OF THE NATION. SECOND EDITION 6s. BRITISH AND FOREIGN MARYLEBONES . 品​な ​ 46. VERSITY OF MI THE · LIBRARIES · · 1 } : THE PERILS OF THE NATION. SECOND EDITION: REVISED. M. M. Jolliffe Second Edition:Revised. Seeley, Robert Benton MOHE PERILS OF THE NATIOH. An Appeal to the LEGISLATVRE, THE CLERGY, AND THE HIGHER AND MIDDLE CLASSESD Seeley, Burnside and Seeley. Fleet Street, London. MDCCCXLII. ; HN 388 545 1843b GL GIFT 8-1489 583-5185 CONTENTS. CHAP. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS . I.—GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO SUB- JECTS II.-POWER AND WEAKNESS ENGLAND'S WEALTH AND EMPIRE ADMITT- ED, (11) YET IN IMMINENT PERil, (9) from CONDITION OF HER POOR, (12). III.—MANUFACTURING POOR EMPLOYMENT UNHEALTHY, (18) AND TOO LONG, (19) VICE AND DEMORALIZATION, (22) INFANTICIDE AND MORTALITY, (25). IV.-MINING POOR RECENT DISCLOSURES ADVERTED TO, (29) LABOUR OF MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN, WITH PORTION AND HARDSHIPS OF EACH, (36) STATE OF MORALS, (44) APPRENTICE- SHIP CRUELTIES, (47). a PAGE i 1 9 18 29 ii CONTENTS. CHAP. V. THE WORKSHOP LABOURERS IRON MANUFACTURES (50) EMPLOYMENT OF FEMALES (51) PERSONAL CRUELTIES (52) STARVATION (60) LOSS OF MORAL PERCEP- TION (62) DEPRAVITY (66.) VI.-COMMERCIAL POOR GENERAL DESCRIPTION, (68) UNDERSELLING: COMPETITION AND LOW REMUNERATION IN THEIR EFFECTS-WITH EXAMPLES, (72). VII.-AGRICULTURAL POOR IMPORTANCE OF THIS CLASS, (79) YET THEY ARE MUCH DISTRESSED AND OPPRESSED, (80) THEIR COTTAGES DEMOLISHED, (81) WHICH SHOULD BE REBUILT, AND LAND ALLOTTED, (84). VIII. THE SELFISH PRINCIPLE THE ROOT OF THE EVILS, (93) FAIR DEAL- ING ABANDONed, (94) conseQUENT OPPRES- SION OF THE POOR IN WAGES, &c. (98) EVERY ONE FOR HIMSELF," AN EVIL MAXIM, AS SHEWN, (108). PAGE • 50 68 . 79 93 IX.-WANT OF SANITARY REGULATIONS 122 DESTRUCTION of poor man's HEALTH, (122) WHICH IS HIS "ALL," (123) CONTAGIOUS DISEASES IN TOWNS-FROM SOURCES EXTE- RIOR OF THEIR dwellings, (127) FROM IN- TERIOR, (131) EFFECTUAL RELIEF BEYOND THEIR OWN POWER, (131) CONTAGIOUS DIS EASES IN RURAL DISTRICTS—CAUSES AND REMEDIES, (138) CONTENTS. ili CHAP. X.-ERRORS OF THE DAY CC • TAKE CARE OF number one," (146) RE- DUNDANT POPULATION, (147) OPINIONS OF DR. CHALMERS-COL. THOMPSON-MISS MARTINEAU-MRS. MARCET, &c. COMBATEd, (148) OPPOSED TO DIVINE POLITY AS SHEWN IN THE BIBLE HISTORY OF THE JEWS, (159) MAGNITUDE OF EXISTING EVILS, (166) PAGE . 146 XI.-PAUPERISM CAUSES, (169) INADEQUATE RELIEF Under THE POOR LAW, (174) SUPERIOR MODE AT BERLIN, (180) CONTRAST-AND TO THE WORD of God, (183). APPEAL . 169 • 190 XII.-EDUCATION FAILURE OF GOOD FROM LACK OF MORAL TRAINING SHEWN IN GIVEN CASES, (190) WHAT IS GOOD EDUCATION FOR THE POOR, (194) need of PARLIAMENTARY AID, (196) EXTENT OF WANT OF INSTRUCTION, (198) FITNESS OF TEACHERS ESSENTIAL, (205). XIII. SUBDIVISION OF PARISHES REQUIRED FOR MORE EFFICIENT PASTORAL CARE—CHURCH ACCOMMODATION, &c. (225) CONSEQUENT PARLIAMENTARY AID, (230) PREFERENCE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, (232) . 225 1 -1 ▲ 2 iv CONTENTS. CHAP. XIV.-PARLIAMENTARY INTERFERENCE INDISPENSABLE, (236) CASES ESPECIALLY REQUIRING IT, (243) INDIVIDUAL RESPONSI- BILITY AND INFLUENCE of Lords AND COM- MONS GREAT, (248) AND QUESTION WITH EACH SHOULD NOT BE SO MUCH 66 CC WHAT CAN WE DO," as WHAT CAN I Do,” (249) URGENT SUBJECTS-POOR LAWS-EDUCATION —CURRENCY-REVENUE, (251.) PAGE 236 XV.-ADDRESS TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CROWN THE FIRST OF SEVERAL CLASSES TO BE AD- DRESSED, (267) THEIR RESPONSIBILITY TO god, (268) as aDVISERS OF THE sovereign, (269) IN APPOINTMENTS TO PUBLIC OFFICES, (271) in reveNUE MATTERS, (274) in fo- REIGN POLICY, (276) IN PROTECTING THE OPPRESSED, (277) IN CHURCH PATRONAGE, (279.) . 267 XVI. TO THE BISHOPS OF THE CHURCH 284 SOLEMNITY OF THEIR OFFICE, (284) MOTIVES FOR UNDERTAKING IT, (286) PLEDGES AT CONSECRATION TO INSTRUCT THE PEOPLE IN THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, (286) To EXPEL ERROR, (290) TO BE MERCIFUL TO THE POOR (293) TO BE CAREFUL IN ADMISSION TO HOLY ORDERS, (295) TO REFUSE UNWORTHY PRE- SENTEES TO LIVINGS, (297) EXERCISE OF THEIR PATRONAGE, (298) INFLUENCE AS PEERS, (302). CONTENTS СНАР. XVII. TO THE CLERGY THEIR MORAL INFLUENCE AND SPIRITUAL OFFICE, (307) THEIR POWER TO PROMOTE TEMPORAL COMFORT AND WELFARE OF THE POOR, (313) THE WORK OF NATIONAL EDU- CATION MUCH IN THEIR HANDS, (315). XVIII. TO MAGISTRATES THEIR SCRIPTURAL AUTHORITY, (318) THEIR DUTY AS ARBITRATORS BETWEEN MASTER AND SERVANT, (321) as GUARDIANS OF PUB- LIC MORALS, (322) AND SPECIAL PROTEC- TORS OF FEMALE MODESTY, (325). PAGE . 307 XIX.-THE LEGAL AND MEDICAL PRO- FESSIONS THE JUDGES, (330) THE BAR, (334) THE MEDICAL PROFESSION, (337). XX.-FEMALE INFLUENCE MIGHTY FOR GOOD OR EVIL, (345) AS TO DOMESTIC SERVANTS, (346) (346) INTEREST IN CHARITY SCHOOLS AND THEIR PROPER MA- NAGEMENT, (348) HOUSEHOLD ARRANGE- MENTS, (353) SHOPPING-TRANSACTIONS,(358) EMPLOYMENT OF MILLINERS, (359). } XXI.-CONCLUDING REMARKS MUCH LEFT UNTOLD OF NATIONAL EVILS, WHICH PROVOKE DIVINE VENGEANCE (364) PUBLIC CRIMES UNREPRESSED-BLASPHE- my, (365) staTE OF OUR THEatres, (369). 318 330 345 364 1 } "THE danger is wider, deeper, fiercer," said Lord Ashley in a late debate in the House of Commons, "and no one who has heard these statements, and believes them, can hope that twenty years more will pass without some mighty convulsion, some displacement of the whole system of society."* These words had, indeed, a peculiar application to the existing want of education among the la- bouring classes; but no one would be less dis- posed than their noble author, to limit his view to a single point, when contemplating the whole con- dition of the country. None would be less likely than Lord Ashley, to commit the error of imagi- ning that any one remedy could terminate a state of things so fearful; or that by a single Act of Parliament, the labouring population could be raised from their present misery to a state of com- fort and happiness. But this fearful state of things was not only distinctly declared by his Lordship,-it was ad- * Debate: House of Commons, Feb. 28, 1843. viii mitted by the silent assent of the whole body of the Representatives of the people. Neither the leaders of the Government, who would doubtless have eagerly denied the truth of the representation if it could have been denied,-nor the heads of any of the great interests, landed, commercial, or manufacturing, no one of all these ventured to stand up in his place, and contest the appalling statements of the noble Lord. On the contrary, every speaker, of whatever party or section of the House, explicitly admitted the case to be as it had been represented, and divers of them even added strength to the statements by allusions to facts which had come within their own knowledge. A single point, adverted to by Mr. Gladstone, in another night's debate, casts a fearful light over the whole subject,—a light which illustrates, while it renders the picture even still more appalling. He observed, that "It was one of the most me- lancholy features in the social state of the country, -that while there was a decrease in the consuming powers of the people, and an increase in the pri- vations and distress of the labouring and operative classes; there was at the same time a constant accumulation of wealth in the upper classes, and a constant increase of capital.”* This testi- mony is most true, and the fact is a startling one. From the opposite side of the house the same * House of Commons, Feb. 14, 1843. ix -- language is heard. "We see extreme destitution throughout the industrious classes, and at the same time, incontestible evidences of vast wealth rapidly augmenting."* Nothing could possibly show with more clearness, the existence of some great disease, pervading the whole body politic; and turning growth into plethora, and increasing wealth into increasing danger. But how shall we detect the real character of the malady, without which detection all propo- sitions of a remedy must be so many guesses in the dark? Can there be a more obvious or rea- sonable course, than to follow the line of thought suggested by Mr. Gladstone; who points to the notorious and undeniable fact, that while the opu- lence of the wealthy shows a constant and visible growth and increase; that advancement, so far from being shared by the labouring classes, is ac- companied by a manifest depression of their con- dition; and an "increase in their privations and distress." If we are struck and penetrated by this fact as we ought to be, we shall not be able to avoid asking, in the next moment, whether some cause for this lamentable contrast cannot be discovered. Causes, indeed, in abundance, are daily being adduced; but chiefly by heated partizans of this or that interest. Swarms of writers on the one * Mr. C. Buller, House of Commons, April 7. 1843. 1 A 5 X side are strenuously insisting that the whole blame rests with the landed aristocracy; while the friends of the agricultural interest are equally certain that the rise of an overgrown manufacturing system has been the chief cause of our present perilous condition. There is no doubt that on each side there is a certain quantum of truth; for mere, naked, unmixed falsehood would scarcely be tole- rated. But both parties seem to forget, that half the truth is a lie ;" and that the supposition that some thousands of Englishmen, merely from having invested their property in land, (or in fac- tories, as the case may be) have thereby become of a different character from all other Englishmen, is one intrinsically unreasonable. We must not, therefore, if we wish to arrive at truth in this important enquiry, we must not hastily adopt the views of either of the "great interests" in this matter; or fancy, that upon the landed aristocracy, alone or chiefly, or upon the mill-owners, in any sole or principal degree,-lies the whole burden of the guilt of our present state and its attendant perils. But if we repudiate the idea of discovering the cause of our alarming circumstances, in any one corner of the realm, or in any one class among the people, is it likely that we shall be able to fix upon any large or more generally-operating prin- ciple, which has thus extensively disorganized the fabric of society among us? xi We do not think that there will be any consid- erable difficulty in thus detecting the root of the evil. Mr. Gladstone's own language furnishes us with a very obvious clue. "While the privations and distress of the labouring classes have in- creased, the wealth of the upper classes has been constantly accumulating, and the CAPITAL of those classes, constantly augmenting." How has this happened? How has it happened?" Stranger! that such a question should be asked! The answer lies upon the surface; it is open to every man's view ; though, in this as in other cases, the answer which is most obvious is often the last that is thought of: It has happened, because we have been la- bouring that it should happen. The wealth of the wealthy has accumulated; because all legislation has made this its chief object. CAPITAL has in- creased; because statesmen and legislators and public writers have all imagined, that the increase of capital was the summum bonum of human exis- tence. The poor have not advanced, along with the rich, because no one has thought it desirable that they should. Desirable, we mean, politically speaking; for many of those who have discoun- tenanced all legislation in behalf of the poor, have been personally humane, and have afforded them many good wishes, and even many charitable dona- tions. But the prevalent doctrine has been, that CAPITAL was the object to be chiefly desiderated; xi · and that the wiser course with "POPULATION," (meaning thereby, the labouring poor,) was to employ "the preventive check." Encouragement for 66 Capital;" prevention for "Population;" these have been the two leading ideas with states- men and legislators for the last thirty years. They have now succeeded in their object. They have immensely increased the growth of Capital; and pari passu, the growth of misery and distress also. And the end of their success is a public acknow- ledgment, that if some stop be not put to the existing mischiefs, a few years more must land us in a bloody revolution! Have we misrepresented this fatal system? On the contrary, a single quotation will prove the truth of the above representation. One of the most eminent and popular of modern writers on these subjects,-one whose labours have been held to entitle her to a provision from the public treasury, we mean Miss Martineau,-calmly puts the sentiment we have been describing into the lips of her beau ideal of a wise and benevolent manufacturer. "We (the manufacturers) do what we can for you, in increasing the capital on which you are to subsist; and you must do the rest, by propor- tioning your numbers to the means of subsistence."* Here the two grand objects are distinctly and * The Manchester Strike: By H. Martineau, p. 101. xiii 66 we frankly described. The great duty of the masters, -the beginning and ending of their active bene- volence, is to be, the increase of their own capital. In doing this, says the kind factory-owner, are doing all we can for you." Then the great duty of the labourers, on the other hand, is to practise the Preventive Check; i. e. not to have children! Such are the leading maxims inculca- ted by the highest authorities in political economy, and honoured and rewarded by statesmen of all classes; and that which we are now reaping, in peril and in suffering, is nothing else than the fair, legitimate result of these maxims and these practices. The reply, then, to the demand, how comes all this misery and all this alarm? is one easily given, and given on grounds which cannot be disputed. It attaches the blame to no one great interest in the state,-landed, commercial, or manufacturing, but shares the guilt among them all; and not among them only, for it includes all in authority, legislators, statemen, and divines; only making, in justice, a few honourable exceptions in every class. The great cause of the whole evil is to be found in the general adoption of false principles; incul- cated, it is true, in the first instance, by men of talent and apparent skill, but eagerly seized upon, and their promulgation rewarded, by men of in- fluence and consideration among all classes. , i 1 1 | xiv L i t : The nature of the master-error was discernible, fifty years ago, in the erroneous drift and object of Adam Smith's great work; which treated of "the wealth of nations," when "the happiness of nations would have been the wiser and more Christian topic of investigation.* The distinction is all-important; and the error branches forth into a thousand departments of evil. Take a single instance. A century back, England was full of small farms. A thousand acres would then be par- celled out into twelve tenancies, of various extent; and among the twelve, fifty-eight labourers would be employed. But in comes the Political Econ- omist, and argues that large farms conduce most to "the wealth of nations," meaning thereby, the growth of capital. Accordingly, the twelve little cultivators are gradually dispossessed, and one great farmer monopolizes the 1000 acres, em- ploying only fifteen labourers, where before there were fifty-eight. Thus forty-three working men are driven away from their cottages, and forced into the towns to seek for employment ;-but then a larger surplus is obtained, and thus " CAPITAL " is augmented. So works the poison in every department. Through every class the false principle is incul- * This remark, often made by the late Michael Thomas Sadler in his conversations in literary circles, was adopted and elaborated into an article in the Quarterly Review, Vol. xlvi. pp. 46–54. + Labourer's Friend Magazine, Jan. 1842, p. 3. XV cated,—that the heaping together capital is not only the chief duty, but that it includes and sums up in itself every other duty. The following out this principle in every depart- ment has just made England one vast mass of su- perficial splendour, covering a body of festering misery and discontent. "Side by side appear, in fearful and unnatural contrast, the greatest amount of opulence, and the most appalling mass of mi- sery."* Yet what a country is it to be cast into such circumstances! How simple seems the way, to the immediate banishment of poverty, and dis- content, and crime. While some men, for their own selfish purposes, are representing the land as unable to feed its people, Mr. Alison, who is not usually considered an ignoramus, has demonstrated that "on the most moderate calculation, Great Britain and Ireland are capable of maintaining, in ease and affluence, one hundred and twenty millions of inhabitants." To this statement, startling as it may seem, no one has yet offered an objection. If any one, however, notwithstanding the respectability of Mr. Alison's name, should be inclined to look upon the fact as quite incredible, -let him ponder over a single case, published in the Labourer's Friend Magazine, with name, place, and every needful particular :— * Speech of Mr. Buller, April 6, 1843. + Alison's Principles of Population, Vol. I. p. 51. I i