B 364412 DUPL UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN AIOURRIS PENINSULAMAMCE با ما بار از کیا ا ا ا ر LIM : 26 .. This Borck Ind at Thelfees felis 54 49 g 6/ Broodlift 770 & £ 1 - 2 ola (Juke 1 Works 2052 1817 PowRHOUD SCIENTIA ARTES VERITAS LIBRARY OF THE AWWIJA STRUAIDAS POR TUEBOR CIRCUMSPICE . **:::: tuli NINI SILNIU. ||||||||||||||||Irri 1 ! (0) IBapVanto Pime1732. James Ranire del et fc. 1797 The Henerabil William Murray Publifhed as the Act directs, June 1:"1797 by l.Elmsley Strand THE S L I F E OF WILLIAM LATE LATE EARL OF M A N S F I EL D. ) I BY JOHN HOLLIDAY, or LINCOLN'S ÍNN, Esquire, F. R. S. SIND BARRISTER AT LAW. LONDON: PRINTED FOR P. ELMSLY AND D. BREMNER, T. CADELL, JUNIOR, AND W. DAVIES, (SUCCESSORS TO MR. CADELL,) IN THE STRAND; T. PAYNE, CASTLE STREET, LEICESTER FIELDS;, W. CLARKE AND SON, PORTUGAL STREET, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS; J. COOKE, AT OXFORD; AND J. DEIGHTON, AT CAMBRIDGE. 1797. } . TO THE RIGHT REVEREND THE LORD BISHOP OF WORC E S T E R. + My LORD, The great veneration, with which many Barriſters and Students of the honorable Society of Lin- coln's Inn, in days of yore; idolized the late Lord: Chief Juſtice Mansfied, may be more eaſily conceived than adequately expreſſed. I beg permiffion, my Lord, to add, without a breath of adulation, that; to clothe the expreſſions, the" pure effufions of gratitude, with proper language, bearing any affinity to your own elegant ſtyle, a ſtyle whi men of letters will revere as long as claſſical purity, energetic dia- logue, and poliſhed diction, are valuable in the Engliſh language, appears a work of inſuperable difficulty. Happy would it have been for an enlightened' age; if your. Lordſhip’s bodily health had to the preſent period kept pace with the vigor of your mind if your other avocations would have permitted, what? your. inclination would not fail to prompt--the pay-- ment of a juſt tribute to the memory of. a. zealous; patron ir DEDICA TI O N. patron, and a ſincere friend--an office, which, from a chain of circumſtances, devolves on one, who, however ambitious he may be from motives of gratitude, reſpect, and veneration, feels himſelf very unequal to the taſk of bending the bow of Ulydes, and of performing ſo difficult a ſervice. Conſcious, as I am, how diffimilar this plain addreſs to your Lordſhip muſt be to modern adulation, too prevalent in Dedications to illuſtrious Patrons; I am likewiſe con- fcious, that my having faid ſo little, on the ſubject of your Lordſhip's pre-eminent abilities, is the beſt recommenda- tion of any apology I can poſſibly make for embracing this fair occaſion of declaring to the world, that I am likewiſe indebted, greatly indebted to your Lordſhip, : for repeated inſtances of kind attention ; that nothing leſs than your great delicacy could ſtifle my moſt grateful ac- knowledgements, and compel me briefly to add, that I Thave the honor to be, My LORD, Your Lordſhip’s moſt obedient and moſt obliged humble Servant, LINCOLN's Inn, June 16, 1797. JOHN HOLLIDAY. (v) P R E F A CE. . 7. CANDOR will readily confeſs, that the concurrent teſtimony of all ages exhibits a warm panegyric on Biography: its leading : feature is to captivate and inſtruct mankind by examples. taken- from the ſchool of life. When the lives of great and eminent men are faithfully recorded and tranſmitted down to pofterity, they raiſe a praiſe-worthy emulation among mankind, to anſwer the ſeveral claims which parents, friends, and country, have upon every candidate for fair fame : hence a laudable ambition prompts every individual to lay the foundation of a reaſonable hope, that he may one day either diſtinguiſh himſelf in one of the liberal profeſſions, or may otherwiſe become an uſeful mem- ber of, and an ornament to, fociety. Among. antient writers Tacitus gives his readers this conciſe yet juſt deſcription of the antiquity and real uſe of biography. - To record the lives and characters of illuſtrious men was the practice of the Roman authors, in the early periods of the re- public. content “ Clarorum virorum faéta, moreſque tradere antiquitus ufitatum." Julii Agricola Vita.. Ini . b. vi P R E F A C E. i . 99 In modern times, that great fun of eloquence, lord Chatham, who pervaded and illuminated the Britiſh fenate with unuſual fplendor, is thus emphatically deſcribed by the diſcerning Au- thör * of Anecdotes of ſome diſtinguiſhed Perſons, chiefly of the preſent and two preceding centuries. “ Lord Chatham ſeems to have been one of thoſe ſuperior ſpi- rits who, in mercy to mankind, are permitted occaſionally to viſit the lower world, to revive or create nations, and to decide the fate of empire. “ This great luminary once declared in the Houſe of Com- mons, that no book had ever been peruſed by him with equal inſtruction with the Lives of Plutarch." Any addition to theſe ſuffrages would probably, by men of eru- dition, be conſidered as a motly groupe of figures in a fine picture, equally unneceſſary and improper, a mere waſte of time. Whether we conſider the great natural endowments of lord Mansfield, the extent of his mental powers; the times of uncom mon trial and danger in which he lived, the very long and vigo- rous life which he employed in the adṁiniſtration of juſtice : Whether we contemplate his unwearied efforts to render plain and perſpicuous, and to improve the laws relating to commerce, to modify and adapt the various rules he had himſelf eſta- bliſhed reſpecting policies of inſurance, and to make them from time to time competent to, and commenſurate with, the flouriſh- ing ſtate of commerce in this country : Theſe conſiderations collectively point out' a' fáir ſubject" för uſeful diſcuſſion; and theſe conſiderations, among others which will be brought forward in the courſe of the work, as occaſion may offer, will exhibit the life of the earl of Mansfield in the moſt advantageous point of view. * William Seward, Eſquire, F. R. S. 5 The PREFACE. vii : The author of theſe ſheets has, during four revolving years, been in expectation of ſome abler pen attempting the delineation of ſo exalted a character ; and he can truly fay, that it would have afforded him infinite pleaſure to have had a fair opportu- nity of reſigning his materials to any gentleman deſirous of fig- nalizing himſelf in the annals of biography, and of twining round his brow a wreath of no' ſmall eſtimation. He would thereby have enjoyed complete ſatisfaction, in being able to con- tribute to the utility, the improvement, and greater perfection of a work of this nature. So early as in the year 1756 was he captivated and enamoured with the eloquence of Mr. Murray, on his taking leave of the honorable ſociety of Lincoln's Inn. The ſtudious. reader is re- queſted to form his own judgement, whether this early admira- tion of ſuch unrivalled abilities was likely to be effaced, or in any degree diminiſhed, by pleaſing and unremitted attention to Mr. Murray's riſing fame, and by the unerring teſtimony of al- moſt forty years experience. Impelled by a lively ſenſe of gratitude for the ſignal favor of having been, early in life, patronized by the noble earl, and on many important occaſions afterwards countenanced, and treated with great partiality, he is irreſiſtibly prompted, however une. qual to the taſk, to engage in the arduous work, and to pledge : himſelf to the candid reader, that whatever errors may, and too many unavoidably will, creep into a work of this extenſive nature, replete with references, none of them ſhall be intentionale- Some account of the texture of this work and of the mate. rials collected, collated, and preſented to the public eye, may, in a prefatory diſcourſe, be acceptable to the reader; for he will be miſled, and his time will, in a great degree, be mifpent, who expects to find in theſe ſheets the life of the earl of Mansfield in his ſituation of a ſtateſman. The writer freely confeffes, and has a pride in the confeſſion, that his views are confined to a delinea- tion: 1 b. in viii PREFACE. 66 who can tion of the noble earl's character in his judicial capacity and in private life, in both of which he pre-eminently excelled, ſince envy herſelf inuſt allow, that fewer weeds were never found on ſo great an expanſe of vigorous cultivation. The political life of this great man will it is reaſonable to in- dulge the hope) at ſome future period, be portrayed with greater juſtice to the character of a dignified ſtateſman, by the learned compilers of the Biographica Britannica, than it can be by any private individual, one only excepted. Yes, there is one very learned and venerable friend of lord Mansfield, ſpeak of his conduct in the Houſe of Lords with the more con- fidence, becauſe he ſpeaks from his own obſervation ;" and is there a man of ſcience, who will not readily admit that this diſ- tinguiſhed prelate ſtands not in need of any co-adjutor? That he is ipfe agmen ; and that under all the combined and favorable cir- cumſtances of gratitude, friendſhip, affection, and great literary abilities, he could embalm the memory of a deceaſed friend with aromatics of the choiceſt fort. The only hope which an humble individual is ambitious to cheriſh is, that his account of the life of a great lawyer, may be more uſeful to the profeſſion of the law, and more acceptable to the public, in proportion to the detail of the noble earl's emi- nence in the law, rather than of his influence in the ſtate. It will in this place probably be expected, that ſome reaſon ſhould be aſſigned for the diſtribution of the ſpeeches in the fol- lowing work, into the order of time in which they were delivered. In this, the great Le Clerc, and the learned Dr. Jortin were his models, who, in the Life of Eraſmus, have introduced the letters of that wonderful man, in regular ſucceſſion, ſo as to give this pleaſing proof, that no one year of his ſtudious life was de- voted to indolence or inaction. But this is not all! The ſpeeches of lord Mansfield have no connection with, or depend- ance on, each other ; and therefore any reverſal of the order of time appeared to be equally unnatural and unneceſſary. But PREFA C'E. ix t But in this place; may it not reaſonably be aſked what fá. vorable and happy opportunities has the writer of theſe ſheets enjoyed, above others, of poſſeſſing materials for conſtructing ſo great a work? However delicate the ſubject may be, He begs leave to enable the candid reader to form a juſti judgement of his re- fources; flowing from ſeveral diſtinct and friendly channels of information. An original letter, in 1735, introduced in the early part of this work, fell into his hands, as one of the executors of the late Mr. Booth, a gentleman of great eminence in his profeſſion, and a.contemporary with Mr. Murray. In this letter he found the emanations of a friendly heart; and could not reconcile to: himſelf the propriety of claſſing it, on the one hand,, among papers unintereſting to the public, or of keeping it in ſecret, on the other. In fine, it was reſtored to lor:d Mansfield at the dif- tance of near half a century, who, after having permitted, the company then preſent to read it, was pleaſed with great polite- neſs (and poſſibly with fome deſign) to deſire that it might be reſtored to the ſame perfon from whom it came, adding that.it could not be in better hands: The late lord ehief baron Parker firſt communicated to lord Mansfield a clauſe in Mr. Booth’s will, whereby he left all his Manuſcripts to the author of theſe ſheets'; when the lord chief juſtice. was pleaſed to ſay, “ he was extremely głaď to hear they were in ſuch hands, ſince few people knew ſo well as himſelf the value of theſe manuſcripts.' In addition to the great aſſiſtance thus derived from one con- temporary of Mr. Murray, the author has had the honor of re- ceiving ſome valuable communications from the learned Sir James Marriot, judge of the court of admiralty, who was in the habits of friendſhip and great intimacy with lord Mansfield. To Francis Wheeler, Eſq. of Whitton near Coventry, who well deſerves, and is probably now. intitled to the venerable diſtinction b 3. 1 1 x PREF A. C:E. A diſtinction of Father of the Bar, and who was alſo contem- porary with: Mr. Murray; he is alſo indebted. for liberal and friendly communications, ab Some intereſting anecdotes.of lord MANSFIEĽD -Have been put into: the aụthor's hands by Dr. Turton, in the moſt friendly manner... To George Brooks, Eſq. banker irr Chancery-lane, and late high ſheriff of the county of Bedford, the author's grateful thanks are due for the firſt portrait which was ever drawn of the hono- rable Mr. Murray, from which the engraving in the Front of this Work has been made.. The debt of gratitude is alſo very great to William Seward, Eſq. F. R. S. who in addition to his permiſſion, to uſe any of the few yet correct materials which he had previouſly given to the public, has tranſmitted ſome choice obſervations, of which the author of theſe ſheets is not a little proud. To Dr. Combe (whoſe elegant and erudite edition of Horace, infcribed to the earl' of Mansfield, has proved that works of lite-- rature may flouriſh under the auſpices of a liberal profeffion) tha author's beſt acknowledgements are juſtly due. To have ſaid fo little by way of information or advice to the courteous reader, ſeems-tó require an apology. The author will endeavour to make the beſt atonement in his power for the omiſſion. To thoſe, who, in reading the life of a great man, have only amuſement in view, he has no adviſe to offer, no rules for their recreation to lay down. But to the Tyros at the bar, and the ſtudents looking up to it, he begs permiſſion to recom- mend, that after a curſory view of the whole, they will re- fpectively be pleaſed to impoſe ſomething like a talk on them. ſelves, of, not only reading, but of ſeriouſly ſtudying, one of the three chapters or diviſions of this work, in one or other of the legal. часа- 5 PREFACE. xi ! 3 vacations in the year; with a view to diſcover cloſe analytical reaſoning, adorned with an happy facility of expreſſion, clear conceptions, and juſt concluſions, which will not fail amply to recompence the attention they ſhall give to the ſpeeches which flowed from the tongue of the Britiſ Tully. If, by patience and perſeverance the great ſupporters of ſtudious minds, that, which at the firſt bluſh may be ſomewhat irkſome and laborious, ſhould wear a more pleaſing aſpect, and even become a favorite ſtudy, the author's labors in their ſervice will not have been in vain : ſince by emulating the irreſiſtible eloquence of a Pericles, they will probably riſe above mediocrity, and diſdain to creep with Timæus. To apologize for this prefatory diſcourſe, which has imper- ceptibly ſwelled to length, which the author little thought of at the opening, would only increaſe the impropriety of detaining the curious reader in the anti-chamber any longer. ? THE (I) + Τ Η Ε ! L I F E OF } WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 1 ..CH A P. I. + THE HE Honorable WILLIAM MURRAY, afterwards earl of , Mansfield, was a younger ſon and the eleventh child of David viſcount Stormont, who was the fifth viſcount of the noble and illuſtrious family of Murray. Sir William Murray of Tallibard, in the ſhire of Perth, by Catharine his wife, daughter of Andrew Lord Gray, had four fons; and Sir Andrew Murray, the third ſon, was the proge- nitor of viſcount Stormont, the father of lord Mansfield. On the ad of March, 1705, according to the computation of time in Scotland, but in 1704 according to the legal compu- tation of time in England, William, the fourth ſon of lord Stormont, was born at Perth in North Britain. About the tender age of three years, he was removed to, and educated in, London; and conſequently he had not, when an infant, imbibed any peculiarity of dialect, which could tend to decide that Perth had a fairer claim than Bath to the honor of B. his 1 2 THE LIFE OF his birth. The year of his admiſſion, as a king's fcholar at Weſt- minſter, appears to be 1719. When he was a Weſtminſter ſcholar, lady Kinnoul, in one of the vacations, invited him to her home, where, obſerving him with a pen in his hand, and ſeemingly thoughtful, ſhe aſked him if he was writing his theme, and what in plain Engliſh the theme was. The ſchool-boy's ſmart anſwer rather ſurprized her ladyſhip, “ What is that to you !” She replied, “How can you be ſo rude ? I aſked you very civilly a plain queſtion; and did not expect from a ſchool-boy ſuch a pert anſwer.” The reply · was, Indeed, my lady, I can only anſwer once more, What is that to you !” In reality the theme was-QUID AD TE—pertinet ? Whether the affinity in Scotch enunciation between Perth and Bath, or whether the inſtructions fent with the honorable Mr. Murray for matriculation at Oxford were not written in a fair hand, the miſtake of Bath for Perth was actually made; and, however ſingular it may appear, candor muſt allow, that ſuch a miſtake might eaſily happen. Be that as it may, the entry of his admiſſion as a ſtudent of Chriſt-church, Oxford, of which a correct copy is ſubjoined, is contrary to the real fact, reſpecting the place of his birth. Trin. Term. 1723, June 18. Æd. Xti. Gul. Murray 18. David f. Civ. Bath. C. Som. V. Com. fil. T. WENMAN, C. A. Sir William Blackſtone is ſaid to have mentioned this curious circumſtance to the Lord Chief Juſtice of the King's Bench, while he had the honor to fit with him in that Court; when lord Mansfield anſwered, “ that poſſibly the broad pronunciation of the perſon, who gave in the deſcription, was the origin of the miſtake." Biſhop Newton, who was one of his cotemporaries at Weſt- minſter, bears this honorable teſtimony to his ſchool-fellows early fame. During >> u WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 3. During the time of his being at ſchool, he gave early proofs of his uncommon abilities, not ſo much in his poetry, as in his other exerciſes, and particularly in his declamations, which were ſure tokens and prognoſtics of that eloquence which grew up to ſuch maturity and perfection at the bar, and in both houſes of parliament *. At the election in May, 1723, when he was in the 19th year of his age, he had the honor of ſtanding firſt on the liſt of thoſe gentlemen who were ſent to Oxford, and was accordingly en- tered of Chriſt's Church on the 18th of June following. About four years afterwards, he was admitted to the degree of B. A.; and on the death of George the Firſt, the following elegant Latin verſes written by Mr. Murray, as one of the mem- bers of the Univerſity, were honored with the firſt prize ; and will probably be convincing to every claſſical reader, that the great declaimer, or the younger Tully at Weſtminſter, had either courted the Muſes with uncommon ſucceſs at Oxford, or that the learned Prelate has depreciated the worth of Mr. Murray's Latin poetry +. - Quo percuſſiſti Britonas conjunctaque regna Ictu, Fati enfis ! trepidant ipfa atria regum Ingentemque ſtupet mærens Europa ruinam. Georgius occubuit Rheni pacator et Iſtri : Et dubitamus adhuc animam accumulare fupremnis Egregiam donis ? quondam decus omne Britannis Spargite flore pio cineres, oleæque Minerva Inventrix, et Phoebe pater, cui laurea cura! Hic Juvenis laurum fovit, longævus olivam: Diique deæque omnes ! ſtudium queis pace juvare * See Biſhop Newton's Life, page 21. † Other poliſhed verſes by the ſame elegant pen of Mr. Murray, in praiſe of Blenheim, may be found in that uſeful repoſitory the European Magazine, for the month of April, 1793. Mortales, B2 4 THE LIFE OF Mortales, vigiles hic cuſtodite favillam Illuſtrem, famamque viri ſervate perennem! Numine ſi veſtro.centum conftrinxit aënis Bellona, horribilem nodis; terræque furenti Impoſui pacis morem ; ftetit aſper in armis Germanus, fremuit jactantior ore minanti Hiſpanus: metuere tamen concurrere bello, E latebris tandem excitum tremuere leonem. Solvite corda metu; fpem fi mittatis avaram, Fodera ſervetis; vindicta major et ira Auguſti vobis pietas tutela ; triumphum Abnuit, Europæ damnis, vitiſque ſuorum Staturum : nec vincendi tam dira libido. O virtus ! O cana fides! quis fundere laudes Pro meritis ejus pofſit, qui dulcia, dictis, Non armis, gratæ peperit folatia pacis Gentis innumeris: renuens fuperare jacentem, Ipſa tenuerat quem faina nominis hoſtem? Ofi patronum viduata valeret ademptum, Orphæis urgere modis Rhedycina ! fepulchrum Attollens inſigne lyra, decoraret amati Principis illuſtres manes, gratoque labori Incumbens, mæſtum fic ſolaretur amorem. Tu tamen interea, quondam ſpes altera gentis Nunc decus et columen, populo plaudente, Brittanno Succedis Solio ordinibus difcordia ceffit In te diverſis, patriæ vox una ſalutat. . Hos inter plauſus procerum plebiſque benigno Accipas Rex ore, vovet tibi terga togata, Quæ, ftudiofa cohors operum! pars parva tuorum Non ingrata tamen ; quoniam nec amantior ipfa Eft Carolina tui, licet illi pronuba Juno Et Venus æterna vinxerunt pectora flamma. ; GUL. MURRAY, A. B. Honoratiff. Vicecom. de Stormont Fil. Ædis Chrifti Alumnus." His i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 5 His oration in praiſe of Demoſthenes preſented another early preſage of his riſing fame; a valuable fragment of which, having been preſerved, is here fubjoined. S Fragment of an Oration on DEMOSTHENES, by Mr. MURRAY, when he was a Student of Chriſt's Church, Oxford. Quantum ad veram eloquentiam adipiſcendam innumera ea Præcepta quæ Rhetorum libris traduntur, viderint hujus Artis Magiſtri, quòd exemplis potius quam præceptis ars ea (fi qua eſt) diſcenda fit nemno certè dubitabit. Quod imitatione magis quam regulis ad benè dicendum forinemur hujus in- ſtituti ratio docet, quæ optimum in aliquo ſcribendi genere exemplar ad imi- tandum proponi jubet. At eloquentia quem præ 'Demoſthene, fumamus Magiſtrum? Quam orandi legem potius quam nobiliſſimam ejus pro Ctefi- phonte. Orationem ? Cteſiphontem in judicium vocavit Æſchines quia De- moſtheni immerenti et contra leges coronam decreviſſet. Prima pars accu- fationis legum continet interpretationem fatis acutam. Altera Demoſthenis vitæ tam privatæ quam publicæ reprehenfionem fanè gravem. Eundem or- dinem in defenfione fuâ quivis alius orator obſervaffet, at non Demofthenes. Quâ folemnitate exordii animos auditorum incitat ! Deoſque deaſque omnes benevolentiæ ſuæ in civitatem teftes adhibet! Quam fibi modeftâ meritorum in cives fuos commemoratione ad fe audiendum munivit viam! Dum nihil aliud videtur elaborare quàm ut cum æquo animo judicis audiant, efficit ut proſequentur benevolo. Mentibus omnium ad lenitatem miſericordiamque erga ſe revocatis, de legibus pauca diſceptat. Quâ ſubtilitate Æſchinis inter- pretationem oppugnat et evertit, ſuam defendit et probat: Quam acuta et enucleata eft hæc tota diſceptatio, quam preffa ! Feſtinat enim ad res ſuas pro Republicâ geftas (quod validiſſimum caufæ firmamentum videbatur) ora- tionem convertere, et in uberiori adminiſtrationis fuæ campo ſpatiari. Sed alia videamus, et ſpectaculum fanè Deo dignum, ecce hominem patria iniinicos fuos facientem, inter Græciæ incolumis corruptelas incorruptum, inter fractæ ruinas erectum! Audiamus eaſdem in dejectâ civitate, de gloriâ, dle libertate ſententias proferentem et inſpirantem quas Republicâ florente Pericles. Audiamus, ratione non eventu, honeftate non utilitate, confilia perpendentem et eadem in Foro, trutinâ actionis examinantem quæ in Sylvis Academi 1 6 THE LIFE OF Academi Plato. Audiamus eadem contra Tyrannidem Alexandro vivo, ful- minantem quâ Cæſare mortuo Tullius. Nemo rerum frequentiâ crebrior quain Demoſthenes in nullâ oratione tanto fplendore, divina hæc oratoris vis et anima eloquentiæ eniteſcit quanto in hâc pro Ctefiphonte. De rebus a se geftis eodem animo et ingenio (a quo geftæ erant) magnifice dicit. Non enim lapidibus civitatem ſtabilitam-præclare dictum, fi poſt Marathonis victoriam dixiſſet Miltiades, quanto autem ſublimius idem poſt Cheroneæ cladem dicere audere, quanto gloriofius populo applaudente poſſe. Tullium aliàs divinum, de fe ipfo loquentem fummo aurium faſtidio audimus. De- moſthenem nullo, quia, pro periculo, non in gloriam merita ſua referre, et niſi laceffitus omnino filuiffe videtur. Nullibi fe patrem patria dicit, ſed ubique oftendit, non laudat adminiftrationem fuam ſed narret, non jactat ſed defendit. Veruntamen, conſtat neminem melius unquam laudatum fuiffe, quia per ſingles orationis partes admirabilem fe efficit, nec appellat. Eft omnino ingrata et invidiofa ad dicendum materies, ſui ipſius prædicatio, at Deinoſtheni in hâc cauſâ præcipuè difficilis, coram populo, enim qui quod malè ſucceſfit, malè ſuſceptum fuiffe plerùmque judicat. Gloriam ſibi ſumit rei geftæ permagne quidem, fed eventu Reipublicæ calamitofa. Quâ gravitate de confilii fui ratione differit ! Quâm divino incremento furgit argumentoruin ſeries ! Quòd decretum propofuit, cum præco concio- nari juberet, officii ſui (quod tale quo nihil melius inveniri potuit), Sapientiæ docet fuiffe. Quòd, virtute aſſiduitate, conſiliis ſuis ſucceſſum meruit, be- nevolo et diligenti civi, debitam coronam fibi vendicat. Quòd eo caruit non culpæ fuæ, ſed fortunæ dandum effe oftendit. Quâ tamen celſitudine animi (qui nil niſi grande concepit) victis Athenienfibus probat eæ fententiæ pa- rendum, et cum Philippo congrediendum fuiffe, licet eventum (quem nemo fufpicatus eſt) planè prævidiffent omnes. Nihil unquam de amore patrie mi- rabilius, nihil de glorioſo periculo, turpi ſecuritati de morte ſervituti præferenda, concipere Brutus et Cato, quam quæ hunc orationis locum illuſtrant. Exem- plo majorum, qui pro communi Græciæ ſalute periclitavêre, ſententiam de- fendit ſuam laudatione, judicibus eandem animi magnitudinem infinuat, cum (quaſi Deos) efficit Demoſthenes illos, qui Themiſtoclem in exilium fequi, quam domi ſervire maluêre. Non amplius Cheroneæ infortunium videtur, pa- trum laudibus cohortati et elati extra ſe rapiuntur auditores omnes et eodem animi ardore inflammantur, ſucceſſum Deorum arbitrio tribuunt, quod patriæ virtutis æmuli prælium.commiſêre feriò triumphant. 3 Eæ mm WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. :: 1 Eæ fententiæ vi fuâ non placent tantùm fed perſuadent, fed languentia po- puli corda divino quodam furore excitant, verborum fplendore illuſtratæ, col- le Etam oratoris potentiam explicant. Demoſthenis orationem, natur alis ornat non fucatus nitor, ita verbis eſt ap- tus, ut ea res ipfe peperiſſe, ita porrò preffus ut dilucidè potius quam elo- quenter dicere videatur. Diffufior Æfchines, ſed in ſumma ubertate luxuries ineft. Multa funt huic quæ detractes ambitiofa, ornamenta, illi quod addas nihil, aliquanto dulcior Iſocrates fed cum ſatietate delectat. Demoſtheni rerum magnitudine occupato, non vacat eſſe diſerto; minime vacat de maximis Græciæ periculis, poſt Elatæam captam dicenti, pigmentis fucoque puerili fen- tentiam explicare. Quanto tamen efficacior, ſubitæ hujus exhortationis contra Philippum dignitas quam contra Xerxem quindecim annis elaborati fermonis elegantiæ. Tam felici facilitate fluit oratio, ut omnino elaborata appareat, tantâ tamen arte celatur ars, tantâ curâ ftruitur hæc jucunda verborum con- clufio, ut verſum quendam numerumque conficiat, cujus ſyllabas menfurare maximi critici non dedignantur. At figurarum copiâ, vi, ſublimitate, facilè omnes antecellit Demoſthenes. Quibus tranfitionibus puncta argumentorum occulit et velat! Æftu quodam ingenii ſui procul abreptus, aliud agere videtur cum in ipfa digreffione quam maximè cauſa fit. Quâ continuatâ me- taphorarum connexione contra Græciæ proditores invehitur! Probationem affert nihil mali feciffe Athenienfes, fcilicet, exemplum majorum ; at unâ ju- randi figurâ probationem hanc in eximiam fublimitatem mutat. Sunt hæc magna quidem, fed funt majora. Quis flexanimam Demoſthenis potentiam dignè explicaverit, quæ fummiſſo placidoque principio in animos omnium, velut in accenfos agros taciturno roris imbre leniter influentes, incendium quod reliquerit Æſchinis, extinguit, populique furorem placat. Mox vehemens et acer vi quâdam incredibili, au- ditores extra ſe, contra Æſchinem calumniatorem odio, mercenarium Philippi contemptu proditorem patriæ irâ rapit. Nullâ peroratione ad commovendum utitur, nullas animi perturbationes velle concitare videtur Demoſthenes, fed ſententiis tain novis, tam integris attonitos judices percellit, tam denfis, velut turbine quodam violento, quocunque velit, præcipitat. Non ad iracundiam contra Æſchinem Athenienſes hortatur, ſed Græciæ Diis iratis fruentem coarguit, non implorat miſericordiam ſuorum civium, fed quæ pro patriâ paſſus eſt, vivis coloribus depingit. Sic, omnem artificii fufpicionem tollit, et in narrationibus non advocati ſtudium ſed teftis fidem, in argumentis, non rei excuſationem, fed judicis auctoritatem habet. Æfchini, quem adver- farii 8 THE LIFE OF farii crimina laboratis periodis amplificantem, ſuâ mellifluâ inſinuatione ex- tenuantem videmus, plaudimus, et ingenii famam concedimus. Demoſtheni, qui ſub hiſtorici perfonâ oratorem celat, qui felici eâ audaciâ quam veritas ſola parit, beneficiorum cives, benevolentiæ ſuæ Deos teſtes adhibet, cre- dimus et favemus. Cicero, placatis judicum animiś quantum ipſi patiuntur accepit, tanta taimen ejus facundia, ut quidvis impetrare poffe videatur. Non pelit Demofthenes fed rapit, ſed impetu quodam penè divino, fententias de' eorum manibus extorquet. Dulci Ciceronis arte veluti, Sirenum cantu, delectati judices cum illo malunt errare, quam cum aliis rectè fentire. De- .moſtheni tanta auctoritas ineſt, ut pudent diffentire, et cum fulmine elo- quentiæ tranfverfè feruntur auditores, non oratoris arte abripi, fed naturam fequi, fed rectæ rationi ſe parere credunt. Cum orationes ſuas contra Clo- dium aut Catilinam figuris auget, elocutione Tullius exornat, circumſtantis populi clamoribus etiam admiratione excipitur. Cum Demoſthenes contra Æſchinem iis affectibus, qui ab ipfâ naturi oriuntur, ſuam animat iracun- diain, dicentis obliviſcuntur Athenienſes, et (ut hiſtoriæ proditum eſt) eodem furore omnes inflammati mercenarium Æſchinem appellant. In aliis orationibus gravis, in aliis fubtilis, in hâc omnigenæ penè elo- quentiâ leges exhibet Demoſthenes, quippe digna caufa, dignus adverſarius, digna totius Græciæ expectatio, ut ſummas oratoris vires, et ſe ipſum ſuperare laboraret. In hâc unâ, plura quam in aliis omnibus, ſublimitatis exempla reperit. Longinus. Hanc velut optimum Atticæ eloquentiæ exemplar, Latino ſermone, Tullius edidit. The reſt of this exquiſite Oration is wanting ; and who ſhall attempt to ſupply its deficiency? The ſtatue that Praxiteles left imperfect, what Grecian artiſt dared to finiſh ? Lord Monboddo, in his excellent Treatiſe of the Origin and Progreſs of Language, has paid fo juſt a tribute of reſpect to this fragment of his friend and patron's juvenile declamation, as to make it the ſubject of an entire chapter, wherewith the ſixth volume concludes, with a beautiful apoſtrophe or addreſs from the author in his 77th year to lord Mansfield, then on the verge of 89. A fummary account only, confined to the ſubject of the declamation, will be preſented to the reader. Mr. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 9 “ Mr. Murray, before he left Oxford, made an oration upon the ſubject of Demoſthenes' ſpeech De Corona, (the fineſt of all his ſpeeches in the judgement of the Halicarnaſſian,) in very elegant Latin, where he has ſhewn, in a muſt maſterly way, the great talents of an orator exhibited by Demoſthenes in that ſpeech. A great part of the manuſcript (for it is not printed, which I think it ſhould have been) was conſumed in the fire which burnt lord Mansfield's houſe in London ſome years ago. With a copy of what remains of it, I was favoured by lord Stormont, whoſe love and knowledge of Greek learning I have taken occaſion elſewhere to mention. There is one which he has obſerved and dwelt upon a good deal, as it is what diſtin- guiſhes Demoſthenes more, perhaps, than any thing elſe from every other orator; and that is, his inſiſting ſo much upon the topic of the pulchrum and honeflum, the beautiful and praiſe- worthy, in ſentiments and actions. There is a good deal of this in almoſt all his public orations, but particularly in the one at preſent under our conſideration, that De Corona. It is the nobleſt topic of oratory, being the nobleſt paſſion of the human mind, and furniſhes arguments more perſuaſive to a great-minded man, than any that can be brought from what is pleaſant, profitable, or even ſafe. He has carried this ſo far as to fay, 66 that if they had all known what was to happen, and you, Æſchines, inſtead of being filent as you then were, had foretold .every thing that happened, yet the Athenians ought to have done what they did, if they had any regard to their own reputation, to the fame of their anceſtors, and to the teſtimony of poſterity.” So ſtrong an aſſertion as this needed ſome preface, and preparation of the minds of the people for it; and accordingly he conjures them, in the name of the gods, not to be ſurpriſed at the paradox he was to advance, but to hear him with patience and good-will. And he carries it ſo far, as to affirm upon oath, that they did not err when they followed his counſel, though with ſuch ill ſucceſs, ſwearing that famous oath, which the ancient critics celebrate ſo С much, ! IO THE LIFE OF much, “ by the manes of thoſe, who periſhed at Marathon, Sa- lamis, and Platææ, defending the liberties of Greece.” Who can read this, without admiring not only the orator, but the people who had ſuffered ſo much by his counſel, and yet. could hear him fpeak thus, not only with indulgence, but even with applauſe ? Another obſervation of Mr. Murray is, that Demoſthenes has introduced into this oration with great propriety, not only the praiſe of his own conduct in public affairs, but alſo the praiſe of the Athenians, and in ſuch a way as not to appear to be mere flattery, but belonging to the cauſe. Another excellent obſervation of Mr. Murray as to the matter of this oration is, that Demoſthenes, under the hiſtorian, con- ceals the orator. The ſtyle is as excellent as the matter; being moſt chaſte and correct, having nothing wanting in it, nor any thing ſuperfluous or redundant. He excelled, more than any orator ever did, in the greateſt art of a ſpeaker or writer, the concealing of art. And, therefore, though he laboured his words very much, the weight of his matter and the force of his arguments were ſuch, that he ſeemed, to the generality of his hearers or readers, to be ſo much taken up with the great affairs, which were the ſubject of his orations, that he gave no attention at all to the words, farther than to convey his meaning ; but the learned critic will perceive a wonderful art in the order and arrangement of thoſe words, by which, not only the ear is much pleaſed, but the ſenſe more forcibly conveyed than it could other- wife have been, as I think I have elſewhere ſhewn. His excel- lence in compoſition, his rival Æfchines acknowledged; but ſo artificial a compoſition muſt have been very well pronounced, otherwiſe it would have been hardly intelligible ; for, it abounds with parentheſes, ſome of them very long, and with parentheſes within parentheſes, as the Halicarnaſſian has obſerved. Now a parentheſis, properly introduced and well pronounced, I hold to be one of the greateſt beauties of ſtyle, and particularly of what is WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ; is written to be ſpoken ; for it not only gives a denſity and com- pactneſs to the matter, but, by being detached from the reſt of the ſentence, it draws the attention of the hearers the more. It ſhould therefore contain ſomething worthy of that attention and if it be alſo pronounced with a proper variation of the voice, ſuitable to the ſubject-matter, will give great force and weight to the meaning of the whole ſentence. Upon this, ſo perfect model of eloquence, lord Mansfield formed a chaſte and correct' ſtyle of ſpeaking, ſuitable to buſineſs, and particularly the buſineſs of a judge, to whoſe office it belongs, not only to determine controverſies betwixt man and man, but to ſatisfy the parties that they have got juſtice, and thereby give eaſe and content- ment to their minds, which I hold to be one of the great uſes of law. In this lord Mansfield, as it is well known, was ſo fuc- ceſsful, that even the lofing party commonly acknowledged the juſtice of his decrees.” The beautiful apoſtrophe of Lord Monboddo commenced here ; but, inaſmuch as it is a kind of Cicero de Senectute, there ſeems to be more propriety in transferring it to (and the reader will probably have more pleaſure in finding it in the laſt chapter of the preſent work. In April, 1724, Mr. MURRAY was admitted a ſtudent of Lincoln's Inn, On the 24th of June, 1730, he took the degree of M. A. and left the Univerſity ſoon afterwards, full of. vigor, and de- termined to travel into foreign parts, before he ſat down to the ſerious proſecution of his legal ſtudies, to which his genius and his ſlender fortune, as a younger ſon, forcibly and happily prompted him. He travelled through France, and in Italy, at an age fitted for improvement and uſeful obſervation ; not be- tween 19 and 21, a period which his great patron lord Hard- wicke, in one of the numbers in the Spectator, under the mo- deſt ſignature of Philip Homebred, evinces to be too early an age for our Britiſh youths to travel to any real advantage. At Rome Mr. Murray was probably inſpired, and animated with the C 2 12 THE LIFE OF I the love of Ciceronian eloquence ; at Rome he was prompted to make Cicero his great example, and his theme! At Tuſculum, and in his perambulations over claſſical ground, why might he not be emulous to lay the foundation of that noble ſuperſtructure of bright fame, which he foon raiſed after he became a member of Lincoln's Inn ? Whether, in point of time, the two following letters were written by Mr. Murray while he was abroad, or ſoon after his return to his native country, is very immaterial to the cauſe of literature ; but it is a very material and pleaſing circumſtance to his biographer, that theſe letters, intended for the uſe of a young nobleman, muft have been written about the year 1730, when Mr. Murray was a very young man, inaſmuch as the fact can eaſily be aſcertained, that the young duke of Portland ſpent three years in his 'travels in France and Italy, and returned to England in 1733 To eſtabliſh the reputation of Mr. Murray as a ſcholar, pre- vious to the diſcuſſion of his career in purſuit of fame at the bar, the LETTER upon ancient hiſtory, and a ſhort plan for a courſe of reading it, by lord Mansfield, are ſubjoined. “By the ſhort plan I am going to propoſe to you as a courſe of real ſtudy for about four months, with altiſtance, allowing for interruptions and avoca- tions, I mean, in the eaſieſt and moſt delightful manner, to introduce you 'to a ſlight acquaintance with ſome of the moſt ſhining parts of ancient hiſtory, policy, and eloquence, which, if once fixed in your mind and me- mory, will be ſerviceable to you as long as you live, and help to give, or at leaſt improve in you, the two great accompliſhments which, your friend Horace ſays, your nurſe wiſhed you to attain, fapere & fari. In the wide field of ancient hiſtory, I have fkipped over the rugged places, becauſe I meant to lead you on carpet-ground; I have paſſed over the unprofitable, becauſe I would not give you the trouble of one ſtep which does not go directly to uſeful knowledge, and uſeful to you. My plan means to carry you but to ſome of the profitable parts, becauſe I am afraid of fa- tiguing you with a long journey at firſt. I do not propoſe to you to read any hiſtory at large, becauſe, for the preſent, I want to draw you on the ſhorteſt 5 and 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 13 and neareſt road. I chuſe for your guide, as near as I can, Sir Walter Ra- leigh, who was a wit, a ſtateſman, a courtier, a ſoldier, and a ſcholar ; to tinge you betimes with the ideas natural to ſuch a character; for, a river does not more certainly take its colour from the different foils through which it runs, than the matter does from the caſt of mind, profeſſion, and manners, of him who treats it.. Without plaguing you with Greek, I give you from Demoſthenes a ſpeci- men of that true and manly eloquence fit for a ſenator, magiſtrate, and ſtateſman, in public aſſemblies, which conſiſts of ſtrong ſenſe methodically digeſted and plainly expreſſed ; not in laboured periods, antitheſes, flowers, &c. &c. with which all falſe eloquence, Greek, Roman, and Latin, abounds, and which, from the beginning, has generally been laughed at, and miſta- ken for the true. I have a view to your keeping up, and improving, your knowledge of Latin ; for the reſt, I.confider only your attaining the perfection of your own language, and laying in materials of eternal ſenſe for thought and action. This plan will be a trial whether you have genius and reſolution enough to perſevere in a courſe of ſtudy for four months. An interruption of any length between this and another courſe there is no objection to; but, if you break the thread of this, the whole utility will beloft. An eaſier cannot be ſuggeſted; the ſubject is intereſting; your helps are great. Victor Olympiacæ retulit qui præmia palma. You know the reſt, and feel the application. My plan is as follows : Read Du Choix et de la Conduite des Etudes, par l'Abbé Fleury, ſ. 26, hif- toire ; f. f. 31, rhétorique. Read and tranſlate into your book Tull. de Oratore, lib. II., f. 51. Age vero, inquit Antonius, &c. to ſ. 6.3. de cujuſque vita atque natura. Let L.* be maſter beforehand of the apt conſtruction of this and every other-book I deſire to be read and tranſlated. Tull. de Legibus, ib. I. if. 2. Poftulatus à te jamdiu to f. 3. curd vacare et ne- gotio. * The tutor to the duke of Portland, Tull I 04 THE LIFE OF “Tull. de Offic. Sed cum plerique arbitrantur, l. 1. f. 105. to turpitudinique anteponenda. Let L. give you a general account of theſe books of Tully. In the hiſtory of the world, four empires have ſucceſſively riſen and fallen, and have given way to a fifth ſyſtem of policy and power, which continues to this day: 1. Aſſyrian ; 2. Perſian ; 3. Grecian ;. 4. Ruman; 5. Goths, -Vandals, &c. who, upon the deſtruction of the Roman empire, overſpread our world. The four-firſt are the ſubject of this plan, the fifth I reſerve. for another. Let L. explain to you, in a few words, the duration and extent of theſe empires. There is a French Chart which explains it to you mechanically: Let L. tell yưu who Sir Walter Raleigh was, his ſtory, fate, and the cir- cumſtances under which he wrote his hiſtory. Then read, for the origin of ſociety, Sir W. Raleigh *, b. 1. C. IX. f. 1, 3, 4. Read, and tranſlate into your book, which I ſuppoſe you to uſe for your remarks in this courſe, Tull. de Offic. l. II. from Mihi quidem to arbitra- rentur. I paſs over all the Affyrian empire, applying Vixere fortes ante Agamem- nona, &c. b. II. C. II. f. 3. Let L. explain who Xenophon was, his ſtory, time, reputation as a philo- ſopher, hiſtorian, general, and author, and his famous retreat; b. III. C. III. f. 3, 4, 5, 6. c. v. f. 6, 7, 8. c. vi. throughout. You now come to events and characters celebrated by poets, hiſtorians, orators, &c. &c. and which it is a ſhame not to know; C. VII. every ſection except the 7th, c. VIII. and c. ix. throughout. Let L. inform you how the Peloponneſian war is memorable by having its hiſtory written by Thucydides. Let him turn you to the Engliſh Tranſation of Thucydides, which, though very ſtiff and very bad, gives the ſenſe, which you may vary into better words. Let him ſhew you the Speeches, ſuch as the Funeral Oration made by Pericles; likewiſe ſome of the moſt ſhining paſ- ſages, which, mending the Engliſh, tranſcribe into your book. B: 111. C. XII. throughout. * Theſe references are to Sir W. Raleigh's Hiſtory of the World, firſt printed 1614, with his life by Oldys, 1736, 2 vol. fol. His trial 17 Nov. 1603, i Jac. I, executed Oct. 29, 1618, ætat. 66. Popham, chief juſtice, with the commiffioners, Sir E. Cook, attorney ge- neral. Read WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 15. Read carefully The Engliſh Tranſlation of Mons. Tourreil's Hiſtorical Preface to Demoſthenes, printed at London the beginning of this Century, b. iv. C. I. fi 2. to ſ. 8. incluſive. Read over and over ſuch of the Speeches of Demofthenes as are tranſlated into Engliſh by Earl Stanhope, Lord Lanſdowne, &c. &c. and printed the beginning of this century with Tourreil's. Hiſtorical Preface beforementioned... Write obſer- vations into your book. Get places that ſtrike your imagination by heart. Reflect upon the nature of the Greek ſtates, ſomething like thoſe of the Netherlands and Swiſs., Let L. make himſelf maſter of Tourreil's Notes, &c. &c. ſo as to be able off-hand to explain terms, alluſions, and facts. referred to. b. IV, . C. II. throughout: Here take for granted, that Alexander's captains divided the ſucceſſion, fought about the diviſion, in the courſe of generations deſtroyed one ano- ther, erected ſeveral ſtates and kingdoms, which were all at laſt ſwallowed : up by the Romans. Roman Hiſtory, b. II. C. xxiv. throughout; b. IV.. C. VII. f. 1, 2,-3.. b. V. C. I.. f. 2., 3,8.. Recollect the ſtory of Regulus, celebrated by claſſic.writers, the ode of Horace, &c. Tull. de Off. b. 111. p. 134. Tranſlate f. 9, 10,. 11. C. II. f. 8. c. 11. .throughout. Take for granted, that after the ſecond Punic War the Romans found or : fought occaſions by which they conquered the whole Grecian empire ; they learned letters and arts from Greece, grew polite and ſcholars. Græcia capta ferum vi&torem cepit, &i. Serus enim Graiis admovit acumina chartis, Et post. Punica bella.quietus, & Co. C: VI. f. 12. End Sir W. Raleigh. Vertot's Roman Revolutions, b. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV: throughout. Re- flect on the nature and conſtitution of the Roman republic. Whether it was not founded for one town, or at moſt a little republic, not bigger than that of Florence; but inconſiſtent with a large. ſtate. Whether it did not continue ſo lòng by accident, by perſonal characters in early times, and by foreign occupations, more than the nature of the conſtitution, which turned at laſt into anarchy. Read Bellum Jugurthinum by Salluſt, beginning after the Introduction with Bellum ſcripturus fum, &c. It is not 100 ſhort pages. Sal- luft's Chara&ters of Catiline, Cæſar, and Catog. the Speeches: by: Cæfar and Cato. Cicero's. 16 THE LIFE OF ) Cicero's four Catiline Orålions. Study theſe ; write obſervations in your book. De la Grandeur des Romains, et de leur Décadence, c. XI. Cicero's fourteen Speeches againſi M. Antony, which, in imitation of Demoſthenes, are called Philippics. Write obſervations, &c. &c. into your book. The ſecond, which is the fineſt, and coſt him his life, is the only ſpeech of length. When you have finiſhed the above courſe in the manner propoſed, go over the whole a ſecond time, which, if you make yourſelf maſter of the firſt time, - need not coſt you many days. The next thing in order is, that you ſhould have ſome notion of the hif- tory of the Roman empire from Julius Cæſar to the end of the fifth century; but I am at a loſs to direct you how to get an intelligible idea in ſó ſhort time as my plan would at preſent allow to that ſubject. The Hiſtory of the Twelve Cæfars by Suetonius is well written, but the advantage to you from reading him would not be equal to the time it muſt take. That part which Tacitus has written is admirable, and may one day well deſerve your atten- tion ; but you will underſtand him better hereafter, and I am in haſte to carry you through a general plan of inodern hiſtory. When you have once laid your foundation in general knowledge you may afterwards follow your genius and inclination in applying to particular parts and particular authors. I have upon this occaſion read Eutropius; but I ani afraid he is too conciſe to give you any idea. He gives little more than a muſter-roll of the names of the emperors. Reading in that manner, I doubt, will be to the memory like the way of a ſhip in the ſea. The beſt propoſal I can make is, that L. ſhould take c. XII. tO XVIII, in- clufive, De la Grandeur des Romains, et de leur Décadence, adding the Chro- nology, and throwing upon paper enlargements upon particular parts, eſpe- cially the grand epochs; as for inſtance, let him throw, upon paper, ſtrokes of the character of Tiberius, and ſome remarkable parts of his reign, which he may eaſily take from Tacitus. The ſame as to Nero, &c. &c. Let him dwell a little at large upon Trajan, Marcus Antoninus, the five excellent princes who fucceeded the twelve Cæſars, the inveſting more than one with the imperial authority at once, the removal to Conſtantinople, the Code of Laws by Juftinian, military check by Beliſarius, Gode of Laws by Dioclefian, the diviſion of the empire into two, and the general idea and conſequences that diviſion. Let him point out famous writers in each reign. This will give ſome trouble, not a great deal. After this read the Biſhop of Meaux's (Boſſuet's] Dif- of . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 17 : Diſcourſe on Univerſal Hiſtory, Tit. de l'Empire Romain, to the end. This will give you a ſmall map, ſufficient at preſent. Reflect on Roman imperial government-military and tyrannical, like the Turk and the Ruſſian. I propoſe, for my ſecond plan, the fifth ſyſtem of policy and power, and to lead you through the moſt uſeful and intereſting parts of modern hiſtory; but the ſketching ſuch a plan will give me a good deal of trouble. Short explanations, not to be got from books ; obſervations by way of key to tranſactions of ages ; hints, from whence characters, contraſts by compa- riſon of men, times, works, and ſyſtems, &c. &c. may be ſerviceable, and muſt require time. You will therefore excuſe iny not thinking of it, until I fee, by this trial, whether you have genius and reſolution enough to go through what is neceffary to raiſe you above the common level; Vietorque virúm volitare per ora," . LETTER upon Modern Hiſtory by Lord MANSFIELD, for the Uſe of the Duke of PURTLAND. “ The beſt and moſt profitable manner of ſtudying Modern Hiſtory appears to me to be this: Firſt, to take a ſuccinct view of the whole, and get a ge- neral idea of the ſeveral ſtates of Europe, with their riſe, progreſs, principal revolutions, connections, and intereſts; and, when you have once got this general knowledge, then to deſcend to particulars, and ſtudy the periods which moſt deſerve cloſer examination. The beſt way of getting this general knowledge is by reading the hiſtory of one or two of the principal ſtates of Europe; and taking that of the leſs ſtates occaſionally as you go along, ſo far as it happens to be connected with the hiſtory of thoſe leading powers which you will naturally make your principal object, and conſider the other as only acceſſorie. Though the hiſtory of England is certainly that which you will ſtudy moſt, yet I think you would do well at preſent to give the preference to that of France; and therefore the ſhort plan which I ſhall endeavour to ſketch for you ſhall be chiefly with a view to the hiſtory of that country. The reigns of the firſt race of French kings are ſo little known, and ſo little worth knowing, that I think it ſcarce worth your while to read them even in the ſhorteſt abridgement. L. will be able to tell you, in half an hour's converſation, as much about them as ever you will want to know. D As OG THE LIFE OF + As to all thofe diſputes about the foundation of the French monarchy, upon which volumes have been written, as whether Clovis was a great prince or a chef d'avanturiers; whether he owed the crown to force of arms, or the conſent of the people, or to both, &c. &c. they may do to employ the leiſure of idle ſpeculative men, but can never deſerve the attention of a man who intends for active life, and feels the value of time. The victories and conqueſts of Charlemagne, his great power, and im- menſe extent of empire, are too ſtriking objects to be entirely overlooked. I think it would be proper for you to begin with the reign of Pepin, the founder of the ſecond race of French kings. For that race, and for the third, as far as Lewis XI. it will perhaps be ſufficient to read, carefully and ſlowly, for there is no other way of reading to advantage a book where ſo much matter is crowded into ſo ſmall a compaſs, Henault's Chronological Abridge- ment, which is a capital book of the kind. When you meet there with any remarkable event which you would wiſh to know more particularly, ſuch as the battle of Creffy, Poictiers, and Agincourt, you may turn to Mezerai or Rapin ; and I would adviſe you, when you have read in Henault the reign of any king, to read his character in Mexerai ; for, though nothing is leſs to be depended upon than ſuch ideal characters, yet they are not entirely without their uſe; they are at leaſt helps to the memory, and leave upon the inind pretty much the ſame ſort of impreſſion that is made by ſeeing the pictures of eminent men ; when we have examined any ſuch picture, no matter whether like or not, we grow, as it were, better acquainted with the original, and form to ourſelves an idea of his perſon, which helps to fix in our memory whatever we hear or read about him. This fuperficial knowledge of the hiſtory of France is as much as you will want till you come to the reign of Lewis XI. when that hiſtory comes to be really intereſting, and conſequently muſt be read more at large, and with much greater attention. I ſhould be tempted to doubt whether the common inethod of abridging hiſtory, as you read it has all the advantages that is ge- nerally imagined. If you enter into a detail, the work is endleſs; and, if your content yourſelf with ſhort, dry epitomes, they are, if I may judge by my own experience, of little or no: uſe, ſcarce any help to the memory and forgot almoſt as ſoon as made. What I ſhould recommend as a much more uſeful exerciſe is; to fet downg in a few words, the moſt ſtriking and intereſting events, with ſuch obſerva- tions upon them as occurred to you at the time. To explain what I meam b: و / 5. + WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 19 by an example : I would obſerve, in the reign of Lewis the XIth, the advan= tages with which he came to the crown; the manner in which he improved thoſe advantages, by fomenting diviſions in England, by corrupting the Engliſh government, and even the king himſelf; the foundations he laid for the future greatneſs of France, by adding to his kingdom ſuch rich and powerful provinces, and by lowering and humbling the nobles (who before his time were ſo many petty tyrants), and by that means giving a ſolidity and conſiſtency to the French government, which it never had before. I would likewiſe remark the inconſiſtency of his character, the ſtrange blun- ders he committed, ſuch as putting himſelf into the hands of the duke of Burgundy, and that too at the very time he was betraying him ; his miſſing the opportunity of marrying his ſon to the dutcheſs of Burgundy, and adding to France, without the leaſt expence or bloodſhed, thoſe provinces which, by his neglect, fell into the hand of her rival, and have been ever ſince the object of her ambition, and the cauſe of ſo many ruinous wars: theſe are far from being all the memorable events in this reign ; many I have forgot, and ſome that occur to me I purpoſely paſs over, that I may leave thein for your obſervation. What. I have ſaid is ſufficient to explain my idea, and give you will eaſily improve. The Memoirs of Philip de Commines, who was Lewis the XIth's contem- porary and favourite, deſerve to be read with attention ſome time or other but I think you ſhould not meddle with them now: the ſtyle and language is ſo different from the preſent, that it would only puzzle and confound; beſides you will find all the material facts in Duclos's Hiſtory of Lewis the XIth, which is certainly the work of a man of parts, and is written with pu- rity, though there is a ſtiffneſs and affectation in the ſtyle. As I imagine you will neither have leiſure nor inclination to drudge through the early part of modern hiſtory again, I think you would do well to ſtop a moment, in order to run over in your mind the moſt remarkable events in that period, and fix them in your memory once for all : what thoſe events are, you are now better able to judge for yourſelf than I am to tell you; ſuch of them as relate more immediately to the Hiſtory of England (and many ſuch there are) you need not ſo much attend to at preſent, as you will certainly, ſome time or other, make them the ſubject of a particular enquiry; but there are two great objects, in which the general hiſtory of Europe is concerned, which, from their importance and ſingularity, muſt have ſtruck you, and will deſerve a more particular examination,' as they certainly you a hint which D24 : 20 THE LIFE OF 1 certainly make the moſt intereſting part of the hiſtory you have juſt been reading ; the two objects I mean are, the riſe and progreſs of the Papal Power, and the Cruſades, or holy wars. The origin and growth of the pope's temporal power, the continued ſeries of fraud and artifice on which it was built, and by which it was main- tained and gradually improved, is no where, that I know of, more clearly and fully ſtated than in Gionnone's Hiſtory of Naples ; but that is a book which cannot enter into your preſent plan, but will deſerve to be read, fome time or other, with the utmoſt care, as one of the moſt inafterly and in- ftructive books any country ever produced. That part of lord Bolingbroke's fourth eſſay, in which he treats this ſubject, contains, I think, as much as you will want to know of it at preſent, f. 31 to 34, f. 35 to 38, and will give you a pretty general idea; though it ſhould be read with that caution with which whoever deſires not to be miſled will always read the works of a man who wrote with a ſtrong bias on his mind, and had too much accuſtomed himſelf to the language of paſſion. The holy wars are ſuch a continued ſeries of ſuperſtition and madneſs as is not to be paralleled in hiſtory, and as cannot but appear aſtoniſhing even to thoſe who fee fartheſt into, and make the greateſt allowance for, the weakneſs and folly of mankind : if, during the time of this epidemical madneſs, there ever had been any prince wiſe and great enough to preſerve himſelf from the contagion, and to take advantage of the folly of his neigh- bours, he might have made ſuch conqueſts as would have enabled him to give law to the reſt of Europe ; but not one man in ten thouſand is able to riſe above the level of the age he lives in. All the princes in Europe caught the infection, and ſtrove only to outdo each other in all the extra- vagance of enthuſiaſm. There are ſeveral particular hiſtories of the holy wars; but the ſhort fketch in VOLTAIRE is fufficient for your prefent pur-. poſe. As a taſte for letters naturally gives a curioſity to know the hiſtory of them, the riſe and progreſs of literature will of courſe be one of the fa.. vourite objects of your attention, and will well deſerve to be ſo; for there is no hiſtory more intereſting, nor more inſtructive, than that of L'Eſprit Hu- main. You will have obſerved that Charlemagne, though illiterate hiinſelf, en- deavoured to ſpread learning in Europe ; and with that view ordered the beft Arabic books to be tranſlated: but the confufion that arafe after his- death WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 21: ! death foon ended the little he had been able to do for the encouragement of letters, and plunged the weſtern part of Europe into the darkeſt ignorance, which laſted, almoſt without interruption, till the reign of Charles the Vth of France, whoſe reign may be rekoned the firſt dawn of letters. He was the founder of the famous royal library at Paris ; and the French reckon a continued ſeries of poets, from his time to the preſent, though, till the reign of Lewis the XIVth, there was not one that deſerved that name. The true reſtorers of arts and literature were the Italians (particularly the Florentines) in the 14th century: the Greeks who, when driven from Con- ſtantinople by Malomet II. took refuge in Italy, were not (as is commonly imagined) the firſt authors of this reſtoration, though they contributed greatly towards it, by teaching the Italians Greek, and opening to them, by that means, the trueſt and pureſt ſources of all tafte and knowledge. This you will ſee explained in Voltaire's Differtation upon the Arts and Manners of the 13th and 14th Centuries, VOL. II. C. LXIX..of his Works. It deſerves to be read, though he has treated his ſubject fuperficially, and not made it what it ought to have been made in ſuch hands. You are now come to that period where modern hiſtory begins to be really intereſting, and where, conſequently, it will deſerve much greater at- tention. This period is divided by lord Boling broke into three particular periods; 1. from about the middle of the 15th century to the end of the 16th ; 2;" from thence to the Pyrenæan treaty; and 3. from thence to the preſent time. The firſt of theſe periods, which is the only one I ſhall confider at preſent, abounds with ſuch variety of great and aſtoniſhing objects, that no eye is ſtrong enough to take a diſtinct and accurate ſurvey of them at once: a man finds his attention fo divided among this multiplicity of objects, that he fcarce knows how to fix it; and theſe objects preſent themſelves under for many different aſpects, and may be viewed in ſo many different lights, that he is at a loſs which to chooſe; new ideas flow upon him ſo faſt, that he is. hardly able to ſeparate and range them in order enough to take that general view of them which is all you wiſh to do at preſent. To know modern : hiſtory thoroughly, a man muſt make it the ſtudy of his life ; indeed, it is a ſcience of ſo vaſt an extent, that I ſhould much doubt, whether a thorough knowledge is within the reach of the greateſt abilities and moſt indefatigable application. It is of great advantage in all branches of learning, but particularly in one of 2:2 THE LIFE OF of fo extenſive and intricate a nature, to have a proper clue to your ſtudies ; and you cannot, I think, find a better than that which lord Bolingbroke has given in his fixth letter on the ſtudy of hiſtory. I certainly ſhall not think of meddling with a ſubject he has treated fo ably; but ſhall only endeavour to ſupply what he has purpoſely omitted, and point out to you, as far as I am able, the books where you are moſt likely to find what he directs you to look for. The hiſtory of Germany is ſo interwoven with, and makes ſo conſiderable a part of, that of Europe, that it is abſolutely neceſſary to have a general idea of the conſtitution of the Empire. The beſt ſhort books, that I know of, upon this ſubject, are, a French eſſay, called, Defcription du Gouvernment préſent du Corps Germanique, printed in 1741; and Maſcow's Jus publicam ; but, perhaps, Campbell's Chapter, read with attention, will be enough for your preſent purpoſe. If hereafter you wiſh to know more of the hiſtory and conſtitution of it, you muſt make it the object of particular en- quiry. You will find in VOLTAIRE, in the Chapters I have croſſed in the Table des Chapitres, a fuccinct account of the three great events that particularly diſ- tinguiſh the end of the 15th, and the beginning of the 16th, century, viz. the diſcoveries made by the Portugueſe, thoſe ſtill more important ones made by Columbus, and the Reformation : theſe are ſome of thoſe great and complicated objects I alluded to above. It is ſcarce poſſible to view them in all their lights, and trace them in all their cauſes and conſequences; but all you need think of at preſent is to fix a general idea of them in your me- mory, and lay them up there as an inexhauſtible fund for future reflection. The League of Cambray is ſo intereſting an event, that you will do well to read Du Boſs's famous hiſtory of it; and, for a fhort account of the riſe and growth of the republic of Holland, read Voltaire's 135 c. and the first Chap- ser of Sir William Temple. Though the hiſtory of the civil wars of France is admirably written by Thuanus and Davila, you may, I think, at preſent content yourſelf with Mezerai and Henault, adding to them Sully's Memoirs, and Perefixe's Life of Henry the Fourtb; which two books you will read with infinite pleaſure, as they give the beſt idea that is any where to be found of the true character of Henry the IVth, which, with all its blemiſhes; is certainly one of the moſt ſtriking and amiable characters to be met with in hiſtory. At A WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 23 + At the ſame time that you admire Sully's fidelity, and the unſhaken ſteadineſs and reſolution with which he ſtruggled againſt and checked the fcandalous abuſes that had crept into the adminiſtration of the finances, you will obſerve that the ſame auſterity of manners, and ſtiffneſs in opinion, be- trayed him into falſe and narrow notions about government, and particularly - about trade and manufactures; and Henry IV. had much larger' views, and in general judged better than his miniſter whenever his paſſions were not concerned I 2. Chapters crofſed in Voltaire and referred to in the preceding letter: C. 106. De Leon X. et de l'Egliſe. 7 & 8. De Luther et de Zuingle. 9. Progrès de Lutlieraniſme, en Suede, en Dannemarc, et en Alle magne.. De Geneve et de Calvin. 14.. De Henri VIII..et dě la Révolution de la Religion en Angleć. terre.. 14. Suite de la Religion en Angleterre: 15. De la Religion en Ecoſſe.. 16. De la Religion en France fous François I. 19. Des Découvertes des Portugais. De Jápon. 22. De Columbo, et de l'Amérique.. 23. De Ferdinand Cortez. 24. De la Conquête de Perou. 25% Du premier Voyage autour du Monde." 20. The Author of thefe ſheets-is-forry, that he cannot vouch for the correctneſs of the numerous references to antient and modern authors in theſe letters. He can only preſent them to the public in as perfect'a ſtate as he had the honor of receiving them from an ingenious friend, and with all the emendations which the Rev. Mr. Harper, who fuperintends the extenſive and invaluable collection of printed books in the Britiſh Muſeum, has, with his accuſtomed politeneſs, promptitude, and liberality, been enabled to make Tas 24 THE LIFE OF To give a new caſt to Mr. Murray's extent of thought, and to evince, that, however pleaſing and bewitching the flowery fields of literature were to his well-ſtored mind, he wiſely deter- mined not to be bewildered therein, and early diſcovered a great veneration for the advice of Horace, Onine tulit punétum qui miſcuit utile dulci. He was called to the bar in Michaelmas term, 1730. In his career in the purſuit of legal knowledge his aſſiduity foon co- operated with his ſhining abilities. Two ſupporters like theſe, in perfect uniſon, not only exempted him from all pecuniary embarraſſments, which ſlender fortune in fome, and juvenile indiſcretion in others, too frequently occaſion, but alſo conci- liated the eſteem, the friendſhip, and patronage, of the great oracles of the law, who adorned that period, amongſt whom lord Talbot and lord chancellor Hardwicke were looked up to as the foſter-fathers of the ſcience. Inſtead of ſubmitting to the uſual drudgery, as ſome are pleaſed to deem it, of labouring in the chambers of a ſpecial pleader, Mr. Murray's motto ſeems to have been " Aut Cicero aut nullus.' Early in his legal career he ſtudied the graces of elocution under one of the greateſt maſters of the age wherein he lived. Doctor Johnſon, in his life of Pope, ſays, “his voice when he was young was ſo pleaſing, that Pope was called in fondneſs the little nightingale.” Under this melodious and great maſter Mr. Murray practiſed elocution, and may truly be ſaid to have brought the modulation of an harmonious voice to the higheſt degree of perfection. One day he was ſurprized by a gentleman of Lincoln's Inn, who could take the liberty of entering his rooms without the ceremonious introduction of a ſervant, in the ſingular act of practiſing the graces of a ſpeaker at a glaſs, while Pope ſat by in the character of a friendly preceptor. Mr. Murray on this oc- caſion 9) : - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 25 caſion paid him the handſome compliment of, Tu es mihi Ma- cenas! The great benefit reſulting from an early friendſhip between Murray and Pope, was, that the young and graceful juriſprudent could not be more fedulous to acquire éclat in his profeſſion than the poet was to proclaim in bewitching verſe the reputation of liis friend. Biſhop Warburton, in his annotations on Pope's imitation of the Sixth Epiſtle of the Firſt Book of Horace, addreſſed to Mr. Murray, elegantly defines the friendſhip ſubſiſting between them in a ſingle ſentence : “Mr. Pope had all the warmth of affection for this great lawyer, and indeed no man ever more deſerved to have a poet for his friend ; in the obtaining of which, as neither vanity, party, nor fear, had a ſhare, ſo he ſupported his title to it by all the offices of a generous and true friendſhip.” A pleaſing inſtance of Mr. Murray's attention to the cauſe of literature, as well as to his friend Mr. Pope's increaſing fame, occurred at Cambridge, and occaſioned the following ſhort letter from the learned and ingenious Mr. Smart, whoſe Odes on the Supreme Being have immortalized his name: Sir, Pem. Hall, Cambridge, the 6th of Nov. 1743. Mr. Murray having told me that it would, he thought, be agreeable to you to ſee a good Latin verſion of your Eſſay on Man, and adviſed me to undertake it, though I know myſelf vaſtly unfit for ſuch a taſk, I will at- tempt to render any number of lines that you ſhall be pleafed to ſelect from any part of the work, and as you approve, or diſlike them, will purſue of drop the undertaking. To I am, Sir, with the utmoſt reſpect, yours, Alexander Pope, Eſq. C. SMART I ſhould not have preſumed to have given you this trouble had not Mr. Murray aſſured me that I might ſafely venture. I have made -bold likewiſe to ſend you a ſpecimen of a tranſlation of your Effay on Criticiſm, verſe the 339th. E This 26 THE LIFE OF This elegant tranſlation extends to between forty and fifty lines of the Eſſay on Criticiſm; but, as the repetition of the whole may be deemed too great a digreſſion, the author will confine him- ſelf to the ten laſt lines, which are ſo perfectly juſt and elegant as to require little apology: Non ſolum afperitas teneras cave verberet aures, Sed vox quæque expreſſa tuæ fit mentis inago. Lene canat Zephyrus ſuſpirans blanda politis Lævius in numeris labatur, læve fluentuin; At reboat, furit æftuat æmula Muſa, ſonoris Littoribus cum rauca horrendum vapulat unda. Quando eft faxum Ajax vaſtå vi volvere adortus Tardè incedat verſus, multum perque laborem ; Non ita, five Camilla fali viridaria raſit Sive levis, leviterque volat fine fraude per arvum. The few lines of Pope, which are applicable to his friend's riſing fame, are too appoſite to be omitted : If not ſo pleas'd, at council-board rejoice To ſee their judgements hang upon thy voice. Shall one whom nature, learning, birth, confpir’d To form, not to admire, but be admir'd, Sigh! while his Chloe, blind to wit and worth, Weds the rich dulneſs of ſome ſon of earth? Pope, who well knew the vivacity of his young friend, and the brilliancy of his parts, took a fair occaſion towards the con- cluſion of his maſterly work * to awaken reflection : Grac'd, as thou art, with all the power of words, So known, ſo honour'd, at the Houſe of Lords. Conſpicuous ſcene ! another yet is nigh, More filent far, where kings and poets lie; * Imitation of the Sixth Epiſtle of the Firſt Book of Horace. Wherc 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 27 Where Murray, long enough his country's pride, Shall be no more than Tully or an Hyde. 1 Young and gay, and ſeduced, as he was, by ſeeing how defpo- tically Pope reigned in the regions of literature, is it matter of wonder, that ſeveral of the friends of Mr. Murray, on his en- trance into life, ſhould be not a little apprehenſive of his having manifeſted too great an attention to the Belles Lettres and to the regions of pleaſure ? Pope himſelf bears teſtimony of the gay life his friend was in- clined to lead, in his imitation of the firſt Ode of the fourth Book of Horace, in the following lively and beautiful lines addreſſed to Venus : 1 . $ To Number Five * direct your doves, There ſpread round Murray all your blooming loves, Noble and young, who ſtrikes the heart With every ſprightly, every decent part; Equal the injur'd to defend, To charm the miſtreſs, or to fix the friend. He, with a hundred arts refin'd, Shall ſtretch thy conqueſts over half the kind. To him each rival ſhall ſubmit, Make but his riches equal to his wit; Then ſhall thy form the marble grace, Thy Grecian form, and Chloe lend the face ; His houſe, emboſom'd in the grove, Sacred to ſocial life and ſocial love, Shall glitter o'er the pendent green, Where Thames reflects the viſionary ſcene : Thither the filver founding lyres Shall call the ſmiling Loves and young Deſires; * The number of Mr. Murray's chambers in Lincoln's Inn. E 2 There ! 28 THE LIFE OF There every Grace and Muſe ſhall throng, Exalt the dance, or animate the ſong; There youths and nymphs, in confort gay, Shall hail the riſing, cloſe the parting day. The fears, however, of Mr. Murray's friends, that the gaiety of his heart would militate againſt that patient aſſiduity, ſo abſo- lutely neceſſary to improvement and ſucceſs in his legal character, were ſoon laid aſide, by his having been early employed in buſi- neſs of ſerious importance, which fully engaged not only his at- tention, but alſo his affections, ſince human nature would have revolted at the trials in which he perſevered early in life, if he had not really loved his profeffion. In 1732, we find our Tyro in the law aſſociated with the two ſhining lights in the Court of Chancery, as they were emphati- cally ſtyled, lord Talbot and lord Hardwicke, then his Majeſty's attorney and ſolicitor general, in a cauſe of appeal heard at the bar of the Houſe of Lords on the 12th of March, 1732-3, relating to the purchaſe of fome South-Sea ſtock in the memorable year 1720. P. YORKE. The counſel for the appellant were WILL. HAMILTON. For the reſpondent, FC. TALBOT. (W. MURRAY. A fine and fertile field this for our Tyro to travel over, to explore, and, by exploring, to exerciſe his dawning genius and opening talents. A year pregnant with credulity, circumvention, and fraud, could not fail, under the auſpices of a Talbot, to be ſingularly fortunate and favorable to his young friend and colo league. A reſpite of four days only intervened before Mr. Murray ap- peared again at the ſame bar, and was claſſed with the ſame great colleagues as counſel for the young marquis of Annandale. From fo ? WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 29 fo fplendid and ſo early an introduction into buſineſs ; from his being aſſociated in his maiden cauſes with the two greateſt lu- minaries of the law, we may conclude, with Horace, Nofcitur ex ſociis. May we not expect to find him frequently in the ſame good company ? Accordingly, in the following year, 1733, we find him engaged as counſel in three appeals ; and in 1734 in a ſtill greater num- ber. The ſubject of one of thoſe appeals being of general, (the author begs leave to recall the word) of univerſal import, tend- ing to define the relative duties between a father and his ſon * the author is inclined to think, that a brief ſtatement of it will be acceptable to the curious reader, eſpecially as it will be de- tailed 2. * Sir Thomas Moncrief, baronet, was the appellant. Thomas Moncrief, Eſq. the reſpondent. The following is merely a ſhort extract from the appellant's caſe: Sir Thomas having five children, a ſmall eſtate of between 5 and 600 l. per annum, and poſſeſſed of about 5000 l. perſonal eſtate, gave his eldeſt fon a liberal education, to enable him to make his way in the world. He diſobliged his father by his bad conduct frequently, and finally married without his conſent. The father, incenſed at his conduct, refuſed to ſee him till by his future behaviour he ſhould deſerve a reconciliation, allowed him annually (without aſking any part of the lady's fortune) 2000 marks Scotch, equal to unl. and a fraction ſterling. Diſcontented with this al- lowance, the ſon applied to the court of fefſion for a greater; and, on the father's refuſal to diſcover the amount of his real and perſonal eſtate, the fon gave in an exaggerated account from his imagination, and obtained an interlocutor for payment of 2001, a year ſterling. From this interlocutor Şir Thomas appealed. Some of the forcible reaſons, aſſigned by his counſel Mr. Murray, were, Reaſon I. For that (without arguing whether parents are, by the law of nature, obliged to maintain their children in idleneſs, when they come to age, and may, if induſtrious, ſhift for themſelves; or whether the ſon, who hearkens not to the voice of his father,” which the Law of Moſes thought worthy of death, has not forfeited, by diſobedience, the title Nature gave him to ſupport from his father ;) under the circumſtances of this caſe, there is no colour for the reſpondent's claim, the appellant having voluntarily al- lowed, re 66. 30 THE LIFE OF tailed principally with a view to introduce the very ſtriking and folid reaſons aſſigned by Mr. Murray and his colleague with ſuc- ceſs, on the one hand, and to give profit and pleaſure to thoſe readers, on the other, who ſtand in loco parentis. In lowed, and punctually paid, him what was ſufficient to ſupply him not only with the neceſſaries, but in that cheap country with all the conve- niences, of life. II. Fathers within their private families were, from the beginning through- out the world, eſteemed to have a ſupreme power, and were looked upon as lords and kings in their own houſes; but, when they came to be reſtrained by the municipal law of nations, from expoſing their children or putting them to death, it followed as a conſequence, that they ſhould be obliged to main- tain them, while they were unable to provide for themſelves; but that a ſon, beyond a neceſſary maintenance, has a right to a determinate part of his fa- ther's eſtate to waſte in ſuperfluities, is what, before this action, was never pretended in any country; it is apprehended to be contrary to the law of Scotland, and to have no foundation in reaſon, and would be productive of great inconveniences. 1. There is no doubt but that any man, who is proprietor of an eſtate, may, by will, diſinherit a fon; which could not be but upon a ſuppoſition that he had abfolute power over it during his life, and might diſpoſe of it without controul. 2. It would invert the order of nature, and ſubject parents to their chil- dren, if any child could, from caprice or undutifulneſs, force the father, as the appellant has been obliged to do in the preſent caſe, to expoſe his pri- vate circumftances to the world, which it might be an irreparable prejudice to him to divulge. 3. As the father only knows what fortune he intends for his ſon hereafter, he only can judge what maintenance is ſuitable to his condition; becauſe living in plenty for the preſent, might unfit him for his future ſituation. 4. There is little danger that parents ſhould uſe any power, they may have over their children, with too much rigour; the exceſs is ſeldom on the ſevere ſide, a ſtrong bias drawing the other way. But if a child, whether dutiful or undutiful, may demand a certain quantity of his father's eſtate, the father is deprived of the power of rewarding virtue or diſcouraging vice in his children; he will have no means to enforce his directions with regard to his ſon's education, place of abode, or courſe of life: his authority may ſafely be ſighted, when the ſon is ſure of getting whatever his circum- ſtances can afford, whether he will or not. III. I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 31 marco In the ſame year he appeared at the bar of the houſe of lords to defend the infant-fon of colonel Chartres (whoſe memory is perpetuated, though not embalmed, by a monumental in- ſcription from the pen of Dr. Arbuthnot, deeply dipt in gall) againſt a charge of uſury imputed to the father. One of the reaſons aſſigned in his defence by his counſel was of a peculiar kind; viz. that the colonel kept no regular accounts how his money was lent out, or how it was paid. The natural con- cluſion to be drawn from theſe premiſſes was, that, at the diſ- tance of 10 or 12 years, he might forget the conſideration upon which the bond was given. It is not to be expected that Mr. Murray was equally ſucceſsful in this as he was in the former animated and ſtrong appeal. No illuſtration here from the Law of Moſes ! None from the Law of Nations ! No apparent, no real, animation adorned the reaſons adduced in ſupport of the laſt appeal. The beſt and only excuſe which could be made was made in plain lan- guage, as we have before ſtated ; and the cauſe of the cunning unaccountable Gripus was left to its fate. It would not have been very ſurprizing if the keen ſatiriſt, ini his inimitable epitaph, had availed himſelf of this circumſtance, III. Nature knows no diſtinction between the eldeſt and the youngeſt child, they are all equally intitled to the parent's care and affection; and upon the law of nature only is the preſent action brought, there being no poſitive ſtatute in Scotland which requires parents to maintain their children, or which, in that caſe, gives any preference to the eldeſt. The appellant has four other children, who have therefore the ſame right to maintenance that the reſpondent has ; which ſhews the exorbitancy of the proportion al- lowed him by the decree complained of, which amounts to near a fourth of the income of the appellant's eſtate, real and perſonal. Counſel for the reſpondent not appearing, the interlocutors complained off; and, the appellant's petition to the lords of feffion being read, the inter- locutors were ſo far varied as that the allowance for the maintenance of the reſpondent be modified to 2000 marks, Scotts, per annum. Nota. This is the preciſe ſum allowed primarily by the father. by 32 THE LIFE OF : by adding to the long catalogue of the Colonel's other vices, that he was a moſt unaccountable man, who, in order to avoid detection as an uſurer, kept no accounts. The conſummate wiſdom of this conduct, in a great uſurer, may be aſſimilated with that of a woodcock, who, as naturaliſts relate, hides its head in any hollow receſs, and thence fagaciouſly concludes that its whole body is.concealed. În the year 1735, Mr. Murray was not only deeply engaged in buſineſs himfelf, but was alſo fedulous to introduce into active life his friend Mr. Booth, then a young conveyancer; which Mr. Murray's letter of the 25th of October, 1735, worthy of the younger Pliny, will evince. My dear friend, Lincoln's Inn, 25th Oct. 1735. I received yours laſt night. I cannot but applaud the protection you give a ſiſter, whom I know you love tenderly, yet it ſeems a little raſh to carry your beneficence ſo far as to dry up the ſource of all future generoſity; and I am ſure it is greatly againſt the intereſt of every one who has the leaſt dependence upon you, that you ſhould do any thing which makes it at all difficult for you to perſevere in a way where you muſt at laſt ſucceed. Of this I have no doubt; and, therefore, it is as ſuper- fluous to add my advice for your coming to town immediately as it would be to tell you that I omit no opportunity of mentioning your name and pro- moting your intereſt. You cannot fail, but by ſtaying in the country, and ſuffering people who have not half your merit to ſtep in before you. With regard to every thing you ſay of Mr. Pigot, we will talk more at large hereafter; I as little think he will bring you into his buſineſs while he lives as that you can be kept out of a great part of it when he dies. I am at preſent conſulted upon a deviſe-ſettlement of his, whereby a great eftate is left to a noble Roman Catholic family, which I am very clear is good for nothing. Can you contrive a way by which an eſtate may be left to a Papiſt? Though I have no more doubt of the caſe put to me than whe- ther the ſun ſhines at noon, I told the gentleman who conſulted me, I would # WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 33 would willingly ſtay to talk with a Roman Catholic conveyancer, &c. whom I expected ſoon in town, and named you to him. I own I am deſirous you ſhould come to town; and, be aſſured, the beſt ſervice you can do your friends is to put yourſelf in a way to ſerve them effectually. As to any preſent occafions you have, you know where to com- mand while I have a ſhilling. I have not feen Prowſe nor Rigdum ſince I had yours, but I am ſure they are both your ſervantš very much. Nil mihi reſcribas, attamen ipfe veni. I am, I do aſſure you, with great cordiality and eſteem, Dear Booth, Your affectionate friend and faithful ſervant, W. MURRAY. " } We find, froni no leſs authority than that of lord Mansfield himſelf, that, in the year 1736, a great queſtion on the law of nations was agitated before lord chancellor Talbot, wherein Mr. Murray was counſel. " I remember (ſaid his lordſhip in Eaſter term, 1754), in a caſe before lord Talbot, of Buvot v. Barbut, in 1736, upon a motion to diſcharge the defendant, (who was in execution for not performing a decree,) becauſe he was agent of commerce, commiſſioned by the king of Pruſſia, and received here as fuch; the matter was very elaborately argued at the bar ; and a folemn deliberate opinion given by the court. Theſe queſtions aroſe and •were diſcuſſed : whether a miniſter could, by any act or acts, wave his privilege? Whether being a trader was any objection againſt allowing privilege to a miniſter perſonally? Whether an agent of commerce, or even a conſul, was intitled to the pri- vileges of a public miniſter ? What was the rule of deciſion: the act of parliament, or the law of nations ? Lord Talbot de- clared a clear opinion : that the law of nations, in its full ex- tent, was part of the law of England ; that the act of parlia- ment was declaratory, and occaſioned by a particular incident. That the law of nations was to be collected from the practice of different nations, and the authority of writers. Accordingly he argued 1 F 34 THE LIFE OF - argued and determined from ſuch inſtances, and the authority of Grotius, Barbeyrac, Binkerſhook, Wiquefort, &c. there being no Engliſh writer of eminence upon the ſubject. I was counſel in this caſe, and have a full note of it. I remember too lord Hardwicke's declaring his opinion to the ſame effect, and denying that lord chief juſtice Holt ever had any doubt as to the law of nations being part of the law of England, upon the oc- caſion of the arreſt of the Ruſſian ambaſſador." The conſequences of the arreſt of the Ruſſian ambaſſador are not a little curious, as they are related by lord Mansfield. “ This privilege of foreign minifters, and their domeſtic ſer- vants, depends upon the law of nations. The act of parliament of 7th of Anne, C. 12, is declaratory of it. All that is new in this act is the clauſe which gives a ſummary juriſdiction for the puniſhment of the infractors of this law. “ The act of parliament was made upon occaſion of the Czar's ambaſſador being arreſted. If proper application had been im- mediately made for his diſcharge from the arreſt, the matter might, and doubtleſs would, have been ſet right; inſtead of that, bail was put in before any complaint was made. An information was filed by the then attorney general, againſt the perſons who were thus concerned, as infractors of the law of nations ; and they were found guilty, but never brought up to judgement. “ The Czar took the matter up highly. No puniſhment would have been' thought by him an adequate reparation. Such a ſen- tence as the court could have given, he might have thought a freſh inſult. " Another expedient was fallen upon and agreed to. This act of parliament, paſſed as an apology and humiliation from the whole nation, was ſent to the Czar, finely, illuminated, by an am- bajador extraordinary, who made excuſes in a folemn oration." deal relative to this tranſaction and negociation appears in the annals of that time. A great 173 - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 35 1737 The natural and acquired advantages, which characterized the eloquence of Mr. Murray, were ſo conſpicuous, even on the ſpur of occaſion, and his perception was fo quick, as to enable him to ſhine upon any emergency. A circumſtance of this kind occurred, in the year 1737, in the celebrated cauſe between Theophilus Cibber and Mr. Sloper, wherein Mr. Murray was the junior counſel for the defendant. The leading counſel being fuddenly ſeized with a fit in the court, the duty of the ſenior devolved on the junior counſel, who at firſt modeſtly declined it, for want of time to ſtudy the caſe. The court, to indulge him, poſtponed the cauſe for about an hour; and, only with this preparation, he made ſo able and eloquent a defence, as not only to reduce the defendant's damages to a mere trifle, but to gain for himſelf the reputation, which he highly deſerved, of a moſt prompt, perfpicuous, and eloquent pleader. Among other effuſions of wit, and leading features of genius, Mr. Murray obſerved, “ that the plaintiff, by his counſel, ſhewed himſelf related to William of Wickham, but would have been better intitled to have claimed that alliance, if he had obſerved William of Wickham's motto, That morals make the man! the words are manners make the man; but manners are there in- tended to ſignify morals. Again : the plaintiff tells his ſervants, that Mr. Sloper is a good-natured boy ; he makes a boy of him. He takes his money, lets him maintain his family, reſigns his wife to him, and then comes to a court of juſtice, and to a jury of gentlemen for reparation in damages ! “It devolves on you, gentlemen, to conſider the conſequences of giving damages in a caſe of this nature. It is of very ſerious conſequence, and would be pregnant with infinite miſchief, if it ſhould once come to be underſtood in the world that two art. ful people, being huſband and wife, might lay a ſnare for the af- fections of an unwary young gentleman, take a ſum of money F 2 from : 1 i T THE LIFE OF OF 36 from him; and, when he could part with no more, then come for a ſecond ſum to a court of juſtice. 66 That he deſired to be underſtood as by no means an advo- cate for the immorality of the action ; for this is not a profecu- tion for the public, or to puniſh immorality; this is only the queſtion, whether the defendant has injured the plaintiff; and certainly the plaintiff cannot be injured, if he has not only conſentéd, but has even taken a price. However, gentlemen of the jury, if it ſhould be thought requiſite to find a verdict for the plaintiff, we have not a denomination of coin ſmall enough to be given in damages.” The jury did not give the ſmalleſt piece of coin as damages, but adopted the hint, by giving ten pounds, or a piece of bank paper of the ſmalleſt value at that period in circulation. The familiar friends of lord Mansfield have frequently heard him recur with ſingular pleaſure to his ſucceſs in this cauſe, and the conſequences which fowed from it. His own perſpicuous manner of introducing it cannot fail to pleaſe, and raiſe emu- lation in young men of genius. From this trivial accident he was accuſtomed to ſay : ſineſs poured in upon me on all ſides ; and, from a few hun- dred pounds a year, I fortunately found myſelf , in every ſubſe- quent year, in poſſeſſion of thouſands." It may be deemed ſomewhat curious to obſerve, that a fimilar accident, however trivial, bröught another great lumi- nary in the law into full buſineſs. Mr. Dunning (afterwards lord ASHBURTON) had perſevered in going the Weſtern circuit fix or ſeven years, without any great emolument, until of the leading counſel on the circuit, who was afflicted with the gout, and who having diſcovered abilities in, gaged, our Tyro to read and make obſervations on his briefs ; on briefs which Mr. Serjeant Glynn's feeble hands could not ſupport. He handed them over to his young friend, who'fhone ſo much in his new ſphere, as from that day, and from the bu- fineſs 66 bu- one. . had en- 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 37 A 1 ſineſs of general warrants, which trod on the heels of it, his fame, like another Murray's, was recorded. A more recent in- ſtance of patronage in a law-lord, who has twice added luſtre to the firſt civil employment in this kingdom, ought not to be paſſed over in ſilence, ſince it relates to one of the ſhining or- naments of the profeſſion, and might be made a prominent feature in any mirror held up to raiſe laudable emulation in the Tyros of promiſe at the bar : but delicacy to two great charac- ters admoniſhes the author merely to ſtate the ſimple facts. In the year 1781, the great merit of the young barriſter was beſt known to a few ſelect friends, of whom the late Mr. Lee, for- merly his majeſty's attorney general, was one--(one whoſe phi- lanthropy, and goodneſs of heart, will ever be revered). He re- joiced in having a fair opportunity of introducing his young friend to a patron, whoſe power was equal to his inclination to foſter and reward merit. In the following year, the fair emolu- ments of his profeſſion roſe in a tenfold degree; and it is plea- ſing to add, that the ſucceeding years have been diſtinguiſhed, in every reſpect, with the greateſt reputation, and with high pro feſſional honors. In the ſame year, 1737, we find a parliamentary inveſtigation of an important buſineſs, which required all the eloquence, all the powers, of our juriſprudent as a pleader, in mitigation of puniſhment. “ Whereas, upon Tueſday the 7th of September, 1736, there was a moſt feditious and outrageous riot in the city of Edinburg, notoriouſly concerted and carried on by great numbers of wicked, diſorderly, and blood-thirſty, perſons, who did, with open force and violence, ſeize the arms of the city- guard, poſſeſs themſelves of the city-gates, and, by ſetting fire to and breaking open the door of the Toll-Booth of the ſaid city, did unlawfully and audaciouſly reſcue and ſet at large ſe- veral criminals therein confined: and whereas captain John Porteous, then a priſoner there, under ſentence of death, but graciouſly reprieved by the queen's moſt excellent majeſty, as guara . 4 + 38 THE LIFE OF guardian of the realm, was, by the rioters, in a cruel manner, dragged from the priſon, and moſt barbarouſly hanged by the neck, and murdered in manifeſt violation of the public peace, in defiance and ſubverſion of legal government, in high contempt of our ſovereign lord the king and his laws, and to the moſt preſumptuous and unparalleled obſtruction of the royal mercy ; and for ſome time before the committing of the ſaid murder and riot it was commonly reported in Edinburgh, that ſome fuch atrocious fact would be attempted, which, by proper care in the magiſtrates, citizens, and inhabitants of the ſaid city, might have been prevented; notwithſtanding which, Alexander Wilſon, Eſq. the provoſt of the ſaid city, and then actually reſident in the ſaid city, and fully apprized of the ſaid wicked deſign, did not take any precautions to prevent the ſaid murder and riot, nor uſe the proper or neceſſary means to ſuppreſs the ſame, or to preſerve the peace of the ſaid city, or, after the perpetration of the ſaid fact, to diſcover, apprehend, or ſecure the authors or abettors thereof, in manifeſt violation of the truſt and duty of his office of chief ma- giſtrate of the ſaid city ; nor were any means or endeavours uſed by the citizens and inhabitants of the ſaid city to prevent or fup- preſs the ſaid notorious riot, or to hinder the ſaid inhuman and barbarous murder, or to diſcover the perſons concerned therein, in order to bring them to juſtice.”. Such are the ſerious charges enu- merated in the preamble to a bill of pains and penalties brought into parliament, and which, in the year 1737, after various modifica- tions, and a firm and unabated oppoſition in every ſtage of its pro- greſs, was paſſed into a law, under the title of “ An Act to dif- able Alexander Wilſon, Eſq. from taking, holding, or enjoying any Office of Magiſtracy in the City of Edinburgh, or elſewhere in Great Britain, and for impoſing a Fine upon the Corporation of the ſaid City *.” -- 1 * 10 George II. c. 34. In ! A 39 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. :. ) In both houſes of parliament Mr. Murray was employed as counſel, and acquitted himſelf ſo much to the ſatisfaction of his clients, that afterwards, in September 1743, as we are informed by Boyſe in his Hiſtorical Review of the tranſaction of Europe, 1747 *, Mr. Murray was preſented with the freedom of Edin- burgh in a gold box, profeſſedly, as it was declared, for his fig- nal ſervices by his ſpeeches in both houſes of parliament, in the conduct of that buſineſs. On this occaſion a youth of fourteen tried the ſtrength of his infant Muſe, by addreſſing the following little poem to Mr. Murray : Hail, glorious youth ! diſtinguiſh'd virtue, hail! Prop of your country and the public weal! Fain would my infant Muſe your praiſe proclaim, To Thew her ardor, not to raiſe your fame : Your fame exalted far above your praiſe, Fame which no Muſe, no Bard, can higher raiſe. Oh! with that tranſport were my breaſt inſpir’d, Which in the public cauſe your boſom fir'd ! Or were the numbers of my youthful ſong Soft as the accents of your graceful tongue ! Then might I juftly ſet your praiſes forth, And then might celebrate your matchleſs worth. But you are ſtill ſuperior to applauſe, By honor taught to aid your country's cauſe; Your ſoul, a ſtranger to vile avarice, To ſcreen the guilty thinks a ſordid vice; For which your country does your praiſe proclaim, Augment your glory, and renew your fame. Tyrants may ſternly frown, and courts oppoſe, And crouds of ſervile ſouls turn honor's foes ; 1 * Vol. I, p. 403. Thie na 40 THE LIFE OF : The love of gain may venal vices rule, And drown the ſpark that fires the patriot ſoul ; Nor courts, nor bribes, nor even a royal frown-- Can make your tongue the public cauſe diſown. Oh! durft my tow'ring liopes attempt your height, And trace the mazes of your glorious flight ! Oh! durſt I hope to ſerve mankind like thee, Protect the harmleſs, and fet nations free! But theſe are bleſſings Heaven beſtows on few, Bleffings which few attain, nor all purſue. Go on, brave youth! enjoy uncommon fate, And ſhine ſuperior in the high debate : Your cauſe is glorious, freedom and the ſtate. Go, and your morals to the laſt maintain, While we theſe virtues which we can't attain In you with ever thankful lips approve, And envy's loft in gratitude and love. 1 } G. E-t. 1 { 1738. On the 20th of November, 1738, he married lady Elizabeth Finch, one of the ſix daughters of Daniel Earl of Winchelſea ; a marriage, which added fortune and ſplendid family-con- nections to the advantages of noble birth, and great fame, which Mr. Murray previouſly poſſeſſed. With this lady he lived in great harmony and domeſtic hap- pineſs almoſt half a century. Lady Mansfield, who was exem- plary through life in diligent, uniform, and unremitted attention to the diſcharge of her domeſtic concerns, and of every religious duty, died the roth of April, 1784. In the ſame year, 1738, there were fifteen or fixteen appeals heard and determined in the Houſe of Lords, and in no leſs than eleven of that number was Mr. Murray employed as counſel, either for the appellants or reſpondents. His friend and panegyriſt, Mr. Pope, might therefore with ſtrict propriety ſay of him So known, ſo honor'd, at the Houſe of Lords. 1739 . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 4 i 1739 and 1740. In the years 1739 and 1740, we find Mr. Murray engaged in thirty caſes of appeal to the Houſe of Lords ; a greater number, we preſume, than in the courſe of the preſent century has, in any two fucceeding years, fallen to the lot of any one of the moft eminent counſel at the bar, thoſe great luminaries Talbot and Yorke not excepted ; ſo rapid, fo extenſive, and ſo unparalleled was the ſucceſs of Mr. Murray! And when it is conſidered, that ten years only intervened between the commencement of his practice at the Chancery bar in 1732, and his appointment to the office of ſolicitor-general in 1742, a very flattering and fair concluſion may be drawn, that his legal fame and his extenſive practice were not confined to the Houſe of Lords. One of thoſe caſes of appeal is, it muſt be confeſſed, of a complection which deſerves particular notice*, Caſes of appeal to this high court of judi. * It is that of an Iriſh widow, who claimed dower out of the eſtate of her late huſband. This caſe depended entirely on the conſtruction of an act of par- liainent made in Ireland in the ſixth year of the reign of queen Anne, c. 16. by which it was enacted, That if any perſon or perſons ſhould, by any ſub- tle means, or ſecret infinuations and deluſions, threats or menaces, perſuade or procure the ſon and heir apparent, or other ſon of any perſon or perſons having lands, tenements, or hereditaments, of the yearly value of 50l. or perſonal eſtate of the value of 5ool. or ſhould in manner aforeſaid perſuade or procure the eldeſt ſon, or any other ſon of any perſon or perſons deceaſed, to contract matrimony without the privity or conſent of the parents or guar- dians of ſuch eldeſt or other ſon, and ſuch matrimony be had as aforeſaid before ſuch ſon attained the age of twenty-one years, every ſuch perſon or perſons contracting matrimony without the privity and conſent of ſuch pa- rent or guardian ; and in caſe there be no parent or guardian appointed, then and in ſuch caſe of the lord chancellor, lord keeper, or commiſſioners of the great feal for the time being; ſhould be, and was thereby, rendered incapa- ble, and for ever diſabled, to ſue for, recover, or demand any dower, thirds, or any other part of the real or perſonal eſtate of ſuch ſon or fons, or claim or demand any jointure or other proviſion out of the real or per- ſonal eſtate of ſuch ſon or fons, made to, or in truſt for her, by any will, deed, or. ſettlement whatſoever. In 1-726 the defendant Catharine, who was the widow of John Kent de- ceaſed, brought her writ of dower in the court of Common Pleas in Ireland againſt the plaintiffs, thereby demanding her third of certain lands in Kil- G kenny, THE LIFE OF judicature are generally confined to ſubjects fo private, local, and unintereſting to the public, as to have precluded the author of theſe ſheets from attempting even a ſhort analyſis of thoſe wherein Mr kenny, which were the freehold and inheritance of her huſband. The plain- tiffs obtained leave to plead double. Each put in two ſeveral pleas. The firſt, that John Kent was not feiſed of ſuch an eſtate in the lands as was dowable, and iſſue was joined upon that fact. The fecond plea was, that Catharine, on the firſt of May, 1721, by ſubtle means, ſecret inſinuations and deluſions, threats and menaces, perſuaded and procured the faid John Kent, her late huſband, and the eldeſt ſon and heir apparent of John Kent the elder, to contract matrimony with her, without the privity or conſent of the ſaid John Kent the elder, who was then alive, and had lands and tene- ments in fee fimple, of the yearly value of sol. and above; and that the ſaid John Kent, formerly the huſband of the ſaid Catharine, was then of the age of eighteen years and no more, and never had any guardian except his father; and that neither the lord chancellor of Ireland, nor the keeper of the great ſeal of Ireland for the time being, conſented to the ſaid marriage. Catharine replied to the ſecond plea, that ſhe did not, by ſubtle means, &c. perſuade or procure John Kent to contract matrimony with her without the privity and conſent of his father; and they joined iffue. Both the iſſues were tried at the Lent aſſizes in 1727; and as to the firſt, the jury found, that the huſband died feiſed in fee ſimple of lands, the third part whereof was of the yearly value of 791. 55. gd. And as to the ſecond plea, the jury found a ſpecial verdict to this effect : That Catharine contracted matrimony with the ſaid John Kent without the privity of her huſband's father ; that her huſband was under the age of twenty-one at the time of the marriage, and was the eldeſt ſon and heir apparent of his father, who was ſeiſed of lands in fee fimple of the yearly value of 50l. and upwards, but that Catha- rine did not perſuade or procure John Kent to contract matrimony with her by ſubtle means or ſecret infinuations, deluſions, threats, or menaces. In Michaelmas Term, 1727, the court of Common Pleas, after ſeveral arguments, were of opinion, that Catharine was entitled to her dower, and gave judge- ment accordingly. The opponents brought a writ of error in the King's Bench in Ireland; and, after various proceedings in 1731, judgement was affirmed in the King's Bench in Ireland. Notwithſtanding theſe concurrent determinations, a writ of error was brought in the King's Bench in England, and in 1733 the judgement out of the Common Pleas in Ireland was affirmed. Novem ber 1734, a writ of error was returnable in the Houſe of Lords, and, by the death of one of the plaintiffs in error, a petition in January 1735 was pre- fented to enlarge the time for bringing a new writ of error. In 1736, the defendant Catharine was innocently the cauſe of ſome delay, by marrying Robert Whitby, a fecond huſband; but the cauſe being revived, and Kent and -- WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 43 Mr. Murray was early engaged as counſel, except in one or two ſtriking inſtances. and May having made default in Hilary. Term 1736, the court of King's Bench in Ireland gave judgement, that Robert Whitby and Catharine his wife ſhould have ſeiſin of her dower. On the 12th of March, 1736, John Kent and James May brought a writ of error upon that judgement, returnable in parliament, which, on the 30th of March, 1738, was, by the Houſe of Lords, declared to be null and void, and the ſame was ordered to be quaſhed, becauſe the record could not be removed into the Houſe of Lords here without paſſing through the court of King's Bench in England ; and accordingly, the plaintiff in error brought a writ of error, returnable in that court; and in Michaelmas Terin, 1738, the judgement of the court of King's Bench in Ireland was affirmed without op- poſition. The plaintiffs in error have brought a writ of error in parliament, and have aſſigned the general errors; and Robert Whitby and Catharine his wife have put in a joinder in error. Mr. and Mrs. Whitby humbly hoped that, after ſo many determinations in their favor, the judgement of the court of King's Bench in England would be affirmed, for the following obvious reaſons, among ſeveral others : I. That, as Catharine Whitby cannot be ſaid to have been guilty of any offence againſt the ſtatute, there was no foundation to deprive her of her juſt right. II. Becauſe the act of parliament, being in nature of a penal ſtatute, ought to be conſtrued ſtrictly, eſpecially in the caſe of dower, which has always been very much favored in law. In this caſe they were not diſappointed; the lords affirmed judge- ment in her favor, with rool. coſts. We have now travelled through the hiſtory of a lady's ſuit at law for the re- covery of her dower, purſued it through all its windings and labyrinths in Ireland and in England, and have fortunately brought it to a ſucceſsful con- cluſion. How forcibly muſt the many years litigation in the cauſe have ftruck the vigorous mind of our young juriſprudent! Muſt not the long delay, the obſtinate perſeverance, and the unrelenting perſecution of her opponents, have been deemed by her animated and very able counſel, Mr. Murray, to have been vexatious, oppreſſive, productive of inconvenience, and of injuries which ought, by all poſſible means, to be prevented in future? The ladies of Great Britain may with great reaſon triumph, that no delay of a ſimilar nature can be found upon the records of the earl of Mansfield's adminiſtration of juſtice in the court of King's Bench in England. And we beg permiſſion to add, that the ladies of Ireland may in their turn rejoice, that the ſame lord chief juſtice, who ultimately conducted Mrs. Whitby's cauſe to a deſirable concluſion, lived long enough to ſee the right of appeał from the courts of judicature in Ireland to thoſe in England aboliſhed. Par G 2 porten THE LIFE OF : Par nobile Fratrum ! 1 The two great Luminaries of the State ; Mr. PITT, late EARL of CHATHAM, and Mr. MURRAY, late EARL of MANSFIELD. . To ſhew the coincidence of the characters of theſe illuſtrious men, the following brief ſketch is with great diffidence attempted. In their juvenile academical exerciſes they were generous rivals. They commenced their political life nearly at the ſame period, were generally oppoſed to each other in the Houſe of Commons, and were rivals for pre-eminence. Mr. Pitt, the great oppoſer of Sir Robert Walpole's and of Mr. Pelham's adminiſtrations, took his feat in the houſe as a member for Old Sarum in 1740. Mr. Murray, having previouſly and prudently determined to eſtabliſh his fame in the line of his profeſſion, before he com- menced his political career, did not take his ſeat in parliament as member for Boroughbridge till the year 1742*, ſoon after he had been appointed his Majeſty's folicitor-general. The reaſon he aſſigned for reſiſting the ſolicitation of his friends to fit in par- liament, ſome years antecedent to that period, was, that he * 22 Nov. 1742, the houſe ordered a new writ for electing a burgeſs for Boroughbridge, in the room of James. Tyrrell, Eſquire. William Murray, Eſquire, lately appointed ſolicitor general, on the reſignation of Sir John Strange, was unanimouſly elected. Commons' Debates, 1742. 5. found 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 45 found many very reſpectable friends on both ſides of the houſe. His own forcible and favorite queſtion could not eaſily. be an- fwered : Why ſhould he be haſty in forming his attachment to one party, while he enjoyed the patronage of all parties ? In the year 1743, we find the two young ſtateſmen diſplaying their brilliant talents, and captivating the houſe with a ſpecies of oratory, which would have reflected honor on a Demoſthenes or a Cicero, the one fulminating in oppoſition to the meaſures of government, probably with a view to convince the miniſter of the day, that he muſt ſubmit to have a dangerous and powerful opponent, until he was diſpoſed to receive and court his ſupport, as a valuable acquiſition to his party; the other, partly by choice, partly from attachment to the miniſter for his early appointment of him to the rank of his majeſty's ſolicitor-general, was the firm fupporter of the meaſures of government. To diſcuſs the cha- racters of theſe great men with any degree of preciſion would be an arduous undertaking, an Herculean talk! The following traits of compariſon are only offered as faint and imperfect out- lines of character : OF MR. PITT: I. The eloquence of Mr. Pitt may be compared to a mighty torrent, impatient of reſtraint, ruſhing with impetuoſity, and bearing all down before it, leaving behind the veſtiges of its all... commanding ſway, to imprint on the minds of thouſands the imminent danger of future inundation. II. Mr. Pitt poſſeſſed all the fire and dignity of Demoſthenes,, commanding reſpect, which was frequently matured as his periods flowed, and, ere his declamation was ended, reſpect. was exchanged for, or converted into, profound veneration ! His animated anſwer in the Houſe of Commons to an accuſa- tion of Horace Walpole’s, the brother of Sir Robert, then prime. miniſter, will. beſt evince the nature and, irreſiſtible force of his oratory 1 46 THE LIFE OF oratory. And although the celebrated Doctor Johnſon is, by learned men, allowed to have been the perſon who penned all that has hitherto appeared in print on the ſubject ; yet, on the authority of a very correct note taken by a dignified legal cha- racter, who was preſent when Mr. Pitt ſeized the attention of the Houſe, the following ſpeech puts in its claim for pre-eminence : > 66 Sir, The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honorable Gentleman has, with ſo much fpirit and decency, charged upon me, I ſhall neither attempt to palliate or deny, but content myſelf with wiſhing that I may be one of thoſe whoſe follies ceaſe with their youth, and not of that number who are ignorant in ſpite of experience. Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I will not aſſume the province of de- termining ; but ſurely age may juſtly become contemptible, if the opportunities which it brings have paſſed without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the paſſions are ſubſided. The wretch, who, having ſeen the conſequences of a thouſand errors, continues ſtill to blunder, and whoſe age has only added obſtinacy to ſtupidity, is ſurely an object of contempt or abhorrence, and deſerves not that his grey head ſhould ſecure him from inſult; but much more, Sir, is he to be abhorred, who as he is ad- vanced in age has receded from virtue, and become more wicked with leſs temptation, who proſtitutes himſelf for money which he cannot enjoy, and ſpends the remainder of his life in the ruin of his country. But youth is not the only crime I have been accuſed of: it has been ſaid I have acted a theatrical part. A theatrical part may either imply ſome peculiarities of geſture, or a diffimulation real ſentiments, and the adoption of the opinion and lan- guage of another man. In the firſt ſenſe, the charge is too trifling to be confuted, and deſerves only to be mentioned to be deſpiſed. I am at liberty, like other men, to uſe my own language ; and though perhaps I may have ſome ambition to pleaſe that honora- ble of my 3 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 47 ble Gentleman, I ſhall not lay myſelf under any reſtraint, rör very folicitouſly copy either his mien or his diction, however matured by age or experience. If any perſon by charging me with theatrical behaviour ſhall imply that I utter any ſentiments but my own, I ſhall treat him as a calumniator and a villain, nor ſhall any protection ſhelter him from the treatment he de- ferves. I ſhall, on ſuch an occaſion, without fcruple, trample upon all thoſe forms with which wealth and dignity entrench themſelves ; nor ſhall any thing but age reſtrain my reſentment- age, which always brings one privilege, that of being infolent and ſupercilious without puniſhment. But, with regard to thoſe Sir, whom I have offended, I am of opinion, that if I had acted a borrowed part, I ſhould have avoided the cenſure. The heat which offended them is the ardour of conviction, and that zeal for the ſervice of my country, which neither hope nor fear ſhall ever influence me to ſuppreſs. I will not fit unconcerned while my liberty is invaded, nor look in ſilence upon public robbery. I will exert my endeavours, at whatever hazard, to repel the age greſſor, and drag the thief to juſtice, whoever may protect them in their villany, or whoever may partake of their plunder." III. Early in life Sarah ducheſs of Marlborough remunerated Mr. Pitt for his ſervices to his country by leaving him a legacy in the following words: “I give to William Pitt, of the pariſh of Saint James within the liberty of Weſtminſter, eſquire, the ſum of 10,000l. upon account of his merit in the noble defence he has made for the ſupport of the laws of England, and to prevent the ruin of the country.” The political tenets and the conduct of the noble ducheſs, in her oppoſition to Sir Robert Walpole's adminiſtration, are too well known to need any com- ment; yet the receipt of this legacy had not any inherent attrac- tion, any taliſmanic virtue, to prolong or perpetuate oppoſition to the meaſures of government, IV. 1 48 THE LIFE OF 1 ! IV. When Mr. Pitt became ſuſceptible of love, and turned his thoughts to domeſtic happineſs, the reſpectable addition of fortune, and of family connections were not overlooked,, nor diſregarded. Laſtly, The tranſcendent abilities of Mr. Pitt were employed in, and confined to, the inveſtigation of political ſubjects. He entered the Houſe of Commons full of vigor, health, and anima- tion. The emanations of his vigorous mind were in their me- ridian glory in the midſt of a long debate ; and as he generally entered the houſe freſh, powerful, and panting for victory, like a celebrated champion entering the liſts of the Olympic games, fo, at the cloſe of his parliamentary conteſt, like Virgil's Entel- lus, he might juſtly conclude, Hic victor cæftus artemque repono.. OF MR. MURRAY. 1. The ſilver Thames, meandring through a rich and long extent of country, fertilizing the adjacent banks, and giving grace and beauty, in addition to great riches, wherever its re- freſhing waters flow, may be deemed the fair emblem of Mr. Murray's eloquence : “Though deep, yet clear; though gentle, yet not dull; Strong without rage, without o’erflowing full." Sir John Denham's Cooper's Hill. II. Mr. Murray had confeſſedly formed himſelf on the beſt models of eloquence. His voice was mellifluous, his manner en- gaging ; and whenever he exerted his powers, and employed his eloquence in any important cauſe or debate, he never failed to conciliate the good opinion, the reſpect, and veneration of the audience. From one important cauſe, diſcuſſed under peculiar circum- ſtances, and at a period when, in addition to the taunts of an indivi. A WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 49 - 1 1 individual of ſuperior talents to moſt men, party-prejudice ran very high, when terrors were hung out, and even perſonal vio- lence denounced, Lord Mansfield, with great animation, re- pelled the attacks made upon himſelf and his colleagues in the court of King's Bench. To pourtray the numerous ſhades of diſtinction between the ſpeeches of Mr. Pitt, the diſciple of Demoſthenes, and Mr. Murray, the lover of Ciceronian eloquence, would require volumes, and would not fail to form a ſplendid ſyſtem of Britiſh oratory; but the ſelection of a few ſentences from a very ani- mated ſpeech (which the ſtudious reader will have the pleaſure of finding among the ſingular events of the year 1768 in the Second Chapter of this work) will, it is to be hoped, be ſufficient for the preſent purpoſe. It was our duty, as well as our inclination, fedulouſly to conſider, whether, upon any other ground, or in any other light, we could find an informality in the proceedings, which we might allow with ſatisfaction to our own minds, and avow to the world. “ But here, let me pauſe! it is fit to take ſome notice of the various terrors hung out. The numerous crowds which have attended, and now attend, in and about the hall, out of all reach of hearing what paſſes in court, and the tumults which in other places have ſhamefully inſulted all order and government, au- dacious addreſſes in print dictated to us from thoſe they call the people, the judgement to be given now, and afterwards upon the conviction. Reaſons of policy are urged, fr.om danger to the kingdom, by commotion and general confuſion. “ Give me leave to take the opportunity of this great and re- ſpectable audience, to let the whole world know all ſuch attempts are vain. . Unleſs we have been able to find an error which will bear us out to reverſe the outlawry, it muſt be affirmed. The conſti- tution does not allow reaſons of ſtate to influence our judgements : H God 50 THE LIFE OF 3 1 God forbid it ſhould! We muſt not regard political conſequences, how formidable foever they might be. If rebellion was the cer- tain conſequence, we are bound to ſay, 'Fiat juſtitia, ruat cælum. The conſtitution truſts the king with reaſons of ſtate and po- licy. He may ſtop proſecutions. He may pardon offences. It is his to judge whether the law or the criminal ſhould yield. We have no election. We cannot pardon. We are to ſay what we take the law to be. If we do not ſpeak our real opinions, we pre- varicate with God and our own conſciences. “I paſs over many anonymous letters I have received. Thoſe in print are public; and ſome of them have been brought judicially before the court. Whoever the writers are, they take the wrong: way. I will do my duty unawed. What am I to fear? that mendax infamia from the preſs, which daily coins falſe facts and falſe motives? The lies of calumny carry no terror to me: : I truſt, that my temper of mind, and the colour and conduct of my life, have given me a fuit of armour againſt theſe arrows. If, during this king's reign, I have ever ſupported his government and aſſiſted his meaſures, I have done it without any other re- ward than the conſciouſneſs of doing what I thought right. If I have ever oppoſed, I have done it upon the points them- félves, without mixing in party or faction, and without any col- lateral views. I honor the king, and reſpect the people; but many things acquired by the favor of either are, in my account, obječts not worth ambition. I wiſh popularity.;. but it is that pu- pularity which follows, not that which is run after ;, it is that popularity which, ſooner or later, never fails to do juſtice to the purſuit of noble ends by noble means. I will not do that which my conſcience tells me is wrong,. upon this occaſion, to gain the applauſe of thouſands, or the daily praiſe of all the papers which come from the preſs. I will not avoid doing what I think is right; though it ſhould draw on me the whole artillery of libels; all that falſehood and malice can invent, or the credulity of a de- luded: 1 I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ·51 1 luded populace can ſwallow. I can ſay, with a great magiſtrate, upon an occaſion, and under circumſtances not unlike, Ego hoc animo ſemper fui, ut invidiam virtute partam, gloriam non invidiam putarem. “ Threats go farther than abuſe ; perſonal violence is denounced. I do not believe it. It is not the genius of the worſt of men of this country in the worſt of times; but I have ſet my mind at reſt. The laſt end that can happen to any man never comes too fuon, if he falls in ſupport of the law and likerty of his country (for liberty is fynonymous to law and government). Such a ſhock too might be productive of public good. It might awake the better part of the kingdom out of that lethargy which ſeems to have benumbed them, and bring the mad part back to their ſenſes, as men intoxicated are ſometimes ſtunned into ſobriety.” III. In his entrance into public life, when Mr. Murray, as the younger ſon of a noble family, did not enjoy any landed pro- perty, Mr. Vernon, a mercer on Ludgate-Hill, and a reputed friend to Jacobitiſm, gave and deviſed an eſtate in the counties of Cheſter and Derby to the honorable William Murray, his heirs and aſſigns for ever. The deviſee took poſſeſſion of the eſtate, but the only gratitude, he evinced was that of preſerving this firſt-fruits of territorial property in his family, where it yet re- mains. Mr. Murray retained the gift, without imbibing, or adhering to the tainted principles of the donor *. IV. i - * Mr. Vernon was one of the deſcendants of a very 'antient family, who had been for many centuries in poſſeſſion of the deviſed eſtate, which, at the leaſt, was equal in value to the ducheſs of Marlborough's legacy of 10,000l. to Mr. Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham. The curious reader will probably be pleaſed with any accurate explanation of the foundation whereon the fine ſuperſtructure of a deviſe of antient patrimony was built. Mr. Ver- non had a ſon, who was educated at Weſtminſter ſchool, and who was con- temporary with Mr. Murray. An early friendſhip between thoſe college- youths was foſtered by the father, who conceived that it could not fail to be H2 of A 0 i 52 THE LIFE OF } 1 IV. On Mr. Murray's marriage with one of the daughters of the earl of Winchelſea, the acquiſitions of fortune and family- connections were ſplendid and permanent. Laſtly. Mr. Murray's ſhining abilities were diſplayed in all the viciſſitudes of argument and debate. He might truly ſay, with his friend and favorite Tully, with a little variation, Non nobis nati ſumus ; partem leges, partem præfidium, partem patria, fibi vindicant. Lord chancellor Hardwicke in the Court of Chancery claimed (and could bear ample teſtiinony to) many hours of exertion, on the part of Mr. Murray, in the morning. The council-chamber, or the bar of the Houſe of Lords, put in their irreſiſtible claim to ſtill greater exertions about noon; and though laſt, not leaſt in his eſteem, if we may form a judgement from many excellent ſpeeches made in the houſe of commons ; he entered the liſts with the greateſt of all rivals, Mr. Pitt, who, with a degree of candour worthy of himſelf, admitted that he generally found in Mr. Murray a fair, open, and formidable rival. Can any tribute of applauſe be more animated than that which flowed from lord Chatham, on a great occaſion in the houſe of lords, when, in anſwer to lord Mansfield, he ſaid, “ My lords, I muſt beg the indulgence of the houſe ; neither will my health permit me, nor do I pretend to be qualified to follow that noble lord through the whole of his argument. No man is better ac- quainted with his abilities and learning, nor has a greater reſpect for them than I have. I have had the pleaſure of ſitting with of mutual benefit to each of the tyros. When Providence was pleaſed to diffolve the bond of amnity, and leave Mr. Vernon childleſs, he ſeems to liave formed the reſolution of adopting the faſt friend of his ſon. To adduce proof; in the year 1738, and on the very intereſting occaſion of the marriage of Mr. Murray with the daughter of a noble earl, familiar letters froin Mr. Vernon fully evince, that his great regard for Mr. Murray was deeply riveted, and that, by adoption, he conſidered himſelf as ſtanding forward on that happy occaſion in the place of a parent. him # 53 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. him in the other houſe, and always liſtened to him with attention. I have not now loft a word of what he ſaid, nor did I ever.” In the faine houſe, and on another great occaſion, lord Chat- ham having quoted lord Somers, and lord chief juſtice Holt, in ſupport of his law, and having drawn their characters in fplendid colours, turning to lord Mansfield with a truly dignified geſture, “ I vow to God, I think the noble lord equals them both in abili- ties!" 1 1 In the adminiſtration of the late duke of Newcaſtle, and his brother Mr. Pelham, the life of the earl of Mansfield was that of a moſt able advocate and an active ſtateſman, who aſſiſted thoſe miniſters in the great work of balancing parties, and com- bating the very powerful oppoſition to their adminiſtration. By a ſteady attachment to his principles and his party, he obtained, and juſtly merited, all the praiſe that is due to conſiſt- ency. Many pages might, with great facility, be filled with fine ſpeeches aſcribed to the honorable Mr. Murray. But when it is conſidered, that many of thoſe ſpeeches were made either in fupport of treaties with, or affiſtance to be given by this country to foreign powers, and on other local and particular ſubjects, which by length of time are become leſs intereſting, however applauded at the time at which they were delivered ; it is need- leſs to repeat them here. It will be ſufficient to preſent the rea- der with a few ſelect ſpeeches delivered by him when his ma- jeſty's ſolicitor general, and when, in his more dignified ſitua- tion of a peer of the realm, he enjoyed the moſt commanding influence. Alas! all his lordſhip's own records of himſelf; all his manuſcripts, notes, and papers, were deſtroyed in the horrid riots of 1780. His language was impelled by the weight and dignity of the ſubject which he diſcuſſed. He ſpoke froin his fcelings; and his fine tone of voice, which gave him the appellation of the ſilver- tongued Murray, roſe in due proportion, as he was warmed with tlie . 54 THE LIFE OF 1 A 1 the fubject, all appeared to be in perfect uniſon. He was in de bate lively and copious, perſpicuous without conſtraint, melli- fluous without exuberance, and convincing without oſtentation! His mind' was vigorous in an uncommon degree; and ſo reten- tive was his memory, that, at any diſtance of time, he would re- peat any arguments or anecdotes he had heard, with all their combinations of circumſtances, to the aſtoniſhment of ſtrangers, and to the great admiration and entertainment of his friends. Nature had endowed him with moſt fingular powers of com- prehenſion. Theſe, aided by the moſt extenſive reading, and the ſtudy of the moſt celebrated authors, made him ever capable of illuminating the darkeſt ſubjects. Rarely do irreſiſtible powers of conviction and pleaſing manners unite in one perſon. But, while elegance of language and force of fentiment have charms to pleaſe, the remembrance of the earl of Mansfield's natural and acquired endowments cannot fail to ſecure univer- fal admiration. What inexpreſſible delight was it to participate the pleaſantry and eaſe of his converſation, in thoſe convivial hours, where true greatneſs is exhibited to our view without re- ſerve, where the genuine effuſions of a well-informed mind are conſpicuous without deſign, and where elegance and ſimplicity unite, without affectation to form a finiſhed character! Mr. Murray, if the alluſion may be pardoned, was, “when unadorned, adorned the moſt.” In private diſcourſe at his table, he would enliven and enter- tain his gueſts with the pureſt attic wit, and thus improve the flavor of the choiceſt wines. At one time, curious hiſtorical facts engaged their attention ; at another, anecdotes of the moſt celebrated men were related by him with engaging eaſe and - uncommon accuracy. To endowments naturally great, he added, with ſolicitude and uncommon ſucceſs, the refinement of improvement by ſtu- dying the beſt compoſitions. He not only knew how to poliſh the diamond, but alſo to enhance the value by a judicious diſplay of its luſtre. Yet, although he was induſtrious to excel others, no - 1 one 1 A WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 55 one was a greater admirer of excellence in other men. He left, to minds leſs enlarged than his, the invidious purſuit, the pain of damping or depreſſing riſing genius. The heart-felt pleaſure was his, of ſeizing every fair occaſion to confer on dawning ge- nius his friendly countenance, advice, and ſupport ! He was an excellent judge of men and things. Early in life he was ſuſceptible of the paſſion of friendſhip, and ſeemed to think its laws were ſacred and inviolable. Some of his familiar let- ters, to his friends in the profeſſion of the law, have been prea ferved, which do honor to his heart; and which in elegance and eaſe are not inferior to the letters of Pliny. In his eloquence at the bar and on the bench, we view the perfect image of a mind that was naturally clear and fufcep- tible of the fineſt impreſſions, of a mind that was conſiderably im- proved by making the great Roman orator, Cicero, his great example and his theme. His imagination was fo fruitful and lively as to profit by the leaſt hint. He had the felicity of adorning and enriching every ſubject he diſcuſſed; and, as it were, from dying embers: to raiſe a pure flame. Yet, in his judicial capacity, if the bril- liancy of his imagination, and the quickneſs and perſpicuity of his conceptions, ſecured the applauſe of a conſiderable part of the audience, the foundneſs of his judgement was ſure to cap- tiyate the reſt. A judgement like his, which was naturally good, ripened early into exquiſite ſenſibility and diſtinguiſhing ſagacity. In this inſtance, he verified the juſtneſs of Dr. John- fon's opinion, that it is ridiculous to oppofe judgement to imagi- nation, ſince it does not appear that men have neceſſarily leſs of one, as they have more of the other. ' In fine, the clearneſs of his head enabled him to ſolve : and ſurmount the moſt difficult and ſubtle points of law ; to develope the mazy labyrinths of pleading, as it were by intuition (ſince the ſcience of pleading had not engaged his early. atten- tion, or formed a part of his ſtudies); and the perſpicuous man: per in which he expreſſed his thoughts never failed to ſatisfy and 4. 1 } 56 THE LIFE OF and convince all parties. He very rarely had the facility of his flowing periods interrupted by hoarſeneſs, or impeded by thirſt. After having waited for his regular meal, through the preſs of much and tedious buſineſs, to a late hour in the even- ing, he has repeatedly ſaid, that he never knew what it was to be thirſty, or faint with hunger. Thus the imagination of this illuſtrious man ſeemed to be ever on the wing, ever ſoaring, yet never ſenſible of fatigue, the uſual concomitant of great exertions. Το promote ſubſtantial juſtice was his great and conſtant la- bour: the code of commercial laws, which he confeſſedly eſta- bliſhed on this ſolid principle, thed its happy influence far and wide. His own reſearches and approved adjudications, like a polar ſtar, guided his matured judgement; enabled him to me- liorate thoſe laws, in the ſtudy of which he had ſpent his early and in the diſcuſſion and illuſtration of which he had, ſo early as in 1742, diſplayed ſo much acumen, ability, quickneſs, and pre-eminence, as to be deemed the ſhining ornament of the Court of Chancery, life; A In 1743, On a motion in the houſe of commons to addreſs his majeſty, that he would be pleaſed to give directions for the diſ- miſſion of the Hanoverian troops, the honorable Mr. Murray, his majeſty's folicitor general, was called up in defence of the prerogative of the crown. "The motion now under our confideration is of ſuch a new and extra- ordinary nature, and ſuch a direct attack upon the prerogative of the crown; that I ſhould think myſelf very little deſerving of the honor his majeſty has been pleaſed to confer upon me, if I ſat ſtill, and heard ſuch a motion made without ſaying any thing againſt it. - Every gentleman,, who has the honor to be a member of this houſe, and views the queſtion in the ſame light I do, is in duty bound to give his vote againſt it; but, from the poft I hold under the crown, I think myſelf obliged to give my reaſons againſt the motion, as well as my negative to the queſtion. By our conſti- tution, fir, the crown has its powers and prerogatives, as well as the people their WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 57 . . - their liberties and privileges, the overthrow of either would be an over- throw of our happy conftitátion; and no violent attack has ever yet been made upon the former, but what ended in the deftruction of the latter ; therefore, as members of this houſe, and as guardians of the liberties of the people, we are obliged to protect the prerogatives of the crown, and to be careful never to make any encroachment upon them. Among the preroga- tives of the crown, one of the chief is, that the king has not only the fole power of declaring war, but the ſole command and direction of its proſecu- tion. He alorre is to judge and determine how and in what manner; with what forces, and what fort of forces, the war is to be carried on; how our armies are to march, or our fquadrons to fail; and when they are to attack, or when keep upon the defenfive. All this, I ſay, the king haš, by his pre- Fogative, the ſole direction of; but, if this motion ſhould be agreed to, I ſhould not be at all ſurprized to ſee a venerable member of this houſe, who perhaps never was out of the iſland, nor ever ſaw an army or a ſquadron in his life, riſing up, and gravely moving to addreſs his majeſty, to order his army, or his ſquadron, to engage the enemy, without knowing any thing of the ſituation or circumſtances of either. Gentlemen may ſmile, fir, at this inference; but I muſt think that ſuch a motion would be full as reaſonable as the preſent motion. As we know no- thing of the preſent circumſtances or views of any one court in Europe, except what we have learned from common newſpapers, which is a ſort of knowledge that is not I am ſure to be depended on; it is impoſſible for us to judge what is the beſt method for giving effectual aſſiſtance to the queen of Hungary; and, if it can be ſuppoſed that our aſſiſting her with our money and our navy will be any way effectual, ſurely our aſlifting her with our troops, as well as our money and our navy, will be more effectual. The beſt and moſt certain way of judging in this caſe for us, is to judge by the effects, and from them, if we form a judgement, we muſt conclude, that his majeſty has choſen the beſt method for giving her affiſtance. Let us con- ſider the circumſtances of Europe, when our miniſters firſt reſolved to ſend our troops to Flanders, and compare them with the preſent : if we do, muſt we not acknowledge, that a happy change has been brought about in that ſhort period of time? I know it may be, and has been, ſaid, that this change has been brought about by the bravery of the queen of Hungary's troops, and the bad conduct of the French generals ; but, in all political events, it is eaſy to allign other reaſons beſides the true one. I ſhall readily acknow- I ledge 58, THE LIFE OF * 1 ledge the bravery of the queen of Hungary’s troops, and the fidelity of her fubjects ; but they muſt have been overwhelmed by numbers, if Pruffia and Saxony had not been brought off from the French alliance; and though. this did not happen till ſome time after we began to ſend our troops to Flanders, yet it is highly probable that our reſolving upon that meaſure had an effect upon the counſels of both theſe princes; for from that mea- ſure they perceived, that this nation had then begun, and was reſolved to act vigorouſly, and with all its force, for the ſupport of the queen of Hun- gary, which would render the ſucceſs of the ſchemes, they had then in view, much more precarious; and, at the ſame time, it left them more at liberty to Thew their reſentment upon the ill treatment they had met with, or night meet with, from France. It may therefore be reaſonably ſuppoſed, that this defection, which I look upon as the æra of the queen of Hungary's triumphs, was chiefly owing to our reſolving to ſend a body of our troops to Flanders. But it is very well known, that France had then above one hundred thou- fand regular troops on foot, beſides thoſe employed in Germany. If that court had thought themſelves in no danger at home, what could have hin- dered tliem from pouring in their whole army into Germany, which, with the emperor's forces and the armies they had there before, would have formed ſuch a numerous and powerful army as the queen of Hungáry, with all her forces, could not have withſtood? This they might certainly have done ; this they would probably have done ; but our ſending our troops to Flanders made the court of France apprehend an attack at home, which made it dangerous for them to ſend their diſciplined troops out of the kingdom. 'Tis true, we could not without the Dutch propoſe to form an army of above fifty thouſand men in Flanders; but the French court could not be certain that the Dutch would not ſuddenly reſolve to join us; and if they had, as their troops were all in the neighbourhood, they might, in a few days, have joined our army with fifty thouſand men, which would have made the allied army one hundred' , thouſand; and this would have been equal to any army the French could have brought againſt us. Beſides this, fir, the French neither did nor could know where we de ſigned to begin the attack. We might have begun it upon Dunkirk; we might have begun it upon the ſide of Lorrain, which borders upon the queen of Hungary's province of Luxemburgh ; and as theſe two countries are very diſtant the one from the other, as the French troops. muſt make a great ? . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 59 ". great circuit round the Auſtrian Netherlands, in marching from one of thoſe countries to the other, they were obliged to keep great bodies of regular troops in both, as well as along their whole frontier between the two, in order to be ready to defend themſelves wherever we ſhould begin the attack. In theſe circumſtances, even an army of fifty thouſand men muſt oblige .theni to keep near double that number upon their frontier ; and the uncertainty they were in with regard to the Dutch, who had reſolved upon a third ayg- mentation of their troops, about the ſame time that we reſolved upon ſend- ing a body of ours to Flanders, could not but make it neceffary for the French to keep above one hundred thouſand men upon that extenſive fron- tier, which was in danger of being attacked by the allied army. Therefore it muſt be acknowledged, that our beginning to form an army in Flanders, in the year 1742, diſabled the French from ſending the neceſſary reinforce- ments into Germany; and this enabled the queen of Hungary to make thoſe advantages of the retreat of the Pruſſian and Saxon troops, which would otherwiſe have been prevented by the arrival of new and numerous French armies. As the Dutch continued obſtinate in their pacific ſentiments, as there were no hopes of bringing them off from their beloved neutrality, the de- ſign of making an attack upon France, by the way of Flanders, was laid aſide; and it was reſolved to employ our army there in aſſiſting to drive the French troops entirely out of Germany, that ſo the emperor, being left deſtitute of all ſupport, might the more eaſily be induced to agree to ſuch terms as would eſtabliſh, upon a firm baſis, the tranquillity of his native country, and the balance of power in Europe. For this purpoſe our troops began to march from Flanders towards Germany early in the ſpring; and their march had ſuch an effect, that Germany is now entirely free from French troops ; the queen of Hungary is in poffeffion of the emperor's hereditary countries; and the French, inſtead of being the invaders of other people's territories, are now hardly able to defend their own. Upon the ſide of Germany, fir, theſe are the effects of the method his majeſty has choſen for aſſiſting the queen of Hungary; and, upon the ſide of Italy, the effects are equally happy. There, indeed, our navy has been of great uſe to us; but by our navy alone theſe effects.could not have been produced; for if we had not, by ſending our troops to Flanders, raiſed apprehenſions in the French of having their own frontier attacked, they would probably have ſent ſuch a conſiderable body of the troops to the aſſiſtance of the Spaniards in Savoy I 2 as + 60 . THE LIFE OF as might have enabled them to force their way into Italy, and, perhaps, to compel the king of Sardinia to ſubmit to their terms; but by our raiſing theſe apprehenſions in the French, and thereby diſabling them from ſending any reinforcement to the Spaniards, the latter have been obliged to remain in Savoy; the king of Sardinia remains firm to his alliance with the queen of Hungary; the duke of Modena has been ſtripped of his dutchy; and the king of the Two Sicilies has been obliged to withdraw his troops from that army of the Spaniards, which, by the neglect or pufillanimity of a former miniſter, was allowed to be tranſported by ſea to Italy. Thus, fir, we fee, that upon every ſide the moſt happy effects have been produced by the method his majeſty has choſen for aſſiſting the queen of Hungary; and from thence, I think, I have reaſon to conclude, that it is the beſt method his majeſty could have choſen, and that it ought not to be altered, unleſs ſome new and extraordinary event ſhould make an alteration very apparently neceſſary. If then it be neceſſary to aſſiſt the queen of Hungary with troops, as well as with our money and our navy; I hope it will not be ſaid, that we can affiſt her effectually with our own troops alone, and without taking any foreign.troops into our pay; for, if this ſhould be re- folyed on, it would be neceſſary to increaſe our national land-forces, to double or treble what we have at preſent on foot; and no one, I believe, will ſay that this will be conſiſtent, either with the preſervation of our con- ftitution, or the preſervation of our trade. From hence I muſt conclude, that, in order to aſſiſt the queen of Hungary effectually, and in that manner which has already produced fo happy effects, we muſt have foreign troops in our pay; and till it is made plain to me that we can have the ſame num- ber of foreign troops from ſome other potentate, and at as cheap a rate as we have this body of Hanoverians, I muſt be againſt the preſent motion and ſhould, till then, be againſt it, even ſuppoſing I were to be convinced of its being perfectly agreeable to our conſtitution. As to the inſinuations that have been thrown out in this houſe, and induſtriouſly ſpread without doors, of the cowardice of the Hanoverian troops, of their diſobeying the orders of our generals, and of the jealouſies and heart-burnings that have arifen between them and our Britiſh troops, I have made all the inquiry I could into the truth of theſe infinuations; and I find, they proceed entirely from thoſe jealouſies and animoſities that naturally ariſe, and always do ariſe, between troops of different nations, when united in the ſame army. Thoſe inſtances of cowardice, which I have heard mentioned, ſeem all to me to be 1 .. ' WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 6r be inſtances rather of a ſtrict diſcipline thạn of any cowardice; and, by all the accounts I have been able to collect, the Hanoverian troops ſeem to me to be ſo much under diſcipline, and ſo much maſters of it, that no danger, no nor even ſucceſs itſelf, can make them neglect it, or break through it; which, according to the opinion of all the old officers I have converſed with, is of greater uſe in an army, and more ſerviceable in the day of battle, than a rafh forwardneſs and 'ungovernable impetuofity. If there was any ſeeming neglect of the orders of our generals, I am convinced it proceeded from fome miſtake, either in thoſe that delivered, or thoſe that received, the orders, and not from any wilful diſobedience; and the diſputes that aroſe between the Britiſh and Hanoverian troops were either about quarters, fo- rage, proviſions, or in relation to the courage of the two nations, which are diſputes that never fail to ariſe between the troops of different nations, and often do ariſe between the ſoldiers of different regiments; but theſe diſputes may eaſily be prevented from riſing to any height, by a prudent conduct in the officers, eſpecially the general in chief, and are rather of a good than a bad conſequence in a day of battle, becauſe they raiſe an emulation in the different corps, which contributes to the good behaviour of both. As to the partiality which, it is pretended, was ſhewn to the Hanoverian troops, I never could find the leaſt ground for the inſinuation; for, if they were ever furniſhed with greater plenty, or a better fort of proviſions or forage, by all the enquiries I have been able to make, it ſeems to have proceeded from their commiffaries and proveditors being better acquainted with the country, and more maſters of the language, perhaps more maſters of their buſineſs too, than thoſe that were employed as commiſſaries and proveditors for the Britiſh troops. From all which I hope it will appear, fir, that this body of Hanoverian troops may be as uſeful to us, and as ſerviceable to the common cauſe, as any equal number of foreign troops we can take into our pay; and, if this be ſo, I can ſee no reaſon for our diſmiſſing them, as long as we have occaſion for keeping any foreign troops in our pay; at leaſt we ought not to diſmiſs them, much leſs ought we to adviſe his majeſty to diſmiſs them, unleſs we were ſure of being able to ſupply their place by an equal number of ſome other foreign troops, whịch, I believe, no gentlemari in this houſe can pretend to be ſure of. Whether this houſe ought, in any caſe, to offer their advice to their ſove- reign, is a queſtion, fir, that, from the nature of our conſtitution, might admit of ſome diſpute ; becauſe it is very certain, that this houſe was not de- figned, > 62 THE LIFE OF .. figned, by its original inſtitution, to adviſe, but to conſent, as appears from the very words of the writ, the ancient form of which is ſtill preſerved. However, the practice has been ſo frequent for a century paſt, that we ſeem to be in poffeffion, and therefore I Thall not diſpute our right; but we ought never to make uſe of it, except in caſes where we have a full infor- mation, and are perfectly maſters of the affair in which we offer our advice, which is not, I am ſure, the caſe at preſent. We neither have nor can have a full inforınation of all the circumſtances of the affair to which this imotion relates; and to offer our advice in any ſuch caſe is the moſt certain way we can take to give his majeſty, as well as the public, a mean and contemptible opinion both of our judgement and diſcretion, which would derogate from the influence our advice ought to have in caſes where we have a full information, and can be no way accuſed of acting a pragmatical part. If the meaſures purſued by our adminiſtration had been attended with bad ſucceſs and ſignal misfortunes, either to ourſelves or our allies, this houſe would then have had ſome reaſon to enquire into the conduct of our miniſters, and to call for all papers, and other evidence, that might any way contribute towards giving us a full inſight into the whole of their con- duct; and if we found that our misfortunes, or the misfortune of our allies, had been owing to the wrong meaſures purſued by them, we might then with ſome decency adviſe our ſovereign to alter his meaſures as well as his miniſters. But when our meaſures have been attended with unexpected ſuc- ceſs, we can have no reaſon for any enquiry, and much leſs can we have a reaſon for adviſing his majeſty to alter his meaſures : but thoſe meaſures, it ſeems, have been all ſecretly calculated, and ſtill are ſecretly calculated, for the benefit of the electorate of Hanover. I confeſs, ſir, I am not a poli- tician deep enough to dive into the minds of men, and to diſcover thoſe hidden motives which appear neither from their words nor actions. It is apparent from the effects, that our meaſures have contributed greatly to the ſucceſs of the common cauſe; I mean, the ſupport of the queen of Hun- gary, and the ſecurity of the balance of power ; and if the electorate of Hanover had reaped, or may reap, any advantage by ſuch meaſures, it would be invidious to grudge it that advantage. The effects have ſhewn, that our taking foreign troops into our pay has been of great ſervice to the common cauſe: and, if the electorate has thereby reaped the advantage of getting a body of its troops maintained by us, we ought not to grudge it, or repine at it; for it has been no loſs to us, but rather an advantage, becauſe, if sve had not had the Hanoverian troops in our pay, we muſt have had an 5 equal 2 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 63 ) A í 1 equal number of the troops of fome other prince or ſtate, and muſt have paid for them; for to any other prince or ſtate we muſt have paid a yearly fubfidy, beſides maintaining his troops, and muſt, perhaps, have agreed to pay that ſubſidy for a certain number of years, even though we ſhould have had no occaſion for his troops during the greateſt part of that time. Again, fir, ſuppoſe the electorate of Hanover ſhould get ſome neighbouring terri- tory added to it by the next treaty of peace, would that be any loſs or any diſadvantage to this nation? Could it derogate in any manner of way from the chief end we have in view, which is that of ſupporting the Houſe of Auſtria, and thereby preſerving a balance of power in Europe ? Would it be right in us to repine at the additional territory which the king of Sar- dinia. is to have for ſupporting the common cauſe? Would it be right in us to ſay, that he acquires that additional territory at the expence of this na- tion, becauſe we pay him a yearly ſubſidy for enabling him to ſupport the common cauſe ? The abſurdity of ſuch a reaſoning is apparent ; and yet. we have more reaſon to repine at the additional territory the king of Sar- dinia is to acquire than at Hanover's acquiring any additional territory by the event of the preſent war ; becauſe the territory, which is to be added to the king of Sardinia's dominions, is to be taken from thoſe of the queen of Hungary; conſequently, the encreaſe. of power he thereby acquires is a di- minution of the power of the Houſe of Auſtria, and is the more dangerous, becauſe his whole weight may upon the next emergency be thrown into that ſcale, which we think is already too heavy: whereas we cannot ſuppoſe that the electorate of Hanover will defire any part of the queen of Hungary's dominions: whatever that electorate may acquire by the event of the war, it can be no diminution of the power of the Houſe of Auſtria ; and though, from late experience, we may ſuſpect that the weight of the king of Sar- dinia may, upon ſome future occaſion, be thrown into the French ſcale, we cannot fufpect that the weight of Hanover. will ever 'be thrown into the ſcale of the Houſe of Bourbon againſt the ſcale of the Houſe of. Auſtria, becauſe of the connection between Hanover and England; and becauſe of its being ſo much the intereſt of England to preſerve the power of the latter, as a balance againſt the power of the former. To infinuate, fir, that the war is. now continued, and this nation put to the expence of ſupporting it, for no other reaſon, but to compel France and the emperor to conſent to the making ſoine addition to the territories of Hanover, is an inſinuation of a moſt dangerous nature with reſpect to our preſent happy eſtabliſhment, becauſe it tends to wean the affections of the people, 64 THE LIFE OF people, iföt only frðin their preſent fovereign, but from the Proteſtant fuc- ceffion in the Hanover line.' Such an infinuation, when made without the moſt folid grounds, can proceed from nothing but a Republican or a Jaco- bitiſh ſpirit, which are equally dangerous to our preſent happy conſtitution; and equally, in my opinion, tend to the eſtabliſhment of a tyrannical and abſolute government; therefore, I was ſurprized to hear any ſuch inſinua- tions made in this houſe by gentlemen, who, as yet, have ſhėwn nó authen- tic fact, or paper, for ſupporting what they have thus boldly inſinuated. As for my own part, ſir, I do not pretend to be, nor is it my buſineſs to deſire to be, in the ſecrets of the cabinet, eſpecially with regard to foreign affairs ; but from the nature of things, and from all the public accounts we have, particularly thoſe that have been publiſhed by the authority of the court of Vienna, it is to me apparent, that the war is continued for no other reaſon but to force the emperor and France to cohfent to ſuch terms of peace as may reſtore the tranquillity of Europe, and ſecure the queen of Hungary, and conſequently the balance of power, from a ſudden ånd iin- mediate attack from the fame quarter. When the French found the flower of the army ſhut up in the city of Prague, almoſt without any practicable means of eſcaping, and when the emperor found himſelf ſtripped of his he reditary dominions, they might perhaps offer an armiſtice to the queen of Hungary; but the termis upon which they offered it was a plain indication, that they thereby meant only to get their army out of Prague, and the elit. peror's hereditary countries reſtored, in order to have a little breathing-time, and an opportunity of renewing the attack with more vigour and better con- duct. This, I ſay, appeared to be their only aim; and this, I ain per- ſuaded, will be the only aim of any terms they may hereafter propoſe, un- leſs they are compelled, by a vigorous and ſucceſsful attack upon France itſelf, to abandon their preſent ambitious projects. This, fir, is all, I believe, our minifters have at preſent in view by the continuance of the war, or by keeping the Hanoverian troops in the pay of Great Britain; for I never heard it ſo much as pretended by any of our mi- niſters, or by any friend of theirs, that they had now formed a ſcheme for making conqueſts upon France, and giving them to the queen of Hungary, by way of equivalent for what ſhe has yielded to Ruſſia, Saxony, and Sar- dinia ; and, as I do not believe they ever yet formed ſuch a ſcheme, I cannot believe they ever encouraged the queen of Hungary to hope that they would enter into any ſuch ſcheme, much leſs that they would agree to have it car- tried } : 65 1 1 . , WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD fate of war, may bring forth, I do not know ; but I am convinced, I ſay, that neither our miniſters, nor the miniſtry of the queen of Hungary, have ever yet thought of ſuch a ſcheme; and if France, by an obftinate adherence to her ambitious views, ſhould draw the war into her own bawels, and that war ſhould be attended with extraordinary ſucceſs, ſo as to make the ſucceſs of ſuch a ſcheme not only practicable but eaſy, I hope no true Engliſhman would be againſt our putting ourſelves to a little additional expence, in order to have ſuch a ſcheme carried into execution ; for it is certainly the intereſt of this nation to have the power of the houſe of Bourbon diminiſhed, as well as that of the houſe of Auſtria increaſed; and, if in this ſucceſsful ſcramble the electorate of Hanover ſhould come in for any additional territory, it would be moſt invidious in this nation to grudge it that advantage; becauſe it is what that electorate highly deſerves; both at our hands and thoſe of the queen of Hungary; for the elector of Hanover declared in her favour, when none of the other princes of the empire durft venture to do ſo; and he lent troops to this nation when, I believe, it was impoſſible for us to have troops, upon whatever conſideration, from any other potentate in Europe. Having thus ſhewn, Sir, that the advice now propoſed to be given would be in itſelf wrong, as well as a direct encroachment upon one of the moſt effen- tial prerogatives of the crown; and having thus done what I think my duty, both as a member of this houſe, and as a ſervant to his majeſty ; I ſhall add no more till it comes to the queſtion, to which I ſhall moſt heartily anſwer -No." 1746. In the year 1746 the trial of the rebel-lords commenced. Here the eloquence of his Majeſty's ſolicitor-general was ſo conſpicuous, and fo generally admired, as to arreſt the attention of fenators, and to raiſe the higheſt degree of expectation in the minds of the audience. The proceedings in the Houſe of Peers upon the indiĉment againſt William earl of Kilmarnock, George earl of Cromertie, and Arthur lord Balmerino, for high treaſon, in levying war againſt his Majeſty, began on Monday the 28th day of July, and continued on Wedneſday the 30th of July, and Tueſday the iſt of Auguſt, 1746. K It : 66 THE LIFE OF It is well known that the earls of Kilmarnock and Cromertie pleaded guilty Lord Balmerino, on his being arraigned, wiſhed to be ſatisfied, before he pleaded to the indictment, whether, if there were any fault in the form of the indictment, or if it was ſo faulty that no judgement could be given upon it, he could be indicted again. The lord high ſteward anſwered : “ If your lordſhip has any objection to take to the indictment, for mif- writing, miſ-ſpelling, or any informality of that nature, now is your proper time to offer ſuch exceptions." Lord Balmerino. “My lords, I am indicted by the title of Lord Balme- rino of the city of Carliſle ; and I am ſure that is no title belonging to me. And I am indicted for being at the taking of his Majeſty's city and caſtle on the 15th of November ; and I can prove, that at that time I was not within twelve miles of it. Now, my lords, will that be of any uſe to me?" The anſwer given by the lord high ſteward was : “My lord Balmerino, you have made two objections of different natures ; the firſt of them is to the addition of place given to you in this indictment and the other goes to the fact thereby charged upon you. As to the firſt, I muſt inform your lordſhip, that the words, late of the city of Carliſle in the county of Cumberland, are not made part of your title, but are only an addi- tion of place, which the law, for good reaſons, requires to be inſerted by way of deſcription of the defendant in all indictments; and it is moſt com- monly taken from that place where the crime is by ſuch indictment charged to have been committed. As to your other objection, it relates to the fact alledged in the indictment, and will depend upon the evidence, which cannot be entered into till your lordſhip has pleaded.” In a few minutes, and after ſome farther explanation as to the proper time of making uſe of the objection, lord Balmerino pleaded, Not guilty. The trial was proceeded in; and Sir Richard Lloyd, counſel for the King, Mr. Sergeant Skinner, the King's fergeant, and Sir Dudley Ryder, his Majeſty's åttorney-general, having WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 67 having all ſpoken in the courſe of the firſt day, his Majeſty's fo- licitor-general, roſe in his turn, but no ſooner had he uttered the introductory words, “ My lords," than lord Balmerino ad- dreſſed himſelf to their lordſhips, obſerving, that he was ſatisfied he was miſtaken, and aſked their lord ſhips' pardon for taking up ſo much of their time. 1 The folicitor-general's conciſe and calm addreſs on this unex- pected occaſion ought to be given in his own words: “ My Lords, 56 I was going to have ſaid, I did not apprehend it neceſſary for me to ſpeak upon this from any difficulty in the objection; but as the anſwer to the objection depended not upon natural but upon legal reaſoning, and eſtabliſhed forms; and as the noble lord had choſen not to have the aſſiſtance of counſel, in ſtating and enforcing his objection ; I would, for his ſatisfaction, have ſaid a word or two, not only to fhew the matter is ſettled by the uniform authority of all our books, and many ad- judged caſes; but to have explained why it has been ſettled, that the treaſon muſt be laid in the indictment to have been committed on a particular day, and yet at the trial need not be proved to have been comınitted on that pre- ciſe day. As he has declared himſelf ſatisfied, there is no occaſion to ſay any thing." But public expectation was not again diſappointed in the ſpring following, upon the proceedings in Weſtminſter Hall, in the impeachment exhibited by the knights, citizens, and burgeſſes, in parliament aſſembled, in the names of themſelves and of all the commons of Great Britain, againſt Simon Lord Lovat, for high treaſon. Theſe proceedings began on Monday the 9th of March, and continued on Tueſday the roth, Wedneſday the nith, Friday the 13th, Monday the 16th, Wedneſday the 18th, and Thurſday the 19th, days of March, 1746-7. be neceſſary to premiſe, that the managers of the Houſe of Commons were, from motives of juſtice and humanity, prompted to counteract a moſt unnatural deſign of lord Lovat, no leſs than that of ſacrificing his own ſon with a view to extenuate his own guilt. It may K 2 68 THE LIFE OF 1 guilt. Lord Coke, a young nobleman of a feeling heart, and moſt brilliant parts, though inexperienced in matters of impeach- ment, had the honor of being appointed one of the managers on this occaſion, who cloſed his ſpeech with the following ſentence.: My lords, I ſay nothing to aggravate the caſe of the priſoner at your bar. He is already oppreſſed with inisfortunes enough, and it is not in my nature, I hope, to add to them; nor ſhould I, my lords, make the follow -- ing obſervation, did I not think myſelf obliged, in juſtice toʻan unfortunate young man, whom this noble lord has forced into the rebellion. He did write a letter, that he was afraid the diſobedient behaviour of his fon would bring down his grey hairs with ſorrow to the grave; and therefore it will not appear aſtoniſhing to you, that when he had forgot that tendereſt tie of human nature, the love of a father to his child, ſo far as to defire to ſave the: wretched remains of a life almoſt worn out, by the deſtruction of his own. fon, that he ſhould forget his allegiance to the ſon of a king who ſaved his. forfeit life, the remainder of which he has ſince employed in, endeavouring to overturn and deſtroy his family, and the government eſtabliſhed in him. I ſhall therefore conclude, with my honorable friend, in ſaying, that we are ready to make good our charge againſt the priſoner at the bar." In the writings of Addiſon, Pope, or Johnſon, or in the Engliſh language, where ſhall we find a more animated, elegant, and energetic ſentence than this, which flowed from the tongue of a young nobleman, the only hope of the late earl of Lei ceſter? Mr. Solicitor-general ſeems to have treaſured up in his breaſt this intereſting part of the ſolemn buſineſs until the fixth day of the trial, when he not only diſcharged his duty to the crown in ſumming up, and forcibly Thewing, how the charges in the in- dictment were proved againſt the priſoner at the bar, but alſo took this opportunity towards the cloſe of the trial to plead in behalf of the ſon of that priſoner, in a moſt graceful, long, and animated ſpeech, of which I ſhall only beg permiſſion to intro- duce a few ſentences. " 8. My ܀ 1 1 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. бу “ My Lords, * Though the noble lord perfeveres in denying the charge, yet, as he has called no witneſſes, but reſts his defence altogether upon com- plaints, obſervations, and objections to the force and credibility of the evi- dence againſt him, if I was to follow my own inclination and judgement, I ſhould think it unneceſſary to ſay any thing upon a matter already ſufficiently underſtood. " But I am told by the opinion of thoſe, whoſe opinion is to me a law, that I ſhall not do my duty, nor perform the part aſſigned me, 'unleſs I cloſe this folemn trial by calling back your lordſhips' memory and attention to the principal grounds upon which we have proceeded, eſpecially as they have now been objected to as inſufficient, and complained of as ſetting an example which may be dangerous to-innocence hereafter, “ The gentlemen who manage this proſecution have in the courſe of it nieant to do juſtice to their truſt in ſuch a manner, that the noble lord at the bar ſhould feel the weight of truth, but not of his accuſers; and it is not to aggravate guilt, or to preſs down the load heavier upon him, that I am at this time commanded to ſpeak, but to ſatisfy your lordſhips now, and the world hereafter, from the nature of the evidence by which this accufa- tion has been ſupported, why no part is attempted to be anſwered. “ He has put your fordſhips in mind that the law requires you, as his judges, to be his counſel, which is certainly true; and, I am perſuaded, compaſſion, inſeparable from noble minds, has been ingenious to ſuggeſt to your thoughts doubts and objections in favour of one ſtanding in that place, who certainly labours under ſome infirmities, and is allowed to defend himſelf by no other tongue than his own. “ If ſcruples have ariſen in the minds of any of your lordſhips, they will gain ſtrength from that conſideration ; and the honeſt prejudice you muſt feel from his want of aſſiſtance may be of more advantage to him, than the ableſt affiftance he could have had. “ It is proper, therefore, it may even be neceſſary, to endeavour to fet the whole in ſuch a view as may tend to obviate every poſſibility of doubt. “ There are but two things for your lordſhips' conſideration upon this occaſion : firſt, whether the evidence given is a convincing and legal proof of the charge, if it be believed ? and next, whether there be any reaſons to induce your lordſhips not to believe it? * The C 70 THE LIFE OF “The only thing in the courſe of this proceeding which has not yet been done to ſatisfy your lordſhips with regard to both theſe points is, to apply the particular evidence that has been given to the principal overt acts laid in the articles of impeachment. “ As this is the only thing which has not yet been done, it is the only thing which I ſhall attempt to do. “ There are three kinds or ſpecies of treaſon of which the noble lord at the bar ſtands accuſed by the articles. “ Compaſſing and imagining the death of the king, levying war againſt his majeſty within the realm, and correſponding contrary to a late act of parliament.” The ſolicitor-general having with great perſpicuity diſtributed the evidence into three diſtinct claſſes, ſo as fully to ſupport each of the ſeparate charges, proceeded thus : “ Sir Everard Fawkener has told your lordſhips, that the noble priſoner did not take pains to deny his guilt; that he put the part he had acted upon reſentment to the miniſtry for having taken away his company; that he ſaid, for the ſake of revenge, he would have joined Kouli Khan, had he come. “ His eſcaping after he was firſt apprehended, the condition and place in which he was taken, ſhew, that he thought his only ſafety lay in flight. “ After he was taken, his declarations to thoſe who took him ; his conver- fations with Sir Everard Fawkener, well knowing who he was, Thew an ab- ſolute conviction, that the part he had acted was too notorious to be diſ- fembled. My lords, this being the nature and ſtrength of the evidence, upon which the caſe now in judgement depends ; from the precedent which may be made upon this occaſion, I little thought to have heard of danger to in- nocence hereafter. “ If this were a doubtful matter, if it were a meaſuring caſt, the com- mons had rather the guilty ſhould eſcape than run a riſk of the innocent being condemned. When they accuſe, they deſire the perſon accuſed may be convicted upon clear, ſatisfactory, and unanſwerable proof, or not at all. “ The noble lord at the bar has complained of many hardſhips. Few are the trials in which ſuch a complaint would be ſo little founded. 66 He 1 - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 71 > 1 " He had full time to prepare for his defence. At his own requeſt he has been indulged with adjournments during the trial. He has had all the advantages of aſſiſtance which could be given or connived at. “ I wiſh the inflexible rule of law, as it ſtill ſtands in proſecutions of this kind, could have allowed him to make his full defence by others. “ The appearance of a hardſhip would have been removed; but, as this caſe is circumſtanced, the removing that appearance would have helped the proſecution much more than the priſoner. " I ſpeak it feelingly; I had rather reply to the ableft advocate, than do what my duty now requires of me. . It is painful to the laſt degree to ob- ſerve upon any thing which has dropped from himſelf; but fome notice muſt be taken. “ He has laboured to prove, that no credit ought to be given to the wit- neſſes againſt him, becauſe many of them are accomplices, and ſpeak froin the danger of their ſituation. “ I will allow, that the hopes of life, or the fear of death, may have in- duced ſome of them to give evidence upon this occaſion, but not a falſe evidence. “ The ſame hope or fear is a ſecurity againſt that. When the Commons ac- cuſe, and your lordſhips fit as judges, what expectation can they have, but from their ingenuity and veracity? Should they be caught prevaricating, , ſhould they be detected in a falſe accuſation, deſperate were their condition indeed. “ But the noble lord is miſinformed, when he ſays an accomplice ought not to be believed at all till he is pardoned : 'if ſo, he could not be examined. The utmoſt force of the objection is no more than a circumſtance to weigh in the ſcale againſt his credit; but then it muſt be balanced with the matter of the evidence, the manner in which it is given, the proof by which it is fupported, and that by which it is contradicted. “ The matter here is probable and conſiſtent. Nothing of conſequence reſts upon a ſingle teſtimony: they, who ſupport each other, firſt told their ſtories ſeparately, have never ſince had an opportunity of conferring, and therefore could not agree in a fiction. One perhaps firſt examined in Lon- don, another at Inverneſs, neither knowing what the other had, could, or would, ſay, kept in ſeparate cuſtodies ever fince : it is impoſſible they ſhould unite in the fame falſehood. 66 The 72 THE LIFE OF ! “ The manner too in which they gave their evidence carried with it a degree of conviction. To inſtance in one, the behaviour of Hugh Frazer demonſtrated what he told your lordſhips : he ſaid, if he had no hopes of mercy, he would not have ſpoke at all; for, if he ſubmitted to be examined, he muſt ſpeak religiouſly the truth. “The viſible agonies and anguiſh of mind under which he labored; the ingenuity with which he anſwered the preciſe queſtion put to him, without ever going a ſyllable beyond it, could not but force belief to all he ſaid; and ſhewed he gave the anſwer becauſe it was true, but wiſhed not to have given it upon this occaſion. “ When he firſt diſcovered what he knew, he has told your lordſhips, that he thought himſelf in the article of death ; and from what he then ſaid he never has varied ſince. The proof by which their teſtimony is ſupported I have already laid together in one view. To contradict them, nothing is offered. - The noble lord ſays, the witneſſes who could clear him are not here, though in the courſe of the trial we heard of his having witneſſes, and what they would prove; he has not had time enough to bring them ; he complains of their having been prevented; as he has not witneſſes enough, he will not call any. . “ Theſe are pretexts; but he let fall the true reaſon why he has no wit- neſſes. There is no making brick without ſtraw; there is no calling witneſſes without facts; there is no making a defence without innocence; there is no anſwering evidence which is true. “ He has not ſo much as ſuggeſted-what theſe witneſſes could prove if they were here. “ I will do him the juſtice to believe that, if he could with truth, he would not now throw the whole upon the ſtiff-necked, headſtrong diſobe- dience of his ſon. That unhappy boy is already attainted, and now actually in cuſtody: though he might have been made the ſcape-goat if he were out of reach, yet, in his preſent ſituation, I am ſure the noble lord would not defend his own life by loading this unfortunate youth; much leſs would he attempt ſuch a kind of defence, contrary to truth; for ſo it muſt be if either the priſoner himſelf or our evidence is believed. 56 Would he call witneſſes to prove the letters which have been read to be forged? Confider how they are authenticated. To ſome his ſignature ſtill remains. He don't controvert its being like his hand. The bodies are written 1 t WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 73 . written by Robert Fraſer. A letter, unqueſtionably ſigned and ſent by the noble lord to his royal highneſs the duke, was produced: the body is written by the ſame Robert Fraſer. The ſignature to this, and the ſignature which remains to the others, appear manifeſtly of the ſame hand. One of the moſt material letters is an anſwer to a letter written by his ſon : that too muſt be a forgery; yet it was found in his own cuſtody. But intrinſic evidence of authenticity is ſtill ſtronger. “ If the letters are forged, how come they to give ſome account of the aſſociation, and mention the ſame perſons concerned as your lordſhips have heard from the general evidence ? “ If the general evidence is a fiction, how could the ſame ſtory get into theſe letters ? “ If Robert Fraſer invented the letters, how came Hugh Fraſer and others to give the ſame account of the patent and commiffion which is to be found in them? If the patent and commiſſion never were ſeen nor heard of, how could they be put into forged letters? But remarks are unneceſſary, where the caſe is ſo plain. I have ſaid thus much to ſhew, that the noble lord's alleging he wants aſſiſtance, or has not his witneſſes, may be of more fer- vice to him than any aſſiſtance or witneſſes he could have; and to ſhew, that the Conimons have not taken upon themſelves this proſecution to lay the noble lord at the bar under any diſadvantages in his defence. From the witneſſes which have been examined, the caſe muſt appear to your lordſhips ſuch as no advantages could have enabled him to get the better of. There are many circumſtances which induced them to ſingle out this proſecution, many circumſtances of a public, many of a peculiar nature. I am almoſt tempted to mention ſome of them ; but in part they have occurred to your lordſhips in the courſe of the examination, and I refrain, left I ſhould drop any thing that might tend to inflame. Every thing of that ſort has, by every body, been carefully avoided upon this occaſion. That Ciceronian eloquence, as he calls it, from principles of juſtice and humanity, has not been uſed againſt him. Every gentleman who has ſpoke in this trial has made it a rule to himſelf, to urge nothing againſt the priſoner but plain facts and po- fitite evidence, without aggravation. They have addreſſed themſelves to your judgement, and not to your paſſions. I dare ſay, your lordſhips have obſerved that, though the evidence given conſiſts of a variety of facts, fome more directly affecting the noble lord, others leſs, and ſome perhaps not af- fecting him at all, neither in the ſumming up the evidence, nor in what I L cm . now A .. 1 . 74 THE LIFE OF now trouble your lordſhips with, has any thing been mentioned as direct evidence againſt him which is not ſo. Circumſtances which only tend to corroborate have been mertioned in that light; and evidence, which no: way affects him, has not been repeated or obſerved upon at all.. “My lords, the whole is now before your lordſhips: it is your province ta make the conclufion which ought to be drawn from the premiſes." Mr. Solicitor-general having finiſhed ; lord Talbot roſé, ſaying, My lords, the abilities of the learned manager, who juſt now ſpoke, never appeared with greater ſplendor than at this very hour, when his candour and humanity has been joined to thoſe great abilities which have already made him fo conſpicuous, that I hope one day to ſee him add luſtre to the dignity of the firſt civil employment in this nation. My lords, I ob- ſerve one thing in the defence of the noble lord at the bar, which, for the fake of the managers, for the repreſentatives of Great Britain, and out of the regard that I have for their conſtituents who deputed them, I think my- ſelf obliged to take notice of. “ My lords, the noble Jordi at the bar in his defence complains, I believe. very unjuſtly, of the hardſhips he has ſuffered in being deprived of his witneſſes; and at the ſame time mentions, that there are witneſſes of indif- putable credit, who were brought up in order to be witneſſes againſt him, but who have not been examined by the managers, for fear they ſhould, on their croſs examination, ſupport thofe facts. “My lords, I therefore now deſire, for the honor of the gentlemen who. are managers of this proſecution, that the noble lord at the bar may be aſked, whether he is now willing to have thoſe witneſſes produced, and to; have them aſked any queſtions concerning that matter ?" Mr. Attorney-general. My lords, what has been taken notice of by the noble lord, and what is deſired by him, is extremely irregular, after the ma- nagers have cloſed and ſummed up their evidence, and the noble priſoner had liberty and time given him, in the moſt indulgent manner, to make his defence in ſuch way as he ſhould be adviſed. He was pleaſed to make a ſpeech to your lordſhips, containing a great variety of facts; but declined producing any witneſſes, and, though called upon for that purpoſe, thought proper to acquaint your lordſhips, that he ſhould offer none to ſupport thoſe facts which he had alleged: your lordſhips have, upon that declaration, been pleaſed to proceed to hear the managers reply. « My ? 1 1 . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 75 16 My learned friend on my left hand hath executed that part with great juſtice to the commands of the commons, and all that tenderneſs to the no- ble priſoner which was conſiſtent with his duty. Your lordſhips have beard and felt the weight of it.” Mr. Attorney-general proceeded with great ability, and at conſiderable length, to oppoſe the admiſſion of witneſſes for the purpoſe ſpecified by the noble priſoner after the managers had cloſed and ſummed up their evidence ; yet, in a point of ſo great importance, Mr. Solicitor-general deemed it to be his in- diſpenſible duty thus to addreſs the lords : My Lords, “ The matter now agitated is of the utinoſt conſequence, not only to the preſent but to all future proceedings of this kind; and I doubt whether it is yet thoroughly underſtood in its full extent. “The witneſſes, the noble lord now propoſes to call, are not to his defence, or in ſupport of his innocence. “ If they were, how irregular ſoever it may be to offer them now, in my opinion, and I dare ſay the other managers are of the ſame, I ſhould be for conſenting to their being called. We ſhould never contend, though im ſtrictneſs I might, that any evidence of this kind came too late to be heard. “ But the deſign of calling them, as now opened, is to ſhew, that, from ſome obſtruction given to the bringing up his witneſſes, his trial ought to be put of to an indefinite time; and that he may have new orders to fum- mon and compel witneſſes to come from Scotland. This we oppoſe, be- cauſe the application intended to be ſupported by it cannot now be made. “ The ſpeech inade by my lord conſiſted of two parts : firſt, a deſire to put off his trial indefinitely ; and, if your lordſhips ſhould not think fit to comply with his deſire, then he reſted his defence upon obſervations and ob- jections to the force and credibility of that evidence which had been of- fered to prove his accuſation. “ In this he was very proper; for, though a perſon accuſed calls no witneſſes, yet, if the charge againſt him is not clearly made out by legal and credible evidence, he ought to be quitted. Being aſked, whether he had any witneſſes to call, he declared he had none. - Had 66 L 2 - $ 7:6 THE LIFE OF “ Had he deſired to také your lordſhips opinion whether the trial ſhould not ſtay till he could ſend to Scotland for witneſſes, we ſhould have op- poſed it. Your lordſhips calling to the managers to proceed was a determi- nation, that you would not deliberate about ſtaying the trial. ** I own freely. to your lordſhips, the reaſon why I did not take particular no- tice of the noble lord's complaint was, becauſe I underſtood it to be meant as an artifice to palliate his not going into any evidence : and I did not think it neceſſary, I did not care, to endeavour to wipe off from his apology any varniſh of this kind with which he thought fit to colour it. One thing, had I thought of it, I would have taken notice of: he was pleaſed to ſay, that ſeveral witneſſes, brought up in ſupport of the proſecution, were not called by the managers, becauſe they would have proved the hardſhips he complains of. I can aſſure your lordſhips, and every other gentleman of the committee will join in what I ſay, no one witneſs was left unexamined for that reaſon. It is true, more perſons were brought up to be witneſſes than we called; but the reaſon of not calling them was, either becauſe we thought what they had to ſay not material enough, or elſe becauſe they were liable to an objection the noble lord had not made; which, whether well or ill founded, we did not care to give your lordſhips the trouble of diſputing. “ In conſequence of what fell from your lordſhips, we told the noble lord in the courſe of the trial, that any witneſs examined by us ſhould attend to be examined by him, if he deſired it, and would give notice: we ſhould have done the ſame witly regard to any perſon brought up as a witneſs, though not examined. “ As to this whole matter of complaint, the managers are entire ſtrangers to it. Nothing of this kind has been done with their privity or knowledge. “ And this brings me to the point, whether witneſſes ſhall now be heard at this time to prove any ſuch ground for putting off the trial fine die. “ We oppoſe it, becauſe, true or falſe, the trial cannot now be put off ; and it would be a moſt dangerous precedent to go into an ex parte examina- tion of ſuch collateral inatters. Hearing the evidence fuppofes your lord- ſhips can do ſomething in conſequence of it: if you cannot, it would be ir-- regular and improper to go into it. “Before your lordſhips appoint the tiine of trial, you take into conſideration: the nature of the charge, and the place where the facts ariſe, in order to allow a reaſonable time for preparation, and bringing witneſſes. 6 Your F WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 77 - 66 “ Your lordſhips did fo in the preſent cafe ; and, after weighing all circum- ſtances, you appointed the 23d of February. “ If, through any accident, the time fixed is too ſhort, your lordſhips are always open to applications which muſt be ſupported by evidence to ſhew the delay is not affected; that all due diligence has been uſed; and that the witneſſes are material, and expected to come within a certain time. Upon the application of the noble Jord, your lordſhips deferred this trial to the 5th of March. Upon another application by him, you deferred it to the gth of March, the day named in his petition. “ If he had any ground ſufficient for deferring the trial longer, he ſhould have applied to your lordſhips before it began ; but, upon the ground now mentioned, it could not have been deferred, even in that way, becauſe it is plain this matter, whatever there be in it, was within his knowledge at the time of the other applications. Hugh Fraſer, his agent, who went down, as his lordſhip. ſays, to bring up his witneſſes, made an affidavit, annexed to a.petition preſented by his lordſhip on the 2d' of March for putting off the trial; and was called in and examined at your lordſhips' bar. 6. There was likewiſe an affidavit annexed to his lordſhip's petition pre- ſented on the 3d-of March, and not a ſyllable of this complaint ever fug- geſted, which ſhews that they thought no ſtreſs could be laid upon it, and that it was not to be ſupported. In the courſe of the trial hitherto, your Iordſhips have hearď nothing of it; on the contrary, you have heard of his witneſſes, and what they were to prove. “There is no precedent of putting off a trial indefinitely after the evidence for the proſecution is cloſed; I dare ſay there never will be ſuch a precedent. At ſooneſt this trial could not come on again before the next ſeſſion of liament. “ We oppoſe the attempting to prove a matter upon which your lordſhips cannot now do any thing ; but I deſire it may be underſtood, that we do not oppoſe, though it be at an improper time, the calling any witneſſes upon the merits of his defence, either to diſprove the evidence againſt him,.. or to aſert bis own innocence." par- The encomiaſtic ſtyle in which not only lord Talbot, but alſo his majeſty's attorney-general, delivered their ſentiments to the. houſe, as well of the great abilities as of the great tenderneſs ef 78 THE LIFE OF A of Mr. Solicitor-general to the priſoner, ſo far as was conſiſtent with his line of duty to the ſtate and to the public, will, it is to be hoped, be accepted as a proper apology for the introduction of theſe celebrated ſpeeches, as part of the hiſtory of the life of the earl of Mansfield.. On the laſt day of the trial, the lord high ſteward, having pre- viouſly acquainted the priſoner that his peers had found him guilty of the high treaſon whereof he ſtood impeached, now aſked what his lordſhip had to ſay, why judgement of death ſhould not paſs upon him according to law ? Lord Lovat, in his' turn, commenced his defence with a pā- negyrick on the Solicitor-general. “My Lords, . I am very ſorry I gave your lordſhips ſo much trouble in my trial; and I give you a million of thanks for your being ſo good in your patience and attendance while it laſted. I thought myſelf Very much loaded by one Murray, who, your lordſhips know., was the bit- tereſt evidence there was againſt me. I have ſince ſuffered by another Mr. Murray, 'who, I muſt ſay with pleaſure, is an honor to his country, and whoſe eloquence and learning is much beyond what is to be expreſſed by an ignorant man like me. I heard him with pleaſure, though it was againſt me. I have the honor to be his relation, though, perhaps, he neither knows it, nor:values it. I wiſh that his being born in the North may not hinder him from the preferment that his merit and learning deſerves. Tih that gentleman ſpoke, your lordſhips were inclined to grant my earneſt re- queſt, and allow me farther time to bring up witneſſes to prove my inno- cence ; but it ſeems that has been over-ruled. All now that I have to ſay is a little in vindication.of my own character.” This vindication proceeded to a great length; and lord Lovat himſelf, immediately before folemn ſentence was paſſed, made the following curious, unexpected, and good-humoured obſer- vation on the ſpeech. - I beg your lordſhips' pardon for the rude, long diſcourſe I made to your lordſhips. I had great need of WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 79 ap- + of my couſin Murray's eloquence for half an hour, and then it would have been more agreeable." In this trial, the king's ſolicitor-general ſeems to have been conſidered as the mirror of eloquence and found judgement. When we impartially conſider the acknowledged effect which his firſt ſpeech had on the houſe ; the concurrent teſtimony of plauſe which flowed from the law-lords ; the impartial and well- timed approbation of his colleague Mr. Attorney-general Ryder ; and laſtly, though not leaſt, the repeated encomiums of the priſoner at the bar, beſtowed on Mr. Murray's eloquence; are not we well warranted in drawing this concluſion, that theſe concurrent eu- logies equal, if they do not furpaſs, any tribute of applauſe, given to the fluent orators of Greece and Rome by their warmeſt panegyriſts? In conſequence of the ſolicitor-general having, in his celebrated ſpeech, taken notice that Mr. Fraſer, the ſon of lord Lovat, was actually attainted and in confinement, and, from the notoriety of the fact, that he was forced into the rebellion ; ſome of my rea- ders may be anxious for the fate of that unhappy youth. The very favorable impreſſions, which the ſpeeches of lord Coke and Mr. Murray made in his favor, lead to the pleaſing hope that he would either be acquitted on the trial, or that a ray of royal mercy would beam on a caſe ſo peculiarly in- tereſting. He afterwards had the honor and happineſs to bear the king's commiſſion, and every act of his future life tènded to prove how forcibly and juſtly the _tender feelings, the ani- mated diction, and dignified eloquence of lord Coke, and of Mr. Solicitor-general, were employed in the generous praiſe- worthy act of ſaving one of the braveſt of men ! Ye who fought by his ſide, and were animated by his example, at the ſiege of Louiſurgh, and in divers engagements in the Weſtern world, ye beſt can proclaim his merits, his unſhaken loyalty, his dauntleſs courage ! But this is a private appeal. The proceed- ings of the Britiſh legiſlature, ever' grateful and attentive to re- ward diſtinguiſhed merit, preclude all farther feeble panegyric of the 1 80 THE LIFE OF ! the author of theſe ſheets, by an act paſſed in the year 1774, intituled, 66 An Act to enable his Majeſty to grant unto Major General Simon Fraſer, the Lands and Eſtate of the late Simon Lord Lovat, upon certain Terms and Conditions.” The pre- amble itates, amongſt other facts, that, in the year 1747, proof was brought before parliament of the means uſed to involve Si- mon Fraſer, the eldeſt ſon of Simon lord Loyat, in the late unna- tural rebellion, at a tender age ; and the ſaid Simon Fraſer, ever ſince he was capable of acting for himſelf, had teſtified his loyalty to his majeſty and the royal family, and proved the ſenſe he entertained of the excellence of the happy conſtitution of this country, by declining to engage in the ſervice of a foreign ſtate, though deſtitute of any eſtabliſhment here, and by dedi- cating himſelf to the ſervice of his country at the beginning of the late war, upon which occaſion he raiſed, in a very ſhort time, a large body of men, and commanded a regiment com- poſed of them, with which he ſerved meritoriouſly during the courſe of it, and was the firſt who offered to ſet that example, which in its conſequences proved advantageous to the ſtate, by calling forth from the corner of the kingdom many thouſand ſoldiers, whoſe efforts, to demonſtrate their zeal and attachment to his majeſty's royal perſon and government, contributed to the glory and ſucceſs of that war ; and that the faid Simon Fraſer had, in the courſe of his ſervice, attained the rank of ma- jor-general in his majeſty's army; and, ſince the peace, had been employed by his majeſty's command in the ſervice of a power whoſe alliance this country had always deemed important; by all which his caſe appeared to be peculiarly diſtinguiſhed. The enacting part enables his majeſty, his heirs and ſuccef- fors, to give, grant, and diſpoſe, unto major-general Simon Fraſer, his heirs and aſſigns, all and every the lands, lordſhips, baronies, and other eſtates whatſoever, which became forfeited to his late majeſty by the attainder of Simon lord Lovat, and which were annexed to the imperial crown of theſe realms, by an act WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD: &I } 1 act of the 2.5th of his late majeſty in the ſame manner, and as fully and extenſively as the ſame and every part thereof were veſted in his ſaid late majeſty by the attainder of Simon lord Lovat; and as the ſame and every part thereof were held, en- joyed, and poſſeſſed, by lord Lovat before his attainder, upon certain terms and conditions in the act ſpecified. Should it be ſeriouſly aſked what coincidence or connection has the good or ill fortune of Mr. Frafer, or the very maſterly ſpeech lord Coke, with the publication of the Life of Lord Mansfield, the author would bég permiſſion to anſwer : They are inter- woven with an important part of lord Mansfield's legal cha. racter, and naturally induce a little fober reflection. Great abi- lities, when they are adorned by temperance and uniformity of conduct, lead to fame, to honors, and to every thing that is praiſe-worthy. But is it not very humiliating to reflect, that the moſt ſhining and pre-eminent abilities, without being under the guidance of, and aided by, ſound diſcretion, are tranſient, fleeting, dazzle for a time, and are foon extinguiſhed, like the ſhort-lived fplendor of a comet? Theſe reflections naturally ariſe from the inconſiderate life of that eloquent-young nobleman lord Coke, who lived a few years only after the trial of lord Lovat, wherein he ſhone ſo conſpicuouſly. Yet his inordinate love of company, and the rites of Bacchus, foon gained an aſcendency, and frequently kept him from his pillow till a late hour in the morning, inſomuch that it was reported on the eve of the trial, that, in order to preſerve him cool and collected, and to ſend him home at an earlier hour than was uſual, a brother member of the houſe of commons was friendly enough to attend him, at a faſhionable club, the whole of the evening. The very maſterly and elegant ſpeech, which lord Coke made the next morning, amply rewarded the friendly care ; but, alas ! his ſudden return to intemperance ought to be admonitory even to the brighteſt genius. M Not 82 THE LIFE OF Not an alliance with lady Mary Campbell, daughter of Johng. duke of Argyle; not the fondneſs of the earl of Leiceſter;. heightened by that of a father for his only child:; not the doat- ing affection of a tender 'mother (one of the five daughters of Thomas, earl of Thanet, emphatically called the good lord Thanet); not theſe tender ties, conjointly or ſeparately;. could. wean him from the moſt unworthy indiſcretions, and the moſt fatal intemperance. But let us caſt a veil over his imperfections !. Suffice it to add, that theſe inſidious foes, by rapid progreſs,. firſt invaded his health, his happineſs; then impaired the brilliancy of his mind, and finally cut the thread of life, ere it had run halfi its length. He died in the 36th year: of his age.. Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum.. To manifeſt tlie, promptitude of. Mr. Murray in replying to: arguments without premeditation, the author will beg leave to: introduce the heads of his anſwer to a ſpeech which he had juſt heard, in oppoſition to an addreſs. of thanks to the king for his ſpeech.. "Mr. Speaker, “ Tire honorable gentleman was much in the right to begin by telling us, that he deſpaired of any ſucceſs in the oppoſition he: was to make to the addreſs. propoſed ; for it is fo modeſt, and all the exe. prefſions fo general, that no juft exception can be found to any one of them, eſpecially as every gentleman knows, that, in our future proceedings, .we are not tied down by any words or expreſſions in our addreſs upon this occafion; and as it is a cuſtom, which I may now call immemorial, to make ſome compliment to our ſovereign upon every article, which he has been graci- ouſly pleaſed to mention to us in his ſpeech from the throne, as ſuch com- pliments have always been made or moved for the very firſt day of the fefſion, they never were, ngr, indeed, ever could be founded upon what is called parliamentary knowledge, nor can ſuch knowledge ever be required or thought neceſſary: they are founded ſolely upon what his majeſty has been pleaſed to communicate in his ſpeech, the truth of every part of which is, for that time at leaſt, taken for granted; and, if upon a proper enquiry, when j .) . - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 83 : when we have all proper lights before us, and have from thence obtained a parliamentary knowledge; I ſay, if it ſhould then appear that any meafure has been miſrepreſented in his inajeſty's ſpeech, we may, with abſolute free- dom, not only cenſure the meaſure, but cenfure and puniſh the miniſters who adviſed ſuch a miſrepreſentation. “ After what I have premiſed, fir, I believe, it will be eaſy to anſwer the objections made by the honorable gentleman to any of the expreſſions pro- poſed to be made uſe of in our addreſs upon this occafion; but firſt I muſt obſerve, that, in ſtating thoſe objections, the honorable gentleman gave me a good deal of pleaſure, though, perhaps, he neither deſigned it, nor ſuppoſéd he had done fo; the whole tenor of his harangue was a ſort of anti-oratory, for almoſt every word he ſaid concluded, in my opinion, againſt what he, I believe, intended; which was a method of ſpeaking ſo new to me, that I could not help being pleaſed with it. Now, fir, as to the late treaty of peace, I know as little of it as the honorable gentleman does'; all that either of us knows of it, I believe, is from public newſpapers; and, if the articles be ſuch as have been related by them, I muſt fay, that I think it a better and more honorable peace than could be expected by any one who conſidered the ſituation in which the affairs of Europe were at that time. For my part, ſir, I am ſo far from thinking the peace a bad one, that I am ſurprized how the French came to offer or agree to ſuch terms as they did. Gentlemen talk of our giving up the only conqueſt we have made during the war ; let us conſider what the enemy have given up. The French have given up all their wide-extended conqueſts in Flanders, they have given up near as much as coſt us ten years of the moſt ſucceſsful war we were ever engaged in to take from them. And the Spaniards, in confideration of the two ſmall duchies of Parma and Placentia, have given up the large duchy of Savoy, and the important country of Nice. So that, from the concef- fions of the enemy, one would really be apt to imagine, that we had been every where victorious in the war, and that they were in the utmoſt danger of being undone. “ Was it ſo, ſir? Does not every gentleman know that it was not ? We had for three years preceding met every year with a ſignal defeat, and every defeat was attended with the loſs of whole countries and many forti- fied towns. This, as the honorable gentleman rightly judged, was not owing to any miſconduct in our generals, or to any want of bravery in our troops ; but ſolely to the ſuperior number of the enemy's armies. How could this be M 2 provided 84 THE LIFE OF : -- in provided againſt by our miniſters? Will any one ſay that this nation could, or ought to have furniſhed more troops than it did ? But it will be ſaid, our allies ought to have auginented their quotas : ſo they promiſed to do; and to theſe promiſes, which were never performed, our miniſters truſted from year to year, till our allies the Dutch were brought upon the verge of de- ſtruction. Danger, fir, has always a very different effect upon the imagina- tion of thoſe that are near to it, from what it has upon the imagination of thoſe at a diſtance. The former view it through the right, the latter through the wrong end of a teleſcope. Gentlemen who were fitting ſafely here in London, or at their ſeats in the country, may think the Dutch were in little or no danger ; but, when we talk of the neceſſity of making peace, we muſt conſider in what light the Dutch themſelves viewed the danger they were in. Suppoſe (for, as I have no knowledge of the fact, I can only ſuppoſe) they thought the danger ſo great, as to threaten agreeing to a neutrality, if we did not accept of the terms then offered by France : if they had agreed to a neutrality, they muſt have withdrawn their troops from the allied army; which caſe, even after the arrival of the Ruffians, our army would have been much inferior in number to that of France : and though I only ſuppofe this, yet I muſt ſay that I think the ſuppoſition highly probable, for the Ruf- fians were then at ſuch a diſtance, that they could not have joined our army before the month of July; and, conſidering how quickly the French had reduced all the towns in Flanders which they could inveſt, the little for- treffes of Stevenſwaert, Roermont, and Venlo, together with Maeſtricht, might probably have been reduced before the arrival of the Ruſſians; after which, the very being of that republic would have depended on the event of one battle, which is a riſk no wiſe nation will ever chooſe to run, if it can by any means be avoided ; and, as the French court could not but be fenfi- ble of this, we cannot too much admire his majeſty's wiſdom in bringing them to agree to fuch reaſonable terms. “ But this danger, to which our allies the Dutch were expoſed, was not the only danger, fir, that made a peace neceſſary for us. Surely, gentlemen have not forgot the fituation in which our public credit was at that tiine,, and the danger it was in, of being entirely blown up. Do we not remember, that all our public funds, except Bank and Eaſt-India, were greatly under par, and hardly any hopes of the whole money's being paid in upon the new fubfcription? From this ſituation I think I may with reaſon prefume, that, if the peace had not been concluded at the very time it was, our public credit would WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 85 would have been entirely blown up; and in that caſe we could not have fup- ported the war to the end of that year, much leſs for ten or a dozen years longer, which we probably muſt have done, before we could have reco- vered from the enemy all that they had then conquered, even ſuppoſing the war had, from the moment the Ruſſian troops arrived, taken a turn in our favor, and had continued ſucceſsful to the end. “I think I may now conclude, fir, that the noble lord's motion contains nothing relating to the peace but what we may, from the knowledge we have of it, agree to, eſpecially as that knowledge has been confirmed by what his majeſty has ſaid of it in his moſt gracions ſpeech from the throne; and as we cannot, by any thing we now fay of it, be bound up from cenſu- ring both the treaty and treaty-makers, in caſe, upon a mature conſideration, after it has been laid before us, we ſhould think that it deferves ſuch a cen- ſure. But I am ſure nothing the honorable gentleman has yet been pleaſed. to object to it can afford ground for fuch a cenſure. The points in difpute between Spain and us are points merely relating to commerce, which are never fettled by a general treaty, but left to be adjuſted afterwards by a par- ticular treaty of commerce; therefore this can be no objection againſt the treaty's being a definitive treaty ; and, if our allies have all acceded to it without reſerve, ſurely we may ſay ſo without entering into any diſquiſition by what means they were brought to accede; for all treaties of peace are founded upon the parties at war being reſpectively convinced that they can do no better. This was the caſe of the late treaty, and this it was that made France give up all her conqueſts, and Spain paſs by the greateſt part of her pretenfions in Italy; therefore I was ſurprized to hear the honorable gentle- man ſay, that no jarring intereſts had been any other way adjuſted than by compelling our allies to give up every thing our enemies could aſk. “As to what the honorable gentleman was pleaſed to ſay againſt the next paragraph of the addreſs propoſed, it is rather criticiſing than arguing, fir.. Surely we have no occaſion for parlamentary knowledge to ſay, that the public expence has been reduced, when every gentleman knows that many whole regiments have been already diſbanded, and many large men of war. put out of commiſſion; and, as the peace was ſigned but laſt month, we may ſay that this reduction has been made with unuſual diſpatch; for, whatever. it is in this, it is not uſual in other countries. His objection againſt the word economy is another objection of the ſame kind; for though his ma- jeſty in his ſpeech has not made uſe of that word, he can mean nothing elſe by . 86 THE LIFE OF i . by recommending to us the improvement of the public revenue, which may te effectuated ſeveral ways by the economy of our miniſters. If there be any of our preſent taxes :which cannot be duly raiſed by the laws now in being, it is our buſineſs and our duty to contrive and eſtabliſh ſuch new nie- thods as may be effectual ; and, if there be any of our taxes which cannot be raiſed without great expence, and any new tax could be thought of, which would produce as much, and could be raiſed at a much leſs expence, it would be economy in us to aboliſh the old, and eſtabliſh the new in its room; or if, by one method of raiſing money for the public ſervice, we muſt pay a premium as well as intereſt for the money wanted, and another method could be contrived by which we might raiſe the money wanted at the ſame intereſt without any premium, would it not be economy in us to chooſe the latter rather than the former? The word economy may therefore be applied to our conduct in raiſing, as well as to the conduct of the admi- niſtration in diſpoſing, of the public money; and, if the honorable gentle- man thinks it neceſſary, I am perſuaded, our preſent miniſters will not be againſt our enquiring, at a proper ſeaſon, into the buſineſs as well as fala- ries of all the officers .concerned in collecting or managing the public re- venue. “I was glad to find, ſir, that the honorable gentleman, in the humour he ſeemed to be in, agreed to our acknowledging the bravery of our troeps ; but I muſt deſire gentlemen to conſider, if what he propoſes to add to this acknowledgement would not look ſomething like a remonſtrance, and con- ſequently would be very improper to be made a part of our addreſs upon this occaſion; for, if it ſhould be thought neceſſary to enquire into the cauſes which made the events of the war no way anſwerable to the bravery of our troops, that enquiry may hereafter be ſet on foot whenever we pleaſe, though nothing be ſaid of it in our preſent addreſs. * As to what the honorable gentleman propoſes, ſir, with regard to the laſt paragraph of the addreſs moved for, I believe, upon conſideration, it will appear that he is not more lucky in his ſubtractions than in his additions. Was not the deſtruction of the enemy's cominerce of great confequence to this nation in particular, as well as to the war in general ? Was not the pro- tection of our own commerce, by deſtroying the enemy's privateers, of great conſequence? In both theſe have we not had great ſucceſs during the whole courſe of the war? Can it be any objection to our acknowledging this, that now and then a ſingle ſhip, or a fleet of ſhips, eſcaped us in ſuch a wide 3 ocean ! ve .. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 87 1 i ocean: as that betwixt Europe and America ? Was not the reduction of the ifländ of Cape Breton; which was properly a naval expedition, a piece of fignal fuccefs ? Had not we ſignal.ſucceſs at Porto-Bello and Chagre ? Even at Carthagena we had ſignal ſucceſs, ſo far as-related to the naval part... Anil though we had not all thre: ſucceſs that might have been expected at-Toulon,. and upon ſome other occaſions, he cannot deny our having had ſignal fuc= ceſs at ſea through the whole.courſe of the war : the enemy were ſo ſenſible of it, that.I am convinced it was what forced them to agree to reaſonable terms of peace; notwithſtanding their ſignal ſucceſs upon the continent of Europe. 66 To: leave out; theſe words would therefore, in my opinion; ſtr.,. be a neglect of what we owe to Providence, as well as to his majeſty; and as to the other words propoſed to be left out, the honorable gentleman: certainly forgot, or did not attend to, the words in his majeſty's ſpeech, to which theſe words :relate, otherwiſe. he would not have. made any objection to them His majeſty, in his ſpeech, deſires us only to grant ſuch ſupplies as may be requiſite for the current ſervice, for our own ſecurity, and for making good ſuch engagements as have been already entered into, and laid before us ; therefore, what is propoſed in our addreſs; by making good the nation's en gagements, can relate to none but ſuch as have been laid before us, and of ſuch: we may properly enough be ſaid to have a parliamentary knowledge: we not only know them, but we have approved of them, and conſequently could not refuſe to make them.good, though theſe words were. entirely left out of the addreſs.. I hope, ſir, I have now ſufficiently anſwered every ohjection made by the honorable gentleman againſt what my noble friend has been pleaſed to pro. poſe to us; but, before I fit.down, I muſt obſerve, that it inight be attended with very pernicious conſequences, ſhould we be leſs full, or leſs dutiful, in our acknowledgements to his majeſty upon this occafion, than upon any for- We have ſtill ſeveral points relating to our commerce and planta- tions to ſettle with France as well as Spain ; points which could not be, and indeed never are, fettled, in a general treaty of peace; and yet points which are of the utmoſt conſequence to this nation. How ſhall we obtain fatis- faction as to any of thoſe points? No one, I hope, expects that we can.ob- tain it by favor, which is a motive that is nerer of any.weight in negotia- tions between independent nations. In all ſuch, fear or national intereſt: are the only two motives of a public nature that prevail. But it is the national : intereſt 66 ** mer, . 1 N 1 88 THE LIFE OF intereſt of France, and of Spain too during her union with France, neither to give us ſatisfaction, nor to do us juſtice. Fear then muſt be made to ope- rate upon botli: cur miniſters muſt threaten to renew the war, if they refuſe to ſettle thoſe points to our ſatisfaction. Can ſuch threatenings have any effect, if they ſuppoſe that there is like to be a diſunion between his ma- jeſty and his parliament ? And, if we ſhould be leſs full or leſs dutiful in our acknowledgement to his majeſty than hias been uſeful of late years, would not both the courts of France and Spain have good ground for ſuch a fup- poſition " This conſideration will, I hope, fir, induce even the honorable gentle- man himſelf to give up the critical remarks he hạs made upon the addreſs propoſed; for that they will have any weight with others, I do not in the leaſt fear; but I thould wiſh to ſee our addreſs upon this important occaſion unanimouſly agreed to, eſpecially as what is now propoſed is neither of a greater length, nor more particular, than what has been uſed for many years." A fair occaſion offered, about this period of time, for Mr. Mur- ray to manifeſt his love of his profeſſion, and an ardent deſire to lay a better foundation in one of our univerſities for initiating and training ſtudents in legal knowledge by the foſtering hand of an able law-profeſor. The firſt duke of Newcaſtle was the warm friend and patron of Mr. Murray. The civil law profeſſorſhip in the univerſity of Oxford being then vacant, Mr. Murray took the liberty of expoftulating with his grace, who was then chan . cellor of the univerſity of Cambridge, on the appointment of a fucceffor; and lamented that at Oxford the civil law-lectures, and the opportunities of gaining legal knowledge by that channel, were, when contraſted with thoſe of the fifter univerſity, in the moſt degraded and unworthy ſituation. He then expreſſed an anxious wiſh, than an able profeſſor of civil law might be ſought for and invited to fill the vacant ſeat. Dr. Jenner was the per- ſon thought of by the duke of Newcaſtle ; yet he paid Mr. Mur- ray the compliment of aſking him, if he could recommend any gentleman who would fill it with greater ability. Antecedent to the eſtabliſhment of the Vinerian profeſſorſhip, the late Mr. Juſtice 4. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD89 . . 1 Juſtice Blackſtone, who was then at the bar, and had given proofs that he pofſeffed tho e qualifications which early pointed him out as the moſt worthy to be promoted on this occaſion, was by Mr. Murray introduced and warmly recommended to the duke of Newcaſtle, who conſidered it as part of his duty to probe a little the political principles of the new candidate, by addreſſing Mr. Blackſtone, “ Sir, I can rely on your friend Mr. Mur- ray's judgement as to our giving law-lectures in a good ſtyle, ſo as to benefit the ſtudents ; and I dare ſay, that I may ſafely rely on you, whenever any thing in the political hemiſphere is agi- tated in that univerſity, you will, fir, exert yourſelf in our be- half." The anſwer was, “Your grace may be aſſured that I will diſcharge my duty in giving law-lectures to the beſt of my poor abilities." Aye! aye ! replied his grace haſtily, and your duty in the other branch too.” Unfortunately for the new candidate, he only bowed affent; and a few days afterwards he had the mortification to hear that Dr. Jenner was appointed the civil- law profeſſor. Nothing leſs than the love of ſcience could, un- der theſe circumſtances, have induced Mr. Murray and ſome other friends of Mr. Blackſtone ſtrongly to recommend and perſuade him to ſit down at Oxford, and to read law-lectures to ſuch ſtu- dents as were diſpoſed to attend him. The plan was not only at- tended with profit and pleaſure in the firſt inſtance, but ſoon af- terwards happily ſuggeſted the idea to the mind of Mr. Viner to eſtabliſh a real law-profeſſorſhip in the univerſity of Oxford ; and who fo proper to fill it with eclat, and add luſtre to the Inſtitu- tion, as Mr. Blackſtone, whoſe Commentaries on the Laws of Eng- land, on their firſt appearance in the world, drew this. high tri- bute of reſpect and approbation from lord Mansfield ? On a bro- ther-peer's having aſked him, as a friend, what books he would adviſe his ſon to read, who was determined to be a lawyer, the chief juſtice replied, “ My good lord, till of late I could never, with any ſatisfaction to myſelf, anſwer that queſtion ; but, ſince the publication of Mr. Blackſtone's Commentaries, I can never N be go THE LIFE OF ! may imbibe be at a loſs. There your ſon will find analytical reaſoning dif- fuſed in a pleaſing and perſpicuous ſtyle. There he imperceptibly the firſt principles on which our excellent laws are founded, and THERE he may become acquainted with an uncouth crabbed author, Coke upon Littleton, who has diſappointed and diſheartened many a. Tyro, but.who.cannot fail to pleaſe in a mo- dern dreſs.? >> On the 11th of December, 1747, a bill was ordered to be brought into parliament, to prevent the inſurance of French ſhips and their lading during the war. with France. Mr. Nugent: opened the debate ſo as to leave no doubt on the minds of his hearers of his great zeal to promote the bill ; yet neither his in: - genuity in placing the prevalent practice of thoſe inſurances to the account of ſelf-intereſt on the one hand, nor his high tones in claſſing them under the head of high-treaſon in law as well as in foro confcientiæ on the other, were ſufficient to prevent Mr. Murray and Mr. Ryder, afterwards Sir Dudley Ryder, from dif charging their duty to their country in ſpeaking againſt the bill. The fpeech of the former ſeems to be worthy of a place in this work, from the circumſtance of its giving a very early preſage, as well of the extenſive knowledge of the ſpeaker; as of his laudable attention to the intereſts of commerce in general, and to the preſervation of that branch of it relating to inſurance; which he adopted thus early in life, and which under his foſter- ing hand, culture, and protection, has long flouriſhed and become a valuable branch of Britiſh commerce. + 6. Mr. Speaker, " Although I have very little hopes of ſucceeding in an oppofition to what the honorable gentleman has propoſed, yet, as I have the honor of a ſeat in this aſſembly, I think the duty I owe to my country obliges me to give my ſentiments openly and freely, upon the ſubject, becauſe I ſee we are about to do what we have before often done, upon the like occaſions; we are going to make a regulation under popular pretences, which, in my opinion, will ruin a very beneficial branch of trade we are now in poffeffion of, I may fay; without 1 91 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 1 1 without a rival, and will transfer it to our greateſt rival and moſt dangerous enemy. This, I ſay, ſir, we have often done before ; of which I could give a mụltitude of inſtances, but ſhall mention only a few, in order to fhew how cautious we ought to be of making any new regulations or prohibitions with reſpect to trade, however plauſible the pretences may be that are of- fered for inducing our approbation. “ In the reign of Charles II. our landed gentlemen, eſpecially thoſe in the Weſt, found that the produce of their eftates, ſuch as cattle, ſheep, ſwine, butter, and cheeſe, was very much lowered in its price by the impor- tation of ſuch commodities, eſpecially from Ireland. Though it is the ge- neral intereſt of every country, where there is any trade or manufacture, to liave the price of thoſe commodities as cheap as poſſible, becauſe it leſſens the price of labour, and conſequently enables them to underſell their rivals at every foreign market; yet the imaginary private intereſt of our landed gentlemen prevailed, in ſpite of the court, over the general intereſt of the country, and a law was made for prohibiting the importation of all ſuch commodities. I ſay, fir, the imaginary intereſt of the landed gentlemen; for it is certainly their real intereſt to encourage by all poſſible means the trade, manufactures, and commerce, of their country; but this is a future diſtant intereſt, which ſtrikes very few men ſo ſtrongly as that which is pre- fent; and therefore the preſent imaginary intereſt then prevailed over that which was real, but future. What was the conſequence? As to the black cattle and ſwine, the Iriſh being thus prevented from importing them into England, where formerly they were fattened up and killed, the breeders of ſuch cattle and ſwine were forced to fatten them up themſelves, to ſalt what they could not find vent for at home, and to ſell their falt beef and pork, as well as their butter and cheeſe, to the French, who were then juſt beginning to ſet up manufactories, and to plant their fugar colonies, neither of which they could ſo eaſily or fo foon have done, had they not been ſupplied with theſe proviſions from Ireland. " This was, ſir, the fatal conſequence of our wiſe regulation with reſpect to Iriſh black cattle, fwine, butter, and cheeſe; but, with reſpect to ſheep, the conſequence was ſtill more fatal : for, the Iriſh being prevented' froni bringing their ſheep to England, and being unable to make any thing of them when killed at home, or to ſend them dead or alive to any foreign market, they kept them running in their ſheep-walks, and increaſing in number.ever.y year, merely for the ſake of the wool, by which that com- N 2 modity 1 t } 92 THE LIFE OF A modity was rendered much cheaper in Ireland than it was in England, which produced two conſequences fatal to our trade and manufactures; for, firſt, by the cheapneſs of wool in Ireland, great quantities of it were ſtolen away to France, notwithſtanding the utmoſt we could do to prevent it, and fold there as cheap as the ſame commodity could be ſold in England, which laid the firſt and chief foundation of all their woollen manufactures ; and, 2dly, by the cheapneſs of wool in Ireland the people there were enabled to ſet up woollen manufactures of their own, which foon came to vie with thoſe of England; ſo that our merchants found themſelves rivalled and underſold at all foreign markets by the Iriſh, which led us into the committing of another moſt egregious foleciſm in our politics with regard to our trade, “ As I have faid, fir, the merchants, who exported our woollen manu- factures, foon found themſelves rivalled and underſold at moſt foreign mar- kets by the Iriſh: this obliged them to endeavour to beat down the price of our manufactures here at home; and the reaſon they aſſigned for ſo doing was their being underſold by the Iriſh abroad, which of courſe raiſed a po- pular clamour againſt allowing the Iriſh to export any woollen manufactures. As every ſet of tradeſmen, and indeed every particular tradeſman, would be glad to have a monopoly in what he deals in, it was no way ſurpriſing to hear ſuch a clamour raiſed among our manufacturers and unthinking people here at home; and if we could by a law prevent every nation in the world from carrying on any woollen manufactures, I ſhall grant, that it would have been right to have prohibited the exportation of woollen manufactures from Ireland : but as we cannot by a law prevent other nations from being our rivals in this manufacture, as well as every other; as we can no way do this but by enabling our own people to work up and ſell their manufactures cheaper than the fame ſort of manufactures can be worked up and ſold in any other country, inſtead of prohibiting the exportation of any woollen ma- nufactures from Ireland, we ſhould have thought only on methods for ren- dering the materials and labour in England as cheap as they were in Ireland; and the firſt and moſt obvious method for this purpoſe was, to have repealed that law which prohibited the importation of ſo many of the neceſſaries of life from Ireland. But, fir, inſtead of this, the popular clamour prevailed, and in the year 1699 a law was paſſed for prohibiting the exportation of any woollen manufactures whatſoever out of Ireland to any place except England and Wales. Nay, even to England and Wales the exportation was laid under ſuch WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 93 ſuch reſtrictions, as made it almoſt impoſſible for the Iriſh to ſell any of their woollen manufactures, except in their own country ; the conſequence of which was of courſe, that many of their manufacturers, both maſters and ſervants, were obliged to ſeek for employment in foreign countries, and moſt of them went to France, which eſtabliſhed the woollen manufac- tures of that kingdom, and increaſed the clandeſtine exportation of wool from Ireland to France ; ſo that in a little time the French made ſufficient for their own conſumption, and, by a new foleciſm in our politics, we foon opened for them a foreign market. But before I explain myſelf upon this head, I ſhall obſerve, that if we had, in the year 1699, repealed the law which prohibited the importation of Iriſh cattle, Theep, ſwine, butter, and cheeſe, it would have enabled the manufacturers in England to work up and ſell their manufactures as cheap as the Iriſh, and both would have been ſold fo cheap at foreign markets, as would have generally increaſed the de- mand, which would have furniſhed employment enough for all the manu- facturers both in Ireland and England, and would have rendered it impof- ſible for the French to ſucceed in eſtabliſhing a woollen manufacture of any kind, becauſe the cheapneſs of our coarſe woollen manufactures would have made them be run into France, and conſumed there, in ſpite of all the mea- ſures their government could have taken to prevent it; and every one knows, that manufactories have in all countries been firſt ſet up by the coarſer fort of manufactures; conſequently, if we could have prevented the French from ſucceeding in any of the coarſer fort, we ſhould have prevented their being ever able to manufacture any of the finer ſort, either for themſelves or their neighbours. Thus, fir, by endeavouring to keep up the price of our own manufactures, at the expence of our fellow-ſubjects in Ireland, we enabled our moſt dan- gerous enemies to ſucceed ſo far in ſetting up woollen manufactories, as to furniſh themſelves with what they wanted in that way; and, as I have ſaid, we at laſt enabled them, by a new foleciſm in our politics with regard to trade, to become our rivals at foreign markets. What I mean, fir, is our declaration of war againſt Spain in 1702; for, though we had ſufficient pro- vocation at that time for declaring war againſt France, the new king of Spain, whom we had acknowledged but the year before, had given us no provocation to declare war againſt him; and a regard for our trade with Spain, which had been always before of great advantage to us, ſhould have made us avoid being the firſt to declare war againſt that kingdom. Till that time, i THE LIFE OF 94 1 f 1. : i. } time, Spain had always been the chief mart for our woollen manufactures; but, by thus rąſhly declaring war againſt them, we ſhut up, in a great meaſure, that mart for the woollen manufactures of England, and opened it for thoſe of France ; for, though we were then wiſe enough not to prohibit trade with Spain, notwithſtanding the war we had declared, yet 'the war gave ſuch an interruption to our commerce, and raiſed ſuch an averſion among the Spa- niards againſt us, that by degrees 'they were' brought into the cuſtom of wearing French inſtead of Engliſh manufactures. ?? I could mention many other inſtances, fir, where we have injured our own trade,, and promoted that of our moſt inveterate enemy, by ill-judged regulations, or iniſtaken politics; but theſe, I hope, will be ſufficient for ſhewing gentlemen how cautious they ought to be, when any new regulation is propoſed with reſpect to trade, eſpecially a regulation which may perhaps ſtrip us of the only branch of trade we now enjoy without a rival, and may very probably transfer it to our enemies the French. I ſay, fir, a branch of trade, which we now enjoy without a rival; for, I believe, there is a great deal more of the inſurance-buſineſs done now in England than in all Europe be- fides. Not only the nations we are in amity with, but even our enemies the French and Spaniards, tranſact moſt of their buſineſs of inſurance here at London ; and I cannot think it any crime in our merchants to correſpond : with them on this head, no more than it was in our merchants to correſpond about trade with the Spaniſh merchants during the whole time of the war in queen Anne's reign. To carry on trade for the mutual benefit of both nations is not aiding and aſſiſting the enemy, nor is it ſuch a corre- {pondence as was intended to be prohibited by his majeſty's declaration of war, eſpecially when it is ſuch a trade as 'muſt always leave a large balance in ready money here in England. “ This balance, I ſhall grant, Sir, may appear to be but a trifle when compared with the expence we are at in ſupporting the war ; but, the greater that expence is, the more money we are obliged to ſend out yearly on that account; ſurely, the more cautious we ought to be of parting with any branch of trade which certainly leaves a balance here : and, if we conſider the great profits made by the inſurer, the profits made by the broker or office- keeper, the profits made by the factor, and the profits made by our dealers in exchange, we cannot ſuppoſe this balance to be ſuch a trifle as the ho- norable gentleman ſeems inclined to repreſent it. For my own part, I muſt ſuppoſe that it amounts to a very large ſum annually, when I conſider the vaſt ſums yearly in ured here upon French and Spaniſh bottoms, both which i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 95 : 5 : ! which I muſt take into the account, becauſe I am of opinion that we ſhall loſe both by this regulation. “ Nevertheleſs, Sir, however great I may think this balance, however dangerous I may think the regulation propoſed, I ſhould readily agree to it, could I think it certain that the French merchants would find it impoſſible to meet with good inſurers either at home or in any other part of Europe.: but I am ſo far from thinking this certain, that I think the certainty lies on the other ſide. It is well known that there is not a more enterpriſing, ad- venturous people in Europe than the French naturally are, nor a people that hare a greater itch for every thing that looks like gaming. Their having no public inſurance-office, nor any number of private inſurers in France, does not proceed from a want of rich men who would be ready and willing to un- dertake this buſineſs, but from the difficulty they find at preſent' to get any employment in this way." The French merchants have been ſo long .ac- cuſtomed to our ſhop, and have always found themſelves ſo honorably dealt with, that they will not apply to any other, and will rather chooſe to pay commiſſion here, than truſt to any office, or any private inſurer, among themſelves. Therefore, while we admit them to inſure here, it will never be in the power even of the government of France to ſet up a public in- ſurance-office, nor can any private man there meet with encouragement in this way of buſineſs. · But I am convinced, that, as ſoon as they hear of this bill's being paſſed into a law, a public office of inſurance will be erected at: Paris, and multitudes of rich men there will undertake the buſineſs;; becauſe, after we have baniſhed their merchants from our ſhop, they will apply to- the ſhops ſet up in their own country, rather than to any foreign: ſhop they have never been accuſtomed to. What are we then-to do by this regulation? Why, Sir, we are to ſtrip ourſelves of a moſt profitable branch of trade, and transfer it to the French, who could never have got hold of it, if it had not been for this our wiſe regulation. · And this-will be the effect, not only as to inſurances upon French ſhips, but, in a very little time, as to the inſurances upon all the ſhips of Spain and Portugal; for, as the correſpondence between them and Paris is quicker, and more certain, than the correſpondence between them and London, they will apply to the offices of inſurance at Paris, as ſoon as theſe offices have come into a little credit; and, if a public office be ſet up there, with a large capital, their capital will procure them. credit, as ſoon as the office is opened.. “ Having . 96 THE LIFE OF 66 Having tlius, Sir, ſhewn how probable it is, that the French merchants will find an eaſy and ſecure acceſs to inſurance at home, the very moment we exclude tliem from it in England; I think, I have no occaſion to take notice of the advantages we ſhall reap by the excluſion ; for all thoſe advan- tages are founded upon a ſuppoſition tliat it will be impoffible for them to find ſo cleap and fo fecure an inſurance at home as they now find in England, which is a ſuppoſition that, for the reaſons I hare mentioned, cannot, I think, with any reaſon, be ſuppoſed; and if this ſhould turn out to be the caſe, as I am afraid it will, we ſhall ſtrip ourſelves of a branch of trade by which we now make a clear profit perhaps of ſeveral hundred thou- fand pounds yearly, and transfer it to our moſt dangerous rival; which is not, I am ſure, a proper method for bringing the war to a happy and ſpeedy concluſion. Having mentioned the war, Sir, I muſt obſerve, that our ſucceſs at fea this laſt ſummer makes it more unneceſſary for us to think of ſuch a regulation now, than it has been at any time ſince the war began; and, if Providence ſhould favor us with the ſame ſucceſs next ſummer, we ſhall have no occaſion to prohibit inſurances upon French ſhips ; for it will raiſe the price of inſurance ſo high, that no inan, either in France or any where elſe, will think of ſending goods by any ſuch thip. Before a merchant ſends out a cargo, he always firſt fits down and computes what profit he may probably make by the adventure out and home; and, if the inſurance be ſo high that no profit he can expect will anſwer it, and ſomething more for his own trouble, and the uſe of his money, he will certainly reſolve to ſend out no cargo at all. Therefore, if, by the ſucceſs of our ſquadrons and cruiſers, we ſhould be able to raiſe the price of inſurance upon French ſhips to ſuch å height that no trade could bear it, we ſhall much more effectually, and more ſafely, put an end to the French commerce, at leaſt in their own ſhips, than we can do by this regulation ; and, if they ſhould fall upon any way to carry on their commerce in neutral bottoms, this regulation can no way affect it. This we ſhould attempt ; this, I am very ſure, our miniſters will do all that lies in their power to effectuate ; and therefore, I think, we ſhould ſuſpend agreeing to any ſuch dangerous regulation, till we have tried a little farther what can be done in this way. 66 Before I ſit down, Sir, I muſt take notice of a ſuſpicion, not a ſuppo- ſition, thrown out by the honorable gentleman, that ſome of our inſurers have given intelligence to the French of the ſtations of our men of war and privateers, - . 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 97 1 any fixed privateers, in order to prevent the French ſhips on whịch they had inſured coming in their way. For my own part, I never heard that any ſuch thing was ſuſpected; but, on the contrary, I have heard that ſome of the richeſt prizes taken in this war fell into our hands by intelligence communicated by thoſe employed to get inſurances upon them. To this I muſt add, that it is, · in my opinion, impoſſible for our inſurers to give intelligence of the ſtations either of our cruiſers or privateers, becauſe our cruiſers never know their ſta- tions till they open their inſtructions at fea, being, as I have heard, directed firſt to fail to ſuch a ſtation, and there to open their new orders; and as to our privateers, their ſtation is always left to the direction of the captain, who may change it as often as he will, and ſeldom goes out with deſign; or, if he does, he will, for his own ſake, as well as for the ſake of his owners, let no one into the ſecret. " I muſt therefore be of opinion, Sir, that neither in this reſpect, nor any other, our inſurers can do us any prejudice if they would ; nor can they I think, give the French commerce any advantage, but ſuch a one the French merchants may meet with at home, the moment we exclude them from it here. How far the popular clamour without doors may prevail upon gentlemen within, I do not know; but, as I look upon the expedient pro- poſed as a very dangerous one, and as an expedient that will certainly be attended with an advantage to the French trade, and a loſs to our own; as I hope, and not without juſt grounds, that the advance of the premium will foon put an entire ſtop to all French inſurances here or any where elſe, and conſequently to all the French commerce in their own ſhipping, I muſt be againſt what is propoſed ; and, though I was ſenſible of its being at preſent a little unpopular to oppoſe ſuch a propoſition, I thought I was, in duty to my country, obliged to declare my ſentiments openly and freely upon the ſubject." as 1. So early as in 1752, the miſchiefs portrayed by Mr. Murray in this ſpeech were aſſerted in the Houſe of Commons to have ac- tually taken place, viz. that regular offices of inſurance were eſtabliſhed at Paris, Calais, and Bourdeaux, to the great loſs and diſadvantage of this nation, ſince it had awakened the French miniſtry from their ſupineneſs and lethargy, and placed the duke de Penthievre at the head of the inſurance-companies at Paris and Bourdeaux O The 1 ) 98 1 THE LIFE OF The accumulation of honors, and the fair increaſe of fame which confpicuoufly marked the characters of Mr. Murray and two or three of his contemporaries at Weſtminſter, with whom he had aſſociated and formed an early friendſhip, were viewed by a provincial counſel with a jealous, and poſſibly with an en- vious eye, ſince Envy. will follow Merit like its phade. In 175.1, Mr. Fawcett, the late recorder of Newcaſtle upon Tyne, inſtead of contributing to the conviviality of the table, convened on a loyal occafion by the dean of Durham, who gave a dinner to the principal gentlemen in the neighbourhood on the king's birth- day, gave a very unexpected and unpleaſant turn to the conver- ſation by introducing a very ſerious charge. Lord Melcombe having de die in diem committed the information he received of this very extraordinary proceeding into writing; the author of theſe ſheets begs leave to introduce them in lord Melcombe's own words, extracted from his Diary : “ Meſſieurs Murray, Fawcett, and Stone, were much acquainted, if not ſchoolfellows, in early life. Their fortune led them different ways : Faw- cett's was to be a country lawyer and recorder of Newcaſtle. Johnſon, now biſhop of Glouceſter, was one of their aſſociates. On the day the king's birth-day was kept, they dined at the dean of Durham's, at Durham ; this Fawcett, lord Ravenſworth, Major Daviſon, and one or two more, who re- tired after dinner into another room. The converſation turning upon the late biſhop of Glouceſter's preferment, it was aſked, who was to have his prebend of Durham? The dean faid, that the laſt news from London was, that Dr.. Johnſon was to have it.” Fawcett ſaid, “ he was glad that John- ſon got off ſo, well, for he remembered him.a Jacobite ſeveral years ago, and that he uſed to be with a relation of his who was very diſaffected, one Ver- non, a mercer, where the pretender's health was frequently drank. This paſſing among a few familiar acquaintance was thought no more of that time : it ſpread, however, ſo much in the North (how I never heard accounted for), and reached town in fuch a manner, that Mr. Pelħam thought it neceſſary to defire 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 99 defire Mr. Vane; -who was a friend to Fawcett, and who employed him in his buſineſs, to write to Fawcett, to know if he had ſaid this of Johnſon, and if he had," if it was true. “ This letter was written on the 9th of January; it came to Newcaſtle the Friday following ; Fawcett was much ſurpriſed, but the poſt going out in a few hours after its arrival, "hre immediately acknowledged the letter by a long, but not very explicit anſwer. This Friday happened to be the club. day of the neighbouring gentlemen at Newcaſtle. “ As ſoon as lord Ravenſworth, who was a patron and employer of Faw- cett, came into the town, Fawcett acquainted him with the extraordinary letter he had received. He told him that he had already anſwered it, and being aſked to ſhew the copy, ſaid he kept none; but deſired lord Ravenſ- worth to recollect if he held ſuch a converſation at the deanry of Durhanı the day appointed for the birth-day. Ravenſworth recollected nothing at all of it: they went to the club together, and Ravenſworth went the next morning to ſee his mother in the neighbourhood, with whom he ſtayed till Monday ; but this thing, of ſuch conſequence, lying upon his thoughts, he returned by Newcafile. He and Fawcett had another converſation; and in endeavouring to refreſh-each other's memory about this dreadful delinquency of Johnſon, Fawcett faid he could not recollect poſitively at ſuch a dif- tance of time, whether Johnſon drank thoſe healths, or had been preſent at the drinking of them, but that Murray and Stane had done both ſeveral times. Ravenſworth was exceſſively alarmed at this with relation to Stone, on account of his office about the prince; and thus the affair of Johnſon was quite forgotten, and the epiſode became the principal part. There were many more conferences between Ravenſworth and Fawcett upon this ſubject, in which the latter always perſiſted that Stone and Murray were preſent at the drinking, and did drink thoſe healths. It may be obſerved here, that when he was examined upon oath he ſwore to the year 1731 or 1732 at lateſt. Fawcett comes up, as uſual, upon his law buſineſs, and is examined by Meſſrs. Pelham and Vane, who never had heard of Mr. Murray or Stone being named. He is aſked, and anſwers only with relation to Johnſon, ne- ver mentioning either of the others; but the love of his country, his king, and poſterity, burned ſo ſtrongly in Ravenſworth's boſom, that he could have no reſt till he had diſcovered this enormity. Accordingly, when he came to town, he acquainted the miniſtry and almoſt all his great friends with it, and infifted upon the removal of Stone. (The 02 100 THE LIFE OF 1 66 The miniſtry would have ſlighted it, as it deſerved ; but, as he perſiſted, and had told ſo many of it, they could not help laying it before the king, who, though he himſelf ſlighted it, was adviſed to examine it, which exa- mination produced this moſt injudicious proceeding in parliament.” Such is lord Melcombe's account; and the fame author informs us, that Mr. Murray, when he heard of the committee being appointed to examine this idle affair, ſent a meſſage to the king, humbly to acquaint him, that, if he ſhould be called before fuch a tribunal on ſo ſcandalous and injurious an account, he would reſign his office, and would refuſe to anſwer. It came, however, before the Houſe of Lords, January 22, 1753, on the motion of the duke of Bedford. “The debate was long and heavy, ſays lord Melcombe, and the duke of Bed- - ford's performance moderate enough. He divided the houſe, but it was not told; for there went below the bar with him the earl Harcourt, lord Town- fhend, the biſhop of Worceſter, and lord Talbot only. The biſhop of Nor-.. wich and lord Harcourt both ſpoke, not to much purpoſe; but neither of them in the leaſt ſupported the duke's queſtion. Upon the whole,” lord: Melcombe concludes, “ it was the worſt judged, the worſt executed, and.. the worſt ſupported point, that I ever ſaw, of ſo mucli expectation.” The Muſes were invoked, as well as lord Melcombe, to record this ſingular tranſaction. Whether the Aönian Maids have con- ferred any favors on another infant votary on this occaſion is not for the author of theſe ſheets to determine, who can vouch for the authenticity of the few lines on a ſuppoſed crime, which his late majeſty king George the Second viewed in its true light. ** Whatever they were,” his late majefty is reported to have ſaid, “ when they were Weſtminſter boys, they are now my very good: “ friends.” Shall the doors of royal mercy be open to all with this curious exception except the indiſcretions of inconſiderate youth : 1 To probe thy crimes, diſloyal FIEND, See council of the ſtate conven'd; - My WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. IOI “ My lords,” (an age-wiſe peer addreft,) " Theſe crimes convulſe my loyal breaſt!” No woman in adultery caught; Rife, Mitred-head! with treafon fraught ! “ Ere manhood's down,” accuſers ſay, “ Had grac'd his chin, ere taught to pray, He drank, devoid of all detection, Diſloyal healths with genu-flection.” From regions cold to milder ſkies Fame on her dew-bright pinion flies, Reveals the ſecret, ſtoops to pry, Bids MERCURY to ſtate guardians fly, Sends DISCORD, with her hideous mouth; T inflame the regions of the South, While Envy rears Sedition's creſt, In Fawcett's form, by demons dreſt. A Sylph here whiſper'd, 66 Demon lly, Law had a finger in the pie ! With Ciceronian eloquence, Prepar'd to plead his own defence, Murray, all-graceful, hurl'd defiance At Fawcett and his Grand Alliance * Then ſilence broke: “ Moſt Noble Præſes, Call for the treaſon—nom-the theſis Of college-youths from Alma Mater, Who, ſteal, with pious wiſh to cater Viands and wine. Alert who think Hebe will grace the healths they drink; Rome might our juv'nile thoughts engage, But ALBION our maturer age, Come, DORSET, come, with all thy worth, If embryo treaſon e'er had birth, 12 i *.64 Grand alliance."-Lord Ravenſworth, the patron and warm friend of Mr. Fawcett, formed an alliance in the coal-trade with the late Mr. Bowes and others, which gained the appellation of the grand alliance. E'er 102 THE LIFE OF E'er flow'd in deep polluted tide Within theſe veins-hall Dorſet hide The foul contagion No.-Reveal Truth, naked truth, who beſt can tell. O Portland! would thy loyal line, The bramble with the myrtle twine, A traitor in a Murray find, To poliſh and improve the mind, To trace the ſprings, unlock the ſtore, Of antient * and of modern lore? As ſoon might Fred'ric's ROYAL SIRE Around the Nation's hope plant treafon dire ! The tree beft by its fruit is known, Thus judge of Johnſon, Murray, Stone ! Like a firm phalanx, lo! we riſe, Whoſe.conſcious innocence defies The ſhafts of malice, poiſon'd dart Of Envy aim'd at feeling heart. Let our accuſer, face to face, The latent ſeeds of treaſon trace, Before this great tribunal ſtand, And with our crimnes ſtain Albion's land." Fawcett look'd penſive, heav'd a groan, But no man dar'd to throw a Stone! The ſpeech of his majeſty's ſolicitor-general on this trying oc- cafion, wherein he appealed to the dukes of Dorſet and Portland in particular, and to the lords in general who were then preſent in council, to bear teſtimony to his principles, to his unſhaken loyalty, and the love of his ſovereign, is deemed to be one of the fineſt compoſitions in the Engliſh language. « Of antient and of modern lore"--alludes to the two letters in this collection, which were written by Mr. Murray, when he was a young map, for the uſe of the duke of Portland. See pp. 12, 17. 5 In WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 103 . In the elegarit and valuable repoſitory of a very learned and dignified friend of lord Mansfield, a ſingle copy of this invaluable fpeech is ſuppoſed to be ſafely depoſited ; and it is devoutly to be wiſhed, that ſo great a hidden treaſure may not be for ever buried in oblivion. Biſhop Johnſon took another method of defence. Conſcious that Fawcett had exceeded the bounds of decency, and the plain path of rectitude, by implicating himn in the charge, the prelate went to Fawcett's chambers in the Temple, and deſired an inter- view, but in vain. Diſſatisfied with the anſwer, that Mr. Fax- cett was not at home, his lordſhip renewed his viſit very early the next morning, and the laundreſs, not being in the ſecret, confeſted that her maſter was yet in his bed. The biſhop deter- mined to wait till he aroſe, and poor Fawcett left his thorny pillow with reluctance, for ſomething ſharper than thorns awaited him, an interview which he could not avoid ; the reſult of which foon produced expreſſions of deep contrition, a perfect willingneſs on his part, either to read, or write, a recantation of his errors reſpecting the biſhop, whoſe preferment (the reader will be pleaſed to recollect) was the primary and principal topic of the table converſation. The latter mode was adopted, and the following declaration, tranſcribed from the original letter, now in my poſſeſſion, was made : My Lord, London, 29th January, 1753.- " I take the liberty of giving you the trouble of this letter, in order to wipe off any reflections which may have been to your lordſhip's : prejudice, from a miſconſtruction or miſrepreſentation of any thing ſaid by me at the dean of Durham's laſt ſummer. It is now, I believe, near twenty years ſince your lordſhip and I met at my relation's, and before that time. I never had any acquaintance with your lordſhip ; and it really ſurprizes me very much, that any inference from what I ſaid of my relation's principles in politics ſhould, by any one, be applied to your lordſhip. It is a: very diſa- greeable thing to be giving an account of what has paſſed in any converſa- tion ; but it is my duty, in the moſt folemn. manner, ta declare, that I did not; 104 THE LIFE OF not, and could not, ſay any thing which in the leaſt could, or which was any way meant by me to charge your lordſhip with being the propoſer of, or ever being preſent at, the drinking of any diſloyal healths. I am very ſorry for the trouble you have had about this affair, and am, with the greateſt reſpect, “ My lord, “Your lordſhip's moſt obedient humble ſervant, 66 CHR. FAWCETT. “Whatever has been conſtrued as a ſurprize of mine at your lordſhip's preferment, I am ſure it was meant by me as an intimation only, that your : lordſhip was fortunate in having the preferments drop at the time they did. “ Lord Biſhop of Glouceſter.” In 17 54, Sir Dudley Ryder, his majeſty's attorney-general, was advanced to the dignity of lord chief juſtice of the court of King's Bench; and on that occaſion his majeſty's ſolicitor-general, Mr. Murray, was promoted to fill the high ſtation of the king's attorney-ge- neral. This promotion did not alienate him from the honorable -ſociety of Lincoln's Inn, whoſe chief ornament he had many years been ; but the interval was not long before he ceaſed to be a member of that ſociety. In 1756, the death of lord chief juſtice Ryder gave riſe to a ſecond fuc- ceſſion, and the king's attorney-general was appointed to that high office. Previous to his taking his ſeat as lord chief juſtice, the uſual ceremony of taking leave of alma mater, or the law-ſociety of which he was a member, was to be reſpectfully obſerved. Whe- ther the origin of this laudable cuſtom is to be claſſed among thoſe good old foſter-fathers who have contributed to raiſe emu- lation in the ſtudents of the ſociety, or whether it was deſigned to manifeſt the gratitude of the latter, for the honor which every high WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 105 1 high character confers on the ſociety. Whatever laudable mo . tive introduced the ceremony, no man of ſenſibility could be pre- ſent in Lincoln's Inn Hall, when the honorable Mr. Yorke, on whom devolved the honor of making the complimentary ſpeech to the new lord chief juſtice, and of preſenting him with a votive offering of a purſe of gold, in the name of the ſociety, without being forcibly ſtruck with the favorable impreſſion, that he was the worthy ſon of the great lord Hardwicke. A fair occaſion this for Mr. Murray to retaliate, who elegantly admitted and avowed, that Laudatus à laudato viro made unmerited praiſe itſelf pleaſing. The ſubſtance of this elegant reply, delivered with the greateſt grace, eaſe, and perſpicuity, was : " I am too ſenſible, Sir, of my being undeſerving of the praiſes which you have ſo elegantly beſtowed upon me, to ſuffer commendations ſo delicate as yours, to inſinuate themſelves into my mind; but I have pleaſure in that .kind partiality which is the occaſion of them: to deſerve ſuch praiſes is a worthy object of ambition ; and from ſuch a tongue flattery itſelf is pleafing. “If I have had in any meaſure ſucceſs in my profeſſion, it is owing to the great man, who has preſided in our higheſt courts, of judicature the whole time I attended the bar. It was impoſſible to attend him, to fit under hiin every day, without catching ſome beams from his light. ' [In this place he enumerated lord Hardwicke's particular excellences, and then went on.] The diſciples of Socrates, whom I will take the liberty to call the great law- yer of antiquity, ſince the firſt principles of all law are derived from his phi- loſophy, owe their reputation to your * having been the reporter of the ſayings of their maſter. If we can arrogatė nothing to ourſelves, we may boaſt the ſchool we were brought up in; the ſcholar may glory in his maſter, and we may challenge paſt ages to Thew us his equal. “ My lord Bacon had the ſame extent of thought, and the ſame ſtrength of language and expreſſion ; but his life had a ſtain. My lord Clarendon had the ſame abilities, and the faine zeal for the conſtitution of his country; but the civil war prevented his laying deep the - foundations of law; and the avocations of politics interrupted the buſineſs of the chancellor. -- * Mr. Charles Yorke. P - My 106 THE LIFE, &c. .. + My lord Somers came the neareſt to his character ; but his time was , tort, and envy and faction ſullied the luſtre of his glory. “ It is the peculiar felicity of the great man I am ſpeaking of, to have preſided very near twenty years, and to have ſhone with a ſplendor that has riſen ſuperior to faction, and that has ſubdued envy. “ I did not intend to have ſaid, I ſhould not have ſaid ſo much upon this occaſion, but that, in this fituation, with all that hear me, what I ſay muſt carry the weight of teſtimony rather than appear the voice of panegyric. “. For you, Sir, you have given great pledges to your country; and, large : as the expectations of the public are concerning you, I dare ſay you will an-- fwer them. “ For the ſociety, I ſhall always think myſelf. honored by every mark of their eſteem, affection, and friendſhip; and ſhall deſire the continuance of it no longer than while I remain zealous for the conſtitution of this country, and a friend to the intereſts of virtue:”. On this pleaſing occaſion the author of theſe ſheets had the: honor to be preſent (ſeveral of his friends who were alſo preſent. are yet in exiſtence); and can bear ample teſtimony to the tribute of applauſe, to the general joy, and the marked approbation of the audience. He was alſo preſent on a ſimilar occaſion, when Sir John Willes took. leave of the ſociety, on his being appointed . lord chief juſtice of the court of Common Pleas in 1753, who, in a few words, wittily ſaid a great deal to the purpoſe.. He po- litely thanked Mr. Attorney-general for all the fine encomiums he had beſtowed on:one who very little merited them, but who begged permiſſion to conclude with a very honeſt declaration of the higheſt authority,, " The lot is fallen unto me in a fair ground, yea I have a goodly heritage.” 1 ! ! C H A P- CHAPTER THE SECOND. P 2 ! ( 109 ) 1 CHAPTER II. . the great The honorable Mr.MURRAY, his majeſty's attorney-general, was, on the 8th of November, 17.56, called to the degree of ſergeant, and about eight in the evening was ſworn in lord chief juſtice of the court of King's Bench, in the room of the late lord chief juſtice Sir Dudley Ryder, who died on the 25th of May, 1756, before the lord chancellor, the earl. of Hardwicke, at his houſe: in Great Ormond' Street, in the preſence of the three judges, and moſt of the officers of the court of King's. Bench. His lordſhip took the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy on his knee, and the oath of office ſtanding. Immediately afterwards great ſeal was put to.a patent, which had before paſſed all the proper offices, creating his lordſhip Baron of Mansfield in the county of Nottingham,, to. him and the heirs. male of his body. Thurſday, November 11, 1756, lord Mansfield took his place as lord chief juſtice. Notwithſtanding the new lord chief juſtice had been habituated to, and had long flouriſhed in, a court of equity, where his Cice- ronian eloquence firſt diſtinguiſhed him, eſtabliſhed his fame, and acquired the appellation of a bright ornament of that court, at a period when the eloquence of the Chancery bar ſhone in great purity and perfection under the auſpices and the benign influence of lord chancellor Hardwicke ; yet no ſooner was lord: Mansfield called to preſide in the firſt law court in this kingdom. thar: IIO THE LIFE OF than in a dry and trivial cauſe, an action of debt *, for a penalty of forty ſhillings for every month, incurred by 5 Eliz.cap.4. ſect. 31. for exerciſing the trade of a brewer, without having ſerved an ap- prenticeſhip, the found judgement of the new chief juſtice, and his clear comprehenſion of all the circumſtances of a caſe, unim- portant at the firſt bluſh, but the very reverſe when viewed in its proper light in a great commercial country.; theſe irreſiſtibly made a moſt favorable impreſſion on the bar, on the audience, .6.6 other nioney. * Among many cogent reaſons aſſigned by the chief juſtice as the ground of his opinion, that Mr. Chace, the defendant, was not liable to the penalty in the act, the few following outlines are ſelected : “ In many conſiderable undertakings it is abſolutely neceſſary to take in perſons as partners op to ſhare the profits, and riſk the loſs; and the general uſage and practice of mankind ought to have weight in determinations of this fort, affecting trade and commerce, and the manner of carrying them on. “ It is. notorious, that many partnerſhips are entered into upon the founda- tion of one partner contributing induſtry and ſkill, as in this caſe, and the Many great breweries and other trades have been carried on for the be- nefit of infants and refiduary legatecs, under the direction of the Court of Chancery. “Now if the plaintiff's conſtruction was to hold, the whole direction and decree of the Court of Chancery was contrary to law and to an expreſs act of parliament. 6.6 It would introduce the utmoſt confuſion in affairs of trade and com- merce if this conſtruction ſhould prevail. On the other hand I fee no in- convenience. It is exactly the ſame thing as to the trade in every iota, whether this partner has, or has not, ſerved an apprenticeſhip; therefore, I think the defendant not liable to the penalty of 5 Elizabeth.' In this judgement all the other judges concurred. Mr. Juſtice Fofter, in expreſſing his opinion, faid, “ He had prepared himſelf to give his reaſons at large; but, as the lord chief juſtice had gone through them fo fully, and enforced them in ſo clear and ſåtisfactory a manner, he would only in ge- neral declare his concurrence.' Again. In relation to a brew-houſe on the caſe of Wright, on the de- miſe of Green againſt Proctor, lord Mansfield obſerved, “ Green was to be a gentleman in this affair, Ekins to furniſh ſkill and money, Proctor to con- tribute labor and attendance." Vid. Vid. 4 Burr. 2209. of Vid. I Burr. P. 7. and WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. III and drew a ſincere and handſome acknowledgement from that able judge, Mr. Juftice Foſter, then fitting on the bench. In the ſame year, 1756, a caſe was ſent out of Chancery to the sourt of King's Bench, Robinſon and Robinſon *, which is more worthy of notice, as it manifeſts the great contrariety of opinions . on a queſtion which has been long diſcuſſed, and much agitated in law. Before lord Mansfield had been ſix months in the poſſeſſion of tlie dignity of lord chief juſtice he was, on the 9th of April, 1757, appointed, pro tempore, chancellor of the Exchequer ; and g! . *: George Robinſon, of Bochym in Cornwall, Eſquire, made his will, and after giving his wife one guinea, and his father-in-law a groat, gave the greateſt part of his real eſtates to Lancelot Hicks of Plymouth, in the county of Devon, Gentleman, for and during the time of his natural life, and no longer, provided that he alter his name and take that of Robinſon, and live at his houſe at Bochym ; and after his deceaſe, to ſuch ſon as he ſhould have, law- fully to be begotten, taking the name of Robinſon, and for default of ſuch iſſue, then he bequeathed the ſame to his couſin, the defendant, William Robinſon. In April 1733, we find that, in another part of this caſe, on this very will, Sir Joſeph Jekyll held Lancelot Hicks to be entitled to an eſtate for his life, remainder to his eldeſt and but one fon for life, remainder to Wil-- liam Robinſon, the devifee over. In 1734 lord Talbot, on a re-hearing, was of the ſame opinion, yet the previous decree of a court of equity, confirmed on a re-hearing, did not pre- vent the unanimous certificate of the judges in the King's Bench in favor of an eſtate tail by implication, viz. “ We are of opinion that, upon the true conſtruction of the ſaid will of the teſtator George Robinfon, the ſaid Lan- celot Hicks muſt, by neceffary implication to effectuate the manifest general in- tent of the ſaid teftator, be conſtrued to take an eſtate in tail male, he, and the heirs of his body, taking the name of Robinſon, notwithſtanding the expreſs eſtate deviſed to the ſaid Lancelot Hicks for his life, and no longer." This. certificate was confirmed' in Chancery, and a decree. made ac- cordingly. On an appeal to the Houſe of Lords from that decree, the opinion of all the judges was aſked. It was delivered by lord chief baron Parker, with the reaſons at large ; and they unanimoully agreed with the above certificate, upon the above grounds ſuggeſted thereby. Whereupon the decree was af- firmed by the lords, on the 14th of February, 1758. in -- I I2 THE LIFE OF in this office, principally through his mediation, the coalition between Mr. Fox, afterwards lord Holland, and Mr. Pitt, after- wards earl of Chatham, was brought about, the former having been made paymaſter of the forces, and the latter principal fe- cretary of ſtate ; a coalition which was of the moſt ſingular fer- vice to the country, by uniting all the great leaders of the diffe- rent parties, and thereby giving an energy to the war we were then engaged in, and which terminated fo gloriouſly and ſuc- ceſsfully to the Britiſh arms. tome 1757. A diſpute between two candidates reſpecting the right to a Southwell fellowſhip *, in this year, came in a very learned and queſtionable * Maſters and ſenior fellows of John's College, Cambridge, verſus To- dington, clerk. After a long debate had been ſpent, principally in reading numerous La- tin extracts from antient ſtatutes of biſhop Fiſher, and ſeveral of queen Eli- zabeth's ſtatutes having been introduced and read, on a ſuggeſtion by the counſel for the viſitor, that although biſhop Fiſher, as ſurviving executor of Margaret counteſs of Richmond, gave ſtatutes, yet he had no power to do ſo, and that therefore queen Elizabeth gave freſh ſtatutes. The lord chief juſtice, not to diſappoint public expectation, ordered that it ſhould ſtand over till the next day, and added, “ Let us have copies of the material fatutes in the mean time.” In the ſecond day's argument the ſolicitor-general, Mr. Yorke, and Mr. Norton, diſplayed great power, deep learning, and delivered their- argu- ments with animation. On the day following lord Mansfield obſerved, that, upon looking into the papers left with him, he found it neceſſary towards coming to a complete underſtanding either of the ſtatutes or of the deed, “That the prior confti- tution of the college antecedent to both ſhould be laid before the court,” as both the deed, and alſo queen Elizabeth's ſtatutes expreſsly refer to this prior conſtitution of the college, and conſequently muſt be, in ſome meaſure, un- intelligible and inexplicable, unleſs it be alſo known " what the prior confti- tution was. He propoſed therefore, that the parties ſhould, in the beſt manner they could, lay this conſtitution before the court, and that the caſe would be ſpoken to again in the next term, not by all the counſel arguing it over WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 113 queſtionable ſhape before the court of King's Bench, and inaf- much as the doctrine of the origin of the old colleges in both univerſities, over again, but by only one counſel on each ſide, who ſhould apply them- ſelves to ſuch concluſions as might ariſe from ſuch prior conſtitution of the college, and be applicable to queen Elizabeth's ſtatutes, or to the deed of covenants. The caſe was accordingly adjourned till the next term; and the lord chief juſtice, by his repeated requiſitions to the parties for additional papers and ſtatutes, having made himſelf coinpletely maſter of the ſubject, we find him in the next term engaged in diſputing every inch of ground, which he deemed unneceſſary to be trod over again, and in combating the ſtrong efforts which were made to prevent a ſummary, and, as Mr. Norton ſtrongly contended, a premature determination. Mr. Solicitor-general having propoſed to conſider three diſtinct quef- tions, viz. I. Whether the biſhop was not as extenſive a viſitor under the old conſti- tution as under the new? II. Whether the college are not bound by the acceptance of the new ſtatutes ? On this head lord Mansfield wittily ob- ſerved, “ The college will not, moſt undoubtedly, agitate that queſtion, for if they do, they muſt give up all their livings, &c. and all other advan- tages they claim under them.” This ground was, of courſe, abandoned; and Mr. Solicitor-general, in his turn, ſtood corrected. So the great Eraſmus, when called upon to give his decided opinion between pope Leo and the great reformer Luther, had ſome faults to find with both, and, in fumming up his charge againſt the latter, obſerved, that 'poor Luther had ſinned grievouſly and in a twofold capacity, firſt, in touching the pope upon his crown, and, ſecondly, the monks upon their bellies. The monarch ſmiled, and never forgot Eraſmus's concluſion of " Tetigit coronam pontificis, et ventres monaſticorum. When Mr. Norton, with great ability, in his turn, ſtrongly contended, that it was premature to determine then whether the biſhop of Ely had juriſdiction; that there ought to be a rule for the plaintiffs to de- clare, that ſuch was the courſe of the court, and it had not been uſual to examine the matter upon ſhewing cauſe ; after a declaration in prohibition, the whole would appear upon record, be folemnly judged, and the judge- ment might be reviewed upon a writ of error. To all which the lord chief juſtice anſwered fully, and with great energy. A few general obſervations only will be ſelected in proof of his ſenſe of a delay in juſtice, and of unne- ceffary circuity in proceedings of this nature : 6. If the party who applies for a prohibition has a right to declare, though the court ſhould ſee no ground for the motion, a rule “ to Thew cauſe why the prohibition ſhould not be granted” is to no purpoſe, and hearing counſel upon the ſufficiency of that cauſe is time mis-ſpent. Q If, · 114 THE LIFE OF univerſities, and the ingrafted fellowſhips therein is preſumed to be doctrina paucis cognita; it is reaſonable to hope that a ſummary detail of lord Mansfield's elaborate diſcuſſion thereof will not be diſpleaſing On the 29th of June, 1757, the important queſtion was dif- cuſſed in B. R. whether a court of law was not inveſted with power to relieve againſt fraud and impoſition ? As it has been frequently ſaid and inſiſted, that lord Mansfield introduced more equity * into a court of law than any of his predeceſſors had done; the If, in caſes of this kind, the court ſhould too eaſily yield to hang up the matter, by letting the plaintiff declare in prohibition, redreſs would come too late, and coſt too much. I was very deſirous, as there is no fact dif- puted, to go fully into the argument now, and, if I ſaw no ground to doubt of the biſhop's juriſdiction as viſitor, to ſtop unneceſſary delay, vexation, and expence. The ſubject matter of the complaint to the viſitor is a competition for preſent maintenance and education upon an eleemofinary foundation. The cauſe of the contention is a controverted election, which is too apt to engage and animate the electors. In compaſſion to the candidates, and for the peace of this learned body, the diſpute ought not to be ſuffered to continue longer than is abſolutely un- avoidable. I have procured information concerning moſt of the colleges in Oxford and Cambridge ; and I find that moſt of the old colleges in both. univerſities conſiſt and are made up (leſs or more) of ingrafted fellowſhips, and ingrafted by indentures too; and all theſe are conſidered as part of the ald body, unleſs there be any particular exception by the terms of the new foundation. I am fatisfied, upon mature reflection, the college would tremble at the conſequence of leaving every election into any of theſe ingrafted fellowſhips, or any other diſputes concerning them, open to courts of law, and the expence and delay attending ſuits in them. It ſeems to me very clear that the bjíhop is as much judge of this complaint, as if it related to one of the old fellowſhips: and, if it related to one of the old fellowſhips, I think the juriſdiction of the bishop as viſitor moſt evident. Therefore I am of opinion, that the cauſe ſhewn againſt this rule is ſufficient, and it ought to be diſcharged. In which opinion the other judges preſent concurred, and the rule was diſcharged accordingly. * The following obſervations by the lord chief juſtice, reſpecting new trials and the right which a court of law ought to exerciſe in granting relief againſt fraud and impoſition, aroſe in Trinity term 30th and 31ſt George II. in WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 115 the author of theſe ſheets is deſirous in the diſcuſſion of this mat. ter of diſcharging his duty impartially, and in order thereto will beg 66 in the caſe of Bright, executor of Hannah Criſp, widow, againſt Eynon, on a motion for a new trial on payment of coſts. The plaintiff's counſel ob- tained a rule to ſhew cauſe why the verdict ſhould not be ſet aſide upon pay- ment of coſts; whereupon lord Mansfield ſaid, that he did not chuſe in any cauſe tried before him to conclude the inatter by a ſhort report, “ that he was ſatisfied or diffatified with the verdict." He would ſtate the caſe particularly to the court, and reſerve declaring his opinion of the verdict (which he had not yet intimated either at the trial or ſince) till he had heard the counſel on both ſides. This was an action upon the caſe brought by the plaintiff as executor of Hannah Criſp, widow, deceaſed, againſt the defendant, upon a common promiſſory note for payment of fixty pounds and legal intereſt. The defendant Eynon, who ſigned the note, ſet up a diſcharge in the fol- lowing words: I promiſe unto John Eynon, that, in conſideration of his paying unto me intereſt for ſixty pounds, he has of mine during my life, after the rate of five pounds per cent. per annum, that then the ſaid fixty pounds, at iny de- ceafe, ſhall be his, and his note for the ſame ſhall be void and of none effect. Witneſs my hand this roth day of October, 1753, Hannah Criſp.” The body was all bis own hand; but he called two witneſſes, who ſaid they bes lieved the name ſubſcribed to be the hand of the teſtatrix; but their know- ledge of her hand was very ſlight, one of them having only ſeen her fign a receipt. Lord Mansfield, after having ſtated all the circumſtances of the caſe fully, ſaid, he left two queſtions to the jury: Ift, “ Whether the name of the teſta- trix was forged;" 2d, if they took it upon the evidence laid before them to be her hand, then, “ whether it was not obtained by fraud, and without her knowing the contents and effect of the writing ſhe ſigned." The jury found for the defendant. Lord Mansfield intimated nothing then as to his own opinion of the cafe ; and profeſſedly avoided doing it now till he ſhould have heard the counſel. They were accordingly heard; and they who ſhewed cauſe againſt the rule, went very much at large into the propriety and riſe of granting new trials. They urged that a verdict ought to be con- clufive where evidence of any fort was given on both fides. That the for- gery here was the only queſtion : if the plaintiff objected fraud and inpoſition, he muſt go to a court of equity for relief. Lord Mansfield : Trials by jury in civil cauſes could not fubfiſt now without a power ſomewhere to grant new trials. If an erroneous judgement be given in point of law, there are many ways to review and ſet it right. Where a court judges of fact upon diſpoſitions in writing, their ſentence or decree may, many ways, be reviewed and Q2 .. 116 THE LIFE OF li beg permiſſion, as occaſion may offer, to point out the true ground of ſuch adoption, by aſſigning lord Mansfield's own rea- fons and ſet right. But a general verdict can only be ſet right by a new trial, which is no more than having the cauſe more deliberately conſidered by ano- ther jury; when there is a reaſonable doubt, or perhaps a certainty, that juſtice has not been done. The writ of attaint is now a mere found in every caſe : in many it does not pretend to be a remedy. There are nurnberleſs cauſes of falſe verdicts without corruption or bad intention of the jurors. They may have heard too much of the matter before the trial, and imbibed prejudices without knowing it. The cauſe may be ſo intricate, the exami- nation may be ſo long, as to diſtract and confound their attention. Moſt general verdicts include legal conſequences, as well as propoſitions of fact: in drawing theſe conſequences, the jury may miſtake, and infer directly con- trary to law. The parties may be ſurpriſed by a caſe falſely made at the trial, which they had no reaſon to expect, and therefore could not come prepared to anſwer. If unjuſt verdicts, obtained under theſe and a thouſand like circumſtances, were to be concluſive for ever, the determination of civil property, in this method of trial, would be very precarious and unſatis- factory. It is abſolutely neceſſary to juſtice, that there ſhould upon many oc- cafions be opportunities of reconſidering the cauſe by a new trial; and it is done in a way very favorable to the parties for whom the wrong verdict is given : it is upon payment of coſts; whereas in other caſes, where a wrong judgement is reverſed, coſts are paid as if the right judgement had been given in the firſt inſtance. It is not true, “ that no new trials were granted before 1655," as has been ſaid from Style 466. In Slade's caſe, m. 24, C. F, (which was in 1648) 'in King's Bench reported in Style 138, the court was moved for judgement formerly ſtayed upon a certificate made by baron At- kins, “ That the verdict paſſed againſt his opinion.” Bacon Juſtice ſaid, judgements have been arreſted in the Common Pleas, upon ſuch certificates. Hales of counſel with the defendant prayed, that the judgement, in that caſe of Slade, might be arreſted, and that there might be a new trial ; for that it had been done theretofore in like caſes; indeed that caſe, as there re- ported; repreſents Rolle Juſtice, to hold “ that it ought not to be ſtayed, though it have been done in the Common Pleas ; for that it was too arbitrary for thein to do it.” And he adds, you may have your attaint againſt the jury; and there is no other remedy in law for you: but it were good to ad- viſe the party to ſuffer a new trial for better ſatisfaction.' In the caſe of Wood verſus Gunſton, Michaelmas, 1755, Banc. Sup. Style 466, (which was an action upon the caſe for ſpeaking ſcandalous words of the plaintiff, and a verdict of the plaintiff with one thouſand five · hun- dred pounds dainages), the defendant moved for a new trial; and Glyn Chief Juſtice ſaid, is it was in the diſcretion of the court, in some caſes, to grant 66 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. : 117 ſons for his adherence to, or departure from, the rules and prin- ciples of equity in a court of law. The grant a new trial : but this muſt be a judicial, and not an arbitrary diſcretion. And it is frequent, in our books, for the court to take notice of the miſcar- riages of juries, and to grant new trials upon them. And it is for the people's beneſt that it ſhould be ſo; for a jury may ſometimes, by indirect dealings, be moved to fide with one party, and not to be indifferent betwixt them; but it cannot be ſo intended of the court.” And in that caſe a new trial was ordered, upon the defendant's paying full coſts, the judgement ſtanding as a ſecurity to pay what might be recovered upon the next verdict. The reaſon why this matter cannot be traced farther back is, that the old report- books do not give any accounts of determinations made by the court upon motions. Indeed, for a good while after this time, the granting of new trials was holden to a degree of ſtrictneſs, fo intolerable, that it drove the parties into a court of equity, to have in effect a new trial at law of a mere legal queſtion, becauſe the verdict in juſtice, under all the circumſtances, ought not to conclude : and many bills have been retained upon this ground; and the queſtion tried over again at law under the direction of a court of equity. And therefore of late years, the courts of law have gone more libe- rally into the granting of new trials, according to the circumſtances of the reſpective cales. And the rule laid down by lord Parker, in the caſe of the queen againſt the corporation of Helſtan, H. 12 Anne, B. R. ſeems to be the beſt general rule that can be laid down upon this ſubject : viz. “ doing juſtice to the party,” or, in other words, “ attaining the juſtice of the caſe. . The reaſons for granting a new trial muſt be collected from the whole evidence, and from the nature of the caſe, conſidered under all its circum- ſtances. This power may be exerciſed at much leſs expence of time and money, therefore more beneficially for the ſubject, by the common law where the caule has been tried. Of late years new trials have been granted, not only after trials at Niſi Prius, but alſo after trials at bar. And it is at leaſt equally reaſonable to do it after the trials at bar as after trials at Niſ Prius (if the juſtice of the caſe demands it), or indeed rather more ſo, as the latter muſt be done upon what could have actually and perſonally appeared to a ſingle judge only; whereas the former is grounded upon what muſt have manifeſtly and fully appeared to the whole court. I come now to the preſent verdict; and ſhould be ſorry that the queſtion depended upon my being ſatisfied or diffatified : and therefore I have ſtated the whole. If the matter in diſpute was of great value, I will not ſay, that all the ſuf- picious circumſtances might not be a ground for a new trial, to give the plain- tiff : 118 THE LIFE OF The increaſed liberality of courts of law in granting or rea fuſing new trials, and the indubitable right veſted in thoſe courts tiff an opportunity of getting the inſtrument inſpected by perſons acquainted with her hand : though I think, upon the evidence laid before the jury, the verdict in that reſpect was right. What I go upon is the apparent manifeſt fraud and impoſition in obtaining the diſcharge from the teſtatrix, if ſhe really ſigned it. Fraud or covin may, in judgement of the law, avoid every kind of act: many inſtances are put in Fermor's caſe, 3 Co. 77. so What circumſtances and facts amount to ſuch fraud or covin” is always a queſtion of law. Courts of equity, and courts of law, have a concurrent juriſdiction to ſuppreſs and relieve againſt fraud. But the interpoſition of the former is often neceſſary for the better inveſtigating truth, and to give more complete redreſs. The writing upon the force of it ſpeaks impoſition. It imports being for conſideration. She releaſes the principal in conſideration of five pounds per cent, during her life ; which is only legal intereſt, and the preciſe rate he was obliged to pay by his note. The defendant has ſet up another confi- deration not expreſſed, which is not only not proved by him, but diſproved by the evidence on both ſides. He now contends, and his counſel have argued, “ that it was intended to be revocable by her during her life, and therefore was only in the nature of a legacy.” That power "to revoke" is omitted; the writing all of his own hand, and kept in his own cuſtody; and, if it was in the nature of a legacy, it is revoked by the ſubſequent will. The teſtatrix never imagined ſhe had ſtripped herſelf of this money : In her circumſtances it would have been madneſs. The defendant, during her life, did not dare to ſay, even to his own wife, “ that the teſtatrix had given him this money. law ſays, He did not dare to claim it immediately after her death ; but would have compounded, by withdrawing his caveat, to have got his note delivered up. No anſwer was attempted, by proof, to the apparent impoſition. Upon his own caſe, ſtated by himſelf, and the evidence on both ſides, the tranſaction to get her hand to this writing muſt have been fraudulent, and if it be ſo, the 6 he ſhall not avail himfelf of it." The attention of the jury was artfully drawn to the heinous charge of for- gery only; and I left the queſtion of fraud to them without any expreſs di- rection, “ that the circumſtances ſpoke fraud apparent." The same jury might, upon reconſideration, find a different verdict. I dare ſay, they meant to do right. But the merits of the caſe appearing to me in this light, I am clearly of opinion, that there ought to be a new trial. 5 Theſe I ; WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 119 courts to puniſh fraud or covin, are clearly exemplified by lord Mansfield. In Michaelmas Term, 1757, judgement was given by the court of King's Bench in the caſe of Wyndham and Chet- wynd *, a very important and intereſting cale reſpecting the cre- not. Theſe are my ſentiments : my brothers will judge whether I am right or The other judges who were preſent concurred. Mr. Juſtice Wilmot was abſent in chancery. The cauſe never came on to be tried again : it is therefore probable, that the defendant acquieſced in the opinion of the court, and paid the money. * Sir James Burrows, in his report of the caſe of Windham and Chet- wynd upon a will of land, dated the 14th of May, 1750, and a codicil of the ſame date made by Walter Chetwynd, late of Grendon, Eſq. deemed it to be unneceſſary either to prefix the arguments of the counfel, or the autho- rities upon which they relied, as lord Mansfield entered into the caſe ſo very minutely in delivering the opinion of the court upon it. Dr. Burn, in his Eccleſiaſtical Law, p. 532, has given a ſhort ſummary of theſe arguments ; and inaſınuch as Sir James Burrows has reported fully and faithfully in his firſt volume, p. 417 to 430 incluſive, the opinion delivered' by the chief juſtice on this very important caſe, the author of theſe ſheets will only en- deavour to point out the nice diſtinction made by lord Mansfield, as well between a perſon endeavouring to eſtabliſh any particular deviſe of lands, in preſent, or in remainder, by his own teſtimony, as alfo. reſpecting a ſub- ſcribing witneſs, claiming only as a legatee, or as a creditor, of the teſtator. His lordſhip having laid down the rule, that a perſon ſhall not, in a court of juſtice, intitle himſelf to a deviſe by virtue of his own ſubfcription, which, at the time of ſubſcribing, he could not have proved by his examination, and having previouſly obſerved that there was not a ſingle determination which carried the incapacity farther than that rule, immediately ſubjoined: “ This is the caſe of Hilliard and Jennings, this is the reſolution and judge- ment of the court in the caſe of Anſty verſus Dowſing.” To proceed to the confideration of the different circumſtances in the caſe before the court. The witneſſes to the will and codicil of Mr. Chetwynd were in nature of legatees, there being a charge upon the reſidue of his real and perſonal eſtates for the payment of all his juſt debts, legacies, and incumbrances. Now the fact was, that Meſſrs. Squire and Baxter, two of the ſubſcribing witneſſes, were the teſtators attorneys, and as ſuch had ſome unſettled ac- counts between them, but which before their examination in the cauſe were ſo far ſettled, as that a balance was due from them to the executor of the teſtator. The third was the teſtator's apothecary; and the jury found, that + at 120 THE LIFE OF credibility of witneſſes to a will of land, which came before the court on a ſpecial verdict, and had, previous to the judgement of the court, been twice elaborately argued. Lord Mansfield deemed it to be an important part of his duty as a judge to diſentangle abſtruſe caſes, which came before him, from the mazes and great intricacy which were frequently in- troduced by the elaborate arguments of counſel. He ſeemed to have a particular pleaſure in diſcriminating between ingenious, at the time of atteſting the writings, and alſo at the time of the teſtator's death, there was due and owing to the third witneſs the ſum of eighteen pounds, five ſhillings, and five pence: but they alſo found, that the executor of the teftator had paid the faid debt of eighteen pounds, five ſhillings, and five pence, to the third witneſs, before his examination in the cauſe, and that he had not, at the time of his examination, any demand upon the teſtator. In this ſituation, lord Mansfield, in the third and laſt head of a very learned and elaborate argument, wherein a perfect knowledge of the Roman law, as well as of the laws of the land, is diſplayed and critically diſcuſſed, con- cluded as follows: “ The preſumption of intereſt, at the time of ſub- ſcription,” is taken off, at the death, by the principal funds being more than ſufficient : it is taken off before the trial by the debts being paid; but the benefit, at the time of ſubſcribing, was nothing. It does not appear the principal funds then were deficient. The legacy is a bare poſſibilily upon a contingency, which contingency never happened. But I will go farther. I think a charge " to pay debts" ought not to incapacitate ſubſcribing witneſſes, alibüügh they wanted and claimed the benefit of it. Every honeſt man ſhould make that charge in his will; he who omits it is ſaid to fin in his grave. Fraud cannot be preſumed from inſerting a clauſe, which it would be ini- quitous not to put in. No man would reſort to wicked and fraudulent practices, to get his debt charged upon land by the will of his debtor ; if he ſuſpected the debtor's circumſtances, he would not ſtay till his death, or truſt to a revocable fecu- rity. The preſumption of fraud in this caſe would be againſt juſtice and truth ; and the public inconvenience ſo great that hardly a will could ſtand. This charge ought to be in every will. The perſons attendant upon a dying teſtator, and therefore moſt common witneſſes, are generally in ſome degree creditors ; ſuch as ſervants, parfon, attorney, apothecary, &c. and the dif- allowing ſuch perſons to be witneſſes cannot anſwer ends of public utility. Upon the whole, we are all of opinion, that this will is duly atteſted by three witneſſes. clear, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 121 - clear, and convincing argument, and ſubtle metaphyſical dif- tinctions, tending to bewilder and miſlead the Tyros or ſtudents in the law. As to their making any impreſſion on the minds of the judges, if the alluſion may be pardoned, we might as foon expect to ſee the hawk, in its paſſage through the regions of air, leave a print of his wild and circuitous flight behind him. His ideas . went to the growing melioration of the law, by making its liberality keep pace with the demands of juſtice, and the actual concerns of the world * ; not reſtricting the infi- nitely-diverſified occaſions of men, and the rules of natural jur. tice, * The caſe of Goodman and Goodright, in Michaelmas Term, 1759, on error from the grand ſeſſions in Wales, was upon a judgement there given for the plaintiff in an ejectment, brought by Richard Williams and Anna- bella, his wife, for lands in Denbighſhire, in which the jury had, upon the trial of it, there found a ſpecial verdict, which the juriſprudent will find ſtated in the ſecond Burr. 847. This caſe having been reported by Sir James Burrow, ſo as not to be relied on according to the obſervations, or rather cenfure of the Court of B. R. in the caſe of Fonnereau and Fonnereau, 20th George III. it may be proper to ſtate the conciſe manner in which lord Mansfield cleared the caſe from the obfcurity of the ſeveral diffuſe argu- ments, as they were termed by Sir James Burrow, although the reporter al- lowed that ſeveral nice points were diſcuſſed in them, and that the reaſonings of the counſel were ſupported by a great variety of caſes. In delivering the reſolution of the court, his lordſhip took notice, that this caſe, when ſtript of a great deal of learning, which may very well be laid out of it, as not being at all eſſential to the determination of the preſent queſtion, comes within a very narrow compaſs. The whole of the caſe comes ſingly to this queſtion : “Whether. Mrs. Moſtyn, the teſtatrix, intended to give her nephew Charles Lloyd, and the heirs of his body, the remainder or rever- fion after the death of herſelf, and of Dr. Edward Wynn and Anne his wife, and of the heirs of their two bodies, and alſo of the heirs of Anne's body by any ſecond huſband, or whether ſhe meant to give him an eſtate in poffeffion?" The counſel for the defendant in error very judiciouſly laboured to prove that Mrs. Moſtyn meant, in this deviſe “to him, and the heirs of his body," to deviſe the eſtate to him immediately. This they found themſelves obliged to infiſt upon, and to endeavour to maintain. But neither the words, nor the nature of the proviſion Mrs. Moſtyn was making, will admit of this conſtruction. For, the words do by no means import any thing like R it, I THE LIFE OF tice, within artificial circumſcriptions, but conforming our jurif- prudence to the growth of our commerce and of our empire. This enlargement of commerce and of our empire, in the year 1744, he appears almoſt to have foreſeen, and he lived to behold it. " The arguments on the other ſide," ſaid that great light of the law, (that is, arguments againſt admitting the teſtimony, in queſtion, from the novelty of the caſe,) prove nothing. Does it follow from thence, that no witneſſes can be examined in a caſe, that never ſpecifically exiſted before ? or that an action cannot be brought in a caſe that never happened before ? Reaſon (being ſtated to be the firſt ground of all laws, by the author of the book called Doctor and Student) muſt determine the caſe. Therefore the only queſtion is, whether upon principles of reaſon, juſtice, and convenience, this witneſs be admiſible ? Cafes in law depend upon the occaſions which gave riſe to them ; all occaſions do not ariſe at once : now a particular Spe- cies of Indians appears; hereafter another ſpecies of Indians inaya ariſe. Aſtatute can ſeldom take in all caſes. Therefore the common it, but quite the reverſe: and it can never be imagined to be her intention to exclude all the iſſue of her favorite niece Anne Wynne, in order to prefer Charles Lloyd and his iſſue : indeed, the direct contrary plainly appears. It is a future deviſe, to take place after an indefinite failure of iſſue of the body of a former deviſee, which far exceeds the allowed compaſs of a life or lives in being, and 21 years after ; (which is the line now drawn, and very ſenſibly and rightly drawn). The articles can not be conſidered as executed: they are only a covenant, " that ſhe will on the folemnization of the marriage at the requeſt of Ed- ward Wynn and Anne, at or after ſuch time as Edward Wynn ſhould ſettle his eſtate, &c. ſettle and convey hers.” The will does not profeſs to be an exe- cution of them ; nor does it mention any truſtees to preſerve contingent re- mainders agreeable to the articles. But if the will was an execution of the articles, then Anne Wynn was tenant in tail, and might fuffer the recovery. If ſhe took nothing under the will, She is beir at law to Mrs. Moſtyn; and the leſſor of the plaintiff has no title. Therefore this judgement muſt be reverſed. 3 law, Car WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 123 law, that works itſelf pure by rules drawn from the fountain of juſtice, is for this reaſon ſuperior to act of parliament. From the period of this great judgement to the preſent time, the law has gone on continually working itſelf pure (to uſe lord Mansfield's expreſſion) by rules drawn from the fountain of juſtice. “ General rules,” ſaid the ſame perſon, when he fat upon the bench, are wiſely eſtabliſhed for obtaining juſtice with eaſe, certainty, and diſpatch. But the great end of them being to do juſtice, the court will fee, that it be really obtained. On another occaſion, a propoſition being made for ſetting aſide a verdict, he ſaid, “ this ſeems to be the true way to come at juſtice, and what we therefore ought to do; for, the true text is, boni judicis eft ampliare juſtitiam (non juriſdiétionen as has been often cited). In conformity to this principle, the ſuppoſed rules of evidence have, in late times and judgements, inſtead of being drawn to a greater degree of ſtrictneſs, been greatly relaxed. “ All evidence is according to the ſubječt-matter to which it is ap- plied. There is a great deal of difference between length of time that operates as a bar to a claim, and that which is uſed only by way of evidence. Length of time, uſed merely by way of evidence, inay be left to the conſideration of the jury, to be credited or not, or to draw their inferences one way or the other, according to circumſtances. I do not know an inſtance in which proof may not be ſupplied.” In all caſes of evidence lord Mansfield's maxim was, to lean to admiſibility, leaving the ob. jections which were made to competency to go to the credit of the witneſs, and to be weighed in the minds of the jury after they had heard it. In objections to wills, and to the teſti- mony of witneſſes to them, he thought it clear that the judges ought to lean againſt objections to the formality, and againſt diſqualification of a witneſs, on account of a remote intereſt. In fine, his doctrines, and his unwearied attention, (as will be illuſtrated in their proper places,) tend forcibly and wiſely to ſettle R 2 124 THE LIFE OF ſettle the principles of departure from, or adherence to, the rules of evidence. Deſirous that the maritime law* Should be more perfe&ly underſtood, that it ſhould not be conſidered as the law of any particular * The ſtate of the caſe of Luke and others againſt Lyde, being very con- ciſe, is here tranſcribed. The defendant ufo Lyde ſhipped a cargo of 1goi quintals of fiſh, at the port of Saint John's in Newfoundland, on-board the ſhip Sarah belonging to the plaintiffs, to be carried to Liſbon. The plaintiffs were to be paid freight, at the rate of two ſhillings per quintal. The original price of the faid cargo was, at Newfoundland, ten ſhillings and fix pence, ſterling, per quintal. The plaintiffs had alſo, on-board the ſaid Sarah, a cargo of 945 quintals of fiſh, which was their own property, The thip failed from the port of Saint John's on the 27th of November, 1756, and had proceeded ſeventeen days on her voyage ; and was taken on the 14th of December following, within four days fail of Liſbon, by a French ſhip. And the captain, the other officers, and all the crew (except one man and a boy) were taken out of the Sarah, and put on-board the French ſhip. The ſhip.Sarah was retaken on the 17th of the ſame Decem- ber, 1756, by an Engliſh privateer ; and on the 29th of December, 1756, brought into the port of Biddeford in Devonſhire. The plaintiffs, having inſured the ſhip, and their part of the cargo, abandoned the ſame to the inſurers. But the freight, which the owners were in- titled to, was not inſured. The defendant had his goods of the recaptors, and paid them five ſhillings per quintal ſalvage, at the rate of ten ſhilling per quintal value. The fiſh could not be ſold at all, at Biddeford, nor at any other port in England, for more than ten ſhillings per quintal, clear of all charges and ex- pences in bringing them to ſuch port. And the moſt beneficial market (in the apprehenſion of every perſon), for diſpoſing of the ſaid cargo of fiſh, at Bilboą in Spain; to which place the defendant sent it, in the March following; and there was no delay in the defendant in ſending the faid cargo thither. And it was ſold there for five ſhillings and fix perce per quintal, clear of the freight thither, and of all expences attending the fale there. was Second Burr, 883: The WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 125 particular realm, but as the jus gentium uncircumſcribed, and boundleſs as the ocean itſelf, a ſpecial caſe from the preceding De- j The freight from Biddeford to Liſbon is higher than from Newfoundland to Liſbon. From the time of the capture, the whole way that the ſhip was after- wards carried, was out of the courſe of her voyage to Liſbon. The queſtion was, “ whether the plaintiffs are intitled to any and what freight, and at what rate, and ſubject to what deduction." Mr. Huſſey for the plaintiffs cited, as a foundation of his argument, the caſe of Lutwidge and How verſus Grey et alios, heard on the 22d of Fe- bruary, 1733, in the Houſe of Lords. Lord Mansfield. The Houſe of Lords determined upon theſe reaſons, (delivered by the lord chancellor Talbot) “ that the whole freight was due upon the goods ſent to Briſtol; becauſe the maſter offered a ſhip to carry the goods to Glaſgow, which was the port of delivery: but, as the maſter de- clined carrying the other goods to Glaſgow (the port of their delivery), they determined that, as to them, he ought to be paid only proratá ; viz. as much as was proportionable to his carrying them to Youghall, the place where the accident happened ;" and this was all agreeable to the maritime law. Lord Mansfield ſaid, that, though he was of the fame opinion at the affizes as he was now, yet he was deſirous to have a caſe made of it in order to ſettle the point more deliberately, ſolemnly, and notoriouſly, as it was of ſo extenſive a nature ; and eſpecially as the maritime law is not the law of a particular country, but the general law of nations: “Non erit alia lex Rome, alia Athenis, alia nunt, alia polibac, fed, et apud omnes gentes et onni tempore, una eadenique lex outinibit." He ſaid, he always leaned, (even where he had himſelf no doubt,) to making caſes for the opinion of the court, not only for the greater ſatisfaction of the parties in the particular cauſe, but to present other dilputes, by making the rules of law, and the ground upon which they are eſtabliſhed, certain and notorious ; but he took particular care that this ſhould not create delay or ex- pence to the parties; and therefore he always dictated the caſe in court, and faw it ſigned by counſel before another cauſe was called ; and always made it a condition in the rule, “ that it ſhould be ſet down to be argued within the firſt four days of the term.” Upon the ſame principle, the motion, “ to put off the argument of this caſe to the next term," was refuſed ; and the plaintiff will now have his judgement within a few days, as ſoon as he could have entered it up if no caſe had been reſerved, at the expence of a ſingle argument only; and fome rules of the maritime law, applicable to a variety of caſes, will be better known. He ſaid, before he entered into it particu- larly, he would lay down a few principles; which having done at ſome length, his lordſhip proceeded : I find by the ancienieft laws in the world, (the Rhodiar و 126 THE LIFE OF 1 Devonſhire aſſizes, was reverſed by lord Mansfield at the ſummer circuit, 1759. Either as an embelliſhment to the preſent work, which, in its nature, and in order to be uſeful, muſt in general be grave and ſerious, or as a relaxation to the mind from the fatigue of con- ſtant attention to one uniform ſyſtem of dry law, the author is deſirous to introduce occaſionally a few well-authenticated anec- dotes ; if an apology for ſuch relaxation ſhould be deemed ne- ceſſary, it is to be hoped that the following argumentum ad homi- nem will be acceptod as ſuch. A very able and praiſe-worthy judge, the late Sir Jofeph Yates, was accuſtomed to declare, that Rhodian laws,) that the maſter ſhall have a rateable proportion, where he is in no fault. And Confolato del mere, a Spaniſh book, is alſo agreeable thereto. Ever ſince the laws of Oleron, it has been ſettled thus : In the uſages and cuſtoins of the ſea, (a French book,) with obſervations thereon, the fourth article of the laws of Oleron is, “ that, if a yefſel be rendered unfit to pro- ceed in her voyage, and the mariners ſave as much of her lading as poflìbly they can ; if the merchants require their goods of the maſter, he may deliver them, if he pleaſes, they paying the freight in proportion to the part of the voyage that is performed, and the coſts of the ſalvage: but, if the maſter can readily repair his ſhip, he may do it; or, if he pleaſes, he may freight another Thip to perform his voyage.” Amongſt the obſervations thereon, the firſt is, " that this law does not relate to a total and entire loſs, but only to ſalvage ; or rather, not to the ſhipwreck, but to the diſabling of a ſhip, ſo that the cannot proceed in her voyage without refitting: in which caſe the merchants may have their goods again, paying the freight in proportion to the way the ſhip made." And the caſe in the Houſe of Lords between Lutwidge and How verfus Gray et alios, is alſo in point, and was well conſidered there ; and lord Tal- bot gave the reaſons of the judgement of the houſe at length. Therefore, in the preſent cafe, a rateable proportion of freight ought to be paid for balf the goods. The verdict muſt be for 60l. 145. which upon computation amounts to the rateable proportion of the freight, being it of 751. the half of 1501. Conſequently the verdict which was for yol. muſt be ſet right, and made 60l. 14s. See alſo a very learned and elaborate opinion of lord Mansfield, on the nice diſtinctions between a total and an average loſs in the ſpecial caſe of Hamilton and Mendes, Second Burr. 1208. whenever WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ízy . .: mour. whenever intenſe application to any legal ſtudies became bur- thenſome or unpleaſant, he changed the ſcene, read a few pages of Dean Swift's Works, which not only relieved him while he read, but alſo fent him back to his dry law in perfect good hu- In imitation of a character ſo diſtinguiſhed and fo pure, and without any deſign to depreciate the pre-eminence, I had al- moſt ſaid the fovereignty of the Dean of Saint Patrick, in the regions of wit and fancy, the following anecdotes are attempted to be placed in their true light of manifeſting, that a' grave judge may with impunity now and then introduce the golden rule of Horace, Dulce eſt defipere in loco. An anecdote having appeared in the ſummer, 1760, in feveral public prints, purporting, that, early in lord Mansfield's chief juſticeſhip, a certain diligent book-read advocate had taken up a conſiderable portion of the time of the court, in producing ſeveral black-letter caſes, to prove the genuine conſtruction of an old woman's will: His lordſhip heard him with great patience for ſome time; at laſt he interrupted and quite broke the ſtring of his learning, by aſking him, “ whether he thought the old woman had ever heard of theſe cafes ? and, if not, what common ſenſe and juſtice muſt ſay to that matter ?” He therefore immediately gave judge- ment in favor of common ſenſe againſt the black-letter-law, to the full fatisfaction of the whole court. The curious reader may be deſirous of aſking, whether the caſe of the old woman's will, or any ſimilar caſe, which gave birth to the paragraph of the triumph of common fenſe, has been faithfully reported. The anſwer, reſpecting a ſimilar caſe, is in the affirmative. For inſtance, the priſoners in the King's Bench priſon were, in Trinity term 1760, adviſed, or were of themſelves deſirous, to try whether the chief juſtice would not be inclined to determine in their favor, by giving them the be- nefit of a legacy, in preference to the priſoners in the Mar- fhalſea-priſon. The caſe was ſimply this : Frederick Aſhfield, of 128 THE LIFE OF of Richmond in Surrey, gentleman, devifed his copyhold eſtate (already ſurrendered to the uſe of his will), and alſo all his per- fonal eſtate (after &c.), to truſtees to be fold; and directed the produce to be laid out in freehold lands. Then he farther di. reets, that his truſtees ſhall for ever iſſue, pay, and diſpoſe of, the rents and profits unto and amongſt ſuch perſons as for the time being ſhall be poor priſoners and infolvent debtors in the Marſhalſea-priſon in the borough of Southwark in the county of Surrey, and real-and fit objects of charity, for and towards their ſubſiſtence, during their reſpective impriſonments there, in ſuch manner, and in ſuch parts and proportions, as his faid truſtees, and the ſurvivors of them, and their heirs, ſhould, from time to time, order, direct, and appoint. Mr. Gould, the learned counſel for the priſoners in the priſon of the Court of King's Bench, argued, that this deviſe belonged to his poor clients. The deviſe is “ to the priſoners in the Marſhalſea priſon in the borough of Southwark,” which muſt mean the priſon of this court. In ſupport whereof he cited Co. 10. Rep. 69, 71, 72. The caſe of the Marſhalſea ; and Spelman's. Gloſary, title Marſhall. And he obſerved, that the defendant, who is a priſoner in the King's. Bench priſon, is, and is always ſuppoſed (in the decla- ration againſt him) to be in Cuſtod Mareſchalli Marechalſia Do- mini regis. The other, (the defendant in the Palace-Court) in Cuſtod' Mareſchalli Mareſchalſiæ Hofpitii Domini Regis. He alſo cited firſt Bulſtr. 207 to 212, Cox verſus Gray, at large : and ar- gued, that therefore, propter excellentiam, this deviſe is to the priſoners of the priſon of this court. The counſel on the other ſide argued, and ſufficiently ſhewed, that this deviſe muſt be un- derſtood to be to the priſoners in the priſon of the Marſhal of the Houſehold. Lord Mansfield was clearly of that opinion. He obſerved, that not only in vulgar ſpeech, but likewiſe in many acts of parlia- ment, the priſon of this court is called the King's Bench priſon, and WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. | 29 and the other is called the Marſhalſea, priſon. Both of them, in- deed, are in the borough of Southwark, but each of them has its reſpective appellation. And this teftator uſed the name that was always uſed by every body elſe in Common Parlance; without ſearching Spelman's Gloſſary, or my lord Coke's Reports, or Bul- ftrode's Reports, to find the ſtri£t and legal name. This is a ſuffi- cient reaſon for us not to make any order at all in the preſent caſe. Note. This reſpective appellation of each of theſe priſons was agreed by the marſhal of this court (on appeal to his own candor by lord Mansfield) to be the name uſed in Common Par- lance. So, on a motion for a new trial grounded on very nice con- ſtructions of the Mutiny-acts, the rule was diſcharged ; lord Mansfield obſerving, that all theſe niceties were never thought of by thoſe perſons who have for many years drawn the Mutiny- acts : they are not drawn by gentlemen of the profeſſion of the law; and the nature of the thing, as well as the intention of the legiſlature, requires that people ſhould not be liable to actions for honeſtly executing them. In private life, it may truly be faid, that lord Mansfield had the facility and happy art of embelliſhing the moſt trivial circum- ftances with elegance, of enlivening converſation with eaſe and pleaſantry, and of ſupporting every narration with ſtrict atten- tion to truth. In his convivial converſation, he was particularly excellent. His general and almoſt univerſal knowledge of men and things preſented a conſtant and copious ſupply of familiar dialogue and diſcourſe. His fallies of pleaſantry were innocent, and wounded no man; his ſentences of obſervation were judicious and folid. His particular friends could eaſily illuſtrate this part of his cha- racter by a thouſand familiar inſtances; the few. which the au- thor begs leave to ſelect occaſionally, as they ſerve to illuſtrate his character for eaſe and pleaſantry, were impromptuºs, delivered S on THE LIFE OF 1 130 on the ſpur of the occaſion, and ſome of them are well known to his ſurviving friends. One of the right reverend bench having very charitably eſta- bliſhed an alms-houſe, at his own expence, for 25 poor women; Mr. Murray, in his juvenile days, was applied to for an inſcrip- tion to be placed over the portal of the houſe ; upon which he took up his pencil, and immediately wrote the following: “ Under this roof the Lord Biſhop of keeps no leſs than 25 women." This witticiſin probably had its riſe from a then recent fact, which reflected great honor on the late Sir Walter Blackett, ba- ronet, who was at that time the faſt friend of, and much attached to, Mr. Murray, and alſo to Mr. Booth the conveyancer. Sir Wal- ter ſtated his caſe to them in Lincoln's Inn, and pointed out the dilemma into which a friend in the North (Mr. Daviſon) had drawn him, by leaving 1500l. to be laid out, under the direction of Sir Walter, in building a ſuite of alms-houſes for twelve old women, near Newcaſtle upon Tyne. Sir Walter added, how uncomfortable theſe poor creatures will be placed in a row, without any human being to look upon. What think you, my friends and counſellors, if I run up another wing for 12 old batchelors ? The learned counſel agreed in opinion, that the charitable inſtitution would thereby be freed from partiality, and be abundantly more comfortable and more complete. The ſuperſtructures were ſoon raiſed, according to Mr. Syl- vanus Urban’s Report of the remarkable events in the year 1753 ; and according to common fame, in a year or two afterwards, ſe- veral of the antient maidens and old batchelors looked with great complacency on each other, ſo as to occaſion a few mar- riages to take place, and to make convenient room for other ininates and inhabitants under theſe hoſpitable habitations. The WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 131 The grateful attachment of Mr. Murray to thoſe friends who had been kind to him in his juvenile days was exemplified in many inſtances, and particularly by his continuing, even when in a dignified ſituation, and in full career of buſineſs, to viſit the firſt lord Foley in the country on a Saturday, and to remain with him till the Monday morning following, when buſineſs called him back to town. On a brother barriſter's interrogating him, how he could ſpend his time where ſo little pleaſantry or livelineſs prevailed? “ It is enough, ſaid he, if I contribute, by my viſits, to the entertainment of my faſt friends ; or, if I fail in that, I am ſure to contribute, by laſſitude, to the repoſe of my own faculties." The friendly attention of Mr. Foley to Mr. Mur- ray was unqueſtionably of an important nature. For the authen- ticity of a report, reſpecting the preciſe nature of this early friend ſhip, the author will not pretend to vouch; yet, when it is conſi- dered, that, at many diſtant periods of time, rumor has, with little variation, been brought home to the author, and from ſuch reſpectable authority as ſtrongly to induce the belief of Mr. Foley's having encouraged his young friend to take the line of the law preferably to the clerical line, which his ſlender fortune, as one of the numerous younger children of a noble family, firſt led him to think ſeriouſly of—is it now to be wondered at that fine links, like theſe, ſhould form an indiſſoluble chain of friendſhip between the firſt lord Foley and the honorable Mr. Murray? 1760. To reſume the conſideration of a few more legal diſquiſitions. In Michaelmas term 1760, a caſe * was ingeniouſly and judi- ciouſly * This was the caſe of Doe, on the demiſe of Long, againſt Laming. The ſtate of the caſe and the arguments of the counſel are too long to be S 2 tranſ- 1 132 THE LIFE OF 1 1 ciouſly argued in the court of King's Bench, without going into a long and elaborate review of caſes to ſettle a point of real con- ſequence, tranſcribed here : the juriſprudent will find them in 2 Burr. 1100 to 1106. But the leading features of the caſe, as deſcribed by lord Mansfield and the other judges, are ſo ſtrikingly delineated as to merit the attention of the cu- rious reader. Lord Mansfield.-The words are, to my niece A. C. and to the heirs of her body lawfully begotten or to be begotten, as well females as males, and to their heirs and aſigns for ever, to be divided equally, ſhare and ſhare alike, as tenants in common, and not as joint tenants. The queſtion is, “ Whether it be contrary to the rules of law to underſtand in this caſe heirs of the body of A. C. as a deſcription of children?" for, that ſuch was the ina tention of the teftator there can be little doubt. It is to be lamented that queſtions of this kind have occaſioned fo much litigation and expence. The beſt way to ſettle them is to reduce the matter, if poſſible, to ſome certain rules. It is clear, that where an eſtate is given to the anceſtor ". and his heirs, either general or ſpecial, the term denotes the quantity of the eſtate which the anceſtor takes, viz. either fee fimple or fee tail. It is clear too, that a. per.. fon, to take as a purchaſer, muſt be deſcribed from every courſe of deſcent as heir at law, heir in borough-engliſh, heir or heirs male of the body. By an antient maxim of law, although the eſtate be limited to the anceſtor expreſſly “ for life," and after his death to kis heirs general or ſpe- cial, the heir ſhall take by defcent, and the fee ſhall veft in the anceſtor. This maxim was originally introduced in fáror of the lord, to prevent his being deprived of the fruits of the tenure, and likewiſe for the ſake of. Spe- cialty creditors. The anceſtor, had the limitation been conſtrued a contingent remainder, might have deſtroyed it for his own benefit. “ If he did not deſtroy it, the lord would have loſt the fruits of his tenure, and the ſpecialty-creditors their debts; therefore the law ſaid, “ Be the intention as it may, where an eſtate is given to the anceſtor and his heirs, the fee ſhall veſt in him." The reaſon of this maxim has long ceaſed, becauſe tenures are now aboliſhed, and contingent remainders may be preſerved from being defeated"Before they come in eſe.; yet, having become a rule of property, it is adhered to in all caſes literally within it, although the reaſon has ceaſed; but where there are cir- cumſtances which take the caſe out of the letter of this rule it is departed from in favor of intention, becauſe the reaſon-ofthe-rule has ceafed. His lordſhip then proceeded to the confideration of ſeveral caſes which had been cited by the counſel, and, having pointed out the lines which diftinguifhed them from the preſent caſe, added, “It appears, therefore, 4 from WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 133 : fequence, viz. Whether, under particular circumſtances, and in aid of the intention of the teſtator, words of limitation in a will may not be conſidered as words of purchaſe. 1762. from all that I have been ſaying, that there is no ſuch fixed unvariable rule as has been ſuppoſed;" that words of limitation ſhall “ never, in any caſe, be conſtrued as words of purchaſe.' And the preſent caſe is the ſtrongeſt that I can form any imagination of, to juſtify a conſtruction, “ That the heirs of the body of Ann Corniſh ball . here take as purchaſers.” The daviſe cannot take effect at all, but muſt be abſolutely vid, unleſs the heirs of her body take as purchaſers. Mr. Juſtice Deniſon concurred with his lordſhip in opinion, “ That courts of law, as well as courts of equity, will always conſtrue wills agreeably to the intention of the teftator, if ſuch intention be nit contrary to, and in- conſiſtent with, the rules of law.;" and he. Thewed, that the intention of the teſtator, in the preſent cafe, muſt have been, “ that the heirs of the body of his niece, Anne Corniſh, fhould take as purchaſers.” Mr. Juſtice Wilmot premiſed, that the court were obliged to the gentle- men who had argued this caſe at the bar, for declining to go into that long ſtring of cafes ſeverally cited upon this ſubject; for, the principle that muſt govern all caſes of this kind is the intention of the teſtator, provided it be not inconſiſtent with the rules of law. And all caſes which depend upon the intention of the teſtator (which is the pole-ftar for the direction of deviſes) are beſt determined upon comparing all the parts of the deviſe itſelf, without looking into a multitude of other caſes; for each ſtands pretty much upon its own circumſtances, and one is no rule for another, or very feldom at leaſt. Here the teſtator intended, beyond all doubt, that the children of his ne- phews and nieces, ſhould take the inheritance in fee ſimple, both males and fe- males, per capita, as tenants in common, and this is a legal intention. But this intention cannot take effect by giving an eſtate in tail, or in fee, to the firſt taker: for the intention of the teſtator muſt be ſubfervient to the law, and not the law to the intention of the teſtator. Now a teftator, be his intention what it will, cannot make an eſtate de- fcend to males and females all together, nor gavelkind lands to deſcend to them as tenants in common. The teſtator's intention cannot, therefore, take place, by giving Anne. Cor. niſh an eſtate tail. What then is to be done? Why, as my lord Coke ſays, you are to mould the barbarous words and expreſſions of the teſtator ſo as to effectuate his intention, if you can do ſo without going contrary to the rules of law; but you cannot do this contrary to the rules of law. The 134. THE LIFE OF 1762. Bribery at elections is puni hable at common law as well as by the ſtatute. In Trinity term 1762, the diſcuſſion of this very important queſtion took place. This was the caſe of the King againſt Pitt, and the King againſt Mead. The defendants having been con- victed of bribery at an elestion for members of parliament, upon an information granted by the court as at common law, the court had a doubt about the ſentence they ſhould pronounce upon them. On the 25th of June, 1762, three very eminent counſel elabo- rately argued, that the court of King's Bench-had no juriſdiction at common law to puniſh in the preſent inſtance. They were anſwered by an equal number for the proſecutor-prout 3 Burr. 1335. Lord Mansfield, in delivering the reſolution of the court, premiſed, " that The queſtion therefore in the preſent caſe comes to this: Whether it be abſolutely neceſary that the words beirs, or heirs male, or heirs of the body, muſt be, in all caſes, and under all circumſtances, words of limitation ? Now it is certain, that in ſome caſes, and under ſome circumſtances, they may be conſtrued words of purchaſe, either upon a will or upon a deed, Mr. Juſtice Wilmot then cited two determinations upon a deed in ſupport of his opinion, and proceeded, They are not to be conſtrued as words of li- mitation, either upon a will or upon a deed, when the manifeſt intention of the teſtator, or of the parties, is declared to be, or clearly appears to be, they ſhall not be ſo conſtrued.” Now it is plain, in the preſent caſe, that the teſtator did not mean to uſe the words, “ heirs of the body," as words of limitation ; it is as clear as if he had expreſſly ſaid, " I do not intend theſe words in that ſenſe.” And as to Anne Corniſh's taking an equal ſhare in fee ſimple in common with her daughters, that conſtruction can never hold; for, it is moſt certain, that the teſtator did not intend the diviſion into equal ſhares to be made, till after Anne Corniſh's death. By the court unanimouſly. Judgement for the defendant, 66 That . + - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 135 1 99: 6. That wherever a practice, which is wrong or unreaſonable, has happened to have been introduced for want of a ſufficient advertence to the conſequence of it, the beſt way is to ſet it right immediately, as ſoon as the inconvenience is obſerved, if former caſes be not affected by the retroſpect. Bribery. ať elections for members of parliament muſt undoubtedly, he ſaid, have always been a crime at common law, and conſequently puniſhable by indiet- ment or information ; but the act of 2 George II. c. 24, has intro- duced a very ſevere penalty, in order to enforce the laws then already in being, and becauſe they had not been ſufficient to pre- vent the evil. The crime certainly ſtill remains a crime at com- mon law. The legiſlature never meant to take away the common- law crime, but to add a penal action. This appears by the words, or being any otherwiſe lawfully convicted thereof ;” and we are all of us clear, “ that it ſtill remains a crime at comnion law." And the preſent conviction, upon an information granted by the court, is juſt the ſame as if the defendants had been convicted upon an indi Eiment. The court now conſiders theſe two defendants as remaining ſtill liable to the forfeiture and diſabilities directed by the act of 2 George II. as the time limited for commencing proſecutions upon it is not yet expired; and therefore, in adjuſting the puniſhment which ought at preſent to be inflicted upon them, they do not conſider it as a puniſhment adequate to their offence, but as an additional puniſhment over and above the punishments inflicted by the act of parliament; to which ſtatute-puniſhments they fiill: remain liable: Therefore, ſince both of them have already ſuffered impriſonment for ſome time, they only order that Pitt be impriſoned for fix months longer, and Mead for three months longer." UT 17637 136 THE LIFE OF 1 1763. The author now begs permiſſion to proceed to a ſummary diſa cuſſion of the doctrine of General Warrants, which, in the year 1763, was introduced into Weſtminſter Hall, with due ſolemnity, by the conſtitutional lawyers of that period, to the great increaſe of their reputation and fair fame. The doctrine of General Warrants was, antecedent to the year 1763, acquieſced in by many, taken upon truſt by others, but known to very few. The language of the warrant iſſued by lord Halifax will ſufficiently ſhew the nature and tendency of it, and the general purpoſe for which it was iſſued *. Under this authority, three of the meſſengers took in cuſtody Mr. Drýden Leach, the ſuppofed printer of the North Briton, No. 45, but who, in reality, was neither the author, the printer, * “ George Montagu Dunk, earl of Halifax, viſcount Sunbury, and ba- ron Halifax, one of the lords of his majeſty's moſt honorable privy council, lieutenant-general of his majeſty's forces, and principal ſecretary of ſtate, &c. Theſe are, in his majeſty's name, to authorize and require you, taking a conſtable to your aſſiſtance, to make ſtrict and diligent ſearch for the au- thors, printers, and publiſhers, of a feditious and treaſonable paper, intituled, " The North Briton,” No. 45. Saturday, April 23, 1763, printed for G. Kearſley, in Ludgate-Street, London, and them or any of them having found, to apprehend and ſeize, together with their papers, and to bring in ſafe cuſtody before me, to be examined concerning the premiſes, and farther dealt with according to law. In the due execution whereof, all mayors, Theriffs, juſ- tices of the peace, conſtables, and all other his majeſty's officers, civil and military, and loving ſubjects whom it may concern, are to be aiding and aſſiſting to you, as there ſhall be occaſion. And, for your ſo doing, this fhall be your warrant. Given at Saint James's the 26th day of April, 1763, in the third year of his majeſty's reign. 66 DUNK HALIFAX, :. “To Nathan Carrington, John Money, James.. Watſon, and Robert Blackmore, four of his majeſty's meſſengers in ordinary.” nor i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 137 : nor the publiſher of that number. Mr. Leach brought his action of treſpaſs in the court of Common Pleas againſt three king's meſſengers, for breaking and entering his houſe, and impriſoning him, without any lawful or probable cauſe, and laid his damages at two thouſand pounds. Lord chief juſtice Pratt tried the cauſe at Guildhall on the roth of December, 1763; and the jury found a verdict for Mr. Leach, the plaintiff, and gave him four hundred pounds damages, beſides his coſts and charges. At the trial a bill of exceptions was ten- dered and received * The 1 * Sir James Burrow up gives the following curious and punctilious account of this bill of exceptions in error. Soon after the court ſat the lord chief juſtice Pratt came perſonally into courtto confeſs (ore tenus) his ſeal put to a bill of exceptions in this caſe, purſuant to the requiſition of the following writ, viz. “ George the Third, &c. To our truſty and well-beloved Charles Pratt, Knight, our chief juſtice of the Bench, greeting. Whereas we have lately been informed, that in the record and proceſs, and alſo in giving of judgement in a plaint, which was in our court before you and your aſſociates, our juſtices of the ſaid bench, by our writ, between Dryden Leach, and John Money, James Watſon, and Robert Blackmore, in a plea of treſpaſs, aſſault, and impriſonment, manifeſt error hath intervened, to the great damage of the ſaid John, James, and Robert, which ſaid record and proceſs, for the error aforeſaid, we have cauſed to be brought into our court before us. And now, on the behalf of the faid John, James, and Robert, we are informed in our ſaid court before us, that at the trial of the iſſue firſt joined between the ſaid parties in the plea afore- ſaid, the counſel learned in the law of the ſaid John, James, and Robert, alledged on their behalf certain exceptions to the opinion then declared and given by you; and that the ſaid exceptions were then and there written in a certain bill, to which you put your ſeal, at the requeſt of the ſaid John, James, and Robert according to the form of the ſtatute in ſuch caſe made and provided ; and the faid John, James, and Robert, have brought into our court before us the ſaid bill, with your ſeal put to the fame, as it is ſaid ; whereupon the ſaid John, James, and Robert, have befought us to do + 3 Burr. 1692. T what 138 THE LIFE OF The buſineſs did not remain long in this ſituation. In Mi- chaelmas term in the ſame year the errors aſſigned came on to be . argued ; and the juriſprudent who will attentively peruſe the ela- borate, well-digeſted, and very learned arguments of Mr. Solici . tor-general De Grey, on the one hand, and Mr. Dunning on the other, will not only find, in 3 Burr. 1742, and in the twenty- five following pages, all the acumen and ingenuity of the bar on ; what farther ſhould ſeem meet to be done in this behalf, according to the form of the ſaid ſtatute; and foraſmuch as by the ſaid ſtatute it is ordained, that, in ſuch caſe, the juſtice, whoſe feal ſhould be put to ſuch exception, be commanded to appear before us at a certain day, to confeſs or deny his ſeal therefore we command you, that you perſonally appear before us on the morrow of the Aſcenſion of our Lord, wherefoever we ſhall then be in England, to confeſs or deny the ſeal ſo put to the ſaid bill of exceptions as afore- faid to be your ſeal, according to the form and effect of the ſaid ſtatute, and that you bring with you at the ſame time this writ. Witneſs, William lord Mansfield at Weſtminſter, the 24th day of April, in the fifth year of our reign.” N. B. The bill of exceptions ſealed by lord chief juſtice Pratt had been previouſly brought into this court, and was now in the hands of Mr. Owen, as. ſecondary of the office of pleas; and all the proceedings down to, and in- cluding, the abovementioned writ, were entred upon the rolls of this court. The lord chief juſtice Pratt , being now come into this court, purſuant to the command contained in the ſaid writ, delivered it to the lord chief juſtice of this court, Mr. Owen at the ſame time delivering the original bill of excep- tions into lord Mansfield's hand; whereupon lord Mansfield, ſhewing to lord chief juſtice Pratt the ſeal thereto affixed, aſked him, “Whether that was his lordſhip’s ſeal or not ?" To which queſtion his lordſhip anſwered in the affirmative. Lord Mansfield redelivered the bill of exceptions to Mr. Owen, at the ſame time delivering to him the abovementioned writ, with orders " that it ſhould be filed.” Note. There was no written return to this writ, but Mr. Owen propoſed to indorſe upon it, “ Sir Charles Pratt, knight, the chief juſtice within named perſonally appeared in the court of the lord the king, before the king him- ſelf, &c. on the day of the return within written, and confeſſed, that the ſeal put to the bill of exceptions within mentioned is his ſeal.” The lord chief juſtice of the Common Pleas immediately retired, without fitting down, and the lord chief juſtice of this court attended him till he was got paſt the puiſné judge, but not quite to the door of the court. this. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 139 1 . this intereſting occaſion, but will alſo be prepared to receive the concurrent opinion of the three puiſne judges at the cloſe of the firſt argumet. Lord Mansfield was deſirous of having a buſineſs of ſo great importance to the liberty of the ſubject probed to the bottom. He ſuppoſed it was intended to be argued again ; and in order, as it were, to throw new light upon an ulterius concilium, his lordſhip obſerved “ that a Bill of Exceptions ſuppoſes the evi- dence true, and queſtions the competency or propriety of it." " Whether there was a probable cauſe or ground of ſuſpicion,' was a matter for the jury to determine ; that is not now before the court'; ſo, “whether the defendants detained the plaintiff an unreaſonable time.” " But if it had been found to have been a reaſonable time, yet it would be no juſtification to the defendants, becauſe it is ſtated, that this man was neither“ author, printer, nor publiſher;" and if he was not, then they have taken up a man who was not the ſubject of the warrant. “The three material queſtions are, firſt,“ whether a ſecretary of ftate, acting as a conſervator of the peace by the common law, is to be conſtrued within the ſtatutes of James I. and of the late king.” • The protection of the officers, if they have acted in obedience to the warrant, is conſequential, in caſe a ſecretary of ſtate is within theſe ſtatutes. “As to the arreſt being made in obedience to the warrant, or only under colour of it, and without authority from it, this queſtion depends upon the conſtruction of the warrant, whether it muſt not be conſtrued to mean “ ſuch perſons as are under a violent ſuſpi- tion of being guilty of the charge,” for they cannot be concluſively conſidered as guilty till after trial and conviction. The warrant itſelf imports only ſuſpicion ; for it ſays, “ to be brought before me, and examined and dealt with according to law;" and this ſuf- T2 140 THE LIFE OF ſuſpicion muſt eventually depend upon future trial; therefore the warrant does not ſeem to me to mean concluſive guilt, but only violent ſuſpicion. If the perſon apprehended ſhould be tried and acquitted, it would thew “ that he was not guilty ;" yet there might be ſufficient cauſe of ſuſpicion. “Mr. Dunning fays very rightly, that “ to bring a perſon within 24 George II. the act muſt be done in obedience to the warrant.” - The laſt point is, whether this general warrant be good : one part of it may be laid out of the caſe ; for as to what relates to the ſeizing his papers, that part of it was never executed; and there- fore it is out of the caſe. " It is not material to determine “whether the warrant be good or bad,” except in the event of the caſe, being within 7 James I. but not within 24 George II. “ At preſent, as to the validity of the warrant, upon the ſingle objection of the incertainty of the perſon, being neither named nor deſcribed. The common law, in many caſes, gives authority to arreſt without warrant, more eſpecially, where taken in the very act; and there are many caſes where particular acts of parliament have given authority to apprehend under general warrants, as in the caſe of writs of aſſiſtance, or warrants to take up looſe, idle, and diſorderly people ; but here it is not contended, that the common law gave the officer authority to apprehend, nor that there is any act of parliament which warrants this caſe. Theres fore it muſt ſtand upon principles of common law. “It is not fit that the receiving or judging of the information ſhould be left to the diſcretion of the officer. The magiſtrate ought to judge, and ſhould give certain directions to the officer. This is ſo, upon reaſon and convenience. Then as to authorities. Hale and all others hold ſuch an uncertain warrant void; and there is no caſe or book to the contrary. It is ſaid, "that the uſage has been ſo, and that many ſuch have been iſſued ſince the Revan 4 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 141 Revolution down to this time;" but a uſage, to grow into a law, ought to be a general uſage communiter ufitata & approbata, and which, after a long continuance, it would be miſchievous to overturn. This is only the uſage of a particular office, and con- trary to the uſage of all 0:her juſtices and conſervators of the peace. There is the leſs reaſon for regarding the uſage, becauſe the form of the warrant probably took its riſe from a poſitive ſtatute, and the former precedents were inadvertently followed after that law was expired.” The caſe ſtanding in the paper on Friday, 8th November, 1765, for farther argument ; Mr Yorke was now to have argued on behalf of the plaintiffs in error, and began to enter into his argument; but when he came to mention the two caſes cited by Mr. Dunning, both of which were determined before lord Mansfield, upon the 24th of George II. C. 44. one of them at Norwich, ſummer allizes, 1761, where damages were given, the other of them on a warrant under the vagrant act of 17 George II. where his lordſhip held " that the defendant ought to ſhew, that the officer had acted in obedience to the warrant," and he did ſo: he ſeemed to intimate, that this objection “s of their not having done ſo in the preſent caſe,” was too great a difficulty for him to encounter; and therefore reſted the matter where it was, without proceeding any farther in his argument. Lord Mansfield remembered both theſe caſes ; and ſaid, 16 he ſtill continued of the ſame opinion.” “ Where the juſtice cannot be liable, the officer is not within the protection of the act. The caſe in Middleſex concludes exactly to the preſent caſe; for here the warrant is to take up the author, printer, or publiſher ; but they took up a perſon that was neither author, printer, nor publiſher; fo that caſe was a warrant “ to take up a diſorderly woman,” and the defendant took up a woman who was not ſo; and he held the ſame opinion now, he ſaid, as he 14:2 THE LIFE OF 1 he did before in the caſe at Norwich. This makes an end of the caſe; for this is a previous queſtion, and the foundation of the de- fence fails. The conſequence is, that the judgement muſt be affirmed." The other judges aſſenting, it was affirmed accordingly. Thus general warrants ſunk into deſuetude for the nobleſt of all pur- poſes, the permanent ſecurity of the liberty of the ſubject. 66 that, 1765. In 1765, Doctor Warburton, then biſhop of Glouceſter, re- publiſhed his Divine Legation of Moſes. The repeated acts of friendſhip and patronage which lord Mansfield manifeſted with great alacrity, and conferred with peculiar grace on learned men, naturally and gratefully prompted the learned prelate to dedicate this republication to his patron and friend, with great ability, and with a degree of animation worthy of Warburton. In his addreſs, he pointed out the riſe and progreſs of the ſpirit of irreligion and licentiouſnefs which then prevailed. In the courſe of this narrative, which deſerves at this time to be read, he mentions, as a peculiarly fortunate circumſtance, while every other part of the community ſeems to lie in fæce Ro- MULI, the adminiſtration of public juſtice in ENGLAND runs as pure as where neareſt to its celeſtial ſource, purer than PLATO dared venture to conceive it even in his feigned Republic.” He proceeds, “ Now whether we are not to call this the interpoſing hand of Providence.; for I am ſure all Hiſtory doth not afford another inſtance of ſo much purity and integrity in one part co- exiſting with ſo much decay, and ſo many infirmities in the reſt, or whether profounder politicians may not be able to diſcover ſome hidden force, ſome peculiar virtue, in the eſſential parts, or in the well-adapted frame of our excellent conſtitution: In ei- ther caſe this fingular and ſhining phænomenon hath afforded a chearful . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 143 chearful.conſolation to thinking men amidſt all this dark aſpect from our diſorders and diſtreſſes. “But the evil genius of England would not ſuffer us to enjoy it long; for, as if envious of this laſt ſupport of government, he hath now inſtigated his blackeſt agents to the very extent of their malignity, who, after the moſt villainous inſults on all other orders and ranks in ſociety, have at length proceeded to calum- niate even the king's ſupreme court of juſtice, under its ableit and moſt unblemiſhed adminiſtration. “ After this, who will be tempted to deſpair of his country, and fay, with the good old man in the ſcene; content 66 N Ipſa ſi cupiat ſalus “ Servare, prorſus non poteft, hanc familiam ?” “ Athens, indeed, fell by degenerate manners like our own; but ſhe fell the later, and with the leſs diſhonor, for having always kept inviolate that reverence which ſhe, and indeed all Greece, had been long accuſtomed to pay to her. auguſt court of Areopa- gus. Of this modeſt reſerve, amidſt a general diſorder, we have a ſtriking inſtance in the conduct of one of the principal inftru- ments of her ruin. “ The witty Ariſtophanes began, as all ſuch inſtruments do, whether with wit or without, by deriding Virtue and Religion ; and this in the brighteſt exemplar of both, the godlike Socrates. The libeller went on to attack all conditions of men. He calüm- niated the magiſtrates ; he turned the public aſſemblies into ridi- cule ; and with the moſt beaſtly and blaſphemous abuſe outraged their prieſts, their altars, nay the very eſtablished gods them- ſelves ;; but here he ſtopped, and, unawed by all beſides, whether of divine or human, he did not dare to caſt ſo much as one li- centious trait againſt that venerable judicature ; a circumſtance. which the readers of his witty ſayings cannot but obſerve withi ſurprize and admiration-not at the poet's modeſty, for he had none, 11 THE LIFE OF 1 none, but at the remaining virtue of a debauched and ruined people; who yet would not bear to ſee that clear fountain of juſtice defiled by the odious ſpawn of buffoons and libellers. “Nor was this the only conſolation which Athens had in its ca- lamities. Its pride was flattered in falling by apoſtate wits of the firſt order ; while the agents of public miſchief amongſt us, with the hoarſe notes and blunt pens of ballad-makers, not only acce- lerate our ruin, but accumulate our diſgraces; wretches the moſt contemptible for their parts, the moſt infernal for their manners. “ To conclude. Great men, my lord, are ſent for the times; the times are fitted for the reſt, of common make-Eraſmus, and the preſent chief juſtice of England (whatever he may think), were ſent by Providence, for the ſake of humanity, to adorn two pe- riods, when Religion at one time, and Society at another, moſt needed their ſupport; I do not ſay of their great talents, but of that heroic moderation, fo neceſſary to allay the violence of public diſorders; for, to be moderate amidſt party extremes requires no common degree of patriotic courage. “ Such characters rarely fail to perform much of the taſk for which they were ſent, but never without finding their labour ill repaid, even by thoſe in whoſe ſervice it was employed. That glory of the prieſthood left the world he had ſo nobly benefited with this tender complaint : * Hoc tempore nihil fcribi aut agi poteft quod non pateat calumniæ ; nec raro fit, ut dum agis circumſpectiſſime ulrumque partem offendas, quum in utraque fint qui pariter inſaniant." A complaint, fated, alas ! to be the motto of every man who greatly ſerves his country.” The very elegant tribute of reſpect to the memory of lord Mansfield paid by another highly diſtinguiſhed prelate, the biſhop of Worceſter, in his Preface to a new edition of Biſhop Warburton's Works, will, it is humbly conceived, come in more appoſitely towards the concluſion of this work. In WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 145 In the ſame year, 1765, upon the death of the late lord chan- cellor Hardwicke, a'warm conteſt aroſe in the univerſity of Cam. bridge, between the earls of Sandwich and Hardwicke, for the office of high ſteward, wherein the effect of Queen Elizabeth's ſtatutes and of the old ordinances was elaborately diſcuſſed. The conteſt terminated in favor of lord Hardwicke, and the ju- riſprudent will find much deep learning on the ſubject in 3 Burr. 1647, who employs near twenty folio pages in reporting the ar- guments and judgement of the court. The Earl of Mansfield in his moral character was irreproachable, inſtructive, and exemplary. Whoever examines this ſerene part of his character with an impartial, diſcerning eye, with a view to profit by the various admonitory hints, which he took every fair occaſion to inculcate, even in his judicial capacity, cannot fail to view this illuſtrious character in a very pleaſing light. To manifeſt his opinion of the falutary effects of the new gaols in Suſſex, Glouceſter, Oxford, Stafford, and other counties, where uſeful reform has been promoted by ſolitary confinement, he was accuſtomed to relate the following anecdote or little dia. logue between himſelf and the governor of Horſham new. gaol in Suſſex. Lord Mansfield.—-6 A few hours only have flitted or paſſed away, ſince, in the diſcharge of my duty as a judge, I delivered your new gaol. I was very much pleaſed at the ſight of a calen- dar where the number of priſoners, which formerly have fallen to my lot to try for offences at Horſham, was reduced more than one half; I am now very much aſtoniſhed to find, that the few priſoners I have tried at this period would not occupy one fourth part of the new gaol. How can your lord lieutenant ſatisfy the county of Suſſex, that there has not been prodigality and waſte of the county-money, in raiſing ſo large and ſtately an edifice, three-fourths of which appear to be untenanted ?" U The 1 146 THE LIFE OF 99. The anſwer was : My lord, I muſt leave his grace of Rich-- mond to anſwer for himſelf: I have very little doubt of our lord lieutenant acquitting himſelf of your lordſhip’s heavy charge of prodigality. This, my lord, I can truly ſay, that I was twelve years keeper of the old gaol, and have been near twelve: years governor or keeper of the preſent county-priſon. I can ſay far- ther, that the new gaol was built upon a plan to contain the average number of criminals and debtors which the old priſon was accuſtomed to hold in durance vile. But, my lord, although in days of yore my viſitors were very troubleſome, and very fre- quent in their viſits to me, diſcharged at one aflizes, and in priſon again within the old walls long before the next; yet fuch, my lord, is the effect of our folitary confinement, and of making a rogue think a little, and become acquainted with himſelf, that, in the courſe of the laſt twelve years, I can ſolemnly declare before your lordſhip, that only one ſingle priſoner has been. twice within theſe walls !" “Good God !" replied the noble Earl, “this. language of experience is very forcible, and the fact ought to be more ge- nerally known.” If a digreſſion of a few lines may be pardonable in the au- thor, he can, with pleaſure, add, that, on his relation of this plain fact at a county-meeting, when the conſideration of the plan for a new gaol and moderate ſolitary confinement were the ſubjects to be diſcuſſed, the lord lieutenant of the county of Staf- ford was pleaſed to expreſs his entire approbation of Mr. Howard's plan of priſons, and particularly of ſeparate or folitary confinement, and to requeſt that any magiſtrate then preſent, who had any objections to make thereto, would anſwer the au- thor of theſe ſheets, who had told the plain tale reſpecting Hor- ſham new gaol, and would refute, if poſſible, the governor of Horſham new priſon and the language of experience. An 2 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 147 An interval of filence prevailed ; no objector roſe to attempt a refutation, or to militate againſt the propoſition for a new gaol, principally founded on the model of Glouceſter gaol. The work was begun in 1789; in 1792 it was completed. In the year 1793 it was inhabited very thinly indeed; the number of priſoners in the calendar of this year being reduced nearly one half below that of the year 1791. Thus one more ſuffrage is added to the ſyſtem of uſeful re- form, which, as experience has evinced, may be wiſely promoted by well-timed and moderate ſolitary confinement. The virtues which were moſt conſpicuous in lord Mansfield's private character, and which gained moſt on his affections, were a love of moral rectitude, and fidelity in friendſhip. In public as in private life, his precepts and his practice inculcated, re- commended, and enforced, every branch of moral rectitude. In trying a cauſe at the ſittings after term at Guildhall, a merchant loſt his temper, who was the defendant in an action of debt, in detailing, with great warmth, to the chief juſtice, the great in- dignity put upon him, a merchant of London, by the plaintiff, in cauſing him to be arreſted, not only in the face of day, but on the Royal Exchange! Lord Mansfield, with great compoſure, ſtopped him, ſaying, “ Friend, you forget yourſelf; you were the great defaulter, in refuſing to pay a juſt debt; and let me give you a piece of ad- vice, worth more to you than the debt and coſts. Be careful in future not to put it in any man's power to arreſt you for a juſt debt, in public or in private. In his friendſhips, he was cautious in making them, but none more conſtant in preſerving the various links when they were riveted, or more zealous in the diſcharge of all the pleaſing duties of friendthip. The learned man, in him, fre- quently found a patron, and a zealous promoter of his merit. And whenever an ingenious barriſter was diſcovered, whoſe for- U 2 - was tunc 148 THE LIFE OF ". tune was ſmall, or whoſe friends were few, he was foothed and rejoiced to find, unaſked, and when leaſt expected, ſome generous plan ſuggeſted, matured, and carried into execution, to ex- tricate him from difficulties, or to point out the path to future fame. Some of the ſhining ornaments of the bar have in early life experienced the viciſſitudes of fickle fortune, have had their legal ftudies embittered with difficulties and diſtreſs. Not a few, who have emerged from early embarraſſment, will, I am perſuaded, ever recollect with gratitude, and may exult in the recollection of the earl of Mansfield's interpoſition in their behalfs, and in various pleaſing inſtances conducted with peculiar adroitneſs and delicacy, ſo as not to wound the feelings of any one. His lordſhip had read with critical accuracy, and with a pe- netrating eye, the important book of human life, and was very ſkilful in probing the heart of man. He could develope ſtrata- gem, however artfully concealed under the cloak of hypocriſy or diſſimulation. In the Tuſcan code of laws promulgated and eſtabliſhed with ſome ſucceſs by the late emperor of Germany, when duke of Tuſcany we learn, that certainty of puniſhment, after the guilt of the perpetrator of a crime had been fully proved, contributed forcibly and conſiderably to the prevention of crimes. Lord Mansfield ſeems to have coincided in this opinion generally, and particularly when the very dangerous crime of forgery in a com- mercial ſtate became the ſerious ſubject of diſcuſſion. Not a life of unſpotted integrity previous to the commiſſion of a ſingle crime could ſave Robert Perreau, the favorite companion of fome, and the excellent apothecary to many, noble families. By honeſt induſtry and uncommon diligence in his medical profeſ- ſion he had acquired fomething like a competency, but, like too many vain and aſpiring mortals, he muſt move in a different ſphere, and gain a large fortune in the banking-line. Deluded and de- WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 149 1 i 1 deceived by a brother, and by a moſt artful woman-a forgery was committed, and his life paid the forfeit to the laws of his country. The interceſſions of the great did not weigh in the ba- lance which the chief juſtice held in the council. Forgery is a ſtab to commerce, and only to be tolerated in a commercial na- tion when the foul crime of murder is pardoned. A few years afterwards Dr. Dodd's ſentence for a fimilar crime of forgery became the ſerious ſubject of debate in a high circle. Great intereſt was made to mitigate the ſentence; but the ſtrong ex- preſſion of the chief juſtice is ſaid to have precluded mitigation, which, according to general report, was to the following effect : “ If Dr. Dodd does not ſuffer the juſt ſentence of the law, the Perreaus may be ſaid to have been murdered.” 1768. The ſingular events of the year 1768 were the cauſes of the public prints being, for the firſt time, deluged with torrents of abuſe on the lord chief juſtice. Theſe events therefore ſeem to merit particular attention and diſpaſſionate inveſtigation, with a view to diſcover whether the virulence of this abuſe was me- rited, and whether the diſcuſſion thereof may be ſcrutinized, without endangering the legal reputation and exalted character of the earl of Mansfield. The general election was in that year. Mr. Wilkes, returned from abroad, became a candidate for the city of London, and afterwards was choſen repreſentative for the county of Middleſex. Having been outlawed ſome years before, he now applied for a reverſal of that proceeding. The conſideration of it came feve- ral times before the court of King's Bench; and the juriſprudent will find a general and faithful account of the various proceed- ings, given by Sir James Burrow in his Fourth Volume of Re- ports, p. 2527, and in the twenty ſubſequent pages; a diligent peruſal whereof will not fail to impreſs on his mind, not only the: 1 " 150 THE LIFE OF . the intenſe application, induſtry, and ingenuity, of the bar, ex- erciſed in deep reſearches into black-letter law, but alſo the very able aſſiſtance given by the puiſné judges, previous to the judge. ment of the court, wherein all the labyrinths ſeem to have been explored, which for many centuries had lain unexplored ; and which, by any poſſibility, might lead to the developement or elucidation of the mazy and dark paths of outlawry. The ſeverity of the puniſhment in ſome inſtances, the fatal conſequences of flight in others, ſeem to preponderate in favor of a faithful tranſcript of lord Mansfield's long, diverſified, and wonderful ſpeech. The author is not a little apprehenſive that the diſcuſſion of, and enquiry into, forins of office and ancient precedents, may be unentertaining to ſome readers ; yet, inaſ- much as they are the foundation on which the reverſal of the outlawry was built, it is to be hoped that the inſertion of the formal part will be pardonable ; while the glowing language and brilliancy of the latter part, when aſſimilated with the former, ſeem to exhibit diverſified tints, like thoſe of light and ſhade in a chef d'ouvre of a Claude or a Titian, and cannot fail to cap- tivate, ſo long as animated diction and purity of ſtyle poſſeſs the power of pleaſing: His lordſhip, after having paid a handſome tribute of grati- tude to the bench and the bar for the able aſſiſtance he liad re. ceived from both, proceeded thus : " It is not only a juſtice due to the crown, and the party in every criminal cauſe where doubts ariſe, to weigh well the grounds and reaſons of the judge- ment; but it is of great conſequence to explain them with accuracy and pre- ciſion in open court, eſpecially if the queſtions be of a general tendency, and upon topics never before fully conſidered and ſettled, that the criminal law of the land may be certain and known. Outlawry is a very important part of that law *. Yet it is no wonder, that the forms and method of proceeding are ſo little attended to, and ſo lit- * Fourth Burr, 2549. tle WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 151 2 proceſs, tle underſtood : for this is perhaps the firſt occaſion where any queſtion of law upon a writ of error to reverſe an outlawry in a criminal caſe, ever un- derwent a ſerious litigation. “ Outlawry in civil actions is conſidered, as in the nature of civil to compel an appearance to the fuit, or, if after judgement, to procure ſa- tisfaction. The forfeiture, though nominally to the king, yet in truth goes to the plaintiff towards payment of his demand. If the outlaw appears, pays all the coſts, puts in ſufficient bail, and does every thing he can to put the plaintiff in as good a condition as he would have been in originally; or if, after judgement, the outlaw pays the debt and coſts; the court reverſes the outlawry upon motion without any writ of error. The form of the rever- ſal always is, “ for the errors aſſigned, and other errors appearing upon the record;" although there is in truth no error at all. “ Flight, in criminal caſes, is itſelf a crime. If an innocent man flies for treaſon or felony, he forfeits all his goods and chattels, Outlawry in a capital caſe is as a conviction for the crime; and many men, who never were: tried, have been executed upon the outlawry. “In miſdemeanors, outlawry is generally a more ſevere puniſhment than would be inflicted for the crime of which the outlaw ſtands accuſed or con- victed. It is a forfeiture of his goods and chattels, and all the profits of his real eſtate, and perpetual impriſonment, with many incapacities. If it is erroneous, it cannot be reverſed without a writ of error. Till the Third of queen Anne, a writ of error, in any criminal caſe, was held to be merely ex gratid. Lord Keeper lays it down *, “ that a writ of error, in a criminal matter, was ex gratiá regis, in all caſes ;” and ſaid ut, “he had a collection of ſeveral caſes out of the old books of the law, that were given him by lord chief juſtice Hale, which ſhew, that writs of error, in criminal caſes, are not grantáble ex debito juſtitiæ, but ex gratiá regis; and in ſuch a caſe a man ought to make application to the king, and he will then refer it to his counſel; and, if they certify that there is error, the king will not deny a writ of error.” It never was granted, except when the king from juſtice, where there really was error, or from favor, thouglr. there was no error, was willing the outlawry ſhould be reverſed. After a writ of error 1. Vernon, 170. Crawle verſus Crawle. up Vide 1. Vernon, 175, in the Rioters' caſe, granted, 154 THE LIFE OF granted, the attorney-general never made any oppoſition, becauſe either he had certified “ there was error," and then he could not argue againſt his own certificate ; or the crown meant to ſhew favour, and then he had orders “not to oppoſe.” The king, who alone was concerned as the proſecutor, and who had the abſolute power of pardon, being willing that the outlawry ſhould be reverſed; this court reverſed upon very Night and trivial objections, which could not have prevailed if any oppoſition had been made, or if the precedent had been of conſequence. The form of reverſal, “ for the errors aſſigned, and other errors appearing upon record,” delivered the court from the neceſſity of Specifying any; and they might think themſelves well war- ranted to reverſe, upon the tacit or expreſs conſent of the king, where he alone was concerned to oppoſe, though there really was no error at all: and, as the king had the power to refuſe a writ of error, the precedent was of no conſequence. - But in the Third of queen Anne *, ten of the judges were of opinion, " that in all caſes under treaſon and felony, a writ of error was not merely of grace, but ought to be granted.” Price and Smith were of a contrary opi- nion, “ that a writ of error was of grace only in all criminal caſes." The ten did not mean “ that it was a writ of courſe," but that " where there was probable error it ought not to be denied." " It cannot iſſue now without a fiat from the attorney-general, who always examines whether it be ſought merely for delay, or for a probable error. "" In the caſe of the king againſt Earbury , the opinion of the court was taken before the attorney-general granted his fiat for a writ of error. In the preſent caſe the attorney-general refuſed his fiat, while the defendant was out of cuſtody. “ This opinion in the Third of queen Anne has made a great alteration as to outlawries in criminal caſes under treaſon and felony. In a miſdemeanor, if there be probable cauſe, it ought not to be denied: this court would order the at- torney-general to grant his fiat. But, be the error ever ſo manifeſt in treaſon or felony, the king's pleaſure to deny the writ is concluſive. Lord Muſkerry, the ſon and heir of the earl of Clanclarty, petitioned for a writ of error to reverſe his father's outlawry, becauſe his father was a priſoner in the Tower of Lon- * Vide the Ayleſbury caſe. other o George I. Vide ante, p. 2530. don. > WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 153 1 dón, during the whole time of the proceedings againſt him. The fact was verified beyond doubt, by entries from the books of the Tower, and by the affidavit of the dutcheſs of Marlborough. The late lord chief juſtice Willes, then attorney-general, reported the writ to be merely of grace; and, upon political reaſons, it was abſolutely refuſed, and the outlawry ſtands. “A writ of error being as a matter of right, where there is error in the outlawry, ſince the Third of queen Anne, in all crimes under treaſon and felony, 66 What is an error" became an important queſtion, which was of no conſequence before. Since that time, this court has not given way to trivial objections, though admitted by the attorney-general. In 1708 lord Griffin was brought into this court upon an outlawry for high treaſon ; and, upon the prayer of the ſolicitor-general (there being then no attorney-ge- neral), a rule was made for his execution. He was reprieved from time to time till his death. His grandſon and heir, from the grace and favor of king George the Firſt, obtained a writ of error. Sir Philip Yorke, then at- torney-general, came into court, and ſaid, he had a ſign manual “ to confeſs the errors, and conſent to the reverſal.” The court told him, “ his con- fefing an error in law would not do ;. they muſt judge it to be an error, and their judgement would be a precedent. But the plaintiff in error might aſſign an error in fact, which, by proper authority, he might confefs.” Ac- cordingly the plaintiff aſſigned an error in fa£t; viz. “ that the place of his grandfather's reſider.ce was in the county of Northampton, whereas he had been outlawed in London.” The attorney-general confeſſed the fact, where- upon the outlawry was reverſed *. Since the Third of queen Anne, no queſtion of law has been litigated upon a writ of error to reverſe an out- lawry; no criminal outlawry has been reverſed upon a trivial objection : no caſe ſince that time has been found of either kind. “Outlawry is an eſſential part of the criminal law. The rules and method of proceeding are wiſely calculated to prevent ignorance and ſurprize ; the conſequences are made ſevere, becauſe the offence is heinous, and it imports the ſtate that no man ſhould fly from the laws and juſtice of his country. This court is bound to pronounce the law as they think it is, always leaning to the favourable fide, where they doubt; for fo ſays the law. It is as much a breach of duty to reverſe a good, as it would be to affirm a bad, outlawry. * Hil. 13 George I X The 154.: THE LIFE OF 1 The miſchief goes farther than an unrighteous ſentence in the particular caſe ; for, to reverſe without an error is to aboliſh that part of the law. And therefore ſerjeant Glynn admitted that criminal outlawries were not to be reverſed of courſe; an error muſt be found. " In a matter where the conſequence may be ſo penal to the defendant in this particular caſe, where the grounds of the judgement muſt be ſo impor- tant to a very eſſential part of the criminal law never before brought ad- verſely in queſtion, and therefore lying under great obſcurity and confu- fion, I feel myſelf extremely obliged (and. I think the public obliged) to thoſe who, in the ſhort time taken for conſideration, have ſearched the ſub- ject to the bottom. From the materials with which I have been furniſhed, I think myfelf ſufficiently inſtructed to form an opinion ; and I will declare the 'grounds and reaſons of that opinion which I have formed, to this great and numerous audience, with as much accuracy as I can, to prevent miſap- prehenſion. There are two forts of error which have been afligned and argued, 1. The firft fort are errors which give riſe to queſtions of law and real ar- guments. II. The fecond are criticiſms upon words and ſyllables in the return. Of the firſt, two are aſſigned: 1. That there is no ſufficient information filed or exhibited againſt the de- fendant, whereon to ground the proceſs of outlawry. 2. That no public proclamation whatſoever is mentioned to have been made at any open court, or at any general quarter-ſeſſions of the peace whatſo- ever, or at the doors of any pariſh-church where the faid defendant was an inhabitant, according to the exigency of the ſaid writ of Capias cum Precla- matione. Under the firſt error affigned, three objections have been made. 1. That the information is by the folicitor-general, and not the attorney- general. II. That an outlawry does not lie upon an information. III. That, though it may lie upon an information, yet it does not lie for fuch an offence as is proſecuted in either of theſe caſes. Firſt. The information is by the folicitor-general. If this objection is founded, it will equally hold upon a motion in arreſt of judgement; but I believe none of us, from the beginning, ever entertained the leaſt doubt concerning it. An information for a miſdemeanor is the king's ſuit. The 5 title WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 155 1 title of the caufe is, “ the king againſt the defendant." The oath at the trial, to tlie jurors and the witneſſes, is, “ between the king and the de- : fendant.” As a fubject ſues by attorney, ſo does the king, with a little va- riation of form, from decency: inſtead of ſaying, “ the "king ſues by," it is ſaid, “ ſues for the king :” and yet coram domino rege venit * dominus rex per attornatum fuum, et inde producit feetam,” was held to be good. (Hale chief juſtice faid, it was but an unmannerly way of declaring for the king.) The attorney is anſwerable, if he acts without authority; and upon com- plaint by the party whoſe name he has falſely uſed, the court would puniſh him, and ſet aſide the proceedings : but, while the principal avows him, nei- ther the adverſe party nor the court can diſpute his authority. The coroner of this court profecutes informations for the king as his attorney. The form of the proclamation, at criminal trials, is a ſtrong proof that antiently the king's ſerjeant might proſecute for the king. When there did not exiſt ſuch an officer as ſolicitor-general, the king's ferjeant, or his attorney, or other that would ſue for the 'king, ſhould be received, to aver againſt the teſtimony of the parties impriſonment, where the outlawry was pronounced at the king's fuit p. There are many entries in Raſtal *, which ſhew, that, at the common law, others than the attorney-general have ſued for the king; or, in other words, the king has ſued by others as his attorneys. Serjeant Glynn cited a manuſcript treatiſe concerning the ſtar-chamber, of which Mr. Filmer has a copy. The original is in the Muſeum . The author's name is preferved in a note written in this preſent book, at the beginning, by the lord keeper Finch, as follows: “This treatiſe was compiled by William Hud- fon, of Gray's Inn, Eſq. one very much practiſed, and of great experience in the ſtar-chamber, and my very affectionate friend. His ſon and heir Mr. Chriſtopher Hudſon, (whoſe hand-writing this book is,) after his father's death, gave it to me, 19th December, 16359 3. Finch." The whole paſſage ſhould be taken together, and is in theſe words: “It remaineth, that I ſhall, * 2d Lev. 82. 3 Keble 127. Raftal's Entr. 655. oft Vid. 5 Ed. III. c. 13. Title, Debt, 192, pl. 4. Title, Eſcheat, 113, pl. 3. Title, Quare im- pedit, 527, pl. 1. § Harleian Catalogue, No: 1226. vol. I. X2 in 156 1 THE LIFE OF - in the next place, treat of the king's ordinary ſuits, which are of two forts, either by his attorney informing of himſelf, or by other men's relations, and by the king's almoner; the one being in criminal cauſes, the other. in civil. For the king's attorney I lave known it much queſtioned, whether. any dther of the king's counſel may not inform for the king, as well as the attorney-general. And it is true, that in Eaſter Term 8 H. VIII. it is ordered, that the king's ſolicitor-general ſhall not proſecute any farther the merchants of the Stiliard, till it were otherwiſe ordered by the council ; and, the ſame term, the ſolicitor was commanded to ſue out proceſs againſt ſome which ac- quitted one Blaſe of a rape. So that it ſeemeth that others of the king's counſel did proſecute cauſes for the king, as well as the king's attorney. But, in it and 2d James the Firſt, it was reſolved by the court, that it bé- longeth to the place of the attorney; and ſerjeant Heale, the king's ferjeant, putting in a bill againſt Sir John Luſon, was denied that privilege ; for, if a bill be put in by the king's counſel, as for the king; there are no coſts to be paid to the defendant, nor fees for the proſecution : but in this caſe ſerjeant Heale's bill was diſiniffed with thirty pounds coſts, it continuing in profecu- tion not above tivo terms. It is aſtoniſhing how any other law-officer of the king could claim, as an official right, to be the king's attorney in all ſuits which he ſhould think fit to bring in the king's name. The very .conftitu- tion of an attorney-general is deciſive againſt it; he might ſtop every ſuit brought by another; and therefore the counſel did very right; as between the king's-law-officers, to over-rule ſerjeant Heale ; but they did not mean that the king himſelf, for ſpecial reaſons, might not appoint another to act as his attorney. In that reign, afterwards, Yelverton was ſuſpended, and the folicitor appointed to act. . Suppofe the attorney-general perſonally, the de- fendant, there muſt be another to fue for the king. Suppoſe the attorney- general out of the realm, or under a diſability from fickneſs ; ſuppoſe the office of attorney-general vacant: .when it is, the buſineſs (which cannot: ſtand ſtill) muſt devolve upon another of the king's counſel : and there is nothing ſo certain, as that the whole buſineſs and authority of the attorney devolves upon the ſolicitor-general." I am ſatisfied that, if the matter was traced, the two precedents in Eaſter Term 8 H. VIII. mentioned by Mr. Hud... fon were during the vacancy of the attorney's office. It is impoſſible the counſel could, in the ſame term, order the ſolicitor- general to ſtop one public proſecution and commence another, if there had been an attorney-general. As far back as the meinory of the vacancies of the 1 mo WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 157 : the attorney's office has led to a ſearch, precedents have been found of informa- tions filed by the ſolicitor-general in chancery, and on the law fide of the exchequer. In this court the information againſt the earl of Devonſhire * was proſecuted by the ſolicitor-general ; and, though the enormity of the fine fet, and the revolution of government which immediately, followed, made this caſe the ſubject of much animadverſion and juſt cenſure, “ the ſolicitor-general having proſecuted was never objected. There are prece- dents of replying, demurring, taking iſſue, praying judgement or award of execution, by the ſolicitor-general during the vacancy of the other office. We all know, from our own experience, that, upon every vacancy which we remember of the attorney's place, his office has been executed by the foli- citor-general; but it is ſaid, “ the information ought to have ſuggeſted that the office of attorney was vacant:" many of the precedents do not ſuggeſt it; and there can be no occaſion. The attorney-general is a great officer of the law and of this court. The court take notice wlien the office is vacant, and by whom it is filled, when full; they give credit to the ſolicitor-general, when he ſues as attorney for the king, " that he has authority ;" he does it at his peril. In this caſe, before the defendant pleaded, the ſolicitor-general was made attorney, and in that capacity brought into court the information he had filed as ſolicitor. If an objection could lie to his authority as foli- citor, the only queſtion would be, “ from what time the information ſhould be conſidered as commenced, from the filing by the ſolicitor, or the bring- ing into court by the attorney;": and that could be of no conſequence, but in reſpect of the time when the defendant ought to plead: but he has pleaded to the information brought in by the attorney-general, and been tried." In every light, and in every view, this objection is groundleſs; 110- thing has been offered to fupport it but ſerjeant Heale's caſe. Upon ſo plain a point, I certainly ſhould not have faid ſo much, but that the objection alſo goes in arreſt of judgement; and therefore may be argued again. The counſel are apprized of my reaſons : and, if they ſhould think their objection tenable, I am open to conviction. “ Second objection, under the firſt error afligned,“ that an outlawry does .. not lie upon an information.”? . * 3 Jac. II. 66 The > 158 THE LIFE OF - The counſel for the defendant fupported this objection two ways. Firſt; they faid, the books were filent on this head : and the ſtatute of additions mentions only that, “in original writs of perſonal actions, appeals, and indictments, in which the Exigent ſhall be awarded, &c. &c. * :" but an in- formation is not therein mentioned. Secondly, they ſaid, that from the na- ture of the proceſs, in an information, the Exigent was not awardable ; for, the proceeding by information in this court is ſimilar to the ſtar-chamber pre- cedents; and, in ſuch proceedings, they did not award a capias, but a ſubpæna. That here the antecedent proceſs is by ſummons of attachment, not by ca- pias ; and conſequently, if there is no capias to introduce the proceſs of Exigent, it cannot lie in this caſe. Serjeant Glynn admitted, as a point beyond all doubt, “ that informations of this kind were competent in this court at the common law.” No lawyer ever doubted of it; no lawyer would ſeriouſly argue againſt it ; ſo that Sir Bartholomew Shower had no opportunity to deliver the argument he has printed Informations here neither de- rive their being, nor the form of proceeding upon them, from the ſtar-cham- ber, but from the common law of the land, and the uſage and practice of this country where they are exhibited. Although inforinations are not men- tioned in the ſtatute of additions, yet the fame requiſites of certainty and preciſion muſt be in an information as in an indictment Preſentment is not mentioned in this ſtatute ; and yet, on a preſentment before the coroner, “ that Frenche was fela de ſe," which was certified into the King's Bench, " and that certain of Frenche's goods were in the pofleffion of J. S.” proceſs iſſued againſt J. S. until he was outlawed ; and upon error brought, “ for that there was not any addition given to the ſaid J. S. in the preſentment upon which he was outlawed,” it was at firſt doubted, “ whether upon that prefentment proceſs of outlawry did lie;" and. Ive, then clerk of the crown office, ſaid to the court, “ that ſuch proceſs in ſuch caſe did lie; and that he could ſhew five hundred precedents of it.” And ſecondly it was moved, “if this outlawry ought to be reverſed for default of addition;" but it was agreed by the whole court, that, as to this purpoſe, the preſentinent * Vid. i Hen. V. c. 5. V I. + Shower, rot, Rex verfus Berchet et alios. Prynn's cafe, 5 Mod. 459. 2 Hawkins, P. C. 260, 261. Thould WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 159 1 4 ſhould be accounted in law as an indictment*. To an information in nature of a Quo Warranto, to ſhew by what authority the defendant claimed to be a burgeſs of Grampound, the defendant pleaded in abatement, for want of proper addition, the information ſtyling him a “ labourer,” whereas he was clothier ; and this plea was moved to be ſet aſide, on the ground, that an addition was not neceſſary.” The court refuſed to ſet it aſide on that ground; but they found another, the want of a proper affidavit to verify the plean. There feems as good ground to ſay, upon the foot of precedents, and conſtruction of the ſtatute of additions, “ that proceſs of outlawry lies, and addition is requiſte in an information, as in the preſentment in Frenche's caſe. As to the other argument from the nature of the proceſs, there was no authority or precedent cited or produced to prove the aſſertion. On the contrary, there are many precedents where the proceſs was by Capias, and the Exigent followed ; ſome as in the preſent caſe, though moft are before conviction; but " that a Capias does lie in proceſs upon theſe informations, I take to be as old as their exiſtence ; if not, how could there have been fuch a number of outlawries upon informations; and ſome of antient date? All theſe records are ſo many authorities to ſupport this proceſs, which are not, after fo great a length of unqueſtioned uſage, to be now impeached † ; and it is obſervable on the 18th of Edw. III. ſt. 1. that it not only clearly Jelates to a proceeding before judgement; but it gives the Exigent, if the party is not brought in on an attachment or diArefs. However, there is no need to refort to that kind of reaſoning, when uſage fupports the Capias, in the preſent cafe, as the common procefs upon theſe occafions. “ Third objection, under the firſt error affigned, “thrat outlawry does not tie from the nature of the offence." "This objection was ſlightly touched by Mr. Serjeant Glynn, but ftruck LES at firſt as a point fit to be conficlered'; and I mentioned to the bar, " that it might be proper to look into it." The doubt was, “Whether the offence. charged in either of theſe informations was ſuch as rendered the perſon ac- cuſed of ſuch crime liable to the procefs of outlawry, either at common law or by any ſtatute. In Coke, Littleton, 1289, it is ſaid, that in the reign of king * Frenche's cafe, Mich. 26 Eliz. 2 Leonard 200. of The king againſt Pardew, H. 15 Geo. II. 1741.. 5 Mod. 463, 464. Alfred, 160 THE LIFE OF Alfred, and till a good while after the Conqueſt, no man could be outlawed, but for felony; the puniſhment whereof was death.” But after, in Braĉton's time, and ſomewhat before, proceſs of outlawry was ordained to lie in all actions that were Quare vi & armis, which Bratton calls.“ Delicta ; for, there the king ſhall have a fine.” The 18th Edw. III. ſt. 1. declares the caſes and offences for which the Exigent ſhall be awarded, if the party cannot be found, or brought in by attachment or diſtreſs, and not againſt any other. Alſo the 18th Edw. III. ſt. 2. c. 5. ſays, “ No Exigent ſhall from hence- forth go out where a 'man is indicted of treſpaſs, unleſs it be againſt the peace, or of things which be contained in the declaration made in that caſe at the laſt parliament.” But, upon full confideration, I am very well ſatis- fied that the counſel for the defendant judged right in laying no ſtreſs upon this objection. The offences laid in theſe informations, and the pro- ceedings upon them, are at the common law. The ſtatutes giving proceſs of outlawry in certain caſes, and reſtricting its iſſuing in others but under certain circumſtances, do not affect the preſent queſtion. The proceſs is warranted in the preſent caſe by the common law, or not at all. Aftual force or violence does not appear to be the criterion upon which the proceſs of outlawry was founded. The greatneſs of the crime, and the ſeverity of the pu- nifoment, ſeem to be the material circumſtances originally attended to in founding this proceſs, according to the paſſage I have juſt cited from Coke as to the earlieſt times ; for, felony does not imply or convey the idea of actual outrage; grand larceny being, in its definition, as well as practice, different. And Hawkins confirms this notion, by ſaying, “ that this proceſs probably lay for all crimes of a higher nature * than treſpaſs vi & armis. The extenſion of this proceſs is ſuppoſed by lord Coke, in the paſſage I quoted, (and what he ſays is repeated, without examination, by a variety of authors,) to have been ſomewhat before Bracton's time. The eſtabliſhing that period for a ſuppoſed ordinance concerning outlawries ſtrongly authen- ticates the teſtimony of that contemporary writer, touching the caſes in which, and under what circumſtances, this proceſs lay. Lord Coke ſaw, that it was impoſſible to ſay " that outlawry did not lie for any crime under felony;". univerſal practice ſhewed the contrary. So he ſuppoſes a poſitive ſtatute made about Bratton's time. There does not appear any particular or- 2 Hawkins, P. C. 1. 2. C. 27, p. 302. dinance WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 161 1 dinance for extending this proceſs; and there is no authority for the ſuppofi- tion ; but Bracion, who wrote in the reign of Henry III. ſays, " that it lay in omni tranfgreffione que fit contra pacem *;" and afterwards, “ pro omni tranſ- greffione, licet ininimá, ubi quis ad pacem domini rcgis vocatus venire recufaverit, & hoc propter contumaciam.” That this neceffary ingredient os contra pacem did not mean poſitive force in the committing of the offence, appears from the reaſon given, wliy it lay for felony, '2 Ro. Abr. 805. outlawry lay for felony; becauſe it was contra pacem: for, that could not mean, as I have al- ready ſaid, more than its being an offence in its nature againſt the laws of ſociety, and a diſturbance of that good order and government which keeps a ftate in unity and peace. The crime of larceny, in its very nature, is ſecret and fraudulent, unleſs it be done with open violence, and then it is di- ftinguiſhed by the aggravated name of robbery. Beſides, in the caſe of writs Quare vi & armis, in which caſes this proceſs is given, it is acknow- ledged to be on account of the ſuppoſed, not the actual, force; and ſo is the ſame place in 2 Ro. Abr. 805. and the 35th Hen. VI. 68 and , and many other books. In fact, therefore, it appears from Bratton, “ that every offence committed againſt the peace ſubjected the delinquent to the proceſs of out- lawry;" and the caſes Thew, that the peace of the king is broke by diſorders without force; and indeed ſome of the greateſt crimes are without force. If force was the criterion on which this proceſs of Exigent was founded at com- mon law, why was that proceſs given by the firſt of ſtatute of Edward the Third in the caſe of Riots, &c. ? or what occaſion had there been for the ſubſequent * ſtatute of Edward the Third, to ſay, “ From henceforth it ſhall not iſſue in treſpaſs, unleſs it is againſt the peace,” if the practice had not been upon indictments, though not ſo alleged, for proceſs of Exigent to iſſue? And that ſeems to be the true reaſon of the laſt reſtrictive ſtatute, I don't find that it ever was denied but that, upon a preſentment or indict- ment for the king, proceſs of outlawry lay; and ſo it it expreſsly ſaid to be agreed in Brooke, title “Exigent," which cites 8 Henry VI. || but a num- ber of outlawries have been found in crimes laid to be contra pacem, without 1 * Lib. III. p. 127. ofio 18 Edw. III. ſt. 1. 18 Edw. III. ſt. 2. c. 5. Vid. Bro. Abr. title Exigent et Capias, pl. 29, and title Proceſs, pl. 16. Y vi 1 1 162 THE LIFE OF vi & armis, and which could not be comniitted with force, and this error never aſſigned: which alone is deciſive. I think Mr. Attorney-general pro- duced one as far back, as the fifth of Edward the Fourth. The ſecond error afligned is, as to the proclamations. The return fays, “I have cauſed public proclamation to be made in mana ner and form.as I.am within commanded.” This is certainly, too looſe. The pro- clamations are not ſufficiently ſet out for the court to judge whether they were properly made or not. I thought this error fatal ;. but Mr. Thurlow fatisfied me, ".that it was unneceſary to make any proclamation at all.” The ſtatutes which require proclamations do not extend to this caſe; and they are not Tequired by the common law. Indeed this error was in a manner dropped, and given up by Serjeant Glynn upon his reply. He did not contend' " that they were neceſſàry.” The preſent record, drawn in the Crown Office, and ſet- tled by king's counſel, ſhews under what obfcurity and perplexity this mat- ter lies; the reſult of ignorance in the practiſers, and productive of a ſhame- ful confuſion in the precedents of the office.. They have not diſtinguiſhed between civil and criminal outlawries. They have not diſtinguiſhed between the manner of proceeding to outlaw in criminal caſes before and after con- viction; all is jumbled together. Whatever is required in any caſe they have applied to all. Circumſtances are unneceſſarily required, and defectively. returned, becauſe former miſtakes are copied as precedents, without exami- nation ; but, as the proclamations in this caſe were nugatory and ſuperfluous, the imperfection of the return is of no conſequence : it is no error. Of the ſecond ſort of errors, critical and verbal, two are aſſigned; which were argued. Firſt. For that it is not ſhewn, nor does it appear by the return of the Sheriff of Middleſex, “.that the defendant was a firſt, fecond, third, fourth, and fifth time exacted at the county court of the county of Middleſex,” as by the law of the land he ought to have been before he was outlawed. Under this error, thus aſſigned, two objections were made ;, as to the firſt exaction, and as to the ſubſequent: Firſt.. As to the firſt. The return is by two men, ſheriff of Middléfèx ; 66 At my county-court, held," &c. ſo that two men making one officer, that is, Sheriff of the county of Middle fex, fay, ".at my court, held in the county of Middleſex.” To raiſe a doubt, it is neceſſary to go out of the record into hiſtory and law. We know from thence, that the ſame man might be the- riff of two counties. Till the 13th of Elizabeth one perſon was ſheriff of Somerſet WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 763 Somerſet and Dorſetſhire; and ſo of Suffex and Surrey, of Oxford and Berks, of Warwickſhire and Leiceſterſhire ; and to this day the ſame perſon is ſheriff of Cambridge and Huntingdonſhire. Such a ſheriff might by law hold in either the county-court of the other. 6 Hen. VII. 156. In the caſe of the ſheriff of Somerſet, who was then alſo ſheriff of Dorſetſhire, my court in the county of Somerſet,” was adjudged uncertain. II Hen. VII. 109. in a like caſe, Rede Fairfax and Hulley inclined to think it certain enough, and adjourned the conſideration ; but here it is impoſſible to raiſe a doubt, unleſs the fheriff of Middleſex may hold the court of another county in Middleſex. “At my county-court" can only be the county-court of Middleſex. Two men, ſheriff of Middl_fex, never were, nor could be, ſheriff of any other county. The error is not aſſigned for want of any technical form of words, but so that it is not ſhewn, nor does it appear by the return;" whereas I am of opinion, it is ſhewn, and does appear by the return, that the county-court was of Middlefex, and could not poſſibly be the court of any other county. Secondly. As to the ſubſequent exactions. The objection is, “ that it is not ſhewn, nor does it appear, where the court was held, at which he was exacted." The return having ſpecified the place where the court was held, at which he was firſt exacted, ſtates ſeverally the ſubſequent exactions, “ at my court held at the ſame place.” So that the whole doubt is, “ whether the ſame place includes the deſcription of the place referred to, which cannot be a doubt in the language of the world ; for in truth the doubt can be no other than “ whether the ſame place means the ſame place, that is, the place before deſcribed ?" Second critical error. The only other error aſſigned and argued is, “ It is no where expreſſly ſhewn, that the place called Brook Street, where the ſeveral county-courts are ſuppofed to have been held, is in the county of Middleſex.” The return fays, “ At the houſe known by the ſign of the Three Tons in Brook Street near Holborn in the county of Middleſex.” The counſel for the defendant contend, that the true conſtruction ought to be to apply “ in the county of Middleſex," to Holborn, and not to Brook Street, and ſo make a ſtop at Brook Street. It is impoſſible for me to doubt, whe- ther “ near Holborn” is not part of the deſcription of Brook Street: it could be added for no other reaſon: it could anſwer no end to ſay, "near Hol- born,” but as part of the name of this Brook Street, in contradiſtinction to ſome other Brook Street. It is immaterial what county Holborn is in ; but the ſheriff was bound to Thew, that Brook Street was in Middleſex. There is no law in this; it is a queſtion of conſtruction. All men can judge of it, and would Y 2 .. ! ; 164 THE LIFE OF would treat with contempt the judgement of this ſovereign court, if it could be founded upon ſo pitiful a prevarication. It is not permitted to me to say I doubt of the conſtruction unleſs I do doubt, how much foever I may wiſh that this outlawry ſhould not ſtand. I am of opinion, that, according to the letter, ſenſe, and grammatical conſtruction of the ſentence, the court was held in " Brook Street near Holborn;" and that “ Brook Street near Holborn" lies in the county of Middleſex ; and I am perſuaded there is no man who can think otherwiſe. " Theſe are the errors which have been objected ; and this the manner and form in which they are aſſigned. For the reaſons I have given, I can- not allow any of them. It was our duty, as well as 'our inclination, ſedu- louſly to conſider, whether upon any other ground, or in any other light, we could find an inforınality which we might allow with ſatisfaction to our minds, and avow to the world. " But here let me pauſe. “ It is fit to take fome notice of the various terrors hung out; the nume- rous crowds which have attended, and now attend, in and about the hall, out of all reach of hearing what paſſes in court; and the tumults which in other places have ſhamefully inſulted all order and government. Audacious ad- dreſſes in print dictate to us, from thoſe they call the people, the judgement to be given now, and afterwards upon the conviction. Reaſons of policy are urged, from danger to the kingdom, by commotions and general confuſion. “Give me leave to take the opportunity of this great and reſpectable au- dience to let the world know, all ſuch attempts are vain. Unleſs we have been able to find an error which will bear us out to reverſe the outlawry, it muſt be affirmed. The conſtitution does not allow reaſons of ſtate to in- fluence our judgements. God forbid it Mould! We muſt not regard poli- tical conſequences, how formidable ſoever they might be. If rebellion was the certain conſequence, we are bound to ſay, “ Fiat juſtitia, ruat cælum.” The conſtitution truſts the king with reaſons of ſtate and policy: he may ſtop proſecutions ; he may pardon offences; it is his to judge whether the law or the criminal fhould yield. We have no election. None of us encouraged or approved the commiſion of either of the crimes of which the defendant is con- victed; none of us had any hand in his being proſecuted. As to myſelf, I took no part, in another place, in the addreſſes for that proſecution. We did not adviſe or aſſiſt the defendant to fly from juſtice; it was his own act, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 165 1 1 act, and he muſt take the conſequences. None of us have been conſulted, or had any thing to do with the preſent proſecution. It is not in our power to ſtop it; it was not in our power to bring it on. We cannot pardon. We are to ſay what we take the law to be. If we do not ſpeak our real opinions, we prevaricate with God and our own conſciences. I paſs over many anonymous letters I have received. Thoſe in print are. public; and ſome of them have been brought judicially before the court. Whoever the writers are, they take the wrong way. I will do my duty un- awed. What am I to fear? That mendax infamia from the preſs, which daily coins falſe facts and falſe motives? The lies of calunny carry no terror to me. I truſt that my temper of mind, and the colour and conduct of my life, have given me a ſuit of armour againſt theſe arrows. If, during this king's reign, I have ever ſupported his government, and aſſiſted his meaſures, I have done it without any other reward than the conſciouſneſs of doing what I thought right. If I have ever oppoſed, I have done it upon the points themſelves, without mixing in party or faction, and without any collateral views. I ho- nor the king, and reſpect the people; but many things acquired by the favor of either are, in my account, objects not worth ambition. “ I wifh popularity; but it is that popularity which follows, not that which is run after. It is that popularity which, ſooner or later, never fails to do juſtice to the purſuit of noble ends by noble means. I will not do that which my conſcience tells me is wrong upon this occaſion, to gain the huzzas of thouſands, or the daily praiſe of all the papers which come from the preſse I will not avoid doing what I think is right, though it ſhould draw on me the whole artillery of libels; all that falſehood and malice can invent, or the credulity of a deluded populace can fwallow, I can ſay, with a great ma- giftrate, and upon an occaſion, and under circumſtances not unlike, “ Ego boc animo femper fui, ut invidiam: virtute partam; gloriam, non invidiam pui tarem." “ The threats go farther than abuſe ; per fonal violence is denounced. I do not believe it: it is not the genius of the worſt of men of this country, in the worſt of times: but I have ſet my mind at reſt. The laſt end that can hap- pen to any man never comes too ſoon, if he falls in ſupport of the law and liberty of his country, for liberty is ſynonymous to law and government. Such a ſhock, too, might be productive of public good; it might awake the better part of the kingdom out of that lethargy, which ſeems to have be- numbed I ! i 166 THE LIFE OF !. 99 numbed them, and bring the mad part back to their ſenſes, as men in- toxicated are ſometimes ſtunned into fobriety *. 6 Once for all, let it be underſtood, “ that no endeavours of this kind will influence any man who at preſent ſits here.” If they had any effect, it would be contrary to their intereſt; leaning againſt their impreſſion muſt give a bias the other way: but I hope, and I know, that I have fortitude enough to reſiſt even that weakneſs. No libels, no threats, nothing that has happened, nothing that can happen, will weigh a feather againſt allowing thre defendant, upon this and every other queſtion, not only the whole advan- tage he is intitled to from fubſtantial law and juſtice, but every benefit, from the inoft critical nicety of form, which any other defendant could claim un- der the like objection. The only effect I feel, is an anxiety to be able to ex- plain the grounds upon which we proceed, ſo as to ſatisfy all mankind, " that a flaw of form, given way to in this caſe, could not have been got over in any other.” - From the precedents we have ſeen, it appears that a ſeries of judgements have required a technical form of words, in the deſcription of the county-court at which at outlaw is exacted: that after the words, “at my county-court" ſhould be added the name of the county ; and after the word “beld" ſhould be added, “ for the county of,” (naming it); whereas, here the ſheriff ſays, " at niy county-court,” without adding, “ of Middleſex ;” and he ſays, " held at the houſe, &c.” without adding the words, " for the county of Middleſex,” after the word 66 held.” “ As to the firſt expreſſion, the caſes begin as far back as the 7th of James the Firſt; as to the ſecond expreſſion, they begin about the 18th of Charles the Second. “ If we are compelled by authority to look upon either expreſſion as technically neceſſary, it is ſufficient upon this occaſion, becauſe here both are wanting. 6- If an outlawry be returned in this manor, “ ad com. meum tent. apud Ci- ceftriam in comitatu Suffex, &c.” it is erroneous; becauſe it is not ſaid, “ ad . * A few ſentences of this ſpeech have been previouſly printed in pages 49, 50, and 51, of this work. The infertion of one of the moſt animated ſpeeches that was ever delivered from the bench entire and unmutilated is the beſt apology for the recapitulation of theſe few, yet important, ſentences. com. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 167 .- 1 --- CC 66 com, meum Suſfex tentum, &c." Alder was outlawed for murder; and it was moved for error, that the ſheriff returned, sad com. meum tentum apud. D: in the county of Northumberland," and did not ſay, “ ad com. meum Nor . thumbriæ tentum, &c. ;" and this was holden to be error, &c. Among the errors for which, the reporter ſays, the outlawry was reverſed, the ſecond is, not ſaid. " Suffolcia" after com. meum ;" and this, he ſays, had been a common exception. Three copies have been left with us from the records, and they are “ ad com. meuin Middleſex tent. &c.” agreeable to the judge- ments. I have mentioned: entioned. Winnington aſſigned error of outlawry; and one faid to be allowed was, “ that the court is ſaid to be held in the county of Hereford," and doth not ſay for the " county.” An outlawry was reverſedz. becauſe it ſaid, “ ad com. meum, &c." and not ſaid, “ pro comitatu.” This term ſeveral outlawries were reverſed for want of " pro com, or nec eorum aliquis,” or per judicium coronatorum." One who was outlawed for the murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, now brought a writ of error in his hand to the bar, praying, - that it might be read and allowed:’ the outlawry. was reverſed. Among the errors aſſigned, one was, “ that it did not appear the court was held pro comitatu ;" the other was clearly a fatal objection.. After ftating the caſe, Sir Bartholomew Shower ſays :“ ſhe brings a writ. of error to reverſe the outlawry;" and the error which t'aſſigned ore tenus, was the uſual fault in not ſaying the county-court was held “ pro comitatu ;" the out- lawry was reverſed. This is a very ſtrong authority to thew, that in the 3d of William and Mary it was ſettled “ that the words pro comitatu were. technically neceſſary. A record of an outlawry has been found, agreeable to this form eſtabliſhed as neceſſary; and ſays, “ ad com. meum tent. pro com, Middleſex ,. apud le Cheſhire-Cheeſe, in Gray's Inn Lane, in com. prædict.” “ No caſe, report, or record, has been found ſince the 3d of queen Anne, which can be of any uſe either way, upon the point, or any of the errors aſſigned. ss The authorities I have ſtated, ſtand to this day uncontradicted: they. are many, and have prevailed, above a century: I.think they began againſt. law and reaſon: the former authorities were otherwiſe'; the precedent. in. Dalton is otherwiſe. There is no reaſon for requiring theſe words, there is ſufficient certainty without them. It is impoſſible to doubt upon this re- cord, but that the county-court, at which the defendant was exacted, was the court of, and held for, the county of Middleſex : but this is a criminal 4. cafe. . : i 168 THE LIFE OF 1 caſe highly penal. Outlaws have had the benefit of this exception for a great length of time. Can we refuſe it to the defendant? We cannot ; Though I am clearly of opinion, “ there was not a colour originally to hold theſe words to be neceſſary. The objection to the blunder between the peace “ of the now,” and “ the late king *,” after conviction, has not much more ſolidity in it; yet the Houſe of Lords thought themſelves bound by precedents ; and ſo muft we, had the flaw been diſcovered before judge- ment. I cannot ſay, I cannot ſay, “ that it does not appear upon this record, that the court was of, and held for, the county of Middleſex;" becauſe I am clearly of opinion, “ " that moſt manifeſtly it does.” But I can ſay, that a ſeries of authorities, unimpeached and uncontradicted from the 7th of James the Firſt as to one expreſſion, and from the 18th of Charles the Second as to the other, have ſaid, “ ſuch words are formally neceſſary.” I can ſay, that ſuch authority, though begun without law, reaſon, or common ſenſe, ought to avail the defendant. It would be dangerous to ſay, that any exception al- lowed ſo long ſhould now be over-ruled. The exception certainly would not have prevailed, had it been oppoſed at firſt; but before the 3d of queen Anne, there being no oppoſition after a writ of error was granted, the court confidered the crown as conſenting to the reverſal upon any pretence how Night ſoever : though that is not the caſe now, the neceſity of the form of words muſt not be canvaſſed ; ſince it has been ſo often adjudged neceſſary, the officers of the crown are in fault, for not attending to the form pre- fcribed, and copying the precedent of King verſus Bell. “ There can no miſchief or incertainty ariſe from this determination, be- cauſe it being once known “ what form of words is neceffary,” it is eaſy to follow it: but great ſuſpicion and incertainty muſt follow, from this court's allowing a formal exception one day, and diſallowing it another. “I beg to be underſtood, that I ground my opinion fingly upon the autho- rity of the caſes adjudged, which, as they are on the favorable ſide, in a cri- minal caſe, highly penal, I think ought not to be departed from: and there- fore I am bound to ſay that, for want of theſe technical words, the outlawry ought to be reverſed." * Vide Lookup's cafe. A rule WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 169 . : A rule was accordingly made (in each cauſe) “ that the out- lawry be reverſed." On the ſame 8th of June, 1768, rules were made, for the pro- fecutor to ſhew cauſe (upon Tueſday then next) why the judge- ment ſhould not be arreſted, and why the verdict ſhould not be fet aſide. And alſo a rule for now remanding the defendant to the cuſtody of the marſhal, and for bringing him into court again on Tueſ- day next. Accordingly, on Tueſday the 14th of June, 1968, the two fol- lowing points were argued very ſtrenuouſly and very copiouſly on both ſides ; namely, 4 whether the informations could be ex- hibited by the folicitor-general ; and whether the amendment could be made by a ſingle judge out of court, in the manner be- fore ſpecified." The former was objected to as a ground for ar- reſting the judgement: the latter as a ground for a new tria). Lord Mansfield, as to the motion in arreſt of judgement, ad- hered to the opinion, he had before given, “ that the informa- tions were well exhibited by the ſolicitor-general.” As to the motion for a new trial on account of the amend- ment, he declared his ſatisfaction at the motion's having been made, and the matter ſo fully diſcuſſed and underſtood. ters of praftice, he obſerved, are not to be known from books." What paſſes at a judge's chambers is matter of tradition : it reſts in memory. In caſes of this kind, judges muſt inquire of their officers ; this is done in court every day, when the practice is diſputed or doubted : it is in its nature official. The officers are better acquainted with it than the judges. For his own part, neither his education, nor his walk in life before he came into this court, ever led him into any knowledge of the practice of orders made by judges in the vacation. The making this order for the amendment appeared to him to be right, and to be a matter of courſe. It came to him as a matter of courſe, and re- Z commended 6. Mat- 170 THE LIFE OF .. commended as ſuch from a gentleman of great experience, who (he knew) would have as ſoon have cut off his right hand as have deceived him, by repreſenting this as a thing of courſe when it was not ſo. Accordingly he iſſued a ſummons " to ſhew cauſe why the amendment ſhould not be made.” A fummons always iſſues before a judge makes an order : a ſummons therefore went out of courſe. Upon the attendance, his lordſhip aſked Mr. Hughes (an old and experienced officer), the defendant's clerk in court, “ whether there was any doubt but that this was amend- able." He very rightly, and as was his duty, admitted that it was amendable, and that he could not ſay otherwiſe." His . lordſhip then took down a book, in which were entered ſome caſes where informations were amended by a judge's order juſt before trial ; and, after reading one or two, Mr. Philips, the defendant's attorney, deſired him not to give himſelf any farther trouble. Mr. Philips ſaid indeed, that he could not conſent to it, but he did not object to it nor contradiet it ; nor was it objected to at the trial. The counſel ſaw that there could be no objection made to the order. The principles of toleration were ably and fully diſcuſſed by lord Mansfield, in a caſe reſpecting a Quaker's teſtimony on his affirmation being admiſſible, in an action of debt on ſtatute 2 George II. C. 24. againſt bribery. Lord Mansfield. " When this caſe was argued before, I was deſirous, for many reaſons, that the queſtion ſhould be very fully conſidered, all the caſes looked into, and folemnly argued again. I think it of the utmoſt importance, that all the conſequences of the act of toleration ſhould be purſued with the greateſt liberality, in eaſe of the ſcrupulous conſciences of Diſſenters on the one hand; but ſo as thoſe ſcruples of conſcience ſhould not be prejudicial to the reſt of the king's ſubjects : for, a ſcruple of conſci- ence entitles a party to indulgence and protection, fo far as not to ſuffer for it; but it is of conſequence that the ſubject ſhould not ſuffer too. 66 I have WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 171 I have been furniſhed with a great number of caſes, which have paſſed. in this court, upon motions for attachments and other collateral matters, wherein the affirmations of Quakers have been refuſed. But theſe feem all to have ariſen from the haſty deciſion of a caſe of Hinton verſus Byron, 11 William III. (cited in Rex verſus Bell,) where, on a motion for an attach- ment, the affidavit in ſupport of the application was by a quaker on his af- firmation. Barely upon that, the attachment was objected to, and not a word was ſaid in ſupport of it; but for a good reaſon : the moment the objection was made, the Quaker took the oath, or was ready to have taken it, and ſo the objection was not infifted on. And yet it is remarkable, that the me- mory of theſe caſes has run through all the reft, introduced very great con- fufion, and not one of the authorities ſeems to have been argued or confi- dered upon the act of parliament itſelf: but the preſent is not a caſe of that fort. This is the caſe of evidence offered at a trial in open court. " This ſect ſprang up during the troubles, and was found at the Reſtora- tion, with many other fects of Non-conformniſts equally ſcrupulous. At that time, the law conſidered their ſcruples of conſcience as a crime ; and there- fere they were not allowed to be ſet up as an excuſe or juſtification of another offence. Therefore, when a quaker, who was ſubpænaed to give evidence, abſented himſelf, and an attachment iſſued in conſequence of it, he could not in excuſe fay, that his conſcience prevented him from giving evi- dence; for, that was a crime. So in the caſe of interrogatories : the confe- quence was, he was obliged to anſwer, or be committed to priſon ; and, if his obſtinacy continued, he lay there for life. - The experience of eight and twenty years, from the Reſtoration to the time of the Revolution, ſhewed, that this obſtinacy was not merely a pretence or colour given to right or wrong ; but that it was a ſcruple, and that the fect was ready to go through all kind of ſuffering in the pertinacious adlie- rence to it. “ A more liberal way of thinking prevailed after the Revolution. The principles of toleration were explained and juſtified, in conſequence of the writings of Mr. Locke, lord Somers, and other great men of thoſe times : and a ſtatute paffed, which, though not general, was very extenſive in the relief it afforded to ſcrupulous conſciences. The ſtatute was 1 William and Mary, C. 18, commonly called the toleration alt. - In the tenth ſection of that ſtatute, the legiſlature takes notice, that there was a fect called Quakers, who liad religious principles, in which they differed 22 172 A THE LIFE OF t differed from the eſtabliſhed doctrine of the church of England; and that one of their religious ſcruples was the taking an oath according to the form preſcribed by the law of England to Chriſtians; and therefore the act ena- bles them to give aſſurance of their fidelity and allegiance to the ſtate by, what I may call, another form of oath; becauſe it is appealing to the Deity for the veracity of what they ſhall fay, and invoking his vengeance if they utter what is falſe. This ſtatute was followed about ſix years after by ano- ther ſtatute, 7 and 8 William III. c. 34. which allows a Quaker to affirm in caſes where other perſons are required to take an oath. But, though the le- giſlature had taken notice that they ought not to be puniſhed, ſo far as barely their own opinion and ſcruples went, yet they did not extend the in- dulgence ſo as to let it operate in prejudice to the rights of other perſons. It is much that even at that time they were not permitted to give evidence in this form in all caſes whatſoever. (I will ſtate the reafon of it by and bye.) It has been truly ſaid, that ſince the caſe of Omichund verſus Barker, and another caſe of great authority determined ſince, the nature of an ap- peal to heaven, which ought to be received as a full fanction to evidence, has been more fully underſtood. I therefore argued, and the judges in de- livering their opinions agreed, that; upon the principles of the common law, there is no particular form effential to an oath to be taken by a wit- neſs: but, as the purpoſe of it is to bind his conſcience, every man of every religion ſhould be bound by that form which he himſelf thinks will bind his own conſcience moft. Therefore, though the Chriſtian oath was ſettled in very early times, yet Jews before the 18th of Edward I. when they were expelled the kingdom, were permitted to give evidence at common law ; and were ſworn, not on the Evangeliſts, but on the Old Teſtament. No diſtinction was taken between their ſwearing in a civil or criminal caſe. " Since the caſe of Omichund verſus Barker, a queſtion was referred to all the judges of England, whether a Turk ſhould be permitted to ſwear on the Alcoran in a proſecution for a capital offence at the Old Bailey; and they were all unanimouſly of opinion that he might. “ It is objected, that the Quakers are the only people in the world who ever refuſed to ſwear ; but in ſubſtance their affirmation is the ſame thing, the form only is different; for an affirmation is a moſt folemn appeal and at- teftation to God of the truth. " There is a remarkable caſe reported in 2d Sid. VI. where Dr. Owen, vice-chancellor of Oxford, in the year 1657, being called as a witneſs, re- fuſed: + WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 173 A up no fuſed to kiſs the book, but deſired it might be opened before him, and he lifted up his right hand. The jury prayed the opinion of the court, if they ought to give the ſame credit to him as to a witneſs ſworn in the uſual man- ner; and Glynn, chief juſtice, told them, that, in his opinion, he had taken as ſtrong an oath as any other witneſs; “but,” ſaid he, “if I were to be ſworn, I would kiſs the book.” " There is a ſect in Scotland, who hold it to be idolatry at this day to kiſs the book; but their own form of ſwearing is much more folemn. At Carliſe, in the year 1745, upon a proſecution of ſome of the rebels, there was no evidence but of this ſect, who would not kiſs the book; and a caſe was ſent for advice, whether they ſhould be received as witneſſes. It was the opinion of thoſe who were conſulted here, that the evidence might be received; but it was not an object, and the proſecution went farther. “ With regard to the exception of the teſtimony of Quakers in criminal proſecutions, it was occafioned by a ſtrong prejudice in the minds of the great men who paſſed the ſtatute 7 and 8 William III. C. 34. I have looked into the debates of thoſe days, and find, that every ſtep and clauſe of the act was fought hard in the Houſe of Commons, and carried by ſmall majorities. I know not whether the exception came in by way of amendment, but I think it did. It was firſt a temporary act for feven years only. By ſtat. 13 Will. III. c. 4. it was continued for eleven years; and in the year 1713 there was an application to the Houſe of Commons to make it perpetual; but it was rejected. An application was afterwards made to the Houſe of Lords, who paſſed the bill; and it went down to the Houſe of Commons, but they would not even give it a firſt reading. The whole hiſtory of the act may be ſeen in a very correct work, which never received the author's finiſhing hand; I mean, Doctor Swift's Four laſt Years of Queen Anne; and it is obſervable, that Doctor Swift commends the Houſe of Commons for the oppoſition they gave to the act. “On the acceſſion of the preſent family to the throne, it was made perpe- tual by ſtat. 1 Geo. I. ſt. 2. c. 6. but the exception ſtill remained in criminal caſes or criminal cauſes ; and it is extraordinary, that though many altera- tions were made in it by ſtat. 8 George I. c. 6. yet no variation was made as to this particular, which, in ſome inſtances, bears hard upon the Quakers, and leaves them in a worſe condition than they were when this feet firſt aroſe 174 THE LIFE OF 1 V arofe ; for, before the ſtat. 7 and 8 Will. III. c. 34, if a Quaker were in, dicted for a capital offence he might call Quakers as witneſſes in his defence, and that without oath; for formerly the priſoner's witneſſes were not ſworn; but now by ſtat. I Anne, It. 2, c. 9. fect. 3. all perſons examined in crimi- nal caſes muſt be examined on oath, both for, and againſt the crown; there- fore, if a Quaker be indicted, he cannot have the benefit of a Quaker's tef- timony. It is not poſſible to fay why the exception was made ; but it is made, and muſt be followed. “ The effect, however, is, that it is an exception not to be extended by equity. In remedial caſes, the conſtruction of ſtatutes is extended to other caſes within the reaſon or rule of them ; but where it is a hard poſitive law, and the reaſon is not very plainly to be ſeen, it ought not to be extended by conſtruction. 6. We come then to this queſtion, Is the preſent a criminal cauſe? A Quaker appears, and offers himſelf as a witneſs ; can he give evidence without being ſworn If it is a criminal cafe, he muſt be ſworn, or he cannot give evidence. “ Now there is no diſtinction better known tha re diſtinction between civil and criminal law, or between criminal proſecutions and civil ačtions. " Mr. Juſtice Blackſtore, and all modern and antient writers upon the ſubject diſtinguiſh between them. Penal actions were never yet put under the head of criminal law or crimes. The conſtruction of the ſtatute muſt be extended by equity to make this a criminal cauſe. It is as much a civil action as an action for money had and received. The legiſlature, when they excepted to the evidence of Quakers in criminal cauſes, muſt be underſtood to mean cauſes technically criminal; and a different conſtruction would not only be injurious to Quakers, but prejudicial to the reſt of the king's ſub- jects who may want their teſtimony. The caſe mentioned by Mr. Rooke, of Sir Watkyn Williams Wynne verſus Middleton, is a very full authority, and alone fufficient to warrant the diſtinction between civil and criminal proceedings. In that caſe the queſtion was, whether the ſtatute 7 and 8 William III. c. 7. was penal or remedial ; the court held, “it was not a penal ſtatute ; but, fuppofe it was to be conſidered as a penal ſtatute, yet it was alſo a remedial law, and therefore the objection taken was cured by ſtat. 16 and 17 Car. II. c. 8.” Now the words of exception in that ſtatute, and alſo in ftat. 32 Henry VIII. c. 30. and in ſtatute 18 Eliz. C. 14, penal actions and criminal proceedings;" but lord clief juſtice Willes, 166 are WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 175 : 1 Willes, in delivering the ſolemn juagement of the court, fays, there is ano- ther act, which would decide of itſelf, if conſidered in the light of a new law, or as an interpretation of what was meant by penal actions in the ſtat, 16 and 17 Car. II. c. 8. This is the ſtatute of Feofails, 4 George II. c. 26. for turning all law proceedings into Engliſh; and it has this remarkable con- cluſion, “that every ſtatute of jeofails ſhall extend to all forms and proceedings in Engliſh, except in criminal caſes, and that this clauſe ſhall be conſtrued in the moſt beneficial manner." This is This is very deciſive. - No authority whatever has been mentioned on the other ſide, nor cafe cited, where it has been held that a penal action is a criininal caſe; and per- haps the point was never before doubted. The ſingle authority mentioned againſt receiving the evidence of the Quaker in this caſe is an appeal of murder ; but that is only a different mode of proſecuting an offender to death. Inſtead of proceeding by indictment in the uſual way, it allows the relation to carry on the proſecution for the purpoſe of attaining the fame end which the king's proſecution would have had if the offender had been convicted, viz. execution ; and therefore the writers on the law of England claſs an appeal of murder in the books under the head of Criminal Caſes. “With regard to caſes that have been cited as happening here, it is aſtoniſhing that it ever ſhould have been doubted after the act of toleration, and after the ſtat. 7 and 8 William III. C. 34. when an attachment was inoved for againſt a Quaker, whether or not he ſhould be at liberty to give an an- ſwer on his ſolemn affirmation, without being obliged to take an oath ; but it is true, that it was doubted three times in lord Hardwicke's time, and never reſolved; for the court avoided the queſtion by diſcharging the rule upon ſome other matter. I conſider it, that as to his own anſwers, he is a good witneſs; for, after the act of toleration, it was ſettled in the caſe of Sir Thomas Harriſon, chamberlain of the city of London, verfus Evans, purſuant to the opinion of all the judges, except one, that a diffenter from the church of England is not guilty of a crime, barely by having that religious opinion. “Quakers therefore, ſince that act, are not, in the eye of the law, guilty of a crime, by ſaying, that, ſincerely, they cannot ſwear according to our form of oath. It is a fair excuſe for them, and a reaſon for diſpenſing with the uſual form ; otherwiſe, by reaſon of their ſcruples, they would be im- priſoned for life ; for you cannot take their anſwer upon interrogatories. - Neither . 176 Τ Η Ε LIFE OF “Neither of the acts diſpenſe with a Quaker's giving evidence in a cri- minal caſe; and an attachment will go upon refuſal: but he might now ſay, the toleration acts indemnify me, and take notice of my fcruples. “ It is remarkable, that the ſtatute 7 and 8 William III. c. 34. in the firſt fection, gives Quakers a right to affirın in all caſes whatever where another man may take an oath. This is general, and it is inſerted by way of excep- tion only, that he ſhall not be admitted in a criminal cauſe. It is a pur-, gation of himſelf, not giving evidence when he is to anſwer interroga- tories. " In the caſe of Rex verſus Turner, ón a motion to quaſh an appointment of overſeers, the court ſaid, though the proſecution is in the king's name, the end of it is a civil remedy.; and very properly allowed the Quaker's affir- mation to be read. " It is extraordinary that, upon all the caſes of attachment, not one was argued upon the ground of its being a criminal caſe; and to be ſure the ex- ception might as well hold on an affirmation taken to hold bail, becauſe it deprives a man of his liberty. The very laſt attachment for non-performance of an award was obtained in this court upon a Quaker's affirmation, and not a word ſaid by way of objection to it. That was the caſe of Taylor ver- fus Scott. “We are not under the leaſt embarraſſment in the preſent caſe; for there is not a ſingle authority to prove that, upon a penal action, a Quaker's evi- dence may not be received upon his affirmation ; therefore I am of opinion, that Mr. Juſtice Nares did perfectly right in admitting this Quaker to be a witneſs upon his affirmation ; and, conſequently, that the rule for a new trial ſhould be diſcharged.” ! Another inſtance of lord Mansfield's ſenſe of toleration in mat- ters of religion aroſe on the trial of Mr. James Webb, the 25th of June, 1768, at Weſtminſter, at the ſuit of Payne, a carpenter, and the common informer of that period of time. Lord Mansfield. " Gentlemen of the jury, the material articles of this trial may be reduced to two heads. Firſt, whether or not the defendant is a prieſt ? and, ſecondly, whether or not. he has ſaid maſs ? for, I look upon the inafs as the only material charge in this trial; for that is 6 properly WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 177 properly the only act they allege which is peculiar to the Popiſh clergy. As for thoſe things they have ſworn tlicy ſaw him do, they are nothing but what might be done by any one; at moſt they are no proofs that he is a prieſt. By the ſtatute of Queen Elizabeth 27, C. 2. it is high-treaſon for any man who is proved to be a prieſt, to breathe in this kingdom. ' Another ſtatute was made afterwards more mild, that only impoſed a fine and ſhort impri- fönment; and this ſtatute of king William condemns any prieſt convicted of exerciſing his functions to perpetual impriſonment; but in examining thoſe ſtatutes we hare all agreed, that is, all the twelve judges have agreed, that, before any man can be proceeded againſ, so as to convict him, it is firſt neceſſary that he be proved to be a prieſt;" for, the ſtatute ſays, “ if any one apprehends a Popiſh biſhop, prieſt, or jeſuit, and convict him of ſaying maſs;" ſo that it is not ſufficient to convict a perſon on thoſe ſtatutes for ſay- ing maſs, unleſs he is firſt proved to be a prieſt; therefore the iſſue of the whole does not depend upon the ſaying maſs; wherefore I ſhall leave it to your confideration, whether the evidence given of his ſaying maſs be a ſuf- ficient argument to prove him to be a prieſt? You will be pleaſed to ob- ferve, that there is but one evidence to prove it. Payne is the only man wlio has ſworn that he ſaid maſs; and this Payne is a very illiterate man; knows nothing of Latin, the language in which maſs is ſaid; and moreover, he is an evidence in his own caufe ; becauſe, if Payne convicts him, he is entitled to a hundred pounds reward. No one ought to be an evidence in his own cauſe, though this is ſometimes allowed of, as in caſes of highway- men and the like : however, it is a confideration that I need not take notice of, as he is the only evidence ; for, ſeveral others were called, and not one of them would venture to ſwear that they ſaw James Webb fay maſs. One ſwore he ſaw him ſprinkle with holy-water; another, that he ſaid ſome prayers to the Virgin Mary in Engliſh; another, that he heard him preach; and being aſked what he preached about ? he ſaid, he taught the people, that good works were neceſſary for ſalvation ; and he looked upon that not to be the doctrine of the Proteſtant religion. Gentlemen, I will leave that to your conſideration. In ſhort, none of thoſe evidences are any thing to the caſe in queſtion. As for preaching, laymen often perform that; at leaſt a deacon may do it in the Church of Rome. A deacon may even adminiſter the facraments, and perform a great many of their ſervices; and we do not know, but that he may elevate the hoſt : at leaſt, I do not know but he may; and Аа 178 THE LIFE OF ! 1 and I am perſuaded you know nothing about it. Now, if a deacon may perform all thoſe things Payne ſaw the defendant do; they are no proofs that he is a prieſt; therefore, I propoſe to give it up to the jury in this light; and ſhall conſider the ſaying maſs as, a material cliarge, which I ſhall leave to their conſideration, whether the evidence of his ſaying maſs- ſufficiently proves him, firſt of all, to be a prieſt ? and, ſecondly, whether it proves that he has faid maſs? You will be pleaſed to obſerve, that the charge before you is quite different from that which lately happened in Surrey ; tliere the defendant confeſſed himſelf to be a prieſt.. Sir Fletcher Norton. *My lord, we liad his own hand-writing, which ſaid, I am a prieſt of ſuch an order.” Lord Mansfield. 66. I did not know that: I'thoughit lie had only acknow- ledged it. That was ſtill ſtronger againſt him; but, gentlemen, you will be pleaſed to obſerve, that nothing of this appears againſt Mr. Webb. He : has neither owned it, nor has any thing been produced to prove it, as there are no proofs of his ordination, which muſt be before lie can be proved to: be a prieſt: therefore, if it ſhould be proved that he has ſaid maſs, this will not convict him of being a prieſt, as appears evidently from the example his counſel has brought of a perſon who had no ordination at all, and yet. faid maſs; but, as that perſon was not a prieſt, and therefore could not be condemned by thoſe ſtatutes; ſo neither can the defendant, before there are ſufficient proofs of his ordination. “ This Payne, having got a hundred pounds ſince the conviction of that man in Surrey, and being now in hopes of more money,., ſwears poſitively. that the defendant ſaid maſs ;. and you ſee what pains he has taken, running: here and there, ſometimes to the ambaſſadors to ſee how they performed there, and then ſtealing in privately where he thought he might lay an in- formation to get another hundred pounds.. Though according to the penal ftatutes of queen Elizabeth, which are ſtill in force, it is high-treaſon for a: prieſt to come into England; but the informer. is entitled to no reward. There are three ſtatutes againft prieſts. The firſt is that of queen Elizabeth 272 C. 2. which makes it high-treaſon for them to come into England; but Payne has not indicted him upon that ſtatute, becauſe, if he had been convicted, tie would have had no reward.. There was another, made. afterwards, enact- îng, that, if a prieſt was convicted of ſaying maſs, he was to forfeit two hundred marks, and ſuffer. one year's impriſonment; but neither does Payne go upon 4 this . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 179 this ſtatute, for here there is no reward for the informer. The third was made in king William's reign, 11 and 12, c. 4. ſoon after the Revolution, This is the ſtatute Payne aims at, becauſe here is one hundred pounds the county is to pay him, if he can convict the defendant. “In the beginning of the Proteſtant religion, in order to eſtabliſh it, they thought it in ſome manner neceſſary to enact theſe penal laws; for then the pope had great power, and they thought they could not take too effectual means to prevent him exerciſing any part of it in theſe dominions; and the Jeſuits were then a very formidable body; and, apprehending great danger from them, knowing their cloſe connections with the pope, the penal laws were chiefly deſigned againſt them. But now the caſe is quite altered. The pope has very little power, which ſeems to grow leſs and leſs daily. As for the Jeſuits, they are now baniſhed out of moſt kingdoms in Europe, ſo that there is now nothing to fear from either of theſe quarters, and conſequently no neceſſity of enforcing theſe laws; neither was it ever the deſign of the legiſlators to have theſe laws enforced by every common informer; but only at proper times and ſeaſons, when they ſaw a neceſſity for it, and by proper perſons appointed by themſelves for that purpoſe ; and yet, more properly ſpeaking, they were never deſigned to be enforced at all, but were only made in terrorem. Now, when you have conſidered all theſe things, and reflected that there is only one evidence, only Payne, and that all he has ſworn to is only ſaying maſs; I ſhall leave it to your conſideration, whether the evidence given by this one only wirneſs be ſufficient to convict James Webb, firſt, of his being a prieſt, and, ſecondly, of his exerciſing prieſtly functions; that is, whether or not he has ſaid maſs ? for, I look upon that as the only material thing he is charged with, and the only thing that comes under your confideration ; but take notice, if you bring him in guilty, the puniſhment is very ſevere, a dreadful puniſhment indeed! nothing leſs than a perpetual impriſonment ! ſo that, if you have the leaſt doubt, you ought by no means to bring him in guilty. Nothing but the cleareſt evidence ought to condemn a man to ſuch a grievous puniſhment. Be pleaſed therefore to conſult together, and when you have agreed bring in the verdict.” i Acquitted. Аа 2 In 180 THE LIFE OF - In Eaſter Term, 1768*, the court of King's Bench had occa- fion to conſider the nature of a bond which operated in damages. in caſe the defendant married any other perſon than the plain. tiff; and the diſcuſſion thereof by the chief juſtice cannot fait to be intereſting to the curious reader, ſince it allows the compe- tency of the parties to meaſure the quantum of damages, al- though it diſcountenances bonds and agreements which operate in reſtraint of marriage. " Lord Mansfield ſtated the deed particularly, and the declaration upon it.. The words are: “ I do hereby promiſe Mrs. Catharine Lowe that I will not marry with any perſon beſides herſelf ; if I do, I agree to pay the ſaid Caiba. rine Lowe one thouſand pounds within three months, &c.” The defendant . was fingle at the time; and ſo was the plaintiff. " The ſecond count avers that the plaintiff was ready to marry him; and that, after the making the deed, he did marry another woman, namely, one Elizabeth Gardiner: yet he the defendant did not, when requeſted by the plaintiff, pay the thouſand pounds which he had agreed to pay; and fo (though often requeſted) hath not kept the covenant made between them as aforeſaid fo that the breach is aſſigned in the not paying the thouſand pounds: “. To this declaration, s non eft fa&tum” was pleaded by the defendant: but the jury found' “ that it was his deed, and have given one thouſand pounds damages; and by law, and in juſtice, he ought to pay the thouſand pounds. Money is the meaſure of value; therefore what elſe could the jury- find but this thouſand pounds (unleſs they had alſo given intereſt after the three months)? “6. This is not an action brought againſt him for not marrying her, or for his marrying any one else : the non-payment of the one thouſand pounds is the ground of this action-" that he did not, when requeſted, pay the one thouſand pounds." “ This money was payable upon a contingency; and the contingency has . happened: therefore it ought to be paid. 1 4 Burr. 2228. Catharine Lowe againſt Newſham Peers. « There WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 181 He may i “ There is a difference between covenants in general, and covenants ſe- cured by a penalty or forfeiture. In the latter caſe the obligee has his election. either bring an action of debt for the penalty, and recover the pe- nalty (after which recovery of the penalty he cannot reſort to the cove- nant, becauſe the penalty is to be a ſatisfaction for the whole); or, if he does not chooſe to go for the penalty, he may. proceed upon the covenant, and recover more or leſs than the penalty, toties quoties.. “ And upon this diſtinction they proceed in Courts of Equity. They will relieve againſt a penaliy upon a compenſation : but, where the covenant is “ to pay a particular liquidated ſum,” a Court of Equity can not make a new co- venant for a man ; nor is there any room for compenſation or relief: as in leaſes containing a covenant againſt ploughing up meadow; if the covenant be " not to plough," and there be a penalty, a Court of Equity will relieve againſt the penalty, or will even go farther than that (to preſerve the ſubſtance of the agreement): but, if it is worded “ to pay five pounds an acre for every acre ploughed up,” there is no alternative, no room for any relief againſt it, no com- penſation ; it is the ſubſtance of the agreement. Here the ſpecified ſum of one thouſand pounds is found in damages; it is the particular liquidated ſum fixed and agreed upon between the parties, and is therefore, the proper quantum of the damages. - The fame reaſon anſwers to the motion for a new trial in the preſent caſe: *** As to the caſe mentioned by Mr. Mansfield, from 2 Ro. Abr. 703 *; it is impoſſible to ſupport it; for, it cannot be that a man ſhould be obliged to take leſs than the liquidated fum ; and the writ of error in that caſe was plainly brought by the defendant yfi : beſides, the damages could never be taken advantage of upon a writ of error. How could the quantum. of damages, found by the jury, be the ſubje&t of a writ of error? 66 "Tis therefore clear, that where the preciſe fum is not the eſſence of the agreement, the quantum of the damages may be aſſeſſed by the jury: but, where the preciſe fum is fixed and agreed upon between the parties, that very ſum is the aſcertained damage, and the jury are confined to it, . * Sir Baptiſt Hickes verſus Goates. yhuo It was ſo, vide S. C. very clearly reported, in Cro. Jac.-390. Sir Bap- tiſt. Hickes verfus Goates.. 56 This I 82 THE LIFE OF } : - This brings the matter to the validity of the deed. “ Whatever grounds exiſted at that time, that could avail the defendant to avoid the deed, ſhould have come on his part, by a proper plea, if it would in reality have been a good defence for him: and therefore, if any ſuch ground had exiſted in this caſe, as did exiſt in Shepley's caſe *, or any other ground not appearing upon the face of the deed, it ought to have been avoided by a proper plea. Here we are upon the face of the deed: the plea is “ non eft factum." " It is objected, that this is an engagement in reſtraint of marriage. - It is anſwered, that this conſtruction is directly contrary to the words and intention of the deed, which amounts to a mutual agreement between theſe two perſons "10 marry each other ;” and that the plaintiff's acceptance of the deed proves that; and that what the jury have found is a ſufficient reaſon to have it ſuppoſed that there was ſuch mutual agreement " to marry each other.” That, however, this is, at the utmoſt, only a contract that he would not marry any other woman ; and that, if he ſhould marry any other woman, he would pay the plaintiff one thouſand pounds within three months 66 after he ſhould ſo marry any other woman;" but is very far from reſtrains ing his marrying at all. 6* This is a point of very conſiderable importance. All theſe contracts ought to be looked upon (as lord Hardwicke ſaid in the caſe of Woodhouſe verfus Shepley) with a jealous eye ; even ſuppoſing them clear of any direct fraud. In that caſe, lord Hardwicke did not proceed on any circumſtances of particular actual fraud; but on public and general conſiderations; and therefore he gave no coſts. 6. Theſe engagernents are liable to many miſchiefs, to many dangerous conſequences. so When perſons of different ſexes, attached to each other, and thus con- tracting to marry each other, do not marry immediately, there is always ſome reaſon or other againſt it, as diſapprobation of friends and relations, inequality of circumſtances or the like. Both ſides ought to continue free: otherwiſe ſuch contracts may be greatly abuſed; as by putting women's vir- tue in danger by too much confidence in men; or by young men living with 2. Atkyns, 535. Woodhouſe verſus Shepley, et è contra. women WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 183 i women without being married : therefore theſe contracts are not to be ex- tended by implication. “ But here is not the leaſt ground to ſay “ that this man has engaged to marry this woman.” Much leſs does any thing appear of her engaging ta marry him. 66 - There is a great difference between promiſing to marry. a particular per- fon, and promiſing not to marry any one elſe. There is no colour for either of theſe conſtructions that have been offered by the plaintiff's counſel. “ This is only a reſtraint upon him againſt marrying any one elſe beſides the plaintiff; not a reciprocal engagement to marry. each other," or any thing like it. 66 This.penalty is ſet up againſt the defendant, after ten years have paſſed without any intercourſe between the plaintiff and him. 66 Another reaſon why we ſhould not ſtrain in favor of this contract is, becauſe, if there was really any mutual contract under fair and equal circum- ftances, the plaintiff will ſtill be at liberty to bring her ačtion: for, a. void bond can never ſtand in her way. 66 Therefore I think that what paſſed' at the the trial was perfectly right; that the meaſure of damages was the thouſand pounds, and that this was ſuch a contract as ought not to be carried into execution. - The caſe of Baker and White * was not near ſo ſtrong as the preſent: caſe : that was in reſtraint of Elizabeth Baker's marrying again. There is a difference between a reſtraint of a firſt marriage, and a reſtraint of a ſecond marriage: the plaintiff there was a widow when ſhe gave the bond; and the tranſaction was, in effect, a mere wager, and nothing at all unfair in it: and yet, in that caſe, the bond was decreed to be delivered up to be cancelled.” To relieve the reader's attentiona little from the conſidera- tion of legal determinations, the interpoſition of, or reſort to, a few welt-authenticated incidents in life may not be diſpleaſing or unprofitable to the juriſprudent in his reſearches in common life, or in cultivating a proper knowledge of mankind. * 2. Vern. 215, Baker. Et Ux. verſus White et alios, . Lord 154 THE LIFE OF 1 Lord Mansfield was in the habits of intimacy with bifhop TRE- VOR, who being much indiſpoſed, lord Mansfield called to ſee frim; and while he was in the room with the biſhop's ſecretary for a minute, the late Dr. Addington, his phyſician, was brought in a chair by two able-bodied chairmen, who were proceeding to carry him up ſtairs, pale and wan, and much debilitated, to his patient. The bishop's ſecretary, fearing that his lord would be low-fpirited at ſuch a ſcene, begged of lord Mansfield to interpoſe and go up firſt. The quickneſs of the reply could not fail to be treaſured up; it was, “ By no means ; let him go ; you know nothing of human nature; the biſhop will be put in good fpirits on feeing any one in a worſe condition than himſelf.” Lord Mansfield was prophetic ; and, on Dr. Addington's taking leave, the chairinen had no ſooner quitted the room with the fick-fare than the biſhop humourouſly faid, “ I fear the crows will ſoon have my excellent phyſician :" but in this he was miſta- ken. Biſhop Trevor died in a few weeks. Dr. Addington lived many years after he had been conſigned to the crows by his princely patient the biſhop of Durham. Another inſtance of his knowledge of mankind occurred when the public opinion was much agitated, and every one formed his own, as to the propriety of proſecuting Mr. Wilkes. In conver- ſation with ſome friends, lord Mansfield ſaid, “I am decidedly againſt the proſecution. His conſequence will die away if you will let him alone ; but, by public notice of him, you will in- creaſe his conſequence; the very thing he covets, and has in full view." 1 The ſecurity and good government of the iſland of Jamaica depending in a great degree on the due exerciſe of martial law, or from other motives of ſound policy, the fact is incontro- vertible, that in a military officer are often united the high officers of governor-general and chancellor.. A general WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 185 A General Officer, who was very diffident of his ability to de- cide properly, by intuition, as it were, in a Court of Equity, ap- plied to lord Mansfield for advice, who anſwered: “ General, you have a ſound head, and a good heart; take courage, and you will do very well, in your new occupation, in a Court of Equity. My advice is, to make your decrees as your head and your heart dictate, to hear both ſides patiently, to decide with firmneſs in the beſt manner you can; but be careful not to aſign your reaſons, ſince your determinations may be ſubſtantially right, although your reaſons may be very bad, or eſſentially wrong.” If common fame may be credited on this occaſion, it is ſaid, that, as ſoon as the learned counſel had finiſhed their arguments, the chancellor (in his military capacity) ordered the drums to beat a few minutes, the muſic of which drove, as he was pleaſed to ſay, a great deal of the law-arguments out of his head, and enabled him the better, in the capacity of chancellor, to decide with firmneſs, and form his own decree. Be that as it may, the probability of the fact, as well as of the effect of a noiſe, ſeems to acquire additional ſtrength by a modern anecdote. A very dignified legal character in this country, diſtinguiſhed not only for ſterling ſenſe, but alſo for effuſions of wit and plea- fantry, when a famous caſe of appeal was determined in dom. procerum againſt his decree, in ſtepping into his coach, ordered his coachmen to drive faſt over the ſtones ; adding aſide to his officers, “ the noiſe will drive all diſagreeable ideas out of my head. The plan ſucceeded very well till an old woman, at the croſſing into St. Martin's Lane, occaſioned the coachman hu- manely to ſtop. The lord keeper, wondering at the cauſe, or- dered his purſe-bearer to aſk the coachman why he drew up, who replied, " I know my maſter would not have me kill the poor old woman. She is almoſt under the horſes feet." The lord keeper, finding ſhe was not any longer in danger, wittily re- Въ plied, . 186 THE LIFE OF 19 plied, Suppoſe he had killed her-take her to the Houſe of Lords, and they will undo all we had done.” Again, lord Mansfield is ſaid to have given wholeſome and pithy advice to a friend who was prevailed on to act in the commiſſion of the peace : Keep your reaſons within your own breaſt; be not too haſty in common cafes. of granting warrants, before you have tried the effect of a ſummons ; and, above all, be careful that good intentions are the governing principle, ſince we generally judge of the intentions of a magiſtrate." The late Mr. Madan, who, about the year 1756, changed his bar-gown for a clerical one, having written a pamphlet, wherein he'arraigned the miſtaken lenity of the judges in too frequently reprieving capital offenders, was preſent, either as a magiſtrate or one of the grand jury, at the aſſizes held at Eaſt Grinſtead in Suſſex, fome years ago, which proved to be a maiden one. On the ſheriff expreſſing his happineſs in preſenting the white gloves to his lordſhip, as the emblem of purity, the chief juſtice pleaſantly obſerved, “ Mr. Madan too will have a ſingular plea- ſure on this occaſion, becauſe there is no condemned priſoner to be reprieved." Many other apophthegms ſtand upon record ; but the plea- fantry of converſation loſes conſiderably by being narrated or detailed ; and poſſibly eaſe and pleaſantry of this nature may not be deemed to be within the line of duty of a biographer, whoſe province is, to relate what he has heard and ſeen with accuracy and fidelity, and to introduce effuſions of wit, for the very uſeful purpoſe intended by nature, that of recommending and adorning truth. In a great commercial country, every ſpeech and determi- nation of lord Mansfield's, tending to diſcriminate between legal and illegal acts done by perſons ſubject to the bankrupt-laws, when they were on the eve, as it were, of actual bankruptcy, muſt be intereſting to all who have any concern in, or con- nection with, the extenſive affairs of commerce, or the numerous compli- 1 WILLIAM 1:87 VILL EARL OF MANSFIELD. N complicated links which form a chain of ſtrong and ufeful argris ments in favor of bona fide creditors on the corre hand, and the promotion of ſubſtantial juſtice on the other*. Lord Mansfield. - This is an action of Trover, brought by the afſignees «s of Laroche and Willing, for a note of fix hundred pounds; and there is a verdict for the plaintiff upon the following caſe. The bankrupts, upon the 7th of November, 1766, indorſed the note in queſtion, which is in the following words : “ London, Ioth of October, 1766, fix hundred pound. Two months after date we promiſe to pay to Meffieurs Laroche and Willing, or order, fix hundred pounds, value re- ceived ;” and is figned by Bryer and Everard. The note is indorſed by the bankrupts to the defendant, to whom they were indebted 10 a larger amount ; and was ſent to him in a letter directed to Trowbridge, which was carried to the poft that morning, and was received on the roth, and could not be re- ceived before. “ The bankrupts have given Bryer and Everard two notes for three hun- dred pounds each, which had not been diſcharged. *" Laroche and Willing committed feveral acts of bankrupt on the 8th. *** The note was ſo indorfed, and ſent to the defendant by the bankrupts, in contemplation of their inſolvency and bankruptcy. Upon this caſe the queſtion is, “ if the plaintiff ought to recover." “ And it is material to obſerve a great deal that is not ſtated in it. Firſt, there never was any courſe of dealing between the bankrupts and the defendant, by way of indorfing or ſending notes to each other. The next thing is, that the letter, in which the note was ſent, is ſuppreſſed by the defendant. It is not found.“ that the note was indorſed in payment of any debt :" it is only ſaid, “ he was a creditor to a larger amount.” It is not ſaid, whether it was to be received at the riſque of Temple, or only as agent of the bankrupts : but the letter, which was in the power of the defendant, was not produced ; and fo the caſe ſtands without any appropriation of the note. The caſe is fi- lent in theſe particulars, and very materially fo. * Anderſon and others, aſſignees, againſt Temple, 4 Burr. 2238, Tri- nity Term, 1768. B b 2 66 It 188 THE LIFE OF ! “ It is found, " that Bryer and Everard were creditors of the bankrupts, to juſt the ſame amount, for two other notes they had taken in exchange;" and " that thoſe two notes were not diſcharged.” " The only queſtion I make is, “whether, under the circumſtances of this caſe, the indorfing and ſending this note to the defendant is fraudulent, and void as ſuch." “And I chooſe to put the caſe upon that ground, becauſe the moſt de- fireable object in all judicial determinations, eſpecially in mercantile ones, (which ought to be determined upon natural juſtice, and not upon the niceties of law,) is, to do ſubſtantial juſtice: and therefore I will avoid laying the ſtreſs that might properly be laid upon the aſſent being neceſſary to com- plete the contract, or the want of a delivery; the folid ground of which is, that a contract ſhall be preſumed complete upon any diſtinction where the juſtice of the caſe requires it, though there is no actual delivery, And it is ſettled, “ that if a man ſends bills of exchange, or conſigns' a cargo; and the perſon to whom he fends them has puid the value before ; though he did not know of the ſending them at that time, the fending of them to the car- rier will be ſufficient to prevent the aſignees from taking theſe goods back, in caſe of an intervening act of bankruptcy: but if goods or bills of exchange are ſent, and the conſideration has not been received, the court of Chancery always interpoſes; and there are numbers of adjudged caſes of that kind, in Chancery. In the caſe in Strange *, there is no doubt but the honeſty of the caſe inclined the court to the judgement they gave: the reaſon given turns upon a ſubtilty. The court of Chancery, in that caſe, would have inter- poſed, and ſaid, '“ the aſſignees ſhould not have the goods without paying the price.” I think the deterinination was right; and there was an actual delivery to a perſon who became a truſtee: but a poſt-boy is not a truſtee. I think the caſe was well ſupported upon other grounds than thoſe mentioned in the book. “I ground my opinion upon this, “ whether the indorſement be frau- dulent." And as to that, it is certain that the ſtatutes of bankruptcy leave a trader, to the moment of an act of bankruptcy committed, every power an owner can have over his eſtate. The ſtatute ſays , fraudulent conveyances * Atkins verfus Barwick, v. I. Sir J. Strange, 165. of Vide Jac. I. c. 15. § 2. ſhall WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 189 : Thall be an act of Bankruptcy;" other acts that are fraudulent are not made acts of bankruptcy: but they are attended with the conſequences of fraud, at law; which is, “ that fraud renders every aEt void.” “ All acts to defraud creditors or the public laws of the land are void: and if the nature of the act be a conveyance or grant, 'tis not only void, but an act of bankruptcy. " It has been determined “ that a conveyance by a trader, of all his ef- fects, for the payınent of one or more bona fide creditors of the moſt me. ritorious kind, though his effects do not amount to half what is due, is void; becauſe it is not an act in the ordinary courſe of buſineſs; it is not ſuch an act as a man could do, but it muſt be followed by an immediate act of bank- ruptcy, and it is defeating the equality that is introduced by the ſtatutes of bankruptcy, and the criminal (for the bankrupt is conſidered as a cri- minal) is taking upon himſelf to prefer whom he pleaſes.” But fuppoſe he leaves out a conſiderable part of his effects: if it appears to be only colourable, that don't vary the caſe; it is fraudulent. Suppoſe a trader makes a con. veyance of all his eſtate for the payment of all his creditors except one, (which was the caſe of Gayner * cited in Dematto's caſe), it is void. Sup- poſe it was, “ to pay all his creditors rateably:" if there were no aſſent of his creditors, or compoſition, it would be void : for, it would be reſcinding the whole fyſtem of the bankrupt laws, and, inſtead of applying to the great ſeal, he would chooſe his own truſtees. If this is a fraudulent act, it is void." " A general queſtion has been ſtarted, “ whether in any caſe, upon the eve of a bankruptcy, a man may do that which in conſequence prefers a particular creditor:” and that has been argued as a general queſtion.” “ But that will depend upon the act, as, if a bankrupt, in courſe of pay- ment, pays a creditor ; this is a fair advantage in the courſe of trade : or, if a creditor threatens legal diligence, and there is no colluſion, or begins to fue a debtor ; and he makes an aſſignment of part of his goods; it is a fair tranſaction, and what a man might do without having any bankruptcy in view. Suppoſe ſuch a caſe as Small and Oudley of ; there it was for the ad- vantage of the creditors, and no fraud to them; and, if part of the tranſ- * Vide 4 Burr. p. 477 . mi Vide 4 Burr. p. 480. action 190 THE LIFE OF action were ſet aſide as fraudulent, the whole mult; but it never entered into the mind of any judge to ſay, “ that a man in contemplation of an act of bankruptcy could fit down and diſpoſe of all his effects to the wife of different creditors ;" for that would be a fraud upon the acts of bankruptcy; but, if done in a courſe of trade, and not fraudulent, it may be ſupported. 6. This was not done in a courſe of trade; for there never was any dealing between the parties in fending indorſed notes. "There was no application made by the defendant; and it was done with a view to poſitive iniquity; for., the bankrupts had received this note from Bryer and Everard for notes of the ſame value ; and, knowing they ſhould become bankrupts the next day, to defeat Bryer and Everard of ſetting off their notes againſt it, indarfe thuis note to another perſon. And there was no way of doing juſtice to Bryer.and Everard but by ſupporting the claim now made by the aſſignees ; ſo that there was expreſs particular fraud at the time the fact was done. Next, it is an act that is moſt certainly not complete as between the parties. The argu- ment in the caſe of Scott * is very applicable to the preſent ; for, there was a preference given to a bona fide creditor ; but he knew nothing of it. Sup- poſe, in the courſe of trade, a bill is ſent to Conftantinople, and a bankruptcy happens in England before it arrives, yet it may be good ; but here it is done, becauſe they were reſolved to commit an act of bankruptcy." The three other judges agreed, " that an affent is neceſſary to complete every contract; that in the preſent caſe the defendant had his election till the 10th of November ; that the act of bankruptcy being committed on the 8th, the contract was incomplete; and that, upon the whole circumſtances taken to- gether, the tranſaction was fraudulent and void.” 1769. Few queſtions have been more frequently agitated, or more elaborately argued with all the acumen and ingenuity of the bar, than the queſtion which aroſe in the caſe of Perrin and Blake, determined in Michaelmas term 1769, in the court of King's Bench, viz. whether the deviſee in a will of Mr. Williams, the ---- * Vid. 4 Burr. p. 2174. owner WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. . I'ST ! owner of a plantation in Jamaica, took an eſtate for life, or an eſtate-tail, under the following deviſe. William Williams, by his will, after giving portions to his three daughters, diſpoſes of his temporal eſtate in manner following: “ It is my intent and meaning, that none of my children ſhould ſell or diſpoſe of my eſtate for longer term than his life ; and to that intent I give, de- viſe, and bequeath, all the reſt and reſidue of my eſtate to my ſon John Wil- liams, and any fon my wife may be enſeinte of at my death, for and during the term of their natural lives, the remainder to my brother-in-law Iſaac Gale and his heirs, for and during the natural lives of my ſaid ſon John Williams and the ſaid infant; the remainder to the heirs of the bodies of my fäid ſon John Williams and the ſaid infant, lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, the remainder to my daughters for and during the term of their natural lives, equally to be divided between them; the remainder to my ſaid brother-in-law, Ifaac Gale; during the natural lives of my faid daugh- ters reſpectively, the remainder to the heirs of the bodies of my faid daugh- ters, equally to be divided between them : and I do declare it to be my will and pleaſure, that the ſhare or part of any of my faid daughters that ſhall happen to die fhall immediately veſt in the heirs of her body in manner aforeſaid." The deviſe firſt aſſumed a queſtionable ſhape in this country upon an appeal, in nature of a writ of error, to the king in coun- cil from a judgement of one of the courts in Jamaica. Mr. Juſtice Blackſtone, in his firſt volume of Reports, 672. ſtates the queſtion in Perrin and Blake as coming on upon a ſpecial verdiet, whereas it came before the court of King's Bench, on a demurrer to a replication. The ſhort hiſtory of the proceedings in that caſe is this, accord- ing to Mr. Douglas's accurate account of it in his Reports, 329. “An ejectment was brought in Jamaica, where the eſtate lay, and a fpe- cial verdict found, which came over for the opinion of the privy council upon an appeal in the nature of a writ of error. Lord Mansfield, the only law-lord who then attended the council, knowing the ſeveral opinions which had 192 THE LIFE OF had been taken, and conſidering the queſtion as a point of general tendency, which might affect titles to real property in England, was unwilling that judgement ſhould be given in the Cockpit merely on his opinion; and there- fore propoſed, with the conſent and concurrence of the counſel on both fides, that the appeal ſhould be adjourned, and in the mean time a ſolemn opinion taken in Weſtminſter Hall. At firſt it was agreed to ſtate a caſe for the opinion of the court of King's Bench, which might have been adjourned on account of difficulty into the Exchequer Chamber ; but a caſe from the king in his judicial.capacity being new, it was afterwards thought better that the point ſhould be brought before the court upon the pleadings in a feigned action of treſpaſs. Walker, ferjeant, ſettled the record for that purpoſe, on which, to a declaration in treſpaſs (laid in Middleſex under a videlicet) the defendant pleaded the will. The plaintiff replied the recovery, on the ground that the ſon took an eſtate-tail ; and to this replication the defendant de- murred." . In Eaſter and Trinity terms, gth of his preſent Majeſty, the caſe was fully argued and re-argued, inſomuch as to induce the lord chief juſtice to obſerve, that no diligence, no ingenuity, could make any addition to the arguments. In Michaelmas term in the ſame year, the court of King's Bench gave their judgement, that the deviſee took, according to the intention of the teſtator, only an eſtate for life ; in which opinion the Chief, together with Mr. Juſtice Aſton and Mr. Juf- tice Willes, concurred; but Mr. Juſtice Yates was of a contrary opinion, and thought he took an eſtate-tail. The ingenious and elaborate diſplay of law-learning by the moſt eminent counſel employed in the cauſe, and the diſcrimina- tions made by the judges in their ſeparate opinions, as well as the forcible reaſons which occurred to each of them, are too extenſive for a work of this nature. They contain no leſs than forty pages in a modern collection, entitled, Colleftanea Juridica, conſiſting of Tracts relative to the Law and Conſtitution of England; to which the juriſprudent is reſpectfully referred, ſince he alone is moſt likely to receive pleaſure from, and to profit by, the reference. It I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 193 In a caſe of ſo much doubt and difficulty as the preſent caſe, the greateſt impartiality on the part of a biographer ſeems to be eſſentially neceſſary; and, as a lover of truth, he humbly con- ceives, that it would be an act of injuſtice to the memory of lord Mansfield to omit ſtating any material fact, or leading feature; and particularly that, after the firſt argument, his lordſhip was not only very deſirous of the caſe being argued again, but alſo that, after it had been folemnly determined by the court of King's Bench, it ſhould be finally determined by the higheſt authority. Accordingly, after the firſt argument, the lord chief juſtice ob- ſerved, " It is very fit that this inatter ſhould be argued again, and all the caſes reconſidered. There is a long ſtring of them in the books; but there is a great diverſity of opinions. It ſhould be conſidered, that the different tem- per of the times may have occafioned conſiderable difference; and the want of due attention to this has occafioned the courts to run into many abſurd diſtinctions, which had now better be forgotten. The chancellors have in their decrees made many diſtinctions, particularly between the truſt and le- gal eſtate; and indeed even in the truſts, between truſts executory and exe- cuted : neither of theſe diſtinctions are founded in ſenſe. As to the firſt, courts of equity are bounden by a general rule of law, as much as a court of common law. As to the ſecond, all truſts are executory. It is abſolutely neceſſary to the very exiſtence of a truſt, that it be executory, becauſe a truſt executed is within the Statute of Uſes. This lord Hardwicke particu- larly remarks in the caſe of Bagſhaw and Spencer : but upon the queſtions that have ariſen in common law there have been many ſubtilties. In King and Melling, lord Hale mentions a caſe wherein a perſon gives an eſtate to another for life, & non aliter ; and upon this ground it was ruled an eſtate for life. So there is Backhouſe and Wells, and many others. Theſe refine- ments ſhould be all abſorbed by enquiring, on the preſent occaſion, whether the teſtator's intention is the ſovereign guide; or whether the legal ſenſe of cer- tain technical expreſſions is to controul that intention, when it appears that he has unwarily and ignorantly uſed them ? That queſtion reſolved, will finally Сс decide 194 THE LIFE O decide this matter; and I am therefore very defirous of having it argued and deterinined by us, and after us by the higheſt authority." The caſe ſtood over for judgement from May 2, 1769, to Feb. 8th, 1770. Hil. 10. Geo. III; when the judges delivered their opi- nions feriatim. The ſpeech of lord chief juſtice Mansfield. “ The ſubject is exhauſted; and therefore I ſhall content myſelf with giving my judgement without giving my reaſons, except it be juſt to remark. upon a few general propoſitions, in which I entirely concur with my bro- thers Aſton and Willes, whoſe arguments I read over before I came here. “ I have ſerved many apprenticeſhips to this caſe. I argued Coulſon and Coulſon. It was upon my argument that Mr. Verney made the caſe. I ar- gued Bagſhaw and Spencer in every ſtage of it. I gave three opinions upon this very will; and I have determined Robinfon and Robinſon, and Long and Laming ; and I think now at this inſtant juſt as I did above thirty years ago. I always thought, and herein I agree with my brothers, that, as the - law had allowed a free cominunication of intention to the teftator, it would be a ftrange law to ſay, “Now you have communicated that intention ſo as every body underſtands what you mean ; yet, becauſe you have uſed a certain ex- preſſion of art, we will croſs your intention, and give your will a different conſtruction; though what you mean to have done is perfectly legal, and the only reaſon for contravening you is, becauſe you have not expreſſed yourſelf as a lawyer.” My examination of this queſtion always has, and, I believe, ever will convince me, that the legal intention, when clearly ex- plained, is to controul the legal ſenſe of a term of art unwarily uſed by the teftator. " It is true, in Shelley's caſe, the rule is faid down as ftated to-day; but that rule can never affect this queſtion. The real ſenſe and meaning of that rule was this : “ if the teſtator gave an eſtate for life only to A. remainder to the heirs of A's body.” If the court had faid A. is only tenant for life, there would have been a contingent remainder to his iſſue, and then the iſſue would have been liable to be barred by any forfeiture of the tenant for life ; and if he made an eſtate pur auter vie, the remainder was gone: fo that the beſt way of complying with the intention was to give him an eſtate tail, by WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD: 195 + by which means the iſſue were protected by the ſtatute de donis ; and if you gave an eſtate only for life, as it could have no uſe in the world but to cheat the lord of the feudal ſervices, the law very prudently ſaid, that in ſucli caſes it ſhould be an eftate tail. - This rule is clear law, but is not a general propoſition, ſubject to no controul, as where a teftator's intention was manifeſtly on the other ſide, and where the objections might be anſwered. I find no caſes in Brooke or Fitz- herbert where theſe matters have coine in queſtion ; ſo that we are agreed that the intention is to govern, and that Shelley's caſe does not conſtitute & deciſive uncontroulable rule. This being ſettled, the queſtion is, Whether in this caſe he has ſo explained his intention as to controul the technical ex- preſſions ? and I agree with my brothers, that he has. We know that the invention of truſtees to ſupport contingent remainders is uſually attributed to Bridgman and Palmer fince the Reſtoration : then, knowing that theſe eſtates might be limited in ſtrict ſettlement, it is ſufficient for the judges if it appears that the teftator (however he has explained himſelf) had a ſtrict ſettlement in his eye; ſo that, from what was ſaid, and from the whole of the will, I concur that the intention of the teſtator was lawful, and ſuch as may be now ſupported. If the intent be doubtful, if it be againſt law, the legal import of the words muſt govern : but here there cannot be a doubt; the heirs of John Williams's body are to take as purchaſers ſucceſſively. “ In Shaw and Weigh, in Goodright and Pullyn, the whole went upon the interpretation ; and lord Raymond ſays, “ Legal words ſhall not be broken through for the ſake of ambiguous expreſſions.” The words here are not ſtrong enough; and fo lord Hobart, who was contemporary with lord Coke, ſays, “ No man ſhall ſhew me a caſe where heirs have taken as purchaſers without de- claration plain." What is the natural inference from hence? That, if the words be not ambiguous, or if the declaration be plain, the legal fenſe of the words muſt yield. - Robinfon and Robinſon was penned upon its own circumſtances, to avoid ſhaking Backlioufe and Wells, and the other caſes; and what lord chief baron Parker ſaid aroſe upon lord Hardwicke's doubts ; he wiſhed to make it a ſtrict ſettlement in Launcelot Hicks, but was very much averſe to Thaking any prior determinations : ſo that, upon theſe grounds, that the in- tention muſt govern, that the intention is manifeſt, and that Shelley's caſe is no univerſal propoſition, I muſt agree with my brothers Afton and Willes. C C 2 But 196 THE LIFE OF But upon theſe general obſervations I ſhould not content myſelf, if any caſe can be found eſtabliſhing a contrary doctrine ; which leads me to ſay, that I agree with them, that there is no place which contravenes this general doctrine. “ It is true, a great reliance has been made on Coulſon and Coulſon, and every argument has been uſed for the ſupport of it; but this caſe is a very dif- ferent one from Coulſon and Coulſon. That caſe may ſtand; and if ever any future litigation ſhould ariſe upon a queſtion exactly ſimilar to that, I ſhall ſubmit to Coulſon and Coulſon ; though, if I was ſitting in judgement upon that very will, my determination ſhould have been different. It has been ſaid, “ that this caſe is law was the unanimous opinion of the courts, is a reſpectable authority, and always was deemed ſuch.” I cannot think fo. Denniſon certainly did not agree with his brothers at firſt; but, however, as he found them ſtrenuouſly againſt him, he was very willing to acquieſce upon the certificate being ſigned. “Lord Hardwicke, ſpeaking of Coulſon and Coulſon, confines it exactly within its own bounds; and farther ſays, “ if that caſe be law," which was a great deal for him to ſay; and ſo little ſatisfied with it was he, that the laſt thing he did in Chancery was to ſend Sayer and Maſterman here ; and he told me he did it to have Coulſon and Coulſon reconſidered. That caſe of Sayer and Maſterman has been mentioned very often; it was a different cafe, and has nothing to do with the preſent. But, admitting it to be law, and admitting that it ſhall ever ſtand, I cannot ſee that it is applicable to the preſent caſe, here are ſuch ſtrong marks of intention. But it was faid, that the conveyancers had reſted upon Coulſon and Coulſon; and I know who was meant: but it is impoſſible that where a man meant to give an eſtate tail to another, he would give it him for life, remainder to truſtees to ſup- port contingent remainders, remainder to the heirs of his body; it is trifling with words to ſuppoſe it. “ There is yet a fifth propoſition, in which I have a great deal of expe- rience, and wherein I perfectly agree with my brothers; and it is, that there is no found diſtinction between the deviſe of a legal eſtate, and of a truſt and between an executory truſt and one executed : all truſts are executory ; and in every ſhape that a will appears, the intention muſt govern. “ I admit that there is a deviſe to John Williams for life, and in the fame will a deviſe to the heirs of his body; and I agree that this is within the letter of Shelley's caſe; and I do not doubt but there are, and have been always, ; WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 197 always, lawyers of a different bent of genius, and different courſe of educa- tion, who have choſen to adhere to the ſtrict letter of law; and they ill ſay, that Shelley's caſe is uncontroulable authority, and they will make a difference between truſts and legal eſtates, to the harraſſing of a ſuitor ; for, great are the doubts frequently which is or is not a truſt; and the ſearching for the repreſentative of the truſtee is attended with inconvenience, trouble, and expence. And if courts of law will adhere to the mere letter of law, the great men who preſide in chancery will ever deviſe new ways to creep out of the lines of law, and tamper with equity. This is certain, from the proceed- ings on the ſtatute of uſes, which will render the lines of property very du- bious and uncertain, by difference in judgement in law and equity, to the much-dreaded introduction of uncertainty in landed property, and confuſion in the titles of the owners. “My opinion therefore is, that the intention being clear, beyond doubt, to give an eſtate for life to John Williams, and an inheritance ſucceſſively to be taken by the heirs of his body; and that his intention, being con- ſiſtent with the rules of law, ſhould be complied with, in contradiction to the legal ſenſe of the words uſed by the teſtator ſo unguardedly and ignorantly; and as the defendant claims under ſuch ſettlement; I am of opinion that ſhe is entitled to the judgement of the court; and as my brother Yates ſtands alone, judgement muſt be ſo given for the defendant.” It is fomewhat curious to obſerve, that a diverſity of opinion in one of the four very eminent counſel who were conſulted pre- vious to the commencement of any ſuit on the legal operation of the deviſe in this will, as will be thewn by and by, probably gave riſe to this very long and expenſive ſuit; and it is equally proba- ble, that the different opinion of one very upright and able judge in the King's Bench out of four, encouraged the deviſee to bring a writ of error in the Exchequer chamber, where he ultimately prevailed. The opinions of the twelve judges were, in the progreſs of this. cauſe, thus divided : > In 198 THE LIFE OF 7 i In ſupport of the intention of the teſtator, and an eſtate for life. Lord chief juſtice Mansfield. Lord chief juſtice De Grey. Mr. Juſtice Aſton. Mr. Juſtice Willes. Mr. Baron Smythe, afterwards lord chief baron. In favor of legal authorities and an eſtate-tail. Lord chief baron Parker. Mr. Juſtice Yates. Baron Adams. Mr. Juſtice Gould. Mr. Baron Perrot. Mr. Juſtice Blackſtone. Mr. Juſtice Nares. Under theſe circumſtances, and in this ſituation, the ſcales of juſtice almoſt in equilibrio, we find a ſerious diſcuſſion and inveſ- tigation of this point in a treatiſe or eſſay of great learning and ingenuity, publiſhed about this period, by a young barriſter, who is now no more.—De mortuis nil niſi juſtum! The author muſt now intreat the reader to lend his patience, while he endeavours to elucidate the conſiſtency and impartial conduct of the earl of Mansfield in every ſtage of this important caſe ; and to point out the different lights and ſhades in which it appeared to ſome perſons of high rank in this country, who deemed themſelves to be intereſted in the event of the cauſe. William Williams died the 4th of February, 1723, leaving iſſue one ſon named John Williams, and three daughters, Bo- netta, Hannah, and Anne, and his wife not enſeinte. The eſtate-tail which John Williams was ſuppoſed to have taken under the will was endeavoured to be barred by a leaſe and releaſe inrolled in the ſecretary's office, according to the lo- cal law of the iſland of Jamaica. The 1 1 V WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 190 ! A The following preliminary ſtricture in Mr. Fearne's eſſay was very proper to introduce all the other leading features of a cu. rious legal portrait : - The caſe of Perrin and Blake ſeemed to over-rule and ſuperſede all au- thorities and precedents, and to aſſume the air of an authoritative repeal of all former opinions and reſolutions upon the fame point *." In diſcuſſing the diſtinctions taken by former judges t in the caſe of Leonard and the Earl of Suſſex, by lord Talbot in Gle. norchy and Bofville #, and by lord Hardwicke in Bagihaw and Spencer ll, the concluſion drawn by Mr. Fearne is, “ But, notwithſtanding all this, the ſtronger diſcernment of the court of King's Bench, in the caſe of Perrin and Blake, told them, that thoſe di- ſtinctions were too refined and nugatory, and ought now to be aboliſhed, however they might have fuited the narrow ſtrictneſs of preceding times; and though it is true, that theſe very diſtinctions had hitherto been received and adopted even by a court of equity itſelf, it was nevertheleſs impoſſible to reconcile them, in any degree, with that enlarged and more enlightened ſtyle of doctrine, which, at this period, ſo eminently diſtinguiſhed the deci- fions of the court of King's Bench. Nothing therefore remained, but to ex- plode theſe old illiberal diſtinctions by fome folemn reſolution directly in point; and accordingly the court of King's Bench adjudged, that J. Wil- liams took only an eſtate for life under the deviſe in queſtion. “ It is true, indeed, that the late judge Yates, a very reſpectable autho- rity, who then filled a feat on that bench, oppoſed the deciſion with great depth of learning and folidity of argument; but unfortunately his arguments were drawn from ſources much too antiquated to meet with the attention, .. ! * Vid. p. 111. Effay on Contingent Remainders. op Vid. 2 Vern. 256. Caſes temp. Talbot, 19. | 2 Atk. 581, and 1 Vez. 149. 6 which 200 THE LIFE OF which many people converſant in theſe matters are even ſtill ſo old-faſhioned as to think they merited.' So far Mr. Fearne proceeded in the firſt ſketch he attempted to draw in the caſe of Perrin and Blake. The diſcuſſion of the caſe of Coulſon and Coulſon opens another battery, ſtill more formidable, which appears, as it were, maſked, in the following note introduced by the Eſſayiſt : “ The reader, moſt probably, will think the determination in the caſe of Coulſon and Coulſon was ſufficient to have cloſed the queſtion, and removed all ground for any farther diſputes upon the ſame point; and indeed both the bench and the bar ſeem to have acquieſced in this opinion, till the judge- ment of the court of King's Bench, in the caſe of Perrin and Blake, ripped up the matter again, and opened new ſources of uncertainty, diſpute, and litigation, by reducing the point to a diſcretionary conſtruction. That the Bench in general conſidered the caſe of Coulſon and Coulſon as a ruling au- thority appears, as well by the deciſion in the ſubſequent caſe of Sayer and Maſterman as by the reverſal, in the court of Exchequer-chamber, of the judgement given by the court of King's Bench in the caſe of Perrin and Blake; and that the ſame opinion influenced the bar in general I am induced to believe, as well from the ſentiments I have heard many eminent counſel expreſs in regard to the matter as from the peruſal I have been favored with of what I am told are the copies of the opinions of ſeveral of the greateſt lawyers of the age, whoſe names it appears thoſe copies bear; and which opinions, I am informed, as the copies themſelves indeed import, were given upon the ſame deviſe, which was the ſubject of the queſtion in the caſe of Perrin and Blake. All theſe opinions, if the copies which I have ſeen ſpeak true, concur in giving an eſtate-tail to J. Williams. Among theſe copies I have ſeen ſome of an opinion, which, if really given by the great perſon to whom it is aſcribed, and whoſe name the copies bear, cannot be mentioned without the utmoſt reſpect ;- for, it is ſaid to have been given by the preſent chief juſtice of the court of King's Bench, he being then his majeſty's ſolicitor- general; and therefore I dare not aſſume the liberty of communicating the purport of this opinion to the reader in any more compendious terms than the very words of the copies which I have ſeen, which are as follow : Upon thie ... WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 201 } the authority of the late determination in Couffon and Coulſon, though I am aware how far the expreſſion here differs from that caſe, I think the remain- der to the heirs of the body of John will operate as a limitation to him in tail, which, by a recovery properly ſuffered, he might dock. 10th April, 1747 W. MURRAY." The earl of Mansfield, conceiving that the opinion which Mr. Fearne had thus aſcribed to him under the ſignature of W. Mur- ray was not the real opinion which he gave us as one of the four counſel, who were conſulted on the occaſion, an opinion which was deeply impreſſed and even rivetted on his mind, not only from his having differed in opinion with the other very eminent counſel viz. Mr. Attorney-general Rider, and Meſſrs. Filmer and Booth, but alſo from the celebrity of the caſe, and the great at- tention paid to it on its firſt appearance in a courſe of litigation in this country, took occaſion in Eaſter term 1780, in the caſe of Hodgſon and Ux. verſus Ambroſe*, to diſavow the opinion aſcribed to him in the copy adduced by Mr. Fearne. On this occaſion it may be proper to obſerve, that, in addition to the great reſpect due to an open diſavowal in a public court by ſo diſcerning and ſo great a judge, it did not ſeem to require a large portion of credulity in the audience to induce them, unâ voce, to afcribé their aſſent to the diſavowal; ſince, unleſs there was ſome dif- ference in opinion among the four very eminent lawyers who, in or about 1747, were conſulted on the deviſe in this will, was it not contrary to general uſage, and bordering upon Quixotiſm, to inſtitute a long and moſt expenſive ſuit? The plaintiff muſt be deſperate indeed, and devoid of human prudence, who, upon application to the greateſt lawyers in this kingdom, finds à per- fect coincidence of opinion againſt him, and yet is weak and 1 * Vid. Douglas's Reports, 323. Dd perverſe 202 -THE LIFE OF - . perverſe enough to inſtitute a very expenſive ſuit. It is clear to demonſtration, that the opinions of Sir Dudley Rider, then attor- ney-general, and of Meſſrs. Filmer and Booth were, that Mr. Williams took an eſtate tail. It remains to be diſcuſſed, whether his majeſty's then ſolicitor-general, Mr. Murray, was not of à different opinion ; the diſcuſſion of which cannot fail to diſcover the deep receſs where truth lies, or, at the leaſt, whether the weight of evidence in ſupport of a different opinion does not greatly preponderate againſt the opinion aſcribed to him by Mr. Fearne, who (in his addreſs to the earl of Mansfield, publiſhed in the ſame year, 1780, under the title of “Copies of Opinions áfcribed to eminent Counſel on the Will which was the ſubject of the Caſe of Perrin and Blake before the Court of King's Bench in 1769,") returns to the charge, and candidly acknowledges, that he was poſſeſſed of ſome volumes of the late Mr. Booth's opinions in manuſcript, which he did him the honor to preſent him with, and among which was found the copy of the opinion of the 10th of April, 1747. The earl of Mansfield patiently travelled through fifteen pages of this addreſs, and ſmiled at the following concluſion, “ I truſt, my lord, no man is, or can be culpable, for not reckoning on a poſibility that betrays all grounds of belief, and ſtarts into faet under the veil of incredibility. Such an event may ſerve indeed, my lord, as a caution to the world, againſt too implicit a credit to the moſt authoritative of human aſſeverations." However lamentable or humiliating it may be to humanity, the fact is not to be controverted, that it is not always the lot of fine parts, to be bleſt with a retentive memory. The late Mr. Booth, in an advanced age, in a great degree deprived of the bleſſing of fight, and at the diſtance of more than twenty years, in a private converſation, or even in a private opinion, in the year 1770, might have had no recollection of his being poſſeſſed of another opinion of his majeſty's then ſolicitor-general, which mi- litated 3 WILLIAM TRL OF MANSFIELD. RL . 203. $ 1 litated againſt an eſtate tail, and which did not conſiſt of a mere ipſe dixit, but wherein an authority was cited in ſupport of an eſtate for life? In juſtice to the memory of this eminent and elevated character, the author thinks himſelf under the neceſſity of avow- ing, that the copy of a very different opinion from that men- tioned by Mr. Fearne by way of anſwer to the firſt query on the will of Mr. Williams was found and examined in the preſence of ſeveral of Mr. Booth's executors, of whom the author has the honor to be one, among his papers a few days after his de- ceaſe, of which the following is a faithful copy : cs I think John Williams under the will of his father was entitled only to an eſtate for life, either in the real or perſonal eſtate. Whether he took a re- mainder in tail in the real eſtate after a limitation to Gale, or whether the heirs of his body were to take as purchaſers, may admit of great doubt; but I incline to think the heirs of his body ought to be conſtrued words of pur- chaſe ; and I ground by opinion upon the declaration with which the whole deviſe is introduced, which ſeems as ſtrong as the words for life only in the cafe of Backliouſe and Wells. 31 Jan. 1746. W. MURRAY. " The reader is now in poſſeſſion of the true ground of lord Mansfield's diſavowal of the former opinion ſuggeſted to have been given by him. The lord chief juſtice on this occaſion ſeems to have greater reaſon to complain of the treatment he received, than the great and witty Eraſmus had to complain of the Fran- ciſcan monk, who altered his opinion of a work of Eraſmus's on account of a ſingle word. Eraſmus, in this work, derided the ſuperſtition of thoſe who deſired to be buried in the frock of a Franciſcan or a Dominican, and pleaſantly draws this concluſion: If I had only jeſted upon the coat of Dominic, I ſhould have been a good Chriſtian with the Franciſcan; but for one word I be- came a heretic. To be ſerious. The judicious reader, who is now in pofleſſion of the true ground of lord Mansfield's open diſ- avowal of an erroneous opinion, may fairly aſk, what weight D d 2 ought 1 204 THE LIFE OF ought any private opinion to have in judicial determinations what influence on the merits of the cafe? The anſwer is ob- vious : A private opinion: ought to be as light as a feather in the ſcale of juſtice. The author will now beg permiſſion briefly to conſider the peculiar circumſtances, and the merits of the caſe. The great outlines of intention appear to be ſtrongly marked: by the teftator, who not only declares, that it was his intent and meaning that none of his children thould fell or diſpoſe of his eſtate for longer time than his life; and in order to effectuate that intention, he deviſes: his eſtate, and points out one eſſential. part of the duty of his truſtees, that of preſerving the contingent remainders to his children, which he meant to create ; but, alas! either from the circumſtance of his being inop's concilii, he has not effectually deviſed the legal eſtate to the truſtees on the one hand; or, for the ſake of brevity on the other, inſtead of naming the firſt and other ſons in. ſucceſſion, he has adopted the familiar phraſe of heirs of the body of his ſon. William Williams, which conciſe mode of expreſſion would, however, have been very ef- fectual if the legal eſtate of freehold for the life of William Williams had been deviſed to the truſtee, as in the caſe of Shap- land and Smith in Brown's Reports, p. 75, or if by any accident the legal eſtate of inheritance had been outſtanding in a truſtee; but inaſmuch as the teſtator's intention had not the aid, of ei- ther of theſe ſupporters, a long train of legal deciſions put in their claim to make the evidence of intention inconſiſtent with, and fubfervient to, the rules which govern deviſes of the legal eſtate, ſo as to enlarge. the eſtate of the firſt taker to an eſtate tail, by reaſon that every deviſee of the legal eſtate, who, in the fame will, has an eſtate given to him for life, with a remainder mediate or immediate, to the heirs of his body ſhall, according to the rule in Shelley's. caſe be deemed to take an eſtate tail mediate.when thereisthe intervention of truſtees in the will to preſerve: i ; con-. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD.. 205 contingent remainders ; and immediate, when the legal deviſe is is deſtitute of fuch aido Since, unleſs contingent remainders to the children of the deviſee, in ſucceſſion or otherwiſe, in a ſtrict courſe of in-tail, are introduced, this receipt, as it has been em- phatically called by a very able judge, the late lord chief juſtice Wilmot, for keeping an eſtate in a family fails, and falls to the ground, in regard that the law, in this inſtance, diſcovers and determines, that there are not any contingent remainders to be preſerved. It is to be lamented, ſays the earl of Mansfield in another caſe, that queſtions of this kind have occaſioned ſo much litiga- tion and expence. The beſt way to ſettle them is to: reduce tho matter; if poſible, to fome certain rules. . Of the ſame opinion was the late lord chief juſtice Wilmot, in whom were found the rare endowments of quick penetration and found judgement, who, ſitting as one of the lords commiffioners of the great feal in 1.757, in the introductory fentence to a very.able opinion, ſeemed to commiſerate, with great propriety, the difficulty of any coun- fel giving an opinion to be depended upon in a caſe like the preſent. His words were; “The queſtion upon the conſtruction of wills, whether a perfon takes an eſtate for life or in tail, has been very much agitated, and yet remains ſo much undetermined, that a counſel muſt ſtill find it very difficult to give an opinion that may be depended upon; and I think it would have been of great ſervice to the public, and tended to render property leſs. preca- rious and uncertain; if the legal conſtruction of words in a will had never been departed from; for, it muſt be much better that every perſon's intent ſhould be fubfervient to the rules of law, than the rules of law thould ſerve the party's intent.”' But the difficulty of reducing them to certain rules ſtill recurs, and has, according to the opinion of a late law lord, lord Grantley, 1 206 THE LIFE OF Grantley, whoſe extenſive knowlege and great practice made him a very coinpetent judge, coſt the different ſuitors of the courts in thirty years an immenſe ſum of money; and he farther added, the nice diſtinctions which were neceſſary to be put into the ſcale, to try wliether the weighty. arguments of intention in fa- vor of an eſtate for life, or the more weighty deciſions in for- mer caſes, ſhould preponderate in favor of an eſtate tail, were generally founded on ſuch ſuperficial reaſoning, as to leave the matter in a greater ſtate of uncertainty, in proportion to the greater ſum ſpent in litigation. If Eraſmus had lived in thoſe days, he would probably have altered his opinion, and preferred the ſtudy of law to that of phyſic. Adverfus inopiam certiſimum præfidium eſt ars medicandi, quæ lon- giffimè abeft à neceſitate mendicandi-huic proxima eſt juriſpru- dentia.' The good policy, the great and noble fyftem, however, of ad- hering to eſtabliſhed deciſions, which are ſtrengthened not only by their numbers, but alſo by that very hand which weakens and deſtroys all other fabrics, the hand of time, may be exempli- fied in the following real inſtance, nearly concomitant with, and coëval to, the caſe of Perrin and Blake. The late Mr. Booth, who, being placed in the light of a con- veyancer, was nulli ſecundus, previous to the judgement given by the court of King's Bench in 1769, was profeſſionally called upon to give his opinion on the title to an eſtate in Suſſex agreed to be purchaſed by his grace the duke of Richmond. The fole point in the title was, whether the vender, who conceived him- ſelf to be tenant in tail, and who had ſuffered a recovery, had good right fo to do? Mr. Booth, grounding his opinion on the authority of Coulſon and Coulſon, encouraged his grace to com- plete the purchaſe, which was in point of value not inconſidera- ble, and in point of ſituation very deſirable. Not WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 207 1 Home > Not only Mr. Booth, but other contemporary and eminent conveyancers, particularly the late Mr. Filmer, had grounded numerousopinions on titles, exceeding in value many hundred thou- ſand pounds, on the authority of Coulſon and Coulſon, and other legal decifions in favor of an eſtate tail. It will not nowbe matter of wonder, that Mr. Booth ſhould be not only alarmed, but much agitated, on his firſt hearing of the judgement of the court in Per- rin and Blake. He deſired the honor of a conference with the duke of Richmond, and told his grace, very pathetically, that he had been the innocent cauſe of his purchaſing a conſiderable eſtate with a bad title, according to a recent judgement, alluding to that in Perrin and Blake. The nohle duke received the ſerious detail of all the circumſtances of the caſe with firmneſs, and concluded that he ſuppoſed the buſineſs would not reſt under a ſingle deter- minațion ; that he ſhould watch the progreſs of it, and follow the cauſe wherever it went. Pleaſed with this declaration, Mr. Booth acquainted his grace, that, very fortunately, not only for him, but alſo for his conveyancer, a ſon of the vender, ſince the pur- chaſe was completed, had become of adult age; that this ſon and heir apparent was, at all events, tenant in tail; and that it was incumbent on the father, under the covenant for farther aſſurance of title, to procure the ſon to corroborate and confirm the title. This caſual circumſtance, though very pleaſing, did not abate the diligence, nor prevent the regular attendance of his grace in every court, and at every ſubſequent argument of the bar and bench on the writ of error; and no perſon ſeemed to enjoy more than his grace the honeſt zeal of lord chief baron Parker, who, when he repeated the emphatical words “ſtare deciſis,” gave his knuckles a ſevere rap on the table. The reader will, it is to be hoped, readily pardon this little di- greſſion, a digreſſion which to ſome may ſeem trivial, though it is not a little intereſting to the author, who was preſent, and who had the honor of being previouſly told by the lord chief ba- TON ! A 108 THE LIFE OF guai ded ron, that as he had the misfortune to differ in opinion with his friend lord Mansfield, the author ſhould ſee how cool and he ſhould be in delivering that opinion in the Exchequer-cham- ber. After that declaration this involuntary and unexpected ébullition of zeal, this firm and laudable attachment to former de ciſions, was to him at leaſt peculiarly ſtriking. In like manner Luther, differing in opinion with the great Eraſmus, told Me- lancthon that he would be very calm and civil in his reply to Eraſmus ; but, when'he fet'himſelf about it, he forgot theſe pro- miſes, and his zeal and impetuofity were like two hard-mouthed horſes which ran away with the chariot and the charioteer. Fruftra retinacula tendens. Fertur equis auriga, neque audit curris habenas. Ep. 704. Jort. Vit. Eraſ. 3440 A writ of error was brought in the Houſe of Lords upon the judgement of reverſal in the Exchequer Chamber; and after it had depended for a conſiderable time, the parties compromiſed the diſpute, and the plaintiff petitioned for leave to non-pros his writ of error, which was granted, as appears from the following entry in the Lords' Journals: Upon reading the petition of Hannah Blake *, plaintiff, in a writ of error depending in this houſe, and of William Perrin and Thomas Vaughan, defendants in the ſaid writ of error, which ſtands appointed for hearing, ſetting forth, " That the matter in diſpute between the parties being now amicably. compromized betwen them, the petitioners therefore humbly pray their lord- ſhips, that the writ of error in this cauſe may be non-proſed, or withdrawn, without coſts on either ſide. It is ordered that the ſaid petitioners do forth- with enter a non-pros on the ſaid writ of error as defired, and the record be * 7 May, 1777, Blake againſt Perrin and another. remitted WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 209 remitted to the court of King's Bench, to the end execution may be had upon the judgement given by that court, as if no ſuch writ of error had been brought into this houſe." In this important caſe, the earl of Mansfield ſeemed to be con- ſcious that the peculiar circumſtances of it could alone forin an exception, as it were, to the general rule already laid down. He found one exception in the caſe of Backhouſe and Wells, to which he has alluded. And admitting that in one ſingle in- ſtance he was fallible, in grounding his opinion upon the de- claration with which the whole deviſe was introduced, which ſeemed to him as ſtrong as the words for life only in the caſe of Backhouſe and Wells; permit me to aſk, did ever lord Mans- field put in his claim to infallibility ? No! His quick diſcern- ment, and deep penetration, led him to lament that legal de- ciſions were ſometimes founded on erroneous opinions; but, while he lamented the cauſe, his good ſenſe and great knowledge of the great inconvenience, of overturning ſettled deciſions, theſe al- moſt invariably kept him in ſuſpence, each attempting to draw him aſide. In fupport of theſe obſervations, it would be inju- rious, and inconcluſive, to introduce any words but lord Mans- field's own, founded on twenty years experience, when he deli- vered them in 1759, and ſtrengthened and confirmed by re- peated declarations, too numerous to be named in the courſe of thirty-two years, wherein he preſided as lord chief juſtice of the court of King's Bench. In the caſe of Burgeſs and Wheat, determined in 1750, lord Keeper Henley was pleaſed to call to his aſſiſtance the lord chief juſtice and the maſter of the rolls. Lord Mansfield, in delivering his opinion on the origin, nature, and operation of truſts, ob- ſerved : “ The law of truſts, in my apprehenſion, was not put upon its true foundation till about the time that lord Notting- ham had the great ſeals. By ſteadily purſuing, from plain prin- Еe ciples, 210 THE LIFE OF ciples, truſts in all their conſequences, and by ſome aſſiſtance from the legiſlature, an ample, rational, and uniforin ſyſtem of law has ſince been raiſed. Truſts are made to anſwer the exi- gencies of families ; to anſwer all purpoſes, without being liable to any one fraud, injury, or miſchief, which the ſtatute of Henry VIII. meant to avoid. Whether they are agreed in the difference between the truſt and the legal eſtate or not, the truſt is conſidered here as the eſtate to all intents and purpoſes ; and every conſequence follows here which would have attended it at law, except to a purchaſer for a valuable conſideration.” This juſt exception of a purchaſer for a valuable conſideration, led to the diſcuſſion of a point, which the ſofter ſex may fairly deem an injurious, if not an unjuſt determination ; which has ever excited wonder, how it could originally creep into the law; viz. that the ſame ſpecies of eſtate, which gives a title to the huſband to be tenant, by the curteſy of England, of the real eſtate of the wife, ſhall exclude her from all title of dower out of the real eſtate of the huſband. The author of theſe ſheets again en- treats permiſſion to have recourſe to lord Mansfield's emphatical words on this intereſting occaſion : 1 1 " It would be endleſs and very unneceſſary to enumerate the various con- ſequences through which this principle, that a truſt in chancery is the eſtate at law, has been purſued by adjudged caſes ſince 25 Charles II. They will occur to every body, and they are very many. It has been, among other things, decreed, that the huſband ſhould be tenant by curteſy. The caſe of dower remains the only exception, in my poor apprehenſion, not upon the principles of law or reaſon, but becauſe a long ſeries of determinations and notions had miſled people into many purchaſes, and many ſettlements would be to be ſet right. Radnor and Vandebendy was determined upon that principle in the Houſe of Lords. The queſtion put to the counſel at the bar was, how conveyancers adviſed purchaſers on the occaſion. Sir Joſeph Jekyll’s argument, in Banks and Sutton, proves clearly that there ought to have been dower of a truft: he ſtretched it to make a diſtinction : the 5 chancellor WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. RII chancellor ſaid, it would ſhake all the ſettlements that had been made * How it came to be ſettled at firſt is a different confideration : perhaps it might be hard to find out a ſound reaſon for it. It is right to follow and adhere to what has been eſtabliſhed. When any diſſatisfaction has been expreffed concerning any of theſe determinations, it has been generally at denying dower to the wife, and not at allowing an eſtate for life by the curteſy of the huſband; and, if an alteration was to be introduced, the beſt way, in my apprehenſion, to ſet the matter right would be, to allow the wife to have dower of a truft-eſtate. Though I had a note of it, I cite this froin lord Hardwicke's own notes ; in that cauſe, twenty years ago, I imbibed this principle, which every thing, I have heard, read, or thought of fince, has confirmed in my mind, that a truft, in the eye of the court, is an eſtate at law, and governed by the ſames rules in general, as all real property is by imitation.' > My dear Garrick," ſaid lord Mansfield jocofely to the Britiſh Roſcius on ſome ſimilar occaſion, “ a judge on the bench is now and then in your whimſical ſituation between Tragedy and Comedy ; inclination drawing one way, and a long ſtring of precedents the other.” To conclude theſe obſervations with lord Mansfield's own ideas, and to reſume the alluſion already made to the Britiſh Roſcius, his lordſhip conſidered himſelf not only held, but even tied down, by erroneous opinions in many important inſtances. “ Arguments of convenience and inconvenience are always added his lordſhip in Burgeſs and Wheat) to be taken into conſideration, when we are not tied down by any erroneous opinions, which have prevailed ſo far in practice, that property would be ſhaken by an alteration of them.” Again, in Michaelmas Term, 1764, Trinder againſt Watſon and another, 3d Burr. 1566. This was a writ of error returna- ble in parliament brought upon a judgement in this court in an CC * Vide Calburn and Inglis. Caſes in King's Bench, 7th, 8th, 9th, and I oth, Geo. II. while lord Hardwicke was chief juſtice. Ee 2 action ? I 2 THE LIFE OF action in debt upon a recognizance in error. And the plaintiff in error in parliament not having entered into a recognizance, purſuant to 3 J. I. c. 8. the defendant in the writ of error moved for, and obtained, a rule for the ſaid plaintiff in error, to ſhew cauſe, why the defendant in error ſhould not be at liberty to ſue out execution, for want of ſuch recognizance. Lord Mansfield obſerved, " That caſes which aroſe upon remedial laws, he ſhould have thought, ought to have been liberally conſtrued. But, in the caſe of Bidleſon and Whytel, it appeared, that the determination had been otherwiſe ; and we muſt not depart from ſettled determinations. In that caſe the weight of authorities prevailed.” The court ordered it to ſtand over to enquire into the practice. We find another ſtriking inſtance of his great attention to a ſettled rule, although he lamented the grounds on which it had been previouſly ſettled, in 4 Burr. 1960, on the doctrine of Re- vocation of Wills by ſubſequent alteration of the eſtate. “ Where a man (ſaid his lordſhip) feiſed of an eſtate makes his will, and deviſes it, and afterwards conveys it entirely away, though he takes it back by the ſame inſtrument, or by a declaration of uſes, it is a revocation, becauſe, as it is ſaid in the books, he has parted with his whole eſtate. • This rule being now eſtabliſhed muſt be adhered to, although it is not founded upon truly rational grounds and principles, nor upon the intent, but upon legal niceties and ſubtilty. However, as in the earl of Lincoln's caſe it was ſo far eſtabliſhed that it ought to be obſerved in future if a like caſe ſhould happen, we muſt not depart from it now, notwithſtanding one would wiſh that no ſuch rule had ever been eſtabliſhed, and lament that ſuch nice ſubtilties ſhould have been admitted as the ground of it.” 1 . Lord Mansfield, when fair occaſion offered, would ſometimes make the bench and the bar relax a little from their accuſtomed gravity ; but the object to be attained by a moment's pleaſantry was generally worthy of a great judge : numerous inſtances of this kind might be adduced by the bar, who have not only en- joyed WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 213 joyed the wit, but have alſo felt the force of the keen arrows which darted occaſionally through the court. To ſelect two or three of this nature may relieve the juriſprudent a little, who has already travelled over many pages of dry law. To convert a capital offence to the lighter puniſhment of tranſportation, where favorable circumſtances, in behalf of a priſoner, made an impreſſion on every one preſent except the proſecutor.--Here lord Mansfield recommended the jury to find the value of a gold trinket, which the priſoner had ſtolen, under forty ſhillings. The proſecutor imprudently and unfeelingly ex- preſſed his ſurprize, “ Under forty ſhillings ! my lord ? Why the faſhion alone coſt me more than double the fum.”—“ That may be, friend,” replied the chief juſtice ; yet God forbid that we ſhould hang a man for faſhion-fake !" In his own court, he ſet too juſt a value on his time to per- mit it to be improperly waſted by long interrogatories of counſel in juſtifying bail, where the debt was barely of magnitude enough to be brought into the Court of King's Bench. It fell to the lot of the late ferjeant Davy to examine a Jew who came to juſtify bail in a tawdry laced ſuit of cloaths before lord Mansfield. The jocoſe and learned ſerjeant preſſed the Iſraelite cloſe, to know whether he was worth the ſum he had ſworn to, after all his debts were paid. The Jew anſwered repeatedly and unequivocally in the affirmative : but, the debt which was the object of the fuit being ſmall, and the ferjeant ſtill perſiſting in his interrogatories, his lordſhip addreſſed the ferjeant unexpect- edly with, “ For ſhame, brother Davy, how can you teaze the poor gentleman ſo? Don't you ſee, that he would burn for double the ſum !" The overſeers of a pariſh having, with more attention to the decreaſe of pariſh burthens than to the relief of the diſtreſſed, cauſed Felix Mac Donald to be indicted for converting his houſe into an hoſpital, for taking in and delivering lewd, idle, and diſor- derly l 214 THE LIFE OF derly unmarried women, who after their delivery went away and deſerted their children, whereby they became chargeable to the pa- riſh. On a motion to quaſh the indictment, lord Mansfield took notice, when it was firſt moved, of the narrow impolitic prin- ciples upon which the proſecutors had proceeded, and expreſſed his ſurprize how ſuch a bill could ever be found : but, this not being ſufficient to prevent the counſel from fhewing cauſe, and from labouring, in behalf of the pariſh, to get rid of the burthen of the baſtard children, his lordſhip archly aſked, by what law it was criminal to deliver a woman when ſhe was with-child ? No ſufficient anſwer could be given. The indictment was quaſhed. 3 Burr. 1646. In ſupport of the juriſdiction of his court, and to prove the right of interference of the lord chief juſtice as the cuſtos morum of the people (except in ſome particular caſes appropriated to, and peculiarly within, the juriſdiction of the eccleſiaſtical court), we may fairly adduce the caſe of the King againſt fir Francis Blake Delaval and others. Lord Mansfield, in delivering the opinion of the court, gives the cleareſt ſtate of the caſe, viz. «« This is a 'motion for an information againſt the defendants for a conſpi- racy, to put a young girl (an apprentice to one of them) into the hands of a gentleman of rank and fortune, for the purpoſe of proſtitution ; contrary to decency and morality, and without the knowledge or approbation of her fa- ther who proſecutes them for it, who has now cleared himſelf of all impu- tation, and appears to be an innocent and an injured man. " The fact, uncontroverted, is this : A female infant, then about fifteen, was bound apprentice, by her father, to the defendant Bates, a muſic-maſter, the girl appearing to have natural talents for muſic. The father became bound to the maſter in the penalty of two hundred pounds for his daughter's performance of the covenants contained in the indenture. She became emi- nent for vocal muſic, and thereby gained a great profit to Bates her maſter. In April, 1763, Bates, her maſter, indirectly aſſigned ber to fir Franiis, as much as it was in his power to aſſign her over; and this is done plainly and manifeſtly for bad purpoſes. Bates at the ſame time releaſes the penalty to the father, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 215 father, but without the father's application, or even privity; and receives the two hundred pounds from fir Francis by the hands of his tailor, who is em- ployed to pay it to Bates : then ſhe is indentured to fir Francis Delayal, to learn muſic of him; and ſhe covenants with him, both in the uſual covenants of indentures of apprenticeſhip, and likewiſe in ſeveral others (as “ not to quit even his apartments”). The girl goes and lives with fir Francis, notoriouſly, as a kept miſtreſs. Thus ſhe has been played over by Bates into his hands, for this immoral purpoſe. No man can avoid ſeeing all this, let him wink ever ſo much. " I remember a cauſe in the court of Chancery, wherein it appeared that a man had formally aligned his wife over to another man ; and lord Hard- wicke directed a profecution for that tranſaction, as being notoriouſly and groſsly againſt public decency and good manners, and ſo is the preſent caſę. " It is true that many offences of the incontinent kind fall properly under the juriſdiction of the eccleſiaflical court, and are appropriated to it; but, if you except thoſe appropriated caſes, this court is the cuſtos morum of the people, and has the ſuperintendency of offences contra bonos mores: and upon this ground both fir Charles Sedley and Curll, who had been guilty of offences againſt good manners, were proſecuted here." The legal diſcuſſion of the great queſtion reſpecting Literary Property, and the ſpeeches of lord Mansfield in the caſe of Mil- lar and Taylor, put in their fair claim to a great degree of at- tention. This caſe was a revival of the old and often-litigated queſtion of Literary Property ; and it was the firſt determination which the queſtion ever received in the court of King's Bench. The juriſprudent will receive great benefit and pleaſure in at- tentively peruſing the declaration and other proceedings in this very intereſting cauſe, and particularly the ſpeeches * of the puiſné judges of the court of King's Bench, who gave their opi- nions feriatim, beginning with the junior judge according to 1 4. Burr. 2303. uſage, 216 THE LIFE OF 66 The uſage, and proceeding upward to tlae lord chief juſtice. The author of theſe ſheets, however highly he may eſtimate and re- vere the very learned and valuable ſpeeches of the other judges, cannot, in a limited publication of this nature, conceive that he will be warranted in offering more to the conſideration of the reader than ſuch parts of the caſe as appear to be neceſſary, ei- ther to give the ſubſtance of it, or to elucidate the labors, the indefatigable attention, and the great preciſion of the judges, who ſeparately diſcuſſed this important ſubject. The ſhort ſubſtance of the caſe is no more than this. The de. claration charges, that the plaintiff Millar was the true and only proprietor of the copy of a book of poems, intituled, Seaſons, by James Thomſon ;” and, whilft he was ſo proprietor of the ſaid copy, cauſed two thouſand books of it to be printed for ſale, at his own expence; and had a great number of the ſaid two thouſand books remaining in his hands for ſale. That the defendant Taylor publiſhed and expoſed to ſale ſeveral other books of the like copy, and bearing the ſame title ; which latter books had been injuriouſly printed by ſome perſon or perſons without the licence or conſent of the plaintiff Millar ; the defendant know- ing “ that they had been fo injuriouſly printed, without the plaintiff's licence or conſent;" by means whereof the plaintiff Millar was deprived of the profit and benefit of the ſaid copy and book, and of the books printed at his expence as aforeſaid, and then remaining in his hands unfold; and he lays his damages at two hundred pounds. The defendant Taylor pleads “ not guilty :" iſſue is thereupon joined ; and the jury find the ſpecial verdict as above. Mr. Juſtice Willes, in a ſpeech which fills nearly twenty-five. pages in folio in fir James Burrow's Report, gives an analyſis of the leading caſes on this ſubject; without a knowledge of which, ſeveral parts of lord Mansfield's ſpeeches will not be per- fectly WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 21 66 fe&tly underſtood, in regard that his lordſhip frequently refers to thoſe caſes as correctly ſtated by his brethren. “ Few bills againſt pirates of books are ever brought to a hearing. If the defendant acquieſces under the injunction, it is ſeldom worth the plaintiff's while to proceed for an account, the ſale of the edition being ſtopped. “ From the year 1709, to this day, there have not been more than two or three ſuch caſes heard. - The queſtion upon the common law-right, could not ariſe till twenty- one years from the roth of April, 1710, for old copies : conſequently, the fooneft it could arife was after the roth of April, 1731. " On the oth of June, 1735, in the caſe of Eyre verſus Walker, fir Jo- ſeph Jekyll granted an injunction to reſtrain the defendant from printing the Whole Duty of Man ; the firſt aſſignment of which had been made in De- cember, 1657 * ; and this was acquieſced under. “ In the caſe of Motte verſus Falkner, 28th November, 1735, an in- junction was granted for printing Pope's and Swift's Miſcellanies. Many of thefe pieces ople were publiſhed 1701, 1702, 1708; and the counſel ſtrongly preſſed the objection as to theſe pieces. Lord Talbot continued the injunc- tion as to the whole; and it was acquieſced under. Yet Falkner, the Iriſh bookſeller, was a man of ſubſtance; and the general point was of conſe- quence to him : but he was not adviſed to litigate farther. “ On the 27th of January, 1736, in the caſe of Walthoe verſus Walker, and injunction was granted by fir Joſeph Jekyll, for printing Nelſon's Feſti- vals and Faſts; though the bill ſets forth, that it was printed in the lifetime of Robert Nelſon the author *; and that he died in January, 1714 9. This too was acquieſced under. * Dr. Hammond's Letter to the Bookſellers. poh 1701, Conteſts and Diffentions between Athens and Rome. 1707, Productions for 1708. 1708, Partridge’s death. 1708, Partridge's death. 1708, Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man. Vanbrugh's Houſe. Baucis and Philemon. 1709, Project for Advancement of Religion, and Reformation of Manners. * It was printed in 1703. M Prout Preface. 1 66 On 218 THE LIFE OF « On the 5th of May, 1739, in the caſe of Tonſon, et alios, verſus Walker otherwiſe Stanton, before lord Hardwicke, an injunction was granted, to reſtrain the defendants from printing Milton's Paradiſe Loſt. The plaintiffs derived their title under an affignment of the copy from the author in 1667, which was read. This injunction was alſo acquieſced under. " In the caſe of Tonſon verfus Walker and Merchant, before lord Hard- wicke, the bill was filed 26th November, 1751, ſuggeſting that the defend- ants had advertiſed to print “ Milton's Paradiſe Loſt, with his Life by Fen- ton; and the Notes of all the former Editions," of which Dr. Newton's was the laſt. The bill ſuggeſts a pretence “ that the defendant had a right." It derives a title to the poem, from the author's affignment in 1667. That it was publiſhed about 1668; and it derives a title to his life by Fenton, publiſhed in 1727, and to Bentley's Notes publiſhed in 1732, and Dr. New- ton's in 1749. The anſwer came in the 12th of December, 1751 : wherein the defendants inſiſted they had a right to print their work in numbers, and to take in ſubſcriptions: and they put in their anſwer ſo expeditiouſly as to prevent an injunction before anſwer. “ It was intended to take the opinion of the court folemnly. The ſearches and affidavits, which were thought neceſſary to be made, occa- ſioned a delay; and no motion was made till near the end of April, 1752. “ The injunction was moved for on Thurſday the 23d of April. Lord Mansfield argued it. It was argued at large, upon the general ground of copy-rights at common law. Lord Chancellor directed it to proceed on the Saturday following; and to be ſpoken to by one of a ſide. Afterwards it ſtood over, by order, till Thurſday the zoth of April, when it was argued very diffuſively. " The caſe could not poſſibly be varied at the hearing of the cauſe; the notes of the laſt edition (Dr. Newton's) were within the act; but an in- junction as to them only would have been of little avail; and it did not follow that the defendants ſhould not be permitted to print what they had a right to print, becauſe they had attempted to print more. For, in the caſes of Pope verſus Curll, 5th of June, 1741, lord Hardwicke injoined tlie defendant only from printing and ſelling the plaintiff's letters: there were a great many more in the book which the defendant had printed, which the plaintiff had no right to complain of. “ If the inclination of lord Hardwicke's own opinion had not been firongly with the plaintiff, he never would have granted an injunction to the wholes WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 259 whole, and penned it in the disjunctive ; ſo that printing the poem, or the life, or Bentley's notes, without a word of Dr. Newton's, would have been a breach. “ The injunction is not barely to the ſelling of that book, of which New- ton's notes made a part, but to future printing. “ He might have ſent it to law then, as well as at the hearing: but he probably foreſaw he ſhould never hear of it again. Accordingly, the par- ties underſtood his way of thinking; and the defendants acquieſced under the injunction, and ſo have made it perpetual ; and would now be guilty of a breach if they printed Milton. "I do admit that (except from the order he made, which he ſaw and penned,) he guarded againſt being thought finally to determine the queſtion. “ He cited the Stationers Company verſus Partridge as an authority for an injunction where the right was doubtful. He obſerved upon Dr. New- ton's notes, either tranſcribed or colourably abridged, being within the act : and, according to a note I have of the caſe, he ſaid the ſtrongeſt autho- rity is what the judges have ſaid in the caſe of Seymour (1 Mod.) and in the argument of prerogative copies. Diſtinctions are taken upon the ground of the king's property in Bibles, Latin Grammars, Common Prayer, and rear- Books ; that they were made and publiſhed at the expence of the crown, ergo the king's property. Theſe arguments being allowed to ſupport that right, infer ſuch a property exiſting.' “ That very point was then depending in this court, upon a caſe ſent by himſelf, in Baſkett verſus the Univerſity of Cambridge. " It would not have been agreeable to lord Hardwicke's great decency and prudence to have ſpoken out deciſively upon a general legal right never de- cided at law, and to have grounded his opinion upon an argument which was then a queſtion ſub judice. “ The queſtion upon Literary Property was brought before this court in the caſe of Tonſon verfus Collins; and, after two arguments, was adjourned into the Exchequer-chamber. I have been informed, from the beſt autho- rity, that, fo far as the court had formed an opinion, they all inclined to the plaintiff: but as they ſuſpected that the action was brought by colluſion ; and a nominal defendant ſet up, in order to obtain a judgement which might be a precedent againſt third perſons; and that therefore a judgement, F f2 in A 220 THE LIFE OF } in favor of the plaintiff, would certainly have been acquieſced in ; upon, this ſuſpicion, and becauſe the court inclined to the plaintiff, it was ordered to be heard before all the judges. “ Afterwards, upon certain information received by the judges, “ that the whole was a colluſion; that the defendant was nominal only; and the whole expence paid by the plaintiff:” they refuſed to proceed in the cauſe ; though it had been argued bona fide, and very ably by the counſel, who appeared for the defendant. They thought this contrivance to get a colluſive judge- nient was an attempt of a dangerous example, and therefore to be dif- couraged. “The pendency of this cauſe was publicly known : but the reaſon of its diſcontinuance was not." Mr. Juſtice Willes having, with great preciſion, induſtry, and ability, gone over a large field of ſolid argument and elucidation of the caſe, concluded with obſerving what he had avoided to diſcuſs or enlarge upon to the following effect : “ I have avoided a large field which exerciſed the ingenuity of the bar. Metaphyſical reaſoning is too ſubtile; and arguments from the ſuppoſed modes of acquiring the property of acorns, or a vacant piece of ground in an imaginary ſtate of nature, are too remote. Beſides the compariſon does not hald between things which have a phyſical exiſtence and incorporeal : rights. " It is certainly not agreeable to natural juſtice, that a ſtranger ſhould reap the beneficial pecuniary produce of another man's work. Jure naturæ æquum eft, neminem cum alterius detrimento et injuria fieri locupletiorem. “ It is wiſe in any ſtate to encourage letters, and the painful reſearches of learned men. The eaſieſt and moſt equal way of doing it is, by ſecuring to them the property of their own works. Nobodò contributes, who is not willing; and, though a good work may be run down, and a bad one cried up, for a time, yet, ſooner or later, the reward will be in proportion to the merit of the work. " A writer's fame will not be the leſs, that he has bread, without being under the neceſſity of proſtituting his pen to flattery or party to get it. " He WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 221 “ He who engages in a laborious work, (ſuch for inſtance as Johnſon's Dictionary,) which may employ his whole life, will do it with more ſpirit, if, beſides his own glory, he thinks it may be a proviſion for his family. - I never heard any inconvenience objected to Literary Property, but that of enhancing the price of books. This judgement will not be a precedent in favour of a proprietor who is found by a jury to have enhanced the price. Ani owner may find it worth while to give more correct and beautiful edi- tions, which is an advantage to Literature : but his intereſt will prevent the price from being unreaſonable. A ſmall profit, in a ſpeedy and numerous fale, is much larger gain than a great profit upon each book in a ſlow ſale of a leſs number. Upon theſe reaſons, I am of opinion, that there is a common law right of an authorito his copy; that it is not taken away by the act of the 8th of queen Anne ; and that judgement ought to be for the plaintiff.”. A i 1 .: Mr. Juſtice Aſton next delivered his ſentiments, and began with obſerving, that “this caſe has been ſo often, fo fully, and ſo ablý.argued ; the citations from hiſtory, decrees, ordinances, ſtatutes, and precedents in Weſtminſter-hall, have been ſtated ſo accurately in point of time and ſubſtance; and the whole argu- ments have been gone into ſo largely by my brother Willes ; that I ſhall content myſelf with alluding to them, as now fully and preciſely known, without ſtating any of them over again (at large), which I ſhall have occaſion to take notice of. The great queſtions which he propounded, and very fully and ably diſcuſſed, were theſe : A “ I. Whether an author's property in his own literary compoſition is ſuch as will intitle him, at common law, to the ſole right of multiplying the copies of it:" or, “ II. Suppoſing he has a property in the original compoſition :'" Whe- ther the copy-right, y his own publication of the work, is neceſſarily given away, and his conſent to ſuch gift implied by operation of law, manifeſtly againſt his will, and contrary to the finding of the jury;" or, “ III. Taken away from him, or reſtrained by the ſtatute of queen Anne.” “ It has been ingeniouſly, metaphyſically, and fubtilly, argued on the part of the defendant, “ that there is a want of property in the thing itſelf, wherein : 222 THE LIFE OF wherein the plaintiff ſuppoſes himſelf to be injured; aad conſequently, if there is no property or right, there is no injury or privation of right." “ The plaintiff's ſuppoſed property has been treated as quite ideal and imaginary; not reducible to the comprehenſion of men's underſtanding ; not an object of law, nor capable of protection. “ As to all the objections to this property or right being allowed or protected by the common law, reſt entirely upon arguments which endeavour to Thew, " that ſuch allowance or protection is contrary to right reaſon, and natural principles,” the only grounds of common law originally applicable to this queſtion :- I think fit (however abſtract they may ſeem) to conſider certain great truths and ſound propoſitions, which we, as rational beings, we, to whoin reaſon is the great law of our nature, are laid under the obligation of being governed by ; and which are moſt ably illuſtrated by the learned author of the Religion of Nature delineated, that is to ſay: 6. That moral good and evil are coincident with right and wrong ;" for, that cannot be good which is wrong ; nor that evil which is right *. 6. That right reaſon is the great law of nature, by which our acts are to be adjudged ; and according to their conformity to this, or deflection from it, are to be called lawful or unlawful, good or bad y." "That whatever will bear to be tried by that reaſon is right; and that which is condemned by it is wrong * " That to act according to right reaſon, and to act according to trutb, are in effect the ſame thing S.” " Then (ſpeaking of truths reſpecting mankind in general, antecedent to all human law) “ That man being capable of diſtinct properties in things which he only, of all mankind, can call his,” he ſays, " The labour of B cannot be the labour of C, becauſe it is the applica- tion of the organs and powers of B, not of C, to the effecting of ſome- thing; and therefore the labour is as much B's as the limbs and faculties made uſe of are bis.” " Again, the effect or produce of the labour of B is not the effect of the la- bour of C; and therefore this effekt or produce is B's, not C's. It is as much B’s, as the labour was his, not C's; becauſe, what the labour of B cauſes, or * Page 21. 9 1. Ibid, * Page 23. | Page 23. § 5. Page 126. || Page 127. 6. produces, 1 porno 223 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ! produces, B produces by his labour ; or it is the product of bis labour ; therefore it is his, not C's, or any others. And if C ſhould pretend to any property in that, which B only can truly call his, he would act contrary to truth *. “ That to deprive a man of the fruit of his own cares and ſweat ; and to enter upon it, (he is here ſpeaking of the cultivation of lands,) as if it was the effect of the intruder's pains and travel, is a moſt manifeſt violation of truth: it is aſſerting, in fact, that to be his which cannot be his up « There is then ſuch a kind of property founded in nature and truth; or, there are things which one man only can, conſiſtently with nature and truth, call his *; as propoſition 2. 8. 9. demonſtrate. " And thoſe things, which only one man can truly and properly call his, muſt remain his, till he agrees to part with them by compaet or donation ; be- cauſe no man can deprive him of them without his approbation ; but the de- priver muſt uſe them as his, when they are not his, in contradiction to truth. For, “ to have the property” of any thing, and “ to have the ſole right of uſing and diſpoſing of it,” are the ſame thing; they are equipollent ex- preffions . Property, without the uſe, is an emply found. He who uſes or diſpoſes of any thing, does by that declare it to be bis ; becauſe this is all that he, whoſe it really is, can do. Borrowing and hiring afford no objection to this : for he uſes what is his own for the time allowed; and his doing ſo is only in one of theſe ways, in which the true proprietary diſpoſes of it ||- From this great theory of property many definitions aroſe, much practice was elucidated, and many juſt concluſions were drawn, which cannot with propriety be introduced here. The concluſion however of Mr. Juſtice Afton's ſpeech is too animated to be paſſed over in ſilence. After an enu- meration and judicious examen of all the caſes on the ſubject, he proceeded : “ Theſe caſes prove “ that the court of Chancery granted injunctions to protect the right, on ſuppoſition of its being a legal one." * Pages 127, 128. mi Prop. 8. Š 6. page 134. Prop. 10. § 6 page 136. Page 136. # Page 137- ** And 224 THE LIFE OF . 1 : 66 And no injunction was ever refuſed in Chancery, upon the common-law right, till a doubt was ſuppoſed to have ariſen in this court, from the caſe of Tonſon verſus Collins (which was then depending) having been twice argued, and then adjourned to be argued before all the judges : the reaſon of which has often been declared to be, not from any doubts or difference of opinion, but merely from a ſuppoſition of colluſion; and which colluſion was after- wards the cauſe why it was neither argued nor determined. “ Upon the whole, I conclude, that, upon every principle of reaſon, natural juſtice, morality, and common-law ; upon the evidence of the long-received opinion of this property, appearing in antient proceedings, and in law- caſes; upon the clear ſenſe of the legiſlature; and the opinions of the greateſt lawyers of their time, in the court of Chancery, ſince that ſtatute; the right of an author 10 the copy of his works appears to be well founded ; and that the plaintiff therefore is, upon this ſpecial verdict, intitled to his judgement ; and I hope the learned and induſtrious will be permitted, from henceforth, not only to reap the fame, but the profits, of their ingenious la- bours, without interruption, to the honour and advantage of themſelves and their families. . Mr. Juſtice rates was of a different opinion from the two judges who'had ſpoken before him, he ſaid, " He ſhould ever be extremely diffident of any judgement of his own, when he had the misfortune to diffent from either of his brethren. And, after the very learned and ingenious arguments which each of them had now delivered, he could not but feel, with particular ſenſibility, the unequal taſk he had now before him. “ He regretted too, that, in ſo liberal a queſtion, ſo important to the lite- rary world, and a queſtion of ſo much expectation, there ſhould be any dif- agreement upon this bench. But he obſerved, that, if he ſhould happen to ſtand quite alone in the opinion he had formed, his ſentiments would no way affect the authority of the deciſion. " Whatever his opinion, however, might be ; ſitting in his judicial capa- city, he thought himſelf bound, both in this and in every cauſe, to declare it frankly and firmly: " After WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 225 1 66 After this very decent preface, he ſpoke near three hours, in ſupport of his opinion, with great ability, learning, and preciſion. The anſwer given by him, to an ingenious obſervation of Mr. juſtice Blackſtone, is preſented to the reader as one of the many accurate diſcriminations made in the courſe of the argument. “ There is one ground more upon which the plantiff's counſel centended this claim of right; and which, at firſt ſight, appears the moſt ſpecious of all. They endeavoured to enforce this copy-right of authors as a moral and equitable right; and to fupport it by arguments calculated to prove that it is fo. - For this purpoſe Mr. Blackſtone obſerved, that the labours of the mind, and productions of the brain, are as juſtly intitled to the benefit and emolu- ments that may ariſe from them as the labours of the body are ; and that literary compoſitions, being the produce of the author's own labour and abili- ties, he has a moral and equitable right to the profits they produce ; and is fairly intitled to theſe profits for ever; and that, if others uſurp or encroach upon theſe moral rights, they are evidently guilty of injuſtice, in pirating the profits of another's labour, and reaping where they have not ſown. " This argument has indeed a captivating ſound; it ſtrikes the paſſions with a winning addreſs: but it will be found as fallacious as the reſt, and equally begs the very queſtion in diſpute. For, the injuſtice it ſuggeſts depends upon the extent and duration of the author's property ; as it is the violation of that property that muſt alone conſtitute the injury. If therefore his property be determined, no injury is done him. The queſtion, therefore, is whether all the property of the author did not ceaſe, and the work become open, by his own act of publication.” In that caſe, the defendant cannot be charged with any injuſtice; but has merely exerciſed a legal right. And, however we may lean to literary merit, the property of authors muſt be ſub- ject to the ſame rule of law as the property of other men is governed by. It is, therefore, as capable of being laid open as any other invention of any other man: and if, by publication, it becomes common, (as I ſhall obſerve by and by,) can the author complain of the loſs ? Can he complain of loſing the bird he has himſelf voluntarily turned out ? “ But it is inſiſted, “That it conſcientiouſly belongs to the author him- ſelf and his aſſigns for ever, as being the fruits of his own labour." Gg 6. That 226 THE LIFE OF “ That every man is intitled to the "fruits of his own labour" I readily admit. But he can only be entitled to this, according to the fixed conſtitu- tion of things; and ſubject to the general rights of mankind, and the general rules of property. He muſt not expect that theſe fruits ſhall be eternal; that he is to monopolize them to infinity; that every vegetation and increaſe ſhall be confined to himſelf alone, and never revert to the common maſs. In that caſe, the injuſtice would lie on the ſide of the monopoliſt, who would thus exclude all the reſt of mankind from enjoying their natural and ſocial rights. The labours of an author have certainly a right to a reward: but it does not from thence follow, that this reward is to be infinite and never to have an end. Here, it is aſcertained. The legiſlature have fixed the extent of his property, they have allowed him twenty-eight years ; and have expreſsly declared he ſhall have it no longer. Have the legiſlature been guilty of in- juſtice? Little cauſe has an author to complain of injuſtice after he has enjoyed a monopoly for twenty-eight years, and the manuſcript ſtill remains his own property. It has happened in the preſent caſe, that the author and his aſſignee together have enjoyed the emolument of this work between thirty and forty years: and the plantiff ſtill has the manuſcript. - If a ſtranger had taken his manuſcript from him, or had furreptitiouſly obtained a copy of his work, and printed it before him, he might then complain of injuſtice. And here lies the fallacy of this ſpecious argument: It was put as if the author was totally robbed of the profit of his labour; as if all his emolument was foreſtalled, without ſuffering him to reap any emolu- ment whatever. In that caſe, it would be the higheſt injuſtice. But, when no ſuch intruſion has been made upon his property; when he and his afligns have enjoyed the whole produce of his labour for twenty-eight years together and upwards; what ground can remain for accuſing the defendant of immo- rality? or for the author or his aſſigns to ſay, “ he is robbed of the fruits of his labour ?" “ If an author is permitted to enjoy his property according to the nature of it, he can have no injuſtice done him: and if liis ſituation is ſuch, that he can only diſpoſe of it as other people can of their goods; or if he can only diſpoſe of it for the firſt publication ; can the author murmur, becauſe he can diſpoſe of it only as other people can of their property? Shall an author's claim - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 227 claim continue, without bounds of limitation ; and for ever reſtrain all the reſt of mankind from their natural rights, by an endleſs monopoly? yet ſuch is the claim that is now made; a claiin to an excluſive right of publication, for ever. It is not eaſy to determine whether the conciſeneſs of the proof, or the neatneſs in which it was dreſſed, is to be preferred, that the right claimed by an author, is not a common-law right. “ On what ground then can an author claim this right? How comes his right to be ſuperior to that of the ingenious inventor of a new and uſeful mechanical inſtrument ? Eſpecially when we conſider this iſland as the ſeat of commerce, and not much addicted to literature in antient days; and there- fore can hardly ſuppoſe that our laws give a higher right or more permanent property to the author of a book than to the inventor of a new and uſeful machine. “ Improvement in learning was no part of the thoughts or attention of our anceſtors. The invention of an author is a ſpecies of property unknown to the common law of England. Its uſages are immemorial; and the views of it tend to the benefit and advantage of the public with reſpect to the neceſſaries of life, and not to the improvement and graces of the mind. The latter, therefore, could be no part of the antient common-law of England. “ When the genius of the nation took a more liberal turn, and learning had gained an eſtabliſhment among us, it was then the office of the legiſlature to make ſuch proviſions for its encouragement as to them ſhould ſeem proper. And accordingly they have done fo, by the ſtatute of queen Anne*, which lord Hardwicke is ſaid to have ſtyled (in the caſe of Midwinter et al. verſus The Scotch Bookſellers) “ an univerſal patent for authors.” “I wiſh as ſincerely as any man, that learned men may have all the en- couragements and all the advantages that are conſiſtent with the general right and good of mankind. But, if the monopoly now claimed be contrary to the great laws of property, and totally unknown to the antient and common-law of England ; if the eſtabliſhing of this claim will directly contradict the legiſlative authority, and introduce a ſpecies of property contrary to the end for which the whole ſyſtem of property was eſtabliſhed ; if it will tend to embroil the peace of ſociety with frequent contentions ; (contentions moſt highly dis- ! * 8 Anne, c. 19. G g 2 figuring 228 THE LIFE OF figuring the face of literature, and highly diſguſting to a liberal mind), if it will hinder or ſuppreſs the advancement of learning and knowledge ; and, laſtly, if it. Thould ſtrip the ſubje&t of his natural right; if theſe, or any of theſe miſchiefs would follow, I can never concur in eſtabliſhing ſuch a claim. - The legiſlature have provided the proper encouragements for authors, and at the ſame time have guarded againſt all theſe miſchiefs. To give that legiſlative encouragement a liberal conſtruction is my duty as a judge, and will ever be my own moſt willing inclination ; but it is equally my duty, not only as a judge, but as a member of ſociety, and even as a friend to the cauſe of learning, to ſupport the limitations of the ſtatute. “ I ſhall therefore conclude, in the words of the act of parliament, that the author or purchaſer of the copy ſhall have the ſole right for the particu- lar term which the ſtatute has granted and limited, but not longer;' and, conſequently, that the plaintiff, who claims a perpetual and unbounded mono- poly, has no legal right to recover. Lord Mansfield, not intending to go into the argument, faid, - This is the firſt inſtance of a final difference of opinion in this court fince I ſat here. Every order, rule, judgement, and opinion, has hitherto been unanimous. “ That unanimity never could have happened if we did not among our- ſelves communicate our ſentiments with great freedom; if we did not form our judgements without any prepoſſeſſion to firſt thoughts ; if we were not always open to conviction, and ready to yield to each other's reaſons. “We have all equally endeavoured at that unanimity upon this occaſion; we have talked the matter over ſeveral times; I have communicated my thoughts at large in writing ; and I have read the three arguments which have been now delivered ; in ſhort, we have equally tried to convince or be con- vinced ; but in vain. but in vain. We continue to differ; and, whoever is right, each is bound to abide by, and deliver, that opinion which he had formed upon the fulleſt examination. “ His lordſhip obſerved, that to repeat the two firſt arguments, or go over the ſame topics again, would be idle and nugatory, when he had already de- clared, “ that he read, approved, and previouſly concurred in them;" and to be particular in oppoſing and anſwering the ſeveral parts of the laſt argu- ment; 6 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 229 ment, though he differed from the concluſions of it, would be indecent, and look too much like altercation. “ He therefore only deſired to refer to the two firſt arguments without actually repeating them, and that he might be underſtood as if he had ſpoken the ſubſtance of them, and fully adopted them ; after which he expreſſed himſelf to the following effect: “ From premiffes either expreſſly admitted, or which cannot be, and there- fore never have been, denied, concluſions follow, in my apprehenſion, deci- five upon all the objections raiſed to the property of an author in the copy of his own work by the common law. "* I uſe the word · Copy' in the technical ſenſe in which that name or term has been uſed, for ages, to ſignify an incorporeal right to the ſole printing and publiſhing of ſomewhat intellectual, communicated by letters. - Firſt admiſſion. It has all along been expreſſly admitted, that, by the common law, an author is entitled to the copy of his own work until it has been once printed and publiſhed by his authority ;' and 'that the four caſes in Chancery cited for that purpoſe are agreeable to the common law; and the relief was properly given in conſequence of the legal right.' “The property in the copy thus abridged is equally an incorporeal right to print a ſet of intellectual ideas or modes of thinking, communicated in a ſet of words and ſentences and modes of expreſſion. It is equally detached from the manuſcript, or any other pbyſical exiſtence whatſoever. “The property thus abridged is equally capable of being violated by a crime indi&table. In like manner, it can only be violated by another's print- ing without the author's conſent; which is a civil injury. “ The only remedy is the fame, by an action upon the caſe for damages or a bill in equity for a ſpecific relief. “ No action of detinue, trover, or treſpaſs, quare vi et armis, can lie, be- cauſe the copy thus abridged is equally a property in notion, and has no corporeal tangible ſubſtance. " No diſpoſition, no transfer of paper upon which the compoſition is writ- ten, marked, or impreſſed, though it gives the power to print and publiſh, can be conſtrued a conveyance of the copy, without the author's cxpreſs confent * to print and publiſh, much leſs againſt his will. “ The property of the copy thus narrowed may equally go down from ge- neration to generation, and poſſibly continue for ever, though neither the author: 230 THE LIFE OF author nor his repreſentatives, ſhould have any manuſcript whatſoever of the work, original, duplicate, or tranſcript. “Mr. Gwynn was entitled, undoubtedly, to the paper of the tranſcript of lord Clarendon's Hiſtory; which gave him the power to print and publiſh it after the fire at Peterſham, which deſtroyed one original. This might have been the only manuſcript of it in being. Mr. Gwynn might have thrown it into the fire if he pleaſed; but, at the diſtance of near a hundred years, the copy was adjudged the property of lord Clarendon's repreſentatives ; and Mr. Gwynn's printing and publiſhing it, without their conſent, was adjudged an injury to that property, for which, in different ſhapes, he paid very dear. “ Dean Swift was certainly proprietor of the paper upon which Pope's letters to him were written. I know Mr. Pope had no paper upon which they were written, and a very imperfect memory of their contents, which made him the more anxious to ſtop their publication, knowing that the printer had got themn. • If the copy belongs to an author after publication it certainly belonged to him before ; but if it does not belong to him after, where is the common law to be found, which ſays, "there is ſuch a property before ?' All the metaphyſical ſubtilties, froin the nature of the thing, may be equally objected to the property before. It is incorporeal; it relates to ideas detached from any phyſical exiſtence. There are no indicia : another may have had the fame thoughts upon the ſame ſubject, and expreſſed them in the ſame language verbatim. “ At what time, and by what act does the property commence? The ſame ſtring of queſtions may be aſked upon the copy before publication. Is it real or perſonal? Does it go to the heir or to the executor? Being a right which can only be defended by action, is it, as a choſe in action, aſignable or not? Can it be forfeited? Can it be taken in execution? Can it be vejled in the alignees under a commiſſion of bankruptcy ? • The common law, as to the copy before publication, cannot be found in cuſtom. Before 1732, the caſe of a piracy before publication never exiſted ; it never was put nor ſuppoſed. There is not a ſyllable about it to be met with any where. The regulations, the ordinances, the acts of par- liament, the caſes in Weſtminſter Hall, all relate to the copy of books after publication by the authors. " Since WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 231 --- 1 "Since 1732, there is not a word to be traced about it, except from the four caſes in Chancery. “ Beſides, if all England had allowed this property two or three hundred years, the ſame objection would hold, that the uſage is not immemorial; for, printing was introduced in the reign of Edw. IV. or Hen. VI. “ From what ſource then is the common law drawn, which is admitted to be fo clear in reſpect of the copy before publication ? “From this argument, becauſe it is juſt that an author reap the pe- cuniary profits of his own ingenuity and labour. It is juſt that another ſhould not uſe his name without his conſent. It is fit that he ſhould judge when to publiſh, or whether he ever will publiſh. It is fit he ſhould not only chooſe the time but the manner of publication; how many; what volume; what print. It is fit he thould chooſe to whoſe care he will truſt the accuracy and correctneſs of the impreſſion, in whoſe honeſty he will confide not to foiſt in additions, with other reaſonings of the ſame effect. “ I allow them fufficient to ſhew “it is agreeable to the principles of right and wrong, the fitneſs of things, convenience, and policy, and therefore to the common law, to protect the copy before publication.' • But the ſame reaſons hold after the author has publiſhed; he can reap no pecuniary profit, if the next moment after his work comes out it may be pirated upon worſe paper, and in worſe print, and in a cheaper volume. “ The 8th of queer. Anne is no anſwer ; we are conſidering the coninion law upon principles before and independent of that act. 66 The author may not only be deprived of any profit, but loſe the expence he has been at. He is no more maſter of the uſe of his own name. He has no controul over the correctneſs of his own work. He cannot prevent additions. He cannot retract errors. He cannot amend or cancel a faulty edition. Any one may print, pirate, and perpetuate the imperfections, to the diſgrace and againſt the will of the author ; may propagate ſentiments under his name, which he diſapproves, repents, and is aſhamed of. He can exerciſe no diſcre- tion as to the manner in which, or the perſons by whom, his work ſhall be publiſhed. “ For theſe and many more reaſons, it ſeems to me juſt and fitto protect the copy after publication.' “ All objections, which hold as much to the kind of property before as to the kind of property after publication, go for nothing; they prove too much. 66 There 32 THE LIFE OF 1 6. There is no peculiar objection to the property after, except that the copy is neceſarily made common after the book is once publiſhed.' “ Does a transfer of paper upon which it is printed neceſſarily transfer the copy niore than the transfer of paper upon which the book is written? “ The argument turns in a circle ; "the copy is made common, becauſe the law does not protect it ; and the law cannot protect it, becauſe it is made common. " The author does not mean to make it common; and if the law ſays He ought to have the copy after publication, it is a ſeveral property, eaſily pro- tected, aſcertained, and ſecured. “ The whole then muſt finally refolve in this queſtion, 'Whether it is agreeable to natural principles, moral juſtice and fitneſs, to allow him the copy after publication as well as before.' " The general conſent of this kingdom, for ages, is on the afirmative ſide. The legiſative authority has taken it for granted ; and interpoſed penalties to protect it for a time. “ The ſingle opinion of ſuch a man as Milton, ſpeaking, after much con- fideration, upon the very point is ſtronger than any inferences from gathering acorns and ſeizing a vacant piece of ground; when the writers, ſo far from thinking of the very point, ſpeak of an imaginary ſtate of nature before the invention of letters. “ The judicial opinions of thoſe eminent lawyers and great men who granted or continued injunctions in caſes after publication, not within the 8th of queen Anne, uncontradicted by any book, judgement, or ſaying, muſt weigh in any queſtion of law, much more in a queſtion of mere theory and ſpeculation as to what is agreeable or repugnant to natural principles. I look upon theſe injunctions as equal to any final decree. “Whoever has attended the court of Chancery knows, that if an injunc- tion, in the nature of an injunction, to ſtay waſte, is granted upon motion or con- tinued after anſwer, it is in vain to go to hearing ; for, ſuch an injunction never is granted upon motion unleſs the legal property of the plaintiff is made out, nor continued after anſwer unleſs it ſtill remains clear, allowing all the defendant has ſaid. In ſuch a caſe the defendant is always adviſed either to acquieſce or appeal; for he never can make a better defence then is ſtated upon his own anſwer. 6. This WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 233 « This caſe is not ſent hither from the Court of Chancery upon any doubt of theirs. There never was a doubt in the Court of Chancery, till a doubt was raiſed there from decency, upon a ſuppoſed doubt in this court, in the caſe of Tonſon and Collins. There is not an inſtance of an injunction re- fuſed, till it was refuſed upon the grounds of that doubt. The Court of Chancery never grant injunctions in caſes of this kind, where there is any doubt. Therefore they refuſed it when they thought there was a doubt. That caſe was argued twice with ſolemnity; and after the ſecond argument it was referred to the Exchequer Chamber, to be argued before all the judges. 66 That reference did not ariſe from any difference of opinion or difficulty among us. On the contrary, we ſuſpected colluſion ; and that if we gave judgement for the plaintiff, there certainly would be no writ of error. We wiſhed to take the opinion of all the judges. We were afterwards clearly informed of the truth of the colluſion; and therefore the cauſe proceeded no farther. “ But while it hung under this appearance of difficulty, there was ſufficient ground for the Court of Chancery to ſay, “ the property was doubtful.” They did not ſend it to law; they left the party to follow his legal remedy. Al doubtful legal title muſt be tried at law, before it can be made the ground of an injunction. Injunctions of this kind are rightly and properly refuſed. In a doubtful cafe it would be iniquity to grant them, becauſe, if it ſhould come out, that the plaintiff has no legal title,' the defendant is injured by the injunction, and can have no reparation. " If it is agreeable to natural principles to allow the copy after publica- tion, I am warranted by the admiſſion which allows it before publication, to fay, that this is common law. ' “There is another admiſſion equally concluſive. " Second admiffion. It is, and has all along been admitted, that, by the common law, the king's copy continues after publication, and that the unanimous judgement of this court in the caſe of Baſkett and the Univerſity of Cambridge * is right.' Michaelmas, 1758, 32 G. II. vid. 4 Burr. p. 661. Hh "The 234 THE LIFE OF “ The king has no property in the art of printing. The ridiculous con- ceit of Atkins was exploded at the time. “ The king has no authority to reſtrain the preſs, on account of the ſub- ject-matter upon which the author writes, or his manner of treating it. - The king cannot by law grant an excluſive privilege to print any book which does not belong to himſelf. • Crown copies are, as in the caſe of an author, civil property; which is deduced, as in the caſe of an author, from the King's right of original publication. The kind of propertry in the crown, or a patentee from the crown, is juſt the ſame ; incorporeal, incapable of violation but by a civil injury, and only to be vindicated by the ſame remedy, an action upon the caſe, or a bill in equity. “ There were no queſtions in Weſtminſter Hall before the Reſtoration as to Crown copies. The reaſon is very obvious: it will occur to every one that hears me. The fact is, however, is fo: there were none before the Refto. ration. "Upon every patent which has been litigated fince, the counſel for the patentee, whatever elſe might be thrown out, or whatever encouragement they might have, between the Reſtoration and Revolution, to throw out notions of power and prerogative, have tortured their invention to ſtand upon property. “Upon Rolle's Abridgement they argued from the Year-books, which are there abridged, “tliat the Year-books having been compiled at the king's expence, were the king's property, and therefore the printing of them be- longed to his patentee.' “ Upon Croke's Reports they contended, that the king paid the judges who made the deciſions ; ergo the deciſions were his.' The judges of Weſt- minſter Hall thought they belonged to the author, that is, to the purchaſer from, or the executor of, the author; but ſo far the controverſy turned tipon property. “In Seymour's caſe, 1 Mod. 256, who printed Gadbury's Almanac without leave of the Stationer's Company, who had a patent for the ſole printing of Al- manacs, Pemberton reſorted to property. He argued, beſides arguing from the prerogative, that an almanac has 120 certain author; therefore the king has the property, and, by conſequence, may grant his property.” It was far- fetched; and it is truly faid, that the conſequence did not follow. For, if 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 235 common. if there was no certain author, the property would not be the king's, but . Pemberton was a very able lawyer, and ſaw the neceſſity of getting at property, if he could inake it out. “ All the decrees in Chancery and the judgements at common law upon almanacs are now out of the caſe, and all the doctrine of prerogative rejected, by what was done in the caſe of The Stationers Company and Partridge. “ It came on, in the year 1709, before Lord Cowper on continuing the injunction. There is no report of it, I believe, in print; at leaſt I have not ſeen any. I heve read the bill and anſwer. The bill puts it upon all the prerogative notions of power, and inſiſt, that the king's patentee had a ſole excluſive right of printing almanacs. The anſwer inſiſts, that theſe were extravagant illegal notions ; that they were taken up at times when the pre- rogative ran high, and when the diſpenſing power was allowed; and it in- fiſts, that the queſtion ought, ſince the Revolution, to be argued upon pro- per principles, conſiſtent with the rights and privileges of the ſubject. The defendants denied the authority of all the caſes ſtated by the bill, as far as they went upon prerogative right. Lord Cowper continued the injunction till hearing. I have office-copies of all the orders and pleas that were cited : I dare ſay I have thirty or forty of them. It appears, that theſe decrees were all read; and that the judgement of the Houſe of Lords was read and gone through. Lord Harcourt afterwards heard the cauſe. He did not chooſe in a caſe about almanacs to decide upon prerogative. He therefore made a caſe of it for the opinion of this court, lord Parker being then chief juſtice. This court, ſo far as it went, inclined againſt the right of the crown in almanacs; but, to this hour, it has never been determined ; and the injunction granted by lord Cowper ſtill continues. “I have Salkeld's manuſcript report, and have had it many years, of what paſſed in this court in the courſe of the argument of this caſe of The Company of Stationers againſt Partridge. I do not know whether it is goť into print: I have not ſeen it in print. Mr. York had a copy of it when he argued the caſe of the Univerſity of Cambridge and Baſkett. Mr. Salkeld ar- gued for the defendant Partridge; Sir Peter King for the plaintiffs. " I will ſtate to you, ſo far as is material to the argument, how they put it, and the only grounds that they thought tenable. “ Mr. Salkeld, after poſitively and expreſſly denying any prerogative in the crown over the preſs, or any power to grant any excluſive privilege, H h 2 ſays, 1 236 THE LIFE OF ſays, "I take the rule in all theſe caſes to be, that where the crown has a property or riglet of copy the king may grant it. The crown may grant the ſole printing of Bibles in the Engliſh tranſlatiou, becauſe it was inade at the king's charge. The ſame reaſon holds as to the Statutes, rear-books, and Common Prayer Books. Sir Peter King, for the plaintiffs, argues thus, throwing out, at the ſame time, the things that I have already mentioned, though he don't ſeem to be very ſerious in it: 'I argue, that if the crown has a right to the Common Prayer Book, it has a right to every part of it; and the calendar is a part of the Common Prayer Book, and an almanac is the ſame thing with the ca- lendar,.&c.' “ Parker, chief juſtice, ſpeaks to nothing ſaid at the bar, but only, whether the calendar is part of the Common Prayer Book.' And as to that, he goes back as far as the Council of Nice, and doubts whether it is, or ra- ther indeed thinks that it is not, part of it; he ſays, it may be an Index, but is no part of it. “Mr. Juſtice Powell ſays, “You muſt diſtinguiſh this from the common caſes of monopolies, by ſhewing ſome property in the crown, and bringing it within the caſe of the Common Prayer Book;' and he rather inclined to think, that almanacs might be the king's, becauſe there is a trial by al- 1 manacs. • To which lord Parker replied, that he never leard of ſuch a thing as a trial by almanac.' • They leave it upon this. It ſtood over for another argument, to ſee if they could make it like the caſe of the Common Prayer Book. I don't know what happened afterwards ; but there never was any judgement, and, though I have made ſtrict enquiry, I don't find that there was ever any opinion. given. “ I heard lord Hardwicke fay what Mr. Juſtice Willes has quoted as to theſe arguments from property in fupport of the king's right neceſſarily in. ferring an author's. - The caſe of Baſkett and the Univerſity of Cambridge was then depending in this court, when lord Hardwicke made uſe of that expreſſion or argument.. It has ſince been determined. We had no idea of any prerogative in the crown over the preſs, or of any power to reſtrain it by excluſive privileges, or of WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 237 of any power to control the ſubject-matter on which a man might write, or the manner in which he might treat it. We reſted upon property froi the king's right of original publication. “Acts of parliament are the works of the legiſlature ; and the publication of them has always belonged to the king, as the executive part, and as the head and ſovereign. - The art of printing has only varied the mode ; and though printing be within legal memory, we thought the uſage ſince the invention of printing .. very material. 6. Whoever looks into Mr. Yorke's argument, upon which the opinion of the court in that caſe in a great meaſure went; I do not ſay throughout, but in a great meafure ; will ſee the great pains he takes to thew the original pro- perty in the crown. “ Though the king may grant a concurrent right; for, in that caſe, the grant was of a concurrent right, and he might grant it to ten thouſands ; he might grant it to every member of the Stationers. Company; he might grant it to every bookfeller ; we had no idea, that the firſt edition of acts of parliament made the copy common. ' “And yet any man may tranſcribe an act of parliament or a record; and any perſon may make labourious ſearches and abſtracts from records, and have a right to print them. “ Lord Hardwicke had before reaſoned in the ſame way, in the caſe of Manby and others againſt Owen and others, on 8th of April, 1755, re- lating to the Seſſions. Paper. The plaintiffs had bought the Seſſions Paper of my Lord Mayor, and had (I think) given him an hundred guineas for it : and upon an affidavit “that the Lord Mayor had always appointed the prin- ters of that paper, and that it was uſual for the Lord Mayor to take a ſum of money for it, and that the defendant had pirated it;' Lord Hardwicke con- fidered the grant as property in the copy, and granted the injunction upon the foot of property; and never dreamt that the firſt edition of it made it common. This was acquieſced under ; and the defendants were not adviſed to proceed farther. Nothing is more manifeſt, than that the injunction pro- ceeded upon the infringement of the plaintiff's property : for, as a contempt of the court of the Old Bailey, the court of Chancery would not have interfered ; but they were of opinion that the copy was transferred to the plaintiff, and that it was not made common by the firſt publication.' .. Sito Il 238 THE LIFE OF I "If the common law be fo in theſe caſes, it muſt alſo be ſo in the caſe of an auther. All the reaſoning, that ſubſequent editions ſhould be correct, ' holds equally to an author ; his name ought not to be uſed, againſt his will. It is an injury, by a faulty, ignorant, and incorrect edition, to diſgrace his work, and miſlead the reader. - The copy of the Hebrew Bible, the Greek Teſtament, or the Septuagint, does not belong to the king; it is common : but the Engliſh Tranſlation he bought; therefore it has been concluded to be his property. “ If any man ſhould turn the Pſalms, or the writings of Solomon, or Job, into verſe, the king could not ſtop the printing or ſale of ſuch a work : it is the author's work. The king has no power or controul over the ſubject-matter ; his power reſts in property: his whole right reſts upon the foundation of property in the copy by the common-law. What other ground can there be for the king's having a property in the Latin Grammar (which is one of his ancienteft copies), than that it was originally compoſed at his expence? Whatever the common law ſays of pro- perty in the king's caſe, from analogy to the caſe of authors, muſt hold conclu- fively, in my apprehenſion, with regard to authors. “ I always thought the objection from the * Act of Parliament the moſt plauſible. It has generally ſtruck, at firſt view. But, upon conſideration, it is, I think, impoſſible to imply this Act into an abolition of the common- law right, if it did exiſt; or into a declaration that no ſuch right ever exiſted.' “ The bill was brought in, upon the petition of the proprietors, to ſecure their property for ever, by penalties; the only way in which they thought it could be ſecured, having had no experience of any other, there being no ex- ample of an action at law tried, or any idea that a bill would lie for an in- junction and relief in equity.' “ An alteration was made in the committee, to reſtrain the perpetual into a temporary ſecurity. " The argument drawn from the clauſe to regulate the price ute of books, * 8 Anne, c. 19. of Sect 4. now repealed (by 12 Geo. II. c. 36. $ 3.) cannot - ... WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 239 cannot hold. That clauſe goes to all books, is perpetual, and follows the act of H. VIII *. 6. The words no longer' ufo add nothing to the ſenſe, which is exactly the fame whether theſe words are added or not. • The word "veſting' *, in the title, cannot be argued from as declaratory that there was no 'property before. The title is but once read ; and is no part of the act. In the body, the word "ſecured' is made uſe of, “ Had there been the leaſt intention to take or declare away every pretence of right at the common law, it would have been expreſsly enacted; and there muſt have been a new preamble, totally different from that which now ſtands. “ But the legiſlature has not left their meaning to be found out by looſe conje&tures. The preamble certainly proceeds upon the ground of a right of property having been violated; and might be argued from, as an allowance or confirmation of ſuch a right at the common law. The remedy enacted againſt the violation of it being only temporary, might be argued from, as implying there exiſted no right but what was fecured by the act;' therefore an expreſs Juving is added, “that nothing in this act contained ſhall extend, or be con- ftrued to extend, to prejudice, or confirm any right, &c. ;' ' any right is mani- feſtly any other right than the term ſecured by the act. The act ſpeaks of no right whatſoever, but that of authors, or derived from them; no other right could poſſibly be prejudiced or confirmed by any expreſſion in the act. The words of the ſaving are adapted to this right : “ book or copy already printed, or hereafter to be printed ;' they are not applicable to prerogative copies: If letters patent to an author or his aſſigns could give any right, they might come under the generality of the ſaving ; but ſo little was ſuch a right in the contemplation of the legiſlature, that there is not a word about patents in the whole act. Could they have given any right, it was not worth ſaving, be- cauſe it never exceeded fourteen years. : 25 H. VIII. C. 15. § 4. oh Vide Sect. 1. # Vide title, by veſting, &c. 66 It 240 T IIE LIFE OT It was ſtrongly urged, that a common-law right could not exiſt; becauſe there was no time from which it could be ſaid to attach or begin :' whercas the ſtatute-property was aſcertained by and commenced from the entry. so Undoubtedly, the previous entry is a condition upon which all the ſecu- rity given by the ſtatute depends : and if every man was entitled to print, without the author's confcnt, before this act, nobody can be queſtioned for ſo printing ſince the act, before an entry, Nay, the offence being newly created, it can only be proſecuted by the remedies preſcribed, and within the limited time of three months. " But the court of Chancery has uniforınly proceeded upon a contrary con- ſtruction. They conſidered the act, not as creating a new offence, but as giving an additional ſecurity to a proprietor grieved ; and give a relief wil bout regard to any of the prorifions in the act, whether the term was or was not expired. No injunction can be obtained, till the court is ſatisfied that the plaintiff has a clear legal right. And where, for the ſake of the relief, the Court of Chancery proceeds upon a ground of common or ſtatute law, their judgements are precedents of high authority in all the courts of Weit- minſter-hall.' His lordſhip adopted and referred to other obſervations made upon the act by the two judges who ſpoke firſt: and then concluded thus, " I deſire to be underſtood, that it is upon this ſpecial verdict I give my opinion. Every remark which has been made, as to what is and what is not found, I conſider as material. The variation of any one of the circumſtances may change the merits of the queſtion : the variation of fome, certainly would. Every caſe, where ſuch variation ariſes, will ſtand upon its own particular ground ; and will not be concluced by this judgement. • The ſubject at large is exhauſted : and therefore I have not gone into it. I have had frequent opportunities to conſider of it. I have travelled in it for many years. I was counſel in moſt of the caſes which have been cited from Chancery: I have copies of all, from the Regiſter-Book. The firſt caſe of Milton's Paradiſe Loſt, was upon my motion. I argued the ſecond : which was ſolemnly argued, by one on each ſide. I argued the caſe of Mil- lar againſt Kincaid, in the Houſe of Lords. Many of the precedents were tried by my advice. The accurate and elaborate inveſtigation of the matter in this cauſe, and in the former caſe of Tonſon and Collins, has confirmed me in what I always inclined to think, That the Court of Chancery did right, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 241 right, in giving relief upon the foundation of a legal property in authors ; in- dependent of the entry, the term for years, and all the other proviſions an- nexed to the ſecurity given by the act.' “ Therefore my opinion is, that judgement be for the plaintiff.' And it muſt be entered * as on the day of the laſt argument of this caſe at the bar.” A writ of error was afterwards brought: but the plaintiff in -er- ror, after aſſigning errors, ſuffered himſelf to be nonproſjed. And the Lords Commiſſioners, after Trinity-Term, 1770, granted an in- junction. 1774 In February, 1774, the appeal from a decree of the Court of Chancery for aſcertaining the right of Literary Property, wherein Donaldſon and Donaldſon were appellants, and Becket and others were reſpondents, for the deciſion of the Houſe of Lords.- The caſe had been argued at great length, and the judges had given their opinions.-The motion then was to reverſe a decree of the Court of Chancery, which had been made in favour of the perpetuity of the property. The principal ſpeakers were, lord Camden againſt the decree and lord Lyttelton in ſupport of it.—Lord Mansfield, for obvious reaſons, did not ſpeak as a judge.—Upon a diviſion the decree was ordered to be reverſed, without coſts. The ſpeeches of lord Mansfield, as a peer of this realm, on ſome important occaſions, have been ſelected ; and, without the introduction of a few of them, the author is not a little appre- henſive that the hiitory of the legal life of Lord Mansfield, if it may be ſo defined, would be deprived of one of its chief orna- ments. With gratitude, and with great pleaſure, the Biographer ac- knowleges his obligations to a dignified civilian, the ingenious 4 * Vide 4th Burr. p. 2303. I i contem- 342 THE LIFE OF . contemporary of lord Mansfield, for an authentic copy of a ſpeech made by his lordſhip the 3d of February, 1766, in the Houſe of Lords, on the ſubject of American taxation, which, having been reviſed and corrected by the noble ſpeaker himſelf, ſeems to have an additional value ſtampt upon it, if any alluſion to the Ameri- can ſtamp-act may be pardoned. “ My Lords, " I fall ſpeak to the queſtion ſtrictly as a matter of right; for, it is a propoſition in its nature ſo perfectly diſtinct from the expediency of the tax, that it muſt neceſſarily be taken ſeparate, if there is any true logic in the world ; but of the expediency or inexpediency I will ſay no- thing. It will be time enough to ſpeak upon that ſubject when it comes to be a queſtion. "" I ſhall alſo ſpeak to the diſtinctions which have been taken, without any real difference, as to the nature of the tax; and I ſhall point out laſtly the neceſſity there will be of exerting the force of the ſuperior authority of go- vernment, if oppoſed by the ſubordinate part of it. “ I am extremely ſorry that the queſtion has ever become neceffary to be agitated, and that there ſhould be a deciſion upon it. No one in this houſe will live long enough to ſee an end put to the miſchief which will be the re- ſult of the doctrine which has been inculcated: but the arrow'is ſhot, and the wound already given. I ſhall certainly avoid perſonal reflections: no one has had more caſt upon him than myſelf; but I never was biaſſed by any conſideration of applauſe from without, in the diſcharge of my public duty; and, in giving my ſentiments according to what I thought law, I have relied upon my own conſciouſneſs. It is with great pleaſure I have heard the noble lord, who moved for the reſolution, expreſs himſelf in ſo manly and ſenſible a way, when he recommended a difpaſſionate debate, white, at the ſame time, he urged the neceſſity of the houſe coming to ſuch a reſolution with great dignity and propriety of argument. “ I ſhall endeavour to clear away from the queſtion all that maſs of differ- tation and learning diſplayed in arguments which have been fetched from ſpeculative men who have written upon the ſubject of government, or from antient records, as being little to the purpoſe : I ſhall inſiſt that theſe re- cords are no proofs of our preſent conſtitution. A noble lord has taken up his 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 243 1 his argument from the ſettlement of the conſtitution at the Revolution : I ſhall take up my argument from the conſtitution as it now is. The conſti- tution of this country has been always in a moving ſtate, either gaining or loſing ſomething : and with reſpect to the modes of taxation, when we get beyond the reign of Edward the Firſt, or of king John, we are all in doubt and obſcurity. The hiſtory of thoſe times is full of uncertainties. In re- gard to the writs upon record, they were iffued ſome of them according to law, and ſome not according to law; and ſuch were thoſe concerning ſhip- money, to call aſſemblies to tax themſelves, or to compel benevolences. Other taxes were raiſed from eſcuage, fees for knights ſervice, and by other means ariſing out of the feudal ſyſtem. Benevolences are contrary to law; and it is well known how people refifted the demands of the crown in the caſe of ſhip-money, and were perſecuted by the court; and, if any ſet of men were to meet now to lend the king money, it would be contrary to law, and a breach of the rights of parliament. I ſhall anſwer the noble lord par- ticularly upon the records he has quoted.” [He then anſwered, one by one, the writs and records which had been quoted by lord Camden. “ With reſpect to the Marches of Wales, who were the borderers, pri- vileged for affiſting the king in his war againſt the Welſh in the mountains, their enjoying this privilege of taxing themſelves was but of a ſhort dura- tion, and during the life of Edward the Firſt, till the prince of Wales canie to be the king; and then they were annexed to the crown, and became ſub- ject to taxes like the reſt of the dominions of England, and from thence came the cuſtom, though unneceſſary, of naming Wales and the town of Monmouth in all proclamations and in acts of parliament. Henry the Eighth was the firſt who iſſued writs for it to return two members to parlia- ment. The crown exerciſed this right ad libitum, from whence ariſes the inequality of repreſentation in our conſtitution at this day. Henry VIII. iſſued a writ to Calais to ſend one burgeſs to parliament. One of the coun- ties Palatine (I think he ſaid Durham) was taxed fifty years to ſubſidies be- fore it fent members to parliament. The clergy were at no time unrepre- ſented in parliament. When they taxed themſelves, it was done with the concurrence and conſent of parliament, who permitted them to tax them- ſelves upon their petition, the convocation fitting at the fame time with the parliament; they had too their repreſentatives always fitting in this houſe, biſhops and abbots; and in the other houſe they were at no time without a right 1 li 2 . 24+ THE LIFE OF right of voting ſingly for the election of members, ſo that the argument, fetched from the caſe of the clergy, is not an argument of any force, be- cauſe they were at no tiene unrepreſented here. «The reaſoning about the colonies of Great Britain, drawn from the co- lonies of antiquity, is a mere uſeleſs diſplay of learning; for, the colonies of the Tyrians in Africa, and of the Greeks in .llia, were totally different from our (v tem. No ration before ourſelves forined any regular fyftem of colonization ; but the Romans and their fyftem was a military one, and of garrions placed in the principal towns of the conquerred provinces. The ſtates of Holland were not colonies of Spain, but they were ſtates dependent upon the Houſe of Auſtria in a feudal dependence. Nothing could be more different from our colonies than that flock of men, as they have been called, who came from the North, and poured into Europe. Theſe emigrants renounced all laws, all protection, all connection with their mother-coun- tries: they choſe their leaders, and marched under their banners to ſeek their fortunes and eſtabliſh new kingdoms upon the ruins of the Roman empire ; whereas our colonies, on the contrary, emigrated under the ſanction of the crown and parliament. They were modelled gradually into their preſent forms, reſpectively, by charters, grants, and ſtatutes; but they were never ſeparated from the mother country, or fo emancipated as to become fui juris. There are ſeveral ſorts of colonies in Britiſh America, the charter-co- lonies, the proprietary governments, and the king's colonies. The firſt colo- nies were the charter-colonies, ſuch as the Virginia company ; and theſe companies, had among their directors, members of the privy council and of both houſes of parliament; they were under the authority of the privy council, and had agents reſident here reſponſible for their proceedings. So much were they conſidered as belonging to the crown and not to the king perſonally (for there is a great difference, though few people attend to it), that when the two houſes, in the time of Charles the Firſt, were going to paſs a bill concerning the colonies, a meſſage was ſent to them by the king, that they were the king's colonies, and that the bill was unneceíTary, for that the privy council would take order about them; and the bill never had the royal afſent. The commonwealth-parliament, as ſoon as it was ſet- tled, were very early jealous of the colonies ſeparating themſelves from them, and paſſed a reſolution or act, and it is a queſtion whether it is not in force now, to declare and eſtabliſh the authority of England over its colonies. But if there was no expreſs law, or reaſon, founded upon any neceſſary in- ference t WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 245 ference from an expreſs law, yet the uſage alone would be ſufficient to ſup- port that authority: for, have not the colonies ſubmitted ever ſince their firſt eſtabliſhment to the juriſdiction of the mother-country? In all queſtions of property, the appeals from the colonies have been to the privy council here ; and ſuch cauſes have been determined, not by the law of the colonies, but by the law of England. A very little while ago there was an appeal on a queſtion of limitation in a deviſe of land with remainders ; and, notwith- ſtanding the intention of the teſtator appeared very clear, yet the caſe was determined contrary to it, and that the land fhould paſs according to the law of England. The colonies have been obliged to recur very frequently to the juriſdiction here to ſettle the diſputes among their own governments ; I well remember ſeveral references on this head, when the late lord Hardwicke was attorney-general, and fir Clement Wearg ſolicitor-general. New Hampſhire and Connecticut were in blood about their differences ; Virginia and Mary- land were in arms againſt each other. This ſhews the neceſſity of one fupe- rior deciſive juriſdiction, to which all ſubordinate juriſdictions may recur. Nothing, my lords, could be more fatal to the peace of the colonies at any time, than the parliament giving up its authority over them, for in ſuch a caſe there muſt be an intire diffolution of government. Conſidering how tlie colonies are compoſed, it is eaſy to foreſee there would be no end of feuds and factions among the ſeveral ſeparate governments, when once there ſhall be no one government here or there of ſufficient force or authority to decide their mutual differences; and, government being diffolved, nothing remains but that the colonies muſt either change their conſtitution, and take ſome new form or government, or fall under ſome foreign power. At preſent the ſeve- ral forms of their conſtitution are very various, having been produced, as all governments have been originally, by accident and circumſtances. The forms of government in every colony were adapted, from time to time, ac- cording to the ſize of the colony ; and ſo have been extended again, from time to time, as the numbers of their inhabitants and their com- mercial connections outgrew the firſt model. In ſome colonies, at firſt there was only a governor aſſiſted by two or three counſel ; then more were added, then courts of juſtice were" erected, then affe:nblies were created. Some things were clone by inſtructions from the ſecretaries of ſtate, other things were done by order of the king, and council, and other things by commiſſions under the great ſeal. It is ob- 4. 1 246 THE LIFE OF 1 ! obſervable, that, in conſequence of theſe eſtabliſhments from time to time, and of the dependency of theſe governments upon the ſupreme legiſlature at home, the lenity of each government in the colonies has been extreme towards the ſubject; and a very great inducement it has been to people to come and ſettle in them. But, if all thoſe governments which are now in- dependent of each other ſhould become independent of the mother-country, I am afraid that the inhabitants of the colonies are very little aware of the conſequences; they would feel in that caſe very ſoon the hand of power more heavy upon thein in their own governments than they have yet done, or have ever imagined. “The conſtitutions of the different colonies are made up of different prin- ciples, and inuft remain dependent, from the neceſſity of things, and their re- lations upon the juriſdiction of the mother-country; or they muſt be totally diſmembered from it, and form a league of union among themſelves againſt it, which could not be effected without great violences. No one ever thought the contrary, till the trumpet of fedition has been blown. Acts of parliament have been made, not only without a doubt of their legality, but with univerſal applauſe, the great object of which has been ultimately to fix the trade of the colonies, ſo as to center in the boſom of that country from whence they took their original. The Navigation Act ſhut up their inter- courſe with foreign countries. Their ports have been made ſubject to cuſtoms and regulations, which have cramped and diminiſhed their trade; and duties have been laid, affecting the very inmoſt parts of their commerce, and, among others, that of the poſt; yet all theſe have been ſubmitted to peaceably, and no one ever thought till now of this doctrine, that the colo- nies are not to be taxed, regulated, or bound by parliament. A few par- ticular merchants were then, as now, diſpleaſed at reſtrictions which did not permit them to make the greateſt poſſible advantages of their commerce in their own private and peculiar branches; but, though theſe few merchants might think themſelves loſers in articles which they had no right to gain, as being prejudicial to the general and national ſyſtem, yet I muſt obſerve, that the colonies, upon the whole, were benefited by theſe laws, becauſe theſe reſtrictive laws, founded upon principles of the moſt ſolid policy, flung a great weight of naval force into the hands of the mother-country, which was to protect its colonies, and without an union with which the colonies muſt have been entirely weak and defenceleſs, but which becaine relatively great, fubor- I 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 247 ſubordinately, and in proportion as the mother-country advanced in ſuperiority over the reſt of the maritime powers in Europe, to which both mutually con-. tributed and of which both have reaped a benefit, equal to the natural and juſt relation in which they both ſtand reciprocally, of dependency on one ſide, and protection on the other. " There can be no doubt, my lords, but that the inhabitants of the co- lonies are as much repreſented in parliament as the greateſt part of the peo- ple of England are repreſented ; among nine millions of whom there are eight which have no votes in electing members of parliament. Every objection therefore to the dependency of the colonies upon parliament, which ariſes to it upon the ground of repreſentation, goes to the whole preſent conſtitu- tion of Great Britain ; and I ſuppoſe it is not meant to new-model that too : people may form ſpeculative ideas of perfection, and indulge their own fan- cies or thoſe of other men. Every man in this country has his particular notion of liberty ; but perfection never did, and never can, exiſt in any hu- man inſtitution; to what purpoſe then are arguments drawn from a diſtinc- tion, in which there is no real difference, of a virtual and actual repreſenta- tion? A member of parliament, choſen for any borough, repreſents not only the conſtituents and inhabitants of that particular place, but he repre- ſents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great Britain. He repreſents the city of London, and all other the commons of this land, and the inhabi- tants of all the colonies and dominions of Great Britain, and is, in duty and conſcience, bound to take care of their intereſts. “I have mentioned the cuſtoms and the poſt-tax; it leads me to anſwer another diſtinction, as falſe as the above, the diſtinction of internal and ex- ternal taxes. The noble lord, who quoted ſo much law, and denied upon thoſe grounds the right of the parliament of Great Britain to lay internal taxes upon the colonies, allowed at the ſame time that reſtrictions upon trade, and duties upon the ports, were legal. But I cannot fee a real dif- ference in this diſtinction; for, I hold it to be true, that a tax laid in any place is like a pebble falling into, and making a circle in, a lake, till one circle produces and gives niotion to another, and the whole circumference is agitated from the center; for, nothing can be more clear than that a tax of ten or twenty per cent. laid upon tobacco, either in the ports of Virginia or London, is a duty laid upon the inland plantations of Virginia, a hundred miles from the ſea, whereſoever the tobacco grows. " I do 248 THE LIFE OF << I do not deny but that a tax may be laid injudiciouſly and injuriouſly, and that people in ſuch a caſe may have a right to complain ; but the nature of the tax is not now the queſtion ; whenever it comes to be one, I am for lenity. I would liave no blood drawn. There is, I am fatisfied, no occa- ſion for any to be drawn. A little time and experience of the inconveniences and miſeries of anarchy may bring people to their ſenſes. ..“ With reſpect to what has been ſaid or written upon this ſubject, I differ from the noble lord, who ſpoke of Mr. Otys and his book with contempt, though he maintained the ſame doctrine in ſome points, although in others he carried it farther than Otys himſelf; who allows every where the ſupre- macy of the crown over the colonies. No man on ſuch a ſubject is con- temptible. Otys is a man of conſequence among the people there. They have choſen him for one of their deputies at the congreſs and general meet- ing from the reſpective governments. It was ſaid, the man is mad. What then? One madman often makes many. Mafſaniello was mad. Nobody doubts it; yet, for all that, he overturned the government of Naples. Mad- neſs is catching in all popular aſſemblies, and upon all popular matters. The book is full of wildneſs. I never read it till a few days ago, for I ſeldomn look into ſuch things; I never was actually acquainted with the contents of the Stamp-Act, till I ſent for it on purpoſe to read it before the debate was expected. With reſpect to authorities in another houſe, I know nothing of them. I believe that I have not been in that houſe more than once ſince I had the honor to be called up to this; and, if I did not know any thing that paſſed in the other houſe, I could not and would not mention it as an authority here. I ought not to mention any ſuch authority ; I ſhould think it beneath my own and your lordſhips' dignity to ſpeak of it. 66 I am far from bearing any ill-will to the Americans; they are a very good people, and I have long known them; I began life with them, and owe much to them, having been much concerned in the plantation-cauſes before the privy council, and ſo I became a good deal acquainted with American affairs and people. I dare ſay, their heat will ſoon be over, when they come to feel a little the conſequences of their oppoſition to the legiſla- ture. Anarchy always cures itſelf; but the fermentation will continue ſo much the longer, while hot-headed men there find that there are perſons of weight and character to ſupport and juſtify them here. « Indeed WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 249 " Indeed, if the diſturbances ſhould continue for a great length of time, force muſt be the conſequence, an application adequate to the iniſchief, and ariſing out of the neceſſity of the caſe; for, force is only the difference be- tween a ſuperior and ſubordinate juriſdiction. In the former, the whole force of the legiſlature reſides collectively, and when it ceaſes to reſide the whole connection is diffolved. It will, indeed, be to very little purpoſe that we fit here enacting laws, and making reſolutions, if the inferior will not obey them, or if we neither can nor care enforce them; for then, and then, I ſay, of neceſſity the matter comes to the ſword. If the offspring are grown too big and too reſolute to obey the parent, you muſt try which is the ſtrongeſt, and exert all the powers of the mother-country to decide the conteſt. “ I am ſatisfied, notwithſtanding, that time and a wiſe and ſteady con- duct may prevent thoſe 'extremities which would be fatal to both. I remem- ber well when it was the violent humour of the times to decry ſtanding armies and garriſons, as dangerous and incompatible with the liberty of the ſubject. Nothing would do but a regular militia. The militia are embo- died; they march, and, no ſooner was the militia-law thus put into execu- tion, but it was then ſaid to be an intolerable burthen upon the ſubject, and that it would fall, ſooner or later, into the hands of the crown. That was the language, and inany counties petitioned againſt it. This may be the caſe with the colonies. In many places they begin already to feel the effects of their reſiſtance to government. Intereſt very ſoon divides mercantile people ; and, although there may be ſome mad, enthuſiaſtic, or ill-deſigning people in the colonies, yet I am convinced that the greateſt bulk, who have under- ſtanding and property, are ſtill well-affected to the mother-country. You have, my lords, many friends ſtill in the colonies; and take care that you do not, by abdicating your own authority, deſert them and yourſelves, and loſe them for ever. “ In all popular tumults the worſt men bear the fway at firſt. Moderate and good men are often ſilent for fear or modeſty; who, in due time, may declare themſelves. Thoſe who have any property to loſe are ſufficiently alarmed already at the progreſs of theſe public violences and violations, to which every man's dwelling, perſon, and property, are hourly expoſed. Numbers of ſuch valuable men and good ſubjects are ready and willing to K k declars. .250 THE LIFE OF declare themſelves for the ſupport of government in due time, if government does not fling away its own authority. My lords, the parliament of Great Britain has its rights over the colo- nies; but it may abdicate its rights. - There was a thing which I forgot to mention; I mean, thé manuſcript quoted by the noble lord. He tells you, that it is there ſaid, that, if the act concerning Ireland had paſſed, the parliament might have ab- dicated its rights as to Ireland. In the firſt place, I heartily wiſh, my lords, that Ireland had not been named at a time when that country is of a temper and in a ſituation ſo difficult to be governed ; and when we have already here ſo much weight upon our hands, encumbered with the extenſiveneſs, variety, and importance, of ſo many objects in a vaſt and too buſy empire ; and the national ſyſtem ſhattered and exhauſted by a long, bloody, and expenſive war, but more ſo hy our diviſions at home, and a fluctuation of councils. I wiſh Ireland therefore never had been named. “ I pay as much reſpect as any man to the memory of lord chief juſtice Hale; but I did not know that he had ever written upon the ſubject; and I differ very much froin thinking with the noble lord, that this manuſcript ought to be publiſhed ; ſo far am I from it, that I wiſh the manuſeript had never been named; for, Ireland is too tender a ſubject to be touched. The caſe of Ire- land is as different as poſſible from that of our colonies. Ireland was a con- quered country; it had its pacla conventa, and its regalia. But to what pur- poſe is it to mention the manuſcript? It is but the opinion of one man. When it was written, or for what particular object it was written, does not appear. It might' poſſibly be only a work of youth, or an exerciſe of the underſtanding, in ſounding and trying a queſtion problematically. All peo- ple, when they firſt enter profeſſions, make their collections pretty early in life ; and the manuſcript may be of that fort. However, be it what it may, the opinion is but problematical ; for, the act to which the writer refers never paſſed, and lord Hale only ſaid, that, if it had paſſed, the parliament might have abdicated their right. But, my lords, I ſhall inake this application of it. You may abdicate your right over the colonies. Take care, my lords, how you do ſo; for, ſuch an act will be irrevocable. Proceed then, my lords, with ſpirit and firmneſs ; and, when you ſhall have eſtabliſhed your authority, it will then be a time to . 251 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. to fhew your lenity. The Americans, as I ſaid before, are a very good peo- ple, and I wiſh them exceeding well ; but they are heated and inflamed. The noble lord who ſpoke before concluded with a prayer; I cannot end better than by ſaying to it, amen; and in the words of Maurice prince of Orange concerning the Hollanders, “God bleſs this induſtrious, frugal, and well-meaning, but eaſily deluded people.” Lord Camden roſe, and replied to the following effect : " That the noble lord was much miſtaken concerning the manuſcript; that he would readily ſhew it to him; and, for the preſent, he did aſſure him and the reſt of their lordſhips, that it was a work, not of youth, but written by lord Hale in the height and vigour of his underſtanding, with great delibe- ration and ſelf-conviction of the truth of what he advanced." 1767. In 1767, the cauſe between the city of London and the Diſen- ters was brought to a concluſion in the Houſe of Lords. The learned Dr. Philip Furneaux, in his Preface to the ſecond Edition of Letters to the honorable Mr. Juſtice Blackſtone, con- cerning his expoſition of the act of toleration, makes his grateful acknowledgements to lord Mansfield in the following ſentences : “ I think myſelf therefore ſingularly happy in the opportunity of publiſh- ing an authentic copy of the celebrated ſpeech of lord Mansfield in the Houſe of Lords in the Sheriffs caſe; a ſpeech which in point of arrange- ment, weight of argument, perſpicuity, and energy, both of expreſfion and ſentiment, liath ſeldom, I believe, been equalled on any occafion, unleſs by the noble lord himſelf. “ And I here make my moſt humble and grateful acknowledgements to that truly great man, for the peculiar honor he hath done me, in permitting me to convey to the world a copy of that admirable model of juridical and ſenatorial eloquence. Kk 2 64 I men- . 252 THE LIFE OF " I mentioned in the former edition of my letters having in my poſſeſſion a copy, which by many very competent judges, who were preſent when the ſpeech was delivered, and ſome of them members of the ſupreme court by whichi the cauſe was determined, was thought to be not inaccurate; an imperfect tranſcript of which having, entirely without my knowledge, appeared in an evening-paper, I was deſirous, if I could obtain his lordſhip’s permiſſion, to favour the world with a more faithful copy. I accordingly waited on his lordſhip, and had my requeſt in the moſt condeſcending manner granted. Indeed his lordſhip, when he delivered that incomparable ſpeech, had no ņotes, and had afterwards taken no memorandums; but, having read the copy, he declared his approbation of it.” After this detail, it is preſumed that the reader will not be diſpleaſed to find the ſpeech ſubjoined of lord Mansfield in the Houſe of Lords, in the caſe of the Chamberlain of London againſt Allen Evans, Eſq. “ My Lords, “ As I made the motion for taking the opinion of the learned judges, and propoſed the queſtion your lordſhips have been pleaſed to put to them; it may be expected that I ſhould make ſome farther mo- tion, in conſequence of the opinions they have delivered. • In moving for the opinion of the judges, I had two views. The firſt was, that the houſe might have the benefit of their affiftance, in forming a right judgement in this cauſe now before us, upon this writ of error. The next was, that, the queſtion being fully diſcuſſed, the grounds of our judgement, together with their exceptions, limitations, and reſtrictions, might be clearly and certainly known, as a rule to be followed hereafter in all future caſes of the like nature, and this determined me as to the manner of word- ing the queſtion, “how far the defendant might, in the preſent cafe, be al- lowed to plead his diſability in bar of the action brought againſt him. “ The queſtion, thus worded, ſhews the point upon which your lordſhips thought this cauſe turned ; and the anſwer neceſſarily fixes a criterion, under what circumſtances, and by what perſons, ſuch a diſability may be pleaded as an exemption from the penalty inflicted by this bye-law, upon thoſe who decline taking upon them the office of ſheriff. " In every view in which I have been able to conſider this matter., I think this action cannot be fupported. < If WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 253 / 1 “ If they rely on the Corporation-act, by the literal and expreſs proviſion of that act no perſon can be elected, who hath not within a year taken the facrament in the Church of England : The defendant hath not taken the fa- crament within a year; he is not therefore elected. Here they fail. “ If they ground it on the general deſign of the legiſlature in paſſing the Corporation-act; the deſign was, to exclude Diffenters from office, and diſ- able them from ſerving. For in thoſe times, when a ſpirit of Intolerance prevailed, and ſevere meaſures were purſaed, the Diſſenters were reputed and treated as perſons ill-affected and dangerous to the government: The defend- ant therefore, a Diſſenter, and in the eye of this law a perſon dangerous and ill-affected, is excluded from office, and difabled from ſerving. Here they fail. “ If they ground the action on their own bye-law ; ſince that bye-law was profeffėdly made to procure fit and able perſons to ſerve the office, and the defendant is not fit and able, being expreſſly diſabled by ſtatute law ; here too they fail. “ If they ground it on his diſability, being owing to a neglect of taking the Sacrament at church, when he ought to have done it, the Toleration- act having freed the Diffenters from all obligation to take the Sacrament at church; the defendant is guilty of no neglect, no criminal neglect; here : therefore they fail. “ Theſe points, my lords, will appear clear and plair. « The Corporation-act, pleaded by the defendant as rendering him in- eligible to this office, and incapable of taking it upon him, was moſt cer- tainly intended by the legiſlature to prohibit the perſons therein deſcribed being elected to any corporation-offices, and to diſable them from taking ſuch offices, upon them. The act had two parts: firſt, it appointed a com- miſſion for turning out all that were at that time in office, who would not comply with what was required as the condition of their continuance. Therein, and even gave a power to turn them out though they ſhould comply; and then it farther enacted, that, from the termination of that commiſlion, perſon hereafter, who had not taken the facrament according to the rites of the Church of England within one year preceding the time of ſuch election; ſhould be placed, choſen, or elected, into any office of, or belonging to, the government of any corporation ; and this was done, as it was expreſſly. declared in the preamble to the act, in order to perpetuate the ſucceſſion in 5. corpo no 254 THE LIFE OF corporations in the hands of perſons well-affected to the government in church and ſtate. “ It was not their deſign, as hath been ſaid, to bring ſuch perſons into corporations by inducing them to take the Sacrament in the Church of En- gland ;' the legiſlature did not mean to tempt perſons who were ill-affected to the government occaſionally to conform. It was not, I ſay, their deſign to bring them in; they could not truſt them, leſt they ſhould uſe the power of their offices to diſtreſs and annoy the ſtate. And the reaſon is alleged in the act itſelf; it was becauſe there were “evil ſpirits” amongſt them; and they were afraid of evil ſpirits, and determined to keep them out; and therefore they put it out of the power of electors to chooſe ſuch perſons, and out of their power to ſerve ; and accordingly preſcribed a mark or character, laid down a deſcription whereby they ſhould be known and diſ- tinguiſhed by their conduct previous to ſuch election. Inſtead of appointing a condition of their ſerving the office, reſulting from their future conduct, or ſome conſequent action to be performed by them; they declared ſuch perſons incapable of being choſen as had not taken the Sacrament in the church within a year before ſuch election; and, without this mark of their affection to the church, they could not be in office, and there could be no election ; but, as the law then ſtood, no man could have pleaded this diſabi- lity, reſulting from the Corporation-act, in bar of ſuch an action as is now brought againſt the defendant; becauſe this diſability was owing to what was then in the eye of the law a crime ; every man being required by the canon-law, received and confirmed by the ſtatute-law, to take the facra- ment in the church at leaſt once a year. The law would not permit a man- to ſay, that he had not taken the ſacrament in the Church of England, and he could not be allowed to plead it in bar of any action brought againſt him. “ But the caſe is quite altered ſince the act of Toleration. It is now no crime for a man, who is within the deſcription of that act, to ſay he is a Diffenter; nor is it any crime for him not to take the ſacrament according to the rites of the Church of England ; nay the crime is, if he does it con- trary to the dictates of his conſcience. “ If it is a crime not to take the facrament at church, it muſt be a crime by ſome law, which muſt be either coinmon or ſtatute law, the canon-law enforcing it depending wholly upon the ſtatute-law. Now the ſtatute-law is WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 255 } is repealed as to perſons capable of pleading that they are ſo and ſo qua- lified ; and therefore the canon-law is repealed with regard to thoſe perſons. If it is a crime by common law, it muſt be ſo either by uſage or principle. " There is no uſage or cuſtom, independent of poſitive slaw, which makes nonconformity a crime. “ The eternal principles of natural religion are part of the common law. The eſſential principles of revealed religion are part of the common law; ſo that any perſon reviling, ſubverting, or ridiculing them, may be proſecuted at common law. But it cannot be ſhewn, from the principles of natural or revealed religion, that, independent of poſitive law, temporal puniſhments ought to be inflicted for mere opinions with reſpect to particular modes of worſhip “Perfecution for a fincere, though erroneous, conſcience, is not to be de- duced from reaſon or the fitneſs of things; it can only ſtand upon poſitive law. - It hath been ſaid, that the Toleration-act only amounts to an ex- emption of the Proteſtant Diflenters from the penalties of certain laws therein particularly mentioned, and to nothing more ; that, if it had been intended to bear, and to have any operation upon the Corporation-act, the Corporation-act ought to have been mentioned therein ; and there ought to have been ſome enacting clauſe, exempting Diflenters from proſecution in conſequence of this act, and enabling them to plead their not having re- ceived the facrament according to the rites of the Church of England in bar of ſuch action. But this is much too limited and narrow a conception of the Toleration-act, which amounts conſequentially to a great deal more than this; and it hath conſequentially an inference and operation upon the Cor- poration-act in particular. The Toleration-act renders that, which was illegal before, now legal; the Diffenters way of worſhip is permitted and allowed by this act; it is not only exempted from puniſhment, but rendered inno- cent and lawful ; it is eſtabliſhed; it is put under the protection, and is not merely under the connivance, of the law. In caſe thoſe who are appointed by law to regiſter diffenting places of worſhip refuſe on any pretence to do it, we muſt, upon application, ſend a Mandamus to compel them, “ Now there cannot be plainer poſition, than that the law protects nothing in that very reſpect in which it is in the eye of the law at the ſame time a crime. Diſſenters, within the deſcription of the Toleration-act, are re- ſtored to a legal conſideration and capacity; and a hundred conſequences will + 256 THE LIFE OF + will from thence follow which are not mentioned in the act. For inſtance, previous to the Toleration-act, it was unlawful to deviſe any legacy for the ſupport of diffenting congregations, or for the benefit of diffenting minif- ters; for, the law knew no ſuch aſſemblies, and no ſuch perſons ; and ſuch a deviſe was abſolutely void, being left to what the law called fuperftitious pur- poſes. But will it be ſaid in any court in England, that ſuch a deviſe is not a good and valid one now? And yet there is nothing ſaid of this in the Toleration-act. By this act the Diſienters are freed not only from the pains and penalties of the laws therein particularly ſpecified, but from all ecclefiaf- tical cenſures, and from all penalty and puniſhment whatſoever, on account of their nonconformity; which is allowed and protected by this act, and is therefore in the eye of the law no longer a crime. Now, if the defendant may ſay he is a diffenter, if the law doth not ſtop his mouth, if he may declare tliat he hatlı not taken the facrament according to the rites of the church of England, without being conſidered as criminal ; if, I ſay, his month is not ſtopped by the law ; he may then plead his not having taken the facrament according to the rites of the church of England, in bar of this action. It is ſuch a diſability as doth not leave him liable to any action, or to any penalty whatſoever. 66 It is indeed ſaid to be a maxim in law, that a man ſhall not be allowed to diſable himſelf. But, when this maxin is applied to the preſent caſe, it is laid down in too large a ſenſe ; when it is extended to comprehend a legal diſability, it is taken in too great a latitude. What! ſhall not a man be allowed to plead, that he is not fit and able? Theſe words are inſerted in the bye-law, as the ground of making it; and in the Plaintiff's declaration, as the ground of his action againſt the defendant : it is alleged, that the de- fendant was fit and able, and that he refuſed to ſerve, not having a reaſon- able excuſe. It is certain, and it is hereby in effect admitted, that if he is not fit and able, and that if he hath a reaſonable excuſe, he may plead it in Þar of this action. Surely he might plead, that he was not worth £.15,000. provided that was really the caſe, as a circumſtance that would render him not fit and able. And if the law allows him to ſay, that he hath not taken the facrament according to the rites of the church of England, being within the deſcription of the Toleration-act, he may plead that likewiſe to ſhew that he is not fit and able: It is a reaſonable, it is a lawful excuſe. My Lords, the meaning of this maxim, "That a man ſhall not diſable himſelf," is ſolely this, That a man ſhall not diſable himſelf by his own wil- ful 4 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 287 ! 1 ful crime: and ſuch a diſability the law will not allow him to plead. If a man contracts to ſell an eſtate to any perſon upon certain terms at ſuch a time, and in the mean time he ſells it to another, he ſhall not be allowed to ſay, "Sir, I cannot fulfil my contract; it is out of my power ; I have ſold iny 'eſtate to another. Such a plea would be no bar to an action, becauſe the act of his ſelling it to another is the very breach of contract. So likewiſe a man who hath promiſed marriage to one lady, and afterwards marries another, can- not plead in bar of a proſecution from the firſt lady that he is already mar- ried; becauſe his marrying the ſecond lady is the very breach of promiſe to the firſt. A nian ſhall not be allowed to plead that he was drunk, in bar of a criminal proſecution, though perhaps he was at the time as incapable of the exerciſe of reaſon as if he had been inſane, becauſe his drunkenneſs was it- ſelf a crime: he ſhall not be allowed to excuſe one crime by another. The Roman ſoldier, who cut off his thumbs, was not ſuffered to plead his diſ- ability for the ſervice, to procure his diſiniſſion with impunity: becauſe his incapacity was deſignedly brought on him by his own wilful fault. And I am glad to obſerve ſo good an agreement among the judges upon this point, who have ſtated it with great preciſion and clearneſs. 6. When it was ſaid therefore that “a man cannot plead his crime, in ex- cuſe for not doing what he is by law required to do,' it only amounts to this, that he cannot plead in excuſe what, when pleaded, is no excuſe : but there is not in this the ſhadow of an objection to his pleading what is an excuſe, pleading a legal diſqualification. If he is nominated to be a juſtice of the peace, he may fay, I cannot be a juſtice of the peace, for I have not an hundred pounds a-year. In like manner a diffenter may plead, I have not qualified, and I cannot qualify, and am not obliged to qualify; and you have no right to fine me for not ſerving. It hath been ſaid, that 'the King hath a right to the ſervice of all his ſubjects. And this aſſertion is very true, provided it be properly qualified. For ſurely, againſt the operation of this general right in particular caſes, a man may plead a natural or civil diſability. May not a man plead, that he was upon the high ſeas? May not idiocy or lunacy be pleaded ? which are natural diſabilities : or a judgement of a court of law ? and much more a judgement of parliament? which are civil diſabilities. LI 65 It . 1 258 THE LIFE OF 66 It hath been ſaid to be a maxim that no man can plead, his being a lunatic, to avoid a deed executed, or excuſe an act done, at that time; becauſe, it is ſaid, if he was a lunatic he could not remember any action he did during the period of his inſanity:;' and this was doctrine formerly laid. down by fome judges: but I am glad to find, that of late it hath been gene- rally exploded; for, the reaſon aſſigned for it is, in my opinion, wholly in- ſufficient to ſupport it; becauſe, though he could not remember what paſſed during his inſanity, yet he might juſtly ſay, if he ever executed ſuch a deed, or did ſuch an action, it muſt have been during his confinement or lunacy 3 : for he did not do it either before or ſince that time. 66 As to the caſe in which a man's plea, of inſanity was actually ſet aſide; it was nothing more than this : it was when they pleaded ore tenus ; the man pleaded, that he were at the time out of his fenfes. It was replied, How do you know that you was out of your ſenſes? No man that is ſo knows him- ſelf to be fo. And accordingly his plea was upon this quibble ſet aſide; not becauſe it was a valid one, if he was out of his ſenſes; but becauſe they con- cluded he was not out of his fenfes. If he had alleged, that he was at that: time confined, being apprehended to be out of his ſenſes; no advantage could have been taken of his manner of expreſſing himſelf; and his plea muſt have been allowed to be good. “As to Larwood's cafe, he was not allowed the benefit of the Toleration- act, becauſe he did not plead it. If he had inſiſted on his right to the bene- fit of it in his plea, the judgement muſt have been different. “ His inſerting it in his replication was not allowed, not becauſe it was not an allegation that would have excuſed him, if it had been originally taken no- tice of in his plea, but becauſe its being only mentioned afterwards was-a de- parture from his plea. " In the caſe of the mayor of Guilford, the Tolération-act was pleaded, the plea was allowed good, the diſability being eſteemed a lawful one ; and the judgement was right. “ And here the defendant hath likewiſe inſiſted on his right to the benefit of the Toleration-act in his plea; he faith he is bona fide a difſenter, within the deſcription of the Toleration-act ; that he hath taken the oaths, and fub- ſcribed the declaration, required by that act, to fhew that he is not a Popiſh recuſant; that he hath never received the facrament according to the rights of the Church of England, and that he cannot in conſcience do it ; and that for 2 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 259 for more than fifty years paſt he hath not been preſent at church at the cele- bration of the eſtabliſhed worſhip, but hath conſtantly received the ſacrament and attended Divine Service among the Proteſtant Diffenters; and theſe facts are not denied by the plaintiff, though they might eaſily have been tra- verſed; and it was incumbent upon them to have done it, if they had not known they ſhould certainly fail in it. There can be no doubt therefore that the defendant is a Diffenter, an honeſt conſcientious Diffenter; and no conſcientious Diſfenter can take the ſacrament at church : the defendant faith he cannot do it, and he is not obliged to do it. And as this is the caſe, as the law allows him to ſay this, as it hath not ſtopped his mouth; the plea which he makes is a lawful plea, his diſability being through no crime or fault of his own ; I ſay, he is diſabled by act of parliament, with- out the concurrence or intervention of any fault or crime of his own; and therefore he may plead this diſability in bar of the preſent action. 6. The caſe of Atheiſts and Infidels' is out of the preſent queſtion ; and they come not within the deſcription of the Toleration-act. And this is the ſole point to be enquired into, in all caſes of the like nature with that of the defendant, who here pleads the Toleration-act; is the nan bona fide a Dif- ſenter within the deſcription of that act ? If not, he cannot plead his diſabi- lity in conſequence of his not having taken the ſacrament in the Church of England ; if he is, he inay lawfully and with effect plead it in bar of ſuch an action ; and the queſtion, on which this diſtinction is grounded, muſt be tried by a jury. “ It hath been ſaid, that, this being a matter between God and a man's own conſcience, it cannot come under the cognizance of a jury;' but cer- tainly it may; and, though God alone is the abſolute judge of a man's reli- gious profeſſion, and of his conſcience, yet there are ſome marks even of fincerity; among which there is none more certain than conſiſtency. Surely a man's fincerity may be judged of by overt-acts; it is a juſt and ex- cellent maxim, which will hold good in this as in all other caſes, by their fruits ye ſhall know them.' Do they, I do not ſay go to meeting now and then, but do they frequent the meeting-houſe? Do they join generally and ſtatedly in Divine Worſhip with Diffenting Congregations ? Whether they do, or not, may be aſcertained by their neighbours, and by thoſe who fre- quent the ſame places of worſhip. In caſe a man hath occaſionally con- formed for the ſake of places of truſt and profit; in that caſe, I imagine, a jury would not heſitate in their verdict. If a man then alleges he is a Dif- L 1 2 fenter, 260 THE LIFE OF 1 fenter, and claims the protection and the advantages of the Toleration-act, a jury may juſtly find that he is not a Diſſenter within the deſcription of the Toleration-act, ſo far as to render his diſability a lawful one. If he takes the facrament for his intereft, the jury may fairly conclude that this ſcruple os conſcience is' a falſe pretence when ſet up to avoid a burthen. "The defendant in the preſent caſe pleads, that he is a Diſſenter within the deſcription of the Toleration-act; that he hath not taken the ſacrameno in the Church of England within one year preceding the time of his ſup- poſed election, nor ever in his whole life; and that he cannot in conſcience do it. " Conſcience is not controulable by human laws, nor amenable to human tribunals. Perſecution, or attempts to force conſcience, will never produce conviction, and are only calculated to make hypocrites or martyrs. “ My lords, there never was a ſingle inſtance, from the Saxon times down to our own, in which a man was ever puniſhed for erroneous opinions con- cerning rites or modes of worſhip, but upon ſome poſitive law. The com- mon law of England, which is only common reaſon or uſage, knows of no proſecution for mere opinions : for Atheiſm, Blaſphemy, and reviling the Chriſtian religion, there have been inſtances of perſons proſecuted and pu- niſhed upon the coinmon law; but bare nonconformity is no fin by the common law; and all poſitive laws inflicting any pains or penalties for non- confirmity to the eſtabliſhed rites and inodes, are repealed by the act of Toleration; and Diſſenters are thereby exempted from all ecclefiaftical cen- fures. " What bloodſhed and confuſion have been occaſioned, from the reign of Henry the Fourth, when the firſt penal ſtatutes were enacted, down to the Revolution in this kingdom, by laws made to force-conſcience. There is nothing certainly more unreaſonable, more inconſiſtent with the rights of human nature, more contrary to the ſpirit and precepts of the Chriſtian reli- gion, more iniquitous and unjuſt, more impolitic, than perſecution. It is againſt Natural Religion, Revealed Religion, and ſound Policy. “Sad experience, and a large mind, taught that great man, the Prefident De Thou, this doctrine. Let any man read the many admirable things which, though a Papift, he hath dared to advance upon the ſubject, in the dedication of his Hiſtory to Harry the Fourth of France (which I never read without rap- ture); and he will be fully convinced, not only how cruel, but how im- politic, it is to proſecute for religious opinions, I am ſorry, that of late his 6 country WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 261 1 countrymen have begun to open their eyes, ſee their error, and adopt his ſentiments. I ſhould not have broken rny heart (I hope I may ſay ſo without breach of Chriſtian charity) if France had continued to cheriſh the Jeſuits, and to perſecute the Huguenots. “ There was no occaſion to revoke the edict of Nantz; the Jeſuits needed only to have adviſed a plan fimilar to what is contended for in the preſent caſe; make a law to render them incapable of office ; make another to pu- niſh them for not ſerving. If they accept, puniſh them (for, it is admitted on all hands, that the defendant, in the cauſe before your lordſhips is pro- ſecutable for taking the office upon him). If they accept, puniſh them; if they refuſe, puniſh them ; if they ſay yes, puniſh them; if they ſay no, puniſh them. My lords, this is a moſt exquiſite dilemma, from which there is no eſcaping ; it is a trap a man cannot get out of; it is as bad perſe- cution as that of Procruſtes ; if they are too ſhort, ſtretch them ; if they are too long, lop them. Small would have been their conſolation to have been gravely told, the edict of Nantz is kept inviolable ; you have the full benefit of that act of Toleration, you may take the ſacrament in your own way with impunity; you are not compelled to go to maſs. Was this caſe but told in the City of London, as of a proceeding in France, how would they exclaim againſt the Jeſuitical diſtinction ? And yet in truth it comes from themſelves; the Jeſuits never thought of it. When they meant to perſecute by their act of Toleration, the edict of Nantz was repealed. “ This bye-law, by which the Diſſenters are to be reduced to this wretched dilemma, is a bye-law of the city, a local corporation, contrary to an act of parliament, which is the law of the land; a modern bye-law, of very modern date, made long ſince the Corporation-act, long ſince the Toleration-act, in the face of them; for they knew theſe laws were in being, It was made in ſome year in the reign of the late king, I forget which; but it was made about the time of building the manfion-houſe. Now, if it could be ſuppoſed the city have a power of making ſuch a bye-law it would entirely ſubrert the Teleration-act, the deſign of which was to exempt the Diſſenters from all penalties; for by ſuch a bye-law they have it in their power to make every Diſfenter pay a fine of ſix hundred pounds, or any ſum they pleaſe ; for it amounts to that. “ The profeſſed deſign of making this bye-law was to get fit and able per- fons to ſerve the office; and the plaintiff ſets forth in his declaration, that, if the Diffenters are excluded, they ſhall want fit and able perſons to ſerve the office; 262 THE LIFE OF office ; but, were I to deliver my own ſuſpicion, it would be, that they did not ſo much wiſh for their ſervices as for their fines. Diffenters have been appointed to this office, one who was blind, another who was bed-ridden ; not, I ſuppoſe, on account of their being fit and able to ſerve the office. No; they were diſabled both by nature and by law. “We had a caſe lately in the courts below of a perſon choſen mayor of a corporation while he was beyond the ſeas with his majeſty's troops in Ame- rica, and they knew him to be ſo. Did they want him to ſerve the office ? No; it was impoſſible. But they had a mind to continue the fornier mayor a year longer, and to have a pretence for ſetting aſide him who was now choſen, on all future occaſions, as having been elected before. - In the cauſe before your lordſhips, the defendant was, by law, incapa- ble at the time of his pretended election ; and it is my firm perſuaſion, that he was choſen becauſe he was incapable. If he had been capable, he had not been choſen; for they did not want him to ſerve the office. They choſe him becauſe, without a breach of the law, and an uſurpation on the crown, he could not ſerve the office. They choſe him, that he might fall under the penalty of their bye-law, made to ſerve a particular purpoſe; in oppoſition to which, and to avoid the fine thereby impoſed, he hath pleaded a legal diſability, grounded on two acts of parliament. As I amn of opinion that his plea is good, I conclude with moving your lordſhips, $6 That the judgement be affirmed." 1 The judgement was immediately affirmed, nemine contradicente; and the entry in the Journal is in the following words: “ Die Mercurii, 4° Februarii, 1767. “ It is ordered and adjudged, by the lords ſpiritual and temporal in par- liament aſſembled, That the judgement given by the commiſſioners' dele- gates appointed to hear the errors in a judgement given in the ſheriff's court, London, and affirmed by the court of Huſtings, reverſing the judgement of the Sheriff's court and court of Huſtings, be, and the ſame is hereby, af- firmed ; and that the record be remitted. This I . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 263 This great occaſion was not the firſt wherein lord Mansfield intereſted himſelf in behalf of the Proteſtant Difſenters. In Ja- nuary 1762, on a motion for a Mandamus, in the caſe of the King againſt Barker and others, to the truſtees of a diſſenting meeting-houſe at Plymouth, requiring them to admit a certain perſon as paſtor, miniſter, or preacher there ; and on its being very ſtrenuouſly oppoſed by part of the congregation and their: counſel ; lord Mansfield took occaſion, firſt, to define the nature of a Mandamus, declaring, “ That it was a Prerogative-Writ, to the aid of which the ſubject is en-" titled, upon a proper caſe previouſly ſhewn to the ſatisfaction of the court. The original nature of the writ, “Nos A. B. debitam & feftinam juftitiam in hac parte fiere volentes ut eft juſt um, proves that the court ought to aſſiſt by a Mandamus upon reaſons of juſtice. It ought alſo to aſſiſt upon reaſons of policy, to preſerve peace; order, and good government. It was introduced to prevent diſorder, from a failure of juſtice and defect of police; therefore, it ought to be uſed upon all occaſions where the law has eſtabliſhed no ſpe- - cific remedy, and where in juſtice and good government there" ought to? be one. “Within the lat century it has been liberally interpoſed for the benefit : of the fubject and advancement of juſtice. “ The value of the matter, or the degree of its importance to the public police, is not fcrupulouſly weighed. If there be a right and no other ſpecific remedy, this ſhould not be denied. “ Writs of Mandamus have been granted to admit lecturers, clerks, fextons, and ſcavengers, &c. to reſtore an alderman to precedency, an attorney 'to. practice in an inferior court, &c. "Since the Act of Toleration, it ought to be extended to protect an en- dowed paſtor of Proteſtant Difſenters, from analogy and the reaſon of the thing. “ The right itſelf being recent, there can be no direct äntient precedent; but. every caſe of a lecturer, preacher, fchoolmaſter, curate, chaplain, is in : point. “ Here is a funktion with emoluments, and no fpecific legal remedy. The right depends upon election, which intereſts all the voters, 5. The ! 264 THE LIFE OF "The queſtion is of a nature to inflame men's paſſions. The refuſal to try the election in a feigned iſſue, or proceed to a new election, proves a determined purpoſe of violence. Should the court deny this remedy, the congregation may be tempted to reſiſt violence by force. A diſpute who ſhall preach Chriſtian charity' may well raiſe implacable feuds and animofi- ties, in breach of the public peace, to the reproach of government, and the ſcandal of religion. To deny this writ, would be putting Proteſtant Diſſen- ters and their religious worſhip out of the protection of the law. This caſe is entitled to that protection, and cannot have it in any other mode than by granting this writ.” The court unanimouſly ordered a mandamus to iſſue. The celebrity of lord Mansfield's ſpeech in the houſe of lords in the Douglas cauſe, in the year 1769, made a ſtrong impreſſion on the minds of his hearers; and, conſidering the voluminous maſs of evidence which had been brought forward, and engaged the attention of the Houſe of Lords many days, the compreſſion of that evidence and the conciſeneſs of his lordſhip's ſpeech may be con- ſidered as ſome of its greateſt ornaments. Lord Mansfield. “I muſt own that this cauſe before us is the greateſt and noſt important that occurs to me; it is no leſs than an attack upon the vir- tue and honor of a lady of the firſt quality, in order to diſpoſſeſs a young man of an eminent fortune, reduce him to beggary, ſtrip him of his birth- right, declare him an alien and a foundling. I have Nept and waked upon the ſubject, conſidered it upon my pillow, to the lofing of my natural reſt, and, with all the judgemeut I was capable, have conſidered the various arti- cles that make up this long and voluminous cauſe, upon which I am now to give my opinion before your lordſhips. " I apprehend that, in the matter before us, three things are to be confi- dered. The ſituation of lady Jane before her delivery, at her delivery, and after it was over ; to all which the Chancellor (lord Camden) has ſpoken with great propriety. It is proved beyond a poffibility of doubt, that ſhe became pregnant in October 1747, at the age of forty-nine years, a thing WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 265 thing far from being uncommon, as is atteſted by phyſicians of the firſt rank, and confirmed by daily experience; and that in the month of July ſhe was delivered of twins, one of whom died, the other is ſtill alive: he has been preſented to the world, by fir John Steward and lady Jane Douglas, as their ſon; nor can he be wreſted from the hands of his parents, unleſs ſome other had, in their lifetime, claimed him as their child in a legal and juſtifiable way. .66 This action, my lords, did not lie againſt the appellant as an impoſtor ; for, an impoſtor, in the ſenſe of the law, is a perſon who wilfully and know- ingly pretends to be a different one from what he really is, in order to de-.. fraud another, and to impoſe, under a fictitious name, upon the public. If any be an iir poſtor, it muſt have been lady Jane, whom they ought to have proſecuted in her lifetime, and not at a diſtance of nine years after her death. The method of diſcovering an impoſtor is to bring his accomplice to the court before which the impoſtor was arraigned ; and if, after a fair trial, the accuſed perſon be found guilty, let him take the conſequences thereof; but this the reſpondents have neglected. The appellant has been, for five years, four months, and twelve days, the acknowledged ſon of lady Jane Douglas, and for thirteen years and two months the ſon of fir John Steward, before any attempt was made to rob him of his parents, his birth-right, and his all. 166 As the lord chancellor has anticipated much of what I intended to ſpeak upon this ſubject, ſo I ſhall only touch at the ſituation and character of the deceaſed, whom I remember in the year 1750 to have been in the moſt de- plorable circumſtances. She came to me, I being ſolicitor general, in a very deſtitute condition, and yet her modeſty would not ſuffer her to complain. The noble woman was every way viſible, even under the preſſure of want and of poverty. Her viſage and appearance were more powerful advocates than her voice ; and yet I was afraid to offer her relief, for fear of being conſtructed to proffer her an indignity. In this manner ſhe came twice to my houſe before I knew her real neceſſities, to relieve which now was my aim. I ſpoke to Mr. Pelham in her favor, told him of her fituation with regard to her brother the duke of Douglas, and of her preſent ſtraits and difficulties. Mr. Pelham without delay laid the matter before the king; the duke of Newcaſtle, then being at Hanover, was written to; he ſeconded the ſolicitation of his brother. His majeſty immediately granted her three hun- M m dred 266 THE LIFE OF dred pounds per annum out of his privy purſe, and Mr. Pelham was fo gene. rous as to order an hundred and fifty pounds of the money to be inſtantly paid. I can aſſure your lordhhips, that I never did trouble his majeſty for any other. Lady Jane Douglas was the firſt and laſt who ever had a penſion by my means. At that time I looked upon her to be a lady of the ſtricteſt honor and integrity, and to have the deepeſt ſenſe of the grandeur of the family from whence ſhe was ſprung; a family, conſpicuouſly great in Scot- land for a thouſand years paſt; a family, whoſe numerous branches have ſpread over Europe ; they have frequently intermarried with the blood royal ; and ſhe herſelf was deſcended from Henry VII. I took care that his late ma- jeſty ſhould be made acquainted with her family and name, to the intent that, though ſhe was married to colonel Steward, a diſſipated and licentious man, and who had been in the Rebellion in 1715, yet he would paſs it over, as ſhe was of a race who had always been eminently loyal, her bro- ther having charged as a volunteer at the head of the cavalry in the year 1715, when his coufin the Earl of Forfar died like a hero in defence of the government; and that his grace had, in the year 1745, treated the re- bels and their leader with contempt and ridicule; and indeed his majeſty, from his wonted magnanimity, ſpoke nothing of her huſband, but treated her with all reſpect due to a noble woman of the firſt rank and quality ; one who carried all the appearance of a perſon habituated to derotion, and for a number of years trained up in the ſchool of adverſity and diſap- pointment. "Is it poſſible, my lords, to imagine that a woman of ſuch a family, of ſuch high honor, and who had a real ſenſe of her own dignity, could be ſo baſe as to impoſe falſe children upon the world? the world? Would ſhe have owned them on every occaſion ? Was ever mother more affected for the death of a child than ſhe was for that of Sholto, the younger of her ſons ? « Will you,' ſaid ſhe, “indulge me to ſpeak of my ſon ?' and cried out with great vehemency, "O Sholto! Sholto! my ſon Sholto !' And after ſpeaking of his death, ſhe ſaid, “She thanked God that her ſon Archie was alive. What, ſaid ſhe, would the enemies of me and my children ſay, if they ſaw me lying in the duſt of death, upon account of the death of my ſon Sholto ? Would they have any ſtronger proof of their being my children than my dying for them? She ſtill inſiſted, that the ſhock ſhe received by the death of Sholto, and other griefs ſhe had met with, were ſo ſevere upon her, that WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 267 black and atrocious! To carry that ſhe was perfectly perſuaded ſhe would never recover, but conſidered her- ſelf as a dying woman, and one who was ſoon to appear in the preſence of Almighty God, and to whom ſhe muſt anſwer. She declared, that the chil- dren Archie and Sholto were born of her body; and that there was one bleſſing of which her enemies could not deprive her, which was her inno- cency, and that ſhe could pray to Almighty God for the life of her other ſon ; and that ſhe was not afraid for him, for that God Almighty would take care of him! And what is remarkable, the witneſs, Mary Macrabie, obſerved, that the grief for the loſs of the child grew upon her. Would The, my lords, have bleffed her ſurviving child on her death-bed? Would The have died with a lie in her mouth, and perjury in her right hand ? Cha- rity, that thinketh no evil, will not ſuffer me for a moment to harbour an opinion fo cruel and prepoſterous; or can we ſuppoſe that two people, who had not wherewith to ſupport themſelves, would be folicitous, and ſhew all the tenderneſs of parents towards the children of creatures, who, forgetting the firſt principle of inſtinct and humanity, had fold their children to peo- ple whom they did not ſo much as know by their names? The act of Jo- feph's brethren, in felling him, is repreſented as wicked and unnatural ; but indeed the crime of Madam Mignon and of Madam Sanry is ſtill more glas had acted this out of a principle of revenge toward the family of Ha- milton; yet Sir John Steward had no occaſion to do ſo, much leſs continue the vindictive farce after her death, eſpecially when married to another ſpouſe. And here we may ſee fir John as much a parent to the appellant as lady Jane; he was every way fond of him; it is in evidence: I know it to be true. My ſiſter and I have frequently been at Mr. Murray's with them, and were always delighted with the care we obſerved. No mortal harboured any thoughts of their being falſe children at that time, I mean in 1750 and 1751. Every perſon looked upon them as the children of lady Jane Douglas and of colonel Steward. The counteſs of Eglington, lord Lindores, and many others, have, upon oath, declared the ſame thing. “ No ſooner does the colonel hear of che aſperfions raiſed at Douglas caſtle, and of Mr. Archibald Steward's ſwearing, that count Douglas, a French nobleman, had informed the duke of Douglas that they had been brought out of an hoſpital, than he returned an anſwer to Mr. Lock, who gave the intelligence in a letter to Mrs. Hewitt, and wrote to him in all the M m 2 а. ter1225 268 THE LIFE OF: . terms of a inan of ſpirit, cordially intereſted in the welfare-and happineſs of his fon; but he and lady Jane begged the favor of chevalier Douglas a French gentleman and officer, then at London, to acquaint his coufin the count with what was ſaid of him. This the chevalier undertook, and fulfilled with the fidelity of a man of honor; and the count, in conſequence of the appli-. cation, wrote a letter, not only to lady Jane, but to her brother the duke, in all the language of politeneſs and humanity diſowning what was ſaid. of himn. “ But, my Lords, the duke of Douglas himſelf was fully ſatisfied of the appellant's being the real ſon of his ſiſter lady. Jane ; for, on beginning to be known, after his marriage, and to reliſh the pleaſures of ſocial life, he be- came very inquiſitive about the ſize, ſhape, and complexion, of the ap- pellant, and if he appeared to be a ſmart boys' He employed Sir William Douglas and others in whom he could confide, to enquire of Mrs. Hewitt, lady Jane’s companion, and of Euphemia Caw and Iſabel Walker the two maid-ſervants who had lived with them when abroad, and obſerved their conduct in the moſt unguarded moments, concerning the birth of the chil- dren; he even ſearched into the characters of theſe; and it appears froin the depoſitions of clergymen and gentlemen of the firſt rank in that country, that they were women worthy. to be believed. He even went in perſon to viſit Mrs. Hewitt, converſed with her in the preſence of his gentleman, Mr. Greenfheils, concerning, his ſiſter's delivery ; and the accounts given by theſe, like the radii of a circle, all pointing to one and the ſame centre, confirming the reality of lady Jane being the mother of the young gentle- man; he was fatisfied, acknowledged him for his nephew, and left him his. heir. " If the duke.of Douglas, after ſo ſerious an enquiry, was convinced, why ſhould not we? 'Tis true, his Grace has ſometimes expreſſed himſelf warmly againſt the ſurname of. Hamilton, even in lady Jane's life-time, but never ſo warmly as to prefer a ſuppoſititious-child to the duke of that name ; for he only declares, 'that, if he thought the children were lady Jane's, he would never ſettle his eſtate on the family of Hamilton ; nor did he, till after de- tecting the frauds and conſpiracies that had been ſo long and ſo induſtriouſly carried on againſt his ſiſter and himſelf, make any alteration in his firſt Tettleinent. 66 After } WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 269 << After the duke's death, the appellant was ſerved heir to his uncle, ac- cording to the form preſcribed by the law of Scotland, upon uncontroverted evidence of his being the ſon of lady Jane Douglas, takes poſſeſſion of the eſtate, and is virtually acknowledged heir by the earl of Selkirk, and by the duke of Hamilton's guardians themſelves ; for, theſe enter actions before the Court of Seſſion, declaring their right to certain parts of the eſtates upon ſome antient claims which the judges there declared to be groundleſs ; but in the whole action there was not the leaſt intimation that Mr. Douglas was not the ſon of lady Jane. " It is needleſs to trouble your lordſhip’s with the conduct of the Re- ſpondent’s-guardians at Paris, and elſewhere upon the continent. Nothing has been difcovered that could throw the leaſt blemiſh: upon the honour of Lady Jane Douglas, or colonel Steward ; they have, indeed, proved her ſtraits there, and his impriſonment here ; but both theſe circumſtances carry a farther confirmation that -the appellant is their fon; for, in every letter that paſſed between them, the children are named with a tenderneſs ſcarce to be believed ; whereas, had they been counterfeits, as pretended, they would have been apt to upbraid one another for an act ſo manifeſtly tending to involve them in their ſufferings.. Suppoſe, my Lords, that Mignon the glaſs-manufacturer's-wife, the pretended mother of Mr. Douglas, had de- poſed the ſame things in lady Jane's preſence, as ſhe has ſo long after her death? From her evidence it appears, that ſhe had never ſeen lady Jane ; by her words, both in private and public; The feems to deſerve. no manner of credit; the oath of Mr. Murray, a principal witneſs, has deſtroyed every thing ſhe has aſſerted." The ſame thing might be ſaid of Sanry, the rope : dancer's ſpouſe, whoſe child's rupture we were earneſtly deſired to keep in view, to prove him to be the identical Sholto, the younger of the twins; and now evidence is offered that the child Sholto had no rupture, but was as found as any within theſe walls. Your Lordſhips have been told, and I believe with great truth, that a gentleman, ſhocked at the affertion, had written to the council, that the influence ariſing from fo falſe a ſuggeſtion might be prevented. I alway rejoice to hear truth, which is the ornament of criticiſm, and the poliſhed gem that decorates a bar. “ The ſcrutiny. in France, followed by an action in Scotland, produced two things never intended by them: it brought forth a ſtriking acknow- ledgement of the appellant, by his father John Steward, as is manifeſt froin the bond of proviſion read at your lordſhips bar. Sir John openly acknow- ledged.. : 22 -70 THE LIFE OF 1 1 ledged him, before the Court of Seſſion, in the midſt of a crowded inulti- tude, and when labouring under a load of anguiſh and pain ; nay, when by himſelf, he folemnly declared before God, in the preſence of a juſtice of the peace and two clergymen, that the young gentleman was his ſon. It like- wiſe eſtabliſhed the character of lady Jane ; for, on examining the proof ob- tained through the vigilance of the dutcheſs of Douglas, lady Jane's reputa- tion is unſullied and great; all who had the honor of being known to her declared, that her behaviour attracted univerſal eſteem ; and madam Marie Sophi Gilliſen, a maiden lady with whom ſhe lodged ſeveral months, depofes, * that lady Jane was very amiable, and gentle as an angel.' It farther prov- ed, that the elder child, the appellant, was the exact picture of the father ; and the child Sholto as like lady Jane as ever a child was like its mother. “I have always conſidered likeneſs as an argument of a child's being the ſon of a parent, and the rather as the diſtinction between individuals in the hunian ſpecies is more diſcernible than in other animals. A man may ſur- vey ten thouſand people before he ſees two faces perfectly alike ;' and, in an army of an hundred thouſand men, every one may be known from another. If there ſhould be a likeneſs of features, there may be a diſcriminancy of voice, a difference in the geſture, the ſmile, and various other things ; whereas a family-likeneſs runs generally through all theſe ; for in every thing there is a reſemblance, as of features, fize, attitude, and action ; and here it is a queſtion, whether the appellant moſt reſeinbled his father Sir John, or tha younger, Sholto, reſembled his mother lady Jane? Many witneſſes have ſworn to Mr. Douglas being of the ſame form and make of body as his father; hie has been known to be the ſon of colonel Steward, by perſons who had never ſeen him before ; and is ſo like his elder brother, the preſent Sir John Steward, that, except by their age, it would be hard to diſtinguiſh the one from the other. “ If Sir John Steward, the moſt artleſs of mankind, was actor in the en- levement of Mignon and Sanry's children, he did in a few days what the acuteſt genius could not accompliſh for years. He found two children; the one the finiſhed model of himſelf, and the other the exact picture in mi- niature of lady Jane. It ſeens nature had implanted in the children, what is not in the parents ; for, it appears in proof, that in ſize, complexion, ſtature, attitude, colour of the hair and eyes, nay, and in every other thing, Mignon and his wife, Sanry and his ſpouſe, were toto cælo different from, and unlike to, > WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 271 to, Sir John Steward and lady Jane Douglas. Among eleven black rabbits there will ſcarce be found one to produce a white one. « The Reſpondent's cauſe has been well ſupported by the ingenuity of its managers, and great ſtreſs las been laid upon the not finding out the houſe where Madam La Brun lived, and where the delivery was effected; but this is no way ſtriking, if we conſider that houſes are frequently pulled down to make way for ſtreets, and houſes are built upon the ground where ſtreets run before: of this there are daily examples in this metropolis. However, we need enter into no arguments of this kind, as there is a poſitive evidence before us, nor is it poſlible to credit the witneſſes, ſome of them of a ſacred character, when they ſpeak of lady Jane's virtues, provided we can believe her to have been a woman of ſuch abandoned principles as to make a mock of religion, a jeſt of the ſacrament, a ſcoff of the moſt ſolemn oaths, and to ruſh, with a lie in her mouth, and perjury in her right-liand, into the preſence: of the Judge of all, who at önce ſees the whole heart of man, and from whoſe all-diſcerning eye no ſecrefy can ſcreen, before whom neither craft nor artifice can avail, nor yet the ingenuity and wit of lawyers can leſſen or exculpate. On all which accounts I am for finding the appellant to be the ſon of lady Jane Douglas." The earl of Chatham, on the iſt of May, 1770, preſented to the Houſe a bill “ for reverſing the adjudications of the Houſe of Commons, whereby John Wilkes, Eſq. has been adjudged inca- pable of being elected a member to ſerve in this preſent parlia- ment, and the freeholders of the county of Middleſex have been deprived of one of their legal repreſentatives.” This bill having been read the firſt time, and a motion made that it fhould be read a ſecond time on Thurſday then next-the earls of Temple and Chatham ſupported the motion ; which called up'Lord Mans- field. “ My Lords, “ In this debate, though it has been already ſpoken to with great eloquence and perſpicuity, I cannot content myſelf with only giving a ſilent vote ; I fëel myſelf under a ſtrong neceſſity of ſaying fome- thing more; the ſubject requires it, and, though the hour is late (it being then near ten o'clock), I ſhall demand your indulgence, while I offer my ſentiments on this motion. 65 What 272 · Τ THE LIFE OF 1 “What part I took previouſly in this matter ſhall ever remain with mya ſelf. I have, I muſt confeſs, depoſited it in the breaſt of one of the Royal family; but, reſting ſecure in that confidence, I ſhall never declare it to any other. 66 I am ſure, my lords, many of you muſt remember, from your reading and experience, ſeveral perſons expelled the Houſe of Commons without ever this Houſe once pretending to interfere, or call in queſtion by what authority they did ſo. I remember ſeveral myſelf (here his lordſhip quoted ſeveral caſes with great ſtrength of memory); in all which, though moſt of the candidates were ſure to be re-choſen, they never once applied, reſting con- tented with the expulſatory power of the Houſe, as the only ſelf-ſufficient dernier reſort of application. 66 It has been echoed on all fides, from the partizans of this motion, that the Houſe of Commons acted illegally, in accepting colonel Luttrell, who had but 296 votes, in preference to Mr. Wilkes, who had 1143 ; but this is a miſtake of the groffeſt nature imaginable, and which nothing but the intemperature of the people's zeal could poſſibly tranſport them to, as Mr. Wilkes had been previouſly conſidered by the laws as an unqualified perſon to repreſent the people in parliament; therefore it appears very plainly, that colonel Luttrell had a very great majority, not leſs than 296, Mr. Wilkes being conſidered as nobody in the eye of the law; conſequently colonel Lut- trell had no legal oppofition. " In all conteſted elections, where any of the parties think themſelves not legally treated, I ſhould be glad to know to whom it is they generally re- ſort? Is it to the freeholders of the borough, or the county, they would re- preſent, or is it to the people at large ? Who cannot ſee at once the abſurdity of ſuch a queſtion ? Who ſo ignorant of our laws, that cannot immediately reply and ſay, it is to the Houſe of Commons, who are the only judges to ndetermine every nicety of the laws of election, and from whom there is no appeal after they have once given their determination?' All the freeholder has to do is to determine on his object by giving him his vote. The ulti- mate power lies with the Houſe of Commons, who is to judge of his being a legal object of repreſentation in the ſeveral branches of his qualifications. This, my lords, I believe is advancing no new doctrine, nor adding an iota to the extenſion of the privilege of a member of the Houſe of Commons more than what the conſtitution has long ago given him. Yet here is a cry made WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 273 + made in a caſe that directly applies to what I have been ſpeaking of, as if it was illegal, arbitrary, and unprecedented. " I don't remember, my lords, either in the courſe of my reading or obſer- vation, ever to have known an inſtance of a perſon being re-choſen, after being expelled, till the year 1711. Then, indeed, my memory ſerves me with a caſe of fir Robert Walpole; he was expelled the Houſe of Commons, and was afterwards re-choſen ; but this laſt event did not take place till the meeting of the next parliament; and, during that interval, I find no debate. about the illegality of his expulfion, no interference of the Houſe of Lords, nor no addreſſes from the public to decry. that meaſure by a diſſolution of par- liamento “ Indeed, as for a precedent of one houſe interfering with the rules, or- ders, or buſineſs of another, my memory does not ſerve me at preſent with the recollection of a ſingle one. As to the caſe of Titus Oates, as men- tioned by the noble lord in my eye, lord Chatham, he is very much miſta-- ken in regard to the mode; his was a trial in the King's Bench, which, on a writ of error, the Houſe of Commons interfered in, and they had an au- thority for ſo doing; a judge certainly may be miſtaken in point of law, the wiſeſt and the beſt of us may be fo at times, and it reflects no diſcredit, on the contrary it does particular honor, when he finds himſelf ſo miſtaken, to reverſe his own decree; but for one houſe of parliament interfering with the buſineſs, and reverſing the reſolutions of another, it is not only unpre- cedented, but unconſtitutional to the laſt degree. s“ But fuppoſe, my lords, that this houſe coincided with this motion ; fuppoſe we all agreed nem. con. to repeal and reſcind the reſolutions of the Houſe of Commons in regard to the. expulſion and incapacitation of Mr. Wilkes; good God, what may be the conſequence! The people are violent. enough already; and to have the ſuperior branch of legiſlation join them, would be giving ſuch a public encouragement to their proceedings, that I almoſt tremble,.. while I even ſuppoſe ſuch a ſcene of anarchy and confuſion. “I remember, my lords, an anecdote of Roman Hiſtory, as told us by that juſtly celebrated hiſtorian Livy. At a period when the people of Rome thought their fenate were acting unconſtitutionally, they had formed a ſcheme of giving them up into the hands of the enemy: determined on this opinion, they were for ſome time waiting but for an opportunity; when one of their leaders, on whoſe valour, wiſdom, and integrity, they had the laſt de- pendance, Nn . 274 THE LIFE OF pendance, diverted them from their intentions, by reminding them, that by this revolution they might probably change for worſe maſters.' From the inference that may be drawn from this anecdote, and for the reaſons I have already mentioned to your lordſhips, I am againſt this bill.” 1 On the queſtion whether the bill ſhould be read a ſecond time, the houſe divided. It was reſolved in the negative. Biſhop Newton, in writing his own Life and Anecdotes, has expatiated on, and conſidered the laſt ſpeech, as one of the moſt brilliant and convincing which lord Mansfield ever delivered. Indeed he aſſerts, that the ſecond reading was negatived without a diviſion. i Having travelled over a large ſpace of fertile legal ground in this ſecond tour, or diviſion of the work, it is more than probable that the generality of readers are, and that the young juriſpru- dent particularly is, heartily diſpoſed to pauſe a little. From the year 1756, when the honourable Mr. Murray was appointed chief juitice, and created a peer of this realm, down to the period of time at which we are now arrived, it muſt be acknowledged that the elaborate arguments or ſpeeches of lord Mansfield, in the courſe of twelve or thirteen years, ſtand unri- valled, appear formidable, not only cum numero, ſed pondere. The real difficulty to be obviated now is, by way of queſtion and anſwer. How was it poſſible that amongſt the inceſſant hurry of buſineſs, wherein the lord chief juſtice was engaged, and im- merſed as it were, he ſhould be able to find time to prepare thoſe elaborate arguments ? The anſwer will be beſt given in lord Mansfield's own words. When his lordſhip had prepared the brouillon of an argument, as he was pleaſed to call it, in the great cauſe of Taylor verſus Horde, eſq. et alios, in the year 1757, he gave this good-humoured account of it in a letter to one of his brothers on the bench: “ I am very impatient to diſcharge myſelf entirely of it. While the company is at cards, I play my RUB- BERS i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 275 bers at this work, not the pleaſanteſt in the world; but what muſt be done, I LOVE TO DO, and have it over.' Active, very active, as his mind generally was, yet, in the long vacation of 1758, his lordſhip became an advocate for idle- neſs, ſaying, “ I am as idle as you can be ; but I have a great many men at work, I adviſe you to repeat the doſe. Liber eſe mihi non videtur, qui non aliquando nibil agit.” At Lancaſter Affizes in Auguſt, 1758, his lordſhip obſerved, in a letter to a friend in town, “ there was more buſineſs than ever known, the crown fide almoſt as good to the bar as the other. I had an enormous gaol;" yet the fatigue of this heavy gaol ſeems to have been forgotten, or loſt ſight of, in the next fentence. “ You will be angry when you hear it otherwiſe, if I ſhould not tell you, that the grand jury, at Lancaſter, did me the Donor of a public compliment, read by -Mr. Shuttleworth the foreman, and ſigned by all the reſt. I have been very happy in my colleague, and need not ſay . that he loves and honors you.” Who that colleague was does not appear. The fact, if material, might eaſily be aſcertained by reference to the Circuit Gazette of that year ; but it ſeems to be more material to proceed to prove that, in this very year 1758, lord Mansfield, in writing to a friend on the loſs of Mr. Juſtice Denniſon, for-whom he had the moſt ſincere regard-his own heart-felt language on this occaſion is, “ As an office of piety, I am prompted to write the incloſed. I am not uſed to writing, much leſs to writing epitaplis.” The curious reader would, in all probability, as ſoon have: ſuſpected that his lordſhip was compoſing a ſermon, as that he was writing an epitaph, of which the following is a correct copy: - i “ To the Memory of Sir THOMAS DENNISON, knight, this monument was erected by his afflicted widow.. Nn 2 Wc 276 THE LIFE OF 1 He was an affectionate huſband, a generous relation, a ſincere friend, a good citizen, an honeſt man. Skilled in all the learning of the common law, he raiſed himſelf to great eminence in his profeſſion; and ſhewed by his practice that a thorough knowledge of legal art and form is not litigious, or an inſtrument of chicane, but the plaineſt, eafieſt, and ſhorteſt way to the end of ſtrife. For the ſake of the publick, he was preſſed, and at laſt prevailed upon, to accept the office of a Judge in the Court of King's Bench. He diſcharged the important truſt of that high office with unſuſpected integrity and uncommon ability. The clearneſs of his underſtanding, and the natural probity of his heart, led him immediately to Truth, Equity, and Juſtice. The preciſion and extent of his legal knowledge enabled him always to find the right way of doing what was right. A zealous friend to the conftitution of his country, he ſteadily adhered to the fundamental principle upon which it is built, and by which alone it can be maintained ; a religious application of the inflexible rule of Law to all queſtions concerning the power of the Crown, 5 and WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 277 1 I and privileges of the Subject. He refigned his office, February 14, 1765, becauſe from the decay of his health, and loſs of his fight, he found himſelf unable any longer to execute it. He died September the 8th, 1765, without iſſue, in the 67th year of his age. He wiſhed to be buried in his native country, and in this church. He lies here* near the lord chief juſtice GASCOIGNE, who, by a reſolute and judicious exertion of his authority, ſupported Law and Government in a manner which has perpetuated his name, and made him an example famous to poſterity." 1 - Nota. The real fact is, that to ſerve a living friend (Dr. Johnſon, afterwards biſhop of Glouceſter) Lord Mansfield actually did compoſe a political ſermon for the zoth of January, which will be reſumed in its proper place. The wonder is therefore now leſs, that he ſhould, in memory of a deceaſed friend, write an epitaph. * In Harewood Church, Yorkſhire. C Η Α Ρ. W. Grimaldi del!_Miniature Painter to His R.H. the Duke of York. Engraved by I. Jones Engraver Extraordinary to His RH the Prince of Wales & Principal Engraver to tlis ti the Duke of York. William (late) Carl of Mansfield VIRTUTI INI ÆQUUS Virtutis veræ Cuftos Quo multæ magneeque sucantur Judice lites. Hor. CHAPTER THE THIRD. QUAMVIS SIT CLARIS COLORIBUS, PICTA, VEL POESIS, VEL ORATIO, Cic. DE ORAT. ( ( 281 ) CHAPTER III. THE Public have an indubitable right to be informed of every thing curious, even though not of real importance, relative to a diſtinguiſhed character. Hence we feel it our duty to attempt a detail of the exertions made by many eminent artiſts to perpe- tuate the true reſemblance of lord MANSFIELD, at diſtinct and in- tereſting periods of his long life. The firſt, in point of time, may naturally be ſuppoſed to be replete with vivacity and fpirit, ſince it preſents to the curious eye Mr. Murray, when a young barriſter, in his maiden bar- gown, about the year 1734, and is allowed to be an animated likeneſs. The ingenious artiſt was J. Baptiſt Vanloo. This portrait is half-length, and is at this day in high preſervation in the chambers of the Author of theſe ſheets in Lincoln's Inn. The next is a picture of great merit, at full length, from the ſpirited pencil of Martin, and is now in the poſſeſſion of Doctor Turton, F. R. S. at his houſe in the Adelphi. Lord Mansfield recommended the ſituation, and expreſſed his deſire to preſent himſelf to his friend and phyſician, in his robes of a peer attendant at the coronation, This invaluable portrait bears the following neat and claſſical inſcription : Oo OPTIMI E 282 THE:LIFE OF OPTIME MÆCENAS, LAUVI GRATISSIME NOSTRÆ, QUIPPE, QUIBUS LAUDI EST TE MEMINISSE SUUM, CONSILIO ILLUSTREM, TE JACTAT CURIA, JACTANT TE SIBI PRÆSIDIUM, TE SIBI JURA DECUS. RESTAT ADHUC PER QUOD TUA GLORIA CLARIOR EXTET; IMMO, EA VIRTUTI QUÆ COMES INVIDIA.” The fair occaſion, which gave birth to this beautiful apoſtro- phe, was this : When party-prejudice ran high, and Mr. Wilkes was at war with lord Mansfield, on account of the ſentence of outlawry, &c. one of the Weſtminſter youths made the rage of Mr. Wilkes his theme, or the ſubject of a Latin epigram.' Under the auſpices of the archbiſhop of York, then Dr. Markham, and head maſter of Weſtminſter School, the epigram was made, and the pleaſing effect of the animation of the ſpeaker, when he ſtepped forward, reſpectfully bowed, and addreſſed himſelf to LORD MANSFIELD, who was preſent, is more eaſy to be conceived than expreſſed. Another full length portrait of his lordſhip was likewiſe admi. rably executed by the ſame artiſt in the year 1776, and is now, in honor of Alma Mater, diſtinguiſhable at Chriſt Church, Ox- ford, of which, as is univerſally allowed, Mr. Murray was a fhining ornament. His lordſhip is repreſented as ſitting in. à chair, and in a peer's coronation robes. The following charac- teriſtic inſignia are worthy of notice. His right hand is on a vo- lume of Cicero, and a buſt of Homer is placed on the table. The duke of Norfolk is poſſeſſed of another ſtrong and expreſ- five likeneſs of Mr. Murray, at full length, by Vanloo, with which our tyro at the bar preſented his young friend and contem- porary, Mr. Booth ; on whoſe death it was preſented to the late Henry Howard, eſquire. Another, by Hudſon, diſtinguiſhable not only for an animated likeneſs, but alſo for inimitable drapery, was painted for Mr. Hoſkins. of Lincoln's Inn, who was alſo contemporary with Mr. Murray, 5 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 283 Murray, and is now in the poſſeſſion of Mr. Smith, an eminent folicitor in Chancery. The next, in point of time, and, poſſibly, of merit, is in the poſſeſſion of the family of the late Andrew Moffat, eſquire, the friend and favorite of lord Mansfield, who with ſome inge- nuity obtained it from the ſcientific and praiſe-worthy Caleb Whitefoord, eſquire, another friend of his lordſhip. Mr. Moffat, being poſſeſſed of a portrait of lady Mansfield, re- queſted the loan of her companion through life, to ſee how well they would accord together, and ever afterwards, with great emphaſis and good humour, told Mr. Whitefoord. “It would be a great pity, nay, unpardonable in you, to ſeparate man and wife."? This portrait is illuſtrated with the juſt and conciſe motto of 1 1 1 NIL ORTUM TALE. } Another full length portrait, and, in the eſtimation of lord Mansfield, the moſt pleaſing picture, painted likewiſe by Martin, in the grave, yet elegant dreſs in which his lordſhip was pre- ſented to the late moſt unfortunate French king and queen at Verſailles in the year 1774, viz. in a well-dreſſed tie-wig, a black velvet coat, and an handſome white embroidered waiſtcoat, is now in the poſſeſſion of John Way, eſquire, at his houſe at Acton in Middleſex. The inimitable pencils of fir Joſhua Reynolds and of Mr. Cop- ley remain, to cloſe the deſcription of the valuable portraits of this exalted character. The city of London had expreſſed a ſtrong deſire to have lord MANSFIELD's picture in Guildhall, where he had appeared many thouſand times with great dignity and ad- vantage to the commercial intereſts of the firſt city in the world; yet whether his diſinclination to be drawn at ſo late a period of life, or whether any real objection operated on his mind, he cer- tainly did reſiſt many importunities of his friends. He was, how- 0 0 2 ever, 1 men som 1 2826 THE LIFE OF ? i + + ever, at laſt prevailed on, by the archbiſhop of York and Iord Stormont, to ſit before fir Jofhua, to gratify the wiſhes of the city of London, as he had previouſly done, no leſs than four timnes. to Copley, cut of reſpect to Mr. Juſtice Buller. Theſe portraits are at full length. Here we find venerable age depicted with great ſerenity, yet not devoid of ſpirit or dignity. Some ininiature pictures of his lordſhip are in exiſtence, the moſt valuable of which is ſuppoſed to be that from which the en- graving in the front of this chapter has been made, and where- with Dr. Combe has obligingly enriched the preſent preſent publi- cation. Another excellent miniature is in the poſſeſſion of George Brooks, of Green Street, Groſvenor Square, eſquire, to whom it was bequeathed in nature of an heir-loom to go from father to ſon. From Martin's chef-d'æuvre, in the poſſeſſion of Mr. Way, and from the munificent caſt of Sir James Marriott's mind, fe- veral ininiature pictures were not only made by an ingenious young artiſt, but alſo a Bust of lord Mansfield was executed by Nollekens, which is allowed to be a very ſtrong, expreſſive, and animated likeneſs of this exalted character, whoſe ſemblance is not confined to Oxford, but is extended to the ſiſter univerſity. Chriſt Church, Oxford, may be permitted to exhibit, and to triumph in the exhibition of one of its chief ornaments in the dignified ſituation of a peer in his coronation robes ; yet Trinity- Hall in Cambridge has the merit of boaſting that they are poſ- ſeſſed of an invaluable proto-type, and that, in the effort to do honor to the exalted merit of a lord' chief juſtice, they have reflected great honor on a judge, the preſent maſter of Tri- nity-Hall. The lovers of poetry will be diſpoſed to contend, that the moſt pleaſing pictures of Mr. Murray, in his juvenile days, were ſuc- ceſsfully exhibited by his friend and favorite, Mr. Pope. A friend. 6 ſhip 1 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 285 fhip early formed on the baſis of inerit and mutual good offices, bids fair to flouriſh, and to diffuſe its healing balm through life ; accordingly Mr. Pope, in the decline of life, uſed to ſpend ſeveral of his winter evenings with lord Mansfield at his houſe in town, and, as his lordſhip uſed frequently to be out upon buſineſs, the poet, who had the entrance of his ſtudy, not unfrequently uſed to fill up his time in writing Latin epigrams, which, when he ſhewed to lord Mansfield, hé gencrally diſcouraged, and ſome- times uſed to throw them into the fire, exclaiming, 66 that the firſt Engliſh poet in the world, who had moft embelliſhed the Engliſh language, ought not to write any thing but in his own language." On another occaſion he obferved, that, if Pope's fame was al- ready ſufficiently eſtabliſhed, his friends and his country had yet claims upon him, and would not fail to ſet up thoſe claims ſo long as he had a propenſity to write. To reſume the confideration of judicial authorities, a faithful illuſtration of which will not fail to exhibit the moſt perfe&t pic ture of juriſprudence, more laſting than canvas, or marble itſelf, Whenever any ſerious doubt has ariſen in a cauſe in Equity, concerning queſtions or points which are ſtrictly legal, ſuch queſtions or points have uſually been referred to the confideration of a court of law. Thus intricate cafes, upon the legal con- ſtruction of wills, are generally ſent out of the court of Chancery to the court of King's Bench, for the opinion of that court. In theſe inſtances, although it is unuſual to aſſign the reaſons for, or the grounds of, a certificate of a court of law, yet it ſeems to be of ſome importance to the public in general, who have real property to diſpoſe of, to have clear proof adduced ; that in the various caſes ſent by the court of Chancery to the court of King's Bench, during the thirty years in which lórd Mansfield preſided there, the Polar Star, which he ſteered by, and invariably kept in view, was the clear and manifeſt intention of the } - 286 THE LIFE OF .. pre- + the teſtator ; that his ſedulous attention was confined to, and the exerciſe of his great powers were employed in effectuating that intention, fo far as by the rules of law it might be ferved and carried into effect. A few inſtances will, it is to be hoped, uſefully illuſtrate this propoſition, viz. that thoſe teſtators, who endeavour to expreſs their real intention with as much preciſion and clearneſs as they are able, have the faireſt proſpect of fhutting out expenſive liti- gation, or of rendering it in many inſtances unneceſſary to evince or determine how far ſuch intention can be effec- tuated : Or ſhould ſuch teſtators be ſo unfortunate, either on account of their not having had able aſſiſtance in the folemn act of ſettling their wills, or on account of ſome incongruity, in- conſiſtency, or obſcurity, which may have crept into, or appear on the face of, the will; thoſe relations, friends, or objects of their bounty, will have the ſatisfaction to find, that the labours of lord Mansfield, in the great field of conteſts upon wills, and in aid of the real intention of the teſtator, are not likely to be in vain, or to become obſolete, in ſucceeding ages. The caſe of Robinſon and Robinſon is the firſt in point of time, a ſummary account whereof has been already given in Chap. II. of this work. Another important caſe ſent out of the court of Chancery, was that of J. Harris and Barnes, of which a ſummary ſtate- ment is here given from the author's note-book. “This was a caſe ſent from the Court of Chancery, upon the will of George Coningesby, D. D. who, being feiſed in fee of the manor of Gren- don Warren, &c. in the county of Hereford, on the 15th of February, 1776. made his will, in which (inter alia) are theſe words : I give and deviſe my manor of Grendon Warren, in the county of Hereford, and my farm lands and premiſes called Grendon Warren, in the occupation of the ſaid James Stone, and all my eſtate called Little Hegdon, alias Hegthorn, being within : or near to Grendon Warren aforeſaid; alſo all other my freehold eſtates, lands, : 1 ! . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 287 } 1 lands, and premiſes, lying and being at Grendon Warren aforeſaid, or in any other pariſh or place within the ſaid county of Hereford, unto my kinſ- man Coningesby Harris, of the pariſh of Claimes, in the county of Worceſter, gentleman, for the term of ninety years, from my deceaſe, if the ſaid Co- ningesby Harris ſhall ſo long live : and after the determination of that eſtate, I give and deviſe all the ſaid premiſes in the county of Hereford unto the heirs of the body of the faid Coninges by Harris. And in default of ſuch iflue, I give and deviſe all my faid eſtates and premiſes in the county of Hereford unto my conſin Mrs. Suſan Elletſon, for the term of ninety years, if the ſaid Suſan Elletſon ſo long lives, and to commence from the deceaſe of the ſaid Conin- gesby Harris, he dying without iffue : and, ſubject to the eſtates and con- tingencies before mentioned, 'I give and deviſe all my ſaid eſtates in the county of Hereford unto Roger Elletſon, eſq. fon of my faid couſin Suſan. Elletſon, for and during the term of his life; and from and after his deceaſe (ſubject to the deviſes aforeſaid), I give all my ſaid eſtates and premiſes in the county of Hereford unto the firſt and every other ſon and fons of the body of the ſaid Roger Elletſon, and to the heirs male of the body and bodies of every ſuch ſon lawfully iſſuing, with ſeveral remainders over.. And after directing all his debts, legacies, funeral expences, &c. to be paid out of his perſonal eſtate, he goes on, and after ſuch payments, that my faid . truſtees apply the reſidue and remaindeș of my ſaid perſonal eſtate in purchaſing, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, in fee fimple, lying in the county of Here- ford, ſuch lands, tenements, and premiſes, to be conveyed to, and veſted in, the truſtees named in his will, their heirs and aſſigns, in truſt to and for, and upon the ſame uſes, limitations, perſons and purpoſes, that my ſaid eſtates in Herefordſhire are by me before given or deviſed, or ſtand limited by this my will, and confiftent with the contingencies happening in the mean time : and for the truſts and purpoſes before mentioned, relating to my perſonal eſtate, I give and deviſe unto the ſaid truſtees (naming thein), their heirs. and aſſigns, all my freehold eſtate and title I have in any mortgage or inort-: gages in fee, and the fee and freehold, and all my right of and in all ſuch. mortgaged eſtates and premiſes." * The ſaid teſtator Dr. Coningeſby died' on or about the 15th day of May, 1766, without altering or revoking his ſaid will (except that by a codicil,. dated the 20th of February, 1766, he gave £...80. to his ſervant John Wink- bridge), without iſſue, leaving the defendant Elizabeth Barnes his only fiſter and heir at law. Day * The } 288 THE LIFE OF 1 “ The executors duly proved the will, and took upon themſelves the bur- then of the execution thereof. “ The plaintiff Coningesby Harris, the firſt deviſee in the ſaid will named of the Herefordſhire eſtates, foon after the death of the ſaid teſtator, entered, and took poffeffion thereof; but hath no ilue of his body. " Mrs. Suſan Elletſon, the next deviſee of the ſaid Herefordſhire eſtates, ſurvived the ſaid teftator, and is lately dead, leaving Roger Elletfon her only ſon'and heir at law. - The faid Roger Elletſon, the next deviſee of the ſaid Herefordſhire eſtates, is now living, but hath not any child. “ The moneys and ſecurities for money, arrears of rent, and other per- fonal eſtate, directed by the faid will to be laid out in the purchaſe of lands, and ſettled to the ſame uſes with the Herefordſhire eſtate, is of a conſidera- ble amount, and is as yet unliquidated : but the ſame hath not as yet been laid out in a purchaſe, purſuant to the ſaid will. - The queſtion therefore referred for the opinion of this court upon the above cafe and facts is, whether the heirs of the body of the plaintiff Conin- 8:ſby Harris take any, and what eſtate, under the ſaid teſtator's will.' " Lord Mansfield, after the caſe had been elaborately argued by counſel on both ſides, was pleaſed to ſay, "We'll think of it, and give our certifi- cate. We ſhall conſider what the teſtator meant, and the neceſary conſtruction of his words.' 56 And on Wedneſday the 3d of February, 1768, his lordſhip communi- cated to Mr. Blackſtone (publicly) the certificate which they had ſettled; viz. Having heard counſel on both ſides, and conſidered this caſe, we are of opinion, that the clear manifeſt intent of the teſtator, was to give an eſtate tail to ſuch perſon as ſhould be heir of the body of Coningesby Harris, at the death of the ſaid Coningesby (the only determination of the ninety years term in the teſtator's view), to him and the heirs of the body of the ſaid Coningesby;' with remainders over, as in the will; which intent of the teftator may, by law, take effect, as an executory deviſe ; for, the contingency muſt happen within the compaſs of a life in being; and the freehold in the mean time i (being undiſpoſed of) deſcends to the teftator's heir at law. 66 And this, his lordſhip ſaid, would effectuate the whole intention of the teftator," ÉG Subfc- WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. S 289 Subſequent to the laſt caſe was that of Wellington and Wel- lington, upon a point of real conſequence~Whether a teftator who was a batchelor, and deviſed his eſtates, in default of iſſue of his own body, to two truſtees, and their heirs, had effectually diſpoſed of his eſtates by the will. - This was a caſe out of chancery, upon the will of Richard Cary, late of Walcottin, in the county of Oxford, eſq. wherein, after directing the pay- ment of his debts and funeral expences, he proceeds thus : 'Item, in default of iſſue of my own body, I give, deviſe, and bequeath,' &c. and ſo gives all his eſtates in the ſeveral counties of Oxford, Southampton, Middleſex, Sur- rey, Hereford, and in the city of London, unto John Arrowſmith, of Chal- bery, in the county of Oxford, Clerk, and to James Simmons, one of the aldermen of New Woodſtock, in the county of Oxford, and their heirs, in truſt, to pay out of the rents, iſſues, and profits, unto his ſiſter Elizabeth Wellington an annuity of £. 100. per annum, during ſuch time, and until all' his juſt debts, funeral expences, and legacies (other than annuities) ſhould be fully paid and ſatisfied; and alſo an annuity of £. 40. per annum to a ſervant, Sarah Vollier. Then he gives another annuity, and ſeveral legacies; and directs, that, immediately from and after ſuch time as all his juſt debts, funeral expences, and the legacies given by his will (other than annuities), Shall be fully paid and ſatisfied by the ſaid trustees, from and out of the rents and profits of his faid eſtates, and ſubject to the two annuities before given to the ſaid Sarah Vollier and Jane Wellington, he gives and deviſes all his eftate, to his ſiſter Elizabeth Wellington for life, with divers remainders over. “ The teſtator, at the time of making his ſaid will, and at the time of his death, was ſeiſed in fee of the premiſes deviſed by him to the ſaid John Arrowſmith and James Simrnons, in default of iſſue of his own body; and died a batchelor, leaving the ſaid Elizabeth Wellington and Jane Collins, wife of Thomas Collins, his ſiſters and coheirs. His truſtees accepted the truſts. “ Upon theſe facts, it was ordered by a decree in Chancery, dated the 9th of November, 1767, in a cauſe between the ſaid Richard Cary Wel- lington and others, plaintiffs, and Thomas Collins and the ſaid Elizabeth Wellington and others, defendants ; that the following queſtion be put, for the opinion of this court of King's Bench; viz. 6. Whether Рp 290 THE LIFE OF " Whether the ſaid John Arrowfmith and James Simmons, the truſtees itu: the ſaid will, took any and what eſtate under the ſaid will." “ Mr. Blackſtone, on behalf of the plaintiffs, argued, that they took a baſe fee, determinable upon the payment of the debts, legacies, and annuities. “ The objection was, that this deviſe to them is an executory deviſe, and too remote to take effect by law : it is not to take place till after, a general: failure of iſſue. “ Anſwer. The default of iffùe of his body is only a condition precedent.. The teftator was a batchelor. His will was to take no effect, if he married and had children. The words of it are, in default of iſſue of my own body, I give, deviſe, and bequeath, &c. If he had married and had chila . dren, that would have amounted to a revocation of his will. “ After the queſtion had been fully argued by Mr. Blackſtone and Mr. . Dunning; Lord Mansfield ſaid, "When a deviſe muſt take effect at the death of the teſtator, it is not properly an executory deviſe. Such a devife is a deviſe upon a contingent event, which muſt happen at or before the death of the teſtator: an executory deviſe, is a deviſe. that is to take place in: future. “As to an implied revocation, from alteration of circumſtances, it is now: ſettled; that as to perſonal eſtates, marriage,.. and having a child, is a revo-. cation : But no caſe has yet holden that marriage alone is a revocation. “ I ſée no ground of argument, why the law ſhould not be the ſame as to : deviſes of land. The reafon is the ſame.. In Meggot verſus Meggot; lord: Hardwicke directed an iſſue merely to try this queſtion. But the caufe was: made up by the family, and never tried * 6. We will think upon it ; and give our certificate: . • The certificate was as follows : - - Having heard counſel" on both ſides, and conſidered this caſe, .We are of opinion, that John Arrowſmith and James-; Simmon's took a fee determinable when the purpoſe of paying the teſtator's : 1 * It has fince been adjudged, in the Court of Exchequer, by the opinions of Sir Thomas Parker (then lord chief baron), Mr. baron: Smythe; and Mr. . baron Adams, againſt Mr. baron Perrot;, and alſo at the Cockpit, Sir . Eardley: Wilmot and lord chief juſtice De Grey concurring, 'that marriage and a : child was a reyocation of a deviſe of land.' debts, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. . 291 debts, legacies, and funeral expences, out of the rents, iſſues, and profits, of the deviſed premiſes, in aid of the perſonal eſtate, ſhall be performed.' A cauſe of great importance upon the conſtruction of a will, how far the manifeſt intention of the teſtator ſhould prevail in letting in a deviſe in favor of children born ſubſequent to the execution of the will, on the ground of their being virtually in- cluded in the proviſion for a poſthumous child, came on to be heard before the right honourable the Lord Chancellor, on the 7th of June, 1769, when a caſe was made for the opinion of the Court of King's Bench. The juriſprudent will find a full ſtate of the caſe * in 5th Burr, 2703. The following brief ſtate of it will probably be ſufficient to make the certificate of lord Mansfield, and the other judges of the court, perfpicuous and ſatisfactory. “ Edward Preſgrave, being ſeiſed and poſſeſſed of a very conſiderable real and perſonal eſtate, did, on or about the 20th of October, 1753, duly make his will in writing, and thereby gave and deviſed to Eleanor his wife the feveral freehold and copyhold premiſes therein particularly mentioned (which faid copyhold premiſes he had previouſly ſurrendered to the uſe of his will), to hold the ſame unto the ſaid Eleanor until his ſon Thomas Preſgrave ſhould attain the age of twenty-one years; in truſt, nevertheleſs, that the ſhould educate and maintain him till that time, out of the rents and profits of the ſaid premiſes ; and then he deviſed the fame to his faid ſon Thomas in fee. But if it ſhould happen that his faid wife ſhould be enceinte with one or more children, at the time of his deceaſe, and his faid fon Thomas ſhould die without iſſue before he attained the age of twenty-one years, ſuch child or children being then living ; he then deviſed the ſaid premiſes to his faid wife till ſuch child or children ſhould attain his, her, or their ages of twenty-one years; in truſt nevertheſs, that ſhe ſhould educate and maintain ſuch child or children till that time, out of the rents and profits of the ſaid premiſes ; and then he deviſed the ſame to ſuch child or children in fee. But if it happened that his ſaid ſon Thomas ſhould die without leaving iſſue of his body, and before he attained the age of twenty-one years, or that his * White againſt Barber. PP2 ſaid i ! . 292 THE LIFE OF 1 age or faid wife Tould, at the time of his the ſaid teſtator's deceaſe be enceinte with one or more child or children, who ſhould die without leaving iſſue of his, her, or their body or bodies, before he, The, or they, attained their ages of twenty-one years, then he deviſed the ſaid premiſes to his faid wife for the term of her natural life, with divers remainders over. The teſtator, at the time of making his ſaid will, had only one child, the ſaid Thomas ; but after the making thereof, and before his death, he had two other ſons born ; viz. the plaintiffs Edward and John. “ On the 12th of January, 1759, the ſaid teſtator Edward Preſgrave died; without altering or revoking his will, leaving iſſue three children; the ſaid Thomas Preſgrave who died, without iſſue, in Auguſt, 1766, and the faid Edward Preſgrave and John Preſgrave, infants of tender years, who were born after the making of the will, in the teſtator's life-time, and who are ſtill, living, and who are not provided for, unleſs they take by this will. “ Eleanor the teſtator's widow was ſtill living; but was not enceinte at the teftator's death. 66 The cafe. for the opinion of the Court of King's-Bench was; "Whether in the event that has happened, any and what eſtate is veſted in the plaintiff Eleonor, and the ſeveral defendants the deviſees, or any of them, and if no: eſtate is veſted in them, or any of them, then whether any and what eſtate is : veſted in the plaintiffs Edward and. John Preſgrave, the two infant children, or either of them ?" “ After the caſe had been twice very ably and fully argued, the judges of the Court of King's Bench certified as follows: “We are-of opinion, that, the proviſion made by the teſtator being for chil. dren which were to be born after the making of his will, he certainly.in-- tended to comprehend all the children which ſhould be born of his then wife (whether before or after his deceaſe); for, we think that a father, in making an expreſs proviſion for any children which his wife ſhould be enceinte with at the time of his deceaſe; could never intend to give his eſtate to ſuch children, in excluſion of, or to his nephews (as the event has happened) in Preference to, any child or children that might be born in his life-time.. “. We are of opinion, therefore, that (notwithſtanding the defeet of expreſ fion in this will) the children born before the teſtator's death are virtually in- cluded in the proviſion ſo anxiouſly made by a parent for his poſthumous children ; and that,, upon the true conſtruction of this will, the plaintiffs Edward 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 293 Edward and John will be intitled (from the teſtator's manifeſt intent) to take an eſtate in fee in the premiſſes at their reſpective ages of one and twenty ; and that in the mean time the plaintiff Eleanor, their mother, is entitled to hold the ſaid premiſes, ſubject to the truſt of the ſaid will, for their education: and maintenance.. MANSFIELD April 23, 1771.. R. ASTON E. WILLES. W. H. ASHHUR:ST." Lord' Mansfield's alteration of the mode of certifying caſes: fent from the court of Chancery. to the court wherein he prea. ſided.--His: lordſhip thus delivered the opinion of the court, with his obfervations on, and objections to the former mode of cero- tifying :: “I found it a cuſtom, in cafes ſent by the court of Chancery for our opio- nion, to certify , it privately to the lord chancellor in writing, without de- claring in this court, either the opinion itſelf, or the reaſons upon which its : is grounded. But I think the cuſtom wrong, as well as unſatisfactory to the bar; and therefore, in the two caſes that now. wait our certificate, and for the future, we ſhall declare our opinion in this court. The preſent caſe of Wright and Holford is that of a deviſe to the uſe of all and every the daughter and daughters of Péter Hölförd and Conſtantiä Maria Holford, and the heirs of their body and bodies'; ſüch daughters, if more than one, to take as tenants in common; and not as joint-tenants ; and, for default of ſuch ilue, to the uſe of the teftator's right heirs. Our certificate in the preſent cafe is-in-theſe words: “ There are no words in the inſtrument bearing date the 3d of May, 1758;; which intimate any intention to limit over the reſpective ſhares of the two daughters dying without heirs of their bodies reſpectively ; on the contrary, the limitation over is of the whole eſtate limited to all the daughters, and is to take place on the expreſs contingency of failure of all and every the : daughter and daughters, and the heirs of their body and bodies; and the limitation over, in default of ſuch iſſue, is to the heir at law. Conſequently: 4w ,ر we 294 THE LIFE OF we are of opinion, that as nothing is given to the heir at law whilſt any of the daughters or their iſſue continue, they muſt among themſelves take croſs remainders." N. B. Lord Mansfield added, “That the introductory words of there being nothing in the inſtrument of May 3, 1758*, that ſhewed the limita- tion over to the right heir, was to take place upon failure of either of the daughters of their iſſue reſpectively, were emphatically put in, in anſwer to the caſes of Comber verſus Hill, and Williams verſus Brown, cited in the argument by ſerjeant Hill, and in order to ſatisfy his doubts. The caſe of Baldwin againſt Karver and another f was next in point of time, and was that of a deviſe to truſtees, in truſt for the uſe of the heirs male of J. A. and in default of ſuch iffue to the uſe of the heirs male of R. A. and, in default of ſuch iſſue male, to the uſe of all and every the grandchildren of J. A. and S. M. as tenants in common. By a codicil bearing even date with the will, the teſtator directs the truſtees to pay the intereſt and produce of his real and per- fonal eſtate to his wife S. A. and to the ſaid J. A. and R. A. du. ring their lives, with ſurvivorſhip. Eight grandchildren were alive at the date of the will; a ninth was born before the teſtator died; twelve more were born after his deceaſe, and all in the lifetime of R. A. who died without iſſue. Held, that as the twenty-one grandchildren, were all alive at the death of R. A. all were equally intitled. This caſe, propter dificultatem, was twice argued. Lord Mansfield delivered the opinion of the court at conſiderable length, which the juriſprudent will find in Cowp. Rep. 313. Soon afterwards the caſe of Freeman againſt the duke of Chandos and others, et e contra, introduced a queſtion reſpect- ing a remote reverſion in fee, which was deemed to paſs under * See Cowp. Rep. P. 34. Ibid. p. 309. genes WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 295 ! 1 i general words, in an act of parliament by way of ſettlement in execution of articles, though the reverſion was not particularly in contemplation at that time *, the general words being fuffi- cient to carry it, and the intention of the parties being to include: all the eſtate of the ſettler. In another branch of the laſt caſe, the material facts were ſtated to be ;. One deviſes: all his eſtate, &c. in the counties of Glouceſter and Worceſter, and elſewhere in the kingdom of England, to truſtees, ſubject to certain charges thereon, and li- mitations in: his marriage-ſettlement named, in truſt to ſtand ſeiſed, of the ſaid eſtates in G. and W. or elſewhere to certain uſes. His eſtates in G. and W. were the only eſtates charged or mentioned in his marriage-ſettlement. But he was alſo intitled to a reverfion of certain eſtates in the counties of Oxford and Wilts. Held, that this reverſion paſſed by the words “ elſewhere in: the kingdom of England $. ; Lord Mansfield obſerving, that if the words of the will are not fufficient to carry the premiſes in queſtion, the drag.net of conveyances will never end; after- wards, on the zoth of November, in this term, the court cer- tified in theſe words. “ Having heard counſel on both ſides, and conſidered this caſe, we are of opinion that the reverſion in fee' of one undivided ſeventh part of the Keth eſtate, veſted in Robert Tracy, did paſs by the will of Robert Tracy." In 17.80, a farther caſe was ſent from the court of Chancery, . which was that of a deviſe of the fee-ſimple and inheritance to: A..and his child or children for ever, when he ſhall be twenty- one years of age ; but, if he die before that time, then the fee- ſimple and inheritance to B, A, takes an eſtate-tail.. Lord Mansfield.—"I had a mind to ſee whether ingenuity could raiſe a doubt on the one ſide, or ſupply an argument on the other, to make the * Cowp. Rep. p. 363: op Ibid. P: 365. . 5 caſes 296 THE LIFE OF caſe plainer than it is on the face of it. If the teſtator: had uſed the words 4all his eſtate,' ' inheritance,' or 'for.ever.,' and had ſtopped there, the fee-ſimple would have paſſed. But the words, 'child or children,' are to the full as reſtrictive, as if he had ſaid, "and if my ſon die without heirs of his body.' To give the father an eſtate in fee, would be to ſtrike thoſe words out of the will. They muſt operate to give him an eſtate-tail, for there were no children born at the time, to take an immediate eſtate by purchafe. The meaning is the ſame as if the expreſſion had been to William and his heirs,' that is to ſay, his children or his iſſue. The words • for over,' make no difference, for William's .iffue might laſt for ever." The Certificate was as follows: 66 Having heard counſel and conſidered this caſe, we are of opinion, that William Stevens took (under the above will of Chriſtopher Stevens) an eſtate-tail to him, and the leirs of his body, with reverſion to himſelf in fee by deſcent." MANSFIELD. E. WILLES. 12th February, 1.780. W. H. ASHHURST. F. BULLER. 1 Although the ſelection of a few leading caſes ſent by the Court of Chancery to a court of law may be ſufficient to eſtabliſh the propoſition, which the author of theſe theets was deſirous to pro- pound, reſpecting the declared intention of a teſtator being, as it were the polar ſtar, which guided the lord chief juſtice and the court in their certificates; yet, for the farther illuſtration of this doctrine, the juriſprudent is referred to many ſimilar and impor- tant determinations, in the opinions of lord Mansfield and the other judges of the court of King's Bench thereon, in 5 Burr. 2606. In Cowper's Reports, pages 40, 234, 360, 363, 797, 808. In Douglas's Reports; ſee pages 470—491. Fonnereau and Fonnereäu, which, propter difficultatem, was repeatedly and elaborately argued, and which affords another pleaſing inſtance of lord Mansfield's ſtopping the judgement of the court from being entered-up; and altering 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 297 / altering his opinion in conſequerice of further and full inveſtiga- tion of the abſtruſe doctrine of double contingencies and execu- tory deviſes, whence the juriſpendent may ſtore his mind with rules and principles, well-worthy of being treaſured up: Id. Liber. 309 and 415. The ſubſtance of the Lord Chief Juſtice's charge to the Jury in Lord Sandwich's proſecution of the printer of the London Even- ing Poſt, for Scandalum magnatum. Lord Mansfield ſaid on this occaſion, “ There were two forts of proſecutions in matters of libel, criminal and civil.-In caſes of criminal proſecution, the truth or falſehood of the charge was totally immaterial, the charge itſelf being the libel. If a perſon charges another with felony, forgery, or theft, ſuppoſing the charge true in every part, the perſon is ſtill guilty of a libel; and why? becauſe the law has provided a puniſhment for ſuch offences. If therefore the man is guilty, proſecute him; but to charge him with crimes is an extrajudicial proceed- ings, and as ſuch may be puniſhed. As to civil actions in caſes of libel, the matter is otherwiſe; there the falſehood of the libel conſtitutes the crime. In the caſe before us, the defendant hath put himſelf upon proving the truth of the libel. Well! what have the evidence proved? Nothing which affects the plaintiff. “Had Corte been Lord Sandwich's agent or ſecretary, the plaintiff might have been affected by a kind of implication ; but, that not being the caſe, and the evidences both concurring to clear Lord Sands wich from having any hand in the buſineſs, not the ſlighteſt ground appears to accuſe the plaintiff. Parrott was very properly aſked the name of the perſon who procured theſe places : he at firſt boggled a little, but after- wards mentioned the perſon. With reſpect to the whole of the evidence, had the plaintiff's counſel objected to it, ſuch objection wonld have been well-founded; for undoubtedly it is not evidence de bene ejle; it goes no farther than to prove a converſation which paſſed between the parties who delivered it and a third perſon; however, the counſel did not at firſt ob- ject to it, though they did afterwards. With reſpect to tủe publication, that is proved by the witneſs who bought the paper ; and from the returns made by the Stamp-office it appears that the defendant was the publiſher at the time the libel appeared. You will, therefore, Gentlemen, find for the plaintiff; Qq 298 THE LIFE OF plaintiff; but I will not ſay one word about the damages, as you are perfect maſters of the caſe, and will, no doubt, maturely weigh every circumſtance of private and public character.” On the oth of January, 1770, the king having opened the ſeſſions with a ſpeech, the duke of Ancaſter made the uſual mo- tion for an addreſs. Lord Chatham roſe, and at the cloſe of his ſpeech took occaſion to inform the houſe that he had drawn up an amendment to the addreſs, which he begged leave to ſubmit to the confideration of the houſe. “ And, for theſe great and eſſential purpoſes, we will, with all convenient fpeed, take into our moſt ſerious confideration the cauſes of the diſcontent's which prevail in ſo many parts of your Majeſty's dominions; and particu- Jarly the late proceedings of the Houſe of Commons, touching the incapa- city of John Wilkes, Eſquire, (expelled by that Houſe,) to be elected a member to ſerve in this preſent parliament; thereby refuſing (by a reſolu- tion of one branch of the legiſlature only) to the ſubject his common right, and depriving the electors of Middleſex of their free choice of a repre- ſentative. " The cautious and guarded terms in which this amendment is drawn up, will, I hope, reconcile every noble lord who hears me, to my opinion ; and, as I think no man can diſpute the truth of the facts, ſo I am perſuaded no man can diſpute the propriety and neceſſity of laying thoſe facts before his Majeſty.” Lord Mansfield followed Lord Chatham. “He began with affirming, that he had never delivered any opinion upon the legality of the proceedings of the Houſe of Commons on the Middleſex election, nor ſhould he now, notwithſtanding any thing that might be ex- pected from him. That he had locked it up in his own breaſt, and it ſhould die with him: that he wiſhed to avoid ſpeaking on the fubject; but that the inotion made by the noble lord was of a nature too extraordinary, and too alarming, to ſuffer him to be filent. He acknowledged the unhappy diſ- tracted ſtate of the nation ; but he was happy enough to affirm, with a ſafe conſcience, that he had no ways contributed to it: that, in his own opinion, declarations of the law made by either houſe of parliament were always at- tended y WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 299 tended with bad effects; he had conſtantly oppoſed them whenever he had an opportunity, and in his judicial capacity thought himſelf bound never to pay the leaſt regard to them. That although thoroughly convinced of the illegality of general warrants (which, indeed, naming no perſons, were no warrants at all), he was forry to ſee the Houte of Commons by their rote declare them to be illegal. That it looked like a legiſlative act, which yet had no force or effect as a law: for, ſuppoſing the houſe had declared theni to be legal, the courts in Weſtminſter.would, nevertheleſs, have been bound to declare the contrary; and conſequently to throw a diſreſpect upon the vote of the houſe: but he made a wide diſtinction between the general de- clarations of law, and the particular deciſion which might be made by either houſe, in their judicial capacity, upon a caſe coming regularly before them, and properly the ſubject of their juriſdiction. That here they did not act as legiſlators, pronouncing abſtractly and generally what the law was, and for the direction of others; but as judges, drawing the law from the ſeveral ſources from which it ought to be drawn, for their own guidance in deciding the particular queſtion before them, and applying it ſtrictly to the deciſion of that queſtion. That for his own part, wherever the ſtatute-law was filent, he knew not where to look for the law of parliament, or for a definition of the privileges of either houſe, except in the proceedings and deciſions of each houſe reſpectively. That he knew of no parliamentary code to judge of queſtions depending upon the judicial authority of parliament, but the practice of each houſe, moderated or extended according to the wiſdom of the houſe, and accommodated to the caſes before them. That a queſtion touching the ſeat of a member in the lower houſe could only be deter- mined by that houſe : there was no other court where it could be tried, nor to which there could be an appeal from their deciſion. That wherever a court of juſtice is ſupreme, and their ſentence final (which he apprehended no man would diſpute was the caſe of the Houfe of Commons in matters touching elections) the determination of that court muſt be received and fubmitted to as the law of the land; for, if there be no appeal from a judicial ſentence, where ſhall that ſentence be queſtioned, or how can it be reverſed ? He admitted that judges might be corrupt, and their ſentences erroneous ; but theſe were caſes for which, in reſpect to fupreme courts, the conſtitu- tion had provided no remedy. That, if they wilfully determine wrong, it was iniquitous indeed, and in the higheſt degree deteſtable. But it was a crime of which no human tribunal could take cognizance, and it lay be- tween Q92 1 1 300 THE LIFE OF } 1 tween God and their conſciences. That he avoided entering into the merits of the late deciſion of the Houſe of Commons, becauſe it was a ſubject,' he was convinced, the lords had no right to enquire into or to diſcuſs. That the amendment propoſed by the noble lord threatened the moſt pernicious conſequences to the nation, as it manifeſtly violated every form and law of parliament; was a groſs attack upon the privileges of the Houſe of Com- mons, and, inſtead of promoting that harmony which the king had recom- mended, muſt inevitably throw the whole country into a flame. That there never was an inſtance of the lords enquiring into the proceedings of the Houſe of Cominons with reſpect to their own members ; much leſs of their taking upon them to cenſure ſuch proceedings, or of their adviſing the crown to take notice of them. If, indeed, it be the noble lord's deſign to quarrel with the Houſe of Commons, I confeſs it will have that effect, and immediately. The lower houſe will undoubtedly aſſert their privileges, and give you vote for vote. I leave it, therefore, to your lordſhip’s to conſider the fatal effects which may ariſe in ſuch a conjuncture as the preſent, either from an open breach between the two houſes of parliament, or between the king and the Houſe of Commons. But, my lords, if I could ſuppoſe it were even adviſeable to promote a diſagreement between the two houſes, I would ſtill recommend it to you to take care to be in the right; whenever I am forced into a quarrel, I will always endeavour to have juſtice on my fide. Now, my lords, admitting the Houſe of Commons to have done wrong, will it mend the matter for your lordſhips to do ten times worſe ? And that I am clearly convinced would be the caſe, if your lordſhips were obliged to declare any opinion of your own, or offer any advice to the erown, on a matter in which, by the conſtitution of this country, you have no right whatever to interfere. I will go farther, my lords ;--I will affirm, that ſuch a ſtep would be as ineffectual as it would be irregular. Suppofe the king, in conſequence of our advice, ſhould diffolve the parliament (för that, I prefume, is the true object of the noble lord's amendment); the next Houſe of Commons that meets, if they know any thing of their own privi- leges, or the laws of this country, will undoubtedly, on the very firſt day of the ſeſſion, take notice of our proceedings, and declare them to be a vio- lation of the rights of the Commons. They muſt do ſo, my lords, or they will ſhamefully betray their conſtituents and themſelves. A noble lord filord Marchmont) near me has propoſed, that we ſhould demand a con- ference with the other houſe. It would be a more moderate ſtep, I confeſs, 5 but WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 301 I 1 but equally ineffectual. The Commons would never ſubmit to diſcuſs their own privileges with the Lords. They would not come to a conference upon ſuch a ſubject; or if they did come, they would ſoon break it up with in- dignation. If, then, the Commons have done wrong, I know of no re- medy, but either, that the ſamne power ſhould undo the miſchief they had done, or that the caſe ſhould be provided for by an act of the legiſlature. That, indeed, might be effectual. But whether ſuch a remedy be proper or neceſſary in the preſent caſe, or whether indeed it be attainable, conſider- ing that the other houſe muſt give their conſent to it, is not a queſtion now before us. If ſuch a bill ſhould be propoſed, it will be regular and parlia- mentary, and we may then, with propriety, enter into the legal merits of the deciſion of the Houſe of Commons. As for the amendment propoſed by the noble lord, I object to it as irregular and unparliamentary. I am per- fuaded, that it will be attended with very pernicious conſequences to this country, and that it cannot poſſibly produce a ſingle good one." Lord Chatham's amendment was negatived. On a further motion of Lord Chatham*, “ That the capacity to be choſen a repreſentative of the Commons in par- fiament being under known reſtrictions and limitations of law, an original inherent right of the ſubject may be cognizable by law, and is a matter wherein the juriſdiction of the Houſe of Commons, though, unappealable as to the ſeat of their member, is not final or concluſive.” His lordſhip's firſt ſpeech, which laſted two hours, was ex- fremely diſpaſſionate, ſenſible, and much to the point in queſtion. He enlarged greatly upon the Middleſex election, and urged the neceſſity of diffolving, the parliament, which, he declared, by feating colonel Luttrell, and rendering Mr. Wilkes incapable of being elected, had infringed the rights of the electors, and that an action at law would certainly lie againſt the Houſe. After diſplaying great eloquence, with the moſt admirable candor and gentleneſs, he made a digreſſion upon the modern manner of * 28 Nov. 1770. directing E 7 302 THE LIFE OF - directing a jury from the bench, and giving judgement upon proſecutions for libels. Lord Mansfield roſe, ſaying, “ He ſhould not ſpeak to the queſtion, but to what the noble lord had ſaid in the digreſſion, which, he obſegyed, he had handled with great decency, that as to directions to juries, they had ever been the ſame as now; they were nothing novel, nor had they till this moment been once called in queſtion. His lordſhip could, he ſaid, quote numerous authorities, equally juſt and reſpectable, of this opinion ; but he would now only mention three, Mr. Juſtice Denniſon, Mr. Juſtice Foſter, and Mr. Juſtice Yates, all inde- pendent men. The noble lord who fpoke before had miſconceived the mat- ter, by implicitly believing, as many others did, what had appeared in print reſpecting the nature of libels and directions to juries, whereas much was often printed totally falſe and groundleſs. If he properly nnderſtood the noble lord, he meant to ſay, that the jury were told, they were only judges of fact, and not of law ; but his lordſhip was miſtaken ; he had always, in one uniform manner, told a jury that they were to judge of what appeared by the evidence in court, both reſpecting the publication and reſpecting the juſtification of any libel. Where no juſtification of the matter in the infor- mation was entered into, they were to find, according to their judgement, whether the inuendos and the criminal inference * in the information were ſuch as the paper deſerved. His lordſhip obſerved, he ſhould at all times be proud of changing his opinion, when it appeared to him that his judge- ment was improper. Many precedents of the ableſt lawyers doing ſo might be recollected ; and upon all trials where he preſided, he told the court, if he was wrong in his direction, he would moſt willingly be fet right; which might be done in an arreſt of judgement; for, if a direction to a jury was improper, the whole verdict was null and void, and a new trial muſt be * In all the late trials of the celebrated paper of Junius, his lordſhip never ſaid a word to the jury that they were to judge of the criminal inference of the paper ; but, on the contrary, conſtantly told the jury, “ That, whether the paper was criminal or not, was not a point for them, but for the court to determine." granted $ ! WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD.. 303 granted. His lordſhip ſaid, that, what might probably ſurprize that Houſe, no objection had, in fourteen years, been ever made to his conduct in this particular, though he had ſo repeatedly deſired the court to do it if they thought him wrong. Judges cannot go away from the expreſs and known law of the land ; they are bound by oath punctually to follow the laws. He declared, he liad ever made it the rule of his conduct to do the thing that was juſt; and, conſcious of his own innocence and rectitude, he was per- fectly unmoved by any libel or publication concerning him. His lordſhip here alſo expreſſed the opinion he held of his own conduct and intentions by quoting a line from Shakſpeare. As to the inotioft, and what the noble earl had thrown out reſpecting the diſſolution of the Houſe of Cominons, their own Houſe were laſt year alarmed at it; how much more ſhould they now be, in the preſent ſituation of affairs ? As to action for damages, what da- mage could be recovered of the Houſe of Commons, who would, doubtleſs, plead a breach of privilege ?" He concluded with a great compliment to the earl of Chatham, for what he had, though out of office, very recently ſaid in the Houſe concerning the legality of the preſs-warrants. 1770. On the 8th of May, 1770, a bill for taking away all privilege from a lord's effects, and from his ſervants, was debated in the .. Upper Houſe; wherein juſtice being weighed by their lordſhips in the balance, preponderated over ſelf-intereſt. Lord Mansfield roſe in ſupport of the bill, 1 My lords, « When I conſider the importance of this * bill to your lordſhips, I am not ſurprized it has taken ſo much of your confideration. It is a bill, indeed, of no common magnitude ; it is no leſs than to take away from two-thirds of the legiſlative body of this great kingdom certain privileges and immunities, of which they have been long poſſeſſed. Per- * The bill paſſed, and the act received the royal aſſent at the end of the feflion. haps 304 THÉ LIFE OF 2 1 haps there is no ſituation that the human mind can be placed in, that is ſo difficult, and ſo trying, as where it is made a judge in its own cauſe. There is ſomething implanted in the breaſt of man ſo attached to itſelf, ſo tena- cious of privileges once obtained, that, in ſuch a ſituation, either to diſcuſs with impartiality, or decide with juſtice, has ever been held as the ſummit of all human virtue. The bill now in queſtion puts your lordſhips in this very predicament; and I doubt not but the wiſdom of your deciſion will convince the world, that, where ſelf-intereſt and juſtice are in oppoſite ſcales, the latter will ever preponderate with your lordſhips. " Privileges have been granted to legiſlators in all ages and in all countries. The practice is founded in wiſdom; and, indeed, it is peculiarly eſſential to the conftitution of this country, that the members of both Houſes ſhould be free in their perſons in caſes of civil ſuits ; for, there may come a time when the ſafety and welfare of this whole empire may depend upon their atten- dance in parliament. God forbid that I ſhould adviſe any meaſure that would in future endanger the ſtate ; but the bill before your lordſhips has, I am confident, no ſuch tendency, for it expreſsly ſecures the perſons of mem- bers of either Houſe in all civil ſuits. This being the caſe, I confefs, when I ſee many noble lords, for whoſe judgement I have the greateſt reſpect, ftanding up to oppoſe a bill which is calculated merely to facilitate the reco- very of juſt and legal debts, I am aſtoniſhed and amazed. They, I doubt not, oppoſe the bill upon public principles; I would not wiſh to infinuate that private intereſt has the leaſt weight in their determination. ** This bill has been frequently propoſed, and as frequently miſcarried ; but it was always loft in the Lower Houſe. Little did I think, when it had paffed the Commons, that it poſſibly could have met with ſuch oppoſition here. Shall it be ſaid that you, my lords, the grand council of the nation, the higheſt judicial and legiſlative body of the realm, endeavour to evade by privilege, thoſe very laws which you enforce on your fellow-ſubjects ? Forbid it juſtice. I am ſure, were the noble lords as well acquainted as I am with but half the difficulties and delays that are every day occafioned in the courts of . juſtice, under pretence of privilege, they would not, nay, they could not, oppoſe this bill. ** I have waited with patience to hear what arguments might be urged againſt the bill, but I have waited in vain; the truth is, there is no argu- ment 1 1 305 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ment that can weigh againſt it. The juſtice, and expediency, of this bill is ſuch as renders it ſelf-evident. It is a propoſition of that nature that can neither be weakened by argument, nor entangled with ſophiſtry. Much, in- deed, has been ſaid by ſome noble lords on the wiſdom of our anceſtors, and how differently they thought from us. They not only decreed, that privilege ſhould prevent all civil ſuits from proceeding during the fitting of parliament, but likewiſe granted protection to the very ſervants of members. I ſhall ſay nothing on the wiſdom of our anceſtors; it might perhaps appear invidious, and is not neceſſary in the preſent caſe. I ſhall only ſay, that the noble lords that flatter themſelves with the weight of that reflection, ſhould remember, that, as circumſtances alter, things themſelves ſhould al- ter. Formerly it was not ſo faſhionable either for maſters or ſervants to run in debt as it is at preſent; nor formerly were merchants nor manufacturers members of parliament, as at preſent. The caſe now is very different. Both merchants and manufacturers are, with great propriety, elected members of the Lower Houſe. Commerce having thus got into the legiſlative body of the kingdom, privilege muſt be done away. We all know that the very foul and eſſence of trade are regular payments; and fad experience teaches us, that there are men, who will not make their regular payments without the compulſive power of the laws. The law then ought to be equally open to all; any exemption to particular men, or particular ranks of men, is, in a free and commercial country, a ſoleciſın of the groſſeſt nature. But I will not trouble your lordſhips with arguments for that which is ſufficiently evi- dent without any. I ſhall only ſay a few words to ſome noble lords, who foreſee much inconveniency from the perſons of their ſervants being liable to be arreſted. One noble lord obſerves, that the coachman of a peer may be arreſted while he is driving his maſter to the houſe, and conſequently he will not be able to attend his duty in parliament. If this was actually to happen, there are ſo many methods by which the member inight ſtill get to the houſe, I can hardly think the noble lord to be ſerious in his objection. Ano- ther noble lord ſaid, that by this bill one might loſe their moſt valuable and honeſt fervants. This I hold to be a contradiction in terms; for he neither can be a valuable ſervant, nor an honeſt man, who gets into debt, which he neither is able nor willing to pay till compelled by law. If my ſervant, by unforeſeen accidents, has got in debt, and I ſtill wiſh to retain him, I certainly would pay the debt. But upon no principle of liberal legiſlation Rr what- * . 306 THE LIFE OF whatever, can my ſervant have a title to ſet his creditors at defiance; while, for forty ſhillings only, the honeſt tradeſman may be torn from his family and locked up in gaol. It is monſtrous injuſtice! I flatter myſelf, however, the determination of this day will entirely put an end to all ſuch partial proceedings for the future, by paſſing into a law the bill now under your lordſhips' confideration. " I now coine to ſpeak upon what, indeed, I would have gladly avoided, had I not been particularly pointed at for the part I have taken in this bill. It has been faid by a noble lord on my left hand, that I likewiſe am running the race of popularity. If the noble lord means, by popularity, that applauſe beſtowed by after-ages on good and virtuous actions, I have long been itruggling in that race, to what purpoſe all-trying time can alone deter- mine; but, if the noble lord means that muſhroom popularity which is raiſed without merit, and loft without a crime, he is much miſtaken in his opinion. I defy the noble lord to point out a ſingle action in my life where the popu- larity of the tirnes ever had the ſmalleſt influence on my determinations. I thank God I have a more permanent and ſteady rule for my .conduct--the dictates of my own breaft. my own breaft. Thoſe that have foregone that pleaſing adviſer, and given up their mind to be the ſlave of every popular impulſe, I ſincerely pity; I pity them ftill more, if their vanity leads them to miſtake the ſhouts of a mob for the trumpet of their fame. Experience might inform them that many, who have been faluted with the huzzas of a crowd one day, have received their execrations the next: and many who, by the popularity of their times, have been held up as ſpotleſs patriots, have nevertheleſs ap- peared upon the hiſtorian's page, when truth has triumphed over deluſion, the affaffins of liberty. Why, then, the noble lord can think I am ambitious of preſent popularity, that echo of folly and ſhadow of renown, I am at a loſs to determine. Beſides, I do not know that the bill now before your lordſhips will be popular;. it depends much upon the caprice of the day. 'It may not 'be' popular, to compel people to pay their debts; and in that caſe the prefent- muſt be an unpopular bill. It may not be popular neither to take away any of the privileges of parliament ; for I very well remember, and many of your lordſhips may remember, that not long ago the popular cry was for the ex- tenſion of privilege'; and ſo far did' they carry. it at that time, that it was- faid that privilege protected members from criminal actions; nay, fuch was the power of “popular prejudices over weak minds, that the very deciſions of ſome cente WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 307 berty, in ſome of the courts were tinctured with that doctrine. It was undoubtedly an abominable doctrine ; I thought ſo then, and think ſo ſtill; but neyer- theleſs it was a popular doctrine, and came immediately from thoſe who were called the friends of liberty, how deſervedly time will ſhew. True li- my opinion, can only exiſt when juſtice is equally adminiſtered to all, to the king, and to the beggar. Where is the juſtice, then, or where is the law, that protects a member of parliament more than any other man from the puniſhment due to his crimes? The laws of this country allow of no place nor no employment to be a fanctuary for crimes ; and, where I have the honor to fit as judge, neither royal favour nor popular applauſe ſhall ever protect the guilty. “ I have now only to beg pardon for having employed ſo much of your lordſhips' time ; and I am very ſorry a bill, fraught with ſo good conſe- quences, has not met with an abler advocate ; but I doubt not your lord- ſhips' deterinination will convince the world that a bill, calculated to contri- bute ſo much to the equal diſtribution of juſtice as the preſent, requires, with your lordſhips, but very little fupport.” The title of this falutary act is, “ An Act for the farther pre- venting the Delay of Juſtice by Reafon of Privilege of Parliament*.' Motion for a new trial in the cauſe of Rex verſus Almont. The defendant having been convicted of publiſhing a libel (Junius's Letter) in one of the magazines, called The London Muſeum; which was bought at his ſhop, and even profeſſed to be printed for him ;' His counſel moved, on Tueſday the 19th of June, 1770, for a new trial ; upon the foot of the evidence being inſufficient to prove any criminal intention in Mr. Almon, or even the leaſt know- ledge of their being ſold at his ſhop. And they had affidavits to prove, that it was a frequent practice in the trade, for one pub. liſher to put another publiſher's name to a pamphlet, as printed for that other, when in fact it was publiſhed for himſelf. That 1 * 13 Geo. III. Ch. 50. of Michaelmas Term, 1770. 5 Burr. 2686. Rr 2 this 308 THE LIFE OF i ! this was the fact in the preſent caſe ; Mr. Miller being the real publisher of this Muſeum, but having advertized it and publiſhed it as printed for Mr. Almon, without conſulting Mr. Almon, or having his conſent or approbation. That, on the contrary, as foon as he ſaw his name put to it, as being printed-for him, he immediately ſent a note to Mr. Miller, expreſſing his diſapproba- tion and diffatisfaction. That he himſelf had no concern what. ever in this London Muſeum. That he was not at home when they were ſent to his ſhop. That the whole number ſent to his ſhop was 300. That about ſixty-ſeven of them had been ſold there by a boy in the ſhop, but without Mr. Almon's own know- ledge, privity, or approbation. That, as ſoon as he diſcovered it, he ſtopt the ſale, ordered the remainder to be carried up into his garret, and took the firſt opportunity to return them to Mr. Miller ; that it was not proved, that the perſon who fold them was Mr. Almon's ſervant, or employed by him ; or that Mr. Al- mon was at all privy to the ſale. On Wedneſday the 27th of June, 1770, it came on again ; and ferjeant Glynn argued, that the proof againſt Mr. Almon appeared therefore to be defective: There was nothing to conſtitute cri- minality, or induce puniſhment. That, after the jury had been out about two hours, one of them (Mr. Mackworth) propoſed a doubt, “ Whether the bare proof of the ſale in Mr. Almon's ſhop, without any proof of privity, knowledge, confent, approbation, or malus animus, in Mr. Alinon himſelf, was ſufficient in law to convict him criminally of publiſh- ing a libel." Mr. Mackworth underſtood his lordſhip's anſwer to this doubt to be this : “ That this was concluſive evidence.” Otherwiſe, Mr. Mackworth was convinced in his own mind, that the de- fendant ought not to be found guilty upon this evidence ; nor would he have found him guilty. He certainly gave his verdict under a miſtake. If he had apprehended that the jury were at liberty, 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD: 309 liberty, to exerciſe their own judgement, he would have acquitted the defendant.-The Serjeant prayed, that Mr. Mackworth's affi- davit might be read. Lord Mansfield. “You know it can't be read.” Mr. Fuſtice Afton. “ A juryman's affidavit with regard to his ſentiments in point of law, at the trial, ought not to be admitted; whatever may be the caſe of his affidavit tending to rectify a miſtake in fact.” Lord Mansfield, in reporting the evidence, ſaid, “He had told the jury, that there was evidence of the publication, if they believed the witneſſes. And he ſaid, he had directed them (as he always had done, and as he took the law to be), that if they were not ſatisfied that the blanks were filled up in the information, in the true ſenſe and meaning of the writer, they ought to acquit the defendant: and that the epithets uſed in the information were inferences of law, drawn from the paper itſelf; and not facts to be proved. " The court were of opinion, that none of the matters urged on behalf of the defendant, nor all of them added together, were reaſons for granting a new trial ; whatever weight they might have in extenuation of his offence, and in conſequence leſſening his puniſhment. For, they were exceedingly clear and unanimous in opinion that this pamphlet being bought in the ſhop of a common known bookſeller and publiſher, importing by its title-page to be printed for him, is a ſufficient prima facie evidence of its being publiſhed by him : not; indeed, concluſive, becauſe he might have contradicted it,, if the facts would have borne it, by contrary evidence. But, as he did not offer any evidence to repel it, it muſt (if believed to be true) ſtand good:till an- ſwered, and be conſidered as concluſive till contradicted.. “ Lord Mansfield ſaid, and repeated, that Mr. Mackworth liad underſtood him perfectly right; and he was very glad to find that there was no doubt of what he had faid. The ſubſtance of it was, that in point of law, the buying the pamphlet in the public open ſhop of a known profeſſed book ſeller and publiſher of pamphlets, of a perſon acting in the ſhop, primi facie is evidence of a publication by the maſter himſelf; but that it is liable to be contradicted, where the fact will bear it, by contrary evidence tending to exculpate the maſter, and to ſhew that he was not privy nor afſenting to it, nor encouraging it. That this being primd facie evidence of a publica- tion by the maſter himſelf, it ſtands good till anſwered by him ; and, if not anſwered at all, it thereby becomes concluſive ſo far as to be ſufficient to con- vict 310 THE LIFE OF ro vict him. That proof of a public expofing to fałe and ſelling at his ſhop, by his ſervant, was prima facie ſufficient; and, muſt ſtand till contradicted or explained or exculpated by ſome other evidence; and, if not contradicted, explained, or exculpated, would be, in point of evidence, ſufficient or tan- tamount to concluſive. Mr. Mackworth's doubt ſeemed to be 'whether the evidence was ſufficient to convict the defendant, in caſe he believed it to be true;' and in this ſenſe I anſwered it, prima facie, 'tis good, and remains fo till anſwered. If it is believed, and remains unanſwered, it be- comes concluſive. If it be ſufficient in point of law, and the juryman be- lieves it, he is bound in conſcience to give his verdict according to it. " In practice, in experience, in hiſtory, in the memory of all perſons li- ving, this is, I believe, the firſt time that it was ever doubted that this is good evidence againſt a bookſeller or publiſher of pamphlets.' The con- ſtant practice is, to read the libel as ſoon as ever it has been proved to be bought at the defendant's ſhof. This practice ſhews that it is conſidered as already proved upon the defendant; for, it could not be read againſt him before it had been proved upon him. “ If I am miſtaken, I am entirely open to alter my opinion, upon being .convinced that it is a wrong one. But, at preſent, I take this point to be as much eſtabliſhed as that an eldeſt ſon is, in general, heir to his father; and, being evidence prima facie, it ſtands, if believed, till contrary proof is brought to repel it." . The other judges delivered feriatim their opinions, and con- curred with lord Mansfield. The court therefore unanimouſly diſcharged the rule to fhew cauſe why there ſhould not be a new trial. The ſpeech of lord Mansfield, in giving his charge to the jury in the caſe of the King' againſt Woodfall for a libel. Though the court will not yet determine whether the affidavit of any of the jury may be read in this cauſe, yet I have permitted one to be read a little by way of ſtating it; and I there find, that the application of the Innu- endoes is not denied, only the criminal conſtruction put upon the paper in the information. To have denied the one would have been very material ; with the other they have nothing to do. In that caſe, there would be no proof to them WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 311 1 them of the paper, as charged in the information : but, if the jury find that the defendant publiſhed at all, they find the paper as charged in the infor- mation ; for, that is their only enquiry. I take it from the affidavit which has been ſtated, that it does not appear whether the jury meant to ſay that the paper is no libel; if they had the leaſt doubt whether the Innuen- does were properly ſupplied, there ſhould be a new trial. I did not leave it to the jury, whether the paper was innocent or not. I never do. I ſum- med up to them, as I have always done in ſimilar caſes, that if they were not ſatisfied of the fact of publication, 'or had a doubt of the application of any of the words in the information to the blanks in the letter, they muſt acquit the defendant. But I told them alſo, that whether the paper was criminal or innocent was to them a ſubject of indifference; becauſe, if innocent, judgement would be arreſted in this court. Here the jury did not mean to find the malice of the defendant, becauſe it was not within their inquiry ; nor did they mean to exclude it, becauſe it was not within their power to exclude a legal deduction. There may be ſomething of a diſtinction in books about amending a ver- dict in civil and in a criminal caſe; but it is a miſtake, and there is nothing in it. - In the caſe of Gibſon for forgery, all the judges were of opinion, that, where the officer had drawn up the verdict contrary to the finding of the jury, it might be amended. There is a caſe of this fort in the Year-books as early as the third of Richard III. I forget the page, as I ſpeak only from the me- mory of my reading. This is the only way of altering a verdict, either. in a: criminal.or civil caſe. There is, indeed,-a found diſtinction which holds in the pleadings ; for thoſe cannot be amended in criminal matters. “ Whatever may be the inclination of my opinion in this caſe, it is too late to have any effect from it in this term : therefore let it ſtand over to the next.” Lord Mansfield's charge to the jury, on an information filed: againſt the printer of the London Evening Poft, for repub-. liſhing Junius's:Letter to the King. “I'have the ſatisfaction to know that, if I ſhould be miſtaken in the di-- • Tection I am about to give-as to your duty on the preſent occaſion, it will not be final and concluſive ; but it is under the full' conviction of my own mind, that I am warranted, by the uniform practice of paft-ages, and by the 5, law. 312 THE LIFE OF THE law of the land, that I inform you, that the queſtion for your determination is, whether the defendant printed and publiſhed a paper of ſuch tenor and meaning as is charged by the information? If the tenor had been wrong, the proſecution would at once have fallen to the ground; buc that is not ob- jected to, nor is any meaning ſuggeſted by the defendant different to that fupplied by the filling up the blanks in the information. If you find the defendant not guilty, you find he did not print and publiſh as ſet forth; if you find him guilty, you find that he did print and publiſh a paper of the tenor and meaning ſet forth in the indictment. Your verdict finally eſta- bliſhes that fact; but you do not by that verdict find whether that pro- duction was legal or illegal, for, ſhould the defendant be found guilty, he may arreſt the judgement, by inſiſting there is nothing illegal in this paper, and may carry this matter before the higheſt court of judicature in this kingdom. Nor do you find, by that verdict, that he did it with any degree of malice or guilt, inore than appears from the face of the publication. Nothing can be more various than the manner of publication, which may be attended with the higheſt degree of guilt, or with circumſtances that make it a venial matter. It is certain, all the epithets of malicious, fedi- tious, &c. given in the information, are inferences in law; and it is ad- mitted that it is needleſs to give any proof about them. - The defendant, after conviction, may be heard to extenuate his offence on his own affidavit, as was lately admitted in the caſe of one of the perſons .convicted of publiſhing the letter before you, which is a proof that the criminality of the fact is not determined by the jury. If you don't believe- that the tenor and meaning of this paper are not rightly ſet forth in the in- formation, or, if you diſbelieve the evidence given to bring the publication home to the defendant, you muſt acquit him ; but, if you are ſatisfied in thoſe points, you muſt find him guilty. If you chuſe to determine the point of law, you ſhould be very ſure, for your conſciences ſake, that your determination is law; but if the law was in every caſe to be determined by juries, we Thould be in a miſerable condition, as nothing could be more uncertain from the different opinions of mankind. « After this the jùry withdrew, and brought in the verdict not guilty.” The unanimous opinion of the judges of the court of King's Bench, in the cauſe of the King againſt Woodfall, cannot fail to be acceptable to the curious reader. It 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. ziz It was read by lord Mansfield on the 20th of November, 1770, in the Houſe of Lords, in juſtification of his conduct in that im- I portant cauſe * r. This comes before the court upon two rules. - The firſt obtained by the defendant to ſtay the entering up judgement on the verdict given in this cauſe. “ The ſecond obtained by the attorney-general, that the verdict may be entered according to the legal import of the finding of the jury. - The laſt rule' muſt, from the nature of it, be firſt diſcuffed, becauſe the ground of argument upon the other cannot be ſettled till this is dif- poſed of. Upon this rule it is neceſſary to report the trial. - This proſecution is an information againſt the defendañt, for printing and publiſhing a libel in the Public Advertiſer, figned Junius. - The tenor of which is ſet out with proper averments as to the meaning of the libel, the ſubject-matter, and the perſons concerning which and of whom it ſpeaks, with Inuendos filling up all the blanks and the ufual épi- thets. - In ſupport of the proſecution, they proved by Nathaniel Crowđer, that he bought the paper produced and twelve more from Colfield, the defend- ant’s publiſher, in the defendant's publiſhing room, the corner of fvy-lante. “ That he goes often there, has occaſionally ſeen the printing room, and has had papers in the printing room. “ They read the paper produced, and the tenor agreed with the informa- tion. “ George Harris, regiſter of pamphlets and newſpapers, proved that the defendant himſelf, and ſervants, paid the money for advertiſements in the Public Advertiſer; that defendant had paid himſelf, and all the payments were on his account. " That the defendant has made the uſual affidavit, and has been allowed the ſtamp-duty for ſuch papers as were unfold. - That the duties on advertiſements in the paper now in queſtion weré paid by defendant's ſervants, and the receipt given on defendant's account. 5 Burr. 2661. State of the previous Proceedings. Ss 56 William 1 314 THE LIFE OF “ William Lee, clerk to Sir John Fielding, proved, that he often carried advertiſements for the Public Advertiſer to the defendant's, the corner of Try-lane. - That he generally paid ready money, that he had ſeen money paid to the defendant for advertiſements, and he had a receipt from the defendant ſigned by him the 29th of November for thirty-two pounds, for printing, advertiſements in the Public Advertiſer. “ On the part of the defendant, they called no witneſſes.. “ His counſel objected to ſome of the Inuendos; but they principally ap- plied to the jury to acquit the defendant, from the paper being innocent, or not liable to the epithets given it by the information, or, that the de- fendant's intent in publiſhing did not deſerve the epithets in the information. 6. There was no doubt but that the evidence, if credited, amounted to proof of printing and publiſhing by the defendant. - There may be caſes, where the fact proved as a publication may be juſtified or excuſed, as lawful or innocent; for, no fact which is not criminal,, in caſe the paper be a libel, can amount to a publication of which a. de- fendant ought to be found guilty. “ But no queſtion of that kind aroſe in this cauſe. • Therefore I directed the jury to conſider, whether all the Inuendos, and all the applications to matter and perſons, made by the information, were in their judgement the true meaning of the paper.. “ If they thought otherwiſe, they ſhould acquit the defendant; but, if they agreed with the information, and believed the evidence as to the publi: cation, they ſhould find him guilty.. “ If the jury were obliged to find, whether the paper was a libel, or whether it was a libel to ſuch a degree as to deſerve the epithets given it.by the information, or to require proofs of the expreſs intents of the defendant in printing and publiſhing, and of its being malicious to ſuch a degree as to deſerve the epithets given by the information ; then this direction was wrong “ In ſupport of it, I told them, as I have, from indiſpenſable duty, been obliged to tell every juryman, upon every trial of this kind, to the follow- ing. effect. " That whether the paper (meaning as alleged by the information) was in law a libel was a queſtion of law upon the face of the record ; for, after 1 con- - WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. . 315 1 conviction, a defendant may move in arreſt of judgement, if the paper is not a libel. " That all the epithets in the information were formal inferences of law from the printing and publiſhing. “ That no proof of expreſs malice was ever required, and is in moſt caſes impoſſible to be given. " That the verdict finds only what the law infers from fact; therefore, after conviction, a defendant may, by affidavits, leffen the degree of his guilt. 66 That where an act in itſelf indifferent, if done with a particular in- tent, becomes criminal, there the intent muſt be proved and found; but, where the act is in itſelf unlawful, as in this caſe, the proof of juſtification or excuſe lies on the defendant; and, in failure thereof, the law implies a criminal intent. 6. The jury ſtayed out a great while, many hours; at laſt they came to my houſe, (the objection of its being out of the county being cured by con- ſent.) In anſwer to the uſual queſtion put by the officer, the foreman gave their verdict in theſe words, guilty of printing and publiſhing only. Nothing more paſſed. 66 The officer has entered up the verdict literally, without ſo much as adding the uſual words of reference, to connect the verdict with the matter to which it is related. “ Upon this, the two rules I have ſtated were moved for. “ Upon that obtained by the attorney-general, the affidavit of a juror was offered by the counſel for the defendant. “ But we are all of opinion that it cannot be received. “ Where there is a doubt upon the judge's report, as to what paſſed at the time of bringing in the verdict, there the affidavits of jurors or bye- ſtanders may be received, upon a motion for a new trial, or to rectify a iniftake in the minutes. " But the affidavit of a juror never can be read as to what he then thought or intended. " This motion conſiſts of two parts: firſt, to fill up the formal words of reference; ſecond, to omit the word only. “ We are all of opinion, that the firſt is a technical omiſſion of the clerk, and ought to be ſet right. Ss 20 66 As $16 THE LIFE OF “ As to the ſecond, that the word only muſt ſtand in the verdict. “ There is no ground (from any thing which paſſed) to explain the ſenſe of the jury, ſo as that the officer ought to have entered a general verdict. “ No argument can be urged for omitting the word only, which does not prøve that it can lave no effect though inſerted; and therefore it is a queſ- tion of law upon the face of the verdict. - The defendant's motion muſt be conſidered upon the ground of the word only ſtanding; was it omitted, there could be no doubt. Guilty of printing and publiſhing, where there is no other charge, is guilty ; for, nothing more is to be found by the jury. “ In the caſe of the king againſt Williams, the jury found the defendant guilty of printing and publiſhing the North Briton, Nº 45; the clerk entered it up guilty, and no objection ever was made. 66 Where there are more charges than one, guilty of ſome only is an acquittal as to he reft. “ But in this information there is no charge, except for printing and pub- liſhing. Clearly, there can be no judgement of acquittal ; becauſe the fact found by the jury is the very crime they were to try. " The only queſtion is, whether by any poſſibility the word only can have a meaning which would affect or contradict the verdict. " That the law, as to the ſubject-matter of the verdict, is as I have ſtated, has been ſo often unanimouſly agreed by the whole court, upon every report I have made of a trial for a libel, that it would be improper to make it a queſtion now in this place. “ Among thoſe who have concurred, the bar will recollect the dead, and the living not now here. " And we all again declare our opinion that the direction is right, and ac- cording to law. - This direction, though often given (with an expreſs requeſt from me, , that if there was the leaſt doubt they would move the court), has never been complained of in court; and yet, if it had been wrong, a new trial would be of courfe. " It is not now complained of. « Taking then the law to be according to this direction, the queſtion is, whether any meaning can be put upon the word only, as it ſtands upon the record, which will affect or contradict the verdict ? 66 If WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 317 ** If they meant to ſay, that they did not find it a libel, or did not find the epithets, or did not find any expreſs malicious intent; it would not affect the verdict, becauſe none of theſe things were to be proved or found either way. “ If, by only, they meant to ſay that they did not find the meaning put upon the paper by the information, they ſhould have acquitted him. " If they had expreſſed this to be their meaning, the verdict would have been inconſiſtent and repugnant; for they ought not to find the defendant guilty, unlefs they find the meaning put upon the paper by the information, and judgement of acquittal ought to have been entered up. « If they had expreſſed their meaning in any of the other ways, the verdict. would not have been affected, and judgement ought to be entered upon it. 66. It is impoſſible to ſay with certainty what the jury really did mean ; pro-- bably they had different meanings. “ If they could poſſibly mean that which, if expreſſed, would acquit the defendant. he ought not to be concluded by this verdict. “ It is poſſible fome of them might mean, not to find the whole ſenſe and explanation put upon the paper by the inuendos in the information: 66 If a doubt ariſes from an ambiguous and unuſual word in the verdict, the court ought to lean in favor of a venire de novo. “ We are under the leſs difficulty, becauſe, in favor of a defendant, though. the verdict be full, the court may grant a new trial. “And we are all of opinion, upon the whole of the caſe, that there ſhould be a new trial.” Lord Camden, after reading the contents, it is ſaid, deciared, that he conſidered the paper delivered in by lord Mansfield as a challenge to himſelf, which he accepted, and the glove was thrown down, and he took it up. That he was ready to meet him in defence of the laws of his country, and deſired a day might be fixed. In the mean time the following paper was likewiſe left with the clerk. » 1. Does the opinion mean to declare, that upon the general iſſue of not guilty, in the caſe of a ſeditious libel, the jury have no right, by law, to examine the innocence or criminality of the paper, if they think fit, and to form-their verdict upon ſuch examination ? “2: Does 1 318 THE LIFE OF CC 2. Does the opinion mean to declare, that in the cafe above mentioned, when the jury have delivered in their verdict guilty, that this verdict has found the fact only, and not the law ? .: 3. Is it to be underſtood by this opinion, that if the jury come to thic bar, and ſay, that they find the printing and publiſhing, but that the paper is no libel : that in that caſe the jury have found the defendant guilty gene- rally, and the verdict muſt be ſo entered up? 4. Whether the opinion means to ſay, that if the judge, after giving his opinion? of the innocence or criminality of the paper, ſhould leave the conſideration of that matter together with the printing and publiſhing to the jury, ſuch a direction would be contrary to law. 5. I beg leave to aſk, whether dead and living judges, then' abfent, did declare their opinions in open court, and whether the noble lord has any note of ſuch opinions? 66 6. Whether they declared ſuch opinions, after folemn arguments, or upon any point judicially before them ?" Lord Mansfield replied, 66 That this method of propoſing queftions to him was taking him by ſurprize ; that it was unfair ; and that he would not anſwer interrogatories.' It is not eaſy to reconcile the propriety or the probability of lord Camden's having uſed the authoritative ſtyle, which, at the opening of his queries, has been aſcribed to him, with the general tenor of the decorous language of one lord chief juſtice to another. To the queries: themſelves it was reaſonable to demur, Gnce it was not within the ſcale of probability that the unani- mous opinion of the court of King's Bench, formed after great deliberation, and upon a queſtion of real importance, ſhould be ſo obſcure, ſo devoid of preciſion, as, to ſtand in need of being twiſted into the form of a few queſtions, divided and ſubdivided, by way of interrogatories. “ Animi motibus fermo debet väcake, Ne aut ira exiftat, aut cupiditas aliquam appareat.” Cic. de Offic. An ! { r f WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 319 1 An appeal of death was brought by the widow of the perfon killed at Brentford, in Middleſex, pending a general election. " The following caſe * of Bigby againſt the two Kennedys (ſays Sir James Burrow), is of fo peculiar a nature, and upon a ſubject which occurs ſo very feldom, that I have been intentionally very minute and circumſtantial in de- ſcribing the method and form of proceeding in it; as I conceive it may pot only be an amuſement to the curioſity of ſome readers, but may alſo be uſe- ful as a precedent, and ſave the trouble of ſearching into rule-books and re- cords, whenever a future appeal ſhall happen to be brought; eſpecially as this was an appeal againſt two different perſons, who were brought into court. al different times and from different cuſtodies." In conſequence of an introductory note ſo curious as the pre- fent, an apology may, by ſome readers, be deemed neceffary, on the part of the author of theſe ſheets; for omitting to ſtate a caſe of ſo peculiar a nature. His apology is, that the duties of a res porter and a biographer are very different; and although the length of this report extends to fourteen folio pages, yet there is not in any one of them any ſpeech or obſervation of lord. Mansfield's, which conſiſts of three lines.. The proceedings upon another appeal of death, brought by the widow of James Smith, produced another fimilar inſtance, and are faithfully reported by Sir James Burrow, in his fifth yo- lume, 2793: Non-reſidence of Clergy. Henry Law, who &c. verſus James Ibbetſon t'; D. D. in debt upon the Stat. of 21 H: VIII. for non-reſidence'; the defendant pleaded the general iſſue. * Michaelmas Term, 1770. 5.Burr. 2643. ohin 5 Burr. 2722. 30 April, 1770.. Uponi. 320 '. THE LIFE OF Upon trial, at the laſt aflizes for the county of Hertford, a verdict was given for the plaintiff for 10f. ſubject to the opinion of the court upon this caſe; viz. • The defendant, beneficed with the rectory of the pariſh church of Buſh- cy, to which there is a good parſonage-houſe belonging, during all the time nientioned in the declaration performed the duty of rector of the ſaid.pariſh, but was perſonally reſident and abiding in and upon a dwelling-houſe belonging to himſelf, in Buſhey, in the pariſh of Buſhey, and not in and upon the ſaid par- fonage-houſe belongiog to the faid rectory. The defendant alſo, during all the time aforeſaid, was and ſtill is archdeacon in and throughout the whole archdeaconry of St. Alban's, and the liinits thereof; which is an ecclefiafti- cal dignity, with juriſdiction of granting licences for marriages, probate of wills, and letters of adminiſtration. He has a feat in the church of St. Al- ban's; has a deputy-regiſter, who lives at St. Alban’s, and keeps an office there: but the feal of office is kept by the defendant in his own cuſtody; to whom the ſaid deputy-regiſter applies for the uſe of the feal and the diſ- patch of buſineſs. “ The houſe in which the defendant was and is reſident and abiding is within the limits of the ſaid archdeaconry. (as is alſo his rectory-houſe), but is not be- longing, nor is there any houſe which does belong, to his archdeaconry as an archidiacor.al houſe, " The queſtion for the opinion of the court is, 'Whether, under theſe circumſtances, the plaintiff is intitled to recover?' Lord Mansfield. “ The words of the act of parliament are very pointed and very preciſe. They are *, ' that as well every ſpiritual perſon now being pro- moted to any archdeaconry, deanry, or dignity, in any monaſtery or cathedral church, or other church, conventual, or collegiate, or being beneficed with any parſonage or vicarage, as all and every ſpiritual perſon and perſons which hereafter ſhall be promoted to any of the ſaid dignities or benefices, with any parſonage or vicarage, from the feaſt of Saint Michael the Archangel, next coming, ſhall be perſonally refident and abiding in at and upon his faid dignity, prebend, or benefice, or at one of them at the leaſt.-And in caſe : * 21 Hen. VIII, Ć. 13. f. 26. that 3 ! - i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 32.1 . that any ſuch ſpiritual perſon, at any time after the faid feaſt, keep not refi- dence at one of his faid digmities, prebends, or benefices, as aforeſaid, but abſent himſelf wilfully by the ſpace of one month together, or by the ſpace of two months, to be accompted at ſeveral times in any one year, and make his reſidence and abiding in any other places by ſuch time, that then he ſhall forfeit, &c, The determinations upon adjudged caſes are, that if he does not reſide upon one or the other, lie is within the penalty; and, that if therė be a houſe upon the parſonage, or dignity, he' muſt reſide in that houſe, being ſufficient to reſide in any other houſe, though it be within the pariſh.' 66 If there be no houſe, then indeed he may reſide where he will, pro- vided it be within the pariſh: for he cannot, upon a penal act, be puniſhed for not reſiding in the houſe, when there is no houſe for him to reſide in. " Reſidence is a technical term: he muſt ſhew, that he was reſident within the technical ſenſe under the act of parliament. “ His lordſhip was of opinion, that the plaintiff ſhould have judgment." The other judges delivered their opinions feriatim ; and the whole court concurred in opinion for the plaintiff. Note. There was afterwards a caſe in this court, on Friday, 3d May, 1776, Wilkinſon, eſquire, who, &c. v. Allot, clerk; where there was no parſonage-houſe, and therefore the parſon abſented himſelf entirely, and did not reſide in the pariſh at all : and the court held, that though impoſſibilities will indeed excuſe, yet he muſt come as near as he can to reſiding in the parſonage-houſe-he muſt reſide ſomewhere within the pariſh. Lord Mansfield's ſpeech in the laſt mentioned cauſe was as follows: “ The ſtatute of non-refidence is a beneficial law; and, though a penal one, has received a ſtrict conſtruction againſt ſuch as have offended. “ A clergyman with cure of fouls is bound, not only by the canon law, but in conſcience, to attend his duty in perſon if he can. By experience it was found, that neither conſcience nor canon law were fufficient to bind the clergy to a due obſervance of their parochial duty; but they left it to be done by poor curates, hired at ſmall ſalaries. It would be a ſtrange argu- Tt ment 322 THE LIFE OF - Įt is true, the law ſays, that in all reſtrictions impoſed, impoffibility is ment to ſay, that perſons of that deſcription could poffibly maintain the hoſpitality which the ſtatute had in view, and which ought to be kept up. The Stat. 21 H. VIII. C. 13. was made to remedy this grievance, and the words are general, ' that every ſpiritual perſon &c. fhall reſide, in, at, and upon his benefice ;' it does not ſay in, at, and upon his parfonage-houſe. The word benefice was indeed formerly uſed to denote certain portions of land given by lords to their followers for their maintenance, but now it is a gene- ral term for any eccleſiaſtical living or preferment. In this caſe the benefice is a parfonage, or vicarage, and the general words uſed by the act might be ſatisfied by his reſiding any where upon the living. However, authorities as far back as the time of Elizabeth ſay that that conſtruction does not anſwer the end; but it muſt be a reſidence in the par fonage-houſe. It is a remedial and beneficial law both for the pariſh and the fucceffor; and cafes have been determined, where, though the parſon lived within twenty yarợs of the parſonage-houſe, and though he had a ſervant who ſlept in it*, yet it was holden not to be a legal and fufficient reſidence. an excuſe; but then it muſt be performed cy près. If there has been no parfonage-houſe from time immemorial, it is moſt certain that the parſon çannot live in it. What then !--The next thing to be done is, to come as near to it as he can. He muſt live fomewhere in the pariſh. His conſcience obliges him to do ſo. The canon law requires it, and this ſtatute enforces the obligation under a penalty. It is ſaid, that in Law v. Ibbet for, I did fay, that if there was no parſonage-houſe, the parſon might reſide where he pleafed ;' but it is clear that muſt mean ſomewhere in the pariſh. Any other conftruction would be a fhameful evaſion of the ſtatute. Here there is no parſonage-houſe: but the want of a parfonage-houſe is no excuſe for reſiding out of the parik entirely; and therefore there muft be judgement for the plaintiff. Hilary Term 1771. On the firſt day of this term t, the great feal (lørd Mansfield having again declined accepting it) was delivered by the king to * 2. Brownlow, 54. 5. Barr. 2692. the WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 323 " the lord commiſſioner Bathurſt, as lord chancellor of Great Bri- tain, who was upon this occaſion made a peer of the realm. Caſe on a wager. Earl of March verſus Pigot *. A verdict having been found for the plaintiff, Mr. Lee moved, on behalf of the defendant, for a new trial. The cauſe was tried before lord Mansfield. It was a contract hatch'd at Newmarket. The wager was originally propoſed between young Mr. Pigot, the preſent defendant, and young Mr. Codrington, to run their fathers (to uſe the phraſe of the place) each againſt the other. Sir William Codrington, the father of Mr. Codrington, was then a little turned of 50. Mr. Pigot's father was upwards of 70. Lord Oſſory computed the chances according to the above-mentioned ages of their reſpective fa- thers. Mr. Codrington thought the computation was made too much in his disfavor. Whereupon lord March agreed to ſtand in Mr. Codrington's place: and reciprocal notes were accord- ingly given between the earl and Mr. Pigot. Mr. Pigot's note ran thus : • I promiſe to pay to the earl of March 500 guineas, if my father dies before Sir William Codrington. WILLIAM Pigot.' The earl's was: “I promiſe to pay to Mr. Pigot 1600 guineas, in caſe ſir William Codrington does not ſurvive Mr. Pigot's father. MÁRCH. No mention was at all made, at the time of this tranſaction, about their fathers being then dead or alive. But the fact was that Mr. Pigot's father was then actually dead: he died in Shropſhire, 150 miles from London, at two o'clock in the morning of the ſame day on which this bet was made at Newmarket, after dinner. However, this fact was not át that time at all known to any of the parties, nor was there any reaſon for ſuſpecting that Mr. Pigot's father was then dead. 5. Butt. 2802. Tt2 There 1 3 324 THE LIFE OF There was no objection made at the trial againſt going into parot evidence. Lord Mansfield left the matter to the jury; who found a verdict for the plaintiff with 525£. damages. Lord Mansfield.-" If the preſent caſe had ſtood upon written evidence only, it had been matter of law; but there was no objection made at the trial againſt going into parol evidence. - The queſtion is, what the parties really meant? The material con- tingency was, 'which of theſe two young heirs ſhould come to his fatlier's eftate firſt?' It was not known that the father of either of them was then dead. Their lives, their healths, were neither warranted, nor excepted. It was equal to both of them, whether one of their fathers ſhould be then fick or dead. All the circumſtances ſhew, that if it had been thought of, it would not have made any difference in the bet; and there was no reaſon to preſume that they would have excepted it. • The intention was, that he who came firſt to his eſtate ſhould pay this fum of money to the other, who ſtood in need of it. That the event which bad happened, was in the contemplation of neither party. “ Both notes are ſo penn'd, as to be applied to what was to happen. But the nature of ſuch a contract, and the manifeſt intention of the parties, fup: port the verdict of the jury, (to whom it was left without objection,) he who ſucceeded to his eſtate firſt, by the death of his father, ſhould pay to the other, without any diſtinction whether the event had or had not at that time actually happened.” The court unanimouſly diſcharged the rule for a new triat. In Trinity Term, 1771*, a caſe of great importance to thoſe who poſſeſs a ſpecies.of landed property, at the will of the lord of A C that a } * The juriſprudent will have the pleafure and advantage of finding in 5th Burr. 2766 , the following introduction by Sir James Burrow. As it is a caſe of very curious learning, and was very well argued and maturely confidered by the court, I will endeavour to give the very words of the re- ſpective ſpeakers, as nearly as I can:;! Twenty, pages, in folio are uſefully employed Vaughan, on the demiſe of Atkins v..Atkin's widow. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 325 1 a Manor, reſpecting the legal conſtruction of ſurrenders and ad- mittances of and to cuſtomary and copyhołd lands, was very in- geniouſly ! 7 i 1 employed therein. At the cloſe of the arguments, Lord Mansfield ſaid, “The court were very much obliged to the gentlemen for taking ſo much pains in their arguments; and he thought nothing could be added to them : tliere- fore there was no necd of any further argument; but it might ſtand for the opinion of the court. “He hinted, however, that no cafe in point had been cited by Mr. Groſe; nor any in.point by Mr. Kerby, except out of Gilbert. Tlie great queſtion, is the relation of the admittance to the time of the ſurrender. Curia adviſare vulta " And now Lord Mansfield delivered their opinion: “ Wirat is ſtated relative to the premiffes not being copyhold at the will of the lord, makes no difference as to the queſtion : and, therefore, I ſhall conſider it as a general poirit, common to all eſtates which paſs by Surrender and admittance. “ The queſtion is, 'whether the heir of the ſurrenderee, who dies before admittance, fhall avoid the free-bench or cuſtomary dower of the widow, becauſe he died before admittance. The caſe has been extremely well ar- gued; end, therefore, I ſhall be but ſhort in giving our opinion; the whole having been exhauſted in the arguments. 6 In this caſe the contract is for a purchaſe and falé: - The ſurrender is the ſubſtantial part of the conveyance, and a complete: execution of the contract as between the vendor and the vendee. “ The ſurrender and the admittance are different parts of the ſame convey- The former effectuates the ſubſtantial part; and therefore muſt relate to it . Both together make but one conveyance. The admittance muſt be pur- ſuant to the ſurrender ; and conſequently muſt operate as from the date of it. " Surrender to A. before admittance, ſurrenderor dies: A. is afterwards admitted * A. Thall avoid the free-bench of the widow of the ſurrenderor ;. for A's admiſſion has relation to the ſurrender. «. If one joint-tenant ſurrenders-to the uſe of his willyt; his devifee ſhall take: for the admittance relates to the ſurrender; and from that time ſevers. the joint-tenancy. * It is laid down, 4 Co. 49 b. that the lord is only an inſtrument. That, after admittance the ſurrenderee, is in by him who made the ſurrender: That although the ſurrenderor, or the tenants by whoſe. hands the ſurrender ance. was 1 * Benfon.v. Scot. 3 Lev. 385: 3.Salk, 185: + Co. Lit. 59 b. 326 THE LIFE OF 1 geniouſly and elaborately argued by Mr. Grófe, now fir Nathi Groſe, one of the juſtices of that court, as counſel for the leſſor of the plaintiff, and by Mr. Kerby for the defendant. Wreck was made, die ; yet preſentment and admittance afterwards is good : and where he to whoſe uſe the ſurrender is made, before admittance, dies, his heir ſhall be admitted. The true reaſon is drawn from the context, and given in Bacon's Abridgment* : for, upon admittance, the eſtate is ceftuy qui ufe fronı the time of the ſurrender by relation. “ Moor's cafe f, Trinity Term, 40th Elizabeth, referred to by Juſtice Newdigate, in the caſe of Blunt v. Clarke, is not ſtated, nor does it appear what the queſtion was. The propoſition in Roll's Abridgement, that the heir being admitted, is in by the lord, and not by hiſn that made the ſur- render,' is contrary to truth, and to all the authorities. The lord is a mere, inſtrument; and cannot vary from the ſurrender. And in the ſame caſe of Blunt v. Clarke, (reported afterwards in the faine book *, 2 Sider- fin, 61,) Glynn, Chief Juſtice, ſays, ' if a man feiſed of copyhold in burrough-english ſurrenders to the uſe of J. S. and his heirs ; and J.S. dies before admittance, leaving two ſons; the younger of them ſhall have the land ; becauſe he is in by defcent, or at leaſt by force of the firſt ſurrender, and ſo in nature of a deſcent. And it is ſaid in the Trea- tiſe of Tenures aſcribed to lord chief baron Gilbert, and, I ſuppoſe, written by him, “that his opinion || ſeems to be very reaſonable ; for beirs was certainly there a word of limitation and not of purchaſe ; and cer- tainly there is as much reaſon to adjudge the heir in by deſcent here, as there is to judge an heir in by deſcent, where a recovery was had againſt the ancef- cor, but not executed till after his death, becauſe the uſe might have veſted during the life of the anceſtor, and becauſe the execution hath a retroſpect. And in truth, the caſe of a ſurfender is juſt the ſame ; for, admittance might have been in the life of the anceſtor ; and when it was had it had a rétro- fpect.? And in the margin he refers to Shelly's caſe in 1 Co. 106. where the opinion was, that the execution had a retroſpect to the recovery.' “ With this reaſoning we agree; and are of opinion, that, upon admit- tance, the heir is in, by deſcent, from the ſurrender to which the admittance relates. “ The leffor of the plaintiff in this caſe is expreſsly admitted as heir. The law caſts the free bench upon the widow juſt as it cafts the deſcent upon the heir I Vol. 476: t 2 Siderfin, 38. I Roll. Abr. 627. pl. 9. It is a ſecond argüment and determination of the cafè. | Page 288, in the third edition, 3 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 327 Wreck of the Sea. Trinity Term, 1771 *. A motion had been made laſt term for a new trial. The cauſe had been tried before the chief juſtice of Cheſter and the other judge of that circuit. Lord Mansfield in his ſpeech has ſo clearly ſhewn the cardo caufæ, and the nature of the doubts and difficulties in this cauſe, as to make any farther ſtatement of it unneceſſary and im- proper. Lord Mansfield. “There is no ſort of doubt concerning the true owner- fhip of theſe goods, which were caſt away in a ſtorm, and recently purſued. Every body elfe reſtored to the true owner the proportions that they had got of them, upon a proper ſalvage offered : This defendant refufed to deliver heir. The admittance by relation makes her huſband feifed from the date of the ſurrender. "There is no rule better founded in law, reaſon, and convenience, than this, That all the ſeveral parts and ceremonies neceſſary to complete a con- veyance ſhall be taken together as one aft, and operate from the fubftantial part' by relation.' " Livery relates to the feoffment inrollment to the bargain and fale ; a recovery, to the deed which leads the uſe : fo admittance ſhall relate to the ſurrender, eſpecially when it is a ſale for a valuable conſideration, as ja this caſe. " The title is not complete till admittance; and to the lord it is material, in reſpect of his fine ; but as between the parties, the rendor and vendee, the admittance is mere form. This agreement is executed, and the land bound by the ſurrender. The lord is compellable, by Mandamus or decreez to admit. The vendor, his widow, his heir, and all claiming under him, are concluded from ſaying, after admittance, that the land did not paſs from the day of the ſurrender. Upon this ground the leſſor of the plaintiff claims the inheritance whereof his brother died feiſed; it ſhall not be in his mouth to ſay, againſt the widow, that his brother did not die feifed." " Therefore let judgement be for the defendant. “ Judgement for the defendant.” * 5 Burr. 2732 the 328 THE LIFE OF the íliare that he had got being forfeited, according to his apprehenſion, as û wreck, becauſe no live animal came afhore. He likewiſe objects to the plaintiff's recovering ; becauſe certain forms, which he ſays were requiſite to be performed, have not, as he alleges, been properly performed. “ The firſt queſtion is, 'Whether theſe goods are forfeited ?” Now, no aſe is produced, either at common law, or on the conſtruction of the ſta- tute of 3 Edw. I. c. 4. to prove that the goods were forfeited, becauſe no dog or cat or other animal came alive to Thore. I will therefore preſume, that there never was any ſuch determination ; and that no caſe could have been determined ſo contrary to the principles of law, juſtice, and humanity. The very idea of it is ſhocking. And there is no ground for ſuch a forfeiture, upon the diſtinction that has been ſo much urged between a man or other animal coming to ſhore alive or not alive. The coming to ſhore of a dog or a cat alive can be no better proof, than if they ſhould come aſhore dead. The eſcaping alive makes no ſort of difference. If the owner of the dog or cat or other animal was known, the preſumption of the goods belonging to the ſame perſon would be equally ſtrong whether the animal was alive or dead. If no owner could be diſcovered, the goods belonged to the king. But there ought to be a reaſonable time allowed to the owner to come in and claim them; and it was proper that the time ſhould be limited. The old limitation was a year and a day; which was the time limited in many other cafes *. The mode of proof was as it might happen. Goods are now, gene- rally, marked; perhaps in antient dàys it might not be ſo common nor ſo accurate, and then a dog or a cat might be a preſumption towards aſcer- taining the owner of the goods. Braćton, who wrote in the time of Henry III. ſays , Magis propriè dici poterit wreccum, fi navis frangatur, &c. nifi ita fit, quod verus dominus aliunde veniens, per certa indicia & figna do- cuerit res effe fuas ; ut fi canis vivus inveniatur &c. & eodem modo, fi certa figna appofita fuerint mercibus & aliis rebus.' And Bracton's opinion has been recognized by later writers. Lord Coke, in his fifth Report, 107, ſays, that it appears from Brazton, that the ſtatute of William I. was but 3 * See 7th Co. 107, 1084. of Lib. 3. c. 3. p. 120%. See alſo 2 Inſt. 166. a de WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 329 It a declaration of the common law, and cites the ſame paſſage from Bratton, * Et quòd hujuſmodi dici debet wreccum, verum eft, nifi fit quod verus do- minus aliunde veniens, certa indicia & figna donaverit res-eſſe ſuas; ut fi canis "vivus inveniatur, & conſtare poterit quòd talis fit dominus illius canis; pre- ſumptivè ex hoc, illum effe dominum illius canis & illarum rerum: eodem modo, fi certa figna impofita fuerint mercibus.' Thus it ſtands at the common law. Then, has the ſtatute of 3 Edw.. 1. C. 4. altered the common law? No.: quite otherwiſe. · And this act was made in favor of the owner. enacts, negatively, that it ſhall not be wreck, if man, dog; or cat, eſcape alive ;' but it has no contrary, poſitive, proviſion, that if . neither „man, dog, nor.cat, &c. eſcape alive, it ſhall belong to the king.' This ſtatute has been recognized as declaratory of the common law. The words of it are, Concerning wreck of the ſea it is agreed, that where a man, a dog, or å i cat, eſcape quick out of the ſhip, that ſuch ſhip, nor:barge, nor any thing within them, ſhall be adjudged wreck; but the goods ſhall be ſaved and kept, &c. ſo that if any ſue for thoſe goods, and afterwards prove that they were his, or periſhed in his keeping, within a year and a day, they ſhall be reſtored to him without delay; and, if not, they ſhall remain to the king.' Lord Coke ſays, that -- theſe three inſtances, of a man, dog, or cat, are put but for examples.; for, beſides theſe two kinds of beaſts, all other beaſts, fowls, birds, hawks, and other living things, are underſtood, whereby the ownerſhip or property of the goods may be known*. be known*. And this is agreeable to the charter of king Henry the Second, which includes every animal what- ſoever. And the eſcape of a dog or cat, or other animal, is conſidered as a medium of proof, whereby the ownerſhip or property of the goods may be known up. If this was a recent ſtatute, it ought to be conſtrued according to reaſon and juſtice. For, the court ought not, unlefs they are abſolutely obliged to it, to conſtrue an act of parliament directly contrary to the plain and clear principles of juſtice and humanity-; which the conſtruction urged on the part of the defendant in this caſe would undoubtedly be, in the higheſt degree. But this is a ſtatute of very antient ſtanding, and was de- claratory of the common-law, as appears from Braxton; who wrote before the making of it, and has been fince ſufficiently recognized ; and no caſe pro- duced to the contrary, inor any authority in point. The other two ſtatutes * 2 Inſt. 167, 168. of Ibid. 168. Uu are 330 THE LIFE OF C are out of the caſe; they do not relate to this matter. , Beſides, here the de- fendant has infifted upon property. I am very clear that the direction was right, and that the rule for a new trial ought to be diſcharged.” All the other judges preſent concurred with his lordſhip; and, The rule to ſhew cauſe why there ſhould not be a new trial was diſcharged. The legal diſcuſſion of the feveral learned and intricate points. in diſpute between the College of Phylcians and the Licentiates is thus introduced by fir James Burrow * : “ It would require a volume to give a full and particular detail of this long conteſt between the fellows and the licentiates; which was litigated with great ſpirit and eagernefs between ſeveral very learned and reſpectable gen- tlemen of the faculty on both fides.” It muſt not therefore be attempted within the compaſs of a collection of this nature. A ſummary account of it, however, ought not to be omitted ; which was as follows: “A rule had been obtained, upon the application of Dr. Letch, for the College of Phyſicians to ſhew cauſe why a Mandamus ſhould not iſſue, directed to them, commanding them to admit John Letch, doctor of phy- fic, to be a member of the college. « This rule was made upon the whole body of the college or community of the faculty of phyſic of the city of London, and alſo upon the preſident and cenſors of the ſaid college. “ On Thurſday, 7 May, 1767, Mr. Yorke fhewed cauſe againſt this rule; and fir Fletcher Norton argued in ſupport of it. " The ſhort ſtate of the material facts, with reſpect to this Mandamus, was, That Dr. Letch, who practiſed as a man-midwife, was ſummoned by the college, to be examined. He thereupon came in, and was examined thrice at the Comitia minora : and, after the third of thoſe examinations, he was there balloted for, “Whether he ſhould be approved of by them or not?' From Eaſter Term 1768 to 6 June, 1771. The king againſt Dr. Al- kew and others, cenſors of the College of Phyſicians, 4 Burr. 2186. conti- pued down to 1771 incluſive.. A WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 331 1 A diſpute aroſe upon this ballot. The majority of the number of balls ap- peared to be for approving himy; but one of the cenſors declared, that he had by miſtake put in his ball for approbationi, which lie meánt and intended to be againſt approving him.' It was propoſed' to ballot over again;' but the pre- fident conſidered and declared this to be an approbation by a majority of votes on the ballot. On Dr. Letch's being propoſed to the Comitia majora, nine- teen to three of the members preſent were againſt putting the college-ſeal to his letters teſtimonial ; and he was informed that he was not elected.' “ His counſel inſiſted, that, having been returned fufficient by the Comitia minora, he had thereby acquired an inchoate right to admiſſion, which the court would enforce the coinpletion of by Mandamus.” Theſe few facts being premiſed; the author is deſirous of proceeding to the ſpeeches delivered by lord Mansfield in the fereral applications to the court between the years 1768 and 1771 incluſive: He humbly conceives, that greater erudition and penetration cannot eaſily be found than are diſco- verable in theſe fpeeches. The lord chief juſtice was ſucceſsful in his ardu- ous efforts to repreſs the zeal of the licentiates, on the one hand, by repeated defeats; and to moderate, on the other, by falutary and well-timed admonis tion, the triumphs of the college of phyſicians. 1 j Lord Mansfield faid, “ He had no doubt what ought to be done; and therefore, he would not keep the gentlemen of the faculty any longer in fufpence. - The counſel for the college have admitted the juriſdiction of this court; and they certainly have juriſdiction over corporate bodies, to ſee that they act agreeably to the end of their inſtitution. " There is no doubt, that where a party, who has a right, has no other ſpecific legal remedy, the court will aſſiſt him by iſſuing this prerogative writ, in order to his obtaining ſuch right *. - There can be as little doubt, that the college are obliged, in conformity to the truſt and confidence placed in them by the crown and the public, to admit all that are fit, and to reject all that are unfit; for, under the reaſon, and ſpirit, and true conſtruction, of this charter and this act of parliament, no --- Vide 2 Burr. 1045, and 3 Burr. 1266, 1267, and 1659, 1660. perfon I u 2 .. N 332 THE LIFE OF perſon ought to be ſuffered to practiſe phyſic, but ſuch only as have ſkill and ability, and have diligently applied themſelves to the ſtudy, and are well grounded in the knowledge, of it; and, on the other hand, all perſons who are ſo qualified, and have beſtowed their time, and money, and labour, in the proper ftudies that tend to fuck qualifications, have a right to be admitted to exercife and practiſe their profeſſion. And the public have alſo a right to the aſſiſtance of ſuch a perſon, who has by his labour and ſtudies ren- dered himſelf capable of ſerving the publick by giving them. proper advice and directions. “ It is true, that the judgement and diſcretion of determining upon this ſkill, ability, learning, and ſufficiency to exerciſe and practiſe this profef- fion, is truſted to the College of Phyſicians; and this court will not take it from them, nor interrupt them in the due and proper exerciſe of it. But their conduct in the exerciſe of this truſt, thus committed to them, ought to be. fair, candid, and unprejudiced ; not arbitrary, capricious, or biaſſed, much leis : warped by reſentment or perſonal diflike. “.Caſes indeed may happen, where the rejection may be founded upon other , grounds than inſufficiency in point of ſkill and ability, or knowledge. It is poſſible that other cauſes of rejection may occur, as badneſs of morals, for inſtance. But, in the prefent caſe, they ſeem to have-acted with candour --and: caution. Some of the gentlemen even make oath of their reaſons againſt admitting this candidate for a licence. Objections to perſons applying for licences to practiſe phyfic may be grounded on a variety of reaſons; and the court are to judge of ſuch objections and the reaſons of them.. If they are inſufficient, the court may grant a Mandamus. “ If they ſhould refuſe to examine the candidate at all, the court would í oblige them to do it. In a manuſcript book of reports, which I have ſeen, the reporter cites, in reporting Di. Bonham's caſe, a Mandamus in the time of Edward III. directed to the Univerfity of Oxford, commanding them to reſtore a man that was bannitus; which ſhews both the antiquity and extent of this reinedy by Mandamus ; but the court ought to be ſatisfied that they have ground to grant a Mandamus; it is not a writ that is to iffue of courſe, or to be granted merely for aſking. “ The queſtion therefore is, “Whether here is a proper and ſufficient ground for our granting a Mandamus? 3 «Confi- WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 333 * Conſider, then, what are the grounds of this application. “ First, Dr. Letch cannot diſpute theſe bye-laws. This point is not open to him. For, without them, he has no ground to ſtand upon; he has never been examined by the body at large ; therefore he is under a neceſſity, upon this application, of allowing the bye-laws to be good. - The queſtion then will be, Whether the power is devolved on the pre- fident and four cenfors, or remains with the body at large? “I am clear, that the power remains with the body; and that the examina- tion by the preſident and four cenſors is only preparatory, and for the eaſe.of. the body at large. “ There are various inſtances of delegations of a like kind. Biſhops refer examinations of clergymen to their chaplains ; fo univerſities refer examinations to ſelect parts of their bodies; but the dernier determination is in the body at.. large. “ Thèſe: cenſors, to whom this examination is referred, take an oath, not: to approve of unfit perſons, nor reject ſuch as are fit.' “ The uſage has been, to refer the examination of the perſon applying for a licence to the Comitia minora, as more eaſy, and more convenient to be executed by a ſmall than by a large number of examiners; but. every fellow.. has notice of it, and may examine and argue with the candidate, though he : has no vote at theſe Comitia minora; ſo that every fellow has an opportunity of informing himſelf, and ſatisfying his own judgement concerning the ſuffi- ciency of the candidate. The Comitia minor a have no power, upon their ap- probation, to admit the candidate ; they have only power to approve. If they do approve, then, the perſon ſo approved by them is to be afterwards propoſed to the. Comitia majora for election ; and if, upon being ſo propoſed, he ſhall be elected, then he is to be admitted. “Suppoſing the Comitia majora to execute their power corruptly, taking tħiş word in a large ſenſe; and that they ſhould refuſe to admit a perſon who had been examined, approved, and regularly propoſed to them, without being able to deny, his fitneſs; this court ought indeed, in ſuch a caſe, to in- terpoſe. . “ But that is not pretended, or even hinted, to be the preſent caſe, with reſpect either to the Comitia majora or the Comitia minora. “ Dr. Letch charges them with nothing of this kind, nor with any thing to which it is requiſite for them to give an anſwer : his counſel rely on the sfage. 46 The THE LIFE OF :: 1 3 334 - The queſtion therefore is, 'Whether the Comitia majora have acted corruptly?' Now, they have only referred him to a ſecond examination in future ; they have not abſolutely rejected him. 66.At the Comitia minora, there were three' who, in truth, meant and in- tended to ballot againſt Dr. Letch, though one of them made a miſtake and balloted for him, which miſtake was declared and taken notice of at the very time; and it was propoſed to ballot over again ; and this was diſcloſed to the Comitia majora. - This fact (of a miſtake in the ballot for approbation) being diſcloſed to the Comitia majora; was it not extremely reaſonable for them to refer the candidate to a farther examination? I ſee no injuſtice in this: the intention of the ballot was, that he ſhould be reported unfit; and two of the cenſors now ſwear that they thought bim fo..? is I am fatisfied that the Comitia majora had the power of rejecting him; and it does not by any means appear that they have acted upon improper grounds, or arbitrarily and capriciouſly. 66 Here is no ground laid for demanding a Mandamus.' His lordſhip concluded with a recommendation to the college, to ſettle all other matters among themſelves without coming to this court; at the fame time intimating to them a caution againſt narrowing their grounds of admiſſion ſo much, that if even a Boerhaave ſhould be reſident here, he could not be admitted into their fellowſhip. The rule was diſcharged, by the unanimous opinion of the court. Two terms afterwards, viz. on Friday the 20th of November, 1767; Sir Fletcher Norton moved for a rule upon Dr. Aſkew and others (the four then cenſors), for them to ſhew cauſe why an information, in na- ture of a Quo Warranto, ſhould not be granted againſt them, to ſhew by what authority they acted as cenſors of the College of Phyſicians. The objection was, that whereas the election ought to be by the whole body, theſe gentlemen had been eleEted only by a ſelect body; namely, by the fellows, excluſive of the licentiates; though the licentiates demanded ad- mittance, which was refuſed to them by the fellows, on pretence of their having no buſineſs there on that occaſion, It was argued on Thurſday the 21ſt of April, 1768, by Sir Fletcher Norton and Mr. Morton, for the licentiates; and on Monday the 25th of 4 April, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 335 + - April, 1768, by Mr. Yorke (then attorney-general), Mr. Dunning (then folicitor-general), ſerjeant Davy, Mr. Aſhurſt, and Mr. Wallace, for the college; and Mr. Wedderburn, for the licentiates. On Wedneſday, the 27th, ſerjeant Glynn, Mr. Walker, and Mr. Mansfield, proceeded on behalf of the licentiates; and on the ſame day the court gave their opinion. Lord Mansfield took notice, " That the figure and conſequence of the contending parties, and the reſpect due to them ; the anxiety that has ap- peared in the conteſt, and perhaps the ſpirit which has been raiſed on both fides in the courſe of it, have carried the counſel concerned into a very great length of argument, and into the diſcuſſion of a variety of matter fo- reign to the point directly in queſtion before the court upon the preſent motion. “ The queſtion properly now before us is fingly this, whether the per- fons applying for this information are fellows, and intitled to vote in the election of cenſors ?' If they are, the election of theſe cenſors, being made in ex- cluſion of their votes, is not good. If they are not fellows, and have no right to vote in the election of cenſors, then this election ſtands unim- peach:d. " I conſider the words focii, communilas, collegium, focietas, collega, and fellows,' as ſynonymous terms ; and every focius or collega, as a member of the ſociety, or corporation, or college. The queſtion is, whether theſe li- centiates are focii, or college, or fellows?' 66. The faets are not diſputed ; and there is no doubt, about the law, as far: as relates to the queſtion now before us. “ Here is a charter of incorporation ; and it has been admitted on both fides, that there has been a great number of liye-laws and long ufuges, which are agreed to appear upon their books and the extracts from them; and the permiſſion of theſe licentiates to practiſe is not diſputed. " But I doubt whether this permiſion to praktice, and theſe letters teſtimo- nial, can amount to an admiſſion into the fellowſhip of the corporation or college. “. Nothing can make a man a fellow of the college without the act of the college. The firſt act to be done by them is their judging of the qualifica- tions of the candidate. The admiffion into the fellowſhip is an act ſubſe- quent to that. The main end of the incorporation was to keep up the fuc- ceſſion.; and it was to be kept up by the admiſſion of fellows after exami- nation 336 THE LIFE OF --- nation. The power of examining, and admitting after examination, was not an arbitrary power, but a power coupled with a truſt. They are bound to ad- mit every perſon whom, upon examination, they think to be fit to be ad- mitted, within the deſcription of the charter and the act of parliament which confirms it. The perſon who comes within that deſcription has a right to be admitted into the fellowſhip. He has a claim to ſeveral exemp- tions, privileges, and advantages, attendant upon admiſſion into the fellow- thip; and not only the candidate himſelf, if found fit, has a perſonal right; but the public has alſo a right to bis ſervice ; and that not only as a phyſician, but as a cenfor, as an ele&tor, as an officer in the offices to which he will, upon admiſſion, become eligible. In Dr. Letcli's caſe, the reafons for his re- jection being called for; the anſwer was, that they judged him to be unfit; and, as the legiſlature have veſted the judgement in the Comitia majora ; and there was no pretence or ground to pretend that they had acted corruptly, arbitrarily, or capriciouſly; that anſwer was eſteemed a fufficient one; and they have power, not only by their charter, but by the law of the land, to make fit and reaſonable laws, ſubject to certain qualifications. “ It appears, from the charter and the act of parliament, that the charter had an idea of perſons who might practiſe phyfic in London, and yet not be fellows of the college. The preſident was to overlook not only the col- lege, but alſo omnes homines ejufdem facultatis ;' ſo, when the college or cor- poration were to make bye-laws, theſe bye-laws were to relate not only to the fellows, but to all others practiſing phyſic-within London or ſeven miles of it. The reſtraint from practiſing phyſic is thus expreſſed, nifi ad hoc ad- .miſſus fit by letters teſtimonial under their common ſeal.' Now what does this. - ad hoc' mean? It muſt mean, 'ad exercendum facultatem medicinæ ad- miſus ſit;' and this is agreeable to the words uſed in 3 H. VIII. C. II. .con- cerning admiſſions by the biſhop of London and dean of St. Paul's. The fu- perviſal of the cenſors is expreſſed to include not only the phyſicians of London, but omnes etiam qui per feptem milliaria in circuitu ejuſdem medicinam exercent. The ſame obſervation holds as to puniſhments. This muſt regard thoſe who had a right to practiſe in London and within ſeven miles of it, and were not fellows of the college. " Theſe obſervations.convince me that the charter had an idea that ſome perſons might praktiſe by licence under their ſeal, who were not fellows of the college rt Then WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. . 337 Then let us ſee how the uſage was. • In 1555, they muſt have had a probationary licence, before admiſſion into the college. Afterwards it was to be a probation for four years before. admiſſion. The college might grant ſuch probationary licences with ſome reaſon, and agreeably to their inſtitution. This ſhews that fune licences were granted to perfons not fellows of the college. The 3 H. VIII. C. II. takes away all former privileges ; and ſays, that no perſon within London, or ſeven miles of it, ſhall exerciſe as a phyſician, except he be firſt exa- mined, approved, and admitted, by the biſhop of London, or by the dean of St. Paul's, calling to them four doctors of phyſic; and the charter and ſtatute confirming it have left every thing at large to the college, no way confined or reſtrained but by the fitneſs of the objects. In. 1561, a partial licence was granted to an oculiſt; a perſon may be fit to practiſe in one branch who is not fit to practiſe in another. Licences have alſo been granted to women; and that may not be unreaſonable in parti- cular caſes; as, for inſtance, ſuch as Mrs. Stevens's medicine for the ſtone. Partial licences have been given for above 200 years. Of late years, indeed, general licences have been uſual ; and the perſons applying for them have been examined, though not meant to be members of the cor- poration or college. In 1581, notice is taken of three claſſes, fellows, can- didates, and licentiates ; and from that time they have given licences to practiſe. The licences probably took their riſe from that illegal bye-law (now at an end) which reſtrained the number of fellows to twenty. This was arbitrary and unjuſtifiable ; they were obliged to admit all ſuch as came within the terms of their charter ; yet it is probable that the practice of li- cenfing was in conſequence of their having made it. However, for above 100 years, there has been a known diſtinction between fellows and licentiates; it is as well known as the diſtinction between graduates and under-gra- duates at the Univerſities. " This being premiſed, let us enquire who theſe gentlemen are that are now applying to the court.' They are perſons who ſet up a title directly contrary to the senſe in which their licence is given to them, and received by them. They cannot avail themſelves of their inſtrument in this way; it would be a cheat upon the college ; and they have acquieſced many years under this licence given them by the college, as merely a licence to practiſe. ! : Χ Χ < But 338 THE LIFE OF *** But even ſuppoſing them to have a right to be fellows ; yet, as it is clear that the licence does not make them ipfo facto fellows, they could not vote in the election of cenſors before their admiſſion to the fellowſhip; and there-- fore the excluſion of their votes cannot impeach this election. “ I am of opinion that this rule ought to be diſcharged.' “ If my brothers ſhould concur with me, the college, as now conſtituted, is at preſent to be conſidered as the body corporate. I have a great reſpect for this learned body; and, if they ſhould think proper to hearken to my advice, I would wiſh them to conſider whether this may not be a proper opportunity for them to review their ſtatutes. And I would recommend it to them to take the beſt advice in doing it; and to attend to the deſign and intention of the crown and parliament in their inſtitution. I fee a ſource of great diſpute and litigation in them as they now ſtand; there has not, as it should ſeem, been due conſideration had of the charter, or legal advice taken in forming them. 6. The ſtatute of 14 and 15 H. VIII. C. 5. after reciting the charter, mentions it to be expedient and neceſſary to provide, “that no perſon of the faid politic body and commonalty, aforeſaid be ſuffered to exerciſe and practiſe phyſic, but only thoſe perſons that be profound, ſad, and diſcreet, groundedly learned, and deeply ſtudied'in phyſie:* “ I do not fay, that no man can be a licentiate, who is not perfectly and completely qualified to be a fellow of the college. Many perſons of no great ſkill or eminence. have been licenſed ; and there ſeem to be fewer: checks, guards, and reſtrictions, upon granting licences, than upon the choice of fellows. Yet it has been ſaid, that there are many among the licenfiates, who would do honor to the college, or any fociety of which they should be members, by their ſkill and learning, as well as other valuable and amiable qualities ; and that the college themſelves, as well as every body elfe, are ſenſible that is in fact true and undéniable.' If this be fo, how can : áhy bye-laws, which exclude the poſſibility of admitting fucb perſons into the college, ſtand with the truſt repoſed in them, of admitting all that are fit po- If, their bye-laws interfere with their exerciſing their own judgement, .or: prevent them from receiving into their body perſons known or thought by thèm to be really fit and qualified; ſuch bye-laws require regulations. Such of them, indeed, as only require a proper education, and a ſufficient degree of ſkill: and qualification, may be ſtill retained. There can be no objection 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 339 1 I objection to cautions of this ſort ; and the rather, if it be true, that there are ſome amongſt the licentiates, unfit to be received into any ſociety. It is a breach of truſt in the college, to licenſe perſons altogether unfit. “ I do not chooſe to ſpeak more particularly; but I recommend it to thoſe who are now likely to be eſtabliſhed the maſters of the college, to take good advice upon the points I have been hinting to them. “ The court were unanimous in diſcharging the rule. they “ On Thurſday the 17th of November, 1768, Sir Fletcher Norton and Mr. Morton moved the court on behalf of Dr. Edward Archer, and Mr. Walker on bchalf of Dr. Fothergill, for writs of Mandamus, to oblige the college to admit theſe two licentiates ; with an intention to try the queſtion, * whether the licentiates had a right to be admitted fellows ;' and that liti- gation laſted till the 6th of June, 1771; but they only came round to the fame point which had been already determined as above. For theſe two gentlemen had accepted licences under the bye-law of 1737; and the court were of opinion, that they ought not afterwards to deſert it, and treat it as null and void, and ſet up a right of admiſſion under the charter, upon the foundation of this very licence which they had accepted under the bye-law, upon a ſuppoſition that the bye-law was a bad one;' fo that the return was allowed, upon that objection to their claim; and the intended queſtion re- mained unſettled. “ Lord Mansfield renewed his former hint, by ſaying, the college will now conſider, whether they will truft to a return upon theſe bye-laws; or mend them." + Sir James Burrow adds, "I am informed that they have done the latter." In 1771 *, the diſpute between the college of phyſicians and the licentiates was again revived ; and the vexata queſtio, “ Whether the latter had a right to be fellows or members of the faculty of 5 Burr. 2740. X x 2 phyſic," . 1 340 THE LIFE OF phyſic,” was reſumed, argued, and re-argued, with unabated eager- neſs and ſpirit on both ſides. Dr. Fothergill's caſe ſtood in the Crown Paper of Saturday the 21ſt of April, 1771; and was then argued by ferjeant Glynn for the doctor, and ferjeant Davy for the college. It was not then determined, nor did the court declare any opinion : indeed, they ſtrongly recommended an agreement between the very reſpectable perfons concerned in this diſpute. But thoſe gentlemen not ſhew- ing any great inclination to a compromiſe, it ſtood for further argument: and it was now a ſecond time argued, by Mr. Mor- ton for the doctor, and Mr. Wallace for the college: It would be too tedious to ſpecify the arguments at large. But, as they all aroſe out of the new mandamus and the return to it, the ſtating of the writ and return (with exactneſs and preciſion) will, as Sir James Burrow obſerves, convey to the reader a complete idea of the nature of the licentiates' claim, and the college's defence, and of the whole conſtitution of this learned faculty; and will enable him to judge for himſelf, what were the proper arguments to be drawn therefrom ; as well as explain to him the reaſon upon which the court rejected the claim of the licentiates “ to be ad: mitted members of the corporation." The author of theſe ſheets begs leave to refer the juriſprudent to the long and correct report of the legal proceedings in general, and particularly the writ and return of it in 5 The very attentive confideration which lord Mansfield gave this im- portant buſineſs cannot be analyſed or abbreviated without ma- nifeſt injuſtice to his ſpeeches; and the reader will, it is to be boped, accept of this apology for the length of them. Lord Mansfield faid, "He had foreſeen the labyrinth * and maze of litiga- tion that this learned body would be involved in, by perſiſting rigidly on both Burr. 274-3: * Vide 5 Burr, 2759. . fides WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 341 care con fides in purſuing the points of their diſpute, and conteſting about a feather. He ſaid, he read over all their conſtitutions, ſtatutes, and bye-laws : and he in- tiinated, that many of them are narrow, if not illegal. “ This matter came on, before, upon a title not ſet out in the writ. A title is now ſet out; which title is a licence from the college, after having been duly examined and approved, 'to exerciſe the faculty of phyfic in the city of London, and for ſeven miles round the ſame.' If that alone makes him ipfo facto a fellow of the college, there is no need of admiſſion. The return admits the four acts of parliament ſtated in the writ, and alſo admits the licence: but they deny it to be a conſequence, 'tliat by reaſon of the pre- miſes he became lawfully intitled to be admitted a member of the ſaid col- lege, and commonalty, and corporation, as by the writ is ſuppoſed.' Then they ſet forth the uſage ever ſince the making of the acts of parliament; that every perſon admitted a member muſt be, before his being admitted a mem- ber, eleEted to it by the preſident and college; and that the doctor had never been ſo elected. Then they ſet forth the bye-law * to the ſame effect; and that he has not been elected a member according to that bye-law. They then fet forth another bye-law up, which divides the faculty into three claſſes, vizi members of the college ; candidates for election into ſuch memberſhip (who were to be examined and approved of by the preſident and cenſors to be candidates for election); and licentiates, or permiſſi. They ſet forth another bye-law *, that nobody ſhould be admitted into the ſociety of the college, who ſhould not firſt have been of the number of candidates for one whole year, of publicly read phyſic for three years in ſome univerſity of Britain, or been doctor of the chair in fome Univerſity of this kingdom, or ordinary King's phyſician. They ſet forth another bye-law Ś; that nobody ſhould be admitted into 'ihe order of fellows, who ſhould not have been a candidate-- for one whole year ; except the King or Queen's ordinary phyſician with ſalary, or royal profeſſor of phyſic in Oxford or Cambridge. They ayer that the doctor never was a candidate for one, whole year, or any other time; and that he did not come within any of the exceptions in theſe two laſt mentioned bye-laws. Then they ſet forth a fifth bye-law (made * Feb. I, 1555.: April 4, 1737; of Feb. I, 1572 9. April 1, 1765. at 342 THE LIFE OF at the ſame * time with the third), whereby, reciting that many practiſed plıyfic.in the city of London, whom the preſident and college, or common- alty, deemed altogether unfit to be adopted into the number of fellows or candidates, either becauſe they were not Britons by birth, or had not taken the degree of a doctor, or were not fufficiently learned, or ſufficiently ad- vanced in age and gravity, or for other like cauſes, and yet might be able to ſerve the public, and do good to men's healths, at leaſt in ſome cures ;' it was ordained, that, after due examination and approbation of the preſident and cenſors, ſuch perſons fhould be permitted to practiſe, ſo long as they be- haved themſelves well. That many perſons from time to time applied to be, and according to, and in purſuance of this laſt bye-law, were, examined, and approved by the preſident and cenſors for the time being, and licenſed and admitted to exerciſe the faculty of phyſic in the city of London, and within ſeven miles round the fame: and have been and are called and known by the name of licentiates. They add further, that Dr. Fothergill applied to the preſident and college, to be by them licenſed and admitted to exerciſe the faculty of phyſic in the city of London, and within ſeven, miles round the fame; and that he was thereupon, according to, and in purſuance of the laſt mentioned bye-law, examined and approved by the preſident and cenſors, and was licenfed and admitted by the preſident and cenſors, according to the ſaid laſt-mentioned bye-law, to exerciſe the faculty of phyſic in the city of London and for ſeven miles round it. And they aver this to be the exami- nation, approbation, and admiſſion of him, in the writ mentioned : and that he never was examined, approved, or admitted, to exercife the faculty of phyſic in the city of London and within ſeven miles round the ſame, in any other manner, or for any other purpoſe, than as and in order to his being a licentiate as aforeſaid. Now, be this bye-law good or bad, yet the right of admiſſion into the college is claimed under it. It would be 'a moft-un- reaſonable thing, to accept this licence under the bye-laws, and yet to treat theſe bye-laws as null and veid; and to turn this licence fo accepted againſt the perſons from whom it was thus aecepted, and to ſet it up as the foun- dation of a right to be admitted under the charter. Therefore, as no other foundation of fuch right to be a fellow.is ſhewn, it comes round to the very A * April 4, 1737 *. • point WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 343 į point upon which our former determination turned: and I am of opinion that the return ought to be allowed. “ By the court unanimouſly, Let the return be allowed.” Lord Mansfield renewed the hint to the college, whether they would think it adviſeable to truſt to a return upon their preſent bye-laws; or whether they would not conſider about mending them. And fir James Burrow adds, “I have been told, that they have ſince mended them." 9: The juriſprudent will find much analytical reaſoning and deep learning on the doctrine of mutual debts, and a lien on goods in particular caſes towards ſatisfaction thereof, in a caſe reſerved for the opinion of the court at a trial * at Niſ: prius at Guildhall, before lord Mansfield; which cafe. was,, at the defire of the parties, twice argued. Lord Mansfield, in delivering the opinion of the court, obfervó ed, among other things : ««That the general queſtion is, 6 Whether the plaintiffs in this action ſhould be obliged to do juſtice to the defendants, by paying what is due to them, before they are intitled to demand the goods from them; and to re- cover their value, in caſe of refuſal." “Natural equity ſays, that croſs demands ſhould compenſate each other by deducting the leſs fum from the greater ; and that the difference is the only füm which can be juſtly due... “ But poſitive law, for the ſake of the forms of proceeding and conve- nience of trial, has ſaid that each muſt fue and recover ſeparately, in feparate actions. “ It may give light to this caſe, and the authorities cited, if I trace the law relative to the doing complete juſtice in the ſame fuit, or turning the de- fendant round to another fuit, which, under various circumſtances, may be of no avail. : * Green and another againſt Farmer and another. 4. Burr. 2214. 66. Where 5. 344 THE LIFE OF . ** .... Where the nature of the employment, tranſaction, or dealings, necef- ſarily conſtitutes an account conſiſting of receipts and payınents, debts and credits; it is certain that only the balance can be the debt: and by the proper forms of proceeding in courts of law or equity, the balance only can be recovered. .“ After a judgement, or decree, : to account, both parties are equally actors. “ Where there were inutual debts unconnected, the law has ſaid they ſhould not be ſet off; but each muſt ſue. And courts of equity followed the ſame rule, becauſe it was the law; for, had they done otherwiſe, they would have ſtopped the courſe of law in all caſes where there was a mutual demand. The natural ſenſe of mankind was firſt ſhocked at this, in the caſe of Bank- rupts : and it was provided for by 4th Anne, c. 17. 11. and 5 Geo. II. Ć. 30. § 28 *. This claufe muſt have, every where, the fanie conſtruction and effect; whether the queſtion ariſes upon a ſummary petition, or a formal bill, or an action at law. There can be but one right conſtruction : and therefore, if courts differ, one muſt be wrong. Where there was no bankruptcy, the injuſtice of not ſetting off (eſpecially after the death of either party) was ſo glaring, that parliament interpoſed by 2 Geo. II yp. and 8 Geo. II. C. 24. $ 5. But the proviſion does not go to goods, or other ſpecific things, wrongfully detained : and therefore neither courts of law nor equity can make the plaintiff who ſues for ſuch goods pay firſt what is due to the defendant, except ſo far as the goods can be conſtrued a pledge ; and then the right of the plaintiff is only to redeem. The convenience of commerce, and natural juſtice, are on the ſide of liens: and therefore of late years, courts lean that way. iſt, Where there is an expreſs contract'; 2dly, Where it is implied from the uſage of trade; or, gdly, From the manner of dealing between the parties in the particular caſe ; 4thly, Or where the defendant has acted as a factor. The caſe ex parte Ockenden was well conſidered. Lord Hardwicke's bias was ſtrong on behalf of liens : and his own determination in that caſe ex parte Deeze had been almoſt in point: yet he took time to conſider it and * . Directing mutual demands to be balanced. in the Sect. 13. for ſetting off mutual debts againſt each other. ſearch 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 345 ſearch for precedents. And, after conſideration, he thought he could not conftrue it within the inutual-credit clauſe of the bankrupt-act; unleſs it could be fo conſtrued in an action of trover (and that is certainly ſo). He reſted upon there being no room, in that caſe, to imply a lien from uſage of trade, or from the particular manner of dealing. This caſe, and that ex parte Deeze, are well reported in the printed books : but I will read you my note of both. (Accordingly, he read his own note of the caſe.) This was in Auguſt, 1754; and it ſtood over : and on the 20th of December, 1754, no precedents being found, he determined accordingly; and no precedents are cited ſince the 20th of December, 1754. Then his lordſhip read his own note ex parte Deeze, on the bankruptcy of Norton Nicholls, “ That the aſſignees could not take the goods from the petitioner without inaking ſatisfaction for the whole of his debt. As to a lien in that caſe, from the nature and courſe of dealing, the evidence is not clear.” The opinion was, that the petitioner ſhould be paid his debt, before the goods were taken out of his hands.' Though lord Hardwicke took notice of the evidence of uſage, lie faid it was not very clear. He thought it hard that mutual credit ſhould only relate to pecuniary demands; though goods can only be paid for in money: and, in that caſe, there was an account between the parties; wine on one ſide, and package on the other. I have enquired into the caſe ex parie Deeze, and the affidavit of the book-keeper (which he particularly ſtated). If the uſage there ſtated be true, the packer was in the nature of a factor; and, as ſuch, had a lien for the general balance. It was ſettled in 1755, that a packer, being in the nature of a factor, would be intitled to a lien. Apply this to the caſe ex parte Ockenden, and to the preſent caſe. In this caſe, the defen- dant acts in no reſpect as a factor'; but merely as a manufacturer, to dye. There is no expreſs contract to pledge ;' no uſage of trade; no argument from their particular dealing : on the contrary, it appears that he truſted to Meſſrs. Heinzleman's perſonal credit only. The defendants never detained any goods to anſwer their debt; but, from the iſt of January to the roth of Fune, gave all back; for the dying of which they now claim to detain; without having any new cloths fent in. After notice of the failure of Heinzle- man, they delivered eleven pieces to Aſton and Hodgſon, without a claim. “ It is ſufficient, that no contra£t can be implied, to give a lien for the balance, from any uſage of trade or manner of dealing : but it is much ſtronger, when the manner of dealing Thews the contrary, and that the defen- dants Y y 1 346 THE LIFE OF dants relied on perſonal credit only. Therefore we are all of opinion, that there is no lien here, beyond that which is given by the general rule of law 5 which never was diſputed.” UniverGty of Cambridge. Rex verſus Agar et O'Meara *. On the firſt day of Hilary Term Mr. Wallace moved for a rule upon the proſecutor, to ſhew cauſe why conuſance ſhould not be allowed to the Univerſity of Cambridge. He had in court the warrant of attorney, the claim of conuſance, the charter, and the act of parliament. The court gave him the following rule: “Upon reading the warrant of attorney of the chancellor, maſ- ters, and ſcholars of the Univerſity of Cambridge, and the claim of conuzance of the indictment againſt the defendants in this cauſe; and the proceedings thereon by the ſaid chancellor, maſa. ters, ant ſcholars of the ſaid Univerſity enrolled in this court; and the exemplification of the letters patent and act of parlia- ment in the ſaid claim mentioned; and alſo the certificate of the faid chancellor, maſter,., and ſcholars, and the affidavit of the faid defendants'; it is ordered, that Wedneſday next be given to the proſecutor to ſhew.cauſe why the ſaid claim of conuſance by the faid chancellor, maſters, and ſcholars, ſhould not be allowed ; upon notice of this rule, to be given to the proſecutor in the: mean time,” 9... The indictment was found at the quarter ſeſſions at Cambridge;": holden on April 12, 1771. It was for an aſſault' and battery, committed upon the 18th of March preceding, by the defendants, Agar and O'Meara, upon Thomas Fletcher, the Univerſity prin.. ter, at a public coffee-houſe in Cambridge... Monday, February 3, 1972. 5. Lord j WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 347 A Lord Mansfield delivered the opinion of the court. “ Taking it at preſent for granted, that this claim ought to be allowed, if made in due time and in proper manner;' it will be proper firſt to conſider the objection as to its not being made in due time. “ The eſtabliſhed rule of law is, that conulance muſt be claimed in the firſt inſtance, or at the firſt day.' And this muſt be admitted to be a very proper and reaſonable rule ; for, if there were not ſome reſtriction as to the time of claiming conuſance, inconvenience would enſue. If the claimant was permitted to come at any time, he might ſuffer the cauſe to be almoſt gone through before he made his claim, which would be an apparent pre- judice to ſuitors; therefore, if you will interrupt the ordinary courſe of juſtice, you ought to ſtop the plaintiff or proſecutor in the firſt inſtance. " Though all the antient reſolutions concur in this opinion, yet there has þeen variety of opinions - what ſhould or ſhould not be accounted a coming in the firſt inſtance within the rule.' And this notion of coming in the firſt inſtance, which ſome had faid muſt be the firſt day,' others' that it muſt be every day,' is to be expounded, according to the authorities, by the truc meaning and reaſon of the rule, and not in every caſe to be ſtrictly con- fined to the ſame point of time. For inſtance, the return of the original writ, in treſpaſs, where place is named, or præcipe quod reddat, where land is de- manded, may be the firſt inſtance, becauſe, in theſe caſes, the writ tells where the cauſe of action ariſes. But in debt or detinue it is. otherwiſe ; for, it is not known where the contract or abligation was made ; and therefore, till the plaintiff has counted, the claim needs not to be made. So in replevin, the place where the cattle were taken does not appear, till the plaintiff has counted, if it be between ſtrangers; but if a replevin is fued againſt the lord of the franchiſe himſelf, there the lord's claim would come too late after the count, becauſe the law intends that he knew where the taking was made, being himſelf a party; and fo, by not demanding his privilege on the writ, he gave the court feifin of the cauſe; for the lord muſt uſe no delay. From theſe authorities two conclufions follow, and theſe two propofitions may be laid down. Firſt, that before any perſon is bound to claim conu- ſance, he is intended by law to have had ſome legal notice of his franchiſe being intrenched upon ; and therefore it is faid to be named conuſance. Se- condly, that, in order to bar him from making the claim, there ought to be Y y z ! 348 THE LIFE OF be foine laches, or default, in him, and a time Thewn when he might have claimed it ſooner after ſuch legal notice. 6.6. The court are now to judge upon this claim, and the certificates and affidavits. “ Let us ſee then, from the facts appearing to the court, whether a time is ſhewn when the law will intend that they had conuſance of the matter be- ing within their franchiſe, and whether any default has been made, and time lapſed when the clalm might have been ſooner preferred; and whether the court was become fully feiſed of the cauſe at the time when the claim was actually made. “ The facts are there :: The affault is ſworn to have been committed on the 18th of March laſt, at a public coffee-houſe in Cambridge; and it is ſo laid in the indictment. The indictment was preferred, and found on the . 1:2th of April. The defendant O'Meara was matriculated on that day. It is not material, on the preſent queſtion, whether it was before or after the bill was pre ferred. Both defendants appeared at the ſeſſions, in purſuance of a recognizance entered into by them for that purpoſe before a juſtice of the peace of the town and county, to anſwer for that affault'; but they did not plead! Between that April ſeſſions and the following Midſummer feſfions, a warrant is obtained from me, againſt the defendants, upon the uſual certificate of an indictment being found, and that the defendants had not pleaded.' The defendants thereupon entered into a ſecond recogirizance with freffi fureties. 6to appear and plead at the next quarter-ſeſſions.” The defendants ſued out a Certiorari, teſted the 19th of June, the laſt day of Trinity Term, returnable on the Morrow of All Souls, to remove the indictment, and entered into the uſual recognizance 'to plead to it, and try it at the next affīzes for the county of Cambridge.' The defendants appeared at the Midſummer ſeffions; and, be- fore they made uſe of their writ of Certiorari, moved, by their counſel, to ſtay proceedings on the indictment;. alleging, that the Univerſity of Cambridge had conuſance of it.' Their motion was refuſed"; and then they produce the Certiorari. Upon the 5th of November, the warrant of attorney is made to claim conuſance.”. Upon the 6th the conuſance is claimed; and which is by the claim alleged to be on the Morrow of All Souls. • Here, then, is 'legal notice that the offence was committed, “and pro- fecuted too within their franchiſe on the 12th of April ;' for, it ſo appears upon the face of the record, and therefore, it is as ſtrong as where the law ina CC WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 349 to intends notice from the writ, where the cauſe of action ariſes in the caſes al- luded to. The proceedings upon this indictment have been in the uſual courſe, in a Court of Record within the franchiſe : and the defendants were bound to appear, and anſwer to the indictment (if found againſt them) at the April feſſions. But it is not neceſſary to determine, that the claim ſhould have been made then :' for, they were bound by the fecond recognizance, appear and plead at the Midſummer feffions ;' and they did then appear, and made an ineffectual.effort to take advantage of the clain of the univerſity againſt the juriſdiction of the ſeſſions. Here then is a time ſhewn when the Chancellor, Maſters, and Scholars of the univerſity, might have made their claim. And there is no pretence to fay that the proſecutor did any act to prejudice the lords of the franchiſe, or ouſt them of it colluſively, or uſe any artifice to prevent their making their claim in-due time. But they came too late. They did not uſe the writ of Certiorari till after their inotion upon the claim had been heard and denied : and when the claim was in fact made here, the court were in full pollefion of the cauſe, upon the writ of certiorari, which was returnable upon the Morrones of All Souls. The claim muſt be diſallowed, and the rule diſcharged: - The great importance of the cauſe of Morgan verſus Jones, the intereſting circumſtance of a correct tranſcript of the Lord Chief Juſtice's ſpeech on that important occaſion not. having hitherto appeared in print, and the endearing evidence of his lordſhip’s . unremitted attention to the barriſters and ſtudents, in ſtating the. caſe with brevity, yet with great..preciſion, and without the omiſſion of any one material fact, limitation, or power--theſe concurrent circumſtances are the beſt apology which the author can make (who had the honor of being employed as counſel in the cauſe) for the inſertion of the following legal ſpeech, replete with found reaſoning; though deſtitute in a great degree of orna- ments of ſtyle, or of the power to attract the attention of readers of every denomination.. Tordi 350 THE LIFE OF 1 .. , Lord Mansfield. 6. Sir William Morgan, at the time of making his will in 1731, was ſeiſed in fee of ſeveral lands in the counties of Monmouth and Glamorgan, which he had purchaſed after his marriage, and likewiſe of an equity of redemption of eſtates ſubject to a mortgage; and he was feiſed in fee of ſeveral lands in the county of Brecon; beſides that, he was ſeiſed of his great family eſtate in the counties of Monmouth and Glamorgan, ſubject to the uſes of his marriage ſettlement; and the uſes of his marriage ſettlement, as far as are at all material to the preſent queſtion, were in the uſual way; the eſtate was ſettled to him for life, then ſubject to a jointure by way of rent-charge to Lady Rachel, and the firſt and every other ſon of that marriage; that is, of him by Lady Rachel, in tail male reverſion to him in fee. Then there are terms created for the purpoſes of raiſing portions for younger children upon the two uſual events of there being and not be- ing a ſon, (the two uſual events guarded againſt). Theſe were the uſes of the marriage ſettlement, at leaſt all of them that are material to be ſtated. It appears that he was then in a very bad ſtate of health; for, by comparing the dates as ſtated in the caſe, the will bears date but about three weeks be- fore his death ; and the ſtate of his family was, that his lady was then alive; he had two ſons by her and two daughters; and under theſe circumſtances he made his will; and as I have ſtated the two kinds of eſtates that he had, that is, a reverſion in fee, ſubject to the uſes of his marriage ſettlement, and likewiſe that which he could diſpoſe of, he makes different proviſions with regard to theſe two eſtates ; for, ſeeing that his eldeſt ſon had a great eſtate ſecured to him by the marriage ſettlement, with regard to all the other lands of which he was ſeiſed in fee, purchaſed after his marriage, either in Monmouth, or in Glamorgan, or in the county of Brecon, he gives them to the duke of Devonſhire and other relations of his wife's family, on truſt to pay his debts, and then he gives them to his ſecond ſon Edward in ſtrict ſettlement, with remainder over to his ſon William and the heirs male of . and for default of ſuch iſſue, to the uſe and behoof of ſuch other fon of mine lawfully begotten, as ſhall or may hereafter be born, for his life.' Then to his firſt and every other ſon in tail male, exactly in the ſame man- ner in which it is given to Edward and William, he makes the after-born ſon a tenant for life in the ſame manner as he firit made Edward, and then William, upon failure of him, and the iſſue male of his body; then he de- viſes 1 . i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 351, $ ; viſes to Thomas, his brother, for life, in ſtrict ſettlement, over to the heirs male of his body. This is the diſpoſition of all the lands whereof he was ſeiſed in fee, and could abſolutely diſpoſe of in poſſeſſion. Now the next diſpoſition, which gave riſe to the following queſtion, regards the ſettled eſtate; and the very particular words and meaning of the context, with the real circumſtances of the family, are very material to be taken into confider-- ation and underſtood; and it is for that reaſon, and for the ſake of the bar, and the ſtudents, that I ſtate ſo much of the caſe. c And for as much as it is my will, intent, and meaning, that in cafe my ſaid two ſons now living, or any other ſon or ſons of mine lawfully begotten, or hereafter to be born, ſhould die without iſſue male of their bodies, or of the body of ſome or one of them lawfully to be begotten after their reſpective deceaſe without iſſue male, as aforeſáid (which ó as aforeſaid,' has a reference to the deviſe, that he makes of his own eſtate, for there is no 'as aforeſaid connected to the ſettled eſtate); that then, all and ſingular, my meſſuages, manors, royalties, advowſons, parks, lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatſoever and whereſoever, with their and every of their appurtenances, ſituate, lying, and being within the ſeveral counties of Monmouth and Glamorgan, and not hereinbefore deviſed, ſhall be deviſed and ſettled to and for the ſeveral uſes, intents, and purpoſes, hereinafter"mentioned, expreſſed; limited, and declared. It is therefore-my will, intent, and meaning, that in cafe my faid fons William Morgan'and Edward Morgan, or any other ſon or fons of mine hereafter to be born as aforeſaid, ſhall happen to die reſpectively without any iffure male of their bodies, or of the body of ſome or one of them, as aforeſaid, and in ſuch caſe, if it ſhall. fo happen, then I give and deviſe the remainder (the expreſſion is remarkable and material to the argu-- ment)—I give and deviſe the remainder of all and fingular my meſſuages, . manors, royalties, advowſons, parks, lands, tenements, and hereditaments whatſoever and whereſoever,, wită their and every of their appurtenances, fituate, lying, and being within the counties of Monmouth and Gla-- morgan, and not herein and hereby before devifal, and all the reverſions, to my ſaid brother Thomas Morgan ; and he gives it to him in itrict ſettle-- ment, for and during the term:of: his natural.liſë, without impeachment of wafte, ſubject to all the proviſions, clauſes, &c. .contained in his marriage fettlement; and then there is a limitation over to the firſt and every other : ſon of his brother. Thomas Morgan.' The event that happened was, fir: William 352 THE LIFE OF William died foon after ; lady Rachel is ſtill alive ; his fon Edward died firſt, without iffue ; his ſon William died without iſſue; Thomas took pof- ſeſſion of the eſtate upon the death of the ſurvivor of the two ſons of fir William; he is dead. Upon his death the eſtate is come to Charles, who is now in poſſeſſion. A queſtion is ſtarted on the part of the daughter of fir William, that the deviſe to Thomas, the brother, of all the lands that were contained in the marriage-ſettlement, is void, as too remote. But, before I come to the queſtion, there is another part of the will that I ouglit to ſtate to you; becauſe, in one light, as it ſtruck me firſt, it is very material to the argument, and I do not know but it is ſtill, though, after. I had mentioned it to the counſel, it ſtruck ine that it was not of the force it had firſt ap- peared to me; that is, the powers; for, after diſpoſing of both eſtates, then follow theſe powers ; and, if they clearly relate to the whole, if they clearly relate to the ſettled eſtate, they have vaſt weight in the determination. It . may be anſwered, by ſaying, they relate to that eſtate that he had power to deviſe; but there are no words that tie it up ſo. The words are theſe, - Pro- vided always, and my will and meaning is, that it ſhall be lawful for my eldeſt ſon William at any time during his life, and likewiſe to niy fon Edward at any time during his life, and 10 any after-born ſon during his life, to make (I do not ſtate technical terms) ' a jointure upon his wife by deed, to grant portions to a younger child or children, and to make leafes, with qualifications or reſtrictions to thoſe leaſes; and then it follows, upon a proviſo, that his ſon Edward, notwithſtanding what he had deviſed to him, ſhould, over and above that, be entitled to the proviſion that was created for him, and the benefit of the younger children's portions; and that he ſhould have the full benefit of all the marriage-ſettlement as a younger child, norwithſtanding all the proviſion made for him by the will; and then comes the power to Thomas Morgan, the ſon of Thomas Morgan, by virtue of the limitations hereinbefore mentioned, to grant any leaſe, or grant under their or either of their hands and ſeals the premiſes, or any part or parcels. Now, you obſerve, that the reverſion of the ſettled eſtate is limited to Thomas, the brother, for life; ſo that he had no eſtate under the will, either in the lands that belonged to the teſtator abſolutely, or in the reverſion of the fee fim- ple eftate; that fir William had but what is limited to him in ſtrict ſettle- ment, and that is a material argument to conſtrue the powers as extending to all the land; for, this power of leaſing given to the brother and his ſon muft WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 353 . *. muſt certainly be meant to extend to all the land. Now this is the ftatc, fituation, and circumſtances of the fanıily, under which the will was made. And the queſtion that is ſtated is, whether the limitation over, of all the lands compriſed in the ſettlement, is not void? If it is void, why then it deſcends to fir William's heir at law, and that is his daughter ; for, fir William had in him the reverſion in fee; and the reaſon upon which it is contended that it is void is this, that the conſtruction muſt be, that it is an executory deviſe to the brother, after the failure of iſſue male of fir William's then marriage, and a failure of iſſue male of any ſubſequent marriage; and that, with regard to any ſubſequent marriage, no eſtate being limited to the iſſue male of that marriage, the conſtruction is, that they were to take nothing at all under the will; that the fee ſimple would deſcend to them, and, letting the fee ſimple deſcend, it is as if he had ſaid to them and their heirs; that would not have done, for there the limitation would have reſtrained it, but that he meant the iſſue male of a ſubſequent marriage ſhould take a fee ſimple eſtate, and that the limitations he gives to his bro- ther Thomas, allowing them to take a fee ſimple eſtate, was a fee upon a fee, which can only be ſupported within terms which the law has laid down to prevent perpetuity, and therefore cannot take effect after an indefinite failure of iſſue. That is the whole ground upon which the queſtion turns ; and what is to be determined is, whether that is the true conſtruction the will. Now, it has been truly ſaid that to conſtrue a will, the intent of the teſtator is to be taken from the whole will together, applied to the ſubject- matter to which the will relates ; if that be agreeable to law, it muſt govern; if the intent is clear, but not agreeable to law, it is void and null; if the intent is clear and agreeable to law, no matter what words the teſtator has made uſe of; the courts of juſtice where the queſtions ariſe, muſt adapt and model his clear intent in ſuch manner as he himſelf might have done, if he had made uſe of apt and legal terms. Another thing that has been ſaid, and it is unfortunate when words happen to be made uſe of in the determination of cauſes without a preciſe, clear, definite idea annexed to them ; for, the great diſputes of the world ariſe upon words ; a great diſpute has been made of what is neceſſary implication, and that a neceſſary implication muſt mean that, when there is a natural impoſſibility that it ſhould be otherwiſe. There never was ſuch a conſtruction put upon it. What is a neceſſary implica- tion ?-It is that implication which ariſes upon the words the teſtator has. made uſe of that clearly ſatisfies the court what was his meaning ; and that ) Z z is 354 THE LIFE OF ! 1 is put in oppoſition to a conjecture ; you are not to conjecture what would have been the teftator's meaning if he had had the whole caſe before him, and if he had thought of ſuch an event what the teſtator would have ſaid upon it. That is a conjecture; you muſt find out his meaning, whether ex- preſſed or implied, from his words; and if it is an expreſs meaning and he has made uſe of inaccurate words, you muſt conſtrue his words, . if they are words of fenfe, or declarations which are no way accurate in legal phraſe. You muſt fee clearly that it is the teſtator's meaning; and, if the teſtator's meaning is doubtful, if a court of juſtice cannot ſay they are fatisfied his in- tention was fo, the whole will be void for uncertainty. Therefore neceſſary implication is that which leaves. no room to doubt. It is not an implication upon conjecture; you are not to conjecture what he would liave done in an event he never thought of; that will not do ; and many caſes liave been de- termined upon that event; one I mentioned, the great caſe of Coryton and Hellier, in 1745, determined by lord Hardwick; where a man by his will meaning to make a marriage-ſettlement deviſes to A. and to prevent the en- tail being barred, having no freehold he deviſes to A. for 99 years, and then goes on to make the uſual ſettlement, and the drawer omitted to ſay for 99 years if he fhould ſo long live; the great queſtion there was, whether by implication the words 'if he ſhould ſo long live' fhould be added. It was not a neceſſary implication, it was not impoffible that he "meant a term of 99 years ; but there lord Hardwick, upon going through all the arguments and the nature of the thing, was convinced, and every body elſe, equal to a de-. monſtration, that the teſtator meant 99 years if he ſhould fo long live, and not a term of 99 years; and ſo that caſe was adjudged. There is no doubt the teſtator did mean that, and that is a very ſtrong fact; for, it is adding: words the teftator had not made uſe of to the limitation which ſtood of itſelf.. And therefore the grand queſtion is, as has been truly ſtated, to find out from all the will taken together, what was the teſtator's real intention ; and upon the laſt argument, as I have taken a note of it, Mr. Serjeant Hill. ſet out by faying, “ In this caſe there can be no doubt of the teftator's intention. The " teftator's intention is moſt clear; but his intention cannot take effect, becauſe « he has not done it according to law, he has limited it upon a contingency “ which makes it void in point of law.” When the teſtator's intention is ad- mitted to be clear, it goes a great way in the determination of the queſtion ; eſpecially, when the counſel that argue on the other ſide are forced to admit that it is clear; and Mr. Mansfield to-day has made no doubt whatever as to the . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 355 the intention, and indeed it is impoffible to make a doubt on that head. Sir William Morgan, a gentleman of a Welclı family, an ancient family I be- lieve, having a great family-eſtate, having wherewithal to provide moſt am- ply for a daughter, has a mind the family-eſtate ſhall go on in the family as long as it can in the male line. Why then, having the eſtate ſettled upon the iſſue male of his preſent family, he makes a proviſion for the reverſion in fee. What was his meaning? It was this—if there was a failure of iſſue male of his own body, it ſhould go to his brother : that is clear, if he meant that his brother Thould take by way of executory deviſe, and that he ſhould prevent the deviſe from being barred during that time. Why then his in- tention is contrary to law, and ſhall not take effect; but if he clearly meant this, " that my iflue male ſhall take ſucceſſively,' and when there is a failure of my iſſue male, if it goes to the children of a ſubſequent marriage, or if, not thinking of a ſubſequent marriage, he meant to ſay, in caſe Lady Rachel ſurvives me, and, in caſe there is no iſſue male of my marriage, I give it to my brother, in either of theſe caſes it is an intent that according to law mult be effectuated; and, if it can, the court ought to do it; now, no man can doubt but that was his intent, that his eſtate ſhould go to his own iſſue male, and, failing in that, ſhould go to his brother; there is no perſon who reads the will but muſt be clear that was his intent; and it is as clear that neither he nor the drawer of the will ever thought of an executory deviſe, Then how may this be effectuated ? I think it may, very clearly, by the conſtruction of the teſtator's intent, one or two ways; and it is quite indifferent, as the event has happened, which way it is conſtrued; the arguments to both conclude for each of them: from the intention it cannot be otherwiſe; for, if the teſtator has ſaid, whereas my eſtate is ſettled upon my firſt and every other ſon in tail male by my marriage-ſettlemnent, therefore in caſe they all die without heirs male of their body I give it to my brother ; if he had ſaid ſo in expreſs words, which would have given the reverſion in fee, and if he had lived years after the death of his wife, had married another wife, and liad had ſons of that marriage, and had not made any ſettlement, and had not revoked the will, notwithſtanding he had ſaid it fo expreſly, the intent being ſo plain that his brother was only to take upon failure of his own iſſue male, that if he had not had that contingency in view, Mr. Dunning has faid truly, that ſuch ſecond marriage &c. as above ſtated would have been a s tevocation of his will; and that point is now ſettled with regard to real eſtates, as it had been before of perſonal eſtates. It was ſettled by three of the judges 2 2 2 and : 336 THE LIFE OF ? and afterwards confirmed by that caſe Mr. Dunning alludes to; and very rightly deterinined; for, it is impoſſible that a batchelor having made a will and having no family, but afterwards marrying and having children of that marriage, though by negligence or forgetfulneſs, or ſome accident or other, he had not cancelled that will, that he meant that will hould ſtand upon a ſuppoſition of having no children and no family; the very preſumption would have been that the deviſe over to his brother was not intended, if he had had iſſue by a ſecond marriage. The ſecond way by which the intention of the teſtator may be effectuated here is, that which I very believe in my own mind was the true caſe, that neither fir William, nor any body concerned for him, at that time had an idea of making the leaſt proviſion for, or having the leaſt view to the contingency of, a ſecond marriage. The whole will, goes upon the ſuppoſition of the children of that marriage ſurviving him, made in his fickneſs, made but three weeks before his death. Every part thews that there is a proviſion in it, that his ſon Edward ſhall have the bene- fit of his marriage-ſettlemnent; there is a proviſion in it appointing his wife, Lady Rachel, one of the guardians of his children, and one of the executors: he made a full diſpoſition of all the eſtate that he was ſeiſed in fee of. Then what was immediately his object ?-Why, his ſettlement. For, there is a diſtinction between the two ſorts of his eſtate, a plain diſtinction taken up by him, having diſpoſed of all the eſtate he was ſeiſed in fee of; then as to the other he comes by way of recital ; he does not diſpoſe of that imme- diately, but ſays, my mind is, that if my ſon or fons now living, or any after-ſons, Thall happen to die without iſſue male, that it is my intent; in caſe the ſucceſſion opens, in caſe the event ſhall happen in which the eſtate is to be enjoyed by another, what is the caſe ?-Why in caſe iſſue male of the . marriage fail, for if that ſhould continue he had nothing but a reverſion in fee, any after-born ſon (he has not ſaid of Lady Rachel, but that was plainly his intention) fhould take. All the arguments on this part of the caſe will eaſily go to the ſecond light in which it is to be conſidered; to effectuate his intention. What is he to give in cafe that event ſhall happen ?- Not the lands, for, ſays he, I have nothing but the remainder in fee; 1 give the remainder in: fee; that is very remarkable, for. tħe remainder is, to denote the quality of the eſtate he is to give, ſince he has all the conveyancers, words, to give the lands, meſſuages, manors, , royalties, ada. vowſons, parks, i &. ; then he follows them with the words' reverſion and : beyerfions, remainder and remainders; but he recites it with his intent 5. applied: :! Content -- A WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 357 applied to the limitations in being ; my intent is, that, in caſe my iſſue inale fail, the remainder Thall go another way: what remainder ?-the remainder after the eſtate tail. So it is very ſtrong and clear to conviction that he really meant to make a deviſe only, provided he died without any ſubſequent marriage ; and that the only limitations that could take effect before this re- mainder was to operate, were the limitations created by the marriage-ſet-“ tlement, but not to reſt upon that, as the words are, to be ſure, after-born ſons, without ſaying by lady Rachel or upon her body begotten; let us fup- poſe that he meant after-born by any other marriage ; and, in caſe the point of revocation had been doubtful, and Sir William had married a ſecond wife, left a fon by that fécond wife ;: and a queſtion had ariſen between the brother and the ſon, whether that ſon was diſinherited or not, by that deviſe. In caſe there was a doubt on the point of revocation; to be ſure the court, from the intention of the teſtator, would have leaned very ftröngly to effectuate his real intention, which certainly was not to difinherit any iffue of his own body-why then ſuppoſe it to have that extenſive meaning, what. would be the conſequence to give it effect? why that every ſon to be born: of a ſubſequent marriage is, by the neceffary declaration of the teſtator, to have an eſtate-tail; and, it is not neceſſary for a teftator to give his own fon and heir an eſtate; it is fufficient that his intent appears to reſtrain froin what would be made void by the operation of law. Suppoſé he ſaid, I charge my eſtate with ſo much'; if he had ſaid after the death of my fon I give it over, that would have reſtrained it to an eſtate-tail --Now the preamble is very ſtrong to this effect'; for, it is juſt as declarative, and as operative of his in- tent, as if there had been binding words. My intent and meaning is that in: caſe my two föns now living, or any other ſon or fons of mine lawfully be- gottenz :and according to this conſtruction of his' will by giving the words their utmoft extent of this, or any other marriage, hereafter to be born, ſhall die without iffue male of their bodies, it neceſſarily follows that they and the iſſue male of their bodies are to-take-in what way are they to take ? why the . example is: put by the two ſons that are' alive, and as they muſt take an eſtate tail ſucceſſively; fo any after-born ſon: muſt take an eſtate-tail ſucceſſively why then, if any after born ſon of a ſubfequent marriage is to be conſtrued : that way, he muſt take an eſtate-tail-To my two ſons now born, and any after-born ſon of this or any other marriage ; and upon this part of the cafe the Powers of jointuring, leaſing, and portions, are exceſſively material; if-it I was 1 35:8 THE LIFE OF was clear that they muſt relate to the ſettled eſtate, which is not ſo certain, becauſe they may have an effect by relating to the other eſtates; but as far as they warrant the argument they relate to both, and I do think the- power of leaſing muſt neceſſarily relate to both. The argument from that is, theſe powers are deciſive; for, there is a power given to the after-born ſon to make a jointure, grant portions, and make leaſes ; why, it is deciſively tied up with the uſual words, when they ſhall ſucceſſively be in poffeffion. If he had ſaid, I mean them all to take eſtates tail one after another, he could not have ſaid it more ſtrongly; for, this ſhews they were to take eſtates-tail, and ſuch eſtates as in the nature of them enabled them to make jointures, grant portions, and make leaſes: they have not ſuch eſtates; for,;a tenant in tail, without ſuffering a common recovery, cannot make jointures, grant portions, and make leaſes. They have not; and therefore that clauſe, fo far as it applies, is as deciſive, and as expreſſive, as if he had ſaid, I deviſe to ſuch after-born ſon an eſtate ſucceſſively in ſtrict ſettlement. "What is deſired of the court? Will they labour to ſuppoſe Sir William to have had a meaning, which it is certain he never had ? And no idea to introduce that meaning, in order to defeat his whole intention which both ſides agree to be ſo clear as to be indiſputable; that certainly ought not to be done.-There- fore we ſhall make.our certificate according to the ideas I have already ex- preſſed to have: in caſe we ſhould alter our opinions, we ſhall ſignify if we deſire a future argument." The Certificate. .“ Having heard counſel on both ſides, and conſidered the caſe, we are of opinion, that the event of a ſecond marriage was not in the tęſtator's contemplation; but ſuppoſing that, from the generality of the de- ſcription of the words, any after-born fon' ſhould be extended to the fon of any future marriage, we are of opinion, that from the manifeſt intention of the teſtator expreſſly declared in his will, ſuch fon muſt take an eſtate-tail; conſequently we are of opinion, that, either way, a remainder after that eſtate is deviſed to Thomas the teſtator's brother, who, by virtue of the ſaid limi- tation, upon the failure of the ſons of Sir William the teftator, without iſſue male, was entitled to all the lands in the counties of Monmouth and Glamor- gan (deviſed by the reſiduary clauſe in the ſaid will), for life, with remain- ders according to the limitations in the ſaid will. MANSFIELD. R. ASTON W. H. ASHHURST, 7th May, 1773. Lord WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 359 Lord Chancellor Apſley decreed *, That the above certificate ſhould be confirmed ; from which Mrs. Jones, who was the daughter and heireſs at law of Sir William Morgan, appealed to the Houſe of Lords, who put the following queſtion to the Judges: - Whether Thomas Morgan the brother of the teſtator, and Thomas Morgan the younger, and Charles Morgan, or any or either of them, took any and what eſtate-tail in the lands in the counties of Monmouth and Gla- morgan, by the reſiduary clauſe in the will?” The lord chief juſtice (De Grey) of the Common Plcas delivered the unanimous opinion of the judges preſentt. 66 That Thomas Morgan the brother took an eſtate for life in the eſtates- in Monmouthſhire and Glamorganſhire, with remainder to Thonias Morgan- the younger and Charles Morgan.” 1774 Hillary Term. In the memorable caſe of Lee againſt General Ganſel it was fo- lemnly determined that a bailiff, in execution of meſne proceſs, may : the door of a lodger, having firſt gained peacea- ble entrance at the outer door of the houſe. break open Lord Mansfield thus declared the opinion of the court : “ This is an application on the part of general Ganfel to be diſcharged out of cuſtody on the following ground : That the procefs iſſued againſt him by this court has been abuſed, and his perſon illegally arreſted ;. for that the officer broke open the door of his apartment, which by law he could not do ; therefore the court ought to diſcharge him, and put him in the ſame condi- tion as before the arreſt. * July 23, 1773 May.2, 17.74. 66 To 1 360 THE LIFE OF 1 i “To this charge three defences are ſet up on the part of the plaintiff in the action and the officer complained againſt. The firſt is, that in fact the door was not broke open, but was previouſly open; and the officer having got part of his body, that is to ſay, his thigh in, after a ſtruggle to get in the reſt, in which he prevailed, arreſted the defendant. The ſecond, which goes to a denial of the whole ground of the application, is this, “That the door, which was broken open, the officer had a right to break open, due no- tice having been announced, and a refuſal given.' The third is, that, fup- poſing Mr. Ganſel founded in his application as to the mode of the arreſt being illegal, yet his remedy is by treſpaſs for breaking open the door, or by the more ſummary mode of attachment againſt the officer ; nevertheleſs the ſuppoſed treſpaſs upon his perſon is legal, for that the officer had a right to arreſt hiin. " Theſe are the three defences; and, as to the firſt, there is ſo great a con- trariety of evidence, that there muſt be falſe fwearing. I doubt therefore where the truth lies: and, fuppofing the fact contended for on the part of the plaintiff in the action to be true, I doubt as to the conſequence: that is, if an actual breaking open the door were illegal, I doubt as to the law, where a door being partly open is ſhut by the perſon who is within, againſt the officer who is ſtruggling to get entrance. I doubt both as to the fact and the conſequence; and therefore lay that entirely out of the caſe. “The ſecond ground of defence, and which makes the next queſtion in this caſe is, “Whether this door might be lawfully broken open in execution of meſne proceſs?' And, as to that, the caſe is this : Mr. Mayo was owner of this houſe, in which general Ganſel had, at the time in queſtion, and for a long time before, taken the firſt floor, which conſiſted of two rooms, each of which had a door which opened upon the ſtaircaſe ; he had likewiſe, up two pair of ſtairs, two rooms, each of which had a door that opened in the ſame manner: he had the uſe of the kitchen befides, and he rented theſe ſeveral apartments, as a lodger, from year to year, though that circum- ſtance makes no difference. Mr. Mayo lived in the houſe ; and, which is the material part of the caſe, there is but one outer door to the houſę; at which Mr. Mayo enters to go to his apartment, and Mr. Ganſel to go to his. This is a fact concerning which there is no controverſy. Mr. Ganfel was up two pair of ſtairs in his bedchamber, and, as he ſays, the door was locked ; and, after notice, the officers broke it open ; though nothing turns upon the notice or mode of breaking. The queſtion is, “Whether by law this door could be broken open ?' .66 I ſhould ! WILLIAM 361 ' EARL OF MANSFILLD. " I ſhould firſt ſtate, however, that the outer door of the houſe was open, and that the officers entered there legally. The queſtion therefore turns upon the ſubſequent breaking open of the bed-chamber door. - The books talk of the privilege of a manſion-houſe, and of the privilege of the door of it, which cannot be broken open. The whole queſtion will therefore turn upon the extent of that which is called privilege. Now this rule of privilege, ariſing from a found maxim of policy, is no privilege of a debtor, properly ſpeaking, who abſconds from juſtice in avoidance of legal proceſs; but is annexed to the houſe and door (to which door I forbear at preſent to give any particular epithet) for the protection of a man and his fa- mily. It is therefore by conſequence only, that the privilege is a protec- tion to ſuch a perſon, and not for his own ſake. The found maxim of po- licy is this, that a greater evil ſhould be avoided for a leſs, and a lefs good Jhould give way to a greater. The outer door therefore, or window of a man's houſe, ſays the law, ſhall not be broken open by proceſs. This has been long and well underſtood. The ground of it is this, that otherwiſe the conſe- quences would be fatal; for it would leave the family within naked and ex- poſed to thieves and robbers. It is much better, therefore, ſays the law, that you ſhould wait for another opportunity, than do an act of violence, which may probably be attended with ſuch dangerous conſequences. But as this is a maxim of law in reſpect of political juſtice, and makes no part of the privilege of a debtor himſelf, it is to be taken Arielly, and not to be ex- tended by any equitable analogous interpretation. - The oldeſt caſe to be found in the books, that takes notice of this privi- lege and warrants it, and upon which authority it was allowed at all, is a caſe in the Year-book, 18 Edw. IV. page 4. pl. 19. There an action of treſpaſs was brought for breaking the outer door in execution of a fieri facias. The court held, that treſpaſs would lie, for the officer ſhall not break open an outer door to execute his proceſs : but when the officer had ſo got in, he broke open a trunk, and took out the goods that were in it; in reſpect of which they héld, that treſpaſs would not lie ; for he had a right to break the trunk, and take the goods. I quote this caſe, not to imply that I ſhould perhaps have been of the fame opinion myſelf in a caſe of the firſt im- preffion; but to Thew, that the rule of privilege is taken moft rigidly. Af- . terwards, in Semaine's cafe, 5 Co. Mich. 2d Jac. Page 93. the ſame ſtrict doctrine was held, namely, that breaking open the outer door was a treſ- paſs, Ааа 1 362 THE LIFE OF paſs, but taking away the goods was lawful.' · In Yelverton, Mich. 44. El. 29. which was the ſame cafe, Popham doubted whether even the outer door was privileged, becauſe it would be a hindrance to juſtice : But afterwards, in Mich. 2 Jac. 5 Go. 92, b. 931 a. the whole court held, that the outer door ought not to be broken open ;' ? and grounded their opinion upon the ſingle authority of 18 Edw. IV. p. 4. pl. 19. before quoted. You ſee from hence with what rigour the privilege has been conſtrued in the oldeſt cafes. " But no caſe or dictum has been cited at the bar, nor indeed did there ever exiſt a caſe, which intimated a doubt whether an inner door might not be broken open. In lord Hob. 62. and 263. among other outrageous things the bailiffs broke open a chamber door, having entered legally at the outer door ; but ſuch breaking was held lawful, the firſt entrance at the outer door, which was open, having been legal: and yet the latter was a very harſh caſe, for they broke in when the man and his wife were in bed, and behaved with great violence and outrage ; but I lay ſtreſs on this to Thew how frictly the privilege had been underſtood, when the outer door or window is fecure, and the entrance has not been forcible, through either of them, ſo as to lay open the houſe and its inhabitants to inſult and violence from without; but, on the contrary, has been quiet and peaceable. In addition to theſe authorities, I recollect a note of a cafe lately determined, which ſays; an inner door has no protection at all.” It was the caſe of Aſtley and Pindar, and was heard in the year 1760, Mich. i Geo. III. There all the other charges againſt the bai- liffs were anſwered, except breaking the inner door, which was accompanied with ſuch violence, that the door fell, and the officer with it into the room; but all the court were of opinion that the officers having lawfully entered at the outer door, might break open the inner to execute the duty of their of- fice. Beſides theſe caſes, and in conformity to the principles upon which they have gone, I ſhall cite a very ſenſible and material diſtinction from a book in my hands, which is Foſter C. L. title Homicide, c. 8. fect. 20. which is this, “The rule that every man's houſe is his caſtle, when applied to arreſts on legal proceſs, has been carried as far as political juſtice will war- fànt, and perhaps farther than in the ſcale of reaſon and ſound policy they will warrant. But in caſes of life we inuſt adhere to rules well known and eſtabliſhed. But this rule is not one of thoſe that will admit of any extenſion. It muſt therefore, as I have before hinted, be confined to the breach of win- dows. } i WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 363 dows and of outer doors intended for the ſecurity of the houſe againſt perſons from without, endeavouring to break in.' “6. This brings the queſtion to this point, 'Whether this was the outer door to the houſe of the defendant?' for the law, we have ſeen, does not privi- lege an inner door. “ It has been ſaid, that this lodging is a houſe, and has an outer door ; and it has been likened to the caſe of chambers in tlie inns of court, and in colleges which have each an outer door that opens, like the door in queſtion, upon the common ſtaircaſe, and which, in caſes of burglary, hare been held to be the houſes of the reſpective occupiers. The fact is, that, from the na- ture of theſe buildings, they are all as ſeveral houſes, and have feparate outer doors, which are the extremity of obſtruction, becauſe the ſtaircaſe is no outer door : again, they are enjoyed as ſeparate property. In Lincoln's Inn they have ſeparate eſtates of inheritance; in the others they have eſtates for life, and in colleges as long as they reſide. So if that which was one houſe originally, comes to be divided into ſeparate tenements, and there is a diſtinct outer door to each, they will be ſeparate houſes, as Newcaſtle Houſe. “The diſtinction therefore can only be between ſeveral outer doors and one outer door. “How far lord Hale meant to carry his opinion in the paſſage that has been cited, it is difficult to ſay.' Where a burglary is committed in tlie apartments of one who lodges in a houſe, the circumſtance of the owner's living in it, or his occupying only a ſhop or cellar in which he does not ſleep, makes a very material difference as to the form of the indictment ; for, in the latter caſe the lodger has the outer door entirely to himſelf; and the bur- glary in ſuch caſe muſt be laid in the houſe of the lodger ; but it is other- wiſe in the former caſe, for there it muſt be laid in the houſe of the owner. And, notwithſtanding the greatneſs of lord Hale's authority, it appears not clearly expreſſed, or perhaps not fully conſidered ; at all events, we muſt not determine upon a ſingle and uncertain di&tum, againſt the many late and po- fitive caſes, grounded on the oldeſt deciſions and moſt eſtabliſhed prin- ciples. “But, if there were nothing more to confute the doctrine which has ex- hauſted ſo much learning and ingenuity in ſupport of it, the abſurdity of the propofition would of itſelf be ſufficient. And it is this, that whereas the A a a 2 greateſt e i 364 THE LIFE OF 1 1 greateſt houſe in London has but one outer door ; this gentleman, having four rooms in one houſe, ſhall have four diſtinct outer doors. If any of them could be ſaid to be an outer door, it muſt be the door of the lower rooms; but the truth is, they are all inner doors. 6. Therefore we are all moſt clearly of opinion, that by law this door was legall yroken open. “With regard to the point of relief, in cafe the arreſt had been illegal, I give no opinion; though I think it would depend upon the behaviour of the party applying. It is poſſible a perſon might come to ask that relief, under circumſtances of ſuch groſs miſbehaviour as migħit induce the court to refuſe it. Though the court, wliere a perſon is arreſted who has been at- tending its proceſs, will interpoſe, not only by puniſhing the officer but by diſcharging the priſoner out of cuſtody, yet caſes of this ſort are alm. ways matters of difcretion with the court under their particular circum- ſtances. But it is not neceſſary here to enter into that point; as we are all clearly of opinion that general Ganſel. was. legally arreſted, and there. føre ought not to be diſcharged.” 1 Rule diſcharged.. . . On the 8th of June, 1774, Mr. Juſtice Gould came per ſonally into court, to acknowledge his ſeal affixed to a bill of ex- ceptions in the caſe of. Moſtyn verſus Fabrigas ; and errors having: been aſſigned thereupon, they were, on the 14th of November, 1774, argued in ſupport of treſpaſs and falfe impriſonment lying in England by a native Minorquin, againſt a governor of Minorca, for an injury committed by him in Minorca, ** This was an an action of treſpaſs brought in the court of Common: Pleas, by Anthony Fabrigas, againſt John Moſtyn, for an aſſault and falſe impri- fonmentz in which the plaintiff declared, that the defendant, on the firſt of : September, in the year 1771, with force and arms, &c. made an aſſault upon the faich. Anthony, ,at Minorca, to wit, at London aforeſaid, in the pariſh of St. Mary le Bow, in the ward, of Cheap, and beat, wounded, and ill-treated him, and then and there impriſoned him, and kept and detained ! him in priſon there for a long time, to wit, for the ſpace of ten months, without any reaſonable or probable cauſe, contrary to the laws and cuſtoms of: Si :: WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 365 1 : of this realm, and againſt the will of the ſaid Anthony, and compelled him to depart from Minorca aforeſaid, where he was then dwelling and reſident, and carried, and cauſed to be carried, the ſaid Anthony from Minorca afore- faid, to Carthagena in the dominions of the king of Spain, &c. to the plaina tiff's damage of ten thouſand pounds.” One of the learned counſel cloſed his argument" by wittily ob- ſerving, “Should the judgement be reverſed, I fear the public, with too much truth, will apply the lines of the Roman Satyriſt on the drunken. Marius on the preſent occaſion, and they will fay of Governor Moſkyn, as was formerly ſaid of." Marius,, “ Hic eft damnatus inani judicio."" And to the Minorquins, if Mr. Fábrigas ſhould be deprived of, that ſatisfaction in damages which the jury gave him. “ At tu. victrix: provincia:ploras.” Lord Mansfield. “Let it ſtand for another argument. It has been ex: - tremely well argued on both ſides, by Mr, Buller for the plaintiff and by Mr. Peckham for the defendant." On the 27th of January, 1775, it was again very ably argued by Mr. Serjeant Glynn for the plaintiff, and by Mr. Serjeant.Wale- ker for the defendant. The facred character of a governor, the laws and cuſtoms re-- lating to commerce with foreign countries, and the ſolid diſtinc.- tions laid down reſpecting locality, or the place where actions - are properly brought-theſe topics are defined by lord Mansfield with gſeat energy and perſpicuity in the following elaborate ſpeech:: Lord Månsfield: “ This is an action brouglít by the plaintiff againſt the defendant for an aſſault and falfe impriſonment; and part of the complaint made, being for baniſhing him from the iſland of Minorca to Carthágena in Spain, it was neceſſary for the plaintiff, in: his declaration; to take notice. of the real place where the cauſe of action arofe; therefore he has ſtated it: to be in Minorca,. with a videlicet, at London, in the pariſh.of St. Mary le: bowy: 366 THE LIFE OF i 1 E · bow, in the ward of Cheap. Had it not been for that particular requiſite, he might have ſtated it to have been in the county of Middleſex. To this' declaration the defendant put in two pleas, Firſt, not guilty ;' ſecondly, that he was governor of Minorca by letters patent from the crown; that the plaintiff was raiſing a ſedition and mutiny ; and that in confequence of ſuch ſedition and mutiny, he did impriſon him, and ſend liim out of the iſland; which as governor, being inveſted with all the privileges, rights, &c. of governor, le alleges he had a right to do. To this plea the plaintiff does not demur, nor does he deny that it would be a juſtification in caſe it were true : but he denies the truth of the fact; and puts in iſſue whether the fa&t of the plea is true. The plea avers that the aſſault for which the action was brought aroſe in the iſland of Minorca, out of the realm of England, and no where elſe. To this the plaintiff has made no new aſſignment, and therefore by his replication he admits the locality of the cauſe of action. “ Thus it ſtood on the pleadings. At the trial the plaintiff went into the evidence of his caſe, and the defendant into evidence of his; but, on be- half of the defendant, evidence different from the facts alleged in his plea of juſtification was given, to fhew that the Arraval of St. Philip's, where the injury complained of was done, was not within either of the four precincts, but is a diſtrict of itſelf more immediately under the power of the governor ; and that no judge of the iſland can exerciſe juriſdiction there, without a ſpecial appointment from him.. Upon the facts of the caſe, the judge left it to the jury, who found a verdict for the plaintiff, with three thouſand pounds damages. The defendant has tendered a bill of exceptions, upon which bill of exceptions the cauſe comes before us; and the great difficulty I have had upon both the arguments, has been to be able clearly to compre- hend what the queſtion is, which is meant ſeriouſly to be brought before the court. “ If I underſtand the counſel for governor Moſtyn right, what they ſay is this. The plea of not guilty is totally immaterial ; and ſo is the plea of juſtification ; becauſe upon the plaintiff's own ſhewing it appears, ift, that the cauſe of action aroſe in Minorca, out of the realm ; 2dly, that the de- fendant was governor of Minorca, and by virtue of ſuch his authority im- priſoned the plaintiff. From thence it is argued, that the judge who tried the cauſe ought to have refuſed any evidence whatſoever, and have directed the jury to find for the defendant ; and three reaſons have been aſſigned. One, I 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 367 -- One, infifted upon in the former argument, was, that the plaintiff, being a Minorquin, is incapacitated from bringing an action in the King's court in England. To diſpoſe of that objection at once, I ſhall only ſay, it is wiſely abandoned to-day ; for it is impoſſible there ever could exiſt a doubt, but that a ſubject born in Minorca has as good a right to appeal to the King's court of juſtice, as one who is born within the ſound of Bow-bell; and the objection made in this caſe, of its not being ſtated on the record that the plaintiff was born ſince the treaty of Utrecht, makes no difference. The two other grounds are, Iſt, that the defendant being governor of Minorca, is anſwerable for no injury whatſoever done by him in that capacity ; 2dly, that the injury being done at Minorca, out of the realm, is not cognizable by the King's courts in England. As to the firſt, nothing is ſo clear as that to an action of this kind the defendant, if he has any juſtification, muſt plead it; and there is nothing more clear, than that if the court has not a general juriſdiction of the ſubject-matter, he muſt plead to the jurif diłtion, and cannot take advantage of it upon the general iſſue. Therefore, by the law of England, if an action be brought againſt a judge of record for an act done by him in his judicial capacity, he may plead that he did it as judge of record, and that will be a complete juſtification. So in this caſe, if the injury complained of had been done by the defendant as a judge, though it aroſe in a foreign country where the technical diſtinction of a court of record does not exiſt, yet fitting as a judge in a court of juſtice, ſubject to a ſuperior review, he would be within the reaſon of the rule which the law of England ſays ſhall be a juſtification ; but then it muſt be pleaded. Here no ſuch matter is pleaded, nor is it even in evidence that he fat as judge of a court of juſtice. Therefore I lay out of the caſe every thing relative to the Arraval of St. Philip's. “ The firſt point then upon this ground is, the ſuicredneſs of the defend- ant's perſon as governor. If it were true that the law makes him that facred character, he muſt plead it, and ſet forth his commiſſion as fpecial matter of juſtification ; becauſe prind facie the court has jurifdiction ; but I will not reſt the anſwer upon that only. It has been inſiſted by way of diſtinc- țion, that ſuppoſing an action will lie for an injury of this kind committed by one individual againſt another, in a country beyond the ſeas, but withili the dominion of the crown of England, yet it ſhall not emphatically lie againſt the governor. In anſwer to which I ſay, that for many reaſons, if it did not 368 THE LIFE OF not lie againſt any other man, it ſhall moſt emphatically lie againſt the go- vernor . " In every.plea to the juriſdiction, you muſt ſtate another juriſdiction; therefore, if an action is brought here for a matter ariſing in Wales, to bar the remedy fought in this court, you muſt ſhew the juriſdiction of the court of Wales; and in every cafe to repel the juriſdiction of the King's court, you muſt ſhew a more proper and more ſufficient juriſdiction; for if there is no other mode of trial, that alone will give the King's courts a juriſdiction. Now in this caſe no other juriſdiction is ſhewn, even ſo much as in argu- ment. And if the King's courts of juſtice cannot hold plea in ſuch caſe, no other court can do it. For it is truly ſaid that a governor is in the nature of a viceroy ; and therefore locally, during his government, no civil or criminal action will lie againſt him; the reaſon is, becauſe upon proceſs he would be ſubject to impriſonment. But here the injury is ſaid to have happened in the Arraval of St. Philip's, where, without his leave, no juriſdiction can exiſt. If that be ſo, there can be no remedy whatſoever, if it is not in the King's.courts ; becauſe when he is out of the government, and is returned with his property into this country, there are not even his effects left in the iſland to be attached. “ Another very ſtrong reaſon, which was alluded to by Mr. Serjeant Glynn, would alone be deciſive ; and it is this: that though the charge brought againſt him is for a civil injury, yet it is likewiſe of a criminal na- ture ; becauſe it is in abuſe of the authority delegated to him by the King's Letters Patent, under the great ſeal. Now if every thing committed within a. dominion is triable by the courts within that dominion, yet the effect or extent of the King's Letters Patent, which gave the authority, can only be tried in the King's courts ; for no queſtion concerning the Seignory, can be tried within the Seignory itſelf. Therefore, where a queſtion reſpecting the Seignory ariſes in the proprietary governments, or between two provinces of America, or in the Iſle of Man, it is cognizable by the King's courts in England only. In the caſe of the Iſle of Man *, it was ſo decided in the time of queen of Elizabeth, by the chief juſtice and many of the judges. So that emphatically the governor muſt be tried in England, to ſee whether he has excerciſed the authority delegated to him by the Letters Patent, le- . : 4. Inſt. 284. gally WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 369 gally and properly ; or whether he has abuſed it, in violation of the laws of England, and the truſt ſo repoſed in him. " It does not follow from hence, that, let the cauſe of action ariſe where it may, a man is not entitled to make uſe of every juſtification his caſe will admit of, which ought to be a defence to him. If he has acted right ac- cording to the authority with which he is inveſted, he muſt lay it before the court by way of plea, and the court will exerciſe their judgement whether it is a ſufficient juſtification or not. In this caſe, if the juſtification had been proved, the court might have conſidered it as a ſufficient anſwer ; and, if the nature of the caſe would have allowed of it, might have adjudged, that the raiſing a mutiny was a good ground for ſuch a ſummary proceeding. I can conceive caſes in time of war in which a governor would be juſtified, though he acted very arbitrarily, in which he could not be juſtified in time of peace. Suppoſe, during a ſiege or upon an invaſion of Minorca, the go- vernor ſhould judge it proper to ſend an hundred of the inhabitants out of the iſland, from motives of real and general expediency; or ſuppoſe, upon a general ſuſpicion, he ſhould take people up as (pies ; upon proper circum- ſtances laid before the court, it would be very fit to fee whether he had acted as the governor of a garriſon ought, according to the circumſtances of the caſe. But it is objected, ſuppoſing the defendant to have acted as the Spaniſh governor was empowered to do before, how is it to be known here that by the laws and conſtitution of Spain he was authorized ſo to act ? The way of knowing foreign laws is, by admitting them to be proved as facts, and the court muſt aſſiſt the jury in aſcertaining what the law is. For inſtance, if there is a French ſettlement, the conſtruction of which de- pends upon the cuſtom of Paris, witneſſes muſt be received to explain what the cuſtom is; as evidence is received of cuſtoms in reſpect of trade. There is a caſe of the kind I have juft ſtated *. So in the fupreine reſort before the King in-Council, the Privy Council determines all caſes that ariſe in the plantations, in Gibraltar, or Minorca, in Jerſey, or Guernſey; and they inform themſelves, by having the law ftated to them. the law ftated to them. As to ſuggeſtions with regard to the difficulty. of bringing witneſſes, the court muſt take care that the defendant is not ſurprized, and that he has a fair opportunity of * Faubert. v. Truſt, Prec. Chan, 207. Bbb bringing 1 370 THE LIFE OF ! bringing his evidence, if it is a caſe proper in other reſpects for the jurif-. diction of the court. There may be ſome caſes ariſing abroad, which may pot be fit to be tried here ; but that cannot be the caſe of a governor; inju-, ring a man contrary to the duty of his office, and in violation of the truft: repoſed in him by the King's commiſſion. " If he wants the teſtimony of witneſſes whom he cannot compel to at- tend, the court may do what the court did in the caſe of a criminal profe-- cution of a woman who had received a penſion as an officer's widow: and it was charged in the indictment, that ſhe never was married to him. She alledged a marriage in Scotland; but that ſhe could not compel her witneſſes: to come up, to give evidence. The court obliged the proſecutor to conſent that the witneſſes might be examined before any of the judges of the court of ſeſſion, or any of the barons of the court of Exchequer in Scotland, and that the depoſitions ſo taken fhould be read at the trial. And they declared,, that they would have put off the trial of the indictment from time to time, for ever, unleſs the proſecutor bad lo conſented. The witneſſes. were. fo: examined before the Lord Prefident of the court of Seffion.. " It is a matter of courſe, in aid of a trial at law, to apply to a court of Equity, for a commiſſion and injunction in the mean time ; and where ai real ground is laid, the court will take care that juſtice is done to the de- fendant as well as to the plaintiff. Therefore, in every-light in which I ſee the ſubject, I am of opinion that the action holds emphatically againſt the governor, if it did not hold in the cafe of any other perſon. If ſo, he is ac- countable in this court, or he is accountable no where ; for the king imr council has no juriſdiction.. Complaints made to the king in council tend: to remove the governor, or to take from him any commiſſion, which he holds during the pleaſure of the crown. But, if he is in England, and holds, nothing at the pleaſure of the crown, they have no juriſdiction to make re-- paration, by giving damages, or to puniſh him in any ſhape for the injury committed. Therefore, to lay down in an Engliſh.court of juſtice ſuch-a. monſtrous propofition, as that a governor acting by virtue of letters patent under the great feal, is accountable only to:God, and his own conſcience; that he is abſolutely deſpotic, and can ſpoil, plunder; and affect his majeſty's. ſubjects, both in their liberty and property, with impunity, is a doctrine. that cannot be maintained 66 In 1. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 371 : 1 1 66 In lord Bellamont's caſe, 2 Sálk. 625. cited by Mr. Peckham, a motion was made for a trial at bar, and granted, becauſe the attorney-general was to defend it on the part of the king; which ſhews plainly that ſuch an action exiſted. And in Way verſus Yally, 6 Mod. 195. Juſtice Powell ſays, that an action of falſe impriſonment has been brought here againſt a governor of Jamaica, for an impriſonment there ; and the laws of the country were given in evidence. The governor of Jainaica in that caſe never thought that he was not amenable. He defended himſelf, and poſſibly ſhewed, bý the laws of the country, an act of the aſſembly which juſtified that impri- fonment; and the court received it as they ought to do. For whatever is a juſtification in the place where the thing is done, ouglit to be a juſtification where the caſe is tried. I remember, early in my time, being counſel in an action brought by a carpenter in the train of artillery, againſt governor Sa- bine, who was governor of Gibraltar, and who had barely confirmed the ſentence of a court-martial, by which the plaintiff had been tried, and ſen- tenced to be whipped. The governor was very ably defended, but nobody ever thought that the action would not lie ; and it being proved at the trial, that the tradeſmen who followed the train, were not liable to martial law; the court were of that opinion, and the jury accordingly found the defend- ant guilty of the treſpaſs, as having had a ſhare in the ſentence ; and gave five hundred pounds damages. “ The next objection which has been made, is a general objection, with regard to the matter ariſing abroad ; namely, that as the cauſe of action aroſe abroad, it cannot be tried here in England. " There is a formal and a ſubſtantial diſtinction as to the locality of trials. I ftate them as different things; the ſubſtantial diſtinction is, where the pro- ceeding is in rem, and where the effect of the judgement cannot be had, if it is laid in a wrong place. That is the caſe of all ejectments, where pof- ſeſſion is to be delivered by the Sheriff of the county; and as trials in England are in particular counties, the officers are county officers; therefore the judgement could not have effect, if the action was not laid in the proper county. “ With regard to matters that ariſe out of the realm, there is a ſubſtantial diſtinction of locality too; for there are ſome caſes that arife out of the realm, which ought not to be tried any where but in the country where they ariſe, as in the caſe alluded to by ſerjeant Walker : if two perſons fight in Bbb 2 France, } 372 THE LIFE OF France, and both happening caſually to be here, one ſhould bring an action of aſſault againſt the other, it might be a doubt whether ſuch an action could be maintained here; becauſe, though it is not a criminal proſecution, it muſt be laid to be againſt the peace of the king; but the breach of the peace is merely local, though the treſpaſs againſt the perſon is tranſitory. Therefore, without giving any opinion, it might perhaps be triable only where both parties at the time were ſubjects. So if an action were brought relative to an eſtate in a foreign country, where the queſtion was a matter of title only, and not of damages, there might be, a ſolid diſtinction of locality. " But there is likewiſe a formal diſtinction, which ariſes from the mode of trial ; for trials in England being by jury, and the kingdom being di- vided into counties, and each county conſidered as a ſeparate diſtrict or principality, it is abſolutely neceſſary that there ſhould be ſome county where the action is brought in particular, that there may be a proceſs to the fheriff of that county, to bring a jury from thence to try it. This matter of form goes to all caſes that ariſe abroad; but the law makes a diſtinction be- tween tranſtory actions and local actions. If the matter which is the cauſe of a tranſitory action ariſes-within the realm, it may be laid in any county, the place is not material ; and if an impriſonment in Middleſex it may be laid in Surry, and though proved to be done in Middleſex, the place not being material, it does not at all. prevent the plaintiff recovering damages. The place of tranſitory actions is never material, except where by particular acts of parliament it is made fo; as in the caſe of churchwardens and con ftables, and other caſes which require the action to be brought in the county. The parties, upon ſufficient ground, have an opportunity of applying to the court in time to change the venue ; but, if they go to trial without it, that is no objection. So all actions of a tranfitory nature that ariſe abroad may be laid as happening in an Engliſh county. But there are occaſions which make it abſolutely neceſſary to ſtate in the declaration, that the cauſe of action really happened abroad; as in the caſe of ſpecialties, where the date muſt be ſet forth. If the declaration ſtates a ſpecialty to have been made at Weſtminſter in Middleſex, and upon producing the deed, it bears date at Bengal, the action is gone ; becauſe it is ſuch a variance between the deed and the declaration as makes it appear to be a different inſtrument. There Ég fome confuſion in the books upon the ſtat. 6 Ric. II. But I do not put the 2 med WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 373 the objection upon that ſtatute. I reſt it ſingly upon this ground. If the true date or deſcription of the bond is not ſtated, it is a variance. But the law has in that caſe invented a fiction ; and has ſaid, the party ſhall firſt ſet out the deſcription truly, and then give a venue only for form, and for the fake of trial, by a videlicet, in the county of Middleſex, or any other county. But no judge ever thought that when the declaration ſaid in Fort St. George, viz. in Cheapfide, that the plaintiff meant it was in Cheapfide. It is a fiction of..form ; every country has its forms, which are invented for the furtherance of juſtice.; and it is a certain rule, that a fiction of law ſhall never be contradicted ſo as to defeat the end for which it was invented, but for every other purpoſe it may be contradicted. Now the fiction invented in theſe caſes is barely for the mode of trial; to every other purpoſe there- fore it ſhall be contradicted, but not for the purpoſe of ſaying the cauſe ſhall not be tried. So in the caſe that was long agitated and finally deter- mined ſome years ago, upon a fiction of the teſte of writs taken out in the vacation, which bear date as of the laſt day of the term, it was held, that the fiction ſhall not be contradicted ſo as to invalidate the writ, by 'averring that it iſſued on a day in the vacation * : becauſe the fiction was invented for the furtherance of juſtice, and to make the wiit appear right in form. But where the true time of ſuing out a latitat is material, as' on a plea of non affumfit infra ſex annos, there it may be ſhewn that the latitat was ſued out after the ſix years notwithſtanding the teſte. · I am ſorry to obſerve, that ſome ſayings have been alluded to, inaccurately taken down, and impro- perly printed, where the court has been made to ſay, that as men they have one way of thinking, and as judges they have another, which is an 'abſur- dity; whereas in fact they only meant to ſupport the fiction. . I will men- tion a caſe or two, to fhew that this is the meaning of it. « In 6.Mod. 228. the caſe of Roberts verſus Harnage is thus ſtated : The plaintiff declared that the defendant became bound to him at Fort St. David's : in the Eaſt Indies at London, in ſuch a bond; upon demurrer, the objection was, that the bond appeared to have been ſealed and delivered at Fort St. Da- vid's, in the Eaſt Indies, and therefore the date made it local ; and, by conſe: quence, the declaration ought to have been of a bond made at Fort St. David's, . · * -2 Burr. 9.6.7.. in S 374 THE LIFE OF > in the Eaſt Indies ; viz. at Iſlington, in the county of Middleſex; or in ſuch a ward or pariſh in London, and of that opinion was the whole court. This is an inaccurate frate of the caſe. But in 2 Lord Raym. 1042. it is more truly reported, and ſtated as follows: it appeared by the declaration, that the bond was made at London, in the wärd of Cheap; upon oyer, the bond was ſet out, and it appeared upon the face of it to be dated at Fort St. George in the Eaſt Indies: the defendant pleaded the variance in abate- inent; and the plaintiff demurred, and it was held bad: but the court ſaid that it would have been good, if laid at Fort St. George, in the Eaſt Indies, to wit, at London, in the ward of Cheap. The objection there was, that they liad laid it falſely; for they had laid the bond as inade at London ; whereas, when the bond was produced, it appeared to be made at another place, which was a variance. A caſe was quoted from Latch, and a caſe from Lutwyche, on the former argument; but I will mention a caſe poſte- rior in point of time, where both thoſe caſes were cited, and no regard at all paid to them; and that is the caſe of Parker and Crook, 10 Mod. 255. It was an action of covenant upon a deed indented; it was objected to the declaration, that the defendant is ſaid in the declaration to continue at Fort St. George, in the Eaſt Indies; and upon the oyer of the deed it bore date at Fort St. George ; and therefore the court, as was pretended, had no jurif- diction : Latch. fol. 4. Lutwyche, 950. Lord Chief Juſtice Parker faid, that an action will lie in England upon a deed dated in foreign parts; or elſe the party can have no remedy; but then in the declaration a place in Eng- land muſt be alleged pro forma. Generally ſpeaking, the deed, upon the oyer of it, muſt be conſiſtent with the declaration ; but in theſe caſes, propter neceffitatem, if the inconſiſtency be as little as poſſible, it is not to be regarded; and here the contract being of a voyage which was to be per- formed from Fort St. George to Great Britain, does import, that Fort St. George is different from Great Britain : and after taking time to conſider of it in Hilary term, the plaintiff had his judgement, notwithſtanding the ob- jection. Therefore the whole amounts to this, that where the action is ſub- ftantially. ſuch a one as the court can hold plea of, as the mode of trial is by jury, and as the jury muſt be called together by-proceſs directed to the The- riff of the county; matter of form is added to the fiction, to ſay it is in that -county, and then the whole of the enquiry is, whether it is an action that ought to be maintained. But can it be doubted, that actions may be main- ..tained WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 375 tained here, not only upon contracts, which follow the perſons, but for in- juries done by ſubject to ſubject ; eſpecially for injuries where the whole that is prayed' is a reparation in damages, or ſatisfaction to be made by proceſs againſt the perfon or his effects, within the juriſdiction of the court ? We know it is within every day's experience. I was embarraſſed a great while to find out whether the counſel for the plaintiff really meant to make a queſtion: of it. In fea batteries, the plaintiff often lays the injury to have been done in Middleſex, and then proves it to be done a thouſand leagues diſtant on the other ſide the Atlantic. There are caſes of offences on the high ſeas, where is of neceſſity to lay in the declaration, that it was done upon the higlı ſeas; as the taking a ſhip. There is a. caſe of that ſort occurs to my memo- ry; the reaſon I remember it is, becauſe there was a queſtion about the ju- riſdiction. There likewiſe was an action of that kind before lord chief juf- tice Lee, and another before me, in which I quoted that determination, toe fhew, that when the Lords Commiſſioners of prizes have given judgement; that is concluſive in the action; and likewiſe when they have given judge- ment, it is conclufive as to the coſts, whether they have given cofts or not. It is neceſſary in ſuch actions to ſtate in the declaration, that the ſhip was taken, or ſeized on the high ſeas; viz. in Cheapſide. But it cannot be ſe- riouſly contended that the judge and jury who try the cauſe, fancy the ſhip is failing in Cheapſide ; no, the plain ſenſe of it is, that as an action lies in England for the ſhip which was taken on the high ſeas, Cheapſide is named as a venue; which is ſaying no more, than that the party prays the action": may be tried in London. But, if a party. were at liberty to offer reaſons of fact contrary to the truth of the caſe, there would be no end of the embar-. raſſment. At the laſt fittings there were two-actions brought by Armenian" merchants, for aſſaults and treſpaffes in the Eaſt Indies, and there are very ſtrong authorities. Serjeant Glynn ſaid, that the defendant,. Mr. Verelſt, was very ably affifted : ſo he was, and by men who would have taken the objection, if they had thought it maintainable, and the actions came on to be tried after this caſe had been argued once; yet the conſul did not think it: could be ſupported. Mr. Verelſt would have been glad to make the objec- tion; he would not have left it to a jury, if he could have ſtopped them Thort, and ſaid, you ſhall not try the actions at all. I have had ſome actions before me, rather going further than theſe tranſitory actions ; that is, going : to caſes which in England would be local actions : I remember one, I think it? 1 .. 376 THE LIFE OF . i it was an action brought againſt captain Gambier, who, by order of Admiral Boſcawen, had pulled down the houſes of ſome ſutlers who ſupplied the navy and failors with ſpirituous liquors; and whether the action was right or wrong, it was certainly done with a good intention on the part of the admi- ral, for the health of the ſailors was affected by frequenting them. They were pulled down. the captain was inattentive enough to bring the futler over in his own ſhip, who would never have got to England otherwiſe; and as ſoon as he came here, he was adviſed that he ſhould bring an action againſt the captain. He brought his action, and one of the counts in the declara- tion was for pulling down the houſes. The objection was taken to the count for pulling down the houſes; and the caſe of Skinner and the Eaſt India company was cited in ſupport of the objection. On the other fide, they produced from a manuſcript note a caſe before lord chief juſtice Eyre, where he over-ruled the objection ; and I orer-ruled the objection upon this principle, namely, that the reparation 'here was perſonal, and for damages, and that otherwiſe there would be a failure of juſtice ; for it was upon the coaſt of Nova-Scotia, where there were no regular courts of judicature: but if there had been, Captain Gambier might never go there again ; and there- fore the reaſon of locality in ſuch an action in England did not hold. I quoted a caſe of an injury of that ſort in the Eaſt Indies, where even in a court of equity lord Hardwicke had directed ſatisfaction to be made in da- mages : that caſe before lord Hardwicke was not much conteſted; but this caſe before me was fully and ſeriouſly argued, and a thouſand pounds dama- ges given againſt captain-Gambier. I do not quote this for the authority of my opinion, becauſe that opinion is very likely to be erroneous; but I quote it for this reaſon; a thouſand pounds damages and the coſts were a confider- able fum. As the captain had acted by the orders of admiral Boſcawen, the repreſentatives of the admiral defended the cauſe, aud paid the damages and coſts recovered. The caſe was favourable ; for what the admiral . did was certainly well intended ; and yet there was no motion for a new trial. “ I recollect another cauſe that came on before me; which was the caſe of admiral Palliſer. There the very giſt of the action was local : It was for deſtroying fiſhing-huts upon the Labrador coaſt. After the treaty of Paris, , the Canadians early in the ſeaſon erected huts for fiſhing; and by that means got an advantage, by beginning earlier, of the fiſhermen who came froin England. It was a nice queſtion upon the right of the Canadians. However, the WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. -377 1 the admiral, from general principles of policy, ordered theſe huts to be de- ſtroyed. The cauſe went on a great way. The defendant would have ſtop- ped it ſhort at once, if he could have made ſuch an objection; but it was not made. There are no local courts among the Eſquimaux Indians upon tliat part of the Labrador coaſt; and therefore w]latever injury had been done --there by any of the king's officers would have been altogether without re- dreſs, if the objection of locality would have held. "The conſequence of that circumſtance ſhews, that where the reaſon fails, even in actions which in England would be local actions, yet it does not hold to places beyond the ſeas within the king's dominions. Admiral Palliſer's caſe went off -upon a propoſal of a reference, and ended by an award. But, as to tranſitory actions, there is not a colour of doubt but that every action that is tranſitory may be laid in any county in England, though the matter ariſes beyond the ſeas; and when it is abſolutely neceſſary to lay the truth of the caſe in the decla- ration, there is a fiction of law to aſſiſt you ; and you ſhall not make uſe of the truth of the caſe againſt that fiction, but you may make uſe of it to every other purpoſe. I am clearly of opinion, not only againſt the objections made, but that there does not appear a queſtion upon which the objections could ariſe." The other three judges concurred. P.er Cur. Judgement affirmed. Huſband and Wife. Re-delivery by the wife after the death of her huſband * of a deed delivered by her whilſt covert, is a fufficient confirmation of ſuch deed, ſo as to bind her without its being re-executed or re- atteſted; and circumſtances alone + may be equivalent to ſuch re-delivery, though the deed be a joint deed by Baron and Feme, affecting the wife's land, and no fine levied. : * Cowp. Rep. 201. 22 Nov. 1774. on Expoſitio, quæ ex viſceribus caufæ nafcitur, eſt aptiffima & fortiſſima in lege. 1o Co.:24. с с с The 1 378 THE LIFE OF The grounds of this deciſion ſeem to deſerve the moſt ſerious attention of the juriſprudent, who is here inſtructed to prefer the ſubſtance of a deed to the ſemblance of it. For inſtance, although it bears the ſemblance of a leaſe, it is in reality a ſecurity for mo- ney. Again; the diſtinction between the deeds of married wo- men and infants is important. The firſt are void, the ſecond voidable. The reference to that found lawgiver, Perkins, was likewiſe happily made in the ſubſequent caſe of Zouch and Par- ſons, relating to Minors, anno 1765. Lord Mansfield. “ It is inſiſted by the defendants, that the ſeveral exbi- þits proved in the cauſe amount to a ratification of the mortgage by the leffor of the plaintiff . In ſtrictneſs, a fine is the proper method for a mar- ried woman to part with her right, ſo that a formality of law only is wanting. But, in conſcience, ſhe has confirmed this ſecurity which was entered into for the maintenance and ſupport of herſelf and family. She and her huſband, in immediate want of money for their ſubſiſtence, apply to Greening to lend them one hundred and fifty pounds upon the mortgage of a reverſion : Greening readily acquiefces, advances it without reſerve, and is content to lie out of his money till the reverſion ſhould fall in. In a caſe fo* circum- ſtanced, I thought it cruel to contend for the wife, that the mortgage was void ; and, after ſo many folemn acts on her part, it is a proceeding againſt every principle of natural juſtice and equity. Therefore I directed the jury that, if they thought the facts given in evidence amounted to a ſufficient confirmation by the wife, they ſhould find for the defendants; and they have ſo done. " Mr. Wallace, at the trial, put it on the footing of leafes by huſband and wife, reſerving rent or no rent, which the authorities ſay are not void, but only voidable by the wife after the huſband's death, and if ſhe ratifies them ſhe is bound. It was anſwered, that thoſe authorities were by way of ex- ception to the general rule of law, which ſays, the deed of a married woman is void, and they were allowed of, for the ſake of agriculture and tillage. That this, it is true, is a leaſe for ninety-nine years, and a century ago the court would not have ſeen farther ; but now it is ſaid, the court muſt look farther, and ſee the real intent of the deed, nainely, that it was a mort- gage. I 66 We 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. : 379.. - “We are all of opinion, that the anſwer is a good one, and that the ex- ception to the general rule was allowed of, for the advancement of agricul- ture and tillage. “ We are alſo of opinion, that the court ought to look into the ſubſtance of the deed, and to ſee with the ſame eyes as the reſt of the world: it is in ſubſtance a mortgage, though in form a leaſe for ninety-nine years. But we think we have good authority to ſay, that the wife is nevertheleſs bound by it, and that her ſubſequent acts ſet up this mortgage againſt her. “ Perkins, which is a very good authority in point of law, in ſection 154, ſays, “It is to be known, that a deed cannot have and take effect, at every delivery as a deed ; for, if the firſt delivery take effect the ſecond delivery is void. As, in caſe an infant, or a man in priſon, makes a deed, and de- livers the ſame as his deed, &c. and afterwards the infant, when he cometh to his full age, or the man impriſoned, when he is at large, deliver again the faine deed as his deed, which he delivered before as his deed, the ſecond delivery is void; but if a married woman deliver a bond unto me, or other writing as her deed, this delivery is merely void; and therefore, if, after the death of her huſband, ſhe being ſole, deliver the ſame deed again unto me as her deed, the ſecond delivery is good and effettual.' The Year-books, Mich. 3 Hen. VI. 4. and Hilary 8 Hen. VI. 8. confirm the propoſition laid down by Perkins, namely, that the deed is not to be re-executed or re-at- teſted, but delivered only. Now delivery, is an act in pais only. “ The queſtion then is, Whether the law has laid down any preciſe form in which delivery muſt be made ? or whether circuinſtances may not be equi- valent to it without actual delivery? “ Lord Coke in his Commentary on Lit. 36. ſays, “As a deed may be dc- livered to a party without words, ſo a deed may be delivered by words, without any act of delivery; as if the writing ſealed lies upon the table, and the feoffor or obligor ſays to the feoffee or obligee, Take up the faid writing; it is ſufficient for you, as it will ſerve your turn ; it is a fufficient delivery.' 2 Roll. Abr. 26. pl. 2. " This brings it to the fingle queſtion, Whether theſe facts amount to a delivery Now the mortgage-deed was in the hands of the mortgagee : the wife, after the death of the huſband, the mortgagor, ſurrenders poſſeſſion under her own hand to Saunders and Smith, the executors of the mortgagee, and orders the tenants to attorn to them as executors of the mortgagee in Ссса terms. 1 380 THE LI FE OF * . terms. This is a clear acknowledgement that: the deed was hers; and that: ſhe was content the defendants ſhould enjoy, according to the terms of the deed. Therefore we are all of opinion for the defendants, and that theſe: facts.were-a-confirmation of the mortgage, upon the ground of their being equivalent to a re-delivery of the deed.” Per curiam, unanimouſly, : Rule for a new trial diſcharged. . 1775 :. MIN 0 Rusa Zouch on the demiſe of Abbot and another againſt Parfóns : In an important queſtion in this cauſe, which had been twice: tried, lord MANSFIELD, after ſtating the cafe. minutely. for: the: benefit of the ſtudents,, introduced the following, fine. exe- ardium: - -“ Miſerablë muft the condition.of minors be ; : excluded from the ſociety: and commerce of the world.; deprived of neceſſaries, education, employe- ment, and many advantages ; if they could do.no" binding acts. . Great in- convenience muſt ariſe to others, if they were bound by, no act. The law therefore, at the ſame time that it.protects their imbecillity and indiſcretion from injury through their own imprudence, enables them to do binding act's for their own benefit ; and, without prejudice to themſelves, for the benefit of · ot bers. “ To mention: a.rule or two; the reaſons, of which are applicable to the . prefent cafe. “ If an infant does a. right act which he ought to do, which he was compel-- Táble to do, it ſhall bind him : as if he makes equal partition ; if he pays rent; if he admits a copyholder upon a ſurrender.. But there is no occafton to enu, 3 Burr, 1794. enumerate WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 381. 6 merate inſtances. The authorities are expreſs; and the reaſon, deciſive generally, whatſoever an infant is bound to do by law, the ſame ſhall. bind him, albeit.he. doth it without ſuit of law * - The 2d reſolution in Conny's caſe you is, “ that although the infant in the caſe at bar was not compellable to attorn, becauſe the manor was not con- veyed by.fine; yet, becauſè. by a Mean he was compellable to attorn, -ſci- licet if a fine had been levied, the attornment was good.' Forteſcue lays it down Iarger, 18 H. VI. fo. 2. a.. He did but that which he ought to do :: therefore the attornment is good.' 66 The attornment of an infant to a grant by deed is good; becauſe it is co- lawful act : albeit he be not, upon that grant by deed, compellable to ata torn.” Co. Litt. 315. a. The reaſon is manifefta right and lawful act is not within the reafon of the privilege, which is given, to protect infants from wrong. His being compellable by any mean, or in any way to do it, proves the act to be ſubſtantially what he ought to do. “ In the caſe of Holt verſus Ward--the infant's being compellable by the Eccleſiaſtical Court would have anſwered the objection made there, as much as her being compellable. by the Common Law;, therefore civilians were heard.. “ To what end ſhould the law permit a minor to avoid an act, which, in any way, through any mean, by, any juriſdiction, he might be compelled to-- do over again, after it was undone? It would be aſſiſting him to vex and in-- jure.others, without the leaſt benefit to himſelf. " Another. rule, which may be collected from the books, is, that the acts of an infant, which do not touch his intereft, but take effect from an · authority which he is trufted to exerciſe, are binding :' as, where an infant- patron preſents ; an infant-executor. duly receives and acquits, pays and ad- miniſters the aſſets ; an infant-head of a corporation joins in corporate-acts ; an infant-officer does the duty of an office which he may hold. “ A third rule. deducible from the nature of the privilege, which is given as. a.ſhield and not as a ſword, is, that it never ſhall be turned into an offenſive weapon of fraud or injuſtice.' As where tenant for life and infant. t * Co. Litt. 172. a, - yfir 9 Co. 85.b. in 1 382 THE LIFE OF $ 1 1 in remainder levied a fine,--the infant reverſed the fine, as to himſelf, of the inheritance, for nonage : yet he ſhall be bound by his aſſent to the fine and joining in it, nor to enter for the forfeiture. And the fine was held good as to the eſtate of tenant for life, and reverſed quoad the infant only. Pigot verſus Ruſſel, 2 Leon. 108. Cro. Eliz. 124. S. C. " To ſee whether the reaſons of theſe rules are applicable in the pre- fent caſe, it is neceſſary to aſcertain what is in truth the nature of this tranſaction. “ Part of the perſonal eſtate of William Cook conſiſted of one hundred and nine pounds, due from John Bicknell, ſecured by a mortgage in fee. His widow and infant-ſon were joint executors, and refiduary legatees; and, as ſuch, intitled to this money. The fee which deſcended to the ſon was merely as a pledge for the money; beſides the money, the infant had no beneficial intereſt in the land whatſoever. Upon payment, he was bound to convey as the mortgagor ſhould direct. “ Conveying is no more than delivering up a ſécurity when it is ſatisfied. The money here was paid to the proper hand. “ An adult, under the ſame circumſtances, would have been guilty of a breach of truſt; if he had refuſed, he would have been compelled to do it, and would have been condemned in coſts for refuſing. “ By act of parliament 7 Ann. * the infant was compellable to do it, du- ring his minority. "" It is much ſtronger here, that the money was paid by the plaintiffs ; who, upon the faith of this conveyance, and the title-deeds produced by Bicknell the mortgagor, advanced more money. “ The whole beneficial eſtate belonged to Bicknell, after paying the one hundred and nine pounds. The infant's conveyance was matter of form, and in the nature of an authority, executed by Bicknell's direction, in favour of a third perſon who ventured his money upon the faith of it. “ It would be iniquitous in the infant to avoid it. It would be unjuſt to ſet up the privilege, to make an innocent man loſe his money, circumvented by his confidence in the infant's concurrence. * V. c. 19. § 2. 66 But cament t WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 383 S “ But it could not even have that effect. It would be nugatory, and without any effect. effect. For, if it was avoided, he muſt take the ſame convey- ance over again; he would be compelled to do it. A conveyance to the de- fendant would be a breach of truſt. “ By the caſe ſtated upon the firſt trial *, it did not appear that the in- fant's conveyance was a right act; ſuch as he ought, and was compellable to do. The court then ordered a new trial, to get a more correct ſtate of the caſe. Upon the ſecond trial, it now comes out clear, that the infant was ex- preſsly a truſtee for the plaintiffs. He was paid by them: upon the faith of the fee being in him they advanced more money. “ If the fee was in a ſtranger, the plaintiffs have the prior equity. If Thorne had been prior, his letting the mortgagor have the title-deeds might be ſufficient to postpone him; and the defendant had expreſs notice. 6. There can be no doubt that the infant was compellable to do what he has done. “ Upon the firſt queſtion, we are all of opinion, " that this conveyance binds the infant.' “ But, ſuppoſing it not binding againſt him, or thoſe who may ſtand in his place; “ The ſecond queſtion is, "whether the defendant can take advantage of the infancy; and, on that account, object to the conveyance ?'' “ This depends upon two points; ift, 'Whether this conveyance: be void, or voidable only?' 2dly, if voidable only, "Whether the infant, by his entry before the Aſſizes, had abſolutely avoided it?' " It is not ſettled, what is the true ground upon which an infani's deed is voidable only :-Whether the ſolemnity of the inſtrument is ſufficient;' or • it depends upon the ſemblance of benefit to the infant, from the matter of the deed upon the face of it. “As to the firſt, the ſolemnity of the inſtrument—we think the law is, as laid down by Perkins-That all ſuch gifts, grants, or deeds, made by infants, which do not take effect by delivery of his hand, are ucid ; but all * See the beginning of this caſe. ufo Sect. 12. gifts, 384 THE LIFE OF r . gifts, grants, or deeds, made by infants, by matter in deed or in wüting, which do take effe&l by delivery of his hand, are voidable, by himſelf, by bis heirs, and by thoſe who have his eſtate. The words which do, take effect arc an eſſential part of the definition ; and exclude letters of attorney, or deeds which delegate a mere power and.convey no intereft. 6c In Bro. Abr. Title “ Dum fuit infra-etatem, pl. I.. (which cites 46 Edw. III. 34.) it is noted that a dum fuit infra ætatem was admitted to lie of a rent; and yet, by ſome, the grant of an infant was void and not voidable.' But (ſays the book) it is not ſo ; for then this.action would not lie. And beſides, the delivery :of a deed can not be void, but only voidable. “There is no difference, in this reſpect, between a feoffment and deeds which convey an intereſt. The reaſon is the fame. “ The delivery of the deed muſt be in the preſence of witneſſes as much as the livery of ſeifin. The ceremony is as folemn. · The preſumption • that the witneſſes would not atteſt, if they ſaw him an infant,’ holds £qually as to both. 66 Littleton, who writes with great accuracy and preciſion, puts them - both-upon the ſame foot. He ſays *, “ If, before the age of twenty-one, any deed or feoffment, grant, releaſe, confirmation, obligation, or.other wri- ting: be made by any of them, &c.; all ſerve for nothing, and may be avoided.' " In 2 Inſt., 673, a. bargain and ſale. inrolled by an infant is denied to be matter of record which the infant muſt avoid during his minority; but the book ſays, “ he may avoid it when he will. ' “ An infant, or they who ſtand in his place, can not plead “ Non eft fạElum," and give the infancy in evidence; but they muſt plead the infancy Specially, to avoid the deed : and that plea avoids it, by.relation back to the delivery. The reaſon of this is, becauſe it has an operation from the deli- very; and not becauſe it has the form of a deed. « The deed of a feme-covert has the formi ; but ſhe may plead Non eft factum ;' becauſe it has no operation. i waren * Sect. 259. 66 The - 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 385 4 2 « The diſtinction between the deeds of femes-covèrt, and of infants, is important: the firſt, are void; the fecond voidable. " Perkins, Sect. 154. * ſays—. And it is to be known, that a deed cannot have and take effect at every delivery, as a deed; for, if the firſt delivery take any effect, the ſecond is void. As in cafe an infant make a deed and deliver the ſame as his deed, &c.; and afterwards, when he comes of füll age, delivers it again as his deed ; this ſecond delivery is void. But, if a married woman deliver a bond unto me, or other writing, as her deed ; this delivery is merely void; and therefore if, after the death of her huſband, The, being ſingle, deliver the ſame again unto me as her deed, the ſecond delivery is good and effectual.' *.6 Two objections were made at the bar to this propoſition ; at leaſt, in its extent. iſt, that leaſes by an infant, by deed, upon which no rent is reſerved, are abſolutely void: therefore the criterion, 'whether the deed is void or voidable,' does not depend upon the delivery; but upon the matter and contents whether it may poſſibly be for the infant's benefit.' 2dly, A ſurrender by an infant, by deed, is abſolutely void; therefore all deeds are not voidable only. “ As to the firſt, there are many obiter ſayings; but there is no ſufficient authority, clearly to outweigh the reaſons againſt this poſition. I cannot find a caſe adjudged ſingly upon this ground. What looks the likeſt to an authority, is the opinion of Wray and Southcote againſt Gawdy, in Hum- phreſton's caſe, 16 Eliz. Moore 105. and 2 Leon. 216 mp : but there the judgement was upon the rights and merits of the caſe, and not upon the point of the leaſe. The queſtion, as to the leaſe, aroſe upon the fictitious leaſe to try the infant leſſor of the plaintiff's title in ejectinent. The two (Wray and Southcote) held that, no rent being reſerved, there was no fem- blance of benefit' to the infant; whereas, in truth, it was greatly for his be nefit. The objection was turning his own privilege of infancy againſt him, to bar his recovering. Beſides, the leaſe was by parol. “But reaſon foon prevailed ; and it has been long ſettled, that an in- fant may make a leaſe, without rent, to try his title.' Very prejudicial leaſes 1 5 * Title, Faites ; page 32. . ho V. alſo S. C. in Benlo. 195. Owen 64. Dyer 337, a. Ddd 1 And. 40. may 386 THE LIFE OF may be made, though a nominal rent be reſerved ; and there may be moſt beneficial conſiderations for a leaſe, though no rent be reſerved. " What ſeems deciſive is, that the lefſee can in no caſe avoid the leafe on account of the infancy of the leſſor;' which ſhews it not to be void, but voidable only. And it is better for infants, that they ſhould have an election. “ As to the ſecond the authority of Lloyd * verſüs Gregory was cited : and ſayings arguendo, in Thompſon apo verfus Leach. - The caſe of Lloyd verſus Gregory was determined upon the ſpecial verdict, by three judges; of whom, Sir William Jones and Croke were two. “ Sir William Jones reports, that the ſecond leaſe being void, made an end of the queſtion; and that the judges gave no opinion upon the other points. “ The note in Croke does no ſay a word of the only ground of the judgement; but rather ſuppoſes the ſecond leaſe good, by arguing, that, there being no increaſe of term, or diminution of rent, it had no ſemblance of benefit.' Croke's note might be confounded with what paſſed upon the trial at bar; for, Roll ſtates ſayings to that effect upon the trial at bar. 1 Ro. Abr. 728 5. “ But Sir William Jones is certainly right; for, the ſecond leaſe was void. And no ſurrender, expreſs or implied, in order to, or in confideration of, a new leaſe, would bind, if the new leaſe is abſolutely void; for, the cauſe; ground, and condition, of the ſurrender fails. “ In Thompſon verfus Leach (which was a moſt favourable caſe for the plaintiff) much is ſaid, in argument, “to prove the ſurrender of an infant or lunatic to be void ;' to get rid of ſome doctrine laid down in Whitting- * Lloyd verfus Gregory is reported in Cro. Car. 502, and Sir William Jones, 405, and is abridged in 2 Ro. Abr. 24. Title « Faites," Letter I. pl. 6, and 495. Title “ Surrender," Letter F. pl. 7, and in 1 Ro. Abr. 728. Title “ Enfants," Letter B. pl. 2 and 3. met 3 Lev. 284. 2. Ventr. 198, 199, 3 Mod. 296, 301. 2 Salk. 618. Parliament Caſes 150. I Shower 296. Comberb. 438. 468. Carthew. 211. 435. Equity-Caſes abridged, pa. 278. Pl. 3. - 3 Salk. 300. 12 Mod. 173, and Holt 357, 623. . Cro. Jac. 502. ham's WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 387 1 ham's cafe *, . that the remainder-man, injured by the act, could not avoid it.' But more is ſaid to overturn that doctrine. There is no difference, in this reſpect, between the heir in tail and the remainder-man : neither claims under hiin whoſe act is in queſtion ; but both claim per formam doni. " In Palmer, 254 +, Dodderidge denies the doctrine ; and ſays, “he in remainder, and the donor, ſhall take advantage of infancy;' which is agreeable to Littleton's reaſoning, ſect. 635. It ſhould ſeem againſt reaſon, that a feoffment made by an infant ſhall grieve or hurt another, to take from them their entry, &c.' “ Suppoſe the compariſon between an infant and a man Non compos juſt (which it is not), the point of the ſurrender being void or voidable' was not neceſſary to the judgement in that caſe. “I know of no judgement, upon the ground that ſuch a ſurrender is void.' Moftundoubtedly, the other party can not ſay ſo. If an infant was to ſurrender an unprofitable leaſe ; and, after acceptance, the premiſſes ſhould be burnt, overflowed, or otherwife deſtroyed; the lefor never could ſay the ſurrender was void. There is no inſtance where the other party to a deed can object on account of infancy. Conſequently, the infant may let the ſurrender ſtand, or avoid it; which proves it to be voidable only. - If a new caſe ſhould ariſe, where it would be more beneficial to the in- fant that the deed ſhould be conſidered as void ;' if he night incur a for- feiture, or be ſubject to damages, or a breach of truſt, in reſpect of a third perſon, unleſs it was deemed void ; the reaſon of the privilege would warrant an exception, in ſuch caſe, to the general rule. “ Powers of Attorney are an exception to the general rule, as to deeds; and a power to receive ſeiſin is an exception to that. The end of the privilege is, to protect infants :' to that object, therefore, all the rules and their excep- tions muſt be directed “But be the point upon the ſolemnity of the delivery as it may (for there are reſpectable ſayings the other way); it is not neceſſary to our determina- tion. For we are all of opinion, that the one hundred and nine pounds feceived, and the other circumſtances of the tranſaction, ſhew a ſemblance G * 8 Co. 43• H. 45 Eliz. of In Darcy verſus Jackſon (to the third point of that caſe.) Ddd 2 of 1 :: 1 388 THE LIFE OF. 2nd Point of of benefit, fufficient to make it voidable only, upon the matter of the con- veyance. * If it be voidable only, the ſecond point is, whether the ſecond ge the infant, by his entry before the aflizes, (which appears neral queſtion. to be during his minority), has avoided it. " At the Common Law, the only conveyance in pais, of the freehold and inheritance of land, with tranſmutation of poffeffion, was by feoffment, If it was tortious, the diffeiſee was obliged to enter, to re-veſt his poffeffory title ; and then he might bring an action of treſpafs. So, in the caſe of feoffments by an infant; he might enter during his minority, to re-veſt his poffeffory right, for the ſake of the profits ; but ſtill the feoffiñent was voidable only; and he might elect to confirm it, when he attained his full age. “ The reaſon why an infant cannot bring any writ analogous to a Dum fuit infra ætatem, during his minority, is, that his election may not be bound by the judgement.' 6.6 Whether an entry: be of any uſe in the prefent caſe, is not material it is ſufficient, that it cannot have any larger effect than in the cafe of a feoffment. The infant is alive, ſtill a minor. The defendant can not elect for him ; he is a mere ſtranger, in every view; and has no eſtate affected by the conveyance. “We are all of opinion, that the plaintiffs ought to recover.' And it is well for the defendant we are of this opinion. He would get nothing by defeating the plaintiffs here ; for finally, in another mode of proceeding, the conveyance muſt be confirmed; and the defendant would be to pay all the coſts here and there... ..66 It is fortunate for the füitors on both ſides, when, conſiſtent with rules. and forms of proceeding, that juſtice, which muſt be the final determination of the queſtion, may be done in the firſt ſtage of the litigation. " The conſequence of what has been ſaid, is, that The Poftea muſt be delivered to the Plaintiffs.” . 1 Love Acres, on the demiſe of Mudge, againſt Bligh et Ux.. The Teſtator deviſes thus, as touching my worldly eſtate, I de- viſe the ſame as follows. I give to my wife M..51. to be paid year- lay 1 I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. . 389 ly out of my eſtate at G. Item, to T. M. and E. 51. each, to be paid twelve months after my deceaſe. Item, to my two ſons T. M. &c. R. M. whom I make my and ordain my role executors, all my lands and tenements freely to be enjoyed and ed alike. T. M. and R. M. are tenants in common, and take a fee. poffefl. 1 “Lord Mansfield. The principles by which this caſe muſt be governed, are ſettled by analogy to eſtabliſh rules reſpecting the limitation of eſtates. by deed at common law. · If a man by deed of conveyance at common law gives land to another generally, without words of limitation, the donee has only an eſtate for life. But I really believe, that almoſt every caſe deter- mined by this rule, as applied to a deviſe of lands in a will, has defeated the real intention of the teſtator. For, common people, and even others who have ſome knowledge of the law, do not diſtinguiſh between a bequeſt of perſonalty, and a deviſe of land or real eſtate. But, as they know when they give a man a horfe, they give it him for ever; ſo they think if they give a houſe or land, it will continue to be the ſole property of the perſon to whom they have left it. Notwithſtanding this, where there are no words of limitation, the court inuft determine in the caſe of a deviſe affecting real eſtate, that the deviſee has only an eſtate for life: becauſe the principle is fully ſettled and eſtabliſhed, and no conjecture of a private imagination can fhake a rule of law. But, as this rule of law has the effect I have juſt mentioned, of defeating the intention of the teſtator in almoſt every caſe that occurs; the court has laid hold of the generality of other expreffions in a will, where any ſuch can. be found, to take the deviſe out of this rule. Therefore, if a man ſays, • I give all my eſtate,' that has been conſtrued to paſs a fee: or, even if words of locality are added, as - all my eſtate in A, it has been held, that the whole of the teſtator's intereſt in ſuch particular lands will paſs, though no words of limitation are added. 2 P. Wm'sa 524: becauſe the law ſays, that the word, eſtate" comprehends not only the land or property which a man has, but alſo the intereſt he has in it. So, in a late caſe from Ireland *, the court had no difficulty in ſaying, that the words - all my. wordly ſubſtance,' in the introductory part of the will, meant every thing the teſtator had; and that * Hogan, ex dim. Wallis, verſus Jackſon, Cowp. 299 16 the 1 .390 THE LIFE OF ? the words all his real effe&ts,' in the fubſequent reſiduary deviſe, were equi- valent to worldly ſubſtance, and carried every thing to the reſiduary deviſee. In general, wherever there are words and expreſſions, either general or par- ticular, or clauſes in a will which the court can lay hold of, to enlarge the eſtate of a deviſee, they will do fo to effettuate the intention. But if the in- tention of the teſtator is doubtful, the rule of law muſt take place: ſo, if the court cannot find words in the will ſufficient to carry a fee, though they fhould themſelves be ſatisfied beyond the poſſibility of a doubt, as to what the intention of the party was, they muſt adhere to the rule of law. st Now, though the introduction of a will, declaring that a man means to make a diſpoſition of all bis worldly eſtate, is a ſtrong circumſtance, con- nected with other words, to explain the teſtator's intention of enlarging a particular eſtate, or of paſſing a fee where he has uſed no words of limita- tion, it will not do alone. And all the caſes cited in the argument, to Thew that the introductory words in this caſe would alone be ſufficient, fall ſhort of the mark; becauſe they contained other words clearly manifeſting the in- tention of the teſtator to paſs a fee. - The queſtion is always a queſtion of conſtruction, and depends upon obſervations naturally ariſing out of the will itſelf. And therefore, if in this caſe there are words in the will which denote an intention in the teſtator to give his fons more than an eſtate for life, the court will give effect to that intention...Now if a man deviſe lands to another, paying thereout rool. * any other grofs ſum, though he add no words of limitation, yet the deviſee ſhall have a fee: becauſe unleſs he were to take a fee, he cannot be ſure, of paying the rool. So if an eſtate be given to A. to be ſold for payments of debts and legacies , the purpoſe to be anſwered makes it a fee, without words of limitation. In ſhort, wherever any thing is directed to be done, which, ſtrictly ſpeaking, an eſtate for life only may not be ſufficient to anſwer, the court will imply a fee. “ Let us examine then the obſervations that ariſe upon this will.--The firſt material obſervation upon which it has been argued that the teſtator meant to give his younger ſons a fee in this caſe, is, a bequeſt to his wife of an annuity of 57. &c. which he gives thus: I give to my wife the ſum of 51. to be paid yearly out of my eſtate called Glose, and alſo one part of the dwelling-houſe with as much woodcroft home at her, as ſhe thall have need or * Wellock verſus Hammond. 2 Leo. 114. olie ift. Chan. Caſes 196-7 of, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 397 of, by my executors hereafter named.' It is clear, that in this deviſe fome word is miſplaced or left out; and where that is the caſe, if it be neceſſary to diſcover the intention of the teſtator, the court may ſupply it. Now the moſt obvious word to be ſupplied here, as it ſtrikes me, is the word “re- queſt;' at ber requeſt, would make the ſenſe complete. Then, as to the de- viſe itſelf, the 51. is directed to be paid by the executors out of the eſtate, and the wood is to be provided at all events; it therefore muſt be ſuppoſed to be brought home from off the eſtate. . But, if the executors were to take only an 'eſtate for life, they would not be able to pay the annuity during her life out of the profits only, or to furniſh all the wood ſhe might want; be- cauſe the ſtock on the eſtate might fall ſhort. It is but reaſonable therefore, to infer, that ſuch an intereſt was intended as would enable them to comply with the teſtator's directions, fully and completely, in every reſpect. “ It is not an immaterial obſeryation that has been made upon the deviſe over of the houſehold goods to the executors, to be equally divided between them as the teſtator expreſſes it, after my death,' which ſhould clearly have been after her death.' - The next obſervation ariſes upon the words whom I make my, and ordain, &c. The word my, without ſome addition, means nothing at all. It cannot mean executors, becauſe the teſtator has expreſſly inſerted that word afterwards. It ſeems, therefore, moſt natural and proper to inſert the word heirs. But I reſt upon the other grounds rather than upon the con- jecture how the blanks ſhould be filled up. The laſt obſervation is drawn from the words freely to be poleſed and en- joyed by them alike. Now the word “freely,' ſtrikes me as a very material word: for the teſtator has charged the eſtate with the payment of the annu- ity to his wife, &c. fo that he could not mean by the word “freely' to give it free of incumbrances. The free enjoyment, therefore, muſt mean, free from all limitations ; that is, the abſolute property of the eſtate. Upon theſe obſervations ariſing on the face of the will itſelf, coupled with the introductory clauſe; I am of opinion, upon the firſt queſtion, that the teſtator's intention was to give his ſons John and Robert a fee. If ſo, it is equally clear, upon the ſecond queſtion, that this is a tenancy in common. The word ' alike is the ſame as the word equally,' and, in the deviſe of the houſehold goods, the teſtator has made uſe of the word equally. Therefore the leffor of the plaintiff is entitled to a moiety. The three other judges concurred per Curiam. Judgement for the Plaintiff for one moiety. 1776. 392 THE LIFE OF 1776. The King againſt John Tubbs *. The power of impreſſing ſeamen, ſea-faring-men, and perſons whoſe occupations and callings are to work in veſſels and boats upon rivers, is founded upon immemorial uſage ; and there may be a legal right of exemption upon the ſame foundation. The legal enquiry as to facts which will or will not amount to proofs of ſuch exemption produced the following conſtitutional and energetic ſpeech : Lord Mansfield. “ I am very ſorry, that either of the reſpectable parties before the court, the city of London on the one hand, or the lords com- miffioners of the admiralty on the other, have been prevailed upon to agi- tate this queſtion. “ Of the utility of this man to the city of London, or to the lord mayor, no one can ſeriouſly ſpeak. A man retained to earn half a crown a day, without badge or livery, without any obligation upon him to attend; whoſe entrance into the ſervice of the lord mayor is voluntary, and who, if he chuſes to quit it for any other employment, creates no inconvenience to any body, or a difficulty to ſupply his place! Notwithſtanding this, if the city of London has a privilege of protecting thirty-one perſons from being im- preſſed, they have a right to infiſt upon ſuch privilege. On the other hand, where is the immenſe utility to the public ſervice with regard to theſe thirty- one perſons, whether they are impreſſed or not? It is impoſſible they can be an object. The utility therefore, in the one caſe or other, cannot be the ground of the preſent diſpute ; but it muſt have ariſen upon this : The city would not aſk, or take the exemption of this man as a favour, but inſiſt upon it as a right, and in a manner in which they never inſiſted upon it be- fore; and the admiralty, jealous of new rights of exemption being ſet up, would not grant it as a right. The real queſtion between them is, Whether there is a legal right of exemption or not? * Cowp. 512. 66 I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 393 " I was in hopes the court would have had an opportunity of inveſtigating this point to the bottom, inſtead of being urged to diſcuſs-it ſo inſtanta- neouſly, and without any evidence with regard to the foundation of the claim. I own, I wiſhed for a more deliberate conſideration upon the ſubject; but, being prevented of that, I am bound to ſay what my preſent ſenti- ments are. “ The power of preſſing is founded upon immemorial uſage, allowed for ages; if it be not ſo founded and allowed for ages, it can have no ground to ſtand upon, nor can it be vindicated' or juſtified by airy reafon but the ſafety of the ſtate ; and the practice is deduced from that trite maxim of the conſti- tutional faw of England, that private miſcliief had better be ſubmitted to, than public detriment and inconvenience ſhould enſue.” To be ſure there are inſtances where private men muſt give way to the public good. In every caſe of preſſing, every man muſt be very forry for the act, and for the ne- ceſſity which gives riſe to it. It ought therefore to be exerciſed with the greateſt moderation, and only upon the moſt cogent neceſſity'; and though it be a legal power, it may, like many others, be abuſed in the exerciſe of it: A bailiff may execute legal proceſs in ſuch a manner as the court would commit for. In like manner, the power of preſſing may be abuſed'; as by : preſſing the watermen of the ford mayor whilſt they are in the act of rowing him in his barge: And many other inſtances might be put. 66 Being founded in inmemorial uſage, there can be no doubt but there may be an exception out of it, on the fairie foundation, upon immemorial ufage: I therefore lay out of the cafe all that has been ſaid about the neceffity of an act of parliament to create an exemption, and likewiſe all that has been mentioned relative to the doubt ftated of the power of the crown to exempt by charter. If it were at all neceſſary to go into that queſtion here, it might be ſufficient to obſerve, that all the rights of the city have been confirmed by act of parliament; but what has been approved. by immemorial uſage allowed for ages, is always ſuppofed to have had a good beginning. Therefore, if the exception or exemption, ſtands upon that ground, it is as good as the inſtitution itſelf. .166The only queſtion upon what appears before us is, “Whether, in fact, there is evidence of ſuch uſage as a matter of right? I ſay, as a matter of right; for, it is well known, that many perſons have granted protections, E ec many . 1 1 1 394 : THE LIFE OF many having given badges, to, watermen, and have claimed that they ſhould be exempt. Peers have done it; and queſtions in the Houſe of Lords have ariſen upon it. Members of the Houſe of Commons have retained water- ment; and perhaps the Lords of the Admiralty may have paid regard to appli- cations made in behalf of ſuch men, and may have diſcharged them. So here, if the parties had cared to have made ſuch application, it might have been attended to, and coniplied with; for, as a matter of favour, it is im- poffible to ſuppoſe the Lords of the Admiralty would have made a moment's heſitation or diſpute ; but it is inſiſted on and claimed as a matter of right. “Let us ſee, therefore, whether this is an eſtabliſhed exemption of right. ** Every exemption throws the burthen heavier on thoſe who are ſubject to bear it. Therefore, for their fakes, as well as for the public ſervice, all exemptions ought to be examined and clearly ſet out. In the firſt place, it does not appear from any law-book, it does not appear from any hiſtory, it has not been ſuggeſted at the bar, that there is, throughout the whole king- dom, any other exemption by the common law. When I ſpeak of exemp- tion, I mean exemption out of the deſcription : for to ſuppoſe the uſage ex- tends to private gentlemen amuſing themſelves with yachts, &c. is abfurd. is Perſons liable muſt come purely within the deſcription of feamen, ſea-fa- ring men, &c. He therefore who is not within the deſcription, does not come within the uſage. The commiſſion is not to preſs landmen, or perſons of any other deſcription of life but ſuch men as are deſcribed to be ſea- faring men, &c. Officers are not within the deſcription. It is a very ſtrong circumſtance, therefore, that there is in fact no other exception ſtated or alluded to, which reſts upon the common law. There are many exemptions by ſtatute ; but they are grounded upon confiderations of public policy, at the particular times of their being made; and upon the circumſtances of its being in fact better for the ſervice, that the objects of thoſe acts ſhould be exempted, than that they fhould be ſubject to be preſſed; as apprentices, landmen entering voluntary, fiſhermen, all foreigners ; and in reſpect of theſe laſt-mentioned, the reaſon is very obvious; for, during the time of war, the Act of Navigation has been difpenfed with, and two-thirds of the crew of merchantmen have been allowed to be foreigners. Harpooners and others have been exempted. A line has been drawn with reſpect to the age; and many other inſtances might be put; but the exemption of thoſe, called the WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD.. 395 1 the watermən of the city of London is to be found in no ſtatute or common law book whatſoever. “ Let us fee, then, how the uſage ſtands upon the evidence now before the court. A certificate from the water-bailiff is produced, the contents of which have been read; and in the affidavits apprehenſions are ſtated of a re- puted cuſtom, that theſe thirty-one watermen are exempted from being im- preſſed. Four inſtances and no more are produced, which aroſe at differ- ent times ; and in reſpect of which this equivocal kind of fact is ſtated, that. four perſons were preſſed, and that upon application from the lord mayor to the Admiralty they were immediately, or ſoon after, diſcharged; but what the nature of the application was, whether requeſted as a matter of favour, or demanded as of right, is not ſtated. If requeſted as a matter of favour, it ,would have been very extraordinary for the Lords of the Admiralty to have refuſed it. Here the application is an application of right, by an order of court of the lord mayor and aldermen. As to three of the inſtances pro- duced, it is not aſcertained what they were ; nor is there any memorandum or mention made of them in the Admiralty books. As to the fourth, the man had ſo little idea of legal rigkit to be exempted, that he offered to find another perſon to ſerve in his room. And this is the only inſtance where the court fees the manner of the application. On the other hand, very ſtrong eirumſtances as to what has been the uſage; ariſe from the inſtructions which are given to the officers employed on the impreſs fervice, and which it would be unpardonable in the Admiralty to omit. In theſe inſtructions every known and eſtabliſhed legal mode of exemption is expreſsly taken .no- tice of and ſet out. In addition to this, it is ſworn by Mr. Stephens in his affidavit, that there never was any inſtruction given not to preſs the wa- termen of the city of London." If it were a legal right, the city ſhould have inſiſted on having that right taken notice of in the inſtructions. Even: par, ticular protections from the Navy and Victualling Office are taken notice of;. but there is no mention made of any protection from the lord mayor. with reſpect to his watermen. There is no inſtance of any officer upon the impreſs ſervice ever Having paid any regard to a water-bailiff's certificate, por any caſe produced where the city has taken it up as a matter of right, or infifted upon it as fuok in a court of juſtice. Therefore,. to give my opinion. upon the caſe.as at preſent: ſtated, and upon the mere fact, whether this: Ee. e. 2 . : 396 THE LIFE OF exemption as bere claimed iş, or is not, warranted by immemorial uſage, I lay it is. At the faine time this opinion is without prejudice to any future evi- dence to be adduced in ſupport of the claim, if any ſuch can be furniſhed.” ܕܕ 1 Bexwell againſt Chriſtie * An inveſtigation of the unfair practices made uſe of at auctions, and the principles which ought to prevail in fair ſales, took place in a cauſe wherein it was determined, that an action does not lie againſt an auctioneer for ſelling a horſe at the higheſt price bid for him, contrary to the owner's expreſs directions not to let hin go under a larger ſum named. Otherwiſe if the owner had directed the auctioneer to ſet the horſe up at ſuch a particular price, and not lower. Lord Mansfield. “ The matter in queſtion is in itſelf of ſmall value; but in reſpect of the principles by which it muſt be governed, it is a queſtion of great importance. Since the trial, I have mooted the point with many who are not lawyers, upon the morality and rectitude of the tranſaction. The queſtion is, whether a bidding, by the owner of goods, at a ſale, un der theſe conditions, viz. “ that the higheſt bidder ſhall be the purchaſer, and, if a diſpute ariſe, to be decided by a majority of the perſons preſent; is a bidding within the meaning of ſuch conditions of ſale. " There is no expreſs undertaking on the part of the defendant, nor is it, as has been ingeniouſly ſaid, a direction, that there ſhould be no bid- ding under 15l, which might be fair : but the direction given to the defen- dant is, - not to let the horſe go under 151. which implies that there might be a bidding under that ſum.' The queſtion then is, whether the owner can privately employ another perſon to bid for him.' The baſis of all dealings ought to be good faith; fo more eſpecially in theſe tranſactions, where the public are brought together upon a confidence that the articles ſet up to falë will be diſpoſed of to the higheſt real bidder : that could never be the caſe, if the owner might ſecretly and privately inhance the price, by a perſon em I 3 * Cowp: 395. ployed 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 397 ployed for that purpoſe"; yet tricks and practices of this kind daily increaſe, and grow ſo frequent, that good men give into the ways of the bad, and become diſhoneſt in their own defence. But ſuch a practice was never openly avowed. An owner of goods ſet up to ſale at an auction never yet bid in the room for himſelf. If ſuch a practice were allowed, no one would bid. It is a fraud upon the ſale, and upon the .public. The diſallowing it - is no hardſhip upon the owner. For, if he is unwilling that his goods ſhould go at an under price, he may order them to be ſet up at his own price, and not lower : ſuch a direction would be fair : or.he might do as was done by lord Aſhburnham, who fold a large eſtate by auction ; he had inſerted in the conditions of ſale, that he himſelf might bid once in the courſe of the fale: and he bid at once 15 or 20,000l. Such a condition is fair; becauſe the public are then appriſed, and know upon what terms they bid. In Hol- land it is the practice to bid downwards. - The queſtion then is, is ſuch a bidding fair ? If not, it is no argument to ſay, it is a frequent cuſtom. Gaming, ſtock-jobbing; and ſwindling, are frequent. But the law forbids them all. Suppoſe, there was an agreement to abate ſo much; which is the caſe where goods are ſold by one perſon in the trade to another; they abate ſometimes ten or fifteen per cent. agreement between the owner and bidder, at a ſale by auction, would be a groſs fraud. What is the nature of a ſale by auction ? It is, that the goods ſhall go to the higheſt real bidder. But there would be an end of that, if the owner might privately bid upon his own goods. There is no contract with the auctioneer : he is only an agent between buyer and ſeller. He may fairly bid for a third perſon who employs him ; but not for the owner. “ In this caſe there is another fraud put upon the public. For, by the catalogue, the goods are deſcribed to be the goods of a gentleman deceaſed, and fold by order of the executor.' Upon this repreſentation many people would attend to bid, on a ſuppoſition that the goods were neceſſarily to be fold at all events, whether valuable, or not valuable; whereas they might have their ſuſpicions, if they were the property of perſons living. Horſes, or any other ſpecies of property, belonging to perſons that are dead, are not ſo likely to be faulty, as thoſe which are parted with by perſons in their life- time. 6 We . 1 A 398 THE LIFE OF “ We all remember the ſale of a gentleman's wines *, where vaſt quan- trties had been ſent in belonging to other perſons: and all fold at a very high price, under an idea they were his. The conſequence was, moſt of the buyers were taken in. “ Therefore, upon full confideration, I am of opinion, that a bidding for the owner, in the manner contended for, and agreeable to the directions given in this cafe, would have been a fraud upon the ſale: and conſequently that this action againft the defendant, as auctioneer, cannot be maintained.” 1 In Eafter term, 1796, this determination was recognized by ford chief juſtice Kenyon, in the caſe of Howard and Caſtle, which was an action brought to recover the difference between a firſt and a ſecond ſale at an auction, wherein the very able ſucceſſor paid the following tribute of reſpect to his illuftrious predeceſſor, as he has frequently been pleaſed to define him. It was «. The caſe of Howard and Caſtle is ſimilar to that of Bexwell and Chriſtie, where lord Mansfield exhauſted the fubject, and had decided it on the no- Bleſt of all principles-to preſerve honeſty between man and man. happy for the public that, by the latter caſe, lord Mansfield's capacious mind had, quaſhed a great ſyſtem of fraud, by the precedent he had made, and which his fucceffor was very happy to follow.” * Mr. Bradſhaw 1 The WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 39.9 The ſound conſtruction of words in a deed is to effectuate the intention of parties, and not to counteract or deſtroy their real meaning. ! Pugh et Ux. againſt the Duke of Leeds. Godolphin Edwards, under a power reſerved in his mar- riage-ſettlement, to leaſe for twenty-one years in poleffion ; but not in reverfion ; grants a leaſe to his only daughter for twenty- one years, to commence from the day of the date_adjudged a good Jeaſe. The word "from" may mean either inclufive or excluſive, according to the context and fubje£t-matter ; and the court will conſtrue it ſo as to effe Etuate the deeds of parties, and not deſtroy them. The juriſprudent will, in the following argumentative-ſpeech, have the pleaſure of finding the diapprobation of the lord chief juſtice very pointed and ſtrong againſt the practice of entangling property in nets of form. Lord Mansfield. “ The caſes that have been determined here, went very . much againſt my opinion, and that of the court. They were determined upon the authority of the counteſs of Portland's caſe, in the Exchequer, fup- pofing the point to have been ſettled by that determination. But I have ſince had occaſion to re-confider the queſtion. I think the ground upon which it went, and the caſes there cited, have been miſtaken. It is that a folemn judgement ſhould be given upon a point that has been fo mucha confounded." The court ordered it to ſtand over. Nov. 28, 1777. Afterwards, on this day, being the laſt day of the term, lord Mansfield delivered the opinion of the court as follows : “ This caſe was an iſſue to try, whether a leaſe made by one Godolphin Edwards, bearing date the roth of October, 1765, was a good or a bad leaſe. The caſe went down to a trial, and ſeveral objections were raiſed; but they were all given up except one, which was this, that the leaſe was made for twenty-one years, to commence from the day of the date.' It ariſes on a 5 very fit mar 7 400 THE LIFE OF . 1 marriage-ſettlement in the year 1724, by which a power is reſerved to Godol- phin Edwards to make leaſes, with many reſtrictions and qualifications; and amongſt the reſt the following, that they were not to be in reverſion, re. mainder, or expectancy.' And therefore the queſtion is, 'Whether this be a leaſe in poffeffion?' And it turns upon this, Whether to coinmence from the day of the date in this deed is to be conſtrued incluſive or excluſive of the day it bears date? I will firſt conſider it as ſuppofing this a new queſtion, and that there never had exiſted any litigation concerning it. In that light the whole will turn upon a point of conſtruction of the particle from.' The power requires no preciſe form to deſcribe the commencement of the leaſe, the law requires no technical form. All that is required, is only enouglr to Thew, that it is a leafe in poſſeſſion, and not in reverſion ; and therefore if the words uſed are ſufficient for that purpoſe, the leaſe will be a good and valid leaſe. “ In grammatical ſtrictneſs, and in the niceſt propriety of ſpeech that the Engliſh language admits of; the fenfe of the word “ from' inuſt always depend upon the context and ſubject-matter, whether it ſhall be conſtrued incluſive ar-excluſive of the tenninus a quo : and whilſt the gentlemen of the bar were arguing this cafe, a hundred inſtances and more occurred to me, both in verſe and profe, where it is uſed both incluſively and excluſively. If the parties in the preſent caſe had added the word incluſive' or ' excluſive,' the matter would have been very clear. If they had ſaid, “from the day of the date incluſive,' the term would have commenced immediately ; if they had faid · from the day of the date excluſive, it would have commenced the next day. But let us fee whether the context and ſubject-matter in this caſe do not Thew, that the conſtruction here ſhould be incluſive, as demonſtrably as if the word incluſive had been added. This is a leaſe under a power, the leaſe refers to the power, and the power requires that the leaſe ſhould be a leaſe in poſeſion. The validity of it depends upon its being in poffeffion, and it is made as a provifion for an only daughter. He muſt therefore intend to make a good leaſe. The expreſſion then, compared with the circumſtances, is as ſtrong in reſpect of what his intention was, as if he had ſaid in expreſs words, “I mean it as a leaſe in poſſeſſion, I mean it ſhall be ſo conſtrued ; if 1 1 1 WILLIAM: EARL OF MANSFIELD.. 401 If it is ſo conſtrued, the word “fron’ muſt be incluſive. This conſtruction is to ſupport the deeds of parties, to give effect to their intention, and to protect property. The other is a ſubtlety, to overturn property, and to de- feat the intention of parties, without anſwering any one good end or purpoſe whatſoever. And though Courts of Juſtice are fometimes' obliged to decide againſt the convenience, and even againſt the feetning right, of private per- fons, yet it is always in favour of ſome great public benefit. But here to conſtrue. - from the day of the date to be exclufive, can only be to defeat the intention of the parties. If ſuch a conſtruction were right, it would hold good, ſuppoſing the leſſee had laid out ever ſo inuch money upon the eſtate ; and all would be alike defeated by a mere blunder of the attorney or his clerk. Therefore, if the caſe ſtood clear of every queſtion or deciſion which has existed, it could rot bear a moment's argument. Secondly, I will conſider this queſtion upon the authorities. I have arranged all the caſes that have been determined in Weſtminſter Hall, in order of time; and, when I come to ſtate them, you will be ſurprized to ſee they ſtand ſo little in the way, as binding authorities, againſt juſtice, reaſon, and comınon ſenſe. All they ſhew is, the great uncertainty of the meaning, and the im- poffibility of putting an abſolute ſenſe to hold good in caſes; they are them- felives ſo many contradictions backwards and forwards." Although a minute enumeration is avoided of all the caſes on this ſubject which had been determined in the courſe of ſeveral centuries, and which the juriſprudent: will find in Mr. Douglas's Reports, 718. to 722 both incluſive ; yet the laſt of theſe caſes is too important to be paſſed over. " In 1743 there happened a caſe of great litigation in the Exchequer, which aroſe thus. Lord Pembroke had got a leaſe from the crown of a ſpot of ground in Privy Garden, and had built a houſe upon it at a great expence. The counteſs of Portland had alſo a leaſe of an adjoining ſpot, and had built her houſe next to lord Pembroke’s. There was another houſe belonging to the ducheſs of Portland adjoining lady Portland's; all three held under the crown. Between the three houſes and the River Thames, there was a ter- race, which had been part of the queen's garden. Neither of them thought of applying for the terrace'; and it would have been thought invidious to Fff have -- 1 402 THE LIFE OF have done ſo. It was to be in coinmon. Upon the circumſtance of this terrace, lord Pembroke laid out a conſiderable ſum of money upon his houſe. At the expiration, however, of her leaſe, the counteſs of Portland applied to renew ;' a new leaſe of fifty years was granted, in which, with- out notice to lord Pembroke, ſhe got the terrace inſerted and added. When lord Pembroke heard of it, he was much offended, but ſtill more ſo at the uſe that was made of it; for, the counteſs planted trees, which, if they had grown up, would have intercepted lord Pembroke's view ; however, ſome fatality attended them, for they all died after a certain time. Lord Pem- broke wanted to avoid this leaſe ; not to take away lady Portland's houſe, but to get back the terrace, and leave it in the ſtate it was before. Appli- cation was accordingly made to the officers of the crown about it; and at laſt the attorney-general was directed to file an information for the terrace; and an information was accordingly filed in the Exchequer. A variety of objections were made to different flaws, ſuppoſed in the leaſe; but the prin- cipal objection was found upon the Civil-lift act, 1 Anne, ſt. 1. c.7. which directs, that all leaſes to be granted of any of the crown-lands ſhall be yoid, . unleſs made to commence from the date or making. This leaſe was made to commence from the day of the date or making.' Upon this it was argued for the crown, that the date and the day of the making were incluſive; and that the act of parliament had expreſsly declared the leaſe Tould be in thoſe terms; but that from the day of the date was excluſive, and therefore the leaſe was void for the variance.' On the part of the counteſs it was contended, that from the date,' and from the day of the date,' were both the ſame. Upon the argument, all the caſes were cited that have been now cited, ex- cept the two I have mentioned. Sir Thoinas Parker, and Mr. Baron Rey- nolds, were of opinion, with the objection, that it was a void leaſe becauſe it commenced in futuro. The two other barons were of a different opinion upon this point; but, upon another point, they were of opinion the leaſe was void. Sir Thomas Parker, and Mr. Baron Reynolds, to the contrary'; ſo that, for different reaſons, they were all of opinion the leaſe was void. Upon a caſe, which happened in this court * ſince, this caſe between lord Pembroke and the counteſs of Portland was mentioned. Upon memory, as * Doe ex Dem. Baynton verſus Watton, Cowp. 189. the WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 403 the judgement appeared to me in ſo unfavourable a light, I took it for granted that the court had been as it were compelled by the weight and force of authorities. But now I will tell you why I change my opinion, after having determined the caſe of Doe verſus Watton as I then did, out of a great veneration for Sir Thomas Parker, and becauſe I did not care to ſet up an opinion of my own againſt a ſolemn judgement. Sir Thomas Parker intending to favour the world with the publication of ſome caſes that were adjudged in his time, he did me the honor to deſire I would peruſe thein. I have done ſo; and reading a very elaborate report of the counteſs of Port- land's caſe, it brought back to me in a regular view the whole doctrine upon the preſent ſubject. There I ſaw how the authorities ſtood; and I likewiſe found another thing mentioned in that caſe, which ſeems to me not to have been properly argued at the bar by the counſel in ſupport of the leaſe. It is this: the parties concerned had ſearched all the leaſes from the time of the Civil-liſt Act down to the moment of that upon which the queſtion was then in agitation ; and they were nearly half the one way and half the other; eighty were granted from the date or making,' and above ſeventy from the day of the date of making. All theſe leaſes had paſſed the great ſeal, and likewiſe the ſeal of the Exchequer. The argument drawn from this circumſtance was, that uſage ſhould get the better and prevail over the act of parliament, which was in fact an admiſſion at the ſame time by implication, that ' from the day of the date' was contrary to the act. It ſtruck me in a different light, which is, that the queſtion turned upon the conſtruction of the Engliſh words, and what ſenſe they bore. If I was right, nothing can be ſo ſtrong as that all the officers of the crown, who had been corncerned in making theſe leafes, looked upon the words as ſyn- onyinous, and ſuffered them to paſs and repaſs unnoticed. It is demon- ſtration, that, by uſing both indifferently, they underſtood them to be both the ſame thing. " I mentioned this to Sir Thomas Parker, and found my opinion ſup- ported by Sir Eardley Wilmot. Sir Thomas Parker, with that candour which always accompanies great abilities, gave ſo far way to it, that he had doubts upon the determination. He therefore ſuppreſſed the report of the attorney-general verſus the counteſs of Portland.; and I would not have pre- duced it upon this occaſion, but that he has given me leave to mention his Fff 2 nanic 404 THE LIFE OF name as approving of the preſent determination. This relieves me from the difficulty I- ſhould have had in differing from his authority. " To conclude : the ground of the opinion and judgement which I now deliver is, that " from' may in the vulgar uſe, and even in the ſtricteſt propriety of language, mean either incluſive or excluſive. That the parties neceſſarily underſtood and uſed it in that fenfe which made their deed ef- fectual. That the courts of juſtice are to conſtrue the words of parties fo as to effectuate their deeds, and not to deſtroy them ;: more eſpecially where the words themſelves abſtractedly may admit of either meaning. 6. If there was nothing more in queſtion than that all the law-officers concerned had, in the above-mentioned cafes, conſidered the two ex-. preſſions as ſynonymous, that would be ſufficient to guide my opinion ;- therefore let there be judgement for the plaintiff. “ I ſhould ſay farther, that inſtantly, upon what paſſed between Sir Tho. mas Parker and myſelf, I acquainted fome of the counſel at the bar that · there was a change of opinion, as to the authority of the caſe in the. Ex- chequer." 1779 Upon an application to the Legiſlature, at this period of tiine, for a Divorce-bill; a noble lord very converſant in pedigrees, and attentive to claims of pêerage, took notice, that the lady whoſe miſconduct and incontinency gave riſe to the bill, was in the title of the bill, and not only in limine, but alſo in the bill throughout, deſcribed baroneſs Conyers, without having ſtrictly complied with the ſtanding order of the houſe reſpecting the claim of peerage. This ſtanding order is ſuppoſed to have been made ſome years ago, on the motion of the late earl of Egmont, and to have been introduced by a very learned, eloquent, and ela- borate diſquiſition of the dignity of the Britith peerage, and the great propriety, wiſdom, and neceſſity, of ſtrict attention, to the obſervance of rule and order in all future diſcuſſion, in the Houſe of Lords, of claims to any branch of the peerage. The :: WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 405 1 : The previous proofs and ceremonies required by the above- mentioned ſtanding order, prompted and compelled the noble peer, however reluctantly, to oppoſe the uſual proceedings in the farther progreſs of the bill, until the proofs required by that order were regularly made, or rendered unneceſſary to be made, by an alteration in the bill of the ſtyle and title of the lady: :. A long and learned debate took place. The law-lords in ſuc- ceffion endeavoured to convince the noble: earl who made the ob- jection of the ſolid diſtinction between an actual claim of peer-- age, and the ſtyle and"title barely affumed by the lady in the preſent bill. The earl of Mansfield himſelf, even with his uſual diſplay of eloquence, failed in his repeated efforts to induce the noble lord who objected to the progreſs of the bill to wave his : objection. At this period, and in this painful ſuſpenſion, the venerable father (of the noble marquis), who was greatly advanced in years, and much indiſpoſed, had, in addition to theſe infirmities, the preſſure of a diſturbed mind, in hearing from day to day, that his fon's bill met with an unexpected oppoſition, reſpecting the forms and ſtanding orders of the houfe: Towards the cloſe of the third day, a noble lord who had many years preſided in committees on private bills, did the author of: theſe ſheets the honor to come down to the bar, and lament that nothing could be hit off, by the counfel for the bill, to take off the noble lord's objection. A fair occaſion this, for the Author, who had the honor of ſettling the bill as counſel for the mar- quis, to ſuggeſt, that in Lord Clarendon's Hiſtory, the famous, or rather infamous, lady. Roos is thus recorded--that, in a bill in par- liament, her injured huſband aſſumed the ſtyle and title of baron Roos; which title not having been then regularly eſtabliſhed, proviſion was deemed neceſſary to be made; and it was accord- inglý provided and declared, that the ſame ſhould neither weaken or deſtroy, nor in any degree ſtrengthen or confirm,. the claim of ! monte 406 THE LIFE OF > of the petitioner to the barony of Roos, but that ſuch claim ſhould remain, as if no ſuch act had been made. Pleaſed with any proſpect of ſucceſs, however diſtant or im- probable, the ſimple tale was told to the earl of Mansfield, who was pleaſed to ſend the aſſiſtant-clerk of the houſe again and again to the author, to learn all the material circumſtances. Few were neceſſary, in his lordſhip’s fertile and perſpicuous mind, to enable him to form a clear, comprehenſive, and convin- cing ſpeech. He roſe, and calmly obſerved, ' how much their lordſhips were indebted to the noble lord, for his unremitted attention, to pre- ſerve in the greateſt purity every recognition of, and every claim of title to, a British peerage. The great benefit which had flowed from that perſeverance on the one hand, and from the praiſe- worthy patience of the Houſe on the other, in the preſent buſi- neſs, during a diſcuſſion of ſeveral days, would be obvious to all who heard him, when, in addition to all that had been already advanced by inany lords in the courſe of the debate, antient re- cords and modern hiſtory had been reſorted to, and even ran- ſacked, which he conceived could not fail to diffuſe a pleaſing light over, and diſſipate every ſhadow of doubt which had en- veloped, the preſent buſineſs. * Your lordſhips,' he farther ob- ſerved, “all have a perfect recollection of lord Clarendon's anec- dote of a famous lady Roos, who declared, “that, if ſhe thought any child of hers had a drop of the blood of the Manners's in its veins, ſhe would herſelf open the vein, and let it out.' “ To turn our eyes from this high-ſpirited lady, and fix them more uſefully on her injured huſband, who was ſtyled Lord Roos in the bill then depending in parliament-we find that, in an- cient times, lords of order have ever been attentive to preſerve the purity of the claim of an antient barony, or of any higher line in the peerage. The wiſdom of thoſe lords of order gave birth to a faving clauſe, which he who runs may read : 6 Pro- 2 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 407 1 1 “ Provided always, and it is hereby enacted and declared, that nothing in this act contained ſhall extend or be deemed to extend, either to eſtabliſh and confirm, or to prejudice or defeat, the right, title, or claim of the ſaid or his heirs, of, or to, the barony of Roos, or any pri- vilege or precedence in reſpect thereof." No ſooner had this conciſe wonder-working clauſe been read, than the Earl of Mansfield emphatically obſerved, 'that he had ſo high an opinion of the candor and abilities of the noble lord, who had not only made, but who had very laudably perſevered in, his objection, as to be fully perſuaded, that the motion which he ſhould immediately have the honor to make would be highly approved of; and would, poſſibly, be ſeconded by the noble peer himſelf. The motion of courſe was, that a ſimilar clauſe ſhould be in-- troduced into the bill, then depending, that it ſhould neither eſtabliſh and confirm, nor prejudice or defeat, the right, title, or claim, of the ſaid lady Amelia Darcy, or her heirs, of or to the barony of Conyers, or any privilege or precedence in reſpect thereof.' The noble lord who oppoſed the progreſs of the bill very can- didly admitted, that the caſes were ſo appoſite, as to-recommend the motion very forcibly, and that the moſt pleaſing proof he could give of his entire approbation was, to adopt the advice of the great law-lord, and ſecond the motion ; which being done, the bill travelled quietly through the Houſe, and paſſed into a: law.. 1780. 3 -408 THE LIFE OF 1 1780. f t We now approach to a period which produces an event dif- graceful to the age and country in which the fact was com- mitted. An union of folly, enthuſiaſın, and knavery, had excited alarms in the minds of ſome weak people, that encouragements were given to the profeſſors of the Catholic faith, inconſiſtent with the Proteſtant religion and true policy. · The act of parliament which excited this clamour had paſſed with little oppoſition through both Houſes, and had not received any extraordinary ſupport from lord Mansfield. But the minds of the public were enflamed by artful repreſentations, and the rage of deluded mobs was directed againſt the moſt eminent per- fons in the kingdom. Who could have thought that ſuch outrages would have dif- graced ſo enlightened a period as 1780? Poſterity will ſcarcely credit the audacious threatenings of this memorable year—a year pregnant with miſchiefs, rapine, and riots, which were practiſed, and perpetrated, not only in the ſhades of-night, where riot and confuſion are generally hatched, and where theſe peſts of ſociety love to dwell, but even in the very face of noon-day. A year ever to be remembered with aſtoniſhment and horror. With aſtoniſhment, when it is conſidered by what a ſmall number of rioters, and by what pigmy-champions in general, houſes were demoliſhed, contributions levied openly in the moſt public ſquares; and the doors and gates of the ſtrongeſt priſons, Newgate itſelf not excepted, opened wide to pour forth new forces well trained and ready to enter upon the moſt deſperate ſervice * 1 * Fortunately for the public weal fome time was taken in theſe irregular attacks; ſo that there was room for recollection and preparation againſt their attempt on the great repoſitory of national wealth, the Bank of England. With WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 409 2 With horror, as long as the many calamitous circumſtances are recollected to which each day of riot gave birth; one of which, not only Weſtminſter-Hall in general, but every intelligent rea- der will ſeriouſly lamient, and which the author of theſe ſheets muſt ab imo corde ever deplore ; from his knowlege of the invalu- able loſs of books and manuſcripts which periſhed in the confla- gration of the earl of Mansfield's houſe, and which would have diffuſed a ſplendor over theſe pages, which cannot by any poſſi- bility now be caft, elucidated, or ſupplied. The rich fruits of many years fine harveſts were in a moment deſtroyed ; and nothing but poor gleanings, in private ſtudies, are left for the labourer of the preſent day. This annus mirabilis, 1780, cannot fail to excite curioſity in readers of every denomination. · A faithful detail of the ruinous confuſion, which was happily put an end to in a very few days, may, when contraſted with the complete anarchy of late years, pregnant with the moſt dreadful outrages, murders, and aſſaffi- nations, in another country, not only ſtamp a degree of credibility on the moſt extravagant, and ſeemingly incredible events of the riots in London in 1780, but alſo fully evince this great truth- that, from whatever cauſes riot and anarchy ſpring, the effects will (if they are not ſeriouſly and timely prevented) be invariably the ſame-will, like Pandora's box, diffuſe far and wide the evils of deſolation, miſery, and ruin! But, as it is foreign to the purpoſe of this publication to write or even attempt to portray a faint ſketch of hiſtorical events, the author muſt beg permiſſion to confine his obfervations on this memorable period to ſuch a plain detail of facts as fell within his own knowledge on the one hand, and as will throw light on ſuch tranſactions wherein the earl of Mansfield was either in his private or judicial capacity principally and perſonally intereſted. I I > Gögg On 1 ) more 410 THE LIFE OF On the evening of the ſecond day's riot, Sir John Hawkins, Mr. Brookſbank, and another magiſtrate for the county of Middleſex, diſcharged their duty as vigilant magiſtrates, by waiting on the Iord chief juſtice of England at his houſe in Bloomſbury-ſquare. They found his lordſhip in conference with his very reſpectable and near neighbour the archbiſhop of York. Their painful em- baſſy was, to announce that the avowed deſign of the rioters * that evening was to deſtroy by fire the houſes of the lord chancellor, and lord chief juſtice, and one or two more, which were marked, and then well-known. The magiſtrates having made an humble tender of their aſſiſtance and advice; the lord chief juſtice aſked (as the author was credibly informed), what his grace the arch- biſhop propoſed to do. The anſwer was worthy of a Briton: “ To defend myſelf and my family in my own manſion, while I have an arm to be raiſed in their defence.” The reply was, “ 'Tis nobly ſaid ; but, while an archbiſhop, like a true church. militant, is ſtrong enough to protect himſelf--a feebler man, and an old man muſt look up to the civil power for protection.” This conceſſion having been made, the magiſtrates took a fair occaſion to recom- mend the admiſſion of a detachment of the guards into the houſe ; but whether the noble owner thought their admiſſion might make the enraged mob more deſperate, or that it would be more efficient to keep the guards at a ſmall diſtance, in the veſtry-room of Bloomſbury church, until they were really wanted, is not in the power of the author to determine. The lord high chancellor preferred the admiſſion of a ſerjeant's guard into his houſe in Great Ormond-Street; and by the circuitous marches of this fmal body of men from Ormond Street to the duke of. Bolton's, and counter-marches from Bolton-houſe to Ormond-ſtreet, in a . * Strange to tell, they made no ſcruple of avowing fiom time to time who were the victims, on whom they meant to wreak their. vengeance. 5 very WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 411 مد very ſhort ſpace of time, the rioters had every reaſon to believe, and one of them was heard to proclaim to his brethren, “ the Chancellor's houſe is brim full of the guards ;” and emphatically to exclaim, “ 'Tis d-d fooliſh to run our breaſts againſt bayo- nets-d'ye ſee how they are ready to pink us at the parlour-win- dows?” Theſe pithy exclamations, and the ſight of a few pcinted bayonets, had a wonderful effect. And the captain of the com- pany of guards, who was my author, told me with ſome humour, that, as detachments of the guards were wanted in almoſt every part of the metropolis, he thought it fair to play the old ſoldier, and to multiply his handful of men in the beſt manner he was able. A garden-door in the lord chancellor's houſe, which com- municated with the fields, was very convenient for this purpoſe. He placed three or four centinels at the parlour-windows, as has been noticed ; and all the reſt, being uſhered through the garden into the fields, wheel'd round by the duke of Bolton's houſe and Queen’s-ſquare to Ormond-ſtreet again. But, ere they re-entered, the few rioters then aſſembled heard the captain of the guard aſk the corporal, “When will the next detachment arrive?” The anſwer was, “ Pleaſe your honor, in a trice—they are almoſt in fight.” The corporal could ſpeak with greater preciſion, ſince in fact the men had hardly been ever out of his fight--though perfectly concealed by art, as if under the fable cloud of night; from the rioters ; by one of whom, probably their captain, the watch-word was given, * Let us decamp to the ** corner of Bloomſbury.” The fatal conſequence is too well known; and the irreparable loſs of all lord Mansfield's books and manuſcripts, we repeat, with ſorrow, is ever to be deplored. In this inſtance we can only lament, that ſo great a lawyer and ſtateſman was not, in this hour of imminent danger, fo great a general as the then lord chancellor. Gg.82 So 412 THE LIFE OF So unexpected was this daring outrage on order and govern- ment, that it burſt on lord Mansfield without his being prepared in the ſlighteſt manner to reſiſt it. He eſcaped with his life only, and retired to a place of ſafety, where he remained ſome time. On the 14th day of June, the laſt day of term, he again took his ſeat in the court of King's Bench. “ The reverential filence," ſays Mr. Douglas, 6s which was obſerved when his 'lordihip re- ſumed his place on the Bench, was expreſſive of ſentiments of condolence and reſpect, more affecting than the moſt eloquent ad- dreſs the occaſion could have ſuggeſted."" The amount of lord Mansfield's lofs which might have been eſtimated, and was capable of a compenſation in money, is known to have been very great. This he had a right to recover againſt the hundred. Many others had taken that courſe ; but his lord- ſhip thought it more conſiſtent with the dignity of his character, not to reſort to the indemnification provided by the legiſlature: . His ſentiments on the ſubject of a reparation from the ſtate were communicated to the board of works in a letter, dated 18th of July, 1780, written in conſequence of an application which they had made to him, as one of the principal ſufferers, purſuant: to directions from the Treaſury, founded on a vote of the Houſe of Commons: “Beſides what is irreparable, my pecuniary loſs is great. I apprehended no danger, and therefore took no precaution ; but, how great foever that loſs may be, I think it does not become ine to claim or expect reparation from the ſtate. I have made up my mind to my misfortune as I ought, with this conſolation, that it came from thoſe whoſe object manifeſtly was general con-. fuſion and deſtruction at home, in addition to a dangerous and complicated war abroad. If I ſhould lay before you any account or computation of the pecuniary damage I have ſuſtained, it might feem a claim, or expectation of being indemnified. Therefore, you will have no farther trouble, uponi this ſubject, from, &c. MANSFIELD. Biſhop WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 413 Biſhop Newton, in his own Life and Anecdotes, ſpeaking of the diſtreſſes and miſeries brought upon his country in the Spring 1780, pointedly obſerves, - That the fury of the mob was directed principally againſt thoſe who had no hand in the bill, was diſcharged chiefly upon the friends of government, and particularly upon the great and venerable diſpenſer of law and juſtice, who , was not even preſent at any reading of the bill, and, having himſelf injured no man, concluded, in the integrity. of his heart, that no man would injure him. As he reſembled the great Roman orator in ſeveral particulars, ſo in this among others; for, Cicero's houſe was, in like manner, ſet on fire and pulled down by the wicked faction of the profligate Clodius. It was really wonderful, after ſuch a ſhock as he had received, that he could ſo foon re- collect himſelf, and ſo far ſummon up his faculties, as to make one of the fineſt and ableſt ſpeeches that ever was heard in parliament, to juſtify the legality of the late proceedings on the part of government, to deinonſtrate that no royal prerogative had been exerted, no martial law had been exer- ciféd, nothing had been done but what every man, civil or military, had a right to do in the like caſes, I ſpeak not from books,' ſaid he, for books I have none,' having been all conſumed in the fire. The effects of his ſpeech. were the admiration and conviction of all who heard him, and put an end to. the debate without a diviſion. Lord. Mansfield never appeared greater in any action of his life." 9. The great Ruler of the Univerſe can, however, educe good out of evil.-Et, fi licet parva componere magnis--the following anec- dote which had its birth, phenix-like, from the aſhes of the riots, will probably be acceptable by way of note to the juriſ-. prudent. . Before the Reſtoration of good order, all the houſes in Ormond-Street, and probably in many other ſtreets and ſquares, had ſome portion of the guards billeted on them, as it were for their protection. The author, on that occaſion, had the honor of receiving a meſſage from one high in power, com- municated to him by the alert and much-beloved captain Strickland, after- wards promoted to higher rank in his profeſſion, but now, alạs ! no more: The purport of this meſſage was, to procure, if it was practicable, temporary barracks, 2 1 . 414 THE LIFE OF barracks or lodgings for the military in the colonades of the Foundling-Hof- pital. Fortunately the application was made on a Wedneſday, the only day in the week when the general committee meets; and it was more flattering to the author to return a ſatisfactory anſwer, that the buſineſs was already done, the fame thought having occurred to himſelf, and the application had been followed with immediate orders for their reception. On tliis occaſion, the then treaſurer of the hoſpital, Mr. Whatley, ever attentive to the intereſts of the hoſpital, put the following queſtion : “ Sir, as you have ſucceeded in your ſuit, pray tell me, whether two exe- cutors, who want proof from our books of the death of a foundling-child, and who have given your treaſurer much trouble, may not be brought to give five guineas to the charity?" The cauſe on which this important queſtion was put was ſimply this. A diſciple, or, in plainer terms, an apprentice of the humorous Hogarth, who had received a legacy of 1000l. Bank ſtock from his reputed father, deemed it to be an act of diſtributive juſtice to tranſmit to an illegitimate child of his, who had gained admiſſion into the Foundling-Hoſpital, the ſpecific valuable legacy he had received-- Quod mihi dedit Apollo, &c. The real fact was, that the child died in the life-time of the teſtator, without his know- ledge; and there not being any reſiduary legatee in the will of Mr. Dawes, his executors were adviſed, that they were entitled to the lapſed legacy, on proof of the death of the child being eſtabliſhed in due form by the certificate of the governors of the Foundling-Hoſpital. The executors perfifted in de- manding the certificate ex debito juſtitiæ. The author, as a governor of the charity, and as a lover of certainty, deſired to peruſe a copy of the will. He foon diſcovered that the mother of the child had only a pittance of 51. a year to keep her from ſtarving, and that the executors had each of them a legacy for their pains and trouble. The teſtator himſelf, being illegitimate, could not have any next of kin; and it occurred to the author, that the crown had a better title to the 10001. Bank ſtock than the executors. Delays in matters of claim, like many other delays, being very dangerous, a memorial to Lord North, then the firſt Lord of the Treaſury, and alſo preſident of the Found- ling-Hoſpital, was recommended, and inſtantly drawn up by the author to the following effect. .. < To WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 41:5 . 66 : 4 66 To the Right Honorable LORD NORTH, Firſt Lord Commiſſioner of his Majeſty's Treaſury, and Preſident of the Foundling-Hoſpital. . - The Memorial of the Governors of the ſaid Hoſpital, 66 Humbly ſheweth, - That Mr. Dawes, who was himſelf illegitimate, left by his will 1000l. Bank ſtock, to his illegitimate child, a foundling. That, by the death of the child in the father's life-time, the legacy be- came lapſed; and there not being any reſiduary legatee or nexť of kin, the crown was conſidered to be well entitled to the Bank ſtock by eſcbeat. “That the governors, who deplored the great loſs they had ſuſtained in the fall of ſtocks in conſequence of the American war, implored that his lord- ſhip would be pleaſed to alleviate their lofs, remunerate the firſt informers, and make them nominees, on the part of the crown, for the benefit of the charity.” The menorial, though adjudged to be rather laconic, and not a little ſarcaſtic in the alluſion to the American war, was received with that good humour and pleaſantry which ever diſtinguiſhed the noble lord then at the head of the Treaſury. But the executors were not on their parts inactive, and, previous to the nomineeſhip being perfected, they had not only inſtituted a fuit by Mandamus to compel the Bank-directors to transfer to them the. ftock, but had alſo engaged the celebrated Mr. Dunning and other. able counſel in their cauſe. The very able and ingenious leading counſel, on the hearing in the Court of King's Bench, where lord Mansfield preſided; en- tertained the court by ſaying, he was inſtructed to bring forward this cuir rious and ſtrange doctrine, which had been advanced: by ſome wiſe governors of the Foundling-Hoſpital, that a man could not diſpoſe by will of his perſonal eſtate becauſe he was illegitimate.' The gravity of the bench re- laxed into a ſmile; and the bar hoped to be gratified, and farther enter- tained, with the names, and at the expence, of thoſe wiſe governors.. Be this as it may.-The Chief Juſtice clearly ſaw that the caſe was witti- ly, if not wickedly miſtated ; and his lordſhip had too much wiſdom, pene- tration, and ſound judgement, to grant the. Mandamus. The next effort of the executors, by the able advice of their counſel, was to bring a ſpecial action of aſſumphit, againſt the Governor and company of the Bank *. It fell. : * Vide. Doug: Rep. 508... to 416 THE LIFE OF. to the lot of the earl of Mansfield to try this action at Guildhall. Previous thereto the author had the honor of a conference with the Chief Juſtice and one of the judges of his court. In this difficult caſe, new in ſpecie, and lit- tle light thrown upon it in any law-book, whether perſonal eſtate will eſcheat to the crown, -on this occaſion the noble earl was pleaſed to ſay, he was poffeffed of a manuſcript caſe in point; but that, with ten thouſand others, were deſtroyed by the rioters, and he much doubted whether the bar could ſupply the loſs. His lordſhip then put this cloſe queſtion to the author * Have you found in the printed books a ſingle caſe to guide our jndgement one way or the other?' The plain anſwer was, “I liad carefully ſearched, but could find none; except a dictum of his lordſhip's, in the MS. note I had fortunately in my poſſeſſion of the caſe of Burgeſs and Wheat ; and on the accuracy of that note I had the greateſt reliance, becauſe a friend of fir Thomas Clarke had very obligingly intruſted me with the original argument in the hand-writing of the Maſter of the Rolls, to examine and collate with my own copy ; and of the correctneſs of the note of the Lord Chief Juſtice's argument no one could be ſo perfect a judge as his lordſhip, whoſe words were, ' In perfonal eſtates, which are allodial by law, the King is laſt beir wliere no kin, and the king is as well intitled to that as to any other perſonal eſtate.' I therefore flattered myſelf, it would be fair to argue the point, on princi- ples of analogy to the crown's right to real eſtates by eſcheat. It was not a little flattering, to a private individual, to be aſſured by fuck high authority that this was the right plan, and to be encouraged to perſe- vere, although a laugh had been raiſed on the former trial unfairly, at the expence of the Governors of the Foundling-Hoſpital. The ſimple fact was, that the teſtator had not diſpoſed of the Bank ſtock in the event of the child's death. No man in his ſenſes could diſpute his right, illegitimate as he was, to make ſuch contingent diſpoſition. “When the cauſe aſſumed a new ſhape, Proteus-like, on the trial at Guild- hall, the Chief Juſtice with much pleaſantry aſked Mr. Dunning, what he thought of his new adverſaries the Foundling-Hoſpital governors riſing up cloathed and armed cap-à-pié with the 'nomineeſhip of the crown? The candid and ingenious anſwer was, My Lord, this Foundling-cauſe now ap- pears in a coat of another colour, and I muſt be allowed to do the beſt I can for the poor executors, my poor clients.' Mr. Dunning's clients were foiled and difappointed a fecond time; yet they put a good face on their bad cauſe, and threatened to appeal to the Houſe of Lords againſt the laſt verdict. Mr. Wallace, the late Attorney General, was the leading counſel for the Hofpi- * i tal, WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 417 --- tal, and as ſuch very ably oppoſed Mr. Dunning. And although the greateſt part of the bone of contention, the 1000l. Bank ſtock, would inevitably in the courſe of an expenſive appeal have been well picked by the law, yet, in honour to the memories of theſe two great lawyers, Mr. Dunning adviſed; and Mr. Wallace feriouſly requeſted, the author of theſe ſheets to promote the following compromize ; that the Foundling-Hoſpital ſhould re- ceive 500l. clear and all their coſts, and that the poor executors might be permitted to divide the reſidue.' One objection only to this ſelf-denying propoſition occurred to the author, which he ſtated to Mr. Wallace : . You have not once thought of the poor mother of the Foundling-child, who is probably now ſtarving on the pittance of 51. a year; and without whom the bone of contention would never have been the ſubject of this con- ſultation, Give the poor mother 500l. an equal ſhare with the hoſpital ; and let Mr. Dunning's clients, the poor executors, take in God's name the ſur- plus; a ſurplus certainly not leſs than 5ool. This divifion accordingly took place, and thus ſome unexpected good ſprang out of evil. The author of theſe ſheets has the pleaſure to add that the moot point of an efcheat of per- Sanal eſtate has fince been judicially ſettled by the late Lord Chancellor Thurlow, in the cauſe of Middleton and Spicer, reported in Brown, page His lordſhip very pointedly obſerved, that it would be mere pedantry to run over all the caſes to be met with on this ſubject, which are collected and fully ſtated in Burgeſs and Wheat, 1 Blackſtone, 123. His lordſhip farther added, in proof of the ſimilarity between the caſe then before him, and the Foundling-Hoſpital caſe: “The executors having legacies bequeathed, and being clearly truſtees, cannot by any poſſibility take any beneficial in- tereſt. The executors being excluded, and no relations to be found, I con- fider the executors as much truſtees for the crown, as they would have been for any of the next of kin, if theſe could have been diſcovered." His lord- ſhip therefore decreed in favor of the crown. 201. Doe Leſlee of Fonnereau and Fonnereau *. In what inſtances an eſtate for life by one inſtrument will unite with an eſtate-tail by a different inſtrument, ſo as to give * Dug. 470. Hhh är 418 THE LIFE OF ! an eſtate of inheritance to the firſt taker, on the one hand; or will not unite, and thereby preclude him, on the other, from de- feating the eſtates in remainder. November 22, 1780. An eſtate to A. for life in a deed, and a limitation of the fame eſtate to the heirs of the body of A. in a will (though the eſtate by the deed was voluntary, and moved from the teſtator, and is recited in the will) do not unite fo as to give A. an eſtate tail, hut the heirs of the body take by pur- chaſe. A deviſe of a real eſtate to B, after one to the heir male of the body of A, from and after the deceaſe of A, and limited on default of ſuch iſſue, is a good executory deviſe, veſting ei- ther in poſeſion on the death of A, without leaving iſſue-male, or as a remainder after an eſtate-tail, on his death leaving iſſue-male. The caſe was argued in Trinity Term 19 George III. by Rooke for the plaintiff, and Wilſon for the defendant; and again in Hilary Term 20 George III. by Hill, ferjeant, for the plain- tiff, and Dunning for the defendant; and in Eaſter Term fol- lowing, lord Mansfield delivered the opinion of the court in favor of the defendant. A few days afterwards, however, his lordſhip directed that the judgement ſhould be ſtopped, and the caſe argued again in the enſuing term; accordingly there was a third argument in Trinity Term, 20 George III, by the Solicitor- general for the plaintiff, and Groſe, ferjeant, for the defendant; after which the caſe ſtood over for this day, when judgement was given for the plaintiff. After the ſecond argument, lord Mansfield ſaid, There was no doubt what the intention was; the only queſtion was, if that in- tention could be fulfilled conſiſtently with the rules of law. He deſired the counſel would ſee if they could find any caſes, beſides that of Baldwin verſus Karver, where a double contingency had been implied in a caſe of real eſtate. As to Baldwin verſus Kar- ver, he thought the deciſion had not gone upon that point, and he ! WILLIAM EARL OF 419 OF MANSFIELD. 4 he had always confidered it as the ſettled doctrine fince the café of Firth verſus Chapman that a double contingency may be im- plied as to perſonalty, but not as to real property.” A few days afterwards his lordihip ſaid, 66 He had directed the certificate of the court, in Baldwin verſus Karvar, to be ſearched for, and copied.” He then read it, and it thereby appeared, that, although the court had ſuſpended their opinion, and given the heir at law and perſonal repreſentative leave to be heard by their counſel againſt the validity of the deviſe to the grandchildren, they did not inſtruct counſel to object to it; and therefore the court avoided the queſtion, and only gave their opinion on the point between the different grandchildren, on the ſuppoſition that the deviſe over was good. On Friday the 14th of April, 1980, his lordfhip having aſked Hill, ferjeant, whether he had been able to find any caſe of real property where the court, on the words “ in default of ſuch ifue" had implied a reſtriction to “illue living at the death of the father," or, where a double contingency had been implied, viz. to the iſſue, if there should be any, and if none, to the deviſe over; he faid, he had not met with any; and thereupon his lordſhip de- livered the opinion of the court to the following effect : Lord Mansfield (having ſtated the ſpecial verdict). “The cafe then lies in a very narrow compaſs. If the eldeſt ſon was tenant in tail, the recovery was good, and barred the limitations over; or, if the limitations over were too remote, he was entitled as heir at law. As to his being tenant in tail, a conſiderable objection has been made, viz. that he was tenant for life under the ſettlement, not under the will; and ſeveral authorities have been cited, to prove that the previous and ſubſequent eſtates, when limited by differ- ent conveyances, cannot unite. But, if they did not unite in this caſe, when the firſt limitation in the will was an executory deviſe, which remained con- ringent till the death of Thomas, and the eſtate given to the ſecond fon was alſo executory, and being after an indefinite failure of iſſue was too re- Hhh 2 1 mote; 420 THE LIFE OF mote; tħerefore, quacunque via data, the deviſe by Thomas, under which the defendant claims, was good.' 5 + On Tueſday the 18th of April, 1780, his lordſhip ſaid, the court had decided that the deviſe to the ſecond ſon was void, on the authority of the caſe of Goodman verſus Goodright, as re- ported by Sir James Burrow; but that they had ſince ſeen a ma- nuſcript note of that caſe, taken by Mr. Kenyon, which affigneď a ground for the determination different from that ſtated by Sir James Burrow. That the court, upon this, entertained confi- derable doubts concerning the opinion delivered a few days be- fore, and deſired to have the caſe argued again. This day his lordſhip delivered the ultimate opinion of the court, as follows: Lord Mansfield. “After the ſecond argument, and upon confideration of the caſe, we were of opinion, and gave judgement accordingly, that ei- ther Thomas was tenant in-tail, by connecting his eſtate for life in the deed, with the limitation in the will to his heirs male (without ſaying it was our opinion 'thať they could unite); or that the limitation over was too remote, as being after an indefinite failure of iſſue; and we could find no caſe where the court, in a will of real property, had raiſed an implication to confine the failure of iſſue to the life of the anceſtor. But afterwards, turning the caſes on this ſubject in our minds, and conſidering the reaſons on which they proceed, namely, to prevent perpetuities; we ſtopped the judgement; and deſired the caſe might be again fpoken to. It has been argued a third time, and we have changed our opinion, and ſhall give our reaſons. The rule is unqueſtionable, that there cannot be an executory. deviſe after an in- definite failure of iſſue ; but that is not the caſe here.. We all think, that the eſtate for life being by one inſtrument, and the limitation in tail by another, they cannot unite, and that the heirs male of. Thomas would have taken by purchaſe. This is a ſettled point; and we lay it down as our clear opinion. What are the limitations here ? They are to the heirs male of the body of Thomas, and in default of ſuch iſſue to the ſecond and other ſons.. There are two ways, in form of law, in which this laſt limitation may take . effects. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 42* --- effect 1. If Thomas dies, leaving iſſue-male, then the eſtate to the ſe- cond ſon takes effect immediately, as a remainder expectant, which may be barred by a recovery. 2. Suppoſe the other alternative (which really Happened) that Thomas has no ſon, then it is an executory deviſe to the ſe- cond .fon, if Thomas at his death leave no iſſue-male. This is within the limits eſtabliſhed by law to prevent perpetuities. We have looked into the caſes, to ſee how far this reaſoning upon principle can be fupported by au- thorities; and we think there are three which go a great way. I. In Ste- phens verſus Stephens, the court took a large ſtride of twenty-one years after a life in being. The argument was, that this would not create a per- petuity. Former caſes had ſaid, a limitation might be made to take effect on the death of a perſon in ele, or the birth of a poſthumous child ; and alienation was not reſtrained for any konger tiine in Stephens verſus Stephens ; for, if a devife could hold to a poſthumous child, there could be no aliena- tion till he ſhould attain the age of twenty-one. An obvious objection to the alternative in this caſe is, that, if the limitation over is a remainder, ir cannot be turned into an executory deviſe. That is true, if it ever veſt as a remainder. But here it might, or might not, upon a contingency; and it never did: 2. So in Hopkins verfus Hopkins, lord Talbot decided in ſup- port of the intent, that'a limitation which in one event would have operated as a remainder, but which event did not happen, ſhould operate as an executory deviſe. This he did upon principle, without precedents; and a great eſtate is now held under his determination. 3. Brownſword: verfus Edwards in another ſtrong inſtance, where it was held that a. deviſe.may operate. either way according to the event. Theſe are the authorities which go along with the principles I have ſtated, and enable us to ſupport the in-- tention of the teſtator. As to that, there is no doubt that he meant to give fucceffive eſtates in tail male." Judgement for the plaintiff. Goodright, lefſee of Hare, widow, againſt Cator and others. Tivo points of real importance reſpecting real property having been ſettled by the judgement given by the court of King's Bench in this caſe, the juriſprudent is adviſed not to rely ſolely on the deep learning diſcoverable throughout. lord Mansfield's ſpeech ; buta 5. 422 THE LIFE OF but to ſtudy the whole cafe attentively, as it is reported by Mr. Douglas, 460. An eſtate being conveyed by a marriage-ſettlement to truſtees, to the uſe of the ſettlor for life, with remainders over, and with a power to the ſettlor, with the conſent of the truſtees, to revoke all the uſes in the ſettlement; and the ſettlor having granted an eſtate for his own life in the ſettled eſtate, a revocation ſubſequent thereto of all the uſes by him, with the conſent of the truſtees, ſhali not affect the eſtate granted for his life-actual entry is not neceſſary, to take advantage by ejectment of a clauſe in a leaſe to re-enter for nonpayment of rent, it having been folemnly deter- mined in the Common Pleas, while Willes chief juſtice preſided in that court, that it is only neceſſary in the ſingle caſe of avoid- ing a fine. Lord Mansfield. “ The defendant in this cauſe has turned the leffor of the plaintiff twice round upon former occaſions, by objections in point of form. It would be very unfortunate, if he were to ſucceed a third time in a ſimilar attempt. As to the ſecond point; was an actual entry neceſſary in this caſe ? I have always taken the diſtinction to be, that where entry is neceſſary to complete the landlord's title (as when a power to re-enter is reſerved to him in caſe of non-payment of rent), there the confeſſion of leaſe, entry, and ouf- ter, is ſufficient; but that, where it is requiſite in order to rebutt the defen- dant's title, actual entry muſt be made. This is the caſe when a fine is to be avoided. In the caſe of Dormer verfus Forteſcue, which was much argued both here and in the Houſe of Lords, I find the counſel could not ſtate another inſtance where aftual entry muſt be made. The clauſe of the ſtatute of George the Second is very confuſed ; but I think it meant only to provide a remedy in caſes of vacant poffeffion, although other matters are thrown in. My preſent opinion is, that actual entry was not neceſſary in this caſe. That, ſurely, could never be the intention of the parties, where the right of re-entry is expreflly reſerved, if a quarter's rent ſhall be in arrear for twenty-eight days. With regard to the firſt point, I cannot frame a doubt upon it. Undoubtedly lord Bolingbroke had a right to do what he did. It is a right which ariſes out of the nature of his eſtate. The queſtion is, whe- ther I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 423 ther the ſame lord Bolingbroke, who has made this demiſe for a valuable confideration, can be authorized to revoke it under any power in any ſettle- ment; for, by the power, the revocation muſt be executed by him. There is a groſs fraud attempted in this caſe, either upon Cator, or on Mrs. Hare. If Cator did not know of the incumbrance, there was a fraud upon him. But it is found, that he did know of it; and therefore the fraud was upon Mrs. Hare. If the defendant's counſel can find any caſe of this fort, where actual entry has been held neceſſary, let them mention it to the court.” ! ވެ This day lord Mansfield, delivered the ultimate opinion of the court, as follows: “ We have looked very particularly into the caſes for two hundred years back; and we find a great deal of contrariety on the queſtion, whether an actual entry is neceſſary in order to maintain an ejectment, on a clauſe of re-entry, for non-payment of rent: but in the moſt diſtant period, the better opinion has been, that it is not. This was lord Hale's opinion, and is mentioned as ſuch, and as that of lord chief juſtice Scroggs, by lord Holt, in the caſe of Little verſus Heaton. But we look upon it as having been fully ſettled in 1703, by the opinion of all the judges upon deliberation and conſideration of all the caſes, that actual entry is only neceſſary to avoid a fine ; and ſo the practice has been ever ſince. The reaſon of the thing is agreeable to the practice; for, it is abſurd to entangle men's rights in nets of form without meaning: and an ejectment being a mere creature of the court, framed for the purpoſe of bringing the right to an examination, an actual entry can be of no ſervice. In the caſe of fines it is required by a poſitive rule of law, and clearly neceſſary under the ſtatute of 4 Anne, cap. 16. I have a ſtring of all the caſes on this ſubject, but it would be very unentertaining and unneceſſary to ſtate them. Mr. Rous alſo contended, that a demand of the rent' was neceſſary. There ſeemed to be ſome weight in that point, upon the reaſon of the thing; and, on looking into the caſes, it appears to have a foundation in authority. But here, by the expreſs terms of the leaſe, the demand is diſpenſed with. The act of 4. George II. is very perplexed ; but the meaning certainly only is, that, where there is no ſtipulation in the leaſe for entry without demand, you may, notwithſtanding, enter without demand, provided ſix months rent is in arrear, and there is not a ſufficient diſtreſs; otherwiſe in ſuch caſes you muſt make a demand.” Judgement for the plaintiff. An 1 1 .. 42$ THE LIFE OF 1 An apology may be deemed neceſſary for deferring the intro- duction of Mr. Murray's maſterly performance in an early part of his life to the year 1781. The following plain narrative is therefore ſubmitted to the conſideration of the curious reader. Lord Mansfield, like many other men of genius of a lively and an active mind, was not very fond of reading or writing more than was abſolutely neceſſary in the high lines of life in which he inoved. . A celebrated reſcript of his, drawn up in the duke of New- caſtle's adminiſtration, and preſerved to the world under the title of “ The Duke of Newcaſtle's Letter, by his Majeſty's Order, to Monſieur Michell, the King of Pruſſia's Secretary of the Em- baffy, in anſwer to the Memorial, and other Papers, delivered by Monſieur Michell to the Duke of Newcaſtle on the 23d of No- vember and 13th December, 1752,” is the principal public pa- per which remains; and which, as he frequently declared to his friends, was entirely his own compoſition, although it bears the fignature of two diſtinguiſhed civilians, and of his colleague in office, as well as his own. He who runs may read, and ſoon be fully evinced that the younger Tully employed his talents, his ingenuity, and his in- duſtry, in every ſplendid part of this anſwer, which contains a complete inveſtigation and juſtification of the principles adhered to by the court of admiralty in England in caſes of capture of the ſhips and property of neutral powers in time of war. The foundation and nature of the Prize Juriſdiction in the court of admiralty having been explained and elucidated by lord Mansfield in 1781, will be introduced, it is ſubmitted, with great advantage, to the ſtudious reader, and with great propriety, im- mediately after this conciſe and correct anſwer, which till very lately, was nearly out of print. The WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 42.5 1 The Duke of Newcaſtle's Letter. + 66 Sir, Whitehall, Feb. 8, 1753. - I loft no time in laying before the king the memorial which you delivered to me on the 23d of November laſt, with the papers that accom- panied it. “ His majeſty found the contents of it ſo extraordinary, that he would not return an anſwer to it, or take any reſolution upon it, till he had cauſed both the memorial and the Expoſition des Motifs, &c. which you put into my hands ſoon after by way of juſtification of what had paſſed at Berlin, to be maturely conſidered; and till his majeſty ſhould thereby be enabled to ſet the proceedings of the courts of admiralty here in their true light; to the end, that his Pruffian majeſty, and the whole world, miglit be rightly in- formed of the regularity of their conduct; in which they appear to have followed the only method which has ever been practiſed by nations where diſputes of this nature could happen; and ſtrictly to have conformed them- ſelves to the law of nations, univerſally allowed to be the only rule, in ſuch caſes, when there is nothing ſtipulated to the contrary by particular treaties between the parties concerned. This examination, and the full knowlege of the facts reſulting from it, will fhew ſo clearly the irregularity of the pro- ceedings of thoſe perſons to whom this affair was referred at Berlin, that it is not doubted, from his Pruſſian majeſty's juſtice and diſcernment, but that he will be convinced thereof, and will revoke the detention of the ſums aſſigned upon Sileſia; the payment of which his Pruſſian majeſty engaged to the empreſs queen to take upon himſelf, and of which the reimburſe- ment was an expreſs article in the treaties, by which the ceſſion of that dutchy was made. “ I therefore have the king's orders to ſend you the report made to his majeſty upon the papers above mentioned by fir George Lee, judge of the prerogative court; doctor Paul, his majeſty's advocate general in the courts of civil law ; fir Dudley Ryder, and Mr. Murray, his majeſty's attorney and ſolicitor general. This report is founded on the principles of the law of na- tions, received and acknowleged by authorities of the greateſt weight in all countries; ſo that his majeſty does not doubt but that it will have the effect deſireci. “ The points upon which this whole affair turns, and which are deci- five, are, lii - Firſt, 66 426 THE LIFE OF « Firſt, that affairs of this kind are, and can be, congnizable only in the courts belonging to that power where the ſeizure is made ; and, conſequently, that the erecting foreign courts or juriſdictions elſewhere, to take cognizance thereof, is contrary to the known practice of all nations in the like caſes; and therefore a proceeding which none can admit. “ Secondly, That thoſe courts which are generally ſtyled courts of admi- ralty, and which include both the inferior courts and the courts of appeal, always decide according to the univerſal law of nations only; except in thoſe caſes where there are particular treaties between the powers concerned, which have altered the difpofitions of the law of nations, or deviate from them. Thirdly, That the deciſions in the caſes complained of appear, by the in- cloſed. report, to have been made ſingly upon the rule preſcribed by the law of nations; which rule 'is clearly eſtabliſhed by the conſtant practice of other nations, and by the authority of the greateſt men. Fourthly, That, in the caſe in queſtion, there cannot even be pre- tended to be any treaty that has altered this rule, or by virtue of which the parties could claim any privileges which the law of nations does not allow them. " Fifthly, That as, in the preſent caſe, no juſt grievance can be alleged, nor the leaſt reaſon given for ſaying that juſtice has been denied when regu- larly demanded ; and as, in moſt of the caſes complained of, it was the complainants themſelves who neglected the only proper means of procuring it; there cannot, conſequently, be any juſt cauſe or foundation for re- priſals. Sixthly, That even though repriſals might be juſtified by the known and general rules of the law of nations, it appears by the report, and indeed from confiderations which muſt oceur to every body, that ſums due to the king's ſubjects by the empreſs queen, and aſſigned by her upon Sileſia, of which fums his Pruſſian majeſty took upon himſelf the payment, both by the treaty of Breſlau and by that of Dreſden, in conſideration of the ceſſion of that country, and which, by virtue of that very ceſſion, ought to have been fully and abſolutely diſcharged in the year 1745, that is to ſay, one year before any of the facts complained of did happen, could not, either in : juſtice or reaſon, or according to what is the conſtant practice between all, the moſt reſpectable powers, be ſeized or ſtopped by way of repriſals. « The : 1 . .. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 427 1 1 « The ſeveral facts which are particularly mentioned above are ſo clearly ftated and proved in the incloſed report, that I ſhall not repeat the particu- lar reaſons and authorities alleged in ſupport of them, and in juſtification of the conduct and proceedings in queſtion. The king is perſuaded that theſe reaſons will be ſufficient alſo to deterinine the judgement of all impartial peo- ple in the preſent caſe. “ It is material to obſerve upon this ſubject, that this debt on Sileſia was contracted by the late emperor Charles the Sixth, who engaged not only to fulfil the conditions expreſſed in the contract, but even to give the creditors ſuch farther ſecurity as they might afterwards reaſonably aſk. This condi- tion had been very ill performed by a transfer of the debt, which had put it in the power of a third perſon to ſeize and confiſcate it. “You will not be ſurprized, fir, that, in an affair which has fo. greatly alarmed the whole nation, who are entitled to that protection which his ma- jeſty cannot diſpenſe with himſelf from granting, the king has taken time to have things examined to the bottom, and that his majeſty finds himſelf obliged, by the facts, to adhere to the juſtice and legality of what has been done in his courts, and not to admit the irregular proceedings which have been carried on elſewhere. " The late war furniſhed many inſtances which ought to have convinced all Europe how ſcrupulouſly the courts here do juſtice upon ſuch occaſions. They did not even avail themſelves of an open war to ſeize or detain the ef- fects of the enemy, when it appeared that thoſe effects were taken wrong- fully before the war. · This circumſtance muſt do honour to their proceed- ings; and will, at the ſame time, thew, that it was as little néceſſary as proper to have recourſe elſewhere to proceedings entirely new and unuſual. " The king is fully perſuaded that what has paſſed at Berlin has been oc- caſioned, ſingly, by the ill-grounded informations which his Pruffian ma- jeſty has received of theſe affairs; and does not at all doubt but that, when his Pruſſian majeſty ſhall ſee them in their true light, his natural diſpoſition to juſtice and equity will induce him immediately to rectify the ſteps which have been occaſioned by thoſe informations, and to complete the payment of the debt charged on the dutchy of Sileſia, according to his engagements for that purpoſe. “I am, with much conſideration, Sir, ro Your moſt obedient humble ſervant, “ HOLLES NEW CASTLE. Iii " TO 4.28 THE LIFE OF “To the King's moſt excellent Majeſty. « May.it pleaſe your Majeſty, - In obedience to your Majeſty's com- mands, ſignified to us by his grace the duke of Newcaſtle, we have taken the memorial, ſentence of the Fruffian commiſſioners, and liſts marked A. and B. which were delivered to his grace by monſieur Michell, the Pruſſian fecretary. here, on the 23d of November laſt ; and alſo the printed Expoſition d's Motifs, &c. which was delivered to his grace the 13th of December laſt, into our ſerious confideration; and we have directed the proper officer to ſearch the regiſters of the court of admiralty, and inform us how the matter appeared from the proceedings there, in relation to the caſes mentioned in the ſaid liſts A. and B. which he has accordingly done. “And your Majeſty having commanded us to report our opinion concern- ing the nature and regularity of the proceedings under the Pruffian commif- fion mentioned in the ſaid inemorial, and of the claim or demand pretended to be founded thereupon, and how far the ſame are conſiſtent with, or con- trary to, the law of nations, and any treaties ſubſiſting between your Ma- jeſty and the king of Pruffia, the eſtabliſhed rules of admiralty juriſdiction, and the laws of this kingdom; “For the greater perſpicuity, we beg leave to ſubmit our thoughts upon the whole matter in the following method: “ iſt, To ſtate the clear eſtabliſhed principles of law. 2dly, To ſtate the fatet. 3dly, To apply the law to the fact. “ 4thly, To obſerve upon the queſtions, rules, and reaſoning, alleged in the ſaid memorial, ſentence of the Pruſſian commiſſioners, and Expoſition des Motifs, which carry, appearances of objections to what we ſhall advance upon the former. heads.. 66 : “ Firſt, as to the Law; “ When two powers are at war, they have a riglit to make prizes of the fhips, goods, and effects of each other, upon the high ſeas: whatever is the property of the enemy may be acquired by capture at fea; but the property of a friend cannot be taken, provided he obſerve his neutrality. 66 Hence 4 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 429 1 “ Hence the law of nations has eſtabliſhed, “That the goods of an enemy on board the ſhip of a friend may be taken. - That the lawful goods of a friend on board the ſhip of an enemy ought to be reſtored. ". That contraband goods going to the enemy, though the property of a friend, may be taken as prize, becauſe fupplying the enemy with what ena- bles him better to carry on the war is a departure from neutrality. By the maritime law of nations univerſally and iinmemorially received, there is an eſtabliſhed method of determination, whether the capture be, or be not, lawful prize. Before the ſhip or goods can be diſpoſed of by the captor, there muſt be a regular judicial proceeding wherein both parties may be heard, and con- demnation thereupon as prize in a court of admiralty, judging by the law of nations and treaties. “ The proper and regular court for theſe condemnations is the court of that itate to whom the captor belongs. “ The evidence to acquit or condemn, with or without coſts or damages, muſt, in the firſt inſtance, come merely from the ſhip taken, viz. the pa- pers on board, and the examination on oath of the maſter and other principal officers ; for which purpoſe there are officers of admiralty in all the conſider able fea-ports of every maritime power at war, to examine the captains and other principal officers of every ſhip brought in as prize, upon general and impartial interrogatories. If there. do not appear from thence ground to con- demn as enemy's property, or contraband goods going to the enemy, there muſt be an acquittal; unleſs from the aforeſaid evidence the property ſhall appear ſo doubtful, that it is reaſonable to go into the farther proof thereof. “ A claim of fhips or goods muſt be ſupported by the cath-of ſomebody's. at leaſt as to belief. “ The law of nations requires good faith; therefore every thip muſt be: provided with complete and genuine papers, and the maſter at leaſt ſhould be privy to the truth of the tranſaction. " To enforce theſe rules ; if there be falſe or colourable papers, if any." papers be thrown overboard; if the maſter and officers examined' in prepara-- torio groſsly prevaricate, if proper ſhip’s papers are not on board, or if the maf-. ter and crew cannot ſay whether the ſhip or cargo be the property of a friend ON 430 THE LIFE OF -- or enemy, the law of nations allows, according to the different degrees of miſbehaviour or ſuſpicion ariſing from the fault of the ſhip taken, and other circumſtances of the caſe, coſts to be paid, or not to be received, by the claimant in caſe of acquittal and reſtitution. On the other hand, if a ſeizure is made without probable cauſe, the captor is adjudged to pay coſts and da- mages; for which purpoſe all privateers are obliged to give ſecurity for their good behaviour ; and this is referred to, and expreſſly ftipulated, by many treaties *. ss Though, from the ſhip's papers, and the preparatory examinations, the property do not ſufficiently appear to be neutral, the claimant is often in- dulged with time to ſend over affidavits to ſupply that defect: if he will not ſhew the property by ſufficient affidavits to be neutral, it is preſumed to be- long to the enemy. Where the property appears from evidence not on board the ſhip, the captor is juſtified in bringing lier in, and excuſed paying coſts, becauſe he is not in fault; or, according to the circumſtances of the caſe, may be juſtly entitled to receive his coſts. - If the ſentence of the court of admiralty is thought to be erroneous, there is in every maritime country a ſuperior court of review, conſiſting of the moſt conſiderable perſons, to which the parties, who think themſelves aggrieved, may appeal; and this ſuperior court judges by the fame rule which governs the court of admiralty, viz. the law of nations, and the trea- ties ſubfiſting with that neutral power whoſe ſubject is a party before thein. - If no appeal is offered, it is an acknowledgement of the juſtice of the fentence by the parties themſelves, and concluſive. - This manner of trial and adjudication is ſupported, alluded to, and en- forced, by many treaties op . 66 In * Treaty between England and Holland, 17 Feb. 1668. Art. 13.-- Treaty 1 Dec. 1674. Art. 10.-Treaty between England and France at St. Germains, 24th of February, 1677. Art. 10.-Treaty of Commerce at Ryf- wick, Sept. 20, 1697, between France and Holland, Art. 30.-Treaty of commerce at Utrecht, 31 March, 1713, between Great Britain and France, . As appears with reſpect to courts of admiralty adjudging the prizes taken by thoſe of their own nation, and with reſpect to the witneſſes to be exami- ned in thoſe caſes, froin the following treaties : Treaty, between England and Holland, Art. 29. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 431 « In this method all captures. at ſea were tried, during the laſt war, by Great Britain, France, and Spain, and ſubmitted to by the neutral powers. In this method, by courts of admiralty acting according to the law of na- tions and particular treaties, all captors at ſea have immemorially been judged of in every country of Europe. · Any other method of trial would be mani- feſtly unjuſt, abſurd, and impracticable. 6. Though the law of nations be the general rule, yet it may, by mutual agreement between two powers, be varied or departed from; and, where there is an alteration or exception introduced by particular treaties, that is the law between the parties to the treaty; and the law of nations only governs ſo far as it is not derogated from by the treaty. “ Thus, by the law of nations, where two powers are at war, all thips are liable to be ſtopped and examined to whom they belong, and whether they are carrying contraband-goods to the enemy; but particular treaties have en- joined a leſs degree of ſearch, on the faith of producing folemn paſſports and formal evidences of property duly atteſted. " Particular treaties too have inverted the rule of the law of nations, and by agreement declared the goods of a friend on board the ſhip of an enemy ( and 34 Holland, 17 Feb. 1668. Art. 9 and 14.-Treaty 1 Dec. 1674. Art. 11.- Treaty 29th of April, 1689. Art. 12, 13:—Treaty between England and Spain, 23 May, 1667. Art. 23.-Treaty of Commerce at Ryſwick, 20 Sept. 1697, between France and Holland, Art. 26 and 31.–Treaty between Eng- land and France, 3 Nov. 1655. Art. 17 and 18.-Treaty of Commerce be- tween England and France at St. Germain's, 29 March, 1632. Art. 5 and 6.-Treaty at St. Germain's, 24 Feb. 1677. Art. 7.—Treaty of Commerce between Great Britain and France, at Utrecht, 31 March, 1713. Art. 26 and 30.-Treaty between England and Denmark, 29 Nov. 1669. Art. 23 -Heineccius, who was privy-counſellor to the king of Pruſſia, and held in: the greateſt eſteem in his treatiſe "De Navibus ob vecturum vetitarum mer- cium commiffis,” cap. 2. fect. 17 and 18, ſpeaks of this method of trial. With reſpect to appeals or reviews,-from Treaty between England and Holland, i Dec. 1674. Art. 12, as it explained by article 2, of the treaty at Weſtminſter, 6 Feb. 1715-16.-Treaty between England and France, at St. Germain's, 24 Feb. 1677. Art. 12.—Treaty of Commerce at Ryſwick, 20 Sept. 1697, between France and Holland, Art. 33.--Treaty of Com- merce at Utrecht, 31 March, 1713. between Great Britain and France, Arta 31 and 32, and other treaties. i 43% THE LIFE OF . to be prize, and the goods of an enemy on board the ſhip of a friend to be free, as appears from the treaties already mentioned, and many others * “So likewiſe, by particular treaties, ſome goods reputed contraband by the law of nations are declared to be free. “ If a ſubject of the king of Pruſſia is injured by, or has a demand upon any perſon here, he ought to apply to your majeſty's courts of juſtice, which are equally open and indifferent to foreigner or native; fo, vice verſá, if a ſubject here is wronged by a perſon living in the dominions of his Pruſſian majeſty, he ought to apply for redreſs in the king of Pruſſia's courts of juſtice. “ If the matter of complaint be a capture at ſea during war, and the queſ- tion relative to prize, he ought to apply to the judicatures eſtablished to try theſe queſtions. " The law of nations, founded upon juſtice, equity, convenience, and the reafon of the thing, and confirmed by long uſage, does not allow of re- priſals, except in caſe of violent injuries directed or ſupported by the ſtate, and juſtice abſolutely denied in re minimè dubid by all the tribunals, and after- wards by the prince up. "Where the judges are left free, and give ſentence according to their con- ſcience, though it ſhould be erroneous, that would be no ground for re- priſals. Upon doubtful queſtions different men think and judge differently; and all a friend can deſire is, that juſtice ſhould be impartially adminiſtered to him, as it is to the ſubjects of that prince in whoſe courts the matter is tried. “ Secondly, as to the Fact. “We have ſubjoined hereto two liſts, tallying with thoſe marked A. and B. which were delivered to his grace the duke of Newcaſtle by monf. Michell, with the faid memorial, the 23d of November laſt; and alſo printed at the end ! * Particularly by the aforeſaid treaty between England and Holland, 1 Dec. 1674, and the treaty of Utrecht between Great Britain and France. f " Grotius de Jure Belli ac Pacis, lib. iii. cap. 2. fect. 4, 5. Treaty between England and Holland, 31 July, 1667. Art. 31. Re- priſals ſhall not be granted till juſtice has been demanded according to the ordinary courſe of law. Treaty of Commerce at Ryſwick, 20 Sept. 1697, between France and Holland, Art. 4. Repriſals ſhall not be granted but on manifeſt denial of juſtice. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 433 r I. نب 4. . : end of the ſaid Expoſition des Motifs, &c. from whence it will appear, that as to the liſt A. which contains 18 ſhips and their cargoes, 4. 66 If ever taken, were reſtored by the captors themſelves, to the fatis- faction of the Pruſſians, who never have complained in any court of juſtice here. 66 Was reſtored by ſentence, with full coſts and damages, which were liquidated at 2801l. 125. id. ſterling. Ships were reſtored by ſentence, with freight, for ſuch of the goods as manifeſtly belonged to the enemy, and were condemned. Ships were reſtored by ſentence, but the cargoes, or part of them, , condemned as prize or contraband, and are not now alleged in the liſts A. or B. to have been Pruſſian property. 5. Ships and cargoes were reſtored by ſentence, but the claiinant ſub- jected to pay coſts, becauſe, from the ſhip-papers and preparatory examinations, there was ground to have condemned, and the ref- titution was decreed merely on the faith of affidavits afterwards allowed. 78 “ Ship and cargo was reſtored by ſentence upon an appeal, but, from the circumſtances of the capture, without coſts on either ſide. “ There need no obſervations upon this liſt. As to the eight cafes firſt above mentioned, there cannot be the colour of complaint. " As to the four next, the goods muſt be admitted to have been rightly condemned, either as enemy's property or contraband, for they are not now mentioned in the liſts A. or B. “ If contraband, the ſhip could have neither freight nor coſts, and the ſentences were favourable in reſtoring the ſhips, upon preſumption that the owners of the ſhips were not acquainted with the nature of the cargo or the owners thereof. If enemy's property, the ſhips could not be entitled to freight, becauſe the bills of lading were falſe, and purported the property to belong to Pruffians. 66 The ſhips could not be entitled to coſts, becauſe the cargoes, or part of them, being lawful prize, the ſhips were rightly brought in. " As the fix remaining ſhips and cargoes were reſtored, the only queſtion muſt be upon paying or not receiving coſts, which depends upon the cir- cuinſtances of the capture, the fairneſs of the ſhip's documents, and conduct of her crew; and neither the Pruſſian commiſſioners, the ſaid memorial, or ſaid Expoſition des Motifs, &c. allege a ſingle reaſon why, upon the particu- lar circumſtances of theſe caſes, the fentences were wrong. K k k 1 - As 434 THE LIFE OF 1 46 As to the lift B.. “ Every ſhip, on-board which the fubjects of Pruffia claim to have had property, was bound to or from a port of the enemy; and many of them ap- peared to be, in part, laden with the goods of the enemy, either under their own or fictitious names. “ In every inſtance where it is ſuggeſted that'any part of the cargo be- longed to a Pruffian ſubject, though his property did not appear from the ſhip’s papers,' or preparatory examinations, which it ought to have done, fufficient time was indulged to that Pruſſian ſubject to make an affidavit that the property was bond fide in him; and the affidavit of the party himſelf has been received as proof of the property of the Pruffian, ſo as to intitle him to reftitution. " Where the party will not ſwear at all, or ſwears evaſively, it is plain he only lends his name to cover the enemy's property, as often came out to be the cafe beyond the poſſibility of doubt. “ It appears by a letter 29th of May anda gth of June, 1747, from Monf. Andrié to his Pruſſian majeſty, exhibited in a cauſe, and certified to be a true extract by Monf. Michell under his hand, that this colourable manner of ſcreening the goods of the enemy was ſtated in the following words : ** Your majeſty's fubjects ought not to load on-board neutral ſhips any goods really belonging to the enemies of England, but to load them for their own account, whereby they inay ſafely fend them to any country they ſhall think proper, without any riſk. Then, if privateers commit any damage to the ſhips belonging to your majeſty's ſubjects, you may depend on full. juf- tice being done here, as in all the like cafes hath been done. “ Lift B. contains thirty-three cafes. - Two of them never came before a court of juſtice in England, but (if taken) were reſtored by the captors themſelves, to the entire fatis-. faction of the owners. 16. “ In ſixteen of them the goods claimed by the Pruffian fubjects appear to have been actually reſtored, by fentence, to the mafters of thips in which they were laden ; and by the cuſtoms of the ſea the mal- ter is in the place of the lader, and anſwerable to him. 14. << In fourteen of the caſes the Pruſſian property was not verified by the Thip’s papers, or preparatory examinations, or clạimant's own affi- davit, which he was allowed time to make. 2. 1 I 33 7 66 And WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 435 I “And the other cauſe, with reſpect to part of the goods, is ſtill de- pending, neither party having moved for judgement * And, ſo conſcious were the claimants that the court.of admiralty did right, there is not an appeal, in a ſingle inſtance, in lift B.; and but one in lift A. 3 " Thirdly, to apply the law to the Fact. " The ſixth queſtion in the faid Expoſition des Motifs, &c. ftates the right of repriſals to be, puiſqu'on leur, a fi long tems denié toute la juſtice, qu'ils étoient fondés de demander.' “ The faid memorial founds the juſtice and propriety of his Pruſſian majeſty's having recourſe to repriſals, becauſe his ſubjects n'ont pu obtenir juſqu'à preſent aucune juſtice des tribunaux Anglois qu'ils ont réclamés, ou du gou- vernement auquel ils ont porté les plaintes.' And in another part of the memo- rial it is put après avoir en vain demandé des réparations de ceux qui ſeuls pou- soient les faire.' “ The contrary of all which is manifeſt from the above ſtate and liſts hereto annexed. “ In fix of the caſes ſpecified, if ſuch captures ever were made, the Pruffian ſubjects were ſo well ſatisfied with the reſtitution made by the cap- tors, that they never complained in any court whatſoever of this kingdom. “ The reſt were judged of by a court of admiralty, the only proper court to decide of captures at ſea, both with reſpect to the reſtitution and the da- mages and coſts; acting according to the law of nations, the only proper rule to decide by; and juſtice has been done by the court of admiralty fo impartially, that all the ſhips alleged in lift A. to have been Pruſſian were reſtored, and all the cargoes mentioned in either liſt, A. or B. were reſtored, excepting fifteen, one of which is ſtill undetermined. " And, in all the caſes in both liſts, juſtice was done ſo entirely to the conviction of the private conſcience of the Pruſſian claimants, that they have acquieſced under the ſentences without appealing, except in one ſingle inſtance, where the part of the ſentence complained of was reverſed; Though the Pruſſian claimants muſt know that, by the law of nations, they ought not to complain to their own ſovereign till injuſtice in re minimè * The Pruſſian has ſince applied for judgement on the 29th of January, and obtained reſtitution. Kkk 2 dubia 436 THE LIFE OF dubia was finally done them, paſt redreſs; and though they muſt know that rule of the law of nations held more ſtrongly upon this occaſion, becauſe the property of prize was given to the captors, and ought therefore to be liti- gated with them. The Pruſſian who, by his own acquieſcence, ſubmits to the captors having the prize, cannot afterwards with juſtice make a demand upon the ſtate. If the ſentence was wrong, it is owing to the fault of the Pruſſian that it was not redreſſed. But it is not attempted to be ſhewn, even now, that theſe ſentences were unjuſt in any part of them; according to the evidence and circumſtances appearing before the court of admiralty; and that is the criterion. « For, as to the Pruſſian commiſſion to examine theſe caſes, ex parte, upon new ſuggeſtions, it never was attempted in any country of the world before : prize or not prize, muſt be determined by courts of admiralty be- longing to the power whoſe ſubjects make the capture. Every foreign prince in amity has a right to demand that juſtice fhall be done his ſubjects in theſe courts, according to the law of nations, or particular treaties, where any are ſubfiſting. If in re minimè dubid theſe courts proceed upon founda- tions directly oppoſite to the law of nations, or ſubſiſting treaties, the neu- tral ſtate has a right to complain of ſuch determination. " But there' never was, nor never can be, any other equitable method of trial. All the maritime nations of Europe have, when at war, from the earlieſt times, uniformly proceeded in this way, with the approbation of all the powers at peace. Nay, the perſons acting under this extraordinary and unheard-of commiſſion from his Pruſſian majeſty, do not pretend to ſay, that in the four cafes of goods condemned here, for which ſatisfaction is de manded in lift A. the property really belonged to Pruſſian ſubjects; but they profeſs to proceed upon this principle, evidently falſe, that though theſe cargoes belonged to the enemy, yet, being on-board any neutral ſhip, they were not liable to enquiry, ſeizure, or condemnation. « Fourthly, from the queſtions, rutes, reaſonings, and matters alleged in the aid memorial, ſentences of the Pruſſian commiſſioners, and Expo- fitions des Motifs, &c. the following propoſitions may be drawn as carry- ing the appearance of objections to what has been above laid down ... FIRST WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 437 FIRST PROPOSITION. " That by the law of nations the goods of an enemy cannot be taken on- board the ſhip of a friend; and this the Pruſſian commiſſioners lay down as the baſis of all they have pretended to do." ANSWER. " The contrary is too clear to admit of being diſputed. It may be proved by the authorities of every writer of the law of nations ; fome of different countries are referred to *. It may be proved by the conſtant practice, antient and modern; but the general rule cannot be more ſtrongly proved than by the exception which particular treaties have made to it t. SECOND PROPOSITION. " It is alleged that lord Carteret, in 1744, by two verbal declarations, gave aſſurances in your majeſty's name that nothing on-board a Pruſſian ſhip * Il Conſolato del Mare, cap. 273, expreſſly ſays, the enemy's goods, found on-board a friend's ſhip, ſhall be confiſcated.' And this is a book of great authority. Grotius de "Jure Belli ac Pacis, lib. iii. cap. 1, Section 5, numero 4, in the notes, cites this paſſage, in the Il Conſolato, and in his notes, lib. iii. cap. 6, Sect. 6. Loccenius de Jure Maritimo, lib. 2. cap. 4, Sect. 12. Voet de Jure Militari, cap. 5, nu. 21. Heineccius, the learned Pruſſian before quoted, 'de Navibus ob Vesturam vetitarum Mercium commiff?s, cap. 2, Sect. 9, is clear and explicit upon this point. Bynker Shoeck Quæftiones Juris Publici, lib. i. cap. 14, per totum. Zouch (an Engliſhman) in his book de Judicio inter Gentes, pars.2, Sect. 8. numero 6. Treaty between Gréat-Britain and Sweden, 23 Oct. 1661. Art. 12 and 13; treaty between Great-Britain and Denmark, 19 Noy. 1669. Art. 2 ; and the paſſport or certificate, fettled by that treaty, are material as to this point. no Treaty between France and England, 24 Feb. 1677. Art. 8. Treaty of Utrecht between France and England, 1713. Art. 17. Treaty between England and Holland, 17 Feb. 1668. Art. 10. Treaty between England and Holland, 1 Dec. 1674. Art. 8. Treaty between England and Portugal, 10 July, 1654. Art. 23- Treaty between France and the States General at Utrecht, 11 April, 171:3. Art. 26. should 438 THE LIFE OF 66. ſhould be ſeized, except contraband; conſequently, that all effects not contraband, belonging to the enemy, ſhould be free; and that theſe aſſu- rances were afterwards confirmed in writing by lord Cheſterfield, the 5th of January, 1747." ANSWER. “ The fact makes this queſtion not very material, becauſe there are but'four inſtances in lifts A. or B. where any goods on-board a Pruffian Thip have been condemned ; and no ſatisfaction is pretended to be demanded for any of thoſe four cargoes in lifts A. and B. However, it may be pro- per to Thew how groundleſs this pretence is. Taking the words alleged to have been ſaid by lord Carteret as they are ſtated, they do not warrant the inferences endeavoured to be drawn from them. They import no new ftipulation different from the law of nations, but expreſſly profeſs to treat the Pruffians upon the ſame foot with the ſub- jects of other neutral powers under the like circumſtances ; i. e. with whom there was no particular treaty. For, the reference to neutral powers cannot be underftood to communicate the terms of any particular treaty. It is not ſo faid. The treaties with Holland, Sweden, Ruſſia, Portugal, Denmark, &c. all differ. Who can ſay which was communicated? There would be no reciprocity : the king of Pruſſia does not agree to be bound by the clauſes to which other. powers have, by their reſpective treaties, agreed. No Pruſſian goods on-board an enemy's ſhip have ever been condemned here, and yet they ought, if the treaties with Holland were to be the rule between Great Britain and Pruſſia ; nay, if theſe treaties were to be the rule, all now contended for, on the part of Pruſſia, is clearly wrong; becauſe, by treaty, the Dutch, in the laſt reſort, are to apply to the court of appeal here. Treaty of Alliance between Great Britain and Holland, at Weſt- minſter, the 6th of Feb. 1715-16, Article II. " Whereas fome diſputes have happened touching the explanation of the twelfth article of the treaty marine in 1674, it is agreed and concluded for deciding any difficulty upon that matter, to declare by theſe preſents, that by the proviſions, mentioned in the ſaid article, are meant thoſe which are received by cuſtom in Great Britain and the United : Provinces, and always have been received, which have been granted, and always are granted, in the like caſe, 'to the inhabitants of the ſaid countries, and to every foreign nation." - Lord WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 439 ... “ Lord Carteret is ſaid twice to have refuſed, in wliich Monſieur Andrié acquieſces, to give any thing in writing, as not uſual in England. Suppoſing the converſations to mean no more than a delaration of courſe that juſtice ſhould be done to the Pruſſians in like manner as to any other neutral power with whom there was no treaty, there was no occaſion for in- ſtruments in writing; becauſe in England the crown never interferes with the courſe of juſtice. No order or intimation is ever given to any judge. Lord Carteret therefore knew that it was the duty of the court of admiralty to do equal juſtice, and that they would, of themſelves, do what he ſaid to Monſieur Andrie. “ Had it been intended, by agreement, to introduce between Pruſſia and England a variation in any particular from the law of nations, and conſe- quently a new rule for the court of admiralty to decide by, it could only be done by a folemn treaty, in writing, properly authorized and authenticated. The memory of it could not otherwiſe be preſerved ; the parties intereſted and the courts of admiralty could not otherwiſe take notice of it. 6 But lord Cheſterfield's confirmation, in a letter of the 5th of January, 1747, being relied upon, the books of the ſecretary's office have beeii ſearched, and the letter to Monſieur Michell is found, which is verbatim as follows: ) 2 + “ Monfieur, A Whitehall, le 5 Janv. 1747-8. “ Ayant eu l'honneur de recevoir les ordres du roy ſur ce qui a formé le ſujet du méinoire que vous m'avez rerris du 8 de ce mois, N. S. je n'ai pas voulu tarder à vous informer, que fa majeſté, pour ne rien omet- tre par où elle peut témoigner ſes attentions envers le roy votre maître, ne fait nulle difficulté de déclarer, qu'elle n'a jamais eu l'intention, ni ne l'aura jamais, de donner le moindre empêchement à la navigation des ſujets Pruſ- fiens, tant qu'ils auront ſoin d'exercer leur commerce d'une maniere licite, & conformément à l'ancien uſage établi & reconnu parmi les puiſſances neutres. “Que fa majeſté Pruſſienne ne peut pas ignorer, qu'il y a des traités de commerce qui fubfiftent actuellement entre la Grande Bretagne & certaines. états neutres, &, qu'au moyen des engagemens formellement contractés de part & d'autre par ces mêmes traités, tout ce qui regarde la maniere d'exer- cer leur commerce réciproquement à été finalement conftaté & reglé. 5 Qu'en i. I 4:10 THE LIFE OF " Qu'en même tems il ne paroît point qu'aucun traité de la nature fuidite exifte à préſent, ou a jamais exiſté, entre fa majeſté & le roy de Pruſſe ; mais que pourtant cela n'a jamais empêché que les ſujets Pruſſiens n'ayent été favoriſés par l'Angleterre, par raport à leur navigation, autant que les autres nations neutres : &, cela étant, fa majeſté ne preſuppoſe pas, que l'idée du roy votre maître ſeroit d'exiger d'elles des diſtinctions, encore moins des préférences, en faveur de ſes ſujets à cet égard. " Que de plus fa inajeſté Pruſſienne eſt trop eclairée pour ne pas con- noître, qu'il y a des loix fixes & établies dans ce gouvernement, dont on ne peut nullement s'écarter ; & que, s'il arrivoit que la marine Angloiſe s s'aviſât de faire la moindre injuſtice aux ſujets conimerçans du roy votre maître, il y a un tribunal ici, ſavoir, la haute cour de l'amirauté, à laquelle ils ſe trou- vent en droit de s'adreſſer & de porter leurs plaintes; aſſurés d'avance, en pareil cas, qu'on leur y rendra bonne juſtice ; les procédés juridiques de la- dite cour étant & ayant éte de tout tens hors d'atteinte & irréprochables ; témoin, nombre d'exemples, où des vaiſſeaux neutres, pris illicitement, ont été reftitués avec fraix & dommages aux propriétaires. “ Voici ce que le roy m'a ordonné de vous répondre ſur le contenu de votre dit mémoire ; & fa majeſté ne ſauroit que ſe flatter, qu'en conſéquence de ce que je viens d'avancer il ne reſtera plus rien à deſirer au roy votre maître relativement à l'objet dont il eſt queſtion ; & le roy s'en croit d'autant plus aſſuré, qu'il eſt perſuadé que fa majeſté Pruſſienne ne voudroit rien de- mander que ne fût équitable. “ Je ſuis, avec bien de la conſidération, “ Monſieur, « Votre très humble & très obeiſfant ſerviteur, - CHESTERFIELD. - Tranſlation of the Earl of Cheſterfield's Letter to Monſieur Michell. 66 Sir, 60 Whitehall, January 5, 1747-8. Having had the honor to receive the king's orders upon the ſub- ject of the memorial which you delivered to me on the 8th inſtant, N. S. I would not delay informing you that his majeſty, in order to omit nothing whereby he may ſhew his attention to the king your maſter, makes no diffi- culty in declaring, that his majeſty has never had, or will have, any inten- tion TVILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 441 tion to give any interruption to the navigation of the . Pruffian ſubjects, as long as they ſhall take care to carry on their commerce in a lawful manner, and conformably to the antient uſage as eſtablished and acknowledged amongſt neutral powers. “ His Pruſſian majeſty cannot be ignorant that there are treaties of com- merce actually ſubfiſting between Great Britain and certain neutral ſtates, and that, by means of the engagements formerly contracted on each ſide by thoſe treaties, every thing relating to the manner of reciprocally carrying on their commerce has been finally ſettled and regulated. “At the ſame time it does not appear that any ſuch treaty exiſts at preſent or ever did exiſt, between his majeſty and the king of Pruſſia ; nevertherleſs that has never hindered the Prullian ſubjects being favoured by England, with reſpect to their navigation, as inuch as other neutral nations: and his majeſty does not ſuppoſe that the king your maſter ineans to require diſtinc- tions from his majeſty, much leſs any preferences, in favour of his ſubjects in this point. “His Pruſſian majeſty is too well informed not to know that there are in this government fixed and eſtabliſhed laws which cannot be departed from ; and that, in caſe any Engliſh ſhips of war ſhould commit the leaſt injuſtice to the trading ſubjects of the king your maſter, here is a tribunal, viz. the high court of admiralty, where they have a right to apply and make their complaints; and they may be previouſly aſſured, that in ſuch caſe impartial juſtice will be adminiſtered to them ; the juridical proceedings of the faid court being, and having ever been unimpeached and irreproachable, as ap- pears by numerous examples of neutral veſſels illegally taken having been reſtored with coſts and damages to the proprietors. « This is the anſwer the king has ordered me to give upon the contents of your ſaid memorial; and his majeſty cannot but flatter himſelf that, in con- ſequence hereof, the king your maſter's defire will be fully anſwered, with relation to the point in queſtion ; and of which his majeſty is the more af- ſured, as he is perſuaded that the king of Pruſſia would not require any thing but what is equitable. “ I am, with much conſideration, “ " Your moſt obedient, and moſt humble ſervant, 6 CHESTERFIELD. L11 1 66 Sir, “There 432 THE LIFE OF t ri There need no obfervations ; it is explicit, and in expreſs terms puts Pruſſia upon the foot of other neutral powers with whom there was no treaty, and points out the proper way of applying for redreſs. 6. The verbal declarations made by lord Carteret in 1744, which are ſaid to have been confirmed by this letter from lord Cheſterfield, cannot have meant more than the letter expreffes. “ And it is manifeſt by the above extract from Monſieur Andrie's letter to his Pruffian majeſty, that in May, 1747, Monſieur Andrié himſelf under- ſtood that goods of the enemy taken on board neutral ſhips ought to be con- demned as prize. “ It is evident, from authentic acts, that the ſubjects of Pruffia never un- derſtood that any new right was communicated to them. “ Before the year 1746 the Pruſſians do not appear to have openly engaged in covering the enemy's property. “ The men of war and privateers could not abſtain from captures in con- fequence of lord Carteret's verbal aſſurances in 1744, becauſe they nerer were nor could be known; and there was no occaſion to notify them, fup- pofing them only to promiſe impartial juſtice. For, all ſhips of war were bound to act, and courts of (admiralty to judge, according to the law of na- tions and treaties. “ Till 1746 the Pruſſian documents were, a certificate of the admiralty, upon the oath of the builder, that the ſhip was Pruſſian-built; and a certifi- cate of the admiralty, upon the oath of the owner, that the ſhip was Pruflian. property. “ From 1746 the Pruſſians engaged in the gainful practice of covering the enemy's goods, but were at a loſs in what ſhape and upon what pretence it: might beſt be done. “ On-board the ſhip the Trois. Soeurs was found a paſs bearing date at Stettin, the 6th of October, 1746, under the royal ſeal of the Pruffian re- gency of Pomerania, &c. alleging the cargo, which was ſhip-timber, bound for Port L'Orient, to be Pruſſian property, and, in conſequence thereof, claim- ing freedom of the ſhip. Claiming freedom to the ſhip from the property of the cargo being quite new, the propoſition was afterwards reverſed. And on-board a ſhip. called the Jumeaux, was found a paſs bearing date at Stettin, the 27th of June, 1747, under the royal ſeal, &c. alleging the ſhip to be Pruſſian pro- perty, and, in conſequence thereof, claiming freedom to the goods. But 2 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 443 -- * But this paſs was not ſolely relied on; for, there was alſo found on-board the ſame ſhip another paſs, bearing date at Stettin, the 14th of June, 1747, under the royal ſeal, &c. alleging the cargo to be Pruſſian property. 66 And it is remarkable that the oaths upon which theſe paſſes were grant- ed, appeared manifeſtly to be falſe; and neither of the cargoes to which they relate are now ſo much as alleged to have been Pruſſian property in the ſaid lifts A. or B. It being mentioned in the ſaid “Expoſition des Motifs, &c.” that Manf. Michell, in September, 1747, made verbal repreſentations to lord Cheſterfield in reſpect to the cargo taken on-board the ſaid ſhip called the Trois Soeurs, which was claimed as Pruſſian property, and no mention being made in liſts A. and B. of the ſaid cargo, we directed the proceedings in that cauſe to be laid before us; where it appears in the fulleſt and cleareſt manner, from the ſhip-papers and depoſitions, that the cargo was timber, laden on the account and at the riſque of Frenchmen, to whom it was to be de- livered at Port L'Orient, they paying freight according to charter-party; that the Pruſſian claimant was neither freighter, lader, or conſignee; and had no other intereſt or concern in the matter than to lend his name and confcience ; for he ſwore that the cargo was his property, and laden on or before the 6th of October, 1746, and yet the ſhip was then in ballaſt, and the whole of the cargo in queſtion was not laden before May, 1747. - Several other Pruffian claims had, in like inanner, come out ſo clearly to be merely colourable, that Monſ. Andrié, from his ſaid letter the 29th of May and 9th of June, 1747, appears to have been aſhamed of them. THIRD PROPOSITION. - That lord Carteret, in his ſaid two converſations, ſpecified, in your ma- jeſty's name, what goods ſhould be deemed contraband.” Answer. “ The fact makes this queſtion totally immaterial, becauſe no goods condemned as contraband, or which was alleged to be fo, are ſo much as now ſuggeſted to have been Pruſſian property in the ſaid lifts A. and B.; and therefore, whether as enemy's property or contraband, they were either way rightly condemned ; and, the bills of lading being falſe, the ſhips could not be entitled to freight. LI12 6. But 444 THE LIFE OF . como “ But if the queſtion was material, the verbal declaration of a minifter in converſation might ſhew what he thought contraband by the law of na- tions, but never could be underſtood to be equivalent to a treaty derogating from that law. “ All the obſervations upon the other parts of theſe verbal declarations. hold equally as to this.. 3 { FOURTH PROPOSITION. * That the Britiſh miniſters have ſaid, that theſe queſtions were decided according to the laws of England.” ANSWER. They muſt have been miſunderſtood ; for, the law of En- gland ſays, that all captures at ſea, as prize, in time of war, muſt be judged of in a court of admiralty, according to the law of nations and particular treaties, where there are any. “There never exiſted a caſe where a court, judging according to the laws of England only, ever took cognizance of prize. The property of prizes being given during the laſt war to the captors, your majeſty could not arbitrarily releaſe the capture, but left all caſes to the deciſion of the proper courts, judging by the law of nations and treaties where there were any; and it never was imagined, that the property of a foreign ſubject, taken as prize on the high ſeas, could be affected by, laws peculiar to England. 66 1 FIFTH PROPOSITION. “That your majeſty could no more erect tribanals for trying theſe matters than the king of Pruſſia." ANSWER. “Each crown has, no doubt, an equal right to erect admi. ralty courts for the trial of prizes taken by virtue of their reſpective com- miſſions; but neither has a right to try the prizes taken by the other, or to reverſe the ſentences given by the other's tribunal. The only regular method of rectifying their errors is, by appeal to the ſuperior court. “ This is the clear law of nations; and by this method prizes have always be determined in every other maritime country of Europe as well as England. SIXTH WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 445. SixTH PROPOSITION. - That the ſea is.free." ANSWER. They who maintain that propoſition in its utmoſt extent, do not diſpute but that when two powers are at war they may ſeize the ef- fects of each other upon the high ſeas, and on board the ſhips of friends; therefore that controverſy is not in the leaſt applicable upon the preſent oc- cafion *.. 1 SEVENTH PROPOSITION. -Great Britain iſſued repriſals againſt Spain, on account of captures at.ſea." 2 - ANSWER. “ Theſe:captures were not made in time of war with any power. “ They were not judged of by courts of admiralty, according to the law of nations and treaties, but by rules, which were themſelves complained of in revenue-courts; the damages were afterwards admitted, liquidated at a certain ſum, and agreed to be paid by a convention, which was not per- formed; therefore repriſals iſſued, but they were general. No debts due here to Spaniards were ſtopped; no Spaniſh effects here were ſeized; which : leads to one obſervation more. “ The king of Pruſſia has engaged his royal word to pay the Sileſia debt to private men. “ It is negotiable, and many parts may have been aſſigned to the ſubjects of other powers. It will not be eaſy to find an inſtance where a prince has thought fit to make repriſals upon a debt due from himſelf to private men. There is a confidence that this will not be done. A private man lends money to a prince upon the faith of an engagement of honour, becauſe a prince cannot be compelled, like other men, in an adverſe way, by a court of juſtice. So ſcrupulouſly did England, France, and Spain adhere to this public faith, that even during the war they ſuffered no enquiry to be made whether any part of the public debts was due to ſubjects of the enemy, though it is certain many Engliſh had money in the French funds, and many French had money in ours. * This appears from Grotius in the paſſages above cited, lib. 3, cap. 1. 95 No. 4. in his notes, and lib, 3, cap. 6, 6, in his notes, 66 This 446 THE LIFE OF 6. This loan to the late emperor of Germany, Charles the VIth, in Janu- ary 1734-5, was not a ſtate tranſaction, but a mere private, contract with the lenders, who advanced their money upon the emperor's obliging himſelf, his heirs and poſterity, to repay the principal, with intereſt, at the rate, in the manner, and at the times in the contract mentioned, without any de- lay, demur, deduction or abatement whatſoever ; and, left the words and inſtruments made uſe of ſhould not be ſtrong enough, he promiſes to ſecure the performance of his contract in and by ſuch other inſtruments, method, manner, form, and words, as ſhould be moſt effectual and valid to bind the ſaid emperor, his heirs, ſucceſſors and poſterity, or as the lenders ſhould reaſonably defire. “ As a ſpecific real ſecurity, he mortgaged his revenues ariſing from the Duchies of Upper and Lower Sileſia for payment of principal and intereſt; and the whole debt, principal and intereſt, was to be diſcharged in the year 1745. If the money could not be paid out of the revenues of Sileſia, the emperor, his heirs and poſterity, ſtill remained debtors, and were bound to pay. The eviction or deſtruction of a thing mortgaged, does not extinguiſh the debt or diſcharge the debtor. “Therefore the empreſs queen, without the conſent of the lenders, made it à condition of her yielding the Duchies of Sileſia to his Pruſſian majeſty, that he ſhould ſtand in the place of the late emperor in reſpect of this debt. - The ſeventh of the preliminary articles between the queen of Hungary and the king of Pruſſia, ſigned at Breſlau the IIth of June, 1742, is in thefe words : Sa majeſté le roi de Prulle ſe charge du ſeul payement de la ſomme hy- pothéquée ſur la Siléſie, aux marchands Anglois, ſelon le contract ſigné à Londres le 7me de Janvier 1734-5 , “ This ſtipulation is confirmed by the ninth article of the treaty between their faid majeſties, figned at Berlin the 28th of July 1742. Alſo renewed and confirmed by the ſecond article of the treaty between their faid majeſties, figned at Dreſden the 25th of December 1745. 66 In conſideration of the empreſs queen's ceſſion, his Pruffian majeſty has engaged to her that he will pay this money ſelon le contract, and conſe- quently has bound himſelf to ſtand in the place of the late emperor in re- ſpect of this money, to all intents and purpoſes. “ The late emperor could not have ſeized this money as repriſals, or eren in caſe of open war between the two nations, becauſe his faith was engaged to pay it without any delay, demur, deduction, or abatement whatſoever. If -- .. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 447 -- If theſe words ſhould not extend to all poſtible caſes, he hath plighted his honour to bind himſelf by any other form of words more effectually to pay the money; and therefore was liable at any time to be called upon to declare expreflly that it ſhould not be ſeized as repriſals, or in caſe of war; which is very commonly expreſſed when ſovereign princes or ſtates borrow money from foreigners. Therefore, ſuppoſing for a moment that his Pruſſian ma- jeſty's complaint was founded in juſtice and the law of nations, and that he had a right to make repriſals in general, he could not, conſiſtent with his engagements to the empreſs queen, ſeize this money as repriſals : beſides, this whole debt, according to the contract, ought to have been diſcharged in 1745. It ſhould, in reſpect of the private creditors, in juſtice and equity, be conſidered as if the contract had been performed; and the Pruffian com- plaints do not begin till 1746,, after the whole bebt ought to have been paid. Upon this principle of natural juſtice, French ſhips and effects wrong- fully taken after the Spaniſh war, and before the French war, have, during the heat of the war with France, and ſince, been reſtored by fentence of your majeſty's courts to the French owners. No ſuch ſhips or effects ever were attempted to be confiſcated as-enemy's property here during the war; becauſe, had it not been for the wrong firſt done, theſe effects would not have been in your majeſty's dominions. So, had not the contract. been firſt broken by non-payment of the whole loan in 1745, this money would not have been in his Pruſſian majeſty's hands. 6. Your majeſty's guaranty of theſe treaties is entire, and muſt therefore depend upon the ſame conditions upon which the ceſſion was made by the empreſs-queen.. so But this reaſoning is, in ſome meaſure, fuperfluous; becauſe, if the making any repriſals upon this occaſion be unjuſtifiable, which we appre- hend we have ſhewn, then it is not diſputed but that the non-payment of this money would be a breach of his Pruſſian majeſty's engagements, and a renunciation, on his part, of thoſe treaties. ss All which is moſt humbly ſubmitted to your majeſty's royal wiſdom.. GEO. LEE. G. PAUL. January 18, 1753 D. RYDER W. MURRAY." 1.782 i 3 448 THE LIFE OF 1782. Admiralty Juriſdiction. The foundation and nature of the Prize Juriſdiction in the court of Admiralty, having been explained and elucidated by lord Mansfield in a very elaborate argument, on the 4th of Fe- bruary, 1782, when he delivered the opinion of the court in the famous caſe of Lindo verſus Rodney and others. The author is deſirous, not only on account of its intrinſic merit, but alſo of its coincidence with, and confirmation of, many of the ingenious arguments in the duke of Newcaſtle's memorial, to impreſs on the mind of the juriſprudent, that his lordſhip's ſpeech, on that intereſting occaſion, cannot be too attentively conſidered. Mr. Douglas, in his Reports, p.501 to 598, has inſerted a very correct tranſcript of that important ſpeech.. To trace the origin, nature, and juriſdiction, of the court of Admiralty over all matters of prize, and every thing conſequen- tial to a capture of prize, in the very neat, progreſſive, and con- vincing manner, in which it was done by lord Mansfields, muſt unavoidably proceed to lengths improper for, if not inadmiſſible in, a work of this nature. 4 Mitchell and another againſt Rodney and another. A ſubſequent action * having been tried before lord Mansfield at the ſittings after Hilary Term, 22 George III. and a ſpecial verdict found, upon which judgement paſſed the enſuing term without argument, the opinion of the court being known in the former cauſe, yet a writ of Error was brought in the Houſe of Lords upon that judgement, and the reader is, we preſume, prepared to hear that the judgement of the court of King's Bench was affirmed. * Douglas, p. 598. On : 449 WILLIAM IAN EARL OF MANSFIELD. 1 On the firſt day of January, 1782, Dr. Newton biſhop of Briſtol entered on the 70th year of his age. He reckoned himſelf to be the oldeſt Weſtminſter fcholar then living. He was older than the earl of Mansfield, and on the new year's day wrote the following note to his old friend and ſchool-fellow. “ My Lord, St. Paul's, January'ı, 1782. “ Give me leave, at the coming in of the new year, to addreſs your lordſhip with the old wiſh of multos et felices. I am happy tó hear froin all friends ſo goed an account of your health ; and I rejoice in it for the ſake of the public as well as your own, your’s being a life of the greateſt conſéquence, an ornament and bleſſing to your country.. Mine is but labour and forrow, and I have often occaſion devoutly to with Lord, now letteſt thou thy ſervant depart in peace. Never having been ſtrong and healthy, it is no wonder, that; entering into the 70th year of my age, I bow under a load of growing evils. One that diſtreſſes me much came on very faſt by my illneſs this laſt ſummer, the failure of my eyes to ſuch a degree, that I can read and write very little by day-light, and not at all by candle-light with the help of any glaſſes. But amidſt all my infirmities, God be praiſed, my ſpirits ſtill bear rne up. If they were to fail, I ſhould be miſerable in- deed. I had the good fortune not to hear of lady Mansfield's illneſs, till I was informed of her recovery, which I hope continues as complete and perfect as it is reported to be. As long as I live I ſhall offer up my prayers for the health and happineſs of your lordſhip and all your family, and I muft ceaſe to be myſelf before I can ceaſe to be, My Lord, Your ever affectionate, obliged, and faithful humble ſervant." ور $ The bearer who carried this note returned with this obliging anſwer. . 3 “ My dear Lord, January 1, 1982. " A thouſand thanks to you for your moſt friendly letteſ. We two are almoſt left alone. Thank God, I go down the hill without pain except for the public; and, if the Breſt fleet and convoy are diſperſed and driven back, this year opens propitiouſly. Lady Mansfield, Mmm blefied .. 450 THE LIFE OF bleſſed be God, has had a miraculous recovery from a very ſudden and vio- lent illneſs. Prudence on her account has kept me hitherto in town theſe holidays. I hope to be able foon to have the pleaſure of ſeeing you, and thanking you perſonally for your kind remembrance of Your moſt affectionate, &c. MANSFIELD." The Biſhop, in another part of his anecdotes, has been pleaſed to obſerve, ! « Lord Mansfield's is a character above all praiſe, the oracle of law, the ſtandard of eloquence, and pattern of all virtue, both in public and private life. It was happy for the nation, as well as for himſelf, that at his age there appeared not the leaſt fymptom of decay in his bodily or in his mental faculties; but he had all the quickneſs and vivacity of youth, tempered with all the knowledge and experience of old age. Except the king's, no man's life was of greater importance and conſequence to his country, and wiſhing well to him was wiſhing well to all mankind. When his nephew lord Stor- mont had married, and had a fair proſpect of having children ; he, with good reaſon, aſked and obtained an earldom for himſelf to deſcend to the male heirs. Upon which occafion biſhop Newton, in the fincerity of his heart, addreſſed to him the following letter: 66 MY LORD, Kew-Green, Oet. 20th, 1776. “ You have long merited the higheſt honours which this country can beſtow ; but it was not fitting that they ſhould die with you : ſomething ſhould remain as a monument to poſterity. I beg leave therefore to congra- tulate your lordſhip, or rather my lord Stormont, upon your additional titles. Nothing can be properly an addition to yourſelf. You may rank higher in the world, but you cannot riſë higher in the opinion and eſteem of all who know you, and particularly of, My dear Lord, “ Your Lordſhip's ever affectionate and obedient ſervant.” 56 Soon after he was favoured with the following friendly anſwer : i 66 ME WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 457 “ MY DEAR LORD, Kenwood, Oct. 22, 1776. “ I am.exceedingly flattered by your letter, which I have juſt received ; becauſe I know the friendly fincerity of the heart from whence it flows. You do juſtice to my view in this creation. Lady Stormont is five months gone with child. If it pleaſe God to bleſs lord Storimont with iſſue male, I wiſh, from a pardonable vanity becauſe common, that they may repreſent my name as their firſt title. The manner of conferring this mark did great honour, and conſequently gave great pleaſure to, 66 Your moſt affectionate, &c. MANSFIELD." . “ The event was anſwerable to the good wiſhes and expectations of him- ſelf, his family, and friends; for at the beginning of March following lady Stormont was delivered at Paris of a fon and heir to the title of earl of Mans-- field *. Another ſon has been born ſince; and probably there may be more. The noble lord thus lives happy in himſelf, happy in his family plenus annis, plenus honoribus, etiam illis quos recufavit ; and may he long, very long, con- tinue thus ! yet with all this worth, and all this excellence, greatly as he has been eſteemed, and highly as he has been honoured in his life-time, his vir- tues will ſhine forth more illuſtrious, and his merits will be more univerſally allowed and applauded after his death. Envy will then be dumb, and faction be heard no more." In 1784. The preſſure of ſome bodily infirmities for the firſt time admoniſhed the venerable peer to ſeek relaxation and relief from the ſalutary ſprings and the vivifying ſoft air of Tun- bridge. No ſooner was he feated there, than he diffuſed life and ſpirit all around him. An accident in the ball-room would have been deemed too trivial for the pen of genius to portray, if it had happened to any common perſon ; but on lord Mans- field's falling with lady Edward Bentinck from a bench in the * Lord Chief Juſtice Mansfield was, by the firſt patent of an earldom, created earl of Mansfield in the county of Nottingham. This This patent was extended to lady Stormont and her iſſue male by lord Stormont. The ſecond included lord Stormont in the ſucceſſion by the ſtyle and title of earl of Mans- field in the county of Middleſex. M m m 2 ball-room 4:52 THE LIFE OF } ball-room at Tunbridge Wells, and loſing his wig, a lady thus: commenced her flight into the regions of fancy. " Who would not think it perfect bliſs. In ſuch a gallant cauſe as this With ſuch a fair to fall ? How could a courtier be afraid? When youth and beauty claim'd his aid The facrifice was ſmall. 0 r “Fair nymph! for thee, the ruſtic 'fquire Would leave his hounds; the bard his lyre, His quill, and laurel-crown; The monk would ceaſe to count his beads; The pilgrim throw aſide his weeds, The fenator his gown. t “ Mourn not, ye judges, when we tell "How from the bench earl Mansfield fell, For, Juſtice thus replies: 6 Without a wig, without a gowng, He ſtill muſt equally be known Pre-eminently wiſe. s« Not to an outward form confind... His bright, his comprehenſive mind, In every dreſs the ſame. . Diffuſes o'er the world its ray, And, keeping death and time at bay, Glows with one ſteady flame.” On the ſame. By Lady *s When he, to whom Aftræa gave her laws, Became endanger'd by, a trivial cauſe, The goddeſs caught and ſav'd the falling fage, And bade his wiſdom bleſs another age. 99 ” * Suppoſed to be lady Burrell.. An WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 453 Ain Invocation to the Nymph of the Spring at Tunbridge-Wells, on Lord Mansfield's having expreſſed an Intention of leaving the place. By the fame Lady. 66 Ariſe, fair Naiad ! from thy well ; Ariſe, and tune thy vocal ſhell, Try ev'ry ſoft bewitching art, To charm the ear, and pleaſe the heart, Till Mansfield ſhall thy voice obey, And near thy, ſpring conſent to ſtay. Sweetly warble in his ear, • Health, and all her train are here; Health, whoſe liberal hand beſtows. Nights of undiſturb'd repoſe, Hours of ſocial mirth and glee,, Days of ſoft tranquillity.' Nymph! at thy pellucid ſpring Ruddy health delights to dwell, Fanning, with her magic wing, The mineral ſparks that fill thy well, And o'er the ſurface of the ſtream Hope ſheds her faſcinating beam. Bacchus, rofy god of wine, Muſt to thee the palm reſign.- His ſweets nectarequs may impart A ſhort-liv'd banquet to the heart ; May diſſipate the gloom of care, And fhield the ſufferer from deſpair; May bid the ſlave forget his chains, The exil'd wretch his native plains, And by a tranſient joy ſuſpend: The anguiſh of an injur'd friend.. Yet long the viſion cannot laſt; With reaſon, forrow's force returnsą, The dream of happineſs is paſt, The ſlave perceives his chain, and mourns. Again! 454 THE LIFE OF ; Again the lover feels his pains, Again the injur'd friend complains; The artificial ſpirits ceaſe to blaze, And weaken'd nature rapidly decays. But thou, O nymph! can'ſt cheer mankind; Invigorate the drooping mind Bid faded beauty re-aſſume Her ſprightly grace, her roſeate bloom ; Give ſpirit to the languid eye, And baniſh from the breaſt dejection's figh; While o'er thy ſparkling fountain bends The wiſeſt judge, the beſt of friends ; Nymph of the ſtream ! indulgent heaven The grateful taſk to thee has given, To bid him from thy well receive The renovating draught, and live. Thy power has made thoſe eyes benign With all their former luſtre ſhine. Science and art no longer mourn, Again they ſee his health return, And hear his tuneful lips diſpenſe The words of pureſt eloquence.” 1 Anſwer to the Nymph of the Spring at Tunbridge-Wells, to the Invocation, written on Lord Mansfield's declared Inten- tion of leaving the Place. By a Gentleman. Say whence that voice, which thus ſo ſweetly ſings, Around the margin of my healing ſprings ? Has any fiſter of th' harmonious nine Left fair Caſtalia's fount to viſit mine? But, ah! not one of all the Muſes' choir, Nor the ſoft warblings of a Burrell's lyre, Not all the various arts which moſtly pleaſe, The bliſs of friendſhip, and the love of eaſe, Can I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 455 1 Can tonger here invite a Mansfield's ſtay; The public welfare haſtens him away. Enliven'd by my ſtreams and purer air, Britannia's health is now his only care. And, lo! Aftræa, with a ſolemn call, Remands her fav'rite to her facred hall, To poiſe again her ſcales with equal hand, And due obedience with her ſword command, Whilft from his ſeat, with reverential awe, He ſpeaks the oracles and voice of law. For ſuch high duties heaven at firſt defign'd The patriot ſage, a bleſſing to mankind. Thus fpake the Naiad, from her wat’ry cell, And Mansfield bids, with wiſhful lingering look, farewell.” Verſes inſcribed to Lord Mansfield, after his leaving Tunbridge- Wells, 1784. By a Gentleman of that Place. " Whilft Mansfield here, as good as great, Adorn'd this healthful bleft retreat, Our ſuns with brighter luſtre fhone, Our hours more chearfully paſs'd on; The Muſes tun'd their ſweeteſt ſong, And harinoniz'd the feſtive throng'; The loves and graces form'd the ball, And ſocial pleaſures gladden'd all. But, fince Aftræa call'd away Her's and our pride, how dull the day! How chang'd the ſcene! A ſilent gloom Shades ev'ry walk, and ev'ry room; Forlorn, the nymphs and ſwains retire, And mute is Burrell's vocal lyre ; Our rural plains around all ſeem to mourn, And join the general prayer for his return." IN 456 THE LIFE OT : IN many of the preceding pages, the author has endeavoured to delineate the great outlines of lord Mansfield's legal character ; deducible from a proper temperature and illuſtration of hiſtory and ethics, which hislordſhip was accuſtomed to ſay were the true ſources of all law. In attempting more than the great outlines of character he might have failed. In ſoaring higher he might have fallen : at all events he muſt have pervaded the wide regions of law and equity, în ſearch of proper colouring for a perfeet femblance. The work would have been voluminous, and he begs leave to add, in a great degree unneceſſary, ſince it muſt be allowed, that a great chief- juſtice had the good fortune to engage three able reporters, Sir James Burrow, the right honourable Sylveſter Douglas, and Mr. Cowper, in his fervice. To collect and bring into one point of view the innumerable traits of his illuſtrious legal character, the author has been obliged to hover, as it were, over many fair and fertile fields of legiſlation ; whether with profit or pleaſure to the reader not for him to determine. If he has hitherto ſucceeded in two grcat objects, which ought never to be ſeparated in con- templating illuſtrious characters ; firſt, a ſedulous endeavour to be uſeful in that ſphere of life wherein it has pleaſed Providence to place us; and ſecondly, to promote emanations of gratitude for early patronage, which, like the radiant fun, ſheds its influ- ence far and wide, and, without loſing any of its luſtre, confers ineſtimable benefits on all who are under its benign influence. The energy of this principle, duly cheriſhed in the mind, has not failed to ſurmount many difficulties, to curb all inordinate love of laſſitude, to overbalance the greateſt diſadvantages, and make whatever is in the direct line of duty not only the object of incli- nation, but of rational amuſement. Conſcious that he has endeavoured to diſcharge a duty of fome importance with fidelity and honeſt zeal, he will chearfully reſign 2 the WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 457 .; the farther diſcuſſion of his lordſhip's character to abler hands : yes, a faithful tranſcript of his public character remains to be promulgated. The concurrent teſtimonies of modern writers have not been hitherto called in aid, the nellifluous treaſures from their rich hives, remain to be collected. “ To illuſtrate his oratory, by example, (lays an ingenious inodern wri- ter,) would require voluminous tranſcripts from the records of parliament; and it is unneceſſary, as we can appeal to living recollection. “ However party-prejudices may adopt their different favorites, and each labour in detracting from the merit of the other, it is, we believe, generally underſtood, that precedence is allowed the earl of Mansfield, as the firſt magiſtrate that ever ſo pre-eminently graced that important ſtation. The wiſdom of his deciſions and unbiaffed tenor of his public conduct, will be held in veneration by the fages of the law, as long as the ſpirit of the con- ftitution, and juſt notions of equity, continue to have exiſtence. No man has ever in an equal degree poſſeſſed that wonderful fagacity in diſcovering chicanery and artifice, and ſeparating fallacy from truth, and ſophiſtry from argument, ſo as to hit the exact equity of the caſe. He ſuffered not juſtice to be ftrangled in the nets of form. His memory was aſtoniſhing. He never took notes; or, if he did, feldom had occafion to conſult them *. His references to expreſſions which fell from himn in the courſe of the debate, or his quotations from books, were ſo faithful, that they might have been ſaid to have been repeated verbatin. The purpoſes to which he employed. theſe amazing talents were ſtill more extraordinary; if it was the weak part of his opponents arguments, that he referred to, he was ſure to expoſe it's fallacy, weakneſs, or abſurdity, in the moſt poignant ſatire, or hold it up in the moſt ridiculous point of view. If, on the contrary, it were a point on which his adverſaries laid their chief ſtreſs, he ſtated the words correct- ly, collected their obvious meaning ; conſidered the force of the ſeveral.. arguments that had, or might have been, raiſed upon them, with a pre- cifion that would induce an auditor almoſt to ſuppoſe, that he had previouſly conſidered the whole, and that his ſpeech was the reſult of much previous. confideration. * See Political Characters, p. 4. 1777- Nn in 86 It 458 THE LIFE OF 3 “ It may be ſaid of Mansfield, as of Virgil *, that if he had any faults they might be conſidered in the ſame manner as thoſe of ſome eminent fixed ſtar, which, if they exiſt at all, are above the reach of human obſervation. • The luminous æther of his life was not obſcured by any ſhade dark enough to be denominated a defect. On account of his deſcent, local pre- judices, and propenſities, were imputed to him, and his conduct on that account examined with a microſcopic eye: but the optic through which it was viewed poffefſed a party tinge, equally obvious and deceptive. “ His political principles were ever conſiſtent, and to preſerve conſiſtency in ſuch ſtations, and in ſuch times as occupied the life of Mansfield, con- ſtitute an ordeal ſtrongly iinpreſſive of virtue. It has been ſaid that he wanted ſpirit. "Is the uniform oppoſition of popular opinion, and apparently the contenipt of it, any proof of the aſſertion? His fpirited ſpeech and his conduct in the affair of Wilkes's outlawry, when popular prejudice ran in torrents, firmly illuſtrate each other. 66 The luſtre of his eloquence was ſomething more than human, and the firm integrity of the judge was the emanation of a divinity. Here Demof- thenes and Tully ſhrink from the compariſon-here acknowleged ſuperiority ſtands confeſſed-here the exulting Britain may exclaim, " Cedite, Romani-Cedite, Graii !" “ He deſpiſed (to borrow an expreſſion of his own) that muſhroom-popu- larity, that is raiſed without merit, and loſt without a crime. He diſclaimed being the ſlave of popular impulſe, or to acknowlege the ſhouts of a mob from the trumpet of fame. “ As a ſpeaker in the Houſe of Lords where was his competitor ? The grace of his action, and the fire and vivacity of his looks, are ſtill preſent to imagination, and the harmony of his voice yet vibrates in the ear of thoſe who have been accuſtomed to liſten to him. His lordſhip poſſeſſed the ftrongeſt powers of diſcrimination_his language was elegant and perſpicuous, arranged with the happieſt method, and applied with the utinoſt extent of human ingenuity-his images were often bold, and always juſt; but the character of his eloquence is that of being flowing, perſpicuous, convincing, and affecting.” * See Burton's character of Claſſical Remains ; tit. Virgil. " His I WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 459 “ His genius (ſays a modern writer *) is comprehenſive and penetrating ; and, when he judges it neceſſary, he pours forth founds the moſt ſeductive, equally calculated to perſuade and to convince. Among his rare qualifica-- tions (ſays he) "may be added the external graces of his perſon, the piercing eye, the fine-toned voice, and harmonious elocution, and that happy ar- rangement which poſſeſſes all the accuracy and eloquence of the moſt la- boured compoſitions." Doctor Smollett, in the continuation of his Hiſtory of England, in noticing the ſupporters of Mr. Pelham's adminiſtration, men- tions Mr. Murray as intitled to the firſt place in point of genius : " This gentleman,” he continues, " the ſon of a noble family in North Britain, had raiſed himſelf to great eminence at the bar by the moſt keen intuitive ſpirit of apprehenſion, that ſeemed to ſeize every object at firſt glance; an innate fagacity, that ſaved the trouble of intenſe application ; and an irreſiſtible ſtream of eloquence that flowed pure and claſſical, ſtrong and copious, reflecting in the moſt conſpicuous point of view, the ſubjects over which it rolled, and ſweeping before it, all the ſlime of formal heſitation, and all the intangling weeds of chicanery." Biſhop Newton, who was Mr. MURRAY's ſenior at Weſtmin- ſter, has, in his own Life and Anecdotes, prefixed to his works, given the following ſummary character of his ſchool-fellow : “ Lord Mansfield's language was natural and eaſy; his ſpeeches were in a continued chain of reaſoning, and ſometimes with regular diviſions, ſo that you eaſily accompanied him and comprehended the whole from the begin- ning to the end-what he ſaid, as well as his manner of ſaying, was modeſt and decent, not preſuming and dictatorial. He never deſcended to perſonal altercations, diſdained to reply even to reflections caft upon himſelf, and in all things preſerved his own dignity and that of the Houſe of Peers. He addreſſed himſelf more to your reaſon than to your paſſions : he never courted popular applauſe ſo much as the approbation of the wiſe and good; he did * See Royal Regiſter. Nnn 2 not t 460 THE LIFE OF 1 not wiſh to take you by ſtorm or ſurprize, but ſought to prevail only by the force of truth and argument; he had almoſt an immediate intuition into the merits of every cauſe or queſtion that came before him, and comprehending it clearly himſelf could readily explain it to others; perſuaſion flowed from his lips, conviction was wrought in all unprejudiced minds, and for many years the Houſe of Lords payed greater deference to his authority than to that of any man living.” r Though laſt, not leaſt in our eſteem, is the delineation of cha- racter of this illuſtrious perſon, given by the preſent Biſhop of WORCESTER, in the following eulogy: « Mr. Murray, afterwards earl of Mansfield, and lord chief juſtice of England, was ſo extraordinary a perſon, and made ſo great a figure in the world, that his name muſt go down to pofterity with diſtinguiſhed honor in the public records of the nation ; for; his ſhining talents diſplayed themſelves in every department of the ſtate as well as in the ſupreme court of juſtice, his peculiar province, which he filled with a luſtre of reputation, not equalled perhaps, certainly not exceeded, by any of his predeceſſors. 66 Of his conduct in the Houſe of Lords I can ſpeak with the more con- fidence, becauſe I ſpeak from my own obſervation. Too good to be the leader, and too able to be the dupe of any party, he was believed to ſpeak. his own ſenſe of public meaſures, and the authority of his judgement was ſo high, that, in regular: times, the houſe was uſually decided by it. He was no forward or frequent ſpeaker, but reſerved himſelf, as was fit, for occa... fions worthy of him. In debate he was eloquent as well as wiſe, or rather he became eloquent by his wiſdom. His countenance and tone of voice imprinted the ideas of penetration, probity.,., and candour ; but what ſecured your attention and affent to all he ſaid was his conſtant good ſenſe, flowing in apt terms, and in the cleareſt method... He affected no fallies of the ima- gination, or burſts of paſſion ; much leſs would he condeſcend to perſonal - abuſe, or to petulant altercation. All was clear candid reaſon, letting itſelf ſo eaſily into the minds of his hearers as to carry information and conviction : with it. In a word, his public ſenatorial character very much reſembled that of Meffala, of whom Cicero ſays, addreſſing himſelf to Brutus, “ Do.. not inagine; Brutus, that for worth, honor, and a warm love of his coun- try, any one is coinparable to. Meflala ;" ſo that his eloquence, in which he: wonder t WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 461 The very affectionate and pathetic addreſs from the bar, ligned wonderfully excels, is almoſt eclipſed by thoſe virtues : and even in his diſ- play of that faculty his ſuperior good ſenſe ſhews itſelf inoft; with ſo much care and ſkill hath he formed himſelf to the trueſt manner of ſpeaking! His powers of genius and invention are confeffedly of the firſt fize, yet he almoſt owes leſs to them, than the diligent and ſtudious cultivation of judgement. “In the commerce of private life lord Mansfield was eaſy, friendly, and very entertaining, extremely fenfible of worth in other men, and ready on all occaſions to countenance and patronize it.” So energetic, and ſo juſt are the tributes of reſpect and venera- tion, which have been ſpontaneouſly paid by eminent modern writers. He retired in 1788 from the diſtinguiſhed office of lord chief: juſtice of the King's Bench, which he had held more than thirty years with a reputation and ſplendor unrivalled. by the counſel who had practiſed in the court of King's Bench during fome part of the periods of his preſiding there, which was tranſmitted to him at Kenwood by.Mr. Erſkine, on his lordſhip’s- reſignation of the high office of chief juſtice, was to the following: affect: “My Lords " It was our wiſh to have waited perſonally upon your lord- Thip in a body, to have taken our public. leave of you, on your retiring from the office of chief juſtice of England; but, judging of your lordſhip’s- feelings upon ſuch an occaſion by our own, and confidering, beſides, that our numbers might be inconvenient, we déſire in this manner affectionately to aſſure your.lordſhip, that we regret, with a juſt ſenſibility, the loſs of a magiſtrate, whofe confpicuous and exalted talents conferred dignity upon the profeſſion; whoſe enlightened and regular adminiſtration of juſtice: made its duties leſs difficult and laborious, and whoſe manners rendered them pleaſant and reſpectable.. But, while we lament our Toſs, we remember, with peculiar fatisfaction, that your lordſhip is not cut off from us by the ſudden ſtroke of painful diſ- temper, or the more diſtreſſing ebb.of thoſe. extraordinary: faculties which 5. haver i 462 THE LIFE OF. have ſo long diſtinguiſhed you amongſt men ; but, that it has pleaſed God to allow to the evening of an uſeful and illuſtrious life, the pureſt enjoyinents which Nature lias ever allotted to it. The unclouded reflections of a ſupe- rior and unfading mind over its varied events, and the happy conſciouſneſs, that it hath been faithfully and eminently devoted to the higheſt duties of human ſociety, in the moſt diſtinguiſhed nation upon earth. May the ſea- ſon of this high fatisfaction bear its proportion to the lengthened days of your activity and ſtrength!” To which addreſs lord Mansfield, without detaining the ſer- vant five minutes, returned the following anſwer : « Dear Sir, "I cannot but be extremely flattered by the letter which I this moment have the honor to receive. If I have given fatisfaction, it is owing to the learning and candour of the bar. The liberality and integrity of their practice freed the judicial inveſtigation of truth and juſtice from many difficulties. The memory of the aſſiſtance I have received from them, and the deep impreſſion which the extraordinary mark they have now given me of their approbation and affection, has made upon my mind, will be a fource of perpetual conſolation in my decline of life, under the preſſure of bodily infirmities, which made it my duty to retire. “I am, Sir, with gratitude to you, and the other gentlemen, “ Your moſt affectionate and obliged humble ſervant, Kenwood, June 15, 1788. 6 MANSFIELD." In WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 463 In the ſix preceeding pages the author has indulged the deſire and almoſt irreſiſtible impulſe of enriching this biographical work with the glowing tints of ſome celebrated modern writers, not only with a view to do greater juſtice to the original, to introduce traits of character vaſtly ſuperior to any thing antece- dently attempted, but alſo to evince that he has not ſurcharged his own picture with too much encomiaſtic coloring. He will now beg permiſſion to reſume his labours by an enumeration of familiar incidents in advanced age, and by a ſummary reviſion of this illuſtrious character. The early maturity of Mr. Murray's mind procured him the friendſhip and patronage of thoſe who were much older than him- felf, and the natural eaſe and vivacity of his converſation com- manded the eſteem of age and experience on the one hand, and the reverence of youth on the other, to a very late period of his life. Many inſtances might with facility be repeated, but the ſelection of a few will probably be deemed ſufficient to illuſtrate this leading feature in the character of lord Mansfield. This leſs auguſt yet endearing trait of a good and great man, “chear- fulneſs in old age. Sir Thomas Parker, late lord chief baron of the Exchequer, whoſe name cannot be mentioned without profound refpeet, was one morning honored with a viſit by the chief juſtice, and when in eaſy converſe, talking about their venerable ages, Sir Thomas obſerved, your lordſhip and myſelf are not at fixes and ſevens, but at ſevens and eights. Lord Mansfield was in fact in his ſeventy- eighth year, and Sir Thomas in his eighty-feventh. The younger chief pleaſantly turned the converſation by ſaying, Poh! Sir Thomas, let you and I talk about the young ladies, and not dwell on old age.” Each of theſe venerable chiefs enjoyed in an uncommon degree, to a very advanced period of life, the greateſt of all bleſſings: Mens ſana in corpore ſano. It may be deemed worthy of remark, that each ” } 464 . THE LIFE OF each of them cloſed the ſcene of life in the eighty-ninth year of - his age, and that if ever the animated picture of an Heathen phi- lofopher, of the mind of a good man, was applicable to more than one, the open, intelligent, dignified, yet placid counte- nance of each of theſe chiefs, was reſpectively a ſair index of the mind. “ Si nobis animnun boni viri, liceret infpicere, o quam pulchram faciem, quam ſanctam, quam ex magnifico pla- cedoque, fulgentem videremus! Nemo illum amabilem, qui non ſimul venerabilem diceret.”. Seneca. A few years after lord chief baron Parker had reſigned, and when he was on the verge of fourſcore, not only full of years, but alſo happy in the enjoyment of a character, which he well deſerved, that of an honeſt man, and an impartial judge. His ſucceſſor, fir Sidney, Stafford Smyth, being unable through ill- health to attend either in court, or at a meeting of the judges in Serjeants Inn, on the firſt day of term, when difficult caſes re- ferred to the conſideration of the twelve judges are generally con- fidered, lord Mansfield wittily obſerved, “that lord chief baron Smyth, the ſucceſſor, ſhould reſign to his predeceſſor.” It is ſome. what remarkable, that, about the ſame period of time, the late lord Walfingham, who was ſucceſſor to fir Eardley Wilmot, as chief juſtice of the Common Pleas, was ſo frequently confined by the gout, and at laſt a martyr to it, as to have given propriety to the ſame obſervation-of reſigning to his predeceſſor. Of lord Mansfield's benevolent qualities, if a fair eſtimate is to be made from his patronizing merit wherever he found it, and where he had the leaſt reaſon to think that his patronage would be of real ſervice, his whole life will appear with great luſtre, exhibiting a regular ſyſtem of general benevolence, an unclouded effulgence of benignity, and an innate love of conferring favours on all thoſe, who were zealous to obtain a good report, and who deſerved it. nl WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 46; . In his judicial capacity it may be affirmed, without partiality or encomiaſtic hyperbole, that his great outline of conduct as a judge was to make the rigid rules of law.ſubſervient to the purpoſes of ſubſtantial juſtice. He was not the firſt who, as ſome have erro. neouſly alleged, foftened the rigor of law, by the interpoſition of principles of equity. But, although he did not introduce novelty by this practice, candor muſt allow that he cultivated and im- proved this practice more ſucceſsfully, and in a greater degree, than any of his predeceſſors. He preſided in his high ſtation during a period of thirty years and upwards, with the dignity of a great judge, and with an attachment to the court wherein he preſided, which could not be diſſolved by repeated offers of the cuſtody of the great ſeal. In many emergencies, and in times of diffi- culty and danger, he diſcovered an intrepidity of mind, and de- livered his ſentiments with a decided tone of voice, which at once commanded admiration, and ſilenced the tongue of male- volence, not unfrequently apt to attribute to him the want of firmneſs. His judgements were introduced with all the embelliſhments which the law on the ſubject, and which deep learning could ſupply. His great and unremitted attention, to improve and ren- der plain and perſpicuous the rules of the court wherein he pre- ſided, will be acknowledged and revered as long as the rules themſelves or the love of good order ſhall exiſt in our excellent conſtitution. And, in fine, if he has left the practice of the higheſt court of judicature yet improvable, it muſt be allowed, that he has left the rules and orders of that court replete with ſo much excellence, that they cannot fail to prompt his ſucceſ- fors to emulate him, and to make farther improvements. In his invaluable and inſtructive letters to the late duke of Portland, on the ſtudy of antient and modern hiſtory, he re- commends for the ſtudy of modern hiſtory, the beſt writers of the Hiſtory of France, as the Alpha, of his ſtudy. It is therefore ооо leſs 466 THE LIFE OF leſs to be wondered, that the French Revolution, ſhould have made a deep impreſſion on his inind, at the very advanced age he had attained, when his friend and phyſician Dr. Turton at- tended him at Kenwood about this period. Here the phyſician was diverted from his attention to his patient's health by lord Mansfield's turning the ſubject, and humourouſly ſaying, “in- ſtead of dwelling on an old man's pulſe, let me aſk you doctor, what you think of this wonderful French Revolution.” The mo- deſt anſwer was, - it is more material to know what your lord- ſhip thinks of it." Lord Mansfield, without the leaſt interval of ſuſpenſion, began : My dear Turton, how can any two reaſonable men think differently on the ſubject. A nation which, for more than twelve centuries, has nade a conſpicuous figure in the annals of Europe. A nation where the polite arts firſt flouriſhed in the Northern Hemiſphere, and found an aſylum againſt the barbarous incurſions of the Goths and Vandals. A nation whoſe philo- ſophers and men of ſcience cheriſhed and improved civilization, and grafted on the feudal fyſtem, the beſt of all ſyſtems, their laws reſpecting the de- ſcents and various modifications of territorial property. To think that a nation like this ſhould not, in the courſe of ſo many centuries, have learned ſomething worth preſerving, ſhould not have hit upon ſome little code of laws, or a few principles ſufficient to form one. Ideots! who in- ſtead of retaining what was valuable, ſound, and energetic, in their conſti- tution, have at once funk into barbarity, loſt fight of firſt principles, and brought forward a farrago of laws fit for Botany Bay! It is enough to fill the mind with aſtoniſhment and abhorrence ! A conſtitution like this may furvive that of an old man, but nothing leſs than a miracle can protect, and tranſmit it down to poſterity !” Their own celebrated M. de Monteſquieu inculcated better advice. In ſpeaking of Gothic government he obſerved, 66 Il fut d'abord mêlê d'ariſtocratic & de la monarchie. Il avoit cet in- convénient que le bas peuple y étoit eſclave ; c'étoit un bon government qui avoit en foi la capacité de devenir meilleur,” Lib. II. c. 8. 4 The + WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD, 467 ! The defect in the old conſtitution was here clearly pointed out, and the alluſion to a better conſtitution is too perſpicuous to be ſilently paſſed over. The inherent power of forming a third eſtate which our an- ceſtors have happily and ſucceſsfully exerciſed. The long and uninterrupted enjoyment of that vigorous, mixed, and better government, to which the author of the ſpirit of laws alluded, and which conſtitutes the palladium of our happy conſtitution, ought to be revered by every good citizen of the preſent genera- tion, and by grateful poſterity, as the greateſt of all bleſings ! The pleaſing and unremitted attention of lord Mansfield to the happineſs of his relatives, and to the comforts of his do- meſtics, ſome of whom grew grey in his ſervice, cannot be ex- hibited in a clearer or more pleaſing light than in his will, dated the 17th of April, 1782, and in nineteen codicils, ſome of which conſiſt only of two or three lines, and all of which were made from time to time through a period of twenty years, as occaſion required. We ſhall here find the noble ſuperſtructure of purity and ex- cellence raiſed on the ſolid foundation of philanthropy, grati- tude, and benevolence. In his will, the great lord chief juſtice aſſumes a new character, with as much facility, as he diveſted himſelf of his legal robes ; he ſeems to have laid aſidè every legal fubtilty, every nice diſcri- mination. He who had always been in the habits of deciding important queſtions, ſpringing out of intricate deviſes, con- ditions, and contingencies, in wills. He who, with great accu- racy and abilities, had been accuſtomed to circumſcribe the bounds in limitations or bequeſts of real and perſonal property, by defining, like an all-feeing judge, 66 Thus far ſhalt thou go, and no farther.” When the hour of fober reflection prompted him to ſit down and make his laſt teſtament, he began piouſly and affectingly with the feelings of a Chriſtian, and the ſimpli- city O.OO 2 468 THE LIFE OF ) city of a ſcholar, “Whenever it ſhall pleaſe Almighty God to call me to that ſtate to which, of all I now enjoy, I can carry only the fatisfaction of my own conſcience, and a full reliance upon his mercy, through Jeſus Chriſt.” Every idea of the in- tricate machine of a diviſe-ſettlement (as he was pleaſed to call it) was effaced from his mind, or lulled to a temporary repoſe. One leading feature alone predominates, pervades the whole, and narks the noble ſimplicity of plain, conciſe, and unfettered de- viſes and bequeſts. If any comment on a will, which is as clear as the noon-day ſun, can be pardoned, it is that only, which is plain, and fo ſelf-evident, that he who runs, may read. S. Thoſe who are deareft * and neareſt to me beſt know how to manage and improve, and ultimately in their turn, to divide and ſubdivide the good things of this world, which I commit to their care, according to events and contingencies, which it is impoſſible for me to foreſee, or trace through all the mazy labyrinths of time and chance. To his other relations, whoſe lives had been in a great de- gree devoted to promote his happineſs, whoſe fedulous care, and exemplary conduct were the folace of his old his old age, he is gratefully munificent. Of one, who through a period of forty years had ſerved him with fidelity and zeal. The noble Donor, who beſt could tell, has enumerated many important ſervices rendered at different and diſtant periods of his life, and thereby faid the foundation of remunerating them from time to time, in a ſtyle fully and forcibly expreſſive of gratitude and munificence. The manner of giving in theſe inſtances ſeems to have en- * Sic tranſit gloria mundi. A few, very few, years flitted over the head of this deareſt relative before he was, in his turn, not only called upon to ex- erciſe his diſcretion in obedience to the requeſt of his venerable uncle, but alſo to pay the great debt of nature . hanced I WILLIAM 1 469 EARL OF MANSFIELD. 1 hanced the value of the gift, and to have at once reflected ho- nor, on the giver and receiver. In the various codicils to his will, all of his own hand-writing, as long as he was able to write, many fine inſtances might be enumerated, which could not fail to impreſs the reader with the deep ſenſe of a diſcriminating and grateful teſtator. Suffice it to add, that the prominent feature of theſe numerous teſtamen- tary ſupplements ſeems to be, that of raiſing the different degrees and denominations of his faithful domeſtics, one degree, at the leaſt, above ſervitude ; ſince moſt of them who were ſingle, have comfortable proviſion, by annuities, for their lives ; and others, who were married, are enabled by ſpecific donations to ſettle in buſineſs, or ſit down contentedly with a decent competency. It is much to be lamented that the luſtre of the fineſt parts is fre- quently tarniſhed by avarice in old age; yet the curious reader, by examining the will and codicils of the earl of Mansfield, will not from theſe premiſes, be induced to draw a concluſion, un- favourable to the cauſe of liberality, the calls of humanity, or the feelings of a grateful heart. Some there are who will take away from, or diveſt teftamentary donations of all kind of merit, on the ſcore of a man's giving that to another which he cannot himſelf enjoy any longer. Cha- racters like theſe, who are ſo thrifty of praiſe, will be diſpoſed to aſk, how did his lordſhip manage his ample fortune while he lived? To theſe, the author begs leave to anſwer—not in pur- chaſing large domains-not in being a great ſtockholder ; but in lending his money on real ſecurities, or by way of mortgage, at fair and moderate intereſt. A declaration has frequently been af- cribed to him, in the public prints, that when his gueſts expreſſed furprize that he did not buy more land, or ſpeculate with his large fortune in the funds; his lordſhip, as has been aſſerted, an. ſwered: * The 470 THE LIFE OF " The man who buys land has principal without intereſt; while he wlio lays out his fortune in the funds has intereſt without principal.” But the author can, from the beſt authority., ſay, that his lordſhip diſavowed his having made any ſuch anſwer or declaration." The inſtances wherein he manifeſted his approbation of mode- rate intereſt on mortgages are not a little curious. . Upon the fame eſtate and in money-tranſactions with the ſame land-owner, he had ſometimes, of his own choice, different rates of intereſt, for which he aſſigned the following reaſon : That he ſhould deem it harſh to raiſe, in time of war, or national diſtreſs, an old mortgage to five per cent. but if the mortgagor was ſo bad a ma- nager as to want more money at ſuch a period, he muſt pay the intereſt of the day, that is, legal intereſt for it, although he paid leſs for the other. Thus à good old ſecurity was reſpectfully treated, like one of his good old ſervants ! But this is not all; many years ago application was made to him for the loan of a large ſum of money to pay off a mortgage originally made by a nobleman to ld W. M to the principal and intereſt of which his immaculate ſon J. M. eſquire, of famous memory, became intitled, An introduction to the latter was of dangerous tendency, ſo accommodating and atten- tive was he at all times and ſeaſons, “ Noctes atque dies patet atri janua ditis.” His door inſtantaneouſly flew open, to relieve the wants and diſtreſſes of young men of faſhion and large fortunes, whoſe prudence happened to be diſproportionate to their fortunes, and who thought too favourably of the terms on which loans from this Gamaliel of goodneſs were obtained. In his own phraſe he began with his young friends gently, in half and half, that is, by advancing half at legal intereſt, on good ſecurity, and the other on annuities at ſix or ſeven years purchaſe, which, on an average, produced a temporary income of ten per cent. or thereabouts. Many, too many, volatile and unthinking young men of family and 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 471 and fortune have ſeverely felt the dire effects of a corroding can- ker-worm of this nature. To relieve from ſuch imminent danger lord Mansfield was, on this and various other occaſions, gene- rouſly diſpofed ; but the Herculean taſk of fubduing the Gamaliel J. M. who lamented that he was in danger of loſing a fine har- veſt, remained to be accompliſhed. Requiſition being made to: him for a copy of the abſtract of title to lay before lord Mans- field's counſel, introduced a conference between Mr. J. M. and his counſel perfectly novel. The client anxiouſly deſired an opinion of his counſel, how far. the law would protect him in keeping his iron-cheft . locked, and in refuſing to produce any evidence of title whatever, becauſe fuch production would be injurious in the extreme to his future ſchemes of drawing on the young nobleman by degrees till he had got him completely into his toils. The anſwer was, that no gentleman ever refuſed to comply with a requiſition of that kind. “Sir, replied the client, you forget the queſtion put to you. I aſk you again and again, how far will the law protect inė in the refuſal ?" Delighted with the anſwer, that the law would protect him, if he fate on his iron- cheſt, till the principal and intereſt was tendered to him, he with- drew, and determined to take his feat accordingly. So Richard, the ſon of the great uſurper Cromwell, entertained himſelf pri- vately at Hoddeſdon in Hertfordſhire, crying out; “ Here I ſit on the lives and fortunes of all the good people of England,” mean- ing the addreſſes preſented to Cromwell and hiinſelf. The triumph of the mortgagee was not of long continuance: The curious conference in Lincoln's Inn between, Mr. J. M. and his counſel having been related to lord Mansfield, he obſerved, with great ſeriouſneſs and dignity, that he now faw more clearly the propriety and the merit of the efforts, to extricate the bora tower, from the iron-hand, as well as the iron-cheſt, of the lender 472 THE LIFE OF lendermathat the counſel and friend of the former ſhould not be diſappointed, if he could, from his knowledge of the nobleman's ſituation, ſay, that the large fum might be ſafely advanced for a ſhort period, on a fimple bond, until a proper ſecurity could be prepared. Armed with this generous ſupply the parties met, the bank-notes were placed on the table, when the diſappointed poor mortgagee objected to the tender ; but, ultimately, on being told hę might fit on his iron-cheſt, remain a priſoner in his own houſe till ſterling coin from a banking houſe was produced and a legal tender made, the ſtrong box was relunetantly opened ; the title-deeds, with ſtill greater reluctance, were reſtored ; and in the act of reſtitution, the mortgagee ſeemed to cry, like the Moor in the Merchant of Venice, “ Alas! Othello's occupa- tion's gone!” The merit of this ſignal ſervice of the temporary loan of a large fum on bond was greatly enhanced by its being lent to a gentle- man of whom lord Mansfield had very little perſonal knowledge. So the wine and oil adminiſtred to the wounded man in facred hiſtory, who had the misfortune to fall among robbers, were more meritorious acts of beneficence, and, as it were, a miracle of mercy, by their having been conferred on a ſtranger. In fine, The ſummary of lord Mansfield's legal and private character may be given in few words. In all he ſaid or did there was a happy mixture of good-nature, good-humour, elegance, eaſe, and dignity. His countenance was moſt pleaſing, he had an eye of fire, and a voice perhaps un- rivalled in its ſweetneſs, and the mellifluous variety of its tones. His intuitive and acquired knowlege of men and things ſoon at- tracted the attention, and procured the good opinion of the citi- zens of London and Weſtminſter, ſo as to induce them to inſtitute their fuits of different denominations in the court wherein he pre. fided. His WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 473 1 He excelled in the ſtateinent of a caſe. One of the firſt orators of the preſent age ſaid of it, “that it was of itſelf worth the argument of any other man. He diveſted it of all un- neceſſary circumſtances; he brought together every circumſtance of importance; and theſe he placed in ſo ſtriking a point of view, and connected them by obſervations ſo powerful, but which appeared to ariſe fo naturally from the facts themſelves, that fre- quently the hearer was convinced before the argument was opened. When he came to the argument he ſhewed equal abi- lity, but it was a mode of argument almoſt peculiar to himſelf. His ſtatement of the cafe prediſpoſed the hearers to fall into the very trażn of thought he wiſhed them to take when they ſhould come to conſider the argument. Through this he accompanied them, leading them inſenſibly to every obſervation favourable to the concluſion he wiſhed them to draw, and diverting every ob- jection to it; but all the time keeping himfelf concealed, ſo that the hearers thought they formed their opinions in conſequence of the powers and workings of their own minds, when, in fact, it was the effect of the moſt ſubtle argumentation and the moſt re- fined dialectic. His legal knowlege and profound ſagacity, not only promoted, but effectually ſecured, through a long ſeries of years, that ama- zing increaſe of buſineſs in the court of King's Bench which dig. nified his high office, and diffuſed opulence among the different officers of his court, and all around him. Conſidering his lordſhip's deciſions feparately, it will appear that, on all occaſions, he was perfectly maſter of the caſe before him, and apprized of every principle of law, and every adjudi- cation of the courts immediately, or remotely applicable to it. Conſidering them collectively, they will be found to form a com- plete code of juriſprudence on ſome of the moſt important branches of our law: a ſyſtem founded on principles equally libe- sal and juſt, admirably ſuited to the genius and circumſtances of the PPP 474 THE LIFE OF the age, and, happily blending the venerable doctrines of the old law with the learning and refinement of modern times; the work of a mind nobly gifted by nature, and informed with every kind of learning which could ſerve for uſe and ornament. His great wiſdom ſhed an uncommon luſtre over his admoni- tions, his advice, and his deciſions in the public courts, and gave them their due weight. All he ſaid and did will be held in de- ſerved admiration, as long as the love of our excellent laws, as long as the improvement of juriſprudence, and the power of elo- quence, ſhall be deemed worthy of pre-eminence, or have any charms to pleaſe. The author has not preſumed to give his lordſhip's political character. More years muſt elapſe, and party-prejudices be laid aſide, before his abilities, principles, and actions as a ſtateſman, can be properly appreciated. His eminence as a lawyer has been already ſtated, and univerſally acknowledged. He therefore begs leave briefly to confine himſelf to a few traits, which eminently diſtinguiſhed his lordſhip in private life, where he ſhone, if poſ- fible, with greater: luſtre than in the more elevated departments of a ſtateſman and a judge. Few noblemen have had that happy method of combining dige nity with wiſdom, and liberality with frugality, equal to lord Mansfield. Every thing in and about his manſion had the apa pearance of ſplendor and plenty; without that ſhow of oſtentation and waſte, which diſguſts every ſenſible mind; and which, at the fame time it gives an idea of the wealth, ſtrikes. us with the follý of the poffeffor. By his ſervants he was conſidered rather, as a . father and patron than a maſter.: many of them lived with him ſo many years that they were fit for no other ſervice'; and peace, plenty, and happineſs, were depicted in the countenance of every domeſtic. His lordſhip’s charities, which were infinitely more extenſive than is generally imagined, were given away and dif-. fuſed with good ſenſe and nobleneſs of mind rarely equalled ; fixa pences, 5: 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 475 pences, ſhillings, and half-crowns, he ſeldom conferred, conli- dering ſuch ſums as doing no real good, as the object ſo relieved would, on the day following the donation, be equ lly diſtreſſed as on the day preceding it; but, when by ſums of ten or twenty guineas he could relieve the virtuous and neceſſitated from ein- barraſſments by debt, by ſickneſs, or otherways, and put them in a way to provide for themſelves and families, he did it chearfully, and with that eaſe and good nature, which, inſtead of wounding, encouraged the feelings of the receiver, and always, if poſſible, with ſuch fecrecy and quietneſs as if he would not have his left hand know what his right hand did. Although his lordſhip's powers in converſation were uncommonly great, yet he never af- ſumed a more than equal ſhare of it to himſelf, and was always as ready to hear as he was to deliver an opinion. The faculty of converſing with eaſe and propriety he retained to the very laſt; and he was as quick át reply in his látter years as at any period of his life : whether he ſupported his own arguments, or refuted thoſe of his adverſary, his obſervations were delivered with that judgement and grace which evinced the preciſion of a ſcholar and the elegance of a gentleman. He was a ſincere Chriſ- tian without bigotry or hypocriſy, and he frequently received the facrament, both before and after he ceaſed to leave home; and there was conſtantly that decorum, that exemplary regularity to be ſeen in every department of his houſehold, which would have done credit to the palace of an archbiſhop. Such were the virtues, ſuch the endowments, and rare qualifi- cations, which pervaded, cheriſhed, and adorned his private life. Theſe he fedulouſly cultivated and diſſeminated through a long life. How powerful was their coincidence, how happy their effects ! The late Mr. Madan, in a neat eulogy of four lines, has ma- nifeſted his ſenſe of the vigor of his lordſhip's mind on the verge of old age as well as in the meridian of life : Ppp 2 66 Inter 476 THE LIFE OF i - Inter mortales vetus eft vox veraque fæpe " Bis ſunt infantes, qui ſenuere ſemel ; 5* At te luftrantes juvenemque fenemque fatemur " Te femel infantem, bis nïtuiffe virum.” The beautiful apoſtrophe of lord Monboddo, to which the author has alluded in the commencement of this work, remains to be placed in a proper light. The ſcientific lord of ſeſſions having expatiated on the perfect model of eloquence, on which lord Mansfield formed a chaſte and correct ſtyle of ſpeaking, ſuitable to the buſineſs of a judge, to whom it belonged not only to de- termine controverſies betwixt man and man, but to ſatisfy the parties that they have got juſtice, and thereby give eaſe and con- tentment to their minds; and, having illuſtrated by a familiar: example, within his own knowlege, that lord Mansfield was ſo fucceſsful in this reſpect, that even the loſing party commonly acknowledged the juſtice of his decrees, the apoſtrophe thus : commenced :- “ Having ſpent fo many years of your life, more I believe than any other man of this age, in the adminiſtration of juſtice, with ſo much applauſe and public ſatisfaction, I hope; my lord, you will bear with patience and reſig- nation the infirmities of old age ;: enjoying the pleaſure of reflecting, that you have employed ſo long a life ſo profitably in the ſervice of your country. With ſuch reflections, and a mind ſo entire as your's ſtill is, you may be ſaid to live over again your worthy life, according to the old. ſaying: boc eſt - Vivere bis, vita polje priore fruii”. ** That you may live this life as long as you retain a mind capable of en joying it, and without pain of body, ſuch as would diſturb that enjoyment; is tlie earneſt wiſhi of all your friends, and of none more than the author of this work : for, in the midſt of all your great public occupations, you have. always found time to cultivate private friendſhip; and I believe no man living has enjoyed more the two greateſt pleaſures of human life, that of loving and being loved.” Soon: CC. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 477 Soon after the publication of Mr. Burke's celebrated book on the French revolution, lady Anne, then the honourable Miſs Mur- ray, aſked a gentleman the meaning of the word plephiſmata, which occurs in the 3c5th page of that work, who replied, that he, in a hurry, as he rode along, had read it sophiſmata; but it was probably a word itſelf, which he did not immediately recol- lect. Lord Mansfield, having indiſtinctly heard the queſtion, deſired to know what the word was ; and, upon being informed, ſaid pſephiſmata is right; but I do not at preſent recollect it; and then, without the leaſt pauſe, faid, I have it; and not only ex- plained its meaning with critical accuracy, but quoted off hand a. long paſſage froin Demoſthenes to illuſtrate it. His lordſhip was then, in the 86th year of his age.. The following note, dictated by lord Mansfield, may be ad- duced in proof of his lordſhip’s cultivation of private friendſhip, and of his aſtoniſhing retentive memory, in his 8.7th year:- Lord Mansfield ſends his compliments to Mr. and returns him many thanks for the perufal of his four letters ; which are herewith returned : thcy very clearly ſhew the evil, and the remedy. If Mr. --'s other great: buſineſs can permit him to act as a magiſtrate, the weight of his example will be a public:bleffing. Lord Mansfield thinks Mr. Juſtice Buller, upon the weſtern circuit, gave an excellent charge to the effect of theſe letters." 7 But, a!as ! all the fair fame attendant on his powerful elo. quence, which ſeldom failed to ſhed its luſtre, and to give dig, - nity to his legal character-all the ſerenity which fate upon his : brow-all the complacency which beamed in his countenance.: and adorned private life--muſt now.live only in the remembrance, in the grateful remembrance, of his friends--all the honors which: he fo juſtly merited, and long enjoyed the ſole reward, be it re- membered, which he could be induced to accept from the foun-- tain of all honour, muſt be transferred from his. TEMPLES to. his TOMBS We 4;8 THE LIFE OF We are arrived at a period which is in general painful to re- late—the laſt hours of a great man! or of a real friend! yet, when we calmly conſider the very advanced age of lord Mansfield, and the whole tenor of his long life, we may fairly draw this conclu- fion, that for once death had loſt its ſting, and was no longer to him a king of terrors. In many conferences with his friend and phyſician Dr. Turton, during the three or four laſt years of the earl's life, his lordſhip had obſerved, how hard it was, that an old man, on the verge of fourſcore and ten years, could not be permitted to die quietly. To ſelect a more ſtriking inſtance, a few years before his deceaſe, he lay for a time in a ſtate of infenſibility ; by means of bliſters, and other phyſical efforts, returning life enabled him to chide his phyſician, by aſking a queſtion equally uncommon and'unex- pected—“Why did you endeavour to bring me back when I was ſo far gone in my journey?" Early in March, 1793, lord Stormont, having occaſion to con- ſult his uncle on a law-caſe then depending in the Houſe of Lords, ſaid his ideas and recollection were perfectly clear. On Sunday, March the joth, his lordſhip did not talk at break- faſt as uſual, but ſeemed heavy, and complained of being very ſleepy, and his pulſe was low; volatiles and cordials were ordered for him, and cantharides were applied to his iſſues. On the Monday he ſeemed rather better. On Tueſday morning he deſired to be got up and taken to his chair ; but foon wiſhed to be put to bed again, and ſaid, “ Let me ſleep-let me ſleep.” After this he never ſpoke. On his return to bed he ſeemed perfectly eaſy, breathed freely and uninterruptedly like a child, with as calm and ſerene a countenance as in his beſt health, and had a good pulſe, but was clearly void both of fenſe and ſenſibility. A bliiter was applied to the arm, which it affected no more than it would any inanimate ſubſtance. inanimate ſubſtance. Scotch ſnuff was inſerted into the noſtrils by means of a feather, without the leaſt effect. Some attempts WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 479 attempts were alſo made to get nouriſhment down by means of a ſpoon, but to no purpoſe ; and, as the laſt attempt had nearly choaked him, it was deſiſted from, and his mouth was afterwards merely moiſtened by a feather dipt in wine and water. In this ſtate his lordſhip continued without any apparent alteration, ſome ſymptoms of the vital ſpark remaining, yet glimmering faintly, till the morning of Monday the 18th, when there was an appear- ance of mortification on the part moſt preſſed by lying, and his pulſe began to beat feebly. Fears were now entertained that he ſhould awake to miſery, which he fortunately did not ; but con- tinued to ſleep quietly till the night of Wedneſday the 20th, when the lingering dying taper was quite extinguiſhed. He.ex-. pired, without a groán, in the 85th year of his age; cloſing a. long life of honor to himſelf, and great uſe to-fociety, in a way the moſt to be defired; and it may be ſaid of his lordſhip, as it was of king David *,, that he died in a good old age, full of days, riches, and honor. His lordſhip, though never afraid of death, towards which he always looked with compoſure and confidence, was always afraid of ſuffering pro formâ, as he expreſſed it'; and, a few years before. his death, he, with great earneſtneſs, exacted a ſolemn promiſe. from the phyſician who attended him, that he would never une neceſſarily: torment him, but that, when he from experience ſhould think his time was come, he would let him die quietly.. His lordſhip having paid every grateful tribute to Weſtminſtera ſchool in his life-time, where he received his education, his pron found reſpect for alma mater, dictated the direction in his will, that his remains ſhould be depoſited there ; and accordingly, on the 28th of Marchi,.. about" nine in the morning, he was interred in the ſame. vault with his late counteſs, in Weſtminſter-abbeya. Nil ortum tale!. . * 1 Chron:.xxix. 28 - .. They ! 480 THE LIFE OF : The following grateful efforts tending to embalm the memory of this truly-great man deſerve to be recorded Alexander Baillie, Eſq. who ſome years ago left fifteen hundred pounds for a monument to the late earl (by whoſe ſuperior pro- feſſional abilities Mr. Baillie had become poſſeſſed of a conſidera- ble diſputed property), left alſo a certain ſum as a premium for the perſon who made the beſt inſcription for it: whoever writes the epitaph for it ſhould moſt peculiarly inſiſt upon his lordſhip’s having been the founder and author of the preſent fyftem of commercial law in this kingdom. Our old law was framed when we had no commerce ; the venerable fage ſuited, as well as he could, the rules of it to our improved ſtate of commerce ; and, when they could not apply, he, from the experience of merchants whom he conſulted, and from his own fagacity, framed others. In the annals of hiſtory where :ſhall we find two concurrent in- ſtances of this nature ? An EPITAPH, by Mr. David Rees, ſtands at preſent in high eſtimation : ... Sacred to the memory of WILLIAM MURRAY, earl of Mansfield, late Lord Chief Juſtice of England, :who, during a courſe of thirty years and upwards, not only diſcliarged the duties of that high office with unexampled affiduity and unqueſtionable reputation ; but, happily uniting the wiſdom of Socrates, the eloquence of Cicero, the harmony of Virgil, and the wit and pleaſantries of Horace, with the beauties of his own unbounded genius, became, and was confeffedly, the brighteſt ornament of human nature that any age or country has hitherto been 1 $ WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 481 1 been able to boaſt of. The venerable peer, having paſt the age of fourſcore, and finding his corporeal powers too feeble much longer to diſplay his wonderful talents with their wonted energy, withdrew himſelf from the bench, and, willing to appear with thoſe talents undiminiſhed at the throne of his DIVINE CREATOR, by whom he had been ſo peculiarly and abundantly endued, ſhook off the clog of mortality · in his 8gth year : And, as an eaglė, wing'd his airy flight, Thro' death's pale ſhade and all-ſurrounding night, Up to the happy realms of everlaſting light; Where, welcom'd by. the ſocial powers divine, Freely with them he drinks celeſtial wine; While here Philoſophy remains to mourn: Her favorite fled fled never to return, Until his God ſhall, at the judgement-day, With his bright ſoul re-animate his clay, And both with him to dwell, from hence to heaven convey.' } Mr. Flaxman, jun. lately returned to his native country from Rome, is the fortunate artiſt to whom application has been made for a monument, purſuant to the directions for that purpoſe con- tained in the will of. Mr. Baillie. This magnificent work is already in a great degree of forwardneſs. The buſt of the noble earl, by..Nollekens, in Trinity-Hall, Cambridge, having been much admired, the public will therefore receive, with pleaſure, the additional information of a plaſter caſt of this buſt, being permitted to be taken, for the uſe of, and to raiſe laudable emu-- Q.9.9. lation 482 THE LIFE OF lation in the breaſt of Flaxman, who will indiſputably exert every effort of his chiſel, and of genius, to make the three prominent figures of Lord Chief Juſtice Mansfield, of Wiſdom, and of Juf- tice, truly characteriſtic, animated, and worthy of the great design! The following lines may poſſibly be deemed worthy of being inſerted at the concluſion of the preſent work. Near the fam'd dome where kings and princes fleet Here Murray fow'd the feeds of ſcience deep; Wiſdom with rapture ſaw her ſon preſide, The ſoul of Commerce, and the nation's pride : While years revolving-meliorate the plan, Astrea, pleas'd, immortalized the man, Effulgent in the realms of bliſs to ſhine, Pure emanation from the rays divine . ADDENDA. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD 483 A D D E N D A. :. In the preſent biographical work, the deſideratum of bring- ing to light the ſpeech, made by Mr. Murray (his majeſty's ſo- licitor-general) before the lords in council in 1753, to which reference has been already made in page 103, and alſo the pro- duction of the literary curioſity of a ſermon compoſed on a pub- lic occaſion, not by a ſpiritual, but by a temporal lord, have probably been looked for with ſome anxietude by the curious reader. In conſequence of very minute enquiries, and of ſome recent and liberal communications, not only from a noble fa- mily, but alſo from gentlemen in high official lines in general, and from Charles Butler, Eſq. of Lincoln's Inn, in particular, the author feels a fincere ſatisfaction in not being under the dif- agreeable neceſſity of diſappointing the reader's reaſonable ex- pectations. On the firſt head of enquiry, he is bound, by every tie of gra. titude, to make his beſt acknowledgements to a noble earl for another pleaſing inſtance of his lordſhip’s liberal ſpirit, who (as Mr. Hargrave has neatly and correctly obſerved in his preface to the 13th edition of the Commentary upon Littleton) - bas ever diſtinguiſhed himſelf as a zealous encourager of under- Qqq 2 takings 484 THE LIFE OF: takings having the leaſt tendency to promote ſcience and learning." The papers wherewith the author has been very recently ho- nored are inſcribed, “ An Account of the Enquiry in February, 1753, before the C—C into the charge brought by lord Ra- venſworth againſt the Biſhop of Glouceſter (Johnſon), Mr. Stone, and Mr. Murray, Solicitor-General.” They purport to have been committed to writing from me- mory by a nobleman, a near relation of the noble earl, who had ſeen all the papers relating to this affair. The exculpation of biſhop Johnſon having been correctly ſtated in the firſt diviſion of this work * need not be reſumed or repeated. Mr. STONE was next admitted to make his defence, and had copies of examinations and letters which had been laid before the lords the preceding evening. He brought ſome obſervations in writing on the uncertainty and inconſiſtencies of Mr. Faw- cett's evidence, and made a ſpeech ſetting forth his ſteady loy- alty and zeal in his majeſty's ſervice, for which he appealed to the noble duket, under whoſe eye he had the happineſs to ſpend many years of his life, and proteſted, that if it could be proved againſt him, that he had ever been preſent at the drinking of a treaſonable health, within the compaſs of even thirty years, he would admit the whole charge. He produced as evidences in his favor Mr. Cazley (formerly conful at Cadiz, and a relation of Mr. Vernon) and the biſhop of St. Afaph. They both ſwore that they did not believe Mr. Vernon to be a diſaffected perſon, and gave him the character of a religious diſcreet man, who had taken the oaths to the government, and therefore incapable of ſuch a behaviour as toaſting diſaffected healths. * Vide antea, p. 103 and 104. me The duke of Newcaſtle. The 1 WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 485 The laſt perſon who made his appearance, during the courſe of the enquiry, was Mr. Murray, who deſired leave before the cloſing of it, to ſpeak a few words for himſelf. The purport of his ſpeech, which was expreſſed with elegance, and conſidered with care, was to repreſent himſelf as having been well affected to the preſent eſtabliſhment, ever fince he could think at all on the ſubject ; that when he firſt went to Oxford he took the oaths to the government, and did it with ſeriouſneſs. That, when he pleaded at the bar of the Houſe of Commons, he had ſtudiouſly profeſſed the principles by which it is ſupported. That he had determined never to come into parliament but on whig connec- tions, and in office, and that it was not to be ſuppoſed, that a perſon of ſir John Strange's well-known loyalty would have re- figned to him, if he had not been thoroughly convinced of his ſincerity. That ever ſince he had been in the King's ſervice he had got nothing by his employment (he ſpoke it not by way of complaint) but the ordinary perquiſites of it, and had never re. commended any friend of his own to preferment. That he had not been able to learn any objection to his conduct without doors, but the not having loaded the rebels with reproachful epithets, as if epithets would have added to their guilt. That he did not think ſuch ſort of language would be agreeable to his royal maſter, and that, had he been employed for the crown againſt fir Walter Raleigh, and that unfortunate perſon had been as guilty of high treaſon as the rebels, he would not have made ſir Edward Coke's ſpeech againít him, for his eſtate. Mr. Solicitor concluded by acknowleging the indulgence of the lords in hearing him, and the juſtneſs and goodneſs of the king, who would not fuffer his ſervants to be ſtabbed in the dark, but gave them an opportunity of clearing their innocence. He afterwards took his voluntary oath, as the others had done, and gave a particular anſwer to every part of the charge, denying that he had ever been preſent at Mr. Vernon's when treafonable healths were 486 THE LIFE OF ? were drunk, under any denomination, and that he believed him incapable of ſuch behaviour. Upon the whole matter the lords came unanimouſly to an opi- nion of reporting to the king, that there appeared to them no foundation for any part of the charge, and conſequently that it ought not to affect the character of the biſhop, or of either of the gentlemen who were aſperſed by it. In a comprehenſive, analytical, and literary view, the acqui- fition of the heads of this celebrated ſpeech is valuable, iş great, yet the author has to regret that no induſtry, on his part, has hitherto been ſucceſsful in procuring an authentic copy of the original. He does not, however, by any means defpond. His ſucceſs in recovering the ſermon which, as a li- terary curioſity, is here fubjoined, and the reſearches for which had long baffled all the repeated efforts of the late earl of Mansfield to recover, who was indefatigable in his reſearches for any document, which might reflect honor on the memory of his celebrated anceſtor-an anceſtor who had the misfortune to loſe all his own original documents in the Riots of 1780. This, with other circumſtances, induce him to hope, that, on ſome future occaſion, the curious reader will not be diſappointed, or deprived of the ſight of this eloquent compoſition. Whether fuch future occaſion may offer in the publication of a Digeſt of ſuch other legal determinations of lord chief juſtice MANSFIELD, either in Weſtminſter-Hall, or at Guildhall, in the fittings out of term, as can be procured, will depend on contingencies, which cannot at preſent be the ſubject of diſcuſſion. The learned Dr. Jortin, at the end of his firſt volume of the Life of the great ERASMUS, has obſerved, inter alia, that re- marks on all the works of ERASMUS, a collection of paſſages from his writings, and ſome epiſtles of him and of his correſpondents, were reverſed for another volume. This difpofition and diviſion of that correct work, firſt ſuggeſted the thought of arranging and forming WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD484 . . forming into a digeſt, numerous other determinations of lord Mansfield, which have not been the ſubject of arrangement or diſcuſſion in the preſent volume. In revolving this diſtribution of the work in his mind, he had the ſatisfaction of finding, that the concurrent teſtimonies of an- tient writers were friendly to Topics, and in favour of Digeſts. To illuſtrate by example. ARISTOTLE, the great father of ſcience in Greece, in his elaborate compoſition on the uſe of Topics has taken his principia from Philosophy *, the queen of ſcience. Cicero, as is well known, at the ſolicitation of Trebafias, a Roman lawyer, has likewiſe left to the world, a valuable treatiſe on Topics, but he drew his PRINCIPIA from the fountains of Civil- LAW. Where ſhall we find the pendect of the Civil Law ? Where the opinions of their antient lawyers ? The general an- ſwer is: In the ROMAN DIGEST ! But although the manuſcript epitome of a digeſt, tending to prove, that lord MANSFIELD, the great prototype of ERASMUS, for the improvement of legal knowledge, made Ethics and the rules and maxims of Law his PRINCIPIA : although the arrange- ment has already been a work of infinite labour, yet it is ſuſcep- tible of great additions, of very conſiderable improvement; and, with great deference to the opinion of the public, he begs per- miſſion to ſuſpend his labours; ſince, if the great leading features of an illuſtrious character, ſhould not, by men of literature, be deemed, in ſome degree, intereſting to the cauſe of ſcience, uſeful to the law, and worthy of being farther promulgated, it will be decorous in, and the ſincere with of the author to deſiſt from his * Demoſthenes likewiſe has told us, that he learnt philoſophy from Plato in the groves of the academy, which he was known to frequent, and where Horace, as he informs us, learned his philoſophy. Adjecere bonæ paulo plus artis Athenæ, Scilicet ut poffem curvo dignoſcere rectum, Atque inter fylyas academi quærere verum." Epift. II. lib. II. v. 43. labours, 488 THE LIFE OF labours, and leave to more ſkilful workmen, the ſuperſtructure of another volume, the foundation of which he has endeavoured to lay, but whether on fair and firm ground is not for him to de- terimine. At the concluſion of the Second Chapter, p. 277, the curioſity of the reader was awakened by intimation of a ſermon having been compoſed by lord Mansfield for a FRIEND. Doctor Johnſon, one of the under-maſters of Weſtminſter School, where he firſt culti- vated the acquaintance of Mr. Murray, was that favorite friend. He was promoted to the ſee of Glouceſter in 1752, and tranſlated to that of Worceſter, in 1759. David late earl of Mansfield was indefatigable in his enquiries for this unuſual practice of piety in his venerable uncle. He often lamented that all his ef- forts had failed. Such a failure was not a little diſcouraging to new enquiries ; yet, from the Journals of the Houſe of Commons, it was clearly proved, that Dr. Johnſon had not once preached before the Commons on the 30th of January or 29th of May. The Journals of the Upper Houſe foon evinced that the biſhop of Glouceſter preached before the Lords the 29th of May, 1753, and that on the 29th of November, 1759, the biſhop of Worceſter by order of the Lofds preached a thankſgiving-fermon at the abbey- church, Weſtminſter. The future inveſtigation was thus brought within a narrow compaſs. That the pious labours of lord Mans- field were employed on one of theſe two occaſions was now very evident; and from the clear evidence of the entries, when any fpiritual lord, on his tranſlation to a new biſhopric, took his feat. in the Houſe of Lords, the diſtreſs of biſhop Johnſon may eaſily be conjectured, ſince he took his feat, as biſhop of Worceſter, only a few days antecedent to the thankſgiving-day. The author can, with ſome propriety, if not certainty, conclude, that the new biſhop, in deſcribing his ſituation to his noble friend and pa- tron, found in him a friend indeed, who kindly offered to relieve his diſtreſs, and to dictate a thankſgiving-ſermon without farther: 5. prez. WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 489 1 preparation-Si licet parva componere, &c. In the year 1770 Ed- ward duke of Norfolk was deſirous of obtaining an act for the better endowment, regulation, and enlargement of Sheffield hoſpital. On the morning of the laſt day for preſenting petitions for private bills, the noble duke's petition was not prepared. The author of theſe ſheets was commiſſioned to wait on lord Mansfield, and to requeſt that his lordſhip would be pleaſed to preſent a petition from the duke of Norfolk in a few days for leave to petition the houſe after the day limited for receiving peti- tions, by reaſon that a regular petition could not be prepared in due time. The reply was, Why travel over all this ground, ſince to aſſiſt the duke of Norfolk in ſo good a work, the petition itſelf may be dictated and prepared in leſs than half an hour. In conſequence of this advice, it was accordingly done. In the bi- ſhop's caſe, the fact is well authenticated, that his lordſhip wrote what lord Mansfield dietated in walking up and down the room. The judicious reader will form his own judgement, not only of the numerous fine illuſtrations from the ſacred writings, worthy of the great Dr. Clarke himſelf, but alſo of ſeveral ſhort fentences in the ſermon of the fyllogiſtical kind, a mode of reaſoning, which was peculiarly familiar to lord Mansfield, and which ſtrongly indi- cates, that, although in the compoſition of it the hand was the hand of Eſau, yet the voice was Jacob's voice. In a quarto volume of between forty and fifty occaſional ſer- mons, collected by biſhop Newton, with a curious index made by himſelf, this ſermon was fortunately found, intituled, “ A Ser- mon preached before the Right Honorable the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament aſſembled, in the Abbey-church Weſtminſter, on Thurſday, November 29, 1759, being the Day appointed to be obſerved as a Day of General Thankſgiving to Al- mighty God for the ſignal Succeſſes with which his Majeſty's Arms have been bleſſed. By James Lord Biſhop of Worceſter. Rrr Dan, 2 1 490 THE LIFE or Dan. ii. 20. Bleſſed be the name of God for ever and ever: for, wiſdom and might are his. “The prophet Daniel, upon a view that was given him by the Al- mighty of the great revolutions that were to happen in the king- of the earth, breaks forth into this ſtrain of thankſgiving- Bleſſed be the name of God for ever and ever: for, wiſdom and might are bis. “ And ſhall we upon experience of the many ſignal, and repeated mercies which this nation has received at the hand of God, not lift up our voice of praiſe and thankſgiving to the Moſt High, who ruleth in the kingdoms of men *, and divideth to nations their inha heritance to ? “ We are here aſſembled to ſhew our juſt ſenſe of theſe mercies ; which muſt depend upon the truth and effect of our notions of the government of a Being, of infinite wiſdom, power, and good- neſs, who holds, diſpoſes, and controls all things. " If we are fully and vitally influenced by this perſuaſion, we ſhall make a proper application of it to our own breaſts every important occaſion. “Every part of the creation has the mark of God's power impreſſed upon it, and bears evident teſtimony to it. War itſelf is an acknowledgement of the power of God, as it is an appeal to him for a deciſion of the rights of nations, which have no ſu- perior upon earth to whom they can make appeal. His hand directs the events of battles, and the revolutions of empires and vain are the efforts of man to oppoſe or obſtruct the courſe of his Providence. He doth according to his will in the upon * Dan, iv. 32. in Deut. xxxii, army WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 491. army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth, and none inay ſtay his hand, or ſay unto him, what doeft thou * ? " As his power is unlimited, the methods by which it is ad- miniſtered are various, and all conſpire to the illuſtration of his greatneſs, and to the advancement of the general happineſs of mankind; however his purpoſes, in the execution of them, may ſurpaſs the reach of our comprehenſion. “ The moſt memorable and deciſive events recorded in hiſtory have ſeldom anſwered the previous determinations of human prudence. “ Unforeſeen circumſtances give a different turn and direction to the beſt-formed plan of operations—I returned, faith the wiſe man, and ſaw, under the ſun, that the race is not always to the ſwift, nor the battle to the ſtrong + " It is God that giveth the victory. - Fleets and armies are but the inſtruments of his Providence. And that power, which can ſet bounds to the boiſterous element, and ſay unto it, hitherto ſhalt thou come, and no farther, and here Jhall thy proud waves be ſtayed*-can moſt certainly control any enterprize, the ſucceſs of which muſt, in a great meaſure, de- pend upon upon that very element. “ Thus, in the days of our forefathers, did God diſperſe a ter- rible fleet, the threat and preparation of many years : and per. haps for that very reaſon, becauſe it vainly boaſted itſelf invin- cible. The word of the Lord went forth, and the ſtorms and tempeſts were ready to fulfil it, and to ſcatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts. “The fame Providence, propitious to the liberties, and the happy conſtitution of this country, in the next century, gave a y Eccl. ix. II. * Dan. iv. 35. Job xxxviii. II. Rir 2 proſperous 492 THE LIFE OF : . 6 6.6 proſperous courſe to a fleet; ſet out for the deliverance of theſe kingdoms from arbitrary power, ſuperſtition, and ſlavery. “ May we, in the preſent important criſis, which muſt fill every heart with the moſt anxious expectation, experience the ſame favourable interpoſition of the Almighty. His hand is not Jhortened, that it cannot ſave--neither his ear heavy, that it cannot bear*. “ Every age can ſupply us with inſtances of the Divine Power, exerted in an extraordinary manner, as ſo many public monu- ments, to convince the profligate, upon whom the more filent evidences of that power have no influence. Upon theſe occaſions, ſecond cauſes are over-ruled, and im- portant events brought about, which no human foreſight could have diſcerned, which no counſel of man could have deviſed. .66 All hiſtory is full of examples of this truth, the Jewiſh in particular. And though that people was under a particular pro- vidence, and a peculiar adminiſtration; yet, if that method of God's proceeding with the Jews, as a nation, had not been founded in reaſon and juſtice, it could never have been eſtabliſhed by a God of truth and righteouſneſs. And therefore, examples from that hiſtory, fo far from loſing any part of their force, upon account of a particular Providence, are, upon that very account, of greater weight and authority. “We may obſerve, throughout their whole hiſtory, that; when- ever they acted in obedience to God, the weakeſt inſtruments prevailed—whenever they were diſobedient or rebellious, they were defeated by men, every way inferior to them, in force, in number, in military ſkill. Their national glory and reputation always funk as their idolatry and irreligion prevailed, and revivad by their repentance and reformation.. * If, lix. I.. 66 Isi WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 493 1 “ Is not this great Babylon, that I have built, for the houſe of the kingdom, by the might of my power, and for the honour of my ma- jeſty* ? was the proud vaunt of Nebuchadnezzar.—But, while the word was in his mouth, there fella voice from heaven, ſaying, the kingdom is departed from thee. “ Inſtances of this kind, in the goſpel, are more private and familiar.--The preſumptuous rich man, who thought he had goods laid up in ſtore for many years, and was enlarging his barns for their reception, was ſoon fatally convinced of his error, in placing his dependence upon his wealth and, pawer—that night his foul was required of him t. “ Theſe unhappy conſequences of " ſecurity and confidence (which, in ſome degree, will. affect every individual, and every nation;, under the ſame circumſtances) muſt remind us, for whoſe admonition theſe things are recorded, not to think of ourſelves more highly than we ought to think, but to think ſoberly1.-They will ſhew. us in the ſtrongeſt light, where, and where only, our true de- pendence lies; not in human power, not in numerous fleets and armies, however well appointed, but in the ſuperior protection and aſſiſtance of the Almighty.--God.is our. hope and ſtrength, theres fore ſhall we not be afraid ||.. “ We have happily.experienced his protecting power and good- neſs, in ſuch a ſeries of mercies, ſo quickly ſucceeding each other, as is hardly. to be paralleled: in any hiſtory.—But mercies loſe their effect, if they direct not our thoughts to the hand from which they camea “ A devout and grateful mind recolleets, and, dwells upon them. with fatisfaction and delight-and, while it pays the debt of gra- titude, renews and quickens, the enjoyment of the bleſſings them . felves, by frequent reflection, and conſtant acknowledgments : + * Dan. i. 30. * Rom. xii. 3. 5 mob: Luke xii: 20.. | Pl. xlvi. 1, 2.. ſenſibles 494 THE LIFE OF ſenſible of its own weakneſs and inſufficiency, it looks up to the Father of Mercies with humility and thankfulneſs-it conſiders extraordinary favours as the kindeſt admonitions, and encourage- ments to extraordinary gratitude and obedience. The tribute of praiſe and thankſgiving is the leaſt return we can make. And, though our praiſes and thankſgivings cannot add any thing to his glory who fitteth on his throne in the higheſt heavens, yet, as they are the natural means of ſhewing our gratitude, of ac- knowledging our dependence, they are well-pleaſing in the fight of God, who accepteth according to that a man hath, and not accord- ing to that he hath not*, Gratitude to benefactors is indeed a duty acknowledged by all the world. And he muſt be entirely void of every virtue, who is not diſpoſed to make ſuitable returns or proper acknow- ledgments for favours received. But public and national bene- fits require from us a more folemn ſacrifice. The mere formality of a thankſgiving can never ſatisfy our obligation in this point. They require the ſubſtantial returns of public virtue and national piety. • Bleſſings beſtowed upon ſocieties of men, not only claim our acknowledgments to God, but call for a particular exerciſe of our focial virtues.—They remind us ſtrongly of our duty to our fellow- creatures, and exhort us to imitate, as far as lies in our power, that goodneſs, for which we praiſe the Lord ; by communicating and diffuſing our happineſs; by adminiſtring to the neceſſities of the poor, and to the comfort of the afflicted.--That we may be perfect, as our Father which in Heaven is perfe&t*. - The exerciſe of this virtue, in general, is enjoined to us by our Saviour with a more than common earneftneſs. And it ſeems in a peculiar manner to be expected from us, when our * 2 Cor. viii, 12. of Mat. v. 48. 1 hearts WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 495 hearts are enlarged with the ſenſe of benefits received, and when the extraordinary motives to gratitude and affection are moſt ſtrongly impreſſed upon us.-If God hath ſo loved us, ought not we alſo to love one another * ? “ The love of God and the love of man are ſo cloſely con- nected together, that the one is a proof and a teſt of the other. We have no means of ſhewing our love to God fo effectually as by ſhewing it, where he has directed us to thew it, to our diſtreſſed neighbour. “ Succeſs, if not rightly improved, may, in its conſequences, be hurtful. If it turns men's minds from religious reflection-if it fills them with flattering objects, and makes them leſs attentive. to the conſideration of the great purpoſes of God's providence, and to the ſalutary ends of its diſpenſation-if it makes us appro- priate to ourſelves the favour of God, as the reward of our own merits—if it gives occaſion to intemperate exceſſes, to riot and debauchery, or to unwarrantable and preſumptuous expecta- tions for the future, we may have reaſon to repine at our pro- fperity, and the public may feel the unhappy effects of it. The very inſtability of human affairs may, to a wiſe man, give occaſion to apprehenſion rather than confidence. All the operations of war particularly, however well concerted, are liable to the greateſt uncertainty in the execution. And neither paſt or preſent ſucceſſes can inſure to us the like advantages for the fu- We may have yet great dangers to encounter ; and ſhould endeavour, by a right uſe of the mercies which we have received, prevent thoſe miſeries and calamities, which, ſhould they come upon us, might overwhelm us. If we examine our own hearts, we may have reaſon rather to apprehend the ſeverity and judge- ments of God than to expect a continuance of the mercies we. have lately experienced. And, if the Lord ſhould turn away 6 ture. to Joh..iy. II, his. 1 24 496 THE LIFE OF his face from us, and withdraw the light of his countenance, what ſupport could we have? It is therefore of the utmoſt con- fequence to us, upon every conſideration, to prepare and to guard our minds againſt the ill conſequences of proſperity. It is a part of the religious duty of this day. And nothing can more contri- bute to this good purpoſe than a ſerious attention to the words of the prophet, that wiſdom and might are of God. ** They are inherently and eſſentially his. And, whatever degrees of theſe are given to man, they flow from that great fountain of light and beneficence ; and are intended to be ſubfervient to his glory. " The moſt important uſe of them, is to diſcover to us the. knowledge of God, and the ſeveral manifeſtations of his will, and to animate us to ſuch a lively faith in him, and ſuch an active obedience to his precepts, as may conciliate his favour and loving kindneſs. God's grace and aſſiſtance is not promiſed but to the endeavours of men. It co-operates with them in every good purpoſe, and every virtuous undertaking. And as our wiſdom and power will moſt certainly be defeated, if we entirely rely upon them, and leave the providence of God out of the queſtion: So, if we rely upon Providence, without exerting thoſe talents which God has graciouſly entruſted to us, all our hopes will be ineffectual.-It is therefore our duty to labour after the attain- ment of ſuch wiſdom as is agreeable to our own nature and to the will of God; and to exert fuch might as our natural abili- ties, ſituation, circumſtances, and condition of life, afford ; al- ways remembring that the Lord is king. Every one's own con- ſcience muſt dictate to him the proper application of the talent committed to his truſt. Every one muſt feel his own powers, and every one muſt anſwer for the neglect or abuſe of them. “ This principle, and the obligation we lie under of making this improvement, applied to every one's own heart, will extend to all ranks and conditions of life. Power, thus employed, as it is : . WILLIAM EARL OF MANSFIELD. 497 is the conſequence of virtue, and connected with it, is the natu- ral means of happineſs, and becomes a common bleſſing. Man- kind looks up to it with reverence, and obeys it with ſatisfaction. “ Even power Almighty, according to our beſt idea of it, is originally founded, and continually exerciſed in beneficence. The end of God's moral government is univerſal happineſs, and his laws are the laws of truth and righteouſneſs. " A ſteady obedience to theſe laws has been found by the ex- perience of all nations, and all ages, to be the moſt effectual means of ſecuring to us the favour of the Lord of Hoſt, the God of Battle ; and of giving us repeated occaſions of com- memorating the mercies of God, and of thewing forth his falu vation from day to day. " While we offer up our moſt folemn thanks to God, from whom every good and perfect gift cometh; while we praiſe him for his goodneſs, and declare the wonders that he doth for the children of-men ; it will become us to pay our fub- ordinate acknowledgements of duty and affection to him, whom God has made the choſen inſtrument of his Providence to theſe kingdoms. May that God, whoſe Providence he devoutly adores in theſe his diſpenſations, give him a farther increaſe of glory and happineſs, by freth advantages over his enemies; and, in his own good time, crown theſe important ſucceſſes in war, and complete this happineſs, by making him the inſtrument of ſecuring and eſtabliſhing to us the folid and ſubſtantial bleſſings of peace. And may the happineſs we enjoy, by his government be per- petuated to us, under his family, to the lateſt poſterity! The happineſs which we enjoy is great.-Succeſs abroad, though the moſt ſtriking, is not the moſt important part of it. 66 If we conſider the miſerable and defolate condition of thoſe countries, which have been the more immediate feats of war; the various ſcenes of diſtreſs, which will occur to our thoughts, upon this reflection, will ſhew us the happineſs of our own ſituation, Sff who . 498, THE LIFE, &c. who, in many reſpects, have enjoyed, amidſt the calamities of war, the moſt valuable bleſſings of peace. And while a ſpirit of uncommon zeal, and unanimity, the beſt foundation of national ſtrength, thus animates a free people; and men of all condi- tions vie with each other in marks of inviolable attachment to their ſovereign, and in a common concern for the public pro- ſperity and welfare, what may we not hope in ſo juſt and righteous a cauſe : “ Let it be our endeavour, as it is our duty, to make a right uſe of the bleſſings we enjoy; and, by an uniform obedience to God's laws, and by the practice of univerſal righteouſneſs, ſo eſſential to the happineſs of any country, to engage ſtill farther the peculiar protection of Heaven. Let us exert thoſe powers which God has given us, as our reſpective ſituations ſhall enable us, to his honor, and the cominon benefit of our fellow-creatures ; renouncing any vain confidence in our own arms, or in our own wiſdom ; and receiving any unmerited ſucceſs from the hand of God with the devout ſpirit and acknowledgement of the Pſalmiſt, Not unto us, O Lord, not unto us, but unto thy name give the glory, for thy mercy and for thy truth's ſake * * Pl, cxy. I. 1 " Die 1 1 16 Die Lune, 30 Decembris, ' 17.59. Ordered, By the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament afſem- bled, that the Thanks of this Houſe be, and are hereby, given to the Lord Biſhop of Worceſter, for the Sermon by him preached , before this Houſe on Thurſday laſt, in the Abbey-Church, Weft- - minſter; and he is hereby deſired to cauſe the ſame to be .forth- E with printed and publiſhed. 3 Aſhley Cowper, Cler. Parliamentor."! Sfi2 - 486, 32.} for reverſed, read reſerved. CORRIG EN DA, : Page, Line, X, 26. Preface. for adviſe, read advice. 39, 4. for tranſaction, read tranſactions.. "51, 22. for firſt-fruits, read first-fruit. 89, 8. for our, read your. 726, 32 . 184, 31. for officers, read offices. 186, 16, for ſheriff, read ſheriff's. 201, 8. dele us. . 2032 16. for by opinion, read my opinion, 207, 12. for noble, read noble. - 2772 dele for the zoth of January; and for Political, read Thankſgiving. - 282, 1. for Laudinoftræ, read Laribus noſtris. 324, Note, 1. 4. for eldeavour, rear endeavour. -364, 6. for roken, read broken, 399, 14. for diapprobation, read diſapprobationa .400, 18. for tenninus, read terminus. 4442 31. for be, read been. 448, II. for 501, read 591. 17 & 18, after fucceeded, read the ſucceſs is awigg to two great objects. 487, 13. for Pendect, read Pandect. 20. .. 456, . (gof) INDEX R E R U M. ADDINGTON, Doctor, anecdote ANECDOTES, in private life, ſhew- of him and the biſhop of Durham, ing his knowledge of men and Page 184 things, 129, 130, 131, 184—187, ADMIRALTY, reference to the na- 466, 470 ture of prize juriſdiction there, APPEAL of death, two inſtances 448 thereof referred to, 319 The purity of the ARGUMENT, ſecond, or farther high court of admiralty vindicated, argument, when to be granted, 441 193, 294 AFFIRMATION of a Quaker, the when to be refuſed, nature of it, 173 I14 AMBASSADOR. Account of the ARGUMENTS of convenience and arreſt of the Ruſſian ambaſſador, inconvenience, how far they are to and the final ſettlement thereof, 34 be attended to in judicial determi- AMBASSADORS. Protections : nations, granted by them, and the nature ASTON, Juſtice, fummary account of their privilege defined, 33 of, and reference to, his ſpeech on AMERICA. Lord Mansfield's literary property, ſpeech in Dom. Proc. on American ATTAINT. The writ of attaint is taxation, reviſed and corrected by diſuſed, and a mere ſound, himſelf, 243 AUCTIONEERS, how far to be ANECDOTES and character of lord protected. Bexwell verſus Chriſtie, Mansfield in his judicial capacity, with-lord Kenyon's reference to this 120, 127, 128, 129, 213, 465 caſe in a late determination, 396 BAILIFF 2II 221 116 : 502 I N D E X. B. 284 The king BRIBERY at elections, puniſhable at common law as well as by fta- tute, 134 BAILIFF, in execution of meſne BURRELL, Lady, her verſes on proceſs, may break open the door lord Mansfield when at Tunbridge, of a lodger's apartinents, having 453 firſt gained peaceable entrance at BUST of lord Mansfield by Nolle- the outer door of the houſe, kens, in Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 359 BANKRUPT Laws. The moſt de- firable object in all judicial deter- minations eſpecially in mercantile C. affairs is to do ſubſtantial juſtice. The ſtatutes of bankruptcy leave a trader to the moment of an act of CAMBRIDGE - UNIVERSITY. bankruptcy committed, every power Claim of a Southwell fellowſhip an owner can have over his eſtate, diſcuſſed and determined, 112, 113 118 BATCHELOR. A ſubſequent mar againſt Agar and O'Meara. Co- riage and having iſſue will amount NUZA-NCe claimed and refuſed, 346 to a revocation of a will of lands CAMDEN, Earl, his obſervations made by a batchelor, 290 on lord Mansfield's juſtification in BARON and Feme. See Huſband the cauſe of the king againſt Wood- and Wife. 317 BLACKETT, Sir Walter, anecdote CASES reſerved for opinion of court of hin, 130 of King's Bench. Lord Mansfield's BLACKSTONE, Mr. diſappointed great care to prevent injury to the in his hope of fucceeding to the ſuitors, and to avoid delay, civil-law-profefforſhip at Oxford, out of Chancery, lord Mans- but this diſappointment led to the field's alteration of the mode of future eſtabliſhment of a Vinerian certifying, 293 profeſſorſhip, 89 CERTIFICATES of the Court of His Commentaries King's Bench on caſes from the recommended by lord Mansfield, Court of Chancery, 111, 288, 290, go 292, 295 BOOKS. See Literary Property. CHANCERY, Court of, Cafes ſent BOOTH, James, eſquire, letter from from thence to the King's Bench, Mr. Murray to him in 1735, 32 285 to 296 CHES. fall, 125 IN DE X. 503. $ - : a. I 22 CHESTERFIELD, Earl of, his let- CREDITORS when they may or ter on treaties exiſting between may not be preferred previous to a Great Britain and neutral ſtates, bankruptcy, 189 440 CLAIM of office of high-ſteward by two noblemen referred to, 145 D. CLERGY. Non-reſidence confi- dered in two diſtinct caſes, 320, DAVY, Serjeant, his examination of. 321 a Jew to juſtify bail, 213 COKE, Lord Viſcount, concluſion DEBTS, Mutual, conſidered as a of his ſpeech in favor of Mr. Fra lien on goods for ſatisfaction of fer on the trial of Lord 'Lovat, 68 debt, 343) LORD COKE's loſs of health, and when one nay early death deplored, 81 or may not be ſet off againſt the COMMERCE protected and pro other, 344 muted, 148, 149, 186, 188 DEED. What ſhall amount to a re- MR. MURRAY's early attention to delivery of one, by a feme.covert the intereſts of commerce, who joined with her huſband with- alſo out a fine in a mortgage, and did to the argument of pulcrum et ho certain acts of confirmation after neftum, 35, 147 his death, 377 THE CONSTITUTION does not DENNISON, Juſtice, his epitaph allow reaſons of ſtate to influence made by Lord Mansfield 275 the judgement of the judges, 164 DEVISE. 164 DEVISE. What words give a fee- COPYHO'LDS. Operation of ſur fimple, render and admittance, 325 An eſtate-tail, 133, 191, COULSON AND COULSON. This 288, 421 caſe has been ſo long conſidered as An eſtate for life, 197 law, that it ſhould be ſubmitted Enlarged to an eſtate-tail, to, conſidered by ſome as a ruling in fee to A and his child authority, by others as a caſe not or children for ever when he attains now to be litigated, 196, 200 twenty-one ; but if he die before COURT. Juriſdiction of King's that tiine then to B in fee, this Bench as cuſtos morum of the peo- narrowed the firſt deviſe to ple, 214, eftate-tail, as if the teſtator had COURT of Law may puniſh fraud ſaid, if A die without heirs of his and covin, 114 body, 296 DE- 293, 388 198 an 504 I N D E X. or DEVISE to A for a term of ninety ple in fomne caſes appropriated to, years, if he ſhall ſo long live; and and peculiarly within it, 214 after the determination of that ENTRY. Actual entry is neceſſary eſtate, then to the heirs of his to avoid a fine, 420 body, remainder to B in tail, as ERROR. Writ of Error, what it is, the contingency muſt happen with- 153 in the compaſs of a life in being, ERASMUS. Illuſtrations from his this is good as an executory de life by Dr. Jortin, 203, 206, 208 viſe, 286 ESCHEAT. The crown is intituled Executory. A deviſe to to Perſonal Eſtate, by Efcheat, B after one to the heir male of the where there is not any next of kin, body of A from and after the de- 417 ceaſe of A and limited on default ESTATE for life eftate-tail, of ſuch iſſue, is a good executory Vexata queſtio, Robinſon and Ro- deviſe, 418 binfon. In this caſe an eſtate-tail DISSENTERS not liable to ſerve the by implication was raiſed in fup- office of ſheriff in the City of port of the intention of the tef- London, 251 tator, 190 PROTESTANT Diſſenters to be EXECUTORY Deviſe. There can- protected in their religious wor not be an executory deviſe after an ſhip, 264 indefinite failure of iſſue, 290, 420 DIVORCE Bill. Lord Mansfield's EXCEPTIONS. Bill of Exceptions, manner of obviating objections to the nature of it, 139 the recognition of a peerage in one EVIDENCE Defined. In all caſes of them, 404 lord Mansfield leaned to the ad- DOUGLAS Cauſe in the Houſe of miſſibility of evidence, 123 Lords. Lord Mansfield's ſpeech thereon, 264 DRURY and Drury. A decree of F. the Court of Chancery in this cauſe having been reverſed. An- FAWCETT, An- FAWCETT, Chriſtopher, eſquire, ecdote thereon, 185 a provincial counſel, occaſions an enquiry into the juvenile conduct E. of Murray, Johnſon, and Stone, which is detailed by lord Mel- ECCLESIASTICAL Court has jurif combe in his diary, and recorded diction, as cuſtos morum of the peo- by other means, 98 to 104 FAW- Ι Ν D Ε Χ. I D 505 FAWCETT, Mr. his letter in excul to be protected, 364 to 377 pation of doctor Johnſon, then lord Mansfield's ad- biſhop of Glouceſter 103 vice to one of them in making his FEARNE, Charles, eſq. his ſtric- decrees, 185 tures on lord Mansfield's determi- nation in Perrin and Blake, H. 198 to 204 FOLEY, lord, Mr. Murray's grate- HUSBAND and WIFE. Mortgage ful attention to him, 131 made by both of them of the wife's FOTHERGILL, doctor. The dif- eftate without a fine. What acts putes with the College of Phyſi- of hers, when a fene fole ſhall cians revived in his caſe, 340 amount to a confirination of the FRASER, General. The interpofi- deed, 377 tion of lord Coke and of Mr. Mur- ray in his behalf, together with his 1. J. own good conduct in America, laid the foundation of parliamentary IMPRISONMENT lies in England reſtitution of part of the forfeited by a native Minorquin againſt a eſtates, Governor of Minorca, for injury FRAUD and Covin, puniſhable at committed by him in Minorca, law, 365 INDICTMENT. Trivial flaw there- in allowed in a writ of error, 168 INFORMER. Public informer GARRICK David, appealed to by ought not to be an evidence in a lord Mansfield, caſe wherein he is to gain a penalty GENERAL WARRANTS fully diſ- on conviction, 177 cuffed, which, as they could not be INSURANCE. Reference to lord defended on the principles of com- Mansfield's diſtinctions between a mon law, were deemed indefenſible total and an average loſs, 126 and funk into deſuetude, INTENTION of the teftator to be 136 to 142 ſupported whenever it may be done GREAT SEAL offered to lord Mans- conſiſtently with the rules of law, field repeatedly and refuſed, 421 322—465 JOHNSON, biſhop of Glouceſter. GOVERNORS of Plantations, &c. His manner of defending himſelf how far they are privileged, and before the Cabinet Council againſt T tt Faw. 79 to 81 IM G, 2II , 5 1 506 for, a legacy, L. I 22 Í N D E X. Fawoett's accufation of Murray, KING’S BENCH the Court of, is the : Johnſon, and Stone, 103 Cuftos Moñuin of the people, 214. JOHNSON, biſhop of Worceſter, KING'S BENCH PRISON. Appli- having been tranſlated to that cation of the priſoners to the Court ſee (a few days previous to a ge- 1:277 neral thankſgiving), and having been appointed by the lords to preach the fermon on that occa- LAW. Reaſon is the firſt ground fion in the abbey-church at Weſt- of all laws, minſter; Lord Mansfield, as has Why the Common is fupe- been aſſerted from unqueſtionable rior to Statute Law, 123 authority, in a very friendly man- Diſtinction between Civil and ner dictated the heads of the fer- Criminal Law, 174 mon printed in page 490, &c. of the Courts of law may relieve Addenda. againſt fraud and impoſition, as JUDGES.. A great judge is moſt well as a court of equity, 114 open to conviction, 296-420 MARITIME, difcuffed, and will deſpiſe threats, proved to be the general law of all. 165-166 nations, I24 JUDGEMENT reverſed in aid of LAW of NATIONS, eminent wri .. intention of teftator, 420 ters thereon, 34, - of King's Bench in its full extent only once reverſed between 1756 is part of the law of England, 33 : 228 LAW STUDENTS, lord Mansfield's JUSTICE of the Peace. Lord Mans- great attention to their intereft, . field's advice to him: how to act with due caution, 186. LEASE, power to grant one in pof-. feffion ſhall be good, although made to commence from the day of the. K. date, which is incluſive or exclu-. ſive of the day, according to the KENYON, Lord Chief Juſtice. His fubject-matter, 399; illuſtration of a caſe determined by LIBEL. The doctrine difcuffed.. lórd Mansfield relating to fales bý: The King verſus Almon, 307–310. auction, Bexwell againſt Chriſtie, Alſo in the King verſus Woodfall, 311-318 , LIBEL.. and 1771, 349, 380.; 398 22. 1 INDEX. 507 " 147-186 Bench, 264 LIBEL. The difference between ci Lords to take away privilege 305 vil and criminal proſecutions in 3. In enforcing great regularity caſes of libels, &c. 174, 297 in mercantile tranſactions, LICENTIATES. Right of admiſ- fion into the College of Phyſicians MANSFIELD, lord, his ſpeech on fully diſcuffed in the caſe of Dr. Mr. Wilkes's outlawry, 150–169 Letch, 330—340 ; and in the caſe his obſervations on pub- of Dr. Fothergill, 340-343 lic threats, and on a deluded po- LIMITATION. Words of Limitation pulace, 164 in a will may, in aid of the intent, his ſpeech on Literary be deemed words of purchaſe, 133 Property in the King's Bench, 228 LITERARY Property: The dif- his ſpeech on Ameri- cuſſion of the right in Miller and can taxation, corrected by himſelf, Taylor, in the Court of King's (in anſwer to lord Camden,) 242 215--241 his ſpeech in the Doug- again, in Donaldſon and Donald las cauſe in the Houſe of Lords, fon, in Chancery, and the Houſe of Lords.-Reference thereto, 241 his ſpeech on lord Chat- ham's bill for reverſing the adjudi- M. cations of the Houſe of Cominons reſpecting Mr. Wilkes's incapacity MADAN, the Rev. Mr. Anecdotes of being elected a member to ſerve of him, wherein lord Mansfield is in the then preſent parliament, introduced, 186 271 MANDAMUS: The nature of the his alteration of the Writ defined, 263 mode of certifying cafes ſent from MANSFIELD, lord, his great atten the court of Chancery to the Court tion to the improvement of com of King's Bench, 293 merce exemplified; his charge to the jury I. In an action of debt for a pe in lord Sandwich's proſecution of nalty under the act of 5 Elizabeth, the printer of London Evening Poſt Chap. 4. Sect. 31.; againſt a per for fcandalum magnatum, 297 ſon exerciſing the trade of a brew- his ſpeech on lord er without having ſerved an ap Chatham's moving an amendment: prenticeſhip, to the addreſs of thanks to the 2. In his ſpeech in the Houſe of king for his ſpeech. This amend- Ttte ment ? IIO 4 08 Ι Ν D Ε Χ. 5 ment touched on the diſcontents MANSFIELD, lord, his charge to. whích then prevailed, and particu the jury on an information filed larly reſpecting the incapacity of againſt a printer for re-publiſhing Mr. Wilkes to be elected a mem Junius's Letter to the King, 311 ber to ſerve in that parliament, His ſpeeches in the long 298 litigated diſputes between the Col- This ſubject being re lege of Phyſicians, and the licen- ſumed by a motion of lord Chat - ciates, 331-340 ham’s, called up lord Mansfield His ſpeech in the cauſe again, 302 of Morgan and Jones ſent by way MANSFIELD, lord his ſpeech on a of caſe from the Court of Chan- bill for taking away all privilege cery, and terminated in the Houſe from a lord's effects and from his of Lords, 349: ſervants, 303-307 His fedulous care to pre- his obfervations on the vent a delay, of juſtice, 113-118 ſpeeches of the puiſne judges in To promote ſubſtantial the caſe of Literary Property, and juſtice, by altering his opinion in his own fentiments thereon, 228 conſequence of fuller inveſtigation -241 of abſtruſe points, 293, 4265 his ſpeech in the Houſe appointed chancellor of of Lords on American taxation, re the Exchequer pro tempore, anda viſed by himſelf, 242 the ſalutary effects thereof, his ſpeech on the Dif- His moral character- ſenters Bill, and act of toleration, conſidered, 121, 145, 464. reviſed and approved of by his His private character lordſhip, 252—262 and familiar anecdotes, 129, 147, Diffenters not liable to ſerve the office of ſheriff in the His thoughts on ſolitary; City of London, confinement, 145: By analogy, the Writ of Refuſed the great ſeal Mandamus, ſince the Toleration repeatedly, 322 act, ought to protect the paſtor of His animated ſpeech on: Proteſtant Diffenters, 263 Mr. Wilkes's outlawry, 150–169 His own account of the His great reſpect for: opportunities he had of preparing ſettled rules, legal arguments, 274 His reception at Tun, bridge, III. 184 256 LII, Ι Ν Ρ Ε Χ. 509 } 2 I Bridge, in 1784, where he went MELCOMBE, Lord, his diary of for the recovery of his health, the proceedings againſt Murray, 451 Johnſon, and Stone, 98 MANSFIELD, lord, his character MINORS. What acts they may do, by modern writers of eminence and how far they are to be pro- 457-461 tected againit acts done by them, His unſtudied obſerva- 380. tions on the French Revolution, MORGAN and Jones. Lord Mans- 466 field's ſtate of the caſe and ſpeech Reference to the will therein, 349 and codicils of lord Mansfield, MURRAY, the Honorable William, 467 was one of the eleven children of Summary reviſion of his David Viſcount Stormont, character; 472 was educated at Weft- His laſt illneſs and deah minſter-ſchool, and diſtinguiſhed: 479 himſelf there by his declamations Mr. Baillie, in return for. and Latin verſes, 3 eminent ſervices, leaves a confider- Lord Monboddo. His able ſum by his will for a monu-. examen of Mr. Murray's Oration ment to the memory of lord Mans in praiſe of Demoſthenes, 8 field, and a farther fum for the In 1730, Mr. Murray beſt monumental inſcription, 480 took his degree of. M. A. and ſoon. MARRIAGE, promiſe thereof, and afterwards went abroad the effect of bonds in reſtraint of Letter from Mr. Mur- marriage conſidered, 180 ray to the late duke of Portland on MARRIOTT, Sir James, employed the ſtudy of Ancient Hiſtory, 12- artiſts in making a buft and minia- 17 ture-pictures of lord. Mansfield, Another Letter on the 284 ſtudy of Modern Hiſtory, 17-23 MARITIME LAW conſidered, not. The numerous references as the law of any particular coun- to authors in theſe letters reviſed try, but as the jus gentium, .:: 124 and corrected, 23 MILLER and Taylor, reſpecting Li- In Michaelmas term, terary Property. The firſt caſe of 1730, Mr. Murray was called to a final difference of opinion of the the bar, 24 judges of King's Bench, 228 MUR . II. IN DE X. 510 28-31 MURRAY, Mr. ftudied elocution burgh, and received the freedom under the auſpices and aid of Mr. of that city in a gold box. Verſes Pope, 24 on that occaſion made by a youth On the recommendation of fourteen, 39 of Mr. Murray, ' a Latin verſion of MURRAY. In 1738 Mr. Murray Pope's Effay on Man is propoſed to married lady Elizabeth Finch, who be made by Mr. Smart of Pem- died the roth of April, 1784, 40 'broke-college, Cambridge, 25 The appeals in Dom. Verſes by Mr. Pope in Proc. in the year 1738, did not praiſe of Mr. Murray, 26, 7, 8 exceed fixteen, and in eleven of Mr. Murray in the years thoſe Mr. Murray was employed as 1732, 3, 4, is engaged in many counſel either for the appellants or appeals in Dom. Proc. reſpondents, 40 In 1736, the great quef- Hiſtory of one of thoſe tion on the Law of Nations, re appeals, wherein Mr. Murray was ſpecting the privilege of foreign counſel for an Iriſh widow, who miniſters, and the protection of had ſuſtained many years expenſive their domeſtic ſervants, was ar litigation for recovery of her gued by Mr. Murray, before Lord dower, 41 Chancellor Talbot, 33 Brief examination of In 1737, Mr. Murray ſome great outlines of the charac- the junior counſel 'for Mr. Sloper, ter of Mr. Pitt (firſt earl of Chat- in an action for damages brought ham), alſo of Mr. Murray (firſt againſt him by Theophilus Cibber, earl of Mansfield), and of their is, on account of the ſudden indir- great powers in oratory, 4453 pofition of the ſenior counſel, cal- Mr. Murray's ſpeech in led upon to go on with the cauſe, parliament, in 1743, in defence of 35 the prerogative of the crown, 56 The conſequences flow- In 1746, Mr. Murray ing from his ſucceſs on the laſt when he was ſolicitor general in the mentioned cauſe, trials of the rebel-lords, gains the Similar incidents ad applauſe of law-lords; of his co- duced in other great legal charac adjutor the attorney general, and ters by way of illuſtration, 36, 7 of lord Lovat the priſoner, 65, 74, In 1737 Mr. Murray 78 was counſel for the city of Edin- MUR- 36 t IN DE X. 511 68-72 MURRAY. Lord Coke, and Mr. MURRAY. Farther illuſtration of Murray humanely and forcibly the defence made by biſhop John- ſpeak in extenuation of Mr. Fra- · ſon, Mr. Murray, and Mr. Stone, ſer's ſuppoſed crime, the ſon of againít the accuſation introduced lord Lovat, by lord Ravenſworth, in 1753, Mr. Murray's ſpeech in 484 anfwer to an honourable member's In 1754, on the promo- arguments in oppoſition to the ad tion of Sir Dudley Ryder, the dreſs of thanks to the king for his King's attorney general, to the ſpeech, 82 high office of Chief Juſtice, Mr. . The Profefforſhip of Murray was made attorney gene .. civil law at Oxford being vacant, ral. And on the death of Lord Mr. Murray recommended Mr. Chief Juſtice Ryder, in 1756, the Blackſtone to the firſt duke of King's attorney general was ap- Newcaſtle. The diſappointment pointed chief juſtice of the King's which Mr. Blackſtone experienced Bench, 104 on this occaſion led (under the Previous to his taking auſpices of Mr. Murray) to future his feat as lord chief juſtice, he took. fortune, and gave riſe to the Vine leave of the Honorable Society of rian profeſſorſhip, 89 Lincoln's Inn, was addreſſed by Mr. Murray's early at the honorable Charles Yorke in a: tention to the commercial intereſts complimentary ſpeech, to which of this kingdom, go Mr. Murray made an eloquent re- Mr. Murray, his ma ply, 105 jeſty's folicitor general, doctor Mr. Murray, on his be- Johnſon, biſhop of Glouceſter, and ing appointed chief juſtice of the Andrew Stone, 'eſquire, preceptor court of King's Bench, was made a . to the then Prince of Wales, were, peer of the realm, under the ſtyle in 1751, accuſed of having, when and title of baron of Mansfield, in they were at Weſtminſter-ſchool, the county of Nottingham, 109) drunk diſloyal healths. A folemn Was appointed Chan- inveſtigation took place in 1753, cellor of the Exchequer pro ten-- which terminated, as an accuſation pore ; and principally through his , of that kind might be expected to mediation a coalition was brought end, by eſtabliſhing thoſe charac about, which gave energy to the ters which were attempted to be war, and was of infinite ſervice to aſperſed, 98-104. the kingdom. MUR- III 1 512 I N D E X. 89 1 MURRAY. The reſcript and report OXFORD UNIVERSITY. The of the great law-officers annexed origin of the Vinerian Profeſſorſhip to the duke of Newcaſtle's letter, there, by his majeſty's order, to the king of Pruſſia's ſecretary of the em- P. baſſy, in anſwer to the memorial and other papers delivered by Mon- PAPISTS. On the trial of Mr. James ſieur Michell to the duke of New- Webb, at the ſuit of Payne, lord caſtle, in 1752, 428-447 Mansfield manifeſted his ſenſe of The fact is well authenticated, that toleration in matters of religion, the report ſigned by fir George 176 Lee, by Dr. Paul, and by the at- PARKER, Lord chief baron, his torney and folicitor general, was love of abiding by former deciſions, drawn up by, and the ſole com- 207; and anecdotes of him, 403, poſition of, Mr. Murray, 424 463 Mutiny-act not drawn PEERAGE, not to be recognized in with critical nicety, and to be li- a bill in parliament before the claim- berally conſtrued, 129 ant has eſtabliſhed his claim, 404 PERRIN and Blake, true ſtate of it N. and the concluſion, 190209 PHYSICIANS, College of, their dif- NEWTON, Biſhop of Briſtol, his putes with the licentiates diſcuſſed account of Mr. Murray at Weſt- in the caſe of Dr. Letch, 330; and minſter-ſchool, 3 in Dr. Fothergill's caſe 340 His obſervations on lord POPE, Alexander, eſquire, anecdotes Mansfield's ſpeech in oppoſition to 24–28, 285 lord Chatham's bill relating to Mr. PORTRAITS of lord Mansfield by Wilkes's election, 274 eminent painters, the firſt by Van- His letters to, and cha- loo, and the laſt by fir Joſhua Rey- racter of, lord Mansfield, 449, nolds, 281–284; and a buſt by 459 Nollekens, 284 0. PRACTICE. Matters of practice not to be learned from books, 169 OUTLAWRY fully diſcuſſed in Lord Mansfield on a 1768 in Mr. Wilkes's caſe, 150m point of practice in pleading, 170 169 PUR- of him, I N D E X. 513 PURCHASER, who muſt take as RULES, General, the utility of them ſuch, and the neceſſary deſcription, conſidered, 123 133 RULES and principles of equity, on what occaſions they have been adopted by lord Mansfield in a court of law. See diſpute reſpecting the right to a Southwell fellowſhip, QUAKERS' affirmation to be re- ceived in action of debt on ſtatute againſt bribery, 1.70 IIZ ! S. R. SEAMEN Power of impreſſing founded on immemorial uſage. Pro- REFERENCE to a digeſt of caſes tections to ſome may have the ſame and determinations pending lord foundation, 392- Mansfield's chief-juſtice-fhip, 483 SCANDALUM MAGNATUM. REMAINDERS. Croſs remainders Lord Mansfield's charge to the when they ariſe, 294 jury in lord Sandwich's proſecution. REVOCATION. What ſhall amount of the printer of the London Even- to a revocation of a will, 212, 290 ing Poſt, 297 ſhall not make void SETTLEMENT, one by deed, in a former charge made by tenant for confideration of love and affection life, 422 to his name, blood, &c. and for RICHMOND, Duke of, a reaſon ſettling the undivided moieties of aſſigned for his grace's great atten- his manors, lands, &c. therein af- tion to a legal queſtion, Whether ter mentioned, grants the ſaid un- the deviſe in a will was of an eſtate divided moieties, particularly de- for life, &c. 207 fcribing them, together with all RIOT in Edinburgh in 1736, dif all other his lands, tenements, and cuffed in parliament, 37 hereditaments in the kingdom of RIOTS. Lord Mansfield's conduct Ireland-Habendum the faid unci- in 1780. Detail of incidents where vided moieties before granted, to- in lord Mansfield was perſonally gether with all other his eſtate in intereſted, the kingdom of Ireland to A, to the ſeveral 408 U ul. * 514 IN DE X I U. 1 3 ſeveral uſes therein declared, and .for no other uſe whatſoever, and then declares the uſe of the undi- vided moieties only. Held, that the grantor did not intend to paſs any lands but the undivided moie- ties. Secondly, ſuppoſing the ſweeping clauſe did extend to any other lands, yet, no uſe being de- clared of them, they deſcend to the heir at law, 295 STUDENTS, caſes to be ſtated by the counſel for their benefit, 349, 380 SUMMONS. Nature of a judge's fummons, 170 SURRENDER of copyholds, how it operates, 325 UNANIMITY of Deciſion, how beſt promoted, 228 UNIVERSITIES of Oxford and Cambridge. College-Statutes and ingrafted Fellowſhips conſidered, in the claim of a Southwell Fellow- ſhip, II2 alſo in the claim of office of High Steward of Cambridge by two noblemen, 145 USAGE. Legal uſage what conſti- tütes it, I4I 1 W. T. 1 184 WAGER. Action lies to recover mo ney won upon a wager, unleſs the TOLERATION. The principles of motive be fraud or other turpis caufa, it diſcuſſed by lord Mansfield. See 323 Quakers' teſtimony, and Papiſts, WARBURTON, Biſhop of Glou- and Diſfenters, 170-174 ceſter, his dedication of his Divine TREVOR, biſhop of Durham. Legation to lord Mansfield, 142 Anecdote of him, Wherein he affimi- TRIALS. Rules for new trials dif lates the character of the latter to charged, 129, 307, 324, 330 that of the great ERASMUS, 144 New Trials granted, and WILKES, Mr. a candidate for Mid- for what end granted, dleſex. Proceedings thereon, 149 117, 118 WILLES, Juſtice. Reference to his TRUSTS. The Law of Truſts con ſpeech on Literary Property, 220 fidered, and defined by lord WILL. The credibility of witneſſes Mansfield, 193, 209 to a will conſidered, WILL, IIO, 116, - - I20 ។ 1 I N D E X. 515 A ( WILL. In a Will, words of limita- . tion may, under certain circum- ſtances, and in aid of the inten- Y. tion, be conſtrued as words of pur- chaſe, 132 YATES, Sir Joſeph, his manner of Reference to the will and co diverſifying his ſtudies, 126 dicils of lord Mansfield, 467 Reference to his ſpeech on WOODFALL. The King againſt Literary Property, 224 Woodfall, Lord 'Mansfield's juſtifi- His anſwer to Mr. Juſtice cation in the Houſe of Lords of his Blackſtone's obſervation thereon, conduct in this cauſe, 313 225 WORCESTER, Biſhop of, his cha- YORK, archbiſhop of, his reſiſtance racter of Lord Mansfield, 460 of the rioters in 1780, 410 WRECK of the ſea. What kind of loſs falls under that denomination, 327 F INI S. DIRECTIONS to the BINDER. The Firſt Print, of Mr. MURRAY, to face p. iii. The Second, of Lord MANSFIELD, to face p. 279. : 1 .com 1 am DO NOT REMOVE OR MUTILATE CARD