Cheshire,) xviii AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. posing them to be a regular body of armed and disciplined veterans, instantly raised the siege and retired." For this good service Ranulph is said to have granted to De Lacy, by charter, the patronage and authority over the Minstrels and the loose and inferior people: who, retaining to himself that of the lower artificers, conferred on Dutton the jurisdic- tion of the Minstrels and Harlots*: and under the descendants of this family the Minstrels enjoyed certain privileges, and protection for many ages. even so late as the reign of Elizabeth, when this pro- fession had fallen into such discredit that it was con- sidered in law as a nuisance, the Minstrels under the jurisdiction of the family of Dutton, are expressly excepted out of all acts of parliament made for their suppression; and have continued to be so excepted ever since (W). For The ceremonies attending the exercise of this ju- risdiction are thus described by Dugdalet, as handed down to his time, viz. "That at midsummer fair there, all the Minstrels of that country resorting to Chester do attend the heir of Dutton, from his lodging to St. John's Church, (he being then accom- panied by many gentlemen of the countrey,) one of 'the Minstrels' walking before him in a surcoat of his arms depicted on taffata; the rest of his fellows pro- ceeding (two and two) and playing on their several sorts of musical instruments. And after divine service ended, give the like attendance on him back to his lodging; where a court being kept by his [Mr. Dutton's] steward, and all the Minstrels formally called, certain orders and laws are usually made for the better government of that society, with penalties on those who transgress." In the same reign of King John we have a remark- able instance of a Minstrel, who to his other talents superadded the character of soothsayer, and by his skill in drugs and medicated potions was able to rescue a knight from imprisonment. This occurs in Leland's Narrative of the Gestes of Guarine (or Warren) and his sons, which he "excerptid owte of an old Englisch boke yn ryme‡," and is as follows: Whitington Castle in Shropshire, which together with the coheiress of the original proprietor had been won in a solemn turnament by the ancestor of the Guariness, had in the reign of King John been seized by the Prince of Wales, and was afterwards possessed by Morice, a retainer of that prince, to whom the king, out of hatred to the true heir Fulco Guarine, (with whom he had formerly had a quarrel at chess||,) not only confirmed the possession, but also made him governor of the marches, of which Fulco himself had the custody in the time of King Richard. The Guarines demanded justice of the king, but obtaining * See the ancient record in Blount's Law Dictionary. (Art. Minstrel.) + Bar. i. p. 101. Leland's Collectanea, vol. i. pages 261, 266, 267. This old feudal custom of marrying an heiress to the knight who should vanquish all his opponents in solemn contest, &c. appears to be burlesqued in the Turnament of Totenham, as is well observed by the learned author. of Remarks, &c. in Gent. Mag. for July, 1794, p. 613. 11 "John, sun to King Henry, and Fulco felle at variance at Chestes [r. Chesse]; and John brake Fulco ['s] hed with the chest borde; and then Fulco gave him such a blow, that he had almost killid hym." (Lel. Coll. i. p. 264.) A curious picture of courtly manners in that age! Notwithstanding this fray, we read in the next paragraph, that " King Henry dubbid Fulco & 3 of his bretherne Knightes at Winchester." Ibid. no gracious answer, renounced their allegiance and fled into Bretagne. Returning into England after various conflicts, "Fulco resortid to one John of Raumpayne, a Sothsayer and Jocular and Minstrelle, and made hym his spy to Morice at Whitington.' The privileges of this character we have already seen, and John so well availed himself of them, that in consequence of the intelligence which he doubtless procured, "Fulco and his brethrene laide waite for Morice, as he went toward Salesbyri, and Fulco ther woundid hym: and Bracy," a knight who was their friend and assistant, "cut of Morice['s] hedde." This Sir Bracy being in a subsequent rencounter sore wounded, was taken and brought to King John; from whose vengeance he was however rescued by this notable Minstrel; for "John Rampayne founde the meanes to cast them, that kepte Bracy, into a deadely slepe; and so he and Bracy cam to Fulco to Whit- ington," which on the death of Morice had been restored to him by the Prince of Wales. As no fur- ther mention occurs of the Minstrel, I might h re conclude this narrative; but I shall just add that Fulco was obliged to flee into France, where, assum- ing the name of Sir Amice, he distinguished himself in justs and tournaments; and, after various roman- tic adventures by sea and land; having in the true style of chivalry rescued "certayne ladies owt of prison;" he finally obtained the king's pardon, and the quiet possession of Whitington Castle. "" In the reign of King Henry III., we have mention of Master Ricard the King's Harper, to whom in his thirty-sixth year (1252) that monarch gave not only forty shillings and a pipe of wine, but also a pipe of wine to Beatrice his wife*. The title of Magister, or Master given to this Minstrel deserves notice, and shows his respectable situation. V. The Harper, or Minstrel, was so necessary an attendant on a royal personage, that Prince Edward (afterwards King Edward I.) in his crusade to the Holy Land, in 1271, was not without his Harper: who must have been officially very near his person; as we are told by a contemporary historiant, that, in the attempt to assassinate that heroic prince, when he had wrested the poisoned knife out of the Sara- zen's hand, and killed him with his own weapon; the attendants, who had stood apart while he was whispering to their master, hearing the struggle, ran to his assistance, and one of them, to wit his Harper, seizing a tripod or trestle, struck the assassin on the head and beat out his brains‡. And though the prince blamed him for striking the man after he was dead, yet his near access shows the respectable situa- tion of this officer; and his affectionate zeal should have induced Edward to entreat his brethren the Welsh Bards afterwards with more lenity. * Burney's Hist. ii. p. 355.-Rot. Pip. An. 36, H. III. "Et in uno dolio vini empto & dato Magistro Ricardo Ci- tharistæ Regis, xl. sol. per br. Reg. Et in uno dolio empto & dato Beatrici uxori ejusdem Ricardi." + Walter Hemmingford, (vixit temp. Edw. I.) in Chronic. cap. 35, inter V. Hist. Ang. Scriptores, vol. ii. Oxon. 1687 fol. pag. 591. CC Accurrentes ad hæc Minis'ri ejus, qui a longe steterunt, invenerunt eum [scil. Nuntium] in terra mortuum, et appre- hendit unus eorum tripodem, scilicet Cithareda suus, & per- cussit eum in capite, et effundit cerebrum ejus. Increpavitque eum Edwardus quod hominem mortuum percussisse." Ibid. These Ministri must have been upon a very confidential foot- ing, as it appears above in the same chapter, that they had been made acquainted with the contents of the letters which the assassin had delivered to the prince from his master. .. AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. Whatever was the extent of this great monarch's severity towards the professors of music and of song in Wales; whether the executing by martial law such of them as fell into his hands was only during the heat of conflict, or was continued afterwards with more systematic rigour*; yet in his own court the Minstrels appear to have been highly favoured: for when, in 1306, he conferred the order of knighthood on his son and many others of the young nobility, a multitude of Minstrels were introduced to invite and induce the new knights to make some mi- litary vow (X). And Under the succeeding reign of King Edward II., such extensive privileges were claimed by these men, and by dissolute persons assuming their character, that it became a matter of public grievance, and was obliged to be reformed by an express regulation in A. D. 1315 (Y). Notwithstanding which, an inci- dent is recorded in the ensuing year, which shows that Minstrels still retained the liberty of entering at will into the royal presence, and had something pe- culiarly splendid in their dress. It is thus related by Stow (Z). "In the year 1316, Edward the Second did solem- nize his feast of Pentecost at Westminster, in the great hall where sitting royally at the table with his peers about him, there entered a woman adorned like a Minstrel, sitting on a great horse trapped, as Minstrels then used; who rode round about the tables, shewing pastime; and at length came up to the king's table, and laid before him a letter, and forthwith turning her horse saluted every one and departed.”—The subject of this letter was a remon- strance to the king on the favours heaped by him on his minions, to the neglect of his knights and faithful servants. The privileged character of a Minstrel was em- ployed on this occasion, as sure of gaining an easy admittance; and a female the rather deputed to as- sume it, that, in case of detection, her sex might disarm the king's resentment. This is offered on a supposition that she was not a real Minstrel ; for there should seem to have been women of this pro- fession (A a), as well as of the other sex; and no accomplishment is so constantly attributed to females, by our ancient bards, as their singing to, and playing on, the harp (A a 2). In the fourth year of King Richard II., John of Gaunt erected at Tutbury in Staffordshire, a court of Minstrels, similar to that annually kept at Ches- ter and which, like a court-leet or court baron, had a legal jurisdiction, with full power to re- ceive suit and service from the men of this profession within five neighbouring counties, to enact laws, and determine their controversies; and to apprehend and arrest such of them as should refuse to appear at the said court annually held on the 16th of August. For this they had a charter, by which they were em- powered to appoint a King of the Minstrels with four officers to preside over them (Bb). These were every year elected with great ceremony; the whole form of which, as observed in 1680, is described by Dr. Plot*: in whose time however they * See Gray's Ode; and the Hist. of the Gwedir Family in "Miscellanies by the Hon. Daines Barrington," 1781, 4to. p. 286; who in the Laws, &c. of this monarch could find no instances of severity against the Welsh. See his observations on the Statutes, 4to. 4th, edit. p. 358. + Hist. of Staffordshire, ch 10, 369-76, p. 433 et seqq. of xix appear to have lost their singing talents, and to have confined all their skill to "wind and string music*. " The Minstrels seem to have been in many respects upon the same footing as the heralds and the King of the Minstrels, like the king at arms, was both here and on the Continent an usual officer in the courts of princes. Thus we have in the reign of King Ed- ward I. mention of a King Robert and others. And in 16 Edward II. is a grant to William de Morlee "the King's Minstrel, styled Roy de Northt," of houses which had belonged to another king, John le Boteler (B b 2). Rymer hath also printed a licence granted by King Richard II. in 1387, to John Caumz, the King of his Minstrels, to pass the seas, recom- mending him to the protection and kind treatment of all his subjects and alliest. In the subsequent reign of King Henry IV. we meet with no particulars relating to the Minstrels in England, but we find in the Statute Book a severe law passed against their brethren the Welsh Bards; whom our ancestors could not distinguish from their own Rimours Ministralx; for by these names they describe them (B b 5). This act plainly shews, that far from being extirpated by the rigorous policy of King Edward I., this order of men were still able to alarm the English government, which attributed to them "many diseases and mischiefs in Wales," and prohibited their meetings and contributions. When his heroic son King Henry V. was pre- paring his great voyage for France, in 1415, an express order was given for his Minstrels, fifteen in number to attend him: and eighteen are afterwards mentioned, to each of whom he allowed xii d. a day, when that sum must have been of more than ten times the value it is at present. Yet when he entered London in triumph after the battle of Agincourt, he, from a principle of humility, slighted the pageants and verses which were prepared to hail his return; and, as we are told by Holingshed, would not suffer "any dities to be made and song by Minstrels, of his glorious victorie; for that he would whollie have the praise and thankes altogether given to God" (Bb4). But this did not proceed from any disregard for the professors of music or of song; for at the feast of Pentecost, which he celebrated in 1416, having the which see Extracts in Sir J. Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. ii. p. 64; and Dr. Burney's Hist. vol. ii. p. 360 et seqq. N. B. The barbarous diversion of bull-running was no part of the original institution, &c. as is fully proved by the Rev. Dr. Pegge, in Archæologia, vol. ii. no. xiii. page 86. * See the charge given by the Steward, at the time of the election, in Flot's Hist, ubi supra; and in Hawkins, p. 67. Burney, p. 363–4. + So among the Heralds Norrey was anciently styled Roy d'Armes de North. (Anstis, ii. 300.) And the Kings at Armes in general were originally called Reges Heraldorum, (Ibid. p. 302,) as these were Reges Minstrallorum. Rymer's Fœdera, tom. vii. p. 555. Rymer, ix. 255. || Ibid. p. 260. ¶ See nis Chronicle, sub anno 1415, p. 1170. He also gives this other instance of the king's great modesty, "that he would not suffer his helmet to be carried with him, and shewed to the people, that they might behold the dintes and cuttes whiche appeared in the same, of such blowes and stripes as hee received the daye of the battell." Ibid. Vid. T. de Elmham, c. 29, p. 72. The prohibition against vain and secular songs would pro- bably not include that inserted in Series the Second Book I. No. V., which would be considered as a hymn. The origina. notes engraven on a plate at the end of the vol. may be seen reduced and set to score in Mr. Stafford Smith's "Collection of English Songs for three and four Voices,” and in Dr. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. p. 384. XX AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. Emperor and the Duke of Holland for his guests, he ordered rich gowns for sixteen of his Minstrels, of which the particulars are preserved by Rymer*. And having before his death orally granted an an- nuity of one hundred shillings to each of his Minstrels, the grant was confirmed in the first year of his son King Henry VI. A. D. 1423, and payment ordered out of the Exchequert. The unfortunate reign of King Henry VI., affords no occurrences respecting our subject; but in his 34th year, A.D. 1456, we have in Rymert a com- mission for impressing boys or youths, to supply vacancies by death among the King's Minstrels: in which it is expressly directed that they shall be elegant in their limbs, as well as instructed in the Minstrel art, wherever they can be found, for the solace of his majesty. In the following reign, King Edward IV., (in his 9th year, 1469,) upon a complaint that certain rude husbandmen and artificers of various trades had assumed the title and livery of the King's Minstrels and under that colour and pretence had collected money in diverse parts of the kingdom, and committed other disorders, the king grants to Walter Haliday, Marshal, and to seven others his own Minstrels whom he names, a charters, by which he creates, or rather restores, a fraternity or perpetual gild (such as, he understands, the brothers and sisters of the fraternity of Minstrels had in times past) to be governed by a Marshall appointed for life, and by two Wardens to be chosen annually; who are im- powered to admit brothers and sisters into the said gild, and are authorized to examine the pretensions of all such as affected to exercise the Minstrel pro- fession; and to regulate, govern, and punish them throughout the realm (those of Chester excepted).- This seems to have some resemblance to the Earl Marshal's court among the heralds, and is another proof of the great affidity and resemblance which the Minstrels bore to the members of the College of Arms. It is remarkable that Walter Haliday, whose name occurs as marshal in the foregoing charter, had been retained in the service of the two preceding monarchs King Henry V. and VI¶. Nor is this the first time he is mentioned as Marshal of the King's Min- strels, for in the third year of this reign, 1464, he had a grant from King Edward of 10 marks per annum during life, directed to him with that title**. But besides their Marshal we have also in this reign mention of a Sergeant of the Minstrels, who upon a particular occasion was able to do his royal master a singular service, wherein his confidential situation and ready access to the king at all hours is very apparent for "as he [King Edward IV.] was in the north contray in the monneth of Septembre, as he lay in his bedde, one namid Alexander Carlile, that was Sariaunt of the Mynstrellis, cam to him in grete hast, and badde hym aryse for he hadde ene- * Tom. ix. 336. + Rymer, tom. x. 287. They are mentioned by name, being ten in number: one of them was named Thomas Chatterton. i Tom. xi. 375. See it in Rymer, tom. xi. 642, and in Sir J. Hawkins, vol. iv. p. 366. Note. The above Charter is recited in letters patent of King Charles I. 15 July, (11 Anno Regni,) for a Corporation of Musicians, &c. in Westminster, which may be seen ibid. Rymer, ix. 255. Ibid. xi. 375 ** Ibid xi. 12. myes cummyng for to take him, the which were within vi. or vii. mylis, of the which tydinges the king gretely marveylid, &c.*" This happened in the same year, 1469, wherein the king granted or confirmed the charter for the fraternity or gild above mentioned; yet this Alexander Carlile is not one of the eight Minstrels to whom that charter is directed†. The same charter was renewed by King Henry VIII. in 1520, to John Gilman, his then marshal, and to seven others his Minstrelst: and on the death of Gilman, he granted in 1529 this office of Marshal of his Minstrels to Hugh Wodehouses, whom I take to have borne the office of his serjeant over them]]. VI. In all the establishments of royal and noble households, we find an ample provision made for the Minstrels; and their situation to have been both ho- nourable and lucrative. In proof of this it is suffi- cient to refer to the household book of the Earl of Northumberland, A.D.1512 (Cc). And the rewards they received so frequently recur in ancient writers that it is unnecessary to crowd the page with them here (C c 2). The name of Minstrel seems however to have been gradually appropriated to the musician only, espe- cially in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; yet we occasionally meet with applications of the term in its more enlarged meaning, as including the Singer, if not the composer, of heroic or popular rhymes¶. In the time of Kimg Henry VIII., we find it to have been a common entertainment to hear verses recited, or moral speeches learned for that purposes by a set of men who got their livelihood by repeating them, and who intruded without ceremony into all companies; not only in taverns, but in the houses of the nobility themselves. This we learn from Erasmus, whose argument led him only to describe a species of these men who did not sing their com- positions; but the others that did, enjoyed, without doubt, the same privileges (D d). For even long after, in the reign of Queen Eliza- beth, it was usual "in places of assembly" for the company to be "desirous to heare of old adventures and valiaunces of noble knights in times past, as those of King Arthur, and his knights of the round table, Sir Bevys of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke and others like" in "short and long meetres, and by breaches or divisions, [sc. Fits**] to be more commo- diously sung to the harpe" as the reader may be informed by a courtly writer, in 1589††. Who him- self had "written for pleasure a little briefe romance *Here unfortunately ends a curious fragment, (an. 9 E IV.) ad calcem Sprotti Chron. Ed. Hearne. Oxon. 17 19, 8vo. Vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. p. 134. Note (c). Ibid, xiii. 705. † Rymer, xi. 642. g Rymer, tom. xiv. 2, 93. So I am inclined to understand the term Serviens noster Hugo Wodehous, in the original grant. (See Rymer ubi supra.) It is needless to observe that Serviens expressed a serjeant as well as a servant. If this interpretation of Ser- viens be allowed, it will account for his placing Wodehouse at the head of his gild, although he had not been one of the eight minstrels who had had the general direction. The Serjeant of his Minstrels, we may presume, was next in dig nity to the Marshal, although he had no share in the gover... ment of the gild. See below, and note (G g). ** See vol. ii. page 174. + Puttenham in his "Arte of English Poesie," 1583, 4to p. 33. AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. or historicall ditty....of the Isle of Great Britaine" in order to contribute to such entertainment. And he subjoins this caution: "Such as have not pre- monition hereof," (viz. that his poem was written in short metre, &c. to be sung to the harp in such places of assembly,) "and consideration of the causes alledged, would peradventure reprove and disgrace every romance, or short historicall ditty, for that they be not written in long meeters or verses Alex- andrins," which constituted the prevailing versifi- cation among the poets of that age, and which no one now can endure to read. And that the recital of such romances sung to the harp was at that time the delight of the common people, we are told by the same writer*, who men- tions that "common rimers," were fond of using rimes at short distances, "in small and popular musickes song by these Cantabanqui" [the said com- mon rimers]" upon benches and barrels heads," &c. "or else by blind Harpers or such like Taverne Minstrels that give a fit of mirth for a groat; and their matter being for the most part stories of old time, as the tale of Sir Topas, the reportes of Bevis of Southampton, Guy of Warwicke, Adam Bell, and Clymme of the Clough, and such other old romances, or historicall rimes," &c. "also they be used in carols and rounds, and such light or lasci- vious poemes, which are commonly more commo- diously uttered by these buffons, or vices in playes, then by any other person. Such were the rimes of Skelton (usurping the name of a Poet Laureat) being in deede but a rude railing rimer, and all his doings ridiculous+." But although we find here that the Minstrels had lost much of their dignity, and were sinking into contempt and neglect: yet that they still sustained a character far superior to any thing we can conceive at present of the singers of old ballads, I think, may be inferred from the following representation. When Queen Elizabeth was entertained at Kil- lingworth Castle by the Earl of Leicester in 1575, among the many devices and pageants which were contrived for her entertainment, one of the personages introduced was to have been that of an ancient Minstrel; whose appearance and dress are so minutely described by a writer there present‡, and gives us so distinct an idea of the character, that I shall quote the passage at large (E e.) "A person very meet seemed he for the purpose, of a xlv years old, apparelled partly as he would himself. His cap off his head seemly rounded tonsterwise§: fair kembed, that with a sponge daintily dipt in a little capon's greace was finely smoothed, to make it shine like a mallard's wing. His beard smugly shaven: and yet his shirt after the new trink, with ruffs fair starched, sleeked and glistering like a pair of new shoes, marshalled in good order with a setting stick, and strut, that every ruff stood up like a wafer. A side [i. e. long] gown of Kendal green, after the freshness of the year now, * Puttenham, &c. p. 69. + Puttenham, &c. p. 69. See a very curious "Letter: whearin, part of the enter- tainment untoo the Queenz Maiesty, at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer, in this soomerz progress 1575, iz signi- fied," &c. bl. l. 4to. vid. p. 46 & seqq. (Printed in Nichols's Collection of Queen Elizabeth's Progresses. &c. in two vols. 4to.) We have not followed above the peculiar and affected orthography of this writer, who was named Ro. Laneham, or rather Langham; see p. 84. I suppose "tonsure-wise" after the manner of the Monks. gathered at the neck with a narrow gorget, fastened afore with a white clasp and a keeper close up to the chin; but easily, for heat to undo when he list. Seemly begirt in a red caddis girdle: from that a pair of capped Sheffield knives hanging a two sides. Out of his bosom drawn forth a lappet of his napkin* edged with a blue lace, and marked with a true love, a heart, and a D for Damian, for he was but a bat- chelor yet. XXI "His gown had side [i. e, long] sleeves down to mid-leg, slit from the shoulder to the hand, and lined with white cotton. His doublet-sleeves of black worsted: upon them a pair of poynets† of tawny chamlet laced along the wrist with blue threaden points, a wealt towards the hand of fustian- a-napes. A pair of red neather stocks. A pair of pumps on his feet, with a cross cut at the toes for corns not new indeed, yet cleanly blackt with soot, and shining as a shoing horn. "About his neck a red ribband suitable to his girdle. His harp in good grace dependent before him. His wrest‡ tyed to a green lace and hanging by. Under the gorget of his gown a fair flaggon chain (pewters, for) silver, as a Squire Minstrel of Middlesex, that travelled the country this summer season, unto fairs and worshipful mens houses. From his chain hung a scutcheon, with metal and colour, resplendant upon his breast, of the ancient arms of Islington. "} This Minstrel is described as belonging to that village. I suppose such as were retained by noble families wore the arms of their patrons hanging down by a silver chain as a kind of badge. From the expression of Squire Minstrel above, we may conclude there were other inferior orders, as Yeomen Minstrels, or the like. This Minstrel, the author tells us a little below, "after three lowly courtsies, cleared his voice with a hem....and....wiped his lips with the hollow of his hand for 'filling his napkin, tempered a string or two with his wrest, and after a little warbling on his harp for a prelude, came forth with a solemn song, warranted for story out of King Arthur's acts, &c." --This song the reader will find printed in this work. << Towards the end of the sixteenth century this class of men had lost all credit, and were sunk so low in the public opinion, that in the 39th year of Elizabeth¶, a statute was passed by which "Minstrels, wandering abroad," were included among rogues, vagabonds, and sturdy beggars," and were adjudged to be pu- * i. e. hankerchief. So in Shakspear's Othello, passim. + Perhaps, points. The key, or screw, with which he tuned his harp. The reader will remember that this was not a real Min- strel, but only one personating that character; his ornaments therefore were only such as outwardly represented those of a real Minstrel. As the House of Northumberland had anciently three Minstrels attending on them in their castles in Yorkshire, so they still retain three in their service in Northumberland, who wear the badge of the family, (a silver crescent on the right arm,) and are thus distributed, viz. One for the barony of Prudhoe, and two for the barony of Rothbury. These attend the court leets and fairs held for the lord, and pay their annual suit and service at Alnwick Castle; their instru- ment being the ancient Northumberland bagpipe (very different in form and execution from that of the Scots; being smaller, and blown, not with the breath, but with a small pair of bellows). This with many other venerable customs of the ancient Lord Percys, was revived by their illustrious representatives the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland. ¶ Anno Dom. 1597. Vid Pult. Stat. p. 1110, 39° Eliz. xxii AN ESSAY ON THE ANCIENT MINSTRELS. nished as such. This act seems to have put an end to the profession (E e 2). į VII. I cannot conclude this account of the ancient English Minstrels, without remarking that they are most of them represented to have been of the North of England. There is scarce an old historical song or ballad (F f) wherein a Minstrel or Harper appears, but he is characterized by way of eminence to have been "of the North Countrye:" and indeed the pre- valence of the northern dialect in such compositions, shews that this representation is real*. On the other hand the scene of the finest Scottish ballads is laid in the south of Scotland; which should seem to have been peculiarly the nursery of Scottish Minstrels, In the old song of Maggy Lawder, a piper is asked, by way of distinction, "come ze frae the Border+?' The martial spirit constantly kept up and exercised near the frontier of the two kingdoms, as it furnished continual subjects for their songs, so it inspired the inhabitants of the adjacent counties on both sides with the powres of poetry. Besides, as our southern (C * Giraldus Cambrensis, writing in the reign of King Henry II, mentions a very extraordinary habit or propensity, which then prevailed in the North of England, beyond the Humber, for symphonious harmony" or singing "in two parts, the one murmuring in the base, and the other warbling in the acute or treble." (I use Dr. Burney's Version, vol. ii. p. 108.) This he describes, as practised by their very children from the cradle; and he derives it from the Danes [So Daci signifies in our old writers] and Norwegians, who long over- ran and in effect new-peopled the Northern parts of England, where alone this manner of singing prevailed. (Vide Cam- briæ Descriptio, cap. 13. and in Burney ubi supra.)-Giral- dus is probably right as to the origin or derivation of this practice, for the Danish and Icelandic Scalds had carried the arts of Poetry and Singing to great perfection at the time the Danish settlements were made in the North. And it will also help to account for the superior skill and fame of our northern Minstrels and Harpers afterwards: who had preserved and transmitted the arts of their Scaldic ances- tors. See Northern Antiquities, vol. i. c. 13, p. 386, and Five Pieces of Runic Poetry, 1763, 8vo.--Compare the original passage in Giraldus, as given by Sir John Hawkins, i. 408, and by Dr. Burney, ii. 108, who are both at a loss to account for this peculiarity, and therefore doubt the fact. The credit of Giraldus, which hath been attacked by some partial and bigoted antiquaries, the reader will find defended in that learned and curious work," Antiquities of Ireland, by Edward Ledwich, LL.D. &c. Dublin,1790," 4to, p. 207 & seqq. This line being quoted from memory, and given as old Scottish Poetry is now usully printed, would have been readily corrected by the copy published in "Scottish Songs, 1794," 2 vols, 12mo. i. p. 267, thus, (though apparently cor- rupted from the Scottish Idiom,) "Live you upo' the Border?" had not all confidence been destroyed by its being altered in the "Historical Essay" prefixed to that publication (p. cx.) to "Ye live upo' the Border." he better to favour a position, that many of the pipers "might live upon the border, for the conveniency of attend- ing fairs, &c. in both kingdoms." But whoever is acquainted with that part of England, knows that on the English frontier, rude mountains and barren wastes reach almost across the island, scarcely inhabited by any but solitary shepherds; many of whom durst not venture into the oppo site border on account of the ancient feuds and subsequent disputes concerning the Debatable Lands, which separated the boundaries of the two kingdoms, as well as the estates of the two great families of Percy and Douglas; till these disputes were settled, not many years since, by arbitration between the present Lord Douglas and the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland. metropolis must have been ever the scene of novelty and refinement, the northern countries, as being most distant, would preserve their ancient manners longest, and of course the old poetry, in which those manners are peculiarly described. The reader will observe in the more ancient bal- lads of this collection, a cast of style and measure very different from that of contemporary poets of a higher class; many phrases and idioms, which the Minstrels seem to have appropriated to themselves, and a very remarkable licence of varying the accent of words at pleasure, in order to humour the flow of the verse, particularly in the rhimes; as Countrie harpèr battèl morning Ladie singèr damsèl loving, instead of country, làdy, hàrper, singer, &c.-This liberty is but sparingly assumed by the classical poets of the same age; or even by the latter com- posers of heroical ballads; I mean, by such as professedly wrote for the press. For it is to be ob- served, that so long as the Minstrels subsisted, they seem never to have designed their rhimes for lite- rary publication, and probably never committed them to writing themselves: what copies are preserved of them were doubtless taken down from their mouths. But as the old Minstrels gradually wore out, a new race of ballad-writers succeeded, an inferior sort of minor poets, who wrote narrative songs merely for the press. Instances of both may be found in the reign of Elizabeth. The two latest pieces in the genuine strain of the old minstrelsy that I can discover, are No. III. and IV. of Book III. Series the First. Lower than these I cannot trace the old mode of writing. The old Minstrel ballads are in the northern dia- lect, abound with antique words and phrases, are extremely incorrect, and run into the utmost license of metre; they have also a romantic wildness, and are in the true spirit of chivalry. The other sort are written in exacter measure, have a low or sub- ordinate correctness, sometimes bordering on the insipid, yet often well adapted to the pathetic: these are generally in the southern dialect, exhibit a more modern phraseology, and are commonly descriptive of more modern manners.-To be sensible of the difference between them, let the reader compare in Series the First, No. III. of Book III, with No. XI. of Book II. Towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign (as is mentioned above) the genuine old minstrelsy seems to have been extinct, and thenceforth the ballads that were produced were wholly of the latter kind, and these came forth in such abundance, that in the reign of James I, they began to be col- lected into little miscellanies, under the name of garlands, and at length to be written purposely for such collections (F f 2). P.S. By way of Postscript, should follow here the discussion of the question whether the term Minstrels was applied in English to Singers, and Composers of Songs, &c., or confined to Musicians only. But it is re- served for the concluding note (G g). NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING ESSAY. (A) The MINSTRELS, &c. The word Minstrel does not appear to have been in use here before the Norman Conquest; whereas, it had long before that time been adopted in France*.-MENESTREL, SO early as the eighth century, was a title given to the Maestro di Capella of King Pepin, the father of Charlemagne ; and afterwards to the Coryphæus, or leader of any band of musicians. [Vid. Burney's Hist. of Music, ii. 268.] This term menestrel, menestrier, was thus expressed in Latin, ministellus, ministrellus, minis- trallus, menesterellus, &c. [Vid. Gloss. Du Cange et Supplem.] Menage derives the French words above men- tioned from ministerialis, or ministeriarius, barbarous Latin terms, used in the middle ages to express a workman or artificer, (still called in Languedoc ministral,) as if these men were styled ARTIFICERS Or PERFORMERS by way of excellence. [Vid. Diction. Etym.] But the origin of the name is given, per- haps more truly, by Du Cange: "MINISTELLI,. quos vulgo menestreux vel menestriers appellamus, quod minoribus aulæ ministris accenserentur." [Gloss. iv. p. 769.] Accordingly, we are told, the word "minister" is sometimes used "pro ministellus." [Ibid.] and an instance is produced which I shall insert at large in the next paragraph. Minstrels sometimes assisted at divine service, as appears from the record of the 9th of Edw. IV. quoted above in p. xix. by which Haliday and others are erected into a perpetual gild, &c. See the original in Rymer, xi. 642. By part of this record it is recited to be their duty, "to pray (exorare: which it is presumed they did by assisting in the chant, and musical accompaniment, &c.) in the king's chapel, and particularly for the departed souls of the king and queen when they shall die, &c.”—The same also appears from the passage in the Supplem. to Du Cange, alluded to above. "Minister....pro ministellus joculatorf.-Vetus Ceremoniale MS. B.M. • *The Anglo-Saxon and primary English name for this character was Gleman [see below, note (I) sect. 1.] so that, wherever the term Minstrel is in these pages applied to it before the Conquest, it must be understood to be only by anticipation. Another early name for this profession in English was Jogeler, or Jocular. Lat. Joculator. [See p. 15. as also note (V 2) and note (Q). To prevent con- fusion, we have chicfly used the more general word Min- strel which (as the author of the Observ. on the Statutes hath suggested to the Editor) might have been originally derived from a diminutive of the Lat. Minister, scil. Minis- terellus, Ministrellus. † Ministers seems to be used for Minstrels in the Account of the Inthronization of Abp. Neville. (An. 6. Edw. IV.) "Then all the Chaplyns must say grace, and the Ministers do sing." Vid. Lelandi Collectanea, by Hearne, vol. vi. P. 13. deauratæ Tolos. “Item, etiam congregabuntur piscatores, qui debent interesse isto die in proces- sione cum ministris seu joculatoribus: quia ipsi piscatores tenentur habere isto die joculatores, seu mimos ob honorem Crucis-et vadunt primi ante processionem cum ministris seu joculatoribus semper pulsantibus usque ad ecclesium S. Stephani." [Gloss.773]. This may, perhaps, account for the cle- cal appearance of the minstrels, who seem to have been distinguished by the tonsure, which was one of the inferior marks of the clerical character*. Thus Jeffery of Monmouth, speaking of one who acted the part of a minstrel, says, "Rasit capillos suos et barbam" (see note K) Again, a writer in the reign of Elizabeth, describing the habit of an ancient minstrel, speaks of his head as "rounded Tonster- wise," (which I venture to read tonsure-wise), “his beard smugly shaven." See above, p. xxi. It must, however be observed, that notwithstand- ing such clerical appearance of the minstrels, and though they might be sometimes countenanced by such of the clergy as were of more relaxed morals, their sportive talents rendered them generally ob- noxious to the more rigid ecclesiastics, and to such of the religious orders as were of more severe dis- cipline; whose writings commonly abound with heavy complaints of the great encouragement shown to those men by the princes and nobles, and who can seldom afford them a better name than that of scurræ, fumelici, nebulones, &c. of which innumer- able instances may be seen in Du Cange. It was even an established order in some of the monasteries, that no minstrel should ever be suffered to enter the gatest. We have however innumerable particulars of the good cheer and great rewards given to the Minstrels in many of the Convents, which are collected by T. * It has however been suggested to the Editor by the learned and ingenious author of "Irish Antiquities," 4to. that the ancient Mimi among the Romans had their heads and beards shaven, as is shown by Salmasius in Notis ad Hist. August. Scriptores VI. Paris. 1620, fol. p. 385. So that this peculiarity had a classical origin, though it after- wards might make the Minstrels sometimes pass for Eccle- siastics, as appears from the instance given below. Dr. Burney tells us that Histriones, and Mimi, abounded in France in the time of Charlemagne (ii. 221,) so that their profession was handed down in regular succession from the time of the Romans, and therewith some leading distinctions of their habit or appearance; yet with a change in their arts of pleasing, which latterly were most confined to singing and music. + Yet in St. Mary's church at Beverley, one of the columns hath this inscription: "Thys Pillar made the Myn- strylls;" having its capital decorated with figures of five men in short coats; one of whom holds an instrument re- sembling a lute. See Sir J. Hawkins, Hist. 11. 299. a xxiv NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. Worton, (i, 91, &c.) and others. But one instance, quoted from Wood's Hist. Antiq. Univ. Ox. i. 67. (sub an. 1224), deserves particular mention. Two itinerant priests, on a supposition of their being Mimi or Minstrels, gained admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and others of the brethren, who had hoped to have been entertained with their diverting arts, &c. when they found them to be only two indi- gent Ecclesiastics, who could only administer spi- ritual consolation, and were consequently disap- pointed of their mirth, beat them and turned them out of the monastery. (Ibid. p. 92.) This passage furnishes an additional proof that a Minstrel might by his dress or appearance be mistaken for an Eccle- siastic. (B)" The Minstrels use mimicry and action, and other means of diverting, &c."] It is observable, that our old monkish historians do not use the words Cantator, Citharædus, Musicus, or the like, to express à Minstrel in Latin, so frequently as Mimus, Histrio, Joculator, or some other word that implies gesture. Hence it might be inferred, that the Minstrels set off their songs with all the arts of gesticulation, &c. or, according to the ingenious hypothesis of Dr. Brown, united the powers of melody, poem, and dance. [See his History of the Rise of Poetry, &c.] But indeed all the old writers describe them as exercising various arts of this kind. Joinville, in his Life of St. Lewis, speaks of some Armenian Min- strels, who were very dextrous Tumblers and Pos ture-masters. "Avec le Prince vinrent trois Menes triers de la Grande Hyermenie (Armenia).... et avoient trois cors-Quand ils encommenceoient a corner, vous dissiez que ce sont les voix de cygnes, ..et fesoient les plus douces melodies. Ils fesoient trois merveilleus saus, car on leur metoit une touaille desous les piez, et tournoient tout debout .... Les deux tournoient les testes arieres," &c. [See the extract at large, in the Hon. D. Barrington's Observations on the Anc. Statutes, 4to, 2d. Edit. p. 273, omitted in the last impression.] This may also account for that remarkable clause in the press warrant of Henry VI. "De Ministrallis propter solatium Regis providendis," by which it is required, that the boys, to be provided "in arte Ministrallatûs instructos," should also be "membris naturalibus elegantes." See above pag. 19. (Observ. on the Anc. Stat. 4th Edit. p. 337). Although by Minstrel was properly understood, in English, one who sung to the harp, or some other instrument of music, verses composed by himself or others; yet the term was also applied by our old writers to such as professed either music or singing seperately, and perhaps to such as practised any of the sportive arts connected with these* Music however being the leading idea, was at length pecu- liarly called Minstrelsy, and the name of Minstrel at last confined to the Musician only. In the French language all these Arts were in- cluded under the general name of Menestraudie, Menestraudise, Jonglerie, &c. [Med. Lat. Menestellorum Ars, Ars Joculatoria, &c.]" On peut comprendre sous le nom de Jonglerie tout ce qui appartient aux anciens chansonniers Provençaux, Normands, Picards, &c. Le corps de la Jonglerie etoit formé des Trouveres, ou Troubadours, qui composoient les chan- sons, et parmi lesquels il y avoit des Improvisateurs, * Vid. infra, Not. (A a.) comme on en trouve en Italie; des Chanteurs ou Chanteres qui executoient ou chantoient ces compo- sitions; des Conteurs qui faisoient en vers ou en prose les contes, les recits, les histoires; des Jon- gleurs ou Menestrels qui accompagnoient de leurs instruments. -L'art de ces Chantres ou Chanson- niers, etoit nommé la Science Gaie, Gay Saber." (Pref. Anthologie Franç. 1765, 8vo, p. 17.)- See also the curious Fauchet, (De'l Orig. de la Lang. Fr. p. 72, &c.) "Bien tost apres la division de ce grand empire François en tant de petits royaumes, duchez, et comtez, au lieu des Poetes commencerent a se faire cognoistre les Troverres, et Chanterres, Contours, et Jugleours: qui sont Trouveurs, Chantres, Conteurs, Jongleurs, ou Jugleurs, c'est à dire, Menestriers chantans avec la viole." We see then that Jongleur, Jugleur, (Lat. Joculatın Juglator) was a peculiar name appropriated to the Minstrels. "Les Jongleurs ne fasoient que chanter les poesies sur leurs instrumens. On les appelloit aussi Menestrels :" says Fontenelle, in his Hist. du Theat. Franc. prefixed to his Life of Corneille. (C) "Successors of the ancient Bards." That the Minstrels in many respects bore a strong resemblance both to the British Bards and to the Danish Scalds, appears from this, that the old Monkish writers express them all without distinction by the same names in Latin. Thus Geoffrey of Monmouth, him- self a Welshman, speaking of an old pagan British king, who excelled in singing and music so far as to be esteemed by his countrymen the Patron Deity of the Bards, uses the phrase Deus Joculatorum; which is the peculiar name given to the English and French Minstrels*. In like manner, William Malmsbury, speaking of a Danish king's assuming the profession of a Scald, expresses it by Professus Mimum; which was another name given to the Minstrels in Middle Latinity+. Indeed Du Cange, in his Glossary, quotes a writer, who positively asserts that the Minstrels of the middle ages were the same with the ancient Bards. I shall give a large extract from this learned glossographer, as he relates many curious particulars con cerning the profession and arts of the Minstrels whom, after the Monks, he stigmatizes by the name of Scurre; though he acknowledges their songs often tended to inspire virtue. ; 64 Ministelli, dicti præsertim Scurræ, Mimi, Jocu- latores.". "Ejusmodi Scurrarum munus erat principes non suis duntaxat ludicris oblectare, sed et eorum aures variis, avorum, adeoque ipsorum prin- cipum laudibus, non sine Assentatione, cum canti- lenis et musicis instrumentis demulcere.... ... " .. "Interdum etiam virorum insignium et heroum gesta, aut explicata et jocunda narratione commemo- rabant, aut suavi vocis inflexione, fidibusque decan- tabant, quo sic dominorum, cæterorumque qui his intererant ludicris, nobilium animos ad virtutem capessendam, et summorum virorum imitationem accenderent: quod fuit olim apud Callos Bardorum ministerium, ut auctor est Tacitus. Neque enim alios à Ministellis, veterum Gallorum Bardos fuisse pluribus probat Henricus Valesius ad 15 Ammiani Chronicon Bertrandi Guesclini. Qui veut avoir renom des bons et des vaillans Il doit aler souvent a la pluie et au champs Et estre en la bataille, ainsy que fu Rollans, Les Quatre Fils Haimon, et Charlon li plus grans, * Vid. note (B) (K) (Q.) + Vid. note (N.) Li dus Lions de Bourges, et Guions de Connans, Perceval li Galois, Lancelot, et Tristans, Alixandres, Artus, Godfroi li Sachans, De quoy cils Menestriers font les nobles Romans." "Nicolaus de Braia describens solenne convivium, quo post inaugurationem suam proceres excepit Lud. VIII. rex Francorum, ait inter ipsius convivii appa- ratum, in medium prodiisse Mimum, qui regis laudes ad cytharum decantavit." NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. Our author then gives the lines at length, which begin thus, ? Dumque fovent genium geniali munere Bacchi, Nectare commixto curas removente Lyæo Principis a facie, citharæ celeberrimus arte Assurgit Mimus, ars musica quem decoravit. Hic ergo chorda resonante subintulit ista : Inclyte rex regum, probitatis stemmate vernang, Quem vigor et virtus extollit in æthera famæ," &c. The rest may be seen in Du Cange, who thus pro- ceeds, "Mitto reliqua similia, ex quibus omnino patet ejusmodi Mimorum et Ministellorum cantilenas ad virtutem principes excitasse.... Id præsertim in pugnæ præcinctu, dominis suis occinebant, ut mar- tium ardorem in eorem animis concitarent; cujusmodi cantum Cantilenam Rollandi appellat Will. Malmesb. lib. 3.- -Aimoinus, lib. 4. de Mirac. S. Bened. c. 37. 'Tanta vero illis securitas....ut Scurram se precedere facerent, qui musico instrumento res for- titer gestas et priorum bella præcineret, quatenus his acrius incitarentur, &c."" As the writer was a monk, we shall not wonder at his calllng the Min- strel, Scurram. This word Scurra, or some one similar, is repre- sented in the Glossaries as the proper meaning of Leccator (Fr. Leccour) the ancient term by which the Minstrel appears to be expressed in the Grant to Dutton, quoted above in page xxxvII. On this head I shall produce a very curious passage, which is twice quoted in Du Cange's Glossary, (sc. ad verb. Menestellus et ad verb. Lecator.) Phillippus Mouskes in Philip. Aug. fingit Carolum M. Provin- cie comitatum Scurris et Mimis suis olim donasse, indeque postea tantum in hac regione poetarum numerum excrevisse. << ト ​SA ( "Quar quant li buens Rois Karlemaigne Ot toute mise a son demaine Provence, qui mult iert plentive De vins, de bois, d'aigue, de rive, As Leccours as Menestreus Qui sont auques luxurieus Le donna toute et departi.” (D) "The Poet and the Minstrel early with us became two persons."] The word Scald compre- hended both characters among the Danes, nor do I know that they had any peculiar name for either of them separate. But it was not so with the Anglo- Saxons. They called a poet Sceop, and Leo pyhta: the last of these comes from Leod, a song; and the former answers to our old word Maker (Gr.IIoints) being derived from Scippan or Sceopan, formare, facere, fingere, creare (Ang. to shape). As for the Minstrel, they distinguished him by the peculiar appellation of Gligman, and perhaps by the more simple title of Heappene, Harper: [See below, Notes (H), (I)] This last title, at least, is often given to a Minstrel by our most ancient English rhymnists, See in this work series i. p. 18, &c. series ini. D. &c. XXV (E) "Minstrels... ....at the houses of the great, &c."] Du Cange affirms, that in the middle ages the courts of princes swarmed so much with this kind of men, and such large sums were expended in main- taining and rewarding them, that they often drained the royal treasuries: especially, he adds, of such as were delighted with their flatteries (" præsertim qui ejusmodi Ministellorum assentationibus delecta- bantur.") He then confirms his assertion by several passages out of monastic writers, who sharply inveigh against this extravagance. Of these I shall here select only one or two, which show what kind of rewards were bestowed on these old Songsters. "" Rigordus de Gestis Philippi Aug. an. 1185. "Cum in curiis regum seu aliorum principum, fre- quens turba Histrionum convenire soleat, ut ab eis Aurum, Argentum, Equos, seu vestes*, quos persæpe mutare consueverunt principes, ab eis extorqueant, verba joculatoria variis adulationibus plena proferre nituntur. Et ut magis placeant, quicquid de ipsis principibus probabiliter fingi potest, videlicit omnes delitias et lepores, et visu dignas urbanitates et cæteras ineptias, trutinantibus buccis in medium eructare non erubescunt. Vidimus quondam quos- dam principes, qui vestes diu excogitatas, et variis florum picturationibus artificiosé elaboratas, pro quibus forsan 20 vel. 30 marcas argenti consumpse- rant, vix revolutis septem diebus, Histrionibus, ministris diaboli, ad primam vocem dedisse, &c." The curious reader may find a similar, though at the same time a more can lid account, in that most excellent writer, Presid. Fauchet: (Recueil de la Lang. Fr. p. 73.) who says that, like the ancient Greek Aoidot, "Nos Trouverres, ainsi que ceux la, prenans leur subject sur les faits des vaillans (qu'ils appelloyent Geste, venant de Gesta Latin) alloyent Αοιδοι, • ..par les cours rejouir les Princes.... Remportans des grandes recompences des seigneurs, qui bien souvent leur donnoyent jusques aux robes qu'ils avoyent vestues : et lesquelles ces Jugleours ne failloyent de porter aux autres cours, à fin d'inviter les seigneurs a pareille liberalité. Ce qui a duré si longuement, qu'il me souvient avoir veu Marten Baraton (ja viel Menestrier d'Orleans) lequel aux festes et nopees batoit un tabourín d'argent, semé des plaques aussi d'argent, gravees des armoiries de ceux a qui il avoit appris a danser."-Here we see that a Minstrell sometimes performed the function of a Dancing-master. Fontenelle even gives us to understand, that these men were often rewarded with favours of a still Elles higher kind. "Les princesses et les plus grandes dames y joignoient souvent leurs faveurs. etoient fort foibles contre les beaux esprits." (Hist. du Théat.) We are not to wonder then that this profession should be followed by men of the first quality, particularly the younger sons and brothers of great houses. "Tel qui par les partages de fa famille n'avoit que la moitié ou le quart d'une vieux chateaux bien seigneurial, alloit quelque temps courir le monde en rimant, et revenoit acquerir le reste de • The Minstrels in France were received with great mag- nificence in the fourteenth century. Froissart describing a Christmas entertainment given by the Comte de Foix, tells us, that "there were many Mynstrels, as well of hys own as of strangers, and eache of them dyd their devoyre in their faculties. The same day the Earle of Foix gave to Hauralds and Minstrelles the som of fyve hundred frankes: and gave to the Duke of Tonrayns Mynstreles gownes of clothe of gold furred with ermyne valued at two hundred frankes." B. iii. c. 31. Eng. Trans. Lond. 1525 (Mr. C.) xxvi NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. Chateau." (Fontenelle Hist. du Théat.) We see then, that there was no improbable fiction in those ancient songs and romances, which are founded on the story of Minstrels being beloved by kings daughters, &c. and discovering themselves to be the sons of some foreign prince, &c. kings (F) The honours and rewards lavished upon the Minstrels were not confined to the continent. Our own countryman Johannes Sarisburiensis (in the time of Henry II.) declaims no less than the Monks abroad, against the extravagant favour shewn to these men. 66 Non enim more nugatorum ejus seculi in Histriones et Mimos, et hujusmodi monstra hom- inum, ob famæ redemptionem et dilatationem nominis effunditis opes vestras," &c. [Epist. 247*.] The Monks seem to grudge every act of munificence that was not applied to the benefit of themselves, and their convents. They therefore bestow great applauses upon the Emperor Henry, who at his marriage with Agnes of Poictou, in 1044, disappointed the poor min- strels, and sent them away empty. "Infinitam His- trionem et Joculatorum multitudinem sine cibo et muneribus vacuam et mærentem abire permisit." (Chronic. Virtziburg.) For which I doubt not but he was sufficiently stigmatized in the Songs and Ballads of those times. Vid. Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. p. 771, &c. (G) "The annals of the Anglo-Saxons are scanty and defective."] Of the few histories now remaining that were written before the Norman Conquest, almost all are such short and naked sketches and abridgements, giving only a concise and general relation of the more remarkable events, that scarce any of the minute circumstantial particulars are to be found in them: nor do they hardly ever descend to to a description of the customs, manners, or domestic economy of their countrymen. The Saxon Chron- icle, for instance, which is the best of them, and upon some accounts extremely valuable, is almost such an epitome as Lucius Florus and Eutropius have left us of the Roman history. As for Ethel- ward, his book is judged to be an imperfect transla- tion of the Saxon Chroniclet; and the Pseudo-Asser, or Chronicle of St. Neot, is a poor defective perform- How absurd would it be then to argue against the existence of customs or facts, from the silence of such scanty records as these! Whoever would carry his researches deep into that period of history, might safely plead the excuse of a learned writer, who had particularly studied the Ante-Norman historians. "Conjecturis (licet nusquam verisimili fundamento) aliquoties indulgemus... utpote ab Historicis jejune nimis et indiligenter res nostras tractantibus coacti Nostri ... nudà factorum commemoratione ple- rumque contenti, reliqua omnia, sive ob ipsarum rerum, sive meliorum literarum, sive Historicorum officii ignorantiam, fere intacta prætereunt." Vide plura in Præfat. ad Ælfr. Vitam à Spelman. Ox. 1678. fol. ance. ... (H) "Minstrels and Harpers:"] That the Harp (Cithara) was the common musical instrument of the Anglo-Saxons, might be inferred from the very word itself, which is not derived from the British, or any other Celtic language, but of genuine Gothic original, * Et vid. Policraticon, cap. 8, &c. + Vid. Nicolson's Eng. Hist. Lib. &c. and current among every branch of that people: viz Ang. Sax. Heappe, Heappa. Iceland. Harpa, Haurpa. Dan. and Belg. Harpe. Germ. Harpffe, Harpffa. Gal. Harpe. Span. Harpa. Ital. Arpa, [Vid. Jun. Etym.-Monage Etym. &c.] As also from this, that the word Heappe is constantly used in the Anglo-Saxon versions, to express the Latin words Cithara, Lyra, and even Cymbalum: the word Psalmus itself being sometimes translated Heapp rang, Harp Song. [Gloss. Jun. R. apud Lye Anglo- Sax. Lexic.] But the fact itself is positively proved by the ex- press testimony of Bede, who tells us that it was usual at festival meetings for this instrument to be handed round, and each of the company to sing to it in his turn. See his Hist. Eccles. Anglor, Lib. 4. c. 24. where speaking of their sacred poet Cædmon, who lived in the times of the Heptarchy (ob. circ. 680) he says:— Nihil unquam frivoli et supervacui poematis facere potuit; sed ea tanummodo, quæ ad religionem pertinent, religiosam ejus linguam decebant. Siqui- dem in habitu sæculari, usque ad tempore provectioris ætatis constitutus, nil Carminum aliquando didicerat. Unde nonnunquam in convivio, cùm esset lætitiæ causa decretum ut omnes per ordinem cantare debe- rent, ille ubi appropinquare sibi citharam cernebat, surgebat à medià cænâ, et egressus, ad suam domum repedabat." I shall now subjoin King Alfred's own Anglo- Saxon translation of this passage, with a literal inter- lineary English version. he never "He..nærɲe noht leafunga. ne ideles leoder He по .. never idle songs leasings, nor pyncean ne mihte. ac erne da an da de ro compose ne might; but lo! only those things which to æfertnerse belumpon. y hir da ærerran tungan religion [piety] belong, and his then pious tongue gedafenode ringan: Wær he re man in peoɲold became to sing: He was the [a] man in worldly hade zerered oð ða ride de he þær of [secular] state set to the time in which he was of gelyfedre ÿldo. 7 he nefɲe ænig leop an advanced age; and any song zeleonnode. he ronbon oft in gebeonscipe 1 forþon learned. And he therefore oft in an entertainment Sonne dær pær blirre intinza gedemed when there was for merriment-sake adjudged [or de- hi ealle rceoldan duph endebyndnesse creed] that they all should through their turns by be heappan ringan. donne he gereah da heaɲpan [to the] harp sing; when he the harp him nealacean. Sonne apar le fon rceome fram him approach, then arose he for shame from Sam rymle. ham eode 7 to his hure." the supper, and home yode [went] to his house. Bed. Hist. Eccl. a Smith. Cantab. 1722. fol. p. 597. saw In this version of Alfred's it is observable, (1) that he has expressed the Latin word cantare, by the Anglo-Saxon words "be heappan ringan," sing to the harp as if they were synonymous, or as if his countrymen had no idea of singing unaccompanied with the Harp (2) That when Bede simply says, surgebat a media cand; he assigns a motive, "anar For rceome," arose for shame: that is, either from an austerity of manners, or from his being deficient in an accomplishment, which so generally prevailed among his countrymen. ·· (1) "The word Glee, which peculiarly denoted their art, &c." This word Glee is derived from the NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. Anglo-Saxon Gligg, [Gligg] Musica, Music, Min- strelsy (Somn). This is the common radix, whence arises such a variety of terms and phrases relating to the Minstrel Art, as affords the strongest internal proof, that this profession was extremly common and popular here before the Norman Conquest. Thus we have I. (1) Glip, [Gliw] Mimus a Minstrel. : Gligman, gligmon, gliman, [Gleeman*] Histrio Mimus, Pantomimus; all common names in Middle Latinity for a Minstrel and Somner accordingly renders the original by a Minstrel; a Player on a Timbrel or Taber. He adds, a Fidler; but although the Fythell or Fiddle was an ancient instrument, by which the Jogelar or Minstrel sometimes accompanied his song, (see Warton, i. 17) it is probable that Som- ner annexes here only a modern sense to the word, not having at all investigated the subject. Glumen, gliigmen. [Glee-men.] Histriones Min- strels. Hence The Gligmanna уppe. Orchestra vel Pulpitus place where the Minstrels exhibited their perform- ances. (2) But their most proper and expressive name was Gliphleopriend. Musicus a Minstrel; and Gliphleoppienolica. Musicus, Musical. These two words include the full idea of the Min- strel character, expressing at once their music and singing, being compounded of Glıp, Musicus, Mimus, a Musician, Minstrel, and Leoð, Carmen, a Song. (3) From the above word ligg, the profession itself was called Gligenæft. [Glig or Glee-craft.] Musica, Histrio- nia, Mimica, Gesticulatio: which Somner rightly gives in English, Minstrelsy, Mimical Gesticulation, Mum- mery. He also adds, Stage-playing; but here again I think he substitutes an idea too modern, induced by the word Histrionia, which in Middle Latinity only signifies the Minstrel Art. However, it should seem that both mimical gesti- culation and a kind of rude exhibition of characters were sometimes attempted by the old Minstrels : But (4) As Musical Performances was the leading idea, so Gliopian, Cantus musicos edere; and Gligbeam, glipbeam. [Glig- or Glee-beam]. Tympanam; a Timbrel or Taber. (So Somn.) Hence Glypan. Tympanum pulsare; and * Gleman continued to be the name given to a Minstrel both in England and Scotland almost as long as this order of men continued. In De Brunne's metrical version of Bishop Grosthead's Manuel de Peche, A. D. 1303. (See Warton, i. 61), we have this, << Gode men, ye shall lere When ye any Gleman here.” Fabyan (in his Chronicle, 1533. f. 32,) translating the passage from Geoffrey of Monmouth, quoted below in page Note (K) renders Deus JOCULATORUM, by God of Gleinen. (Warton's Hist. Eng. Poet. Diss. I.) Fabyan died in 1592. 28. Dunbar, who lived in the same century, describing, in one of his poems, intituled, "The Daunce," what passed in the infernal regions "amaugis the Feyndis," says, "Na Menstralls playit to thame, but dowt, For Gle-men thaire wer haldin, out, Be day and eke by nicht." See Poems from Bannatyne's MS. Edinb. 1770, 12mo. page 30 Maitland's MS. at Cambridge reads here, Glewe mnen. ¿xxvij Glip-meden; Gliypiende-maden; [Glee-maiden] Tympanistria: which Somner renders a She-Minstrel ; for it should seem that they had Females of this pro- fession; one name for which was also Clypbyde- nertɲa. (5) Of congenial derivation to the foregoing, is Glypc. [Glywc]. Tibia, a Pipe or Flute. Both this and the common radix Gligg, are with great appearance of truth derived by Junius from the Icelandic Gliggur, Flatus: as supposing the first attempts at music among our Gothic ancestors were from wind-instruments. Vid. Jun. Etym. Ang. V. Glee. II. But the Minstrels, as is hinted above, did not confine themselves to the mere exercise of their pri- mary arts of Music and Song, but occasionally used many other modes of diverting. Hence, from the above root was derived, in a secondary sense, Facetie. (1) Lleo, and pinrum glip. Gleopian, jocari; to jest, or be merry; (Somn.) and Cleopiend, jocans; jesting, speaking merrily; (Somn.) Gligman also signified Jocista, a Jester. Gliz-gamen. [Glee-games.] joci. Which Somner renders Merriments, or merry Jests, or trick, or Sports ; Gamboles. (2) Hence, again, by a common metonymy of the cause for the effect. Glie, gaudium, alacritas, lætitia, facetiæ; Joy, Mirth, Gladness, Cheerfulness, Glee. [Somner.] Which last application of the word still continues, though rather in a low debasing sense. III. But however agreeable and delightful the various arts of the Minstrels might be to the Anglo-Saxon laity, there is reason to believe that before the Nor- man Conquest at least, they were not much favoured by the clergy; particularly by those of monastic pro- fession. For, not to mention that the sportive talents of these men would be considered by those austere ecclesiastics as tending to levity and licentiousness, the Pagan origin of their art would excite in the Monks an insuperable prejudice against it. The Anglo-Saxon Harpers and Gleemen were the imme- diate successors and imitators of the Scandinavian Scalds; who were the great promoters of Pagan superstition, and fomented that spirit of cruelty and outrage in their countrymen the Danes which fell with such peculiar severity on the religious and their convents. Hence arose a third application of words derived from Gligg, Minstrelsy, in a very unfavour- able sense, and this chiefly prevails in books of reli- gion and ecclesiastic discipline. Thus Ang (1) Glig is Ludibrium, laughing to scorn* So in S. Basil. Regul. 11. Hi hærodon him to glige hal- pende minegunze. Ludribrio habebant salutarem ejus admonitionem. (10). This sense of the word was perhaps not ill-founded; for as the sport of rude uncultivated minds often arises from ridicule, it is not improbable but the old Minstrels often in- dulged a vein of this sort, and that of no very delicate kind. So again, * To gleek, is used in Shakespeare, for "to make sport, to jest," &c. xxviii NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. << Glig-man was also used to signify Scurra, a Saucy Jester." (Somn.) Gliz-geonn. Dicax, Scurriles jocos supra quàm par est amans. Officium Episcopale, 3. Glipian. Scurrilibus oblectamentis indulgere; Scur- ram agere. Canon. Edgar, 58. (2) Again, as the various attempts to please, practised, by an order of men who owed their sup- port to the public favour, might be considered by those grave censors as mean and debasing: Hence came from the same root, Glipen. Parasitus, Assentator ; "A Fawner, a Togger, a Parasite, a Flatterer (Somn.) * • IV. To return to the Anglo-Saxon word ligg; not- withstanding the various secondary senses in which this word (as we have seen above) was so early applied; yet The derivative Glee (though now chiefly used to express Merriment and Joy) long retained its first simple meaning, and is even applied by Chaucer to signify Music and Minstrelsy. (Vid. Jun. Etym.) E. g. "For though that the best harper upon live Would on the beste sounid jolly harpe That evir was, with all his fingers five Touch aie o string, or aie o warble harpe, Were his nailes poincted nevir so sharpe It shoulde makin every wight to dull To heare is glee, and of his strokes ful." Troyl. lib. ii, 1030. Junius interprets Glees by Musica Instrumenta, in the following passages of Chaucer's Third Boke of Fame. "C Stoden.. the castell all aboutin ·· Of all maner of Mynstrales And Jestours that tellen tales Both of wepyng and of game, And of all that longeth unto fame; There herde I play on a harpe That sowned both well and sharpe Hym Orpheus full craftily; And on this syde fast by Sate the harper Orion; And Eacides Chirion; And other harpers many one, And the Briton Glaskyrion. After mentioning these, the great masters of the art, he proceeds; "And small Harpers with her Glees Sat under them in divers sees. Again, a little below, the poet having enumerated the performers on all the different sorts of instru- ments, adds, * The preceding list of Anglo-Saxon works, so full and copious beyond any thing that ever yet appeared in print on this subject, was extracted from Mr. Lye's curious Anglo- Saxon Lexicon, in MS. but the arrangement here is the Editor's own. It had however received the sanction of Mr. Lye's approbation, and would doubtless have been received into his printed copy had he lived to publish it himself. It should also be observed, for the sake of future re- searches, that without the assistance of the old English In- terpretations given by Somner, in his Anglo-Saxon Dic- tionary, the Editor of this book never could have discovered that Glee signified "Minstrelsy," or Gligman a "Minstrel." * "There sawe I syt in other sees Playing upon other sundry Glees, Which that I cannot neven More than starres ben in heven, &c. Upon the above lines I shall only make a few observations : are to (1) That by Jestours, I suppose we understand Gestours; scil. the relaters of Gests, (Lat. Gesta) or stories of adventures both comic and tragical; whether true or feinged; I am in- clined to add, whether in prose or verse. (Compare the record below, in marginal note subjoined to (V) 2. Of the stories in prose, I conceive we have specimens in that singular book the Gesta Ro- manorum, and this will account for its seemingly improper title. These were evidently what the French called Conteours, or Story-tellers, and to them we are probably indebted for the first Prose Romances of chivalry: which may be considered as specimens of their manner. (2) That the "Briton Glaskeryon," whoever he was, is apparently the same person with our famous Harper Glasgerion, of whom the reader will find a tragical ballad, at page 206.- In that song may be seen an instance of what was advanced above in note (E), of the dignity of the minstrel profession, or at least of the artifice with which the Minstrels endeavoured to set off its importance. Thus "a king's son is represented as appearing in the character of a Harper or Minstrel in the court of another king. He wears a collar (or gold chain) as a person of illustrious rank; rides on horsebank, and is admitted to the embraces of a king's daughter.” The Minstrels lost no opportunity of doing honour to their art. (3) As for the word Glees, it is to this day used in a musical sense, and applied to a peculiar piece of composition. Who has not seen the advertisements proposing a reward to him who should produce the best Catch, Canon, or Glee? (K) "Comes from the pen of Goffrey of Mon- mouth."] Geoffrey's own words are "Cum ergo alterius modi aditum [Boldulphus] non haberet, rasit capillos suos et barbamt, cultumque Jocu- latoris cum Cythara fecit. Deinde intra castra deambulans, modulis quos in Lyra componebat, sese Cytharistam exhibebat." Galf. Monum. Hist. 4to, 1508, lih. vii. c. 1.-That Joculator signifies precisely a Minstrel appears not only from this passage, where it is used as a word of like import * Neven, i. e. name. + Geoffrey of Monmouth is probably here describing the appearance of the Joculatores or Minstrels, as it was in his own time. For they apparently derived this part of their dress, &c. from the Mimi of the ancient Romans, who had their heads and beards shaven: (see above, p. xxi. note †,) as they likewise did the mimicry, and other arts of divert- ing, which they superadded to the composing and singing to the harp heroic songs, &c. which they inherited from their own progenitors the bards and scalds of the ancient Celtic and Gothic nations. The Longobardi had, like other nor- thern people, brought these with them into Italy. For in the year 774, when Charlemagne entered Italy and found his passage impeded, he was met by a Minstrel of Lombardy, whose song promised him success and victory. "Contigit JOCULATOREM ex Longobardorum gente ad Carolum venire, et CANTIUNCULAM A SE COMPOSITAM, rotando in conspectu suorum cantare.” Tom ii. p. 2. Chron. Monast. Noval. lib. iii. cap. x. p. 717. (T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Emend. of vol. i. p. 113.) NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. to Citharista or Harper, (which was the old English word for Minstrel,) but also from another passage of the same author, where it is applied as equivalent to Cantor. See lib. i. cap. 22, where, speaking of an ancient (perhaps fabulous) British King, he says, Hic omnes Cantores quos præcedens ætas ha- buerat et in modulis et in omnibus musicis instru- mentis excedebat: ita ut Deus Joculatorum vide- retur."---Whatever credit is due to Geoffrey as a relater of Facts, he is certainly as good authority as any for the signification of Words. (L)" Two remakable facts."] Both of these facts are recorded by William of Malmesbury; and the first of them, relating to Alfred, by Ingulphus also. Now Ingulphus (afterwards abbot of Croyland) was near forty years of age at the time of the Con- quest*, and consequently was as proper a judge of the Saxon manners, as if he had actually written his history before that event; he is therefore to be con- sidered as an Ante-Norman writer: so that whether the fact concerning Alfred be true or not, we are assured from his testimony, that the Joculator or Minstrel was a common character among the Anglo- Saxons. The same also may be inferred from the relation of William of Malmesbury, who outlived Ingulphus but thirty-three years †. Both these writers had doubtless recourse to innumerable records and authentic memorials of the Anglo- Saxon times which never descended down to us; their testimony therefore is too positive and full to be overturned by the mere silence of the two or three slight Anglo-Saxon epitomes that are now remaining. Vid. note (G). As for Asser Menevensis, who has given a some- what more particular detail of Alfred's actions, and yet takes no notice of the following story, it will not be difficult to account for his silence, if we consider that he was a rigid Monk, and that the Minstrels, however acceptable to the laity, were never much respected by men of the more strict monastic pro- fession, especially before the Norman Conquest, when they would be considered as brethren of the Pagan Salds. Asser therefore might not regard Alfred's skill in Minstrelsy in a very favourable light; and might be induced to drop the circum- stance related below, as reflecting in his opinion no great honour on his patron. The learned Editor of Alfred's Life, in Latin, after having examined the scene of action in person, and weighed all the circumstances of the event, determines, from the whole collective evidence, that Alfred could never have gained the victory he did if he had not with his own eyes previously seen the disposition of the enemy by such a stratagem as is here described. Vid. Annot. in Ælfr. Mag. Vitam, p. 33. Oxon. 1678, fol. (M) "Alfred "Alfred... assumed the dress and character of a "Minstrel."] Fingens se JocULATOREM, as- sumpta cithara," &c. Ingulphi Hist. p. 869.-" Sub specie MIMI... ut JOCULATORIE professor artis." Gul. Malmesb. l. ii. c. 4. p. 43. That both Joculator and Mimus signify literally, a Minstrel, see proved "" * Natus 1030, scripsit 1091, obiit 1109. Tanner. † Obiit anno 1142. Tanner. ‡ (See above, p. xxviii) Both Ingulph. and Will. of Mal- mesb. had been very conversant among the Normans, who appear not to have had such prejudices against the Minstrels as the Anglo-Saxons had XXIX in notes (B) (K) (N) (Q) &c. See also Note (G g). Malmesbury adds, " Unius tantum fidelissimi frue- batur conscientiâ." As this confidant does not appear to have assumed the disguise of a Minstrel himself, I conclude that he only appeared as the Minstrel's attendant. Now that the Minstrel had sometimes his servant or attendant to carry his harp, and even to sing to his music, we have many instances in the old Metrical Romances, and even some in this present collection: See Series the First, Song vi.; Series the third, Song vii. &c. Among the French and Provençal Bards, the Trouverre, or Inventor, was generally attended with his singer, who sometimes also played on the harp, or other musical instrument. Quelque fois durant le repas d'un prince on voyoit arriver un Trouverre inconnu avec ses Menestrels ou Jongleours, et il leur faisoit chanter sur leurs harpes ou vielles les vers qu'il avoit composés. Ceux qui faisoient les Sons aussi bien que les Mots etoient les plus estimés." Fon- tenelle Hist. du Theatr. CC That Alfred excelled in Music is positively asserted by Bale, who doubtless had it from some ancient MS. many of which subsisted in his time that are now lost as also by Sir J. Spelman, who, we may conclude, had good authority for this anecdote, as he is known to have compiled his life of Alfred from authentic materials collected by his learned father: this writer informs us that Alfred "provided him- self of musitians, not common, or such as knew but the practick part, but men skilful in the art itself, whose skill and service he yet further im- proved with his own instruction." p 199. p 199. This proves Alfred at least to have understood the theory of music; and how could this have been acquired without practising on some instrument? which we have seen above, note (H), was so extremely common with the Anglo-Saxons, even in much ruder times, that Alfred himself plainly tells us, it was shameful to be ignorant of it. And this commonness might be one reason, why Asser did not think it of con- sequence enough to be particularly mentioned in his short life of that great monarch. This rigid Monk may also have esteemed it a slight and frivolous accomplishment savouring only of worldly vanity. He has however particularly recorded Alfred's fondness for the oral Anglo-Saxon poems and songs ["Saxonica poemata die nocteque... audiens ... memorita retinebat." p. 16. " Carmina Saxonica me- moriter discere," &c. p. 43, et ib.] Now the poems learnt by rote, among all ancient unpolished nations, are ever songs chanted by the reciter, and accom- panied with instrumental melody *. CC (N)" With his harp in his hand, and dressed like a Minstrel."] Assumptâ manu citharâ ... professus Mimum, qui hujusmodi arte stipem quoti- dianam mercaretur... Jussus abire pretium Cantus accepit." Malmesb. 1. ii. c. 6. We see here that which was rewarded was (not any mimicry or tricks, but) his singing (Cantus); this proves, beyond dispute, what was the nature of the entertainment Aulaff afforded them. Perhaps it is needless by this time to prove to the reader, that Mimus in Mid- dle Latinity signifies a Minstrel, and Mimia, Min- * Thus Leod, the Saxon word for a Poem, is properly a song, and its derivative Lied signifies a ballad to this day in the German tongue: and Cantare, we have seen above, is by Alfred himself rendered Be heaɲpan ringan. XXX NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. strelsy, or the Minstrel-art. Should he doubt it, let him cast his eye over the two following extracts from Du Cange. "Mimus: Musicus, qui instrumentis musicis canit. Leges Palatina Jacobi II. Reg. Majoric. In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas, Mimi seu Joculatores licitè possunt esse. Nam illorum offi- cium tribuit lætitiam.... Quapropter volumus et ordinamus, quod in nostra curia Mimi debeant esse quinque, quorum duo sint tubicinatores, et tertius sit tabelerius: [i. e. a player on the tabor *.] Lit. remiss. ann. 1374. Ad Mimos cornicitantes, seu bucinantes accesserunt." Mimia, Ludus Mimicus, Instrumentum. [potius, Ars Joculatoria.] Ann. 1482....“ mimia et cantu victum acquiro. Du Cange, Gloss. tom. iv. 1762. Supp. c. 1225. "} (0) "To have been a Dane."] The northern historians produce such instances of the great respect shown to the Danish Scalds in the courts of our Anglo-Saxon kings, on account of their musical and poetic talents, (notwithstanding they were of so hateful a nation) that if a similar order of men had not existed here before, we cannot doubt but the profession would have been taken up by such of the natives as had a genius for poetry and music. "Extant Rhythmi hoc ipso [Islandico] idiomate Angliæ, Hyberniæque Regibus oblati et liberaliter compensati, &c. Itaque hinc colligi potest linguam Danicam in aulis vicinorum regum, principumque familiarem fuisse, non secus ac hodie in aulus prin- cipum peregrina idiomata in deliciis haberi cernimus. Imprimis Vita Egilli Skallagrimii id invicto argu- mento adstruit. Quippe qui interrogatus ab Adal- steino, Angliæ rege, quomodo manus Eirici Blo- doxii, Northumbria regis, postquam in ejus potes- tatem venerat, evasisset, cujus filium propinquosque occiderat.... rei statim ordinem metro, nunc satis obscuro, exposuit nequaquam ita narraturus non intelligenti." [Vid plura apud Torfæii Præfat. ad Orcad. Hist. fol.] This same Egill was no less distinguished for his valour and skill as a soldier, than for his poetic and singing talents as a Scald; and he was such a fa- vourite with our king Athelstan, that he at one time presented him with "duobus annulis et scriniis, duobus bene magnis argento repletis. . . . Quinetiam hoc addidit, ut Egillus quidvis præterea a se petens. obtineret; bona mobilia, sive immobilia, præben- dam vel præfecturas. Egillus porro regiam munifi- The Tahour or Tabourin was a common instrument with the French Minstrels, as it had also been with the Anglo- Saxon: (vid. p. Ixix.) thus in an ancient French MS. in the Harl. collection (2253, 75.) a Minstrel is described as riding on horseback and bearing his Tabour. "Entour son col porta son Tabour, Depeynt de Or, e riche Agour." See also a passage in Menage's Diction. Etym. [v. Menes- triers,] where Tabours is used as synonymous to Menestriers. Another frequent instrument with them was the Viele. This, I am told, is the name of an instrument at this day, which differs from a guitar, in that the player turns round a handle at the top of the instrument, and with his other hand plays on some keys that touch the chords and produce the sound. See Dr. Burney's account of the Vielle, vol. ii. p. 263, who thinks it the same with the Rote, or wheel. See page 270 in the note. "Il ot un Jougleor a sens, Qui navoit pas sovent robe entiere ; Sovent estoit sans sa Viele." Fabliaux et Cont. ii. 184, 5. centiam gratus excipiens, Carmen Encomiasticon, à se linguâ Norvegicà (quæ tum his regnis communis) compositum, regi dicat; ac pro eo, duas marcas auri puri (pondus marcæ.. 8 uncias æquabat) hono- rarii loco retulit." [Arngr. Jon. Rer. Islandic. lib. ii p. 129.] See more of Egill, in the " Five Pieces of Runic Poetry," p. 45, whose poem, there translated, is the most ancient piece all in rime, that is, I conceive, now to be found in any European language, except Latin. See Egil's Islandic original, printed at the end of the English Version in the said Five Pieces, &c. (P) "If the Saxons had not been accustomed to bave Minstrels of their own.... . and to show fa- vour and respect to the Danish Scalds,"] if this had not been the case, we may be assured, at least, that the stories given in the text could never have been recorded by writers who lived so near the Anglo- Saxon times as Malmesbury and Ingulphus, who, though they might be deceived as to particular facts, could not be so as to the general manners and cus- toms which prevailed so near their own times among their ancestors. (Q) "In Doomesday Book," &c.[ Extract. ex Libro Domesday: Et vid. Anstis Ord. Gart. ii. 304. Glowecestesceire. Fol. 162. Col. 1. Berdic Joculator Regis habet iii villas. et ibi v. car. nil redd. That Joculator is properly a Minstrel, might be inferred from the two foregoing passages of Geoffrey of Monmouth, (v. note K) where the word is used as equivalent to Citharista in one place, and to Can- tor in the other: this union forms the precise idea of the character. But more positive proofs have already offered, vid. supra. p. xxiv. xxix. xxx. note. See also Du Cange's Gloss. vol. iii. c. 1543. Jogulator pro Joculator.-Consilium Masil. an. 1381. Nullus Ministreys, Jogulator, audeat pinsare vel sonare instrumentum cujuscumque generis," &c. &c. As the Minstrel was termed in French Jongleur and Jugleur; so he was called in Spanish Jutglar and Juglar. "Tenemos canciones y versos para recitar muy antiguos y memorias ciertas de los Jug- lares, que assistian en los banquetes, como los que pinta Homero." Prolog. a las Comed. de Cervantes, 1749, 4to. 68 "El anno 1328, en las siestas de la Coronacion del Rey, Don Alonso el IV. de Aragon,... * el Juglar Ramaset cantò una Villanesca de la Compo- sicion del... infante [Don Pedro: infante [Don Pedro: y otro Juglar, llamado Novellet, recitò y representò en voz y sin cantar mas de 600 versos, que hizo el Infante en el metro que llamaban Rima Vulgar." Ibid. "Los Trobadores inventaron la Gaya Ciencia estos Trobadores eran casi todos de la primera No- bleza. Es verdad, que ya entonces se havian en- trometida entre las diversiones Cortesanos, los Con- tadores, los Cantores, los Juglares, los Truanez. y los Bufones." Ibid. In England the King's Juglar continued to have an establishment in the royal household down to the reign of Henry VIII. [vid. Note (Cc).] But in * “ ROMANSET JUTGLAR canta alt veux...devant lo senyor Rey." Chron. d'Aragon, apud Du Cange, iv. 771. NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. what sense the title was there applied does not ap- pear. In Barklay's Egloges written circ. 1514, Juglers and Pipers are mentioned together. Egl. iv. (vid. T. Warton's Hist. ii. 254.) (R) "A valiant warrior, named Taillefer," &c.] See Du Cange, who produces this as an instance, Quod Ministellorum munus interdum præstabant milites probatissimi. Le Roman De Vacce, MS. "6 "Quant il virent Normanz venir Mout veissiez Engleiz fremir. . . . Taillefer qui mout bien chantoit, Sur un cheval, qui tost alloit, Devant euls aloit chantant De Kallemaigne et de Roullant, Et d'Olivier de Vassaux, Qui moururent en Rainschevaux. Qui quidem Taillefer a Gulielmo obtinuit ut pri- inus in hostes irrueret, inter quos fortiter dimicando occubuit." Gloss. tom. iv. 769, 770. 771. Les anciennes chroniques nous apprennent, qu'en premier rang de l'Armée Normande, un écuyer nommé Taillefer, monté sur un cheval armé, chanta la Chanson de Roland, qui fut si long tems dans les bouches des François, sans qu'il soit resté le moindre fragment, Le Taillefer après avoir en- tonné la chanson que les soldats répétoient, se jetta le premier parmi les Anglois, et fut tué." [Voltaire Add. Hist. Univ. p. 69. The reader will see an attempt to restore the Chanson de Roland, with musical notes, in Dr. Burney's Hist. ii. p. 276.—See more concerning the Song of Roland, Series the Third, p. 189. Note (m.) (S)" An eminent French writer," &c.] . M. l'Evêque de la Ravaliere, qui avoit fait beaucoup de recherches sur nos anciennes Chansons, prétend que c'est à la Normandie que nous devons nos pre- miers Chansonniers, non à la Provence, et qu'il y avoit parmi nous des Chansons en langue vulgaire avant celles de Provençaus, mais postérieurement au Regne Philippe I, ou à l'an 1100." [v. Révolu- tions de la Langue Françoise, à la suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre.] "Ce seroit une antériorité de plus d'une demi siecle à l'époque des premiers Troubadours, que leur historien Jean de Nostre- dame fixe à l'an 1162," &c. Pref. à l'Anthologie Franç. 8vo. 1765. This subject hath since been taken up and prose- cuted at length in the Prefaces, &c. to M. Le Grand's, "Fabliaux ou Contes du xie et du xe Siecle, Paris, 1788," 5 tom. 12mo. who seems pretty clearly to have established the priority and superior excellence of the old Rimeurs of the North of France over the Troubadours of Provence, &c. (S 2) "Their own native Gleemen or Minstrels must be allowed to exist."] Of this we have proof positive in the old metrical Romance of Horn-Ĉhild (Series the Third, No. 1, p. 192.) which although from the mention of Sarazens, &c. it must have been written at least after the first crusade in 1096, yet,from its Anglo-Saxon language or idiom, can scarce be dated later than within a century after the Conquest. This, as appears from its very exordium, was in- tended to be sung to a popular audience, whether it was composed by, or for, a Gleeman, or Minstrel. But it carries all the internal marks of being the production of such a composer. It appears of ge- - xxxi nuine English growth; for, after a careful examina- tion, I cannot discover any allusion to French or Norman customs, manners, composition, or phrase- clogy: no quotation "As the Romance sayth:" not a name or local reference, which was likely to occur to a French Rimeur. The proper names are all of Northern extraction: Child Horn is the son of Allof (i. e. Olaf or Olave) king of Sudenne ( I sup- pose Sweden) by his Queen Godylde or Godylt. Athulf and Fykenyld are the names of subjects. Eylmer or Aylmere is king of Westnesse, (a part of Ireland), Rymenyld is his daughter; as Erminyld is of another king Thurstan; whose sons are Athyld and Beryld. Athelbrus is steward of K. Aylmer, &c. &c. All these savour only of a Northern origin, and the whole piece is exactly such a performance as one would expect from a Gleeman or Minstrel of the North of England, who had derived his art and his ideas from his Scaldic predecessors there. So that this probably is the original from which was translated the old French fragment of Dan Horn, in the Harleyan MS. 527, mentioned by Tyrwhitt, (Chaucer iv. 68,) and by T. Warton (Hist. i. 38), whose extract from Horn-Child is extremely in- correct. Compare the style of Child-Horn with the Anglo- Saxon specimens in short verses and rime, which are assigned to the century succeeding the Con- quest, in Hickes's Thesaurus, tom. i. cap. 24, p. 224 and 231. (T) "The different production of the sedentary composer and the rambling Minstrel."] Among the old metrical romances, a very few are addressed to readers, or mention reading: these appear to have been composed by writers at their desk, and exhibit marks of more elaborate structure and invention. Such is Fglamour of Artas (Series the third, No. 20, p. 194,) of which I find in a MS. copy in the Cotton Library, A 2, folio 3, the II Fitte thus concludes, thus ferr have I red. Such is Ipomydon (Series the third, No. 23, p. 195,) of which one of the divisions (Sign. E. ii. b. in pr. copy) ends thus, Let hym go, God him spede, Tyll efte-soone we of him reed [i. e. read.] So in Amys and Amylion* (Series the third, No. 31, p. 195), in sta. 3d we have In Geste as we rede, and similar phrases occur in stanzas 34, 125, 140, 196, &c. These are all studied compositions, in which the story is invented with more skill and ingenuity, and the style and colouring are of superior cast to such as can with sufficient probability be attributed to the minstrels themselves. Of this class, I conceive the romance of Horn Child (mentioned in the last note (S 2) and in Series It ought to have been observed in it proper place in Series the third, No. 31, p. 195, that Amys and Amylion were no otherwise "Brothers" than as being fast friends as was suggested by the learned Dr. Samuel Pegge, who was so obliging as to favor the Essayist formerly with acurious trans- cript of this poem accompanied with valuable illustrations, &c.; and that it was his opinion that both the fragment of the "Lady Beellesnt" mentioned in the same No. 31, and also the mutilated Tale, No. 37, (p. 31,, were only imperfect copies of the above romance of "Amy ud Amvlion," which contains the two lines quoted in No. 31. xxxli NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. the Third, No. 192. p. 2.) which, from the naked unadorned simplicity of the story, I would attribute to such an origin. But more evidently is such the Squire of Low Degree, (Series the third, No. 24. p. 195.) in which is no reference to any French original, nothing like the phrase, which so frequently occurs in others, "As the romance sayth*," or the like. And it is just such a rambling performance as one would expect from an itinerant Bard. And Such also is A lytell Geste of Robyn Hode, &c. in 8 Fyttes, of which are extant two editions, 4to, in black-letter, described more fully in page 21 of this work. This is not only of undoubted English growth, but, from the constant satire aimed at abbots and their convents, &c. could not possibly have been composed by any monk in his cell. Other instances might be produced; but especially of the former kind is Syr Launfal, Series the third, No. 2, p. 192), the 121st. of which has In romances as we rede. This is one of the best invented stories of that kind, and I believe the only one in which is inserted the name of the author. (T 2) "Royer or Raherus the King's Minstrel."] He is recorded by Leland under both these names, in his Collectanea, scil. vol. 1, p. 61. 66 Hospitale S. Bartholomæi in West Smithfelde in London. Royer Mimus Regis fundator." "C Hosp. Sti. Barthol. Londini. "C "Raherus Mimus Regis H. 1, primus fundator, an. 1102, 3 H. 1, qui fundavit etiam Priorat. Sti. Bar- thol." Ibid. page 99. That Mimus is properly a Minstrel in the sense affixed to the word in this essay, one extract from the accounts [Lat. Computis | of the Priory of Max- tock, near Coventry, in 1441, will sufficiently show. -Scil. "Dat. Sex. Mimus Dni. Clynton cantanti- bus, citharisantibus, ludentibus, &c. iiiis. (T. War- ton, ii. 106, note q.) The same year, the prior gave to a doctor prædicans, for a sermon preached to them, only 6d. In the Monasticon, tom. ii. p. 166, 167, is a curious history of the founder of this priory, and the cause of its erection; which seems exactly such a composition as one of those which were manufac- tured by Dr. Stone, the famous legend-maker, in 1380; (see T. Warton's curious account of him, in vol. ii. p. 190, note,) who required no materials to assist him in composing his Narratives, &c. for in this legend are no particulars given of the founder, but a recital of miraculous visions exciting him to this pious work, of its having been before revealed * Wherever the word romance occurs in these metrical narratives, it hath been thought to afford decisive proof of a translation from the romance or French language. Ac- cordingly it is so urged by T. Warton, (i. 146, note) from two passages in the pr. copy of "Sir Eglamour," viz. Sign. E. i. In romaunce as we rede. Again in fol. ult. In romaunce this cronycle is. But in the Cotton MS. of the original the first passage is As I herde a Clerke rede. And the other thus, In Rome this Gest cronycled ys. So that I believe references to "the Romaunce," or the like were often mere expletive phrases inserted by the oral reciters; one of whom I conceive had altered or cor- rupted the old "Syr Eglamour" in the manner that the copy was printed. to King Edward the Confessor, and predicted by three Grecians, &c. Even his minstrel profession is not mentioned, whether from ignorance or design, as the profession was, perhaps, falling into discredit when this legend was written. There is only a general indistinct account that he frequented royal and noble houses, where he ingratiated himself sua- vitate joculari. (This last is the only word that seems to have any appropriated meeting.) This will account for the indistinct incoherent account given by Stow. "Rahere, a pleasant witted gentle- man, and therefore, in his time, called the King's Minstrel.”—Survey of Loud. Ed. 1598, p. 308. (U)"In the early times, every harper was ex- pected to sing."] See on this subject King Alfred's version of Cadmon, above in note (H) page xxvi. So in Horn-Child, King Allof orders his steward Athelbrus to teche him of harpe and of song. In the Squire of Lowe Degree, the king offers to his daughter, Ye shall have harpe, sautry*, and song. And Chaucer, in his description of the Limitour or Mendicant Friar, speaks of harping as inseparable from singing (i, p. 11, ver. 268.) -in his harping, whan that he hadde songe. (U 2) "As the most accomplished," &c.] See Hoveden, p. 103, in the following passage, which had erroneously been applied to King Richard him- self, till Mr. Tyrwhitt (Chaucer, iv. p. 62,) showed it to belong to his Chancelor. "Hic ad augmen- tum et famam sui nominis, emendicata carmina, et rhythmos adulatorios comparabat; et de regno Fran- corum Cantores et Joculatores muneribus allexerat, ut de illo canerent in plateis et jam dicebatur ubi- que, quod non erat talis in orbe." For other par- ticulars relating to this Chancelor, see T. Warton's Hist. vol. ii. Addit. to p. 113 of vol. i. (U 3) "Both the Norman,and English languages would be heard at the houses of the great."] A remarkable proof of this is, that the most diligent inquirers after ancient English rimes find the earliest they can discover in the mouths of the Norman nobles. Such as that of Robert, Earl of Leicester, and his Flemings in 1173, temp, Hen. II. (little more than a century after the Conquest) recorded by Lambarde in his dictionary of England, p. 36. Hoppe Wyliken, hoppe Wyliken Ingland is thine and myne, &c. And that noted boast of Hugh Bigot, Earl of Nor- folk, in the same reign of King Henry II. vid. Cam- deni Britania, (art. Suffolk) 1607, folio. Were I in my castle of Bungey Vpon the riner of Waueney I would ne care for the king of Cockeney. Indeed, many of our old metrical romances, whether originally English, or translated from the French to be sung to an English audience, are ad dressed to persons of high rank, as appears from * The Harp (Lat. Cithara) differed from the Sautry, or Psaltry (Lat. Psalterium) in that the former was a stringed instrument, and the latter was mounted with wire: there was also some difference in the construction of the bellies, &c. See "Bartholomæus de proprietatibus rerum," Englished by Trevisa and Eatman, ed. 1584, in Sir J. Haw kins' Hist. 12. 5. 285. ae NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. their beginning thus-" Listen, lordings," and the like These were prior to the time of Chaucer, as appears from vol. iii. p. 190, et seqq. And yet to his time our Norman nobles are supposed to have adhered to their French language. (V) "That intercommunity, &c. between the French and English minstrels," &c,] This might perhaps, in a great measure, be referred even to the Norman Conquest, when the victors brought with them all their original opinions and fables; which could not fail to be adopted by the English minstrels and others, who solicited their favour. This interchange, &c. between the minstrels of the two nations would be afterwards promoted by the great intercourse produced among all the nations of Christendom in the general crusades, and by that spirit of chivalry which led knights and their at- tendants, the heralds, and minstrels, &c. to ramble about continually from one court to another, in order to be present at solemn turnaments, and other feats of arms. (V 2) "Is not the only instance," &c.] The constant admission granted to minstrels was so es- tablished a privilege, that it became a ready expe- dient to writers of fiction. Thus, in the old ro- mance of Horn-Child, the Princess Rymenyld being confined in an inaccessible castle, the prince, her lover, and some assistant knights, with concealed arms, assume the minstrel character, and approach- ing the castle with their " Gleyinge" or Minstrelsy, are heard by the lord of it, who being informed they were harpeirs, jogelers, aud fythelers*," has them admitted, when << Horn sette him abenche [i. e. on a bench.] Is [i. e. his] harpe he gan clenche He made Rymenild a lay. This sets the princess a weeping, and leads to the catastrophe; for he immediately advances to "the borde," or table, kills the ravisher, and releases the lady. .. (V 3) "assumed the dress and character of a harper, &c."] We have this curious historiette in the records of Lacock Nunnery, in Wiltshire, which had been founded by this Countess of Salisbury. See Vincent's Discovery of Errors in Brooke's Catalogue of Nobility, &c. folio, page 445-6, &c. Take the following extract (and see Dugdale's Baron. i. p. 175.) "Ela uxor Gullielmi Longespee primi, nata fuit apud Ambresbiriam, patre et matre Normannis. "Pater itaque ejus defectus senio migravit ad Christum, A.D. 1196. Mater ejus ante biennium Interea Domina charissima clam per obiit.. .. * Jogeler (Lat. Jaculator) was a very ancient name for a Minstrel. Of what nature the performance of the Jocu- lator was, we may learn from the Register of St. Swithin's Priory at Winchester (T. Wartou, i. 69.) "Et cantabat JOCULATOR quidam nomine Herebertus Canticum Colbrondi, necuon Gestum Emme regine a judicio ignis liberate, in aula Prioris.” His instrument was sometimes the Fy thele, or Fiddle, Lat. Fidicula: which occurs in the Auglo-Saxon Lexicon. On this subject we have a curious passage from a MS. of the Lives of the Saints in metre, supposed to be earlier than the year 1200, (T. Warton's Hist. i. p. 17,) viz. Christofre him served longe The kynge loved melodye much of fithele aad of songe: So that his Jugeler on a day beforen him gon to pleye faste, And in a tyme he nemped in his song the devil at laste. cognatos adducta fuit in Normanniam, et ibidem sub tutâ et arctâ custodiâ nutrita. Eodem tempore in Anglia fuit quidam miles nomine Gulielmus Tal- bot, qui induit se habitum Peregrini [Anglice, a pilgrim] in Normanniam transfretavit et moratus per duos annos, huc atque illuc vagans, ad exploran- dam dominam Elam Sarum, Et illà inventâ exuit habitum Peregrini, et induit se quasi Cytharisator et curiam ubi morabatur intravit. Et ut erat homo Jocosus, in Gestis Antiquorum valde peritus, ibidem gratanter fuit acceptus quasi familiaris. Et quando tempus aptum invenit, in Angliam repatriavit, habens secum istam venerabilem dominam Elam et hære- dam comitatus Sarum; et eam Regi Richardo præ- sentavit. Ac ille lætissime eam suscepit, et Fratri suo Guilellmo Longespee maritavit.... “A.D. 1226, Dominus Guill. Longespee primus nonas Martii obiit. Ela vero uxor ejus 7 annis supervixit.. Una die duo monasteria fundavit primo mane xvi Kal. Maii, A.D. 1232, apud Lacock, in quo sanctæ degunt Canonissæ....Et Henton post nonam, anno vero ætatis suæ xlv. &c." XXX111 .. << (W) For the preceding account, Dugdale refers to Monast. Angl. i. [r. ii.] p. 185, but gives it as enlarged by D. Powel, in his Hist. of Cambria, p. 196, who is known to have followed ancient Welsh MSS. The words in the Monasticon are- Qui accersitis Sutoribus Cestriæ et Histrionibus, festinanter cum exercitu suo venit domino suo facere succursum. Walenses vero videntes multitudinem magnam venientem, relictâ obsidione fugerunt .. . Et propter hoc dedit comes antedictus .... Con- stabulario dominationem Sutorum et Histrionum. Constabularius vero retinuit sibi et hæredibus suis dominationem Sutorum: et histrionum dedit vero Seneschallo." (So the passage should apparently be pointed; but either et or vero seems redundant.) We shall see below in note (Z) the proper import of the word Histriones: but it is very remarkable that this is not the word used in the grant of the Con- stable De Lacy to Dutton, but "Magisterium om- nium Leccatorum et Meretricium totius Cestreshire, sicut liberius illum [sic] Magisterium teneo de Co- mite." (vid. Blount's Ancient Tenures, p. 156.) Now, as under this grant the heirs of Dutton confes- sedly held for many ages a magisterial jurisdiction over all the Minstrels and Musicians of that County, and as it could not be conveyed by the word Meretricis, the natural inference is that the Minstrels were ex- pressed by the term Leccatores. It is true, Du Cange, compiling his Glossary, could only find in the wri- ters he consulted this word used in the abusive sense, often applied to every synonyme of the spor- tive and dissolute Minstrel, viz. Scurra, vaniloquus, parasitus, epulo, &c. (This I conceive to be the proper arrangement of these explanations, which only express the character given to the Minstrel elsewhere: see Du Cange passim and notes, (C) (E) (F) (I). But he quotes an ancient MS. in French metre, wherein the Leccour (Lat. Lec- cator) and the Minstrel are joined together, as receiving from Charlemagne a grant of the territory of Provence, and from whom the Provençal Trouba- dours were derived, &c. See the passage above in note (C) pag. xxv. The exception in favour of the family of Dutton is thus expressed in the Statute, Anno 39 Eliz. chap. iv. entitled, "An Act for punishment of Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars." xxxiv NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY "§ II. All Fencers, Bearwards, Common Players of Enterludes, and Minstrels, wandering abroad, (other than Players of Enterludes belonging to any Baron of this Realm, or any other honourable Personage of greater degree, to be authorised to play under the hand and seal of arms of such Baron or Personage:) all Juglers, Tinkers, Pedlers, &c.... shall be adjudged and deemed Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars, &c. "§ X. Provided always that this Act, or any thing therein contained, or any authority thereby given, shall not in any wise extend to disinherit, prejudice, or hinder John Dutton of Dutton, in the county of Chester, Esquire, his heirs or assigns, for, touching or concerning any liberty, preheminence, authority, jurisdiction, or inheritance, which the said John Dutton now lawfully useth, or hath, or law- fully may or aught to use within the County-Palatine of Chester, and the County of the City of Chester, or either of them, by reason of any ancient Charters of any Kings of this Land, or by reason of any pre- scription, usage, or title whatsoever." The same clauses are renewed in the last Act on this subject, passed in the present Reign of Geo. III. • • (X) "Edward I. .. at the knighting of his son," &c.] See Nic. Triveti Annales, Oxon. 1719, 8vo. p. 342. • "In festo Pentecostes Rex filium suum armis mi- litaribus cinxit, et cum eo Comites Warenniæ et Arundeliæ, aliosque, quorum numerus ducentos et quadraginta dicitur excessisse. Eodem die cum se- disset Rex in mensa, novis militibus circumdatus, ingressa Ministrellorum Multitudo, portantium mul- tiplici ornatu amictum, ut milites præcipue novos invitarent, et inducerent, ad vovendum factum ar- morum aliquod coram signo.” • • • (Y) "By an express regulation, &c."] See in Hearne's Append. ad Lelandi Collectan. vol. vi. p. 36. "A Dietarie, Writtes published after the Ordi- nance of Earles and Barons, Anno Dom. 1315." "Edward by the grace of God, &c. to Sheriffes, &c. greetying. Forasmuch as..... many idle per- sons, under colour of Mynstrelsie, and going in messages, and other faigned busines, have ben and yet be receaved in other mens houses to meate and drynke, and be not therwith contented yf they be not largely consydered with gyftes of the Lordes of the houses: &c. ..... We wyllyng to restrayne suche outrageous enterprises and idleness, &c. have ordeyned that to the houses of Prelates, Earles, and Barons, none resort to meate and drynke, un- lesse he be a Mynstrel, and of these Minstrels that there come none except it be three or four Minstrels of honour at the most in one day, unlesse he be de- sired of the Lorde of the House. And to the houses of meaner men that none come unlesse he be desired, and that such as shall come so, holde themselves contented with meate and drynke and with such cur- tesie as the Maister of the House wyl shewe unto them of his owne good wyll, without their askyng of any thyng. And yf any one do agaynst this Or- dinaunce, at the firste time he to lose his Minstrel- sie, and at the second tyme to forsweare his craft, and never to be receaved for a Minstrel in any house..... Yeven at Langley the vi. day of August in the ix yere of our reigne." I These abuses arose again to as great a height as ever in little more than a century after, in conse- quence, I suppose, of the licentiousness that crept in during the civil wars of York and Lan- caster. This appears from the Charter 9 E. IV, referred to in p. xlv. "Ex querulosâ insinuatione... Ministrallorum nostrorum accepimus qualiter non- nulli rudes agricolæ et artifices diversarum miste- rarum regni nostri Angliæ, finxerunt se fore Min- istrallos, quorum aliqui Liberatam nostram eis minime datam portarent, seipsos etiam fingentes esse Minstrallos nostros proprios, cujus quidem Liberatæ ac dictæ artis sive occupationis Ministrallorum colore, in diversis partibus regni nostri prædicti grandes pecuniarum exactiones de ligeis nostris de- ceptive colligunt, &c." Abuses of this kind prevailed much later in Wales, as appears from the famous Commission issued out in 9 Eliz. (1567), for bestowing the Silver Harp on the best Minstrel, Rythmer, or Bard, in the princi- pality of North Wales; of which a fuller account will be given below in note (B b 3). (Z) "It is thus related by Stow."] See his Sur- vey of London, &c. fol. 1633, p. 521. [Acc. of Westm. Hall.] Stow had this passage from Walsing- ham's Hist. Ang.. "Intravit quædam mulier ornata Histrionali habitu, equum bonum insidens Histrionaliter phaleratum, quæ mensas more Histri- onum circuivit ; et tandem ad Regis mensam per gradus ascendit, et quandam literam coram rege po- suit, et retracto fræno (salutatis ubique discumben- tibus) prout venerat ita recessit," &c. Anglic. Norm. Script. &c. Franc. 1603, fol. p. 109. It may be observed here that Minstrels and others often rode on horseback up to the royal table, when the Kings were feasting in their great halls. See in this work, page 18. The answer of the Porters (when they were after- wards blamed for admitting her) also deserves atten- tion. "Non esse moris domus regia Histriones ab ingressu quomodolibet prohibere," &c. Walsingh. That Stow rightly translated the Latin word His- trio here by Minstrel, meaning a musician that sung, whose subjects were stories of chivalry, admits of easy proof: for in the Gesta Romanorum, chap. cxi. Mercury is represented as coming to Argus in the character of a Minstrel; when he incipit, more His. trionico, fabulas dicere, et plerumque cantare. (T. Warton, iii. p. li.) And Muratori cites a passage in an old Italian chronicle, wherein mention is made of a stage erected at Milan—_—__66 Super quo Histriones cantabant, sicut modo cantatur de Rolando et Oli- verio." Antich. Ital. ii. p. 6. (Observ. on the Statutes, 4th. edit. p. 362.) See also (E) pag. xxv. &c. (F) p. xxvi. &c. (A a) "There should seem to have been women of this profession."] This may be inferred from the variety of names appropriated to them in the middle ages, viz: Anglo-Sax. Clipmeden, [Glee-maiden] &c. glypiendemaden, glypbydenerτna. vid. supra p. xxvi.) Fr. Jengleresse, Med. Lat. Joculatrix, Mi- nistralissa, Famina Ministerialis, &c. (vid. Du Cange Gloss. and Suppl.) See what is said in page xlv. concerning the "sisters of the fraternity of Minstrels;" see also a passage quoted by Dr. Burney (ii. 315), from Mu- ratori, of the Chorus of women singing through the streets accompanied with musical instruments in 1268. NOTES ON THE FOREGOING ESSAY. Had the female described by Walsingham been a Tombestere, or dancing-woman (see Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. 307, and v. Gloss.), that historian would probably have used the word Saltatrix. (See T. Warton, i. 240, note m.) These Saltatrices were prohibited from exhibiting in churches and church-yards along with Joculatores, Histriones, with whom they were sometimes classed, especially by the rigid ecclesiastics, who censured, in the severest terms, all these sportive characters. (Vid. T. Warton, in loco citato, et vide supra not. (E) (F) &c.) And here I would observe, that although Fauchet and other subsequent writers affect to arrange the several members of the minstrel profession, under the different classes of Troverres (or Troubadours) Chanterres, Conteours, and Jugleurs,&c. (vid. page lx.), as if they were distinct and separate orders of men, clearly distinguished from each other by these ap- propriate terms, we find no sufficient grounds for this in the oldest writers; but the general names in Latin, Histrio, Mimus, Joculator, Ministrallus, &c.; in French, Menestrier, Menestrel, Jongleur, Jugleur, &c.; and in English, Jogeleur, Jugler, Minstrel, and the like, seem to be given them indiscriminately. And one or other of these names seems to have been sometimes applied to every species of men whose business it was to entertain or divert (joculari) whether with poesy, singing, music, or gesticula- tion, singly, or with a mixture of all these. Yet as all men of this sort were considered as belonging to one class, order, or community (many of the above arts being sometimes exercised by the same person), they had all of them doubtless the same privileges, and it equally throws light upon the general history of the profession, to show what favour or encourage- ment was given, at any particular period of time, to any one branch of it. I have not therefore thought it needful to inquire, whether, in the various pas- sages quoted in these pages, the word Minstrel, &c. is always to be understood in its exact and proper meaning of a singer to the harp, &c. That men of very different arts and talents were included under the common name of MINSTRELS, &c.´ appears from a variety of authorities. Thus we have Menestrels de Trompes, and Menestrels de Bouche, in the Suppl. to Du Cange, c. 1227, and it appears still more evident from an old French Rhymer, whom 1 shall quote at large. + "Le Quens manda les Menestrels; *Le Compte. Et si a fett crier entre els, + fait. Qui la meillor truffet sauroit Sornette, [a gibe, Dire, ne faire, qu'il auroit (a jest, or flouting.] Sa robe d'escarlate neuve. L'uns Menestrels à l'autre reuve Fere son mestier, tel qu'il sot, Li uns fet l'yvre, l' autre sot; Li uns chante, li autre note; Et li autres dit la riote Et li autres la jenglerie §; Cil qui sevent de jonglerie Vielent par devant le Conte; Acuns ja qui fahliaus conte Il i ot dit mainte risée," &c. ; § Janglerie, babillage, [raillerie. Fabliaux et Contes, 12mo, tom. ii. p. 161. And what species of entertainment was afforded by the ancient Juggleurs, we learn from the following citation from an old romance, written in 1230. 66 Quand les tables ostees furent ·C'il juggleurs in pies esturent S'ont vielles, et harpes prisees Chansons, sons, vers, et reprisas Et gestes, chanté nos ont.” Sir J. Hawkins, ii. 44, from Andr. Du Chene. See also Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, iv. p. 299. All the before mentioned sports went by the general name of Ministralcia, Ministellorum Ludicra, &c.-" Charta an. 1377, apud Rymer, vii. p. 160. 'Peracto autem prandio, ascendebat D. Rex in came- ram suam cum Prælatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus prædictis: et deinceps Magnates Milites, et Domini, aliique Generosi diem illum, usque ad tempus cœnæ, in Tripediis coreis et solempnibus Ministralciis, præ gaudio solempnitatis illius continuarunt.'” (Du Cange, Gloss. 773.) [This was at the Coronation of King Richard II.] It was common for the minstrels to dance, as well as to harp and sing (see above, note (E) p. lxiv.) Thus, in the old romance of Tirante el Blanco; Val. 1511, the 14th cap. lib. ii. begins thus, "Despues que las mesas fueron alçadas vinieron los minis- triles; y delante del Rey, y de la Reyna dançaron un rato y despues truxeron colacion." They also probably, among their other feats, played tricks of sleight of hand, hence the word Jugler came to signify a performer of legerdemain : and it was sometimes used in this sense (to which it is now appropriated) even so early as the time of Chaucer, who in his Squire's Tale (ii. 108) speaks of the horse of brass, as like An apparence ymade by som magike, As Jogelours plaien at thise festes grete. See also the Frere's Tale, p. 279. v. 7049. XXXV (A a 2)" Females playing on the Harp."] Thus in the old Romance of " Syr Degore (or Degree," Series the third, No. 22. p. 194.) we have [Sign. D. i.] The lady, that was so faire and bright, Upon her bed she sate down ryght; She harped notes swete and fine. [Her mayds filled a piece of wine.] And Syr Degore sate him downe, For to hear the harpes sowne. The 4th line being omitted in the pr. copy is sup- plied from the folio MS. In the "Squyr of lowe Degree"(Series the third, No. 24, p. 195.) the king says to his daughter [Sign. D. i.] Ye were wont to harpe and syng, And be the meryest in chamber comyng. In the "Carle of Carlisle," (Series the third, No. 193, p. 29.) we have the following passage. [Folio MS. p. 451, v. 217.] Downe came a lady faire and free, And sett her on the Carles knee: One whiles shee harped another whiles song, Both of paramours and louinge amonge. And in the Romance of THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE. Yf thou hast haryed all Bambarowe shyre, Thow hast done me grete envye; For the trespasse thow hast me done, The tone of us schall dye." Where schall I byde the? sayd the Dowglas, Or where wylte thow come to me? "At Otterborne in the hygh way*, Ther maist thow well logeed be. The roo full rekeles ther sche rinnes, To make the game and glee : The fawkon and the fesaunt both, Amonge on the holtes on 'hee.' Ther maist thow have thy welth at wyll, Well looged ther maist be. Yt schall not be long, or I com the tyll," Sayd Syr Harry Percye. Ther schall I byde the, sayd the Dowglas, By the fayth of my bodye. Thether schall I com, sayd Syr Harry Percy; My trowth I plyght to the. Ther he mayd the Douglas drynke, And all hys oste that daye. The Dowglas turnyd hym homewarde agayne, For soth withowghten naye, He tooke his logeyng at Oterborne Uppon a Wedyns-day: A pype of wyne wyne he gave them over the walles, 65 For soth, as I yow saye: And there he pyght hys standerd dowyn, Hys gettyng more and lesse, And syne he warned hys men to goo To chose ther geldyngs gresse. A Skottysshe knyght hoved upon the bent, A wache I dare well saye: So was he ware on the noble Percy In the dawnynge of the daye. He prycked to his pavyleon dore, As faste as he myght ronne, Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght, For hys love, that syttes yn trone. Awaken, Dowglas, cryed the knyght, For thow maiste waken wyth wynne: Yender have I spyed the prowde Percy, And seven standardes wyth hym. Nay by my trowth, the Douglas sayed, It ys but a fayned taylle: He durste not loke on my bred banner, For all Ynglonde so haylle. 45 Was I not yesterdaye at the Newe Castell, That stonds so fayre on Tyne ? For all the men the Percy hade, He cowde not garre me ones to dyne. 50 55 60 70 75 80 85 90 95 V. 53, Roe-bucks were to be found upon the wastes not far from Hexham in the reign of Geo. I. Whitfield, Esq., of Whitfield, is said to have destroyed the last of them. V. 56, hye, MSS. V. 77, upon the best bent, MS. * Otterbourn is near the old Watling-street road, in the parish of Elsdon. The Scots were encamped in a grassy plain near the river Read. The place where the Scots and English fought is still called Battle Riggs. He stepped owt at hys pavelyon dore, To loke and it were lesse ; Araye yow, lordyngs, one and all, For here bygynnes no peysse The yerle of Mentayne*, thow arte my eme, The forwarde I gyve to the : The yerlle of Huntlay cawte and kene, He schall wyth the be. The lorde of Bowghant in armure bryght On the other hand he schall be ; Lord Jhonstone and lorde Maxwell, They to schall be with me. Swynton fayre fylde upon your pryde To batell make yow bowen : Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Stewarde, Syr Jhon of Agurstone. A FYTTE. THE Perssy came byfore hys oste, Wych was ever a gentyll knyght, Upon the Dowglas lowde can he crye, I wyll holde that I have hyght: For thow haste brente Northumberlonde, And done me grete envye; For thys trespasse thou hast me done, The tone of us schall dye. The Dowglas answerde hym agayne With grete wurds up on 'hee,' And sayd, I have twenty agaynst 'thy' one‡ Byholde and thow maiste see. Wyth that the Percye was grevyd sore, For sothe as I yow saye: [§ He lyghted dowyn upon his fote, And schoote his horsse clene away. Every man sawe that he dyd soo, That ryall was ever in rowght; Every man schoote hys horsse him froo, And lyght hym rowynde abowght. Thus Syr Hary Percye toke the fylde, For soth, as I yow saye: Jesu Cryste in hevyn on hyght Dyd helpe hym well that daye. But nyne thowzand, ther was no moo; The cronykle wyll not layne : Forty thowsande Skottes and fowre That day fowght them agayne. But when the batell byganne to joyne, In hast ther came a knyght, 'Then' letters fayre furth hath he tayne, And thus he sayd full ryght: My lorde, your father he gretes yow well, Wyth many a noble knyght; He desyres yow to byde That he may see thys fyght. T 7 100 105 11C 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 V. 1, 13, Pearcy. al. MS. V. 4. I will hold to what I have promised. V. 10, hye, MSS. V. 11. the one. MS. * The Earl of Menteith. + The Lord Buchan. strength to induce him to He probably magnifies his surrender. All that follows, included in brackets. was not in the I first edition. 8 THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE. The Baron of Grastoke ys com owt of the west, With him a noble companye; All they loge at your fathers thys nyght, And the battel fayne wold they see. For Jesu's love, sayd Syr Harye Percy, That dyed for yow and me, Wende to my lorde father agayne, my And saye thou saw me not with yee: My trowth ys plight to yonne Skottysh knyght, 45 It nedes me not to layne, That I schulde byde hym upon thys bent, And I have hys trowth agayne: And if that I wende off thys grownde For soth unfoughten awaye, He wolde me call but a kowarde knyght In hys londe another daye. Wherfore schote, archars, for my sake, And let scharpe arowes flee: Mynstrells, play up for your waryson, And well quyt it schall be. Yet bad I lever to be rynde and rente, By Mary that mykel maye; Then ever my manhood schulde be reprovyd 53 Wyth a Skotte another daye. Every man thynke on hys trewe love, And marke hym to the Trenite : For to God I make myne avowe Thys day wyll I not fle. The blodye harte in the Dowglas armes, Hys standerde stode on hye; That every man myght full well knowe: By syde stode Starres thre: The whyte Lyon on the Ynglysh parte, Forsoth as I yow sayne ; The Lucetts and the Cressawnts both : The Skotts faught them agayne*.] 40 Sent George the bryght owr ladies knyght, To name they were full fayne, Owr Ynglysshe men they cryde on hyght, And thrysse the schowtte agayne. Wyth that scharpe arowes bygan to flee, I tell yow in sertayne; Men of armes byganne to joyne; Many a dowghty man was ther slayne. 50 The Percy and the Dowglas mette, That ether of other was fayne; They schapped together, whyll that the swette, With swords of fyne Collayne; 60 Uppon sent Andrewe lowde cane they crye, And thrysse they schowte on hyght, And syne marked them one owr Ynglysshe men, 75 As I have told yow ryght. 65 70 80 85 * The ancient Arms of Douglas are pretty accurately embla- zoned in the former stanza, and if the readings were, The crowned harte, and Above stode starres thre, it would be minutely exact at this day.-As for the Percy family, one of their ancient Badges or Cognizances was a white Lyon Statant, and the Silver Crescent continues to be used by them to this day: they also give three Luces Argent for one of their quarters. i. e. The English. Tyll the bloode from ther bassonnetts ranne, As the roke doth in the rayne. Yelde the to me, sayd the Dowglàs, Or els thow schalt be slayne: For I see, by thy bryght bassonet, Thow arte sum man of myght, And so I do by thy burnysshed brande, Thow art an yerle, or ells a knyght*. By my good faythe, sayd the noble Percy, Now haste thou rede full ryght, Yet wyll I never yelde me to the, Whyll I may stonde and fyght. The Percy was a man of strenghth, I tell yow in thys stounde, He smote the Dowglas at the swordes length, That he felle to the growynde. The sworde was scharpe and sore can byte, I tell yow in sertayne; To the harte, he cowde hym smyte, Thus was the Dowglas slayne. They swapped together, whyll that they swette, Wyth swordes scharpe and long; Ych on other so faste they beette, Tyll ther helmes cam in peyses dowyn. Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde, For soth and sertenly, Syr James a Dowglas ther was slayne, That daye that he cowde dye. The yerle Mentaye of he was slayne, Grysely groned uppon the growynd; Syr Davy Scotte, Syr Walter Steward, Syr 'John' of Agurstonnet. 90 The stonderds stode styll on eke syde, With many a grevous grone; Ther the fowght the day, and all the nyght, 115 And many a dowghty man was 'slone.' Syr Charlles Morrey in that place, That never a fote wold flye; Sir Hughe Maxwelle, a lord he was, With the Dowglas dyd he dye. 95 Ther was no freke, that ther wolde fiye, But styffly in stowre can stond, Ychone hewyng on other whyll they myght drye, Wyth many a bayllefull bronde. 120 Ther was slayne upon the Skottes syde, For soth as I yow saye, Of fowre and forty thowsande Scotts Went but eyghtene awaye. 100 Ther was slayne upon the Ynglysshe syde, For soth and sertenlye, A gentell knyght, Sir John Fitz-hughe, Yt was the more petye. 103 116 125 130 136 140 V. 116, slayne, MSS. V. 124, i. e. He died that day. V. 143, Covelle, M.S.-For the names in this page see the Remarks at the end of this ballad. * Being all in armour he could not know him. Our old minstrel repeats these names, as Homer and Virgil do those of their heroes: "fortemque Gyam, fortemque Cloanthum, &c. &c. Both the MSS. read here, "Sir James," but see above, pt. I. ver. 112. THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE. Syr James Harebotell ther was slayne, For hym ther hartes were sore, < The gentyll Lovelle' ther was slayne, That the Percyes standerd bore. Ther was slayne uppon the Ynglyssh perte, 145 For soth as 1 yow saye : Of nyne thowsand Ynglyssh men Fyve hondert cam awaye : The other were slayne in the fylde, Cryste kepe their sowles from wo, Seyng ther was so few fryndes Agaynst so many a foo. Then one the morne they mayd them beeres Of byrch, and haysell graye; Many a wydowe with wepyng teyres Ther makes they fette awaye. Thys fraye bygan at Otterborne, Bytwene the nyghte and the day : Ther the Dowglas lost hys lyfe, And the Percy was lede awaye*. Then was ther a Scottyshe prisoner tayne, Syr Hughe Mongomery was hys name, For soth as I yow saye, He borowed the Percy home agayne †. Now let us all for the Percy praye To Jesu most of myght, To bryng his sowle to the blysse of heven, For he was a gentyll knight. 150 155 160 165 **Most of the names in the two preceding bal- lads, are found to have belonged to families of dis- tinction in the North, as may be made appear from authentic records. Thus in THE ANCIENT BALLAD OF CHEVY-CHASE. Ver. 112, Agerstone.] The family of HAGGER- STON of Haggerston, near Berwick, has been seated there for many centuries, and still remains. Thomas Haggerston was among the commissioners returned for Northumberland in 12 Hen. VI., 1433. (Fuller's Worthies, p. 310.) The head of this family, at present is, Sir Thomas Haggerston, Bart. of Hag- gerston above mention. p. 54. N.B. The name is spelt Agerstone, as in the text, in Leland's Itinerary, vol. vii. Ver. 113, Hartly.] Hartley is a village near the sea in the barony of Tinemouth, about 7 miles from North Shields. It probably gave name to a family of note at that time. Ver. 114, Hearone.] This family, one of the most ancient, was long of great consideration, in Nor- thumberland. Haddeston, the Caput Baroniæ of Heron, was their ancient residence. It descended, 25 Edw. I. to the heir general Emiline Heron, after- wards Baroness Darcy.-Ford, &c. and Bockenfield (in. com. eodum) went at the same time to Roger V. 453, one, i. e. on. V. 165, Percyes, Harl. MS. * sc. Captive. + In the Cotton M.S. is the following note on ver. 164, in an ancient hand: "Syr Hewe Mongomery takyn prizonar, was delyvered for the restorynge of Perssy.” 9 Heron, the heir male; whose descendants were summoned to Parliament: Sir William Heron, of Ford Castle being summoned 44 Edw. III. Ford Castle hath descended by heirs general to the family of Delaval (mentioned in the next article.)-Robert Heron, Esq., who died at Newark, in 1753, (father of the Right Hon. Sir Richard Heron, Bart,) was heir male of the Herons of Bockenfield, a younger branch of this family.-Sir Thomas Heron Middle ton, Bart. is heir male of the Herons of Chip-Chase, another branch of the Herons of Ford Castle. Ver. 115, Lovele.] Joh. de Lavale, miles, was sheriff of Northumberland, 34 'Hen. VII. Joh. de Lavele, mil. in the 1 Edw. VI. and afterwards. (Fuller, 313.) In Nicholson this name is spelt Da Lovel, p. 304. This seems to be the ancient family of Delaval, of Seaton Delaval, in Northumberland, whose ancestor was one of the twenty-five barons appointed to be guardians of Magna Charta. Ver. 117, Rugbè.] The ancient family of Rokeby, in Yorkshire, seems to be here intended. In Tho- resby's Ducat. I eod. p. 253, fol. is a genealogy of this house, by which it appears that the head of the family, about the time when this ballad was written, was Sir Ralph Rokeby, Knt. Ralph being a com- mon name of the Rokebys. Ver. 119. Wetharrington.] Rog. de Widrington was sheriff of Northumberland in 36 of Edw. III. (Fuller, p. 311.) Joh. de Widrington in 11 of Hen. ÌV., and many others of the same name afterwards. See also Nicholson, p. 331. Of this family was the late Lord Witherington. Ver. 124, Mongon-byrry.] Sir Hugh Mont- gomery was son of John Lord Montgomery, the lineal ancestor of the present Earl of Eglinton. Ver. 125, Lwdale.] The ancient family of the Liddels were originally from Scotland, where they were Lords of Liddel Castle, and of the barony of Buff. (Vid. Collins's Peerage. The head of this family is the present Lord Ravensworth, of Ravens- worth Castle, in the county of Durham. IN THE BATTLE OF OTTERBOURNE. Ver. 101, Mentaye.] At the time of this battle, the Earldom of Menteith was possessed by Robert Stewart, Earl of Fife, third son of King Robert II., who, according to Buchanan, commanded the Scots that entered by Carlisle. But our minstrel had pro- bably an eye to the family of Graham, who had this earldom when the ballad was written. See Doug- las's Peerage of Scotland, 1764, fol. Ver. 103, Huntleye.] This shows this ballad was not composed before 1449; for in that year Alexan- der Lord of Gordon and Huntley was created Earl of Huntley by King James II. Ver. 105, Bowghan.] The Earl of Buchan at that time was Alexander Stewart, fourth son of King Robert II. Ver. 107, Jhonstone-Maxwell.] These two fami- lies of Johnstone, Lord of Johnston, and Maxwell, Lord of Maxwell, were always very powerful on the borders. Of the former family was Johnston Mar- quis of Annandale: of the latter was Maxwell Earl of Nithsdale. I cannot find that any chief of this family was named Sir Hugh; but Sir Herbert Maxwell was about this time much distinguished. (See Doug.) This might have been originally written Sir H. Maxwell, and by transcribers converted 10 THE JEW'S DAUGHTER. into Sir Hugh. So above, in No I. v. 90, Richard is contracted into Ric. Ver. 109, Swynton,] i. e. The Laird of Swintone; a small village within the Scottish border, 3 miles from Norham. This family still subsists, and is very ancient. Ver. 111, Scotte.] The illustrious family of Scot, ancestors of the Duke of Buccleugh, always made a great figure on the borders. Sir Walter Scot was at the head of this family when the battle was fought; but his great-grandson, Sir David Scot, was the hero of that house when the ballad was written. Ibid, Stewarde.] The person here designed was probably Sir Walter Stewart, Lord of Dalswinton and Gairlies, who was eminent at that time. (See Doug.) From him is descended the present Earl of Galloway. Ver. 112, Agurstone.] The seat of this family was sometimes subject to the Kings of Scotland. Thus Richardus Hagerstoun, miles, is one of the Scottish knights who signed a treaty with the Eng- lish in 1249, temp. Hen. III. (Nicholson, p. 2, THE JEW'S DAUGHTER, III. Is founded upon the supposed practice of the Jews in crucifying or otherwise murthering Christian children, out of hatred to the religion of their parents: a practice which hath been always alleged in excuse for the cruelties exercised upon that wretched people, but which probably never happened in a single instance. For, if we consider, on the one hand, the ignorance and superstition of the times when such stories took their rise, the virulent prejudices of the monks who record them, and the eagerness with which they would be catched up by the barbarous populace as a pretence for plunder; on the other hand, the great danger incurred by the perpetrators, and the inadequate motives they could have to excite them to a crime of so much horror; we may reason- ably conclude the whole charge to be groundless and malicious. note.) It was the fate of many parts of Northum- berland often to change their masters, according as the Scottish or English arms prevailed. Ver. 129, Morrey.] The person here meant was probably Sir Charles Murray of Cockpoole, who flourished at that time, and was ancestor of the Murrays some time Earls of Annandale. See Doug. Peerage. Ver. 139, Fitz-hughe.] Dugdale (in his Baron, vol. i. p. 403) informs us that John, son of Henry Lord Fitzhugh, was killed at the battle of Otter- bourne. This was a Northumberland family. Vid. Dugd. p. 403, col. 1, and Nicholson, pp. 33, 60. Ver. 141, Harebotell.] Harbottle is a village upon the river Coquet, about 10 miles west of Roth- bury. The family of Harbottle was once consider- able in Northumberland. (See Fuller, pp. 312, 313.) A daughter of Guischard Harbottle, Esq., married Sir Thomas Percy, knt. son of Henry, the fifth, and father of Thomas, the seventh, Earls of Northumberland. A SCOTTISH BALLAD The following ballad is probably built upon some Italian Legend, and bears a great resemblance to the Prioresse's Tale in Chaucer: the poet seems also to have had an eye to the known story of Hugh of Lin- coln, a child said to have been there murthered by the Jews in the reign of Henry III. The conclusion of this ballad appears to be wanting: what it proba- bly contained may be seen in Chaucer. As for Mirryland Toun, it is probably a corruption of Milan (called by the Dutch Meylandt) Town: the Pa is evidently the river Po, although the Adige, not the Po, runs through Milan. Printed from a MS. copy sent from Scotland. THE rain rins doun through Mirry-land toune, Sae dois it doune the Pa: Sae dois the lads of Mirry-land toune, Quhan they play at the ba'. Than out and cam the Jewis dochtèr, Said, Will ye cum in and dine? "I winnae cum in, I cannae cum in, Without my play-feres nine." Scho powd an apple reid and white To intice the zong thing in: Scho powd an apple white and reid, And that the sweit bairne did win. And scho has taine out a little pen-knife, And low down by her gair, Scho has twin'd the zong thing and his life; A word he nevir spak mair. And out and cam the thick thick bluid, And out and cam the thin; : And out and cam the bonny herts bluid Thair was nae life left in. Scho laid him on a dressing borde, And drest him like a swine, And laughing said, Gae nou and pley With zour sweit play-feres nine. Scho rowd him in a cake of lead, Bade him lie stil and sleip. Scho cast him in a deip draw-well, Was fifty fadom deip. Quhan bells wer rung, and mass was sung, And every lady went hame: Than ilka lady had her zong sonne, Bot Lady Helen had nane. Scho rowd hir mantil hir about, And sair sair gan she weip: And she ran into the Jewis castèl, Quhan they wer all asleip. 10 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 i My bonny Sir Hew, my pretty Sir Hew, pray thee to me speik. "O lady, rinn to the deip draw-well, Gin ze zour sonne wad seik." Lady Helen ran to the deip draw-well, And knelt upon her kne: My bonny Sir Hew, an ze be here, I pray thee speik to me. SIR CAULINE. 40 IV. THIS old romantic tale was preserved in the Editor's folio MS. but in so very defective and mutilated a condition (not from any chasm in the MS. but from great omission in the transcript, probably copied from the faulty recitation of some illiterate minstrel), and the whole appeared so far short of the perfection it seemed to deserve, that the Editor was tempted to add several stanzas in the first part, and still more in the second, to connect and complete the story in the manner which appeared to him most interesting and affecting. There is something peculiar in the metre of this old ballad it is not unusual to meet with redundant stanzas of six lines; but the occasional insertion of a double third or fourth line, as ver. 31, &c. is an irregularity I do not remember to have seen else- where. SIR CAULINE. ( It may be proper to inform the reader before he comes to Pt. 2, v. 110, 111, that the Round Table was not peculiar to the reign of K. Arthur, but was common in all the ages of Chivalry. The proclaim- ing a great tournament (probably with some peculiar solemnities) was called "holding a Round Table." Dugdale tells us that the great baron Roger de Mor- timer "having procured the honour of knighthood to be conferred on his thre sons' by K. Edw. I., he, at his own costs, caused a tourneament to be held at Kenilworth; where he sumptuously entertained an hundred knights, and as many ladies, for three days; the like whereof was never before in England; and there began the Round Table, (so called by reason that the place wherein they practised those feats was environed with a strong wall made in a round form :) And upon the fourth day, the golden lion, in sign of triumph, being yielded to him; he carried it (with all the company) to Warwick."-It may further be added, that Matthew Paris frequently calls justs and tournaments Hastiludia Mensa Rotunda. As to what will be observed in this ballad of the art of healing being practised by a young princess; it is no more than what is usual in all the old ro- mances, and was conformable to real manners: it being a practice derived from the earliest times among all the Gothic and Celtic nations, for women even of the highest rank, to exercise the art of sur- gery. In the Northern Chronicles we always find the young damsels stanching the wounds of their lovers, and the wives those of their husbands* And "The lead is wondrous heavy, mither, The well is wondrous deip, * See Northern Antiquities, &c. vol. i. p. 318, vol. ii. p. 100. Mémoires de la Chevalerie, tom. i. p. 44. A keen pen-knife sticks in my hert, A word I dounae speik. Gae hame, gae hame, my mither deir, Fetch me my windling sheet, And at the back o' Mirry-land toun Its thair we twa sall meet." THE FIRST PART. IN Ireland, ferr over the sea, There dwelleth a bonnye kinge; And with him a yong and comlye knighte, Men call him Syr Caulìne. even so late as the time of Q. Elizabeth, it is men- tioned among the accomplishments of the ladies of her court, that the "eldest of them are skilful in surgery." See Harrison's Description of England, prefixed to Hollingshed's Chronicle, &c. The kinge had a ladye to his daughter In fashyon she hath no peere; And princely wightes that ladye wooed To be theyr wedded feere. Syr Cauline loveth her best of all, But nothing durst he saye; Ne descreeve his counsayl to no man, But deerlye he lovde this may. Till on a daye it so beffell, Great dill to him was dight; The maydens love removde his mynd, To care-bed went the knighte. One while he spred his armes him fro, One while he spred them nye : And aye! but I winne that ladyes love, For dole now I mun dye. And whan our parish-masse was done, Our kinge was bowne to dyne : He sayes, Where is Syr Cauline, That is wont to serve the wyne ? Then aunswerde him a courteous knighte, And fast his handes gan wringe: Sir Cauline is sicke, and like to dye Without a good leechinge. Fetche me downe my daughter deere, She is a leeche fulle fine: 11 Goe take him doughe, and the baken bread, And serve him with the wyne soe red; Lothe I were him to tine. 45 50 5 10 15 20 25 30 12 SIR CAULINE. Fair Christabelle to his chaumber goes, Her maydens followyng nye : O well, she sayth, how doth my lord? O sicke, thou fayr ladyè. Nowe ryse up wightlye, man for shame, Never lye soe cowardlee; For it is told in my fathers halle, You dye for love of mee. Fayre ladye, it is for your love That all this dill I drye: For if you wold comfort me with a kisse, Then were I brought from bale to blisse, No lenger wold I lye. Sir knighte, my father is a kinge, I am his onlye heire; Alas! and well you knowe, syr knighte, I never can be youre fere. O ladye, thou art a kinges daughtèr, And I am not thy peere, But let me doe some deedes of armes To be your bacheleere. Some deedes of armes if thou wilt doe, My bacheleere to bee, But ever and aye my heart wold rue, Giff harm shold happe to thee, Upon Elridge hill there groweth a thorne, Upon the mores brodìnge; And dare ye, syr knighte, wake there all nighte Untill the fayre morninge? For the Eldridge knighte, so mickle of mighte, Will examine you beforne: And never man bare life awaye, But he did him scath and scorne That knighte he is a fond paynìm, And large of limb and bone; And but if heaven may be thy speede, Thy life it is but gone. Nowe on the Eldridge hilles Ile walke*, For thy sake, faire ladìe; And Ile either bring you a ready tokèn, Or Ile never more you see. The lady is gone to her own chambère, Her maydens following bright: Syr Cauline lope from care-bed soone, And to the Eldridge hills is gone, For to wake there all night. Unto midnight, that the moone did rise, He walked up and downe: Then a lightsome bugle heard he blowe Over the bents soe browne; Quoth hee, If cryance come till my heart, I am ffar from any good towne. And soone he spyde on the mores so broad, A furyous wight and fell; A ladye bright his brydle led, Clad in a fayre kyrtèll; * Perbaps wake, as in ver. 61. 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 And soe fast he called on Syr Caulìne, O man, I rede thee flye, For 'but' if cryance comes till my heart, I weene but thou mun dye. He sayth, 'No' cryance comes till my heart, Nor in fayth, I wyll not flee; For, cause thou minged not Christ before, The less me dreadeth thee. The Elridge knighte, he pricked his steed; Syr Cauline bold abode: Then either shooke his trustye speare, And the timber these two children* bare Soe soone in sunder slode. Then tooke they out theyr two good swordes, And layden on full faste, Till helme and hawberke, mail and sheelde, They all were well-nye brast. The Eldridge knight was mickle of might, And stiffe in stower did stande, But Syr Cauline with a 'backward' stroke He smote off his right hand; That soone he with paine and lacke of bloud Fell downe on that lay-land. Then up Syr Cauline lift his brande All over his head so hye: And here I sweare by the holy roode, Nowe caytiffe, thou shalt dye. Then up and came that ladye brighte, Fast wringing of her hande: For the maydens love, that most you love, Withold that deadlye brande: For the maydens love, that most you love, Now smyte no more I praye; And aye whatever thou wilt, my lord, He shall thy hests obaye. And that thou never on Eldridge come. To sporte, gamon, or playe: And that thou here give up thy armes Until thy dying daye. The Eldridge knighte gave up his armes With many a sorrowfulle sighe; And sware to obey Syr Caulines hest, Till the tyme that he shold dye. And he then up and the Eldridge knighte Sett him in his saddle anone, And the Eldridge knighte and his ladye To theyr castle are they gone. 9C * i. c. Knights. See the Preface to Child Waters. V. 109, aukeward, MS. 95 100 105 Now sweare to mee, thou Eldridge knighte, 125 And here on this lay-land, That thou wilt believe on Christ his laye, And thereto plight thy hand: 110 115 120 130 135 140 Then he tooke up the bloudy hand, That was so large of bone, And on it he founde five ringes of gold Of knightes that had be slone. Then he tooke up the Eldridge sworde, As hard as any flint: And he tooke off those ringès five, As bright as fyre and brent. Home then pricked Syr Cauline As light as leafe on tree : I-wys he neither stint ne blanne, Till he his lady see. Then downe he knelt upon his knee Before that lady gay : O ladye, I have bin on the Eldridge hills: These tokens I bring away. Now welcome, welcome, Syr Cauline, Thrice welcome unto mee, For now I perceive thou art a true knighte, Of valour bolde and free. O ladye, I am thy own true knighte, Thy hests for to obaye : And mought I hope to winne thy love! Ne more his tonge colde say. The ladye blushed scarlette redde, And fette a gentill sighe Alas! syr knight, how may this bee, For my degree's soe highe? But sith thou hast hight, thou comely youth, To be my batchilere, Ile promise if thee I may not wedde I will have none other fere. SIR CAULINE. Then shee held forthe her lilly-white hand Towards that knighte so free; He gave to it one gentill kisse, His heart was brought from bale to blisse, The teares sterte from his ee. But keep my counsayl, Syr Caulìne, Ne let no man it knowe; For and ever my father sholde it ken, I wot he wolde us sloe. From that day forthe that ladye fayre Lovde Syr Caulìne, the knighte: From that day forthe he only joyde Whan shee was in his sight. Yea, and oftentimes they mette Within a fayre arbòure, Where they in love and sweet daliaunce Past manye a pleasaunt houre. 145 150 155 160 165 170 175 180 185 +++ In this conclusion of the First Part, and at the beginning of the Second, the reader will ob- serve a resemblance to the story of Sigismunda and Guiscard, as told by Boccace and Dryden: see the latter's description of the lovers meeting in the cave; and those beautiful lines, which contain a reflection so like this of our poet, "Every white," ve. viz "But as extremes are short of ill and good, And tides at highest mark regorge their flood; So fate, that could no more improve their joy, Took a malicious pleasure to destroy." Tancred, who fondly loved, &c." PART THE SECOND. Everye white will have its blacke, And everye sweete its sowre : This founde the Ladye Christabelle In an untimely howre. For so it befelle, as Syr Caulìne Was with that ladye faire, The kinge, her father, walked forthe To take the evenyng aire : And into the arboure as he went To rest his wearye feet, He found his daughter and Syr Cauline There sette in daliaunce sweet. Then forthe Syr Caulìne he was ledde, And throwne in dungeon deepe : And the layde into a towre so hye There left to wayle and weepe. The queene she was Syr Caulines friend, And to the kinge sayd shee: The kinge hee sterted forthe, i-wys, And an angrye man was hee : Nowe, traytoure, thou shalt hange or drawe, 15 And rewe shall thy ladìe. I praye you save Syr Caulines life, And let him banisht bee. Now, dame, that traitor shall be sent Across the salt sea fome : But here I will make thee a band, If ever he come within this land, A foule deathe is his doome. All woe-begone was that gentil knight To parte from his ladyè; And many a time be sighed sore, And cast a wistfulle eye: Faire Christabelle, from thee to parte, Farre lever had I dye. Faire Christabelle, that ladye bright, Was had forthe of the towre; But ever shee droopeth in her minde, As nipt by an ungentle winde Doth some faire lillye flowre. And ever shee doth lament and weepe To tint her lover soe: Syr Cauline, thou little think'st on mee, But I will still be true. 13 Many a kinge, and manye a duke, And lorde of high degree, Did sue to that fayre ladye of love; But never shee wolde them nee. When manye a daye was past and gone, Ne comforte she colde finde, The kynge proclaimed a tourneament, To cheere his daughters mind: 5 10 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 14 SIR CAULINE. And there came lords, and there came knights, Fro manye a farre countryè, To break a spere for theyr ladyes love Before that faire ladye. And many a ladye there was sette In purple and in palle: But faire Christabelle soe woe-begone Was the fayrest of them all. Then manye a knight was mickle of might Before his ladye gaye; But a stranger wight, whom no man knewe, He wan the prize eche daye. His acton it was all of blacke, His hewberke, and his sheelde, Ne noe man wist whence he did come, Ne noe man knewe where he did gone, When they came from the feelde. And now three days were prestlye past In feates of chivalrye, When lo upon the fourth morninge A sorrowfulle sight they see. A hugye giaunt stiffe and starke, All foule of limbe and lere ; Two goggling eyen like fire farden, A mouthe from eare to eare. Before him came a dwarffe full lowe, That waited on his knee, And at his backe five heads he bare, All wan and pale of blee.. Sir, quoth the dwarffe, and louted lowe, Behold that hend Soldàin! Behold these heads I beare with me! They are kings which he hath slain. The Eldridge knight is his own cousine, Whom a knight of thine hath shent: And hee is come to avenge his wrong, And to thee, all thy knightes among, Defiance here hath sent. But yette he will appease his wrath Thy daughters love to winne; And but thou yeelde him that fayre mayd, Thy halls and towers must brenne. Thy head, syr king, must goe with mee; Ör else thy daughter deere; Or else within these lists soe broad Thou must finde him a peere. The king he turned him round aboute, And in his heart was woe: Is there never a knighte of my round table, This matter will undergoe? Is there never a knighte amongst yee all Will fight for my daughter and mee? Whoever will fight yon grimme soldàn, Right fair his meede shall bee. For hee shall have my broad lay-lands, And of my crowne be heyre; And he shall winne fayre Christabelle To be his wedded fere 55 60 65 d 70 75 80 85 90 95 100 105 110 But every knighte of his round tablè Did stand both still and pale : For whenever they lookt on the grim soldàn, It made their hearts to quail. All woe-begone was that fayre ladyè, When she sawe no helpe was nye She cast her thought on her owne true-love, And the teares gusht from her eye. Up then sterte the stranger knighte, Sayd, ladye, be not affrayd : Ile fight for thee with his grimme soldàn, Thoughe he be unmacklye made. Goe fetch him downe the Eldridge sworde, The king he cryde, with speede : Nowe heaven assist thee, courteous knighte; My daughter is thy meede. And if thou wilt land me the Eldridge sworde, That lyeth within thy bowre, I trust in Christe for to slay this fiende Thoughe he be stiffe in stowre. The gyaunt he stepped into the lists, And sayd, Awaye, awaye : I sweare, as I am the hend soldàn, Thou lettest me here all daye. Then forthe the stranger knight he came In his blacke armoure dight : The ladye sighed a gentle sighe, "That this were my true knighte!” And nowe the gyaunt and knighte be mett Within the lists soe broad; And now with swordes soe sharpe of steele, They gan to lay on load. The soldan strucke the knighte a stroke, That made him reele asyde; Then woe-begone was that fayre ladyè And thrice she deeply sighde. The soldan strucke a second stroke, And made the bloude to flowe: All pale and wan was that ladye fayre. And thrice she wept for woe. The soldan strucke a third fell stroke, Which brought the knighte on his knee : Sad sorrow pierced that ladyes heart, And she shriekt loud shriekings three. The knighte he leapt upon his feete, All recklesse of the pain: Quoth hee, But heaven be now my speede, Or else I shall be slaine. 115 120 Then all the people gave a shoute, Whan they sawe the soldan falle : The ladye wept, and thanked Christ, That had reskewed her from thrall. 125 130 13. 140 14: 150 153 160 He grasped his sworde with mayne and mighte, And spying a secrette part, He drave it into the soldan's syde, And pierced him to the heart. 165- And nowe the kinge with all his barons Rose uppe from offe his seate, And downe he stepped into the listes, That curteous knighte to greete. But he for payne and lack of bloude Was fallen intò a swounde, And there all walteringe in his gore, Lay lifelesse on the grounde. Come downe, come downe, my daughter deare, 175 Thou art a leeche of skille; Farre lever had I lose halfe my landes, Than this good knighte sholde spille. Downe then steppeth that fayre ladyè To helpe him if she maye; But when she did his beavere raise, It is my life, my lord, she sayes, And shriekte and swound awaye. EDWARD, EDWARD K QUHY dois zour brand sae drop wi' bluid, Edward, Edward? Quhy dois zour brand sae drop wi' bluid? And quby sae sad gang zee, O ? O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid, Mither, mither: O, I hae killed my hauke sae guid: And I had nae mair bot hee, O. O, I hae killed my fadir deir, Alas! and wae is mee, O! 170 [le set my feit in zonder boat, And Ile fare ovir the sea, 0. 180 And quhatten penance wul ze drie for that, Edward, Edward? And quhatten penance will ze drie for that? My deir son, now tell me, O. Ile set my feit in zonder boat, Mither, mither: Zour haukis bluid was nevir sae reid, Edward, Edward. 10 Zour haukis bluid was nevir sae reid, My deir son I tell thee, O. O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid, Mither, mither: O, I hae killed my reid-roan steid, That erst was sae fair and free, O. Zour steid was auld, and ze hae gat mair, Edward, Edward: Zour steid was auld, and ze hae gat mair, Sum other dule ze drie, O. O, I hae killed my fadir deir, Mither, mither: A SCOTTISH BALLAD, From a MS. copy transmitted from Scotland. 10 EDWARD, EDWARD, 5 15 20 V. 25 Sir Cauline juste lifte up his eyes When he heard his ladye crye, O ladye, I am thine owne true love; For thee I wisht to dye. 30 Then giving her one partinge looke, He closed his eyes in death, Ere Christabelle, that ladye milde, Begane to drawe her breathe. But when she found her comelye knighte Indeed was dead and gone, | She layde her pale cold cheeke to his, And thus she made her moane: O`staye, my deare and onlye lord, For mee thy faithfulle feere; 'Tis meet that I shold followe thee, Who hast bought my love soe deare. Then fayntinge in a deadlye swoune, And with a deepe-fette sighe, That burst her gentle hearte in twayne Fayre Christabelle did dye. 15 185 190 Quhan ze gang ovir the sea, O? The warldis room, let thame beg throw life, Mither, mither: The warldis room, let thame beg throw life, For thame nevir mair wul I see, O. 195 200 And quhat wul ze doe wi' zour towirs and zour ha', Edward, Edward? And quhat wul ze doe wi' zour towirs and zour ha', 35 That ware sae fair to see, O? Ile let thame stand til they doun fa', Mither, mither: Ile let thame stand til they doun fa', For here nevir mair maun I bee, O. And quhat wul ze leive to zour bairns and zour wife, Edward, Edward? And quhat wul ze leive to zour bairns and zour wife, 40 45 And quhat wul ze leive to zour ain mither deir, Edward, Edward? 50 And quhat wul ze leive to zour ain mither deir? My deir son, now tell me, O. The curse of hell frae me sall ze beir, Mither, mither: The curse of hell frae me sall ze beir, Sic counseils ze gave to me, O. 55 This curious Song was transmitted to the Editor by Sir David Dalrymple, Bart. late Lord Hailes. 16 KING ESTMERE. This old Romantic Legend (which is given from two copies, one of them in the Editor's folio MS, but which contained very great variations,) bears marks of considerable antiquity, and perhaps ought to have taken place of any in this volume. It should seem to have been written while part of Spain was in the hands of the Saracens or Moors; whose em- pire there was not fully extinguished before the year 1491. The Mahometans are spoken of in ver. 49, &c. just in the same terms as in all other old Romances. The author of the ancient Legend of Sir Bevis repre- sents his hero, upon all occasions, breathing out defiance against "" “Mahound and Termagaunte* and so full of zeal for his religion, as to return the following polite message to a Paynim king's fair daughter, who had fallen in love with him, and sent two Saracen knights to invite him to her bower: KING ESTMERE. "I wyll not ones stirre off this grounde, To speake with an heathen hounde. Unchristen houndes, I rede you fle, Or I your harte bloud shall set." Indeed they return the compliment by calling him elsewhere "A Christen hounde‡.” &c. VI. This was conformable to the real manners of the barbarous ages: perhaps the same excuse will hardly serve our bard; for that the Adland should be found lolling or leaning at his gate (ver. 35.) may be thought perchance a little out of character. And yet the great painter of manners, Homer, did not think it inconsistent with decorum to represent a king of the Taphians leaning at the gate of Ulysses to inquire for that monarch, when he touched at Ithaca as he was taking a voyage with a ship's cargo of iron to dispose in traffics. So little ought we to judge of ancient manners by our own. Before I conclude this article, I cannot help ob- serving that the reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the Bards) placed in a very respectable light||: here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his com- posing. Here he will see him mixing in the com- pany of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The further we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction our famous King Alfred (as we have already seen¶) made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's head-quarters.** Our poet has * See a short Memoir at the end of this Ballad, Note †† Sign. C. ii. b. ‡ Sign C. i. b. § Odyss, A. 105. See Note subjoined to 1st. Pt. of Beggar of Bednal, See the Essay on the ancient Minstrels prefixed to this work. ** Even so late as the time of Froisssart, we find Min- strels and Heralds mentioued together, as those who might securely go into an enemy's country. Cap. cxl. suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad. All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated king of Norway, was wont t› seat them at his table above all the officers of his court · and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate*. As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster-hall during the coronation dinner†. Some liberties have been taken with this tale by the Editor, but none without notice to the reader, in that part which relates to the subject of the Harper and his attendant. HEARKEN to me, gentlemen, Come and you shall heare; Ile tell you of two of the boldest brethren That ever borne y-were. The tone of them was Adler younge, The tother was Kyng Estmere ; The were as bolde men in their deeds, As any were farr and neare. As they were drinking ale and wine Within Kyng Estmeres halle: When will ye marry a wyfe, brothèr, A wyfe to glad us all ? Then bespake him Kyng Estmere, And answered him hastilee : I know not that ladye in any land That's able to marrye with mee. Kyng Adland hath a daughter, brother, Men call her bright and sheene; If I were kyng here in your stead, That ladye shold be my queene. Saies, Reade me, reade me, deare brother, Throughout merry England, Where we might find a messenger Betwixt us towe to sende. Saies, You shal ryde yourselfe, brother, Ile beare you companye; Many throughe fals messengers are deceived, And I feare lest soe shold wee. Thus the renisht them to ryde Of twoe good renisht steeds, And when the came to King Adlands halle, Of redd gold shone their weeds. 5 1C 15 20 25 30 V. 3, brether, fol. MS. V. 10, his brother's hall, fol. MS. V. 14, hartilye, fol. MS.-V. 27, Many a man.. is. fol. MS. *Bartholini Antiq. Dan. p. 173.- Northern Antiquities &c. vol. i. pp. 386, 389, &c. ! See also the account of Edw. II., in the Essay on the Minstrels, and Note (X.) He means fit, suitable. And when the came to Kyng Adlands hall Before the goodlye gate, There they found good Kyng Adlànd Rearing himselfe theratt. Now Christ thee save, good Kyng Adlànd; Now Christ you save and see, Sayd, You be welcome, King Estmere, Right hartilye to mee. You have a daughter, said Adler younge, Men call her bright and sheene, My brother wold marrye her to his wiffe, Of Englande to be queene. Yesterday was att my deere daughtèr Syr Bremor the Kyng of Spayne; And then she nicked him of naye, And I doubt sheele do you the same. The Kyng of Spayne is a foule paynìm, And 'leeveth on Mahound; And pitye it were that fayre ladyè Shold marrye a heathen hound. But grant to me, sayes Kyng Estmere, For my love I you praye; That I may see your daughter deere Before I goe hence awaye. Although itt is seven yeers and more Since my daughter was in halle, She shall come once downe for your sake To glad my guestès alle. Downe then came that mayden fayre, With ladyes laced in pall, And halfe a hundred of bold knightes, To bring her from bowre to hall; And as many gentle squiers, To tend upon them all. KING ESTMERE. The talents of golde were on her head sette, Hanged low downe to her knee; And everye ring on her small fingèr Shone of the chrystall free. Saies, God you save, my deere madàm ; Saies, God you save and see. Said, You be welcome, Kyng Estmere, Right welcome unto mee. And if you love me, as you saye, Soe well and hartilèe, All that ever you are comen about Soone sped now itt shal bee. Then bespake her father deare : My daughter, I saye naye; Remember well the Kyng of Spayne; What he sayd yesterdaye. He wold pull downe my halles and castles, And reave me of my lyfe, I cannot blame him if he doe, If I reave him of his wyfe. V 46. The king his sonne of Spayn, fol. MS. 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 Your castles and your towres, father, Are stronglye built aboute; And therefore of the King of Spaine Wee neede not stande in doubt. Plight me your troth, nowe, Kyng Estmère, By heaven and your righte hand, That you will marrye me to your wyfe, And make me queene of your land. Then King Estmere he plight his troth By heaven and his righte hand, That he wolde marrye her to his wyfe, And make her queene of his land. And he tooke leave of that ladye fayre, To goe to his owne countree, To fetche him dukes and lordes and knightes, That marryed the might bee. They had not ridden scant a myle, A myle forthe of the towne, But in did come the Kyng of Spayne, With kempès many one. But in did come the Kyng of Spayne, With manye a bold barone, Tone day to marrye Kyng Adlands daughter, Tother daye to carrye her home. Shee sent one after Kyng Estmère In all the spede might bee, That he must either turne againe and fighte, Or goe home and loose his ladyè. One whyle then the page he went, Another while he ranne; Till he had oretaken King Estmere, I wis, he never blanne. Tydings, tydings, Kyng Estmere! What tydinges nowe, my boye? O tydinges I can tell to you, That will you sore annoye. You had not ridden scant a mile, A mile out of the towne, But in did come the Kyng of Spayne With kempès many a one : But in did come the Kyng of Spayne With manye a bolde barone, Tone daye to marrye King Adlands daughter, Tother daye to carry her home. My ladye fayre she greetes you well, And ever-more well by mee: You must either turne againe and fighte, Or goe home and loose your ladyè. Saies, Reade me, reade me, deere brothèr, My reade shall ryde* at thee, Whether it is better to turne and fighte, Or go home and loose my ladye. 17 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 V. 89, of the king his sonne of Spaine. fel US, * Sic MS. It should probably be ryse, i ens coruse shall arise from thee. See ver. 140. 18 KING ESTMERE. Now hearken to me sayes Adler yonge, And your reade must rise* at me, I quicklye will devise a waye To sette thy ladye free. My mother was a westerne woman, And learned in gramaryèt, And when I learned at the schole, Something shee taught itt mee. There growes an hearbe within this field, And iff it were but knowne, His color, which is whyte and redd, It will make blacke and browne: His color, which is browne and blacke, Itt will make redd and whyte; That sworde is not in all Englande, Upon his coate will byte. And you shal be a harper, brother Out of the north countrye ; And Ile be your boy, soe faine of fighte, And beare your harpe by your knee. And you shal be the best harpèr, That ever tooke harpe in hand; And I wil be the best singer, That ever sung in this lande. Itt shal be written in our forheads All and in grammaryè, That we towe are the boldest men, That are in all Christentyè. And thus they renisht them to ryde, On tow good renish steedes ; And when they came to King Adlands hall, Of redd gold shone their weedes. And whan the came to Kyng Adlands hall, Untill the fayre hall yate, There tney found a proud portèr Rearing himselfe thereatt. Wee beene harpers, sayd Adler younge, Come out of the northe countrye; Wee beene come hither untill this place, This proud weddinge for to see. Sayd, And your color were white and redd, As it is blacke and browne, I wold saye King Estmere and his brother Were comen untill this towne. Then they pulled out a ryng of gold, Layd itt on the porters arme: And ever we will thee, proud portèr, Thow wilt saye us no harme. 140 Sore he looked on Kyng Estmère, And sore he handled the ryng, Then opened to them the fayre hall yates, He lett for no kind of thyng. • Sic MS. † See at the end of this ballad, note 145 150 Sayes, Christ thee save, thou proud portèr; 175 Sayes, Christ thee save and see. Nowe you be welcome, sayd the portèr, Of what land soever ye bee. 155 160 165 170 180 185 190 Kyng Estmere he stabled his steede Soe fayre att the hall bord; The froth, that came from his brydle bitte, Light in King Bremors beard. Saies, Stable thy steed, thou proud harpèr, Saies, stable him in the stalle: It doth not beseeme a proud harpèr To stable 'him' in a kyngs halle My ladde he is so lither, he said, He will doe nought that's meete; And is there any man in this hall Were able him to beate ? O let that man come downe, he said, A sight of him wold I see; And when hee hath beaten well my ladd, Then he shall beate of mee. Downe then came the kemperye man And looked him in the eare; For all the gold, that was under heaven, He durst not neigh him neare. [Spaine, Thou speakst proud words, sayes the King of Thou harper, here to mee: There is a man within this halle Will beate thy ladd and thee. He saies, It is writt in his forhead All and in gramaryè, That for all the gold that is under heaven I dare not neigh him nye. Then Kyng Estmere pulld forth his harpe, And plaid a pretty thinge: The ladye upstart from the borde, And wold have gone from the king. Stay thy harpe, thou proud harpèr, For Gods love I pray thee, For and thou playes as thou beginns, Thou'lt till my bryde from mee. He stroake upon his harpe againe, And playd a pretty thinge; The ladye lough a loud laughter, As shee sate by the king. And how nowe, kempe, said the Kyng of Spaine, And how what aileth thee? 220 Saies, Sell me thy harpe, thou proud harper, And thy stringès all, For as many gold nobles 'thou shalt have' As heere bee ringes in the hall. What wold ye doe with my harpe, 'he sayd,' If I did sell it yee? "To playe my wiffe and me a Fitt*, When abed together wee bee." 195 200 V. 202; To stable his steede, fol. MS. 205 * i. e. entice. Vid. Gloss. † 1. e. a tune, or strain of musis. See Gloss. 210 215 225 230 235 Now sell me, quoth hee, thy bryde soe gay, 245 As shee sitts by thy knee, And as many gold nobles I will give, As leaves been on a tree. 240 And what wold ye doe with my bryde soe gay, Iff I did sell her thee? 250 More seemelye it is for her fayre bodye To lye by mee then thee. Hee played agayne both loud and shrille, And Adler he did syng, "O ladye, this is thy owne true love; Noe harper, but a kyng. "O ladye, this is thy owne true love, As playnlye thou mayest see; And Ile rid thee of that foule paynìm, Who partes thy love and thee." The ladye looked, the ladye blushte, And blushte and lookt agayne, While Adler he hath drawne his brande, And hath the Sowdan slayne. Up then rose the kemperye men, And loud they gan to crye: Ah! traytors, yee have slayne our kyng, And therefore vee shall dye. Kyng Estmere threwe the harpe asyde, And swith he drew his brand; And Estmere he, and Adler yonge Right stiffe in stour can stand. KING ESTMERE. Kyng Estmere tooke that fayre ladyè, And marryed her to his wiffe, And brought her home to merry Englànd With her to leade his life. 255 260 265 And aye their swordes soe sore can byte, Throughe help of Gramaryè, That soone they have slayne the kempery men, 275 Or forst them forth to flee. "So helpe me Mahowne of might, And Termagaunt my God so bright." Sign. p. iij. b. 270 280 **The word Gramarye, which occurs several mes in the foregoing poem, is probably a corrup- ion of the French word Grimoire, which signifies a conjuring book in the old French romances, if not he art of necromancy itself. +++ Termagaunt (mentioned above), is the name given in the old romances to the god of the Sara- ens in which he is constantly linked with Ma- hound, or Mahomet. Thus in the legend of Syr Guy, the Soudan (Sultan) swears, This word is derived by the very learned editor of Junius, from the Anglo-Saxon Tyn very, and Magan mighty.-As this word had so sublime a derivation, and was so applicable to the true God, how shall we account for its being so degraded ? Perhaps Tyn-mazan or Termagant had been a name originally given to some Saxon idol, before our an- cestors were converted to Christianity; or had been he peculiar attribute of one of their false deities and therefore the first Christian missionaries rejected t as profane and improper to be applied to the true Ver. 253, Some liberties have been taken in the follow- ng stanzas; but wherever this Edition differs from the preceding, it hath been brought nearer to the folio MS, God. Afterwards, when the irruptions of the Sa racens into Europe, and the Crusades into the East, had brought them acquainted with a new species of unbelievers, our ignorant ancestors, who thought all that did not receive the Christian law were neces- sarily pagans and idolaters, supposed the Maho- metan creed was, in all respects, the same with that of their pagan forefathers, and therefore made no scruple to give the ancient name of Termagant to the God of the Saracens : just in the same manner as they afterwards used the name of Sarazen to ex- press any kind of pagan or idolater. In the ancient romance of Merline (in the Editor's folio MS.) the Saxons themselves that came over with Hengist, because they were not Christians, are constantly called Sarazens. However that be, it is certain that, after the times of the Crusades, both Mabound and Termagaunt made their frequent appearance in the pageants and religious enterludes of the barbarous ages; in which they were exhibited with gestures so furious and frantic, as to become proverbial. Thus Skelton speaks of Wolsey: "Like Mahound in a play, No man dare him withsay.' 19 " Ed. 1736, p. 158. In like manner Bale, describing the threats used by some papist magistrates to his wife, speaks of them as grennyng upon her lyke Termagauntes in a playe."-[Actes of Engl. Votaryes, pt. 2, fo. 83, ed. 1550, 12mo.] CC Accordingly, in a letter of Edward Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife or sister* who, it seems, with all her fellows (the players), had been "by my Lorde Maiors officer [s] mad to rid in a cart," he expresses his concern that she should fall into the hands of such Tarmagants." [So the orig. dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jenyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.]—Hence we may conceive the force of Ham- let's expression in Shakspeare, where, condemning a ranting player, he says, "I could have such a fel- low whipt for ore-doing Termagant: it out-herods Herod." A. iii. sc. 3.-By degrees, the word came to be applied to an outrageous turbulent person, and especially to a violent brawling woman; to whom alone it is now confined, and this the rather as, I suppose, the character of Termagant was anciently represented on the stage after the eastern mode, with long robes or petticoats. Another frequent character in the old pageants or enterludes of our ancestors, was the soudan, or sol- dan, representing a grim eastern tyrant: this ap- pears from a curious passage in Stow's Annals [p. 458]. In a stage-play, "the people know right well, that he that plaieth the sowdain is percase a sowter [shoe-maker]; yet if one should cal him by his owne name, while he standeth in his majestie, one of his tormentors might hap to break his head." The soudain or soldan, was a name given to the Sa- razen king (being only a more rude pronunciation of the word sultan), as the soldan of Egypt, the soudan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, &c. who were generally represented as accompanied with grim Sarazens, whose business it was to punish and torment Christians. I cannot conclude this short memoir, without observing that the French roman- * See Lysons's "Environs of London, 4to, vol. i. c 2 20 SIR PATRICK SPENCE. cers, who had borrowed the word termagant from us, and applied it as we in their old romances, cor- rupted it into Tervagaunte: and from them La Fontaine took it up, and has used it more than ɔnce in his tales.-This may be added to the other proofs SIR PATRICK SPENCE, THE king sits in Dumferling toune, Drinking the blude-reid wine: O qubar will I get guid sailòr, To sail this schip of mine? -is given from two MS. copies, transmitted from Scotland. In what age the hero of this ballad lived, or when this fatal expedition happened that proved so destructive to the Scots nobles, I have not been able to discover; yet am of opinion, that their ca- tastrophe is not altogether without foundation in history, though it has escaped my own researches. In the infancy of navigation, such as used the nor- thern seas were very liable to shipwreck in the wintry months: hence a law was enacted in the reign of James III., (a law which was frequently repeated afterwards,) "That there be na schip frauched out of the realm, with any staple gudes, fra the feast of Simons-day and Jude, unto the feast of the purification of our lady called Candel- mess. Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15. "" Up and spak an eldern knicht, Sat at the kings richt kne : Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailòr, That sails upon the se. VII. In some modern copies, instead of Patrick Spence hath been substituted the name of Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral who flourished in the time of our Edw. IV., but whose story hath nothing in common with this of the ballad. As Wood was the most noted warrior of Scotland, it is probable that, like the Theban Hercules, he hath engrossed the renown of other heroes. The king has written a braid letter*, And signd it wi' his hand; And sent it to Sir Patrick Spence, Was walking on the sand. A SCOTTISH BALLAD, 5 adduced in this volume, of the great intercourse that formerly subsisted between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both nations, and that they mutually borrowed each others romances. 10 We have here a ballad of Robin Hood (from the Editor's folio MS.) which was never before printed, and carries marks of much greater antiquity than any of the common popular songs on this subject. The severity of those tyrannical forest-laws, that were introduced by our Norman kings, and the great temptation of breaking them by such as lived near * A braid letter, i. e. open, or patent; in opposition to close Rolls. The first line that Sir Patrick red, A loud lauch lauched he: The next line that Sir Patrick red, The teir blinded his ee. O quha is this has don this deid, This ill deid don to me; To send me out this time o' the zeir, To sail upon the se? Mak hast, mak haste, my mirry men all, Our guid schip sails the morne. O say na sae, my master deir, For I feir a deadlie storme. Late late yestreen I saw the new moone Wi' the auld moone in hir arme ; And I feir, I feir, my deir mastèr, That we will com to harme. O our Scots nobles wer richt laith To weet their cork-heild schoone; Bot lang owre a' the play wer playd, Thair hats they swam aboone. O lang, lang, may thair ladies sit Wi' thair fans into their hand, Or eir they se Sir Patrick Spence Cum sailing to the land. O lang, lang, may the ladies stand Wi' thair gold kems in their hair, Waiting for thair ain deir lords, For they'll se thame na mair. VIII. ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE. Have owre, have owre to Aberdour*, It's fiftie fadom deip: And thair lies guid Sir Patrick Spence, Wi' the Scots lords at his feitt. 15 20 25 30 35 40 the royal forests, at a time when the yeomanry of this kingdom were every where trained up to the long-bow, and excelled all other nations in the art of shooting, must constantly have occasioned great * A village lying upon the river Forth, the entrance to which is sometimes denominated De mortuo mari. + An ingenious friend thinks the Author of Hardyknute has borrowed several expressions and sentiments from the foregoing, and other old Scottish songs in this colection. | ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE. numbers of outlaws, and especially of such as were the best marksmen. These naturally fled to the woods for shelter; and, forming into troops, endea- voured by their numbers to protect themselves from the dreadful penalties of their delinquency. The ancient punishment for killing the king's deer was loss of eyes and castration, a punishment far worse than death. This will easily account for the troops of banditti which formerly lurked in the royal forests, and, from their superior skill in archery and know- ledge of all the recesses of those unfrequented soli- tudes, found it no difficult matter to resist or elude the civil power. Among all those, none was ever more famous than the hero of this ballad, whose chief residence was in Shirewood forest, in Nottinghamshire; and the heads of whose story; as collected by Stow, are briefly these. "In this time [about the year 1190, in the reign of Richard I.] were many robbers, and outlawes, among the which Robin Hood, and Little John, renowned theeves, continued in woods, despoyling and robbing the goods of the rich. They killed none but such as would invade them, or by resistance for their own defence. "The saide Robert entertained an hundred tall men and good archers with such spoiles and thefts as he got, upon whom four hundred (were they ever so strong) durst not give the onset. He suffered no woman to be oppressed, violated, or otherwise molested poore mens goods he spared, abundantlie relieving them with that which by theft he got from abbeys and the houses of rich carles: whom Maior (the historian) blameth for his rapine and theft, but of all theeves he affirmeth him to be the prince, and the most gentle theefe." Annals. p. 159. The personal courage of this celebrated outlaw, his skill in archery, his humanity, and especially his levelling principle of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, have in all ages rendered him the favou- rite of the common people, who, not content to cele- brate his memory by innumerable songs and stories, have erected him into the dignity of an earl. Indeed, it is not impossible, but our hero, to gain the more respect from his followers, or they to derive the more credit to their profession, may have given rise to such a report themselves: for we find it recorded in an epitaph, which, if genuine, must have been inscribed on his tombstone near the nunnery of Kirklees in Yorkshire; where (as the story goes) he was bled to death by a treacherous nun to whom he applied for phlebotomy : * Hear undernead dis laitl stean Ïaiz robert earl of huntingtun neà arcir ver az hie sae geud an pipl kauld im Robin Heud sick ûtlawz as hi an is men vil England nibir si agen. obiit 24 kal, dekembris, 1247. This Epitaph appears to me suspicious: however, late Antiquary has given a pedigree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows that he had real pretensions to the Earldom of Huntington, and that his true hame was Robert Fitz-ootht. Yet the most ancient boems on Robin Hood make no mention of this Earl- Hom. He is expressly asserted to have been a yeo- * See Thoresby's Ducat. Leod. p. 576. Biog. Brit. vi. 3933. Stukelev, in his Palæographia Britannica, No. II. 1746. man* in a very old legend in verse preserved in the archives of the public library at Cambridget, in eight fyttes or parts, printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed: "Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn hode and his meyne, and of the proude sheryfe of Notyngham." The first lines are, << << Lythe and lysten, gentylmen, That be of free-bore blode : I shall you tell of a good yeman, His name was Robyn hode. Robyn was a proude out-lawe, Whiles he walked on grounde; So curteyse an outlawe as he was one, Was never none yfounde." &c. The printer's colophon is," Explicit Kinge Ed- warde and Robin Hode and Lyttel Johan. Enprented at London in Fletestrete at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de Worde. -In Mr. Garrick's Collec- tion is a different edition of the same poem “C Imprinted at London upon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end a little dra- matic piece on the subject of Robin Hood and the Friar, not found in the former copy, called, "A newe playe for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme. C (··.) H.” I shall conclude these preliminary remarks with ob- serving, that the hero of this ballad was the favourite subject of popular songs so early as the time of K. Edward III. In the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written in that reign, a monk says, در 21 G I can rimes of Roben Hod and Randal of Chester, But of our Lorde and our Lady, I lerne nothygn at all. Fol. 26, Ed. 1550. See also in Bp. Latimer's Sermons a very curious and characteristical story, which shows what respect was shown to the memory of our archer in the time of that prelate. The curious reader will find many other particulars relating to this celebrated Outlaw, in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. iii. p. 410, 4to. For the catastrophe of Little John, who, it seems, was executed for a robbery on Arbor-hill, Dublin (with some curious particulars relating to his skill in archery), see Mr. J. C. Walker's ingenious "Memoir on the Armour and Weapons of the Irish," p. 129, annexed to his "Historical Essay on the Dress of the Ancient and Modern Irish." Dublin, 1788, 4to. Some liberties were, by the Editor, taken with this ballad; which, in this Edition, hath been brought nearer to the folio MS. WHEN shaws beene sheene, and shradds full fayre, And leaves both large and longe, Itt is merrye walking in the fayre forrèst To heare the small birdes songe. The woodweele sang, and wold not cease, Sitting upon the spraye, Soe lowde, he awakened Robin Hood, In the greenwood where he lay. 5 * See also the following ballad, v. 147. + Num. D. 5, 2. Old Plays, 4to. K. vol. x. Ver. 1. For shaws the MS. has shales: and shradds should perhaps be swards: i. e. the surface of the ground: viz. "when the fields were in their beauty:" or perhaps shades. § Ser. 6th before K. Ed. Apr. 12. fol. 75, Gilpin's Life of Lat. p. 122. 22 ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE. L Now by my faye, sayd jollye Robìn, A sweaven I had this night; I dreamt me of two wighty yemen, That fast with me can fight. Methought they did mee beate and binde, And tooke my bow mee froe; If I be Robin alive in this lande, Ile be wroken on them towe. Sweavens are swift, master, quoth John, As the wind that blowes ore a hill; For if itt be never so loude this night, To-morrow itt may be still. Buske yee, bowne yee, my merry men all, And John shall goe with mee, For Ile goe seeke yond wight yeomen, In greenwood where the bee. Then the cast on their gownes of grene, And tooke theyr bowes each one; And they away to the greene forrèst A shooting forth are gone. Until they came to the merry greenwood, Where they had gladdest bee, There were the ware of a wight yeoman, His body leaned to a tree. A sword and a dagger he wore by his side, Of manye a man the bane; And he was clad in his capull hyde Topp and tayll and mayne. Stand you still, master, quoth Little John, Under this tree so grene; And I will go to yond wight yeoman To know what he doth meane. Ah! John, by me thou settest noe store, And that I farley finde : How offt send I my men beffore, And tarry my selfe behinde? It is no cunning a knave to ken, And a man but heare him speake; And itt were not for bursting of my bowe, John, I thy head wold breake. As often wordes they breeden bale, So they parted Robin and John; And John is gone to Barnesdale : The gates he knoweth eche one. But when he came to Barnesdale, Great heaviness there hee hadd, For he found tow of his owne fellowès Were slaine both in a slade. And Scarlette he was flyinge a-foote Fast over stocke and stone, For the sheriffe with seven score men Fast after him is gone. 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 * i. e. ways, passes, paths, ridings. Gate is a common word in the North for way. One shoote now I will shoote, quoth John, With Christ his might and mayne; Ile make yond fellow that flyes soe fast, To stopp he shall be fayne. Then John bent up his long bende-bow, And fetteled him to shoote: The bow was made of a tender boughe, And fell downe to his foote. Woe worth, woe worth thee, wicked wood, That ere thou grew on a tree; For now this day thou art my bale, My boote when thou shold bee. His shoote it was but loosely shott, Yet flewe not the arrowe in vaine For itt mett one of the sherriffes men, Good William a Trent was slaine. It had bene better of William a Trent To have bene abed with sorrowe, Than to be that day in the green wood slade To meet with Little John's arrowe. But as it is said, when men be mett Fyve can doe more than three, The sheriffe hath taken Little John, And bound him fast to a tree. Let us leave talking of Litle John, And thinke of Robin Hood, How he is gone to the wight yeoman, Where under the leaves he stood. I am wilfull of my waye, quo' the yeman, And of my morning tyde. Thou shalt be drawen by dale and downe, And hanged hye on a hill. But thou mayst fayle of thy purpose, quoth John, If itt be Christ his will. Ile lead thee through the wood, sayd Robin; Good fellow, Ile be thy guide. I seeke an outlawe, the straunger sayd, Men call him Robin Hood; Rather Ild meet with that proud outlawe Than fortye pound soe good. Now come with me thou wighty yeman, And Robin thou soone shalt see: But first let us some pastime find Under the greenwood tree. 65 First let us some masterye make Among the woods so even, Wee may chance to meet with Robin Hood Here att some unsett steven. 70 Good morrowe, good fellowe, said Robin so fayre, "Good morrowe, good fellowe," quoth he: Methinkes by this bowe thou beares in thy hande 95 A good archere thou sholdst bee. They cutt them downe two summer shroggs, That grew both under a breere, And sett them threescore rood in twaine To shoot the prickes y-fere. 75 80 85 90 100 105 110 115 ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE. Leade on, good fellowe, quoth Robin Hood, I doe bidd thee. Leade on, Nay by my faith, good fellowe, hee sayd, My leader thou shalt bee. The first time Robin shot at the pricke, He mist but an inch it froe: The yeoman he was an archer good, But he cold never shoote soe. The second shoote had the wightye yeman, He shote within the garlànde : But Robin he shott far better than hee, For he clave the good pricke wande. A blessing upon thy heart, he sayd; Good fellowe, thy shooting is goode; For an thy hart be as good as thy hand, Thou wert better then Robin Hoode. Now tell me thy name, good fellowe, sayd he, Under the leaves of lyne. Nay by my faith, quoth bolde Robìn, Till thou have told me thine. I dwell by dale and downe, quoth hee, And Robin to take Ime sworne ; And when I am called by my right name I am Guye of good Gisborne. My dwelling is in this wood, sayes Robin, By thee I set right nought: I am Robin Hood of Barnèsdale, Whom thou so long hast sought. He that had neither beene kithe nor kin, Might have seene a full fayre sight, To see how together these yeomen went With blades both browne * and bright. Robin was reachles on a roote, And stumbled at that tyde ; And Guy was quicke and nimble with-all, And hitt him ore the left side. 120 Ah, deare lady, sayd Robin Hood, 'thou That art both mother and may,' I think it was never mans destinye To dye before his day. 125 130 135 140 To see how these yeomen together they fought Two howres of a summers day : Yett neither Robin Hood nor Sir Guy 150 Them fettled to flye away. 145 155 160 *The common epithet for a sword or other offensive weapon, in the old metrical romances, is brown. As "brown brand," or "brown sword, brown bill," &c.; and sometimes even "bright brown sword." Chaucer applies the word rustie in the same sense; thus he describes the reve :- "And by his side he bare a rusty blade." Prol. ver. 620. And even thus the god Mars :- "And in his hand he had a rousty sword.” Test of Cressid. 188. Spenser has sometimes used the same epithet. See War- ton's Observ. vol. ii. p. 62. It should seem, from this par- ticularity, that our ancesters did not pique themselves upon keeping their weapons bright: perhaps they deemed it more honourable to carry them stained with the blood of their enemies. Robin thought on our ladye deere, And soone leapt up againe, And strait he came with a 'backward' stroke, And he Sir Guy hath slayne. He took Sir Guy's head by the hayre, And sticked itt on his bowes end: Though hast beene a traytor all thy liffe, Which thing must have an ende. Robin pulled forth an Irish kniffe, And nicked Sir Guy in the face, That he was never on woman born, Cold tell whose head it was. Robin did off his gowne of greene, And on Sir Guy did it throwe, And hee put on that capull hyde, That cladd him topp to toe. The bowe, the arrowes, and litle horne, Now with me I will beare Saies, Lye there, lye there, now Sir Guye, And with me be not wrothe; If thou have had the worse strokes at my hand, 175 Thou shalt have the better clothe. For I will away to Barnèsdale, To see how my men doe fare. That beheard the sheriffe of Nottingham, As he leaned under a lowe. Hearken, hearken, sayd the sheriffe, I heare nowe tydings good, For yonder I heare Sir Guye's horne blowe, And he hath slaine Robin Hoode. Yonder I heare Sir Guye's horne blowe, Itt blowes soe well in tyde, And yonder comes that wightye yeoman, Cladd in his capull hyde. Robin Hood sett Guyes horne to his mouth, 185 And a loud blast in it did blow. O, I will none of thy gold, sayd Robin, Nor I will none of thy fee: But now I've slaine the master, he sayes, Let me goe strike the knave ; This is all the rewarde I aske; Nor noe other will I have. Thou art a madman, said the sheriffe, Thou sholdest have had a knight's fee: But seeing thy asking bath beene soe bad, Well granted it shale be. When Litle John heard his master speake, Well knewe he it was his steven : Now shall I be looset, quoth Litle John, With Christ his might in heaven. 23 165 Come hyther, come hyther, thou good Sir Guy, Aske what thou wilt of mee. Fast Robin hee hyed him to Little John, He thought to loose him belive; The sheriffe and all his companye Fast after him did drive. 170 Ver. 163, awkwarde, MS. 180 190 195 200 205 210 215 24 AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Stand abacke, stand abacke, sayd Robin ; Why draw you mee soe neere? Itt was never the use in our countryè, One's shrift another shold heere. But Robin pulled forth an Irysh kniffe, And loosed John hand and foote, And gave him Sir Guyes bow into his hand And bade it be his boote. 220 Then John he took Guye's bow in his hand, 225 His boltes and arrowes eche one: When the sheriffe saw Little John bend his bow, He fettled him to be gone. Towards his house in Nottingham towne He fled full fast away; And soe did all his companye: Not one behind wold stay. 230 The subject of this poem which was written by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy, fourth Earl of Northumberland, who fell a victim to the avarice of Henry VII. In 1489 the parliament had granted the king a subsidy for carrying on the war in Bre- tagne. This tax was found so heavy in the North that the whole country was in a flame. The E. of Northumberland, then lord lieutenant for Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king of the discontent, and pray- ing an abatement. But nothing is so unrelenting as avarice the king wrote back that not a penny should be abated. This message being delivered by the earl with too little caution, the populace rose, and, supposing him to be the promoter of their calamity, broke into his house, and murdered him, with several of his attendants, who yet are charged by Skelton with being backward in their duty on this occasion. This melancholy event happened at the earl's seat at Cocklodge, near Thirske, in York- shire, April 28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c. : If the reader does not find much poetical merit in this old poem, (which yet is one of Skelton's best,) he will see a striking picture of the state and mag- nificence kept up by our ancient nobility during the feudal times. This great earl is described here as having, among his menial servants, knights, squires, and even barons: see ver 32, 183, &c. which, however different from modern manners, formerly not unusual with our greater Barons, whose castles had all the splendour and offices of a royal court, before the laws against retainers abridged and limited the number of their attendants. was John Skelton, who commonly styled himself Poet Laureat, died June 21, 1529. The following poem, which appears to have been written soon after the event, is printed from an ancient MS. copy pre- served in the British Museum, being much more correct than that printed among Skelton's Poems, in bl. let. 12mo, 1568. It is addressed to Henry Percy fifth Earl of Northumberland, and is prefaced &c. in the following manner: But he cold neither runne soe fast, Nor away soe fast cold ryde, Bat Litle John with an arrowe so broad He shott him into the 'backe'-syde. The title of Sir was not formerly peculiar to Knights, it was given to Priests, and sometimes to very inferior personages. IX. AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Dr. Johnson thinks this title was applied to such as had taken the degree of A. B. in the universities, who are still styled Domini, "Sirs," to distinguish them from Undergraduates, who have no prefix, and from Masters of Arts, who are styled Magistri, "Masters." 235 Poeta Skelton Laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur. Ad dominum properato meum mea pagina Percy, Qui Northumbrorum jura paterna gerit, Ad nutum celebris tu prona repone leonis, Quæque suo patri tristia justa cano. Ast ubi perlegit, dubiam sub mente volutet Fortunam, cuncta quæ male fida rotat. Qui leo sit felix, et Nestoris occupet annos; Ad libitum cujus ipse paratus ero. SKELTON LAUREAT UPON THE DOLOUROUS DETHE AND MUCH LAMENTABLE CHAUNCE OF THE MOOST HONORABLE ERLE OF NORTHUMBERLande. I WAYLE, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore The dedely fate, the dolefulle destenny Of him that is gone, alas! withoute restore, Of the blode* royall descendinge nobelly; Whos lordshepe doutles was slayne lamentably 5 Thorow tresun ageyn hym compassyd and wrought; Trew to his prince, in word, in dede, and thought. Of hevenly poems, O Clyo calde by name In the college of musis goddess hystoriall, Adres the to me, whiche am both halt and lame 10. In elect uteraunce to make memoryall : To the for soccour, to the for helpe I call Myne homely rudnes and drighnes to expelle With the freshe waters of Elyconys welle. * The mother of Henry, first Earl of Northumberland, was Mary daughter to Henry Earl of Lancaster, whose father Edmond was second son of King Henry III.-The mother and wife of the second Earl of Northumberland were both lineal descendants of King Edward III.—The Percys also were lineally descended from the Emperor Charlemagne and the ancient Kings of France, by his ancestor Josceline du Lovain (son of Godfrey Duke of Brabant), who took the name of Percy on marrying the heiress of that house in the reign of Hen. II., Vid. Camden Britan. Edmondson, &c. AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. Of noble actes auncyently enrolde, Of famous princis and lordes of astate, By thy report ar wonte to be extold, Regestringe trewly every formare date: Of thy bountie after the usuall rate, Kyndle in me suche plenty of thy noblès, Thes sorrowfulle dities that I may shew expres. 20 In sesons past who hathe harde or sene Of formar writinge by any presidente That vilane bastarddis in ther furious tene, Fulfyld with malice of froward entente, Confeterd togeder of commoun concente Falsly to slo ther moste singular goode lorde? It may be registerde of shamefull recorde. 15 25 So noble a man, so valiaunt lorde and knight, Fulfilled with honor, as all the worlde dothe ken; 30 At his commaundement, whiche had both day and Knyghtis and squyers, at every season when [night He calde upon them, as menyall houshold men · Were no thes commones uncurteis karlis of kynde To slo their owne lorde? God was not in their [minde. 35 And were not they to blame, I say also, That were aboute hym, his owne servants of trust, To suffre hym slayn of his mortall fo? Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust : They bode not till the rekening were discust. 40 What shuld I flatter? what shulde I glose or paynt? Fy, fy for shame, their harts wer to faint. In Englande and Fraunce, which gretly was redouted; Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede; 45 To whome grete astates obeyde and lowttede: A mayny of rude villayns made him for to blede : Unkindly they slew him, that holp them oft at nede He was their bulwark, their paves, and their wall, Yet shamfully they slew hym; that shame mot them befal. I say, ye commoners, why wer ye so stark mad? 50 What frantyk frensy fyll in youre brayne? Where was your wit and reson, ye shuld have had? What willfull foly made yow to ryse agayne Your naturall lord? alas! I can not fayne. Ye armed you with will, and left your wit be- 55 hynd; Well may you be called comones most unkynd. He was your chyfteyne, your shelde, your chef de- fence, Redy to assyst you in every tyme of nede: Your worship depended of his excellence : 60 Alas! ye mad men, to far ye did excede : Your hap was unhappy, to ill was your spede : What movyd you agayn hym to war or to fight ? What aylde you to sle your lord agyn all right? The grounde of his quarel was for his sovereyn lord, The welle concernyng of all the hole lande, 65 Demaundyng soche dutyes as nedis most acord To the right of his prince which shold not be withstand; But had his nobill men done wel that day, Ye had not been hable to have saide him nay. For whos cause ye slew hym with your awne hande : 70 But ther was fals packinge, or els I am begylde : How-be-it the matter was evident and playne, For yf they had occupied ther spere and ther shelde, This noble man doutles had not be slayne. Bot men say they wer lynked with a double chayn, 75 And held with the commouns under a cloke, Whiche kindeled the wyld fyre that made all this smoke. 25 The commouns renyed ther taxes to pay Of them demaunded and asked by the kinge; With one voice importune, they playnly said nay : 80 They buskt them on a bushment themself in baile to bringe : A Agayne the king's plesure to wrastle or to wringe, Bluntly as bestis withe boste and with cry They saide, they forsede not, nor carede not to dy. The noblenes of the northe this valiant lorde and knyght, 85 As man that was innocent of trechery or trayne, Presed forthe boldly to witstand the myght, And, lyke marciall Hector, he fault them agayne, Vigorously upon them with myght and with mayne, Trustinge in noble men that wer with hym there : 90 Bot all they fled from hym for falshode or fere. Barons, knights, squyers, one and alle, 95 Togeder with servaunts of his famuly, Turnd their backis, and let ther master fall, Of whos [life] they counted not a flye; Take up whos wolde for them, they let hym ly Alas! his golde, his fee, his annuall rente Upon suche a sort was ille bestowde and spent. He was envyronde aboute on every syde Withe his enemys, that were stark mad and wode; 100 Yet whils he stode he gave them woundes wyde Alas for routhe! what thouche his mynde were goode, His corage manly, yet ther he shed his bloode ! All left alone, alas! he fawte in vayne; For cruelly amonge them ther he was slayne. 105 Alas for pite! that Percy thus was spylt, The famous erle of Northumberlande : Of knightly prowès the sworde pomel and hylt, The mighty lyoun* doutted by se and lande! O dolorous chaunce of fortuns fruward hande! 110 What man remembring how shamfully he was slayne, From bitter weepinge himself kan restrayne! O cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war! O dolorous Teusday, dedicate to thy name, When thou shoke thy swordé so noble a man to 115 mar! Alluding to his crest and supporters. tracted for redoubted. O grounde ungracious, unhappy be thy fame, Whiche wert endyed with rede blode of the same! Moste noble erle! O fowle mysuryd grounde Whereon he gat his fynal dedely wounde! Doutted is con 26 AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND. O Atropos, of the fatall systers thre, Goddes mooste cruell unto the lyf of man, All merciles, in the ys no pitè ! O homycide, whiche sleest all that thou kan, So forcibly upon this erle thow ran, That with thy sworde enharpid of mortall drede, 125 Thou kit asonder his perfight vitall threde! My wordis unpullysht be nakide and playne, Of aureat poems they want ellumynynge ; Bot by them to knoulege ye may attayne 130 Of this lordis dethe and of his murdrynge. Which whils he lyvyd had fuyson of every thing, Of knights, of squyers, chef lord of toure and toune, Tyl fykkill fortune began on hym to frowne. 120 Paregall to dukis, with kings he myght compare, Surmountinge in honor all erls he did excede, 135 To all cuntreis aboute hym reporte me I dare. Lyke to Eneas benygne in worde and dede, Valiaunt as Hector in every marciall nede, Provydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse, Tyll the chaunce ran agyne him of fortune's duble 139 dyse. What nedethe me for to extoll his fame With my rude pen enkankerd all with rust? Whos noble actis shew worsheply his name, Transcendyng far myne homely muse, that must Yet sumwhat wright supprisid with hartly lust, Truly reportinge his right noble astate, 146 Immortally whiche is immaculate. His noble blode never disteynyd was, Trew to his prince for to defende his right, Doublenes hatinge, fals maters to compas, Treytory and treson he bannesht out of syght, With trowth to medle was all his hole delyght, As all his kuntrey kan testefy the same : To slo such a lord, alas, it was grete shame. O yonge lyon, bot tender yet of age, Grow and encrese, remembre thyn astate, God the assyst unto thyn herytage, And geve the grace to be more fortunate, Agayne rebellyouns arme to make debate. And, as the lyoune, whiche is of bestis kinge, Unto thy subjectis be kurteis and benyngne. I pray God sende the prosperous lyf and long, Stabille thy mynde constant to be and fast, Right to mayntein, and to resist all wronge: 150 If the hole quere of the musis nyne In me all onely wer sett and comprisyde, Enbrethed with the blast of influence dyvyne, As perfightly as could be thought or devysyd; To me also allthouche it were promysyde Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence, All were too litill for his magnyficence. 155 160 165 170 All flattringe faytors abhor and from the cast, Of foule detraction God kepe the from the blast: Let double delinge in the have no place, And be not light of credence in no case. 175 Wythe hevy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd, Eche man may sorow in his inward thought, Thys lords death, whose pere is hard to fynd Allgyf Englond and Fraunce were thorow saught. Al kings, all princes, all dukes, well they ought 180 Bothe temporall and spiritual! for to complayne This noble man, that crewelly was slayne. More specially barons, and those knygtes bold, And all other gentilmen with hym enterteynd In fee, as menyall men of his housold, Whom he as lord worsheply manteynd : To sorow full weping they ought to be constreynd, As oft as thei call to ther remembraunce, Of ther good lord the fate and dedely chaunce. 185 O perlese prince of hevyn emperyalle, 190 That with one worde formed al thing of noughte; Hevyn, hell, and erth obey unto thi kall; Which to thy resemblance wondersly hast wrought All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast boght, With thy blode precious our finaunce thou dyd pay,195 And us redemed, from the fendys pray : To the pray we, as prince incomperable, As thou art of mercy and pite the well, Thou bringe unto thy joy etermynable The sowle of this lorde from all daunger of hell, 200 In endles blis with the to byde and dwell In thy palace above the orient, Where thou art lorde, and God omnipotent. O quene of mercy, O lady full of grace, Maiden moste pure, and goddis moder dere, 205. To sorowfull harts chef comfort and solace, Of all women O floure withouten pere, Pray to thy son above the starris clere, He to vouchesaf by thy mediatioun To pardon thy servant, and bringe to salvacion. 210 In joy tryumphaunt the hevenly yerarchy, With all the hole sorte of that glorious place, His soule mot receyve into ther company Thorowe bounte of hym that formed all solace : 215 Well of pite, of mercy, and of grace, The father, the son, and the holy goste In Trinitate one God of myghts moste. +++ I have placed the foregoing poem of Skelton's before the following extract from Hawes, not only because it was written first, but because I think Skelton is in general to be considered as the earlier poet; many of his poems being written long before Hawes's Graunde Amour. P THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE. X. THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE. THE reader has here a specimen of the descriptive powers of Stephen Hawes, a celebrated poet in the reign of Hen. VII., though now little known. It is extracted from an allegorical poem of his (written in 1505,) intitled, "The Hist. of Graunde Amoure & La Belle Pucel, called the Palace of Pleasure, &c." 4to. 1555. See more of Hawes in Ath. Ox. v. 1, p. 6, and Warton's Observ. v. 2, p. 105. He was also author of a book, intitled, "The Temple of Glass. Wrote by Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber to K. Henry VII." Pr. for Caxton, 4to. no date. The following Stanzas are taken from Chap. III. and IV. of the Hist. above mentioned. "How Fame departed from Graunde Amour and left him with Governaunce and Grace, and howe he went to the Tower of Doctrine, &c." As we are able to give no small lyric piece of Hawes's, the reader will excuse the insertion of this extract. I LOKED about and saw a craggy roche, Farre in the west neare to the element, And as I dyd then unto it approche, Upon the toppe I sawe refulgent 5 The royal tower of Morall Document, Made of fine copper wtih turrettes fayre and hye, Which against Phebus shone soe marveylously. That for the very perfect bryghtnes What of the tower, and of the cleare sunne I could nothyng behold the goodlines 10 Of that palaice, whereas Doctrine did wonne : Tyll at the last, with mysty wyndes donne, The radiant brightnes of golden Phebus Auster gan cover with clowde tenebrus. Then to the tower I drewe nere and nere, And often mused of the great hyghnes Of the craggy rocke which quadrant did appeare: But the fayre tower, (so much of ryches Was all about,) sexangled doubtles; Gargeyld with grayhoundes, and with many lyons, 20 Made of fyne golde; with divers sundry dragons*. 15 The little turrets with ymages of golde About was set, whiche with the wynde aye moved With propre vices, that I did well beholde About the tower, in sundry wyse they hoved 25 With goodly pypes, in their mouthes ituned, That with the wynd they pyped a daunce Iclipped Amour de la hault plesaunce. V. 25, towers, PC. * Greyhounds, Lions, Dragons, were at that time the royal supporters. The toure was great of marveylous wydnes, To whyche ther was no way to passe but one, 30 Into the toure for to have an intres : A grece there was ychesyld all of stone Out of the rocke, on whyche men dyd gone Up to the toure, and in lykewyse dyd I With bothe the Grayhoundes in my company*: 35 Tyll that I came unto a ryall gate, Where I sawe stondynge the goodly portres, Whyche axed me, from whence I came a-late ; To whome I gan in every thynge expresse All myne adventure, chaunce, and busynesse, 40 And eke my name; I told her every dell: Whan she herde this she lyked me right well. Her name, she sayd, was called Countenaunce; Into the 'base' courte she dyd me then lede, Where was a fountayne depured of plesance, A noble sprynge, a ryall conduyte-hede, Made of fyne golde enameled with reed; And on the toppe four dragons blewe and stoute Thys dulcet water in four partes dyd spoute. 27 Of whyche there flowed foure ryvers ryght clere, 50 Sweter than Nylust or Ganges was ther odoure: Tygrys or Eufrates unto them no pere: I dyd than taste the aromatyke lycoure, Fragraunt of fume, and swete as any floure; And in my mouthe it had a marveylous scent Of divers spyces, I knewe not what it ment. Of golde was made a ryght crafty vyne; Instede of grapes the rubies there did shyne. The flore was paved with berall clarified, With pillers made of stones precious, Like a place of pleasure so gayely glorified, It myght be called a palaice glorious, So muche delectable and solacious; The ball was hanged hye and circuler With cloth of arras in the rychest maner, And after thys further forth me brought Dame Countenaunce into a goodly Hall, Of jasper stones it was wonderly wrought: Thy wyndowes cleare depured all of crystall, 60 And in the roufe on bye over all That treated well of a ful noble story, Of the doubty waye to the Tower Perillous‡ ; Howe a noble knyght should wynne the victory Of many a serpente foule and odious. * * 45 V. 44, besy courte, PC. V. 49, partyes, PC. * This alludes to a former part of the Poem. + Nysus, PC. The story of the poem. 55 65 70 28 THE CHILD OF ELLE. THE CHILD OF ELLE, ON yonder hill a castle standes With walles and towres bedight, And yonder lives the Child of Elle, A younge and comely knighte. is given from a fragment in the Editor's folio MS.: which, though extremely defective and muti- lated, appeared to have so much merit, that it excited a strong desire to attempt a completion of the story. The reader will easily discover the supplemental stanzas by their inferiority, and at the same time he inclined to pardon it, when he considers how diffi- cult it must be to imitate the affecting simplicity and artless beauties of the original. Child was a title sometimes given to a knight. See Gloss. The Child of Elle to his garden went, And stood at his garden pale, Whan, lo! he beheld fair Emmelines page Come trippinge downe the dale. The Child of Elle he hyed him thence, Y-wis he stoode not stille, And soone he mette faire Emmelines page Come climbing up the hille. Nowe Christe thee save, thou little foot-page, Now Christe thee save and see! Oh tell me how does thy ladye gaye, And what may thy tydinges bee? My lady she is all woe-begone, And the teares they falle from her eyne; And aye she laments the deadlye feude Betweene her house and thine. And here shee sends thee a silken scarfe Bedewde with many a teare, And biddes thee sometimes thinke on her, Who loved thee so deare. And here she sends thee a ring of golde The last boone thou mayst have, And biddes thee weare it for her sake, When she is layd in grave. XI. Her father hath brought her a carlish knight, Sir John of the north countràye, 10 Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page, And greet thy ladye from mee, And tell her that I her owne true love Will dye, or sette her free. 5 10 15 20 30 For, ah! her gentle heart is broke, And in grave soone must shee bee, Sith her father hath chose her a new new love, And forbidde her to think of thee. 25 And within three dayes shee must him wedde, 35 Or he vowes he will her slaye. 40 Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page, And let thy fair ladye know This knight will I bee at her bowre windowe, Betide me weale or woe. The boye he tripped, the boye he ranne, He neither stint ne stayd Untill he came to fair Emmelines bowre Whan kneeling downe he sayd, O ladye, I've been with thy own true love, And he greets thee well by mee; This night will he be at thy bowre-winde we, And dye or sette thee free. Nowe daye was gone and night was come, And all were fast asleepe, All save the ladye Emmeline, Who sate in her bowre to weepe: And soone she heard her true loves voice Lowe whispering at the walle, Awake, awake, my deare ladyè, Tis I thy true love call. Awake, awake, my ladye deare, Come, mount this faire palfràye This ladder of ropes will lette thee downe, Ile carrye thee hence awaye. Nowe nay, nowe nay, thou gentle knight, Nowe nay, this not bee; may For aye shold I tint my maiden fame, If alone I should wend with thee. O ladye, thou with a knighte so true Mayst safely wend alone, To my ladye mother I will thee bringe, Where marriage shall make us one. "" My father he is a baron bolde, Of lynage proude and hye; And what would he saye if his daughtèr Awaye with a knight should fly? Ah! well I wot, he never would rest, Nor his meate should doe him no goode, Until he had slayne thee, Child of Elle, And seene thy deare hearts bloode." O ladye wert thou in thy saddle sette, And a little space him fro, I would not care for thy cruel fathèr, Nor the worst that he could doe. O ladye, wert thou in thy saddle sette, And once without this walle, I would not care for thy cruel fathèr, Nor the worst that might befalle. Faire Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept, And aye her heart was woe: At length he seized he lilly-white hand, And downe the ladder he drewe : 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85. 90 And thrice he clasped her to his breste, And kist her tenderlie : The teares that fell from her fair eyes Ranne like the fountayne free. THE CHILD OF ELLE. Hee mounted himselfe on his steede so talle, And her on a fair palfràye, And slung his bugle about his necke, And roundlye they rode awaye. All this beheard her owne damsèlle, In her bed whereas shee ley, Quoth shee, My lord shall knowe of this, Soe I shall have golde and fee. Awake, awake, thou baron bolde ! Awake, my noble dame ! Your daughter is fledde with the Child of Elle To doe the deede of shame. The baron he woke, the baron he rose, And called his merrye men all : "And come thou forth, Sir John the knighte, Thy ladye is carried to thrall." Faire Emmeline scant had ridden a mile, A mile forth of the towne, When she was aware of her fathers men Come galloping over the downe : And formost came the carlish knight, Sir John of the north countràye : "Nowe stop, nowe stop, thou false traitòure, Nor carry that ladye awaye. For she is come of hye lineage, And was of a ladye borne, And ill it beseems thee a false churl's sonne To carrye her hence to scorne." But light nowe downe, my ladye faire, Light downe, and hold my steed, While I and this discourteous knighte Doe trye this arduous deede. But light nowe downe, my deare ladyè, Light downe, and hold my horse ; While I and this discourteous knight Doe trye our valour's force. Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept, And aye her heart was woe, While twixt her love and the carlish knight Past many a baleful blowe. The Child of Elle hee fought soe well, As his weapon he waved amaine, That soone he had slaine the carlish knight, And layd him upon the plaine. And nowe the baron and all his men Full fast approached nye : Ah! what may ladye Emmeline doe; Twere nowe no boote to flye. 95 100 Nowe loud thou lyest, Sir John the knight, 125 Nowe thou doest lye of mee; A knight mee gott, and a ladye me bore, Soe never did none by thee. 105 110 115 120 130 135 140 145 Her lover he put his horne to his mouth, And blew both loud and shrill, And soone he saw his owne merry men Come ryding over the hill. "Nowe hold thy hand, thou bold baròn, I pray thee hold thy hand, Nor ruthless rend two gentle bearts Fast knit in true love's band. Thy daughter I have dearly loved Full long and many a day; But with such love as holy kirke Hath freelye said wee may. O give consent, shee may be mine, And bless a faithfull paire : My lands and livings are not small, My house and lineage faire : My mother she was an earl's daughtèr, And a noble knyght my sire The baron he frowned and turn'd away With mickle dole and ire. C Fair Emmeline sighed, faire Emmeline wept, And did all tremblinge stand: At lengthe she sprang upon her knee, And held his lifted hand. Pardon, my lorde and father deare, This faire yong knyght and mee: Trust me, but for the carlish knyght, I never had fled from thee. Oft have you called your Emmeline Your darling and your joye; O let not then your harsh resolves Your Emmeline destroye. The baron he stroakt his dark-brown cheeke, And turned his heade asyde To whipe awaye the starting teare He proudly strave to hyde. In deepe revolving thought he stoode, And mused a little space : Here take her, Child of Elle, he sayd, And gave her lillye white hand; Here take my deare and only child, And with her half my land: Thy father once mine honour wrongde In dayes of youthful pride; Do thou the injurye repayre In fondnesse for thy bride. And as thou love her, and hold her deare, Heaven prosper thee and thine : And nowe my blessing wend wi' thee, My lovelye Emmeline. 29 150 155 160 165 Then raised faire Emmeline from the grounde, With many a fond embrace. 170 175 180 185 196 195 200 +++ From the word kirke in ver. 159, this hato been thought to be a Scottish Ballad, but it must be acknowledged that the line referred to is among the additions supplied by the Editor: besides, in the Northern counties of England, kirk is used in the common dialect for church, as well as beyond the Tweed. 0 EDOM O' GORDON. XII. EDOM O' GORDON, A SCOTTISH BALLAD, was printed at Glasgow, by Robert and An- drew Foulis, mdcclv. 8vo, 12 pages, We are indebted for its publication (with many other valu- able things in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrym- ple, Bart, who gave it as it was preserved in the memory of a lady, that is now dead. The reader will here find it improved, and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovored from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference origi- nally was not great. The English Ballads are gene- rally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of Ballad-singers was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain: of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers re- sided. The House or Castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Ber- wickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county: the two villages of East and West Gor- don lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes* The fact, however, on which the Ballad is founded. happened in the North of Scotland, (see below,) yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the vio- lences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Ísland, and indeed all over Europe. From the different titles of this Ballad, it should seem that the old strolling bards or minstrels (who gained a livelihood by reciting these poems) made no scruple of changing the names of the personages they introduced, to humour their hearers. For in- stance, if a Gordon's conduct was blame-worthy in the opinion of that age, the obsequious minstrel would, when among Gordons, change the name to Car, whose clan or sept lay further West, and vice verså.-The foregoing observation, which I owed to Sir David Dalrymple, will appear the more perfectly well founded, if, as I have since been informed (from Crawford's Memoirs), the principal Com- mander of the expedition was a Gordon, and the immediate Agent a Car, or Ker; for then the reciter might, upon good grounds, impute the barbarity here deplored, either to a Gordon or a Car, as best suited his purpose. In the third volume the reader will find a similar instance. See the song of Gil * This Ballad is well known in that neighbourhood, where it is entitled Adam o' Gordon. It may be observed, that the famous freebooter, whom Edward I. fought with hand to hand, near Farnham, was named Adam Gordon. Morris, wherein the principal character introduced had different names given him, perhaps from the same cause. It may be proper to mention, that in the folio MS. instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it is the "Castle of Britton's-borrow," and also "Diactors" or "Draitours-borrow," (for it is very obscurely written,) and "Capt. Adam Carre" is called the "Lord of Westerton-town." Uniformity required that the ad- ditional stanzas supplied from that copy should be clothed in the Scottish orthography and idiom this has therefore been attempted, though perhaps imper- fectly. It fell about the Martinmas, Quhen the wind blew shril and cauld, Said Edom o' Gordon to his men, We maun draw till a hauld. And quhat a hauld sall we draw till, My mirry men and me? We wul gae to the house o' the Rodes, To see that fair ladìe. The lady stude on hir castle wa' Beheld baith dale and down: There she was ware of a host of men Cum ryding towards the toun. O see ze nat, my mirry men a'? O see ze nat quhat I see? Methinks I see a host of men : I marveil quha they be. She weend it had been hir luvely lord, As he cam ryding hame; It was the traitor Edom o' Gordon, Quha reckt nae sin nor shame. She had nae sooner buskit hirsel, And putten on hir goun, But Edom o' Gordon and his men Were round about the toun. They had nae sooner supper sett, Nae sooner said the grace, But Edom o' Gorden and his men Were light about the place. The lady ran up to hir towir head, Sa fast as she could bie, To see if by hir faire speechès She could wi' him agree. But quhan he see this lady saif, And hir yates all locked fast, He fell into a rage of wrath, And his look was all aghast. • 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 I Cum doun to me, ze lady gay, Cum doun, cum doun to me: This night sall ye lig within mine armes, To-morrow my bride sall be. I winnae cum doun, ze fals Gordon, I winnae cum doun to thee; I winnae forsake my ain dear lord, That is sae far frae me. Give owre zour house, ze lady fair, Give owre zour house to me, Or I sall brenn yoursel therein, Bot and zour babies three. I winnae give owre, ze false Gordòn, To nae sik traitor as zee : And if ze brenn my ain dear babes, My lord shall make ze drie. But reach my pistoll, Glaud, my man * And charge ze weil my gun *: For, but an I pierce that bluidy butcher, My babes we been undone. She stude upon hir castle wa', And let twa bullets flee* : She mist that bluidy butchers hart, And only raz'd his knee. Set fire to the house, quo' fals Gordon, All wood wi' dule and ire: Fals lady, ze sall rue this deid, As ze bren in the fire. Wae worth, wae worth ze, Jock my man, I paid ze weil zour fee; Quhy pu' ze out the ground-wa' stane, Lets in the reek to me? And ein wae worth ze, Jock my man, I paid ze weil zour hire; Quhy pu' ze out the ground-wa' stane, To me lets in the fire? EDOM O' GORDON. Ze paid me weil my hire, lady; Ze paid me weil my fee: But now I'm Edom o'Gordons man, Maun either doe or die. O than bespaik bir little son, Sate on the nurses knee : Sayes, Mither deare, gi' owre this house, For the reek it smithers me. I wad gie a' my gowd, my childe, Sae wald I a' my fee, For ane blast o' the western wind, To blaw the reek frae thee. O then bespaik hir dochter dear, She was baith jimp and sma : O row me in a pair o' sheits, And tow me owre the wa. 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 *These three lines are restored from Foulis's edition, and the fol. MS., which last reads "the bullets" in ver. 58 They rowd hir in a pair o' sheits, And towd hir owre the wa: But on the point of Gordon's spear She gat a deadly fa. O bonnie bonnie was hir mouth, And cherry were her cheiks, And clear clear was hir zellow hair, Whereon the reid bluid dreips. Then wi' his spear he turnd hir owre, O gin hir face was wan! He sayd, Ze are the first that eir I wisht alive again. He turnd hir owre and owre againe, O gin bir skin was whyte! I might ha spared that bonnie face To hae been sum mans delyte. Busk and boun, my merry men a’, For ill dooms I doe guess: I cannae luik in that bonnie face, As it lyes on the grass. Thame, luiks to freits, my master deir, Then freits wil follow thame: Let it neir be said brave Edom o' Gordon Was daunted by a dame. But quhen the lady see the fire Cum flaming owre hir head, She wept and kist her children twain, Sayd, Bairns, we been but dead. The Gordon then his bougill blew, And said, 'Awa', awa'; This house o' the Rhodes is a' in flame, I hauld it time to ga.' O then bespyed hir ain dear lord, As hee cam owr the lee ; He sied his castle all in blaze Sa far as he could see. Then sair, O sair, his mind misgave, And all his hart was wae ; Put on, put on, my wighty men, So fast as ze can gae. Put on, put on, my wighty men, Sa fast as ze can drie ; For he that is hindmost of the thrang Sall neir get guid o' me. Than sum they rade, and some they rin, Fou fast out-owr the bent; But eir the foremost could get up, Baith lady and babes were brent. He wrang his hands, he rent his hair, And wept in teenefu' muid: O traitors, for this cruel deid Ze sall weep teirs o'bluid. $1 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 140 V. 98, 102, O Gin, &c. a Scottish idiom to express, great admiration. V. 109, 110, Thame, &c. i. e. Them that look after omens of ill luck, ill luck will follow. 32 BALLADS THAT ILLUSTRATE SHAKSPEAKE And after the Gordon he is gane, Sa fast as he might drie ; And soon i' the Gordon's foul hartis bluid He's wroken his dear ladie. +++ Since the foregoing ballad was first printed, the subject of it has been found recorded in Abp. Spotswood's History of the Church of Scotland, p. 259; who informs us, that "Anno 1571. In the north parts of Scotland, Adam Gordon (who was deputy for his brother the Earl of Huntley) did keep a great stir; and, under colour of the queen's authority, committed divers oppressions, especially upon the Forbes... Having killed Arthur Forbes, brother to the Lord THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK. SERIES THE FIRST. BOOK II. Forbes.... Not long after, he sent to summon the house of Tavoy, pertaining to Alexander Forbes. The lady refusing to yield without direction from her husband, he put fire unto it, and burnt her therein, with children and servaunts, being twenty- seven persons in all. OUR great dramatic poet having occasionally quoted many ancient ballads, and even taken the plot of one, if not more, of his plays from among them, it was judged proper to preserve as many of these as could be recovered, and, that they might be the more easily found, to exhibit them in one collective view. This second book is therefore set apart for the reception of such ballads as are quoted by Shakespeare, or contribute in any degree to illus- trate his writings: this being the principal point in view, the candid reader will pardon the admission of some pieces that have no other kind of merit. The design of this book being of a dramatic ten- dency, it may not be improperly introduced with a few observations on the origin of the English Stage, and on the conduct of our first Dramatic Poets; a subject which, though not unsuccessfully handled by several good writers already *, will yet perhaps admit of some further illustration. "This inhuman and barbarous cruelty made his name odious, and stained all his former doings; otherwise he was held very active and fortunate in his enterprizes." This fact, which had escaped the Editor's notice, was in the most obliging manner pointed out to him by an ingenious writer who signs his name H. H (Newcastle, May 9,) in the Gentleman's Maga zine for May, 1775, p. 219. I BALLADS THAT ILLUSTRATE SHAKSPEARE. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE, &e. Ir is well known that dramatic poetry in this and most other nations of Europe owes its origin, or at least its revival, to those religious shows, which in the dark ages were usually exhibited on the more solemn festivals. At those times they were wont to represent in the churches the lives and miracles * Ba. Warburton's Shakespeare, vol. v. p. 338.-Pref. to Dergie (la Flaƒ- Riccoboni's Acct. of Theat. of Eu- rope, &c. &c. These were all the author had seen when he first drew up this Essay. of the saints, or some of the more important stories of Scripture. And as the most mysterious subjects were frequently chosen, such as the Incarnation, Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, &c. these ex- hibitions acquired the general name of Mysteries. At first they were probably a kind of dumb shows, intermingled, it may be, with a few short speeches; at length they grew into a regular series of con- nected dialogues, formally divided into acts and scenes. Specimens of these in their most improved state (being at best but poor artless compositions) may be seen among Dodsley's Old Plays and in Osborne's Harleyan Miscel. How they were exhi- bited in their most simple form, we may learn from an ancient novel, often quoted by our old dramatic Poets,* entitled "a Merye Jest of a Man that was called Howleglas," + &c., being a translation from the Dutch language, in which he is named Ulenspiegle. Howleglass, whose waggish tricks are the subject of this book, after many adventures comes to live with a priest, who makes him his parish-clerk. This priest is described as keeping a Leman or concubine, who had but one eye, to whom his Howleglass owed a grudge for revealing rogueries to his master. The story thus proceeds: "And than in the meane season, while Howleglas, was parysh clarke, at Easter they should play the See Ben Johnson's Poetaster, act iii. sec. 4, and his Masque of The Fortunate Isles. Whalley's edit. vol. ii. p. 49, vol. vi. p. 190. + Howleglass is said in the preface to have died in м,cccc,L. At the end of the book, in M,CCC,L. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. Resurrection of our Lorde: and for because than the men wer not learned, nor could not read, the priest toke his leman, and put her in the grave for an Aun- gell: and this seing Howleglas, toke to him iij of the symplest persons that were in the towne, that played the ij Maries; and the Person [i. e. Parson or Rec- tor] played Christe, with a baner in his hand. Than saide Howleglas to the symple persons, Whan the Aungell asketh you, whome you seke, you may saye, The parsons leman with one iye. Than it fortuned that the tyme was come that they must playe, and the Aungel asked them whom they sought, and than sayd they, as Howleglas had shewed and lerned them afore, and than answered they, We seke the priests leman with one iye. And than the prieste might heare that he was mocked. And whan the priestes leman herd that, she arose out of the grave, and would have smyten with her fist Ilowleglas upon the cheke, but she missed him and smote one of the simple persons that played one of the thre Maries; and he gave her another; and than toke she him by the heare [hair]; and that seing his wyfe, came running hastely to smite the priestes leman; and than the priest seeing this, caste down hys baner and went to helpe his woman, so that the one gave the other sore strokes, and made great noyse in the churche. And than Howleglas seyng them lyinge together by the eares in the bodi of the churche, went his way out of the village, and came no more, there (c)." As the old Mysteries frequently required the re- presentation of some allegorical personage, such as Death, Sin, Charity, Faith, and the like, by degrees the rude poets of those unlettered ages began to form complete dramatic pieces consisting entirely of such personifications. These they entitled Moral Plays, or Moralities. The Mysteries were very inartificial, representing the Scripture stories simply according to the letter. But the Moralities are not devoid of invention; they exhibit outlines of the dramatic art: they contain something of a fable or plot, and even attempt to delineate characters and manners. I have now before me two that were printed early in the reign of Henry VIII; in which I think one may plainly discover the seeds of Tragedy and Comedy: for which reason I shall give a short analysis of them both. One of them is entitled "Every Man" (d). The subject of this piece is the summoning of Man out of the world by Death; and its moral, that nothing will then avail him but a well-spent life and the comforts of religion. This subject and moral are opened in a monologue spoken by the Messenger (for that was the name generally given by our ancestors to the Prologue on their rude stage :) then God (e) is represented; who, after some general com- plaints on the degeneracy of mankind, calls for Deth, and orders him to bring before his tribunal Every- man, for so is called the personage who represents the Human Race. Every-man appears, and receives the summons with all the marks of confusion and terror. When Death is withdrawn, Every-Man ap- plies for relief in this distress to Fellowship, Kin- dred, Goods, or Riches, but they successively (c) T. IMPRYNTED..BY WYLLYAM COPLAND: without date, 4to. bl. let. among Mr. Garrick's Old Plays, K. vol. X. (d) This play has been reprinted by Mr. Hawkins in his 3 vols. of Old Plays, entitled, "The Origin of the English Drama," 12mo. Oxford, 1773. See vol. i. p. 27. (e) The second person of the Trinity seems to be meant. 33 renounce and forsake him. In this disconsolate state he betakes himself to Good Dedes, who, after upbraiding him with his long neglect of her (ƒ), introduces him to her sister Knowledge, and she leads him to the "holy man Confession," who ap- points him penance: this he inflicts upon himself on the stage, and then withdraws to receive the sacraments of the priest. On his return he begins to wax faint, and, after Strength, Beauty, Discre- tion, and Five Wits (g) have all taken their final leave of him, gradually expires on the stage; Good Dedes still accompanying him to the last. Then an Aungell descends to sing his Requiem; and the Epi- logue is spoken by a person, called Doctour, who recapitulates the whole, and delivers the moral : ¶. This memoriall men may have in mynde, Ye herers, take it of worth old and yonge, And forsake Pryde, for he deceyveth you in thende, And remembre Beautè, Five Witts, Strength and They all at last do Every Man forsake; [Discretion, Save his Good Dedes there dothe he take; But beware, for and they be small, Before God he hath no helpe at all," &c. From this short analysis it may be observed, that "Every Man" is a grave solemn piece, not without some rude attempts to excite terror and pity, and therefore may not improperly be referred to the class of Tragedy It is remarkable that in this old simple drama the fable is conducted upon the strictest model of the Greek tragedy. The action is simply one, the time of action is that of the performance, the scene is never changed, nor the stage ever empty. Every- Man, the hero of the piece, after his first appear- ance never withdraws, except when he goes out to receive the sacraments, which could not well be ex- hibited in public; and during his absence Know- ledge descants on the excellence and power of the priesthood, somewhat after the manner of the Greek chorus. And indeed, except in the circumstance of Every-Man's expiring on the stage, the Sampson Agonistes of Milton is hardly formed on a severer plan (h). The other play is entitled "Hick-Scorner" (i), and bears no distant resemblance to Comedy: its chief aim seems to be to exhibit characters and manners, its plot being much less regular than the foregoing. The Prologue is spoken by Pity represented under the character of an aged pilgrim; he is joined by Contemplacyon and Perseverance, two holy men, who, after lamenting the degeneracy of the age, declare their resolution of stemming the torrent. Pity then is left upon the stage, and presently found by Frewyll, representing a lewd debauchee, who, with his dissolute companion Imaginacion, relate their manner of life, and not without humour de- scribe the stews and other places of base resort. They are presently joined by Hick-Scorner, who is drawn as a libertine returned from travel, and agreeably to his name, scoffs at religion. These three are described as extremely vicious, who (f) The before-mentioned are male characters. (g) i. e. The Five Senses. These are frequently exhibited as five distinct personages upon the Spanish stage; (see Riccoboni, p. 98,) but our moralist has represented them all by one character. (h) See more of Every-Man, in Serics the Second, Pref. to B, ii. Note. (i) "Imprynted by me Wynkyn de Worde," no date; in 4to. bl. let. This play has also been reprinted by Mr. Haw- kins in his "Origin of the English Drama,” vol. i. p. 69. D 34 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. glory in every act of wickedness: at length two of them quarrel, and Pity endeavours to part the fray; on this they fall upon him, put him in the stocks, and there leave him. Pity, thus impri- soned, descants, in a kind of lyric measure on the pro- fligacy of the age, and in this situation is found by Perseverance and Contemplacion, who set him at liberty, and advise him to go in search of the delin- quents. As soon as he is gone, Frewill appears again; and, after relating in a very comic manner some of his rogueries and escapes from justice, is rebuked by the two holy men, who after a long alter- cation, at length convert him and his libertine com- panion Imaginacioun from their vicious course of life and then the play ends with a few verses from Perseverance by way of epilogue. This and every morality I have seen conclude with a solemn prayer. They are all of them in rhyme; in a kind of loose stanza, intermixed with distichs. It would be needless to point out the absurdities in the plan and conduct of the foregoing play: they are evidently great. It is sufficient to observe, that, bating the moral and religious reflection of Pity, &c. the piece is of a comic cast, and contains a humo- rous display of some of the vices of the age. Indeed the author has generally been so little attentive to the allegory, that we need only substitute other names to his personages, and we have real characters and living manners. We see then that the writers of these moralities were upon the very threshold of real tragedy and comedy; and therefore we are not to wonder that tragedies and comedies in form soon after took place, especially as the revival of learning about this time brought them acquainted with the Roman and Gre- cian models. II. Ar what period of time the moralities had their rise here, it is difficult to discover. But plays of miracles appear to have been exhibited in England soon after the Conquest. Matthew Paris tells us that Geoffrey, afterwards Abbot of St. Albans, a Norman, who had been sent for over by Abbot Richard to take upon him the direction of the school of that monastery, coming too late, went to Dun- staple and taught in the abbey there; where he caused to be acted (probably by his scholars) a mira- cle play of St. Catharine, composed by himself. (a). This was long before the year 1119, and probably within the 11th century. The above play of St. Catharine was, for aught that appears, the first spec- tacle of this sort that was exhibited in these king- doms and an eminent French writer thinks it was even the first attempt towards the revival of Dra- matic Entertainments in all Europe; being long before the Representations of Mysteries in France; for these did not begin till the year 1398 (b). But whether they derived their origin from the above exhibition or not, it is certain that Holy Plays, (a) Apud Dunestapliam.... quendum ludum de sancta Katerina (quem miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit. Ad quæ decoranda, petiit a sacrista sancti Albani, ut sibi Capa Chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit. Et fuit ludus ille de sancta Katerina. Vitæ Abbat. ad fin. Hist. Mat. Paris, fol. 1639, p. 56.-We see here that Plays of Miracles were become common enough in the time of Mat. Paris, who flourished about 1240. But that indeed appears from the more early writings of Fitz-Stephens: quoted below. (b) Vid. Abregé Chron. de l'Hist. de France par M Henault, à l'ann, 1179. representing the miracles and sufferings of the Saints, were become common in the reign of Henry II; and a lighter sort of Interludes appear not to have been then unknown (c). In the subsequent age of Chau- "Plays of Miracles" in Lent were the common resort of idle gossips (d). cer, They do not appear to have been so prevalent on the continent, for the learned historian of the council of Constance(e) ascribes to the English the introduc- tion of plays into Germany. He tells us that the Emperor, having been absent from the council for some time, was at his return received with great rejoicings, and that the English fathers in particular did, upon that occasion, cause a sacred comedy to be acted before him on Sunday Jan. 31, 1417; the sub- jects of which were:-The Nativity of our Saviour; the Arrival of the Eastern Magi; and the Massacre by Herod. Thence it appears, says this writer, that the Germans are obliged to the English for the in- vention of this sort of spectacles, unknown to them before that period. The fondness of our ancestors for dramatic ex- hibitions of this kind, and some curious particulars relating to this subject, will appear from the Hous- hold Book of the fifth Earl of Northumberland, A. D. 1512(f) whence I shall select a few extracts, which show that the exhibiting scripture dramas on the great festivals entered into the regular establish- ment, and formed part of the domestic regulations of our ancient nobility; and, what is more remark- able, that it was as much the business of the chap- lain in those days to compose Plays for the family, as it is now for him to make sermons. "C My Lordes Chapleyns in Household vj. viz. The Almonar, and if he be a maker of Interludys, than he to have a servaunt to the intent for writynge of the Parts; and ells to have non. The maister of gramer, &c." Sect. V. p. 44. CC Item, my lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely if is lordship kepe a chapell and be at home, them of his lordschipes chapell, if they doo play the play of the Nativite uppon cristynmes day in the mornnynge in my lords chapell befor his lordship -XXS. Sect. XLIV. p. 343. "" • “Item, to them of his lordship chappell and other his lordshipis servaunts that doith play the play befor his lordship uppon Shrof-Tewsday a night yerely in reward-xs." Ibid. p. 345. to them.... that playth the play o "" 66 Item, • • • · • (c) See Fitz-Stephens's Description of London, preserved by Stow, (and reprinted with notes, &c. by the Rev. Mr Pegge, in 1774, 4to,) Londonia pro spectaculis theatralibus pro ludis scenicis, ludos habet sanctiores, representatione miraculorum, &c. He is thought to have written in the reign of Hen. II., and to have died in that of Richard I. I is true, at the end of this book we find mentioned Henricun regem tertium; but this is doubtless Henry the Second's son who was crowned during the life of his father, in 1170, an is generally distinguished as Rex juvenis, Rex filius, and sometimes they were jointly named Reges Angliæ. From passage in his Chap. De Religione, it should seem that th body of St. Thomas Becket was just then a new acquisitio to the Church of Canterbury. (d) See Prologue to Wife of Bath's Tale, v. 6137. Tyr whitt's Ed. (e) M. L'Enfant. Vid. Hist. du Conc. de Constance, vo ii. p. 440. (f)" The regulations and establishments of the houshold c Hen. Alg. Percy, fifth Earl of Northumb. Lond. 1770." 8vc Whereof a small impression was printed by order of the late Duke and Duchess of Northumberland to bestow i presents to their friends.-Although begun in 1512, some ‹ the Regulations were composed so late as 1525. (C Resurrection upon estur day in the mornnynge in by lordis chapell' befor his lordshipe-xxs." Ibid. Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth yerly to gyf hym which is ordynede to be the Master of the Revells yerly in my lordis hous in cristmas for the overseyinge and orderinge of his lordschips playes, interludes and dresinge that is plaid befor his lord- ship in his hous in the xijth dayes of Cristenmas and they to have in rewarde for that caus yerly-xxs.” Ibid. p. 346. (C Item, My lorde useth and accustomyth to gyf every of the iiij. Parsones that his lordschip admyted as his Players to com to his lordship yerly at Cris- tynmes ande at all other such tymes as his lordship shall comande them for playing of playe and inter- ludes affor his lordship in his lordshipis hous for every of their fees for an hole yere"... Ibid. p. 351. Item, to be payd for rewards to Players for slayes playd at Christynmas by stranegeres in my house after xxd.(g) every play, by estimacion somme -xxxiijs. iiij''(h). Sect. I. p. 22. (C ... (C Item, My Lorde usith, and accustometh to gif yerely when his lordshipp is at home, to every erlis Players that comes to his lordshipe betwixt Cristyn- mas ande Candelmas, if he be his special lorde & frende & Kynsman-xxs." Sect. XLIIII. p. 340. "Item, My lorde usith and accustomyth to gyf yerely, when his lordship is at home to every lordis Players, that comyth to his lordshipe betwixt Cry- stynmas and Candilmas-xs." Ibid. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. The reader will observe the great difference in the rewards here given to such Players as were retainers of noble personages, and such as are styled Strangers, or, as we may suppose, only strolers. The profession of a common player was about this time held by some in low estimation. In an old satire, entitled "Cock Lorreles Bote"(i) the author enumerating the most common trades or callings, as carpenters, coopers, joyners," &c. mentions tt << - Players, purse-cutters, money-batterers, Golde-washers, tomblers, jogelers, Pardoners, &c." Sign. B. vj. III. It hath been observed already, that plays of Miracles, or Mysteries, as they were called, led to the introduction of Moral Plays or Moralites, which prevailed so early, and became so common, that, towards the latter end of King Henry VIIth's reign, John Rastel, brother-in-law to Sir Thomas More, conceived a design of making them the vehicle of science and natural philosophy. With this view he published "A new Interlude and a Mery of the Nature of the Four Elements declarynge many proper points of Philosophy Naturall, and of Dyvers Straunge Landys, (a) &c. It is observable that the (g) This was not so small a sum then as it may now appear; for in another part of this MS. the price ordered to be given. for a fat ox is but 13s. 4d. and for a lean one 8s. (h) At this rate the number of plays acted must have been wenty. (i) Pr. at the Sun in Fleet-st. by W. de Worde, no date, b. 1. 4to. (a) Mr. Garrick has an imperfect copy, (Old Plays, i. vol. ii.) The dramatis personæ are, ". The Messenger [or Prologue]. Nature naturate; Humanytè; Studyous Desire; Sensuall Appetyte; The Taverner; Experyence; Ygno- raunce (Also yf ye lyste ye may brynge in a dysgy- ynge.") Afterwards follows a table of the matters handled n the interlude; among which are, ". Of certeyn con- clusions prouvynge the yerthe must nedes be rounde, and hat yt is in circumference above xxi M. myle."--"¶. Of 35 poet speaks of the discovery of America as then recent ; "Within this xx yere Westwarde be founde new landes That we never harde tell of before this," &c, The West Indies were discovered by Columbus in 1492, which fixes the writing of this play to about 1510 (two years before the date of the above Houshold Book.) The play of " Hick Scorner" was probably somewhat more ancient, as he still more imperfectly alludes to the American discoveries, under the name of "the Newe founde Ilonde." (Sign. A. vij.) It is observable that in the olden moralities, as in that last mentioned, Every-man, &c., is printed no kind of stage direction for the exits and entrances of the personages, no division of acts and scenes. But in the moral interlude of "Lusty Juventus,"(b) written under Edward VI., the exits and entrances began to be noted in the margin :(c) at length in Queen Elizabeth's reign moralities appeared formally divided into acts and scenes, with a regular pro- logue, &c. One of these is reprinted by Dodsley. Before we quit this subject of the very early printed plays, it may just be observed, that, although so few are now extant, it should seem many were printed before the reign of Queen Elizabeth, as at the beginning of her reign, her Injunctions in 1559 are particularly directed to the suppressing of " many pamphlets, playes, and ballads; that no manner of person shall enterprize to print any such, &c." but under certain restrictions. Vid. Sect. V. : In the time of Hen. VIII., one or two dramatic pieces had been published under the classical names of comedy and tragedy, (d) but they appear not to have been intended for popular use it was not till the religious ferments had subsided that the public had leisure to attend to dramatic poetry. In the reign of Elizabeth, tragedies and comedies began to appear in form, and, could the poets have persevered, the first models were good. Corboduc," a regular tragedy, was acted in 1561; (e) and Gascoigne, in 1566, exhibited " Jocasta," a translation from Euri- pides, as also "The Supposes," a regular comedy, from Ariosto: near thirty years before any of Shake- speare's were printed. {{ The people however still retained a relish for their CC certeyne points of cosmographye-and of dyvers straunge regyons—and of the new founde landys, and the maner of the people." This part is extremely curious, as it shows. what notions were entertained of the new American dis- coveries by our own countrymen. (b) Described in Serics the Second, preface to book ii. The Dramatis Persona of this piece are, "T. Messenger, Lusty Juventus,Good Counsail, Knowledge, Sathan the devyll, Hypocrisie, Fellowship, Abominable-lyving an harlot], God's merciful-promises." (c) I have also discovered some few Exeats and Intrats in the very old interlude of the "Four Elements." (d) Bishop Bale had applied the name of Tragedy to his Mystery of "God's Promises," in 1538. In 1540 John Palsgrave, B. D. had republished a Latin comedy, called Acolastus," with an English version. Holingshed tells us (vol. iii. p. 850), that so early as 1520 the king had "a good comedie of Plautus plaied" before him at Greenwich; but this was in Latin, as Mr. Farmer informs us in his curious "Essay on the Learning of Shakespeare," 8vo. p. 31. e) Šee Ames, p. 316.—This play appears to have been first printed under the name of "Gorboduc;" then under that of "Ferrer and Porrer," in 1569; and again under "Gorboduc," 1590.- Ames calls the first edition quarto, Langbaine, octavo, and Tanner 12mo. D2 36 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. old mysteries and moralities (ƒ), and the popular dramatic poets seem to have made them their models. From the graver sort of moralities our modern Tragedy appears to have derived its origin; as our Comedy evidently took its rise from the lighter interludes of that kind. And as most of these pieces contain an absurd mixture of religion and buf- foonery, an eminent critic (g) has well deduced from thence the origin of our unnatural Tragi-comedies. Even after the people had been accustomed to tragedies and comedies, moralities still kept their ground: one of them entitled" The New Custom"(h) was printed so late as 1573: at length they assumed the name of masques, (i) and, with some classical improvements, became in the two following reigns the favourite entertainments of the court. IV. The old mysteries, which ceased to be acted after the reformation, appear to have given birth to a Third Species of stage exhibition, which, though now confounded with tragedy and comedy, were by our first dramatic writers considered as quite dis- tinct from them both: these were historical plays, or Histories, a species of dramatic writing, which resembled the old mysteries in representing a series of historical events simply in the order of time in which they happened, without any regard to the three great unities. These pieces seem to differ from tragedies, just as much as historical poems do from Epic: as the Pharsalia does from the Æneid. What might contribute to make dramatic poetry take this form was, that soon after the mysteries ceased to be exhibited, was published a large col- lection of poetical narratives, called "The Mirrour for Magistrates, (a) wherein a great number of the most eminent characters in English history are drawn relating their own misfortunes. This book was popular, and of a dramatic cast; and therefore, as an elegant writer (b) has well observed, might have its influence in producing historical plays. These narratives probably furnished the subjects, and the ancient mysteries suggested the plan. There appears indeed to have been one instance of an attempt at an Historical Play itself, which was per- haps as early as any mystery on a religious subject; for such, I think, we may pronounce the representa- tion of a memorable event in English history, that was expressed in actions and rhimes. This was the old Coventry play of "Hock Tuesday,"(c) founded on the story of the massacre of the Danes, as it hap- pened on St. Brice's night, November 13, 1002.(d) The play in question was performed by certain men of Coventry, among the other shows and entertain- ments at Kenilworth Castle, in July 1575, prepared (f) The general reception the old Moralities had upon the stage will account for the fondness of all our first poets for allegory. Subjects of this kind were familiar with every one. (g) Bp. Warburt. Shakesp. vol. v. (h) Reprinted among Dodsley's Old Plays, vol. i. (2) In some of these appeared characters full as extraordinary as in any of the old Moralities. In Ben Jonson's Masque of Christmas, 1616, one of the personages is Minced Pye. (a) The first part of which was printed in 1559. (b) Catal. of Royal and Noble Authors, vol. p. 1667. (c) This must not be confounded with the mysteries acted on Corpus Christi day by the Franciscans at Coventry, which were also called Coventry Plays, and of which an account is given from T. Warton's Hist. of Eng. Poetry, &c. in Malone's Shaks. vol. iì. part ii. pag. 13, 14. (d) Not 1012, as printed in Laneham's Letter, mentioned below. for Queen Elizabeth, and this the rather "because the matter mentioneth how valiantly our English women, for the love of their country, behaved them- selves." The writer, whose words are here quoted, (e) hath given a short description of the performance; which seems on that occasion to have been without recitation or rimes, and reduced to mere dumb- show; consisting of violent skirmishes and encoun- ters, first between Danish and English "lance- knights on horse back," armed with spear and shield; and afterwards between "hosts" of footmen: which at length ended in the Danes being "beaten down, overcome, and many led captive by our English women." (f) This play, it seems, which was wont to be exhi- bited in their city yearly, and which had been of great antiquity and long continuance there, (g) had of late been suppressed, at the instance of some well meaning but precise preachers, of whose "sourness" herein the townsmen complain; urging that their play was "without example of ill manners, papistry, or any superstition;"(h) which shows it to have been entirely distinct from a religious mystery. But having been discontinued, and as appears from the narrative, taken up of a sudden after the sports were begun, the players apparently had not been able to recover the old rhimes, or to procure new ones, to accompany the action; which if it originally represented "the outrage and importable insolency of the Danes, the grievous complaint of Huna, king Ethelred's chieftain in wars* ;" his counselling and contriving the pict to dispatch them; concluding with the conflicts above mentioned, and their final suppresion" expressed in actions and rhimes after their manner,"(i) one can hardly conceive a more regular model of a complete drama; and, if taken up soon after the event, it must have been the earliest of the kind in Europe.t Whatever this old play, or "storial show,"(k) was at the time it was exhibited to Queen Elizabeth it had probably our young Shakespeare for a spec tator, who was then in his twelfth year, and doubt less attended with all the inhabitants of the sur rounding country at these "princely pleasures o Kenelworth,"() whence Stratford is only a few miles distant. And as the Queen was much diverted with the Coventry play, "whereat her Majest laught well," and rewarded the performers with (e) Ro. Laneham, whose Letter, containing a full descrip ton of the Shows, &c. is reprinted at large in Nicholls Progresses of Q. Elizabeth, &c. vol. i. 410, 1788.~Tha writer's orthography, being peculiar and affected, is not her followed. Laneham describes this play of HOCK TUESDAY, whic was "presented in an historical cue by certain good-hearte men of Coventry" (p. 32), and which was "wont to play'd in their citie yearly" (p. 33), as if it were peculi to them, terming it "their old storial show" (p 32).—And it might be as represented and expressed by them "aft their manner" (p. 33): although we are also told by Bey Higgons, that St. Brice's Eve was still celebrated by th Northern English in commemoration of this massacre the Danes, the women beating brass instruments, and sin ing old rhimes, in praise of their cruel ancestors. See Short View of Eng. History, 8vo, p. 17. (The Preface dated 1734). (g) Ibid p. 33. (f) Laneham, p. 37. (h) lbid. * Ibid. p. 32. (i) Ibid. p. 33. + The Rhimes. &c. prove this play to have been in En lish, whereas Mr. Thos. Warton thinks the Mysteries co posed before 1328 were in Latin. Malone's Shakesp. v ii. pt. ii. p. 9. (k) Laneham, p. 32. (7) See Nichols's Progresses, vol i. p. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. bucks, and 5 marks in money: who, "what rejoicing upon their ample reward, and what triumphing upon the good acceptance, vaunted their play was never so dignified, nor ever any players before so beatified:" but especially if our young bard afterwards gained admittance into the castle to see a play, which the same evening, after supper, was there " presented of a very good theme, but to set forth by the actors' well handling, that pleasure and mirth made it seem very short, though it lasted two good hours and more (m)," we may imagine what an impression was made on his infant mind. Indeed the dramatic cast of many parts of that superb entertainment, which continued nineteen days, and was the most splendid of the kind ever attempted in this kingdom; the addresses to the Queen in the personated charac- ters of Sybille, a savage man, and Sylvanus, as she approached or departed from the castle; and, on the water, by Arion, a Triton, or the Lady of the Lake, must have had a very great effect on a young imagi- nation, whose dramatic powers were hereafter to astonish the world. But that the historical play was considered by our old writers, and by Shakespeare himself, as dis- tinct from tragedy and comedy, will sufficiently appear from various passages in their works. " Of late days," says Stow," in place of those stage plays(n) hath been used comedies, tragedies, enterludes and histories both true and fayned(o)."-Beaumont and Fletcher, in the prologue to "The Captain," say, "This is nor Comedy, nor Tragedy, Nor History." Polonius in "Hamlet" commends the actors, as the best in the world, "either for tragedie, comedie, historie, pastorall,"&c. And Shakespeare's friends, Heminge and Condell, in the first folio edit. of his plays, in 1623 (p), have not only entitled their book "Mr. William Shakespeare's comedies, histories, and tragedies:" but in their table of contents have arranged them under those three several heads placing in the class of histories, " K. John, Richard II, Henry IV, 2 pts. Henry V, Henry VI, 3 pts. Rich. III, and Henry VIII;" to which they might have added such of his other plays as have their sub- jects taken from the old Chronicles, or Plutarch's lives. ; Although Shakespeare is found not to have been the first who invented this species of drama(q), yet he cultivated it with such superior success, and threw upon this simple inartificial tissue of scenes such a blaze of genius that his histories maintain their ground in defiance of Aristotle and all the critics of the classic school, and will ever continue to interest and instruct an English audience. Before Shakespeare wrote, historical plays do not appear to have attained this distinction, being not mentioned in Q. Elizabeth's licence in 1574(r) to James Burbage and others, who are only impowered "to use, exercyse, and occupie, the arte and facultye (m) Laneham, p. 38, 39. This was on Sunday evening. July 9. (n) The Creation of the World, acted at Skinners-well in 1409. (0) See Stow's Survey of London, 1603, 4to, p. 94, (said in the title-page to be "written in the year 1598.") See also Warton's Observations on Spenser, vol. ii, p. 109. (p) The same distinction is continued in the 2d. and 3d. folios. &c. (q) See Malene's Shakesp. vol- i. part ii. p. 31. (r) See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 37. 37 of playenge comedies, tragedies, enterludes, stage- playes, and such other like."-But when Shakes- peare's histories had become the ornaments of the stage, they were considered by the public, and by himself, as a formal and necessary species, and are thenceforth so distinguished in public instruments. They are particularly inserted in the licence granted by K. James I, in 1603 (s), to W. Shakespeare himself, and the players his fellows; who are authorized "to use and exercise the arte and faculty of playing comedies, tragedies, histories, inter- ludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like." The same merited distinction they continued to maintain after his death, till the theatre itself was extinguished; for they are expressly mentioned in a warrant in 1622, for licensing certain "late come- dians of Q. Anne deceased, to bring up children in the qualitie and exercise of playing comedies, his- tories, interludes, morals, pastorals, stage-plaies, and such like*." The same appears in an admoni- tion issued in 1637 (t) by Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, then Lord Chamberlain, to the master and wardens of the company of printers and stationers; wherein is set forth the complaint of his Majesty's servants the players, that "diverse of their books of comedyes and tragedyes, chronicle- historyes, and the like," had been printed and pub- lished to their prejudice, &c. This distinction, we see, prevailed for near half a century; but after the Restoration, when the stage revived for the entertainment of a new race of auditors, many of whom had been exiled in France, and formed their taste from the French theatre, Shakespeare's histories appear to have been no longer relished; at least the distinction respecting them is dropt in the patents that were immediately granted after the king's return. This appears not only from the allowance to Mr. William Beeston in June 1660(u), to use the house in Salisbury-court " for a play-house, wherein com- edies, tragedies, tragi-comedies, pastoralls, and inter- ludes, may be acted," but also from the fuller grant (dated August 21, 1760)(v) to Thomas Killigrew, Esq. and Sir William Davenant, knt. by which they have authority to erect two companies of players, and to fit up two theatres "for the representation of tragydies, comedyes, playes, operas, and all other entertainments of that nature." But while Shakespeare was the favourite dramatic poet, his histories had such superior merit, that he might well claim to be the chief, if not the only his- toric dramatist that kept possession of the English stage; which gives a strong support to the tradition mentioned by Gildon(w), that, in a conversation with Ben Jonson, our bard vindicated his historical plays, by urging, that, as he had found "the nation in general very ignorant of history, he wrote them (s) Ibid. p. 40. Ibid. p. 49. Here Histories, or Historical Plays. are found totally to have excluded the mention of Tragedies; a proof of their superior popularity. In an Order for the King's Comedians to attend K. Charles I in his summer's progress, 1636, (Ibid. p. 144.) Histories are not particularly mentioned: bu so neither are tragedies: they being briefly directed to "act playes, eomedyes, and interludes, without any lett," &c. (t) Ibid, p. 139. (u) This is believed to be the date by Mr. Malone, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 239. (v) Ibid. p. 244. (w) See Malone's Shakesp. vol. vi. p. 427. This ingenious writer will, with his known liberality, excuse the difference of opinion here entertained concerning the above tradition. 38 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. in order to instruct the people in this particular." This is assigning not only a good motive, but a very probable reason for his preference of this species of composition; since we cannot doubt but his illite- rate countrymen would not only want such instruc- tion when he first began to write, notwithstanding the obscure dramatic chroniclers who preceded him; but also that they would highly profit by his admi- rable lectures on English history so long as he con- tinued to deliver them to his audience. And, as it implies no claim to his being the first who intro- duced our chronicles on the stage, I see not why the tradition should be rejected. ; Upon the whole we have had abundant proof, that both Shakespeare and his contemporaries considered his histories, or historical plays, as of a legitimate distinct species, sufficiently separate from tragedy and comedy; a distinction which deserves the par- ticular attention of his critics and commentators who, by not adverting to it, deprive him of his proper defence and best vindication for his neglect of the Unities, and departure from the classical dramatic forms. For, if it be the first canon of sound criti- cism to examine any work by whatever rule the author prescribed for his own observance, then we ought not to try Shakespeare's Histories by the ge- neral laws of tragedy or comedy. Whether the rule itself be vicious or not, is another inquiry; but cer- tainly we ought to examine a work only by those principles according to which it was composed. This would save a deal of impertinent criticism. V. We have now brought the inquiry as low as was intended, but cannot quit it, without entering into a short description of what may be called the Economy of the ancient English stage. Such was the fondness of our forefathers for dra- matic entertainments, that not fewer than nineteen play-houses had been opened before the year 1633, when Prynne published his Histriomastix (a). From this writer it should seem that "tobacco, wine and beer(b),"were in those days the usual accommodations in the theatre, as within our memory at Sadler's Wells. With regard to the players themselves, the several companies were (as hath been already shown (c) re- (a) He speaks in p. 492, of the Playhouses in Bishopsgate- street, and on Ludgate-hill, which are not among the seven- teen enumerated in the Preface to Dodsleys's Old Plays. Nay, it appears from Rymer's MSS. that twenty-three Playhouses had been at different periods open in London: and even six of them at one time. See Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 48. (b) So, I think, we may infer from the following passage, viz. How many are there, who, according to their several qualities, spend 2d. 3d. 4d 6d. 12d. 18d. 2s. and sometimes 4s. or 5s. at a play-house day by day, if coach-hire, boat- hire, tobacco, wine, beere, and such like vaine expences, which playes do usually occasion, be cast into the reckoning?" Prynne's Histriom. p. 322. But that tobacco was smoked in the playhouses, appears from Taylor the_water-poet, in his proclamation for tobacco's propagation. "Let play-houses, drinking-schools, taverns, &c. be continually haunted with the contaminous vapours of it; nay (if it be possible) bring it into the Churches, and there choak up their preachers." (Works, p. 253.) And this was really the case at Cambridge: James I. sent a letter, in 1607, against taking_tobacco" in St. Mary's. So I learn from my friend Dr. Farmer. CC A gentleman has informed me, that once going into a church in Holland, he saw the male part of the audience sitting with their hats on, smoking tobacco, while the preacher was holding forth in his morning gown. (c) See the extracts above, in p. 139 from the E. of Nor- thumb. Houshold Book. tainers, or menial servants to particular noblemen,(d) who protected them in the exercise of their profes- sion; and many of them were occasionally Strollers, that travelled from one gentleman's house to another. Yet so much were they encouraged, that, notwith- standing their multitude, some of them acquired large fortunes. Edward Allen, master of the play- house called the Globe, who founded Dulwich col- lege, is a known instance. And an old writer speaks of the very inferior actors, whom he calls the hire- lings, as living in a degree of splendour, which was thought enormous in that frugal age(e). At the same time the ancient prices of admission were often very low. Some houses had penny- benches(f). The "two-penny gallery" is mentioned in the prologue to Beaumont and Fletcher's Woman- Hater (g). And seats of three-pence and a groat seem to be intended in the passage of Prynne above refer- red to. Yet different houses varied in their prices: that play-house called the Hope had seats of five several rates from six-pence to half-a-crown(h). But (d) See the Pref. to Dod-ley's Old Plays.-The author of an old invective against the Stage, called, A third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, &c. 1580, 12mo, says, "Alas! that private affection should so raigne in the nobilitie, that to pleasure their servants, and to upholde them in their vanitye. they should restraine the magistrates from executing their office!....They [the nobility are thought to be covetous by permitting their servants...to live at the devotion or almes of other men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one gentleman's house to another, offering their service, which is a kind of beggerie. Who indeede, to speake more truelie, are become beggers for their servants. For comonlie the good-wil, men beare to their Lordes, makes them draw the stringes of their purses to extend their liberalitie." Vid. pag. 75, 76, &c. (e) Stephen Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo. fo. 23, says thus of what he terms in his margin Players- men: Over lashing in apparel is so common a fault, that the very hyerlings of some of our Players, which stand at revirsion of vi s. by the week, jet under gentlemens noses in sutis of silke, exercising themselves to prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come abrode, where they look askance over the shoulder at every man, of whom the Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though everye one that professeth the qualitie so abused himselfe, for it is well knowen, that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned, honest housholders and citizens, well-thought on among their neighbours a home," [he seems to mean Edw. Allen above mentioned though the pryde of their shadowes (I meane those hange byes, whom they succour with stipend) cause them to be somewhat il-talked of abroad. 66 ………… In a subsequent period we have the following satirica fling at the showy exterior and supposed profits of the actor: of that time.-Vid. Greene's Groatsworth of Wit, 1625, 4to "What is your profession?"—"Truly, sir, 1 am a Player." "A Player?....I took you rather for a Gentle man of great living; for, if by outward habit men should be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a substantia "So I am where I dwell.....What, though the world once went hard with me, when I was fayne to carry my playing-fardle a foot-backe: tempora mutantur....fo my very share in playing apparrell will not be sold for tw hundred pounds.... Nay more, I can serve to make a pretty speech, for I was a country author, passing at a Moral, &c. See Roberto's Tale, sign. D. 3. b. man." (f) So a MS. of Oldys, from Tom Nash, an old pamphlet writer. And this is confirmed by Taylor the Water-poet, i his Praise of Beggerie, p. 99. "Yet have I seen a begger with his many, [sc. vermin] Come at a play-house, all in for one penny. "" (g) So in the Belman's Night-walks by Decker, 1616, 4to Pay thy two-pence to a Player, in this gallery thou mayes sit by a harlot.” Co (h) Induct. to Ben Jonson's Bartholomew-fair. An ancien satirical piece, called "The Blacke Book, Lond. 1604, 4to. talks of "The six-penny Roomes in Playhouses;" leaves a legacy to one whom he calls "Arch-tobacco take of England, in ordinaries, upon stages both common an private," an ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ENGLISH STAGE. a shilling seems to have been the usual price(i) of what is now called the Pit, which probably had its name from one of the play-houses having been a Cock-pit(k). The day originally set apart for theatrical exhibi- tion appears to have been Sunday; probably because the first dramatic pieces were of a religious cast. During a great part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, the playhouses were only licenced to be opened on that day(); but before the end of her reign, or soon after, this abuse was probably removed. The usual time of acting was early in the after- noon(m), plays being generally performed by day- light(n). All female parts were performed by men, no English actress being ever seen on the public stage(0), before the Civil Wars. (i) Shakesp. Prol. to Hen. viij.-Beaum, and Fletch. Prol. to the Captain, and to the Mad-lover. (k) This etymology hath been objected to by a very inge- nious writer (see Malone's Shakesp. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 59), who thinks it questionable, because, in St. Mary's church at Cambridge, the area that is under the pulpit, and sur- rounded by the galleries, is (now) called the pit; which, he says, no one can suspect to have been a cock-pit, or that a playhouse phrase could be applied to a church.-But who- ever is acquainted with the licentiousness of boys, will not think it impossible that they should thus apply a name so peculiarly expressive of its situation which from frequent use might at length prevail among the senior members of the university; especially when those young men became seniors themselves. The name of pit, so applied at Cam- bridge, must be deemed to have been a cant phrase, until it can be shown that the area in other churches was usually so called. (7) So Ste. Gosson, in his Schoole of Abuse, 1579, 12mo, speaking of the players, says, "These, because they are al- lowed to play every Sunday, make iiii or v. Sundayes at least every week, fol. 24.—So the author of a Second and Third Blast of Retrait from Plaies, 1580, 12mo. "Let the magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaeing on the Sabboth-daie. . . . To plaie on the Sabboth is but a privi- lege of sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it thoroughly followed." pag. 61,62. So again, "Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the most abused? ... Wherefore abuse not so the Sabboth-daie, my brethren; leave not the temple of the Lord."... "Those unsaverie morsels of unseemelie sentences passing out of the mouth of a ruffenlie plaier, doth more content the hungrie humors of the rude multitude, and carrieth better rellish in their mouthes, than the bread of the worde, &c." Vid. pag. 63, 65, 69, &c. I do not recollect that exclammations of this kind occur in Frynne, whence I conclude that this enormity no longer subsisted in his time. It should also seem, from the author of the Third Blast above quoted, that the churches still continued to be used occasionally for theatres. Thus, in p. 77, he says, that the players, (who, as hath been observed, were servants of the nobility,)" under the title of their maisters, or as reteiners, are priviledged to roave abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in everie temple of God, and that through- out England, unto the horrible contempt of praier." (m) "He entertaines us" (says Overbury in his character cf an Actor)" in the best leasure of our life, that is, betweene meales; the most unfit time either for study, or bodily ex- ercise."-Even so late as in the reign of Cha. II, Plays generally began at 3 in the afternoon. (n) See Biogr. Brit. i. 117, n. D. "" (0) I say "no English Actress-on the public stage," be- cause Prynne speaks of it as an unusual enormity, that they had French-women actors in a play not long since personated in Blackfriars Playhouse." This was in 1629, vid. page 215. And though female parts were performed b¨' men or boys on the public stage, yet in masques at couit, a Lastly, with regard to the playhouse furniture and ornaments, a writer of King Charles the Second's time(p), who well remembered the preceding age, assures us, that in general "they had no other scenes nor decorations of the stage, but only old tapestry, and the stage strewed with rushes, with habits ac- cordingly (q)." Yet Coryate thought our theatrical exhibitions, &c. splendid when compared with what he saw abroad. Speaking of the theatre for comedies at Venice, he says, "The house is very beggarly and base, in comparison of our stately playhouses in England: neyther can their actors compare with ours for apparrell, shewes, and musicke. Here I observed certaine things that I never saw before: for I saw women act, a thing that I never saw before, though I have heard that it hath been some- times used in London: and they performed it with as good a grace, action, gesture, and whatsoever convenient for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor(r)." 39 It ought, however, to be observed, that, amid such a multitude of playhouses as subsisted in the Me- tropolis before the Civil Wars, there must have been a great difference between their several accom- modations, ornaments, and prices; and that some would be much more showy than others, though probably all were much inferior in splendour to the two great theatres after the Restoration. **The preceding Essay, although some of the materials are new arranged, hath received no alte- ration deserving notice, from what it was in the Second edition, 1767, except in Section iv, which in the present impression hath been much enlarged. This is mentioned, because, since it was first pub- lished, the History of the English Stage hath been copiously handled by Mr. Thomas Warton in his History of English Poetry, 1774, &c." 3 vols. 4to. (wherein is inserted whatever in these volumes fell in with his subject); and by Edmond Malone, Esq. who, in his "Historical Account of the English Stage," (Shakesp. vol. i, pt. ii, 1790,) hath added greatly to our knowledge of the economy and usages of our ancient theatres. 66 the queen and her ladies made no scruple to perform the principal parts, especially in the reigns of James I. and Charles I. Sir William Davenant, after the Restoration, introduced women, scenery, and higher prices. See Cibber's Apology for his own Life. (p) See a short Discourse on the English Stage, subjoined to Flecknor's" Love's Kingdom," 1674, 12mo. (q) It appears from an Epigram of Taylor the Water-poet, that one of the principal Theatres in his time, viz. The Globe on the Bankside, Southwark, (which Ben Jonson calls the Glory of the Bank, and Fort of the whole parish,) had been covered with thatch till it was burnt down in 1813.-(See Taylor's Sculler, Epig. 22, p. 31. Jonson's Execration on Vulcan. Puttenham tells us they used Vizards in his time, " partly to supply the want of players, when there were more parts than there were persons, or that it was not thought meet to trouble.. princes chambers with too many folkes." Art of Eng. Poes. 1589, p. 26. From the last clause. it should seem that they were chiefly used in the Masques at Court, (r) Coryate's Crudities, 4to, 1611, p. 247. S 40 ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH, ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH, AND WILLIAM OF CLOUDESLY, Lord William Howard to some of the officers of state, wherein he mentions them. As for the following stanzas, which will be judged from the style, orthography, and numbers, to be of considerable antiquity, they were here given (cor- rected in some places by a MS. copy in the Editor's old folio) from a black-letter 4to. Imprinted at London in Lothburge by William Copland (no date). That old quarto edition seems to be exactly followed in "Pieces of Ancient Popular Poetry, &c. Lond. 1791," 8vo., the variations from which, that occur in the following copy, are selected from many others in the folio MS. above mentioned, and when dis- tinguished by the usual inverted 'comma' have been assisted by conjecture. In the same MS. this ballad is followed by another, entitled Younge Cloudeslee, being a continuation of the present story, and reciting the adventures of Wil- liam of Cloudesly's son: but greatly inferior to this both in merit and antiquity. were three noted outlaws, whose skill in archery rendered them formerly as famous in the North of England, as Robin Hood and his fellows were in the midland counties. Their place of resi- dence was in the forest of Englewood, not far from Carlisle, (called corruptly in the ballad English- wood, whereas Engle- or Ingle-wood signifies wood for firing.) At what time they lived does not appear. The author of the common ballad on "The pedigree, education, and marriage, of Robin Hood,” makes them contemporary with Robin Hood's father, in order to give him the honour of beating them: viz. The father of Robin a forrester was, And he shot in a lusty long-bow Two north-country miles and an inch at a shot, As the Pindar of Wakefield does know: For he brought Adam Bell, and Clim of the Clough, And William a Clowdéslee To shoot with our Forester for forty mark; And our Forester beat them all three. Collect. of Old Ballads, 1727, 1 vol. p. 67. This seems to prove that they were commonly thought to have lived before the popular hero of Sherwood. Our northern archers were not unknown to their southern countrymen: their excellence at the long- bow is often alluded to by our ancient poets. Shaks- peare, in his comedy of "Much adoe about nothing," act 1, makes Benedicke confirm his resolves of not yielding to love, by this protestation, "If I do, hang me in a bottle like a cat, and shoot at me, and he that hits me, let him be clapt on the shoulder, and called Adam :" meaning Adam Bell, as Theobald rightly observes, who refers to one or two other passages in our old poets wherein he is mentioned. The Oxford editor has also well conjectured, that "Abraham Cupid," in Romeo and Juliet, act ii. sc. 1, should be "Adam Cupid," in allusion to our archer. Ben Jonson has mentioned Clym o' the Clough in his Alchemist, act i, sc. 2. And Sir William Davenant, in a mock poem of his, called "The Long Vacation in London," describes the attorneys and proctors, as making matches to meet in Finsbury fields. "With loynes in canvass bow-case tyde +: Where arrowes stick with mickle pride; Like ghosts of Adam Bell and Clymme. Sol sets for fear they'l shoot at him. Works, 1673, fol. p. 291. ·· I have only to add further concerning the prin- cipal hero of this ballad, that the Bells were noted rogues in the north so late as the time of Queen Elizabeth. See in Rymer's Fœdera, a letter from I. * Bottles formerly were of leather; though perhaps a wooden bottle might be here meant. It is still a diversion in Scotland to hang up a cat in a small cask, or firkin, half filled with soot: and then a parcel of clowns on horseback try to beat out the ends of it, in order to show their dex- terity in escaping before the contents fall upon them. ti. e. Each with a canvass bow-case tied round his loins. PART THE FIRST. MERY it was in the grene forest Amonge the levès grene, Whereas men hunt east and west Wyth bowes and arrowes kene; ; To raise the dere out of theyr denne Suche sightes hath ofte bene sene; As by thre yemen of the north countrèy, By them it is I meane. The one of them hight Adam Bel, The other Clym of the Clough* The thyrd was William of Cloudesly, An archer good ynough. > They were outlawed for venyson, These yemen everychone; They swore them brethren upon a day To Englyshe wood for to gone. Now lith and lysten, gentylmen, That of myrthes loveth to here: Two of them were single men, The third had a wedded fere. Wyllyam was the wedded man, Muche more than was hys*care: He sayde to hys brethren upon a day, To Carleile he would fare, For to speke with fayre Alyce his wife, And with his chyldren thre. By my trouth, sayde Adam Bel, Not by the counsell of me: For if ye go to Carlile, brother, And from thys wylde wode wende, If that the justice may you take, Your lyfe were at an ende. 5 10 15 26 325 35 V. 24, Caerlel, in PC. passim. * Clym of the Clough means Clem. Clement] of the Cliff: for so Clough signifies in the North. AND WILLIAM OF CLOUDESLY, If that I come not to-morowe, brother, By pryme to you agayne, Truste you then that I am 'taken,' Or else that I am slayne. He toke hys leave of hys brethren two, And to Carlile he is gon: There he knocked at his owne windowe Shortlye and anone. Wher be you, fayre Alyce, he sayd, My wife and chyldren three? Lyghtly let in thyne owne husbande, Wyllyam of Cloudeslee. Alas! then sayde fayre Alyce, And syghed wonderous sore, Thys place hath ben besette for you Thys halfe a yere and more. Now am I here, sayde Cloudeslee, I would that in I were. Now fetche us meate and drynke ynoughe, And let us make good chere. She fetched hym meate and drynke plentye, Lyke a true wedded wyfe; And pleased hym with that she had, Whome she loved as her lyfe. There lay an old wyfe in that place, A lytle besyde the fyre, Whych Wyllyam had found of charytyè More than seven yere. Up she rose, and forth shee goes, Evill mote shee speede therfore; For shee had sett no foote on ground In seven yere before. She went unto the justice hall, As fast as she could hye: Thys night, shee sayd, is come to town Wyllyam of Cloudeslyè. Thereof the justice was full fayne, And so was the shirife also: They gave to her a ryght good goune, Of scarlate, and of graine:' She toke the gyft, and home she wente, And couched her doune agayne. They raysed the towne of mery Carleile In all the haste they can; And came thronging to Wyllyames house, As fast as they might gone. There they besette that good yeman Round about on every syde: Wyllyam hearde great noyse of folkes, That thither-ward fast hyed. 35 V. 35. take, PC. tane. MS. 40 45 70 Thou shalt not trauaile hither, dame, for nought, Thy meed thou shalt have ere thou go. 50 55 60 65 75 80 Alyce opened a backe wyndòwe, And loked all aboute, She was ware of the justice and shirife bothe, Wyth a full great route. Alas! treason, cryed Alyce, Ever wo may thou be! Goe into my chamber, my husband, she sayd, Swete Wyllyam of Cloudeslee. He toke hys sweard and hys bucler, Hys bow and hys chyldren thre, And wente into hys strongest chamber, Where he thought surest to be. Fayre Alyce, like a lover true, Took a pollaxe in her hande : Said, He shall dye that cometh in Thys dore, whyle I may stand. Cloudeslee bente a right good bowe, That was of a trusty tre, He smot the justice on the brest, That hys arowe burst in three. 'A' curse on his harte, saide William, Thys day thy cote dyd on! If it had ben no better then myne, It had gone nere thy bone. Yelde the Cloudeslè, sayd the justise, And thy bowe and thy arrowes the fro. 'A' curse on hys hart, sayd fair Alyce, That my husband councelleth so. Set fyre on the house, saide the sherife, Syth it wyll no better be, And brenne we therin William, he saide, Hys wife and chyldren thre. They fyred the house in many a place, The fyre flew up on hye; Alas! then cryed fayre Alice, I se we here shall dye. William openyd a backe wyndow, That was in hys chamber hie, And there with sheetes he did let downe His wife and children three. Wyllyam shot so wonderous well, Tyll hys arrowes were all agoe, And the fyre so fast upon hym fell, That hys bowstryng brent in two. The sparkles brent and fell upon Good Wyllyam of Cloudeslè: Than was he a wofull man, and sayde, Thys is a cowardes death to me. 41 V. 85, sic. MS. shop window, PC. R 90 95 100 105 110 Have you here my treasure, sayde William, 125 My wyfe and my chyldren thre: For Christès love do them no harme, But wreke you all on me. 115 120 130 135 42 ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH, Leever had I, said Wyllyam, With my sworde in the route to renne, Then here among myne enemyes wode Thus cruelly to bren. He toke hys sweard and hys buckler, And among them all he ran, Where the people were most in prece, He smote downe many a man. There they hym bounde both hand and fote, And in a deepe dungeon him cast : Now, Cloudesle, sayd the justice, Thou shalt be hanged in hast. There myght no man abyde hys stroakes, So fersly on them he ran : Then they threw wyndowes and dores on him, And so toke that good yeman. A payre of new gallowes, sayd the sherife, Now shal I for thee make; And the gates of Carleil shal be shutte: No man shal come in therat. Then shall not helpe Clym of the Cloughe, Nor yet shall Adam Bell, Though they came with a thousand mo, Nor all the devels in hell. Early in the mornynge the justice uprose, To the gates first can he gone, And commaunded to be shut full close Lightilè everychone. Then went he to the markett place, As fast as he coulde hye; There a payre of new gallowes he set up Besyde the pyllorye. A lytle boy' among them asked,' What meaned that gallow-tre? They sayde to hange a good yemàn, Called Wyllyam of Cloudeslè. That lytle boye was the towne swyne-heard, And kept fayre Alyces swyne; Oft he had seene William in the wodde, And geun hym there to dyne. He went out att a crevis of the wall, And lightly to the woode dyd gone; There met he with these wightye yemen Shortly and anone. Alas! then sayd the lytle boye, Ye tary here all too longe; Cloudeslee is taken, and dampned to death, And readye for to honge. 140 Alas! then sayd good Adam Bell, That ever we saw thys daye! He had better have tarryed with us, So ofte as we dyd him praye. 145 150 155 160 165 170 175 180 185 V. 151, sic. MS. hye Justice, PC.-V. 153, 4, are con- tracted from the fol. MS. and PC.-V. 179, yonge men, PC. He myght have dwelt in greene forèste, Under the shadowes greene, And have kepte both hym and us att reste, Out of all trouble and teene. Adam bent a ryght good bow, A great hart sone hee had slayne Take that, chylde, he sayde, to thy dynner, And bring me myne arrowe agayne. To Caerleil wente these bold yemen, All in a mornyng of maye. Here is a fyt* of Cloudeslye, And another is for to saye. Now go we hence, sayed these wightye yeomen, Tarrye we no longer here; We shall hym borowe by God his grace, Though we buy itt full dere. PART THE SECOND. And when they came to mery Carleile, All in the' mornyng tyde, < They founde the gates shut them unty'll About on every syde. Alas! then sayd good Adam Bell, That ever we were made men! These gates be shut so wonderous fast, We may not come therein. Then bespake him Clym of the Clough, Wyth a wyle we wyl us in bryng; Let us saye we be messengers, Streyght come nowe from our king. Adam said, I have a letter written, Now let us wysely werke, We wyl saye we have the kynges seale; I holde the porter no clerke. Then Adam Bell bete on the gates With strokes great and stronge: The porter marveiled, who was therat, And to the gates he thronge. We have a letter, sayd Adam Bel, To the justice we must itt bryng; Let us in our messsage to do, That we were agayne to the kyng. 190 Here commeth none in, sayd the porter, By hym that dyed on a tre, Tyll a false thefe be hanged, Called Wyllyam of Cloudeslè. 195 And if that we stande long wythout, Lyke a thefe hanged shalt thou be. 200 5 10 Who is there now, sayde the porter, That maketh all thys knockinge? We be tow messengers, quoth Clym of the Clough, Be come ryght from our kyng. 15 20 25 30 Then spake the good yeman Clym of the Clough, And swore by Mary fre, 35 V. 190, sic MS. shadowes sheene, PC.-V. 197, jolly yeo men, MS. wight yong men, PC. * See Gloss. AND WILLIAM OF CLOUDESLY. Lo! here we have the kynges seale: What, Lurden, art thou wode? The porter went* it had been so, And lyghtly dyd off hys hode. Welcome is my lordes seale, he saide ¿ For that ye shall come in. He opened the gate full shortlye : An euyl openyng for him. Now are we in, sayde Adam Bell, Wherof we are full faine; But Christ he knowes, that harowed hell, How we shall com out agayne. Had we the keys, said Clim of the Clough, Ryght wel then shoulde we spede, Then might we come out wel ynough When we se tyme and nede. They called the porter to counsell, And wrang his necke in two, And caste hym in a depe dungeon, And toke hys keys hym fro. Now am I porter, sayd Adam Bel, Se brother the keys are here, The worst porter to merry Carleile That'the' had thys hundred yere. And now wyll we our bowes bend, Into the towne wyll we go, For to delyuer our dere brother, That lyeth in care and wo. Then they bent theyr good ewe bowes, And loked theyr stringes were round†, The markett place in mery Carleile They beset that stound. And, as they loked them besyde, A paire of new galowes 'they' see, And the justice with a quest of squyers, That judged William hanged to be. And Cloudeslè lay ready there in a cart, Fast bound both fote and hand; And a stronge rop about hys necke, All readye for to hange. The justice called to hym a ladde, Cloudeslees clothes hee shold have, To take the measure of that yemàn, Therafter to make hys grave. I have sene as great mervaile, said Cloudesle, As betweyne thys and pryme, He that maketh a grave for mee, Hymselfe may lye therin. - 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 V. Lordeyne, PC. * i. e. weened, thought, (which last is the reading of the folio MS.)-Calais, or Rouen, was taken from the English by showing the governor, who could not read, a letter with the king's real, which was all he looked at. + So Ascham in his Toxophilus gives a precept; "The stringe must be rounde;” (p. 149, ed. 1761.) otherwise, we may conclude from mechanical principles, the arrow will not fly true. Thou speakest proudlye, said the justice, I will thee hange with my hande. Full wel herd this his brethren two, There styll as they dyd stande. Then Cloudeslè cast his eyen asyde, And saw hys' brethren twaine At a corner of the market place, Redy the justice for to slaine. I se comfort, sayd Cloudeslè, Yet hope I well to fare, If I might have my handes at wyll Ryght lytle wolde I care, Then spake good Adam Bell To Clym of the Clough so free, Brother, se you marke the justyce wel, Lo! yonder you may him se: And at the shyrife shote I wyll Strongly wyth an arrowe kene; A better shote in mery Carleile Thys seven yere was not sene. They loosed their arrowes both at once, Of no man had they dread; The one hyt the justice, the other the sheryfe, That both theyr sides gan blede. All men voyded; that them stode nye, When the justice fell to the grounde, And the sherife nye him by ; Eyther had his deathes wounde. All the citezens fast gan flye, They durst no longer abyde: There lyghtly they losed Cloudeslee, Where he with ropes lay tyde. Wyllyam start to an officer of the towne, Hys axe from' hys hand he wronge, On eche syde he smote them downe, Hee thought he taryed to long. Wyllyam sayde to his brethren two, Thys daye let us lyve and die, If ever you have nede, as I have now, The same shall you finde by me. They shot so well in that tyde, Theyr stringes were of silke ful sure, That they kept the stretes on every side; That batayle did long endure. They fought together as brethren true, Lyke hardy men and bolde, Many a man to the ground they threw And many a herte made colde. But when their arrowes were all gon, Men preced to them full fast, They drew theyr swordès then anone, And theyr bowes from them cast. They went lyghtlye on theyr way, Wyth swordes and buclers round; By that it was mydd of the day, They made many a wound. V. 105, lowsed thre, PC.-Ver 108, can bled. MS. 43 85 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 14C 4.1 ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH, There was an out-horne* in Carleil blowen, And the belles backward dyd ryng, Many a woman sayde, Alas! And many theyr handes dyd wryng. The mayre of Carleile forth com was, Wyth hym a ful great route: These yemen dred hym full sore, Of theyr lyves they stode in great doute. The mayre came armed a full great pace, With a pollaxe in hys hande; Many a strong man wyth him was, There in that stowre to stande. The mayre smot at Cloudeslee with his bil, Hys bucler he brast in two, Full many a yeman with great evyll, Alas! Treason they cryed for wo. Kepe well the gates fast, they bad, That these traytours therout not go. But al for nought was that they wrought, For so fast they downe were layde, Tyll they all thre, that so manfulli fought, Were gotten without, abraide. Have here your keys, sayd Adam Bel, Myne office I here forsake, And yf you do by my counsell A new porter do ye make. He threw theyr keys at theyr heads, And bad them well to thryvet, And all that letteth any good yeman To come and comfort his wyfe. Thus be these good yeman gon to the wod, As lyghtly as lefe on lynde; The lough and be mery in theyr mode, Theyr enemyes were ferr behynd. When they came to Englyshe wode, Under the trusty tre, There they found bowes full good, And arrowes full great plentye. So God me help, sayd Adam Bell, And Clym of the Clough so fre, I would we were in mery Carleile, Before that fayre meynye. They set them downe, and made good chere, And eate and dranke full well. A second fyt of the wightye yeomen : Another I wyll you tell. - PART THE THIRD. As they sat in Englyshe wood, Under the green-wode tre, They thought they herd a woman wepe, But her they mought not se. 145 150 155 160 165 170 175 180 185 V. 148, For of, MS.—V. 175, merry green wood, MS.— V. 185. see part i. v. 197. • Outhorne is an old term signifying the calling forth of subjects to arms by the sound of a horn. See Cole's Lat. Dict. Bailey, &c. + This is spoken ironically. Sore then syghed the fayre Alyce. That ever I sawe thys day! C For nowe is my dere husband slayne. Alas! and wel-a-way! Myght I have spoken wyth hys dere brethren, Or with eyther of them twayne, To show them what him befell, My hart were out of payne. Cloudeslè walked a lytle beside, He looked under the grene wood lynde, Welcome, wyfe, then sayde Wyllyam, Under 'this' trusti tre: He was ware of his wife, and chyldren three, 15 Full wo in harte and mynde. I had wende yesterday, by swete saynt John, Thou sholdest me never have' se. C "Now well is me that ye be here, My harte is out of wo." Dame, he sayde, be mery and glad, And thanke my brethren two. Herof to speake, said Adam Bell, I-wis it is no bote: The meate, that we must supp withall, It runneth yet fast on fote. Then went they downe into a launde, These noble archares all thre; Eche of them slew a hart of greece, The best that they coldse. Have here the best, Alyce, my wyfe, Sayde Wyllyam of Cloudeslye; By cause ye so bouldly stode by me When I was slayne full nye. Then went they to suppère Wyth suche meate as they had; And thanked God of ther fortune: They were both mery and glad. And when they had supped well, Certayne withouten lease, Cloudeslè sayd, We wyll to our kyng, To get us a charter of peace. Alyce shal be at our sojournyng In a nunnery here besyde; My tow sonnes shall wyth her go, And there they shall abyde. Myne eldest son shall go wyth me; For hym have 'you' no care: And he shall bring you worde agayn, How that we do fare. Thus be these yemen to London gone, As fast as they myght' he'*, Tyll they came to the kynges pallàce, Where they woulde nedes be. And whan they came to the kynges courte, Unto the pallace gate, ♪ Of no man wold they aske no leave, But boldly went in therat. 10 20 23 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 V. 20, never had se, PC. and MS.-V. 50, have I no care,PC. * i. e hie hasten. AND WILLIAM OF CLOUDESLY. They preced prestly into the hall, Of no man had they dreade: The porter came after, and dyd them call, And with them began to chyde. The usher sayde, Yemen, what wold ye have? 65 pray you tell to me: I You myght thus make offycers shent⚫ Good syrs, of whence be ye? Syr, we be out-lawes of the forest Certayne withouten lease; And hether we be come to the kyng, To get us a charter of peace. And whan they came before the kyng, As it was the lawe of the lande, The kneled downe without lettyng, And eche held up his hand. The sayed, Lord, we beseche the here, That ye wyll graunt us grace; For we have slayne your fat falow dere In many a sondry place. What be your nams, then said our king, Anone that you tell me? They sayd, Adam Bell, Clim of the Clough, And Wyllyam of Cloudeslè Be ye those theves, then sayd our kyng, That men have tolde of to me? Here to God I make an avowe, Ye shal be hanged al thre. Ye shal be dead without mercy, As I am kynge of this lande. He commanded his officers everichone, Fast on them to lay hande. There they toke these good yemen, And arested them al thre: So may I thryve, sayd Adam Bell, Thys game lyketh not me. But, good lorde, we beseche you now, That yee graunt us grace, Insomuche as frely' we be to you come, 'As frely' we may fro you passe, With such weapons, as we have here, Tyll we be out of your place; And yf we lyve this hundreth yere, We wyll aske you no grace. Ye speake proudly, sayd the kynge; Ye shall be hanged all thre. That were great pitye, then sayd the quene, If any grace myght be. My lorde, whan I came fyrst into this lande To be your wedded wyfe, The fyrst boone that I wold aske, Ye would graunt it me belyfe: And I asked you never none tyll now; Therefore, good lorde, graunt it me. Now aske it, madam, sayd the kynge, And graunted it shal be. V. 111, 119, sic MS. bowne. PC. 70 75 80 85 90 90 100 105 110 115 Then, good my lord, I you beseche, These yemen graunt ye me. Madame, ye myght have asked a boone, That shuld have been worth them all thre. 120 Ye myght have asked towres, and townes, Parkes and forestes plentè. None soe pleasant to my pay, shee sayd; Nor none so lefe to me. Madame, sith it is your desyre, Your askyng graunted shal be; But I had lever have given you Good market townes thre. The quene was a glad woman, And sayde, Lord, gramarcy; I dare undertake for them, That true men shal they be. But, good my lord, speke som mery word, That comfort they may se. I graunt you grace, then sayd our king; Washe, felos, and to meate go ye. They had not setten but a whyle Certayne without lesynge, There came messengers out of the north With letters to our kyng. And whan the came before the kynge, They knelt downe on theyr kne; And sayd, Lord, your officers grete you well, Of Carleile in the north cuntrè. How fareth my justice, sayd the kyng, And my sherife also? Syr, they be slayne without leasynge, And many an officer mo. Who hath them slayne? sayd the kyng; Anone that thou tell me. "Adam Bell, and Clime of the Clough, And Wyllyam of Cloudeslè.” Alas, for rewth! then sayd our kynge : My hart is wonderous sore; I had lever than a thousande pounde, I had knowne of thys before; For I have graunted them grace, And that forthynketh me: But had I knowne all thys before, They had been hanged all thre. The kyng hee opened the letter anone, Himselfe he red it thro, And founde how these outlawes had slain Thre hundred men and mo: Fyrst the justice, and the sheryfe, And the mayre of Carleile towne; Of all the constables and catchipolles Alyve were 'scant' left one : 45 The baylyes, and the bedyls both, And the sergeauntes of the law, And forty fosters of the fe, These outlawes had yslaw : 125 130 135 140 145 156 155 160 165 170 V. 130, God a mercye, MS-V. 168, left but one, MS. not one. PC. 46 ADAM BELL, CLYM OF THE CLOUGH, And broke his parks, and slayne his dere; Of all they chose he best; So perelous out-lawes, as they were, Walked not by easte nor west. When the kynge this letter had red, In hys harte he syghed sore: Take up the tables anone he bad, For I may eat no more. The kyng called hys best archars To the buttes wyth hym to go: I wyll se these felowes shote, he sayd, In the north have wrought this wo. The kynges bowmen buske them blyve, And the quenes archers also; So dyd these thre wyghte yemen; With them they thought to go. There twyse, or thryse they shote about For to assay theyr hande; There was no shote these yemen shot, That any prycke* myght stand. Then spake Wyllyam of Cloudeslè; By him that for me dyed, I hold hymn never no good archar, That shoteth at buttes so wyde. 'At what a butte now wold ye shote?' I pray thee tell to me. At suche a but, syr, he sayd, As men use in my countree. Wyllyam wente into a fyeld, And with him' his two brethren: There they set up two hasell roddes Twenty score paces betwene. I hold him an archar, said Cloudeslè, That yonder wande cleveth in two. Here is none suche, sayd the kyng, Nor no man can so do. I shall assaye, syr, sayd Cloudeslè, Or that I farther go. Cloudesly with a bearyng arowe Clave the wand in two. Thou art the best archer, then said the king, Forsothe that ever I se. And yet for your love, sayd Wyllyam, I wyll do more maystery. I have a sonne is seven yere olde, He is to me full deare; I wyll hym tye to a stake; All shall se, that be here; And lay an apple upon hys head, And go syxe score paces hym fro, And I my selfe with a brode aròw Shall cleve the apple in two. 175 180 185 190 195 200 205 210 215 220 Ver. 185, bly the, MS.-Ver. 202, 203, 212, to PC.-Ver. 204, i. e. 400 yards.-Ver. 208, sic MS. none that cau, PC. Ver. 222. i. e. 120 yards. * i. e. mark. Now haste the, then sayd the kyng, By hym that dyed on a tre, But yf thou do not, as thou hest sayde, Hanged shalt thou be. And thou touche his head or gowne, In syght that men may se, By all the sayntes that be in heaven, I shall hange you all thre. That I have promised, said William, That I wyll never forsake. And there even before the kynge In the earth he drove a stake: And bound therto his eldest sonne, Aud bad hym stand styll thereat ; And turned the childes face him fro, Because he should not start. An apple upon his head he set, And then his bowe he bent: Syxe score paces they were meaten, And thether Cloudeslè went. There he drew out a fayr brode arrowe, Hys bowe was great and longe, He set that arrowe in his bowe, That was both styffe and stronge. He prayed the people, that wer there, That they all still wold' stand, For he that shoteth for such a wager Behoveth a stedfast hand. Muche people prayed for Cloudeslè, That his lyfe saved myght be, And whan he made hym redy to shote, There was many weeping ee. 'But' Cloudeslè clefte the apple in two: 'His sonne he did not nee.' Over Gods forbode, sayde the kinge, That thou shold shote at me. I geve thee eightene pence a day, And my bowe shalt thou bere, And over all the north countrè I make the chyfe rydère. 225 230 Your sonne, for he is tendre of age, Of my wyne-seller he shall be ; And when he commeth to mans estate, Better avaunced shall he be. Wyllyam, I make the a gentleman Of clothyng, and of fe: And thy two brethren, yemen of my chambre, For they are so semely to se. 235 240 245 250 255 And I thyrtene pence a day, said the quene, 265 By God, and by my fay; Come feche thy payment when thou wylt, No man shall say the nay. 260 27 275 Ver. 243, sic. MS. out met. PC.-Ver. 252, steedye, MS Ver. 265, And I geve the xvij pence, PC. ! THE AGED LOVER RENOUNCETH LOVE. And, Wyllyam, bring me your wife, said the quene, Me longeth her sore to se: She shall be my chefe gentlewoman, To governe my nurserye. The yemen thanked them all curteously. To some byshop wyl we wend, Of all the synnes, that we have done, To be assoyld at his hand. THE AGED LOVER " The grave-digger's song in Hamlet, act v. is taken from three stanzas of the following poem, though greatly altered and disguised, as the same were cor- rupted by the ballad-singers of Shakespeare's time : or perhaps so designed by the poet himself, the bet- ter to suit the character of an illiterate clown. The original is preserved among Surrey's Poems, and is attributed to Lord Vaux, by George Gascoigne, who tells us, it was thought by some to be made upon his death-bed;" a popular error which he laughs at. See his Epist. to Yong Gent. prefixed to his Posies, 1575, 4to.) It is also ascribed to Lord Vaux in a manuscript copy preserved in the British Museum* This lord was remarkable for his skill in drawing feigned manners, &c. for so I understand an ancient "The Lord Vaux his commendation lyeth chiefly in the facilitie of his meetre, and the aptnesse of his descriptions such as he taketh upon him to make, namely in sundry of his songs, wherein he showeth the counterfait action very lively and plea- santly." Arte of Eng. Poesie, 1589, p. 51. See another song by this poet in Series the Second, No. VIII. writer. I loth that I did love, In youth that I thought swete, As time requires for my behove Me thinkes they are not mete. : My lustes they do me leave, My fansies all are fled; And tract of time begins to weave Gray heares upon my hed. For Age with steling steps Hath clawde me with his crowch, And lusty Youthe' awaye he leapes, As there had bene none such. • My muse doth not delight Me, as she did before: My hand and pen are not in plight, As they have bene of yore. For Reason me denies, 280 'All' youthly idle rime; And day by day, to me she cries, Leave off these toyes in tyme. 5 10 15 20 Ver. 282, And sayd to some Bishopp wee will wend, MS. Ver. 6, be PC. [printed copy in 1557.]—V. 10. Crowch per- haps should be clouch, clutch, grasp.-V. 11, Life away she PČ.-V. 18, This P.C. II. * Harl. MSS. num. 1703. § 25. The readings gathered from that copy are distinguished here by inverted commas. The text is printed from the "Songs, &c. of the Earl of Surrey and others, 1557, 4to. So forth be gone these good yemen, As fast as they might he*'; C And after came and dwelled with the kynge, And dyed good men all thre. Thus endeth the lives of these good yemen; God send them eternall blysse; And all, that with a hand-bowe shoteth: That of heven may never mysse. Amen. RENOUNCETH LOVE. The wrinkles in my brow, The furrowes in my face Say, Limping age will 'lodge' him now, Where youth must geve him place. The harbenger of death, To me I se him ride, The cough, the cold, the gasping breath, Doth bid me to provide A pikeax and a spade, And eke a shrowding shete, A house of clay for to be made For such a guest most mete. Me thinkes I heare the clarke, That knoles the carefull knell ; And bids me leave my wearye' warke, Ere nature me compell. My kepers+ knit the knot, That youth doth laugh to scorne, Of me that shall bee cleane' forgot, As I had' ne'er' bene borne. Thus must I youth geve up, Whose badge I long did weare: To them I yeld the wanton cup, That better may it beare. Lo, here the bared skull; By whose balde signe I know, That stouping age away shall pull • What' youthful yeres did sow. For Beautie with her band, These croked cares had wrought, And shipped me into the land, From whence I first was brought. And ye that bide behinde, Have ye none other trust: As ye of claye were cast by kinde, So shall ye 'turne' to dust. 47 * he i. e. hie, hasten. See the Glossary + Alluding perhaps to Eccles. xii. 3. 28.5 290 25 3390 35 40 45 50 55 Ver. 23, So Ed. 1583; 'tis hedge in Ed. 1557. hath caught him MS.-V. 30, wyndynge-sheete. MS.-V. 34, bell. MS.- V. 35, wofull. PC.-V. 38, did PC.-V. 39, clene shal be. PC.-V. 40, not PC.-V. 45, bare-hedde. MS. and some PCC.-V. 48, Which. PC.-That MS. What is conject. V. 56. wast. PC. 48 A ROBYN JOLLY ROBYN. IN Shakespeare's Hamlet, act ii. the hero of the play takes occasion to banter Polonius with some scraps of an old ballad, which has never appeared yet in any collection: for which reason, as it is but short, it will not perhaps be unacceptable to the reader; who will also be diverted with the pleasant absurdities of the composition. It was retrieved from utter oblivion by a lady, who wrote it down from memory, as she had formerly heard it sung by her father. I am indebted for it to the friendship of Mr. Steevens. III. JEPHTHAH JUDGE OF ISRAEL. It has been said, that the original ballad, in black- letter, is among Anthony à Wood's Collections in the Ashmolean Museum. But, upon application lately made, the volume which contained this song was missing, so that it can only now be given as in the former edition. The banter of Hamlet is as follows: "Hamlet. 'O Jeptha, Judge of Israel,' what a treasure hadst thou! Polonius. What a treasure had he, my lord? "Ham. Why, 'One faire daughter, and no more, The which he loved passing well.' “Polon. Still on my daughter. "Ham. Am not I i' th' right, old Jeptha? "Polon. If you call me Jeptha, my lord, I have a daughter, that I love passing well. (C "Ham. Nay, that follows not. Polon. What follows then, my lord? "Ham. Why, 'As by lot, God wot:' and then you know, 'It came to passe, As most like it was.' The first row of the pious chanson will shew you more.' Edit. 1793, vol. xv. p. 133. "" It so came to pass, As Gods will was, Have you not heard these many years ago, Jeptha was judge of Israel? He had one only daughter and no mo, The which he loved passing well: And, as by lott, God wot, That great wars there should be, And none should be chosen chief but he. And when he was appointed judge, And chieftain of the company, A solemn vow to God he made; If he returned with victory, 5 10 At his return To burn The first live thing, In his "Twelfth Night," Shakespeare introduces the clown singing part of the two first stanzas of the following song; which has been recovered from an ancient MS. of Dr. Harrington's at Bath, preserved among the many literary treasures transmitted to the That should meet with him then, Off his house, when he should return agen. It came to pass, the wars was oer, And he returned with victory; His dear and only daughter first of all Came to meet her father foremostly : And all the way, She did play On tabret and pipe, Full many a stripe, With note so high, For joy that her father is come so nigh. But when he saw his daughter dear Coming on most foremostly, He wrung his hands, and tore his hair, And cryed out most piteously; Oh! it's thou, said he, That have brought me Low, And troubled me so, That I know not what to do. For I have made a vow, he sed, The which must be replenished: "What thou hast spoke Do not revoke : What thou hast said, Be not affraid; Altho' it be I ; Keep promises to God on high. But, dear father, grant me one request, That I may go to the wilderness, Three months there with my friends to stay; There to bewail my virginity; And let there be, Said she, Some two or three Young maids with me." So he sent her away, For to mourn, for to mourn, till her dying day, IV. A ROBYN JOLLY ROBYN. 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 5. ingenious and worthy possessor by a long line of most respectable ancestors. Of these only a small part hath been printed in the “ Nuge Antiquæ," 3 vols, 12mo; a work which the public impatiently wishes to see continued. The song is thus given by Shakespeare, act iv. sc. 2. (Malone's edit. iv. 93.) Clown. " Hey Robin, jolly Robin." [singing.] "Tell me how thy lady does." Malvolio. Fool.- 30NG TO THE LUTE IN MUSICKE. Clown. "My lady is unkind, perdy.” Malvolio. Fool. Clown." Malvolio. Fool, I say. Clown." She loves another."-Who calls, ha? Alas, why is she so ?" Dr. Farmer has conjectured that the song should begin thus: << Hey, jolly Robin, tell to me How does thy lady do? My lady is unkind perdy- Alas, why is she so?" But this ingenious emendation is now superseded by the proper readings of the old song itself, which is here printed from what appears the most ancient of Dr. Harrington's poetical MSS, and which has, therefore, been marked No. I. (scil. p. 68.) That volume seems to have been written in the reign of King Henry VIII, and as it contains many of the poems of Sir Thomas Wyat, hath had almost all the contents attributed to him by marginal directions written with an old but later hand, and not always rightly, as, I think, might be made appear by other good authorities. Among the rest, this song is there attributed to Sir Thomas Wyat also; but the dis- cerning reader will probably judge it to belong to a more obsolete writer. pre- In the old MS. to the 3d and 5th stanzas is ixed this title, Responce, and to the 4th and 6th, Le Plaintif; but in the last instance so evidently wrong, that it was thought better to omit these titles, " THIS sonnet (which is ascribed to Richard Ed- vards,* in the "Paradise of Daintie Devises," fo. 31, b.) is by Shakespeare made the subject of some leasant ridicule in his " Romeo and Juliet", act iv. c. 5, where he introduces Peter putting this question o the musicians. "Peter....why Silver Sound"? why Musicke with her silver sound'? what say you, Simon Catling? "1. Mus. Marry, sir, because silver hath a sweet sound. " V. "Pet. Pretty! what say you, Hugh Rebecke? "2. Mus. I say, silver sound, because musicians ound for silver. "Pet. Pretty too! what say you, James Sound- post? "3. Mus. Faith, I know not what to say, "Pet.....I will say it for you: It is musicke with her silver sound,' because musicians have no gold for sounding.” Edit. 1793, vol. xiv. p. 529. * Concerning him, see Wood's Athen. Oxon. and Tanner's Biblioth.; also Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, &c. A ROBYN, and to mark the changes of the dialogue by inverted commas. In other respects the MS. is strictly fol- lowed, except where noted in the margin-Yet the first stanza appears to be defective, and it should seem that a line is wanting, unless the four first words were lengthened in the tune. Jolly Robyn, Tell me how thy leman doeth, And thou shalt knowe of myn. My lady is unkyinde perde." Alack! why is she so? "She loveth an other better than me : And yet she will say no." " I fynde no such doublenes: Í fynde women true. My lady loveth me dowtles, And will change for no newe. "Thou art happy while that doeth last; But I say, as I fynde, That women's love is but a blast, And torneth with the wynde," A SONG TO THE LUTE IN MUSICKE. Suche folkes can take no harme by love, That can abide their torn. "But I alas can no way prove In love but lake and morn." But if thou wilt avoyde thy harme Lerne this lessen of me, At others fieres thy selfe to warme, And let them warme with the. A WHERE gripinge grefes the hart would wounde, And dolefulle dumps the mynde oppresse, There musicke with her silver sound With spede is wont to send redresse: Of trobled mynds, in every sore, Swete musicke hathe a salve in store. 49 In joye yt maks our mirthe abounde, In woe yt cheres our hevy sprites; Be strawghted heads relyef hath founde, By musickes pleasaunte swete delightes: Our senses all, what shall I say more? Are subjecte unto musicks lore. Ver. 4, shall, MS. E 5 This ridicule is not so much levelled at the song itself (which for the time it was written is not inele- gant) as at those forced and unnatural explanations often given by us painful editors and expositors of ancient authors. 10 This copy is printed from an old quarto MS. in the Cotton Library (Vesp. A. 25), entitled, "Divers things of Hen. viij's time:" with some corrections from The Paradise of Dainty Devises, 1596. 15 20 5 50 : KING COPHETUA AND THE BEGGAR-MAID. The Gods by musicke have theire prayse; The lyfe, the soul therein doth joye: For, as the Romayne poet sayes, In seas, whom pyrats would destroy, A dolphin saved from death most sharpe Arion playing on his harpe. 15 VI. KING COPHETUA AND -is a story often alluded to by our old dramatic writers. Shakespeare, in his Romeo and Juliet, act ii, sc. 1, makes Mercutio say, "Her (Venus's) purblind son and heir, Young Adam* Cupid, he that shot so true, When King Cophetua loved the beggar-maid." As the 13th line of the following ballad seems here particularly alluded to, it is not improbable that Shakespeare wrote it "shot so trim," which the players or printers, not perceiving the allusion, might alter to "true." The former, as being the more humorous expression, seems most likely to have come from the mouth of Mercutio †. In the 2d part of Hen. IV. act v, sc. 3, Falstaff is introduced effectedly saying to Pistoll, "O base Assyrian knight, what is thy news? Let King Cophetua know the truth thereof." These lines, Dr. Warburton thinks, were taken from an old bombast play of " King Cophetua. No such play is, I believe, now to be found; but it does not therefore follow that it never existed. Many dra- matic pieces are referred to by old writers ‡, which are not now extant, or even mentioned in any list. In the infancy of the stage, plays were often ex- hibited that were never printed It is probably in allusion to the same play that Ben Jonson says, in his Comedy of "Every Man in his Humour," act iii. sc. 4, I have not the heart to devour thee, an' I might be made as rich as King Cophetua." At least there is no mention of King Cophetua's riches in the present ballad, which is the oldest I have met with on the subject. I READ that once in Affrica A princely wight did raine, Who had to name Cophetua, As poets they did faine: From natures lawes he did decline, For sure he was not of my mind, He cared not for women-kinde, But did them all disdaine. It is printed from Rich. Johnson's "Crown Garland of Goulden Roses," 1612, 12mo. (where it is entitled simply "A Song of a Beggar and a King:) corrected by another copy. 10 5 * See above, Preface to Song i. Book ii. of this vol. p. 158. + Since this conjecture first occurred, it has been disco- vered that "shot so trim" was the genuine reading. See Shake- speare ed. 1793, xiv. 393. See Meres Wits Treas. f. 283. Arte of Eng. Poes. 1589, p. 51, 111, 143. 169. O heavenly gyft, that rules the mynd, Even as the sterne dothe rule the shippe! O musicke, whom the Gods assinde To comforte manne, whom cares would nippe! Since thow both man and beste doest move, What beste ys he, wyll the disprove? THE BEGGAR-MAID, But, marke, what hapned on a day, As he out of his window lay, He saw a beggar all in gray, The which did cause his paine. The blinded boy, that shootes so trim, From heaven downe did hie ; He drew a dart and shot at him, In place where he did lye : Which soone did pierse him to the quicke, And when he felt the arrow pricke, Which in his tender heart did sticke He looketh as he would dye. What sudden chance is this, quoth he, That I to love must subject be, Which never thereto would agree, But still did it defie? Then from the window he did come, And laid him on his bed, A thousand heapes of care did runne Within his troubled head : For now he meanes to crave her love, And now he seekes which way to proove How he his fancie might remoove, And not this beggar wed. But Cupid had him so in snare, That this poor beggar must prepare A salve to cure him of his care, Or els he would be dead. And, as he musing thus did lye, He thought for to devise How he might have her companye, That so did 'maze his eyes. In thee, quoth he, doth rest my life; For surely thou shalt be my wife, Or else this hand with bloody knife The Gods shall sure suffice. Then from his bed he soon arose, And to his pallace gate he goes ; Full little then this begger knowes When she the king espies. 20 The Gods preserve your majesty, The beggers all gan cry: Vouchsafe to give your charity Our childrens food to buy. The king to them his pursse did cast, And they to part it made great haste; This silly woman was the last That after them did hye. 10 15 20 2: 30 3. 4 4 5 5 TAKE THY OLD CLOAK ABOUT THEE. The king he cal'd her back againe, And unto her he gave his chaine; And said, With us you shal remaine Till such time as we dye: For thou, quoth he, shalt be my wife, And honoured for my queene; With thee I meane to lead my life, As shortly shall be seene: Our wedding shall appointed be, And every thing in its degree: Come on, quoth he, and follow me, Thou shalt go shift thee cleane. What is thy name, faire maid? quoth he. Penelophon*, O king, quoth she: With that she made a lowe courtsèy; A trim one as I weene. Thus hand in hand along they walke Unto the king's pallàce : The king with courteous comly talke This begger doth imbrace : The begger blusheth scarlet red, And straight againe as pale as lead, But not a word at all she said, She was in such amaze. At last she spake with trembling voyce, And said, O king, I doe rejoyce That wil take me for your choyce, you And my degree's so base. And when the wedding day was come, The king commanded strait The noblemen both all and some Upon the queene to wait. 60 65 Shee sayd unto me quietlye, Rise up, and save cow Cumbockes liffe, Man, put thine old cloake about thee. 70 75 80 85 VII —is supposed to have been originally a Scotch bal- ad. The reader here has an ancient copy in the English idiom, with an additional stanza (the 2d) ever before printed. This curiosity is preserved n the Editor's folio MS. but not without corruptions, vhich are here removed by the assistance of the Scottish Edit. Shakespeare, in his Othello, act ii. as quoted one stanza, with some variations, which re here adopted: the old MS. readings of that tanza are however given in the margin. THIS winters weather itt waxeth cold, And frost doth freese on every hill, And Boreas blowes his blasts soe bold, That all our cattell are like to spill; Bell my wiffe, who loves noe strife, TAKE THY OLD CLOAK ABOUT THEE. 5 And she behaved herself that day, As if she had never walkt the way: She had forgot her gown of gray, Which she did weare of late. The proverbe old is come to passe, The priest, when he begins his masse, Forgets that ever clerke he was; He knowth not his estate. * Shakespeare (who alludes to this ballad in his "Love's abour lost," act iv. sc. 1.) gives the Beggar's name Zenelo- hon, according to all the old editions: but this seems to be corruption; for Penelophon, in the text, sounds more like e name of a woman.-The story of the King and the eggar is also alluded to in K. Rich. II. act v. sc. 3 Here you may read, Cophetua, Though long time fancie-fed, Compelled by the blinded boy The begger for to wed: He that did lovers lookes disdaine, To do the same was glad and faine, Or else he would himselfe have slaine, In storie, as we read. Disdaine no whit, O lady deere, But pitty now thy servant heere, Least that it hap to thee this yeare, As to that king it did. And thus they led a quiet life During their princely raigne; And in a tombe were buried both, As writers sheweth plaine. The lords they tooke it grievously, The ladies tooke it heavily, The commons cryed pitiously, Their death to them was paine, Their fame did sound so passingly That it did pierce the starry sky, And throughout all the world did flye To every princes realme *. ! HE. O Bell, why dost thou flyte' and scorne?' Thou kenst my cloak is very thin: Itt is soe bare and overworne A cricke he theron cannot renn : Then Ile no longer borrowe nor lend, For once Ile new appareld bee, To-morrow Ile to towne and spend,' For Ile have a new cloake about mee. 51 I 90 95 100 105 110 115 120 10. 15 SHE. Cow Crumbocke is a very good cowe, Shee ha beene alwayes true to the payle Shee has helpt us to butter and cheese, I trow, And other things shee will not fayle; I wold be loth to see her pine, 20 Good husband, councell take of mee, It is not for us to go soe fine, Man, take thine old cloake about thee. V. 90, i. e. tramped the streets.-V. 105, Here the Poet addresses himself to his mistress.-V. 112, Sheweth was anciently the plur. numb. * An ingenious friend thinks the two last stanzas should change place. 58 WILLOW WILLOW, WILLOW HE. My cloake it was a very good cloake 1tt hath been alwayes true to the weare, But now it is not worth a groat; I have had it four and forty yeere : Sometime itt was of cloth in graine, 'Tis now but a sigh clout as you may see, It will neither hold out winde nor raine; And Ile have a new cloake about mee. SHE. It is four and fortye yeeres agoe Since the one of us the other did ken, And we have had betwixt us towe O Bell my wiffe, why dost thou 'floute!' Now is nowe, and then was then: Seeke now all the world throughout, Thou kenst not clownes from gentlemen. Of children either nine or ten; Wee have brought them up to women and men; ; In the feare of God I trow they bee And why wilt thou thyselfe misken? Man, take thine old cloake about thee. HE. 25 390 35 It is from the following stanzas that Shakes- peare has taken his song of the " Willow," in his Othello, act iv. sc. 3, though somewhat varied and applied by him to a female character. He makes Desdemona introduce it in this pathetic and affecting manner: << My mother had a maid call'd Barbara : She was in love; and he she lov'd prov'd mad, And did forsake her. She had a song of- Willow. An old thing 'twas, but it express'd her fortune, And she died singing it." A POORE Soule sat sighing under a sicamore tree; O willow, willow, willow! He sigh❜d in his singing, and after each grone, Come willow, &c. I am dead to all pleasure, my true-love is gone; O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland. 40 VIII. WILLOW, WILLOW WILLOW. Ed. 1793, vol. xv. p. 613. This is given from a black-letter copy in the Pepys collection, thus entitled, "A Lover's Complaint, being forsaken of his Love." To a pleasant tune. My love she is turned; untrue she doth prove : O willow, &c. She renders me nothing but hate for my love. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. V. 41, flyte, MS. With his hand on his bosom, his head on his knee : O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow! 5 Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland. 10 They are cladd in blacke, greene, yellowe, or gray, Soe far above their owne degree: Once in my life Ile doe as they,' 46 C For Ile have a new cloake about mee. SHE. King Stephen was a worthy peere, His breeches cost him but a crowne, He held them sixpence all too deere; Therefore he calld the taylor Lowne. He was a wight of high renowne. And thouse but of a low degree: Itt's pride that putts this countrye downe, Man, take thine old cloake about thee. HE. 15 • Bell my wife she loves not strife, Yet she will lead me if she can ; And oft, to live a quiet life, I am forced to yield, though Ime good-man;' 60 Itt's not for a man with a woman to threape, Unlesse he first gave oer the plea: As wee began wee now will leave, And Ile take mine old cloake about mee. 50 O pitty me, (cried he,) ye lovers, each one; O willow, &c. Her heart's hard as marble; she rues not my mone. O willow, &c. 20 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. The cold streams ran by him, his eyes wept apace ; O willow, &c. The salt tears fell from him, which drowned his face: O willow, &c. 25 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. 55 The mute birds sate by him, made tame by his mones O willow, &c. [stones. The salt tears fell from him, which softened the O willow, &c. 30 Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland! Let nobody blame me, her scornes I do prove; O willow, &c. She was borne to be faire; I, to die for her love. O willow, &c. 3. Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. O that beauty should harbour a heart that's so hard! Sing willow, &c. My true love rejecting without all regard. Let love no more boast him in palace or bower, O willow, &c. For women are trothles, and flote in an houre. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. 40 45 V. 49, King Harry..a very good king, MS. V. 50, I trow his hose cost but, MS. V. 51, He thought them 12d to deere, MS. V. 52, clowne, MS. V. 53, He was king and wore the crowne, MS. SIR LANCELOT DU LAKE. But what helps complaining? In vaine I complaine: O willow, &c. I must patiently suffer her scorne and disdaine. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. Come, all you forsaken, and sit down by me, O willow, &c. [she. He that 'plaines of his false love, mine's falser than O willow, &c. 55 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. The willow wreath weare I, since my love did fleet; O willow, &c. A garland for lovers forsaken most meete. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland! PART THE SECOND. Lowe lay'd by my sorrow, begot by disdaine; O willow, willow, willow! Against her to cruell, still still I complaine, O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow! Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland! O love too injurious, to wound my poore heart! O willow, &c. To suffer the triumph, and joy in my smart · O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. O willow, willow, willow! the willow garland, O willow, &c. A sign of her falsenesse before me doth stand : O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. 50 As here it doth bid to despair and to dye, O willow, &c. 60 5 10 All this beheard three wighty yeomen, Twas Robin Hood, Scarlet, and John : With that they espy'd the jolly Pindàr As he sate under a throne. 15 So hang it, friends, ore me in grave where I lye : O willow, &c. 20 šing, O the greene willow shall be my garlànd. THIS ballad is quoted in Shakespeare's second part of Henry IV. act ii. The subject of it is taken From the ancient romance of King Arthur, (com- monly called Morte Arthur), being a poetical trans- ation of chap. cviii., cix., cx., in part 1st, as they stand in ed. 1634, 4to. In the older editions the chapters are differently numbered.-This song is given from a printed copy, corrected in part by a ragment in the editor's folio MS. In the same play of 2 Henry IV. Silence hums a scrap of one of the old ballads of Robin Hood. It s taken from the following stanza of "Robin Hood nd the Pindar of Wakefield."- In grave where I rest mee, hang this to the view, O willow, &c. Of all that doe knowe her, to blaze her untrue. O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. Though she thus unkindly hath scorned my love, O willow, &c. And carelesly smiles at the sorrowes I prove ; O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow, &c. With these words engraven, as epitaph meet, O willow, &c. [sweet." "Here lyes one, drank poyson for potion most O willow, &c. 30 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. The name of her sounded so sweete in mine eare, O willow, &c. It rays'd my heart lightly, the name of my deare; O willow, &c. Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland. As then 'twas my comfort, it now is my griefe; O willow, &c. I cannot against her unkindly exclaim, O willow, &c. [name: Cause once well I loved her, and honoured her O willow, &c. 40 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. SIR LANCELOT DU LAKE. O willow, willow, willow! O willow, willow, willow! Sing, O the greene willow shall be my garland. IX. It now brings me anguish; then brought me reliefe. O willow, &c. 50 Sing, O the greene willow, &c. 53 Farewell, faire false hearted: plaints end with my O willow, willow, willow! [breath! Thou dost loath me, I love thee, though cause of my death. 55 25 WHEN Arthur first in court began, And was approved king, By force of armes great victorys wanne, And conquest home did bring. 35 Then into England straight he came With fifty good and able Knights, that resorted unto him, And were of his round table : That ballad may be found on every stall, and therefore is not here reprinted. And he had justs and turnaments, Wherto were many prest, Wherein some knights did far excell And eke surmount the rest. 45 5 10 54 SIR LANCELOT DU LAKE. But one Sir Lancelot du Lake, Who was approved well, He for his deeds and feats of armes All others did excell. When he had rested him a while, In play, and game, and sportt, He said he wold goe prove himselfe In some adventurous sort. He armed rode in a forrest wide, And met a damsell faire, Who told him of adventures great, Wherto he gave great eare. Such wold I find, quoth Lancelott: For that cause came I hither. Thou seemst, quoth shee, a knight full good, And I will bring thee thither. Wheras a mighty knight doth dwell, That now is of great fame : Therfore tell me what wight thou art, And what may be thy name. (( My name is Lancelot du Lake.” Quoth she, it likes me than : Here dwelles a knight who never was Yet matcht with any man: Who has in prison threescore knights And four, that he did wound; Knights of King Arthurs court they be, And of his table round. She brought him to a river side, And also to a tree, Whereon a copper bason hung, And many shields to see. He struck soe hard, the bason broke; And Tarquin soon he spyed: Who drove a horse before him fast, Whereon a knight lay tyed. Sir knight, then sayd Sir Lancelòtt, Bring me that horse-load hither, And lay him downe, and let him rest ; Weel try our force together: For, as I understand, thou hast, Soe far as thou art able, Done great despite and shame unto The knights of the Round Table. If thou be of the Table Round, Quoth Tarquin speedilye, Both thee and all thy fellowship I utterly defye. That's over much, quoth Lancelott tho, Defend thee by and by. They sett their speares unto their steeds, And eache att other flie. 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 60 55 60 They coucht theire speares, (their horses ran, 65 As though there had beene thunder) And strucke them each immidst their shields, Wherewith they broke in sunder. V. 18, to sporti, MS. V. 29, Where is often read by our old writers for whereas; here it is just the contrary. Their horsses backes brake under them, The knights were both astound: To avoyd their horsses they made haste And light upon the ground. They tooke them to their shields full fast, They swords they drew out than, With mighty strokes most eagerlye Each at the other ran. They wounded were, and bled full sore, They both for breath did stand, And leaning on their swords awhile, Quoth Tarquine, Hold thy hand, And tell to me what I shall aske, Say on, quoth Lancelot tho. Thou art, quoth Tarquine, the best knight That ever I did know; And like a knight that I did hate : Soe that thou be not hee, I will deliver all the rest, And eke accord with thee. That is well said quoth Lancelott; But sith it must be soe, What knight is that thou hatest thus ? pray thee to me show. I His name is Launcelot du Lake, He slew my brother deere ; Him I suspect of all the rest: I would I had him here. Thy wish thou hast, but yet unknowne, I am Lancelot du Lake, Now knight of Arthurs Table Round; King Hauds son of Schuwake; And I desire thee do thy worst. Ho, ho, quoth Tarqin tho, One of us two shall end our lives Before that we do go. If thou be Lancelot du Lake, Then welcome shalt thou bee. Wherfore see thou thyself defend, For now defye I thee. They buckled then together so, Like unto wild boares rashing*: And with their swords and shields they ran At one another slashing : The ground besprinkled was wyth blood: Tarquin began to yield; For he gave backe for wearinesse, And lowe did beare his shield. 70 75 80 85 90 93 100 105 110 115 * Rashing seems to be the old hunting term to expres the stroke made by the wild-boar with his fangs. To rase has apparently a meaning something similar. See Mr. Stee vens's Note on K. Lear. act iii. sc. 7. (ed. 1793, vol. xiv. p 193,) where the quartos read, "Nor thy fierce sister In his anointed flesh rash boarish fangs." So in K. Richard III, act iii, sc. 2, (vol. x. p. 507, 583.) "He drearit To night the Boar had rused off his helm " GERNUTUS THE JEW OF VENICE. This soone Sir Lancelot espyde, He leapt upon him then, He pull'd him downe upon his knee, And rushing off his helm. X. CORYDON'S FAREWELL TO PHILLIS, -is an attempt to paint a lover's i rresolution, but| so poorly executed, that it would not have been admitted into this collection, if it had not been quoted in Shakespeare's Twelfth-Night, act ii. sc. 3. -It is found in a little ancient miscellany, entitled "The Golden Garland of Princely Delights," 12mo. bl. let. 120 In the same scene of the Twelfth-night, Sir Toby sings a scrap of an old ballad, which is preserved in the Pepy's collection, [vol. i. pp. 33, 496.]; but as it is not only a poor dull performance, but also very long, it will be sufficient here to give the first stanza : THE BALLAD OF CONSTANT SUSANNA. There dwelt a man in Babylon Of reputation great by fame; He took to wife a faire woman, Susanna she was callde by name: A woman fair and vertuous; Lady, lady: Why should we not of her learn thus To live godly? If this song of Corydon, &c. has not more merit, it is at least an evil of less magnitude. FAREWELL, dear love; since thou wilt needs be gone, Mine eyes do shew, my life is almost done. Nay I will never die, so long as I can spie Forthwith he strucke his necke in two, And, when he had soe done, From prison threescore knights and four Delivered everye one, In the "Life of Pope Sixtus V, translated from the Italian of Greg. Leti, by the Rev. Mr. Farne- worth, folio," is a remarkable passage to the follow- ing effect. "It was reported in Rome, that Drake had taken and plundered St. Domingo in Hispaniola, and carried off an immense booty. This account came in a private letter to Paul Secchi, a very consider- able merchant in the city, who had large concerns in those parts, which he had insured. Upon receiving this news, he sent for the insurer Sampson Ceneda, a Jew, and acquainted him with it. The Jew whose interest it was to have such a report thought false, gave many reasons why it could not possibly be true, and at last worked himself into such a passion, that he said, I'll lay you a pound of flesh it is a There be many mo, though that she doe goe, There be many mo, I fear not : Why then let her goe, I care not. 55 XI. GERNUTUS THE JEW OF VENICE. 5 Farewell, farewell; since this I find is true I will not spend more time in wooing you: But I will seek elsewhere, if I may find love there: Shall I bid her goe? what and if I doe? Shall I bid her goe and spare not? O no, no, no, I dare not. 10 Ten thousand times farewell;-yet stay a while :- Sweet, kiss me once; sweet kisses time beguile : I have no power to move. How now am I in love? 15 Wilt thou needs be gone? Go then, all is one. Wilt thou needs be gone? Oh, hie thee! Nay stay, and do no more deny me. 20 Once more adieu, I see loath to depart Bids oft adieu to her, that holds my heart. But seeing I must lose thy love, which I did choose, Goe thy way for me, since that may not be. Goe thy ways for me. But whither ? Goe, oh, but where I may come thither. What shall I doe? my love is now departed. She is as fair, as she is cruel-hearted. She would not be intreated, with prayers oft If she come no more, shall I die therefore? If she come no more, what care I? Faith, let her goe, or come, or tarry. 25 [repeated, 30 lye. Secchi, who was of a fiery hot temper, replied, lay you a thousand crowns against a of your flesh that it is true. The Jew accepted the wager, and articles were immediately executed betwixt them, that, if Secchi won, he should him- self cut the flesh with a sharp knife from whatever part of the Jew's body he pleased. The truth of the account was soon confirmed; and the Jew was almost distracted, when he was informed, that Secchi had solemnly swore he would compel him to an exact performance of his contract. A report ofthis transaction was brought to the Pope, who sent for the parties, and, being informed of the whole affair, said, when contracts are made, it is but just they should be fulfilled, as this shall: take a knife, there- fore, Secchi, and cut a pound of flesh from any 56 GERNUTUS THE JEW OF VENICE. part you please of the Jew's body. We advise you however, to be very carefull; for, if you cut but a scruple more or less than your due, you shall certainly be hanged." The editor of that book is of opinion, that the scene between Shylock and Antonio in the "Merchant of Venice" is taken from this incident. But Mr. Warton, in his ingenious "Observations on the Faerie Queen, vol. i. page 128," has referred it to the following ballad. Mr. Warton thinks this ballad was written before Shakspeare's play, as being not so circumstantial, and having more of the nakedness of an original. Besides, it differs from the play in many circumstances, which a mere copyist, such as we may suppose the ballad-maker to be, would hardly have given himself the trouble to alter. Indeed he expressly informs us, that he had his story from the Italian writers. See the "Connoisseur," vol. i. No. 16. After all, one would be glad to know what autho- rity "Leti" had for the foregoing fact, or at least for connecting it with the taking of St. Domingo by Drake; for this expedition did not happen till 1585, and it is very certain that a play of the " Jewe, re- presenting the greedinesse of worldly chusers, and bloody minds of usurers," had been exhibited at the play-house called the "Bull," before the year 1579, being mentioned in Steph. Gosson's "Schoole of Abuse*," which was printed in that year. As for Shakespeare's "Merchant of Venice," the earliest edition known of it is in quarto, 1600; though it had been exhibited in the year 1598, being mentioned, together with eleven others of his plays, in Meres's "Wits Treasury," &c. 1598, 12mo. fol. 282. See Malone's Shakesp. The following is printed from an ancient black- letter copy in the Pepys collectiont, entitled, "A new Song, shewing the crueltie of Gernutus, a Jewe,' who, lending to a merchant an hundred crowns, would have a pound of his fleshe, because he could not pay him at the time appointed. To the tune of Black and Yellow." N THE FIRST PART. IN Venice towne not long agoe A cruel Jew did dwell, Which lived all on usurie As Italian writers tell. Gernutus called was the Jew, Which never thought to dye, Nor ever yet did any good To them in streets that lie. His life was like a barrow hogge, That liveth many a day, Yet never once doth any good, Until men will him slay. Or like a filthy heap of dung, That lyeth in a whoard; Which never can do any good, Till it be spread abroad. So fares it with the usurer, He cannot sleep in rest, For feare the thiefe will him pursue To plucke him from his nest. * Warton, ubi supra. + Compared with the Ashmole Copy. 5 10 15 20 His heart doth thinke on many a wile, How to deceive the poore; His mouth is almost ful of mucke, Yet still he gapes for more. His wife must lend a shilling, For every weeke a penny, Yet bring a pledge, that is double worth, If that you will have any. And see, likewise, you keepe your day, Or else you loose it all: This was the living of the wife, Her cow she did it call. Within that citie dwelt that time A marchant of great fame, Which being distressed in his need, Unto Gernutus came: Desiring him to stand his friend For twelve month and a day, To lend to him an hundred crownes: And he for it would pay Whatsoever he would demand of him, And pledges he should have. No, (quoth the Jew with flearing lookes,) Sir, aske what you will have. No penny for the loane of it For one year you shall pay ; You may doe me as good a turne, Before my dying day. But we will have a merry jeast, For to be talked long : You shall make me a bond, quoth he, That shall be large and strong : And this shall be the forfeyture; Of your owne fleshe a pound. If you agree, make you the bond, And here is a hundred crownes. With right good will! the marchant says: And so the bond was made. When twelve month and a day drew on That backe it should be payd. The marchants ships were all at sea, And money came not in; Which way to take, or what to doe To thinke he doth begin : And to Gernutus strait he comes With cap and bended knee, And sayde to him, Of curtesie pray you beare with mee. I My day is come, and I have not The money for to pay : And little good the forfeyture Will doe you, I dare say, 25