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HE VENETIAN POINT OF VIEW
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Angste
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THE VENETIAN POINT OF VIEW IN ROMAN
HISTORY.¹
BY R. S. CONWAY, LITT.D.,
HULME PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
IT
T is a common diversion of historical writers to trace in the work
of some individual member of a given race the characteristics
which mark the race as a whole. This is often profitable
and in some degree necessary, if either the race or the individual are
to be clearly understood.
The name Venetian has for most English readers probably many
associations; the ideas of a courageous independence, of the triumph
of sea-power, of the use of that power in defence of civilisation
against oriental barbarism, are part of what Venice stands for in
history; but to most of us the name suggests also an architecture of
unique beauty; and more than all a number of pictures that repre-
sent, perhaps, the highest level of perfection which the art of painting
has ever reached.
The present writer desires to claim nothing that can be called a
knowledge of that art, but only to be allowed to state simply the
things which have given him especial delight in a few great pictures
which he has visited many times. Probably there are many others
like him who had never found themselves in the least excited about
anything on canvas, until they saw the work of Titian and Giorgione
or some others of the same school. These pictures seem to have the
power to awaken, even in minds comparatively dull to such things,
a certain humble eagerness and a strange sense of light and friendship,
comparable to that which comes from hearing some great speech or
poem or piece of music; a sudden consciousness that there is before
us in these pictures something which concerns us intimately, so in-
¹An outline of this paper was delivered as a Lecture in the John
Rylands Library on October 10, 1917.
5
300070
6
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
timately that their authors become henceforward friends who have
made the whole of life deeper and richer. And the arresting quality,
I think, in these great works of art is something that may be called
dramatic. It represents some strong human feeling in a setting of cir-
cumstance which is in some way vitally related to it, so that the whole
seems not a picture, but a part, of life. Titian's Holy Family with
the little St. John offering roses to the Christ, and the grey headed
St. Antony standing beside; or Santa Caterina devoting herself to
the same lovely child with St. John this time playing with a pet lamb ;
or Giorgione's Concerto, where the young harmonist, who, after some
seeking, has just found or is just finding the right chord, looks up with
a flash of insight and delight; or the indescribable power of Titian's
portrait of the armed warrior Giovanni De' Medici,-all these have
a warmth of feeling, almost of passion, which till then we had never
dreamt of seeing conveyed on canvas; and yet this spiritual element
is somehow fenced in and surrounded convincingly with the concrete
conditions of daily life. In Venice, as I learn from Mr. E. V.
Lucas,¹ this warmth and vitality in the work of one of the painters of
the school is called the glow of Giorgione,' 'il fuoco Giorgionesco'.
The feeling depicted is not merely intense but moral in the widest
sense, springing from the most essential parts of human nature and so
making universal appeal; for example a great tenderness to women
and children; a great reverence for old age, especially natural to
Venetians, who were long lived folk; a genial interest in the details
of daily life; a sense of greatness in public relations; these are some,
though only some, of the things which seem to be most deeply felt
in the pictures of the Venetian masters.
C
Not long ago it happened to me in pursuing a rather obscure
path of study among the monuments of the early languages of Italy,
to realise what I might have known before, that this Venetian race,
which to us is the glory of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,
had played a part in the civilisation of an earlier epoch, had made
in fact no small contribution to the humanising of Central and Western
Europe from the very beginning of history.
Few people in this country, and not very many in any other,
¹A Wanderer in Venice (London, 1914), p. 293. To this delightful
book I am much indebted, both for some points of Venetian history and
for the choice of the typical lines from Shelley quoted below.
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
7
1
have even heard of a language known as Venetic, of which the only
record is in a few score inscriptions dating from about 500 B.C. down
to the Christian era. These scanty fragments are of considerable
interest to students of Comparative Philology because they present to
us a language in many ways intermediate to Greek and Latin; and
a few years ago I began to collect materials for a complete edition of
its remains. In 1916 I received from a friend who is a distinguished
Italian scholar a copy of some newly discovered inscriptions of con-
siderable interest, which date from the third century B.C. They were
found in the summer of 1914, at Pieve di Cadore during the con-
struction of the station for the first railway ever built there. Both
inscriptions were on rather beautiful bronze vases (situle, pails, as
one might call them, if one regarded only their shape, not their
ornament); and the Cadore valley has yielded so long a series of
these and other objects of similar workmanship as to show that it
must have been a centre of artistic manufacture and export from at
least the fifth century B.C.
At that date and later this valley was
one of the regular tracks of communication between the head of the
Adriatic and Central Europe. About twenty years ago there were
discovered, on a hill which is known to-day as the Gurina, between
the Gail and Drave valleys, in the Tyrol, almost north of the Alps,
the remains of an important but hitherto nameless ancient city which
must have been inhabited in the fifth and later centuries B.C., by
people who spoke this same Venetic language; and among these
remains there are a number of bronze plates, fashioned in what we
should call repoussé style, which served, I believe, to adorn the
panels of doors, and which, if so, show that this characteristic feature
of the art of North Italy, the decoration of doors by bronze panels,
goes back to the third or fourth century B.C. The other remains of
this race of Veneti, especially numerous on the site of the modern
city of Este, connect them closely with the culture of Hellas and
Crete of the sixth century B.C. But in the valley of the Piave,
which lies in the route from this nameless city over the mountains to
2
1 ¹ For the latest discoveries in this Piave valley see Pellegrini, Atti
e Memorie R. Acc. Sci. Lett. Art. in Padova, Vol. XXXII. (1916), pp.
209 ff., 215 ff.
2 The Venetic word ahsu's occurs on the dedicatory inscription of
two of them; and it is best interpreted, I think, to mean "door" (cf. Gr.
ἄξων).
8
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
Italy, lie the towns of Treviso, Feltre, and Belluno, well known to
students of the Renaissance; and Pieve di Cadore, where the two
last inscriptions were found, was the birthplace of Titian.
In view of such facts one naturally asks whether there was any
link between this early art of the Veneti and the great Venetians of
the Renaissance. To ask the question is to answer it. They are
demonstrably the same people. From whence were the Lagoons of
Venice peopled? From all the district to the west of them when
the barbarians overran it,-from Altinum, from Aquileia and especi-
ally from Padua, which was in ancient times the chief seat of the
Veneti and only 14 miles from the sea. At the Christian era
Padua still celebrated¹ every year a regatta in commemoration of
the victory of Paduan sailors who repelled the invasion of a Greek
pirate in the year 302 B.C.; and the point which historians choose as
marking the real independence of the new Venice, is the year 584
A.D. when the claim of Padua to control the whole district (a claim
based on the old traffic from Padua down the river Brenta which
then ran out into the sea along the north side of what is now the
Giudecca) was finally defeated through the Pact with the Exarch
Longinus. And Padua, like Venice, lies in what seems to a northerner
a sea of summer light between the Alps and the Euganean Hills,
which Shelley has described in Julian and Maddalo:
., the hoar
And aery Alps, towards the north, appeared,
Through mist, an heaven-sustaining bulwark, reared
Between the east and west; and half the sky
Was roofed with clouds of rich emblazonry,
Dark purple at the zenith, which still grew
Down the steep west into a wondrous hue
Brighter than burning gold, even to the rent
Where the swift sun yet paused in his descent
Among the many-folded hills-they were
Those famous Euganean hills, which bear,
As seen from Lido, through the harbour piles,
The likeness of a clump of peaked isles—
And then, as if the earth and sea had been
Dissolved into one lake of fire, were seen
Those mountains towering, as from waves of flame,
Around the vaporous sun, from which there came
The inmost purple spirit of light, and made
Their very peaks transparent.
1
¹ Livy, X. 2.
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
9
Padua, as became a city so gloriously placed, was proverbially
known in the ancient world as the home of simple living and high
morals and an intense affection for freedom; it became, as we all
know, the seat of the greatest University of the Middle Ages, to
which all our English Universities are deep in debt; and its greatest
ancient citizen was the historian Livy. And what I want to suggest
here is that the truest way of judging and enjoying Livy's work
is to regard him as taking essentially a Venetian point of view.'
That is, to realise that what gave him most pleasure, and what he
counted his greatest object, was to paint a series of pictures, each
embodying, in the fewest words, some clash of feeling and circum-
stance, some struggle of rival passions, some triumph of wisdom or
valour or devotion; pictures instinct with dramatic imagination and
coloured with lively human sympathy. The rest of his narration,
though he dealt with it honestly and frankly in his own way, was to
him only the setting for the true work of his art, the pictures of noble
scenes.
If this seems new doctrine, let us at least remember how Livy de-
scribes his own design. He begins his Preface by an apology for
attempting again a task undertaken by so many before him and
acknowledges its enormous scope. But it will 'divert his mind from
the miseries of recent times,' to dwell on the earlier period.
It is not my intention either to affirm or deny the truth of the stories
which have gathered round the earliest beginnings of Rome. They are
better fitted for the imagination of poets than the sober chronicles of history.
Antiquity has the privilege of exalting the origin of great cities by interweav-
ing the actions of gods and men; and if it be reasonably granted to any
people to hallow its beginnings and call the gods its founders, surely it
is granted to the people of Rome. The glory which they have won in war
is great enough for the world which acknowledges their supremacy to ac-
knowledge also their claim to the son of Mars himself for their founder.
But howsoever these stories and their like be judged or censured, will, I
confess, trouble me but little. It is to other things that I would have my
reader direct his best attention, the life, the character of the nation, the
1
Some time after this lecture had been given, my friend Prof. W. B.
Anderson, to whom the paper is indebted for other valuable help, called
my attention to a note in Niebuhr's Rom. Hist. (Eng. Tr. new ed. II. 544)
in which among 'Livy's own peculiar excellencies' he reckons that richness
and warmth of colouring which many centuries after were the character-
istics of the Venetian painters born under the same sky'.
?
+
10
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
1
men and the conduct, at home and on the field, from which its power sprang
and grew. Then he may trace how the ancient government broke down,
and how the ancient character of the nation gave way too, until at length we
have reached a point in our own day when both the abuses of our national
life and their remedies are greater than we can bear.
There you hear the free Venetian spirit, recognising, and yet
lamenting, the necessity of the new Empire of the Cæsars. And the
next sentence has a no less characteristic Paduan touch :
Yet unless I am deceived by fondness for my task, there never was a
nation whose history is richer in noble deeds, nor a community into which
greed and luxury have made so late an entrance; or in which plain and
thrifty living have been so long or so highly honoured. It is just this which
is so health-giving and fruitful in the study of history, that you can fix your
gaze upon well-attested examples of every kind of conduct, blazoned upon
a splendid record.
From these words it is clear that what Livy first of all set before
him was to paint these 'great examples': great men, great institu-
tions, great deeds, are the things on which the reader must fix his
gaze'. Take now as the first of a few such pictures from Livy's
pages, a brief and to us not very exciting scene in a dilapidated
temple in Rome, somewhere about 27 B.C. It is a footnote which
Livy adds to the spirited story of a fight in the fifth century B.C. be-
tween a Roman called Aulus Cossus and an Etruscan Chief, in which
Cossus had won what was called royal spoil, spolia opima, by de-
feating the enemy's leader in single combat (IV. 20. 5).
I have followed all the authorities in relating that it was in the office
of military tribune¹ that Cossus won these spoils and dedicated them in the
Temple of Jupiter. But in the first place spoil is only properly called
Royal when it is taken by a Roman commander from the commander of
the enemy, and we recognise no one as commander unless he is actually the
general in charge of an army. And secondly, the actual inscription written
upon the spoil itself proves that both I and my authorities are wrong and
that in truth Cossus took them when he was Consul. This fact I learnt from
Augustus Cæsar, the second founder of every temple in Rome, since I
heard him say that when he entered the shrine of Jupiter Feretrius, which he
restored from an almost ruinous state, he read with his own eyes this in-
scription written on the linen corselet. And I feel that it would be almost
a sacrilege to rob Cossus of such testimony to his achievement, the testi-
mony of the Emperor himself, the second founder of the temple. But if
the source of the confusion lie in certain ancient authorities
that is a
point on which every reader is free to use his own conjecture.
1 ¹ A rank corresponding to that of a modern colonel.
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY 11
Then after pointing out further difficulties in the traditional
account Livy concludes :-
But we may toss these matters of small importance, to and fro, accord-
ing to every man's opinion; and when all is done, the author of this battle
his own self, having set up these fresh and new spoils in a holy place, in
the sight of Jupiter himself standing thereby, to whom they were vowed,
and Romulus also, two witnesses not to be despised nor abused with a
false title, hath written himself, A. Cornelius Cossus Consul.¹
1
This is quite typical of Livy's whole attitude to difficult points in
tradition. His judgment on the evidence is quite sound. He sees
that his usual authorities must be wrong; but he leaves it to the
reader to say so in so many words, because that, he felt, would cast
doubt on the rest of his history, since he despairs altogether of ex-
plaining their vagaries. But his despair does not weigh on his mind
at all; it did not even lead him to go to look at the inscription with
his own eyes; what interests him is the picture of the young,
triumphant Emperor Augustus, in the course of his devout restoration
of the ancient shrines of Rome, stopping to read the archaic letters
written on a linen breast-plate torn from a dying Etruscan chief by
his vanquisher the Consul Cossus, 400 years before.
Let us turn to a few pictures on a larger canvas, putting first the
familiar passage which led our own Turner to one of his most vivid
paintings, Hannibal's crossing the Alps. Into the controversies that
have sprung from the perennial interest of the story, we will not
enter; but it is well to observe that on every point the course of
modern research (in which the investigations of Dr. G. E. Marindin,
Capitaine Colin, and Prof. Spenser Wilkinson may be especially
mentioned) has vindicated the good faith and sound judgment with
which Livy has interpreted, so far as he could, a tradition well at-
tested but almost wholly devoid of local names. It is unlucky that
the gravest piece of carelessness which ever sullied the high repute of
Theodor Mommsen should have led him to impugn the truth of
Livy's account on the ground of its divergence from the account
given by Polybius; whereas it is only necessary to read the whole of
what Polybius says about Hannibal's point of descent—and not the
-
1
¹ The discerning reader will have scented in this concluding paragraph
of the rendering a freshness hardly to be compassed in our own labouring
day. It is from Philemon Holland's version; on which see below.
12
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
first part only, which is all that Mommsen heeded to see that in
every essential point the two stories are closely parallel, and wholly
worthy of credence.¹
2
This version and those that follow are either taken from, or
largely based upon, the translation of Philemon Holland which was
dedicated to Queen Elizabeth and breathes everywhere the master-
fulness and enthusiasm of her spacious times'. Those which, like
the Hannibal passage, are here taken over, I have modified where
we have now better knowledge of Livy's text or (which is rare) of
his Latin; where the English of the sixteenth century would be now
misleading; and where the richness of Holland's vocabulary and his
manful resolve to discover in the Latin every atom of its meaning,
have done less than justice to the pregnant gravity of Livy's style.
Wherever Holland's English suggests a brilliant and voluble school-
boy, that is the mark not of Livy, but of Holland and his century;
but where it flows in a strong tide of feeling, moving with speed and
power, there he has exactly expressed his original.
Let us begin at a point at which Hannibal, already in high alti-
tudes, has had a sharp conflict with one Alpine tribe, and is ap-
proached by delegates from another (XXI., c. 34, 4).
First went in the van guard the Elephants, and the horsemen; himself
marched after with the flower of his infantry, looking all about him with
an heedful eye. So soon as he was entered a narrow passage which
on one side lay under a steep hill, the barbarous people rose out of their
ambush from all parts at once, before and behind, and attacked him; yea
1 For the details of Mommsen's error see Class. Rev., XXV. (1911),
p. 156; Mr. F. E. A. Trayes gives an excellent comparison of the two
narratives in the Appendix to his edition of Book XXI. (London, 1905,
Bell & Co.). Prof. Spenser Wilkinson in a brilliant monograph (Hannibal's
March, Oxford, 1911) gives the results of his own exploration of the dis-
trict and makes a strong case for the Col. Clapier.
2 A few sentences from this dedication I cannot withhold:
'Vouchsafe also, of your accustomed clemency showed to aliens; of
your fervent zeal to learning and good letters... to reach forth your
gracious hand to T. Livius; who having arrived long since and conversed
as a mere stranger in this your famous Island and now for love thereof
learned in some sort the language, humbly craveth your Majesty's favour
to be ranged with other free citizens of that kind, so long to live under
your princely protection, as he shall duly keep his own allegiance and
acquaint your liege subjects with religious devotion after his manner, with
wisdom, policy, virtue, valour, loyalty; and not otherwise.'
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
13
and rolled down mighty stones upon them as they marched. But the
greatest number came behind; against whom he turned and made head with
his infantry, and without all peradventure, if the tail of his army had not been
strong and well fortified, they must needs have received an exceeding great
overthrow in that valley. Even as it was, Hannibal spent one night cut
off from his baggage and cavalry. After this the mountainers (fewer in
number and in robbing wise rather than in warlike sort) attacked him only
in small bands, one while upon the vaward, other while upon the rereward,
as any of them could get the vantage of ground.
The Elephants though they were driven very slowly, because through
these narrow straits they were ready ever and anon to run on their noses,
yet what way soever they went, they kept the army safe and sure from the
enemy, who being not used unto them, durst not once come near. The
ninth day he won the very tops of the Alps, mostly through untrod paths :
after he had wandered many times out of the way, either through the de-
ceitfulness of their guides; or because when they durst not trust them, they
had adventured rashly themselves upon the valleys without knowing the tops
thereof. There the soldiers wearied with travail and fight rested two
days: certain also of the sumpter horses (which had slipt aside from the
rocks) by following the tracks of the army as it marched, made their way to
the camp.
When they were thus overtoiled and wearied with these tedious
travailes, a fall of snow (for now the star Vergiliae was setting) increased
their fear exceedingly. For when at the break of day the ensigns were set
forward, the army marched out slowly through deep snow all around them;
and there appeared in the countenance of them all heaviness and despair.
Then Hannibal advanced before the standards and commanded his soldiers
to halt upon a certain projecting spur of the mountains (from whence they
had a goodly prospect and might see a great way all about them); and there
displayed unto them Italy and the goodly champain fields about the Po,
which lie hard under the foot of the Alps: saying That even now they had
mounted the walls not only of Italy but also of the city of Rome; all besides
(saith he) will be plain and easy to be travelled: and after one or two
battles at the most ye shall have at your command, the very castle and head
city of Italy.
•
Howbeit they had much more difficult travelling down hill, than in the
climbing up; for well nigh all the way was steep, narrow and slippery, so
as neither they could hold themselves from sliding, nor if any tripped and
stumbled never so little, could they possibly (they staggered so) recover
themselves and keep sure footing, but one fell upon another and horses upon
the men.
After this they came to a much narrower path of rock with crags
so steep downright that hardly even a nimble soldier without armour and
baggage (do what he could to take hold with hands upon the twigs and
plants that there about grew forth) was able to creep down. This place
being before naturally steep and precipitous, now was cut right off by a new
fall of earth, which had left a bank behind it of nearly a thousand feet depth.
There the horsemen stood still as if they had been come to their ways end:
and when Hannibal marvelled much what the matter might be that stayed
14
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
them so, as they marched not on: word was brought him that the Rock was
unpassable. Whereupon, he went himself in person to view the place and
then he saw indeed without all doubt that he must fetch a compasse about,
however far round, and conduct his army, to pass through the wild places
around it such as before had never been trodden. And verily that (of all
other ways) was such as it was impossible to pass through. For whereas
there lay old snow untouched and not trodden on, and over it other snow
newly fallen, of a moderate depth: in this soft and tender snow, and the
same not very deep, their feet as they went, easily took hold; but that snow,
being once with the gait of so many people and beasts upon it, fretted and
thawed, they were compelled to go upon the bare frozen surface underneath,
and in the slabbery snow-broth, as it relented and melted about their heels.
There they had foul ado and much struggling, for they could not tread sure
upon the slippery ice: which betrayed their feet the sooner for the down-
ward slope; so that whether with hands or knees they strove to rise, down
they fell again, when those their props and stays slipped from beneath them ;
and there were here no stocks of trees nor roots about, whereupon a man
might take hold, and stay himself, either by hand or foot; so all they could
do, was to tumble and wallow, upon the slippery and glassy ice, in the
molten slabbie snow. Otherwhiles also the poor beasts cut through the
surface of the lower snow, where they trod hard upon it: and when once
they were fallen forward, with flinging out their heels, and beating with their
hoofs more forcibly for to take hold, they brake the under surface quite
through; so as many of them, as if they had been caught fast and fettered,
stuck still in the hard frozen and congealed ice.
1
At last, when both man and beast were wearied and overtoiled, and
all to no purpose, they encamped upon the top of an hill, having with very
much ado cleansed the place aforehand for that purpose: such a deal of
snow there was to be digged, and thrown out. This done, soldiers were
brought to break that rock, through which was their only way: and
against the time that it was to be hewed through, they felled and overthrew
many huge trees that grew there about, and made a mighty heap and pile
of wood: the wind served fitly for the time to kindle a fire and then they
all set aburning. Now when the rock was on fire, and red hot, they
poured thereon vinegar for to calcine and dissolve it. When the rock
was thus baked (as it were) with fire, they digged into it and opened it
with pick-axes, and made the descent gentle and easy by means of
moderate windings and turnings: so as not only the horses and other beasts
but even the Elephants also might be able to go down. Four days Hanni-
bal spent about the levelling of this rock: and the beasts were almost
pined and lost for hunger. For the hill-tops for the most part are bare of
grass, and look what forage there is, the snow conceals. But the lower
grounds have valleys and some little banks lying to the sun and streams
withall, near unto the woods, yea and places more meet and beseeming for
¹This device was practised in ancient times by Spaniards in their
quarries (Pliny, 33. 96) and it was from Spain that Hannibal's best troops:
had been drawn.
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
15
men to inhabit. There were the labouring beasts put out to grass and
pasture; and the soldiers that were wearied with making the ways had
three days allowed to rest in.
1
Turn now to two pictures of Roman character in an earlier
century, of T. Manlius Torquatus the Consul and Q. Papirius the
Dictator. The two are meant by Livy to stand as companion por-
traits; their likeness, and their unlikeness, will appear.
The story of Titus Manlius is an incident in the great Latin War
of 340 B.C., which was almost a civil war, since the Latins who were
now in revolt spoke the language of Rome and had long served in the
Roman legions; and many of the men in the rebel army were
familiarly known to old comrades on the other side. To preclude
the opportunities for treachery which these conditions offered, the Con-
suls, of whom one was T. Manlius, forbade all irregular fighting (ne
quis iniussu pugnaret). But the Consul's own son, who was a
commander of a cavalry patrol, was challenged to single combat by a
Latin noble and did not refuse. The young Roman unhorsed his
challenger and slew him. This is the sequel (VIII. 7. 12) :—
(6
Then the young Manlius returned with his spoil to his companions and
rode back to camp amid their shouts of triumph. So he came into his father's
presence in the prætorium, ignorant of what his destiny had in store, whether
he had earned praise or penalty.
So that all the world," said he, "my
father, might truly report that I am sprung from your blood, when I was
challenged by an enemy, I fought him horse to horse, and slew him, and
took these spoils." But when the consul heard these words, he could not
bear to look upon his son, but turned away and bade the trumpet sound for
an assembly of the soldiers.
The soldiers being assembled in great number, then said the elder
Manlius to his son: "Since you, Titus Manlius, have neither feared the
authority of a consul nor revered the command of your father, but have dis-
obeyed our edict by leaving the ranks to engage in single combat; and
since, so far as in you lay, you have broken the discipline of war on which
the safety and the power of Rome have to this day depended; and have
brought me to a strait pass where I must choose either to forget the com-
monweal, or to forget myself, you and I shall abide the smart for our mis-
deeds rather than that our country, to her so great damage, should pay for
our folly and transgression. We shall afford a fearful but a wholesome
example to young men of future time. I acknowledge as I look upon you
that I am touched not merely by natural affection for my son but by the
¹Both passages come from a Book too little read in our schools, the
Eighth, perhaps partly because of a grievous difficulty in the text of the
eighth chapter, which recent study of the MSS. has now, I think, removed.
16
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
deed of valour you have done, tempted by a false show of glory. But since
the authority of the consuls must needs be either confirmed by your death,
or if you escape the penalty of disobedience, be for ever annulled; and since,
if you have aught of my blood in your veins, even you yourself will not, I
believe, refuse to vindicate by your punishment the discipline that has been
overthrown by your fault"-then said he to the lictor-"go, lictor, I com-
mand you, bind him to the block."
Vergil's comment on this scene is brief and famous, 'Torquatus,
that stern headsman' (saeuumque securi Torquatum).
Twenty years later in the great Samnite War the Dictator Papirius,
having to leave his army in order to discharge some ceremony at
Rome, gave precise instructions to his Master of the Horse, who was
left in command, not to engage the enemy until he, Papirius, should
return. The instruction was disobeyed; and Fabius having won a
victory announced it in a dispatch which was read to the Senate in
the presence of the Dictator himself, who at once left Rome for the
front, making no secret of his intention to inflict summary punishment
on Fabius. Arrived in camp he found the army and its superior
officers unwilling to surrender Fabius to be scourged and beheaded,
and a long altercation ended in Fabius' escape to Rome. The Dicta-
tor hurried back after him. There followed a debate and resolution
of the Senate, which had no effect upon the Dictator's resolve.
(Book VIII. 33. 7.) Then stept forth M. Fabius the father. For as
much,' said he, 'neither the authority of the Senate, nor mine old age, whom
you seek to make childless, nor yet the noble courage of the Master of
Horse, by your own self chosen, can prevail; nor any humble prayers,
which are often able to appease the fury of an enemy, yea and to pacify
the wrath of the Gods; I implore the lawful help of the Tribunes, and to
the whole body of the people I appeal'.
Then out of the Council-
house they went straight to the common place of audience; and when the
Dictator, attended with some few, was ascended up to the rostra, and the
Master of the Horse, accompanied by all the whole troop of the chief of
the city, had followed him, Papirius commanded that Fabius should come
down, or else be fetched, from the Rostra, unto the lower ground. His
father followed after him. Well done,' quoth the father, 'in commanding
us to be brought hither, from whence we may be allowed to speak our
minds, even if we were no better than private persons.' Then at the first
there passed no continued speeches so much as wrangling and altercation.
But afterwards, the voice and indignation of old Fabius surmounted the
other noise; who greatly cried out upon the pride and cruelty of Papirius.
What, man?' quoth he, I have been also a Dictator of Rome myself, and
yet was there never so much as a poor commoner, no Centurion, nor soldier
hardly entreated by me. But Papirius seeketh victory and triumph over a
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
17
Roman General, as much as over the leaders and commanders of his
enemies. See, what difference there is between the government of men in
old time, and this new pride and cruelty of late days. Quintius Cincinnatus
when he was Dictator, proceeded no farther in punishment against the
Consul Minucius, when he had delivered him lying besieged within his own
camp, but to leave him as a Lieutenant instead of Consul, in the army
whereof he had charge.
Neither the people itself, whose power is
sovereign, was ever more angry against those that through rashness and want
of skill lost whole armies, than to fine them a sum of money. For the mis-
carriage of any battle, that a General should be brought into question for his
life, was never heard of to this day. But now, rods and axes, whipping and
beheading, are prepared for the Commanders under the people of Rome, and
those, who are conquerors and have deserved most justly triumphs.
What else (I pray you) should my son have endured, if he had suffered the
field to be lost and his army likewise? If he had been discomfited, put to
flight, and driven clean out of his camp, how far forth further would the
Dictator's ire and violence have proceeded than to scourge and kill? And
see how fit and seemly a thing it is that the city for the victory of Q. Fabius,
should be in joy, in processions to the gods, and thanksgivings, with con-
gratulation and feasting one another; and he himself by whose means the
temples stand open, the altars smoke with incense and sacrifice, and are
heaped up again with vows, oblations, and offerings, to be stripped naked,
to be whipped and lashed to death in the sight of the people of Rome, look-
ing up to the Capitol, lifting up his eyes to the gods, whom in two such
noble battles he has invoked and not in vain? With what heart will the
army take this, which by his leading and under his fortune achieved victory?
What lamentation will there be in the Roman camp? and what rejoicing
amongst our enemies?' Thus fared Fabius the good old father, calling upon
God and man for help; and withall embraced his son in his arms, and shed
many a tear. On the one side, there made with young Fabius, the majesty
of the Senate, the love of the people, the assistance of the Tribunes, and
the remembrance of the army absent. On the other side were alleged
against him by Papirius, the invincible command and government of the
people of Rome; the discipline of war; the Dictator's orders (reverenced
at all times, no less than an oracle of the gods); the severe edicts of Manlius,
whose fatherly love and affection to his son was counted less than the service
and common good of the state; the same exemplary justice which L. Brutus,
the first founder of Roman liberty, had executed in his two sons.
And now,
mild and kind fathers, fond old men, when other men's commandment have
been contemned, gave liberty to youth, and pardoned as a small matter the
overthrow of military discipline. Howbeit, he Papirius for his part would
persist in his purpose still nor remit one jot of condign punishment to him
who contrary to his commandment, and notwithstanding the disturbance of
religion and the doubtful auspices, had given battle; saying, that as it was
not in his power to abridge any jot the eternal majesty of that State and Em-
pire; so neither, would he diminish aught of the authority thereof; and he
prayed that neither the Tribunes' puissance, sacred and inviolable itself,
should, by their intervention violate the power of Rome; nor that the people
•
•
18
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
of Rome should in him above all others abolish and extinguish both Dictator
and Dictatorship. Which if it did, the posterity hereafter should lay the
weight and blame (although in vain) not on L. Papirius, but on the Tribunes.
For when once the discipline of war was profaned, no private soldier would
obey his centurion nor any man in any rank in any army him that is set over
him.... With these crimes and inconveniences (o ye Tribunes) charged
you must be to the world's end; lay down you must, and gage your own
lives for the audacious disobedience of Q. Fabius, for whom ye are now
answerable.'
The Tribunes were astonished hereat, and for themselves now rather
anxious and perplexed, than for him who had recourse unto them for succour.
But the general consent of the people of Rome, turning to prayer and en-
treaty, eased them of this heavy load; and with one voice humbly besought
the Dictator, to remit the punishment of the Master of Horse, for their sake.
The Tribunes also, seeing that was the way, and all others, inclining and
growing to petition, followed after, and did the like; earnestly beseeching the
Dictator to forgive this human frailty, and youthful folly of Q. Fabius, saying
that he had suffered chastisement enough. Then the young man himself,
then his father M. Fabius, forgetting all strife, and laying aside debate, fell
down at the Dictator's feet, and besought him to appease his wrathful dis-
pleasure. Hereupon the Dictator after silence made, 'Yea marrie,' quoth
he, ‘o Quirites, this I like well, and thus it should be; now hath military
discipline got the victory; now hath the majesty of the Empire prevailed
indeed, which lay both a-bleeding, and were in hazard to be abolished for
ever, after this day. Q. Fabius is not acquit of his offence, in that he fought
against his Dictator's commandment; but being thereof convicted and cast, is
forgiven, nay is given to the people of Rome and the Tribunes' power,
whose help was granted merely for his instant prayers, and not of right.
Well, Rise up, Q. Fabius, and live, a more happy man for this agreement
of the city in thy defence, than for that victory, upon which erewhile thou
barest thyself so bravely. Live (I say) thou that hast been so bold to com-
mit that fact which thine own father here, if he had been in L. Papirius'
place, would never have pardoned. And as for me, into my grace and
favour thou mayest come again, at thine own will and pleasure. But to the
people of Rome to whom thou art beholden for thy life, thou shalt perform
no greater duty and service, than that the example of this day's work may
be a warning to thee for ever, to obey, as well in war as in peace, all lawful
hests of superior Magistrates.
C
We may glance finally at one or two examples of the high-minded
tenderness towards women which is a marked feature of Livy's thought
and which places his influence second only to Vergil's among such of
the humanising factors of medieval Europe as were older than the
Christian Church. Some of the stories, like those of Lucretia and
Volumnia, the mother of Coriolanus, are too famous to quote; perhaps
the noblest of them is the story of Verginia's death by her father's
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
19
hand. The power of Livy's brevity-which allows a bare ten lines
to the final scene of the tragedy-will be newly appreciated if it be
compared with the prolix though not unspirited Lay of Virginia by
Macaulay, himself no mean orator, when he chose. Let me rather
end by quoting two less familiar passages, both eminently characteristic
of Livy, one of his gentle humour, the other of his chivalrous grace.
The first is a picture of the rugged old Roman farmer and states-
man, staunch Conservative and would-be Philistine, Cato the Censor;
who however gave way in his old age and learnt the Greek that he
had for so many years defied and denounced. He is speaking on a
question of women's rights. Twenty years earlier, at the darkest
point of the struggle with Hannibal, a law called the Lex Oppia had
forbidden women to possess more than half an oz. of gold or to wear
brightly coloured dresses, the costly iridescent purple of Tyre being
no doubt the chief luxury whose import was prohibited. Now that
the danger was past and the sixteen years of war at last ended, the
women and their lovers and husbands were eager to have the law
repealed.
The whole speech of Cato against the repeal and the reply of his
opponents are well worth reading,' though too long to quote here.
But the opening passage will serve to show the humour with which
Livy portrays the gruff old partisan :
(Book XXXIV. 1. 5.) The dames of the city themselves could neither
by persuasion nor advice nor authority of their husbands be kept within doors ;
but do what men could, they bespread all the streets of the city, beset all
the ways into the forum, entreating their husbands as they passed and went
down thither, to give their consent, that seeing the good estate of the com-
monweal now flourished, and the private wealth of every man increased
daily, their wives also might be allowed to have their gay attire again. The
concourse of the women increased daily and they ventured now to approach
and solicit even the Consuls, the prætors, and other magistrates.
But as for one of the Consuls, Marcus Porcius Cato by name, they
could not with all their prayers, entreat him to incline unto their suit: who
in the maintenance of the said law, and that it might not be revoked, spake
to this effect: "My masters and citizens of Rome, if every one of us had
fully resolved with himself, to hold his own, and keep the rightful authority
that he hath over his own wife, less ado and trouble we should have had
1
¹A brilliant though perhaps sometimes too forcible a version has been
recently published by Prof. Darney Naylor of Adelaide (“More Latin and
English Idiom," Cambridge, 1915).
•
!
20
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
with them all together at this day. But now having given them the head at
home so much, that the curstness and shrewdness of women hath conquered
our freehold there; behold, here also in public place it is trodden down
and trampled under foot: and because we were not able every man to rule
his own separately, now we stand in fear, and dread them all in general.
Certes, I myself thought ever until now, that it was but a feigned fable and
tale that went of a certain Island, wherein by a conspiracy of women all the
men were murdered every one, and that sex utterly made away. But well
I see now, be they creatures never so weak, let them once have their meet-
ings, their conventicles and secret conferences, they will work mischief in the
highest degree, and be as dangerous as any other.
The rest of the speech is taken up with two arguments, the first
one which, I believe, is known to suffragists as 'the thin end of the
wedge'; the second is a general, and quite sincere, plea for simplicity
of living. The reply of Valerius is what one would expect from that
noble house, dignified, liberal, and chivalrous; and the end of the story
is that the matter was settled by a little "peaceful picketing".
After debate of words passed in this wise, in favour and disfavour of
the law, the day following, the women flocked in greater multitudes into the
open streets; and banding themselves together, as it were, in one troop,
they beset the doors and houses of the Bruti, the tribunes who were
threatening to interpose their veto upon the bill preferred by their fellow-
tribunes and the women never gave over to keep this stir, until those
tribunes slackened in their opposition; which done, there was no doubt then,
but all the tribes with one voice would abrogate and abolish the old law.
Thus twenty years after the enacting thereof, it was repealed.
:
1
Lastly, consider the picture of the young Scipio, a man whom
Livy admired, but with some reserves. In the year 210 or 209 B.C.
in the middle of the Hannibalic War, Scipio had just taken New
Carthage, the chief stronghold of the Carthaginians in Spain.
(Book XXVI. 50.) After this there was presented unto him by his
soldiers, a maiden of ripe years, taken also prisoner: but so surpassing in
beauty that wheresoever she went, every man's eye was upon her in ad-
miration. Scipio having enquired in what country she was born and of
what parents, among other things learned that she was affianced to a young
Prince of the Celtiberians, whose name was Allucius. Forthwith he sent
home to her parents and her betrothed to repair unto him and in the
:
1 (
We see' (writes a distinguished Irish scholar, Prof. R. Mitchell
Henry, in the Introduction to his recent edition of Book XXVI., p. 12) 'the
lofty airs and self-approving virtue, the genuine kindliness and bonhomie of
the young patrician, too kindly to be a prig and too young to know how
near he is to being one.'
THE VENETIAN VIEW IN ROMAN HISTORY
21
meantime, he heard that her husband that should be was wonderfully
enamoured of her, and ready to die for her love. So soon as Allucius.
was come Scipio entered into more careful speech with him, than he did
either with the father or mother of the maiden, and in these terms he
entertained him. "I am a young man," quoth he, "as well as yourself.
Come on therefore, let us, young men both, commune together more freely
and be not too coy and bashful one to the other. When your espoused
wife taken captive by our soldiers was brought unto me and when I heard
of the exceeding affection that you cast unto her, I believed it full well;
for her singular beauty deserveth no less. Now, for as much as myself,
if I might be allowed to use the pastimes of youth,—especially in an honest
and lawful love,—and were not called away by the common-weal, and em-
ployed wholly in affairs of state, I would think to be pardoned if I had an
extraordinary liking to a betrothed of mine own; I must therefore needs
favour and tender your love, which is the thing I can, considering that
I may not the other in any wise. Your sweetheart I have entertained
as well and as respectfully as she should have been with your father and
mother-in-law, her own parents. Safe kept she hath been for you alone,
that you might receive her at my hands, a gift unspotted and untouched
and beseeming me and you both. In recompense, therefore, of this boon,
I require at your hands again this one promise and covenant, that
will be a friend and wellwisher to the people of Rome. And if you take
me indeed to be a good and honest man, such as these nations here in
Spain have known my father and uncle to have been before me; know
you thus much, that in the city of Rome there are many more like unto
us; and that there cannot at this day a nation in the world be named which
you would wish less to be an enemy to you and yours, or desire more to
entertain as your friend."
you
The young gentleman being abashed for very modesty and yet right
joyful withal, held Scipio by the hand, called upon all the gods, and be-
sought them in his behalf, to thank and recompense him therefor, since it
lay not in his own proper power in any measure to make requital, either
as himself could wish or as Scipio had deserved. Then were the parents
and kinsfolk of the maid called for: who seeing the damsel, freely given
them again, for whose ransom and redemption they had brought with them
a good round sum of gold, fell to entreating Scipio, to vouchsafe to accept
the same at their hands, as a gift; assuring him, that in his so doing they
should count themselves no less beholden unto him, than for the restoring
and delivering of the maid. Scipio seeing them so earnest and importunate,
promised to receive it, and withal, commanded that it should be laid down
at his feet. Then calling Allucius unto him, "Here," quoth he, over
and besides your other dowry which your father-in-law must pay you, have
from me thus much more money wherewith to mend your marriage; take
this gold therefore to yourself, and keep it for your own use. So after
this rich reward given, and honour done unto him, Allucius was dismissed,
and departed home with much joy and heart's content: where he filled the
ears and minds of his country-men with right and just praises of Scipio;
saying, there was come into Spain, a young man most resembling the im-
""
66
22
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
mortal gods; who as well by bounty, and bestowing benefits, as by force
of arms, is in the very way to conquer all. So when he had assembled
and mustered all his vassals, he returned within few days, accompanied
with a train of fourteen hundred of the best and most choice horsemen of
his country.
No historian,' said Quintilian¹ of Livy, 'has ever represented
feeling more perfectly, especially feelings of the gentler sort (praeci-
pueque eos qui sunt dulciores). And in this too his spirit is
proven kin to the great painters who made glorious the later days of
his Venetian race.
¹ x. 1. 101.
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•
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