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THE
DIARY AND LETTERS
OF
HIS EXCELLENCY
THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ESQ.,
B.A. (HARVARD), LL.D. (OXON.),
CAPTAIN-G ENERAL AND GO VERNOR-IN-CHIEF OF
HIS LATE MAJESTY'S PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BA Y,
IN NORTH AMERICA ;
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF HIS ADMINISTRATION WHEN HE WAS MEMBER AND
SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND HIS GOVERN-
MENT OF THE COLONY DURING THE DIFFICULT PERIOD
THAT PRECEDED THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENT'S STILL REMAINING IN
THE POSSESSION OF HIS DESCENDANTS,
BY
\ PETER ORLANDO HUTCHINSON,
ONE OF HIS GREAT-GRANDSONS,
“Motto for Title-page of a History of the Revolt of
the Colonies:— -
“I HAVE NOURISHED CHILDREN AND BROUGHT THEM UP,
AND ITVEN THEY HAVE REVOLTED FROM ME.”—Isaiah, I.
Chap., 2nd verse. Bp. of London's translation.”
[Written on fly-leaf of Diary.]
WOL. JME II.
B O S T O N :
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN, & CO., 4, PARK STREET.
1886.
PREFACE.
-º-º-º-
AT the time the first volume of this work was published, I
did not think it likely that I should undertake another, and
that is why “VoI. I.” was not placed on the title-page.
Favourable circumstances however have led to the compilation
of a second, which absorbs the remainder of Governor Hutchin-
son's Diary and Letters; and what is equally valuable in a
historical point of view, it gives opportunity for introducing
portions of the Diary and Letters of the Chief Justice Peter
Oliver, a prominent figure in those troublous times, and per-
haps as much so as his elder brother the Lieutenant-Governor;
—as also of those of his son, and of those of Thomas and
Elisha Hutchinson. This work therefore, is the English ac-
count of the outbreak and course of the American Revolution-
ary war, in contradistinction to the American accounts, which
have been legion, and which, for reasons not hard to discern,
have been industriously and continuously introduced into the
cheap popular literature of this country, and put off in Parts or
Numbers by travellers or others, and carried to nearly every
household for subscribers' names. It is time the English side
of the story should be better known. - g
There is one matter I cannot avoid alluding to, however
unwilling I may be to do so. At the foot of page 163 of the
former volume, I was induced to throw out a challenge to one or
other of the three gentlemen whose names were connected with
the discovery in America of part of Governor Hutchinson's
Diary, the existence of which copy had never been known or
suspected by his descendants in England. In reply to that
challenge Dr. Everett called attention to the subject at the
annual meeting of the Historical Society at Boston in April
1884; he “commented somewhat on the ignorance of the lives
i\' PRI) I'A CI.
and character of public men in America, displayed in such a
charge of surreptitious use of Governor Hutchinson's Diary,”
and he produced letters to shew that the first volume of the
Diary had been freely lent by the IRev. J. Hutchinson to Mr.
Everett, the United States Minister in England, whom he met
at the (linner table of the Duke of Sutherland at Trentham,
with permission “to read,” but there is no permission to copy.
I am obliged to Dr. Everett for producing at that meeting the
two letters of the Rev. J. Hutchinson, and the one by Mr.
Everett, because they supply me with the very evidence I stood
in need of. They show that the volume was freely lent and
honourably received, which gives me the pleasure of withdraw-
ing all imputation of unfairness on that head, done only in ignor-
ance, and of apologising to Dr. Everett, and to any one else who
may have been annoyed thereby. Upon being better informed,
I explained myself as shewn in the following letter to Dr. F. E.
Oliver, and I hope thore can be no offence in quoting it here:–
Old Chancel, Sidmouth, Devon, England, Dec. 5, 1884.
My Dear Sir,
According to promise, and having heard from my cousins, I
now proceed to make a few remarks. They join with me in sur-
prise that the Rev. John IIutchinson should have allowed the
manuscript to go out of his custody, as he had always enjoined
upon us the most jealous care over these papers. I can only ac-
count for it by concluding that he reposed the fullest confidence
in the honour of a gentleman who hold the high position of an
Ambassador and representative of a great nation like yours, whom
he met at the dinner table of the Duke of Sutherland at Trentham
Iſall, and that he would not go beyond the permission given him
along with the loan. Mr. Everett, in conversation with him, took
occasion to express a wish to see some portion of Governor
IIutchinson's Diary, to which my cousin assented, and the next day
forwarded to him what must have been the first volumo, as it is
that volume which contains the conversation between George III.
and the Governor, a portion, about which Americans had manifested
some curiosity. It is a relief to know who gave up the MS.,
because, for many years past different members of my family have
suspected two or three of their friends, as possibly having made
use of the opportunities which intimacy afforded, and to have
incautiously lent it. Your Ambassador obtained it fairly and
PRICFA CF, w
* **----------- - - - -
–a–-------- ... ------—-- . ---- - - - - - -----"*--
------- - ----------------- *---, ------ - - ---
honourably, and as far as that goes, I have much pleasure in with-
drawing any appearance of unfair implication against any of the
three gentlemen before named, and of offering them every apology
in my power, if I have aggrieved them by any such appearance.
In the Diary and Letters just published, I know I have, at the foot
of page 163, thrown out a challenge to the said three gentlemen,
begging them, for their own sakes, to grant some explanation,
because none of the Governor's family in England had ever known or
suspected, that anything had, or could have been copied; nor would
they have permitted such a thing, for the simple reason that they
intended to reserve it for the pages of a printed book themselves.
My first stay at Blurton, a parish adjoining Trentham on the
east, then a Perpetual Curacy, now a Vicarage, extended for several
weeks, so long ago as in the autumn of 1833, and I was also much
there during the two following years. After my cousin became
Canon of Liclifield, and resided there three or four months out of the
twelve, I sojourned with him in the Close on several occasions for
weeks, if not months at a time, and the subject of the “IIutchinson
Papers,” or the “American Papers,” as they were indifferently
called, frequently became a topic of conversation. He often re-
gretted his inability to find leisure to work up a volume out of the
materials in his custody, and time went on. He was in residence
again during the last quarter of 1864, and I was with him the
greater part of the time, his children, and occasionally some of my
other cousins, being there also. I then made a proposition, to the
effect that I would do the manual labour if he would do the head-
work, or in other words, I would be his Secretary or Amanuensis,
under his guidance and dictation, if he would resolve to attack the
subject in earnest. He was not in good health at the time, and
said he had decided on going to Bath about the beginning of May
in the next year, to drink the waters and recruit his health, and
that if he took the papers with him to that place, which was in a
direct line to Sidmouth, and near two-thirds of the way, would I
come up the other third and join him, and then go boldly into it?
I readily fell in with this plan, and leaving him on the 21st of
November, I went S. by W. about 150 miles to Sidmouth, and he soon
returned N.W. 20 or 30 to Blurton.
Just before the first of May, 1865, however, I received a summons
to come to his funeral, and I attended it at Blurton on the 2nd of
that month. Tºefore his death he had expressed a wish that the
Papers should be handed over to me, so I took them home. Owin §
to sundry occupations of my own, and the common vice of pro-
crastimation, I delayed writing ; but during several years, at odd
vi PR EFA CE).
**-**
times, I amused myself with unfolding, reading, ironing flat, re-
pairing, arranging according to date, and binding into volumes,
the letters and other documents, which were absolutely unin-
telligible until this was done. All this work had the effect of
familiarising me with the materials, so that when I began in ear-
nest, I wrote the volume in fifteen months, and spent two more in
going over it a second time, and re-writing several portions, and
even skimming it a third time, and felt that if I went over it six
times, I could alter with advantage.
Such being the facts, how is it possible that my late cousin knew
or suspected that any portion of his prized manuscript book had
been, or could have been, copied ? or that he would have suffered
it, seeing that he was preserving everything to enrich the pages of
his own proposed book?
As to the challenge above alluded to, the obliging answer to it as
given in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for
April to June, 1884, clears up many obscurities, but not all. The
lending of the volume was fair and open, but there is a point beyond
this which invites attention. There is every permission to read,
but no permission to copy. And my cousin, in his letter of January
7, 1843, (which accompanied the book,) when alluding principally
to the pages containing the conversation with the King, uses the
words—“to read them ; ” and further down he says—“ and therefore
am proud to forward for your perusal the enclosed.” Surely there
is no permission here to make any copy, but only to read; and so
the Ambassador evidently understood it, for when writing to Mrs.
Everett, January 8, he says—“He has sent me to-day, to read, a
part of his grandfather's private Journal, which has never seen the
light.” Mr. Rives, his Secretary of Legation, having transcribed
So much as was desired, he stamped the act with his approval on
the first of February, by appending thereto his sign manual.
Beyond an expression of surprise, I will refrain from making
any remark on these facts, preferring to leave them to the judgment
of others. *
I readily excuse Mr. Rives for his share in the transaction, on
the ground that as Secretary, he was merely carrying out the in-
structions of his superior in office. Qui facit per alium facit per 8e,
is an old maxim that well suits the present case. I also have plea-
Sure in exonerating Mr. Bancroft from blame, on the ground that
he was in America when the other parties were in England, and
could not know what they were doing; and I beg to offer to those
two gentlemen every expression of regret for any annoyance I may
havo caused them.
PREFA CE. vii
You are at liberty, of course, to show this letter to any person
you please, and as it is a reply to what has appeared in the Pro-
ceedings, I should only be too glad to see it find a place in a future
number.
I cannot conclude these remarks without expressing my gratifi-
cation at the friendly and courteous tone of most of the notices and
Reviews of my book in the American Journals, fearing, as I did,
that in handling a controversial subject, there might be much to
offend, however unwilling I might be to give offence.
I beg to remain, Dear Sir,
Yours faithfully,
1)T. F. E. Oliver. P. O. HUTCHINSON.
Some little time afterwards I received an intimation, as com-
ing from the Officers of the Massachusetts Historical Society—
“ that Mr. Everett, although he had no written permission to
have a copy taken of that portion of the Diary loaned him, it
is more than probable that he had a verbal one, or to that
effect.”
I had not thought of this, and in my rejoinder I said—“I
made no remarks on a probable verbal permission to copy, be-
cause there is nothing in the printed letters of my late cousin
and of Mr. Everett that could lead me to do so, and for this
reason the idea did not come across my mind. I simply
adjudicated upon the evidence that was before me, and there
I left it.”
I am sorry I have been so long upon this subject, but having
thrown out the challenge, I have been obliged to follow the
incidents to their end. After an interval of 42 years, I have
traced the mystery to the fountain head. What Mr. Bancroft
may have done in America with what was copied in England,
does not concern me. Mr. Bancroft has been pretty severely
taken to task by me in the first volume, (p. 118,) for his shame-
ful slanders on Governor Hutchinson; but though I blame him
freely where I think he deserves it, I love fair play and justice
So well, that I will defend him to the utmost of my power
where I think he does not. *
I beg again to express my full sense of the kind and valuable
assistance rendered to me by Dr. F. E. Oliver, during the time
viii PRERACE.
this second volume has been in preparation; and I have also
to thank Mr. C. G. Hutchinson, (“Hutchinson of Charlestown,”
p. 386) for having forwarded to me many useful extracts from
the Boston Registers, which have enabled me to fill in gaps,
and verify dates in genealogical tables towards the end of the
book.
DIARY AND LETTERS
OF
THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
CHAPTER I.
AT the end of the former volume we left Governor Hutchinson
at Tylney Hall, about five miles from Basingstoke in Hampshire,
where, in company with his youngest daughter Margaret, com-
monly called Peggy, he was enjoying the hospitality of Mr. and
Mrs. Welbore Ellis, of Pope's Villa, Twickenham. He had asked,
and had obtained, the King's leave to come to England “for six or
mine months,” flattering himself that by the expiration of the
shorter, or at all events of the longer of those two periods, all
matters in dispute between the Mother Country and her Colonies
would be so far accommodated, as that he should be able to return
in peace to his government of Massachusetts, there to enjoy in
all time to come, the prosperity and the happiness of the country
he loved so well. Double the longest of those periods however
had elapsed; yet so far from a settlement, the plot had rather
thickened than otherwise: all attempts at conciliation had failed:
several fierce and bloody battles by the beginning of 1776 had
been fought: Boston was blockaded by a force of from ten to
17,000 Provincials, and every day only seemed to add to the
bitterness, and put the possibility of accommodation still further
off; yet he persisted in clinging to a forlorn hope of better times
—of a happy chance, or a favourable turn—with a simplicity that
may now almost surprise us. The motive for his coming to
England is not very clearly stated; but the general tenor of his
remarks to those members of the government with whom he
Chiefly came in contact when discussing the probable effects of the
Boston Port Bill, the Declaratory, and some other Bills, may
suggest that his chief object was to try and get those Acts either
WOL. II. B
2 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [.
repealed or mitigated: but if he had cherished the feeling that he
should be able to accomplish either of those ends by personal
interviews with the Ministers, it is certain that he had been sadly
disappointed. The King, the members of the Cabinet—aye, I may
add, the great majority of the English nation, surveyed the posi-
tion of affairs with an amount of equanimity that shewed how
little they realised the gravity of the case, Absent just then from
London, the centre of political activity, and staying at a friend's
house, the graver topics of conversation in a great measure gave
place to such as were of a lighter and more varied character. The
story of Sir Robert Walpole and the Princess, here following, is
sufficiently pronounced in its accents to startle most readers:—
January 1st. 1776.-The fine weather in the forenoon in-
duced us to walk out; but the afternoon was dull, and the
evening rainy. I meet here with Baretti's Travells, and
Kempfer's History of Japan, with one or other of which I fill
up gaps. -
2nd.—After breakfast M. Ellis gave us a more particular
account of Sir Rob" Walpole on the death of Geo. I. than I
ever heard before, wº" he says he had from S. Rob” own
mouth. Everybody considered Spencer Compton as the
Minister, and paid their Court to him as such. Sir Rob'
himself supposed he had no chance, tho' it appeared Compton
had no talents for it, but was a meer [sic] formal man, governed
all by precedents; and when the Queen's dower was proposed,
searched to find the most w” had been settled on a Dowager,
and found it 30,000£, and proposed it accordingly. Some
about the Court hapned [sic] to ask S. Rob. Walpole what his
opinion was P. He said he had not considered much about it,
but he was clear that a less sum than 50,000£ ought not to be
mentioned for a Queen. This was carried to her; for very
soon after Lady Sandon [? indistinct] of the Queen's family,
sent him a card to aquaint him that—“The fat bitch forgave
M. Walpole, or Sir Robert, if he was then Kn".” He was
* The addition of £20,000 to her dower, proposed by the man whom she
thought had spoken disrespectfully of her, might be calculated to soften her
feelings towards him. This Princess was Wilhelmina Charlotte Caroline,
daughter of John Frederick, Marquis of Brandenburgh-Anspach. She was
married in Germany, Sep. 2, 1705, to Prince George of Hanover, Queen Anne
being on the throne of England. On the death of Anne in 1714, the Elector
#j Diaby AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 8
amazed; but concluded the Queen had been told he [had so
expressed himself while she was Princess. This caused him to
seek an opportunity of throwing himself at the Queen's feet
and declaring his innocence.
The Queen's prejudice being removed, other matters were
soon settled. Compton was made Earl of Wilmington and
Presid" of the Council, wºº a pension for life of 3,000£, and
Walpole retained his posts and powers.
A cloudy dull day, and except ; an hour's walk on the
Terrace, kept house.
3rd.—[Mr. Jenkinson and his son arrived.]
4th.-|Rain] . . .
5th.-Left M* Ellis's house after a most polite and courteous
entertainment of 10 days, and returned to London. Find, to
my surprise, Mº Rich" Clarke arrived from N. England.
6th.-At Lord G. Germaine's: comunicated the intelligence
I had recº from Boston. I never saw him more dull. Con-
demed Lord S. [Sandwich P) for appointing such an Adm.* and
supporting him when everybody else gave him up : said he did
not know much of his successor: wondered at his being suffered
to remain here so long after he ought to have sailed, &c.
7th.-At the Old Jewry : M White, &c.
In the evening Mº Mauduit called, and gives an account of
of Hanover came to the English throne as George I., when she and her husband
took the position of Prince and Princess of Wales; and in 1727, when she was
about forty, and he forty-three, they became King George II. and Queen
Caroline, as she was usually called : and here we come to the point where, in
some cases, the forgiveness of a Queen may be bought for £20,000 a year.
The taunt was rather severe:–“Mr. Walpole, or Sir Robert, if he was then
Knight”—as if she did not know !
The following low and impertinent doggerel attempt at verses, taken from
One of the Editions of Hume's History, is only tolerated here as going to
support the idea of a portly figure in a lady. The impertinence runs thus—
“You may strut dapper George, but 'twill all be in vain,
We know ’tis Queen Caroline, not you, that reign,
You govern no more than Don Philip of Spain;
Then if you would have us fall down and adore you,
Lock up your fat spouse, as your dad did before you.”
And yet, did not her great-grandson George the Fourth proclaim that “fat,
fair, and forty’ was perfection in a woman 2
* Lord Sandwich was First Lord of the Admiralty. The Adm. probably
refers to Admiral Graves, who in time was succeeded by Adm. Shuldham,
sometimes written Shuldam in the Diary.
b 2
4 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
one of the N. England privateers being brought in by a Man-
of-War. She had 70 men aboard. He says the rebels had
taken the Island of St. John's and 25 sail of vessels belonging
to Pool, who were at Canso.
Very stormy, and snow.
8th.-The snow lay all day to-day in the squares and parts
of the streets, tho’ not very cold. It was the Tartar wºº arrived
yesterday : left Boston the 16 Dec. : sent express to bring the
crew of a rebel brig comissioned by Congress, and taken by
Geo. Montagu. They seem not to know what to do with the
prisoners here, being afraid to punish them as rebels, as the
rebels threaten the like to their prisoners. Several store ships
taken, and they are afraid of suffering for want of provisions as
well as fuel at Boston. The story of St. Johns seems to be only
two or three Beverly scooners, [sic] having plundered Mº Calbeck
the Collector, and taken him and Mº Wright prisoners. They
took vessels also in the Gut of Canso, but it does not appear
what they were.
Called upon M* Clarke at Mº Copley's in the evening.
9th.-At Lord Hardwicke's. M* Nath. Coffin came to town,
being a passenger in the Tartar, from Boston. The snow, &c. . . .
10th.-I walked to Devonshire Square and back. We have
an account to-day, by the N. York packet, that Lord Dunmore
had set up the Royal Standard, and a printed Proclamation
invites all Whites and Blacks to come in : and the letters from
Philad. Say 2000 had joined him. Doctor Chandler says the
people of N. York, or the major part, will join the K.'s troops,
if any arrive, but it is certain the rebels are in possession of
Mreal, [Montreal] and that Quebec is in danger.
11th.--Called on the Bishop of London . . . [Letter from
Boston, &c.]
12th.-I paid James a quarter's wages, due Oct 4th. Report
from Virginia of Lord Dunmore, said to be confirmed by way
of Ireland: but it is added that Lee, one of the Delegates, was
at the head of a body of men to oppose him.
13th.-Walked to the city again, and back. Dº Chandler,
Elucker, and S. Oliver, dined with us. A letter bro’t me
to-day, I suppose by a passenger in the Tarter from Judge
ºj DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 5
Oliver of 15 December, [not saved] very discouraging, L*
Hardwicke, in a note says, 9 or 10 Battalions are ready in
Ireland, and are to embark in the course of the next month.
14th–Snow storm continues, and I continued at home all
day. -
15th.-A fair sky, but N.E. wind, moderate. There is now
so much snow on the ground, that fresh butter is advanced
from 9" to 14" the pound, and all vegetables in proportion. In
the evening at Mº Sewall's.
16th.-Cold, and N.E. wind, continues. There is so much
ice in the Thames as to obstruct business, and some say there
has not been more since the winter after 1739, and they begin
to fear a very hard winter. I went with Mº Sewall to Lincoln's
Inn Hall, and introduced him to Mº Thurlow and [M]
Wedderburne, and afterwards to M. Jackson, at Southampton
Buildings.
Mr Ellis called—returned with M* Ellis, M* and M* Doyley
to town yesterday.
Billy ill with his bilious disorder all day.
There is something yet remains to be settled concerning the
Hessian troops, as M. Ellis says he finds, since he came to
to Wm.
In his Letter Book, at this period, he entered his opinions on
the amount of forces destined for America, more fully than in his
Diary. The name of his correspondent is not retained, but he was
apparently residing in Boston. I have an objection to degrading
Governor Hutchinson's letters to the level of Foot Notes. Having
been written by him, they are as authentic as his Diary, and often
more valuable, as containing more information. An intermediate
place was suggested to me by a practical printer, and in certain
cases it has its merits, making it worthy of adoption. And where
is the reader that does not look with dismay at the sight of a long
Foot Note—his spontaneous feeling being a desire to avoid and
skip it altogether ? And if he has courage to go through with it,
he is likely to lose his equanimity at having the trouble to
hark back in order to find his place in the text to go on. He
writes to his American friend—
“I thank you for your two last letters of Nov. 28, and Dec. 15,
and for 80 particular a state of affairs. I have not subject for so
6 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. #.
circumstantial a letter, and if I had so far as relates to publick
measures, I am under restraint; besides—conveyances from hence
are more liable to accidents than they are from you. In general
it is agreed that the force for America is as great as has been
desired by the Commanders there, and as certain of being obtained
as the state of human affairs, always liable to disappointments,
will admit of. I believe there is no doubt that eighty thousand
tons of transports, besides what are in America, are actually taken
into the service. Their destination I had rather should be known
from the Bearer, and from other accounts than from my conjec-
tures. It is supposed the first embarkation of 7 Regiments from
Corke have been sailed some days. In addition to what had been
before determined, Lord Loudoun on the 24th, at an Audience
after the King's Levée, informed him that 1500 of the Guards
were very ready for service in America, if His Majesty thought
fit. One thousand I hear are ordered. I am always wishing, and
yet always afraid, to hear from Boston. I count the days, and
absurd as it is so near the close of life, I can hardly help wishing
to sleep away the time between this and the spring, that I may
escape the succession of unfortunate events which I am always in
fear of God is above all, a consideration which ought to keep
the spirit from failing.”
The Diary continues—
17th.--Called upon M* Ellis and M* D'oyly. Met the
people returning from the execution of Daniel and Robert
Perreau, twin brothers: as they came into the world, so they
are gone out on the same day. Daniel was a Merchant, and
great dealer in the Alley: lived with the wife of a Lieutenant,
or some other officer in the Army named Rudd, as his own
wife, and had several children by her. Robert is said to have
had as fair a character as any man, and to have been greatly
beloved by all his acquaintance in business, as an Apothecary
of 12 or 1400% a year profit. There was no evidence against
Robert of any part in the forgery; but it was certain he
published a forged bond, and there were strong presumptions
that he knew it to be forged, for it being offered as a bond of
Mº Adair's [?] to Mº Drummond, was scrupled; but Robert
affirmed it to be Mº Adair's writing, and the next morning told
Drummond he had seen M* Adair, and that he acknowledged
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 7
his hand, and though he had not seen him, yet went with
Drummond to Adair to ascertain whether it was or not.
Everybody agrees that Mrs Rudd ought to have been hanged,
as being the most guilty; but the Jury had not evidence before
them to convict her.
Lady Frankland, Cromwell, Waldo, Gray and wife, dined
with us. ~,
- 18th-At Court: the Queen's Birthday. Very cold yet,
but no snow to-day.
19th–Still the cold continues. I called at a shop by
Charing Cross where are sold thermometers and other glasses,
and inquired how low the mercury had been in Farenheit's,
and was informed that out of doors it had been as low as 19,
but in the house just below freezing. This would be called
moderate winter weather in America.
M* Clarke and son spent the evening.
At Lord Dartmouth's in the morning. I left with him a
printed Windication” of my conduct, which at my desire, he
promised to shew to the King. I desired him to renew his
motion to Lord North for my son. He lamented G 's
misfortune, but said he did not see how Gov" could do other-
wise than it did. . . . -
20th.-At Lord North's, but could not see him. At Sir
Gilbert Eliot's. He thinks Quebec is gone: says we have been
deceived in supposing the Quebec Bill was agreeable to the
French people. I thought infinite pains had been taken to
make it disagreeable since it passed. He can’t account for
Carlton's scattering his forces about the country, and so
leaving no part defended : intimated being disappointed in
him. G , he said, was known, when appointed, not to be a
fit person: blames his not following instructions to suppress all
riots, &c., by his troops. I expressed my doubts of a Gov-
ernor's directing the military in the Plantations, in a case
where the K. would not do it in England, but observed that G.
had no doubt.
* This must be the Windication alluded to at p. 575 of the former volume.
There: s no printed copy among the H. papers.
f This is doubtless the “G. G.” mentioned at p. 586 of the other volume,
who tried to sit upon two stools, and fell between both.
8 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. ſº.
I called upon Mº Mackenzy, Hill Street, who was abroad.
In the evening at Mº Knox's, Soho. He says six of the seven
Teg" at Corke were embarked, and he concludes the whole
have been sailed some days: that they are to go first to Cape
Tear: that Gov' Martin has given strong assurance that many
thousands in the back counties will take arms and join them
he said furthor, that 4000 men had been in arms in Sº" Carolina
in favor of Governm", which I had not heard before. Eight
battalions more, in Ireland, are to sail for Quebec the first of
March : one regiment is going immediately, in order to be at
Isle Coudre before the ice above breaks up. The four thousand
Brunswickers are also to go to Quebec: twelve thousand
Ilessians and Frazer's Highlanders are for New York, and the
remaining force, to compleat [sic] 35000 rank and file, in-
cluding those now in America, are to join Howe, where he may
order. Rhode Island is at present thought on. Eighty
thousand tons of Transports are taken up.
21st.—At the Old Jewry; a stranger preached.
Dined at Lord Hardwicko's with Peggy, Mº Mauduit, and
Auchmuty. In the evening at D' Heberden's. Glasses in
open air at 19. Wind changed to S.W., but a cold frozen air
like some winter north winds in N. England.
22nd.-More moderate in the morning. At M' llllis's near
an hour. Dined at the Attorney General's, with the Sollicitor
Gen. [Thurlow and Wedderburn, and M' Jackson, and
Sewall.
Cold again, afternoon. Wind northerly again.
The Americans, by their agents in England, were made fully
acquainted with the amount of forces collected in various parts of
the 13ritish dominions, with the times of their sailing, and even in
some degree, with the points of destination to which they were
directed. The forces mentioned above may seem sufficiently for-
midable for the purposes intended. Telief in any form that might
afford deliveranco to the half-starved and half-frozen inhabitants
of Doston, naturally enough, was eagerly looked for. There is an
original letter from the beleaguered city, written by Dr. Peter
Oliver at the period to which we have arrived, couched in his
usual excited and amusing style, wherein he first discourses on the
#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 9
fate of nations, and closes with a prayer for a new tobacco box.
He sends his letter by the obliging hand of Sir William Pepperell,
Baronet, the second of that title who, like so many other loyal
men, was retiring back into the serener atmosphere of the Mother
Country, where, though he got quiet and security, he suffered the
pain of knowing that his vast estates were seized and sold to
strangers, and his character traduced to justify it. There will be
Some account of the Pepperell family further on—modern and
original, by one of the representatives of it.
Hear Governor Hutchinson's lamentation, poured out on the 8th
of December, 1775—“Mr. Hatch called upon me, as he sº, by y”
direction, and asked if I had no letter to send to America]? I
never think of it but w" distress. My children suffering the calam.
of war—my property taken possess. of by my enemies, and sold or
destroyed—as elegant a house and appendages as I ever desired to
onjoy, turned into Barracks—and my most priv. lett and papers
put into the hands of malevolent men, and such scraps published
to the world as they suppose will hurt my character; and possibly
they may answer their purpose wº some of my countrymen; but
here they fail of their end, for even those who are in opposition
to Gov" wonder at their folly, nothing having appeared out of
character; and after one or two extracts had been reprinted in the
anti-Gov' papers, no further notice has been taken of them. But
the wickedness lyes in giving, by their comments and remarks, a
sonse and meaning diff from what they know in their consciences,
to be true. I never concealed my principles. I have repeatedly
declared against violent opposition to the authority of Parliament;
the measures used by tarring and feathering, and other injuries to
such persons as thought they had a right to act according to their
own judgment; and have freely spoke my opinion of the necessity
of Parl" exerting its authority, by incapacitating persons guilty of
such acts, and their abettors, for publick posts, and by laying other
penalties, according to the nature and degree of offences wºn I
believe in early times would have been effectual.” &c.
The Doctor's letter rums as follows:–
“13oston, Jan 23° 1776.
“Dear Brother Elisha,
“I take this opportunity by S. W* l'opperell to inform you I
received yº last of Sep"—
“At last the Old North Meeting House is pull'd down by order
of the General [Howe] for fuell for the Associators. Dr Cooper's
10 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [#.
Meeting House is Barracks for the troops, and so is Howard's
Meeting House. -
“We have lately receiv'd good intelligence from your side of
the water, such as seiz'd money for the Rebells:* a large number
of troops for America. I hope we shall come to rights next
SUIIDIQ6T.
“Last Saturdayſ Gen! Clinton sailed for Virginia with a few of
the Light Infantry, to join Lord Dunmore. We have just receiv'd an
accº of a defeat of the Rebells at Quebec: 300 killed: it comes from
the Rebells. Last eve was acted at the Theatre the tragedy of
Tamerlane, and The Blockade of Boston. I did not attend for want
of money.
“We are threatned [sic] daily of being attack’t by the Rebells.
For my part I wish our Wife's and children were out of the way.
I shall stand it to the last : if I can but live to see the Rebells
disarm’d, and 10 Acts of T’arliament where we have one now, will
I believe secure our posterity from any further rebellions. Cruel
hard life I lead upon expense, and in 110 business; but I believe,
when matters are settled, I shall have business enough.
“I wish you would send me by a safe private hand, who may be
coming in an arm’d vessell that you are acquainted with, a cheap
Tobacco Box of iron Japann'd, in imitation of Turtle shell, ab" two
inches and , diameter, round and flat; as I have left off Snuff, I
have began upon tobacco. However, I leave it to your judgment,
not more that 2/- charge.
“My love to all. “I am Yºº Affectionately,
“PETER OLIVER, Jun".”
23rd.—At Lord Suffolk's. He promised to mention to the
King my sufferings by taking my estate in America out of my
hands, and that I would have desired an audience, if I had not
wished to avoided giving His Majesty trouble. I saw M'
Wedderburn there, who thinks J3oston will not be abandoned
by the troops.
Cold continues. Evening at L" Gage's.
24th.-Dined with Mº Agar. Sº Charles Thompson, S. Grey
Cooper, S. Geo. Hay, Mº Hely Hutchinson, and Mº Courtenay,
an Irish gentleman, formed the company. . .
* He appears to mean—that money had been seized which had been
intended for the use of the rebels.
f It was now Wednesday.
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUZCHINSON. 11
25th.-At Lord George G–’s Levée. Very little passed,
Mº Pownall being present. In the city at M* Smith's, Alder-
manbury, to settle what stores to send to friends in Boston.
Cold, and E. wind continue.
In a letter of the present period to some friend whose name is
not recorded, the Governor has an entry in his Letter Book bearing
date January 27, 1776, in which he speaks highly of the capabilities
and the fitness of the nobleman whose Levée he had just been
attending. He writes—
“It would have been impossible, on L" Dartmouth's going out,
to have found a successor who would have escaped abuse. I don’t
know of any person more to general satisfaction than L" George
Germaine. He has the character of a great man, and I verily believe
is a true friend to both countries, and would have no inducement
but a regard to the publick interest, to accept of a post attended
with so many difficulties.”
In the same Book the day after, that is to say, on the 28th of
January, writing from St. James's Street to his brother Foster,
who was shut up in Boston, he says— 4.
“I have been much dispirited for many weeks past, more from
the distresses of my family and friends, than from the loss of my
property, the greatest part whereof I find is taken from me. It
will be a great relief to me if I can hear you have lived tho’ the
winter.
“The force gone and going to America is greater that I ever
expected, owing much to Lord G. G.'s zeal for the service of his
country. God grant it may produce peace and tranquility to tho
most infatuated people upon the globe. - s
“You wrote me in one of y' lett” to know the state of Mº Hall's
money. I think I wrote you an answer; but from being so full
of anxiety I am not certain, and had rath. repeat than neglect
informing you.
“It is so uncertain into whose hands letters may fall, that I do
not think it advisable to write you more particularly. It’s natural
for you to believe that disappointm" and anxiety will cause age to
advance faster than otherwise, in my regular way of living, it
would do. I am however, in tolerable health, and do not despair
of seeing before I die, my dear friends, to all of whom I desire
to be remembered.”
On the same day he addresses a letter to his son Thomas, also
in Boston, which he begins thus—
12 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
“My Dear Son,
“I am never free from anxiety and distress for my friends
in Poston, but never folt a greater (logroo than at this time.
“The Tartar arrived 3 wº ago, wº" brings the lott" as late as the
16 of Doc': the I. winds over since have kept out all the trans-
ports wº" sailed w'" her, one oxcepted, the news of whoso arrival
'amo yosterday. I have y' lott" also by the vessels wº" sailed 10
days before the T., and Mr Clarke and Mº Coffin, both toll me
they saw you just before they sailed. I hopo some of the ships w!"
Supplios might arrive; but as this and other liko evonts aro out of
our power to direct, or oven to know horo, I know of no relief but
a pationt acquiescence in, and submission to, the will of God.
“The woathor is moro severe than has boon folt sinco 1739/40,
and it would be accountod rather cold in N.I., the thermonotor
being about 19 ; it puts by all business, and provonts an armed
vossol for sailing wº" tho produce of the subscript. money for the
army. Aboard this vessel I have procured a promise for some
necessaries for you, w" [will] bo roady as soon as the sea will
admit of it.
“It is uncertain what state "you will be in whom they arrive,
but I thought it bottor to ship them if thore was but a small chance
for relioving you, than that you should have the ship arrive
without them, tho' they should be of no service.
“All you say about my ostate does not affect my spirits. It is
a groator loss of goods at Milton than I oxpected. Perhaps I may
not livo to have it rostorod to mo, or to recoivo a componsation,
but I hope my children will.” [Aside—They havon't yet.
Patience pationce ||
The wintor of 1775–6 soons to have boon vory sovoro; and yot
an oqually low dogroo of tomporature has not unfrequontly been
observed in Ingland within living momory—at all ovonts for
short poriods. Addrossing himself to Mr. Winslow on the 30th of
January he says in his Tottor Book—
“It will be to no purposo for any of us who have lost our estates
for our ſidelity to sook relioſ at prosont. Wo must exorcise
patience, and hope that in some way, and at some time or othor,
we shall, in a groator or loss dogroo bo relieved. It has boon a
very cold season in Ing" for 3 wooks past. I would ſain hope
that thoro is no reason to infor it is proportionably cold with you.”
I would wish to make a remark on tho last Sontence. The
winter I was in America was accounted mild, the frost in I}oston
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 13
and in New York being lenient in its pressure. At the latter city
there was a good deal of floating ice in the North River, and great
heaps on the banks; but as the wators continued open, several
persons who were engaged in the coasting trade, who had unrigged
and laid up their small craft for the winter, rigged them again in
January, and sent them to sea. If there was but little winter in
America, I concluded there was none in England, basing my con-
viction upon the general prevalence of milder seasons in the latter
country : Imy surprise was great therefore, on nearing England,
when I belield the hills in the Isle of Wight, towards the latter
part of the month of March, all covered with snow. On expressing
my astonishment, one of the sailors told me that the degree of
temperature was generally just contrary on the two sides of the
Atlantic, and that having been a mild winter in America, it had
been a cold one in England. Whether there is any real truth in
this assortion, I must leave to meteorologists to determine. In
commenting on the cold in England, the Governor expresses a
hope that it is not proportionably colder or more cold in America,
So that this notion, or whatever it be, was not known to him.
26th.-Colder than it has been since the frost began : clear
E. wind—has all the feeling of NNW. in America. In the
city again—at Mauduit's, Palmer's, and Gines's. Called also
upon Mº Taylor, Bread Street, and M. Amory, College Hill.
27th.—Two of the Transports which came out with the
Tarter, we have the news of to-day : other three not yet in.
I'lucker, Quincy, D. Greene, and T. Clarke dined with us.
I called on M! Cornwall—from home: on M D'Oyley.
This, I think the coldest air I have yet felt in England, but
the Thames is not quite close. With this degree of cold I
think that Cambridge river, as low as Doston Neck, would be
froze over. The Weather stops all shipping in the river from
business.
28th.-The cold continues: clear sun, and thaws only out of
the wind, and on the south side of the great streets.
A vertiginous turn [swimming in the head] yesterday,
discouraged me from sitting in a cold Church or Meeting House.
29th. The cold and clear weather still continues, which
must retard the Americian expeditions. M' l'eene called, and
seems to have more spirits than when affairs were in a much
14 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [;
better state. Yesterday I was at Mº Cornwall's. He says
everything goes on with respect to troops as he could wish.
The House of Commons met the 26", but no motion has been
yet made respecting America, and they have hardly been able
to make 100 Members, to proceed on controverted Elections.
30th.-I went into the city to M Strahan's, New Street.
He is very sanguine in his expectation that Government will
succeed in America, and a report prevails that Lord Howe
will go out in command of the naval force. It is said in the
city that a transport is arrived which left Boston the 2* Jan.,
and that Shuldham, and several transports from England were
arrived, but no letters yet, and some doubt the news. Cold—
Glass 19. Mauduit says his has been at 13: in some parts out
of town it has been 11. The Thames in some places closed, but
nobody ventures across. The current is swift, and the rapidity
increased since 1739, by the obstruction from three or four new
bridges below Fulham bridge, otherwise I think it would have
been passable.” -
31st. —M. Curwen has a letter from Salem from Mº Pynchon,
who writes that John Adams is appointed Chief Justice: Will”
Cushing, Will" Read, and N. Peasler [? indistinct.] Sergeant
Judges of the Superior Court.
Eeby 1st.—Cold rather abates. Mº Lyell has a letter from
Plimouth which says a ship is arrived in 25 days from Boston ;
and the people say they met Admiral Shuldham going in ; and
on Lloyd's Books the Olive Branch, Frampton, is entered as
arrived, but it is thought there must be some mistake.
Smith, Oxnard, and Whitworth dined with us. -
2nd.—No further account of the Boston ship. At Lord
North’s Levée. He had heard nothing but the common
report. Saw Guy Johnson there, of New York, arrived from
Quebec. . -
Called upon M* Watson at Garlick Hill: find him much
* The evils of the ancient and unscientific practice of obstructing and
damming back the upper waters of a river by a number of clumsy stone piers,
are fully recognised in the present day. The clearing away of old London
Bridge, with its multitude of piers, had the effect of lowering the upper waters,
by giving them a free run down stream. The fewer obstructions the better.
The modern London Bridges are noble examples of Scientific construction.
#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 15
dissatisfied with American measures: still laments the Quebec
and the American Fishery Bills, both which he blamed the
Ministry for when they were passing. Mº Smith has letters
from his father and other correspondents in Salem, dated in
November, and representing the determined state of the
people to die rather than submit, and yet urging an accommo-
dation.* -
More moderate to-day than for 3 weeks past, and some rain,
but the Thames is froze over at Richmond, and the streets of
London are covered with a body of ice 6 or 8 inches thick in
Some places, and as hard as the pavement.
3rd.—The frost seems to be over, and a general thaw to be
began. It is now agreed that Lord Howe is going to America
to command at sea.
4th.-At the Old Jewry. Mº White, &c.
A little while at Court, and in the evening at D* Heberben’s.
The observers settle it that Farenheit's thermometer has been
as low as 12 or 11% at Greenwich, and that, one morning only :
the general state for about 3 weeks has been about 20. Dº
Herbeden, upon mention of some of the New River pipes being
stop’d, remarked upon the great benefit to the city from that
river, which not only a supply of more healthy water than it
was ever furnished with before, but by the overflow of the
cisterns, purified the streets and vaults; and he verily believed
was the principal cause for the last 100 years there had been
no plague, and other malignant distempers proceeding from
nastiness and corruption, which formerly were common, and
Seldom seven years passed without.
5th.-The weather is now moderate—the thermometer at
47—the wind west—and we may expect vessels from America.
6th.-A vessel from Boston—another from Halifax. Letters
by the latter of 2* Jan’ say they have an account that Quebec
was in the enemy's hands: from Boston December 28: four
transports had arrived after the 16*, and one was taken. I
have no letters.
7th.-At the King's Levée, which was fuller than I had
known it. I observed a great number of officers kissed the
* Only the accommodation was to be according to their own fashion.
16 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. T.;
King's hand, I suppose on promotions. They have nothing
relating to Quebec at Court. General Burgoyne told me he
should go to Canada.
The determination of the Americans to invade Canada was a
very bold measure, and it was prosecuted with untiring energy and
perseverance under extraordinary difficulties, and in the midst of
great severities of climate. Not awed by the arrival of successive
bodies of fresh troops from England, but feeling that they were
fully able to cope with them, they determined to undertake some-
thing more, and according to the grandiloquent style and
phraseology of the older historians, “they resolved on carrying the
war into the enemy's country;”—wherefore they told off bodies of
men, who proceeded to attack Canada vigorously.
8th.-A vessel from New York. Col. Dalrymple and other
passengers came out Jan. 10. They had no news of the taking
of Quebec. The Congress rose higher and higher. One of
Dr. Chandler's letters says they had fitted out 5 sail from 32
to 14 guns, and it was thought were going against Wallace at
R. Island, and had ordered the several Colonies to build 30
sail of Men-of-War. They heard that Lord Dunmore had
retired aboard the ships. I have a letter from my son to-day
at Boston, dated the 21 December: * had all got well through
the small-pox, and had a considerable supply of provisions and
fuel.
9th.-[Dinner party. Conversation.]
10th.-At M* Ellis's. This morning he says he now knows
that 50,000 men, on paper, are to be in America this suñer ;
and he knows so much of raising them, that he depends on at
least 40,000 effective men.
Mr Robie of Marblehead arrived from Halifax. . . .
11th. 12th. [At Church. Took a walk.]
13th.-The Somerset Man-of-War arrived from Halifax :
sailed the 14th of January. Report at first that Quebec had
surrendered, but contradicted. It seems agreed that Shuld[h]am
was arrived at Boston, and that he had made new arrangements
which pleased the people. It is said they had begun to throw
* This letter unfortunately has not becn preserved. All letters from the
interior of Boston at this particular time would be welcome.
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;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 17
shells from the enemy, and one had fallen between the Chapel
and the house that formerly was Col. Wendell's : this was on
Xmas Day. The Conanicut people killed Wallace's Boatswain.
He ordered a party ashore which killed 5 men, burnt 13 houses,
one belonging to me, and brought off 50 head of cattle. Sir
F. Bernard called. I could not lodge him.
14th.-Letters from Boston by the Julius Cæsar, a returned
store-ship, at Plymouth : came out 19 Jan. M* Oliver, the
Lº Gov” lady, wºº her family, arrived in her,” and M* Went-
worth. They [in Boston] began to pull down the Old North
Meeting House for fuel the 18. L' Gov. writes he thought
they would annoy the town from Phips's farm as soon as the
frost would admit of their working at their batteries. My son,
the 15, rec" my letter of the 24th Sept., f which he says em-
barrassed him, it being difficult to remove, and yet it would be
necessary if the troops removed. What is said yesterday of
shells, is now said to have been cannon balls.
15th.-M* Troutbeck came to town, having arrived in the
Somerset from Halifax after an exceeding difficult passage.
M. D’Oyley called and spent an hour. He thinks the
troops will still go forward from Ireland to the southern
Colonies, tho' it is so late. The Hospital Ship had got into
Crook Haven : the rest of the fleet at Cork.
E., [Elisha] P., [Peggy] and I dined at Mº Watson's,
Garlick Hill.
Mr. Troutbeck, like other Stormy Petrels in troubled waters,
was one of the many birds of passage now crossing the Atlantic,
and if we may judge from the Letter Book, which contains
information as authentic as the Diary, and generally more copious,
we perceive that the Americans were dropping in thick and fast
upon the English shores. In the second volume there is a Letter to
Mr. Paxton of February the 16th, begun by the Governor himself,
but finished by the hand of Peggy. Speaking of the new arrivals,
it says—
“The passengers in the Julius Caesar are not yet come to town.
Mº Troutbeck arrived the day before yesterday—had a very
* It has before been observed that Thomas Oliver, the present Lieut.
overnor, was no relative of Andrew Oliver his predecessor.
t It is printed at p. 538, vol. i.
VOL. II. … O
18 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. L.;
stormy passage, and is much emaciated, but will soon recruit.
Boutineau and Mº Borland have been in town, but are fixed at
Bristol. Lady Frankland has made a visit too, but is gone home
to Chichester, near the three Flag Officers she knew at Boston.
Admiral Montagu called on me to-day—grows fat with prosperity.
Mº Jo. Green and his wife keep house altogether, except when
forced out. He has dined with me about half a dozen times, which
I believe is as much as he has done at all other places besides his
own room. Flucker can’t like this country as well as his own, and
everything goes cross with Auchmuty. They have been a little
funny with his wife in the newspaper, and brought her a-bed with
twins: he guesses what quarter it comes from. Sewall was very ill,
but is now well. He, Gray, and Waldo, and Robinson have taken
houses about half a mile from Hyde Park Turnpike towards Bromp-
ton, where there is a row of 50 or 60 houses built since you were here,
but is not a clever situation, and they are growing tired of it.
“I did very well the first winter, but have had a bad cold for
the last five or six months, except with short intervals of relief. I
hope as spring comes on to recruit, but am much enfeebled, though
I have not been so bad as to keep house for any considerable time
together.”
16th.---A motion yesterday in the H. of Com” by T. Towns-
hend, to censure the K.” declaration to the Parliam" of Ireland,
assuring them that the troops from thence to America should
be at the charge of this kingdom—w" assurance could not be
given without the authority of Parliam". Lost:-224 against
104 or 6.” This seems to be the last effort.
I have been much indisposed to-day, and tried walking up
and down the Park, and round Piccadilly.
I paid my stable man for horses to 5" January.
Admiral Montagu called upon me.
17th–No news of Sir P. Parker wº the ships and Lord
Cornwallis, the land force there sailing from Ireland. After
several days W. wind, it changes to E. to-day, and rain.
Elucker, Waldo, R. Clarke, Gray, and T. Bernard dined
[with him.] Sir F. B. promised, but went out of town a little
before dinner to M* Scrope's.
* Adolphus, 2nd Edit., ii. 308, discusses the question more fully, and
gives the Division on the Debate as 224 against 106.
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 19
18th.—At the Old Jewry—M* White.
In the evening at D* Heberden's—Bp. Bath and Wells, Dean
Tucker, D" Ross, General Parslow, &c.
19th-Breakfasted at Dean Tucker's lodgings: Dº Chandler
and Cooper there. The Dean is writing an answer to M'
Locke upon Government. He says, properly enough, all the
talk about an original compact, is idle; but he adds that Man
is gregarious, and not only associate, but [men] take their first
notions of Gov" from instinct. I thought he had better consider
well the latter part before he threw it out in print. I rather
thought feeling the want of Government, first puts into men
the thought of submitting to it. He said he would think more
upon it.
20th.-At Mº Cornwall’s. Tord Hardwicke sent me a note
to tell me L* Cornwallis sailed from Corke the 13", and was
certainly bound to the southward from Virginia to S. Carolina.
21st.—At the King's Chapel, being Ash-Wednesday, to hear
the Bishop of London, who preaches as Dean of the Chapel on
this day. The King not present. From the character of
Abram, that he would command his household, &c., he re-
commended care of children and servants—lamented the dis-
sipation of the present age, &c.—and delivered his sermon,
considering his age, with unusual fervor and vivacity.
Two Sewalls, and Clarke jun" dined with us.
22nd.—Account of Admiral Graves's arrival from Boston in
18 days at Portsmouth. My letter from T. Oliver 22” J anuary,
but it is said that there is advice of later date, that Mont-
gomery and 70 men were killed before Quebec, and that Arnold
and 300 were taken prisoners. This gives some spirits to
Administration, who had given up Quebec.
23rd.—We hear to-day that the Trident came out with the
Preston, Admiral Graves, and that Sir W* Pepperell is aboard,
and other passengers.
24th.-At M. Ellis's this morning. He has a letter from
Paxton dated the 2" of February, with a more particular
account about Quebec than any other. He says an express was
arrived at Boston from Rhode Island, which gave an account
of an express from Schuyler from Ticonderoga to the Governor
(`)
C 2.
20 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
of Connecticut, advising that Montgomery with 1500 men had
attempted to take Quebec by escalade on the 1" of January:
that they entred the town, w” must mean the lower town:
that 70 men were killed, and Montgomery among the rest, and
a Basset and many other officers: that Arnold was wounded,
and a Major Green of Rh" Island, and 300 made prisoners:
that the rest of the army were routed : that Schuyler had
pressed a strong reinforcement for the army in Canada: that
they had brought mortars, canon, &c., from Ticonderoga to the
Rebel army before Boston, wº" consisted of 12000 men: that
the Rebels were building 30 odd ships in different parts to be
ready in April—and many other articles of news : so that now
there seems to be no doubt of the truth of the substance of the
Canadian intelligence.
Sº W. Pepperell sent a letter from Boston to E. H.”
According to the arithmetical principles of the Rule of Three,
and the corollary of a well constructed syllogism, the word
“Rebel” used above, ought now to be withdrawn. Dr. Peter
Oliver uses it in some of his letters freely enough to shock our
sensibilities; but then that young man seems to have had a rather
excitable temperament, (judging by the tone of his phraseology,)
and then he was shut up in the beleaguered city, stewing, or
freezing, or starving, according to the change of time or season, and
was suffering persecution and the loss of property, and then he
might say in his heat that all men are liars, or some men are
Rebels. But the time is past. We have not forgotten those good
old lines, where American treason has prospered so well—
*... -- “Treason doth never prosper—what’s the reason P
Why, when it prospers, none dare call it treason.”
25th.-At the Temple: a stranger' preached, tho' Dº Thur-
low, the Master, was present. At the Drawing-Room: the King
more inquisitive about my being here, and what business I came
on when I was here before, f than usual. In the evening at D*
Heberden's—a small company.
26th.--Went into the city, and found I had recovered my
* This is the letter of Dr. Peter Oliver already given.
f The visit of Mr. Hutchinson to England in 1741, being 35 years before
the period to which we have arrived, has been alluded to in vol. i. p. 51.
*] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON 21
strength, and walked there and back without weariness.
Entered Guildhall with Wilkes's mob, who breakfasted at the
Mansion House, and were as great blackguards as can well be
conceived, and seemed ripe for a riot. The contest is between
Wilkes and Hopkins, for the Chamberlain's place, who is
elected by the Livery. Never was so near Wilkes, to have so
full a view since I have been in England.
In the evening at M* Ellis's rout, where there was a vast
assembly of nobility and gentry, equal to any I have seen in
England. -
27th.-Wilkes lost his election for Chamberſain ; Hopkins
exceeding near 200 votes, in between 5 and 6000, the number
of voters. It is said the whole Livery would not exceed
7000. . . .
28th.-M* Oliver" sent a note to acquaint me of her being
in Titchfield Street, and my daughter and I called upon her.
Sir William Pepperell, and his brother Sparhawk called upon
me. Sº W* is more discouraged about the event of American
affairs than anybody. His spirits are very low from the loss of
his Lady.
Called on S. H. Houghton and Mº Mackenzie, but neither at
home. Three or four days past the weather has been mild, like
the beginning of April in New England, and the trees are as
forward here as at that season there.
29th.-At Lord G. Germaine's, and afterwards at Lord
North's Levée. The latter intimated the probability of the
troops leaving Boston. I said what I could in behalf of the
inhabitants, &c., and of the Council's leaving the Province,
which was like giving up the government. He said it was
much the same thing to have no power, or room to exercise the
powers of government.
March 1st.—A day without rain, &c. . . Wilkes made a
speech to the Livery to-day, charging them with being as
corrupt as the House of Comons, which has lost him friends;
and being down, it is hoped he will never rise again.
2nd.—By appointment at L" George Germaine's. Presented
* Probably the Lieut.-Governor's wiſe, recently arrived,
22 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſºft.
to him Mº Apthorpe's Petition, in behalf of Mº Eliakim
Hutchinson’s family.” Mentioned Flucker's hard case, but
chiefly dwelt on the inexpediency of removing the troops from
Boston. He said he never was more astonished than when he
came into office to find—which he did by accident—that a
peremtory [sic] order had come from Lord Dartmouth, at all
events to remove them. This must be done in November or
December. He immediately applied to the King, who said the
order was conditional; but he assured his Majesty it was
absolute; and not only wrote a publick, but private letter to
General Howe; though his great confidence was in the im-
possibility of carrying the order into execution. How it would
be now, he could not determine—whether, if the Rebels were
weak, Howe would not strike a blow; or whether he would keep
a garrison in Boston; or whether he would not take post in the
neighbourhood. I suppose he referred to a proposal for forti-
fying Nantasket. I mentioned the neglect of performing the
promises made to me. He condemned it: attributed it to
Lord North's indolence: said Lord Dartmouth could prevail on
him if he would : he should dine with him : promised to speak
to him, and would let me know how it stands.
Mº Binney, one of the Council for Nova Scotia, dined with
us, and Flucker.
3rd.—At the Temple, Peggy with me. By a ship from
Virginia, an account of the burning of the town of Norfolk.
The circumstances not agreed: some say the rebels fired on
the ships, and the fire was returned upon the town, which set
some houses on fire, and the rebels burnd [sic] the rest.
4th.--Called on S. W. Pepperrell.f M" Ellis called. At
M. Knox's in the evening with Flucker. M' Knox says a
scooner from Virginia has orders, if troops are going out, to
* Mrs. Eliakim II. had a daughter Kate, and a son William.
The Refugees from America, Scared from their ruined homes, had taken
flight across the Atlantic, and were pitching down upon England by sixes
and sevens, like rooks upon a corn field, to see what grain they could pick up;
but so numerous were the flocks becoming, that the custodians of the granaries
in the old country had great difficulty in finding a few grains each for all the
hungry mouths.
f The two letters r in the middle of the Baronet's name, do not appear to
be the approved spelling, though so written sometimes.
*] DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 23
return with goods. There are no letters to the Secr' of State.
Private letters relate the affair of Norfolk, as mentioned
yesterday. He blames Lº Dunmore for a very ill-judged
attempt upon the rebels. He is now sure the Liverpool and
two sloops-of-war being there, and Cap. Hammond and General
Clinton near at hand when these advices came away.
5th.-At M D'Oyley's. He says things now go on to his
mind, and he hopes to see America in order before another
year. He complimented me with an opinion, that I Ought to
go out soon. r
6th.-A steady moderate rain all day, which tho’ scarce any
day is without rain at this season, is not common in London.
We all dined at Mr Burch’s in Chesterfield Street, w” M*
Flucker and R. Clarke. A vessel is said to be arrived at
Corke, which left New York 5 days after the last, and a letter
is published as from Albany of Jan. 10, which says Arnold was
drawn into a snare by a correspondence with one Grant, a
Connecticut man in Quebeck, who opened a gate and let him
and his Company into the lower town, where they found they
were betrayed, &c.
7th–Mº Clarke and Auchmuty called on me, and were
anxious to do something to shew the sense of the Americans
in London, of the removal of the troops from Boston, and
particularly the difficulties to which the inhabitants would be
exposed.* I went to Lº Suffolk, and let him know how uneasy
we were. He gave me more encouragement than I have had
before, that they would not be removed. His Lordship told
me at the same time, that he had said to the King that I
proposed desiring an audience, to represent to him my losses
in New England, and the distresses of my family, but was
unwilling to give him the trouble. The King answered—“I
hope the time of retribution is not far off.”
8th.-A rumor to-day that the news from Boston of the
repulse at Quebec was not well founded, and that letters
* This must refer to the loyal Americans and Refugees, who were anxious
for the safety of their friends in the beleaguered city, now under protection of
the English forces, as, if the troops were removed, as the Duke of Richmond,
Lord Chatham, and some others proposed, they would be exposed to the
tender mercies of Washington's army.
24 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
from N. York of Jan’ 18, by way of Ireland, took no notice
of it. -
9th–Mº Douglas this morning met me and said Lord Mahon
had told him there was a letter from N. York of 8* Feb”, and
no mention of Quebec, and that at Almon's shop they were all
in spirits, supposing the news without foundation; and soon after
|M. J. Clarke came in and acquainted me a vessel was arrived
from N. York in 27 days, and he could not learn in the city
that the news was confirmed; but upon going to Lord G. G.'s
office I found all the former accounts confirmed by a Phila-
delphia publication; and Gov. Tryon's letter supposes Govern-
ment to have gained greater advantages.
An account of Lee's being at N. York with 3000 men, and
having disarmed the Long Islanders, which shews they are not
all of a mind. It was feared New York would be burnt by one
side or the other.
10th. At the Old Jewry. Sir H. Houghton feared the
accounts from Boston were false, but was much pleased with
the account I gave him of the York news, which he had not
heard before. Mº Knox called and gave me a full account of
what they had from York—copy of a letter from Skene at
Hartford to Tryon, tho' anonymous to prevent discovery,
which mentions the accounts they had from the Express: that
Carleton had sallied out after the repulse and killed 200: that
he had hanged up 22 Canadians as Rebels: that Worster had
left Montreal and retreated to S' Johns. Skene is wild, and
his accounts always doubtful. Tryon hoped he should prevail
on the Indians to destroy the batteaux and craft on the
Take.
11th.-Lord Hardwicke, having presented Miss H. with two
tickets, I went with her this evening to the Pantheon, being
the first time I had seen it; and though it is thought as
magnificent a show as any in Europe, or rather, as grand and
elegant a room, yet I have no inclination to go a second time.
|MF Burch and his family were with us.
12th.--So many vessels of Lord Cornwallis’ fleet have put
back, being separated in a gale of wind, that it is said a vessel
is gone to overtake the squadron if possible, and to order them
§l DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 25
.
direct to Boston. The wind has been northerly yesterday and
to-day, and probably the outward bound may sail.
13th. In the morning at M Jenkinson's: afterwards Lord
Hardwicke's, who read part of a letter from Sir Jos. Yorke of
2nd March, that the Hessians were stopped in the Hanover"
dominions by order from Lord Suffolk, the transports not
being ready, but were again on their march: that they were
greatly concerned lest they should not embark; and only one
officer had resigned.
Mr Ellis, and afterwards Lord Hillsborough called : The
latter staid more than an hour: says D. of Grafton will move
to-morrow to bring in a Bill to repeal the Act for altering
Massachusetts Charter.
14th.-The Duke of Grafton's motion in the House of Lords
did not prove to be what Lord Hillsborough expected, but a
motion that if any representation should be made by the
Americans to the General or to Commissioners setting forth
their claims, there might be an immediate suspension of arms,
and that His Majesty should be assured by Lords and Commons,
that such claims should be taken into consideration. A long
debate ensued, but the motion was rejected by about 90 to 30.*
15th.-A fine soft day, the wind about SW, and remarkably
pleasant. Dalrymple says a servant of Deane,f one of the
Congress, had been prevailed on by Tryon secretly to obtain
or copy his master's papers, but being suspected, had fled, and
was come to England. From his account they conjecture New
York will be destroyed. This I suppose causes a report that
it actually is destroyed.
16th.-Peggy and I dined at General Gage's. M* Oliver,
S’ Wºº Pepperell, Mº Burch and wife, and Mº Sparhawk, made
the company.
The General is rather dissatisfied—dislikes P., and thinks
Lord G. too set in his opinions, &c.
To-day the wind at N., and I think the outward bound
vessels must sail for America. The Hessian officers, several of
* Adolphus, 2nd. Edit. v. ii. p. 325, says 91 to 31.
p The second letter in the word is not clear, but the name seems to be
€3.06.
26 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. *::::
them, are in town. The report is that the troops would em-
bark the 20", must touch in England. This will take much
time. -
17th-At the Temple with Peggy.
At Court, but not in the Drawing-Room. In the evening
w" Sir F. B., who came to town yesterday, at Lord Mansfield's,
and Lord Chancellor's. The latter gives no credit to the accº
of a Salley made by Carleton, and his killing 200 of the Rebels.
Saw Lord Coventry the first time at the Chancellor's. After-
wards at D* Heberden's. Sir John Cope, at whose house in
Hampshire, I was with Mº Ellis, was there.
A vessel one day last week from Halifax, brings advice that
to the 10" of February nothing had hapned at Boston re-
markable.
18th.-A fresh rumor of a second battle at Quebec, and that
the Rebels had left the Province; but no credit given to it.
19th.-Met M* Rivington to-day in the Park, the Printer
lately arrived from N. York, who I had never seen before. He
thinks that a letter which mentions some of the Canadians,
who had left the city and gone to the Isle of Orleans, wishing
to return after the repulse of the Rebels, and being refused by
Carleton, is genuine and may be depended on.—The days are
so much lengthened that we took an airing to-day after dinner,
the first time this season.
20th.-M" Jackson called and let me know Gen. Conway
had found the manuscript I sent M. Jackson at the time of the
Repeal of the Stamp Act, and would let me have it.” Sir
S. Gideon called. At Mº Knox's in the evening.
21st.—Monsº Garnier, lately arrived from France, called on
me. I enquired whether all was quiet P Disputes with the
Parliament w” Garnier thought might as well not have been
recalled. Two Edicts have given some trouble. The roads
used to be repaired by statute labour. This fell out of propor-
tion on the lower people. By a late Edict the former has been
repealed, and it is provided that the charge shall be levied in
proportion to estates, &c. By another Edict all the Companies
of Metiers or Tradesmen are broke and abolished. Both these
* No such manuscript now appears among the family papers.
#j prARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 27
Edicts the Parliament refused to register. The King held a
Bed of Justice, that is, went in person to Parliament: called
for the Edict: directed the Question to be put to each Mem-
ber; and the Edicts are registered. The Parliament afterwards
protest against these Edicts as unduly obtained, and therefore
null, the Members having been under awe from the presence of
the King. This lays a foundation for the people to refuse to
submit, and tumults and disorders follow.
22nd.—At the King's Levée. After the Levée the Lord
Mayor and C. Council d" [? delivered] their Address to the
King upon the Throne, praying for an alteration of American
measures. The King's answer was short but expressive, and
well delivered:—That he deplored the unhappy state of his
American subjects, into which they had brought themselves by
a resistance to the constitutional authority of the Kingdom :
that upon their return to their obedience, he should be ready
to every act of mercy and lenity: that in the mean time it was
his resolution to pursue those measures which were necessary
to reduce them to such a state—or to this purpose.
At the Levée Lord Barrington informed me of the news of
the loss of Sir F. Bernard's son W”, a young Lieut. in the
troops gone to Canada. He, with one officer more, an Ensign,
and 30 men, were on board one of the Transports or Provision
ships, bound to Quebec, in company w” 7 sail more off Char-
mouth in the Channel. The ship Bernard was in took fire: he,
and the other officer, and 5 or 6 soldiers, took to a boat wº"
overset, and they were all drowned. The rest of the soldiers, and
the ship's company were saved, and afterwards the ship blew
up. Sir Francis is in town in poor health: was yesterday very
anxious for this son, so as even to appear like a pressentiment.
We have now arrived at a date when Boston, having been kept
in close blockade on the land side for the space of eleven months,
though inconveniently circumscribed for nearly eighteen, and
having sustained an intermittent bombardment for nearly a fort-
night, was being given up and evacuated by the English troops,
together with a considerable number of civilians who were
hurrying on board such ships and transports as were able to find
accommodation for them. The news of this momentous event,
28 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [.
which may almost be looked upon as one of the great turning
points of the war, could not be known in England for several
weeks. Meanwhile the Members of both Houses of Parliament
were hotly debating new measures, molifying or otherwise, that bore
more or less directly upon the critical position of affairs. Little that
was really new could now be brought forward; but amongst active
persons, the most stirring was Edmund Burke, who attempted a
Bill of a conciliatory nature, which was either supported or resisted,
as party feeling or party conviction suggested. “The chief
opponent to Burke,” says Adolphus, ii. 292, “whose arguments
are preserved, was Governor Pownall.” After having encouraged
the Americans in the early part of his life, by the favourable way
in which he had countenanced their theories of liberty, Mr. Pownall
at last found that, having sown the wind, he was reaping the
whirlwind—that, like Lord Chatham, he was getting alarmed at
the growing rebellion which he had heedlessly befriended, where-
fore, he “veered his main sheet,” and steered into the House of
Commons at the last General Election under new colours, and as a
supporter of the Tory Prime Minister against his ancient protegés,
and the division shewed that Burke's motion was lost by 210
against 105. The Duke of Grafton sailed in the opposite direction.
He hauled down his old Tory blue, and hoisting the yellow flag of
the Opposition, moved for a return of the number of the land and
sea forces, together with a variety of particulars which, if pub-
lished, would be likely to prove injurious to the public service,
upon which it was negatived by consent. Mr. Hartley made
another attempt of a pacifying kind, but this also, being inapplic-
able to the situation, was rejected by the large majority of 122 to
21. But few subjects drew forth stronger language in debate than
the project for employing foreign troops. Several divisions arising
out of it had taken place in both Houses, with results however, in
support of those who had argued in its favour. History shews
that throughout the middle ages, when there were no standing
armies available for sudden emergencies, it was the usual custom
of the European monarchs to take Auxiliaries into their service—a
very rough and undisciplined element; but by the advanced period
of George III. the feeling on this practice had somewhat changed,
or it was convenient for the Opposition to say so. The Duke of
Richmond moved to arrest the march of the foreign troops before
they should embark from the Continental ports, and alleged that it
would cost a million and a half to hire 17,300 men. Lord Irnham
taunted the foreign Princes who could let out their soldiers for
such purposes. The Duke of Grafton, in opposing the motion,
*...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON 29
declared that the nation was taxed to the utmost already, and
could not afford more expense. Lord Effingham exaggerated the
numbers of the population in America, and alleged that their
resources were truly formidable: argued that the Spaniards might
join and assist them against us, or take the favourable moment to
assail the shores of this country; and the French, no less awake to
the opportunity, would fall upon Ireland. The Earl of Coventry
foretold the separation between Great Britain and her Colonies;
and other members in a similar strain, varied their attacks upon
the same lines.
The Ministry, on the other hand, defended themselves and their
measures with the usual arguments. Lord Temple reprobated the
intemperance of the Opposition. Lord North, in the course of his
reply, urged expediency as well as economy in accepting the
services of the forces named, and assured the House that “men
were thus obtained more easily and much cheaper than by the
ordinary mode of recruiting; ” and—“M Cornwall corroborated
the Minister's assertion, that the pecuniary terms of the treaties
were more advantageous and lower than had ever before been
obtained.”
Thus do men contradict one another across the floor of the House.
Those who take delight in studying human mature, or in looking
beneath the surface of every day men, or in scrutinising the
motives and incentives that prompt most people to adopt the
peculiar set of opinions which they may choose to hold, will soon
perceive that the majority of men are more swayed by passion
than they are by sober reason. They argue, not so much to display
their common sense, as to please their fancy, or they will wantonly
bend their tongues to dally with their mental vices. When I use
the hard words mental vices, I only mean mental peculiarities—
whims and fancies, not always either wise or correct : and these
mental vices—if I may venture to repeat the words—are not
confined to the unrestrained sphere of social life, or to the familiar
domain of the domestic circle, but find free entrance into the dis-
cussions of political strife. Mr. Speaker has a difficult task to
perform sometimes, when he would keep the tone of political
debate within the limits of Parliamentary decorum.
But the Governor wrote a letter to his son Thomas on the 26th
of February, who was now in the tenth month of his imprisonment,
wishing to send him what scraps of information he could, that
would cheer his spirits with the hopes of a speedy deliverance, and
* Adolph. ii. 312.
30 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
what scraps of material stores he could supply him with, for they
were reduced to short commons, and though they had unroofed
churches, and pulled down houses and sheds for firewood, they had
none too much to make the pot boil, or to warm their finger ends.
The letter was entered in the Letter Book by the writer, and
with some haste, as several of the words are considerably abbre-
viated. I prefer retaining the abbreviations, though I know that
opinions differ as to the expediency of So doing.
“St. J. S., 26 Feb. 1776.
“My Dear Son,
“The storeship has been most unaccountably delayed, but the
articles for y” and for y' sister's refreshm' wº" I hoped would have
been in B. before this time, are at length on board, and y' brother
will send you a memo. of them. I hope your full relief is not far
off: 11,000 of the Hess. and Bruns. troops had marched the 20 Feb”
in order to embark, and the transports are sailed with them on
board ; the remainder are expected to embark the middle of next
month. A delay in these foreign troops was feared, but they are
more expeditious than was expected. A bomb ketch and one of
the transports met with dang" in a gale of wind off Cape Clear,
and are put into Plim", but it is said will be repaired, and follow
in a few days Sir P. Parker, to whose fleet they belonged. Recruits
for the Regim" in America are raised remarkably successfully both
in Eng" and Ireland, so that there seems to be no doubt that the
great force planned will be completed in all their parts,”—and
more on ordinary subjects, which have been repeated in other
places.
23rd.—An airing with I'lucker and R. Clarke to Battersea
Bridge. They and Bliss, and S. O. dined with us.
A southerly wind and remarkably warm day.
24th.-At the Old Jewry with Peggy.
I'lucker dined with us. A very warm day till towards
evening.
25th.-Easterly wind and cold. The Brunswickers embarked
the 19*, and are expected to Sail to-day from Staads for
Spithead.
26th. The same wind, and it is the season for a spell of it.
27th.--Dº Jefferds called—was very sanguine that some
proposals were arrived from the Congress—was rather angry
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 31
when I made light of the report, and said he had good au-
thority—it came from the Att. General—but Jefferds did not
hear him say so—a Master in Chancery told Jefferds the Att.
General said so. In this way reports spread every day through
this town. Peggy and I dined at M* Ellis's:—Gen. Johnson and
Lady Cecilia, M. Douglas and ux., and the famous Bruce, made
the company.
28th.-Account of the arrival of the Brunswick troops at
Spithead.
29th.-At a grand rout of Lady Gage's making this evening.
I went a little before 9, and came away] at 10. Near 700
persons are computed to have been there of the nobility and
gentry. No distinction of parties. Lord Mansfield and Lord
Camden, Duke of Manchester, L' Ashburnham, Hillsborough,
&c., &c.
30th.-Walked a turn or two in the Park with S. Jeffery
Amherst, &c.
31st.—At the Temple Church with Peggy, where Dº Cooper
of New York preached. . . .
April 1st.—The wind has been two days past at west:
prevents vessels from sailing. Gen. Burgoyne, who commands
the Brunswickers, is gone to Portsmouth to embark.
In the evening at M* Jenyns's company, for one room only.
L" Gage, Walpole, Mº Stratford.
2nd–A fine soft day. Lord Hardwicke called in the
morning: gave me the history of his being offered the Seery
of State's place in L" Rockingham's time, which he declined,
and that the King, which is unusual, took him as one of the
Cabinet, which continued but six weeks, when Lº Rockingham
dropped, and all his Ministry wºn him.
D' Chandler and R. Clarke dined with us.
3rd–As warm as June. Called on Mr Preston, and Mº
Mackenzy, and left cards. -
A vessel from Virginia. Gen. Clinton had been there, and
sailed, it is supposed for Cape Fear. N. East wind.
4th-Burgoyne was going aboard in order to sail from
Portsmouth yesterday at one o'clock with the Brunswickers for
Quebec.
32 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº.
5th.-The Men-of-War and 12 Transports with 2500 Bruns-
wickers sailed yesterday morning from Portsmouth for Quebec.
It is supposed the fleet from Corke are also sailed : the whole
force intended to Quebec being 7000 men:
6th.-Lord Townshend called. . . .
7th.-At the Old Jewry.
No Court to-day, being Easter Sunday. Wind west again.
8th.-Went into the city to Mauduit, and Brook Watson,
Garlick Hill. In the Advertiser (Publick) of this day, there are
Some extracts from an American pamphlet said to be wrote by
John Adams. These extracts are to shew open declaration
against all plans of reconciliation; but the book contains the
most shocking abuses of the King—Royal Brute, &c. This a
loyal subject, would not reprint.
9th.-[The Hessians expected.]
10th.-Intelligence to-day of a vessel at Bristol from Phila-
delphia with above 2000 bbls. of flour, and 15000 staves. She
was fitted out by the Congress to go to Nantes, and return with
ammunition. The cargo is said to have been shipped by
Bayard & Co. The Master was to open his orders in a certain
latitude. He communicated them to his Mate, who consulted
with the men, and they agreed to displace the Master, and take
the vessel into their own hands, and bring her to England.
The Mate is come to town.
11th.-The town is full of yesterday's news. It is supposed
government will endeavour that vessels be stopped in France:
but it is reported and believed that a French Nobleman, or one
who assumed that rank, had been in America, and was return-
ing in one of the vessels of this fleet ; for 6 or 7 more came out
bound to different ports in France.
In the evening went with Peggy to see the Alchymist acted
at Drury Lane. Garrick in Abel Drugger, it being the last
time he ever intended to act in that character.
12th.-[Party at John Pownall's.]
13th.- . . . Lord Hardwicke sent me two tickets—one for
the first, and one for the second day of the Duchess of
Kingston's trial.
14th-This forenoon, at half after ten by appointment, I
*...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 33
waited on Lord Howe, where I tarried till about twelve. M*
D'Oyley and M. Strachey, Member of Parl" were there. We
had much conversation upon America: the state of the several
governments: the terms upon which they were to be suffered,”
&c. He seems much unacquainted. He complimented me by
wishing he had my knowledge. Matters don't seem to be yet
settled. If he goes out, I think it is not possible it should be
otherwise. Mº Strachey goes his Secretary. MF D'Oyley asked
him before [he] went to Lord Howe's, jocosely, whether he did
not intend to go to America P He answered—He supposed he
should go if Lord Howe goes. I don’t know what to make of it.
M. Waldo dined with us. Lord Howe said he wondered
there was no news of the Hessians.
15th.-Dutchess of Kingston's trial began to-day. My
daughter was at it from between 7 and 8 in the morning till
6 or 7 in the evening.
An account of the Regiments from Cork sailing Monday the
8th for Quebec. Burgoyne, the day before, is supposed to have
left the Channel. It seems now the opinion that there has
been a delay of the Hessians sailing because they were not all
ready, and did not like going in two divisions. -
16th.-Wind keeps westerly yesterday and to-day, but n
news yet from America.
I was at the Dutchess of K.'s trial to-day from 8 till 4.
Thurlow, Wedderburn, and Dunning took up all the time the
Court was together, except a quarter of an hour a civilian had
been speaking, when I came away. The Lords did not come in
till eleven. It is strange so much time should be Spent on a
point which seems not to admit of a minute's debate, her plea
being that in a case of jactitation of marriage, it was determined
before her marriage to the D. of 1&ingston, that it did not
appear she was the wife of Augustus Harvey. [Hervey
rather.] Her Counsel urged that even if it should appear there
was collusion between Hervey and her, the sentence in the
Ecclesiastical Court would bar a criminal prosecution. It is
said the D. sold a house for 15,000£, and it can be proved that
money was paid to Hervey.
- * Doubtful word, hurriedly writton,
VOL. II. D
34 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON, ſº
I think this assembly has an appearance so grand and
respectable that it is scarcely to be equalled.
17th.-I met M D'Oyley to-day. He speaks with un-
certainty yet of L' Howe's going, and added—“If he goes, I
hope you will go with him.” I am at a loss what can be the
meaning of this. His Lordship was coming to my house this
morning, but seeing me abroad, was hindered.
At Lord Hardwicke's, who informed me the Hessians were
stopped because the full number of transports were not ready,
but that the last post brought advice all were embarked and
would sail the first wind, which to-day has been at S., or to the
JE. of south.
M* Miller, L* Justice Clerk of Scotland, breakfasted with
UlS.
18th.-Met Lord Hardwicke in the Park, who took two or
three turns:–says the Hessians will make no tarry after their
arrival at Spithead.
Wind at W. again : no arrival yet from America.
19th.-Calhahan called, and breakfasted w” us. Lord Hard-
wicke sent me a ticket, which I gave to E. H. who attended the
trial to-day. In the evening we were all at Ranelagh with
Mº Burch's family, Dº Tarpley and wife, Flucker.
20th.-I attended the trial to-day by the help of another
ticket from Lº Hardwicke. It engages the attention of the
town, and little is said of America. Wind still to the west, and
no Hessians, nor no news from the Continent.
There has been a report that the Regulators, to the number
of 3000 in N. Carolina, had declared for Government, and
Dr Chandler says to-day that Hammond, of the Roebuck, has
wrote it to his friend in Ireland: but it wants confirmation.
21st.—At the Temple Church. D'. Cooper of N. York
preached. .
At Court. In the evening, at D* Heberden's.
22nd.—At the Dutchess's trial, L* Dartmouth having sent
me two tickets, and Lord Hardwicke one, w" Elisha and Billy.
After 5 days she was capable of no defence against the clearest
evidence of both marriages, and unanimously pronounced
Guilty. The Court, as a Peeress, ordered her discharge on
#1 prARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 35
paying costs, wºout burning in the hand, tho' the Att. Gen.
took exception.”
23rd.—Called upon Lord Hardwicke, and thanked him for
his tickets. Bishop of St. David's and Soame Jenyns there.
Censure the Duke of Newcastle for saying “Guilty” errone-
ously, but not intentionally: and [they] say he ought, as
several other Lords did, to have withdrawn if he had not been
satisfied, or to have pronounced her not guilty. The Bishops
all sat until the Lords came in to deliver their opinions, and
then they did not return to the Hall, but absented with a Salvo
jure; ridiculous enough when it was not, nor could be, a case
of blood.
Flucker, Clarke, Urquhart, Chandler, and Wilkins, the last
of N. York, dined with us.
24th.-Called early at L" Dartmouth's, but had a few words
only, as he was just going out. At M* Ellis's and Lord
Hillsboro’. All of them spoke in favour of the pamphlet,
“Experience preferable to Theory,” in answer to Dº Price.
Lord Hillsborough said — was the falsest man that ever
lived. He gave me some accº of the D. of G.'s amours
with Nancy Parsons. He was so extravagantly fond of her
* Adolphus dismisses the beautiful but wayward Miss Chudleigh in a
single sentence: Hume enters more largely into her case. In 1744 she was
privately married to Lieutenant Hervey, R.N., who eventually became Earl
of Bristol. Some time afterwards she instituted a suit in the Commons, and
having made oath that she was not married, she obtained a sentence in the
Ecclesiastical Court, which Court declared her free from all matrimonial
engagements. She justified her questionable oath to her private friends by
saying that “she could easily reconcile it to her conscience, as the ceremony
was a scrambling, shabby business.” In 1769 she accepted the hand of the
Duke of Kingston; but on the death of his Grace in 1773, Lady Meadows,
his sister and heir at law, filed a Bill in Chancery against her. The Lord
Chancellor admitted the validity of the sentence in the Ecclesiastical Court;
but on the other hand it was contended, that this sentence had been obtained
by collusion of the parties. A criminal prosecution was therefore commenced;
a true Bill was found against her : and the case was now removed to the
Lords in Westminster Hall. She was found Guilty, but owing to her rank
she escaped vulgar punishment, and was dismissed on payment of the costs.
It is said in the Diary that the Attorney General took exception to the
sentence—presumably to the leniency of the sentence. Perhaps he would
have contended that she was not a Peeress at all, and therefore could not
plead her Peerage in mitigation : and if her marriage with the Duke of
Kingston was not valid, the learned Counsel had the strong side of the argu-
ment in his hands: but if he had pushed it to extremity, he would have been
an ungallant brute. Better let her go.
D 2
36 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
that tho' she pretended to be in bad health, and that it was
necessary she should go to the S. of France, and he had con-
sented, yet she was no sooner gone, than he ordered his carriage
in order to overtake her before she left Dover, and would
|have] exposed himself when Prime Minister to the censure of
the whole nation, if Bradshaw had not begged on his knees
that he would not ; but all would not do, until Bradshaw
offered to go himself and undertake to bring her back: and he
went and overtook her before she left Calais, and brought her
to London. -
The D. was so infatuated as to carry her with him once to
the Opera, and sat near the K. and Queen. All this time she
disliked the Duke, and gave her company to the Duke of
Dorset privately. - -
The King told L' Hillsborough of it, and he told Bradshaw,
and of their meeting at a milliner's in St. James's Street.
Bradshaw told the D. of G. what he had heard. The D.
disguised himself and watched one evening, when he saw her
go in, and the D. of Dorset follow her soon after; upon which
the D. of G. dismissed her, and she has lived with the D. of
Dorset ever since. -
Went with Peggy and Dº Tarpley and wiſe to Covent
Garden Play house in the evening, to see The Conscious Lovers:
the boxes not a quarter filled. Masquerades, Ranelagh, Concerts
and many other diversions take up the town. Never was a
time when so great a part of the people spend so great a
portion of their time and estates in amusements and dissipation.
Guns this morning for the Queen's delivery of a Princess.
This was the Princess Mary who, at the age of 40, namely, in
the year 1816, married the Duke of Gloucester. Some authorities
say she was born on the 25th, though the 24th, as here stated,
seems consistent.
This was probably one of the Princesses who occupied apartments
in the Cloisters, Windsor Castle, in or about the year 1814, or
perhaps 1815. For some years my father had owned a large house
(now two houses) at the top of Peter's Street, Tiverton, Devon,
with a sloping garden below the Churchyard running down to the
river Exe, and having let these for a time to a gentleman, he was
A. DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS II UTCHINSON. 37
* -
lodging at the period mentioned, in the Cloisters at Windsor, with
my mother and three or four young children. I was five years
old, and I used to go through the Cloisters frequently either with
my mother or with the nursemaid, and I can still remember the
general appearance perfectly: but what perhaps best served to
impress the place most strongly on my young mind was, the figure,
either in plaster or white china, of an ugly pug or bull-dog with
black eyes, in one of the windows, which in my mind's eye, was a
leaded casement; and although it was inside the window, I was
afraid of it. This passage I think led to the 100 steps. Out of
this walk the Princesses had a private entry into their own apart-
ments. Their entry consisted in a covered passage a few yards
long, at the further extremity of which was the doorway; but as
all these alleys were surrounded by buildings, they were rather
dark, and especially that one which led to the Royal residence.
On passing the outer end of this entry, reserved to members of the
Royal family, and casually glancing up it, my mother fancied she
saw festoons of cobwebs hanging from the sides and ceiling so low
as scarcely to be clear of people's heads as they passed under. This
idea seemed too monstrous to be entertained for a moment. Could
it be possible that any servants should neglect their duty so much
as to omit occasionally sweeping the walls and ceiling of a passage
through which the Princesses passed almost daily, until the cob-
webs should be visible to the public eye? Rather too much to
believe. In speaking of it my mother used the expression—
“festoons of cobwebs”—but she must have been mistaken. A
woman's curiosity, however, was not so easily satisfied—she wanted
to have another look. One day she was going through the Cloisters
alone, and glancing up and down, and observing that there was
nobody about, she thought she would peep into the Royal entry.
Wherefore, almost on tiptoe, with her nose in the air, and her eyes
wide open, she walked up the dingy passage, and when she got
nearly to the top, all at once the door was thrown open wide, and
there stood a footman in the Royal livery, ready to receive her
commands. She was so confounded at this unexpected apparition,
that she lost her presence of mind, and uttering an “Oh l’” she
turned about, and withdrew considerably humiliated. When she
returned and related her adventure, my father laughed and enjoyed
the joke amasingly. A few years after, when I was a little older,
and better able to understand the points of the case, on hearing the
story related again, I said—“But, Mamma, do you think they
really were cobwebs?” She assured me that they certainly were :
for though the footman unexpectedly cut short her survey, she had
38 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
at all events seen enough to be sure that they were “festoons of
cobwebs..”
Well, where are we? It is hoped that the reader will forgive a
few anecdotes that grow like offshoots out of the Diary, for if they
Serve no other purpose, they serve to break the monotony of it.
The Dr. Price alluded to above, was Richard Price, D.D., Scotch
University, and F.R.S., born about 1723, and died 1791. He was
a Dissenting Minister of some note—a political and a polemical
Writer, an admirer of John Wilkes, and a correspondent of Benjamin
Franklin. His views were rather extreme, and his Pamphlet
advocating the independency of America, was attracting a con-
siderable amount of attention. Writing to Chief Justice Peter
Oliver in Boston (Letter Book, Feb. 27), Governor Hutchinson
says—“A Pamphlet is published within 2 or 3 days by Dr Price, a
tool of F 's, w” makes great noise. It is calculated to do
mischief. His principles are not properly republican, but anti-
governmental, if you can bear that word, and would soon put down
all the governments existing, without setting up any other in
their stead.”
The following is an original note of Lord Hardwicke, expressing
a desire to see the Pamphlet:_*
“Ap' 18th —76.
“Tord Hardwicke wishes M. Hutchinson cº procure a sight of
a pamphlet, of wº" he saw an extract in the papers, writ expressly
to assert the Independency of America. Thinks Gov' sh" have had
the Pamphlet more speedily, as it wº revolt everybody here, without
exception, if acted up to.”
There seems to be a play upon the word “revolt,” which is
underlined.
25th.--At Lord North's Trevée. The Hessians in the
Channel.
26th.-At M* Jenkinson's. The Hessians, he says, by
advices last night . . . [something apparently wanting]. I
asked the difficulty about Lord Howe ? and he says he makes
difficulties for want of understanding.
M. Jenkinson asked me if anything was done for Billy P said
he had spoke to M' Robinson.
At Blackburne's in Scotch Yard, he read me a letter from
* Original Letters, vol. i.
Ajj 1776.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 89
one of the Congress Commissaries at N. York, that he was
there with 6,000 men, and in a month would have 10,000–
powder, &c. in plenty. A letter full of bravery.
The merchants in the city have rec" letters from their
correspond at Montreal of Feb 7", one of which calls the
repulse at Quebec a total defeat, and adds that if the forces can
be there by the middle of May, Quebec will be in no danger.
At the Exhibition of Paintings in Pall Mall, some of which,
especially the landskips—one of the sea near the Isle of Lundy,
and another of Cap" Cooke's landing place in Otaheitee, were
very fine.
27th.-At M D'Oyley's, where I saw M. Stracher, preparing
for his voyage, everything being settled, and Lord Howe to
embark next week. The Hessians all at Spithead. Mouat, in
the Canso, sailed the 24th from Spithead.
Greene and Clarke dined with us.
Lord Howe had postponed his departure from time to time, until
his friends, and even some of the Ministry, were at a loss to com-
prehend the apparent mystery of his delay. Mr. Jenkinson seems
to imply that he was desirous of understanding all the particulars
of his duties before he entered upon them. On the other hand,
those who consider his movements, might suspect that he would
conduct the war upon the same principles as his brother the
General appeared to do, and if so, the mystery hanging over his
prolonged preparations, might be in some degree accounted for.
The following is another original note from Lord Hardwicke, in
which, among other things, he shews his curiosity on the subject
of Lord Howe.
“Ap' the 27th Tichm" —76.
“Lº Hardwicke's complim" to Mº Hutchinson, with thanks for
his American intelligence : the accounts are so scanty and im-
perfect that as a Political Conjurer, he cannot cast a figure ab' them.
“He believes Quebec safe, as succour sailed from Dover in Feby,
and it will get up as soon as the river is open.
“He wishes Gen. Howe was not so sparing of his vessels of
intelligence, and he heartily wishes y' Lº Cornwallis's corps cº find
their way to Boston. As to the Hessians, all that L" H. knows abº
them is, y' as they are sailed thro' the Downs, they must by this
time be at Spithead.
40 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [#.
------
“What is the mystery ab' L' Howe ? and when will he go?
“L" H. will be in town on Monday to Dinner, and begs his compt"
to Miss Hutchinson.”
Throughout the winter there had been great activity in all the
departments, for the purpose of drawing together a large armament
and in dispatching troops, who should be ready to act as soon as
the spring weather would allow. It was apparent that something
On a large scale was intended. In the Letter Book, under date
February 16, 1776, the Governor writes—
“It is certain that a prodigeous armament is preparing, and will
be very soon sailing in one large body after another, until the
whole is gone for America. The destination of the several parts,
I am not able to tell you. As the command will be in the two
brothers, one by sea the other by land, people are less inquisitive
than otherwise they would be. I do not think a choice of men
could have been made more generally satisfactory to the kingdom,
and under Providence, I think we may found a reasonable hope for
a more favourable summer than the last. We Americans are plenty
here, and very cheap. Some of us at first coming, are apt to think
ourselves of importance, but other people do not think so, and few,
if any of us are much consulted, or enquired after.”
In accordance with these last observations he requests his friends
not to address him on their letters as “His Excellency.” In a
postscript to one of February 27 he says—“Pray leave off His Excellº
in y' directions, for everybody laughs at such things here.”
The opening of the campaign suggested many pangs of appre-
hension in the bosoms of sympathising friends, for most people
now felt that the season for child's play had passed. Writing to
Mr. Winslow Jan. 30, the Governor said—“I am never free from
anxiety for my friends in Boston, and feel a great proportion of
your distresses.”
Feb. 16 to Mr. Paxton--"Whenever a ship arrives, and I don't
hear that y' distresses are increased, I call it good news.”
Feb. 26 to General Brattle—“I desire no earthly good so much
as that of seeing my country and friends again in peace.”
In speaking of the change of Admirals, he observes to Mr.
Winslow—“I am glad you are relieved from an Admiral so much
complained of. I know his successor will give better satisfaction :
but you will soon have a gent, wºº you, L' Howe, to take the
coiàand of the navy, who seems to have the universal voice of all
ranks of the people in his favor.”
#| DTARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON 41
Walpole writes, Feb. 15, 1776—“We have no news but those of
preparations against America.”
28th.-At the Old Jewry, &c.
29th.-At Lord G. Germaine's to desire his favour for Syl-
vester Oliver, who encourages me he will do something for him.f
30th.-Called at Sir H. Houghton’s, Upper Brook Street,
and left my name. . . .
May 1st.—[Billy and Flucker to Bristol.]
2nd.—Lord Hardwicke called.
About four o'clock I came in, and to my surprise found Col”
Drowne arrived from Boston, having left it the 26 March in the
Lord Hyde packet, and arrived at Falmouth the 31st April.
But I was more surprized when he told me he left my son and
daughter and their children, and Miss Sanford aboard the
packet, and that the troops had quitted Boston, and were
embarked, and many of them sailed with the packet to Halifax,
and the rest to sail the next day.
The rebels had erected a battery on Dorchester Neck—had
been seen on Hog Island, and Gen' Howe had embarked part
of his troops, and the transports had fell [sic] down between
the Castle, and Dorchester Neck, intending to land at midnight:
but a southerly storm of wind and rain came on suddenly, and
rendered the landing impracticable, and the next morning he
determined to evacuate the town: and such of the inhabitants
as desired to remove, were directed to give in their names.
My son and daughter and their families were favoured with
passages to England: all the rest are gone to Halifax. They
met with no molestation from the rebels: left all the mer-
chandize of the town, except woollen goods, behind. This is a
distressing affair to the inhabitants and their friends. How
it may affect Government is more problematical.
3rd.—I attended by order with Col” Browne last evening at
L" G. Germaine's Office, where there was a Cabinet, but we
Were not called nor any inquiries made.
4th--Warious constructions upon the retreat from Boston.
* His Letters, Edit. of 1857.
f Brinley Sylvester Oliver, a son of the late Lieut. Gov. A. Oliver, and his
Second wife Mary Sanford. He was born Sep. 6, 1755, married Sarah Louisa
Barton, Ob. s. p.
42 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
Sº H. Houghton thinks it will tend to discourage the friends of
Government: others say it is what they have long wished for.
This important piece of news had soon flown far and wide. It
had reached Walpole at his retreat in the country, and on this day,
May 4, he expresses himself thus—“They write to me from
London, that the Provincial army, having been reinforced, had
prepared to storm Boston, and had begun to cannonade it, and that
General Howe, unable to maintain his post, had withdrawn with
all his forces to Halifax. I had heard this on Thursday,” before I
came out of town, but did not believe it, for the Americans have
done nothing yet that has given me a high opinion of their
generalship.”
It may be inferred that Governor Hutchinson was among the
first, if not the first person in London, who received the news. As
Colonel Browne came over in the same ship with the Governor's
eldest son Thomas with his family, and his eldest daughter Sarah,
married to Dr. Peter Oliver, it was but natural he should go to him
with his news first. It was about four in the afternoon that the
Colonel imparted his intelligence; and though Lord Hardwicke
had been to the house that very day, there is nothing to shew
that his Lordship knew anything of the matter.
A few quotations have already been made from Dr. Peter Oliver's
Diary. After alluding to the battles of Texington and Bunker's
Hill, [i. 479] he proceeds thus:
“We remained blocked up in Boston till the beginning of March
1776, when we were ordered to embark. Tommy Hutchinson's
family and mine went aboard the Hyde Pacquet for England.
(My mother died in Boston in March 25, 1775, and my children
were inocculated for the small pox in Nov. or Dec. 1775.)
“March 25th 1776 we set sail for England. After a tedious
passage of 35 days we arrived at Falmouth the last day of April
followe, where we staid till the 6th of May, when 15 of us set out
from Falm" in post chaises of a Sunday morn, and got to London
the 12th of May, of a Saturday eve at St. James's Street, at the
G r's. -
“Now, as to the voyage:—The day before we set sail from
Nantasket, Tommy's wife was delivered of a boy, f which had not
* It was now Saturday. -
# The boy was subsequently baptised Andrew, after its mother's father,
Ilieut. Gov. Andrew Oliver. It lived and grew up, married, left children, and
after a life of fairly good health, died of an attack of bronchitis, Dec. 23, 1846,
aged 70 years and nine months. He was my father.
#1 prARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 43
a drop of milk during the whole passage: was much emaciated, and
no one thought it wou'd have lived. The lady well. As to
myself, I was sick 21 days without any support: reduced almost to
a skeleton: 7 children on board ship, and the eldest not 6 years
old.”
The subjoined, which was entered in the Letter Book by the
hand of Governor Hutchinson, shews his desire to thank General
Howe for many kindnesses shewn to his son at a very trying
time:—
“Sº Jam. Street, 6 May 1776.
“Sir, My son, in a letter from Falmouth, has expressed in such
strong terms his obligations to you for your care of him and his
family in the time of their distress, that I may not omit the first
opportunity of rendering my thankful acknowledgments, and of
assuring you that I shall ever retain a most grateful remembrance
of the favour shewn them.
“I cannot but flatter myself that under the present direction of
the affairs of government in America, the friends of government
in general will be relieved from the tyranny they are under, for
which event every good man must wish and pray.
“I have the honour, &c.”
During the week that was occupied by the Refugees in travelling
from Falmouth to London we will recur to the Diary as before:–
5th.-At the Old Jewry. A little while at Court. Saw
Lord Dartmouth there. Acquainted the Duke of Northum-
berland my son at Falmouth had letters for him from Lord
Percy. He said he had received none by the Packet.
In the evening at D* Heberden's. Soame Jenyns's book
upon the internal evidence of the Christian Religion much
applauded. He wrote formerly The Origin of Evil—was then
an unbeliever, MI Mackenzy called on me after he had been
at Court.
6th-At M Ellis's, who advised me to apply to Govern-
ment, and did not doubt of my provision being enlarged.
Soame Jenyns called. I told him I would leave out the
almost, and say—thou persuadest me to be a Christian, for I had
read with much pleasure half his book before breakfast. He
did not own the book, but said I did honour to the author.
44 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. [...
The wind between N. and N.W., and it is thought the
Hessians would sail to-day.
Received a letter from my son at Falmouth of the 2"
Instant, who intended to take passage to Portsmouth, and
come from thence in the stage.
7th.-Called on M* Cornwall, and left card.
S. W. P., | Pepperell].” Sparhawk, and Browne, dined with us.
The Gazette in the evening announces the sailing of Como-
(lore Hotham with the transports from Sº Helens the 6, half
after 4, and that they were out of sight before dark. A report
that Hopkins in the Philadelphia vessels, had possessed himself
of New Providence, or the T3ahamas, and that 7 of the trans-
ports, going out of Nantasket were lost, but the passengers,
&c., saved. This last is said to come in a letter of the 29
March, from Nantasket, by way of Ireland. In every paper
there are more or less falsities to disturb the peace of Govern-
ment, and it is impossible to distinguish them.
Sth.—A letter from my son at l'almouth, that he intended,
with all his train, to set out as on Sunday last by land, tho'
at great expense, and he drew on me for £200 for passage, &c.,
to be paid out of money he had remitted me. Cap" Loring
called, having arrived with M" Loring last night. MI Clarke
with us in the evening as far as battersea. loring thinks the
troops need not have left Boston; and yet supposes a battery
on Noddle's Island, 500 yards east of the city, would have
forced the ships from their anchors; and it's generally agreed
the rebels would have had one there.
There is no doubt 1." T). gave peremptory orders to quit
13oston, which must arrive just before winter. As soon as L"
G. G. came into office he saw these orders, as he told me, and
was surprized: went to the IV., who said he took them to be
discretionary, but was convinced they were not, and lº' G. G.
wrote immediately to relax them and prevent the execution,
and the measures since taken have been upon the presumption
that the troops would remain until they should be strengthened
from home, and be enabled to beat the Massachusetts forces
* Sir William Popperell was born Sparhawk, but his grandfather's Baronetcy
was revived by a new grant in him, and he assumed the name of l'epperell.
#j 1776
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 45
before Boston; but the orders never did arrive. I was sur-
prized to see M. P[ownall] and Mº Kſnox] looking over the
Letter Book to see by what vessels the orders went. In my
business as a Merchant I never wrote a letter of consequence
but I tracked the ship it went by from the hour she sailed, and
was anxious to inquire by every opportunity after her arrival :
but the way [here] is, to send letters from the office of Secrº of
State of the Admiralty, to go as soon as may be. Some little
thing or other hinders the sailing of the ship, and the Admiralty
do not consider, or perhaps know, the importance of the Secr'
of State's dispatches: the ship lies five or six weeks, and the
dispatches answer no purpose. I sent a packet this winter to
Lord G. G.'s office to go in Government's box, and after six weeks
Mº Knox told me it was sent back to London, the ship not
proceeding. This shews the want of one great director to keep
every part of the operations of Government constantly in his
head.
9th–At L" G. G.'s and I" N.'s Ilevées to introduce Cap"
Loring.
A ship arrived from Philadelphia laden with flour, &e. The
aecount is, that she paid a duty to the Congress at 334 p cº
for licence, and that others were coming. The truth is, that
the produce is 50 p e' under the usual priee, so that the
exporter makes a good profit at any foreign market by paying
only 33}. But it's a strange thing to bring goods from
declared rebels on any terms, and everybody is waiting to
know what will be done by Ministry. The wind has been fair
since Monday, and it's thought the fleet has a good offing.
Iletter from my son at Exeter, dated the 7".
10th-An aceount of the arrival of a vessel from Florida,
and advice that Hopkins with his small squadron from Phila-
delphia, had landed 500 men at Providence in the Bahamas,
and possessed himself of the Fort : but it is said the powder
was sent of in a King's seooner the night before they landed.
This is the general report: more particulars we are to
expect.
Letter from my son at Salisbury, dated last night.
11th–M' Wardell tells me he has a letter from Mr Cruger
46 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
at Bristol which gives an accº of a vessel there from Georgia,
with news of Hopkins's taking possession of the fortresses at
Providence.
My children, &c., came in to town, before seven. I sent my
coach in the morning to Hounslow to meet them. All are in
tolerable good health—Deo dentur gratiae. My wife's sister,
|Grizel Sanford] much altered in less than two years. The
distress she has been in has accelerated age.
In bringing up our forces to the front, one battalion after
another, it is now necessary to bring up a new Diary, which
has hitherto been held in reserve. This is the Diary of Chief
Justice Peter Oliver, which begins at the time of his leaving Boston.
It is comprised in seven thin volumes in red leather wrappers.
He was the younger brother of the late Lieutenant-Governor Oliver,
as mentioned before; and as he had suffered much persecution and
many wrongs, he dipped his pen in fire. He had toiled through
life in an honourable profession, not to his personal emolument, for
he was yearly out of pocket by the mean and miserable acknow-
ledgment he got for his labours, where “even the Door-keeper
had a larger stipend; ” [i. p. 142.]—he had been driven from the
Pench “for receiving his salary from the King’; his estate soon
to be confiscated and his house burnt—his only crime being his
fidelity to the King and to the laws he had sworn to obey. Lastly,
he was now driven out of America, so he sought refuge in the land
of his ancestors. -
The Title on the first page runs thus:—
Journal of a Voyage to England in 1776, and of a Tour through
part of England.
The extract must be rather long, but it is hoped that the interest
attaching to it will plead excuses. It begins as follows:–
“ 177 6.
... JOURNAL OF CHIEF JUSTICE PETER OLIVER,
“After having retired to Boston, under the protection of the
Ring's troops, for the security of my person against the fury of
the most unnatural, ungratefull, wanton, and cruel rebellion that
ever existed, and after having been confined to the limits of
that town for eighteen months, the rebels, who had for many
months surrounded the town with strong entrenchments, began
to bombard and cannonade it on the 2" of March 1776,
Mºj DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 47
which held for three nights successively, but with very little
damage.*
“General Howe, the Commander-in-Chief, thought proper to
abandon the town, and gave publick notice to the inhabitants, that
such of them who inclined to quit the place, should have tran-
sports provided for them.
“March 10th.-Accordingly, on the tenth day of March I em-
barked on board the Pacific, Indiaman, Cap" James Dun, which
lay in King Road, it being a very commodious vessell, which
General Howe was so polite as to appropriate to the accomodation
of my friends and me.
“11th.-There was an hot cannomading to and from Boston and
Dorchester Neck, as also to and from Castle William and Dor-
chester Neck, which continued from 8 o'clock at night untill the
next morning.
“12th-Some firing at Boston in the might.
“16th.-A hot firing at Boston ab' 11 o'clock at night, till 9
o'clock next morning. -
“17th-The troops at Boston embarked, and about 20 sail fel
down into King Road by 11 o'clock this morning.
“13th, f-The King's troops began to blow up the Castle
William. -
“19th.-I dined on board the Chatham with Admiral Shuldham.
The south Blockhouse of the Castle was burnt at night, and some
of the walls of it blown up.
“20th-The blowing up of the Castle Walls continued : and
at night all the combustible part of the Castle was fired. The
conflagration was the most pleasingly dreadful that I ever
beheld: sometimes it appeared like the eruption of Mount Etna ;
and then a deluge of fire opened to the view ; that nothin g could
reconcile the horror to the mind, but the prevention of such a
Fortress falling into the hands of rebels, who had already spread
such a conflagration of diabolical fury throughout America,
which scarce anything can quench but the -metu tremefacit
Olympum.
* During the night of Mar. 4, there were fired into Boston 144 shot from
18 to 24 pounds, and 13 shells from 10 to 13 inches. On the 9th from both
sides, “More than eight hundred shot were fired during the might.” “Gen-
eral Howe's effective force, including seamen, was about 11,000 men. More
than a thousand Refugees left Boston with the army.” “The fleet dropped
down to Nantasket Road, were it lingered ten days.”—Frothingham's Hist, of
Siege of Boston, 298, 305, 311.
f The figures are 13, but coming as they do between 17 and 19, it should
Seem that 18 was intended.
48 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
“21st.—The fleet fell down from King Road into Nantasket
Harbour, which afforded a grand prospect, there being at least 150
sail of vessells at anchor.
“22nd.—A high N.W. wind.
“23rd.—D°.
“24th.-A high N.W. and very cold at night, so that the vessell's
bows and cables were loaded with ice.
“25th.-The first Division sailed from Nantasket to Hallifax, [sic]
as also the Lord Hyde Packet, Cap" Jeffries for London, with Mr
Thomas Hutchinson and my son Peter, and their families, as
passengers.
“26th.—I dined on board the Renown, Commodore Banks.
“27th.-I sailed from Nantasket, ab' 3 o'clock, afternoon, in the
2nd and last Division of the fleet, about 70 sail, for Hallifax, under
convoy of the Chatham, Admiral Shuldham, and of the Centurion,
Cap" Braithwaite.
“Here I took my leave of that once happy country, where-peace
and plenty reigned uncontrouled, till that infernal Hydra Rebellion,
with its hundred Heads, had devoured its happiness, spread
desolation over its fertile fields, and ravaged the peacefull mansions
of its inhabitants, to whom late, very late if ever, will return that
security and repose which once surrounded them; and if in part
restored, will be attended with the disagreeable recollection of the
savage barbarities, and diabolical cruelties which had been per-
petrated to support rebellion, and which were instigated by
Leaders who were desperate in their fortunes, unbounded in their
ambition and malice, and infernal in their dictates. IIere I drop
the filial tear into the Urn of my Country.
“O fortunatos nimium, sua si bona norint—
Nov-Anglicanos!
“And here I bid A. Dieu to that shore, which I never wish to tread
again till that greatest of social blessings, a firm established British
Government, precedes or accompanies me thither.
“28th.--A good wind. p
“29th.-Ditto. Were on Cape Sable Bank. '.
“30th.—Wind ab' N.E. A tumbling sea, Supposed to be
occasioned by the indraught of the Bay of Fundy.
“31st.—Ditto.
“April 1st.—A tumbling sea : wind at N.E.
“2nd.—A southerly wind and Smooth sea. Made land, on a
north course, about 3 o'clock afternoon, and came to anchor before
Hallifax at , an hour past 7 at night.
*] DIARy AND f, ETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 49
----------"
“The appearance of the first sight of land was thus:-
“3rd.—Landed at Hallifax. Edward Lyde Esq. invited me to
his house, where I tarried till I embarqued for England. I was
very happy in being at M Lyde's, as there was so great an
addition to the inhabitants from the navy and army, and Refugees
from Boston, which made the lodgings for them very scarce to be
had, and many of them, when procured, quite intolerable. Pro-
visions were here as dear as in London. The rents of houses were
extravagant, and the owners of them took all advantages of the
necessity of the times, so that I knew of three rooms in one house,
weh house could not cost 500f Sterlé, let for £250* Sterls p year.
Thus mankind prey upon each other. Not so the brute species.i
I pitied the misfortunes of others, but I could only pity them : for
myself, I was happily provided for, and was the more happy, as I
had been very sea-sick during my 6', days' voyage, so that I could
not enjoy to my wishes, the grand prospect of the ocean covered
with ships in view, and some so near as to converse with our
friends on board them. -
“Hallifax is a very agreeable situation for prospects, and for trade:
it is situated on a rising ground fronting the Harbour and ocean.
There are 6 or 7 streets parallel to each other on the side of the
hill, of about 1% or 2 miles in length, very strait, [straight] and of
a good width. There are many others which ascend the hill, and
intersect the long streets. On the top of the hill there is now a most
delightful prospect of the harbour, Islands near the entrance of the
harbor, and of the ocean, so that you may see vessells at a very
great distance at sea; and when the woods are cleared off, there
will be a most delightfull landscape, but at present there is not a
great deal of cleared land.
“The soil about Hallifax is very strong, so that mature seems to
have designed it for pasturage, although there are some spots
improved by tillage to good advantage, but it was expensive to
bring them into tilth. There are other parts of Nova Scotia, as
Cumberland, Windsor, &c., which are formed for tillage, and which
are well improved: but the coldness of the climate must lessen the
* The £ is placed indifferently before or after the figures.
f The Chief Justice was rather out of humour with human nature at that
time; and as for the brute species, the big appear to devour the small all the
world over.
WOI, II. E


50 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [.
profits of the farmer, as his cattle must consume in the winter
great part of his summer's produce.
“The harbor of Hallifax is a most excellent one, capable of con-
taining the whole English navy, where they may ride landlocked
against any storms; at this time there are 200 sail before the town :
and when L" Loudoun was here in the year 1757, there were above
300 sail of vessells in the harbor. It is above a mile wide for 3 or
4 miles, and it is deep with good anchorage, and a bold shore.
Above the harbor there is a Basin which empties into it; it is 5 or
6 miles broad, and 7 or 8 miles long; a good shore, and in some
places 50 fathom deep. In this Basin Duke D'Anville retired out
of observation in ye year 1745, and here he left one of his 70 gun
ships, which is now at the bottom of this Basin.
“The houses of Hallifax seem to have been sowed like mush-
rooms in an hot-bed, and to have decayed as fast ; for although
they have been built but a few years, yet there are scarce any of
them habitable, and perhaps a conflagration might occasion a
Phoenix to rise out of its ashes.
“The air is very unpleasant and uncertain : you will feel many
changes of it in a day: and if you would be safe in visiting your
next neighbour, let your servant attend you with a cloak; for
although you may set out in a cloudless sky, a hard shower may
overtake you after a few steps. But notwithstanding of these
sudden changes, it is agreed by all, that the place is healthy : but
if any one chuses to live there, he is welcome to do so, provided he
will not compel me to live there too. There is something peculiar
in the soil, it being composed of slate and gravel; that although in
one hour you may be over shoes in mud from the rains, yet the
next hour will give you a clean street to walk in.
“As to the inhabitants, like all others who are absorbed in trade,
they are detached from everything but their own interest. Many
of them were low traders from New England, and happy will it be
for them if they may escape the lava which issues from that
Volcano of Rebellion, but the smoke hath already enveloped many
of them. So much for Hallifax.
“During my stay at Hallifax, as well as during my residence in
Boston, I was treated with y” utmost politeness, not to say friend-
ship, by General Howe, who offered and urged me to every
assistance I might wish for, and assured me, now at Hallifax, of
being provided with a good ship for my passage to England; but
the Harriot Pacquet, Cap" Lee, being sent to carry home Gov"
Legge of Hallifax, Mr. Legge invited my niece Jenny Clarke and
myself, to take passage with him; not suffering us to lay in any
*] 1776.
DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSoN. 51
stores for ourselves, but to partake in his, of which he had made
ample provision.
“May 12.—We accordingly embarked in the s” Packet on y” 12th
May, having as passengers in the cabin Govº Legge, James Monk
Esq., Solicitor General of Hallifax, and his lady, M. Birch, Chaplain
of a Regiment, and Miss Clarke, and myself.
“We embarked at 8 o'clock in the morning, and came to sail at
3 o'clock in the afternoon. There were six sail more in company,
convoyed by the Glasgow Man-of-War, Cap" How.
“13th.--Cap" Lee, having above 40 sailors on board, and 14
carriage guns, brought to a schooner, supposed to be an American
Priveteer, but she proved a fishing vessell from Liverpool in Nova
Scotia.
“14th.-At 12 o'clock at noon we were ab' 70 leagues from
Hallifax, wind S.S.W., and a fine gale. Cap" Lee, thinking that
he was of sufficient defence, left the Convoy and the other vessells.
At night a fleet of 6 sail pass'd us from the southward, supposed
from Antigua as storeships for Hallifax.
“15th.--Thick and misty weather.
“16th.-A fine gale : went 9 knots.
“ 17th.-Foggy and rain : wind S by E. : were on the south Bank
of Newfºland. -
“18th.-A fog on the Bank : caught 8 cod fish. Had like to have
been sunk early in the morning by a large island of Ice, which was
grounded in fifty fathom water. The fog was so thick that we
were within 2 ships' length of it before it was discovered, the
vessell going 7 knots. It was very large, and as high again as our
mainmast. There was another very large island about a league
off. In the afternoon we saw another, at least 200 yards long, and
150 fºnigh, about 3 leagues off; and when the sun shone upon it,
and threw different shades upon the indents of it, it made a most
grand and glorious appearance, that neither the eye or mind could
ever be tired with viewing.
“19th.-Fair wind, but very tumbling sea.”
“20th.-Ditto . . . . T)itto.
“21st.—Fair wind.
“22nd.—D9.
“23rd.—D°.
“24th.-Dº.
“25th.--Tumbling sea.
“26th.—D9.
* Probably “a short sea,” or a “chopping sea.”
52 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [**
w
“27th.—Do.
“28th.—D".
“29th.--D". These tumbling seas are vastly troublesome to sick
or well. If you are well, they snatch the victuals out of your
mouth if you can get it there; but 9 times out of 10 it will
tantalize you by letting it approach your lips, and then make it
retire before it reaches them : and if you are sick and bed-rid, and
so prevent their spite by not eating, they will come at you by
making you exert your feebleness in holding fast to keep your-
self from being toss'd to the opposite side of the vessell, which
is often the case, so that if you would be quite secure, you must,
when the waves lash you, keep time with them, and lash yourself
also.
“30th.-Made soundings about 8 o'clock at night, in 50 fathom
water.
“31st.—Made Scilly at 6 o'clock in the morning.
“June 1st.—Arrived at Falmouth Harbour about midnight. Thus
through a kind Providence which protected us from the ravages of
Rebellion in Boston, and from storms and islands of ice on the
ocean, after a passage of 20% days, though very seasick during the
passage, we harbored near that Island of Peace and Plenty where
Government is, and can be supported, and where Rebellion hath
formerly been check’d in its wanton career, and whose authority it
is hoped, will suppress that American one, which exceeds in
cruelty, malice, and infernal ingratitude, the united Rebellions
recorded in history.
“Our passage was short, our Cap" a good seaman, kind and
obliging; our fellow passengers agreeable ; our ship a fine sea
boat; our crew of ab' 45 Sailors, peaceable and goodnatured ; our
vessell defensible by 14 carriage guns; our Steward extremely
attentive to his department ; Our stores large in quantity, and
good in quality, and of various sorts;–but what avail are all the
superfluities of life in possession, without the power of enjoyment?
Sea sickness disrelish’d all, till the view and effluviae” of the land
restored us to the taste of those pleasures, the loss of which we
reflected upon with regret.
“It is worth remark that this was the 98th time that our Captain
Lee had cross'd the Atlantick Ocean since the year 1750; happy
* In reality the word is effluvium, a neuter noun, the plural being effluvia;
but some persons write effluvia in the singular, as a feminine noun, and effluviae
in the plural. As time has gone on the signification of the word has become
much altered. In the present day we should rather use such words as scent,
OI al’OIſla,
#] 1776
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 53
for him if the old proverb–He that is born to be hanged will never
be drowned—is not his protection.
. “After an agreeable repose from a disagreeable voyage, I rose at
5 o'clock next morning. I looked abroad and found myself sur-
rounded with great variety of the beauties of art and of nature; a
populous town, a fine harbour, handsome well-built keys, [sic]
stone and brick buildings, high and well cultivated lands all in
verdure, and arranged like gardens with their allotments separated
by hedges. It is impossible to convey to a mind which hath not
already felt a similar entertainment, that most agreeable pleasure
which diffuses itself upon a sudden transition to such agreeable
scenes, from a situation whence, for 6 months past, I had beheld
nothing but nature in its decay, and a wild and waste Ocean.
“At 6 o'clock I went on shore at Falmouth, and put up at an inn
nigh the water, Snoxall, a good house. Attended publick worship
at church, Mº Allen, preacher, a worthy sensible gentleman. After
noon I viewed the town with Mº Allen, and at the south part
entered a beautiful vista of 4 mile in length of two rows of tall
trees, which formed an alcove, the tops inhabited by rooks who,
unmolested, enjoyed their rural pleasures. We then went to view
Pendennis Castle, or Pen Dinas, wº" in old British signifies the End
or Head of a city. It stands about a mile from the town of
Falmouth, on a hill towards the English Channell: it is a regular
strong fortification, difficult of access, and in vain did Oliver
Cromwell attempt to storm it in the Civil Wars. Opposite to it is
a platform of guns at Sº Mawes, and these two command the
entrance of the harbour, which is an excellent one, and capable of
containing the navy of England. r
“Falmouth is well built, a place of great trade, the streets gener-
ally too narrow ; the inhabitants very civil, and many of them
very polite; a good market, and plenty of fish. It is supposed
that the smuggling business is carried on here pretty freely, not-
withstanding the great care of government to prevent it; for it is
usual on the heights of the opposite shore to kindle fires at night
to give notice to the smuggling vessells in the Channel of the
King's Cutters being in the harbor: some of those lights we saw
as we entered the harbor. Falmouth is the rendezvoux of tho
English Pacquets. Self interest is the grand Idol of mankind, and
Smugglers are such sincere votaries, that they will murder their
fellow creatures, and expose themselves to the halter rather than
be hindred in paying their devotions at its shrine. It was this
Smuggling trade that laid the Foundation Stone of the American
Rebellion.” -
54 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
The Chief Justice and his niece Miss Jenny Clarke remained a
few days in Falmouth, in order to recruit themselves after their
voyage, and they pleasantly filled up the interval by visiting the
tin, lead, and copper mines, and other places of interest in the
neighbourhood, before they undertook their long and tedious
journey to London. Leaving them a short time therefore, order
and arrangement suggest that we should return to the Diary of
Governor Hutchinson. The end of the thread was dropped at the
11th of May, when his son Thomas, together with a large accom-
paniment of relatives, arrived in London, also from Falmouth.
From that point we proceed:—
May 12th.-At the Temple. Dº Thurlow preached.
We have but three rooms on a floor, and my daughter and I
take two rooms, and my sisterſ-in-law] a third. In the other
two lodging rooms we are forced to stow my son and daughter's
families, consisting of 12, great and small: The maids in the
upper storey.
13th–ISir Jeffery Amherst speculates on affairs.] . . .
I received 100 guineas of Gines & co. Gave nurse 10
guineas: M* Sanford 10 guineas: M* Oliver 10 guineas:
and 2 guineas to Doctor Oliver.
14th.-In the evening with my eldest son at Northumberland
House, where there was a very great appearance of nobility
and gentry, upon the Dutchess's invitation, an old Lady just
able to rise and receive the complim" of the company, leaning
on her cane. Lord Hardwicke made us known to her. I have
seen no house in London equal to this.” Its present elegance
and grandeur are from the present Duke, who a few years ago
was meer [sic] Sir Hugh Smithson. The answer of the Duke
of Newcastle to him, when he desired a Blue Ribband, and
after denial had said that he believed he was the first D. of
Northumberland who had been denied a Garter, is in every-
body's mouth, tho’ the truth of it is doubtful. He was the first
Sir Hugh Smithson that was made D. of Northumberland. Be
that as it may, there are very few Commoners who would shew
less arrogance than he does after rising to a Dukedom.
* This splendid mansion was entirely removed recently, and the site of it
is now occupied by Northumberland Avenue, leading to the Thames Embank-
ment, near Hungerford Bridge, and by the buildings on each side of it.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 55
15th.-Advice has been received that General Burgoyne
with the fleet, was seen on the 24th of April as far west as the
Grand Bank; but the fears of the surrender of Quebeck before
he can arrive, seem to increase. The wind has been favourable
for five or six days, which probably has given a good offing to
the Hessians, which passed by Plymouth the 10th.
16th.-A raw cold easterly wind. I spent an hour at M*
Cornwall's, who says he does not doubt of the final success of
government in the American cause, but the burden which it
brings upon the kingdom lyes with more weight on his mind
than I ever discovered before ; and he observed that though
the reduction was not doubtful, yet there was something to
follow which few people thought of the difficulty of maintaining
government and order after it was reduced. It was impossible
Connecticut and Rhode Island, he said, should remain under
their present Charters. He wished nothing more had been
done about the Massachusetts Charter than altering the
Council. I told him I was in doubt of the expediency of that,
and had wrote so to the Secretary of State. I knew the
attachment of the people, and feared the convulsion it would
Occasion.
Peggy dined at MI" Rnox's, and went with them to the play.
17th-Two persons called on me to-day—John Lee and—
Carter, from Philadelphia, which they left the 21st of March.
Mº Lee brought a note from Richard Smith, with whom I was
formerly concerned in trade, desiring him to come to me, and
let me know he should have wrote, but durst not : that he had
been forced to leave Philadelphia, and settle at Burlington, &c.
He brought the votes of N. Jersey Assembly, a great number
of newspapers, two pamphlets; all which I sent to Lord G.
Germaine.
At M* Knox's in the evening, and there first heard that Mº
D'Oyly was appointed under Secry to Lord G. G., and that Mº
Pownal] was appointed Comiss. of Excise. Had conversation
on the state of America. All N. England is probably in
possession of all the authority and power of government on
shore, but deprived of all trade by sea. Tryon is at New York,
but on board ship, without being able to do any act as Governor.
56 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Franklin in the Jerseys, has more of the form of government,
and held his Assembly in December, with which he did not
incline to differ.” Penn at Philadelphia, sits altogether still,
and acquiesces in all that his own Assembly, as well as the
Congress think proper. Maryland, of late, has been more
quiet than usual. Lº Dunmore keeps on board ship in
Virginia; as does Martin at N. Carolina, and Lº W* Campbell
in S. Carolina. Sir J. Wright was leaving Georgia to go to
Boston. East and West Florida are yet in possession of Gov.,
as well as Nova Scotia, but Canada is doubtful. Insurances
are made on property in Quebec at 20 p c' in London.
Burgoyne may possibly arrive, as on the 10" of May, but it's
uncertain as it is, whether before that, it will not surrender.
18th.--Called in the morning to give M D'Oyly joy on his
appointment. He does not seem over pleased, and I believe
he aimed at as good an income, attended with less trouble.
He and she are fond of the country in summer, and M' Inox's
health obliges him to be in the country; but in the present
state of America, there must be one of the Secretaries in town.
M" Ellis not at home. .
19th. At the Old Jewry.
At Court. The King passed me without speaking to me,
which he had never done before, but there were several other
gentlemen in the same circumstances, and he went round the
circle much quicker than usual. The christening of the Princess
was at 7 o'clock, and the company was in the Ante-Chamber,
the Drawing-Toom being kept shut on acc' of the Christening.
In the evening at D* Heberden's. The wind still at NE.
20th.-Report of an English vessel taken by Portuguese,
and carried into Lisbon:--calculated to lower Stocks, &c.
21st.—Another report to-day, that Sir P. Parker and his
fleet were certainly arrived at New York, and that letters were
in town giving an account of it—that Stocks were fallen, &c.,
—all without grounds.
I met Col. Leland in St. James's Park, who is fully of
opinion that if any Government letters reached Howe before he
left Nantasket, the troops are not gone to Halifax. It's now
* This was William Franklin, son of Dr. Franklin, and a loyal man.
Mºj DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 57
ten days since the Hessians left the Channel, and the wind has
been to North, and Eastward of North, and still continues.
22nd.—Mr Ellis and M Jenkinson called: the latter Sets
out to-morrow for France to spend the summer on the
Continent. Mº Stanley goes with him. Mentioning to M'
Ellis my thoughts of living in the country to save charge, he
advises against it, and says—“Remain in oculis civium if you
have anything to hope, for yourself or family. You will be
forgot in the country.”
In the evening with Mº Mauduit at Tanelagh. Iord
Townshend joined us. Speaking of the Licences to export to
America, he called it a shabby business. Mauduit says one
Merry, a broken Wintner, applied to Cooper and Robinson for
leave to carry beef from Africa, where it was said to be
extreme cheap, to America; but alleged it was necessary to
export goods to purchase it, and that he was not able to
advance the money. Leave was granted, and Cooper gave him
some sort of Certificate that the Treasury would be responsible.
This Merry shewed, to gain credit; but instead of 5 or 6,000£
in one ship only, £30,000 was insured. This alarmed the
Merchants, as there was no doubt the goods were to go from
Africa. Before the ships proceeded, the Ring of that part of
Africa where they were to go, forbad the exportation of cattle,
and one ship went with goods to America—others were stopped
by the clamour of the Merchants. Mauduit says it looks as if
C—— and R were sharers in the licences, and calls it a
very exceptional affair, and it looks as if it would be taken up
again next session.
23rd.—I called at Lord Lucas's, Lord—late M*—Onslow,
and Lord Harrowby's, new created, and left my name. At
Lord North's Levée, to introduce my son. Afterwards desired
Lord Gower, and he took him into the House of Lords to hear
the Ring's Speech at the Prorogation.
As cold this evening as in March.
24th.-At Sir George Hay's, to obtain administration for
Gen' Winslow's wages, on the request of P. Winslow to my son
Elisha, who treated me very politely; and after settling the
business I went upon, he entred upon American affairs. I
58 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
said to him that I did not approve of the Stamp Act; but I
never had seen an opportunity since the repeal of it when
Government could have conceded to the claims of America,
without admitting their principle of total independence. He
seemed to join with me, but not to be satisfied with measures;
and he said M. Conway made an excellent speech, and in it
observed that he had received from me in the time of the
Stamp Act, such reasons against the passing of it as were
irresistible. I told Sir George I ever thought the taxing
America by Parliament not advisable, but as a servant of the
Crown, I thought myself bound to discountenance the violent
opposition made to the Act, as it led to the denial of its
authority in all cases whatsoever, and in fact, had brought on
the Rebellion.
These remarks are more to the purpose, and, for a short sentence,
aim more directly at the origin of the struggle, and account for his
reasons in resisting it, than any single paragraph that might be
pointed out anywhere in the Diary or Letters. Though he sided
with the Americans in disapproving of the Stamp Act, he resisted
their riotous proceedings, simply because riot was against law.
As long as he was a servant of the Crown, it was imperative that
he should uphold its authority, be his private opinions what they
might. If all the officials of an Empire were to act according to
their various individual sentiments, regardless of their instructions
from headquarters, the result may be imagined—or perhaps the
result would be beyond the reach of imagination. The last sentence
of the extract which we have made from the Diary of Chief Justice
Oliver is not so near the mark. He says—“It was this smuggling
trade that laid the foundation stone of the American Rebellion.”
Less direct, but related in a kindred degree, as an ingredient of the
general lawlessness, the Smuggling trade had its influence.
25th.-[Hessians supposed to have Sailed.]
26th. At the Temple. Dº Thurlow. I met M. Brooks,
the Chaplain at Quebec, and afterwards Sº Tho, Mills. They
both seemed very Sanguine that the place would not surrender.
Court mourning for the Grand Dutchess of Russia.
27th.-[Lord Cranley called. Hot day. Hessians.]
28th.-Everybody seems anxious for news from America.
Mºj DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 59
For two or three days the winds have been favorable : at
south most of this day. We are not sure that Howe went to
Halifax, and the fate of Quebec is doubtful. Thirteen New
Englanders, of which I was one, met by accident to-day in St.
James's Park. Two or three more were in the Park at a
distance.
29th.-M* Blackburne of the Marshalsea called. He says
there is a total change to-day in the Prince's family. L'
Bruce instead of L' Holderness; Bp. of Litchfield [sic] (Hurd),
instead of Chester, (Markham); and the sub-preceptors
changed. -
At the King's Levée. He asked if I did not think the
Weather very pleasing after so much raw disagreeable weather?
I said I was glad of the raw weather, as it was the effect of a
fair wind. But, he said—“you like a little mixture ?” “Not
whilst so important a service depended on a fair wind.” “That
was generous,” he said, “but now you wish to have a little
news.”
I promised Mº Mºkenzie at the Levée to write to him in
Scotland.
[Dined at the King's Head, &c.]
30th.-Lord Dartmouth called, &c.
31st–Dined to-day with Sir H. Houghton in Upper Brook
Street. Mauduit, Dº Finch, (a Rector in the city), MI
Raymond, who married Lady Houghton's sister, and my Son
E. were the company. Sir H. says that when L' Holderness
returned from the Continent, where he went for his health, he
perceived a difference in the Prince's behaviour, wºn he
attributed to ill impressions made by people about the Prince;
and that he has ever since been wishing to retire, and at length
the King consented, but found difficulty to prevail on Lord
Bruce to be his successor, until a letter wrote by the Ring,
which is said to be a very good one, had the effect. In the
letter Lord Bruce's expectation of the Earldom of Aylesbury is
hinted at very genteelly, but Lord Bruce made a point of
having the BP. of Litchfield for Preceptor. It is said a dif.
ference between Lord Holderness and M. Jackson, Sub-pre-
ceptor, accelerated this change, and caused just at this time
60 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
what has been long preparing, but kept private. I saw the Bp.
of Chester, the late Preceptor, at the King's Levée on Wednes-
day last, with all the appearance of being much hurt, tho' it is
said he has the promise of the first of the rich Bishopricks
which falls. He may fall first. Upon the whole, this affair is
not pleasing. The K. has been observed to be very pensive
some time past. Misunderstandings between the K. and the
Prince" are to be dreaded. They have been more frequent,
not to say general, in the English than any other history.
South wind but no arrival.
June 1st.—A rainy day. . . .
2nd.—At the Old Jewry. A sensible young man preached,
whose name I could not learn. Lord Hume and Lord
Harrowby, two of the new Lords, called as they went to
Court. -
3rd.—Went into the Borough to Battlebridge with my sons.
On my return found news from N. York by express from
Tryon, which came out the 28th of April—that Quebec had
been a second time attacked by Worster [?] and Arnold, who
were repulsed with the loss of 1500 men—that more troops
were on their way from N. England, &c. to Quebec, but the
Lakes began to break up—that Lee was taken prisoner by
Clinton in N. Carolina with 170 of Rifle-men who were a guard
to Lee, as he was going to take the command of the southern
rebels—that Hopkins and his fleet from Philad. were blocked
up in New London harbour—that Washington had left his
army, and was returned to the Congress—that Putnam and
Schuyler commanded at N. York—and that many of the
inhabitants there, were ready to take up arms. This is the
only good news for some time, and everybody on the side of
Government is in high spirits. Lord Cranley, in his phaeton,
stopped me in Piccadilly, and seemed in an extasy.[sic] Wind
E., but exceeding hot for this country all day.
4th.-At Court. The King's Birthday. Took Mº Jo. Greene
. .3
* Prince George, afterwards George IV., was born Aug. 12, 1762. He was
now therefore within three months of fourteen, and beginning to discover that
he had a will of his own. Some people find this out very early. And young
Princes, who have large prospects before them, and too many flatterers around
them, are brought up in a pleasant, but in a very dangerous School.
'...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 61
and Sparhawk in my coach. A vessel arrived from Halifax
with letters from Gen. Howe, May 12th. One of the transports
taken by the rebel privateers, said to have the merchandize
which was taken from Boston. Howe had received all the
dispatches from Gov. which could be arrived. The private
letters not yet come up, and we know nothing yet of our friends
at Halifax. He had sent a detachment from his army to
Quebec, but had heard nothing from thence. My three
daughters at the Ball in the Chamberlain's box.
5th.-We hear that two or three other vessels came out of
Halifax with the vessel arrived at Falmouth, and that L' Gov.
Oliver and divers other passengers are on board. At Mº
Robinson's, &c. . . .
6th.-Called upon the BP of Oxford, and left my name.
Afterwards upon the Abp. at Lambeth. D' Chandler with me.
Rec" a letter from Judge Oliver at Halifax, dated Ap. 17. He
arrived w” the last division of 70 sail, April 3rd. Mentions
the death of Ch. Just. Belcher.
I called on M* Knox at the Office, and took a list of the
persons and families w” removed from Boston, which I make
to be 938 souls.
Judge Oliver writes Col. Browne that Billy Jackson, (who
has been a steady asserter of Gov"), was taken by the rebels,
and carried in (I think) to Newbury; ill treated, insulted,
and haltered about the neck, and from thence carried to
Boston. º
7th.-I met Col. Ewing in Pall Mall coming to S' James's
Street, and turned back with him. He arrived in town last
night from Halifax with his family. In the same ship (Hall)
came his brother George and family, Royall Treasurer Gray,
his son Lewis and family, Col. Hatch and family, and Col.
Murray and wife. The Lº Gov., Col. Wassall, Mº Lechmere and
families, and Peter Johannot, are arrived at Dartmouth. The
Chief Justice in the packet w” Gov. Legge at Falmouth. Cap.
Gore, Paddock, Joy, Laughton, &c., in another vessel at Dover,
w"Ned Lyde, Pelham, T. Brinley, &c. They had heard nothing
at Halifax from Quebec; nor had they any circumstantial
account of affairs at Boston. A newspaper of 8 of April has a
62 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º:
pompous Address from the Select-men of Boston to his
Excellency General Washington, and his Answer. There was a
report that a number of vessels from England were seen in the
Gulph of S'Lawrence the 16 of April. A Regiment for Quebec
sailed from Halifax the 22* of April. The Glasgow arrived
also with S. James Wright from Halifax, Gov. of Georgia. It
was reported at Halifax that the Centurion, which sailed from
thence to the southward about the 15th of April, had destroyed
Newport in Rhode Island; but it was by vessels spoke with at
sea. The Mass. Newspapers say the vessel Jackson was taken
in, was worth 35,000£ sterl. -
Several of the Masters of transports wº" had been taken,
obtained leave to go from Salem to London. Stopping at
Halifax, a letter was found from D* Eliot to young Mº Smith,
which the General and officers were very angry at. Smith had
wrote to his friends in such a manner as gave him great credit
with General Howe, who opened all letters. I think it probable
that this came to the knowledge of the heads of the people,
and that Doctor Eliot, to whom one of the letters I suppose to
be wrote, tho’t it necessary to write such an answer as should
shew he disapproved Smith's principles. It is said that the
letter was sent open from Boston to Salem.
8th.-Waiting for more news concerning Quebec. M. Lyde
called in the evening. Mauduit took his leave of us for a
month to go to Hampshire, Joshua Ironmonger's near Andover.
Wherwell. *
9th.-At the Temple—Dr. Thurlow.
Dined at Wanburgh Fields with Soame Jenyns, S' Tho. Mills,
and their ladies, besides M. Pownall's family, and Peggy. Find
from M* P. that Howe only awaited the arrival of the W. India
Wictuallers to proceed to New York, and that the Hessians are
ordered direct to the scene of action, not improbably to Delaware,
or it may be to join Howe at New York. It was also said that
Sir P. Parker and about 30 sail were spoke with near the coast
of America, but Sir T. M., who had it from Cunningham, of
Lord G.'s family, could not ascertain the day.
Treasurer Gray, George Erving, Murray, J. Hatch, and their
families, came ashore at Deptford to-day.
# DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 63
Naturally enough, the movements of General Howe at this
juncture were watched by all orders of men, as the summer cam-
paign had now opened, and great expectations were entertained
in England that something of a very decisive nature would soon
be effected. The large amount of forces going out favoured these
expectations, and the appointment of Lord Howe to the fleet con-
firmed them. The name of Howe was popular with the Americans,
for an elder brother of these two commanders fought side by side
with Americans, against the French in the reduction of Canada,
and was there killed; and the Americans, out of a kindly feeling,
subsequently erected a monument to his memory. Bearing these
things in mind, it was thought to be a stroke of supreme wisdom
to send out the two surviving brothers on the present occasion.
Never was there a greater mistake If they had been sent out
with an Olive Branch, instead of shot and powder, to settle an
amicable arrangement, then the choice would have been judicious
enough; but to send friends out to shoot friends, was about the
silliest thing that ever was done—and so I shall be able to shew
further on.
Mr. Hutchinson's remarks on some of these points, when writing
to Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Oliver, on the 17th of February,
1776, are the following:—
“I hope you will hold out until reinforced. The vast armam!
must bring infinite distress on America this summer unless there
shall be a submission to Gov". L' H. com" by sea, and Gen. H. by
land. This, I am assured, is agree to the K.’s priv. as well as
publ. inclinatº, and it is at the same time the most popular meas.
W” could be taken, and I hope Amer. will erect statues to the two
younger broth", as it has done a monum" to the elder. I know of no
service wº" deserves a statue more than restoring a country from a
state of anarchy and confus" to a state of gov. and order.”
As to those who deserve statues, we must rather judge after the
current of events, and not before. There is an original Note,
Written at this time by the hand of Lord Hardwicke—not the
easiest of hands to read—which betrays hunger for news, and
which may reasonably find a place here:—
“June 9th —76.
“L” Hardwicke is much obliged to Gov. Hutchinson for the
extract of the N. York Letter w” he hopes will soon be confirmed.
It is very amazing that the American office has not vouchsafed to
inform the public with so much as that Gen. Howe and his troops
64 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
were arrived at Hallifax: hopes what the papers have asserted is
not true, that the Army got there in a sickly state. Wishes M*
Hutchinson w” ask some of his Friends who are lately come, why,
during the Winter, when the Rebels had but a small Force before
Boston, nothing was done by way of attack on their Lines, or
rather, by way of Diversion for support? Those who were up in
Long Island from Master Todd's Advertisement, one sh" suppose that
Gov" imagined, they sh" be Masters soon of N. York. L' H. has
seen a very curious Braggadochio Letter from Mº Hutchinson's
old Friend Dº Franklin. It is dated from N. York 29th of
March. He says y” Colonists are prepared for every Thing y'
can happen ; the whole Continent in arms, and at N. York,
Young and Old, Rich and Poor, Males and Females, at work on
the Fortifications.
“L” H. desires Miss H. may be asked how she sh" like to carry
a Basket with earth, or a Bundle of Fascines?—probably with, and
for a Friend, very well.”
The question asked by his Lordship above, has been asked by
others; and although General Howe might doubt whether he was
strong enough with his twenty Regiments to make a sortie in force
from the city, for the purpose of dislodging from ten to seventeen
thousand Provincials from a series of fortified positions subtending
a front of nearly ten miles, and at the same time to leave troops
sufficient behind him to ensure the security of his base, yet, the
known weakness of Washington's army, the rawness of his soldiers,
and his want of ammunition, might have justified the English
General in making the attempt. In his History of the Siege of Boston,
p. 269, Mr. Frothingham writes—“Washington could account
for the inactivity of the enemy only by supposing that he was
meditating some important enterprise.” And he quotes the
American Commander-in-Chief, who wrote, November 28—“Our
situation is truly alarming; and of this General Howe is well
apprized,” &c. Adolphus ii. 340, says—“The whole force under
Washington, did not, at the close of the year, [1775] amount to
ten thousand, but was shortly afterwards augmented to about
seventeen thousand, by drafts from the militia.” And again—“It
afforded much reasonable ground of surprize, that Howe should
remain pent up in Boston, and make no military effort to relieve the
miseries of his own troops, and crush the hopes of the Americans.
He was not ignorant of Washington's alarming distresses; and this
want of enterprize enabled his opponent to boast of his own exertions
and situation, as unparalleled in the annals of history : he had
#: DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 65
maintained his post for six months without powder; and at the
same time had disbanded one army and recruited another, within
musket shot of more than twenty British Regiments.” Lord
Hardwicke's question seems not without reason.
To resume—
10th.-At length the Governm" is relieved from its anxiety
about Quebec. An Express arrived this morning with letters
from Gen. Carleton, advising the arrival of the Isis, and one or
two other vessels the 6th of May ; and that, as soon as 20 men
were landed, he marched out of the town: that the rebels re-
treated with such precipitation, as to leave their cannon and
other stores behind : that before the date of this letter, he had
heard of their arrival at M'real, which they were preparing to
abandon also, and gave out they would make a stand at Sorel
and Chamblée : that the whole of the 29th Reg", and also the
47th Reg. from Halifax, arrived soon after : that there had
been no action after the repulse the 31 Dec., in which Carleton
says the rebels lost 700 men, killed, wounded, and taken: that
the garrison had only ab" of Navy,” and 4 men killed, and 13
wounded during the whole siege: that by batteries from Point
Levi, they had made some attempt upon the ships, but to no
purpose. In coming down the river the Express met Burgoyne's
forces about 100 leagues from the city. She sailed the 16, of
May. Burgoyne carried the frames of two vessels for the
Lakes, and ironwork, &c. for batteaux, but not timber and
plank frames, as was reported. I fear it will take much time
to prepare for such an army to pass the Lakes, and if Quebec
could have been preserved without, this force had better gone
to other parts, but that could not be foreseen. Indeed, it's
probable the rebel army had advice of a great force expected,
or they would not so precipitately have retreated.
I wrote to Mº Mackenzie in Scotland, to acquaint him with
the news.
11th.-The Isis sailed the 11th of March from Portsmouth ;
made the island of S' Peter's the 11th of April; sailed 50 or
60 leagues thro' large fields of thick ice until the 21st, when
* Something wanting.
WOL. II. F
66 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
she was clear of it; made the island of Anticosty, and entered
the river S. Laurence on the 30th ; anchored in a snow storm
near Pilgrim's Islands; observed smoaks [sic] from Cape to Cape
towards Quebec; May 3 arrived near Coudre, where she was
joined by the Surprize and Martin sloop, both which sailed the
20 March from Plymouth. Douglas, of the Isis, ordered the
Surprize up to Quebec on the 5th, and the 6th in the morning
she was in view of the town, and found her private signals
answered.
M. Knox tells me Dº Franklin, with his Romish priests, was
at Montreal just time enough to hear of the arrival of the
troops, and to scamper back. One Miller, a Custom House
Officer, and — Thomson, obtained leave to come with a vessel
from Newbury to England. They say they were in Boston the
4 of May; that some of the people left there were laid under
some restraint ; that Inventories were taken of all the house-
hold furniture and other goods, of those who had left the town;
and that it was intended to retaliate upon the owners the loss
any of the rebels had sustained, by the seizure of their goods.
Colº Murray and Judge Browne dined with us.
12th-Lº Gov. Oliver, Col” Hatch, and George Erving, M'
Chipman, &c., called upon me: all from Halifax. Col” Jn”
Wassall, Tho. Brinley and wife, Peter Johannot, came to town
yesterday, and a day or two before. All depend upon Gov' to
support them. Advertisement in a Watertown paper, notify-
ing the sale of Tho. Oliver, Jun’,” Sewall's, and other estates
in Cambridge, at the house of Jnº. Vassall; and if no pur-
chasers for the fee, then to lease the estates to the highest
* This may be a son of the second Lieut.-Governor of the name of Oliver.
The name Thomas, of the date here spoken of, does not synchronize with the
names in the pedigree of Lieut.-Gov. Andrew Oliver. Frothingham, p. 194,
says—“The house of Governor Oliver in Cambridge, known as the Gerry
cstate, was occupied as a hospital. Many of the soldiers who died of their
wounds were buried in a field in front of this house.” Also quoted vol. i.
D. *h, Pedigree of L-Gov. Andrew Oliver, of his two grandsons by his
second wife, the eldest eventually married my father's sister, but the younger
one came to an untimely end. It is stated thus in the Pedigree—“A son,
whose death in infancy was caused by the rebels in Boston.” What act of
violence killed this child is not recorded. It was probably only an instance
of Edmund Burke's superlative degree of Liberty, or “extreme of Liberty,”
as he called it.
j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 67
bidders. This is tyranny beyond any instance in time of the
Rebellion in England.
Paid Housekeeper to 1st of June.
13th.-Went with Lº Gov. Oliver to Lord Dartmouth's : not
at home: the Treasury, Mº Knox, and the Admiralty. . . .
Judge Oliver with Jenny Clarke came to town in the
evening. Lodgings in Jermyn Street.
At this point we must take another glance into the Diary of the
Judge, and make a note of a few remarks of his, suggested by the
circumstances of his journey. We left him and his niece recruiting
themselves after a trying voyage; but at the end of four days they
commenced the still more trying undertaking in the long and
wearisome carriage drive to London, which was not accomplished
under nine days, though the same is now achieved in a less number
of hours. They passed through Truro, Liskeard, Plymouth,
Ashburton, Chudleigh, Exeter, Honiton, Axminster, Bridport,
Dorchester, Blandford, Salisbury, Amesbury, Andover, Basingstoke,
Staines, and lastly London. Only such parts can be extracted as
seem to claim notice for some particular reason.
“June 5th.-I sot [sic] out from Falmouth this morning in a
Postchaise: pass'd through Penryn, &c.
“We viewed the church [at Truro) which was built anno 1517.
On each side of the altar window was a fine piece of painting—
Moses and Aaron, which seemed quite animated. They were taken
from a church in Vigo, when Vigo was taken many years since :
they were most excellent paintings.
“6th.-Sot out towards Plymouth. . . .
“7th.--This morning visited Lord Edgcumbe's seat. . . . We
then descended the walks around the sea shore, which were varied
with taste, and yet seemed formed on the plan of nature, with seats
to rest on, and with hermitages; promontories on one side, and
the Sea opening through trees on the other, filled the mind with
pleasure. But I was in one walk deprived of pleasure for a mo-
ment, it being so like a serpentine walk of mine on the banks of
the river Namasket, which so lately had been wrenched from me
by the Harpy claws of Rebellion, that I was snatched from where
I now was to the loss of where I had so late been in the arms of
Contentment. . . .
“9th-Sot out from Plymouth. . .
“10th-Sot out from Exeter to Honiton. . . . We then sot off
F 2
68 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
for Dorchester. . . . The Downs were covered with sheep,
attended with shepherds and their dogs. The sheep were drove
into hurdles at night, where they were confined till morn, and
where they enriched the land which they had lain on, paying the
owner of it large interest by their manure, for the use of his lodging
them. The hurdles are made of slender sticks interwove, about 3%
feet high, in separate lengths, so that after the sheep had sufficiently
manured the space which one hurdle enclosed, it was soon removed
for the same purpose. It was pleasing to see the behaviour of
the dogs in collecting the stragglers of the flock : for as there are
no inclosures on the downs where the sheep feed, some of them
will be at a distance from the flock: the shepherd then tells
the dog to gather them : the dog understands his master, and the
sheep know what the dog is coming for, and then resort to the
flock. To see the amazing number of sheep within a few miles
of this place, made me almost look down with contempt on the
Americans, who boast of clothing themselves with the produce of
their own wool; whereas all the American Colonies have not wool
enough of their own to furnish themselves with cloathing for their
hands and feet; and within a few miles of this place there are
more sheep feeding than there are in all the American Colonies.
Besides, the American wool, even in the northern parts of the
Continent, is of a coarse staple; but in the southern parts, it
degenerates almost to hair, and is unserviceable for human clothing,
unless for the Romish Mendicant Priests' shirts to do penance in,
and to make whips for them to Scourge their bodies for the good
of their souls. Another consideration prevents their wool from
being of very great advantage, which is That in the northern
parts of America, where the wool can be of any service, the winter
climate is generally so severe that the sheep must be foddered
with hay at that season, which makes the profit of sheep small,
whereas in England, the sheep keep abroad in the winter, the
verdure being pretty constant. . . .
“Dorchester is a very pretty town . . . It is said that taking
this town in the centre, and six miles around it every way, that
600,000 sheep are fed. . . .
“13th.-Sot out from Basingstoke. . . .
“Dined at Staines, and rode over Hounslow Heath, ab' 10% miles
from London. This Heath is also as infamous for robbers and as
famous for roads, as Bagshot, and is ab' 3 miles over; and
here our eyes were saluted with 3 or 4 Gibbets, the insignia of
Highwaymen's exploits. They may possibly serve in terrorem,
but they are disagreeable to travellers,
#| DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON 69
“Before I entered London, the first man whom Imet, that I knew
in England, was his Majesty riding to Kew with his Guards. Soon
after I arrived in London, and took lodgings at M Wheland's, a
sadler in Jermyn Street, where I had 3 rooms well furnished
at 1% guinea p week. . . .
“14th.-Dined at Governor Hutchinson’s where I was regaled
as usual with meeting many of my old friends.” r
Now we have landed the Chief Justice in London, it may be
remarked that in future there will be but few occasions for quoting
his Diary. Whilst he remained there, and was continually coming
in contact with Refugees like himself, he made a few passing
remarks on political events, but the greater portions of these seven
memorandum books, are taken up with descriptions of some of the
places of resort or amusement in the metropolis which he visited :
with country journeys into the manufacturing districts, for the
purpose of inspecting mills, factories, workshops, or foundries,
having a great desire apparently to make himself better acquainted
with the uses and efficiency of machinery: and with pleasure trips
into different parts of Wales, where he took delight in the scenery.
The Governor's Diary proceeds thus—
- 14th.-With Judge Oliver to wait on Lord George: left his
Ilò Iſle. . . .
15th-Breakfasted at M* Howe's the General's lady, in
Queen Street May Fair, with Judge Oliver, upon invitation.
We went afterwards to visit General Legge at Nº. 4 Great
Marlborough Street, and from thence to the Queen's Palace "
to see the apartments, &c. d
Account of many, if not all, the last division of Hessians for
America at Spithead. It's thought strange there should be no
certain accounts yet of Sir P. Parker, and the troops under
Lord Cornwallis, tho’ they sailed the 13th of February.
16th-At the Temple Church—Mº Oliver [his daughter]
With me. Doctor Morill preached from Solomon's Song—The
singing of birds is come, &c.f. A florid description of the
beauties of the spring, observing that the perfection of Art was
its approach to nature, the imitation of which was necessary;
and among other instances, mentioned the foliage in capitals of
pillars—the festoons—without which they appeared naked;
* Buckingham Palace, vol. i. pp. 425, 449. t Ch. II, V, 12,
70 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
and the beauties of the roof over his head were owing to its
resemblance of [to ?] the branches of the trees of the forest;
and he descended to the milkmaids, who would make no shew
without a Garland. Less of religion could not well be in a
Sermon, the touches upon the wisdom of the Creator being
slight.
17th-Called upon Mº Knox w” J[udge] Oliver. He says
the Highlanders, 3200, were spoke with the 21 of May, within
six days sail of Boston: they left Cork the 28th of April, the
Hessians 10 days after. The Glasgow from Halifax spoke with
the Greyhound, and 4 sail of victuallers from Cork. The
Eageriment had been at Nantasket, and was spoke with going
to Halifax. She ought to have 19 sail of provision vessels
with her. The Hessians were ordered to Newport. Sº James
Wright, who arrived in the Glasgo, [sic] was on board the
Scarboro' when at Newport. He says the Rh. Islanders sent
an Express to Hopkins at New London to come to take the
Scarboro’, and that he sent word he could not be ready in less
than 48 hours, and thereupon the passengers on board were
invited ashoar, and offer was made to send hostages aboard; but
the wind coming fair, the Scarborough came to sail, but was
saluted from a battery on a point, of three-pound shot, only
one of which struck one of the Scarboro's masts.
The state of America is now very critical and very interest-
‘ ing. Such of us as are in England are in great suspense and
uncertainty. Some hope that this summer may produce a
restoration of Gov'; others think the war may continue several
years, and some that the kingdom will be wearied out. The
repulse at Quebec affords a more favourable prospect than
many expected, and probably that the Canadians and Indians
will engage with the King's troops, and join in invading the
frontiers of N. York and N. England. Carleton is supposed to
have 8,000 men in Canada; Howe at least 9,000 at Halifax,
including those which were there before they left Boston;
Cornwallis had 3,500 gone to Carolina; near 8,000 Hessians,
and 1000 of the Guards sailed the beginning of May from
Spithead; and 3200 Highlanders a few days before from Cork;
5,000 Hessians and 1,500 Brunswickers are now embarked, and
łº DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 71
part arrived at Spithead; and it is thought there are about
3,000 recruits raised and raising to complete the Reg" in
America. -
This makes an army of 42,000 men, besides the Marines in
the fleet, which may be landed on any extraordinary Occasion,
and exceeds what the Leaders in America thought in the
power of the kingdom to raise and transport.
18th-At Mº Lane's to visit Mº Lechmere * and family, and
Mº Symes's, to Col. Vassall and family. At Lloyd's there is
an accº of two Jamaica ships chased off Bermudas; one arrived,
the other they are afraid is taken by one of the American
cruizers. A Jamaica ship spoke with one of the men-of-war
which convoyed the Hessians, and was in company with 80 odd
sail the 22nd May off the Western Islands.
My son [Thomas] being obliged to take a woman and her
child for the sake of nursing his youngest child [Andrew] for a
day or two, my family now consists of 25, besides my coachman
at board wages. Happy that I can support them, when many
Americans are in distress, who have only their own persons to
take care of.
I went to-day to Mº Blackburne's in Scotch Yard, Bush
Lane, to accommodate an affair between Captain Loring and
M* Flucker, who owes Loring 900¥ sterl., besides large sums
to others, and has no way of discharging them but by his
American lands,
* I presume this is an ancestor of Sir Edmund Anthony Harley Lechmere,
Bart., M.P. Three or four dimes of years ago the father of the present
Daronet, Sir Anthony by name, with his young son, a saucy and mischievous
lad, whom I both remember well, lived for a time in a house in the Fort
Field Terrace, at the town of Sidmouth in Devonshire. One of the other
houses in the same row was occupied by Admiral and Mrs. White. The
Admiral was a dapper little Sailor, of rather diminutive build, and with short
legs to a short body; and as Sir Anthony Lechmere had a tall thin figure—I
see him now in my mind's eye—the contrast between the two was sufficiently
striking. On the outside of the Terrace road there was a grass slope, which
Admiral White had a pride in Seeing kept neat, whilst the boy, who I think
was an only child, and pretty well indulged, was always running up and down
it, digging in his toes, and making holes, to the grief of the old sailor. One
day the latter ventured to admonish young Lechmere on the impropriety of
injuring the grass, when the boy, nothing abashed, cried out—“And what's
that to you, Little Short-legs ” My father either witnessed this or had it
#. Sir Anthony, whom he knew well. I heard him tell it when he came
OIſle,
72 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
June
19th.-Called upon Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia.
Afterwards at the King's Levée. Several Hanoverian officers
and gentlemen just arrived. A letter received by Gov' yester-
day from Lord Cornwallis 360 leagues distant from Carolina,
dated 18th April; 25 sail only, out of 40—the rest dispersed.
In the evening at Mº Knox's—Sir James Wright and family
there. All but Elisha and Dº Oliver went to Ranelagh.
20th.-A vessel from Halifax w” letters to the 25*. The
Greyhound, the Donation, ship, and several victuallers arrived,
but not the West India fleet. Howe had rec" advice of the
reinforcement, but not of its destination to R. Island, and
intended to wait for it at Halifax. There is a great appearance
that the Summer will be near spent before anything important
is done. <
At Lord Hardwicke's—complains, and comes to town to the
Doctor. Neither wealth nor title can add much to human
happiness.
21st.—Letter at the Admiralty from Commodore Hotham,
with 84 sail in Lat, 44.57, Long. 30, from the Lizard, the 5*
June : had parted with one brig only the 26 May in a gale of
wind. He was sorry the winds being westerly.
Sir James Wright called:—Cap. Newton from Halifax.
In the evening with Doct. Chandler to Fulham : drank tea at
the Bishop's, who read a letter from Dº Caner, in great distress
at Halifax.
22nd.—Doctor Caner, passenger in the Adamant from Halifax,
came to town to-day, and I called on him at his lodgings in the
Haymarket. The soldiers set to guard his house, plundered it
of his books, furniture, &c., and so they did M. Troutbeck's.
Sir F. Bernard, his son and daughter, with Treas. Gray, and
Mº Jo. Green, dined with us.
I wrote to Mauduit, and Mº Mackenzie at Belmont Castle, by
Edinburgh. -
23rd.—At the Old Jewry with M* Oliver and Peggy, and
three grandchildren. A stranger preached. In the evening
I took D" Caner in my carriage to the Bp. of London's at
T'ulham.
24th.-An Express from Quebec came away the 25" of May.
ſº pIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS HUTCHINSON 78
No more troops had then got up, the winds having been
contrary: but the officer who came Express says the Irish
Regiments arrived the 26, and Burgoyne, who was at Coudre
two or three days after: that Burgoyne had gone up the river
towards Montreal with the 29" and 47° Regº, and left orders
for the rest to follow as they arrived, without disembarkation :
that the rebels had retreated to Sorel: that a detachment of
the 8", which was posted at Detroit, under Cap. Foster, with
some Canadians and Indians, had taken a Fort on St Lawrence,
near La Galotte [?] called The Cedres, with 360 of the rebels,
prisoners: and that the whole body of the Western Indians
were on their march to join the Ring's troops: and that
Carleton might command 10,000 of the Canadians into service
if he wished it.
At Dº Tarpley's in the evening. He had seen a letter from
M. Alsop at Quebec wº" mentions the fireship prepared by the
rebels, as discovered by him from the ramparts, and fired upon
with a 24-pounder from the Fort, which caused fire to be set to
the train sooner than otherwise, and defeated their scheme: and
he adds, that if the ships had taken fire, and the town been
stormed at the same time, they must have perished. When
Montgomery was killed they had a masked battery, the guns
loaded with grape-shot, [so] that, when the rebels entered, the
battery was opened, and Montgomery being at the head of his
men, he was tore to pieces w” the shot.
25th.-The wind has been towards the west a week past, and
the Hessians, &c. remain at Spithead. I wrote to my brother
at Halifax, to go in a packet from [the] Admiralty, to be made
up to night. The letters from Halifax mention a ship missing,
with 1500 bbls. of powder, arms, &c., which it is feared has fell
into the hands of the rebels. -
Lord Hardwicke having sent me a side of fine Venison,
L' Gov., Jud. Oliver, Flucker, Vassall, Lechmere, Hatch, two
Ewings, and Paul Wentworth dined with me on the haunch.
26th-The Hessians, &c., remain wind-bound at Spithead.
In the evening I went to view houses in High Street for my
Son and daughter.
27th.-The wind this morning at NE.
74 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
M* Ellis called, from Twickenham. I went with Doctor
Camer to Lambeth, to introduce him to the Archbishop, who
was very gracious to him, and gave him an order for One
Hundred Pounds on the Treasurer of the moneys received for
the Clergy in America.
28th.-An account of Sir P. Parker's arrival at Cape Fear,
the 3" May, and all his fleet, including those which put back,
except one man-of-war and three transports. This comes from
Georgia. It was not known at Cape Fear the 6, of May where
the forces would act.
The Brunswickers sailed yesterday for Quebec.
Wrote to Mauduit.
29th.-In the city at the Navy Office, on business of Arthur
Savage.
Wind has been east three days, but changed to-day to west :
fear the ships will return. Cap. Wood, Master of one of the
transports, taken and carried into Cape Ann, which he left the
13 May, called, and gave an account of the state of affairs. He
was at Boston the 7" of May: says all was quiet, but no trade
going On.
Sewall and Clarke dined with us.
30th.—At the Temple Church. Doctor Witts [?] of
Chiswick, Turnham Green, preached. Called upon D. Caner.
Chandler, Lyde, and Jenny Clarke dined.
July 1st.—An account to-day that all the troops were sailed
from Portsm", but the wind is contrary, and their passage
probably will be long.
In the afternoon went over to Fulham with M* Sanford and
my three daughters" to the Bishop's gardens to eat cherries,
strawberries, &c.
2nd.—Showery, and westerly wind still.
Dined at M* Ellis's at Twickenham. Carried L’ Gov. and
Ch. Justice, and D* Caner in the coach with me, who were
highly entertained.
3rd.—To Oxford through Uxbridge with Judge Oliver. We
* He had not got three daughters living, Presumably he meant his
daughters Sarah and Margaret, or Peggy, and the wife of his son Thomas,
heretofore Safah Oliver. -
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 75
arrived about 5, and went to the Oratorio with D* Jefferds, and
after it was over made a visit to the Vice Chancellor Dº
Fothergill, who had received a letter from Lord Hardwicke
acquainting him with my intention to make visit there. He
complimented us with the offer of a Doctor's degree." We
took lodgings at the Angel Inn.
4th.-Upon a message from the Vice Chancellor we attended
at the publick schools at 11, and after putting on the Doctor's
Scarlet gown, band, and cap, were introduced by the Beadles
into the Theatre, and received by Professor Vansittart who,
after a Latin speech complimentary, presented separately to the
Vice Chancellor, who conferred the Degree of Doctor, in Jure
Civili, honoris causa, and thereupon were placed in the Doctor's
seats at the side of the Vice Chancellor; after which a Latin
speech in verse was delivered by one of the Students in praise
of the Spring: another in prose, elegant and much applauded,
by M. Lowth, son to the Bishop of Oxford, upon Architecture:
and then a long Latin comemoration of Benefactors by M"
Bandinelle, [?] in a low voice and lifeless, being his first
performance as University Orator. The whole ceremony was
not over until two. A gentleman by the name of Paradis, born
in Thessalonia, who had studied many years at Oxford, was
admitted at the same time, and one other gentleman whose
name I have forgot, to Doctors' degrees. We dined with Doctor
Jefferds, and spent the evening at the Queen's College with
the Fellows. Went through several of the Colleges in the
leisure intervals of the day.
5th-In the morning went to the Observatory by invitation
from D' Ormesby, Professor of Astronomy, and from thence to
the Anatomy room in Christ Church College, by invitation
from Dº Parson, Anatomical Professor. At both places [we]
were accompanied by a Persian lately arrived in an East
India ship, who is a professed Physician, Mr. Eliot, son to Sir
* Judge Oliver, in his Diary, speaks of the Degree as “Doctor of Laws,”
quasi. LL.D., but the Degree was D.C.L. There is a catalogue of Oxford
Graduates from Oct. 10, 1659, to Dec. 10, 1850, from which Mr. Basil H.
Soulsby of C.C.C. has sent me the following extract:-" Hutchinson, (Tho.,
Esq., Governor of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in America) cr. D.C.L.;
July 3, 1776.”
76 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
Gilbert, being his interpreter. Went thro’ most of the other
Colleges. Jesus College, where I dined and spent one or more
evenings in 1741, was quite familiar to me. We dined with
the W. Chancellor in Queen's College, and spent the evening
with the Fellows. The Dean of Gloucester was of the
company. .
6th.-The morning being rainy prevented a visit to Blenheim
House, as we intended. We dined with the Dean of Christ
Church, (Bishop of Chester). Mº Jackson, late Sub-Preceptor
to the Princes, was of the Company. After the K. and Q. the
Bishop drank the Prince of Wales and Prince Frederick
together. He looked like a man hurt, and M. Jackson seems
to be of his family, and closely attached; and if ever the
Prince should, as all that have preceded have done, be in a
separate interest from the King, I think he will be of the
Trince's party.”
We saw a Spartan at Oxford who seems to be above sixty
and quite gray,+Went from his parents when a boy, and served
two campaigns as one of Kouli Chan's Life Guards, but not
liking the service, with 50 more deserted—fled to the Caspian
Sea, and tho’ pursued by great part of the army, gat to Russia,
and from thence, after some time, this Spartan came to
England and 'listed into the Guards here for a short time, but
for a number of years—I think 18 or 20, has been a fencing
master at Oxford, and acquired esteem by his prudent de-
l]] C&I) Olli’.
We went in the evening to Thame, where we missed post
horses, and were obliged to go on with the hired ones we took
at Oxford, and did not reach Aylesbury until near ten.
7th.-After church we made a visit to Sir W* Lee at
IIartwell. Sir F. Bernard was taken about 5 in the morning
with one of his epileptick fits, so that we did not see him until
the evening, and then he was not conversible, but fancied it to
be morning, and as it grew dark Supposed there was an Eclipse
—called for breakfast, &c.
* This was not a desirable prospect. The Prince of Wales, eventually
George IV., was now thirteen years old and eleven months; and Prince
Frederick, Duke of York, was twelve and nearly eleven months.
{}] 1776.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 77
•-
8th.-We set out from Aylesbury soon after 7, breakfasted
at Missenden, and arrived in Sº James's Street about one.
[Gen. Howe reported to have left Halifax for New York
with 6000 men. A vessel taken by a Massachusetts privateer
with 1500 brls, of flour in her.]
It would be hardly fair to omit Judge Oliver's account of the
visit to Oxford as it appears in his Diary, since the degree of
D.C.L. was also conferred upon him. It stands as follows:—
“July 3rd.—Sot out for Oxford with Gov. Hutchinson, and
arrived in the afternoon.
“4th.-This being the day for the Encaenia at Oxford, Mr
Hutchinson and I were invited to accept of Degrees, as Doctors of
Laws. Such an honor from the first University in England could
not be refused. We were accordingly, after being habited in
scarlet gowns, introduced into the Theatre by one of the Proctors
who, in an elegant Latin speech, offered us to the Vice-Chancellor,
D" Fothergill, as candidates for Degrees; after which the Vice-
Chancellor, who was seated 4 or 5 steps above us, admitted us to a
Degree, and invited us to take our seats near to him. The Theatre
was crowded with above 2000 spectators, the Ladies seated by
themselves in brilliant order: yº Theatre is a most noble building,
the ceiling painted in elegance, exhibiting the Arts and Sciences,
and supported geometrically: the galleries are supported by pillars
painted: in one part of the Theatre was an Orchestra for vocal and
instrumental music. Three Orations were delivered, two in Latin,
and one in English: the latter Orator was M. Lowth, the Bishop
of Oxford's son, whose subject was Architecture; and the propriety
of his action, the elegance of his diction, and the justness of his
sentiments, drew the attention and met with the applause of the
audience. After the Orations, a fine piece of music closed the
ceremony. The Theatre, (which for elegance and convenience, for
the use for which it is designed, is not exceeded by any buildings
in the kingdom), this day's performance in it, together wºn the
crowd of respectable spectators, afforded a most agreeable entertain-
ment.
“After the Encaemia was over, we dined with Dr Jeffries,” Canon
of Christ Church College, who was very polite in shewing us what
curiosities the time would admit of.
“5th.-Wiewed the Colleges. Dº Myles Cooper, President of New
* Jefferds in the other Diary,
78 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCITINSON, ſº
York College, waiting upon us with great politeness. We
dined with the Vice-Chancellor, a most agreeable goodnatured
gentleman.
“6th.-We dimed with Dr Markham, the Bishop of Chester, who
is Dean of Christ Church College, and has apartments in it : he
was very obliging in shewing us the Library, paintings, and ancient
medals and coins in that College.”
His further remarks are but cursory, and as they offer no fact or
sentiment that may be called new, they can be dispensed with.
He returned to London with the Governor, to whose Diary we
again revert.
9th.-[Unfounded reports.] -
10th.-Yesterday's report from Corke is not confirmed, and
is not credited in the city. Dined with Mº John Lane, Judge
Oliver, and my sons T. and E. Met Lord Amherst in the Park.
He laments the capture of the Ordnance vessel ; says her cargo
amounted to 10,50042. The Board is censured for not putting
such stores in a vessel of greater force.
11-[The Hessians wind bound at Plymouth.] In the
evening I went w” Lº Gov. Oliver, and several of the Council,
to see Breslaw's deceptions, which, though surprising, I think
too low an amusement ever to attend again, and this is the
only thing of the sort I have seen since my being in England.”
12th.-At Lord Hardwicke's. From want of better em-
ployment, I spend some time in continuing my History of
Massº Bay, having the advantage of the books of the General
Court from the Secretary's office. . . .
At the foot of the Title page of the first volume of his History
are the words — “BOSTON, NEW ENGLAND. Printed by
TIIOMAs and JOIN FLEET, at the Heart and Crown in Cornhill.
MDCCLXIV.” The second volume, three years afterwards, was
also issued from the press in America, as thus declared—“BOSTON,
NEW ENGLAND. Printed by THOMAS and JoHN FLEET, in
Cornhill, and sold in Union-Street, opposite to the Cornfield.
MDCCLXVII.” The third volume, on which he was now
* Judge Oliver was also there. If we may form an opinion of the conjuring
tricks with cards, &c., as recorded in his Diary, he seems to have enjoyed the
entertainment amazingly.
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 79
engaged, remained in MS. at his death, and for 48 years afterwards;
but it was then edited and published by the Rev. J. Hutchinson,
Canon of Lichfield, only surviving child of Elisha, as thus
announced — “LONDON, JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE
STREET. MDCCCXXVIII.”
In July 1776, the date at which we have now arrived in his
Diary, he wrote a letter to some friend whose name unfortunately
is not recorded, in which he touches upon two or three points of
his government in Massachusetts that are worth transcribing.
The letter has apparently been entered in his Letter Book by the
hand of his second son Elisha. He says—
“I was appointed to the government of Massachusetts Bay when
Lord Hillsborough was Secretary of State, and his Lordship has,
I believe for that reason, taken more notice of me than otherwise
he would have done. He advised me to mention to you the
circumstances of my appointment, and said he would confirm them
when he should see you. I had for many years been Lº Governor,
when Sir F. Bernard was recalled and the command devolved on
me. It was easy to forsee the troubles in which a Governor must
be involved. My private fortune was sufficient to Support me
genteely in America: three of my children were settled and able
to support themselves and families, and I wished to spend the
remainder of my life in ease and quiet. When the intention of
appointing me Governor was intimated to me, soon after Govt
Bernard left the Province, I desired to be excused, and to resign
my place of L' Gov" also, and I fully expected another Governor
and Lº Governor would be appointed; but my L' Hillsborough
advised me to consider further, and wrote to me that he would
keep the place of Governor untill [sic] my further answer. This
mark of confidence with so much condescension, put it out of Imy
power to hesitate.
“The loss of my own and my children's fortunes, is certainly
owing to my acceptance of the Government; for I stood so well
with the people, that I am very sure I could have lived quietly
upon one or other of my estates in the country, without engaging
on the side of Rebellion, and perhaps might have interfered so far
as to stop or retard the progress of it. For the first three years of
my administration it certainly lost ground, and if it had not been
for the plot laid by Franklin and others here in England, and the
sending over my private letters, and the falso representation made
of them, I doubt whether there would have been a Rebellion to
this day.
80 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
“It was thought expedient to appoint another Governor in my
stead upon my desiring leave of short absence. I had no intention
then to resign my government, but I acquiesced in the King's
pleasure, depending upon the assurances given me, that I sh" be
no sufferer by the discontinuance of the King's Commission, and
that some distinguishing mark sh" be shewn of His Majesty's
approbation of my conduct. The former part I gratefully
acknowledge has been complied with—the latter remains.
“If I could obtain this favor for my youngest son, it would free
me from the allowance I am obliged to make him, and with frugality
would enable me to spend a few weeks abroad without involve-
ment, and perhaps may confirm my health. If I was more a
stranger to you than I am, I should hope for your interest from
your benevolent disposition.—I have the honor to be, &c.”
Upon this letter it may be remarked that he makes one or two
observations which, to modern students of the origin of the war,
will probably be deemed erroneous. It may be true that his
acceptance of the post of Governor cost him his fortune and the
fortunes of his children, simply because he thereby held an office
that was obnoxious to the Republican party, and as they prevailed
his estates were seized. Some Americans in recent times, have
cast blame upon him for having accepted it at all. It is hard to
say upon what grounds that blame can rest. His refusal of it
certainly could not have prevented the catastrophe, nor settled the
dispute, nor closed the breach between the two countries, that was
every day widening more and more, apart from any small amount
of influence he could have exercised one way or the other ; and
indeed, it might on the other hand be argued, that his refusal of
the Governorship in 1771, might have produced quite the contrary
effect, and have brought Out General Gage and his troops to
Boston so much the sooner: and as regarded himself personally,
his refusal of the post would have thrown him open to a charge of
cowardice, as of a man running away from his duty at a very
critical time. Such are the considerations that now suggest
themselves from a retrospect of the past.
And he flatters himself that if he had chosen it, he could have
retired into private life, and have lived in quiet on one or other of
his estates, whilst the storm was blowing over his head, and even
have interfered to stop or retard the progress of it. The
experience of Lieutenant Moody shews how fallacious such
arguments were. Nobody was allowed to be neutral, if violence
or insult could drive him to join in the frenzy of the day. James
ſº. DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 81
Moody, as he says in his Narrative, page 2, was “a happy farmer
without a wish or an idea of any other enjoyment than that of
making happy, and being happy with, a beloved wife and three
promising children. He loved his neighbours, and hopes they were
not wholly without regard for him. Clear of debt and at ease in
his professions, he had seldom thought much of political or state
questions; but he felt and knew he had every possible reason to be
greatful for, and attached to, that glorious Constitution to which
he owed his security.
“He thinks it incumbent on him to declare that it [the
Rebellion] did not originate with the people of America, properly
so called. They felt no real grievances, and therefore could have
no real inducement to risk substantial advantages in the pursuit of
such as were only imaginary. In making this declaration he is
confident he speaks the sentiments of a great majority of the
peasantry of America. But in every country there are multitudes
who, with little property, and perhaps still less principle, are
always disposed, and always eager for a change. . .
“The general cry was, Join or die / .
“It was in vain that he [Moody] took every possible precaution,
consistent with good conscience, not to give offence. . . . He was
perpetually harrassed by these Committees; and a party employed
by them once actually assaulted his person, having first flourished
their tomahawks over his head.”
Soon after this he had to fly for his life. Perceiving an armed
party approaching his house, he endeavoured to withdraw, but
three shots were fired after him, happily without taking affect.
Through many hardships and difficulties he at last was able to
take shelter behind the British lines. He adds that 73 of his
neighbours, equally averse to join in the Rebellion, effected their
escape about the same time. This shews how hard it was for the
peaceable to remain neutral.
It is amusing to see that the Governor puts Dr. Franklin's
agency in sending out his letters in a very prominent place, so
much so, as to impute to that act the chief, if not the sole cause of
the Rebellion. *
As regards the distinguishing mark of His Majesty's favour, held
in reserve for him, he seems to have been labouring under a falso
impression. It was not the provision for any member of his family,
as a compensation for losses that was contemplated, but a title for
himself. This is plain in Lord Dartmouth's letter to him of the
9th of April, 1774, and printed at the end of the Preface to the
Third volume of his History. To resume—
WOL. II. G
82 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
13th.-Called upon D. Caner, Dudley, Rome, &c. Mº
Robinson, from Bristol called : says the Master of the vessel
arrived there from Boston, affirms that D* Lyde and many
others are imprisoned for refusing to swear they will take up
arms in defence of their new government. This seems hardly
credible.* Flucker dined with us: depends on the truth of the
report of his family's being arrived in Ireland: has 300%
allowed by Treasury: last [?] of the Council 2009.
14th.-At the Old Jewry: Mº White. Called at Hatton
Garden on M* Greene, as we returned home.
Westerly wind: every day for some time past more or less
showers.
15th.-In the city to ascertain Mº Winslow's money in
Gines's hands—560,6,6. Expected arrivals from America,
but find none.
16th-Myson T. received 2004, deducting 542, fees at the
Treasury, as one of the Council of Massº Bay.
M* Flucker, last evening, received a letter from his wife at
Corke, advising her arrival with her daughter, in 22 days from
Halifax.
Called upon M* Jackson, Southampton Buildings, and spent
an hour. - -
Wind S.; troops not sailed from Plymouth.
D" Oliver and his family moved to a house taken by Judge
Oliver in High Street, Marybone Parish, having been between
9 and 10 weeks in my house.
17th.-Gave M* Richard Clarke an order on Gines and
Atkinson for 560,6,6, the balance of M* Isaac Winslow’s
money in their hands placed by me, for which transfer I
have Mº Winslow's letter to M'. Clarke, and in a letter to
me Mº Winslow refers to a former letter by Capt. Gardner,
in which he had given directions; but this letter was not
delivered. - -
18th.-At Court. The King said more to me upon America
than ever before, it not being his custom to say anything of
public affairs at Court. I mentioned to the Abp, the case of
Dr Caner, which he rec" favourably.
* Incredible though it be, it corroborates what Lieut. Moody says above.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 83
A vessel from Halifax, left it the 22" or 23* of June.
Fleet sailed the 11" for Sandy Hook: the last part of the
Highlanders did not arrive at Halifax till the 18": expected
to sail after taking in water the 23* to follow the fleet, which,
by the winds at Halifax, it was supposed might arrive in 5 or
6 days.
In the evening at Mº Knox's, and after at Mº Cornwall’s
until near 10.
19th.-At Lord Loudoun's, who goes into Scotland in 3 or 4
days. Wrote to Mº Mackenzie, and D* Murray.
Account of the vessel from Halifax, that the Comissioners
and their under officers had taken a vessel, and were to sail
from Halifax by the 1" of July.
20th.-With my two sons T. and E. and daughter to
Highgate, to call upon the Americans T. Erving, Loring,
Boylstone, Paddock, Gore, Joy. Judge Oliver and family dined
with us. Wrote to Mauduit at Uppark by Midhurst, Sussex—
Lady Fetherstone's.
Wind west, and the Hessians, &c., still lie at Plimouth.
21st.—At the Old Jewry—M* White.
Lieutenant Gov. O. called to acquaint me with his intention
to apply to Lord North for his salary. It seems, as I had it
from M* Knox, that when Gen. Gage was superceded in the
command of the army, he was promised, the whole of his salary
as Governor should be continued; otherwise I should have
thought the L* Gov. might have stood a chance for half, but
now he can have no more than his 3003 as L. G. t
Rain forenoon, and again towards evening. Wind eastward
of south.
22*.-A letter to Government yesterday from Lord Howe
off Halifax the 23* June : joined the 2" Division of the
Highlanders from [the] Clyde two days before ; so that the
account of their arrival the 18" could not be true. When
Lord Howe sailed there was no advice of the General's Sailing
from Nantasket, and hearing nothing on the passage, Lord
Howe thought it best to steer for Halifax for advice. He
designed to follow his brother without delay.
23"-Went out with my two sons and daughter to
G 2
84 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
1776.
Twickenham, intending to return before dinner, and proposed
through Richmond, but were pressed to stay and dine: S'
Rich" Worsley and Lady, and M* and M* D'Oyley.
There's a letter from Gen! Clinton of 13 May from Cape
Fear. He had not heard from Gen' Howe. It's said there's
no prospect of anything to purpose at N. Carolina. Mº Paine
has wrote of the 15" and says a regiment was landed on
Ball [?] Island. - -
24th.--Called upon Lord Hardwicke at St. James's Square.
In the evening to drink tea at High Street—all the families
together. When I came home, heard the news of Mº Lillie's
death at Halifax. What numbers have been brought to
poverty, sickness, and death by refusing to concur with the
present measures of Americal
25th.-In the forenoon at L" Hillsborough's. He promises
to speak to Robinson on behalf of my son, and advises me to
write to him, and to make use of his (L" Hillsboro's) name. I
asked him if there was anything in the report of his going L"
Lieuten" to Ireland? He said he had heard it mentioned, and
seen it in the papers; and one day he asked Lord North
whether he had ever heard his name mentioned P. He answered,
that he had mentioned him himself to the King.
“Why, then,” says L' Hillsborough, “I must be the man.”
“That I don't know,” says Lord North; “objections have
been made, but they don't appear to me sufficient.”
Lord Hillsborough says his estate in Ireland is the objection.
M* D Oyley says there are letters from Clinton as late as
the 16". Nothing worth mentioning; but there seems some-
thing more than he chooses to speak of. The report is in the
city that it is not agreeable.
26.-Went into the city. They have an account from
Providence of 4 Jam" ships—one with 30 thous" dolls besides
her cargo, taken by a S. Carolina privateer, and 2 small
vessels.
The Hessians were met by a vessel arrived at Liverpool in
Long 59, Lat. 43, the 2" of July.”
* This must have been the first division, for some of them were at Plymouth
so late as July 20.
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 85
Mº Ben. Gridley, Dan. Oliver, M* Hutchinson” and
daughters, John Powell and daughters, Col. Chandler, Abel
Willard and wife, and young Mº Johannot, passengers from
Halifax.
27th.-Advice from Quebec that 350 of the rebels with
Thomas their General, were made prisoners: had burnt the
forts at St. John, and Chamblée, and fled to Isle aux Noix, and
not like [likely] to stay there. The rebels took one of the
transports with 150 Highlanders. One of the Hessians arrived
at Halifax, having lost the fleet: carried two prizes in with
her. -
Went to Wimbledon to-day—the hottest day this year.
28th.-At the Temple Church: a Clergyman preached the
doctrine, in the manner, and with the air and delivery, of a
country minister in New England. I could not learn his
I\8 Iſlé.
We begin now to expect something of importance from New
York. I wrote last night to Mauduit, and to Mº Mackenzie.
29th.-Daniel Oliver came to town, and brings me letters
from my brother, Mº Walter, and Putnam.
Mº Prout and two of his sons had escaped from Boston. Mº
Walter writes that my goods, and my sons', which had come to
the hands of the rebels, were divided between Dº Cooper and
Mº Lothrop, and that Lothrop lived in my house: that the
Highland vessel beat off two or three privateers, and ran into
Boston, and there was stop’d. §
30th.-At the Admiralty. Mº Jackson read me a letter
from Plymouth, giving the accº of the arrival of a brig,
Spencer, Master, taken by the Cerberus, laden with oil, which
spoke with Admiral Shuldham's fleet the 26" of June, about
17 miles E of Block Island, with a fair wind for N. York—
* She was Eliakim's widow, and a daughter of Governor Shirley. Governor
H. petitioned the Government for relief for her, as he did indeed for several
others, and applied to the Archbishop of Canterbury for Dr. Caner. She lived
on to the year 1825, and was buried at Croydon. I presume she is the perSon
alluded to in the following inscription, which I copied from a flag-stone in the
floor —“ Also of Mrs. Frances Hutchinson, died 19 July, 1825, aged 84 years.”
She was buried nine days after her death, as the following entry shews, which
I copied the same day from the Parish Register —“Frances Hutchinson,
Gloucester Pla. Portman Square, St. Mary le Bone. July 28.84.”
86 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. [*.
spoke with the Greyhound, Gen. Howe on board the day
before. --
A great eclipse of the moon from 10 to 12, almost total :
very clear fine evening. Wind N.
The Thomas, prisoner at Quebec, is said to be Thompson, of
the Province of Pensilvania—a trader turned into a General,
and Thomas is said to die of the small pox.
31st.—Yesterday and to-day the weather has been hot, the
air stagnated, much like the Dog-days weather in America. I
took notice of the thermometer yesterday at the Admiralty, in
the house, when it was about 70. In the sun abroad it would
have been much higher; if the sun had been clouded over
head for a few minutes, it would have been lower. I have
observed, ever since I have been in England, that the changes
from sunshine to cloudy are not only more frequent, but the
degrees of heat and cold vary more than I ever observed in
America, and in going up and down the Park, you will have
blasts of hot or cold air, just as the sun happens to be abroad
or not, tho' you are not under the shine of it, but in the shade.
I dined in High Street at Judge Oliver's, in compy with Gov.
Legg, and Lº Gov. Oliver. I think, tho' the complaints
against Legg have not been supported, it looks, by his dis-
course, as if he had no expectations of going out Governor
again. He has rank of Major only in the army, and Lord
George, while there are so many superior, and General officers
from time to time in his Province, will hardly send him to it
again.
August 1st.—Called upon M* Knox. I find six brigantines,
flat bottoms, intended to carry 12 guns each, are sent to Quebec
—one was arrived—and are intended to be buoyed and drawn
over the shoals and rapids in the river Sorel, into Lake Cham-
plain. The first scheme was to send out frames only, and to
build them, which I believe would have taken up as little time.
A small privateer of 9 carriage guns, called the Yankee, is
brought into Dover. After she had taken a sugar ship, and a
vessel laden with rum, and sent them in to America with what
hands could be spared, the prisoners on board the Yankee rose
upon the crew, and stood for the Channel, and arrived in 24 days.
#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTOIIINSON. 87
Hot day again, and faint air.
Treasury adjourned for 3 weeks.
2nd.—The weather still hotter. It's thought the glasses in
the shade must be above 80. Col. John Chandler, a fresh
exile, dined with me, together with D* Chandler.
General Haldiman has a letter from Quebec, several days
after Carleton's, which says, besides the killed and wounded in
the late action, great numbers lost their way and perished
in the woods, and it's thought the rebels in the whole lost 6 or
700.
3rd.-It seems, Henry Johnson, a person who served his
time w” Epes Sargent of Glo'cester, is Captain, and a Doctor
Downing, who has been a very troublesome person at Brook-
lyne, Surgeon of the Yankee, privateer. M' Lyde was aboard
to-day, and Lewis Gray yesterday. The vessel left Boston the
4" of June. The Master and Surgeon seem to be under no
concern—depend upon security from the prisoners in the hands
of the Congress. The Ministers are at a loss what to do with
them.
I called at the Admiralty, and was told the mercury there
was yesterday, in a close but warm room, at 85. I saw it there
to-day when it was not so hot—about 75.
M* Simpson, Amory, Gridley, and Danforth, dined with me.
4th.-At the Old Jewry—Mr. White.
Called on M* Greene, Hatton Street. Judge Browne, and
Lyde dined with us. The prisoners taken in the rebel vessel,
sent aboard a Guard ship at Sheerness.
5th.-In the city at Blackburne's, Bush Lane, and afterwards
at Lord George's office.
There are letters from Lº Dunmore, who is upon Gwin
Island, and Knox says in a bad situation the 26 of June. Has
a regiment of Blacks, very sickly. Hammond was there in the
Roebuck—knew nothing of Clinton; from whence it is con-
cluded he went from Cape Fear direct to N. York. Some
think he may be gone to burn Charlestown. -
6th-Governor Eden of Maryland had left Annapolis in an
armed vessel, and was at Gwin Island with Lord Dunmore, or
on board the Roebuck, Cap" Hammond. A journal of his is
88 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [#.
shewn as late as 1* of July, and there is much talk to-day of
dissatisfaction among the town people of the lower counties
of Pensilvania, and the Jersies, but they are loose accounts.
7th.-At the Levée to-day: carried Judge Oliver to kiss the
King's hand.
At Lord George's office. Mº D'Oyly has a story from the
city—that Salem and Marblehead were burnt, and he seems
to credit it; but I believe nothing until I know how it
CODOGS.
8th.-A long letter published in the Morning Post, said to
be from Halifax, dated July 5", giving a circumstantial account
of the defeat of General Howe on the first. Though there are
many palpable absurdities or impossibilities in this letter, yet it
gave alarm to many people. The law against spreading false
news, even in such important or interesting cases, seems to have
lost all force.
Wrote to M* Mackenzie to tell him there were no accounts
from America.
9th.-Dined at the Bishop of London's at Fulham : Dº Caner,
Chandler, and T. H. with me in the coach. A very raw cold
day for the season, with rain. Attended evening service in
the Chapel with the family.
10th.-L" Col. Blunt arrived this forenoon from Gen. Howe,
who landed on Staten Island with the army the 3" [of July].
No opposition. All the Island—about 400—came in and took
the oaths. [Neither] L* Howe nor the Hessians arrived. Gov.
|William] Franklin carried to Connecticut. The Mayor of N.
York tried and sentenced to dye for corresponding w” Tryon,
but not executed. Sixty of the rebel army came over from
Jerseys with their arms. The rebels very numerous on Long
Island, and the main [army] should wait for the Hessians or
Clinton, unless something extra.
A newspaper says Clinton was at Charlestown, S. Carolina.
A 50-gun ship, several men-of-war, and 30 transports over the
bar: one 50-gun ship lost, (it's said here there was but one)—
had summoned the town—resolved to defend. Between 4 and
500 of the Highlanders prisoners at Boston.
Wrote to Lº Hardwicke, Mackenzie, and Burch.
#) DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 89
Mr Mauduit called this evening: returned the 8" from the
country. - d
11th-At the Temple: Dº Morrill. º
The Gazette of last night, or rather this morning, gives
extracts from Howe's, Tryon's, and Shuldham's letters. Howe
mentions Gov. Franklin as a prisoner in Connecticut, and that
the Mayor of N. York was sentenced to death for his corre-
spondence with Tryon;–says the enemy have a hundred cannon
mounted;—shall attempt nothing until the Hessians or Clinton
arrives, unless something new to occasion it. A 40 and 20 gun
ship preparing to go up the North [or Hudson] River. Be-
tween 4 and 500 of the Highlanders prisoners at Boston, Mass.
Menzies, &c., killed.
12th.-A vessel to-day from Quebec with an account of the
arrival of the Tartar and her convoy, which had materials for
the navigation. The letter dated July 7”. This was late, the
troops having been six weeks there.
13th.-Col. Bruce, of the 65" came to town from Halifax—
sailed the 18" July. The Commiss" of the Customs sailed
with them, but they lost company to the east of Isle of Sables,
and it's thought not free from danger of the rebel vessels.
Hotham had been at Halifax : his squadron off the harbour:
all sailed by the 6" of July. They will be late at N. York.
Wrote to L' Hardwicke, Mackenzie, and Cornwall.
14th.-News of the arrival of the Aston Hall, Parker, at
Dover, from Halifax, with the Comiss” of the Customs, &c.
Wrote M* Burch the news. i
General Haldiman has a letter of the 10" from Staten
Island, which says the N. Hampshire Delegates had left the
Congress, on account of their declaring for Independency.
15th-Spent great part of this day in looking for a house to
remove to, the adjoining houses to that where I dwell in St.
James's Street are pulling down, which makes mine to be
scarcely habitable. -
M. Morris, coiniss' of the Customs, called and hinted the
irregularity of the American Board in coming to England. I
thought they had suffered so much, that if this step had not
been perfectly according to rule, it might well be passed over.
90 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º:
Received a note from Mº Jackson containing the substance
of what General Conway said in my favour in the House of
Commons last Session.*
16th.-M' D'Oyley tells me they have now a certain account
of Hotham's fleet; that a part sailed from Halifax the 2" July,
and the rest the 7”. -
Mº Coffin called, and afterwards M. Hutton: both arrived
with the Board of Comiss". I took from Coffin's memorandum
these minutes—
“The Highlanders sailed the 3" of July for N. York—17
Sail.
12 Hessians came in to Halifax the 5": went out again
the 6*.
Hotham being off the harbour.
The horse did not sail till the 12* or 13th.”
17th.-A fair but cool day, not unlike the middle of Sep-
tember in America. Col. Leonard appears to-day. Paxton
and Halloway not come to town. The Board came away with-
out orders, but think the necessity of the thing will justify it.
18th.-At the Temple, Doctor Morrill.
Halloway and his wife came to town to-day : called upon
them in Suffolk Street. A message from Paxton at Clapham,
where Col. Hatch lodges.
19th.-Waiting for news from America. Mº Mather arrived
last night in town from Halifax, and called on me this morning.f
20th.-Paxton came to town, and called on me with letters
from M* J. Winslow. Mº Ben. Faneuil and wife, S. Waterhouse
and family, Arth. Savage, &c., &c., so that Americans continue
to thicken.
21st.—M* Reeves, Secretary to General Clinton, arrived to-
day with despatches from S. Carolina, w” he left the 15 July,
the ships having been repulsed w” loss at Sullivan's Island,
and the army intending to sail in 2 or 3 days for N. York.
Wrote to Lº H., Mº Mackenzie, and Mº Cornwall.
22nd.—Removed to a house in New Bond Street, No. 147,
* This note containing a report of what Gen. Conway said, is not forth-
coming.
f The Rev. Samuel Mather married Hannah, a sister of Gov. Hutchinson.
*] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 91
being so much annoyed by pulling down houses, as to render
my house in St. James's Street scarcely habitable. -
23rd.—Received from M. Paine a letter of 11 July, d"
[delivered?] by M. Reeves, with a circumstantial accº of the
action at Cape Fear, the Eageriment and Bristol having lost
above 100 men each, killed and wounded, and Cap. Morris of
the Bristol dead of his wounds.
24th.-Change of habitation is not pleasing, and I pine after
my old lodgings; and besides, have a house less roomy and
comodious, but hope to be reconciled to it.
Hutton, Paxton, Robinson, D. Caner, and young Simpson
dined.
25th.-At Princes Street—Dº Kippis.
A show of Americans:—Treasurer Gray, Flucker, Clarke,
Willard, Danforth, &c.
26th.-Mauduit called upon me. He had seen the Gazette,
but had heard nothing further. From that he collects that
there must have been a misunderstanding and difference
between the land and sea Commanders at Carolina, which has
been the cause of that unsuccessful attempt.
27th.-Went with S. and P. to Clapham to visit M W.
Wassall, and Hatch, and George Erving.
A cool day, like the autumn weather in N. England. Wind
NE., but not high.
28th.-M* D'Oyly does not suppose there is any breach
between Clinton and Sir P. Parker, but supposes both. engaged
in this expedition because they had the chief command here,
and hoped to obtain a Laurel before they went to serve under
Lord Howe and Gen. Howe.
29th.-A rainy night and morning, after a great deal of fair
and fine weather most of the month, tho' rather cold for a New
England man. Afternoon fine soft weather. -
Met General Harvey, who thinks we may hear very soon
from New York, but it's more probable not these ten days.
Called upon Tommy and his wife and children, and with
Peggy, took an airing to Chelsea. -
30th-In the city: called upon M* Blackburne, Bush Lane.
No arrivals. Settled with Gines and Atkinson, Bankers.
92 DIAI. Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. [š.
Judge Oliver and Mº Lyde returned from a tour of 16 or 18
days, to Birmingham, Dudley, Woodstock, &c. *
31st.—At Wimbledon, M* Morriss, with E. and P., at dinner.
Mon". Garnier and another Frenchman there, Frondé, with
Hooton the American Inspector, and an old Dowager, M*
Fowler. Went over Battersea Bridge, and through Wands-
Worth : came home thro’ Fulham.
September 1st.—At the Old Jewry. The weather cool to-day,
like the last of the month in Boston. In the evening at High
Street.
2nd.—Called upon M* Reeve, who gave me a particular
account of the Carolina business. Clinton had wrote the 23 of
May to Lord G. G. that he intended to embark at Cape Fear
and go to the northw", but on the 16" a frigate and small
vessel had been sent the 16" [sic] to reconnoitre the bar and
harbour of Charlestown. They returned the 26, and brought
such an account that determined the sea and land commanders
to go to the southward. Troops it seems were landed on Long
Island, without the bar. The island is about a mile and half
from Sullivan's Island, but the space between, at low water, is
dry sands, except that next Sullivan's Island, which is 7 feet
deep. They had been informed they were all fordable. He
says Clinton knew nothing of the Forts being silenced, but
supposed the contrary. Parker, with his ships, was over the
bar, and the fort attacked was at a distant part of Sullivan's
Island, and no comunication between the General and Admiral
but by sailing 4 or 5 leagues, and Parker had no reason to
expect aid from Clinton, for he knew the creek was not fordable,
and they could not land in boats at once, more than 500 men.
It looks as if Parker thought his ships sufficient to take the
fort without the army, not considering, or not knowing, that he
could not bring his ships within 900 yards of it. The men-of-
war had not got back over the bar. It is said to be much
easier to go in than [to] go out. The troops were not re-
embarked, so that we are in painful expectation, &c.
Sir Egerton Leigh seems to fear whether the 50 gun ships
will get over the bar.
3rd.—Rainy great part of the day by showers. Mauduit in
#. J) IAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCITINSON. 93
the evening:–laments his loss of money by Woolridge, the
new Alderman and Sheriff, who has stopped payment, having
spent his creditors' money in Elections, his principal recom-
mendation being, that he is a busy man against Government.
He was in America, and at my house in Milton while I was
Governor.
4th.-Col. Maclean to-day comes to town from Quebec, and
Gov. Eden from Virginia. Nothing very remarkable from either
place. They did not expect to get down the Lake (from
Quebec) till the middle of this month. L' Dunmore was
obliged to quit the shore, and retire to his ship. His conduct,
upon the whole, is not much approved.
5th.--It is said to-day that L" Dunmore had sent to Clinton
to urge him to stop with the army in Virginia, and that the
officer had returned with advice that the fleet and army left
Carolina the 21 July, bound to New York; but it is added that
one frigate remained behind, not being able to get over the
bar, or for some other reason which does not yet transpire.
Rainy again all day by showers.
6th.-At the King's Levée : the smallest attendance I ever
saw there, everybody being out of town. Saw Gov. Eden
there. He says an officer which left Clinton's fleet about the
27th of July, came in to Virginia. The frigate supposed to be
left, was the Glasgow transport with a company of Col”
Maclean's Highlanders, which ran aground and could not be
got off. Saw Maclean also at the Levée, and Gov. O’Hara, and
the new General of the Leeward Islands: Monk also, Sollicitor
General of Quebec, and Sir Clifford Willingham, who it seems
is his patron. Lord George.
7th.-In the city, and paid Excise 54 for my coach, com-
mencing 10 of July last. Paid off Public Advertiser 2,7/-.
Chandler and son, Waterhouse, Doblois, Laughton, T. Greene,
and Mº Boucher, a Clergyman Refugee from Maryland, dined
with us. Mº Boucher tells me that when I made my speech to
the Assembly, which brought on their long Answer, they sent
to M' Dulany of Maryland, to desire him to answer it. I think
it must be a mistake, and that it could be only a desire to
answer it in print.
94 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. [...],
8th–At Prince's Street—D. Kippis.
In the evening drank tea at High Street. Mauduit went
yesterday to Wherwell, [?] Andover, for the remainder of the
month. -
9th.-M Wassall and family, Hutton, Paxton, Hallowell,
Powell and daughters, all called upon me. Two vessels from
Quebeck—returned transports. Nothing transpires.
10th.-The finest day since the month began. Three more
vessels from Quebeck. Mº Knox says the brigantines are taken
down to the timbers ends, so that it must be long before they
are over the Lake.
11th.--Dº Nath. Perkins* called upon me. He has been
about ten days in town : endeavoured, before he left Boston, to
prevail on the Select-men to enquire, by a Flag which was
going out, to the besiegers whether, if he would remain quiet,
and mind nothing but the business of his profession, he might
be secure from insult 2 but they declined doing it; and he was
told they did not believe any gentleman would ill-treat him,
but they could not answer for the low people. This was enough
to determine him to remove, tho' with a most tender constitu-
tion: and after all the hardship of Halifax, he has been from
thence to Ireland in company with Fitch, and from thence to
Bristol, and so to London, having left even his plate in Boston.
12th.-In the afternoon with Peggy, my son T. and wife, and
two children, went to Fulham, and spent some time upon the
banks of the river, and returned before dinner.
We are now every moment expecting important news, which
keeps me from taking a tour in the country, where I must be
anxious more than in town, because reports are propagated
there, of which it will be more difficult to form a judgment.
13th. A fine soft and pleasant day. Judge Browne drank
tea and spent the evening with us.
14th.-Still the weather holds moderate, and rather warm,
without showers. I walked into the city below the Bridge, and
* Sabine informs us that Dr. Nathaniel Perkins was a Physician of Boston.
He graduated at Harvard in 1734; he treated for smallpox by inoculation in
1764 when hospitals were established in Boston Harbour: went with the
army to Halifax in 1776, on the evacuation of Boston: was proscribed and
banished in 1778: and died in 1799.
.#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON 95
back—near 7 miles from N. Bond Street. Called on Mº
Blackburne. He cannot account for Carleton's dismissing the
Indians from Quebec until he should call upon them. It is
said the Congress refused to comply with the exchange of
prisoners, for those taken at Les Cédres, and that Carleton
would send home the officers who remained, as hostages for the
security of performance.
Browne and son, Powell, Hallowell, and Boylston, Perkins,
Faneuil, and Dº Cooper, dined with us. Report of an express
from Howe comes to nothing.
15th.-At the Temple—Dº Morrill. Saw the Connecticut
Colonel Hall, who gave me an account after service of news
which M Rindge told him came by way of France, of a repulse
at New York. I called upon M Rindge, who a week ago
mentioned to him a report from Marseilles, to which he gave
no credit. The anxiety for news raises reports of expresses and
intelligence by other means every day, which die-away before
the next day, and make room for successors.
A cold rain this afternoon.
Royall, at Brighthelmstone, grows worse, and Doctor Perkins
is gone down to him again to-day.
16th.--I don't remember ever to have seen the town so thin
of people since I have been in London. My own anxiety, from
the state of my country, keeps me in town. The two last days
the wind has been at east, so that we hardly expect an arrival
until it has blown two or three days at west again, which
quarter it is in to-day. My children from Brompton Row,
[Thomas's], dined with me to-day, and the High Street family,
|D' P. Oliver's], came to drink tea. This is some alleviation—to
have my children and grand-children; but we are all in a state
of exile from a country, which of all others is most dear to me,
notwithstanding the unjust cruel treatment I have received
from it.
17th.-A great deal of rain falls to-day. Mr Hallowell and
Reeve call upon me. Reeve brings his Journal and Plan of the
S. Carolina Expedition. A strange fatality attends this affair
in every stage of it. The forces were intended to be there early
in February, and by one cause of delay after another, did not
96 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
arrive till May. Orders were sent after them not to go upon
action there without some extraordinary circumstances should
induce, but to join Howe. The Ranger sloop with these orders
did not arrive till they sailed from Cape Fear. Duplicates of
these orders were sent to Howe, and he sent after Clinton, but
his letters were prevented by the engagement the Glasgow had
with Hawkins's squadron, so that Clinton had gone on with his
first orders, until he had sailed from Cape Fear. Even while
under the first orders, he had determined to join Howe, until
the vessels Sir P. Parker sent to reconnoitre, brought such en-
couragement as caused him to change his mind.
! My son E. set out for Brighthelmstone and France.
18th.--Dined with my daughter P. at Mº Vassall's at Clapham.
Paxton and Hatch and his wife. A cold northerly wind, but
clear sky. It's now 70 days since the last letters from New
York, and people make conjectures. Many are ready to
suppose the British troops have met with discouragement, but
there really is no probability that all the force which was
intended, could be at New York before the 4th or 5th of August,
and we may allow ten days after that to prepare for an action
of any importance.
19th. As cool this morning with a N. wind, as the middle
of October in America. A letter last night from my son W. at
Brighthelmstone, says Royall was given over by his Physicians.
I called upon Hallowell. Mº Simpson and his nephew called
on me, and Lechmere, Paddock, &c. Rain before noon.
Mr Geyer, who married Duncan Ingram's daughter, recº a
letter from Ingram at Nantucket dated June 25, by way of
Holland, to acquaint him, that feeling things [were] growing
worse and worse at Boston, and that if he remained he should
be obliged to take an active part, he was going to Surinam to
spend 12 or 18 months: that he should have 6 or 7 vessels con-
signed him: and that several gentlemen were going passengers
with him. This I have from Mº Lyde, to whom Geyer read the
letter. They could not have heard of General Howe at York,
nor of Lord Howe and the Hessians, what their destination was.
20th. Paid my Coachman's board wages, &c., to the 14"
Instant.
#, 1776
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON 97
At Lord George Germaine's. He says Lord Stormont wrote,
that the people arrived from Philadelphia at Dunkirk, say that
on the 8. of August, when they sailed, there was no account of
any action at New York, and they speak of no important news.
On the other hand, fishing vessels at Dartmouth and Plymouth,
both say they spoke with vessels at sea which reported that
Howe was in possession of New York the same day the 8. Of
August.*
I stated the case of the Council and Putnan at Halifax, and
he promised his aid in recomending it to Lord North—or
rather, he said, Mº Robinson.
In the afternoon an account is rec" at Lloyd's Coffee House
of the arrival of a vessel from Virginia at Glasgow—spoke the
Boreas man-of-war Aug. 16, off Delaware, and was informed
that Lord Howe and all the troops were arrived at New York;
and the 8” or 9” he left New York.
M. Green, Mather and wife, Clarke, and Lyde, dines with us,’
21st.—Dined at Croydon at Mº Apthorpe's :—Judge Oliver,
Sally and Peggy, and Miss Fanny Hutchinson, all in the coach.
A young gentleman—Ives, now Trecothick, and heir to Alder-
man Trecothick, dined there also. A very pleasant day, but
still cool for the season, and east wind. Mº Apthorpe is much
altered in his principles since the Declaration of Independence,
and says now America must be subdued before there can be any
concessions made.
22nd.—At the Old Jewry—Mº White.
In the evening drank tea at M D'Oyly's—Peggy with me.
General Howe's lady, M* and M*Agar. It has been reported
Some days past that Johnson, the Chaplain of the privateer
bro't into Dover, had made his escape from the Guard-ship at
Sheerness, and was gone to France, but M D'Oyly knows
nothing of it, and does not believe a word of it. Mºs Howe
discovers great anxiety, which is not to be wondered at.
23rd–M" Howe received this forenoon, by a transport
returned from Staten Island to Cork, a letter from General
Howe, dated the 30th of July, which being by a precarious
* The battle on Long Island took place on the 27th of August, and Gen.
Howe took possession of New York on the 21st of September.
WOL. II. II
98 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. [š.
conveyance, he only writes that L" Howe arrived the 12":
that the Highlanders, the Light Horse, and part of the Guards
and Hessians were arrived : the rest within two days' sail. But
the Agent for the Victualling Contractor writes that the
transport sailed the 12" of August, before which time the rest
of the Guards and Hessians, and all Clinton's army were
arrived, and that they expected an attempt upon N. York in
2 or 3 days: that Washington was at Kingsbridge,” and
Putnam commanded in New York: that Howe was 35000
strong, but this cannot be, unless he has been joined by more
Provincials than there is any reason to expect. No letters yet
to Government, but it is thought there must be, and that the
Agent's Express has made more haste than the Government's
|Express]. The Court and public officers are in great anxiety.
A privateer of New England, Simon Forester, has taken six
prizes off Cape St. Vincent. I wrote to Lord Hardwicke,
Mº Cornwall, Mauduit, and Burch.
24th.-The wind shifts to the westward, and we may soon
expect vessels. Billy returned yesterday from Brighthelmstone :
says his brother E. sailed for Dieppe with a good wind
Wednesday evening the 18th from Brighthelmstone.f
25th.-The papers to-day have Lord Howe's Declaration
as a Comissioner, dated 20th June, off Massachusets Bay, in
which he offers pardon to all who return to their allegiance,
After he arrived at N. York it was sent to Washington, but
refused because directed to “George Washington Esq.,” and
not in his publick character. The Congress approved this
refusal. They have also the settlement of a new Government
in Virginia. Patrick Henry Junº their Governor, with
Senators, &c.
Many people seem much struck with this progress in settling
Governments in so many Colonies; but it is become necessary,
there being no retreat without a total destruction of the power
which the Congress have assumed; they must therefore push
on, that being their only chance.
* At the north end of Manhatten Island; the city of New York being at
the south end. . -
f It was now Tuesday,
&#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON, 99
favouring the Americans.]
27th.-A fine warm day: S.W. wind. Teport to-day that
7000 Provincials had joined Howe's army.
28th.-[A letter saying that the Hessians and Guards
arrived at Staten Island the 12th of August.]
29th.-At the Temple w” Judge Oliver. A Dº Weekes
preached a Michaelmas Day sermon—“Are they not all
ministering spirits?” &c.”
An Express arrived last night from Staten Island : six weeks
passage: all the forces arrived except the Highlanders carried
into Boston, and one company to Virginia. . . .
30th.-[Sir P. Parker had arrived with Lord Dunmore and
Lord Wm. Campbell.] In the Publick Ledger some mischievous
person had published a card as from Mauditicus to Gov.
Pownall, advising him not to brush fight w" Mº Hutchinson,
but to enter into an open contest, &c. In the evening he sent
a person with a letter, to let me know he had never published
any anonymous letter or paper concerning me, much less
against me. If I was the author of that paper, he was ready
to enter into any personal or publick contest with me. Re-
diculous as this was, I thought it best to take no other notice
than to tell him I was glad he had given me an opportunity of
assuring him that I never directly nor indirectly was concerned
in any publication respecting him, nor did I know or suspect
the authors of them, but believed they were malevolent
persons, friends neither to him nor me, but probably equally
inimical to both of us; that I had never seen the card he
refer'd to until I opened his letter, and I verily believed
M" Mauduit knew no more of it than I did.—Fresh east wind.
October 1st.—A vessel yesterday from Halifax. . . .
2nd.—[Provincial army said to want clothes. He had two
teeth drawn by Dumergue.]
3rd-[A young man returned from America brings general
news.]
4th.-M' Putnam writes to Judge Sewall from Ialifax,
Aug. 9, that upon rec' of the Declaration of Independence, it
* Paul to the Ileb. i. 14,
26th.-[No news yet. The French and Dutch suspected of
|
H 2
100 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
was proclaimed from the balcony of the Council Chamber
to a vast concourse of people with great rejoicings; and that
every sign with a Crown in or upon it, was demolished. Quæ
voa dementia coepit. The wind west. . . .
5th, John Malcolm came to me some time ago, and
acquainted me he would prefer a Petition to the Treasury
against M. Waldo, Collector at Falmouth, Casco Bay, for
irregularly clearing a vessel which, Malcolm being a Preventive
Officer, had afterwards seized, and W* had been condemned.
I asked what induced him, or he informed me, it was because
Waldo did not pay his salary. I asked him what need he do
more than complain of that P. He said Waldo had hurt him,
and he would have the whole story told. I advised him to
apply to the Comiss", but he resolved to petition, and said he
must appeal to me in his Petition. I discouraged him still,
and he said I refused to do him justice. I told him I should
be ready when called upon to answer any questions asked me.
After repeatedly troubling me I saw M* Flucker, and told him
of Malcolm's design, and that it was pity to have any stir, and
that Malcolm had mentioned my name in his Petition, but I
knew nothing of Waldo's proceedings except in general. I
had a remembrance he was charged with some irregularity.
Flucker to-day told Malcolm I said I knew nothing of the
affair, which bro't Malcolm to my house to enquire whether I
had said so 2 I told him I might say so, but did not remember
the words, for I knew nothing but by common fame, which was
knowing nothing to his purpose, for I should not be allowed to
mention it. He abused me for refusing to say what he knew,
and charged me with refusing to do him justice when in
my power. I told him he was a very ignorant and very
abusive man, and I should give myself no trouble about him.
In the evening he sent me an abusive letter saying that he put
my name in his Petition by my express order, and if I did not
let him know by Monday" what I intended to say, he would
make the world as well acquainted with my real character as he
is himself.-West wind. –
6th.-At the Old Jewry. . . . .
* It was now Saturday.
º, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 101
7th. I wrote to Malcolm that a letter had been left at my
house signed with his name, for the letter was not of his hand
writing, nor is he capable of writing a letter which can be
understood : that I should take no more notice of it at present
[underlined] than to let him know I had always advised him
not to petition the Treasury, but he persisted in it, and said
he should appeal to me, and he hoped I would not refuse to do
him justice: that I told him I should not refuse to answer any
questions their Lordships thought proper to ask me : that I
had told him I knew nothing but by report, and that their
Lordships would not think hearsay to be evidence.
This man, John Malcolm, had been shamefully treated in
America. He is incidentally mentioned in some of the Oiaries
and Letters; but however much he may have unjustly suffered
persecution, or merited sympathy, the Governor does not now
appear to be desirous of giving him encouragement. Judge
Oliver, in his “Origin and Progress of the American Rebellion to
the year 1776,” speaks thus of Malcolm's case:—“In the winter of
this year [1772] the ruling Powers seized upon a Custom House
officer for execution : they stripped him, tarred, feathered, and
haltered him; carried him to the Gallows, and whipped him
with great barbarity in the presence of thousands, and some of
them members of the General Court. Like the Negro drivers in
the West Indies, if you grumbled at so wholesome of discipline,
you had iniquity added to transgression, and lash succeeded lash ;
and there was but one way of escaping, which was, to feign your-
self dead, if you was not already so; for in that case, you would be
left to yourself to come to life again as well as you could, they
being afraid of such dead men, lest they theirselves should die
after them, sooner or later —one Custom-House officer they left
for dead, but some persons of humanity stepped in to his relief and
saved him.”
8th.-An airing as far as Brentford, &c.
9th, Lent Wilmot a guinea: all before repaid. Account
published to-day of Gen' Howe's defeat at N. York, wºn the
loss of two General officers and 6000 men, taken from the
Amsterdam and Utrecht Gazettes; said to be on 16 of August.*
The last packet left the Hook the 20" of August, and brought
letters of the 17th from Staten Island.
* It is needless to Say that there was no foundation for this statement,
102 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [..?.
10th.-M D'Oyly sent me a note this morning, and soon
after called. An express arrived with letters from Gen. Howe,
advising that he landed the 22nd of August, under cover of
Commodore Hotham's guns, with the British troops and some
of the Hessians, at New Utrecht on Long Island, with little
opposition from a few flying parties: that it took until the 26".
to form and advance with proper precaution to that part where
the enemy was intrenched : that on the 27” he stormed their
works, and possessed himself of the first intrenchments, with
the loss of 53 men killed, and about 200 wounded. Among the
first, L' Colº Grant, Captº Logan and Nelson, and Lieut"
among the wounded Col” Monckton, shot thro’ the body, but
may recover—in general lightly wounded: that, of the rebels,
about 3300 killed and taken prisoners—about 1000 prisoners—
among them their Major General Sullivan, the lawyer, Lord
Sterling, so called, and Udell, of whom I never heard before :
that the Long Island people came in and were ready to take
the oath.
The express says they were in a most distressed state at
N. York, 4000 sick, and it was thought there would be no great
difficulty in reducing it. It was doubtful what was become of
the army that was in the second intrenchment, which Howe
had prepared to storm, and made advances, but on the 30" in
the morning, they were evacuated, and Howe took possession
of them, and his posts were against the city. They left their
cannon and other stores.
This first and crude account of the important Battle of Brooklyn
on Long Island, which led to the capture of New York, tallies
however in its salient points with the more perfect narrative as
given in the sixth Chapter of Stedman's History, assisted as it
there is with a plan of the country and disposition of the troops.
It is there stated that 15,000 Americans crossed the East River
from New York to Brooklyn, and posted themselves behind several
redoubts connected by curtains extending from Wallabout Bay on
their left, to some marshy inlets on their right: that Putnam was
put forward with 10,000 men to occupy the ridges of a curved line
of hills extending in a half moon four or five miles in front of
them towards the south, from which direction the English were
expected. Washington was present and directed these arrange-
3:) DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 103
ments. On advancing from the Redoubts, and taking post on the
hills, the American right was commanded by Lord Sterling “so
called,” the centre by General Sullivan, and the left was not ex-
tended far enough, as the event proved. On the south or English
side, Sir William Howe had 9,000 men, but the opportune arrival
of his brother Lord Howe with additional forces, raised the grand
total, according to some, to near 30,000. Stedman however, uses
the expression “near twenty thousand.” In speaking of the dis-
position of the two armies now opposite each other, he says, page
197—“In their [the American] front, was an encampment of near
twenty thousand men.” On the side of the English, General
Grant was opposed to Lord Sterling ; General De Heister with his
Hessians, to General Sullivan in the centre; and Sir Henry
Clinton, and Sir William Erskine, having reconnoitred and reported
the unprotected state of the enemy's left wing, General Howe
directed those officers, with Lord Percy, to make a circuit to the
east and out-flank them. Upon this they executed a movement
in that direction, and penetrating the defiles, crossed the ridge, and
began the attack with vigour. After some hard fighting, the
Americans were thrown into confusion, and retired precipitately
upon their base at New York. Stedman further adds—“The loss
of the Americans was great. Two thousand were either killed on
the field, drowned [in crossing a morass, or taken prisoners: and
among the latter, Generals Sullivan, Udell, and Lord Sterling.”
And he observes further down—“The loss on the part of the
English did not exceed three hundred in killed and wounded, of
which number between sixty and seventy were killed. Among the
killed was Lieutenant-Colonel Grant, of the fortieth Regiment;
among the wounded, Lieutenant-Colonel Monkton.”
General Washington soon found New York to be untenable, and
thereupon he made preparations to evacuate the city.
It was a little before this time that the leaden statue of George
III., which had stood in New York, but which had been pulled
down and cast into bullets, was returned to the British by the
American soldiers, as mentioned, Vol. i. p. 520.
The Diary, on the 11th of October, proceeds to say—
11th.-M' Jackson of the Admiralty, read to me part of a
letter from Sir George Collier, Cap. of the Rainbow at sea, on
his passage from N. York to Halifax,−that he left N. York the
8 Sept., and the packet wº sailed with him, being a heavy
sailer, it was possible the ship he wrote by might get to
104 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
England before her, and advised of the defeat of the rebels the
27* Aug., -that some preparations had been making for
landing the troops from the East River, some ships having
gone up to cover them, and 80 flat bottomed boats, that when
he was coming out on the 8" he heard cañonading from
9 o'clock to 11, when he had lost the sound of the cannon by
the distance he had run. He adds, that this must be a very
important action, on which much depends—that there were so
many sick in New York as to induce him to think, from
humanity to them, the city would not be fired, as was intended,
it being not practicable to remove them. It seems by a letter
said to be intercepted from Washington to Sullivan, that great
dependance was put on annoying and defeating the Ring's
troops by attacking them from the woods in their march; but
this dependance failed. Their General Woodall was taken
under a hay rick. He is a New York Representative. Sullivan
(one of the Congress), was in a house, and it is said was
surprised to see Rogers with the King's troops, supposing he
was in the Rebel service. Lord Sterling, so called, was taken
alone, and is prisoner on board a ship, where he was loth to go;
but it was intimated to him that he would be in danger from
the soldiers, who were much enraged from a report that he was
the man who cut off the head of the Ring's statue at New York.
Perkins and Flucker, and their families, dined [with us.]
12th.-Paxton brought me a letter he has received from
Lord Percy, dated 1 September, from Newtown, Long Island,
which is 3 or 4 miles up the river, opposite the N. York shore.
Among other things he says—“Take my word for it, they never
will dare to stand before us again. Our men have found out the
use of their bayonets, and I promise you they gave the rebels
enough of them on the 27th., for the moment the rebels fired
they rushed on them, and never gave them time to load again.”
Wrote to Auchmuty, M. Ellis, Mackenzie, and Lord Hard-
wicke.
13th. At the Temple: Doctor Morrill. Captain Dunn, of
one of the transports, has wrote of the 8" of Sept., the day the
packet sailed. We are not yet in possession of New York, but
I hope we shall be before night.
º, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 105
It is not necessary to amplify by giving details here, which may
be found in the pages of most of our historians. Suffice it to say
that the English crossed the East River on the 15th of September,
and as Washington withdrew his troops from New York, the city
was taken possession of at once. Several actions succeeded one
another within a few weeks from this time, in all which the
English were victorious, as at White Plains, Fort Washington,
Fort Lee, &c., but as on Long Island the Americans were allowed
to retreat without molestation, so in these cases no pursuit was
allowed; and when Washington was making his way to get beyond
the Delaware river, after his forces had precipitately abandoned
Fort Lee, followed by the English, he was allowed a fair start in
every day's march, arriving at Princetown, and then twelve miles
further to the river, unovertaken, at Trenton. Then came the
English on his heels. “Yet the British troops,” says McCormio's
Continuation of Hume, “were detained for seventeen hours at
Princetown, and marching thence at nine o'clock next morning,
got to Trenton at four in the afternoon, just when the last boat of
Washington’s embarkation crossed the river, as if General Howe
had calculated with the nicest accuracy, the exact time necessary
for his enemy to make his escape.” As this sort of thing had
happened more than once, it began to attract attention, and it is
duly commented on to Sir William Howe's prejudice by most of
those who have written on the subject of this war.
At this place several pages of the Diary can be advantageously
Omitted. On the 14th of October Mr. Hutchinson left London for
a fortnight's tour, during which time America is Scarcely alluded
to except in one place, where he expresses a desire to go to the
town of Boston in Lincolnshire. He says—“My chief inducement
to turn aside to Boston, was from its having been the mother
of American Boston.” He was accompanied by his daughter
Margaret or Peggy, Judge Oliver, and his niece Miss Clarke, and
Mr. Paxton, with his servant. They proceeded via Waltham Cross,
to Cambridge, then through a small village called Milton, on
which he writes—“thro’ Milton, a small parish of thatched, but
pretty good houses, not so pleasing as my own Milton would have
been,” and so on to Ely and Wisbeach by the Ouse, of which liver
he says—“not wider than Milton river in N.E., the country
settled in the N.E. way, not in villages, but farm houses a little
distant,” and thence to Spalding and Boston. Of this latter he
writes— .
“21st.--Called upon the Vicar of Boston Mr or Dr Calthorpe,
who received us with great civility, he being an acquaintance of
106 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Sº F. Bernard, who had spoke of me in his hearing, much in my
favour. Took a view of the church, which exceeded my expecta-
tion, both for the magnificence and elegance, and also for the
extreme good condition in which it is kept. He shewed me the
Parish Register: observed the marriage of John Cotton, Clarke,” to
Sarah Story, in 1632: saw a very elegant monument of one of my
family, Samuel Hutchinson, a wine merchant in 1696: went to
visit his son's widow, an old lady of 85, in perfect health with all
her teeth and her intellectual powers, with her daughter, an old
maiden : found her husband had often mentioned his relations
going to Ireland, and Mrs. Jenyns being of the family. She is
widow to a clergyman, and lives in a very decent house. Some of
their family, she said, lived at Alford, where a Mº Walker at
present has the living, and I purpose to write to him to make some
extracts from the Register,” &c.
It appears to me, (the Editor), somewhat strange that he did not
go on a short matter of twenty-three miles to Alford, the place
where his ancestor William was born in August 1586, and examine
the Register for himself. From Boston he turned away to Sleaford
and Grantham, but as he was accompanied by friends, perhaps he
was not master of his own movements. There is nothing like
being entirely alone when there is work to be done. In 1857 I
went into Lincolnshire for these purposes, and I was wise enough
to go alone. No member of the family had been to Alford since
they went to America, and when I arrived there it was after an
absence of 223 years. I first stopped at Boston, and from the
Register of that place I copied everything relating to the names of
Hutchinson and of Coddington, from October 28, 1566, to June 30,
1629. I enquired for the tablet or monument of Samuel Hutchin
son, and found it in fragments on the floor of the room over the
south porch. It was of white marble, and had been a slab of
about three feet long by two wide, and three inches thick, bearing
an inscription referring to the said Samuel, twice Mayor, and to
some of his children. It had formerly been fixed against the south
wall inside, and a little to the east of the south door; and with
the usual principles of church restorers, I gathered that by some
carelessness it got detached and broken at the time the church was
renovated about 1850. The Werger, who shewed it to me, did not
think that any descendant of the defunct was then living in
Boston. Proceeding to Alford and the parish Register there, I
* That is, Clerk in Holy Orders,
§l DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 107
extracted everything relating to the names of Hutchinson and
Sanforde, beginning with William, who with his wife Anne went
to America, who was baptised August 14, 1586, and coming down
to February 4, 1641, and these lists have been useful in family
genealogy.
The Chief Justice, being one of the party, enriched his Diary
with many racy entries, and a few sly hits at the Americans,
which last it is to be hoped will now be forgiven. At Cambridge
he writes—
“The farmers raise great quantities of wheat and other grain,
and send to market vast quantities of butter, Cambridgeshire butter
being of a good quality and taste. Here I cannot but remark the
method in their Inns, of serving their butter at table in small rolls
of abº an inch in diameter, so that it may be said, that butter is
sold here by the inch, foot, or yard, as in Quebec in America, they
really, in the winter season, sell their milk by the pound, and send
it to market in bags.”
They went to Cressingham in Norfolk, where, he says—
“We arrived safe, and were most cerdially received by my old
New England worthy friend Wm. Burch Esq., and his agreeable
family.
“To meet with a valuable friend, of so worthy a character, who
had been persecuted by a wanton rebellion for seven years
successively, and who after having escaped its harpy claws, to see
him and his family sot down in quiet, free from the tyranny of
anarchy, and under the umbrage of domestic happiness, gave me
great pleasure, and I enjoyed his satisfaction without envy, as
being conscious that the joy which I received from this participa-
tion, did not lessen, but rather added to his stock.”
When travelling over the Lincolnshire Fens, he becomes too
SeVere—
“The lands seemed to be covered with sheep as far as the eye
could reach over the Fens: and here I could not help reflecting on
the proud boasts of the northern Americans, who amused them-
selves with raising wool for their own manufactures, whereas they
did not possess sheep enough to make their own stockings; and
here I am persuaded that at one view I saw more sheep feeding
than the whole Province of the Massachusetts Bay, the most sheepish
of all the Colonies, is stocked with. On these roads they raise
amazing quantities of turnips for the use of their cattle, and I have
seen double the quantities of land sowed with turnips, than I ever saw
108 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
sowed with any sort of grain in America. An American farmer
who is swelled with his own importance, would be surprised to see
the progress of agriculture in England, with the other improve-
ments of the land, and would shrink even out of his own sight.”
The Chief Justice had not yet recovered his equanimity, and in
drawing his comparisons, it must be borne in mind that America
was a young country. Since then she has astonished the world by
her progress. Of Boston he writes—
“Before we reached Boston we rode over a long and wide
causway, which was thrown up out of the Fen, in order to make
a turnpike, and the approach to the town had some resemblance
to the entrance of Boston in America, viz. –over this neck of
land, in view of a Gibbet, and of a windmill: may it never
resemble it in its disaffection to government, and its fondness for
anarchy.
“We put up at the White Hart Inn at Boston, a good house.
“Boston is a seaport : the tide flows to the town, and meets the
river Witham. . . Mº John Cotton, who was yº first Minister of
Boston in Massachusets Bay, was Vicar of this church, and from
him the American Boston derived its name.”
The party proceeded by way of Nottingham, Derby, Lichfield,
Birmingham, Stratford-on-Avon, Woodstock, and so returned to
London, where they arrived on the 28th of October. The 29th was
rainy, but on the 30th the Diary continues thus—
30th.-At the King's Levée : as full as I remember to have
seen it at any time.
31st.—At the House of Lords to hear the King's Speech.
Introduced by Lord Polworth, and Judge Oliver with me; but
I had no desire to go through the fatigue of standing 5 or 6
hours to hear the debates. The Opposition were 26 to 92,
which is less in the Lords than formerly; but in the Commons
it was much the same—242 of the majority, against 87.* It is
pretty certain that the disproportion would have been much
less if the subject of debate had been meerly [sic] a controversy
between Court and Country parties, the independent country
gentleman being generally against the Americans.
* These numbers tally with those given by Adolphus and the Continuator
of Hume. º
iii.6.
Q: DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 109
*-
The account given by Judge Oliver, as written in his Diary, can
scarcely be omitted. It runs as follows:–
“ 31st.—This day I went to the House of Lords to hear the
1(ing deliver his speech to the Parliament. The procession was
grand, his Majesty being in the elegant state coach, which is glazed
all around, and the body elegantly gilt, with a gilt crown on the top,
with other decorations, drawn by 8 dun horses, the finest I ever
saw, and kept in such order that their skin and hair appeared like a
rich velvet. The amazing string of coaches, and the vast crowd of
spectators in the streets and in the windows of the houses, of ladies
richly dressed, and the groupe of figures from the first gentleman
to the lowest link-boy was very picturesque, and was a true
representation of the chequered state of mankind ; but the whole,
united with the apparent joy of countenances, exhibited an idea of
the grandeur and importance of a British Monarch.
“I entered the House of Lords under the umbrage” of Lord
Polworth. Without the Bar of the House it was much crowded,
but within was a grand appearance of the nobility, and of ladies
richly dressed. His Majesty was seated on his throne in the robes
of royalty, with his rich crown upon his head. He then directed
the attendance of the House of Commons, some of whom came,
preceded by their Speaker, who also was preceded by his Mace
Bearer, and followed by his Train Bearer : he was richly dressed
in his gold-laced robes, and made a magnificent appearance. His
Majesty then delivered his Speech, and with that dignity,
propriety of accent and pronunciation, wº" commanded attention
and created esteem.
“The passages to the House of Lords are a perfect labyrinth,
and when a stranger, whose expectation hath formed an idea of the
grandeur of an apartment for so august a body of Senators, enters
it, his ideas sink at the approach of so much inelegance; but it is
a general observation, that even the Palace of the greatest Monarch
is derogatory to the dignity of a petty prince : and the remark is
too general, that the horse stables of the French Monarque are more
elegant than the Palace of a British King. It seems to be a
paradox, that a nation which riots in luxury, and whose coffers are
bursting with riches, whose elegance of taste in architecture, and
in every polite Science, whose seats, both of mobility and gentry,
vie with Asiatick pomp, and some of whose nobility, and even
* Umbra, a shadow; under the shadow of his wing. Compare the signifi-
cation of the word 100 years ago with what it is now. If all words are
liable to the same changes as this one, what becomes of the stability of the
English language 2
110 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
commonalty, can purchase 2 or 3 German Principalities, I say,
that it seems a paradox that their Sovereign should be suffered to
wear more slender insignia of Royalty than many other Princes
whom even his own private estate could purchase their whole
dominions. I can assign no other principle for it but the national
enthusiastick fondness for Liberty, which ever aims to reduce all
to a level, and which overpowers the national principle of pride.
“His Majesty, after delivering his Speech, returned to his palace
in grand procession, the populace hanging upon his chariot wheels,
and filling the air with their acclimations. And here, one could
scarce refrain from pitying the versatility of human nature, when
they reflected upon the different behaviour of this populace not long
since, to this most amiable of Princes, whom they almost cursed to
his face, whilst at the same time they Hosanna’d a man who was
known to be infamous in all vices, unharnassing the horses of his
carriage, and dragging it with their own strength, this mock
patriot sitting in it in triumph, pluming himself with pleasure, in
seeing his triumphal car drawn in imitation of some eastern Monarch
by Asses, rather [than] the more noble animal an horse. Sic mutat
gloria mundi.” "
Mr. Hutchinson's Diary continues as follows:—
November 1st.—In the city: called upon Blackburne: no
arrivals, the wind having been towards east for 8 or 10 days.
Lord Gage called. Doctor Cooper, who brought copy of the
Master of the Galataea's letter, with the account of Gen. Howe's
landing the 15th, and of an action the 16th, with the slaughter
of 7 or 8,000 Provincials, but this copy made no mention of the
loss on the part of the King's troops.
2nd.—Cap" Balfour arrived in the evening from New York,
He is Aide-du-camp to Gen. Howe. Lord Townshend sent me
copy of a letter he had recº from Cap. Montresor wºº was
brought me after 11 o'clock, just as I was going to bed, dated
Sep 26. The troops made good their landing the 15th at
Reps Bay, being expected at another place, met with no
* These allusions are doubtless addressed to the case of John Wilkes in
1768, who was committed to prison, when the mob waylaid the vehicle in
which he was being carried, and taking out the horses, drew him away in
another direction. To turn round and hurl low abuse at the person of His
Majesty, was only to be consistent. In the History of this period by
Adolphus, these stirring events are detailed in Chapter XV.
N: DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 111
opposition, but took 200 prisoners who were flying from the
town. The 16th at the heights of Harlem, had a skirmish
between some of the light infantry, and about 3,000 of the
enemy, 300 of whom killed and wounded, and 14 only of the
King's army killed, and [blank] wounded. The 21st Some
concealed rebels set fire in the night to N. York, and about 4
of the town destroyed, St. Paul's and Trinity churches being
part. Six of the incendiaries were killed by the soldiers, 14
taken and to be tried. The 23rd the ships drove the enemy
from the Battery at Powles Hook, and the King's troops took
possession. The 25th General Prescot exchanged for the
General Sullivan. It is said that Washington has about
30,000 men at King's-Bridge, &c., and that there is a flying
camp of 10,000 in the Jerseys.
3rd.—At the Temple.
4th.-A vessel from Boston bought by Captains who had
been taken, and obtained leave to come to England. Fenton’s
wife and family, and a son of Col” Hatch, passengers. The
rest seem to be people who had been taken : said to be 70 in
all. . . . -
5th.-M* Jonathan Down, son to Mº Jos, Down of Salem
arrived in the Boston vessel, came and dined with us, and gave
a more particular account of affairs than we have had for some
time. He says no business goes on but privateering. He
thinks there are 100 from the several parts of the continent.
The Assembly have 112 at the publick charge. He says
Indian corn is 5/- p bushel in paper money, which is near
double what it used to be in silver and gold; so that their
bills are sunk near }. He saw Dr. Pemberton, and does not
remember any of note lately dead.
6th.--Dined with Peggy at M. Ellis's. A sudden motion in
the House of Commons made by Lord Jnº. Cavendish, to
address the King to revise instruction, &c., agreeable to Lord
Howe's, and General Howe's declaration, kept part of our
company, and M. Ellis himself, in the House of Commons, and
I dined with only three or four ladies without them. Burke
spoke an hour, and among other things said the proclamation
for a fast was little better than a blasphemy. Lord North sent
112 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
out for all his troops, but mustered only 109; the minority
were 47.
In the evening the Bishops of London and Chester, and
ladies, Lord Buckinghamshire's] Lady, Lord Harrowby, Sir
Grey Cooper, M. Jenkinson, Mº Cornwall, Mº Hunter, &c., with
several ladies. I recº two letters from Mº Jon. Clarke at
Montreal, the last 15 Sept. which I sent to Lord George.
7th.-At Lord North's Levée, who, among other things said
he had rec' a very good Pamphlet under a cover which he took
to be my hand writing. Asked if I wrote it, &c. . . .
8th. This and the three last days have been remarkably
foggy. . . .
9th.-Lord Mayor's Day, which the Americans say, is not
equal to our Election or Commencement Parades. . . .
10th-At the Temple church. . . .
11th.-[Remarks about the change of Lord Mayors.]
12th.--Two or three transports arriving from New York
caused a report that there was fresh news. . . .
Nobody seems to doubt that the fleet and army with
Carleton and Burgoyne embarked on the Lakes the 2" and
third of October. The fleet consists of a 20-gun ship, a Rideau
or floating battery of six 12-pounders, and six 24-pound"; a
gondola of 10 guns; 2 Scooners 16 guns each, and a great
number of boats with a cannon in each : so that, though thes
rebels have more in number, the King's force seems to exceed
in weight. . . .
13th.-Called upon M Ellis. By his advice I wrote the
following, to accompany the letter to a noble Lord, &c.
“Governor Hutchinson, being prompted by zeal for your
Majesty's service, and a desire to expose, and as far as may be
to frustrate, the very criminal designs of the leaders of your
Majesty's deluded unhappy American subjects, has wrote, and
caused to be plinted a small Pamphlet, which he begs leave to
lay at your Majesty's feet, humbly entreating your Majesty's
forgiveness of this presumption.”
14th.-I sent the letter, &c. under cover, with direction, To
the King, by a servant out of livery, to the Queen's Palace, to
be delivered to the porter, with my desire that he would give
§: DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 113
it to the Page in waiting. The porter asked the servant if he
was to wait for an answer ? and upon being told he was not to
wait, promised immediately to deliver it.*
A large fleet from Jamaica, above 100 sail, came out under
convoy of two men-of-war, which saw them thro’ the Gulf, and
then one returned to Jamaica : the other, the Pallas, soon after
left the fleet, or the fleet left her, and it is said, carried one
ship only into Newfoundland. One of the fleet arrived to-day,
above 13 weeks out, and gives an account of many vessels taken
by the American privateers. It is said that one half the fleet
are missing. One Jamaica house had 3 ships taken, and have
stop'd payment for 400,000£, as the report is. My broker tells
me to-day, several more must go, and many will suffer greatly
by this great failure. The West India merchants, Jamaica
especially, have encouraged the American revolt, and pay very
dearly for it.
15th.-More captures by the privateers. Mº Geo. Apthorpe
in England receives a letter from America, sent by R. Temple.
Details of no moment.]
16th.-[Letter from New York of Oct. 10, saying the last
division of the Hessians had arrived out.]
17th-At the Old Jewry. . . .
18th-M" Murray, &c., Robinson and wife, Dudley and
Rome, dined with us. . . . The papers say Cap. Cornwallis in
the Pallas, is arrived at Portsm". His conduct as Convoy to the
Jamaica fleet is censured, but he has not been heard. . . .
19th-A very dark foggy drizzling forenoon again. . . .
Lord Hardwicke called. . . . Lord Oxford . . . who, Lord H.
says, is a very worthy good man. . .
20th-The wind shifted to west. . . . Peggy and I dined at
M* Robinson's . . . Navy Bills. . . .
21st.—At Court : a very full Drawing Room, Ladies
especially. The old Dutchess of Bedford I had not seen before,
since my being this time in England. The Duke of Montagu
—I never observed so much of his person and demeanor. A
Russian lady was there with a Red Ribband, which she wore
* This pamphlet seems to have been put forth without the author's name.
N. º pamphlet is found among the family papers, and it is unknown to
the Editor.
WOL. II, I
114 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. #.
over her shoulder, as the Knt” of the Bath do theirs; had her
son with her, a very pretty boy about the age of the Prince of
Wales [Fourteen.] She was the chief adviser and actress in
the late revolution—brought the Czarina the Badge of the
Order which the Czar wore, with the news of his death, when
the Czarina delivered her the Badge which she had on herself.
It is said that this Lady gave the Czar the doze [dose] which
put him asleep. It's thought the present Czarina encourages
her travelling, being rather troublesome, if not dangerous, at
home. She has been in England before. She now desired to
see the Queen, not in publick and at Court, but it was not
thought proper, and submitted to come to the King to-day. I
think she is called the Princess Deskau.”
The Queen never spoke with more freedom and condescension
at any time of my being at Court; lamented the burning of
the city of New York, &c.
Lord Talbot was very polite; said he hoped Ministry con-
sulted me, but it is certain they do not. Saw Admiral Montagu
at Court, the first time since his return from Newfoundland.
Dined at M* Jenkinson's, &c. -
Lord Buckinghamshire's appointment to be L* L' of Ireland
made publick, and to-morrow he is to kiss the King's hand,
L* Hillsborough, Rochfort, and Dartmouth, all talked of
From L' H.’s conversation with me, he does not like being
passed over. Lº D. I doubt not might have gone if he would.
Now the L* Lieut. are obliged to reside for 4 or 5 years, the
post is not so much coveted as it used to be. It is worth
16,000£ a year, and 3,000£ is allowed to fix out, but the
expense of living is great. Lord Harcourt I never saw. His
two predecessors L" Townshend and L' Hertford do not seem
to have been appointed from anything very shining in their
* The Czarina Catherine II., was the daughter of Christian Augustus of
Amhalt-Zerbst. At the age of fourteen she was married to the Duke of
Holstein, afterwards Peter III. He was dethroned by a rapid course of
events, in which the Empress was the principal mover, and she assumed the
government alone June 28, O.S. 1762. He died a prisoner a few days after-
wards, “by an hemorrhoidal accident,” as the manifesto of July 7, issued by
the Empress, made it known to the world. She was then 33, of a fine person,
and great vigour of mind... The Princess who is said to have given the sleep-
ing dose, was the talk of all Europe.
;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 115
characters. It is said much depends on their Secretaries.
The two last, Maccartney and Blaquiere, were made Knt" of the
Bath upon their return.” The latter seems but a moderate
genius, and the former not much superior. He is son-in-law
to Lº Bute, and lately made an Irish peer.
22nd.—Two vessells from Quebec, which they left the 25th
of October. Mº Mauduit has a letter of the 17th from M*
Clarke at Montreal, and a postsc'. I think of the 20th, with
advice of the defeat of all the rebel force on the Lake, the
13th, 14th, and 15th of the month, and the King's troops
landing at Crown Point, w” had been set on fire and deserted,
and proceeding to Ticonderoga, but no account of the state of
that place. Other accounts say that Carleton had dismissed
and sent home all the prisoners, which nobody here attempts
to account for. One of the gun-boats with one of the
Ring's officers and a number of men, was blown up in the
action. Carleton had a prodigious force. Some blame him
for taking up so much time in preparing it, while others think
it was right to make success as sure as human skill can do.
Dined at D* Huck's. . . .
The letter mentioned above, as having been sent by Mr. Clarke
from Montreal, has not been preserved; but there is an Original
letter of Lord George Germain, in which he thanks Mr. Hutchin-
son for having given him a sight of it, or what was apparently
the same, though there is some little looseness in handling the
dates. It runs as follows, in a large hand, not very clear, and
Somewhat blotted, having been folded whilst it was wet:—
“Lord George Germain returns Governor Hutchinson many
thanks for communicating to him the enclos'd letters: that from
Mº Clarke of the 27th of Septemb" gives a more unfavourable
account of our preparations for passing the Lakes than any that
has been yet received. Lord George begins to doubt whether the
season will not be too far advanced for making any progress this
Campaign.
“Pall Mall, Novº [date obscure] 1776.”
23rd–I find nothing to-day of blowing up the gunboat, and
it may be a mistake. Lieut' Dacres arrived with letters from
General Carleton and Cap" Douglass.
* Mentioned at p. 204, vol. i.
I 2
116 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. Nº.
24th.-At the Temple. . . . The Gazette gives Carlton's
letter : short, and as it is generally said, wrote as if he was out
of humour. . . . In the evening went with Dr Douglass to Lord
Mansfield's, and Lord Chancellor's couchées, where were Lord
Cassilis, the new Scotch Peer in Parliament, L* Barrington,
S' Charles Whitworth, Soame Jenyns, Mº Norton, Ord, Neville,
Day, going to Bengal Advocate General, Gilbert, Wilmot,
Bishop of Litchfield, Sir Sampson Gideon, &c.
Coming home Doctor Douglass mentioned Doctor Franklin's
charging Dean Tucker with saying he had applied for the
place of Stamp Master, as a falsehood. It's true, says the
Doctor, he did not apply for the Stamp Master's place, but he
applied to the Commissioners of the Stamp Office that he
might have the stamping of all the paper, which would have
been more profitable to him than the place of Stamp Master.
This, the Doctor added, was told me by [blank] but he was
living then, and I had no authority from him to make public
what he told me.
25th.-The news from New York of an action, which has
been rumoured for two or three days, seems to gain a degree of
belief to-day. Mauduit shewed me copy of a letter one of his
friends has rec" from Whitehaven, dated the 19th Inst., that
two vessels were come in from Corke, with intelligence that six
transports which sailed from N. York the 18th of October were
arrived at Corke: that on the 15th, 16th, and 17th, the King's
forces attacked the rebels at King'sbridge, &c., dislodged
Washington, killed, wounded and made prisoners 7,000, with
the loss of 14 or 1500 of the King's forces.
Lord Townshend sent me a letter he had received from Cap"
Blomefield, dated Crown Point, 16th October; the account of
the action on the Lake much the same w” the Gazette, only he
says Arnold fought bravely, and that if they had all done
as well, they would have overpowered the gunboats, and
Carleton's scooner, before the other vessels could have joined
them ; but the rest of the rebel vessels thought of nothing but
an escape."
* Serjeant Lamb, in his Journal of the American War, speaks in high
terms of the bravery of Arnold on this occasion, page 111. Gen. Carleton
§l DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS ITUTCITINSON. 117
He says Carlton had received such intelligence of the naval
force on the Lake, that he thought it a risque to take the army
with him in batteaux until that force was subdued, which part
of his conduct is much approved of in England : but then
Blomefield disapproves of the intention to take post at Crown
Point, and says they have a moral certainty of success at
Ticonderoga, where they were expected, the army there lying
every night upon their arms. A small part only of the
army was ordered to Crown Point when Blomefield's letter was
dated.
Carleton is spoke of as a man of strong resentment," as
prejudiced against Lord George, and dissatisfied at not having a
general command, Howe being his junior in the army; and
Some suppose he will not do any more than keep his own
government clear of the rebels. It is also generally known
that Burgoyne and he do not agree. Burgoyne, it is said, is
coming home.
Dined at Master Holford's. . . .
26th.-At Lord Hardwicke's. . . . L' H. made me a present
of his collection of Sir D. Carleton’s Letters, in Quarto.f . . .
At Lord Gage's, where I saw the General, and Parson Mitchel
of Brighthelmstone. Lº G. says L' Derby told him he had a
letter from Burgoyne Oct. 16" at Crown Pht.
27th.-Further reports by other transports, &c. [Only
reports.] Dined with Peggy at M Ellis's :—M. Dunbar, who
M. Ellis calls his brother-in-law, M Harris of Salisbury, MI;
Hooper of the Customs, M. Halsell, Clerk of the H. of Commons,
and Paxton. I have seldom dined where there has been a
was on board the Maria, Cap. Tringle. The English fleet chased the
Americans, who were making for Crown Point, and after seven hours the
Maria with two others came up with them and began the action. The
Washington galley struck; Arnold in the Congress galley, and five gondolas,
ran on shore and blew up the vessels. “The killed and wounded in our
fleet did not amount to forty.” Out of fifteen American armed vessels which
engaged our fleet in the morning, only three escaped. Upon this the
Americans burnt all the buildings at Crown Point, and then retired to
Ticonderoga, when Carleton landed at Crown Point, and was there joined by
the English army.
* Carleton was good at bottom. Amburey, i. 72, speaks of him as having
“a good-natured, affable disposition.”
f These are not forthcoming now.
118 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
more sensible conversation. A fact mentioned by Halsell I
never heard before—that Burke, when he was at the Temple
and about 22, wrote a then famous pamphlet to shew that a
state of nature was to be preferred to a state of society, a well
wrote piece to imitate Lord Bolinbroke, and which I remember
was believed in America to be wrote by him, but was after-
wards said to be the performance of a Templar.
A cold day. At Kensington before dinner, Mº Heald's, and
at Brompton.
28th.-In the city. . . . Dined with Gen. Gage. .
29th.-[Rumours unconfirmed.]
30th.-In Parliament Street I met Lord Amherst. [Talk
about Carleton.] -
M. Strahan, and afterwards Soame Jenyns called upon me.
Strahan says he has under Franklin's hand, extract of his
letter which he wrote to Boston, to accompany the letters to
Whately, which Franklin sent there, and Strahan promises to
send it to me. -
December 1st.—At the Old Jewry. . . .
2nd.—Called upon M Ellis. . . .
3rd.—M* Nicolls, Lieutenant in the navy, who says he
dined several times with me at Boston, called, being lately
returned from the West Indies. . . . At Hardwicke's. . . .
4th.-In the coach with M. Greene to Highgate. . . .
5th.-Reports . . . groundless. At Lord Huntingdon's. . . .
6th.-At the Ring's Levée, Court in mourning one week for
a German Princess. . .
Just as I was going to bed a sollicitor brought me a letter
from Mº Robinson of the Treasury, desiring I would assist the
sollicitor in procuring evidence to facts to be proved in a cause
against some printers of the account of the affair at Lexington,
wºn is to be had at 9 o'clock to-morrow morning. The Sollicitor
wanted one to swear that Lexington and Concord are in
Mass Bay. I wrote to Flucker to desire him to attend, and
gave the letter to a servant, with a charge to go to Flucker's
and call him up before 8 o'clock, which in these dark foggy
days is as soon as anybody inclines to rise.
7th.-The printers found guilty after a very short trial. . .

#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON. 119
8th.—At the Temple. In the evening I hear it said that
an express is come from Portsmouth with an account of a fire
in the Dock-yard there.
9th.-News of the fire at Portsmouth proves too true. It
began in the Store-house for hemp and cordage, which house
is said to be wholly burnt, being a very long building; but
what value of stores is consumed is not mentioned.
An account in the papers taken from the Philadelphia
papers, of the proceedings of the Howes through Lord
Drummond, and afterwards through Sullivan, with the Con-
ference held with the Howes and Franklin, John Adams, and
Rutledge from the Congress, all printed by the Congress,
causes great speculation. Lord Townshend called in a perfect
rage, and hints that they may make what agreement they will,
but Parliament must finally approve it. I supposed it to be
true that there bas been such a Conference, but doubt not Lord
Howe will deny some part of what the Congress publish.
Met M. Fitch, King's Advocate for Massachusets Bay, who
arrived Saturday evening from Ireland. Lº Governor Oliver
called. Called upon Sir Robert Eden in Queen Street—from
home.
10th.-A Man-of-War from Quebec, sailed about a week
in November.” General Burgoyne and his Aide-du-camp
come in her: left Carleton at Crown Point, but expected soon
at Quebec. Burgoyne, it is said, went out with a resolution to
return before winter. . . .
11th.-M' W. Palmer, son of my old friend Eliakim Palmer,
long since deceased, dined with me, Col. Phips, Vassall, Lº
Gov., and Paxton. In the evening at Lord Hardwicke's,
where was Sir Francis Clerke, Aide-du-camp to Burgoyne. . . .
Under this same date the following entry is found in the Diary
of Judge Oliver—
“December 11,–This day I attended the Levée of Lord George
Germain, his Majesty's Secretary of State for America, where,
in private audience, his Lordship treated me with great politeness,
affability, and friendship. His character in private life is amiable,
* Amburey, writing from Quebec, Oct. 30, says, “General Carleton and
General Burgoyne are both here, the latter of whom sails for England in a
few days.”
120 DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON ſº.
his good sense qualifies him from his department, and his firmness
of mind renders him equal to the subdual of an American
Rebellion.”
12th.--—At M* Jenkinson’s. . . .
13th–A Fast on account of the American war, observed
with strictness and great external devotion, the churches
crowded more than ever known on Sundays,” and shops
everywhere shut, and few people to be seen in the streets. . . .
14th.-In the city. . . .
15th–At the Old Jewry.—M" White. Dined with Peggy
at Lord Hardwicke's. Mº Crinsley [?] from Quebec called.
He says he saw an officer there who left Crown Point Nov. 2nd
in the morning, and Carleton with the last of the forces, was
to leave in the afternoon. Carleton's nephew, with a party of
Indians, bro’t off 100 head of cattle from within a mile of
Ticonderoga. . . .
16th-At Brompton Row.f . . .
17th.-A letter to the Admiralty. [Nothing definite.]
18.-No news yet. . . . Brook Watson arrived from
Quebec. . . . - -
19th.-The despatches by the Fowey, and Lord Dunmore
who was passenger, come to town. No letter from Gen' Howe,
but one from Lord Howe to the Admiralty. It is agreed that
part of the troops crossed over to West Chester from the East
River, and attacked the rebels in their entrenchments, and
drove them to the main body at Kingsbridge. It is said near
200 of the R.” troops are killed. Col” Carr, Cap" Creagh, [?]
and other officers; that the rebels a day or two after, retreated
from Kingsbridge to the Manor of Courtland, leaving about
2000 in Fort Washington at Kingsbridge, and that Howe
with the body of the army, was pursuing the enemy.
In the evening Lord Townshend sent me a long letter he
had received from Major Dilkes, dated Nov. 3rd, with a
particular account of the action. A detachment or brigade
landed first, the 11th, and had some skirmishes: then the 17th
* According to Augustus De Morgan's Book of Almanacs, it was now
Friday.
f Where his son Thomas, with his wife and children, was then living.
Pººj DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 121
-----— --->
–25th, and at last the 28th October, when was the principal
action. He speaks very contemptuously of the enemy : calls
them Rascals, Cowards, &c., and they seemed to be well
fortified; but it is certain they killed near 200; and though
the King's troops had the advantage of pursuing them, yet it
does not appear that the loss was much different.
Wrote to my brother [Foster] at Halifax by M. Selkrigg.
20th.-Dined at Mº Masere's. . . .
21st.—Wrote this evening to M Ellis a very particular
account of the proceedings at New York, from the 11th to the
28th of October. . . .
22nd.—At the Temple. . . .
23rd.—Gilbert Deblois arrived in one of the transports from
New York. More letters appear which encourage hopes of
reconciliation. I think the Machine too unwieldy for the
Congress to manage, and keep the several parts together. In
the evening at Mº Copley's. . . .
24th.--Doctor Chandler read part of a letter from his cor-
respond." Ingolls at New York, which gives an accº of the
negotiations —says that Lord Howe thought it necessary
upon his arrival, his powers should be known : sent a message
by a flagg to “G. Washington Esq.,” which was sent back
unopened, Washington saying he knew no such person : that
Col” Paterson was sent a second time, under pretence of
demanding the discharge” of the regiment taken at Sº John's,
who were to be exchanged for the men taken at the Cedars.
What passed then he does not say, but a flag afterwards came
from Washington by — Reed, his secretary, who married De
Berdt's daughter, and who flourished away upon the oppressions
and tyrannies which had made it necessary for the Colonists
to take up arms. He was cut short by Lord Howe, who de-
manded what message he had, or whether any ? “He came
to be informed upon what terms his L'ship proposed to treat.”
Lord Howe said he did not propose to treat while they con-
tinued in arms: that upon their laying down their arms and
* The word “discharge " has been subsequently underlined, and the word
“release” has been written over it, thus giving the reader his choice of the
two words. It is in the same handwriting as the Diary.
122 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
1776.
submitting to Government, he was authorised to give them
assurances of everything they could in reason desire : if they
refused and chose fighting rather than submission, he would
give them assurances they should have enough of it.
Lord Howe also sent copies of his Declaration to Amboy
to be d" [delivered PI to the Commander of the rebel forces
there, with letters or copies of the Declaration, under covers
directed to several of the Congress, which were forwarded to
them, but treated with neglect.
After the battle on Brookland, [Brooklyn] when Sullivan was
taken prisoner, he informed the two brothers that he did not
doubt if he might have liberty to go to the Congress, he
should be able to convince them of the expedience of appoint-
ing persons to hear what his Lordship had to offer, and that
it would be attended with success, &c. Sullivan was allowed
to go upon his parole, and returned in 8 days. Soon after a
flagg came from the Congress to desire safe conduct for
Franklin, Jn" Adams, and Rutledge, which was granted, and
they came in, and upon the first meeting Lord Howe desired to
know in what character they considered themselves? John
Adams answered—“As Delegates from the Free and Inde-
pendent States of North America.” Upon which Lord Howe
said that he had nothing to offer them, and withdrew. Whether
this be a full account, or whether what the Congress has
published passed at this time, or whether they have heard
what Lord Howe may have said at other times, and in other
companies, and made it part of this conversation, time may
discover. -
Dined with Sergeant Ambler, &c.
25th.-At the Temple. . . .
26th.-Set out with Peggy in [a] postchaise 4 past nine,
and arrived at Tylney Hall by three. Mº S' John and wife,
and a Clergyman Mº Courtenay, dined there: no company
besides the Chaplain Mº Jones, in the family.
27th.—An uncomfortable day: cold, especially in this vast
large house: squalls of snow: probably rain in London. The
Duke and Dutchess of Bolton dined at M' Ellis's, with Miss
Lowther, sister to the Dutchess, and to Sir James Lowther,
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 123
and a Clergyman, M. Pawlet, a natural son to the last Duke of
Bolton but one, by the famous Polly Pecham, her name, from
the part she acted in the Beggar's Opera, but her real name
[was] Fenton. The Duke had three or four children by her
while his Dutchess lived, and as soon as she was dead married
her, but had no child afterwards, and the title went to a
collateral Pawlet, brother to the present Duke, who died
without issue, and so the title came to this brother.
This Clergyman's mother was an ordinary girl on the stage,
employed on some occasions, and in a starving condition, just
before M* Gay wrote his Beggar's Opera : taking the part of
Polly, she charmed the town; but the D. of Bolton was the
man who took her off the stage. She did many kind things
while she was the Duke's mistress, and behaved extremely well
while she was his Dutchess; and at his death was supposed to
have had 50 or 60 thous" pounds of his fortune, but then
married a tall Irishman, Kelly, spent her fortune, turned sot,
and died miserably, and neglected providing for her children.
This son has said she was the most unnatural mother that ever
man had. The present Duke is no genius, but is an affable
easy talking man, and neither his Dutchess nor he are any way
haughty or assuming.”
28th.-With M* Ellis and Mº Jones to Odiam, &c.
29th.-I kept house, the weather being cold; and a cold
which I brought from London not decreasing. -
The post brings M Ellis, in writing, I suppose from
M. D'Oyly, as it is from Whitehall, intelligence brought from
Linn [Lynn] in Mass. Bay, November 26", that the day before
an express came from Gen. Lee, advising the taking Fort
Washington on the 16" by storm, with 3000 men killed and
made prisoners: that orders came to Linn from Boston to send
* John Gay was born in 1688, and the Beggar's Opera appeared in 1727,
Some fifty years prior to the date in the Diary to which we have arrived.
Polly Pecham was in her theatrical glory as long as the Opera was popular.
Her silly second marriage produced the results that might have been expected.
She would have been a wise woman had she maintained her widowhood as
the unfettered Duchess of Bolton. As to one of her sons speaking of her as
an unnatural mother and neglecting her children, perhaps, being now linked
to a sot and a spendthrift, she may have lost her control over her l'éSOUlrCeS
and no longer able to do the thing she would. ~,
124 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
every 4” man to supply the place of every 5” who were to
be discharged the 31 Dec.; but many said they would not go:
that Washington was at Kips * Kill, and Lee at an advanced
post between Kipskill and Kingsbridge.
This account is very probable. The intelligence is further,
that the people in Mass” said, upon the taking of Fort Washing-
ton, it was all over with them, and wished they had hearkened
to the proposals made them. This may have been the
Sentiment of some, but I fear is not yet the general sentiment.
30th.-M* Ellis and lady, M. Agar, my daughter and I,
dined at the Duke of Bolton's at Hackwood, where we found
Sir Philip Jennings, Cust, [or Clerk], Mº Corbet and his wife,
Lady Augusta, daughter of Lord Bute, Mº Lane, who I can
learn nothing of, and the Duke's family.
In the evening came in from London Sir James Lowther,
and Sir Mich. Fleming, neither of whom I had ever seen
before, and a Clergyman of the name of Watson. They
reported that Cap" Gardner was arrived from N. York:
confirmed the taking Fort Washington, and also Fort Consti-
tution, with the loss of 700 of the King's troops, which latter
circumstance I hope is not true. . . .
31st.—I must do penance to-day for the fault of yesterday,
and not go abroad tho’ the weather is very fine. Mº Jenkinson
and his young son were a-bed when we came home last night,
and breakfasted with us this morning, coming yesterday from
Sherborn. Mr Ellis receives a Gazette extraordinary of yester-
day from M* D'oyly with intelligence to Nov. 30, when Fort
Washington, with 2700 men, and Fort Lee, with between 1 and
200 had surrendered, the last on the Jersey side, from whence,
or the environs, 2000 men narrowly escaped. Gen' Howe says
he did not think it necessary to follow Washington, or to that
effect, which occasions speculation in this family.
Lord Cornwallis was in pursuit of the rebels, who were
retreating towards Brunswick. How far he was likely to follow
is not said. As he had 7 or 8000 men, it is the opinion here
he would run no risk if he marched to Philadelphia.
* Should be Peek's. This foot-note is in the Diary, and added subsequently
by Gov. H.
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 125
I wrote to Mº Winslow. . . .
Thus goes out the year 1776, at which period the fortunes of
the Americans were very low. The series of disasters that they
had suffered immediately following the battle of Brooklyn, had
reduced and demoralised their army, and had created an alarm
bordering on despair amongst all Orders of men who had cast their
lot into the cause of open rebellion. If the Howes had followed up
the advantages gained on Long Island, and had prosecuted them
rapidly and vigorously through all the transactions that took
place at the subsequent battles, and the retreat to Philadelphia,
it is not too much to suppose that they would have brought the
war to a speedy close. Most of the historians who have followed
these events have commented on the unaccountable tactics of
General Howe, and it appears that his conduct did not now
escape the notice of Mr. Ellis's party at Tylney Hall, as mentioned
above.
( 126 ) #.
CHAPTER II.
CONTINUATION OF THE DIARY,
BEGINNING WITH THE YEAR 1777.
January 1st-A letter from my son [Thomas] at Brompton,
enclosing the Gazette, all being as well as I left them.
M* Ellis's letters from London say that L" Cornwallis, Win-
chelsea, and Shuldam are now on their passage for England.
This puts an end to all expectation of further service this
campaign, and affords another subject for Newspaper animad-
versions, the plan of American measures, and the execution
of it.
2nd.—M* Jenkinson with his son left . . . [Bad cold.]
3rd.—[Confined with his cold.] -
4th.-Upon the whole, I feel better . . . [M Paxton and
Adm' Montagu arrived.]
5th.-[Cold still bad.] The post brings me a letter and
N. York newspapers from Mº Mauduit. A Proclamation of Lº
and Gen. Howe, promising pardon to all without exception,
who shall within 60 days come in and subscribe a declaration
to remain in peaceable obedience to the King, and not to take
up arms against his authority, nor excite or encourage others
to do it. Mauduit says it is easier to obtain pardon for rebelling
than not rebelling: for at S. Carolina they have hung a Scotch
Presbyterian] Minister for being inimical to the liberties of
America. Mº Ellis disapproves of a promise of pardon without
exception. It looks as if they intended to keep possession of
the Jerseys, and to take possession of Rhode Island, Clinton
having sailed the 1st of December.
Returned the papers by post in letters to Mº Mauduit.
6th.-A cold day. . . .
#.] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 127
7th–A very cold day: the water freezes fast in my cham-
ber. . . . [Speculations about the future of America.
8th. The cold increases. ... set out at 10, and was in London
10 minutes after 3*. . .
9th–Kept house . . .
10th.-I walked as far as High Street. . . .
11th. In the city to visit M* Grant . . . from Newport,
IRhode Island. She thinks the town of Newport will be burnt
. . . I asked if she saw my tenant Pierce . . . she answered
No. . . .
12th.-A wet damp day . . .
13th.-A warm fair day . . .
14th.-Lieutenant Brenton, returned from Halifax, called
upon me. . . Dined at Mº Jackson's, South" Buildings, my two
sons E. and W. Found Gov. Pownall of the company, who was
civil.f . . . -
Gov. Pownall said that a son of Sir Gilbert Eliot, coming
through France, stopped at a house of Madame—I forget the
name—where he saw Ben. Franklin, Silas Deane, and the
Duke de Choiseul.
15th.-Called upon M Ellis. At the King's Levée. Dined
at Sº James Wright's . . .
16th.-M* Ellis called and spent half an hour. . . .
* An original letter of Jan. 8, from Mr. Jonathan Binney at Halifax,
informs us that he had sent the Gov. two quintals of fish. Mr. Binney
thinks that the American game is nearly played out. “The American game
I hope is near over,” he says, “as I make no doubt long before this, General
Howe is at Philadelphia, and General Clinton at Boston, as he had got
possession of Rhode Island long since.”
f This is faint praise. Powmall and the Governor were not exactly in
accord when in America, on their principles of government. The latter was
strictly a constitutional man, and perhaps he knew the Americans well
enough to know, that where the spirit of liberty was disposed to run into the
superlative, that spirit, for prudential reasons, rather needed the curb ; whilst
the former, not dreaming of danger, sought popularity and won it, by not
discouraging the growing fashion. The relations between them were there-
fore a little strained. And when Pownall came to England, he supported
the aspirations of the Americans in Parliament, until he saw that they were
advancing from liberty into open rebellion. He had sown the Dragon’s
tooth, and now the monster was rampant in the land; so he turned about,
and making overtures to Lord North, he entered the House this time to
support the Tory Ministry, and he resisted the pretentions of the very people
whom he had once encouraged. If he was out of humour with Mr. Hutchin-
son, he was probably as much out of humour with himself.
128 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
17th.-An exceeding thick fog. . . .
18th-Celebrated as the Queen's birthday. At Court: Peggy
also, with M* Ellis. . . .
To the Chief Justice Peter Oliver the scene at Court was a
novelty, and the following description of it may be extracted from
his Diary:-
“January 18th.--This day is celebrated as the Queen's Birthday.
She was born on 19th May 1744, but it coming so near to the King's
Birthday, who was born on 4th June 1738, and some inconveni-
ences arising on the days happening so near to each other, the
Queen's is always celebrated Jan. 18th.
“I went to Court, and here appeared brilliancy in its splendor.
Before their Majesties appeared, 3 or 4 of the young Princes were
introduced. The Prince of Wales exhibited an open, sensible, and
active temper: Prince Frederick, the Bishop of Osnaburgh, is a fine
youth with a manly, sensible behavior: one of the young Princes,
abº 5 or 6 years old, behaved very genteelly, and chatted a great deal
wºn the foreign Ambassadors and others. Virgil's—Jam nova pro-
genies, recurred to the mind.
“Their Majesties soon entered : the King was richly dressed in
honor to the Queen, and was very polite and affable to the company:
the Queen appeared in the simplea munditiis, for she is not in high
dress on her Birthday, but on the King's Birthday she shines with
brilliance. Her Majesty walk’d round and conversed with every
lady; and tho' she is not a perfect beauty as a meer object, yet
her sweet temper, her royal Condescension, and her engaging
affability, rivalled the charms of Venus. She is of so amiably a
good temper, and adorned with so much virtue, and meddles so
little with public affairs, that whenever Scandal herself recollects
her Majesty, she at the same time recollects the-digito compresse
labellum.
“But amidst this parade of Royalty, which is necessary, I could
not help pitying those who were obliged to encounter the fatigues
of it; but every species of roses hath its disagreeable prickles.”
19th.-At the Old Jewry.
Mauduit called in the evening. The Gazette of last night
offers pardon to all but the principal offender for discovery of
the persons concerned in setting fire to two ships, and attempt-
ing to set fire to several houses, whereby the whole city with
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCLINSON. 129
its vast wealth, was in danger of being destroyed ; and sub-
scriptions had been made for a reward to the amount of 500;
or upwards.
Drizzling weather.
20th.-My son E., my daughter, and I, dined with Mº Paul
Wentworth. Sº Charles Douglass, Mº Duke, of Barbadoes,
Col” Phips, and Vassall,” Perkins and wife, and Gov" Went-
worth's lady. Paul Wentworth says Lee, who is called Junius
Americanus, is in France with Franklin, and that Deane and
Lee are joined with Franklin by the Congress. Strange if Lee
should return to England, and no notice be taken of it.
Sº Cha. Douglass was Commander of the Iris at Quebec, and
upon his return was made a Bart. ;-a plain open man without
Ostentation or vanity: drinks no wine, and be says scarce any
other drink but tea twice a day. *
The city of Bristol said to be on fire, when an express came
away the 19th at 8 o'clock in the morning.
21st.—Account from Bristol that the fire was suppressed on
the 19th after burning down a row of warehouses, but combus-
tible matter discovered to be laid with design in divers parts of
the city, which keeps the inhabitants in terror. . . .
A ship which had been taken by the Americans bro’t into
Plimouth by the crew, which rose upon their captors. A report
on ‘Change that Clinton had possessed himself of R". Island
without opposition. *.
A master of a ship named Hill, who had been taken and
carried into Plimouth, N. England, bro’t a letter to my son E.
from his wife, dated the 20" Nov. He came away the 22" to
Nantz, and from France to England. They had not heard of
Washington's leaving Ringsbridge, and talked as if they ex-
pected Government would be tired : were full of business made
by the privateers. The paper money sank fast. My daughter
* “Col. Phips, the High Sheriff of Middlesex, [America], was obliged to
promise not to serve any Processes of Courts, and retired to Doston for
protection.”
“William Vassall, Esq., a man of fortune and quite inoffensive in his
publick conduct, tho' a Loyalist, was travelling with his Lady from Boston
to his scat at Bristol in Rhode Island Government, about 60 miles from
Doston, were pelted by the mob in Bristol, to the endangering of their lives.”
—Notes by Ch. Just. Oliver.
WOL. II. IX
130 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
[in-law] says, if you have anything to part with, you may buy
as much money with it as you please.
tº 22nd.—The Mercury, James Montagu, arrived yesterday at
Portsmouth, and an express to-day with letters from Clinton
and S. P. Parker Dec. 8, from Rhode Island, which they took
possession of the 7", without any opposition, the rebels retreating
to Bristol Ferry, which they crossed, about 3000: three of
Hopkins's squadron, and three or four smaller privateers running
up to Providence, where S. P. P. writes, he should give a good
account of them. Clinton was sending forces to take possession
of Conanicut and Prudence.
A ship with large quantity of cloathing taken by one of
Hopkins's squadron. .
23rd.—At Lord North's Levée to introduce M* Fitch.
* Mº Hutchinson* of Q. Anne Street, who formerly was Gov.
of St. Helena, dying last week, the papers published the death
of William Hutchinson Esq., late Gov. of Mass. Bay. This
occasioned many complim" to me from the Bp. of Oxford, S'
Cha. Wentworth, Col. Egerton, M. Bacon, &c., &c., on seeing
me alive.
24th.-Reduced to writing the account which Cap" Hill gave
of the state of Boston, Plimouth, and sent it in a letter to
Lord George Germain, Scraps of divers of my letters printed
to-day with Remarks in the Publick Leger, most of which had
been printed in other papers.
25th.- . . . My Son E., T) Oliver, and Dan. Oliver, went as
mourners to Croydon to the funeral of Miss Katy Hutchinson,
one of the daughters of the late Eliakim H. Esq. --
26th.-At the Temple church. . . .
27th.-At Lord Hardwicke's. . . .
28th.-In the city, and called on M* Palmer, TJevonshire
Square, but missed him. At Dº Caner's. I spake to the
Bishop of London at Court in the Doctor's behalf, and to-day
the Bishop called, and brought an order on Mess" Drummond
for 100g, pay" to me for the use of Doctor Caner.
It is said to-day that Clinton found 4000 hlids, of sugar in
Newport, 1900 in possession of one man, all which he had laid
* I am not informed who this Mr. Hutchinson may have been.
#] DIAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 131
hands on. Account of an American privateer of 10 guns and
90 men, bro’t in to Plimouth, taken off Cape Finisterre.
29th.--Called on M D'Oyley. He says the Howes have
explained the Proclamation in their letters: have intimated
that at the expiration of the 60 days, other measures will be
proper for such as stand out.
M. Mason called. He has been 11 years in England upon
the business of the Mohegan Indians: came to ask information
about Laconia: supposes Jnº. Mason to whom it was granted
was his ancestor, and has petitioned to have the grant con-
firmed, or such part as has not been since granted or possessed.
I told him Mason was not his ancestor, and that if he had been,
it was a naked grant, which had been neglected 150 years, and
nobody could set up a claim under it.
Lord Hardwicke called and sat near an hour ; had much of
the history of his father the late Chancellor—told his son, not
long before the Chancellor's death, he feared this would be a
reign full of troubles. When asked what he thought of MI'
Grenville's scheme for taxing America, said—They had not
been used to taxes: told Abp. Secker, when he proposed
sending a Bishop, that the Americans left England to avoid
Bishops. The Chancellor was a Churchman, but a very
moderate one.
I received 100 by the Archbishop of Canterbury's order,
from Drummond's, for Dº Caner; the Bp. of London in a note
desires I would not pay it all in one payment:-I suppose
because none have had more than 504 at once. I paid him
50%, and have the other for another time.
30th. –Letters to Mº Lane from Corke, a Master of his being
arrived in a transport from Rhode Island, which sailed the 20
of December—says the troops had embarked, and were within
6 miles of Providence: that Clinton had let them know, if
they burnt the town or the ships, he would give no quarter.
31st.—[Reports—unconfirmed.] News of a ship with 412
hhds. of tobacco from Maryland, on accº of the Congress, bound
to France, brought in to Liverpool. The ship's company con-
sisted of eight seamen, Americans, and eight Europeans, four
of whom had been in American Service before, a Master and
K 2
132 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
Supercargo. The four Europeans, who had never been before
employed, laid the plot and sounded the other four, who
promised to be neuter. The first four took an opportunity to
secure the Master and Supercargo when in the cabin together,
and then the other four joined and subdued the rest of the
company:-secured a great number of letters and papers,
which are brought to the Admiralty. The ship was a large
transport, which had been taken with Highlanders, and must
go to the owners. The cargo, supposed worth 18 or 20,000£,
can have no legal owner or claimer, and must be the King's,
but its thought will be given to the eight Sailors.
I met M. Watts of the Council of New York. . . .
Tebruary 1st.—Mº De Grey, of Chandos Street, Cavendish
Square, called while I was at S. James Wright's, who gives up
all his intelligence from Georgia of a turn in favour of G',
as ill founded. Francklin,” who was L' Gov. of Nova Scotia,
and put out to make way for Arbuthnot, a man said to be very
unfit, has a new office made for him—Curator or Guardian of
Nova Scotia Indians, with 300% a year. They are so few in
number, that it must be a meer nominal place without
business.
[The intelligence in Lane's letters not confirmed.]
2nd.—Old Jewry. . . . The tobacco ship was taken by four
sailors only ; the other four Europeans being sick in their
cabins. . .
3rd.—A fine Sunshiny morning. . . .
Mr Lane's Master [of his ship] is come to town from Ireland:
says he saw Clinton within 5 miles of Providence, who enquired
the state of the country—any stone walls, &c. P and the Master
answered None; and now says the army might have marched
into town without opposition, but were waiting for artillery,
&c. He thinks they dare not burn the ships for fear Clinton
should destroy the town: says, not an eighth of the people of
Newport had left the town, and the rest in quiet possession of
their houses. . . . &
4th–In the city at my Banker's. Mauduit and Lane and
Fraser. Fraser says their Master left Newport the 17 Decemb.,
* Not of the family of Benjamin Franklin. The name differently spelt.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 133
and Clinton had only embarked that day, which differs from the
former account of the time of his sailing, and the place. When
he left Clinton, a ship [was] bro’t in by a man-of-war, bound
with fish from Newbury Port to Bilboa, Tilestone, Master, one
of Dr Pemberton's Meeting, who is come to town. It is said he
was in Boston December 2nd.
Lord Huntingdon called. . . .
5th.-At M. Palmer's in the Temple, and left my name.
Cap" Goodwin was sent to my house by Mess” Lane and
Fraser. He says the Master of the transport had orders the day
before he sailed to be ready at an hour's warning, and that it
was generally supposed they would go up to Patuxet, but the
weather was very cold when he sailed, and the wind continued
at NW 12 days, and they ran to the E of the Western Islands.
He says he knew of nobody of any note who left Rhode Island
upon the troops landing, except one John Collings, and those
who had been concerned in privateers, and that the day before
he sailed Judge Bowles, a great rebel, sent in his name to the
General, to take the benefit of the Proclamation.
I called on Mº Rome. -
6th-Called on M D'Oyley, where saw the famous planner
of grounds—Browne. . . .
This day Judge Oliver went to pay his respects to Lord North,
The following is taken from his Diary:-
“6th-Having never seen L" North, I attended his Levée at the
Treasury, where were many of the first characters, and where I
was politely received by his Lordship. I pitied him for the fat; gue
which he suffered in speaking to each person, it blinging to mind
those two lines of Cowley the Poet, wºn though they were desi gned
for the Attender, yet may be very justly applied to the person
waited upon, viz. –
‘Were I to curse the man I hate,
Let attendance and dependance be his fate.’
“But such parade is quite necessary in political life: it keeps up
distinctions, without which, as there is so little publick virtue,
goverment would verge too much towards anarchy—perhaps it leans
already beyond the centre of gravity; but unhappy they who hold
134 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCITINSON, ſº
the scale of Empire, subject to those forms, which every wise man
despises, and only endures the fatigues from the sole consideration
of their tendency to support the dignity and welfare of the common
weal.”
7th-Dined at Mauduit’s . . .
8th–At Lambeth with Chandler to thank the Archbp. for
the 100% to Dr. Caner . . .
Account in the paper to-day of Lady Faulkner's death, wife
to Gov. Pownall.”
Wrote to my tenant Pierce at Conanicut, f under cover to
Gov. Wanton, and both under cover to Mº Walter, or in his
absence to M* Isaac Winslow, New York.
An astonishing account of a forgery. Dº Dod, Preacher at
the Magdalen, having lived vainly much beyond his income,
went to a Broker to raise 42003 on a bond of Lord Chester-
field's, who, it was pretended, desired privacy. The Broker
procured the money, and the person to whom the bond was
made pay", gave an order on S^ Charles Raymond and co.
Bankers, and the money was paid to Dod. The Broker
observing there was but one witness, signed as another witness
himself. By accident, in transacting the affair, ink was spilt
on L" Chesterfield's name, and upon observing it, either the
Broker or the Obliger, tho’t it best to have a fair bond, and
went to Lord C. to desire him to take it back, and execute
another. L' C. said he never gave a bond to any man in his
life. This caused immediate inquiry after Dod, who was called
out of his room from a large company just going to dinner.
He sent in to desire his wife to go to dinner with the company,
and he was carried to S' John Fielding, who committed him to
the Counter. Last night and to-day he was carried before the
L" Mayor, and committed to Newgate. The parties complain-
ing were loth to be bound over to prosecute, but it was insisted
on. Dod was L' Chesterfield's Tutor, who came of age about a
* She was Harriet, daughter of Lieut. Gen. Churchill, and had been widow
of Sir Everard Faulkner. She died Feb. 6.
f Conanicut is an island in Rhode Island bay. Mr. H. inherited an estate
on it in right of his wife Margaret, daughter and co-heiress of William
Sanford. It was confiscatcd with the others, but part of its value recovered.
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 135
year ago, and gave him a living of 300% pan, and it is said that
for several years he has lived at the rate of 1200. Three
thousand pounds of the money Dod returned, and gave an order
for the rest, except 4 or 500%.
This is the strangest infatuation, so soon after Perreau’sº
detection that ever was:–Quos Deus vult perdere, dée. Dod has
wrote several pieces in high strains of devotion. I Once heard
a very pathetic Address from him to the Magdalens; but his
character has been very suspicious some time. The enemies of
religion will be apt to take the advantage, and triumph.
Peggy blooded by Dº Heberden's advice, having a bad cough,
and pain in her side. f
9th.-At the Temple: Dean of Rochester. At Court, and
in the Presence Chamber. Lord Ravensworth, who I had never
Seen before, spake to me. . . .
10th.-[Easterly winds.]
11th-The Bill for suspend. Hab. Corp. carried last night
in H. of C. by 190 odd to 40 odd. i. The Opposition loses its
weight. [Speculations about Howe, Clinton, &c.]
12th. A wet cold day: I kept at home. Lord Hardwicke
called to tell me Wallis was arrived : left Rh" Island 7" or 8"
of Jam'. No attempt on Providence: no other news. He says
the N. York paper has been produced, which mentions the
removal of the Congress from Philadelphia. He says the
Master of the vessel wº" brought it, received it from the
Master of a vessel bound to the W. Indies, who reported that
Howe was within 5 miles of Philadelphia. L' H. adds, that
he has it divers ways, that D* Franklin is down in the mouth,
and much neglected. -
12th. §—Cap. Wallace, in the Eageriment, came to town
from Rh" Island, which he left the 8" Jan’.
Clinton had done nothing: its said he is coming home. The
* See back Feb. 17, 1776.
f Peggy was now beginning to go down hill.
* † Adolphus and the Continuator of Hume both say 112 to 35. The
object of this Bill was “to detain and secure persons charged with, or
Suspected of high treason, committed in North America, Or on the high seas,
or the crime of piracy.” The numbers are corrected further on—the 18th,
§ The “12th " occurs twice over in the Diary.
136 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, [É.
taking the Hessians is confirmed. It's said the Americans had
cloathed themselves with the regimentals they had taken, and
the Hessians took them for part of the British forces. They
had a report at Newport, that Lesley had marched and
recovered the Hessians, but they say it was report only. They
further say that Lee was taken prisoner by Col” Harcourt, who
went out with 20 or 30 light horse to reconnoitre, and meeting
a countryman, they compelled him by threats, and he informed
of Lee's being in a farm house, at a few miles distance. The
light horse went immediately: were fired on by the Guard,
which fled. Lee fired two pistols from the house, and struck
Col” Harcourt's helmet; but being threatened with certain
death if they did not surrender, Lee threw open the doors, and
claimed the benefit of the Proclamation, but was told it was too
late. Other reports say that he told Col” Harcourt that he had
just reached the summit of his wishes, and was going to take
the command of the American army w” Washington had
resigned to him.
13th.-At Lord Huntingdon's. He read me a letter from a
natural son, a young officer in Clinton's army: mentions the
affair of the Hessians, and of Lee : he laments that this stroke
upon the Hessians had hapned at the close of the campaign :
says things will never go well here while we have no Minister.
If Lord N. had any spirit, he would take the direction of
everything : and if Lord Sandwich, in his department, did not
appoint proper Admirals, or did not order the cloathing, ord-
nance stores, &c., in such ships as that there should be not
danger of their falling into the enemy's hands, he should turn
him out: but now perhaps Shuldham will say—“If I can have
the command, and you will get me an Irish Peerage, I will
give you five thous" pounds:” and so Shuldham, tho' super-
annuated, or without understanding, he must be the man. The
IC. says he thinks he is his own Minister. Matters are talked
on 8/,” of an hour in the Cabinet, and the K. says—“Well, you
will take care of this, and you of that,” and then an hour or
two is spent in scandal—Lord such-an-one keeps such a
mistress, and Lady such-an-one has such a gallant: the Minis-
ters go and dine together, and late in the evening the Clerks
#j DIAR y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 137
are set to work, and may be write all night, &c. From this
state of the affairs at home, he feels what some people call a
misgiving as to the success of affairs abroad.
14th.-[Billy and his hoped for appointment.]
15th.-[Reports and rumours unconfirmed.]
16th.-At the Old Jewry . . .
17th.-Lord Gage called . . .
18th-|Regrets at the capture of the Hessians.] Charles
Fox said yesterday in the House of Com” that in France,
(where he has been), people thought very diff of the success in
America, from what we do here ; that they had no doubt the
Americans could support their independence; and if it should
prove that they could not without help, France and Spain
would declare for them. This was on the debate upon the Bill
for securing persons guilty, or suspected of treason in America,
which on a third reading was carried, 112 to 35, about the pro-
portion, or rather greater minority than at the second reading.
19th-[D' Heberden refuses his fees for Peggy.] Several
Americans—Flucker, Hallowell, Sewall, Phips, Dudley, Rome,
together w” Mauduit, dined with me to-day. The uncertain
state of the news from America furnished sufficient Subject for
conversation.
20th-Called on M Jenkinson . . .
21st.—A Snowy night . . .
I am tempted to quote one page of the Diary of Elisha Huchin-
son at this place, not that it contains anything very noteable, but
from the singularity of the order or sequence, or arrangement, in
which the entries have been made. The page comprises seven days,
namely, from the 23rd of Febuary, 1777 to the 1st of March in-
clusive; only the dates run upwards, or contrariwise, instead of
downwards:–
“Saturday, March 1st.—At Brompton : called on Colo Chandler
and the rest; M. Gray, and Blowers. Afterwards walked in the
Park, where I met Mº Brown who, the day before arrived from
Paris. Asked him to dine with Judge Oliver, and the Dr’s family
and M. Green.—Oranges, &c. 6d. Honey 1/-1,6. J }
“Friday, 28th.-Dined at Mº Vassall's, the Company being the
Gov’, Gen' and M* Gage, M. Sheriff, Lº Govt Oliver and ions,
138 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Judge Oliver, and M Paxton. Peggy to stay a few days at High
Street.
“Thursday, 27th.-M Paxton and M. Oliver dined with us.
Drank tea at Brompton. M* Oliver lodged with Peggy.
“Wednesday, 26th.-Walked in the Park, where I was told a
letter in N. E. Coffee H. for me. Took a boat, and found it was
a letter from Mº P. W. Boat—1,6.
“Tuesday, 25th.-Bought a p" new silk hose . . . . . . . 6,0.
“Monday, 24th.--—At the House of Lord's. No debate.
“Sunday 23rd, Feb.-Walked to Old Jewry: in the [sic]
again in the city. Called on M Bliss: went with him to M'
Perrin's to tea. Company.”
In the absence of explanation, it is difficult to account for so
singular a whim. The same thing occursin one other place, but the
rest of the memorandums are entered normally, according to con-
secutive date. This latter portion of the Diary is all in loose leaves,
fragments, and is very imperfect. It has been written on sheets
of different size note paper, either single or in fasciculi that have
nover been sown together, so that they have become very much
confused. As the date of the year, and the name of the month are
only sparingly given, as some parts have gone to pieces by damp,
and others lost, and as the whole had been utterly disarranged, it
has been impossible to restore what remains to a satisfactory state
of chronological order. Comparison with other Diaries has assisted
in some places. But as Elisha's records are generally of a very
commonplace nature, rarely alluding to the great events of the day,
these deficiences need not cause much regret. The record of the
greatest value is the account of the death of his father the Gov-
ernor, at which he was present, along with his brother-in-law Dr.
Peter Oliver.
Now taking up the thread of the Governor's Diary at the 23rd
of February, the days run on concurrently with the extract above,
only in reverse order.
23rd.—At the Temple church: Doctor Wicks of Chiswick:
a good sermon.
At Court—in the drawing room—the Queen not there. Saw
and spoke with S' Cha. Bromley, who, I had not seen since he
was in Boston in 1747: surprisingly altered, which is owing to
infirmity as much as age, tho’ he says he is 73. He has been
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS ITUTCITINSON. 139
back [?] about two years from Russia, where he had been several
years superintending the Czarina's naval affairs.
Doctor Dod convicted yesterday at the Old Bailey. In his
speech he implicitly confessed his guilt, declaring that he was
instructed by his Counsel that it was necessary there should be
an intention of fraud, but he appealed to God, it was his full
intention to have discharged the bond, and that Lord Chester-
field should never be called on for any part of it. His Counsel
excepted to an irregular proceeding in examining Robinson as
a witness, and finding a Bill upon his evidence, while he stood
charged as an accomplice; and it seems the Court thought fit
to refer it to the twelve Judges for their opinion, which pro-
bably must take some time before it can be determined.
24th.-The Bristol, Lord Shuldham, arrived yesterday at
Portsmouth from New York, which she left the 8" of January.”
Col” Dalrymple a passenger: confirms the defeat of the Hessians
at Trenton the 26" December, and the loss of 2 or 300 of
British troops from a large body of the enemy a day or two
after. This is all owing to Howe's extending his posts as far
as Burlington, after he had made an attempt to cross the
Delaware 13 miles above Trenton, and failed for want of boats.
Some letters say he might have passed, whether they mean
forded or by rafts does not appear, and that he would have
been in possession of Philadelphia without opposition. After
that everything was unfortunate. The enemy took fresh
Spirits: drove the Hessians from Burlington by boats with
cannon in the river : attacked, and killed, and took prisoners
the Hessians at Trenton, and interrupted the regiments on their
march from one post to another, and killed and took 200 of
them. This has given a great turn to people's opinions here,
and a prospect of protracting the war, and lessened the opinion
of the abilities of the commanders of the British army.
The Congress had removed to Reading, where it was said
only 13 remained. The Orpheus Man-of-war, brought in to
* Lord Shuldham It was only on the 13th, instant, some eleven days
ago, that we read some rather mysterious remarks about Irish Peerages and
how to get them. How much of joke, or of Scandal, or of innuendo may
lurk in those dark passages, I must not tell if I k e --
nothing about it. 2 now. Happily I know
140 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. [.
York 13 prizes, some taken off Delaware, most of them bound
to France, on accº of the Congress. Called on S. Charles
Knowles.
25th.-[Dined with Canon Douglas, D.D.]
26th.-Peggy So well as to take an airing . . .
27th.-At Lord George Germain's Levée . . . The newspapers
are filled with the bad condition of the King's troops, and the
good condition of the Americans. Their privateers have taken
a packet from Falmouth to Lisbon, and carried her into France;
and it is certain that great quantities of cloathing, some say for
60,000 men, arms, &c., are gone from France to the American
ports. What the issue will be God only knows. It looks
more doubtful than it did a few months ago. It is the duty of
all concerned to acquiesce in the disposal of Divine Providence,
which governs all, and controuls and changes in the most un-
expected way and manner.
28th.-[Dined with Col. Wassall, &c.]
March 1st.— . . . Mº Jº Green and Col” Browne just returned
from France. He says when he first went there in October,
there was much talk of assisting America: that upon the news
of the poor defence, then all subsided, and America was never
mentioned in conversation.
2nd.—At the Old Jewry. Sº H. Houghton came . . .
3rd.— . . . The Harriet packet said to be arrived . . .
4th.- . . . Upon talking with Col” Browne to-day I find Silas
eane to be a person at whose house M* Tryon lodged in
Weathersfield when I was in Hartford in 1773, and that my
daughter and I made a visit there. He married a daughter of
G (?) Saltonstall.
6th.- . . . Lord Shuldham returned a visit I made on his
arrival: thinks all will go well in America, though the war may
be protracted by the little successes of the Americans in the
Jerseys. Talk of a war w” France, principally founded on
advice of a French man-of-war having sunk One of the King's
sloops—the Pomona, in the West Indies . . . -
7th–The talk of the French war wholly ceases, and the
stocks recover their former rate. John the Painter tried
yesterday at Winchester Assizes: the evidence so full that the
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 141
Jury gave their verdict without going from their seats: the
substance of his trial published in the papers: and among the
rest of the evidence, that of his communicating his design to
Silas Deane, &c.
8th.-S' Francis Bernard and Lady came to town last
evening, and dined with us to-day, with Paxton, D. Caner,
Chandler, and Boucher.
9th.-At the Temple with Sº F. B. Dº Thurlow. Gallipont,
one of the Benchers, asked me why I did not sit with them 2 I
told him I had no pretence. “Why, you are older at the Bar
than we.” I told him I had not been called to the Bar. “Why,
are you not of our house ?” No. I was an American Judge.
At Court and the Drawing-room. Lord President gave me
an account of John the Convict's confession. He is a Scotchman
about 25 years of age—his name John Aitkin : left Edinburgh
about 5 years ago, and went to Virginia: has 'listed and
deserted two or three times: has been in Europe about two
years: confesses 8 or 9 theſts and robberies: denies that Dean
gave him a Bill for 300%, but owns he communicated his
design, and that he encouraged it: recommended him to Dº
Bancroft in Downing Street: gave him 12 six-livre pieces:
told him this was eno’ to carry him to England: and promised
his reward when he had performed the service.
It is said by Flucker that General Gage has a letter from
N. York, advising the imprisonment of Dickenson by the
Congress, for what he had wrote to his brother in a letter
which was intercepted. t
When Mº Boucher was at my house yesterday, I asked him
how he knew that Delany was sent to, and desired to answer
my speech to the Assembly P. He said Delany told him so,
and he thought it was a letter from Cushing, sent by a messen-
ger express; but Delany gave for answer that he had met with
so much trouble from the consideration, that he would never
write any more. If he refused, the messenger was to apply to
J)ickenson. It is certain that tho' my speech was the 6, of
Jan', their answer was delayed till the 26".
Lord North continues ill tho' said to be growing better.
A bon-mot is often mentioned. He has been bled, blistered, &c.,
142 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. *:::
and is emasciated. He said to Dº Warren he was much
obliged to him for introducing a number of his old acquaint-
ance, which he had not known these 20 years. The Doctor
was a little surprised, and suspected a delirium. I mean my
ribs, Doctor, for I have not [been] able to feel them any time
for 20 years past till now.
10th.-Col. Skeene, who arrived in the packet, called on me...
11th-Ground froze hard . . . Burgoyne goes out in the
Apollo. John the Painter was executed yesterday at Ports-
mouth.
The career, the villanies, and the trial of this man, are all given
in the journals of the day. The following heads are from the
Continuator of Hume's History of England:—
“A fire which had broke out in the IRope-house at Portsmouth
on the seventh of December, was then ascribed to accident ; but
some six weeks after, the discovery of a machine in the hemp-
house, designed for the same purpose, led first to suspicions, and
afterwards by a train of circumstances to the final conviction of
the incendiary, commonly known by the appellation of John-the-
Tainter, but whose real name was James Aitken . . . The restless-
ness of his mind, or the dread of punishment, made him ship him-
self off for America in the year 1773, and he continued there for
about two years . . . He came back to England with the most
deadly antipathy to the government and nation, and soon after
formed a scheme to destroy the maritime force of the country . . .
In the autumn of the year 1776 he went to France, and com-
municated his intentions to M* Silas Deane, the American Pleni-
potentiary to that Court, who told him, according to his own
story, “when the work was done, he should be rewarded.' . . . He
took wonderful pains in the construction of fireworks, machines,
and combustibles. . . . It was owing to this failure in his machines
that the nation was saved from receiving some dreadful, if not
irretrievable shock. One of them extinguished of itself . . .
others, which he had placed in the Rope-house, took effect. . . .
His next attempt was to burn the shipping that lay along side the
quay at Bristol. . . . Soon after his departure from Bristol, he was
taken up in Hampstead for a burglary. . . One Baldwin. . . found
means . . . to obtain his confidence in prison, until he drew from
him the whole history of his crimes. Upon his trial at Winchester
. . his pretended friend . . . the acknowledged baseness of the
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 143
witness, and he received sentence of death with the most perfect
indifference. He was removed from Winchester gaol on the
tenth of March, and executed on a gallows sixty feet high before
Portsmouth dock gate, the principal scene of his guilt.”
Adolphus says—“His confession proved his being employed by
Silas Deane.” Near three months after the execution of this
man Judge Oliver was engaged in making a tour, and found him-
self in Portsmouth on the 27th of May. He wrote as follows in
his Diary :-
“I waited upon Commissioner Gambier, who was so polite as to
order his Clerk to shew me the Dockyards, &c. The yards, stores,
and other works are expressive indications of the grandeur of the
British nation, but I think are exceeded by those of Plymouth.
The ruins and devastations by fire perpetrated by John the Painter,
by the instigation of Silas Dean and other American patriots of
rebellion, must raise an indignation in every loyal breast. This
villain had attempted to burn the shipping in several places in
England, as Bristol, &c., by the instigation of Silas Dean, now in
France, and several other American incendiaries, but had failed in
his various attempts, ’till he had perpetrated his designs by burning
the Rope-walk here in December last, but failed in burning the
Dockyards. He was detected and executed, and hangs now in
Irons, on the opposite side, at the entrance of Portsmouth Harbour,
on a Gibbet 60 feet high, as a warning to other villains of the like
cast ; tho' there are so many of those beacons stuck about England,
that they rather serve as Mercuries to point out roads to travellers
than to warn against the like crimes. This John [blank]ye Painter
was a most finished villain in almost all crimes, as he confessed
himself, and the Congress and their adherents could not have
pitched upon a more proper person to have executed their diaboli-
cal purposes, than upon this fellow, but alas ! how often are halters
misplaced | Had they been tightened about the necks of some of
his employers, neither the conflagration at Portsmouth or in America
had committed such horrid ravages as have wasted the lives and
habitations of so many thousands.”
After an interval of 107 years, John the 1'ainter has turned up
again. The public press informs us as follows:– “While some
Sappers were making excavations at Fort Blockhouse, near Gosport,
on Thursday, they came upon some remains which are believed to
be those of ‘Jack the Painter, a motorious criminal, who more
than a century ago Set fire to Portsmouth Dockyard, and destroyed
144 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
nearly the whole of the establishment. He was gibbeted, and his
body, after hanging in chains several years, was buried at the Spot
where the remains were found.”—Eaceter and Plymouth Gazette,
Sat. Nov. 22, 1884.
I3ut, to resume—
12th-Governor Pownall having lately buried his wife, Lady
Faulkner, I called upon him to-day. There has becn no visits
passed for two years, which I think has not been my fault.
At Mº Keene's . . .
13th.-The raw cold east wind still continues . . .
14th.-Wind at NW, and Peggy takes an airing. I met
Paul Wentworth in Pall Mall. He is angry that anybody
should suppose Doctor Bancroft any way capable, and says he
has not only Lº Suffolk's opinion, but is allowed by Lord
Mansfield to say from him, that there was nothing improper in
his conduct. He added, that Bancroft had told 20 of his
friends what John the Painter said to him, and he supposed
him to be a spy employed by government.
15th.-[Reports unauthenticated.]
16th.-At the Old Jewry with Judge Oliver.
At Court—and the Drawing-room, on the King's side only.
In the evening with Sir F. B. at L" Chancellor's, and Lº
IMansfield's, and afterwards at D* Heberden's. Lº Marchmont,
L" Willoughby of Parham, &c., at the Chancellor's : D. of
Northum, Lº Dudley, L* Panmure, &c., at L" Mansfield's.
Mention made of Bancroft, and of its being incumbent on him,
when John-the-Painter was apprehended, to have imformed
Gov" of John's having been with him. Lº Mansfield said he
had seen a Windication of Bancroft in a newspaper, w” no
doubt, by the appearance of it, was his own doing, but said
nothing in his favour. -
L* Marchmont recommends strong Souchong tea as the
wholesomest breakfast can be eat.
Peggy's illness increases: bled again to-day.
Seeing M" Garrick at Court, and the Archbishop of Cant.,
1). of Ancaster, Lord Chesterfield, and many more of the
Nobility, Gentry, and Clergy cordially greeting him, I could not
help thinking that he comes the nearest to the character of
*:::..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 145
Roscius of any player since his time; for as we meet with none
of his fellow actors with whom Caesar, Cicero, Pompey, &c.,
would make themselves familiar, no more is there any in
England besides Garrick who are thought proper for the notice
of people of distinction here. Garrick's private character being
good, and his fortune great, and no unfairness in attaining to
it, causes this distinction.
17th.-The Hellespont, Lister, arrived from New York:
sailed the first week in February. Nothing of news except
that the Congress have appointed Washington Protector of the
United States, and established a Military Order of Indepen-
dence, of which he is to be Sovereign ; and 2700 of the troops
had returned from Rh" Island to New York. No action
anywhere.
In the evening I went for about half an hour to Lady
Gideon's: Sir Eardley Wilmot, M Trevor, M. Blair, the
principal persons I knew, or had any conversation with.
18th.-Wrote to Col” Jos. Wanton at Newport, concerning
my farm on Conanicut, sent by Colburn Barrett, to be forwarded
to New York. Just as I was going to bed S. H. Houghton
sent me a note, that he had heard the French fleet of 8 line of
battle ships, and 11 frigates, had sailed from Brest, which
disturbed my rest.
The movements of the French were beginning to attract con-
siderable attention in England, not to say apprehension.
The letter for Col. Wanton, mentioned above, was entered in his
Letter Book by the Governor himself, and as it may contain one
or two facts worth preserving, I will extract it entire —
“Lond. New Bond S. 18 March, 1777.
“Sir, I have been informed that my estate upon Comanicut has,
by force of an actor order of certain persons in Newport, been taken
from the possession of my tenant Isaac Pierce, to whom I had given
a lease of it, and that it has been possessed the last year by other
persons, and that waste and spoil have been made there.
“M. Chesebro, who used to inform me very kindly of anything
that occurred relative to my own and my ſwife's] sister's affairs,
has ceased corresponding with me since I left New England.
“Allow me to ask the favour of you to afford me y' assistanco
VOL. II. L
146 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
in obtaining satisfaction for the injury done me, and in securing
my property from further injury. .
“I left my Government just before Lord Percy arrived, and have
not the honour of being personally known to him ; but I think his
Lordship must know that my sufferings have been occasioned
mainly by my having been a servant of the Crown, and I doubt
not he will be ready to favour an application in my behalf, so far
as may be proper for him to interpose. • -
“It would be most agreeable that my tenant, or his son under
him, should return to the possession of his leasehold. How that
may be, whether he wishes it, or whether he has it in his power,
it is not possible for me to know. I think it probable that he
desires it. He was at 130:6 quit [?] rent, besides some duties of
planting, &c., and making stone walls, and the two last years
of his lease are at 150ft sterl.
“If the estate cannot come into his hands, I wish to have it
under improvement the pres' year, on as good terms as may be:
and I most willingly convey to you for that purpose all the powers
I could have myself if I was on the spot, as also to obtain for me
any compensation for damages, sustained since the estate was taken
out of my hands. . . .
“I have heard that the man who dispossessed Lº Brenton has been
compelled to ample compensation for his loss and damage. Whither
Other persons are able to obtain the like compensation, can be known
upon enquiry. Generally, like justice should be done in like cases.
“My [wife's] sister Grizell Sanford, is owner of a farm at Black-
point, which for several years has been let at the low rent of 100 or
120 dollars a year. M. Cheseborough used to receive the rent.
To what time it was paid can be ascertained by the receipts to the
tenant. I could wish what is due might be received and sent to
me for my sister, who has occasion enough for it.
“She has another farm on what is called Slocum's Island, let for
60% sterling to Rich" Sanford and John Robinson. Sanford is since
dead, and Robinson in Boston, and the Island not being reduced, I
suppose no rent can be recovered there, though two or three years
are due.
“You will be surprised at my long narrative, &c., without any
previous apology, but when I began my letter I had not seen my
friend Colº Browne, and unless I could be satisfied that you would
not take amiss my applying to you, I would have applied to some
other gentleman at Newport. The assurance he gives me that you
will be ready to oblige me, has determined me to make my appli-
cation to you, and to hope for the favour of an answer, and for
M; piany AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 147
your advice to any steps on my part, if you judge any to be
necessary. “I am, &c.”
“Hon. Joseph Wanton Esq., Newport.”
It need scarcely be added, that no redress or compensation could
be obtained, or any satisfactory information, owing to the confusion
of the times; and it resulted by the progress of the war, that these
estates were seized along with the others.
There is an original letter of March 18, written by Mr. Pelham
Winslow in a small neat hand from New York, and addressed to
Elisha Hutchinson, of which letter Captain Archdeacon was the
bearer. It contains nothing material.
In the volume containing Elisha's letters to his wife during their
long enforced separation, he continues to harp upon the likelihood
of his return to America; and the accounts arriving in England of
the succession of victories obtained by the British troops at Brook-
lyn, White Plains, through the Jerseys, and their pursuit after
Washington until he reached Philadelphia, all raised such a feeling
in the Mother Country that the war was virtually over—and so it
probably would have been had General Howe only followed up his
advantages with promptitude—that the Refugees in England began
to talk of their preparations for returning. Elisha alludes to this:–
“New Bond Street, Mar. 2, 1777.
“My Dear Polly,
“About a month ago I gave a letter to Capt." Coffin, who
was bound to Nantucket, by way of the West Indies.
“At that time our accounts from the army were very promising.
Gen' Howe advancing post-haste to Philadelphia. Gen! Clinton in
possession of Rhode Island, and in his way to Providence. Many
of the poor American Refugees imagined they could see the end of
their exile, and began to count the months of their punishment. A
New York gentleman told me, if I did not mean to be hurried, it
was time to begin to pack up.
“Later advices do not come up to our expectations . . . Gen. C.,
instead of visiting Providence, is now on a visit in London; and
by letters from N. York, we find Gen. H. has not quite reached
Thiladelphia, there being unluckily, a river in the way.”
The health of the Governor's youngest daughter Margaret, com-
monly called Peggy, had become so seriously impaired of late, that
her father resolved to take her to the Hot Wells at Bristol, at that
time a Sanitarium in considerable repute. All the symptoms of
rapid pulmonary consumption had set in. They left London on
L 2
148 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
the 20th of March, together with the eldest daughter Sarah, the
wife of Dr. Peter Oliver, and were absent nearly two months.
Though every page of his Diary at this period is filled with lamen-
tations over the state of his child, there occurs here and there a
short entry that may be worth extracting. Thus, he writes—
Mar. 31st.— . . . The Dean of Glo’cester came to my lodg-
ings; shewed me a letter he had received from Turgot, the late
Comptroller of the Finances in France, approving of the
measures of the Americans, and wishing them success, and of
the Dean’s plan for setting them free. He rec" it from London
under a frank from Lord Shelburne.
Ap. 27th.- . . . A little fishing scooner arrived the night
before last from Salem with 4 men only, being brought by the
mate of a ship, to bring him home; came out the 10 of March.
I saw him, but he knew nothing.
Ap. 30th.- . . . My son writes, that by a vessel from York,
they hear that Washington died of the camp fever.
May 8th.- . . . Yesterday took a full view of Bristol from
Brandon Hill, where they say Cromwell erected his batteries,
and beat down their houses. I think, take in all circumstances,
and I should prefer living there to any place in England. The
manners and customs of the people are very like those of the
people of New England, and you might pick out a set of Boston
Selectmen from any of their churches.
May 9th.- . . . Account from Plim” of the arrival of a
packet from N. York, and of the destruction of the magazines
at Peeks Kill.
May 13th.-Winchester Cathedral entertained us.” The
monuments of W* Rufus, Card. Beaufort, W* of Wickham,
Wainfleet, Bp. Gardiner, being all, except the last, extremely
well preserved. We lodged at the George Inn, and about 11
set out for Southampton, the entrance to which is charming,
and the town itself very agreeable. I went to the harbour,
and viewed with pleasure the place from whence Winthrop,
Dudley, &c., the first Magistrates of Mass. Bay in America
embarked, from whence they dated their Declaration of affection
to the Church and State of Eng". . .
* On their return journey to London.
# DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 14)
May 17th.- . . . we had a pleasant day's journey to London.
22nd.— ... We took lodgings at the Dial House in Little
Chelsea at 3 Guineas p week, four weeks certain, to begin
to-morro W.
30th.- . . . A strong desire to see and hear Lord Chathan
carried me to the H. of Lords, where, after a long speech to
inflame the kingdom, and to encourage France to cherish the
rebellion, he moved for an Address to the IS. to put an end to
this unnatural ruinous war, to heal and redress grievancCs,
&c., and to assure him that [the] House would do everything
proper on their part, &c.
June 4th.- . . . This is the first Birthday I have absented
myself from Court, but I had no heart to go from home.
5th.- . . . Lord Percy arrived in a packet from Newport. It
is rumoured that he was not satisfied, and thought more due
to him from Gen. Howe than he received. Nothing done of
importance the beginning of May. The packet left Newport
the 5th.
7th.- . . . A vessel from N. York with news as late as the
middle of May. Tyron, Browne, &c., with about 1800 men,
had destroyed a large magazine of stores at Danbury, &c., with
the loss of about 14 or 15 killed, and 60 or 70 wounded. In the
march back [they] were harrassed as in the Lexington affair.
It is said Worcester the rebel General, is killed, and Arnold
wounded: above 100 privates killed, and 50 or 60 prisoners.
9th.- . . . I went to town: called at M Ellis's to congratulate
him on his new place of Treasurer of the Navy, but found that
he was gone to Weymouth to Sollicit his re-election.
This day Judge Oliver and some friends went to Greenwich to
see the King hold a review. In his Diary he writes thus:–
“June 9th.-D. Chandler, Parson Boucher, Richard Clarke Esq.,
M* Waterhouse, and myself, took coach for Blackheath, to see his
Majesty review the Light Horse, where were at least 20,000 spec-
tators outside of an area of several miles in compass. It was a
grand shew and well worth seeing in the course of a man’s life.
After it was over we took a view of the late Sir Gregory Page's
seat on the edge of the heath, which is a grand and elegant build-
ing, said to be begun and covered in the space of 11 months. Sir
150 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
Gregory's father was a rich brewer; and as mony [sic] answers all
things, so it will also accomplish in a short time what mediocrity
would be tedious in effecting. The house stands on two low a
scite to correspond with its grandeur.
“Not far distant is the Hospital built by S. John Morden. . . .
It was upon this Heath that Wat Tyler mustered his 100,000 men
in rebellion in the reign of Richard 2nd . . . We then walked a
little below the Gun Warren or Park, down to the river Thames,
where the convicts work at ballast heaving . . . among whom was
the infamous Dignum, who lately rendered himself so by gross
cheats, impositions, and thefts. He was a man of liberal education,
and had published some Observations which had merit, but by a
dissolute way of life had brought himself to the condition of raising
ballast for the publick, instead of raising a reputation for himself.”
The Refugee Judge, being now out of work, had taken a short
trip for the purpose of examining the beauties of Windsor Castle,
Hampton Court, with some gentlemen’s seats by the way, and
under the date of June 16 he writes:—
“After leaving Hampton Court, we pass'd thro’ Bushy 1’ark, 1}
mile, where Lord North hath a seat. We passed by a circular
piece of water, with a statue in the middle : then to Teddington,
# mile: to Twickenham, 1% miles, a pretty village with a number
of fine seats upon the Thames, particularly the late M* Pope's, now
in the possession of the R* Honorable Welbore Ellis Esq.” &c.
18th.- . . . At Mauduit's. Saw M* Lethieulier, who fears a
Treaty. M. Says a friend of his had seen a letter from an officer
in America, in which is an expression of this import—You must
not be surprized if you should see me very soon in England,
for I believe affairs are upon the very point of settlement.
His friend says he looks upon this intelligence much the
same as if it came from Howe himself, and added that some-
thing was to come from Washington, but this was not explained.
24th.-[The blanks in the date are almost entirely filled up
with lamentations over Peggy's increasing illness.] . . . I went
to town : saw at M* Knox's office a Carolinian just arrived: left
N. York 25 May. Howe still at N.Y.: Cornwallis in camp in N.
Jersey. There had been a small brush with his picket and a
body of rebels. Washington still at Morristown: thinks not
more than 700 strong: people divided whether the army goes
.*
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 151
to Philad. or to the n-ward: part of Carleton's force at Crown
Point: the rest expected the beginning of June : Hotham and
a squadron off Henlopen, and in Delaware Bay and river. Howe
sends to Gov. a particular accº of Danbury affair under Tryon.”
27th.- . . . Dº Dodd executed this morning at Tyburn, after
the strongest efforts by his friends: a Petition from the Corpor-
ation of London: another from the Jury who convicted him :
and others from different parishes—it is said above 20,000
hands to them for a pardon. It is observable that Wolridge
and other Aldermen, &c., in the city, in opposition to Gov", were
the promoters of these applications. The King's refusal passes
without reproach. If he had complied, the petitioners them-
selves would have promoted a clamour against him in some
secret way or other.f -
July 2nd.— . . . I went to town. Accounts from Quebec of
Burgoyne's arrival the 6th of May, but no advice of the troops
having moved the 4th of June, when the ship sailed.
* Governor Tryon, promoted to the rank of Major-General, led 2000 troops
to Danbury, and on the 26th of April destroyed a large quantity of stores
deposited there. The English force got back with difficulty, having two
encounters with the Americans on the Way, in which they lost 172 in
killed, wounded, and missing.
f l)r. Dodd was born in 1729 at Bourne in the county of Lincoln, and was
of Clare Hall, Cambridge. He entered into Holy Orders in 1753, and became
a popular preacher in London. He published several volumes of sermons, and
was a most prolific writer on religious and moral subjects. In 1766 he
received the degree of LL.D., and soon after published a volume of poems.
In 1769 he translated Massilion’s Sermons, inscribed to the Prince of Wales.
In 1771 appeared his three volumes of sermons to young men, which he
dedicated to his pupils Charles and Philip Stanhope, afterwards Earl of
Chesterfield. He had the living of Hockliffe, Bucks, was Lecturer at the
Magdalen, received £100 a year as Editor of the Christian's Magazine, was
Prebendary of Brecon, and Chaplain to the Bishop of St. Davids. These
Sources of emolument, together with some others, were not enough to satisfy
his worldly Vanity and profuse extravagance. He wrote an anonymous letter
to Lady Apsley, offering a bribe of £3,000, if she would use her influence to
get him appointed to the living of St. George's, Hanover Square. The secret
was detected ; he was struck from the list of Chaplains, and he withdrew to
the city of Geneva. His friend Lord Chesterfield then gave him the living of
Winge, in Bucks, when he returned again to England. Failing, however, to
learn wisdom by experience, he went from bad to worse, and ended his career
as related above.
In the London Magazine for 1773, p. 48, Jam. 19, we read:—“Same day
the following convicts were executed at Tyburn, viz., Benjamin Bird, for
forging an indorsement on a Bill of Exchange, [also several others] and
Fº Griffiths, for robbing the Rev. Dr. Dodd on the highway, near
all CIſà.S.
152 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...}
7th.-No alteration, [in Peggy.] Sir Jnº. Eliot called in his
way to Sussex to visit L* G. Germain's child. He recommends
|Peggy] three of the Hemlock pills going to bed, and to eat
freely of cucumbers. Thinks she does not lose.
11th–An exceeding pleasant summer day, most of which she
spent in the garden instead of the coach, but her fever exceed-
ing high in the even". Sº Jn” ordered bleeding wº"I consented
to with reluctance; but the blundering Apothecary made one
attempt in her foot, and two in her arm, without opening a
vein, and I would not suffer him to go on.
I was at the Levée: the first time since I went out of town to
the Hot Wells. Very few persons there.
12th.-A more quiet night than I feared, after the ruffle,
attempting to bleed. I sent for Mº Atkinson of Chelsea, another
Apothecary, who bled her very dexterously. Took 6 ounces.
Spent all day in the garden. No abatement of her fever.
13th.- . . . A packet yesterday from N. York. The army
not moved the 9th of June. It is generally said the Provincials
are much distressed, their army small, and ill provided. The
delay is now on the part of Howe, attributed to want of camp
equipage—which were all arrived.
19th.-A more calm night but no strength gained. I went
to London, [from Chelsea). Called on S. James Wright. He
mentions a short note wºº a pencil from Gen. Waughan to his
brother Lord Lisburne, of June 11, when skirmishes had begun:
Grant's horse's head shot off by a cannon ball, the 12th. This
should prepare for a general attack on the 13th. -
22nd.— . . . I went to London: heard confirmation of the
news of the Foa frigate being taken by Mºneal Manly, and some
say another of the Provincial vessels near Nf"land, and that
great havoc was made among the fisheries. Admiral Montagu
thinking he had not force enough to go out. I suspect he will
be censured when enquiry is made.
31st.— . . . I went to London to the Secr" of State his office.
From M D'Oyly I am satisfied that Howe did not intend Phila-
delphia. Possibly if Washington had been willing to meet him
in the Jerseys, there would have been a general action there,
but I suppose he is gone with great part of the army and fleet
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 153
to New England, having drawn what forces the Colonels could
collect to the west of Hudson's River. If he had taken Phila-
delphia, he must have destroyed, [it PI or have left too great part
of his army there and in the Jerseys, to keep possession. I fear
the fate of my own country, [Massachusetts] and that the prin-
ciple town will be sacrificed.
At this place the Fourth volume of the Diary terminates. Most
people who follow the course of the war, must agree “that Howe did
not intend Philadelphia.” At this date the full particulars attendant
on the rapid and brilliant succession of victories achieved by the
English army after the Battle of Long Island, were not sufficiently
known in England, nor had there been time yet to comprehend the
fact that America was then virtually conquered and won ; nor did
she, nor could she then perceive, that if the then present advantages
were relaxed, and not followed up, they would be all lost, and never
to be secured again.
( 154 ) #.
CHAPTER III.
BEGINNING OF WOL. W. OF THE DIARY,
THE Fifth Volume begins with the month of August, but as the
first three days are occupied with Mr. Hutchinson's anxieties on
the subject of his daughter's declining health, whose lungs were
greatly impaired, and whose strength was visibly decreasing, those
days, and some others in other places, may be omitted. On the 4th
there is an allusion to the reported capture of Ticonderoga. In com-
mencing the attack on this important and strongly fortified place,
the English troops under General Burgoyne, secured Mount Hope,
and after this by great exertion, they possessed themselves of
Sugar Hill, an advantageous post that commanded the works both
at Ticonderoga, and at a neighbouring intrenched position called
Fort Independence. These preliminaries having been accomplished
by the 5th of June, the assault was intended for the next day. At
dawn on the following morning however, it was discovered that the
Americans had abandoned their works and withdrawn during the
night. Lieutenant Anburey, who was present, tells us, [i. p. 323],
that four men had been left behind, who were to have fired off the
guns of a large battery that commanded the approach, and then to
have made their escape as quickly as possible. The matches lay
lighted beside the cannon. Great mischief and loss of life would
have resulted if this proceeding had been carried out, but when the
English entered, they found the four men dead drunk beside a cask
of Madeira.
We read in the Diary as follows:–
4th.-A vessel arrived from Quebec, and yesterday an officer
came to town, who says Ticonderoga was besieged by Burgoyne,
and that the day he came away, June 6th, it was generally
reported and believed that it was taken . . .
5th–I wrote by M. Blowers to my kinsman E" H* at
* I have no record who this Edward Hutchinson was. All the Governor’s
immediate relatives had followed him to England, and his only brother
*] DIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS HUTCHINSON 155
Boston, to thank him for his letter, and account of my friends:
to tell him I tho’t Mº Merchant, as next of kin, the properest
person to administer on Sally Rogers's estate: * to approve his
remaining in the country, as I would have done in a private
character: to express my wish to convince that in public
character I had ever aimed at the true interest, &c., w"I had
the comfort of feeling every day, and time would discover who
judged right: to mention my distress: to M. Walter and At'
Murray at N. York, acknowle their letters: to the former, that
I would take care of his business, as well as Mº Winslow's of
Braintree; and to the latter, that I tho’t it best he should stay in
America: to both the case of my daughter, who in the morning
was lower than usual.
6th.- . . . There is an Address of Burgoyne's in the papers
to-day to the people, dated at Putnam Creek, June 29th last—
flowery, but upon the whole, well adapted.
8th.-We made a long journey in the coach to Hampton
Court, which Peggy bore beyond expectation, and happily, just
at the gate of the Palace we met M* D'oyly, who has apart-
ments there, and who kindly took my daughter into a gentle-
man's house, of her (M* D'oyly's) acquaintance, where she
rested on a sophy, while M* Sanford [Grizell Sanford, spinster,
his sister-in-law], and my daughter Oliver, went over the
Palace. We left my son E. at Richmond, who provided a
good but extravagantly dear dinner for us at the Star-and-
Garter, where we stayed to tea, and came back to our lodgings
just after Sunset. A better day than I feared. As warm a
day as any this year, but no hotter than what we call moderate
in America.
10th.- . . . To-day Mº Newton and his wife, just arrived
from Halifax, where he is Collector . . .
15th-Treasurer Gray called upon me. He had made an
Foster had withdrawn to Halifax in Nova Scotia. There is an Edward
Hutchinson in the Pedigree, brother of Elizabeth, who married the Rev.
Nathaniel Robbins. The Governor and he were first cousins, except that
their grandmothers were different people, because their grandfather Elisha
married twice. This Edward is the only one I can think of, if he were alive
in 1777. He is marked as having died single, but in what year is not stated.
* Sally or Sarah Rogers was daughter of George Rogers, who married the
Governor's younger sister Lydia. Sally died in 1776.
156 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [&#:
extract from a Sermon preached in 1759 at Boston by Doctor
Cooper before Gov. Pownall and the Court, with his remarks.
I had not heard of the most material facts he charged upon
Cooper: several he altered: the only one remaining which I
had any doubt about his printing was—a meeting with Warren
and the rest in Service time on a Sunday afternoon, until
Sermon was near over, and he came to baptize a child: but this,
Gray affirmed to be notorious in the town, and that it was but
a short time before the famous 19th of April . . .
1, 16th.-Sensibly more feeble, and had a bad day. In this
kind of life the days and nights pass incredibly swift, and I am
six months older and nearer to my own death, than when my
daughter's illness began; and it appears like the dream of a
night.
| 18th-Easterly wind and raw, and no airing. Removed
what furniture we had in London to Little Chelsea . . .
Cap” Loring, son of Com° Loring arrived from New York,
w” he left the 16 July, when Lord and Gen. Howe were both
there. So much of the summer gone, and nothing done. There
had been an attack upon a redout in the Jerseys, when Cap.
Finch and 14 others were killed, the place being carried.
Prescot, who commanded at Newport, surprised at a house out
of town, and carried off." Loring reports that Ticonderoga and
Fort W* Henry were in possession of Burgoyne, and that the
garrison of Ticonderoga were made prisoners. The packet and
a man-of-war with transports sailed at the same time. Loring
has no publick letters, nor any private wºmention his news,
and many doubt the truth.
19th. It is said to-day that an officer who came in [with ?]
Loring, gives the same account he does . . .
20th.- . . . It is said everybody believes the news of
Ticonderoga, and that New England would now be the
object. I fear the destruction of poor Boston. What have
those men to answer for who have brought on this destructive
war !
* This gallant exploit was planned and executed by the American Colonel
Barton, who, with a party of officers and men, surprised General Prescot in
bed, and carried him off to the headquarters at Providence. This was a good
set-off against the capture of General Lee,
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 157
21st.—I settled with W* Atwick: paid him in full of rent,
and delivered up my house in New Bond Street. Where, or
whether I shall take another house in London, God only knows.
Nothing can be more uncertain than my present state. My
daughter continues to decline. What will be the state of
America?
lMauduit called in the evening: says the Foº is retaken by
Sº G. Collier, and carried into Halifax.
22nd.— . . . The Flora frigate, going to Halifax to repair,
fell in with the Boston [and] the Hancock, two of the best rebel
vessels they have, and the Foa. While they were looking at
one another S. G. Collier in the Rainbow, who had not been out
of Halifax 3 hours, hove in sight and came up to them as fast
as he could, but could not tell what to make of them. The
Flora threw out false colours, being at a loss what to make of the
Rainbow. As soon as they were known to the rebels' vessels,
they made the best way they could. The Flora followed the
Foa, and took her, and carried her into Halifax. The Boston,
and Hancock steered different courses, and the Rainbow followed
the Hancock 36 hours, when she came up with her, and she
struck without firing a gun. The Boston steered towards the
Bay of Fundy, where the Diamond was cruising.”
23rd.— . . . An express arrived from Quebec, with an
account from Burgoyne, of his being in possession of Ticon-
deroga: 500 of the garrison killed; 500 prisoners; and 7000
escaped into the words, the Indians pursuing them.f
25th.- . . . The Gazette to-day gives a particular account
of the action at Ticonderoga. The rebels left the Fort and
were followed : lost 2 or 300 killed, and more wounded and
taken prisoners, but fought better than their enemies expected.
About 60 of the K.’s troops killed—more wounded. Burgoyne
was at Skeensborough the 28" of July; the rebel army at
Fort Edward.
26th– . . . A vessel from N. York: sailed July 29.
* This account came by the packet from New York, in letters which left
that city July 18. -
f Lieutenant Amburey was present, as stated above; yet his account of the
occupation of Ticonderoga is a very peaceful affair compared with this. But
see the next entry.
158 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
M* Hutchinson,” Secr" to Gov. Shirley at Dominica, and son
to Eliakim H., late deceased, came passenger. He was taken
in his passage from Dom. to London, and carried to N. England,
where he was prisoner on his parole many months. He says
news came the 22nd that Burgoyne was as far as Fort Edward,
upon which the fleet and army sailed—destination not known.
They spoke with a vessel which informed them they saw the
fleet off Cape Henlopen. Washington having left part of his
force in the Jerseys, was gone with the rest towards Albany.
Matters were now at a crisis.
28th.-Mauduit called last evening, and urged me against
my inclination to go to Court to-day. The Queen asked where
I had been 2 I told her I had been six months in the country
with my sick daughter. “What, she that used to be here
Why, she looked fine and healthy. I hope she will get well
again.” -
A vossel from Quebec, and it is said brings news that Schuyler
wºn 1500 men at Fort Edward, had laid down their arms . . .
29th— . . . Sir James Wright came over to see me. He
disapproves much of the fleet and army their going to Delaware
and Chesapeak, as is now believed, and wishes they had gone
northward.ſ
September 1st.— . . . At Lord George's office. Mº Knox
says Howe certainly intended to go to Philadelphia when he
left New York, and that Hotham writes to Lord George that
Clinton had sent an express after him, to inform him of
Washington's return with his army to Morris-town.
3rd.—An autumn day, which would admit of going abroad
for sick persons in a coach only. My son E. received a letter
from his wife, dated Aug. 23rd at Cove [of Cork], being just
* His name was William. He was descended from the sixth son of
Tichard, a younger brother of the first William. His widowed mother, and
his sister were now Refugees in London. They were eventually interred in
the Apthorpe vault in Croydon church. I find no record of what became of
him—whether he married, or left offspring, or died single.
# It was this very removal of General Howe's forces southward, instead of
marching north to support, Gen. Burgoyne as expected, that led to the
surrender of Burgoyne and his army at Saratoga, as will be noticed further on.
† There is an original letter of hers in the Letter Book to her friend
“Öphelia,” giving some account of the voyage. Is it unfinished and not
signed.
# prARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCTINSON 159
arrived after 24 days passage in the Albion frigate from Rhode
Island. She intended the next day to Corke, and by first
opportunity to England.
7th.- . . . In the Evening the most remarkable northern
light I have seen since my being in England, and seldom
exceeded in America.
15th.-Myson E.'s wife came to London from Dublin yester-
day at one o'clock,” but finding we had moved from N. Bond
Street, sent a Porter to Little Chelsea, who returned that he
could not find us. She then went to the New England Coffee
House, and could get no intelligence there, nor find where
Judge Oliver lived. At length she found Col” Browne in the
evening, who conducted her to Judge Oliver, her grandfather,
and a messenger came to my son after he was in bed, who rose
and went to town, and to-day they came over and dined with
us, but a distressing day it has been, my sick daughter having
sunk visibly ; and being left alone with her, I was not without
fears of her change before her sister [Sarah], who went to
Tondon, could return. In the evening some revival.f
21st.— . . . Her breath grew shorter. The last words she
said were to Dº Oliver—“I am dying,”—and continued speech-
less, and but little, if at all, sensible, until about half after ten
[at night], when she expired . . .
22nd.— . . . I desired my two eldest sons to go to Croydon,
and provide a grave for her near Miss Katy Hutchinson lately
buried there.j:
General Haldiman set out yesterday from town for Quebec.
I sent a card to him to wish a happy arrival, and recommended
Jon" and Edw. Clarke as two Consignees of E. India tea, and
sufferers, &c. . .
25th.-The dear remains of my daughter deposited in a brick
* There is an original letter from Pelham Winslow, dated Newport, Rhode
Island, June 23, 1777, mentioning her endeavours and difficulties in Securing
a passage to England. 8->
f Elisha had been separated from his wife, owing to the state of the times
from the first of June, 1774, when he left America with his father, until th.
21st of September, 1777, being a space of three years, three months, and
21 days.
| Peggy's death is mentioned in Dr. Peter Oliver's Diary. He says–
“Sep. 21 or 22, Peggy Hutchinson, Mrs. Oliver's sister, died at Chelsea of {l,
consumption: 23rd year of her age.”
160 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [..}}.
grave built in the church at Croydon near Mº Apthorpe's tomb,
and that of M* Katy H. Her brother-in-law Dº Oliver, her
cousins Daniel and Silvester O., with M. Lefontaine, the young
gentleman of the house where we are, followed the herse in a
mourning coach as relations. My daughter [Sarah] and I went
early to High Street, [Judge Oliver's], and returned at 12
o'clock. This is the custom here, when the near relatives don’t
leave the house as soon as death comes into it. A distressing
day to me, especially at leaving the house with the body of my
dear daughter, and returning to the place again after its removal.
October 1st.—In town again, and closed my agreement for
the house in Sackville Street, the rent at 110% a year un-
furnished, the rent to commence on Michaelmas Day.
7th.-A letter came to-day from Brook Watson at Margate
to M* Knox, dated yesterday, giving an account of a transport,
Cap. Blackburne, arrived from N. York, an hour or two before
that he sailed Aug. 30 : that the 28 an express came from Lº
Howe, advising that the 16 part of the army landed at
Baltimore ; the rest at the head of Elk river, within 40 miles
of Philadelphia; that Washington had marched his army to
Philadel. ; that Burgoyne was below Albany; that Clinton was
preparing an expedition, supposed to meet him; that Sullivan
had landed 4000 men on Staten Island in the night, and had
been drove off the next day with the loss of 900; that an
attempt had been made the same night at Huntingdon on
S. Island, and another at Kingsbridge; and the rebels repulsed
with loss at both.
A New York paper of Aug. 22 says there had been risings
of the people at Boston, and the merchants had been compelled
to promise to sell their goods at the old price for paper
Im0ney . . .
8th.-At the King's Levée: very thin. The Bishop of
Iichfield, and Sº Rob" Eden, all I had any conversation with.
The K. seldom says anything of American, or any publick
affairs at his Levée, but he asked me to-day if I did not think
it strange there were no letters yet? “Surely we may expect
them every hour.” I said—“There are private letters Sir.”
“Yes, but no publick accounts.”
;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 161
11th. The Edinburgh news paper of the 6th says that a
vessel at Clyde from Quebec, sailed the 24th Aug., and letters
say that Arnold wº 12,000 men, had surrendered, and that
upon this news, several gentlemen had set out from Quebec
for New York. This is only corroborating former reports.”
But the state of Howe's army, and the time spent this
summer without effecting anything material, gives the most
COI) Cél’I] . . .
16th.-Lent sister [-in-law] G. Sanford 5 Guineas. Began
a journey into Norfolk with M Paxton in a post-chaise . . .
19th. This being the D. of Grafton's day for receiving his
friends when he is at Euston, [in Suffolk], Mº Burch had
intended a visit before we came, and tho' with reluctance, upon
his urging, I accompanied him, his son, and Mº Paxton. We
found Mº Holt, Member for the county, and his brother [-in-
law?] Gen. Parker, brother to Lº Macclesfield, M. Stone, head
Comiss. of Excise, Mº Metcalf, and Grigsby, Norfolk gentle-
men, the Minister of the parish, Mº Host, [?] Lady Dutchess,
and Lord Euston. The dinner not more grand than at Mº
Ellis's . . .
22nd.—Went on to Lord Townshend's at Raynham f . . .
24th.-Lord Townshend carried us through a great part of his
estate, which is immense, and in admirable order, about 12,000£
a year, besides eleven livings in his gift . . . I rode a mule L*
T. brought from Portugal, and found her much easier than any
horse I have rode in England.
Nov. 1st.—On horseback to visit Mº De Grey, elder brother
to the Ch. Justice . . . The evening paper gives an accº of the
arrival of the Swallow Packet, 7 wº and 3 days passage from
Elk in Chesapeak Bay. Howe had landed and was about to
march. Washington encamped between Howe and the rebel
magazines.
* It is needless to say that these reports were without foundation.
t Bless the gossips, how they talk | Is there no way of stopping their
mouths? ... Read the following absurdity, “London, May 23. A treaty of
marriage is said to be on foot between the Hon. Mr. Hutchinson, late Lt. Gov.
of Boston, N.E., and the Rt. Hon. Lady Dowager Townshend, mother to
the present Viscount Townshend of Portman Square.”— Essex, Gazette,
27 July, 1775.
This is quoted by Whitmore, in his ‘H. and O. Genealogies, p. 22.
VOL. II. M
162 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON, ſº
3rd.—Began our journey between nine and ten to London,
after receiving the Gazette from M* D'Oyly, with the account
of Gen' Burgoyne's discouraging situation.” At Newmarket
met with news that an express was gone from London to Lord
Weymouth at Chippenham, with an account of Washington's
defeat, and Howe's being in possession of Philadelphia, and in
the evening Lord March came in to Chesterford, where we
lodged, from Lord Weymouth's, and read to us the account sent
from London.
4th.-Dined in Sackville Street about three o’clock, after
travelling 45 miles, most of the time in the rain . . .
6th.--To Fulham : the Bishop received me very courteously.
Dined with my son E.[lisha.]
In the evening at Brompton, at the baptism of my son's
[Thomas's] youngest son Andrew, f by D' Kippis. The cere-
mony differs from that in New England. Before the first
prayer the Minister makes a long discourse upon the nature of
the ordinance: after the words of baptism, he speaks of fighting
under Christ's banner, or to that effect: then addresses to the
parent, [and] tells him his obligation: then concludes with a
short prayer.
7th.-In the city. Called upon Blackburne, Mauduit, &c.
Afterwards at the King's Levée, and at the Queen's Caudle.
Met Dº Poyntz, who I had seen at Lord Townshend's, Mr
Cornwall, &c. No official news yet. I mentioned to the King
a letter Blackburne shewed me, which was kept open until the
ship was ready to sail, and which says certain advice was just
then received of great success of Howe, which might be
depended on as certain. This was the fullest account the King
said he had received.
Letters, (M. Knox writes one), were rec" to-day from Lº Lº
of Ireland, wº" mention letters dated N. York 23 Sep., 8
o'clock in the evening, and that advice just then came in from
Howe.
* This does not refer to the surrender at Saratoga. The news of that
disaster did not reach England until the beginning of December.
f This was my father, born on board ship in Nantasket Roads, March 24,
1776, as before mentioned. There was another son William, born after this,
Ż.e. June 14, 1778.
;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 163
8th.- . . . Paul Wentworth called : makes no doubt of
Washington's defeat, his authority, what he hears from Frank-
lin's friends in the city; talks like a friend to the cause of
Gov", and urges the necessity of the measures they have
taken. -
9th.-At the Old Jewry. In the evening at D* Heberden's.
Called with Mauduit a few minutes at St. James's, where the
Queen's apartm" were filled with Nobility, &c. . .
10th.-Lord Mayor's show,” which I had not curiosity enough
to go out to see, but sat at home mournfully reflecting on being
at the like show last year with my dear child, where she
probably took a cold, which laid the foundation of her fatal
distemper . . .
11th.-I called upon L" Gov. Bull, lately arrived with his
family from South Carolina, in Hart Street, Bloomsb. He had
seen me in Boston many years ago, but I have no remembrance
of him.
Dined with M. Jenkinson :-M* Cornwall, Dean of Norwich,
and their wives, and a Winchester gentleman, with M. Jeffrys,
an Irish gen, lately from Paris, where he saw Franklin about a
fortnight ago—says Deane is more noticed there than Franklin
—heard the news of Washington's defeat before he came away.
Not a word more yet arrived here.
13th.-At M* Ellis's. He gives me more news by the
Bienfaisant : mentions that Howe took possession of Philad. the
24* Sept. : Says nothing of any action, but that of the 11th :
Congress at Trenton : city fired in 3 places, but extinguished:
shipping all burnt: Washington's army crossed the Schuylkill:
Howe's gone after them : Clinton said to be gone to Burgoyne,
who was entrenched at Saratoga.
Dined with Judge Oliver.
The evening at Lord Hardwicke's.
Wrote to Lord Townshend, Burch, and Paxton.
15th–Mº Boucher, Addison, two Maryland Clergymen, Dr
Chandler, Auchmuty, and J. Green, dined with me. Boucher
said Delany himself told him of the application made by
* Surely the Governor is mistaken in his day. This may be explained by
the fact that the 9th was Sunday, and the show therefore held on Monday.
MI 2
164 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [š.
Boston House of Rep. to answer my Speech.* Boucher lived
ten years near Washington, and was very intimate: thought
his capacity below mediocrity: by no means equal to such a
post: civil and polite.
18th.- . . . M. Jackson called, and left with me two small
tools, from among many, wº" he had of the same sort, and which
were ploughed up from under the surface of a piece of grass
ground, w” he supposes never to have been turned up for 1700
years or more, being a long divisional strip between tilled
grounds, where they lay open, but having lately been inclosed,
ceased to be of use for that purpose. One seems to have been
a chizzel, the other a gouge, and are of copper, or a mixed
metal, partly copper, and he thinks belonged to the ancient
Britons, rather than the Romans. They were found in his own
grounds in Norfolk.f
Dined with M* and M* Ellis without any other company.
He gives a character of the Duke of Norfolk, who has just
succeeded to his title, as the most despicable, and even sordid
man in the kingdom. His son, the Earl of Surrey, to whom
the late Duke left 7,000£ p ann., and about 11,000£ p an. to
the father, is a great gambler, devoted to dissipation. They are
both Catholics: the Lady of Lº Surrey a Protestant. But M*
* Perhaps this refers to some speech made before the Governor left
America.
f The simplicity of the above remarks may be excused on the ground that
at that period of our history, the knowledge of Celts and Palstaves “of copper
or mixed metal” had made but slender progress. In the “Costume of the
Original Inhabitants of the British Isles,” by Sir Samuel Meyrick, and C. H.
Smith, Esq., the subject of this mixed metal is alluded to. Describing the
Plate representing the ancient Briton clothed in the skin of the brindled cow,
with the circular shield, and spear tipped with bone, the experiments on the
composition of ancient bronze implements by Dr. Pearson, and published in
the ‘Philosophical Transactions’ for 1796, p. 395, are duly mentioned. From
a series of analyses it resulted that different implements yielded different pro-
portions of metal in the alloys of tin and copper. Though the average pro-
portion for this species of object is generally about one of the former to nine
or ten of the latter, he found them vary from 1 to 6, 1 to 7#, 1 to 10, &c.
The long strips alternately of grass and tilled ground, running across the
large enclosures, a practice still lingering in the midland counties, although
of date anterior to the Norman Conquest, were doubtless specimens of the
open-field system, thus scored by balks, furlongs, or linches, so called.
Mr. Seebohm, F.S.A., gave an interesting account of this system before the
Society of Antiquaries in 1879 and 1880, as recorded in the pages of the
Proceedings, 2nd S. VIII. 88, 355. -
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 165
Ellis says it would not be matter of wonder if the D., the first
day of Parliament, should take the oaths and his seat in the
EI. of Lords. -
20th.--The Parliament met. I felt no inclination to go to
the House of Lords, though Lord Chatham was to go down and
make an angry speech. Once hearing him was enough for me.
My son E.'s wife found means to get in. I sent the Bp. of
Rochester a set of my History and the Collection to-day, as I
had done to the Bp. of London yesterday, and from both recº
very polite cards. In the evening at Watson's.
Only the Bishop of Rochester’s “Card” has been preserved. A
set of his History must mean the two first volumes of his History
of Massachusetts Bay, and the “Collection,” I take it, the Collec-
tion of his Speeches to the House of Representatives. The Bishop's
“Card” runs thus:–
“The Bishop of Rochester presents his complim" to Gov. Hutch-
inson, with his best thanks for his obliging present, w” will do
honour to his Libary, and give both instruction and amusement
to him. The Bp. makes no long stay in town, but will take the
first opportunity of paying his respects to the Governor on his
return.
“Deanery House, Westm".”
“Nov. 20th 1777.”
Lord Chatham had not won the Governor's heart, and he had
no desire to go and hear him speak. How indeed should he
have won it, seeing that his Lordship had frequently uttered
expressions calculated to encourage insubordination, and embroil
the two countries? and in spite of the many proofs that the
Americans had given, all tending to shew that they intended,
if possible, to break away from the Mother Country, yet the
Noble Lord, together with a few others of equally limited vision,
could not see it. “The assertion that America aspired at inde-
pendence, was treated as an unfounded calumny, calculated only
for purposes of delusion.” Hence, his refusal to believe a patent
fact, acted as an incentive to further excesses. To declare that
the Americans were justified in their resistance, was encourage-
ment enough to teach them that they had a powerful friend
in a place where he could do them much service in promoting
their views, which was a premium to go on. But his Lordship
106 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON. G.;
was not alone in his indiscretion, there being several Peers in
the one House, and several Commoners in the other, who were
equally unpatriotic and un-English in their principles and in
their teaching, and who were thereby aiding and abetting the
very war, and the very dismemberment of the Empire, which
they pretended to deprecate. If they really believed that the
Americans had a right to complain, why did they not say how
far they might go, and where they ought to stop? Vague decla-
mations about ill-defined wrongs, act as encouragements to un-
bridled licence ; and the Continuator of Hume writes—“that
the leaders of the minority in both Houses were not only the
encouragers, but in a great degree, the authors of the American
rebellion.” The ill-advised zeal of these declaimers had fed
the aspirations of those who were now striking for total inde-
pendence, and had led them to a confident hope that they would
soon get everything for them; but these encouragements were
hollow and illusory, for in criticising the famous speech of
November 20, 1776, Adolphus says—“Lord Chatham then ex-
plicitly stated his repugnance to the independence of America.”
The contradictions uttered by some of these great men were
sometimes so palpable, that it was not always easy to understand
what they really meant in the conduct of American affairs, and
it is a question whether they knew themselves. Certain it is,
that they fanned the flame into fiercer fires; so that it was the
opinion of some men, that the rebellion in America should really
have been first stifled in the Parliament of England: and it may
be assumed, that if half-a-dozen Members out of each Chamber had
been hanged, a very sedative effect would have been produced in
the Colonies.
Return we to the Diary:-
21st.—Called on M* Cornwall, who gave me a full account
of the debates in both Houses. The Opposition in both agreed
on the same measure—to propose an amendment in the
Answer to the King's Speech, to pray him to order an im-
mediate cessation of arms, and then to proceed to treat w”
them. Strange as such a notion is, such men as the D. of
Grafton, L* Chatham, Shelburne, Camden, &c., spoke in favour
of it in the Tords, and Burke, Barré, Fox, Wilkes, &c., in the
Commons. Det what motion will, be made, in opposition, the
number is much the same:–in the Lords 28 to 86 : in the
§j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 167
Commons 86 to 243: and the last year it was near the same
proportion.*
22nd.—At Lord Townshend's, Portman Square. Lady Towns-
hend asked me if I had a mind to see an instance of American
loyalty 2 and going to the sopha, uncovered a large gilt head,
which at once appeared to be that of the King, which it seems
the rebels at N. York, after the Declaration of Independence,
[July 4, 1776], cut off from the statue which had been erected
there, and sent to Fort Washington, in order to fix it on a pole
or pike; but by some means or other it was buried, and after
the surrender of the Fort, Montresor [?] took it into his
possession, and sent it to Lord T., which he rec" last night.
The nose is wounded and defaced, but the gilding remains fair;
and as it was well executed, it retains a striking likeness . . .
In the first volume, page 520, I have said that during one of my
visits to New York, I was one day shewn the spot where the statue
of George III. had stood, and was told that at the out-break of
hostilities it was taken down and cast into bullets, because it was
well known in the city that it was made of lead. The American
who told me this did not say it was gilt, or whether it was an
equestrian group or a single figure, and perhaps he did not know,
nor did I think of asking such questions. It is probable that the
lead was given to the British and Hessian troops at the Battle of
Brooklyn on Long Island, and close to New York, fought on the
27th of August, 1776; and possibly the head was carried away
northward a few days after, when the Americans withdrew from
the city and marched towards Fort Washington. If it was put on
a pole or pike at that place, for the diversion or the derision of the
Republican soldiary, it may have been buried within the works
when the Fort was assaulted and captured on the 16th of November
following.
In the Diary, at one or two places—October 10, 1776, for instance
—the Governor observes that amongst the prisoners taken at the
Battle of Brooklyn, was a Lord Sterling “so called.” It has been
said that when this officer, who commanded the American right
wing, fell into the hands of the English soldiers, there was some
* In Adolphus, vol. iii. p. 13, the numbers in the Lords are 28 to 84,
and in the Commons 86 to 243, he, however, placing the higher numbers
first. The Continuator of Hume says 97 to 28 in the Upper, and 243 to 86
in the Lower House.
168 DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
apprehension that he would be roughly handled, as it was under-
stood that it was he who had sawn off or cut off the head of the
Ring's statue. As to the mysterious expression “so called,” some
light is thrown upon it in a foot-note on page 123 of Serjeant
Lamb's Journal of Occurrences during the late American War. The
note says—
“His father, Mr. Alexander, (for that was his real name), went
to America many years ago, where he acquired a considerable
estate. Upon the death of Lord Sterling, a Scotch Peer, whose
name was Alexander, either the late or present Mº Alexander, came
over to England and laid claim to the title. When the cause was
tried by the House of Lords, and the claim rejected, the Lords
forbade him to assume the title on pain of being led round
Westminister Hall, labelled as an imposter; but ever since, by the
courtesy of his countrymen, he has been distinguished by the title
of Lord Sterling. The first Lord Sterling obtained a grant of
Long Island, and was the first that settled it with British
inhabitants. He died in 1640.”
This little concatenation of circumstances may serve to awaken
an excusable curiosity into the history of the statue. It is not
likely that it had been made in the Colony, but was probably a
present from a friendly King to a loyal city. His Majesty came to
the throne in 1760, and the catastrophe happened in 1776—a space
of sixteen years; so that we have a limited range during which
the work had been done. Mr. Hutchinson had seen the King, and
had talked with him often enough to know his features well, and
we have his testimony that the likeness was good. The modeling
—the casting—and the gilding—could scarcely have been done by
an inexperienced hand. We would willingly know who had been
the sculptor : whether the work had been a single figure or an
equestrian group: when it was executed: and though we know all
about the distribution of the body, we should like to be informed
as to what has become of the head.
It is time to hark back. Rumours of coming events in America
had found their way to England at intervals for some weeks past,
causing a considerable amount of uneasiness, as they implied some
want of capacity in Sir William Howe, and some reverse offortune to
General Burgoyne; but nothing of a tangible nature was received
until the beginning of December.
December 1st.—Almon tells me this morning, a vessel is
arrived at Nantz from Charlestown : Sailed 19 October : advises
º; ) DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 169
the total loss of Burgoyne's army, and the distressed state of
Howe's. I think Almon wishes it may prove true, as do too
many, out [of] opposition to Administration.
Major Cayler arrived before noon, with letters from S. W.
Howe. Mº Knox mentions his being in possession of Philad.
the 26 Sep', having had a subseq' action with Washington after
that, and beat him : that Clinton had taken the Forts in the
Highlands: and that it is said Burgoyne had retreated. This
is all I hear with certainty; only, it is agreed, that the
Augusta, a 64-gun ship, ran aground; and being stripped, was
burnt: and that the Merton [?] sloop is lost. Affairs look less
favorable than Ministry expected they would. Howe's going
round to Chesapeak instead of going to join Burgoyne, is cen-
sured much ; and it begins now to be said, that he has not
capacity for the place he is in.
2nd.-The Gazette in the evening gives a full account of
yesterday's intelligence. Howe had met with more obstruction
that was imagined he would, and lost, in the whole, three or
four hundred besides wounded and missing. The Augusta
ship of 64 guns, burnt by accident in Delaware River. The
rebels still kept possession of Mud Island, about 5 miles below
Philad., which our ships were preparing to attack. The
obstinate resistance made at one place and another, is astonish-
ing to all parties here. Clinton had taken several Forts:
destroyed the booms: one of which, he says, the rebels pre-
tend cost 70,000 pounds: and Wallace, the 17th October,
was off Esopus, which Gen. Vaughan had laid in ashes;
but not a word said of Burgoyne; and everything is in the
dark, except we credit the rebel newspapers, which are very
unfavorable.
3rd-Going into the city, I met M. Watson, who gave me
the first account of a ship from Quebec, with advice of the
surrender of Burgoyne and all his army.—At Mr Ellis's.
4th-The papers this morning all agree in the arrival of the
Warwick man-of-war, which sailed the 28 of October from
Quebec, and that Burgoyne's army laid down their arms, after
having been some days without provisions. It is said they are
to be sent home; that Fraser is killed, with 800 men, out of a
170 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
thousand, with which he attempted to make way thro' an
infinite number of Provincials.
Where the blame will lay [lie] seems undetermined. Howe's
leaving Burgoyne after he knew he was on his way to Albany,
and going upon the southern expedition, is not at present
accounted for. Stocks sunk at once 2 or 3 pt . Ministry
however had the same majority or near it in a debate last night
in the H. of Commons. Sir W* Meredith returned to the
min. side [?]* and Governor Pownall . . .
5th.-Into the city—universal dejection: opinion that Howe
will not keep Philadelphia. Dined at General Gage's w” two
sons, E. and W. Lº Gov. Oliver and wife, and Judge Oliver,
and Major Cuyler, lately arrived express. He is aide-du-camp
to Howe, but connected w” M* Gage's family: gives but an
indifferent account of the prospect for the winter: does not
pretend that Howe can have any assistance from the navy : is
drawing lines of redoubts. The possession of Philadelphia is
really, in my opinion, a disadvantage, and his army would be
better in New York, in the state it was last winter.
6th.—M Ellis called. He says the kingdom must subdue
the Colonies, or the Colonies will subdue the kingdom. The
fishery will be gone; the islands gone, &c. The Opposition
themselves are confounded when they come to the consequence
of their own motion for a cessation of arms. Various reports of
Howe's being shot; Waughan taken prisoner, &c., which do not
appear to have any foundation.
7th. At the Old Jewry. [Some unknown gentleman bowed
coming out..] Sir James Wright called after church. He
speaks freely of past measures, and as freely of the necessity of
a more vigorous exertion than ever. Happy would it be if the
consideration of the terrible consequences of another year's
campaign might dispose to reasonable terms of accommodation,
but there seems little prospect. -
10th. Mr Paxton came to town last evening: dined and
spent this evening with me. A newspaper from Boston w”
the particulars of Burgoyne's surrender to Gates the 17th of
October.
* Blotted and indistinct. Query—ministerial side.
#j DIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS ITUTOIIINSON. 171
11th.-At Lord Huntingdon's where I saw General Conway
the first time. He was very conversible, but attached to his old
system : asked me whether I thought the Americans would
hearken to any proposals of accomodation ? and seemed to
refer to a plan. I said I imagined they were so determined,
that nothing short of a separation would satisfy them. After I
left him I found Lord North had informed the House, that as
soon as the holidays were over, he would lay some plan of
accommodation before them, but would make no proposals to
the Colonies during the recess.
12th. At M Ellis's, who laments the state of affairs, and the
dispirited Administration: says things are very difficult, but
not desperate.
At Lord Hillsborough's, and left my name: the Bp. of
London's the same.
At Lord Hardwicke's, who says there will be a change—in
the American command certainly,–if not further. -
At D* Kippis's, who has all the air, the house, the wife, &c.,
of one of our clergymen in a country town.
At Col” Vassall's, Berner's Street, and left my name. At
S' W. Pepperrell's, Queen Anne Street, West.
Everybody in a gloom ; most of us expect to lay our bones
here. We have reason to say the battle is not to the strong, &c.
15th.--Kept house, my cold increasing. Paxton, with E.
and his wife, dined. Reports of more ill success:—that
Vaughan had surrendered on Hudson’s river—that Burgoyne
had shot himself. Goverment, it is certain, was never more
distressed. Loth to concede to American Independence, they
seem to despair of being able to prevent it; and yet it is the
prevailing voice—We cannot stop—America must be checked,
or they will not admit of English Independence.
The proposal made by Lº North of laying before the House
the 20 Jan., to wº" time Parl" is adjourned, a plan of governm"
for America, a compliance with wº" he hoped to enforce, dis-
covers the feeble state of Gov". Lº Chatham is too old to come
in. He certainly wishes to enforce the authority of Parliam'
in general : but to save his own views of opposition to all
administration but his own, has adopted notions of a partial
172 DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HuroHinson. Tº
1777,
constitutional dependence of a colony, which, upon just the
same reason, infers a total independence. We are to expect
further accounts from America, still unpleasing.
The clamour increases against the Howes, who ought to be
heard before they are condemned.
19th–My cold continues bad. Accounts from N. York, by
Way of Ireland say, that Mud Island was taken, and the river
Delaware cleared. The question some people ask is What
good will Philad. do us now we have got it?
20th.- . . . A little time every day I generally take for
continuing my History, and a little more in reading; both
which give me relief.
23rd.—Find my pulse very quick this morning: stay at
home and keep to barley drink, and avoid animal food : my
cough not worse: try, in the evening, a large dose of brimstone
and molasses my daughter Oliver prepared for me. Lord and
Lady Gage sent to invite me to dinner to-morrow, but am
obliged to excuse myself.
31st.—A cold NE. wind . . . M. Eliakim Hutchinson's widow,
daughter, and son, dined with me upon a fine haunch of venison,
a present from L' Hardwicke, with Judge Oliver's and son E.'s
families.
At the end of another year, it may be permitted to make a short
pause. The fortunes of war had oscillated from one side to the
other, and back again, but the actual advance to either party, had
not been very perceptible. England however, was in the
ascendant in August 1776. The Battle of Brooklyn virtually laid
the Colonies at the feet of the Mother Country, and the successes
that followed confirmed the accuracy of this assertion. It was said
that Sir William Howe wanted a little more dash. “But General
Howe,” says the Continuator of Hume, “was much more blamable
for not pursuing the advantages gained on his side. With cold
and dilatory caution he checked his brave men in the career of
success.” He occupied New York—beat the Americans at White
Plains, at Forts Washington and Lee, and then followed them
leisurely to the waters of Philadelphia, where he arrived, writes
Stedman—“just when the last boat of General Washington's
embarkation crossed the river, as if ..he had calculated, it was
observed, with great accuracy, the exact time necessary for his
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 173
snemy to make his escape.” Says the Continuator—“But nothing
»f the vast, the vigorous, or decisive, appeared in the plans or
yonduct of General Howe, who, from so often stopping the progress,
shilling the ardour, and benumbing, as it were, the faculties of his
victorious troops, acquired the disgraceful nickname of the Military
Torpedo.” This should seem to have been a play upon the word
torpid. A resolute hand would then have terminated the war, for
the fate of the Colonies was in the grasp of the General.
As to the affair of Saratoga, it may be observed, that if England
had been struck with surprise on receiviug news of the Battle of
Bunker's Hill, the recent account of the surrender of General
Burgoyne and his army at Saratoga, had intensified surprise into a
stronger word. Various excuses were offered by different people
according to the tendency of their sympathies; but we gather from
the Diary, that from the first rumour of disaster in that quarter,
there was a feeling among the Ministers, or among those who were
closely associated with them, that Sir William Howe was to blame
for going south to Philadelphia, instead of going north to support
General Burgoyne. That Howe was expected, and that a sort of
belief to that effect was prevalent among Burgoyne's troops is .
certain, because Lieutenant Amburey, who was with them,
distinctly says so. He writes, Vol. ii. p. 6,-‘It was universally
understood throughout the army, that the object of our expedition
was to effect a junction with that under General Howe, and by such
means become masters of the Hudson's river, dividing the northern
from the southern provinces. You can easily conceive the
astonishment it occasioned, when we were informed that General
Howe's army had gone to Philadelphia, and it was the more
increased, as we could not form to ourselves any idea, how such a
step would facilitate or effect a junction.”
It is late in the day however, to discuss these military
movements, and it is only done so as far as may apply to the
remarks made in the Diary. At a subsequent date, when these
officers returned to England, they lost no time in meeting their
accusers, and fought bravely to overcome the slanders that had
been heaped up against them. The adverse accounts which had
crossed the Atlantic of late had seriously impaired the popularity
of the two brothers Howe; but with an amount of fairness and love
of justice, to friends, foes, and all orders of men, Governor
Hutchinson writes under December 15th–4. The clamour increases
against the Howes, who ought to be heard before they are
condemned.” 2
But the unexpected intelligence had struck a heavy blow to the
174 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
hopes of the Loyalists and Refugees, who were getting impatient
to return home in peace. Even the Governor, who had hitherto so
fondly and so persistently clung to this hope, at last begins to
betray signs of despair. On the 25th of May, 1775, he wrote—“I
See my contemporaries dying away so fast, that I am more anxious
than ever to hasten home, lest I should die here, which I dread
above all things: ” but now, on the 12th of December, 1777, he
writes—“Most of us expect to lay our bones here.” *
#j ( 175 )
CHAPTER IV.
BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1778.
Jany 1st.—I called upon L" Huntingdon. He was very open
in condemning Howe's conduct: at a loss where to find a
successor : inclines to Sir H. Clinton : mentioned the talk of
Murray: doubted whether Lord Amherst would go. In the
evening I sent him a letter I rec" from Dº Gardiner at N.
York, and extract of a letter to Dº Chandler from M* Wether-
head. Mº Thomas, one of the Massachusetts Council, arrived
last night from N. York, last from Ireland, called on me.
2nd.—Col” Scott of Boston, who arrived at the same time
with M* Thomas, called with M* Timmins. Affairs never
looked so dark. Mauduit spent an hour in the evening—very
gloomy. -
L" Huntingdon returned me the letters. He sent [to] me,
informing me his son, (natural), M. Hastings, came to town last
night, and confirms everything in those letters. I suppose he
came in the Irish fleet.
4th- . . . Dined with M. Ellis, his wife only, and his
nephews. I was surprised to hear him say that he did not
believe there was any thought of a change in the American
command by land. He had heard talk of a division, or separate
comand of part of [the] naval force : he added he had not had
much opportunity of informing himself, coming to town the
day before . . .
5th.-A report this morning that the D. of Manchester has a
letter from France, which says they had entered into a treaty
with the Americans for 31 years . . .
7th.-In the city at M* Palmer's, Devonshire Square, upon
my affair with Dupuis' Executor. Talk prevails there of a
French war. Lord Mansfield is gone suddenly to Paris. Stocks
176 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
fall: Bank st. at 120, was at 141 when I bought for M"
Winslow.
Wrote by the packet to Dº Gardiner, in answer to a letter
rec" from him to Jos. Wanton Jr., Esq., at Newport, respecting
my estate and my sister's, which I inclosed to Mº Colburn
Barratt at N. York, and prayed him to forward.
8th.- . . . At Court. D. Ross, new Bp. of Exeter, kissed
hands: first time of seeing the Queen since my daughter
died . . .
9th.-A Gazette extraordinary gives letters from L' Howe,
and Gen. Howe, as late as 29 Nov., but nothing very material.
The enemy's shipping was either burnt by them, or escaped up
the river, and they have lost nothing but their old cannon, and
a quantity of shot.
The General writes that he was just upon moving to go after
Washington, who, it is thought, was also just upon moving, to
keep at such distance from him as he should think fit.
10th.-At Brompton, at my son's, [Thomas's], where I had
not been since the death of his child.*
11th-At Prince's Street—D" Kippis. Called on Bliss, who
is as yellow as saffron with the jaundice . . .
12th.-Into the city with my son T. in the coach. I called
on Blackburne : he says Murray is sent for from Minorca: that
Howe had determined to burn German-town, and the environs
of Philadelphia . . .
13th.-Called on Lord Huntingdon: shewed him Putnam's
letter. He says Lº George's Lady is dying with the measles;
otherwise he would have talked with him on the subject: he
hears, he says, orders are gone to recall Howe: added that
Clinton, Sº W* Erskine, Grey, Leslie, had all wrote to be
recalled if Howe remained, and the officers were universally
discontented: that Clinton had said he wished old Robertson
was chief, that he might take all the care of the army, except
fighting, and that he was his second: but this could not be,
* There is no mention of this child in the Pedigree or any ſamily record.
It comes in between Andrew and William. Andrew was born March 24,
1776, and William June 14, 1778, a space of two years, two months, and
21 days, and considering the interval of time, this boy or girl, whichever it
may have been, could only have been a few months old.
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 177
because R. was a younger officer. This connexion makes
probable what it is reported R. said when he heard H. was
gone to the southward instead of N. England—“By G.
he deserves to be hanged l’”
L" Huntingdon apologised for Clinton's conduct at S. Caro-
lina : said he had been constantly sea-sick for a month or two,
and all his spirits wasted: that there was a L' Coffin who
Parker wished to make a Captain : that he sent this Coffin to
Charlestown to reconnoitre : that he made return that Sullivan's
Island Fort was unfinished : that there was a ford of not more
than 18 inches from Long Island to Sullivan's Island: that
Clinton was persuaded by Parker to attempt Charlestown:
that when he landed at Long Island and found not less than
6 or 7 feet water, he advised Parker of it, and sent Gen.
Vaughan, to offer, with three or four battalions, to go up with
the fleet to Charlestown : that he proposed to go up by a creek
in boats: that there was a point called Hedeson's Point, or
some such name, where were two or three heavy cannon, which
raked this creek, and therefore it was necessary they should be
silenced by the ships: that to his surprize, before he had any
answer, Parker began to fire upon the Fort at 800 yards
distance: that he stood like a beast upon deck, receiving their
fire from the Fort, not regarding how many of his men were
killed for many hours, doing no execution: that Lee had no
apprehension the Fort would stand the fire of the ships, and
ordered the garrison to make the best retreat they could, and
even to leave Charlestown; but when he saw the ships anchor
800 yards off, he led the garrison, knowing they were secure :
that Clinton was hurt [offended] because Lord George did not
publish all his letter, but that the clauses not published were
kept back out of sincere kindness to Clinton; and though
Clinton resented it and came home on that account, yet he
returned satisfied; and Lord Huntingdon, when Clinton shewed
him the paragraphs, observed to him that, with persons who
knew Clinton's character, they could do him no hurt, yet, with
the world in general, a construction would have been made to
his disadvantage: that Lord Rawdon had made up the differ-
ence between Clinton and Sir P. Parker, but Parker was brought
VOT, II, N
178 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
to acknowledge he had not done justice to Clinton in the
account which he gave in his letters to Lord George. . .
14th.-A storm of rain all day, and easterly wind. Staid all
day at home; wrote five or six folio pages of the History of
my own administration. This has been my diversion at times
ever since I came from the Hot Wells. [Jan. 1775, I. 345.]
Sometimes for a week together I write more or less every day,
and then neglect it some days together, and fill the time with
reading. If I had not found such employment for my thoughts,
my troubles would have preyed upon me much more than they
have, and I believe been too powerful. I thank God I have
never quitted books, and so, I have not lost the relish of them.
My friend M* I'llis cautioned me against it, and mentioned his
going into the country with Sir R. Walpole after he was out of
place : that he would take up a book, and in two or three
minutes throw it down and say—“How happy should I be if I
could but relish a book as once I did.”
Lord Hardwicke called notwithstanding the bad weather,
and sat half an hour. I shewed him Putnam's letter. He did
not approve of it.
15th.-At Lincolns Inn Hall to see Dupuis' Executor. Full
of Americans—Paxton, Lechmere, Paddock, Fitch, Pickman.
The new Bishop of Exeter called also.
16th.- . . . T)* Chandler, Paxton, Leonard, Fitch, Dan-
forth, Scott, and Jackson, Americans, dined with me.
17th. At Mº Ellis's, Hanover Square. Carried Dº Chandler
in my coach to Lambeth, and dined with the A-Bishop, M*
Cornwallis, Bp. of Rochester, Dº Wynn, a civilian, Mº [blank]
Dº Wise, and Dº Backhouse, [?] Chaplains. Generally he
has a full table on Saturdays, but it was remarkably thin
to-day.
It was said Murray is coming from Minorca.
An article of news seems to gain credit, and is Said to come
from private letters, as well as newspapers:–that upon debate,
the Congress were equally divided upon a question whether they
should relinquish their claim, or rescind their vote for indepen-
dency, and treat with the Commissioners, and that a fresh
member was called in, and turned the vote against rescinding,
#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 179
&c., and the distress of the people is said to be intolerable,
being destitute of necessaries. -
18th.-At Prince's Street: Dº Kippis.
Just before dinner L*Townshend came in, and mentioned
the arrival of Lord Cornwallis, who was not then come from the
King: had heard nothing remarkable : both armies gone to
winter quarters: fleet to Newport: 7 regiments to New York:
talk that there was a division in the Congress, and that
Washington was for peace.
Dined at Lord Hårdwicke's: General Paoli and Mauduit,
besides the family. In the evening M* Yorke, who I had not
seen before, widow of Charles Yorke, and her daughter. Lady
Mary, I suspect, must have something imperceptible in a
general acquaintance, which has been an impediment to a
match, her person and behaviour being engaging.” Lady
Polwarth, with her Lord at Nice, for his health.
19th.-Yesterday being Sunday, the Q.'s birthday was
observed to-day. I intended to stay at home, but being
invited to dine at L" Huntingdon's, and obliged to dress, I
went for a little while to Court, and luckily was the 2nd
person the King spoke to ; immediately after which I left the
Drawing-room, and was at home soon after 3 o'clock.
A gloomy day it was to me, from the recollection that this
day twelvemonth my daughter took the cold which laid the
foundation of her illness.
Found less company at L" H.’s than expected:—young Lord
Fielding, Col” Hastings, and Mº Hastings, his n. son, (L"
Huntingdon's), L' H. discovered that he had no expectation
of a change in the Amer, command, and despaired of success.
* Tastes and preferences are infinite, and they are unaccountable. There
are many agreeable, accomplished, and estimable old Maids in the world.
They may have become so from choice, or disappointment, owing to some of
the hundred-and-one impediments which are too often to be encountered in
bringing these matters to a happy conclusion. We have heard of a staid
old Maid who one day gave vent in very strong language, in speaking of a
number of fast young ladies of her acquaintance, who were rapidly picking
up husbands all round her, by their irresistible arts and flirtations, which
put her out of patience with them, and then she wound up her impassioned
diatribe by exclaiming—“Ah! it is the trash that is picked up, whilst the
best are always left!”
N 2
180 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. #.
He was to have dined himself w” Lord G., but the death of
Lady G. prevented." . . -
20th-Parliament meets, but no business. . .
23rd.—At Lord Hardwicke's, and the Bishop of London's: the
rest of the day upon my history: in the evening Mauduit called.
25th.-A severe N. East storm : did not stir out all day.
Lord Gage dropped in in the midst of it, without cloak or
great coat, of which it's probable he has neither, the polite part
of the kingdom affecting to wear neither, but to walk about in
the rain : and women particularly, of middle rank, often walk-
ing with their silk hats and silk cloaks, designed as a part of
their dress in fair weather. -
27th.- . . . At D'. Lee Parkins's. Young Gould from
Boston, 28 of August. He speaks of great distress in the
town ; all government at an end; their paper money sunk to
almost nothing, &c. -
29th.-Lord Percy called, after a long time since my visit
upon his arrival. Spent an hour—Paxton with him: good
natured, easy, and pleasant, as well as free in conversation:
plainly discovers his opinion of wrong measures this year:
related very circumstantially Sullivan's artful manner of per-
suading Gen. Howe to let him go out, to send persons in to
treat: the manner of Franklin, Adams, and Rutledge's treat-
ment of Lord Howe, &c.
I received a letter two days ago from Mº Wanton about my
estate at Conanicut. Lord Percy brought a message from him
to acquaint me with the ruinous state of it; but my letter
dated March 19 f did not get to hand till 22" Oct.—At Lord
North's Levée. Lord Amherst left his card when I was abroad.
30th–At Lord Huntingdon's. He says Lº Amherst has
declined going out: that Clinton has wrote to him that he will
* Dr. Peter Oliver speaks in his Diary of going to the “Queen's Ball Room,”
on January the 18th, which was Sunday. Perhaps, like the Queen's Drawing
Room, the affair came off on the Monday. He writes thus—“Jan. 18, 1778.
—I went to the Queen's Ball Room with Wm. Hutchinson, son of Eliakim
Hutchinson.” The next entry is this—“In Apl. following my father and
J. Clarke went to live at Birmingham.”
What induced the Chief Justice to settle down at Birmingham is nowhere
stated.
f See back, Mar. 18, 1777.
§ 1 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 181
not serve under Howe: that he should not like to command
the débris of Howe's army: and that he (L" H.) believes that
as soon as the East River is free of ice, Clinton will come home.
While that is froze, he says N. York is so exposed, Clinton
will not leave it. Upon the whole, L' H. supposes Howe will
keep the command.
31st.—Spent good part of an hour with Mº Cornwall, w” he
desired might be in confidence. He says Lº North had sud-
denly engaged to the House what it is now very difficult to
perform—some plan of conciliation: that if he had com-
mitted an error himself, he should think it the best way
frankly to acknowledge it; he did not suppose that would be
the case now : he owned he saw nothing could be offered but
what would make the case worse than at present, or without it:
he mentioned three or four diff" schemes thought of the least
exceptionable, a proposal, that if the colonies [would return] to
the same subjection they were under in 1763, all the Acts passed
since should be repealed, (Lord Chatham's proposal was only
“suspended,”) and already should then commence for the future
governm" of the Colonies. But to whom is this proposal to be
made, or what security can be given for any compliance with it?”
Called on Lord Amherst w" Paxton : left cards. At M*
Jackson's.
1st February.—At the Old Jewry.
At Court, on the Queen's side of the Drawing Room only.
In the evening at L" Mansfield's, and the Chancellor's : never
saw them so full—D. of Devonshire, L* Dartmouth, Mackles-
field, Percy, Abercorn, Marchmont, Falconberg, Beaulieu,
Lewisham, A-Bp. of York, Bp. of Llandaff, Mº Oswald, Dº
Courtenay, cum multis aliis, unknown to me. At Dº Heberden's.
A raw foggy disagreeable day. Dº Watson says that Clarendon
House stood in Piccadilly, and ran back up Albemarle Street,
where 5 or 6 houses now stand : that the Duke of Ormond
lived in that house when Blood seized him.
* Since the surrender of Burgoyne the aspect of affairs between the two
countries had assumed a very serious complexion. The tenor of these dis-
cussions shews that both Houses were at their wits' end to devise some
scheme for accommodation. Had they not discovered by this time that the
Americans did not want accommodation ?
182 DTARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. #.
2nd.—At Lord Hillsborough's : his son [blot] Lord Fairford
at breakfast with him. Talked with great freedom: said he
and I had always thought exactly alike: asked what those
members of Parl" could do at such a time, when they did not
approve of particular measures, and yet in general approved
the design of Ministry, in restoring America to the Empire 2–
the present Ministry, tho' feeble and irresolute, was better than
what would come in their room if there should be a change:
and yet it was difficult to vote for what was directly against
their judgment: asked whether Lº North ever consulted me?
I told him No. He said he was a good man, but apt suddenly
to resolve on a thing, which upon second thoughts he repented
of, and intimated that to be the case when he promised to lay
some plan, which he now found more difficult than he expected.
There is talk of a letter from Gates to Lord Thanet, wº
Lord Fairford said he heard Lord Petersham say he brought,
[having been assured] upon Gates' word, that there was no
politicks in it. Lord Loudoun asked me yesterday at Court
if I knew Gates? and said, when he was in America, he was
the laughing stock of the army, as an ignorant nonsensical
fellow.
A raw, unpleasant dark day.
3rd.—At Lord Hardwicke's, where I met Soame Jenyns, who
gave an account of yesterday's debate in the H. of Commons.
A motion was made by Charles Fox, that no part of the troops
now in Great Britain and Ireland should be sent to America,
[even] tho’ new levies of raw men should be placed in their
stead. He spoke more than two hours in support of the
motion: nobody said one word, so that it can’t be called
strictly a debate. The Question was called for, and carried—
259 against, to 165: a larger minority than has lately been
known. Both L' H. and S. Jenyns thought it impolitic to
make no answer, and that the Ministry lost hands by it. In
the Lords the same motion was made, and 91 or 2 Lords were
against 31 or 2.* -
* The Continuator of Hume speaks of the “contemptuous silence" with
which the speech was received. He says the motion was rejected by 259
to 165 in the Lower House, and 93 to 31 in the Upper.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 183
-msº
4th, My cough returning last night I kept house, being a
raw day.
There has been much talk for two or three days of L'
Chatham's coming in-some say in Lº Dartmouth's place.
Mº Howard, brother to Lord Hingham, mentioned a day or two
ago, that Lord Chatham had wrote to the M. of Rockingham,
that he could not bear to see the Kingdom ruined, and
intimated his not being able to go all lengths, &c. Adminis-
tration must undoubtedly be distressed, and seem afraid to
take the measures which all agree ought to be taken, by
changing the American commands.
5th.- . . . The report of Lord Chatham's separating from
the Opposition gains ground.
6th.-At M D'Oyly's. He says the papers laid before the
House show that there was no thought of Howe's joining
Burgoyne until he heard of his being at Albany : and now the
clamour seems to be reserved either for Burgoyne or the
Ministry. ... I met L" Onslow, and asked him whether there
could be all this Smoak [sic] about Lord Chatham, and no fire 2
He says No: that L" Chatham has certainly left the Opposition.
7th.-At M* Ellis's. He has removed all my apprehensions
of LA Chatham : says there is nothing more than that he did
not like the motion of the Opposition, to make the enquiry
now before Parliament, and would not come down: does not
like the state of things: particularly fears difficulties from the
plan which Lord North has promised : thinks, himself, a
declaration might be made of Parliament's being ready to
admit Members from the Colonies.”
* If Mr. Ellis talked in that way, he must have quite forgotten that the
Americans did not want to be represented in the English Parliament, the
distance, and the length of time in those days, of imparting and receiving intelli-
gence, being insuperable objections to an unwilling people. In “The Declar-
ation by the Representatives of the United Colonies of North America,” &c.,
a copy dated 1775 being before me, the pleasure of complaining richly adorns
every page, and at page 11 Representation in Parliament is alluded to, as
thus:– “After the most valuable right of legislation was infringed, when the
powers assumed by your Parliament, in which we are not represented, and
from our local, and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented,” &c.,
&c. This passage is quite enough to shew that at this time they did not
desire representation, although at One period the want of it was said to have
originated the quarrel.
184 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
It is said D'Oyly is removed from Lord George's office.
10th.--Called on M* D'Oyly. He has put himself out, but
it is because he sees he does not please Lord George. He
shews his attachment to the Howes more than ever: Lady
Howe and M* D'Oyly always together. He speaks freely of
Lord George's taking Thomson into his family. Some points
look strange. Lord Hardwicke said to me yesterday, he had
heard, and believed it, that Gen. H. is recalled. This affair of
D'Oyly's looks like it. D'Oyly says no orders are gone to call
Gen. Murray to England.-Judge Browne dined and spent the
evening. Called on M* Agar.
11th.-At home all day upon my History, except a short
walk to Pall Mall and back. I am in danger of too much
confinement for my health, and often go out w” reluctance.
Reports that Burgoyne's men are stopped at Boston.*
12th.- . . . The Howes lose ground every day. It is
now said that upon information of Ministry's not being
satisfied, they desired leave to come home, and that it has been
granted, and Clinton is to take the command : but some think
he will be come away, before the leave arrives. -
Mauduit in the evening—is very low-spirited at the state of
affairs.
13th.-My family all dined with J[udge] Oliver, High
Street.
It is now past all doubt that the Howes are recalled. I
called on Mº Keene: talked upon L" North's conciliatory
plan. He intimates proposing to ascertain the proportion of a
tax to be made by America—suppose 2/- a head. I told him
all would be scouted and ridiculed. He said something must
be done: the Country Party was going off: they had lost 50
members: they should not have a majority of 20 if something
was not done: spoke of the danger of a fresh war, and sinking
stocks.
14th.--Never were men more universally condemned than
* The march of General Burgoyne's army to the neighbourhood of Boston,
the severity of the winter, with the bad accommodation, the brutal conduct
of Colonel Henley towards the English prisoners, the prosecution of him for
his cruelties, with Burgoyne's masterly pleading, and skilful forensic manage-
ment of the trial, are given in the second volume of Anburey's Travels.
#1 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 185
the Howes. It is now said, two men of less capacity were not
to be found. Tuesday the 17th is appointed for L* North's
plan to come before the House. He never was so much
perplexed before, and his friends think he is making bad worse.
16th.--Called upon M Ellis. Wondered, considering his
caution, to hear him speak so freely of the present state of
Government. He says there will be 400 Members at two or
three o'clock in the House, and let what will be before them,
soon after four they are reduced to little more than 100; the
absentees at Coffee Houses, taverns round Parliam' House,
rooms above or below, or on the ground floors, eating, drinking,
&c. By 7 or 8 the House is full again, and presently, after
the “Question 1 Question l’’ many flustered—constant con-
tention, who is up, and ought to speak: and in this strange
irregularity, somehow or other, affairs go on, and Government
holds together.
Dined at M. Ellis's: Douglas, Paymaster of the Navy there.
17th-At Lord Hardwicke's. He opened Lord North's
plan, as it had been communicated to him. He seems willing
to give up all, but is confused in his notions of government, as
every man must be when he departs from the fundamental
principles, and admits governed to be governors. It is agreed
on all hands that Commissioners are to go out. It follows that
the whole powers they are to be entrusted with cannot be
communicated to Parliament, or, in other words, made publick.
The K. therefore, must be impowered to instruct them, as he
may constitutionally do, in treating upon peace or war, with
any who are not subjects, &c."
18th.-Last night Lord North communicated his plan—the
substance [being] to relinquish taxing, if the Colonies will
engage to contribute by their Assemblies, an adequate
proportion to the charge of the Empire: to appoint five
Commissioners, fully impowered to treat with any body cor-
porate or individual, for the restoration of peace upon those
* This implies a difficulty on the very threshold. If the King is to treat
with the Americans not as subjects, this would be a confession that they are
free and independent, which is the very thing they were contending for, and
which England denied. .
186 plany AND LETTERS or THoiſas HUTCIIINSON. [&#
terms, the Commission to continue till June 1779. Upon this
plan, as all is to be done by Act of Parliament, the King may
instruct the Commissioners to give up any further points he
thinks proper.
It is said the French have actually entered into a Treaty of
Commerce with them as Independent States. It is difficult to
judge what effect this concession will have upon the minds of
the people. At present they are much divided : so are the
friends of the Minister, though they vote with him. We
Americans are silent.
Plectuntur Achivi. [The Loyalists are plucked ||
At Lord Townshend's. He is in great wrath: condemns the
pusillanimity of Lord North : has been down into Norfolk:
encouraged subscriptions: subscribed 500g himself, though
involved and straitened beyond bearing. His poor Lady looks
distressed also. When I see so much uneasiness of mind in
persons of that high rank, it ought to make me more sensible
of the goodness of God to me. I am less unhappy under all
the troubles brought upon me by his Providence, than they
appear to be in what the world calls affluence and pro-
sperity: for though he is so involved, yet with prudence and
[sic] oeconomy, his estate and income are so great, he might
Soon extricate himself.
19th-Two Bills bro’t into the H. of Commons: one for
renouncing the right of taxation; the other to enable the K.
to impower Comissioners, &c. Nothing said.
20th.-At M D'Oyly's in the morning. He raves! The
nation is ruined but the recall of the Howes is the cause
(with him) of the ruin. Everybody, however, it must be
acknowledged, is struck with this motion, Lord Hillsborough
called and spent an hour. When he persuaded me to take
the Gov" he thought he was doing public service, and serving
me; now he saw what I suffered, he wished, for my sake, he
had not urged me.
I said there was no judging what effect this turn would
have: still the country might be saved, and much would
depend on the Commissioners. I thought there seemed to be a
"ort of amazement in people's countenances. He said it was a
;] DIAI, y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON. 187
*
sullen silence. He agreed [that] all the best men in the
kingdom were voting in Parliam" for a measure they disap-
proved of. But one of the Cabinet was in it—that Was Lord
i)artmouth. He did not know but L" Weymouth might think
less unfavourably than L* President, Ll Chancellor, L* Suffolk,
and Lord Sandwich, who were utterly against it. I asked if the
King did not countenance it? He thought the K. would never
thwart his Minister, and would rather, when dissatisfied, change
him. I was yesterday at L" Huntingdon's. He says the K. is
for it: he does not like the dismembering his Empire, but he
wants to be quiet, and to enjoy his small circle of happiness in
Buckingham House.
It is certainly a cricis.
Some great turn in affairs seems approaching.
M. Perry from Boston, by way of Halifax, and M. Messerous [?]
from New York, called on me. The former left Boston Jan. 3".
No such want of provisions as has been reported. Cloathing and
many other articles extreme scarce. The paper money makes
great confusion in all dealing.
21st.—At M Jenkinson's, who is very silent, cold, and
reserved: asked a question or two: he answered he had no
hand in what was doing. It not being one of the mollia
tempora, I withdrew. Everybody where I go is out of temper.
What can be more unpleasant than to be obliged to vote for
what they utterly disapprove?
22nd.-At Marybone Chapel with Judge Oliver, &c. After-
wards at Court. Lord Talbot said a great deal upon the plan:
thought we had better withdraw all our troops, and make a
naval war: Said he did not know how to join the Opposition.
In the evening at D* Heberden's. Not one word of govern-
ment matters. -
23rd.—I obtained, after long solicitation, £300 for two years'
Salary for M. Putnam, Attº Gen. of Mass Bay, by an order on
the Bank, paying M Rowe 7. 10/ for his fees.
Whilst there is so much fault found with the Minister's plan,
I keep more at home than usual, to be out of the way of
giving offence. I am sure I can do no good by finding fault
with it.
188 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSoN, ſº
24th. At M Ellis's. He says the House sat till one, upon
motions for amending the Bills: one—that the Massachusetts
Charter Bill should be suspended, and he says M Wedderburn
Was for a total repeal, and that he is to bring in a Bill to-
morrow, but M* Ellis disapproves, and so he does of the whole
measure, and yet says he is forced to go with the torrent. I
told him—If the torrent was left to its natural course, it would
run the other way. He did not know but it might. I said—
At Lloyd's I heard everybody declared against the proceedings.
“Why,” says he, “don’t they pour in their petitions?” I told
him it would not do for me to concern myself. “No,” says
he, “by no means. Keep as much out of sight as you can:
there is scarce a day but somebody or other has a fling at you
in the House. Don't offend the Ministry who are friendly to
you; but your friend Mauduit might do a great deal.”
Afterwards at Lord Hardwicke's, where I saw Soame Jenyns.
They are for the Bills, though they say they are as ill-timed as
is possible. -
I was at Paxton's lodgings. Lord Percy was there just
before. He says there is great confusion. He won't go to the
H. of Lords till the affair is over. He does not like Lord
Carlisle's being at the head of the Commission.
25th.-Went into the city, and called upon M* Strahan,
who says all is given up; after that upon Blackburn and
Mauduit.
26th.-At Lord Huntingdon's. Americans dined with me:-
L* Gov. Oliver, S' W* Pepperell, Flucker, Waldo, Hatch,
Paxton, Hallowell, Wassall, with Mº John Lane.
27th.-Dined at Lord Townshend's: only Paxton, and Lº and
Lady T., daughter, and governess. Countess Dowager of
Egmont, a most agreeable Lady, in the evening. Lº T. says
there is a breach with the Chancellor, and that he is going out.
He talks like a man in a frenzy about the proposed measures:
told his Secry. to bring him the names of two people that
wanted some little provision: Lord North would be out, and he
could expect nothing from Lord Rockingham, &c.
Adm. Gambier called on me. He came from M* Robinson's,
Secry. to the Treasury. He says Robinson said enough to
#j DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 189
convince him Lord N. wishes he had not gone so far as he has,
&c.—Publick fast. -
March 1st.—At the Old Jewry with my children as usual.
At home the rest of the day and evening. - -
2nd.—Called on Sir James Wright, and left my name. A
letter from Mr Walter, New York, Jan. 5. News to Feb. 2”.
It's now agreed Clinton will stay and take the command of the
army, and Sir W* Howe return.
Affairs go on yet in the H. of Commons. The measure is
that of the minority, to whom the Minister gives way: the
majority do not like the measure, but they follow the Minister.
Montesquieu says, the English Constitution will perish when
the legislative part shall become more corrupt than the executive.
I have found it difficult to conceive what he intended, seeing
the executive must be the corruptors, who must be as corrupt
as the corrupted. I don't know whether the present state of
things may not be nearly his idea. - -
3rd–Called on M* Preston, Charles Street. In the city to
Devonshire Square, and back a-foot. I think there will be an
acquiescence in measures more than I expected. Lº Percy
said to Paxton—L" North will not be Minister a month
hence; but I believe he does not guess right, for it is—a
guess.
4th.--Called on my friend M* . He is generally reserved,
but opened himself to-day. He would have died before he
would have taken the part Lord has done. He is sure that
if he had been in his place, and the K. had proposed such a
measure to him, he should have given up all his places rather
than have complied with it. So strange a measure is not to be
paralleled in history. He had spoke to the Sollicitor General
to shew him the repealing the Boston Charter Bill could
answer no end now. If reserved to the Commissioners, it
might be one of the terms conceded to induce them to submit.
The Sollicitor answered—“Let them have it if they will.” In
short, he despaired of the Commonwealth. -
What an astonishing state of affairs is this! The first men
condemn measures as most absurd and fatal. They do not
vote for them, but have not resolution to vote against them
190 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Everything which is a contradiction is now carried by the
Opposition. The measure is theirs—they vote for it—three
'fourths of the House don’t like it—but when the Speaker says—
“The Ayes have it,” nobody will say—“The Noes have it,”
because they will not divide against it. Things being thus
carried without dividing in Parliament, the people seem at
present to be easy. . .
5th.--The Bills passed the Lords—arguments from necessity
—humiliating, but no help for it—no division upon the ques-
tion. Mº Knox called upon me. He says all will end in some
sort of known established government over America. I tell
him all is conjecture: there's no saying what is the probable
consequence next week, or more than next year; people
everywhere being struck out of their senses, and when, and to
what degree they will recover, is uncertain. -
6th.-At Lord Hillsborough's, where were M Ellis and B.
Gascoigne. All agreed in sentiment—all condemned the pro-
ceedings in Parliament—and all declined opposing them.
Left my name at Lord Temple's.
Advertisement published in the Publick Leger of this day,
charges Gov. H. with bringing a nurse and maid from America,
and then deserting them : that the maid run mad: had been
in Bedlam : and had recovered; but was an object of charity,
and subscriptions were proposed for her at St. James's Coffee-
House, &c. Signed [blank] Williams, Attorney. In every
part, as to me, an infamous lie, and is occasioned by my son's
bringing a maid who proved a common prostitute and thief,
and behaved so badly that he turned her off, and had provided
a passage for her to Halifax as she proposed, but afterwards
refused to go, and went into service, and stole from her master,
and he turned her off, and she either run mad or counterfeited
madness, and was sent to Bedlam.
7th–Upon inquiry into the publication of yesterday, it
seems to be a trick of an Attorney to draw money from the
public. My sons saw him and he promises to unsay in the
next newspaper what he has said yesterday and to-day. . .
9th. This morning at Lord Temple's by appointment. He
laments the state of the nation—is at a loss whether it is
*...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 191
owing to the weak ministry, or to the Opposition. I thought
the principles of the Opposition gave them more encourage-
ment. He asked my age, and mentioned his own: find they
are very near alike. He was born on 7" October, and I the
20 September, the same year.”
10th.-In the city at Palmer's. At Mº Jackson's; had much
conversation on his errand to America. Lord Carlisle, M*
Jackson, and M. Eden, of the Board of Trade, being the men.
M. Jackson says there must be peace, at all events—the war
cannot go on. Eden has always been in Lord Suffolk's office,
and perhaps is not so thorough an American. Lord Carlisle is
a young man; was a good Scholar at Eaton [sic] or West-
minster; has spoke once in the H. of Lords; has involved a
great estate in a great debt by dissipation. The choice is
found fault with. Jackson thought Lord North should have
pitched upon one or more of the Opposition to be more agree-
able to the Americans. -
11th.-A raw cold day. I kept at home and amused myself
with correcting my History, &c.
12th-At M* Ellis's: more open than ever: speaks of con-
fusion in government: the most preposterous motion that ever
was: to lay a tax of */4 on all Salaries, pensions, &c., above
2004, a year, carried in the Committee, and recovered in the
House by 147 against 141, which was all the majority Lord N.
could make by summoning from all quarters:–Ministers]
run about the House as if they did not know which side to
go. He added—“There's no going back—it must be pushed
through.” g
At L" Gov. Oliver's.
13th.-Called on Mº Jackson again. Carried him extract of
a letter from M* Wethered of N. York to Dr Chandler, wºn
mentions a disposition in the Congress and people to treat,
which I found to be pleasing to Jackson, who said—“It’s well,
if one half of it is true.” I mentioned no names.
* In Vol. i. p. 41, the extracts from his mother's Memorandum book give
particulars. He was born Sep. 9, 1711, and his wet-nurse was hired, or at
all eyents came, on the day following. The change of style explains the
Seeming contradiction.
192 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
1778.
Dined at M Ellis's. General Paoli,” and Judge Oliver.
Not a word of English politicks. Routs, Concerts, Operas, &c.,
in which I took no part.
14th.-Lº Gov. Oliver called. Ishewed him a private letter
from Lord Hillsborough in 1770, in which he says he is ex-
tremely glad that I have departed from those apprehensions
which induced me to decline accepting the government; and
he assured me he had never heard I had declined it, and
seemed surprized: asked the reasons? I gave them,-the
prospect of increasing difficulties, and a desire to apply myself
to the most agreeable office I ever sustained—that of Chief
Justice, in which I thought I had done good, and had been
very little abused for it. He complimented me by saying
nobody ever gave more general satisfaction; said it was impos-
sible, after being thus drawn into the government, I should
ever be left to suffer.
Judge Oliver's family, E. and wife, Browne, D' Chandler,
Boucher, and Addams [?] dined with me. Politicks enough !
It was thought Boucher would go chaplain to the Ambassadors,
says it has been objected, that he has been active in opposing
the American measures, and no such persons are to have any
part in this Embassy.
Gov. Wentworth arrived last night from Philadelphia–24
days passage: The report [is] that the country is open 30
miles round: many deserters from Howe's army: ice in the
river Delaware: nothing very important.
15th.-At D* Kippis's. . .
16th. The papers to-day announce a French war, and say
the F. Ambassador has acquainted Lord Weymouth the F.
King had entered into a Treaty with the Colonies as Independ'
* General Pascal Paoli, was the son of Hyacinth Paoli, one of the chief
Magistrates of Corsica. Pascal distinguished himself in the cause of Corsican
freedom, when the Genoese and the French were threatening her indepen-
dence, but the French were too strong for him and his army. When all was
lost he fled to England, where he lived and died. What can a small and
weak state do against a large and a strong one? It may be a serious question,--
which is the best course for a true Patriot to take for the greatest good to
his country 2—To fight and be conquered, and succumb to an exasperated
enemy; or meet him half way in peace, submit to the inevitable, and make
the best terms possible?
#, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 193
States. It is said Lord Stormont has given the same intelli-
gence. Mº Morris, of the Customs called, and says Adm' Hill
informed him Lº Sandwich had ordered all the Captains in the
navy to their ships immediately.
17th-Everybody is struck dumb
The declarations from France, that they have entered into
a Treaty with the Colonies as Independent States, seems to
make a war inevitable. I met Gen.' Monkton. He is in pain
for Howe's fleet in the Delaware : thinks the French force gone
out may be too strong for them. The message from the King
is to be comunicated to-day. An address must follow—whether
for an immediate declaration of war doubtful.
The sudden agreement of France seems to be the effect of
the new measures here. Franklin's actº probably carried him
to require an immediate answer; otherwise the Colonies would
close wºº England; but this is conjecture.
18th.-In the city to Blackburne's, Bush Lane. He says
the subscribers to the new loan complain of Lord N. If he
saw a French war was so near, he ought to have let them
know it: if he did not know it himself, he was not fit for a
Minister, &c.
An Address voted yesterday, but nobody knows yet what are
the determinations of Government. America seems to be lost.
Paxton, and young Hatch, Jo, Burch, and Mº Hare dined
with me.
19th–Called on M! Ellis. Laments the universal despon-
dency : should not wonder if this afternoon the Americans
were acknowledged Independent—a term they always avoided
as a Religious distinction, but will always boast of as a
Civil character. After all, I shall never see that there
were just grounds for this revolt. I see that the ways of
Providence are mysterious, but I abhor the least thought that
all is not perfectly right, and ordered by infinite rectitude and
wisdom. st &
20th.-The H. of Commons sat last night till 4 o'clock
debating whether the Ministry had ill planned the measures
of last year; and after all, it went off without a division. I
* The word is of doubtful reading. It may be ‘act’ or it may be art.”
WOL. II. O
194 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
met M D'Oyly: he says he did not get home till 5 this
morning. Everything stands still. The season will be lost.
Never was a Government in such a state.—Gov. Wentworth
called.
22nd.—At D* Kippis's. - -
At Court. Small Drawing-room. King advised to walk
much, &c.
Browne and son, and Dº Chandler, dined with me. In the
evening at Dº Heberden's—Dean of Glocester, Bp. of Chester,
and Exeter, Mº Pelham, cum multis aliis.
Mauduit declares for Independence of America, and wishes
Parliament to acknowledge it. Never was such an instantaneous
conversion of a whole kingdom. There is the strangest cessa-
tion of measures that ever was known: nobody knows what is
to take place next. Lord Chancellor told me the Comission for
the American Commissioners had not yet come to him. He
added—“I suppose that will be one of the last things.”
23rd.—[Speculations upon the same subjects.]
24th.-Everything still indecisive. The debates yesterday
in the H. of Lords shew more than ever a disposition to concede
to the revolt of the Colonies, the minority gaining ground. A
change of Ministry in whole or in part looks probable. Some
say Lord Chatham will come in, while others say his infirmities
from age will not admit of it.
To my surprize D Robertson of Edinburgh came in about
noon.” I had corresponded with him in America, but never
saw him before. An hour's converse was very pleasing. He
has laid aside his History of the English Colonies. He gave
this reason—that there was no knowing what would be the
future condition of them. I told him I thought, be it what it
may, it need make no odds in writing the History of what is
past, and I thought a true state of them ought to be handed
down to posterity.
* Dr. William Robertson was born in 1721, and educated at Edinburgh
Lniversity. He was the author of a History of Charles W., a History of
Scotland, a History of America, which, as indicated in the text, was never
finished, and some other works. He was made Principal of the University of
ſºldinburgh, Historiographer to the King in Scotland, and Minister of the Old
Gray Friars. He died much esteemed in June, 1793. -
Mºj DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 195
He said, upon D. Franklin's recommendation, he had pro-
cured Diplomas for several of the New England Clergy, who
he had reason to believe became active in promoting the
revolt, and mentioned Channing; and upon my naming
Cooper, remembered him also, and Winthrop, tho’ not of the
Clergy,
He gave me an anecdote, which he had from David Hume.
When Dº Franklin had been at the Board of Trade, upon his
first coming to England 20 years ago, Hume said to M' Oswald,
then one of the Lords of Trade, that there had been with them
a friend of Hume's, an American, the greatest literary character
he had ever known from that part of the world. Oswald said
he could not tell what his literary character was, but he was
much deceived if he had not enough of the spirit of Faction in
him to put a whole Empire into confusion.
25th.-At Lord Huntingdon's. He says there certainly has
been a Message from the King to L^ Chatham. What the
answer was is not certain. Some say that he was willing to come
in, and take the guidance if only two or three of his friends might
be with him : others, that he declined unless there was a new
Ministry. The first, L' H. thinks most probable, and he
believes Lº Shelburne expects the Seals in L" George's place,
who is to be made a Peer; and he supposes Barré will be
Secretary at War, Lord Barrington for some time wishing to
resign. A strange world in which we live. It's certain the
political clock stands still.
Sir Eardley Wilmot called, and spent half an hour in a
pleasing conversation. I mentioned D. Robertson's anecdote
of Hume and Oswald. He observed that it struck him, be-,
cause he knew Oswald well, and that he had the greatest
talent of discerning men, of any person he ever met with.
Account by the French mail of stopping all English vessels
in the French ports, except smugglers.
26th—Into the city and back before 12 o'clock, a-foot.
At Lord North’s Levée with Sir F. Bernard. But few
people there. I never saw him appear more oppressed with
business. Had an opportunity of speaking to M' Robinson,
and procuring an order for my brother's salary from Jan.
O 2
196 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
1776, but am further Solliciting that it may commence July
preceding.”
Sir F. Bernard has seen M* Jackson: he sees no prospect of
advantage in going Commissioner: doubts whether he shall
go. Lord Carlisle, at Lord North's Levée, appeared to be
much engaged. In the city Mº Rashleigh told me people
were much disturbed—English ships stopped in the ports of
France—Spain also, declared to support a trade with America
as Independent States. All tending to confusion. Called on
I)" Robertson.
27th.-At Sir H. Houghton's, but did not see him. Lº Gov.
Oliver's, Dº Robertson's lodgings, who was just come from
Court. Lord Stormont kissed the King's hands on his return
from Paris. Uncertainty still remains. Everything stands
still. D" Robertson says some great genius must rise and save
the nation.
Mauduit brought me in the evening a printed sheet of his
own composing, in favour of declaring the Colonies indepen-
dent. He appears to me to be employed by Ministry.f. It is
difficult to say how the people will receive it. If he has done
the thing against his own judgment, it is something very
different from his general character. Gen. Harvey, who has
always taken kind notice of me, died to-day.
28th.-Calling upon M! Ellis this morning, he assures me
there is no truth in any of the reports of Lord Chatham,
Shelburne, or Camden's coming in ; and he does not believe
any hint has been given to any of them. I shewed him the
sheet Mauduit gave me. He does not believe Lord North
knows anything of it: does not seem to have a high opinion of
M.'s judgment: believes him to be an honest man.
Sir F. B. and son, Greene, Thomas, and Sewall dined with me,
and Jud. Oliver.
29th.--—At Paddington church . . . M. Boucher says M'
* Foster Hutchinson, the Governor’s younger, and only brother, removed
to Halifax, Nova Scotia, on the evacuation of Boston, where the English
government did what they could to help a faithful servant. -
+ Could Mauduit have been employed by the Ministry to do the very
thing they were trying to prevent? This is a strange idea, though there
may have been Something in the background, better known to him than to us.
*-*.
#, 1778
DIAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 197
Eden seemed to think last week the Commission was at an end,
but for two days past it has been settled that it is to go on
with all speed; and he thinks the Commissioners will go out
with all speed. He said there had been a demur about Lord
Carlisle: he certainly discovers more fondness for the employ-
ment than the other two.
31st.—Still silent. Motions in each house of Parliament by
[the] Opposition upon particular parts of the conduct of
Administration, which take up all the time of Parliament.
Everybody discontented—the general language. This cannot
last. Mauduit in the evening; his spirits gone—reserved—
seems to be for giving all up, and yet hardly thinks it right.
April 1st.—Went over to my dreadful lodgings at Little
Chelsea. Strange it should be so, and yet I felt an inclination
to see the place where I went through such a scene of distress;
—where I saw and heard the last of my dear child . . .
3rd.— . . . The three Comiss" kissed the King's hand–
Lord Carlisle, M. Eden, and Gov. Johnstone, in the room of
M" Jackson. . .
4th.-Called upon Mº Cornwall who, I saw by his counte-
nance, to be engaged, and had only two or three words. I said
I had no concern for myself, but I had no prospect for my
children. He bid me not be concerned : government would
never let them suffer. America, he said, was lost. Un-
necessarily, I thought, given up. Most shamefully, he added.
Gov. Johnstone he seemed surprized at: asked what Mr Ellis
said P t
At Sir James Wright's : shewed him Mauduit’s sheet. He
had not seen it, but had heard that language for ten days past,
and he had no doubt it was thrown out with the knowledge of
government.
M" Fitch, Clarke, Johannot, and Dº Perkins dined with me.
7th. – Walked into the city to Lime Street, Mauduit's
Counting House. I can't tell what to make of him, but rather
believe he has been persuaded by Ministry to publish the sheet
for Independence of the Colonies.” It is now the current
talk that the motion will be made this week. Fresh talk to-
* No copy of this sheet has been found amongst the Governor's papers.
198 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº.
day of a treaty on foot between the Howes and Congress in
America. Everybody now wishes it may be true, as there is
2' - e. - e - ©
no degree of spirit left in Administration.
8th.-In the House of Lords last evening the D. of Rich-
mond moved for an Address to withdraw the force from
America. The motion, L* Loudoun says, made a small book,
as it contained all the reasons wº" had been assigned for
removing Ministry, &c. This was answered by Lord Wey-
mouth, and then L" Chatham declared against American Inde-
pendence, in a speech of about 4 of an hour. The D. of Rich-
mond replied, chiefly to Lº Chatham, and reflected upon him
with some severity. As Lº Chatham was rising again, he
made some difficulty, pulled up his breeches, and sunk down
in his place, and fell back with his mouth open, and insensible.
L" Shelburne, and Lº Mahon, who was behind the throne, ran
to him, and Lº Dunmore assisting, thus carried him out of
the House. He soon had his Physicians, and came to himself,
but is not well enough to be sent home this morning. This
accident broke off the debate, which is to come on again to-day.
We have arrived at a cricis. Well indeed, might he exclaim ––
“What an astonishing state of things is this l’ and—“Never was
Government in such a state l’ Mr. D'Oyly raved, and declared that
the country was ruined; whilst Lord Townshend talked “like a
man in a frenzy.” The perplexity of Administration, and the alarm
among all orders of men, seem to have shewn themselves immedi-
ately after hearing of General Burgoyne's disaster at Saratoga. At
last the Governor writes—“America seems to be lost.” The two
Bills introduced at this time by Lord North are denounced by
Eranklin. In a letter from Passy of February the 26th 1778 to
I)avid Hartley, M.P., he says—“I received yours of the 18th and
19th of this month, with Lord North's proposed Bills,” and then he
tears them to threads. But matters have suddenly culminated in
a startling event, and the Earl of Chatham has hastened his death
by declaiming against the prospect of American Independence,
which he had done so much all his life to encourage, but now,
when he sees it has come to the point, he characterises as a dis-
memberment of the Empire. So long ago as January the 14th 1766
he declared that Parliament had no right to tax the Colonies, to
which Mr. Grenville replied—“That this Kingdom has the
*...] DIAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 199
sovereign, the supreme legislative power over America is granted
—it cannot be denied ; and taxation is a part of that Sovereign
power. It is one branch of legislation.” But it was required that
this branch should be lopped off, and the Constitution mutilated.
And he would not believe that the Americans, in the midst of all
their excesses, contemplated Independency, or a separation from the
parent state, although for a series of years it had been notorious
that their aspirations had tended in that direction. In the debate
on the 1st of February 1775, [Adolph. ii. 186.] the subject was
alluded to, when he exclaimed—“But were he once persuaded that
they entertained the most distant intention of rejecting the legis-
lative supremacy, and the general, constitutional, Superintending
authority and control of the British legislature, he would be the
first and most zealous mover for exerting the whole force of Britain
in securing and enforcing that power.” And in November of the
same year the Duke of Richmond, with Lords Shelburne and
Camden, denied that there existed any intention of the sort. “The
assertion that America aspired at independence, was treated as an
unfounded calumny, calculated only for purposes of delusion.”
[ib. ii. 280.] With these views, and in order to quiet the country,
they frequently urged the advisability of withdrawing the fleet
and the troops from the Colonies. To have done this would have
been something like removing the Police from London, in order to
promote the peace and the security of the inhabitants. In their
case it would have been tantamount to relinquishing America
quietly to the Americans. Hence the Governor wrote, on the 6th
of December 1777—“The Opposition themselves are confounded
when they come to the consequence of their own motion for a
cessation of arms.” No doubt, if their motion had been carried,
they would have been very much perplexed to know how to carry
it out.
What could be more encouraging to the Sons of Liberty across
the Atlantic, than to hear such words uttered as the followin g, in
the House of Lords?—“Resistance to your acts was necessary, as it
was just,” by Lord Chatham, on the 20th of January 1775; or an-
other assertion, which has been quoted in amazement before, as
spoken by the Duke of Richmond, and seconded by Lord Camden
—“I think the Americans have good right to resist. I hope they
will resist ; and that they will succeed.” Succeed in what? In
dismembering the Empire? This was something like exclaiming
—“Fight on boys—we'll back you up !” How is it that they
escaped impeachment, as traitors to their country?
But to put the most tender construction upon these utterances,
200 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
l? 7 8.
to say the least of them, they were highly indiscreet and in-
judicious, because anything spoken in the House of Lords would
have great effect out of doors; and it was well known that Mr. De
Berdt, or Dr. Franklin, or Junius Americanus Lee, or Mr. Quincy, or
twenty other Americans, who were at different times in London,
were eagerly on the look out for any favourable remark so spoken,
which was immediately hurried off to the Congress, or to other
leaders of Burke’s “extreme of Liberty,’” there to be made use
of by Samuel Adams's “Independent we are, and independent
we will be ”
But what says the discursive, versatile, and industrious chronicler
Walpole, on the momentous signs of the times, in the atmosphere
and aroma of which he lived 2 On the 1st of September 1777 he
wrote, “In one thing alone all that come from America agree,
that the alienation from this country is incredible and universal.”
And on the 20th of February 1778 he writes, “All that remains
certain is, that America is not only lost, but given up.”
He does not omit to notice the catastrophe in the House, and he
notes down as follows, on the 8th of April, “Though my fellow
labourers of this morning will give you a minute account of the
great event of yesterday, I should be a very negligent gazetteer if
I took no notice of it. Lord Chatham fell in the Senate—not by
daggers, nor by the thunder of Lord Suffolk's eloquence. He had
spoken with every symptom of debility, repeated his own phrases,
could not recollect his own ideas, and, which is no new practice,
persisting in our asserting sovereignty over America, though he
could not tell by what means. It was only new, to confess his
ignorance. The Duke of Richmond answered him with much
decency and temper, though Lord Chatham had called pursuit with-
out means timid and pusillanimous conduct. The Earl was rising
to reply, but fell down in a second fit of apoplexy, with strong
convulsions and slabbering at the mouth.”
As soon as he could be removed he was conveyed to his villa at
Hayes in Kent, where he died on the 11th of May following, being
in the 70th year of his age. #
Copley's well known picture in the National Gallery represents
him leaning back in a moribund state,_pale, and with closed eyes,
the Duke of Cumberland, in a light blue coat with breeches and
stockings, balanced in colour by the Earl's crimson robes, holds his
left arm—a little awkwardly; Lord Wiscount Mahon, on one knee,
in dark blue, supports his feet and legs; whilst the Hon. James
Pitt, in black, and his relative in dull green, stand close on the
further side of the dying nobleman.
#.] DIAI, y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 201
9th.-Last night in the H. of Lords, the D. of Richmond's
motion was rejected by 50 only, against 33,-- the largest
minority at any time, tho’ the greatest question in favour Of
Americans, and tho' Lº Shelburne had left the minority upon
this question. This question was in a Committee, where no
Proxies are received.
Dined at Dr Heberden's : M Harris of Salisbury, Soame
Jenyns and wife, Daniel Wray and wife, and Mauduit.
At L" North's Levée, and a little while at Court.
13th. At Lord Hillsborough's, who kept me above an hour,
giving me the history of his whole political life. Called upon
Chandler. He read to me the heads of what he drew up for
Governor Johnstone, one of the Commissioners. They left
town in order to embark on board the Trident at Portsmouth.
Mauduit says it's pity they dont go in three different ships, for
they will quarrel before they get to America. In my passage
from England to America, [in 1741, I could not help observing
how much a company shut up 6 or 8 weeks in a cabin is
disposed to form little parties—to take sides, and to grow tired,
and to be alienated one from another.”
14th.-It seems to be an opinion gaining ground, that Howe
will not come home, notwithstanding his leave. Some think
he will strike a bold stroke to retrieve his credit ; others, that
he will come to an accommodation; all—a sudden start. In
the Commission Lord Howe and Sir William Howe are named,
and not the Commanders-in-chief for the time being. Lord
Cornwallis is gone with the Comiss". This, it is supposed, is to
* Always the case! I went out for a frolic, and started on the first of
January in a fine sailing ship of something under a thousand tons, not
pressed for time, having had a friend go out in the same ship the year before.
We were seven weeks beating against westerly gales, and could scarcely get
up New York harbour for ice. I observed the same cliques and parties and
back-biting and tittle-tattling, and I was told that in every voyage there was
always one disagreeable passenger who made mischief. The return voyage,
made the year after, was accomplished in eighteen days, by favour of the
same westerly wind. I remarked on this difference to one of the sailors onc
day. He said—“I understand, sir, that it is up hill going to America, but
down hill coming home.” He said it gravely, but whether he believed it or
whether he was at his fun, I cannot say. I prefer a sailing ship. There is a
something delightful in the art and the science of trimming, and steering,
and managing, a fine ship under canvas. The rapid passages of the present
day give no time for the evils mentioned above.
202 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
1778.
prevent the command falling to Kniphausen, in case of Howe
and Clinton both being absent.
Dined at Col” Vassall's, Berners Street.
15th.-Advice yesterday, confirmed to-day, of a frigate at
Bourdeaux from Boston, with John Adams on board, which it
is said has taken a ship bound to N. York with 30,000£ on
board. Adams, it is supposed relieves Deane.
18th.-A letter to Dº Chandler, Philad. 10 Feb. says a vote
of the Congress had been printed, in which they decline ratiſy-
ing the Convention of Saratoga, until it should be ratified by
the Court of Great Britain. J. Clarke also, went from Boston
to Philad., writes Mauduit 24 Feb., that he wishes there was a
prospect of Burgoyne's men leaving Boston. No letters yet
from Howe.
20th.- . . . Sir H. Houghton called. He wonders at
Mauduit’s publication—was at M Jenkinson's when the thing
Was talked of. I did not think Jenkinson would have run to that
extreme. Sir H. H. says he told Mauduit that he wondered
at his handing about such a paper: and told him though Gorº H.
might have done such a thing with better grace, yet he should
have thought it officious in him to have dictated such a measure.
Paul Wentworth called.
23rd.—Advice that the Commissioners in the Trident sailed
for America from Portsmouth the 21st about 12 o'clock. The
wind has been fair ever since. Mauduit says the main-stay of
the Trident was discovered to be cut almost through—no doubt
with a bad intent.
24th.-Wind still to the northward, but there seems to be
no expectations whether the Commissioners arrive sooner or
later. I met Bridgen indeed, who says, the Americans have
been so cheated by the French, as to be sick of their alliance.
26th. At the Queen's Drawing-Room. It was said that
appearing at such a time would be deemed more respectful,”
but it was a thin Court. Dukes of Chandos, Montagu, and
Gordon; Lords Abercorn, and Pelham, and Lord G. Germain,
Lord Harrowby, and some Bishops: the Duke of Buccleugh
also, and Duke of Beaufort, who I had never seen before:
* The King being absent, He was at Chatham.
Mºj piany AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON 203
Lord Loudoun, and Ladies plenty—among them old Lady
Say and Sele, said to [be] four score and four, with a high
head like a young girl: never was a more rediculous figure . . .
Lord Delaware arrived to-day from Philadelphia : supposed to
come from Corke in a ship of the last fleet.
27th. . . . . Judge Oliver and Jenny Clarke [his niece] set
out to-day for Birmingham. He talks of fixing in the country
near that town, never to come to London again. He has left
his son's family of wife and three children here in town :
promises to contribute 100% a year to their support. I told
my daughter [Sarah] I would allow the like sum so long as I
am enabled by Gov' to do it, and make the first quarterly
payment the beginning of June.
29th–Account received yesterday of the sailing of 12 sail
of French ships of the line from Toulon, under the Count
D'Estaigne, alarms all Americans; and everybody is amazed
that 40 sail of like ships are lying at Spithead. The King
returned in two or three days from Chatham, but it is said is
going with the Queen to Portsmouth.
May 2nd.— . . . Dined at the Arch-BP.'s at Lambeth . . .
3rd.—At the Old Jewry with my daughter. M' Brinley
and Johannot dined with me . .
5th.- . . . Called on Mauduit at his Compting-house in
Lime Street. Never saw him in such distress: opened him-
self with freedom : professed that when H. arrives he shall be
prosecuted for the Pamphlet he has published: has heard
nothing suggested. I told him his nerves were affected :
every mole-hill was a mountain : mentioned to him my lying
awake whole nights in America, fearing I should be called to
account in England for neglect of duty to the King at the
time of the Confederacies—at least, I concluded I should suffer
much in my character for yielding to the demands of the
people when my sons were in danger. He seemed relieved.
The Bishop of Exeter asked me at Lambeth what ailed
Mauduit * I had no suspicion this was his trouble.
It is said an Ambassador is coming over from Spain, where
the Treaty of France is utterly disapproved, and that he is to
come through France, and to mediate.
204 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
7th.—Strong south wind still. A vessel yesterday from
N. York, Mar. 24. Gov. Cleveland arrived : was told of the
repeal of the Acts: said they had better have sent 10 thousand
men. Many French and other prizes taken. Several frigates
and transports said to be lost in the Sound between N. York
and Rhode Island.
Account of Massachusetts Resolves: —That no Mandamus
Counsellor, &c., should be at liberty to return: but if he should,
[he] shall be sent out of the Province : and returning a second
time, shall be put to death.
8th.- . . . Mauduit left alone, was in the horrors about his
book. Dº Apthorpe said he had read Mº Mauduit's book with
great pleasure. “My book?” [Mauduit loguitur] “I don’t own
it : I beg you would say I disown it: how cruel is it——” &c.
I—when the company was gone—told him he would put
people upon making criminal what was not so, if he discovered
such concern. “Oh I did not know—would give 1000£ he
had had nothing to do with it. What, if he should be called
upon—must accept a challenge, or may be, be sued in large
damages.” It is the strangest conduct I ever saw in him.
He attacked Mº Pitt with ten times the acrimony. Nobody
besides himself sees anything exceptionable.—Wind still S.W.
9th.-The K. and Q. returned to-day from Portsmouth.
Wind still unfavourable.
Mr Mather came to town from Hillersdon, (?) where he
lives, and dined with us. Mauduit in the evening, in a strange
disturbed state of mind. I did what I could to quiet him, and
endeavoured to dissuade him from a measure very prejudicial
to him, and which, if he was less disturbed, he would not have
thought lawful.
10th.-At Bow church, Dº Apthorpe's new living, where he
officiated. This is the gift of the A-Bp. for a book which he has
published in answer to Gibbon's attack upon the religion of Jesus.
I wrote to Mauduit. He called in the evening and thanked
me. Wind still contrary.
13th.-The House of Commons yesterday voted to be at the
expense of Lord Chatham's funeral, who died on Monday last,
(the 11th,) and of a Monument in Westminster Abbey.
*
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON 205
It seems now agreed that the French fleet went through the
Strait's mouth for America without stopping at Cadiz. –Wind
still S. west, and strong.
14th.-Gen' Burgoyne arrived last night, leaving his army
behind. News of Mº Boutineau's death at Bristol, of the gout
in his stomach.” General Burgoyne forbid going to Court.
A Board of Enquiry appointed. It is said he is come home
upon his parole.
M called in the evening. My letter on Sunday stopped
him from doing what would have hurt him exceedingly. He
said to me again, it was a good letter. I assured him if any
man had offered me 500% to suffer him to have done what he
proposed, I would not have taken it.
16th.-At Lord Huntingdon's, who was more free than ever
in speaking of the –—, which, considering my obligations, I
wondered at. He was 14 years in office, until he voted con-
trary to the King's mind in Wilkes' affair, and was dismissed
from being Master of the Horse, which he called 3000 a year.
Greene, Timmins, Quincy, and Scott dined with me.
At Lloyd's. There is an account of the Ariadne's taking the
Randolph frigate of 36 guns, after 5 hours engagement; and
Cap. Pringle of the Ariadne killed. And that a 64 gun ship
had sunk two other frigates—one of 32, the other 20 odd
guns.
17th.-At Dº Rippis's.
At Court. The King said little, except about the weather.
The Queen, supposing I had a place in the country, asked
where? I told her I had none of my own, but sometimes I
visited my friends. I had been at M Ellis's. “He is a very
good man,” she said. . .
23rd.—An hour or near it at Lord Hillsborough's, where I
had a fuller account of the present unsettled state of affairs
than I have heard from any other person. Whether he will
come into office or not is doubtful. He does not seem to be
altogether without expectations. . .
Lord H. said that Thurlow, all agreed, would be Lord
* Mr. James Boutineau, Attorney-at-law, Mandamus Counsellor, banished,
proscribed, and his estates confiscated. He withdrew to England, where he died.
206 DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. *
Chancellor, and a Peer. Wedderburne was intended for Attº
General, but he would not touch it, and insisted to be a Peer,
and rather submitted to take the place of Ch. Justice of the
Common Pleas, and he had the promise of them, without
considering that De Grey could not be turned out. When he
was talked with, he discovered no inclination; was infirm, but
could attend: besides, every day a place was expected to fall,
worth 7000£, w” he intended for his son. Whenever he quitted
he should expect a Peerage, and a pension equivalent to his
salary. Well, it must be done, and all was promised him. Sir
Fletcher Norton, hearing this, attacks Lord North : charges
him with the indignity offered him in giving a Scotchman, who
did not know an ounce of law, the preference to an old servant
who took the Chair upon being pressed to it, upon the strongest
assurances of being first provided for. He insisted upon his
Peerage, and would wait for De Grey's place. He had the
place of Ch. Justice in Eyre with 3000£ for life, which he was
willing to throw up when Ch. Justice. Lord N. said it was
gone too far to be altered. Sir F. threatened an Impeach-
ment for a waste of public money; that he would throw his
Speaker's robes over the Chair; take his seat, and be the first
to move for an Impeachment. Thus the matter now stands.
Lord H. says Wedderburne will carry it. Sir F. possibly may
be satisfied by another large provision out of the general
St0re. . .
27th.--Called this morning on M! Cornwall: promises to
bring on my brother's petition lying at the Treasury: speaks
lightly of Burgoyne's speech in the H. of Commons yesterday,
and condemns his saying the men who had deserted from him
after the capitulation, had done it w" a view to get to Clinton
or Howe. This may be made use of to bad purposes.”
Strange confusion in the House, upon high Words between
* General Burgoyne was allowed to go to England on his parole. Lieutenant
Amburey, ii. 20, thus writes:– “In the beginning of this letter I mentioned
that General Burgoyne is sailed for England. No doubt, on his arrival, his
enemies will be attacking him in all quarters. Do not be led away with
the general voice, and follow a misled faction: the General, in every situation
of danger and difficulty, ever had the confidence of the army,” &c.; and the
writer goes on and devotes a whole page in hearty praises of the General, as a
good officer and a thorough gentleman. -
June
º] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 207
Lord George and Temple Lutterell, and all order seems to be
lost there. . .
29th.-Dined in the city with Mauduit. Nobody but MIT
Parry, a Prebend[ary] of Worcester. He says M*Ann Pitt,
eldest sister of Lord Chatham, has wrote to Mº Daines Barring-
ton from Florence, that being at the Opera, the Grand Dutchess
spoke to her, and said that, as she was an English woman, she
would be pleased to know that the G. Dutch” father, the King
of Spain, had wrote to her [that] he utterly disapproved of the
Independency of America.”
30th.-At Lord Huntingdon's, where I met with Mº Vane,
who told me he was descended from Sir Henry Vane, once
Governor of N. England. Just as I was going out Col” Barré
came in, the first time I met him anywhere since I came to
England. I said I had been unfortunate—having endeavoured
—— He made a rather awkward apology—discovered no
inclination to say much of our acquaintance in New England,
where I had shewn him, when L' Governor in 1759, more
respect than he received from the Governor, which he then took
notice of.
Here I first heard of the arrival of the Andromeda at N.
York; that Clinton was to sail for Philadelphia the 25th of
April; and that Howe had taken his passage in the Grayhound
frigate; therefore may be every day expected.
MI" Ellis called. Speaking of Burg. [Burgoyne's] imprudence
in saying the men had deserted with a view to join Clinton, he
explained himself, that he would not be understood, that he
approved of their deserting, but on the contrary, if he had
known of it, he would have hindered it. This was the next
day after his speech.
31st.—To Twickenham in coach with M* Ellis, Gen. Paoli
and M. Ellis went on horseback.
June 1st.—With M*Ellis to Richmond. She called on Gen!
Williamson's lady : I went to Lord Hardwicke's. I wrote to
Col. Browne under M. Ellis's Frank, at Cowbridge.
2nd.—Returned from Twickenham.
* Very sincere! It was well known that at this very time the King of
Spain was intriguing with France to assist America against England. -
208 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº
Lady Bernard died last week, the 26th, at Aylesbury.
Paxton was there on a visit. She had been in poor health
several months, but took an airing the day before the night in
which she died, or rather towards morning.
The letters from N. York lament the conciliatory measures,
as they are called; fearing they will make the Americans
more tenacious of their Independence: speak of a treaty as a
matter uncertain, but rather believe they will not come into it.
3rd, – Parliament prorogued — which most people seem
pleased at ; no good being expected from its sitting. Lord
Chancellor [ | resigned the Seals; Mº Thurlow succeeds,
and Wedderburne Attorney Gen. ; Wallace, Sollicitor [Gene-
ral;] Lords Rochford, Suffolk, and Weymouth Garters.
An old parrot, which has been in the family 16 or 18 years,
died.
4th.-At Court—the Birth Day.
5th.-Intelligence to-day that the Toulon fleet sailed the 16
of May thro’ the Straits, and stood to the westward.
6th.-A vessel from New York. Lord Huntingdon met me
and informed me Lord Rawdon's brother, who lost his leg, was
arrived; and that Clinton left New York, which he did the 5
IMay, to take the command at Philadelphia. He added that
Clinton had large orders—to remain at Philad.—to evacuate it
—or take what steps he thought fit : that there were great
rejoicings upon Clinton's having the command: that some
liked, but more disliked the conciliatory Bills, &c.
8th–I finished my brother's business at the Treasury:
received 341'5/ his salary to 5th of April last, and lodged it
with Gines & Atkinson, Bankers,” and at the same time lodged
Mº Putnam's money there, being £365 12 6. . .
* Foster Hutchinson, a lawyer of eminence, removed to Halifax in Nova
Scotia on the evacuation of Boston in March 1776. He married a dau. of
Gen. Jean Paul Mascarene, and was the father of twelve children :-Margaret,
d. young; Sarah, ob. coel. ; , Elizabeth, ob. coel. ; Lydia, m. Slater, s. p.;
Abigail, d. young; Joanna, ob. coel. ; Hannah, m. Snelling; Foster, ob. coel. ;
Thomas, d. young; Grizel, ob. Coel. : Margaret, m. Sabatier; S. p.; Abigail,
ob. coel. Hannah and Mr. Snelling had Eliza, d. young; and William, who
is said to have burnt all Foster Hutchinson's letters and papers. Said William
married, and had William, ob. coel. ; Foster, ob. coel.; Jonathan, and
Frederick, d. young, and Eliza Snelling, who m. Mr. Stirling, and had William
John, the last and Sole representative.
#j 1778.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 209
9th, The wind still continues contrary. A large French
fleet sailed 3 or 4 weeks, and no ships followed. Everybody
complains of the languor and inactivity in publick affairs.
This detention is the hand of Heaven.
10th.-Paxton brought me to-day a letter from Lord Town-
shend's, w” was taken out of a prize, and carried into Glasgow.
It is from a French officer in Washington's army, De Portail,
a Brigadier General, dated Dec. 11th. Howe had not then
taken Mud Island, but it was thought he would, The writer
attributes the American success, not to their strength, but to
the astonishing conduct of the British forces. He condemns
the sending Burgoyne with such an army thro' a horrid wil-
derness, where the Americans could harrass and distress them,
and could fight in the only way advantageous to them. He
says [that] after the victory at Brandywine, and another I
forget, little or no advantage was made for want of cavalry, but
expresses astonishment à la lenteur et la timidité of the General,
He says there are different opinions upon the final success of
the Rebellion. He doubts it. If the English can keep 30,000
men in America, it must be subdued. If Washington's army
had been destroyed last year, it would have finished the war.
He says the Americans are in want of warlike stores, linens,
woollens, and most of the comforts of life: they have been
used to idleness, to drinking tea, rum, to Smoaking, &c.; they
will not hold out in war. It will not do to think of sending a
French force to act in concert with them : they have a violent
antipathy to the French: they would sooner go over to the
British army than fight with the French. There was a proposal
for a French force, aided by the Americans, to recover Quebec :
he doubts whether any possessions on the Continent can be a
benefit to France. If there should be war w” England, he
thinks it better to take Jamaica, and those islands which cannot
maintain independence. It appeared to him the best scheme
[would be] to keep the English from sending troops to America.
If they can be deprived of their Colonies, he supposes their
trade must be in a great measure lost; their naval force ruined;
and they will become of little consideration in Europe.
As a circumstance to prevent the Americans from succeedin §,
WOL. II. IP
210 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
he supposes that they cannot attain to a naval force under a
long course of years; and if England should give them up,
they never would unite, but quarrel one State with another, of
which there are already some buds, (germes.)*
22nd.—A remarkably hot, sun-shiny American day. . .
Much talk of Burgoyne's publication. Some say he has ruined
himself by it. A report that he is ordered back to America. . .
At Lord Townshend's. It is said that when Burgſoyne]
arrived, Charles F. asked him his plan 2–To charge Howe
with leaving him to be sacrificed. “If that's y' plan we must
forsake you : we are determined to support H.” The next
news-—that Ministry is chargeable; and his speech in the H.,
and his new publication, are conformable to this account.
25th.-Began a journey in a post-chaise with M. Paxton, and
lodged at the Blue Posts Inn in Witham. I lodged there in
September 1775, and left on the table when I washed, a ring
with my wife's hair, which the Landlady had taken care of, and
returned to me.f
27th.-We sailed up one of the most pleasant rivers in the
ºld from Harwich to Ipswich, about 12 miles, in a well
mmodated passage boat, which goes every day at six pence
a passenger. My servant carelessly left my wig in a box in
the boat, which he did not discover until the evening,
30th.- . . . The post brings advice of the return of Keppel
to Portsmouth, after taking two French frigates, and suffering
the French merchant ships to Sail through his fleet. There is
a mystery in this conduct.
The French had for some time been playing a double game, and
so had the Spaniards, despite the Soft accents of the Grand Duchess
at the Opera. Dr. Cormick writes—“The conduct of France and
Spain had for some time been an object of just suspicion. In
the midst of all their assurances of friendship for Great Britain,
* The above is probably a free translation of the Frenchman's letter. The
States held together pretty well until the internal rebellion in Lincoln's time,
at which stormy season they were spoken of in England as “The Disunited
States,” and the boasted national motto 10 pluribus Uuum, became E pluribus
plur/au/ſ. © g is •
# This was a pattern Landlady. This excursion into the Eastern Counties
and other districts will not contain much that need be quoted, and Space must
be economised.
#j 1778.
DIAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIJINSON. 211
a fraudful intercourse with America was carried on.” Adolphus
says—“The public regarded, with due indignation, the treacherous
interference of France.” At this time Franklin wrote from
Passy—‘The English and French fleets, of nearly equal force,
are now both at sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet
there will be a battle.” As a preliminary to such a battle, Admiral
Keppel left Portsmouth on the 13th of June, and steered his fleet
to the waters of Brest and the Bay of Biscay. On the 17th he
observed two frigates, the Licorne and the Belle Poule, reconnoitring
his force. On bringing these to a parley, the Licorne Suddenly fired
a broadside into the America, and then struck her colours. The
Belle Poule had a smart action with the Arethusa, and escaped
by running into shallow water, when the Pallas, another frigate
of the enemy, having cruised sufficiently near the English ships to
make observations, was taken and secured. It was with these that
Keppel returned to Spithead. It could not be expected that
Walpole would have been silent on this occasion, wherefore he
writes—“Well, the signal is fired Admiral Keppel has had a
smart skirmish with three frigates of the Brest squadron, and has
sent one [two of them in. They fired first, and yet seemed to
have provoked him, that they may plead we began the war.”
These remarks are inserted at this place, because it was from
this date that the war with France began.
July 2nd.—The London papers of Tuesday evening * men-
tion Keppel's having sailed again from Portsmouth, upon L"
Sandwich's arrival there. . . Mº De Grey called upon us.
6th.-Paxton left us this morning, and went to I," Towns-
hend's at Raynham. The post brings us Gen. Howe's arrival
—being at Court, &c. Philadelphia to be evacuated, and if
we may guess, America to be admitted Independent. Great
rejoicings in Washington's army upon news of the Treaty with
France. Long live the K. of France the general shout, (Vive
le Roi ()
9th–A letter from my son T. He says Philadelphia [is to
be P evacuated, as a preliminary to a Treaty : but I can't
make a Treaty consist with the proceedings of the Colonies in
their Treaty with France, &c.
24th. We went to Cowbridge [in South Wales], 12 miles,
* It was now Thursday,
P
2
212 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [#.
where we found Mr Browne and Mº Murray, our two country-
men, and their females, as we had found Dº Caner and M*
Apthorpe, and their families, at Cardiff, all waiting the state
of the present contest, if it may any longer be said to be a
contest, with America.
31st.—We set out early for London . . . I arrived at
eight.
August 1st.—The calm among all sorts of people is
astonishing. It looks just the same as one might expect it
would, if the English and French fleets were parading in the
Channel upon friendly terms; and yet every minute some
decisive stroke, some say, may be expected. The British
forces in America are mouldering away—the Commissioners
treated with neglect—and all considered as a matter of
indifference. Why don't Government withdraw its forces, and
leave the Americans to that Independence which the Ministry
seem to expect they will attain to?
2nd.—Walked down to the Old Jewry and back. . .
last night of an action in which four or five of
3 fleet were engaged with the Brest squadron, which
ºne into harbour. No ships taken; and it is said the
y, [Keppel's ship, lost many men,_but it occasions
triumph. Bells ringing at 12 o'clock at night.
6th.-At Court. Keppel's Captain Faulkner introduced to
the Queen.
8th.-Col” Chandler, Mº Clarke, and M. Powell, with my
son T., and D" Oliver and wife, dined with me. All lament at
the prospect of being debarred from the country which gave
them birth, and deprived of the estates which they left there.
9th.-At Prince's Street. After service called on Daniel
Leonard, beyond Buckingham Gate. He has been very
dangerously sick while I was in the country, but is now
recovered. His wife and children came last night from
Halifax.”
11th.--Wrote by Packet to Putnam at New York, that I
A
* Daniel Leonard was the same with Massachusettensis, the writer of a
series of loyal Letters at the commencement of the contest. He has been
frequently quoted in the first volume.
#) DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 213
heard the March and April mails miscarried, by wº"I informed
him of the receipt of his salary. The letters from the
Commissioners] to the Congress—the answer—a private letter
of Johnstone to Laurence—and his answer—with the Resolve
of Congress—all appear in the General Advertiser. Never was
there an instance of such mortifying appearances in the publick
prints. The design undoubtedly is—to bring Parliament to
give them up. What the event will be, God only knows.
Lord Hardwicke having sent me a side of fine venison, Gen.
Gage, S. J. Wright, Gov. Wentworth, L' Gov. Oliver, MI. Gray,
Lechmere, Flucker, Leonard, Paul Wentworth, J. Newton,
dined with me.
13th.-My son and grandson Tommy H. dined with me.
Everybody despairs of being able to return. A report that
M. Lee, who has remained hitherto at Cambridge, has sold his
estate, and is about to leave the country.
19th.—The same weather continues.” It is now two months
since the last date from Clinton's army. There is a most
unaccountable unconcern and indifference about publick affairs,
w” never were in so bad a state since the days of Charles the
First.
22nd.—As I was at dinner a porter came from Lord
Townshend to desire me to call at his house, and he would tell
me some news—the fellow said good news : and to give the
porter sixpence. After I had gone part of the way, I had no
doubt it must be a trick to get sixpence, as Lord T. had so
many servants, and was inclined to return—but went on.
When I came, I found he had met a porter in the street.
Instead of good news, he informed me of the arrival of Major
Crew and General Paterson from N. York, the latter, who had
the dispatches, not in town, but every minute expected:—that
Lord Howe was blocked up in the harbour of N. York—that
Clinton had been attacked passing thro’ the Jerseys—some
officers killed—knew no more particulars, only that he had not
above a fortnight's provisions. This last article, if true, is
more than all the rest.
* Frequent entries concerning the long continuance of great heat. The
Summer of 1778 appears to have been one of the hottest on record in England.
214 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
23rd.—At Dº Kippis's.
Lord T. sent me a précis—summary of the intelligence:–
Clinton lost 375, killed, wounded, and missing: arrived the
4th July at N. York. D'Estaigne's" fleet arrived at the Hook
the 11th : had been into Chesapeak and Delaware, and missed
L" Howe and the transports but a few days. This is a kind
providence, as all the provisions and stores of the army must
have fell into their hands. L' Howe had 6 of the line, 3 of 50,
2 of 40, and many frigates, and lay within the Hook in line of
battle. The morning Paterson came away, D’Estaigne was
preparing to come to sail—supposed to be intended to Rh.
Island. No account of Byron. -
25th.-Account of a prize arrived, taken by Byron, who was
left with 3 sail—it was at first said with 10, in long. 55, lat. 41,
the 28 July, so that it may be long before he reaches N. York.
—A very hot noon.
27th–For want of better employ, spent most of the day
Trnon my History. . .
ith the end of the month the Fifth volume of the Diary
tº a tinates. If we may judge by the entry on the first of August
—especially by the latter portion of it—and a few others following
that date, we might infer that the game was nearly played out,
and that we were coming to “the beginning of the end.”
The unaccountable lull in public affairs so often alluded to,
though more especially of late, as the gravity of the situation was
becoming more intensified, and the strange inactivity of Adminis-
tration, may have resulted from the fact, that Ministers had tried
all plans in vain, and were now at a loss to know what step to take
next. The number of conciliatory Bills that had been introduced
into Parliament, both by the Constitutional party, and also by the
most ardent favourers of American liberty, had shewn at least,
that there had been no lack of willingness on the side of England,
to come to a peaceful accommodation if possible. This may be made
still more apparent, by referring to the friendly advances several
times carried out by Commissioners specially sent for the purpose;
yet, in all cases, their proposals had been met either by indifference,
by evasion, or—as with the Commissioners now in America—by
* Stedman and Adolphus write the French Admiral's name D'Estaing :
Hume's Continuator spells it D'Estaigne,

#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON, 215
positive insult. The difficult nature of a war in a thinly settled,
and partially cleared country, amid the forests and fastnesses of
wild mature, had not been sufficiently taken into account. If we
look back and take a survey of the fortunes of war, as they have
presented themselves from the materials used in this book, we
shall see that America was virtually won to England immediately
after the success that followed the occupation of New York in
August 1776, and virtually lost in October 1777 by the disaster
to General Burgoyne at Saratoga. The entries in the Diary
subsequent to that event, plainly show that the Refugees in England
were well-nigh convinced that there was little chance of their ever
returning to America again. In a melancholy strain of wit the
following words, by the Governor's hand, were written on the fly-
leaf at the end of vol. vi. of his Diary—“ Vincit qui patitur—
Motto for Refugees.” And yet, if we may judge by an extract
from a letter from Grotius to his father of April 16, 1621, after he
had escaped from prison, and which he had quoted on another
fly-leaf of his Diary, he continued to cling to the country that had
ruined him in fortune, and had never ceased to try and ruin
him in fame:–“Ego non desino omnibus mihi rectá voluntatibus
Patriam commendare, cujus amorem, mihi nullae unquam injuria,
ectorquebant.”
( 216 ) ;
CHAPTER W.
BEGINNING OF WOL. IV. OF THE DIARY,
September 1st–The changes in the last four or five years
of my life make the whole scene, when I look back upon it,
appear like a dream or other delusion. From the possession of
one of the best houses in Boston, the pleasantest house and
farm at Milton of almost any in the world, and one of the best
estates in the Colony of Rhode Island—free from debt, an
affluent income, and a prospect of being able to make a hand-
some provision for each of my children at my death—I have
not a foot of land at my command, and personal estate of about
'000£ only ; depending on the bounty of Government for a
ansion, which, though it affords a present ample provision for
yself, and enables me to distribute 500£ a year among
my children, yet is precarious, and I cannot avoid anxiety.
But I am still distinguished by a kind providence from
my suffering relations, friends, and countrymen in America,
as well as from many of them in England, and have great
reason to be thankful that so much mercy is yet continued
to me.
3rd.—A New England man—Nutting, of Cambridge—goes
in the Packet. He is to be employed as overseer of carpenters,
who are to rebuild the Fort at Penobscot. This he gives out.
What Ministry propose is matter of conjecture only, but this
measure looks as if they expected to continue some hold of the
Colonies.
10th–At Court. The Drawing-Room being very thin, the
King said more to me than usual. After something upon books,
and my being acquainted with them when young, and finding
the benefit of it now I am old, he asked what sort of reading
; 1778
DEARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 217
I found most entertaining, or, I spent most of my time in P
“None more pleasing than History. It gave me pain however,
to compare the present times [with those] which had preceded.”
“I believe so—none were more wicked. I fancy,” he added,
“some of the wickedness of the times went from hence to
America.” “I knew it well,” I answered. Turning from me,
he looked back again—“They are a sad nest.” “I hope Sir,
they’ll be broke up in time,” was my return.
13th-At D* Kippis's.
The Montreal, with Gov. Carleton on board, from Quebec,
spoke the 8th with a Packet from N. York. D'Estaigne could
not water there, and was gone, as supposed, to the Delaware.
L" Howe had sailed after him with 7 ships of the line and a
store ship, armed of the same force as a line of battle ship, five
55 guns, and two 44, and frigates. Two of the 50 guns found
their way in, notw"stand[ing] D'Estaigne's squadron ; and the
Cornwall, one of Byron's ships, was arrived. The French had
destroyed and taken 30 sail of one sort and another.
14th.--The accounts open more to-day. No victuallers
among the prizes taken by D'Estaigne. The Cornwall arrived
but the 31 July; the Raisonable, a 60 gun ship, had also
joined, so that Howe had 8 line of battle ships, and no store
ship, she being designed only for a battery in harbour.
15th.-The packet W* came out w" the armed vessel also
arrived. Howe not sailed the 1* Aug., but was to sail the next
day. D'Estaigne was seen the 28 July, steering, as supposed,
for Rhode Island. Gov. Arbuthnot arrived from Halifax :
sailed about the 20 Aug. One of the three ships wº" were with
Byron, arrived there the 16”. I have a letter from my brother
of the 18": complains much of his dark prospects.
19th.-I called to-day upon Mº Knox at the office. He said
he had at last accomplished what he had been endeavouring,
and had brought “them " to take possession of Penobscot; and
shewed me a letter to Sir H. Clinton from Lº George, directing
him to send a sufficient body of the troops to Penobscot, as
soon as they could be spared, to cover the workmen, who were
to be employed in building a Fort, M. Nutting being tho’t
proper for overseer of the workmen, &c. It seems it is to be
218 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [.
placed where Castine's Fort was built ; and this is to be erected
into a new Province, and to be given to the Refugees, upon
the same quitrents as the N. Hampshire and other Grantees, as
a recompence for their sufferings, and to ease Government of
the expense it is now at for their support. It put me in mind
of M* Locke's story of L' Shaftesbury's friend, who, after he
Was privately married, sent for his L'ship and another friend,
to ask their advice : and I observed the same rule so far as
to find no fault with the most preposterous measure, because
already carrying into execution, Nutting having sailed in the
last packet. However, I intend to make Mº Knox acquainted,
in the most prudent manner I can, with my sentiments.
Called on Sir Guy Carleton. -
22nd,-I finished the revisal of my History, to the end of
my Administration, and laid it by.” º
The wind at east, but the sun very hot. Mº Rome, Paxton,
my son T., and wife, and daughter Oliver, with young Spooner,
and little Tommy H.-dined.
23rd.-Set out in [a] postchaise with S. after 9, and arrived
at L" Hardwicke's at Wimple Hall, , after 4, while they were
at dinner. . .
29th.- . . . A goose for dinner on Mich[aelmas] Day,
occasioned an observation—that otherwise, money would be
wanted before the year was out.
October 1st.—Returned to town. . . Nothing can be more
obliging than their treatment of company while they stay.
One custom they keep up, which is laid down almost everywhere
else—they allow their serv" to take vails. This is no small
tax, and I believe they have fewer visitors on that account. I
left two guineas, besides 4/- to the groom. My servant says
Lady Grey calls for all the money that has been left while in
the country, and distributes it among the servants in proportion
to their rank. They are very numerous—must exceed thirty
men and women.
5th.-Nothing remarkable to-day except the news of the
capture of two French East India ships, which make four out of
* This then must have been the day on which he completed the third
volume of his History of Massachusetts Bay, which was published in 1828.
º, DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 219
five, which were expected, there having been advice of two
taken before. . .
13th.-Express from Halifax, Sep. 8, that Byron had got in
there, and sailed the 4 Sep. with the Culloden to join Howe :
another from N. York with advice of blocking up Rhode
Island—L" Howe's sailing—D'Estaigne's going out to meet
him—two days without engaging. At length Howe, having
got the weather gage, and expecting in half an hour to begin a
general action, a storm rose which scattered the fleets—dis-
masted Some—D'Estaigne's squadron gone to Boston—Howe
said to have followed, and to have got back to Rhode Island.
Sir H. Clinton went from N. York to Rhode Island with 4000
men, which caused the Provincials to withdraw. Parker, with
Byron's ships, arrived Aug. 28 at N. York. All the store-ships
but one were arrived at York.
14th. At Mº Knox's office: confirms the account of yester-
day. . .
16th.-A letter by packet from Mº Walter at N. York of
Sep, 6, mentions Johnstone, one of the Commissioners, resigning.
He had wrote to some of the Congress, and taken other methods
to gain them, which they pretended to be an affront: and upon
the Commissioners' demand of the delivering up Burgoyne's
men, according to the Articles of Surrender, the Congress
declared they would not treat with Johnstone.” He has ex-
posed himself shamefully, and the nation debases itself more
than if they left the Americans to enjoy their independence.
17th.- . . . Six of Byron's fleet lay at New York the 6
September. . .
19th–In the city. Procured freight from MI Rashleigh for
two barrels of beef, and two firkins of butter, a present to my
brother at Halifax, and sent them by a waterman, on board the
Adamant, Cha. Wyatt, at Blackwall.
Returning, met the King in his charriot, and the Queen
with him, with the Guards and Attendants in Cheapside, going
to review the troops on Warley Common. The crowd not being
great, I observed, as I had my hat off, and nobody else [in the
* This may make us smile, as it is the reward he got for the countenance
he had hitherto given to the Sons of Liberty.
220 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON Cº,
way], they each took notice of it; but whether they thought
me there by accident, or to see the show—can't say.
21st.—Dined with Mº Lane in the city, where I found
Admiral Gayton, who I knew in America about the time of the
Louisburgh expedition, and who married Mº Rawlins' daughter,
who kept a small shop just by my house. Mº Gayton died
since I came to England. It is said he has saved 30 or 40.000£
by his command in Jamaica, from whence he lately returned.
He was poor before. Swears like a fool at 67 years of age.
Upon ‘Change: they talked of war with Spain, and stocks
fell 1 or 2 p ct. I asked what grounds? They knew none,
except that England was sending half a dozen ships to the
Mediterranean to protect her trade.
22nd.--Mº La Fontaine, my old landlord at Chelsea, called,
and dined with me. Mº Clarke and Quincy in the evening.
They both agreed in an anecdote, which I never heard before—
That when the dispute between the Kingdom and the Colonies
began to grow serious, John Adams said to Sewall that he
was at a loss which side to take, but it was time to determine.
Sewall advised to the side of Government, and proposed to
Governor Bernard to make Adams a Justice of Peace, as the
first step to importance. Bernard made a difficulty on account
of something personal between him and Adams, but Sewall
urged him to consider of it a week, or some short time, and
acquainted Adams the Governor had it under consideration,
but Adams disliked the delay, and observed, that it must be
from some prejudice against him, and resolved to take the other
side. Sewall was superior to Adams, and soon became Attorney-
General, and one of the Superior Judges of Admiralty. Adams
is now Ambassador from the United States to the Court of
France, and Sewall a Refugee in England, and dependent upon
Government for temporary support. Such is the instability of
all human affairs. -
26th. Lord Howe” and Gov. Johnstone arrived. Many
people had great expectations of something being done by Lord
II. before he quitted his command, and the disappointment must
* Lord Howe was succeeded by Adm. Gambier, and in April 1779 to him
succeeded Com. Sir G. Collier. -
j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 221
be in proportion. Much of the news has not yet transpired.
Affairs have a dark aspect.
27th.-Lord Howe, in the Eagle, was very near being taken
by two or three French line of battle ships off Scilly. This M*
Watts tells me, from Col. Sherriff, who was on board. He says
that Billy Smith, as he is commonly named, one of the Council
of N. York, who has been supposed to side with the Americans,
lately came in to New York. Bedford harbour destroyed, and
Martha's Vineyard put to ransom. All the damage is not
equal to 5 frigates, 2 sloops, and 30 or 40 transports burnt and
sunk at Rhode Island, to avoid their falling into the hands of
the Americans or French.
Dined with M* and M** Ellis.
28th.-The Gazette to-day sets affairs in no promising light
in America. The French fleets indeed, have been in good
measure disappointed, but they are secure in Nantasket, and
our fleet can be of no great use, but upon the defensive.
Provisions will be difficult to obtain for them, unless some of
the English transports should fall into their hands, and this
there is great reason to fear.—MI Rome dined with me.
31st.—It is said to-day that four French frigates have
attacked Dominica : that they have carried two of the Forts,
&c. It is added that the French have published a Declaration
of War.
Flucker, Greene, Dº Chandler, Bliss, Gridley, and Dr Oliver,
dined. Some of the company mentioned at dinner a circum-
stance of Gen' Brattle's death, at Halifax. He was always a
great feeder, and being at dinner at a gentleman's table, having
his plate filled with fish, one who was at table took notice of his
countenance, and said to him—“You are not well, General,”—
but he went on eating, until it was observed that his mouth
was drawn on one side, and he was advised to get up, or some-
thing to that purpose, which he agreed to, and had just time
to say to the servant—“Set the plate by for supper.” These
were the last words he spake. An instance of the ruling
passion continuing to the last, and agrees with Pope's—“Bring
the jowl l’’
November 1st.—At the Old Jewry. . .
222 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCITINSON. L.;
2nd-The Stocks are fallen 2 or 3 p cº, from the Dominica
news: report of Declaration of War by France: disappointment
in the expectations of Lord Howe's following D'Estaigne a
little closer. When L' H. knew two of D'Estaigne's capital
ships were dismasted,—his own fleet not weakened, except by
springing a bowsprit in one ship, and a topmast in another, L
he should remain at Sandy Hook a whole week, take no step
to interrupt D'Estaigne at Rhode Island,--but when he had
reason to suppose he had sailed for Boston, then to follow,
and as soon as he found he was in Nantasket, to give over all
further thoughts of annoying him, and return immediately to
England.*
3rd.—In the city with my son T. and sister [in-law] G. S.,
|Grizel Sanford], in the coach. More captures of the French
W. India ships. It is said that the account of a fray at Boston
is confirmed from Halifax. It looks as if Howe and Johnstone
would not agree well when Parliament meets, the latter being
very free in charging the loss of America to the fault of the
former.
5th– . . . It seems agreed that D'Estaigne's Lieutenant
was killed in a fray between some Privateer's men, as it is said,
and the French seamen about bread, there being two sorts, and
the best given to the Frenchmen.
6th. At the Levée, St. James's. A great string of Sea
officers—Sir George Rodney, Admiral Keppel, Lord Howe, Sir
Robert Harland, Sir Hugh Palliser, Admiral Campbell, besides
Sir John Lindsay, and other Captains. Many land officers.
A publication of S. H. Palliser's in the P. Advertiser of to-day,
shews that there is not a perfect understanding with Keppel,
and probably must bring on a dispute.
In the evening at my son's, Brompton Row, at the Baptism
of his youngest child William,i by Dº Kippis.
7th.—The account of the Surrender of Dominica, taken from
the French accº by authority, appears in the papers of this
day.
8th.-At Prince's Street—D' Kippis.
* This is something like the American tactics of his brother.
f My father's younger brother. -
§j DIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 223
r
10th. Took Dº Chandler and Cooper in my coach to Ful-
ham, where found the Bp. of London at home, and Very
courteous. He thinks Lord Howe had never seen the King
since his arrival until Friday last, and that he is much of a
grumbler. Governor Johnstone complains as much of Lord
and General Howe. There is no knowing who and who will be
together when Parliament meets.
Lord Townshend having sent me a hare and two pheasants,
I asked M. Watts, Chandler, Cooper, Mauduit, Sewall, Major
Small, Fitch, Hallowell, and Lane, to partake of them.
13th.-Dined with M. Watson, Garlick Hill:—Admiral Ar-
buthnot, Hallowell, Clarke, Brattle, Cap. Arbuthnot, son to the
Admiral, has lost a leg, and a M. Mure—I suppose Hutchinson
Mure.
14th.-M Combe, a Clergyman, came passenger in one of
the vessels from N. York to Ireland. He had been imprisoned,
and at length was banished from Philadelphia for refusing the
oaths. He says he expects to return next year—that the
Americans are so averse to the French, that they will break
among themselves. This is his opinion, but I don’t find it a
general opinion.
18th.-Auchmuty, Brinley, and N. Coffin, called on me and
spent half an hour.
I bought 3 vol. in one of the Reliquiæ Romanæ at Hayes's,
and the Views in Venice, at two Guineas, I think cheap.
Pridden asked the same price for the Reliquite only—imperfect
—9 or 10 prints wanting.
There is a man in town who left Boston the 22" of Sep-
tember, arrived 8 or 10 days ago from Halifax. He says he
saw the funeral of D'Estaigne's Lieut". He brought a news-
paper which mentions the death of Dº Eliot, about the middle
of September: also of Ezek. Lewis. Dº Eliot was long my
friend. One of my last letters from T); Pemberton, said his
sentiments were the same they used to be. After Howe left
the town, he wrote two letters to England which were inter-
cepted, and carried to Halifax, and copies given. They were
very strong in favour of American proceedings. Some thought
he expected they would be intercepted, and that he desired to
224 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
have it known at Boston that he pullickly owned the cause.
He said to my son at Boston he was afraid, or had reason to
think his continuing in Boston had made him obnoxious to the
people without the town. Great allowance must be made for
the difficulty of his circumstances: but after all, as no man is
without infirmity, perhaps his might be a disposition to tem-
porize, always, I trust, having satisfied himself he was to be
justified:—but this must be left. Some of the Americans
speak lightly upon the news of his death. I heard the news
with grief, and wished to see him again in this world. D'
Pemberton and he, for many years, were the best neighbours
I had.
D* Chandler dined with me to-day, and read his letters from
D' Ingols, as late as the 26th of September, who thinks the
new alliance with the French will break the alliance which the
Americans have formed among themselves. . .
19th.-I called upon Sewall, at his lodgings, and asked him
to dine with me. After dinner, some mention being made of
Dr E.—“I have not the least doubt,” says S., “that man is
gone to h-ll.” “Oh 1” says I, “that's going a great length,”
or something to that effect. “If there is such a place as h-,”
he repeats it, “I have not the least doubt he is gone there.”
The reason he gave for his declaration was, his opinion of the
D* duplicity; and the instance he gave was his frequent
meeting S., and joining him in conversation, and appearing to
disapprove of the measures taken before the 19* of April,” and
of his avoiding him after that, and never saying any more upon
the subject. I excused him—his dependance being on his
people, who were now, or after that day, warmly engaged; and
Mr S. being peculiarly obnoxious to them, being seen with him,
would make the Dº obnoxious also. This was rash beyond
anything I ever observed in S. before. He is in poor health,
which occasions, or increases discontent and uneasiness of
temper—the best excuse I can make for him. God forbid that
he or I should have our infirmities so strictly marked against
us. We should not be able to stand.
* The Battle of Lexington, the first Battle of the war. . It was to Dr.
Eliot that the Governor sent his books and fossils for Harvard University, as
mentioned, I. 450. - - - - -
#. *4
DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 223
g--------- -- - - - - - -
23rd.—Visited Lord Huntingdon : very civil and communi-
cative: had not seen Lº G. Germaine, but had seen L" North :
seems less unfavorably disposed to the Ministry than when I
last saw him: condemns some of the Opposition, who wished
the nation's misfortune, for the sake of a change of Ministry:
says the first motion in the H. of Commons will be to declare
the seats of the American Commissioners Vacant.
At Gov. Shirley's—left my name, and Sir W. P. [Pep-
perell ?]
Rain, and much wind. -
Lord H. thinks Pigot might have done more in obstructing
Sullivan at quitting R. Island; and I thought he had heard
Clinton was of the same opinion. -
25th.-Several transports arrived to-day from N. York; said
to leave it the 19* of October. Clinton returned : nothing
said more than that he had foraged successfully. Byron gone
towards Boston,
26th.-Paxton came to town last evening with Lº Townshend,
who at my request took Sewall in to the H. of Lords to hear
the K.'s Speech, which recommends vig. [vigorous P] exertions,
The Addresses of the two Houses opposed, as usual. Gov.
Johnstone supposed 28,000 men enough to conquer America :
harped upon the old string under another Ministry, and finally
divided with the Ministry, being 207 against 106. In the
House of Lords the majority was 177 to 31. After Lord Shel-
burne had spoke, there was a stroke of canes as a mark of
applause, which gave such offence that the House was imme-
diately ordered to be cleared.
28th.-Lord Galloway stopped me in the street, and in-
formed me of the arrival of Mº Drummond, S. H. Clinton's
Aide-du-camp, who left New York the 29* Oct". Grant
Sailed with 5000 troops, and three line-of-battle ships for the
W. Indies the 27". Pigot is also arrived. It is said a body
of troops were gone to the southward. Byron was at sea, but
rather as a security to the smaller squadron, than from any
prospect of annoying D'Estaigne. -
December 3rd.—Left cards at M* D'Oyly's and Jenkinson's,
At Lord North's Levée : mentioned Boylstone's arrival, and
WOI, II. Q
226 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
tho't he might give intelligence. Lº North said—“If he will.”
Arch-Bp. of York, Bps. of London and Chichester, Lord Shuld-
ham, Palliser, Young, several of the Nobility, and many
Members of Parliament. Rather a full Levée.
Met T. Boylstone in the street: was at a loss how to greet
him : said I was glad to see him well, or—hoped I saw him
well: added—I little expected to see him here. He answered
—he little thought I should remain so long here. I thereupon
said—“Since you are here, I should be glad you would call on
me,”—or to that effect.
At the Levée Gen. Monkton, tho' Governor of Portsmouth,
and now gratified by Administration, seemed discontented with
American measures, and said, if they tried another year to
reduce them, it would be in vain, Sir Henry Houghton
seemed to be for giving up the charges—not being to be borne.
Strahan said—“You must go forward—you can’t go back if
you would.” Sir Henry said—“See what will be the effect of
to-morrow, when Burke's motion comes on.”
4th–In the House of Commons a motion to consider that
part of the Manifesto of the Commissioners, which threatens
the Americans with prosecuting the war with severity, sup-
ported with great vehemence by the minority,” who made
126 against 207. Governor Johnstone supported the Mani-
festo.
5th.-Dined with M* Jackson, Southampton Buildings.
There I saw Galloway for the first time . .
7th.--Called on D" Gardiner . . .
Visit to M' Galloway also, where I found Mº Delany. Gallo-
way is of opinion the middle Colonies are tired of the war, and
says, if the army had not moved from Philad., all Pensylvania
and New Jersey would have returned : and he says, if the war be
properly prosecuted, they will do it yet. He condemns all past
measures, there having been no system. I asked him about
W. Smith. He supposed I knew him to be a sensible man,
and who loved his interest. I said—“Yes,” “It’s natural
* It was only a short time ago that the minority were crying out for more
concessions to the Americans, and abusing the Ministry for not withdrawing
all the troops from Americal -
ſº DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 227
then,” he added, “to infer that the American cause was in a
very declining way, or he would not have left it.”
Galloway says it can be demonstrated that 50,000 Americans
have been slain or died in Hospitals by sickness. He says
they have been often excessively straitened for provisions, when
the country has been full, and he will have it to be owing to
the disaffection of the inhabitants, who were not willing to
supply the army. I told him I supposed it must be the bad
state of their paper currency, but he would not concede to it
D" Gardiner thinks their crops have been very short this year,
but Galloway says they have not been remarkably so. I
thought it strange, if there was so great a disaffection, that
bodies of men had not petitioned the Congress to treat when
such liberal terms were offered. The reason, he says is, they
are afraid of being put to the bayonet. I think this must be
exaggerated.
M" Galloway was of the first Congress. I do not know the
special occasion of his quitting that cause. His friends say he
never intended Independence; and that when he found that
was resolved upon, he left them.
M” Galloway says the Members of the Congress for Pensyl-
vania, and all the Members for the Assembly for the Province,
were elected by 157 votes only, though there are 30,000
qualified to vote in the Province.
8th.-At Lord Hardwicke's, who desired me to bring Mº
Galloway to see him on Thursday the 10". The H. of Lords
last night divided upon the motion to address the King upon
the subject of the Commiss" Manifesto-37 for the Address, 71
against it; but this is a great minority upon so strange a
motion.
A rainy day, and very high S.W. wind.
9th-At Kensington Square to call on Mº Lechmere and
Newton, but both from home. In the evening with Paxton at
Mº Copley’s. - -
10th-At Lord Hardwicke's, where I saw Sir Charles Cocks:
—much conversation. L' H. saw no Way how the war could be
carried on with France and America both.
L" Gage called. He says Colº Gray, Dickens, and 6 or 7
Q 2
228 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
officers of the Guards, are ordered to embark for America in the
fleet now at Portsmouth, and supposes an additional force to bo
going out. -
Admiral Palliser has lodged a charge against Admiral
Reppel, which must bring on a Court Martial. -
M. Jenkinson, Secretary at War, in the room of Lord Bar-
rington. ... "
11th.- . . . A.[dmiral] Palliser, having exhibited a charge
of not doing his utmost, &c., against Ad, Keppel, Temple
Lutterell moved in the House of Commons to address His
Majesty to order an enquiry into Palliser's conduct in not
observing signals. It seemed chiefly designed to give room
for debate, the motion being dropped. Shuldham and Pigot,
both blamed Palliser for appearing in the Newspapers, and
others blamed the Admiralty for ordeling a Court Martial
without hearing Reppel. It's an affair which threatens a good
deal of trouble . . . - - -
12th-D' Chandler has a letter from Wilkins of Oct 9”,
who writes in hopes of seeing peace another year. He adds—
he hopes to hear H– is hanged. - -
In the city. Mº Frazer says that some of Byron's squadrºn
have taken on board the Rawleigh, and a vessel he was sending
to Martinico, D'Estaigne's rapels, which give an account of his
designs, and that they will be of great use to Byron. Letters
from France say a vessel is arrived from Boston, which sailed
the 4 of November, and that D'Estaigne sailed at the same
time, but this is not credited. -
14th–Richard Silvester, a Custom-House officer, who used
to be often applying to me for one purpose or another at
Boston, called on me this morning. He came from N. York in
one of the transports—left Boston in June. He married the
mother of Will More, who was imprisoned with others for the ,
riot at destroying my house in 1765. Silvester says More was
Captain of the men who destroyed the tea. I asked him how
he knew it? He said his wife, More's mother, told him so.
Took Mº Galloway in my carriage to Lord Hardwicke's, who
was very inquisitive into his whole history, which was plausible
enough. M' G. went into Congress at the earnest sollicitations
Bij DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 229
of his friends, in hopes to moderate matters. He proposed a
fair or equivalent state of the claims of the Colonies in the
first Petition, but a very diffe, ent one was carried against his
opinion, by means of Adams and his adherents, so that of all
the Colonies there was a majority of members in each for the
Petition, but Galloway still says there was nothing precise in it
as to the expectation of the Colonies, and some things Very
exceptionable: that he then desired to know of Adams whether
he did not intend Independence 2 and he declared he did not :
but as soon as the affair was over, owned in company he in-
tended nothing short of it: that it had been his object 17
years: that he had made it his business whenever it was in his
power, to inculcate the principle upon the minds of every
youth likely to be of any significance.
When this design was thus made apparent, G. determined to
quit. He was chosen by the Assembly of Phil. when he was
absent, but excused himself; and tho' another was not chosen
in his stead for three or four months, yet he never met with
the new Congress. He says M Adams was so enraged with
him, and enraged the people so much against him, that he was
afraid of assassination. The vote for Independence, he says,
was carried by 7 Colonies to 6. The 4 New England Colonies,
[with] Virginia, Pensilvania, and New Jersey, made the seven :
that, on the first trial, Pensilvania members were against it;
but after three or four days Dickenson was brought over, and
made the majority of that Colony in favour of it, and also
the major vote of the Colonies. This man, in his Farmer's
Letters, disclaimed any such intention. G. says he is of an
unsteady mind. He soon after lost the confidence of his con-
stituents, and has had no share in the Congress nor Assembly
€Wel. S10 Ce, - - - : * *
Debate in the H. upon the army. Mº J enkinson opened the
state of it, Lord Barrington having resigned as Secry at War:
160,000 men voted for the army next year. It is said, in army
and navy in Britain, Ireland and the dependencies, together
with the Militia in pay, will amount to 300,000. -- -
15th-At M. Ellis's. - . . . .
M Weekes, Missionary at Marblehead called on me. He
230 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
arrived in one of the transports at Corke: left Boston in July,
pretending to be going to Bedford, in a small vessel which
found the way to Rhode Island, where he staid during the
siege, and then went to York. He says he was tried six
different times for offences against the State: has left his wife
and 8 children at Marblehead.
Mº Thompson of Yorkshire called.
16th.-Dined with M Wray, in Dean Street, Soho—Lord
Hardwicke, and Lady Grey, Lady Bet. Polworth, Miss Gregory,
Bp. of St. Davids, and Lady.
17th.-At Court—the Queen not there—confined with a
cold. The King said somewhat about the weather. [I] ob-
served that I was more affected by the state of America
than by the weather. I hoped they looked more favorably
than they had done a year or two past. He thought so too,
and particularly in New England. I did not know but they
might in Connecticut, but in Massachusetts I thought the
leaders had as much sway as ever. He asked if they had not
changed their leaders ? No: they had the same men as at
first, particularly Hancock and Adams. Hancock, he said, was
but a weak man : Adams, he had heard, was very able. I
agreed with him, and gave him my opinion of their different
characters, &c.
Col” Stewart arrived : left N. York the 18" Nov. D'Estaigne
sailed the 4". Bryon saw part of the ships, but in a storm
and thick weather lost them. Took a brig soon after, which
came out with them, and Bryon's ships suffering in the storm,
put into Newport. This was very unfortunate, and people are
in pain for the W. Indies, or other parts where that fleet may
be gone.
Col” Stewart bro’t a copy of a letter wrote by M. Ethan
Allen, in behalf of the Green Mountain Men, who refuse to
acknowledge the Congress, to whom the letter was wrote.
M. Jackson, John Pownall, Galloway, Dr Chandler, Sir
Francis and T. Bernard, Sir W. Pepperell, and Col. Leonard,
(lined with me.
18th.-I received two copies of an Act of the State of
Massachusetts Bay, passed the 10" of October. Each came
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 231
from France under a blank cover; one, by the superscription, I
suspect to have been sent from Boston, the other to be covered
in France. This Act prescribes above 300 persons, of which I
am first named: then Gov. Bernard, L' Gov. Oliver, Timothy
IRuggles, after which they are generally named in alphabetical
order. They, and all others, though not named, who have
absented themselves from the State, and been inimical to it,
upon their return to the State, are to be forthwith committed
to prison, and as soon after as may be, sent out of the State;
and if they return a second time, without leave of the General
Court, they are to suffer the pains of death, without benefit of
Clergy.”
Five hundred copies were to be sent to the Ministers at the
Court of France, to be published, &c.
Col” Stewart brought another Act, which orders the estates
of all these persons to be sold ; but this, it was not thought
necessary to send to me.
20th, . . . An account is said to be received, and is
credited, that the Somerset, a 64 gun ship, was lost off Cape
Cod. Where D'Estaigne was bound, is not yet ascertained . . .
21st.—The account of the loss of the Somerset is from a
tender of D'Estaigne, taken by the Culloden 25 men were
said to be lost on Cape Cod—the rest made prisoners. The
report is, that the French designed for Toulon, but the fears
are that they are gone to the West Indies.
22nd.—The Roebuck arrived, and another ship from N.
York;-L" Carlisle, and M. Eden, Commissioners; L' Corn-
wallis and Gen. Grey of the army. No news of the Cornwall.
The Somerset, and Zebra, sloop, are certainly lost in the storm.
23rd.—A visible concern in people's countenances—except
some of the Opposition, Mº Knox called. He says transports
are preparing for the first embarkation of 3000 men to sail by
the 20" of February.
* “I have read the histories of most of the civil dissentions of which we in
the present age of the world have any knowledge; but I have not met with
an instance equally arbitrary, revengeful, and severe, with the Acts of the
new State of Mass. Bay. They put my patience to the test, but you don’t
think them worth notice.”—The Governor to J. Putnam, Aug. 3, 1779, in
Letter Book.
232 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
In the city. They say D'Estaigne went to the W. Indies.
Byron was not sailed from Rhode Island the 22* of Novem-
ber ; had sent for the Monmouth from N. York to join him
—which made 13 sail.
24th.-Mº Abel Willard called this morning. He says
his brother Rogers has a letter from Jos. Taylor at New York,
acquainting him that Mº Blowers” went from Rhode Island to
Boston: that he was immediately apprehended and committed
close prisoner, according to the late Act of Massachusetts
State, and that he was to be sent away, agreeable to the
provisions in the Act.
D" Gardiner called: has a letter from his son, who obtained
leave to visit his father at N. York, but he was sailed when
he came there. He writes that he was present when the
Act of Attainder passed in Boston, and in the Gallery, heard
the debates: says the persons named in it were much abused.
The Act however, met with opposition, and was finally carried
by 61 to 33. Another Bill for sale of the estates passed the
House, but the Council refused the consideration to December,
when it is supposed it will pass.
25th.-A feverish disorder, which gave me a poor night,
prevented my going abroad to Church or Meeting; for Christ-
mas is observed in both, and the streets are more orderly than
they are on Sundays. - -
M' Weekes, Green, and Bliss, dined with me, with my son T.
and wife, and Dº Oliver. --
M* Weekes says that when the plan of Government recom-
mended by the House to the towns for consideration, came
before the town of Boston, Otis appeared, and spake so well
against it, that he prevented its passing, as otherwise it would
have done; and it was put off to another day, when they chose
Otis Moderator, and he spake so well on introducing the
subject, that it was rejected by a great majority. He dressed
himself very decently on that occasion, but soon after returned
to his sordid dress and demeanor about [the] streets.
26th.-At Lord Hardwicke's. He is much affected with the
state of things in America, lest D'Estaigne should sweep all
* Some account of Mr. Blowers is given in vol. i. p. 341.
;] DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINS0N. 233
before him, which may cause, he said, such a crash as We never
felt before. “And yet, my Lord,” said I, “there are many
people among us who wish for it.” “There always are,” he
said, “some who had rather command the wreck of the Con-
stitution, than that it should be preserved entire under the
guidance of other persons.”
Warm weather still, like September and October in America :
and it's often as cold in May or June in England.
27th.-At the Old Jewry.
Dined with Mr Ellis. Sir Rob' Smith only. Balfour, Captain
of the Culloden, thinks it probable D'Est. is gone to Toulon :
others, from the same circumstances, think to the West Indies.
The fleets which have lain four or five weeks, and part much
longer, in all 300 sail, sailed from Plimouth to the westward,
the morning of the 25", under a strong convoy.
The execution of Roberts and Carlisle, two Quakers, at
Philadelphia, for aiding and assisting General Howe, is made
certain. Roberts is said to have been worth 20,000£ sterling,
which is all confiscated. He is also said to have left surviving
a widow and ten children. -
29th.-Dined with Mº Knox, where I met for the first time,
Doctor Ferguson, Secretary to the Commissioners. He is very
agreeable in conversation, and as unreserved as a prudent man
can be. I asked where he lodged P. Without informing me, he
let me know he designed to wait on me.
30th.-But a dull day, first meeting Mº Keene, who soon
discovered to me the apprehensions of Ministry, from the state
of Byron's and D'Estaigne's fleets, and the hazard Grant's
forces, and the West India Islands were in, for he supposes it
100 to one that D'Estaigne went to the W. Indies; and I found
everybody else in the Park, &c., going the same way, though
there is no fresh advices. The prospect is indeed very dark for
this Kingdom. Wind last night was very high at W. to NW.
31st.—L' Gov. Oliver, Lechmere, Wassall, Rome, Watson,
Galloway, and Mauduit, dined with me. G. speaks his mind
very freely of the often repeated neglect of Gen. H. to pursue
the advantages gained over the enemy; declares he is utterly
at a loss for his conduct in going round to Chesapeak; that he
234 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. #.
(G) gave his opinion against it; and that Gen. H. asked if he
thought it a dangerous navigation? and upon his saying “No,”
the General made no reply.
Wind very high all day at S.W. People in pain for the
fleet lately sailed. Advice that the Russell, a 74 gun ship,
ran down an outward bound Indiaman in the Channel, which
Sunk, and about 40 only of the crew saved. The Master of the
Man-of-war is blamed ; the Russell damaged so as to go into
dock. -
In the night the wind changed to north, and blew with as
much violence as anybody remembers—but it is common to
Say SO. 4-º'
IJND OF 1778,
England at this period, was in a very critical position, not only
as regarded the impending loss of the largest and the most
wealthy of her dependencies, but a war with France begun, and a
war with Spain in expectation ; and yet, how entirely these great
national events, and anxious struggles against increasing taxation,
are forgotten and swept out of memory. When I was in America,
I found that the subject of England, “the British,” and the
provincial successes in the Revolutionary war, were the constantly
recurring topics of conversation. I ascribed this in some degree
to their knowing that I was an Englishman. A lady asked me
one day whether we were not always talking about America in
England 2 I was injudicious enough to smile, and say, we never
thought about it : or we might casually allude to America as we
might to France or Spain, or any other country, if the subject
under review suggested it. I was much to be condemned for my
want of good breeding. I should have pleased her more if I had
said that we had never ceased repenting the loss of the Colonies,
and that we took all the blame upon ourselves.
It may be seen by the Diary, that though Mr. Hutchinson had
many repeated opportunities of conversing with the King at
Court, the current politics of the day were rarely alluded to,
leaving his Majesty to lead the conversation, and if they were
touched upon, a passing remark sufficed, as it would be evidently
inopportune to discuss such subjects in a mixed company.
The crafty and underhand proceedings of France, in respect to
their secret Treaty with the revolted Colonies, raised a feeling of
great indignation in England when it became known. So long
#, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 235
ago as fifteen months before the period at which we have arrived,
namely, on the 17th of July, 1777, Walpole wrote—“The open pro-
tection and countenance given by France to the Americans, is
come to a crying height.” That an ancient Monarchy, proud of
its long and unbroken succession of Kings, and jealous of its
monarchical institutions, should so far forget its consistency and
sound judgment, and be so imprudent as to encourage the people
to rise in rebellion against their lawful rulers in a neighbouring
state, and thereby to popularise republicanism, with all the
excesses of unbridled liberty, was an anomaly that did not escape
observation. But a terrible retribution soon recoiled upon France.
Her citizens, thus encouraged, followed the example and applied
the experiment on their own soil; and by the use of the
Guillotine, swept away all traces of the ancient regime in deluges
of blood. It did not end there; for the force of evil example is
great, and the Irish Rebellion, with all its barbarities, broke out
immediately upon it. -
The three Commissioners had now returned from America—
pretty well snubbed and crest-fallen. Young Thomas Hutchinson,
writing to his brother Elisha, August 20, 1778,” makes the
following remarks:– -
“Although I have done with the expectation of returning to
America, yet cannot help being more inquisitive after accounts
from thence, than from any other quarter. I don’t find Govern-
ment have recº any despatches from the Commissioners as yet :
those by the way of France are enough to shew the matter of
negotiation will end much as was expected. The very few
Americans that are left in and about London wear pretty long
faces. Billy is at Yarmouth : he writes me his health is better
than usual. Daniel and Sylvester [Oliver] are both in the
country, and it is now become a rare thing to meet a Yankee
even in the Park. The Gov" has been very well since his journey,
and I think is more reconciled to the thoughts of ending his days
in England than I have ever observed him to be. Necessity has
no law.”
Governor Johnstone is another instance, among some notable
cases already aluded to, of a person who, at the commencement
encouraged the thirst for liberty by his speeches against the
Ministry and their repressive measures, only to turn round when
the monster was becoming too strong, and then recommended the
* Orig. Letters, vol. i.
236 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. º.
application of the bullet and the bayonet, and thought that
America could be conquered with a force of 28,000 men. Governor
Hutchinson went upon a different principle. At the commence-
ment he used all legal and Constitutional repressive measures to
check the growing fever, but by the 1st of August, 1778, thinking
there had been contention enough, he wrote—“Why don’t
Government withdraw its forces, and leave the Americans to that
Independence which the Ministry seem to expect they will attain
to ?” Look on that picture and on this. --
There is printed at page 13 in “Senate—No. 187,” among the
laws of the General Court—“An Act to confiscate the estates of
certain notorious conspirators against the government and liberties
of the inhabitants of the late province, now State, of Massa-
chusetts Bay; ” and there is there given, a list of the names of
those who are specially marked out for early manipulation.
The Keppel and Palliser affair, which caused a great fuss over a
Small matter, had scarcely yet developed itself, but it was soon
destined to amuse the community a good deal. On the 25th of
August, 1778, Walpole wrote—“The papers say that Keppel and
Palliser have fought a duel: I do not know how truly.”
#| ( 237 )
CEIAPTER WI.
BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1779.
January 1, 1779–The new year begins with a dark prospect
for this poor kingdom. A vessel express in 33 days from
Jamaica brings advice of their expecting a great French force
to invade them. -
Many houses hurt by the wind last night.
6th. To Richmond to Lord Hardwicke's—M" Galloway in
the coach with me. Among other things he says, when D'
Franklyn first arrived from England in America, after the
revolt was begun, he came to Galloway, they having been long
friends; that Galloway opened his mind to him, and hoped he
was come to promote a reconciliation : that the Doctor was
reserved, and kept upon his guard : that the next morning
they met again, and the D said—“Well M" Galloway, you are
really of the mind that I ought to promote a reconciliation ?”
Galloway said “Yes”—and no more passed: that for five or
six weeks Franklyn kept much at home, [and] people seemed
at a loss what part he would take. S. Adams opened against
him as a suspicious person, designing to betray the cause. At
length a more full conversation was proposed between F. & G.,
and the Dº read to him three fourths of his Journal while he
was in England, but company interrupted : that the Doctor's
natural son, the Gov' of New Jersey, had told Galloway that
his father had avoided any conversation with him upon the
subject of the colonies; but susp cting his father's intention,
the son said to him, he hoped, if he designed to set the
Colonies in a flame, he would take care to run away by the
light of it: that soon after, Galloway and the two Franklyns
met together, and the glass having gone about freely, the
Doctor, at a late hour, opened himself, and declared in favour
238 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
of measures for attaining to Independence —exclaimed against
the corruption and dissipation of the Kingdom, and signified
his opinion, that from the strength of Opposition, the want of
union in the Ministry, the great resources in the Colonies, they
would finally prevail. He urged Galloway to come into the
Congress again ; and from that time, united in the closest
connection with Adams, broke off from Galloway, who iost the
remaining part of his Journal, which probably was the most
interesting. Galloway remembers Franklyn told him a plan
was laid for stopping him in England, which a friend of great
character in the law gave him notice of, and that he gave out
he should sail in a fortnight by the packet, but went off
suddenly by another opportunity.
In the late storm one of the back chimnies in Lord Hard-
wicke's house, St. James's Square, was blown down, went
through the roof and floors, and the chamber where Lady Mary
or Miss Gregory would have slept, if the family had not
removed two or three days before to Richmond. Two maids
lodged in the chamber, and one of them, not inclining to sleep
so near the fire as Miss Gregory's bed was placed, removed it
to another part of the room, and escaped without hurt.
9th. Called on Col” Montresor, and left name. On Martin
Howard, where Paul Wentworth came. He says Gov. John-
stone made a point of it that Mº Temple should go out with the
Comiss.-that his passage and all his expenses were paid by
Government, and his salary paid him from the time he was
dismissed: besides all this, eighteen hundred pounds of his
account as Surv' General was never allowed, and will never be
demanded. This seems incredible: but the whole plan of the
appointment of Comissioners was infatuation. Howard says
Temple arrived with carriages, and thirty or forty packages, he
and his family taking up the cabin, and Lord Bute's son, and
other officers of rank in the steerage : that he talked of nothing
but Carlisle and Eden: that he had wrote to Washington ; and
after vapouring a few days, set out, to the astonishment of all
the poor Refugees, for Boston, perhaps to take possession of
some of their estates.
10th. At the Old Jewry : collection for poor Dissenting
#j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 239
Ministers. I told Mauduit I came to put in my mite. He
said they deserved nothing from me. They had behaved
exceeding ill. He was a subscriber, and did not think it worth
while to withdraw his name; but if it was not there, he would
not now put it there. The Dissenters were favourers of the
American revolt, without entering into the merits of it. As by
far the greater part of the Americans were Dissenters them-
selves, the Dissenters in England seem for that reason to wish
well to their civil dissensions also.
12th.-A well wrote but severe letter to Sir W. Howe in the
P. Advertiser, undoubtedly by M-t. He desired me some
time ago, if I saw anything in the paper, and anybody Sug-
gested it to be his, to say I knew nothing of it. Indeed, I do
not know anything of this, but from the style and sentiment.
18th-At Court, being the Queen's Birthday—or rather,
observed as such. She was not out, expecting soon to be
brought to bed. I saw more of the countenance, air, and
manner of the Prince and the Bishop than I had ever done.
Two more amiable persons have rarely been seen. “A cold
day,”—as the King observed ; for considering the multitude of
persons he has to speak to, it's very excusable to make the
weather the subject of some of them.
21st.—At Lord North's Levée. -
Dº Berkenhout, who I had never seen before, called on me.
He introduced himself saying Lord North was meditating
provision for the Americans by grants of lands, and was
desirious of knowing how far it would be agreeable to them.
I said I did not imagine Lº North desired him to apply to me.
He answered No, but he himself tho't I was most likely to
know. I replied, I could not judge unless I knew where and
in what manner the provision was intended. If in that part
where I was Governor, it was difficult to find people to go upon
new lands if given to them. The American Refugees were in
general persons of liberal education, not brought up to labour,
and many of them too far advanced in life to begin the world.
Pſe did not think New England a proper place, as it was so full
of people, but talked of part of N. Jersey. I thought such a
proposal might better be deferred to another year. He went
240 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. *Jan.
#.
over in the same ship, and under the same encouragement with
Temple. He spake as if there had been a misunderstanding
between them. He seems to be a busy inquisitive forward
l]].8.1). -
22nd.—Ministry, its plain, have some hopes from the Carolina
expedition. They have sent to some persons of S. Carolina to
go out in the next packet. The state of the West Indies yet
but precarious.
Garrick's death and character in the papers of yesterday and
to-day. No actor upon the stage ever attained to so general
esteem, and he is everywhere considered as the English Roscius.
24th.-At the Chapel S. James's. The King attended
without the Queen. Dº Kaye, Sub-Almoner, preached.
In the evening at Dº Heberden's—Bps. of Carlisle and
Exeter, &c. Much said of the deceased Garrick, and the
universal esteem had of him, the great notice taken of him by
the nobility and first commoners, and the great pleasure it gave
him : but some of the physicians present thought it shortened
his days, as he was very indulgent to his appetite; a lover of
high eating, and though not intemperate, fond of rich wines:
had been long subject to disorders in his kidneys and bladder, a
stone being found in the neck of the latter, and one of the
former having wholly perished. From nothing, when he came
upon the stage in 39 or '40, he accumulated above 100,000£, of
which he died possessed, besidesliving all the time in an expensive
style. It is not probable that Roscius or any player between
him and Garrick ever raised the like fortune from the stage.
26th.-[M* Paxton unwell.] . . . Paxton" seemed much affected
with the thought of being buried in London. He had seen
them take the bones up after they had been buried a few
years, and cast them into a common heap. I said to him, I
could not help an inclination to have my bones mixed with, or
near to those who had been nearest to me in my life ; but I
asked him if he should have a bad leg or arm, not to say a bad
tooth, whether, after it was separated, he would care much
what became of it 2 and what reason there was to be concerned

* The name of Charles Paxton, late Commissioner of the Customs in
America, occurs in the list of persons mentionCd in the Confiscation Act.
;,] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 241
about the other bones, more than about those P. Very true, he
said: however, he would give 100 guineas to be laid by his
father and mother under the Chapel in Boston.
27th.-A drizzling day. There seems no doubt of Hotham's
arrival, Some say at Antigua, others Barbadoes.
I received letters of Nov. 4 from Colº Wanton at Rhode
Island. He had not been able to find any tenant for my
estate, but should make something of the grass sold to the
army.
February 1st–Mº Garrick's remains were buried in West-
minster Abbey, the procession going by Charing Cross, between
one and two o'clock. The streets were more crowded than
when the King goes to Parliament. I called upon M*
Galloway at his lodgings while the people were collecting.
We both of us chose to go into the city through Holborne,
rather than remain in such a crowd, and so we saw nothing of
the show . . .
5th. . . . Advice of the taking of a French frigate of a new
construction, of 36 guns, by the Apollo frigate Cap. Pownal,
of 32 guns, after a smart engagement: the French–40 men
killed, the English–8—many Wounded—brought into Ports-
mouth.
7th–Old Jewry: M . . .
Sir H. Houghton, coming from Meeting in my coach, told
me he thought he had it from good authority, that some such
offer had been made of mediation on the part of Spain: and
afterwards at Court, Mº Burrell of the Excise, said he thought
it. probable. He had been assured the Prince of Asturias was
favorably disposed. What length affairs have gone in Spain,
is not agreed, but there seems to have been too much smoak
[sic] to be no fire; and it is thought the Prince has taken a
great share in the government, if the King is not wholly laid
aside. It has been common in that family for the apparent
successors to the Crown to be impatient, and for the Princes
to become unwilling or unfit to continue to reign.
Blowers, Upham, &c., are desirous of a Court of Admiralty at
R. Island. I wrote to Lord Sandwich desiring a hearing upon
the subject.
WOL. II, R
242 DJARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. ſ.
8th.-A packet from New York . . . General Lee, a duel
With young Laurence . . .
9th.-I called this forenoon upon Gov. Johnstone at Ken-
sington Gore. I was desired to deliver him a letter from M*
Upham from N. York. I was well inclined to it, having never
seen him, except in the H. of Commons, where I was much
abused by him. I found him very civil, polite, and obliging ;
and as he has altered his sentiments on American affairs, I hope
he will alter his opinion of me, his only charge against me
being misrepresentation to the Ministry, of the intention of
Adams, &c., to stir up the people to revolt . . .
10th.--The newspapers of this day mention the death of a
Mº De Groote, in the Charter House, a grandson of the famous
Grotius, who died about 1645. I think he must be more
remote than a grandson, though Thomas Dudley, Gov. of Mass"
died in 1651, and his grand-daughter M* Miller, died but last
year. But Dudley's son, the father of M" Miller, was born but
a short time before his father, the first Dudley, died, and this
M” Miller lived to ninety . . .
Upon reinspecting the newspaper, I find that Isaac De
Groote is said to be great-grandson of Grotius, and probably last
of his name. My great-grandfather died in 1675.
12th.- . . . The city illuminated, and great disorders last
night, to celebrate Keppel's acquittal. Sir H. Palliser's house
in Pall Mall much damaged by the mob. Lord George G
opposite, windows broke, and door burst open, and the mob dis-
persed by the Guards. Lord North's house surrounded, and
the Admiralty insulted. Windows broke where there were no
lights. My housekeeper waked me after 12 to tell me she
must put candles in the windows, or they would be broke to
pieces, Dº Parker's windows just by, being all broke. I gave
my consent, and she stuck up a few in the drawing-room.
13th.-Several of the mob carried before Fielding yesterday,
who committed them ; but this did not discourage a general
illumination last night. Mauduit never remembered any so
universal. Every house must have something, but a little
matter satisfied. I put only 3 candles in each Window of my
drawing-room. There was no mischief, and the streets were
*::: DIARY AND JETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCILINSON. 243
quiet sooner than the night before. What made it more
difficult to restrain the mob, was the general concurrence of all
orders in the imprudence of Palliser in the prosecution, as those
who stood out would have been charged as approvers of it.
Even Lord North, Lord George G. , Lord Dartmouth,
Hardwicke, the Bp. of London, &c., &c., put up lights. I went
up to M' Ellis's about 9 and saw he had none, and I was vexed
with myself for my own, but soon after his flambeaux were lit.
Sober people have said that if they were sure of being always
obliged to conform to such caprices of the people, they would
chuse to live in Paris, rather than London. Some say there
must be a third illumination to-night.
14th.-Quiet last night . . .
17th.-Illumination again last night upon Reppel's coming
to town. Almost everybody conformed: Lord George's house
fuller than before. I kept my windows dark—had one square
broke after I went to bed. The whole is extravagance. Sir
Hugh Palliser, from personal resentment, without consulting any-
body, brings a charge against the Admiral. The Lords of the
Admiralty, it seems agreed, could not avoid a Court Martial. The
Admiral is honourably acquitted. Palliser sinks into disgrace.
The Opposition triumph as if it was a victory gained over
Administration, who have had no concern in the prosecution.
The thanks of both Houses given to Keppel in just such terms
as the Opposition chose, whereas no victory was obtained; and
if no charge had been brought against him his conduct would
have remained very doubtful. But the Ministry wail to every
measure to humour the people, and unless they shew more
spirit, it looks as if the disorders would increase,
As warm to-day as it is commonly in May.
18th-At Lord North's Levée . . . *
21st.—At Prince’s Street: a young man preached—his gown
and his hair à la mode of the young Episcopal clergy.
Reppel dining yesterday in the city with a Committee, Who
presented him with his freedom in an heart of oak box, was
dragged by the rabble from Charing Cross to the London
Tavern, Bishops-Gate Street; the horses being taken out, the
coachman removed from the box, and a sailor with a blue flag
R 2
244 I) IARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [;
put in his place. In the evening the houses in the city were
generally illuminated, but not to the west of Temple Bar. The
mob which followed him to his own house in Audley Square
made great slaughter of the windows in their route. I hapned
not to fall within it, and escaped. M Ellis had his windows
broke, and even Charles Fox, which one of the newspapers
intimated was a contrivance to lessen the clamour, which the
friends of Government would make more loudly if they were
alone.
22nd.—A prize sent in to Falmouth, taken by Cap. Eden in
a privateer, brother to Sir Robert, &c., bound from Guadaloupe
to France. It is said that Hotham and Grant had taken S'
Lucy . . .
24th.-Lord North began to open the Budget, which took so
much time that he referred part until to-morrow. Fifteen
millions must be raised. Seven millions he had agreed to
borrow. He hinted his hopes of France's relinquishing the
American connexions, &c.
25th.-I called on M* Eden, who seems to approve of the Court
of Admiralty at Rhode Island . . .
26th.-At Lord Carlisle's, to acquaint him with the applica-
tion for a Court of Admiralty at Newport, which he approves of.
At Lord Hardwicke's, where was Stewart the Architect, or
Planner of grounds, who dined at Sir Samp. Gideon's, and Dº
Douglas. I went with the latter to St. James's, to enquire of
Lady Egremont, in Waiting, how the Queen and Prince [blot]
did P. Much company in the Caudle Room.
At Lord Huntingdon's, where was his nephew Capt. Rawdon.
I suppose he who lost his leg, tho' he is so well fitted with
another that no difference appears.
At Mr Ellis's, who has been confined 10 days with a boil.
Called on M* Burnet and Col” Leland—which is doing a
great deal for me in the visiting way.
Often colder in June.
28th.-At D* Kippis's. At Court. Much talk of Byron's
arrival in W. Indies, but nothing authentick. Peace between
the Emperor and K. of Prussia past doubt. Q whether
England gains or loses?
*...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON, 245
In the evening at D* Herberden's. Mº Frampton, a country
gentleman I don't remember there before. Dº H. says his ther-
mometer was at 63 this day at noon: that the mean of the
mercury for the whole month of February has been 48} : that
for 10 years past the mean the whole month of April has not
exceeded 48: that the two last months of January and Feb-
ruary only ; an inch of rain has fallen : that usually in Jan’
and February there falls 4 inches of water. It is remarkable
that in America and Italy, as far as we have yet heard, the cold
has been more severe than for many years past.
March 1st.—The fine weather still continues, and W. wind.
The cry now is for an E. wind, to bring the troops expected
from Scotland, and some I suppose from the Continent.
3rd.-Dined at Lord Dartmouth's—Lord and L. Clarendon,
and L. Charlotte Hyde, Mr Ord and wife, Mº Hopkins, Sir G.
Carleton, and Gov. Legge.
Wrote to Putnam, Waller, Blowers, and Wanton. .
4th.-Certain advice of Byron's arrival at Barbadoes Jany
12"—one ship not arrived . . .
6th.-Green, Thomas Reeve, Weekes, dined with me, and Mr
Clark, Missionary at Dedham, lately arrived from New York.
He was confined on board a Guard ship at Boston two months
... hard of hearing . . . His father was Minister of Salem village
. . this son was a preacher among the Congregationalists . . .
he thought fit to conform, and go to England for Orders . . . He
applied to me for a Certificate of his character, which I gave him.
8th.-The new papers mention the death Lord Suffolk at
Bath. He took great notice of me when I first came to England,
but I have never yet met with any person who, when I asked
anything for any of my family or friends, would make use of their
influence in my behalf, which I attribute to a fear lest it
should be considered as a favour which, if granted at their
request, would lessen their claims for themselves, or some of
their connexions. He has left no children. The Countess is
Said to be with child. He has an uncle, his presumptive heir,
who has only daughters; and after him the title would go to a
very remote relation . . .
11th-The private letters from N. York say there are more
246 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON Gº.
than 100 privateers at N. York fitted and fitting, to cruise
against the French and the Americans. A letter from Blowers
to Bliss says the Refugees are in high spirits from an expec-
tation that the Rebellion will soon be over. Both kingdom and
Colonies are so much exhausted by it, that it is difficult to say
which will, of necessity, give way soonest . . .
12th.--Dº Chandler called and read a letter from D* Ingolls
of New York, of Feb. 5th. He says a letter from Silas Deane
to France has been intercepted, in which he says, unless they
can be assisted with several millions in specie, they shall not be
able to go on with the war another year; and Ingolls adds,
that he had seen several other letters to the same purpose. He
says the people in the Colonies are in a consternation with a
tax of 15 millions of dollars, which they are to pay next year,
and so every year for 18 years to come : and it is certain
either that their paper must continue at its depreciated rate, or
if it should rise in value, that the burden of so great a tax
must be insupportable. He thinks, with a little aid from
England, the Rebellion will be over this summer. Speaking
of the measures in England, he calls the speech made by Lord
North the last year—that miserable speech.
16th.-Accounts received this forenoon of the taking of
Pondicherry, &c., from the French. This is a great affair; but
as on the one hand, by distressing the French, we may hope to
incline them to reasonable terms of accommodation, so, on the
other, we are in danger of drawing the Spaniards into the war,
in order to the relief of their ally.
18th.—At Lord North's Levée . . .
19th.-The papers Say John Adams is gone back from Paris
to Boston. It does not appear that he sustained a public
character. It seems agreed Franklin is now sole Minister from
the revolted Colonies. Mº Strahan, the King's Printer, and
now Member of Parliament for [blank] told me what I did not
know before—that soon after Franklin was of age, he procured
by his labour, money enough to pay his passage from Phila-
delphia to London, where he supported himself 18 months by
working as a Press-man in a Printing house in Wild Court,
near Lincolns Inn Fields. After Franklin came over Agent
łº, 1779.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON, 247
for Pensylvania, he proposed several times to Strahan, to go
and make a visit to his old master Watts, who was then living,
but something or other was always in the way.
21st.—At the Chapel, S James's;–Bishop of Exeter. He
was much awed, and delivered his discourse much more grace-
fully when I heard him at the Rolls.
At Court. I mentioned to the King what I heard yesterday
from Halifax, which he had not heard.
Spoke to Mº Hele-Hutchinson at Court.
In the evening at Dº Heberden's.
I never was more disordered in speaking to the King than
to-day; and by his sudden turning and speaking to the next
person, I think he discovered it.
24th.-In the city. An airing with M* Galloway to Camber-
well and Peckham, and home by the Greenwich road. He says,
while the army was at Philadelphia, some pieces taken from the
English papers, had been republished in the Philad. papers,
against the Minority: that Howe sent his Secrº Mackenzie to
Galloway, who was a sort of Town Governor, to put a stop to
all publications of that sort. Soon after, something wrote in
Philadelphia against the Minority or Opposition was published,
which occasioned the sending Mackenzie a second time, to
know whether the orders had been given. Galloway said he
hardly thought Mackenzie was in earnest. No orders were
given not to publish anything against the Ministry. The
printers were sent for, or sent to, by Howe, and required to
publish nothing against the Minority.
He says further, that General Howe advised him to make his
peace with the Revolters, when the King's troops were about to
evacuate Philadelphia, and to apply to Clinton for a flag of
truce. Galloway said there was no chance of his obtaining a
pardon; but Howe continuing to urge it, Galloway applied to
General Clinton, who utterly refused to shew any countenance
to the proposal. He does not scruple to say, there was never a
week when Howe had it not in his power to reduce America,
and that he does not believe he ever intended it.*
* These are remarkable words, and not a little damaging: they are, how-
ever, in accordance with a few stray remarks made elsewhere. It may be
248 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
26th.-Sir George Rodney met me in the Park, and having
never spoke to me before, asked if I had heard the news? No.
Lord Stormont had just told him, from Mº Penn, that not
only Philadelphia, but the whole Province of Pensilvania, had
declared for Government . . .
27th.-Sir G. Rodney's news is come to nothing . . .
28th.—At Prince's Street. Dined with Strahan, where Gallo-
way was to have been, but not well. General Peckham there,
who had served under Prince Ferdinand, and afterwards was
made a Colonel and Major-General by the K. of Prussia.
Strahan shewed me the original Advertisement in Franklin's
hand writing, about his sending the Letters to America, w”
F. sent to Strahan to be printed in the London Chronicle :
an extract also from the letter which F. sent to America,
accompanying the Letters. Of this he promised me a copy:
the extract is in F.'s hand writing.”
31st.—A letter from Putnam from N. York, 17 Feb’ which I
sent Lord North for perusal. Colº Vassall says he knows that
young Laurens, son to the late Congress President, has wrote to
his wife from Philadelphia, that he doubts not matters will be
accommodated this summer. This is the young Laurens who
fought a duel with Lee. It is one of the young fellows who
lodged in the same house with me at Bath, the first year I came
to England. He married a W. India Merchant's daughter in
the city, and left her here when he went to America.
April 1st.— . . . General Robertson's being appointed
Governor of N. York occasions much talk. Gage tells me
Tryon is superseded, not with his consent. Robertson is not.
only old, but has had one, if not more apoplectic strokes, and
is not popular. z
2nd.—Good Friday . . .
4th.-Easter Sunday. At the Old Jewry. A stranger
preached, &c. Remarkably warm southerly day. Dº Chandſler]
Sound policy to send out a mutual friend to conciliate, or to try and negociate
for a peaceful solution of a dispute ; but if the quarrel has past friendly
Inegociation, and if the sword must be drawn, then, in that case, a General
who is a sympathiser with Revolters, only goes out to assist them. He
draws the sword to play with his duties, and designedly cheats his Sovereign.
* These promised extracts are not found among the Governor's papers.
#1 piany AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 249
and son, Bliss, E. H. and his wife at dinner. M' Ellis
called. I observed to him Lord G.'s declaration in the House
—that Gov", after the Americans had refused the offers, was not
held to them. He said it was very well, but such a declara-
tion was ill timed. The Opposition sought for it to make an
ill use of it, and Lord North, he said, always gave in to
Opposition upon these points.
5th.-A warm south wind. With Mº Keene and Col”
Townshend in the Park. The latter had the care of shipping
off the recruits from the river Medway. He says there are 15
or 1600, and with the Guards make about 2,000; and the
Scotch troops being 2500, the embarkation will not be 5,000
without foreign troops, which Keene said would not be good
for much. -
7th–In the city. Report from France yesterday; un-
favorable from Ireland; favorable of W. India affairs—all
vague. I wrote to Judge Browne at Cowbridge, in answer
to a letter from him, to send his son to town ; my taylor
should make his uniform; I would give him 10 gº, which
would be eno' at present for other purposes; and he should
breakfast and dine with me while I staid in town.
8th.-An accident last night furnishes subject for conver-
sation in a dearth of foreign news. Mº Ray, who has lived as
a concubine with Lº Sandwich for many years, and who has
several children by him, some well grown, has been at Covent
Garden Playhouse; and just as she had got in, or was getting
in to her charriot, a Clergyman, who it is said, had made his suit
to her to be his wife, and had been refused, came close to her
with a pistol, and shot her through the head. He immediately
fired another pistol, with intent to blow his own brains out,
but failed, and was thereupon secured. It is said he had been
an officer, and had left the Army or Navy, and that his name
is Hackman. Lord Sandwich, it is said, was Waiting supper
for her return, when the shocking news was brought him.
Captain Bruce, who had been an officer in the Train in
America and at Boston, murdered himself this morning, after
several attempts by stabbing, cutting, &c., in a cruel, bloody
Iſla,Ill]621's -
250 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTOHINSON. Iº;
Walpole—the accomplished and indefatigable—was not likely
to allow such a sensational story to pass unnoticed. It is hoped
that the reader will forgive the insertion of his version of it here,
which is sufficiently valuable, as coming from his pen. Writing
to the Countess of Ossory April 8, 1779, he says—
“I was interrupted by the strangest story I ever heard, and
which I cannot yet believe, though it is certainly true. Last
night, as Miss Ray was getting into her coach in Covent Garden
from the play, a Cléºgyman shot her through the head, and then
himself. She is dead, but he is alive to be hanged—in the room
of Sir Hugh Palliser. Now Madam, can one believe such a tale?
How could poor Miss Ray have offended a divine 2 She was no
enemy to the Church Militant or Naval, to the Church of England,
or the Church of Paphos. I do not doubt but it will be found,
that the assassin was a Dissenter, and instigated by the Americans
to give such a blow to the State. My servants have heard that the
murderer was the victim's husband:—methinks his jealousy was
very long-suffering ! Tantaene animis celestibus irae / and that he
should not have compounded for a Deanery ! What trials Lord
Sandwich goes through ! He had better have one for all . . .
“The assassin's name is Hackman : he is a brother to a reput-
able tradesman in Cheapside, and is of a very pleasing figure
himself, and most engaging behaviour. About five years ago he
was an officer in the 66th Regiment, and being quartered at
Huntingdon, pleased so much as to be invited to the Oratorios at
Hinchinbrook, and was much caressed there. Struck with Miss
Ray's charms, he proposed marriage; but she told him she did not
choose to carry a knapsack. He went to Ireland, and there
changed the colour of his cloth, and at his return, I think not
long ago, renewed his suit, hoping a cassock would be more
tempting than a gorget—but in vain. Miss Ray, it seems, has
been out of order, and abroad [in public] but twice all the winter.
She went to the play on Wednesday night, for the second time,
with Galli, the singer. During the play the desperate lover was
at the Bedford Coffee House, and behaved with great calmness,
and drank a glass of capillaire. Towards the conclusion he sallied
into the Piazza, waiting till he saw his victim, handed by Mr.
Macnamara. He came behind her, pulled her by the gown, and
on her turning round, clapped the pistol to her forehead, and shot
her through the head. With another pistol, he then attempted to
shoot himself, but the ball only grazing his brow, he tried to dash
out his own brains with the pistol, and is more wounded by those
blows than by the ball.
#j DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON 251
“Lord Sandwich was at home, expecting her to supper at half
an hour after ten. On her not returning an hour later, he said
something must have happened: however, being tired, he went to
bed at half an hour after eleven, and was scarce in bed before one
of his servants came in, and said Miss Ray was shot. He stared,
and could not comprehend what the fellow meant : nay, lay still,
which is full as odd a part of the story as any. At twelve came
a letter from the Surgeon to confirm the account, and then he
was extremely afflicted. *
“Now, upon the whole, Madam, is not the story full as strange
as ever it was 2 Miss Ray has six children; the eldest son is
fifteen ; and she was at least three times as much. To bear a
hopeless passion for five years, and then murder one's mistress-I
don’t understand it. If the story clears up at all, your Ladyship
shall have a sequel. These circumstances I received from Lord
Hertford, who heard them at Court yesterday from the Lords of
the Admiralty. I forgot that the Galli swooned away on the
spot.”—Vol. vii. p. 190.
Again, April 17, he writes as follows—
“For the last week all conversation has been engrossed by a
shocking murder committed on the person of a poor woman
connected with a most material personage now on the great stage.
You will have seen some mention of it in the papers. I mean the
assassination of Miss Ray, Lord Sandwich’s mistress, by a Clergy-
man, who had been an officer, and was desperately in love with
her, though she between thirty and forty, and has had nine
children. She was allowed to be most engaging ; and so was the
wretched lover, who had fixed his hopes of happiness on marrying
her, and had been refused after some encouragement—I know not
how much. On his trial yesterday he behaved very unlike a
madman, and wishes not to live. He is to suffer on Monday . . .
I shall reserve the rest of my paper till Tuesday.”
Accordingly, on Tuesday he writes—
“The poor assassin was executed yesterday. The same day
Charles Fox moved for the removal of Lord Sandwich, but was
beaten by a large majority; for in parliament, the Ministers can
still gain victories. Adieu !”—vii. 193.
At this day also, the proceedings in the matter of the second
Court Martial were dividing the attention of all London, and on
this he remarks—
252 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. º.
“Though Sir Hugh Palliser's trial has been begun inis week,
the public does not honour it with the same attention as Keppel's.
It does not brighten for the Vice-Admiral.”
Again, May 9–
“Palliser's trial has ended shamefully. He is acquitted with
honour, of not having obeyed his Admiral's signals, which is
termed blameable, for not having given the reason why he did not,
—and that reason was, the rottenness of his mast, with which he
returned to Portsmouth, without its being repaired yet.”—vii. 199.
10th.-With Judge Oliver, Howard, and Col” Leonard to
the Bp. of London, at Fulham, to whom I introduced them, and
he received us with great politeness. -
We came home to dinner, where Dº Chandler, Thomas, and
my Son E. joined us. Chandler, after dinner, mentioned an
anecdote of Dº Franklin. When Morris resigned the Govern-
ment, and Denny succeeded, at an entertainment, Franklin
sat on One side of Denny, and Morris the other. Franklin
expressed his wishes to be able to contribute to the success of
Denny's administration. Morris, in a very audible voice ob-
served, that no man was more able than Franklin to promote
such success, but you will find he has a heart as black as
H—. This brought to my mind the revenge Franklin took
after Morris was dead, for in the History of Pensilvania, he
remarks upon Morris's going out, and Denny's succeeding, that
according to the Scotch proverb, change of Devils is blithesome.
11th.-Yesterday at dinner I recollected I had not seen
Captain Poynton, one of the Massachusetts Refugees, for a long
time, and enquired of the company what was become of him,
but nobody knew anything particular, and supposed he was at
lodgings near London. This morning a man came to me to
know if I had heard anything of Cap" Poynton : said his own
name was Poynton : that he is a peruke-maker, Leicester
Fields, Orange Court : that they are brothers' children: that
the Capt" used to be often at his house, but sometimes would
stay away months at a time, but being absent longer that ever
before, since his being in England, for Some time past he had
been enquiring, but could get no intelligence since the latter
#T DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 253
part of July last, when he left his lodgings at Eltham, and
carried his baggage, &c. to Charing Cross, which he went with
from thence in a Hackney coach.
It is odd such an enquiry of me, so immediately after my
accidental enquiry, without any suspicion of anything amiss.
There is reason to fear something bad has hapned,—that he
has been destroyed for the sake of his baggage, or at least,
that he died, and his death has been concealed for the sake of
what he left.
At S" James's, K. and Q. . . .
12th.-In the city, and rec" a year's interest of Bank Stock.
In the evening Johannot” being at my house to drink coffee, I
asked him about his message to Washington when the troops
left Boston. He says the Select-men, all but Austen, applied
to Howe for leave to send out a Flag to Washington, to let
him know, that if the King's troops should be molested in
their embarkation, Howe would certainly set fire to the town,
&c. Johannot says Howe made a difficulty, but finally con-
sented. Austen, the Selectman said in Johannot's hearing, he
never would be concerned in such a message: there was no
need of it: the troops would not be molested: the town would
not be fired. Being asked how he knew 2 he answered “Very
well,” but did not say how. The two Generals understood one
another: but whether he discovered this by his sagacity, or had
any evidence of a communication, he did not say.
Johannot and another went out, and after waiting a long
time in a snow storm, before the Flag was answered, Colº
Leonard and some others appeared, and after receiving the
message, comunicated it to the officer in command at Roxbury,
but Washington being at Cambridge, Johannot and the other
returned without any answer at that time; but soon after,
whether on that day or the next, or what day I did not enquire,
an answer was given—that General Washington would take no
* Mr. Danforth, writing from London, Nov. 8, 1779, to Elisha Hutchinson,
then in Birmingham, says—“Probably you saw in the papers an account of
the death of Peter Johannot. The funeral was attended by Mr. Gray and
myself, Has been blind about 5 years.” . The following occurs in the Diary
of Dr. P. Oliver:—“1809, Aug.—Peter Johannot dyed this month in London
aged 79.” Perhaps this latter was a son of the former.
254 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
notice of such an application. But Johannot says everybody
was easy, and looked upon themselves as secure from any
attack upon the troops, and from firing the town, as if a
Treaty had been made in form.
By the letters from New York, it appears that Livingstone,
the New Jersey Governor, had a narrow escape at Elizabeth
Town, the bed where he lay being warm, when the King's
troops entered his house. Two of his daughters had not left
the house : one of them was extremely frightened, and ran to
the top of the house, but recovered herself upon polite assur-
ances from Lord Cathcart, of protection. But it looks as if the
skirmishes made at different places had been of no service, and
that the Americans will boast of their bravery in repelling the
Ring's troops.
13th.-M" Galloway, who returned yesterday from the
country, brought me his letters from New York. In one of
them it is said Gov" Hutchinson had wrote confidentially to a
friend, that Government was disposed to give up its claim to
America, if it could be secured against the injuries from
America, when inimically disposed—or to that effect, which he
blames the person who recº the letter, for mentioning. I have
not the least remembrance of giving the least pretence for
such a report, and rather think some other person may have
written to that purpose; and upon a suggestion that such a
letter was received, it might be reported I was the writer.
14–I wrote to day by Major Small to Mº Walter and
Putnam to inform them of the letter I had seen yesterday;-that
I had given no foundation for such a report; that I had wrote
to no persons except them in New York; and I desired them to
vindicate me, and to enquire how such a report took its rise.
19th–Cap" Hyde Parker and Colº Campbell arrived in
town from Georgia: confirm the account of a second battle
there, which they call a smart one—1000 said to be killed,
wounded, and taken—most of their officers included in this
number, and one General. Nine vessels taken with provisions:
the communication with S. Carolina said to be cut off, which I
don’t well understand. Another account says there is great
desertion from the rebel army in S. Carolina,
#| J779
DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 255
20th.-No Gazette yet to explain the news of yesterday.
The action is said to have been between about 1000 of the
Ring's troops, under Sir James Beard, and 1500 Provincials:
the provision vessels bound to D'Estaigne at Martinico.
Dined at Lord Hardwicke's—Galloway, Auchmuty, and his
nephew.
21st.—The Gazette of last evening, though it is more favor-
able with respect to the loss of the English than was feared—
only 5 privates and no officers being killed—yet it makes the
American loss less than reported—about 350 only, killed and
taken prisoners, and an uncertain number drove into the river
and drowned ; but it gives no intimation of any further pro-
gress expected.
22nd.—At Lord North's Levée . . .
29th.-After long waiting compleated taking out the Com-
missions for a Court of Admiralty at Rhode Island, and left
them with M* Stephens, desiring him to forward them under
cover directed to Sampson Salter Blowers Esq. at New
York.
30th.-Wind changed to the eastward, and it is expected the
fleet will sail, but Lord Cornwallis was in town last night
waiting the result of Gen. Howe's motion for an Enquiry,
which was rejected by the House of Commons; Lord Hard-
wicke, in a note to me says—in an awkward and undignified
Iſlal) hel’. -
May 1st.—No account of the fleets sailing . . .
2nd.—Old Jewry . . . Adm. Gambier says that about 10
days before he sailed, Gen. Clinton proposed an attempt upon
Providence to destroy the shipping, and Clinton went to the
E. end of Long Island, and Gambier went in his own ship to
Newport, from whence he was to advise Clinton of the state of
Providence; that in a dark night one of Gambier's boats rowed
up to Providence : saw there were only two hulks, which had
been designed for fire-ships to burn the Raisonable, and an old
brig hauled up ; all the rest of their shipping having got out
when D'Estaigne was at Rhode Island. Not content with
this, he hired several Refugees who, in disguise, went to
Providence and returned, confirming the other account; upon
256 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
1779.
which he gave advice to Clinton, and went back himself in his
ship to New York.
3rd–An Express arrived about noon from Adm. Arbuthnot,
who sailed from Portsmouth, Saturday the 1st Ins" with the
fleet for America, and the next morning met an Express boat
from Jersey with intelligence that on Friday 5 men of war
and 50 transports had made a descent on that Island, and he
thereupon determined to sail immediately thither for its
defence. It's unlucky the fleet to America should be diverted;
but I don't hear Arbuthnot blamed for going there without
orders.
4th, Called on Mº Jackson, Southampton Buildings, who I
found very friendly and obliging. Last night the House of
Commons resolved to go into an enquiry upon Howe's motion.
Lord North spake against it, but there was no division. This
affair causes a great jumble. I think it probable Howe him-
self who made the motion was content it should rest; but
Charles Fox, hoping to bring Lord George into trouble, would
not suffer it. On the other hand M. Rigby and some others,
expect to set Howe in a bad light, and fell off from Lord
North; or possibly Lord North himself did not care much if
an enquiry should be made, provided it does not come from
him.
Nothing more from Jersey.
Dined at General Gage's, with a great number of Americans.
5th.-A rainy day: I don't recollect so much in a day since
Christmas. It is said Arbuthnot did not reach Jersey until
Monday afternoon: success still uncertain.
Sir Hugh Palliser honourably acquitted.
6th.--Nothing yet from Jersey except the first letter, Satur-
day the 1" in the afternoon, advising that the French had
attempted to land, and been repulsed; but as several ships
were in the offing, supposed to be a reinforcement, it was
expected a fresh attempt with a reinforcement. General
Conway, Gov' of Jersey, went out of town Monday night at
eleven o'clock for Portsmouth, and sailed next day for Jersey.
7th.--Everybody anxious for news . . . Sir Hugh Palliser's
acquittal published in the newspapers. No publick rejoicing.
#] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 257
The sentence does not leave him without an imputation of
negligence in not acquainting the Admiral with the state of his
ship.
8th.— . . . Advice of the French being repulsed from
Jersey before Arbuthnot appeared, and that he was gone to
join his ships, which went to Torbay. -
9th.-At D* Kippis's. Called on M* Galloway, who dined
with me. He says that upon L" Cornwallis and General Grey
giving their opinion that the reduction of America was im-
practicable, a Cabinet Council was called yesterday, and it was
moved to let the enquiry before the House rest where it is :
that L" Cornwallis called M. Eden out of the Council
Chamber, and advised to it : that the Council are to meet
again to-morrow.
10th.-It is said Arbuthnot joined the merchant vessels at
Torbay.
A rumour at the Treasury that there is an insurrection in
Ireland.
I was an hour and more with Lord Hillsborough. He is
strong in favour of an Union with Ireland, upon the plan of the
Scotch Union . . .
15th-Doctor Gardiner and Col” Pickman called on me
from Bristol, and dined—with two Auchmutys, Colº Chandler,
and Treas Gray. They are all anxious to return to America,
except Gray. He and Ch. Just. Oliver, and Secretary Flucker,
wish to have some provision in England, and never much
think of America. I can see reasons which are personal for
each of them. I have more of the old Athenians in me; and
though I know not how to reason upon it, I feel a fondness to
lay my bones in my native soil, and to carry those of my dear
daughter with me. -
19th.-Installation of Knights of the Bath. I had no
curiosity even to see the procession, and went into the city.
General H. was one. The evening before, the enquiry into his
conduct was going on in the H. of Commons, and to-day he
appears with his Star—a mark of approbation for his signal
conduct at Long Island, which is now one principal part for
which, by the public voice, he is censured.
VOL. II. S
258 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº
20th.-At Lord G. Germaine's Levée. I thanked him for
his patronage and publick avowal of the cause of the American
Refugees in the House of Commons. He seemed pleased with
it, and said it was no more than they were justly entitled to.
I expressed my concern lest the Opposition should spin out
the time in examining Howe's and Burgoyne's witnesses. He
did not doubt he should have three or four days left to examine
others.
While I was waiting, Cumberland, Secr" to the Board of
Trade, said he was astonished the Americans could bear the
abuse offered them by Gen. Grey at his examination in the H.
of Commons, when he declared the Americans were disloyal
almost to a man. He wondered they did not join in an
Address to the King, and a declaration of their motives to
leave” their country estates, friends, &c. When he was gone,
some who sat by me asked what I thought of the proposal P I
said I never chose to give an opinion suddenly upon a matter
of that importance.
June 2nd.—Talk of a rupture with Spain : disturbance in
Ireland, &c., &c., and Bank Stock falls 2 p. c';-about a month
ago was at 118; has gradually sunk to 110.
3rd.—At Lord North's, and Lord George's Levées .
4th.-The King's Birthday. I have attended every Birth-
day, except when my dear daughter was in her last illness;
but I had no spirits to-day.
Dined with Col” Wassall, in a company of Americans. Gal-
loway shewed me a long letter from New York, from Mº Cox,
a Pensilvania Counsellor, whose wife remains at Philad., and
corresponds with him. He says the Indians are come down on
the back of the Colonies. He expects Gov. Franklin will
soon go into New Jersey, and assume his Governm", and has
flattering expectations that peace will be restored this summer.
Burgoyne's witnesses finished yesterday in the H. of Commons.
It is expected Lord George will call his Tuesday next the 8th
Instant. -
5th.-At Lord Townshend's. Sº Jn" Blaquiere was there--
* Instead of “to leave,” the Sense of the passage seems to suggest that th
e 32 - e- . S-58-> O
words “for having left "Would make a hurriedly written sentence clearer.
†: 1779.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 259
just come from Ireland. He says La Mothe Piquet returned
to Brest, and that he is not sailed again; but that four frigates,
Jones Comm” [Commodore?] sailed the middle of May, or
sooner, with troops—some say 600, some 2000: that there had
been no account of them since. He adds that upon a recom-
mendation of the Congress to France, that if they could not be
supplied with 500,000£ sterl. they must submit. Application
was made to Spain, France not being able to advance the
money, and that Spain had advanced it, the money having
been actually paid on a day he named, to one Spence [?] for
the use of the Americans. Whether Spain lends it to America,
or France borrows it of Spain, and lends to America, he does
not know. * -
7th–Dined at Sir Richard Sutton's: Mauduit, Galloway,
and Knox. Galloway said that at the desire, and in behalf of
the Magistrates of Philadelphia, as well as for himself, he
applied, as soon as he heard the city was to be evacuated, to
S’ Wº Howe, to know what was to become of them 2 He
advised them to make their terms with Washington, and to
apply to Gen. Clinton for a Flag of Truce. This was grievous
advice. Galloway found access, and communicated it to
Clinton, who did not refuse a Flag, but advised them not to
ask it, assuring them they had no reason to despair: he did
not doubt America would be reduced, and encouraged them
their salaries should be continued,—and they remained with
the army. m
Another affair was mentioned which hapned in the J erseys.
Galloway had proposed to the General, (Howe), with a troop of
Light Horse, Americans, to surprize Livingstone and his Council
and the Assembly of New Jersey, all convened at Trenton, and
Howe approved of it, only, some of the Regulars were to be
joined. All at once, just as the business was to have been
executed, the General sent Balfour, his Aide-du-camp, to
Galloway, to let him know the General had altered his mini :
that as there would be a cartel in a few days, it would only
make a few more prisoners to exchange. º º
Both these matters, S. Richard doubted whether it would
not be best to ask no questions upon. The first, he said, if
S 2
260 DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. [...
proved, would amount to Treason, and Ministry would be
abused for concealing it, and not bringing Howe to trial. The
second, Howe would find some way to evade, and say he had
other reasons he did not think proper to give to Galloway.
T}esides, Sir Tich. Sutton added, that it was not the design
of Ministry to bring an accusation against Howe, but merely to
vindicate themselves from a charge of not having made
sufficient provision, or not given proper orders for the reduc-
tion of America.
9th.-General Robertson was examined yesterday in the
T[ouse. The minority endeavoured to prevent it . . .
10th.-Robertson again in the House last night, and further
examination ordered to-day . . .
11th.-Robertson still under cross-examination by the
minority, most, evidently, for the sake of taking up the time
and preventing, if possible, Galloway and others from being
heard; and the further examination of him was put off to
Monday. Robertson was asked—not when at the T3ar, but by
some of the members in a circle, and I suppose not in the
House, whether he thought it practicable to attempt the
works on Long Island P IIe Said–If, upon a chase, anybody
had been stopped by them, he should have thought him a very
bad huntsman.-Rain all day—Scarce any cessation.
12th.--Darby returned yesterday with the ten ships which
accompanied Arbuthnot. It is said the Brest fleet are out, 25
sail of the line, and that orders are gone to S' Cha. Hardy to
sail immediately. Sº Wºº Morodith made a motion last night
to address the IKing to grant a new Commission for treaty with
the Americans, which was rejected without a division.
14th.--Called on Sir Richard Sutton.
J’rince William” 80t out this morn" at 4 o’clock for Ports-
mouth, to embark on board Admiral Digby, without any
servant—his tutor accompanied him—he is about 14.
16th.-The Spanish Ambassador this morning before the
Lovée, was at Lord Weymouth's, and presented a Tescript
from his Master, which is called a Manifesto, and is said to
amount to a Declaration of War. This was communicated in
* Afterwards King William IV.
#j 1779.
Jº
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 201
substance, in the afternoon, by Lº Weymouth to the Lords,
and by Lord North to the Commons. In the latter, great
abuse of the Ministry, but the consideration referred until
to-morrow, when it is said the Manifesto will be translated and
brought before Parliament. A great consternation.
M" Galloway at the Bar of the House of Commons, examined
from 7 o'clock to between 11 and 12, and not finished.
17th.-The Grand Fleet under Sir Charles Hardy sailed
yesterday from Sº Helens: the E. India ships which had sailed
were recalled, and are gone out under one convoy of the Grand
Fleet.
Stocks not so much affected to-day as was expected. It's
thought the French fleet is gone to Cadiz to join the Spaniards.
18th-The Opposition are in a sad hobble. They forwarded
an enquiry into Howe's conduct, but intended to produce such
witnesses only as would vindicate him. After they had been
heard, and Lord George G. proposed to call witnesses, they
would have stopped; and I have it from such authority as
Satisfies me, offered to forbear moving for a vote of thanks or
exculpation, but Lord G. insisted on going on. They tried to
perplex old General Robertson, but he was too cunning for
them, and sometimes turned the laugh upon them by his
answers. Last night, when Sir Ric" Sutton was putting
questions to Galloway, Burke stood up and asked if he was not
a Member of the Congress? Galloway answered “Yes ;”
then followed—“Have you had your pardon 2"—the answer
“No ; ” and as Galloway was giving a reason, viz., that he had
been guilty of no offence but for his loyalty, was pronounced
by the Congress a capital offender against the new States,
there was a cry—“Withdraw withdraw " and by means
thereof two hours of the short remains of the session were
spent, and all the charge which would have been brot against
IIowe in that time avoided; and then Galloway was called to
the Dar again.
Cool, or west wind.
19th-The 13ishop of London called and Spent Some time.
Ile laments the deplorable state of the nation. He Says all is
owing to the Opposition, and the Opposition is owing to Lord
262 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Bute in the beginning of this reign, whose imprudence in
turning so many out of office, and his timidity of conduct
afterwards, put all into confusion. I observed that I had a
curiosity to see him, but had never been able. He surprized
me by saying he had never seen him in his life; which is very
extraordinary, as the Bishop has been so many years in the
House of Lords, and so often at Court . . .
21st.—A gentleman who knew me, and asked how I had
been since he last saw me, informed me Saturday morning as I
was taking my walk, that he went to Aylesbury a day or two
before, and that Sir Francis Bernard died Wednesday night
the 16", which has been since confirmed.
22nd.—A warm debate last night in the House of Commons.
Lord North proposed a Bill to enable the Ring to encrease
the Militia, not exceeding a number equal to those already
established. This was generally agreed to, but it occasioned
bitter reflections on the Ministry, and Lord North in particular,
who was reproached with the places he had provided for himself
and family. He vindicated his conduct, but shed tears, and
declared he had long wished to resign, but had been prevented.
An express from New York—letters to 25 May. An ex-
pedition to Chesapeak, it is said had succeeded as well as
could be expected : many vessels destroyed w” great quantities
of tobacco, also magazines of provisions, and military stores
laid up for Washington's army: two towns burnt, &c. Query,
as to the last article P
23rd.—At Lord George's office. Mentioned to M' Rnox
what I heard from Dº Chandler,-that one of the American
privateers, under British colours, had brought to—a Spanish
despatch boat, broke open the packets, and passed for one of
IVing George's subjects, and came into Boston, and bragged of
the exploit. This [story] John Gray, son to the Treasurer,"
brings from Boston. Knox seems to be much pleased with the
accounts from New York.
24th. —At Court, where I had not been for near two months,
* Harrison Gray the Treasurer, is mentioned in the Confiscation Act, as
among the “notorious conspirators,” whose estates in America were to be
seized. A biographical notice of him in Sabine’s “Loyalists,’ vol. i. p. 488.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 263
The K. took notice of the favorable appearance in America,
particularly the dissatisfaction of many parts with the Congress:
asked about Laurence, who I said was now out : he asked who
was in his room 2 I told him Jay, Who was he A lawyer—
he had a brother in England. “What,” says the K., “a
Doctor—where is he P’’
“Somewhere in England,” I said.
“Not doing any good, I believe.”
“No, I believe not.”
He mentioned the wickedness of Opposition. I answered—
“I detest them.”
“I am sure you do,” was his reply.
The Queen all goodness, asked how I had my health 2
“As well as the times will admit. I use exercise, temper-
ance, and try to keep my mind in an easy state.”
“Ah,” she replied, “there is no happiness without tran-
quility of mind. The health of the body depends much upon
the mind.”
26th.-I enquired of John Gray, who informed me that when
he was in Boston, several of the Privateers which came in
there were reported to have stopped Spanish vessels and
plundered them, informing them they were under the Ring's
Commission, and that two Masters that came from Boston
with him in a carteel [?] ship, were on board the Bunker's
Hill, an American privateer, when she met with a Spaniard,
which they boarded and plundered. The privateer carried
English colours at that time, and informed the Spaniards she
was fitted out at Bristol, but he says nothing of opening packets,
One of those Masters, he says, was named Storer, and is since
arrived at Whitehaven . . .
27th.-At D* Kippis's. Danforth and Bliss dined. A cold
north wind like March. It is said S. Cha. Hardy was left in
the lat. of 48, but he had heard nothing of the French or
Spaniards. • .
There are great endeavours speedily to man more English
ships. An Act passed suddenly to invalidate all protections
against a Press—to look back to the 16". A stratagem was
made use of the 23" in the evening. No seamen appearing
264 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº.
anywhere, the Tower was lighted up, and a report was spread
that the King had removed Lord North—that he was in
custody, and that he was bringing down to the Tower.” Many
thousands collected upon Tower Hill, expecting him. Care
Was taken to block up the avenues with sufficient guards. Ten
or a dozen different Press-gangs came on suddenly and secured
several hundred, among whom were many masters and mates of
colliers and other vessels, who were sent immediately down to
the Nore. Some have proposed pressing the crews of all
privateers, in which service it is computed 70,000 men are
employed. -
30th.-Judge Sewall came on a visit from Bristol last
evening, and dined with me to-day, wºº Danforth and Bliss.
Expected Paxton from Pangbourne, that we might begin our
journey to-morrow, but he has failed. Galloway and Mauduit
in the evening: the former very angry with Lord Howe, for
comparing him to the Apothecary in Romeo, whose poverty
had driven him to say what he did not think: desires to
publish his own examination.
July 1st.—People seem alarmed to-day with the debate of
yesterday in the House of Lords. Upon the Militia Bill the
minority proposed an amendment, and Lord Weymouth, with
Lord Gower, voted and argued with them: Lord Chancellor
and Lord Sandwich against them : and the amendment was
carried by three quarters of the Lords. I met Mº Keene of
the Board of Trade in the Park, much dejected. Lord T. tol
Paxton Lord North must go out. -
2nd-Left the town with affairs in great uncertainty; but
I have no concern with them in town more than in the country.
About two began a journey with Paxton, and about 8 reached
Guilford, thro’ Fulham.
4th.-Poor lodgings at a poor Inn. [at Wickham.] Went
to church and heard M. Rashleigh . . . A monument of the
Earl and Countess of Carlisle . . . Dined 6 or 7 miles from
* It is hard to imagine how persons in authority could have lent themselves
to the perpetration of such a disgraceful trick. Soldiers and sailors will
voluntarily enter the services if they are fairly paid, fairly looked to, and
fairly provided for in case of injury in their country’s defence.
#1 piany Awp LETTERs of THOMAS HUTCHINSON 265
Wickham with Admiral Montague at Widley . . . Went on
5 miles to Portsmouth . . . -
5th–Called on Sir Sam Hood . . . Sir Thomas Pye,
Admiral of the Port . . .
6th.- . . . Went through the dockyard. The Saint George,
a 90 gun ship, having all her timbers in, from bottom to top,
I went into her hold, which struck me more than I imagined
with the grandeur of it . . .
7th.- . . . We came to Rumsey, about 30 miles from Ports-
mouth. This is a considerable market town: a large old
church. An apple tree grows out of the tower, which came up
by accident, and a supply of earth has been afforded it, so that
it bears fruit, which is carried about as a curiosity . . .
9th.-We went from Poole to Wareham . . . The Roman
Amphitheatre, [near Dorchester, and especially the Roman
Camp, are the most curious works of antiquity I have seen in
England . . .
10th.-We rode 8 miles to Weymouth . . . In the afternoon
we went to Bridport . . .
11th–In the forenoon we went to the Presbyterian Meeting.
. . . In the afternoon at the parish church . . .
12th-Set out early on horseback and rode to Lime [Lyme
to breakfast—a watering place where a few families were
collected. An old man upon the beach shewed us where the
Duke of Monmouth landed, and told us his uncle was hanged
for being one of the men who rowed him ashore. At the
George Inn, where he lodged, they have a room which they
yet call Monmouth's room.
We went up a very long bad hill from Lime town, and went
down one as bad into Sidmouth. From the top of the last
hill, [Salcombe Hill] Paxton descryed the fleet lying in
Torbay, but I could not then see them, but afterwards with
a glass, had a view of the ships, but imperfect, from the top of
the house where we lodged ; and in the afternoon saw very
plain, a long ship, which we made no doubt was the Terrible,
going to join the fleet.
My principal design in going two or three miles out of my
way to Sidmouth, was to shew my regard to Mº Smith the
266 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
Presbyterian Minister lately settled there, but unfortunately
he had gone from home this morning to see the fleet at
Torbay. I found unexpectedly, Sam Sewall from Bristol.
Sidmouth is a town convenient for smugglers. One Cap.
Follet, one of M* Smith's congregation, who long used the
Newf'land trade, was very polite to us.
It may be remarked in a note here, but not in so degraded a
place as a Footnote, that Mr. Isaac Smith, the Minister of the
Presbyterian or Unitarian Chapel at Sidmouth, was an American
Refugee who had struggled through many trials till he found a
rest in a remote country town in England, where we should
scarcely have expected to have found him. The Chapel was
founded in 1710 at the top of High Street, and in the angle
formed by Mill Lane, now called All Saints Road. He was
appointed in 1778, and continued until 1784. Writing to Dr.
Eliot Sep. 14, 1778, the Governor says in his Letter Book—“I took
pleasure in the acquaintance and frequent visits of your friend
M. Smith, while he continued in London. He has been for more
than five years preaching to a Dissenting Church at Sidmouth,
and was ordained last summer, and is unusually esteemed.”
Salcombe Hill, that rises on the east side of the valley of the
little river Sid, is about 500 feet high where the road passes over
its brow; and though it is twenty miles from this spot to Torbay,
it is possible that good eyes on a clear day could discern large
ships lying there. The house where the Governor and his friend
lodged was probably the London Hotel, the York not having been
built till the commencement of the present century. Some old
people have said that the Hotel once stood across the street, where
there is now an open space of ground; but this assertion requires
further proof. The Follet family, now wholly faded from sight,
long flourished here as merchants and shipowners. The ground
occupied by York Terrace was then covered with dockyards. The
ships built there, and destined for the Newfoundland cod fishing
trade, were launched over the open beach in calm weather, and
taken to Exmouth to be completed for sea. The south coast of
England lying extended opposite the coast of France, was so
favourably situated, that the smuggling of French brandy Was
carried on to an enormous extent; but the lowering of the duties
has rendered this illicit trade now unprofitable, so that it has
almost died a natural death.
The Governor's eldest son Thomas, with his wife Sarah (Oliver)

{}] DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 267
settled down at Heavitree near Exeter, and there they rest; and
one of their sons, Andrew, with his wife Anne (Parker) in the
later years of his life, bought a small property at Sidmouth,
which I now have.
13th.-Left Sidmouth at ten o’clock and went to Exeter . . .
14th–I viewed the Cathedral . . . A large Library behind
the Altar I think must have some books of value. I took
down a thick folio Concordance, printed in 1650, the author
Samuel Newman, Teacher of a church at Rehoboth, N. England.
With some improvement, this laborious work has been re-
printed from time to time, and the name of Newman is now
lost, and it is called the Cambridge Concordance . . .
After dinner we went about 20 miles to lodge at Ashburton,
a large old town with but indifferent buildings, the streets full
of people. About 250 French were then there, Masters and
officers of vessels, which had been taken, and who were sent to
this town from Plimouth, and were at large, only not to Walk
more than a mile from the town.
A man came to us by the name of Dolbear, a brazier, to
enquire after his relations of that name. Dolbear, who was
many years partner with Jackson in Boston, went from
Ashburton in the last century, and settled at Boston.
15th.-Excessive hot. We travelled very slow, and reached
Plimouth . . . My father spent some time in Plimouth in the
year 1696, and had been many weeks before in Portsmouth,
waiting for convoy to New England . . .
16th.-In the forenoon waited on Lord Shuldham, the
Admiral of the Port, who rec" us with great civility; and as he
was to dine with Cap. Hartwell, made us his guests. We saw
two Captains and some other officers of two Swedish men-of-war
which put in to Plimouth for water, as pretended, but his
Lordship suspects them to be spies for the French. One is a
two-decker of 44 guns; the other a frigate of 28. The Apollo
frigate, of 28 guns, looks as if she was a match for the largest
of them. The officers' uniform was fantastick—a white sash
round the arm, a short blue coat, a cap with a white feather
on one side. At dinner, Sir Hyde Parker, and Cap" Gambier,
we had known in America; Col” Parker, Member for the
268 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINson, ſº
County, and Col” of a Devonsh. Regiment, said to have 14,000£
a year, but rather reserved, and gave Lord Howe for his toast;
a Mº Barter, [?] with Cap" Oury, [?] the Comissioner, Cap'
Garnier, and Cap" Harvey, besides Lord Shuldham, Cap"
Hartwell, Paxton, and T. H.
In this county I observe pack horses employed for carrying
hay, faggots, stones, coals, wood, water, earthen ware, and many
other articles usually carried in carriages with wheels, in other
parts of England: scarce anything carried on trucks, except
barrels, hogsheads and such things as cannot be divided into
quantities small enough for horse burdens.”
17th.-Walked round the Catwater, and had a view of the
Sound, Harbour, &c. Dined at a Sumptuous entertainment
With Lord Shuldham. Mº Bastard said to me to-day, that
Hartley the Member, told him that when he was nott last in
France, he thought from what he observed, if Franklin's
schemes should succeed ill, he would be made a sacrifice [of],
and in a note to F. he advised him to take care of himself.
Franklin sent him an answer, that the caution brought to his
mind the common language of a mercer—“It’s only a remnant,
and therefore of little value.”f
18th.-Lord Edgcumbe arriving yesterday from London, we
made a visit to Mount Edgcumbe . . .
19th-Having been most politely entertained by Lord
Shuldham, &c., at Plimouth, we took leave of it this forenoon,
and dined and lodged at Ashburton, on our return to London.
20th.- . . . Enquired at Exeter for our countryman Curwen,
who had been in town from Exmouth that day. I left a card
at his lodgings. At Exeter met with the London Evening of
18", with the Act of Massachusetts Bay for confiscating
the Estates of Gov. Bernard, Hutchinson, the Mandamus
Counsellors, and the Crown officers, declaring them aliens, &c.
From Exeter went on and lodged at Collumpton.
* Except the main arteries, the roads in the remote and hilly counties of
1)evon and Cornwall were rough, stoney, marrow, and steep ; but the great
improvement in them during the last fifty years, has rendered the employment
of pack horses wholly obsolete.
f The “not” is in the original, but it appears to be unnecessary to the
sense of the passage.
f This occurs in Franklin's Correspondence, ii. 25.
§ DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 269
22nd.—We had most of the way rain to Bridgwater . . .
The rain ceasing, we went on to Glastonbury. . . Soon after
I arrived I went up the Mount to the Tower, but the ground
being wet and clayey, and the hill sharp as the roofs of most
houses, it was a most fatiguing walk for a man so near 70.
I went into the Tower, which has suffered but little injury.
I have scarce ever seen so grand a prospect, certainly in no
part of England I have been in.
23rd.—[To Wells and Bath.]
24th.-Left our own carriage and servants at Bath, and took
a post chaise to Bristol. Called on L" G. Bull, Oliver, Lech-
mere, Sewall, Simpson, Waldo, Barnes, Faneuil.
Dined with Simpson and Waldo, and returned late to Bath,
near ten o’clock.
29th.- . . . At two o'clock the 29" came to my house in
Sackville Street, and in the evening had the satisfaction of
seeing all my children well, to drink tea with me . . .
August 1st.—At the Old Jewry . . .
2nd.— . . . William Apthorpe, who I saw with his wife last
year at Cardiffe, went soon after to New York, and from thence
to Boston. He arrived there the day Mº Timmins left Boston,
and as soon as he landed was apprehended and sent to prison.
He, and most of his connexions have always favoured the
American cause.
3rd-Went into the city: many long faces: account at
Lloyd's of the taking the island St. Vincent by the French . . .
5th–At Court. The K., enquiring about my journey, asked
who went with me? I said Paxton, an American, one of the
Commiss” of the Customs. He said I should be very careful
who I took with me. There was one lately come over, I
answered, I should not chuse to have trusted. “Who's that,
T.” What's he come for ** I did not know : I fancied he
was willing to secure both sides. “That's bad,” he said, and
turned to somebody else. -
Lord Hillsborough kissed the Queen's hand on his going to
Ireland. He told me Lord North desired him, when he was
going to take leave last week, desired him” to defer it, he
* The repetition of the words “desired him” seems to have been unintentional.
270 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
- - - - -– – – ------
having mentioned him to the K. for Secry of State, but as the
K. had said nothing to him, he took leave of him yesterday at
the Levée. He said he could not account for the K.'s backward-
mess. I said I supposed some were solliciting who he did not
chuse to offend. Lord H. said to me it was not a thing to be
desired—the Ministry never was so disunited. They would
not speak to one another upon publick affairs.
10th.-Advice of the arrival of a vessel at Glasgow–Sailed
from N. York the 12" or 13" of July. And. Pepperell, Mº
Cutler, and a young Simpson, passengers. They had advice of
Prevost’s retreat to James Island; that he thought himself
secure until he could be reinforced. On the other hand, the
enemies to Government boast that there are accounts arrived
in France of his having been attacked on this Island, and as
they say—Burgoyned. It is astonishing there should be
Englishmen suffered publickly to express a pleasure in the
defeat of the King's forces.
11th– . . . There seems to be no authority for the report of
a vessel at Glasgow from New York the 12" July. Cutler left
it the 6*, at the same time with S. W* Erskine, and he says
the advice from Prevost was recº the night before.
12th.-S. Wº Erskine, who was said to come with Gen.
Jones in a vessel to Milford Haven, is not arrived, but went in
a vessel bound to Cork, where some of the fleet are said to be
arrived. It is reported to-day that Prevost has retreated to
Beaufort, and that letters from Greenock mention it as part of
the intelligence from N. York . . . P. of Wales 17 years old :
day observed at Windsor. -
13th. No kind of news. Mº Abel Willard* informed me
that somebody, and he thought M* Gore, had a letter from
Boston, in which the writer mentions the Acts passed in Mass.
Bay for sale of delinquents' estates, in w” it is said that though
they passed, yet nobody professes to approve of them.
14th. . . . Besides Temple, three other Americans are come
to London–Jos. Cordis, Oliver Smith, and W" Greene, son of
* He was one of the Barristers who signed the farewell Address to Governor
IIutchinson, and an obnoxious Loyalist. He left America in 1776. Was
proscribed and banished, and died in England in 1781,–Sabine’s “Loyalists.”
Ajj DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 271
Rufus Greene, all from Boston, and professed subjects of the
new State. They appear publickly, avow their principles, and
no notice is taken of them, when the estates of all such as have
left America and taken shelter in England are confiscated by
Acts of Government, and their persons are liable to be im-
prisoned, and perhaps worse treated if they return.
16th.-A Boston woman, M* Johnson, came with a Petition
to me, recommended by Lane & co., Cap" Scott, &c., to put her
in a way for relief. Her husband, a ship Master, came with his
family to Bristol in 1775; has since sailed out of England;
was taken and carried into Boston 16 months ago. I advised
her not to think of applying to the Treasury.
In a Boston newspaper my estate is advertised to be sold. I
have not yet seen an account of the sale. It is said the
Massachusetts new State claims all the territory within the N.
and south lines of the Charter, between the western settlements
of New York, and the south sea. I hope the ingratitude, as
well as the extravagant cruelty of this act will appear hereafter
for the benefit of my posterity. It is entirely owing to me that
any claim remains to this territory; for when the Comissioners
from the two Colonies met at Hartford in 1773, those on the
part of Massachusetts would have consented to relinquish all
claim to it, and declared to me their willingness, but I prevented
them, and encouraged them to risk the breaking off the Treaty,
which the N. York Commiss" pretended would be the con-
sequence of a refusal being signified, the N. York Comiss's no
longer insisted on their demand.
17th–An express to-day from the Marlboro’ of 74 guns,
bound out to join Sir Ch. Hardy; that she met the French and
Spanish fleet in the Chops of the Channel; that he was chased,
together with the Isis, Southampton, and Cormorant, within 4
leagues of Plimouth, when they gave over chase, and the
Marlborough sent the Cormorant into Plimouth. They counted
63 sail. The Ramillies sailed before the Marlborough, and it
is feared may be taken. The fleets were seen Saturday the 14".
18th.--Another express to-day from Falmouth, that the
combined fleet was seen from thence on Monday morning the
16". It is said at the Treasury, there is advice of the arrival
272 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
of 11 East India ships at Cork, and that Sir Cha. Hardy met
them, and carried them in. This will account for the two
fleets not seeing one another. The Marlboro’ said to have gone
into Falmouth. Great anxiety. Wind fresh easterly.
19th-The report of the E. India ships come to nothing.
No news of Sir Cha. Hardy. Alarmed all day with expresses,
without being informed of the intelligence they bring. Agreed
—that the fleets are seen off Plymouth ; said to be off the
Rame Head–63* sail of the line—100 in all. Upon ‘Change.
Bridgen told me they were in an half moon, and 100 sail of
transports within them; and he did not seem pleased at my
doubting it. The anxiety is great in many : I wonder it is not
in more. I wrote to Lord Hardwicke, and to Mauduit at
Cowdray—Lord Montague's.
A letter from Dº Murray. A young man there from Provi-
dence, Rh. Island, tells him the people abuse me as much as
ever. This is my misfortune, as I wished for the esteem of
none so much as of my own countrymen. I think it is not bias
which satisfies me that what Tacitus observes was natural in
his day is the cause—0&isse quem laeserts.f
East wi fresh.
20th.-No other intelligence than that the fleet on Wednes-
day the 18" had not advanced. The wind probably prevented.
It is said the English fleet was off Mounts Bay, but no certainty.
The dock at Plimouth is thought to be the object of the enemy,
and that they intend to land a little below the Rame Head,
and to cross over and burn the dockyard, &c. The wind here
continues fresh, near N. East. It is generally believed the
Ardent of 64 guns, mistaking the enemy for the English fleet,
is taken.
21st.—East wind continues. Accounts, if any, received by
Government, not made publick. A letter of the 18" from
Plimouth says the Ardent is taken, but a postScript to it says
that she is since got in much shattered. Many think notwith-
* Adolphus says 66.-iii. 193.
# To hate the person whom you have injured.
# The uncertainty about the fate of the Ardent is set at rest by Hume's
Continuator and others writing some time afterwards, who say she was
taken.
*; DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 273
standing, that she is taken. She was a very swift sailing
ship.
Jabez Fisher says a friend of his has rec" a letter of July 7,
from Carolina, which says Prevost had retreated 80 miles
towards Beaufort. The reports from Holland are that he had
surrendered. . . .
22nd.—At D* Kippis's.
An express last night says the French fleet was out of sight
on Thursday. It's thought they are gone to Brest, and will
bring the forces which, it is said, in a great number of trans-
ports, are to embark there. Wind still E. The Ardent seems
to be given up, as the express says nothing of her being in
Plimouth.
23rd.—Not one word to-day from the fleets, nothing having
been seen or heard of them at Plymouth. Letter from Lord
Hardwicke, and another from Mauduit, both of which I answered.
Mentioned the difference between 1588 and the present time.
Everybody then alive and active in every part of the kingdom ;
supine and motionless now, though we have as much to fear as
they had then.”
24th.-Admiral Gambier called. He says the market women
went off in boats from Falmouth with vegetables, &c., supposing
the fleet to be English : that they were on board the French
Admiral who, after many questions about the fleet, the forces,
&c., sent them ashore to bring more refreshments.
No advice of any sort, the wind still between east and north,
and something rather inclining to W. of north. I went into
the city and expressed my astonishment to several, that the
merchants did not fit out every ship capable of assisting the
British fleet. It is said ten or a dozen East India ships now
lye in port which may be made equally strong as 36 or 40 gun
men-of-war, and upon an emergency might be of infinite
service.
Blackburne told me to-day, that meeting Mº Temple in the
street, he said to him—“Why, I have not seen you for a long
time.” Temple answered—“Six weeks ago I dined with
General Washington.”
* This of course refers to the expected attack from the Spanish Armada.
WOI, II, T
274 D/ARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS II UTCHINSON. §:
25th.-The wind at east again. Not a word of Sir Charles
Hardy which can be depended upon. It is said the combined
fleets were seen on Saturday from Falmouth, but no official
aCCOUnts.
Besides Sir D. Lindsay, Gen' Grey and Col” Roy are at
I'limouth, the latter, I hear in the Park, has wrote that they
can stand a siege of two months from 20,000 men.
26th.-The Captain of the Thetis frigate from Lisbon, came
to town—saw Sir Cha. Hardy's fleet Wednesday the 18",
[blank] leagues S.W. of Scilly. The Hector, one of the fleet,
spake with the Thetis ; mentioned Ramillies and Marlboro’
having joined; and Cap" Gell of the Thetis saw a ship going to
join, which it's thought was the Jupiter; to avoid the enemy
Cap. Gell stood for the Bristol Channel. It is doubted whether
the enemy's fleet is not yet in the Channel.
The wind fresh at east, but fine weather.
27th.--Called upon M* Strahan. He says Mº Blunt, who I
took to be M” Stevenson's daughter, or Stevens, the woman at
whose house Dº Franklin lodged many years, received about
two months ago a letter from him, in which he says he hopes
to see her at her hut in Kensington. Preparations were then
making in France for an invasion, and his hopes must be founded
upon the success of it.
MI" Ellis called. I told him my estate was sold to a rich
Sears.” He says he hopes I shall have it again.
29th.-At D" Rippis's.
Dined at Lord Mansfield's at Caen Wood : only Lord Rob.
Manners besides the family. My Lord, at 74 or 5, has all the
vivacity of 50. Lord Rob' is only brother to the Duke of
Rutland, and is now Lieutenant of the Alcide. My Lord
predicts he will be one day Admiral and Commander-in-Chief
of the British Navy: bad him make a minute that he foretold
it. He gave me a particular accº of his releasing two Blacks
from slavery, since his being Chief Justice. A ship belonging
to Bristol was upon the coast of Guinea. The two nations of
* The word looks like Sears. At Nov. 14, 1775, however, he speaks of his
Milton property as reported to be sold at Wendue ; and at Sept. 30, 1779, that
“one Brown of New York’ had purchased it.
*] DIAR Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCII/NSON, 275
North and South Callibar had a controversy—I don't recollect
what it was about, but they agreed to leave it to the English
Captain, and they came aboard his ship to the number of 250.
He made them all slaves—carried, or sent them to Martinico,
where they were sold. By some means or other these two were
sent to Virginia, being brothers, and sons to the chief man of
one of the nations, and called by Lord M. Princes. After
having been 6 or 7 years in Virginia, they absconded from
their master—hid themselves in the hold of a ship bound to
Bristol, and were not discovered until the ship was upon her
voyage. Upon her arrival at Bristol, they found a way to
make their case known, and to apply to Tord Mansfield for an
Habeas corpus. Upon enquiry, there was full evidence of the
fact, the Master of the Bristol ship being in England, and
witnessess who were in Guinea at the time; but there was a
fair purchase by the Virginia planter, and the Master of the
ship in which they had escaped, kept them confined in order to
return them, and to avoid the penalty to which he would be
liable by the laws of the Colony, for bringing them away. His
Lordship thought the case was not without difficulty. How-
ever, the Writ issued, and I think they were brought up to
London. They acknowledged the two nations were at war, and
that captives were made on both sides with design to sell them
for slaves; and if they had been taken and sold, they would
have disdained seeking relief. The whole transaction was
beyond sea, and they had never been ashoar [sic] until he
brought them ashoar by the Writ of Habeas corpus. Under all
these difficulties, he says he would have found a way to deliver
them. After waiting some considerable time, the Master of the
ship who had thus kidnapped them, with others, at Bristol,
thought it advisable to make up the matter, and to engage to
send the two Princes home to Guinea. How the Virginia
planter was satisfied his Lordship did not say, but he seemed
much pleased at having obtained their relief. The rest of the
250 probably are dead in slavery, and the villain who capti-
wated them.* has escaped the judgment of man.
* Took them captive. Another instance of the change in signification of a
word in the space of one short century.
T 2
276 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. [...";
D' Franklin being mentioned, my Lord said that he carried
his grandson* to Voltaire, who said to the boy—“Love God
and Liberty.” I observed to his Lordship that it was difficult
to say which of those words had been most used to bad pur-
poses. He seemed pleased with my remark.
Lady Mansfield must be about 80—has the powers of her
mind still firm, without marks of decay: her dress perfectly
simple and becoming her age—is said to be benevolent and
charitable to the poor. Lady Say, of the same age, I saw at
Court with her head as high dressed as the young Dutchesses,
&c. What a carricature she looked like How pleasing,
because natural, Lady Mansfield's appearancel
A Black came in after dinner and sat with the ladies, and
after coffee, walked with the company in the gardens, one of
the young ladies having her arm within the other. She had a
very high cap, and her wool was much frizzled in her neck, but
not enough to answer the large curls now in fashion. She is
neither handsome nor genteel—pert enough. I knew her
history before, but my Lord mentioned it again. Sir Jn”
Lindsay having taken her mother prisoner in a Spanish vessel,
brought her to England, where she was delivered of this girl,
of which she was then with child, and which was taken care of
by Lord M., and has been educated by his family. He calls her
Dido, which I suppose is all the name she has. He knows he
has been reproached for shewing a fondness for her—I dare
say not criminal.
A few years ago there was a cause before his Lordship
bro’t by a Black for recovery of his liberty. A Jamaica planter
being asked what judgment his L'ship would give? “No
doubt,” he answered, “he will be set free, for Lord Mansfield
keeps a Black in his house which governs him and the whole
family.” She is a sort of Superintendent over the dairy,
poultry yard, &c., which we visited, and she was called upon by
my Lord every minute for this thing and that, and shewed the
greatest attention to everything he said.
I took occasion to mention that all the Americans who had
* The Editor has here omitted a few words in a parenthesis. They concern
genealogy rather than history.
#| 1779.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 277
brought Blacks had, as far as I knew, relinquished their
property in them, and rather agreed to give them wages, or
suffered them to go free. His L'ship remarked that there had
been no determination that they were free, the judgment (mean-
ing the case of Somerset) went no further than to determine
the Master had no right to compel the slave to go into a foreign
country, &c. I wished to have entered into a free colloquium,
and to have discovered, if I am capable of it, the nice distinc-
tions he must have had in his mind, and which would not make
it equally reasonable to restrain the Master from exercising any
power whatever, as the power of sending the servant abroad;
but I imagined such an altercation would rather be disliked,
and forbore.
I observed the report, that Lord Hillsborough had left to go
to Ireland, and been sent for back, and that he was to be
appointed Secrº of State. My Lord said he knew nothing of
it : he thought however, nothing more likely. At parting he
hoped next time we met, it would be in better times.
30th.-The hottest day at noon I have felt this year, and it
would have been thought very hot in Boston. Wind about
SSE.—very little of it. It's not improbable the fleets may be
in sight of each other, and too little wind to meet : but for 12
days past we know nothing of them.
31st.—At M Ellis's, Twickenham—dined with—no company.
Returning—just on this side Turnham Green, between sundown
and dark, I thought the wheel of the coach on the opposite
side to that on which I sat, went over a round log or stone, but
finding no consequence, and the road full of carriages passing
both ways, I did not stop the coachman. Soon after, I saw
people run by the coach, and some one cryed—“A man is run
over !” The coachman then looking back, missed the footman,
and stopping, said to me—“Patrick is not behind,” and imme-
diately turned the coach, and after driving a few rods, perceived
the footman held up by several people. As soon as I came up
I desired them to carry him into an Inn or ale-house a few
steps distant, where a country fellow at my desire, put a lance
into his arm, and took away 8 or 10 ounces of blood, but I had
little hopes of his life, and he himself said it was not possible
278 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
he should live. I had him carried into the coach, and brought
him home. The wheel, of not a light coach, went over his
shoulders and breast, but having a strong chest no bone broke:
the flesh was much bruised, and the most favorable circum-
stance of all, there are no symptons of internal hurt. If he
recovers, it is one of the most merciful escapes I have known.
Perhaps there is no part of his body where he could have
received so little hurt. If he had fell with his face downwards,
the wheel would have gone over the upper part of the spine, or
back bone, which was the case of a N egro servant belonging to
me above 20 years ago at Milton, driving a cart. He fell
under the wheel on his face, and passing over his shoulders, he
never had any feeling afterwards in any part of his body, and
died after a few days languishing. He can give no account of
his falling, and it is difficult to account for his falling before
the wheels. As both legs are scraped, it is probable he fell
asleep, and pitching forward, might be entangled, and come
to the ground before the wheel.”
M" Ellis came from Mº Robinson's of the Treasury, at Sion
Hill, and says Government advices stand thus:–The 17" Sir
Cha. Hardy was about 6 or 8 leagues SW. of Scilly. He had
rec" advice of the combined fleets being in the Channel by the
Southampton frigate, which he dispatched immediately to give
intelligence, ordering the Captain to send a cutter into port,
and to cruise in the frigate off the land. The Southampton
beat [about] till the 26" and then sent ashoar. The east wind
blowing strong, the two fleets probably lost ground, and a
Dutch ship on the 24" sailed through the combined fleets, and
the Skipper was examined by the French or Spanish Admiral,
concerning the English fleet, of which he could give no
account : but what is remarkable—the combined fleets, on the
24", were just in the same station or cruising ground, which
the English fleet was in the 17", and all the intervening
time both of the fleets were cruising at a small distance,
* Notwithstanding this attempted explanation, it seems hard to imagine
how a footman up behind a carriage, could fall so far forward as to get before
the wheel. In spite of his injuries, in due time he recovered. This man
Patrick Ryley, or Reily, as he wrote it, came with the family from America;
and when the Governor swooned and died, it was he who caught him in his
arms and supported him.
; DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON, 279
without the one seeing, or being able to gain intelligence, of
the other. . . .
September 1st.—Autumn begins with one of the hottest days
this year. It is said the thermometers in the hottest part of
such days are at 81, 82, 83, in the shade. . . .
M* Flucker tells me he saw a Boston newspaper dated in
November, with an article, that Gov. Hutchinson, in August
before, had wrote to Dº Franklin in Paris, for leave to go to
Boston to settle his estate, and when that was done, to return
to England. And it was added—that his estate was settled to
his hand. I suppose this to be wit. I wrote to D' Lloyd in
August, and sent him a Power of Attorney, &c.
2nd.—Produced no other intelligence than Sir Cha. Hardy's
being seen off Scilly.
3rd-Alarming news | Sir Charles's Secretary arriving in
town at one or two o'clock in the morning. He left the
English fleet off Plymouth the first, the enemy then off Ushant,
and said to be above 60 sail line of battle, the English but
about 40. Whether they will go up to Sº Helen's, or wait to
fight the enemy, is made a question upon which there are
different opinions. We are in a more critical state than any-
body living has ever known.
4th.-Intelligence of the arrival of Sir Charles Hardy's fleet
at Sº Helen's, or, as others say, at Spithead. Where we shall
first hear of the enemy's fleet is extreme doubtful and uncertain,
but we have scarce any room to hope for any favorable account.
Wind fresh, but not violent, at about S. to SSW. I wonder at
the small degree of perturbation in so great a part of the
people at a time of such imminent danger.
5th.-Fleet at Spithead certain. Lord Sandwich gone to
Portsmouth. Various opinions: prevailing opinion that Sir
Charles has done right: begin to open more freely against
Reppel for suffering the French to escape him last year, when
he had them in his power. Some say K 1 and P r both
deserve to be h % -
6th–No account yet of the enemy's fleet. In a letter from
* The intelligent reader must try to fill up the blanks. I had rather let
it alone.
280 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...}}
Mauduit of yesterday from Midhurst, he seems to think they
Will block up the Channel between Dover and Calais, and
land in Essex and Kent. The fleet from the Downs near
Midhurst could be seen at Spithead. He says a large ship was
then standing in, which I suppose is the Blenheim from
Plymouth. I think it more likely for the combined fleet to go
with the transports to Ireland.
Alarmed to-day with Byron's being worsted by D'Estaigne—
said to come from Holland; and, as if that was not enough,
Sombody has inserted a plausible account of the taking of
Halifax. This is a deplorable state.
7th.-More bad news. Barrington come home in the Ariadne
frigate from the W. Indies—supposed dissatisfied and com-
plaining. The Granadas taken by the French. D'Estaigne's
fleet much superior to Byron's : the latter came off, as the
vulgar saying is, second best, in an action between the two
fleets, the particulars not yet abroad. Not a word yet of the
combined fleet. Wind strong SW. last night and to-day. My
Banker said to me in the city, that he nor I had never seen
such a day. Strange that stocks were hardly anything affected
—not more than , p c'. -
8th.-No official accounts from the West Indies. The
arrival of eight E. India ships at Limerick is some alleviation;
but all the W. India islands are considered as in the most
imminent hazard. Possibly the advantages in the east may
bear such a proportion to the disadvantages in the west, as to
bring about an accommodation. But man proposes, God
disposes, and the events which time is to bring forth we are to
wait for, and cannot conjecture what they will be. Never was
the state of the British dominions more changed in so short a
time, and all contrary to all human appearances.
9th–Mº White of the Old Jewry dined with us. His mother
was a near relation to Lord Barrington. Nothing further of
Admiral Barr".
10th.-Admiral Barrington arrived yesterday evening. His
business here does not transpire. It is said he lays no blame
to Byron : that the French fought badly: that their whole
fleet of 26 sail was engaged with 7 of our ships: that Byron,
#1 I 779.
piany AND LETTERs or THOMAS HUTCHINSON 281
with 16 ships, was becalmed two or three miles to leeward, and
could afford no assistance: that in the 7 ships 138 men Were
killed, and 243 wounded—among the latter Cap" Fanshawe of
the Monmouth, and two Lieutenants: that the French had 900
men killed, and 1500 wounded, many of whom were officers.
Probably this account is exaggerated, but it has raised the
spirits of the people.
My son Billy went to Margate about 2 o'clock. Yesterday he
spat blood, which alarms us all and him exceedingly, he having
long been troubled with a cough which threatens his lungs.”
Wind at N. People now begin to think the invasion over.
And so they began to breathe somewhat more freely. Such a
scare had not spread so much consternation in England since the
days of the Spanish Armada. Its true magnitude is little dwelt
upon by our historians—first, because the period of greatest alarm
did not last long; and secondly, because the writers coolly recorded
the circumstances of it after the danger was over: but the
Governor was writing at the dark moment, with a sort of sword of
Damocles hanging over his head, and in continued expectation of
hearing that slaughter and death had stepped ashore upon some
unprotected part of the coast, and that England would then be in
the hands of France and Spain. Stedman, ii. 161, writes as
follows:—
“The British fleet, under Sir Charles Hardy, who was appointed
to the command upon the resignation of Admiral Keppel, was by
this time also at sea. It consisted of thirty-eight ships of the line,
with something less than its due proportion of frigates, and cruised
in that part of the sea which in nautical phraseology, is called the
chops, or mouth, of the Channel. The great superiority of the
combined fleet in the number of ships, guns, and men, seemed to
justify the forebodings of those who prognosticated the ruin of the
British Empire; and to add to the dangers of the present moment,
preparations were made on the French coast, and an invasion of
Great Britain, was threatened under cover of the combined fleet.
On the other hand, every precaution was taken by the British
Government which prudence suggested, for defeating the expected
attack. A Proclamation was issued, ordering the cattle and draught
horses to be driven from those parts of the sea coast on which a
* Billy was going down hill very fast, and destined soon to follow his
sister.
282 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...}}.
1779.
landing should be effected; the Militia was embodied; and
*merous cruisers were stationed in the narrow seas to watch the
°nemy's motions. All these efforts of the Government were nobly
seconded by those of private individuals; for such energy had the
national spirit acquired under the prospect of the difficulties that
surrounded, and the dangers that threatened, that meetings were
held in most of the principal towns, and voluntary contributions
made to raise men for the defence of the nation.
“About the middle of August, Count D’Orvilliers, with the com-
bined fleet, passed the British fleet under Sir Charles Hardy, in the
mouth of the Channel, without either fleet having discovered the
other, and proceeded on as far as Plymouth, taking in the way the
Ardent, a British ship of war, on her passage to join Sir Charles
Hardy. The Count D’Orvilliers made no attempt to land, but
continued for several days parading with the combined fleet in
sight of Plymouth, until a strong easterly wind set in, and com-
belled him to quit the Channel. As soon as this abated, he returned
to the coast of England, and cruised off the Land's End. The
same easterly wind had also driven the British fleet to sea; but on
the last day of August Sir Charles Hardy regained his former
station, and entered the Channel in full view of the enemy, who
did not attempt to molest him. He now endeavoured to entice
them into the narrower part of the Channel, where their greater
superiority in number would have less availed them ; and they
followed him as high as Plymouth, but chose to proceed no farther.
Their crews were said to be sickly: their ships to be in bad con-
dition ; and the season for equinoctial gales was fast approaching.
They therefore soon afterwards quitted the English Channel, and
entered the harbour of Brest. Thus, all the apprehensions which
had been raised were quickly dissipated.”
In those days it was considered a duty in an English sailor to
hate a Frenchman, and by an inevitable corollary, to treat him
accordingly ; and as next-door neighbours proverbially disagree,
the narrowness of the Channel will explain causes and effects. As
for Spain, it was not forgotten that Philip had married Queen
Mary, and that he had not succeeded in gaining the affections of
his adopted subjects—and perhaps he never tried, and after he had
returned to his own country, there had been no love lost on either
side. Hence, as Adolphus says:–“A Spanish war was never
unpopular.” Speaking of the fleets, iii. 158, he remarks:—“The
enemy insulted the Channel with an irresistible force.” D'Cormick
informs us:—“The two fleets amounted to more than sixty sail of
; DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 283
the line, with nearly an equal number of frigates and smaller
vessels.” In his Private Correspondence, i. 446, Franklin, writing
from Passy, near Paris, October 4, 1779, betrays disappointment :
—“We had reason to expect some great events from the action of
the fleets this summer in the Channel, but they are all now in port
without having effected anything.” From a remark on the next
page we learn that the military forces are congregated on the
opposite shores of France, ready to be transported across for the
hostile landing. It runs thus : —“The sword ordered by Congress
for the Marquis de la Fayette, being at length finished, I sent it
down to him at Havre, where he was with the troops intended for
the invasion.”
Considering on the one hand the comparatively destitute con-
dition of England, from the fact that the greater part of her navy
was distributed on foreign stations, and on the other, the over-
whelming power of the combined fleets, supplemented by the troops
and transports congregated on the coast of Normandy, at a period
too, when there were still some weeks of summer weather to run,
it may indeed seem strange that the whole affair ended in nothing.
The summer rarely breaks up on the south coast of England, to be
succeeded by the first signs of autumn, or the equinoctial gales to
make themselves felt, until some little time after Michaelmas Day.
An energetic Admiral would not have allowed such an opportunity,
favoured by two or three fortunate circumstances, to slip through
his fingers as the French Admiral did.
The Diary next gives the account of an unhappy accident to
Lord Temple—
13th.- . . . The Newspapers give an account of Lord
Temple's death, Saturday the 8 at Stowe, having been thrown
out of a phaeton, and his skull fractured. He has held out to
68, with a crazy frame, and for a year or two past seemed
rather less feeble than formerly, and is come to his end by a
Sudden violent stroke.
14th-Rain until 4 o'clock, except a short time in the
morning. For a month or two past my catarrh seems to have
abated. I have been very regular in my diet and exercise;
have drank very little, and some days no wine; have eat no
milk; and for near a year past have constantly eat about two
ounces of honey with my breakfast of Soushông tea, and but
little butter. At dinner sometimes drink porter, and some-
times toast and water.
284 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſ.
15th.-Robinson the new appointed Governor of New York,
left town yesterday or to-day to embark at Plimouth. D'
Jeffries and young Willard go in the same fleet, which is to be
made up at Cork. It is again asserted that the Ariadne spake
with Arbuthnot. She sailed some time in July from S' Kitts,
and might be off Bermudas the 5 of August. Wind W. to-day,
and we may soon expect news from America.
16th-About nine set out with Reily” in a post chaise for
Furle. Stopped at Mº Apthorpe's, Croydon; went into the
church and looked upon the grave of my dear child; enquired
whether there was room for me, and was informed there was.
The time spent here, and post horses one of the stages, kept
us from reaching Furle before sunset.
17th-At Lord Gage's; found no company except Cap"
Remble, brother to Gen' Gage's lady, and Mº Wilmot, a
lawyer, Comiss" of Bankruptcy, and relation of S' Eardly W.
Paxton came in this forenoon from East Grinsted, where he
lodged last night, coming to town yesterday morning from
l'angbourne, an hour or two after I set out.
We walked about among Lord Gage's tenants.
18th.-Went to Lewes; saw Count Bruhl, Lady Amelia
Carpenter, &c., from Brighthelmstone. A very high west
wind. Sir Jn” Lockhart Ross, and a small squadron gone over
to S' Maloes; it is said are expected back to-night to Ports-
mouth. -
A letter from my son Billy at Margate ; had a return of his
spitting blood, but was better when he wrote.
19th.-Paxton and I were at church. Lord and Lady Gage
to Lewes. Firle [hitherto Furle] affords but a poor congrega-
tion. The Clergyman not much esteemed. They have been
quarrelling about singingf ever since I was here 4 years ago.
20th-At Simson [?] a little village three or four miles
from Furle, where there was a fair, chiefly for cattle and sheep,
but booths for haberdashery, and variety of other wares. We
* This is the man that was run over, and thought to have been fatally
injured. He must have recovered very rapidly, for the accident took place
only seventeen days ago.
f Delightfull That is just what they do in the present day. Truly,
history repeats itself, and there is nothing new under the sun.
;] DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 285
went to the house of a wealthy young farmer–Caldicut, or
a name like it—and were entertained with wine, tea, and
coffee.
I am now entering my 69* year.”
21st.—Dined at Coneyborough with M D'Oyley, a young
Clergyman—married a Yorkshire lady w” 40,000£, and has
livings of 1000£ a year. He lives in a house of M' Medley,
L" Gage's colleague for Seaforth : has a park, and could well
afford us a haunch of venison and elegant dishes besides, with
a dessert of excellent fruit: five or six ladies in company, with
Miº Fuller, of Lewes, Member of the last Parliam', besides Lord
Gage's family. Fuller seems to have been a dissatisfied man
when in Parliament, and not content now with Opposition.
We made it near ten before we came home. Coneyborough is
about 3 miles from Lewes towards London, but the house not
seen from the road, tho' at a small distance.
This day was one of the darkest I had seen—1777.f
22nd.—General Paoli and Comte Genteli came from Bright-
helmstone and dined with us, and returned in the evening.
23rd.— . . . In the evening the whole family went to an
assembly at Lewes, and returned soon after eleven. Lord
Pelham's and Lord Gage's families were the most respectable,
tho' there were many other very fashionable people. My relish
for such meetings is intirely over, and I went merely to avoid
being singular. Paxton, who is three or four years older than
I am is still highly delighted with them.
24th.-On horseback thro' Glynde into the London road,
and so home by a corner of Lewes.
Sir Sampson and Lady Gideon came from London : bro’t
this day's Extra. Gazette. It seems the project of Penobscot
had been prosecuted, and a L' Col” Maclean wºn 600 men, had
taken possession; but before they could compleat any works,
they were followed by a naval and land force from Boston, of
which S. G. Collier at New York, having intelligence, he
* He made the same remark March 9, 1778. He entered it on the 9th
O.S. In most families children have their birthdays impressed on their
minds at an early age, by the yearly recurring plum cake, or a juvenile tea-
party.
t Second anniversary of Peggy's death.
1774),
286 DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON, ſº
Sailed w” the Raisonable, and four or five more, arrived above
a fortnight after, just as they were about to attempt to storm
the imperfect fortifications; and destroyed, or obliged the
rebels to destroy, their whole naval force which had been
drawn up the river Penobscot; and the landmen and seamen
marched thro' the woods towards Boston.
At New York a fort on Hudson's River had been surprised
and carried, and the garrison made prisoners, but was soon
after recovered. On the other hand Tryon, with above 2000
men, under convoy of a number of small men-of-war, which
Colyer [Collier 2] commanded, had landed in the Sound—
destroyed the vessels and stores in N-haven harbour, and
burnt the towns of Fairfield and Norwalk, and a small town of
Greenfield,—and returned to New York.
Arbuthnot said to be arrived. The Greyhound wº" carried
L* Cornwallis, bro’t the dispatches from Penobscot.
It must be a heavy stroke upon the Americans the loss of so
much of their navigation ; but it appears that the attempt to
settle Penobscot was very hazardous, and the arrival of Collier
was critical, and a delay of a day or two might have been fatal
to the Penobscot settlement. Besides, it is difficult to conceive
any advantage we can reap from it.
25th.-A solitary walk to the Windmill, to take a view of
the Channel.
In the evening a letter from my son W. at Margate: his
complaint of shortness of breath is new to me, and gives me
great concern.
26th.-Wrote to my son, and to Mr. Clarke at Margate.
No church—breakfast being delayed until some time after
service began. In the evening service at home as usual,
Mr Wilmot read the church service: Lady Gage the sermon.
27th.—All dined at Lewes with M* Fuller, Member for
[blank] the last Parliam'. In the evening I returned w” Lord
Gage to Firle. Sir Sampson Gideon, Paxton, Wilmot, and
Remble, went to Brighthelmstone.
An account at Lewes that Paul Jones, an Irishman in the
French service, had taken a 40 gun and a 20 gun ship, off the
Oct.
| 77
9.
| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 287
------------ - --------- – ------------------------------------------- - ------——º--------- - -——---- -
Humber, with a number of colliers—Jones in a 50 gun ship
with a frigate or two.”
28th.-I took my leave of the family last night, and set out
early this morning for London. My own horses met me at
East Grimsted, and I came to town about 5 o'clock: found my
son at home from Margate before me, his ill state of health
increasing.
29th.-A vessel from Boston, which had been carried in
there, but claimed as belonging to Bermuda, and the owners
not enemies to the American States ; and upon that claim
discharged, and suffered to come to England. This is a very
odd state of things. It seems she left Boston but about 25
days ago. Seven or eight Jamaica ships taken and carried in
there. Goes a great way towards retrieving the loss of their
fleet at Penobscot.
30th.-M" Blowers writes to Mº Bliss of June 30, that one
Brown of New York had purchased my estate at Milton for
38,000£ lawful paper money.
Lord Sandwich asked me in the Park whether I heard any-
thing from America? said there was a report, but he hoped it
was not true, that D'Estaigne, with 16 sail, was gone to New
York.
|Wrote] to Lord Gage and Lord Hardwicke.
October 1st.—Called on L" Gov. Ball, and Mº Livius. The
ship the latter was going in to Canada, laden with stores,
military, &c., on account of Gov", is taken by Paul Jones, and
sent in to France. t
* Briefly—a fleet of merchant vessels, returning from the Baltic, convoyed
by the Serapis, 44, Cap. Pierson, and the Countess of Scarborough, 20,
Cap. Piercy, fell in with a squadron under the command of Paul Jones. This
person was a native of Galloway, though, by association, sometimes accounted
an Irishman. “Non ubi mascor, Sed ubi pascor.” Being off the coast of York-
shire, Cap. Pierson signalled to his merchant vessels to escape, and run for the
nearest ports, whilst he commenced an action against a greatly superior force,
which consisted of the Bon Homme Richard, 40, a frigate called the Pallas,
32, another called the Alliance, 36, the Vengeance brig, and a cutter. Thé
Countess of Scarborough had 4 killed and 20 wounded, and the Serapis 49
killed and 68 wounded, when they succumbed. The Richard lost 336 in
killed and wounded, according to Adolphus, whilst Stedman says 306, but it
may be suspected that the middle figure has slipped out; and she was so
shattered that she sunk two days afterwards. Paul Jones was in the service
of the hostile allies, for he was decorated by the King of France for this
battle, and thanked and promoted by the Congress of America.
288 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON, ſº,
2nd.—A severe Edict of the new Governor of Granada,
discharging the estates there of all debts due to British
subjects, and even to the Dutch, because they suppose British
subjects are a collateral security to the Dutch.
Galloway, Dº Chandler, Leonard, Hallowell, Bliss [dined
with him].
3rd.—Old Jewry. Livius and Bliss.
Very cold day—began our fires.
4th.-Arrival of General Grey from New York, and a fleet of
transports at Cork. Arbuthnot's fleet arrived Aug. 24” after
13 weeks from Portsmouth, said to be all well. No remarkable
occurrence yet transpires.
5th–A letter by way of Cork from Mº Walter, of Aug. 23.
No news then of the fleet. He says S. H. C. [Clinton] was
preparing for an expedition, and it was whispered eastward, as
soon as Arbuthnot arrived, and if true, I might probably hear
from him next from another quarter.
6th.-Dined at Amen Corner, Dº Douglas's :—M* Knox,
Sº Jn” Eliot, and Strahan. Sº John upon a merry pin. Q—
whether Strahan or he most of an Infidel? Both, especially
the first, rather too free with religion to consist with politeness
at the table of a Divine, and who appears to have a sense of
religion himself.
From Mº Knot, things look but indifferently in Georgia, and
Sº James Wright is in poor spirits. Clinton's going to Boston
was intimated ; and Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain men
said to have entered into alliance with Clinton, and Brandt to
have been within a few miles of Sullivan's Magazines. But the
great concern is the destination of the French fleet, said to
have sailed from Martineco, and to have been seen off Crooked
Island the latter end of August.
11th.--From London to Lord Hardwicke's, Wimpole Hall :
set out , after 8, arrived rather before three.*
12th.-Find no company but the family, and none expected
until the last of the week. A long walk in the Park and
Gardens, and the rest of the day in the Library.
* “The Gov. set out this morning on a visit to Ld. Hardwicke at Wimpole
Hall, Cambridge Shire.”—Blisha's Diary.
#,] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 289
13th-On horseback to a little village about 5 miles off,
called Great Eversden . . . -
14th–A ride again—to Caxton and back. This is my
Lord's publick day, but only Dº Plumtree and family, and M'
Baynes, a Clergyman who was 12 years in the East Indies, and
lately returning, is forced to take up with about 60% a year,
and to do the duty of three Curacies in this neighbourhood.
A letter from my son T. with no favorable account of B.'s case,
and discouraging account of D'Estaigne going to America.
15th.-My ride to-day was to a small village of Bourne . .
16th.-A rainy windy night and cloudy day w” kept me
from riding. -
17th.-The family at church. Dº Plumtree, Master of
Queen's, has the living, and preached from—“Evil communica-
tions corrupt good manners.”
18th.-I rode to Bassingdown, a more considerable village
than most in this neighbourhood, about 4 miles from Wimpole:
a large church, but poor living—about four score pounds:
about a mile beyond to Lithington, a larger, but worse built
village, and excessive dirty roads.
Soon after I returned, Lord Polwarth and his Lady came to
make some stay, and M. Charles Yorke with his son, being
expected to-morrow, I purpose to decamp in the morning,
know it must be most pleasing to the family to be without
Strangers,
Lord H., speaking of L' Rockingham said—“He owes my
brother Charles and me above four score thousand pounds, the
interest of which is paid out of his Irish estate.”
Lord P., speaking off who lives at L" G. G.'s, called
him “That scoundrell:”—wondered at L" G., that he would
give such cause for the world to insinuate such things of him.
I was astonished at the freedom with which he spake of what
it's shocking to think of.
19th-Left Wimpole at # past 8, and was at home, having
p" for 48 miles post chaise, # before three.f
* 1 Corinthians xv. 33.
f Indistinct—possibly on purpose.
f “19th-After dinner walked to Sackville Street, where I found the Gov.
who had arrived a few hours before from Ld. Hardwicke’s.”—Elisha's Diary. 3.
VOI, II. U
290 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
Nothing can be more polite than my entertainment has
been. The oeconomy is too steady, or has too much sameness,
to please for a long time together. The Library is always
open to everybody. The first appearance of my Lord and
Lady is in the breakfast room exactly at ten. Breakfast is
Over about eleven : everyone takes care of himself, and does
just what he pleases until half after three, when all meet at
dinner: between five and six the ladies withdraw: the
gentlemen generally go into the Library—some chat, others
take up books ; at eight a call to one of the drawing-rooms
to tea or coffee; which over, if there is company disposed to
cards, any who don’t like them converse, or take their books:
exact at ten the sideboard is laid with a few light things upon
it, that anybody disposed to supper may take it: and exact at
eleven, as many servants as there are of gentlemen and ladies,
come in with each of them two wax candles, and in procession
we follow to the Gallery at the head of the great staircase, and
file off to different rooms. This is high life: but I would not
have parted with my humble cottage at Milton for the sake
of it.
20th.-In the city: received dividend at the Bank—at
Gines's, &c. Rec" my brother's salary, +, to 5 of July last,
from M* Rowe.
In the evening at Brompton to visit the late L' Gov.
Oliver's daughter Louisa, arrived from Halifax, where she had
been ever since the evacuation of Boston by Howe.”
Called at Lord George's office. Mº Knox said I was the
only man to go Governor of a new Colony at Penobscot, and
that D* Caner should be the Bishop. I shewed him a letter
I had received from M* Weekes, which speaks in pompous
* Under date Oct. 15, we read the following in Elisha's Diary.—“Walked
out with M* H. and called on M* Willard. I walked to Sackville Street :
met M. H. Gray, who acquainted me that our cousin Louisa Oliver was arrived
from Halifax. I afterwards met my brother] Tommy and his wife, going to
bring her from the city, where she arrived last evening, having slept at M*
Watson's, in whose vessel she came, having had a passage of 5 weeks.”
She was the Lt. Governor's youngest child, by his second wife Mary
Sanford, born June 16, 1759, but I have no record as to whether she married,
or when she died. At this period she was 20 years and four months old.
Elisha's Diary shews that she lived occasionally with her uncle the Ch. Justice
Oliver at Birmingham.
º, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 291
terms of the benefits from the possession of this country. He
was much pleased, as it is his own scheme, and few people
here think well of it. I said to him I thought we had better
stay until we heard more of D'Estaigne before we thought any
further on measures for restoring peace to America.
21st.—At Court: remarkably thin Drawing-Room—about
18 ladies, including the Queen, and two or three of the Bed-
Chamber. The Prince of Anspach, and the new Russian
Minister were there. The King inquisitive where I had been.
I mentioned Lord Hardwicke's. He asked whether he was in
spirits? thought he generally failed : then enquired after
Lord Polwarth: mentioned Lord Marchmont as weakly. I
thought he had done pretty well, being above seventy.
The Queen made enquiry also, &c.
Rainy from noon.
22nd.—East wind. It is said the fleet are Ordered to sail
from Portsmouth.
I am astonished at seeing so little concern upon the minds
of so great a part of the people—I might almost say all, when
it appears to me that the nation is in such imminent hazard
of some grand convulsion. The enemy's naval force threatens
destruction : then–Ireland seems upon the verge of revolt:
the French and Spanish fleets are much superior to the British
in Europe: the enormous National Debt must stop in a short
time the raising any further sums, or a general bankruptcy
must destroy the public credit. The latter may happen: and
tho' individuals in vast numbers be ruined, the nation may,
by means of part only of the present taxes, raise enough every
year for a defensive naval war against all Europe.
25th.-Account of the fleets sailing from Portsmouth, Friday
the 22nd. It is said the Danes have restored a ship bound
to Quebec with Gov" stores of great value, and another ship—
both taken and carried into Denmark by one of Paul Jones's
Squadron.
26th.-I have a bad cold, with a cough, and nurse at home
to-day.
A very kind letter in the evening from Lº Hardwicke –
says I may lodge in a more magnificent house, but in none
U 2
292 DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
where I can be more welcome. He is not very free with
compliments.
28th. A heavy gale at about SW., and rain most of the
day, but the wind abates at afternoon. In some pain for the
fleet, which passed by Plim" Sunday night. News of the
arrival of a fleet from Quebec, but nothing yet of D'Estaigne.
Lord Stormont kissed hands yesterday—Secº instead of Lord
Suffolk.”
29th.-Wind NW and fair day. Nothing from sea. Mº
Clarke's letters from Quebec of 16" Sept. say their last
acc" from Butler not favorable : had been worsted in several
skirmishes, and retreated to Niagara : had sent for more
men : Sir J. Johnson gone with 500 troops, and ordered to
collect all the Indians he could. Sullivan said to have 7000
IO €I).
31st.—At D* Kippis's. Colº Chandler and Bliss d. [dined.]
A fire in the evening began in a hop warehouse by London
Bridge: burnt the Water Works, which I heard the Collector
of the tax say, would cost about 5000£ to repair—but he
added, they were insured.
November 1st.—A dull heavy air, natural to November.
Colds have been epidemic last week, and some time before.
I have had a share, but have not confined myself, except when
it rained.
The East and West India ships which were in Ireland, are
all heard of in the Downs. India stock one p c' only advance:
others stand. My Broker says they fall upon good news, and
rise upon bad—contrary to all sense and reason.
2nd.—Danforth d., Johannot in the evening. Mauduit
called, and took in writing from Johannot the particulars of
the message with which he went from the Selectmen to
Washington, to let him know that Gen' Howe had declared
he would set fire to the town if the troops were molested in
embarking; and to intreat that Washington, to satisfy the
minds of the inhabitants, would engage not to molest the troops.
The form of the message was shewn to Howe by Cap. Balfour
* Walpole writes Oct. 31.—“Lord Stormont has got the late Lord Suffolk's
Seals of Secretary.”—vii. 266.
*::) DIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 293
his Aid-du-Camp, and approved of, and Johannot went out with
it under Howe's Flags. -
3rd–In the city. Mr Campbell, Broker, sold my Bank
stock, 2300£ at 1103, to be transferred this day fortnight . . .
4th. The news of the day, that Jamaica is taken . . .
5th– . . . The Jamaica news questioned. Some however
believe it.
7th.-At the Old Jewry.
D* Chandler, E. H. and ux. [uxor P. d.
An article in yesterday's Morning Post, conjectured to be
put in by Temple:–“Boston—not Hely Hutchinson, upon
report that Governor Dalling would quit his Government of
Jamaica, has modestly hinted that he would not refuse that
appointment. Dean Tucker is his friend, and will endeavour
to engage the interest of the laudable Society for Propagating
the Gospel. This may account also for a late visit to the
Bishop of London.”
8th.-In the city. Met the new Lord Mayor, Aldermen,
&c., in procession from Guild Hall, where the Mayor had been
SWOTn.
9th–No curiosity for seeing the pageantry of Lord Mayor's
Day, though the pleasantest weather of any I had seen upon
this day since I have been in England.
This day three years my dear daughter took the cold
which held her until the Qu. Birthday, and which she ther,
So increased, as to fix upon her lungs, and prove fatal to her.
In the evening Mauduit mentioned what he had heard
of Gen' Grey. Some of his friends enquired whether the
papers gave a true account of his examination before the
H. of Commons, and in particular, whether he was really of
opinion the Americans could not be subdued 2 he was backward
in giving an answer; but at length being pressed, he gave
this answer—“Let us see a change of Ministry, and then we
will shew you what can be done with them.”
12th.-Bliss has a letter from Van Shaack * at Bristol, who
* Peter Van Schaack, of Kinderbrook, New York, an eminent lawyer
and estimable man. Banished, and driven from America during the war be
returned afterwards, and died in 1832.-Sabine's Loyalists.
294 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
Says a man is arrived there from America, who came in a
neutral vessel, and was put ashoar at Weymouth, and spake
With, or was on board, an American privateer which left
Salem the I" of October, when an express had arrived from
Washington with an account of the arrival of the French fleet
at Sandy Hook.
Dined at Mauduit's with Mº Ironmonger, his son, and M*
Lethieulier, and Galloway.
15th.-Met Lord Barrington in Hanover Square. He says
D'Estaigne was not before New York the 2" of October: that
Ministry has this advice from Halifax: and that he had seen
the Circular Letter to the several offices with this account.
Rain most of the day.
16th–In the city. Called upon Mº Watson. He says
the ship, (speaks of but one,) left Halifax the 18 October:
that a vessel arrived there from N. York the 8*: that the
troops for an expedition to the southward had embarked ; but
upon news of the French fleet being bound there, disembarked :
that it was said in Halifax, D'Estaigne, with 9 ships, arrived
in Boston Sep. 28.
17th.-Dined with M. Ellis—Lord Hillsborough and Lady,
Lord Fairford, Lord and Lady Cranborne, L* Barrington,
M' Stanhope, Bamber Gascoyne, and M. Agar.
Much weight on L" H.’s brow. He is come back from
Ireland—been to the Levee. Nothing seems settled.
18th.-At Court: very cold. As soon as the King spake to
me, I came home. Lord and Lady Shelburne presented on
account of their marriage many months ago. He looked not
very pleasant. The Dutchess of Bedford was at Court. Lady
Shelburne is her niece. In 1740 I was at the Foundling
Hospital, at the first Christening, when the Dutchess, with the
Duke of Bedford, was there, but I see no remains of the person
I saw then.
19th.-At Lord Hillsborough's. He does not know what
he is to be. When he went to Ireland he was to be, he says,
Secretary of State : he was surprised to see Lord Stormont's
appointment. He esteemed L' S. very much, but did not
know what to make of it. However, he was content:—he had
§j DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 295
got rid of a great deal of trouble. Now he is returned he
finds a vacancy is to be in the Secretary's department (Lord
Weymouth), and in the place of Lord President;-this inti-
mated as if it remained to be settled which he was to fill :
complains, no elasticity. I hoped there would be more when
he comes in. I asked how the affair with Ireland could be
settled ? “No way but by Union.” Much was said about the
terms of union: differs from Scotland. He proposes 44
Members in all, to be added to the H. of Commons: a number
—16, 20, or what shall be agreed, and the King shall appoint,
of the Irish Peers to be created Peers of G. Britain : the re-
mainder to enjoy all the honour and privileges they now enjoy,
and no new Irish Peers to be created.
He says the major voice is for it in Ireland. Lord North
wishes it of all things: no plan laid for effecting it. Lº North
cried when he talked upon it. This caused L' H. to say there
was no elasticity.
28th.-Only my two sons E. and W. [At dinner probably.]
In the evening a letter from Sir Sam. Hood,” advising that
* Afterwards Admiral Lord Hood, who gained glory as a brave and a
skilful sailor. He had a very large nose. At the period of the Diary to
which we have arrived, his name had scarcely come forward, but he was a
rising man : So was Nelson then a rising man: so was Sir John Jervis : so
was Captain William Parker of the Audacious at the affair of the first of
June, '94, after which he was made an Admiral, and being in command of
five sail of the line in February, 1797, he was so fortunate as to join them
just before the action to Sir John Jervis's fleet, and after the Battle of St.
Vincent he was made a Baronet, and Sir John was elevated to the Peerage.
He was Parker of Harburn : and though there were three Baronets of this
name then afloat, (Sir Peter, Sir Hyde, and Sir William,) and all Admirals,
they were not related to each other. Sir William had a house on Ham
Common, where he lived with his wife, (née Jane Collingwood,) and his
family, when he was on shore, and one day Lord Hood was expected to call
on some business connected with their profession. Hereupon the mother
admonished one of her children, (Jane, in due time the wife of Captain
Roberton, R.A., and secondly Captain Cocks, R.N.,) and warned her that a
gentleman was going to call Who had a very large nose, and that if she should
happen to be in the room at the time, she must remember not to look at it,
because that would be very rude and unlady-like, and she should be angry
with her if she did. Not long after this Lord Hood was announced. Sir
William and Lady Parker were in the drawing-room, and the little girl,
having received her lesson, took good care to be in the room too, to see what
was to be seen. The enfant terrible is an object much to be dreaded in most
houses, and philosophers have never told us whether it is better to instruct a
child what it ought or ought not to do before strangers, or leave things alone
and hope for the best. During a rather prolonged visit, the mother was
296 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. G.;
the fleet sailed from Torbay the 16": does not believe they
will meet the combined fleet, tho’ he wishes it.
24th.-At Lord Huntingdon's upon his return from the
country. He is quite altered in his opinion of Sir H. Clinton :
Says he is utterly uneaqual to his post : unsteady, capricious,
regardless of discipline, &c. Lord Rawdon, he says, resigned
his post of Adjutº General merely because he would avoid all
share in the blame which by and by must be charged some-
where. There seems to be a perfect dearth of men fit for
service by sea or land. Gov" has failed in all its measures,
merely for want of fit officers to carry them into execution.
25th.-Parliament meets. Some say Lord Shelburne is
Secretary in the room of Lord Weymouth, some, Lord Hills-
borough. At Lord H.'s yesterday: it seemed to be a doubt
whether Lord N. would carry his votes. This the Opposition
have often boasted at the first of the Session. No Session has
opened when the public affairs have been in a more distressed
State. -
Two or three vessels are arrived from Halifax, which came
out the 26" of October. They bring vague reports of
D'Estaigne's fleet being scattered in a storm, but nothing to be
depended on. It was said yesterday at Lord H.’s, that Lord
Stormont was of opinion that they were very much afraid in
France, some disaster had befallen him.
26th.-Before the King went to the House of Lords yester-
day, Lord Bathurst, (if not before), kissed the King's hand as
President of the Council, and Lord Hillsborough, as Secretary
of State, instead of Lord Gower.
Lord Gower was in Parliament, but did not speak. Lord
Weymouth went into the country. Whether one or both will
join the Opposition, remains to be determined. In the Lords
41 opposed the Address, and proposed an amendment: 90,
including 8 Proxies for it. In the Commons 233 for the
horrified at seeing the child's eyes constantly fixed upon Lord Hood's nose;
and as soon as his Lordship had left, she took her severely to task for her
impropriety, but the only answer she got was—“La, ma, I couldn't help it.”
Í have often heard my mother, (who was another daughter of Sir W. P.)
tell this story with great glee.
;] DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 297
Address, 134 for Amending.” L' Hardwicke would have made
91 in the Lords, if he had not come off after 11 o'clock. The
Lords sat until between one and two, which is longer than
usual.
Card from W. Palmer, that he had paid in £1000 to Gines
and co.
While I was at Lord Hardwicke's this forenoon M* Yorke
came in, a young gentleman who is son to M* Charles Yorke,
the late Lord Chancellor for two or three days, and is now
Presumptive Heir to Lord Hardwicke.
27th.-Letters to the Admiralty yesterday of Oct' 8" by a
packet from N. York, that D'Estaigne arrived upon the coast
of S. Carolina Sept. 2": that he sent ashore letters to the
Congress: that being at anchor off the bar of Charleston, a
storm came on the 4* at night, and the whole fleet slipped
their cables and put to sea: and that they had no intelligence
of them at N. York since. It is said, but how the intelligence
comes is not known, that a number of the ships arrived at
Porto Rico.f
Livius, Hallowell, Fitch, Leonard, Paddock, Gore, dined.
Rain all day.
28th.-At D* Kippis's.
I hear from Galloway that Rhode Island is to be evacuated :
that 2500 men were going from New York under L* Corn-
wallis, and 5000 under Clinton: the first said to be intended
for the W. Indies, the other for S. Carolina; but the certain
destination was not known, nor is it probable they will sail
until they hear more of D'Estaigne.
Lord Littleton, a man of great parts, but of a most profligate
publick, as well as private life, after dining yesterday in gay
company, went home and died last night about 11. It is
said, in a fit.
* Adolphus says there were 41 for the amendment, and 82 for the Address,
not noticing the 8 Proxies, which would bring the sum up to 90, as above.
In the Commons, he has the same figures as the Diary.
f Nov. 28, Walpole writes—“Fortune has shewn us some partiality.
D'Estaigne's fleet of twenty-two ships has been dispersed, and probably
suffered considerably, by a terrible tempest that lasted for three days off
Carolina.”
298 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCIIINSON. [...
29th.-A duel this morning between Charles Fox and M"
Adam, both Members of the House, for words in debate. Fox
slightly wounded. Adam, it is said, fired a second pistol;
and some say there will be a second combat.
Sir George Collier arrived from New York, passenger in the
JDaphne frigate, sailed the first of November. No further news
of D'Estaigne. Some here doubt whether he ever intended to
go to New York. It's very difficult to account for the un-
certainty what is become of him. All the intelligence of his
being off Carolina is from a letter in a rebel newspaper. I
have letters by the packet from Mº Walter, Putman, John
Prout, T. Goldthwait, lately arrived at N. York from Penobscot,
and Tho. Oxnard. Mº Walter mentions the death of Major, or
Jo. Goldthwait, and of Will" Apthorpe. Three Regiments, one
British, and two Hessian, bound from N. York to Quebec, met
with a violent storm : most of the transports dismasted: the
Renown man-of-war, the convoy, and five transports returned ;
one taken and carried into Delaware—the rest missing.
Brook Watson has a letter from Joshua Winslow at Halifax.
He was one of the tea Consignees, and made his peace, and
remained quiet at Marshfield ever since –74, but lately left
them; the 30" of September he was at Boston, and says they
were then in a deplorable state, but I do not understand what
that means.
Dined at Lord Huntingdon's, where I saw General Vaughan
the first time, and bad much conversation with him upon
American affairs:" think he will go out again. M' Ilovel
* General Vaughan was brother to Lord Lisburne of Mamhead near
Dawlish in the county of Devon, whom the Governor occasionally met in
London. Among the papers I see a memorandum of October 22, 1793, to
the effect that Thomas Hutchinson the younger, who by this date had settled
down at East Wonford House, in the parish of Heavitree near Exeter, lent
Lord Lisburne the sum of £5,000 ſor the residue of two terms of 500 and 1,000
years, by way of mortgage, secured with interest, on lands in Cardigan, and
reciting previous instruments, in which appear the names of the Rev. Nutcombe
Nutcombe, John, Andrew, and Jane Quicke, Andrew Jelf, Messrs. Leigh and
Stokes, and Stephen Hawtry. e *
Twenty-two years after this, however, namely, in October 1815, the three
sons of the lender, who had deceased in 1811, joined in an application to the
Court of Chancery in order that the mortgage money should be paid off.
Mamhead passed through the hands of several owners, and now belºngs to
Sir Lydstone Newman, Bart. It was in the picturesque grounds of this place
#1 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCIIINSON 299
--
Stanhope, Stanley, Sir Harry East, Col. Hastings, of the
Company.
31st.— . . . The duel of yesterday was from Almon's having
printed in Charles Fox's speech expressions reflecting on Mr
Adam, who thereupon demanded of Fox whether he had used
those expressions P He denied having named, or had reference
to Mº Adam in particular in any part of his speech. But Mº
Adam applied a second time, and required Mº Fox to sign a
paper, charging Almon with falsehood. He gave his reasons
against it, renewing his declaration that he did not intend M'
Adam, who again appeared content. But upon further consider-
ation he applied a third time, and declared that Mº Fox must
either sign such a paper, or meet him. They accordingly met
yesterday—both fired—Fox was scratched by the ball in one
side of his body. MF Fitz Patrick, Fox's Second, then asked or
said to Adam he hoped he was satisfied ? He said—“No, not
unless Mº Fox would sign the paper he required,” and fired a
second time—missed Fox, who thereupon fired his pistol into
the air.
Those who are most acquainted with the absurd notions of
honour which now govern great part of the world, blame
Adam's conduct.
December 1st.—Called upon General Vaughan : afterwards
Sir Rich" Sutton. I wondered at the freedom before M*
Hayes of the Customs, an old Gent. who seemed to be a
citizen, and myself, of Sir Richard in saying that he heard
Admiral Keppel's Secrº died some time since, and left one M*
Minifie, a Clergyman, his Executor, who found among the
Secretary's papers, his Journal, in which he has minuted the
day before the action with the French, that the Admiral said
—“I think we may beat the French fleet, but if we should, it
will be the rivetting of this damned Ministry.” Sir Richard
said he would go to the bottom of the story, and endeavour to
make it publick, let the consequence be what it would.
that Mrs. Nightingale met her death, and was caught by her husband, as
represented in white marble in Westminster Abbey by Roubilliac, in his
strange, but beautiful monument, Wherein Death, in the lineaments of a
skeleton, is striking at her with a dart.
300 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THoMAS HUTCIIINSON. [...;
3rd.-The wind continued violent all night. I called upon
Mº Knox, imagining Collier had brought more news than
Ministry chose to publish; but he will own nothing except that
Rhode Island was evacuated, and the troops, &c., all arrived at
N. York. He wondered he had no private letters brought to
him from some of the Americans. I told him I could not find
that any had been received. He says there are no accounts of
D'Estaigne since his being put from his anchors in the storm,
or none upon which dependance can be had.
Strahan told me yesterday—and believes it—that one of our
Surgeons, who had been prisoner at Brest, and is now in
London, reports that 123 Surgeons, who attended the French
seamen in their sickness, and all the nurses died, as did
23,000 of the fleet. This must be exaggerated; but all
agree that the mortality has been so great as to be rarely
paralleled.
4th.--Chandler received a letter last night of the 27* Oct"
from N. York by the Daphne, which says—the Perseus arrived
last night from Georgia, where all was well. They had heard
nothing of D'Estaigne since the storm. As nothing is said
of Sir James Wallace it is feared he was not arrived. It
is strange there should be no accounts of D'Estaigne. Gen.'
Vaughan is ordered out immediately to the West Indies. He
and Sir Rich" Sutton, Sir W. Pepperell, Livius, Galloway,
and D' Chandler, dined with me.
Young Goldthwaite, son of T. Goldthwaite," now at New
York, called on me. He tells me Epes Sargent of Glocester,
and his wife, are both dead the last year: that he was firmly
attached to the old government: that his son was largely con-
cerned in privateers, and had made a great fortune, which
caused such an alienation of the son from the father, that he
once said to young G., he should not be sorry to see their two
fathers in the cart together.
Wrote by packet to T. Goldthwaite.
* Thomas Goldthwaite of Chelsea, Mass., had a grant on the Penobscot,
which was confiscated: was a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and
Colonel of Militia. Early in the war he embarked for Nova Scotia, Was ship-
wrecked and drowned.—Sabine's Loyalists.
;] DIARY AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 801
As we shall have but few opportunities of again seeing the name
of Sir William Pepperell in these pages, it will not be inap-
propriate to introduce here a few remarks relative to his family.
Several writers have given full accounts of the early members of
it, from whom we learn that William Pepperell, of Tavistock in
the county of Devon, removed to America in or about the year
1675, and settled at Kittery Point in Massachusetts, where, by
industry and good management he realised great wealth, which
was cherished and added to by his son of the same name. This
son, as Colonel of the local Militia, proved himself to have been
possessed of Superior military genius, inasmuch as by his skill
in conducting the siege of the strongly fortified city of Louisburg,
which the French had built at the north-east point of Cape Breton,
that place surrendered itself to his forces in the month of June
1745, upon which event he was created a Baronet by his Majesty
Ring George the Second. His only son predeceased him, but his
honours were revived in 1774 in favour of William, the son of his
daughter Elizabeth, who had married Colonel Nathaniel Sparkawk. .
He assumed the name of Pepperell. It was this second Baronet
who, like many other Refugees, was now living in London,
anxiously watching the signs of the times, and speculating on the
fortunes of war. Lorenzo Sabine, in his Sketches of Loyalists of
the American Revolution, at page 170, thus speaks of his wealth
and of his immense losses:–
“In 1778 he was proscribed and banished, and the year following
was included in the Conspiracy Act. In May 1779, the Committee
on confiscated estates offered for sale his ‘large and elegant house,
with the out-houses, gardens, and other accomodations,’ &c.,
“pleasantly situated in Summer Street, Boston, a little below
Trinity Church.’ His vast domain in Maine, though entailed
upon his heirs, was confiscated. This estate extended from Kittery
to Saco on the coast, [some 30 miles, and many miles back from
the shore; and, for the purposes of farming and lumbering,
was of great value; and the water power and mill privileges,
rendered it, even at the time of the sequestration, a princely
fortune.”
For the following particulars of the later branches of the family,
I am indebted to Edward Walford, Esq., M.A., one of the repre-
sentatives of it in the female line. The second Sir William
Pepperell, having lost his only son in his lifetime, unmarried,
died at his house in London in December 1816, when the title
again became extinct. He left three surviving daughters—
302 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſº.
I, ELIZABETH ROYALL, of whom presently.
II. Harriet, m. in 1802, Sir Charles Hudson, afterwards Palmer,
Bart., of Wanlip Hall, Leicestershire.—See Burke's Peerage.
III. Mary Hirst, m. William Congreve Esq., of Congreve Hall,
co. Stafford, and of Aldermaston Park, Berks. Ob. s. p.
ELIZABETH ROYALL, (as above), m. about 1792, the Rev.
Henry Hutton, D.D., Rector of Beaumont, Essex, who died in
1832. She died 1856, leaving issue,
I. Charles Henry, D.D., Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford,
and afterwards Rector of Great Houghton, co. Northampton.
Born 1794, ob. coel. Feb. 12, 1862.-(See Gentleman's
Magazine for May 1862 for particulars as to the Huttons and
Pepperells.) -
II. Henry, M.A. Rector of Filleigh, North Devon, m. 1823,
Elizabeth Sophia Beevor, and left issue—
1. Caroline Sophia, born in May 1824, m. August 1845, the
Rev. Abraham William Bullen, Rector of Great Baddow,
Chelmsford, Essex.
2. Henry, born in May 1825, m. in Nov. 1848, Caroline, d. of
Dr. Atherstone, of Table Farm, Grahamstown, South Africa,
and has, with other issue, PEREGRINE WILLIAM PEPPERELL,
Lieut. R.N., eldest male representative of Sir William
Pepperell, m. 1885 his cousin, the eldest dau. of the Rev.
A. W. Bullen, (see above). -
. Charles William, born July 1826, m. in March 1852,
Elizabeth, Maria Henrietta, eldest d. of Sir Andries Stocken-
ström, Bart., of Maaström, near Grahamstown.
. Emily, born Nov. 1827.
. Julia, born Aug. 1829, m. Nov. 1864, Carl Frederick
Joubert Watermeyer Esq., of Wynberg, near Cape Town.
. Louisa, born in April 1831, ob. coel.
. Frederick, born Sep. 1832, died an infant.
. Sophia, born July 1834.
. Anne, born March 1836. Ob. coel.
Augustus Fortescue, born June 1838, m. April 1872, Ellen,
d. of Captain Preston, R.N. (retired.)
11. William Pepperell, born Jan. 1840, m. Jan. 1885, Margaret
Maria, d. of Frederick Damant Esq., of Humansdorp, Cape
of Good Hope.
12. Elizabeth Fortescue, born April 1843, m. March 1867
William Henry Brewer Esq.
III. William Palmer, M.A., of Trinity College, Dublin, and
Incumbent of St. Peter's, Chester; m. but ob. S. p. 1856.
3
:
.
º; DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 803
IV. Thomas Palmer, M.A., of Magdalen College, Oxford, late
Vicar of Sompting, Sussex, born 1805, m. firstly, Mary, d. of
James Drummond Esq. of Strageath, co. Perth; and secondly,
1853, Maria Elizabeth, d. of Edward Wingfield Dickenson
Esq. of Dosthill House, Warwickshire, and had issue by his
first marriage—
1. Henry Edward, M.A., of Balliol College, Oxford, and
Assistant Master at Harrow, born 1838, m. firstly, Edith
Maria, d. of George Harris Esq., of Harrow, who d. 1867,
and secondly, 1869, Lucie Adele, d. of Mons. Th. Piquet, of
Geneva, and of Millières, Bourbon Lancy, France.
2. Edmund Forster, born 1832, late Rector of Aylmerton and
Runcton, co. Norfolk, m. Maria, d. of the Rev. Cremer
Cremer of Aylmerton, and has issue.
3. Thomas Palmer, born 1832, formerly in the Carabineers,
ob. coel. 1857.
4. Mary Beatrice, born Dec. 16, 1836, m. 1858 Colonel A.
Piquet of Geneva, and had issue Mary, Edmund, Beatrice,
and Frank. The Rev. Thomas Palmer has, by his second
marriage, Stewart Yates, Ralph Thicknesse, Reginald
Ernest, and Herbert Royall Pepperell.
W. Elizabeth, m. 1818, the Rev. William Moreton-Moreton, of
Moreton Hall, Cheshire, who d. about 1837, having had issue
two sons who died young, and two daughters, Frances
Annabella, who m. John Craigie Esq. of Jedburgh, N.B.,
(Residence, Moreton House, Pau, Les Basses Pyrénées,) and
Elizabeth, a Sister of Mercy at Clewer, near Windsor.
WI. Mary Anne, b. April 1796, m. 1822, the Rev. William
Walford, M.A., of Oriel College, Oxford, of Hatfield Place,
Essex. He d. 1856, and she d. 1872. They had issue—
1. Edward, M.A., formerly scholar of Balliol College, Oxford:
b. 1823, m. firstly, 1847, Mary Holmes, younger daughter
of John Gray Esq. of Clifton, near Bristol. She d. 1851,
leaving a daughter Mary, who m. Colin Campbell Wyllie
Esq.; and secondly, 1852, Julia, daughter of the late Hon.
Sir John Talbot, Admiral, and G.C.B., and has issue—
|Făward Arundell Talbot, b. 1860.
Moreton Philip, b. 1861.
Julia, m. P. H. Comron Esq.
Edith, m. F. Waddy Esq.
Ethel Mary.
2. Henry, M.A., of Wadham College, Oxford ; Rector of
Ewelme, Oxon; b. 1824.
304 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
3. John Thomas, M.A., of King's College, Cambridge; late an
Assistant Master at Eton, now a Jesuit Priest ; b. 1834.
4. Charles, M.A., of Brazenose College, Oxford; b. 1835, a
Chaplain at Bombay, m. Miss Moberly, niece of the Bishop
of Salisbury.
5. Frederick, b. 1836.
6. Mary Anne, died an infant.
7. Jane, m. the Rev. Daniel Trinder, Vicar of Highgate,
Middlesex.
8. Frances Mary.
9. Caroline, died an infant.
10. Emma, d. 1844, aged 14.
VII. Louisa, m. in 1824, the Rev. Thomas Parry, Archdeacon of
Antigua, and afterwards Bishop of Barbadoes, who d. about
1870. They had issue—
1. Edward St. John, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford, and formerly
Principal of Leamington College; b. 1825, m. a sister of Sir
Henry Tyler, M.P., and has a large family: his son Reginald
St. John, b. 1861, is Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
2. Henry Hutton, D.D., Bishop of Perth, Western Australia,
b. 1829, m. firstly, Miss Bessie Thomas : secondly, a widow
lady, and has 2 sons and a daughter.
3. Reginald, Colonel in the army, retired; m. Miss Morant,
and is a widower with 2 children.
. Herbert, died young.
. Louisa, m. Gen. Nicols, and is dead, leaving 4 sons, and 2
daughters.
. Charlotte, m. Gen. Chamberlain, and has one daughter, and
2 sons who d. young.
7. Amy, late a Sister Nurse in King's College Hospital.
8. Emily.
9. Caroline, m. Colonel Dalyell, and has a large family.
(). Beatrice, a Sister in the Protestant Sisterhood at Clewer,
near Windsor.
11. Blanche, m. the Rev. Arthur Hardy, Chaplain in India,
and has a large family.
12. Maude, m. in 1884, the Rev. Charles E. Freeman, Vicar of
West Malvern.
VIII. Anne, died unmarried.
IX. Harriet, m. the Rev. D. T. K. Drummond, of Edinburgh :
she survives as his widow : they had a son who d. an infant,
and a daughter who married a Clergyman, and is now a widow.
X. Frances.
4
5
6
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 305
5th.-Old Jewry. Called on M! Green. He has a letter
from T. Brattle” at N. York, who has petitioned the Assembly
at Boston to admit him—which was to be considered in
September.
Gen' Vaughan said yesterday at dinner, the charge of the
navy last year was seven millions. His brother L* Lisburne is
one of the Lords of the Admiralty.
Willard, Bliss, and Porter. [dined with him.]
6th.-Gov. Bull called : the Bishop of London. The latter
says he has been in the neighbourhood of Lord Shelburne—I
suppose at Bath; and that he knows that for a fortnight Lord
S 's friends and family depended on his being Secr' of
State. He intimated that they expected Lord Gower's
difference with Lord North would terminate in bringing Lord
Shelburne in. This looks as if Lord Shelb” alliance with the
Bedford family would connect L" Gower with him in political
matters, though Lº Gower as yet has voted with the ministry.
The Hussar frigate has taken a rich Lima ship, and sent her
in to Portugal. The Tartar, one of Gov. Johnstone's squadron,
has taken a Span[ish] frigate, which took out part of the money
* Thomas Brattle, of Massachusetts. He was born at Cambridge in 1742,
graduated at Harvard University in 1760, and received the degree of A.M. at
Yale and at Nassau. In 1775 he went to England, and he was included in
the Proscription and Banishment Act of 1778. While abroad, he travelled
over various parts of Great Britain, and made a tour through Holland and
France, and was noticed by personages of distinction. Returning to London,
he zealously and successfully laboured to ameliorate the condition of his
countrymen, who had been captured, and were in prison. In 1779 he came to
America, and landed at Rhode Island. In 1784 the enactments against him
in Massachusetts were repealed, and he took possession of his patrimony. He
died Feb. 1801.--Sabine's Loyalists.
t Abijah Willard was appointed One of the Mandamus Counsellors in 1774 :
he was captured, and was on his way to prison, when he freed himself by
signing a Declaration and asking forgiveness. He went to Halifax with the
Royal Army in 1776, but eventually died in Massachusetts.
Abel Willard is described by Sabine, as having been one of the Barristers
and Attorneys who were Addressers of Hutchinson; who withdrew to Halifax
in 1776; was proscribed and banished ; and died in England in 1781. There
was also a Levi Willard, who retired temporarily to England, but Abel is
probably the person mentioned in the Diary.
f Four gentlemen of the name of Bliss are mentioned by Sabine, of whom
Daniel, born in 1740, a lawyer, and one of the Addressers of Hutchinson, on
his leaving, is the one spoken of above, or Jonathan, born in 1742, a lawyer,
a Member of the General Court, and proscribed in 1778. Revolutions make
great havoc among families. A glance at Sabine's two volumes is enough to
convince us of this. *-
WOL. II. Y
306 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
of the Lima ship's cargo, and landed it at Ferrol; and coming
out again, was taken by the Tartar. Nothing more of
D'Estaigne. The prevailing opinion is that Wallace is taken.
The Bp. of London says Lº North has engaged all the money
he wants, and that Ministry is determined to carry on the war
in America with vigour.
7th.-Upon a motion last night by Lord Ossory in the House
of Commons, to charge the Ministry with neglecting the affairs
of Ireland, Mº Macdonald, who married Lord Gower's daughter,
moved it might be Minister instead of Ministry; for that all
was chargeable upon Lord North, and attacked him in very
illiberal language—called him “whimperer,” “whiner,” &c.
Lord North excused his tears once when he had been blamed
for his absence, which, for an excuse obliged him to mention
the death of a child.
The motion was rejected by a majority of about 90.
Called upon Sir Geo. Collier.
My son T. H., wife, and Louisa [Oliver], Sylv.[ester Oliver],
Flucker.
8th. In the city with my son T., but learn no intelligence,
except the arrival of many ships from different parts. The
very few captures which have been made since the French war
began keeps up the spirits of the merchants there—enables
them to lend all the money Government wants, and the good
terms upon which they lend it makes them more quiet under
the amazing debt which is brought upon the kingdom in
general.
9th.--The estimates for the present year passed last night in
the H. of Commons. Lord George [Germaine], on being asked
whether the American war was to be continued, answered, that
the Ministry had no thoughts of withdrawing the forces from
America. This would give great advantage to France and
Spain, but he was not able to say in what manner the war
would be carried on there, and if he knew he should not think
it proper to mention it.
10th. Yesterday Lord North opened to the House what he
proposed [to do) to satisfy Ireland—to take off the restraint
upon woollen manufactures; also upon glass; to allow a free
!...] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 307
trade to the British Colonies and Africa. Regulations would
be necessary to be made by the Irish Parl" in each of these
articles. He thought this would be satisfactory to Ireland.
Sir George Young asked whether he thought it would be
satisfactory to England also P
11th.-In the city. Blackburne asked if I thought there
would be a change of Ministry P I did not know where they
would find a Premier. Lord Gower, he added, had expected
it. He had it so that he was sure of it. Lord Carlisle sought
one of the Secretary's places. This country is ruined by party.
In the House of Commons last night, the Minority moved
the affair of Lº North refusing the Chiltern Hundreds to Mr
Byng. Lº N. exculpated himself by saying he had said to
Mº Byng that he had promised them to Colº Tuffnel; but if he
did not insist upon it, M* Byng should have them. The motion
obtained ; and upon another motion, a Bill was ordered to be
brought in to make the Member eligible to any vacant county
or borough, notwithstanding their former election, which they
are to be allowed to vacate.
Copley, Stanton, and my children. [presumably, at dinner.]
12th-At Prince's Street. Mº Thompson, a middle aged
man, said to have no congregation. Rainy all day. No
account yet of D'Estaigne. Dº Chandler, Bliss.
Copley yesterday, (who spent a year in Italy), made a remark
which occurred to him upon seeing the loaves of bread taken
entire out of Pompeii. He says they are exactly the shape of
our loaves, (not bricks); that the letters of the bakers' names
are still plain. He wondered this practice of stamping their
bread, never put them upon the same sort of stamps for letters
and printing.
The surprise of Mº Copley may be shared by others. That they
did not do so shews how people will sometimes stand for centuries
on the brink of a great discovery without making it. Instead of
saying a new discovery, we might in this case rather say, a new
adaptation of old materials. The stamps they had : and why not
stamp paper with ink, as well as loaves without 2
The Copleys will not now be mentioned much more in the
Governor's Diary, if mentioned at all. In the fragmentary Diary
X 2
308 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
of his son Elisha they are several times spoken of ; but as the
recorded facts have only been written on sheets of note paper of
different sizes, which have never been sewn together, and many of
them lost, it is difficult to arrange them in chronological order;
and the difficulty is increased by the absence of the year and the
month, except at rare intervals. Though the entries contain no
valuable information, perhaps it would be an omission to ignore
them altogether; and it would be a slight to degrade them to the
low level of a Foot Note, so they shall have an intermediate place,
like the long extracts that have been given before.
From the Diary of Elisha Hutchinson.
“ 18th. [summer time, 1777 or 1778?] Fair, warm, and
pleasant. Rain in evening. Walked to Brompton. Tommy and
wife, Louisa, and 3 of the children dined with us. After dinner
Mr. Clarke, Copley, and Mrs. Copley, and two of their children
joined us at tea.”
“25th.— . . . After dinner with Mrs. H. and Mr. Willard jun., to
Mr. Copley, who with Mrs. Copley and two of the children, we
walked to Buckingham House, and were two hours going through
the rooms, and viewing the paintings, after which we returned
and drank tea at Mr. Copley’s.” -
“20th–1778?] Called on Mr. Hallswell: with Mrs. H. to
Copley's : afterwards to the Treasury, and received a quarter's
allowance to the 10th.”
“ 19th [April, 1779?] Fair, warm, and pleasant. Walked into
the city and called on Mr. Mauduit, who seems to be as hearty and
well as I have known him to be. Called on Mr. Lyde. Mrs.
Esdaile dined with us. Mr. Clarke, Mr. and Mrs. and Betsy
Copley at tea.”
“ 14th. [May 1779.] Walked with Mrs. H. to Pall Mall, and
spent about two hours very pleasantly at the Exhibition Rooms of
the Royal Academy. Mr. Copley has not exhibited any piece this
year. We drank tea at the Doctor's, [Dr. P. Oliver's, with Mr.
and Mrs. Copley, and Mr. Pelham.”
“9. [July, 1779.] Walked to the Exchange and to Lombard
Street. On my return stop’d at Mr. Copley's, where I met Mrs.
Galloway and Mrs. H., who came to see Mr. Copley's picture of
[blank]" and other pictures. We then went—Mr. and Mrs. Copley,
and my brother Bill, with us—over to Sº Joshua Reynold's, where,
* Perhaps Lord Chatham's illness in the House of Lords.
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS I/UTCIIINSON, 309
among a multitude of fine paintings, I thought none better
executed than one just taken, of Admiral Keppel. On our way
home we called on Mr. West, whose rooms were principally filled
with portraits of the King, Queen, and Royal Family: but what
most engaged our attention was, a full length portrait of the King,
which was not quite finished, and he told us was designed for the
Queen's Palace—a most striking likeness, in the King's military
dress, Lord Amherst, and Lord [blank] at a distance on horseback,
and the prospect of the Camp, the King in his boots, as having
just dismounted his horse.”
“4. [1779?] Fair, early in morning: afterwards cloudy and
rain. Went in coach with Mr. G. [Galloway] at 7 o'clock to Mr.
Copley's, Leicest Fields, where, after waiting till nine o'clock for
the coach, we walked to 3 Kings, Piccadilly, and finding the coach,
after waiting an hour, (and not being able to find Mr. O., throu’
mistake in the direction), had gone forward, Mr. O. took a post
chaise, and with Mr. Clarke set out to overtake the coach, and I
returned home to breakfast.”
“2nd. April, [17812 || Fair, moderate, and pleasant. Walked
out to Edward Street. Called on Mr. Willard, and on Mr. West.”
“3rd. Walked with Mrs. H. to Leicester Fields, and left her at
Mr. Copley’s.”
“3rd. May, [1781 7 | Fair morning—afterwards rain. Miss
Galloway called and took Mrs. H. and Betsey an airing as far as
Islington. I then walked to Spring Gardens with Mrs. H. to see
Mr. Copley's Exhibition, and called at Mr. Copley's, Leicester
Fields.”
“14. [May, 1781 °] Cloudy morning and some rain; afterwards
fair and pleasant. In coach as far as St. Clement's Church, and
met Mrs. H., who came in coach with Mrs. Galloway, at the Exhibi-
tion of pictures in Somerset House. After viewing the pictures
we walked to Leicest Fields, and called on M. Copley: from
thence came home to dinner. We drank tea at Mr. Galloway's—
Mr. Hale there.”
“August 27. [1781 ° J Met Mr. Mather, who tells me he has a
letter from his father, and another from a man who married his
sister Hannah. His mother Mrs. M.” died about 2 years ago, of
which he has but lately been made acquainted with. Col. Fry I
likewise met with. I then walked to George Street, Hanover Sq.,
and dined at Mr. Copley's, who has changed houses to great
* She was one of the Governor's sisters named Hannah, born in 1714, and
married to the Rev. Samuel Mather.
310 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
advantage, the rent being nearly the same ; but the house is
elegant and well finished, and well calculated for his living.”
“August 29th.--Called on Mr. Copley, George Street.”
“October 1st. [1781 °l Fog in morning, afterwards warm and
pleasant. My brother went to ride. I walked to George Street
and called at M! Copley's, who, with Mr. Clarke and Mrs. Copley
[née Clarke, were gone down to Gravesend to see Mr Startin set
Sail for Boston, on board of Cap. Callahan.”
It is hoped that this long interpolation, dedicated to the Copleys,
though fragmentary and of Small historical account, may be
allowed to pass without censure. The painter removed from
Leicester Fields to George Street, Hanover Square, to that
house on the east side, in short, so long known as the residence of
his son Lord Lyndhurst.
13th.-Steady warm rain, like an American day. Old Cap"
Bruce who used to trade between London and Boston many
years, called on me. He brought part of the tea which was
destroyed: pretends he should be afraid to go to sea, for fear
of being taken, and ill treated by the Americans, and is
petitioning Government as a Refugee. John Rowe” owned a
quarter of his ship. I believe, says Bruce, he knew very well
the design to pull down your house. There's Doctor Chauncy
and Doctor Cooper, I have heard M. Rowe say he knew they
both used to write in Thomas's paper—The Massachusetts Spy.
14th.-A cold clear day. In the city. Dined at M Ellis's,
who is very anxious to hear of D'Estaigne : says the papers
taken in the Spanish packet mention D'Estaigne intending
first for the Southern part of the Continent, then to New York,
Rhode Island, and Halifax, but in what order I do not recollect:
and he was to detach Some ships in order to take in Bermuda.
Mº Livius, Ch. Just. of Quebec, met me in the street. He
had just seen one of his acquaintance who was in the fleet under
D'Estaigne, the 25 or 26 of August, when off Long Island, one
of the Bahamas, or near them, where the fleet divided, and part
steered for France, where this person, I suppose a prisoner,
went ; the other part, under D'Estaigne, for America. Seven
* There is a kind and characteristic letter by John Tow to the Consignees,
printed in the first volume at page 97.
I)ec.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTUILINSON. 311
days after parting, a violent storm came on, and lasted three
days, first at N. East, at last at S. East. This person thinks it
probable that many of D'Estaigne's fleet must have been drove
to the Straits of Bahama.
Strange, there is yet no account of them
15th.-At L" Hardwicke's, and then L" Huntingdon's, where
I saw his L'ship's nephew Cap" Rawdon. He says the
Americans have hanged the late Ch. Justice of Detroit, with
whom he was well acquainted—his name Deshon—and that Col”
or Cap" Hamilton, the officer made prisoner in the spring, is in
a dungeon, and in irons. Many stories undoubtedly are false,
and many facts exaggerated. I saw Galloway afterwards, and
advised him to write to his friends, and collect the instances of
capital and cruel punishments, which were fully authenticated,
or so notorious as not to be denied, and he promised he would.
Dined at D* Heberden's:--M" Crofts, Member for Cambridge,
and lady; M' and M* Wray, M. Bryant, a man of fortune and
learning, Mauduit, and the Doctor's family.
16th.-Rainy day and evening, but still very moderate as to
cold. Bliss d. The wind being east, it is expected the fleet
under Rodney will sail. Gen' Vaughan left town Sunday the
12". He is to take the command of the land forces in the West
Indies. Never was the kingdom in such a state. The cry is—
There are no men fit to command the Army or the Navy; and
it is certain that all the distresses of the nation are owing to the
unfitness of officers both by sea and land.” Byron has retired,
and is pitied. Poor man—he did what he thought best, but is
a weak man. I&eppel’s enemies will not allow weakness to be
his only failing, but say he did not wish to destroy the French
fleet, lest he should establish the present Ministry. As for
land Generals, Howe has no advocate to undertake his cause in
print, and Clinton they say, has lain still all the summer,
merely from indecision, and a fluctuating state of mind.
* When things come to the Worst they begin to mend; and it is certain
that within twenty or thirty years after this date, the glory of the Navy, at all
events, had grown to such a pitch of brightness, as that, by the commence-
ment of the present century, England had as good reason to be proud of her
sailors, as her enemics had to be afraid of them. The period of Nelson and
his compeers is now looked back upon as the bright spot in the ammals of the
British Navy.
312 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [#.
17th-In the city. The wind round again at S. West. No
arrivals. Everybody wondering there is nothing certain yet of
D'Estaigne. A vessel is arrived at Falmouth from Boston, which
Sailed as late as the 13" November. She was bought by some
persons who had been taken prisoners, and obtained leave to
come to England. The passengers say they had received no
account of D'Estaigne.
18th-The news to-day is—that Cap" Moore, who was taken
prisoner at Granada, and sailed in a merch"man of D'Estaigne's
fleet, is arrived in town. He says they met with a violent
storm Sept. 16: that he saw that day and the next, five sail of
the French men-of-war sink, and 14 or 15 merchant-men, in
lat. 38, and long. 60: that his own ship, or that he was in, was
lost at Fayal in their way home. He gives no account of the rest.
Prickman, Van Schaack, Waterhouse,” Frye, E. H., Gardner,
Perkins. [dined.]
19th.-At Gray's Inn Chapel, and heard D. Stebbins—and
an excellent preacher—sensible, serious, and christian.
In the evening at Lord Mansfield’s, Chancellor's, and Dº
Heberden's. The accounts of D'Estaigne thicken. Moore's
account cannot be true, seeing Lieut. Atkinson came to France
in one of the Sº Domingo ships, and the Protecteur was his
convoy, and both arrived at Rochelle : but he agrees in the
storm the 16, and thinks a 50 gun ship and a frigate, were
lost; but he says D'Estaigne and all the men-of-war except
five, parted from the fleet the 25 Aug., and steered for America,
so that Moore must have supposed some of the large merch"men
to have been men-of-war. Lord North thinks the account of
D'Estaigne's arrival in France is to be relied upon.
John Adams, with F. Dana for his Secretary, are coming
from Boston to France in the characters of Ambassador and
Secretary to the Court of Great Britain ; but before they come
over, Independence is to be allowed them.
20th-Everything in American affairs happens contrary
* Samuel Waterhouse of Boston, Mass., described as “the most notorious
scribbler, satirist, and libeller in the service of the conspirators against the
liberties of America.” He withdrew to Halifax, and then to England; was
proscribed and banished; and was in London in 1779, a Loyalist Addresser of
the King.—Sabine.
#| DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 813
to probability. An officer arrived to-day from Clinton.
D'Estaigne, who was supposed to be lost in a storm, and many
of his ships, remained on the coast of Carolina till late in
October. Wallace fell into his hands. D'Estaigne landed his
troops, and joined Lincoln, and made an army of 8,000—enough
to have swallowed up the British troops in Savanna, where they
all retreated: but notwithstanding his numbers, and all that
sea force, after two attempts he left the coast, and came with
part of his ships for Europe: the rest he sent to the West
Indies. It is said the French and rebels, between them, have
lost 3000 men: the British not above 40. This I had from
Sº Rich" Sutton, who brought it to Mº Mazeres in the Temple,
where I dined with Mauduit, Galloway, Mº Townsend, &c.
21–An express to-day from Georgia confirms the account
of yesterday, with many circumstances not then mentioned.
The French fleet had left the coast, except three frigates,
which remained at Charlestown, S. Carolina.
22nd.—The letters from New York by the packet mention
advice from different quarters that Adm. Hyde Parker had
taken a number of French men-of-war. It is reported here
that several victuallers were taken, which seems to be the most
that can be expected. *
23rd.—A dull day to me, from reflection upon the occurrence
of yesterday, and perplexity what step to take.
24th.-My son W. had incautiously accepted a draught from
Cap" Douglas, an E. India Captain of his acquaintance, at two
years sight, for more than 500£. He says the Captain was to
Secure him, and went away without doing it ; but as it was not
payable in less than two years, he has all along flattered
himself the Cap" would be home to discharge it himself. And
now the time is up, and the demand of payment made. His
illness adds to his and my distress. I hear this afternoon
eight or nine ships from India are arrived, but am anxious lest
Douglas should not be among them.
25th.-By my paper this morning Douglas is not among
the ships, and I give up all hopes of relief from him, and
* Then follows some shorthand referring to an incautious act of his son
Billy, who had accepted a Bill for £500, at two years, now come due.
814 DIAIt Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº;
expect to be obliged to pay the money. I went to my son
[Thomas] at Brompton, where he is at lodgings. By his
Newspaper Douglas is one. Which to believe, I am at a loss,
and am still in suspense.
A very cold day, and this trouble kept me from church, as I
intended.
All my children, S. O., Louisa O., and young Spooner, [at
dinner?]
D'Estaigne is certainly arrived in France: no certainty of
any other part of the fleet which was at Georgia.
26th.-At D* Kippis's. Cold in the morning, but abates
afternoon. Wind N.
27th.-In the city with my son T., who went to Lloyd's,
Where he is assured their list may be depended on, and if so,
Douglas must be arrived, and I hope that will relieve me from
the trouble which the imprudence of my son W. would have
brought upon me, as well as upon himself, who is in a very
feeble declining state, and unable to bear trouble.
* The men-of-war for Gibraltar and the West Indies sailed
yesterday. Fresh wind and fair all night and to-day, that
it's probable they may be near the Landsend.
28th.-The wind continuing fair, it is expected the fleet
under S. G. Rodney are clear of the land.
Lord Hardwicke called. He says Sir Joseph writes him from
the Hague, that Paul Jones in his own ship, lyes without any
colours; that the Serapis and others, under French Commis-
sions, ride with French colours, and none of them are moving.
It's supposed our frigates are cruising for them.
Cold much abated yesterday and to-day, but drizzling rain
and raw.
Wrote to Paxton at Pangbourne,
29th.-M' Ellis called upon me. He observed that the
arrival of Adams and Dana made a noise: people supposed
they had powers to treat ; but they could have no good design,
as they came to France. If they had come to Holland or
Hamburgh, and sent from thence to know how they would be
received, something might come of it, but not so now.
I wrote M' Sewall at Bristol, in answer to a long letter of his
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
upon a demand made of him by T. Boylston” for rent at
Boston.
Raw foggy day. Wind still 10. My son Billy came to town,
and dined with me and Bliss.
30th.-A strong opinion in the city yesterday and to-day
that Adams and Dana are come to France with offers of accom-
modation, and that affairs with America will be soon settled,
and stocks rise near 2 p c': but the opinion dies away, and
they were falling again before night.
31st.—Advice that a fleet of Dutch ships, being bound down
Channel, six large ships with naval stores had joined, and
thereupon a squadron of ships slipped their cables and sailed
from Spithead in persuit of them, to search and stop the ships
with naval stores, being for the French.
* Sabine tells us there was W. N. Boylston, son of B. IIallowell, but who
took the name of Boylston; and Thomas, who is the one here spoken of.
John Adams said of him in 1766–" Tom is a firebrand. Tom is a perfect
viper, a Jew, a devil, but is orthodox in politics however.” But he became a
Loyalist, went to England, failed in business, and died in great poverty.
( 316 ) #.
CHAPTER WII.
BEGINNING OF THE NEW YEAR 1780.
January 1st.—At Court: the first time I had been there on
New Year's Day: remarkably full of Ladies, in particular.
Cold, foggy, and dark. Lord Lisburne said a French letter
had been intercepted which gives an account of Parker's taking
the French ships. -
I said to Lord Lisburne I was glad Cap" Waughan had so
fine a time. He said he had a fair wind ; he hoped he would
do service: he had two good qualities—he could not bear in-
activity, and I forget the other. I added a third—He is well
principled.
Flucker, Rome, Willard, Danforth, Clarke, Startin, E. H. |at
dinner, no doubt.] My son Billy lodged last night in town,
after three months absence, or thereabouts."
2nd.—At the Old Jewry without my children.
Mauduit tells me a Lima or Register ship is carried into
Crookhaven with 3 millions of dollars on board. A privateer
of Liverpool took her, which took the Carnatick Indiaman.
3rd.—In the city. Billy received a letter from Cap. Douglas
at Portsmouth, in which he expresses his concern at my son's
ill state of health, of which he had wrote to Douglas, and his
surprise at the Banker's having made a demand on him for the
Bill which he had accepted, and adds that he does not doubt,
* Whence came the final s? Such words as thereabouts, whereabouts, and
hereabouts, are common, even in the pages of our best writers. Thereabouts
simply means about there, or that place: whereabouts, is about where, or what
place : and so also hereabouts is about here, or near this place. If we may
say thereabouts why may we not say abouts there 3 The use of the final S is
evidently of long standing; and however much we may condemn the practice,
on the ground of impropriety or inaccuracy, we do nevertheless frequently
see such words in the writings of many of our best modern authors.
ñº, 1780.
DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON 317
now they know he is arrived, they will give my son no further
trouble.
4th.-Express yesterday, with advice that Comº Fielding
had stopped two Dutch men of war—searched the ships under
their convoy, and seized seven of them laden with naval stores
for the French, and was returning with them to Portsmouth,
and that the Dutch men of war were following them.
Daughter Oliver's family, and S. O.
5th.-In the city. The Dutch business has hardly any effect
upon the stocks. It is not likely it should give them any real
offence. They have been told, what we stop shall be paid for.
This increases their export. What gets safe to France, they
pay for: what is brought in here, we pay for. Government has
been duped by its own subjects. Foreign states are now trying
what they can do.
Lord Gage called—came in warm. “I have this minute
parted,” says he, “with a gentleman who said he wished
D'Estaigne had taken Georgia and all the troops there, for then
the war would have been at an end, and we should have been
no more burdened with additional taxes.”
“What can such men mean P Do they imagine the nation
would submit to the humiliating terms which would have then
been required ?”
“No ; that was not the reason of such a wish. A change of
Ministry was the thing.”
6th.-The stocks rather rise than fall. It is almost in-
credible, with such an immense debt, and prospect of still in-
creasing it by several year's war.
7th-In the city. At Watson and Rashleigh's. They say
the capture of 5 French frigates and 14 transports by H.
Parker's squadron, comes so many ways that there can be no
doubt of it. It's strange that in more than three months there
should be nothing from Parker himself.
Dined with Dº Parker at the Chaplain's table—Sir Egerton
Leigh, and a clergyman, Rector of Hammersmith.
8th.--Called upon M* Maseres.
Carried M. Boucher and Addison in my coach to Lambeth,
and dined with the Archbishop —Lord Wellesley, son of Lord
318 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSoN. Tº
Mornington; Lord Brome, a pretty boy of 6 or 7 years, or less,
only son of Earl Cornwallis; Dº Chertsey, of Ch. Church,
Oxford; D" Lort, Abp's Chaplain; and a gentleman I did not
know; M* Cornwallis, and a little Miss, [being present.]
The Archbishop says he knew Sir F. Bernard at Cambridge,
though some years after him. I thought he was of Christ
Church, Oxford; but the Abp. was positive he could not be ;
and yet, for 9 or 10 years we lived together in Boston, and 4 or
5 years since, I have always understood it so.
The company went to the Chapel before dinner, which was
exceeding cold, and I without a surtout. [It was Saturday.]
D* Lort went through the Litany as fast as a Clerk would have
gone through an instrument, which was mere matter of form in
a court of law.
9th.-At D* Kippis's. [Sunday.]
Dined with M. Ellis:–D’Oiley and wife, Mº Bateman, Brett,
Le Cras, Falkingham, Stephens, of the Admin., Palmer. M'
Stephens says two of D'Estaigne's ships were not arrived in
France—the Tonnant, and Sagittaire; nor the Eaperiment,
Wallace's ship. Wallace and his lady are aboard the Sagittaire.
They hear from France that Sir P. Parker's squadron has taken
the Alcmena, one of the frigates that D'Estaigne left with the
French ships coming to Europe, besides 6 or 7 ships of that
squadon, and that the Fier, a 50, of the same squadron, had got
into Martinique.
10th.-Called on M! Livius, Devonshire Street, and crossed
through the fields, back of Bedford and Montague Houses, to
Percy Street, and so to High Street, Marybone. I endeavour
to walk 3 or 4 miles every day if there is time enough in the
day without rain: and altho' I must expect the infirmities of
age to increase, yet, by joining temperance to moderate exercise,
we have room to hope for a mitigation. (Two Chandlers and
Bliss.)
11th.-Called this morning, as I walked into the city, upon
Mº Thom. Bernard, Lincoln's Inn, who gave me a more par-
ticular account of his father's last sickness and death than I
had ever heard before. For near two months before he died,
a dropsy had added itself to his other complaints, and for
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 319
|
several of the last weeks the Physicians apprehended the
water would rise to his lungs, and immediately stop the use
of them.
He was best stocked with anecdotes of any man I knew, and
fond of communicating them, which he could do with a good
grace. When he had so little use of his reason as scarcely to
distinguish his own children, he would tell one of his stories as
he lay in bed, not forgetting any circumstance, with the same
propriety of modulation of voice in the several parts, as he used
to when well. About a week before he died he was seized with
an epileptick fit, more violent and lasting than any he had had
before, and being looked upon as near his end, his son Thom.
was sent for from London. When he came down he endeavoured
to rouze his father, and he had reason enough to say, “Are
you come? Well, I will get up and come down presently.” A
few minutes before he died, being bewildered, he ſancied him-
Self on the water, and in some dangerous place, and said with
his usual tone of voice,—“Never fear: if you will but have
patience, I don't doubt we shall get safe through ; but take care
how you ever get into such a scrape again.” A convulsion
presently came on, and his children were obliged to lay hold of
him, to prevent his throwing himself out of bed, the water rose
in his stomach as they apprehended, and he died in their
8, TIOS.
Mauduit, in the evening, brings intelligence that the Jamaica
packet is arrived: confirms Hyde Parker's having taken the
French convoy, with which there were no men-of-war, but six
large ships, with their lower deck guns in the hold, served as a
convoy, and were intended, after unlading, to be completely
fitted as ships of war. No news of the return of D'Estaigne's
ships any”
Letters also, from the Commander of Cooke's ships at
Kamskatka, dated in June, giving an account of Cooke's, and
three off four more, being killed on a new discovered island
in Laº. 22,-of their having attempted discovery northward
without success, but of their intention notw"standing, to
make a further trial the past summer.
/ * The end of the sentence is wanting.
/
320 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
The singular account of the last moments of Sir Francis Bernard,
as related above, can scarcely be allowed to pass without some
remark; and the news of the death of Captain Cook, only just
then arrived in England, cannot fail to arrest our attention for a
moment. The boy James Cook, born in 1724, son of a poor
Cottager, followed the plough till he was thirteen years of age ;
was bound apprentice to a grocer when seventeen, but sighing for
a sea life, he engaged with a ship owner at Whitby, and sailed
in a collier in the year 1746. He continued in the coal trade until
1753, when he got appointed to the Eagle, and entered the Royal
navy: he received a Lieutenant's commission in 1760,-applied his
active mind to the study of mathematics and navigation,--was
raised to the rank of Captain of the Endeavour, when an expedition
was organised to proceed to Otaheite for the purpose of observing a
transit of Venus in 1769, and he sailed down the river Thames
accompanied by Sir Joseph Bankes, Dr. Solander, and Mr. Green :
and after having accomplished this object, he proceeded to
prosecute a series of explorations and discoveries in the Pacific
Ocean, so that he did not return to England till June 1771. In
April 1772, he embarked on board the Resolution, accompanied by
the Adventure, Captain Furneaux, to try and penetrate the ice
fields in the Antarctic regions, and returned to England in July
1774. In July 1776, he again set sail, at first attempting the
often tried “North-west Passage,” where, being foiled by the ice,
he once more steered for the Pacific ; and having an unfortunate
altercation with the natives at Owyhee, he was there killed on the
14th of February, 1779. He was a remarkable instance of natural
genius, improved by self-culture.
The minute particulars attending the death of Sir Francis
Bernard, as given by his son to Governor Hutchinson, are
sufficiently noteworthy by their authenticity, if not by their
singularity, to make us pause at this place. Pardonably curious,
(as I hope), to know more of the family so often mentioned in the
Diary, I consider myself fortunate in being able to draft into
these pages the following brief account of it; [for which account I
am indebted to Mrs. Napier Higgins, sole surviving child of the
last Baronet.]

“Sir Francis Bernard came of an ancient Northamptonshire
family; his grandfather was first cousin of Sir Robert Bernard, the
father of Sir John Bernard, M.P. for Huntingdon, in the Long
Parliament, whose name is so often met with in the history of the
Commonwealth. Sir Francis was born in 1712,-was *
1780
ºl DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 321
at Christ Church, Oxford,” and was called to the Bar, where his
position was good enough to procure him election as a Bencher of
the Middle Temple. He married a niece of Lord Barrington.
“His original Colonial appointment was to the Government of
New Jersey in 1758. The Earl of Halifax, then First Lord of
Trade, appointed him at the request of Lord Barrington. In 1760,
he was appointed to the government of Massachusetts Bay, which
extended from the 42nd to the 46th degree of Latitude. Its
inhabitants then numbered about 250,000. On arriving in the
Colony, one of his earliest public acts was to extend the foundations
and usefulness of Harvard College, in which he continued to take
a great interest. He entered with great spirit on the duties of
his office, and remained Governor for nine years, during the first
five of which he was extremely popular. In February 1762, the
House of Assembly unanimously passed a resolution for granting
to him the island of Mount Desert, as an acknowledgment of his
public services, and this was sanctioned by the Home government.
However, in 1763, orders were addressed by Lord Egremont and
the Lords of Trade to the Governors of the American Colonies,
requiring them to carry into strict execution the laws of trade,
and notifying that enlarged authority had been delegated to the
Commanders of the King's ships stationed in America, to seize all
vessels concerned in any prohibited commerce. The published
letters of Governor Bernard, shew that he regarded the policy
shewn in these orders to be unwise and injurious, both to English
and colonial interests. His expostulations were without effect.
“Before his return to England in 1769, George III. created him
a Baronet, and ordered the expense of the Patent to be paid out of
his Privy Purse. He arrived in England in August of that year,
where he was extremely well received, not only by his Sovereign
and the Government of the day, but by many of the leading
public men of both the great parties in the State. Not long after-
wards he had the good fortune to succeed to an estate in Bucking-
hamshire, called Nether Winchendon, which is sometimes referred
to in the preceding pages.f While he was still Governor, he gave
the name of Winchendon to a small town which is still known by
the name in Massachusetts. His estates in the Province, which
* This may serve to recall the conversation that took place Jan. 8, 1780,
between the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Governor, when the latter
dined at Lambeth Palace. The Archbishop (Cornwallis) spoke of Sir F.
Bernard positively as of Cambridge, but Mr. H. thought he was of Ch. Ch.
Oxford. The Archbishop was labouring under a false impression.
f Vol. i. pp. 194, 249.
WOIL. II. Y
322 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. L.;
were large, were confiscated by the State of Massachusetts Ap. 30,
1779, and his son and immediate successor, Sir John Bernard, re-
ceived as compensation, a grant from Parliament of a considerable
sum of money. There used to be, and probably still is, at Christ
Church, Oxford, a portrait of Sir Francis Bernard, by Copley.
“Owing to the state of his health he resided for the last few
years of his life at the Prebendal, near Aylesbury, where he died.
A Memoir of Sir Francis, and also his Letters, have been printed,
but it is now difficult to procure them.
“Two of his sons were men of considerable mark. After the
death of Sir John, Sir Thomas, the next son, succeeded to the title.
He was very well known in the earlier part of the present century as
a philanthropist, and many of the philanthropic movements of that
time were originated or promoted by his efforts. He wrote many
pamphlets on such subjects, and is mentioned in the Memoirs of
Sidney Smith as the first person of consequence in London who took
him by the hand, and to whom the witty Divine owed his appoint-
ment of Preacher at the Foundling Hospital. In his writings will
be found numerous suggestions for improving the condition of
working people, which have since been carried into effect. An
interesting Life of this gentleman was published by Murray in
1819. On his death without issue, his brother Scrope, who on his
marriage had assumed the name of Morland, succeeded to the
Baronetcy. He sat as Member for Aylesbury and St. Mawes m
several Parliaments, and for many years was Under-Secretary of
State for the Home Department. The last member of the family
who succeeded to the Baronetcy was Sir Thomas Tyringham
Bernard, who continued the family name, and dropped the name
of Morland. He was M.P. for Aylesbury in two Parliaments, and
died in 1883, in his ninety-second year.”
He left no son living, and therefore the Baronetcy became
extinct; but the estate of Nether Winchendon passed to his only
surviving daughter Mrs. Napier Higgins, who has recently
published the first two volumes of a work called—The Women of
Europe in the 15th and 16th Centuries. Two daughters of the
Governor were successful authors. One of them, Mrs. King,
(daughter Fanny), a contemporary of Hannah More, wrote a book
called—Female Scripture Characters, which went through twelve
Editions during the first quarter of the present century. It was
mentioned in one of the Obituary Notices of the late Sir T. T.
Bernard as a curious fact, that on the day of his death in May
1883, 154 years after his grandfather Governor Bernard was
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 323
elected a Westminister student of Christ Church, Oxford, his own
and only grandson, Mr. Francis Tyringham Higgins, obtained the
same studentship at the same College.
The following extracts from the printed Memoirs of Sir
Francis Bernard, page 39, will corroborate several of the remarks
made above:–
“In February 1762, the Assembly passed a unanimous resolution
—‘That, in consideration of the extraordinary services of His
Excellency Governor Bernard, there be granted to him, his heirs
and assigns, the Island of Mount Desert, lying on the north-
eastward of Penobscot Bay, and that a Grant thereof, to be laid
before His Majesty for his approbation, be signed by the Secretary
and Speaker, on behalf of the two Houses.’
“Of this, the Lords of Trade expressed their approbation in the
following terms—“We can have no objection to your acceptance of
this grant, as a testimony of the approbation and favor of that
Province, in whose service, and in the conduct of whose affairs, you
have manifested such zeal and capacity.” -
“The Island was of considerable value; and perhaps it may not
be going too far to state, it was a mere voluntary expression of
good will, it having been partly intended as a recompence for some
expenses which the Governor had incurred in improving the
provincial buildings at the Castle, and in some public commissions.
But whether it was to be deemed a gift, or a compensation, made
little difference: in every event, it marked distinctly and decisively
the popularity that attended his administration.
“A title to unappropriated lands, derived originally from the
people and their representatives, approved by Administration, and
ultimately ratified by the Sovereign, appeared in itself sufficiently
unimpeachable. It could hardly have occurred at that time to a
speculating mind, that the subsequent events respecting that title,
were possible; that the situation of Governor Bernard should
oblige him to sacrifice his popularity, to his duty and his integrity;
that eventually, the very people which had made the grant,
should, by a special act of their newly created State, confiscate this
with his other property; and that, when Britain, (in whose cause
the sacrifice had been made,) had provided relief for the other
sufferers by the American troubles, in most cases with liberality,
this, by the decision of the Board of American Claims, and
under a total oblivion of the cause of forfeiture, should be one of
...” from the Lords of Trade to Governor Bernard, dated May 21,
Y 2
324 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...;
the few instances in which relief and compensation had been
denied.”
At page 42 we read:—
“Upon the death of Chief Justice Sewall in 1761, Lieutenant
Governor Hutchinson had been the first who had applied to the
Government for the appointment: the assurance of it was hardly
given to Mr. Hutchinson, when Mr. Otis attended on behalf of his
father,” (a lawyer of eminence and character, and one of the Board
of Council, but not in general friendly to Government,) claiming a
promise made by Governor Shirley, one of Governor Bernard's
predecessors, that Mr. Otis, the father, should be appointed to the
Bench on the first vacancy. Governor Bernard did not feel it to be
either in his power or inclination to forego the word which he had
given, and Mr. Hutchinson was appointed; whereupon Mr. Otis
resigned his office of Advocate-General, and declared perpetual
hostility to the Governor's administration; an hostility which he
continued for several years, not only with talents, but so far as
warmth of temper did not mislead, with candour and liberality.”
12th.—I had a very cold walk this morning to Mº Strahan's
in New Street, Fleet Market. He read me a copy of a letter
he had wrote to Dº Franklin, advising, that he, Strahan, had it
from undoubted authority, that John Adams had been vested
with secret powers by Congress to treat upon terms of accom-
modation with Great Britain: that he hoped F. would upon
this occasion think what a dishonour, &c., it would reflect
upon him to have such a negotiation carried on by another
than himself: that he might put the greatest confidence in
Strahan in communicating what should occur as proper to be
done upon such an occasion : that he hoped for an answer to
this letter: that even that sacred regard which he had to his
IMajesty, &c., should not tempt him to make any use of what
he, F., should write, so has to do him any prejudice.
There was a Moravian Clergyman in the room when Strahan
read the letter. At once hearing, I could not retain the words,
but I have minuted the substance. I accounted for the strong
attachm" to Franklin's person, by supposing he might have a
licence tacitly, at least, from [blank] but his imprudence in
* This subject is alluded to in vol. i. p. 65.
#, 1780
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 325
suffering anybody besides himself to know he had written such
a letter is unaccountable.”
13th. A very cold day. This weather affects my son
Billy: his complaints increase, and the great discharge from
his lungs enfeebles him, and he loses ground daily. [Here
follow a few remarks in shorthand referring to money trans-
actions.]
14th.-I called at Lord Hillsborough's, where I met Lord
Cranborne. Long conversation upon the state of affairs in
general, and American in particular. Lord Cranborne said
little. Lord H. seemed apprehensive of trouble from the new
Associations;–expected they would form Committees of Cor-
respondence, and may-be furnish themselves with arms, as
they had done in Ireland. -
Strahan, Maseres, Mauduit, Galloway, Livius, T. Bernard,
dined. -
Mr. Stanley died suddenly on the 12th., at Lord Spencer's.
15th.-In the city. A West India Dutchman, said to be
from St. Eustatia, informed Cap. Paisley that Hyde Parker had
met with La Motte Piquet returning from Georgia, and had
taken five or six of the men-of-war, besides transports. Some
believe this, but most people do not.
My two sons, and families, [at dinner.]
16th.-At D* Kippis's.
D* Oliver, wife, Chandler, Danforth, Bliss.
It was said at dinner that the Dutchman's news "gains
ground. Stocks do not lose ground.
Rodney said to be spoke with the 6th Inst' off Cape
Finisterre. - -
17th.-In the city. Stocks still rather rising, though it is
now the time for the first payment of the subscription to the
Loan for the next year. The extraordinary success of the
* William Strahan served his time as a printer in his native town of
Edinburgh, and afterwards removed to London. In 1770 he bought a share
in the patent place of King's Printer. By good conduct he prospered, and
sat in Parliament in 1775. He was the friend of literary men, with whom
he had naturally been much associated. He was disposed to recommend
Dr. Johnson to the good graces of Lord North, as a step to Parliament, but
the whole project did not take effect. Strahan died in 1785, aged 70. -
326 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
British ships in coming home safe from all parts causes money
to be plenty, beyond all expectation.
18th–Observed as the Queen's Birthday. I was not at
Court, being low in spirits.
Dined at M* Knox's, where I first heard, to my great
surprise, that Mº Stanley, after eating a hearty breakfast,
having left upon his table at Lord Spencer's, letters to his
servants to make provision for his reception at home a day
or two after, took a solitary walk into the woods, and soon
after was found with his throat cut by his penknife, lying
upon the ground dead or dying. He might have lain some
time undiscovered if his groans had not been heard by a
person not very far from him. His father died in the same
Iſla]]]].62]'.
No man's general character was more unexceptional than Mº
Stanley's. Religion I don’t bring into consideration, because
the want of it is no blemish in the present day. His letters,
when he was sent to France to negotiate the last peace, are
said to do him honour, and his whole conduct was approved.
He seldom spoke in Parliament. I am obliged to him for
once censuring one of the Opposition for abusing me when it
was not in my power to answer him, and make my defence.
In private company he was rather reserved, and spake with
caution, and always pertinent. I spent some days two or three
years ago with him at M Ellis's, Tylney Hall. He was
exceeding regular and exact in his behaviour. I think he
never laughed—don't remember he smiled; loved to talk of
classical literature. It is said he was a very good scholar,
and that he has left an elegant translation of Pindar in
manuscript.
After all this, strange that such a man should be impatient
to die! I think he would have been less likely if he had
married and had a family he could reputably live with and
delight in ; but he chose to live a batchelor, occupied a
large house in Privy Gardens, joining to Lord Loudoun's; a
fine sight [site?] at Palton [?]; another at the Isle of Wight;
and yet spent great part of his time from home; and when
at home in town, commonly dined at an hotel: left one
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 327
natural son at Winchester School: suffered his family to
be extinct. But this is the vitiated detestable taste of the
present age. t
He had an estate of 1500£ p ann., the Manor of Chelsea,
which he has given to Lord Cadogan, great-grandson of Sir
Hans Sloane, by one of his daughters, Mº Stanley being grand-
son by another: the residue of his real estate, about 2500£
p annum, between his two sisters, M* Ellis and Mrs D'Oyly,
and upon their death without children, each being too old to
expect any, 500£ p ann. to each of their husbands for life, and
the reversion of the whole to Mº Sloane : legacy of 3000£ to
his natural son, besides other legacies.
M* Knox observed that England never had been upon the
eve of so many important events as at present. He referred I
suppose to Rodney's fleet—to Clinton's attempt upon Virginia
and Carolina—and to Hyde Parker in the West Indies.
19th.-In the city. Ordered my Broker to purchase 3000£
Navy Bills, a year old next month, at 4% discount, if paid in a
year. This will give an interest of between 7 and 8 p cº.
20th.-Cold N. wind and sleet most of the day. I kept
within. Mauduit called in the evening. Conversation upon
Lee, one of the Aldermen, who has been near two years abroad,
employed at different Courts, engaged in behalf of revolted
America, and yet he has continued Alderman, until, a few days
ago he sent his resignation. Another Alderman, Woolridge,
is of so infamous a character, that when Maseres dined with the
Aldermen, &c., being then Deputy Recorder, and hapned to
sit next to Woolridge, One of the Common Council called out—
“M” Maseres! how can you sit by so infamous a fellow 2 He
is one of the most notorious swindlers in all London. Besides
having been two or three times bankrupt, and known to be
insolvent when he was chosen Alderman, he has been guilty of
the grossest frauds in a great number of instances; for any one
of which, if he had been indicted, he would have been sentenced
to labour on board the Justitia, Hulk l’”
Mauduit mentioned a number—but one very singular. When
a bankrupt, he prevailed with the Assignees to suffer his
furniture to remain, upon giving security it should be paid for,
328 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
at the rate it was appraised. Soon after, he sent for a Broker,
and desired him to make sale of it. The Broker thanked him,
and came a day or two after to take the goods and prepare for
the sale. Woolridge appointed a time at a short distance, not
being able to attend it sooner, but observed to the Broker, that
it would be a convenience if he could advance £300, which the
goods would reimburse in two or three days. The Broker gave
an order on his Banker for £300, w” Woolridge received
immediately. When the Broker came to sell the goods they
were all gone. Thus, not only the Broker was cheated of his
300%, but the Bondsmen to the Assignees were obliged to pay
the 8004. The Broker bro't an action against him immediately.
Soon after came on the Election of Recorder. Mº Adair applied
to Woolridge for his vote. He did not deny it, nor absolutely
promise it. Adair followed him close, when he opened him-
self and said he was so harrassed with the suit of the Broker,
that he could give no answer: he could not tell whether he
should be at liberty to vote any way: but if he could be freed
from that embarrassment, he would vote for Mº Adair. Two or
three of Adair's friends, who knew how necessary Woolridge's
vote would be, paid the 300% to the Broker, and Adair was
chose by a majority of one only, and Woolridge for that time
was saved from the Justitia.
21st.—In the city. Made a purchase of 3000£ Navy Bills,
dated in February last.
An account of Sir G. Rodney's having fallen in with a
Spanish 64 gun ship, five frigates, and 19 store-ships and
victuallers on the 7 Jan', Lat. 42, and taking all but one of the
store-ships or victuallers: that the store-ships he had ordered
to England—the provision vessels he had taken with him.
The account is not doubted, but it is not come officially; but a
person who was in the action is said to have arrived, and being
examined at the Admiralty.
A vessel from St. Kitts with letters to 21 Nov. confirms
Parker's taking the victuallers, &c., but blasts the hopes of all
who had any from the Dutch vessel. The fleet, however, was
then upon a cruise. -
Flucker seized with a bleeding at the nose on the 19*, and
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 329
said to have lost a gallon of blood before it could be stop'd.
Surg. Hunter told him if the vein had not burst as it did, he
would soon have died. He is better, but weak with the loss of
blood.
Wrote to Judge Browne at Cowbridge.
22nd.—A very cold day. At Brompton, called on Flucker,
who lost more than a gallon of blood, and is feeble.
At Lord H 's. I lent him my MS. History of Mass”
Bay, which he has been reading in the holidays at Richmond.
He flatters me upon the candour which he says he discovers in
it, and excused his not returning it, Lady Grey desiring to go
through it.
In conversation I mentioned my surprise at Mº Stanley's
catastrophe, and dwelt some time upon it, and never thought,
until I came home, of his brother Charles, who died just in the
same way. I then recollected, or fancied, that he was in some
degree of confusion, and was very sorry that I had said any-
thing upon the subject.”
E. H. and wife, Dº O. and wife, Mº Clarke, and Startin.
23rd.—At Prince's Street;-Dº Kippis. Very cold and very
I’8,W.
Dined at Sir R. Sutton's;–Galloway and daughter, Mº Kay
and wife, Knox, Mauduit, Maseres.
The Spaniards declared against England in June last. In
the Spanish packet which was taken by a N. York privateer,
and sent home to Government, there was a letter from the Gov"
of Guatimala to the Gov" of Havana, in which he writes that
pursuant to the orders he had recº from the King, dated in
March, he should stop the Register ships from going to Spain :
should endeavour to engage the Mosketo Indians, &c. Knox
thinks this an instance of the perfidy of the Court of Spain,
who at that time was a mediator between England and
France: but it may perhaps be considered as no more than a
necessary precaution, from the desperate state of that mediation,
and the approaching breach with England, which Spain
* When you are in general society, never reflect on those who have been
hanged, for you know not whose toes you may tread upon : and never speak
of your Pedigree or your Coat-Armour, for there may be those within hearing
who never had either. -
830 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [º.
foresaw their engagements with France would force upon
them.* .
24th.--Dº Chandler and Bliss. - :
People are in pain for S. G. Rodney's prizes, one only, wºn
separated from the rest the 9” instant, having got in. Cold N.
wind.
25th.-House of Commons met yesterday. Lord G. Gordon
behaved like a madman.f He would read a pamphlet of more
than 100 pages upon Irish affairs, the Opposition themselves
condemning his behaviour. The Members, instead of turning
him out or silencing him, left the House themselves. He
divided the House upon his absurd motion—he only on one
side, and 39, being just enough to make a House, on the
other.
My catarrhish disorder and deflexion upon my breast, has
been very troublesome last night and this forenoon. Very cold,
but I took my walk in the morning.
26th.-A sleet in the air all day, and disagreeable cold. In
the evening Mauduit from the city: says a letter from Plimouth
takes notice of the arrival of the Pearl, and that the rest of
Rodney's prizes are in the offing. A vessel from N. York on
Lloyd's book. I recº a letter from Paxton at Reading, and
answered it.
27th.-A black cold day. My son Billy laments the cold,
which he thinks makes his distemper to increase with rapidity.
He sinks daily, and is unable to go up to his chamber without
resting.
Reports, but uncertain, about Rodney's ships. Some people
are anxious at their not arriving.
There's an account in the Morn. Chronicle of an uncommon
degree of cold at Edinburgh. On the 13" of this month
Farenheit's thermometer at a high window to the north at one
o'clock, was at 6 degrees above 0. In five hours after sunk to
0. Laid on the snow it sunk 14 deg. below 0. Thursday
evening [the 20th.] in the first exposure it was at 0. Every
* The Governor was always ready to put the best construction upon
doubtful appearances.
f Beginning of the “Gordon Riots.”
ſº
#, DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 331
two hours that night observations were made by two ther-
mometers on the snow, and two in the open air. The two last
sunk to 14 degrees, and the two first 23 degrees below 0.
28th.—A dull day. My youngest son sinks fast—not able
to come down to-day, as he has done from the beginning of his
illness.
29th.-Still easterly—moist, and yet very cold weather.
Dined at Mr Strahan's, where were Lord Westcote, Sir G.
Cooper, M. Jackson of Admiralty, &c.—but a terrible cold
drawing-room.
30th-High east wind to-night—dry, and very cold this
morning. My son a more easy night and day than for some
time. - -
Chand., Bliss, E. H., D. O., and wives, S. O. [Sylvester
Oliver.] -
31st.—My nerves much disordered last night: pulse quick, .
and I feared a fever begun. Kept house to-day, and am
tolerably well. -
Colº Putnam called on me: arrived Saturday night, [it was
now Monday], from N. York with his wife, and daughter of 11
yº old. He is in doubt whether Clinton sailed the day he
came out, Dec. 23". On the 25 at night, a storm at N.E.-
wind W. the next morning. If Clinton was out, he says it
would be a fair wind. They met w" no other damage than
the loss of some of their stock upon deck.
The Sixth Volume of the Diary here ends—conterminous with
the month of January 1780. The Governor had but four months
more to live, so that the next and last volume contains but
comparatively few entries—the greater portion of its pages being
blank. The rapid progress of William's or Billy's chest complaint,
which the sharp air of the winter season was accelerating, together
with his death and burial in February, seemed to do much to
complete the wreck of his father's constitution, which the troubles
and anxieties of the times had already enfeebled.
The vagaries of Lord George Gordon, which were now beginning
to display themselves before the astonished world, could scarcely
do much mischief in Parliament—first, because he was only one
individual amongst a great many better men than himself; and
332 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Secondly, because he was too mad and outrageous to be listened to.
To be listened to, an unreasonable demagogue must at all events
put on the semblance of reason. In this case there was no attempt
at anything of the sort. Hence the extraordinary division which
he forced upon the House on the 24 of January—himself alone
Supporting the motion, and every one else against it. Whether
such a division had ever taken place in the English House of
Commons before, or whether it ever has since, deponent knoweth not,
but it is sufficiently rare to make a note of. In that day the qualifi-
Cation for the exercise of the Franchise was very different from
what it has been since; yet it may be asked with reason, whether
the then Duke of Richmond was less mad than Lord George, seeing
that, at the very time when a mob of roughs, amounting to a number,
variously stated at from 40 to 100 thousand, were besieging the
Houses of Parliament, insulting and endangering the lives of those
members who tried to get either in or out, he was occupied in
introducing a measure for promoting greater liberty for the
subject, and was advising the House to “admit to a right of
suffrage every man of full age, and not disqualified by law.” But
even as the “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,” so warmly
advocated by Egalité soon recoiled upon his own head by cutting
it off, so “This wild scheme of popular reform,” as Adolphus
writes, iii. 256, “met with a practical rebuke in the moment of
its projection. Before the sitting of the House, the mob, occupying
all the passes to Palace Yard, rendered the approach difficult even
to their favourities, but those who had not acquired this disgraceful
distinction were robbed, beaten, and even threatened with the loss
of their lives. The mob were prevented from rushing into the
House by the activity and resolution of the doorkeepers alone:
several Peers exhibited, on their entrance, incontestable proofs of
the indignities they had sustained, and stated to the chair the
danger of other members, while the Duke of Richmond, in the
genuine zeal of reform, complained of the interruption of his
harrangue, and seemed to consider his speech of more importance
than the lives of Lord Boston and the Bishop of Lincoln, who were
at that moment declared to be in the hands of the rabble.”
Lord George Gordon was embroiled in religious controversy, but
his Grace was descanting on political freedom. Universal suffrage
may be a very fine theory to captivate the shallow, and is put
forward upon the principle so strongly contended for in the
American Declaration of Independence, where we are told that “all
men are born equal,” which they certainly are not, for no two men
are alike either in physical frame or mental power: but even
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 333
conceding that they are much alike at birth, simply as being the
children of other men, they soon shew how different they are from
one another when their faculties begin to develope themselves. If
however, there is any person living who thinks that all men are
alike, let him make the experiment by committing the management
of his affairs to the care of the first so-called man of twenty-one
whom he may chance to meet in the city of London on Lord
Mayor's Day, (being careful to ask his age), or upon the Race
Course on Derby Day, or Rag Fair, or the Rookery; and then he
will find out that all men are not alike, either in temper, tempera-
ment, capacity, or moral principle : and yet, though no man in his
senses would entrust his own little affairs to any except to those
in whose knowledge, skill, or integrity he had some confidence,
these theorists would hand over the more important affairs of the
nation to the dangerous manipulation of all classes of men alike.
But as the uneducated and the debased far outnumber the culti-
vated and the honest in every country, the principle of Universal
Suffrage is the principle of putting the control of the national
welfare into the hands of the most ignorant portion of the
population; or, in other words, it is to outweigh the influence of
the instructed and the best qualified, by the evil preponderance of
those who are the least capable of being useful to the State. As
the majority rule the whole community, it is the largest and the
worst half that rules the best. Where the experiment has been
tried, it has been found necessary, for the absolute safety of the
kingdom, that a vigilant police espionage should be exercised, with
a strong repressive power, lest the largest, strongest, and least
competent half should run the Ship of the State upon the rocks,
and wreck the others. If the Franchise could be extended upwards
to the clearer waters of intelligence, where knowledge, the
responsibilities of property, and intellectual culture chiefly pre-
Vail, the further it could be extended the better; but as the best
men are already secured, it can only be extended by going down-
wards to the dregs. If the lower orders could be so far improved
as that there could be an educational test instead of a property
test applied to them, they could then be entrusted with a great
privilege; but in the absence of this security, no statesman would
proceed downwards without the greatest caution to a class, whose
chief idea of the value of a Vote, consists in how many pints of
beer they can sell it for. A crafty and an unprincipled Minister
might do so; but I draw a strong line of demarcation between the
Statesman and the Minister, for a man may be a Minister but no
Statesman. An unprincipled Minister might do so to serve his own
334 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
selfish ends, absorbed in securing the votes of the ignorant,
knowing that the votes of “Beer-and-tobacco men,” if they can be
obtained, count up to him just as much as the votes of their betters,
and can be more easily gained by specious arguments, which would
not dupe higher-grade citizens. Such a Minister is no Statesman.
He would sacrifice the common interests of his country and of his
countrymen, so long as he could obtain the advantage of his own
present emoluments.
On one of the fly-leaves at the end of the sixth volume of the
Diary, which we have now just finished, the Governor has jotted
down a number of extracts from Books that he had been reading:
and amongst others the following from Selden's Table Talk, con-
taining some remarks on parliamentary representation, apposite
to the train of thought I have indulged in above. Selden says—
“All are involved in a Parliament. All men once had a voice
in chusing Knights. In Hen. 6th time they found the inconveni-
ence. One Parliament made a law that all under 40/. rent p ann.
should be excluded from a voice. They made the law who had
been chosen by all, as well under 40/. as above. All consent
civilly in a Parliament:—
“Women are involved in the men:
Children in those of perfect age :
Those under 40/. in those above:
Those above in the Knights.”
The Gordon Riots had not burst forth as yet, but they were
looming at no great distance. The ebullitions that had hitherto
manifested themselves were only the harbingers of a grander dis-
play, soon to set London in a flame.
;] - ( 335 )
CHAPTER WITI.
BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTH VOLUME OF THE DIARY.
February 1st, 1780–The prospect of returning to America
and laying my bones in the land of my forefathers for four
preceding generations—and if I add the mother" of W. H. it
will make five—is less than it has ever been. God grant me a
composed mind, submissive to his will; and may I be thankful
that I am not reduced to those straits, which many others who
are banished are, and have been.
In the city to-day, but no fresh intelligence.
2nd.—Some abatement of a long spell of very cold weather,
and the sun has shewn itself part of the day. Wind keeps still
to the north. It is said that the whole of a fleet of near 100
sail to Ireland and England are arrived from New York.
3rd.—My Banker in the city says they have advice that the
siege of Gibraltar is raised, and that the Spaniards have lost
3000 men by sickness. I don't find it to be depended on.
The Petitions and Associations forming by enterprising men
in so many counties for reducing salaries and pensions have a
threatening aspect, and some fear great coufusions from them.
Stocks, under all discouragements, rise rather than fall. Bank
Stock this time last year at 106, now 113.
* When William and Anne went to America in 1634, they took William's
widowed mother with them. . . The Governor, in his writings, nowhere
mentions her name, and probably did not know it. In the First Covenant
of the First Church of Boston, however, there are lists of the Members ad-
mitted. After William and his wife, and most of his children, come the
Wheelwrights, and his mother. The entry is this—“12th of 4th moneth.
John Wheelwright, and Marie his wife. Susanne Hutchinson, widdowe.”
This Susanne appears to be the name for which I had been long looking, and
is “the mother of W. H.” mentioned above. The name is either Susanne
or Susanna. -
336 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
4th–General National Fast:-a day which for several
years has been observed in London more strictly by attend-
ance on public worship, and forbear” of all business than
any other day set apart for the purposes of religion. It
being the pleasantest day for some days past abroad, I was
more afraid of the churches, where the dampness and cold
within was more sensible than if the weather had continued
cold.
My Son Billy, just after he was in bed last night, coughed
and spat much blood, which greatly alarmed and distressed him,
and causes him wholly to despair of recovery.
5th.-Walked to Lambeth to call on D" Lort, the Abp.’s
Chaplain, but lost my labour, he being from home.
Dined in the city to-day at Mauduit's—Sir R. Sutton,
Maseres, Dº Watson, Kay, and Galloway.
Mº Mackenzie called; on me in the forenoon—conversation
about General Howe, who married Lord Strafford's niece; and
I think M. Mackenzie's lady is of the same family. He con-
demns the Howes—says there is no accounting for their
conduct. I thought they all along flattered themselves they
should be able to effect a conciliation, and therefore never
pursued the rebels to that length they otherwise would have
done.” That they might fancy, he said, at first, but it was not
possible after two y” experience. They might prolong the war,
he sometimes thought, for the sake of enriching themselves.
The General, he said, certainly lived in a different state from
what he had ever done before: his friends however, gave out
that he had made nothing. Lord Strafford, he said, enquired
of Byng, an high Opposition man, who married another of
Lord Strafford's nieces. Byng said he had made very little—
not above five thousand pounds. This, Mº Mackenzie observed,
was too insignificant a sum to enable him to change his state of
living as he had done.
6th.-Old Jewry.
* Those who attentively consider the course of the war after the Battle
of Brooklyn, or even after Bunker Hill, must feel that General Howe gave
America to the Americans. There are two ways in which a General can
deal with an opponent:—one is, to fight him : the other is, to pretend to
fight him.
}}] 1780.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 837
Peter Oliver, son to the late L' Governor,” called on me :--
just arrived in town from N. York: sailed with the fleet the
23rd December : storm came on the 25" : the 26" saw a ship
they took to be the Solebay, having carried away her main and
mizen top masts, and they judged the head of her main mast.
The Solebay is not yet arrived.
A newspaper from N. York, of Dec. 15", contains an Act of
the new State, confiscating the estates of a great number of
persons, beginning with Lord Dunmore, their former Governor;
Tryon, their last Governor; and goes on with Watts, and four
or five more of the Council, and a great number of others; and
concludes w” Sir Henry Clinton, and banishes them all upon
pain of death.
Doctor Cooper, late Pres' of the College at N. York, now an
Fpisc. Clergyman at one of the Chapels in Edinburgh, called
O]] In 162.
7th. A prospect of more moderate weather : wind Westerly,
and sunshine without frost. My son seeing the sun pleasant,
wished to go into the coach, but I discouraged him, the air not
being warm, and his distemper has advanced too far to leave
any room to hope for relief from any means now to be used.
8th, Mº Thompsonſ (Lord George's,) called, and among
other things mentioned that he had a great curiosity to shew
me—but I was not to speak of it—all Gov. Pownall's and
Doctor Franklin's correspond" with T). Cooper of Boston, and
then related the particulars. I shewed him the extract I had
made from one of Franklin's letters, and mentioned another
which he said he well remembered. He said he had copied
them all over, and made a present of the originals to the Ring,
who was vastly pleased with them. I thanked him, and said
* By the second wife Mary Sanford; born Sep. 17, 1740. He married,
but other particulars are Wanting.
f This is the same person apparently with Count Rumford.
1 On one of the fly-leaves at the end of the sixth volume of his 1)iary,
the Governor has copied off part of one of Franklin’s letters, and bossibly
from the batch alluded to above. It is dated July 7, 1773, and one passage
which speaks of Mr. Hutchinson's missing letters, runs thus—
“The Letters might be shewn, even to some of the Governor's and
Juicutenant-Governor's partizans, and spoken of to everybody, for there was
mo restraint proposed to talking of them, but only to copying. And possibly,
as distant objects, seen only through a mist, appear larger, the same may
WOL. II. Z
338 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
I should like to look over them, but I had seen them, and
taken a cursory view of them. Dº Jeffries lent them to me
upon a promise to return them. One of Franklin's letters in "
1770, in which he declares his opinion upon the constitutional
Independence of the Colonies, and another, in which he gives
an account of my Letters, I copied, and returned all the
Originals.
I think Jeffries would have given them to me, if I had
desired it, but as Dº Cooper had left them with Jeffries's father
for security, and they came into the son's hands by some
accident, the father not intending they should, I scrupled
desiring the son to do a thing which I doubted whether he
could justify, unless some important purposes for the public
could be served by it. It is very extraordinary that he should
afterwards give them to Thompson, if he did do it. I remem-
ber to have heard that T. was more intimately acquainted with
M” Jeffries than with the Doctor. This is a curious anecdote.
Tranklin will not care who sees his letters, but Governor.
Pownall will think himself ill used if he should ever hear that
his private correspondence with Cooper for many years, has
been given to the King. -
I thought when I sat down to make this minute, that M T.
desired me not to mention anything about it, but I was under
a mistake—he spake of it without any reserve. It was another
matter he desired me not to mention. Speaking of the des-
perate measures of the Opposition, and of the backwardness of
happen from the mystery in this case. However this may be, the terms
given with them could only be those with which they were received. There
is still some chance of procuring more, and Some still more abominable.”
The following is the printed version of the same portion, as given in
I'ranklin’s Private Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 377, and the reader, if curious
to compare them, may learn that the same thing is not always exactly the
same. The printed version says—
“The letters might be shown, even to some of the Governor's and
Lieutenant-Governor's partizans, and spoken of to everybody; for there was
no restraint proposed to talking of them, but only to copying, However,
the terms given with them, could only be those with which they were
received.” The last sentence is omitted, as well as Some other parts.
The Governor’s conscientious scruples about taking the letters from young
Jeſújos, when he believed them to be within his reach, put his sense of
honout in a very proper light, N
N
Teb.
;I DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 339
the Ministry in prosecuting offences, and even in referring to
the Attorney and Solicitor General the consideration of the
Committees of Correspondence, he added, that the Head did
not want spirit—the King had said to Lord George [Germaine],
that if the people were determined to ruin the Constitution, it
might not be in his power to help it, but they should never
make him their prisoner.
“That expression,” I observed, “would admit of diff" con-
structions: the King might resolve to leave the Kingdom.”
“No,” says T., “he has said he would die a King.”
If this be a true account, which I have no reason to doubt
of, it shews that the King sees in a more serious light the
present violence of Opposition than people generally imagine
he does. It shews also that Lord G. is extremely incautious
in trusting such an amount of his conversation with the King
to a young man, especially as it is not possible they should
have lived so long together without Lord G.'s having discovered
that T. has not the faculty of retention. This brings to my
mind the conversation I had with Lº Polworth at Wimpole,
which I have minuted in October last.*
9th–A mild air, which I have taken as much benefit of as I
could, and hope we may expect a spell of moderate weather,
that by the blessing of God invalids from age, and the severity
of the weather, may recover some degree of health. -
10th.-General Prescot in town : the Solebay, in which he
was passenger, being arrived at Portsmouth dismasted.
A packet arrived from Lisbon. Detters mention a report of
an engagement between Rodney and a squadron of Span. ships,
several of which are said to be taken or destroyed. People
very much differ upon the degree of credit it deserves.
11th.-Gen. Gage, Mº Burch, and son, Flucker, Putnam,
Watts, and Chambellin of the Treasury, and Colº Bruce, dined
with me. -
The accº of Rodney's action seems to gain ground. Mr
Walpole has wrote to Lord Stormont that the Spanish Ambas-
sador at Lisbon had recº an acc" from Madrid that one of the
Spanish ships had blown up, and one had got into Cadiz, but
* Oct. 18, 1770.
Z 2
340 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
nothing said of any other. Other letters say that it was re-
ported in Lisbon one ship had blown [up]. Rodney had taken
six, and one escaped.
12th.-Account to-day of the arrival of the America and the
Pearl with the remainder of Rodney's prizes, which he did not
carry to Gibraltar. Sir James and Lady Wallace came to town
from Paris. He says the account there was that eleven Spanish
ships sailed from Ferol to join the rest at Cadiz.: that three
separated: that Rodney met the remaining eight near Cape
St. Mary: that upon one of the Span. ships of 74 guns blowing
up, the rest attempted to escape: that three did escape: five
were taken, two of which, having lost their masts, and being in
possession of the English, were so far in Cadiz bay, that a gale
of wind coming on, they could not work out, and ran into the
port to save their lives.
Some hope, as this is the French and Spanish account, we
may expect something more.
I dined with Mº Mackenzie-the company Lord Loudoun,
Lord Cassilis, Lord Drummond, Col. Charles Stuart, Frederick
Stuart, Lord Bute's son, Mº Woodford, Tod, and Sam. Martin,
besides M. Mackenzie’s lady, and M* Stuart.
13th.--Dº Kippis's. A raw, foggy, E. day.
The Gazette of last night gives M." Fitzherbert, Resid’ at
Brussels, his accº of Rodney's last action, as recº there, viz. –
that on the 16" of January he met with the Span. ships,
consisting of eight: three had separated in a storm some time
before, and no account where they were gone: of the eight, one
blew up, three were taken, viz., one of 80 guns, the other two
70 : the four remaining gat into Cadiz in a shattered condition.
Mr Fitzherbert gives the names of all the ships.
Dr Chandler, Bliss.
The particulars of Rodney's first captures, on the 9" [or 8"]
Jany are in the Gazette, the America and Pearl being arrived.”
* The historians of the day say that Rodney was despatched first, to
convoy transports to relieve Gibraltar, and then proceed to the West Indies:
that ion Juan de Lungara, the Spanish Admiral, tried to intercept this
supply with eleven men-of-war and two frigates: that three or four of his
number separated from him in a storm : that on the 8th of January Rodney
engaged and took a 64, four frigates, and two smaller armed vessels, with 15
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 341
14th.-It is said to-day that 5 sail of Spanish men-of-war
were in Algerisa Bay, near Gibraltar, and that there is room to
hope that Rodney may come up with them; but I think they
will get on to Cadiz, or run thro' the Cut of Gibraltar.
15th.-A vessel from Atigua brings intellegence of H. Parker
having taken 8 sail more of victuallers bound to Martinico.
Several of the N. York ships arrived at Portsmouth–T.
Goldthwait, Mº Domat and wife, &c., passengers.
16th.-My dear son declines faster than common in his
distemper, sensibly sinking from day to day, and the symptoms
of the last stage appear. At his desire Dº Chandler visited
him to-day, to whom he opened his mind with great freedom,
and the Doctor, who I trust has a serious sense of religion upon
his own mind, expressed a satisfaction at seeing so much of it
in my son, which he assured him that amidst the levities,
follies, and sins of youth, he never wholly lost sight of, and
from the beginning of his illness has kept in his mind.
To the mercy of God, the searcher of hearts, from whom no
secrets are hid, I desire to commit him.
17th.-But little abroad. Doctor C. again visited my son,
and prayers were made as for a person in extreme danger.
18th.-Still sinking . . . -
My own catarrh and cough have been very troublesome to-
day.
M. Domat called—from New York. He and many others
are arrived without any money, and in a most distressed state.
19th.-I sat by my son after his brothers and sister left him
this evening, until between 11 and 12, all this time, struggling
for life, and longing for his dissolution . . . He soon after fell
into a doze, and Waking, said he never was in so sweet a sleep
in his life . . .
20th-Soon after I rose I enquired of one of the servants if
merchantmen: that on the 16th, in another engagement, he took the Phoenior,
Flag-ship, 80, with Don Juan on board, and three other ships: that two
struck, but were driven to leeward, and one lost: that the San Domingo
blew up with all hands; and that, having relieved Gibraltar and Minorca, he
proceeded to the West Indies. Admiral Digby brought the prizes to England,
and took the Prothée, a French 64, and two store ships, on the Way.
342 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. T.
he had been up to my son. He said he had carried up his
ass's milk, but that he was unable to take it, and while his
watchers were holding him up he fell back, I asked in what
manner? He said in a fainting fit. I went up to him and
met one of his watchers at the door, who said he was dead.
He sank back and died without a groan, and perhaps in as
sweet a sleep as he had felt the evening before. I could not
help taking a look at his dead countenance, which I wished I
had not. The servant was ordered to conceal his death from
me until I had been to breakfast, which caused such an answer
from him. -
This, my youngest son, was 27 years of age last August, born
at Milton, where his mother, of all earthly objects ever known,
deservedly the dearest, had retired to avoid the small pox in
Boston.
21st.—Kept house—my cough increasing, Took Elix.
asthmat. at night.
22nd.-Had a better night than expected, but my cough
bad in the day, and fever increasing. Took two tea spoonfulls
of the Elixer,
23rd.—but had a very bad night: high fever and little
sleep.
Sent to Dº Heberden, who thought my fever very high :
ordered two draughts of Tartar Emetic, &c., to be taken before
dinner, and in the evening, and a third at going to bed, with
Thebaic Tincture, 8 drops, and I had a tolerable night, but &c.
the next morn.
24th. My pulse increased. However, as I held up, could
read and write, which he wondered at, he only ordered the
like draught, viz., one in the day, and one at going to bed, and
one in the morn.
The funeral of my son this morning in the church at
Croydon.
25th. I had the worst night I have had for many years,
and expected a fixed fever; but while I lay calm in the
morning, I thought my fever abated, and when Dº Heberden
came, he was of the same opinion, but ordered to take one
draught more before noon, and the Thebaic tinct, draught at
#| DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 343
night. I have reason to be thankful for a much better day
than I expected.
26th.-A bad night—some sleep, but not quiet after two
o'clock. Keep about my room still. Pulse 105.”
27th.-My fever still the same: little appetite or rest.
28th.-Much the same night. Being a fine warm day, I
took an airing in Hyde Park and to Chelsea, and was much
refreshed.
29th. A good night without medicine, but think my fever
high . afraid my pulse is quicker, or which is most certain of
all—I think so; but I find my nerves affected, and give way to
every groundless apprehension. Only Mauduit’s coming in and
telling me my pulse was better than when he saw me last, gave
me a calm evening.
March 1st.—I took my medicine last evening, by which
means I had probably a more quiet night. Dº Heberden in
the morning called, and finds my pulse still high—96. He
was very particular in his enquiries as to any symptoms except
my cough and high pulse, and upon the whole advised to
continue my draught at night, and if I found any new occasion,
to send to him : recommended light diet and moderate exercise,
and hoped I should not have further call for a Physician. I
took an airing, but my fever seemed to be high. In the
evening tried repeatedly, by my watch, for 4 or 5 minutes
together, and thought it did not exceed 80 in amount, and
omitted my draught.
My cough troubled me in the night; my fever was high in
the morning; but after lying an hour or two, I think my pulse
was slower than for 8 or 10 days past.
2nd.—Much the same. I forbore my draught, but felt guilty
for neglecting D' Heberden's directions, it being doubtful
whether my fever was abated so as to warrant me.
The confirmation of Sir G. Rodney's taking and destroying so
many of the Span. ships in his way to Gibraltar gives spirits
to those who wish well to the country. He has added 5 line-
of-battle ships completely manned to the squadron at Gib". -
3rd.-I took my draught last night—proved diaphoretick,
* The shock of his son's death had probably its effects on his health.
344 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [.
amº-ºº-ºº.
but I had not much sleep. I hope however, I am not worse
to-day. An airing to Peckham. Rain prevented my walking
any part of the way. In the evening found no sensible abate-
ment of my pulse: my appetite however, was better, to-day
than for ten days past. -
Mauduit in the evening, says it is certain one of Clinton's
transports, with 170 Hessians, was arrived at St. Ives. The
officer wrote up to know what to do with the men, but nothing
more is known of the cause of her coming to England, except
that she fell foul of another vessel, and sustained great damage,
and stood for Europe.
4th.-A good night followed by a poor day. Dº H. called
and wondered to find my pulse so high, but said nothing dis-
couraging besides. My imagination always takes the dark side.
Fever I thought higher than at any time. Towards bed time
supposed it more calm. -
An airing to Clapham over London Bridge : walked a mile
near Clapham, the air rather cold, and I feared I had taken cold.
5th.-I should have attended publ. worship if [I] had not
feared taking cold, having had as good a night and morning as
[I] could expect.
Mº Thompson, from Lord George's, called to tell me that
Digby was come in, and had brought with him a French 64, and
3 E. Indiamen; Rodney with 4 or 5 ships gone to the W.
Indies. With Digby came 5 Spanish and 1 French line-of-
battle ships—the first completely fitted for our service.
6th.-Charles Fox's speech printed in the Morn. Chronicle.
He hopes the Secr' of State will no longer be continued for
America—the salaries to the Governors cease—and above all,
the pension to a late Governor, M. Hutchinson, that firebrand
and source of the American disputes. .
Happy should I be if I could as well acquit myself for all
other parts of my conduct thro' life, as for the part I have taken
in this controversy. -
Mr Ellis called, and informed me Lord North said much in
my favour.
7th.-I had a very indifferent night; much of my cough, and
pulse high, which continued all day until evening.
#;] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 345
An airing with my daughter" to Newington Green, and
Newington town.
A Flanders mail with advice that Gaston's squadron had
met with a bad storm : one ship foundered, and five put into
Ferrol dismasted. -
The vessel at St. Ives left Clinton off the Capes of Virginia
the 28* December. She has 30 Provincial troops on board
besides Hessians.
8th.-I slept most of the night, and rose, hoping my
distemper was going off, but my fever kept up its height, and
9th.-I had the most discouraging night since my first
complaint, having scarce any sleep, and felt some pains and
other symptoms which made me apprehend my distemper fixed.
The greatest part of the night I was calm, and free from any
kind of pain, except of mind, from want of sleep. -
10th–Slept last night beyond what I have done since my
illness began.
11th.-Restless again, with but little, and that, confused
sleep. An airing and moderate walk yesterday and to-day.
12th-A restless night and gloomy day: an airing in the
Park.
13th-A third night with little or no sleep. In the morning
desired to see Dº Heberden. He stayed till two o'clock before
he came, and Lº Gov. Oliver, Paxton, and others coming in, in
the mean time, and all encouraging me, I wished I had omitted
it. I am not well, but by the goodness of God my cough is
abated, and my pulse rather better than worse.
14th-A tea spoonfull of Diascordium composed me last
night, and I rested remarkably well, but my feverish pulse does
not go off.
15th-Walked near two miles, the coach by my side.
16th-Set out with my son-in-law Doctor Oliver in a
chariot, and lodged at Bagshot. An encouraging night.
17th–Tried a horse a mile or two—the wind colder than I
expected, and I think I took cold, and was fatigued in the
* Sarah, his eldest and only surviving daughter, and wife of Dr. Peter
Oliver. She only outlived her father by 25 days, and his term of life was
to be only three months longer.
346 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. #.
evening. At the inn in Petersfield was seized with a violent
cough, a pain crossing [my] breast, which bro’t on a shortness
of breath I never felt before. -
18th.-My pain almost gone, but my weakness at my breast
remains. Rained all day, and we were obliged to lie by at a
Wretched old inn.
19th.-Went on to Portsmouth: lodged at a private house:
no amendment. -
20th.--To Chichester.
21st.—To Petworth.
22nd.—To Brighthelmstone, where we remained until
Monday the 27th,” for answers to our letters to London.
28th.--To Tunbridge Wells thro’ Lewes.
29th. To Bromley. Dº Oliver took the horse and went to
London, the next morning the 30th, and I went in the chariot
to Wandsworth, where I had desired him to meet me. He
advised to lodging in the country.
30th.-We went to Richmond—my son and I, and D'Oliver
and his wife.
31st.—Remained looking for a house, or good lodging.
April 1st.—The landlord having engaged his rooms, we were
forced to exchange our lodgings to an inn a mile distant in
Twickenham Road.
2nd.—Went on with my son and daughter towards London,
and by advice remained to the 4th with my daughter in High
Street [Marylebone], when I went with her and her husband to
lodgings at Brompton Park, after a very unsuccessful attempt
of near 3 weeks. Fiat voluntas Dež. -
18th.-For a fortnight past I can discover no abatement of
my disorder. I think my general weakness increased. My
children try to encourage me not to think so—say they see no
signs of it—that my nerves are greatly affected, and my case
appears more desperate to me than it ought—and that my
countenance is better rather than worse.
May 3rd.—I still continue, as I think, declining; but abroad
in [the] carriage every fair day, and have made trial so as to
Walk a horse.
* It was now Wednesday.
1780
#) 01Any AND LETTERS or THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 347
7th. No apparent abatement of my weakness, unless my
being able to do more yesterday and to-day than I expected is
any evidence. I was near two hours on the horse to-day, and I
think rode 7 or 8 miles, and near, if not quite half the Way
upon an easy trot—the rest walked. This is more than I Was
able to do at any time when on my journey, and I desire to be
thankful for every favorable circumstance.
12th.-I still continue in much the same torpid state.
Yesterday I was near two hours on my horse, Walking and
trotting gently, and as long to-day. My shortness of breath
does not mend. The weather grows fine. Perseverance in
keeping the air, on a horse and in the coach is pressed upon me.
15th.-My horse begins to be too fatiguing. My son still
insists that my countenance is not that of a decayed man, and
will not despair.
22nd.-A week passed and no abatement : last night almost
sleepless.
Here the Diary ends abruptly—eleven days prior to his death.
Before I go any further I would pay my addresses to Charles
Fox, and administer to him a mild opinion on his unwarrantable
and untruthful slander uttered in the House of Commons, as
mentioned in the Diary on the 6th of March, where he uses the
words—“Mr. Hutchinson, that firebrand, and source of the Amer-
ican disputes.” Mr. Hutchinson's meek observation upon this is
not very firey—“Happy should I be if I could as well acquit
myself for all other parts of my conduct thro' life, as for the part
I have taken in this controversy.” There is one consolation—the
detractor will not be believed by those who learn, from the evi-
dence contained in this work, what Mr. Hutchinson's real senti-
ments were on the great questions of the day—his conciliatory
motives for coming to England, and his endeavours when there,
to intercede with the Ministry for the mitigation of some of the
repressive measures with which the Americans were offended—or
his general disposition to put the most favourable construction on
the conflicting points that were agitating the public mind—and
even to make excuses for Some of the excesses of those whom he
thought had been misguided and misled. A score of instances
might easily be pointed out, either in his writings or in his conduct,
where he acted like a pacificator, but who can point out a single
place where he acted like a firebrand 2 What would Mr. Fox have
348 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
done, if he would have avoided those disputes of which he com-
plained 2 Would he have avoided them by giving the Americans
all that they asked for 2 for that was the only way in which those
disputes could have been quieted. If he advised Mr. Hutchinson
to have taken that course, he was advising him to become a rebel.
And he was virtually advising him to become a traitor to his King
and Mother Country, in breaking the oaths of fidelity and alle-
giance to which he had sworn when he was appointed Governor.
It has before been shewn how sundry Noble Lords, in their places
in the Upper House, defended the Americans in their violent
proceedings, and refused to believe that they had a thought of
separation, even at the very time when they openly proclaimed
such a design at their public meetings, and were even in open
hostilities in order to effect it. That this design was cherished
long before the war commenced was evident in 1761—two years
before the conquest of the French in Canada, four years before the
passing of the Stamp Act, and fourteen years before the first shot was
fired at Lexington : for Mr. Frothingham, in his History of the Siege
of Boston, p. 4, alluding to a speech of James Otis in that year,
says—“The idea was entertained at this period, that an American
Empire was close at hand.”—This was followed in 1769 by the
before quoted exclamation of Samuel Adams—“Independent we
are,” &c. Yet a certain section of the Members in both Chambers
of the Legislature could not or would not read the signs of the
times, or what in most men's eyes was something plainer than
mere signs. “Were he [Lord Chatham] once persuaded that they
entertained the most distant intention of rejecting the legislative
supremacy,” &c., “he would be the first and most zealous mover
for exerting the whole force of Britain in securing and enforcing
that power.” He had already recommended the case of the
revolters to the Cabinet Ministers by saying—“Resistance to your
acts was necessary, as it was just,” which was sufficiently encour-
aging; and the Duke of Richmond added his approval, and “hoped
they would succeed.” Who were the “firebrands” in the face of
this evidence 2 Truly, as Governor Hutchinson says, in his letter
to Mr. Walter, of May 19, 1779—" The Opposition—to whom the
Rebellion must be attributed.” And no wonder Lord Lyttleton
told them to their faces that—“Those who defend rebellion, are
themselves little better than rebels.”f A cause cannot be a good
one that can only be supported by misrepresentation. Let Charles
Fox and his inaccuracies go.
* Adolph. ii. 186. # Ibid., ii. 300.
§l DIAI. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON. 349
The fragmentary Diary of Elisha supplies some scraps of infor-
mation relative to the Governor's declining state and last days, as
well as the particulars of his death, to which occurrence he was all
eye witness. At the time of the illness and death of Peggy, his
health failed him in a way unknown to him before, for which he
consulted Dr. Eliot, but the unusual symptoms passed off as he
recovered from the strain that had so much tried his nerves; and
then, at the loss of Billy his health gave way again. The anxieties
which he had suffered ever since he had been in England, owing
to the abnormal state of political affairs, the condition of his
country, and the dark prospects that hung over the future of his
children, had all served to undermine his constitution. The tremu-
lousness of his handwriting towards the latter portion of his
Diary may serve to indicate that his nervous system had become a
good deal shattered. He sought a change by leaving Sackville
Street for Brompton Park. As he did not give up his town house,
the move was intended to have been temporary only,–but he never
returned.
From the Diary of Elisha Hutchinson.
April 5", 1780–The trees and fields quite covered with
Snow this morning: afterwards, several flights of snow. Walked
out and took a letter from the Postman to the Judge* from the
Doctor, giving very dire accounts of the Govº health, and of Mrs
Oliver's illness, attended with very alarming symptoms, which
has determined me to set out in the morning. Walked into
town to take a place in the diligence, but all were engaged.
6th.-Fair and cool, with some flights of snow and hail. Set
out with [the] Judge in [a] postchaise at , past ten o’clock for
London—our first stage at Coventry, when we took a cold
morsel, (at the King's Head, Thomas Soden, next door to
Peeping Tom,) and proceeded on our journey to Daventry:
changed horses and got to Towcester, (51 miles,) at , past seven
o'clock.
7th.-Cloudy morning, and cold; fair afternoon. Set out
from Towcester a few minutes before 8 o’clock; changed horses
at Stony Stratford—Brickill, Dunstable, and St. Albans, where
* Elisha and Judge Oliver were then in Birmingham. Dr. P. Oliver
in London.
350 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, ſº
we stopped an hour, and took another cold repast ; and
changing horses at Barnet, reached High Street, [Marylebone]
at , past five o’clock, (60 miles), when finding that the Gov"
had taken lodgings at Brompton, about ; a mile from my
brother's [Thomas's, Brompton Row, immediately went in a
Hackney coach to my brother's, who was gone to the Governor's,
and to whom I sent a card, acquainting him with my being just
arrived, and soon after went, and found him very low, but
better than we had expected; and M* Oliver tells us, some of
the symptoms, which had been very alarming, had abated.
Indeed, the greatest danger seems lest the Gov., who is greatly
reduced, should wear himself out with the continual worry of
spirits produced by the very hypocondriac state in which he
at present is.
After tea we returned to High Street, and slept at the
Doctor's, there being only the children and servants, the
Doctor and his wife constantly residing with the Governor.
8th.-Fair. Walked over to [the] Governor's and dined,
and the Judge, and Tommy. The Gov" seems in better spirits
whilst he has us all about him. After tea walked to High
Street with the Judge.
We called on M* and Miss R. Hutchinson.
11th.-Flying clouds and some rain. The Doctor came over
to breakfast with us. The Governor a pretty good night, but
gives all up this morning: wastes away—his life spent—thinks
it best to go to Sackville Street and die . . . [faded out] . . .
Thus the morning passes: at dinner—his friends about him—
he recovers something of his spirits, and if [he] does not wear
himself out, he may chance to others—those about him. He is
taking the bark in small quantities. If he should be able to
continue it, and the weather should prove favourable, we shall
hope for good effects, notwithstanding he seems to have fully
determined his own fate.
After breakfast walked over to Brompton : returned in coach
with Gov. and M* Oliver to High Street: afterwards a few
miles on the Rensington road. The Gov. Seemed better, and
we had less of gloomy conversation, as they tell me, than
usual. The Judge dined with us. The Governor has been
*] DIARY AND LETTERs of THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 351
better this afternoon than at any time since I have been in
town, and what is most extraordinary, is willing to own it
himself. -
12th.-Fair morning: afterwards cloudy and rain. The
Judge set out this morning about seven o'clock to go to the
diligence from Piccadilly to Birmingham . . .
17th.-Fair morns—sometimes showers—hail and snow.
Walked to Brompton: came back in coach with MI” Oliver:
returned to Brompton with Gov': and back again to High
Street . . . Called on Mr Galloway, M*H., M. Dennison, and at
Gov Shirley's, and M. H. Walked to Strand: from thence
thro’ the Park to Mº Leonard, and to Brompton to dinner thro'
Grosvenor Place. Tommy came to tea, after which I took
leave . . . The Gov" more cheerful, and much of his own coun-
tenance. May we have still further encouragement to hope for
his recovery.
18th.--Fair and pleasant morning. In a Hackney coach
soon after seven to the 3 Kings, Piccadilly, where I found the
Birmingham coach, with one passenger only, whom I after-
wards found to be a young woman going to her parents, who
live near Birmingham, and who had lately been married to a
[blank] who keeps the [blank] near Marybone Work-House.
We left the 3 Ks at 3 before 8 o'clock, changed horses at
Brentford, again at Colnbrook, and at Maidenhead. Just before
we reached Nettlebed, about 2 o'clock came on a most violent
storm of wind, attended with as large hail and smart lightening
and thunder as I have known since I have been in England.
We stopped half an hour, and proceeded to Oxford, where we
arrived at 5 o'clock . . . g
19th.-Fair and cold morning: cloudy afternoon. Set out
from the Angel Inn at ; past six o'clock, and in two hours
reached Euston, 14 miles, where we breakfasted : changed
horses at Shipton, and got to Stratford at one o'clock, where we
dined: and changing horses at Henley, reached Colemore Row
at , past six o'clock, (having parted with my Diligence traveller
at the Castle Inn,) where found my family and the rest of the
company, M* and Mº Startin being there at tea, in good health.
26th.- . . . We dined at the Judge's, and at tea. After
302 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. *
dinner went with the Judge to Mº Ballard's, our shoe-maker in
High Street, and saw a man or lad from Ireland, known and
exhibited by the name of [blank] Upon our entering the
room, we asked him his height? He told us he was 7 feet 11 in.
and # without shoes. He is large and well proportioned to his
stature, and has not an uncomely countenance. He has a pale
and light complexion. He told us he was not quite 20 years of
age : has grown gradually to this stature: none of his family
of extraordinary size. His dress very decent : a coat and
waistcoat of red or moreen cloth, the latter with a gold binding;
a pº dark jean riding breeches, and silk stocks. He likewise
told us that at his meals he did not eat more than men of a
common size. He is [the] most extraordinary production of
nature, and nearly, if not altogether equals the accounts we
have of the Patagonian Race. - -
30th.- . . . M' O. has a letter from the Doctor, who writes
discouragingly of M* O., and says the Governor has not gained
anything since we were in town, but refers to Tommy, who is
to write me more particularly.
May 1st.—Fair and moderate. The Gazette of Saturday *
night has a letter from Gen! Clinton of the 9th Mar. at
Cha [blank]. He gives advice of his sailing from Sandy Hook
the 26 December, arriving at Tybee the 1st Feb' [blank] and
was preparing to attack Charlestown, which was well fortified and
prepared for defence. He met with a series of bad weather—
several transports lost, but men saved, and other damage, but
hoped for success. Letters likewise from the Commanders.
7th.- . . . Wrote Tommy expressing my anxiety and con-
cern that he had not wrote, it being more than a fortnight
since I left London, and the only accounts of my sick father
and sister, from M* Clarke and others, which only mention in
general that they were no better, but express their dread of the
event of their illness. May Heaven be kinder to us than our
fears, and send us more favourable accounts. -
11th.-Fair and pleasant. A letter was bro’t to me this
morning before breakfast from Mº Oliver's, from my brother,
bro't by M. Porter, who arrived this morning from London.
* It was now Monday.
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 353
My letter is dated the 6th. The Gov' remained much in the
state I left him. M* Oliver's symptoms continued very
alarming.
I have before observed that Elisha's Diary is written on sheets
of note paper, sometimes single and sometimes in fasciculi, which
however, have never been sewn, though some of them appear to
have been pinned together, judging by the empty pin holes; hence,
they are mixed, confused and perplexing to arrange, as the dates
of the year, and the name of the month are but very rarely given.
From the last date above, namely, the 11th of May, to the
Governor's death on the 3rd of June, being a space of three
weeks, I find no remains of the Diary whatever. In the interval,
however, Elisha was summoned up from Birmingham to London
again.
Perhaps I had better explain here, if I have not sufficiently done
so already, my reasons for inserting the account of the death in
the first volume, at what is manifestly the wrong place. I had
several reasons for so doing, which are the following—
1.—I had no expectation that the first volume would succeed
well enough to furnish inducements to undertake amother, so that
there seemed no likelihood of a second chance, but in this I have
been agreeably deceived.
2.—Although in good health, I was seventy-two, and that is a
complaint from which no man ever recovers, so that if it were
ever done at all, I did not think it would be accomplished by me.
3.—As there was no record of the event in existence, except in
the two loose leaves of the son's Diary, which any accident might
destroy, I was glad of an excuse to get the particulars into print,
in order to secure them.
Having lived however, to compile this second and concluding
volume, I insert the account here in its proper place, and on the
first opportunity it must be struck out of the first, the portion to
be struck out, beginning with the words, “But in spite of his
desire,” &c., at page 451, down to the full stop after the words,
“fully come to hand in England,” on page 453.
What remains of Elisha's narrative is the following:–
[G]overnor slept tolerably well, as he had done for several
nights past; arose as usual at 8 o'clock, shaved himself, and
eat his breakfast, and we all told him that his countenance
[hald a more healthy appearance, and if he was not better, we
YOL. II. 2 A
354 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTOHINSON. º
had no reason to conclude that he had lost ground. He
conversed well and freely upon the riot in London the day
before, [Gordon riots], and upon different subjects, 'till the time
for going out in the coach, at intervals however, expressing his
expectations of dying very soon, repeating texts of Scripture,
with short ejaculations to Heaven. He called for a shirt, telling
Ryley his servant, that he must die clean. I usually walked
down the stairs before him, but he got up suddenly from his
chair, and walked out of the room, leaving the Doctor, [Peter
Oliver, his son-in-law] and I behind. We went into the room
next the road; saw him whilst he was walking from the steps
of the door to the coach, (a few yds. distance), hold out his
hands to Ryley, and caught hold of him, to whom he said
“Help me!” and appeared to be fainting. I went down with
the Doctor. The other servants had come to support him from
falling, and had got him to the door of the house. They lifted
him into a chair in the Servants' Hall or entrance into the
house, but his head had fell, and his ſend of the first page]
hands and feet?), his eyes distended ?] rolled up. The
Doctor could feel no pulse: he applied volatiles to his nostrils,
which seemed to have little or no effect: a beſd?] in the mean
time was bro’t, and put on the floor, on which he was laid, after
which, with one or two gaspes, he resigned his Soul to God who
gave it. I was unhappy in being so near. The scene was too
affecting, and I could scarce support myself from falling. I
pray God it may having [have] a proper influence on my future
conduct in life, and with great sincerity can say, that the
summit of all my wishes and prayers to Heaven, is contained in
one short petition—May I die like him : My brother came in
soon after. We then consulted how we should communicate to
Mrs O. this distressing account, in her weak state and low
condition. It was determined to send for Dº Chandler, to whom
the Doctor went, and returned with him, who made it known in
the easiest and best manner possible, and then went to prayer
with us. After dinner D' Ch. went home. I went with Tommy
to his house, where we opened the Gov.'s Will, of which there
was . . . [end of second page] . . . last A -- t -- ed [?] . . .
after directing that -- s funeral charges should . . . [blank]
{...] DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 355
... gave his whole estate in the following manner" . . . [blank]
... I came back to the house to tea, and wrote to M.” H.,
acquainting her with the melancholy event to us, but easy and
happy departure of the Governor.
4th.
4th.f- I went to bed, but my nerves were so affected, and
my thoughts disturbed, that I could get no sleep, or next
to none, the whole night. At eight o'clock I took what papers,
money, and small matters of value were in the house, and went
in the coach to Tommy's, where I left them, and went to Charter
House Square to acquaint Dº Apthorpe with what had happened,
the Governor having expressly desired him to reserve a place
near my syster in the church at Croydon. He promised every-
thing should be in proper order on [Fr]iday next, the day which
we have proposed [for] the funeral. I then went [to] M. Lynn,
Walb. . . [?] Street, and engaged him to provide and conduct
the funeral: from thence to the Bull and Mouth Inn, in B.
and M. Street, and paid for a place in the . . . t coach for
Birmingham, which sets out ſend of the third page] from
thence at 5 o'clock in [the] evening. I returned to my
brother's, where M*Lyſnnicame, and went with me to Brompton
Park. M* O. has bore the shock Iſess] than we feared: slept
well with an opiate, but seems to be bewildered, her mind weak,
and takes less notice of what happens than she did. Her
disorder seems to be increasing, and in all human probability,
must soon put a period to her life. Thus we are perhaps one
[of] the most distressed families upon earth. Whilst earthly
comforts are swiftly failing, may we desire solid comfort from
Heavenly fountains which never can fail us. After dinner
called in the coach on Tommy, and from thence to the Green
Man and Still in Oxford Street, from whence about , past
5 o'clock I set [out] in [the] Post Coach for Birmingham, in
company [with] a Mº Taylor of Wolverhampton, and a M*
Campbell going to Ireland, and a young Gſent] in a Clergyman's
grey going to Oxford. [We] changed horses . . [blank] . . and
* A copy of his Will is given further on.
f Twice repeated. This date shews that his father died on the third. The
fragment begins without date.
2 A 2
356 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. ſ.
at Uxbridge, and got to Hywiecomb [High Wycombe] at , past
nine, where the rest of the company went in t . . .
And thus ends the fourth page. Words, or parts of words that
are worn out or lost, have been replaced within square brackets.
Such portions of the Diary are missing as might have given some
account of the funeral, but the Parish Register shews that he was
interred on the 9th. -
The riots in London to which the Governor alluded, almost at
his last hour had, by the mistaken zeal of Lord George Gordon,
been urged on to very serious proportions, so that by the time of
the funeral, London was in several places in flames; the cortege
however, probably took the route by way of Battersea and Streat-
ham, by which it would avoid the city, which by this time was in
the hands of the King's troops.
Horace Walpole wrote as follows on the day Mr. Hutchinson
died :—“At eight I went to Gloucester House: the Duchess told me
there had been a riot, and that Lord Mansfield's glasses had been
broken. . . . About nine his Royal Highness and Colonel Heywood
arrived, and then we heard a much more alarming account . . .
About eight the Lords adjourned, and were suffered to go home,
though the rioters declared that if the other House did not
repeal the Bill, there would, at night, be terrible mischief . . .
Lord George Gordon was running backwards and forwards, from
the windows of the Speaker's Chamber, denouncing all that spoke
against him to the mob in the Lobby . . . No Saint was ever more
diabolic than Lord George Gordon. Eleven wretches are in prison
for the outrage at Cordon's, and will be hanged instead of their
arch-incendiary.”
“Nothing ever surpassed,” he wrote on the 4th of June, “the
abominable behaviour of the ruffian apostle that preached up this
storm. I always, you know well, disliked and condemned the re-
peal of the Popish statutes, and am steadfast in that opinion : but
I abhor such Protestantism as breathes the soul of Popery, and
commences a reformation by attempting a massacre. The frantic
incendiary ran backwards and forwards naming names for slaughter
to the mob: fortunately his disciples were not expert at assassination,
and nobody was murdered for the Gospel's sake. So blind was his
zeal, and so untutored his outlaws, that though the Petition was
addressed, and carried to the House of Commons, the chief fury
fell on the Peers.”
The next day he recurred to the subject—a subject which at that
juncture excluded all others from conversation:-" The Jack of
/
2.
#: DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 357
1780.
Leyden of the age, Lord George Gordon, gave notice in the House,
of Commons last week, that he would on Friday, bring in the
Petition of the Protestant Association; and he openly declared to his
disciples that he would not carry it unless a noble army of martyrs,
not fewer than forty thousand, would accompany him. Forty
thousand, led by such a lamb, were more likely to prove butchers
than victims, and so, in good truth, they were very near being . . .
“Early on Friday the conservators of the church of England,
assembled in St. George's Fields to encounter the old dragon,
the old serpent, and marched in lines of six and six—about thirteen
thousand only, as they were computed—with a petition as long as
the procession, which the apostle himself presented : but though he
has given out most Christian injunctions for peaceable behaviour,
he did everything in his power to promote a massacre. He de-
manded immediate repeal of toleration, [to the Roman Catholics,
told Lord North he could have him torn to pieces, and running
every minute to the door or windows, bawled to the populace that
Lord North would give them no redress, and that now this member,
now that, was speaking against them . . . You will be indignant
that such a mad dog as Lord George, should not be knocked on
the head.”
On Thursday the 8th of June he wrote—“I came myself yester-
day [to town, and found a horrible scene. Lord Mansfield's house
was just burnt down, and at night there were shocking disorders.
London and Southwark were on fire in six places; but the regular
troops quelled the sedition by daybreak, and everything now is
quiet. A camp of ten thousand men is formed in Hyde Park, and
regiments of horse and foot arrive every hour.”
On Saturday the 10th–"I have this moment received two
letters from town to tell me that Lord George Gordon was over-
taken in his flight to Scotland, and was just brought prisoner to
the Horse Guards. This is all I know yet, except that some say
he was seized in the Park, and was not fled . . . Four convicts
on the eve of execution, are let loose from Newgate, and Lord
George Gordon is sent to the Tower.”
“The Tower,” he adds, “is much too dignified a prison for him
—but he had left no other.”
On February the 2nd we are told—“On Monday is to begin the
trial of Lord George Gordon, which will at least occupy everybody
for some days.”
It would have been better if he had been shot in the tumult, for
his captors did not know what to do with him when they had got
him, and so he escaped hanging,
358 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
Unfortunately the portions of Elisha's Diary synchronising with
the above events, are missing, so that we lose his description of them;
but there is a loose leaf with the writing nearly all faded out, ap-
parently belonging to the 16th of June, on which he speaks of going
to Hyde Park, to see the soldiers encamped there. It is this—
“M” Domett drank tea, and then we walked into the Park,
which was crowded with great numbers of people, amongst the
rest the Dutchess of Newcastle, [?] and some others of the
nobility, the Park being every day crowded at evening since
the Camp has been there.
Met Lord Townshend in Edward Street on horseback, just set
out from his house. He stopped me and said, then L"
Hillsborough will interest himself in your favour. I said L'
H. was very polite. He said something of Mº Paxton. I asked
his L'ship if he was in town P. He said—“Yes, at my house.”
I had gone but a few yards: he called me back, and asked if
there was anything in the military line in his department P he
should be glad to serve me. I expressed my thoughts that
there were places in the Ordnance Office. He replied, he had
nothing in the civil line, and was then trying for something for
M” Haton. I had some little other conversation, and we parted.
On the other side of the leaf there are entries tending to shew
that he and his brother were engaged in winding up their father's
affairs. On this page there are dates:—
17.-Fair and pleasant—hot. Walked to Brompton : from
thence with Tommy to the Treasury thro’ the Park, and
returned to Sackville St., and from thence to Brompton in a
coach: after dinner to Sackville St. to settle something there,
and back to tea: after tea to Brompton Park with Tommy and
his wife. Wrote to M** H. Called on M* Paxton.
18.-Cloudy—some rain. Went in a coach to Sackville St.
with Tommy. Walked to Cockspur Street and to Craig's Court,
to see M* Cox about the house : returned to Sackville Street,
to look after the books, &c.: to Brompton in coach to dinner:
afterwards to Sackville St. in a coach with some packages to
the Green Man and Still in Oxford Street. Called on D"
#| 1780.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 359
Chandler, and on Mr G., where I met Mº [blank] from Virginia,
who was returning in his carriage to Brompton, and I came
home in it with him.
Franklin was at this time residing at Passy near Paris, and
having heard of the riots, and having heard of the death of the
Governor, he informs us that the one was ascribed to the other—
not the riots to his death, but his death to the riots. In his Letter
to Mr. Carmichael, of June 17, he writes—“Governor Hutchinson,
it is said, died outright of the fright.” Whatever happens, or
whatever has happened, or whatever will happen, we are all of us
fond of explaining how and why, and are quite sure we are right.
Sarah, the wife of Dr Peter Oliver, and the Governor's eldest
daughter, followed him within four weeks. It was she who would
not leave her father, when his house was attacked by the mob on
the 26th of August, 1765, in the city of Boston, as mentioned in
the third volume of his History, page 124:-“The Lieutenant-
Governor [himself] had very short notice of the approach of the
mob. He directed his children and the rest of his family, to leave
the house immediately, determining to keep possession himself.
His eldest daughter, after going a little way from the house
returned, and refused to quit it, unless her father would do the
like. This caused him to depart from his resolution, a few minutes
before the mob entered.”
This is alluded to by the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in his Intro-
ductory Address, delivered at the Lowell Institute, Boston, Jan. 5,
1869, where he says—“Hutchinson, as the mob approached, was
engaged in bearing to a place of safety a beloved daughter who
had refused to quit his side, and was thus compelled to abandon
his precious papers to their fate. Everything was destroyed, or
thrown out of the windows,” &c. .
Dr. Peter Oliver does not appear to have made the entries in his
Diary day by day, as they occurred. From the way in which many
of the statements flow one into another, it might be inferred that
he wrote them at irregular intervals in groups or batches. Thus,
the following extract summarises a variety of diverse subjects, to
which our attention has been recently directed—
FROM THE DIARY OF DR. P. OLIVER,
Feb' 2, 1780.-Will" Sanford Hutchinson, Mrs Oliver's
youngest brother, died of a pulmonary consumption, aged
27” and 6 m. Governor Hutchinson being unwell all winter,
360 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. [...
and this shock happening, almost overcame him. I went into
Hampshire and Sussex for a fortnight with him in March:
returned in Ap', and found M* Oliver exceedingly ill. The
4" of Ap' the Gov., Sally, and I, took lodgings at Brompton
Park, 1 mile from Hyde Park. She grew daily worse, as also
her father.
May 18th-M" Oliver delivered of a son : put to bed well,
but in 3 days she faltered.
June 3rd.—The Gov' died suddenly, in the 69* y” of
his age.
M” Oliver grew worse faster every day till she died, which
was the 28" of June, past 3 o'clock in the morning. That day
I completed my 39” year: she was 35 y” and 7 months old.
She died perfectly resigned to the will of Heaven, but in great
agony of body.
July 3rd.—She was buried at Croydon church, next to her
father, myself, Mº Willard, M. Blowers, and Mº Domett,
mourners. She was one of the most virtuous, amiable, and
kindest wives that ever man was blessed with. A greater loss
I could not have sustained, but Heaven's will be done, and
I acquiesce, knowing whatever is, is right. She is relieved
from a deal of misery and distress: she had gone thro’ more
than any one who knew her could have imagined.
July 21st.—I set out with a wet nurse, and my 4 children
for Oxford.
22nd.--From Oxford to Birmingham ab' 7 o'clock.
24th.-I took a room in the Hotell.
25th.-I put my two eldest boys to School at Windsor
Green, under the care of Mº Pickenige. I put my daughter to
school at Mosely, under the care of M* Henrison, in Worces-
tershire, and the nurse and baby in New Hall Street. Thus I
had disposed of my children in the best manner I possibly
could. It appeared hard at first to part with them, but I have
got reconciled at last to it; but the pleasing reflection I had of
seeing them often, was soon turned into sorrow, for my dear
little infant, who was very near my heart particularly, was
drooping in a few weeks after I had got lodgings for it, and
finally was seized with convulsions the 20" of Aug": lay in that
#..] DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 361
-ms-
state till the morning of the 27", 3 o'clock, and then died in
the greatest agony. I had it opened by Tomlinson: its lungs,
heart, diaphragm, stomach, and intestines, and all its viscera,
were in the soundest state. Whatever produced the fits was
somethº on the brain, which could not have been perceived if
we had opened its head.
I moved the 29" of Aug' to High Street, opposite New
Street, at Ballard's, one bed-room only, at 3/6 p" week, from
the hotell.
30th.-I buried my little baby the north side of Sº Phillip's
church, and near the vaults—6 feet deep : M James read
prayers.
31st of Aug'. I paid off and dismissed Nurse Dove, hoping
never to see her again, &c.
On the fly leaves at the beginning and the end of the last
volume of his Diary, the Governor has jotted down several memor-
andums, referring to the receipt and to various payments of money.
The last dates in his own handwriting are of the first of June, he
dying on the third ; and these efforts are in a clearer and firmer
hand than many of the entries in the body of the Diary made a
few weeks before. There are some items referring to his Bankers’
account with Gines and Atkinson ; and on the other side, amongst
the payments, it appears that he was not only contributing to the
maintainance of his children and other relatives by quarterly
advances, but also by gift or loan to quondam American friends
who had withdrawn to England, and who were suffering the
privations consequent on the troubles of the times. Among these
latter may be mentioned Mr. Charles Paxton, who had been
Commissioner of Customs at Boston, and who is abused and
slandered in the account of him given by Lorenzo Sabine, with an
amount of political spite and severity, such as we are almost
ashamed to read in the present day. In January 1780, he has a
balance of £6,387 15s. 3d. with his Banker. The following are
payments—
Jan'. A Merchant . . . . . . . . 20, −,
10. James Fisher . . . . . . . . 45, –,
17. Peter Johannot. W. S. H. . . . . 70, −, .
25. Jn” Campbell, for Navy Bills . . 2942, 6, 4
Feb. 9. John Carter . . . . . . . . 27, 10,
362 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
12. T. Latham, 3116. 16. 6 . Ö & º 12 23 T 3.5
23. Self, by E. . . . . . . . . 105, –
Mar. 1. S. Oliver . . . . . . . . 25, –,
- E. Hutchinson . . . . . . . 25, – , ,
*- T. H. © e º e o 50 33 T 33 °
Jn” Campbell, for Navy Bills.
5816. 2. 4 .2494, 6, .
April 16. Bethell Cox . . . . . . . . 51, 2, .
— Lynde Funeral. . . . . . . 48, 11 , .
May 3. John Carter. 5945. 9. 10. 29, 14, 3
13. Self, by my son T. . . . . . . 52, 10,
— A Merchant. 6017. 19. 10 . . . 20, −,
June 1. T. H. . . . . . . . . . 50, −,
E. H. . . . . . . . . . 25, –,
S. O. . . . . . . . . . 25, – ,
P. Reily . . . . . . . . 24 : – ;
M. Greenup . . . . . . . 10, 10,
A few pages further on, bearing dates ranging through the first
three months of the year 1780, there are two columns of entries
under the heading “House Expenses.” From these a few scattered
items may be selected—
I'eb. 7. Handkerchiefs . . . . . . . 1, 1 , .
1 Tea [one pound presumably] . . 10, 9
10. Fruit for dessert . . . . . . 5,
23. Three women, for mourning [for Billy] 18, 18, .
March. Tea . . . . . . . . . . 10, 9
Mr Mauduit’s Wm. for Bandanoes * , 1, 10,, .
May 1. Hairdresser . . . . . . . . 6, 16, 6
After these the Governor's memorandums cease, but a continua-
tion of the entries by his son Thomas inosculate with them, and
from these latter a few may be taken. They of course date
subsequently to his father's death.
1780. RECEIPTS.
June. Cash left in house, 45 Guineas . . 47, 5, .
* India silk handkerchiefs.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 363
Rec" Widdows cloaths . . . . . 3, 3, .
July. Rec" for d” . . . . . . . . 1, 11 6
Rec" Mº Tatterall, for coach . . . 14, 19, .
Rec" Kemble and Wenn. . . . . 16, 13, 2
NOV”. Rec" Sam. Mather . . . . . . 20, - . .
1781.
Mar. 15. Rec" of M Paxton, money lent him, £60.
In" on dº £1 ., 17 . 61, 17,
Ap'. Rec" for old silver buckles . . . . 1, 13, 6
Rec" a pº dº, Billy's . . . . . . 1, 6, 10
Rec" Gold lace of suit cloaths . . . 5, 16, 2
Mem" Mº Sanford [Miss Grizzel Sanford] to MI* Smithson.
May 8" 1783. I am to pay Mº Smithson at the rate of 404.
p ann. for Mº Sanford, from this time, p agreement.
Balance in my hands after the final division, -
18, 12, 1
July 1781 . . . . . . . .
Rec" for remº Billy's effects. . . . 4, 4,
Rec" Sam" Mather his Note to the
estate . . . . . . . . . 32, 10,
Rec" suit cloaths, lace taken of [off] . 18,
Jan 1782.
14. Rec" 1. dividend on Gines and Atkin-
son, bal" . . . . . . . . 22, 16,
Rec" 2 silver seals . . . . . . 12, .
Mar. Rec". 2 odd spurrs . . . . . . 16, 9
Oct. Rec" T. H. . . . . . . . . . 20, −,
Rec" E. H., out of dividends . . . 10, −,
Rec" P. O., Jun' . . . . . . . 10, −,
Ap'. 1783.
Rec" of the Treasury . . . . . 20, −,
Rec" at d” . . . . . . . . 10, −,
Here the record of the Receipts, in so far as they appear in this
book, terminates; the items that follow are taken from among the
Payments.
364 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
PAYMENTS.
June 1780. - •.
14. Pº probate Will . . . . . . . 4, 13,
P" 5 Mourning rings . . . . .
20. Pº M' Rowe on £150 rec" for Foster
Hutchinson . . . . . . . 3, 15
July. Paid E. H. charges in coming to town,
moving, &c. . . . . . . . 5
Paid D. Oliver 10 Guineas . . . . 10
21. Miss Sanford and Nurse, 2 Guineas . 2
(3
I
: 3 33
Aug. 7. Nurse Whitmore, mourning, 6 Guineas
D' Oliver borrowed of her, I G. ſº
Coach and cart, M*Sanford and Nurse
moving . . . . . . . . 17,
Paid for Elisha's carpet to Bermingham] 3, 8
Paid Water tax . . 15
Nov. 7. M* Hales, a quarter's board, Mº Sanford 10,–,, .
Dec. 20. Paid M. Carter advertising coach, omitted 2, 6
1781. s
Jan' Paid M. Rowe for Fos. Hutchinson . 2, 10,
Mar. Paid S. Will Pepperell a debt of Billy’s 20, −,
15. Paid Nurse Whitmore . . . . . 10, −,
Ap'. M” Sanford, tea lb. . . . . . 4,
Paid appraising . . . . . . . 10,
1782.
Aug. 8. MI” Smithson, a Q. . . . . . . 9, -,
The record of his burial stands as follows in the Parish
Register at Croydon, in Surrey —
“June 9, 1780. Thomas Hutchinson Esq., Late Governor
of the Massachusetts, Aged 69.”
Lorenzo Sabine tells us that Mr. Apthorp, (or Apthorpe) had
married a niece of Governor Hutchinson, and this family con-
nection will account for the friendly relations on which they
stood. He writes:—
“Apthorp, East. An Episcopal Clergyman of Massachusetts.
He was born in 1733, and was educated in England. In 1761
DIARy AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 365
he was appointed a Missionary at Cambridge, by the Society
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts; and during
his labors there, was engaged in a warm theological controversy
with Dr Mayhew. Retiring to England, he died there in 1816,
aged eighty-three years. His wife was a niece of Governor
Hutchinson, and a daughter of Eliakim Hutchinson. His only
son was a Clergyman. One daughter married D' Cary; one,
Dr Butler; and a third, a son of D' Poley [Paley];—the
husbands of the two first were heads of Colleges. Mº Apthorp
was a distinguished writer. In 1790 he lost his sight.”
Let us glance at the Governor's Will. How different a Will
from that of his father | Truly, says M' W. H. Whitmore,
page 18, in his account of the Genealogies of the Hutchinson
and Oliver families—“Probably few men in the Province had so
large an estate.” And he gives the particulars of it, as extracted
from the Probate Office in Boston, Massachusetts. The list of be-
quests is unusually long and generous, wherein are remembered,
not only relatives, but a large number of personal friends: and
it may be inferred that his table was handsomely furnished,
since he not only gave his wife 600 ounces of silver plate, but
he had enough afterwards to divide into seven portions, to be
distributed among his children. It was he who, in the earlier
part of his life, gave his large silver tankard to the North Church,
to be used for the wine at the celebration of the Holy Com-
munion, but which has been bought back into the family, as
mentioned in vol. i., page 394, and he bequeathed £300 to the
same church, besides £80 to the poorer members of the congre-
gation; but since those days the Wheel of Fortune had taken
a turn, so that riot, mob-law, and confiscation had left the
Governor unable to name an article that he could call his own,
wherefore he merely specifies a legacy of £300 for Elisha, and
divides into four portions whatever his children might be able
to scrape together afterwards, and these they are to share among
themselves.
The original Will is preserved in the Will Office at Somerset
House, Strand, London, from which place I procured the
following office copy :-
366 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
“The last Will and Testament of Thomas Hutchinson,
formerly Governor of Massachusetts Bay, now of Sackville
Street, Westminster. My body I commit to the earth, to be
buried at as small expense as can consist with decency; My
Soul I commit to the mercy of God, through the Merits of Christ,
humbly imploring the forgiveness of the innumerable sins of
a long life. I make my two sons Thomas and Elisha my
Executors. I give to my son Elisha Three hundred pounds,
having giving him less than I intended in my life time. The
residue of my Estate, of what kind soever, I give to my three
children in the proportion following, viz.:-Two fourth parts,
thereof to my eldest son Thomas Hutchinson ; one fourth part
to my son Elisha Hutchinson; and one fourth part to my
daughter Sarah Oliver: and if either of my children shall die
in my life time, it is my will that the part given to such child,
shall go to his or her surviving children, to be equally divided.
I revoke all former Wills, and declare this to be my last Will.
“In testimony whereof I hereunto set my hand and seal this
tenth day of April, in the year of our Lord 1780.
Tho" Hutchinson
“Signed, sealed, published, and declared by Thomas
Hutchinson as his last Will, in the presence of us,
who signed as Witnesses in his presence.
|Peter Oliver.
Patrick Reilly.
Patrick Taaffe.
Besides his son-in-law, the two other witnesses were his Irish
men-servants, the first of whom had accompanied him from
America. The following memorandum is appended to the
Will:—
“IProved at London 14* June 1780, before the Worshipful
George Harris, Doctor of Laws and Surrogate, by the Oath of
Thomas Hutchinson Esq.", the son of the Deceased, and one of
the Executors named in the Will, to whom Adãon was granted,
having been first sworn, duly to administer. Power reserved to
Elisha Hutchinson Esq.", the son also of the deceased, and the
*
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 367
other Executor named in the said Will, when he shall apply
for the same.”
At his death, it appears that the Governor had no more to
leave than between six and seven thousand pounds. In his
Diary, under September 1, 1778, he speaks of £7000 as being
all he then had in the world; and on the fly-leaf of the last
volume, in account with his Bankers, there is this entry –
“1780, Jan. To Balance, p acc'. . . 6387,15,3.”
There are a few scattered entries in the different Diaries
which, though they have lacked sufficient connection with the
preceding course of events, yet, by favour, may be admitted
here. The following is on a loose leaf of Elisha's Diary—is of
uncertain date, but probably of about the period to which we
have arrived:—
“19th.-Cloudy and moderate. Walked to Brompton, and
returned to town with Tommy. After tea as far as M. Gallo-
way’s. Mº Dillon called, and told us he is to return to
Birming” on Monday, the business he came to town about
being at an end—his claim to the L* High Chamberlain; that,
as being descended from the same ancestor with Lord Percy,
and most probably an elder branch of the same. The Judges
however, determined the Statute of Limitations to be a Barr to
the claim, having for more than 60 years be—.” end of the
page.
Although Elisha had taken up his residence at Birmingham,
as had also the Chief Justice, and his son Dr. Peter Oliver, they
occasionally visited London. The first being there, and calling
on his friend Mr. Watson, apparently on the 25th of August,
though in what year there is nothing to prove, made the
following statement in his Diary :—
“Cool, and several heavy showers. M' W. has a striking
likeness of Dº Franklin by M* Wright in wax, and another
which was designed for himself, but there is want of resem-
blance: they being dressed, and [in a] sitting posture in the
room, would deceive the nicest discernment at first entrance,
and every one at first is led to speak to them.”
368 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Presumably they were as large as life. Franklin had long
known, and corresponded with this lady. There is a letter of
his to her in his Correspondence, vol. i. p. 34, tending to
dissuade her from coming from London to Paris, for the purpose
of practising her art of modelling portraits in wax, alleging
that two or three other artists already profess it there, and then
adding—“but it is not the taste for persons of fashion to sit to
these artists for their portraits.”
The subjoined explanatory Note is appended to the letter:-
“M” Mehetabel Wright was altogether a very remarkable
woman. She was the niece of the celebrated John Wesley, but
was born at Philadelphia, in which city her parents settled at
an early period. Mº Wright was greatly distinguished as a
modeller in wax, which art she turned to a remarkable account
in the American war, by coming to England and exhibiting her
performances. This enabled her to procure much intelligence
of importance, which she communicated to Dº Franklin and
others, with whom she corresponded during the whole war.
As soon as a General was appointed, or a squadron begun to be
fitted out, the old lady found means of access to some family
where she could gain information, and thus without being at all
suspected, she continued to transmit an account of the number
of the troops, and the place of their destination to her political
friends abroad. She at one time had frequent access to
Buckingham-House, and used, it was said, to speak her senti-
ments very freely to their Majesties, who were amused with her
originality. The great Lord Chatham honoured her with his
visits, and she took his likeness, which appears in Westminster
Abbey. Mº Wright died very old in February 1786.”
That curious collection of wax figures, representing Kings,
Queens, and sundry great personages, kept in a mysterious and
little known chamber in Westminster Abbey, is not so numer-
ous as it used to be. It formed an interesting series, not only
as portraits, but also as specimens of costume. Not one in a
thousand of those who enter the Abbey are aware of the
existence of such a chamber. But of late years a considerable
1) IARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 369
portion of the collection has been improved out of existence, or
removed elsewhere, for the ever increasing numbers were
growing so great, that it was becoming difficult to know what
to do with them. If they were sufficiently good as works of
art, or true in their portraiture to the lineaments of the
originals, they would be worth removing to a place where they
would be more open to the public. Perhaps it might be added
that the sons have been educated above their fathers, and that
though the fathers held the wax figures in the highest admiration,
the sons prefer resorting to the National Gallery.
WOL. II, 2 B
( 370 )
CHAPTER IX.
THE Governor had been quietly laid in his grave, and his
two sons now found themselves in a country moderately new to
them, and thrown upon their own resources to make the best
of things—to scrape together what was left for them, to watch
the course of events, to see whether any varying phase in the
fortunes of the war, which still dragged its slow length along,
was likely to open a way for their return to the land of their
birth, or, on the other hand, to settle them down where they
were. It was beginning to be said on both sides of the water
that people were getting tired of the war, and mutually desired
peace. Thomas, when writing from Brompton, Nov. 23, 1780,
to his brother Elisha in Birmingham, uses these expressions:—*
“American spirits begin again to rise upon the last acc" recº
from thence. Col. Chandler has a letter from his wife, who says
the cricis for American Independence is past. The people are sick
of their new alliance.f Mr. Wilson writes from New York, that
it was with difficulty carried at a town meeting, to make another
attempt this autumn, many being for a composition with Great
Britain. The best chance is from dissensions among themselves.
A son of Col. Warren, who perhaps you know, arrived in town a
few days ago: and another, of G Trumbull, is close in New-
gate for carrying on a correspondence with Franklin for some
time past, as the papers have told you.”
Judge Oliver, in his usual joking style, addressing himself
on the 9th of June, 1781, to Elisha, who was then in London,
sends the following message to Mr. Joseph Galloway, late
Speaker of the Assembly in Pennsylvania, but then a Refugee
in England, couched in these facetious terms:–
* Original Letters, vol. ii., dated from 1780 to 1800, inclusive.
+ With the French—which was true enough.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 371
“Tell Mr. Galloway that he will have so much time upon hand
that he may venture a visit to Birmingham, as Philadelphia will
not be swept and garnished this—this—century. As to pretty
Miss Galloway, if she will accept of my compliments, present
them to her, and let her know that if she inclines to see the whole
world, she will find it here in miniature ; and miniatures are the
most agreeable objects for vision, as their different parts do not
crowd upon the eye. But if she refuses my compliments, do not
tell her anything I say about this important matter.”
Thomas writes to his brother on the 20th of July this same
year:—
“Our accounts from America afford a good prospect of the
reduction of that country ; but we have already found it will not
do to depend much upon prospects.”
There is an original letter of August the 29th this year 1781,
addressed by Mr. Galloway to Elisha, in which he gives him
his opinion upon men and things at this period. He says:–
“You ask me what Chapter of politics we are in now 2 Indeed,
my Dear Sir, this question would puzzle Solomon himself. Such
is the folly or wickedness of the persons entrusted with carrying
on the American war, that it is impossible to form even a distant
conjecture when either of us shall cross the Attlantic with safety.
We see Lord Cornwallis gaining victory after victory with but
little fruits attending them. Like a bird he passes through the
country, but conquers no part of it. Sir Henry [Clinton] with
13,000 British, and 7,500 Militia, is sleeping in New York, and
dreaming about an expedition to Philadelphia, and I fear it will
prove only a dream. When I see a General enter a Province—
give the people assurances that he does not mean to desert them
—cordially invite the Loyalists to take up arms, and to seize
upon and bring us the disaffected, then, and not till then, will I
pretend to presage an end to the rebellion. This policy one would
imagine would be familiar to a school boy. Our Generals have
had it repeatedly pointed out to them, and yet they go on their
old wretched way, entering Provinces, and then deserting them,
leaving the unhappy Loyalists the sacrifices to this folly. Under
these circumstances we know no remedy but patience; stealing at
the same time a little comfort, from a hope that the course of folly
will have its end, and our prospects become more agreeable.”
2 B 2
372 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Thomas to Elisha, as follows:—
“Brompton, Aug 30th, 1781.
“Dear Brother,
“It is so long since we have heard anything of the welfare of
our Birmingham friends, that it was carried by a full vote, that I
should sit down and make the enquiry. The Doctor told us that
we should hear from him within a week; probably from new
quarters, but nothing as yet appears. We have always had good
news from America since you left us, but the prospect of a settle-
ment seems to be little advanced by it; and the accounts of the
dispositions of the southern people are rebellious beyond what
could have been imagined,—many of property chusing rather to
leave their estates and go to the northward, than submit to the
protection of this Government. Such was the situation of
Carolina, that Govº Bull writes Mrs. H., he dared not venture to
his country house, six miles from Charlestown, for fear of assassin-
ation ; but such a state I think can’t last long.”
In the Diary of Dr. Peter Oliver we read:—
“1781. Nov.–Mr. Abel Willard died of a slow fever in London,
the first week in Novº, 1781.
“Nov. 25.—News arrived in London of the capitulation of Lord
Cornwallis and his brave army the 19th of Octº.”
Upon this astounding piece of news, Mr. Pelham Winslow
writes from New York on the 1st of December, 1781, as follows,
to Elisha :-
“You express great confidence, and reputation from Lord Corn-
wallis's bravery and good conduct, and from thence presage a
happy termination to the present campaign. Great must be your
mortification and disappointment, when you hear of his catas-
trophe; and further observe, by the Tenth Article of Capitulation,
the Loyalists left exposed to the vindictive resentment of a set of
people whose tender mercies are cruelty:- men whom he was
sent to protect and defend—men whom he had encouraged and
excited by repeated Proclamations and promises of protection, to
take up arms and co-operate with him, and quit their families and
fortunes, should be the only people left unprovided and unpro-
tected by the capitulation, is surprising and alarming, and gives
great uneasiness and apprehensions to the Refugees and friends to
government here. Where the fault lies I will not pretend to say:
time will evince, and I hope the hand of justice will inflict proper
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 373
punishment upon the delinquents. But thus much I will pretend
to say, (without the gift of prophecy)—That if Great Britain thus
permits her friends to be sacrificed, she may bid adieu to America;
for no government can expect subjection without protection, or at
least, an equal participation of sufferings amongst its subjects.
What has, or what will be the fate of those unhappy men, we have
not yet heard, but in all probability a halter will be the only reward
a great many of them will receive for their Loyalty. I will not
dwell upon the subject—’tis too painful, but refer you to the
bearer [Mr. Fowle, a nephew of Mr. Secretary Flucker], and many
of your unfortunate countrymen, who are flocking home in this
fleet, possibly to avoid a similar fate.
“The last intelligence I had from Plimouth, [Mass.], our friends
there were all well.
“Compliments to all friends in England in general:—to the
Judge, M* Hutchinson, the Doctor, &c., in particular, concludes
me your sincere friend and oblig'd Hum! Servº,
“PELHAM WINSLOW.”
“Elisha Hutchinson, Esq., London.”
Pelham Winslow was a son of General John Winslow. He
graduated at the University of Harvard, and entered the office .
of James Otis to fit himself for the bar. On the outbreak of
hostilities he preferred the Royalist side, and took refuge in
Boston. On the evacuation of that city he removed to Halifax,
and subsequently to New York. He was proscribed and
banished, and in 1783 he died at Brooklyn, leaving a wife
and an infant daughter. Sabine gives a long account of
several members of the Winslow family. The shameful
treatment of the Loyalists, as mentioned above, was severely
commented on by the writers of the day. . . . .
The late Governor's eldest son, on the 8th of December, 1781,
pours out his feelings to his brother Elisha, and I need scarcely
add that all these extracts are taken from the original letters.
He says:— *A.
“The unhappy American news has quite stunned us all; and
for one, I am determined not to allow myself to expect a visit to
that country again, after so many opportunitys lost, and mis-
fortunes hapning, whether from bad conduct in our Commanders
or not, I leave every one to judge for himself. I think the pros-
pect darker than it ever has before been, notwithstanding we are
374 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
told twenty thousand troops are to be sent away as soon as
possible, and the war carried on in quite a different manner, and
that Government will by no means relinguish their object of
conquering a country on which, in a manner, depends the salva-
tion of this kingdom. The unhappy fate of the poor Loyalists in
Lord Cornwallis's army is dreadful, and his agreeing to that
Article of Capitulation, which gives them up to the mercy of
Congress, is a matter that remains to be explained. After so many
gallant actions he ought not to be condemed unheard.”
Lord North, the Tory Premier, announced in the House on
the 19th of March, 1782, that his Ministry had resigned; and
the country party, generally consisting of the least cultured
half of the community, whose simplicity enables them to
believe anything, and taught by the harangues of the Opposi-
tion, rejoiced that there was going to be a change, as yet never
having heard of the expression—“Peace with Honour.”
Writing to his brother on the 22nd of March, Thomas says:—
“The common people are much elated at the fall of the Ministry,
and depend on a peace immediately with America, at least.”
On the 11th of April the following paragraph occurs in his
letter:— -
“We are made to expect peace with America; and it will I
think determine whether we are to be beggars the remainder of
our days or not. I own I fear we have little to hope ; however, I
intend to give A. S.* a power to transact anything for us there.
Miss Sanford will do the same. I must have a line from you
before I can receive your money at the Treasury.”
Again, on September the 12th, 1782, he writes:—
“We have had fine reports of a change in American politics, in
more than one Province. A letter from Mr. Walter to Sr. William
Pepperell has occasioned much talk, and many opinions respecting
future events in that quarter. That great oppression by enormous
taxes, and perhaps a fear of French slavery, had occasioned great
uneasiness in some parts, even to opposition to the present
government, I believe is true; but we must wait the arrival of the
* Andrew Spooner. He was shortly going to take ship for New York.
His mother was Margaret Oliver, a daughter of Lieut.-Gov. Andrew Oliver, by
his second wife.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IILTCHINSON. 375
next pacquet to know what, or whether any good consequence
will result therefrom. I am, &c., Tho". Hutchinson.”
The following original letter does not contain anything O
importance, but who the Edward Hutchinson could be who
directed it to Elisha, and signed it with his name, I was for
some time considerably at a loss to decide. I had thought
that all the late Governor's relatives of his family name had
withdrawn from Massachusetts; but on examination I believe
him to have been the son of Edward Hutchinson who married
Lydia Foster. The writer of the letter is marked down in
the Pedigree as having died unmarried. His sister Margaret
however, married the Rev. Nathanial Robbins, whose de-
scendants reside in Boston at the present day. The writer must
have continued in America throughout the period of the war,
and have accommodated himself to the change of times; and
whatever ostensible sentiments he put outwards to the light of
day, like an overcoat, it may be inferred by certain expressions
in his letter, that he was not quite comfortable in the Society
by which he was surrounded. His father was half brother
of Governor Hutchinson's father, and their two wives were
the daughters of Colonel John Foster. The letter is the
following:—
“Cambridge, [Mass.] 15th Sep", 1783.
“My Dear Kinsman,
“Though I have never wrote to you as I can remember since
your departure from hence, yet I have been far from forgetting
you, especially since, by the disposition of Providence, your family
has been made small. I was very glad to hear of your health and
welfare by Mr. Spooner; and as his return to England gives me a
fair opportunity of writing, I trust I shall not be troublesome in
just letting you know that I am yet alive in a much altered
country, very disagreeable to me in their conduct and manners,
though many individuals are very worthy people, and I am happy
in the friendship of some of them.
“I intended to have wrote you by Mrs. Belcher, but her going
to England was always talk'd of as uncertain and at a distance,
and when she concluded to go I was absent from hence, and knew
nothing of it Pray make my compliments to her when next you
see her, and if it be not too much trouble, pray favour me with a
line when it shall be convenient to you. My kindest regards wait
376 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
on Mrs. Hutchinson and my little cousins. Pray present my
sincere duty and respects to the worthy Judge Oliver. I am glad
to hear he yet lives, and hope his useful life will be lengthen’d out,
as a comfort to you all. Remember me kindly to Doctor Oliver,
and my poor little motherless cousins. I han’t time now to write
to him, or I would. Mrs. Fayerweather, at whose house I now am,
desires me to give her best regards to you and Mrs. Hutchinson.
“Mr. Spooner having been on the spot, makes it needless for me
to relate some particulars which otherwise I might.
“I am, My Dear Sir,
“Your Affectionate Kinsman
“EDP HUTCHINSON.”
“Elisha Hutchinson, Esq.”
During my sojourn of several months in Boston, I occasionally
amused myself with visiting the Burial Grounds, and reading
the inscriptions. I have before spoken of Copp's Hill, where
the Governor's wife was laid. The Granary, at the north-east
end of the Common, contains memorials of the names of
Spooner, Oliver, and Hutchinson, not far from Franklin's
Pyramid. I saw a brick tomb covered with a large slab of red
Sandstone, or something of that appearance. In form, shape,
and nature, it was parallelopipoidal, or what is more commonly
called, an altar tomb. Across the top of the slab were cut the
words—“Doctº WILLIAM SPOONER. No. 112,” and longi-
tudinally the following, in Roman capitals:—
Here lyeth the Body of Cap. Peter Oliver
Aged 52 years, who lived much beloved,
And died much lamented on the 11* day of
Apriel, anno 1670.
Here lyeth interrd affection resolution
Religion pitty under dissolution.
And exploring further south, I came upon a large loose slab
of grey stone, some four feet long, two wide, and three inches
thick, with one long side, or upper edge, cut into a serpentine
outline. It was leaning up against a brick altar tomb, as if its
original place had been lost and forgotten. The surface was
much corroded, and the inscription, in four lines, scarcely
perceptible, but it began with “MARY HVTCHINSON,” the same
surname being discernible in two or three other places. The
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 377
only dates legible were apparently 1669, and September 1671.
I made sketches of these memorials, which I still have. If
this slab referred to members of the Governor's branch of the
family, the dates tally nearest with the births and deaths of
some of the children of Elisha and his first wife Hannah
Hawkins. He was born in 1641, having been a grandson of
William and Anne, the first settlers; and it is on record that
at the later date of 1717, he was himself interred in the
Granary.
I am tempted in this place to explain that there were three
heads of families of the name of Hutchinson who emigrated
from England to Massachusetts between the years 1632 and
1635. They all probably emanated from the Great Yorkshire
stock; but as that stock had been continually throwing off
branches, it resulted that none of those heads of families who
found themselves in close proximity in America, could point
out the exact link of relationship that might exist between
them. I wish to say a few words on each of these, and I will
take them in the following order:-
1.—Richard Hutchinson and his first wife Alice, who, after
their removal from England, chiefly identified themselves with
Danvers or Salem, and consequently, for distinction sake, may
be styled Hutchinson of Salem.
2.—George Hutchinson and his wife Margaret first lived at
Charlestown near Boston, though their offspring cultivated
their own estates in the conntry; but taking their early
settlement as a handle, this branch may be termed Hutchinson
of Charlestown.
3.—William Hutchinson and his wife Anne removed from
Alford in the county of Lincoln—their son Edward with Mr.
Cotton in 1633, and themselves with the rest of their family
the year after; and as they had a principal residence in the
city of Boston whilst the family continued in America, they
may, at all events for that time, be called Hutchinson of Boston.
I. Enlarging upon these, and taking Number one first, it may
be observed, that on arriving at Salem in 1635, Richard soon
established for himself a highly respectable position. The year
after his arrival the town authorities made him a grant of land
378 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCITINSON.
in the neighbourhood, and twenty acres more in 1637. Other
grants succeeded in 1654 and 1660, these latter being at
Hathorn's Hill and Beaver Brook. Though his family
maintained their hold on Salem, they were much occupied in
the long and laborious process of subduing their lands to useful
cultivation, which the succeeding generations continued to
follow to their honour and profit, as steady members of the
community, deserving the good opinion of their neighbours.
At the outbreak of hostilities Colonel Israel Hutchinson
commanded a regiment before Boston, but he was not at
Bunker Hill.
They were sufficiently literary and cultivated in their ideas
as to have kept scrupulous records of the genealogical accessions,
changes, and losses, that had taken place within their domestic
circle, so that they brought down a very circumstantial
Pedigree, dating from the earliest members who set foot on
American soil.
As I have two MS. copies of the Pedigree, written by them-
selves, one being as a register, and the other in tabular form,
and given to me by the family more than twenty years ago,
and which copies are now before me, I am able to speak with
admiration of the care with which it appears to have been kept.
From Richard to the present representatives there have been
ten generations.
Col. Israel Hutchinson came of the youngest son of the
fourth generation, and his great-grandson William Augustus,
born in 1826, and married in 1856 to Esther Emery, is now his
representative.
The sixth generation was carried on in the male line by two
sons—Elisha and Joseph. Elisha had Andrew and Jesse.
Andrew had Nathaniel and Stillman. Nathaniel had Everett
and Ann Jane. Now this Everett, born in 1826, is the eldest
representative of the family of Hutchinson of Salem. All
others are junior to him. His father's younger brother
Stillman had two sons, who come next; and his grandfather's
younger brother Jesse had sixteen children, ten of whose sons
married, and all had families. Jesse's descendants constitute
the third offshoot or sub-branch. There is a memorandum
prApy AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 379
attached to the Pedigree referring to him, which runs as
follows: “He was father of sixteen children: the greater P^*
of them are widely known both in the United States and Great
Britain as the celebrated Hutchinson singers. Jesse, the 9.
son, was gifted with a talent for poetry, which he displayed in
composing the greater part of the songs they sang. These
songs were generally set to music by his brother. The
brothers were staunch Abolitionists. They have gone out West
lately [about 1860], and founded a town in Minnesota, to which
they have given the name of Hutchinson.” iº
I well remember when they were in England. During their
tour they visited and sang at Exeter, sixteen miles from where
I was living, and I have always regretted I did not go and hear
them. I have one leaf of a quarto serial called “The People's
Magazine,” bearing date April 25, 1846, on page 225 of which
is represented “The Hutchinson Family: A Sketch by
Margaret Gillies,” as they generally appeared before the public.
There are three young men and their sister. The other side of
the leaf is occupied with a glowing description of their talents
and some account of their parentage. They did a great deal of
work, and I hope they carried back a great deal of money. By
a friend who had long lived at Boston I have been told that
they established a residence near Lynn, until the Swarm became
too large for the hive, when they departed to seek new
pastures.
Next we come to Joseph, the younger brother of Elisha,
father of the prolific Jesse. This cadet had numerous descen-
dants, his grandson Hiram leaving New England, and establish-
ing a lucrative business in France, which he left to his eldest
son Alcander, who married the daughter of a French Count,
a scion of the old Noblesse, reduced low by Revolution and
Republicanism; for those who know not how to raise them-
selves, generally strike a balance by pulling everything down
to their own level. -
Such is the respectable descent of this family in America; but
Some of its members desired to know something of their
ancestry if possible prior to their having left England, and in
order to effect this end, they called in the services of the late
380 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Col. Chester, who was to search records and find out all he
could. After a considerable amount of labour, of travelling,
and of research, he produced a long Pedigree, basing the
English portion of it upon the old Yorkshire genealogical tree,
originally traced by Henry St. George, King-of-Arms, and
given in the early quarto editions of the Life of Col. John
Hutchinson. But though stamped with the authority of the
Heralds' College, Col. Chester has taken one or two liberties with
it which may be alluded to again; and in the commencement
of his performance, which was printed in the New England
Historical and Genealogical Register for July, 1868, he tells us
that the founder of the family in England is reputed to have
come from Normandy with William the Conqueror. This
attribution is too stale now to pass unchallenged. If you want
to pay a compliment to a family, and know nothing of its
founder, the safest plan is to say—“he came over with the
Conqueror.” Well, no, this coin will not pass now-a-days. No
One ever said this but Col. Chester. All tradition before him
—for there is nothing but tradition to go by—has said that he
came to England in the fleet of Harold Harfager, King of
Norway, when that invader entered the Humber, and encoun-
tered the Saxons at Stanford Bridge, below York, a few weeks
—or rather, to be more precise, some eight or ten days, before
the Battle of Hastings. We do not touch firm ground until
we come down to the commencement of Henry St. George's
Pedigree in 1282.
The earliest recorded grant of coat armour was to the
younger branch of Thomas Hutchinson, of Owthorpe, the eldest
son William being of Cowlam, and both of them the sons of
Anthony. This appears in the Visitations of Nottinghamshire
in 1569 and 1614, and vol. iv. of the publications of the
Harleian Society. It is described thus:–Per pale Gules and
Az., Semé of Cross-crosslets or, a Lion rampant guardant Argent.
Crest—a Cockatrice Azure, tegged and combed or. Col. Chester
does not appear to have been aware of this grant—or, at all
events he made no use of it where it was essential to the
Pedigree he was engaged in compiling, and by neglecting it,
he assigned a wrong coat of arms instead.
Hannah,
b. 1659. | m. Putnam. m. Hadlock. m. Hale. m. Ashby. m. Boardman. m. Sarah.
M. Ak Mk Ak Ak A
| | | | | * Samuel. Ambrose, Lydia, m. Robert, m.
Elizabeth = Joseph = Rebecca. Abigail. Bethia. John. Benjamin. m. Rachel. Ob. coel. m. Ruth. Nourse. Elizabeth.
- |b. 1666. A Ak Ak Ak Ak
| | | | | | PEDIGREE
Joseph. = Abigail Ruth, m. Bethia, m. Ebenezer, Three Elisha=Ginger OF
b. 1690. I Goodall. Huchinson. Putnam. m. Hannah. infants. | Porter. HUTCHINSON OF SALEM,
FROM
| | | | | | | Col. Israel H. = m. twice. DOCUMENTS
Joseph = Hannah. Ruth, m. Abner, m. Josiah, Sarah. Elizabeth, John, m. IN
THEIR POSSESSION,
in which the portions omitted
by Col. Chester are restored
in italics.
af
The first in America, about 1635.
| | | | | |
. . . . = Joseph = Lydia. Elizabeth, Rebecca, Mary, Abigail,
|
John,
Elliott. Elizabeth. m. Sarah. m. Nichols. Lydia. Descendants still living.
b. 1722. 2. . . . .
| | | - |
* Hannah, Elisha=Sarah Mary. Hannah = Joseph = Widow
m. Goodale. m. Elliott. Buxton. AGoodale.
|
Elisha, Joseph = Sarah Archelaus, m. Levi, m.
|
Jesse- Polly Learitt.
m. Nancy, b. 1782. Curtis. E. Hutchinson. Betsy.
b. 1778.
| || || || || || || || || _ ] | | |
*-* Stillman, Sixteen children. The Hiram. = Mary Ann Joseph. Mary, m. Elisha, m.
b. 1798, Pearson. m. Emiline. Singers. Ten of the b. * Lufberry. G. P. Hutchinson. Ruth.
|
Andrew = Martha
b. 1775. Bayment.
sons married
and had fami-
lies They went
| | | |
Alcander=Henriette Abraham Sarah. Mary. John.
to Minnesota.
Alvaro Stillman
b. 1833. de Loyauté. Lufberry.
Oliver. Hubbard.
| |
Everett. Ann Jane.
b. 1825, b. 1827.
Renée-Caroline. Marianne. Barnard. Hiram.
b. 1859,
| |
Charlotte. Hiram. alsº
3.


382 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
The St. George Pedigree dignifies William Hutchinson of
Wykome or Wykeham Abbey, as the eldest and principal
representative of the whole and entire family; but as in 1581 a
grant of arms, different and distinct from the preceding, was
made to one Edward Hutchinson of Wickham in the county of
York, son and heir of Richard, who was however believed to
have gone to Ireland, the Colonel concludes this Richard,
appearing in the Pedigree, to be the same Richard whose son
had Wykeham and the grant. He writes thus:—“This
sufficiently establishes the parentage of Edward Hutchinson,
whose father was, I suspect, the Richard Hutchinson, son of
Anthony, last named, whom St. George supposes to have gone
to Ireland.” This extensive shuffling of the cards, after St.
George had arranged them, and accompanied by the words “I
suspect,” can scarcely be accepted by genealogists as conclusive
or satisfactory, but at the same time, having a desire not to be
unbecomingly dogmatical, I will not deny what I cannot
disprove.
The Harleian MS. in the British Museum, 18,011, &c., gives
a short Pedigree of four generations, immediately pertaining to
the recipient of the 1581 grant, and this achievement is thus
described in Heraldic language:—Per pale Gules and Azure, a
Lion rampant Argent, within an Orle of 16 Cross-crosslets or.
Crest.—A demi Wyvern Argent, Sealed Azure, beaked, crested, and
wattled Gules, issuant from a Ducal Coronet Or. Literas patentes
hor, armorum concessa Edwardo Hutchinson, per T. Flower,
Norroy, an” 1581, 4 July.” Col. Chester insists that this was a
confirmation, and not an original Grant. His words are:–“The
fact that this was a confirmation, and not a grant, of arms, of
itself proves that the arms had been borne by the family from
time immemorial.” Where is the evidence that it was a confir-
mation ? There is no evidence given but the bare assertion,
and this assertion is made in the face of the word “concessº.”
To the cadet branch of Thomas Hutchinson of Owthorpe, the
St. George Pedigree gives but two sons—William and John,
but Col. Chester asserts with confidence that he has discovered
* By an accidental misprint, the word is June instead of July, in the New
Eng, copy.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 383
a third called Lawrence, if not a fourth named Robert. And
then of this third son he observes:–“As, in my opinion, the
descendants of this third son are now the only living represen-
tatives of this ancient family”—what! the only representatives
now living 2 Thus, at one stroke, he sweeps out of existence
the whole family. By so doing he gives great prominence to
Lawrence, the said third son, from whom he deduces the House
of Salem, for which he was working. This kills off all the
descendants of Julius, the Editor of the Life of Col. Hutchinson;
and yet I have a certain knowledge of a number of them now
living, who have succeeded in right of birth, to sundry heirlooms
and family property. The following letter from a grandson of
Julius to me, will make all this very clear:—
“Tisbury Vicarage, Salisbury, Oct. 26, 1885.
“Dear Sir, *
“I return you the Pedigree you have been good enough to
send me, by the same post. The early part of it seems to be simply
transcribed from that in the quarto Edition of Mrs. Lucy Hutchin-
son's Memoirs: but in the latter part of my branch of the family
there are numerous errors; e.g., -My grandfather [Julius, the
Editor, lived at Owthorpe some time, and sold it, though Col. C.
says it had previously passed out of the family. I never heard of
my grandfather being in the East India Co. service, and do not
believe it. He was a Fellow of New College. His father had an
estate at Mardock, in Herts., and on the death of his uncle un-
married, he came into possession of Owthorpe, the old Hutchinson
property, Hatfield Woodhall, the ancient Boteler estate, and 4 other
manors; but many were encumbered by his uncle, from whom he
inherited them. He himself was very improvident and hasty, and
sold his estates. He married Frances Goodwyn, sister of Gen.
Gordon's great-grandfather, only daughter of Henry Goodwyn, of
Maize Hill Castle, Kent. This gentleman was in early life, in the
E. India Co. Service, which perhaps led to Col. Chester's Statement,
that Julius Hutchinson was in the E. I. Comp. Service.
“His second son Charles was my father; my mother was a
Baldwin, of Lancashire, grand-daughter of the Duke of Chandos,
some of whose property, handed down from the Princess Mary, and
sister to Henry VIII., I inherit. I have no family: but my brother
Pierrepont has 4 sons. The Elizabeth mentioned as daughter of
* New Eng, printed copy, p. 9.
384 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Julius, was my annt Lady Dryden, of Canons Ashby, of whom
there is a numerous progeny. Col. Chester has made strange
errors in his Pedigree, as he knew my cousin Sir Henry Dryden,
who is an excellent genealogist, and has gone to him for informa-
tion. I shall at any time be happy to shew you various pictures
and heirlooms of the family, and a silver gilt cup given by Q.
Elizabeth to Sir Francis Boteler, including some of Lucy Hutchin-
son's manuscripts, and an old Boteler Pedigree, which my grand-
mother preserved, if you will give me a day or two’s notice of your
visit.
“Believe me,
“Yours truly,
“F. E. HUTCHINSON.”
If Colonel Chester were alive I would give him my mind.
Painful as it may be, the cause of truth requires that such errors
should not be hushed up and concealed. The accuracy and the
pride of literature consists in its trustworthiness. How is it
that the historical and the genealogical writings from the
country to which he belonged, should be too often received in
Europe with mistrust? If that nation sees its interest, as well
as its dignity, it will do its best in trying to stamp out this
patent evil.
How sang the Swain to the Shepherdess P
He—“Where shall I go for Truth, my dear?
I’ve searched the world both far and near.”
She- “Go here, go there,
Go any where,
But not to the Western Hemisphere.”
As regards coat armour, Col. Chester makes no allusion to
the first grant, in which the field was semé of Cross-crosslets,
with a Lion guardant, and a Cockatrice on a Wreath, for a
Crest, which is the bearing that strictly belongs to the
Owthorpe branch ; and he assigns the second grant, of 1581, to
the son of Richard who was supposed to have gone to Ireland,
which bore a Lion non-guardant, and surrounded with an Orle
and a Crest of a demi Wyvern issuing out of a Coronet, which
Richard was a younger brother of Laurence's father, so that
Lawrence, not being descended from the recipient, could not in
any way inherit it. An inspection of the Tabular Pedigree
p/ARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 385
given in the early quarto Editions of Lucy Apsley's Life of her
husband, makes all this very plain.” Yet the Colonel gives
him an altered version of it, which, in fact, is a mixture of the
two, for it has the field semé, and a Cockatrice of the first grant,
and the Lion non-guardant, and the Coronet, of the second.
And to this mixture is assigned a Motto. It is the motto of the
Earl of Donoughmore—Fortiter gerät Crucém, transposed, not
very classically, into–Gerit Crucem fortſter.
The descent from this Lawrence is carried on through
Thomas, and Thomas, to Richard the great-grandson, who
married Alice Bosworth ; and this Richard is declared to have
been the one who proceeded from England to Salem in or about
the year 1635, taking with him this first wife and five children,
The proof that the Richard in England and the Richard in
America were one and the same person may be supported by
the re-appearance or recurrence of the several names of the dif-
ferent members of the family in the Registers of both countries;
but there is not so much stress laid upon this important mode
of evidence in the Pedigree, as there might have been.
Supposing the continuity of the family from England, and so
across the Atlantic to America, to have been satisfactorily
established, the English portion may be put aside as done with :
the more modern or American portion I have already reviewed,
assisted as I have been by the copious particulars put into my
hands by the family, Some years before the services of Col.
Chester were required.
The Colonel made out his American part from similar
materials obtained from the family, but he took some trouble
to search the American records as well. In this portion he has
not killed off one branch after another with the same facile
hand as in the English part, but he has done what is equally
misleading—he has utterly ignored and passed by in silence the
entire elder branch of Elisha, with his two sons, and his grand-
sons, and his great-grandson Everett, and the sixteen children
of Jesse, and the ten Sons who married and all had families.
* Let me remark that the arms engraved under the portrait in the quarto
editions, are entirely wrong. Perhaps they did something to mislead Col.
Chester.
WOL. II. 2 C.
386 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTOEIINSON.
This multitude, which belongs to, and represents the eldest
branch of that stock in America, by being thus kept out of
sight, would not be known or suspected to have an existence.
In the printed Pedigree, where speaking of Elisha, page 29,
we are told who he married, and then the notice of him ends
by saying that he “died at Amherst, 12* of October, 1800.”
Not one word of his numerous descendants. The casual
reader, or indeed the enquiring student into this genealogical
tree, would be deceived into the belief that the younger branch
alone comprised all that now remained of the family. In the
light of truth this is not as it should be. I must protest
against this mode of making Pedigrees. Some Pedigrees are
dear and some are cheap; and if a case could be found where a
Pedigree has cost upwards of £400 sterling, it would be rather
hard if it should turn out to be not worth 400 pence.
II. Hutchinson of Charlestown is the next branch of the great
parent stock that claims our notice. For upwards of 250 years
its long succession of members have maintained a quiet and
steady course of industry on their own estates, or in other ways
to the good of their country, and to the advantage of them-
selves. Their domestic history seems to have been kept with
care and fidelity, and their descent through nine generations
from their early planting at Charlestown to the present time,
bears the stamp of accuracy, from the number of the particulars
and the regularity of the dates. It is not known with certainty
where they had resided in England prior to their migration,
but George Hutchinson, and his wife Margaret, appear in the
records of the Colony as the first of their name in Massachusetts.
To Mr. Calvin Gibbs Hutchinson of Dorchester and Boston, a
worthy representative of this early stock, I am indebted for
many particulars which I prize highly. Respecting this first
couple he writes:—
“George Hutchinson and his wife Margaret were early
settled in Charlestown, Mass. They were dismissed 14* 8”
mo. 1632 from the Boston Church, and on Nov. 2° 1632, united
with 33 others in forming the First Church in Charlestown.
John Harvard, founder of Harvard College, was afterwards a
pastor of this church.
GEORGE HUTCHINSON = Margaret.
Went to America about 1631.
| -
Nathaniel = Sarah Baker.
b. 1633.
Nathaniel=Sarah William. Thomas. William. Margaret. Samuel = Sarah Steeven.
b. 1662. Copp. b. 1672. | Fascitt.
| | | | |
sº *. * = Mary Debora. Samuel. Bethia. Nathaniel. Debora.
b. 1697. b. 1702. l Ireland.
| | | |
* nº. Eliza – Samuel = Abigail. Mary. Nathaniel. John.
| b. 1736. |
| | | | | | |
sº nº. alsº Susan = Ebenezer = Mary. Lydia. John. Rufus. Josiah. Nathaniel. Amos.
Gibbs. |
| | | |
sh. * Elija Gibbs=Nancy Silas Mary. Abigail.
b. 1798. Oakman. Whitney.
NO
e Susan Calvin Gibbs=Roxanna. George Oakman = Leonora.
INC Gibbs. b. 1836. |
- | | |
John biº. William Waldo. Alice. George Anthony.
b. 1857. Ob, coel. aet. 19.
PEDIGREE
OF
HUTCHINSON
OF
CHARLESTOWN,
comprising
the
chief branches
only,
for want of sufficient
Space.
The first four generations
are taken from
the
Charlestown
Records,
and
the remainder from
memorandums in the
possession of the
Family.



388 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
“George is one of the subscribers to the Order of the in-
habitants of Charlestown, (Feb. 10, 1634–5), by which they
agreed to be governed by Selectmen: a facsimile of the
document is given in Frothingham's History of Charlestown,
and this is the beginning of our New England form of town
government.”
I may add to this, that the facsimile of the said Order is
inserted at page 50, and in print on the following page. The
signature, in the cramped hand of the day, is “Geag
Huchinson,” and is the last but one on the list.
The following is the descent from the original pair down to
the present representative at Dorchester, leaving out collaterals.
Down to the fourth generation inclusive, the particulars are
taken from the Records of Charlestown, and after that from
family papers:—
1. George Hutchinson, and Margaret, married in England.
2. Nathanial H. and Sarah Baker, m. 16" of 1* month 1659.
3. Samuel H. and Sarah Fascitt, m. Dec. 5, 1695.
4. Thomas H. and Mary Ireland, m.— date missing.
5. Samuel H. and Eliza Fessenden, Ap. 27, 1758: 2*
Abigail Flagg, m. in 1766.
6. Ebenezer H. and Susan Gibbs, m. in 1793.
7. Elijah Gibbs H. and Nancy Oakman, m. June 17, 1825.
8. Calvin Gibbs Hutchinson and Roxanna Parker Hill, m.
March 4, 1857.
9. Four children—John Calvin, William Waldo, (died 1879),
Alice, and George Anthony. -
III. Hutchinson of Boston, in America, which has been
called Hutchinson of Lincolnshire, in England. As this is the
Governor's Branch, I should prefer, if not unbecomingly
obtrusive, to reserve some account of it for a Supplementary
Chapter. With this view I will say nothing more of it here.
I have a feeling that I may have dwelt on the name rather
long, but I thought it better to explain the existence and
particulars of the different Branches, so as to prevent their
getting confused together. Of the last mentioned Branch,
I do not think there is a single individual at present in
America; so that where this family name occurs, especially
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 389
in the northern portion of the Continent, it probably belongs
to one or the other of the two first described above.
Before resuming the regular narrative of events, it may be
permitted to quote a short passage from the Diary of Elisha,
in which he mentions an event as occurring in Birmingham–
an event worth giving, as exhibiting the debased morals and
low sensibilities of the people at large, only a short century
ago. It runs thus:—
“1782, Jan. 23.−Cloudy—rain in evening. Walked into
town and found the High Street, from Cross to Cross, thronged
with people, to see a woman carted and whipped. Public
discipline being very unusual in this town, always brings the
multitude together.”
Public discipline and public opinion are now at variance.
Happily we have advanced. Such a barbarism, and such an
outrage on public decency would be hooted down in the present
day by the lowest of the people. -
The war was not yet over, but many persons thought that
the game was nearly played out, or that they could espy at
no great distance—the beginning of the end. The capitulation
of Lord Cornwallis seemed to bring things to a crisis. In his
Letter Book, writing to Mr. Edward Lyde on the 5th of May,
1782, Thomas Hutchinson says:—
“The great change which has recently taken place in the
political world here, I dare say surprized you much. I hope
and think the Loyalists of America will not be sufferers by it.
The new Ministry are very popular: the voice of the nation
Seems to be for peace—more especially with America.
Whether this can be effected without a general one, seems
to be more doubted now than when the change hapned.”
And again, to the same, on the 2nd of January, 1783:—
“We look upon the war as at an end in America, and hope
to hear private animosities subside.”
The situation of the Loyalists and Refugees was looked upon
as critical and painful, and a general feeling of anxiety existed
amongst them.
“Those Loyalists from Massachusetts,” he writes to his
brother, on the 31st of January, 1783, “who are in town, or
390 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
some of them, met at Sir Will” Pepperell's last week, to debate
on what was proper to be done in the present precarious
situation of compensation for losses and sufferings. I have
heard it hinted, two Noblemen at the head of the old Adminis-
tration, had signified to Sir Will” the propriety of an applica-
tion to Parliament at this time; but do not vouch for the
truth of it. At the meeting they only desired Sir Will” to
endeavour to find out the opinion of those Noblemen, and also
of the present first L" of the Treasury before the next meeting,
which is to be to-morrow. This is all I have heard of the
matter. The New Hampshire men have also enlisted under
G. Wentworth, to consider what is proper for them to do.” &c.
To some unnamed friend whom he addresses “Hon” and
Dear Sir,” he writes, on the 20th of February, 1783:—
“The settlement of peace, and throwing the Loyalists on the
mercy of their inveterate enemies, is truly deplorable; but we now
have no remedy left, unless the humanity of the nation should
interest itself in our behalf. I think this should, and I hope it
will be tried: the present Administration discourage the attempt
at present; and when the matter cools, it may be too late.”
To his nephew Andrew Spooner, on the 22nd of the same
month and year :—
“The conclusion of peace will undoubtedly make a great
alteration in the circumstances of England and America. I
hope both may be bettered by it ; but I suppose much will
depend upon the returning cordially [sic] of each to the other.
We wait with impatience to hear what reception the peace met
with on your side the water : the disposition here seems to be
to bury the hatchet.”
Upon the prospects of peace there arose among the Loyalists
a very natural desire to know what chances there were of
recovering any of their lost estates. Andrew Spooner was in
America, and his uncle Thomas, in the following letter,
requests him to make enquiry —
“Brompton, 31st Mar., 1783.
“Dear Nephew, -
“This being the first direct opportunity from hence to
Boston, I embrace it to write you a few lines, tho’ I am yet
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 391
without any advice of your situation, and what your reception
has been in your native country. I have before wrote you
three letters, two of which I think went by the way of Halifax,
but as possibly all may have miscarried, I will mention that
in them I wished you to give me the most particular account
you were able, of the state of what was my father's interest in
America. I should like to know who are the present holders
of it, and what each part sold for. I have lately been informed
the farm at Conanicut had not been sold a short time ago.
M” Sanford's farms I hope are in the same situation; nor can
I think you will meet with much difficulty in procuring her
rents for her, she never having recº a farthing from this
government, and her quitting the country being a thing she
could not avoid. I was very sorry to hear of the death of M*
Cheseborough, who I dare say, would have been friendly, had
he lived. Both your grandfather Oliver and my father had a
considerable interest in lands at the eastward, about York, at
what was called Phillip's Town. There were many proprietors
—M Cushing, M. J. Adams, Dº Warren, and others who I do
not recollect. I wish to be able to ascertain what the Oliver and
Hutchinson interest was : perhaps you could get a particular
accº of these affairs from M* Oliver of Salem. We have
heard nothing from America since the peace was concluded.
If advices should be such from thence as I sincerely wish they
may be, it's not unlikely you’l see many returning there before
another winter. M* Grant died about two months ago, and
M* Flucker is also dead.”
After so serious a quarrel the return to feelings of amity
was slow. Those who expected to see England and America
hurry to embrace one another with cordiality as soon as the
sword had been laid aside, were disappointed. On the 7th of
June, being nine weeks after the preceding, he says to the
same person:—“I could hardly have thought it possible so
long a time could have elapsed since the peace, with so little
intelligence from America. What has transpired I own does
not altogether please me, for I wished to see a mutual returning
cordiality between the two countrys. May it yet take place l’’
The attempts suggested; above to try and ascertain the
392 DIAI; Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
situation, extent, and circumstances of the different lost estates,
shew that no delays occurred in paving the way to their
recovery if possible. This was a long and tedious process,
extending over many years, and eventually succeeded only in
part. Amongst the materials from which this work has been
compiled, there is an old map of the New England Provinces
in case, measuring 39 inches by 42, bearing date Nov. 19, 1774,
by Tho' Jefferys, Geographer to His Royal Highness the Prince
of Wales, near Charing Cross. It is to the scale of seven
miles to an inch. The long narrow island of Konamicut or
Conanicut, stretching north and south about ten miles, appears
in Narragansett Bay, opposite, and to the west of the city of
Newport, in Rhode Island, where the Sanfords, originally of
13oston in England, had settled down ; and “the lands at the
eastward, about York, at what was called Phillip's Town,” I
take to be at or near the York laid down in the old map, a
place situated near ten miles north of the mouth of the Tiska-
taqua river. In subsequent letters, and as long as the efforts
for sale or recovery were pending, the expression “the
Eastern Lands” is of general use; and I presume that by
this expression the lands near York are intended.
The majority of the Refugees who had withdrawn to England
whilst the storm was raging, desired to know on what terms
they could return again to America now that the atmosphere
was clearing. Some of them, however, discovered that the door
was shut against their return. Colonel T3enjamin Pickman
was now in England, and was anxious to know in what odour he
stood with the Congress, or with the more settled form of
government in what was now being called the United States of
America. Sabine informs us that this gentleman was born at
Salem in 1740, and graduated at Harvard University in 1759.
He was a merchant, a Representative to the General Court, and
a Colonel in the Militia. And he quotes John Adams, who in
1772 said of him, that he was very upright, sensible, and enter-
taining: that he talked a great deal, told old stories in abund-
ance about the witchcraft, paper money, &c. And Sabine
proceeds to say:—“In 1774 Colonel Pickman was an Addresser
of Gage. He went to England. In 1775 we find him a guest
- DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 393
of Governor Hutchinson, and the next year a member of the
Loyalist Club, London. In 1778 he was proscribed and
banished. A year later his house was at Bristol. In 1783 he
was in London, and saw M* Siddons play Jane Shore at Drury
Lane Theatre,”—and that brings us to the date at which we
have now arrived. Being in London, he wrote to Elisha at
Birmingham, what is now a brown and dilapidated-looking
letter, in the following terms:–
“Dr Sir.
“Various are the reports circulated with respect to the
dispositions of the inhabitants of the United States of America
towards the IRefugees. It is generally thought that all may
return except those who have taken [up] arms against them.
Cap" Tho. Napp [?] is arrived from Newbury Port, but brings
no new intelligence. I have not received a line from America
since my leaving Birmingham ; unless I hear soon from my
friends, I shall determine to remain in England untill next
Spring, and shall return to Birmingham, where we will pursue
the pleasant walks you formerly mention'd. I hope you will
not have explored all the country before my return : however,
there is little danger, if the weather at the Five Ways is the
same as it is in London—extremely rainy.
“I dined on Saturday last” with Sir William Pepperell, in
company with Mº Palmer, lately arrived from Surinam—looks
Very yellow, and is much emaciated. . . . .
“I send you the Franks, and think you had better use one
before you know my determination about going to America.
A vessel will sail in a fortnight for Boston.
“Pray remember me to M* Hutchinson, the Judge, Miss
Clarke, and the Doctor.
“Iondon, 18th June, 1783.
“I am Yº Friend and Sert
“IBENJ' l’ICKMAN.
“P.S.–I shall be obliged to you if you will send the
enclosed to 27 Colemore Row.”
And Sabine further adds—“IIe returned to Massachusetts,
and in 1787 the Legislature restored citizenship, and a part of
his confiscated estate. He died at Salem in 1819, aged Seventy-
* IIe was writing on Wednesday.
394 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTOHINSON.
nine. Gentlemen of his lineage are of great respectability in
his native State at the present time.”
Thomas Hutchinson the Governor's eldest son, or “the Judge,”
as he might be styled for distinction’s sake, since he had been
Judge of the Probate Court for the county of Suffolk in
Massachusetts—was losing the robustness of his health—or he
thought so, which was the same thing to his mind, and he had
been advised to think of a milder climate in the winter; yet
he was only 43 at this period, and he lived on for 28 years
longer. The original letter here subjoined will reveal his
sentiments on this point:-
“Brompton, 24* Sep', 1783.
“Dear Brother,
“I returned here on Saturday last;" my health is better
than it has been, but I cannot call myself well. Some friends
advise me to go to France, or to one of the warm Islands. My
own intention was to return to Brighthelmstone in ten days or
a fortnight, as my coming up was of necessity. I am much at a
loss what course to take, but could wish the application to the
Commissioners might be made before I leave the town again.
Silvester [Oliver] thinks his brother [Daniel] will be in town
this week. I know not what the lands at the Eastward were,
as to quantity or value. Perhaps you might think the affair
deserved a journey, but you will judge for yourself.
“I am Yours Affectionately
“THOS HUTCHINSON.”
The journey to France was decided on, and Elisha came up
from Birmingham to join in the expedition. Dr. P. Oliver
writes in his Diary:-
“ 1783. Oct 13.−Elisha and family set out for London, for
France.
“Tuesday, Oct. 28.—Tommy and Elisha Hutchinson set out
for France from Brompton.
“30".—They arrived at Calais in 34, Hº-all very sick.”
Chief Justice Peter Oliver, on the 14th of October, wrote
after Elisha before he had sailed, when he said—“I advise you
to keep a Diary of your proceedings and expenses: much
* It was now Wednesday.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 395
future satisfaction may be derived from it.” I fear this good
advice was not very rigidly attended to, as I cannot discover
any evidence of it amongst the family papers. They proceeded
to Nismes in the far south, and on the 7th of December the
Chief Justice wrote such a letter to Elisha as nobody else could
have written, and being the original, may perhaps be worth
giving entire.
“Brummichameaux, Dec 7", 1783.
“Monsieur !
“Faites vos reflections la-dessus, et daignez me communiquer
en reponse—the dogs take your French,--it is so like the chat-
tering of a monkey—you shall never have another line of it from
me, and I hope never to have a word of it from you or yours.
I only wrote the above to let you know what I could do if I
would, and that inspiration hovers over Colemore Row at my
command:— and now, my dear Sir, I come to the purpose.
“I received your kind letter from Calais some time since,
and you would have received one from me long ago had I have
known the direction. Yours of 7" Now" at Paris, and an-
other at Nismes, of 22* Now", I received this day: but I was
most pleased with your being fixed near Nismes in so good
health, and satisfaction with your winter quarters: for your un-
interrupted success, health, and spirits, be gratefull; and do not
think, because you are now in the regions of romance, or in
fairy land, that the bubble will never burst. Enjoy what you
can without being unmindful of those whose affection follows
you to your every situation. The itinerary you promise me
from Polly: tell her that I ever have received her letters, upon
any subject, with parental affection and pleasure, and that I
shall think, whatever postage I may pay for so distant letters,
will be money better laid out than in the funds, as I shall
always have the interest of it at my command.
“I wish to hear of your brother's confirmed state of health :
to him, to Sally, and to their children, I tender my kind
regards. I enclose my love to Peggy, Betsy, Mary, and
George: tell them to buy the biggest and lightest French box
that they can buy at Nismes, and lock it up safely: let Peggy
keep the key, and peep at it once per day: but I fear it will
396 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
all evaporate from a French box; so that I believe that an
English wicker basket will be more retentive.
“Now for ourselves—
“You boast of your day or two’s cold weather: we have been
so unhappy as not to have had one: a most uncommon
November, without a gloom to hint at a suspension, immersion,
or scarification : it is now pleasant and moderate. You rumble
in the English papers with your balloons: we have ours too,
which travel 50 miles in less than three hours:—nay, more,
we have had a machine made in Birmingham, and which is now
on exhibition in London, in which a man can transport himself
by wings to any distance, and steer himself through the air as
a bird. It extends from the tip of the wings near forty feet.
The man's name is Miller: I believe you have heard me speak
of him. Donisthorpe, Whitmore, and Gill made the nice
machinery. If it succeeds all the balloons will burst: but cuff
bono 3 no one yet says.
“Cousins Daniel and Louisa keep a true bachelor's and
maiden hall at the Five Ways: none are permitted to visit
but M* Galton's and our family. Louisa is as well as usual, and
would be better if she chose it: she can bear an evening's walk
from Colemore Row. Kitty hath got a pretty tabby kitten for
her company; but as it is not sufficient, she is now going to live
in London on her mother's invitation.
“We have a trunk of diamonds and a bundle of letters left
here for your wife by Andrew Spooner, which are so sealed that
I shall let nothing leak out of them : he carried a letter for
each of you to London, which I suppose you may have received.
We have had a number of Americans in town lately, as Silas
Deane, Geyer, &c.; four of them supped here two nights ago,
viz. –M* H. Bromfield, Prentice, Austin, and Brewster. I
could ramble on ; but enough to convince you that English
paper is larger than French, and that a Birmingham man can
crowd more into it than a Nismes inhabitant can into his : such
as it is, you have it, and a remembrance of you from Colemore
Row, Five Ways, &c., will leave no more space than to tell you
that he who fills it is “Your affectionate friend,
- “P, OLIVER,”
-
º-º-º-º-º-º-º:
-- -
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Œ：RŌ，7777， cael
Copley. Punx.
NCTMAN PHOTo co, BosTon, u. s.
PETER OLIVER,
Chief Justice ºf Massachusetts,

DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTOHINSON. 397
The expenses of travelling were very serious. We must,
however, bear in mind that the party so travelling was a
numerous one. There is a Dr. and Cr. account, ranging from
the time they started to January 1784, which will shew what
could be done for how much money :—
Cash. Account, T. and E. H. since Oct. 1783.
1783. Cash pd. E. H. at By the several pay-
Oct. Brompton . . 2 2 0 ments on acc.E.H.
Do, pd. Charles, to Messrs. Drum-
Servant . . . 3 3 0 monds as settled
DO. travelling at Dijon . . . . 688 2 4
trunks . . . . 8 3 0 Bal. On this acc. . . 145 8 2
Do. Hire coaches
to DOver . . . 12 12 0
DO. TE. H. at Dover 8 18 6
34 18 6
1784. Bills brought with me . . 400 0 0
Jan. By Messrs. Danforth and
Rashleigh, as settled at
Dijon . . . . . . . . 398 12 O
£833 10 6 '#833 10 6
To Cash paid E. H. since By account, several
10th Dec. 1783. . . . 448 6 9 payments On acc.
To # travelling expenses .. 326 12 8 E. H. . . . . . 688 2 4.
Bal 86 I? I
£774 19 5 £774 19 5
My chief satisfaction after looking at the above is this—that
they were able to afford it.
At this date there is another original characteristic letter in
the handwriting of the Chief Justice, and as it would be hard
to separate and disentangle his jokes from the mention of a few
political facts—and facts are always valuable—the whole may
as well be taken together. As leading up to this point, there
will be no harm in just mentioning a few occurrences that had
then recently taken place. Lord North and his Ministry
resigned March 19, 1782. Rockingham Ministry formed and
met, after which Parliament was prorogued July 11, and
assembled again December 5, in the same year, at which time
the strange coalition between Lord North and Mr. Fox astonished
the country, Disorganization of the Ministry, and interregnum
398 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
in February, 1783. New Ministry met April 2, and close of the
Session July 16. More shuffling of the cards in December of
the same year:-And Chief Justice Oliver to the rescue in
January 1784:—
“Birmingham, Jan’ 18, 1784.
“And I am glad, my Dear Sir that I have contributed one
drop from the Heliconian fountain to quench your epistolary
thirst ; but perhaps, as the gutta cavat lapidem, by pouring
draught after draught, I may possibly create a nausea, which
your appetite may reluct” at.
“Your letter of the 27th Decº past, threw me into my
former predicament when a boy of 4 years old; then I thought
it the completion of happiness, when an uncle or aunt gave me
a gilt figure on gingerbread; it then pleased my fancy and
gratified my appetite; thus, between your cold water and my
gingerbread, the account between us is balanced.
“I arrange my subjects under politicks, and domestick life;—
the first being of the greatest importance, let me tell you that
the Wheel again revolves: it stood still some time for want of
greasing: at last the Coalition carried through the House an
East India Bill by a great majority. The House of Lords
thought it an infringement upon the prerogative of the Crown,
and upon the rights of the people also, and it was there nega-
tived by a small majority—upon which the King dismissed all
his Ministers, and appointed Lord Temple to the first Commis-
sion in the Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
|Mº Pitt one of the Secretaries of State ; Lord Gower President
of the Council, and Lord Thurlow, High Chancellor. Lº
Temple, after acceptance, resigned, and Mº Pitt is now in his
place. After this Lº North made a bold speech, and declared
Mº Fox to be his best friend, and that he would support him.
Mº Pitt hath lost one vote, but he doth not flinch. How it
will end time will tell. The city of London supports Mº Pitt.
“In the East Indies, in last June, there were two hot battles,
—by sea, and by land: Sº Edward Hughes lost many hands, and
* Or feel a reluctance at. From the Latin Reluctor, aris ; dep., to struggle,
to wrestle against. In Bailey we have, To reluct, [reluctare, L.] To be
averse to, strive against.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 399
it was a drawn battle. Sº Eyre Coote was dead, and Col.
Stuart fought a much superior force, and came off victorious.
After these actions, the news of peace arrived.
“You ask about America. Congress is despised by all the
Governments, and they are in that disorder which I suppose
will occasion some convulsions. They had a great shock of an
Earthquake at New York the latter end of November, after
the troops had left them. Nova Scotia populates fast—60,000
already. When America is overstocked with English manu-
factures, they will be ready for another war with England.
France hath protested Congress Bills, and the Congress
Financier hath clipped all the English and foreign gold to pay
their subsidies. M* Clarke hath heard from sister Cabot, and
that she was tolerably well. John Temple and his wife are
arrived in London.
“Now for domestick news.-The Five Ways remain where
you left them. Birmingham as busy as usual. Butter at 12"
p pound. Gingerbread at the old price. Guinea coiners now
in the dungeon. Your garden thrives amazingly; but what is of
serious importance, Mº Pott desires to know of you what he
shall do with the cow—she is dry: as also, what price to have,
or what to do with the rails, and shall be glad of your direc-
tions: and what is of the greatest importance of all, M* Pott
paid me a guinea. Some time since for you. I have wrapped it
carefully in a paper for your orders: It distresses me so much in
my custody, and burns in the paper when I think of it, that I
fear its setting the house on fire. If you wish me to send it to
Sº John Lambert, your orders will be obeyed; if not, a dose of
laudanum every night will assuage my sleepless hours: and so
Sir, with maids', wives', and batchelors' Hall compliments,
“I am Your Humble Servant,
“ P. OLIVER,”
“Dear Polly.
“If you will not write to me, I will to you: indeed, I
have heard that there is a letter for me upon the road from
Nismes. If I was very apt to be impatient, I should be so now,
for I have expected it for some time past. Remember, that the
400 1) IARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON.
post is the quickest and safest conveyance, and a few shillings
for postage, I can save out of apples and oranges.
“I am much pleased to hear of your pleasant situation, and
hope you will enjoy much health, and that the purpose of the
journey will be answered, by a compleat restoration of M T.
H.’s health. I have heard much of the antiquities of Nismes:
you will certainly attend to them.
“While you enjoy your vernal sun, I have here enjoyed an
American snow-storm, and an healthy cold air. Farenheit's
thermometer hath been here at 20 degrees, and it was the first
cold day which I have felt in England, but it was agreeably
cold ; and as you are not fond of such severity, I am glad that
you did not suffer it.
“I shall expect that your Itinerary will give me the descrip-
tions of places, and their distances, for I cannot yet learn how far
you are from Birmingham : how soon or late you may return I
have no conjecture, but whenever it may be, be sure, return un-
frenchified in thought, word, and deed. I shall then expect to
hear of the Alps, and that you had seen the passage which Hanni-
bal made through them with his vinegar: and if you should take
an airing to Rome, measure the height of the Tarpeian Rock,
that I may know whether a man or Woman may now break
a neck by a leap from it. M' Gimlet, who lately married Miss
Barrs, died last week. Kitty is going to London to her brother.
“I have no more room but to add my sincere wishes that you
may be under the protection of a kind Providence as to your
health and conduct, and to assure you of the inviolable love
and friendship of
“Your Affectionate Grandpapa
“P. OLIVEIR.
“Miss Peggy
“I hope you are in good health, and that you have much
improved in reading and needlework, and that you will have
no more occasion to go to M' and M*IVorkland's school.
“Miss Betsy -
“I shall expect to see you come home a woman. There is a
fine tabby kitten to play with : she will bite, scratch, and play
without hurting you.
JDIARY AND I, I.TTERS OF THOMAS ITUTO77INSON. 401
“ Miss PO|| ||
“How do you do? There are more dogs than two now. Be
a good girl, and then I shall be glad to see you.
“M. George
“Cart and horses enough : don’t cry and make a noise, and
then I will love you.
“All of you be good, and mind Pa and Ma.”
Sir John Lambert, mentioned above, was residing in Paris,
and the letters were sent to him, to be forwarded to Nismes.
The children, separately addressed, were those of Elisha and
his wife; all of them died during their years of adolescence.
The youngest child John, afterwards Editor of the third volume
of Governor Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, was not
born for nearly ten years after this period. On one occasion,
when I was staying with him at his Parsonage, (now Vicarage,)
of Blurton, in Staffordshire, he said to me in the Library,
laughing, that he had recently made a discovery—that in
turning over Some of his father's papers, he had found out
that he was a seven months' child. The fact however, was of
no consequence: he was a strong, active, and healthy man, both
in mind and body, and attained to the age of seventy-two.
The Chief Justice went up to London on matters of business
in February, and what he did or did not, and what he had to
communicate, are best revealed in his own words. Just before
starting, he despatched a missive, in which he speaks of the
severity of the winter as follows:—“On Christmas Day our
Snow fell, and is not yet gone, but is snowing on to add to the
heap : such a winter hath not been felt in England for eight
years past. Freezing of many persons—the canal here hath
been froze for two months past—at Gainsborough in Lincoln-
shire, a boxing match on the ice—drowned eighty-six persons
out of ninety.” Of political matters he writes:—“Our
political wheel stands still. L" N. and M. F. still oppose the
l’rime Minister Mº Pitt, to prevent his carrying a vote; and
what the consequence will be—whether a dissolution or a new
coalition, is not determined; and all publick business Stagnates.
The House of Tords have addressed the King against the East
V().T. l I, 2 I,
402 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
India Bill of the Commons, and on his dismission of the late
Ministry, and where it may end, time will discover. There are
also addresses from many parts of England and from Ireland on
the subject.” We next find Mr. W., whoever he may be,
playing at the unpleasant game of hide-and-seek:-“Your
friend Mr W is here incog. : he hath given all up in England,
and whether that will do, I fear he is going to America in
the spring. I pity him.” He continues:–“ Parson Walter is
arrived from Nova Scotia; many other Refugees are come.
America is in a bad plight—they will lose their whale and cod
fishery, and Nova Scotia will ruin the four N.E. governments.”
Fortunately for the United States the rueful prognostications
of the Chief Justice were not verified. “M Randolph,” he
says, “ died last week, and Brigadier De Lancey is like to die
by an apoplexy, if not dead.” The Mr. Randolph here mentioned
can be no other than John, who had been Attorney General for
the Crown in Virginia, but retired to England, and died in
London, January 31, 1784, which was “last week” to the writer
of this letter to Elisha, bearing date February 9. Oliver De
Lancey, the son of Stephen, a French Refugee, and Ann Van
Courtlandt, of New York, was a stanch Loyalist, and held the
rank of Brigadier General in the King's service. Lorenzo
Sabine, in his valuable work of reference, mentions several of the
name and family. This one, now “like to die by an apoplexy,
if not dead,” lived on however to another year, and, as Sabine
says, “died at Beverley in 1785, at the age of sixty-eight.”
And now being in London, his son the young Doctor, informs
us in his Diary how and when they got there. He writes:–
“ 1784. Feb. 20.—On Friday my father and Miss Clarke
went to London in the two-days coach, and on the eve of the
same I went in the Swan post coach, [and] arriv'd on Saturday
1 o’clock. -
“I saw Major Upham my old friend, Dr Jeffries, Mr
Saunderson, &c. &c. &c. I stayed in London above three weeks,
and returned heart sick of it, without effecting my business
with the Commissioners of the American Department.”
Very likely. All those who petition their Governments
soon get wearied out by official delays, objections, difficulties,
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 403
and any sort of excuses that can be laid hold of And now,
being in London, the father wrote to Elisha as follows:-
“London, March 5", 1784.
“My Dear Sir,
“I have not received a line from you since the 27" Dec
last, tho’ I have impatiently expected one. It is true, I have
just now heard that there is one for me at Birmingham, but do
not expect to see it these ten days, so that you will not
expect an answer to it.
“I have been here a fortnight, and have got into Chancery
Road, and am where I was when I set out; but publick affairs
are in confusion. The East India Bill drove off all the old
|Ministers; and Mº Pitt, the new one, cannot carry a vote.
The Commons have addressed the King twice, to dismiss him,
as having no confidence in him ; and twice hath the King
replied that, as no specific charge is against him, he could not
do it, especially as the sense of the nation is for him, as ex-
pressed in very numerous addresses in his favor. Thus publick
business stagnates, and it is very probable there will be a disso-
lution soon, for taking the united sense of the people. The city
of London is stanch for Mº Pitt, and Westminster cool to Mr Fox.
The former dined in the city last Saturday,” and was drawn by
a88es instead of horses, and on his return had his coach broke,
and his life endangered. He is to go again next Saturday, and
to take or give t'other knock: and so, fight D fight B
“M” Startin sailed for Boston in Callahan last October : was
70 days out : met with a terrible storm : the fore mast lost : put
into Halifax to refit and get provisions: sailed in a few days; and
after being two days out, was lost in a storm on the back of Cape
Cod, after having narrowly escaped with life, by being forced to
be let down on a sailor's back, who went down by a rope from the
vessell to the shore. They have heard from her in Boston; she
was going to New York to meet her husband: the vessell lost, and
the cargo much damaged. Unfortunate lady I hope she will
never part again from her husband untill their final dissolution.
“We have had the severest winter for nine years past: it
sot in 25* Dec, and is but just quitting its hold. I left poor
r
* It was now Friday.
2 D 2
404 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
M. E. W. at Birmingham, where he had been incog, about a
fortnight. Many months are now open [fair weather]: he
hath taken a passage from Liverpool for America in all this
month : he seems to be hurried, and I am afraid worse than
nothing. I am glad you have saved your debt.
“Mº B. Thompson [Count Rumford], the American Secretary,
hath better luck: he is Adjutant-General and Aide-du-Camp
to the Elector of Bavaria, and a rank of Colonel there. He was
lately Knighted here, and is soon going to his post. There is
one piece of good luck. Ingersol of Great Barrington, is lately
married to a fortune in Norfolk of £500 p year, and 5000£
in reversion :-there is another piece of luck; and those are
all the pieces of good luck for Americans.
“M* Mather's wife is like to die, and Mº Boucher hath lost
his wife.
“I forgot Borland's good or bad luck. He is married to a
lady at Bristol of £1500. His mother is married by this time
to a Mº Knight of Rhode Island, who first courted her.
“I left your Birmingham friends well, except Louisa, who
keeps house too much to be well.
“There are some letters in town for Polly by Capt. Murray
from Halifax, to be delivered by himself, from Miss P. Winslow.
If I can, I will forward them. Mº Winslow and family are
there. Mº Walter is here, having left his family at Port
Roseway. Col. Ruggles hath built him a large house near to
Annopolis: they settle there very fast. The whalemen are
leaving Nantucket for Nova Scotia, and the New Englanders
will suffer extremely by overacting their importations, and
English merchants suffer by them. M* Haley sails for Boston
this month with 15 or 16 Bostonian passengers. Dº Cooper
died lately, by which France, they say, hath got rid of one
pensioner. S. Adams hath become insignificant, having
quarrelled with Hancock. In short, there will be trouble
enough among them Soon, and if the Act of Navigation subsists,
the 4 New England Governments are ruined.
“Miss Clarke says—
“My love to all,
Both great and small;
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 405
and if you can convey mine at the same time, it will save you
trouble.
“Pray how is your brother? Tell my dear Polly and her
little ones I want to hear from them and see them, as soon as
possibly it will suit them.
“I am in great haste, as you may see, and so, lest the
Bellman should pass by, I wish a good night.
“Y” Affectionately
“P, OLIVER,”
“Queen Anne Street, East, No. 78.”
The political events, and the Parliamentary changes of the
spring of 1784, constitute the most solid, and therefore the
most generally useful portions of the letters of the Chief
Justice at that rather critical period. The fact that his
relatives were abroad, and were thirsting for English and
American news, served him as a spur to action; and without
such spur these letters, of which several original Ones are
preserved, would not have been written. His chief corres-
pondent was Elisha—perhaps, because Elisha had married his
grand-daughter, of whom he was extremely fond. After a few
humorous remarks, of no moment or relevancy, in a letter of
May the 17th, he speaks as follows:–
“The Parliament hath been dissolved some time, and this
week the new one meets. There had been so many Addresses
for a new Ministry, that it was thought most prudent to have a
new choice, and it is probable that Mº Pitt will have a majority
of about 120. Mº Fox hath been chose for some part of
Scotland, and I suppose will be for Westminster, unless a
scrutiny prevents. It is surprising what arts have been used
in his favor. The Dº of D re [Duchess of Devonshire P.
and some other noble Tadies, have degraded themselves much
in parading the streets for him; and if we may believe some of
the papers, have lowered themselves by the ladder of in-
decency. Many riots have happened in Covent Garden, at the
Election, and last week a Constable was killed; several are in
custody; the Foot Guards were ordered out, and Lº J. Sp T
had like to have lost his life by a bayonet. Many riots in
different parts of the kingdom. L' Sheffield is ousted at
&
406 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Coventry, and Sº Sampson Gideon and Mº Wilmot were
Chaired there. Cruger for Bristol in the room of Daubeny.
L" North’s chance at Banbury was critical. Col. North lost
his election. Lº Lewisham lost his for Staffordshire. Lº John
Cavendish his. Mº Bacon is out for Aylesbury.
“Among the Scotch Peers, L* Marchmont, Glencairn, Rose-
bury, and Lauderdale, are left out. Several new English Peers
are created, as S. James Towther, L* De Ferrars, son of L."
Townshend, created Earl of Leicester. Lord Paget, Earl of
Uxbridge. Lord Bulkley, an English Baron. Noel Hill,
Baron Berwick, with several others.
“As to American news, the Loyalists are used very ill: the
State of Vermont in arms against New York. Mº Startin and
wife have again met at New York, after having lost her
baggage ; but I hear that he hath recovered his lost household
stuff at Philadelphia. Parson Appleton is dead, AET. 92.
“As for domestick news, we have little. I do not hear
Louisa talk of leaving Hagley Row: she mends this warm
weather. We have had winter till within this fortnight, but
now the hills smile, the fields laugh, and the valleys sing for
joy. The winter extended to or from America, for in March.
they sledded [slayed] across the Delaware, to and from Phil-
adelphia. Your neighbor M* Galton, hath lately brought a
daughter and son, and is well. Mº Pickman hath left
Birmingham, to reside at Mº Lane's in London, in expectation
either of going to his family, or receiving his wife in Ilondon.
Manufactures full of hands. M* Taylor of Moseley,
dead.
“M* Watson, who had engaged his passage at Liverpool, I
hear is in London; but M* Green says he doth not know
where.
“As you talk of a removal, I suppose that you are now on
Classick ground, and therefore I have begun my letter in a
Classic form, and I design to finish in the same manner, and so
Sº, Miss Clarke salutes you all, and wants much to hear of the
children. Salute your wife and children for me. Salute also
your brother and his family, but not in the manner in which
you salute your own, unless it should suit you. Farewell.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 407
Dated at Birmingham, May 17", 1784. Mem"—We have no
calends here.
More last words, to fill up.
“M. Copley is not in the Exhibition this year. He now
exhibits his Major Pearson, and again his Lord Chatham,” for
what they call rarae show.
“Thirteen oxen, forty sheep, eleven calves, two and twenty
cows, four peacocks, nineteen rabbits, a bunch of asparagus,
head lettuce, Salmon radishes, brilled shad, and a good fat
hen *
Here the page ends, and the next is missing. Surely the
reign of George the Third was a very troubled one. Never
did party contention run higher, or open violence more dis-
gracefully assert itself. The attention of the nation was now
fixed upon the proceedings of the new Parliament, which
assembled in the spring of 1784, on which event the same
writer, on the 2nd of June, thus informs us:—“The Parliament
hath met, and Mº Pitt hath 160 or 170 majority, but the State
arrangements not yet made. Mº Fox's elections for the
Orkneys and Westminster are disputed; but if ousted of both,
somebody will make room for him. The waggoner's store by
me hath a barking dog to keep off mischief; and a barking fox,
or even a cackling goose may save the Capitol. London hath
celebrated Handel's Jubilee in Westminster Abbey with above
500 vocal and instrumental performers, and exhibited a scene
of astonishment unequalled in history. The profits will be
above £12,000 ſor, it might read 14,000] for charitable uses.”
Of the new impost called the Receipt Tax, he makes this
remark on the 21st of June:—“Notwithstanding Addresses and
other opposition, the Receipt Tax is confirmed in Parliament.
It has sent in £12,000 already. One Member of the Commons
says he hath paid above £400 since March. It will bring in
£200,000 p year, tho' calculated at but £100,000.”
On the 8th of July he writes:—“The St. Omer's hero [Burke
hath been hissed out of the House-Raynard is humble. New
taxes on coals, hats, windows, gauzes, horses, and ribbonds, and
What-not are issuing, and people generally say—‘It must be so.”
* The painting of his Lordship's illness in the House is probably meant.
408 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
“M” Macauley Graham is gone to America to settle a code
of laws for them ; and a woman is like to be the only hero to
Save them. Mº Pickman's son is here in town [Birmingham]
with his father, and the father is like to go to America Soon,
and take his chance. He saith he hath received your letter,
and will answer it before he goes.
“Thank your brother for his kind letter, which I received in
your packet of Decº, and which came to hand 2 or 3 days
since : I design to answer it soon.
“The Prince of Wales had like to have lost his life, by
riding his horse between two post-chaises. He hath been ill,
but the papers say he is better.
“Tell Polly I am obliged to her for her Itinerary :* it hath
given us all around great pleasure . . .
“Fox's scrutiny is going on ; and at the present progress of
it will take up 9 or 10 years, and cost £300,000, according to
computation.”
Pass we next from the father to the son, the young Doctor of
Medicine, who, on the 27th of July in this year 1784, poured out
a lengthy lamentation on the rudeness of the times, the in-
gratitude of supposed friends, and the curses that were going
to fall upon the English nation if the loyal Refugees were not
speedily indemnified for their sufferings and their losses: and
all this he wraps up in a sheet of fools'-cap paper, and directs
to his brother-in-law Elisha Hutchinson, at Dijon. Being at
Birmingham, he says:—
“I live now in Newhall Street, No. 28: was oblig'd to take
refuge here from Colemore Row, since the last week in
December last, after having been robb’d of several articles,
and my life in the utmost hazard from my drunken landlord;
for we are obliged to put up with every insult from this un-
grateful people the English, without any redress—as witness
our cruel neglect from those who have publickly declar'd in
our favour. What are Commissioners chose for P-not to make
good our losses. What are all the promises of protection and
retribution ? but to mortify, insult, and disappoint. I have
* This Itinerary does not seem to have survived till the present day. There
is no appearance of it.
prARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 409
the best authority to say we are well off if our small pittance
is not taken from us. Blessed are ye who expecteth nothing,
for ye then will not be disappointed. Enough of this disagree-
able subject. I wish never to hear more of it. This is my
faith—If this nation does not make the Refugees compensa-
tion for the losses they have sustain'd, as far as is in their
power, a curse will befall them sooner or later.” I am inclined
to think that the curse is already begun.
“I have no business yet, altho' I have posted my name
and profession over my door, according to the fashion of the
country . . .
“Y” old friend Jon. Jackson has been here and called upon
the Judge; and several other of that class of wretches who
deserve the halter or the leaden draught. He bragged here of
being a member of the Congress.
“Frank Waldo died lately at Tunbridge.
“M. N. Hatch, about a fortnight since, cut his throat at
Pangbourn soon after a cheerful dinner.
“I am sorry the Refugees have begun the English custom of
taking leave.
“Ben Pitman has been at London—I met his son—and been
here again to take leave, as he intends for America. M' [blank]
of Salem sails in Callahan about this time.
“Dº Chandler goes out Bishop of Nova Scotia, where the
wise heads here have got a plan formed. His favorite daughter
died last spring.
“My old friend Upham I met in London, as cheerful and
agreeable as ever, altho' he is Major, and supported by S. G.
Carleton, who has befriended him surprisingly. He goes out
under his patronage, and no doubt will be well provided for.
“Cousin Bill Oliver's wife died lately at St. John's.
“Cousin Peter and wife reside at Worcester, with part of the
Regiment.
* This last alarming sentence the Doctor has underlined. I leave out the
stress On my own responsibility, thinking it strong enough without. The
Doctor should not forget the condition in which England found herself at that
period—overwhelmed with taxes, and an enormously increasing National
Debt, and only just cmerging from a long and expensive war with nearly half
Europe, besides her American colonies. However willing she might have
been, it was hard to Satisfy so many claimants.
410 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
“Lieut' Gov. [Thomas] Oliver and family are going to live
in Ireland. His eldest daughter Mary is to be married ere
long.
“Bill Jackson has married a smart widow in London, of
£6,000; and wonderful to relate, Tom Boylston has given Ward
Boylston £12,000, to join with the late Alderman Turner
deceas'd, his partner in the sugar baking business; and £12,000
more, if that is not sufficient.
“Andrew Spooner has wrote us since he arrived in America,
dated in June, that Sally Seever is going to marry Tommy
Russell.
“The widow Borland is married in America, and two of her
SO]].S.
“Daniel Bliss's daughter has married a Capt. in the 8"
Regiment in Canada.
“Thus you have all the little matters of intelligence, saving
that the State of New York are arming themselves to fight the
State of Vermont, as they have both confiscated each others
estates. Respecting some individuals—tarring and feathering
frequent in America, and likewise in Ireland.
“You have not had such a hodge-podge letter a great while.
“My children send their love to all. All join with me in
wishing health and happiness to you all.
“Adieu. Yºº affectionately
“PETER OLIVER, Jun".
“The greatest prospect of hay and corn here in England that
has been known for several years.”
Thus the father and the son between them, contribute to
inform us on the passing events of the day. Fragmentary as
the scraps are, they must not be despised if they are so many
facts, for facts saved out of the darkness of a past age, are like
stars in a dark firmament, and one fact—by which I mean one
modicum of truth—is worth more than ten pages of fiction. A
fortnight after the preceding, the father took up his pen, and
addressing himself on the 9th of August to his former corre-
spondent in France, he shews that though the prevalence of
a long war had interrupted industrial pursuits, ruined some,
prA R Y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 411
and impoverished many, now that that war was over, those
who had suffered so much were looking up their resources and
collecting their energies, in order to try and repair their
shattered fortunes by a return to the occupations of peace under
the AEgis of legal security. English merchants were eager
to re-open business with America, and were volunteering large
consignments of goods to that country, quite forgetting that at
that juncture America was not in a condition to pay for them.
The Chief Justice puts the case in the following terms —
“I am glad that you are content to defer your shipping goodsto
America untill further advice, for we have accounts from Boston,
that the new traders who have been over, write that the country
is so overstocked with goods, that they are not able to make
speedy remittance. We have also an account from Virginia
that their House of Assembly have passed a resolve, that no
debt shall be paid to England, untill England hath paid
£500,000 for their lost Negroes; and I shall not be surprized to
hear that other Provinces adopt the same Resolve; and that
Massachusetts insists upon the pay for the destruction of
Charlestown, &c.; so that you will have an opportunity on your
return, to be satisfied whether you are right or not in your
adjournment of adventures. I have not forwarded any one
letter which you sent to me.
“Mº Pickman hath sent his son with M* Mather and his
wife to Boulogne to learn French. He was here [at Birming-
ham] last week on an excursion from London for his health,
and seemed to be much out of health and spirits, and a little
wasted. He seemed undetermined about his return. I pity
him, for he hath heard of the ill health of his wife; and his
fears of the sea, and of an ill reception, worry him. Miss Clarke
bought a dozen of cotton hose for M*Brimmer at 5/6 p pair,
and delivered them to Mº Pickman, who promised either to
take them with him, or deliver them to some careful hand for
Boston.
“So much for business.
“A new Province is made on St. John’s river, and called
New Brunswick. Gen' Carleton's brother, Col, Carleton, is the
Governor, and the General to be Gov. General of Canada and
412 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
all. Col. Willard with a thousand Refugees, I hear, is em-
barking for Nova Scotia, so that they will encrease rapidly, and
I suppose that our Province will sink as they rise, for none can
return to it without the expense of Naturalization. In the
Jersies," they naturalize their returners by tarring and
feathering; and it costs them more in scrubbing and cleaning
than an admission is worth, so that you know the fate of
treading your natale solum.
“Our public affairs go on as swimmingly as your air balloons.
Wray and Fox, after 8 or 10,000£ expense, have got as far as
to have 25 votes on each side rejected, and with £20,000 more
they may finish by the dissolution of this, or the next
Parliament. - -
“Poor Mº Hatch died about 3 weeks since by his own hands;
and if the Refugees do not make haste for Nova Scotia, others
may be forced to the same.
“I am obliged to your brother for his kind letter. I am loth
to put him to the charge of postage: he will have the short
detail of news from you. Tell him I rejoice to hear of his and
family's welfare. I often think of them, and want to see them.
I hope for his return to a good situation in England: my
sincere regards await them.
“We have just heard from Mº Startin, in New York. He
had been sick—nigh to death, but they were in hopes that he
was out of danger. Poor Sally I feel for her. -
“I understand M. Watson was to be here, and that he was
going to America. He hath been in Holland; but where he is
to be, must be left to futurity.t -
sº
* Jersies is not the correct plural of Jersey, any more than monies is the
correct plural of money, though frequently so written. Our Grammars teach
us that words ending in cy, simply require an 8 for their plural, as Jersey,
Jerseys; money, moneys; storey, (of a house), storeys, &c.; but words ending
in a consonant and a y, as sy, ny, ry, by, &c., turn the y into tes; as daisy,
daisies; pony, ponies; story, (a narrative), stories; baby, babies; and so on.
I mention this little matter because we often see the rule disregarded by some
who are accounted writers of fair repute.
# It is not said whether this was a son of Col. Watson, and a brother of
|Blisha's wife. He seems to have been playing hide-and-seek, judging by the
mystery hanging over his movements, and by the hints and immuendoes used
in speaking of him : but whether he was suffering disgrace or a reverse of
fortune, remains equally unexplained.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 413
“I am glad Polly hath an excuse for not writing again: any-
thing contributing to her ease I rejoice in. My affectionate
regards to her and the little ones, which Miss Clarke sincerely
joins in.
“Day, day !
4 & Yrs,
“ P. OLIVER,”
“Elisha Hutchinson, Esq.”
To his grand-daughter “Dear Polly,” on the first of Sep-
tember, 1784, he says:–
“Young Pickman [gone to France], makes one American
more; if you increase much more you will all be Bastiled, lest
you encourage a revolt in France. His father left Birmingham
and embarked for America, but being not well, he disembarqued;
but I suppose is sailed by this time.” Not at all ! for on the
14th of October he wrote—“I understand that M* Watson is
gone to America. Pickman hath made two attempts; but the
horrors of the sea, and terrors of tar and feathers keep him
back,”
If the facete epistles of the Chief Justice have not palled on
the reader's fancy, it may be announced that there are a few
more of them bound up in the second volume of the Original
Letters, where they are found in a group, arranged in consecu-
tive order according to date. He appears to have been fond of
writing, and as all the Hutchinsons were now on the Continent,
he became the chief agent in conveying to them such scraps of
news, political, domestic, or foreign, as by his industry he was
able to pick up. He saw the comic side of most things; and he
was not slow to reveal that side, and sometimes he did so in
very witty expressions. Alluding to contemplated measures by
the Ministry in Parliament, he speaks on the 9th of N ovember,
1784, of a new tax, which in due course was passed, and which
has survived to our own time, and which, from its wholesomeness
is not likely to be soon abolished. He says:–
“They design a tax upon dogs, down to lap-dogs: I there-
fore advise you not to return till the tax is expired; for if
you have a large breed of the latter, you may find it very
heavy upon you.”
414 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCII/NSON.
There was a great outcry in the country against this tax; but
that is not to be wondered at, seeing that in our own day every
new tax raises a howl—not that it touches everybody, but
everybody grumbles lest it should. My late parents were too
young at the time to understand, or to trouble their heads
about such subjects; but I can well recollect having heard them
say that they could remember hearing grown people giving
vent to their anger at its having been imposed. There was an
immense slaughter of dogs upon the occasion. Those only were
saved that had recognised owners, who were willing to pay for
them. All the rest were condemned to extinction. The measure
was a wise and a wholesome one, in so far that it cleared off a
quantity of half-starved mongrels, that prowled about the
streets, and infested the alleys, both to the annoyance and the
danger of the inhahitants.
Under the head “American Thermometer’’ he writes:—
“The Congress clipped the guineas down to 17ſ., but they
pour in here by weight. Pennsilvanians and Connecticut men
have had a battle on the Susquehanna : several killed, and
prisoners in Pennsilvania; and the latter have sent up recruits.
“New York and Massachusetts have quarreled about their
lines, and some killed. Trade to America stagnates. They
have had a terrible hurricane at Jamaica, and at Hispaniola.
Dr S. Gardiner, of 80 years, is married to T. Goldthwait's
daughter, of 28.
“I have just heard that D* Chandler hath lost his only son.
Something has been lost at the end of the following letter,
so that it terminates abruptly, and it is without any signature;
but the reader will have no difficulty in guessing who was the
Writer :—
“Birmingham, Dec 6", 1784.
“I)ear Sir
“Complaints avaunt! I received yours of 23* October,
the day before this, and now answer it.
“I have repeatedly heard from the Doctor at Tenby, where
he is pleasantly situated, but fears he shall have no winter.
As to us, we have got rid of November, but it was a very
clever One.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCP/INSON. 415
“Upon the receipt of your last letter, I immediately wrote
to M* Danforth for the American paquet, but he says that he
had orders to convey what came from thence to you, which I
Suppose he hath done, and that you have recº them. As to
the £20, I shall send for it according to your order.
“Your fish is good—we have tried one, and shall reserve
most, if not all the rest, for you. You insult us with your
lamb, chickens, and grapes:—slunk lamb, and chickens dead
with the pip in the egg, are surely very cheap with you : but
know, we can buy such here at half your French price: the
grapes, I know as well as the fox did, that they are sour,
though cousin Jenny says—“No, no, Uncle : for I am sure I
eat Some when I was fast asleep One night last week, which
they had brought over with them, as luscious as I ever ate in
all my born days.' But uncle says that if she had been awake,
they would have sot her teeth on edge, for they were the
grapes of Sodom, and the clusters of Gomorrah.
“You have slipped into your letter a few words from some
very uncouth language, that I have no other way to answer
you, than by telling you that –Wannamego huh, yaugahomtuaraw
men indungo yahhegonauhueconnasseteg weyontorego, huh ! huh ! ”
Don't forget this excellent maxim, for it sounds with harmony.
“You tell me that you are all Methodists, and expect that
I shall be so too:—be it so :—and as I have almost done with
you sinners, I will give you a word about the American saints.
Their papers tell us of nothing but war and bloodshed in their
frontiers: that seven sail of French men-of-war are in the
Delaware river—but further says not. The Boston papers
* Having regard to the age and the country wherein the Chief Justice was
born and brought up, and from the fact that in his day many remnants of
the Indian tribes lingered still in Massachusetts, it is just possible that he
may have picked up some knowledge of the native tongues: but whether the
specimen above is facetious gibberish of his own coining to amuse the children,
or whether it is bond fide good Massachusetts Indian, I must leave to those
who have had a better education than I have. In New York I bought a
Prayer Book of the Church of England service, printed in the language of
the great Indian tribes; and on comparing what is above with this, there
appears to be a strong resemblance between them in the style and character
of the words. What strikes me most forcibly in the Prayer Book is, the
remarkable length ºf Some of the words. Several are of 26 letters each,
and I have found one of 32 letters without break. I presume that these ar.
compound words.
416 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
mention the deplorable state of their Province, for want of
money—their Collectors being in jail because they cannot
collect taxes. One American vessel is taken by the Algerines:
another is drove off the African coast by the French: Scotch
and Irishmen are sold in America in droves, but Massachusetts
will not suffer them to be imported there. They have had bad
crops in the northern parts of America for two years past: the
manufacturers here have suffered greatly by them, and there
is an universal stoppage of exportation to them.
“In England we are in political peace: the window tax
shuts up windows, but the weather is so dark that several
are opened again, finding candles to be dearer than windows.
D" Jeffries went up last week from Park Lane in a balloon
with Blanchard, and in less than an hour and a half sailed
twenty-one miles to Dartford, and wrote a letter to a friend, as
he says—far, far above the clouds. Lunardi, the Italian, went
up from London, and made above £2,000 by shewing himself
after he came down. We have one a-going up soon from this
town from the Five Ways, with two persons, one of whom is a
Mº Sadler, a pastry-cook of Oxford, who hath already been up,
and was the first Englishman who had made the voyage.
Street robberies and burglaries are common in this town; many
have been knocked down in the night. Your taylor Herbert
had his shop plundered, and all his goods and cloaths; so
that I suppose you have lost a pair of old velvet breeches,
Ol' SO.
“Tell the children we have a pig of knowledge near us, who
can tell your thoughts, your name, the year, month, day of
the year, hour of the day, &c., and all this by picking out the
letter of the alphabet, and the figures. It is a very genteel,
well-educated . . . greatest curiosity of the quadruped . . .
[paper worn out..]
“Lord Temple is created Marquis of Buckingham, and Lord
Shelburne, Marquis of Lansdown—Bishop of Osnaburg, Duke
of York. Parliament prorogued to 25* January. Two
smugglers hanged, many taken, and the breed pretty well
destroyed.
“Lord George G.
n hath been at it again, and he takes
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 417
so much pains to get hanged, that it is almost a pity he should
not be gratified.”
The rest is missing.
At last it appears that in the beginning of June 1785, Elisha
and his family at all events, returned to England. We owe
this piece of information to the same hand that of late has
done so much to lay before us the current events of the time,
and he welcomes the new arrivals as follows:—
“Birmingham, June 4* 1785.
“Dear Sir I
“I have received yours 23* May at Paris; and by yours to
coz" Daniel, I find you safe arrived in London, but am sorry
to hear that my Polly is not well. Tell her it is of great
importance to her to nurse her cold. We rejoice at your safe
arrivall, and hope to see you all here in health soon ; and in
the mean time accept of love and friendship. We cannot
determine whether your brother and family accompanied you ;
if so, my love to them.
“I inclose to your care a bill of £50, the property of Miss
Clarke, which she asks the favour of you to receive for her.
Mº Pim lives in Threadneedle Street, No. 69. If you receive
it, she wishes you could get it in to the same fund with the
rest of her money; and as they do not take in less than £100,
she says she hath a Bank bill by her of £50, which she will pay
you on your arrival here, if you will advance that sum to make
up the £100.
“As to your house, coz" Daniel says that his lodgings are
ready for him in Temple Street, at Mº Hallowell's and cousin
Louisa's also, at M* Neal's new house, near to yours. Your
rooms are ready-swept, and garnished: strawberries, Indian
corn, and other fruits, all flourishing; and the tenement at the
further end of the garden, swept and garnished too; so that
all things and matters are ready for occupation.
“Further says not,
“P. OLIVER,
“P.S.—He further says, that he wishes you would not
mention the £50 bills while you are in London: as also, he
VOL. II. 2 E
418 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
advises you to buy your stock of candles at Kensington, for he
assures you, upon trial, that they are as cheap at 12" p pound,
as the best here are at 8". If you buy any tea for yourselves,
buy 3" or 4" for me, of the old 12/- sort.”
There is however, the transcript of a letter in the hand-
writing of the elder brother, of June the 9th, which shews
that the two brothers, with all their belongings, returned
to England together. It emanated from Brompton, and was
addressed to Andrew Spooner, who was in America, and is
couched in the following terms:—
- “Brompton, June 9" 1785,
“Dear Nephew.
“My brother [Elisha] and myself, with our families,
arrived here a few days ago from France. Hearing there
is a vessel upon sailing for America, I have enquired for some
person to whom I might safely trust the note-of-hand of your
grandfather Oliver,” but unsuccessfully as yet. However, I
send this to let you know of my arrival in England, and that
I wrote you in an answer to yours of Decº last, by a Mº Pick-
man, which I hope you have received. I have not been here
long enough to know the state of my affairs, nor what course I
shall take next.
“Your Affectionate Uncle,
“T. HUTCHINSON.”
“M. Spooner.” -
Soon after arriving in England the brothers proceeded to
count the cost, and square up their accounts with each other,
and in doing this there arose an amicable contention between
them, over a balance of £62 38., which Thomas declared
was due to Elisha, which the latter could not see, and so he
refused to take the money. The statement of accounts was
the following:—
* Spooner's mother, Margaret Oliver, was a daughter of the Lieut.-
Governor.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 419
Dr. E. H. With T. II. Expenses Journeying. Cr.
To Bal. On Cash acc. . . . 145 8 2 | 1785.
To cash rec" in France, more June. By the am. expense,
than half travelling Journey to and
charges . . . . . . . 86 I 7 1 from Nismes . . . 245 5 9
To dº advanced E. H. en By £70 charged in acc.
route home . . . . . 20 17 6 as settled at Dijon,
*mºsºm-msmº, not taken up by
253 2 9 E. H. . . . . . . 70 00
To Bal. . . . . . . . . 62 3 0 -
£315 3 9 #315 5 9
Brompton, June 13th, 1785.
Errs. Except"
T. H.
Writing on the 7th of July, Thomas remarks to his brother
—“I send a copy of the accº I meant to have given you had
you called, as you promised, and will pay the £62, 3 to your
Order.” But Elisha repudiated the money. Upon this re-
pudiation Thomas wrote to explain, and ended by saying—
“You must be mistaken in your calculations somewhere.”
And so perhaps he was, for he still hesitated; whereupon an
wltimatum was dispatched, which probably settled the question,
for we hear no more of it. -
But another and a far more important question now arose
to engage their attention. The anxieties attending the un-
certain position of the Refugees in England had been great,
and their altered circumstances served to keep their anxieties
constantly before their eyes. Many there were who desired
to return again to America now that the war was over, and in
that country to put themselves above want by a resumption of
their former occupations. The strong prejudices however that
existed in the young Republic against the reappearance of
expelled Loyalists amongst them, the necessity for taking the
oaths and of becoming naturalised, and the assertion that some
who had ventured to return had been imprisoned, or tarred
and feathered, were facts that deterred many from taking a
decided step. Efforts were at all events being made to recover
private debts that had perhaps been contracted before the war
began ; also to recover rents in arrear from estates that had
been temporarily abandoned; but chiefly to take proceedings
2 E 2
420 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCIIINSON.
to try and recover property of various descriptions that had
been seized, occupied, or confiscated. Andrew Spooner, who
had gone out to America, had acted as a sort of Agent for his
relatives now in England. Writing July 4, 1785, to Mr. Daniel
Vose of Milton, he said—“I gave my nephew M. A. Spooner,
who went to America in 1782, a list of some debts due to me
there, which I took off from my books in a hurry, and among
the rest, put yours to me at £106,3,6.” He found afterwards,
that in his hurry, when going to France, he had placed it too
high, when he corrected it accordingly.
In the same way he exerted himself on behalf of his sister-
in-law Grizel Sanford, who for some time had received no rents
from her property at Conanicut, and had suffered much
inconvenience in consequence. And in 1785, addressing him-
self to his nephew on the 17th of August, he says—“I thank
you for the account you have given me both of publick and
private affairs on your side the Atlantick. I fear you are not
yet in that tranquil state as to induce me to take a voyage,
and become one of you: you know my penchant for American
air.” And he applied to a Mr. Taylor, latterly of Quebec,
who had had £200 of hers in his hands for more than ten
years, and he hoped that Mr. Taylor could make it convenient
to return it. One of the farms had been leased to a man
called Slocumb : the other was unlet, and he says—“I think
the tenants in the old lease, were obliged to plant a certain
number of trees annually, as well as to make a certain quantity
of stone wall. I sometimes wish myself upon such a farm,
where I could inspect the improvements myself; but I must
wait till you are more settled and composed.”
He was evidently hankering after a return to the American
soil.
The claims of the Refugees for compensation for their losses
were now being taken up by the English Government. At
the commencement of this movement in 1783, he wrote to some
“Hon" and Dear Sir,” and on the 15th of July he said—“You
will see by the papers that Parliament have chosen a Committee
for the purpose of investigating the estates of the Loyalists
during the recess. May it not be worth your while to forward
p/ARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 421
to England as particular an account of your losses of every
kind as you are able P”
Commissioners were in due time appointed. The subjoined
original letter mentions an award, taking into account the
English laws of descent and primogeniture:—
“Brompton, Aug' 31" 1785.
“Dear Brother.
“As they begin paying at the Treasury the grants of 30 and
40 p. c', I called to-day to enquire for myself, when they gave
me the memorandum as below. As I did not fully understand
the distribution, I went immediately to Mº Forster, who
willingly searched the records of their proceedings with me.
It seems they consider me as heir to all the real estate by the
law of England, and that they had no power to proceed otherwise
than by that law, the Will [of the Governor] being deficient
to convey real estate. I enclose receipts, which it is necessary
you should sign, and I wish to have them as soon as may be.
“I am
“Your Affectionate Brother
“THO". HUTCHINSON,
“Pray let me know
“where I shall lodge yº mony.
“Order to pay Tho" Hutchinson . . . . . . £1860
Tho' and Elisha Hutchinson as Executors . 150
Elisha Hutchinson . . . . . . . 60 °
The sum of the above is 2070. The Loyalists were looked
upon as people who had fallen between two stools—on the one
hand, they had lost everything in America; and on the other,
they could not expect much from an impoverished government,
exhausted by a long war with various countries, and petitioned
by a host of suppliants.
In a subsequent communication of Sep. 15, 1785, he explains
the division he had made of the £2070; also, in stating his
claims, the value he had put upon the mansion house, and
store ; and at what sums he had appraised articles of furniture,
effects, &c. Thus he says—“Since I have been here I have
made out every account due in America to T. and E. H. which,
422 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
with all the notes of hand, I have lodged in the hands of a
friend in the city, that they may be come at if wanted. At
present I think there is much less chance than at any time for
two years past, of anything being recovered. I shall acquaint
you with my situation when fixt, and am, &c.,
“THO" HUTCHINSON,
1 put the Mansion house, which Total . . . . 2070
sold for £1200, as I estimate - T. H. ded" . , 385
it . . . . . . . . 1000 -
My Store I valued at £200, I 1685
put at . . . . . . . 100 E. H. ded" . , 60
1100 # . . . 1625
Say a payment at 35 p c' . . 385 # . . 812 10
E. H. separate grant £60 - 406 5
T. H. , , , 1197 10
I. H. . . . 466 5
P. O. . . . 406 5
Such is the memorandum of account appended to the letter.
The autumn was approaching, and after some deliberation, he
resolved to hybernate again in France. With this intention,
about Michaelmas 1785, he crossed the Channel with his family
and proceeded to the French capital—then to Blois—then to
Mers-sur-Loire. From this place he wrote to his brother on
the 19th of October, and amongst other things he said thus:--
“Mers is a market town, but is inferior to Blois—about ten
English miles nearer Paris, and as great a road as any in
France. I found M* Mather had lately removed from
Beaugency, and he now lives about half a mile distance from
me on the other side the town, and was instrumental in
procuring me my house, having made acquaintance here,
during his residence at Beaugency.”
Whilst they resided quietly in that country hoping for
better times, and chewing the cud of sweet and bitter fancy,
Dr. Peter Oliver's Diary shews us that he and his father were
applying to the tardy Commissioners for money in England;
and it also shews us, that though a man may go forth and make
the grand tour of Europe, or of Warwickshire, yet, if he returns
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON. 423
back to his house with only one halfpenny in his pocket, he
has lived within his means:—
“1786. March 12–The Judge, M* Clarke, M* H., and
myself, rode to London in the two-days coach, and return'd the
24 Inst. We went before the Commissioners, and soon was rid
of them. They boggled about our want of proof, concerning
the worth of our works.
“ 1786. June 26th.-I and the children went to Warwick
in a post chaise: breakfasted at Knowle, then went on to
Warwick . . .
“27th.- . . . thro’ Castle Bromwich, and so home; and
when I got to Birmingham I had but one ; penny left.
“1786. Sep 9.—A letter from Dowse at Caermarthen,
giving me an ace" of Bill Brown's hanging himself, Ap' 30,
–86: a most worthless character, the son of Gov" Brown of
Bermudas.”
In spite of official delays, cold looks, and postponements, the
Doctor persevered, and at last a brighter entry appears in his
Diary— -
“1787. July 27,_I had an order from the Commissioners to
receive 660, as part payment for losses.”
The £ is understood. His house in Middleborough, built
and given to him by his father, was taken from him but was not
burnt, as was the mansion of the Judge, known as “Oliver
Hall.” As regards the period of this act of incendiarism, the
Rev. Doctor Andrew Oliver, writing to me Oct. 5, 1884, says—
“I endeavoured in vain this summer, when I was in the
neighbourhood of Middleboro’, to ascertain the date of the
burning of Oliver Hall; but I have no doubt, from all I can
learn, that it was sometime during the year 1782, or a little
after M* Andrew Oliver left it, which was early in that year.
She was the Judge's daughter-in-law.” -
According to some family memorandums, she was Phebe
Spooner of Middleborough. Her husband, the said Andrew
Oliver, was born Sep. 15, 1746, and died Jan. 21, 1772, so that
at the time the house was destroyed, she had been ten years
a widow.
A florid account of this event had appeared in some of the
424 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
local Journals, founded on a narrative given by an eye-witness.
Turing one of his visits to the neighbourhood, the Rev. Doctor
had become acquainted with an old resident in Middleborough,
who in his youth had known Mary Norcutt, the housekeeper
of Judge Oliver, and she gave him all the particulars of what
had occurred. After the fire the ruins gradually fell to decay,
and it is difficult now to discover any traces of what once
stood there, although several interesting relics have been
picked up on the spot.
Besides a sum of money to console him for the loss of his
house, Dr. Peter Oliver informs us that the English govern-
ment granted him a small pension—
“Nov. 15, -88.—I took my oath before Squire Careless for
the 15" time, to receive my quarterly Pension at £50 p ann.”
The Chief Justice also had to petition and press his suit, and
bide his time, and exercise his patience, and the second para-
graph of the following letter appears to refer to something of
that sort:-
“London, March 18" 1787.
“IDear Sir.
“We are all going to Clapham, to dinner at M*
Timmins's.
“I have been through the ordeal fire, and was treated with
great politeness, and the Doctor also.
“I fully expect to be at home this week, after the ladies
have had their frolic out.
“Dº Chauncy is dead.
“My love to the children, to Louisa and Daniel. Tell Polly
to take care of home.
“Excuse this writing, having nothing but a rusty straggled
nail to write with, and the D'' at the other end of the table,
shaking it.
“Yºs P. O. .”
It must be allowed that the writing is very bad for the
Judge, his caligraphy being usually the very pattern of
neatneSS. ."
I abhor long foot-notes in other people's books, and have no
more love for them in my own, but the disagreables of life are

DIAI, y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 425
sometimes determined to make themselves felt. The above is the
last letter I see written by the Chief Justice; and it seems a pity
that the few remaining scraps of information referring to the two
branches of the Oliver family that came to England, all the
members of which are now died out, should not be preserved.
These scraps lie mostly in the Diary of Dr. P. Oliver. His wife
Sarah died three weeks after her father the Governor. Their
children were Margaret Hutchinson Oliver, born Jan. 7, 1771 ;
Thomas H. Oliver, b. July 15, 1772; Peter, b. Sep. 23, 1774.
There were also two infants, each called Daniel, who were born
in England, but who both died young; as thus—
Dec. 20, 1778. IDaniel born.
Ap. 26, 1779. Daniel died, aged 4 m. 6 days.
May 18, 1780. Daniel born.
Aug. 27, 1780. Daniel the infant died of convulsions.
Aug. 28, 1789. Thomas apprenticed to a Surgeon and Apothecary.
Oct. 14, 1789. Peter sent to sea,
Oct. 13, 1791. The Judge died this morning, aged 78 years, 6
months, and 13 days.
Oct. 19, Wednesday. My father buried under the new church,
Mr. Welsh, Mr. Perkins, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Green, Mr. Cope, and
J. Freer, Bearers.
Feb. 25, 1792. I put up a Monument in St. Phillip's Church,
Birmingham, for the Judge.
July 17, 18, 19, 1794. P. O. [his son] appear'd to be dying slowly.
19th., abt. 9 o'clock P. O. died in the evening, aged 19 years and
almost 10 months, wanting 3 days. He was the sickest person
in a consumption I ever saw : had lost his voice almost 7
months, and a very bad sore throat most of the time : continual
cough and expectoration : high fever : great prostration of
strength, and loss of flesh. P. O. was buried in the new Cty.,
St. Chad's Yard, Wednesday the 23rd.
Sep. 20, 1796. Peggy [his daughter Margaret] died, aged 25 years,
6 months, and 13 days, after being sorely afflicted with a
consumption, and the worst symptoms.
June 17, 1799. My birthday : 58 compleat.
Feb. 20, 1805. Gov. Pownall dyed this month at Bath, aged 85.
Jan. 29, 1808. Ld. Gage dyed.
June – 1808. T. Hutchinson, Jum, wife died. [This was
Elizabeth Hagen, first wife of the Governor's grandson.]
Aug. 1809. Peter Johannot dyed this month in London, Agd. 79.
Dec. 1809. Sir John Bernard dyed in the West Indies, aged 65.
May 11, 1812. Mr. Perceval shot.
18. Bellingham [who shot him] hanged.
426 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
==--"
The Diary ends June 28, 1821. Dr. Peter Oliver was buried at
Birmingham. His last surviving child Thomas, the only healthy
one of the family, reached the age of 92, and died at Great
Yarmouth.
Iſe was the last of that branch of the family.
There was however another branch in England. Lieut. Gov.
Oliver, by his second wife, had a son named William Sanford,
who m. Susannah Honeywell, and had a son also called William
Sanford, and another, “a son, whose death, in infancy, was caused
by the rebels in Boston,” as a note on the Pedigree informs us.
The surviving son was in the navy. He m. Mary, my father's
sister. Their eldest d. Mary m. her cousin and went to S. Africa :
and Elizabeth Gertrude, the other, died at Sidmouth in 1829; and
the son William m. his cousin Rachel H., and had a daughter
named Elizabeth Mary, born May 22, 1842. William, the last
male representative of this other branch of the Olivers in England,
died Jan. 25, 1873, and his daughter, the last survivor of the
name, died, May 12, 1876. Thus, as far as I know, they are all
extinct in England : but the descendants of the elder branch,
by the Lieutenant-Governor's first wife, continue to flourish
honourably in America. -
The second visit to France had now prolonged itself to the
space of nearly three years, when preparations Were being
made to return. The first intimation of this appears in the
Diary of Elisha at Birmingham, where he writes:-
“ 1788. July 18—Fair and pleasant. Glass 14, 17, Walked
to town after dinner. The Judge and Miss Clarke called, who
came from Barr this morning. Cousin Louisa drank tea with
us, who has a letter from her brother, [Daniel, or Brinley
Sylvester], which mentions Nurse having arrived at Brompton
Rowe last Sunday, having left my brother at Paris last week
on Wednesday, which he was to leave on Friday, on his way to
London where she hourly expected him.”
“July 30°–I wrote to my brother at Nº. 83 Tichfield Street,
who I heard had arrived from France with his family the 19th
of this month.” ' . -
A little incident occurred on the 20th which enlivened the
quiet of Elisha's establishment. It runs as follows, though it
is scarcely worthy of extract:—
- -- - -T-- ________”“S.- -
RICHARD OLIVER= . . . . .
In England. |
|
Thomas. O. = Anne. - OLIVER PEDIGREE.
went to | d. June 3, The first five generations by the
America ! 1635. Chief Justice Peter Oliver in 1780:
about 1630. the remainder by Dr. F. E. Oliver
| | | | - of Boston, Massachusetts.
Cap. Peter O. = Sarah Nathaniel O. Nathaniel O.
Owing to limited space, the full
b. 1618. Nudigate. d. 1633. d. 1637. particulars are not given.
- | | | |
Nathaniel O. . . . Peter O. Abigail O. Daniel O. = Elizabeth Belcher.
Ak b. 1663.
| | | | |
Daniel O. Daniel O. Mary = Andrew O. = Mary Peter O. Peter O. = Mary
d. young. Ob. coel. Fitch b. 1706. Sanford. d. young. Chief Clarke.
Lieut. Gov. Justice. A
of Mass. A Descendants believed to have all died out in the third generation.
Bay. Descendants believed to have all died out in the fourth generation.
| | |
Daniel O. Elizabeth O. Andrew O. = Mary Lynde.
b. 1731.
| | | | |
Tho. Fitch O. =Sarah Pynchon. Ben. Lynde O. Andrew O. Daniel O. Peter O.
b. 1757. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. Ob. coel.
| | | | | |
Tho. Fitch O. Mary L. F. O. Andrew 0. Wm. Pynchon O. Daniel O. =Mary Robinson Ben. Lynde O. Sarah Pynchon O. Eliz. Digby Belcher O.
m. J. Story. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. b. 1787. | Pulling. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. m. Freeman. S. p.
| | | | |
Fitch Edward O. = Susan Laurence Peter O. Andrew O. = Adelaide Mary Ellen O. Katherine = Wm. Edw. Coale. Isabella Louisa O.
b. 1819. Mason. Ob. coel. b. 1824. | Imlay. Ob. coel. Seawall O.

| | | | | | A.
cºnd Edw. O. Andrew O. Others. Mary P. I. O. Catherine P. O. Ethel L. D. O.

b. 1868. b. 1869.
428 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
“July 20".-Cloudy : intervals of sunshine: some showers.
Glass 13.14.—in the evening fell to 8. About 9 o'clock two
shabby looking fellows came and enquired for M* H., and
when admitted, said they had found a trunk concealed in a
barn in this neighbourhood; upon opening of which they had
found papers, two of which they had carried to M Robbins,
to whom they were tenants, one of them being named Grant,
and that they were labourers in the Smith's shop, by name
of Wallis, adjoining to Mº Robbins, in Snow Hill, where they
had left the trunk, having carried it there for making a
discovery of the owner, which they had done by applying at
Colemore Tow, and had come to give us notice, and would
bring the trunk, which they accordingly did, M* H. not
having missed it, although no one could recollect having seen
it for a fortnight past. It is a trunk containing all her private
letters and papers, none of which seem to be lost, though
deranged. The two fellows appearing open and honest, and
telling a straight story, I paid them for their trouble, and
dismissed them.
“21*—Fair and pleasant. Glass 13.17. Walked to town,
taking George with me to some shops. Called on M* Robbins,
Snow Hill, who gave a fair and open acc', and a good character
of the men who found the trunk. We imagine it was taken
the night of [blank] having found the window open of a back
chamber closet where the trunk was, the next morning, and
broke, and the things deranged ; but the children having
amused themselves there the day before, we did not take much
notice of it. They took some other small articles, but of little
or no value.”
On arriving in London, Thomas communicated with his
brother, and in August 1788 he said:—
“As soon as I got to town, and was fixed in a lodging, I
called at the American office. Mº Munro told me he was going
to write me on the matter of claims made in America, and the
value of the estate in Boston, and the farm in Rhode Island
Government.”
This subject, so closely affecting the interests of the Loyalists
in general, is of frequent recurrence; and there are memoran-
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 429
dums sufficient among the papers to shew how the family
persevered for more than twenty years in their efforts—how
they suffered difficulties, delays, and postponements—and how
far they eventually succeeded in rescuing and recovering some
portions of the value of their estates.
It was at this time that the King's mind visibly felt the
strain of the momentous events that had taken place in the
kingdom during the course of the last fifteen years: for, as
head of the State, and not insensible to the great responsibilities
attaching to his high position, from which all other men were
free, the considerations bearing on the enormous demands that
had been made on his loyal and willing subjects to maintain
the dignity, honour, and safety of the nation through the
vicissitudes of several long and costly wars, added to the un-
certainties of their termination, amounted to an accumulation
enough to try the strongest nerves.
Addressing himself to his brother on the 15th of November,
1788, Thomas briefly alluded to the national sympathy in the
following sentence :—
“All Tondon, except it be the most profligate part of it, are
under the greatest concern for the King, and sincerely praying
for his recovery. From what I hear, I fear the event.”
Passing by one or two old letters from Grandmamma Phebe
Watson, written to Elisha's daughter Mary, acknowledging the
receipt of a letter and a Map made in needlework as a present
for the Colonel, and explaining that Grandpapa is unable to
write himself, or scarcely able to read the names of the phaces
worked on it even with a magnifier, owing to the dimness of his
eyesight—and also passing by, as of no great national import-
ance, one or two old letters from Roxbury, written by aunt Sarah
Brimmer” to the same young lady in England, we will give a
little attention to a large and suffering body of people, whose
only crime had been that of fidelity to the Mother country.
Driven out of the land of their adoption, they had fled back to
the land of their ancestors, where most of them were strangers.
Some pressed their claims for relief from the English Govern-
* I think Martin Brimmer married Sarah, one of the daughters of Col.
Watson.
430 DJARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON.
ment; others applied to the American Courts for recovery of
the estates themselves; while others, despairing of success, gave
up everything for lost, and sat down resigned to their fate.
Sir Francis Bernard lost the valuable Island of Mount Desert,
and Sir William Pepperell lost miles of coast line stretching
away from Kittery Point to Saco, and extending miles into the
interior. These unfortunate people were very difficultly placed
—if they had joined the American party, they would have been
Rebels to England: but when the war was over and they applied
for the restitution of their estates, they were told they were
Rebels to America. A Resolution of the Legislature of Virginia
in the beginning of 1783, declared that all demands or requests
of the British Court for the restitution of confiscated property,
unsupported by law, equity, or policy, inadmissible. Adolph. iii.
503. Those who had openly borne arms against the Congress
had little or no chance after peace had been established, but
civilians stood in a more favourable position. Mr. William
Wassell, a Refugee in England, frequently mentioned in
Governor Hutchinson’s Diary, finding that as the Federal
Constitution had been adopted, a State could be sued ; and
Sabine informs us that he instituted proceedings against
Massachusetts in the Court of the United States; and Mr. Han-
cock, who occupied the Executive Chair, was summoned as
defendant in the case. His Excellency declined to appear ;
and soon after, the eleventh amendment to the Constitution put
an end to the right of Loyalists to test the validity of the Con-
fiscation Acts of the Revolution.
The Hutchinsons had very little chance of a favourable hear-
ing in Massachusetts, but their prospects were brighter in Rhode
Island on the one side, and in Maine on the other.
“I would observe,” writes Thomas to his brother, on the 20th
of May, 1789, “that it seems to be pretty generally understood
and expected by those concerned, that a provision will be made
for such Loyalists as have received no compensation, and who
must suffer without it; as also, that where the compensation
has not been adequate to the former allowance, a temporary one
will be continued. A new list is every day expected at the
Treasury, which will render this matter certain.”
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 431
----- - --~
And in vol. iii. of the Original Letters, on the 27th he writes
again –
“I wrote you last week by M. Oliver that a revised list of
temporary allowances was expected shortly to be made public
at the Treasury. I am now able to acquaint you that you are
continued at £100 p annum, and I enclose a blank receipt for
the quarter, to April.”
Whilst these matters were under discussion, he projected
another visit to France, and dating from Boulogne on the 23rd
of July, he said to the same—
“Our journey and voyage were both executed very agreeably.
We had a very easy five hours passage, tho' were all sea-sick,
by reason of the swell of the sea, which we were not sorry for
as soon as it was over. In less than a week Mary began to
change colour, and to assume her usual spirits, which had for
months been greatly changed, and I hope a little time will
effect our wishes. This town exceeds the idea I had of it,
having only before passed the upper part in the road to Calais :
the environs are very pleasant, and the prospects more varied
than common in this part of France. The great number of
English families here who come to bathe, make it appear an
English town. I must be governed by accidents as to the time
of our stay, as well as to the course we take at leaving it. I
have wrote to London to know whether any or what steps can
be taken as to the American debts.”
After a pleasant sojourn of three months he prepared to
return, and not without being warned to provide for his personial
Safety, as appears from an expression used in a letter to his
brother of October 13, wherein he implies that the ominous
thunder clouds of some dire calamity were gathering over
France, and that it would be safer to withdraw to England.
The horrors of the Revolution manifested themselves in that
country not long after. He says:—
“Not without some regret, on the 12* of last month we
quitted Boulogne, thinking it imprudent to risque a winter's
residence in a country circumstanced as France is at this time.
I took the pacquet for the most western port we could make
without inconvenience to sea-sick passengers. Southampton
432 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
proved to be our goal, the wind coming on to blow a gale at
west, we ran up the river thro' Spithead, the most beautiful I
ever saw, after forty-eight hours very easy sail from our port,
and almost without sea-sickness. We did not wish to return to
London, and were without any fixed determination where we
should stop. Southampton is a pretty place, but very extra-
vagant is the living there. We proceeded on to Pool, which I
think must be the cheapest town of its magnitude in the west,
but it has a dreary country around it, and from its lonely
situation, a kind of peninsula, did not please at all. We
stopped at Lyme and Dorchester without meeting anything to
induce us to fix. At Axminster Domett would fain have kept
us a few days to make a trial of that town. Thinking it too
small, tho' very pleasant, we proceeded on to Exeter, and I have
taken a house at a mile from the town, but in the neighbour-
hood, the house furnished, and has every convenience about it,
with about six acres of land—mowing, orchard, and garden
stocked with fruit trees. I could have had my house and
garden without the land, at £45, and am to pay £60 p ann. for
the whole. The last year my orchard produced 20 hlids, of cyder,
and I begin to build castles in the air, but soon check myself.
“Thus my whole tour, since I left London, appears to me a
work of hazard and uncertainty, tho', on reflection, I know not
where I could have dropped with more conveniences about me
than I imagine to have here.
“A. Spooner refers me to you respecting Eastern Lands. If
I had a favorable opportunity I would forward the Bond,
without discovering what the advantage can be in so doing;
but as you have the date—sum—and know what has been paid,
you can make the culculation as well as if in your hands.”
He adds the following postscript:-‘‘My landlord is a Mº
Cotsford, a two hundred thousand pounder, and Member of
Parliament, but I have never but once as yet, had any conversa-
tion with him.””
* At the date of their return my father Andrew was a boy of twelve or
more, near half of which had been passed in France. He there got well grounded
in the French language, and he retained his proficiency in it as long as he
lived. He used to make me read “Gil Blas’ and ‘Moliere' to him. He told
me that when they were in France, some English friend wrote to his father,
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 433
Thus the family became settled in a respectable looking old
house, built in the Queen Anne style, known as East Wonford
House, in the parish of Heavitree, towards the sunrising from
Exeter, and at about three quarters of a mile east from Heavitree
church, where it still stands. The rent appears to be extraordina-
rily low. He would not bind himself to a lease, but took it only
from year to year, for he still had one eye upon America, and if
circumstances should appear encouraging, he cherished the
idea that he might yet some day turn his steps, either to
Massachusetts or to Rhode Island. This appears from a
paragraph in a letter of February the 2nd, 1789, dated at London,
and addressed to his nephew Andrew Spooner, who was in
America acting as his agent. Thus he says:—
“The receipt of your letters of the 28” and 29* Novº, by
Scott, makes it necessary that I should embrace the first oppor-
tunity of acquainting you that M* Sanford has not the least
idea or intention of selling her estate in America, and if it were
absolutely necessary for her so to do, I think it probable I
should be myself the purchaser, having some views in regard
to that country, which may or may not be put in execution, as
circumstances occur.”
Time went on : some of their friends wrote over to different
members of the family, and tried to persuade them to come out
at once, and some sent over the gossip of Boston. Aunt
Elizabeth Russell—though it is not clear how the relationship
was made out—wrote to Elisha's daughter Margaret, and told
her the last news from Boston on the 20th of April, 1790.
“You enquire,” she said, “after your old friend Miss Harriot
Lothrop. You will start perhaps to hear she is going to be
married, and for a moment discredit the intelligence; but
indeed it is true, and the gentleman of her choice is a son
of Parson Robbins's. 'Tis possible you remember him—Mr
Chandler Robbins. I am told they are to be married soon :
and through some strange inadvertence, merely addressed the letter, “Thomas
Hutchinson, Esq., France,” and curiously enough the letter reached him. It
arrived at an inn where they had been, but they had gone on. The landlord,
at a loss what to do with it, stuck it up in the looking-glass. After a com’
siderable interval they touched at the same inn on their return, when the
landlord handed over the letter—rather stale in news.
VOT). II. 2 F
434 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
she is a very fine young lady, possessed of a very good
disposition, and very pleasing manners, but is too young to
enter into the cares of a family.”
The party seem to have been content with their new home,
Among the bound-up original letters, there is one from Thomas
to his brother, of May 19, 1791, in which he says:—“After
eighteen months residence we continue to think this a very
agreeable part of England; and perhaps I could not have made
a better pitch than I have done.”
In another of Nov. 22, 1793, he alludes to the birth of John,
Elisha's youngest child, born Sep. 21 of that year, afterwards
Canon of Lichfield, and Editor of the third volume of Governor
Hutchinson's History, where he says: —“I have been prevented
by some necessary occupations from answering your letter of
the 30th ultimo sooner. We most sincerely congratulate you
and Mrs. Hutchinson on the addition of a son to your family,
and wish he may be spared to be a comfort to you both.”
December 23, 1796, he writes:–“A few days after you left
us M* and Mº Sabatier, neither of whom I had any knowledge
off [of] before, came into Devonshire and took lodgings about
half a mile distance from us. We found them both well
informed people and pleasant neighbours. They returned to
Tondon the first week in Novº, with an intention of spending
the next summer here.” Mº William Sabatier was the
descendant of a Huguenot Tefugee, who visited America, and
married Margaret, a daughter of Foster Hutchinson, at Halifax,
Nova Scotia.
But the American Refugees continued to make their lamen-
tations heard. Many of them were reduced to counplete
destitution—some tried to earn bread by the most Imenial
occupations—and some broke down in health both bodily and
mentally, for the delays were unavoidably prolonged, and he
who waits for the corn to grow will starve in the interval.
During the course of a long series of years the case of the
Loyalists had been occasionally before Parliament, and even
for thirty or forty years after the termination of the war was
still unsettled in some of its bearings. The 4th Article of the
Treaty of Peace stipulated—“That creditors on either side
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THoiſ.AS ITUTCIIINSON, 435
shall meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the
full value in sterling money of all bona fide debts heretofore
contracted.”
The 5th Article stipulates that Congress should recommend
the restitution of all estates, rights, and properties which had
been confiscated, to British subjects, who had not borne arms
against the United States; and that persons of any other
description should have free liberty to go and remain twelve
months in the United States unmolested, in their endeavours to
recover their confiscated property.
As regarded the English Government, it was fully admitted
that the Loyalists had just claims to compensation at their
hands. The King in his Speech said—“I trust that you will
agree with me, that a due and generous attention ought to be
shewn to those who have relinquished their properties or
possessions from motives of loyalty to me, or attachment to the
Mother country.”
Lord Walsingham, speaking of the Toyalists, observed :-
“Their claim upon us is self-evident.”
In the Lower House, Mr. Wilberforce declared—“They must
be compensated.” Mr. Townshend, Secretary of State, said—
“This country would feel itself bound in honor to make the
Loyalists full compensation for their losses.”
The above few facts are taken from a printed “Abstract of
the case of the Uncompensated American Loyalists,” &c., which
I find among the papers. Sabine, to whom I shall have to
refer next, though as briefly as possible, gives many particulars
relative to their claims, their losses, and the amount of what
they recovered. Such were the delays, that even so late as in
1821—thirty-eight years after the war had ended, and forty-
three years after the passing of the Confiscation Act—the
subject was again mooted in Parliament. In the debates, as
reported in the Globe newspaper of March 22, that year,
“M” Courtenay rose to call the attention of the House to the
claims of the American Loyalists, who had suffered in the
Revolution, for the fulfilment of the engagements and promises
made to them by Great Britain, to compensate whatever losses
they might have sustained in consequence of their adherence
2 F 2
436 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON.
to the Crown of England during that period,” &c., and he
moved an address for papers on the subject.
Mr. Dickinson seconded, and amongst other things he
observed—“These persons were determined to persevere in
their claims, for when they went into the Courts of America,
they were treated as outlaws, and were told they could get no
compensation.”
Mr. Wm. Smith lamented the length of time that had been
suffered to elapse without meeting their demands. “This,” he
said, “was one of the greatest hardships they had to complain
of. Forty years ago they were entitled to these claims, and
the sum would be trebly increased since that time by interest.”
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, inter alia, admitted—
“The lapse of time that has occurred should be no barrier to
their claims; they had never been lost sight of,” but though
the Address was agreed to, he did not hold out much hope that
what was demanded could be certainly complied with.
The number of the Loyalists who considered themselves
justified in looking to the English Government in their peculiar
situation, was extremely great, and it consisted of various
classes. As regards the fighting men, Sabine, I. 70, remarks:—
“It may not be possible to ascertain the number of the
Loyalists who took up arms, but, from the best evidence which
I have been able to obtain, I conclude there were twenty-five
thousand at the lowest computation; and unless their killed
and wounded in the different battles and affrays in which they
were engaged, were unusually large, I have put their aggregate
force far too low.”
It had been notified that March the 26th, 1784, would be the
latest period for presenting claims for the consideration of the
Commissioners; and on, or before that day, the number of
persons who had preferred their petitions, stood at 2063, and
the alleged property lost at £7,046,278. Besides this, there
were outstanding debts in America, owing to English creditors,
amounting to the sum of £2,354,135.
In 1788 Mr. Pitt submitted a plan for classiſying the
Claimants, and of classifying and apportioning the nature and
amount of consolation to be allotted to each; and to those
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCHINSON. 437
whose losses had been caused principally by the deprivation of
official or professional incomes, he proposed a system of pensions.
By the 5th of April this year the Commissioners in England
had heard and determined 1680 claims, and had liquidated the
same at the sum of £1,887,548.
It appeared finally, that the number of applicants from
England, and from the Canadian Provinces, attained to the
aggregate of 5072, of whom 954 either withdrew their applica-
tions, or failed to press them ; and the sum of the losses was
stated to have been £8,026,045. Another return however, was
made out by Mr. J. E. Wilmot, one of the Commissioners,
wherein the amount of the claims is given at £10,358,413, and
the amount of the claims allowed at £3,033,091.
The above items will be enough to shadow forth the gigantic
dimensions of the work that during forty years had occasionally
forced itself upon the attention of the Government. The
delays that had occurred were partly owing to the difficulty of
investigating the correctness of the claims—the soundness of
the evidence—the changes in the Ministry, or in the Depart-
ments; and in America the delays were prolonged by hostile
or prohibitory Acts that bad been enacted during the heat of
party fervour, but which, in process of time, and by slow
degrees, were either mitigated, or in great part removed. Many
of the Loyalists had died in the interval, but in those cases
where the efforts at recovery were followed up, the business
was continued by their heirs. Though the chances of recovering
anything within the limits of Massachusetts were looked upon
as hopeless, still, the event proved that other estates—that is
to say, the value of them in money—were recovered in Rhode
Island, on the South, and also in that large tract stretching
away Down East, then under the same government, and mostly
unappropriated, but now absorbed in the State of Maine. It
will be shewn presently that by perseverance carried on through
a long period, the Hutchinsons effected the sale of two farms
on the island of Conanicut, opposite Newport, in Narragansett
Bay, and received the payment for them, and also disposed of
certain tracts, commonly spoken of as the “Eastern Lands,”
lying near Phillip's Town, at about 100 miles north-by-east
438 DI. I. Y. AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
from Boston. Surely Sir Francis Bernard and Sir William
Pepperell were not more “notorious conspirators,” (from the
American point of view), than Thomas Hutchinson; and they
are to be pitied for not having been able to snatch something
out of the wreck, as might have been hoped, considering that
their lands were not in Massachusetts proper. It has been
remarked, when speaking of the Pepperell family, that their
vast possessions extended some thirty miles along the coast,
and several miles in width; and the official accounts inform us
that when Governor Bernard was in the zenith of his popularity,
the admiring colonists presented him with the island of Mount
Desert—and a handsome gift it was. From a friend who
visited the island in 1879, I have gathered a few personal
observations. He went by steamer from Boston down east to
the Penobscot river, and then by another of smaller size,
twenty or thirty miles further along the coast, calling at
intermediate stations, and stopped at the small port of Bar
Harbour situated on the western side of the island. There was
a small village at that place, but the accommodation was then so
limited that he was directed to a farm house three miles off,
where he lodged nearly a fortnight. He speaks of the aspect
as rocky, with the heights still clothed in the primeval forest,
though the low lands had been considerably cleared, and several
farms laid out. Towards the western side the island lies very
close to the main land, but towards the north-east the coast
sweeps round, so that between the two a fine sheltered bay is
formed. When the French had Canada, or cruised in American
waters at the time of the war, their fleet occasionally resorted
to it, where they were secure in all winds but the South-east,
and from these visits it obtained the name of Frenchman's Bay.
During his stay, my friend amused himself in Imaking ex-
cursions and explorations. The island, in shape, is irregularly
circular, somewhat prolonged towards the south, with an eleva-
tion or mountain in the middle, to the summit of which he
ascended, and enjoyed a beautiful view. In size it is near
fifteen miles long, by seven or eight wide. The country in this
part of America is not very thickly populated: the coast is iron
bound, and the climate, though delightful in summer, is severe
DIA R Y AND LETTERS O.I.' THOMAS //UTCHINSON, 439
in the winter months. The steamer that proceeded to Bar
Harbour generally carried thither a few summer excursionists;
but as the place gets better known, the numbers are year by
year on the increase, so that in proportion as it becomes the
resort of visitors in the fine season, so its prosperity seems to be
advancing.
The following original letter, bearing date November 4,
1801, written by young Thomas Hutchinson, son of the Judge,
who had been bred to the law, and who now addressed it to his
uncle Elisha, will explain the whole scope of the claims:–
“I take the opportunity of MI* Dan Oliver's return to
Birmingham to convey to you the enclosed Power of Attorney
for your signature, if it meets with your approbation. You are
acquainted with the claims of the Hutchinson and Oliver
families to certain lands to the eastward of Boston, and to the
Rhode Island estate, heretofore the property of the late Miss
Sanford; and you are probably apprised of the defalcation of
the Agents in America, whom my father had employed to look
after these interests. Till very lately he has not, for some
years past, received a line from either M. Lowell or M"
Spooner, notwithstanding his repeated letters to them on the
subject. Mº Sabatier, the gentleman named in the enclosed
Power, married a daughter [Margaret] of my great-uncle Foster
Hutchinson: he is a man of business and an honest man.
Previously to his departure for Nova Scotia, my father, un-
willing that the family claims should be entirely given up, and
thinking that a longer neglect would weaken them, com-
missioned Mº Sabatier to obtain what information he could
respecting them. Three letters from Mº Sabatier to M Spooner
have at length produced from the latter a recommendation of
a purchaser for the Rhode Island estate. It is apprehended
that no considerable difficulty can occur with respect to the
title of Miss Sanford's devisees to that estate. It is secured to
them by the 9th Article of the Treaty of Commerce with
America made in 1794; but what is perhaps a better security,
Mº Spooner has been in undisputed possession of it ever since
the year 1787. For a year or two previous to Miss Sanford's
440 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUT CHINSON.
death he remitted the rents, which were applied to her support:
since that period nothing has been received from him. The
object of the enclosed Power is, to enable Mº Sabatier to obtain
possession, and (if the parties entrusted should think it ex-
pedient), to dispose of the family interests in America; and
from the present favourable appearances of the title to the
Rhode Island estate, it is presumed that the profits therefrom
will be sufficient to cover any expenses Mº Sabatier may be at
in the recovery of this, or any part of the Eastern Estate.
Aware however, of the uncertain issue of claims so distantly
preferred, and which have so long lain dormant, M. S. will be
instructed to proceed with such caution as that the heirs may
be nothing out of pocket by this experiment.
“P.S. You will, if you think proper, put your signature
opposite the second blank seal; the first is intended for my
father's. The Power will then be forwarded to Mº Lyde, New
York, and from thence to M* W. S. Oliver, New Brunswick.
M. Dan' Oliver will have an opportunity of conveying the
Power back to me.”
After many delays, it appears by a statement bearing date
Jan. 15, 1806, in the Letter Book of young Thomas Hutchinson,
the Barister-at-Law, that one portion of the property at Rhode
Island, known as the Cotton Farm, had been sold for 5400
dollars. This sum, after a few increments and deductions,
that it is not necessary to dally over, eventually produced
£858,5,11 in sterling money. Grizzel Sanford, by her Will,
left her property to be equally divided between the children of
her two sisters, one having been married to Lieutenant-Governor
Oliver, and the other to Governor Hutchinson.
The other farm, spoken of as the Narhawana Estate, was
disposed of by the agency of Mr. Rufus G. Amory towards the
latter part of the same year; for in a letter written by him
from Boston at that period, he says:—
“Enclosed is Exchange for £1311,15 sterl., in full for the
sale of the Narhawana Estate to H. G. Otis, Esq., being
11/12” thereof, for 5500 dollars, and one year's interest
thereon—say 5830 D. in Exchange at par.”
Divested of technicalities, and the provisions which gave
DIAR y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 441
different proportions to different claimants, according to the
degree of propinquity in which they stood to the late devisor,
and throwing the two sums together, that had been obtained
for the two estates, the case stood simply as follows:–
The Cotton Farm . . . . . . . . . 858 5 11
The Narhawana Estate, less T. II.'s costs . . 1308 18 O
To the Heirs of Spooner . . . . . . . 166 14, 1%
Total to be divided . . . . £2333 18 0%
The one-fourteenth for the Heirs of Spooner was at first
reserved as a matter of calculation, because it does not seem to
have been sent to England at all. The gross sum however, was
divided in the following manner:—
Thomas Hutchinson, 1/4th (half of a moiety) .. 583 9 6
Ditto, in right of wife, 1/14th (seventh of a moiety) 166 14 1%
Elisha Hutchinson, 1/4th . . . . . 583 9 6
Daniel Oliver, 1/14th . . . . . . . . 166 14, 1}
William Sanford Oliver, do... . . . . . . 166 14 1%
Mrs. Lyde, (Elizabeth Oliver), do . . . . . 166 14 13.
Brinley Sylvester Oliver, do. . . . . . . 166 14, 1}
Mrs. Knight, do. . . . . . . . . . . 166 14, 1}
Heirs of Spooner, do. . . . . . . . . 166 14, 1%
Total, as above . . . . . . £2333 18 0#
The next consideration touched the Eastern Lands, but the
Governor's eldest son looked at the question with some despair.
Writing to Elisha on the 25th of May, 1790, he observed—
“Altho', as I have before said, I have not the least expectations
from Eastern Lands for myself, yet I am convinced the interest
is such as ought to induce those who are concerned for their
successors, to endeavour to keep up a family claim. They may
increase much in value. By a letter from A. S., [Andrew
Spooner], they begin to think so there; and he seems to wish
to interest himself therein.”
Again, May 19, 1791:—“According to Mº Brimmer's state-
ment of the case, (which I had never heard before), of the
Eastern Lands, I have only to join with the other heirs of
Peleg Sanford, in appointing some person or Attorney, to
appear for us.”
From the remark here made, it seems that these lands had
442 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON,
been derived from some early member of the Sanford family, a
circumstance that is not mentioned elsewhere.
Concurrently with these transactions, something was done
in applications to the Treasury, the American Commissioners,
and in endeavours to recover private debts. By the 6th Article
of the Treaty of Commerce between the two countries in 1794,
a Commission was provided, which sat at Philadelphia, to
consider and satisfy demands of British subjects on American
subjects, and it was proposed that £600,000 be supplied by
America to satisfy these claims. After doing some work, the
Commission broke up. *
Writing from Brompton August 25, 1785, to Mr. John Lowell
at Boston, the Governor's eldest son Thomas says:– “I was
possessed of a store or counting House, situate on the south side
Town Dock, which with others, was burnt in the time of the .
Blockade of Boston: but from the situation for trade you are
sensible the ground must always be valuable.” Three years and
a half afterwards, namely, on the 25th of February, 1789, as
appears in his Letter Book, he recurs to the subject:-" I men-
tioned in a former letter an interest my family had in lands to
the eastward at Phillip's Town, and also a store which belonged
to me, situated on the south side of the Town Dock, neither of
which I believe were ever confiscated.” Be that as it may,
there is nothing to shew that the family ever recovered any
thing from the sale of any real property within the limits of
Massachusetts proper; and it is not always very clearly
explained, in what the sums that occasionally passed, originated
in. Young Thomas in London, wrote to his father near Exeter,
on the 6th of September, 1808, and said—“The American
Commissioners have allowed your claim in respect to the
Treas Note for £500 and Int' to be good to the amount of
£994, 7, 6 Sterlº, upon which they have paid me a Div" of
£198, 17, 6.” Other sums passed at other times, but it is
not necessary to dwell upon them.
The correspondence entered in the Letter Book of young
Thomas, shews that the Eastern Lands were frequently alluded
to by him to his Agents in America, or by them to him, thus—
1805, June 2, Mr. Amory writes—“The Eastern Lands remain
pIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCITINSON 443
as formerly, no settlement being yet made with persons in
possession, but I have employed an active Attorney in their
neighbourhood, John Holmes Esq., to settle with them.”
1805, Oct. 24, he again writes—“I have employed an active
Attorney, (John Holmes Esq., of Alfred,) to dispose of the
Eastern Lands, and make the best settlement in his power; but
as all the good land is covered with trespassers, he is obliged to
be very moderate, and give great indulgence to all of them.”
1807. Jan. 6, Thomas says—“I have written to M* Amory to
expedite the sale of the Eastern Lands.”
1808. June 9, again—“You have probably rec" from me of
late several parcels, conveying to you various documents relat"
to the Eastern Lands, wº have, I trust, been sufficient to enable
you to prevail in the suit instituted respecting those lands.”
1808. Sep. 26, quoting his uncle W. S. Oliver in New
Brunswick, he says—“Perhaps it might forward the business if
you were to let M. H. know that you are apprised of the
Successful termination of the law suit, and to try to be informed
when we may expect a settlem" and a remittance of the
money.”
According to this the business was not settled by 1808, and
I recently applied to my cousin, his daughter, (widow of the
Rev. W. H. Oliver,) to know whether she had any later
evidence amongst her father's papers, to which application she
replied—
“I find letters from my father to Mº Holmes in 1812,
acknowledging the undermentioned sums—£330 , 14 , 2,
£125, 0, 0 and £124, 11, 1}.
“Again, in 1818, I find a letter thanking Mº Holmes for his
judicious conduct on the conclusion of the claims, and ac-
knowledging a final receipt of £157, 10, 0, and enquiring
whether a sum of £60 had been paid to Edward Lyde. My
father would appear to have been trustee to receive for the
claimants in England only.”
Thus, from 1778, the year in which the Confiscation Act was
passed, down to 1818, these claims had remained open, being
the space of forty years. The claimants had certainly been
Very persevering.
444 DIARY AND LETTERS OF TI/OMAS IIUTCIJINSON.
I apologise for having dwelt so long upon the subject of the
I loyalists—their losses, their sufferings, and their efforts to
regain their property—I fear almost to tediousness; but it was
an important wind-up to the momentous events of the war: and
the matter has still a lingering interest to the many remaining
descendants of those who but ill weathered the storm, and who
have but an imperfect knowledge of the intricacies of the
questions raised between the two nations at the time, or of the
obstacles that lay in the way of recovery. i
The annexed proſile of T. Hutching, n, the (\overnor's eldest
son, was taken from a black Hillhouette of the Fame size. It had
apparently been done towards the latter years of his life, and
from the falling in of the liph, he must have Huſſered much
from the loS8 of his tect h.
The following heads of I'edigrees, a ranged in a Tabular form,
will end this Chapter.

Sir Walter Blunt, Knt.= . . . .
—l
|
PEDIGREE OF IMA RBUTRY. Sir Thomas Blunt, Knt. = . . . .
Given to me by the Earl of Donoughmore, |
Jan. 15, 1864.
| |
Sir Walter Blunt, Knt. Thomas Blunt, = Anne, d. and heir of
Second son. Sir J. Hawleyt, Kt.
| x- | * | • * * * |
WILLLAM MARBURY = Anne, d. and co-heir of Robert Blunt. Sir J. Bruntayne = Margaret. William Hanford = Elizabeth.
| Sir T. Blunt. Ob. S. p.

m. Trayford.
| | | | | | | | | |
Laurence M. = d. and heir of Robert M. Thomas M. Humphrey M. John M. Jane M. Mary M. Elizabeth M. Margaret M. Anne M. Mary M.
| Williamson. Had a son. m. Nevell. m. Burton. m. Goldsmith. A. Nun.
William M. = Anne, d. of J. Leaton.
f
i
| | | | | |
Edward M. = Mary, d. of William M. Elizabeth = Francis M. = 2nd. Bridget, sister of Mary M. Anne M. Catherine M.
J. Welcom. ob. S. p. Moore. Sir Erasmus Dryden, Bt. m. T. Middleton. m. W. Bloxholme. m. C. Wentworth.
Susannah.
| | |
Mary M. Anne Marbury, co-heiress=William Hutchinson Katherine M.
m. B. Leyton. of Lincoln. m. J. Scott.
See Hutchinson Pedigree. See Gov. H.’s mention of her in “Hutchinson in America,” page 10–12.
Ak
EDWARD HUTCHINSON – SUSANNE, or SUSANNA.
of Alford, Sepult. 1631.
| | | | |
Willielmus = Anne Samuel. Easter, m. Richard = Mary. Edward=Sarah. John, m.
Bap. Au. 14, Marbury. Rushworth. Heiress married 2 SODS. 1. Elizabeth.
1586. Mr. Hely. 2. Bridgetta.
|
Susanna.
Maria, m.
Wheelwright.
| | | | | .
Eduardus=l. Catherine. Susånna. Richardus. Faith. Bridgetta.
| | | |
Francis. Elizabeth. William. Samuel. Anna.
| | | |
Man, m. ICathérena. Willm. Susanna. Zuryell.
b. 1613. 2. Abigail. m. Sanforde. I(illed by the Indians. Collins. m. Cole.
had issue.
| | | | | | | | HEADS OF
Elishua. Elizabeth. Elisha = 1. Hannah. Abigail. Anne, m. William. Catherine. Susanna. PEDIGREE
m. Winslow. b. 1641. 2. Elizabeth. 1. Moore. I. Dyer. 1. Richards. m. Nath. + OF
Issue 5. 2. Nellond. 2. Vernon. 2. Allen. Coddington. HUTCHINSON OF LINCOLNSHIRE
3. Foster. IN
IENGLAND.
| | | | | | |
Mary. Elisha. Elizabeth, Hannah, Katherine. Thomas=Sarah Mary.
m. Clarke. m. Ruck. b. 1674. | Foster.
| | . . | | | | |.. |, . . . | |
Foster. Sarah, Abigail. Thomas =Margaret John. Hannah, Elisha. Lydia, Hawkins. Elizabeth. Foster, m. Edward.
m. Welsted. 1. Davenport. (Governor.) | Sanford. m. Mather. m. Togers. Margaret.
2. Merchant.
| | | ... |
Thomas = Sarah Elisha = Mary Sarah, William. Margaret. 7 or 8 more
b. 1740. Oliver. Watson. m. Oliver. (Billy.) (Peggy.) d. young.
| | . . | |
Mary. Margaret. Elizabeth. George. John=Martha.
Had issue.
| | | | |
Thomas= 1. Flizabeth. Mary, Andrew = Anne A child. William=Louisa
2. Mrs. Tolfrey. m. Oliver. Parker. Parker.
e - | | J. | |. ~! | | |.
Y. Bingham. I'lizabeth. Douisa. Peter Frances William Sarah. Louisa, William, m. Martha, m. Henry. Henrietta.
In South In. Augusta. Orlando. Harriet. George. Im. Blick. Caroline. Hutchinson. 1.
Africa. AS (The Editor.) 1. Rumley. Ak | 2. '
In So"th 2. Robertson. John R.


Australia.
Edith.

Edward Hutchinson = Susanne, or Susanna.
Of Alford. Ob. 1631.
| | | | | | | |
William Hutchinson = Anne Samuel. Easter, m. RICHARD HUTCHINSON = MARY. Edw. John. Susanna. Maria.
Who went to America. | Marbury. Ob. coel. Rushworth. Favoured by increasing wealth, tho’ he
- As lost £60,000 by the fire of London in
1666, he bought lands in Ireland, Nor-
folk, Lincolnshire, &c.
Edward= Anne Samuel. Jonathan. Ezekiel. Eliakim. =Sister of Col. William. Daughter, Daughter, Elizabeth, Anne,
Batty. Major. Bap. 1640. Shrimpton. D. about m. Will. m. Bar. m. Peter m. J.
Buried at A 1706 at Puckle. Soame. Gray. Holland.
Clonmel. Jamaica.
Richard. = Christian Thomas. 1st. Dr. Francis = Flizabeth = 2nd. Lorenzo = 3rd. Abraham Anne, m. Mary.
Ob. S. p. Moore. Tombstone Vaughan. + Hodson. Nickson, Dr. Lewis Died young.
Made his at Clonmel. Dead before 2 daughters. Married of Munny, Mauzy. Clonmel
niece his 1699. before 6.0. Wicklow. Tablet.
heir. 1704.
| | | | | | & • * >
Some authorities say there were 13 children, Christian = John Hely, Sec.
4 boys and 9 girls, of whom Christian was Nickson. of State, and
the youngest. This appears strange in a Created Keeper of the PEDIGREE
woman's third marriage. See the Obs. of Baroness Privy Seal. On OF
the Earl of D. in the larger Pedigree. Donoughmore, marriage he - HELY-HUTCHINSON
Ob. June 24, 1788. assumed the OF
name of KNOCKLOFTY,
| | | Hutchinson. &C., &C.
Richard Hely-Hutchinson. John. Francis.
Created Wiscount Suirdale,
Nov. 7, 1797, and Earl of The remainder is in the Peerage.
Donoughmore, Dec. 29, 1797.
Ob. cool. Aug. 22, 1825.
3.



Thomas H. = Sarah Foster.
§
Thomas H. - FOSTER HUTCHINSON = Margaret, d. of General Mascarene.
The Governor. B. 1724. D. 1799.
Margaret. Sarah. Elizabeth. Lydia, m. Abigail. Joanna. Hannah = Jonathan FOSTER. Thomas. Grizel. Margaret, m. Abigail.
Snelling, Ob, coel. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. W. Sabatier. Ob. cºel.
Ob. coel. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. Slater. Ob. coel. Ob. coel.
Ob. S. p. son of Col. Ob. S. p.
º, Snelling s t
of Boston.
Branch
- of
William H. Snelling= Eliza. FOSTER HUTCHINSON,
- Ob. coe}. communicated
by
| William John Stirling.


William. Foster. Jonathan. Frederick. Eliza = Mr. Stirling.
Ob. coel. Ob. coel. Ob. coel. Ob. coel.
William John Stirling.

( 449 )
CHAPTER X.
SOME ACCOUNT OF GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON'S FAMILY.
To begin an account with tradition is rather a mythological
beginning; and yet, it is just the sort of commencement that
most family histories begin with. One consideration at all
events is comforting, and that is this—that whatever I may
offer as tradition deceives nobody, and the reader may take it
for what it is worth and no more. In some of the earlier
editions of Burke's Landed Gentry, in voce Hutchinson, and
perhaps in some of the later, for all I know, it is stated that
among the followers of Harold Harfager, King of Norway, who
invaded England on the Yorkshire coast shortly before the
date of the Battle of Hastings, was one Uitonensis, the reputed
founder of the Hutchinson family in this country. The words
are these—“The family of Hutchinson is supposed to derive
from Uitonensis, who came over from Castle Cronenburg with
Harold Harſager, and settled at (or near) Bishop Middleham,
then a fortified place.” Most of the old coats of arms of our
noble families have a legend belonging to their earliest institu-
tion; and as to the origin of nations, we know that Tome had
its mythical Romulus and Temus, and Carthage had its Dido,
with a bull’s hide cut into thongs. We graduate somewhat
into history when we come to the Annals of the early Chroni-
clers, where mythistoria stands half way between fable and
fact. The Ring of England had a turbulent and rebellious
brother called Tosti, and having collected forces and ships, he
joined with the enemy in the invasion. Harfager and his ally,
led their united fleet into the Humber—disembarked—had a
sharp encounter with the Saxons, led by the Earls Edwin and
Morcar—and gained a considerable advantage over them.
VOL. II. 2 G
450 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Fired with anger and alarm at the intelligence of this disaster,
Harold of England hastened with his fighting men to the spot,
and meeting the Norwegians at Stamford Bridge, below York,
attacked them with great determination. He routed them
completely, killing both Harfager and Tosti. “Haroldus,”
says William of Malmesbury, Lib. ii. fol, 52, “nuncio accepto,
cunctis viribus e0 contendit; pugma ingens commissa utrisque
gentibus eatrema nitentibus. Angli Superiorem manum macti,
Norico8 in fugam egerunt,” &c. And the Chronicle of Mailros
says:–“ Rea, Noregamorum Haroldus Harphagher, frater Sancti
Olivi, Regis et Martyris, et Tostius, Comes, apud Strinfordbrige,
0ccidumtur.” Scarcely, however, was this contest over, and
before he had time to complete his arrangements for the final
disposal of his invaders, when news arrived that the Normans
had made a hostile landing on the south coast ; upon which,
he was compelled to leave things in Yorkshire as they were, so
he collected his forces, and hurried to the field of Hastings,
where it is well known he soon lost his own life.
The Norwegians, thus being left to themselves, recovered
their equanimity, and taking a survey of the aspect and bear-
ings of the situation, and hearing of the death of the man who
had recently chastised them, and conscious now that there was
no one near them to be afraid of, deliberated on the next step
to be taken. Although some of them resolved to return to
their own country, there were many who preferred settling
down where they were, and amongst whom Uitonensis. The
name of this person as it here stands, wears the appearance of
a Latin form, whatever may have been the Norse orthography
originally. Of his immediate descendants nothing is positively
known, though report places them in the neighbourhood of
Bishop Middleham. We do not tread upon firm ground, or
arrive at authentic record until the 10th of Edward I., anno
1282, when Barnard Hutchinson heads the regular Pedigree,
compiled from authentic sources by Henry St. George, King of
Arms, as given in the earlier 4° editions of the Life of Col.
John Hutchinson. This was the main stock of the family, from
which, at different periods a great number of side branches
were at intervals thrown off. And then, there are many trees
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON, 451
that have cankered branches, or spurious branches, that cling on
to the main stem, bearing the same name, and they keep quiet
and bide their time, and hold their tongues, and trust that nobody
will discover the secret. Let the Heralds look after them.
Some migrated northwards through Durham into Northumber-
land, into the Lowlands, and by a Scotticism in enunciation,
and subsequently in spelling, the name deviated into Hutchison
and Hutcheson: some proceeded into Cumberland, and others
into Lancashire or Lincolnshire, whilst others crossed over into
Ireland. There appears to have been only one head to this
family; for on endeavouring to trace back the links of the
genealogical chain pertaining to any respectable individual of
the name, the results of the search all seem to converge and
lead up to the Yorkshire stock. It is with the Lincolnshire
branch only that we have to do now.
In the year 1586 Edward Hutchinson, with his wife Susanne
or Susanna, was seated at Alford in the county of Lincoln, for
on the 14th of August in that year their eldest son William was
there baptised, as appears in the Parish Register, which I have
carefully examined: and Edward lived there, with occasional
intervals, during the long space of 45 years, and having died,
he was buried on the 14th of February, 1631. It has been
shown that Col. Chester was employed to look up the descent
of one branch of the family, and it resulted that whilst he was
so occupied, he lighted upon documents containing many par-
ticulars relating to other branches. It had been conveyed to
me by a mutual friend, that in the prosecution of his researches,
he had discovered the name of the said Edward's father, which
I did not know, but much wished to know. I had been for
more than twenty years trying to discover whether he had left
a Will, and where it might be, thinking that I might there
ascertain this point, as well as one or two others interesting to
me; but I have wholly failed to get any intelligence of such a
Will, either in London or Lincoln, or in one or two places where
I have made inquiry—not forgetting “Courts of Peculiars.” I
was told that light was thrown upon this obscurity by the Will
of John Hutchinson, Mayor of the city of Lincoln, whose
brother was Sheriff, who left real property in half a dozen
2 G 2
452 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
neighbouring parishes, and amongst whose children was one
named Edward, who was the same with Edward of Alford. To
satisfy myself in respect to these particulars, I procured an
office copy of it at Somerset House. It bears date April 21,
1565, and though there is a son Edward mentioned, to whom
the father leaves a tenement, garden, and close, in the parish of
St. Peter at Cootes or Coates, and though the dates would tally,
still, I see nothing in the Will to prove that the two Edwards
were one and the same. But I was further informed that
Edward of Alford was appointed Executor, and proved the
Will of his cousin Christopher Hutchinson of Mablethorpe, in
1609—so I obtained a copy of this Will at Lincoln. This
Christopher made his Will on the last day of August 1592.
He leaves to his wife Anne his farm at Mablethorpe, or perhaps
Maplethorpe, with great part of the stock: to his eldest son
William the third part of his lands in Thedelthorpe and
Carleton in the county of Lincoln: to his son Robert a portion of
the remainder, with some land and tenements in the city of
Lincoln: to his other son Christopher the other portion: to his
daughter Marie he gives £100 at full age or on her marriage:
and to his other daughter Frances he gives the same. He
appoints his brother Thomas Hutchinson of Louth, and Edward
Hutchinson of Alford to be his Executors, and Edward of Alford
proved the Will at Lincoln on the 16th of February, 1609. But
here I was again disappointed. Doubtless the parties herein
mentioned were near relatives ; but there is no intimation that
will show what connection may have existed between Edward of
Alford and the testator, and there is not the slightest allusion
made to John, the Mayor of Lincoln. Either my informant
was not clear in all his facts, or Col. Chester had come upon
some piece of evidence which has escaped me, which indeed
might well be, for I have not made it my determined and
exclusive business to pursue these researches to their last
corners and hiding places. I might have requested him to be
so good as to assist me; but considering that he has lost few
opportunities of saying unkind and slighting things, both of the
descent and of the coat armour of the Loyalist Governor
Hutchinson and of his family, and finding that, after looking
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCIIINSON, 453
over his Pedigree of H. of Salem, my confidence was seriously
shaken, I preferred keeping my affairs in my own hands. He
may have been disappointed that I did not apply to him. He
made advances to the Earl of Donoughmore, but the Earl
commissioned a gentleman to ascertain all he wished to know,
and his services were not required. But although, as yet, I
have not been able to prove that the Alford family emanated
from the city of Lincoln, it is certain that the connection was
very close, and probably very recent, for in the Marbury
Pedigree it is stated of Anne Marbury, that she was the wife of
William Hutchinson “ of Lincoln,” though he was baptised at
Alford: and what is still more noteable, because a generation
farther off, when William's son, young Edward, became a
candidate for the married state, from an entry in the Registry
of the Bishop of London, “it appears that Richard Hutchinson
[his uncle] applied for a licence for the marriage of Edward
Hutchinson of Lincoln with Catherine Hanbie on the 19th of
Oct 1636.” The connection with Lincoln was therefore very
close.
It is time now to begin the regular Pedigree—but before
doing so, this will be a convenient place to make a few remarks
On the coat armour. The coloured coat of arms is a facsimile
on a reduced scale of an old painting on vellum which came
down to my late father, but he knew nothing of its age or
history. When I was a child it used to hang in his dressing-
room. I can remember it upwards of sixty years, and it looked
as old then as it does now ; but of course a new print done on
new paper is always likely to have a newer appearance than a
really old picture. It is one quarter the size of the original,
that is to say, one half the height, and one half the width. It
exhibits the freedom of a practised hand especially in the
mantling. There is no motto. The inscription underneath
clearly describes the charges in Heraldic phraseology, and
mentions it as pertaining to “Hutchinson of Lincolnshire.”
The wood engraving of the shield, but without the Crest, is
taken from a silver tankard which is alluded to at page 394 of
the former volume. Having been given to the early church in
Boston in 1714, it was used for the Communion wine for
454 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
upwards of 150 years, when the breaking up of the congrega-
tion, gave the family an opportunity of buying it back and
preserving it in England. It is stamped on the side with EW
% &º
º
Ó | & ) af ſ
((\
ſº
over a cross, but there is no Hall mark. The figures 31–17 are
incised with a graver on the bottom. The weight is two pounds
three ounces avoirdupois. It is in good condition. The arms
on the front are but rudely engraved; and the perpendicular
lines before the Lion, to indicate red, and the horizontal ones
behind him to imply the colour blue, have been forgotten, but
nine cross-crosslets are given. There is no motto.
The Governor's oval seal has already been given at the head
of the Preface of the first volume. The earliest document that
has come under my notice bearing an im-
press of it, is a letter dated at Milton, near
Boston, on the 6th of February, 1774. As
contradistinguished from the other two ex-
amples, on this there is a motto, which will
serve to indicate that it is the most modern
of the three. Upon the words—LIBERTA- Sºs t
TEM COLO, LICENTIAM DETESTOR, sº
an interesting, and perhaps a profitable discourse might be



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DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 455
written, especially if it could be shown where the one ends and
the other begins.
Putting aside John of Lincoln for the present, and keeping
him in abeyance until his claim to be admitted will stand the
test of scrutiny, we will begin with Edward of Alford. Though
John's admission would add another link to the genealogical
chain, let us have truth first, and length of chain afterwards.
If a doubt hangs over any part of a Pedigree, it is just worth
nothing. As this branch is styled “Hutchinson of Lincolnshire *
at the end of the inscription on the old coat of arms on wellum,
this designation may as well be retained for distinction sake.
In arranging the positions of the junior members of a family
and their offspring, I have followed the plan of Burke and
Foster, by making them fall back an m or an n quadrat.
The small tabular Pedigrees will be useful as showing at a
glance the positions of the heads or leading members, though
there is no room for further detail.
Wishing to give the reader the authorities for statements
made, I indicate the references by means of the following
abbreviations, e. g.—(A.R.) Alford Register: (H.) Governor
Hutchinson's notes and memorandums: (D.) the Earl of
Donoughmore's contributions from Wills, Registers, Letters
&c.; (F.R.) Family Records of later date.
456 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
PEDIGREE OF
HUTCHINSON OF LINCOLNSHIRE.
EDWARD HUTCHINSON, or EDWARDUS, as in the
Register, m, SUSANNE, or SUSANNA. Sepult. Feb. 14,
1631.
The name of Edward's widow is preserved in America in the List of Ad-
missions to the First Church, Boston, under the following date:—“12th of
4th. moneth, 1636, John Wheelwright, and Marie his wife; Susanne Hutchin-
son, widdowe.” Governor Hutchinson, in his family notes styled “Hutchinson
in America,” observes—“The first of which I have any memorial was mother
to William Hutchinson, and it appears by a minute which he made in one of
his books, that she died at York. I have a manuscript book of Edward
Hutchinson, Son to William, [not forthcoming now], which contains what
he says to be his uncle Wheelwright's sermons, and Mr. Hubbard says that
the famous Mrs. Hutchinson, with her brother [in law] Wheelwright, his
wife and family, took water at Mount Wollaston, (Braintree), to go to Pisca-
taqua, but Mrs. H. changed her mind; and I have no doubt Mrs. Hutchinson's
mother [i.e. husband's mother] was one of this family, and was the mother
of Mrs. Wheelwright, and that as long as she lived, she shared in Mr. Wheel-
Wright's troubles, who settled at York; but the time of her death I am not
able to ascertain.” It was before 1640.
The Governor deprecates any of his descendants publishing these family
memorandums. I am inclined to look at this as a pretty little piece of mis-
placed modesty. How am I to write History, if I am forbidden to go to original
sources?
Whitmore says she died at Wells. The places were not far from Kittery
in Maine.
T. WILLIELMUS, (A.R.) his heir, of whom presently.
II. Samuel, (A.R.) bap. Nov. 1, 1589: ob. cael. July 14,
1667.
In the Suffolk Deeds at Boston, Liber 1, his name occurs occasionlly,
either as principal or as a witness. In “H. in Am.,” as above, the Governor
writes—“The first notice I find of Samuel is in the votes of the General
Court, Nov. 2, 1637. Mr. Samuel Hutchinson, upon his suit, had
leave to stay until the first opportunity after winter. A law had been
made not long before, that no town or person should entertain any stranger
more than three weeks without licence from one of the Council, or two
Magistrates, on penalty of £100.” Again—“A pair of handsome well
made tobacco tongs, he being a great Smoker, were handed down in the
family, by the name of Unkle Samuel's tongs, until they came into my
possession. I caused his name, and the year 1660 to be stamped upon
them, and laid them by as a memorial; but in the year 1765, the mob
carried them off or destroyed them with all the rest of my furniture,
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON, 457
papers, and moveables, and I have no memorial left of Unkle Samuel,
unless there may be one of his Millenary pamphlets.” He wrote on the
Millenium. The Governor adds—“He died in Boston, July 14th, 1667,
aged 77 years, a batchelor.”
III. Easter, (A.R.) or Esther, bap. July 22, 1593, m. Thomas
Rushworth, Oct. 7, 1613.
IV. Richard, (H.) not baptised at Alford, m. Mary, as men-
tioned in his Will. (D.)
In “H. in Am...” we read—“Richard was a principal proprietor in
Boston, was concerned in the Mills, and part of his estate at the
Town Dock remains in his family to this day. His great-grandson
Bliakim died since I left Boston in 1774. He died himself in London
about the year 1670. He had many children, sons by the names of
Iºdward, Ezekiel, Jonathan, Samuel, Eliakim, and William, and I believe
one more, for I think I have heard of seven. He had besides, a daughter,
married to Mr. Gray,” &c. Richard's increasing wealth, whilst he was
a member of the Ironmongers' Company, in spite of his losses by the
great fire of London in 1666, enabled him to acquire many estates both in
England and Ireland. His will is dated Nov. 4, 1669. He provides for
Mary his wife. He leaves her his manor of Albrough in Norfolk, and
lands in Boston and Clonbeck, co. Lincoln: Settles £100 out of his lands
in Ireland on Samuel and Jonathan conditionally : leaves all his real
estate to Edward, and his heirs male : if none, to his second son, or third,
fourth or fifth. To William his land, saw-mill, &c., in New England.
To his daughter Ann 1000 marks, and £1000 if she marry not against
her mother's consent. To his three sons-in-law, and their wives 40
shillings apiece: also £10 apiece for mourning. The same to all his sons
but Edward. To the Ironmongers' Company a piece of plate of about
£14. To the poor 40s. To his brother Edward and wife, each £10 for
mourning. The Executors were his wife, and Sons Edward and Eliakim.
Will proved April 2, 1670. (D.) Richard and Mary were both buried at
Hertford, but there is no monument. Their children were—
1. John, bap. 1628. This child does not appear in any of the Pedigrees
I have seen; but the Earl of D. gave me some particulars of the
researches of Mr. E. Walmisley, made for him, among which are
entries of the baptisms of eight of Richard and Mary Hutchinson's
children, at St. Mary Magdalen's, Milk Street, London. Perhaps
John died an infant, and passed unnoticed.
2. Edward, bap. 1632, Richard's heir. His Will is dated Jan. 19, 1698.
He desires that no more than £50 be spent on his funeral. He leaves
£50 to his sister Elizabeth, wife of Peter Gray of London, Merchant,
if she survives him a year. To his sister Ann, wife of John Holland,
£50, or if dead, to her children. To his eldest daughter Elizabeth,
wife of Francis Vaughan, of Ballyboe, co. Tipp., M.D., £100, to be
paid Nov. 1, 1701: another £100 Nov. 1, 1702; and another £100
Nov. 1, 1703, to which certain arrangements are attached, and
conditions specified. His kinsman John Perry of Newcastle, co.
Tipp., is continued as manager of his estates, at the same allowance
as heretofore; and Edward leaves him a legacy of £100. To his
kinswoman Elizabeth, wife of J. Perry 30s. to buy a ring. To his
brother-in-law Thomas Batty, of Clonmell £50. To his cousin
Mary Long, wife of Robert Long of Graystown, co. Tipp. 4:20. To
his cousin Susanna, wife of Thomas Millet of Priestowne, co. Tipp.
458 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
i
10.
£20. All debts owing to him by his poor tenants at the time of his
death, who may not have two cows in the world, he cancels. All
his arrangements touching the affairs of his younger daughter Ann H.,
and his son and heir apparent Richard H. to be settled as soon as
possible, and he makes the said Richard residuary legatee. Ap-
points T. Batty, J. Perry, Dr. F. Waughan, and R. Long, Executors,
and also Guardians of Richard and Ann till they are 24. Apparently
by an afterthought, he leaves Hugh Rich £5. Witnessed by N.
Lucas, Phin. Ryall, and James Keating. Edward died July 3, 1699,
See tombstone at Clonmel. Amm his wife died Nov. 30, 1682. See
other stone at Clonmel. (D.) - -
. Samuel, bap. 1633. .
. Mary, bap. 1635. Ob. Mar. 24, 1675. See tombstone, Clonmel.
. Susanna, bap. 1637.
. Jonathan, bap. 1639.
. Eliakim, bap. 1640, m. sister of Col. Shrimpton, and had a numerous
family. The E. of D. writing to me Dec. 17, 1863 says:–“I have
also a letter from Eliakim Hutchinson, dated at Boston, January 1st,
1712–13. He mentions in it that he was 73 years of age : that he
had married the sister of Col. Shrimpton, who had borne him 13
children, of whom only three were living : his eldest daughter had
märried ‘one Palmer, a merchant, and had two sons and one
daughter: his son (Christian name not stated), “one Brinley, of a
good family here, and in England,’ and had one son and One daughter;
his youngest daughter had married ‘one Phipps, the heire of Sir
William Phipps,” having one son and two daughters. He adds—
“If God please, my three daughters (meaning, I suppose, his two
daughters and daughter-in-law), may make us a numerous family.’”
Governor H. observes (as above quoted), that his grandson Eliakim
had died since he, the Governor, had left Boston ; and his widow
(née Shirley) came to London.
. Elizabeth, bap. 1642; m. Peter Gray, as stated in Edward's Will,
above.
. William. He was not baptised at St. Mary Magdalen's. Died in
Jamaica about 1706.
Ann. She m. John Holland, as mentioned in Edward's Will.
Edward, the heir of Richard, succeeded to the Irish and other estates.
He died July 3, 1699, and his Will was proved Sep. 29 of the same
year. He left issue—
Richard, the said heir of Edward, of whom presently.
Thomas, died Dec. 6, 1682, as on tombstone at Clonmel. (D.)
Elizabeth, mother of the heiress, of whom presently.
Anne, m. Lewis Mauzy, and had Lewis. (D.)
Mary, died young. (D.)
Of Elizabeth the mother of the heiress, it may be observed, that
Some perplexities appeared to arise Out of her three marriages.
She married 1st. Dr. Waughan, M.D.; 2ndly, Lorenzo Hodson,
and had two daughters; and 3rdly, she married Abraham Nickson,
of Munny, co. Wicklow, by whom she had 13 children, 4 boys, and
9 girls. This seems rather strange in a woman's third marriage—
So much so that the Earl of Donoughmore, to whom I had furnished
Some of the particulars connected with the descent of Governor
Hutchinson, replied, Dec. 6, 1859 –“I think I can best repay
your kindness by telling you all I know of the branch of the
family from which I have inherited the name.” At a subsequent
period his Lordship sent me Sundry extracts from Wills, Leases,
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON, 459
&c., and as bearing on the question of Elizabeth and her children
he says—“He [Edward in his Will] speaks of but two daughters,
Elizabeth and Anne: another, Mary, died in infancy.” In the
Marriage Settlement of John Hely-Hutchinson and his wife, dated
June 8, 1751, “Amne is spoken of as Anne Mauzy, widow.”
Again—“In the Will of Richard Hutchinson, 4 August 1757,
Anne is here again mentiomed as a widow, and mention is made
of Lewis her son.” His Lordship adds—“From the above it
appears evident that Richard, (who died 1757), had but two
sisters who lived to a marriageable age, Elizabeth and Anne.
The latter was clearly not the mother of Christian Nickson, my
great grandmother: Elizabeth, then, must have been her mother;
but if so, she must have been married at least three times—1. To
Dr. Francis Vaughan, before 19 January 1698;-2, to Lorenzo
Hodson, before 20 January 1704;-and 3rd., to Abraham Nickson
who was undoubtedy the father of Christian.”
Richard, the grandson of the first Richard, brother of Elizabeth,
heir and possessor of the estates while he lived, m. Christian
Moore, but having no family, ob. S.p. He made his Will Aug. 4,
1757, and he that day executed a deed, whereby several sums
affect his estate, amounting to £10,952 4s. 0}d. And whereas
Anne Mauzy, and Lewis her son, have agreed to accept £4000 in
lieu of all demands. He then directs that John Hely-Hutchinson,
Esquire, shall appropriate so much money as shall Satisfy this
demand. He then bequeaths “the rest and residue of his personal
estate and fortune” to his beloved niece Christian Hely-Hutchinson.
The only signature is that of Francis Vesey. Upon this perfor-
mance the Earl remarks—“She was the youngest of nine daughters,
and was chosen by her uncle, for what reason I never could under-
stand, to inherit his property.”
Thus Christian Nickson became inheritor of her uncle’s property. She
m. John Hely, Secretary of State and Keeper of the Privy Scal,
the Marriage Settlement being dated June 8, 1751, upon which he
assumed the name and armorials of Hutchinson, the arms being the same
as those of the other branch of the family in America, differenced only
in that the Cross-crossletts are silver instead of gold, and quartered with
those of Hely. She was created Baroness Donoughmore Oct. 16, 1783,
and dying June 24, 1788, left, among other issue—
Richard Hely-Hutchinson, the eldest son, created Wiscount Suirdale,
Nov. 7, 1797, and Earl of Donoughmore, Dec. 29, 1800,—For the rest,
See the Peerage. -
W. Edward, fourth son of Edward and Susanne, of Alford.
In the Boston Records of Births and Baptisms, 1630 to 1700,
there appears the issue of Edward Hutchinson the Elder and
his wife Sarah in America.
This Edward returned to England. In “Hutchinson in America’’ the
Governor writes—“Edward returned also from New England, and was alive
in England in 1675, of which date I have seen a letter from him at London,
to his Nephew Eliakim, then at Boston, complaining of the cruelty of the
N. England army in the Indian War, for setting dogs upon a poor Squaw,
and worrying her to death, after she had come in and discovered the
situation of the Indian Army.” He had gone out to America in the same
ship with Mr. Cotton, and one or two other noted personages, in the year
**
460 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
1633, his brother William following the year after. One of his sons
wrote a History of the Indian War—an interesting book if it could be
now procured. He left issue—
1. John, bap. 31 day 6 month, 1634. (Julian Calendar.)
2. Ichabod, bap. 3 day 7 month 1637.
VI. Johannes, (A.R.) or John. His two marriages and his
children are entered in the Alford Register. He resided
in England. His will is extant. The entries are—
His baptism—“1598. Joh’es filius Ed'di Hutchinson, bapt. eod' die.”—
i.e. May 18. First marriage—“1618. Joannes Hutchinson et Elizabetha
Woodthorpe desponsatº, Octob. 1.” Issue—“1619. Gulielmus, filius
Joannis Hutchinson, bapt. Octobr. 17.” Probably died an inſant.
Secondly, he m. Bridgeta, but not at Alford, though his children were
born there, as follows—“1627. Gulielmus, filius Joannis Hutchinson,
bapt. Feb. 1.”—2.—“Edvardus, filius Joannis IIutchinson, bapt. Aug.
16.” 3–“1631. Elizabetha filia Joannis Hutchinson, bapt. July 8.”
4.—“1633. Johannis filius Johannis Hutchinsom, bapt. Feb. 6.” Among
the deaths—“1633. Johannes filius Johannis Hutchinson, sepult. Febr.
10.” 5.—Johannes, filius Johannis Hutchinson, bapt. Jam. 29.” 6.—
“Susanna, filia Jonannis Hutchinson, et Bridgetae, uxoris, bapt. Nov. 25.”
7.—“1641. Emme Hutchinson, filia Johannis Hutchinson, et Brid-
getae, ux. b. Febr. 4.” 8.—Samuel, bap. Feb. 25, 1643.
VII. Susanna. The entry in the A.R. is this:—“Nov.
1599. Susanna, filia Ed'di Hutchinson, bapt. eod' die”—i.e.
Nov. 25. Among the burials—“1601. Susanna, filia
Ed'di Hutchinson, sep. 5 Augusti.”
VIII. Marie, or Maria, m. Rev. John Wheelwright, and had
1SSUlé,
Their names are not in the Alford Register. In the admissions to the
Church of Boston, Mass, we read—“12th. of 4th, moneth 1636, John
Wheelwright, and Marie his wife.”
WILLIAM, the eldest son of Edward. The entry in the
A.R. is this:—“1586. Will"mus filius Ed'di Hutchinson, bap.
erat, 14 die" [Aug.].
This is the earliest Hutchinson entry in the Register. He was not married
at Alford; but in the one-page Tabular Pedigree, already given, of Blunt and
Marbury, from the Visitation of Lincolnshire, it appears that he married
Anne, daughter of Rev. Francis Marbury and his wife Bridget, sister of Sir
Erasmus Dryden, of Canons Ashby, Bart. William lost his father in 1631;
in 1633 his younger brother Edward, (some have thought it was his son,)
went to America with the Rev. John Cotton, and the year after he followed
with his wife and children. He also took his widowed mother Susanne or
Susanna, with him. She died at York or Wells as some say, in the State of
Maine, and not far from Kittery. (H.) He was representative, Judge of the
Executive Court, and Ruling Elder. The religious zeal of his wife, and the
storm that she raised by the dissemination of her opinions, at last brought
upon her a sentence of banishment out of the Colony, upon which her husband
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 461
removed his family in the autumn of 1637 to Rhode Island; and having no
other shelter, they lived during the winter in a cave or caves, until the cold
weather was passed. Her trial, and the sentence of the Court, are printed at
the end of the second volume of Governor Hutchinson's History of Massa-
chussetts. By her influence in Rhode Island, she got William Coddington and
other Magistrates displaced, and her husband made Governor, or chief Magis-
trate. He died in 1642; whereupon she left that place with her family, and
settled upon some land near Stamford, in Connecticut, that was in dispute
between the Dutch and the Indians, when the latter, either mistaking them
for Dutch, or hostile against the whole white race, attacked and murdered her,
with most of her children and servants, to the number of sixteen persons, and
kidnapped one daughter, who however, was afterwards redeemed, and married
to Mr. Cole of Narraganset.
In “H. in Am.,” written at the end of the 5th vol. of the Diary, we read—
“His wife was a high-spirited woman, of a temper inclining rather to govern
than be governed, and he seems to have been entirely under her influence.
She could not remain in England when Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright left
it, there being no other Ministers known to her who preached the true doctrine
of the Gospel. Before she landed in New England her fame had reached it.
She said to Mr. Bartholomew, who soon aſter came to New England, and
was a Deputy there, as they were walking together in St. Paul's Church Yard,
that she had never any great thing done about her, but it was revealed to her
beforehand. And when she was on ship board, in sight of Boston, and saw
the mean appearance it made, she said that if she had not a sure word that
England would be destroyed, her heart would shake. She would not allow
that this expression was owing to the appearance Boston made. Impressions
upon her mind she received as divine revelations, and Mr. Cotton gave too
much confidence to her in her opinions.”
A little further on he writes—“She had certainly made a great division, not
meerly in the churches, but in the state, and the greatest part of Boston seems
to have favoured her, and to have sent Deputies to the Court who were in
her favour, and Mr. Vane's party in the Government were in general on her
side. This caused a vigorous exertion of Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and
other Magistrates, as well as of Mr. Wilson of Boston, and other Ministers, to
leave Mr. Vane out of the Government, and to bring Mr. Winthrop in his
stead; and this being effected in May, and Mr. Vane, her chief protector,
going to England in August, she was brought upon trial in November [1637]
following, and sentenced to banishment. Her husband, with about sixty of
the inhabitants of Boston, many of them persons of note, had before been
disarmed, but I don't find that he was banished, unless it be said, that by
banishing his wife, he must of course be banished himself. They both left
the Colony, she being kept in custody, at her husband's expense until they
could prepare themselves. They tried for liberty to reside in New Plimouth
Colony, but could not obtain it. In March (18th) 1638, she went from
Boston to his farm at Mount Wollaston, or Braintree, and soon aſter from
thence by land to Providence, most of the way being then very difficult
for a woman to travel. , Her Husband with Mr. Coddington, and divers
others of the same religious opinions, had purchased Aquidnick or Rhode
Island, of the natives, [for 40 fathoms of white beads, or Whampum, that
passed for money..] Thither she and her husband, with some of their children
went, and were put to hard shifts. Gorton says they lived in caves the first
Winter.”
Most of the members of the family, after their arrival at Boston, had been
duly admitted to the Church. Among the entries in the covenant are the
following:—“Ye 10th of 6th moneth 1634, Edward Hutchinson ye younger,
a single man.”—“26th of 8th moneth 1634, Willm. Hutchinson.” Cºnd
462 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
of 9 moneth 1634, Anne Hutchinson, ye wife of our brother Willm
Hutchinson.”—“9th of 9th moneth 1634. Richard Hutchinson, Francis
Hutchinson, ye sonnes of our brother Willm. Hutchinson. Faith Hutch-
inson, one of his daughters. Anne Freiston, one of his kinswomen.”—
“28th of 10th moneth 1634. Frances Freiston, one of our brother Willm
Hutchinson's kinswomen.” I am not informed of the relationship with the
Freiston family.
When the father was at Rhode Island, he empowered his son Edward, who
was in Boston, to look after his affairs for him. In the Suffolk Deeds, Liber
I. folio 22, 7th of 6th mo. 1639, there is a Power of Attorney to collect debts
from William Hutchinson “to my sonne Edward, of Boston.” It is signed
with his initials “W. H.,” and styled “ of Portsmouth in Aquidnecke Iland,
gentln.” Witnessed by John Sanford, and Samuell Hutchinson.
William and Anne left issue:–
I, EDWARD, the heir, of whom presently.
II. Susanna. “Sep. 1614. Susanna, filia Willi Hutchinson,
bap. 4 die.” (A.R.) Her death—“1630. Susanna, filia
Gulielmi Hutchinson, sepult. Septemb. 8.” (A.R.)
III. Richard. “Dec. 1615. Rich"us, filius Williºmi Hutch-
inson, bap. 8, die.” (A.R.)
IV. Faith, b. Aug. 14, 1617. (A.R.)
W. Bridgetta. “Jan. 1618. Bridgetta filia Gulielmi Hutch-
inson, bapt. Jan. 15.” (A.R.)
She married John Sanford of Boston, Linc., whom she had probably
known in England. In “H. in Am.” the Governor writes—“John Sanford
married one of her daughters, I suppose the eldest, named Bridget; and from
him descended Peleg Sanford, a principal merchant, and Governor of the
Colony, whose son William was father to Margaret Sanford, wife to Thomas
Hutchinson [himself], to whose children her blood is conveyed by both their
parents.” The Gov. Says Katherine m.T. Savage, but Whitmore says Faith;
and that Bridget m. Willis. The Gov. does not mention Faith. From
Richard to Faith are only 8 m. 6 days.
WI. Francis. “1620. Franciscus, filius Gulielmi Hutchin-
son, bapt. Decemb. 24.” (A.R.)
WII. Elizabeth. “1621. Elizabetha, filia Gulielmi Huch-
inson, [sic] bapt. Febr. 17.”—“1630. Elizabetha, filia
Gulielmi Hutchinson, sepſulta], eodem die.” [Oct. 4.]
(A.R.)
VIII. William. “ 1623. Gulielmus, filius Gulielmi Huch-
inson, bapt. June 22.” (A.R.)
IX. Samuel, “1624. Samuel filius Gulielmi Hutchinson,
bapt. Decemb, 17.” (A.R.)
X. Anna. “1626. Anna, filja Gulielmi Huchinson, bapt.
Maij 5.” (A.R.)
DIARY AND DETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 463
XI. Maria. “1627. Maria, filia Gulielmi Hutchinson, bapt.
Feb. 22.” (A.R.)
Maria I believe married Mr. Collins, and they were amongst the number
of those who were killed.
XII. Katherine. “1629. Katherena, filia Gulielmi Hutch-
inson, bapt. Febr. 7.” (A.R.)
She married Major Thomas Savage.
XIII. William. “ 1631. Gulielmus, filius Gulielmi Huchin-
son, bapt. Septemb. 28.” (A.R.)
XIV. Susanna. “1633. Susanna, filia Gulielmi Hutchinson,
bapt. Novemb, 15.” (A.R.)
This was the last child born in England. She was ten years old at the
time of the massacre, when her mother and most of her relations were
killed by the natives; but she escaped their fate, for in 1651, when she was 18,
she was married to a Mr. Cole in Boston. The following is the entry in the
record of Births and Baptisms, for which I am indebted to Mr. C. G.
Hutchinson—“Hutchinson of Charlestown.”—“John Cole, son of Isaac Cole,
was married to Susanna Hutchinson, daughter of the late William Hutchinson
of Road Island, 30th day, 10th moneth 1651, by Richard Bellingham Esq.”
In the same list a daughter born in America is found—“Zuryell, daughter,
baptised 13 day 1 month 1636.” She is mentioned as of the issue of
William Hutchinson. Drake, in his Indian Chronicles, speaks of the
murders, and of a child Seven or eight years old that was recovered from her
captors after she had been four years in captivity, having learnt the Indian
language, and had forgotten how to speak English. He is not clear in his
dates. The father died in 1642, the mother removed in 1643 to Connecticut,
in which latter year the catastrophe took place. I had always been under
the impression that the child which was kidnapped was the same that in
after years married Mr. Cole; but the tradition in the country where the
circumstances took place seems to point to the youngest child, as having
been the one.
XV. “Zuryell, daughter, baptised 13 day, 1 month, 1636.”
The Governor, in his notes, does not mention the child’s name. His
version of the story is this:—“The people of New Plimouth claimed Rhode
Island, as within their patent. This, it is said, induced her to remove to
Stamford, taking her family with her, and her son-in-law Collins, who came
from St. Christophers, and seems to have been of some consideration : but
here she met with fresh trouble, the land upon which she settled being in
controversy between the Dutch and Indians. The latter fell upon her and
murdered her, as also her son Francis, and Mr. Collins, and wife, and her
whole family, consisting of sixteen, except one daughter which they carried
into captivity. When her estate was settled, a sum was deposited for the
redemption of this daughter.”
He afterwards adds—“This daughter was redeemed, and married Mr.
Cole of Narragansett. I have heard Mrs. Hutchinson's descend" speak of
her as known to them; and Mrs. Remington, my tenant at Comanicut, who
herself lived to be 90, often spoke to me of her, as remembering her well.”
464 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
This evidence inclines to establish Susanna as the kidnapped child. If
So, she was ten at the time, and fourteen when she was recovered.
Having gone through the list of William's children, we now proceed to
I’dward, his eldest son and heir :-
EDWARD. “May, 1613. Edvardus, filius Willi Hutchin-
son, bapt. 28 die.” (A.R.)
The Governor, in “H. in Am.” says of him—“He was born in May 1613,
was in England again in 1636, and October 13 that year he was married to
Catharine, the daughter of Counsellor Hanby, of Ipswich, and returned with
her to New England before 1637, for at a session of the General Court he was
then called to appear, for having his name to a seditious Petition, and was
fined, disarmed, banished, &c. As his Marriage Licence is dated Oct. 19, he
was probably married on the 23rd, and not on the 13th.
“He soon after by some means or other made his peace, and never changed
his residence for any length of time.” His wife's admission to the Church
stands thus—“10th of 12th moneth 1638. Katherine, ye wife of our brother
Edward Hutchinson ye Younger.”
He was Deputy or Representative, and the same Notes further say—“He
was the chief military officer of horse in the Colony, having the command of
what was called the Three County Troop. When the Indian war broke out
in 1675 he was early employed; was sent with his brother-in-law Major
Thomas Savage and others to the Narraganset country, and made a Treaty
with those Indians; and soon after was employed upon a like errand to the
Nipmug Indians, who he expected to find at Quabaog or Brookfield, [appar-
ently about 17 miles west of Boston], but in his way there, at a place called
Meminimisset, about ten miles from Brookfield, August 2nd, 1675, the Indians
having the day before promised to meet him at Quabaog, he and his attendants
were ambushed by a body of Indians. He was mortally wounded by a bullet
in the shoulder, and of 24 men, 8 were shot dead, and many of the rest
wounded. He was carried to Marlborough, ſeight miles west of Boston], and
there languished until the 19th Aug., when he died. In the year 1744,
travelling to Albany, in order to treat with the Indians of the Six Nations, I
left the company, and with Mr. Welsted, Chaplain to the Comiss”, and who
married my sister Sarah, turned out of the road to the old burying ground,
which then lay open, or not enclosed, and there we discovered his grave stone,
with the inscription, about 18 inches above the surface.”
This was another member of the same family that perished by the natives,
but by this time they had learnt the use of the musket. When the Governor
was in England, and being at Ipswich, he made some inquiries after the
Hanby family:-Vol. I., p. 253. By his first wife Edward left issue the
following, taken from the Boston record of Births and Baptisms:–
I. Elishua, daut', baptised . . . 5 day 9 month, 1637.
II. Elizabeth . . . . . . . . 10 day 9 month, 1639.
She married Mr. Edward Winslow, and left issue. Whitmore, in his
Genealogy of Hutchinson, which is very fragmentary, but very praise-
worthy as far as it goes, says she married twice, of which I find no record.
III, ELISHA, the heir, of whom presently.
IV. Abigail. Died March 5, 1710, aged 69. She m. Moore,
IXellond, and Foster.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 465
In “H. in Am.” he does not mention the name of Abigail, but it is to her
apparently that the following remarks belong :-‘‘The other first married
Moore, and then Thomas Kellond, a noted merchant in Boston; and after
his death, between 1680 and '90, Col. Foster, my mother's father. Mr.
Kellond built my dwelling house in Boston, which he gave to his wife, and
she gave it to my father her nephew, and he to me, she died in 1710, and
left an amiable character as a sincere Christian, as well as what was called
in that day, a complete gentlewoman: and I remember to have heard my
father say, that Sir Wm. Phips, having married a woman of low condition
when he was low himself, after he came to his fortune and title, she was
put under Mrs. Foster's instructions, in order to learn polite and decent
carriage.” The Boston Register says—“John Foster and Abigail Kellond,
married by John Richards Esq., Assist., Nov. 28, 1689.”
There is Some want of clearness in the Pedigrees as to whether Abigail
was Elisha's sister or his daughter, but as the Governor, in the preceding
extract, calls his father “her nephew,” she must have been his father's
(Elisha's) sister. This is further supported by their ages, allowing for
difference of style.
W. Anne, born 18 day 9 month, baptised 19 day 9 month,
1643.
She m. Dyer, and had issue, 2ndly Daniel Vernon, and had issue.
VI. William, baptised, aged about 1 day, . . . 18 day 11
month 1645.
VII. Catherine, . . . . . 2 days, . . . 14 . . . 3 . . . 1648.
Speaking of Edward’s daughters, the Governor says—“One of which
married Major Richards, and after his death James Allen.” This seems to
be the one alluded to.
VIII. Susanna. She m. Nathaniel Coddington. Born
June 1649. -
In the same notes the Governor says—“Susanna married Nath. Codding-
ton, Esq., of Newport, April 19, 1677.” According to Whitmore's Pedigree
she married a second time. g
Edward m, 2ndly Abigail, widow of Robert Button.
Mr. Whitmore has the following note at the foot of page 9:-“ Gov. H.
calls his wife Abigail Dudson, but Edward's Will mentions the children she
had by her husband, Button, and her dau. Abigail m. Joseph Dudson ; hence
the mistake. She was the dau. of Widow Alice Vermaies, of Salem.” As to
her death, the Boston Record has the following entry —“Abigail, wife of
Capt. Edward Hutchinson, died Aug. 10, 1689.” By her he had-
I. Edward, b, in Jan. 1652, d. unmarried in Boston, in June
1692.
II. Catherine, b. Feb. 13, 1653. She m, 1st, Henry Bar-
tholomew, of Salem; and 2ndly Mr. Chamberlain, by whom
she had at all events, a daughter.
WOL. II. 2 H
466 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
In “II. in Aum.” the Governor writes—“Before the year 1730 I remember
one of his daughters by his second wife, who was then above 70 years old, to
whom my father used to send presents at Marblehead, by the name of Aunt
Chamberlain, so that she must have been born before 1660. She was poor,
and lived near Marblehead with, I think, her daughter's husband, named
Blaney. I am not sure whether the Blaneys now there, are descended
from her.”
III. Benjamin, born June 22, 1656.
IV. Hannah, b. May 16, 1659, m. Peter Walker, of Taunton.
ELISHA, eldest surviving son, born in Boston, Nov. 16,
1641.
Authorities differ ten days in the exact date of his marriage, some making
it Nov. 19, and others Nov. 9. In “II. in Am.” we read—“He was married
to Hannah Hawkins Nov. 9, 1665.” And the following mention of his wife's
father may be quoted:—“Mr. Hawkins was an Assembly man several years.
All that ground where the New North Meeting House stands, and the brick
houses opposite, built by my father, and So down to the water, was a pasture
belonging to him, called “Hawkins's Pasture.” Two parts, which belonged to
the two daughters, Hutchinson and Foster, came to my father : the other,
where Clarke's shipyard is, and the house above, went to Major Richards's
heirs.”
Elisha was a strong active man, made many voyages at Sea, and visited
lºngland several times. “In '88,” observes the Governor, “he joined with
Mr. Nowell and Mr. Mather, as joint Agents in Solliciting favour from King
James.” . This favour, So Solicited from the King, was against the high-
handed rule of Sir Edmund Andros, against whom the Colonists were
rebelling. Just at that time, however, King James was preparing to leave
England, for England was rebelling against him.
Again –“ He was carly a military man, and rose to be Colonel of Boston
Tegiment, was once sent out in the castern War after 1688, having command
as Major, but was in no action. There were then no Colonels.”
And again :-‘‘He was a very stout man, 6 feet 2 inches high, and large
bones; until 60 would lie down and sleep in the open air in the field or upon
the deck of a ship ; but he had a ſever, which then broke his constitution,
and loſt him to be infirm ever after. 4
“He died December 10th, 1717, and was buried, as the custom then was;
with great pomp, the Regiment attending, and marching before the corps
ſcorpse 2 from the north part of Iłoston to the place of burial near the
Common. I reincºmber him very well, both at his own house and my father's,
particularly when he lay On his death-bed, my father carried me with him to
receive (I suppose) his blessing. I was then in my seventh year.”
With all his health and activity, he was not successful in life. Being in
Frgland in 1693–
“[ſe entered into a contract for supplying masts for the Navy. He seems
never to have been successful in business, apt to involve himself in debt
upon plans of payment which did not succeed according to expectation. Iſe
suffered greatly by his mast contract. Wm. Partridge, Lt. Gov. of N. Hamp-
shire, being jointly concerned, lived at Portsmouth—procured the masts—had
the profits of all the supplies to the workmen, and might raise a fortune out
of them, and yet his partner in the contract be impoverished. When the
masts came to market, such deductions were made from the prices agreed, on
account of defect: in the quality, that all the expected profit was sunk. He
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 467
never recovered his involvement. My father paid some of his debts in
England, or he must have been distressed. The last 20 or 15 years of his
life he lived upon the rents of his second wife's estate, and what profits he
could make from his employments in Government.”
“He was a Judge in the Common Pleas for the county of Suffolk, and
continued until he died.”
Of his marriage the Governor writes—“His first wife was Hannah Hawkins,
daughter of Thomas Hawkins, who was a man of property, commander, and
part owner of a ship said to be 500 tons. I have had a letter which he wrote,
giving an account of an unfortunate voyage made in her.” By his first wiſe
he had issue— -
I. Mary, b. Oct. 11, 1666, d. July 27, 1667. – Boston
Tegister.
II. Elisha, b. Mar. 16, 1667–8, d. Nov. 18, 1678.-Do.
III. Elizabeth, b. Feb. 24, 1669–70, m. J. Clarke, M.D., d.
1)ec. 2, 1730.--Do.
In enumerating his children, the Governor in “H. in Am.” as before
says—“Elizabeth, who, after his [her father's] death, married John Clarke
Iºsq., one of the Council, and a Physician of note, but had no children.
She died of a cancer in her breast, about, or soon after the year 1730.”
IV. Hannah, b. Jan. 20, 1671–2, m. John Ruck, d. circa,
1740.
The Boston Register says—“John Ruck and Hannah Hutchinson were
married Apl. 29, 1697 by Mr. James Allen.”
Of her he says—“Hannah, who married John Tuck, a merchant in
Boston, and a Justice of Peace. They both lived to old age, dying after
1740.” Also he writes—“Three daughters only survived her; the eldest
married Benning Wentworth, afterwards Gov. of New Hampshire. Her
name was Abigail. She had 3 sons who all died before or soon after her,
without issue. Hannah married Joseph Lillie, by whom she had two sons,
John, who died, and I think left issue: Theophilus died without issue.
The third daughter, Margaret, was living in 1776, not married.”
I'rom these mems. the following Tabular arrangement is made out—
1. Abigail Ruck m. 18enning Wentworth. 3 sons, ob. s. p.
2. Hannah, m. Joseph Lillie, and had two sons—John, who left issue;
and Theophilus, ob. S. p. *
3. Margaret, living in 1776 unm.
V. Katherine, b. Feb. 24, 1672–3, d. July 26, 1674–(H.)
VI. THOMAS, b. Jan. 30, 1674–5, of whom presently.
VII. Mary, b. Sep. 30, 1676, d. Nov. 27, 1676.
The Governor continues—“His [Elisha's] wife Hannah died Oct. 9,
1676, and Sept. 12, 1677, he married Elizabeth Freke, widow of John
Freke, merchant, and daughter of Major Thomas Clarke, and by her
had—
I. Edward, b. June 18, 1678, who m. Lydia Foster in 1706,
and had issue—
2 II 2
468 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
1. Elisha, b. Feb. 20, 1708.
2. Lydia, b. July 26, 1710.
3. John, b. Sep. 27, 1711.
4. Elizabeth, b. May 19, 1713.
5. Lydia, b. Sep. 20, 1714.
6. Edward, b. Jan. 24, 1715–6.
7. Elizabeth, b. Mar. 3, 1716–7.
8. Mary, a dau, twins: ſhoth born apparently,
9. Clarke, a son, { Aug. 18, 1718,
10. Sarah, b. May 12, 1722. Ob. cael.
11. Lydia, b. Feb. 2, 1722–3.
12. Edward, b. Dec. 8, 1729. Ob. Caºl.
13. Elizabeth, b. Dec. 1, 1731, m. the Rev. Nathaniel Robbins, whose
descendants still survive in honour, and we hope in prosperity.
The above long list of 13 children I have taken from Mr. Whitmore's
Genealogies of Hutchinson and Oliver. The Governor's notes do not
contain anything like so many. He was in England, writing only from
memory, and as the first nine, and the eleventh, all appear to have died in
infancy, he had possibly never heard the names of half of them. Perhaps
Mr. Whitmore took his list from the Boston Register, for he writes—
“See Reg. I, 302.” Edward died in March, 1752, and Lydia his wife,
July 10, 1748, aged 61.
As the Governor was 41 years old at the time of his uncle's death, of
course he knew him well. He speaks of him in the following terms:–
“He had what was esteemed a handsome fortune from his mother, and a
good position with his wife, but loved ease, and suffered the greatest part
of it to moulder away. He travelled when young through Spain and
France, and so to England: was Colonel of the Boston Regiment; a
Representative of Boston, and of the Council; and a Justice of the
Common Pleas many years; and Judge of Probate of County of Suffolk.
He was polite in his behaviour; a truly honest man ; and scrupulously
strict in all the exterior, as well as interior, points of the Christian
religion; of not very strong powers of mind, and in his latter years they
were much enfeebled; and continuing in his publick posts until his death,
which was in 1752, his deficiency began to be matter of complaint. He
was also many years Treasurer of Harvard College. I believe his
predecessors generally had been persons of academical education, which
he was not.”
II. Mehetabel, b. Feb. 6, 1679–80, d. Mar. 6, eod, ann.
III. Elisha, b. May, 16, 1681, d. June 23, 1700, at Surinam.
IV. Clarke, b. July 4, 1683, d. Sep. 24, eod. ann.
W. Samuel, b. Oct. 22, 1685, d. Dec. 10, eod, ann.
THOMAS, eldest surviving son of Elisha.
Of him his son the future Governor writes:—“Thomas Hutchinson was
loorn in Boston, January 30, 1674–5. He was intended for the college, but
Col. Foster marrying his aunt, [this is another proof that Abigail was Elisha's
sister, and Edward's daughter, above discussed, and being a very noted
merchant, it was thought advisable to put him into the Counting house, and
he lived with him until he was twenty-One. In 1696 he made a voyage to
England, and returning in a large ship, of which Col. Foster and Mr. Lillie
were owners, they were drove a shoar in a Snow storm in Cape Ann harbour,
under the town of Gloucester, and did not know the land until they were
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 469
informed by the inhabitants, though they had run three or four miles from
the mouth of the harbour through a narrow inlet. Before they could get a
shoar the water was above the cabin deck, and the things in the drawers at
the bottom of a trunk, still in my possession, marked ‘T. H. 1696,” were
damaged. This deliverance made an impression which never was effaced, and
he dated from thence his Christian life.”
Of Colonel Foster he says:—“Col. Foster was, as I have reason to believe,
born at Ailesbury, [in Buckinghamshire.] His name was John, and his
father was of the same name. The son lived with a merchant in London,
who made him a factor in a voyage to Barbadoes, soon after 1670. The
father also went to Barbadoes. The son went from Barbadoes to Boston, and
lodging at the house of Daniel Turell, one of the Selectmen, married his
daughter, by whom, besides other children, who died young, he had two
daughters, Sarah and Lydia, who survived him. The father came to Boston
also, and died there in his son’s family. Daniel Turell, is the last named in
the Writ of Quo Warranto against the first Charter of Massachusetts Bay.
After her death he married the widow of Thomas Kellond, a wealthy merchant,
who left no children. She was aunt [another point of evidence] to Thomas
Hutchinson, who married the eldest of Col. Foster’s daughters, and ten years
older than himself—a woman of great sense and great virtue, and was called
much of a gentlewoman. She survived her husband about a month, and made
her nephew her principle legatee.
“Col. Foster first appeared in public life in 1688–9, being active in the
New England Revolution. He was one of the Counsellors named in the new
Charter, and was elected every year until his death, which was Febr. 9,
1710–11, being in his 59th year. He was a good grammar scholar; wrote
correct English ; and was a compleat merchant, and a strictly just and
upright man. His widow, Mrs. Abigail Foster, died March 5th following,
aged 69.”
Continuing his biographical notices of his father, the first Thomas
Hutchinson, he remarks:—“After about seven years business, in which he
had gained three or four thousand pounds sterling, he married Sarah Foster
(December 24, 1703), eldest of two daughters, and of his master Col. Foster,
and inherited half his estate. About the year 1706 or 7 he was a Selectman
and representative for Boston, and continued so until 1714, when he was
elected of the Council, and except one year, was annually elected until his
death—about 26 years. When he was left out, Gov. Shute, who heard of it
in England, asked what reason they could give for leaving out a man who
always spoke his mind without fear, either of the Governor or the people 2–
That was the only reason of his being left out.
“When he was about 35 years of age, he came into possession of a very
handsome fortune. While his estate was small, besides maintaining his family,
he added to his estate. When thus enlarged he became less attentive—was
generous—charitably disposed—acquired a habit—from year to year his estate
lessened, and before he died, had reduced his estate so much as to lessen the
income below the necessary expense of a large family, and he lamented at his
death his not being able better to provide for his widow and children, and
when his eldest son answered, that he had enough, he expressed his satis-
faction. His losses were owing to a large concern in ships, and when his son
mentioned it to him, he asked—What will become of all the people in my
employ, if I should sell all my vessels 2 I have observed that very few
persons in trade in Boston raised fortunes by concerns in shipping, any
further than just to make them subservient to some other principal object.
Now and then a bold adventure has been fortunate.”
If he died a comparatively poor man, he must needs have been rather wealthy
at One period of his life; for, comparing his will with that of his son, the
470 DIARY AND LETTERS of THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
Governor, as we did sundry pages back, the impression then was, that he was
in affluent circumstances at the close of his life.
He was born, Jan 30, 1674–5: married Dec. 24, 1703: and died Dec. 3,
1739. His wife Sarah Foster was born about 1664, that is, about ten years
before her husband, and died Nov. 6, 1752. They left the following issue:—
I. Foster, b. Sept. 18, 1704, d. in 1721.
“His eldest son, born 18 Sep. 1704, he called Foster, after the surname
of his wife's father. He died late in 1721 of the small-pox,−“H. in
America.”
II. Sarah, b. Mar. 29, 1706, m. Jan. 16, 1728.
“The next child, Sarah, born in 1706, married Mr. Welsted, a minister
of Boston, of a most amiable character, who died of a palsie in 1753. She
died in 1775.”—H.
Mr. Whitmore says she was born in 1708, and calls her husband
Welsteed. The H. mem. has 1706, and uniformly Welsted.
III. Abigail, b. Aug. 2, 1709.
“The next, Abigail, married Mr. John Davenport, [Aug. 24, 1732], Son
of Judge Davenport, by whom she had one daughter. He died soon after,
and she married William Merchant, but had no child by him.”—PI.
IV. THOMAS, b. Sep. 9, 1711, the heir, of whom presently.
“Thomas was the next, born September 9, 1711, who is the writer of
this in 1778.”—H. -
He was the Governor of Massachusetts, and there needs no particulars of
him here,
W. John,
“John, the next, died an infant.”—H.
WI. Hannah, b. Nov. 1, 1714, m. Aug. 23, 1733.
“Hannah, born in 1714, married Mr. Samuel Mather, Minister in
Boston.”—H.
VII. Elisha, b. Feb. 6, 1715–6, d. Aug. 2, 1739.
“Elisha, born in 1717, died in 1739, Aug. 2.”—H. The authorities
differ in the year of birth. Elisha died of the fever that almost killed his
brother, caught at the Castle when nearly 40 people were infected by it.—
See vol. T., p. 50.
VIII. Lydia, b. May 30, 1717, m. May 27, 1736, d. about
1745.
“Tydia married Mr. George Rogers, a merchant in Boston. She died of
a consumption about 1745:—leſt a son Nathaniel, who died about 1770,
and a daughter Sarah, who died in 1776.”—H.
IX. Hawkins, bapt. Feb. 19, 1720–1.
“IIawkins born, and died of the Small pox, an infant, in 1721.”—II.
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 471
X. Elizabeth, b. May 14, 1723.
“I am not certain,” he writes, in speaking of Elizabeth, “whether her
birth preceded or followed Hawkins. She outlived him a few years.” A
comparison of the dates of birth, however, sets, this point at rest. Writing
from memory in London, and after a very long interval, he was not sure of
the date, but this is supplied in Mr. Whitmore's Pedigree.
XI. Foster, b. Sep. 7, 1724.
“Foster, born in 1724, who sustained publick posts, and is now with 9
children an Exile in Halifax, Nova Scotia.”—H.
XII. Edward, b. Mar. 27, 1726, d. 1730.
“Edward, born in 1725 or 1726, a sweet tempered delicate boy, died of
the small-pox in 1730.”—H.
The Governor appends the following remark, speaking of Col. Foster :—
“When he married, Col. Foster and his wife, aunt to Mr. Hutchinson, [his
father], settled the mansion house, the fee being in Mrs. Foster, on Mr.
Hutchinson and his eldest son Foster, the survivor &c.” The death of
young Foster Hutchinson in 1721, brought the house to the Governor.
Thomas Hutchinson, the Governor, as stated, was born Sep. 9, 1711,
married Margaret Sanford May 16, 1734, she died March 12, 1753, and he
died, June 3, 1780, at Brompton, and on the 9th of the same month he was
interred in a vault in the north transept of Croydon church, Surrey. The
unsettled state of the family affairs, owing to the revolutionary scenes
through which they had passed, together with the many anxieties conse-
quent on these events, had served to postpone the erection of any memorial.
Recently however, a brass, bearing the following inscription, has been
affixed against the north wall of the transept. At the upper part there is
a shield bearing his armorials, quartered with those of Foster, in right of
his mother, who was co-heiress with her sister; and in the centre is placed
a shield of pretence charged with those of Sanford, in right of his wife, who
was co-heiress with her sisters, whose representatives have all died out.

THOMAS HUTCHINSON Esq., B.A. (HARVARD), DCL. (oxon).
CAPTAIN-GENERAL AND GOVERNOR-IN-CHIEF
of THE LATE PROVINCE of MASSACHUSETTS BAY,
IN NORTH AMERICA,
SON or THOMAS H. AND SARAH (FOSTER,)
SON of ELISHA H. AND HANNAH (HAWKINS,)
SON or EDWARD H. AND CATHERINE (HANBY.)
SON of WILLIAM. H. AND ANNE (MIARBURY.)
SON or EDWARD HUTCHINSON AND HIs wife SUSANNE,
OF ALFORD IN TIIE COUNTY OF LINCOLN,
HE WAS BORN SEPR 9th 1711, AND DIED JUNE THE 3nd I7SO,
AND WAS INTERRED IN A WAULT UNDER THIS CHURCH,
He had the following issue—
I. THOMAS, the eldest son, of whom presently.
472 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
II. Elisha, b. Dec. 24, 1745, o. s. m. Mary, d. of Col. Geo.
Watson. She died in 1823, at Birmingham.
He accompanied his father to England in 1774, leaving his wife in
America, with the intention of returning in a few months; but owing to
the breaking out of open hostilities, his return was prevented, and it was
three years before she could join him in England. Having reached his
eightieth year, he died at Tutbury June 24, 1824, having had issue—
1. Mary, d. young in America, (F. R.)
2. Margaret, b. 1774, d. 1796.
3. Elizabeth, she died at about the age of 14.
4. George Watson, b. 1782, d. 1818.
5. John, b. Sep. 21, 1793. Perpetual Curate of Blurton, near Trentham,
co. Staff. Percentor and Canon of Lichfield, Editor of Vol. 3 of Gov.
Hutchinson’s Hist, of Massachusetts, in 1828. He m. his cousin,
Martha Oliver H., May 10, 1836. He died Ap. 27, and was buried
May 2, 1865, at Blurton, having had issue—
Judith Rogers, b. Oct. 28, 1838, d. May 4, 1844.
Edith Martha, b. Oct. 3, 1845, m. Arthur Bailey, June 15, 1882,
and had Arthur John, b. Nov. 28, d. Dec. 4, 1883.
John Rogers, b. Mar. 6, 1848, m. Ruth Hombersley, Oct. 19,
1882, at Kirk Ireton, Derbyshire.
III. Sarah, b. about 1745, m. Feb. 1, 1770 to Dr. Peter
Oliver, d. June 28, 1780.
It was she who courageously kept by her father when the mob broke
into his house at Boston, Aug. 26, 1765, as mentioned in Gov. H.’s Hist.
of Mass., III. 124. Dr. P. Oliver writes in his Diary :—
“Feb. 1, 1770. I was married by Dr. Pemberton to Mrs. [abbreviation
for Mistress] S. Hutchinson; exceedingly private, of a Thursday Evg.,
according to the Old Charter. Thus ended the happiest time of my life,
as it was freest from cares and solicitudes, which now hastened apace. I
was at this time in the latter part of my 29th year, and Mrs. Hutchinson
in the 26th year of her age.
“1774. Nothing but mobs and riots all this summer. Wednesday the
14. of Sep. I was mobbed. -
“Sep. 23. Mrs. Oliver was brought to bed of another son, a fine
hearty boy. My father, the 1st. of this month fled to Boston : my
mother the last of Sepr. went to Boston, and never returned.
“Feb. 1, 1775.-I fled to Boston from the mob, abt, the 3rd, or 4th.
of Feb. Aunt Welsted died the last of Feb. I sent a coach for Mrs.
Oliver and children, and nurse : they came the 1st. of March to Boston.”
His remarks on the blockade, with the incidents of the voyage to
England, have been given in the earlier part of this volume. All his
children died young except. Thomas. Peter died July 19, 1794, of
consumption. The Diary says—“About 9 o'clock P. O. died in the Evg.,
aged 19 years, and almost 10 months, wanting 3 days. He was the
sickest person in a consumption I ever saw : had lost his voice almost 7
months, and a very bad sore throat most of the time: continual cough
and expectoration—high fever—great prostration of strength, and loss of
flesh. P. O. was buried in the Cty., St. Chad's Yard, Wednesday
the 23rd.”
“1796, Sep. 20-Peggy died, aged 25 yrs. 6 months, and 13 days,
after being Sorely afflicted with a consumption, and the worst symptoms.”
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 473
His son Thomas was a Surgeon in the Militia. The latter part of his life
he resided at Great Yarmouth in Norfolk, and as he did not marry, with
him ended the last representative of the Chief Justice Peter Oliver.
He survived until Saturday Feb. 4, 1865, having reached his 93rd year.
IV. William, d. unm. Feb. 20, 1780, aged 27. (Billy.)
W. Margaret, d. unm. Sep. 20, 1777, aged 24. (Peggy.)
The other Pedigrees in the family say there were 7 or 8 more who died
in infancy.
THOMAS, eldest son of Thomas, the Governor.
He was born in America in 1740, m. Oct. 10, 1771, Sarah, d. of Lieut. Gov.
Andrew Oliver, she having been born Sep. 18, 1745. He was Judge of the
Court of Probate for the County of Suffolk in Massachusetts. They were
shut up in Boston with their two first children during the blockade and
bombardment, and got on board ship in March 1776 on the evacuation of the
city, when the third child was born [my father] as they were leaving for
England. Their career after they had arrived in England has been sufficiently
given in the preceding pages. She died May 1, 1802. He died in 1811.
They were deposited in a vault in the middle of Heavitree old church. The
old church was pulled down, and a new and larger one erected on the same
site in 1843 or 4. Being in the church in 1846, and making some enquiries
about the vaults, the Sexton told me that when the new church was built, it
was judged better, for Sanitary reasons, to fill up all the vaults with earth,
and it was ordered that all the bones found in the vaults should be collected,
and buried in the South-west corner of the churchyard. I was somewhat
shocked, but said nothing. They left issue the following:—
I. THOMAS, the eldest son, of whom presently.
He was born in America in 1772: brought by his father to England in
1776: he was a Barrister-at-Law, resided during the early years of his
career at No. 14 New Boswell Court, Lincoln's Inn, London, and after
that in Magdalen Street, Exeter. He married Elizabeth Hagen in 1799:
she was born in 1774 or 5, and died in 1808: he m. 2ndly Mrs. Tolfrey,
widow, by which latter he had no family. She died before him. He
died Nov. 12, 1837, and was interred at the N.W. corner of Heavitree
churchyard. A stone, from which I copied the following inscription,
marks the spot:—“Underneath this stone | Lie the mortal remains |
of | Thomas Hutchinson Esq., | Barrister-at-Law who departed this
life the 12th of November, 1837, aged 65. | Them also which sleep in
Jesus will God bring with him. I. Thes. 4, 14.”
II. Mary Oliver H., b. in America Oct. 14, 1773.
She was brought to England by her father and mother in 1776: m.
Cap. W. S. Oliver, R.N., grandson of Lieut. Gov. Andrew Oliver, by his
second wife, at Heavitree, in Oct. 1811 : she d. at East Teignmouth,
Devon, July 11, 1833, at 5 P.M. He was born March 8, 1774, and d. at
Truro, in Cornwall, July 26, 1845, having had the following issue:—
1. Mary Hutchinson O., b. Feb. 25, 1813: m. her cousin Frederick
Hutchinson, July 1, 1837.-See Frederick H.
2. Elizabeth Gertrude O., b. about 1814, d. at Sidmouth Oct. 14, 1829.
She was a pretty girl, and very much admired. She caught a chill
at, or coming from, a ball held at the London Hotel; some said it
C-
474 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
was eating an ice after being in a hot room. I think her illness did
not extend beyond a fortnight. She was buried close outside the
north wall of the Parish Church; but when the church was rebuilt
in 1860, the more extended wall of the new north transept brought
it within side.
3. William Hutchinson O., b. Mar. 26, 1816. Took Holy Orders: m.
his cousin, Rachel Hutchinson, Feb. 22, 1841: had a daughter,
Elizabeth Mary O., b. May 22, 1842. He died Rector of Stapleford,
Co. Herts, Jan. 25, 1873. With him, as far as I have been able to
ascertain, died the last male representative of the Oliver family in
England. His daughter died May 12, 1876, being the last of her
race in this country. Thus, as far as I am informed, all the
descendants of Mary Sanford, the second wife of Lieut. Governor
Andrew Oliver, have passed away; but the offspring of Mary Fitch,
his first wife, continue to survive honourably in America.
III. Andrew, b, on board ship, Mar. 24, 1776.
He was brought to England by his father and mother: bapt. at
Kensington, Nov. 6, 1777, as in the Governor's Diary: finished his
education at Catherine Hall, University of Cambridge: entered the
Medical profession: was articled to Mr. Samuel Luscombe, a surgeon of
Exeter—the Articles are dated Feb. 20, 1795. In one of his memor-
andum books is the following entry:-‘‘Entered at Cath. Hall, Apl. 7th,
1796.” At the time when he was a student at Exeter Hospital there
was no way of obtaining bodies for dissection but by what some would
call rather irregular ways. I have a long copy of verses giving an
account of an attempt by the students to disinter a body, when they
were attacked by a party of soldiers, and driven off. A mem. Says—
“Written on occasion of an attack made by the Sussex Cavalry on the
pupils of the D. and E. Hospital, when disinterring an executed criminal.—
Apl. 1796.” I have heard my father say that they went out one night
with tools to possess themselves of this body, but had not been digging
long before they perceived soldiers in the dim glimmer of the night,
getting over the fences, and the discharge of Sundry horse-pistols among
them, made some of the party rather disposed to run for it : they
however, held their ground, when the soldiers came up, and handling
them pretty roughly, for they were evidently the worse for liquor, and
threatening them with instant death, thrust their swords through the
coats of some, and then led them all off to the Guard-Room of the
Barracks where they were temporarily quartered. When there they
loudly demanded to see the officers, but the officers were at the Theatre
in Exeter. They were released about midnight, but they laid a strong
complaint against the conduct of the men in endangering their lives.
The officers made every apology, and had the men drawn out in line,
when the complaimants passed up and down before them, but they found
it impossible to identify or swear to any of their assailants.
I have part of the skin of a Negro, hanged about this period at
Heavitree Gallows, and dissected at the Hospital by my father and the
other students. It is however, not so much the skin as the cuticle and
the colouring matter. It is of a deep brown.
The use of hair powder was at this time general, and frequent mention
of it occurs in his cash-book.
“1799, Nov. 15. Powder and pomat . 1 6.
“1800, Ap. 5. Powder Certificate . . 1 1 0.
“1801, Feb. 20, Powder Puff . . . 2 O
37
e
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 475
I remember the powder puff. It was an oblate ball of Swans', down
about as big as a man's fist, with a short handle on the upper. side, and
kept in a round wooden box (I still have the box) with the hair powder.
I have often seen him powder his hair by dabbing this puff against it.
When I was a child I one day saw him bathe. He dived into the Water
with his head white, and he came up with his head black-greatly to my
astonishment. The cost of his Degree was this—
“Expenses for Degree, &c.
“1801, March 26. Gretton's men . . 8 6
“Professor, for Act . . . . . 7 7 O
“Caution . . . . . 1 0 ()
“ University servants O 10 0
“Registrar e tº . . . 4 5 0
“Proctor . . . . . . . . . 2 10 10
“College fees. 6 19 4
£23 O 8”
He was elected one of the Physicians of Exeter Hospital in or about
Oct. 1801, at the early age of 25, and a Fellow of the Royal Society in
May 1804, and an entry referring to it appears thus:–“ May 3, Admission
fees, &c., to Royal Society . . . £6,0,0,.” He had a brass door plate
made, with his name “Dr. Hutchinson” engraved on it, (which I still
have,) which is thus recorded—“1801, June 4, Door plate . . . 0.9,0.”
Further on appears the following—“1804, Dec. 24, Admiss. and Subs. to
London Medical] Society . . . £3,3,0.” He resigned his appointment
at Exeter Hospital in Feb. 1804, went to London, lectured on medical
subjects, and married, October 29, 1805, Anne, daughter of Vice Admiral
Sir William Parker, of Harburn, co. Warwick, Bart., whose widow had a
house on Ham Common, in the parish of Kingston-upon-Thames. The
following entry—“1805, Oct. 9, Wg. ring . . . . 0,,7,6,” I doubt not is
the Wedding-ring. Though one of the best of mothers has now been 30
years in her grave, I have got this ring, and also the Guard-ring that she
wore over it. The other entries are plaim—
“25th. Marriage Licence . 3 3 O
“29th. Clergyman . 5 O ()
{ { Clerk e & O 10 6
“— Ringers and Sexton 1 10 6
“—— Lady P.'s servants. 2 10 6 °
He lived a time at Richmond, in Surrey : was appointed Physician to
Winchester Hospital: returned to Devonshire, and eventually died at
Sidmouth, Dec 23, 1846. His widow, who was born June 12, 1778, died
at Sidmouth, March 5, 1855, having had issue—
1. Young Bingham, (Godfathers, Mr. Young and Admiral Bingham,)
b. at Richmond, Surrey, Aug. 14, and bapt. Oct. 14, 1806. He was
a good classical Scholar, with a quick turn for figures and mathe-
matical studies. He entered the Royal Navy at the usual age, but
after some years' service, and having a strong passion for emigration,
he joined the first expedition for founding the projected colony of
South Australia; and as Cap. Sir John Hindmarsh, the first
Governor, had known his uncle the second Sir W. P., he went out
in the same ship with him in or about 1835. When there, he
joined the exploring parties that searched the country for a good
place for the Capital. Influenced by Sir John, who inclined to
476 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON.
think that near the mouth of the great river Murray would be the
most advantageous place for the capital city, as opening up a high-
way to the heart of the country, he bought near 1000 acres at
Goolwa, Port Eliot, and the Hindmarsh Walley; but the next
Governor decided to place the chief city where Adelaide now stands.
He returned to England; married Augusta Kingdon, of Narracot,
June 15, 1852, at Heavitree; sailed again Nov. 5 in the same year,
and busied himself on his estates until his death, which occurred
Aug. 3, 1870. He left a widow, and the following children:-
Augusta Bingham, b. May 26, 1855.
Parker Oliver, b. Ap. 14, 1857.
Mary Kingdom, b. July 28, 1859, d. Jam. 25, 1864.
Orlando Bingham, b. Ap. 14, 1862.
Jane Collingwood, b. Aug. 6, 1867.
2. Elizabeth Louisa, b. at Richmond, June 2, 1808, bapt. Sep. 10, d.
Mar. 11, 1809.
3. Louisa Anne, b. at Richmond, June 26, 1809, bapt. Oct. 8, and d.
Mar. 10, buried Mar. 12, 1810, in the parish of St. Laurence,
Winchester.
4. Peter Orlando, b. at Winchester, Nov. 10, 1810, bapt. at Heavitree
Oct. 22, 1811. (The Editor.)
5. Frances Harriet, b. at Tiverton, Devon, Ap. 24, 1812, bapt. at St.
Peter's church, May 21, 1813; m. Charles, eldest son of Gen.
Rumley, of Arcot House, Sidmouth, July 18, 1838, at Tiverton. He
d. in S. Australia, Mar. 4, 1855, buried at Gawlertown. She m.
2ndly, Mr. John Robertson, widower, of Strowan Grove, near
Salisbury, S. A., in 1856. He d. 1870.
6. William George, b. at Tiverton, July 18, and bapt. Aug. 28, 1813.
He d. Ap, 6, and buried at St. George's Chapel, Fore Street, Ap.
11, 1822.
IV. A child, whose name is not recorded.
The family papers do not mention such a child, which was probably
born between Andrew and William. Its existence is no where alluded
to, except by a passing remark in the Governor's Diary, where he speaks
of its death, as follows:—“1778, Jan. 10,–At Brompton, at my son's,
where I had not been since the death of his child.”
W. William, b. June 14, 1778, in England.
From one or two remarks in some of his father's letters, written at the
time he was a young man finishing his education and going to College, it
appears that his health was not so strong and robust as his father could
have wished. He entered the Church, was locum temens for some time
at Heavitree, and Vicar of Colebrook, Devon. In April 1807, he m.
Louisa, daughter of Captain Robert Parker, R.N., brother of Sir W. P. of
Harburn. In 1797 this Captain Parker was lost at sea in a singular way,
and some thought in rather a suspicious way. As he was my mother's
uncle, she had often heard the circumstance spoken of in the family, and
I have frequently heard her mention it. Captain Parker was in command
of a frigate, and was running before the wind in a heavy gale somewhere
near the Cape of Good Hope. He was in his cabin at his desk writing,
when a heavier lurch of the ship than usual, threw him sideways, desk
and all, through the open port into the sea. The man at the helm heard
him cry out, “Throw me a rope l’” but the pace at which the ship was
DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS HUTCHINSON. 477
going, the impossibility of suddenly arresting her course without broaching
to, and the certain danger of bringing her broadside to the waves in a
heavy sea, together with the suddenness of the event, all combined to
paralyse every effort, so that nothing was done. Every Sailor will admit
the danger of trying to stop a ship under such circumstances; but is
every sailor satisfied that a man and his desk could be thrown through
the port of a frigate, which, in the small ships of that day was not a very
large hole, without his being able to save himself with his arms ? This is
the point that excited considerable discussion in naval circles. Accident
or not, that was his end.
My uncle William died when I was six years old. I remember him
Once, and Only once, when I may have been near five. I was playing
with his children at the Vicarage at Heavitree near the bottom of the
stairs, when he came out of his room on to the landing above, and calling
our attention to a pistol he had in his hand, into which he had put a small
charge of powder to amuse us little folks, he fired it high over our heads.
The noise of the report, and the sight of the smoke, made a lasting
impression on my young mind.
He died early in life, I think of weak lungs, and was buried near his
brother Thomas, at the N.W. corner of Heavitree churchyard, where a
tombstone bears the following memorials of himself, his wife, and his
youngest child:—“To the Memory of the Rev". || William Hutchinson
who departed this life | on the 3rd day of May | 1816, AEt. 37. | Also of
Henrietta Jane Hutchinson his youngest daughter, who died the 28th
of August 1816, Aged 1 year & 7 months. || Also of Louisa Colling-
wood | Hutchinson his widow, who departed this life on the 7th day of
August, 1829.” They left issue—
1. Sarah Louisa, b. Ap. 8, 1808, d. Dec. 2, 1876. Buried at
Normacot.
2. Louisa Augusta, b. July 3, 1809, m. Rev. Edward Blick, M.A.,
Rector of Rotherhithe, b. 1791, Inducted 1835, d. June 25, 1867.
3. William Pyke Hargood, b. Aug. 25, 1810, Vicar of Blurton, co.
Staff, and Prebendary of Curborough, in Lichfield Cathedral: m.
Caroline Allen, b. Jan. 5, 1825, m. Sep. 19, 1850, and have issue—
Florence Caroline, b. May 9, 1852.
Sanford William, b. Oct. 26, 1853. In Holy Orders,
Allen, b. Jan. 8, 1855.
Edward Oliver, b. Dec. 9, 1856; m. Josephine Hickson.
Anne Whitacre, b. May 30, 1859.
Katharine, b. Dec. 27, 1861.
4. Martha Oliver, b. Ap. 1, 1812, m. her cousin John Hutchinson May
10, 1836, as above, and d. Aug. 2, 1863.
5. Henry Sanford, b. July 15, 1813, m. Georgina Catherine Willis,
Circa 1833, 2ndly, Sarah Munn, June 2, 1863, and has had—
Henry Munn, b. Mar. 2, 1864. 2, William Robert, b. Aug. 3,
1865. 3, Edith Sarah Henrietta, b. June 18, 1867. 4, Arthur
Edward, b. Nov. 5, 1868. 5, Lizzie Catherine Georgina, b. Jan. 22,
1871, 6, Frederick Parker, b. Mar. 14, d. Ap. 7, IS72.
6. Henrietta Jane, b. Jan. 1815, and d. in Aug. 1816. She was buried
at the N.W. part of Heavitree churchyard, where a separate Stone,
erected to her memory, bears the following inscription —“Henriettà
Jane | Hutchinson | died 26th August, 1816.” Upon this in-
Scription it may be observed, that the day of her death is said to
have been August 26, whereas, on the stone erected to her father
and mother, above, it is stated to have been August 28. There is an
oversight somewhere.
478 DIARY AND LETTERS OF THOMAS ITUTCITINSON.
THOMAS, eldest grandson of the Governor.
It has been observed above that he was born in America in 1772, being the
first child of Thomas, the Judge of the Court of Probate for the county of
Suffolk, and his wife Sarah, daughter of Lieut. Gov. Andrew Oliver. He was
in Boston during the siege; and on the evacuation of the city, in March 1776,
he was brought to England by his parents. He married twice: by his second
wife Mrs. Tolfrey, he had no family; but by Elizabeth Hagen, his first, he
had issue:—
I. THOMAS, of whom presently.
II. William, d. unm.
III. Frederick Oliver, eventual heir.
He was born Jan. 20, 1804, m. 1stly, his cousin Mary II. Oliver,
July 1, 1837. Removed to south Africa. She was born Feb. 25, 1813,
and died June 4, 1852, having had issue by her husband the following—
1. Leslie, b. Sep. 30, 1838, d. June 30, 1840.
2. Mary, b. Ap. 20, 1840.
3. Thomas Sylvester, b. Oct. 20, 1841.
4. Frederick, b. Ap. 9, 1844.
5. Lucy, b. Feb. 24, 1846.
6. John Copley, b. July 11, 1850.
He m. 2ndly, Dorothea Lange, Mar. 13, 1853, and dying Mar. 31, 1873,
had issue—
1. Arthur, b. Jan. 2, 1854.
2. A girl, stillborn, 1855.
3. Herbert Waldo, b. May 11, 1856.
4. Edward, b. Jan. 5, 1858.
IV. Rachel, b. May 2, 1806.
She m. her cousin the Rev. W. II. Oliver, Feb. 22, 1841, at Rother-
hithe, and had offspring, a daughter named Elizabeth Mary, b. May 2 *
1842. He d. Jan. 25, 1873, being, as before observed, the last male
representative of the Olivers in England. Elizabeth Mary died May 12,
1876.
THOMAS, the eldest son of Thomas and Elizabeth Hagen.
He was born July 29, 1800. Entered the navy of the Hon. East India
Company. In 1823 he m. Gertrude Tolfrey, daughter of his father's second
wife, by her first husband. After he retired from the service, he lived at
Antwerp and at Bruges; and being of an ingenious turn of mind, he under-
took and successfully accomplished the difficult task of building at the former
city a steamer called the “ Antwerpen,” assisted only by the natives, of whose
language he knew little. This turned out to be a very good sea boat, and she
used to run between Antwerp and London. Afterwards, in 1838, he built
another for the Government. She was called the “ Bruges d’Anvers,” and
was built at Bruges. He died in London Aug. 5, 1842, and was interred at
Rotherhithe. His wife, whose health had been much impaired by ague in the
low countries, died Sep. 16, in the same year, aged 49. As he died without
offspring, his brother Frederick became the heir.
DIAI, y AND LETTERS OF THOMAS IIUTCHINSON. 479
COLOPHON.
All those who may have turned their attention to genealo-
gies, have found out how easy it is to make mistakes, and
how hard it is to avoid oversights. Where a multitude of dates
have to be carefully recorded, and where the same names recur
at irregular intervals in different generations, extreme caution
is necessary to prevent straying from the path of accuracy.
The preceding Pedigree of Governor Hutchinson's branch of
the great stock has been compiled from all available materials,
both English and American. A thing of this sort, from its
very nature, can never be complete, because something more
may always be added. Though short, compared with Some
Pedigrees, it is at all events respectable. I can say with truth
I have no where discovered the presence of a scamp, a spend-
thrift, or a black sheep: neither have I met with any immoral
connection; and the rigidity of the Puritan laws and customs in
America, may be accepted as an assurance that no irregularities
occurred during the 150 years that they were in that country.
Of all things in this world I hold sham, false, and cooked-up
Pedigrees in the greatest contempt. Stop!—there is one thing
hold still more contemptible—and that is, the person who can
make them.
If, in these volumes, I have anywhere said anything of my
American friends that is untrue, or too harsh for the occasion, I
regret it should have been so, and I willingly withdraw it
altogether. I need not apologise for any unkind remarks that
may have been made by the Governor, though most concerned,
for he made none : and when they have made reparation for all
the slander and misrepresentation which they have persistently
heaped upon him during the last 120 years, then—we shall be
Quits. -
It is time to bury the hatchet. Farewell.
( 480 )
INDEX TO WOL. II.
ACT to proscribe Loyalists, 230–2–6,
268, 337.
Adams, Ch. Justice, 14; pamphlet by
J. Adams, 32; he and Lord Howe,
119, 122; on board ship, 202; anec-
dote, 220–9, 324; leaves France,
246; Ambassador, 312, 314–5; S.
Adams, 404.
Admiralty Court for Rhode Island,
241–4, 255.
Allen, Ethan, 288.
Americans and Representation, 183.
Amherst, Sir Jeffery,31; Lord Amherst,
78.
Apathy in public affairs, 209, 212, 213,
273, 291.
Apple tree on Rumsey tower, 265.
Apthorpe's Petition, 22; at Croydon,
97; at Bow church, 204; William,
269,284; death, 298, 364.
Arbuthnot, Admiral, 256, 288.
Ardent, man-of-war, taken, 272–3.
Armorial Bearings, 380–2–4, 453, 471.
Army in America, 70.
Arnold taken prisoner at Quebec, 19;
wounded, 20; betrayed, 23; false
reports, 161.
Ashburton and the French prisoner8,
267.
Auchmuty's twins, 18.
Aurora borcalis, 159.
Aylesbury, 76.
DALLOON5, 396, 416.
Bancroft, Dr. 141, 144.
Bankcs, Sir Joseph, 320,
Banks, Commodore, 48.
Barré, Col., 207.
Barrington, Lord, 195; retires, 228;
Admiral, 280.
Battles, Naval, off Cape Fear, 91; at
Sea, 156, 205, 328; Byron and
D'Estaigne, 280; Paul Jones and
Cap. Pierson, 286; Rodney, 328,339;
East Indies, 398; on the Lakes, 116.
Battles, Military, of Brooklyn, or Long
Island, 102, 122; Kingsbridge, 116,
120, 160; Fort Washington, 123-4;
S. Carolina, 254; Stamford Bridge,
Yorkshire, 450,
Bed of Justice—what it is, 27.
I3eggar's Opera, 123.
Belcher, Ch. Justice, 61.
Berkenhout, Dr., 239.
Dernard, Sir Francis, his son drowned,
27; at dinner, 72; taken ill, 76; in
London, 141, 195; Lady Bernard's
death, 208; his death, 262; anecdote,
318; portrait, 322, 438.
Black girl at Lord Mansfield's, 276.
Blackburne, Mr., 59, 71.
Blaquiere, Sir John, 258.
Bolingbroke, Lord, 118.
Bolton, Duke and Duchess of, 122, 124.
Boston evacuated, 27, 41–2–6, 253;
quarrel at, 222.
Boucher, Mr., 93; his opinion of Wash-
ington, 164. g
Boutineau, Mr., 205.
Boylstone family, 410,
Brattle, General, 221; Thomas, 305.
Dread at Pompeii, 307.
Dristol on ſirc, 129; visited, 148.
Bromley, Sir Charles, 138,
Browne, Col., 41; Judge, 249; Bill
Drown, 423.
INDEX.
481
Drowne, the Planner of gardens, 133.
Bruce, the Traveller, 31; Lord Bruce,
59; Col. Bruce, 89; Cap. Bruce, and
the tea, 310.
Brunswick troops, 30–1–2, 74.
Buckinghamshire, Lord, appointed
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 114.
Budget, 244.
Bull, Lieut. Governor, 163.
Burch, W., 107.
Burgoyne, General, 16, 31, 55; arrives
at Quebec, 65,73; on the Lakes, 1.12;
dissatisfied, 117; in England, 142;
at Quebec, 151; Ticonderoga, 154;
his Address, 155; surrender, 169,
170–3; in England, 205–7, 210, 270.
Burial, Reflections on, 240.
Burke's Conciliatory Bill, 28; on fasting,
111; pamphlet, 118; he questions
Galloway, 261; “the St. Omer's
IHero,” 407.
I}ute, Lord, 262.
Byng, Mr., refused the Chiltern Hun-
dreds, 307.
Dyron, Admiral Lord, 219, 228, 245,
311.
CAMBRIDGE Concordance, 267.
Camden, Lord, 199.
Camer, Dr., 72–4; £100 for him, 130–
1–4.
Carleton, General, in Canada, 65, 73,
112, 116; in England, 217, 411.
Carlisle, Lord, 191, 197,
Castle William destroyed, 47.
Caudlo Room, 224.
Celts, or palstavos, 164.
Chandler, Dr., 72; Colonel, 85–7, 121,
409, 414, 433,
Charleston, S. C., summoned, 88 ; at-
tacked, 92–5.
Chatham, Lord,Inflammatory speech of,
149; views towards the Colonies, 171,
183; his illness, 198; inconsistency,
199; death, 200; funeral, 204; his
wax figure, 368.
Chauncey, Dr., 424.
Choster, Colonel, 380, 451.
Chudleigh, Miss, Duchess of Kingston,
33, 34.
Church, Old North, Boston, 17.
WOL. II,
Clarendon House in Piccadilly, 181.
Clarke family, 3, 7.
Clinton, General, 31, 84, 90, 103, 135,
177; and Howe, 180; battle, 214;
returned, 225.
Coat Armour, 380–2–4, 453; Earl of
Donoughmore's, 450; Col. J. Hut-
chinson's, 385.
Coddington, William, 461; Nathaniel,
446, 465.
Coffin, Nathaniel, 4, 90.
Cold weather, 7, 12, 14, 15, 245, 330.
Collier, Sir G., 103, 285,298.
Commissioners at Halifax, 83, 89; to
go Out, 185, 191; named, 197; sailed,
202.
Commons, House of, I 11, 182–5; Bills
introduced, 186–8–9; confusion in,
190, 206; motion, 226; Pallisor and
Keppel debates, 228; Americans dis-
loyal, 258; Lord George Gordon in,
330.
Compton, Earl of Wilmington, 3.
Comanicut Island, 17, 134, 145; Black-
point Farm, 146, 180, 420; Cotton
Farm sold, 440; Narhawana Estate,
&b. .
Conciliation tried, 181, 185.
Confiscation Acts, 230–2–6, 208,337.
Congress and Lord Howe, 119, 122;
removed to Reading, 139; debate in,
178.
Conway, General, 26, 256.
Cooke, Captain, his life and death, 319.
Cooper, Dr., of New York, 31–4, 77,
156, 337; death, 404. g
Copley, the Painter, 200, 307, 407
Cornwall, Mr., 55.
Cornwallis, Lord, at sea, 24, 72, 124; in
England, 178; gone out, 201; in
Council, 257; capitulates, 372.
Court, Lovée, Drawing-Room, 60, 113,
141-4, 158, 160, 176–9, 202–5, 216,
222, 230–9, 247, 209, 201, 316.
tº
*
| Coventry, The Earl of, foretells the loss
of the Colonies, 29.
Cranborne, Ilord, 325.
Cranley, lord, 60.
Crown Point, 116, 120.
s Croydon, 97, 159, 284.
| Cruger, Mr., 45.
2
I
482
INDEX.
Cumberland, Duke of, 200.
Czar of Russia, 114.
DALRYMPLE, Col., 16, 139.
Danbury attacked, 149, 151.
Danforth, Mr., 253.
Dartmouth, Lord, and troops in Boston,
22, 44; sends admission tickets, 34.
D. C. L. conferred, 75.
Deane, one of the Congress, 25, 140;
Silas Deane and John-the-Painter,
141, 143; in Paris, 163; letter in-
tercepted, 246.
Debates in Parliamént, 25–8, 135–7,
165–6, 182, 198, 229, 262–4, 306;
Mr. Byng, 307.
Deblois, Gilbert, 121.
T)egrees of D.C.L., 75.
De Grey, Mr., 132; visit to, 161, 206.
De Lancey, Brigadier General, 402.
Delegates, 89, 122.
Desert, Mount, 321–3.
Deshon hanged, 311.
Deskau, Princess, at Court, 114.
D'Estaigne, Adm. Count, 214, 217; in
Carolina, 313.
Dignum, the Convict, 150.
Dillon, Mr., his claims for Lord Cham-
berlain, 367.
Dissenters, and the Revolt, 239.
Dod, Dr., and his forgery, 134; Con-
victed, 138; executed, 151.
T}og tax proposed, 413.
Dominica attacked, 221; surrendered,
222.
Donoughmore, Earl of, Pedigree, 457–
8–9; in Tabular form, 447.
Douglas, Sir C., 129.
Douglas, Captain, and the £500, 313,
316.
Down, Jonathan, 111.
D'Oyly, Mr., 23, 55, 56, 102, 184;
raving, 186.
Duels, Lee and Laurence or Laurens,
242, 248; Fox and Adams, 298–9.
Duke of Richmond, 28; of Grafton,
258; of Newcastle, 35; of Dorset, 36;
of Northumberland, 43; of Norfolk,
I64; of Bolton, 124.
Dunmore, Lord, 23, 87, 93, 120.
Dutch convoying, 317.
EARTHQUAKE, 399.
Eclipse of the Moon, 85.
Eden, Governor, 87, 93.
Eden, Captain, R.N., 244.
Effingham, Lord, 29.
JEliot, Dr., 63; death, 223–4.
Ellis, Mr. Welbore, 1, 43, 57; Treasurer
of the Navy, 149; opinion on affairs,
175.
Encaemia at Oxford, 74, 77.
FANEUIL, Benjamin, 90.
Farmer’s Letters, 229.
Fast Day, 120.
Fight on the ice, which broke, 401.
Fireship at Quebec, 73.
Fitch, Mr., King's Advocate, 94, 119,
130.
Fleet on the Lakes, 112.
Tleets in the British Channel, 271–4–8.
Flucker, Mr., 71, 82,328; death, 391.
Forces in America, 70.
Fort Penobscot, 216, 217, 285.
Fort Washington, 123, 124.
Fortiter gerit Crucem, 385.
Foster, Colonel John, 469, 471.
Fothergill, Dr., Vice Chancellor, 75.
Fox, Charles, 137, 182, 244, 251 ; duel
with Adams, 298; speech, 344, 347;
coalition with Lord North, 397-8 ;
lost election, 407–8, 412.
France intriguing with America, 32,
186, 210; sinks an English ship,
140; her fleet at sea, 145 ; War ex-
pected, 175; declared, 192–3, 222;
alarm in England, 279.
Franklin, Dr. Benjamin, 66, 116, 118,
119, 122, 127; and Hume, 195; and
Galloway, 237 ; in France, 246 :
writes to the papers, 248 ; takes
lodgings, 274; his grandson, 276; he
and Hutchinson, 279 ; COrrespon-
dence, 337; his wax model, 368.
Franklin, William, 88–9, 258.
Francklin, Lieut. Governor of Nova
Scotia, 132.
French opinions on the war, 209; take
St. Vincent, 269.
G. G. and his misfortune, 7.
diº, iod, iii, iso, 227; at Fulle,
INDEX.
483
214 ; came in warm, 317; Lady
Gage's rout, 31.
Gage, General, 25.
Galloway, Lord, 225.
Galloway, Mr., 226-8; his opinion of
Gen. Howe, 233; and Franklin, 237;
conversation, 247, 254–9; at the Bar
of the House, 261; and Lord Howe,
264; in London, 370.
Gambier, Admiral, 188, 273.
Garnier, Monsieur, with French news,
26, 92. -
Garrick, David, 32; at Court, 144;
death, 240; burial, 241.
Gates, General, and Lord Loudoun, 182.
Gay, the Poet, 123.
Gayton, Admiral, 220.
George the Second, 3 ; George the
Third, 18, 20, 27, 59.
Germaine, Lord George, his character,
11; Levée, 119 ; house damaged by
the mob, 242.
Giant at Birmingham, 352.
Gibraltar, Siege of, 335.
Goldthwaite, T., 300, 341, 414.
Goose at Michaelmas, 218.
Gordon, Lord George, 330 ; his ill-
judged zeal, 356, 416.
Grafton, Duke of, 25; joins the Whigs,
28; at home, 116.
Grant's horse's head shot off, 152.
Graves, Admiral, 19.
Gray, Treasurer, 155.
Greene, Mr., 87,221.
Groote, De, his death, 242.
Grotius, 242.
HABEAs corpus Act, 133, 137.
Hackman shoots Miss Ray, 249; trial
and execution, 251.
Haldiman, General, 159.
Halifax, Nova Scotia, 49.
Halloway, Mr., 90.
Halsell, Mr., Clerk of the House of
Commons, 117.
Hancock, John, 230.
Handel Jubilee, 407.
Hardy, Admiral Sir C., 261,279.
Harcourt, Col., captures Gen. Lee, 136.
Hardwicke, Lord, 19, 24, 31; sends
tickets for Duchess of Kingston’s
trial, 32, 34, 38; note to Gov. H., 39 ;
present of venison, 73; of books, 117;
visit, 131,218; chimney blown down,
238.
Harold, King of England, 449.
Harrowby, Lord, 57, 60.
Hartley's attempt at pacification, 28.
Hatch, Mr. N., 409, 412.
Heavitree, near Exeter, 432.
Heberden, Dr., 15, 43, 463.
Hely-Hutchinson—see Hutchinson.
Henry, Patrick, 98.
Hessian troops, 25–8, 30–3–4–9, 69, 73,
85, 90, 113, 136–9.
Highlanders, 70, 88–9, 90.
Hillsborough, Lord, 25, 35-6, 84, 182–6;
his letter to Gov. H., 192; his poli-
tical life, 201–5, 269,277,294-6, 325.
Holderness, Lord, 59.
Hood, Sir Samuel, 295.
Hopkins, attacks Bahama, 45–6; at
Rhode Island, 130.
Hotham, Commodore, 44, 72, 90, 102.
Houghton, Sir H., 59, 241.
Howe, Lord, 33–4–9, 83, 98, 119 ; and
Washington, 121; as Commissioner,
20I ; at New York, 213–4 ; his fleet,
217–19; returned, 220; his conduct,
222; toasted by Col. Parker, 268.
Howe, General Sir W., 63; Mrs. Howe,
69; Gen. H., 70; at Staten Island,
88, 102-5; takes Philadelphia,
162-3; his march south condemned,
169; clamour against, 172; recalled,
184 ; French opinion of him, 209;
arrives, 211; anecdote, 247; asks
enquiry, 255–6, 311, 336.
PIuck, Dr., 115. -
Hume, David, and Franklin, 195.
Huntingdon, Lord, 136, 171; condemns
Gen. Howe, 175–7; dinner party,
179; opinion of Clinton, 296.
Hutchinson, Hely, 10, 247, 293; tabu-
lar Pedigree, 447; enlarged Pedigree,
457–8–9.
Hutchinson, Thomas, Governor; his
opinion on taxing, 58; D. C. L.
Degree, 74; at his History, 78, 172,
218; his house seized, 85; changes
houses in London, 90; letter to the
Ring, 1.12; dines at the Duke of
4S4
INDEX,
Bolton's, 124-6; at the temple, 141;
Peggy dies, 159; goes to Sackville
Street, 160; gives his Hist. to the
Bp. of Rochester, 165; dined with
the Archbishop, 178, 317; dinner
at home, 188; nurse maid, 190;
journey—recovers ring, loses wig,
210; his losses, 216; finishes his
IHistory, 218; lent it, 329; buys
Iteliqua Itomanæ, 223; Wilkins
hopes H. is hanged, 228; visits
Governor Johnstone, 242; letter im-
puted to him, 254; longs to return,
257; his father at Plymouth, 267;
footman run over, 277; H. and
Franklin, 279; diet, 283; his Milton
estate sold, 287; his son’s £500, 313;
Billy's death, 342; his letters, 337;
his death, 353; his burial, 356, 364;
his Will, 364–5; accounts, .361;
three heads of families, 377, 386, 388;
prospects of returning, 420, 433;
Pedigree, 446, 449; Brass to his
memory, 471.
Hutchinson, Foster, 208, Note; Pedi-
gree, 448, 470–1.
IIutchinson, Tichard, of Knocklofty,
447, 457. -
Hutchinson, Thomas, leaves America,
42; arrives in London, 46; visits
France ; 394; settles near Exeter,
432; Pedigree, 473.
Hutchinson, Elisha, 147; wife arrives,
159; writing up hill, 137.
Hutchinson, Edward (who m. Lydia
IFoster), 467; another Edward, 154,
375. -
Hutchinson, Eliakim, and family, 22,
85, 97; Kate buried, 130; William,
158; at dinner, 172.
Hutchinson of Salem, 377.
Hutchinson of Charlestown, 386, 463.
Hutchinson, Mr., Gov. of St. Helena, 130.
ICEBERGS, 51. -
Independence, 58, 137; voted, 229.
Indian language, 415.
Ingram, Duncan, 96.
Ireland, Lords Lieutenant of, 114;
insurrection, 257; Union, 296;
measures for, 306.
-
JACKSON, Mr., 26, 76.
Jefferds, Dr., 30, 75.
Jenkinson, Mr., 187, 228.
Jersey attacked, 256–7.
Jenyns, Soame, 43, 62, 182; Mrs.
Jenyns' party, 31.
Johannot family, 66, 85, 253, 292.
John-the-Painter, and fire at Ports-
mouth, 119, 128–9; trial, 140; ac-
count of, 141; execution, 142; his
remains recently found, 143.
Johnson, Mrs., and Petition for rolief,
271,
Johnstone, Governor, goes out Com-
missioner, 197; resigns, 219; returns,
220; his inconsistency, 225, 235;
Gov. H. visits him, 242. -
Jones, Paul, 259, 286, 291, 314.
KELLOND, Thomas, 464, 469. -
Keppel, Admiral, takes two French
frigates, 210, 222; quarrel with
Palliser, 228; alleged duel, 236;
court-martial and acquittal, 242–3 ;
and the Ministry, 299; his portrait,
309; his enemies, 311.
IKing inquisitive at Court, 20, 82.-See
Court.
Ring's Declaration to the Irish Parlia-
ment, 18; to the Common Council,
27; Levée, 59; Royal Speech, 108-9.
IXing in Council, 136; in conversa-
tion, 160,262; his statue decapitated,
103–4; 167; his policy, 187; in
Cheapside, 219; his portrait by West,
309; his courage, 339; his illness,
429.
King's Chapel, Service at, 18.
Kingsbridge, Battle at, 116, 120.
Kingston, Duchess of her trial, 32–5.
Knox, Mr., 45, 66, 217, 326.
Lawn, Serjeant, lis Journal, 116.
Lambert, Sir John; 401.
Learned pig, 416.
Lechmere family, 61, 71, 227.
Lee, Mr., from Philadelphia, 55.
Lee, General, in N. Carolina, 60, 177;
Lee and Fort Washington, 123; taken
prisoner, 136; Lee and Laurence, or
Laurens, duel, 242, 248,
INDEX.
Lee—Junius Americanus.
Lee, Sir William, at Hartwell, 76.
Legge, Governor, 51, 86, 245.
Leonard, Colonel, 90,212.
Lethieulier, Mr., 150.
Letters—abstracted, 337.
Levee, 59.-See Court.
Lexington, Affair at, 118,
Lillie, Mr., his death, 84.
Lisburne, Lord, 298, 316.
Littelton, Lord, 297.
Livingstone, Gov., nearly captured,
254.
Livius, Mr., of Quebec, 310, 318.
Lords, House of, 108–9, 198, 201, 227.
Loring, Captain, 44, 71, 155.
Lothrop, Mr., 85, 433.
Loyalists, 372, 389; estates lost, 391;
Conanicut, and Eastern Lands, 392,
437; compensation, 402, 408, 421–2,
430; claims, 435; their numbers,
436.
Lyde, Mr., at Halifax, 49; Dr. Lyde, in
prison, 82; at New York, 440.
Lyme, and the Duke of Monmouth,
265.
MACLEAN, Colonel, 93.
Mahon, Lord, in Copley’s painting, 200.
Malcombe, John, 100,
Manchester, Duke of, and French
Treaty, 175.
Mansfield, Lord, 116; receptions, 181;
dinner, 274; house burnt, 357,
Manuscripts found, 26.
Markham, Bishop, 78.
Mason, Mr., and his claim to Laconia,
131.
Massachusetts Resolves, 204.
Mather, Mr., 90,422.
Mauduit, Mr., 72; changes his views,
196; ship Trident, 202; his pam-
phlet, 203–4, 293.
Mauditicus, 99.
Meeting House, Old North, pulled
down for fuel, 9, 17; Dr. Cooper's,
and Howard's, 10.
Montagu, Admiral, 114.
Montgomery killed at Quebec, 19, 73.
Moody, Lieutenant, his career, 81.
Moon eclipsed, 86.
Morland, and Bernard, 322.
Mount Desert, 323, 438.
Mure, Hutchinson, 223.
NEGROEs emancipated, 274, 276.
New Brunswick constituted, 411.
Newcastle, Duke of, 35, 54.
Newport, Rhode Island, 132.
New York, threatened, 24, 98, 103;
taken, 105; fired, 111.
Norfolk, Duke of, 164.
North church, 17.
North, Lord, 21; defends his measures,
29, 112 ; illness, and anecdote, 141 ;
perplexities, 181; his character, 182;
plan of accommodation, 185; cen-
sured, 193; resigned, 374; coalition
with Fox, 397–8; censured by Mr.
Macdonald, 306.
Northern Light, 159.
Northumberland, Duke of, 43; North-
umberland House, 54. -
Norton, Sir Fletcher, attacks Lord
North, 206.
ODISSE quem laeseris, 272.
Oliver, Chief Justice Peter, and his
Diary, 46; leaves Boston for Halifax,
48; voyage to England, 51 ; Fal-
mouth, 52; journey to London, 67;
at Court, 88; at the House of Lords,
109; at Oxford, 77; at Lord North’s
Levee, 133; at Birmingham, 203;
his letters, 395,408; house burnt,423;
his death and his descendants, 425 ;
Peter O., 337; Daniel, 88; , Brinley
Sylvester, 41; Louisa, 290; Dr.
Peter, 9, 42; marriage, 472; wife
died, 360. -
Oliver, Captain W. S., T.N., 473.
Oliver Pedigree, 427.
Oliver, Thomas, Lieut. Gov., 17, 61,
66; his salary, 83.
Ormesby, Dr., 75.
Ormond, Duke of, 181.
Otis, Mr., 232, 440.
Oxford, and D.C.L., 74, 77.
PAINTINGS, 39.
Palliser, Admiral Sir H., 222,228,236
house assaulted, 242–3; court-martial,
251; acquitted, 256, 279,
486
INDEX.
Paoli, General, 179, 192, 285.
Parker, Adm. Sir Peter, 69, 74, 91,99;
at Charleston, 177.
Parker, Adm. Sir Hyde, 254, 267, 313,
3.19.
Parker, Adm. Sir. William, of Harburn,
475; and Lord Hood, 295, Note,
Parker, Captain Robert, drowned, 476.
Parliament, Debates in, 25, 197; open-
ing, 109, 225; meets, 405–7.-See
Debates. -
Parsons, Nancy, and the Duke of G.,35.
Parrot died, 208.
Paul Jones, 259, 286, 291, 314.
Paxton, Mr., 240.
Peace with America, 372, 390.
Pedigree of the Earl of Donoughmore,
447, 458.
Pedigrees, 301, 378, 425, 449.
Pedigrees, Tabular, 381, 387, 427, 445–
6–7–8.
Penobscot, 217, 290.
Penn, Governor, at Philadelphia, 56.
Pepperell, Sir William, 9, 19, 20–1–2,
44, 270; Pedigree, 301, 364, 390.
Percy, Lord, 103; arrives in England,
149; called, 180.
Perkins, Dr. Nathaniel, 94.
Perreau, Brothers, Execution of, 6.
Philadelphia taken, 163, 169.
Phips, Colonel, 129; Sir William, 465.
Pickman, Col. Ben., 392, 406–8, 411,
413.
Pitt, William, 403, 407.
Plymouth, Visit to, 267.
Polly Pocham, Actress, 123.
Pondicherry taken, 246.
Porter and sixpence, 213.
Portsmouth Dockyard fired, 119, 128.
Pownall, Governor, joins the Tories, 28,
99, 127, 170; loses wife, 134; visit
of condolence, 144; correspondence,
337; death, 425.
Pownall, John, 45, 55, 230.
Pownall, Captain, R.N., 241.
Poynton, Captain, 252.
Prescot, General, captured, 156.
Press-gangs, 264.
Prevost, General, 273. -
Price, Dr., and his Pamphlet, 35, 38.
Prince of Wales, 59, 76, 408. -
Princess born, 36; christened, 56.
Privateers, 86–7, 131; under false
colours, 262-3; captures, 316.
Putnam, Mr., Salary for, 187, 208;
Colonel, 331. -
Pynchon, Mr., 14.
QUAKERS hanged, 233.
Quebec, 10; assaulted, 18; assertion
questioned, 24, 26; confirmed, 39,
56, 65, 85, 87, 89, 151.
Queen and Princess, 36, 114; Queen's
Caudle, 162; Queen's apartments,
163.
RANDOLPH, Mr., 402.
Ranelagh, 34, 57.
Rashleigh, Mr., 196, 219;
264.
Ray, Miss, shot by Hackman, 249.
Rebel ; use of the term, 20.
Rebellion, Cause of the, 53, 79, 81, 165.
Reeve, Mr., 92, 95.
Refugees, 59, 61, 83–5, 90; estates
advertised, 271; propose to return,
419 ; losses, 429.
Representation in Parliament, 183,332.
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 308.
Rhode Island, 221, 225, 297; evacuated,
300.
Richmond, Duke of, 28, 198, 199, 332.
Riots and mob law, 242.
Rivington, the Printer, from New
York, 26.
Robbins, Rev. Chandler, 375, 433 ;
Nathaniel, 468.
Robertson, General, 176; R. said H.
“deserves to be hanged,” 177; Gov.
of N. York, 248; examined before the
House, 260–1.
Robertson, Dr., the Historian, 194.
Robie, Mr., from Halifax, 16.
Robinson, Mr., of the Treasury, 118.
Rockingham Ministry, 31; his Lord-
ship's death, 289.
Rodney, Adm. Sir G., 248; sailed, 314;
his captures, 328, 339, 343.
Ross, Dr., new Bishop of Exeter, 176,
Royall, Mr., 95.
Rumford, Count, 337, 344, 404,
Russian Lady at Court, 113, .
Rev. Mr.
INDEX.
487
SABATIER, Mr. and Mrs., 434, 439.
Sandwich, Lord, and Miss Ray, 249.
Sanford, Grizel, her American estates,
143; lodging, 363.
Sanford, Peleg, 441.
Saratoga, 173, 198; Convention of 202.
Saye, Lady, and her head-dress, 276.
Scotch and Irish sold for slaves, 416.
Servants’ fees, 218.
Sewall family, 66, 224, 264, 266.
Sheep on the Downs, 68, 107.
Shelburne, Lord and Lady, 294.
Shuldham, Admiral, 14, 16, 47, 48, 85,
136; Lord Shuldham, 139; at Ply-
mouth, 267.
Sidmouth, 265.
Silvester, Richard, 228.
Slavery, 416.
Slaves emancipated, 274.
Sloane, Sir Hans, 327.
Solander, Dr., 320.
South Carolina expedition, 95.
Spain and America, 196; declares war
with England, 260, 329.
Sparhawk family, 44, 61.
• Spartan, at Oxford, 76.
Stamp Act, MS. referring to, 26, 58.
Stamp Master, and Franklin, 116.
Stanley, Mr., 325–6–9.
Startin, Mrs., 403, 406, 412.
Statue of the King at New York, 104;
head of 167.
Sterling, Lord (so called), 102; de-
capitated the King's Statue, 104,
167.
Stewart, the Architect, &c., 244.
Stormont, Lord, 97, 193, 292.
Strachey, Mr., M.P., 33, 39.
Strahan, M.P., the Printer, 118, 246,
324–5. $º
Suffolk, Lord, 245.
Suffrage, Universal, 332.
Sullivan, General, 122, 180.
Sutton, Sir R., 259; and Keppel, 299.
TABULAR Pedigrees, 381, 387, 445–6–
7–8.
Talbot, Lord, 114.
Tankard, 453.
Tarpley, Dr., 73. .
Tarring and feathering, 410, 412.
*
Taxing America, 58,246.
Tea destroyed, 228, 310; price of, 362,
364, 418.
Temperature, 86–7, 245.
Temple, Lord, 29, 190; death of, by
accident, 283, 416.
Temple, John, 238, 269, 270, 273,293,
399.
Thereabouts—abouts there, 316.
Thompson, Benjamin, Count Rumford,
337,344, 404.
Thurlow, Lord Chancellor, 208.
Ticonderoga, 115, 117, 120; taken, 154,
157.
Timmins, Mrs., 424.
Townshend, Lord, 116, 119; at Rayn-
ham, 161 ; in London, and shews
head of the King's statue, 167;
called, 179; angry, 186; in a frenzy,
188.
Treason explained, 20.
Trial of the Duchess of Kingston, 33.
Troops blockading Boston, 1 ; in
Boston, 22; proposal to remove
troops, 23; going to America, 6, 8,70;
foreign troops, 28–9, 113, 231, 249.
Troutbeck, Mr., 17, 72.
Tryon, Gov. of N. York, 55; promoted,
151,
Tucker, Dean, 18.
Tylney Hall, Mr. Ellis's residence, I
122.
3
VAN SCHAACK, Peter, 293.
Vane, Mr., 207, 461.
Wardell, Mr., 45. j
Vassall family, 61, 66, 129, 248, 430.
Vaughan, General, 152, 169 ; at
Charleston, 177; at dinner, 298,
305; leaves, 311.
Venison, 172, 213.
Vessel and cargo taken, 32,
Windication printed, 7.
WALDO, Frank, death, 409.
Wallace, Sir James, 318, 340.
Walpole, Sir R., 2; tired of books, 178;
quoted, 250, 356.
Walsingham, Lord, 435.
Walter, Mr., 85.
Wanton, Governor, 134, 145,
Ass
INDEX.
Water-works, London-bridge, burnt,
292. -
Washington, General, 98, 102–3; at
New York, 105; at Kingsbridge, 111,
116; and Lord Howe, 121 ; promoted,
145; reported dead, 148.
Watson, Mr. Brook, Garlick Hill, 15,
32, 120, 160, 412.
Wedderburne, Mr., 206, 208.
Weekes, Mr., 229, 232.
Welsted, Rev. Mr., 369.
Wentworth, Paul, 129, 163; Sir
Charles, 130; Governor, 192.
West, the Painter, 309.
Westminster Abbey, 368.
Weymouth, Lord, 161.
Whately, and the Letters, 118.
Wilkes loses his Election for Chamber-
lain, 21. -
Willard, Abel, 85,232, 270, 372, 412.
William, Prince, and King, 260.
Willingham, Sir Clifford, 93.
Wills and Administrations, 365.
Winchendon, and Sir F. Bernard, 321.
Winslow, General, 57; Isaac, 82, 134;
Joshua, 298; Pelham, 372.
Winthrop leaves England, 148, 195,
461.
Wool, English and American, 68.
Woolridge, Alderman, 93, 327.
Wright, Sir James, 72, 170.
Wright, Mrs., the Modeller in wax, 368.
YORKE, Charles, 179.
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