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LIFE AND VOYAGES
£
cIIRIs To PIIER colu MBUs.
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND vox AGEs
"a *33 3/
OF
e-----~~"*" *çwº
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUs.
.*.
sºs
*
BY WASHINGTON IRWING.
..s. #
*r i
*.
*…* Venient annis
‘Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Wincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhis-lue novos
Detegal Orbes, mec sit terris
' ' ' tºtima"Thuſe: *
Seneca Medea.
a new sortion Revised AND conBECTED BY THE Aurudº.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
WOL. II. !.
PHILADELPHIA:
• L E A & B L A N C H A R D.
GEORGE W. G O RTON.
‘1841.
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Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year One Thousand Eight Hun-
dred and Thirty-one, by Washington Irving, in the Clerk's Office of the Southern,
District of New York. w - * * *
3&
conteNTs of vol. II.
BOOK XII.
Char. I. Confusion in the island—Proceedings of the rebels at Xaragua ,
— II. Negotiation of the admiral with the rebels—Departure of ships
for Spain . º ſº & º e © e O
— III. Arrangement with the rebel te º º º o º
— IV. Another mutiny of the rebels, and second arrangement with
them • e e º o O e © e
— W. Grants made to Roldan and his followers—Departure of seve-
ral of the rebels for Spain sº -> e º o o
— VI. Arrival of Ojeda with a squadron at the western part of the
Page.
10
15
19
23
27
37
:
57
61
65
island—Roldan sent to meet him . e º © ©
— VII. Manoeuvres of Roldan and Ojeda e gº & Cº ©
— VIII. Conspiracy of Guevera and Moxica . ge º º ©
BOOK XIII.
Char. I. Representations at Court against Columbus—Bobadilla em-
powered to examine into his conduct • e s e
-— II. Arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo–His violent assumption
of the command . e s º e © e ©
– III. Columbus summoned to appear before Bobadilla . e Q
– IV. Columbus and his brothers arrested, and sent to Spain in chains
BOOK XIV.
Char. I. Sensation in Spain on the arrival of Columbus in irons—His .
appearance at court e e e e • , e ©
— II. Contemporary voyages of discovery . º © º ſº
— III. Nicholas de Ovando appointed to supersede Bobadilla . º
— IV. Proposition of Columbus relative to the recovery of the holy
sepulchre . * º º © * >
tions of Columbus for a fourth voyage of discovery .
BOOK XV.
Char. I. Departure of Columbus on his fourth voyage—Refused admis-
sion to the harbour of San Domingo—Exposed to a violent
tempest o º e º º e º & o
*
*
76
81


Wi CONTENTS.
Char. II. Voyage along the coast of Honduras . . . . .
— III. Voyage along the Mosquito coast, and transactions at Cariari
— IV. Voyage along Costa Rica—Speculation concerning the isthmus
at Veragua º e e © -> e e º
-— V. Discovery of Porto Bello and El Retrett-Columbus abandons
the search after the strait º º -> º o o
— VI. Return to Veragua—the Adelantado explores the country ſº
— VII. Commencement of a settlement in the river Belen–Conspiracy
of the natives—Expedition of the Adelantado to surprise
Quibian º o e º º º º O >
— VIII. Disasters of the settleſhent • * * * * *
-— IX. Distress of the admiral on board of his ship—Ultimate relief
of the settlement e tº e º © © ©
— X. Departure from the coast of Veragua–arrival at Jamaica-
stranding of the ships . © a tº e G &
BOOK XVI.
CHAP. I. Arrangement of Diego Mendez with the caciques for supplies
of Provisions-Sent to Sań Domingo by Columbus in quest
of relief º * sº e te º wº © e
*— II. Mutiny of Porras . tº º º i. b o e
*— III. Scarcity of Provisions—Stratagerſ of Columbus to tºbtain sup-
plies from the natives . tº º Cº. º G e
— IV. Mission of Diego de Escobar to the admiral e e º
— V. Voyage of Diego Mendez and Bartolemed Fiesco in a canoe, to
filspaniola . & ſº tº © © º • ' s
• — VI. Overtures of Columbus to the mutineers—Battle of the Adelan-
tado with Porras and his followers . te wº º º
BOOK XVII.
CHAP. I. Administration of Ovando in Hispaniola–Oppression of the
natives . e gº º º º ſº { } ©
... II. Massacre at Xaragua–Fate of Anacaons . . . .
* – III. War with the natives of Higuey tº e & O ſº
IV. Close of the war with Higuey—Fate of Cotabáñama . e
BOOK XVIII.
Char. I. Departure of Columbus for San Domingo—His return to Spain
* II, illness of Columbus at Sevillé-Restitution of his hºnours—
{
Page.
86
91
96
100
103
110
114
121
126
130
136
142
145
148
153
160
Iö4
169
174
# Death of Isabella tº *- +º º º © º
— III. Columbus arrives at court—Fruitless applications to the king
*
föf redress º sº tº- º * tº e 4 & O
– IV. Death ºf Cölumbus * * * * * * *
- V. Observations on the character of Columbus . e & º
+2, &
*# ſ “.
179
184
189
195
199
CONTENTS.
vii
APPENDIX.
No. I. Transportation of the remains of Columbus from St. Domingo
to the Havana Q © g & © © © ©
— II. Notice of the descendants of Columbus . . . e º
mºmº III. Fernando Columbus o tº ..ºf e tº Q ſº
— IV. Age of Columbus . tº e & © & Q dº
— W. Lineage of Columbus º • • º © C o
sºmºmº VI. Birth-place of Columbus e o º © © ſo ©
ººmsºmº VII. The Colombos º º e O º © e O
— VIII. Expedition of John of Anjou . © & © tº Q
— IX. Capture of the Venetian galleys by Colombo the younger .
— X. Amerigo Vespucci . c e º o º © ©
— XI. Martin Alonzo Pinzon º e o º & © º
— XII. Rumour of the pilot said to have died in the house of Columbus
— XIII. Martin Behem º © º e e tº O ©
—XIV. Voyages of the Scandinavians . e e e Q º
— XV. Circumnavigation of Africa by the ancients Q º
—XVI. Of the ships of Columbus " . º o © º g
— XVII. Route of Columbus in his first voyage & • . e
— XVIII. Principles upon which the sums mentioned in this work have
been reduced into modern currency e O º e
— XIX. Marco Polo . © º * > o © © tº e
—- XX. The work of Marco Polo . * > º º º e tº
— XXI. Sir John Mandeville tº * > O © º ſº ©
— XXII. The Zones º e º © o © © o &
– XXIII. Of the Atalantis of Plato tº o © Q © G
— XXIV. The Imaginary island of St. Brandan O º ( ) º
—XXV. The island of the Seven Cities o Q Q º ©
— XXVI. Discovery of the island of Madeira . C Gº º ge
– XXVII. Las Casas © tº º o o o O O tº
- XXVIII. Peter Martyr © © e © © © o ©
—XXIX. Oviedo . º º e ‘e tº e º O &
—XXX. Cura de los Palacios e e o e © • *s.
—XXXI. Titles of the earliest narrative of the voyages of Columbus that
appeared in print . e e º e º e e
-XXXII. Antonia de Herrera e © Q © ( * G ©
-XXXIII. Bishop Fonseca º º ©
-XXXIV. Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise . e i a © O
- XXXV. Will of Columbus . º O • , e © Q º
-XXXVI. Signature of Columbus . . . . . . . . .
Page.
209
213
229
231
233
240
242
261
264
267
270
276
278
290
298
303
305
314
316
319
'327
332
333
335
*336
338
341
$47 .
*
fº,
LIFE AND VOYAGES.
}
OF
CHR f$ TO PHER COLUMB U.S.
***
Book XII.
CHAPTER I.
Af *
confusion IN THE IsLAND–PRocKEDINGs of THE REBELs. At
XARAGUA. r
[1498. Aug. 30. I
Columbus arrived at San Domingo, wearied by a long and arduous
voyage, and worn down by infirmities; both mind and body crav-
ed repose; but from the time he first launched upon public life,
he had been doomed never again to taste the sweets of tranquillity.
The island of Hispaniola, the favourite child, as it were, of his
hopes, was destined to involve him in perpetual troubles, to fetter his
fortunes, impede his enterprises, and embitter the conclusion of his
life. What a scene of poverty and suffering had this opulent and
lovely island been rendered, by the bad passions of a few despicable
men l The wars with the natives, and the seditions of the colonists,
had put a stop to the labours of the mines, and all hopes of wealth
were at an end. The horrors of famine had succeeded to those of
war. The cultivation of the earth had been generally neglected;
several of the provinces had been desolated during the late troubles;
a great part of the Indians had fled to the mountains, and those who
remained had lost all heart to labour, seeing that the produce of their
toils was liable to be wrested from them by ruthless strangers. It is
true, the great Vega was once more at peace, but it was a desolate
tranquillity. That beautiful region, which but four years before the
Spaniards had found so populous and happy, which seemed to in-
close in its luxuriant bosom all the sweets of nature, and to exclude
all the cares and sorrows of the world, was now a vast scene of
wretchedness and repining. Many of those Indian towns, where
the Spaniards had been detained by genial hospitality, and almost
f
2 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XII
worshipped as beneficent deities, were now silent and deserted.
Some of their late inhabitants were lurking among rocks and ca-
verns; some were reduced to slavery; many had perished with
hunger, and many had fallen by the sword. It seems almost incredi-
ble that so small a number of men; restrained tdoºby well-meaning
governors, could in so short a space of time have produced such
wide spreading miseries. But the principles of evil have a fatal ac-
tivity. With every exertion, the best of men can do hut a moderate
amount'ofgóðd; but it seems in the power of the most contemptibl
individual to do incalculable mischief.
The evil passions of the white men, which had inflicted such ca-
lamities upon this innocent people, had ensured likewise a merited
return of suffering to themselves. In no part was this more truly
exemplified than among the inhabitants of Isabella, the most idle,
sfactious, and dissolute of the island. The public works were unfi-
nished; the gardens and fields they had begun to cultivate lay ne-
glected; they had driven the natives from their vicinity, by extortion
and cruelty, and had rendered the country around them a solitary
wilderness. Too idle to labour, and destitute of any resources with
which to occupy their indolence, they quarrelled among themselves,
mutinied against their rulers, and wasted their time in alternate riot
and despondency. Many of the soldiery quartered about the island,
had suffered from ill health during the late troubles, being shut up in
Indian villages where they could take no exercise, and obliged to sub-
sist on food to which they could not accustom themselves. Those
who had been actively employed, had been worn down by hard ser-
vice, long marches and scanty food. Many of them were broken in
constitution, and many had perished by disease. There was a uni-
versal desire to leave the island, and to escape from the miseries which
they had created. Yet this was the favoured and fruitful land to
which the eyes of philosophers and poets in Europe were fondly
turned, as realizing the pictures of the golden age. So true it is,
that the fairest elysium that fancy ever devised, would be turned into
a purgatory by the passions of bad men.
One of the first measures of Columbus on his arrival, was to issue
a proclamation approving of all the measures of the Adelantado, and
denouncing Roldan and his associates. That turbulent man had
taken possession of Xaragua, where he had been kindly received by
the natives. He had permitted his followers to lead an idle and
ligentious life among its beautiful scenes, making the surrounding
Country and its inhabitants subservient to their pleasures and their
passigns. An event happened previous to their knowledge of the
arrival of Columbus, which threw supplies into their hands and
Carar. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 3
strengthened their power. As they were one day loitering on the
seashore, they beheld three caravels at a distance, the sight of which,
in this unfrequented part of the ocean, filled them with wonder and
alarm. The ships approached the land and came to anchor. The
rebels apprehended at first that they were vessels dispatched in pur-
suit of them. Roldan, however, who was as sagacious as he, was
bold, surmised that they were ships which had wandered from their
course, and been borne to the westward by the currents, and that
they must be ignorant of the recent occurrences of the island. En-
joining the utmost secrecy on his men, he went on board, pretending
to be stationed in that neighbourhood for the purpose of keeping the
natives in obedience, and collecting tribute. His conjectures as to
the vessels were correct. They were, in fact, the three caravels
which had been detached by Columbus from his squadron at the
Canary islands, to bring supplies to the colonies. The captains,
being ignorant of the strength of the currents which set through the
Caribbean sea, had been carried west far beyond their reckoning,
until they had at length wandered to the coast of Xaragua.
Roldan and his followers kept their secret closely for three days.
Being considered a man in important trust and authority, the cap-
tains did not hesitate to grant all his requests for supplies. He pro-
cured swords, lances, crossbows, and various military stores, while
his men, dispersed through the three vessels, were busy among the
crews, secretly making partizans, representing the hard life of the
colonists at San Domingo, and the ease and revelry in which they
passed their time at Xaragua. Many of the crews had been shipped
in compliance with the admiral's ill-judged proposition, to commute
criminal punishments into transportation to the colony. They were
vagabonds, the refuse of Spanish towns, and culprits from Spanish
dungeons. They were the very men, therefore, to be wrought upon
by such representations, and promised on the first opportunity, to de-
sert and join the rebels. 3.
It was not until the third day that Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal,
the most intelligent of the three captains, discovered the real charactèr
of the dangerous guests whom he had admitted so freely on board
of his vessels. It was then too late; the mischief was effected. He
and his fellow captains had many earnest conversations with Rol-
dam, endeavouring to persuade him from his dangerous opposition to
the regular authority. The certainty that Columbus was actually
on his way to the island, with additional forces, and augmented
authority, had operated strongly on his mind. He had, as has
already been intimated, prepared his friends at San Domingo to
plead his cause with the admiral, assuring him that he had only acted
~~%
4 LIHFE AND WGYAGES OF [Boor XII.
in opposition to the injustice and oppression of the Adélantado, but
was readytó submit to Columbus on his arrival. Carvajal perceived
that the resolution of Roldán, and of several of his principal con-
federates, was shaken, and flattered himself that, if he were to
remain some little' time among the rebels; he might succeed in
drawing them back to their duty. g
Contrary winds rendered it impossible for the ships to work up
against the currents to San Domingo. It was arranged among the
captains, therefore, that a large number of the people on board,
artificers and others most important to the service of the colony,
should proceed to the settlement by land. They were to be con-
ducted by Juan Antonio Colombo, captain of one of the caravels, a
relative of the admiral, and zealously devoted to his interests.
Arana was to proceed with the ships, when the wind should per-
mit, and Carvajal volunteered to remain on shore, to endeavour to
bring the rebels to their allegiance.
On the following morning, Juan Antonio Colombo landed with
forty men, well armed with crossbows, swords and lances, but was
astonished to find himself suddenly deserted by all his party except-
ing eight. The deserters went off in triumph to the rebels, who
received with exultation this important reinforcement of kindred
spirits. It was in vain that Juan Antonio endeavoured by remon-
strances and threats to bring them back to their duty. They were
most of them convicted culprits, accustomed to detest order, and to set
law at defiance. It was equally in vain that he appealed to Roldan,
and reminded him of his professions of loyalty to the government.
The latter replied that he had no means of enforcing obedience; his
was a mere “Monastery of Observation,” where every one was at
liberty to adopt the habit of the order. Such was the first of a long
train of evils, which sprang from this most ill-judged expedient
of peopling a colony with criminals; and thus mingling vice and
villany with the fountain-head of its population.
Juan Antonio, grieved and disconcerted, returned on board with
the few who remained faithful. Fearing further desertions, the two
captains immediately put to sea, leaving Carvajal on shore, to
prosecute his attempt at reforming the rebels. It was not without
great difficulty and delay that the vessels reached San Domingo;
the ship of Carvajal having struck on a sandbank, and sustained
great injury. By the time of their arrival at their destined port, the
greater part of the provisions with which they had been freighted
was either éxhausted or damaged. Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal
arrived shortly afterwards by land, having been escorted to within
six leagues of the place by several of the insurgents to protect him
*
Catap. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 5
from the Indians. He had failed in his attempt to persuade the
band to immediate submission; but Roldan had promised, that the
moment he heard of the arrival of Columbus, he would repair to the
neighbourhood of San Domingo, to be at hand to state his griev.
ances, and the reasons of his past conduct, and to enter into a
negotiation for the adjustment of all differences. Carvajal brought
a letter from him to the admiral to the same purport; and expressed
a confident opinion, from all that he observed of the rebels, that
they might easily be brought back to their allegiance by an
assurance of amnesty.” *
CHAPTER II. i. * .. *
* * . ; ; ; ;
NEGoTIATION OF THE ADMIRAf, witH THE REBELs—oferanºru RE
OF SHIPS FOR SPAIN. $ $
*4.
[1498. I
NotwitHSTANDING the favourable representations of Carvajal, Co-
lumbus was greatly troubled by the late events at Xaragua. He
saw that the insolence of the rebels, and their confidence in their
strength, must be greatly increased by the accession of such a large
number of well armed and desperate confederates. The proposition
of Roldan, to approach to the neighbourhood of San Domingo,
startled him. He doubted the sincerity of his professions, and ap-
prehended great evils and dangers from so artful, daring and turbu-
lent a leader, with a rash and devoted crew at his command. The
example of this lawless horde, roving at large about the island, and
living in loose revel and open profligacy, could not, but have a dan-
gerous effect upon the colonists newly arrived; and when they were
close at hand, to carry on secret intrigues, and to hold out a camp
of refuge to all malecontents, the loyalty of the whole colony might
be sapped and undermined.
Some measures were immediately necessary, to fortify the fidèlity
of the people against such seductions. He was aware that there,
* Herrera, d. 1, 1.3 c. 12. Hist, del Almiraße, c. 77. Las Casas, L. 1,
C. 149, 150 ". . A 2
6 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XII.
was a vehement desire among many to return to Spain; and that an
idea had been industriously propagated by the seditious, that he and
his brothers wished to detain the colonists on the island through
motives of self-interest. On the 12th of September, therefore, he
issued a proclamation, offering free passage, and provisions for the
voyage, to all who wished to return to Spain, in five vessels which
were nearly ready to put to sea. He hoped by this means to relieve
the colony from the idle and disaffected, to weaken the party of Rol-
dan, and to retain none about him but such as were sound-hearted
and well disposed to the service of the island. t
He wrote at the same time to Miguel Ballester, the staunch and
well tried veteran who commanded the fortress of Conception, ad-
vising him to be upon his guard, as the rebels were coming into his
neighbourhood. He empowered him, also, to have an interview
with Roldan; to offer him pardon and oblivion of the past on condi-
tion of his immediate return to duty; and to invite him to repair to
San Domingo, to have an interview with the admiral, under a
solemn, and if required, a written assurance from the latter, of per-
sonal safety. Columbus was sincere in his intentions. He was of
a benevolent and placable disposition, and singularly free from all
vindictive feeling towards the many worthless and wicked men, who
heaped sorrow on his head.
Ballester had scarcely received this letter, when the rebels began
to arrive at the village of Bonao. This was situated in a delicious
valley, or vega, bearing the same name, a country well peopled and
abundant. It was about ten leagues from fort Conception, and
about twenty from San Domingo. Here Pedro Requelme, one of
the ringleaders of the sedition, had large possessions, and his resi-
dence became the head-quarters of the rebels. Adrian de Moxica, a
man of turbulent and mischievous character, brought his detach-
ment of dissolute ruffians to this place of rendezvous. Roldan and
others of the conspirators drew, together there by different routes.
No sooner did the veteran Miguel Ballester hear of the arrival of
Roldan, than he set forth to meet him. Ballester was an old and
verierable man, gray-headed and of a soldier-like demeanour. He
was loyal, frank and virtuous, of a serious disposition, and great sim-
plicity of heart.” He was well chosen as a mediator with rash and
profligate men, being calculated to calm their passions by his so-
briety, to disarm their petulance by his age, to win their confidence
by his artless probity, and to awe their licentiousness by his spot.
less virtùe. *
Ballester found Roldan in company with Pedro Requelme, Pedro
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 153
CHAP. If..] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 7
de Gámez, and Adrian de Moxica, three of his principal confede-
rates.' Flushed with a confidence of his present strength, Roldan
treated the proffered pārdon with contempt, declaring that he did
not come there to treat ºf peace, but to demand the release of certain
Indians, who had been captured tinjustifiably, and were about to be
shipped to Spain as slavés, notwithstanding that he, in his capacity
of alcalde mayor, Hăd pledged his word for their protection. He de-
clared that until these Indians were surrendered to him, he would
listen to no terms of compact; throwing out an insolent intimation,
at the same time, that he held the admiral and his fortunes in his
hand, to make and mar them as he pleased.
Thé-Indians here alluded to were certain subjects of Guarionex,
who had been incited by Roldañ to resist the exaction of tribute; and
who, under the sanction of his supposed authority, had engaged in
the insurrections of the Vega. Roldan knew that the enslavement of
the Indians was an unpopular feature in the government of the isl-
and, especially with the queen; and the artful character of this man
is evinced in his giving his opposition to Columbus the air of a vin-
dication of the rights of the suffering islanders. Other demands
were made of a highly insolent nature, and the rebels declared that
in all further negotiations they would treat with no other inter-
mediate agent than Carvajal, having had proofs of his fairness and
impartiality in the course of their late communications with him at
Xaragua. *
This arrogant reply to his proffer of pardon, was totally different
from what the admiral had been led to expect; and placed him in
the most embarrassing situation. He seemed surrounded by trea-
chery and falsehood. He knew that Roldan had friends and secret
partizans even among those who professed to remain faithful; and
he knew not how far the ramifications of the conspiracy might ex-
tend. A circumstance soon occurred to show the justice pf his ap-
prehensions. He ordered the men of San Domingo to appear under
arms, that he might ascertain the force, with which he could take
the field in case of necessity. A report was immediately circulated
that they were to be led to Bonao against the rebels. Not above
eventy men appeared under arms, and of these not forty were to be
:elied upon. One affected to be lame, another ill; some had rela-
tions, and others had friends among the followers of Roldan; almost
all were disaffected to the service.*
Columbus saw that a resort to arms would only serve to betray his
own weakness, and the power of the rebels, and would completely
*
* Hist, del Almirante, C. 76.
8 LIFE AND WGYAGES OF [Book XII.
prostrate the dignity and authority of government. . It was neces.
saryſtb temporize, therefore, however humiliating such conduct
night be deemed. He had detained the five ships for eighteen days
in port, hoping in some way to have put an end to this rebellion, so
as to send home favourable accounts of the island to the sovereigns.
The provisions of the ships; however, were wasting. The Indian
prisoners on board were suffering, and perishing; several of them
threw themselves overboard, or were suffocated with heat in the
holds of the vessels. He was anxious, also, that as many of the dis-
contented colonists as possible should make sail for Spain, before
any commotion should take place. - - - , " ,
On the 18th of October, therefore, the ships put to sea.” Golum-
bus wrote to the sovereigns an account of the rebellion, and of his
proffered pardon being refused. As Roldan pretended that it was a
mere quarrel between him and the Adelantado, of which the admiral
was not an impartial judge, the latter entreated that Roldan might
be summoned to Spain, where their majesties might be his judges; or
that an investigation might take place in presence of Alonzo San-
chez de Carvajal, who was friendly to Roldan, and of Miguel Bal-
lester, as witness on the part of the Adelantado. He attributed, in a
great measure, the troubles of the island to his own long detention in
Spain, and the delays thrown in his way by those who had been ap-
pointed to assist him; who had retarded the departure of the ships
with supplies, until the colony had been reduced to the greatest
scarcity. Hence had arisen discontent, murmur, and finally rebel-
lion. He entreated their majesties in the most pressing manner, that
the affairs of the colony might not be neglected; and that those at
Seville who had charge of its concerns, might be instructed, at least,
not to devise impediments instead of assistance. He alluded to his
chastisement of the contemptible Ximeno Breviesco, the insolent
minion of Fonseca, and entreated that neither that nor any other
circumstance might be allowed to prejudice him in the royal favour,
through the misrepresentations of designing men. He assured them
that the natural resources of the island required nothing but good
management to supply all the wants of the colonists; but that the
latter were indolent and profligate. He proposed to send home by
every ship, as in the present instance, a number of the discontented
and worthless, to be replaced by sober and industrious men. He
begged also that ecclesiastics might be sent out for the instruction
and conversion of the Indians; and, what was equally necessary, for
* In one of these ships sailed the father of the venerable historian Las Casas,
from whom he derived many of the facts of his history. Las Casas, L. 1, C. 153.
Char-Hål CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 9
the reformation of the dissolute Spaniards. He required also a man
learned and experienced in the law, to officiate as judge over the isl-
and, together with several officers of the royal revenue. Nothing
could surpass the soundness and policy of these suggestions; but un-
fortunately, one clause marred the moral beauty of this excellent let-
ter. He requested that for two years longer the Spaniards might be
permitted to employ the Indians as slaves; only making use of such,
however, as were captured in wars and insurrections. Columbus
had the usages of the age in excuse for this suggestion; but it is at
variance with his usual benignity of feeling, and his paternal con-
duct towards these unfortunate people.
At the same time, he wrote another letter, giving an account of
his recent voyage, accompanied by a chart, and by specimens of the
gold, and particularly of the pearls found in the gulf of Paria. He
called especial attention to the latter, as being the first specimens of
pearls found in the New World. It was in this letter that he de-
scribed the newly discovered continent in Šuch enthusiastic terms;
as the most favoured part of the east, the source of inexhaustible
treasure, the supposed seat of the terrestrial paradise; and he pro-
mised to prosecute the discovery of its glorious realms, with the
three remaining ships, as soon as the affairs of the island should
permit. ' - º • * º
By this opportunity, Roldan and his friends likewise sent letter
to Spain, endeavouring to justify their rebellion, by charging Co-
lumbus and his brothers with oppression and injustice, and painting
their whole conduct in the blackest colours. It would naturally be
supposed that the representations of such men would have little
weight in the balance against the tried merits and exalted services
of Columbus; but they had numerous friends and relatives in Spain;
they had the popular prejudice on their side, and there were design-
ing persons in the confidence of the sovereigns ready to advocate
their cause. Columbus, to use his own simple but affecting words,
was “absent, envied, and a stranger.
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, c. 157,
VoI, II, 2
{0 LIFE AND VOYAGES 9F , [Book XII.
} $. * *
*
CHAPTER III. ' ' ' ' '
ARRANGEMENT wirh The REBELs.
[1498.]
THE ships being dispatched, Columbus resumed. his negotiation
with the rebels. He was determined to put an end to this sedition
at any sacrifice; for until it should be set at rest, not only the affairs
of the island would remainin a distracted and ruinous state, but all
his splendid plans of discovery would be interrupted. His ships lay
idle in the harbour, though a region of apparently boundless wealth
was to be explored. He had intended to send his brother on the dis-
covery, but the active and military spirit of the Adelantado rendered
his presence indispensable, in case the rebels should come to open
violence. Such were the difficulties which he had to encounter at
every step of his generous and magnanimous enterprises; impeded
at one time by the insidious intrigues of crafty men in place, and
checked at another by the insolent turbulence of a handful of ruf-
fians. }
Columbus held earnest consultations with the most important per-
sons about him. He found that much of the popular discontent was
attributed to the strict rule of his brother, who was accused of deal-
ing out justice with a rigorous hand. Las Casas, however, who
saw all the testimony collected from various sources, with respect to
the conduct of the Adelantado, acquits him of all charge of the kind,
and affirms that with respect to Roldan in particular, he had ex-
erted great forbearance. Columbus, by the advice of his counsel-
lors, and by the suggestions of his own forgiving heart, was resolved
to try the alternative of extreme lenity. He wrote a letter to Roldan,
dated the 20th of October, couched in the most conciliating terms,
calling to mind past kindnesses, and expressing the affliction he had
suffered at finding such a feud existing between him and the Ade-
lantado. He entreated him, for the common good, and for the sake
of his own reputation, which stood well with the sovereigns, not to
persist in his present insubordination. He again repeated his assur-
ance, that he and his companions might come to him, under the
faith of his word, for the inviolability of their persons.
Cnap. ºffſ.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 11
There was a difficulty as to who should be the bearer of this letter.
The rebels had declared that they would receive no one as mediator
but Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. Strong doubts, however, existed
in the minds of those about Columbus as to the integrity of that offi-
cer. They observed that he had suffered Roldan to remain two days
on board of his caravel at Xaragua; had furnished him with wea-
pons and stores; had neglected to detain him on board when he
knew him to be a rebel; had not exerted himself to retake the de-
serters; had been escorted on his way to San Domingo by the rebels;
and had sent refreshments to them at Bomao. It was alleged, more-
over, that he had given himself out as a colleague of Columbus, ap-
pointed by government to have a watch and control over his con-
duct. It was suggested, that in advising the rebels to approach San
Domingo, he had intended, in case the admiral did not arrive, to
unite his pretended authority as colleague, to that of Roldan as chief
judge, and to seize upon the reins of government. Finally, the de-
sire of the rebels to have him sent to them as an agent, was cited as
a proof that he was to join them as a leader, and that the standard
of rebellion was to be hoisted at Bomao.” These circumstances for
some time perplexed the mind of Columbus; but he reflected that
Carvajal, as far as he had had an opportunity of observing his con-
duct, had behaved like a man of honour and integrity; most of the
circumstances alleged against him admitted of a construction in his
favour; the rest were mere rumours; and he had unfortunately ex-
perienced, in his own case, how easily the fairest actions and the
fairest characters may be falsified by rumour. He discarded, at
once, all suspicion, and determined to confide implicitly in Carvajal;
Amor had he ever any reason to repent of his confidence.
The admiral had scarcely dispatched this letter, when he received
one from the leaders of the rebels, which had been written several
days previously. In this, they not merely vindicated themselves
from the charge of rebellion, but claimed great merit, as having
dissuaded their followers from a resolution to kill the Adelantado, in
revenge for his oppressions; and had prevailed upon them to wait
patiently for redress from the admiral. A month had elapsed since
his arrival, during which they had waited anxiously for his orders;
but he had manifested nothing but violent irritation against them,
notwithstanding the great evils which they had prevented. They
prètended, therefore, that their honour and safety required that they
should withdraw from his service, and they accordingly demanded
their discharge. This letter was dated from Bomao, the 17th of
"Hist. del Almirante, C. 78.
12 LIFE AND VõyAéES OF [Book XII.
October, and signed by Francisco Roldan, Adrian de Moxica, Pedro
de Gamez, and Diego de Escobar.” * * * : * , - . "
In the meantime, Carvajal arrived at Bonao, accompanied by
Miguel Ballester. They found the rebels full of arrogance, and
presumption. The conciliating letter of the admiral, however, en-
forced by the earnest persuasions of Carvajal, and the virtuous
admonitions of the veteran Ballester, had a favourable effect on
several of the leaders, who had more intellect than their brutal
followers. Roldan, Gamez, Escobar, and two or three others ac-
tually mounted their horses to repair to the admiral, when they were
detained by the clamorous opposition of their men. . These were too
infatuated with their idle licentious mode of life, to relish the idea of
a return to labour and discipline. They insisted that it was a matter
which concerned them all; whatever arrangement was to be made,
therefore, should be made in public in writing, and subject to their
approbation or dissent. A day or two elapsed before this clamour
could be appeased. Roldan then wrote to the admiral, that his
followers objected to his coming unless a written assurance or pass-
port were sent, protecting the persons of himself and such as should
accompany him. Miguel Ballester wrote at the same time to the
admiral, a letter of cautious and earnest counsel, urging him to
agree to whatever terms the rebels might demand. He represented
their forces as continually augmenting, and that the soldiers of his
garrison were daily deserting to them. He gave it as his opinion,
that unless some compromise were speedily effected, and the rebels
shipped off to Spain, not merely the authority, but even the person
of the admiral, would be in danger; for though the hidalgos, and
the immediate officers and servants of Columbus, would doubtless
die in his service, yet he feared that the common people were but
little to be depended upon.f
Columbus felt the increasing urgency of the case, and imme-
diately sent the required passport. Roldan came to San Domingo,
but from his conduct it appeared as if he sought rather to make
partisans, and gain deserters, than to arrange any terms of recon-
ciliation. He had several conversations with the admiral, and
several letters passed between them. He made many complaints
and numerous demands; Columbus made large concessions, but
some of the pretensions were too arrogant to be admitted. Nothing
definite was arranged. Roldan departed, under pretext of conferring
with his people, promising to send his terms in writing. The ad.
* Hist. del Almirante, C. 79. Herrera, D. 1, L. 3, C. 13.
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 153. # Idem, C. 188. - *
Char. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 13
miral sent his major domo, Diego de Salamanca, to treat in his
behalf.”
On the 6th of November Roldan wrote a letter from Bonao, con-
taining his terms, and requested that a reply might be sent to him
to Conception, as scareity of provisions obliged him to leave Bomao.
He added that he should wait for a reply until the following Mon-
day (the 11th.) There was an insolent menace implied in this note,
accompanied as it was by the most insolent demands. The admiral
found it impossible to comply with the latter, but to manifest his
lenient disposition, and to take from the rebels all plea of rigour, he
had a proclamation affixed for thirty days to the gate of the fortress;
promising full indulgence, and complete oblivion of the past, to
Roldan and his followers, or to any of them who should return to
the service of the crown, and present themselves before the admiral
within the course of a month, and free conveyance for all such as
wished to return to Spain: but threatening to execute justice upon
those who should not appear within the limited time. A copy of
this paper he sent to Roldan by Carvajal, with a letter, stating the
impossibility of a compliance with his terms: but offering to agree
to any compact that should be drawn up with the approbation of
Carvajal and Salamanca. *
When Carvajal arrived he found the veteran Ballester actually
besieged in his fortress of Conception by Roldan, under pretext of
claiming, in his official character of alcalde mayor, a culprit who
had taken refuge there from justice. He had cut off the supply of
water from the fort, by way of distressing it into a surrender. When
Carvajal posted up the proclamation of the admiral, on the gate of
the fortress, the rebels scoffed at the proffered amnesty; saying that,
in a little while they would oblige the admiral to ask the same at
their hands. The earnest intercessions of Carvajal, however,
brought the leaders at length to reflection, and through his media-
tion articles of capitulation were drawn up. By these it was agreed
that Roldan and his followers should embark for Spain, from the
port of Xaragua, in two ships, which should be fitted out and vic-
tualled within fifty days. That they should each receive from the
admiral a certificate of good conduct, and an order for the amount
of their pay, up to the actual date. That slaves should be given
to them, as had been given to others, in consideration of services
performed; and as several of their company had wives, natives of
the island, who were pregnant, or had lately been delivered, that
they might take them with them, if willing to go, in place of the .
* Hist, del Almirante, C. 79. B
14 sº LIFE AND WOWAGES OF [Bson XII
§e
slaves. That satisfaction should be made for property of some of
the company which had been sequestrated; and for live stock which
had belonged to Francisco Roldan. There were other conditions
providing for the security of their persons, and it was stipulated that
if no reply were received to these terms within eight days, the
whole should be voidi” wº
This agreement was signed by Roldan and his companions at
fort Conception, on the 16th of November, and by the admiral at
San Domingo on the 21st. At the same time he proclaimed a fur-
ther act of grace, permitting such as chose to remain in the island
either to come to San Domingo, and enter into the royal service, or
to hold lands in any part of the island. They preferred, however, to
follow the fortunes of Roldan, who departed with his band for Xara-
gua, to await the arrival of the ships, accompanied by Miguel Bak-
lester, sent by the admiral to superintend the preparations for their
embarkation.
It was a grievous trial to the spirit of Columbus, to see his pro-
jected enterprise to Terra Firma impeded by such contemptible
obstacles; and that the ships, which should have borne his brother
to explore that newly found continent, should be devoted to the use of
this turbulent and worthless rabble. He consoled himsehſ, however,
with the reflection, that all the mischief which had so long been lurk-
ing in the island, would thus be at once shipped off, and that thence-
forth every thing would be restored to order and tranquillity. He
ordered every exertion to be made, therefore, to get the ships in readi-
mess to be sent round to Xaragua; but the scareity of sea-stores, and
the difficulty of completing the arrangements for such a voyage, in
the disordered state of the colony, delayed their departure far beyond
the stipulated time. Feeling that he had been compelled to a kind
of deception towards the sovereigns, in the certifieate of good con-
duet which he had given to Roldan and his followers, Columbus
wrote a letter to them, informing them of the real eharacter and
conduct of those delinquents. He represented that they had resisted
authority, prevented the Indians from paying tribute, pillaged the
island and carried off large quantities of gold, and the daughters of
several of the caciques. That the certificate of good conduct which
he had given them, had been in conformity to the advice of the prin-
cipal persons about him, and wrung from him by the exigency of
the case, the whole island being threatened with ruin by their rebel-
lion. He advised, therefore, that they should be seized, and their
slaves and treasure taken from them, until their conduct could be
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 80. .
Char. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 15
properly investigated. This letter he intrusted to a confidential per-
son, who was to go in one of the ships." The rebels having left the
neighbourhood, and the affairs of San Domingo being in a state of
security, Columbus put his brother Don Diego in temporary oom-
mand, and departed with the Adelantado on a tour to visit the vari-
ous stations and to restore the island to order.
CHAPTER IV.
ANoTHER Muriny of THE REBELs; AND SEcond ARRANGEMENT
WITH THE I.
[1499.]
SEveRAL months were consumed by Columbus and the Adelantado
in their tour through the island. Every thing had fallen into con-
fusion during the late troubles. The mines were abandoned; the
farms lay neglected; the flocks and herds which were to be kept for
breeding, were scattered or destroyed; the caciques had ceased to
pay their tribute, every thing required to be re-arranged. Still, Co-
lumbus flattered himself, now that the island was relieved from the
evil spirits which had lately roamed about it, that every thing, by
strenuous exertion, would soon be restored to prosperous condition.
His little intervals of calm, however, were always sure to be follow-
ed by a violent storm. While he was soothing himself with the
idea that Roldan and his band were tossing on the high, seas, on
their way to Spain, he learnt, to his infinite disquiet, that the voyage
was interrupted, and that the rebels had broken out into new sedi-
tlöhs.
The two caravels had sailed from San Domingo for Xaragua.
about the end of February; but enoountering a violent storm, they
had been obliged to put into one of the harbours of the island, where
they were detained until the end of March. One was so disabled as
to be compelled to return to San Domingo. Another vessel was dis-
patched to supply its place, in which the indefatigable Carvajal set
sail, to expedite the embarkation of the rebels. It was eleven days
in making the voyage, and found the other caravel at Karagua.
In the meantime, the followers of Roldan had changed their minds,
*Herers, Hit Ind. p. 1, L3, c. 16.
16 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF • [Book XII
and refused to embark; either fearing to return to Spain, or loth to
abandon their present unrestrained and dissolute mode of life. They
pretended, as usual, to throw all the blame on Columbus; affirming
that he had purposely delayed the ships far beyond the time stipu-
lated in their capitulations; that he had sent them in a state not
seaworthy, and short of provisions; with many other charges, art-
fully founded on circumstances over which they knew the admiral
could have no control.
Carvajal made a formal protest before a notary who had accom
panied him; and finding that the ships were suffering great injury
from the teredo or worm, and their provisions failing, he sent them
back to San Domingo, and set out on his return by land. Roldan
mounted his horse to accompany him a little distance: he was evi-
dently disturbed in mind. He feared to return to Spain, yet was
shrewd enough to know that his present situation, at the head of a
band of dissolute men, acting in defiance of authority, had no secu-
rity in it, and must eventually lead to his destruction. What tie
had he upon the fidelity of these men more strong than the sacred
obligations which they had violated? After riding thoughtfully for
some distance, he paused and requested some particular conversation
with Carvajal before they parted. They alighted under the shade
of a tree. Here Roldan made farther professions of the loyalty of
his intentions, and finally declared, that if the admiral would once
more send him a written security for his person, with the guarantee
also of the principal persons about him, he would come to treat with
him, and trusted that the whole matter would be arranged, on terms
satisfactory to both parties. This offer, however, he added, must be
kept secret from his followers.
Carvajal was overjoyed at this prospect of a final arrangement,
and made all haste to communicate the request of Roldan to the ad-
miral. The latter immediately forwarded the required passport, or
security, sealed with the royal seal, accompanied by a letter written
in amicable terms, exhorting him to quiet obedience to the authority
of the sovereigns. Several of the principal persons, also who were
with the admiral, wrote, at his request, a letter of security to Roldan,
pledging themselves for the safety of himself and his followers du-
ring the negotiation, provided they did nothing hostile to the royal
authority, or its representative.
In the midst of his perplexities, while Columbus, with the most
unwearied assiduity and loyal zeal, was endeavouring to bring the
island back to its obedience, and to promote the interests of his sove-
reigns, he received a letter from Spain, in reply to the earnest repre-
sentations which he had made, in the preceding autumn, of the dis-
CHAP. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 17
tracted state of the colony, and the outrages of these lawless men,
and his prayers for royal countenance and support under his difficul- ,
ties. The letter was written by his invidious enemy, the bishop Fon-
seca, superintendent of Indian affairs. It informed him that the ac-
counts he had transmitted to Spain of the alleged insurrection of
Roldan had been received, but that this matter must be suffered to
remain in suspense, as the sovereigns would investigate and remedy
it presently.”
This cold reply to his earnest representations, had the most dis-
heartening effect upon Columbus. He saw that his complaints had
little weight with the Government; that the misrepresentations of
his enemies were prejudicing him with the sovereigns; and he an-
ticipated redoubled insolence on the part of the rebels, when they
should discover the little influence he possessed in Spain. Full of
devotion, however, to the success of his undertakings, and of fidelity
to the interests of the sovereigns, he resolved to spare no personal sa-
crifices of comfort or dignity, but at any cost to appease the troubles
of the island. Eager to expedite the 'negotiation with Roldan,
therefore, he sailed, in the latter part of August, with two caravels,
to the port of Azua, to the west of San Domingo, and much nearer
to Xaragua. He was accompanied by several of the most important
personages of the colony. Roldan repaired thither likewise, with
the turbulent Adrian de Moxica, and a number of his band. The
concessions he had already received from the admiral had increased
his presumption, and he had doubtless received intelligence of the
cold manner in which the complaints of the admiral had been re-
ceived in Spain. He conducted himself more like a conqueror ex-
acting triumphant terms, than a delinquent seeking to procure par-
don by atonement.
He came on board of the caravel, and, with his usual effrontery,
propounded the preliminary terms upon which he and his com-
panions were disposed to negotiate. \
First, that he should be permitted to send several of his company,
to the number of fifteen, to Spain, in the vessels which were at San
Domingo. Secondly, that those who remained should have lands
granted them to cultivate, in place of royal pay. Thirdly, that it
should be proclaimed, that every thing charged against Roldan and
his party, had been grounded upon false testimony, and the machina-
tions of persons who desired to injure them, and who were disaffected
to the royal service. Fourthſ , that Roldan should be reinstated in
his office of alcalde mayor, or chief judge.f
• Herrera, Decad. 1, L3, c. 16 tidem. B 2
I8 LIFE AND WOYAGES OF [Boog XII
These were hard and insolent conditions to commence with, but
they were granted. Roldan then went on shore, and communicated
them to his companions. For two days the insurgents held a con-
Sultation among themselves, at the end of which they sent their ca-
pitulations, drawn up in form, and couched in arrogant language,
including all the stipulations granted at fort Conception, with those
recently demanded by Roldan, and concluding with one more inso-
lent than all the rest: namely, that if the admiral should fail in the
fulfilment of any of these articles, they should have a right to assem
ble together, and to compel his performance of them by force, or by
any other means they might think proper.” Thus the conspirators
were not only seeking to obtain exculpation of the past, but a pre-
text for the future, in case they should again rise in rebellion.
The mind grows wearied and impatient with recording, and the
heart of the generous reader must burn with indignation at perusing,
this protracted and ineffectual struggle of a man of the exalted me.
rits and matchless services of Columbus in th; toils of such contemp-
tible miscreants. Surrounded by doubt and danger; a foreigner
among a jealous people; an unpopular commander in a mutinous
island; distrusted and slighted by the government he was seeking
to serve, and creating suspicion by his very services, he knew not
where to look for faithful advice, or efficient aid, or candid judgment.
The very ground on which he stood seemed giving way under him,
for he was told, that seditious conversations began to be held among
his own people. They saw the impunity with which the rebels had
rioted in the possession of one of the finest parts of the island; they
now began to talk among themselves of following their example; of
abandoming the standard of the admiral, and seizing upon the pro-
vince of Higuey, at the eastern extremity of the island, which was
said to contain valuable mines of gold.
Thus critically situated, disregarding every consideration of per-
sonal pride and dignity, and determined at any individual sacrifice
to secure the interests of an ungrateful sovereign, Columbus forced
himself to sign this most humiliating capitulation. He trusted that
afterwards, when he could gain quiet access to the royal ear, he
would be able to convince the king and queen that it had been com
pulsory, and forced from him by the extraordinary difficulties in which
he had been placed, and the imminent perils of the colony. Before
signing it, however, he inserted a stipulation, that the commands of
the sovereigns, of himself, and of the justices appointed by him
should be punctually obeyed.t
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 3, C. 16. Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 83.
t Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 1, L. 3, C. 16.
Châr. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. º 19
CHAPTER V.
GRANTS MADE TO ROLDAN AND HIs Follow ERs—DEPARTURE
OF SEVERAL OF THE REBELS FOR SPAIN.
[1499.]
WHEN Roldan resumed his office of alcalde mayor, or chief judge,
he displayed all the arrogance to be expected from one who had in-
truded himself into power by profligate means. While at the city
of San Domingo, he was always surrounded by his faction, he com-
muned only with the dissolute and disaffected, and having all the tur-
bulent and desperate men of the community at his beck, he was
enabled to intimidate the quiet and loyal by his frowns. He bore
an impudent front against the authority even of Columbus himself,
discharging from office one Rodrigo Perez, a lieutenant of the
admiral, declaring that no one should bear a staff of office in the
island but such as he appointed.”
Columbus had a difficult and painful task to bear with the inso-
lence of this man, and of the shameless rabble that returned, under
his auspices, to the settlements. He tacitly permitted many abuses,
endeavouring by mildness and indulgence to allay the jealousies
and prejudices which had been awakened against him, and by vari-
ous concessions to lure the factious to the performance of their duty.
To such of the colonists generally as preferred to remain in the
island, he offered a choice either of royal pay, or of portions of
lands, with a number of Indians, some free, others as slaves, to
assist in the cultivation. The latter was generally preferred; and
grants were made out, in which he endeavoured, as much as possi-
ble, to combine the benefit of the individual with the interests of the
colony.
Roldan presented a memorial signed by one hundred and two of
his late followers, demanding grants of land and licenses to settle,
and choosing Xaragua for their place of abode. The admiral feared
to trust such a numerous body of factious partisans in so remote a
province, lest they should foment some new rebellion. He contrived,
therefore, to distribute them in various parts of the island; some at
* Herrera, Hist. Ind. Decad. 1, L. 3, C. 16.
20 s 1.I.P.E AND WººyºAGES: QF [Book XII.
Bomao, whermeir settlement gave origin to the town of that name;
others on the banks of the Rio Verde, or Green River, in the Vega;
others about six leagues from thence at St. Jago. He assigned to
them liberal portions of land, and numerous Indian slaves, taken in
the wars. He made an arrangement, also, by which the caciques
in their vicinity, instead of paying tribute, should furnish parties of
their subjects, free Indians, to assist the colonists in the cultivation
of their lands; a kind of feudal service, which was the origin of
the repartimientos or distributions of the free Indians among the
colonists, afterwards generally adopted and shamefully abused
throughout the Spanish colonies; a source of intolerable hardships
and oppressions to the unhappy natives, and which greatly contri-
buted to exterminate them from the island of Hispaniola.” Colum-
bus considered the island in the light of a conquered country, and
arrogated to himself all the rights of a conqueror, in the name of
the sovereigns for whom he fought. Of course all his companions
in the enterprise were entitled to take part in the acquired territory,
and to establish themselves there as feudal lords, reducing the na-
tives to the condition of villains or vassals.f This was an arrange-
ment widely different from his original intentions; having been
disposed tº treat the natives with amity and kindness, as peaceful
subjects of the crown. But all his plans had been subverted by the
violence and licentiousness of others, and his present measures ap-
pear to have been forced upon him by the exigency of the times.
As a kind of police, to restore the island to order, he appointed a
captain with an armed band, with orders to range the provinces, to
oblige the Indians to attend to the payment of their tributes, to
watch overthe conduct of the colonists, and to check the least ap-
pearance of mutiny or insurrection.}
Having sought and obtained such ample provisions for his follow-
ers, Roldan was not more slow or modest in making demands for
himself. He claimed certain lands in the vicinity of Isabella, as
having belonged to him before his rebellion; also, a royal farm, de-
voted to the rearing of poultry, situated in the Vega, and called La
Esperanza. These the admiral granted to him, with permission to
employ in the cultivation of the farm the subjects of the cacique
whose ears had been cut off by Alonzo de Qjeda, in his first mili-
tary expedition into the Vega. Roldan received also grants of land
in Karagua, and a variety of live stock from the cattle and other
animals belonging to the crown. These grants were made to him
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 3, C. 16. f Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo, L.6, $50,
f Hist. de. Almirante. C. 84.
Char. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 21
provisionally, until the pleasure of the sovereigns should be known;”
for Columbus yet trusted that, when their majesties should under-
stand the seditions and violences by which these concessions had
been extorted from him, the ringleaders of the rebels would not
merely be stripped of their ill-gotten possessions, but would receive
that punishment which their offences deserved.
Roldan having now enriched himself beyond his hopes, requested
permission of Columbus to visit his lands. This was granted with
great reluctance. He immediately departed for the Vega, and
stopping at Bonao, his late headquarters, he made Pedro Requelme,
one of his most active confederates, alcalde, or judge of the place,
with the power of arresting all delinquents and sending them pri-
somers, to the fortress of Conception, where he reserved to himself the
right of sentencing them. This appointment gave great displeasure
to Columbus, being an assumption of powers not vested in the office
of Roldan, who had no right to create inferior alcaldes. Other cir-
cumstances created apprehensions in his mind of further designs of
the late insurgents. Pedro Requelme, under pretext of erecting
farming buildings for his cattle, began to construct a strong edifice
on a hill, advantageously posted and capable of being made into a
formidable fortress. This, it was whispered, was done in concert
with Roldan, by way of securing a strong hold in which they might
fortify themselves in case of need. Being in the neighbourhood of
the Vega, where so many of their late partisans were settled, it
would have formed a dangerous rallying place for any new sedition.
The designs of Requelme were suspected, and his proceedings op-
posed by Pedro de Arana, a loyal and honourable man, who was on
the spot. Representations were made by both parties to the admiral,
who, filled with uneasiness at this suspicious measure on the part of
Requelme, prohibited him from proceeding with the construction of
his edifice.f *
Columbus had prepared to return with his brother Don Bartholo.
mew to Spain, where he felt that his presence was of the utmost im-
portance to place the late events of the island in a proper light. He
had experienced the inefficacy of letters of explanation, which were
liable to be counteracted by the misrepresentations of malevolent ene-
mies. The island, however, was still in a feverish state. He was
not well assured of the fidelity of the late rebels, though so deagly
purchased; there was rumour also of a threatened descent into the
Vega, by the mountain tribes of Ciguay, to attempt the rescue of
*-
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 3. C. 16.
* Idem. Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 83 and 84.
+ . .
**
22 . . LIFE ANºw GMAGES, QF [Book XII.
their captive cacique, Mayobanex, who was still detained a prisoner
in the fortress of Conception. Tidings also were brought from the
western parts of the island, that four strange ships had arrived upon
the coast under suspicious appearances. These circumstances
obliged Columbus to postpone his departure for the present, and held
him involved in the affairs of this favourite but fatal island. .
The two caravels were dispatched for Spain in the beginning of
October, taking such of the colonists as chose to return, and among
them a number belonging to the party of Roldan. Some of those
took with them three slaves, others two, and others one; and some
of them carried away the daughters of caciques, whom they had
beguiled from their families and homes. At these abuses, as at many
others, which equally grieved his spirit, the admiral was obliged to
connive. He was conscious, at the same time, that he was sending
home a reinforcement of enemies and false witnesses, to defame his
character, and traduce his conduct, but he had no alternative. To
counteract, as much as possible, their misrepresentations, he sent by
the same caravel the loyal and upright veteran Miguel Ballester, to-
gether with Garcia de Barrantes, empowered to attend to his affairs
at court, and furnished with the depositions which had been taken
relative to the conduct of Roldan and his accomplices.
He wrote at the same time to the sovereigns, entreating them to
inquire into the truth of the late transactions, and to act as they
thought best. He stated his opinion that the capitulations which he
had signed with the rebels were null and void, for various reasons;
that they had been extorted from him by violence, and at sea, where
he did not exercise the office of viceroy; that there had been two
trials relative to the insurrection, and the insurgents having been
condemned as traitors, it was not in the power of the admiral to ab-
solve them from their criminality; that the capitulations treated of
matters touching the royal revenue, over which he had no control
without the intervention of the proper officers; and that Francisco
Roldan and his companions, on leaving Spain, had taken an oath to
be faithful to the sovereigns, and to the admiral in their name. For
these and similar reasons, some just, others rather sophistical, he
urged their majesties not to consider themselves bound to ratify the
compulsory terms which he had ceded to these profligate men, but
tº inquire into their offences and treat them accordingly.”
He repeated the request made in a former letter, that a learned
man might be sent out as judge to administer the laws in the island,
since he himself had been charged with rigour, although conscious
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 3, C. 16.
CHAP. VI.] cHRISToPHER columbus. 23
of having always observed a guarded elemency. He requested also
that disereet persons should be sent out to form a council, and others
for certain fiscal employments; entreating, however, that their pow-
ers should be so limited and defined, in their respective appointments,
as not to interfere with his own dignity and privileges. He bore
strongly on this point; for he felt that his prerogatives had, on for-
mer occasions, been grievously invaded. He observed that he might
be mistaken, but it appeared to him that princes ought to show
much confidence in their governors; for without the royal favour to
give them strength and consequence, everything went to ruin under
their command:—a sound maxim forced from the admiral by his
recent experience, in which much of his own perplexities and the
triumph of the rebels had been caused by the distrust of the crown,
and its inattention to his remonstrances.
Finding age and infirmity creeping upon him, and his health
being much impaired by his last voyage, Columbus began to think
of his son Diego, as an active coadjutor, to share the toils and cares
of his station; and who, being destined as his successor, might gain
experience under his eye, for the future discharge of his high duties.
Diego was still serving as a page at court, but was grown to man's
estate, and capable of entering into the important concerns of life;
Columbus prayed, therefore, that he might be sent out to assist him,
as he felt himself infirm in health and broken in constitution, and
less capable than formerly of exertion.”
CHAPTER WI.
*
ARRIVAL OF OJEDA WITH A squadron AT THE west ERN PART
of THE ISLAND.—Rol.IRAN sent To MEET HIM.
[1499. I
Among the causes which induced Columbus to postpone his depar.
ture for Spain, has been mentioned the arrival of four ships at the
western part of the island. These had anchored, on the 5th of Sep.
tember, in a harbour a little below Jacquemel, apparently with the
design of cutting woods used in dyeing, which abound in that neigh-
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 3, C. 16."
*
24 & LIFE AND VOYAGES 6F [Book xii
bourhood, and of carrying off the natives for slaves. Further re-,
ports informed him that these ships were commanded by Alonzo de
Ojeda, the same hot-headed and bold-hearted cavalier, who had dis-
tinguished himself on various occasions in the previous voyages of
discovery, and paricularly in the capture of the cacique Caonabo.
Knowing the daring and adventurous spirit of this man, Colum-
bus felt much disturbed at his visiting the island in this clandestine
manner, on what appeared to be little better than a freebooting expe-
dition. To call him to account, and to oppose his aggressions, how-
ever, required an agent of spirit and address. No one seemed better
fitted for the purpose than Roldan. He was as daring as Ojeda,
and of a more crafty character. An expedition of the kind would
occupy the attention of himself and his partisans, and divert them
from any schemes of mischief. The large concessions recently
made to them would, he trusted secure their present fidelity, render-
ing it more profitable for them to be loyal than rebellious.
Roldan gladly undertook the enterprise. He had nothing further
to gain by sedition; and he was anxious to secure his ill-gotten
possessions and offices, by public services which should atone for his
past offences. He was a vain, as well as an active man, and took
a pride in acquitting himself well in an expedition which called for
both courage and shrewdness. Departing from San Domingo with
two caravels, he arrived on the 29th of September within two
leagues of the harbour where the ships of Ojeda were anchored.
Here he landed with five and twenty resolute followers, well armed,
and accustomed to range the forests. He sent five scouts to recon-
noitre. They brought him word that Ojeda was on shore, several
leagues distant from his ships, with only fifteen men, who were em-
ployed in making cassava bread in an Indian village. Roldan
threw himself between Ojeda and his ships, thinking to take him by
surprise. Ojeda, however, was apprized of his approach by the
Indians, with whom the very name of Roldan inspired terror, from
his late excesses in Xaragua. Ojeda saw his danger; he supposed
Roldan had been sent in pursuit of him, and he found himself cut
off from any retreat to his ships. With his usual intrepidity, he
immediately presented himself before Roldan, attended merely by
half a dozen followers. The latter craftily began by conversing on
general topics. He then inquired into his motives for landing on the
island, particularly on that remote and lonely part, without first
reporting himself to the admiral. Ojeda replied that he had been on
a voyage of discovery, and had put in there in distress, to repair his
ships and procure provisions. Roldan then demanded, in the name
of the government a sight of the license under which he sailed.
CHAP. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 25
Ojeda, who knew the resolute character of the man he had to deal
with, restrained his natural impetuosity, and replied, that his papers
were on board of his ship. He declared his intention, on his depart-
ure from thence, to go to San Domingo, and pay his homage to the
admiral, having many things to tell him which were for his private
ear. He intimated to Roldan that the admiral had completely fallen
into disgrace at court; that there was a talk of taking from him his
command, and that the queen his patroness was ill beyond all hopes
of a recovery. This intimation it is presumed was referred to by
Roldan in his dispatches to the admiral, wherein he mentioned that
certain things had been communicated to him by Ojeda, which he
did not think it safe to confide to a letter.
Roldan now repaired to the ships. He found several persons on
board with whom he was acquainted, and who had already been in
Hispaniola. They confirmed the truth of what Ojeda had said; and
showed a license signed by the bishop Fonseca, as superintendent
of the affairs of the Indias, authorizing him to sail on a voyage
of discovery.” g
It appeared, from the report of Ojeda and his followers, that the
glowing accounts sent home by Columbus of his late discoveries on
the coast of Paria; his magnificent speculations with respect to the
riches of the newly found country; and the specimens of pearls
which he had transmitted to the sovereigns, had inflamed the
cupidity of various adventurers. Ojeda happened to be at that time
in Spain. He was a favourite of the bishop Fonseca, and obtained
a sight of the letter written by the admiral to the sovereigns, and the
charts and maps of his route by which it was accompanied. Ojeda
knew Columbus to be embarrassed by the seditions of Hispaniola;
he found, by his conversations with Fonseca and other of the
admiral's enemies, that strong doubts and jealousies, existed in the
mind of the king, with respect to his conduct; and that his approach-
ing downfal was confidently predicted. The idea to take advan-
tage of these circumstances, struck Ojeda, and, by a private enter-
prise, he hoped to be the first in gathering the wealth of these newly
discovered regions. He communicated his project to his patron
Fonseca. The latter was but too ready to do any thing that might
defeat the plans and obscure the glory of Columbus; and it may be
added, that he always showed himself more disposed to patronise
mercenary adventurers, than upright and high-minded men. He
granted Ojeda every facility, furnishing him with copies of the papers
and charts of Columbus, by which to direct himself in his voyage,
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 3.
Vol. II, 3 C
26 ... LIFE AND voyages of [Book XII.
and granting him a letter of license signed with his bwn name,
though hot with that of the sovereigns. In this, it was stipulated
that he should not touch at any land belonging to the king of Por-
tugal, nor any that had been discovered by Columbus prior to 1495.
The last provision shows the perfidious artifice of Fonseca, as it left
Paria and the Pearl Islands free to the visits of Ojeda; they having
been discovered by Columbus subsequent to the designated year.
The ships were to be fitted out at the charges of the adventurers, and
certain proportions of the products of the voyage were to be rendered
to the crown.
Under this license, Ojeda fitted out four ships at Seville, assisted
by many eager and wealthy speculators. Among the number was
the celebrated Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine inerchant, who was
considered well acquainted with geography and navigation. The
principal pilot of the expedition was Juan de la Cosa, a mariner
of great repute, a disciple of the admiral, whom he had accom-
panied in his first voyage of discovery, and in that along the south-
ern coast of Cuba and round the island of Jamaica. There were
several also of the mariners, and Bartholomew Roldan, a distin-
guished pilot, who had been with Columbus in his voyage to Paria.”
Such was the expedition which, by a singular train of circum-
stances, eventuated in giving the name of this Florentine merchant,
Amerigo Vespucci, to the whole of the new world.
This expedition had sailed in May, 1499. The adventurers had
arrived on the southern continent, and had ranged along its coast,
from two hundred leagues east of the Oronoko to the gulf of Paria.
Guided by the chart of Columbus, they had passed through this
gulf, and through the Boca del Dragon and had kept along west-
ward to Cape de la Vela, visiting the Island of Magarita, and the
adjacent continent, and discovering the Gulf of Venezuela. They
had subsequently touched at the Caribbee islands, where they had
fought with the fierce natives, and made many captives, with the
intention of selling them in the slave markets of Spain. From
thence, being in need of supplies, they had sailed to Hispaniola;
having performed the most extensive voyage hitherto made along
the shores of the New World.t
Having collected all the information that he could obtain concern-
ing these voyagers, their adventures and designs; and trusting to
the declaration of Ojeda that he should proceed forthwith to present
himself to the admiral; Roldan returned to San Domingo to render a
report of his mission.
* Las Casas. t Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 1, L. 4, C. 4. Muñoz, Hist. N.
Mundo, part in MS. unpublished.
Caaf. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. . 27
CHAPTER VII.
* MANOEUVRES OF ROLDAN AND OJEDA.
[ 1500. I
WHEN intelligence was brought to Columbus of the nature of the
expedition of Ojeda, and the license under which he sailed, he con-
sidered himself deeply aggrieved, it being a direct infraction of his
most important prerogatives, and sanctioned by authority that ought
to have held them sacred. He awaited patiently, however, the pro-
mised visit of Alonzo de Ojeda to San Domingo, to obtain fuller
explanations. Nothing was further from the intention of that roving
commander than to keep such promise; he had made it merely to
elude the vigilance of Roldan. As soon as he had refitted his
vessels, and obtained a supply of provisions, he sailed round to the
coast of Xaragua, where he arrived in February. Here he was
well received by the Spaniards resident in that province, who sup-
plied all his wants. Among them were many of the late comrades
of Roldan; loose, random characters, impatient of all order and
restraint, and burning with animosity against the admiral, for having
again brought them under the wholesome authority of the laws.
Knowing the rash and fearless character of Ojeda, and finding
that there were jealousies between him and the admiral, they hailed
him as a new leader, come to redress their fancied grievances, in
place of Roldan, who they considered as having deserted them.
They made clamorous complaints to Ojeda of the injustice of the
admiral, whom they charged with withholding from them the ar-
rearages of their pay.
Ojeda was a hot-headed man, with somewhat of a vaunting spirit,
and immediately set himself up for a redresser of grievances. It is
said, also, that he gave himself out as authorized by government, in
conjunction with Carvajal, to act as counsellors, or rather supervisors
of the admiral; and that one of the first measures they were to
take, was to enforce the payment of all arrears due to the servants
of the crown." It is questionable, however, whether Ojeda made
any pretension of the kind, which could so readily be disproved,
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 84.
28 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XII.
and would have tended to disgrace him with the government. It is
probable that he was encouraged in his intermeddling, chiefly by
his knowledge of the tottering state of the admiral's favour at
court, and of his own security in the powerful protection of Fonseca.
He may have imbibed also the opinion, diligently fostered by those
with whom he had chiefly communed in Spain, just before his de-
parture, that these people had been driven to extremities by the
oppression of the admiral and his brothers. Some feeling of gene-
rosity, therefore, it is probable, mingled with his usual love of action
and enterprise, when he proposed to redress all their wrongs, to put
himself at their head, march at once to San Domingo, and oblige
the admiral to pay them on the spot, or expel him from the island.
The proposition of Ojeda was received with acclamations of trans-
port by some of the rebels; others made objections. Quarrels
arose: a ruffian scene of violence and brawl ensued, in which seve-
ral were killed and wounded on both sides; but the party for the
expedition to San Domingo remained triumphant.
Fortunately for the peace and safety of the admiral, Roldan
arrived in the neighbourhood just at this critical juncture, attended
by a crew of resolute followers. He had been dispatched by Co-
lumbus to watch the movements of Ojeda, on hearing of his arrival
on the coast of Xaragua. Roldan had heard of the violent scenes
which were taking place, and sent to his old confederate, Diego de
Escobar, to follow him with all the trusty force he could collect.
They reached Xaragua within a day of each other. An instance
of the bad faith usual between, bad men was now evinced. The
former partisans of Roldan, finding him earnest in his intention of
serving government, and that there was no hope of engaging him
in their new sedition, sought to waylay and destroy him on his
march, but his vigilance and celerity prevented them.*
Ojeda, when he heard of the approach of Roldan and Escobar,
retired on board of his ships. Though' of a daring spirit, he had
no inclination, in the present instance, to come to blows, where
there was a certainty of desperate fighting, and no gain, and where
he must raise his arm against government. Roldan now issued
uch remonstrances as had often been ineffectually addressed to
himself. He wrote to Ojeda, reasoning on his conduct, and the
confusion he was producing in the island, and inviting him on
shore to an amicable arrangement of all alleged grievances. Ojeda,
knowing the crafty and violent character of Roldan, disregarded
his repeated messages, and refused to venture within his power. He
* Hist, del Almirante, ubi sup.
CHAP. VII:1 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 29
even seized one of his messengers, Diego de Truxillo, and landing
Suddenly at Xaragua, carried off another of his followers, named
Toribio de Lenares; both of whom he detained in irons on board of
his vessel, as hostages for a certain Juan Pintor, a one-armed sailor,
who had deserted; threatening to hang them, if the deserter was
not given up.” & g
Various manoeuvres took place between these two well-matched op-
ponents; each wary of the address and prowess of the other. Ojeda
made sail and stood twelve leagues to the northward, to the province
of Cahay, one of the most beautiful and fertile parts of the country,
and inhabited by a kind and gentle people. Here he landed with
forty men, seizing upon whatever he could find of the provisions of
the natives. Roldan and Escobar followed along shore, and were
soon at his heels. Roldan then dispatched Escobar in a light
canoe, paddled swiftly by Indians, who, approaching warily within
hail of the ship, informed Ojeda, that since he would not trust him-
self on shore, Roldan would come and confer with him on board, if
he would send a boat for him.
Ojeda now thought himself secure of his enemy; he immediately
dispatched a boat within a short distance of the shore, where they
lay on their oars, requiring Roldan to come to them. “How many
may accompany me?” demanded the latter. “Only five, or six,”
was the reply. Upon this, Diego de Escobar and four others waded
to the boat. The crew refused to admit more. Roldan then or-
dered one man to carry him to the barge, and another to walk by his
side, and assist him. By this stratagem his party was eight strong.
The instant he entered the boat, he ordered the oarsman to row to
shore. On their refusing, he and his companions attacked them
sword in hand, wounded several, and made all prisoners, except-
ing an Indian archer, who, plunging under the water, escaped by
swimming.
This was an important triumph for Roldan. Ojeda, anxious for
the recovery of his boat, which was indispensable for the service of
the ship, now made overtures of peace. He approached the shore in
the smaller boat which was left him, taking with him his principal
pilot, an arquebusier, and four oarsmen. Roldan entered the boat
he had just captured, with seven rowers and fifteen fighting men,
causing fifteen others to be ready on shore to embark in a large
canoe in case of need. A characteristic interview took place be-
tween these doughty antagonists, each keeping warily on his guard.
Their conference was carried on at a distance. Ojeda justified his
hostile movements, by alleging that Roldan had come with an armed
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1 C. 169. MS. C 2
30 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XII.
force to seize him. This the latter positively denied, promising him
the most amicable reception from the admiral, in case he would re-
pair to San Domingo. An arrangement was at length effected; the
boat was restored; a mutual restitution of the men took place, with
the exception of Juan Pintor, the one-armed deserter, who had ab-
sconded; and on the following day, Ojeda, according to agreement,
set sail to leave the island; threatening, however, to return at a fu-
ture time with more ships and men.”
Roldan waited in the neighbourhood, doubting the truth of his de-
parture. In the course of a few days word was brought him that
Ojeda had landed on a distant part of the coast. He immediately
pursued him with eighty men, in canoes, sending scouts by land.
Before he arrived at the place, Ojeda had again made sail, and Rol-
dan saw and heard no more of him. Las Casas asserts, however,
that Ojeda departed either to some remote district of Hispaniola, or
to the island of Porto Rico, where he made up what he called his
cavalgada, or drové of slaves; carrying off numbers of the unhappy
natives, whom he sold in the slave market of Cadiz.”
CHAPTER VIII.
CONSPERACY OF GUEVARA AND MOXICA.
[1500.]
WHEN men have been accustomed to act falsely, they take great
merit to themselves for an exertion of common honesty. The fol-
lowers of Roldan were loud in trumpeting forth their unwonted loy-
alty, and the great services they had rendered to government in
driving Ojeda from the island. Like all ill reformed knaves, they
expected that their good conduct would be amply rewarded. Look-
ing upon their leader as having every thing in his gift, and being
well pleased with the delightful province of Cahay, they requested
him to share the land among them, that they might settle there.
Roldan would have had no hesitation in granting their request had
it been made during his freebooting career; but he was now anxious
to establish a character for adherence to the laws. He declined
* Letter of Columbus to the nurse of Prince Juan.
* Las Casas, L. 1, C. 169.
CHAP. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 31
therefore acceding to their wishes, until sanctioned by the admiral.
Knowing, however, that he had fostered a spirit among these men
which it was dangerous to contradict, and that their rapacity by
long indulgence did not admit of delay, he shared among them cer-
tain lands of his own, in the territory of his ancient host Behechio,
cacique of Xaragua. . He then wrote to the admiral for permission
to return to San Domingo, and received a letter in reply, giving him
many thanks and commendations for the diligence and address
which he had manifested, but requesting him to remain for a time
in Xaragua, lest Ojeda should be yet hovering about the coast, and
disposed to make another descent in that province.
The troubles of the island were not yet at an end, but were des-
tined again to break forth, and from somewhat of a romantic cause.
There arrived about this time at Xaragua a young cavalier of noble
family, named Don Hernando de Guevara. He possessed an agree-
able person and winning manners, but was rash in his passions, and
dissolute in his principles. He was cousin to Adrian de Moxica,
one of the most active ringleaders in the late rebellion of Roldan;
and had conducted himself with such licentiousness at San Do-
mingo, that Columbus had banished him from the island. There
being no other opportunity of embarking, he had been sent to Xara-
gua, to return to Spain in one of the ships of Ojeda, but arrived
after their departure. Roldan received him favourably, on account
of his old comrade Adrian de Moxica, and permitted him to choose
some place where he would reside, until further orders concerning
him should arrive from the admiral. He chose the province of
Cahay, at the place where Roldan had captured the boat of Ojeda.
It was a delightful part of that beautiful coast; but the reason why
Guevara chose it, was its vicinity to Xaragua. While at the lat-
ter place, in consequence of the indulgence of Roldan, he was
favourably received at the house of Anacaona, the widow of Cao-
nabo, and sister of the cacique Behechio. That remarkable woman
still retained her partiality to the Spaniards, notwithstanding the
disgraceful scenes which had passed before her eyes; and the native
dignity of her character had commanded the respect even of the
dissolute rabble which had infested her province. By her late hus-
band, the cacique Caonabo, she had a daughter named Higuena-
mota, just grown up, and greatly admired for her beauty. Guevara,
being often in company with her, became enamoured, and his per-
sonal advantages soon won the heart of the simple Indian girl. It
was to be near her that he chose Cahay as a residence; at a place
where his cousin Adrian de Moxica kept a number of dogs and
hawks, to be employed in the chase.
32 LIFE AND VOYAGEs of [Book XII.
Guevara delayed his departure. Roldan discovered the object
that bound him to Xaragua, and warned him to desist from his pre-
tensions and leave the province. Las Casas intimates that Roldan
was himself attached to the young Indian beauty, and jealous of
her preference of his rival. Anacaona, the mother, pleased with
the gallant appearance and ingratiating manners of the youthful
cavalier, favoured his attachment; especially as he sought her
daughter in marriage. Notwithstanding the orders of Roldan,
Guevara still lingered in Xaragua, in the house of Anacaona; an
sending for a priest, desired him to baptize his intended bride.
When Roldan heard of this, he sent for Guevara, and rebuked
him sharply for remaining at Xaragua, and for attempting to de-
ceive a person of the importance of Anacaona, by ensnaring the
affections of her daughter. Guevara avowed the strength of his
passion, and his correct intentions, and entreated permission to re-
main. Roldan was inflexible. He alleged that some evil construc-
tion might be put on his conduct by the admiral: but it is probable
his true motive was a desire to send away a rival, who interfered
with his own amorous designs. Guevara obeyed, but had scarce
been three days at Cahay, when, unable to remain longer absent
from the object of his passion, he returned to Xaragua, accom
panied by four or five friends, and concealed himself in the dwelling
of Anacaona. .*
Roldan, who was at that time confined by a malady in his eyes,
being apprized of his return, sent persons to upbraid him with his
disobedience to orders, and to command him to return instantly to
Cahay. The young cavalier now assumed a tone of defiance. He
warned Roldan not to make foes when he had such great need of
friends; for to his certain knowledge, the admiral intended to behead
him. Upon this, Roldan, exercising his powers of command, or-
dered him to quit that part of the island, and repair to San Domin-
go, to present himself before the admiral. The thoughts of being
banished entirely from the vicinity of his Indian beauty, checked
the vehemence of the youth. He changed his tone of haughty de-
fiance into one of humble supplication; and Roldan, appeased by
this submission, permitted him to remain, for the present, in that
part of the island.
Roldan was doomed to reap the fruits of the mischief he had sown.
He had instilled wilfulness and violence into the hearts of his late
followers, and now was exposed to the effects. Guevara, incensed at
this opposition to his passion, meditated revenge. He soon made a
party among the old comrades of Roldan, who detested as a magis-
trate, the man they had idolized as a leader. It was concerted to rise
Chap. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 33
suddenly upon him, and either to kill him or put out his eyes. Rol-
dan was apprized of the plot, and proceeded with his usual prompt-
mess. Guevara was seized in the dwelling of Anacaona, in the
presence of his intended bride; seven of his accomplices were
likewise arrested. Roldan immediately sent an account of the
affair to the admiral; professing at present to do nothing without
his authority, and declaring himself not competent to judge impar-
tially in the case. Columbus, who was at that time at fort Concep-
tion in the Vega, ordered that the prisoners should be conducted to
the fortress of San Domingo.
These vigorous measures, on the part of Roldan, towards his
old comrades, produced immediate commotions in the island. When
Adrian de Moxica heard that his cousin Guevara was a pri-
soner, and that too by command of his former confederate, he
was highly exasperated, and resolved on vengeance. Hastening to
Bonao, the old haunt of rebellion, he called upon the co-operation
of Pedro Requelme, the recently appointed alcalde. It was readily
yielded. They went round together to the various parts of the
Vega, where their late companions in rebellion had received lands
and settled; working upon their ready passions, and enlisting their
feelings in the cause of an old comrade. These men seem to have
had an irresistible propensity to sedition. Guevara was a favourite
with them all; the charms of the Indian beauty had probably their
influence; and the conduct of Roldan was pronounced a tyrannic-
al interference, to prevent a marriage agreeable to all parties, and
beneficial to the colony. There is no being so odious to his former
associates, as a reformed robber, or a rebel, enlisted in the service of
justice. The old scenes of faction were renewed; the weapons
which had scarce been hung up from the recent rebellions, were
again snatched down from the walls, and rash preparations were
made for action. Moxica soon saw a body of daring and reckless
men, ready with horse and weapon, to follow him on any desperate
enterprise. Blinded by the impunity which had attended their
former outrages, he now threatened acts of greater atrocity, meditat-
ing not merely the rescue of his cousin, but the death of Roldan
and the admiral.
Columbus was at fort Conception, with an inconsiderable force,
when this dangerous plot was concerted in his very neighbourhood.
Not dreaming of any further hostilities from men on whom he had
lavished such favours, he would doubtless have fallen in their power,
had not intelligence been brought him of the plot by a deserter from
the conspirators. He saw at a glance the perils by which he was
surrounded, and the evils that were about to burst upon the island.
34 LIFE AND yoyAGES OF [Book XII
It was no longer a time for lenient measures; he determined to strike
a blow, which should crush the very head of rebellion.
Taking with him but six or seven trusty servants, and three
esquires, all well armed, he set out in the night for the place where
the ringleaders were quartered. Confiding in the secrecy of their
plot, and the late passiveness of the admiral, they appear to have
been perfectly unguarded. Columbus came upon them suddenly;
and by surprise; seized Moxica and several of his principal confe-
derates, and bore them off prisoners to 'Fort Conception. The mo-
ment was critical: the Vega was ripe for a revolt; he had the fo-
menter of the conspiracy in his power, and an example was called
for that should strike terror into the factious. He ordered Moxica
to be hanged on the top of the fortress. The latter entreated that he
might be allowed to confess himself previous to execution. A priest
was summoned. The miserable Moxica, who had been so hardy
and arrogant in rebellion, lost all courage at the near approach of
death. He delayed to confess, beginning, and pausing, and recom-
mencing, and again hesitating, as if he hoped, by whiling away
time, to give a chance for rescue. Instead of confessing his own
sins, he began to accuse others of criminality, who were known to
be innocent; until Columbus, incensed at this falsehood and trea-
chery, and losing all patience in his mingled indignation and scorn,
ordered the dastard wretch to be flung from the battlements.”
This sudden act of severity was promptly followed up. Several
of the accomplices of Moxica were condemned to death and thrown
in irons to await their fate. Before the conspirators had time to
recover from their astonishment, Pedro Requelme was taken with
several of his compeers, in his ruffian den at Bonao, and conveyed
to the fortress of San Domingo, where was also confined the original
mover of this second rebellion, Fernando de Guevara, the lover of the
young Indian princess. These unexpected acts of rigour proceed-
ing from a quarter which had long been so lenient, had the desired
effect. The conspirators, seized with consternation, fled for the most
part to Xaragua, their old and favourite retreat. They were not
suffered to congregate there again, and concert new seditions. The
Adelantado, seconded by Roldan, pursued them with his character
istic rapidity of movement, and vigour of arm. It has been said
that he carried a priest with him, in order that, as he arrested delin-
quents, they might be confessed and hanged upon the spot; but the
more probable account is, that he transmitted them prisoners to San
Domingo. He had seventeen of them at one time confined in one
. Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 5,
CHAP. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 35
common dungeon, awaiting their trial, while he continued in inde-
fatigable pursuit of the rémainder." *
These were prompt and Sévere measures; but when we consider
how long Columbus had borne with these men, how much he had
ceded and sacrificed to them, how he had been Interrupted in all his
great undertakings, and the welfare of the colony destroyed by their
contemptible and seditious brawls, how they had abused his lenity,
defied his authority, and at length attempted his life, we cannot won-
der that he should at last let fall the sword of justice, which he had
hitherto held suspended.
The power of faction was now completely subdued, and the good
effects of the various measures which Columbus had taken since his
last arrival, for the benefit of the island, began to appear. The In-
dians, seeing the inefficacy of resistance, submitted patiently to the
yoke. Many of them gave promising signs of civilization, having
embraced Christianity, and in some instances adopted clothing.
The Spaniards began to cultivate diligently their lands, assisted by
the labours of the natives, and every thing gave assurance of settled
and regular prosperity.
Columbus considered all this happy change asbrought about by the
especial intervention of heaven. He expresses this opinion decidedly
in one of his letters, recording an instance of those visionary fancies
which at times visited his imagination, when distempered by illness
or anxiety. In the preceding winter, about the festival of Christmas,
when menaced with war by Indian foes, and insurrections among
his people; when full of distrust of those around him, and apprehen-
sions of disgrace at court, he had for a time sunk into utter despond-
ency. In the midst of his gloom, when he had abandoned himself
to despair, he heard, he says, a voice calling to him: “O man of
little faith! be not cast down; fear nothing; I will provide for
thee. The seven years of the term of gold are not expired;t and in
that and in all other things I will take care of thee.” On that very
day, he adds, he received intelligence of the discovery of a large
tract of country rich in mines. The imaginary promise of divine
aid thus mysteriously and miraculously given, appeared to him since
still more fully accomplished. The troubles and dangers which had
recently surrounded him, had at length broken away, and serene
• Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L.1, c. 170. Ms. Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C.7. !
f Columbus alludes here to the vow which he made on discovéring the new
world, and expressed in a letter to the sovereigns, that within seven years he would
furnish, from the profits of his discoveries, fifty thousand foot, and five thousand
horse, for the deliverance of the holy sepulchre, and an additional force of like
amount within five years afterwards.
t Letter of Columbus to the nurse of Prince Juan. Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 84.
36 , *- LIFE AND voyages of [Boor XII.
º #. º,
tranquillity had succeeded. He now anticipated the prosperous pro-
secution of his favourite-enterprise, so long interrupted; the explo-
ring of the regions of Paria, and the establishment of a fishery in
the Gulf of Pearls. How illusive were his hºpes. At this moment
“those events were maturing which were about to overwhelm him with
éistress, strip him of his honours and render him comparatively a
wreckfor the remainder of his days -
.#: 't 4.
LIFE AND voyages
-º. of . . . . . . . .
CHRI stopher coLUMBUs.
&
, BOOK XIII.
CHAPTER I. ...
f
REPRESENTATIONS AT COURT AGAINST COLUMBUS—BOBADILLA
EMPower ED To ExAMINE INTO HIs conDUCT,
[1500.] r
WHILE Columbus had been involved in a series of difficulties in the
factious island of Hispaniola, his enemies had been but too success.
ful in undermining his reputation in the court of Spain. The report
brought by Ojeda of his anticipated disgrace was not entirely un-
founded; the event was considered as near at hand, and every per-
fidious exertion made to accelerate it. Every vessel that returned
from the new world came freighted with complaints and complain-
ants, representing the characters of Columbus and his brothers in the
most odious point of view, as new men, inflated by their sudden rise
from obscurity, unaccustomed to command, arrogant and insulting
in their conduct towards men of birth and lofty spirit, oppressive in
their rule over the common people, and cruel in their treatment of
the natives. The insidious and illiberal insinuation was continually
urged that they were foreigners, who could have no interest in the
glory of Spain, or the prosperity of Spaniards; and, contemptible as
this plea may seem, it had a most powerful effect. It was even
carried to such a length, that Columbus was accused of a design to
cast off all allegiance to Spain, and to make himself sovereign of the
countries he had discovered, or to yield them into the hands of some
other power: a slanderºwhich, however extravagant, was calculated
to startle the jealous mind of Ferdinand. # $º
It is true, that by every ship Columbus likewise sent home state-
ments, written with all the frankness and energy of * setting
3S LIFE AND VOYAGES OF ' [Book XIII.
forth the real cause and nature of the distractions of the island, and
pointing out, and imploring remedies which, if properly applied,
might have been efficacious. But his letters, arriving at distant in-
tervals, made but single and transient impressions on the royal mind,
which were speedily effaced by the influence of daily and active
misrepresentation. His enemies at court, having continual access
to the sovereigns, were enabled to place every thing urged against
him in the strongest point of view; while they secretly neutralized
the force of his vindications. They had a plausible logic which
they continually used, to prove either bā management or bad faith
in Colümbus. There was an incessant drain upon the mother coun.
try for the support of the colony. Was this compatible with the ex-
travagant pictures he had drawn of the wealth of the island, and its
golden mountains, in which he had pretended to find the veritable
Ophir, the source of all the riches of Solomon? They inferred that
he had either deceived the sovereigns by designing exaggerations,
or he had grossly wronged them by malpractices, or he was totally
incapable of the duties of government. .k.
The disappointment of Ferdinand, in finding his newly discovered
possessions a source of expense instead of profit, was known to press
sorely on his mind. The wars dictated by his ambition had straitened
his resources, and involved him in perplexities. He had looked with
confidence to the New World for relief, and for ample means to pur-
sue his triumphs; and he grew impatient at the repeated demands
which it occasioned on his scanty treasury. For the purpose of ir-
ritating his feelings and heightening his resentment; every disap-
pointed and repining man who returned from the colony, was en-
couraged by the hostile faction, to put in claims for pay withheld by
Columbus, or losses sustained in his service. This was especially
the case with the disorderly ruffians who had been shipped off to
free the island from their seditions. They found their way to the
court at Granada. They followed the king when he rode out, filling
the air with their complaints, and clamouring for their pay. Atone
time, about fifty of these vagabonds found their way into the inner
court of the Alhambra, under the royal apartments, holding up
bunches of grapes as the meagre diet left them by their poverty, and
railing aloud at the deceits of Columbus, and the cruel neglect of
government. The two sons of Columbus happening to pass by, who
were pages to the queen, they followed them with imprecations, ex-
claiming, “There go the sons of the admiral, the whelps of him
who discovered the land of vanity and delusion, the grave of Spanish
hidalgos!”
* Hist, del Almirante, C. 85.
Char. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 39
The incessant repetition even of falsehood will gradually wear its
way into the most candid mind. Isabella herself began to entertain
doubts respecting the conduct of Columbus. Where there was such
universal and incessant complaint, it seemed reasonable to conclude
that there must exist some fault. If Columbus and his brothers
were upright, they might be injudicious; and, in government, mis-
chief is oftener produced through error of judgment, than iniquity
of design. The letters written by Columbus himself presented a la-
mentable picture of the confusion of the island. Might not this
arise from the weakness and incapacity of the rulers? Even granting
that the prevalent abuses arose in a great measure from the enmity
of the people to the admiral and his brothers, and their prejudices
against them as foreigners, was it safe to intrust so important and
distant a command to persons who were so unpopular with the com-
munity? *~.
These considerations had much weight in the candid mind of Isa-
bella, but they were all-powerful with the cautious and jealous Fer-
dinand. He had never regarded Columbus with real cordiality;
and, ever since he had ascertained the importance of his discoveries,
had regretted the extensive powers he had vested in his hands. The
excessive clamours which had arisen during the brief administration
of the Adelantado, and the breaking out of the faction of Roldan, at
length determined the king to send out some person of consequence
and ability, to investigate the affairs of the colony, and if necessary
for its safety, to take upon himself the command.
This important and critical measure it appears had been decided
upon, and the papers and powers actually drawn out, in the spring
of 1499. It was not, however, carried into effect until the following
year. Various reasons have been assigned for this delay. The im-
portant services rendered by Columbus, in the discovery of Paria
and the Pearl Islands, may have had some effect on the royal mind.
The necessity of fitting out an armament just at that moment, to co-
operate with the Venetians against the Turks; the menacing move-
ments of the new king of France, Louis XII; the rebellion of the
Moors of the Alpukarra mountains, in the lately conquered kingdom
of Granada; all these have been alleged as reasons for postponing a
measure which called for much consideration, and might have im-
portant effects upon the newly discovered possessions.” The most
probable reason, however, was the strong disinclination of Isabella to
take so harsh a step against a man for whom she entertained such
ardent gratitude and high admiration.
* Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo—Part unpublished.
40 LIFE AND VOYAGES.OF [Book XIII.
. At length the arrival of the ships with the late followers of. Rol.
dan; according to their capitulation, brought matters to a crisis... It
is true, that Ballester and Barrantes came in these ships, to place
the affairs of the island in a proper light; but they brought out a
host of witnesses in favour of Roldan, and letters written by himself
and his confederates, attributing all their late conduct to the tyranny
of Columbus and his brothers. Unfortunately, the testimony of the
rebels had the greatest weight with Ferdinand; and there was a
circumstance in the case which suspended for a time the friendship
of Isabella, which had hitherto been the greatest dependence of Co-
lumbus. * . . .
The queen having taken a maternal interest in the welfare of the
natives, had been repeatedly offended by what appeared to her perti-
nacity on the part of the admiral, in continuing to make slaves of
those taken in warfare, in contradiction of her known wishes. ' The
same ships which brought home the companions.of Roldan brought
likewise a great number of slaves. Some Columbus had been oblig
ed to grant to these men by the articles of capitulation; others they
had brought away clandestinely. Among them were several daugh-
ters of caciques, who had been seduced away from their families and
their native island by these profligates. Some of these were in a
state of pregnancy, others had new-born infants. The gifts and
transfers of these unhappy beings were all ascribed to the will of
Columbus, and represented to Isabella in the darkest colours. Her
sensibility as a woman, and her dignity as a queen, were instantly
in arms. “What power,” exclaimed she indignantly, “has the ad-
miral to give away my vassals” She determined, by one decided
and peremptory act, to show her abhorrence of these outrages upon
humanity; she ordered all the Indians to be restored to their country
and friends. Nay more, her measure was retrospective. She com-
manded that those which had formerly been sent home by the admi-
ral should be sought out, and sent back to Hispaniola. Unfortu-
nately for Columbus, at this very juncture, in one of his letters, he
had advised the continuance of Indian slavery for some time longer,
as a measure important for the welfare of the colony. This contri.
buted to heighten the indignation of Isabella, and induced her no
longer to oppose the sending out of a commission to investigate his
conduct, and if necessary to supersede him in command.
, , Ferdinand had been.exceedingly embarrassed, in appointing this
commission, between his sense of what was due to the character and
services of Columbus, and his anxiety to retract with decency the
* Las Casas, L. 1.
CHAP. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 41
powers which he had vested in him. A pretext at length was fur-
nished by the recent letters of the admiral, and he seized upon it
with avidity. Columbus had repeatedly requested that a person
might be sent out, of talents and probity, learned in the law, to act
as chief judge; but whose powers should be so limited and defined,
as not to interfere with his own authority as viceroy. He had also
requested that an impartial umpire might be appointed, to decide in
the affair between himself and Roldan. Ferdinand professed to con-
sult his wishes, but to unite those two offices in one; and as the
person so appointed would have to decide in matters touching the
highest functions of the admiral, and his brothers, he was empower-
ed, should he find them culpable, to supersede them in the govern-
ment; a singular mode of ensuring partiality
The person chosen for this most momentous and delicate office,
was Don Francisco de Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household,
and a commander of the military and religious order of Calatrava.
Oviedo pronounces him a very honest and religious man;" but he
is represented by others, and his actions corroborate the description,
as needy, passionate, and ambitious; three powerful objections to his
exercising arbitrament in a case requiring the utmost patience, can-
dour, and circumspection, and where the judge was to derive wealth
and power from the conviction of one of the parties.
The authority vested in Bobadilla is defined in letters from the
sovereigns still extant, and which deserve to be noticed chronologi-
cally; for the royal intentions appear to have varied with times and
circumstances. The first was dated on the 21st of March, 1499, and
mentions the complaint of the admiral, that an alcalde and certain
other persons had risen in rebellion against him. “Wherefore,” adds
the letter, “we order you to inform yourself of the truth of the fore-
going: who and what persons they were who rose against the said
admiral and our magistracy, and for what cause; and what robberies
and other injuries they have committed; and furthermore to extend
your inquiries to all other matters relating to the premises; and the
information obtained, and the truth known, whomever you find cul-
pable arrest their persons and sequestrate their effects; and thus
taken, proceed against them, and the absent, both civilly and crimi-
nally, and impose and inflict such fines and punishments as you
may think fit.” To carry this into effect, Bobadilla was authorized
in case of necessity, to call in the assistance of the admiral, and of all
other persons in authority.
* Oviedo, Cronica, L. 3, C. 6.
Wol. II. 4 D 2
42 - LIFE AND WołºśćBS OF [Book XIII.
The powers here given are manifestly directed merely against the
rebels, and in consequence of the complaints of Columbus. Another
letter, dated on the 21st of May, two months subsequently, is quite
of different purport. It makes no mention of Columbus; but is ad-
dressed to the counsellors, justices, regidores, cavaliers, esquires, offi-
cers, and men of property of the islands, and Terra Firma; inform-
ing them of the appointment of Bobadilla to the government, with
full civil and criminal jurisdiction. Among the powers specified is
the following: “It is our will that if the said commander, Francisco
de Bobadilla, should think it necessary for our service, and the pur-
poses of justice, that any cavaliers, or other persons, who are at pre-
sent in those islands, or may arrive there, should leave them, and not
return and reside in them, and that they should come and present
themselves before us, he may command it in our name, and oblige
them to depart; and whomever he thus commands, we hereby order
that immediately, without waiting to inquire or consult us, or to re-
ceive from us any other letter or command; and without interposing
appeal or supplication, they obey whatever he shall say and order,
under the penalties which he shall impose on our part,” &c.
Another letter, dated likewise on the 21st of May, in which Co
lumbus is styled simply, “Admiral of the ocean sea,” orders him
and his brothers to surrender the fortresses, ships, houses, arms, am.
munition, cattle, and all other royal property, into the hands of Bo,
badilla as governor; under penalty of incurring the punishments to
which those subject themselves, who refuse to surrender fortresse-
and other trusts, when commanded by their sovereigns.
A fourth letter, dated on the 26th of May, and addressed to Co
lumbus simply by the title of admiral, is a mere letter of credence
ordering him to give faith and obedience to whatever Bobabilla
should impart.
The second and third of these letters were evidently provisional
and only to be produced, if, on examination, there should appear
such delinquency on the part of Columbus and his brothers, as to
warrant their being divested of command.
This heavy blow, as has been shown, remained suspended for a
year; yet, that it was whispered about, and triumphantly antici
pated by the enemies of Columbus, is evident from the assertions of
Ojeda, who sailed from Spain about the time of the signature of
those letters, and had intimate communications with bishop Fonseca,
who was considered instrumental in producing this measure. The
very license granted by the bishop to Ojeda, to sail on a voyage of
discovery in contravention of the prerogatives of the admiral, has the
CHAP. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 43
air of being given on a presumption of his speedy downfal; and the
same presumption, as has already been observed, must have encou-
raged Ojeda in his turbulent conduct at Xaragua.
At length the long projected measure was carried into effect. Bo-
badilla set sail for San Domingo about the middle of July, 1500,
with two caravels, in which were twenty-five men as a kind of
guard, who were enlisted to serve for a year. There were six friars,
likewise, who had charge of a number of Indians sent back to their
country. Besides the letters patent, Bobadilla was authorized, by a
royal order, to ascertain all arrears of pay due to persons in the ser-
vice of the crown, and to discharge them; and to oblige the admiral
to pay what was due on his part, “So that those people might receive
what was owing to them, and there might-be no more complaints.”
In addition to all these powers, Bobadilla was furnished with many
blank letters signed by the sovereigns, to be filled up by him in such
manner, and directed to such persons, as he might think adviseable
in relation to the mission with which he was intrusted.*
CHAPTER II.
O
ARRIVAL OF BOBA DILLO AT SAN DOMINGO-HIS WIOLENT AS-
suMPTIon of THE command. '
[1500.]
Columbus was still at fort Conception, regulating the affairs of the
Vega, after the catastrophe of the sedition of Moxica; his brother,
the Adelantado, accompanied by Roldan, was pursuing and arrest-
ing the fugitive rebels in Xaragua, and Don Diego Columbus re-
mained in temporary command at San Domingo. Faction had
in a manner worn itself out; the insurgents had brought down ruin
upon themselves, and the island appeared delivered from the domina-
tion of violent and lawless men.
Such was the state of public affairs when, on the morning of the
23d of August, two caravels were descried off the harbour of San
Domingo, about a league at sea. They were standing off and or,
waiting until the sea-breeze, which generally prevails about ten
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C.7. * . . . . . . .] "....
44 LIFE AND VOYAGES GF [Boor XIII.
o'clock, should bring them into port, Don Diego Columbus sup-
posed them to be ships sent from Spain with supplies, and hoped to
find on board his nephew Diego, who the admiral requested might
be sent out to assist him in his various concerns. A canoe was im-
mediately dispatched to obtain information; which approaching the
caravels inquired what news they brought, and whether Diego, the
son of the admiral was on board, Bobadilla himself replied from the
principal vessel, announcing himself as a commissioner sent out to
investigate the late rebellion. The master of the caravel then in-
quired about the news of the island, and was informed of the recent
transactions. Seven of the rebels, he was told, had been hanged
that week, and five more were in the fortress of San Domingo, con-
demned to suffer the same fate. Among these were Pedro Requelme,
and Fernando de Guevara, the young cavalier whose passion for
the daughter of Anacaona had been the original cause of the rebel-
lion. Further conversation passed, in the course of which Boba-
dilla ascertained that the admiral and the Adelantado were absent,
and Don Diego Columbus in command.
When the canoe returned to the city, and it was known that a
commissioner had arrived to make inquisition into the late troubles,
there was a great stir and agitation throughout the community,
Knots of whisperers gathered in every direction; those who were
conscious of mal-practices were filled with consternation; while
those who had grievances, real or imaginary, to complain of, espe-
cially those whose pay was in arrear, appeared with joyful counte-
mances.”
As the vessels entered the river, Bobadilla beheld on either bank a
gibbet with the body of a Spaniard hanging on it, apparently but
lately executed. He considered these as conclusive proofs of the al-
leged cruelty of Columbus. Many boats came off to the ship, every
one being anxious to pay early court to this public censor. Boba-
dilla remained on board all day, in the course of which he collected
much of the rumours of the place; and as those who sought to secure
his favour, were those who had most to fear from his investigations,
it is evident that the nature of the rumours must generally have been
unfavourable to Columbus. In fact, before Bobadilla landed, if not
nefore he had arrived, the culpability of the admiral was decided in
his mind.
The next morning he landed with all his followers, and went to
the church to attend mass, where he found Don Diego Columbus,
Rodrigo Perez, the lieutenant of the admiral, and other persons of
* Las Casas, H. Ind. L. 1, C. 179. Herrera, H. Ind. D. 1, L. 4, C. 8.
char. II.1 CHRISTOPHER, COLUMBUS. 45
note. Mass being ended, and those persons, with a multitude of the
populace, being assembled at the door of the church, Bobadilla or-
dered his letters patent to be read, authorizing him to investigate the
rebellion, to seize the persons, and sequestrate the property of de-
linquents, and to proceed against them with the utmost rigour of the
law; commanding also the admiral, and all others in authority, to
assist him in the discharge of his duties. The letter being read, he
demanded of Don Diego and the alcaldes to surrender to him the
persons of Fernando Guevara, Pedro Requelme, and the other prison-
ers, with the processes that had been taken concerning them; and
ordered that the parties by whom they were accused, and those by
whose command they had been taken should appear before him.
Don Diego replied, that what had been done had been by order of
the admiral, who held superior powers to any that Bobadilla could
possess, and without whose authority he could do nothing. He re-
quested, at the same time, a copy of the letters patent, that he might
send it to his brother, to whom alone the matter appertained. This
Bobadilla refused, observing that if Don Diego had power to do no-
thing, it was useless to give him a copy. He added, that since the
office and authority he had proclaimed appeared to have no weight,
he would try what power and consequence there was in the name of
governor, and would show them that he had command, not merely
over them, but over the admiral himself.
The little community remained in breathless suspense, awaiting
the portentous movements of Bobadilla. The next morning he ap-
peared at mass, resolved on assuming those powers which were only
to have been produced after full investigation, and ample proof of
the mal-conduct of Columbus. When mass was over, and the eager
populace had gathered round the door of the church, Bobadilla, in
presence of Don Diego and Rodrigo Perez, ordered his other royal
patent to be read, investing him with the government of the islands,
and of Terra Firma. . º
The patent being read, Bobadilla took the customary oath, and
then claimed the obedience of Don Diego, Rodrigo Perez, and all
present, to the royal instrument; on the authority of which he again
demanded the prisoners confined in the fortress. In reply, they pro
fessed the utmost deference to the letter of their majesties; but again
observed that they held the prisoners in obedience to the admiral, to
whom the sovereigns had granted letters of a higher nature.
The self-importance of Bobadilla was incensed at this non-com-
pliance, especially as he saw it had some effect upon the populace,
who appeared to doubt his authority. He now produced the third
mandate of the crown, ordering Columbus and his brothers to deliver
46 LIFE AND voyages of , [Book XIII.
up all fortresses, ships, and other royal property. To win the public
completely on his side, he read also the additional mandate, issued
on the 30th of May, of the same year, ordering him to pay the ar-
rears of wages due to all persons in the royal service, and to compel
the admiral to pay the arrears of those to whom he was accountable.
This last document was received with shouts by the multitude,
many having long arrears due to them, in consequence of the po-
verty of the treasury. Flushed with his growing importance, Boba-
dilla again demanded the prisoners, threatening, if refused, to take
them by force. Meeting with the same reply, he repaired to the for
tress to execute his threats. This post was commanded by Miguel
Diaz, the same Aragonian cavalier who had once taken refuge
among the Indians on the banks of the Ozema, won the affections of
the female cacique Catalina, received from her information of the
neighbouring gold mines, and had induced his countrymen to re-
move to these parts. *
When Bobadilla came before the fortress, he found the gates
closed, and the alcayde Miguel Diaz upon the battlements. He or-
dered his letters patent to be read with a loud voice, the signatures
and seals to be held up to view, and then demanded the surrender of
the prisoners. Diaz requested a copy of the letters; but this Boba-
dilla refused, alleging that there was no time for delay, the prisoners
being under sentence of death, and liable at any moment to be exe-
cuted. He threatened, at the same time, that if they were not given
up, he would proceed to extremities, and Diaz should be answerable
for the consequences. The wary alcayde again required time to re-
ply, and a copy of the letters; saying that he held the fortress for
the king by the command of the admiral, his lord, who had gained
these territories and islands, and that when the latter arrived he
should obey his orders.”
The whole spirit of Bobadilla was roused within him at the refu.
sal of the alcayde. Assembling all the people he had brought from
Spain, together with the sailors of the ships, and the rabble of the
place, he exhorted them to aid him in getting possession of the
prisoners, but to harm no one unless in case of resistance. The mob
shouted assent, for Bobadilla was already the idol of the multitude.
About the hour of vespers he set out, at the head of this motley
army, to storm a fortress destitute of a garrison, and formidable only
in name, being calculated to withstand only a naked and slightly-
armed people. The accounts of this transaction have something in
them bordering on the ludicrous, and give it the air of an absurd
*
f
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1. Cap. 179.
CHAr. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. - 4?
rodomontade. Bobadilla assailed the portal with great impetuosity,
the frail bolts and locks of which gave way at the first shock, and
gave him an easy admission. In the meantime, however, his zeal-
ous myrmidons applied ladders to the walls, as if about to carry the
place by assault, and to experience a desperate defence. The al-
cayde, Miguel Diaz, and Don Diego de Alvarado alone appeared on
the battlements; they had drawn swords, but offered no resistance.
Bobadilla entered the fortress in triumph and without molestation.
The prisoners were found in a chamber in irons. He ordered that
they should be brought up to him to the top of the fortress, where
having put a few questions to them as a matter of form, he gave
them in charge to an alguazil, named Juan de Espinosa.”
Such was the arrogant and precipitate entrance into office of
Francisco de Bobadilla. He had reversed the order of his written in-
structions, having seized upon the government before he had investi-
gated the conduct of Columbus. He continued his career in the same
spirit; acting as if the case had been prejudged in Spain, and he had
been sent out merely to degrade the admiral from his employments,
not to ascertain the manner in which he had fulfilled them. He
took up his residence at the house of Columbus, seized upon his
arms, gold, plate, jewels, horses, together with his books, letters, and
other manuscripts, both public and private, even to his most secret
papers. He gave no account of the property thus seized, and which
he no doubt considered already confiscated to the crown, excepting
that he paid out of it the wages of those to whom the admiral was
in arrears.t
To increase his favour with the people, he proclaimed, on the
second day of his assumption of power, a general license for the
term of twenty years, to seek for gold, paying merely one eleventh
to government, instead of a third as heretofore. At the same time,
he spoke in the most disrespectful and unqualified terms of Colum-
bus, saying that he was empowered to send him home in chains, and
that neither he nor any of his lineage would ever again be permitted
to govern in the island.t
*Las Casas, ubi sup. Herrera, ubi sup.
t Hist, del Almirante, C. 85, Las Casas. Herrera, ubisup.
# Letter of Columb. to the nurse of Prince Juan.
48 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIII.
CHAPTER III.
[1500.]
WHEN the tidings reached Columbus at fort Conception of the
high-handed proceedings of Bobadilla, he considered them the
unauthorized acts of some rash adventurer like Ojeda. Since
government had apparently thrown open the door to private enter-
prise, he might expect to have his path continually crossed, and his
jurisdiction infringed, by bold intermeddlers, feigning or fancying
themselves authorized to interfere in the affairs of the colony. Since
the departure of Ojeda, another squadron had touched upon the
coast, and produced a transient alarm; being an expedition under
one of the Pinzons, licensed by the sovereigns to make discoveries,
There had also been a rumour of another squadron hovering about
the island; which proved, however, to be unfounded.”
The conduct of Bobadilla bore all the appearance of a lawless
usurpation of some intruder of the kind. He had possessed himself
forcibly of the fortress, and consequently of the town. He had
issued extravagant licenses, injurious to the government, and appa-
rently intended only to make partisans among the people; - and he
had threatened to throw Columbus himself in irons. That this man
could really be sanctioned by government, in such intemperate mea:
sures, was repugnant to belief. The admiral's consciousness of his
own services; the repeated assurances he had received of high con-
sideration on the part of the sovereigns; and the perpetual prero-
gatives granted to him under their hand and seal, with all the so-
lemnity that a compact could possess; all forbade him to consider
the transactions at San Domingo in any other light than that of out-
rages on his authority, by some daring or misguided individual.
To be nearer to San Domingo, and obtain more correct informa-
tion, he proceeded to Bonao, which was now beginning to assume
the appearance of a settlement, several Spaniards having erected
houses there, and cultivated the adjacent country. He had scarcely
reached Bomao, when an alcalde, bearing a staff of office, arrived
* Letter of Columb. to the nurse of Prince Juan.
r
$
columbus suMMONED TO APPEAR BEFor E BobADILLA. ; ,
Char III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 49
there from San Domingo, proclaiming the appointment of Bobadilla
to the government, and bearing copies of his letters patent. There
was no especial letter or message sent to the admiral, nor were
any of the common forms of courtesy and ceremony observed in
superseding him in the command; all the proceedings of Bobadilla
towards him were abrupt and insulting.
Columbus was exceedingly embarrassed how to act. It was evi-
dent that Bobadilla was intrusted with extensive powers by the
sovereigns; but that they could have exercised such a sudden, un-
merited, and apparently capricious act of severity towards him, as
that of divesting him of all his commands, he could not believe.
He endeavoured to persuade himself that Bobadilla was some per-
son sent out to exercise the functions of chief judge, according to
the request he had written home to the sovereigns; and that they
had intrusted him likewise with provisional powers, to make an
inquest into the late troubles of the island. All beyond these pow-
ers, he tried to believe, were mere assumptions and exaggerations of
authority, as in the case of Aguado. At all events, he was deter-
mined to act upon such presumption, and to endeavour to gain
time. If the monarchs had really taken any harsh measures with
respect to him, it must have been in consequence of misrepresenta-
tions. The least delay might give them an opportunity of ascer.
taining their error, and making the necessary amends.
He wrote to Bobadilla, therefore, in guarded terms; welcoming
him to the island; cautioning him against precipitate measures, es-
pecially in granting licenses to collect gold; informing him that he
was on the point of going to Spain, and in a little time would leave
him in command, with every thing fully and clearly explained.
He wrote at the same time to the like purport to certain monks who
had come out with Bobadilla; though he observes that these letters
were only written to gain time.” He received no replies: but
while an insulting silence was observed towards him, Bobadilla
filled up several of the blank letters, of which he had a number,
signed by the sovereigns, and sent them to Roldan and others of the
admiral's enemies; the very men whom he had been sent out to
judge. These letters were full of civilities and promises of favour.f
To prevent any mischief which might arise from the licenses and
indulgences so prodigally granted by Bobadilla, Columbus pub-
lished, by word and letter, that the powers assumed by him could
not be valid, nor his licenses availing, as he himself held superior
* Letter of Columb. to the nurse of Prince Juan -
t Idem. Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 9. E. <!
50 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIII,
\
powers, granted to him in perpetuity by the crown; which could
no more be superseded in this instance, than they had been in that
of Aguado.”
For some short time, Columbus remained in this anxious and per-
plexed state of mind, uncertain what line of conduct to pursue in so
singular and unlooked-for a conjuncture. Be was soon brought to
a decision. Francisco Velasquez, deputy treasurer, and Juan de
Trasierra, a Franciscan friar, arrived at Bomao, and delivered to
him the royal letter of credence, signed by the sovereigns, on the
26th of May, 1499, in which they commanded him to give implicit
faith and obedience to Bobadilla; and they delivered to him, at the
same time, a summons from the latter to appear immediately
before him.
This laconic letter from the sovereigns struck at once at the root
of all his dignity and power. He no longer made hesitation or
demur, but complying with the peremptory summons of Bobadilla,
departed almost alone and unattended for San Domingo.”
CHAPTER IV.
columbus AND HIs BRoth ERs ARREs.TED, AND SENT to sparn
IN CHAINS,
[1500.],
THE tidings that a new governor had arrived, and that Columbus
was in disgrace, and was to be sent home in chains, circulated
rapidly through the Vega; and the colonists hastened from all parts
to San Domingo, to make interest with Bobadilla. It was soon
perceived that there was no surer way than that of vilifying his
predecessor. Bobadilla felt that he had taken a rash step in seizing
upon the government, and that his own safety required the con-
viction of Columbus. He listened eagerly, therefore, to all accusa-
tions, public or private; and welcome was he who could bring any
pharge, however extravagant, against the admiral and his brothers.
Hearing that the admiral was on his way to the city, he made a
bustle of preparation and armed the troops affecting to believe a
as- t
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 9. Letter to nurse of Prince Juan
f
**
*
CHAP. IV.] CHRISTOPHER columbus. 51
rumour, that Columbus had called upon the caciques of the Vega to
aid him with their subjects in a resistance to the commands of
government. No grounds appear for this absurd report, which was
probably invented to give a colouring of precaution to subsequent
measures of violence and insult. The admiral's brother Don Diego
was seized, thrown in irons, and confined on board of a caravel,
without any reason being assigned for his imprisonment.
In the meantime Columbus pursued his journey to San Domingo,
travelling in a lonely manner, without guards or retinue. Most
of his people were with the Adelantado, and he had declined being
attended by the remainder. He had heard of the rumours of his
hostile intentions: and, although he knew that violence was threat-
ened to his person, he came in this simple and confiding way to
manifest his pacific feelings, and to remove all suspicion.*
No sooner did Bobadilla hear of his arrival, than he gave orders
to put him in irons, and confine him in the fortress. This outrage
to a person, of such dignified and venerable appearance, and such
eminent merit, seemed for the time to shock even his enemies.
When the irons were brought, every one present shrunk from the
task of putting them on him, either from a sentiment of compassion
at so great a reverse of fortune, or out of an habitual reverence for his
person. To fill the measure of ingratitude meted out to him, it was
one of his own domestics, “a graceless and shameless cook,” says
Las Casas, “who, with unwashed front, rivetted the fetters with as
much readiness and alacrity, as though he were serving him with
choice and savoury viands. I knew the fellow,” adds the venerable
historian, “and I think his name was Espinosa.” -
Columbus conducted himself with characteristic magnanimity,
under the injuries heaped upon him. There is a noble scorn which
swells and supports the heart, and silences the tongue of the truly
great, when enduring the insults of the unworthy. Columbus
could not stoop to deprecate the arrogance of a weak and violent
man like Bobadilla. He looked beyond this shallow agent, and all
his petty tyranny, to the sovereigns who had employed him. It
was their injustice, and their ingratitude alone that could wound his
spirit; and he felt assured that when the truth came to be known,
they would blush to find how greatly they had wronged him.
With this proud assurance he bore all present indignities in silence.
Bobadilla, although he had the admiral and Don Diego in his
power, and had secured the venal populace, yet felt insecure and
anxious. The Adelantado, with an armed force under his com-
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 180.
52. LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIII.
mand, was still in the distant province of Xaragua, in pursuit of the
rebels. Knowing his soldierlike and determined spirit, he feared he
might take some violent measure, when he should hear of the igno-
minious treatment and imprisonment of his brothers. He doubted
whether any order from himself would have any effect, except to
exasperate the stern Don Bartholomew. He sent a demand there-
fore to Columbus to write to his brother, requesting him to repair
peaceably to San Domingo, and forbidding him to execute the
persons he held in confinement: Columbus readily complied. He
exhorted his brother to submit quietly to the authority of his sove-
reigns, and to endure all present wrongs and indignities under the
confidence that when they arrived at Castile every thing would be
explained and redressed.*
On receiving this letter Don Bartholomew immediately complied.
Relinquishing his command, he hastened peacefully to San Domin-
go, and on arriving experienced the same treatment with his brothers,
being put in irons and confined on board of a caravel. They were
kept separate from each other, and no communication permitted be-
tween them. Bobadilla did not see them himself, nor did he allow
others to visit them; but kept them in ignorance of the cause of their
imprisonment, the crimes with which they were charged, and the
process that was going on against them.t
* Peter Martyr mentions, as a vulgar rumour of the day, that the admiral not
knowing what might happen, wrote a letter in cipher to the Adelantado, urging
him to come, with arms in his hands, to prevent any violence that might be contriv-
ed against him. That the Adelantado advanced, in effect, with his armed force;
but having the imprudence to proceed some distance ahead of it, was surprised by
the governor, before his men could come to his succour; and that the letter in
eipher had been sent to Spain. This must have been one of the groundless ru-
mours of the day, circulated to prejudice the public mind. Nothing of the kind
appears among the charges in the inquest made by Bobadilla; and which was seen
and extracts made from it by Las Cäsas for his history. It is in fact in total contra-
diction to the statements of Las Casas, Herrera, and Fermando Columbus.
t Charlevoix, in his history of St. Domingo, (Lib. 3, p. 199,) states that the pro
cess against Columbus was conducted in writing; that written charges were sent
to him, to which he replied in the same way. This is contrary to the statements
of Las Casas, Herrera, and Fernando Columbus. The admiral himself, in his let
ter to the nurse of Prince John, after relating the manner in which he and his bro-
thers had been thrown in irons and confined separately, without being visited by
Bobadilla, or permitted to see any other person, expressly adds: “I make oath
that I do not know for what I am imprisoned.” Again, in a letter written some
time afterwards from Jamaica, he says—“I was taken and thrown with two bro
thers in a ship, loaded with irons, with little clothing, and much ill-treatment, with
out being summoned or convicted by justice.”
CHAP. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 53
It has been questioned whether Bobadilla really had authority for
the arrest and imprisonment of the admiral and his brothers;” and
whether such violence and indignity was, in any case, contemplated
by the sovereigns. He may have fancied himself empowered, by the
clause in the letter of instructions, dated March 2ist, i499, in which,
speaking of the rebellion of Roldan, he is authorized “to seize the
persons and sequestrate the property of those who appeared to be cul-
pable, and then to proceed against them and against the absent with
the highest civil and criminal penalties.” This evidently had
reference to the persons of Roldan and his followers, who were then
in arms, and against whom Columbus had sent home complaints;
and this, by a violent construction, Bobadilla seems to have wrested
into an authority for seizing the person of the admiral himself. In
fact, in the whole course of his proceedings, he had reversed and
confounded the order of his instructions. His first step should have
been to proceed against the rebels; this he made the last. His last
step should have been, in case of ample evidence against the admi-
ral, to have superseded him in office; and this he made the first,
without waiting for evidence. Having predetermined, from the very
outset, that Columbus was in the wrong; by the same rule, he had to
presume that all the opposite parties were in the right. It became
indispensable to his own justification to inculpate the admiral and
his brothers; and the rebels he had been sent to judge, became, by
this singular perversion of rule, necessary and cherished evidences,
to criminate those against whom they had rebelled.
The intentions of the crown, however, are not to be vindicated at
the expense of its miserable agent. If proper respect had been felt
for the rights and dignities of Columbus, Bobadilla would never have
been intrusted with powers so extensive, undefined and discretionary;
nor would he have dared to proceed to such lengths, with such rude-
mess and precipitation, had he not felt assured that it would not be
displeasing to the jealous-minded Ferdinand.
The old scenes of the time of Aguado were now renewed with
tenfold virulence, and the old charges revived, with others still more
extravagant. From the early and never-to-be-forgotten outrage upon
Castilian pride, of compelling hidalgos, in a time of emergency, to
labour in the construction of works necessary to the public safety.
down to the recent charge of levying war against the government
there was not a hardship, misfortune, abuse or sedition in the island.
that was not imputed to the misdeeds of Columbus and his brothers
Beside the usual accusations, of inflicting oppressive labour, unne-
* Herrera, D. 1, L. 4. C. 10. Oviedo, Cronica, L, 3, C. 6. E 2
54 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF IBpok XIII.
cessary tasks, painful restrictions, short allowances of food, and cruel
punishments, upon the Spaniards, and waging unjust wars against
the natives, they were now charged with preventing the conversion
of the latter, that they might send them slaves to Spain, and profit
by their sale. This last charge, so contrary to the pious feelings of
the admiral, was founded on his having objected to the baptism of
certain Indians of mature age, until they could be instructed in the
doctrines of Christianity; justly considering it an abuse of that holy
sacrament to administer it thus blindly.”
Columbus was charged, also, with having secreted pearls, and
other precious articles, collected in his voyage along the coast of
Paria, and of keeping the sovereigns in ignorance of the nature of
his discoveries there, in order to exact new privileges from them.
Yet it was notorious that he had sent home specimens of the pearls,
and journals and charts of his voyage, by which others had been
enabled to pursue his track.
Even the late tumults, now that the rebels were admitted as evi-
dence, were all turned into matters of accusation. They were repre-
sented as spirited and loyal resistance to tyranny exercised upon
the colonists and the natives. The well-merited punishments inflict-
ed upon certain of the ringleaders, were cited as proofs of a cruel
and revengeful disposition, and a secret hatred of Spaniards. Boba-
dilla believed, or affected to believe, all these charges. He had, in a
manner, made the rebels his confederates in the ruin of Columbus.
It was become a common cause with them. He could no longer,
therefore, conduct himself towards them as a judge. Guevara, Re-
quelme, and their fellow convicts, were discharged almost without
the form of a trial; and it is even said were received into favour and
countenance. Roldan, from the very first, had been treated with
confidence by Bobadilla, and honoured with his correspondence.
All the others, whose conduct had rendered them liable to justice,
received either a special acquittal, or a general pardon. It was
enough to have been opposed in any way to Columbus, to obtain full
justification in the eyes of Bobadilla.
The latter had now collected a weight of testimony, and pro-
duced a crowd of witnesses sufficient, as he conceived, to ensure the
condemnation of the prisoners, and his own continuance in com-
mand. He determined, therefore, to send the admiral and his bro-
thers home in chains, in the vessels, which were ready for sea, trans-
mitting at the same time the inquest taken in their case, and
writing private letters, enforcing the charges made against them,
* Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo—Part unpublished
Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 55
and advising that Columbus should, on no account, be restored to
the command which he had so shamefully abused.
San Domingo now swarmed with miscreants just delivered from
the dungeon and the gibbet. It was a perfect jubilee of triumphant
villany and dastard malice. Fvery base spirit, which had been
awed into obsequiousness by Columbus and his brothers, when in
power, now started up to revenge itself upon them, when in chains.
The most injurious slanders were loudly proclaimed in the streets,
insulting pasquinades and inflammatory libels were posted up at every
corner, and horns were blown in the neighbourhood of their prisons,
to taunt them with the exultings of the rabble.” When these re-
joicings of his enemies reached him in the dungeon in which he
was confined, and Columbus reflected on the inconsiderate violence
already exhibited by Bobadilla, he knew not how far his rashness
and confidence might carry him, and began to entertain apprehen-
sions for his life. * * .
The vessels being ready to make sail, Alonzo de Willejo was ap-
pointed to take charge of the prisoners, and conduct them to Spain.
He was an officer who had been brought up by an uncle of Fonseca,
was in the employ of that bishop, and had come out with Bobadilla.
The latter instructed him, on arriving at Cadiz, to deliver his pri-
soners into the hands of Fonseca, or of his uncle, thinking thereby
to give the malignant prelate a triumphant gratification. This cir-
cumstance gave weight with many to an assertion which had been
made, that Bobadilla was secretly instigated and encouraged to his
violent measures by Fonseca, and was promised his protection and
influence at court, in case of any complaints of his conduct.f
Willejo undertook the office assigned him, but he discharged it in
a more generous manner than was intended. “This Alonzo de-
Willejo,” says the worthy Las Casas, “was a hidalgo of honourable
character, and my particular friend.” He certainly showed himself
superior to the low malignity of his patrons. When he arrived with
a guard to conduct the admiral from the prison to the ship, he found
him in chains, in a state of silent despondency. So violently had
he been treated, and so savage were the passions let loose against
him, that he feared he should be sacrificed without an opportunity
of being heard, and his name go down sullied and dishonoured to
posterity. When he beheld the officer enter with the guard, he
thought it was to conduct him to the scaffold. “Willejo,” said he
mournfully, “whither are you taking me?” “To the ship, your ex-
cellency, to embark,” replied the other. “To embark!” repeated
* Hist. del Almirante, C. 86.
t Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 180. MS.
56 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIII.
the admiral earnestly; “Villejo do you speak the truth?” “By
the life of your excellency,” replied the honest officer, “it is true?”
With these words the admiral was comforted, and as one restored
from death to life. Nothing can be more touching and expressive
than this little colloquy, recorded by the venerable Las Casas, who
doubtless had it from the lips of his friend Willejo.
The caravels set sail early in October, bearing off Columbus,
shackled like the vilest of culprits, amidst the hoots, and scoffs, and
shouts of a miscreant rabble, who took a brutal joy in heaping in-
sults on his venerable head, and, as it were, sent curses after him
from the shores of the island he had so recently added to the civil-
ized world. Fortunately the voyage was favourable and of but
moderate duration, and was rendered less disagreeable by the con-
duct of those to whom he was given in custody. The worthy Wil-
lejo, though in the service of Fonseca, felt deeply moved at the
treatment of Columbus. The master of the caravel, Andreas Mar-
tin, was equally grieved: they both treated the admiral with
profound respect and assiduous attention. They would have taken
off his irons, but to this he would not consent. “No ſ” said he
proudly, “their majesties commanded me. by letter to submit to
whatever Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority
he has put upon me these chains: I will wear them until they shall
order them to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterwards as
pelics and memorials of the reward of my services.”
“He did so,” adds his son Fernando, “I saw them always hang-
ing in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might
be buried with him ſ”f
* Las Casas, ubi, sup. # Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 86.
LIFE AND VOYAGES
OF
CHR IS TO PHER COL U MB U.S.
Book XIV.
CHAPTER I.
SENSATION IN SPAIN ON THE ARRIVAL OF COLUMBUS IN
IRONS-HIS APPEARANCE AT COURT.
[1500.]
THE arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner, and in chains, pro-
duced almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return from his
first voyage. It was one of those striking and obvious facts which
speak to the feelings of the multitude, and preclude the necessity of
reflection. No one stopped to inquire into the case. It was suffi-
cient to be told that Columbus was brought home in irons from the
world he had discovered. A general burst of indignation arose in
Cadiz, and in the powerful and opulent Seville, which was immedi-
ately echoed throughout all Spain. If the ruin of Columbus had
been the intention of his enemies, they had defeated their object by
their own violence. One of those reactions so frequent in the public
mind, when persecution is pushed to an unguarded length, was im-
mediately manifested. Those of the populace who had recently been
loud in their clamour against Columbus, were now as loud in their
reprobation of his treatment, and a strong sympathy was expressed,
against which it would have been odious for the government to
contend.
The tidings of his arrival, and of the ignominious manner in which
he had been brought, reached the court at Granada, and filled the
halls of the Alhambra with murmurs of astonishment. Columbus,
full of his wrongs, but ignorant how far they had been authorized
by the sovereigns, had forborne to write to them. In the course of his
voyage, however, he had penned a long letter to Doña Juana de la
Torre, a lady of the court, high in favour with queen Isabella, who
Wol. II.
58 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV.
had been nurse to Prince Juan. This letter, on his arrival at Ca-
diz, Andreas Martin, the captain of the caravel, had permitted Co-
lumbus to send off privately by express; it arrived, therefore, before
the protocol of the proceedings instituted by Bobadilla was re.
ceived. It was from this document that the sovereigns derived their
first intimation of his treatment.” It contained a statement of the
late transactions of the island, and of the wrongs he had suffered,
written with his usual artlessness and energy. To specify the con-
tents would be but to recapitulate events already recorded. Some
expressions, however, which burst from him in the warmth of his
feelings, are worthy of being noted. “The slanders of worthless
men (says he) have done me more injury than all my services have
profited me.” Speaking of the misrepresentations to which he was
subjected, he observes, “such is the evil name I have acquired, that
if I were to build hospitals and churches, they would be called dens
of robbers.” After relating, in indignant terms, the conduct of Bo-
badilla, in seeking testimony respecting his administration from the
very men who had rebelled against him; and throwing himself and
his brothers in irons, without letting them know the offences with
which they were charged: “I have been much aggrieved,” he adds,
“that a person should be sent out to investigate-my conduct, who
knew that if the inquest he sent home should appear to be of a seri-
ous nature, he would remain in the government.” He complains
that in forming an opinion of his administration, allowances had not
been made for the extraordinary difficulties with which he had to
contend, and the wild state of the country over which he had to rule,
“I was judged,” he observes, “as a governor, who had been sent to
take charge of a well-regulated city, under the dominion of well
established laws, where there was no danger of every thing running
to disorder and ruin; but I ought to be judged as a captain, sent to
subdue a numerous and hostile people, of manners and religion oppo-
site to ours, living, not in regular towns, but in forests and moun-
tains. It ought to be considered that I have brought all these under
subjection to their majesties, giving them dominion over another
world, by which Spain, heretofore poor, has suddenly become rich.
Whatever errors I may have fallen into, they were not with an evil
intention; and I believe their majesties will credit what I say. I
have known them to be merciful to those who have wilfully done
them disservice; I am convinced that they will have still more in-
dulgence for me, who have erred innocently or by compulsion, as
they will hereafter be more fully informed; and I trust they will
* Las Casas Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 182.
Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 59
consider my great services, the advantages of which are every day
more and more apparent.”
When this letter was read to the noble-minded Isabella, and she
found how grossly Columbus had been wronged, and the royal au-
thority abused, her heart was filled with mingled sympathy and
indignation. The tidings were confirmed by a letter from the alcalde
or corregidor of Cadiz, into whose hands Columbus and his brothers
had been, delivered until the pleasure of their majesties should be
known,” and by another letter from Alonzo de Villejo, expressed in
terms accordant with his humane and honourable conduct towards
his illustrious prisoner.
However Ferdinand might have secretly felt disposed towards Co-
lumbus, the momentary tide of public feeling was not to be resisted.
He joined with his generous queen in her reprobation of the treat-
ment of the admiral, and both sovereigns hastened to give evidence
to the world, that his imprisonment had been without their authority,
and contrary to their wishes. Without waiting to receive any docu-
ments that might arrive from Bobadilla, they sent orders to Cadiz
that the prisoners should be instantly set at liberty, and treated with
all distinction. They wrote a letter to Columbus couched in terms
of gratitude and affection, expressing their grief at all that he had
suffered, and inviting him to court. They ordered at the same time
that two thousand ducats should be advanced to defray his expenses.f
The loyal heart of Columbus was again cheered by this declara-
tion of his sovereigns. He felt conscious of his integrity, and antici.
pated an immediate restitution of all his rights and dignities. He
appeared at court in Granada, on the 17th of December, not as a man
ruined and disgraced, but richly dressed, and attended by an honour-
able retinue. He was received by their majesties with unqualified
favour and distinction. When the queen beheld this venerable man
approach, and thought on all that he had deserved, and all that he
had suffered, she was moved to tears. Columbus had borne up firmly
against the rude conflicts of the world; he had endured with lofty
scorn the injuries and insults of ignoble men; but he possessed strong
and quick sensibility. When he found himself thus kindly received
by his sovereigns, and beheld tears in the benign eyes of Isabella,
his long suppressed feelings burst forth; he threw himself upon his
knees, and for some time could not utter a word for the violence of
his tears and sobbings.:
* Oviedo, Cronic. L. 3, C. 6.
t Las Casas, L. 1, C. 182. 2,000 ducats, or 2,846 dollars, equivalent to 8,538
dollars at the present day.
# Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 10.
60 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV.
Their majesties raised him from the ground, and endeavoured to
encourage him by the most gracious expressions. As soon as he
recovered self-possession, he entered into an eloquent and high-
minded vindication of his loyalty, and the zeal he had ever felt for
the glory and advantage of the Spanish crown, declaring, that if at
any time he had erred, it had been through inexperience in govern-
ment, and the extraordinary difficulties by which he had been sur-
rounded.
There needed no vindication on his part; the intemperance of his
enemies had been his best advocate. He stood in presence of his
sovereigns a deeply injured man: and it remained for them to vindi-
cate themselves to the world from the charge of ingratitude towards
their most deserving subject. They expressed their indignation at
the proceedings of Bobadilla, which they disavowed as contrary to
their instructions, and they promised that he should be immediately
dismissed from his command.
In fact, no public motice was taken of the charges sent home by
Bobadilla, nor of the letters which had been written in support of
them. The sovereigns took every occasion to treat Columbus with
favour and distinction, assuring him that his grievances should be
redressed, his property restored, and that he should be reinstated in
all his privileges and dignities.
It was on the latter point that Columbus was chiefly solicitous.
Mercenary considerations had but secondary weight in his mind.
Glory had been the great object of his ambition; and he felt that as
long as he remained suspended from his employments, a tacit censure
rested on his name. He expected, therefore, that the moment the
sovereigns should be satisfied of the rectitude of his conduct, they
would be eager to make him amends; that a restitution of his vice-
royalty would immediately take place, and he should return in tri-
umph to San Domingo. Here, however, he was doomed to expe-
rience a disappointment which threw a gloom over the remainder of
his days. To account for this flagrant want of justice and gratitude
in the crown, it is expedient to notice a variety of events which had
materially affected the interests of Columbus in the eyes of the politic
Ferdinand.
CHAP. II.1 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. s 61
CHAPTER II.
contemporary voyagEs of discovery.
The general license granted by the Spanish sovereigns in 1495 to
undertake voyages of discovery, had given rise to various expedi-
tions by enterprising individuals, chiefly persons who had sailed
with Columbus in his first voyages. The government, unable to fit
out many armaments itself, was pleased to have its territories thus
extended, free of cost, and at the same time its treasury benefited by
a share of the proceeds of these voyages, which was reserved as a
kind of duty to the crown. These expeditions had chiefly taken
place while Columbus was in partial disgrace with the sovereigns.
His own charts and journals served as guides to the adventurers;
and his magnificent accounts of Paria and the adjacent coasts had
- chiefly excited their cupidity. *
Beside the expedition of Ojeda already noticed, in the course of
which he had touched at Xaragua, one had been undertaken at the
same time by Pedro Alonzo Niño, native of Moguer, an able pilot
who had been with Columbus in the voyages to Cuba and Paria.
Having obtained a license, he interested a rich merchant of Seville
in the undertaking, who fitted out a caravel of fifty tons burthen,
under condition that his brother, Christoval Guevra, should have
the command. They sailed from the bar of Saltes a few days after
Ojeda had sailed from Cadiz, in the spring of 1499, and arriving on
the coast of Terra Firma, on the south of Paria, they ran along it
for some distance, passed through the gulf, and thence west one
hundred and thirty leagues, along the seaboard of the present re-
public of Colombia, visiting what was afterwards called the Pearl
Coast. They landed in various places, disposed of their European
trifles to immense profit, and returned with a large store of gold and
pearls, having made, in their diminutive bark, one of the most exten-
sive and lucrative voyages that had yet been accomplished.
About the same time, the Pinzons, that family of bold and opu-
lent navigators, fitted out an armament of four caravels at Palos,
manned in a great measure by their own relations and friends. Se-
veral experienced pilots embarked in it, who had been with Columbus
to Paria, and it was commanded by Vicente Yañez Pinzon, who
F
52 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XIV.
had been captain of a caravel in the squadron of the admiral on his
first voyage.
Pinzon was a hardy and experienced seaman, and did not, like
the others, follow closely in the track of Columbus. Sailing in
Becember, 1499, he passed the Canary and Cape de Werd islands,
standing southwest, until he lost sight of the polar star. Here he
encountered a terrible storm, and was exceedingly perplexed and
confounded by the new aspect of the heavens. Nothing was yet
known of the southern hemisphere, nor of the beautiful constellation
of the Cross, which in those regions has since supplied to mariners
the place of the north star. The voyagers had expected to find at
the south pole a star correspondent to that at the north. They
were dismayed at beholding no guide of the kind; and thought
there must be some prominent swelling of the earth, which hid
the pole from their view.”
'Pinzon continued on, however, with great intrepidity. On the
26th of January, 1500, he saw at a distance a great headland,
which he called Cape Santa Maria de la Consolacion; but which
has since been named Cape St. Augustine. He landed and took
possession of the country in the name of their Catholic Majesties;
being on a part of the territories since called the Brazils. Standing
westward from thence, he discovered the Maragnon, since called the
river of Amazons, traversed the Gulf of Paria, and continued across
the Caribbean sea, and the Gulf of Mexico, until he found himself
among the Bahamas, where he lost two of his vessels on the rocks
near the island of Jumeto. He returned to Palos in September;
having added to his former laurels that of being the first European
that had crossed the equinoctial line, in the western ocean; and of
having discovered the famous kingdom of Brazil, from its com-
mencement at the river Maragnon, to its most eastern point. As a
reward for his achievements, power was granted to him to colonize
and govern the lands which he had discovered, and which extended
southward, from a little beyond the river of Maragnon to Cape St.
Augustine.f f
The little port of Palos, which had been so slow to furnish out
the first squadron for Columbus, was now continually agitated by
the passion for discovery. Shortly after the sailing of Pinzon,
another expedition was fitted out there, by Diego Lepe, a native of
the place, and was manned by his adventurous townsmen. He
sailed in the same direction with Pinzon; but he discovered more
* P. Martyr, Decad. 1, L. 9.
ł Herrera, D. 1, L. 4, C. 12. Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo—Partinedit.
CHAP. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 63
of the Southern continent than any other voyager of the day, or for
twelve years afterwards. He doubled Cape St. Augustine, and
ascertained that the coast beyond ran to the southwest. He landed
and performed the usual ceremonies of taking possession in the
name of the Spanish sovereigns, and in Ghe place carved their
names on a magnificent tree, of such enormous magnitude, that
seventeen men with their hands joined, could not embrace the
trunk. What enhanced the merit of his discoveries was, that he
had never sailed with Columbus. He had with him, however,
several skilful pilots, who had accompanied the admiral in his
voyages.”
Another expedition of two vessels sailed from Cadiz in October,
1500, under command of Rodrigo Bastides of Seville. He explored
the coast of Terra Firma, pássing Cape de la Vela, the western
limits of the previous discoveries on the main land, continuing on to
a port since called the Retreat, where afterwards was founded the
seaport of Nombre de Dios. His vessels being nearly destroyed by
the teredo or worm, which abounds in those seas, he had great dif-
ficulty in reaching Xaragua in Hispaniola, where he lost his two
caravels, and proceeded with his crew by land to San Domingo.
Here he was seized and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that
he had traded for gold with the natives of Xaragua.f
Such was the swarm of Spanish expeditions immediately result-
ing from the enterprises of Columbus; but others were also under-
taken by foreign nations. In the year 1497, Sebastian Cabot, son
of a Venetian merchant, resident in Bristol, sailing in the service of
Henry VII. of England, navigated to the northern seas of the New
World. Adopting the idea of Columbus, he was in quest of the shores
of Cathay, and hoped to find a northwest passage to India. In this
voyage he discovered Newfoundland, coasted Labrador to the 56th
degree of north latitude, and then returning, ran down southwest
to the Floridas, when his provisions beginning to fail, he returned to
England.j But vague and scanty notices exist concerning this
voyage, which is important as including the first discovery of the
morthern continent of the New World.
The discoveries of rival nations, however, which most excited the
attention and jealousy of the Spanish crown, were those of the Por-
tuguese. Vasco de Gama, “a man of rank, of heart and of hand,
and of consummate talent and intrepidity;” had at length accom-
plished the great design of the late prince Henry of Portugal, and
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 2. Muñoz-Part unpublished. , t Iden.
# Hackluyt, Collect. of Voyages, vol. 3, p, 7.
64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Boom: XIV
by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, in the year 1497, had opened
the long sought-for route to India. g -
. Immediately after Gama's return, a fleet of thirteen sail was fitted
out to visit the magnificent countries of which he brought accounts.
This expedition sailed on the 9th of March, 1500, for Calicut, under
...the command of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. Having passed the
Cape de Werd islands, he sought to avoid the calms prevalent on the
coast of Guinea, by stretching far to the west. Suddenly on the
25th of April he came in sight of land, unknown to any one in his
squadron; for as yet they had not heard of the discoveries of Pinzon
and Lepe. He at first supposed it to be some great island; but after
coasting it for some time, he became persuaded that it must be part
of a continent. Having ranged along it somewhat beyond the fif-
teenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a harbour, which he
called Porto Securo, and taking possession of the country for the
crown of Portugal, dispatched a ship to Lisbon with the important
tidings.” In this way did the Brazils come into the possession of
Portugal, being to the eastward of the conventional line settled
with Spain as the boundary of their respective territories. Dr.
Robertson, in recording this voyage of Cabral, concludes with one
of his just and elegant remarks. “Columbus' discovery of the New
World,” he observes, “was the effort of an active genius, guided by
experience, and acting upon a regular plan, executed with no less
courage than perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portu-
guese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great
design, which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed
and perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted
mankind to America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have
!ed them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that extensive con-
timent.”f
* Lafiteau, Conquetes des Portugais, L.2.
f Robertson, Hist. America, Book 2.
CaAP. III. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 65
CHAPTER III.
NICHOLAS DE OVANDO APPOINTED TO SUPERSEDE BOBABILLA.
[1501. I
The numerous discoveries briefly noticed in the preceding chapter,
had produced a powerful effect upon the mind of Ferdinand. His
ambition, his avarice, and his jealousy, were equally inflamed. He
beheld boundless regions, teeming with all kinds of riches, daily
opening before the enterprises of his subjects; but he beheld at the
same time other nations launching forth in competition, emulous to
share with him the golden world which he was eager to monopolize.
The expeditions of the English, and the accidental discovery of the
Brazils by the Portuguese, caused him much uneasiness. To se-
cure his possession of the continent, he determined to establish local
governments or commands, in the most important places; all to be
subject to a general government established at San Domingo, which
was to be the metropolis.
With these considerations, the government heretofore granted to
Columbus had risen vastly in importance; and while the restitution
of it was the more desirable in his eyes, it became more and more a
matter of repugnance to the selfish and jealous monarch. He had
long repented having vested such great powers and prerogatives in
any subject, particularly in a foreigner. At the time of granting them
he had no anticipation of such boundless countries to be placed under
his command. He appeared almost to consider himself outwitted
by Columbus in the arrangement he had made; and every succeed-
ing discovery, instead of increasing his grateful sense of the obliga-
tion, only made him repine the more at the growing magnitude of
the reward. At length, however, the affair of Bobadilla had effected
attemporary exclusion of Columbus from his high offices, and that
without any odium to the crown; and the wary monarch secretly
determined that the door thus closed between him and his digni-
ties should never again be opened.
Perhaps Ferdinand may really have entertained doubts as to the
innocence of Columbus, with respect to the various charges made
against him. He may have doubted also the sincerity of his Rºy:
F 2 " .
66 . LIFE, AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV.
alty, being a stranger, when he should find himself strong in his
command, at a great distance from the parent country, with im-
mense and opulent regions under his control. Columbus himself,
in his letters, alludes to reports circulated by his enemies, that he in-
tended either to set up an independent sovereignty, or to deliver his
discoveries into the hands of other potentates; and he appears to fear
that these slanders may have made some impression on the mind of
Ferdinand. But there was one other consideration which had no less
force with the monarch, in withholding this great act of justice—Co-
lumbus was no longer indispensable to him. He had made his great
discovery; he had struck out the route to the New World, and now
any one could follow it. A number of able navigators had sprung
up under his auspices, and acquired experience, in his voyages.
They were daily besieging the throne with offers to fit out enter-
prises at their own cost, and to yield a share of the profits to the
crown. Why should he, therefore, confer princely dignities and
prerogatives for that which men were daily offering to perform gra-
tuitously?
Such, from his after conduct, appears to have been the jealous
and selfish policy which actuated Ferdinand in forbearing to rein-
state Columbus in those dignities and privileges which had so
solemnly been granted to him by treaty, and which it was acknow-
ledged that he had never forfeited by misconduct.
This deprivation, however, was declared to be but temporary;
and plausible reasons were given for the delay in his reappointment.
It was observed, that the elements of those violent factions, which
had recently been in arms against him, yet existed in the island;
his immediate return might produce fresh exasperation; his personal
safety would be endangered, and the island again thrown into con-
fusion. Though Bobadilla, therefore, was to be immediately dis-
missed from command, it was deemed adviseable to send out some
officer of talent and discretion to supersede him; who might dispas-
sionately investigate the recent disorders, remedy the abuses which
had arisen, and expel all dissolute and factious persons from the
colony. He should hold the government for two years, by which
time it was trusted that all angry passions would be allayed, and
turbulent individuals removed: Columbus might then resume the
command with comfort to himself and advantage to the crown.
With these reasons, and the promise which accompanied them,
Columbus was obliged to content, himself. There can be no doubt
that they were sincere on the part of Isabella, and that it was her
intention to reinstate him in the full enjoyment of his rights and
dignities, after this apparently necessary.suspension. Ferdinand,
CHAP. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 67.
however, by his subsequent conduct, has forfeited all claim to any
favourable opinion of the kind. - t
The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Don Nicholas de
Ovando, commander of Lares, of the order of Alcantara. He is
described as of the middle size, fair complexioned, with a red beard,
and a modest look, yet a tone of authority. He was fluent in
speech, and gracious and courteous in his manners. A man of
great prudence, says Las Casas, and capable of governing many
people, but not of governing the Indians, on whom he inflicted in-
calculable injuries. He professed great veneration for justice, was
an enemy to avarice, yet sober in his mode of living, and of such
humility, that when he rose afterwards to be grand commander of
the order of Alcantara, he would never allow himself to be ad
dressed by the title of respect attached to it." Such is the picture
drawn of him by historians; but his conduct, in several important
instances, is in direct contradiction to it. He appears to have been
plausible and subtle, as well as fluent and courteous; his humility
to have covered a great love of command; and in his transactions
with Columbus, he was certainly both ungenerous and unjust.
The various arrangements to be made, according to the new plan
of colonial government, delayed for some time the departure of
Ovando. In the meantime, every arrival brought intelligence of
the disastrous state of the island, under the mal-administration of
Bobadilla. He had commenced his career by an opposite policy to
that of Columbus. Imagining that rigorous rule had been the rock
on which his predecessors had split, he sought to conciliate the pub-
lic by all kinds of indulgence. Having at the very outset relaxed
the reins of justice and morality, he lost all command over the
community; and such disorder and licentiousness ensued, that many
even of the opponents of Columbus looked back with regret upon
the strict but wholesome rule of himself and the Adelantado.
Bobadilla was not so much a bad, as an imprudent and a weak
man. He had not foreseen the dangerous excesses to which his
policy would lead. Rash in grasping authority, he was feeble and
temporizing in the exercise of it. He could not look beyond the
present exigency; one dangerous indulgence granted to the colonists
called for another; each was ceded in its turn, and thus he went on
from error to error; showing that in government there is as much
danger to be apprehended from a weak as from a bad man.
He had sold the farms and estates of the crown at low prices;
observing that it was not the wish of the monarchs to enrich them.
Las Casas, Hist, Ind. L. 2, C.3.
68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV.
selves by them, but that they should redound to the profit of their
subjects. He granted universal permission to work the mines, pay-
ing only an eleventh of the produce to government. To prevent
any diminution in the revenue, it became necessary, of course, to
increase the quantity of gold collected. He obliged the eaciques,
therefore, to furnish each Spaniard with Indians, to assist him both
in the labours of the field and of the mine. To carry this into
more complete effect, he made an enumeration of all the natives of
the island, then reduced them into classes, and distributed them,
according to his favour or caprice, among the colonists. The latter,
at his suggestion, associated themselves in partnerships of two per-
sons each, who were to assist one another with their respective ca-
pitals and Indians; one superintending the labours of the field, and
the other the search for gold. The only injunction of Bobadilla
was to produce large quantities of ore. He had one saying continu-
ally in his mouth, which shows the pernicious and temporizing prin-
ciple upon which he acted: “make the most of your time,” he
would say, “there is no knowing how long it may last;" alluding
to the possibility of his being speedily recalled. The colonists acted
up to his advice; and so hard did they drive the poor natives, that
the eleventh yielded more revenue to the crown than had ever been
produced by the third under the government of Columbus. In the
meantime the unhappy natives suffered under all kinds of cruelties
from their inhuman taskmasters. Little used to labout, feeble of eon-
stitution, and accustomed in their beautiful and luxuriant island, to a
life of ease and freedom, they sunk under the toils imposed upon
them and the severities by which—they were enforced.
Las Casas gives an indignant picture of the capricious tyranny
exercised over the Indians by worthless Spaniards, many of whom
had been transported convicts from the dungeons of Castile. These
wretches, who in their own country had been the vilest among the
vile, here assumed the tone of grand cavaliers. They insisted upon
being attended by trains of servants. They took the daughters and
female relations of caciques for their domestics, or rather for their
concubines; not did they limit themselves in number. When they
travelled, instead of using the horses and mules with which they
were provided, they obliged the natives to transport them upon their
shoulders in litters or hammocks, with others attending to hold um-
brellas of palm leaves over their heads to keep off the sun, and fans
of feathers to Čool them; and Las Casas affirms that he has seen
the backs and shoulders of the unfortunate Indians who bore the
litters raw and bleeding from the task. When these arrogant up-
starts arrived at the Indian village, they consumed and lavished
CHAr. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 69
away the provisions of the inhabitants, seizing upon whatever
pleased their caprice, and obliging the cacique and his subjects to
ance before them for their amusement. Their very pleasures were
attended with cruelty. They never addressed the natives but by
the most degrading terms; and on the least offence, or the least
freak of ill humour, they inflicted blows and lashes, and even death
itself.”
Such is but a faint picture of the evils which sprung up under the
feeble rule of Bobadilla; and which are sorrowfully described by
Las Casas, from actual observation, as he visited the island just at
the close of his administration. Bobadilla had trusted to the im-
mense amount of gold, wrung from the miseries of the natives, to
atone for all errors, and to secure favour with the sovereigns; but he
had totally mistaken his course. The abuses of his government
soon reached the royal ear, and above all, the wrongs of the natives
reached the benevolent heart of Isabella. Nothing was more calcu-
lated to arouse her indignation, and she urged the speedy departure
of Ovando to put a stop to these enormities.
In conformity to the plan already mentioned, the government of
Ovando extended over the islands and Terra Firma, of which His-
paniola was to be the metropolis. He was to enter upon the exer-
cise of his powers immediately on his arrival, by procuration, send-
ing home Bobadilla by the return of the fleet. He was instructed
to inquire diligently into the late abuses, punishing the delinquents
without favour or partiality, and removing all worthless persons
from the island. He was to revoke immediately the license granted
by Bobadilla for the general search after gold, it having been given
without royal authority. He was to require for the crown, a third
of all that was collected, and one half of all that should be collected
in future. He was empowered to build towns and fortresses, grant-
ing them the privileges enjoyed by municipal corporations of Spain,
and obliging the Spaniards, and particularly the soldiers, to reside
in them, instead of scattering themselves over the island. Among
many sage provisions, there were others injurious and illiberal, cha-
racteristic of an age when the principles of commerce were but little
understood, but which were continued by Spain long after the rest of
the world had discarded them as the errors of dark and unenlight-
ened times. The crown monopolized the trade of the colonies. No
one could carry merchandise there on his own account. A royal
factor was appointed, who was to be the sole merchant, through
whom were to be obtained supplies of European articles. The
Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 1. MS.
70 LIFE AND WöYAGES OF [Bôok XIV,
crown reserved to itself, not only exclusive property in the mines,
but in precious stones, and liké objects of extraordinary value, and
also in dye-woods. No strangers, and above all, fib Möörsör Jews,
were permitted to establish themselves in the island, bf to go upon
voyages of discovery. Such were some of the restrictions upon
trade which Spain imposed upon her colonies, and which were fol-
lowed up by others equally illiberal. Her commercial policy has
been the scoff of modern times; but may not the present restrictions
on trade, imposed by the most intelligent nations, be equally the
wonder and the jest of future ages? g
Isabella was particularly careful in providifig for the kind treat-
ment of the Indians. Ovahdo was ordered to assemble the caciques,
and declare to them that the sovereighs took them and their people
under their especial protection. They were merely to pay tribute like
other subjects of the crown, and it was to be collected with the ut-
most mildness and gentleness. Great pains were to be taken in
their religious instruction; for which purpose twelve Frănciscan
friars were sent out, with a prelate named Antonio de Espinal, a
venerable and pious man. This was the first forthal introdüetion of
the Franciscan order into the new world.”
All these precatitions with respect to the natives were defeated by
one unwary provision. It was permitted that the Indians might be
compelled to work in the mines, and in other employments; but this
was limited to the royal service. They were to be engagéd as hired
labourers, and punctually paid. This provision led to great abuses
and oppressions, and was ultimately as fatal to the natives as would
have been the most absolute slavery.
But while the sovereigns were ſnaking regulations for the relief
of the Indians, with that inconsistency frequent in human judgment,
they encouraged a gross invasion of the rights and the welfare of
another race of human beings. Among their various decrees on this
occasion, we find the first trace of hegro slavery in the new world.
It was permitted to carry to the colonies negro slaves, born among
Christians, f that is to say, slaves born in Seville and other parts of
Spain, the children and descendants of natives brought from the At-
lantic coasts of Africa, with which a traffic of the kind had for some
time been carried on by the Spañiards and Portuguese. There are
signal events in the course of history, which sometimes bear the ap-
pearance of temporal judgments. It is a fact worthy of observation,
* Las Căldă, Hist. Ind. L.2, c. 3. Ms.
t Que se dexaron pasar esclavos negros, nacidos en poder de Christianos, i qua
recibiese en quanta älos officiales de la real Hacienda, lo que por sus firmas sepa-
gase. Herrera, Hist. Ind. Dacad. 1, L. 4. C. 12.
CHAP. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 71
that Hispaniola, the place where this flagrant sin against nature and
humanity was first introduced into the New World, has been the first
to exhibit an awful retribution.
Amidst the various concerns which claimed the attention of the
sovereigns, the interests of Columbus were not forgotten. Ovando
was ordered to examine into all his accounts, without undertaking
to pay them off. He was to ascertain the damages he had sustained
by his imprisonment, the interruption of his privileges, and the con-
fiscation of his effects. All the property confiscated by Bobadilla
was to be restored; or, if it had been sold, to be made good. If it had
been employed in the royal service, Columbus was to be indemnified
out of the treasury; if Bobadilla had appropriated it to his own use,
he was to account for it out of his private purse. Equal care was
to be taken to indemnify the brothers of the admiral for the losses
they had wrongfully suffered by their arrest.
Columbus was likewise to receive the arrears of his revenues :
and the same were to be punctually paid to him in future. He was
to be permitted to have a factor resident in the island, to be present
at the smelting and marking of the gold, to collect his dues, and in
short to attend to all his affairs. To this office he appointed Alonzo
Sanchez de Carvajal, whose probity he had so well tried in his ne-
gotiations with Roldan; and the sovereigns commanded that his
agent should be treated with great respect.
The fleet appointed to convey Ovando to his government was the
largest that had yet sailed to the New World. It consisted of
thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons
burthen, twenty-four caravels of from thirty to ninety, and one bark
of twenty-five tons.” The number of souls embarked in this fleet
was about twenty-five hundred, many of them persons of rank and
distinction, with their families.
That Ovando might appear with dignity in his new office, he was
allowed to use silks, brocades, precious stones, and other articles of
Sumptuous attire, which were prohibited at that time in Spain, in
consequence of the ruinous ostentation of the nobility. He was per-
mitted also to have seventy-two esquires as his body guard, ten of
whom were horsemen. With this expedition, sailed Don Alphonso
Maldonado, appointed as alguazil mayor, or chief justice, in place
of Roldan, who was to be sent to Spain. There were artisans of
various kinds; to these were added a physician, surgeon, and apo-
thecary, and seventy-three married men,t with their families, all of
f Muñoz—partinedit. Las Casas says the fleet consisted of thirty-two sail.
He states from memory, however: Muñoz from documents.
t Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo—part inedit.
72 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV
respectable character, destined to be distributed in four towns, and
to enjoy peculiar privileges, that they might form the basis of a
sound and useful population. They were to displace as many of
the idle and dissolute, who were to be sent from the island. This
excellent measure had been especially urged and entreated by Colum-
bus. There was also live stock, artillery, arms, munitions of all-
kinds, every thing in short that was required for the supply of the
island. # * &
Such was the style in which Ovando, a favourite of Ferdinand,
and a native subject of rank, was fitted out to enter upon the govern-
ment withheld from Columbus. The fleet put to sea on the 13th of
February, 1502. In the early part of the voyage it was encountered
by a terrible storm; one of the ships foundered, with one hundred
and twenty passengers; the others were obliged to throw overboard
every thing that was on deck, and were completely scattered. The
shores of Spain were strewed with articles from the fleet, and a ru-
mour spread that all the ships had perished. When this reached
the sovereigns, they were so overcome with grief that they shut
themselves up for eight days, and admitted no one to their presence.
The rumour proved to be incorrect; but one ship was lost. The
others assembled again at the island of Gomera, in the Canaries, and,
pursuing their voyage arrived at San Domingo on the 15th of April.”
f
sº
CHAPTER IV.
PROPOSITION OF COLUMBUS RELATIVE TO THE RECOVERY OF
THE HOLY SEPULCHRE.
[1500–1501.]
Cor. UMBus remained in the city of Granada for upwards of nine
months, endeavouring to extricate his affairs from the confusion into
which they had been thrown by the rash conduct of Bobadilla, and
soliciting the restoration of his offices and dignities. During this
time he constantly experienced the smiles and attentions of the sove-
reigns, and promises were repeatedly made him that he should ulti-
mately be reinstated in all his honours. He had long since, however, as
.*
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 3. MS.
Chap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 73
certained the great interval that may exist between promise and per-
formance in a court. Had he been of a morbid and repining spirit,
he had ample food for misanthropy. He beheld the career of glory
which he had opened, throngéd by favoured adventurers; he wit-
messed preparations Inaking to convey, with unusual pomp, a suc-
cessor to that government from which he had been so wrongfully and
rudely ejected; in the meanwhile, his own career was interrupted,
and, as far as public employ is a guage of royal favour, he remained
apparently in disgrace. *
The sanguine temperament of Columbus, however, was not long
to be depressed ; if checked in one direction it broke forth in another.
His visionary imagination was as an internal light, which in the
darkest times repelled all outward gloom, and filled his mind with
splendid images and glorious speculations. In this time of evil his
vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of his discovery,
fifty thousand foot soldiers and five thousand horse, for the re-
covery of the holy sepulchre, recurred to his memory with peculiar
force. The time had elapsed, but the vow remained unfulfilled, and
the means to perform it had failed him. The New World, with all
its treasures, had as yet produced expense instead of profit; and so
far from being in a situation to set armies on foot by his own contri-
butions, he found himself without property, without power, and
without employ.
Destitute of the means of accomplishing his pious intentions, he
considered it his duty to incite the sovereigns to the enterprise: and
he felt emboldened to do so, from having originally proposed it as the
great object to which the profit of his discoveries should be dedicated.
He set to work, therefore, with his accustomed zeal, to prepare argu-
ments for the purpose. During the intervals of business he sought into
the prophecies of the holy scriptures, the writings of the fathers, and
all kinds of sacred and speculative sources, for mystic portents and re-
velations, which might be construed to bear upon the discovery of the
New World, the conversion of the Gentiles, and the recovery of the
holy sepulchre: three great events which he supposed to be predes-
tined to succeed each other. These passages, with the assistance
of a Carthusian friar, he arranged in order, illustrated by poetry,
and collected into a manuscript volume, to be delivered to the sove-
reigns. He prepared, at the same time, a long letter, written with his
usual fervour of spirit and simplicity of heart. It is one of those singu-
lar compositions which lay open the visionary part of his character
andshow the mystic and speculative reading with which he was ac-
customed to nurture his solemn and soaring imagination.
In this letter he urged their majesties to set on foot a crusade for
Vol. II 6 G
74 f LIFE AND VOYAGES OF . IBook XIV.
the deliverance of Jerusalem from the power of the unbelievers. He
entreated them not to reject his present advice as extravagant and
impracticable, nor to heed the discredit that might be cast upon it
by others; reminding them that his great scheme of discovery had
originally been treated with similar contempt. He avowed in the
fullest manner his persuasion, that from his earliest infancy he had
been chosen by heaven for the accomplishment of those two great
designs, the discovery of the New World, and the rescue of the holy
sepulchre. For this purpose, in his tender years he had been guided
by a divine impulse to embrace the profession of the sea; a mode of
life, he observes, which produces an inclination to inquire into the
mysteries of nature; and he had been gifted with a curious spirit to
read all kinds of chronicles, geographical treatises, and works of
philosophy. In meditating upon these, his understanding had been
opened by the deity, “as with a palpable hand,” so as to discover
the navigation to the Indias; and he had been inflamed with ardour
to undertake the enterprise. “Animated as by a heavenly fire,” he
adds, “I came to your majesties. All who heard of my enterprise
mocked at it; all the sciences I had acquired profited me nothing;
seven years did I pass in your royal court, disputing the case with
persons of great authority, and learned in all the arts, and in the
end they decided that all was vain. In your majesties alone re-
mained faith and constancy. Who will doubt that this light was
from the holy scriptures, illumining you as well as myself with rays
of marvellous clearness?”. * *
These ideas, so repeatedly, and solemnly, and artlessly expressed,
by a man of the fervent piety of Columbus, show how truly his dis-
covery arose from the workings of his own mind, and not from in-
formation furnished by others. He considered it a divine intimation,
a light from heaven, and the fulfilment of what had been foretold by
our Saviour, and the prophets. Still he regarded it but as a minor
event preparatory to the great enterprise, the recovery of the holy
sepulchre. He pronounced it a miracle effected by heaven to ani-
mate himself and others to that holy undertaking; and he assured
their majesties, that if they had faith in his present, as in his former
proposition, they would assuredly be rewarded with equally trium-
phant success. He conjured them not to heed the sneers of such
as might scoff at him as one unlearned, as an ignorant mariner,
a worldly man; reminding, them that the holy spirit works not
merely in the learned, but also in the ignorant; nay, that it reveals
things to come not merely by rational beings, but by prodigies in ani-
mals, and by mystic signs in the air and in the heavens, .
The enterprise here suggested by Columbus, however idle and ex-
CHAP, IV.] CHRISTOPHER, COLUMBUS. 75
travagant it may appear in the present day, was in the temper of
the times, and of the court to which it was proposed. The vein of
mystic erudition by which it was enforced, likewise, was suited to
an age when the reveries of the cloister still controlled the operations
of the cabinet and the camp. The spirit of the crusades had not
yet passed away. In the cause of the church, and at the instiga-
tion of its dignitaries, every cavalier was ready to draw his sword;
and religion mingled a glowing and devoted enthusiasm with the
ordinary excitement of warfare. Ferdinand was a religious bigot;
and the devotion of Isabella went as near to bigotry as her liberal
mind and magnanimous spirit would permit. Both of the sovereigns
were under the influence of ecclesiastical politicians, constantly
guiding their enterprises in a direction to redound to the temporal
power and glory of the church. The recent conquest of Granada
had been considered a European crusade, and had gained to the so-
vereigns tha epithet of Catholic. It was natural, to think of extend-
ing their sacred victories still further, and retaliating upon the infi-
dels their domination of Spain, and their long triumphs over the
cross. In fact, the Duke of Medina Sidonia had made a recent in-
road into Barbary, in the course of which he had taken the city of
Melilla, and his expedition had been pronounced a renewal of the
holy wars against the Infidels in Africa."
There was nothing therefore in the proposition of Columbus that
could be regarded as preposterous, considering the period and cir-
cumstances in which it was made, though it strongly illustrates his
own enthusiastic and visionary character. It must be recollected
that it was meditated in the courts of the Alhambra, among the
splendid remains of Moorish grandeur, where but a few years before
he had beheld the standard of the faith elevated in triumph above the
symbols of infidelity. It appears to have been the offspring of one
of those moods of high excitement, when, as has been observed, his
soul was elevated by the contemplation of his great and glorious
office; when he considered himself under divine inspiration, impart-
ing the will of heaven, and fulfilling those high and holy purposes
for which he had been predestined.f
* Garibay, Hist. España, L. 19, C. 6.
Among the collections existing in the library of the late Prince Sebastian, there
is a folio, which among other things contains a paper or letter, in which is a calcu-
lation of the probable expense of an army of twenty thousand men for the conquest
of the holy land. It is dated in 1509 or 1510, and the handwriting appears to be
of the same time.
i Columbus was not singular in this belief; it was entertained by many of his
zealous and learned admirers. The erudite lapidary, Jayme Ferrer, in the letter
written to Columbus in 1495, at the command of the sovereigns, observes: “I see
-*...*T
76 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Bôok XIV.
CHAPTER W.
PREPARATIONs of columbus For A FourTH voyage or
* DISCOVERY.
[1501–1502. I
THE speculation relative to the recovery of the holy sepulchre held
but a temporary sway over the mind of Columbus. His thoughts
soon returned with renewed ardour to their wonted channel. He
became impatient of inaction, and soon conceived a leading object
for another enterprise of discovery. The achievement of Wasco de
Gama of the long attempted navigation to India by the Cape of
Good Hope, was one of the signal events of the day. Pedro Alvarez
Cabral following in his track, had made a most successful voyage,
and returned with his vessels laden with the precious commodi-
ties of the east. The riches of Calicut were now the theme of every
tongue, and the splendid trade now opened in diamonds and precious
stones from the mines of Hindostan; in pearls, gold, silver, amber,
ivory and porcelain; in silken stuffs, costly woods, gums, aromatics,
and spices of all kinds. The discoveries of the savage regions of the
New World, as yet brought little revenue to Spain; but this route,
suddenly opened to the luxurious countries of the east, was pouring
in immediate wealth upon Portugal.
Columbus was roused to emulation by these accounts. He now
conceived the idea of a voyage, in which, with his usual enthusiasm,
he hoped to surpass not merely the discovery of Wasco de Gama, but
even those of his own previous expeditions. According to his own
in this a great mystery. The divine and infallible providence sent the great St.
Thomas from the west into the east, to manifest in India our holy and catholic
faith; and you Señor, he sent in an opposite direction, from the east unto the west,
until you have arrived in the orient, into the extreme part of upper India, that the
people may hear that which their ancestors neglected of the preaching of St. Tho-
mas. Thus shall be accomplished what is written, in omnen terram exibit sonus
corum.” “..” “And again: “The office which you hold, Señor, places you in
the light of an apostle and ambassador of God, sent by his divine judgment to make
known his holy name in unknown lands.” Letra de Mossen Jayme Ferrer, &c.
Navarrete, Collection, T. 2, Doc. 68. See also the opinion expressed by Agostino
Guistiniani, his contemporary in his Polyglot Psalter.
CHAP. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 77
observations in his voyage to Paria, and the reports of other naviga.
tors, who had pursued the same route to a greater distance, it ap-
peared that the coast of Terra Firma stretched far to the west. The
southern coast of Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic con-
timent, stretched onwards towards the same point. The currents of
the Caribbean sea, must pass between those lands. He was per-
suaded therefore that there must be a strait existing somewhere
thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. The situation in which he
placed his conjectural strait, was somewhere about what is at pre-
sent called the isthmus of Darien.” Could he but discover such a
passage, and thus link the New World he had discovered, with the
opulent oriental regions of the old, he felt that he should make a
magnificent close to his labours, and consummate this great object
of his existence.
When Columbus unfolded his plan to the sovereigns, it was
listened to with great attention. Certain of the royal council, it is
said, endeavoured to throw difficulties in the way; observing that
the various exigencies of the times, and the low state of the royal
treasury, rendered any new expedition highly inexpedient. They
intimated also that Columbus ought not to be employed, until his
good conduct in Hispaniola was satisfactorily established, by letters
from Ovando. These narrow-minded suggestions failed in their
aim. Isabella had implicit confidence in the integrity of Columbus.
As to the expense, she felt that while furnishing so powerful a fleet
and splendid a retinue to Ovando, to take possession of his govern-
ment, it would be ungenerous and ungrateful to refuse a few ships
to the discoverer of the New World, to enable him to prosecute his
illustrious enterprises. As to Ferdinand, his cupidity was aroused at
the idea of being soon put...in possession of a more direct and safe
route to those countries with which the crown of Portugal was
opening so lucrative a trade. The project also would occupy the ad-
miral for a considerable time, and, while it diverted him from claims
of an inconvenient nature, would employ his talents in a way most
beneficial to the crown. However the king might doubt his abili-
ties as a legislator, he had the highest opinion of his skill and Judg-
ment as a navigator. If such a strait as the one supposed were really
in existence, Columbus was, of all men in the world, the one to dis-
cover it. His proposition, therefore, was promptly acceded to; he
was authorized to fit out an armament immediately; and repaired to
Seville, in the autumn of 1501, to make the necessary preparations
Though this substantial enterprise diverted his attention from his
* Las Casas, L. 2 C. 4. Las Casas specifies the vicinity of Nombres de Dios as
the place. & . G 2
*.
78 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV.
romantic expedition for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, it still
continued to haunt his mind. He left his manuscript collection of
researches among the prophecies, in the hands of a devout friar, of
the name of Gaspar Gorricio, who assisted to complete it. In Feb-
ruary, also, he wrote a letter to Pope Alexander VII In this letter
he apologizes, on account of indispensable occupations, for not
having repaired to Rome, according to his original intention, to give
an account of his grand discoveries. After briefly relating them, he
adds that his enterprises had been undertaken with intent of dedi
cating the gains to the recovery of the holy sepulchre. He mentions
the vow which he had expressed in a letter to the Spanish sove-
reigns, to furnish, within seven years, fifty thousand foot and five
thousand horse for the purpose, and another like force within five
succeeding years. This pious intention, he laments, had been im-
peded by the arts of the devil, and he feared without divine aid,
would be entirely frustrated, as the government which had been
granted to him in perpetuity had been taken from him. He informs
his holiness of his being about to embark on another voyage, and
promises solemnly on his return, to repair to Rome without delay,
to relate every thing by word of mouth, as well as to present him
with an account of his voyages which he had kept from the com-
mencement to the present time, in the style of the commentaries of
Caesar.”
It was about this time, also, that he sent his letter on the subject
of the sepulchre to the sovereigns, together with the collection of
prophecies.f We have no account of the manner in which the pro-
* Navarrete, Collect. Viag. T.2, Doc. 145.
t A manuscript volume containing a copy of this letter and of the collection of
prophecies is in the Biblioteca Colombina, or Columbian library in the cathedral of
Seville, where the author of this work has seen and examined it since publishing
the first edition. The title and some of the early pages of the work are in the hand-
writing of Fernando Columbus, the main body of the work is by a strange hand,
probably by the Friar Gaspar Gorricio, or some brother of his convent. There are
trifling marginal notes or corrections and one or two trivial additions in the hand-
writing of Columbus, especially a passage added after his return from his fourth
voyage and shortly before his death, alluding to an eclipse of the moon which took
place during his sojouri, in the island of Jamaica. The handwriting of this last
passage, like most of the manuscript of Columbus, which the author has seen, is
small and delicate but wants the firminess and distinctness of his earlier writing;
his hand having doubtlášs become unsteady through age and infirmity.
This document is extremely curious as containing all the passages of Scripture
and of the works of the fathers which had so powerful an influence on the enthu-
siastic mind of Columbuš, and were construed by him into mysterious prophecies and
revelations. The volume is in good preservation, except that a few pages have
been cut out. The writing though of the beginning of the fifteenth century is very
distinct and legible. The library mark of the book is Estante Z. Tab. 138, No. 25
char. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 79
position was received. Ferdinand, with all his bigotry, was a
shrewd and worldly prince. Instead of a romantic crusade against
Jerusalem, he preferred making a pacific arrangement with the grand
soldan of Egypt, who had menaced the destructionſ of the sacred
edifice. He dispatched, therefore, about this time the learned Peter
Martyr, so distinguished for his historical writings, as ambassador
to the soldan, by whom all ancient grievances between the two pow-
ers were satisfactorily adjusted, and arrangements made for the con-
servation of the holy sepulchre, and the protection of all Christian
pilgrims resorting to it.
In the meantime Columbus went on with the preparations for his
contemplated voyage, though he was able to proceed but slowly,
owing as Charlevoix intimates, to the artifices and delays of Fon-
seca, and his agents. He craved permission to touch at the island
of Hispaniola, on his outward voyage, for supplies, necessary in so
long an expedition. This however, the sovereigns forebade. They
knew that he had many enemies in the island, and that the place
would be in great agitation from the arrival of Ovando, and the
removal of Bobadilla. They consented, however, that he should
touch for a short time there on his return, by which time they
hoped the island would be restored to tranquillity. Columbus was
permitted to take with him in this expedition his brother the
Adelantado, and his son Fernando, then in his fourteenth year.
He was also permitted to take two or three persons, learned in
Arabic, to serve as interpreters, in case he should arrive at the
dominions of the Grand Khan, or of any other eastern prince, where
that language might be spoken or partially known. In reply to
letters relative to the ultimate restoration of his rights, and to matters
concerning his family, the sovereigns wrote him a letter, dated
March 14, 1502, from Valencia de Torre, in which they again
solemnly assured him that their capitulations with him should be
fulfilled to the letter, and the dignities therein ceded should be
enjoyed by him and his, children after him; and if it should be
necessary to confirm them anew, they would do so, and secure them
to his son. Beside which they expressed their disposition to bestow
further honours and rewards upon himself, his brothers, and his
children. They entreated him, therefore, to depart in peace and
confidence and to leave all his concerns in Spain to the manage-
ment of his son Diego.”
This was the last letter that Columbus received from the sove-
reigns, and the assurances it contained were as ample and absolute as
* Las Casas, Hist, Ind. L.2, c. 4.
80 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV,
he could desire. Recent circumstances, however, had apparently
rendered him dubious of the future. During the time that he passed
in Seville, previous to his departure, he took measures to secure his
fame, and preserve the claims of his family, by placing them under
the guardianship of his native country. He had copies of all the
letters, grants, and privileges from the sovereigns, appointing him
admiral, viceroy, and governor of the Indias, copied and authen-
ticated before the alcaldes of Seville. Two sets of these were drawn
out, together with his letter to the nurse of Prince Juan, containing
a circumstantial and eloquent vindication of his rights; and two
letters to the bank of St. George, at Genoa, assigning to it the tenth
of his revenues, to be employed in diminishing the duties on corn
and other provisions;–a truly benevolent and patriotic donation,
intended for the relief of the poor of his native city. These two sets
of documents he sent by different individuals to his friend Doctor
Nicolo Oderigo, formerly ambassador from Genoa to the court
of Spain, requesting him to preserve them in some safe deposit, and
to apprize his son Diego of the same. His dissatisfaction at the
conduct of the Spanish court may have been the cause of this
precautionary measure, that an appeal to the world, or to posterity,
might be in the power of his descendants, in case he should perish
in the course of his voyage.”
* These documents lay unknown in the Oderigo family until 1670, when Lorenzo
Oderigo presented them to the government of Genoa, and they were deposited in
the archives. In the disturbances and revolutions of after times, one of these copies
was taken to Paris, and the other disappeared. In 1816, the latter was discovered
in the library of the deceased count Michel Angelo Cambiaso, a senator of Genoa.
It was procured by the king of Sardinia, then sovereign of Genoa, and was given
up to the city of Genoa by him in 1821. A custodia, or monument, was erected in
that city for its conservation, consisting of a marble column, supporting an urn,
surmounted by a bust of Columbus. The documents were deposited in the urn.
These papers have been published, together with an historical memoir of Colum-
bus, by D. Gio. Battista Spotorno, professor of eloquence, &c., in the university
of Genoa. i
LIFE AND voyages
OF
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
BOOK XV.
CHAPTER I.
DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS ON HIS FOURTH VOYAGE-REF USED
ADMISSION TO THE HARBOUR OF SAN DOMINGO-EXPOSED TO
A VIOLENT TEMPEST.
[1502.]
AGE was rapidly making its advances upon Columbus when he
undertook his fourth and last voyage of discovery. He had already
numbered sixty-six years, and they were years filled with care and
trouble, in which age outstrips the march of time. His constitution.
originally vigorous in the extreme, had been impaired by hardships
and exposures in every clime, and silently preyed upon by the suffer-
‘ings of the mind. His frame once powerful and commanding, and
retaining a semblance of strength and majesty even in its decay, was
yet crazed by infirmities and subject to paroxysms of excruciating
pain. His intellectual forces alone retained their wonted health and
energy, prompting him, at a period of life when most men seek re-
pose, to sally forth, with youthful ardour, on the most toilsome and
adventurous of expeditions.
His squadron for the present voyage consisted of four caravels, the
smallest of fifty tons burden, the largest not exceeding seventy, and
the crews amounting in all to one hundred and fifty men. With
this little armament, and these slender barks did the venerable disco-
verer undertake the search after a strait, which, if found, must con
duct him into the most remote seas, and lead to a complete circum
navigation of the globe. -
In this arduous voyage, however, he had a faithful counsellor, and
an intrepid and vigorous coadjutor in his brother Don Bartholomew,
82 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XV.
whilst his younger son Fernando cheered him with his affectionate
sympathy. He had learnt to appreciate such comforts, from being
too often an isolated stranger, surrounded by false friends and perfi-
dious enemies.
On leaving Cadiz, the squadron passed over to Ercilla on the
coast of Morocco, where it anchored on the 13th. Understanding
that the Portuguese garrison was closely besieged in the fortress by
the Moors, and exposed to great peril, the sovereigns had ordered
Columbus to touch there, and render all the assistance in his power.
On arriving, he found that the siege had been raised, but that the
governor lay ill, having been wounded in an assault. Columbus
sent his brother the Adelantado, his son Fernando, and the captains
of the caravels on shore, to wait upon the governor, with expres-
sions of friendship and civility, and offers of the services of his squa-
dron. Their visit and message gave high satisfaction, and several
Acavaliers were sent to wait upon the admiral in return; some of
whom were relations of his deceased wife, Doña Felippa Muñoz.
After this exchange of civilities, the admiral made sail on the same
day, and continued his voyage.” On the 20th of May, he arrived at
the Grand Canary, and remained at that and the adjacent islands for
a few days, taking in wood and water. On the evening of the 25th,
he took his departure for the New World. The trade winds were sc,
favourable, that the little squadron swept gently on its course, with-
out shifting a sail, and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the
Caribbee islands, called by the natives, Mantinino.f After stopping
here for three days, to take in wood and water, and allow the sea-
men time to wash their clothes, the squadron passed to the west of
the island, and sailed to Dominica about ten leagues distant.f From
hence Columbus continued, along the inside of the Antilles, to Santa
Cruz, then along the south side of Porto Rico, and steered for San
Domingo. This was contrary to the original plan of the admiral,
who had intended to steer to Jamaica, Š and from thence to take a
departure for the continent to explore its coasts in search of the sup-
posed strait. It was contrary to the orders of the sovereigns also, pro-
hibiting him on his outward voyage, to touch at Hispaniola. His
excuse was, that his principal vessel sailed extremely ill, could not
carry any canvas, and continually embarrassed and delayed the rest
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 88.
f Senr. Navarrete supposes this island to be the same at present called Santa
Lucia. From the distance between it and Dominica mentioned by Fernando Co.
lumbus, it was more probably the present Martinica.
# Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 88.
§ Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras. Navarrete, T. 1.
t
CHAP. I.T CHRISTOPHIER COLUMBUS. 83
of the squadron.” He wished, therefore, to exchange it for one of
the fleet which had recently conveyed Ovando to his government, or
to purchase some other vessel at San Domingo; and he was persuad-
ed that he would not be blamed for departing from his orders, in a
case of such importance to the safety and success of his expedition.
It is necessary to state the situation of the island at this moment.
Ovando had reached San Domingo on the 15th of April. He had
been received with the accustomed ceremony on the shore, by Boba-
dilla, accompanied by the principal inhabitants of the town. He
was escorted to the fortress, where his commission was read in form,
in presence of all the authorities. The usual oaths were taken, and
ceremonials observed; and the new governor was hailed with great
demonstrations of obedience and satisfaction. Ovando entered upon
the duties of his office with coolness and prudence; and treated Bo-
badilla with a courtesy-totally opposite to the rudeness with which
the latter had superseded Columbus. The emptiness of mere official
rank, when unsustained by merit, was shown in the case of Bobadilla.
The moment his authority was at an end, all his importance vanish-
ed. He found himself a solitary and neglected man, deserted by
those whom he had most favoured; and he experienced the worthless-
ness of that popularity which is gained by courting the prejudices and
passions of the multitude. Still there is no record of any process
having been instituted against him; and Las Casas, who was on the
spot, declares that he never heard any harsh thing spoken of him by
the colonists.t
The conduct of Roldan and his accomplices, however, underwent
a strict investigation, and many were arrested to be sent to Spain for
trial. They appeared undismayed, trusting to the influence of their
friends in Spain to protect them, and many relying on the well known
disposition of the Bishop Fonseca to favour all who had been oppos-
ed to Columbus.
The fleet which had brought out Ovando, was now ready for sea;
and was to take out a number of the principal delinquents, and
many of the idlers and profligates of the island. Bobadilla was to
embark in the principal ship, on board of which he had put an im-
mense amount of gold, the revenue collected for the crown during
his government; and which he confidently expected would atone
for all his faults. There was one solid mass of virgin gold on
board of this ship, which is famous in the old Spanish chronicles.
It had been found by a female Indian in a brook, on the estate of
Francisco de Garay and Miguel Diaz, and had been taken by
*Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 88. Las Casas, L. 2. c. 5
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 3.
84 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XV.
Bobadilla to send to the king, making the owners a suitable com-
pensation. It was said to weigh three thousand six hundred
castellanos." *
Large quantities of gold were likewise shipped in the fleet, by the
followers of Roldan, and other adventurers; the wealth gained by
the sufferings of the unhappy natives. Among the various persons
who were to sail in the principal ship, was the unfortunate Guario-
nex, the once powerful cacique of the Vega. He had been confined
in Fort Conception, ever since his capture, after the war of Higuey,
and was now to be sent a captive in chains to Spain. In one of
the ships, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, the agent of Columbus, had
put four thousand pieces of gold, to be remitted to him; being part
of his property, which had either been recently collected, or reco-
vered from the hands of Bobadilla.f
The preparations were all made, and the fleet was ready to put to
sea, when, on the 29th of June, the squadron of Columbus arrived
at the mouth of the river. He immediately sent Pedro de Terreros,
captain of one of the caravels, on shore, to wait on Ovando, and ex-
plaim to him that the purpose of his coming was to procure a vessel in
exchange for one of his caravels, which was extremely defective. He
requested permission also to shelter his squadron in the harbour; as
he apprehended, from various indications, an approaching storm.
This request was refused by Ovando. Las Casas thinks it probable
that he had instructions from the sovereigns, not to admit Columbus;
and that he was fürther swayed by prudent considerations, as San
Domingo was at that moment crowded with the most virulent ene-
mies of the admiral, many of them in a high state of exasperation,
from recent proceedings which had taken place against them.f
When the ungracious refusal of Ovando was brought to Colum-
bus, and he found all shelter denied him, he sought at least to avert
the danger of the fleet, which was about to sail. He sent back the
officer therefore to the governor; entreating him not to permit the
fleet to put to sea for several days; assuring him that there were
indubitable signs of an impending tempest. This second request
was equally fruitless with the first. The weather to an inexpe-
rienced eye was fair, and tranquil; the pilots and seamen were
impatient to depart. They scoffed at the prediction of the admiral,
ridiculing him as a false prophet, and persuaded Ovando not to de-
tain the fleet on so unsubstantial a pretext.
It was hard treatment of Columbus, thus to be denied the relief
which the state of his ships required, and to be excluded in time of
distress from the very harbour he had discovered. He retired from
* I as Casas, Cap. 5. # Idem. # Las Casas, ubi sup.
Citar. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 85
the river fuli of grief and indignation., "His crew murmured loudly
at being turned away from 'a port éf their own; nation, where even
strangers, under similar circumstances, would be admitted. They
repined at having embarked with a commander, liable to such treat-
ment; and anticipated nothing but evil, from a voyage in which
they were exposed to the dangers of the sea, and repulsed from the
protection of the land. , , , ,
Being confident, from his observations of those nātural phenome-
na in which he was deeply skilled, that the anticipated storm could
not be distant, and expecting it from the land side, Columbus kept
his feeble squadron close to the shore, and sought for secure anchor-
age in some wild bay or river of the island. A 4
In the meantime the fleet of Bobadilla set sail from San Do-
mingo, and stood out confidently to sea. Within two days, the
predictions of Columbus were verified. One of those tremendous
hurricanes, which sometimes sweep those latitudes, had gradually
gathered up. The baleful appearance of the heavens, the wild
look of the ocean, the rising murmur of the winds, all gave notiée
of its approach. The fleet had scarcely reached the eastern point
of Hispaniola, when the tempest burst over it with awful fury, in-
volving everything in wreck and ruin. The ship on board of which
were Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number of the most inveterate ene-
mies of Columbus, was swallowed up with all its crew, and with
the celebrated mass of gold, and the principal part of the ill-gotten
treasure, gained by the miseries of the Indians. Many of the ships
were entirely lost; some returned to San Domingo in shattered con-
dition, and only one was enabled to continue her voyage to Spain.
That one, according to Fernando Columbus, was the weakest of
the fleet, and had on board the four thousand pieces of gold, the
property of the-admiral. ‘.
During the early part of this storm, the little squadron of Colum-
bus had remained tolerably well sheltered by the land. On the
second day, the tempestincreased in violence, and the night coming
on with unusual darkness, the ships lost sight of each other and
were separated. The admiral still kept close to the shore, and sus-
tained no damage. The others, fearful of the land in such a dark
and boisterous night, ran out for sea room, and encountered the
whole fury of, the elements. For several days they were driven
about at the mercy of wind and wave, fearful each moment of ship:
wreck, and giying up, each other as lost. The Adelantado, who
commanded the ship already mentioned as being scarcely sea-
worthy, ran the most imminent. hazard, and nothing but his con-
summate seamanship enabled him toºkeep her ** At length,
§§ HFE AND VOYAGES:0}} [Bibosexy.
after various vicissitudes; they all arrived safe at Port.Hemmaso; to
the west of San Domingo. The Adelantadow.had lost his long
boat; and all the vessels, with the exception of that of that admiral,
had sustained more or less injury. ' ' , ,
When Columbus learned the signal destruction that had over-
whelmed his enemies, almost before his eyes, he was deeply impressed
with awe, and considered his own preservation as little less than
miraculous. Both his son. Fernando, and the venerable histºrian
Las Casas, looked upon the event as one of those awful judgments,
which seem at times to deal forth tempora! retribution. They notice
the circumstance, that while the enemies, of the admiral were swal-
lowed up by the raging sea, the only ship of the fleet, which was
enabled to pursue her voyage, and reach her port of destination,
was the frail bark freighted with the property of Columbus. The
evil, however, in this, as in most instances, overwhelmed the inno-
cent as well as the guilty. In the same ship, with Bobadilla, and
Roldam, perished the captive Guarionex, the unfortunate, cacique of
the Vega.”
CHAPTER, H.
VOYAGE ALONG THE COAST OF HONDTIRAs.
[1502.]
For several days Columbus remained in Port Hermoso, to repair his
vessels, and permit his crews to repose and refresh themselves after
the late tempest. He had scarcely left this harbour when he was
obliged to take shelter from another storm-in'Jacquemel, or, as it was
eafled by the Spaniards; Port Brasil. From thence he sailed on the
t4th of July, steering for Terra Firma. The weather falling per.
feetly"calm, he was borne away by the currents, until he found him.
self in the vicinity of some little islands near Jamaica,f destitute
of springs, but where the seamen obtained a supply of water by dig-
ging holes in the sand on the beach. ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' "…
The calm continuing he was swept away to the group of small
k \ . . . " • { *
* Las Casas, Hist, Ind. r. 2, c. 5. HistºderAlmirante; cap. 88. ". . .
#Supposed to be the Morant Keys. . . . . . . . . .” . . ;
-CHAP. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 37
islands or keys on the southern coast of Cuba, to which, in 1494, he
had given the name of The Gardens. He had scarcely touched there,
however, when the wind sprang up from a favourable quarter, and he
was enabled to make sail on his destined course. He now stood to the
southwest, and after a few days he discovered, on the 30th of July,
a small but elevated island, agreeable to the eye from the variety of
trees with which it was covered. Among these was a great number
of lofty pines; from which circumstance Columbus named it Isla de
Pinos. It has always, however, retained the Indian name of Gua-
maja,” which has been extended to a number of smaller islands that
surround it. This group is within a few leagues of the coast of
Honduras, to the east of the great bay or gulf of that name.
The Adelantado, with two launches full of people, landed on the
principal island, which was extremely verdant and fertile. The in-
habitants resembled those of the other islands, excepting that their
foreheads were narrower. While the Adelantado was on shore, he
beheld a great canoe arriving as from a distant and important voyage.
He was struck with its magnitude and contents. It was eight feet
wide, and as long as a galley, though formed of the trunk of a sin-
gle tree. In the centre was a kind of awning or cabin of palm
leaves, after the manner of those in the gondolas of Venice, and suf.
ficiently close to exclude both sun and rain. Under this sat a ca-
cique with his wives and children. Twenty-five Indians rowed the
canoe, and it was filled with all kinds of articles of the manufacture
and natural production of the adjacent countries. It is supposed
that this bark had come from the province of Yucatan, which is
about forty leagues distant from this island.
The Indians in the canoe appeared to have no fear of the Span-
iards, and readily went alongside of the admiral's caravel. Goluta-
bus was overjoyed at thus having brought to him at once, without
trouble or danger, a collection, as it were, of specimens of all theim-
portant articles of this part of the New World. He examined with
great curiosity and interest the contents of the canoe. Among vari-
ous utensils and weapons similar to those already found among the
natives, he perceived others of a much superior kind. There were
hatchets for cutting wood, formed not of stone but copper; wooden
swords, with channels on each side of the blade, in which sharp
flints were firmly fixed by cords made of the intestines of fishes;
being the same kind of sword afterwards found among the Meiº-
cans. There were copper bells, and other articles of the same me?”,
... *Galled insanºof thesºngishmºs Heeecca.
- 88 - LIFE AND VOYAGES OF 'l Boon XV.
s together with a rude kind of crucible in which to melt it; various
f
vessels and utensils neatly formed of clay, of marble, and of hard
wood; sheets and mantles of cotton, worked and dyed with various
a colours; great quantities of cacao, a fruit as yet unknown to the
Spaniards, but which, as they soon found, the natives held in great
estimation, using it both as food and money. There was a beverage
also, extracted from maize or Indian corn, resembling beer. Their
provisions consisted of bread made of maize and roots of various
kinds, similar to those of Hispaniola. From among these articles,
Columbus selected such as were important to send as specimens to
Spain, giving the natives European trinkets in exchange, with which
they were highly satisfied. They appeared to manifest neither as-
tonishment nor alarm when on board of the vessels, and surrounded
by people who must have been so strange and wonderful to them.
The women wore mantles, with which they wrapped-themselves
, like the female Moors of Granada, and the men, had cloths of cotton
around their loins. Both sexes appeared more particular about these
coverings and to have a quicker sense of personal modesty than any
Indians that Columbus had yet discovered. º
These circumstances, together with the superiority of their imple-
ments and manufaetures, were hailed by the admiral as indications
that he was approaching more civilized nations. He endeavoured
to gain particular information from these Indians about the surround-
ing countries; but as they spoke, a different language from that of
his interpreters, he could understand them put imperfectly. They
informed him that they had just arrived from a country fieh, culti-
vated, and industrious, situated to the west. They endeavoured to
impress him with an idea of the wealth and magnificenee of the
regions, and the people in that quarter, and urged him to steer in
that direction... Well would it have been for Columbus had he fol-
lowed their advice. Within a day or two he would have arrived at
Yucatan; the discovery of Mexico and the other opulent countries
of New Spain would have necessarily followed; the Southern Ocean
would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid dis-
coveries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age instead
of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect; and disappointment.
...The admiral's whole mind, however, was at present intent upon
discovering the strait. As the countries described by the Indians
layºfe the west, he supposed that he'could easily visit them at some
future time, by running with the trade wind along the coast” of
Cuba, which he imagined must continue on, so as to join them. At
present he was determined to seek the main-land, the mountains of
CHAP. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBBs. 89
which were visible to the south, and apparently not many leagues
distant;" by keeping along it steadfastly to the east, he must at
length arrive to where he supposed it to be severed from the coast
of Paria by an intervening, strait; and passing through this, he
should soon make his way to the Spice Islands and the richest parts
of India.f. g §
He was encouraged the more to persist in his eastern course, by
information from the Indians that there were many places in that
direction which abounded with gold. Much of the information
which he gathered among these people, was derived from an old
man who was more intelligent than the rest, and appeared to be an
ancient navigator of these seas. Columbus retained him to servé
as a guide along the coast, and dismissed his companions with
many presents. §.
Leaving the island of Guanaja, he stood southwardly for the
mainland, and after sailing a few leagues discovered a cape, to
which he gave the name of Caxinas, from its being covered with
fruit trees, so called by the natives. It is at present known as Cape
Honduras. Here, on Sunday the 14th of August, the Adelantado
landed with the captains of the caravels and many of the seamen,
to attend mass, which was performed under the trees on the sea-
shore, according to the pious custom of the admiral, whenever gir-
cumstances would permit. On the 17th the Adelantado again
landed at a river about fifteen miles from the point, on the banks of
which he displayed the banners of Castile, taking possession of the
country in the name of their Catholic majesties; from which cir-
cumstance he named this the Tiver of Possession.}
At this place they found assembled upwards of a hundred In-
dians, laden with bread of maize, fish and fowl, vegetables and
fruits of various kinds. These they laid down as presents before
the Adelantado and his party, and drew back to a distance without
speaking a word. The Adelantado distributed among them various
trinkets, with which they were well pleased, and appeared the next
day in the same place, in greater numbers, with still more abundant
supplies of provisions.
The nations of this neighbourhood, and for a considerable dis-
tance eastward, had higher foreheads than those of the islands.
They were of different languages, and varied from each other in
their decorations. Some were entirely naked, and their bodies
were marked by means of fire with the figures of various animals.
*Journal of Porras. Navarrete, T. 1.
ł Las Casas, L. 2; C. 20; .3Letter ºf Columb. from Jamaica
! Journal of Porras, Navarrete, Collect. T. j. . H2
Wol. II. 7
90 - LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XV
*
Some wore coverings about the loins; others short cotton jerkins
without'sleeves; some wore tresses of hair in front. The chieftains
had caps of white or coloured cotton. When arrayed for any fes-
tival, they painted their faces black, or with stripes of various colours,
or with circles round the eyes. The old Indian guide assured the
admiral that many of them were cannibals. In one part of the
coast, the natives had their ears bored and hideously distended;
which caused the Spaniards to call that region La Costa de la Oreja,
or the Coast Öf the Ear.”
Fröm the river of Possession Columbus proceeded along what is
at present called the coast of Honduras, beating against contrary
winds, and struggling with currents, which swept from the east like
the constant stream of a river. He often lost in one tack what he
had laboriously gained in two, frequently making but two leagues
in a day, and never more than five. At night he anchored, under
the land, through fear of proceeding along an unknown coast in
the dark; but was often forced out to sea by the violence of the cur-
rents.t. In all this time, he experienced the same kind of weather
that had prevailed on the coast of Hispaniola, and had attended
him more or less for upwards of sixty days. There was, he says,
almost an incessant tempest of the heavens, with heavy rain, and
such, thunder and lightning, that it seemed as if the end of the
world was at hand. Those who know any thing of the drenching
rains, and the rending thunder of the tropics, will not think his de-
scriptions of the storms he endured exaggerated. His vessels were
strained, so that their seams opened; the sails and rigging were rent;
and the provisions were damaged by the rain and by the leakage.
The sailors were exhausted with labour, and harassed with terror.
They many times confessed their sins to each other, and prepared
for death. “I have seen many tempests,” says Columbus, “but
none so violent, or of such long duration.” He alludes to the whole
series of storms which he had experienced for upwards of two
months, since he had been refused shelter at San Domingo. During
a great part of this time, he had suffered extremely from the
gout, aggravated by his watchfulness and anxiety. His illness did
not prevent his attending to his duties; he had a small cabin, or
chamber, constructed on the stern, from whence, even when confined
to his bed, he could keep a look out, and regulate the sailing of the
ships. Many times he was so ill that he thought his end approach-
ing. His anxious mind was distressed about his brother, the Ade-
*
* Las Casas, Lib.2, C. 21. Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 90.
t Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 91 -
Chap. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. gf
lantado, whom he had persuaded, against his will, to come on this
expedition, and who was in the worst vessel of the squadron. He
lamented also having brought with him his son Fernando, exposing
him at so tender an age to such perils and hardships; althºugh the
youth bore them with the courage and fortitude 6f a veteran. Of.
ten, too, his thoughts reverted to his son Diego, and the cares and
perplexities into which his death might plunge him.” At length,
ifter struggling for upwards of forty days since leaving the Cape
of Honduras, to make a distance of about seventy leagues, they
arrived, on the 14th of September, at a cape where the coast, mak-
ing an angle, turned directly south, so as to give them an easy wind .
and free navigation. Doubling the point, they swept off with flow-
ing sails and hearts filled with joy; and the admiral, to commemo-
rate this sudden relief from toil and peril, gave to the Cape the name
of Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God.t
CHAPTER III.
Vox AGE ALONG THE Musquito coast, AND TRANSACTIons
AT CARIAR).
[1503. ]
AFTER doubling Cape Gracias a Dios, Columbus sailed directly
south, along what is at present called the Musquito Shore. The
land was of varied character, sometimes rugged, with craggy pro-
montories and points stretching into the sea, at other places verdant
and fertile, and watered by abundant streams. In the rivers grew
immense reeds, sometimes of the thickness of a man's thigh; they
abounded with fish and tortoises, and alligators were seen basking on
the banks. At one place Columbus passed a cluster of twelve small
islands near the coast, on which grew a fruit resembling the lemon;
on which account he called them the Limonares.f
After sailing about sixty-two leagues along this coast, being
* Letter from Jamaica.; ; Navarrete, Collec. T. 1.
* Las Casas, L. 2, C. 21. Hist. del Almirante, C.91.
? P. Martyr, Decad. 3, L. 4. These may have been the lime, a small and ex.
tremely acid species of the lethon.
92. EIFE AND VOYAGES-Of [fºr KW.
greatly in want of wood and water, the squadroń anchored, on the
16th of September, near a copious river, up which the boats were
sent to procure the requisite supplies. As they were returning to the
ships, there was a sudden swelling of the sea, which, rushing in and
encountering the rapid current of the river, caused a violent commo-
tion, in which one of the boats was swallowed up, and all on board
perished. This melancholy event had a gloomy effect upon the
crews, already dispirited and careworn from the hardships they had
endured; and Columbus, sharing their dejection, gave the stream the
sinister name of El Rio del Desastre, or the River of Disaster.”
Leaving this unlucky neighbourhood, they continued for several
days along the coast, until, finding both his ships and his people
nearly disabled by the buffetings of the tempests they had experienc-
ed, Columbus, on the 25th of September, cast anchor between a small
island and the mainland, in what appeared to be a most commodi-
ous and delightful situation. The island was covered with groves
of palm trees, cocoa-nuts, bananas, and a delicate and fragrant fruit,
which the admiral continually mistook for the mirabolane of the
East Indies. The fruits and flowers and odoriferous shrubs of the
island sent forth the most grateful perfumes, so that Columbus gave
it the name of La Huerta, or the Garden. It was called by the na-
tives Quiribiri. Immediately opposite, at a short league's distance,
was an Indian village named Cariari, situated on the bank of a
beautiful river. . The country around was fresh and verdant, finely
diversified by noble hills and forests, with trees of such height that
Las Casas says they appeared to reach the skies.
When the inhabitants beheld the ships, they gathered together on
the coast, armed with bows and arrows, war clubs and lances, and
prepared to defend their shores. The Spaniards, however, made no
attempt to land for that or the succeeding day; but remained quietly
on board repairing the ships, airing and drying the damaged provi-
sions, or reposing from the fatigues of the voyage. When the sa-
vages perceived that these wonderful beings, who had arrived in this
strange manner on their coasts, were perfectly pacific, and made no
movement to molest them, their hostility ceased, and curiosity began
to predominate. They made various pacific signals, waving their
mantles like banners, and inviting the Spaniards to land: Growing
still more bold, they swam to the ships; bringing off mantles and
tunics of cotton, and ornaments of the inferior sort of gold, called
guanin, which they wore about their necks. These they offered to
the Spaniards. The admiral, however, forbade all traffic, making
• Las Casas, L.2, c. 21. His del Almirante, c.91. Journal error"
Chap. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 93
them presents, but taking nothing in exchange, wishing to impress
them with a favourable idea of the liberality and disinterestedness of
the white men. The pride of the savages was touched at the refu-
sal of their proffered gifts, and this supposed contempt for their hum-
ble effects: they endeavoured to retaliate by pretending like indiffer-
ence. On returning to shore, they tied together all the European
articles which had been given them, without retaining the least trifle,
and left them lying on the strand, where the Spaniards found them
on a subsequent day.
Finding that the strangers still declined to come on shore, the ma-
tives tried in every way to gain their confidence, and to dispel the
distrust which their hostile demonstrations might have caused. A
boat approaching the shore cautiously one day, in quest of some safe
place to procure water, an ancient Indian of venerable demeanour
issued from among the trees, bearing a white banner on the end of a
staff, in signal of peace, and leading two girls, one about fourteen
years of age, the other about eight, having jewels of guanin about
their necks. These he brought to the boat, and delivered to the
Spaniards, making signs that they were to be detained as hostages
while the strangers should be on shore. Upon this the Spaniards
sallied forth with confidence, and filled their water casks, the In-
dians remaining at a distance, and observing the strictest care, nei-
ther by word nor movement to cause any new distrust. When the
boats were about to return to the ships, the old Indian made signs
that the young girls should be taken on board, nor would he admit
of any denial. On entering the ships, the girls showed no signs of
grief or alarm, though surrounded by what, to them, must have been
such uncouth and formidable beings. Columbus was careful that
the confidence thus placed in him should not be abused. After feast-
ing the young females, and ordering them to be clothed, and adorned
with various ornaments, he sent them on shore. The night, how-
ever, had fallen, and the coast was deserted. They had to return to
the ship, where they remained all night under the careful protection
of the admiral. The next morning he restored them to their friends.
The old Indian received them with joy, and manifested a grateful
sense of the kind treatment they had experienced. In the evening,
however, when the boats went on shore, the young girls appeared,
accompanied by a multitude of their friends, and returned all the
presents they had received, nor could they be prevailed upon to retain
any of them, although they must have been precious in their eyes;
so greatly was the pride of these savages piqued at having their gifts
refused. , , ; * . . ' *
On the following day, as the Adelantado approached the shore,
94 .” Life AND WO3(AGES OF • "[Book XV
two of the principal inhabitants, entering the water, took him out
of the boat in their arms, and carrying him to land, seated him with
great ceremony on a grassy bank. Don Bartholomew endeavoured
to collect information from them respecting the country, and ordered
the notary of the squadron to write down their replies. The latter
immediately prepared pen, ink and paper, and proceeded to write:
but no sooner did the Indians behold this strange and mysterious
process, than, mistaking it for some necromantic spell, intended to be
wrought upon them they fled with terror. After some time they
returned, cautiously scattering a fragrant powder in the air, and
burning some of it in such a direction that the smoke should be
borne towards the Spaniards by the wind. This was apparently
intended to counteract any baleful spell, for they regarded the
strangers as beings of a mysterious and supernatural order.
The sailors looked upon these counter charms of the Indians with
equal distrust; and apprehended something of magic; nay, Fer-
mando Columbus, who was present, and records the scene appears to
doubt whether these Indians were not versed in sorcery, and thus
led to suspect it in others." Indeed, not to conceal a foible, which
was more characteristic of the superstition of the age than of the
man, Columbus himself entertained an idea of the kind, and assures
the sovereigns in his letter from Jamaica, that the people of Cariari
and its vicinity are great enchanters; and he intimates that the two
Indian girls who had visited his ship, had magic powder concealed
about their persons. He adds that the sailors attributed all the
delays and hardships which they experienced on that coast, to their
being under the influence of some evil spell, worked by the witch-
craft of the natives, and that they still remained in that belieff
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 91.
# Letter from Jamaica.
Note. We find instances of the same kind of superstition in the work of Marco
Polo, and as Columbus considered himself in the vicinity of the countries described
by that traveller, he may have been influenced, in this respect, by his narrations.
Speaking of the island of Soccotera (Socotra) Marco Polo observes; “The
inhabitants deal more in sorcery and witcheraft than any other people, although
forbidden by their archbishop, who excommunicates and anathematizen them for the
sin. Of this, however, they make little account, and if any vessel belonging to a
pirate should injure one of theirs, they do not fail to lay him under a spell, so that
he cannot proceed on his cruise until he has made satisfaction for the damage; and
even although he should have a fair and leading wind, they have the power
of camsing it to change, and thereby of obliging him in spite of himself tº
return to the island. They can in like manner, cause the sea to become calm.
and at their will can raise tempests, occasion shipwrecks, and produce many other
extraordinary effects that need not be particularized. Marco Polo, Book iſł. C.
35. Edg-Translation by W. Marsden. . . . . 3. * { .
Chrir. Bºj CHºsºphiº CGºtºut...! gº'
For several days the squadron remained at thie place, during
which time the ships were examined and repaired, and the crews
enjoyed repose and the recreation of the land. The Adelantado,
with a band of armed men, made excursions on shore to collect
information. There was no pure gold to be met with here, all their
ornaments were of guanin; but the natives assured the Adelantado,
that in proceading along the coast, the ships would soon arrive at a
country where gold was in great abundance. In examining one of
the villages, the Adelantado found in a large house, several sepul-
chres. One contained a human body embalmed; in another, there
were two bodies wrapped in cotton, and so preserved as to be free

}
from any disagreeable odour. They were adorned with the orna-
ments which had been most precious to them when living; and
the sepulchres were decorated with rude carvings and paintings
representing various animals, and, sometimes, what appeared to be
intended for portraits of the deceased.* Throughout most of the
savage tribes, there appears to have been great veneration for the
dead, and an anxiety to preserve their remains undisturbed. -
When about to sail, Columbus seized seven of the people, two of
whom, apparently the most intelligent, he selected to serve asguides,
the rest he suffered to depart. His late guide he had dismissed
with presents at Cape Gracias a Dios. The inhabitants of €ariari
manifested unusual sensibility at this seizure of their countrymen.
They thronged the shore, and sent off four of their principal men
with presents to the ships, imploring the release of the prisoners.
The admiral assured them that he only took their companions as
guides, for a short distance along the coast, and would restore them
soon in safety to their homes. He ordered various presents to be
given to the ambassadors; but neither his promises nor gifts could
soothe the grief and apprehension of the natives, at beholding their
friends carried away by beings of whom they had such mysterious

apprehensions.f
* Las Casas, K. 2; C. 21. Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 91. : '
+ Las Casas; ſº.2, C. 21. . Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 91. Letter of Columbus
from Jamaica. . . . . - - # -
96 twº AND voyages or :- FBook XV.
r
CHAPTER IV.
voyage Alone costa Rica—speculation concerning The
ISTHMUs AT VERAGUA. ' \
*.
[1502.]
On the 5th of October, the squadron departed from Cariari, and
sailed along what is at present called Costa Rica, (or the Rich
Coast) from the gold and silver mines found in after years among its
mountains. After sailing about twenty-two leagues, the ships an-
chored in a great bay, about six leagues in length and three in
breadth, full of islands, with channels opening between them so as
to present three or four entrances. This bay was called by the na-
tives Caribaro,” and had been pointed out by the natives of Cariari,
as plentiful in gold. The islands were beautifully verdant, and co-
vered with groves which sent forth the fragrance of fruits and
flowers. The channels between them were so deep, and free from
rocks, that the ships sailed along them, as if they had been canals
in the streets of a city, their spars and rigging brushing the over-
hanging branches of the trees. After anchoring, the boats landed
on one of the islands, where they found twenty canoes. The people
were on shore among the trees. Being encouraged by the Indians
of Cariari who accompanied the Spaniards, they soon advanced with
confidence. Here, for the first time on this coast, the Spaniards met
with specimens of pure gold.t The natives had large plates of it sus-
pended round their necks by cotton cords; they had ornaments like-
wise, of Guanin, rudely shaped like eagles. One of them exchanged
a plate of gold, equal in value to ten ducats, for three hawks' bells.
On the following day the boats proceeded to the mainland at the
bottom of the bay. The country around was high-ahdºrough, and
the villages were generally perched on the heights. They met with
ten canoes of Indians, their heads decorated with garlands of flow-
ers, and coronets formed of the claws of beasts and the quills of
birds.f Most of them had plates of gold about their necks, but re
* In some English maps this bay is called Almirante or Carnabaco Bay. The
ehannel by which Columbus entered is still called Boca del Almirante ; or the
mouth of the Admiral.
* Journal of Porras. Navarrete, T. 1. P. Martyr, Decad. 3, L. 4.
CºAP. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUs. 97
fused to part with them. The Spaniards brought two of them to
the admiral to serve as guides. One had a plate of pure gold worth
fourteen ducats, the other an eagle worth twenty-two ducats. See-
ing the great value which the strangers set upon this metal, they
assured them it was to be had in abundance within the distance of
two days’ journey; and mentiomed various places along the coast.
from whence it was procured; particularly Veragua, which was
about twenty-five leagues distant." '
The cupidity of the Spaniards was greatly excited by the sight of
the gold, which seemed so plentiful among these Indians. They
would gladly have remained to barter, but the admiral discouraged
all disposition of the kind. He barely bought to collect specimens,
and information of the riches o, the country, and then pressed for-
ward inquest of the great object of his enterprise, the imaginary strait.
Sailing on the 17th of October from this bay, or rather gulf, he
began to coast this region of reputed wealth, since called the coast
of Veragua; and after sailing about twelve leagues, arrived at a
large river, which his son Fernando calls the Guaig. Here, on the
boats being sent to land, about two hundred Indians appeared on the
shore, armed with clubs, lances, and swords of palm wood. The
forests echoed with the sound of wooden drums, and the blasts of
conch shells, their usual war signals. They rushed into the sea up
to their waists, brandishing their weapons, and splashing the water
at the Spaniards in token of defiance; but they were soon pacified
by gentle signs, and by the intervention of the interpreters, and will-
ingly exchanged their ornaments with the Spaniards, giving se-
venteen plates of gold, worth one hundred and fifty ducats, for a
few toys and trifles. º g +
When the Spaniards returned the next day to renew their traffic,
they found the Indians relapsed into hostility: sounding their drums
and shells, and rushing forward to attack the boats. An arrow
from a crossbow, which wounded one of them in the arm, checked
their fury, but on the discharge of a cannon they fied with terror,
thinking the thunder of the heavens was falling upon them. Four
of the Spaniards sprang on shore, pursuing and calling after them.
They threw by their weapons and came, awe-struck and gentle as
lambs, towards the strangers, bringing three plates of gold, and
meekly and thankfully receiving whatever was given in exchange.
Continuing, along the coast, the admiral anchored in the mouth
of another river called the Catiba. Here likewise a warlike alarm
attended their arrival, and the sound of drums and conchs from
* Letter from Jamaica. I
98 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XV.
among the forests, gave notice that the warriors were assembling.
A canoe shortly after came off with two Indians to demand who’
were these strange people, who had come upon their coast, and what “
they wanted. After exchanging a few words with the interpreters,
they entered the admiral's ship with fearless confidence, and being
satisfied of the friendly intentions of the strangers, returned to their
cacique with a favourable report. The boats landed, and the Span-
lards were kindly received by the cacique. He was naked, like his
subjects, nor was he distinguished in any way from them, except by
the great deference with which he was treated, and by a trifling at-
tention paid to his personal comfort, being protected by an immense
leaf from a shower of rain that was falling. He had a large plate of
gold, which he readily gave in exchange, and permitted his people
to do the same: nineteen plates of pure gold were procured at this
place. Here, for the first time in the New World, the Spaniards
met with signs of solid architecture, finding a great mass of stucco
formed of stone and lime, a piece of which was retained by the ad-
miral as a specimen,” considering it an indication of his approach
to countries where the arts were in a higher state of cultivation.
He had intended to visit other rivers along this coast; but the
wind coming on to blow freshly, he ran before it, passing in sight of
five towns, where his interpreters assured him he might procure
great quantities of gold. One they pointed out as Veragua, which
has since given its name to the whole province. Here, they said,
were the richest mines, and here most of the plates of gold were
fabricated. On the following day they arrived opposite a village
called Cubiga, and here Columbus was informed that the country of
gold terminated.f. He resolved not to return to explore it, consider-
ing it as discovered, and its mines secured to the crown, and being
anxious to arrive at the supposed strait, which he flattered himself
could be at no great distance. -
In fact, during his whole voyage along the coast, Columbus had
been under the influence of one of his usual delusions. From the In-
dians whom he had met with at the island of Guanaja, and who had
just arrived from Yucatan, he had received accounts of some great,
and, as far as he could understand, civilized nation in the interior.
This intimation had been corroborated, as he imagined, by the va-
rious tribes with which he had since communicated. In a letter
which he subsequently wrote to the sovereigns, he informs them that
all the Indians of this coast concurred in extolling the magnificence
of the country of Ciguare, situated at ten days' journey by land to
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 92 t Idem. }
car. iv.1 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 99
the west. The people of that region wore crowns, and bracelets, and
anklets of gold, and garments embroidered with it. They used it for
all their domestic purposes, even to the ornamenting and embossing
of their seats and tables. On being shown coral, the Indians de-
clared that the women of Ciguare wore bands of it about their heads
and necks. Pepper and other spices being shown them, were equally
said to abound there. They described it as a country of commerce,
with great fairs and seaports in which ships arrived armed with
cannon. The people were warlike also, armed like the Spaniards
with swords, bucklers, cuirasses, and crossbows, and they were
mounted on horses. Above all, Columbus understood from them
that the sea continued round to Ciguare, and that ten days beyond
it was the Ganges. - • * ,
These may have been vague and wandering rumours concerning
the distant kingdoms of Mexico and Peru; and many of the details
may have been filled up by the imagination of Columbus. They
made, however, a strong impression on his mind. He supposed that
Ciguare must be some province belonging to the Grand Khan, or
some other eastern potentate; and as the sea reached it, he supposed
it to be on the opposite side of a peninsula; bearing the same posi-
tion with respect to Veragua that Fontarabia does with Tortosa in
Spain, or Pisa with Venice, in Italy. By proceeding farther east-
ward, therefore, he must soon arrive at a strait like that of Gibraltar,
through which he could pass into another sea, and visit this country
of Ciguare, and of course arrive at the banks of the Ganges. He
accounted for the circumstance of his having arrived so near to that
river, by the idea which, he had long entertained, that geographers
were mistaken as to the circumference of the globe; that it was
smaller than was generally imagined, and that a degree of the equi-
noctial line was but fifty-six miles and two thirds.” . . . .
With these ideas Columbus determined to press forward, leaving
the rich country of Veragua unexplored. Nothing could evince
more clearly his generous ambition, than hurrying in this brief man-
ner along a coast, where wealth was to be gathered at every step,
for the purpose of seeking a strait which, however it might produce
vast benefit to mankind, could yield little else to himself than the
glory of the discovery. -
* Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Navarrete Collec. T. 1.
:
:
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3.
:
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100 LIFE AND WöYAGES OF [Bdok KW
i
... it. “
CHAPTER V.
DISCOVERY OF PORTO BELLO AND EL RETRETE–COLUMBUS
ABANDON's THE SEARCH AFTER THE STRAIT.
º
[1502.]
ON the 2d of November, the squadron anchored in a spacious and
commodious harbour, where the vessels could approach close to the
shore without danger. It was surrounded by an elevated country;
not covered with thick forests, but open and cultivated, with houses
within a bow shot of each other; surrounded by fruit trees; groves
of palms, and fields producing maize, vegetables, and the delicious
pine-apple; so that the whole neighbourhood had the mingled ap-
pearance of orchard and garden. Columbus was so pleased with
the excellence of the harbour, and the sweetness of the surrounding
country, that he gave it the name of Puerto Bello." It is one of the
few places along this coast which retain the appellations given them
by the illustrious discoverer. It is to be regretted that they have so
generally been diseontinued, as they were so often records of his
feelings, and of circumstances which attended the discovery.
For seven days they were detained in this port by heavy rain and
stormy weather. The natives repaired from all quarters, in their
canoes, bringing fruits and vegetables, and balls of cotton; but there
was no longer gold offered in traffic. The cacique, and seven of his
principal chieftains, had small plates of gold hanging in their noses,
but the rest of the natives appear to have been destitute of all orna-
ments of the kind. They were generally naked and painted red;
the cacique alone was painted black.f. . . $ 4
, Sailing hence on the 9th of November, they proceeded eight
leagues to the eastward; to the point since known as Nombre de
Dios; but being driven back for some distance, they anchored in
a harbour, in the vicinity of three small islands. These with the
adjacent country of the mainland, were cultivated with fields of
Indian corn, and various fruits and vegetables, from whence Colum
bus called the harbour Puerto de Bastimentos, or Port of Provisions
* Las Casas, L. 2, C.23. Hist, del Almirante.
i P. Martyr, D. 3, L. 4.
e &
© º
© º
:
:
CHAP. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 101
Here they remained until the 23d, endeavouring to repair their ves-
sels, which leaked excessively. They were pierced in all parts by
the teredo, or worm, which abounds in the tropical seas. It is of
the size of a man's finger, and bores through the stoutest planks
and timbers, so as soon to destroy any vessel that is not well cop-
pered. After leaving this port, they touched at another called
Guiga, where above three hundred of the natives appeared on the
shore, some with provisions, and some with golden ornaments,
which they offered in barter. Without making any stay, however,
the admiral urged his way forward; but rough and adverse winds
again obliged him to take shelter in a small port, with a narrow
entrance; not above twenty paces wide, beset on each side with
reefs of rocks, the sharp points of which rose above the surface.
Within, there was not room for more than five or six ships; yet the
port was so deep, that they had no good anchorage, unless they
approached near enough to the land for a man to leap on shore.
From the smallness of the harbour, Columbus gave it the name
of El Retrete, or The Cabinet. He had been betrayed into this
inconvenient and dangerous port by the misrepresentations of the
seamen sent to examine it; who were always eager to come to
anchor, and have communication with the shore.”
The adjacent country was level and verdant, covered with herb-
age, but with few trees. The port was infested with alligators,
which basked in the sunshine on the beach, filling the air with a
powerful and musky odour. They were timorous, and fled on being
attacked, but the Indians affirmed that if they found a man sleep-
ing on the shore they would seize and drag him into the water.
These alligators Columbus pronounced to be the same as the croco-
diles of the Nile. For nine days the squadron was detained in this
port by tempestuous weather. The natives of the place were tall,
well proportioned, and graceful; they were of gentle and friendly
manners, and brought whatever they possessed, to exchange for
European trimkets.
As long as the admiral had control over the actions of his peo-
ple, the Indians were treated with justice and kindness, and every
thing went on amicably. The vicinity of the ships to land, how-
ever, enabled the seamen to get on shore in the night without
license. The natives received them in their dwellings with their
accustomed hospitality; but the rough adventurers, instigated by
avarice and lust, soon committed excesses that roused their generous
hosts to revenge. Every night there were brawls and fights on
* Las Casas, L. 2, C. 23. Hist. del Almirante, C. 92. I 2
102 LIFE AND voyages of {Book XV
shore, and blood was shed on both sides. The number #he In-
dians daily augmented by arrivals from the interior. They became
more powerful and daring as they became more exasperated; and
seeing that the vessels lay close to the shore, approached in a great
multitude to attack them. f
The admiral thought at first to disperse them by discharging
cannon without ball; but they were not intimidated by the sound,
regarding it as a kind of harmless thunder. They replied to it by
yells and howlings, beating their lances and clubs against the trees
and bushes in furious menace. The situation of the ships so close
to the shore exposed them to assaults, and made the hostility of the
natives unusually formidable: Columbus ordered a shot or two,
therefore, to be discharged among them. When they saw the havoc
made by this tremendous artillery, they fled in terror, and offered no
further hostility.” $
The continuance of stormy winds from the east and the north-
east, in addition to the constant opposition of the currents, disheart-
ened the companions of Columbus, and they began to murmur
against any further prosecution of the voyage. The seamen thought
that some hostile spell was operating, and the commanders remon-
strated against attempting to force their way against the elements,
with ships crazed and worm-eaten, and continually in need of re-
pair. Few of his companions could sympathize with Columbus in
his zeal for mere discovery. They were actuated by more gainful
motives, and looked back with regret on the rich coast they had left
behind, to go in search of an imaginary strait. It is probable that
Columbus himself began to doubt the object of his enterprise. If
he knew the details of the recent voyage of Bastides, he must have
been aware that he had arrived, from an opposite quarter, to about
the place where that navigator's exploring voyage from the east
had terminated; consequently, that there was but little probability
of the existence of the strait he had imagined.t
* Las Casas, L. 2, C. 23. Hist. del Almirante, C.92.
t It appears doubtful whether Columbus was acquainted with the exact parti-
culars of that voyage, as they could scarcely have reached Spain previous to his
sailing. Bastides had been seized in Hispaniola by Bobadilla, and was on board
of that very fleet which was wrecked at the time that Columbus arrived off San
Domingo. He escaped the fate that attended most of his companiens, and re-
turned to Spain, where he was rewarded by the sovereigns for his enterprise.
Though some of his seamen had reached Spain previous to the sailing of Colum-
bus, and had given a general idea of the voyage, it is doubtful whether he had
transmitted his papers and charts. Porras, in his journal of the voyage of Cölum-
bus, states that they arrived at the place where the discoveries of Bastides termi-
nated, but this information he may have obtained subsequently at San Domingo. –3
Char. WI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 103
At ałevents, he determined to relinquish the further prosecution
of his voyage eastward for the present, and to return to the coast
of Veragua, to search for those mines of which he had heard so
much, and seen so many indications. Should they prove equal to
his hopes, he would have wherewithal to return to Spain in triumph,
and silence the reproaches of his enemies, even though he should
failin the leading object of his expedition. 1 * * *
Here then ended the lofty anticipations which had elevated. Co-
lumbus above all mércenary interests; which had made him regard-
less of hardships and perils; and had given an heroic character to
the early part of this voyage. It is true, he had been in pursuit of
a mere chimera, but it was the chimera of a splendid imagination,
and a penetrating judgment. If he was disappointed in his expec-
tation of finding a strait through the Isthmus of Darien, it was
because nature herself had been disappointed; for she appears to
have attempted to make one, but to have attempted it in vain.
§
.*
§
CHAPTER WI.
RETURN To WERAGUA.—THE ADELANTADO EXPLORES THE
COUNTRY.
[1502.]
On the 5th of December Columbus sailed from El Retrete, and re-
linquishing his course to the east, returned westward in search of.
the gold mines of Veragua. On the same evening he anchored in
Puerto Bello, about ten leagues distant; from whence, departing on
the succeeding day, the wind suddenly veered to the west, and be-
gan to blow directly adverse to the new course he had adopted.
For three months he had been longing in vain for such a wind, and
now it came merely to contradict him. Here was a temptation to
resume his route to the east, but he did not dare to trust to the con-
tinuance of the wind which, in these parts, appeared but seldom to
blow from that quarter. He resolved, therefore, to keep on in the
present direction, trusting that the breeze would soon change again
to the eastward. ** *
In a little while the wind began to blow with dreadful violence
104 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF LBook XV
and to shift about in such manner as to baffle all seamanship. Un
able to reach Veragua, the ships were obliged to put back to Puerto
Bello, and when they would have entered that harbour, a sudden
veering of the gale drove them from the land. For nine days they
were blown and tossed about, at the mercy of a furious tempest in
an unknown sea, and often exposed to the awful perils of a lee
shore. It is wonderful that such open vessels, so crazed and de-
cayed, could outlive such a commotion of the elements. No where
is a storm so awful as between the tropics. The sea, according to
the description of Columbus, boiled at times like a caldron; at
other times, it ran in mountain waves, covered with foam. At
night the raging billows resembled great surges of flame, owing to
those luminous particles which cover the surface of the water in
these seas, and throughout the whole course of the gulf stream. For
one day and night the heavens glowed as a furnace with the inces-
sant flashes of lightning; while the loud claps of thunder were
often mistaken by the affrighted mariners for signal guns of distress
from their foundering companions. During the whole time, says
Columbus, it poured down from the skies, not rain, but as it were a
second deluge. The seamen were almost drowned in their open
vessels. Haggard with toil and affright, some gave themselves
over for lost; they confessed their sins to each other according to the
rites of the catholic religion, and prepared themselves for death;
many in their desperation called upon death as a welcome relief
from such overwhelming horrors. !
In the midst of this wild tumult of the elements, they beheld a
new object of alarm. The ocean in one place became strangely
agitated. The water was whirled up into a kind of pyramid or
cone, while a livid cloud, tapering to a point, bent down to meet it.
Joining together, they formed a vast column, which rapidly ap-
proached the ships, spinning along the surface of the deep, and draw-
ing up the waters with a rushing sound. The affrighted mariners,
when they beheld this water-spout advancing towards them, de-
spaired of all human means to avert it, and began to repeat pas-
sages from St. John the evangelist. The water-spout passed close by
the ships without injuring them; and the trembling mariners attribu-
ted their escape to the miraculous efficacy of their quotations from
- \
the scriptures.”
In this same night, they lost sight of one of the caravels, and for
three dark and stormy days they gave it up for lost. At length, to
their great relief, it rejoined the squadron, having lost its boat, and
* Las Casas, L. 2, C. 24. Hist, del Almirante, C.94.
CHAP. VI. CHRISTOPHER columbus. 105
been obliged to cut its cable, in an attempt to anchor on a boisterous
coast, and having since been driven to and fro by the storm. At
length, for one or two days, there was an interval of calm, and the
tempest-tost mariners had time to breathe. They looked upon this
calm, however, as deceitful, and, in their gloomy mood, beheld every
thing with a doubtfuſand foreboding eye. Great numbers of sharks,
so abundaht and ravenous in these latitudes, were seen about the
ships. . This was construed into an evil omen; for among the super
stitions of the seas, it is believed that these voracious fish can smell
dead bodies at a distance; that they have a kind of presentiment of
their prey; and keep about vessels which have sick persons on
board, or which are in danger of being wrecked. Several of these
fish they caught, using large hooks fastened to chains, and some-
times baited merely with a piece of coloured cloth. From the maw
of one they took out a living tortoise; from that Óf another, the head
of a shark, recently thrown from one of the ships; such is the indis-
criminate voracity of these terrors of the ocean. Notwithstanding
their superstitious fancies, the seamen were glad to use a part of
these sharks for food, being very short of provisions. The length of
the voyage had consumed the greater part of their sea stores; the
heat and humidity of the climate, and the leakage of the ships, had
damaged the remainder, and their biscuit was so filled with worms
that, notwithstanding their hunger, they were obliged to eat it in
the dark, lest their stomachs should revolt at its appearance.”
At length, on the 17th, they were enabled to enter a port resem-
bling a great canal, where they enjoyed three days of repose. The
natives of this vicinity built their cabins in trees, on stakes or poles
laid from one branch to another. The Spaniards supposed this to
be through the fear of wild beasts, or of surprisals from neighbouring
tribes; the different nations of these coasts being extremely hostile to
one another. It may have been a precaution against inundations
caused by floods from the mountains. After leaving this port, they
were driven backwards and forwards, by the changeable and tempes-
tuous winds, until the day after Christmas, when they sheltered
themselves in another port, where they remained until the third of
January, 1503, repairing one of the caravels, and procuringwood,
water, and a supply of maize, or Indian corn. These measures being
completed, they again put to sea, and on the day of Epiphany, to
their great joy, anchored at the mouth of a river called by the na-
tives, the Yebra, within a league or two of the river of Veragua, and
in the country said to be so rich in mines. To this river, from
º
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 94.
Wol. II. 8
106 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XV,
arriving at it on the day of Epiphany, Columbus gave the name of
Belen, or Bethlehem.
For nearly a month he had been endeavouring to accomplish the
voyage from Porto Bello to Veragua, a distance of about thirty
leagues; and had encountered so many troubles and adversities, from
changeable winds and currents, and boisterous tempests, that he
gave this intermediate line of seabord the name of La Costa de los
Contrastes, or the Coast of Contradictions."
Columbus immediately ordered the mouths of the Belen, and of
its neighbouring river of Veragua, to be sounded. The latter was
found to be too shallow to admit his vessels, but the Belen was some-
what deeper, and it was thought they might enter it with safety.
Seeing a village on the banks of the Belen, the admiral sent the
boats on shore to procure information. On their approach, the in-
habitants issued forth with weapons in hand to oppose their landing,
but were readily pacified. They seemed unwilling to give any in-
telligence about the gold mines; but on being importuned declared
that they lay in the vicinity of the river of Veragua. To that
river the boats were dispatched on the following day. They met
with the reception so frequent along this coast, where many of the
tribes were fierce and warlike, and are supposed by some to have been
of Carib origin. As the boats entered the river, the natives sallied
forth in their canoes, and others assembled on the shores, menacing
a jealous defence of their territory. The Spaniards, however, had
brought with them an Indian of that coast, who, by his mediation,
put an end to this show of hostility, assuring his countrymen that
the strangers came only to traffic with them.
The various accounts of the riches of these parts, appeared to be
confirmed by what the Spaniards saw and heard among these peo-
ple. They procured in exchange for the veriest trifles, twenty plates
of gold, with several pipes of the same metal, and crude masses of
ore. The Indians informed them that the mines lay among distant
mountains, and that when they went in quest of it, they were
obliged to practise rigorous fasting, and continence.f
The favourable report brought by the boats, determined the admiral
*Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 94. . . '
t A superstitious notion with respect to gold appears to have been very prevalent
among the natives. The Indians of Hispaniola observed the same privations when
they sought for it; abstaining from food and from sexual intercourse. Columbus,
who seemed to look upon gold as one of the sacred and mystic treasures of the
earth, wished to encourage similar observances among the Spaniards; exhorting
them to purify themselves for the researches among the mines by fasting, prayer,
and chastity. It is scarcely necessary to add, that his advice was but little attended
to by his rapacious and sensual followers.
CHAP. VI.] CHRISTOPHER columbus. 107
to remaain in the neighbourhood. The river Belen having the great-
est depth, two of the caravels entered it on the 9th of January, and
the two others on the following day at high tide; which, on that
coast, does not rise above half a fathom.” The natives came to
them in the most friendly manner, bringing them great quantities
of fish, with which that river abounded to an extraordinary degree.
They brought also various golden ornaments to traffic; but they
continued to affirm that Veragua was the place from whence the ore
was procured.
The Adelantado, with his usual activity and enterprise, set off on
the third day, with the boats well armed, to ascend the Veragua
about a league and a half, to the residence to the principal cacique,
whose name was Quibian. The chieftain, hearing of his intention,
descended the river, attended by his subjects, in several canoes, and
met the boats near the entrance. He was of a tall and powerful
frame, and a warlike demeanour. The interview was extremely
amicable. The cacique presented the Adelantado with the golden
ornaments which he wore, and received as magnificent presents a
few European trinkets. They parted mutually well pleased. On
the following day Quibian, visited the ships, where he was hospita-
bly entertained by the admiral. They could only communicate by
signs, and as the chieftain was of a taciturn and cautious character,
the interview was not of long duration. Columbus made him se-
veral presents; the followers of the cacique exchanged many jewels
of gold for the usual trifles, and Quibian returned, without much
ceremony, to his home.
The sailors had congratulated themselves on being safely sheltered
from the tempests and troubles of the sea, but they were near being
wrecked in port. On the 24th of January there was a sudden
swelling of the river. The waters came rushing from the interior
like a vast torrent; the ships were forced from their anchors, tossed
from side to side, and driven against each other; the foremast of the
admiral's vessel was carried away in the shock, and the whole
squadron was in imminent danger of shipwreck. While there was
this peril in the river, they were prevented from running out to sea
by a storm which raged without, and by the breakers which beat
upon the bar. This sudden rising of the river, Columbus attributed
to some heavy fall of rain among a range of mountains seen at a
sistance, the highest of which rose to a peak far above the clouds,
and to which he had given the name of the mountains of St. Chris-
toval.t
wº-
• Hist, del Almirante, c. 95
t Las Casas, L. 2, C. 25. Hist, del Almirante, C. 95.
108 LIFE AND VOYAGES 6F [Boor xv.
The weather continued extremely boisterous for several days. At
length, on the 6th of February, the sea being tolerably calm, the
Adelantado; attended by sixty-eight men well armed, proceeded in
The boats to explore the Veragua, and seek its reputed mines. When
he ascended the river, and drew near to the village of the cacique
Quibian, which was situated on the side of a hill, the cacique came
down to the banks to meet him, with a great train of his subjects,
unarmed, and making signs of peace. Quibian was naked, and
painted after the fashion of the country. One of his attendants
drew a great stone out of the river, and washed and rubbed it care-
fully, upon which, the chieftain seated himself as upon a throne.”
He received the Adelantado with great courtesy; for the lofty, vi-
gorous, and iron form of the latter, and his look of resolution and
command, were calculated to inspire awe and respect in an Indian
warrior. The cacique, however, was wary and politic. His jea-
lousy was awakened by the intrusion of these strangers into his ter-
ritories; but he saw the futility of any open attempt to resist them.
He acceded to the wishes of the Adelantado, therefore, to visit the
interior of his dominions, and furnished him with three guides to
conduct him to the mines.
Leaving a number of his men to guard the boats, the Adelantado
departed on foot with the remainder, led on by the guides. After
penetrating into the interior about four leagues and a half, they
slept for the first night on the banks of a river, which seemed to
water the whole copintry with its windings, and which they had
crossed upwards of forty times. On the second day they proceeded
a league and a half further, and arrived among thick forests, where
their guides informed them the mines were situated. In fact, the
whole soil appeared to be impregnated with gold. They gathered
it from among the roots of the trees, which were of an immense
height and magnificent foliage. In the space of two hours, that
they remained there, each man had collected a little quantity of gold,
gathered from the surface of the earth. From hence the guides took
the Adelantado to the summit of a high hill, and showing him an
extent of country as far as the eye could reach, assured him that the
whole of it, to the distance of twenty days' journey westward,
abounded in gold, naming to him several of the principal places.t
The Adelantado gazed with enraptured eye over a vast wilderness of
continued forest, where only here and there a light column of smoke
from amidst the trees gave sign of some savage hamlet or solitary
* P. Martyr, D.3, L. 4.
tletter of the Admiral from Jamaica,
Char. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 109
wigwam; and the wild, unappropriated aspect of this golden coun-
try delighted him more than if he had beheld it covered with towns
and cities, and adorned with all the graces of cultivation. He re-
turned, with his party, in high spirits to the ships, and rejoiced the ad-
miral with the favourable report of their expedition. It was soon dis-
covered, however, that the politic Quibian had deceived them. His
guides, by his instructions, had taken the Spaniards to the mines of
a neighbouring cacique with whom he was at war, hoping by this
stratagem to lead these dangerous intruders out of his own domains,
and divert them into the territories of his enemy. The admiral was
informed that the real mines of Veragua were both nearer and much
more wealthy.
The indefatigable Adelantado set forth again on the 16th of Fe-
bruary, with an armed band of fifty-nine men, marching along the
coast westward; a boat with fourteen men keeping pace with him
by sea. In this excursion, he explored an extensive tract of country,
and visited the dominions of various Caciques, by whom he was ami-
cably received, and hospitably entertained. He met continually
with proofs of the abundance of gold in the neighbourhood; the na-
tives generally wearing great plates of it suspended round their necks
by eotton cords. . There were tracts of land also cultivated with
Indian corn, one of which continued for the extent of six leagues,
and the country abounded with exquisite fruits. He again heard of
a nation in the interior, advanced in arts and arms, wearing clothing
and being armed like the Spaniards. Either these were vague and
exaggerated rumours, concerning the great empire of Peru, or the
Adelantado had misunderstood the signs of his informants. He
returned, after an absence of several days, with a great quantity of
gold and with the most animating accounts of the country. He had
found no port, however, equal to the river of Belen, and he was con-
vinced that gold was no where to be met with in such abundance as
in the district of Veragua.”
* Las Casas, L. 2, C. 25. Hist. del Almirante, C.95,96.
#
110 Life, AND #6). AGF's 6f [Book XV.
CHAPTER VII.
comMENCEMENT of A SETTLEMENT IN THE RIvy:R BELEN-con
spiracy of THE NATIVEs—Expedition of THE ADELANTApo
TO SURPRISE QUIBIAN
[1503. ]
THE reports brought to Columbus, from every side, of the wealth of
the neighbourhood, the golden tract of twenty days’ journey in ex-
tent, shown to his brother from the mountain, the rumours of a rich
and civilized country at no great distance, all convinced him that he
had reached one of the most favoured parts of the Asiatic continent.
Again his ardent mind kindled up with glowing anticipations. He
fancied himself.arrived at a fountain head of riches; at one of the
sources of the unbounded wealth of king Solomon. Josephus, in his
work on the Antiquities of the Jews, had expressed an opinion, that
the gold for the building of the temple of Jerusalem had been procured
from the mines of the Aurea Chersonesus. Columbus supposed the
mines of Veragua to be the same. They lay, as he observed, “within
the same distance from the pole and from the line;” and if the infor-
mation which he fancied he had received from the Indians was to
be depended on, they were situated about the same distance from the
Ganges.” I
Here, then, it appeared to him, was a place at which to found a
colony, and establish a mart that should become an emporium of the
wealth of a vast tract of mines. Within the two first days after his
arrival in the country, as he wrote to the sovereigns, he had seen
more signs of gold than in Hispaniola during four years. ' That isl-
and, so long the object of his pride and hopes, had been taken from
him, and was a scene of confusion; the pearl coast of Paria was
ravaged by mere adventurers; all his plans concerning both had
been defeated; but here was a far more wealthy region than either,
and one calculated to console him for all his wrongs and depri.
vations,
* Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
Char. WłI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 1 11
On consulting with his brother, therefore, he resolved immediately
to commence an establishment here, for the purpose of securing pos.
session of the country, and of exploring and working the mines.
The Adelantado agreed to remain with the greater part of the peo-
ple, while the admiral should return to Spain for reinforcements and
supplies. The greatest dispatch was employed in carrying this plan
into immediate operation. Eighty men were selected to remain.
They were separated into parties of about ten each, and commenced
building houses on a small eminenee situated on the bank of a creek,
about a bow-shot within the mouth of the river Belen. The houses
were of wood, thatched with the leaves of palm trees which grew
on the adjacent shore. One, larger than the rest, was to serve as a
magazine, to receive their ammunition, artillery, and a part of their
provisions. The principal part was stored, for greater security, on
board of one of the caravels, which was to be left for the service of
the colony, It is true, they had but a scanty supply of European
stores remaining, consisting chiefly of biscuit, cheese, pulse, wine,
oil, and vinegar; but the country produced excellent fruits; among
which were bananas, plantains, pine-apples, and cocoanuts. There
was also maize in abundance, together with various roots, such as
were found in Hispaniola. The rivers and the seacoast abounded
with fish, to take which they were furnished with all the necessary
implements. The natives, too, made beverages of various kinds;
one from the juice of the pine-apple, having a vinous flavour:
another from maize, resembling beer; and another from the fruit of a
species of "palm tree:* there appeared to be no danger, therefore, of
suffering from famine. Columbus took pains to conciliate the good
will of the Indians, that they might supply the wants of the colony
during his absence, and he made many presents to Quibian by way
of reconciling him to this intrusion into his territories.f
The necessary arrangements being made for the colony, and a
number of the houses being roofed, and sufficiently finished for oc-
cupation, the admiral prepared for his departure; when an unlooked-
for obstacle presented itself. The heavy rains which had so long
distressed him during this expedition, had recently ceased; the tor-
rents from the mountains were over; and the river, which had once
put him to such peril by its sudden swelling, had now become so
shallow, that there was not above half a fathom of water on the bar,
Though his vessels were small, it was impossible to draw them over
the sands, which thus choked the mouth of the river; for there was
aswell rolling and tumbling upon them, which would have dashed
"Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 96. t Letter from Jamaica.
112 LIFE AND VOYAGES QF [Boor XV.
his worm-eaten barks to pieces. He was obliged; therefore, to wait
with patience, and pray for the return of those rains which he had
lately deplored; that a second inundation might swell the river, and
enable him to get to sea. -
In the mean time, Quibian, the cacique of Weragua, beheld with
secret jealousy and indignation these strange intruders erecting ha-
bitations, prying into the secrets of the land, and manifesting an in
tention of establishing themselves in his territories. He was of a
bold and warlike spirit, and had a great force of warriors at his
command; and, being ignorant of the vast superiority of the Euro-
peans in the art of war, he thought it easy, by a well concerted arti-
fice, to overwhelm and utterly destroy them. He sent messengers
round, and ordered all his fighting men to assemble at his residence
on the river Veragua, under pretext of making war upon a neigh-
bouring province. Numbers of the Indian warriors passed by the
harbour where the ships were anchored, repairing to the head quar-
ters of their chieftain. No suspicion was entertained of their real
design, by the admiral or his officers. On board of the squadron,
however, was one Diego Mendez, a man of zeal and spirit, and
strongly devoted to the admiral. He had sailed in the capacity of
chief notary, and was to remain in the new settlement as royal ac-
countant. Mendez being of a shrewd and prying character, per-
ceived something in the movements of the Indians which made him
doubt that some treachery was intended. He communicated his
suspicions to the admiral, and offered to proceed along the seacoast
to the river Veragua, in an armed boat, in search of the Indian
camp, to make observations. His bold offer was accepted. Mendez
sallied forth from the river; but had scarcely advanced a league
along the coast, when he perceived a large force of Indians upon the
shore. He immediately landed alone, and, ordering that the boat
should be kept afloat, entered intrepidly among the Indians. There
were about a thousand warriors, armed, and supplied with provi-
sions, as if for an expedition. Mendez offered to accompany them
with his armed boat, in quest of their enemies. The Indians de-
clined his offer, with evident signs of impatience at his intrusion.
He returned to his boat, and kept watch upon them all the night,
until, seeing that they were so vigilantly observed, they returned to
Weragua. -
Mendez hastened back to the admiral, with information of what
he had seen; giving it as his opinion that the Indians had been on
their way to surprise the Spaniards. The admiral was loth to be-
lieve in such treachery, and was desirous of obtaining clearer infor-
mation, before he took any step that might interrupt the apparently
Caap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER, COLUMBUS. 113
good understanding that existed with the natives. The zealous and
indefatigable Mendez now offered to proceed by land with a single
companion, and penetrate as a spy to the very head quarters of the
Indians, to the residence of Quibian. It was a service of life and
death, but such hazardous enterprises afford delight to men who
are calculated to execute them. Departing with his companion,
one Rodrigo de Escobar, they proceeded on foot along the seashore,
to avoid the thick forests which were almost impassable to an Eu-
ropean; in this way they came to the mouth of the Veragua. Here
they found two canoes of Indians, with whom Mendez entered into
conversation by signs. From these he gathered information which
proved that his suspicions had been correct. The army which he
had kept a watch upon, had been on the way to the harbour, to sur-
prise and burn the ships and houses of the Spaniards, and to make a
general massacre. They had been disconcerted by finding them-
selves observed, and had abandoned the attempt for the time, but in-
tended to resume it within two days.
Mendez requested the Indians to convey him up the river to the
residence of Quibian. They remonstrated with him on the certain
death to which he exposed himself; but he overcame their reluc-
tance by various presents, and they landed him at the village of the
cacique. It was not compact, but consisted of a number of detached
houses, interspersed among trees on the banks of the river. The
habitation of Quibian was spacious, and situated above the rest, on
a hill which rose from the water's edge. Mendez found the whole
place in a bustle, and stir of warlike preparation. The arrival of
the two Spaniards excited surprise and uneasiness. When they of
fered to ascend the hill to the dwelling of the cacique, they were op-
posed by the Indians. Mendez having heard that Quibian had been
wounded in the leg by an arrow, gave himself out as a surgeon, who
had come to cure the wound; and distributing a few presents was
permitted to proceed. The mansion of the cacique was on the crest
of the hill, with a broad, level, open place before it, around which
were the heads of three hundred enemies, who had been slain in bat-
tle. Undismayed by so dismal an avenue to the dwelling of this
grim warrior, Mendez and his companion crossed the place; when
a number of women and children, who were assembled round the
door, began to utter piercing cries, and fled with terror into the
house.
A young and powerful Indian, son to the cacique, sallied forth in
a violent rage, and struck the intruding Mendez a blow that made
him recoil for several paces. The latter endeavoured to pacify him
by gentle words; and taking out a box of ointment, assured him
K 2
114 LIFE AND VOYAGEs of [Book XV
that he only came for the purpose of curing his father's wound. It
was with great difficulty that Mendez lulled his suspicions and pa-
cified his rage, making him presents of a comb, scissors, and looking-
glass, and teaching him and his Indians how to use them in cut-
ting and arranging their hair, with which they were greatly de-
lighted. So singulāris it, that man, even in his savage state, appears
oftener accessible through his vanity, than through any other foible.
Finding it impossible to get access to the cacique; and having ga-
thered proof sufficient to convince him that a dangerous plot was im-
pending over the Spaniards, and about to be carried into effect, he
returned with all haste to the harbour.”
The information of Mendez was confirmed by an Indian interpret-
er, a native of the neighbourhood, who had become attached to the
white men, and having overheard the designs of his countrymen,
revealed them to the admiral.f It was ascertained that Quibian,
with a great force of warriors, intended to assault the ships and
houses in the dead of the night, to wrap them in flames, and to make
a thorough massacre of the Spaniards. Strong guards were imme-
diately appointed to keep watch upon the squadron and the settle-
ment; but the military spirit of the Adelantado suggested a bolder
expedient. It was to march at once to the residence of Quibian, to
take him by surprise, seize upon himself, his family and principal
warriors, send them prisoners to Spain, and take possession of the
village for the use of the Spaniards. --
With the prompt and resolute Adelantado, to conceive a plan was
to carry it into immediate execution; and in fact the impending dan-
ger admitted of no delay. Taking with him seventy-four men well
armed, among whom was Diego Mendez, and being accompanied
by the Indian interpreter who had revealed the plot, he set off on
the 30th of March, in the boats, to the mouth of the Weragua, as-
scended it rapidly, and before the Indians could have notice of his
movements, landed at the village, at the foot of the hill on which the
house of the cacique was situated.
When Quibian heard that the Adelantado was below with a large
body of his followers, he sent a messenger requesting him not to
come up to his house; not, it is believed, from any apprehension of
hostility, or suspicion that his designs were discovered, but from fear
lest the Spaniards should see his women; for Fernando Columbus
intimates that the Indians at this place were extremely jealous. It
is probable that the conduct of the Spaniards towards their females
had given them abundant cause.
* Relation made by Diego Mendez in his last testament. Navarrete, T. 1.
t Letter from Jamaica. Hist. del Almirante. Cap. 97.
Chap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER columbus. If 5
The Adelantado päid no attention to this request; but lest the
cacique should take alarm and fly at the sight of a large force, he
ascended the hill accompanied by only five men, among whom was
Diego Mendez; ordering the rest to come on with great caution and
secrecy, two at a time, and at a distance from each other. On the
discharge of an arquebuss, they were to surround the dwelling, and
suffer no one to escape. rº-
As the Adelantado drew near to the house, another messenger
came forth entreating him not to enter, for that the cacique would
come out to meet him, though ill of a wound which he had received
from an arrow. Shortly after, Quibian came forth, and seating
himself in the portal, desired the Adelantado to approach singly.
Dom Bartholomew now ordered Diego Mendez and his four com-
panions to remain at a little distance, to keep an eye upon his rhove-
ments, and when they should see him take the cacique by the arm,
to rush immediately to his assistance. He then advanced with his
Indian interpreter, the latter trembling with fear, standing in habitual
awe of the powerful chieftain, and doubting the capability of the
Spaniards to withstand him. A short conversation took place, by
means of the interpreter, relative to the surrounding country. The
Adelantado then adverted to the wound of the cacique, and pretend-
ing to examine it, took him by the arm. At the concerted signal,
four of the Spaniards rushed forward; the fifth discharged the arque-
buss. The cacique attempted to get loose, but was firmly held in
the iron grasp of the Adelantado. Being both men of great muscu-
lar power, a violent struggle ensued. Don Bartholomew, however,
maintained the mastery, and Diego Mendez and his companions
coming to his assistance, Quibian was bound hand and foot. At
the report of the arquebuss, the main body of the Spaniards sur-
rounded the house and seized most of those who were within, con-
sisting of fifty persons old and young. Among these were the wives
and children of Quibian and several of his principal subjects. No
one was wounded, for there was no resistance, and the Adelantado
never permitted wanton bloodshed. When the poor savages saw
their prince a captive, they filled the air with lamentations, im-
ploring his release, and offering for his ransom a great treasure
which they said lay concealed in the neighbouring forest.
The Adelantado was deaf to their supplications, and their offers.
Quibian was too dangerous a foe to be set at liberty; as a prisoner,
he would be a hostage for the security of the settlement. Appre-
hensive that the whole neighbourhood would be in arms, and anxious
*Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 97. Las Casas, L. 2, C.27.
116 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XV.
to secure his prize, he determined to send the cacique and the other
prisoners on board of the ships, while he remained on shore with a
part of his men to pursue the Indians who had escaped. Juan
Sanchez, the principal pilot of the squadron, a powerful and spirited
man, volunteered to take charge of the captives. On committing
the chieftain to his care, the Adelantado warned him to be on his
guard against any attempt at rescue or escape. The sturdy pilot
replied, that if the cacique got out of his hands, he would give them
leave to pluck out his beard, hair by hair; with this vaunt he
departed, bearing off Quibian, bound hand and foot. On arriving at
the boat, he secured him by a strong cord to one of the benches. It
was a dark night. As the boat proceeded down the river, the
cacique complained piteously of the painfulness of his bonds, until
the rough heart of the pilot was touched with compassion. When
they had nearly arrived at the mouth of the river, therefore, he
loosened the cord by which Quibian was tied to the bench, keeping
the end of it in his hand. The wily Indian now watched his
opportunity, and when Sanchez was looking another way, plunged
suddenly into the water. It was as if a rock had fallen into the
river. He sank to the bottom and disappeared, and so violent had
been his plunge, that the pilot had to let go the cord, lest he should
be drawn in after him. The darkness of the night, and the bustle
which took place in preventing the escape of the other prisoners,
rendered it impossible to pursue the cacique, or even to ascertain his
fate. Juan Sanchez hastened to the ships with the residue of the
captives, deeply mortified at being thus outwitted by a savage.
The Adelantado remained all night on shore. On the following
morning, when he beheld the wild, broken, and mountainous nature
of the country, and the scattered situation of the habitations, perched
on different heights, he gave up the search after the Indians, among
their rocks and fastnesses, and returned to the ships with the spoils
of the cacique's mansion. These consisted of bracelets, anklets, and
massive plates of gold, such as were worn round the neck, together
with two golden coronets. The whole amounted to the value
of three hundred ducats.” One fifth of the booty was set apart for
the crown; the residue was shared among those concerned in the
enterprise. To the Adelantado was assigned one of the coronets, as
a trophy of his exploit.f
#
* Eauivalent to 1,281 dollars at the present day.
+ Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 98. Las Casas, L. 2, C. 27. Many of the par-
ticulars of this chapter are from a short narrative given by Diego Mendez, and
inserted in his last will and testament. It is written in a strain of simple egotism,
as he represents himself as the principal and almost the sole actor in every affairs , ,
__****
CHAF VIII." CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 117
,-
CHAPTER VIII.
DISASTERS OF THE SETTLEMENT.
[1503. ]
IT was hoped by Columbus that the vigorous measure of the Ade-
lantado would strike terror into the Indians of the neighbourhood,
and prevent any further designs upon the settlement. Quibian had
probably perished. If he survived, he must be disheartened by the
captivity of his family, and, several of his principal subjects, and
fearful of their being made responsible for any act of violence on his
part. The heavy rains, therefore, which fall so frequently among
the mountains of this isthmus, having again deepened the river, Co-
lumbus made his final arrangements for the management of the
colony, and having given much wholesome counsel to the Spaniards
who were to remain, and taken an affectionate leave of his brother,
got under way with three of the caravels, leaving the fourth for the
use of the settlement. As the water was still shallow at the bar, it
was necessary to lighten the ships of a great part of their cargoes.
They were towed out by the boats in calm weather, when there was
scarcely any swell. They grounded, however, repeatedly; and had
not the sand of the bar been very light and shifting, they must have
sustained great injury. When fairly released from the river, and
their cargoes re-shipped, they remained at anchor within a league of
the shore, waiting for a favourable wind. It was the intention of
the admiral to touch at Hispaniola on his way to Spain, and send
from thence such supplies and reinforcements for the settlement as
the island might furnish. The wind continuing adverse, he sent a
boat on shore on the 6th of April, under the command of Diego
Tristan, captain of one of the caravels; who was to procure wood
and water, and to make some communications to the Adelantado.
The expedition of this boat proved fatal to its crew, but was provi-
dential to the settlement.
The cacique Quibian had not perished as some had supposed.
Though both hands and feet were bound, yet in the water he was as
in his natural element. Plunging to the bottom of the river, he had
The facts, however, have all the air of veracity, and being given on such a solemn
occasion, the document is entitled to high credit. He will be found to distinguish
himself on another hazardous and important occasion in the course of this history.
Wide Navarrete Collec. T. 1.
118 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XV,
swam below the surface until sufficiently distant to be out of view in
the darkness of the night, then emerging again, he had made his
way to shore. The desolation of his home, and the capture of his
wives and children, filled him with anguish; but when he saw
the vessels in which they were confined issuing forth from the river,
and bearing them off to the unknown world from whence these
strangers had come, he was transported with fury and despair, and
determined to wreak a signal vengeance upon the white men who
remained behind. Gathering together a great number of his war-
riors, he came secretly upon the settlement, in that stealthy and si-
lent manner in which Indians can move unheard through the most
entangled forest. The little hill on which the houses of the Span-
iards were built, was surrounded by thick woods, which enabled the
Indians to approach unseen to within ten paces. The Spaniards
thinking the enemy completely discomfited and dispersed, were per-
fectly off their guard. Some had strayed to the seashore, to take a
farewell look at the ships; some were on board of the caravel in the
river; and others were scattered about the houses. On a sudden,
the Indians burst from their concealment with yells and howlings.
They rushed upon the houses, launched their javelins through the
roofs of palm leaves, hurled them in at the windows, or thrust them
through the crevices of the logs which eomposed the walls. As the
houses were small, several of the inhabitants were wounded. On
the first alarm, the Adelantado seized a lance and sallied forth with
seven or eight of his men, whom he animated by word and example
to a vigorous defence. Diego Mendez likewise rallied several of
his companions, and coming to the assistance of the Adelantado,
they drove the enemy into the forest, killing and wounding several.
The Indians kept up a fire of darts and arrows from among the
trees; and made furious sailies occasionally with their war clubs;
but there was no withstanding the keen edge of the Spanish swords:
and a fierce blood-hound being let loose upon them, completed their
terror. They fled howling through the forest leaving a number dead
on the field, and having killed one Spaniard, and wounded eight.
Among the latter was the Adelantado, who received a slight thrust
in the breast from a javelin.
The boat which the admiral had sent on shore arrived during the
contest. Diego Tristan, the captain, however, remained a mere
spectator; fearing to approach the land, lest the Spaniards might rush
on board in such numbers as to sink his boat. When the Indians
had been put to flight, he proceeded up the river in quest of fresh
water, disregarding the earnest counsels of those on shore, who
warned him that he might be cut off by the enemy in their canoes.
The river was deep and narrow, shut in by high banks, and over-
Chap. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 119
hanging trees. The forests on each side were thick and impenetra-
ble, so that there was no landing place, excepting here and there,
where an Indian footpath wound down to the shore to some fishing
ground, or some place where the natives kept their canoes.
The boat had ascended about a league above the village, to a
part of the river where the water became fresh; and where it was
completely overshadowed by lofty banks and spreading trees. Sud-
denly fearful yells and war whoops rose on every side, with the
blasts of conch-shells. Light canoes darted forth in every direction
from the dark hollows, and overhanging thickets of the banks.
They were each dexterously managed by a single savage, while
others stood up brandishing their lances, and hurling them at the
Spaniards. Others launched their weapons from the banks of the
river and the branches of the trees. There were eight sailors in
the boat, and three soldiers. Galled and wounded by the shower
of missiles, confounded by the yells and the blasts of conchs, and
by the assaults which thickened from every side, and losing all
presence of mind, they neglected to use either oars or fire-arms, and
only sought to shelter themselves with their bucklers. The captain,
Diego Tristan, had received several wounds; still he displayed
great intrepidity, endeavouring to rouse and animate his men, when
a javelin hurled by an Indian pierced his right eye and struck him
dead. The canoes now closed upon the boat, and a general massa-
cre ensued. But one Spaniard escaped, one Juan de Noya, a cooper
of Seville, who having fallen overboard in the midst of the action,
dived to the bottom, and swimming under water, gained the bank
of the river unperceived. From thence he made his way down to
the settlement, bringing tidings of the massacre of his captain and
comrades.
. The Spaniards were filled with dismay at the dangers which
were thickening around them. They were few in number, several
of them wounded, and they were in the midst of tribes of exaspe-
rated savages, far more fierce and warlike in character than those
to whom they had been accustomed. The admiral was ignorant of
their misfortunes, and would sail away without yielding them as:
sistance; and they should be abandoned to sink beneath the over-
whelming force of barbarous foes, or to perish with hunger on this
inhospitable coast. Thus seized with a sudden panic, they deter-
mined to take the caravel which had been left with them, and to
abandon the place altogether. The Adelantado remonstrated with
them in vain; nothing would content them but to put to sea imme-
diately. Here a new alarm awaited them. The torrents having
subsided, the river was again shallow, and it was impossible for the
120 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XV.
caravel to pass over the bar. They now took the boat of the cara-
vel to bear tidings of their danger to the admiral, and to implore
him not to abandon them; but the wind was boisterous, a high sea
was rolling, and a heavy surf, tumbling and breaking at the mouth
of the river, prevented the boat from getting out. While thus cut
off from all retreat, and separated from all relief, horrors increased
upon them. The mangled bodies of Diego Tristan and his men
came floating down the stream, and drifting about the harbour,
while flights of crows, and other carrion birds, were feeding on
them, and hovering and screaming and fighting about their prey.
The forlorn Spaniards contemplated this scene with shuddering; it
appeared ominous of the fate that awaited themselves.
In the mean time, the Indians, elated by their triumph over the
crew of the boat, renewed their hostilities upon the harbour. Their
whoops and yells answered to each other from various parts of the
neighbourhood. The dismal sound of conchs and war drums was
heard in every direction, in the deep bosom of the woods, and
showed that the enemy was continually augmenting in number.
They seemed to fill the adjacent forest; rushing forth upon any
straggling party of Spaniards, and making partial attacks upon
the houses. It was considered no longer safe to remain in the vil-
lage which they had built. The close forest which surrounded it
was a covert for the approaches of the enemy. The Adelantado
chose, therefore, an open place on the shore, at some distance from
the wood. Here he caused a kind of bulwark to be made of the
boat of the caravel, and of chests, casks, and similar articles. Two
places were left open as embrasures, in which were placed a couple
of falconets, or small pieces of artillery, in such manner as to com-
mand the neighbourhood. In this little fortress, the Spaniards shut
themselves up; its walls were sufficient to screen them from the
darts and arrows of the Indians, but mostly they depended upon
their firearms, the sound of which struck dismay into the savages,
especially when they saw the effect of the balls, splintering and
rending the trees around them, and carrying havoc to such a dis-
tance. The Indians were thus kept in check for the present, and
deterred from venturing from the forest; but the Spaniards, ex-
hausted by constant watching, and incessant alarms, were filled
with despondency, and anticipated all kinds of evils, when their
ammunition should be exhausted, or they should be driven forth by
hunger to seek for food.”
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 98. Las Casas, L. 2, c. Letter of Columbus
from Jamaica. Relation of Diego Mendez. Navarrete, T, 1. Journal of
Porras. Navarrete, T. 1.
Char. Ex.] CHRISTOPHER columbus. 121
* *
CHAPTER Ix
DISTRESS OF THE ADMIRAL ON BOARD OF HIS SHIP-ULTIMATES
RELIEF OF THE SETTLEMENT.
[1503.]
WHILE the Adelantado and his men were exposed to such imminent
peril on shore, great anxiety prevailed on board of the ships. Day
after day elapsed without the return of Diego Tristan and his party,
and it was feared that some disaster had befallen them. Columbus
would have sent on shore to make inquiries; but there was only one
boat remaining for the service of the squadron, and he did not dare
to risk it, in the rough sea and heavy surf that were prevailing. A
dismal circumstance occurred, to increase the gloom and uneasiness
of the crews. On board of one, of the caravels were confined the
family and household of the cacique Quibian. It was intended to
carry them to Spain; for as long as they remained in the power of
the Spaniards, Columbus trusted that their tribe would be deterred
from further hostilities. They were shut up at night in the forecas-
tle of the caravel, the hatchway of which was secured by a strong
chain and padlock. As several of the crew slept upon the hatch,
and as it was so high as to be considered out of reach of the
prisoners, they neglected to fasten the chain. The Indians discover-
ed this negligence, and formed a plan of escape. Collecting together
a quantity of stones from the ballast of the vessel, they made a great
heap directly under the hatchway. Several of the most powerful
warriors mounted upon the top, and bending their backs, by a sud-
den and simultaneous effort burst open the covert, flinging the sea-
men who slept upon it to the opposite side of the ship. In an instant
the greater part of the Indians sprang forth, plunged into the sea,
and swam for shore. The alarm being given, several were prevent-
ed from sallying forth; others were seized on the deck, and forced
back into the forecastle; the hatchway was carefully chained down,
and a guard was set for the rest of the night. In the morning,
when the Spaniards went to examine the captives, they were all
found dead. Some had hanged themselves with the ends of ropes,
their knees touching the floor; others had strangled themselves by
straining the cords tight with their feet. The most inflexible de-
Wol. II. 9 L
122 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XIV
termination on death was visible in the mode in which they had de-
stroyed themselves; and the whole presented a picture of the fierce
and unconquerable spirit of these people, and their horror of the
white men.” *
The escape of the prisoners gave great solicitude to the admiral.
IIe feared they would stimulate their countrymen to some violent
act of vengeance, and he trembled for the safety of his brother, Still
this painful mystery reigned over the land. The boat of Diego
Tristan had not returned, and the raging surf prevented all commu-
nication. The most sinister apprehensions prevailed among the sea-
men for the fate of their companions. At length one Pedro Ledes-
ma, a pilot of Seville, a man of about forty-five years of age, and of
great force both of body and spirit, presented himself before the ad-
miral. He offered, if the boat would take him to the edge of the
surf, to plunge into it, swim to shore, and bring off news of their
friends. He had been piqued by the achievement of the Indian cap-
tives, in swimming to land at a league's distance, in defiance of sea
and surf. Surely, he said, if they dare venture so much to procure
their individual liberties, Iought to brave at least a part of the dan-
ger, to save the lives of so many companions. His offer was gladly
accepted by the admiral, and was boldly accomplished. The boat
approached with him as near to the surf as safety would permit, where
it was to await his return. Here, stripping himself, he plunged
into the sea; and after buffeting for sometime with the breakers, some-
times rising upon their surges, sometimes buried beheath them, and
dashed upon the sand, he succeeded in reaching the shore.
He found his countrymen shut up in their forlorn fortress, belea-
gured by savage foes, and learnt the tragical fate of Diego Tristan
and his companions. Many of the Spaniards, in their horror and
despair, had thrown off all subordination. They had refused to as-
sist in any measure that had in view their continuance in this place,
and they thought of nothing but their escape. When they beheld Le-
desma, a messenger from the ships, they surrounded him with frantic
eagerness. They urged him to implore the admiral to take them on
board, and not to abandon them on a coast where their destruction
was inevitable. They were preparing canoes to take them to the
ships, when the weather should moderate, the boat of the caravel
being too small. They swore that if the admiral refused to take
them on board, they would embark in the vessel which remained
with them as soon as it could be extricated from the river, and aban-
don themselves to the mercy of the seas, rather than remain upon
that fatal coast. § t
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 99.
Caar. ſſ.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 423
The hardy Ledesma having heard all that his forlorn countrymen
had to say, and communicated with the Adelantado and his officers,
set out on his perilous return. He again braved the surf and the break-
ers, reached the boat which was waiting for him, and was conveyed
back to the ships. The disastrous tidings from the land filled the
heart of the admiral with grief and alarm. To leave his brother on
shore would be to expose him to the mutiny of his own phen, and the
ferocity of the savages. He could spare no reinforcement from his
ships; the loss of Tristan and his companions having so much weak-
ened his crews. Rather than the settlement should be broken up,
he would gladly have joined the Adelantado with all his people; but
how them could intelligence be conveyed to the sovereigns of this im-
portant discovery, and supplies obtained from Spain? There ap-
peared no alternative, therefore, but to embark all the people, aban-
don the settlement for the present, and return at some future day with
a force competent to take secure possession of the country.* The
state of the weather rendered the practicability even of this plan
doubtful. The wind continued high, the sea rough, and no boat
could pass between the squadron and the land. The situation of
the ships was extremely perilous. They were feebly manned, crazed
by the storms they had endured, and ready to fall to pieces from the
ravages of the teredo. In this state they were anchored on a lee
shore, with a boisterous wind and sea, in a climate subject totem-
pests, and where the least augmentation of the weather might drive
them among the breakers. Every hour increased the anxiety of Co-
lumbus for his brother, for his people, and for his ships; yet each
succeeding hour only appeared to render the impending dangers
more imminent. Days of constant perturbation, and nights of sleep-
less anguish, preyed upon a constitution broken by age and hard-
ships. Amidst the acute maladies of his body, and the fever of his
mind, he appears to have been visited by partial delirium. The
workings of his diseased imagination, at such times, he was prone
to consider as something mysterious and supernatural. In a letter
to the sovereigns, he gives a solemn account of a kind of vision,
which comforted him in one of these dismal nights when full of de-
spondency, and tossing on a couch of pain.
“Wearied and sighing,” says he, “I fell into a slumber, when I
heard a piteous voice saying to me, “O fool, and slow to believe and
serve thy God, who is the God of all ! what did he more for Moses.
or for his sirvant David, than he has done for thee? From the time
that thou wast born he has eyer had thee under his peculiar cara.
When he saw thee of a fitting age he made thy name to resound
*-*e
º Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
124 *** LIFE AND VOYAGES OF . . [Book.XV.
marvellously throughout the earth; and thou wert obeyed in many
lands, and didst acquire honourable fame among Christians. Of the
gates of the ocean sea, shut up with such mighty chains, he deli,
vered thee the keys; the Indias, those wealthy regions of the world,
he gave thee for thine own and empowered thee to dispose of them
to others according to thy pleasure. What did he more for the great
people of Israel, when he led them forth from Egypt? or for David,
whom, from being a shepherd, he made a king in Judea º Turn
to him then, and acknowledge thine error; his mercy is infinite.
He has many and great inheritances yet in reserve. Fear not to
seek them. Thine age shall be no impediment to any great under-
taking. Abraham was above an hundred years when he begat
Isaac ; and was Sarah youthful? thou cryest despondingly for
succour. Answer l who hath afflicted thee so much and so many
times?—God—or the world? The privileges and promises which God
hath made thee he hath never broken; neither hath he said, after
having received thy services, that his meaning was different, and to
be understood in a different sense. He performs to the very letter.
All that he promises, he fulfils, and with increase. Such is his cus-
tom. I have shown thee what thy Creator hath done for thee, and
what he doth for all. The present is the reward of the toils and
perils thou hast endured in serving others.' I heard all this,”
adds Columbus, “as one almost dead, and had no power to reply to
words so true, excepting to weep for my errors. Whoever it was
that spoke to me, finished by saying, “Fear not confidel all these
tribulations are written in marble, and not without cause.’”
Such is the singular statement which Columbus gives of his sup-
posed vision to the sovereigns. It has been suggested that this was
a mere ingenious fiction, adroitly devised by him, to convey a lesson
to his prince; but such an idea is inconsistent with his character.
He was too deeply imbued with awe of the deity, and with re-
verence for his sovereign to make use of such an artifice. The words
here spoken to him by the supposed voice, are truths which dwelt
upon his mind, and grieved his spirit during his waking hours. It
is natural that they should recurvividly and coherently in his fever-
ish dreams; and in recalling and relating a dream, one is uncon-
sciously apt to give it a little coherency. Besides, Columbus had a
solemn belief that he was a peculiar instrument in the hands of Pro-
vidence, which, together with a deep tinge of superstition, common
to the age, made him prone to mistake every striking dream for a
revelation. He is not to be measured by the same standard with or-
dinary men in ordinary circumstances. It is difficult for the mind
to realize his situation, and to conceive the exaltations of spirit to
CHAP. ſº-J CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 125
which he must have been subject. The artless manner in which,
in his letters to the sovereigns, he mingles up the rhapsodies and
dreams of his imagination with simple facts and sound practical ob.
servations; pouring them forth with a kind of sériptural solemnity
and poetry of language, is one of the most striking illustrations of a
character richly compounded of extraordinary and apparently con-
tradictory elements.
Immediately after this supposed vision, and after a duration of
nine days, the boisterous weather subsided, the sea became calm,
and the communication with the land was restored. It was found
impossible to extricate the remaining caravel from the river; but
every exertion was made to bring off the people, and the property,
before there should be a return of bad weather. In this, the exer.
tions of the zealous Diego Mendez were eminently efficient. He
had been for some days preparing for such an emergency. Cutting
up the sails of the caravels, he had made great sacks to receive the
biscuit. He had lashed two Indian canoes together with spars, so
that they could not be overturned by the waves, and had made a
platform on them capable of sustaining a great burden. This kind
of raft was laden repeatedly with the stores, arms, and ammunition,
which had been left on shore; and with the furniture of the caravel
which was entirely dismantled. When well freighted it was towed
by the boat to the ships. In this way, by constant and sleepless
exertions, in the space of two days almost everything of value was
transported on board of the squadron, and little else left than the
hull of the caravel, stranded, decayed, and rotting in the river.
Diego Mendez superintended the whole embarkation, with the most
unwearied watchfulness and activity. He and five companions
were the last to leave the shore, remaining all night at their perilous
post, and embarking in the morning with the last cargo of effects.
Nothing could equal the transports of the Spaniards, when they
found themselves once more on board of the ships, and saw a space
of ocean between thein and those forests which had lately seemed
destined to be their graves. The joy of their comrades seemed little
inferior to their own; and the perils and hardships which yet sur-
rounded them, were forgotten for a time in mutual congratulations.
The admiral was so much impressed with a sense of the high ser-
vices rendered by Diego Mendez, throughout the late time of dan-
ger and disaster, that he gave him the command of the caravel, va-
cant by the death of the unfortunate Diego Tristan.”
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap.99, 100. Las Casas, L. 2, C. 29. Relacion de Diego
Mendez. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica. Journal of Porras. Navarrete
Collec. T. 1. L 2
126 iife AND voyages of ſBook XV
CHAPTER X.
DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF WERAGUA-ARRIVAL Arº
JAMAICA—STRANDING OF THE SHIPS.
[1503.]
THE wind at length becoming favourable, Columbus set sail, to-
wards the end of April, from the disastrous coast of Veragua. The
wretched condition of the ships, the enfeebled state of the crews, and
the scarcity of provisions, determined him to make the best of his
way to Hispaniola, where he might refit his vessels, and procure
the necessary supplies for the voyage to Europe. To the surprise
of the pilots and crews, however, on making sail, he stood again
along the coast to the eastward, instead of steering north, which
they considered the direct route to Hispaniola. They fancied that
Columbus intended to proceed immediately for Spain; and mur-
mured loudly at the madness of attempting so long a voyage, with
ships destitute of stores, and consumed by the worms. Columbus,
and his brother, however, had studied the navigation of these seas,
with a more observant and experienced eye. They considered it
adviseable to gain a considerable distance to the east, before standing
across for Hispaniola, to avoid being swept away, far below their
destined port, by the strong currents setting constantly to the west.*
The admiral, however, did not impart his reasons to the pilots,
being anxious to keep the knowledge of his routes as much to him-
self as possible; seeing that there were so many adventurers crowd-
ing into the field, and ready to follow on his track. He even took
from the mariners their charts,f and boasts in a letter to the sove-
reigns, that none of his pilots would be able to retrace the route to
and from Veragua, nor to describe where it was situated.
Disregarding the murmurs of his men, therefore, Columbus con-
tinued along the coast eastward, as far as Porto Bello. Here he
was obliged to leave one of the caravels, which was so pierced by
the worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All the crews
were 'now crowded into two caravels, and these were little better
* Hist. del Almirante. Letter from Jamaica.
1 Journal of Porras. Navarrete, Collec. T. 1.
Chap. X.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 127
than mere wrecks. The utmost exertions were necessary to keep
them free from water; while the incessant labour of the pumps bore
hard on the seamen, who were enfeebled by scanty diet, and de-
jected by the various hardships they had undergone. Continuing
onward, they passed Port Retrete, and a number of islands, to which
the admiral gave the name of Las Barbas, now termed the Mula-
tas, a little beyond Point Blas. Here Columbus supposed that he
had arrived at the province of Mangi, in the territories of the Grand
Khan, described by Marco Polo, as adjoining to Cathay.” IIc con-
tinued on about ten leagues farther, until he approached the entrance
of what is at present called the Gulf of Darien. Here he had a
consultation with his captains and pilots, who remonstrated at his
persisting in this struggle against contrary winds and currents, re.
presenting the lamentable plight of the ships, and the infirm state of
the crews.f Bidding farewell, therefore, to the mainland, he stood
northward on the 1st of May, in quest of Hispaniola. As the wind
was easterly, with a strong current setting to the west, Columbus
kept as near the wind as possible. So little did his pilots know of
their situation, that they supposed themselves already to the east of
the Caribbee Islands, whereas the admiral feared that, with all his
exertions, he should fall to the westward of Hispaniolat His ap-
prehensions proved to be well founded; for on the 10th of the month
he came in sight of two small low islands to the northwest of His-
paniola, to which, from the great quantity of tortoises seen about
them, he gave the name of the Tortugas; they are now known as
the Caymans. Passing wide of these, and continuing directly
north, he found himself, on the 30th of May, among the cluster of
islands on the south side of Cuba, to which he had formerly given
the name of the Queen's Gardens, having been carried between eight
and nine degrees west of his destined port. Here he cast anchor
near one of the keys, about ten leagues from the main island. His
crews were suffering excessively through scanty provisions and
great fatigue: nothing was left of the sea stores, but a little biscuit,
oil, and vinegar; and they were obliged to labour incessantly at the
pumps, to keep the vessels afloat. They had scarcely anchored at
these islands, when there came on at midnight a sudden tempest, of
such violence, that, according to the strong expression of Columbus,
“it seemed as if the world would dissolve.” They lost three of
their anchors almost immediately, and the caravel Bermuda was
driven with such violence upon the ship of the admiral, that the bow
of the one, and the stern of the other, were greatly shattered. The
* Letter from Jamaica. Testimony of Pedro de Ledesma. Pleito de los
Colones. # Letter from Jamaica. § Idem,
128 IIFE AND WQYAGES GF [Boom XV.
sea running high, and the wind being boisterous, the vesselschafed,
and injured each other dreadfully, and it was with great difficulty
that they were separated. One anchor only remained to the admi-
ral's ship, and this saved him from being driven upon the rocks; but
at day-light the cable was found nearly worn asunder. Had the
darkness continued an hour longer, he Gould scarcely have escaped
shipwreck.”
At the end of six days, the weather having moderated, he re-
sumed his course, standing eastward for Hispaniola; “his people,”
as he says, “dismayed and down-hearted, almost all his anchors
lost, and his vessels bored by the worms as full of holes as a honey-
comb.” After struggling against contrary winds, and the usual cur-
rents from the east, he reached Cape Cruz, and anchored at a village
in the province of Macaca,t where he had touched in 1494, in his
voyage along the southern coast of Cuba. Here he was detained
by head winds for several days, during which he was supplied with
cassava bread by the natives. Making sail again he endeavoured
to beat up to Hispaniola, but every effort was in vain. The winds
and currents continued adverse; the leaks continually gained upon
his vessels, though the pumps were kept incessantly going, and
the seamen even baled the water out with buckets and kettles. The
admiral now stood, in despair, for the island of Jamaica, to seek
some secure port; for there was imminent danger of foundering at
sea. On the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, they put into Puerto
Bueno, now called Dry Harbour, but met with none of the natives
from whom they could obtain provisions, nor was there any fresh
water to be had in the neighbourhood. Suffering from hunger and
thirst, they sailed eastward on the following day, to another har-
bour, to which the admiral on his first visit to the island had given
the name of Port Santa Gloria.
Here at last Columbus had to give up his long and arduous strug-
gle against the unremitting persecution of the elements. His ships,
reduced to mere wrecks, could no longer keep the sea, and were
ready to sink even in port. He ordered them, therefore, to be run
aground, within a bow shot of the shore, and fastened together, side
by side. They soon filled with water to the decks. Thatched
cabins were then erected at the prow and stern, for the accommoda-
tion of the crews, and the wreck was placed in the best possible
state of defence. Thus castled on the sea, Columbus trusted to be
able to repel any sudden attack of the natives, and at the same time
to keep his men from roving about the neighbourhood, and indulg-
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 100. Letter of Columbus from Jamaica.
t Hist, del Almirante. Journal of Porras.
Chap. X.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 129
ing in their usual excesses. No one was allowed to go on shore
without especial leave; and the utmost precaution was taken to
prevent any offence being given to the Indians. . Any exaspera-
tion of them migh, be fatal, to the Spaniards in their present for-
lorn situation. A* firebrand thröwn into their wooden fortress
might wrap it in flames, and leave them defenceless amidst hostile
thousands.
'i ' ' ' - ºf ' . }
LIFE AND VOYAGES
OF
CHR IS TO PHER COL U MB U.S.
BOOK XVI.
CHAPTER I.
ARRANGEMENT OF DIEGO MENDEZ WITH THE CACIQUES FOR
SUPPLIES OF PROVISIONS.–SENT TO SAN DOMINGO BY colum-
BUS IN QUEST OF RELIEF.
[1503.]
THE island of Jamaica was extremely populous and fertile, and the
harbour soon swarmed with Indians, who brought provisions to bar-
ter with the Spaniards. To prevent any disputes in purchasing or
sharing these supplies, two persons were appointed to superintend
all bargains; and the provisions thus obtained were shared every
evening among the people. This arrangement had a happy ef-
fect in promoting a peaceful intercourse. The supplies thus ſur-
nished, however, coming from a limited neighbourhood of improvi-
dent beings, were not sufficient for the necessities of the Spaniards,
and were so irregular as often to leave them in pinching want.
They feared, too, that the neighbourhood might soon be exhausted,
in which case they should be reduced to famine. In this emergency,
Diego Mendez stepped forward with his accustomed zeal, and vo-
lunteered to set off, with three men, on a foraging expedition about
the island. His offer being gladly accepted by the admiral, he de-
parted with his comrades well armed. He was every where treated
with the utmost kindness by the natives. They took him to their
houses, set meat and drink before him and his companions, and per-
formed all the rites of savage hospitality. Mendez made an arrange-
ment with a cacique of a numerous tribe, that his subjects should
hunt and fish, and make cassava bread, and bring a quantity of pro-
visions every day to the harbour. They were to receive in exchange,
knives, combs, beads, fish-hooks, hawks' bells, and other articles,
CHAP. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 131
from a Spaniard, who was to reside among them for that purpose.
The agreement being made, Mendez dispatched one of his com-
rades to apprize the admiral. He then pursued his journey three
leagues farther, where he made a similar arrangement, and dis-
patched another of his companions to the admiral. Proceeding on.
ward, about thirteen leagues from the ships, he arrived at the re-
sidence of another cacique, called Huarco, where he was generously
entertained. The cacique ordered his subjects to bring a large
quantity of provisions, for which Mendez paid him on the spot, and
made arrangements for a like supply at stated intervals. He dis-
patched his third companion with this supply to the Admiral, re-
questing as usual, that an agent might be sent to receive and pay
for the regular deliveries of provisions.
Mendez was now left alone; but he was fond of any enterprise that
gave individual distinction. He requested of the cacique two Indians
to accompany him to the end of the island, one to carry his provisions,
and, the other to bear the hamac or cotton met in which he skept.
These being granted, he pushed resolutely forward along the coast,
until he reached the eastern extremity of Jamaica. Here he found
a powerful cacique of the name of Ameyro. Mendez had buoyant
spirits, great address, and an ingratiating way with the savages.
He and the cacique became great friends, exchanged names which
is a kind of token of brotherhood, and Mendez engaged him to
furnish provisions to the ships. He then bought an excellent canoe
of the cacique, for which he gave him a splendid brass basin, a short
frock or cassock, and one of the two shirts which formed his stock
of linen. The cacique furnished him with six Indians to navigate
his bark, and they parted mutually well pleased. Diego Mendez
coasted his way back, touching at the various places where he had
made his arrangements. He found the Spanish agents already
arrived at them, loaded his canoe with provisions, and returned in
triumph to the harbour, where he was received with acclamations
by his comrades, and with open arms by the admiral. The pro-
visions he brought were a most seasonable supply, for the Spaniards
were absolutely fasting; and thenceforward Indians arrived daily,
well laden, from the marts which he had established.”
The immediate wants of his people being thus provided for,
Columbus revolved, in his anxious mind, the means of getting from
this island. His ships were beyond the possibility of repair, and
there was no hope of any chance sail arriving to his relief, on the
shores of a savage island, in an unfrequented sea. The most likely
* Relacion por Diego Mendez. Navarrete, T. 1.
H32 LIFE AND voyages of , [Book XVI.
measure appeared to be, to send notice of his situation to Ovando, the
governor at San Domingo, entreating him to dispatch a vessel to his
relief. But how was this message to be conveyed? The distance
between Jamaica and Hispaniola was forty leagues, across a gulf
swept by contrary currents; there were no means of transporting a
messenger except in the light canoes of the Savages; and who would
undertake so hazardous a voyage in a frail bark of the kind?
Suddenly the idea of Diego Mendez and the canoe he had recently
purchased, presented itself to the mind of Columbus. He knew the
ardour and intrepidity of Mendez, and his love of distinction by any
hazardous exploit. Taking him aside, therefore, he addressed him
in a manner calculated both to stimulate his zeal and flatter his self-
love. Mendez himself gives an artless account of this interesting
conversation, which is full of character.
“Diego Mendez, my son,” said the venerable admiral, “none
of those whom I have here, understand the great peril in which we
are placed, excepting you and myself. We are few in number, and
these savage Indians are many and of fickle and irritable natures.
On the least provocation, they may throw firebrands from the shore,
and consume us in our straw-thatched cabins. The arrangement
which you have made with them for provisions, and which at
present they fulfil so cheerfully, to-morrow they may break, in their
caprice, and may refuse to bring us any thing; nor have we the
means to compel them by force, but are entirely at their pleasure.
I have thought of a remedy, if it meets with your views. In this
canoe which you have purchased, some one may pass over to
Hispaniola, and procure a ship, by which we may all be delivered
from this great peril into which we have fallen. Tell me your
opinion on the matter.”
“To this,” says Diego Mendez, “I replied, Señor, the danger in
which we are placed, I well know is far greater than is easily con-
ceived. As to passing from this island to Hispaniola in so small a
vessel as a canoe, I hold it not merely difficult but impossible; since
it is necessary to traverse a gulf of forty leagues, and between islands
where the sea is extremely impetuous, and seldom in repose. I
know not who there is would adventure upon so extreme a peril.”
Columbus made no reply; but from his looks and the nature of
his silence, Mendez plainly perceived himself to be the person whom
the admiral had in view; “whereupon,” continues he, “I added,
Señor, I have many times put my life in peril of death to save you
and all those who are here, and God has hitherto preserved me in a
miraculous manner. There are, nevertheless, murmurers, who say,
that your Excellency entrusts to me all affairs wherein honour is to
C#ap. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 133
be gained, while there are others in the company who would execute
them as well as I do. I beg, therefore, that you would summon all
the people, and propose this enterprise to them, to see if among them
all there is any one who will undertake it, which I doubt. If all
decline it, I will then come forward, and risk my life in your ser-
vice, as I many times have done.”
The admiral gladly humoured the wishes of the worthy Mendez,
for never was simple egotism accompanied by more generous and
devoted loyalty. On the following morning the crew was assem-
bled, and the proposition publicly made. Every one drew back at
the thoughts of it, pronouncing it the height of Fashness. Upon this
Diego Mendez stepped forward, “Señor,” said he, “I have but one
life to lose, yet I am willing to venture it for your service, and for
the good of all here present; and I trust in the protection of God,
which I have experienced on so many other Qqcasions.”
Columbus egabraced this zealous follower, who immediately set
about preparing for his expedition, Drawing his cange on shore,
he put on a false keel; nailed weather-boards along the bow and
stern, to preveat the sea from breaking over it; payed it with a coat
of tar; furnished it with a mast and sail; and put in provisions
for himself, for a Spanish comrade, and six Indians,
In the mean time, Columbus wrate letters to Ovando, requesting
that a ship might be immediately sent to bring him and his men to
Hispaniola. He wrote a letter likewise to the sovereigns; for after
fulfilling his misson at San Domingo, Diego Mendez was to proceed
to Spain on the Admiral's affairs. In the letter to the sovereigns,
Columbus depicted his deplorable situation, and entreated, that a
vessel might be dispatched to Hispaniola, to convey himself and his
crew to Spain. He gave a comprehensive aqgaunt of his voyage,
most particulars of which have already been incorporated in this
history; and he insisted greatly on the importange of the discovery
of Veragua. He gave it as his opinion, that here were the mines of
the Aurea Chersonesus, from whence Solomon had derived such
wealth for the building of the Temple. He entreats that this golden
coast may nºt, like other places which he had discovered, be aban-
doned to adventurers, or placed under the government of men who
feel no interest in the cause. “This is not a child,” he adds, “to be
abandoned to a step-mother. I never think of Hispaniola and Paria
without weeping. Their case is desperate, and past cure; I hope
their example may cause this region to be treated in a different man-
ner.” His imagination becomes heated. He magnifies the sup-
* Relacion por Diego Mendez. Navarrete, Collec. T. 1. M
134 IIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI
# *
posed importance of Veragua, as transcending all his former dis.
coveries; and he alludes to his favourite project for the deliverance of
the holy sepulchre. “Jerusalem,” he says, “and Mount Sion, are
to be rebuilt by the hand of a christian. Who is he to be? God by
the mouth of the prophet in the fourteenth psalm declares it. The
abbot Joachim” says that he is to come out of Spain.” His thoughts
then revert to the ancient story of the Grand Khan, who had request-
ed that sages might be sent to instruct him in the christian faith.
Columbus, thinking that he had been in the very vicinity of Cathay,
exclaims with sudden zeal, “who will offer himself for this task?
If our Lord permit me to return to Spain, I engage to take him
there, God helping, in safety.”
Nothing is more characteristic of Columbus than his earnest, art-
less, at times eloquent, and at times almost incoherent letters. What
an instance of soaring enthusiasm, and irrepressible enterprise, is
here exhibited. At the time that he was indulging in these visions,
and proposing new and romantic enterprises he was broken down
by age and infirmities, racked by pain, confined to his bed, and shut
up in a wreck on the coast of a remote and savage island. No
stronger picture can be given of his situation, than that which
shortly follows this transient glow of excitement, when, with one
of his sudden transitions of thought, he awakens, as it were, to his
actual condition.
“Hitherto,” says he, “I have wept for others; but now, have
pity upon me, heaven, and weep for me, O earth! In my temporal
concerns without a farthing to offer for a mass; cast away here in
the Indias, surrounded by cruel and hostile savages; isolated, in-
firm, expecting each day will be my last: in spiritual concerns,
separated from the hely sacraments of the church, so that, my soul,
if parted here from my body, must be for ever lost ! Weep for me,
whoever has charity, truth and justice. I came not on this voyage
to gain honour or estate, that is most certain; for all hope of the
kind was already dead within me. I came to serve your majesties,
* Joachim, native of the burgh of Celico near to Casénza, travelled in the holy
land. Returning to Calabria he took the habit of the Cistercians in the Monastery
of Corazzo of which he became prior and abbot, and afterwards rose to higher mo
nastic importance. IIe died in 1202, at 72 years of age, leaving a great number of
works. Among the most known are commentaries on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and the
Apocalypse. There are also prophecies by him, “which,” says the Dictionaire
Historique, “during his life made him to be admired by fools, and despised by men
of sense. At present the latter sentiment prevails. He was either very weak, or
very presumptuous, to flatter himself that he had the keys of things of which God
reserves to himself the knowledge " Dict. Hist. T. 5. Caen, 1785.
Caap. I.] , chrisTOPHER columbus. 135
with a sound intention and an honest zeal; and I speak no false-
hood. If it should please God to deliver me from hence. I humbly
supplicate your majesties to permit me to repair to Rome, and per-
form other pilgrimages.”
The dispatches being ready, and the preparations of the canoe
completed, Diego Mendez embarked, with his Spanish comrade and
his six Indians, and departed along the coast to the eastward. The
voyage was toilsome and perilous. They had to make their way
against strong currents. Once they were taken by roving canoes
of Indians, but made their escape, and at length arrived at the end
of the island, a distance of thirty-four leagues from the harbour.
Here they remained waiting for calm weather, to venture upon the
broad gulf, when they were suddenly surrounded and taken prison-
ers, by a number of hostile Indians, who carried them off a distance
of three leagues, where they determined to kill them. Some dispute
arose about the division of the spoils taken on the Spaniards, where-
upon the savages agreed to settle it by a game of chance. While
they were thus engaged, Diego Mendez Inade out to escape, found
his way to his canoe, embarked in it, and returned alone to the har-
bour, after fifteen days absence. What became of his companions,
he does not mention; being seldom apt to speak of any person but
himself. This account is, taken from the narrative inserted in his
last will and testament.
Columbus, though grieved at the failure of his message, was re-
joiced at the escape of the faithful Méndez. The latter, nothing
daunted by the perils and hardships he had undergone, offered to
depart immediately, on a second attempt, provided he could have
persons to accompany him to the end of the island, and protect him
from the natives. This the Adelantado offered to undertake, with a
large party well armed. Bartholomew Fiesco, a Genoese, who had
been captain of one of the caravels, was associated with Mendez in
this second expedition. He was a man of great worth, strongly
attached to the admiral, and much esteemed by him. Each had a
large canoe under his command, in which were six Spaniards and
ten Indians, the latter were to serve as oarsmen. The canoes were
to keep in company. On reaching Hispaniola, Fiesco was to return
immediately to Jamaica, to relieve the anxiety of the admiral and
his crew, by tidings of the safe arrival of their messenger. In the
mean time, Diego Mendez was to proceed to San Domingo, deliver
his letter to Ovando, procure and dispatch a ship, and then to depart
for Spain, with the letter to the sovereigns.
All arrangements being made the Indians placed in the canoes
their frugal provision of cassava bread, and each his calabash cf
136 Life AND voyāūčá 6F [Boixvi.
water. The Spaniards, beside their bread, had a supply ºf the flesh
of utias, and each his sword and target. In this way they lauhéhéd
forth upon their long and perilous voyage, followed by thé prayers
of their countrymen. g
The Adelantado, with his armed band, kept pace with them
along the coast. There was no attempt bf the riàtives tú fiblest
them; and they arrived in safety at the end of the island. Here
they remained three days, before the sea was suffiéiently calm för
them to venture forth in their feeble barks. At length the weather
being quite serene, they bade farewell to their comrades, and com.
mitted themselves to the broad Sea. The Adelantado remained
watching them, until they became mere specks on the ocean, and
the evening hid them from his view. The next day he set out on
his return to the harbour, stopping at various villages on the way,
and endeavouring to bonfirm the good will of the natives.”
CHAPTER II,
Mutiny of PóRRAs.
[1503.]
It might have been thought that the adverse fortune which had so
long persecuted Columbus, was now exhausted. The envy which
had once sickened at his glory and prosperity, could scarcely have
devised for him a more forlorn heritage in the world he had disco-
vered. ' The tenant of a wreck, on a savage coast, in an untra-
versed ocean; at the mercy of barbarous hordes, who in a moment,
from precarious friends, might be transformed into ferocious enemies;
afflicted too, by excruciating maladies, which confined him to his
bed; and by the pains and infirmities which hardship and anxiety
had heaped upon his advancing age. But Columbus had not yet
exhausted his cup of bitterness. He had yet to prove an evil worse
than storm, or shipwreck, or bodily anguish, or the violence of
savage hordes, in the perfidy of those in whom he confided. §
Mendez and Fiesco had not long departed, when the Spaniards in
the wreck began to grow sickly partly from the toils and exposures
----
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 101.
Giºr:II.] chRISTOPHER columbus. 137
of the recent voyage, partly from being crowded in such narrow
quarters, in a moist and Šultry climate, and partly from a want of
their accustomed food; for they could not habituate themselves to
the diet of the Indians, which was principally of a vegetable nature.
Their maladies were heightened and rendered more insupportable by
mental suffering; by that suspense which keeps up a fretful irritation
of spirit, and that hope deferred, which gradually corrodes the heart.
Accustomed to a life of bustle and variety, they had now nothing to
do but loiter about the dreary hulk, and look out upon the sea, and
watch for the canoe of Fiesco, and wonder at its protracted absence,
and doubt its return. A long time elapsed, much more than suffi-
cient for the voyage, but nothing was seen or heard of the canoe.
Fears were entertained that their messengers had perished. If so,
how long were they to remain here, vainly looking for relief, which
was never to arrive? Some gradually sank into deep despondency,
others became peevish and impatient. Murmurs broke forth, and, as
usual with men in distress, murmurs of the most unreasonable kind.
Instead of sympathizing with their aged and infirm commander, who
was involved in the same calamity, who in suffering transcended
them all, and yet who was incessantly studious of their welfare, they
began to rail against him as the cause of all their misfortunes.
The factious feeling of an unreasonable multitude would be of
little importance if left to itself, and might end in idle clamour; it is
the industry of one or two evil spirits that generally directs it to an
object and makes it mischievous. Among the officers of Columbus
were two brothers, Francisco and Diego de Porras. They were re-
lated to the royal treasurer, Morales, who had married theirs ister, and
had made interest with the admiral to give them some employment in
the expedition.” To gratify the treasurer, he had appointed Fran-
cisco de Porras captain of one of the caravels, and had obtained for
his brother Diego the situation of notary, and accountant-general of
the squadron. He had treated them, as he declares, with the kind-
ness of relatives, though both proved themselves imcompetent to their
situations. They were vain and insolent men, and like many others
whom Columbus had benefited, requited his kindness with the
blackest ingratitude.f
These men finding the common people in a highly impatient and
discontented state, mingled among them, and worked upon them
with the most seditious insinuations. They assured them that all
their hopes of relief through the agency of Mendez were idle; it
being a mere delusion of the admiral to keep them quiet, and render
* Hist. del Almirante, Cap. 102.
t Letter of Columbus to his son Diego. Navarrete Col. T. 1. 6
Wol. II. 10 M 2
them subservient to his purposes. He had no desire not intentidh to
return to Spain; and in fact, he was banished thence. Hispariidla
was equally closed to him, as had been proved by the exclusiéâ of his
ships from its harbour in a time of peril. To him, at preseñt, all
places were alike, and hé was content to remain in Jamaica, tºtil
his friends could māke interest at court, and procure his fecall from
banishment. As to Méndez and Fiesco, they had been sent to Spain
by Columbus on his own private affairs, not to procure a ship fºr
the relief of his followers. If this were not the case, why did not
the ship arrive, of why did not Fiesco return as had been promised?
Or if the canoes had really been sent for succour, the long time that
had elapsed without tidings of them, gave reason to believe that they
had perished by thé way. In such case, their only alternative
would be to take the canoes of the Indians, and endeavour to reach
Hispaniola. There was no hope, however, of persuading the admiral
to such an undertäking; he was too old, and too helpless from the
gout, to expose himself to the hardships of such a voyage. What
then, were they to be sacrificed to his interests or his infirmities?—
to give up their only chance for escape, and to linger ańd perish
with him in this desolate wreck? If they succeeded in reaching
Hispaniola, they would be the better received for having left the ad-
miral behind. Ováñdo was secretly hostile to him, fearing that he
would regain the government of the island; on their arrival in Spain
the bishop Föhsecă, from his enmity to Columbus would be sure to
take their pārt; the brothers Porras had powerful friends and rela-
tives at court, to counteract any representations that might be made
by the admiral; and they cited the case of Roldan's rebellion, to
show that the prejudices of the public, and of men in power, would
always be against him. Nay, they insinuated that the sovereigns,
who, on that occasion, had deprived him of part of his dignities and
privileges, would rejoice at a pretext for stripping him of the re-
mainder." & * > - -
Columbus was awaré that the minds of his people were embittered
against him. He had repeatedly been treated with insolent impa-
tience, and reproached with being the cause of their disasters. Ac-
customed, however, to the unreasonableness of men in adversity, and
exercised by many trials, in the mastery of his passions, he bore with
their petulance, soothed their irritation, and endeavoured to cheer
their spirits by the hopes of speedy succour. A little while longer,
and he trusted that Fiesco would arrive with good tidings; when the
certainty of relief would put an end to all these clamours. The
wºmme immº
• Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 102.


#iºn. CHRISTörner coLUMBUs. 139
Hiischiéf, however, was deeper than he apprehended; a complete
mutiny had been organized among his followers.
On the 2d of January, 1504, Columbus was in his shall eabin; on
the stérn of his vessel, being cohfined to his bed by the goût, which
had fiów fêndered him a complete cripple. While füminating on
his disastrous situation, Francisco de Porrás suddenly entered. His
abrupt and agitated manner betrayed thé evil nature of his visit.
He had the flürried impudence of a man who is about to perpetraté
aff open crime. Breaking forth into bitter complaints, at their being
képt week after week, and month after month, to perish piece-meal
in that desolate place, he accused the admiral of having no intention
to return to Spain. Columbus suspected something sinister from
this unusual arrogance; he maintained, however, his calmness, and
raising himself in his bed endeavoured to reason with Porras. He
pointed out to him the impossibility of departing until those who had
gone to Hispaniola should send them vessels. He represented how
much more urgent must be his desire to depart, since he had not
metely his own safety to provide for, but was accountable to God
Ahd his sovereigns for the welfare of all who had been oommitted
to his charge. He reminded º he had always donsulted
with them all, as to the measures to be taken for the éommon safety,
and that what he had done, had been with the general approbation;
still, if any other measure appeared adviseable, he reedmmended that
they should assemble together, and eonsult upon it, and adopt what-
ever course appeared most judicious.
The measures of Porras and his comrades, however, were already
cóñéerted, and when men are determined on mutiny they are deaf to
reason. He bluntly replied that there was no time for further con-
sultations. “Embark immediately, or remain in God's name,” were
the only alternatives. “For my part,” said he, turning his back
upon the admiral, and élevating his voice so that it resounded all
over thé vessel, “I am for Castilel those who choose may follow
me!” Shouts arose immediately from all sides, “I will follow you!
and Il—añd It" Numbers of the crew sprang upon the most
conspicuous parts of the ship, brandishing weapons, and uttering
mingled threats and cries of exultation. Some ealled upon Porras
för orders what to do; others shouted “To Castile 1 to Castile!”
while, amidst the general uproar, the voices of some desperadoes were
heard ménacing the life of the admiral.
Columbus, hearing the tumult, leaped out of bed, ill and infirm as
he was, and tottered out of the cabin; stumbling and falling in the
exertion, hoping by his presence to pacify the mutineers. Three or
four of his faithful adherents, however, fearing some violence might
140 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI.
sº * r
be offered him, threw themselves between him and the throng, and
taking him in their arms, compelled him to return to his cabin.
. The Adelantado had likewise Sallied forth, but in a different
mood. He had planted himself, with lance in hand, in a situation to
take the whole brunt of an assault. It was with the greatest
difficulty that several of the loyal part of the crew could appease his
fury, and prevail upon him to relinquish his weapon, and retire to
the cabin of his brother. They now entreated Porras and his
companions to depart peaceably, since no one sought to oppose
them. No advantage could be gained by violence; but should they
cause the death of the admiral, they would draw upon themselves
the severest punishment from the sovereigns.”
These representations moderated the turbulence of the mutineers,
and they now proceeded to carry their plans into execution. Taking
ten canoes, which the admiral had purchased of the Indians, they
embarked in them with as much exultation, as if certain of immedi-
ately landing on the shores of Spain. Others, who had not been
concerned in the mutiny seeing so large a force departing, and
fearing to remain behind, when so reduced in number, hastily
collected their effects, and entered likewise into the canoes. In this
way, forty-eight abandoned the admiral. Many of those who re-
mained were only detained by sickness; for had they been well, most
of them would have accompanied the deserters.f The few who re-
mained faithful to the admiral, and the sick, who crawled forth from
their cabins saw the departure of the mutineers with tears and la-
mentations, giving themselves up for lost. Notwithstanding his ma-
lady, Columbus left his bed, mingling among those who were loyal,
and visiting those who were ill, endeavouring in every way to cheer
and comfort them. He entreated them to put their trust in God, who
would yet relieve them; and he promised on his return to Spain, to
throw himself at the feet of the Queen, represent their loyalty and
constancy, and obtain for them rewards that should compensate for
all their sufferings.:
In the mean time, Francisco de Porras, and his followers, in their
squadron of canoes, coasted the island to the eastward, following the
route taken by Mendez and Fiesco. Wherever they landed, they
committed the greatest wrongs and outrages upon the Indians, rob-
bing them of their provisions, and of whatever they coveted of their
effects. They endeavoured to make their own crimes redound to the
prejudice of Columbus, pretending to act under his authority, and
affirming that he would pay for every thing that they took. If he
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind.L. 2, C. 32. Hist, del Almirante, C. 102.
t Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 102. f Las Casas, L. 2, C. 32.
Catap. Il.] chitisTöphEk Côtuñétis. 141
refused, they told the natives to kill him. They répresented hiſh
as an implacable foé to the Indians, as Öhe who had tyraañížed over
other islands, causing the misery and death of the natives, and who
only sought to gain a sway here, for the purpose of inflieting like
calámities.
Having reached the eastern extremity of the island; they waited
until the weather shöuld be perfectly calm, before they vehtured to
cross the gulf. Being unskilled in the management of canoes, they
procured several Indians to accompany them. The sea being at
length quite smooth, they set forth upon their voyage. Scarcely,
however, had they proceeded four leagues from land, when a con-
trary wind arose, and the waves began to swell. They turned im-
mediately for shore. The canoes from their light structure, and
being nearly round, and without keels, were easily overturned, and
required to be carefully balanced. They were now deeply freighted
by men unaccustomed to them, and as the sea rose, they frequently
let in the water. The Spaniards were alarmed and endeavoured to
lighten them by throwing overboard everything that could be spared,
retaining only their arms, and a part of their provisions. The dan-
ger augmented with the wind. They now compelled the Indians to
leap into the sea, excepting such as were absolutely fiéčèssary tº ha-
igate the canoes. If they hesitated they drove them overbdātā with
the edge of the sword. The Indians were skilful swińmers, but the
distance to land was too great for their strength. They kept abóüt
the canoes, therefore, taking hold of them occasionally to rest them-
selves and recover breath. As their weight disturbed the balance of
the canoes, and endangered their overturning, the Spāhīāfāśćüt off
their hands, and stabbed them with their swords. Soñé died by the
weapons of these cruel men, others were exhausted and sank be-
neath the waves; thus eighteen perished misérably, and höhé šur-
vived, but such as had been retained to manage the cánóēš.
When the Spaniards got back to the land, different opinions arose
as to what course they j next pursue. Some were for crossing
to Cuba, for which island the wind was favourable. From thence,
it was thought they, might easily cross to the end of Hispaniola.
Others advised that they should return and make their peace with
the admiral; or take from him what remained of arms and stērés,
having thrown almost every thing overboard, during their late dan-
ger. Öthers counselled another attempt to cross to Hispaniola, as
soon as the sea should become tranquil.
This last advice was adopted. They remained for a móñth at an
Indian village near the eastern point of the Island, living on the
substance of the natives, and treating them in the most arbitrary and

{42 ... LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI.
capricious manner. When at length the weather became serene,
they made a second attempt, but were again driven back by adverse
winds. Losing all patience, therefore, and despairing of the enter-
prise, they abandoned their canoes and returned westward; wander.
ing from village to village, a dissolute and lawless gang; supporting
themselves by fair means or foul, according as they met with kind.
mess or hostility, and passing like a pestilence through the island.”
CHAPTER III.
3CARCITY OF PROVISIONS-STRATAGEM OF COLUMBUS TO OBTAIN
$UPPLIES FROM THE NATIVES.
[1504. I
WHILE Porras and his crew were ranging about with that despe-
rate and joyless licentiousness, which attends the abandonment of
principle, Columbus presented the opposite picture, of a man sup-
ported by conscious rectitude, and true to others and to himself.
en he saw the crews depart, which bore away the healthful and
vigorous portion of his garrison, he exerted himself to make the most
of the infirm and desponding remnant which remained. There were
but few capable of wielding arms in case of an attack, and none to
spare from the attendance on the sick, and the guarding of the
wreck, to forage about in search of provisions. Regardless of his
own painful maladies, he was incessant in his attention to alleviate
the sufferings, and re-establish the healths of his followers. By
scrupulous good faith and amicable conduct towards the natives, and
by a judicious use of the articles of traffic which remained, he pro-
cured from time to time considerable supplies of provisions. The most
palatable and nourishing of these, together with the small stock of
European biscuit that remained, he ordered to be appropriated to the
sustenance of the infirm. Knowing how much the body is affected
by the operations of the mind, he endeavoured to rouse the spirits,
and animate the hopes of the drooping sufferers. Concealing his
own anxiety, he maintained a serene, and even cheerful countenance;
encouraging his men by pleasant words, and holding forth confident
* Hist, del Almirante, C. 102. Las Casas, Lib. 2, C. 32.
Chap. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. •ºg 143
anticipations of speedy relief. The sweet words of a commander
are as balm to the hearts of his followers, when in trouble. By his
kind and careful treatment, Columbus soon recruited both the health
and spirits of his people, and brought them all into a condition to
contribute to the common safety. Judicious regulations, calmly but
firmly enforced, maintained everything in order. The men became
sensible of the advantages of wholesome discipline, and perceived
that the restraints imposed upon them by their commander, were for
their own good, and ultimately productive of their own comfort.
Columbus had thus succeeded in guarding against the internal
ills that threatened the safety of his little community, when alarm-
ing evils began to menace from without. The Indians, being an
improvident race, unused to lay up any stock of provisions, and un-
willing to subject themselves to extra labour, found it difficult to
furnish the quantity of food daily required for so many hungry
men. The European trinkets, once so precious, lost their value in
proportion as they became common. The importance of the ad-
miral had been greatly diminished by the desertion of so many of
his followers; and the malignant instigations of the rebels had
awakened jealousy and enmity in several of the villages which had
been accustomed to furnish provisions.
By degrees, therefore, the supplies began to fall off. The arrange-
ments for the daily delivery of certain quantities made by Diego
Mendez, were irregularly attended to, and at length ceased entirely.
The Indians no longer thronged to the harbour with provisions, and
often refused them when applied for. The Spaniards were obliged
to forage about the neighbourhood for their daily food, but found
more and more difficulty in procuring it; and now in addition to
their other causes for despondency, they began to entertain horrible.
apprehensions of famine.
The admiral heard the melancholy forebodings of his men, and
beheld the growing evil, but was at a loss for a remedy. To resort
to force was an alternative full of danger, and of but temporary
efficacy. It would require all those who were well enough to bear
arms to Sally forth, while he and the rest of the infirm would be left
defenceless on board of the wreck, exposed to the vengeance of the
natives.
In the mean time, the scarcity daily increased. The Indians
perceived the wants of the white men, and had learnt from them
the art of making bargains. They asked ten times the former quan-
tity of European articles for any amount of provisions, and brought
their supplies in scanty quantities, to enhance the eagerness of the
hungry Spaniards. At length, even this relief ceased and there
144 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI.
was an absolute distress for want of food. It appeared that the
jealousy of the natives had been universally aroused by Porras and
his followers, and they withheld all provisions, in hopes either of
starving the admiral and his people, or of driving them from the
Island. -
In this extremity, a fortunate idea suddenly presented itself to
Columbus. From his knowledge of astronomy, he ascertained that
within three days there would be a total eclipse of the moon, in
the early part of the night. He sent, therefore, an Indian of the
Island of Hispaniola, who served as his interpreter, to summon the
principal caciques to a grand conference, appointing for it the day
of the eclipse. When all were assembled, he told them, by his in-
terpreter, that he and his followers were the worshippers of a deity
who lived in the skies. That this deity favoured such as did well,
but punished all transgressors. That, as they must all have noticed,
he had protected Diego Mendez and his companions in their voyage,
they having gone in obedience to the orders of their commander;
but that, on the other hand, he had visited Porras and his compa-
nion with all kinds of crosses and afflictions, in consequence of their
rebellion. That this great deity was incensed against the Indians
who had refused or neglected to furnish his faithful worshippers with
provisions, and intended to chastise them with famine and pesti-
lenge. Lest they should disbelieve this warning, a signal would be
given that very night, in the heavens. They would behold the moor.
change its colour, and gradually lose its light; a token of the fear-
ful punishment which awaited them.
Many of the Indians were alarmed at the solemnity of this pre-
diction, others treated it with scoffing; all, however, awaited with
solicitude, the coming of the night. When they beheld a dark
shadow stealing over the moon, they began to tremble. Their fears
increased with the progress of the eclipse; and when they saw
mysterious darkness covering the whole face of nature, there were
no bounds to their terror. Seizing upon whatever provisions they
could procure, they hurried to the ships, uttering cries and lamenta-
tions. They threw themselves at the feet of Columbus, implored
him te intercede with his God to withhold the threatened calamities,
and assured him that thenceforth they would bring him whatevel
he required. Columbus told them he would retire and commune
with the deity. Shutting himself up in his cabin, he remained there
during the increase of the eclipse, the forests and shores all the
while resounding with the howlings and supplications of the sa-
vages. When the eclipse was about to diminish, he came forth and
informed the natives that he had interceded for them with his God,
Caap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 145
who, on condition of their fulfilling their promises, had deigned to
pardon them; in sign of which, he would withdraw the darkness
from the moon. .
When the Indians saw that planet restored presently to its bright-
ness, and rolling in all its beauty through the firmament, they over-
whelmed the admiral with thanks for his intercession, and repair-
ed to their homes, joyful at having escaped such great disasters.
They now regarded Columbus with awe and reverence, as a man in
the peculiar favour and confidence of the Deity, since he knew upon
earth what was passing in the heavens. They hastened to propi-
tiate him with gifts, supplies again arrived daily at the harbour,
and from that time forward there was no want of provisions.” }
|
CHAPTER IV.
MISSION OF DIEGO DE ESCOBAR TO THE ADMIRAL.
[1504.]
Eight months had now elapsed since the departure of Mendez
and Fiesco, yet no tidings had been received of their fate. For a
long time the Spaniards had kept a wistful look out upon the ocean,
flattering themselves that every Indian canoe, gliding at a distance,
might be the harbinger of deliverance. The hopes of the most
sanguine were now fast sinking into despondency. What thousand
perils awaited such frail barks, and so weak a party on an expedi-
tion of the kind Either the canoes had been swallowed up by
boisterous waves and adverse currents, or their crews had perished
among the rugged mountains and savage tribes of Hispaniola.
To increase their despondency, they were informed that a vessel
had been seen, bottom upwards, drifting with the currents along the
coasts of Jamaica. This might be the vessel sent to their relief;
and if so, all their hopes were shipwrecked with it. This rumour,
it is affirmed, was invented and circulated in the island by the
rebels, that it might reach the ears of those who remained faithful
to the admiral, and reduce them to despair.” It no doubt had its
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 103. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 33.
f Hist, del Almirante, C. 104 N
146 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI,
effect. Losing all hope of aid from a distance, and considering
themselves abandoned and forgotten by the werld, many of the men
grew wild and desperate in their plans. Another conspiracy was
formed by one Bernardo, an apothecary of Valentia, with two con-
federates, Alonzo de Zamora and Pedro de Villatoro. They de-
signed to imitate the attempt of Porras, to seize upon the remaining
canoes, and seek their way to Hispaniola.”
The mutiny was on the very point of breaking out, when one
evening, towards dusk, a sail was seen standing towards the har-
bour. The transports of the poor Spaniards may be more easily
conceived than described. The vessel was of small size; it kept
out to sea, but sent its boat to visit the ships. Every eye was
eagerly bent to hail the countenances of christians and deliverers.
As the boat approached, they descried in it Diego de Escobar; a
man who had been one of the most active confederates of Roldan
in his rebellion, who had been condemned to death under the admi-
mistration of Columbus, and pardoned by his successor Bobadilla.
There was bad omen in such a messenger.
Coming along side of the ships, Escobar püt a letter on board
from Ovando, governor of Hispaniola, together with a barrel of
wine and a side of bacon, sent as presents to the admiral. He then
drew off and talked with Columbus from a distance. He told him
that he was sent by the governor, to express his great concern at his
misfortunes, and his regret at not having in port a vessel of suffi-
cient size to bring off himself and his people, but that he would
send one as soon as possible. Escobar gave the admiral assurances
likewise, that his concerns in Hispaniola had been faithfully at-
tended to. He requested him, if he had any letter to write to the
governor in reply, to give it to him as soon as possible, as he wished
to return immediately.
There was something extremely singular in this mission, but
there was no time for comments, Escobar was urgent to depart,
Columbus hastened, therefore, to write a reply to Ovando, couched
in the most friendly terms, depicting the dangers and distresses of
his situation, increased as they were by the rebellion of Porras, but
expressing his reliance on his promise to send him relief, confiding
in which, he should remain patiently on board of his wreck. He
recommended Diego Mendez and Bartholomew Fiesco to his favour,
assuring him that they were not sent to San Domingo with any
artful design, but simply to represent his perilous situation, and to
apply for succourt When Escobar received this letter, he returned
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 33. t Las Casas, L. 2, C. 34.
iChap. IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 147
immediately on board of his vessel, which made all sail, and soon
disappeared in the gathering gloom of the night. . . . .
If the Spaniards had hailed the arrival of this vessel with trans-
port; its sudden departure, and the mysterious ceñduct of Escobar,
inspired no less wonder and consternatień. He had kept aloof from
all communication with them, as if he felt no interest in their wel-
fare, or sympathy in their misfortúnes. Columbus saw the gloom
that had gathered in their countenances and feared the consequences.
He eagerly sought, therefore, to dispel their suspicions, professing
himself satisfied with the communications received from Ovando,
and assuring them that vessels would soon arrive to take them all
away. In confidence of this, he said, he had declined to depart
with Escobar, because his vessel was too small to take the whole,
preferring to remain with them and share their lot; and had dis
patched the caravel in such haste, that no time might be lost in
expediting the necessary ships. These assurances, and the certain
ty that their situation was known in San Démingo, cheered the
hearts of the people. Their hopes again revived, and the conspi-
racy which had been on the point of breaking forth, was completely
disconcerted.
In secret, however, Columbus was exeeedingly indignant at the
conduct of Gwalado. He had left him for many months in a state
of the utmost danger, and most distressing uncertainty, exposed to
the hostilities of the natives, the, seditions of his men, and the
suggestions of his own despair. He had at length sent a mere tan
talizing message, by a man known to be one of his bitterest enemies,
with a present of food, which from its scantiness, seemed intended
to mock their necessities.
Columbus believed that Ovando had purposely neglected him,
hoping that he would perish on the island, being apprehensive that
should he return in safety, he would be reinstated in the government
2f Hispaniola: and he considered Escobar merely as a spy, sent
by the governor to ascertain the state of himself and his crew, and
whether they were yet in existence. Las Casas, who was then at
San Domingo, expresses similar suspicions. He says that Escobar
was chosen because Ovando was certain that from ancient enmity,
he would have no sympathy for the admiral. That he was ordered
not to go on board of the vessels, nor to land; neither was he to
hold conversation with any of the crew, or receive any letters,
except those of the admiral. In a word, that he was a mere scout
to collect information.”
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 33. Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 103.
148 LIFE, AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI,
k
\
Others have ascribed the long neglect of Ovando to extreme cau-
tion. There was a rumour prevalent that Columbus, irritated at
the suspension of his dignities by the court of Spain, intended to
transfer his newly discovered countries into the hands of his native
republic, Genoa, or some other power. Such rumours had long been
current, and to their recent circulation, Columbus himself alludes in
his letter sent to the sovereigns by Diego Mendez. The most plau-
sible apology given, is, that Ovando was absent for several months, in
the interior, occupied in wars with the natives, and that there were
no ships at San Domingo, of sufficient burthen to take his crews to
Spain. He may have feared that, should they come to reside for
any length of time on the Island, either the admiral would interfere
in public affairs, or endeavour to make a party in his favour; or that,
in consequence of the number of his old enemies still resident there,
former scenes of faction and turbulence might be revived.* - In the
mean time, the situation of Columbus in Jamaica, while it disposed
of him quietly, until vessels should arrive from Spain, could not, he
may have thought, be hazardous. He had sufficient force and arms
for defence, and he had amicable arrangements with the natives for
the supply of provisions; as Diego Mendez, who had made those
arrangements, had no doubt informed him. Such may have been
the reasoning by which Ovando, under the real influence of his in-
terest, may have reconciled his conscience to a measure that excited
the strong reprobation of his contemporaries, and has continued to
draw upon him the suspicions of mankind.
CHAPTER V.
voy AGE of DIEGO MENDEz AND BARToleMEo Fresco, IN A
CANOE TO HISPANIOLA.
º [ 1504. I
IT is proper to give here some account of the mission of Jiego ..y.e.--
dez and Bartolemeo Fiesco, and of the circumstances which pre-
vented the latter from returning to Jamaica. When they had taken
leave of the Adelantado, at the east end of the island, they continued
• Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 103. Las Casas, Hist. Ind.L. 2, c. 33.
Chap. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 149
all day in a direct course, animating the Indians, who navigated
their canoes, and who frequently paused at their labour. There
was no wind, the sky was without a cloud, and the sea perfectly
calm; the heat, therefore, became intolerable. They had no shelter
from the sun, whose burning rays were reflected from the surface of
the ocean, and seemed to scorch their very eyes. The Indians, ex-
hausted by heat and toil, would often leap into the water to cool their
glowing bodies and refresh themselves, and after remaining there a
short time would return with new vigour to their labours. At the
going down of the sun, they lost sight of land. During the night
the Indians took turns, one half to row, while the others slept.
The Spaniards in like manner divided their forces; while one half
of them took their repose, the other half kept guard with their wea-
pons in hand ready to defend themselves in case of any perfidy on
the part of their savage companions.
Watching and toiling in this way through the night, they were
exceedingly weary at the return of day. They beheld nothing
around them but sea and sky. Their frail canoes, heaving up and
down with the swelling and sinking of the ocean, seemed scarcely
capable of sustaining the broad undulations of a calm; how would
they be able to live amidst the waves and surges, should the wind
arise? The commanders did all they could to keep up the flagging
spirits of their men. Sometimes they permitted them a respite; at
other times they took the paddles and shared their toils. But labour
and fatigue were soon forgotten in a new source of suffering. Du-
ring the preceding sultry day and night, the Indians, parched and
fatigued, had drank up all the water. They now began to experi-
ence the torments of thirst. In proportion as the sun arose, their
thirst increased; the calm, which favoured the navigation of the ca-
noes, rendered this misery the more intense. There was not a
breeze to fan the air nor counteract the ardent rays of a tropical
sun. Their sufferings were irritated by the prospect around them;
nothing but water, while they were perishing with thirst l At mid-
day their forces failed them, and they could work no longer. For-
tunately, at this time, the commanders of the canoes found, or pre-
tended to find, two small kegs of water, which they had no doubt
secretly reserved for such an extremity. Administering the pre-
cious contents, from time to time, in sparing mouthfuls to their com-
panions, and particularly to the labouring Indians, they enabled
them to resume their toils. They cheered them with the hopes of
soon arriving at a small island, called Navasa, which lay directly
in their way, and was only eight leagues from Hispaniola. Here
# N 2
* 50 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI.
they would be able to procure water to allay their thirst, and might
take repose.
For the rest of the day they continued faintly and wearily labour-
ing forward; and keeping an anxious look out for the island. The
day passed away, the sun went down, yet there was no sign of
land, not even a cloud on the horizon that might deceive them into a
hope. According to their calculations, they had certainly come the
distance from Jamaica at which Navasa lay. They began to fear that
they had deviated from their course; if so, they should miss the island
entirely, and perish with thirst before they could reach Hispaniola.
The night closed upon them without any sight of the Island.
They now despaired of touching at it; for it was so small and low
that even if they were to pass near, they would scarcely be able to
perceive it in the dark. One of the Indians sank and died, under
the accumulated sufferings of labour, heat, and raging thirst. His
body was thrown into the sea. Others lay panting and gasping in
the bottom of the canoes. Their companions, troubled in spirit, and
exhausted in strength, feebly continued their toils. Sometimes they
endeavoured to cool their parched palates, by taking sea water in
their mouths, but its briny acrimony rather increased their thirst.
Now and then, but very sparingly, they were allowed a drop of
water from the kegs; but this was only in cases of the utmost ex-
tremity, and principally to those who were employed in rowing.
The night had far advanced, but those whose turn it was to take
repose were unable to sleep from the intensity of their thirst; or if
they slept, it was but to be tantalized with dreams of cool fountains
and running brooks, and to awaken to redoubled torment. The last
drop of water had been dealt out to the Indian rowers, but it had
only served to irritate their sufferings. They scarce could move
their paddles; one after another gave out, and it seemed impossible
that they should live to reach Hispaniola.
The commanders, by admirable management, had hitherto kept
up this weary struggle with suffering and despair. They now too
began to despond. Diego Méndez sat watching the horizon, which
was gradually lighting up with those faint rays which precede the
rising of the moon. As that planet rose, he perceived it to emerge
from behind some dark mass elevated above the level of the ocean.
He immediately gave the animating cry of “land " His almost
expiring companions were roused by it to new life. It proved to be
the island of Navasa; but so small, and low, and distant, that, had
it not been thus revealed by the rising of the moon, they would
never have discovered it. The error in their reckoning with respect
Cmap. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, * 15.
to the island, had arisen from miscalculating the rate of sailing of
the canoes; from not making sufficient allowance for the fatigue of
the rowers, and for the opposition of the current.
New vigour was now diffused throughout the crews. They ex-
erted themselves with feverish impatience; by the dawn of day they
reached, the land, and, springing on shore, returned thanks to God
for such signal deliverance. The island was a mere mass of rocks,
half a league in circuit. There was neither tree, nor shrub, nor
herbage, nor stream, nor fountain. Hurrying about, however, with
anxious search, they found, to their joy, abundance of rain water in
the hollows of the rocks. Eagerly scooping it up with their cala-
bashes, they quenched their burning thirst by immoderate draughts,
It was in vain that the more prudent warned them of their danger.
The Spaniards were in some degree restrained; but the poor Indians,
whose toils had increased the fever of their thirst, gave way to a
kind of frantic indulgence. Several died upon the spot, and others
fell dangerously ill.”
Having allayed their thirst, they now looked about in search of
food. A few shell fish were found along the shore, and Diego Men-
dez striking a light, and gathering drift wood, they were enabled to
broil them, and to make a delicious banquet. All day they re-
mained reposing in the shade of the rocks, refreshing themselves
after their intolerable sufferings, and gazing upon Hispaniola, whose
mountains were seen rising above the serene horizon, at eight
leagues distance.
In the cool of the evening they once more embarked, invigorated
by repose, and arrived safely at Cape Tiburon on the following day,
the fourth-since their departure from Jamaica. Here they landed
on the banks of a beautiful river, where they were kindly received
and treated by the natives. Such are the particulars, collected from
different sources, of this adventurous and interesting voyage, on the
precarious success of which depended the deliverance of Columbus
and his crews.t
The voyagers remained for two days among the hospitable na-
tives on the banks of the river to refresh themselves. Fiesco would
now have returned to Jamaica, according to promise, to give assur-
ance to the admiral and his companions of the safe arrival of their
messenger; but both Spaniards and Indians had suffered so much
* Near to the island of Navasa there gushes up in the sea a pure fountain of
fresh water, that sweetens the surface for some distance; this circumstance was, of
course, unknown to the Spaniards at the time. (Oviedo Cronica, L. 6, Cap. 12.)
t Hist. del Almirante, C. 105. Las Casas, L. 2, C. 31. Testament of Diegº
Mendez. Navarrete, Collect. T. 1.
152 LIFE AND VOYAGES GF [Boex (VI.
during the voyage, that nothing would induce them to encounter
the perils of a return in the canoes. f
Parting with his companions, Diego Mendez took six Indians of
the island and set off resolutely to coast in his canoe one hundred
and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After proceeding for eighty
leagues, with infinite toil, always against the currents, and subject
to perils from the native tribes, he was informed that the governor
had departed for Xaragua, fifty leagues distant. Still undaunted by
fatigues and difficulties he abandoned his canoe, and proceeded alone
and on foot through forests and over raountains, until he arrived at
Xaragua, achieving one of the most perilous expeditions ever under-
taken by a devoted follower for the safety of his commander.
Ovando received him with great kindness, expressing the utmost
concern at the unfortunate situation of Columbus. He made many
promises of sending immediate relief, but suffered day after day,
week after week, and even month after month to elapse, without .
carrying his promises into effect. He was at that time completely
engrossed with his wars with the natives, and had a ready plea that
there were no ships of suffieient burthen at San Dominge. Had he
felt a proper zeal, however, for the safety of a man like Columbus,
it would have been easy, within eight months to have devised some
means, if net of delivering him from his situation, at least of convey-
ing to him ample reinforcements and supplies.
The faithful Mendez remained for seven months in Karagua, de-
tained there under various pretexts by Ovando, who was unwilling
that he should proceed to San Domingo; partly, as is intimated,
from his having some jealousy of his being employed insecret agency
for the admiral, and partly from a desire to throw impediments in
the way of his obtaining the required relief. At length, by daily
importunity, he obtained permission to go to San Domingo, and
await the arrival of certain ships which were expected, of which he
proposed to purchase one on the account of the admiral. He imme-
diately set out on foot, a distance of seventy leagues, part of his toil-
some journey lying through forests and among mountains infested
by hostile and exasperated Indians. It was after his departure that
Ovando dispatched the caravel commanded by the pardoned rebel
Escobar, on that singular and equivocal visit, which in the eyes of
Columbus had the air of a mere scouting expedition, to spy into the
camp of an enemy.
CHAP. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. ** 153
CHAPTER VI.
OVERTURES OF COLUMBUs TO THE MUTINEERS-BATTLE OF THE
ADELANTADO WITH PORRAS AND HIS FOLLOWERS.
[1504.]
WHEN Columbus had soothed the disappointment of his men, at the
brief and unsatisfactory visit and sudden departure of the vessel of
Escobar, he endeavoured to turn the event to some advantage with
the rebels. He knew them to be disheartened by the inevitable mi-
series attending a lawless and dissolute life; that many longed to
return to the safe and quiet paths of duty; and that the most malig-
, nant, seeing how he had foiled all their intrigues among the natives
to produce a famine, began to fear his ultimate triumph, and his con-
sequent vengeance. A favourable opportunity, he thought, now
presented to take advantage of these feelings, and by gentle means
to bring them back to their allegiance. He sent two of his people,
therefore, who were most intimate with the rebels, to inform them
of the recent arrival of Escobar, with letters from the governor of
Hispaniola, promising him a speedy deliverance from the island.
He now offered them a free pardon, kind treatment, and a passage
with him in the expected ships, on condition of their immediate re-
turn to obedience. To convince them of the arrival of the vessel, he
sent them a part of the bacon which had been brought by Escobar.
On the approach of these ambassadors Francisco de Porras came
forth to meet them accompanied solely by a few of the ringleaders
of his party. He imagined there might be some propositions from
, the admiral, and he was fearful of their being heard by the mass of
his people, who, in their dissatisfied and repentant mood would be
likely to desert him on the least prospect of pardon. Having lis-
tened to the tidings and overtures brought by the messengers, Por-
ras and his confidential confederates consulted for some time toge-
ther. Perfidious in their own nature, they suspected the sincerity
of the admiral; and conscious of the extent of their offences, they
doubted his having the magnanimity to pardon them. They deter-
mined therefore not to confide in his proffered amnesty. They re-
plied to the messengers, that they had no wish to return to the ships,
but preferred living at large about the island. They offered to en-
Vol. II. 11
154 LIFE AND WöYAGES OF [Book XVI
gage, however, to conduct themselves peaceably and amicably, on
receiving a solemn promise from the admiral that, should two ves-
sels arrive, they should have one to departin; should but one arrive,
the half of it should be granted to them; and that, moreover, the
admiral should share with them the stores and the articles of Indian
traffic which remained in the ships; they having lost all that they
had in the sea. When it was observed that these demands were ex-
travagant and inadmissible, they replied insolently, that if they were
not peaceably conceded, they would take them by force; and with
this menace they dismissed the ambassadors.”
This conference was not conducted so privately but that the rest
of the rebels learnt the whole purport of the mission, and the offer of
pardón and deliverance occasioned the greatest tumult and agita-
tion. – Pörrás, fearful of their desertion, had resort to all his elo-
quence, and to the most desperate falsehoods to delude them. He
told them that these offers of the admiral were all deceitful; that he
was naturally cruel ànd vindictive, and only sought to get them into
his power, to wreak on them his vengeance. He exhorted them to
persist in their opposition to his tyranny; reminding them, that
those who had formerly done so in Hispaniola, had eventually tri-
umphed, and had sent him home in irons; hé assured them that
they might do the same, and he again made vaunting promises of
protection in Spain, through the influence of his relatives. But the
boldest of his assertions was with respect to the caravel of Escobar.
It shows the ignorance of the age and the superstitious awe which
the common people entertained with respect to Columbus, and his
astronomical knowledge. Porras assured them that no real caravel
had arrived, but that it was a mere phantasm conjured up by the
admiral, who was deeply versed in necromancy. In proof of this,
he adverted to its arriving in the dusk of the evening; its holding
communication with no one but the admiral, and its sudden disap-
pearance in the night. Had it been a real caravel, the people of it
would have sought to talk with their countrymen; the admiral, his
son, and brother would have eagerly embarked on board, and it
wäuld at any rate have remained a little while in port, and not have
vanished so suddenly and mysteriously.t
By these and similar delusions, Porras succeeded in working on
the feelings and credulity of his followers. Fearful, however, that
they might yield to after reflection, and to further offers from the ad-
miral, he determined to involve them in some act of violence, that
sº
*Las Casas. Hist, ind, L.2, c. 35. Hist, del Almirante, c. 106.
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 106. Las Casas, L. 2, C. 35.
CºA.P. VI.T CHRISTORHER COLUMBUS. 155
should commit them beyond all hope of forgiveness. He marched
them, therefore, one day to an Indian village called Maima,” where
afterwards was built a town called Seville, and which was about a
quarter of a league from the ships. His intention is said to have
been to plunder the stares remaining on board the wreck, and to take
the admiral prisoner.;
Columbus had notice of the designs of the rebels, and of their ap-
proach. Being confined by his infirmities, he sent his brother to
endeavour with mild words to persuade them from their purpose, and
to win them to obedience; but with sufficient force to resist any vio-
lence. The Adelantado, who was generally a man rather of deeds
than words, took with him fifty followers, several of them men of
tried resolution, and ready to fight in any cause. They were well
armed and full of courage, though many were pale and debilitated
from recent sickness, and from long confinement to the ships. Ar-
riving on the side of a hill, within a bow-shot of the village, the
Adelantado discovered the rebels and dispatched the same two mes-
sengers to treat with them, who had already carried them the offer
of pardon. Porras and his fellow leaders, however, would not per-
mit them to approach. They confided in the superiority of their
numbers, and in their men being for the most part hardy sailors, ren-
dered robust and vigorous, by the roving life they had been leading
in the forests and in the open air. They knew that many of those
who were with the Adelantado, were men brought up in a softer
mode of life. They pointed to their pale countenances, and persuad-
ed their followers that they were mere household men, fairweather
troops, who could never stand before them. They did not reflect that
with such men pride and lofty spirit, often more than supply the
place of bodily force, and they forgot that their adversaries had the
incalculable advantage of justice and law upon their side. Deluded
by their words, their followers were excited to a transient glow of
courage, and, brandishing their weapons, refused to listen to the mes-
sengers.
Six of the stoutest of the rebels made a league to stand by one
another, and to attack the Adelantado; for, he being killed, the rest
would be easily defeated. The main body formed themselves into a
squadron, drawing their swords, and shaking their lances. They
did not wait to be assailed, but, uttering shouts and menaces, rushed
upon the enemy. They were so well received, however, that at the
first shock four or five were killed, most of them, the confederates
* At present Mammee Bay.
f Hist, del Almirante. Ubi sup.
156 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI'
who had leagued to attack the Adelantado. The latter, with his
own hand, killed Juan Sanchez, the same powerful mariner who
had carried off the cacique Quibian and Juan Barber also, who had
first drawn a sword against the admiral in this rebellion. The Ade-
lantado, with his usual vigour and courage was dealing his blows
about him in the thickest of the affray, where several lay killed and
wounded, when he was assailed by Francisco de Porras. The rebel
with a blow of his sword cleft the buckler of Don Bartholomew, and
wounded him in the hand which grasped it. The sword remained
wedged in the shield, and before Porras could withdraw it the Ade-
lantado closed upon him, grappled him, and being assisted by others,
after a severe struggle, succeeded in taking him prisoner.”
When the rebels beheld their leader a captive, their transient cou-
rage was at an end, and they fled in confusion. The Adelantado
would have pursued them, but was persuaded to let them escape
with the punishment they had received; especially as it was neces-
sary to guard against the possibility of an attack from the Indians.
The latter had taken arms, and drawn up in battle array, gazing
with astonishment at this fight between white men, but without tak-
ing part on either side. When the battle was over, they approached
the field gazing upon the dead bodies of the beings they had once
fancied immortal. They were curious in examining the wounds
made by the christian weapons. Among the wounded insurgents
was Pedro Ledesma, the same pilot who so bravely swam on shore
at Veragua to procure tidings of the colony. He was a man of pro-
digious muscular force and a hoarse deep voice. As the Indians,
who thought him dead, were inspecting the wounds with which he
was literally covered, he suddenly uttered an ejaculation in his tre-
mendous voice, at the sound of which the savages fled in dismay.
This man, having fallen into a cleft or ravine, was not discovered by
the white men until the dawning of the following day, having re-
mained all that time without a drop of water. It is almost incredi-
ble the number and ghastliness of the wounds he had received, but
they are mentioned by Fernando Columbus who was an eye witness,
and by Las Casas, who had an account from Ledesma himself. For
want of proper remedies his wounds were treated in the roughest
manner; yet through the aid of a wonderful constitution he com-
pletely recovered. Las Casas conversed with him several years
afterwards at Seville, where he obtained from him various particu-
lars concerning this voyage of Columbus. Some few days after his
*Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 107. Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C, 35.
Chap. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 157
conversation, however, he heard that Ledesma had fallen under the
knife of an assassin.” A.
The Adelantado after his vietory returned in triumph to the ships
where he was received by the admiral in the most affectionate man-
ner; thanking him as his deliverer. He brought Porras and several
of his followers prisoners. Of his own party only two had been
wounded; himself in the hand, and the admiral's steward, who had
received an apparently slight wound with the lance, equal to one
of the most insignificant of those with which Ledesma was covered;
yet, in spite of careful treatment, he died.
On the next day, the 20th of May, the fugitives sent a petition to
the admiral, signed with all their names, in which, says Las Casas,
they confessed all their misdeeds and cruelties and evil intentions,
supplicating the admiral to have pity on them and pardon them for
their rebellion, for which God had already punished them. They
offered to return to their obedience, and to serve him faithfully in
future, making an oath to that effect upon a cross and missal,
accompanied by an imprecation worthy of being recorded. “They
hoped, should they break their oath, that no priest, or other christian
might ever confess them; that repentance might be of no avail; that
they might be deprived of the holy sacraments of the church; that
at their death they might receive no benefit from bulls or indulgen-
ces; that their bodies might be cast out into the fields like those
of heretics and renegadoes, instead of being buried in holy ground;
and that they might not receive absolution from the pope, nor from
cardinals, or archbishops, nor bishops, nor any other christian
priests.” Such were the awful imprecations by which these men
endeavoured to add validity to an oath. The worthlessness of a
man's Word may always be known by the extravagant means he
uses to enforce it. |
The admiral saw, by the abject language of this petition, how
completely the spirit of these misguided men was broken. With
his wonted magnanimity he readily granted their prayer, and par-
doned their offences; but on one condition, that their ringleader
Francisco Porras should remain a prisoner.
As it was difficult to maintain so many persons on board of the
ships; and as quarrels might take place between persons who had
so recently been at blows, Columbus put the late followers of Porras
under the command of a discreet and faithful man; and giving in
his charge a quantity of European articles for the purpose of pur-
chasing food of the natives, he directed him to forage about the
island until the expected vessels should arrive.
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, Cap. 35 t Idem.
158 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVI
At length after a long year of alternate hope and despondency,
the doubts of the Spaniards were joyfully dispelled by the sight
of two vessels standing into the harbour. One proved to be a ship
which had been hired and well victualled, at the expense of the
admiral, by the faithful Diego Mendez, the other had subsequently
been fitted out by Ovando, and put under the command of Diego de
Salcedo, the admiral's agent, employed to collect his rents in San
Domingo.
The long neglect of Ovando to attend to the relief of Columbus
had, it seems, roused the public indignation, insomuch that animad-
versions had been made upon his conduct even in the pulpits. This
, is affirmed by Las Casas, who was at San Domingo at the time.
If the governor had really entertained hopes that, during the delay
of relief, Columbus might perish in the island, the report brought
back by Escobar must have completely disappointed him. No
time was to be lost, if he wished to claim any merit in his deliver-
ance, or to avoid the disgrace of having totally neglected him. He
exerted himself, therefore, at the eleventh hour, and dispatched a
caravel at the same time with the ship sent by Diego Mendez. The
latter, having faithfully discharged this part of his mission, and seen
the ships depart, proceeded to Spain on the further concerns of the
admiral.”
* Some brief notice of the further fortunes of Diego Mendez, may be interest-
ing to the reader. When king Ferdinand heard of his faithful services, says
Oviedo, he bestowed rewards upon Mendez, and permitted him to bear a canoe in
his coat of arms, as a memento of his loyalty. He continued devotedly attached
to the admiral, serving him zealously after his return to Spain, and during his last
illness. Columbus retained the most grateful and affectionate sense of his fidelity;
on his death-bed he promised Mendez that in reward for his services, he should be
appointed principal alguazil of the island of Hispaniola; an engagement which
the admiral's son Don Diego, who was present, cheerfully undertook to perform.
A few years afterwards, when the latter succeeded to the office of his father,
Mendez reminded him of the promise, but Don Diego informed him that he had
given the office to his uncle Don Bartholomew ; he assured him, however, that he
should receive something equivalent: Mendez shrewdly replied that the equivalent
had better be given to Don Bartholomew, and the office to himself according to
agreement. The promise, however, remained unperformed, and Diego Mendez
unrewarded. He was afterwards engaged in voyages of discovery in vessels of
his own, but met with many vicissitudes, and appears to have died in impoverishe.
circumstances. His last will, from which these particulars are principally ga-
thered, was dated in Walladolid, the 19th of June, 1536, by which it is evident he
must have been in the prime of life at the time of his voyage with the admiral.
In this will he requested that the reward which had been promised to him should
be paid to his children, by making his eldest son principal alguazil for life, of the
city of San Domingo, and his other son lieutenant to the admiral for the same city,
sº
º:
ºr
*
CHAP. VI.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 159
It does not appear whether this request was complied with under tºle successors
of Don Diego.
In another clause of his will he desired that a large stone should be placed upon
his sepulchre, on which should be engraved, “Here lies the Honourable Cavalier
Diego Mendez, who served greatly the royal crown of Spain in the discovery and
conquest of the Indias, with the admiral Don Christopher Columbus, of glorious
memory, who made the discovery; and afterwards by himself, with ships at his
own cost. He died, &c. Bestowing, in charity, a Pater Noster and an Ave
Maria.”
He ordered that in the midst of this stone, there should be carved an Indian
canoe, as given him by the king for armorial bearings in memorial of his voyage
from Jamaica to Hispaniola, and above it should be engraved in large letters the
word CANOA. He enjoined upon his heirs to be loyal to the admiral (Don
Diego Columbus) and his lady, and gave them much ghostly counsel mingled
with pious benedictions. As an heir-loom in his family, he bequeathed his library,
consisting of a few volumes which accompanied him in his wanderings: viz. The
Art of Holy Dying, by Erasmus. A sermon of the same author in Spanish. The
Lingua, and the Colloquies of the same. The Bello Judaico of Josephus. The
Moral Philosophy of Aristotle. The Book of the Holy Land. A book called
the Contemplation of the Passion of our Saviour. A tract on the Vengeance of
the death of Agamemnon; and several other short treatises. This curious and
characteristic testament is in the archives of the duke of Veragua in Madrid.
LIFE AND VOYAGES
OF
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
BOOK XVII.
CHAPTER I.
ADMINISTRATION OF OVANDO IN HISPANIOLA—oppress IGN of
THE NATIVEs.
[1503.]
BEFoRE relating the return of Columbus to Hispaniola, it is proper
to notice some of the principal occurrences in that island, which
took place under the government of Ovando. A great crowd of
adventurers of various ranks had thronged his fleet: eager specula-
tors, credulous dreamers, and broken down gentlemen of desperate
fortunes; all expecting to enrich themselves suddenly, in an island
where gold was to be picked up from the surface of the soil, or ga-
thered from the mountain brooks. They had scarcely landed, says
Las Casas, who accompanied the expedition, when they all hurried
off to the mines, which were about eight leagues distance. The
roads swarmed like ant-hills, with adventurers of all classes. Every
one had his knapsack stored with biscuit or flour, and his mining
implements on his shoulders. Those hidalgos, or gentlemen, who
had no servants to carry their burthens, bore them on their own
backs, and lucky was he who had a horse for the journey; he would
be able to bring back the greater load of treasure. They all set out
in high spirits, eager who should first reach the golden land, think-
ing they had but to arrive at the mines, and collect riches: “for
they fancied,” says Las Casas, “that gold was to be gathered as
easily and readily as fruit from the trees.” When they arrived,
however, they discovered, to their dismay, that it was necessary to
dig painfully into the bowels of the earth; a labour to which most
of them had never been accustomed; that it required experience
CHAP. I.] LIFE OF COLUMBUS. 161
and sagacity to detect the veins of ore; that in fact the whole pro-
cess of mining was exceeding toilsome, demanding vast patience,
much experience, and after all being full of uncertainty. They
digged eagerly for a time, but found no ore. They grew hungry,
threw by their implements, sat down to eat, and then returned to
work. It was all in vain. “Their labour,” says Las Casas, “gave
them a keen appetite and quick digestion, but no gold.” They
soon consumed their provisions, exhausted their patience, cursed
their infatuation, and in eight days set off drearily on their return,
along the roads they had lately trod so exultingly. They arrived
at San Domingo, without an ounce of gold, half famished, down-
cast, and despairing.” Such is too often the case of those who
ignorantly engage in mining : of all speculations the most brilliant,
promising, and fallacious.
Poverty soon fell upon these misguided men. They exhausted
the little property they had brought from Spain. Many suffered
extremely from hunger, and were obliged to exchange even their
apparel for bread. Some formed connexions with the old settlers of
the island, but the greater part were like men lost and bewildered
and just awakened from a dream. The miseries of the mind, as
usual, heightened the sufferings of the body. Some wasted away
and died broken-hearted; others were hurried off by raging fevers,
so that there soon perished upwards of a thousand men.
Ovando was reputed a man of great prudence and sagacity, and
he certainly took several judicious measures for the regulation of the
island, and the relief of the colonists. He made arrangements for
distributing the married persons and the families which had come
out in his fleet, in four towns in the interior, granting them import-
ant privileges. He revived the drooping zeal for mining by reduc-
ing the royal share of the product from one half to a third, and
shortly after to a fifth; but he empowered the Spaniards to avail
themselves in the most oppressive manner, of the labour of the un-
happy natives in working the mines. The charge of treating the
natives with severity had been one of those chiefly urged against
Columbus. It is proper therefore, to notice in this respect the con-
duct of his successor; a man chosen for his prudence, and his sup-
posed capacity to govern.
It will be recollected that when Columbus was in a manner com-
pelled to assign lands to the rebellious followers of Francisco Roldan,
in 1499, he had made an arrangement that the caciques in their vicini-
ty should, in lieu of tribute, furnish a number of their subjects to assist
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 6. O 2
162 _* LIFE AND VOYAGES OF LBook XVII
them in cultivating their estates. This, as has been observed, was the
commencement of the disastrous system of repartimientos, or distribu-
tions of the Indians. When Bobadilla administered the government,
he constrained the caciques to furnish a certain number of Indians
to each Spaniard for the purpose of working the mines, where they
were employed like beasts of burthen. He made an enumeration of
the natives, to prevent evasion, reduced them into classes, and distri-
buted them among the Spanish inhabitants. The enormous oppres-
sions which ensued have been noticed. They roused the indigna-
tion of Isabella; and when Ovando was sent out to supersede Boba-
dilla, in 1502, the natives were pronounced free: they immediately
refused to labour in the mines.
Ovando represented to the Spanish sovereigns, in 1503, that ruin-
ous consequences resulted to the ‘colony from this entire liberty
granted to the Indians. He stated that the tribute could not be col-
lected, for the Indians were lazy and improvident; that the natives
could only be kept from vices and irregularities by occupation; that
they now kept aloof from the Spaniards, and from all instruction in
the Christian faith.
This last representation had an influence with Isabella, and drew
a letter from the sovereigns to Ovando in 1503, in which he was
ordered to spare no pains to attach the natives to the Spanish na-
tion, and the Catholic religion. To make them labour moderately,
if absolutely essential to their own good; but to temper authority
with persuasion and kindness. To pay them regularly and fairly
for their labour, and to have them instructed in religion on certain
days.
Ovando availed himself of the powers given him by this letter in
their fullest extent. He assigned to each Castilian a certain number
of Indians, according to the quality of the applicant, the nature of
the application, or his own pleasure. It was arranged in form of an
order, on a cacique for a certain number of Indians, who were to be
paid by their employer, and instructed in the Catholic faith. The
pay was so small as to be little better than nominal; the instruction
was little more than the mere ceremony of baptism; and the term of
labour was at first six months, and then eight months in the year.
Under cover of this hired labour, intended for the good both of their
bodies and their souls, more intolerable toil was exacted from them,
and more horrible cruelties were inflicted, than in the worst days of
Bobadilla. They were separated often the distance of several days'
journey from their wives and children and doomed to intolerable la-
bour of all kinds, extorted by the cruel infliction of the lash. For
food they had cassava bread, an unsubstantial support for men oblig-
char. I.] cHRISTOPHER columbus. 163
ed to labour; sometimes a scanty portion of pork was distributed
among a great number of them; but scarce a mouthful to each.
When the Spaniards, who superintended the mines, were attheir re-
past, says Las Cases, the famished Indians scrambled under the table,
like dogs, for any bone that might be thrown to them. After they had
gnawed and sucked it, they pounded it between stones and mixed it
with their cassavá bread, that nothing of so precious a morsel might
be lost. As to those who laboured in the fields, they never tasted
either flesh or fish, a little cassava bread and a few roots were their
support. While the Spaniards thus withheld the nourishment neces.
sary to sustain the health and forces, they exacted a degree of labour
sufficient to break down the strength of the most vigorous man. If
the Indians fled from this incessant toil, and barbarous coercion, and
took refuge in the mountains, they were hunted out like wild beasts,
scourged in the most inhuman manner, and laden with chains to
prevent a second escape. Many perished long before their term of
labour had expired. Those who survived their term of six or eight
months, were permitted to return to their homes, until the next term
commenced. But their homes were often forty, sixty, and eighty
leagues distant. They had nothing to sustain them through the
journey but a few roots, or agi peppers, or a little cassava bread.
Worn down by long toil and cruel hardships, which their feeble con-
stitutions were incapable of sustaining, many had not strength to
perform the journey, but sank down and died by the way; some by
the side of a brook, others under the shade of a tree, where they had
crawled for shelter from the sun. “I have found many dead in the
road,” says Las Casas, “others gasping under the trees, and others
in the pangs of death, faintly crying, Hunger! hunger ſ”* Those
who reached their homes most commonly found them desolate.
During the eight months that they had been absent, their wives and
children had either perished or wandered away; the fields on which
they depended for food, were overrun with weeds, and nothing was
left them but to lie down, exhausted and despairing, and die at the
threshold of their habitations,t
It is impossible to pursue any farther the picture drawn by the
venerable Las Casas, not of what he had heard, but of what he had
seen; nature and humanity revolt at the details. Suffice it to say,
that so intolerable were the toils and sufferings inflicted upon this
weak and unoffending race, that they sunk under them, dissolving
as it were from the face of the earth. Many killed themselves in
despair, and even mothers overcame the powerful instinct of nature
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 14, MS. f Idem.
164 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVII.
and destroyed the infants at their breasts, to spare them a life of
wretchedness. Twelve years had not elapsed since the discovery of
the island, and several hundred thousand of its native inhabitants
had perished, miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white
Iſlºt.
CHAPTER II.
MASSACRE AT XARAGUA-FATE OF ANACAOMA.
[1503. ]
THE sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of Ovando have
been briefly shown: it remains to give a concise view of the military
operations of this commander, so lauded by certain of the early his-
torians for his prudence. By this notice a portion of the eventful
history of this island will be recounted, which is connected with
the fortunes of Columbus, and which comprises the thorough sub-
jugation, and, it may almost be said, extermination of the native
inhabitants.
At first we must treat of the disasters of the beautiful province of
Xaragua, the seat of hospitality, the refuge of the suffering Span-
iards; and of the fate of the female cacique Anacaona, once the
pride of the island, and the generous friend of the white men.
Behechio, the ancient cacique of this province being dead, Ana-
caona, his sister, had succeeded to the government. The marked
partiality which she had once manifested for the Spaniards, had
been greatly weakened by the general misery they had produced in
her country, and by the brutal profligacy exhibited in her immediate
dominions by the followers of Roldan. The unhappy story of the
loves of her beautiful daughter Higuenamota with the young Span-
iard Hernando de Guevara, had also caused her great affliction;
and finally the various and enduring hardships inflicted on her once
happy subjects, by the grinding systems of labour enforced by Bo-
badilla and Ovando, had at length, it is said, converted her friend-
ship into absolute detestation.
This disgust was kept alive and aggravated by the Spaniards
who lived in her immediate neighbourhood, and had obtained grants
of land there; a remnant of the rebel faction of Roldan, who re-
CHAP. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 165
tained the gross licentiousness and open profligacy in which they
had been indulged under the loose misrule of that commander, and
who made themselves odious to the inferior caciques by exacting
services tyrannically and capriciously, under the baneful system of
repartimientos.
The Indians of this province were uniformly represented as being
a more intelligent, polite, and generous-spirited race than any others
of the island. They were the more prone to feel and resent the
overbearing and insulting treatment to which they were subjected.
Quarrels sometimes took place between the caciques and their op-
pressors. These were immediately reported to the governor as dan-
gerous mutinies; and a resistance to any capricious and extortionate
exaction, was magnified into a rebellious resistance to the authority
of government. Complaints of this kind were continually pouring
in upon Ovando, until he was persuaded by some alarmist, or some
designing mischief maker, that there was a deep-laid conspiracy
among the Indians of this province to rise upon the Spaniards.
Ovando immediately set out for Xaragua at the head of three
hundred foot soldiers, armed with swords, arquebusses and cross-
bows, and seventy horsemen with cuirasses, bucklers, and lances.
He pretended that he was going on" a mere visit of friendship to
Anacaona, and to make arrangements about the payment of tribute.
When Anacaona heard of the intended visit, she sent to all her
tributary caciques, and to all her principal subjects, to assemble at
her chief town, that they might receive the commander of the Span-
iards with becoming homage and distinction. As Ovando, at the
head of his little army approached, she went forth to meet him, ac-
cording to the custom of her nation, attended by a great train of her
most distinguished subjects, male and female, who, as has been be-
fore observed, were noted for superior grace and beauty. They re-
ceived the Spaniards with their popular areytos, their national
songs; the young women waving palm branches, and dancing be-
fore them, in the same way that had so much charmed the followers
of the Adelantado, on his first visit to the province.
Anacaona, treated the governor with that natural graciousness
and dignity for which she was celebrated. She gave him the largest
house in the place for his residence, and his people were quartered
in the houses adjoining. For several days the Spaniards were en-
tertained with all the natural luxuries that the province afforded.
National songs and dances and games were performed for their
amusement, and there was every outward demonstration of the same
hospitality, the same amity, that Anacaona had uniformly shown
to the white men.
ſG6 .* LiFE AND voyages of [Book XVII.
*
Notwithstanding all this kindness, and notwithstanding her uni-
form integrity of conduct, and open generosity of character, Ovando
was persuaded that Anacaona was secretly meditating a massacre of
himself and his followers. Historians tell us nothing of the grounds
of such a belief. It was too probably produced by the misrepresen.
tations of the unprincipled adventurers who infested the province.
Ovando should have paused, and reflected before he acted upon it.
He should have considered the improbability of such an attempt by
naked Indians against so large a force of steel-clad troops, armed
with European weapons; and he should have reflected upon the
general character and conduct of Anacaona. At any rate, the ex-
ample set repeatedly by Columbus and his brother, the Adelantado,
should have convinced him, that it was a sufficient safeguard
against the machinations of the natives, to seize upon their caciques,
and detain them as hostages. The policy of Ovando, however, was
of a more rash and sanguinary nature. He acted upon suspicion as
upon conviction; he determined to anticipate the alleged plot by a
counter artifice, and to overwhelm this defenceless people in an indis-
criminate and bloody vengeance.
As the Indians had entertained their guests with various national
games, Ovando invited them in return to witness certain games of
his country. Among these was a tilting match, or joust with reeds;
a chivalrous game which the Spaniards had learnt from the Moors
of Granada. The Spanish cavalry, in those days, were as remark-
able for the skilful management as for the ostentatious caparison
of their horses. Among the troop brought out from Spain by
Ovando, one horseman had disciplined his steed to prance and cur-
vet in time to the music of a viol.” The joust was appointed to
take place on a Sunday after dinner, in the public square, before the
house in which Ovando was quartered. The cavalry and foot sol-
diers had their secret instructions. The former were to parade not
merely with reeds, or blunted tilting lances, but with weapons of a
more deadly character. The foot soldiers were to come apparently
as mere spectators, but likewise armed, and ready for action, at a
concerted signal.
At the appointed time the square was crowded with the Indians,
waiting to see this military spectacle. The caciques were assem-
bled in the house of Ovando, which looked upon the square. None
were armed, an unreserved confidence prevailed among them, totally
incompatible with the dark treachery of which they were accused.
To prevent all suspicion, and take off all appearance of sinister
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 9.
Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHER columbus. 167.
#.
design, Ovando, after dinner, was playing at quoits with some of
his principal officers, when the cavalry having arrived in the square
the caciques begged the governor to order the jousts to commence."
Anacaona, and her beautiful daughter, Higuenamota, with several
of her female attendants, were present, and joined in the request.
Ovando left his game, and came forward to a conspicuous place.
When he saw that every thing was disposed according to his orders,
ne gave the fatal signal. Some say it was by taking hold of a
piece of gold, which was suspended about his neck;f others, by
laying his hand on the cross of Alcantara, which was embroidered
on the bosom of his habit.f. A trumpet was immediately sounded.
The house in which Anacaona, and all the principal caciques were
assembled, was surrounded by soldiery, commanded by Diego Ve-
lasquez, and Roderigo Mexiatrillo, and no one was permitted to
escape. They entered and seizing upon the caciques, bound them to
the posts which supported the roof. Anacaona was led forth a pri-
soner. The unhappy caciques were then put to horrible tortures, un-
til some of them, in the extremity of anguish, were made to accuse
their queen and themselves of the plot with which they were
charged. When this cruel mockery of judicial form had been exe-
cuted, instead of preserving them for after examination, fire was set
to the house, and all the caciques perished miserably in the flames.
While these barbarities were practised upon the chieftains, a hor.
rible massacre took place among the populace. At the signal of
Ovando the horsemen rushed into the midst of the naked and defence-
less throng, trampling them under the hoofs of their steeds, cutting
them down with their swords, or transfixing them with their spears.
No mercy was shown to age or sex; it was a savage and indiscri-
minate butchery. Now and then a Spanish horseman, either through
an emotion of pity, or an impulse of avarice, caught up a child to
bear it off in safety, but it was barbarously pierced by the lances of
his companions. Humanity turns with horror from such atrocities,
and would fain discredit them; but they are circumstantially and
still more minutely recorded by the venerable Bishop Las Casas,
who was resident in the island at the time, and conversant with the
principal actors in this tragedy. He may have coloured the picture
strongly, in his usual indignation, when the wrongs of the Indians
are in question; yet, from all concurring accounts, and from many
precise facts which speak for themselves, the scene must have been
most sanguinary and atrocious. Oviedo, who is loud in extolling
* Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, Lib. 3, C. 12. ł Las Casas, Hist. Ind.
L. 2, C. 9. # Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, L.A, p. 235.
j68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVII.
the justice, and devotion, and charity and meekness of Ovando, and
his kind treatment of the Indians, and who visited the province of
Xaragua a few years afterwards, records several of the preceding
circumstances; especially the cold-blooded game of quoits played
by the governor on the verge of such a horrible scene, and the burn-
ing of the caciques, to the number, he says, of more than forty.
Diego Mendez, who was at Xaragua at the time, and doubtless
present on such an important occasion, says incidentally in his last
will and testament, that there were eighty-four caciques either burnt
or hanged.” Las Casas says that there were eighty who entered
the house with Anacaona. The slaughter of the multitude must
have been great, and this was inflicted on an unarmed and unre-
sisting throng. Several who escaped from the massacre fled in
their canoes to an island about eight leagues distant called Gu-
anabo. They were pursued, and taken, and condemned to slavery.
As to the princess, Anacaona, she was carried in chains to San
Domingo. The mockery of a trial was given her, in which she was
found guilty, on the confessions which had been wrung by torture
from her subjects, and on the testimony of their butchers; and she was
ignominiously hanged in the presence of the people whom she had so
long and so signally befriended.t Oviedo has sought to throw a stig-
ma on the character of this unfortunate princess, accusing her of great
licentiousness; but he was prone to criminate the characters of the
native princes who fell victims to the ingratitude and injustice of his
countrymen. Contemporary writers of greater authority, have con-
curred in representing Anacaona, as remarkabe for her native pro-
priety and dignity. She was adored by her subjects, so as to hold
a kind of dominion over them, even during the lifetime of her bro-
ther; she is said to have been skilled in composing the areytos or
legendary ballads of her nation, and may have conduced much to-
wards producing that superior degree of refinement remarked among
her people. Her grace and beauty had made her renowned through-
out the island, and had excited the admiration both of the savage
and the Spaniard. Her magnanimous spirit was evinced in her
amicable treatment of the white men, although her husband, the
brave Caonabo, had perished a prisoner in their hands; and defence-
less parties of them had been repeatedly in her power and lived at
large in her dominions. After having for several years neglected
all safe opportunities of vengeance, she fell a victim to the absurd
charge of having conspired against an armed body of nearly four
* Relacion necna por Diego Mendez. Navarrete, Collec. T. 1. p. 314.
* Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, L. 3, C. 12, Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2: C,9.
3% º
. . .”
Chap. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 169
hundred men, seventy of them horsemen; a force sufficient to have
subjugated large armies of naked Indians.
After the massacre at Xaragua, the destruction of its inhabitants
still continued. The favourite nephew of Anacaona, the cacique
Guaora who had fled to the mountains, was hunted like a wild beast,
until he was taken, and likewise hanged. For six months the
Spaniards continued ravaging the country with horse and foot, un-
der the pretext of quelling insurrections; for, wherever the affrighted
natives took refuge in their despair, herding in dismal caverns and
the fastnesses of the mountains, they were represented as assembling
in arms to make a head of rebellion. Having at length hunted them
out of their retreats, destroyed many, and reduced the survivors to
the most deplorable misery and abject submission, the whole of that
part of the island was considered as restored to good order; and in
commemoration of this great triumph, Ovando founded a town near
to the lake, which he called Santa Maria de la verdadera Paz. (St.
Mary of the true Peace.")
Such is the tragical story of the delightful region of Xaragua,
and of its amiable and hospitable people. A place which the Euro-
peans, by their own account, found a perfect paradise, but which,
by their vile passions, they filled with horror and desolation.
CHAPTER III.
war witH THE NATIves of Higuey.
[1504.1
THE subjugation of four of the Indian sovereignties of Hispaniola,
and the disastrous fate of their caciques have been already related.
Under the administration of Ovando was also accomplished the
downfal of Higuey, the last of those independent districts; a fertile
province which comprised the eastern extremity of the island. The
people of Higuey were of a more warlike spirit than those of the
other provinces, having learned the effectual use of their weapons,
from frequent contests with their Carib invaders. They were go
verned by a cacique named Cotabanama. Las Casas describes this
* Oviedo, Cronica de las Indias, L. 3, C. 12.
Vol. II. * 12 P
170 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF • Book XVII
chieftain from actual observation, and draws the picture of a native
hero. He was, he says, the strongest of his tribe, and more perfectly
formed than one man in a thousand of any nation whatever. . . He
was taller in stature than the tallest of his countrymen, a yard in
breadth from shoulder to shoulder, and the rest of his body in admi-
rable proportion. His aspect was not handsome, but grave and cou-
rageous. His bow was not easily bent by a common man; his ar-
rows were three pronged with the bones of fishes, and his weapons
appeared to be intended for a giant. In a word, he was so nobly
proportioned, as to be the admiration even of the Spaniards.
While Columbus was engaged in his fourth voyage, and shortly
after the accession of Ovando to office, there was an insurrection of
this cacique and his people. A shallop with eight Spaniards was
surprised at the small island of Saoma, adjacent to Higuey, and all
the crew slaughtered. This was in revenge for the death of a ca-
cique, torn to pieces by a dog, wantonly set upon him by a Span-
iard, and for which the natives had in vain sued for redress.
Ovando immediately dispatched Juan de Esquibel, a courageous
officer, at the head of four hundred men, to quell the insurrection,
and punish the massacre. Cotabanama assembled his warriors and
prepared for vigorous resistance. Distrustful of the mercy of the
Spaniards, the chieftain rejected all overtures of peace, and the war
was prosecuted with some advantage to the natives. The Indians
had now overcome their superstitious awe of the white men as super-
natural beings, and though they could ill withstand the superiority
of European arms, yet they manifested a courage and dexterity that
rendered them enemies not to be despised. Las Casas and other
historians relate a bold and romantic encounter between a single In-
dian and two mounted cavaliers, named Waltenebro and Pontevedra,
in which the Indian, though pierced through the body by the lances
and swords of both his assailants, retained his fierceness, and con-
.tinued the combat until he fell dead, in possession of all their wea-
pons.” This gallant action, says Las Casas, was public and noto-
rious.
The Indians were soon defeated and driven to their mountain re-
treats. The Spaniards pursued them into their recesses, discovered
their wives and children, wreaked on them the most indiscriminate
slaughter, and committed their chieftains to the flames. An aged
female cacique of great distinction, named Higuanama, being taken
prisoner, was hanged.
A detachment was sent in a caravel to the island of Saona, to take
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 8.
CHAP. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 171
particular vengeance for the destruction of the shallop and its crew.
The natives made a desperate defence and fled. The island was
mountainous and full of caverns, in which the Indians vainly sought
for refuge. Six or seven hundred were imprisoned in a dwelling,
and all put to the sword or poniarded. Those of the inhabitants
who were spared were carried off as slaves; and the island was ".
desolate and deserted.
The natives of Higuey were driven to despair, seeing that there
was no escape for them even in the bowels of the earth.” They
sued for peace, which was granted them, and protection promised
on condition of their cultivating a large tract of land, and paying a
great quantity of bread in tribute. The peace being concluded, Co-
tabanama visited the Spanish camp, where his gigantic proportions
and martial demeanour made him an object of curiosity and admira-
tion. He was received with great distinction by Esquibel, and they
exchanged names, an Indian league of fraternity and perfetual
friendship. The natives thenceforward called the cacique Juan de
Esquibel, and the Spanish commander Cotabanama. Esquibel then
built a wooden fortress in an Indian village near the sea, and left in
it nine men, with a captain named Martin de Villaman. After this,
the troops dispersed, every man returning home with his proportion
of slaves gained in this expedition.
The pacification was not of long continuance. About the time
that succours were sent to Columbus to rescue him from the wrecks
of his vessels at Jamaica, a new revolt broke out in Higuey in con-
sequence of the oppressions of the Spaniards, and a violation of the
treaty made by Esquibel. Martin de Willaman demanded that the
natives should not only raise the grain stipulated for by the treaty,
but convey it to San Domingo, and he treated them with the
greatest severity on their refusal. He connived also at the licentious
conduct of his men towards the Indian women; the Spaniards often
taking from the natives their daughters, their sisters, and even
their wives.t. The Indians, roused at last to fury, rose on their ty-
rants, slaughtered them, and burnt their wooden fortress to the
ground. Only one of the Spaniards escaped, and bore the tidings
of this catastrophe to the city of San Domingo.
Ovando gave immediate orders to carry fire and sword into the
province of Higuey. The Spanish troops mustered from various
quarters on the confines of that province, where Juan de Esquibel
took the command, and had a great number of Indian warriors with
him as allies. The towns of Higuey were generally built among
• * Las Casas, ubi.sup. t Idem,
172 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Boor XVII
the mountains. Those mountains rose in plains or terraces, from
ten to fifteen leagues in length and breadth, rough and rocky, inter-
spersed with glens of a red soil, remarkably fertile, where they raised
their cassava bread. The ascent from plain to plain was about fifty
feet; steep and precipitous, formed of the living rock, and resembling
a wall wrought with tools into rough diamond points. Each
village had four wide streets, a stone-throw in length, forming a
cross; the trees being cleared away from them, and from a public
square in the centre.
When the Spanish troops arrived on the frontiers, alarm fires
were made along the mountains by the natives, and columns of
smoke spread the intelligence by day. The old men, the women,
and children, were sent off to the secret places of the forests and
caverns, and the warriors prepared for battle. The Castilians
paused in one of the plains, clear of forest, where their horses could
be of use. They made prisoners of several of the natives, and tried
to learn from them the plans and forces of the enemy. They ap-
plied tortures for the purpose, but in vain, so devoted was the loyalty
of these people to their caciques. The Spaniards penetrated into
the interior. They found the warriors of several towns assembled
in one, and drawn up in the streets, with their bows and arrows, but
perfectly naked and without defensive armour. They uttered tre-
mendous yells, and discharged a shower of arrows, but from such a
distance that they fell short of their foe. The Spaniards replied
with their crossbows, and with two or three arquebusses, for at this
time they had but few firearms. When the Indians saw several of
their comrades fall dead, they took to flight, rarely waiting for the
attack with swords. Some of the wounded, in whose bodies the
arrows from the crossbows had penetrated to the very feather, drew
them out with their hands, broke them with their teeth, and
hurling them at the Spaniards with impotent fury, fell dead upon
the spot.
The whole force of the Indians was routed, and dispersed; each
family or band of neighbours, fled in its own direction and conceal-
ed itself in the fastnesses of the mountains. The Spaniards pur-
sued them, but found the chase difficult amidst the close forests and
the broken and stony heights. They took several prisoners as
guides, and inflicted incredible torments on them to compel them to
betray their countrymen. They drove them before them, secured by
cords fastened round their necks, and some of them, as they passed
along the brinks of precipices suddenly threw themselves headlong
down, in hopes of dragging after them the Spaniards. When at
length the pursuers came upon the unhappy Indians in their con
CHAP. III.] CHRISTOPHER coLUMPUs. 173
cealments, they spared neither'âge hor sex: even pregnant women,
and mothers with infants in their arms, fell beneath their merciless
swords. The cold-blooded acts of cruelty which followed this first
slaughter, it would be shocking to relate.
From hence Esquibel marched to attack the town where Cotaba-
nama resided, and where that cacique had collected a great force to
resist him. He proceeded direct for the place, along the seacoast,
and came to where two roads led up the mountain to the town.
One of the roads was open and inviting; the branches of the trees
being lopped, and all the underwood cleared away. Here the In-
dians had stationed an ambuscade to take the Spaniards in the rear.
The other road was almost closed up by trees and bushes cut down
and thrown across each other. Esquibel was wary and distrustful;
he suspected the stratagem, and chose the encumbered road. The
town was about a league and half from the sea. The Spaniards
made their way with great difficulty for the first half league. The
rest of the road was free from all embarrassment, which confirmed
their suspicion of a stratagem. They now advanced with great
rapidity, and, having arrived near the village, they suddenly turned
into the other road, took the party in ambush by surprise, and made
great havoc among them with their crossbows. The warriors now
sallied from their concealment, othefs rushed out of the houses into
the streets, and discharged flights of arrows, but from such a dis-
tance as generally to fall harmless. They then approached nearer,
and hurled stones with their hands, being unacquainted with the use
of slings. Instead of being dismayed at seeing their companions
fall, it rather increased their fury, and they uttered the most piercing
yells. An irregular battle, probably little else than wild skirmish-
ing and bush-fighting, was kept up from two o'clock in the after.
moon until night. Las Casas was present on this occasion, and,
from his account, the Indians must have shown instances of great
personal bravery; though the inferiority of their weapons, and the
want of all defensive armour, rendered their valour totally ineffec-
tual. As the evening shut in their hostilities gradually ceased, and
they disappeared in the profound gloom and close thickets of the
surrounding forests. A deep silence succeeded to their yells and
war-whoops, and throughout the night the Spaniards remained in
undisturbed possession of the village.
P2
* ... urg and voyages or ' ' , tr. Kyn
(' -- ** • , , , -*.
riºr
CHAPTER IV.
CLOSE OF THE WAR WITH HIGUEY-FATE OF COTABANAMA,
[1504.]
ON the morning after the battle not an Indian was to be seen. Find
ing that even their great chief Cotabanama was incapable of vying
with the prowess of the white men, they had given up the contest in
despair, and had all fled to the mountains. The Spaniards, separat-
s, ing in small parties, hunted them with the utmost diligence; their
object was to seize the caciques, and above all, Cotabanama. They
explored all the glens and concealed paths that led into the wild re-
cesses where the fugitives had taken refuge. The Indians were
cautious and stealthy in their mode of retreating, treading in each
other's footprints, so that twenty would make no more track than
one, and treading so lightly as scarce to disturb the herbage; yet
there were Spaniards so skilled in hunting Indians, that they could
trace them even by the turn of a withered leaf, and among the confus-
ed tracks of a thousand animals. They could scent afar off, also, the
smoke of the fires which the Indians make wherever they halt, and
thus they would come upon them in their most secret haunts. Some-
times they would hunt down a straggling Indian, and compel him
by torments to betray the hiding place of his companions, tying him
and driving him before them as a guide. Wherever they disco-
vered one of these places of refuge, filled with the aged and the
infirm, with feeble women and helpless children, they massacred
them without mercy. They wished to inspire terror throughout the
land, and to frighten the whole tribe into submission. Of those whom
they took roving at large, they cut off their hands, and sent them,
as they said, to deliver them as letters to their friends, demanding
their surrender. Numberless were those, says Las Casas, whose
hands were amputated in this manner, and many of them sank down
and died by the way, through anguish and loss of blood.
The conquerors delighted in exercising strange and ingenious cru
elties. They mingled horrible levity with their bloodthirstiness.
They erected gibbets long and low, so that the feet of the sufferers
might reach the ground, and their deaths be lingering. They
*
Char. IV.] chaistoyer CoLUgsts. fr; . .
hanged thirteen together, in rederate, si
fºergºe, Sayº
sas, of our blessed Saviour anº; twelve apostles. While their
victims were suspended, and still living, they hacked them with their
swords, to prove the strength of their arms, and the edge of the wea-
pons. They wrapped them in dry straw, and setting fire to it, ter-
minated their existence by the fiercest agony.”
These are horrible details; yet a veil is drawn over others still
more detestable. They are related circumstantially by Las Casas,
who was an eyewitness of the scenes he describes. He was young
at the time, but records them in his advanced years. “All these
things,” says the venerable Bishop, “and others revolting to human
nature, did my own eyes behold; and now I almost fear to repeat
them, scarce believing myself, or whether I have not dreamt them.t
These details would have been withheld from the present work as
disgraceful to human nature, and from an unwillingness to advance
any thing that might convey a stigma upon a brave and generous
nation. But it would be a departure from historical veracity, having
the documents before my eyes, to pass silently over transactions so
atrocious, and vouched for by witnesses beyond all suspicion of false-
hood. Such occurrences show the extreme to which human cruelty
may extend, when stimulated by avidity of gain, by a thirst of ven-
geance, or even by a perverted zeal in the holy cause of religion.
Every nation has in turn furnished proofs of this disgraceful truth.
As in the present instance, they are commonly the crimes of indivi-
duals, rather than of the nation. Yet it behoves all governments to
keep a vigilant eye upon those to whom they delegate power in re-
mote and helpless colonies. It is the imperious duty of the historian
to place these matters upon record, that they may serve as warning
beacons to future generations. w
Juan de Esquibel found that, with all his severities, it would be
impossible to subjugate the tribe of Higuey as long as the cacique
Cotabanama was at large. That chieftain had retired to the little
island of Saona, about two leagues from the coast of Higuey in the
centre of which, amidst a labyrinth of rocks and forests, he had taken
shelter with his wife and children in a great cavern.
A caravel which had recently arrived from the city of San Domin-
go with supplies for the camp was employed by Esquibel to entrap
the cacique. He knew that the latter kept a vigilant look out, sta-
tioning scouts upon the lofty rocks of his island, to keep a watch
upon the movements of the caravel. Esquibel departed by night,
therefore, in the vessel, with fifty followers, and keeping under the
* Las Casas, L. 2, Cap. 17. MS. f Idem.



176 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVII,
deep shadows of the land, arrived at Saona unperceived, by the
dawn of morning. Here he anchored close in with the shore, hid
by its cliffs and forests, and landed forty men before the spies of Co-
tabanama had taken their station. Two of them were surprised and
brought to Esquibel, who, having learnt from them that the cacique
was at hand, poniarded one of the spies and bound the other, making
him serve as guide. º
A number of Spaniards 1..n in advance, each anxious to signalize
himself by the capture of the cacique. They came to two roads, and
the whole party pursued that to the right, excepting one Juan Lo-
pez, a powerful man, skilful in Indian warfare. He proceeded in a
footpath to the left, winding among little hills so thickly wooded
that it was impossible to see any one at the distance of half a bow-
shot. Suddenly, in a narrow pass, overshadowed with rocks and
trees, he encountered twelve Indian warriors, armed with bows and
arrows, and following each other in single file according to their
custom. The Indians were confounded at the sight of Lopez, ima-
gining that there must be a party of soldiers behind him. They might
readily have transfixed him with their arrows, but they had lost all
presence of mind. He demanded their chieftain. They replied that
he was behind, and opening to let him pass Lopez beheld the cacique
in the rear. At sight of the Spaniard Cotabanama bent his gigan-
tic bow, and was on the point of launching one of his three-pronged
arrows, but Lopez rushed upon him and wounded him with his
sword. The other Indians struck with panic had already fled.
Cotabanama, dismayed at the keenness of the sword, cried out
that he was Juan de Esquibel, claiming respect as having exchang-
‘ed names with the Spanish commander. Lopez seized him with
one hand by the hair, and with the other aimed a thrust at his body,
but the cacique struck down the sword with his hand, and grappling
with his antagonist threw him with his back upon the rocks. As
they were both men of great power the struggle was long and vio-
lent. The sword was beneath them, but Cotabanama seizing the
Spaniard by the throat with his mighty hand, began to strangle
him. The sound of the contest brought the other Spaniards to the
spot. They found their companion writhing and gasping and
almost dead in the gripe of the gigantic Indian. They seized the
cacique, bound him, and carried him captive to a deserted Indian
village in the vicinity. They found the way to his secret cave, but
his wife and children had received notice of his capture by the fugi-
tive Indians, and had taken refuge in another part of the island. In
the cavern were found the chain with which a number of Indian
captives had been bound, who had risen upon and slain three Span-
Üitar. IV.] cHRISTOPHER COLUMBUs. 177
iards who had them in charge, and had made their escape to this
island. There were also the swords of, the same Spaniards, which
they had brought off as trophies to their cacique. The chain was
now employed to manacle Cotabanama.
The Spaniards prepared to execute the chieftain on the spot, in
the centre of the deserted village. For this purpose a pyre was
built of logs of wood laid crossways, in form of a gridiron, on which
he was to be slowly broiled to death. On farther consultation,
however, they were induced to forego the pleasure of this horrible
sacrifice. Perhaps they thought the cacique too important a person-
age to be executed thus obscurely. Granting him therefore a
transient reprieve, they conveyed him to the caravel, and sent him,
bound with heavy chains, to San Domingo. Governor Ovando
saw him in his power, and incapable of doing further harm, but he
had not the magnanimity to forgive a fallen enemy, whose only
crime was the defence of his native soil and lawful territory. He
ordered him to be publicly hanged like a common culprit.”
In this ignominious manner was executed the cacique Cotaba-
mama, the last of the five sovereign princes of Hayti. His death
was followed by the complete subjugation of his people, and sealed
the last struggle of the natives against their oppressors. The island
was almost unpeopled of its original inhabitants, and meek and
mournful submission, and mute despair, settled upon the scanty rem-
mant that survived.
Such was the ruthless system which had been pursued during
the absence of the admiral, by the commander Ovando; this man
of boasted prudence and moderation, who was sent to reform the
abuses of the island, and, above all, to redress the wrongs of the
natives. The system of Columbus may have borne hard upon the
Indians, born and brought up in untasked freedom, but it was never
cruel nor sanguinary. He inflicted no wanton massacres, nor
vindictive punishments; his desire was to cherish and civilize the
Indians, and to render them useful subjects; not to oppress, and
persecute and destroy them. When he came to behold the desola-
tion that had thus swept them from the land during his suspension
from authority, he could not retain the strong expression of his
feelings. In a letter written to the king after his return to Spain,
he thus expresses himself on the subject. “The Indians of Hispan-
iola were and are the riches of the island; for it is they who cul-
tivate and make the bread and other provisions for the christians;
who dig the gold from the mines, and perform all the offices and
*Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 18.
178 LIFE, AND VOYAGES., &c. [Book XVII.
labours both of man and of beasts of burthen. I am informed that
since I left this island six parts out of seven of the natives are dead;
all through ill-treatment and inhumanity; some by the sword,
others by blows and cruel usage, others through hunger. The
greater part have perished in the mountains and glens, whither they
had fled, from not being able to support the labour imposed upon
them.” For his own part, he added, although he had sent many
Indians to Spain to be sold, it was always with a view to their being
instructed in the christian faith, and in civilized arts and usages,
and afterwards sent back to their native island to assist in civilizing
their countrymen.” *
The brief view that has been given of the policy of Ovando on
certain points on which Columbus was censured, may enable the
reader to judge more correctly of the conduct of the latter. It is not
to be measured by the standard of right and wrong established in
the present more enlightened age. We must consider him in con-
nexion with the era in which he lived. By comparing his measures
with those of men of his own times, praised for their virtues and
abilities, placed in precisely his own situation, and placed there ex-
pressly to correct his faults, we shall be the better enabled to judge
how virtuously and wisely, under the peculiar circumstances, of the
case, he may be eonsidered to have governed.
** Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 36
**
LIFE AND VOYAGES
OF \
CHR IS TO PHER columbus.
Book XVIII.
CHAPTER I.
I}EPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FOR SAN DOMINGO-HIS RETURN *g
SPAIN iya
[1504.]
THE arrival at Jamaica of the two vessels under the command of
Salcedo had caused a joyful reverse in the situation of Columbus.
He hastened to leave the wreck in which he had been so long im-
mured, and hoisting his flag on board of one of the ships, felt as if
the career of enterprise and glory was once more open to him. 3rº.
late partizans of Porras, when they heard of the arrival of the
ships, came wistful and abject to the harbour, doubting how far they
might trust to the magnanimity of a man whom they had so greatly
injured, and who had now an opportunity of vengeance. But the
generous mind never harbours revenge in the hour of prosperity; it
feels a glow of noble satisfaction in sharing its happiness even with
its enemies. Columbus forgot, in his present, felicity, all that he
had suffered from these men; he ceased to consider them enemies,
now that they had lost the power to injure, and he not only fulfilled
all that he had promised them, by taking them on board the ships,
but he relieved their necessities from his own purse, until their return
to Spain, and afterwards took unwearied pains to recommend them
to the bounty of the sovereigns. Francisco Porras alone continued
a prisoner, to be tried by the tribunals of his country.
Oviedo assures us that the Indians wept when they beheld the
departure of the Spaniards; still considering them as beings from
the skies. From the admiral, it is true, they had experienced no-
thing but just and gentle treatment and continual benefits; and the
idea of his immediate influence with the Deity, manifested on the
180 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF LBook XVIIſ,
memorable occasion of the eclipse of the moon, may have made
them consider him as more than human, and his presence as propi-
tious to their island; but it is not easy to believe that a lawless gang
like that of Porras, could have been ranging for months among
their villages, without giving cause for the greatest joy at thir
departure.
On the 28th of June the vessels set sail and steered for San Do-
mingo. The adverse winds and currents, which had opposed
Columbus throughout this ill-starred expedition, still continued to
harass him. After a weary struggle of several weeks, he reachel,
on the 3d of August, the little island of Beata, on the coast of
Hispaniola. Between this place and San Domingo the currents
are so violent, that vessels are often detained months, waiting for
sufficient wind to stem the stream. From hence Columbus dis-
patched a letter by land to Ovando, to inform him of his approach,
and to remove certain absurd suspicions of his views, which he had
learnt from Sakedo were still entertained by the governor, who
feared his arrival in the island might lead to factions and disturb-
ances. In this letter he expresses, with his usual warmth and sim
plicity, the joy he felt at his deliverance, which was so great, he
says, that since the arrival of Diego de Salcedo with succour, he
had scarcely been able to sleep. The letter had barely time to pre-
cede the writer, for a favourable wind springing up, the vessels
àgain made sail and, on the 13th of August, anchored in the har-
bour of San Domingo.
If it is the lot of prosperity to awaken envy and excite detrac-
tion, it is certainly the lot of misfortune to atone for a multitude of
faults. San Domingo had been the very hotbed of sedition against
Columbus in the day of his power; he had been hurried from it in
ignominious chains amidst the shouts and taunts of the triumphant
rabble; he had been excluded from its harbour when, as commander
of a squadron, he craved shelter from an impending tempest; but
now that he arrived in its waters a broken down and shipwrecked
man, all past hostility was overpowered by the popular sense of his
late disasters. There was a momentary burst of enthusiasm in his
favour; what had been denied to his merits was granted to his mis-
fortunes; and even the envious, appeased by his present reverses,
seemed to forgive him for having once been so triumphant.
The governor and all the principal inhabitants came forth to meet
him, and received him with signal distinction. He was lodged as
a guest in the house of Ovando, who treated him with the utmost
courtesy and attention. The governor was a shrewd and discreet
man, and much of a courtier; but there were too deep causes of jea-
Chap. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, 181
lousy and distrust between him and Columbus for their intercourse
to be cordial. Both the admiral and his son Fernando, always pro-
nounced the civility of Ovando overstrained and hypocritical, in-
tended to obliterate the remembrance of past neglect, and to conceal
lurking enmity. While he professed the utmost friendship and
sympathy for the admiral, he set at liberty the traitor Porras, who
was still a prisoner, to be taken to Spain for trial. He also talked
of punishing those of the admiral's people, who had taken arms in
his defence, and, in the affray at Jamaica, had killed several of the
mutineers. These circumstances were loudly complained of by Co-
lumbus, but, in fact, they rose out of a question of jurisdiction, be-
tween him and the governor. Their powers had been so defined as
to clash with each other, and they were both in a situation to be ex-
tremely punctilious. Ovando assumed a right to take cognizance
of all transactions at Jamaica, as happening within the limits of his
government, which included all the islands and Terra Firma. Co-
lumbus, on the other hand, asserted the absolute command and the
jurisdiction both civil and criminal given to him by the sovereigns,
over all persons who sailed in his expedition, from the time of de-
parture until their return to Spain. To prove this, he produced
his letter of instructions. The governor heard him with great cour-
tesy and a smiling countenance; but observed that the letter of in-
structions gave him no authority within the bounds of his govern-
ment.” He relinquished the idea, however, of investigating the
conduct of the followers of Columbus, and sent Porras to Spain, to
be examined by the board which had charge of the affairs of the
indias.
The sojourn of Columbus at San Domingo was but little calcu-
lated to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the desolation
of the island by the oppressive treatment of the natives, and the hor-
rible massacres which had been perpetrated by Ovando and his
agents. Columbus had fondly hoped, at one time, to have rendered
the natives civilized, industrious, and tributary subjects to the crown,
and to have derived from their well-regulated labour a great and
steady revenue. How different had been the event . The five great
tribes which had peopled the mountains and the valleys at the time
of the discovery, and had rendered, by their mingled towns and vil-
lages, and tracts of cultivation, the rich levels of the Vegas, so many
“painted gardens,” had almost all passed away; and the native
princes had perished chiefly by violent or ignominious deaths. Co
humbus regarded the affairs of the island with a different eye from
* Letter of Columbus to his son Diego. Seville, Nov. 21, 1504. Navarrete,
Col. T.I. Q
} S2 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XVIII
Ovando. He had a paternal feeling for its prosperity, and his for-
tunes were implicated in its judicious management. He complained
in subsequent letters to the sovereigns, that all the public affairs were
ill conducted; that the ore which was collected, lay unguarded in
large quantities, in houses slightly built and thatched, inviting de-
predation; that Ovando was unpopular, the people were dissolute,
and the property of the crown and the security of the island, in con.
tinual risk from mutiny and sedition.” While he saw all this, he
had no power to interfere, and any observation or remonstrance on
his part was apt to be ill received by the governor.
He found his own immediate concerns in great confusion. His
rents and dues were either uncollected, or he could not obtain a clear
account and a full liquidation of them. Whatever he could collect
was appropriated to the fitting out of the vessels which were to con-
vey himself and his crews to Spain. He accuses Ovando, in his
subsequent letters, of having neglected, if not sacrificed, his inte-
rests during his long, absence, and of having impeded those who
were appointed to attend to his concerns. That he had some
ground for these complaints would appear from two letters still ex-
tant, written by Queen Isabella to Ovando, on the 27th of Novem-
ber, 1503, in which she informs him of the complaint of Alonzo
Sanchez de Carvajal that he was impeded in collecting the rents of
the admiral, and expressly commands Ovando to observe the capitu-
lations granted to Columbus, to respect his agents, and to facilitate
instead of obstructing his concerns.f These letters, while they imply
ungenerous conduct on the part of the governor towards his illus-
trious predecessor, evince likewise the personal interest taken by
Isabella, in the affairs of Columbus during his absence. She had,
in fact, signified her displeasure at his being excluded from the port
of San Domingo, when he applied there for succqur for his squadron,
and shelter from a storm; and had censured Ovando for not taking
his advice, and detaining the fleet of Bobadilla, by which it would
have escaped its disastrous fate.f. And here it may be observed that
the sanguinary acts of Owando, towards the natives, in particular the
massacre in Xaragua, and the execution of the unfortunate Anaca-
ona, awakened equal horror and indignation in Isabella. She was
languishing on her death-bed when she received the intelligence,
and with her dying breath she exacted a promise from king Ferdi-
nand, that Ovando should immediately be recalled from his govern-
* Letter of Columbus to his son Diego, dated Seville, 3 Dec. 1504. Navarrete,
T. 1, P.341. #
+ Navarrete, Collec. T.2, Doc. 151,152.
* Herrera Hist. Ind. Decad. 1, L. 5, C 12.
cal. ii. christopher columnus 183
ment. The promise was tardily and reluctantly fulfilled, after an
interval of about four years, and not until induced by other circum-
stances; for Ovando contrived to propitiate the monarch, by forcing
a revenue from the island. * . -
The continual misunderstandings which took place between the
admiral and the governor, though always qualified on the part of
the latter with great complaisance, induced Columbus to hasten as
much as possible his departure from the island. The ship in which
he had returned from Jamaica was repaired, and fitted out, and put
under the command of the Adelantado. Another vessel was freight-
ed, in which Columbus embarked with his son and his domestics.
The greater part of his late crews remained at San Domingo; as
they were in great poverty, he relieved their necessities with his own
purse, and advanced the funds necessary for the voyage home, of
those who chose to return. Many thus relieved by his generosity
had been among the most violent of the rebels. . º
On the 12th of September, he set sail, but had scarcely left the
harbour, when, in a sudden squall, the mast of his ship was carried
away. He immediately went with his family on board of the vessel
commanded by the Adelantado, and sending back the damaged ship to
port, continued on his course. Throughout the voyage he experienc-
ed the most tempestuous weather. In one storm the mainmast was
sprung in four places. The admiral was confined to his bed at the time
by the gout; by his advice, however, and the activity of the Adelan-
tado, the damage was skilfully repaired; the mast was shortened;
the weak parts were fortified by wood taken from the castles or ca-
bins, which the vessels in those days carried on the prow and stern,
and the whole was well secured by cords. They were still more
damaged in a succeeding tempest, in which the ship sprung her fore-
mast. In this crippled state they had yet to traverse seven hundred
leagues of a stormy ocean. Fortune continued to persecute Colum-
bus to the end of this, his last, and most disastrous expedition. For
several weeks he was tempest-tost, suffering at the same time the
most excruciating pains from his malady; until at length, on the
seventh day of November, his crazy and shattered bark anchored in
the harbour of San Lucar. From hence he had himself conveyed to
Seville, where he hoped to enjoy repose of mind and body, and to
recruit his health after such a long series of fatigues, anxieties and
hardships."
*Hist, del Almirante, C. 108. Las Casas, Hist. Íñd. L.2, c.35.
184 Life and voyages of, [Book XVIII
CHAPTER II.
1LLNEss of columbus At sevrºlLE—RESTITUTION OF His
Honours—DEATH of IsabelLA.
- [1504.]
Broken by age and infirmities, and worn down by the toils and
hardships of his recent expedition, Columbus had looked forward to
Seville, as to a haven of rest, where he might repose awhile from his
troubles. Care and sorrow, however, were destined to follow him by
sea and land. In varying the scene, he but varied the nature of his
distress. “Wearisome days and nights” were appointed to him for
the remainder of his life; and the very margin of his grave was des-
tined to be strewed with thorns.
On arriving at Seville, he found all his affairs in confusion. Ever
since he had been sent home in chains from San Domingo, when his
house and effects had been taken possession of by Bobadilla, his
rents and dues had never been properly collected; and such as had
been gathered, had been retained in the hands of the governor, Ovan-
do. “I have much vexation from this governor,” says he in a letter
to his son Diego.” “All tell me that I have there eleven or twelve
thousand castellanos, and I have not received a quarto.”I know
well that, since my departure, he must have received upwards of
five thousand castellanos.” He entreated that a letter might be
written by the king, commanding the payment of these arrears with-
out delay; for his agents would not venture even to speak to Ovan-
do on the subject, unless empowered by a letter from the sovereign.
Columbus was not of a mercenary spirit; but his rank and situa-
tion required large expenditures. The world thought him in the
possession of sources of inexhaustible wealth; but as yet, those sour-
ces had furnished him but precarious and scanty streams. His last
voyage had exhausted his finances, and involved him in perplexities.
All that he had been able to collect of the money due to him in His-
paniola, to the amount of twelve hundred castellanos, had been ex-
pended in bringing home many of his late crew, who were in distress;
and for the greater part of this sum, the crown remained his debtor,
* Let. Seville, 13 Dec. 1504. Navarrete, W.1, P. 343.
Chap. II.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. #85
While struggling to obtain his mere pecuniary dues, he was abso-
lutely suffering a degree of penury. He repeatedly urges the ne-
cessity of economy to his son Diego, until he can obtain a restitution
of his property, and the payment of his arrears. “I receive nothing
of the revenue due to me,” says he in one letter, “I live by borrow-
ing.” “Little have I profited,” he adds in another, “by twenty years
of service, with such toils and perils, since at present I do not own a
roof in Spain. . If I desire to eat or sleep, I have no resort but an inn,
and for the most times, have not wherewithal to pay my bill.”
Yet, in the midst of these personal distresses, he was still more so-
licitous for the payment of his seamen than of himself. He wrote
strongly and repeatedly to the sovereigns, entreating the discharge
of their arrearages; and he urged his son Diego, who was at court,
to exert himself likewise in their behalf. “They are poor,” said he,
“and it is now nearly three years since they left their homes. They
have endured infinite toils and perils, and they bring invaluable tid-
ings, for which their majesties ought to give thanks to God, and
rejoice.” Notwithstanding his generous solicitude for these men, he
knew several of them to have been in the number of his enemies;
may, that some of them were, at this very time, disposed to do him
harm rather than good; such was the magnanimity of his spirit, and
his forgiving disposition.
The same zeal, also, for the interests of his sovereigns, which had
ever actuated his loyal mind, mingled with his other causes of solici-
tude. He represented, in his letters to the king, the mismanagement
of the royal rents in Hispaniola, under the administration of Ovando.
Immense quantities of ore lay unprotected in slightly built houses,
and liable to depredations. It required a person of vigour, and one
who had an individual interest in the prosperity of the island, to re-
store its affairs to order, and to draw from it the immense revenues
which it was capable of yielding; and Columbus plainly intimated
that he was the proper person.
In fact, as to himself, it was not so much pecuniary indemnifica-
tion that he sought, as the restoration of his offices and dignities.
He had received the royal promise that he should be reinstated in
them; he regarded them as the trophies of his illustrious achieve-
ments; and he felt that as long as they were withheld, a tacit cen-
sure rested upon his name. Had he not been proudly impatient on
this subject, he would have belied the loftiest part of his character;
for he who can be indifferent to the wreath of triumph, is deficient in
the noble ambition that incites to glorious deeds.
The unsatisfactory replies which he received to his letters, dis-
quieted his mind. He knew that he had active enemies at court,
Wol. II. 13 2
186 LIFE AND WOYAGES OF [Book XVIII.
réady to turn all things to his disadvantage; and he felt the import-
ance of being there in person, to defeat their machinations; but his
infirmities detained him at Seville. He made an attempt to set forth
on the journey, but the severity of the winter, and the virulence of
his malady obliged him to relinquish it in despair. All that he
could do was to reiterate his letters to the sovereigns, and to entreat
the intervention of his few but faithful friends. He feared that the
disastrous occurrences of the last voyage might be represented to his
prejudice. The great object of the expedition, the discovery of a
strait, opening from the Caraibbean to southern sea, had failed.
The secondary object, the acquisition of gold, had not been com-
pleted. He had discovered the gold mines of Veragua, it is true, but
he had brought home no treasure; because, as he said, in one of
his letters, “I would not rob or outrage the country: since reason
requires that it should be settled, and then the gold may be procured
without violence.”
He was especially apprehensive that the violent scenes in the
island of Jamaica might, by the perversity of his enemies, and the
effrontery of the delinquents, be wrested into matters of accusation
against him, as had been the case with the rebellion of Roldan.
Porras, the ringleader of the late faction, had been sent home by
Ovando, to appear before the board of the Indias; but without any
written process, setting forth the offences charged against him.
While at Jamaica, Columbus had ordered an inquest of the affair to
be taken; but the notary of the squadron who took it, and the
papers which he drew up, were on board of the ship in which the
admiral had sailed from Hispaniola, and which had put back dis-
masted. No cognizance of the case, therefore, was taken by the
board of the Indias; and Porras went at large armed with the
power and the disposition to do mischief. Being related to Morales,
the royal treasurer, he had access to people in place, and an oppor-
tunity of enlisting their opinions and prejudices on his side. Co-
lumbus wrote, to Morales, inclosing him a copy of the petition which
the rebels had sent to him when in Jamaica, in which they acknow-
ledged their culpability, and implored his forgiveness; and he en-
treated the treasurer not to be swayed by the representations of his
relative, nor to pronounce an opinion unfavourable to him, until he
had an opportunity of being heard.
The faithful and indefatigable Diego Mendez was at this time at
the court, as well as Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, and an active
friend whom Columbus names Geromino. All these he requested
his son Diego to animate in his interests; being capable of bearing
the most important testimony as to his conduct. “I trust,” says he,
Char. ft.) CHRISTOPHER columbus. 187
“that the truth and diligence of Diego Mendez will have as much
avail as the lies of Porras.” Nothing can surpass the affecting
earnestness and simplicity of his general declaration of loyalty,
contained in one of his letters. “I have served their majesties,”
says he, “with as much zeal and diligence as if it had been to
gain paradise; and if I have failed in any thing, it has been be-
cause my knowledge and my powers went no further.”
In reading these touching appeals, we can scarcely realize the
fact that they should be written by Columbus; by the same extra-
ordinary man, who but a few years before, had been idolized at this
court as a benefactor, and received with almost regal honours. We
can scarcely believe that this is the discoverer of the New World,
broken down by infirmities and impoverished in his old age, by his
very discoveries; that the man who had added such vast and
wealthy regions to the crown who is the individual thus wearily
and vainly applying to the court of Spain for his dues, and plead-
ing almost like a culprit, in cases wherein he had been so fla-
grantly injured.
At length the caravel bringing the official proceedings relative to
the brothers Porras, arrived at the Algarves in Portugal, and Co-
lumbus looked forward with hopes that all matters would soon be
placed in a proper light. His anxiety to get to court became every
day more intense. A litter was provided to convey him thither, and
was actually at the door; but he was again obliged to abandon the
journey, from the inclemency of the weather, and his increasing
infirmities. His resource of letter-writing began to fail him: he
could only write at night; for in the daytime the severity of
his malady deprived him of the use of his hands. The tidings
from the court were every day more and more adverse to his hopes:
the intrigues of his enemies were prevailing; the cold-hearted Fer-
dinand treated all his applications with indifference; the generous
Isabella lay dangerously ill. On her justice and magnanimity he
still relied for the full restoration of his rights, and the redress of all
his grievances. “May it please the Holy Trinity,” says he, “to
restore our sovereign queen to health; for by her will every thing
be adjusted which is now in confusion.” Alas! while writing that
1etter, his noble benefactress was a corpse!
The health of Isabella had long been undermined by the shocks
of repeated domestic calamities. The death of her only son, the
prince Juan; of her beloved daughter and bosom friend, the princess
Isabella, and of her grandson and prospective heir, the prince Mi-
guel, had been three cruel wounds to a heart full of the tenderest sen-
sibility. To these was added the constant grief caused by the evi-
188 LIFE AND voyages, QF, , [Boor xviii.
dent infirmity of intellect of her daughter, Juana, and the domestic
unhappiness of that princess, with her husband, the Archduke Philip.
The desolation which walks through regal palaces, admits not the
familiar sympathies and sweet consolations which alleviate the sor-
rows of common life. Isabella pined in state, amidst the obsequious
homages of a court, surrounded by the trophies of a glorious and
successful reign, and placed at the summit of earthly grandeur. A
deep and incurable melancholy had settled upon her, which under-
mined her constitution, and gave a fatal acuteness to her bodily mala-
dies. After four months of illness, she died on the 26th of Novem-
ber, 1504, at Medina del Campo, in the fifty-fourth year of her age;
but long before her eyes closed upon the world, her heart had closed
on all its pomps and vanities. “Let my body,” said she, in her
will, “be interred in the monastery of San Francisco, which is in
the Alhambra of the city of Granada, in a low sepulchre, without
any monument except a plain stone upon the earth with the inscrip-
tion cut on it. But I desire and command that if the king, my lord,
should choose a sepulchre in any church or monastery in any other
part or place of these my kingdoms, that my body shall be trans-
ported thither, and buried beside the body of his highness; so that
the union we have enjoyed while living, and which, through the
mercy of God, we hope our souls will experience in heaven, may be
represented by our bodies in the earth.”
Such was one of several passages in the will of this admirable
woman, which bespoke the chastened humility of her heart; and in
which, as has well been observed, the affections of eonjugal love
were delicately entwined with piety, fervent religion, and the most
tender melancholy.f She was one of the purest spirits that ever
ruled over the destinies of a nation. Had she been spared, her be-
mignant vigilance would have prevented many a scene of horror in
the colonization of the new world, and might have softened the lot
of its native inhabitants. As it is, her fair name will ever shine
with celestial radiance in the early dawning of its history.
The news of the death of Isabella reached Columbus when he
was writing a letter to his son Diego. He notices it in a postscript
or memorandum, written in the haste and brevity of the moment, but
*.
* The remains of Ferdinand and Isabella are interred in the same sepulchre, in
the centre of the royal chapel of the Cathedral of Granada. Their effigies, sculp-
tured in white marble, lie side by side, on a magnificent tomb. At a little distance
to the left is the sepulchre, with the effigies of Philip the fair and his wifeJuana,
the unfortunate daughter and successor of Isabella. The altar of the dhapel is
adorned with bas-reliefs, representing the conquest and surrender of Granada.
t Elogio de la Reina, Catolica, por D. Diego Clemencin. Illustration 19.
CHAP. III.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUs. 189
in beautifully touching and mournful terms. “A Memorial,” he
writes, “for thee, my dear son Diego, of what at present is to be
done. The principal is to commend affectionately, and with great
devotion, the soul of the queen, our sovereign, to God. Her life was
always catholic and holy, and prompt to all things in his holy ser-
vice: for this reason we may rest assured that she is received into
his glory, and beyond the cares of this rough and weary world.
The next thing is to watch and labour in all things for the service of
our sovereign the King, and to endeavour to alleviate his grief. His
majesty is the head of christendom. Remember the proverb which
says, “when the head suffers, all the members suffer.’ Therefore
all good christians should pray for his health, and long life; and
we, who are in his employ, ought more than others to do this with
all study and diligence.”*
It is impossible to read without emotion this simply eloquent and
mournful letter; in which, by such artless touches, Columbus ex-
presses his tenderness for the memory of his benefactress, his weari-
mess under the gathering cares and ills of life, and his persevering
and enduring loyalty towards the sovereign who was so ungrate-
fully neglecting him. It is in these unstudied and confidential let-
ters that we read the heart of Columbus.
CHAPTER III.
CoLUMBUS ARRIVES AT COURT-FRUITLESS APPLICATIONS Tºp
THE KING FOR REDRESS.
[1505. I
THE death of Isabella was a fatal blow to the fortunes of Columbus,
While she lived, he had every thing to anticipate from her high
sense of justice, her regard for her royal word, her gratitude for his
services, and her admiration of his character. With her illness,
however, his interests had languished, and when she died, he was
left to the justice and generosity of Ferdinand.
During the remainder of the winter, and a part of the spring, he
continued at Seville, detained by painful illness, and endeavouring
* Letter to Don Diego, dated Dec 3d, 1504.
3490 LIFE, ANB: WQYAGES OF [Book XVIII
to obtain redress from government by ineffectual, letters. His bro-
ther, the Adelantado, who supported him with his acoustomed fond-
ness and devotion, through all his trials, proceeded to court, to at-
tend to his interests, taking with him the admiral's younger son
Fernando, then aged about seventeen. The latter, the affectionate
father repeatedly represents to his son Diego, as a man in under-
standing and conduct, though but a stripling in years; and incul-
cates the strongest fraternal attachment, alluding to his own
brethren with one of those artless and affecting touches, which speak
the kindness of his heart. “To thy brother conduct thyself as the
elder brother should unto the younger; thou hast no other, and I
praise God that this is such a one as thou dost need. Ten brothers
would not be too many for thee. Never have I found a better friend,
to right or left, than my brothers.”
Among the persons whom Columbus employed at this time in his
missions to the court, was Amerigo Vespucci. He describes him as
a worthy but unfortunate man, who had not profited as much as he
deserved by his undertakings, and who had always been disposed
to render him service. His object in employing him appears to
have been to prove the value of his last voyage, and that he had
been in the most opulent parts of the New World; Vespucci having
since touched upon the same coast, in a voyage with Alonzo de
Ojeda.
One circumstance occurred at this time which shed a gleam of
hope and consolation over the gloomy prospects of the admiral. His
ancient and tried friend, Diego de Deza, who had been sometime
bishop of Palencia, was expected at court. This was the same
worthy friar who had aided him to advocate his theory before the
board of learned men at Salamanca, and had assisted him with his
purse, when making his propositions to the Spanish court. He had
just been promoted, and made archbishop of Seville, but had not yet
been installed in his new office. Columbus directs his son Diego to
intrust his interests to this worthy prelate. “Two things,” says he,
“require particular attention. Ascertain whether the queen, who is
now with God, has said anything concerning me in her testament;
and stimulaté the bishop of Palencia; he who was the eause that
their highnesses obtained possession of the Indias, who induced me
to remain in Castile, when I was on the road to leave it.” In
another letter he says, “if the bishop of Palencia has arrived, or
should arrive, tell him how much I have heen gratified by his pros-
perity; and that if I come, Ishall lodge with his grace, even theugh
* Letter of December 21, 1504. Navarrete, T. 1, p. 346.
CHAP. H.H.] CHRISTOPHER, COLUMBUs. k91
he should not invite me; for we must return to our ancient fraternal:
affection.” * tº
The incessant applications of Columbus, both by letter and by
the intervention of friends, appear to have been listened to with cool
indifference. No compliance was yielded to his requests, and no
deference was paid to his opinions on various points concerning
which he interested himself. New instructions were sent out to
Ovando, but not a word of their purport was mentioned to the ad-
miral. It was proposed to send out three bishops, and he entreated
in vain to be heard previous to their election. In short, he was not
in any way consulted in the affairs of the New World. He felt
deeply this neglect, and became every day more impatient of his
absence from court. To enable himself to perform the journey
with more ease, he applied for permission to use a mule, a royal or-
dinance having prohibited the employment of those animals under
the saddle, in consequence of their universal use having oecasigned
a decline in the breed of horses. A royal permission was accord-
Ingly granted to Columbus, in consideration that his age and infir-
mities incapacitated him from riding on horseback; but it was a
considerable time before the state of his health would permit him
to avail himself of that privilege.
The foregoing particulars, gleaned from letters of Columbus re-
cently discovered, show the real state of his affairs, and the mental
and bodily afflictions he sustained during his winter's residence at
Seville, on his return from his last disastrous voyage. He has gene-
rally been represented as reposing there from his toils and troubles.
Never, was honourable repose more merited, more desired, and less
enjoyed.
It was not until the month of May, that the admiral was able, in
company with his brother the Adelantado, to accomplish his journey
to court, which was at that time held at Segovia. He who but a
few years before had entered the city of Barcelona in triumph,
attended by the nobility and chivalry of Spain, and hailed with
rapture by the multitude, now arrived within the gates of Segovia,
a wayworn, melancholy, and neglected man; oppressed more by
sorrow than even by his years and infirmities. When he presented
himself at court, he met with none of that distinguished attention,
that cordial kindness, that cherishing sympathy, which his unpa-
ralleled services, and his recent sufferings had merited.”
The selfish Ferdinand had lost sight of all his past services, in
what appeared to him the inconvenience of his present demands
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 37. Herrera, H Ind D. 1, E. 6. C. 13.
192 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVIII.
He received him with many professions of kindness, but with those
cold ineffectual smiles, which pass like wintry sunshine over the
countenance, and convey no warmth to the heart.
The admiral now gave a particular account of his late voyage,
describing the great tract of Terra Firma which he had explored,
and the riches of the province of Veragua. He related also the
disasters he had sustained in the island of Jamaica; the insurrection
of the Porras' and their band; and all the other griefs and troubles
of this unfortunate expedition. He had but a cold-hearted auditor
in the king, and the benignant Isabella was no longer at hand to
soothe him with a smile of kindness, or a tear of sympathy. “I
know not,” says the venerable Las Casas, “what could cause this
dislike, and this want of princely countenance in the king, towards
one who had rendered him such pre-eminent benefits; unless it was
that his mind was swayed by the false testimonies which had been
rendered against the admiral, of which I have been enabled to learn
something from persons much in favour with the sovereigns.”
After a few days had elapsed, Columbus urged his suit in form,
reminding the king of all that he had done, and all that had been
promised him under the royal word and seal; and supplicating that
the restitutions and indemnifications which had been so frequently
solicited, might be awarded to him; offering in return to serve his
majesty devotedly for the short time he had yet to live; and trust-
ing, from what he felt within him, and from what he thought he
knew with certainty, to render services which should surpass all
that he had yet performed a hundredfold. The king, in reply
acknowledged the greatness of his merits and the importance of
his services; but observed, that, for the more satisfactory adjustment
of his claims, it would be adviseable to refer all points in dispute to
the decision of some discreet and able person. The admiral imme-
diately proposed as arbiter his friend the archbishop of Seville, Don
Diego de Deza, one of the most able and upright men about the
court, devotedly loyal, high in the confidence of the king, and one
who had always taken great interest in the affairs of the New
World. The king consented to the arbitration, but he artfully ex-
tended it to questions which he knew would never be put at issue by
Columbus; among these was his claim to the restoration of his
office of viceroy. To this Columbus objected with becoming spirit,
as compromising a right which was too clearly defined and solemnly
established, to be put for a moment in dispute. It was the question
of rents and revenues alone, he observed, which he was willing to
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L.2. C. 37.
*Char. H.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. * ‘193
submit to the decision of a learned man, not that of the government
of the Indias. As the monarch persisted, however, in embracing
both questions in the arbitration, the proposed measure was never
carried into effect. ºft
It was, in fact, on the subject of his dignities alone that Colum-
bus was tenacious; all other matters he considered of minor import-
ance. In a conversation with the king he absolutely disavowed all
wish of entering into any suit or pleading as to his pecuniary dues;
on the contrary, he offered to put all his privileges and writings into
the hands of his sovereign, and to receive out of the dues arising
from them, whatever his majesty might think proper to award. All
that he claimed, without qualification or reserve, were his official
dignities, assured to him, with all the solemnity of a treaty, under
the royal seal. He entreated, at all events, that these matters might
speedily be decided, so that he might be released from a state of
miserable suspense, and enabled to retire to some quiet cornery-in
search of that tranquillity and repose, necessary to his fatigues and
infirmities.
To this frank appeal to his justice and generosity Ferdinand re-
plied with many courteous expressions, and with those general,
evasive promises, which beguile the ear of the court applicant, but
convey no comfort to his heart. “As far as actions went,” observes
Las Casas, “the king not merely showed him no signs of favour,
but on the contrary discountenanced him as much as possible; yet
he was never wanting in complimentary expressions.”
Many months were exhausted by Columbus, in unavailing at-
tendance upon the court. He continued to receive outward demon-
strations of respect from the king; and was noticed with due
attention by the cardinal Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, and other
principal personages; but he had learnt to appreciate and distrust
the hollow civilities of a court. His claims were referred to a tri-
bunal called “the council of the discharges of the conscience of
the deceased queen and of the king.” This is a kind of tribunal
commonly known by the name of the Junta de Descargos, composed
of persons nominated by the sovereign, to superintend the accom-
plishment of the last will of his predecessor, and the discharge of
his debts.
Two consultations were held by this body, but nothing was de-
termined. The wishes of Ferdinand were too well known to be
thwarted. “It was believed,” says Las Casas, “that if the king
could have done so with a safe conscience and without detriment to
his fame, he would have regarded few or none of the * of
I94 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XVIII.
privileges, which he and the queen had conceded to the admiral,
and which had been so justly merited.”
* Columbus still flattered himself that, his claims being of such in-
portance, and touching a question of sovereignty, the adjustment of
them might be only postponed by the king, until he could consult
with his daughter Juana, who had succeeded to her mother as
queen of Castile, and who was daily expected from Flanders, with
her husband king Philip. He endeavoured, therefore, to bear his
delays with patience; but he had no longer the physical strength to
contend with difficulties; and the glorious anticipations to bear him
above mortifications, which had once sustained him through his long
application at this court. Life was drawing to a close.
He was once more confined to his bed, by a tormenting attack of
the gout, aggravated by the sorrows and disappointments which
were preying upon his heart. From this couch of anguish, he ad-
dressed one more appeal to the justice of the king. He no longer
petitioned for himself; it was for his son Diego that he interceded.
Nor did he dwell upon his pecuniary dues; it was the honourable
trophies of his services, which he wished to secure and perpetuate in
his family. He entreated that his son Diego might be appointed, in
his place, to the government of which he had been so wrongfully de-
prived. “This,” said he, “is a matter which concerns my honour;
as to all the rest, do as your majesty may think proper; give or
withhold, as may be most for your interest, and I shall be content.
I believe it is the anxiety caused by the delay of this affair, which is
the principal cause of my ill health.” A petition to the same purpose
was presented at the same time by his son Diego; offering to take
with him such persons for counsellors as the king should appoint,
and to be guided by their advice.
These petitions were treated by Ferdinand with his usual profes-
sions and evasions. “The more applications were made to him,”
observes Las Casas, “the more favourably did he reply; but still he
delayed; hoping by exhausting their patience to induce them to
wave their privileges and accept in place thereof titles and estate, in
Castile.” Columbus rejected all propositions of the kind with in-
dignation; as calculated to compromise those titles, which were the
trophies of his achievements. He saw, however, that all further
hope of redress from Ferdinand was vain. From the bed to which
he was confined, he addressed a letter to his constant friend Diego
de Deza, expressive of his despair. “It appears that his majesty
does not think fit to fulfil that, which he, with the queen, who is
* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 37.
Char. IV.] CHRIST OPHER, COLUMBUS. 195
now in glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to contend
for the contrary, would be to contend with the wind. I have done
all that I could do. I leave the rest to God, whom I have ever
found propitious to me in my necessities.”
The cold and calculating Ferdinand beheld this illustrious man
sinking under infirmity of body, heightened by that deferred hope
which “maketh the heart sick” A little more delay, a little more
disappointment, and a little longer infliction of ingratitude, and this
loyal and generous heart would cease to beat: he should then be de-
livered from the just claims of a well-tried servant, who in ceasing
to be useful, was considered by him to have become importunate.
CHAPTER IV.
DEATH OF columnus.
In the midst of his illness and despondency, when both life and hope
were expiring in the bosom of Columbus, a new gleam was awaken-
ed, and blazed up for the moment with characteristic fervour. He
heard with joy of the landing of king Philip and queen Juana, who
had just arrived from Flanders, to take possession of their throne of
Castile. In the daughter of Isabella he trusted once more to find a
patroness and a friend. King Ferdinand and all the court repaired
to Laredo to receive the youthful sovereigns. Columbus would
gladly have done the same, but he was confined to his bed by a
severe access of his malady; neither could he dispense with the aid
and ministry of his son Diego, in his painful and helpless situation.
His brother, the Adelantado, therefore, his main dependence in all
cmergencies, was sent to represent him, and to present his homage
and congratulations. Columbus wrote by him to the new king and
queen, expressing his grief at being prevented by illness from eoming
in person to manifest his devotion, but begging to be considered
among the most faithful of their subjects. He expressed a hope that
he should receive at their hands the restitution of his honours and
estates, and assured them, that though cruelly tortured at present by
disease, he should yet be able to render them services, the like of
which had never been witnessed.
Such was the last Sally of his sanguine and unconquerable spirit;
which disregarding age and infirmities, and all past sorrows and
196 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVII:
disappointments, spoke from his dying bed with all the confidence
of youthful hope; and talked of still greater enterprises, as if he had
a long and vigorous life before him. The Adelantado took leave of
his brother, whom he was never to behold again, and set out on his
mission to the new sovereigns. He experienced the most gracious
reception. The claims of the admiral were treated with great at-
tention by the young king and queen, and flattering hopes were
given of a speedy and prosperous termination to his suit. I
In the meantime the cares and troubles of Columbus were draw-
ing to a close. The momentary fire which had recently reanimated
him soon expired, quenched by his accumulating infirmities. Im-
mediately after the departure of the Adelantado, his maladies in-
creased in violence. His last voyage had shattered beyond repair a
frame already worn and wasted by a life of hardship; and since his
return a series of anxieties had robbed him of that sweet repose so
mecessary to recruit the weariness and debility of age. The cold
ingratitude of his sovereigns had chilled his heart. The continued
suspension of his honours, and the enmity and defamation he expe-
rienced at every turn, seemed to have thrown a deep shadow over
that glory which had been the great object of his ambition. This
shadow, it is true, could be but of transient duration; but it is diffi-
cult for the most illustrious man to look beyond the present cloud
which may obscure his fame, and anticipate its permanent lustre in
the admiration of posterity.
Being admonished by his failing strength, and his increasing suf.
ferings that his end was approaching, he prepared to leave his
affairs in order, for the benefit of his successors. It is said that on
the 4th of May he wrote an informal testamentary codicil on the
blank page of a little breviary which had been given him by Pope
Alexander WI. In this he bequeathed that book to the republic of
Genoa, which he also appointed successor to his privileges and digni-
ties, on the extinction of his male line. He directed, likewise, the
erection of an hospital in that city, with the produce of his possessions
in Italy. The authenticity of this document is questioned, and has
become a point of warm contest among commentators. It is not,
however, of much importance. The paper is such as might readily
have been written by a person like Columbus in the paroxysm of dis.
ease, when he imagined his end suddenly approaching, and shows
the affection with which his thoughts were bent on his native city.
It is termed among commentators a military codicil, because testa-
mentary dispositions of this kind are executed by the soldier at the
point of death, without the usual formalities required by the civil
law. About two weeks after, on the eve of his death, he executed a
CHAP IV.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 197
final and regularly authenticated codicil, in which he devised his
dignities and estates with better judgment.
In these last and awful moments, when the soul has but a brief
space in which to make up its accounts between heaven and earth,
all dissimulation is at an end, and we read the most unequivocal evi-
dences of the character. The last codicil of Columbus, made at the
very verge of the grave, is stamped with his ruling passion, and his
benignant virtues. He repeats and enforces several clauses of his
original testament, constituting his son Diego his universal heir.
The entailed inheritance, or mayorazgo, in case he died without
male issue, was to go to his brother Don Fernando, and from him in
like case, to pass to his uncle Don Bartholomew, descending always
to the nearest male heir, in failure of which it was to pass to the
female nearest in lineage to the admiral. He enjoined upon whoever
shouldinherit his estate, never to alienate or diminish it, but to endeav-
our by all means to augment its prosperity and importance. He like-
wise enjoined upon his heirs to be prompt and devoted at all times with
person and estate to serve the sovereign and promote the Christian
faith. He ordered that Don Diego should devote one tenth of the reve-
nues which might arise from his estate, when it came to be productive,
to the relief of indigent relatives, and of other persons in necessity.
That out of the remainder he should yield certain yearly proportions
to his brother Don Fernando, and his uncles Don Bartholomew and
Don Diego, and that the part allotted to Don Fernando should be
settled upon him and his male heirs, in an entailed and unalienable
inheritance. Having thus provided for the maintenance and perpe-
tuity of his family and dignities, he ordered that Don Diego, when
his estates should be sufficiently productive, should erect a chapel in
the island of Hispaniola, which God had given to him so marvel-
lously, at the town of Conception, in the Vega, where masses should
be daily performed for the repose of the souls of himself, his father,
his mother, his wife, and of all who had died in the faith. Another
clause recommends to the care of Don Diego, Beatrix Enriquez, the
mother of his natural son Fernando. His connexion with her had
never been sanctioned by matrimony, and either this circumstance,
or some neglect of her, seems to have awakened deep compunction
In his dying moments. He orders Don Diego to provide for her re-
spectable maintenance; “and let this be done,” he adds, “for the
discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul.”* Fi-
* Diego, the son of the admiral, notes in his own testament this bequest of his
father, and says that he was charged by him to pay Beatrix Enriquez 10,000 mara-
vadies a year; which for some time he had faithfully performed; but as he believes
that for three or four years previous to her death he had neglected to do so, he orders
R 2
198 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVIII
nally, he noted with his own hand several minute sums, to be paid to
persons at different and distant places without their being told from
whence they received them. These appear to have been trivial debts
of conscience, or rewards for petty services received in times long
past. Among them is one of half a mark of silver to a poor Jew,
who lived at the gate of Jewry in the city of Lisbon. These minute
provisions evince the scrupulous attention to justice in all his deal-
ings, and that love of punctuality in the fulfilment of duties, for
which he was remarked. In the same spirit he gave much advice
to his son Diego as to the conduct of his affairs, enjoining upon him
to take every month an account with his own hand, of the expenses
of his household, and to sign it with his name; for a want of regu-
larity in this, he observed, lost both property and servants, and turn-
ed the last into enemies.” His dying bequests were made in pre-
sence of a few faithful followers and servants, and among them we
find the name of Bartolomeo Fiesco, who had accompanied Diego
Mendez in the perilous voyage in a canoe from Jamaica to Hispa-
riiola.
Having thus scrupulously attended to all the claims of affection,
loyalty, and justice upon earth, Columbus turned his thoughts to
heaven; and having received the holy Sacraments, and performed
all the pious offices of a devout Christian, he expired with great re-
signation on the day of Ascension, the 20th of May, 1506, being
about seventy years of age.f His last words were, “In manus tuas,
Domine, commendo spiritum meum ” into thy hands, O Lord, I com-
mend my spirit ſt
His body was deposited in the convent of St. Francisco, and his
obsequies were celebrated with funeral pomp at Walladolid, in the pa-
rochial church of Santa Maria de la Antigua. His remains were
transported afterwards, in 1513, to the Carthusian monastery of Las
Cuevas, of Seville, to the chapel of St. Ann, or of Santo Christo, in
which chapel were likewise deposited those of his son Don Diego,
who died in the village of Montalban, on the 23d of February, 1526,
In the year 1536, the bodies of Columbus and his son Diego were
removed to Hispaniola, and interred in the principal chapel of the
cathedral of the city of San Domingo. But even here they did not
rest in quiet, having since been again disinterred and conveyed to
the Havana, in the island of Cuba.
that the deficiency shall be ascertained and paid to her heirs. Memorial adjusta-
do sobre la propriedad del mayorazgo que fundó D. Christopher Colon, $245.
* Memorial adjustado, § 248.
f Cura de los Palacios, Cap. 121.
# Las Casas, Hist. Ind. L. 2, C. 38. Hist, del Almirante, Cºp. 198.
**
º
char. v.1 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. Egg)
After the death of Columbus, we are told that Ferdinand showed
a sense of his merits by ordering a monument to be erected to his
memory, on which was inscribed the motto already cited, which had
formerly been granted to him by the sovereigns: A casTIELA y A
LEoN NUEvo MuNDo pro colon. (To Castile and Leon Columbus
gave a new world.) However great an honour a monument may be
for a subject to receive, it is certainly but a cheap reward for a sove-
reign to bestow. As to the motto, inscribed upon it, it remains en-
graved in the memory of mankind more indelibly than in brass or
marble; a record of the great debt of gratitude due to the discoverer,
which the monarch had so faithlessly neglected to discharge.
Attempts have been made in recent days, by loyal Spanish writers,
to vindicate the conduct of Ferdinand towards Columbus. They
were doubtless well intended, but they have been futile; nor is their
failure to be regretted. To screen such injustice in so eminent a
character from the reprobation of mankind, is to deprive history of
one of its most important uses. Let the ingratitude of Ferdinand
stand recorded in its full extent, and endure throughout all time.
The dark shadow which it casts upon his brilliant renown, will be
a lesson to all rulers, teaching them what is important to their own
fame in their treatment of illustrious men.
CHAPTER W.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CHARACTER OF COLUMBUS.
\
IN narrating the history of Columbus it has been the endeavour of
the author to place him in a clear and familiar point of view, detail-
ing actions, however trivial, which appeared to develope his charac-
ter, and seeking, by collateral illustrations, to throw light upon his
views and motives. Many circumstances have been detailed which
may be deemed gross errors of conduct, and which have hitherto
either been passed over in silence, or vaguely noticed by historians;
but he who paints a great man merely in great and heroic traits,
though he may produce a fine picture, will never present a faithful
portrait. Distinguished men are composed of great and little quali-
ties. Much of their greatness arises from their struggles against the
imperfections of their nature, and their noblest actions are sometimes
struck forth by the collision of their virtues and their vices.
200 * * LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book XVIII.
Columbus was a man of great and inventive genius. The opera-
tions of his mind, were energetic but irregular; bursting forth at times
with that irresistible force which characterizes intellects of such an
order. His mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge connected
with his pursuits; and though his information may appear limited
at the present day, and some of his errors palpable, it is because that
knowledge, in his peculiar department of science, was but scantily
developed in his time. His own discoveries enlightened the igno-
rance of that age; guided conjecture to certainty; and dispelled
numerous errors with which he himself had been obliged to struggle.
His ambition was lofty and noble. He was full of high thoughts,
and anxious to distinguish himself by great achievements. It has
been said that a mercenary feeling mingled with his views, and that
his stipulations with the Spanish court were selfish and awaricious.
The charge is inconsiderate and unjust. He aimed at dignity and
wealth in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown; but they
were to arise from the territories he should discover, and be commen-
surate in importance. No condition could be more just. He asked
nothing of the sovereigns but a command of the countries he hoped
to give them, and a share of the profits to support the dignity of his
command. If there should be no country discovered, his stipulated
viceroyalty would be of no avail; and if no revenues should be pro-
duced, his labour and peril would produce no gain. If his command
and revenues ultimately proved magnificent, it was from the mag-
mificence of the regions he had attached to the Castilian crown.
What monarch would not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions?
But he did not merely risk a loss of labour and a disappointment
of ambition in the enterprise: on his motives being questioned, he
voluntarily undertook, and, with the assistance of his coadjutors, ac-
tually defrayed one eighth of the whole charge of the first expedi-
tlon.
The gains that promised to arise from his discoveries were intend-
ed to be appropriated in the same princely spirit in which they were
demanded. He contemplated works and achievements of benevo-
lence and piety; vast contributions for the relief of the poor of his
native city; the foundation of churches where massesshould be said
for the souls of the departed; and armies for the recovery of the holy
-sepulchre in Palestine.
In the discharge of his office he maintained the state and ceremo-
nial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank and privileges: not
from a mere vulgar love of titles, but because he prized them as tes-
timonials and trophies of his achievements. These he jealously
cherished as his great rewards. In his repeated applications to the
"jº
Čirić. W.]”! CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 201
king, he insisted merely on the restitution of his dignities. As to his
pecuniary dues and all questions relative to mere revenue, he offered
to leave them to arbitration, or even to the absolute disposition of the
king; but not so his official dignities; “these things” said he nobly,
“affect my honour.” In his testament, he enjoined on his son Diego,
and whoever after him should inherit his estates, whatever dignities
and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, always to sign
himself simply “The admiral,” by way of perpetuating in the fami-
ly its real source of greatness &
His conduct as a discoverer was characterized by the grandeur of
his views, and the magnanimity of his spirit. Instead of scouring
the newly found countries, like a grasping adventurer eager only for
immediate gain, as was too generally the case with contemporary
'discoverers, he sought to ascertain their soil and productions, their
rivers and harbours. He was desirous of colonizing and cultivating
'them, of conciliating and civilizing the natives, of building cities,
introducing the useful arts, subjecting every thing to the control of
law, order and religion, and thus of founding regular and prosperous
empires. In this glorious plan, he was constantly defeated by the
dissolute rabble which it was his misfortune to command; with whom
“all law was tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all use-
, ful works by their seditions; provoked the peaceful Indians to hosti-
"lity; and after they had thus drawn down misery and warfare upon
their own heads, and overwhelmed Columbus with the ruins of the
edifice he was building, they charged him with being the cause of
the confusion. * * - -
Well would it have been for Spain, had her discoverers who, fol-
lowed in the track of Columbus possessed his sound policy and libe-
ral views. The new world, in such case, would have been settled
by peaceful colonists, and civilized by enlightened legislators, in-
stead
of being overrun by desperate adventurers, and desolated by
- &
avaricious conquerors. . . . . .
Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great excite.
ment, to sudden and strong impressions and powerful impulses. He
was naturally irritable and impetuous, and keenly sensible to injury
{
or injustice; yet the quickness of his temper was counteracted by
the benevolence and generosity of his heart. The magnanimity of
his nature shone forth through all the troubles of his stormy career.
Though continually outraged in his dignity, and braved in the ex-
ercise of his command; though foiled in his plans, and endangered
in his person by the seditions of turbulent and worthless men; and ,
, that too at times when suffering under anxiety of mind and anguish
3 of body; sufficient to exasperate the most patient; yet he restrained
14
Wol. II.
202 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF IBook XVIII.
his valiant and indignant spirit; and by the strong power of his
mind, brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to supplicate:
nor should we fail to notice how free he was from all feeling of re-
venge; how ready to forgive and forget, on the least signs of re-
pentance and atonement. He has been extolled for his skill in con-
trolling others, but far greater praise is due to him for the firmness
he displayed in governing himself. ºf
His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds of plea-
surable influences from external objects. In his letters and journals,
instead of detailing circumstances with the technical precision of a
mere navigator, he notices the beauties of nature with the enthusiasm
of a poet or a painter. As he coasts the shores of the New World,
the reader participates in the enjoyment with which he describes, in
his imperfect but picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around
him; the blandness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere,
the fragrance of the air, “full of dew and sweetness,” the verdure
of the forests, the magnificence of the trees, the grandeur of the
mountains, and the limpidity and freshness of the running streams.
New delight springs up for him in every scene. He extols each
new discovery as more beautiful than the last, and each as the most
beautiful in the world; until with his simple earnestness, he tells the
sovereigns, that having spoken so highly of the preceding islands,
he fears they will not credit him when he declares that the one he
is actually describing surpasses them all in excellence.
In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his emotions
on various occasions, readily affected by impulses of joy or grief, of
pleasure or indignation. When surrounded and overwhelmed by
the ingratitude and violence of worthless men, he often, in the retire-
ment of his cabin, gave way to gushes of sorrow, and relieved his
overladen heart by sighs and groans. When he returned in chains
to Spain, and came in the presence of Isabella, instead of continuing
the lofty pride with which he had hitherto sustained his injuries, he
was touched with grief and tenderness at her sympathy, and burst
forth into sobs and tears. *
He was devoutly pious: religion mingled with the whole course
of his thoughts and actions, and shone forth in all his most private
and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any great discovery,
he celebrated it by solemn thanks to God. The voice of prayer, and
the melody of praise, rose from his ships when they first beheld the
New World, and his first action on landing, was to prostrate him-
self upon the earth and render up thanksgivings. Every evening
the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns were chanted by his crew,
and masses were performed in the beautiful groves that bordered the
taar. v. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 203
wild shores of this heathen land. The religion thus deeply seated
in his soul diffused a sober dignity and a benign composure over his
whole demeanour. His language was pure and guarded, free from
all imprecations, oaths, and other irreverend expressions. All his
great enterprises were undertaken “in the name of the Holy Tri-
nity,” and he partook of the holy sacrament previous to embarka-
tion. He observed the festivals of the church in the wildest situa-
tions. The sabbath was with him a day of sacred rest, on which
he would never set sail from a port, unless in a case of extreme ne-
cessity. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows and pe-
mances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times of difficulty
and danger; but he carried his religion still farther, and his piety
was darkened by the bigotry of the age. He evidently concurred
in the opinion that all nations who did not acknowledge the Chris-
tian faith were destitute of natural rights; that the sternest means
might be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments in-
flicted upon their obstimacy in unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he
considered himself justified in making captives of the Indians, and
transporting them to Spain to have them taught the doctrines of
Christianity, and in selling them for slaves, if they pretended to re-
sist his invasions. In doing the latter he sinned against the natural
goodness of his character, and against the feelings which he had
originally entertained and expressed towards this gentle and hospi-
table people; but he was goaded on by the mercenary impatience of
the crown, and by the sneers of his enemies at the unprofitable result
of his enterprises. It is but justice to his character to observe, that
the enslavement of the Indians thus taken in battle was at first
openly countenanced by the crown, and that when the question of
right came to be discussed at the instance of the queen, several of
the most distinguished jurists and theologians advocated the prac-
tice, so that the question was finally settled in favour of the Indians
by the humanity of Isabella. As the venerable bishop Las Casas
observes, where the most learned men have doubted, it is not sur-
prising that an unlearned mariner should err.
These remarks in palliation of the conduct of Columbus are re-
quired by candour. It is proper to show him in connexion with the
age in which he lived, lest the errors of the time should be consi-
dered his individual faults. It is not the intention of the author,
however, to justify Columbus on a point where it is inexcusable to
err. Let it remain a blot on his illustrious name, and let others de-
rive a lesson from it.
A peculiar trait in his rich and varied character remains to be no-
uced; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination which threw a mag-
204 LIFE AND voyages of [Book XVIII
nificence over his whole course of thought, Herrera intimates that
he had a talent for poetry, and some slight traces of it are on record,
in the book of prophecies which he presented to the Catholic sove-
reigns. But his poetical temperament is discernible throughout all
his writings, and in all his actions. It spread a golden and glorious
world around him, and tinged every thing with its own gorgeous
colours. It betrayed him into visionary speculations, which sub-
jected him to the sneers and vavillings of men of cooler and safer,
but more grovelling minds. Such were the conjectures formed on
the coast of Paria about the form of the earth and the situation of
the terrestrial paradise; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola,
and of the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua; and such was the heroic
scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepulchre. It min-
gled with his religion, and filled his mind with solemn and visionary
meditations on mystic passages of the scriptures, and the shadowy
portents of the prophecies. It exalted his office in his eyes, and
made him conceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and
awful mission, subject to impulses and supernatural intimations from
the deity; such as the voice which he imagined spoke to him in
comfort, amidst the troubles of Hispaniola, and in the silence of the
night on the disastrous coast of Veragua.
He was decidedly a visionary; but a visionary of an uncommon
and successful kind. The manner in which his ardent, imaginative
and mercurial nature were controlled by a powerful judgment, and
directed by an acute sagacity, is the most extraordinary feature in
his character. Thus govermed, his imagination, instead of exhaust-
ing itself in idle flights, lent aid to hisjudgment, and enabled him to
form conclusions, at which common minds could never have arrived,
nay, which they could not perceive when pointed out.
To his intellectual vision it was given to read in the signs of the
times, and to trace in the conjectures and reveries of past ages, the
indications of an unknown world; as soothsayers were said to read
predictions in the stars, and to foretel events from the visions of the
night. “His soul,” observes a Spanish writer, “was superior to the
age in which he lived. For him was reserved the great enterprise
of traversing, a sea which had given rise to so many fables, and
of deciphering the mystery of his time.”
With all the visionary fervour of his imagination, its fondest
dreams fell short of the reality. He died in ignorance of the real
grandeur of his discovery. Until his last breath, he entertained the
idea that he had merely opened a new way to the old resorts of
ºms º ºff afº
* Cladera, Investigaciones Historicas, p. 43.
Char. W.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 205
opulent commerce, and had discovered some of the wild regions
of the east. He supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which
had been visited by the ships of Solomon, and that Cuba and Terra
Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions of glory would
have broken upon his mind, could he have known that he had
indeed discovered a new continent, equal to the whole of the old
world in magnitude, and separated by two vast oceans from all the
earth hitherto known by civilized man! And how would his
magnanimous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age
and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, and the
injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the
splendid empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he
had discovered, and the nations, and tongues, and languages which
were to fill its lands with his renown, and to revere and bless his
name to the latest posterity!
* §
APPENDIX:
CONTAIN ING
ILLUSTRATIONS AND DocumENTs.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
TRANSPORTATION OF THE REMAINS OF COLUMBUS FROM ST.
DOMINGO TO THE HAWAN A.
At the termination of a war between France and Spain, in 1795, all
the Spanish possessions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to
France, by the 9th article of the treaty of peace. To assist in the
accomplishment of this cession, a Spanish squadron was despatched
to the island at the appointed time, commanded by Don Gabriel de
Aristizabal, lieutenant-general of the royal armada. On the 11th
December, 1795, that commander wrote to the field-marshal and go-
vernor, Don Joaquin Garcia, resident at St. Domingo, that, being
informed that the remains of the celebrated admiral Don Christo-
pher Columbus lay in the cathedral of that city, he felt it incum-
bent on him as a Spaniard, and as commander in chief of his
majesty's squadron of operations, to solicit the translation of the
ashes of that hero to the island of Cuba, which had likewise been
discovered by him, and where he had first planted the standard of
the cross. He expressed a desire that this should be done officially,
and with great care and formality, that it might not remain in the
power of any one, by a careless transportation of these honoured
remains, to lose a relique, connected with an event which formed the
most glorious epoch of Spanish history, and that it might be mani-
fested to all nations, that Spaniards, notwithstanding the lapse of
ages, never ceased to pay all honours to the remains of that
“worthy and adventurous general of the seas;” nor abandoned
them, when the various public bodies, representing the Spanish do-
minion, emigrated from the island. As he had not time, without
great inconvenience to consult the sovereign on this subject, he had
recourse to the governor, as royal vice-patron of the island, hoping
that his solicitation might be granted, and the remains of the ad-
miral exhumed and conveyed to the island of Cuba, in the ship San
Lorenzo.
The generous wishes of this highminded Spaniard met with
warm concurrence on the part of the governor. He informed him
& S 2
210 APPENDIX.
º
in reply, that the duke of Veraguas, lineal successor of Columbus,
had manifested the same solicitude, and had sent directions that the
necessary measures should be taken at his expense; and had at the
same time expressed a wish that the bones of the Adelantado, Don
Bartholomew Columbus, should likewise be exhumed; transmit-
ting inscriptions to be put upon the sepulchres of both. He added,
that although the king had given no orders on the subject, yet the
proposition being so accordant with the grateful feelings of the
Spanish nation, and meeting with the concurrence of all the au
thorities of the island, he was ready on his part to carry it into
execution. f
The commandant-general Aristizabal then made a similar com-
munication to the archbishop of Cuba, ‘Don Fernando Portillo y
Torres, whose metropolis was then the city of St. Domingo, hoping
to receive his countenance and aid in this pious undertaking.
The reply of the archbishop was couched in terms, of high cour-
tesy towards the gallant commander, and deep reverence for the
memory of Columbus, and expressed a zeal in rendering this tribute
of gratitude and respect to the remains of one who had done so
much for the glory of the nation.
The persons empowered to act for the duke of Veraguas, the
venerable dean and chapter of the cathedral, and all the other per-
sons and authorities to whom Don Gabriel de Aristizabal made
similar communications, manifested the same eagerness to assist
in the performance of this solemn and affecting rite. -
The worthy commander Aristizabal, have taken all these prepa-
ratory steps with great form and punctilio, so as that the ceremony
should be performed in a public and striking manner, suitable to the
fame of Columbus, the whole was carried into effect with becom-
ing pomp and Solemnity. -
On the 20th December, 1795, the most distinguished persons of
the place, the dignitaries of the church, and civil and military offi-
cers, assembled in the metropolitan cathedral. In the presence of
this august assemblage, a small vault was opened above the chan-
cel, in the principal wall on the right side of the high altar. With-
in were found the fragments of a leaden coffin, a number of bones,
and a quantity of mould, evidently the remains of a human body.
These were carefully collected and put into a case of gilded lead,
about half an ell in length and breadth, and a third in height,
secured by an iron lock, the key of which was delivered to the
archbishop. The case was enclosed in a coffin covered with black
velvet, and ornamented with lace and fringe of gold. The whole
was then placed in a temporary tomb or mausoleum.
/
APPENDIX. 21
On the following day, there was another grand convocation at the
cathedral, when the vigils and masses for the dead were solemnly
chanted by the archbishop, accompanied by the commandant ge-
neral of the armada, the Dominican and Franciscan friars, and the
friars of the order of Mercy, together with the rest of the distin-
guished assemblage. After this a funeral sermon was preached
by the archbishop. Y. t
On the same day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the coffin was
transported to the ship with the utmost state and ceremony, with a
civil, religious and military procession, banners wrapped in mourn-
ing, chants and responses and discharges of artillery. The most
distinguished persons of the several orders took turn to support the
coffin. The key was taken with great formality from the hands of
the archbishop by the governor, and given into the hands of the
commander of the armada, to be delivered by him to the governor
of the Havana, to be held in deposit until the pleasure of the king
should be known. The coffin was received on board of a brigan-
time called the Discoverer, which, with all the other shipping, dis-
played mourning signals, and saluted the remains with the honours
paid to an admiral. \
From the port of St. Domingo the coffin was conveyed to the
bay of Ocoa and there transferred to the ship San Lorenzo. It was
accompanied by a portrait of Columbus, sent from Spain by the
duke of Weraguas, to be suspended close by the place where the
remains of his illustrious ancestor should be deposited.
The ship immediately made sail and arrived at Havana in Cuba,
on the 15th of January, 1796. Here the same deep feeling of
reverence to the memory of the discoverer was evinced. The
principal authorities repaired on board of the ship, accompanied by
the superior naval and military officers. Every thing was con-
ducted with the same circumstantial and solemn ceremonial. The
remains were removed with great reverence, and placed in a felucca,
in which they were conveyed to land in the midst of a procession
of three columns of feluccas and boats in the royal service, all pro-
perly decorated, containing distinguished military and ministerial
officers. Two feluccas followed, in one of which was a marine
guard of honour, with mourning banners and muffled drums; and
in the other were the commandant general, the principal minister
of marine and the military staff. In passing the vessels of war in
the harbour, they all paid the honours due to an admiral and cap-
tain-general of the navy. On arriving at the mole, the remains were
met by the governor of the island, accompanied by the generals and
the military staff. The coffin was then conveyed between files
212 APPENDIX.
of soldiery which lined the streets to the obelisk, in the pla. of
arms, where it was received in a hearse prepared for the purpose.
Here the remains were formally delivered to the governor and cap-
tain-general of the island, the key given up to him, the coffin opened
and examined, and the safe transportation of its contents authenti-
cated. This ceremony being concluded, it was conveyed in grand
procession and with the utmost pomp to the cathedral. Masses,
and the solemn ceremonies of the dead were performed by the bishop,
and the mortal remains of Columbus deposited with great reverence
in the wall on the right side of the grand altar. “All these honours
and ceremonies,” says the document, from whence this notice is
digested,” “were attended by the ecclesiastical and secular dignita-
ries, the public bodies and all the nobility and gentry of Havana,
in proof of the high estimation and respectful remembrance in which
they held the hero who had discovered the New World, and had been
the first to plant the standard of the cross on that island.”
This is the last occasion that the Spanish nation has had to testify
its feelings towards the memory of Columbus, and it is with deep
satisfaction that the author of this work has been able to cite at
large a ceremonial so solemn, affecting, and noble in its details, and
so honourable to the national character.
When we read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from
the port of St. Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred
years, as sacred national reliques, with civic and military pomp, and
high religious ceremonial; the most dignified and illustrious men
striving who most should pay them reverence; we cannot but
reflect that it was from this very port he was carried off loaded with
ignominious chains, blasted apparently in fame and fortune, and
followed by the revilings of the rabble. Such honours, it is true,
are nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the heart, now dust
and ashes, for all the wrongs and sorrows it may have suffered: but
they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious, yet slandered and
persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear with present
injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all calumny, and
receives its glorious reward in the admiration of after ages.
* Navarrete, Collec. T.2, p. 365.
APPENDIX. 213
No. II.
NOTICE OF THE DESCENDANTS OF COLUMBUS.
On the death of Columbus his son Diego succeeded to his rights,
as viceroy and governor of the new world, according to the express
capitulations between the sovereigns and his father. He appears
by the general consent of historians to have been a man of great
integrity, of respectable talents, and of a frank and generous nature.
Herrera speaks repeatedly of the gentleness and urbanity of his
manners, and pronounces him of a noble disposition and without
deceit. This absence of all guile frequently laid him open to the
stratagems of crafty men, grown old in deception, who rendered his
life a continued series of embarrassments; but the probity of his
character, with the irresistible power of truth, bore him through
difficulties in which more politic and subtle men would have been
entangled and completely lost.
Immediately after the death of the admiral, Don Diego came
forward as lineal successor, and urged the restitution of the family
offices and privileges, which had been suspended during the latter
years of his father's life. If the cold and wary Ferdinand, how-
ever, could forget his obligations of gratitude and justice to Colum-
bus, he had less difficulty in turning a deaf ear to the solicitations
of his son. For two years Don Diego pressed his suit with fruit-
less diligence. He felt the apparent distrust of the monarch the
more sensibly, from having been brought up under his eye, as a
page in the royal household, where his character ought to be well
known and appreciated. At length, on the return of Ferdinand
from Naples in 1508, he put to him a direct question, with the
frankness attributed to his character. He demanded “why his
majesty would not grant to him as a favour, that which was his
right, and why he hesitated to confide in the fidelity of one who
had been reared in his house.” Ferdinand replied that he could
fully confide in himself, but that he could not repose so great a
trust at a venture in his children and successors. To this Don
Diego rejoined, that it was contrary to 'all justice and reason to
make him suffer for the sins of his children who never might be
born.”
" Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 2, L. 7. C. 4.
214 APPENDIx.
Still, though he had reason and justice on his side, the young
admiral found it impossible to bring the wary monarch to a com-
pliance. Finding all appeal to all his ideas of equity or sentiments
of generosity in vain, he solicited permission to pursue his claim in
the ordinary course of law. The king could not refuse so reason-
able a request, and Don Diego commenced a process against king
Ferdinand before the council of the Indias, founded on the repeated
capitulations between the crown and his father, and embracing all
the dignities and immunities ceded by them,
One ground of opposition to these claims was, that if the capitu-
lation, made by the sovereigns in 1492, had granted a perpetual
viceroyalty to the admiral and his heirs, such grant could not stand;
being contrary to the interest of the state, and to an express law
promulgated in Toledo in 1480; wherein it was ordained that no
office, involving the administration of justice, should be given in
perpetuity; therefore, that the viceroyalty granted to the admiral
could only have been for his life; and that even, during that term,
it had justly been taken from him for his misconduct. That such
concessions were contrary to the inherent prerogatives of the crown,
of which the government could not divest itself. To this Don
Diego replied, that as to the validity of the capitulation, it was a
binding contract, and that none of its privileges ought to be re-
stricted, That as by royal schedules dated in Villa Franca, June
2d, 1506, and Almazan, Aug. 28, 1507, it had been ordered that he,
Don Diego, should receive the tenths, so equally ought the other
privileges to be accorded to him. As to the allegation that his father
had been deprived of his viceroyalty for his demerits, it was contrary
to all truth. It had been audacity on the part of Bobadilla to send
him a prisoner to Spain in 1500, and contrary to the will and com-
mand of the sovereigns, as was proved by their letter, dated from
Valencia de la Torre in 1502, in which they expressed grief at his
arrest, and assured him that it should be redressed, and his privileges
guarded entire to himself and his children.”
This memorable suit was commenced in 1508, and continued for
several years. In the course of it the claims of Don Diego were
disputed, likewise, on the plea that his father was not the original
discoverer of Terra Firma, but only subsequently of certain portions
of it. This however was completely controverted by overwhelming
testimony. The claims of Don Diego were minutely discussed and
rigidly examined; and the unanimous decision of the council of
the Indias in his favour, while it reflected honour on the justice and
* Extracts from the minutes of the process taken by the historian Muñoz, MS
APPENDIX. 215
independence of that body, silenced many petty cavillers at the fair
fame of Columbus." Notwithstanding this decision, the wily
monarch wanted heither theans nor pretexts to delay the ceding of
such vast powers, so repugnant to his cautious policy. “The young
admiral was finally indebted for his success in this suit to previous
success attained in a suit of a different nature. He had become
enamoured of Donna Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fernando de
Toledo, grand commander of León, and niece to Don Fadrique de
Toledo, the celebrated duke of Alva, chief favourite of the king.
This was aspiring to a high connexion. The father and uncle of
the lady were the most powerful grandees of the proud kingdom of
Spain, and cousins german to Ferdinand. The glory, however,
which Columbus had left behind, rested upon his children, and the
claims of Don Diego recently confirmed by the council, involved
dignities and wealth sufficient to raise him to a level with the loftiest
alliance. He found no difficulty in obtaining the hand of the lady,
and thus was the foreign family of Columbus engrafted on one of
the proudest races of Spain. The natural consequences folk,wed.
Diego had secured that magical power called “connexions;” and
the favour of Ferdinand, which had so long been withheld from
him, as the son of Columbus, shone upon him though coldly, as the
nephew of the duke of Alva. The father and uncle of his bride
succeeded, though with great difficulty, in conquering the repug-
nance of the monarch, and after all he but granted in part the jus-
tice they required. He ceded to Don Diego merely the dignities
and powers enjoyed by Nicholas de Ovando, who was recalled;
and he cautiously withheld the title of viceroy.
The recall of Ovando was not merely a measure to make room
for Don Diego, it was the tardy performance of a promise made to
Isabella on her death-bed. The expiring queen had demanded it as
a punishment for the massacre of her poor Indian subjects at Xara-
gua, and the cruel and ignominious execution of the female cacique
Anacaona. Thus retribution was continually going its rounds in
the chequered destinies of this island, which has ever presented a
little epitome of human history; its errors and crimes, and conse-
quent disasters.
In complying with the request of the queen, however, Ferdinand
was favourable towards Ovando. He did not feel the same gene-
rous sympathies with his late consort, and, however Ovando had
sinned against humanity in his treatment of the Indians, he had
* Farther mention will be found of this law-suit in the article relative to Amerigo
Wespucci.
216 APPENDIX.
been a vigilant officer, and his very .*. had in general
proved profitable to the crown. Ferdinand directed that the fleet
which took out the new governor should return under the command
of Ovando, and that he should retain undisturbed enjoyment of any
property or Indian slaves that might be found in his possession.
Some have represented Ovando as a man far from mercenary; that
the wealth wrung from the miseries of the natives was for his
sovereign, not for himself; and it is intimated that one secret cause of
his disgrace was his having made an enemy of the all-powerful and
unforgiving Fonseca.”
The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June 9, 1509, with his
wife, his brother Don Fernando, who was now grown to man's
estate, and had been well educated, and his two uncles Don Bartho-
lomew and Don Diego. They were accompanied by a numerous
retinue of cavaliers, with their wives, and of young ladies of rank
and family, more distinguished, it is hinted, for high blood than large
fortune, and who were sent out to find wealthy husbands in the new
world.t f
Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dignity of vice-
roy, the title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife
was universally addressed by that of vice-queen.
Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splendour hi-
therto unknown in the colony. The vice-queen, who was a lady of
great desert, surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies
of family who had come in her retinue, established a sort of court,
which threw a degree of lustre over the half savage island. The
young ladies were soon married to the wealthiest colonists, and con-
tributed greatly to soften those rude manners which had grown up
in a state of society hitherto destitute of the salutary restraint and
pleasing decorum produced by female influence.
Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light of a vice-
royalty, but the king soon took measures which showed that he ad-
mitted of no such pretension. Without any reference to Don Diego,
he divided the coast of Darién into two great provinces, separated
by an imaginary line running through the gulf of Uraba, appointing
Alonzo de Ojeda governor of the eastern province, which he called
New Andalusia, and a cavalier named Diego de Nicuessa, governor
of the western province, which included the rich coast of Veragua,
and which he called Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. Had the
monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the set-
* Charlevoix, ut supra, v.1, p. 272, id. 274.
+ Las Casas, L. 2, Cap. 49, MS.
APPENDix: 217
tlement of this coast would have been given to the Adelantado, Don
Bartholomew Columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the
country, and, together with his brother the admiral, had suffered so
greatly in the enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task
should have pointed him out to the policy of the monarch; but the
cautious and calculating Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the
Adelantado, and that he would be disposed to demand high and dig-
nified terms. He passed him by, therefore, and preferred more eager
and accommodating adventurers. '.
Don Diego was greatly aggrieved at this measure, thus adopted
without his participation or knowledge. He justly considered it an
infringement of the capitulations granted and repeatedly confirmed
to his father and his heirs. He had further vexations and difficul-
ties with respect to the government of the island of St. Juan, or
Porto Rico, which was conquered and settled about this time; but
after a variety of cross purposes, the officers whom he appointed
were ultimately recognised by the crown.
Like his father, he had to contend with malignant factions in his
government; for the enemies of the father transferred their enmity to
the son. There was one Miguel Pasamonte, the king's treasurer,
who became his avowed enemy, under the support and chiefly at the
instigation of the bishop Fonseca, who continued to the son the impla-
cable hostility which he had manifested to the father. A variety of
trivial circumstances contributed to embroil him with some of the
petty officers of the colony, and there was a remnant of the followers
of Roldan who arrayed themselves against him.”
Two factions soon arose in the island; one of the admiral, the
other of the treasurer Pasamonte. The latter affected to call them-
selves the party of the king. They gave all possible molestation to
Don Diego, and sent home the most virulent and absurd misrepre-
sentations of his conduct. Among others, they represented a large
house with many windows which he was building, as intended for
a fortress, and asserted that he had a design to make himself sove-
reign of the island. King Ferdinand, who was now advancing in
years, had devolved the affairs of the Indias in a great measure on
Fonseca,t who had superintended them from the first, and he was
greatly guided by the advice of that prelate, which was not likely to
be favourable to the descendants of Columbus. The complaints
from the colonies were so artfully enforced, therefore, that he esta-
blished in 1510 a sovereign court at St. Domingo, called the royal
audience, to which an appeal might be made from all sentences of
* Herrera, Decad; 1, L. 7, C. 12. - tidem. - -
Wol. II. 15 T
218 APPENDIX.
the admiral, even in cases reserved hitherto exclusively for the crown.
Don Diego considered this a suspicious and injurious measure in.
tended to demolish his authority.
Frank, open, and unsuspicious, the young admiral was not formed
for a contest with the crafty politicians arrayed against him, who
were ready and adroit in seizing upon his slightest errors, and mag-
nifying them into crimes. Difficulties were multiplied in his path
which it was out of his power to overcome. He had entered upon
office full of magnanimous intentions; determined to put an end to
oppression, and correct all abuses; all good men therefore had re-
joiced at his appointment; but he soon found that he had overrated
his strength, and undervalued the difficulties awaiting him. He
calculated from his own good heart, but he had no idea of the wick-
ed hearts of others. He was opposed to the repartimientos of In-
dians, that source of all kinds of inhumanity; but he found all the
men of wealth in the colony, and most of the important persons of
the court, interested in maintaining them. He perceived that the
attempt to abolish them would be dangerous, and the result question-
able: at the same time this abuse was a source of immense profit
to himself. Self-interest, therefore, combined with other considera-
tions, and what at first appeared difficult, seemed presently impracti.
cable. The repartimientos continued in the state in which he found
them, excepting that he removed such of the superintendents as had
been cruel and oppressive, and substituted men of his own appoint-
ment, who probably proved equally worthless. His friends were
disappointed, his enemies encouraged; a hue-and-cry was raised
against him by the friends of those he had displaced; and it was
even said that if Ovando had not died about this time, he would have
been sent out to supplant Don Diego.
The subjugation and settlement of the island of Cuba in 1510,
was a fortunate event in the administration of the present admiral.
He congratulated king Ferdinand on having acquired the largest
and most beautiful island in the world without losing a single man.
The intelligence was highly acceptable to the king; but it was ac-
companied by a great number of complaints against the admiral.
Little affection as Ferdinand felt for Don Diego, he was still aware
that most of these representations were false, and had their origin
in the jealousy and envy of his enemies. He judged it expedient,
however, in 1512, to send out Don Bartholomew Columbus with
minute instructions to his nephew the admiral.
Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado of the
Indias; although Ferdinand, through selfish motives, detained him
in Spain, while he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery.
APPENDIX. 219
He now added to his appointments the property and government of
the little island of Mona during life, and assigned him a repartimi-
ento of two hundred Indians, with the superintendence of the mines
which might be discovered in Cuba; an office which proved very
lucrative.” •
Among the instructions given by the king to Don Diego, he di.
rected that, in consequence of the representations of the Dominican
friars, the labour of the natives should be reduced one third; that
negro slaves should be procured from Guinea as a relief to the In-
dians;f and that Carib slaves should be branded on the leg, to pre-
vent other Indians from being confounded with them and subjected
to harsh treatment.f
The two governors, Ojeda and Nicuessa, whom the king had ap-
pointed to colonize and command at the isthmus of Darien, in Terra
Firma, having failed in their undertaking, the sovereign, in 1514,
wrote to Hispaniola, permitting the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew,
if so inclined, to take charge of settling the coast of Veragua, and
to govern that country under the admiral Don Diego, conformably
to his privileges. Had the king consulted his own interest, and the
deference due to the talents and services of the Adelantado, this
measure would have been taken at an earlier date. It was now too
late: illness prevented Don Bartholomew from executing the enter-
prise; and his active and toilsome life was drawing to a close...
Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pasañonte
and other enemies of Don Diego, and various measures being taken
by government, which he conceived derogatory to his dignity, and
injurious to his privileges, he requested and obtained permission to
repair to court, that he might explain and vindicate his conduct.
He departed, accordingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelan-
tado with the vice-queen Doña Maria. He was received with great
honour by the king; and he merited such a reception. He had suc-
ceeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or directed. The
pearlfishery had been successfully established on the coast of Cuba-
gua; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica had been subjected and
brought under cultivation without bloodshed; his conduct as governor
had been upright; and he had only excited the representations
made against him, by endeavouring to lessen the oppression of the
natives. The king ordered that all processes against him in the
court of appeal and elsewhere, for damages done to individuals in
regulating the repartimientos, should be discontinued, and the cases
sent to himself for consideration. But with all these favours, as the
* Charlevoix, Hist, St. Dominga, p. 321.
ł Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 1, L.9, C. 5. . ; Idem.
220 APPENDEx.
admiral claimed a share of the profits of the provinces of Castilla
del Oro, saying that it was discovered by his father, as the names of
its places, such as Nombre de Dios, Porto Bello and El Retrete,
plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be made
among the mariners who had sailed with Christopher Columbus, in
the hope of proving that he had not discovered the coast of Darien or’
the gulf of Uraba. “Thus,” adds Herrera, “Don Diego was
always involved in litigations with the fiscal, so that he might truly
say that he was heir to the troubles of his father.”
Not long after the departure of Don Diego from San Domingo,
his uncle, Don Bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life.
No particulars are given of his death, nor is there mention made of
his age, which must have been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to
have expressed great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion
of the character and talents of the Adelantado: “a man,” says Her.
rera, “ of not less worth than his brother the admiral, and who, if he
had been employed, would have given great proofs of it; for he was
an excellent seaman, valiant and of great heart.”f Charlevoix
attributes the inaction in which Don Bartholomew had been suffered
to remain for several years, to the jealousy and parsimony of the
king. . He found the house already too powerful; and the Adeian-
tado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good condi-
tions as had been made by the admiral his brother:# It was said,
observed Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in
his European affairs, though it could only have been to divert him
from other objects. On his death the king resumed to himself the
island of Mona, which he had given to him for life, and transferred
his repartimiento of two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Doña
Maria.
While the admiral Don Diego was pressing for an audience in his
vindication at court, king Ferdinand died on the 23d January, 1516.
His grandson and successor, prince Charles, afterwards the emperor
Charles W. was in Flanders. The government rested for a time
with cardinal Ximenes, who would not undertake to decide on the
representations and claims of the admiral. It was not until 1520
that he obtained from the emperor Charles W. a recognition of his
innocence of all the charges against him. The emperor finding that
what Pasamonte and his party had written were notorious calum-
nies, ordered Don Diego to resume his charge, although the process
with the fiscal was still pending, and that Pasamonte should be
written to, requesting him to forget all past passions and differences
*
* Herrera, Decad. 2, L. 2, Cap. 7. # Idem, Decad. 1, L, 10, C. 16.
# Charlevoix, Hist, St. Doming. L. 5.
APPENDEX. 221
ama to enter into amicable relations with Don Diego. Among other
acts of indemnification he acknowledged his right to exercise his
office of viceroy and governor in the island of Hispaniola, and in all
parts discovered by his father.” His authority was, however, much
diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him
with the right to give information to the council against him, but
with no other powers. Don Diego sailed in the beginning of Sep-
tember, 1520, and on his arrival at St. Domingo, finding that several
of the governors, presuming on his long absence, had arrogated to
themselves independence, and had abused their powers, he immedi-
ately sent persons to supersede them, and demanded an account of
their administration. This made him a host of active and powerful
enemies both in the colonies and in Spain.
Considerable changes had taken place in the island of Hispaniola,
during the absence of the admiral. The mines had fallen into ne-
glect, the cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more
certain source of wealth. It became a by-word in Spain that the
magnificent palaces erected by Charles W. at Madrid and Toledo
were built of the sugar of Hispaniola. Slaves had been imported in
great numbers from Africa, being found more serviceable in the cul-
ture of the cane than the feeble Indians. The treatment of the poor
negroes was cruel in the extreme; and they seem to have had no
advocates even among the humane. The slavery of the Indians had
been founded on the right of the strong; but it was thought that the
negroes, from their colour, were born to slavery; and that from being
bought and sold in their own country, it was their natural condition.
Though a patient and enduring race, the barbarities inflicted on them
at length roused the negroes to revenge, and on the 27th December,
1522, there was the first African revolt in Hispaniola. It began in a
sugar plantation of the admiral Don Diego, where about twenty
slaves, joined by an equal number from a neighbouring plantation,
got possession of arms, rose on their superintendents, massacred them,
and sallied forth upon the country. It was their intention to pillage
certain plantations, to kill the whites, reinforce themselves by freeing
their countrymen, and either to possess themselves of the town of
Agua, or to escape to the mountains.
When tidings were brought to Don Diego at St. Domingo of
this revolt, he set out in search of the rebels, followed by several of
the principal inhabitants. On the second day he stopped on the banks
of the river Nizao to rest his party and suffer reinforcements to over-
take him. Here one Melchor de Castro, who accompanied the ad.
* Herrera, D. 2, L. 9, C.7. T 2
222 APPENDIX.
miral, learnt that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked
his house, killed one of his men, and carried off his Indian slaves.
Without asking leave of the admiral, he departed in the night with
two companions, visited his plantation, found all in confusion, and
pursuing the negroes, sent to the admiral for aid. Eight horsemen
were hastily dispatched to his assistance, armed with bucklers and
lances, and having six of the infantry mounted behind them. De Cas-
tro had three horsemen beside this reinforcement, and at the head of
this little band overtook the negroes at break of day. The insur
gents put themselves in battle array, armed with stones and Indian
spears, and uttering loud shouts and outcries. The Spanish horse-
men braced their bucklers, couched their lances, and charged them
at full speed. The negroes were soon routed, and fled to the rocks,
leaving six dead and several wounded. De Castro also was wound-
ed in the arm. The admiral coming up, assisted in the pursuit of
the fugitives. As fast as they were taken they were hanged on the
nearest trees, and remained suspended as spectacles of terror to their
countrymen. This prompt severity checked all further attempts at
revolt among the African slaves.”
In the meantime the various enemies whom Don Diego had creat-
ed, both in the colonies and in Spain, were actively and successfully
employed. His old antagonist, the treasurer Pasamonte, had charg-
ed him with usurping almost all the powers of the royal audience,
and with having given to the royal declaration, re-establishing him
in his office of viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign.
These representations had weight at court, and in 1523 Don Diego
received a most severe letter from the council of the Indias, charging
him with the various abuses and excesses alleged against him, and
commanding him, on pain of forfeiting all his privileges and titles,
to revoke the innovations he had made, and to restore things to their
former state. To prevent any plea of ignorance of this mandate,
the royal audience was enjoined to promulgate it and to call upon
all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was properly obeyed.
The admiral received also a letter from the council, informing him
that his presence was necessary in Spain, to give information of the
foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reformation of various
abuses, and to the treatment and preservation of the Indians; he was
requested, therefore, to repair to court without waiting for further
orders.”
Don Diego understood this to be a peremptory recall, and obeyed
accordingly. On his arrival in Spain, he immediately presented
* Herrera, Hist, Ind. D. 3, L.4, C.9. t Herrera, Decad. L. 5, C, 4.
APPENDIX. 223
himself before the court at Victoria, with the frank and fearless spirit
of an uprightman, and pleaded his cause so well, that the sovereign
and council acknowledged his innocence on all the points of accusa-
tion. He convinced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which
he had discharged his duties; of his zeal for the public good, and
the glory of the crown; and that all the representations against him
rose from the jealousy and enmity of Pasamonte and other royal offi-
cers in the colonies, who were impatient of any superior authority in
the island to restrain them.
Having completely established his innocence, and exposed the ca-
lumnies of his enemies, Don Diego trusted that he would soon obtain
justice as to all his claims. As these, however, involved a participa-
tion in the profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experi-
enced the delays and difficulties usual with such demands, for it is
only when justice costs nothing that it is readily rendered. His earn-
est solicitations at length obtained an order from the emperor, that a
commission should be formed, composed of the grand chancellor, the
friar Loyasa, confessor to the emperor, and president of the royal
council of the Indias, and a number of other distinguished persona-
ges. They were to inquire into the various points in dispute between
the admiral and the fiscal, and into the proceedings which had taken
place in the council of the Indias, with the power of determining
what justice required in the case. Pº a
The affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accom-
panied by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that the
unfortunate Diego, like his father, died in the pursuit. For two
years he had followed the court from city to city, during its migra.
tions from Victoria to Burgos, Walladolid, Madrid, and Toledo. In
the winter of 1525, the emperor set out from Toledo for Seville. The
admiral undertook to follow him, though his constitution was broken
by fatigue and vexation, and he was wasting under the attack of a
slow fever. Oviedo, the historian, saw him at Toledo two days before
his departure, and joined with his friends in endeavouring to dissuade
him from a journey in such a state of health, and at such a season.
Their persuasions were in vain. Don Diego was not aware of the
extent of his malady: he told them that he should repair to Seville
by the church of our Lady of Guadaloupe, to 'offer up his devotions
at that shrine; and he trusted, through the intercession of the mother
of God, soon to be restored to health.” He accordingly left Toledo
in a litter on the 21st of February, 1526, having previously confessed
and taken the communion, and arrived the same day at Montalvan.
* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming. L. 6.
224 i - APPENDIX.
distant about six leagues. There his illness increased to such a de-
gree that he saw his end approaching. He employed the following
day in arranging the affairs of his conscience, and expired on Febru-
ary 23d, being little more than fifty years of age, his premature death
having been hastened by the griefs and troubles he had experienced.
“He was worn out,” says Herrera, “by following up his claims, and
defending himself from the calumnies of his competitors, who, with
many stratagems and devices, sought to obscure the glory of the
father and the virtue of the son.” - - -
We have seen how the discovery of the New World rendered the
residue of the life of Columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships and
afflictions, and how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were
inherited by his son. It remains to show briefly in what degree the
anticipations of perpetuity, wealth and honour to his family were
fulfilled.
When Don Diego Columbus died, his wife and family were at
St. Domingo. He left two sons, Luis and Christopher, and three
daughters, Maria, who afterwards married Don Sancho de Cardona;
Juana, who married Don Luis de Cueva; and Isabella, who married
Don George of Portugal, count of Gelves. He had also a natural
son named Christopher.f
After the deathrof Don Diego, his noble spirited vice-queen, left
with a number of young children, endeavoured to assert and main-
tain the rights of the family. Understanding that, according to the
privileges accorded to Christopher Columbus, they had a just claim
to the viceroyalty of the province of Veragua, as having been disco-
vered by him, she demanded a license from the royal audience of
Hispaniola, to recruit men and fit out an armada to colonize that
country. This the audience refused, and sent information of the
demand to the emperor. He replied, that the vice-queen should be
kept in suspense until the justice of her claim could be ascertained;
as, although he had at various times given commissions to different
persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been op-
posed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made.f. The enter
* Herrera, Decad. 3, L. 8, C. 15.
t Memorial ajustado sobre el estado de Veragua.
Charlevoix mentions another son called Diego, and calls one of the daughters
Phillipine. Spotorno says that the daughter Maria took the veil; confounding
her with a neice. These are trivial errors, merely noticed to avoid the imputation
of inaccuracy. The account of the descendants of Golumbus here given, Hécords
with a genealogical tree of the family, produced before the council of the Indias, in
a great lawsuit for the estates.
# Herrera, Decad. 4, L. 2, C. 6.
APPENDix. 225
prise thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into
effect.
Shortly afterwards she sailed for Spain, to protect the claim of her
eldest son, Don Luis, then six years of age. Charles W. was absent,
but she was most graciously received by the empress. The title of
admiral of the Indias was immediately conferred on her son, Don
Luis, and the emperor augmented his revenues, and conferred other
favours on the family. Charles W. however, could never be pre-
vailed on to give Don Luis the title of viceroy, although that dig-
mity had been decreed to his father, a few years previous to his death,
as an hereditary right.”
In 1538, the young admiral, Don Luis, then about eighteen years
of age, was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper
tribunals, for the recovery of the viceroyalty. Two years afterwards
the suit was settled by, arbitration, his uncle Don Fernando and car-
dinal Loyasa, president of the council of the Indias, being umpires.
By a compromise Don Luis was declared captain-general of Hispa.
miola, but with such limitations that it was little better than a bare
title. Don Luis sailed for Hispaniola, but did not remain there long.
He found his dignities and privileges mere sources of vexation, and
finally entered into a compromise, which relieved himself and grati-
fied the emperor. He gave up all pretensions to the viceroyalty of
the New World, receiving in its stead the titles of Duke of Veragua
and Marquis of Jamaica.f. He commuted also the claim to a tenth
of the produce of the Indias for a pension of one thousand doubloons
of gold.:
Don Luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though
moderate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. He
died shortly afterwards, leaving no other male issue than an illegiti-
mate son, named Christopher. He left two daughters by his wife,
Doña Maria de Mosquera, one named Phillippa, and the other
Maria, who became a nun in the convent of St. Quirce, at Walla-
dolid.
Don Luis having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew
Diego, son to his brother Christopher. A litigation took place be-
tween this young heir and his cousin Phillippa, daughter of the
late Don Luis. The convent of St. Quirce also put in a claim, on
behalf of its inmate Doña Maria, who had taken the veil. Christo-
pher, natural son to Don Luis, likewise became a prosecutor in the
suit, but was set aside on account of his illegitimacy. Don Diego
* Charlevoix, Hist. St, Doming. L. 6, p. 443
* Idem, T. 1, L. 6, P. 446,
# Spotorno, Hist. Colom. P. cxxiii
226 APPENDEX.
and his cousin Phillippa soon thought it better to join claims and
persons in wedlock, than to pursue a tedious contest. They were
married, and their union was happy, though not fruitful. Diego
died without issue in 1578, and with him the legitimate male line,
of Columbus became extinct.
One of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever wit-
nessed now arose for the estates and dignities descended from the
great discoverer. Don Diego had two sisters, Francisca and Maria,
the former of whom, and the children of the latter, advanced their
several claims. To these parties was added Bernard Colombo of
Cogoleto, who claimed as lineal descendant from Bartholomew Co-
lumbus, the Adelantado, brother to the discoverer. He was, how-
ever, pronounced ineligible, as the Adelantado had no acknow-
ledged, and certainly no legitimate offspring.
Baldassar, or Balthazar Colombo, of the house of Cuccaro and
Conzano, in the dukedom of Montferrat, in Piedmont, was an ac-
tive and persevering claimant. He came from Italy into Spain,
where he devoted himself for many years to the prosecution of this
suit. He produced a genealogical tree of his family, in which was
contained one Domenico Colombo, lord of Cuccaro, whom he main-
tained to be the identical father of Christopher Columbus, the ad-
miral. He proved that this Domenico was living at the requisite
era, and produced many witnesses who had heard that the naviga-
tor was born in the Gastle of Cuccaro; from whence, it was added,
he and his two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never
returned.* A monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who
made oath that Christopher and his brothers were born in that castle
of Cuccaro. This testimony was afterwards withdrawn by the pro-
secutor; as it was found that the monk's recollection must have ex-
tended back considerably upward of a century.f The claim of Bal-
thazar was negatived. His proofs that Christopher Columbus was a
native of Cuccaro were rejected, as only hearsay, or traditionary
evidence. His ancestor Domenico, it appeared from his own show-
ing, died in 1456; whereas it was established that Domenico, the
father of the admiral, was living upwards of thirty years after that
date.
The cause was finally decided by the Council of the Indias, on
the 2d December, 1608. The male line was declared to be extinct.
Don Nuño or Nugno Gelves de Portugallo was put in possession,
and became Duke of Weragua. He was grandson to Isabella,
* Bossi Hist. Colomb. Dissert. p. 67.
t Idem. Dissert. on the Country of Columbus, p. 63
APPENDIX. * 227
third daughter of Don Diego, (son of the discoverer) by his Vice Queen
Doña Maria de Toledo. The descendants of the two elder sisters
of Isabella had a prior claim, but their lines became extinct previous
to this decision of the suit. The Isabella just named, had married
Don George of Portugal, Count of Gelves. “Thus,” says Charle-
voix, “the dignities and wealth of Columbus passed into a branch
of the Portuguese house of Braganza, established in Spain, of
which the heirs are entitled De Portugallo, Colon, Duke de Vera-
gua, Marques de la Jamaica, y Almirante de las Indias.”
The suit of Balthazar Colombo of Cuccaro was rejected under
three different forms, by the Council of the Indias; and his applica.
tion for an allowance of support, under the legacy of Columbus, in
favour of poor relations, was also refused; although the other par-
ties had assented to the demand.t He died in Spain, where he had
resided many years in prosecution of this suit. His son returned
to Italy persisting in the validity of his claim: he said that it was
in vain to seek justice in Spain; they were too much interested to
keep those dignities and estates among themselves. But he gave
out that he had received twelve thousand doubloons of gold in com-
promise from the other parties. Spotorno, under sanction of Ignazio
de Giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as a bravado, to
cover his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty. The
family of Cuccaro, however, still maintain their right, and express
great veneration for the memory of their illustrious ancestor, the
admiral; and travellers occasionally visit their old castle in Pied-
mont with great reverence, as the birth-place of the discoverer of
the New World.
'No. III.
FERNANDO COLUMBUS.
FERNANDo Columbus, (or Colon, as he is called in Spain) the
matural son and the historian of the admiral, was born in Cordova.
There is an uncertainty about the exact time of his birth. Accord-
ing to his epitaph it must have been on the 28th September, 1488
* Charlevoix, Hist, St. Dom. T. 1, L. 6. p. 447.
+ Bossi. Dissertation on the Country of Columbus.
t Spotorno. p. cxxvii
228 APPENDEX,
but according to his original papers preserved in the library of the
cathedral of Seville, and which were examined by Don Diego
Ortiz de Zuñiga, historian of that city, it would appear to have
been on the 29th of August 1487. His mother Doña Beatrix
Enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was never married to
the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biographers.
Early in 1494, Fernando was carried to court, together with his
elder brother Diego, by his uncle Don Bartholomew, to enter the
royal household in quality of page to the prince Don Juan, son and
heir to Ferdinand and Isabella. He and his brother remained in
this situation until the death of the prince; when they were taken
by Queen Isabella as pages into her own service. Their education,
of course, was well attended to, and Fernando in after-life gave proofs
of being a learned man.
In the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years,
Fernando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery,
and encountered all its singular and varied hardships with a forti-
tude that is mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral.
After the death of his father, it would appear that Fernando
made two voyages to the New World. He accompanied the Em-
peror Charles W. also, to Italy, Flanders and Germany; and accord-
ing to Zuñiga (Anales de Seville de 1539, No. 3.) travelled over all
Europe and a part of Africa and Asia. Possessing talents, judg-
ment, and industry, these opportunities were not lost upon him, and
he acquired much information in geography, navigation, and natu-
ral history. Being of a studious habit, and fond of books, he
formed a select, yet copious library of more than twenty thousand
volumes, in print and in manuscript. With the sanction of the
Emperor Charles V. he undertook to establish an academy and
college of mathematics at Seville; and for this purpose commenced
the construction of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the
city, facing the Guadalquiver, in the place where the monastery of
San Laureano is now situated. His constitution, however, had
been broken by the sufferings he had experienced in his travels and
voyages, and a premature death prevented the completion of his
plan of the academy, and broke off other useful labours. He died
in Seville on the 12th of July, 1539, at the age, according to his
epitaph, of fifty years, nine months and fourteen days. He left no
issue and was never married. His body was interred according to
his request, in the cathedral of Seville. He bequeathed his valuable
library to the same establishment.
Don Fernando devoted himself much to letters. According to
the inscription on his tomb, he composed a work in four books, or
APPENDIX. 229
volumes, the title of which is defaced on the monument, and the
work itself is lost. This is much to be regretted, as according to
Zuñiga, the fragments of the inscription specify it to have con-
tained, among a variety of matter, historical, moral, and geogra-
phical notices of the countries he had visited, but especially of the
New World, and of the voyages and discoveries of his father.
His most important and permanent work, however, was a history
of the admiral, which he composed in Spanish. It was translated
into Italian by Alonzo de Ulloa, and from this Italian translation
have proceeded the editions which have since appeared in various
languages. It is singular that the work only exists in Spanish, in
form of a retranslation from that of Ulloa, and full of errors in the
orthography of proper names, and in dates and distances.
Don Fernando was an eye-witness of some of the facts which he
relates, particularly of the fourth voyage wherein he accompanied
his father. He had also the papers and charts of his father, and
recent documents of all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar
acquaintance with the principal personages who were concerned in
the events which he records. He was a man of probity and dis-
cernment, and writes more dispassionately than could be expected,
when treating of matters which affected the honour, the interests
and happiness of his father. It is to be regretted, however, that he
should have suffered the whole of his father's life, previous to his
discoveries, (a period of about fifty-six years,) to remain in obscurity.
He appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it, and only to have
presented his father to the reader after he had rendered himself
illustrious by his actions, and his history had become in a mannel
identified with the history of the world. His work, however, is an
invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the corner stone
of the history of the American continent.
No. IV.
AGE OF COLUMBUS.
As the date I have assigned for the birth of Columbus, makes him
about ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of
his discoveries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. In the
valuable manuscript chronicle of the reign of the cº,sovereigns,
230 AppENDfx.
written by Andres Bernaldes, the curate of Los Palacios, theft is'.
long tract on the subject of the discoveries of Columbus: it cºntludes
with these words: Murić en Valladolid, blaño de 1506, an el Mits de
Mayo, in senectute bona, de edad 70 aftos, poco mas 6 minos. (He died
in Walladolid in the year 1506, in the month of May, in a good old
age, being seventy years old, a little more or less.) The curate of
Los Palacios was a contemporary, and an intimate friend of Cölum-
bus, who was occasionally a guest in his house; no one was more
competent, therefore, to form a correct idea of his age. It is singu-
lar, that, while the biographers of Columbus have been seeking to
establish the epoch of his birth by various calculations and conjec-
tures, this direct testimony of honest Andres Bernaldes has entire-
ly escaped their notice, though some of them had his manuscript
in their hands. It was first observed by my accurate friend Don
Antonio Ugina in the course of his exact investigations, and has
been pointed out and ably supported by Dón Martin Fernandez de
Navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable collection of voyages.
Various circumstances in the life of Columbus will be found to
corroborate the statement of the curate; such, for example, as the
increasing infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages,
and which at last rendered him a cripple and confined him to *
bed. The allusion to his advanced age in one of his letters to the
sovereigns, wherein he relates the consolation he had received from
a secret voice in the night season: Tu vejez no impedira a toda
cosa grañde. Abrahan pasaba cien ańos cuando engendro a Isaac,
&c. (Thy old age shall be no impediment to any great under.
taking. Abraham was above a hundred years old, when he begat
Isaac, &c.) The permission granted him by the king the year pre-
vious to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account
of his age and infirmities; and the assertion of Oviedo, that at the
time of his death he was quite old. (era ya viejo.)
This fact of the advanced age of Columbus throws quite a new
colouring over his character and history. How much more extra-
ordinary is the ardent enthusiam which sustained him through his
long career of solicitation, and the noble pride with which he refused
to descend from his dignified demands, and to bargain about his pro-
position, though life was rápidly wasting in delays. How much
more extraordinary is the hardihood with which he undertook re-
peated voyages into unknown seas, amidst all kinds of perils and
hardships; the fortitude with which he bore up against an ātctiº-
lation of mental and bodily afflictions, enough to have disheartefieh
and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the lºrepressible
APPENDIX. 231
buoyancy of spirit with which to the last hastill rººfrºm under the
ruined ºncerns, and disappointed hºpes and blasted prºjects ºf one
enterprisº, to launch into anºther, ſtill more diſfigult and perilous
We have been aggustomed tº admiraall these things in Columbus
when wagonsidered him in the full vigºw of his life; how muſh
mare are they antitled to pur. Wonder as the aghievements pf a mºn,
whom the weight of years and infirmities was pressing intº the
grave.
No. W.
LINEAGE OF COLUMBUS.
THE ancestry of Christopher Columbus has formed a point of zeal-
ous controversy, which is not yet satisfactorily settled. Several
honourable families, possessing domains in Placentia, Montferrat,
and the different parts of the Genoese territories claim him as be-
longing to their houses; and to these has recently been added the
hoble family of Colombo in Modena." The natural desire to prove
consanguinity with a man of distinguished renown has excited this
rivalry; but it has been heightened, in particular instances, by the
hope of succeeding to titles and situations of wealth, and honour,
when his male line of descendants became extinct. The investiga-
tion is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate rela
tives appear to have been in ignorance on the subject.
Fernando Columbus in his biography of the admiral, after a
pompous prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy
magnificence about the origin of his father, notices slightly the
attempts of some to obscure his fame, by making him a native of
various small and insignificant villages; and dwells with more
complacency upon others who make him a native of places in
which there were persons of much honour of the name, and many
sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the Columbos.
|He relates his having himself gone to the castle of Cugure0, to
visit two brothers of the family of Colombo, who were rich and
hoble, the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age,
and who he had heard were relatives of his father; but they could
give him no information upon the subject: whereupon he breaks
* Spotorno, Hist. Mem. P.5.
232 APPENDIX.
\
forth into his professed contempt for these adventitious claims, de-
claring, that he thinks it better to content himself with dating from
the glory of the admiral, than to go about inquiring whether his
father “were a merchant, or one who kept his hawks;” since,
adds he, of persons of similar pursuits there are thousands who die
every day, whose memory, even among their own neighbours and
relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible afterwards
to ascertain even whether they existed.
After this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these
empty distinctions, he indulges in vehement abuse of Agostino
Guistiniani, whom he calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, par-
tial or malignant compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his
father, by saying, that in his youth he had been employed in me-
chanical occupations.
As, after all this discussion, Fernando leaves the question of his
father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably
sensitive to any derogatory suggestions of others, his whole evi-
dence tends to the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast
of in his ancestry.
Of the nobility and antiquity of the Colombo family, of which
the admiral probably was a remote descendant, we have some ac-
count in Herrera. “We learn,” he says, “that the emperor Otto
the second, in 940, confirmed to the counts Pietro, Giovanni, and
Alexandro Colombo, brothers, the feudatory possessions which they
held within the jurisdiction of the cities of Ayqui, Savona, Aste,
Montferrato, Turin, Viceli, Parma, Cremona and Bergamo, and all
others which they held in Italy. It appears that the Colombos of
Cuccaro, Cucureo, and Placentia, were the same, and that the em-
peror in the same year, 940, made donation to the said three brothers
of the castles of Cucarro, Conzano, Rosignano and others, and of
the fourth part of Bistanio, which appertained to the empire.f
One of the boldest attempts of those biographers bent on enno-
bling Columbus, has been to make him son of the Lord of Cuccaro,
a burgh of Montferrat, in Piedmont, and to prove that he was born
in his father's castle at that place. From hence it it said Columbus
, and his brothers eloped at an early age, and never returned. This
was asserted in the course of a process brought by a certain Baldas-
ser or Balthazar Colombo, resident in Genoa, but originally of
Cuccaro, claiming the title and estates, on the death of Diego
* Literally, in the original, Cazador de Volateria, a Falconer. Hawking was in
those days an amusement of the highest classes; and to keep hawks was almost a
sign of nobility.
# Herrera, Decad. 1, L. 1, C, 7.
APPENDIX. 233
Colon, duke of Veragua, in 1578, the great grandson, and last legi-
timate male descendant of the admiral. The council of the Indias
decided against this claim to relationship. Some account of the
lawsuit will be found in another part of this work.
This romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parent-
age, is at utter variance with the subsequent events of his life, his
long struggles with indigence and obscurity, and the difficulties he
endured from the want of family connexions. How can it be be-
lieved, says Bossi, that this same man, whom, in his most cruel ad
versities, was incessantly taunted by his enemies with the obscurity
of his birth, should not reply to this reproach, by declaring his
origin, if he were really descended from the Lords of Cuccaro,
Conzano and Rosignano? a circumstance which would have ob-
tained him the highest credit with the Spanish nobility.”
The different families of Colombo which lay claim to the great
navigator, seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is lit-
the doubt of his appertaining remotely to the same respectable
stock.
It appears probable, however, that Columbus sprang immediately
from a line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed
in Genoa, even from the time of Giacomo/Colombo the wool carder,
in 1311, mentioned by Spotorno; nor is this in anywise incompati-
ble with the intimation of Fernando Columbus, that the family had
been reduced from high estate to great poverty, by the wars of
Lombardy. The feuds of Italy, in those ages, had broken down
and scattered many of the noblest families; and while some
branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles, and domains,
others were confounded with the humblest population of the cities.
No. VI.
BIRTH-PLACE OF COLUMBUS.
THERE has been much controyersy about the birth-place of Colum-
bus. The greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay
claim to him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for no-
thing reflects greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to
distinguished men. The original and long established opinion was
* Dissertation, &c.
Wol. II. 16 U 2
234 APPENDIX.
in favour of Genoa; but such strenuous claims were asserted by the
states of Placentia, and in particular of Piedmont, that the Academy
of Sciences and Letters of Genoa was induced, in 1812, to nominate
three of its members, Signors Serra, Carrega and Piaggio, commis-
sioners to examine into these pretensions.
The claims of Placentia had been first advanced in 1662, by Pietro
Maria Campi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who main-
tained that Columbus was a native of the village of Pradello, in that
vicinity. It appeared probable, on investigation, that Bertolino Co-
lombo, great grandfather to the admiral, had owned a small property
in Pradello, the rent of which had been received by Domenico Co-
lombo of Genoa, and after his death by his sons Christopher and
Bartholomew. Admitting this assertion to be correct, there was no
proof that either the admiral, his father, or grandfather had ever re-
sided on that estate. The very circumstances of the case indicated,
on the contrary, that their home was in Genoa.
The claim of Piedmont was maintained with more plausibility.
It was shown that a Domenico Colombo was lord of the castle of
Cucarro in Montferrat, at the time of the birth of Christopher Colum-
bus, who, it was asserted, was his son, and born in his castle. Bal-
thazar Colombo, a descendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit
before the council of the Indias for the inheritance of the admirai,
when his male line became extinct. The council of the Indias de-
cided against him, as is shown in an account of that process given
among the illustrations of this history It was proved that Dome-
nico Colombo, father of the admiral, was resident in Genoa both
before and many years after the death of this lord of Cucarro, who
bore the same name.
The three commissioners appointed by the Academy of Science
and Letters of Genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long
and diligent investigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial
réport in favour of Genoa. An ample digest of their inquest may be
found in the History of Columbus by Signor Bossi, who, in an able
dissertation on the question, confirms their opinion. It may be added,
in farther corroboration, that Peter Martyr and Bartholomew Las
Casas, who were contemporaries and acquaintances of Columbus,
and Juan de Barros, the Portuguese historian, all make Columbus a
native of the Genoese territories.
There has been a question fruitful of discussion among the Ge-
noese themselves, whether Columbus was born in the city of Genoa,
or in some other part of the territory. Finale, and Oneglia, and
Savona, towns on the Ligurian coast to the west, Boggiasco, Cogo-
leto and several other towns and villages, claim him as their own.
APPENDIX. 235
His family possessed a small property at a village or hamlet be-
tween Quinto and Nervi, called Terra Rossa; in Latin, Terra Ru-
bra; which has induced some writers to assign his birth to one of
of those places. Signor Bossisays that there is still a tower between
Quinto and Nervi which bears the title of Torre dei Colombi.”
Bartholomew Columbus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of
Terra Rubra, in a Latin inscription on a map which he presented to
Henry VII. of England, and Fernando Columbus states, in his his-
tory of the admiral, that he was accustomed to subscribe himself in
the same manner before he attained to his dignities.
Cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. The families there
claim the discoverer and preserve a portrait of him. One or both of
the two admirals named Colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated
to have come from that place, and to have been confounded with
him so as to have given support to this idea.f
Savona, a city in the Genoese territories, has claimed the same
honour, and this claim has recently been very strongly brought for-
ward. Signor Giovanni Battista Belloro, an advocate of Savona,
has strenuously maintained this claim in an ingenious disputation,
dated May 12th, 1826, in form of a letter to the Baron du Zach, edi-
tor of a valuable astronomical and geographical journal, published
monthly at Genoa.f
Signor Belloro claims it as an admitted fact, that Domenico Co-
lombo was for many years a resident and citizen of Savona, in which
place one Christopher Columbus is shown to have signed a decu-
ment in 1472.
He states that a public square in that city bore the name of Pla-
tea Columbi, toward the end of the 14th century; that the Ligurian
government gave the name of Jurisdizione di Colombi to that dis-
trict of the republic, under the persuasion that the great navigator
was a native of Savona; and that Columbus gave the name of
Saona to a little island adjacent to Hispaniola, among his earliest
discoveries.
He quotes many Savonese writers, principally poets, and various
historians and poets of other countries, and thus establishes the point
that Columbus was held to be a native of Savona by persons of res.
pectable authority. He lays particular stress on the testimony of
the Magnifico Francisco Spinola, as related by the learned prelate
Felippo Alberto Pollero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of
Christopher Columbus in the cathedral at Seville, and that the epi-
* Bossi. French translation, Paris, 1824, p. 69, f Idem.
# Correspondence Astronom. Geograph. &c. de Baron du Zach, vol. 14, eahier
6, lettera 29. 1826.
236 APPENDIX.
taph states him expressly to be a native of Savona; “Hic jacet
Christophorus Columbus Savonensis.”
The proofs advanced by Signor Belloro show his zeal for the ho-
nour of his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he under-
takes to establish. He shows clearly that many respectable writers
believed Columbus to be a native of Savona ; but a far greater num-
ber can be adduced, and many of them contemporary with the ad-
miral, some of them his intimate friends, others his fellow-citizens,
who state him to have been born in the city of Genoa. Among the
Savonese writers, Giulio Salinorio, who investigated the subject,
comes expressly to the same conclusion. “Genova, città nabilissima,
era la patria de Colombo.”
Signor Belloro appears to be correct in stating that Domenico,
the father of the admiral, was several years, resident in Savona. But
it appears from his own dissertation, that the Christopher who wit-
nessed the testament in 1472, styled himself of Genoa. “Christo-
phorus Columbus lanerius de Janua.” This incident is stated by
other writers, who presume this Christopher to have been the navi-
gator on a visit to his father, in the interval of his early voyages.
In as far as the circumstance bears on the point, it supports the
idea that he was born at Genoa.
The epitaph on which Signor Belloro places his principal reli-
anee, entirely fails. Christopher Columbus was not interred in the
cathedral of Seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that
edifice. The tomb to which the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pol-
lero alludes, may have been that of Fernando Columbus, son to the
admiral, who, as has been already observed, was buried in the ca-
thedral of Seville, to which he bequeathed his noble library. The
place of his sepulture is designated by a broad slab of white marble,
inserted in the pavement, with an inscription, partly in Spanish,
partly in Latin, recording the merits of Fernando, and the achieve-
ments of his father. On either side of the epitaph is engraved an
ancient Spanish Galley. The inscription quoted by Signor Belloro
may have been erroneously written from memory by the Magni-
co Francisco Spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld
the sepulchre of the great discoverer. As Fernando was born at
Cordova, the term Savonensis must have been another error of me-
mory in the Magnifico; no such word is to be found in the inscription.
This question of birth-place has also been investigated with con-
*
* Felippo Alberto Pollero, Epicherema, cioé breve discorso per difesa disun per-
sona e carrattere. Torino, per Gio Battista Zappata. MCDXCVI. (read 1696)
in 40. Pag. 47.
APPENDIX. 237
siderable minuteness, and a decision given in favour of Genoa, by
D. Gio Battista Spotorno, of the royal university in that city, in his
historical memoir of Columbus. He shows that the family of the
Columbi had long been resident in Genoa. By an extract from the
notariat register, it appeared that one Giacomo Colombo, a wool-
carder, resided without the gate of St. Andria, in the year 1311. An
agreement, also, published by the academy of Genoa, proved, that in
1489, Domenico Colombo possessed a house and shop, and a garden
with a well, in the street of St. Andrew's gate, anciently without the
walls, presumed to have been the same residence with that of Gia-
Como Colombo. He rented also another house from the monks of
St. Stephen, in the Via Mulcento, leading from the street of St. An-
drew to the Strada Giulia.”
Signor Bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives
of the monastery of St. Stephen, present the name of Domenico Co-
lombo several times, from 1456 to 1459, and designate him as son of
Giovanni Colombo, husband of Susanna Fontanarossa, and father
of Christopher, Bartholomew, and Giacomo;t (or Diego.) He states
also that the receipts of the canons show that the last payment of
rent was made by Domenico Colombo for his dwelling in 1489. He
surmises that the admiral was born in the before mentioned house
belonging to those monks, in Via Mulcento, and that he was bap-
tized in the church of St. Stephen. He adds that an ancient ma-
nuscript was submitted to the commissioners of the Genoese acade-
my, in the margin of which the notary had stated that the name of
Christopher was on the register of the parish as having been bap-
tized in that church.:
Andres Bernaldez, the curate of los Palacios, who was an intimate
friend of Columbus, says that he was of Genoa.) Agostino Giusti-
niani, a contemporary of Columbus, likewise asserts it in his Polyglot
Psalter, published in Genoa, in 1516. Antonio de Herrera, an au-
thor of great accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access
to the best documents, asserts decidedly that he was born in the city
of Genoa. t
To these names may be added that of Alexander Geraldini, bro-
ther to the nuncio, and instructer to the children of Ferdinand and
Isabella, a mostintimate friend of Columbus. Also Antonio Gallo,";
* Spotorno. Eng. trans. p. xi, xii.
t Bossi, French trans. p. 76. # Idem. p. 88.
§ Cura de los Palacios, MS. Cap. 118.
! Alex. Geraldini, Itin. ad. Reg. sub. Aquinor.
* Antonio Gallo, Anales of Genoa, Muratori, T.23.
238 APPENPIX.
Bartolomeo Senarega," and Uberto Foglietat all contemporaries
with the admiral, and natives of Genoa, together with an anonymous
writer, who published an aggount of his voyage of discovery at We.
mice, in 1599, # It is unneggäsary to mention historians of later date
agreeing in the sama fact, as they must have derived their informa-
tian from some of these authorities.
The question in regard to the birth-place of Columbus has been
treated thus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be,
a point of warm controversy. It may be considered, however, as
conclusively decided by the highest authority, the evidence of Co-
lumbus himself. In a testament executed in 1498, which has been
admitted in evidence before the Spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits
among his descendants, he twice declares that he was a native of
the city of Genoa: “Siendo yo nacida en Genova.” “I being born
in Genoa.” And again, he repeats the assertion, as a reason for en-
joining certain conditions on his heirs, which manifest the interest he
takes in his native place, “I command the said Diego, my son, or
the person who inherits the said mayorazgo, (or entailed estate,) that
he maintain always in the city of Genoa a person of our lineage, who
shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with an
income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with
our family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so
that he may have aid and favour in that city in case of need, for
from thence P came and there was born.” *s
In another part of his testament he expresses himself with a filial
fondness in respect to Genoa. “I command the said Don Diego, or
whoever shall possess the said mayorazgo, that he labour and strive
always for the honour, and welfare, and increase of the city of Ge.
noa, and employ all his abilities and means in defending and aug-
menting the welfare and honour of her republic, in all matters which
are not contrary to the service of the church of God, and the state
of the king and queen our sovereigns, and their successors.”
An informal codicil, executed by Columbus at Walladolid, May
4th, 1506, sixteen days before his death, was discovered about 1785,
in the Corsini library at Rome. It is termed a military codicil, from
Tºrrrrº-rºr,
* Sangrega, Muratori, T. 24.
† Foglieta, Elog. Clar. Ligur.
# Grineus, Nov. Orb.
§ “Item. Mando el dicho Don Diego mi hijo, ä la persona que heredare el dicho
mayorazgo, que teugay sostenga siempre en la ciudad de Genova una persona de
neustro linage que tenga alli casa € muger, é le ordene renta con que pueda vivir
honestamente, como persona tan llegada é Huestro linage, y haga pie y raiz en la
dicha ciudad como natural della, porque podrá haber de la dicha ciudad ayudae fa-
vor enlas cosas del memester suyo, pues que della sali y en ella naci.”
APPENDIX. 339
being made in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier
who executés such an instrument of the eve of battle, or in expecta-
tion of death. It was written on the blank page of a little breviary
presented to Columbus by Pope Alexander VII. Columbus leaves
the book “to his beloved country, the Repúblic of Genoa.”
He directs the erection of an hospital in that city for the poor, with
provision for its support; and he declares that republic his succes-
sor in the admiralty of the Indias, in the event of his male line be-
coming extinct.
The authenticity of this paper has been questioned. It has been
said that there was no probability of Columbus having resort to a
usage with which he was most likely unacquainted. The objections
are not cogent. Columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a
military life, and he repeatedly wrote letters, in critical moments,
as a precaution against some fatal occurrence that seemed to im-
pend. The present codicil, from its date, must have been written a
few days previous to his death, perhaps at a moment when he
imagined himself at extremity. This may account for any difference
in the handwriting, especially as he was at times so affected by the
gout in his hands as not to be able to write except at night. Par-
ticular stress has been laid on the signature; but it does not appear
that he was uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which any
one who attempted a forgery would be attentive. It does not ap-
pear, likewise, that any advantage could have been obtained by
forging the paper, or that any such was attempted.
In 1502, when Columbus was about to depart on his fourth and
last voyage, he wrote to his friend Doctor Nicolo Oderigo, formerly
ambassador from Genoa to Spain, and forwarded to him copies of all
his grants and commissions from the Spanish sovereigns, authen-
ticated before the alcaldes of Seville. He at the same time wrote to
the bank of San Giorgio, at Genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues
to be paid to that city in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and
other provisions.
Why should Columbus feel this strong interest in Genoa, had he
been born in any of the other Italian states which have laid claim to
him? He was under no obligation to Genoa. He had resided there
but a brief portion of his early life; and his proposition for discovery,
according to some writers, had been scornfully rejected by that repub-
lic. There is nothing to warrant so strong an interest in Genoa, but
the filial tie which links the heart of a man to his native place, how-
ever he may be separated from it by time or distance, and however
little he may be indebted to it for favours.
Again: had Columbus been born in any of the towns and villages
240 APPENDIX.
of the Genoese coast which have claimed him for a native, why
should he have made these bequests in favour of the city of Genoa,
and not of his native town or village 2
These bequests were evidently dictated by a mingled sentiment
of pride and affection, which would be without all object if not
directed to his native place. He was at this time elevated above all
petty pride on the subject. His renown was so brilliant that it
would have shed a lustre on any hamlet, however obscure; and the
strong love of country here manifested would never have felt satis
fied, until it had singled out the spot, and nestled down, in the very
cradle of his infancy. These appear to be powerful reasons, drawn
from natural feeling, for deciding in favour of Genoa.
No. VII.
THE COLOMBOS.
DURING the early part of the life of Columbus there were two other
navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with
whom he occasionally sailed; their names occurring vaguely from
time to time during the obscure part of his career, have caused much
perplexity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they
designated the discoverer. Fernando Columbus affirms them to
have been family connexions,” and his father says in one of his
letters. “I am not the first admiral of our family.”
These two were uncle and nephew: the latter being termed by
historians Colombo the younger (by the Spanish historians Colombo
el mozo.) They were in the Genoese service, but are mentioned
occasionally in old chronicles as French commanders, because
Genoa, during a great part of their time, was under the protection,
or rather the sovereignty of France, and her ships and captains,
being engaged in the expeditions of that power, were identified with
the French marine.
ention is made of the elder Colombo in Zurita's Annals of Ara-
gon, (L. xix. p. 261.) in the war between Spain and Portugal, on
the subject of the claim of the princess Juana to the crown of Cas-
tile. In 1476, the king of Portugal determined to go to the Medi-
terranean coast of France to incite his ally, Louis XI. to prosecute
the war in the province of Guipuzcoa.
* Hist, del Almirante, Cap. 1.
APPENDIX. 241
The king left Toro, says Zurita, on the 13th June, and went by
the river to the city of Porto, in order to await the armada of the
king of France, the captain of which was Colon, (Colombo) who
was to navigate by the straits of Gibraltar to pass to Marseilles.
After some delays Colombo arrived in the latter part of July with
the French armada at Bermeo, on the coast of Biscay, where he
encountered a violent storm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the
coast of Galicia, with an intention of attacking Ribaldo, and lost a
many of his men. From thence he went to Lisbon to receive the
king of Portugal, who embarked in the fleet in August, with a
number of his noblemen, and took two thousand two hundred foot
soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse, to strengthen the Por-
tuguese garrisons along the Barbary coast. There were in the
squadron twelve ships and five caravels. After touching at Ceuta
the fleet proceeded to Colibre, where the king disembarked in the
middle of September, the weather not permitting them to proceed to
Marséilles. (Zurita, L. xix. Ch. 51.)
This Colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the
following mention is made by Jaques George de Chaufepie, in his
supplement to Bayle, (vol. 2. p. 126 of letter C.)
“I do not know what dependence,” says Chaufepie, “is to be
placed on a fact reported in the Ducatiana, (Part 1. p. 143.) that
Columbus was in 1474 captain of several ships for Louis XI. and
that, as the Spaniards had made at that time an irruption into Rous-
sillon he thought that, for reprisal, and without contravening the
peace between the two crowns, he could run down Spanish vessels.
He attacked, therefore, and took two galleys of that nation, freighted
on the account of various individuals. On complaints of this action
being made to king Ferdinand, he wrote on the subject to Louis
XI. his letter is dated the 9th December, 1474. Ferdinand terms
Christopher Columbus a subject of Louis: it was because, as is
known, Columbus was a Genoese, and Louis was sovereign of
Genoa: although that city and Savona were held of him in fief by
the duke of Milan.”
It is highly probable that it was the squadron of this same Co-
lombo of whom the circumstance is related by Bossi, and after him
by Spotorno on the authority of a letter found in the archives of Mi-
lan, and written in 1476 by two illustrious Milanese gentlemen, on
their return from Jerusalem. The letter states that in the previous
year 1475 as the Venetian fleet was stationed off Cyprus to guard
the island, a Genoese squadron, commanded by one Colombo, sailed
by them with an air of defiance, shouting “Viva San gº !”
242 APPENDEX.
As the republics were than at peace they were permitted to pass un-
molested. , ' , ºr . *..
Bossi supposes that the Colombo here mentioned was Christopher
Columbus the discoverer; but it appears rather to have been the old
Genoese admiral of that name, who according to Zurita was about
that time cruising in the Mediterranean; and who, in all probability
was the hero of both the preceding occurrences,
The nephew of this Colombo, called by the Spaniards Colombo el
mozo, commanded a few years afterwards a squadron in the French
service, as will appear in a subsequent illustration, and Columbus
may at various times have held an inferior command under both
Runcke and nephew, and been present on the above cited occasions.
No. VIII.
EXPEDITION OF JOHN OF ANJOUI.
About the time that Columbus had attained his twenty-fourth year,
his native city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the
threatened invasion of Alphonso V. of Aragon, king of Naples.
Finding itself too weak to contend singly with such a foe, and
having in vain looked for assistance from Italy, it placed itself under
the protection of Charles the VIIth of France. That monarch sent
to its assistance John of Anjou, son of René, or Renato, king of Na-
ples, who had been dispossessed of his crown by Alphonso. John of
Anjou, otherwise called the duke of Calabria," immediately took
upon himself the command of the place, repaired its fortifications,
and defended the entrance of the harbour with strong chains. In
the meantime, Alphonso had prepared a large land force, and had
assembled an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at Ancona,
on the frontiers of Genoa. The situation of the latter was considered
eminently perilous, when Alphonso suddenly fell ill of a calenture
and died; leaving the kingdoms of Anjou and Sicily to his brother
John, and the kingdom of Naples to his son Ferdinand.
The death of Alphonso, and the subsequent division of his domi-
mons while they relieved the fears of the Genoese, gave rise to new
hopes on the part of the house of Anjou : and the duke John, engou-
* Duke of Calabria was a title of the heir apparent to the crown of Naples.
APPENDIX. 243
raged by emissaries from various powerful partisans among the Nea-
politan nºbility, determined to make a bold attempt upon Naples for
the recovery of the crown. The Genoese entered into his cause
with spirit, furnishing him with ships, galleys and money. His
father. René or Renato'fitted out twelve galleys for the expedition in
the harbour of Marseillés, and sent him assurance of an abundant
supply of money, and of the assistance of the king of France. The
brilliant nature of the enterprise attracted the attention of the daring
and restless spirits of the times. The chivalrous noblemen, the
soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the bold adventurer or the mili-
tary partisan, enlisted under the banners of the duke of Calabria.
It is stated by historians, that Columbus served in the armament
from Genoa, in a squadron commanded by one of the Colombos, his
relations.
The expedition against Naples sailed in October, 1459, and ar-
rived at Sessa between the mouths of the Garigliano and the Wol-
turno. The news of its arrival was the signal of universal revolt;
the factious barons, and their vassals, hastened to join the standard
of Anjou, and the duke soon saw the finest provinces of the Neapo-
litan dominions at his command, and with his army and squadron
menaced the city of Naples itself.
In the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous ac-
tion of the fleet in which Columbus had embarked.
The army of John of Anjou being closely invested by a superior
force, was in a perilous predicament at the mouth of the Sarno. In
this conjuncture, the captain of the armadalanded with his men, and
scoured the neighbourhood, hoping to awaken in the populace their
former enthusiasm for the banner of Anjou ; and perhaps to take
Naples by surprise. A chosen company of Neapolitan infantry
was sent against them. The troops from the fleet having little
of the discipline of regular soldiery, and much of the freebooting
disposition of maritime rovers, had scattered themselves about the
country, intent chiefly upon spoil. They were attacked by the in-
fantry and put to route, with the loss of many killed and wounded.
Endeavouring to make their way back to the ships, they found the
passes seized and blocked up by the people of Sorento, who assailed
them with dreadful havoc. Their flight now became desperate and
headlong, many, it is said, seized with the madness of despair, threw
themselves from rocks and precipices into the sea, and but a small
portion regained the ships.
The contest of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples, lasted four
years. For a time fortune favoured him, and the prize seemed al-
most within his grasp, but reverses succeeded; he was defeated at
244 APrendix.
various points; the factious nobles, one by one, deserted, him, and
returned to their allegiance to Alphonso, and the duke was finally
compelled to retire to the island of Ischia. Here he remained for
some time, guarded by eight galleys, which likewise harassed the
bay of Naples.” In this squadron, which loyally adhered to him,
until he ultimately abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, Columbus
is stated to have served.
No. IX.
CAPTURE of THE VENETIAN GALLEYs, BY colombo THE
YOUNGER.
As the account of the sea-fight, by which Fernando Columbus as-
serts that his father was first thrown upon the shores of Portugal,
has been adopted by various respectable historians, it is proper to
give particular reasons for discrediting it. *
Fernando expressly says, that it was in an action mentioned by
Marco Antonio Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade;
that the squadron in which Columbus served was commanded by a
famous corsair, called Columbus the younger (Colombo el mozo) and
that an embassy was sent from Venice to thank the king of Portu-
gal for the succour he afforded to the Venetian captains, and crews.
All this is certainly recorded in Sabellicus, but the battle took place
In 1485, after Columbus had left Portugal. Zurita in his annals of
Aragon, under the date of 1685, mentions this same action. He
says, “at this time four Venetian galleys sailed from the island of
Cadiz, and took the route for Flanders; they were laden with mer-
chandise from the Levant, especially from the island of Sicily, and
passing by Cape St. Vincent, they were attacked by a French cor-
sair, son of captain Colon (Colombo) who had seven vessels in his
armada; and the galleys were captured the twenty-first of August.”
A much fuller account is given in the life of King John II. of
Portugal, by Garcia de Resende, who likewise records it as hap-
pening in 1485. He says the Venetian galleys were taken and
robbed by the French, and the captains and crews wounded, plun-
dered and maltreated, were turned on shore at Cascoes. Here they
were succoured by Dona Maria de Meneses, Countess of Monsanto.
* Colenuccio. Hist. Nap. L. 7, C. 17.
ł Zurita, Anales de Aragon. Lib. 20, C. 64.
APPENDIX. 5. 245
$.
When King John II, heard of the circumstance, being much
grieved that such an event should have happened on his coast, and
being disposed to show his friendship for the republic of Venice, he
ordered that the Venetian captains should be furnished with rich
raiment of silks and costly cloths, and provided with horses and
mules, that they might make their appearance before him in a style
befitting themselves and their country. He received them with great
kindness and distinction, expressing himself with princely courtesy,
both as to themselves and the republic of Venice; and having heard
:heir account of the battle, and of their destitute situation, he assisted
them with a large sum of money to ransom their galleys from the
French cruisers. The latter took all the merchandises on board of,
their ships, but King John pohibited any of the spoil from being
purchased within his dominions. Having thus generously relieved
and assisted the captains, and administered to the necessities of
their crews, he enabled them all to return in their own galleys to
Venice. ...A
The dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this mu-
nificence, on the part of King John, that they sent a stately embassy
to that monarch, with rich presents and warm expressions of grati-
tude. Geronimo Donate was charged with this mission, a man emi-
nent for learning and eloquence; he was honourably received and
entertained by king John, and dismissed with royal presents, among
which were genets, and mules with sumptuous trappings and capa-
risons, and many negro slaves richly clad.”
The following is the account of this action as given by Sabellicus,
in his history of Venice.f
Erano andate quattro Galee delle quali Bartolommeo Minio era ca-
pitano. Queste navigando per l'Iberico mare, Colombo il più giovane,
nipote di quel Colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a Veniziani
di motte, appresso il sacro Promontorio, che chiamasiora capo di San
Vincenzo, con sette navi guernite da combattere. Egli quantunque
nel primo incontro avesse seco disposto d' opprimere le navi Veniziane,
si ritenne però dal combattere sin al giorno: tuttavia per esser alla
battaglia piú acconcio cosi le seguia, che le prode del corsale tocca-
* Obras de Garcia de Resende, C. 58. Avora, 1554.
# Marco Antonio Coccio, better known under the name of Sabellicus, a cognomen
which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy of Pomponius
Laetus. He was a contemporary of Columbus, and makes brief mention of his dis-
coveries in the eighth Book of the tenth Ennead of his universal history. By some
writers he is called the Livy of his time; others accuse him of being full of mis-
representations in favour of Venice. The older Scaliger charges him with ve-
mality, and with being swayed by Venetian gold. V 2
- . º e- dºt ie
st
s:
sº
3,
gº 4 “t sa º
246 . 'e a APPENDIXiº tir
º g & s º, as. -y r
ſi 5 ºre ra - - i s e - s º s si a E- s st
ºrario e poppe de Veniziani. Venuto il giorno incartamente i Barba
- Mar «t. - - º s - sº
seri diedero l'assalto. Sostennero i Veniziani allora l' empito del
inemico, per numero di navi e di combattenti superiore, e durò il
conflitto atroce per molte ore. Rare fiate fu combattuto contro si-
mili nemici con tanta uccisione, perchè a pena si costuma d' attaccarsi
contro di loro, se non per occasione. Affermano alcuni, che vi furo-
no presenti, esser morte delle ciurme Veniziane da trecento uomini.
Altri dicono che fu meno: morì in quella zuffa Lorenzo Michele ca-
pitano d'una galera e Giovanni Delfino, d'altro capitano fratello
Era durata la zuffa dal fare del giorno fin ad ore venti, e erano le
genti Veniziane maltrattate. Era gia la nave Delfina in potere de'
nemici quando le altre ad una ad una si renderono. Narrano alcuni,
che furono di quel aspro conflitto partecipi, aver numerato nelle loro
navi da prode a poppe ottanta valorosi uomini estinti, i quali dal
nemico veduti lo mossero a gemere e dire con sdegno, che così
avevano voluto, i Veniziani. I corpi morti furono gettati nel mare, e i
feriti posti nel lido. Quei che rimasero vivi seguirono con le navi
il capitano vittorioso sin a Lisbona e ivi furono tutti licenziati. “ “
* * * * * Quivi furono i Veniziani benignamente ricevuti
dal Re, gli infermi furono medicati, gli altri ebbero abiti e denari se-
condo la loro condizione. * * * * * * * * * * * *
Oltre ciò vietò in tutto il Regno, che alcuno non comprasse della
preda Veniziana, portata dai corsali. La nuova dell'avuta rovina non
poco affisse la città, erano perduti in quella mercatanzia da ducento,
mila ducati; ma il danno particolare degli uomini uccisi diede mag-
gior afflizione.
Marc. Ant. Sabelico. Hist. Venet. Decad. IV. L. S.
No. X.
MERIGO VESPUCCI.
Among the earliest and most intelligent of the voyagers who foi-
lowed the track of Columbus, was Amerigo Vespucci. He has been
considered by many as the first discoverer of the southern conti-
nont, and by a singular caprice of fortune, his name has been
given to the whole of the new world. It has been strenuously insist-
ed, however, that he had no claim to the title of a discoverer; that
he merely sailed in a subordinate capacity in a squadron commanded




*
Şı -sº #
** APPENDIX. 247
by others; that the account of his first voyage is a fabrication; and
that he did not visit the mainland until after it had been discovered
and coasted by Columbus. As this question has been made a mat-
ter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is proper to take a sum-
mary view of it in the present work.
Amerigo Vespucci was born in Florence, March 9th, 1451, of a
noble, but not at that time a wealthy family; his father's name was
Anastatio; his mother's was Elizabetta Mini. He was the third of
their sons, and received an excellent education under his uncle,
Georgio Antonio Vespucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San
Marco, who was instructor to several illustrious personages of that
period. '
Amerigo Vespucci visited Spain, and took up his residence in Se-
ville, to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the
family of the Medici of Florence, and to repair, by hisingenuity, the
losses and misfortunes of an unskilful brother.” •
The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain, but from comparing
dates and circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been
at Seville when Columbus returned from his first voyage.
Padre Stanislaus Canovai, Professor of mathematics at Florence,
who has published the life and voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, says
that he was commissioned by king Ferdinand, and sent with Colum-
bus in his second voyage in 1493. He states this on the authority
of a passage in the Cosmography of Sebastian Munster, published at
Basle, in 1550;t but Munster mentions Vespucci as having accom-
panied Columbus in his first voyage; the reference of Canovai is
therefore incorrect; and the suggestion of Munster is disproved by
the letters of Wespucci, in which he states his having been stimu-
lated by the accounts brought of the newly discovered regions.
He never mentions such a voyage in any of his letters; which he
most probably would have done, or rather would have made it the
subject of a copious letter, had he actually performed it.
The first notice of a positive form which we have of Wespucci,
as resident in Spain, is early in 1496. He appears, from documents
in the royal archives at Seville, to have acted as agent or factor for
the house of Juanoto Berardi, a rich Florentine merchant, resident in
Seville; who had contracted to furnish the Spanish sovereigns with
three several armaments, of four vessels each, for the service of the
newly discovered countries. He may have been one of the princi-
pals in this affair, which was transacted in the name of this esta-
blished house. Berardi died in December, 1495, and in the follow.
*Bandini vita d'Amerigo Vespucci. * Cosm. Munst. p. 1108,
248 APPENDIX. .
ing January, we find Amerigo Vespucci attending to the concerns
of the expeditions, and settling with the masters of the ships for
their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements made
between them and the late Juanoto Berardi. On the 12th January,
1496, he received on this account 10,000 maravedis from Bernardo
Pinelo, the royal treasurer. He went on preparing all things for
the dispatch of four caravels to sail under the same contract be-
tween the sovereigns and the house of Berardi, and sent them to sea
on the 3d February 1496; but on the 8th they met with a storm and
were wrecked; the crews were saved with the loss of only three
men.” While thus employed, Amerigo Vespucci, of course, had oc-
casional opportunity of conversing with Columbus, with whom,
according to the expression of the admiral himself, in one of his let-
ters to his son Diego, he appears to have been always on friendly
terms. From these conversations, and from his agency in these ex-
peditions, he soon became excited to visit the newly discovered coun-
tries, and to participate in enterprises, which were the theme of
every tongue. Having made himself well acquainted with geo-
graphical and nautical science, he prepared to launch into the career
of discovery. It was not very long before he carried this design into
execution.
In 1498, Columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of
Paria, on Terra Firma; which he at that time imagined to be a
great island, but that a vast continent lay immediately adjacent.
He sent to Spain specimens of pearls found on this coast, and gave
the most sanguine accounts of the supposed riches of the country.
In 1499, an expedition of four vessels under command of Alonzo
de Ojeda, was fitted out from Spain, and sailed for Paria, guided by
charts and letters sent to the government by Columbus. These
were communicated to Ojeda, by his patron, the bishop Fonseca, who
had the superintendence of India affairs and who furnished him also
with a warrant to undertake the voyage.
It is presumed that Vespucci aided in fitting out the armament,
and sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of Berardi, and in this
way was enabled to take a share in the gains and losses of the ex-
pedition; for Isabella, as queen of Castile, had rigorously forbidden
all strangers to trade with her transatlantic possessions, not even
excepting the natives of the kingdom of Aragon,
This squadron visited Paria and several hundred miles of the
coast, which they ascertained to be Terra Firma. They returned
* These particulars are from manuscript memoranda, extracted from the royal
archives, by the late accurate historian Muñoz. .
APPENDIX. 249
in June, 1500; and on the 18th of July, in that year, Amerigo Ves-
pucci wrote an account of his voyage to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco
de Medici of Florence, which remained concealed in manuscript,
until brought to light and published by Bandini in 1745.
In his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his
different expeditions, Vespucci never mentions any other person con-
cerned in the enterprise. He gives the time of his sailing, and states
that he went with two caravels, which were probably his share of
the expedition, or rather vessels sent by the house of Berardi. He
gives an interesting narrative of the voyage, and of the various trans-
actions with the natives, which corresponds, in many substantial
points, with the accounts furnished by Ojeda and his mariners of
their voyage, in a lawsuit hereafter mentioned.
In May, 1501, Wespucci, having suddenly left Spain, sailed in the
service of Emanuel, king of Portugal; in the course of which expe.
dition he visited the coast of Brazil. He gives an account of this
voyage in a second letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici,
which also remained in manuscript until published by Bartolozzi
in 1789.”
No record or notice of any such voyage undertaken by Amerigo
Vespucci, at the command of Emanuel, is to be found in the archives
of the Torre do Tombo, the general archives of Portugal, which
have been repeatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. It is
singular also that his name is not to be found in any of the Portu-
guese historians, who in general were very particular in naming all
navigators who held any important station among them, or render-
ed any distinguished services. That Vespucci did sail along the
coasts, however, is not questioned. His nephew, after his death, in
the course of evidence on some point in dispute, gave the correct alti-
tude of Cape St. Augustine, which he said he had extracted from
his uncle's journal.
• In 1504, Vespucci wrote a third letter to the same Lorenzo de
Medici, containing a more extended account of the voyage just
alluded to in the service of Portugal. This was the first of his nar-
ratives that appeared in print. It appears to have been published in
Latin, in Strasburgh, as early as 1505, under the title “Americus
Vesputius de Orbe Antarctica per Regem Portugallia pridem in-
Venta.”* ;
An edition of this letter was printed in Vicenza in 1507, in an
anonymous collection of voyages edited by Franeanzio di Monte At
* Bartolozzi, Recherche Historico. Firenze, 1789.
# Panzer, tom. WI. p. 33, apud Esame Critico, p. 88, Anotazione 1.
Wol. II. 17 _º
250 APPENDIX
boddo, an inhabitant of Vicenza. It was re-printed in Italian in
1508, at Milan, and also in Latin, in a book entitled Itinerarium
Portugalensium. In making the present illustration, the Milan edi-
tion in Italian" has been consulted, and also a Latin translation of
it by Simon Grinaeus, in his Novus Orbis, published at Basle in
1532. It relates entirely the first voyage of Wespucci from Lisbon to
the Brazils in 1501.
It is from this voyage to the Brazils that Amerigo Vespucci was
first considered the discoverer of Terra Firma; and his name was at
first applied to these southern regions, though afterwards extended
to the whole continent. The merits of his voyage were, however,
greatly exaggerated. The Brazils had been previously discovered,
and formally taken possession of for Spain in 1500, by Vincente
Yañez Pinzon; and also in the same year, by Pedro Alvarez Ca-
bral, on the part of Portugal; circumstances unknown however to
Vespucci and his associates. The country remained in possession
of Portugal, in conformity to the line of demarcation agreed on be-
tween the two nations.
Vespueci made a second voyage in the service of Portugal. He
says that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels des-
tined for the discovery of Malacca, which they had heard to be the
great depot and magazine of all the trade between the Ganges and
the Indian sea. Such an expedition did sail about this time, under
the command of Gonzalo Coelho. The squadron sailed according to
Vespucci on the 10th of May, 1503. It stopped at the Cape de Verd
islands for refreshments, and afterwards, sailed by the coast of Sierra
Leone, but was prevented from landing by contrary winds and a
turbulent sea. Standing to the southwest, they ran three hundred
leagues until they were three degrees to the southward of the equi-
noctial line, where they discovered an uninhabited island, about two
leagues in length and one in breadth. Here, on the 10th of August,
*This rare book, in the possession of O. Rich, Esq. is believed to be the oldest
printed collection of voyages extant. It has not the pages numbered, the sheets are
merely marked with a letter of the alphabet at the foot of each eighth page. It con-
tains the earliest account of the voyages of Columbus, from his first departure until
his arrival at Cadiz in chains. The letter of Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici occu-
pies the fifth book of this little volume. It is stated to have been originally written
in Spanish, and translated into Italian by a person of the name of Jocondo. An
earlier edition is stated to have been printed in Venice by Alberto Vercellese, in
1504. The author is said to have been Angelo Trivigiani, secretary to the Vene-
tian ambassador in Spain. This Trivigiani appears to have collected many of the
particulars of the voyages of Columbus from the manuscript decades of Peter Mar-
tyr, who erroneously lays the charge of the plagiarism to Aloysius Cadamosto,
whose voyages are inserted in the same collection. The book was entitled “Libretto
di tutta la navigazione del Ră de Espagna, delle Isole e terremi nuovamente trovati’’
APPENDIX. 251
by mismanagement, the commander of the squadron ran his vessel
on a rock and lost her. While the other vessels were assisting to
save the crew and property from the wreck, Amerigo Vespucci was
dispatched in his caravel to search for a safe harbour in the island.
He departed in his vessel without his long-boat, and with less than
half of his crew, the rest having gone in the boat to the assistance
of the wreck. Vespucci found a harbour, but waited in vain for
several days for the arrival of the ships. Standing out to sea he
met with a solitary vessel, and learnt that the ship of the commander
had sunk, and the rest had proceeded onwards. In company with
this vessel he stood for the Brazils, according to a command of the
king, in case that any vessel should be parted from the fleet. Ar-
riving on the coast he discovered the famous bay of All Saints,
where he remained upwards of two months, in hopes of being
joined by the rest of the fleet. He at length ran 260 leagues far-
ther south, where he remained five months building a fort and
taking in a cargo of Brazil wood, Then, leaving in the fortress a
garrison of 24 men with arms and ammunition, he set sail for Lis-
bon, where he arrived in June, 1504.” The commander of the
squadron and the other four ships were never heard of afterwards.
Vespucci does not appear to have received the reward from the
king of Portugal that his services merited, for we find him at Seville
early in 1505, on his way to the Spanish court, in quest of employ-
ment: and he was bearer of a letter from Columbus to his son
Diego, dated February 5, which, while it speaks warmly of him
as a friend, intimates his having been unfortunate. The following
is the letter:
My DEAR son,-Diego Mendez departed from hence on Mon-
day, the third of this month. After his departure I conversed with
Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this, who goes there (to court)
summoned on affairs of navigation. Fortune has been adverse to
him as to many others. His labours have not profited him as much
as they reasonably should have done. He goes on my account, and
with much desire to do something that may result to my advantage,
f within his power. I cannot ascertain here in what I can employ
him, that will be serviceable to me, for I do not know what may be
there required. He goes with the determination to do all that is
possible for me; see in what he may be of advantage and co-operate
with him, that he may say and do every thing, and put his plans in
operation; and let all be done secretly, that he may not be sus-
*
* Letter of Vespucci to Soderini or Renato—Edit. of Canovai.
252. APPENDIX.
pected. I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the
business, and have informed him of the pay I have received, and
what is due, &c.”
About this time Amerigo Vespucci received letters of naturaliza-
tion from king Ferdinand, and shortly afterwards he, and Vincente
Yañez Pinzon were named captains of an armada about to be sent
out in the spice trade and to make discoveries. There is a royal
order, dated Toro, 11th April, 1505, for 12,000 maravedis as an out-
fit for “Americo de Vespuche, resident of Seville.” Preparations
were made for this voyage, and vessels procured and fitted out, but
it was eventually abandoned. There are memoranda existing con-
cerning it, dated in 1505, 1507, and 1508, from which it appears
that Amerigo Vespucci remained at Seville, attending to the fluc-
tuating concerns of this squadron, until the destimation of the vessels
was changed, their equipments were sold, and the accounts settled.
During this time he had a salary of 30,000 maravedis. On the
22d of March, 1508, he received the appointment of principal
pilot, with a salary of 70,000 maravedis. His chief duties were
to prepare charts, examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of
expeditions, and prescribe the route that vessels were to pursue
in their voyages to the New World. He appears to have re-
mained at Seville, and to have retained this office until his death,
on the 22d February, 1512. His widow, Maria Corezo, enjoyed a
pension of 10,000 maravedis. After his death, his nephew, Juan
Vespucci, was nominated pilot with a salary of 20,000 maravedis,
commencing on the 22d May, 1512. Peter Martyr speaks with
high commendation of this young man. “Young Vesputius is one
to whom Americus Vesputius his uncle left the exact knowledge
of the mariner's faculties, as it were by inheritance, after his death;
for he was a very expert master in the knowledge of his carde, his
compasse and the elevation of the pole starre by the quadrant. * * * *
Vesputius is my very familiar friend, and a wittie young man, in
whose company I take great pleasure, and therefore use him often-
tymes for my guest. He hath also made many voyages into these
coasts, and diligently moted such things as he hath seen.”f
Vespucci, the nephew, continued in this situation during the life-
time of Fonseca, who had been the patron of his uncle and his
family. He was divested of his pay and his employ by a letter of
the council dated the 18th of March, 1525, shortly after the death
* Navarrete, Collee. Viag. T. 1, p. 351.
* Peter Martyr, Decad. 3, L. 5, Eden's English trans.
APPENDIX. 253
tf the bishop. No further netice of Vespugei is to he found in the
archives of the Indias: w
Such is a brief view of the Qareer of Anaerigo Vespucci; it re-
mains to notice the points of controversy. Shortly after his return
from his last expedition to the Brazils, he wrote a letter dated Lis-
bon, 4th September, 1504, containing a summary account of all his
voyages. This letter is of special importance to the matters under
investigation, as it is the only one known that relates the disputed
voyage, which would establish him as the discoverer of Terra
Firma. It is presumed to have been written in Latin, and was ad-
dressed to René, Duke of Lorraine, who assumed the title of king
of Sicily and Jerusalem.
The earliest known edition of this letter was published in Latin
in 1507, at St. Diez in Lorraine. A copy of it has been found in
the library of Vatican (No. 9688) by the abbe Cancellieri. In pre-
paring the present illustration, a reprint of this letter in Latin has
been consulted, inserted in the Novus Orbis of Grinaeus, published at
Bath in, 1532. The letter contains a spirited narrative of four
voyages which he asserts to have made to the New World. In the
prologue he excuses the liberty of addressing king René by calling
to his recollection the ancient intimacy of their youth, when study-
ing the rudiments of science together, under the paternal uncle of
the voyager; and adds that if the present narratives should not
altogether please his Majesty, he must plead to him as Pliny said to
Mecanas, that he used formerly to be amused with his triflings.
In the prologue to this letter, he informs king René that affairs
of commerce had brought him to Spain, where he had experienced
the various changes of fortune attendant on such transactions, and
was induced to abandon that pursuit and direct his labours to objects
of a more elevated and stable nature. He therefore purposed to
contemplate various parts of the world, and to behold the marvels
which it contains. To this object both time and place were favour-
able; for king Ferdinand was then preparing four vessels for the
discovery of new lands in the west, and appointed him among the
number of those who went in the expedition. “We departed,” he
adds, “from the port of Cadiz, May 20, 1497, taking our course on
the great gulf of ocean; in which voyage we employed eighteen
months, discovering many lands and innumerable islands, chiefly
inhabited, of which our ancestors make no mention.”
A duplicate of this letter appears to have been sent at the same
time (written, it is said, in Italian) to Piere Soderini, afterwards
Gonfalonier of Florence, which was some years subsequently pub-
lished in Italy, not earlier than 1510, and entitled Letters de
254 APPENDIX.
Amerigo Vespucci delle Isole nuovamente trovate in quatro suoi
viaggi.” We have consulted the edition of this letter in Italian,
inserted in the publication of Padre Stanislaus Canovai, already
referred to.
It has been suggested by an Italian writer, that this letter was
written by Vespucci to Soderini only, and the address altered to
king René through the flattery or mistake of the Lorraine editor,
without perceiving how unsuitable the reference to former intimacy,
intended for Soderini, was, when applied to a sovereign. The per
son making this remark can hardly have read the prologue to the
Latin edition, in which the title of “your majesty” is frequently
repeated, and the term “illustrious king” employed. It was first
published also in Lorraine, the domains of René, and the publisher
would not probably have presumed to take such a liberty with his
sovereign's name. It becomes a question, whether Vespucci ad-
dressed the same letter to king René and to Piere Soderini, both of
them having been educated with him, or whether he sent a copy of
this letter to Soderini, which subsequently found its way into print,
The address to Soderini may have been substituted, through mis-
take, by the Italian publisher. Neither of the publications could
have been made under the supervision of Vespucci.
The voyage specified in this letter as having taken place in 1497,
is the great point in controversy. It is strenuously asserted that no
such voyage took place; and that the first expedition of Vespucci to
the coast of Paria was in the enterprise commanded by Ojeda, in
1499. The books of the armadas existing in the archives of the In-
dias at Seville, have been diligently examined, but no record of such
voyage has been found, nor any official documents that relate to it.
Those most experienced in Spanish colonial regulations insist that
no command like that pretended by Vespucci could have been given
to a stranger, till he had first received letters of naturalization from
the Sovereigns for the kingdom of Castile, and he did not obtain
such till 1505, when they were granted to him as preparatory to
giving him the command in conjunction with Pinzon.
His account of a voyage made by him in 1497, therefore, is
alleged to be a fabrication for the purpose of claiming the discovery
of Paria: or rather it is affirmed that he has divided the voyage
which he actually made with Ojeda, in 1499, into two; taking a num-
ber of incidents from his real voyage, altering them a little, and en-
larging them with descriptions of the countries and people, so as to
make a plausible narrative, which he gives as a distinct voyage;
and antedating his departure to 1497, so as to make himself appear
the first discoverer of Paria,
APPENDIX. 255
ln support of this charge various coincidences have been pointed
out between his voyage said to have taken place in 1497, and that,
described in his first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1499. These
coincidences are with respect to places visited, transactions and bat-
tles with the natives, and the number of Indians carried to Spain
and sold as slaves.
But the credibility of this voyage has been put to a stronger test.
About 1508 a suit was instituted against the crown of Spain by
Don Diego, son and heir of Columbus, for the government of certain
parts of Terra Firma, and for a share in the revenue arising from
them, conformably to the capitulations made between the sovereigns
and his father. It was the object of the crown to disprove the dis-
covery of the coast of Paria and the pearl islands by Columbus; as
it was maintained, that unless he had discovered them, the claim of
his heir with respect to them would be of no validity.
In the course of this suit, a particular examination of witnesses
took place in 1512–13 in the fiscal court. Alonzo de Ojeda, and
nearly a hundred other persons, were interrogated on oath; that
voyager having been the first to visit the coast of Paria after Colum-
bus had left it, and that within a very few months. The interroga-
tories of these witnesses, and their replies, are still extant, in the ar-
chives of the Indias at Seville, in a packet of papers entitled “Papers
belonging to the admiral Don Luis Colon, about the conservation of
his privileges, from ann. 1515 to 1564.” The author of the present
work has two several copies of these interrogatories lying before him.
One made by the late historian Muñoz, and the other made in 1826,
and signed by Don Jose de la Higuera y Lara, keeper of the general
archives of Indias in Seville. In the course of this testimony, the
fact that Amerigo Vespucci accompanied Ojeda in this voyage of
1499, appears manifest, first from the deposition of Ojeda ilimself.
The following are the words of the record: “In this voyage which
this said witness made, he took with him. Juan de la Cosa and Mo-
rego Vespuche [Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots.”* Secondly,
from the coincidence of many parts of the narrative of Vespucci
with events in this voyage of Ojeda. Among these coincidences,
one is particularly striking. Vespucci, in his letter to Lorenzo de
Medici, and also in that to René or Soderini, says, that his ships
after leaving the coast of Terra Firma, stopped at Hispaniola, where
they remained about two months and a half, procuring provisions,
during which time, he adds, “we had many perils and troubles with
* En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cesa. pilo-
to, e Morego Vespuche, e otros pilotos.
256 APPENDIX
the very Christians who were in that island with Columbus and I
believe through envy.”
Now it is well known that Ojeda passed sometime on the western
end of the island victualling his ships; and that serious dissensions
took place between him and the Spaniards in these párts, and the
party sent by Columbus under Roldan to keep a watch upon his
movements. If then Wespucci, as is stated upon oath, réally ac-
companied Ojeda in this voyage, the inference appears almost irresist-
ible, that he had not made the previous voyage of 1497, for the fac
would have been well known to Ojeda; he would have considered
Vespucci as the original discoverer, and would have had no motive
for depriving him of the merit of it, to give it to Columbus, with
whom Ojeda was not upon friendly terms. $.
Ojeda, however, expressly declares that the coast had been dis-
covered by Columbus. On being asked how he knew the fact, he
replied, because he saw the chart of the country discovered, which
Columbus sent at the time to the king and queen, and that he came
off immediately on a voyage of discovery, and found what was
therein set down as discovered by the admiral was correct.f
Another witness, Bernaldo de Haro, states that he had been with
the admiral, and had written (or rather copied) a letter for the admi-
ral to the king and queen, designating, in an accompanying sea-
chart, the courses and steerings and winds by which he had arrived
at Paria; and that this witness had heard that from this chart others
had been made, and that Pedro Alonzo Niño and Gjeda, and others,
who had since visited these countries had been guided by the same.f
Francisco de Morales, one of the best and most credible of all the
pilots, testified that he saw a sea-chart which Columbus had made of
the coast of Paria, and he believed that all governed themselves by it.')
* Per la necessità del mantenimento fummo all' Isola d'Antiglia (Hispaniola)
che é questa che descoperse Cristoval Colombo piú anni fa, dove facemmo molto
mantenimento, e stemmo due mesi e 17 giorni; dove passammo molti perieoli e
travagli con limedesimi christiani que in questa isola stavahno col Colombo (cre.
do per invidia.) Letter of Vespucci-Edit. of Canovai.
f Preguntado como lo sabe; dijo-que lo sabe porque vić este testigo la figura
tue el dicho Almirante al dicho tiempo embiö a Castilla al Rey e Reyna, nuestros
Señores, de lo que habia descubierto, y porque este testigo luego vino à descubriry
hallé queera verdad lo que dicho tiene queel dicho Almirante descubrió. MS
Process of D. Diego Colon, pregunta 2.
# Este testigo escrivió (ina carta que el Almirante escriviera al Rey e Reyna
N. N. S. S. haciendo les saber las perlase cosas que habia hallado, y le embió se-
iialado con la dicha carta, en una carta de marear, los rumbos y vientos por donde
habiallegado à la Paria, e que este testigo oyó decir como pr: aquella cartese habian
hecho otras e porellas habian venido Pedro Alonzo Merino [Niñole Ojeda e otros
que despues han ido à aquellas partes. Idem, pregunta 9.
§ Idem, Pregunta 10.
APPENDIX. 257
Numerous witnesses in this process testify to the fact that Paria
was first discovered by Columbus. Las Casas, who has been at the
pains of counting them, says that the fact was established by twen-
ty-five eye-witnesses and sixty ear-witnesses. Many of them testify
also that the coast south of Paria, and that extending west of the
island of Margarita, away to Venezuela, which Wespucci states to
have been discovered by himself in 1497, was now first discovered
by Ojeda, and had never before been visited either by the admiral
“ or any other Christian whatever.”
Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal says that all the voyages of disco-
very which were made to the Terra Firma, were made by persons
who had sailed with the admiral, or been benefited by his instruc-
tion and directions, following the course he had laid down;" and
the same is testified by many other pilots and mariners of reputation
and experience.
It would be a singular circumstance, if none of these witnesses,
many of whom must have sailed in the same squadron with Wes-
pucci along this coast in 1499, should have known that he had
discovered and explored it two years previously. If that had really
been the case, what motive could he have for concealing the fact 2
and why, if they knew it, should they not proclaim it? Wespucci
states his voyage in 1497 to have been made with four caravels;
that they returned in October, 1498, and that he sailed again with
two caravels in May, 1499, (the date of Ojeda's departure.) Many
of the mariners would therefore have been present in both voyages.
Why, too, should Ojeda and the other pilots guide themselves by
the charts of Columbus, when they had a man on board so learned
in nautical science, and who, from his own recent observation, was
practically acquainted with the coast ! Not a word, however, is
mentioned of the voyage and discovery of Vespucci by any of the
pilots, though every other voyage and discovery is cited; nor does
there even a seaman appear who has accompanied him in his as-
serted voyage. *
Another strong circumstance against the reality of this voyage is,
that it was not brought forward in this trial to defeat the claims of
the heirs of Columbus. Vespucci states the voyage to have been
undertaken with the knowledge and countenance of king Ferdi-
mand; it must, therefore, have been avowed and notorious. Wes-
* Queen todos los viages que algunos hicieron descubriendo en la dicha tierra,
Ivan personas que ovieron navegado con el dicho Almirante, y a ellos mostrá.
muchas cosms de marear, yellos por imitacion é industria del dicho Almirante las
aprendian y aprendieron, e seguendo agº. que el dicho Almirante les habia mos.
urado, hicieron losviages que descubrieron enla Tierra Firma. rººs” #0.
258 ... APPENDIX.
pueci was living at Seville in 1508, at the time of the commence-
ment of this suit, and for four years afterward, a salariedeservant of
the crown. Many of the pilots and mariners must have been at
hand, who sailed with him in his pretended enterprise. If this voy-
age had once been proved, it would completely have settled the
question, as far as concerned the coast of Paria, in favour of the
crown. Yet no testimony appears ever to have been taken from
Vespucci while living; and when the interrogatories were made in
the fiscal court in 1512–13, not one of his seamen is brought up to
give evidence. A voyage so important in its nature, and so essen-
tial to the question in dispute, is not even alluded to, while useless
pains are taken to wrest evidence from the voyage of Ojeda, under-
taken at a subsequent period.
It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that Vespucci commences
his first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1500, within a month after
his return from the voyage he had actually made to Paria, and apo.
logizes for his long silence, by saying that nothing had occurred
worthy of mention, (“e gran tempo che non ho scritto fi vostra mag-
mifizensa, e non lo ha causato altra cosa ne messuna salvo non mi
essere occorso cosa degna di memoria,”) and proceeds eagerly to tell
him the wonders he had witnessed in the expedition from which he
had but just returned. It would be a singular forgetfulness to say
that nothing had occurred of importance, if he had made a previous
voyage of eighteen months in 1497–8 to this hewly discovered
world; and it would be almost equally strange that he should not
make the slightest allusion to it in this letter.
It has been the endeavour of the author to examine this question
dispassionately; and after considering the statements and arguments
advanced on either side, he cannot resist a conviction, that the voy-
age stated to have been made in 1497 did not take place, and that
Vespucci has no title to the first discovery of the coast of Paria.
The question is extremely perplexing from the difficulty of assign-
ing sufficient motives for so gross a deception. When Vespucci
wrote his letters there was no doubt entertained but that Columbus
had discovered the mainland in his first voyage; Cuba being al-
ways considered the extremity of Asia, until circumnavigated in
1508. Vespucci may have supposed Brazil, Paria, and the rest of
that coast, part of a distinct continent, and have been anxious to ar.
rogate to himself the fame of its discovery. It has been asserted,
that, on his return from his voyage to the Brazils, he prepared a ma-
#time chart, in which he gave his name to that part of the main-
land; but this assertion does not appear to be well substantiated. It
would rather seem that his name was given to that part of the con
APPENDIX. 259,
timent by others, as a tribute paid to his supposed merit, in conse-
quence df having read his own account of his vºyages.”
It is singular that Fèrfiando, the son of Columbus, in his biogra-
phy of his father, should bring no charge against Wespucci of en-
deavouring to supplant the admiral in this discovery. Herrera has
been cited as the first to bring the accusation, in his history of the
Indias, first published in 1601, and has been much criticised in con-
sequence, by the advocates of Vespucci, as making the charge on
his mere assertion. But, in fact, Herrera did but copy what he
found written by Las Casas, who had the proceedings of the fiscal
court lying before him, and was moved to indignation against Wes-
pucci, by what he considered proofs of great imposture.
It has been suggested that Vespucci was instigated to this decep-
tion at the time when he was seeking employment in the colonial
service of Spain; and that he did it to conciliate the bishop Fonseca,
who was desirous of any thing that might injure the interests of
Columbus. In corroboration of this opinion, the patronage is cited
which was ever shown by Fonseca to Vespucci and his family.
This is not, however, a satisfactory reason, since it does not appear
that the bishop ever made any use of the fabrication. Perhaps some
other means might be found of accounting for this spurious narra-
tion, without implicating the veracity of Vespucci. It may have
been the blunder of some editor, or the interpolation of some book-
maker, eager, as in the case of Trivigiani with the manuscripts of
Peter Martyr, to gather together disjointed materials, and fabricate
a work to gratify the prevalent passion of the day.
In the various editions of the letters of Vespucci, the grossest va-
riations and inconsistencies in dates will be found, evidently the er-
rors of hasty and careless publishers. Several of these have been
corrected by the modern authors who have inserted these letters in
their works.f The same disregard to exactness which led to these
* The first suggestion of the name appears to have been in the Latin work already
cited, published in St. Diez, in Lorraine, in 1507, in which was inserted the letter of
pucci to king René. The author, after speaking of the other three parts of the
world, Asia, Africa, and Europe, recommends that the fourth shall be called Ame
rige, or America, after Vespucci, whom he imagined its discoverer.
t An instance of these errors may be cited in the edition of the letter of Amerigo
Vespucci to king René, inserted by Grinaeus in his Novus Orbis, in 1532. In this
Vespucci is made to state that he sailed from Cadiz May 20, MCCCCXCVII.
(1497,) that he was eighteen months absent, and returned to Cadiz October 15,
MCCCCXCIX. (1499,) which would constitute an absence of 29 months. He
states his departure from Cadiz, on his second voyage, Sunday, May 11th,
MCCCCLXXXIX. (1489,) which would have made his second voyage precede
his first by eight years. If we substitute 1499 for 1489, the departure on his second
260 APPENDIX.
blunders, may have produced the interpolation of this voyage, gar-
bled out of the letters of Vespucci and the accounts of other voy-
agers. This is merely suggested as a possible mode of accounting
for what appears so decidedly to be a fabrication, yet which we are
loth to attribute to a man of the good sense, the character, and the
reputed merit of Vespucci.
After all, this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment,
although it is one of those perplexing points about which grave men
will continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a
fictitious importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon
it. It has become a question of local pride with the literati of Flo-
rence; and they emulate each other with patriotic zeal, to vindicate
the fame of their distinguished countrymen. This zeal is laudable
when kept within proper limits; but it is to be regretted that some
of them have so far been heated by controversy as to become irasci-
ble against the very memory of Columbus, and to seek to disparage
his general fame, as if the ruin of it would add any thing to the re-
putation of Vespucci. This is discreditable to their discernment and
their liberality; it injures their cause, and shocks the feelings of man-
kind, who will not willingly see a name like that of Columbus,
lightly or petulantly assailed in the course of these literary contests.
It is a name consecrated in history, and is no longer the property of
a city, or a state, or a nation, but of the whole world.
Neither should those who have a proper sense of the merit of
Columbus put any part of his great renown at issue upon this
minor dispute. Whether or not he was the discoverer of Paria, was
a question of interest to his heirs, as a share of the government and
revenues of that country depended upon it; but it is of no import-
ance to his fame. In fact, the European who first reached the main-
land of the new world was most probably Sebastian Cabot, a native
of Venice, sailing in the employ of England. In 1497 he coasted
its shores from Labrador to Florida; yet neither the Venetians nor
the English have set up any pretensions on his account.
The glory of Columbus does not depend upon the parts of the
country he visited or the extent of coast along which he sailed, it
it embraces the discovery of the whole western world. With
respect to him, Vespucci is as Yañez Pinzon, Bastides, Ojeda, Ca
bot, and the crowd of secondary discoverers, who followed in his
track, and explored the realms to which he had led the way. When
Columbus first touched a shore of the new world, even though
voyage would still precede his return from his first by five months...Canovai, in his
edition, has altered the date of the first return to 1498, to limit the voyage to eighteen'
months.
*
APPENDIX. 261
a frontier island, he had achieved his enterprises; he had accom-
plished all that was mécessary to his fame: the great problem of
the ocean was solvéd; the world that lay beyond its western
waters was disèovered.
No. XI.
MARTiN ALONZO PINZON.
*
In the course of the trial in the fiscal court, between ſon Diego and
the crown, an attempt was made to depreciate the merit of Colum-
bus, and to ascribe the success of the great enterprise of discovery
to the intelligence and spirit of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. It was the
interest of the crown to do so, to justify itself in withholding from
the heirs of Columbus the extent of his stipulated reward. The
examinations of witnesses in this trial were made at various times,
and places, and upon a set of interrogatories formally drawn up by
order of the fiscal. They took place upwards of twenty years
after the first voyage of Gelumbus, and the witnesses testified from
recollection. *
In reply to one of the interrogatories, Arias Perez Pinzon, son of
Martin Alonzo, declared, that, being once in Rome with his father
on commercial affairs, before the time of the discovery, they had
frequent conversations with a person learned in cosmography who
was in the service of Pope Innocent VIII. and that being in
the library of the pope, this person showed them many manuscripts,
from one of which his father gathered intimation of these new
lands; for there was a passage by an historian as old as the time
of Solomon, which said, “Navigate the Mediterranean Sea to
the end of Spain and thence towards the setting sun, in a directicn
between north and south, until hinety-five degrees of longitude,
and you will find the land of Cipango, fertile and abundant, and
equal in greatmess to Africa and Europe.” A copy of this writ-
ing, he added, his father brought from Rome with an intention of
going in search of that land, and frequently expressed such deter-
mination; and that, when Columbus came to Palos with his pro-
ject of discovery, Martin Alonzo Pinzon showed him the manu-
script, and ultimately gave it to him just before they sailed.
It is extremely probable that this manuscript, of which Arias
Perez gives so vague an account from recollection, but which he
262 - APPENDIX.
appears to think the main thing that prompted Columbus to his un-
dertaking, was no other than the work of Marco Polo, which, at
that time, sexisted in manuscript in most of the Italian libraries.
Martin Alonzo was evidently acquainted with the work of the
Venetian, and it would appear, from various circumstances, that
Columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, which may
have been the manuscript above mentioned. Columbus had long
before, however, had a knowledge of the work, if not by actual
inspection, at least through his correspondence with Toscanelli in
1474, and had derived from it all the light it was capable of furnish-
ing, before he ever came to Palos. It is questionable, also, whether
the visit of Martin Alonzo to Rome, was not after his mind had been
heated by conversations with Columbus in the convent of La Ra-
bida. The testimony of Arias Perez is so worded as to leave it in
doubt whether the visit was not in the very year prior to the disco-
very: “fue el dicho su padre à Roma aquel dicho año antes que
fuese a descubrir.” Arias Perez always mentions the manuscript
as having been imparted to Columbus, after he had come to Palos
with an intention of proceeding on the discovery. &
Certain of witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown.
and to whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already
been mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for Mar-
tin Alonzo Pinzon and his brothers, Columbus would have turned
back for Spain, after having run seven or eight hundred leagues;
being disheartened at not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny
and menaces of his crew. This is stated by two or three as from
personal knowledge, and by others from hearsay. It is said espe-
cially to have occurred on the 6th of October. On this day, accord-
ing to the journal of Columbus, he had some conversation with
Martin Alonzo, who was anxious that they should stand more to the
southwest. The Admiral refused to do so, and it is very probable
that some angry words may have passed between them. Various
disputes appear to have taken place between Columbus and his col-
leagues respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land; in
one or two instances he ceded to their wishes, and altered his course,
but in general he was inflexible in standing to the west. The Pin-
zons also, in all probability, exerted their influence in quelling the
murmurs of their townsmen and encouraging them to proceed, when
ready to rebel against Columbus. These circumstances may have
become mixed up in the vague recollections of the seamen who gave
the foregoing extravagant testimony, and who were evidently dis-
posed to exalt the merits of the Pinzons at the expense of Columbus.
They were in some measure prompted also in their replies by the
APPENDIX. 263.
written interrogatories put by order of the fiscal, which specified
the conversations said to have passed between Columbus and the
Pinzons, and notwithstanding these guides they differed widely in
their statements, and ran into many absurdities. In a manuscript
record in possession of the Pinzon family, I have even read the as-
sertion of an old seaman, that Columbus, in his eagerness to compel
the Pinzons to turn back to Spain, fired upon their ships, but, they
continuing on, he was obliged to follow, and within two days after-
wards discovered the island of Hispaniola.
It is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, min-
gled in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the
voyage, about altering their course to the southwest, and the deser-
tion of Martin Alonzo. Subsequent to the discovery of the Lucayos
and Cuba, when, after parting company with the admiral, he made
the island of Hispaniola.
The witness most to be depended upon as to these points of in-
quiry, is the Physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, a man of edu-
cation, who sailed with Martin Alonzo Pinzon as steward of his
ship, and of course was present at all the conversations which passed
between the commanders. He testifies that Martin Alonzo urged
Columbus to stand more to the southwest, and that the Admiral at
length complied, but, finding no land in that direction, they turned
again to the west. A statement which completely coincides with
the journal of Columbus. He adds that the admiral continually
eomforted and animated Martin Alonzo, and all others in his com-
pany. (Siempre los consolaba el dicho Almirante esforzandolos al
dicho Martin Alonzo e à todos los queen su compania iban.) When
the physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations
pretended to have passed between the commanders, in which Co-
lumbus expressed a desire to turn back to Spain, he referred to the
preceding statement, as the only answer he had to make to these in-
terrogatories.
The extravagant testimony before mentioned appears never to
have had any weight with the fiscal; and the accurate historian
Muños, who extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of
the lawsuit, has not deemed them worthy of mention in his work.
As these matters, however, remain on record in the archives of the
Indias, and in the archives of the Pinzon family, in both of which
I have had a full opportunity of inspecting them, I have thought
it adviseable to make these few observations on the subject; lest, in
the rage for research, they might hereafter be drawn forth as a new
discovery, on the strength of which to impugn the merits of Co-
lumbus.
264) APPENDIX,
No. XII.
RUMOUR OF THE PILOT SAID TO HAVE DIED IN THE HOUSE OF
COLUMBUS.
AMong the various attempts to injure Columbus by those who were
envious of his fame, was one intended to destroy all his merit as an
original discoverer. It was said that he had received information of
the existence of land in the western parts of the ocean-from a tem-
pest-tost pilot, who had been driven there by violent easterly winds,
and who, on his return to Europe, had died in the house of Colum-
bus, kaving in his possession the chart and journal of his voyage,
by which he was guided to his discovery.
This story was first noticed by Oviedo, a contemporary of Colum-
bus, in his history of the Indias, published in 1535. He mentions
it as a rumour circulating among the vulgar, without foundation in
truth.
Fernando Lopez de Gomara first brought it forward against Co-
lumbus. In his history of the Indias, published in 1552, he repeats
the rumour in the vaguest terms, manifestly from Oviedo, but with-
out the contradiction given to it by that author. He says that the
name and country of the pilot were unknown, some terming him an
Andalusian, sailing between the Canaries and Madeira, others a
Biscayan, trading to England and France; and others a Portu-
guese, voyaging between Lisbon and Mina, on the coast of Guinea.
He expresses equał uncertainty whether the pilot brought the cara-
vel to Portugal, to Madeira, or to one of the Azores. The only
point on which the eirculators of the rumour agreed, was, that he
died in the house of Columbus. Gomara adds that by this event
Columbus was led to undertake his voyage to the new countries."
The other early historians who mention Columbus and his voy-
ages, and were his contemporaries, viz. Sabellicus, Peter Martyr,
Gustiniani, Bernaldez, commonly called the curate of los Palacios,
Las Casas, Fernando, the son of the admiral, and the anonymous
author of a voyage of Columbus, translated from the Italian into
£atin by Madrignano,f are all silent in regard to this report.
wivºrº—-
*.Gopnaga. Hist, lad. C. 14,
t Navigatio, Christophori Columbi, Madrignano Interprete. It is contained in a
collection of voyages called Novus Orbis Regionum, edition of 1555, but was origi-
nally published in Italian as written by Montalbodo Francanzano (or Francapano
de Montaldo,) in a collection of voyages entitled Nuovo Mundo, in Vicenza, 1507.
APPENDIx. 365
Benzoni, whose history of the new world was published in 1565,
repeats the story from Gomara;with whom he was contemporary;
but decidedly expresses his opinion, that Gomara had mingled up
much falsehood with some truth, for the purpose of detracting from
the fame of Columbus, through jealousy that any one but a Spaniard
should enjoy the honour of the discovery.” t
Acosta notices the circumstance slightly in his Natural and Mo-
ral History of the Indias, published in 1591, and takes it evidently
from Gomara.f
Mariana, in his history of Spain, published in 1592, also mentions
it, but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information ma-
nifestly from Gomara.f
Herrera, who published his history of the Indias in 1601, takes no
notice of the story. In not noticing it, he may be considered as re-
jecting it; for he is distinguished for his minuteness, and was well
acquainted with Gomara's history, which he expressly contradicts
on a point of considerable interest.) *
Garcilaso de la Vega, a native of Cusco in Peru, revived the tale
with very minute particulars, in his Commentaries of the Incas,
published in 1609. He tells it smoothly and circumstantially; fixes
the date of the occurrence 1484, “one year more or less;” states the
name of the unfortunate pilot, Alonzo Sanchez, de Huelva; the des.
timation of his vessel, from the Canaries to Madeira; and the un-
known land to which they were driven, the island of Hispaniola.
The pilot, he says, landed, took an altitude, and wrote an account of
all he saw, and all that had occurred in the voyage. He then took
in wood and water, and set out to seek his way home. He succeed-
ed in returning, but the voyage was long and tempestuous, and
twelve died of hunger and fatigue, out of seventeen, the original
number of the crew. The five survivors arrived at Tercera, where
they were hospitably entertained by Columbus, but all died in his
house in consequence of the hardships which they had sustained ;
the pilot was the last that died, leaving his host heir to his papers.
Columbus kept them profoundly secret, and by pursuing the route
therein prescribed, obtained the credit of discovering the new world.
Such are the material points of the circumstantial relation fur-
mished by Garcilaso de la Vega, one hundred and twenty years after
* Girolamo Benzoni, Hist, del Nuovo Mundo, L. 1, fo. 12. In Venetia, 1572
| Padre Joseph de Acosta, Hist. Ind. L. 1, C. 19.
$ Juan de Mariana, Hist. España, L. 26, C. 3.
§ Herrera, Hist. Ind. Decad. 2, Lib.3, Cap. 1.
| Commentarios de los Incas, Lib. 1, C. 3.
Wol. II. - 18 º X
266 APPENDix.
T.
* \ $ , ,
the eventºn regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the
stºry when was a child, as a subject of conversation between his
father aid the neighbours, and he refers to the histories of the fndias,
by Acosta and Gomara, for confirmation. As the conversations to
which he histened must have taken place sixty or seventy years after
the date of the report, there had been sufficient time for the vague
rumours to become arranged into a regular narrative, and thus we
have not only the name, country and destination of the pilot, but
also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel was driven.
This account given by Garcilaso de la Vega, has been adopted
by many old historians, who have felt a confidence in the peremp-
tory manner in which he relates it, and in the authorities to whom
he refers.” These have been echoed by others of more recent date;
and thus a weighty charge of fraud and imposture has been accu-
mulated against Columbus, apparently supported by a crowd of
respectable accusers. The whole charge is to be traced to Gomara,
who loosely repeated a vague rumour, without noticing the pointed
contradiction given to it seventeen years before, by Oviedo, an ear-
witness, from whose book he appears to have actually gathered the
report.
It is to be remarked that Gomara bears the character, among
historians, of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting un-
founded stories.f
* Names of historians who either adopted this story in detail, of the charge
against Columbus, draws from it:
Bernardo Aldrete, Antiguedad de España, Lib. 4, C. 17, p. 567
Ruderigo Caro, Antiguedad, Lib. 3, Cap. 76.
Juan de Solorzano, Ind. Jure, Tom. 1, L. 1, C. 5.
Fernando Pizarro, Warones Illust. del Nuevo Mundo, C. 2.
Agostino Torniel, Annal. Sacr. T. 1, ann. Mund. 1931, No. 48.
Pet. Damarez or De Mariz, Dial. 4, de War. Hist. Cap. 4.
Gregorie García, Orig. de los Indios, Lib. 1, C. 4, § H.
Juan de Torquemada, Monarch. Ind. L. 18, C. 1.
John Baptiste Riccioli, Geograf. Reform. L. 3. .
To this list of old authors may be added many others of more recent date.
# “Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Presbítero, Sevillane, eseriöio eon elegante
estilo acerca de las cosas de las Indias, pero dexandose hevarde falsas narraciones.”
Hijos de Sevilla, Numero 2, p. 42, Let. F. The same is stated in Bibliotheca
Hispaña Nova, Lib, 1, p. 437.
“El Francisco Lopez de Gomara escrivio tantos borrones é cosas que he sen
verdaderas, de que ha hecho mucho daño a muchos escritores e coronistas, que
despiés del Gomara han escrito enlas cosas de la Nueva España " " " es porque
les ha hecho errar el Gomara.” Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Hist. de la Conquest.
de la Nueva España, Fin de Cap. 18. '
“Tenia Gomara doctrina y estilo * * * pero empleose en ordinar sin discerni-
miento lo que halló escrito por sus antecesores, y dió credito a patraias no solo
APPENDIX. º 267
It is unnecessary to give furtherefutation to this charge, espe-
cially as it is clear that Coluxº communicated his idéa of discovery
to Paulo Toscanelli of Florenee, in 1474, ten years previºus to the
date assigned by Garcilaso de la Vega for this occurrentº,
No. XIII.
IMARTIN BE HEM.
THIs able geographer was born in Nuremburg, in Germany, about
the commencement of the year 1430. His ancestors were from the
circle of Pilsner, in Bohemia, hence he is called by some writers
Martin of Bohemia, and the resemblance of his own name to that
of the country of his ancestors frequently occasions a confusion in
the appellation.
It has been said by some that he studied under Philip Bervalde
the elder, and by others under John Muller, otherwise called Regio-
montanus, though De Murr, who has made diligent inquiry into
his history, discredits both assertions. According to a correspond-
cnce between Behem and his uncle, discovered of late years by De
Murr, it appears that the early part of his life was devoted to com-
merce. Some have given him the credit of discovering the island
of Fayal, but this is an error, arising probably from the circum-
stance that Job de Huertar, father-in-law of Behem, colonized that
island in 1466.
He is supposed to have arrived at Portugal in 1481, while Al-
phonso V. was still on the throne; it is certain that shortly after-
wards he was in high repute for his science in the court of Lisbon,
insomuch that he was one of the council appointed by king John II.
to improve the art of navigation, and by some he has received the
whole credit of the memorable service rendered to commerce by that
council, in the introduction of the astrolabe into nautical use.
In 1484 king John sent an expedition under Diego Cam, as
Barros calls him, Cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries
along the coast of Africa. In this expedition Behem sailed as cos-
mographer. They crossed the equinoetial line, discovered the coast
of Congo, advaneed to twenty-two degrees forty-five minutes of
falsas sino inverisimiles.” Juan Bautista Muñoz, Hist. N. Mundo, Prologo,
p. xviii. . . . .


268 * APPENDIX.
south latitude,” and erected two columns, on which were engraved
the arms of Portugal, in the mouth of the river Zagra, in Afriea,
which thence, for some time, took the name of the River of
Columns.#
For the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is
said that Behem was knighted by king John in 1485, though no
mention is made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary
historians. The principal proof of his having received this mark
of distinction, is his having given himself the title on his own globe
of Eques Lusitanus. *
In 1486 he married at Fayal the daughter of Job de Huertar, and
is supposed to have remained there for some few years, where he had
a son named Martin, born in 1489. During his residence at Lisbon
and Fayal, it is probable the acquaintance took place between him
and Columbus, to which Herrera and others allude; and the admi-
ral may have heard from him some of the rumours circulating in
the islands, of indications of western lands floating to their shores.
In 1491, he returned to Nuremburg to see his family, and while
there, in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a master-
piece in those days, which he had undertaken at the request of the
principal magistrates of his native city.
In 1493 he returned to Portugal, and from thence proceeded to
Fayal. . .
In 1494 king John II. who had a high opinion of him, sent him to
Flanders to his natural son Prince George, the intended heir of his
CIOWIA. the course of his voyage Behem was captured and carried
to England, where he remained for three months detained by illness.
Having recovered, he again put to sea, but was captured by a cor-
sair and carried to France. Having ransomed himself, he proceeded
to Antwerp and Bruges, but returned almost immediately to Portue,
gal. Nothing more is known of him for several years, during which
time it is supposed he remained with his family in Fayal, too old to
make further voyages. In 1506 he went from Fayal to Lisbon,
where he died. i
The assertion that Behem had discovered the western world pre-
vious to Columbus, in the course of the voyage with Cam, was
founded on a misinterpretation of a passage interpolated in the
chronicle of Hartmann Schedel, a contemporary writer. This pas-
'sageºmentions, that when the voyagers were in the Southern Ocean
not far from the coast, and had passed the line, they came into
another hemisphere, where, when they looked towards the east, their
-*
* Wasconcelos, Lib. 4. t Murr, Notice sur M. Behaim.
APPENDIX. & 269
º:
shadows fell towards the south, on their right hand; that hers they
discovered a new world, unknown until then, and which for many
years had never been sought except by the Genoese, and by them
unsuccessfully. •
“Hii duo, bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale sulcantes, a
littore non longe evagantes, superato circulo equinoctiali, in alterum
orbem excepti sunt. Ubi ipsis stantibus orientem versus, umbra ad
meridiem et dextram projiciebatur. Aperuère igitur sua industria,
alium orbem hactenus nobis incognitum et multis annis, a nullis
quam Januensibus, licet frustra temptatum.”
These lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by
a different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of
Schedel. De Murr assures us they are not to be found in the Ger-
man translation of the book by George Alt, which was finished the
5th October, 1493. But even if they were they relate merely to the
discovery which Diego Cam made of the southern hemisphere, pre-
viously unknown, and of the coast of Africa beyond the equator, all
which appeared like a new world, and as such was talked of at the
tline. sº
The Genoese alluded to, who had made an unsuccessful attempt,
were Antonio de Nolle with Bartholomeo his brother, and Raphael
de Nolle his nephew. Antonio was of a noble family, and for some
disgust, left his country and went to Lisbon with his before men-
tioned relatives in two caravels; from whence, sailing in the employ
of Portugal, they discovered the island of St. Jago, &c.”
This interpolated passage of Schedel was likewise inserted into the
work De Europä sub Frederico III. of AEneas Silvius, afterwards Pope
Pius II. who died in 1464, long before the voyage in question. The
misinterpretation of the passage first gave rise to the incorrect asser-
tion that Behem had discovered the new world prior to Columbus;
as if it were possible such a circumstance could have happened with-
out Behem's laying claim to the glory of the discovery, and without
the world immediately resounding with so important an event.
This error had been adopted by various authors without due examina-
tion; some of whom had likewise taken from Magellan the credit of
having discovered the strait which goes by his name, and had given
it to Behem. The error was too palpable to be generally prevalent,
but was suddenly revived in the year 1786 by a French gentleman
of highly respectable character of the name of Otto, then resident in
New-York, who addressed a letter to Dr. Franklin to be submitted
do the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, in which he undertook
* Barros, Decad. 1, L. 2, C. 1. Lisbon 1552. .x 2
270 . . APPENDIX.
to establish the title of Behem to the discovery of the new world.
His memoir was published in the transactions of the American Phi-
losophical Society, vol. 2. for 1786, article No. 35, and has been co-
pied into the journals of most of the nations of Europe.
The authorities cited by M. Otto in support of his assertion are
generally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular
specification. His assertion has been diligently and satisfactorily
refuted by Don Christoval Cladera.” \
- The grand proof of M. Otto is a globe which Behem made during
his residence in Nuremburg, in 1492, the very year that Columbus
set out on his first voyage of discovery. This globe, according to M.
Otto, is still preserved in the library of Nuremburg, and on it are
painted all the discoveries of Behem, which are so situated that they
can be no other than the coast of Brazil, and the straits of Magellan.
This authority staggered many, and, if supported, would demolish
the claims of Columbus. ,
Unluckily for M. Otto, in his description of the globe, he depended
on the inspection of a correspondent. The globe in the library of
Nuremburg was made in 1520, by John Schoener, professor of
mathematics,f long after the discoveries and death of Columbus and
Behem. The real globe of Behem, made in 1492, does not contain
any of the islands or shores of the New World, and thus proves that
he was totally unacquainted with them. A copy, or planisphere, of
Behem's globe is given by Cladera in his Investigations.
*
No. XIV.
VOYAGES OF THE SCANDINAVIANS.
MANy elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that dis-
coveries were made by the Scandinavians on the northern coast of
America long before the era of Columbus; but the subject appears
still to be wrapped in much doubt and obscurity.
It has been asserted that the Norwegians, as early as the ninth
century, discovered a great tract of land to the west of Iceland,
which they called Grand Iceland, but this has been pronounced a
fabulous tradition. The most plausible account is one given by
Snorró Sturleson in his Saga or Chronicle of King Olaus. Accord-
* Investigaciones Historicas. Madrid, 1794.
t Cladera, Investig. Hist. p. 115.
APPENDIX. 271
ing to this writer, one Biorn of Iceland, sailing to Greenland in
search of his father, from whom he had been separated by a storm,
was driven by tempestuous weather far to the southwest, until he
came in sight of a low country, covered with wood, with an island
in its vicinity. The weather becoming favourable, he turned to the
northeast without landing, and arrived safe at Greenland. His ac-
count of the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enterprise of
Leif, son of Eric Rauda (or Redhead,) the first settler of Greehland.
A vessel was fitted out, and Leif and Biorn departed together in
quest of this unknown land. They found a rocky and sterile island,
to which they gave the name of Helleland; also a low sandy coun-
try covered with wood, to which they gave the name of Markland;
and, two days afterwards, they observed a continuance of the coast,
with an island to the north of it. This last they described as fertile,
well wooded, producing agreeable fruits, and particularly grapes, a
fruit with which they were unacquainted. On being informed by
one of their companions, a German, of its qualities and name, they
called the country, from it, Winland. They ascended a river, well
stored with fish, particularly salmon, and came to a lake from which
the river took its origin, where they passed the winter. The cli-
mate appeared to them mild and pleasant; being accustomed to the
rigorous climates of the north. On the shortest day, the sun was
eight hours above the horizon. Hence it has been concluded that
the country was about the 49th degree of north latitude, and was
either Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North America,
about the gulf of St. Lawrence.” It is added that the relatives of
Leif made several voyages to Winland; that they traded with the
natives for furs; and that, in 1121, a bishop named Eric went from
Greenland to Winland to convert the inhabitants to Christianity.
From this time, says Forster, we know nothing of Winland, and there
is every appearance that the tribe which still exists in the interior of
Newfoundland, and which is so different from the other savages of
North America, both in their appearance and mode of livings and
always in a state of warfare with the Esquimaux of the northern
coast, are descendants of the ancient Normans.
The author of the present work has not had the means of tracing
this story to its original sources. He gives it on the authority of
M. Malte-Brun, and Mr. Forster. The latter extracts it from the
Saga or chronicle of Snorro, who was born in 1179, and wrote in
1215; so that his account was formed long after the event is said to
*,
* Forster's Northern Voyages, B. 2 C.2
272 APPENDix.
have taken place. " Forster says, “the facts which we report have
been collected from a great number of Icelandic manuscripts, and
transmitted to us by Torfaeus in his two works entitled Veteris
Groenlandiae Descriptio, Hafnia, 1706, and Historia Winlandiae An-
tiquae, Hafnia, 1705.” Forster appears to have no doubt of the au.
thenticity of the facts. As far as the author of the present work has
had experience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of portions
of the new world, he has generally found them very confident deduc-
tions drawn from very vague and questionable facts. Learned men
are too prone to give substance to mere shadows, when they assist
some preconceived theory. Most of these accounts, when divested
of the erudite comments of their editors, have proved little better than
the traditionary fables, noticed in another part of this work, respect-
ing the imaginary islands of St. Borondon, and of the Seven Cities.
There is no great improbability, however, that such enterprising
and roving voyagers as the Scandinavians, may have wandered to
the northern shores of America, about the coast of Labrador, or the
shores of Newfoundland; and if the Icelandic manuscripts said to
be of the thirteenth century can be relied upon as genuine, free from
modern interpolation, and correctly quoted, they would appear to
prove the fact. But granting the truth of the alleged discoveries,
they led to no more result than would the interchange of communi-
cation between the natives of Greenland and the Esquimaux. The
knowledge of them appears not to have extended beyond their own
nation, and to have been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves.
Another pretension to an early discovery of the American conti-
ment has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrative of
two brothers of the name of Zeno, of Venice; but it seems more in-
valid than those just mentioned. The following is the substance of
this claim.
Nicolo Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a voyage to
the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to
visit England and Flanders; but meeting with a terrible tempest,
was driven for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast
away upon Friseland, an island much in dispute among geographers,
but supposed tº be the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The ship.
wrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives; but rescued by
Zichmni, a prince of the islands, lying on the south side of Friseland,
and duke of another district lying over against Scotland. Zeno en-
tered into the service of this prince, and aided him in conquering
Friseland, and other northern islands. He was soon joined by his
brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those countries
APPENDIX. , , 273
34 *
During his residence in Friseland, Antônio Zeflo wrote to his bre-
ther Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a rºrt brought by a
certain fisherman, about a land to the westward. "According to the
tale of this mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from
Friseland about twenty-six years before, in four fishing boats.
Being overtaken by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the
sea for many days, until the boat containing himself and six compa-
nions was cast upon an island called Estotiland, about one thºusand
miles from Friseland. They were taken by the inhabitants, and car-
ried to a fair and populous city, where the king sent for many inter-
preters to converse with them, but none that they could understand,
until a man was found who had likewise been cast away upon the
coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days upon the
island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of
metals, and especially gold.” There was a high mountain in the
centre, from which flowed four rivers which watered the whole
country. The inhabitants were intelligent and acquainted with the
mechanical arts of Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and
lived in houses built of stone. There were Latin books in the king's
library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of that language. .
They had many cities and castles, and carried on a trade with
Greenland for pitch, sulphur and peltry. Though much given to
navigation, they were ignorant of the use of the compass, and find-
ing the Friselanders acquainted with it; held them in great esteem;
and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the
south, called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a storm, but
were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found the people
to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and devoured,
but were spared on account of their great skill in fishing.
The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a country of vast
extent, or rather a new world; that the inhabitants were naked and
barbarous; but that far to the southwest there was a more civilized
region, and temperate climate, where the inhabitants had a know.
ledge of gold and silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to
idols, and sacrificed human victims to them, which they afterwards
devoured. 㺠*
After the fisherman had resided many years on "this continent,
during which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain
\
* This account is taken from Hackluyt, vol. 3, p. 123. The passage about gold
and other metals is not to be found in the original Italian of Ramusio, (T. 2, p. 23.)
and is probably an interpolation.

274 APPENDIX.
to another, and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estoti-
land arrived on the coast of Drogeo. The fisherman went on board
of them, acted as interpreter, and followed the trade 'between the
mainland and Estotiland for some time, until he became very rich:
then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assistance of some
of the people of the island, made his way back, across the thousand
intervening miles of ocean, and arrived safe at Friseland. The ac-
count he gave of these countries, determined Zichmni, the prince of
Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and Antonio Zeno was to
command it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to have
acted as guide, died; but certain mariners, who had accompanied
him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expedition sailed
under command of Zichmni; the Venetian, Zeno, merely accompa-
nied it. It was unsuccessful. After having discovered an island
called Icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inha-
bitants, and were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a
storm to Greenland. No record remains of any further prosecution
of the enterprise.
The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were laid down
on a map originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland
has been supposed by M. Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland; its par-
tially civilized inhabitants the descendants of the Scandinavian co-
lonists of Winland; and the Latin books in the king's library to be
the remains of the library of the Greenland bishop, who emigrated
thither in 1121. Drogeo, according to the same conjecture, was
Nova-Scotia and New-England. The civilized people to the south-
west, who sacrificed human victims in rich temples, he surmises
to have been the Mexicans, or some ancient nation of Florida or
Louisiana.
The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. The
whole story abounds with improbabilities; not the least of which is
the civilization prevalent among the inhabitants; their houses of
stone, their European arts, the library of their king; no traces of
which were to be found on their subsequent discovery. Not to men-
tion the information about Mexico penetrating through the numerous
*avage tribes of a vast continent. It is proper to observe that this
account was att published until 1558, long after the discovery of
Mexico. It was given to the world by Francisco Marcolini, a de.
scendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of letters said to have been
written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother. “It grieves me,"
says the editor, “that the book, and divers other writings concern
ing these matters, are miserably lost; for being but a child when
they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore
APPENDIX. 275
them and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remem.
brance but to my exceeding great grief.” •r
This garbled statement by Marcolini, derived considerable autho-
rity by being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer,
in his Theatrum Orbis; but the whole story has been condemned by
able commentators as a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this,
as an instance of obstinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to
doubt the existence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Anto-
mio Zeno talk; as original acts in the archives of Venice prove that
the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north; that his brother An-
tonio followed him; that Antonio traced a map, which he brought
back and hung up in his house, where it remained subject to public
examination, until the time of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof
of the truth of what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely
proves that Antonio and his brother were at Friseland and Green,
Iand. Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Es-
totiland. The fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, after
which we hear no more of him; and his account of Estotiland and
Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fisherman, after whose de-
scriptions his map must have been conjecturally projected. The
whole story resembles much the fables circulated shortly after the
discovery of Columbus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals
the credit of the achievement.
M. Malte-Brun intimates that the alleged discovery of Winland
may have been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the
North sea in 1477,f and that the map of Zeno, being in the na-
tional library at London, in a Danish work, at the time when Bar-
tholomew Columbus was in that city, employed in making maps, he
may have known something of it, and have communicated it to his
brother.; Had M. Malte-Brun examined the history of Columbus
with his usual accuracy, he would have perceived, that, in his corres-
pondence with Paulo Toscanelli in 1474, he had expressed his inten-
tion of seeking India by a route directly to the west. His voyage to
the north did not take place until three years afterwards. As to the
residence of Bartholomew in London, it was not until after Columbus
had made his propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not to the
courts of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subse.
quently heard the dubious stories of Winland, and of the fisherman's
adventures, as related by Zeno, or at least by Marcolini, they evi-
dently could not have influenced him in his great enterprise. His
* Hackluyt, Collect. vol. 3, p. 127.
# Maſte-Brun, Hist. de Geog. T. 1, L. 17.
f Idem, Geog. Universelle, T. 14. Note sur la decouverte de l'Amerique.
276 APPENDIX.
route had no reference to them, but was a direct western course, not
toward Winland, and Estotiland, and Drogeo, but in search of Ci-
pango, and Cathay, and the other countries described by Marco
Polo, as lying at the extremity of India.
º
No. XV.
CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA BY THE ANCIENTS.
THE knowledge of the ancients with respect to the Atlantic coast
of Africa is considered by modern investigators much less extensive
than had been imagined; and it is doubted whether they had any
practical authority for the belief that Africa was circumnavigable.
The alleged voyage of Eudoxus of Cyzicus, from the Red sea to
Gibraltar, though recorded by Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and others,
is given entirely on the assertion of Cornelius Nepos, who does not
tell from whence he derived his information. Posidonius (cited by
Strabo) gives an entirely different account of this voyage and rejects
it with contempt.*
The famous voyage of Hanno, the Carthaginian, is supposed to
have taken place about a thousand years before the Christian era.
The Periplus Hannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this
expedition, and a subject of great comment and controversy. By
some it has been pronounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the
* Greeks, but its authenticity has been ably vindicated. It appears
to be satisfactorily proved, however, that the voyage of this naviga-
tor has been greatly exaggerated, and that he never circumnavi-
gated the extreme end of Africa. Mons. de Bougainvillef traces
his route to a promontory which he named the West Horn, and
which was supposed to be Cape Palmas, about five or six degrees
north of the equinoctial line, from whence he proceeded to another
promontory, under the same parallel, which he called the South
*Horn, supposed to be Cape de Tres Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, how-
ever, in his researches into the geography of the ancients, (Tome 1.
p. 162, &c.) after a rigid examination of the periplus of Hanno, de-
termines, that he had not sailed farther south than Cape Non.
Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole coast of Africa, from the
straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen his periplus, but took
* Gosselin, Recherches sur la Geographie des Anciens, T. 1, p. 162, &c. -
t Memoirs de l'Acad. des Inscript. T. 26. - º
l
APPENDIX. 277
his idea from the works of Xenophon of Lampsaco. The Greeks
surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of fables, and
on their unfaithful copies, Strabo founded many of his assertions.
According to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno, of Scylax, Po-
lybius, Statius, Sebosus and Juba; the recitals of Plato, of Aristotle,
of Pliny, of Plutarch, and the tables of Ptolemy, all bring us to the
same results, and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix
the limit of southern navigation about the neighbourhood of Cape
Non, or Cape Bojador.
The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among
the Persians, the Egyptians, and perhaps the Greeks, several cen-
turies prior to the Christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded
upon any known facts; but merely on conjecture, from considering
the immensity and unity of the ocean; or perhaps on more ancient
traditions; or on ideas produced by the Carthaginian discoveries,
beyond the straits of Gibraltar, and those of the Egyptians beyond
the gulf of Arabia. He thinks that there was a very remote period,
when geography was much more perfect than in the time of the
Phenicians and the Greeks, whose knowledge was but confused
traces of what had previously been better known.
The opinion, that the Indian sea joined the ocean was admitted
among the Greeks, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of
Hipparchus. It seemed authorized by the direction which the coast
of Africa took after Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as
far as it had been explored by navigators.
It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to
meet the eastern, and that the whole was bounded by the ocean,
much to the northward of the equator. Such was the opinion of *
Crates, who lived in the time of Alexander; of Aratus, of Cleanthes,
of Cleomedes, of Strabo, of Pomponius Mela, of Macrobius, and
many others.
Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an
crror, which for a long time retarded the maritime communication of
Europe and India. He supposed that the seas were separated into
distinct basins, and that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit
round the Indian sea, so as to join those of Asia beyond the mouth
of the Ganges. Subsequent discoveries, instead of refuting this
error, only placed the junction of the continents at a greater dis-
tance. Marinus of Tyre, and Ptolemy, adopted this opinion in their
works, and illustrated it in their maps, which for centuries controlled
the general belief of mankind, and perpetuated the idea that Africa
extended onward to the south pole, and that it was impossible to ar-
rive by sea at the coasts of India. Still there were gºver. .#
278 APPENDIX.
who, leaned to the more ancient idea of a communication between
the Indian sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had its advocates in:
Spain, and was maintained by Pomponius Mela and by Isidore of
Seville. It was believed also by some of the learned in Italy, in the
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries; and thus was kept
alive until it was acted upon so vigorously by Prince Henry of Por-
tugal, and at length triumphantly demonstrated by Vasco de Gama,
in his circumnavigation of the Cape of Good Hope.
No. XVI.
OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS.
IN remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Colum-
bus made his first voyage, Dr. Robertson observes, that, “in the
fifteenth century, the bulk and construction of vessels were accom-
modated to the short and easy voyages along the coast, which they
were accustomed to perform.” We have many proofs, however, that
even anterior to the 15th century, there were large ships employed
by the Spaniards, as well as by other nations. In an edict published
in Barcelona, in 1354, by Pedro IV. enforcing various regulations
for the security of commerce, mention is made of Catalonian mer-
chant ships of two and three decks and from 8,000 to 12,000 quintals
burthen.
In 1419, Alonzo of Aragon hired several merchant ships to
transport artillery, horses, &c. from Barcelona to Italy, among
which were two, each of which carried one hundred and twenty
horses, which it is computed would require a vessel of at least 600
tons.
In 1463, mention is made of a Venetian ship which arrived at
Barcelona from England, laden with wheat, and being of 700 tons
burthen.
In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there being of 12,000 quintals
burthen. These arrivals incidentally mentioned among others of
similar size, as happening at one port, show that large ships were
in use in those days.” Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second
expedition of Columbus, there were prepared in the port of Bermeo
|
* Capmany Questiones Criticas. Quest. 6.
APPENDIX. 279
\
a Caracca of 1250 tons, and four ships, of from 150 to 450 tons
burthen. Their destination, however, was altered, and they were
sent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last Moorish king of Granada,
from the coast of his conquered territory to Africa.”
It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, there-
fore, that those of Columbus were of so small a size. He con-
sidered them best adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required
but little depth of water, and therefore could more easily and safely
coast unknown shores, and explore bays and rivers. He had some
purposely constructed of a very small size for this service; such
was the caravel, which in his third voyage he dispatched to look out
for an opening to the sea at the upper part of the gulf of Paria,
when the water grew too shallow for his vessel of one hundred tons
burthen.
The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Co-
lumbus is that they should be open vessels: for it seems difficult to
believe that a voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted
in barks of so frail a construction. This, however, is expressly
mentioned by Peter Martyr, in his Decades written at the time;
and mention is made occasionally, in the memoirs relative to the
voyages written by Columbus and his son, of certain of his vessels
being without decks. He sometimes speaks of the same vessel as
a ship, and a caravel. There has been some discussion of late as
to the precise meaning of the term caravel. The Chevalier Bossi,
in his dissertations on Columbus, observes, that in the Mediter-
ranean, caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among
the Mussulmans, and that in Portugal, it means a small vessel of
from 120 to 140 tons burthen; but Columbus sometimes applies it
to a vessel of forty tons.
Du Cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of Italian origin.
Bossi thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced
into the European languages by the Moors. Mr. Edward Everett,
in a note to his Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of
the word is given in “Ferrarii Origines Linguæ Italicae,” as fol-
lows: “Caravela, navigii minoris genus. Lat. Carabus: Graece
Karabron.”
That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a
small size is evident from a naval classification made by king
Alonzo in the middle of the thirteenth century. In the first class
he enumerates Naos, or large ships which go only with sails, some
of which have two masts, and others but one. In the second class
* Archives de ind, en Sevilla,
280 APPENDIX.
smaller vessels as Carracas, Fustas, Ballenares, Pinazas, Carabelas,
&c. In the third class vessels with sails and oars as Galleys,
Galeots, Tardantes, and Saetias.”
Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Ra-
phael Xansis, treasurer of the king of Spain; an edition of which
exists in the public library at Milan. With this letter he gives
several wood cuts of sketches made with a pen, which accompanied
this letter, and which he supposes to have been from the hand of
Columbus. In these are represented vessels which are probably
caravels. They have high bows and sterns, with castles on the lat-
ter. They have short masts with large square sails. One of them,
besides sails, has benches of oars, and is probably intended to repre-
sent a galley. They are all evidently vessels of small size, and
light.construction.
In a work called “Recherches sur le Commerce,” published in
Amsterdam, 1779, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part
of the fifteenth century. It is taken from a picture in the church of
St. Giovanni e Paolo in Venice. The vessel bears much resem-
blance to those said to have been sketched by Columbus; it has two
masts, one of which is extremely small with a latine sail. The
mainmast has a large square sail. The vessel has a high poop and
prow, is decked at each end, and is open in the centre.
It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with
which Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of
this light and frail construction; and little superior to the small
craft which ply on rivers and along coasts in modern days.
No. XVII.
ROUTE OF COLUMBUS IN HIS FIRST VOYAGE.
IT has hitherto been supposed that one of the Bahama islands, at
present called San Salvador and also known as Cat-Island, was the
first point where Columbus came in contact with the new world.
Don Martin Navarette, director of the hydrographical depot at Ma-
drid, &c. &c., in his introduction to the “Collection of Spanish Voy-
ages and Discoveries” recently published at Madrid, has endea-
voured to show that it must have been Turks Island, one of the same
* Capmany. Quest. Crit.
APPENDIX. 281
group situated about one hundred leagues, or three hundred sea miles
S. E. of San Salvador. Let us carefully and candidly examine this
opinion of Mr. Navarrete, comparing it with the journal of Colum-
bus and observing if they coincide; if they do not, let us next disco-
ver what evidence there may be to confirm our hereditary belief that
San Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the new
world. In doing this, the writer of this article will feel the less re-
luctance to approach so interesting a subject of inquiry from having
navigated extensively among these islands.
Columbus describes Guanahani where he first landed, and to which
he gave the name of San Salvador, as being a large and very beau-
tiful island, covered with forests, many of which bore fruit; and as
having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake in the centre. It
was inhabited by a numerous population, and he proceeded for a
considerable distance in his boats along the shore to the N. N.
E.; being visited as he passed by the inhabitants of several villages.
How does Turks Island answer to this description ?
Turks Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, extending
less than two leagues in a north and south direction; it is utterly
destitute of wood, not having a single tree of native growth; neither
has it any fresh water, the inhabitants depending entirely for their
supply on casks and cisterns in which they preserve the rain; nor
is there a lake, but only a few salt ponds, which furnish the sole pro-
duction of the island. Turks Island cannot be approached on the
E. or N. E. sides in consequence of its dangerous reef; the only an-
choring place being the open roadsted to the W. and another less
frequented at the S. and called the Hawk's-nest. This island is in-
capable of cultivation, and the inhabitants draw all their articles of
subsistence from abroad, except fish and turtle which are taken in
abundance, and supply the chief food of the slaves employed in the
salt works. The whole resources of the island consist in the produce
of these works, and in the salvage and plunder of the many wrecks
which occur in the neighbourhood. Hence Turks Island would
never be inhabited in a savage state of society, when commerce does
not exist, and men are obliged to draw their subsistence from the
spot which they people.
When about to leave Guanahani, Columbus was at a loss to choose
from the great number of islands in sight, which next to visit; now
there is no land whatever visible from Turks Island except the two
salt keys which lie S. He does not state what course he steered in
going from Guanahani to Conception; but merely that it was five
leagues off, and the current was against him; whereas the distance
from Turks Island to Gran Caico, supposed by Mr. Navarrete to be
Voi. Il. 19 Y 2
2}
282 . . . . APPENDIX.
• *
*ś * 32"
the Conception of Columbus, is nearly double, and the current run-
ning uniformly to the W. N. W. among these islands would be di-
rectly fair in going from Turks Island to Gran Caico.
From Conception Columbus went next to an island which he saw
nine leagues off in a westerly direction, and which he named Fer-
nandina. This Mr. Navarrete supposes little Inagua, though no less
than twenty-two leagues from Gran Caico. Moreover, Columbus
describes Fernandina as stretching N. W. and S. E. twenty-eight
leagues, whereas little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues
in a N. E. and S. W. direction. In short the description given of
Fernandina has nothing in common with little Inagua.
From Fernandina Columbus sailed S. E. to Isabella, which Mr.
Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua, although it bears S. W. from
little Inagua, a course differing ninety degrees from the one followed
by Columbus. Again; on the 20th November, Columbus takes
occasion to say that Guanahani was eight leagues distant from Isa-
bella; whereas Turks Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua.
Leaving Hsabella, Columbus stood W. S. W. for the island of Cu-
ba, and fell in with the Islas Arenas; this course drawn from Great
Inagua would meet the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe; whereas
Mr. Navarrete supposes that Columbus next discovered the keys south
of the Jumentos, and which bear W. N. W. from Inagua, a course
differing forty-five degrees from the one steered by the ships.
After sailing for some time in the neighbourhood of Cuba, Colum-
bus finds himself on the 14th November in the sea of Nuestra Se-
fiora, surrounded by so many islands that it was impossible to count
them; on the same day Mr. Navarrete places him off Cape Moa;
where there is but one small island, and more than fifty leagues from
any group that can possibly answer the description. At about the
same period Columbus gives us to understand that the island of Gu-
anahani was distant by his reckoning forty-five leagues from Port
Principe; now Turks Island is eighty leagues from the neighbour-
hood in which Mr. Navarrete supposes Port Principe.
On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had coasted
that island for an extent of one hundred and twenty leagues; if we
deduct twenty leagues for his having followed the windings of the
coast, there will still remain one hundred; whereas Mr. Navarrete
only supposes him to have coasted this island for an extent of se-
venty leagues. Such are the most important difficulties offered by
the theory of Mr. Navarrete, and which even if balanced—as they are.
in no single particular—by much concurring evidence, might well
be set down as insurmountable. Let us now take up the route of
Columbus as recorded in his journal, and with the best charts before
APPENDIX. . . . . 288
us examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion,
that he first landed on the island of San Salvador.
We learn from the journal of Columbus that on the 11th October,
1492, he continued steering W. S. W. until sun-down, when he re-
turned to his old course of West. The vessels were running at the
rate of three leagues an hour, and at 10 o'clock in the night, he
and several of his crew saw a light which seemed a torch carried
about on the land. They continued running on four hours longer,
and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at 2
in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues.
The twelve leagues ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues dis-
tance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially with the
bearing and distance of Watling's island from San Salvador. It is
thence clear that if San Salvador was the island on which he the
next day landed, the light seen the night before must have been on
Watling's island. And since the Admiral himself received the
royal reward for having seen this light it would follow that Wat-
ling's island is the point for which that reward was granted.
On making the land, the vessels were hove too until day-light of
the 12th October, they then anchored off an island of great beauty,
covered with forests and extremely populous. It was called Guana-
hani by the natives, but Columbus gave it the name of San Salva.
dor. Exploring its coasts, where it extended to the N. N. E. he
found a harbour capable of sheltering any number of ships. This
corresponds minutely with the S. E. part of the island, now known
as San Salvador, which lies E. and W. bending at its eastern ex-
tremity to the N. N. E. and has the same verdant appearance. The
vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the S. E. side of San
Salvador while lying to for daylight; nor did Columbus during his
short stay at the island, or when sailing from it, open the land so as
to discover that what he had taken for its whole length was but a
bend at one end of it, and that the main body of the island lay be-
hind, stretching far to the N. W.-From Guanahani, Columbus
saw so many other islands that he was embarrassed in choosing
which next to yisit; the Indians signified, indeed, that they were in-
numerable, and mentioned the names of more than a hundred. He
determined to go to the largest in sight, which appeared to be about
five leagues off; some of the others were nearer, and others more dis-
tant. The island thus selected, and which he named Santa Maria
de la Concepcion, it is presumed, was the present island of Concep-
tion, and that the others were that singular belt of small islands,
called La Cadena or Chain, which stretches past San Salvador in a
sº
284 . APPENDIX.
S. E. and N. W. direction, the nearest of the group being nearer
than Conception, while the rest are more remote.
This opinion is sustained by the strongest evidence. Columbus
tells that having left San Salvador in the afternoon of one day, he
did not reach Conception until late the next day, notwithstanding
the short distance, being greatly retarded by adverse currents. Now
although he does not mention its bearings from San Salvador, nor
the course which he steered in going to it, yet since we know that in
this neighbourhood the current sets strongly and uniformly to the
W. N. W. and since he tells us that he sailed against it, it follows
clearly that he must have sailed to the E. S. E.; besides, when near
Conception, Columbus sees another island to the westward, the
largest he had yet seen; but he expressly tells us that he an-
chored off Conception, and did not go to this larger island as he
wished to do, because he could not sail to the west. Hence it is
certain that Columbus did not sail westward in going from San Sal-
vador to Conception; for from the opposition of the wind, as there
could be no other cause, he could not sail towards that quarter.
Now on reference to the chart, we find the present island of Con-
ception situated E. S. E. from San Salvador, and at the same dis-
tance of five leagues.
Leaving Conception on the 16th October, Columbus steered for a
very large island seen to the westward, nine leagues off, and which
extended itself twenty-eight leagues in a S. E. and N. W. direction.
He was becalmed the whole day, and did not reach the island until
the next day, when he named it Fernandina. He wished to have
sailed round it to another island, called Samoet by the natives, and
which they represented as larger; but the wind being from S. E.
by S., the course he wished to steer, they signified to him that it
would be easier to sail round by running to the N. W. with a fair
wind. Accordingly, he bore up, and having run two leagues to the
N. W. found a marvellous port, with a narrow entrance, or rather
with two entrances, for there was an island which shut it in com-
pletely, forming a noble basin within. It had now become calm;
but shortly after there sprang up a breeze from W. N. W., so they
sailed out by the opposite entrance, steering E. S. E. in order to get
an offing; for the weather looked threatening. The next day the
ships anchored off the eastern extremity of Fernandina. The
whole of this description answers most accurately to the present
island of Exuma, which lies S. from San Salvador and S. W. from
Conception. The only inconsistency is that Columbus at first states
that Fernandina bore nearly W. from Conception, and was twenty-
APPENDIX. 285
eight leagues long; this may proceed from his having taken the
long chain of keys, called La Cadena, for part of the same Exuma,
which continuous appearance they naturally assume when seen
from Conception, for they run in the same N. W. and S. E. direc-
tion; their bearings from the same point are likewise W. as well as
S. W. As a proof that such was the fact, we find that after having
approached Fernandina, instead of its extent increasing to his eye,
as is usual, he remarks that it was twenty leagues long, whereas
before he had estimated it in his journal at twenty-eight; he now
discovered probably, that instead of one there were many islands,
and altered his course southerly, to reach the most conspicuous.
The identity of the island here described with Exuma is irresistibly
forced upon the mind; the distance from Conception the remarkable
port with an island at the mouth, and, farther on, its coast turning
off to the W. are all so accurately delineated, that the chart would
almost seem to have been drawn from the description of Columbus.
On the 19th October the ships left Fernandina steering S. E. with
the wind at N.; this course brought them in a few hours to Samoet.
At its N. point they found a little island surrounded by rocks; to
Samoet Columbus gave the name of Isabella, and to its point off
the little island that of Cabo del Isleo. This little island lay in the
direction of Isabella from Fernandina E. and W.; the coast of Isa-
bella from the small island extended westerly twelve leagues to a
cape, which, for its beauty, he named Hermoso. This last he be-
lieved to be a distinct island from Isabella, with another intervening;
to the cape at the S. W. part of Isabella he gave the name of Cabo
de Laguna, from the lake at which he watered his ships. The
whole description of Samoet or Isabella agrees so accurately with
the present Long Island lying S. E. of Exuma, that it is only neces-
sary to read it with the chart unfolded, to become convinced of
its identity.
Having resolved to visit a great island described by the natives as
bearing W. S. W. from Isabella, and which they called Cuba, Co-
lumbus left Isabella at midnight on the 24th October, and shaped
his course accordingly to the W. S. W. The wind continued light
until noon when it freshened, and in the evening Cape Verde, as he
called the S. W. point of Fernandina, bore N. W. distant seven
leagues. In the night it became tempestuous, and he lay to until
morning, drifting by his reckoning two leagues. On the morning
of the next day sail was again made to the W. S. W. until 9 o'clock,
when he had run nine leagues; he then steered W. until 3 o'clock,
running eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered, con-
sisting of seven or eight keys, lying N. and S. and distant five
286 .APPENDIX.
leagues from the ships; they were low, and five or six leagues in
extent; he anchored near them, calling them Islas de Arena. The
iistances run by Columbus, added to the departure taken from Fer-
nandina, and the distance from these keys at the time of discovering
them, give a sum total of thirty leagues; this is about three less
than the distance from Exuma, whence we suppose Columbus to
have taken his departure, to the group of Mucaras, lying E. of
Cayo Lobo on the Grand Bank of Bahama, and which exactly
correspond with the description of Columbus. If it were necessary
to account for the difference of three leagues in a reckoning where
so much is given on conjecture, it would readily occur to the sea-
man, that an allowance of three leagues for drift during a long
night of blowy weather, would be but a small one. The course
from Exuma to the Mucaras is about S. W. by W.; that followed
by Columbus differs a little from it; but as it was his intention on
setting sail from Isabella to steer W. S. W. and since he afterwards
altered to W., we may conclude that he did so in consequence of
having been run out of his course to the southward the night
previous.
At sunrise on the 27th October Columbus set sail from the Islas
Arenas, or Mucaras as we suppose them, for the island of Cuba,
and steered S. S. W.; having made seventeen leagues on this
course he saw the land at dark and hove his ships to until the return
of light. The next day he entered a fine harbour to which he gave
the name of San Salvador, and which we suppose to be the place
now known as Caravelos Grandes; its bearings and distance from
the Mucaras coincide exactly with the run of Columbus, and its
description answers to that of the port he visited.
Henceforth everything becomes obvious, and there is no difficulty
in tracing the course of Columbus westward until he was arrested
by shallows at Key Cabrion; thence back to Nuevitas del Principe,
and along the outer edge of the chain of lofty keys of which Cayo
Romano is the chief, and finally along to the eastern extremity of
Cuba, when he took leave of that island for Española. The dis-
tance at which Columbus estimates Port Principe to have lain from
the islands of Isabella and San Salvador, and the respective direc-
tions,—the extent of the coast of Cuba which he reconnoitred, and
many minute facts, small in themselves but essential as evidence,
combine in corroborating this elucidation of his course, which has
been undertaken and pursued with a single view to the discovery of
the truth. It is opposed by no single objection of any force; for
surely the astronomical observations of Columbus cannot be so es-
teemed; since he tells us that the instrument he made use of to
APPENDIX. 287
measure the altitudes of the heavenly bodies was out of order and
not to be depended upon. He places Guanahani, his first discovery,
in the latitude of Ferro or about 27°30' N.; San Salvador we find
in 24° 30', and Turks Island in 21° 30'; both are very wide of the
truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive, as we do, an error of
three, than, as Mr. Navarrete does, one of six degrees.
Laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine
how far history agrees with the opinion here supported, that the
island of San Salvador is the point where Columbus first landed
upon the New World. Herrera, who is considered the most faithful
and authentic of Spanish historians, wrote his history of the Indias
towards the year 1600. In describing the voyage of Juan Ponce
de Leon to Florida in 1512, he makes remarks to the following
effect: “Leaving Aguada in Porto Rico, they steered to the N. W.
by N. and in five days arrived at an island called el Viejo, in lati-
tude 22° 30' N. The next day they reached an island of the Luca-
yos, called Caycos. On the eighth day they anchored at another
island called Taguma, in 24°. Thence they passed to the island of
Manuega in 24° 30', and on the eleventh day they reached Guana-
hani, which is in 25° 40' N. This island of Guanahani was first
discovered by Columbus on his first voyage, and called by him San
Salvador.” These remarks of Herrera are entirely conclusive as
to the location of Guanahani or San Salvador. The latitudes it is
true, are all placed higher than we now know them to be, that of
San Salvador being such as to correspond with no other land than
the dangerous cluster of the Berry Islands, which are seventy
leagues distant from the nearest part of Cuba, nearly double the
distance sailed by Columbus in passing from San Salvador to Cuba.
But these latitudes are of no weight, for in those infant days of
navigation, the instruments for measuring the meridian altitudes
of the heavenly bodies, and the tables of declinations by means of
which the latitude was thence deduced, were so imperfect as to
place the most scientific navigator of the time below the most
mechanical one of our day—Columbus, who more than concen-
trated all the nautical wisdom of his age, below the unlettered
skipper who now directs his course across the trackless deep, and
determines his position with unerring accuracy, by the aid of instru-
ments and tables of whose construction and principles he is pro-
foundly ignorant. To return; the second island touched at by Ponce
de Leon in his N. W. course was one of the Caycos; hence the first
one called el Viejo, must have lain S. E. of the Caycos, and could
only have been Turks Island. The third island he came to, was
probably Mariguana: the fourth, Crooked Island; and the fifth,
288 APPENDIX.
Long Island. Lastly he came to Guanahani; the San Salvador of
Columbus, and of the present day. If this be supposed identical
with Turks Island, where do we find the succession of intervening
islands touched at by Ponce de Leon, on his way from Porto Rico
to San Salvador f* w
No stress has been lain in these remarks on the identity of name
between some of the points visited by Columbus, and those which
continue to bear the same name at the present day; as San Salva-
dor, Conception, and Port Principe; though traditional usage must
ever be of vast weight in such matters. Geographical proof of a
conclusive kind it is thought has been advanced to enable the world
to remain in its old hereditary belief that the present island of San
Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the new
world. Established and long cherished opinions of the kind should
not be lightly molested; it is a good old rule that should be kept in
mind in curious research as well as territorial dealings-“Do not
disturb the ancient land marks.”
No. XVIII.
PRINCIPLES UPON WIHICH THE SUMS MENTIONED IN THIS WORK
HAVE BEEN REDUCED INTO MODERN CURRENCY.
IN the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark of silver, which
was equal to 8 ounces or to 50 castillanos was divided into 65 reals,
and each real into 34 maravadis; so that there were 2210 maravadis
in the mark of silver. Among other silver coins there was the real
of 8, which consisting of 8 reals, was, within a small fraction, the
eighth part of a mark of silver, or one ounce. Of the gold coins then
in circulation the castillano or dobla de la vanda was worth 490 ma-
ravadis, and the ducado 393 maravadis.
If the value of the maravadi had remained unchanged in Spain
down to the present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the
time of Ferdinand and Isabella into a correspondent sum of current
money; but by the successive depreciations of the coin of Wellon, or
mixed metals, issued since that period, the real and maravadi of
Wellon, which have replaced the ancient currency, were reduced to-
wards the year 1700, to about a third of the value of the old real
* In the first chapter of Herrera's description of the Indias, appended to his his-
tory, is another scale of the Bahamas, which corroborates the above.
APPENDIX. 289 |
;
and maravadi, now known as the real and maravadi of silver. As,
however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal approximately to the
ounce of silver, and the duro, or dollar of the present day, is likewise
equal to an ounce, they may be considered identical. Indeed, in ,
Spanish America, the dollar, instead of being divided into 20 reals
as in Spain, is divided into only 8 parts called reals, which evidently
represent the real of the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, as the dol-
lar does the real of 8. But the ounce of silver was anciently worth
276} maravadis; the dollar, therefore, is likewise equal to 276}
maravadis. By converting then the sums mentioned in this work
into maravadis, they have been afterwards reduced into dollars by
dividing by 276}. |
There is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we
can arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver men-
tioned in former times. It is necessary to notice the variation which
has taken place in the value of the metals themselves. In Europe,
previous to the discovery of the new world, an ounce of gold com-
manded an amount of food or labour which would cost three ounces
at the present day; hence an ounce of gold was then estimated at
three times its present value. At the same time an ounce of silver
commanded an amount which at present costs 4 ounces of silver. It
appears from this, that the value of gold and silver varied with re-
spect to each other, as well as with respect to all other commodities.
This is owing to there having been much more silver brought from
the new world, with respect to the quantity previously in circula-
tion, than there has been of gold. In the 15th century one ounce
of gold was equal to about 12 of silver; and now, in the year 1827,
it is exchanged against 16.
Hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned
in this work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three
when in gold, and by four when expressed in silver.”
It is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at
100 cents of the United States of North America, and four shillings
and sixpence of England.
* See Caballero Pesos y Medidas. J. B. Say. Economie Politique.
290 APPENDIX.
No. XIX.
MARco Polo.”
The travels of Marco Polo, or Paolo, furnish a key to many parts
of the voyages and speculations of Columbus, which without it
would hardly be comprehensible.
Marco Polo was a native of Venice, who, in the thirteenth centu-
ry, made a journey into the remote, and, at that time, unknown re-
gions of the East, and filled all christendom with curiosity by his
account of the countries he had visited. He was preceded in his
travels by his father Nicholas and his uncle Maffeo Polo. These
two brothers were of an illustrious family in Venice, and embarked
about the year 1255, on a commercial voyage to the east. Having
traversed the Mediterranean and through the Bosphorus, they stop-
ped for a short time at Constantinople, whigh city had recently been
wrested from the Greeks by the joint arms of France and Venice.
Here they disposed of their Italian merchandize and, having purchas-
ed a stock of jewelry, departed on an adventurous expedition to trade
with the western Tartars, who, having overrun many parts of Asia
and Europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity of the
Wolga. After traversing the Euxine to Soldaia, (at present Sudak)
a port in the Crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until
they reached the military court, or rather camp of a Tartar prince,
named Barkah, a descendant of Jengiz Khan, into whose hands
they confided all their merchandize. The barbarie chieftain, while
he was dazzled by their precious commodities, was flattered by the
entire confidence in his justice manifested by these strangers. He
repaid them with princely munificence, and loaded them with favours
during a year that they remained at his court. A war breaking out
between their patron and his cousin Hulagu, chief of the eastern
Tartars, and Barkah being defeated, the Polos were embarrassed
how to extricate themselves from the country and return home in
safety. The road to Constantinople being cut off by the enemy, they
* In preparing the first edition of this work for the press the author had not the
benefit of the English translation of Marco Polo, published a few years since, with
admirable commentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. He availed himself, prin-
cipally, of an Italian version in the Venetian edition of Ramusio (1606) the French
translation by Bergeron, and an old and very incorrect Spanish translation. Hav-
ing since procured the work of Mr. Marsden he has made considerable alterations
in these notices of Marco Polo.
APPENDIX. 291
took a circuitous route, round the head of the Caspian sea, and
through the deserts of Transoxiana, until they arrived at the city of
Bokhara, where they resided for three years.
While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an éta-
bassy from the victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan.
The ambassador became acquainted with the Venetians, and finding
them to be versed in the Tartar tongue and possessed of curious and
valuable knowledge, he prevailed upon them to accompany him to
the court of the Emperor, situated as they supposed, at the very ex-
tremity of the East. & ^,
After a march of several months, being delayed by snow storms
and inundations, they arrived at the court of Cublai, otherwise calls
ed the Great Khan, which signifies King of Kings, being the sove-
reign potentate of the Tartars. This magnificent Prince received
them with great distinction; he made inquiries about the countries
and princes of the west, their civil and military government, and the
manners and customs of the Latin nations. Above all, he was curi-
ous on the subject of the christian religion. He was so much struck
by their replies, that after holding a counsel with the chief persons
of his kingdom, he entreated the two brothers to go on his part as
ambassadors to the Pope, to entreat him to send a hundred learned
men well instructed in the christian faith, to impart a knowledge of
it to the sages of his empire. He also entreated them to bring him
a little oil from the lamp of our Saviour, in Jerusalem, which he Gon-
cluded must have marvellous virtues. It has been supposed, and
with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd Tar-
tar sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. The influence of
the Pope in promoting the crusades had caused his power to be known
and respected throughout the East; it was of some moment, there-
fore, to conciliate his good will. Cublai Khan had no bigotry or
devotion to any particular faith, and probably hoped, by adopting
christianity to make it a common cause between himself and the
warlike princes of christendom, against his and their inveterate
enemies, the soldan of Egypt and the Saracens.
Having written letters to the Pope in the Tartar language, he de-
livered them to the Polos, and appointed one of the principal noble-
men of his court to accompany them in their mission. On their tak-
ing leave he furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was en-
graved the royal arms; this was to serve as a passport, at sight of
which the governors of the various provinces were to entertain them,'
to furnish them with escorts through dangerous places, and render
them all other necessary services at the expense of the Great Khan.
They had scarce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman
292 . APPENDIX.
who accompanied them fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him,
and continue on their route. Their golden passport procured them
every attention and facility throughout the dominions of the Great
Khan. They arrived safely at Acre, in April, 1269. Here they re-
ceived news of the recent death of Pope Clement IV. at which they
were much grieved, fearing it would cause delay in their mission
There was at that time in Acre a legate of the holy chair, Tebaldo
di Vesconti, of Placentia, to whom they gave an account of their
embassy. He heard them with great attention and interest, and ad-
vised them to await the election of a new Pope, which must soon
take place, before they proceeded to Rome on their mission. They
determined in the interim to make a visit to their families, and ac-
cordingly departed for Negropont, and from thence to Venice, where
great changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during
their long absence. The wife of Nicholas, whom he had left preg-
nant, had died, in giving birth to a son, who had been named Marco.
As the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for
two years, they began to be uneasy, lest the Emperor of Tartary
should grow impatient at so long a postponement of the conversion
of himself and his people; they determined, therefore, not to wait
the election of a Pope, but to proceed to Acre, and get such dis-
patches and such ghostly ministry for the grand Khan, as the Le-
gate could furnish. On this second journey, Nicholas Polo, took
with him his son Marco, who afterwards wrote an account of these
travels.
They were again received with great favour by the legate Te-
baldo, who, anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them
with letters to the grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Chris-
tian faith were fully expounded. With these, and with a supply of
the holy oil from the sepulchre, they once more set out in September,
1271, for the remote parts of Tartary. They had not long departed,
however, when missives arrived from Rome, informing the Legate
of his own election to the holy chair. He took the name of Gregory
X, and decreed that in future, on the death of a Pope, the Cardinals
should be shut up in conclave until they elected a successor; a wise
regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a prompt decision,
and preventing intrigue.
Immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he dis-
patched a courier to the King of Armenia, requesting that the two
Venetians might be sent back to him, if they had not departed.
They joyfully returned, and were furnished with new letters to the
Khan. Two eloquent friars, also, Nicholas Vincenti and Gilbert de
Tripoli were sent with them, with powers to ordain priests and
APPENDIX. 293
bishops and to grant absolution. They had presents of crystal
vases, and other costly articles to deliver to the Grand Khan; and
thus well provided, they once more set forth on their journey.”
Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the
war which was raging, the soldan of Babylon having invaded the
country. They took refuge for some time with the superior of a
monastery. Here the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to
prosecute so perilous an enterprise, determined to remain, and the
Wenetians continued their journey. They were a long time on the
way, and exposed to great hardships and sufferings from floods and
snow storms, it being the winter season. At length they reached a
town in the dominions of the Khan. When that potentate heard of
their approach he sent officers to meet them at forty days distance
from the court, and to provide quarters for them during their jour-
mey.f. He received them with great kindness, was highly gratified
with the result of their mission and with the letters of the Pope, and
having received from them some oil from the lamp of the holy se-
pulchre, he had it locked up, and guarded it as a precious treasure.
The three Venetians, father, brother and son, were treated with
such distinction by the Khan, that the countries were filled with
jealousy. Marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was
particularly esteemed by the emperor. He acquired the four princi-
pal languages of the country, and was of such remarkable capacity,
that, notwithstanding his youth, the Khan employed him in mis-
sions and services of importance, in various parts of his dominions,
some to the distance of even six months journey. On these expedi-
tions he was industrious in gathering all kinds of information re-
specting that vast empire; and from notes and minutes made for the
satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterwards composed the history
of his travels. *.
After about seventeen years residence in the Tartar court the
Venetians felt a longing to return to their native country. Their
patron was advanced in age and could not survive much longer,
and after his death, their return might be difficult if not impossible.
They applied to the Grand Khan for permission to depart, but for a
time met with a refusal, accompanind by friendly upbraidings. At
length a singular train of events operated in their favour, an embassy
arrived from a Mogul Tartar prince, who ruled in Persia, and who
was grand nephew to the Emperor. The object was to entreat, as
* Ramusio, T. 3.
f Bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original Latin, has stated that
the Khan sent 40,000 men to escort them. This has drawn the ire of the critics
upon Marco Polo, who have cited it as one of his monstrous exaggerations.
Z 2
294 APPENDIX.
A
a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. A grand daughter of
Cublai Khan, seventeen years of age, and of great beauty and
accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, and
departed for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid
retinue, but after travelling for some months, was obliged to return
on account of the distracted state of the country.
The ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to
the arms of her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned
from a voyage to certain of the Indian islands. His representations
of the safety of a voyage in those seas, and his private instigations,
induced the ambassadors to urge the Grand Khan for permission to
convey the princess by sea to the Gulf of Persia, and that the
christians might accompany them, as being best experienced in
maritime affairs. Cublai Khan consented with great reluctance,
and a splendid fleet was fitted out and victualled for two years, con-
sisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some of which had crews of
two hundred and fifty men.
On parting with the Venetians the munificent Khan gave them
rich presents of jewels, and made them promise to return to him
after they had visited their families. He authorized them to act as
his ambassadors to the principal courts of Europe, and, as on a
former occasion, furnished them with tablets of gold, to serve, not
merely as passports, but as orders upon all commanders in his terri-
tories for accommodations and supplies.
They set sail therefore in the fleet with the oriental princess
and her attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept
along the coast of Cochin China, stopt for three months at a port of
the island of Sumatra, near the western entrance of the straits of
Malacca waiting for the change of the monsoon to pass the Bay
of Bengal. Traversing this vast expanse they touched at the
island of Ceylon and then crossed the strait to the southern part of
the great peninsula of India. Thence sailing up the Pirate coast,
as it is called, the fleet entered the Persian gulf and arrived at the
famous port of Olmuz, where it is presumed the voyage terminated,
after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian seas.
Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this
splendid naval expedition, her bridegroom, the Mogul king, had died
some time before her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during
whose minority the government was administered by his uncle Kai-
Khatu. According to the directions of the regent, the princess was
delivered to the youthful prince, son of her intended spouse. He
was at that time at the head of an army on the borders of Persia.
He was of a diminutive stature but of a great soul and, on after-
'APPENDIX. 2.95
wards ascending the throne, acquired renown for his talents and
virtues. What became of the Eastern bride, who had travelled so
far in quest of a husband, is not known; but everything favourable
is to be inferred from the character of Ghazan.
The Polos remained for some time in the court of the regent, and
then departed, fresh tablets of gold having been given them by that
prince, to carry them in safety and honour through his dominions.
As they had to traverse many countries where the traveller is ex-
posed to extreme peril, they appeared on their journeys as Tartars
of low condition, having converted all their wealth into precious
stones and sewn them up in the folds and linings of their coarse
garments. They had a long, difficult and perilous journey to Tre-
bizond, from whence they proceeded to Constantinople, thence to
Negropont, and finally to Venice, where they arrived in 1295, in
good health, and literally laden with riches. Having heard during
their journey of the death of their old benefactor Cublai Khan,
they considered their diplomatic functions at an end, and also that
they were absolved from their promise to return to his dominions.
Ramusio, in his preface to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives, a
variety of particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares
to that of Ulysses. When they arrived at Venice they were known
by nobody. So many years had elapsed since their departure with-
out any tidings of them, that they were either forgotten or consi-
dered dead. Beside, their foreign garb, the influence of southern
suns, and the similitude which men acquire to those among whom
they reside for any length of time, had given them the look of Tar-
tars rather than Italians.
They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace,
situated in the street of St. Giovanne Chrisostomo, and was after-
wards known by the name of la Corte de la Milione. They found
several of their relatives still inhabiting it, but they were slow in
recollecting the travellers, not knowing of their wealth, and pro-
bably considering them from their coarse and foreign attire, poor
adventurers returned to be a charge upon their families. The
Polos, however, took an effectual mode of quickening the memories
of their friends, and ensuring themselves a loving reception. They
invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests arrived,
they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of
oriental fashion. . When water had been served for the washing of
hands and the company were summoned to table, the travellers,
who had retired, appeared again in still richer robes of crimson
damask. The first dresses were cut up and distributed among the
servants, being of such length that they swept the ground, which
296 APPENDIX. '
says Ramusio, was the mode in those days with dresses worn within
doors. After the first course, they again retired and came in dressed
in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being likewise given to the
domestics, and the same was done at the end of the feast with their
velvet robes, when they appeared in the Venetian dress of the day.
The guests were lost in astonishment, and could not comprehend
the meaning of this masquerade, when, having dismissed all the
attendants, Marco Polo brought forth the coarse Tartar dresses in
which they had arrived. Slashing them in several places with a
knife, and ripping open the seams and lining, there tumbled forth a
vast quantity of precious jewels, such as rubies, sapphires, emeralds
and diamonds. The whole table glittered with inestimable wealth,
which they had acquired from the munificence of the Grand Khan,
and which they had conveyed in this portable form through the
perils of their long journey.
The company, observes Ramusio, were out of their wits with
amazement, and now clearly perceived what they had at first
doubted, that these in very truth were those honoured and valiant
gentlemen the Polos, and accordingly paid them great respect and
IGVerence. i
The account of this curious feast is from Ramusio, who gives it
on traditional authority, having heard it many times related by the
illustrious Gasparo Malipiero, a very, ancient gentleman, and a
senator, of unquestionable yeracity, who had it from his father, who
had it from his grandfather, and so on up to the fountain head.
When the fame of this banquet came to be divulged throughout
Venice, and the wealth also of the travellers, all the city, noble and
simple, crowded to see the Polos; to caress and honour them.
Maffeo, who was the eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the ma-
gistracy. The youth of the city came every day to visit and con-
verse with Marco Polo, who was extremely amiable and communi-
cative. They were insatiable in their inquiries about Cathay and
the Grand Khan, which he answered with great courtesy, and gave
them details with which they were vastly delighted, and as he
always spoke of the wealth of the Grand Khan in round numbers,
they gave him the name of Messer Marco Milioni.
Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the
Genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with
seventy galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, was sent
against him. Marco Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His
usual good fortune deserted him. Advancing the first in the line
with his galley, and not being properly seconded, he was taken pri-
soner, thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained
APPENDIX. -> 297
for a long time in prison, and all offers of ransom rejected. His
imprisonment gave great uneasiness to his father and uncle, fearing
that he might never return. Seeing themselves in this unhappy
state, with so much treasure and no heirs, they consulted together.
They were both very old men; but Nicolo, observes Ramusio, was
of a galliard complexion; it was determined he should take a wife.
He did so; and, to the wonder of his friends, in four years had three
children. -
In the meanwhile, the fame of Marco Polo's travels had circu-
lated in Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and
he was supplied with every thing that could cheer him in his con-
finement. A Genoese gentleman, who visited him every day, at
length prevailed upon him to write an account of what he had seen.
He had his papers and journals sent to him from Venice, and with
the assistance of his friend, or, as some will have it, his fellow-pri-
soner, produced the work which afterwards made such noise
throughout the world.
The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He
returned to Venice, where he found his father with a house full of
children. He took it in good part, followed the old man's example,
married, and had two daughters, Moretta. and Fantina. The
date of the death of Marco Polo is unknown; he is supposed to have
been, at the time, about seventy years of age. On his death-bed he
is said to have been exhorted by his friends to retract what he had
published, or, at least, to disavow those parts commonly regarded as
fictions. He replied indignantly that so far from having exaggerat-
ed he had not told one half of the extraordinary things of which he
had been an eyewitness. - - -
Marco Polo died without male issue... Of the three sons of his fa-
ther by the second marriage, one only had children, viz. five sons and
one daughter. The sons died without' leaving issue; the daughter
inherited all her father's wealth and married into the noble and dis-
tinguished house of Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos
ceased in 1417, and the family name was extinguished.
Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo; a man
whose travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will
be found to have had a great effect on modern discovery. His
splendid account of the extent, wealth and population of the Tartar
territories filled every one with admiration. The possibility of
bringing all those regions under the dominion of the church, and
rendering the Grand Khan an obedient vassal to the holy chair, was
for a long time a favourite topic among the enthusiastic missionaries
Wol. II. & 20
298 - APPENDIX.
of christendom, and there were many saints-errant who undertook
to effect the conversion of this magnificent infidel. l
Even at the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for
the discovery of the new route to India had set all the warm heads
of Europe madding about these remote regions of the east, the con-
version of the Grand Khan became again a popular theme; and it
was too speculative and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid
imagination of Columbus. In all his voyages, he will be found
continually to be seeking after the territories of the Grand Khan,
and even after his last expedition, when nearly worn out by age,
hardships and infirmities, he offered, in a letter to the Spanish
monarchs, written from a bed of sickness, to conduct any missionary
to the territories of the Tartar emperor, who would undertake his
conversion. .* f
No. XX.
THE work of MARco Polo.
THE work of Marco Polo is stated by some to have been originally
written in Latin,” though the most probable opinion is that it was
written in the Venetian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manu-
script were multiplied and rapidly circulated; translations were
made into various languages, until the invention of printing enabled
it to be widely diffused throughout Europe. In the course of these
translations and successive editions, the original text, according to
Purchas, has been much vitiated, and it is probable many extrava-
gances in numbers and measurements with which Marco Polo is
charged may be the errors of translators and printers. -
When the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made
up of fictions and extravagances, but Vossius assures us that even after
the death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of popular ridi-
cule among the light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequent-
ly personated at masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned
character related all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures.
His work, however, excited great attention among thinking men
containing evidently a fund of information concerning vast and
• Hist, des Voyages, T. 27, L. 4, Ch. 3. Paris, 1549.
APPENELX. 299
splendid countries, before unknown to the European world. Vos-
sius assures us that it was at one time highly esteemed by the
learned. Francis Pepin author of the Brandenburgh version, styles
Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence and fidelity.
Athanasius Kircher, in his account of China, says that none of the
ancients have described the kingdoms of the remote East with more
exactness. Various other learned men of past times, have borne
testimony to his character, and most of the substantial parts of his
work have been authenticated by subsequent travellers. The most
able and ample windication of Marco Polo, however, is to be found
in the English translation of his work, with copious notes and com-
mentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. He has diligently dis-
criminated between what Marco Polo relates from his own observa-
tion, and what he relates as gathered from others; he points out the
errors that have arisen from misinterpretations, omissions or interpre-
tations of translators, and he claims all proper allowance for the
superstitious colouring of parts of the narrative from the belief, pre-
valent among the most wise and learned of his day, in miracles and
magic. After perusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the character of
Marco Polo rises in the estimation of the reader. It is evident that
his narration as far as related from his own observations, is correct,
and that he had really traversed a great part of Tartary and China
and navigated in the Indian seas. Some of the countries and many
of the islands, however, are evidently described from accounts given
by others, and in these accounts are generally found the fables which
have excited incredulity and ridicule. As he composed his work
after his return home, partly from memory and partly from memo-
randums, he was liable to confuse what he had heard with what he
had seen, and thus to give undue weight to many fables and exag-
gerations which he had received from others.
Much has been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco
Polo, which was conserved in the convent of San Michale de Mura-
no in the vicinity of Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope,
and the island of Madagascar were indicated, eountries which the
Portuguese claim the merit of having discovered two centuries after-
wards. It has been suggested also that Columbus had visited the
convent and examined this map, from whence he derived some of his
ideas concerning the coast of India. According to Ramusio, how-
over, who had been at the convent, and was well acquainted with
the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a friar from the
original one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and additions had
since been made by other hands, so that for a long time it lost all
300's APPENDIX.
credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of
Marco Polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions.”
The Cape of Good Hope was doubtless among the additions made
subsequent to the discoveries of the Portuguese.f Columbus makes
no mention of this map, which he most probably would have done
had he seen it. He seems to have been entirely guided by the one
furnished by Paulo Toscanelli, and which was apparently projected
after the original map, or after the descriptions of Marco Polo, and
the maps of Ptolemy.
When the attention of the world was turned towards the remote
parts of Asia in the 15th century, and the Portuguese were making
their attempts to circumnavigate Africa, the narration of Marco Po-
lo again rose to notice. This, with the travels of Nicolo Le Comte,
the Venetian, and of Hieronimo da Sam Stefano, a Genoese, are
said to have been the principal lights by which the Portuguese guid-
ed themselves in their voyages.;
Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over
the mind of Columbus, gives it particular interest and importance.
It was evidently an oracular work with him. He frequently quotes
it, and on his voyages, supposing himself to be on the Asiatic coast,
he is continually endeavouring to discover the islands and mainlands
described in it, and to find the famous Cipango.
It is proper therefore, to specify some of those places, and the
manner in which they are described by the Venetian traveller, that
the reader may more fully understand the anticipations which were
haunting the mind of Columbus in his voyages among the West In,
dian islands, and along the coast of Terra Firma. ".
The winter residence of the Great Khan, according to Marco Po-
lo, was in the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu, (since ascertained to be
Pekin) in the province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty- .
four miles square, and admirably built. It was impossible, accord-
ing to Marco Polo, to describe the vast amount and variety of mer
chandise and manufactures brought there; it would seem as if they
were enough to furnish the universe. “Here are to be seen in won-
derful abundance the precious stones, the pearls, the silks, and the
* Ramusio, V. 2, p. 17.
# Mr. Marsden who has inspected a splendid facsimile of this map, preserved in
the British Museum, objects even to the fundamental part of it: “where,” he ob-
serves, “situations are given to places that seem quite inconsistent with the descrip-
tions in the travels and cannot be attributed to their author, although inserted on the
supposed authority of his writings.” Marsden's M. Polo. Introd. p. XLII.
† Hist. des,Voyages, Tome 40, L. 11, Ch. 3. #
APPENDIX. 301
diverse perfumes of the east; scarce a day passes that there does not
arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, of which they make
admirable stuffs in this city.”
The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently built, and four
miles in circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it
is resplendent with gold and silver; and in it are guarded the pre-
cious vases and jewels of the sovereign. All the appointments of
the Khan for war, for the chase, for various festivities, are described
in gorgeous terms. But though Marco Polo is magnificent in his
description of the provinces of Cathay, and its imperial city of Cam-
balu, he outdoes himself when he comes to describe the province of
Mangi. This province is supposed to be the southern part of China,
It contains, he says, twelve hundred cities. The capital Quinsai,
(supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu) was twenty-five miles from
the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated on the sea-
coast, and had great trade with India. * *
The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, signifies the city of
heaven; he says he has been in it and examined it diligently, and af.
firms it to be the largest in the world; and so undoubtedly it is if the
measurement of the traveller is to be taken literally, for he declares
that it is one hundred miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has
been explained by supposing him to mean Chinese miles or li, which
are to the Italian miles in the proportion of three to eight; and Mr.
Marsden observes that the walls even of the modern city, the limits
of which have been considerably contracted, are estimated by travel-
lers at sixty li. The ancient city has evidently been of immense
extent, and as Marco Polo could not be supposed to have measured
the wallêhimself, he has probably taken the loose and incorrect es-
timates of the inhabitants. He describes it also as built upon little
islands like Venice, and has twelve thousand stone bridges,” the
arches of which are so high that the largest vessels can pass under
, them without lowering their masts. It has, he affirms, three thou-
sand baths, and six hundred thousand families, including domestics.
It abounds with magnificent houses, and has a lake thirty miles in
circuit within its walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of
* Another blunder in translation has drawn upon Marco Polo the indignation of
George Hornius, who (in his Origin of America, IV. 3,) exclaims, “Who can be:
lieve all that he says of the city of Quinsai! as for example, that it has stone bridges
twelve thousand miles high!” &c. It is probable that many of the exaggerations in
the accounts of Marco Polo are in fact the errors of his translators.
Mandeville, speaking of this same city, which he calls Causal, says it is built on
the sea like Venice, and has twelve hundred bridges. 2 A
*
w
-º
*
*
"f a
302, * * * APPENE)]], [.
H s *
• * 3f.
peoplºgſ rank.” The inhabitants of Quinsai are very voluptuous
and indulge in all kinds of luxuries and delights, particularly the
women, who are extremely beautiful. There are many merchants
and artisans, but the masters do not work, they employ servants to
do all their labour. The province of Mangi was conquered by the
Great Khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms, appointing to each
a tributary king. He drew from it an immense revenue, for the coun-
try abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices and perfumes.
ZIPANGU, ZIPANGRI, or CIPANgo.
Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to
Marco Polo, lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zi.
pangri and by Columbus Cipango.t Marco Polo describes it as
abounding in gold, which, however, the king seldom permits to be
transported out of the island. The king has a magnificent palace
covered with plates of gold, as in other countries the palaces are
covered with sheets of lead or copper. The halls and chambers are
likewise covered with gold, the windows adorned with it, sometimes
in plates of the thickness of two fingers. The island also produces
vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, together with a vari-
ety of precious stones; so that, in fact, it abounds in riches. The
Great Kahn made several attempts to conquer this island, but in
vain; which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what Marco Polo
relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue
inserted between the skin and the flesh of their right agms, which,
through the power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invul-
nerable. This island was an object of diligent search to Columbus.
About the island of Zipangu or Cipango, and between it and the
coast of Mangi, the sea according to Marco Polo, is studded with
small islands to the number of seven thousand four hundred and
^
* Sir George Staunton mentions this lake as being a beautiful sheet of water,
about three or four miles in diameter; its margin ornamented with houses and gar-
dens of Mandarines, together with temples, monasteries for the priests of Fo, and
an imperial palace.
t Supposed to be those islands collectively called Japan. They are named by
the Chinese Ge-pen, the terminating syllable gu added by Marco Polo, is supposed
to be the Chinese word kue, signifying kingdom, which is commonly annexed to the
names of foreign countries. As the distance of the nearest part of the southern
Island from the coast of China near Ning-po, is not more than five hundred Italian
miles, Mr. Marsden supposes Marco Polo in stating it to be 1500, means Chinese
miles or li, which are in the proportion of somewhat more than one third of the
former. *

APPENDIX. . . , 898
forty, of which the greater part are inhabited. There is not one
which does not produce odoriferous trees and perfumes in abun-
dance. Columbus thought himself at one time in the midst of
these islands. t
These are the principal places described by Marco Polo, which
occur in the letters and journals of Columbus. The island of Ci-
pango was the first land he expected to make, and he intended to
visit afterwards the province of Mangi, and to seek the Great Khan
in his city of Cambalu, in the province of Cathay. Unless the
reader can bear in mind these sumptuous descriptions of Marco
Pole, of countries teeming with wealth, and cities whose very
domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will have but a faint idea
of the splendid anticipations which filled the imagination of Colum-
bus when he discovered, as he supposed, the extremity of Asia. It
was his confident expectation of soon arriving at these countries, and
realizing the accounts of the Venetian, that induced him to hold
forth those promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which
caused so much disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent
reproach of exciting false hopes and indulging in wilful exagger-
ation.
w
No. XXI.
$', SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE.
NExT to Marco Polo the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his
account of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast of
Asia, seem to have been treasured up in the mind of Columbus.
Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted
to study from his earliest childhood, and after finishing his general.
education, applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to
see the remotest parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia.
and Africa, and above all to visit the holy land, he left England in
1332, and passing through France embarked at Marseilles. Accord-
ing to his own account, he visited Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, upper
and lower Lybia, Syria, Persia, Chaldea, Ethiopia, Tartary, Ama-
zonia and the Indias, residing in their principal cities. But most
he says he delighted in the holy land, where he remained for a long
time, examining it with the greatest minuteness and endeavouring
to follow all the traces of our Saviour. After an absence of thirty-
304 * APPENDIX.
*
four years he returned to England, but found himself forgotten and
unknown by the greater part of his countrymen, and a stranger
in his native place. He wrote a history of his travels in three lan-
guages, English, French and Latin, for he was master of many
tongues. He addressed his work to Edward III. His wanderings
do not seem to have made him either pleased with the world at
large, or contented with his home. He railed at the age, saying
that there was no more virtue extant, that the church was ruined;
error prevalent among the clergy; simony upon the throne; and, in
a word, that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon returned to the
continent, and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the abbey
of the Gulielmites, in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in
his Itinerarium Belgiae, says that he saw his monument, on which
was the effigy, in stone, of a man with a forked beard and his
hands raised towards his head (probably folded as in prayer, accord-
ing to the manner of old tombs) and a lion at his feet. There was
an inscription stating his name, quality and calling, (viz.) pro-
fessor of medicine, that he was very pious, very learned, and very
charitable to the poor, and that after having travelled over the
whole world he had died at Liege. The people of the convent
showed also his spurs, and the housings of the horses which he
he had ridden in his travels.
The descriptions given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the
province of Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid
than those of Marco Polo. The royal palace was more than two
leagues in circumference. The grand hall had twenty-four columns
of copper and gold. There were more than three hundred thou-
sand men occupied and living in and about the palace, 6f which
more than one hundred thousand were employed in taking care of
the elephants, of which there were ten thousand, and of a vast va-
riety of other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots and paroquets.
On days of festival there were even twice the number of men em-
ployed. The title of this potentate in his letters was “Khan, the
son of God, exalted possessor of all the earth, master of those who
are masters of others.” On his seal was engraved, “God reigns in
heaven, Khan upon earth.”
Mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveller's
exaggerations; yet his accounts of the countries which he visited
have been found far more veracious than had been imagined. His
descriptions of Cathay, and the wealthy province of Mangi, agree-
ing with those of Marco Polo, had great authority with Columbus,
APPENDIX. 305
No. XXII.
THE ZONES.
THE zones were imaginary bands or circles in the heavens produc-
ing an effect of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of the
earth. The polar circles and the tropics mark these divisions.
The central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was
termed the torrid zone; the two regions between the tropics and the
polar circles, were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining
parts, between the polar circles and the poles, the frigid zones.
The frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable
and unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning
zone, or rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator,
was considered uninhabitable, unproductive and impassable in con-
sequence of the excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying be.
tween them, were supposed to be fertile and salubrious, and suited to
the purposes of life. - ---
The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an
imaginary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The
whole of the world known to the ancients was contained in the
temperate zone of the northern hemisphere.
It was imagined that if there should be inhabitants in the tempe-
rate zone of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no commu-
nication with them on account of the burning zone which inter-
vened.
Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory
of the five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side
of the equator beyond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine
of the zones. In his time nothing was known of the extreme north-
ern parts of Europe and Asia, nor of interior Ethiopa and the south-
ern part of Africa, extending beyond the tropic of Capricorn to the
cape of Good Hope. Aristotle believed that there was habitable
earth in the southern hemisphere, but that it was for ever divided
from the part of the world already known, by the impassable zone
of scorching heat at the equator."
Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning
zones. “The temperature of the central region of the earth,” he
observes, “where the sun runs his course, is burnt up as with fire.
* Aristot. 2 Met. Cap. 5. 2 A 2
*
*i
a06 APPENDIX.
The temperate zones which lie on either side can have no commu-
nication with each other in consequence of the fervent heat of this
region.”
Strabo, (Lib. 11,) in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his
support; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets,
might be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief.
It must be observed that, at the time when Columbus defended his
proposition before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient the-
ory of the burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern
discovery. The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the
tropics; but, though the whole of the space between the tropic of
Cancer and that of Capricorn, in common parlance, was termed the
torrid zone; the uninhabitable and impassable part, strictly speaking,
according to the doctrine of the ancients, only extended a limited
number of degrees on each side of the equator; forming about a
third, or at most, the half of the zone. The proofs which Columbus
endeavoured to draw therefore from the voyages made to St. George
la Mina, were not conclusive with those who were bigoted to the
ancient theory, and who placed this scorching region still farther
southward, and immediately about the equator.
No. XXIII.
OF THE ATALANTIS OF PLATO.
THE island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in his dialogue of Ti-
maeus. Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have travelled
into Egypt. . He is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile island
formed by the Nile, and is holding converse with certain learned
priests on the antiquities of remote ages, when one of them gives
him a description of the island of Atalantis, and of its destruction,
which he describes as having taken place before the conflagration of
the world by Phaeton.
This island, he was told, had been situated in the Western Ocean,
opposite to the Straits of Gibraltar. There was an easy passage
from it to other islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, ex-
ceeding in size all Europe and Asia. Neptune settled in this island,
from whose son Atlas its name was derived; and he divided it among
kis ten sons. His descendants reigned here in regular succession
Pliny, Lib. 1, Cap. 61.
APPEN Dix. 307
for many ages. They made irruptions into Europe and Africa,
subduing all Lybia as far as Egypt, and Europe to Asia Minor.
They were resisted, however, by the Athenians, and driven back to
their Atlantic territories. Shortly after this there was a tremendous
earthquake, and an overflowing of the sea, which continued for a
day and a night. In the course of this the vast island of Atalantis,
and all its splendid cities and warlike nations, were swallowed up,
and sunk to the bottom of the sea, which spreading its waters over
the chasm, formed the Atlantic Ocean. For a long time, however,
the sea was not navigable, on account of rocks and shelves, of mud
and slime, and of the ruins of that drowned country.
Many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable; others
suppose that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague ac-
counts of the Canary islands, and, on his return to Greece, finding
those islands so entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made
them the seat of his political and moral speculations. Some, how-
ever, have been disposed to give greater weight to this story of Plato.
They imagine that such an island may really have existed, filling
up a great part of the Atlantic, and that the continent beyond it was
America, which, in such case, was not unknown to the ancients.
Kircher supposes it to have been an island extending from the Ca-
maries to the Azores; that it was really ingulfed in one of the con-
vulsions of the globe, and that those small islands are mere shattered
fragments of it. *
As a farther proof that the new world was not unknown to the
ancients, many have cited the singular passage in the Medea of Se-
neca, which is wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly
the warm imagination of a poet may approach to prophecy. The
predictions of the ancient oracles were rarely so unequivocal.
Wenient annis
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Wincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos
Detegat orbes, nec sit terris
Ultima Thule.
Gosselin in his able research into the voyages of the ancients,
supposes the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less
than one of the nearest of the Canaries, viz. Fortaventura or Lan-
CerOte.
308 APPENDIX.
*
No. XXIV.
THE IMAGINARY ISLAND 65 ST. BRANDAN.
ONE of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that
which for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants
of the Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island
about ninety leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was
only seen at intervals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather.
To some it seemed one hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to
others only fifteen or eighteen.” On attempting to reach it, how-
ever, it some how or other eluded the search, and was no where to
be found. Still there were so many eyewitnesses of credibility who
concurred in testifying to their having seen it, and the testimony of
the inhabitants of different islands agreed so well as to its form and
position, that its existence was generally believed, and geographers
inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on the globe of Martin
Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. De Murr, and it will
be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed com-
monly about two hundred leagues west of the Canaries. During
the time that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of
Portugal, an inhabitant of the Canaries applied to king John II, for
a vessel to go in search of this island. In the archives of the Torre
de Tombot also, there is a record of a contract made by the crown of
Portugal with Fernando de Ulmo, cavalier of the royal household,
and captain of the island of Tercera, wherein he undertakes to go
at his own expense, in quest of an island or islands, or Terra Firma,
supposed to be the island of the Seven Cities, on condition of having
jurisdiction over the same for himself and his heirs, allowing one
tenth of the revenues to the king. This Ulmo, finding the expedi-
tion above his capacity, associated one Juan Alfonso del Estreito in
the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to sail with two cara-
vels in the month of March, 1487.: The fate of their enterprise is
unknown. \ \
The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary
island from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch
abbot, who flourished in, the sixth century, and who is called some-
• Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, T.4, d. 10, $29.
t Lib. 4, de la Chancelaria del Rey Dn. Juan II, fol. 101.
t Torre do Tombo. Lib. das Ylhas, f. 119.
APPENDIX. 309
*
times by the foregoing appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St.
Blandanus. In the Martyrology 6f the order of St. Augustine, he
is said to have been the patriarch of three thousand monks. About
the middle of the sixth century, he accompanied his disciple, St.
Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of certain islands, possessing the
delights of paradise, which they were told existed in the midst of the
ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. After these most adventurous
saints-errant had wandered for a long time upon the ocean, they at
length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found the
body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated him, and had
much interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him
that the inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinity,
and, moreover, giving him an account of the torments which Jews
and Pagans suffered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so
docile and reasonable, St. Malo expounded to him the doctrines of
the Christian religion, converted him, and baptized him by the name
of Mildum. The giant, however, either through weariness of life,
or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion, begged permis-
sion, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was granted
him.
According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an
island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplen-
dent that they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance.
At their request, he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the ca-
ble of their ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded
far, however, when a tempest arose, and obliged them all to return,
and shortly after the giant died.” A third legend makes the saint pray
to heaven on Easter day, that they may be permitted to find land
where they may celebrate the offices of religion with becoming state.
An island immediately appears, on which they land, perform a solemn
mass, and the sacrament of the Eucharist; after which re-embarking
and making sail, they behold to their astonishment the supposed
island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea, being nothing else
than a monstrous whale.f. When the rumour circulated of an island
seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the le-
gends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproach-
able land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin
manuscript in the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand
Canary, in which the adventures of these saints were recorded.
* Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Indios, L. 1, C. 9.
t Sigeberto, Epist. ad Tietmar. Abbat.
* … . ; ... *.*. jº • ,

310 ** ... º. gºrºus … * * ... .
* : *** *** * * *., º r: *
Through carelessness." howevº, this mangsåpt has disappeared."
Some have maintained that this island was known to the ancients,
and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy among the Fortunate or
Canary islands, by the name of Aprositus,f a Greek word, signifying
inaccessible; and which, according to friar Diego Philipo, in his
book on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same
quality in ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattainable
to the feet of mortals.f. But whatever belief the ancients may have
had on the subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith
of the moderns during the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it
lack abundant testimonials. Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says,
there never was a more difficult paradox or problem in the science of
geography; since, to affirm the existence of this island, is to trample
upon sound criticism, judgment and reason; and to deny it, one
must abandon tradition and experience, and suppose that many per-
sons of credit had not the proper use of their senses.)
The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Co-
lumbus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time,
always in the same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expe-
dition set off for the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernan- .
do de Troya and Fernando Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted
direction, but in vain, and their failure ought to have undeceived the
public. “The phantasm of the island, however,” says Wiera, “had
such a secret enchantment for all who beheld it, that the public pre-
ferred doubting the good conduct of the explorers, than their own
senses.” In 1570 the appearances were so repeated and clear, that
there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened among the people
of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth another expe-
dition.
That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact
investigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and
credibility who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other
proofs of its existence.
Alonzo de Espinosa, governor of the island of Ferro, accordingly
made a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several
of them persons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had
beheld the unknown island about forty leagues to the northwest of
Ferro; that they had contemplated it with calmness and certainty,
and had seen the sun set behind one of its points.
* Nuñez de la pena. Conquist de la Gran Canaria. t Ptolemy, L. 4, T.4.
# Fr. D. Philipo, Lib. 8, fol. 25. § Hist Isl. Can. L. 1, C. 28. t
#PPENDIX. 311
* ' --f §
Testimonials of stih greateºte game from the islands of Palma
and Teneriffe. There were certà Portuguese who affirmed, that,
being driven about by a tempest, they had come upº the island of
St. Borondon. Pedro Vello, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirm-
ed, that having anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the
crew. They drank fresh water in a brook, and beheld in the sand
the print of footsteps, double the size of those of an ordinary man,
and the distance between them was in proportion. They found a
cross nailed to a neighbouring tree; near to which were three stones
placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire having been made
among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen much cattle
and sheep grazing in the neighbourhood, two of their party armed
with lances went into the woods in pursuit of them. The night
was approaching, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind
arose. The people on board the ship cried out that she was drag-
ging her anchor, whereupon Wello entered the boat and hurried on
board. In an instant they lost sight of land; being as it were swept
away in the hurricane. When the storm had passed away, and
the sea and sky were again serene, they searched in vain for the
island; not a trace of it was to be seen, and they had to pursue their
voyage, lamenting the loss of their two companions who had been
abandoned in the wood.”
A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, inquisitor of the
Grand Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several per-
sons before him, who testified having seen the island. Among them
was one Marcos Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated
that in returning from Barbary and arriving in the neighbourhood
of the Canaries, he beheld land, which, according to his maps and
calculations, could not be any of the known islands. He concluded
it to be the far-famed St. Borondon. Overjoyed at having discovered
this land of mystery, he coasted along its spellbound shores, until he
anchored in a beautiful harbour formed by the mouth of a mountain
ravine. Here he landed with several of his crew. It was now, he
said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers. The sun being set,
the shadows began to spread over the land. The voyagers having
separated, wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing
of each others' shouts. Those on board, seeing the night ap-
proaching, made signals to summon back the wanderers to the ship.
They re-embarked, intending to resume their investigations on the
following day. Scarcely were they on board, however, when a
whirlwind came rushing down the ravine, with such violence as to
* Nuñez de la Pena, L. 1, C. 1. Wiera Hist. Isl. Can. T. 1. C. 28.
312 APPENDIX.
drag the vessel from her anchor, and hurry her out to sea; and they
never saw any thing more of this hidden and inhospitable island.
Another testimony remains on record in a manuscript of one
Abreu Galindo; but whether taken at this time does not appear. It
was that of a French adventurer, who, many years before, making a
voyage among the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm which
carried away his masts. At length the furious winds drove him to
the shores of an unknown island covered with stately trees. Here
he landed with part of his crew, and choosing a tree proper for a
mast, cut it down, and began to shape it for his purpose. The
guardian power of the island, however, resented as usual this inva-
sion of his forbidden shores. The heavens assumed a dark and
threatening aspect; the night was approaching, and the mariners,
fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labour and returned on
board. They were borne away as usual from the coast, and the
next day arrived at the island of Palma.”
The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1570,
seemed so satisfactory, that another expedition was fitted out in the
same year in the island of Palma. It was commanded by Fernando
de Villalobos, regidor of the island; but was equally fruitless with
the preceding. St. Borondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the
world with distant and serene glimpses of his ideal paradise; or to
reveal it amidst storms to tempest-tost mariners, but to hide it com-
pletely from the view of all who diligently sought it. Still the
people of Palma adhered to their favourite chimera. Thirty-four
years afterwards, in 1605, they sent another ship on the quest, com-
manded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an accomplished pilot, accom-
panied by the padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy Franciscan friar, skilled
in natural science. San Borondon, however, refused to reveal his
island to either monk or mariner. After cruising about in every
direction, sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds,
every thing that could furnish indications, they returned without
having seen any thing to authorize a hope.
Upwards of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to
seek this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public
mind was agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons
and other fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to
the shores of Gomera and Ferro, were pronounced to be from the
enchanted groves of San Borondon. At length, in 1721, the public
infatuation again rose to such a height that a fourth expedition was
sent, commanded by Don Gaspar Dominguez, a man of probity
* Nuñez, Conquista de la Gran Canaria. Wiera Hist. &c.
& "
APPENDIX. 313
and talent. As this was an expedition of solemn and mysterious
import, he had two holy friars as apostolical chaplains. They
made sail from the island of Teneriffe towards the end of October,
leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious curiosity
mingled with superstition. The ship, however, returned from its
cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors.
We have no account of any expedition being since undertaken,
though the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and
occasionally to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favoured
individuals. In a letter written from the island of Gomera, 1759,
by a Franciscan monk, to one of his friends, he relates having seen
it from the village of Alaxero at six in the morning of the third of
May. It appeared to consist of two lofty mountains, with a deep
valley between; and on contemplating it with a telescope, the val-
ley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He summoned the
curate Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upwards of forty other per-
sons, all of whom beheld it plainly.” t
Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time
of Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary islands in a
French map published in 1704; and Mons. Gautier, in a geogra-
phical chart, annexed to his Observations on Natural History,
published in 1755, places it five degrees to the west of the island of
Ferro, in the 29th deg. of N. latitude.f
Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St.
Brandan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. It was
in vain that repeated voyages and investigations proved its non-exist-
ence; the public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in
the supernatural, to defend their favourite chimera. They main-
tained that it was rendered inaccessible to mortals by Divine Provi-
dence, or by diabolical magic. Most inclined to the former. All
kinds of extravagant fancies were indulged concerning it,f some
confounded it with the fabled island of the Seven Cities situated
somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where in old times seven
bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the Moors. Some
of the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost king
Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderick, the last of
their Gothic kings, had fled thither from the Moors after the disas-
trous battle of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be
the seat of the terrestrial paradise, the place where Enoch and
Elijah remained in a state of blessedness until the final day; and
that it was made at times apparent to the eyes, but invisible to the
* Viera. Hist. Isl. Can. T. 1, C. 28. * Idem. # Idem.
Vol. II. 21 2 B
314 APPENDIX.
R
search of mortals. Poetry, it is said, has owed to this popular
belief one of its beautiful fictions, and the garden of Armida, where
Rinaldo was detained enchanted, and which Tasso places in one
of the Canary islands, has been identified with the imaginary San
Bororidon.*
The learned father Feyjoo,f has given a philosophical solution to
this geographical problem. He attributes all these appearances,
which have been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to
admit of doubt, to certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the
Fata Morgana, seen at times, in the straits of Messina, where the
city of Reggio and its surrounding country is reflected in the air
above the neighbouring sea: a phenomenon which has likewise
been witnessed in front of the city of Marseilles. As to the tales
of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, and
been hurried from thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers
them as mere fabrications.
As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that
partakes of the marvellous and mysterious, and as the same atmo-
spherical phenomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may
still continue, it is not improbable that a belief in the island of St.
Brandan may still exist among the ignorant and credulous of the
Canaries, and that they at times behold its fairy mountains rising
above the distant horizon of the Atlantic.
#
3.
l
**** 4 ºr ---
<' . No. XXV.
THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES,
ONE of the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which were
current during the time of Columbus, was that of the Island of the
Seven Cities. It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time
of the conquest of Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inha-
bitants fled in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops,
followed by a great number of their people, took shipping and aban-
doned themselves to their fate, on the high seas. After tossing
about for some time, they landed upon an unknown island in the
midst of the ocean. Here the Bishops burnt the ships, to prevent
the desertion of their followers, and founded seven cities. Various
* Wiera. Ubi sup. t Theatro Critico, T. 4. D. 10.
APPENDIX. 315
pilots of Portugal, it was said, had reached that island at different
times, but had never returned to give any information concerning it,
having been detained according to subsequent accounts, by the suc-
cessors of the bishops to prevent pursuit. At length, according to
common report, at the time that Prince Henry of Portugal was pro-
secuting his discoveries, several seafaring men presented themselves
one day before him, and stated that they had just returned from a
voyage, in the course of which they had landed upon this Island.
The inhabitants they said, spoke their language, and carried them
immediately, to church, to ascertain whether they were catholics, and
were rejoiced at finding them of the true faith. They then made
earnest inquiries, to know whether the Moors still retained possession
of Spain and Portugal. While part of the crew were at church, the
rest gathered sand on the shore for the use of the kitchen, and found
to their surprise that one third of it was gold. The islanders were
anxious that the crew should remain with them a few days, until
the return of their governor, who was absent; but the mariners,
afraid of being detained, esnbarked and made sail. Such was the
story they told to Prince Henry, hoping to receive reward for their
intelligence. The Prince, it is said, expressed displeasure at their
hasty departure from the island, and ordered them to return and pro-
cure further information; but the men, apprehensive, no doubt, of
having the falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, an
nothing more was heard of them.” $:
This story had much currency. The Island of the Seven Cities
was identified with the island mentioned by Aristotle as having been
discovered by the Carthaginians, and was put down in the early
maps about the time of Columbus, under the º of Antilla.
At the time of the discovery of New Spain?"extravagant reports
were brought to Hispaniola of the civilization of the country; that
the people wore clothing; that their houses and temples were solid,
spacious, and often magnificent; and that crosses were occasionally
found among them. Juan de Grivalja, being dispatched to explore.
the coast of Yucatan, reported that in sailing along it, fie beheld with
great wonder, stately and beautiful edifices of lime and stone, and
many high towers that shone at a distance.f For a time the old
tradition of the Seven Cities was revived, and many thought that
they were to be found in the same part of New Spain. s:
*
*
*Hist, del Almirante, C. 10.
f Torquemada Monarquia Indiana, L. 4, C. 4. Origen de los Indios por Fr,
Gregorio Garcia, L. 4, C. 20.
316 APPENDIX.
No. XXVI.
DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND OF MADEIRA.
THE discovery of Madeira by Macham rests principally upon the
authority of Francisco Alcaforado, an esquire of Prince Henry of
Portugal, who composed an account of it for that prince. It does
not appear to have obtained much faith among Portuguese histori-
ans. No mention is made of it in Barros; he attributes the first dis-
covery of the island to Juan Gonzalez and Tristram Vaz, who he
said descried it from Porto Santo, resembling a cloud on the horizon.”
The Abbé Prevost, however, in his general history of voyages,
vol. 6, seems inclined to give credit to the account of Alcaforado.
“It was composed,” he observes, “at a time when the attention of
the public would have exposed the least falsities; and no one was
more capable than Alcaforado of giving an exact detail of this event,
since he was of the number of those who assisted at the second dis-
covery.” The narrative as originally written, was overcharged with
ornaments and digressions. It was translated into French and
published in Paris, in 1671. The French translator had retrenched
the ornaments but scrupulously retained the facts. The story how-
ever, is cherished in the island of Madeira, where a painting in illus-
tration of it is still to be seen. The following is the purport of the
French translation: I have not been able to procure the original of
Alcaforado.
During the reign of Edward the Third of England, a young man
of great courage and talent, named Robert Macham, fell in love with
a young lady of rare beauty, of the name of Anne Dorset. She was
his superior in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family; but the
pmerit of Macham gained him the preference over all his rivals. The
family of the young lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance,
obtained an order from the king to have Macham arrested and con-
fined, until by arbitrary means they married his mistress to a man of
quality. As soon as the nuptials were celebrated, the nobleman
conducted his beautiful and afflicted bride to his seat near Bristol.
Macham was now restored to liberty. Indignant at the wrongs he
had suffered, and certain of the affections of his mistress, he prevail-
ed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the gratification
of his love and his revenge. They followed hard on the traces of the
*Barros, Asia, Decad. 1, L. 1, Cap. 3.
APPENDIX. 317
new married couple to Bristol. One of the friends obtained an intro-
duction into the family of the nobleman in quality of a groom. He
found the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of
dislike to the husband thus forced upon her. Through the means
of this friend, Macham had several communications with her, and
concerted means for their escape to France, where they might enjoy
their mutual love unmolested.
When all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day
accompanied only by the fictitious groom, under pretence of taking
the air. No sooner were they out of sight of the house, than they
galloped to an appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a
boat awaited them. They were conveyed on board a vessel which
lay with anchor a-trip, and sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. Here
the lovers were once more united. Fearful of pursuit, the ship im-
mediately weighed anchor; they made their way rapidly along the
coast of Cornwall, and Macham anticipated the triumph of soon
landing with his beautiful prize on the shores of gay and gallant
France. Unfortunately an adverse and stormy wind arose in the
night; at day-break they found themselves out of sight of land.
The mariners were ignorant and inexperienced; they knew nothing
of the compass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to
traverse the high seas. For thirteen days the lovers were driven
about on a tempestuous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. The
fugitive bride was filled with terror and remorse, and looked upon
this uproar of the elements as the anger of heaven directed against
her. All the efforts of her lover could not remove from her mind a
dismal presage of some approaching catastrophe.
At length the tempest subsided. On the fourteenth day at dawn,
the mariners perceived what appeared to be a tuft of wood rising out
of the sea. They joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island.
They were not mistaken. As they drew near, the rising sun shone
upon noble forests, the trees of which were of a kind unknown to
them. Flights of birds also came hovering about the ship, and
perched upon the yards and rigging without any signs of fear. The
boat was sent on shore to reconnoitre, and soon returned with such
accounts of the beauty of the country, that Macham determined to
take his drooping companion to the land, in hopes her health and
spirits might be restored by refreshment and repose. They were
accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted in
their flight. The mariners remained on board to guard the ship.
The country was indeed delightful. The forests were stately and
magnificent; there were trees laden with excellent fruits, others with
318 APPENDIX. *-
aromatic flowers; the waters were cool and limpid, the skyserene, and
there was a balmy sweetness in the air. The animals that they met
with showed no signs of alarm or ferocity, from which they concluded
that the island was uninhabited. On penetrating a little distance
they found a beautiful sheltered meadow, the green bosom of which
was bordered by laurels and refreshed by a mountain brook which
ran sparkling over pebbles. In the centre was a majestic tree, the
wide branches of which afforded shade from the rays of the sun.
Here Macham had bowers constructed and determined to pass a few
days, hoping that the sweetness of the country, and the serene
tranquillity of this delightful solitude, would recruit the drooping
health and spirits of his companion. Three days, however, had
scarcely passed, when a violent storm arose from the north-east, and
raged all night over the island. On the succeeding morning Ma-
cham repaired to the seaside, but nothing of his ship was to be seen,
and he concluded that it had foundered in the tempest.
Consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited
island in the midst of the ocean. The blow fell most severely on
the timid and repentant bride. She had reproached herself with
being the cause of all their misfortunes, and from the first, had been
haunted by dismal forebodings. She now considered them about to
be accomplished, and her horror was so great as to deprive her of
speech; she expired in three days without uttering a word.
Macham was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end
of this tender and beautiful being. He upbraided himself, in the
transports of his grief, with tearing her from her home, her country,
and her friends, to perish upon a savage coast. All the efforts of his
companions to console him were in vain. He died within five days,
broken-hearted; begging as a last request, that his body might be
interred beside that of his mistress, at the foot of a rustic altar which
they had erected under the great tree. They set up a large wooden
cross on the spot, on which was placed an inscription written by
Macham himself, relating in a few words his piteous adventure, and
praying any Christians who might arrive there, to build a chapel in
the place dedicated to Jesus the Saviour.
After the death of their commander, his followers consulted about
means to escape from the island. The ship's boat remained on the
shore. They repaired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and
then made sail, intending to return to England. Ignorant of their
situation, and carried about by the winds, they were cast upon the
coast of Morocco, where, their boat being shattered upon the rocks,
they were captured by the Moors, and thrown into prison. Here
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APPENDIX. 319
they understood that their ship had shared the same fate, having
been driven from her anchorage in the tempest, and carried to the
same inhospitable coast, where all her crew were made prisoners.
The prisons of Morocco were in those days filled with captives of
all nations, taken by their cruisers. Here the English prisoners met
with an experienced pilot, a Spaniard of Seville, named Juan de
Morales. He listened to their story with great interest; inquired
into the situation and description of the island they had discovered;
and subsequently, on his redemption from prison, communicated the
circumstances, it is said, to Prince Henry of Portugal.
There is a difficulty in the above narrative of Alcaforado in re-
conciling dates. The voyage is said to have taken place during the
reign of Edward III. which commenced in 1327 and ended in 1378.
Morales, to whom the English communicated their voyage, is said
to have been in the service of the Portuguese, in the second disco.
very of Madeira, in 1418 and 1420. Even if the voyage and impri-
sonment had taken place in the last year of king Edward's reign,
this leaves a space of forty years. *
Hacluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from Anto-
nio Galvano. He varies in certain particulars. It happened, he
says, in the year 1344, in the time of Peter IV. of Aragon. Ma-
cham cast anchor in a bay since called after him Machio.
The lady being ill he took her on shore, accompanied by some of
his friends, and the ships sailed without them. After the death of
the lady, Macham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea
in it with his companions. They were cast upon the coast of Afri-
ca, where the Moors, considering it as a kind of miracle, carried him
to the king of their country, who sent him to the king of Castile.
In consequence of the traditional accounts remaining of this voyage,
Henry II. of Castile sent people in 1395 to re-discover the island.
*
No. XXVII.
LAS CASAS.
BARTHolom Ew LAs CASAs, Bishop of Chiapa, so often cited in all
histories of the new world, was born at Seville, in 1474, and was of .
French extraction. The family name was Casaus. The first of
the name who appeared in Spain served under the standard of Fer-
dinand III. surnamed the Saint, in his wars with the Moors of An-
****
320 - APPENDIX
dalusia. He was at the taking of Seville from the Moors, when he,
was rewarded by the king, and received permission to establish him-
self there. His descendants enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility,
and suppressed the letter u in their name, to accommodate it to the
Spanish tongue.
Antonio, the father of Bartholomew, went to Hispaniola with
Columbus in 1493, and returned rich to Seville in 1498." It has
been stated by one of the biographers of Bartholomew Las Casas,
that he accompanied Columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and
returned with him in 1500.f This, however, is incorrect. He was
during that time completing his education at Salamanca, where he
was instructed in Latin, dialectics, logic, metaphysics, ethics and
physics, after the supposed method and system of Aristotle. While at
the university, he had, as a servant, an Indian slave, given him by
his father, who had received him from Columbus. When Isabella,
in her transport of virtuous indignation, ordered the Indian slaves to
be sent back to their country, this one was taken from Las Casas.
The young man was aroused by the circumstance, and, on consi-
dering the nature of the case, became inflamed with a zeal in favour
of the unhappy Indians, which never cooled throughout a long and
active life. It was excited to tenfold fervour, when, at about the
age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander Ovando
to Hispaniola in 1502, and was an eyewitness to many of the cruel
scenes which took place under his administration. The whole of
his future life, a space exceeding sixty years, was devoted to vindi-
cating the cause, and endeavouring to meliorate the sufferings of
the natives. As a missionary he traversed the wilderness of the
new world in various directions, seeking to convert and civilize
them; as a protector and champion, he made several voyages to
Spain, vindicated their wrongs before courts and monarchs, wrote
volumes in their behalf, and exhibited a zeal, and constancy, and
intrepidity, worthy of an apostle. He died at the advanced age of
ninety-two years, and was buried at Madrid; in the church of the
Dominican convent of Atocha, of which fraternity he was a member.
Attempts have been made to decry the consistency, and question
the real philanthropy of Las Casas in consequence of one of the ex-
pedients to which he resorted to relieve the Indians from the cruel
bondage imposed upon them. This occurred in 1517, when he arriv-
ed in Spain, on one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favour
from the government. On his arrival in Spain, he found Cardinal
Ximenes, who had been left regent on the death of King Ferdi-
* Navarrete, Collee. Viag. T.I., Introd. p. lxx.
# T. A. Llorente CEuvres de Las Casas, p. xi. Paris, 1822
APPENDIX. 321
nand, too ill to attend to his affairs. He repaired, therefore, to Wal-
ladolid, where he awaited the coming of the new monarch Charles,
Archduke of Austria, afterwards the emperor Charles W. He had
strong opponents to encounter in various persons high in authority,
who, holding estates and repartimientos in the colonies, were interest-
ed in the slavery of the Indians. Among these, and not the least
animated, was the Bishop Fonseca, president of the council of the
Indias. {
At length the youthful sovereign arrived accompanied by various
Flemings of his court, particularly his Grand Chancellor, Doctor
Juan de Selvagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on
all affairs of administration and justice. Las Casas soon became
intimate with the chancellor, and stood high in his esteem; but so
much opposition arose on every side that he found his various propo-
sitions for the relief of the natives but little attended to. In his
doubt and anxiety he had now recourse to an expedient which he
considered as justified by the circumstances of the case.” The Chan-
cellor Selvagio and the other Flemings who had accompanied the
youthful sovereign, had obtained from him, before quitting Flanders,
licenses to import slaves from Africa to the colonies; a measure
which had recently in 1516 been prohibited by a decree of Cardinal
Ximenes while acting as regent. The chancellor, who was a hu-
mane man, reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that
one negro could perform, without detriment to his health, the labour
of several Indians, and that therefore it was a great saving of hu-
man suffering. So easy is it for interest to wrap itself up in plausi-
ble argument He might, moreover, have thought the welfare of
the Africans but little affected by the change. They were accus
tomed to slavery in their own country, and they were said to thrive
in the new world. “The Africans,” observes Herrera, “prospered
so much in the island of Hispaniola, that it was the opinion unless
a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die; for as yet
mone had been known to perish from infirmity. Like oranges, they
found their proper soil in Hispaniola, and it seemed ever more natu-
ral to them than their native Guinea.”t
Las Casas finding all other means ineffectual, endeavoured to turn
these interested views of the Grand Chancellor to the benefit of the
* Herrera clearly states this as an expedient adopted when others failed. “Bar
tolomé de las Casas, viendo que sus conceptos hallaban en todas partes dificultad,
ique las opiniones que tenia por mucha familiaridad quehavia seguido i gran credi
to con el gran Canciller, no podian haber efecto, se volvio a otros expedientes, &c.”--
Decad. 2, L. 2, C. 2.
t Herrera, Hist. Ind. L. 2, D. 3, C. 4.
322 APPENDIX.
Indians. He proposed that the Spaniards, resident in the colonies,
might be permitted to procure negroes for the labour of the farms
and the mines, and other severe toils, which were above the strength
and destructive of the lives of the natives.” He evidently consider-
ed the poor Africans as little better than mere animals; and he acted
like others, on an arithmetical calculation of diminishing human
misery, by substituting one strong man for three or four of feebler
nature. He, moreover, esteemed the Indians as a nobler and more
intellectual race of beings, and their preservation and welfare of
higher importance to the general interest of humanity. ,
It is this expedient of Las Casas which has drawn down severe
censure upon his memory. He has been charged with gross inconsist-
ency, and even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the
new world. This last is a grievous charge; but historical facts and
dates remove the original sin from his door, and prove that the prac-
tice existed in the colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long
before he took a part in the question.
Las Casas did not go to the new world until 1502. By a royal
ordinance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken
there, provided they had been born among Christians.t. By a letter
written by Ovando, dated 1503, it appears that there were numbers
in the island of Hispaniola at that time, and he entreats that none
more might be permitted to be brought.
In 1506 the Spanish government forbade the introduction of negro
slaves from the Levant, or those brought up with the Moors; and
stipulated that none should be taken to the colonies but those from
Seville, who had been instructed in the christian faith, that they
might contribute to the conversion of the Indians.# In 1510, King
Ferdinand, being informed of the physical weakness of the Indians,
ordered fifty Africans to be sent from Seville to labour in the mines.é
In 1511, he ordered that a great number should be procured from
Guinea, and transported to Hispaniola, understanding that one ne-
gro could perform the work of four Indians. In 1512 and '13 he
signed further orders relative to the same subject. In 1516, Charles
W. granted licenses to the Flemings to import negroes to the colo-
nies. It was not until the year 1517, that Las Casas gave his sanction
of the traffic. It already existed, and he countenanced it solely with a
view to having the hardy Africans substituted for the feeble Indians.
It was advocated at the same time, and for the same reasons by the
* Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 2, L. 2, c. 20.
t Idem, L. 3, c. 8. # Idem. D. 1, L. 6, c. 20.
§ Idem, D. 1, L. 8, c. 9. | Idem. D, 1, L. 9, c. 5. ----~ *
APPENDIX. 323
Jeronimite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies. The mo-
tives of Las Casas were purely benevolent, though founded on erro-
neous notions of justice. He thought to permit evil that good might
spring out of it; to choose between two existing abuses, and to era
dicate the greater by resorting to the lesser. His reasoning, how-
ever fallacious it may be, was considered satisfactory and humane
by some of the most learned and benevolent men of the age, among
whom was the cardinal Adrian, afterwards elevated to the papal
chair, and characterized by gentleness and humanity. The traffic
was permitted; inquiries were made as to the number of slaves re-
quired, which was limited to four thousand, and the Flemings ob-
tained a monopoly of the trade, which they afterwards farmed out
to the Genoese.
Dr. Robertson, in noticing this affair, draws a contrast between
the conduct of the cardinal Ximenes and that of Las Casas,
strongly to the disadvantage of the latter. “The cardinal,” he
observes, “when solicited to encourage this commerce, peremptorily
rejected the proposition, because he perceived the iniquity of reduc-
ing one race of men to slavery, when he was consulting about the
means of restoring liberty to another; but Las Casás, from the in-
consistency natural to men who hurry with headlong impetuosity
towards a favourite point, was incapable of making this distinction.
In the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the yoke, he
pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still heavier
on the Africans.””
This distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct.
Las Casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, or so heavy,
a yoke upon the Africans. The latter were considered more capa-
ble of labour, and less impatient of slavery. While the Indians
sunk under their tasks, and perished by thousands in Hispaniola,
the negroes, on the contrary, thrived there. Herrêra, to whom Dr.
Robertson refers as his authority, assigns a different motive, and one
of mere finance, for the measures of cardinal Ximenes. He says
that he ordered that no one should take negroes to the Indias, be-
cause, as the natives were decreasing, and it was known that one
negro did more work than four of them, there would probably be a
great demand for African slaves, and a tribute might be imposed
upon the trade, from which would result profit to the royal treasury.f
* Robertson, Hist. America. p. 3.
+ Porque como iban faltando los Indios i seconocia que un negro trabajaba, mas
que quatro, por lo qual habia gran demanda de ellos, parecia quese podia poner
alguh tributo en la saca, de que resultaria provecho A la Rl. Hacienda. Herrera
Decad. 2, L. 2, C. 8.
... 324 * 4. APPENDIX.
This measure was presently after carried into effect, though subse.
quent to the death of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by
the sovereign for pecuniary considerations. Flechier, in his life of
Ximenes, assigns another but a mere political motive for this prohi-
bition. The cardinal, he says, objected to the importation of negroes
into the colonies, as he feared they would corrupt the natives, and by
confederacies with them render them formidable to government. De
Marsolier, another biogragher of Ximenes, gives equally politic
reasons for this prohibition. He cites a letter written by the cardinal
on the subject, in which he observed that he knew the nature of the
negroes; they were a people capable, it was true, of great fatigue,
but extremely prolific and enterprising; and that if they had time to
multiply in America, they would infallibly revolt, and impose on the
Spaniards the same chains which they had compelled them to
wear.” These facts, while they take from the measure of the car-
dinal that credit for exclusive philanthropy which has been be-
stowed upon it, manifest the clear foresight of that able politician;
whose predictions with respect to negro revolt have been so strik-
ingly fulfilled in the island of Hispaniola.
Cardinal Ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman,
was not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of
natural right; nor did he possess more toleration than his contem-
poraries towards savage and infidel nations. He was grand inqui-
sitor of Spain, and was very efficient during the latter years of
Ferdinand in making slaves of the refractory Moors of Granada.
He authorized, by express instructions, expeditions to seize and
enslave the Indians of the Caribbee islands, whom he termed only
suited to labour, enemies of the Christians, and cannibals. Nor will
it be considered a proof of gentle or tolerant policy, that he intro-
duced the tribunal of the inquisition into the new world. These
circumstances are.cited not to cast reproach upon the character of
cardinal Ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled
at the expense of Las Casas. Both of them must be judged in
connexion with the customs and opinions of the age in which they
lived.
Las Casas was the author of many works, but few of which
have been printed. The most importnat is a general history of the
Indias, from the discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. It
exists only in manuscript, but is the fountain from which Herrera,
and most of the other historians of the new world, have drawn
large supplies. The work, though prolix, is valuable, as the author
* De Marsolier, Hist, du Ministere du Cardinal Ximenes, Lib. 6. Toulouse,
1694 # e.
APPENDIR. i 325
was an eyewitness of many of the facts, had others from persons
who were concerned in the transactions recorded, and possessed
copious documents. It displays great erudition, though somewhat
crudely and diffusely introduced. His history was commenced in
1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559, when
eighty-five. As many things are set down from memory, there is
occasional inaccuracy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity
and truth. The author of the present work, having had access to
this valuable manuscript, has made great use of it, drawing forth
many curious facts hitherto neglected; but he has endeavoured to
consult it with caution and discrimination, collating it with other
authorities, and omitting whatever appeared to be dictated by pre-
judice or over-heated zeal.
Las Casas had been accused of high colouring and extravagant
declamation in those passages which relate to the barbarities prac-
tised on the natives; nor is the charge entirely without foundatien.
The same zeal in the cause of the Indians is expressed in his writ-
ings that shone forth in his actions, always pure, often vehement,
and occasionally unseasonable. Still, however, where he errs it is on
a generous and righteous side. If one tenth part of what he says he
“witnessed with his own eyes” be true, and his veracity is above
all doubt, he would have been wanting in the natural feelings of
humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of indignation
and abhorrence. *A.
In the course of his work, when Las Casas mentions the original
papers lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, it
makes one lament that they should be lost to the world. Besides the
journals and letters of Columbus, he says he had numbers of the
letters of the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, who wrote better
than his brother, and whose writings must have been full of energy.
Above all, he had the map formed from study and conjecture, by
which Columbus sailed on his first voyage. What a precious docu-
ment would this be for the world! These writings may still exist,
neglected and forgotten among the rubbish of some convent in
Spain. Little hope can be entertained of discovering them in the
present state of degeneracy of the cloister. The monks of Atocha,
in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, betrayed an
ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent, nor
can any of the fraternity point out his place of sepulture to the
stranger.”
* In this notice, the author has occasionally availed himself of the interesting
memoir of Mon. J. A. Llorente, prefixed to his collection of the works of Las Ca
sas, collating it with the history of Herrera, from which its facts are principally
derived. 2 C
326 APPENDIX.
The publication of this work of Las Casas has not been permitted
in Spain, where every book must have the sanction of a censor be-
fore it is committed to the press. The horrible picture it exhibits of
the cruelties inflicted on the Indians, would, it was imagined, excite
an odium against their conquerors. Las Casas himself seems to
have doubted the expediency of publishing it; for in 1560 he made a
note with his own hand, which is preserved in the two first volumes
of the original, mentioning that he left them in confidence to the
college of the order of Predicators of St. Gregorio, in Walladolid,
begging of its prelates that no secular person, nor even the colle-
gians, should be permitted to read his history for the space of forty
years; and that after that term it might be printed if consistent with
the good of the Indias and of Spain.”
For the foregoing reason the work has been cautiously used by
Spanish historians, passing over in silence, or with brief notice,
many passages of disgraceful import. This feeling is natural, if not
commendable; for the world is not prompt to discriminate between
individuals and the nation of whom they are but a part. The laws
and regulations for the government of the newly discovered coun-
tries, and the decisions of the council of the Indias on all contested
points, though tinctured in some degree with the bigotry of the age,
were distinguished for wisdom, justice and humanity, and do honour
to the Spanish nation. It was only in the abuse of them by indi-
viduals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted, that these
atrocities were committed. It should be remembered also that the
same nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adven-
turers who perpetrated these cruelties, gave birth likewise to the early
missionaries, like Las Casas, who followed the sanguinary course of
discovery, binding up the wounds inflicted by their countrymen;
men who in a truly evangelical spirit braved all kinds of perils and
hardships, and even death itself, not through a prospect of temporal
gain or glory, but through a desire to meliorate the condition and
save the souls of barbarous and suffering nations. The dauntless
enterprises and fearful peregrinations of many of these virtuous men,
if properly appreciated, would be found to vie in romantic daring
with the heroic achievements of chivalry, with motives of a purer
and far more exalted nature.
* Navarrete, Collec. de Viag.T.1, p. lxxv.
APPENDIX. 327
* No. XXVIII.
PETER MARTYR.
PETER MARTIR, or Martyr, of whose writings much use has been
made in this history, was born at Anghierra, in the territory of Mi-
lan, in Italy, on the second of February, 1455. He is commonly
termed Peter Martyr of Angleria, from the Latin name of his native
place. He is one of the earliest historians that treat of Columbus,
and was his contemporary and intimate acquaintance. Being at
Rome in 1487, and having acquired a distinguished reputation for
learning, he was invited by the Spanish ambassador, the count de
Tendilla, to accompany him to Spain. He willingly accepted the
invitation, and was presented to the sovereigns at Saragossa. Isa-
bella, amidst the cares of the war with Granada, was anxious for the
intellectual advancement of her kingdom, and wished to employ
Martyr to instruct the young nobility of the royal household. With
her peculiar delicacy, however, she first made her confessor, Her-
nando de Talavera, inquire of Martyr in what capacity he desired
to serve her. Contrary to her expectation, Martyr replied, “in the
profession of arms.” The queen complied, and he followed her in
her campaigns, as one of her household and military suite, but with-
out distinguishing himself, and perhaps without having any particu-
lar employ in a capacity so foreign to his talents. After the sur-
render of Granada, when the war was ended, the queen, through
the medium of the grand eardinal of Spain, prevailed upon him to
undertake the instruction of the young nobles of her court.
Martyr was acquainted with Columbus while making his appli-
cation to the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant recep-
tion by Ferdinand and Isabella in Barcelona, on his return from his
first voyage. He was continually in the royal camp during the war
with the Moors, of which his letters contain many interesting par-
ticulars. He was sent ambassador extraordinary by Ferdinand and
Isabella, in 1501, to Venice, and thence to the grand soldan of Egypt.
The soldan, in 1490 or 1491, had sent an embassy to the Spanish
govereigns, threatening that, unless they desisted from the war
against Granada, he would put all the Christians in Egypt and
Syria to death, overturn all their temples, and destroy the holy
sepulchre at Jerusalem. Ferdinand and Isabella pressed the war
with tenfold energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in
the next campaign, while the soldan was still carrying on a similar
328 APPENDIX.
negotiation with the pope. They afterwards sent Peter Martyr am.
bassador to the soldan to explain and justify their measure. Martyr
discharged the duties of his embassy with great ability; obtained
permission from the soldan to repair the holy places at Jerusalem,
and an abolition of various extortions to which Christian pilgrims
had been subjected. While on this embassy, he wrote his work De
Legatione Babylonica, which includes a history of Egypt in those
times.
On his return to Spain, he was rewarded with places and pen-
sions, and in 1524 was appointed a minister of the council of the
Indias. His principal work is an account of the discoveries of the
New World, in eight decades, each containing ten chapters. They
are styled Decades of the New World, or Decades of the Ocean,
and, like all his other works, were originally written in Latin,
though since translated into various languages. He had familiar
access to letters, papers, journals and narratives of the early disco-
verers, and was personally acquainted with many of them, gathering
particulars from their conversation. In writing his Decades, he
took great pains to obtain information from Columbus himself, and
from others, his companions.
In one of his epistles, (No. 153, January, 1494, to Pomponius
Laetus,) he mentions having just received a letter from Columbus,
by which it appears he was in correspondence with him. Las
Casas says that great credit is to be given to him in regard to those
voyages of Columbus, although his Decades contain some inaccu-
racies relative to subsequent events in the Indias. Muñoz allows
him great credit, as an author contemporary with his subject, grave,
well cultivated, instructed in the facts of which he treats, and of
entire probity. He observes, however, that his writings being com-
posed on the spur or excitement of the moment, often related cir-
cumstances which subsequently proved to be erroneous; that they
were written without method or care, often confusing dates and
events, so that they must be read with some caution.
Martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished
persons, relating the passing occurrences of the busy court and age
in which he lived. In several of these Columbus is mentioned, and
also some of the chief events of his voyages, as promulgated at the
very moment of his return. These letters not being generally
known, or circulated, or frequently cited, it may be satisfactory to
the reader to have a few of the main passages which relate to
Columbus. They have a striking effect in carrying us back to the
very time of the discoveries.
In one of his.epistles, dated Barcelona, May 1st, 1493, and ad-
APPENDIX. 329
dressed to C. Borromeo, he says: “Within these few days a certain
Christopher Columbus has arrived from the w "antipodes; a
man of Liguria, whom my sovereigns reluctantly intrusted with
three ships, to seek that region, for they thought that what he said
was fabulous. He has returned and brought specimens of many
precious things, but partisularly gold, which those countries natu-
rally produce.” Ö
In another letter, dated likewise from Barcelona, in September
following, he gives a more particular account. It is addressed to
count Tendilla, governor of Granada, and also to Hernando Tala-
vera, archbishop of that diocess, and the same to whom the proposi-
tions of Columbus had been referred by the Spanish sovereigns.
“Arouse your attention, ancient sages,” says Peter Martyr in his
epistle; “listen to a new discovery. You remember Columbus the
Ligurian, appointed in the camp by our sovereigns to search for a
new hemisphere of land at the western antipodes. You ought to
recollect, for you had some agency in the transaction; nor would
the enterprise, as I think, have been undertaken, without your
counsel. He has returned in safety, and relates the wonders he has
discovered. He exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those re-
gions; Gosampine cotton, also, and aromatics and pepper more
pungent than that from Caucasus. All these things, together with
scarlet dye-woods, the earth produces spontaneously. Pursuing the
western sun from Gades five thousand miles, of each a thousand
paces, as he relates, he fell in with sundry islands, and took posses-
sion of one of them, of greater circuit, he asserts, than the whole
of Spain. Here he found a race of men living contented, in a state
of nature, subsisting on fruits and vegetables, and bread formed
from roots. * * * * These people have kings, some greater
than others, and they war occasionally among themselves, with
bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the fire.
The desire of command prevails among them, though they are
naked. They have wives also. What they worship except the
divinity of heaven, is not ascertained.”f
In another letter, dated likewise in September, 1493, and ad-
dressed to the cardinal and vice-chancellor Ascanius Sforza, he
says: #
“So great is my desire to give you satisfaction, illustrious prince,
that I consider it a gratifying occurrence in the great fluctuations
of events, when any thing takes place among us, in which you
may take an interest. The wonders of this terrestrial globe, round
* Opus. Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 131. t_ldem, £pºt. 134.
Vol. II. 22 2 C. 2
330 APPENDIX.
f
which the sun makes a circuit in the space of four and twenty
hours, have, until our time, as you are well aware, been known only
in regard to one hemisphere, merely from the Golden Chersonesus
to our Spanish Gades. The rest has been given up as unknown by
cosmographers, and if any mention of it has been made, it has been
slight and dubious. But now, O blessed enterprise ! under the aus-
pices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden since the first
origin of things, has at length begun to be developed. The thing
has thus occurred—attend, illustrious princel A certain Christo-
pher Columbus, a Ligurian, dispatched to those regions with three
vessels by my sovereigns, pursuing the western sun above five
thousand miles from Gades, āchieved his way to the antipodes.
Three and thirty successive days they navigated with nought but
sky and water. At length from the mast-head of the largest ves-
sel, in which Columbus himself sailed, those on the look-out pro-
claimed the sight of land. He coasted along six islands, one of
them, as all his followers declare, beguiled perchance by the novelty
of the scene, is larger than Spain.”
Martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of
the islands, and the manners and customs of the natives, particu-
larly the wars which occurred among them; “as if meum and
twwm had been introduced among them as among us, and expensive
luxuries, and the desire of accumulating wealth; for what, you will
think, can be the wants of naked men?” “What farther may suc
ceed,” he adds, “I will in future signify. Farewell.”
In another letter, dated Walladolid, February 1, 1494, to Hernando
de Talavera, archbishop of Granada, he observes, “The king and
queen, on the return of Columbus to Barcelona, from his honourable
enterprise, appointed him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him,
on account of his illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence,
an honour and a favour, as you know, the highest with our sove-
reigns. They have dispatched him again to those regions, furnished
with a fleet of eighteen ships. There is prospect of great disco-
veries at the western antarctic antipodes.f" * * *
In a subsequent letter to Pomponius Laetus, dated from Alcala de
Henares, December 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success
of this expedition.
“Spain,” says he, “is spreading her wings, augmenting her em-
pire, and extending her name and glory to the antipodes.* * * *
Of eighteen vessels dispatched by my sovereigns with the admiral
Columbus, in his second voyage to the western hemisphere, twelve
tº we
* Opus. Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 135. t Idem, Epist. 141.
APPENDIX. 331
have returned, and have brought gossampine cotton, huge trees of
dye-wood, and many other articles held with us as precious, the
natural productions of that hitherto hidden world; and beside all
other things, no small quantity of gold. O wonderful, Pomponius !
Upon the surface of that earth are found rude masses of native gold,
of a weight that one is afraid to mention. Some weigh two hun-
dred and fifty ounces, and they hope to discover others of a much
larger size, from what the naked natives intimate, when they extol
their gold to our people, Nor are the Lestrigonians, or Polyphemi,
who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. Attend—but be-
ware I lest they rise in horror before thee! When he proceeded from
the Fortunate islands, now termed the Canaries, to Hispaniola, the
island on which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward
the south, he arrived at innumerable islands of savage men, whom
they call cannibals, or Caribbees; and these, though naked, are
courageous warriors. They fight skilfully with bows and clubs,
and have boats hollowed from a single tree, yet very capacious, in
which they make fierce descents on neighbouring islands, inhabited
by milder people. They attack their villages, from which they
carry off the men and devour them,” &c.” *
Another letter to Pomponius Laetus, on the same subject, has been
cited at large in the body of this work. It is true these extracts give
nothing that has not been stated more at large in the decades of the
same author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of
the discoveries of Columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these
extraordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and
liberal men of the age.
A collection of the letters of Peter Martyr was published in 1530,
under the title of Opus Epistolarum, Petri Martyris Anglerii; it is
divided into thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one
year. The same objections have been made to his letters as to his
decades, but they bear the same stamp of candour, probity, and
great information. They possess peculiar value from being written
at the moment, before the facts they record were distorted or dis-
coloured by prejudice or misrepresentation. His works abound in
interesting particulars not to be found in any contemporary his-
torian. They are rich in thought, but still richer in fact, and are
full of urbanity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has
mingled with the world. He is a fountain from which others draw,
and from which, with a little precaution, they may draw securely,
He died in Walladolid, in 1526
* Opus, Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 147.
*
332 *. APPENDIX.
* *
: - No. XXIX.
OWIEDO.
- *-
*Goszalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, commonly known as
Öviedo, was born in Madrid in 1478, and died in Walladolid in 1557,
aged seventy-nine years. He was of a noble Asturian family, and
in his boyhood (in 1490) was appointed one of the pages to prince
Juan, heir apparent of Spain, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella.
He was in this situation at the time of the siege and surrender of
Granada, was consequently at court at the time that Columbus made
his agreement with the catholic sovereigns, and was in the same
capacity at Barcelona, and witnessed the triumphant entrance of the
discoverer, attended by a number of the natives of the newly found
countries.
In 1513 he was sent out to the new world by Ferdinand, to su-
perintend the gold foundries. For many years he served there in
various offices of trust and dignity, both under Ferdinand, and his
grandson and successor Charles W. In 1535, he was made alcayde
of the fortress of St. Domingo in Hispaniola, and afterwards was ap-
pointed historiographer of the Indias. At the time of his death, he
had served the crown upwards of forty years, thirty-four of which
were passed in the colonies, and he had crossed the ocean eight
times, as he mentions in various parts of his writings. He wrote
several works, the most important is a chronicle of the Indias in fifty
books, divided into three parts. The first part, containing nineteen
books, was printed at Seville in 1535, and reprinted in 1547 at Sa-
lamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks.
The remainder of the work exists in manuscript. The printing of it
was commenced at Walladolid in 1557, but was discontinued in con-
sequence of his death. It is one of the unpublished treasures of
Spanish colonial history.
He was an indefatigable writer, laborious in collecting and record-
ing facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered
through the Spanish libraries. His writings are full of events which
happened under his own eye, or were communicated to him by eye-
witnesses; but he was deficient in judgment and discrimination.
He took his facts without caution, and often from sources unworthy
of credit. In his account of the first voyage of Columbus, he falls
into several egregious errors, in consequence of taking the verbal in-
formation of a pilot named Herman Perez Matteo, who was in the
APPENDIX. - 333 ,
interest of the Pinzons, and adverse to the admiral. His work is
not much to be depended upon in matters relative to Columbus.
When he treats of a more advanced period of the new world, from
his own actual observation, he is much more satisfactory, though he
is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepré-
sentations. His account of the natural productions of the new
world, and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious pāşti-
culars; and the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which,
succeeded those of Columbus, are to be found in the unpublished
part of his work.
No. XXX
CURA DE LOS PALACIOS,
ANDREs BERNALDEs, or Bernal, generally known by the title of the
Curate of Los Palacios, from having been curate of the town of Los
Palacios from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of Fuentes,
and was for some time chaplain to Diego Deza, archbishop of Se-
ville, one of the greatest friends to the application of Columbus. Ber-
maldes was well acquainted with the admiral, who was occasionally
his guest, and in 1496, left many of his manuscripts and journals
with him, which the curate made use of in a history of the reign of
Ferdinand and Isabella, in which he introduced an account of the
voyages of Columbus. In his narrative of the admiral's coasting
along the southern side of Cuba, the curate is more minute and accu-
rate than any other historian. His work exists only in manuscript,
but is well known to historians, who have made frequent use of it.
Nothing can be more simple and artless than the account which the
honest curate gives of his being first moved to undertake his chro-
nicle. “I who wrote these chapters of memoirs,” he says, “being for
twelve years in the habit of reading a register of my deceased grand-
father, who was notary public of the town of Fuentes, where I was
born, I found therein several chapters recording certain events and
achievements which had taken place in his time; and my grandmo-
ther his widow, who was very old, hearing me read them said to me,
‘And thou, my son, since thou art not slothful in writing, why dost
thou not write, in this manner, the good things which are happening
at present in thy own day, that those who come hereafter may know
them, and marvelling at what they read may render thanks to God.”
s
334 APPENDIX.
“From that time,” continues he, “I proposed to do so, and as Icon-
sidered the matter, I said often to myself, ‘if God gives me life and
health I will continue to write until I behold the kingdom of Gra-
nada gained by the christians; and I always entertained a hope of
seeing it, and did see it: great thanks and praises be given to our
Saviour Jesus Christ! And because it was impossible to write a
complete and connected account of all things that happened in
Spain, during the matrimonial union of the King Don Ferdinand,
and the Queen Dona Isabella. I wrote only about certain of the
most striking and remarkable events, of which I had correct in-
formation, and of those which I saw or which were public and no-
torious to all men.”
The work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the fore-
going statement, is deficient in regularity of n; the style is art-
less and often inelegant,but it abounds in facts fiot to be met with else-
where, often given in a very graphical manner, and strongly charac-
teristic of the times. As he was contemporary with the events and
familiar with many of the persons of his history and as he was a
man of probity and void of all pretension, his manuscript is a docu-
ment of high authenticity. He was much respected in the limited
sphere in which he moved, “yet,” says one of his admirers, who
wrote a short preface to his chronicle, “he had no other reward than
that of the curacy of Los Palacios, and the place of chaplain to the
archbishop Don Diego Deza.”
In the possession of O. Rich, Esq. of Madrid, is a very curious
manuscript chronicle of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella already
quoted in this work, made up from this history of the curate of Los
Palacios, and from various other historians of the times, by some
contemporary writer, in his account of the voyage of Columbus, he
differs in some trivial particulars from the regular copy of the ma-
nuscript of the curate. These variations have been carefully exa-
mined by the author of this work and wherever they appear to be for
the better, have been adopted.
* Cura de Los Palacios, c. 7.
#
*
APPENDIX. 835
No. XXXI.
“NAVIGATIONE DEL RE DE CASTIGLIA DELLE Isole E PAEse
Nuova MENTE RITRovaTE.”
“ NAVIGATIo CHRIsTop Hori colom BI.”
THE above are the titles, in Italian and in Latin, of the earliest nar-
rative of the first and second voyages of Columbus that appeared in
print. It was anonymous; and there are some curious particulars
in regard to it. It was originally written in Italian by Montalbodo
Fracanzo, or Fracanzano, or by Francapano de Montabaldo, for
writers differ in regard to the name, and was published in Vicenza,
in 1507, in a collection of voyages, entitled Mondo Novo, e Paese
Nuovamente Ritrovate. The collection was republished at Milan,
in 1508, both in Italian, and in a Latin translation made by Arch-
angelo Madrignano, under the title of Itinerarium Portugallensium;
this title being given, because the work related chiefly to the voy-
ages of Luigi Cadamosto, a Venetian in the service of Portugal.
The collection was afterwards augmented by Simon Grinaeus with
other travels, and printed in Latin at Basle, in 1533,” by Hervagio,
entitled Novus Orbis Regionum, &c. The edition of Basle, 1555,
and the Italian edition of Milan, in 1508, have been consulted in the
course of this work.
Peter Martyr (Decad. 2, Cap. 7,) alludes to this publication, under
the first Latin title of the book, Itinerarium Portugallensium, and
accuses the author, whom by mistake he terms Cadamosto, of hav-
ing stolen the materials of his book from the three first chapters of
his first Decade of the Ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies
in manuscript to several persons, and in particular to certain Vene-
tian ambassadors. Martyr's Decades were not published until 1516,
excepting the first three, which were published in 1511, at Seville.
This narrative of the voyages of Columbus is referred to by Gio.
Batista Spotorno, in his historical memoir of Columbus, as having
been written by a companion of Columbus.
It is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the
author may have helped himself freely from the manuscript of Mar-
tyr, he must have had other sources of information. His description
of the person of Columbus, as a man tall of stature and large of
* Bibliotheca Pinello.
336 **
APPENDIX.
*
frame, of a ruddy complexion and oblong visage, is not copied from
Mårtyr, nor from any other writer. No historian had indeed pre-
ceded him except Sabellicus, in 1504; and the portrait agrees with
that subsequently given of Columbus in the biography written by
his son.
It is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year
after the death of Columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, writ-
ten for the collection of voyages published at Vicenza; and that the
materials were taken from oral communication, from the account
given by Sabellicus, and particularly from the manuscript copy of
Martyr's first decade.
*. No. XXXII.
ANTONIO DE HERRERA,
ANTonro Herrera de Tordesillas, one of the authors most frequently
cited in this work, was born in 1565, of Roderick Tordesillas, and
Agnes de Herrera, his wife. He received an excellent education,
and entered into the employ of Vespasian Gonzago, brother to the
duke of Mantua, who was Viceroy of Naples for Philip the second
of Spain. He was for some time secretary to this statesman, and
intrusted with all his secrets. He was afterwards grand historio-
grapher of the Indias to Philip II, who added to that title a large
pension. He wrote various books, but the most celebrated is a Ge-
meral History of the Indias, or American Colonies, in four volumes,
containing eight decades. When he undertook this work, all the
public archives were thrown open to him, and he had access to docu-
ments of all kinds. He has been charged with great precipitation
in the production of his two first volumes and with negligence in
not making sufficient use of the indisputable sources of information
thus placed within his reach. The fact was, that he met with his-
torical tracts lying in manuscript, which embraced a great part of
the first discoveries, and he contented himself with stating events as
he found them therein recorded. It is certain that a great part of his
work is little more than a transcript of the manuscript history of the
Indias by Las Casas, sometimes reducing and improving the lan-
guage when tumid; omitting the impassioned sallies of the zealous
father, when the wrongs of the Indians were in question; and sup-
pressing various circumstances degrading to the character of the
*
APPENDIX. 337
Spanish discoverers. The author of the present work has, there-
fore, frequently put aside the history of Herrera, and consulted the
source of his information, the manuscript history of Las Casas.
Muñoz observes, that “in general Herrera did little more than
join together morsels and extracts, taken from various parts, in the
way that a writer arranges chronologically the materials from which
he intends to compose a history;” he adds, that “had not Herrera.
been a learned and judicious man, the precipitation with which he
put together these materials would have led to innumerable errors.”
The remark is just; yet it is to be considered, that to select and ar-
range such materials judiciously, and treat them learnedly, was no
trifling merit in the historian.
Herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation; exalting
the deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their ex-
cesses. There is nothing very serious in this accusation. To illus-
trate the glory of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the histo-
rian; and it is difficult to speak too highly of the extraordinary en-
terprises and splendid actions of the Spaniards in those days. In
softening their excesses he fell into an amiable and pardonable error,
if it were indeed an error for a Spanish writer to endeavour to sink
them in oblivion. -
Vossius passes a high eulogium on Herrera. “No one,” he says,
“has described with greater industry and fidelity the magnitude and
boundaries of provinces, the tracts of sea, positions of capes and isl-
lands, of ports and harbours, the windings of rivers and dimensions
of lakes; the situation and peculiarities of regions, with the appear-
ance of the heavens, and the designation of places suitable for the
establishment of cities.” He has been called among the Spaniards
the prince of the historians of America, and it is added that none
have risen since his time capable of disputing with him that title.
Much of this praise will appear exaggerated by such as examine the
manuscript histories from which he transferred chapters and entire
books, with very little alteration, to his volumes; and a great part
of the eulogiums passed on him for his work on the Indias, will be
found really due to Las Casas, who has too long been eclipsed by
his copyist. Still Herrera has left voluminous proofs of industrious
research, extensive information and great literary talent. His works
bear the mark of candour, integrity, and a sincere desire to record
the truth.
He died in 1625, at sixty years of age, after having obtained from
Philip IV. the promise of the first charge of secretary of state that
should become vacant. 2 D
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. . . BISHOP FON SECA.
THE singular malevolence displayed by bishop Juan Rodriguez de
Fonseca toward Columbus and his family, and which was one of
the secret and principal causes of their misfortunes, has been fre-
quently noticed in the course of this work. It originated as has
been shown in some dispute between the admiral and Fonseca at
Seville in 1493, on account of the delay in fitting out the armament
for the second voyage, and in regard to the number of domestics to
form the household of the admiral. Fonseca received a letter from
the sovereigns, tacitly reproving him, and ordering him to show all
possible attention to the wishes of Columbus, and to see that he was
treated with honour and deference. Fonseca never forgot this
affront, and, what with him was the same thing, never forgave it.
His spirit appears to have been of that unwholesome kind which
has none of the balm of forgiveness; and in which, a wound once
made, for ever rankles. The hostility thus produced continued with
increasing virulence throughout the life of Columbus, and at his
death was transferred to his son and successor. This persevering
animosity has been illustrated in the course of this work by facts
and observations, cited from authors, some of them contemporary
with Fonseca, but who were apparently restrained by motives of
prudence, from giving full vent to the indignation which they evi-
dently felt. Even at the present day, a Spanish historian would be
cautious of expressing his feelings freely on the subject, lest they
should prejudice his work in the eyes of the ecclesiastical censors
of the press. In this way, bishop Fonseca has in a great measure
escaped the general odium his conduct merited.
This prelate had the chief superintendence of Spanish colonial
affairs, both under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the Emperor Charles
W. He was an active, and intrepid, but selfish, overbearing and
perfidious man. His administration bears no marks of enlarged
and liberal policy; but is full of traits of arrogance and meanness.
He opposed the benevolent attempts of Las Casas to ameliorate the
condition of the Indians, and to obtain the abolition of repartimien-
tos; treating him with personal haughtiness and asperity.” The
reason assigned is that Fonseca was enriching himself by those
* Herrera, D. 2, L. 2, C. 3.
APPENDIX. 339
r-

very abuses, retaining large niºbeñ. of the misérable Indians in :
slavery, to work on his possessigris in the tidº i& º *—
To show that his charactefâas flot been judged withºundue seve- ..
rity, it is expedient to point out his invidious and persectitiºnáuct
towards Hernando Cortes. The bishop, while ready to fośrºtatº-
bling adventurers who came forward under his patronage, had
never the head or the heart to appreciate the merits of illustrious.**
commanders like Columbus and Cortes.
At a time when disputes arose between Cortes and Diego Velaz-
quez, governor of Cuba, and the latter sought to arrest the conqueror
of Mexico in the midst of his brilliant career, Fonseca, with entire
disregard of the merits of the case, took a decided part in favour of
Velazquez. Personal interest was at the bottom of this favour;
for a marriage was negotiating between Velazquez and a sister of
the bishop.” Complaints and misrepresentations had been sent to
Spain by Velazquez of the conduct of Cortes, who was represented
as a lawless and unprincipled adventurer, attempting to usurp abso-
lute authority in New Spain. The true services of Cortes had
already excited admiration at court, but such was the influence of
Fonseca, that, as in the case of Columbus, he succeeded in preju-
dicing the mind of the sovereign against one of the most meritorious
of his subjects. One Christoval de Tapia, a man destitute of talent
or character, but whose greatest recommendation was his having
been in the employ of the bishop, f was invested with powers simi-
lar to those once given to Bobadilla to the prejudice of Columbus.
He was to inquire into the conduct of Cortes, and in case he thought
fit, to seize him, sequestrate his property, and supersede him in
command. Not content with the regular official letters furnished
to Tapia, the bishop, shortly after his departure, sent out Juan Bono
de Quexo with blank letters signed by his own hand, and with
others directed to various persons, charging them to admit Tapia
for governor, and assuring them that the king considered the con-
duct of Cortes as disloyal. Nothing but the sagacity and firmness
of Cortes prevented this measure from completely interrupting, if
not defeating his enterprises; and he afterwards declared, that he
had experienced more trouble and difficulty from the menaces and
affronts of the ministers of the king than it had cost him to conquer
Mexico.f
When the dispute between Cortes and Velazquez came to be
t
ºmmºns
* Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 3, L. 4, C. 3
# Idem, D. 3, L. 1, C. 15.
t Idem, D. 3, L. 4, C. 3.
340 APPENDIX.
decided upon in Spain, in 1522, the father of Cortes, and those who
had come from New Spain as his procurators, obtained permission
from Cardinal Adrian, at that time governor of the realm, to prose-
cute a public accusation of the bishop. A regular investigation took
place before the Council of the Indias of their allegations against its
president. They charged him with having publicly declared Cortes
a traitor and a rebel: with having intercepted and suppressed his
letters addressed to the king, keeping his majesty in ignorance of their
contents and of the important services he had performed, while he
diligently forwarded all letters calculated to promote the interest of
Velazquez: with having prevented the representations of Cortes
from being heard in the Council of the Indias, declaring that they
should never be heard there while he lived: with having interdicted
the forwarding of arms, merchandise and reinforcements to New
Spain: and with having issued orders to the office of the India
House at Seville to arrest the procurators of Cortes and all persons
arriving from him, and to seize and detain all gold that they should
bring. These and various other charges of similar nature were
dispassionately investigated. Enough were substantiated to convict
Fonseca of the most partial, oppressive and perfidious conduct, and
the cardinal consequently forbade him to interfere in the cause be-
tween Cortes and Velazquez, and revoked all the orders which the
bishop had issued, in the matter, to the India House of Seville. In-
deed Salazar, a Spanish historian, says that Fonseca was totally
divested of his authority as president of the council, and of all
control of the affairs of New Spain, and adds that he was so
mortified at the blow, that it brought on a fit of illness, which well
nigh cost him his life.”
The suit between Cortes and Velazquez was referred to a special
tribunal, composed of the Grand Chancellor and other persons of
note, and was decided in 1522. The influence and intrigues of Fon-
seca being no longer of avail, a triumphant verdict was given in
favour of Cortes, which was afterwards confirmed by the Emperor
Charles W. and additional honours awarded him. This was
another blow to the malignant Fonseca, who retained his enmity
against Cortes until his last moment, rendered still more rancorous
by mortification and disappointment.
A charge against Fonseca, of a still darker nature than any of
the preceding, may be found lurking in the pages of Herrera, though
so obscure as to have escaped the notice of succeeding historians.
He points to the Bishop as the instigator of a desperate and per-
* Salazar, Conq. de Mexico, L. 1, C.2.
APPENDIX. 341
fidious man, who conspired against the life of Hernando Cortes.
This was one Antonio de Villafaña, who fomented a conspiracy to
assassinate Cortes, and elect ºf eisco Verdujo, brother-in-law of
Velazquez, in his place. While the conspirators were waiting for an
opportunity to poniard Cortes, one of them relenting, apprised him
of his danger, Willafaña was arrested. He attempted to swallow a
paper containing a list of the conspirators, but being seized by the
throat, a part of it was forced from his mouth containing fourteen
names of persons of importance. Willafaña confessed his guilt, but
tortures could not make him inculpate the persons whose names
were on the list, who he declared were ignorant of the plot. He
was hanged by order of Cortes.”
In the investigation of the disputes between Cortes and Velazquez,
this execution of Villafaña was magnified into a cruel and wanton
act of power; and in their eagerness to criminate Cortes the witness-
es on the part of Alvarez declared that Willafaña had been instiga-
ted to what he had done by letters from bishop Fonsecal (Que se
movió a lo que hizo con cartas del obispo de Burgos.f) It is not
probable that Fonseca had recommended assassination, but it shows
the character of his agents, and what must have been the malignant
nature of his instructions, when these men thought that such an act
would accomplish his wishes.
Fonseca died at Burgos, on the 4th of November, 1524, and was
interred at Coca.
No. XXXIV.
OF THE SITUATION OF THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE.
THE speculations of Columbus on the situation of the terrestrial
paradise, extravagant as they may appear, were such as have occu-
pied many grave and learned Inen. A slight notice of their opinions
on this curious subject may be acceptable to the general reader, and
may take from the apparent wildness of the ideas expressed by Co-
lumbus.
The abode of our first parents, was anciently the subject of anxious
inquiry; and indeed mankind have always been prone to picture
* Herrera, Hist. Ind. D. 3, L. 1. C, 1.
t Idem, D. 3, L. 4, C. 3. * 2 D 2
342. APPENDIX.
some place of perfect felicity, where the imagination, disappointed in
the coarse realities of life, might revel in an elysium of its own
creation. It is an idea not confined to our religion, but is found in
the rude creeds of the most savage nations and it prevailed gene-
rally among the ancients. The speculations concerning the situa-
tion of the garden of Eden, resemble those of the Greeks concerning
the garden of the Hesperides; that region of delight, which they for
ever placed at the most remote verge of the known world, which
their poets embellished with all the charms of fiction, after which
they were continually longing, and which they could never find.
At one time it was in the Grand Oasis of Arabia. The exhausted
travellers, after traversing the parched and sultry desert, hailed this
verdant spot with rapture; they refreshed themselves under its shady
bowers, and beside its cooling streams, as the crew of a tempest-tost
vessel repose on the shores of some green island in the deep; and
from its being thus isolated amidst an ocean of sand, they gave it
the name of the Island of the Blessed. As geographical knowledge
increased, the situation of the Hesperian gardens was continually
removed to a greater distance. It was transferred to the borders of
the great Syrtis, in the neighbourhood of mount Atlas. Here, after
traversing the frightful deserts of Barca, the traveller found himself
in a fair and fertile country, watered by rivulets and gushing foun-
tains. The Oranges and citrons transported hence to Greece, where
they were as yet unknown, delighted the Athenians by their golden
beauty and delicious flavour, and they thought none but the garden
of the Hesperides could produce such glorious fruits. In this way
the happy region of the ancients was transported from place to
place, still in the remote and obscure extremity of the world, until it
was fabled to exist in the Canaries, thence called the Fortunate or
the Hesperean islands. Here it remained, because discovery advanc-
ed no farther, and because these islands were so distant, and so little
known, as to allow full latitude to the fictions of the poet.*
In like manner the situation of the terrestrial paradise, or garden
of Eden, was long a subject of earnest inquiry and curious disputa-
tion, and occupied the laborious attention of the most learned theo-
logians. Some placed it in Palestine or the Holy Land; others in
Mesopotamia, in that rich and beautiful tract of country embraced
by the wanderings of the Tigris and the Euphrates; others in Ar-
menia, in a valley surrounded by precipitous and inaccessible moun-
tains, and imagined that Enoch and Elijah were transported thither,
out of the sight of mortals, to live in a state of terrestrial bliss until the
* Gosselin, Recherches sur la Geog. des Aneiens, T. 1.
APPENDIX. 343
second coming of our Saviour. There were others who gave it
situations widely remote, such as in the Trapoban of the ancients,
at present known as the island of Ceylon; or in the island of Suma-
tra; or in the Fortunate or Canary islands; or in one of the islands of
Sunda; or in some favoured spot under the equinoctial line.
Great difficulty was encountered by these speculators to reconcile
the allotted place with the description given in Genesis of the garden
of Eden; particularly of the great fountain which watered it, and
which afterwards divided itself into four rivers, the Pison or Phison,
the Gihon, the Euphrates, and the Heddekel. Those who were in
favour of the holy land supposed that the Jordan was the great river
which afterwards divided itself into the Phison, Gihon, Tigris and
Euphrates, but that the sands have choked up the ancient beds by
which these streams were supplied; that originally the Phison tra-
versed Arabia. Deserta and Arabia Felix, from whence it pursued its
course to the gulf of Persia; that the Gihon bathed northern- or
stony Arabia and fell into the Arabian gulf or the Red sea; that the
Euphrates and the Tigris passed by Eden to Assyria and Chaldea,
from whence they discharged themselves into the Persian gulf.
By most of the early commentators the river Gihon is supposed
to be the Nile. The source of this river was unknown, but was
evidently far distant from the spots from whence the Tigris and the
Euphrates arose. This difficulty, however, was ingeniously over-
come, by giving it a subterranean course of some hundreds of
leagues from the common fountain, until it issued forth to day-light
in Abyssinia.” In like manner, subterranean courses were given to
the Tigris and the Euphrates, passing under the Red sea, until they
sprang forth in Armenia, as if just issuing from one common source.
So also those who placed the terrestrial paradise in islands, supposed
that the rivers which issued from it, and formed those heretofore
named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water, by its
greater lightness, may float above the salt, or that they flowed
through deep veins and channels of the earth, as the fountain of Are-
thusa was said to sink into the ground in Greece, and rise in the
island of Sicily, while the river Alpheus pursuing it, but with less
perseverance, rose somewhat short of it in the sea.
Some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of
Eden, and altered the whole face of the earth; so that the rivers
had changed their beds, and had taken different directions from
those mentioned in Genesis; others, however, amongst whom was
St. Augustine, in his commentary upon the book of Genesis, main-
* Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, Lib. 7, § II
344 - APPENDIX.
tained that the terrestrial paradise still existed, with its original;
beauty and delights, but that it was inaccessible to mortals, being *
on the summit of a mountain of stupendous height, reaching into
the third region of the air, and approaching the moon; being thus
protected by its elevation from the ravages of the deluge.
By some this mountain was placed under the equinoctial line; or
under that band of the heavens metaphorically called by the an-
cients “the table of the sun,” comprising the space between the
tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed
in his annual course. Here would reign a uniformity of nights
and days and seasons, and the elevation of the mountain would
raise it above the heats and storms of the lower regions. Others
transported the garden beyond the equinoctial line and placed it in
the southern hemisphere; supposing that the torrid zone might be
the flaming sword appointed to defend its entrance against mortals.
They had a fanciful train of argument to support their theory.
They observed that the terrestrial paradise must be in the noblest
and happiest part of the globe; that part must be under the noblest
part of the heavens; as the merits of a place do not so much de-
pend upon the virtues of the earth, as upon the happy influences
of the stars and the favourable and benign aspect of the heavens.
Now, according to philosophers, the world was divided into two
hemispheres. The southern they considered the head, and the
northern the feet, or under part. The right hand the east, from
whence commenced the movement of the primum mobile, and the
left the west, towards which it moved. This supposed, they observed
that it was manifest that as the head of all things, natural and arti-
ficial, is always the best and noblest part, governing the other parts
of the body, so the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be
superior and nobler than either east, or west, or north; and in ac-
cordance with this, they cited the opinion of various philosophers
among the ancients, and more especially that of Ptolemy, that the
stars of the southern hemisphere were larger, more resplendent, more
perfect, and of course of greater virtue and efficacy than those of the
northern: an error universally prevalent until disproved by modern
discovery. Hence they concluded that in this southern hemisphere,
in this head of the earth, under this purer and brighter sky, and
these more potent and benignant stars, was placed the terrestrial
paradise.
Various ideas were entertained as to the magnitude of this blissful
region. As Adam and all his progeny were to have lived there,
* Herodot. L. 3. Wirg. Georg. 1, Pomp. Mela, L. 3, C. 10.
APPENDIX. f 345
had he not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as
death to thin the number of mankind, it was inferred that the terres-
trial paradise must be of great extent to contain them. Some gave
it a size equal to Europe or Africa; others gave it the whole south-
ern hemisphere. St. Augustine supposed that as mankind multiplied,
numbers would be translated without death to heaven; the parents,
perhaps, when their children had arrived at mature age; or portions
of the human race at the end of certain periods, and when the popu-
lation of the terrestrial paradise had attained a certain amount.”
Others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive
innocence, would not have required so much space as at present.
Having no need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would
have been required for pasturage; and the earth not being cursed
with sterility, there would have been no need of extensive tracts of
country to permit of fallow land and the alternation of crops
required in husbandry. The spontaneous and never failing fruits
of the garden would have been abundant for the simple wants of
man. Still, that the human race might not be crowded, but might
have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and the charms of
variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues of cir-
cumference to the garden.
St. Basilius in his eloquent discourse on paradisef expatiates with
rapture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region
of the air, and under the happiest skies. There a pure and never
failing pleasure is furnished to every sense. The eye delights in the
admirable clearness of the atmosphere, in the verdure and beauty
of the trees, and the never-withering bloom of the flowers. The ear
is regaled with the singing of the birds, the smell with the aromatic
odours of the land. In like manner the other senses have each their
peculiar enjoyments. There the vicissitudes of the seasons are
mknown and the climate unites the fruitfulness of summer, the joy-
ful abundance of autumn, and the sweet freshness and quietude of
spring. There the earth is always green, the flowers are ever bloom-
ing, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude and turbid
torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in peace-
ful and silver streams. There no harsh and boisterous winds are
permitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the
groves, there prevails no melancholy or darksome weather, alo
drowning rain, or pelting hail; no forked lightning, or rending and
* St. August. L. 9, C. 6. Sup. Genesis.
# St. Basilius was called the great. His works were read and admired by all
the world, even by Pagans. They are written in an elevated and majestic style,
with great splendour of idea, and vast erudition.
Wol, II, * 23
346 • * APPENDIX. $ º
resounding thunder; no wintry pinching cold, or withering and
panting summer heat; nor any thing else that can give pain or sor-
row or annoyance, but all is bland and gentle and serene; a peppe-
tual youth and joy reigns throughout all nature, and nothing dečays
and dies. * • .
The same idea is given by St. Ambrosius, in his book on Para-
dise,” an author likewise consulted and cited by Columbus. He
wrote in the fourth century, and his touching eloquence, and grace-
ful yet vigorous style, ensured great popularity to his writings.
Many of these opinions are cited by Glanville, usually called Bar-
tholomeus Anglicus, in his work De Proprietatibus Rerum; a
work with which Columbus was evidently acquainted. It was a
species of encyclopedia of the general knowledge current at the
time and was likely to recommend itself to a curious and inquir-
ing voyager. This author cites an assertion as made by St. Basilius
and St. Ambrosius, that the water of the fountain which proceeds
from the garden of Eden falls into a great lake with such a tre-
mendous noise that the inhabitants of the neighbourhood are born
deaf; and that from this lake proceed the four chief rivers men-
tioned in Genesis.f
This passage, however, is not to be found in the Hexameron of
either Basilius or Ambrosius, from which it is quoted; neither is it in
the oration on Paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same
subject written by Ambrosius to Ambrosius Sabinus. It must be a
misquotation by Glanville. Columbus, however, appears to have
been struck with it, and Las Casas is of opinion that he derived
thence his idea that the vast body of fresh water which filled the
gulf of La Ballena or Paria, flowed from the fountain of Paradise,
though from a remote distance; and that in this gulf, which he sup-
posed in the extreme part of Asia, originated the Nile, the Tigris, the
Euphrates, and the Ganges, which might be conducted under the
land and sea by subterranean channels, to the places where they
spring forth on the earth and assume their proper names.
I forbear to enter into various other of the voluminous speculations
which have been formed relative to the terrestrial paradise, and per-
* St. Ambros. Opera. Edit. Coignard. Parisiis. MDCXC.
f Paradisus autem in Oriente, in altissimo monte, de cujus cacumine cadentes
aquae, maximum faciunt lacum, que in suo casutantum faciunt strepitum et fra-
gorem, quodomnesincolae, juxtapraedictum lacum, nascuntur surdi,eximmoderato
sonitu seu fragore sensum auditus in parvulis corrumpente. Ut dicit Basilius in
Herameron, similiter et Ambros. Exillo lacu, velut ex uno fonte, procedunt illa
flumina quatuor, Phison, quiet Ganges, Gyon, quiet Nilus dicitur, et Tigris ac
Euphrates. Bart. Angl. de Proprietatibus rerum, L. 15. C. 112. Francofurti,
$540,
3
APPENDIX. & 347
naps it may be thought that I have already said too much on so fan-
ciful a subject; but to illustrate clearly the character of Columbus,
it is necessary to elucidate those veins of thought passing through
his mind while considering the singular phenomena of the unknown
regions he was exploring, and which are often but slightly and
vaguely developed in his journals and letters. These speculations,
likewise, like those concerning fancied islands in the ocean, carry us
back to the time, and make us feel the mystery and conjectural charm
that reigned over the greatest part of the world, and which have
since been completely dispelled by modern discovery. , Enough has
been cited to show, that, in his observations concerning the terres-
trial paradise, Columbus was not indulging in any fanciful and pre-
sumptuous chimeras, the offspring of a heated and disordered brain.
However visionary his conjectures may seem, they were all ground.
ed on written opinions held little less than oracular in his day; and
they will be found on examination to be far exceeded by the specula-
tions and theories of sages held illustrious for their wisdom and eru-
dition in the school and cloister.
No. XXXV.
WILL OF COLUMBUS.
In the name of the most holy Trinity, who inspired me with the idea,
and afterwards made it perfectly clear to me, that I could navigate
and go to the Indias from Spain, by traversing the ocean westwardly;
which I communicated to the king, Don Ferdinand, and to the
queen, Doña Isabella, our sovereigns; and they were pleased to fur-
nish me the necessary equipment of men and ships, and to make me
their admiral over the said ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an
imaginary line, drawn from pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of
the Cape de Werd and Azore islands; also appointing me their vice-
roy and governor over all continents and islands that I might disco.
ver beyond the said line westwardly; with the right of being suc-
ceeded in the said offices by my eldest son and his heirs for ever; and
a grant of the tenth part of all things found in the said jurisdiction ;
and of all rents and revenues arising from it; and the eighth of all
the lands and every thing else, together with the salary correspond-
ing to my rank of admiral, viceroy, and governor, and all other emo-
luments accruing thereto, as is more fully expressed in the title and
agreement sanctioned by their highnesses.
And it pleased the Lord Almighty, that in the year one thousand
348 APPENDIX.
four hundred and ninety-two, I should discover the continent of
the Indias and many islands, among them. Hispaniola, which the In-
dians call Ayte, and the Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to
Castile to their highnesses, who approved of my undertaking a se-
cond enterprise for farther discoveries and settlements; and the Lord
gave me victory over the island of Hispaniola, which extends six
hundred leagues, and I conquered it and made it tributary; and I
discovered many islands inhabited by cannibals, and seven hundred
to the west of Hispaniola, among which is Jamaica, which we call
Santiago; and three hundred and thirty-three leagues of continent
from south to west, besides a hundred and seven to the north, which
I discovered in my first voyage; together with many islands, as may
more clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and maritime charts.
And as we hope in God that before long a good and great revenue
will be derived from the above islands and continent, of which, for the
reasons aforesaid, belong to me the tenth and the eighth, with the
salaries, and emoluments specified above; and considering that we
are mortal, and that it is proper for every one to settle his affairs, and
to leave declared to his heirs and successors the property he possesses
or may have a right to: Wherefore I have concluded to create an
entailed estate (mayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands,
places, and revenues, in the manner which I now proceed to state.
In the first place, I am to be succeeded by Don Diego, my son,
who in case of death without children is to be succeeded by my other
son Ferdinand; and should God dispose of him also without leaving
children, and without my having any other son, then my brother
Don Bartholomew is to succeed; and after him his eldest son; and
if God should dispose of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by
his sons from one to another for ever; or, in the failure of a son, to
be succeeded by Don Ferdinand, after the same manner, from son
to son, successively; or in their place by my brothers Bartholomew
and Diego. And should it please the Lord that the estate, after hav-
ing continued some time in the line of any of the above successors,
should stand in need of an immediate and lawful male heir, the suc-
cession shall then devolve to the nearest relation, being a man of legi-
timate birth, and bearing the name of Columbus derived from his
father and his ancestors. This entailed estate shall in nowise be
inherited by a woman, except in case that no male is to be found,
either in this or any other quarter of the world, of my real lineage,
whose name, as well as that of his ancestors, shall have always
been Columbus. In such an event, (which may God foreſend,) then
the female of legitimate birth, most nearly related to the preceding
possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it; and this is to be under
the conditions herein stipulatcd at foot, which must be understood te
APPENDIX. 349
extend as well to Don Diego, my son, as to the aforesaid and their
heirs, every one of them, to be fulfilled by them; and failing to do
so they are to be deprived of the succession, for not having complied
with what shall herein be expressed; and the estate to pass to the
person most nearly related to the one who held the right: and the
person thus succeeding shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should
he also fail to comply with said conditions; and another person,
the nearest of my lineage, shall succeed, provided he abide by them,
so that they may be observed for ever in the form prescribed. This
forfeiture is not to be incurred for trifling matters, originating in
lawsuits, but in important cases, when the glory of God, or my own,
or that of my family, may be concerned, which supposes a perfect
fulfilment of all the things hereby ordained; all which I recommend
to the courts of justice. And I supplicate his Holiness, who now is,
and those that may succeed in the holy church, that if it should hap-
pen that this my will and testament has need of his holy order and
command for its fulfilment, that such order be issued in virtue of obe-
dience, and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not
be in any wise disfigured. And I also pray the king and queen,
our sovereigns, and their eldest born, Prince Don Juan, our lord, and
their successors, for the sake of the services I have done them, and
because it is just, that it may please them not to permit this my will
and constitution of my entailed estate to be any way altered, but to
leave it in the form and manner which I have ordained, for ever, for
the greater glory of the Almighty, and that it may be the root and
basis of my lineage, and a memento of the services I have rendered
their highnesses; that, being born in Genoa, I came over to serve
them in Castile, and discovered, to the west of Terra Firma, the In-
dias and islands before mentioned. I accordingly pray their high-
messes to order that this my privilege and testament be held valid,
and be executed summarily and without any opposition or demur,
according to the letter. I also pray the grandees of the realm, and
the lords of the council, and all others having administration of
justice, to be pleased not to suffer this my will and testament to be
of no avail, but to cause it to be fulfilled as by me ordained; it being
just that a noble, who has served the king and queen, and the king-
dom, should be respected in the disposition of his estate by will, tes-
tament, institution of entail or inheritance, and that the same be not
infringed in whole or in part.
In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all my successors and
descendants, as well as my brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall
bear my arms, such as I shall leave them after my days, without
inserting any thing else in them; and they shall be their seal to seal
withal. Don Diego my son, or any other who my gherit this
350 APPENDIX.
estate, on coming into possession of the inheritance, shall sign with
the signature which I now make use of, which is an X with an S
over it, and an M with a Roman A over it, and over that an S, and
then a Greek Y, with an Sover it, with its lines and points as is
my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of which there are
many, and it will be seen by the present one.
He shall only write “the Admiral,” whatever other titles the king
may have conferred on him. This is to be understood as respects
his signature, but not the enumeration of his titles, which he can
make at full length if agreeable, only the signature is to be “the
Admiral.”
The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall
possess my offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of
an imaginary line, which his highness ordered to be drawn, running
from pole to pole a hundred leagues beyond the Azores, and as many
more beyond the Cape de Werd islands, over all which I was made,
by their order, their admiral of the sea, with all the pre-eminences
held by Don Henrique in the admiralty of Castile, and they made
me their governor and viceroy perpetually and for ever, over all the
islands and mainland discovered, or to be discovered, for myself
and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty and privilege as
above mentioned.
Item: The said Don Dieg or any other inheritor of this estate,
shall distribute the revenue w h it may please our lord to grant
him, in the following manner, u • *r the above penalty.
First—Of the whole income this estate, now and at all times,
and of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the
fourth part annually to my brother Don Bartholomew Columbus,
Adelantado of the Indias; and this is to continue till he shall have
acquired an income of a million of maravadises, for his support, and
for the services he has rendered and will continue to render to this
entailed estate; which million he is to receive, as stated, every year,
if the said fourth amount to so much, and that he have nothing else;
but if he possess a part or the whole of that amount in rents, that
thenceforth he shall not enjoy the said million, nor any part of it,
except that he shall have in the said fourth part unto the said quan-
tity of a million, if it should amount to so much; and as much as
he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, whatever sum of
maravadises of known rent from property or perpetual offices, the said
quantity of rent and revenue from property or offices shall be discount-
ed; and from the said million shall be reserved whatever marriage
portion he may receive with any female he may espouse; so that
whatever he may receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction
shall be made on that account from said million, but only for what-
APPENDIX. 351
ever he may acquire, or may have, over and above his wife's dowry:
and when it shall please God that he or his heirs and descendants
shall derive from their property and offices a revenue of a million
arising from rents, neither he nor his heirs shall enjoy any longer
any thing from the said fourth part of the entailed estate, which
shall remain with Don Diego, or whoever may inherit it.
Item : From the revenues of the said estate, or from any other
fourth part of it, (should its amount be adequate to it, shall be paid
every year to my son Ferdinand two millions, till such time as his
revenue shall amount to two millions, in the same form and manner
as in the case of Bartholomew, who as well as his heirs are to have
the million or the part that may be wanting.
Item: The said Don Diego or Don Bartholomew shall make, out
of the said estate, for my brother Diego, such provision as may ena-
ble him to live decently, as he is my brother, to whom I assign no
particular sum as he has attached himself to the church, and that
will be given him which is right: and this to be given him in a
mass, and before any thing shall have been received by Ferdinand
my son, or Bartholomew my brother, or their heirs, and also accord-
ing to the amount of the income of the estate. And in case of dis-
cord, the case is to be referred to two of our relations, or other men
of honour; and should they disagree among themselves, they will
choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not distrusted
by either party.
Item: All this revenue which I bequeath to Bartholomew, to Fer-
dinand, and to Diego, shall be delivered to and received by them as
prescribed under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to Diego
my son, or his heirs, they as well as their children: and should it
appear that they, or any of them, had proceeded against him in any
thing touching his honour, or the prosperity of the family, or of the
estate, either in word or deed, whereby might come a scandal and
debasement to my family, and a detriment to my estate, in that
case, nothing farther shall be given to them or him, from that time
forward, inasmuch as they are always to be faithful to Diego and to
his successors.
Item: As it was my intention, when I first instituted this entailed
estate, to dispose, or that my son Diego should dispose for me, of
the tenth part of the income in favour of necessitous persons, as a
tythe, and in commemoration of the Almighty and Eternal God:
and persisting still in this opinion, and hoping that his High Majesty
will assist me, and those who may inherit it in this or the new
world, I have resolved that the said tythe shall be paid in the man-
ner following:
First: It is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of
352 APPENDIX,
the estate which I have ordained and directed to be given to Dou
Bartholomew, till he have an income of one million, includes the
tenth of the whole revenue of the estate; and that as in proportion as
the income of my brother Don Bartholomew shall increase, as it has
to be discounted from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed
estate, that the said revenue shall be calculated, to know how much
the tenth part amounts to ; and the part which exceeds what is ne-
cessary to make up the million for Don Bartholomew shall be re-
ceived by such of my family as may most stand in need of it, dis-
counting it from said tenth, if their income do not amount to fifty
thousand maravadises; and should any of those come to have an
income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two
persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with Don
Diego, or his heirs. Thus, it is to be understood that the million
which I leave to Don Bartholomew comprehends the tenth of the
whole revenue of the estate; which revenue is to be distributed
among my nearest and most needy relations in the manner I have
directed: and when Don Bartholomew have an income of one mil-
lion, and that nothing more shall be due to him on account of said
fourth part, then, Don Diego my son, or the person who may be in
possession of the estate, along with two other persons which I shall
herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct that the
tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the most necessi-
tous members of my family that may be found in this or any other
quarter of the world, who shall diligently be sought out; and they
are to be paid out of the fourth part from which Don Bartholomew
is to derive his million; which sums are to be taken into account,
and deducted from the said tenth, which, should it amount to more,
the overplus, as it arises from the fourth part, shall be given to the
most necessitous persons as aforesaid; and should it not be suffi-
cient, that Don Bartholomew shall have it until his own estate goes
on increasing, leaving the said million in part or in the whole.
Item : The said Don Diego my son, or whoever may be the in-
heritor, shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and
most nearly related to the family, who are to examine the revenue
and its amount carefully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out
of the fourth from which Don Bartholomew is to receive his million,
to the most necessitated members of my family that may be found
here or elsewhere, whom they shall look for diligently upon their
consciences; and as it might happen that said Don Diego, or others
after him, for reasons which may concern their own welfare, or the
credit and support of the estate, may be unwilling to make known
the full amount of the income; nevertheless I charge him, on his
conscience, to pay the sum aforesaid; and F charge them, on their
APPENDIX. 353
souls and consciences, not to denounce or make it known, except
with the consent of Don Diego, or the person that may succeed
him; but let the above tythe be paid in the manner I have directed.
Item : In order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two near-
est relations who are to act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby
elect Don Bartholomew my brother for one, and Don Fernando my
son for the other; and when these two shall enter upon the business,
they shall choose two other persons among the most trusty, and most
nearly related, and these again shall'elect two others when it shall
be question of commencing the examination; and thus it shall be
managed with diligence from one to the other, as well in this as in
the other of government, for the service and glory of God, and the
benefit of the said entailed estate.
Item: I also enjoin Diego, or any one that may inherit the estate,
to have and maintain in the city of Genoa, one person of our lineage
to reside there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to
enable him to live decently, as a person closely connected with the
family, of which he is to be the root and basis in that city; from
which great good may accrue to him, inasmuch as I was born there,
and came from thence. $
Item : The said Don Diego, or whoever shall inherit the estate,
must remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may
be able to save out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases
to be made in his name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the Bank
of St. George, which gives an interest of six per cent. and is secure
money; and this shall be devoted to the purpose I am about to
explain.
Item : As it becomes every man of rank and property to serve God,
either personally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys depo-
sited with St. George are quite safe, and Genoa is a noble city, and
powerful by sea, and as at the time that I undertook to set out upon
the discovery of the Indias, it was with the intention of supplicating
the king and queen, our lords, that whatever moneys should be deriv-
ed from the said Indias, should be invested in the conquest of Jerusa-
lem; and as I did so supplicate them; if they do this, it will be well;
if not, at all events, the said Diego, or such person as may succeed
him in this trust, to collect together all the money he can, and ac-
company the king our lord, should he go to the conquest of Jerusa-
lem, or else go there himself with all the force he can command; and
in pursuing this intention, it will please the Lord to assist towards
the accomplishment of the plan; and should he not be able to effect
the conquest of the whole, no doubt he will achieve it in part. Let
him therefore collect and make a fund of all his wealth in St. George
of Genoa, and let it multiply there till such time as it may appear to
2 E 2
f : gº mrº,
“r. ** , *
354 , , APPENDIX. ,- * gº
him that something of consequence may be effected as respects the
project on Jerusalem; for I believe that when their highfiesses shall
sée that this is contemplated, they will wish to realize it themselves,
or will afford him, as their servant and vassal, the means of doing it
for them. § &
Item : I charge my son Diego and my descendants, especially
whoever may inherit this estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the
tenth of whatsoever may be had or found in the Indias, and the eighth
part of the lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and
emoluments as admiral, viceroy and governor, amount to more than
twenty-five per cent; I say, that I require of him to employ all this
revenue, as well as his person and all the means in his power, in well
and faithfully serving and supporting their highnesses, or their suc-
cessors, even to the loss of life and property; since it was their high-
nesses, next to God, who first gave me the means of getting and
achieving this property, although it is true, I came over to these
realms to invite them to the enterprise, and that a long time elapsed
before any provision was made for carrying it into execution; which,
however, is not surprising, as this was an undertaking of which all
the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in it; wherefore I
am by so much the more indebted to them, as well as because they
have since also much favoured and promoted me.
Item: I also require of Diego, or whomsoever may be in possession
of the estate, that in the case of any schism taking place in the
church of God, or that any person of whatever class or condition
should attempt to despoil it of its property and honours, they hasten
to offer at the feet of his holiness, that is, if they are not heretics
(which God forbid!) their persons, power and wealth, for the purpose
of suppressing such schism, and preventing any spoliation of the
honour and property of the church.
Item: I command the said Diego, or whoever may possess the
said estate, to labour and strive for the honour, welfare and aggran-
dizement of the city of Genoa, and to make use of all his power and
means in defending and enhancing the good and credit of that repub-
lic, in all things not contrary to the service of the church of God, or
the high dignity of the king and queen, our lords, and their successors.
Item: the said Diego, or whoever may possess or succeed to the
estate, out of the fourth part of the whole revenue, from which, as
aforesaid, is to be taken the tenth, when Don Bartholomew or his
heirs shall have saved the two millions, or part of them, and when
the time shall come of making a distribution among our relations,
shall apply and invest the said tenth in providing marriages for such
daughters of our lineage as may require it, and in doing all the good
in their power.
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Item: When a suitable time shall arrive, #:ãhall order.ashürch
to be built in the island of Hispanioſºpamid in the most cºnient
spot, to be called Santa Maria de la Conception; to which is to be
annexed an hospital, upon the best possible plan; like those of Italy"
and Castile, and a chapel be erected to say mass in for the good of
my soul, and those of my ancestors and successors with great devo-
tion, since no doubt it will please the Lord to give us a sufficient
revenue for this and the aforemenſioned purposes. -
Item : I also order Diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit
after him, to sparé no pains in having and maintaining in the island
of Hispaniola, four good professors of theology, to the end and aim
of their studying and labouring to convert to our holy faith the inha-
bitants of the Indias; and in proportion as, by God’s will, the reve-
nue of the estate shall increase, in the same degree shall the number
of teachers and devout persons increase, who are to strive to make
Christians of the natives; in attaining which no expense should be
thought too great. And in commemoration of all that I hereby or-
dain, and of the foregoing, a monument of marble shall be erected in
the said church of la Concepcion, in the most conspicuous place, to
serve as a record of what I here enjoin on the said Diego, as well as
to other persons who may look upon it; which marble shall contain
an inscription to the same effect.
Item : I also require of Diego my son, and whomsoever may suc-
ceed him in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses,
he first show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying
him to read it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting
its fulfilment: from which will redound great good and happiness to
his soul.
S.
S. A. S.
X. M. Y.
EL ALMIRANTE.
=
No. XXXVI.
SIGNATURE OF COLUMBUS.
As every thing respecting Columbus is full of interest, his signature
has been a matter of some discussion. It partook of the pedantic
and bigoted character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar cha-
racter of the man, who, considering himself mysteriously elected
356 APPENDIX.
and set apart from among men for certain great purposes, adopted a
correspondent formality and solemnity in all his concerns. His sig-
nature was as follows:
S.
S. A. S.
X M. Y.
XPO FERENS.
The first half of the signature, XPO, (for CHRISTO) is in Greek
letters; the second, FERENS, is in Latin. Such was the usage
of those days; and even at present both Greek and Roman letters
are used in signatures and inscriptions in Spain.
The ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to repre-
sent a pious ejaculation. To read them one must begin with the
lower letters, and connect them with those above. Signor Gio. Ba-
tista Spotorno conjectures them to mean either Xristus (Christus)
Sancta Maria Yosephus, or, Salve me, Xristus, Maria, Yosephus.
The North American Review, for April, 1827, suggests the substi-
tution of Jesus for Josephus, but the suggestion of Spotorno is most
probably correct, as a common Spanish ejaculation is “Jesus Maria
y José.” ^,
It was an ancient usage in Spain, and it has not entirely gone by,
to accompany the signature with some words of religious purport.
One object of this practice was to show the writer to be a Christian.
This was of some importance in a country in which Jews and Ma-
hometans were proscribed and persecuted.
Don Fernando, son to Columbus, says that his father, when he
took his pen in hand, usually commenced by writing “Jesus cum
Maria sit nobis in via ;” and the book which the admiral prepared
and sent to the sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he con-
sidered as referring to his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy
sepulchre, begins with the same words. The practice is akin to that
of placing the initials of pious words above his signature, and gives
great probability to the mode in which they have been deciphered.
$
THE END.
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