DS
485
B66
086

OF MICHIGAN ·
OF
MIC
IVERSITY
ERSITY
HIGAN
D
RITA
90
ARTES
THE UNIVERS
THE
US
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.

=
1
-


20
BALUCHISTAN
AMING
75°
Delhi
Shikarpurs
Rohri
Khairpur
PUNJAB
RAJPUTANA
Bhurtporc
Diji
Jeypore
Jodhpore
Imanigad
Ajmere
Tonk
N D
Meeaner
Hyderabad Umarkot
UST
CULF OF
C
Neemuch
Mandsaur
Ahmedabad
CENTRAL Schore
Indore
CUJARAT
Cambay
CUTCH
¡K AIHLA WAR
Gogha
Diu
GULF OF CAMBAY
O
Baroda
Broach
NDIA
100
Whow
NARBADA R
Asirgarh
TAPTA R
Surat KHANDESH
Burhanpur
BERAR
Assaye
Ellora
DECCAN Aurungabad
CODA
Daman
Basse
Ahmednagar
Thana
BOMBAY horeguon
Chaul's
Janjira
Poona
Ri R
HYDERABAD
SKETCH MAP
OF THE
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY
Scale of Miles
115°
50
Rasgad Mahabaleshvars
Satara
Ratnagiri
Gheria
Kolhapur
Sholapur
Kulbarga
Bijapur
BHIMA R
KRISHNA
Belgaum
Bijanagar
15
Goa
50
102
Dharwai
Kárwar
Anjidiv
KANARA
70°
Gor! Photozinco. Office. Poona, 1887.
MADRAS P
A
SHORT HISTORY
OF THE
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
BY
EDMUND C. COX
(TRIN. COLL., CAMB.),
BOMBAY DISTRICT POLICE.
Bombay:
THACKER & Co., LD.
Calcutta :—THACKER, SPINK & Co.
London :-W. THACKER & Co., 87, Newgate Street.
1887,
DS
485
B66
C86
BOMBAY:
PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA.
1
嚣
​095251-23-
TO MY FATHER,
The Rev. Sir GEORGE W. COX, Bart., M.A.,
RECTOR OF SCRAYINGHAM, YORK,
WHOSE EARLIEST WORKS WERE WRITTEN FOR HIS CHILDREN,
I DEDICATE THIS HISTORY
OF THE PRESIDENCY
IN WHICH I HAVE THE HONOUR TO SERve.
1
SHORT HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
ERRATA.
Page 6, line 10 and 11, "rabi" and "kharif." These words
should be transposed.
در
31
33
}}
8, for "obsolute " read "absolute."
7 from end, for "on their holdings" read
of their holdings."
35 heading, for "V" read "IV."
,, 42, line
46
46
51
""
"}
༤
""
77
82
>>
"
96
""
>>
"
162
""
171
"
""
232
""
255
33
268
""
}}
330
"}
333
""
341
""
>>
349
""
>>
359
""
381
""
382
""
386
""
5 from end, for "19" read "179."
13 and 10 from end, for "Jains" read "Jáms."
13 from end, for "Belhi" real "Delhi."
4, for "weighed anchor" read "cast anchor."
2, for "enemies "read" armies.”
on part
5 from end, for "ability of character" read "beauty
of character."
5, for “Sháh" read “Sháhji.”
1, for “ Báláji Rao" read " Báláji Báji Rao."
20, for "remaimed" read "remained."
8, for "imposing" read "improving."
13, for man" read " name."
2 from end, after "Sind" insert,
"the
Panch
Mahals which were ceded by Sindia in 1860."
11 from end, for “even
;)
read "ever."
12, for "humble" read "humbler."
1, for "undetermined" read "undermined."
12, for "swines " read. " swine."
15, for "Delhi" read "Mirat.”
17, for “gleams" read "gleam."
8, read, "The rebel army again concentrated at
Kálpi."
6 from end, for "28th" read "25th."
PREFACE.
DURING the century that the English were engaged in
the work of conquering India, so many and such vast
events were occurring simultaneously at such widely
distant places, that it is impossible to keep the eye at
one and the same time on all the actors in the great
drama. It would be hardly a more practicable task
to write in one book a history of Madras and the Land
of the Five Rivers, than that of Great Britain and
France. It therefore occurred to me that I might en-
deavour to put into a convenient form the history of
the province which I know best. It is a province
whose annals abound with incident; but while for the
historical student there is a mine of information in the
Bombay Government Records and Gazetteers, I know
of no concise work on the subject suitable for the general
reader. My object has been to sketch the history
of the Bombay Presidency in its broad outlines, with-
out attempting to burden the memory with a mass of
details. To describe the elaborate intricacy of the
revenue system of the Maráthas, to detail the rise and
progress of their great families, or to narrate the origin
of the endless petty states of Western India-full of
interest as the account might be-would be impossible
in a work of this size.
viii
PREFACE.
A brief introductory sketch has been given of the
time before the roll of European conquest to the East,
and a more detailed description of the course of events
between the coming of the Portuguese and ourselves.
I have written a tolerably full account of the process
by which the West of India came under the British
flag, bringing in what happened in other parts of
the Peninsula so far only as to elucidate the events
that took place in Bombay. With this object, and
to give a greater degree of continuity to the narrative,
there runs through the book a short account of the
supreme power whether at Delhi or Calcutta.
Alibág, Kolába, August 29th, 1886.
E. C. COX,
Postscript.-My best thanks are due to K. M. Chatfield,
Esq., M.A., Director of Public Instruction, for his
kind aid in the publication of this book.
E. C. C.
NOTE ON THE SPELLING OF INDIAN NAMES.
As a general rule, the authorised Government spelling
has been followed, and the subjoined table explains the
system :-
A unaccented
as
1
iu
fun.
A accented
as
a
in
father.
Ai-
Ay
as
ai in
aisle.
Y
E
as
ê
in
fête.
I
as
i
in
fill.
or
as
ee
in
feel.
U
as
11
in
full.
ΟΙ
as
00
in
stool.
G
as
in
get.
J
as
j
in
jail.
An exception has been made in the following names, which
are spelt in the older English way : —
Jumna.
Indus.
Delhi.
Comorin.
Deccan.
Oudh.
Ganges.
Bengal.
Calcutta.
Madras.
Bombay.
Salsette.
Colaba (Bombay).
Mazagon.
Sindia.
Indore.
Carnatic.
Arcot.
Plassey.
Cambay.
Travancore.
Assaye.
Vellore.
Cawnpore.
Lucknow.
ERRATA.
Page 33, line 7 from end, for "on their holdings" read " on
part of their holdings."
Page 42, line 5 from end, for "19" read "179.”
Page 46, line 13 from end, for "Belhi" read "Delhi."
1
MY ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ARE DUE TO THE
FOLLOWING WORKS:
Rev. Sir George W. Cox's Establishment of British Rule in
India.
Dr. Smith's Student's Geography of British India.
Tallboys Wheeler's History of India.
Meadows Taylor's
do.
Buckle's History of Civilization.
Gazetteers of the various districts of the Bombay Presidency.
Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer of India.
*
Lecture on Fall of the Moghal Empire.
Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas.
Malcolm's Life of Clive.
Macaulay's Essays.
Forrest's Official Minutes of Mountstuart Elphinstone.
Selections from State Papers, Bombay, Mahratta
Series.
Colebrooke's Life of Mountstuart Elphinstone.
Edwin Arnold's Light of Asia.
Douglas's Book of Bombay.
وو
Round About Bombay.
Maclean's Guide to Bombay.
Napier's Conquest of Sind.
Outram's Commentary (Sind).
Seeley's Expansion of England.
Bosworth Smith's Life of Lord Lawrence.
Jacob's Western India before and during the Mutinies.
Kaye's Afghan War.
Sepoy War.
Malcolm's History of the Indian Mutiny.
Holmes'
do.
E. C. C.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.—PAGE 1.
Description of the Bombay Presidency.
India a continent rather than a country.-The term "Indian People "
a misleading one.-India as a whole.-Component parts of the
Bombay Presidency. The climates.-The food of the people.-
The scenery and appearance of the country.-The vernacular
languages.
CHAPTER II.-PAGE 9.
Description of the People.
Details of the population.--The majority descended from the Aryan
tribes who dwelt in Central Asia.-The aboriginal tribes.-The
early Aryans.-The Weds (Vedas).—The four original castes.-The
Institutes of Manu.-Castes in their later form.—Their religious
nature.--Superstition.-Buddha and his creed.-Predominance of
Buddhism as a state religion.-Its downfall.-Food, dress, and
marriage customs of Hindus and Muhammadans.
Invasions of Darius
CHAPTER III.-PAGE 26.
Early Hindu Civilisation.
and
Alexander.-State of the country
during the latter.-Megasthenes at Patna.-Village communities
Tenure of the land.-The village officers.
Xiv
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.-PAGE 35.
Establishment of Muhammadan Rule.
Mission of Muhammad.-Muhammadan expedition into Sind in
700.-Its failure. Invasions from the Afghán mountains.-Mah-
moud of Ghazni.-Muhammad Ghori.-Conquest of Northern India
by the Muhammadans.-The Slave and Khiljy dynasties.-Exten-
sion of Muhammadan conquest to the Deccan by Alla-ud-din in
1295.-The Toghlak dynasty.-Rebellion of Záffar Khán in the
Deccan and foundation of the Bahmani Muhammadan dynasty
of the Deccan.—Muhammadan kingdoms of Gujárát, Khándesh
and Sind.-Invasion of Taimur the Tártár.-End of the Toghlak
dynasty.-Bábar the descendant of Taimur invades India and
founds the Moghal Empire in 1526.-Character of Muhammadan
rule prior to the establishment of the Moghal empire.
CHAPTER V.-PAGE 51.
Conquests of the Portuguese.
Vasco da Gama reaches Kálikat in 1498.-The state of Western India
at the time.-The Bahmani dynasty of the Deccan breaking up into
five independent kingdoms, chief of which are Ahmadnagar, Bijápur
and Golkonda.-Destruction of the Hindu kingdom of Bijanagar.—
The Maráthas employed largely in the armies of the Muhammadan
states of the Deccan, and the Brahmans as men of business.
Relations of Da Gama and his successors with the Zámorin of
Kálikat and the rulers of Káchin and Kánnanur.-Factories
founded and a large trade created.-Albuquerque makes Goa
the capital of Portuguese India.-Character of the Portuguese
rule.—Vicissitudes in their fortunes.-Their wars with Gujárá:
and Bijápur.-Acquisitions of Bombay, Salsette and Diu.
CONTENTS.
IT
CHAPTER VI.-PAGE 67.
Foundation of the Moghal Empire.
Bábar invades India. His success at Pánipat in 1526.- His son
Humayun succeeds him in 1530.-Humáyun driven into exile for
fifteen years by the Sur dynasty.-His return in triumph.-Suc-
ceeded by Akbar in 1556.-Continued success of the Portuguese
at the time of his accession. -Increase of Akbar's power.-His
policy of conciliation.-He calls upon the Muhammadan kingdoms
of the Deccan to acknowledge his supremacy.-Their refusal.-
Akbar's forces invade the Deccan.-Chánd Bibi repels the inva-
ders.-Akbar himself takes the field. His death in 1605.-His-
policy and character.
CHAPTER VII.-PAGE 83.
Coming of the English.
The Emperor Jahangir.-The East India Company.-Captain
Hawkins at Agra.-Sir Henry Middleton and the Trades"
Increase."-Defeat of the Portuguese fleet by the English at Surat
in 1612.—Jahangir invades the Deccan accompanied by Sir Thomas
Roe the English ambassador.--Málik Ambar and Sháhji Bhonsli.
CHAPTER VIII.—Page 91.
Rise of the Maráthas.
Shah Jahan suppresses the rebellion of Khán Jahán Lodi in the Deccan
-End of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar in 1633.-State of Muham-
madan power in the Deccan at the time.-Progress of the English.
The rival Company.—Shiwáji son of Sháhji Bhonsle.-His plan
to drive the Muhammadans from the country.-Encouragement of
his mother.-Shiwáji seizes the fort of Torna.-He builds a fort
at Rájgahr.-He obtains a series of forts on the Western Ghats.
He seizes treasure of the Bijápur Government.-Aurangzib
viceroy of the Deccan.-He goes to Delhi on the illness of his
father Shah Jahan and usurps the throne.-Shiwáji defies
the Moghal Government, but Aurangzib grants him forgiveness.-
Aurangzib encourages him as the means of putting pressure on his
Muhammadan vassals.
xvi
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.-PAGE 104.
Expansion of Marútha Power.
Aurangzib Emperor.-His great object.-His character and policy.—
Afzul Khán sent against Shiwáji from Bijápur.-His death and
the destruction of his army at Pratápgahr.--Failure of the
Bijápur avenging army.—Shiwáji makes his head-quarters at
Raygahr.-Strength of his army.--The English obtain Bombay.-
Their liberal policy.-Shiwáji attacks Surat, but is firmly resisted
by the English under Oxenden.-He seizes the Moghal pilgrim
vessels.-Extraordinary successes.-Rája Jay Singh sent against
him by Aurangzib.-His submission and journey to Delhi.-His
disgust at his treatment there.-He is imprisonned but escapes.-
He obtains tribute from Bijápur and Golkonda.--He works up his
army and civil government. -He defeats an army sent against
him by Aurangzib.-The English strengthen Bombay.-Gerald
Aungier.-An attack of the Dutch repulsed.-Officers of the Com-
pany formed into four grades. ---Splendid coronation of Shiwáji.—
Treaty between him and the English.-His death.
CHAPTER X.-PAGE 119.
Decline of the Moghal Empire.
Sambháji succeeds Shiwaji.-He attacks Goa.-Reprisals of the
Portuguese.-Aurangzib at the aged of 63 marches against Bijápur
-Golkonda and the Maráthas.-Rebellion of Captain Keigwin in
Bombay. Spirited foreign policy of the Childs.-Its failure.-
The English seize the Moghal pilgrim vessels.-They sue for peace.
-The Scotch East Indian Company.-Its union with the English
one.-Calcutta founded in 1670.— Aurangzib destroys Bijápur and
Golkonda. He captures and kills Sambháji.—Rájárám, son of
Shiwáji, rules on behalf of Sáhu (Shiwáji), son of Sambháji.-Rise
of the Ángria family.-Death of Rájárám.-His wife Tárábai be-
comes regent on behalf of his son Shiwáji.-Struggle between the
Emperor and the Maráthas.-Death of Aurangzib.
CONTENTS.
xvii
CHAPTER XI.--PAGE 128.
Rise of the Peshwas and the great Marátha Houses.
Bahadur Sháh becomes Emperor.-He releases Sáhu, and then arise
the two great Marátha factions of Sáhu of Sátára and Sambháji, son
of Rájárám, at Kolhápur.-Ultimate success of Sáhu.-Compara-
tive tranquillity in the Deccan.-Death of Bahadur Sháh.-The
emperors Jahándár and Farokhsir.-Intrigues of the Syads.-Rise
of Nizám-ul-Mulk founder of the Nizáms of Hydarábád.—Báláji
Wishwánáth founder of the Brahman dynasty of the Peshwas.-
The Peshwa, in alliance with Hussein Ali, viceroy of the Deccan,
leads an army against Delhi.-The emperor killed.-Succeeded
by Muhammad Shah.-Marátha revenue system.-Kanhoji Ángria's
piracies on the English ships.-Nizám-ul-Mulk asserts his inde-
pendence, so there is nothing left to the Delhi empire of its
possessions in the Deccan.-Báji Rao, son of Báláji Wishwánáth,
becomes Peshwa.-Origin of Sindia, Holkar, the Gaikwár of
Baroda and the Rájas of Barár.-Marátha campaigns against
Delhi. -The Maráthas capture Thána and Salsette from the
Portuguese. Decline of the Portuguese power.-English embassies
to the Maráthas.-Nádir Sháh massacres 30,000 men at Delhi.-
Steady increase of Marátha power.—Báláji Báji Rao succeeds
as Peshwa.-His brother Raghonáth Rao or Raghoba.-Deaths of
Nizám-ul-Mulk, Sáhu, and the emperor.-Sáhu's rendition of
Marátha power to the Peshwa.
CHAPTER XII.-PAGE 145.
Struggle between the English and the French.
The idea of an European empire in India originated by Dupleix and
worked out by Clive.Struggles for the thrones of the Deccan and
Carnatic.—Increasing military reputation of the English.-The
seat of the Marátha power transferred to Puna.-Marátha power at
its zenith.-Struggle between the Maráthas and the Áfghán--
B
xviii
CONTENTS.
Áhmad Abdali in Hindustán.-Terrible defeat of the Maráthas at
Pánipat.—The hope of Hindu supremacy over India at an end.—
Commodore James sent against the Ángrias.-His success at
Sawarndrug.-Clive and Watson take Gheria.-Affairs in Bengal.-
The battle of Plassey.-English conquest of Bengal.-Death of
Báláji Báji Rao.-Political condition of India.-Dislike of the
Court of Directors to territorial acquisition.
CHAPTER XIII.-PAGE 162.
First Marátha War.
Máhdu Rao son of Bâláji Rao becomes Peshwa, but Raghoba is
regent.-Nána Farnáwis is made minister.-Raghoba's disputes
with the Peshwa.-He seeks aid from the English and the Nizam.-
The result.-Rise of Hydar Ali of Mysur.-The strange series of
alliances between the English, the Maráthas, the Nizám, and
Hydar Ali.-The English dragged into the first Mysur war.-Its
disastrous result.-Embassies to Puna.-Death of Máhdu Rao
Peshwa.-His brother Nárayan Rao succeeds, but is murdered.-
Raghoba assumes the Peshwaship, but a posthumous son is born
to Nárayan Rao and two great parties are formed, that of
Raghoba, and the ministerialists on behalf of the infant Peshwa.-
The English take Surat and Broach.-The Governor of Bengal
made Governor-General of India with authority over Bombay.—
The English conquer Thána, and join in a campaign with Raghoba.
-Treaty of Surat made with Raghoba who makes important
cessions of territory.-Battle of Aras.-Naval battle with the
Maráthas.-The Calcutta Council order the Bombay authorities
to stop the war, and send Colonel Upton to make terms with the
Maráthas.-Unsatisfactory treaty of Purandhar, which annulled
that of Surat and broke off the alliance with Raghoba.-Mr. Horn-
by's minute that the English must interfere in Marátha affairs-
St. Lubin, the French envoy, at Puna.-Nána Farnáwis' negociations
with him.-Hastings resolves to strike the first blow and sends an
CONTENTS.
xix
army across India under Colonel Leslie.-Colonel Egerton advances
towards Puna from Panwel.-Miserable failure of the expedition.-
Disgraceful convention of Wargaum.-Gallantry of Captain Hartley
-Hasting sends Colonel Goddard to relieve Leslie.-Exploits of
this officer. He takes Ahmadábád.—Confederacy against the
English.-Captain Popham's brilliant campaign in Málwa.-Hydar
Ali commences the second Mysur war.-Hastings therefore
endeavours to make peace with the Maráthas as soon as it can be
honourably secured.-Goddard takes Basseid.-His rash advance
towards Puna and retreat to Panwel.-Peace concluded with the
Maráthas at Sálbai.-Its favourable nature to the English.-
Alliance of the Maráthas and the English against Mysur.-New
phase of the Marátha power which now consists of a lax
confederacy.
CHAPTER XIV.-PAGE 187.
Theory of the Balance of Power.
The second Mysur war.-Death of Hydar.-Succession of his son
Tipu.-The French under Bussy aid Tipu, but are defeated.-When
success is assured the Madras Council make a disgraceful surren-
der.—Gallant action between the "Ranger" and the Marátha fleet.
-Sindia's schemes in Hindustán.-Warren Hastings returns to
England. Sindia demands chauth from his successor, Mr. Mac-
pherson. He is forced to withdraw his demands.-Mr. Malet
sent as envoy to Puna.-Arrival of Lord Cornwallis.-State of
India at the time. The third Mysur War.-Its successful result.-
Annexation of Kánara.-Theory of the balance of power by
which the English should hold the scales between the various
powers of India.-Retirement of Lord Cornwallis.-Sindia at
Puna. He becomes a rival to Nána Farnáwis.-His death.-
His character and policy.-Daolat Rao Sindia.-The pirates on
the Western Coast.-Janjira never conquered.-Sir John Shore,
Governor-General.-His return to the non-intervention policy.—
XX
CONTENTS.
The Nizám defeated by the Maráthas at Khardla.-The young
Peshwa in disgust at Nána's severity kills himself.-Intrigues
for the Peshwaship, which is at last given to Báji Rao II., a son
of Raghoba.-Sindia plunders Puna.-Anarchy and confusion
in the Deccan.
CHAPTER XV.-PAGE 205.
Second Maratha War.
Lord Mornington, subsequently Marquis of Wellesley, Governor-
General. His favourable treaty with the Nizám.-Tipu still bent
on driving the English out of India, but he is defeated and
killed in the fourth Mysur War.-Lord Wellesley sees that the
English must be supreme in India.-Death of Nána Farnáwis.-
Increased disorder in the Deccan.-Dhondia Wág's disturbances.-
General Arthur Wellesley puts them down.-War between Sindia
and Yeshwant Rao Holkar.-Murder of Wituji Holkar.-Yeshwant
Rao takes Puna and Báji Rao flies to Bombay.-Treaty of
Bassein, by which the English protect the Peshwa and station
troops at Puna, and the Peshwa acknowledges British supremacy
over Gujárát.—The Peshwa, Sindia and Barár conspire against the
English.-General Wellesley's forced march upon Puna.--The
Peshwa reseated on his throne by the English.-Fruitless negocia-
tions with Sindia and Barár.-Lord Wellesley compelled to
assume the offensive. His plans.-General Wellesley takes
Áhmadnagar and wins the battle of Assaye.-Mountstuart
Elphinstone.-Victories of Woodington in Gujárát and Lake in
Hindustan.-General Wellesley's victory at Argaum.-Submis-
sion of Sindia and Barár.-Elphinstone resident at Puna and
Malcolm at the Court of India.-General Wellesley's triumphant
entry into Bombay. His opinions of the Peshwa's government.
Further treaty with the Gaikwár.-English possessions in the
West of India after the war still very small,
CONTENTS.
xxi
CHAPTER XVI.-PAGE.-227.
British Supremacy.
War with Yeshwant Rao Holkar.-Colonel Monson's disaster.-
Colonel Ochterlony's successful resistance to Yeshwant Rao at
Delhi.-Defeat of Yeshwant Rao's army.-Lord Lake unsuccess-
fully besieges Bhartpur, but the Rája submits.-The East India
Company send out Lord Cornwallis to undo all that Lord Wellesley
had done.-Nature of Oriental monarchies.-Lord Wellesley sees
that the English power must be paramount.-Ignorance of the
Directors concerning India.-Lord Cornwallis soon dies, but not
before he has time to shatter his reputation as a statesman.—Sir
George Barlow succeeds him and carries on his miserable policy.
-The joy of Yeshwant Rao, and plots of other chiefs.-Barlow
becomes Governor of Madras.
CHAPTER XVII-PAGE 234.
Pindhári or Third Marátha War.
Lord Minto, Governor-General.—His firm dealing in Bandalkand.—
The Pindháris and Amir Khán.–Amir Khán driven back to Hol
kar's territory.-Goa garrisoned by British troops.-The Pind-
háris again.-Plots of Báji Rao.-Treatment of the Bhils by the
Maráthas.-Elphinstone becomes resident at Puna. His dealing
with the Peshwa's feudatory chiefs.-Piracy stamped out on the
Western Coast.-The Indian Navy.-Báji Rao's schemes.-Rise of
Trimbakji Dainglia.-His hatred of the English.—Báji Rao's plan
to make himself paramount over all the Maráthas and to shake
off the British Yoke.-Lord Moira, or the Marquis of Hastings,
Governor-General.-His conquest of Nepál.-Báji Rao's schemes
with regard to Guzárát.—The Gaikwár sends Gangadhar Shástri as
his envoy to Puna.-Murder of the Shástri by the agents of Trim-
bakji.—Trimbakji is given up and imprisoned but escapes.-Expedi-
tion to Kachh.—Heavy punishment of the Peshwa for his hostile
xxii
CONTENTS.
actions.-Large cessions of territory to the English.-Lord Hast-
ing's preparations to subdue the Pindháris and their supporters—
His successful dealings with Sindia.—Báji Rao's plan to murder El-
phinstone.-Crisis at Puna.-The battle of Khirki and end of the
Marátha Empire.-Battle of Korygaum.-Abolition of the Peshwa-
ship.-Annexation of the Peshwa's territories.-Partial restoration
of the Rája of Sátára.—Mr. Elphinstone, Commissioner of the Dec-
can. Conclusion of the Campaign.-Battle of Ashta-Defence of
Sitabaldi.—Battle of Mehidpur and destruction of Holkar's army.-
Suppression of the Pindháris.-The Peshwa surrenders to Sir John
Malcolm and is sent to Cawnpore.-Civil administration of the new
acquisitions.-Elphinstone becomes Governor of Bombay.-Retire-
ment of Lord Hastings.
CHAPTER XVIII.-PAGE 269.
Mountstuart Elphinstone.
State of the country.-Elphinstone's wise and liberal views.—
Marátha justice.-Elphinstone's tours.-The regeneration of Khán-
desh.-Formation of the Bhil Corps.-Lord Amherst, Governor-
General.—Bad feeling in the Bombay Presidency owing to the
Burmese War.-Rámoshi insurrection.-Dealings with Sind and
Persia.-Elphinstone's policy and views.-His retirement.
CHAPTER XIX-PAGE 281.
Policy of Self-Effacement.
Sir John Malcolm, Governor of Bombay.-Lord William Bentinck,
Governor-General.-His reputation over-estimated.-Financial re-
trenchment.-Abolition of Sati.-Suppression of Thaggi.—Steam
navigation.-Lord William Bentinck's reforms.-The miserable
deficiency of his policy towards Native States -Disturbances
at Hydarábád.-Gwalior and Jaypur unchecked.-Natives of India
unfit for European methods.
CONTENTS.
xxiii
CHAPTER XX.-PAGE 291.
The Amirs of Sind.
Meeting between Lord William Bentinck and Ranjit Sing.-Lord
Auckland, Governor-General.—The Rája of Sátára exiled to Ba-
náras.-Sháh´Suja and Dost Muhammad.-A Russian Envoy at
Kábul.-Eldred Pottinger at Herat.-Expedition to the Persian Gulf.
-Lord Auckland determines to restore Sháh Suja and depose Dost
Muhammad.-The army advances through Sind.-The history of
the Amirs of Sind.-English attempts to get a footing in that
province.—Tripartite treaty between the English, Ranjit Sing, and
Sháh Suja.-Dishonourable treatment of the Amirs.-Sir James
Outram, Political Agent in Sind.-Conqest of Aden.
CHAPTER XXI.-PAGE 304.
Conquest of Sind.
Destruction of the British Army in the Khyber Pass.-Lord Ellen-
borough, Governor-General.-The Amirs break through the treaty.
-A new treaty consequently insisted upon.-Ali Murád of Kyrpur
joins the English.-Sir Charles Napier supersedes Outram, but
recalls the latter as Commissioner.-Napier's march against
Imámgahr.-Battle of Miáni.-Outram's futile negociations.-
Battle of Hydarábád.—Annexation of Sind.-War with Holkar's
Forces and battle of Máhárájpur.-Annexation of Kolába.-War
with Kolhapur.
CHAPTER XXII.-PAGE 322.
The Law of Lapse.
Lord Harding as Governor-General. - Succeeded by Lord Dalhousie.—
Annexation of Sátára.--Death of Báji Rao.-His adopted son
Dhondu Pant, Nána Sahib.-Lord Dalhousie's policy and the an
nexation of various states.
xxiv
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXIII.-PAGE 328.
The Sowing of the Wind.
Lord Canning, Governor-General.--The sepoys and their relations
with the Government.-Professor Seely's incorrect theory.—The
Duke of Wellingtou's opinion of British soldiers.-Complex causes
of the Mutiny.—The Mutiny at Vellore.~Various other mutinies.—
Sir Charles Napier's views.-Character of Lord Canning.—
Grievances of the sepoys.-The prophecy.-The Delhi Princes.-
The Shah of Persia.-Nána Sáhib.-The Chapáties.
CHAPTER XXIV.-PAGE 349.
The Reaping of the Whirlwind.
Outbreak of the Mutiny.-Willoughby at Delhi.-Tragedy at Jhansi.~
Inconsistent aims of the mutineers.-Nána Sáhib proclaims
himself Peshwa.-The well of Cawnpore.-The two reliefs of
Lucknow and the reconquest of Oudh.-The siege of Delhi.-Exile
of the last Moghal Emperor Bahadur Sháh.-Campaign of Tántia
Topi.-His success over General Windham and capture of Cawn.
pore.-His defeat by Sir Colin Campbell.
at
at
CHAPTER XXV.-PAGE 359.
The Mutinies in Bombay.
Lord Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay.-His unselfish policy.-Plot
at Sátára. Disaffection in the Southern Marátha Country.-Out-
break
Kolhápur.-Colonel Jacob at Kolhápur.-Plot
Belgaum.-Conspiracies in Bombay.-Bombay saved
by Forjett.-Plots at Áhmadábád, and in Sind.-Second
outbreak at Kolhápur.-Brave defence of Talliwára by the
Police. Rebellion of the Chief of Nargund.-Murder of Manson.
-Sir Frank Souter.
CONTENTS.
XXV
CHAPTER XXVI.-PAGE 376.
Exploits of the Bombay Army.
Sir Hugh Rose's triumphant Campaign in Central India.-Defeats
of the Ráni of Jhansi and Tántia Topi.—End of the Mutiny.-
Peace Proclamation. - Abolition of the Company.-The Company's
European Troops.-Discordant aims of the Mutineers.
CHAPTER XXVII.-PAGE 392.
Internal Administration.
Steamers and Railways.-City of Bombay.-The Parsis.-The Depart-
ments, and District Officers.-Land Tenure.-The Survey Settle-
ment.-Forest Policy.-Local Funds.-European Officers.-
Condition of the people. —Facts about British rule.
SHORT HISTORY
OF
THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
I.—DESCRIPTION OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
INDIA
NDIA is a name that has been given by Europeans to the
rast Peninsula which lies between the Himalayas and
the ocean.
Neither to their country nor to themselves have
the inhabitants of India ever given any one comprehensive
name. Hence, if we wish to speak of them collectively, we are
forced to call them natives of India, or simply Natives.
The term Indian cannot be applied to them, as its use
is popularly restricted to denote the aboriginal tribes of
America. Hindustán means only the Gangetic plain and
Central India north of the Narbada, and is in no way synony-
mous with India. But there is in truth nothing to wonder at
in the absence of a name for the land and the people that
dwell in it. The only bond that forms India in any sense into
a country or a nation is British rule. Apart from this it is
a continent rather than a country. It comprises an area
1*
2
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
equal to all Europe without Russia and the Scandinavian
Peninsula. It contains a population greater than that of all
the countries of Europe except Russia put together, a popu-
lation composed of peoples that differ one from the other
in race and in language, in religion and in custom, no less-
than the Spaniard from the Russian, or the Greek from the
Turk. Living as they do in countries separated from each
other by broad rivers, lofty mountains and dense forests,
there is indeed but little reason why the isolated units that
form the population of India should have ever been welded
into one symmetrical whole. So to speak of the inhabitants
of India as the Indian People is no more accurate than
it would be to speak of Englishmen, Germans, and Italians
as the European people; and the term would be absolutely
devoid of significance to the great majority of those whom
it is intended to include.
From the Himalayas in the north to Cape Comorin in the
south, the length of the Peninsula is nineteen hundred miles;
while from the mouth of the Indus in the west to the mouth
of the Irawadi in the east, its breadth is fifteen hundred. Hin-
dustán proper may be said to consist of the huge river basin
of the Ganges. Springing from the snow-clad Himalayas, two
hundred miles north of Delhi, this mighty river receives into
its yellow waters at Allahábád the dark stream of the Jumna,
and flows through lands of wonderful richness to the Bay
of Bengal. To the north-west of Hindustán is the Panjáb
or land of the five rivers (pánch-áb), the Indus and its tribu-
taries, the Jhelam, the Chenab, the Rawi and the Satlej.
This land, which tempted the Aryan invaders to leave their
rugged homes in Central Asia and make their dwelling-place
in India, forms with Sind the river-basin of the Indus, whose
waters rise in the mountains that enclose the beautiful region
DESCRIPTION OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
3
of Kashmir. South of Hindustán India is termed by Hindu
geographers the Deccan (Dakshin and Dakhin), which means
south; but the name is more usually limited to that part of
Western India which lies above the Gháts, and which forms
the chief part of the Presidency of Bombay. That Presi-
dency corresponds in area and population with the Peninsula
of Spain and Portugal, and to a certain extent resembles it
in position. Excluding the large native state of Baroda it
contains an area of close on 192,000 square miles, nearly one-
third of which consists of feudatory states, and a population
of twenty-three millions and a quarter, of whom nearly seven
millions are in those states.
The northernmost portion of the Presidency is composed
of Sind, a hot and arid country, watered by the Indus as it
flows from the Panjáb to the Arabian Sea. South of Sind
is the state of Kachh (Cutch), and next in position the group
of states in the peninsula of Káthiáwár. The remaining and
most important portion of the Presidency is divided into two
distinct natural divisions by the range of Western Ghats.
Between these mountains and the sea there runs a strip of
land twenty-five to fifty miles wide, which has various charac-
teristics, and is known by several names. East of Káthiá-
wár and south as far as the Portuguese city of Damán it forms
the rich undulating plain of Guzárát. From Damán south-
wards to Goa it is known as the Konkan or rugged country.
South of Goa is the district of Kánara which was formerly
included in the Madras Presidency. With its splendid har-
bour at Kárwár, its magnificent mountains and deadly jungles,
Kánara possesses a marked individuality. Southward from
Kánara the coast land belongs to Madras, and bears the
name of Málabár. East of the Gháts is the table-land or
plateau of the Deccan, a region of wild and varying scenery
4
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in some places fertile, in others barren, at a general elevation
of two thousand feet above the sea. The most northern part of
the Deccan is called Khandesh, the greater part of which
consists of the low-lying valley of the Tápti; but Khándesh,
though strictly speaking in the Deccan, is generally regarded as
separate from it.
The Sáhyádris, or Western Ghats, may be described as
buttresses, which, rising from the coast lands of Guzárát, the
Konkan and Kánara, support the elevated table-land of
the Deccan. Springing from the slopes of the Narbada and
Tápti valleys they trend southwards almost without a break
to the highlands of Mysur, at a height generally of some.
4,000 feet above the sea. But they attain nearly 5,000 feet
among the peaks of Máhábleshwar where, within sight of
the Arabian Sea, rises the mighty Krishna which flows across.
the continent into the Bay of Bengal. The pleasant and
healthy climate of Máhábleshwár could hardly be neglected.
by Europeans; and in the hot summer months it forms a
delightful playground and health-resort for those who can.
get away from the scorching winds of the Deccan or the
steamy atmosphere of the coast.
The great diversity in natural features brings with it a
corresponding variety in the climates of Western India. In
the open plains that form the valley of the Indus there are
intense extremes of heat and cold, the winter being severe
even for those who have come from a northern clime, while
the heat in the hot season nearly approaches the limit at
which life becomes intolerable to the European. Nor is there
a rainy season, such as is vouchsafed to most of India, to
cool the heated atmosphere. The rainfall is limited to a
very few inches a year, and cultivation depends upon irriga-
tion by canals fed from the great river, and tanks in
DESCRIPTION OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
مد
5
which every drop of the scanty rainfall is carefully col-
lected. Passing to the south, the land between the Gháts
and the sea has a climate of which winter forms no part.
The air is moist and steamy; and though from December to
February the nights are in places cold, the sun is always hot,
while above the Ghats at the same season the air is compa-
ratively cold and bracing. As the spring months come on
the heat rapidly increases; in the Deccan hot scorching
winds blow all day and often all night, filling the air with a
kind of mirage which makes every outline heavy and indistinct.
In the coast districts the hot wind is modified by moisture from
the ocean; but the enervating languor of the damp climate
is a hardly preferable equivalent to the dry heat. By the
end of May the heat reaches its intensity; vegetation is
parched up and the country looks like a desert. But early
in June there comes a welcome change; piles of clouds rise
in the sky, and with little warning the phenomenon known
as the bursting of the monsoon takes place, abundant rain from
the south-west bringing fresh life to the thirsty soil. Vegeta-
tion springs up everywhere with wonderful rapidity; and
pleasant showery weather with cheerful sunshine lasts on
until the latter part of September. In the Deccan this is far
the pleasantest time of the year, and is not unlike a fine Eng-
lish summer. On the coast, though the atmosphere is fairly
cool, the rain is too heavy for enjoyment; but even there, as
elsewhere, it is felt as a great relief after the heat. Throughout
the seven dry months European civil officers are engaged in
travelling all over their districts, pitching their tents close to the
villages, living amongst the people, and meeting one another
only from time to time. But in the rains they come into the
head-quarter station of the district, and have comparative
leisure for social enjoyment and relaxation. When the rains
6
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
cease it is usually hot again for a month or six weeks before
the cold weather can be said to commence.
The climate of
the Deccan is on the whole the healthiest in India.
In the Konkan and other coast districts rice is the princi-
pal food of the people, there being abundance of water for its
cultivation. But above the Gháts rice is rather looked upon
as a luxury, many kinds of millet and pulse, with some barley
and wheat, forming a more substantial food for the hardier
population of the Deccan. Some of these cereals are grown
in the monsoon and are known as the rabi or early crop,
while wheat and barley, forming the kharif or late crop, are
sown in the rich black soil after the rainy season is over.
Cotton and oil seeds are sown at this later period, while rice
ripens at the close of the monsoon. Exaggerated as the
hardships of the Deccan peasantry have been, their land
undoubtedly cannot compete in the richness of its soil and
products with the more fertile parts of India.
On the whole, there is much beauty in the Bombay Presi-
dency. Upper Sind affords magnificent views of the mountains
of Beluchistán. Lying between the sea and the Sáhyádri
mountains, from which innumerable spurs
run down
and cross it in all directions, the Konkan unites won-
derful grandeur with beauty of a softer kind. Monoto-
nous as much of the Deccan must be confessed to be, few
portions of it can be called uninteresting. Sometimes
the traveller may go for miles and miles through an undu-
lating country with poor features and little vegetation; but
elsewhere bold ranges of hills, steep ravines and rich
forests form a beautiful and attractive landscape. But the
scenery of the Gháts themselves, with their rugged peaks of
basalt often scarped down to make the well-nigh impregnable
strongholds of Marátha free-booters, their rocks and forests,
DESCRIPTION OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
and after the rains their streams and waterfalls, leaves nothing
to be desired by the lover of nature, except a climate that will
allow him to enjoy the beauty that meets his eye.
Generally speaking, the rivers of the Deccan are raging tor-
rents for a few months of the year, and not much more than
dry beds for the rest. But near the coast the rivers are for
the most part tidal streams, and are much used for naviga-
tion; while they afford fertility to the picturesque country
through which they take their course. Next to the Indus,
the most important rivers that fall into the Western Ocean
are the Narbada and Tápti, that flow half across India from
the Central Provinces and empty themselves into the sea at
Broach and Surat in Guzárát. Of those that take the con-
trary course from the Gháts to the Bay of Bengal the chief
are the Godáwari and the Krishna, with its tributary the
Bhima. Towns and villages are met with every few miles,
those in the Deccan having strong walls that were once
needed for their protection. The people have ever sought the
security that a community affords, and the traditional custom
has survived after its necessity has disappeared. Farmhouses
and cottages scattered about like those in England are never
to be seen in India.
Four languages besides Hindustani are spoken in the Presi-
dency. In Sind the language is Sindi, in which the Persian
and Hindustáni elements predominate; in Guzárát Guzáráti,
the language spoken by the Pársis, in which a Persian colour-
ing is laid upon a Sánskrit foundation; in the Konkan and
the Deccan, except in the extreme south and east, Maráthi,
which, of all Indian languages, bears the closest resemblance
to the Sanskrit from which it has sprung, the characters in
which it is written being almost unaltered. The country in
which Marathi is spoken is commonly known as Máháráshtra,
8
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
a name which covers a large area in the Central Provinces,
Central India, Barár and Hydarábád, besides the Maráthi-
speaking districts of Bombay. All these tongues are Aryan
and have a certain family likeness; but in the south and east
of the Presidency is spoken Kánarese, a language which has
nothing in common with any Aryan tongue. It belongs to
the group, largely used in Southern India, which is known
as Dravidian, and includes Támil and Telagu. Hindustáni is
nowhere in Bombay the vernacular language of the people,
but it is spoken generally by Muhammadans, and is a kind of
lingua franca which the traveller may find understood to
some extent wherever he goes. And by a kind of tradition
(dating from the era of Mussalmán conquest) that it is
necessarily the language of the ruling race, Maráthas cou-
stantly reply to a European in a patois which they believe.
to be Hindustáni to a question which may be asked in the
purest Maráthi. Hindustani is a language of comparatively
modern growth that sprang up in the armies of the early
Moghal invaders, and is properly known as Urdu, or the
language of the camp. Sánskrit is spoken freely in the
households of educated Brahmans, and Persian has a like use-
among Muhammadans; while now all natives with any pre-
tence to education have a fair knowledge of English. In
Bombay itself the languages spoken may be counted by the
score.
(9)
THE
II. DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE,
HE British Empire in India contains a population of more-
than 253 millions, exclusive of the new acquisition of
Upper Burma (Burmah). Of the twenty-three millions and a
quarter that inhabit the Bombay Presidency, 35,000 are in
Perim and Aden, and nearly seven millions in the Native-
States of the Presidency. The population of the British
districts includes 12,300,000 Hindus, 3,020,000 Muham-
madans, 216,000 Jains, 138,000 Christians, 127,000 Sikhs,
72,000 Pársis, half a million forest or aboriginal tribes, and
8,400 of other religions, chiefly Jews. Four-fifths of the
population of India are directly under British rule, and the re-
maining one-fifth is comprised in the protected Native
States. The administration of these states is closely
supervised by British political officers, and tends more
and more nearly to resemble that of British India. Of
this immense mass of people the great majority, including
all the Hindus and most of the Muhammadans, are descended
from those Aryan tribes who, before the dawn of history,
dwelt in the highlands of Central Asia with the forefathers
of Latins, Teutons, and Scandinavians. Schoolboys are
now taught not that Latin words are derived from Greek or
Greek from Sánskrit, but that all alike have sprung from that
common parent language which was spoken by the ancestors.
10
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
both of Hindus and Englishmen in their original home,
before successive waves broke off from the population to
found colonies in India, Greece, and Italy. It has been shown
by the science of philology how far the language had grown
up before there was any separation of the family at all, and
at what stage of their wanderings each different wave of
colonists split up into groups which settled down and grew up
into nations. Those who turned southwards to India had
the least distance to go from their common home. Their
language has undergone the least modification, and the speech
of the Marátha peasant comes nearest to the original tongue of
his and our Aryan forefathers.
Some twelve millions of the total population of India
consist of people commonly known as aboriginal tribes.
Their forefathers were already in India before the Aryan in-
vasion, and of any earlier inhabitants of the country we have
no knowledge at all. These are wild and savage tribes,
barely reclaimed from barbarism. They are scattered widely
over the country, but all have some resemblance to each
other in physical features, language, and habits. Though all
of them are of a very low type of humanity, some from
contact with Hinduism have advanced to a small degree of
civilisation, possess habitations, and cultivate land. Others,
of whom in a long series of generations the Hindus could make
absolutely nothing, the British Government has enrolled as
soldiers and police; and with judicious gifts of seed and cattle
has induced them to settle down on land that has also been a
gift. Others again are still virtually in their original state
of savagedom, and live in the depths of forests whose
noxious vapours bring death to other races. They wander
from place to place, supporting themselves as best they can
by the chase, or by the wild roots and berries of the jungle.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
11
Though some of these tribes worship Hindu gods they
cannot be classed as Hindus. In the Deccan these races are
represented by Mhárs and Mángs, Chámárs, Wadars, and
Rámoshis, and the Kolis of the Gháts; and by a tribe of
rude musicians named Garsi, whom popular legend names as
the descendants of the earliest inhabitants of all. They have,
for the most part, regular occupations, and are superior to the
forest tribes of whom the most wild and warlike are the Bhils
of Khándesh; while below the Ghats in the Kátkaris of the
Konkan and the Taláwias of Guzárát are found strictly forest
tribes, who can by no means whatever be brought within the
pale of civilisation. Such were the people inhabiting the
country before the Aryan invasion. From beginning to end
they have excited from the Hindus no other feeling than loathing
and contempt. Their touch is held to defile, and the Hindus
have always insisted on those, such as Mhárs and Chámárs,
who settle down in one place, occupying a separate quarter
apart from the rest of the town or village, like the Jews in
Europe in the Middle Ages.
The contrast between the early invaders and the aborigi-
nal population was, indeed, no less marked than that which
existed thousands of years later between the European con-
querors of India and the population which they found in the
country; while in their treatment of the conquered the com-
parison is altogether in favour of the later conquerors. There
are, it is true, no records or traditions of the personal or in-
dividual history of the Aryan people before they found their
way into India from the North-west; but of the Aryans col-
lectively we have no inconsiderable knowledge. Insisting
upon a strict observance of the marriage law, they lived in
families which formed the unit of society, and in which the
patria potestas of the Romans was a vigorous institution ;
12
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
while, as with modern natives of India, the various degrees of
relationship were marked out with wonderful elaboration.
Far from leading a nomadic life they dwelt together in towns
and villages; and with the increase of population the families
grew into clans and tribes which formed at least the basis of
the present system of caste. The whole were subjects to a king
who had priests and soldiers as his councillors, But their
kings were no absolute and irresponsible monarchs, for there
were codes of laws carefully drawn up. The people were not
dependent on the chase for food. They had reached that stage
in civilisation in which men plough the fields and sow the
seeds that they may reap the crop, and spin wool and flax to
make themselves clothes. Deeply impressed with the mys-
tery of creation they worshipped in many forms the Maker
of the Universe, and reverenced the priests that directed the
worship.
How many years have passed since these people left their
old homes to sweep down through the narrow and dangerous
mountain passes upon the land of the five rivers it is im-
possible to say. It is probable that the work of conquest
took a long time and was advanced by many expeditions, while
the first arrivals would come as settlers rather than as con-
querors. At the time of the conquest it is uncertain how
far the division into caste had been developed; but it is clear
that from the earliest times the Aryans had in their deep
veneration for the sanctity of the family a strong predisposi-
tion to a system of that nature. Their contact with the
original tribes of India could not but have the effect of
enormously strengthening and developing such a system, both
for purposes of defence and offence; and more especially to
prevent the contamination that would come to their race by
union with those beyond their caste. Their close organisa-
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
13
tion may have enabled them to crush with comparative ease
all resistance on the part of the inhabitants; and by a more
or less gradual process, of which no details whatever have
come down to us, they extended their conquest throughout
the country, driving back the aboriginal people to the depths
of the jungles and their fastnesses on hills and mountains.
For the first information that exists about the Hindus in
India we must look to the religious poems of the Weds (Vedas)
composed from time to time, and compiled into four books at
perhaps 2000 B.C. These are not, and were probably never
intended to be, historic records; but while all their descrip-
tions of kings and queens and their magnificent palaces are
purely imaginary and fanciful, the Weds yet give a general
idea of the state to which the people had advanced. When
the compilation was made, the Aryans had formed themselves.
into various kingdoms, and were divided into the two chief
sections of the solar and lunar races, the great war between
which forms the epic of the Máhábhárat. Of the various
dynasties the more important were at Oudh and Megadha in
Bengal. The union of castes, which had sufficed to crush
the resistance of the aboriginal tribes, had with the necessity
caused by that resistance ceased to hold together its com-
ponent units.
It is evident that one of the most marked
features of the Hindu character was then, as it has ever been,
the inability to form any political combination otherwise than
for mere temporary purposes. From the hymns of the Rig-
Wed it appears that the original four castes, which form the
foundation of the present complicated structure, whenever
they may have first begun, were then existing in a clearly
defined form. All alike were born from Brahma the Creator,
the highest caste or Brahmans springing from his mouth, the
Kshatrya (here called Rájánya) from his arms, the Waishya
14
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
from his thigh, the Sudra from his feet. But the Rig-Wed
gives no hint of the immeasurable supremacy of the Brahman
and the corresponding degradation of the Sudra, which sprang
up later on, and in spite of a long period of organised resis-
tance has continued until now. Notwithstanding the claims of
Rajputs and some few others to belong to the Kshatrya caste,
and of some merchants who represent themselves as Waishyas,
both these castes have practically ceased to be. The stringent
ordinances of the Brahmans have enabled them to preserve-
their lineage in its purity, while the Sudras have split up into
a multitude of castes, some of which are practically guilds or
crafts, all alike maintaining a strict religious exclusiveness.
To Europeans the system may appear an intolerable oppres-
sion; but it does not seem to be felt so even by the lowest
castes of real Hindus, who, while looking up to the Brahman
as the representative of God on earth, feel elevated rather
by the sanctity of their own caste, than humiliated by the
existence of other castes higher in the religious scale.
Natives of India, it has been stated, have no nationality and
no name for themselves as a people; the fact is that the
functions of nationality have been usurped by caste. A child:
is brought up with the idea strongly developed in every
possible way that he is a member of his particular caste, the
idea of any higher unit in the scale of humanity never
entering his head. A parallel would exist if in England
a boy were to grow up by caste a mason or a carpenter,
feeling that all his world was limited to his fellow caste-people,
and having no notion of his nationality as an Englishman.
To the Hindu all beyond the limits of his caste are beyond
the reach of his sympathy. He may, of course, have dealings
with them in the way of buying and selling and the ordinary
business of life; but to eat with an outsider involves defile-
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
15
ment from which he can only be cleansed by heavy fines and
harsh penance. Marriage with such an one, even if possible,
involves expulsion from the caste, together with all that for
the Hindu makes life worth living. Excommunication to the
Roman Catholic is a bitter thing; bitterer far to the Hindu,
for whom every incident of his daily life is a religious ordi-
nance. Accustomed as he is from his youth up to these ex-
aggerated notions of the paramount importance of caste, it is
little wonder that in a land of such vast size caste has left
no room for any developement of nationality. The bonds of
caste, instead of binding together the Hindus into a nation,
have made such a union impossible, and rendered them an
easy prey to every invader.
At an interval which has been calculated at six hundred
years after the compilation of the Weds, there was written a
very curious book called the institutes of Manu. It con-
tained an elaborate system of social and religious polity with
laws for men of each profession or occupation, from the prince
to the peasant. There had been a considerable advance in
civilisation since the time of the Weds, and the picture of
Hindu society, as it existed three thousand years ago, scarcely
differs from that which Englishmen found in India when the
house of Stuart reigned in England. It is hard to say whether
it is a more wonderful thing that while Europe was steeped in
barbarism the Hindu had already arrived at such an advanced
stage of civilisation, or that men, who had already done so
much, should seemingly have lost the power of doing more.
The laws of Manu show that the Hindus had acquired a
thorough knowledge of the science of trading. Banking
in nearly all its modern branches, book-keeping by double
and single entry, simple and compound interest, bills of ex-
change and insurances, were intimately known, though neither
16
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
then nor now had they arrived at that immense con-
venience of modern banking, the use of a cheque-book. The
bonds of caste had been drawn much closer by the time when
Manu drew up his codes. The Brahmans formed the higher
orders of hereditary priesthood, though then as now it was
possible for men of other castes to give up the cares of this
world and enter inferior orders, or become ascetics and devotees.
The Brahmans expounded the sacred books and performed
all the chief religious offices, naming the people, marrying
them, and performing their funeral rites; and throughout
their life they acted as their spiritual guides. Astrology was
part of their functions, and no orthodox Hindu could set out
on a journey, or undertake any inportant business without
consulting a Brahman as to a favourable conjunction of the
planets. Under the laws of Manu there were the most
odious distinctions between Brahmans and Sudras. If a
Sudra sat on the same seat as a Brahman he was exiled
or was branded upon his body; if he insulted one of them
his tongue was slit; if he molested one he was put to death;
if he learnt the sacred books he suffered the same fate, but if
he was murdered by a Brahman the penalty was the same
as that for killing a dog, a cat, or a crow.
A labourer was by
law forbidden to accumulate wealth, nor could even his
master give him freedom, "for of a state which is natural to
him, by whom can he be divested?"
The Kshatryas were the soldiers; but their caste has ceased
to exist, and soldiers are enlisted from any caste, including
Brahmans, whether in the British service or in the armies of
native princes. But the hereditary principle in military
employment survived the extinction of the caste, and among
the Maráthas and others the Commander-in-Chief of the
army was succeeded by his son as much by a matter of course
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
17
as the political privileges of an English peer descend to his
heir. To the Waishya caste belonged the professional and
higher degrees of trade, and lawyers, bankers, clerks, agents,
and such like were members of the order. But while the
humbler castes or guilds have remained intact, there has
been much change in the higher ones; and as any one can be-
come a soldier, so there is nothing to prevent his becoming a
physician, lawyer, or scribe.
The fourth, or Sudra caste, embraced the lower classes of
traders, farmers, cultivators, and artisans. But though the
word Sudra is used now as a collective term for these classes,
it can hardly be said to be a caste, and no native would reply
when asked about his caste that he was a Sudra. Gold-
smiths, blacksmiths, carpenters, weavers, and multitudes of
others, who are undoubted Sudras, form absolutely indepen-
dent and exclusive castes; as do others also, the Wánis, for
instance, or Banyas (grain merchants and money-lenders) who
like to represent themselves as members of the Waishya caste
but are nothing more than Sudras. All these and many
others are good Hindus. After them come outcastes, who
however by no means consent to an equality between them-
selves, but strictly preserve their own individual distinctions.
Chief among these are tanners, leather-dressers, and shoe-
makers, any persons working in leather being particularly
repulsive to the Hindu. Englishmen commonly speak of
outcastes as Pariahs, but the word is not used by natives in
that sense.
“Pahárias ” are wild hill people, from "Pahár,”
a hill, and it is only by Europeans that the use of the word
has been extended to others. The native word for caste is
"Ját" which the Portuguese from its similarity to the Latin
castus converted into caste.
The affairs of each caste are administered by its elders in
[
2*
18
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
conjunction on solemn occasions with Brahmans, the special
object being to prevent immorality and to resist any breach
or neglect of caste rules. Punishments usually take the form
of fine and penance. Any harshness or cruelty is of course
punishable by British law; but appeals are seldom made
against caste decisions, and on the whole the system works
well. If a Hindu is outcasted no lower caste will receive
him; thus the overwhelming importance of preserving in-
tact the necessary conditions of his life can hardly be appre-
ciated by those who have had no personal experience of
what this tremendous system involves. This control by caste
for the purposes of checking immorality and social offences
has extended not only to Muhammadans, but also in the
south of India to Native Christians.
Though caste and religion are not one and the same, yet
the one more or less includes the other, and they are indis-
solubly bound up together. The Hindu's every act of daily
life is a religious observance, depending upon what has been
written in his sacred books. His ablutions and sanitary
observances are made not so much with any idea of their
intrinsic value as because they have been ordained in the
ancient writings of his religion. Rich Hindus support family
priests; but all, down to almost the poorest, possess family
gods, by worshipping whom they constantly purify them-
selves for taking their meals or going forth to their labour.
Ostensibly resting their faith on the trinity of Brahma,
Wishnu, and Shiwa--the creating, preserving and destroying
deities—the Hindus have set up a whole pantheon of subor-
dinate or local gods, each man or family putting an
unreserved and childlike trust in some particular tutelary
deity. Faith so implicit and credulity so absolute could
hardly fail to degenerate into superstition; and the Hindu,
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
19
not excepting the educated Brahman, is not free from the
terrors of evil demons and spirits, who bring sickness and mis-
fortune, of magic and the evil eye. Nothing in the way of
supernatural agency is too gross to be believed. These ideas
are deeply seated in all natives of India, including the
Muhammadans; and some of the Himalayan wild tribes offer
their worship solely to the spirits of evil, in order to avert
their wrath. If there be a good god, they say, he will do
them no harm, and needs no propitiation.
The natural effect of this credulity has been to raise to
an immense height the popular idea of the importance of
the Brahmanical priesthood. India is above all things a
priest-ridden country, and the "twice-born" Brahmans are
looked up to with boundless veneration by the vast mass of
Hindus, nay even by Muhammadans, as the means by which
the divine wrath may be averted and salvation attained.
Brahmans were not likely to discourage notions which exalted
them to a pitch unattainable by any others; and by
binding tighter and tighter the bonds of the caste system
they effectually secured the acceptance of the most preposterous
claims to sanctity. But even the population of India, after a
time, found the weight of the priestly yoke intolerable. The
original purity of the Hindu faith became sullied in the
hands of a self-seeking and oppressive priesthood; the spirit
of the religion was neglected, its letter rigidly enforced. The
sanctity claimed by the Brahmans as inherent to themselves
whatever they might do could hardly be maintained, even in
such an atmosphere of credulity, in the face of their flagrant
licentiousness and immorality. The reaction came. Born
the heir to a magnificent kingdom, there grew up in the
sixth century before the Christian era a man who was to intro-
duce into the world a religion destined to number amongst
20
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
its adherents more than any other faith before or since.
Prince Gautama was brought up in the height of luxury; he
received the best education that was then possible; and he
excelled in every manly sport. But the mystery of life under
which the few had lives of ease and pleasure, while the masses
had no prospect but that of ceaseless toil throughout their
days, deeply affected him. He loathed the frivolity and vice
which he saw on all sides, and he became convinced that in
the hollow precepts and vain ceremonies of the Brahmans
there was no help for mankind. Overwhelmed with immea-
surable pity and sorrow for the toiling millions, he determined
to devote his life to the task of finding out some means by
which he might heal their misery and disease. At the age of
twenty-eight the prince left his father's palace and dwelt
alone in the wilderness, attaining sanctity as Sakya Muni, or
the monk, and pondering how he might alleviate the mass of
human misery. Gradually he worked out his faith, and
emerging from the desert as Buddha, or the wise, he preached
the gospel of divine grace for all alike. The Brahmans them-
selves could not answer his arguments when he told them
that no man, whether priest or layman, might come between
his fellow-man and his Maker; he crushed their pretensions
to infallibility and made war on their oppression and exclusive-
ness. His doctrine, he said, was like the sky, and had room
for all alike, men and women, boys and girls, rich and poor.
He told them that as the rivers that fall into the Ganges lose
their own names and become one, so all that believed in him
ceased to be Brahmans, Kshatryas, Waishyas, and Sudras. As
he himself had renounced the riches and the pleasures of this
world, so every one, he said, must subdue his passions and re-
nounce everything, even his own self. Each man could make
his own deliverance, and by subduing all evil desires, and prac-
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
21
tising charity, overcome earthly sin and sorrow, and at last after
death obtain everlasting rest by Nirwána or absorption into
the divine essence. As each drop in the ocean forms part of
it, so each man at last would form part of the Creator himself.
There was endless hope for all. No one could do more than
defer Nirwana for himself, though it might be ages and ages
before he eventually attained it. Full of love and sympathy
for all, he called down no imprecations and threatened no
future punishment for those who disbelieved in him; sin, he
said, was its own punishment, virtue its own reward. He
laid infinite stress on each man's capability for good or evil;
prayer was of no more avail than priestly mediation, each
man was to work out his own salvation by his life and deeds.
The attractions of Nirwana might seem scanty as compared
with the promises made to their disciples by founders of other
religions. Nirwana was neither life nor death; it was to be one
with life yet not to live, to be blest by ceasing to be. Buddhism
was, in fact, a melancholy negative based upon an exaggerated
view of the miseries of mankind, and an inability to look upon
the brighter side of human affairs. It had no conception of the
quiet happiness that may be attained in a Christian house-
hold; it saw nothing but gross pleasures on the one side and
helpless misery on the other. It assumed that the world was
wholly evil, and aimed at a total emancipation from its
bondage. For three centuries this theory made its way with
wonderful success; the ascendancy of the Brahman priest-
hood seemed overthrown for ever; and though it did not in-
terfere with the restrictions of caste, so long as they were
harmless and inoffensive, yet Buddhism undoubtedly made the
people freer and less exclusive. For three centuries it grew
in India and spread to China and Ceylon, and at length Asoka,
the powerful king of Megadha, who had made enormous sacri-
22
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
fices to the Brahmanical gods, made it the state religion, and
Brahmanism seemed at an end. But its union with the state
was no source of strength to the Buddhist Church. Instead of
resting upon an independent foundation, it allowed itself to be
supported by the civil power; and when the kingdom of
Megadha, under successive dynasties, crumbled away and
could no longer maintain the state church, the end of Bud-
dhism as a predominant religion was assured. In the fourth
century of our era Brahmanism was again raising its head,
and two centuries later it reattained its supremacy, which it
has never again lost. The gentle and loving though sombre
creed of Buddha passed away, and the grotesque pantheon—
with gods, demi-gods, miracles, heavens and hells, splendid
festivals, and liturgies-which the Brahmans had pinned on to
the simple faith of the Weds became again the religion of the
land. Some princes indeed were strong enough to preserve
Buddhism for several centuries, and a sect called the Jains,
who are numerous in Western India, are in some respects suc-
cessors of the Buddhists to this day. Many of the Buddhist
tenets are incorporated into the teachings of this sect, which
denies the exclusive supremacy of the Brahmans, but which,
though formed as a protest against exclusiveness, is itself as
exclusive as any. Another offshoot from orthodox Hinduism
are the Lingayats, who arose in the Deccan in the 11th cen-
tury A.D. They also reject the ministration of the Brah-
mans and worship the phallic emblem (the linga) and the
bull. In the case of these revolts against caste and exclusive-
ness, as in those made by the Sikhs of the Panjáb in the
seventeenth century and similar religious movements in
other parts of the world, the new sect has but imposed
upon itself the very same fetters as those against which it
rebelled.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
23
It has been stated that with the Hindu everything that he
does is connected with his religion. This, of course, includes
what he eats and drinks, and the manner in which he
takes his meals. Brahmans eat no meat, but live on grain,
vegetables, milk, and sweetmeats, their food being always
cooked and their water brought by some one of their
own caste. While taking their food they may only wear
a dhotar or piece of cloth folded round the loins, a
rule which they find extremely inconvenient when business
takes them to the hills in the cold weather. Maráthas and
other classes of Hindus eat meat, but rather as a luxury than
as an ordinary rule, never eating the cow because it is sacred,
or the pig because it is unclean. At their meals the Hindus
are unsociable in the highest degree. Women never eat with
men, not even the wife with her husband. The well-to-do
Hindu generally sits down to his meal in a small and dingy
room, with his legs folded under him, on a square board
raised three or four inches from the cow-dunged floor, while
a tray on which are various brass or silver pots containing
the several portions of his meal is placed before him on his
seat. The use of a knife, fork and spoon is unknown, the
hands only being employed.
The proper costume of the Hindu consists of two broad
pieces of cotton cloth one of which, called the dhotar, is folded
round the waist, reaching well below the knee, and the end of
it passed between the legs and secured to the waist behind;
the other is thrown over the soulders, a paggri or turban
completing the costume. But Hindus now generally wear
over the dhotar a tunic modelled on that which Muhammadans
wear over their loose drawers or trowsers. Shoes or sandals
are properly never worn in the house; but there is some
latitude in the observance of this custom. Most natives
24
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
shave parts of their heads in styles varying with the different
castes. Brahmans shave all but a pig-tail which is allowed
to grow to its natural length from the upper part of the
back of the head. To uncover the head in the presence
of a superior, whether in or out of the house, is a mark of
disrespect, unless it is meant as a sign of the most intense
humility, in order to obtain a request. The houses of
ordinary Hindus or Muhammadans are furnished in the
most simple style, if indeed they can be said to be furnished
at all. There are no chairs or tables; a carpet with a mat-
tress or some pillows covered with white cloth forms sufficient
accommodation for the household to sit upon by day and
sleep upon by night, a rough charpoy or bedstead being
sometimes used. Even for writing chairs and tables are un-
known, Hindus sitting down on the ground with their legs
folded under them in a way that would be impossible for
Europeans, their writing materials being placed on the
ground in front of them. In most of these customs the
Muhammadans resemble the Hindus, except that there is no
limitation to the clothes that they may wear when taking
their meals. In the times of the Weds the seclusion of women
does not seem to have been known, but most of the upper
classes of Hindus, influenced in great measure by Muhamma-
dan fashions, generally follow this custom. But it is not
universally or uniformly adhered to, and in the Deccan among
the Brahmans and Maráthas, it is often only nominally
observed. It has not prevented ladies of rank emerging from
time to time from their seclusion, and taking prominent
places in Indian history. But it must be confessed that
on the whole the Hindu's notions on the subject of marriage
are diametrically opposed to those of the Englishman.
Marriages amongst Hindus, and Muhammadans also, are
DESCRIPTION OF THE PEOPLE.
25
;
arranged by the parents of the bride and bridegroom while
those chiefly concerned are mere children, without their
inclinations being consulted in the least. If a Hindu woman
loses her husband, which may happen before either he or she
is grown up, she has to pass the rest of her life, at all events
in the higher castes, in enforced widow-hood, and is obliged to
do all the drudgery of the household and undergo every kind
of degradation. Often a young girl of twelve becomes the
bride of a widower four or five times her age with the certain
prospect in the ordinary course of nature of occupying this
despised position for the greater part of her life. In truth,
the fate of a Hindu widow of the higher castes seems hardly
happier now than in the old days when she was forced on the
death of her husband to cast herself upon his burning pyre,
before the British Government put an end to the infamous
rite of sati. Polygamy is not in the west of India followed
to any great extent, but there is nothing to hinder the taking
of a second or even a third wife by a man who is able to
support her.
( 26 )
Fo
III.-EARLY HINDU CIVILISATION.
OR a series of generations the Hindus were suffered to
spread themselves all over India and develope their
civilisation pretty much into its present shape, without let or
hindrance from any but the aboriginal dwellers of the land.
The time however was to come when other nations should
attempt, one after the other with varying success, to wrest
from them the sovereignty over their rich and fertile
lands. The first recorded invasion was that of the
great Persian king Darius, about half a century after Buddha
preached and taught his law. His army is said to have
reached the Indus and sailed down to the sea, and thence
made its way back to Persia. About two centuries later
Alexander the Great led his soldiers across the rugged
mountains of the Hindu Kush and through the gloomy
passes of Áfghánistán into the Panjab and crossed the Indus
at Átak. After being hospitably entertained by the ruler
of the country he advanced across the Jhelam, and defeated
king Porus who was ruler of the land as far as Delhi. Going
on as far as the Satlej the conquerer hoped within a few days
to see the Ganges; but his army, which is said to have
numbered more than a hundred thousand men, refused to
march further on his errand of exploration and conquest.
So Alexander was forced to return home by the route
chosen by the soldiers of Darius, though he left behind in the
Panjáb the so-called Greek kingdom of Bactria, which lasted
EARLY HINDU CIVILISATION.
27
7
for a short time after his death. The chief value of the
history of his wonderful expedition consists in the accounts of
the state of the country, and its people, left by the writers
who accompanied him to India. There was no one supreme
ruler in the country; many independent kingdoms existed,
whose common origin availed but little to prevent them
from warring against each other. There were no great
buildings; and the cities, which were wealthy and prosperous,
were chiefly of wood and clay. The system of caste
was in full force, the trades especially forming separate
bodies, and the members of each could not eat or marry with
those of any other. The country was thickly inhabited and
carefully cultivated, while military science was developed to a
high extent. The people were said to be well clothed, intelli-
gent, and law abiding, the higher classes skilled in astrology
and mathematics. They had elaborate rules for prosody and
prose composition, and appear indeed to have reached a level
not much below that of the Greeks themselves. Self-govern-
ing village communities existed then much as now; the gulf
between Brahmans, who were the chief possessors of learning,
and the other castes was immense, the reformation of Buddha
not having then reached the Panjáb. In short, in all essential
particulars the description of Alexander might have been
equally well written by Clive. A different estimate of skill
and intelligence would naturally be arrived at by different
races. It is probable also that if the middle and upper classes
appeared well to do, the victorious army of a slave-holding
people like the Greeks would take their prosperity as a type
of the general condition of the population, and pay little
regard to the state of the toiling masses.
Alexander failed to effect a permanent conquest in India;
but his invasion tended in some measure to break through
28
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
the exclusiveness of the Hindus. Traffic grew up between
his great city of Alexandria and Indian ports; Greek and
Persian merchants visited and sojourned in various parts
of India. An attempt was made by Seleukos, the general of
Alexander, to complete his leader's scheme of conquest; but
it was unsuccessful, and on the ensuance of peace he sent the
philosopher Megasthenes to the city of Palibothra or Patna,
the capital of the great Bengal kingdom of Megadha. The
ruler of Megadha was then Chandra Gupta, who had been a
soldier in the army of Porus. The Greek philosopher, in
those of his memoirs which have survived, gives a most in
teresting accouut of the rule of this monarch of whom he
speaks in terms of high praise. Under his sway Hindustán
and other parts of India were consolidated into one kingdom,
commerce was increased by land and sea, and Java and Siam
were colonised by Hindus. Of the roads and rest-houses, and
of the police Megasthenes could not speak too highly.
Buddhism was at this time gaining strength, and the great
and wise Asoka, the grandson of Chandra Gupta, became for
Buddhism what Constantine was afterwards for Christianity.
This enlightened monarch, as is known from the Páli inscrip-
tions on rocks and pillars from Orissa to Kábul, instituted
popular courts of justice, extended roads and traffic, and,
probably from Greek ideas, introduced architecture and
sculpture for religious and public buildings. Before his time
the most populous cities had nothing more permanent than
clay or wooden dwellings, no traces of which survive.
At the death of Asoka the kingdom of Megadha fell to
pieces, and from that period up to the commencement of the
Muhammadan invasions of India the only event that can be
said to be of interest to any but professed historical students
is the gradual decline of Buddhism. Roughly speaking, it may
EARLY HINDU CIVILISATION.
29
be stated that throughout Northern India there existed a
number of dynasties, the strongest of whom for the time
being assumed the title of Máháráj Adiraj, or Emperor of
India; that some of these lasted for a longer, others for a
shorter period; that they rested upon force or cunning, the
success or failure of the rival claimants to power being achieved
on the simple principle by which "the people that followed
Omri prevailed against them that followed Tibni, so Tibni died
and Omri reigned." What has been said of Northern India
may be applied also to Southern India. Various states existed
which possessed no confederation, no sympathy, and no com-
mon bond of union, but which, on the contrary, waged a per-
petual war for supremacy. But the country was populous and
well tilled, village communities flourished, and the sea was
freely used for commerce. For the first six centuries of the
Christian era the Jain faith was the predominant one, and its
votaries built temples of much architectural skill and beauty.
Schools were founded and education encouraged; and civili-
sation in general appears to have kept pace with that of the
north. But the schools and education were for the Brah-
mans, and the Sudras merely existed for their benefit.
Throughout the long series of wars and conquests and the rise
and fall of successive dynasties one remarkable institution con-
tinued to flourish, unaffected by any change of rulers. This was
the system of self-governing village communities, which appears
to have been a recognised feature in Aryan political existence
from the earliest times. Each village may be regarded as a
miniature state, the whole land of the country being attached
to some one village or another. The boundaries of all the
lands, except inaccessible tracts, were carefully marked out and
the plots or fields into which the country was divided known
each by its own name. The owner of each particular field was
30
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
intensely jealous of encroachment on his land, and there were,
of course, constant disputes as to right of possession. This
division of the land has been carefully preserved by the
British Government, the whole country having been elaborately
surveyed, maps of each village prepared, and boundary marks
erected for each field. But the ownership of land has never
been regarded as absolute, in the same sense that it has
been in England. It has always been conjointly held by
the landlord and the tenant, the landlord in nearly the
whole of the Bombay Presidency being the Government,
and the tenure styled ryotwár, the tenant or cultivator being
known as the ryot. The ryot is not a tenant at will, he is the
hereditary occupant of the land; and the Government cannot
eject him as long as he pays the rent or tax for his field which
is assessed for a period of thirty years. This was not invari-
ably the case, there having been a class of tenants called Upris,
who under native rule held their lands on such terms as Govern-
ment might impose from year to year, as distinguished
from the Mirásdárs or part proprietors above described. But
throughout Máháráshtra the part proprietors were always
much more numerous than the tenants-at-will, and it seems
probable that originally all the land was held by them, the
inferior tenure only coming in as the old proprietors were
disturbed by the Muhammadans. The matter is at present of
no practical importance, for by the terms of the Survey
Settlement the British Government has secured the higher
right to all alike. Each ryot has a separate settlement with
Government, terminable by the cultivator at the expiration
of each year, but by Government only on his failure to pay the
assessment which is fixed at a uniform amount for thirty
years. The cultivator may sell, let, or mortgage his right
of occupancy, and at the end of the thirty years he has an
EARLY HINDU CIVILISATION.
31
absolute right to the renewal of the lease at revised rates,
fixed not with reference to any improvements that he has
made, but by general considerations of the increased value of
land in the district, owing to the rise of prices or facilities
of communication. So the old distinction between Mirás-
dárs and Upris is a thing of the past, and the original system
of the Hindu Government of giving the whole land in mirás
is again in force. Under this system the obsolute ownership
of the land can be said to rest neither with the Government
nor with the ryot; it is shared between the two, an idea
strange as it may appear to Europeans, familiar to all Hindus.
An ignorance of this fact caused the fatal mistake of Lord
Cornwallis in Bengal, who in his permanent settlement con-
ferred the ownership of the land permanently and absolutely
on the Zemindárs, in imitation of the landlord system of
Great Britain; thus robbing the cultivators of their rights,
and discounting the future claims of the state upon the
revenues of the land. Such errors have fortunately been
avoided in Bombay, where the principle at the root of the
matter has been thoroughly grasped and its working sys-
tematised. A certain amount of land, especially in the
Deccan, has been what is called alienated, that is for services
done to the state the Mussalmán or Marátha rulers gave up
the whole or a portion of their claims to a village or villages.
as a reward in perpetuity to a successful soldier or statesman.
But in this case no change takes place in the position of the
ryot, aad under the Survey Settlement, the whole of the
assessment is collected by Government and handed over in
whole or part as the case may be to the Inámdár, or descen-
dant of the person to whom the land was originally granted.
Under this tenure of land, in conjunction with the system
of caste, the independent and self-containing nature of the
32
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
village community can well be imagined. The village was
ruled by its headman or Pátil, an officer elected by the land-
holders of the village for a term of years or for life, and who
had a subordinate establishment to aid him in managing the
village affairs. The Pátil is a man of action rather than
learning; and in order to keep the village accounts and carry
on such correspondence as may be necessary, the village
possesses an hereditary accountant called the Kulkarni, who is
generally a Brahman. The Pátil had an immediate assistant
called a Chawgla, but this officer is no longer so generally found.
Besides these the complete establishment for a village originally
consisted of twenty-four persons of whom twelve were of
major and twelve of minor importance; but in very few vil-
lages was the establishment complete. All were hereditary
as far as their family was concerned, but subject to election
within its limits. The most important of these were the
carpenter, the blacksmith, the shoemaker, and the Mhár, the
latter, though an outcast, holding a responsible position in the
village. It was his duty to watch over the boundaries of the
village lands and individual fields and the growing crops,
to look after travellers' horses and baggage, and be the public
messenger and guide. When the ryot has paid his rent to
the Pátil, and the Kulkarni has registered it in his account
books, it is the Mhár who has to carry it to the nearest
Government treasury. Next to the Mhár was the Máng, one
of the lowest outcast races, who eat carcases of cattle that
have died of disease. In old days he was the public execu-
tioner, and he made the leather whips and thongs used by
the cultivators. Next came the potter and barber, the
washerman and the trumpeter, the astrologer and the bard.
Evidently by a late addition the superior establishment was
completed by a Muhammadan priest, a very strange excrescence
'.
EARLY HINDU CIVILISATION.
33
on the ancient Hindu village. Among the twelve who were
considered of less importance were the butcher, the water
carrier, and the oil-seller.
The Pátil was assisted by the rest of the establishment in
discharging the duties attached to his office, and payment was
made to each by the community for his services to it in land,
money, or more commonly grain, each individual's share
being fixed by the rules and regulations of the village. The
twelve men of major importance were known as balutidárs from
balut, a handful of grain, in allusion to the remuneration
due to them by the villagers. In cases of serious disputes
the Pátil could summon a council of five or more, called a
panchayat, who formed a kind of jury. In some villages the
Pátil had by grant or by usage the power of fine or impri-
sonment in criminal cases, but as a general rule he had to
report such matters to a superior officer of Government. As
intermediate agents between the Pátil and the Raja there were
hereditary district officers, each in charge of a large number.
of villages. They were generally known as Deshmukhs and
Deshpands, latterly assuming the title of Zemindár; and
they performed for their districts duties corresponding to
those of Pátils and Kulkarnis for the villages. While under
British rule the village system has been retained, the duties
of hereditary district officers became more and more nominal;
and they were finally relieved of all liability for future service
on condition of paying a quit-rent on their holdings, the
remainder being granted to them as private property. But
the immense value of the village system with especial reference
to the Pátil, Kulkarni and Mhár was so obvious, and the harm
that would accrue if the influence of Government over the
Pátils or theirs over the people were once lost would be so great,
that the integrity of the system has been jealously guarded.
3
34
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
The status of the Pátil as revenue officer and the responsible
head of what is now known as the village police is clearly
defined, and everything is done to support his dignity. He
is no less the agent of the Government than the representa-
tive of the ryot. The village system exists most vigorously
in the Deccan, but in all parts of the Presidency there is for
each village a Pátil, an accountant, and a menial servant
( 35 )
V.-ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
THU
HUS for many centuries the Hindus had been suffered to
go their own way, with little if any interference from
without. They had attained a degree of civilisation which
in contemporary Europe must be sought in vain, but which
had already ceased to show any promise of future expansion.
Their highest unit was in one sense the family and caste,
in another the village. Beyond that, although a successful
soldier or wise statesman might for a time unite under one rule
a large extent of country, yet such a government lacked
every element of stability and cohesion, its subjects having no
common interests and no spirit of patriotism.
It was now to be seen whether these centrifugal tendencies
could not be eradicated, and a spirit of union forced into being
by the persistent pressure of foreign invasion. Early in the
seventh century of our era there had arisen in Arabia a new
teacher who called himself the last of the prophets; and
Muhammad told his countrymen that he had received a divine
mission to force upon the whole world the choice between the
Korán tribute or the sword. Thirty years after the Hijira or
flight from Mecca to Medina in 622, from which date the
Muhammadan era is reckoned, the warriors of Islam, urged
on no less by their fanatical zeal than by lust for plunder
and conquest, made themselves masters of Syria, Persia,
and Egypt. In 664 they overcame the hardy Áfgháns of
Kábul; and in the same year the Caliph Omar founded
36
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Bassora on the south-west of Persia, from which place in
700 was despatched into Sind the first Muhammadan expedi-.
tion against India. Its success was only partial; but it was
followed up a few years later by a larger expedition which,
under Kásim, nephew of the governor of Bassora, conquered
Sind, and advanced to Multán. Within fifty years of Kásim's
death the Muhammadans were expelled by the Rajputs, and
the fame of the Arab invasion soon dwindled into a mere tradi-
tion. This was not the only unsuccessful enterprise made by
the Muhammadans before the tide turned which was to carry
the supremacy of Islam over the length and breadth of India.
The ascendancy was of a religion rather than that of a
nationality; if, indeed, it may not be better described as that
of a religious nationality which received into itself every
one irrespective of race or birth, who would assent to the for-
mula that there is but one God and Muhammad is his prophet.
Nothing could be more radically opposed to Hindu notions
of the necessary connection between religion and birth than
a creed which placed the convert on terms of absolute religious
and social equality with those born in the faith. Cut off irre-
vocably from his own caste, the enthusiasm for his new reli-
gion of the forcibly converted Hindu often exceeded that of
its original propagators. Christianity has signally failed to
have a like effect, for a Hindu, though he may become a
Christian, can no more become an Englishman than an
Englishman can become a Hindu; and the convert to Chris-
tianity finds himself but too often an object of contempt alike
to his former caste-people, and to the cold unsympathising
Englishman.
The next serious invasion of the Muhammadans was not from
the sea, but from their kingdom of Ghazni in the Afghán
mountains, of which Sabuktagin succeeded to the sovereignty
&
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
37
in A.D. 976. This brave and skilful soldier conquered first
Kándahár, and then Káshmir and the Panjáb, both of which
were under the rule of the Hindu king Jaypál. Sabuktagin,
however, withdrew to Ghazni, and Jaypál, aided by the kings
of Delhi, Ájmir, and Kanauj, led against him a vast army to
avenge the invasion of their territories. The Muhammadan
chieftain advanced to meet them, and crushed their united
forces. He took possession of Peshawar, and levied heavy
contributions on the country west of the Indus. His son and
successor, the famous iconoclast, Mahmoud of Ghazni, incited
by the story of his father's victories, moved upon India in
1001, and, with a force numerically far inferior to that opposed
to him, inflicted another crushing defeat on King Jaypál:
and the Hindu Rája sought death in the flames of the funeral
pyre which he had caused to be prepared for himself.
Mahmoud is said to have made no less than thirteen inva-
sions of India from Ghazni, his zeal for the destruction of
idols being at least equalled by his thirst for booty. His
cruelty established in the hearts of the Hindu races a hatred
of Muhammadans which has never been eradicated. Yet
they failed to see that union was strength; and their
mutual rivalries and jealousies effectually prevented a coali-
tion which, with their vast numbers, might have made them
absolutely invincible to any invaders, whosoever they might
be. The Ghaznevide dynasty of Sabuktagin and Mahmoud
lasted for a century and a half, during which time a more or
less permanent garrison was left in the Panjáb; but the people
were not yet conquered, and the Muhammadans looked upon
India not as their home, but as an appanage of their Afghán
kingdom. In 1186 the rival Muhammadan dynasty of Ghor,
after a struggle that had lasted for years, swept away the
Ghazni family, and Muhammad Ghori, the brother of the Sul-
38.
EISTORY OF THE EOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
tán of Ghor, overran the Fanjáb, and after finally defeating
the last Sultán of Ghazni at Láhur, established his brother's
government. In an age when each successive ruler thought
himself compelled to put to death all his relations who might
be possible pretenders to the throne, the fidelity shown by
Muhammad to his brother, and his brother's unbroken and
deserved confidence in him until Muhammad himself succeeded
to the throne in 1195, are not unworthy of record. Muhammad
Ghori laid the foundation of Muhammadan rule in India.
Hitherto the Muhammadans merely formed an army of occn-
pation in a hostile country, but now the whole of Hindustán
was permanently subjugated and colonised. Before his work of
conquest was completed Muhammad Ghori made no less than
six campaigns from Ghazni; and in his third he was utterly
defeated by a combination of Hindu Rájas, awake for a moment
to their common danger. The danger passed the combina-
tion melted away; and two years later the same battle field saw
the reputation of Muhammad Ghori re-established, and the
King of Delhi slain. The conqueror returned to Ghazni, leav-
ing as Viceroy of Delhi, Kutab-ud-din, who had been a slave,
and who afterwards became the first of the Slave kings of
Delhi. During his viceroyalty Kutab advanced to Anhul-
wára in Gujárát and defeated its king Bhim-Dew; but
before he could annex the kingdom he was recalled by orders.
from Ghazni. Muhammad Ghori occupied each district that
he overran, and arranged for its administration; and his.
early death alone prevented him from seeing with his own
eyes the firm establishment of the Muhammadan empire which
he had had the greatest share in founding.
At the time of his death three viceroys ruled in various
parts of his possessions. Kutab, the viceroy of Delhi, was
invested as king by Mahmoud the nephew and successor of
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
39
Muhammad Ghori. By his ability and strength of will Kutab
managed to retain his hold upon all the territories to which he
succeeded. But in his son's reign the viceroys of Sind and
Bengal assumed independence, and other chiefs followed their
example. In this way during the Slave and succeeding
dynasties India became parcelled out into a number of Muham-
madan and Hindu States which enjoyed a less or greater degree
of independence, according as the nominally supreme power
was wielded by a strong or weak ruler. Some of these king-
doms were set up by rebellious viceroys, others were created
by the gift from the sovereign of portions of the empire to
favourite ministers. While some of these passed away at
once and left nothing to mark their existence, others became
strong and powerful, and even rivalled Delhi itself. The
series of Slave kings ended in 1288, and under these rulers
India escaped a great danger, which threatened it on more
than one occasion, of being altogether swamped by savage
hordes of merciless marauders, who poured down from the wastes
of Central Asia. Commonly known as Mongols or Moghals,
they were under the command of Jangiz Khán, a conqueror
whose power was acknowledged from the city of Pekin to the
banks of the Volga. These savage tribes were pagans who
had not yet come under the civilising influence of Islam,
and whose one object was to murder, destroy, and plunder.
They wasted India as far as Láhur and then withdrew to
Ghazni.
The next dynasty after the Slave, known as the Khiljy
lasted only from 1288 to 1321, but it possesses special im-
portance as under its rule Muhammadan conquest spread for
the first time into the Deccan. In order to quell a rebellion
in Málwa, a province of Central India, which had been already
brought under Muhammadan sway, the king Jalál-ud-din
40
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
made an expedition against it, and reduced it to obedience in
1293. For his exertions in this campaign Alla-ud-din, the
nephew of the king, was rewarded by permission to march
upon the Deccan. He conquered Ellichpur in Barár, and
Dewgahr, now called Daolatábád, a place not far from
Aurangábád in the Nizam's dominions. Subsequently by the
murder of his uncle Alla-ud-din became king of Delhi. In
1297 he sent an expedition into Guzárát, which, after again
taking Anhulwára, and plundering the rich city of Cambay,
returned to Delhi. The beautiful wife of the Hindu Rája of
Anhulwára became the bride of Alla-ud-din. In the course of
his reign he had to send several expeditions to Dewgahr to
suppress rebellions and enforce payment of tribute; and one
of them passing over the Deccan and down into the Konkan,
reached the sea-coast. Several Mongol invasions were
repressed by Alla-ud-din. He developed into a monster
of cruelty, and was at last murdered in 1321.
The next dynasty at Delhi was that of Toghlak. Its second
king, Muhammad Toghlak, who united extraordinary learning
with the disposition of the tiger, reigned from 1325 to 1351.
He subjugated most of the Deccan, and brought Guzárát
under his dominion. He preferred the Deccan to Northern
India, and moved his capital from Delhi to Dewgahr. The
latter part of his reign was taken up in crushing or attempt-
ing to crush a series of rebellions provoked by his atrocious
cruelty. But under his rule the Muhammadan empire in
India reached a limit which was not exceeded till the em-
peror Aurangzeb brought almost the whole of India beneath
his iron rule. In Western India Islam was now supreme
through Guzárát, and Dewgahr with its dependencies extend-
ed west to the sea-coast. Barár and most of the Eastern
Deccan, that is now Hydarábád, with the cities of Raichur,
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
41
Mudgal, Kulbarga, and Bidar were conquered, as well as
Bijapur, the frontier district of Bombay. But the Muham-
madan possession of Puna, Sátára, and Kolhápur is doubtful,
the sway of the Hindu Rájas probably continuing to exist.
Lower Sind was still held by Rájput chiefs.
But though the area of Muhammadan conquests had at-
tained such vast dimensions the conquerors had but little
stronger bonds of union than the Hindu kings and chiefs
whom they had supplanted. Even the enthusiasm for their
militant religion could only bind them together for the pur-
pose of aggression against a common foe. Ere their victori-
ous career was completed their empire, as we have seen,
began to split up. The provinces could not be governed
except by deputies of the supreme ruler at Delhi, and each
deputy or viceroy as soon as his master was at a safe distance
set up an independent rule of his own. The twenty-seven years
of Muhammad Toghlak's reign formed a succession of rebel-
lions and bloody reprisals, executions, and massacres, to which
the world has seldom seen a parallel. The criminal law was
brutally harsh, the ordinary punishments being the cutting off
of hands and feet, of noses and ears, the putting out of eyes,
burning, crucifixion, ham-stringing, and cutting to pieces.
There were vexatious imposts upon trade and cultivation; and
the canals, reservoirs, bridges, public baths, and hospitals for
which later Muhammadan rulers achieved fame had not been
commenced. In fact, Muhammadan rule, so far at all events,
was a curse, and not a blessing. It did nothing to alleviate the
condition of the great mass of the people, and by its intolerance
consolidated the bonds of Brahmanical sacerdotalism.
Muhammad Toghlak died in Sind in 1351. Four years
before that event Zaffar Khán, one of the most remarkable
men of his times, accomplished a rebellion, which brought
42
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
into independent existence a wealthy and powerful Muhamma-
dan State in the Deccan. Zaffar Khán was once a menial
servant of a Brahman at Delhi named Gangu, and by his
signal honesty gained his master's favour and received great
kindness at his hands. The Brahman is said to have prophe-
sied that his servant should attain royal honours. He was
recommended to the service of the king of Delhi, and rose to a
high military command in the Deccan. The exactions of
Muhammad Toghlak had in 1341 caused a widespread revolt
in that province. It was put down with merciless cruelty,
and the Delhi officers plundered and wasted the land. Hassan
Gangu, as Zaffar Khán was also called, availed himself of the
discontent thus caused against the house of Delhi to gather
together in his own interests, both many Mussalmán nobles
and Hindu chiefs. Feeling secure of his strength he
attacked and defeated the royal troops at Bidar, and made
himself ruler of all the Deccan possessions of Delhi. He
was crowned king, and out of gratitude to his former master
took the strange title for one of his faith of Alla-ud-din
Hassan Gangu Bahmani' (Brahmani). Not only did
he thus adopt his master's name but he made him his trea-
surer, the earliest instance of high office being conferred by
Muhammadans upon a Hindu. The two incidents are the more
remarkable when it is remembered that at that time Moslem
nobles vied with each other in the fiercest fanaticism and
hatred of Hindu idolators.
The Bahmani Muhammadan dynasty of the Deccan lasted
from 1347 to 1526, or 19 years, for the most part in great
glory and power. Its kings showed terrible and relentless
cruelty to those who opposed them, but to those who submitted
to their rule they were on the whole considerate and moderate
in their treatment. Cultivation and trade increased, ships
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
43
sailed to Egypt and Arabia from the royal ports of Goa and
Chaul in the Konkan, to return laden with the choicest pro-
ductions of Europe. In wars waged with Hindu Rájas this
dynasty showed great military genius and detestable cruelty;
one king, Áhmad Shah, in his operations against Bijanagar,
a Hindu kingdom of comparatively late growth, halting
wherever the slain amounted to 20,000, and making a festival
in celebration of the bloody event. The Bahmani kings in-
troduced many foreign troops such as Persians, Tartars,
Moghals, and Arabs from whose union with the women
of the country have descended the mixed Deccani Mussalmán
breeds. These have in great measure merged into the agricul-
tural classes, and lost the warlike spirit of their ancestors.
The finances of the state were brought into fair order, educa-
tion was promoted and the army raised to a high state of effi-
ciency. The Bahmani territories were gradually extended
from sea to sea, and the Konkan was thoroughly subdued.
Bijapur and Belgaum were included in its limits, but Dhár-
wár belonged to Bijanagar. Like other eastern despotisms
the strength of the Bahmani kingdom was purely personal;
and the increasing feebleness of its later kings brought
about its dissolution into five independent kingdoms. The
chief historical records of this period that have come down
to us are occupied mostly with wars, massacres, and intrigues ;
but there are occasional references to transactions of quieter
times which show a more tolerable state of things than
existed under the contemporary rule of Delhi. Hindus were
not indeed employed in public affairs, other than in most
inferior offices, but the title of the dynasty brought a certain
consideration for the Brahman caste. No interference was
attempted with the system of corporate village Government,
a system which gave the people justice when they could not.
44
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
obtain it elsewhere. The ground was well tilled and travel-
ling fairly secure. Architecture, except in the construction
of fortresses, did not attain any particular excellency, though
there was some improvement when the capital moved from
its original seat of Kulbarga to Bidar. But the Bahmani
fortresses ranging from the mountain strongholds of feudal
chieftains to imperial forts of enormous strength exceeded
those that existed in Europe. Most of these were in what is
now Hydarábád territory, but Bombay possesses a specimen
of them in Sholápur. Under the Bahmani Mussalman rule
there is said to have been a considerable amelioration of man-
ners; and in spite of the loathsome and abominable cruelty
of its rulers to all who dared to resist them, its existence may
not have been devoid of some beneficial effects.
During the independent existence of the Muhammadan
kingdom of the Deccan, Guzárát, which Alla-ud-din Khilji
had added to his dominions in 1297, but in which the
Hindus were by no means permanently subjugated, became a
separate Muhammadan kingdom in 1391. It was severed
from the Delhi empire by the rebellious viceroy Mozaffar
Khán, whose grandson Áhmad, on his succession in 1411,
commenced building a new capital at Áhmadábád whose
remarkable ruins bespeak its original grandeur. The archi-
tectural style was a transitional one from the Hindu or Jain
to the Indo-Sarasenic, and it follows that as yet the Muham-
madans had no architecture of their own. Guzárát nominally
included the Rajput country of Káthiáwár, and the founder
of Ahmadábád carried his arms into the peninsula and re-
duced the Hindu fortress of Junagahr. Like his grandfather
in an age of intolerance this king distinguished himself by
outrageous fanaticism against Hindus and their temples and
religion. His dominions were invaded by one of the Bah-
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
45
mani kings Áhmad Sháh as an ally of the king of Khándesh,
and after a fiercely contested struggle in the island of Salsette
adjoining Bombay, the Deccan troops were forced to retreat.
The kingdom of Guzárát was consolidated by its king Mah-
moud, who came to the throne in 1459. He led successful
campaigns into Kachh (Cutch) and the borders of Sind, reduc-
ing the fort of Champaner; and extended his dominions to
the Indus and the desert. He was a powerful and efficient
ruler. In 1509 he received an embassy from Delhi, acknow-
ledging his independence, an official recognition from the
emperor always highly valued by Muhammadan kings. For
though ready to support their independence by the sword, these
rulers generally acknowledged the theoretical supremacy of the
emperor. Mahmoud subsequently distinguished himself as
a soldier against the Portuguese. Guzárát was still in enjoy-
ment of the high position to which he had raised it when the
empire of the grand Moghal came into being in 1526.
It
Khándesh, it has been stated, is a district or province which
though according to the strict geographical definition included
in the Deccan, practically does not form part of it. It is a
low-lying country between the elevated plateau of Central
India on the north and that of the Deccan on the south.
is bounded on the north by the Satpura mountains; it is
watered by the river Tápti which flows through it from east
to west and by numerous small tributaries that fall into it.
Naturally fertile it was well cultivated under the Muhamma-
dans, but in after years famine and the raids of the Maráthas
reduced it to a state of desolation from which it has needed all
the efforts of the British Government to reclaim it to a state
of prosperity. Its original capital was at Tálner.
The first Mussalmán governor of Khandesh was appointed
by the Toghlak rulers of Delhi in 1370. Like neighbouring
46
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
viceroys he proclaimed his independence. In 1400 his succes-
sor, Málik Nasir, seized the powerful fortress of Asirgahr on
the eastern borders of Khandesh, now included in the Central
Provinces. He founded near it on the banks of the Tápti the
city of Burhanpur, which for many years formed the capital
of Khandesh. This city became one of the most splendid
and luxurious in India, and grew famous for the manufacture
of gold and silver cloths, silks, and muslins. Khándesh, like
other parts of India had no immunity from wars, both within
its borders and with external enemies; and on a disputed
succession Mahmoud, the great king of Guzárát, marched into
the country and placed upon the throne one of the claimants
named Ádil Khán. His son, Miran Muhammad, who succeeded
in 1520 was the reigning prince when in 1526 the Moghal
empire commenced.
In Sind the Muhammadans formed the supreme power from
the early part of the 13th century, when an invader from
Ghazni subdued the Rajput tribe of Sumeras and called him-
self king of Sind. But the Hindu dynasty of the Sumána
Rájputs, entitled Jáins, succeeded, and paid tribute to Belhi
up to 1360.
On their refusal to do so any longer the Toghlak
emperor invaded Sind from Guzárát, and a few years later
the Jáins embraced the faith of Islam. Wars and invasions
and changes of dynasty make up the history of Sind until
shortly before the foundation of the Moghal empire; and at
the beginning of that epoch Sind was under the rule of Sháh
Beg Árghun, who had sprung from Khorássán and had made
himself ruler of Multán in the Panjab.
While what is now Bombay was split up into the Bahmani
kingdom of the Deccan and the kingdoms of Guzárát, Khándesh,
and Sind, all of which were Muhammadan, and the kingdom
of Bijanagar, that was Hindu, things had not been going well
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
47
with the nominally supreme Government at Delhi. Factions,
civil wars, and rebellions pursued their course, broken only for
a while by the benevolent reign of Feroz, a monarch who
besides executing many useful public works mitigated for a
time the intolerant cruelty of Muhammadan law. But the em-
pire such as it was could barely maintain a nominal supremacy
over its rebellious vassals, and it was altogether impotent to
ward off invasion from without. Attracted by the rumours of its
growing confusion Taimur the Tártár or Tamerlane, as he is also
called, marched into India from his home at Samarkand with
hordes no less terrible than those of his ancestor Jangiz
Khán. He advanced to Delhi in 1398 and there proclaimed
himself emperor of India; and after ruthlessly massacring
the inhabitants right and left returned to the wilds of Central
Asia leaving as his deputy in India Khizr Khán, viceroy
of Láhur. For a few years the dynasty of Toghlak continued
to rule in name; but there soon ceased to be a king or emperor
of Delhi at all, and Khizr Khán and his successors held the
land in the name of Tamerlane. One more attempt was
made at independent rule, and the Afghán Lodi administra-
tion developed into a dynasty which with more or less
success over recalcitrant viceroys lasted from 1478 to 1526.
But it collapsed amidst general rebellion, the deputies as usual
declaring their independence. One of these however thought
that he might more effectually gain his ends in another way;
and Daulat Khán Lodi of the Panjáb journeyed to Kabul, and
thence brought back its ruler Bábar, the descendant of
Tamerlane, to claim the empire of Delhi in virtue of his
ancestor's conquest. In no way loath to put forward his
claim Bábar advanced on Delhi, and in 1526 on the field of
Pánipat inflicted a crushing defeat upon Ibráhim the last of
the Lodis. Bábar's main work was still before him, but his
48
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
victory made him the first of the so-called Moghal emperors
of Delhi. His line continued to hold the nominal suzerainty
of India, until Bahadur Shah was removed from his throne by
the British Government after the great mutiny of 1857.
I have now given a rough outline of the events that oc-
curred in India from the earliest times up to the foundation
of the empire of the Grand Moghal in 1526. One event of
supreme importance which took place a little more than
quarter of a century before the invasion of Bábar has as yet
been omitted, and the story of the coming of the Portuguese
must be told later on. I have selected certain names ΟΙ
incidents rather as links in the chain of history, or as land-
marks to accentuate various stages in the general condition of
the people, and as illustrations of the various phases of growth
and stagnation, than from any inherent importance rendering
them worthy of a place in our memory. I have laid greater
stress on all that more especially relates to what is now
Bombay, and made room for more incident in its narrative :
but it has not been possible to avoid some description of con-
temporary events in other parts of India.
When Bábar won his victory at Pánipat more than eight
centuries had passed since the first Muhammadan inroads.
For a long time their invasions had been mere raids for plun-
der, and for a longer time still the position of the conquerors
was only that of a military garrison in a foreign country.
Yet for three hundred years Muhammadan rulers had reigned
continuously, and their people had made their homes in the
land. There were from time to time bright intervals in these
dark ages; and the nobility of character of more than one
sovereign prompted him to take some measures for the allevia-
tion of the condition of the toiling masses over whom he
ruled. Some benevolent monarch might regard the con-
ESTABLISHMENT OF MUHAMMADAN RULE.
19
the worse.
quered races as human beings, possessing no less right to the
protection of the law, and to the air which they breathed,
than the followers of the prophet themselves. But, on the
whole, the general condition of the country changed for
The brilliancy, refinement, and learning of the
future Moghal empire had not yet sprung up to relieve the
hideous blackness of an uncompromising and intolerant faith.
The unity of God was preached at the point of the sword;
but ruthless massacres and the enslaving of the unbelievers,
the sacking of their temples, and the destruction of their
shrines, could not force the Hindus to give up their ancient
worship. The obstinacy of their resistance to concede a single
point in their religion, emphasises the more intensely their
singular inability to unite for the purposes of driving out of
the country the enemies of their faith. There was indeed no
lack of cause to incite them to a common resistance. Their
dynasties swept away, they were excluded from public em-
ployment except in the lowest grades; they were debarred
from all influence as statesmen, and might utter no opinion
reflecting on the dominant government. The government
was in fact one of brute force with no further aim than con-
quest, and it was absolutely incapable of any enlightened
progress.
But what made the position of the conquered less intoler-
able was the system of village communities that existed in its
greatest strength in the Deccan and West of India. As long
as the inhabitants of each village were left to manage their
own affairs, and the rulers contented themselves with exacting
a not intolerable land revenue, they could maintain an attitude
of stoical indifference to any change of dynasty. Their
temples might be destroyed; but while the priesthood
remained, and each household possessed its family gods, there
4
50
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
was but little harm done to the solaces of their religion.
Tyranny in the long run can have but little effect upon these
self-containing communities, and the most barbarous and vin-
dictive ruler must sooner or later realise the invaluable aid
which they afford to his authority. But while the people
of each village might thus retain some substantial freedom
which was denied to their race as a whole, the very fact
of such a possibility inevitably increased the strength of those
centrifugal forces which effectually prevented a common union
against a common foe.
Clearly then Muhammadan rule at this period is weighed.
in the balance and found wanting. It must, however, be
credited with one good result.
The inroads of savage
hordes of pagans under Jangiz and his successors might have
overcome the disunited armies of Hindu princes, and effectually
swamped the civilisation of India without replacing it by
another from without. The military genius of Muhamma-
danism could unite under one banner all the fierce warriors of
Islam, and drive from the land the wild tribes of the desert.
And, later on, when Bábar brought his armies to conquer the
lands which his pagan ancestors had ravaged, he and his people
had long since become members of the faith which taught.
that there is one God, and Muhammad is his prophet.
( 51 )
IN
V.-CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
N the month of May, 1498, the famous Portuguese Admiral.
Vasco da Gama, sighted the beautiful peaks of the Nilgiri
hills that form the continuation of the Western Ghats; and
sailing up to the shores of India he weighed anchor in the
harbour of Kálikat. The way was now opened to successive
expeditions from different European countries; and a series
of traders and explorers, who did not so much as dream
of founding an empire, was destined to effect in India a more
tremendous revolution than had taken place since the first
invasion of the Aryans.
There was nothing new in the idea of trade between India
and the West. From the days of Alexander the goods of
Northern India found their way to Europe by way of Kábul,
Astrakhan, and the shores of the Caspian Sea. Another
route was by way of Persia and Egypt to the Mediterranean
ports. The goods that arrived at the Great Sea by this
overland route were forwarded in ships of Genoese and Vene-
tian merchants who possessed a monopoly of the traffic. For
the export of merchandize to Egypt the ports of Káchin, Ká-
likat, Goa, Dábul, and Chául on the Konkan and Malabár
coasts formed, with the harbours of Guzárát, the chief em-
poriums of trade. But India was a distant and mysterious.
land. The reputation of its wealth and splendour formed an
irresistible attraction to the brave explorers of an adventurous
52
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAT PRESIDENCY.
age. While Columbus sailed across the Atlantic, and dis-
covered a new world which he took to be the India upon
which he had longed to feast his eyes, Bartholomew Diaz
in 1486 voyaged from Lisbon unto the Southern Cape of
Africa. He went so far as to discover that beyond it the
land trended away to the north-east; and it is even said
that one of his men found his way to India itself.
Diaz found the Southern cape of Africa a cape of
storms. Eleven years later the peaceful weather that he met
with in those regions caused Vasco da Gama to name it the
Cape of Good Hope. On Christmas Day, 1497, he sighted
the country which, from this circumstance, he called Natal.
Sailing on to Zanzibar he found a fleet of merchant vessels
from India, and securing the services of a pilot from Guzárát
he crossed the Indian Ocean to Kálikat.
Less at that time than ever was India prepared to make a
formidable resistance to an invader. The empire of the
Grand Moghal was not to be founded for more than a quar-
ter of a century later. The sovereignty of Delhi was at its
last gasp, distracted by an interminable series of wars, and it
had for many years been governed as a province of Tamer-
lane's dominions. Rebellious viceroys reigned over as much
country as they could hold by force. Everywhere Muham-
madan States were struggling for supremacy. Here and
there Hindu kingdoms joined in the contest, but Bijanagar
was well-nigh the sole independent Hindu State remaining
in India. The powerful Bahmani dynasty of the Deccan was
in the throes of dissolution; and on its ruins were springing
up and taking form five separate States. Of these two in
what is now Bombay, the Nizám Sháhi dynasty at Ahmad-
nagar, and the Ádil Shahi at Bijápur, lasted as independent.
and powerful kingdoms until they were brought under the
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
53
sway of Aurangzib; and so also the Kutab Sháli dynasty of
Golkonda, in what is now Hydarábad. An attempt was made
to maintain the Bahmani dynasty in the Barid Shahi family
at Bidar, and Imád Shahi kings reigned for a time in Barár.
The future greatness of the Maráthas, who were afterwards to
rise up in their strength from their mountain-homes and
form a confederacy of states that it took all the power of
the English to conquer, was not even foreshadowed. They
had for generations remained passive beneath the rule of
Islam, nay, had even served loyally in its armies. While the
kingdoms that rose from the ashes of the Bahmani dynasty
were engaged in endless mutual rivalry, and later on in their
contests against Akbar and Aurangzib, they little thought
which while exhausting their own strength they were exciting
in the Maráthas that spirit of rapine, plunder, and dominion,
which was all the while latent in the race. In fact, the real
greatness of native India had not begun. The popular idea
of eastern magnificence and luxury is based on a state of
things that for the most part grew up later.
For the century that succeeded the arrival of Vasco da
Gama the chief interest in the history of Western India
centres in the rise of the Portuguese commercial supremacy
along the coast, conjointly with the expansion of the new
Moghal empire. By the end of that century these two
powers shared the whole of what is now Bombay, with the
moribund kingdoms of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur. And to
clucidate the growth of the Portuguese and Moghal powers.
it will be useful to sketch in advance the condition during
this century of the states that confronted them in Western
India. In Sind the independent viceroy being harassed by
invaders from Kándahár had called in to his aid Shah Beg
Árghun, (page 36), who was independent at Multán. The
54
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
invaders were driven out, but Sháh Beg Árghuu had no in-
tention of doing his work for nothing, and he retained Sind for
himself. The former ruler, hopeless of regaining his king-
dom, entered the service of the king of Guzárát. The
Arghun family was succeeded by a Persian one which pre-
served the independence of the province until 1592, when it
was subdued by the forces of Akbar, and its ruler enrolled
among the nobles of his empire.
Guzárát, including Káthiáwár, was at the height of its
eminence, and possessed the coast as far as Chául, twenty-
eight miles south of Bombay. Its king, Bahádur Sháh, who
succeeded Mozáffar Sháh in 1526, annexed Málwa in Central
India, and his authority was acknowledged as paramount in
the Deccan as far south as Áhmadnagar. But in 1535, in spite
of his fine park of artillery manned by Portuguese gunners,
he was overthrown and driven to flight by Humayan. But
the Moghals could not hold the kingdom long at that time,
and an era of confusion and anarchy followed that lasted
until 1572. In that year Mozáffar Sháh, the last claimant
to the throne, submitted to Akbar at Áhmadábád. He was
enrolled amongst Akbar's nobility, but afterwards made an
impotent attempt to rebel, and ended his days in exile at
Káthiáwár.
Khandesh succeeded in maintaining its existence as a
separate State, though not without considerable interference
from Guzárát on the one side and Ahmadnagar on the other,
until 1594. Its ruler then submitted to the Moghal general,
who was on his way to besiege Ahmadnagar, and joined his
army with 6,000 horse.
The kingdom of Ahmadnagar was founded, and its capital
built in 1494 by Málik Ahmad, who, together with his father,
Nizam-ul-Mulk had managed the districts which comprised it
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
55
when they formed part of the Bahmani kingdom. Málik
Áhmad had for some time aspired at carving out a separate
state, and in disgust at the murder of his father by the
Bahmani authorities boldly asserted his independence and
sustained it against all efforts made to subdue him.
moved his seat of government from Junnar in Puna to Bingár,
where he built the city called after his name.
The rival kingdom of Bijapur was
He
founded five years
earlier by Yusuf Adil Sháh, Commander-in-Chief of the
Bahmani army.
It had been the site of an ancient Hindu
city, of which a few traces still remain, and was the seat
of a provincial government of the Deccan kingdom.
These two kingdoms were constantly at war with one
another, though it occasionally suited them to combine against
outsiders. Their united armies on several occasions fought
against Golkonda, the third of the kingdoms which arose on
the fall of the Bahmani government, and succeeded in
maintaining a separate existence. Golkonda was, however, to
the east of the Bombay Presidency, and concerns us in less
degree than its rivals.
Ahmadnagar and Bijapur practically divided between them
so much of the Deccan as belongs to Bombay, and all the
Konkan. Áhmadnagar possessed the coast-line from Chául
to Bánkot, and south of that Bijapur held the sea coast towns.
Khándesh, it has been shown, was not included in this dispo-
sition of territory, and though Áhmadnagar held the inland
Konkan Guzárát held its coast-line. Two strong and turbu-
lent States like Ahmadnagar and Bijapur could not look
with content on the proximity of the rich Hindu kingdom of
Bijanagar. Religious fanaticism and hunger for its broad
acres alike stimulated them to form a joint confederacy
with Golkonda, Bidar, and Barár against the only state that
56
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
had not bowed its head to the followers of the Prophet of
Mecca. In 1564 the government of Bijanagar was crushed,
and its capital destroyed. The parcelling out of its conquered
lands proved a less easy matter; and while some of them
became a fruitful source of dispute between its conquerors
many remained in the hands of local chieftains. who, for the
most part, became, in course of time, vassals of Bijápur. Mean-
while Áhmadnagar enlarged its dominions by swallowing up
in 1572 the territories of its late ally Barár.
The compara-
tively unimportant State of Bidar, which considered itself the
representative of the Bahmani power, had been invaded and
conquered by Bijápur in 1529, and the king deposed
and given a command in the Bijapur army. He served
the state well, and was therefore allowed a sort of spurious
independence at Bidar until he was conquered by Akbar.
The boundaries between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur were
constantly changing, and depended upon the strength for the
time being of their mutual forces. The possession of Sho-
lápur was a constant matter of dispute; but roughly speaking,
Áhmadnagar held the modern districts of Násik, part of
which, however, belonged to Khandesh, Ahmadnagar, Sátára,
Puna, part of Thána, including Kályán, Kolába, and the State
of Janjira, which was claimed also by Guzárát ; and besides
these a considerable slice of Hydarábád, including Aurangábád
and Galna. Sholápur oscillated between the two, but Bijapur
held Dharwár, Belgaum, Bijápur, Ratnagiri and Kánara. But
on both of these as well as on Guzárát the Portuguese before
long steadily encroached. The confederacy which succeeded
in crushing Bijanagar was of no avail against the European
merchants who were establishing their factories along the
seashore. East of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur the dominions of
Golkonda extended to the Bay of Bengal.
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
57
Such were the rival powers that had to be dealt with on the
one side by the Portuguese, on the other by the new Moghal
empire of Delhi. Guzárát, Áhmadnagar, and Bijapur, each
possessed a certain magnificence, each earned some reputation
as a civilised government, and each produced some distin-
guished men. But in all alike the whole system of govern-
ment was ephemeral. It depended not upon any permanent
system or love of order; it rested solely upon the personal
caprice of irresponsible despots. While most of these delight-
ed in plunder and persecution, and gave themselves up
to the vilest pleasures, it is recorded on the other hand
that
of them devoted themselves to good govern-
many
ment, the well-being of their subjects, and the encourage-
ment of learning. But all the good done by one benevolent
monarch might be undone by his successor. The want of a
permanent and consistent policy embodied in a system of
nationality caused the labours of the most enlightened rulers
to have purely evanescent results.
•
For the magnificence of its buildings and the strength of
its defences, Bijapur was without a rival. The mighty dome
that covers the mausoleum of Sultán Máhmud exceeds in
dimensions any other in the world, and in no country can the
mosque and tomb of Ibrahim be surpassed for gracefulness
of outline. On all sides palaces, tombs, reservoirs, and
fortresses, even now almost perfect, convey to the beholder a
sense of the majesty of a state that has long since passed
Nor did its governors scorn to avail themselves of the
aid of Portuguese painters and artizans to beautify their city,
and these together with Christiau missionaries were not only
tolerated but encouraged in the Adil Shahi capital.
away.
The unceasing wars between these Deccan kingdoms com-
pelled them to keep up enormous forces. They all preferred
53
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
to enlist Turks, Arabs, Moghals, and Portuguese; but they
were compelled to fill up, in most part, the rank and file of
their armies with the Marátha and other Hindu natives of
the country. This necessity stimulated a martial spirit in
the vanquished races, which might have no little danger for
Muhammadans. It foreshadowed the imprudence of that
policy of placing an excessive amount of power in the hands.
of conquered mercenaries which was well-nigh to prove fatal
to British rule itself. But when in.1529 Burhán Nizám Sháh
of Ahmadnagar bestowed the office of Peshwa, or prime min-
ister, on a Brahman, and Ibrahim Adil Sháh on his acces-
sion to the throne of Bijapur in 1555 showed his preference
for the natives of Máháráshtra as men of business no less
than as soldiers, by letting Maráthi take the place of Persian
as the court and official language, the power and in-
fluence of the Marátha Brahmans were necessarily increased.
And so in addition to the men who possessed physical strength
and warlike training a class came to the front which, gifted
with keen intellect, intense ambition, and unrivalled powers
of machination and scheming, formed the head which could
direct the movement of the giant limbs as yet unconscious of
their strength. The Maráthas were more numerous in the
armies of Bijapur and Áhmadnagar, but they also served
under Golkonda, neither community of language and religion
nor national sentiment preventing them from fighting against.
each other. In fact fighting and plunder were to them food
and drink; they little recked under whose banner they were
ranged, and if their rulers lacked quarrels of their own the
Maráthas had an interminable series of hereditary feuds
between individuals and families, in which they were always
ready to fight to the death. The Deccan kings had no
desire to heal their disputes which they believed would keep
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
59
the Maráthas poised against each other and so prevent any
lasting union against the sway of Islam.
Vasco da Gama on landing at Kálikat was well received by
its ruler, who bore the title of Zámorin, and the Portuguese
were greatly impressed by the magnificence with which he
was surrounded. Permission to trade was granted, but obstruc-
tion and intrigue soon appeared; and owing to the detention
by the Zámorin of two of their officers the Portuguese were
unable to effect their departure for several months.
The
officers were at last released and Da Gama sailed away, but
he had no little difficulty in escaping the fleet of forty ships
which had been collected to capture his vessels.
The success of this expedition encouraged the Portuguese
to send another under Pedro Cabral, which reached Kálikat
in September, 1500. Cabral was received with no less pomp
and dignity than his predecessor, and he was allowed to
establish the first European factory in India. But disagree-
ment soon arose with the intriguing Muhammadan population;
the factory was stormed, and the commandant killed. The
retribution was prompt. Cabral seized ten ships of the
Muhammadan merchants, transferred their cargo to his own,
and after burning the vessels bombarded the city. He then
sailed south to Káchin, where he was well received, and he left
some of his men in charge of the factory which he was per-
mitted to establish at that place. He afterwards sailed to
Kannanur, a port north of Kálikat, completed his cargoes, and
sailed for Europe.
Before his arrival a third expedition had been despatched
under Juan de Nuera. The new commander first touched at
Anjidiwa, an island near Goa, and then proceeded to Kachin
where the men left at the factory had been well treated. The
Zámorin of Kálikat sent a fleet to attack him, and the Káchin
60
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
ruler advised him to stand on his defence. But scorning
their counsel he boldly sailed against the Zámorin's ships,
and with his guns inflicted on them a crushing defeat. The
Zámorin afterwards invited De Nueva to visit Kálikat, but
treachery was not without reason suspected, and the over-
tures were declined. The Portuguese obtained rich cargoes
and made their way to Europe.
The experience of these three voyages convinced the Por-
tuguese that their commercial enterprises to India must be
supported by force of arms. It was essential that they should
be able to protect their expeditions from the cupidity of
sovereigns like the Zámorin of Kálikat, and ensure more than
a mere tolerance from states such as Káchin and Kánnanur.
Of the real rulers of Western India Áhmadnagar and Bijápur,
or of the Bahmani kingdom which they were then supplant-
ing, the Portuguese had thus far learnt nothing. But what
they did learn was that there was a large trade between India
and Arabia and Southern Persia in the hands of Muhammadans.
This they determined to divert into their own, not by any
legitimate competition, but by the simple process of wholesale
destruction and murder.
In 1502 Vasco da Gama was sent out to subvert at all hazards
the Muhammadan commercial supremacy. He commanded
twenty ships, with a full complement of sailors and soldiers.
His plan was that while he himself drove the Muhammadan
vessels from the coasts of India, his captains should cut them
off at the mouth of the Red Sea. He soon showed the spirit
in which he meant to carry on his operations; and a deed of
infamous and wanton cruelty was done off Kánnanur where
he met with an Egyptian ship carrying pilgrims from India
to Mecca. The details of his action are narrated by the
Portuguese historian, Faria Y. Souza. Reserving the children
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
61
as slaves and converts the crew and passengers numbering
about three hundred were battened down, and the ship set
on fire. But the behaviour of the Zámorin of Kálikat to
the previous expeditions still rankled in Da Gama's breast.
He sailed to Kálikat, and capturing the crews of fishing
craft and small trading vessels, informed the Zámorin
that unless his demands were instantly complied with.
these men would be executed. His demands were met with
refusal, or delay and evasion that implied refusal. The
prisoners were therefore hanged at the yard-arm of Da
Gama's ships, and their hands and feet sent to the Zamorin.
Such was the guise under which Christianity was presented to
Hindus and Muhammadans; and to the former the creed which
taught that all men were alike children of a merciful Father
may have seemed hardly more seductive than the faith of the
prophet which bade men choose between the Korán tribute
and the sword. After further contests with the ruler of
Kálikat, and cementing his alliance with the Rájas of Káchin
and Kánnanur, Vasco da Gama sailed for Europe in 1503,
leaving a viceroy to protect Portuguese interests in India.
For the next twelve years events followed each other
with startling rapidity, and a Portuguese empire grew
up both on land and sea with a magical swiftness,
compared with which the efforts of early English merchants
appear indeed poor and insignificant. On Da Gama's
departure the Zámorin took up arms against Káchin, and
demanded the surrender of the Portuguese. His de-
mands were refused, and his forces defeated by the
Kachin troops, the Portuguese remaining aloof in their ships.
Before long powerful reinforcements arrived from Portugal
under Alfonzo Albuquerque, and the Zámorin was defeated and
compelled to sue for peace. Formal permission for the esta-
62
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
blishment of the Portuguese factory at Káchin was received
from the Rája. Albuquerque now sailed for Portugal, and
obtaining valuable aid from the Rája of Bijanagar, the Zámo-
rin advanced against Káchin with 50,000 men and a large
fleet. But the small Portuguese force defeated the Zámorin
in several sanguinary engagements, and a further fleet of
thirteen men-of-war arriving from Portugal the joint forces
bombarded and destroyed Kálikat, and then captured the
Zámorin's fleet of seventeen ships. In 1506 the Portuguese
Admiral Soarez sailed home with a vast booty.
The next year Dom Francis Almeida arrived from Portugal
with the rank of Viceroy of India, in command of a large
fleet and fifteen hundred trained soldiers. He built a fort
on the island of Anjidiwa and sailed to Kachin with a crown of
gold and jewels especially manufactured for the Rája. Here
he learnt of a powerful combination against him, the Muham-
madans being now thoroughly aroused by Portuguese interfer-
ence with their commerce. The king of Bijapur had united
with Muhammad Shah, the mighty king of Guzárát, and to
their combined strength was added a fleet of twelve ships
built in the Red Sea, and furnished by the Mameluke Sultan of
Egypt. The opposing fleets met at Chául, which then be-
longed to Ahmadnagar. The enemy fought with an ardour
and skill not hitherto experienced by the Portuguese in the
East. The Portuguese suffered a reverse. Their flag-ship
was sunk, and a decided blow dealt to their supremacy. But
for the arrival of two more fleets, one of which was under
Alfonzo Albuquerque, it would have been difficult for them
to maintain their footing. With the aid of the fresh arrivals
the Portuguese attacked the Muhammadan positions in the
Persian Gulf and Red Sea, taking Ormuz and Muscat.
Albuquerque was appointed Viceroy of India, but before he
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
63
received charge of the vice-regal appointment Almeida des-
troyed the Ahmadnagar port of Dábul on the Ratnagiri coast,
and sailing northwards obtained a magnificent victory over the
combined Muhammadan fleets off Diu in the peninsula of Káthiá-
wár. But the fame of the victory was sullied by the brutal
cruelty of Almeida, who put all his prisoners to death. Almeida.
perished afterwards on the African coast, and the great and
chivalrous Albuquerque succeeded him in 1510.
Albuquerque took possession of Goa, with the beauty of
whose port and island he was greatly impressed, from Ibrahim
Ádil Sháh of Bijápur. For a short time, in 1511, it was again
held by Bijapur troops, but Albuquerque speedily attacked
them, and in spite of a brave defence took the city with a loss
of 6,000 men to the garrison. Goa was declared the capital
of Portuguese India, a title which it still preserves. From
this time till 1515 the great viceroy was actively employed
against Malacca, Pegu, Aden, Ormuz, and Diu. A fort
was built at Ormuz in 1514, and the Portuguese power re-
cognised by the king of Persia. But the work which Albu-
querque did for his country was ill-rewarded, and before his
death in 1515 he was superseded by his avowed rival Soarez
a treatment similar to that which the founders of the French
empire in India commonly met with, while the services of
English soldiers and statesmen in the East have almost always
received a noble recognition from their country. But before
he died he left affairs in India in so firm a condition that, as
he said, they could speak on his behalf with more eloquence
than any words of his. He had in a wonderfully brief time
accomplished the object of his mission. He had swept the
Muhammadan trade from the seas, and the European empo-
rium for the riches of the East was no longer at Genoa or
Venice, but at Lisbon. To found a territorial empire was alto-
;
64
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
gether beyond his aims. He wanted factories, and when
he took Goa, believing that his proceedings would only be
hampered by any acquisition of territory, he gave up all except.
the city and the fort to a native ally, Timoja of Kánara. Thus
the aim and object of the Portuguese was absolutely and entirely
selfish. Any idea of responsibility or duty to the inhabitants
of India was not so much as dreamt of. Nor did it even
dawn upon them that the commercial interests of the country
were not necessarily incompatible with their own. A success-
ful trade meant to them the monopoly of trade, and so, with
their ledger in one hand and their sword in the other, they set
to work to burn, plunder, and destroy every vessel that ven-
tured to compete with them in the Indian seas. Albuquerque
himself was a chivalrous and honourable gentleman. He was
guilty of neither cruelty nor deceit, and he was respected as
well as feared by his enemies. But his successors, though
they possessed his courage lacked his scruples, and their
actions present a terrible picture of intolerance, cruelty, and
vindictiveness.
With some vicissitudes of fortune the affairs of the Portu-
guese continued, on the whole, to prosper. Such seaport
towns as refused to acknowledge their supremacy they bom-
barded and sacked; but they protected those that submitted.
A rich and prosperous city sprang up at Chául, the king of
Áhmadnagar paying them a yearly tribute for its protection
by their armies. In 1516 they established a factory there of
their own. In 1521 they made an attempt to build a fort at
Diu, but the Guzárát admiral drove them back to Chául,
and his sailors burnt their newly founded settlement. This
reverse led to the erection of a powerful Portuguese fort-
ress at Chául; but the success of the Guzárát expedition
was noised abroad, and in the following year an army
CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE.
65
was sent from Bijápur against Gra. Goa could defend
itself, but the dominions of Timoja, the ally of the Portu-
guese at Kánara, were annexed to the Ádil Sháhi kingdom.
The ease with which his fleet had driven off the Portuguese
from Diu, encouraged the king of Guzárát to attack their
settlement at Chául in 1527. But the Portuguese destroyed
his ships, and followed up their success by a march by land.
With the aid of Áhmadnagar troops they made Thána and
the whole island of Salsette tributary. However, the Guzárát
troops obtained a temporary success, and Ahmadnagar had
to acknowledge Guzárát supremacy, and break off its alliance
with the Portuguese. Three years later Antonio di Silviera
burnt Damaun, and sacked the rich city of Surat. But it was
against Diu that the Portuguese efforts were chiefly directed,
and in 1531 they assembled in the spacious harbour of
Bombay 400 vessels and 22,000 men, of whom 3,600 were
Europeans. The expedition failed to effect its object, and
the Portuguese returned to Goa, sacking many seaports
on their way. They, however, determined to persevere in their
attempt to acquire Diu. They obtained the aid of Prince
Chánd of Guzárát, who was in rebellion against his father
Bahadur Sháh. In return for his help they annexed, nomi-
nally on his behalf, but really on their own, the Northern
Konkan, including Mumbadewi or Mumbé, which from some
similarity of sound they transformed into Bombahia, the good
harbour, or Bombay. Prince Chánd's rebellion failed, and
they then allied themselves to his father and aided him in
his defence against the Emperor Humayun, who had invaded
Guzárát. In return for this assistance the Guzárát ruler
ceded to them Bassein, and the long-coveted Diu
But they
were not suffered to hold Diu in peace, and in 1537 by order
of the Sultan of Turkey, an Egyptian fleet was sent to drive
5
66
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
them out. The garrison made a noble defence during the
eight months that the siege lasted. They underwent the
utmost miseries, and their condition was almost desperate. At
last the siege was raised by the arrival of an enormous fleet
under Juan de Castro, with 1,000 guns and 5,000 men. The
relieving fleet on its way from Goa and Chául inflicted wanton
cruelties on the inhabitants of the coast, massacring without
distinction men, women, and children. Thousands were sold
into slavery, and the towns were pillaged and burnt. On his
return to Goa with his victorious legions the viceroy made a
triumphal entry into his capital, and the account of its
magnificence stirred with wonder the citizens of Lisbon.
But the danger to the kingdoms of Western India from
Portuguese ascendancy, formidable as it was, was of only a
partial nature. Their fleets and armies might be conquered,
their foreign trade destroyed, their sea-coast towns pillaged
and burnt. But their territories were in no danger of falling
into the hands of the marauders, who were content with build-
ing factories and forts upon the coast.
But a mighty power
was now established in the north of India which would spare
no effort to bring them one and all beneath its iron sway.
( 67 )
VI.-FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
IFTH in descent from Taimur the Tartar, himself sprung
FIF
from the race of Jangiz Khán, Bábar is generally
spoken of as a Moghal. But of this race Bábar always pro-
fessed a horror, and it was probably not unmised Moghal
blood that flowed in his veins. Practically he was a Turk;
his memoirs were written in Turkish, and his army was Tur-
kish. He was, at any rate, not an Aryan, yet both in
himself and his descendants were exhibited some of the best
qualities of the Aryans, and a power of growth and civilisation
of which his ancestors showed not the slightest trace. Bábar
did not hesitate to accept the invitation of the rebellious
viceroy of the Panjáb (page 47). His way was made easy by
the tyranny of Ibrahim Lodi at Delhi, which was not calcu-
lated to stimulate the resistance of his subjects to a foreign
invader under whom their lot could hardly be worse than it
already was. He advanced upon Delhi; and at the fateful
field of Panipat Ibrahim was slain and his army utterly
defeated. Thus in 1526 Bábar became the first of the so-called
Moghal emperors.
But his work was not yet completed;
and though his soldiers thought that they had done enough
when Delhi was in their hands Bábar was not content to
rest upon his laurels. He encouraged his weary troops to
march over Bengal and Bahár; and at Sikri he crushed a
formidable confederacy of Rájput chieftains, who imagined
that they possessed an opportunity of overthrowing the
68
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Muhammadan power, and of restoring to its original position
their own national faith. On his death in 1530 he was suc-
ceeded by his son Humayun, who lacked his father's genius
but resembled him in the chequered fortunes of his early career.
On the accession of Humáyun Guzárát was at the height of
its prosperity, and its king, Bahádur Sháh, incurred the anger
of the emperor by harbouring a political offender. Humáyun
resolved to march against him, and in 1535 in spite of the aid
of the Portuguese, he utterly defeated the Guzárát army at
Mandesar. Leaving Guzárát in charge of his brother, Mirza
Askári, he proceeded against Sher Khán, a powerful Áfghán
feudatory in Bengal. But Sher Khán's military capacity
greatly exceeded Humayun's. After two miserably unsuccess-
ful campaigns, in which his armies were destroyed, the
emperor became a fugitive; while his brother Kámrán, who
was viceroy of the Panjab, ceded that province to Sher Khán,
and retired to Kábul.
Humayun fled to Sind and attempted to excite its ruler
Hussein Arghun to action on his behalf. But his hopes.
of succour were disappointed, and he determined to cross
the desert to Jodhpur. After extraordinary sufferings he
arrived there with a scanty band of followers. He found
the Rája hostile to him, and was compelled to resume
his wanderings in the desert between Jodhpur and the
Indus. The miseries and privations of the march exceeded
anything that he had before experienced. His route lay
through a tract of burning sand with hardly a tree to give
shelter from the furious sun; and the few wells were in the
hands of hereditary robbers and marauders. After many weary
marches his small party found themselves pursued by the
Jodhpur cavalry under the son of the Rája who cut off acces
to water or food. But when all hope was lost the prince
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
69
!
relented, and after reproaching Humayun with what he chose
to call the wantonness of his invasion, gave him food and water
and let him go.
At length with his wife and only seven fol-
lowers he reached Umarkot in Sind, where in 1542 was born
his illustrious son Akbar. Humáyun attempted once more to
make himself master of Sind, but in 1543 he was compelled
to return to Kándahár and give up for a time all hopes of
recovering his power in India.
Meanwhile, for five years his successful rival Sher Shah
Sur ruled India firmly and well. But in the short space of
ten years after his death the Afghán dynasty came to an end
in scenes of wild confusion and anarchy. Welcoming the
opportunity the emperor Humayun advanced in triumph from
Kábul, which he had already recovered from his brother
Kámrán; and a decisive battle at Sirhind in which his son
Akbar fought in the thickest of the fight, placed him in firm
possession of Delhi and Agra. Thus, after an exile of fifteen
years and extraordinary vicissitudes of fortune, Humayun
firmly re-established the most glorious and enduring of all
eastern empires in India. But he was not to live long in the
enjoyment of his prosperity. In 1556 he perished by an
accidental fall over the parapet of his library at Delhi; and
Akbar became emperor of Hindustán. In memory of his
father Akbar built at Delhi the stately marble tomb from
which three hundred years later, during the great mutiny,
the last of the house of Bábar was dragged out as a prisoner
of the British Government, and in the precincts of which his
two sons were shot.
Meanwhile, since the relief of the siege of Diu, the success
of the Portuguese had steadily increased. Subsequent attacks
upon Diu by Máhmud Sháh of Guzárát were repulsed with
heavy loss to his armies. In 1553 the brother of Ibrahim
70
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Adil Shah of Bijapur took refuge at Goa, and the king
offered the Portuguese viceroy both territory and money if he
would give him up. Far from acceding to this request the
Portuguese gave the prince an army to fight against the king,
and the force took possession of the Phunda Ghat, or pass,
over the mountains, on the way from Goa to the Deccan.
Here however the intervention ceased. The Portuguese
seemed to have a political objection to interference in the-
continent of India; and afterwards, as before, they limited their
operations to the coast. Along the sea they had now a series
of factories and defences with here and there, as at Goa, Chául,
and Bassein, splendid cities where the remains of stately fabrics.
still attest the grandeur that once existed. In revenge for the
aid afforded to his brother, the king of Bijapur sent an army
against Goa. It was unsuccessful, but in 1570 a powerful
combination was formed against the Portuguese by Bijápur,
Áhmadnagar and Kálikat, whose immense forces hurled them-
selves in vain upon Goa and Chául. The gallant defence
of the Portuguese inspired the Deccan kings with respect,
and peace was made on favourable terms. During the latter
half of this century the Portuguese were at the height of their
success. They steadily avoided the acquisition of territorial
or political influence, although they had admirable oppor-
tunities of both, alike in Guzárát and in the Deccau. But as a
maritime and trading power they attained a supremacy which
beat all local rivalry out of the field, and was only to fall
before stronger powers from Europe. They were detested
by the native races for their vindictiveness and avarice ;.
and the execrable cruelty of the inquisition established at
Goa for the propagation of peace on earth and goodwill
towards men heightens the dark colouring of the glowing
picture. Conversions were made by force, and the great
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
71
missionary Xavier baptised people by the thousand, just in the
same way that the Muhammadans brought the erring Hindus
into their fold, whether they would or not. The baptismal.
ceremony was all-sufficient to render the neophyte a member
of the Church, and any mental change or process was
regarded as superfluous. The gates of caste were of course
closed on all who, however reluctantly, submitted to the
ceremony; and on the Western Coast of India there are many
descendants of the converts of Xavier who have Portuguese
names and some vague and distorted notions of legendary
Christianity, but to all intents and purposes are Hindus.
When Akbar came to the throne in 1556 he was only
thirteen years old. At the battle of Sirhind he had dis-
played undaunted courage, but there was at that time little
apparent likelihood that he would have the ability to win
for himself a real control over his nominal empire. He had
from the first to contend with armies which were altogether
out of proportion to those which he could put into the
field. The usurping Sur dynasty though fallen, had yet
to be subdued; the Rajputs and Hindus in Central India
had no inclination to submit; the Patháns in Kábul and
Kándahár were restless and mutinous. Towards Bombay,
Guzárát alone had ever been under the Moghal sway, and
for more than two centuries the Muhammadan States of the
Deccan had owned no allegiance to. Delhi. Thus in the
consolidation of the Muhammadan power in India, Akbar had
a great task to accomplish, and many years passed by
before he could give his attention to the kingdoms of
Western India. It was not till 1571 that he was able to
march upon Aḥmadábád to bring Guzárát under his control.
At Sirhind Akbar had fought under the guidance of his
guardian Bahrám Khán. Bahrám possessed remarkable
72
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
talents as a military leader. On coming to the throne Akbar
made him his chief minister, both for civil and military
affairs. The troops of Muhammad Sur Adite, the last of the
Sur dynasty, under Hemu, his active Hindu minister,
marched upon Delhi and Agra; and Akbar set out to meet
them from Ambálla, a city in the northern part of the
Panjáb. He had 20,000 men, with which to meet 100,000
Patháns under Hemu. Nearly all Akbar's officers counselled
retreat. But at the advice of Bahrám Khán, Akbar determined
to fight, and Pánipat, the scene of many battles before and
since, saw another complete triumph of the Moghal arms.
Hemu was brought as a captive into the presence of the
emperor; and Bahrám Khán bade Akbar slay the infidel
with his own hand and so attain the title of Gházi, or
Defender of the Faith. The boy burst into tears and would
do no more than lightly touch the head of the captive with
his sword. But the minister had no wish to let Hemu escape
to bring another army against his master, and himself smote
off the prisoner's head. So perished the first Hindu who
by clearness of judgment and devotion to his master's cause
had risen to distinction amongst Muhammadans. Akbar
entered Delhi in triumph and ascended his father's throne;
and after crushing a rebellion in the Pánjáb found himself in
1557 undisputed possessor of the whole of North-Western
India.
As the emperor grew older the responsibilities that he had
to deal with rapidly developed the strength and decision of
his character, and by the time that he was eighteen he was
able to rule by himself. The invaluable services of Bahrám
Khán could not atone for the intolerable presumption that he
displayed, and Akbar was deeply offended by his acts of gross
heartlessness. With wise tact and delicate gracefulness Akbar
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
73
sent him a message telling him that thus far he had been
occupied in education, but that it was now his intention to
govern his people according to his own judgment. He advised
his well-wisher to give up worldly affairs and spend the rest of
his days in prayer at Mecca. Bahrám started on his pilgrimage,
but on the way abandoned his peaceful intentions and
raised a rebellion against Akbar. He was unsuccessful, and
he besought the emperor to forgive him, and Akbar restored
him to his former honours. After a time he once more started
for Mecca, but was murdered in Guzárát.
It has been said that the Moghal empire at its com-
mencement was weaker than those that preceded it. Akbar
had smaller armies than earlier conquerors, and their discipline
was exceedingly lax. His generals on gaining victories
acted not as if they were
officers but rather as inde-
pendent chiefs. Akbar had a way of his own in dealing
with them, and he generally managed to obtain their sub-
mission without punishment or reproofs, but by the soft
answer that turneth away wrath. His whole policy was at
first incomprehensible, both to Muhammadans and Hindus;
and though when necessary he could deal a prompt and
crushing blow upon open rebelliou, he preferred to gain hist
ends by conciliation rather than by brute force
His mar-
riage with a Rájput princess pointed out the object which he
had in view. The dream of his life was to fuse into one
nation the Hindus and Muhammadans of India. The sub-
version of Hindu chiefs was followed almost invariably by
their enrolment as nobles of his court, and this generally had
the effect of bringing about their co-operation with his policy.
By these means, in a few rapid campaigns, he extended his
dominions to Milwa, and the frontiers of Khándesh and the
Deccan. But the obstinate defence of the Hindu stronghold of
74
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Chittur in 1567 by the Rajput clans, rendered a different
treatment inevitable. Desperate at the loss of their leader
the Rajputs slew their women and children, and burnt them
with his body; and on the storming of the fortress they one
and all perished, rejecting all offers of quarter.
Rájputána brought into submission the emperor marched
upon Áhmadábád; Mozáffar Shah made his allegiance
and was enrolled as a noble of the empire. In quelling-
some resistance to the imperial armies in Guzárát, Rájput
chiefs fought side by side in the fray with Akbar's Muhamma-
dan commanders. Returning to the Panjáb the emperor had
scarcely reached Agra when he heard that Guzárát had
risen against him. The rainy season which generally puts a
stop to all military operations in India had set in, but he
made a rapid march, doing the last 450 miles in nine days.
With reckless courage he led his troops in person against the
insurgent forces, and Guzárát was again in his hands. A few
years later Mozaffar Sháh the ex-king of Guzárát rebelled,
but after some protracted operations the imperial general
completely defeated him and his ally the chief of Junagahr,
in 1584. Mozáffar Sháh lived for a few years in exile and
perished by his own hand.
About this period the attention of Akbar was drawn to
the political state of the Deccan by refugees from the state
of Áhmadnagar. By this time not only were the Deccan
monarchies in a chronic state of warfare with each other,
but the very foundations of their existence were rotting
away under the influence of internal dissensions. Áhmad-
nagar in particular was well-nigh rent asunder by the con-
tests of two parties, one headed by a Hindu, the other by
Abyssinian nobles who were related to the wives of the
Nizam Shahi kings. Refugees of the Hindu faction were
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
75
•
the first to call upon Akbar to move on their behalf; and
some of them lived long enough to rue the day that they had
adopted that course. The state of the Deccan was in every
way favourable to a general who might wish to bring it
under his power. The Portuguese had thrown away an
unrivalled opportunity of founding an empire, but Akbar
had widely different views as to the expediency of extending
his dominions. In 1590 he sent ambassadors to each of the
Deccan kings with demands that they should acknowledge
his supremacy.
His arms were for the time being occupied
in other places among which was Kábul. It is noteworthy
that no Hindu of any caste then objected to cross the Indus
and serve in the Afghán mountains, although in after years
sepoys of the British army pretended that they had lost
caste by proceeding beyond Átak. Akbar's empire was
steadily increasing. In 1590 his general captured Junagahr,
and the rest of Káthiáwár submitted. In Sind the Árghun
dynasty had been succeeded by one of Persian extraction.
There was, as a matter of course, a series of dissensions in
the family; but the harbouring of malcontents gave to the
officers of Akbar a pretest for interference which may or may
not have been in truth a necessity. Sind was attacked both
from the sea and from the Panjab. Its prince was, in 1592,
induced to submit, and he was thereupon enrolled amongst
the imperial nobility. In the same year Burhán Nizám
Shah of Ahmadnagar made a furious attack upon Chául,
but the results were disastrous to himself. His commander
Farhad Khán was made prisoner, 75 pieces of cannon
taken, and a loss of 12,000 men is acknowledged by the
Muhammadan historian.
His
Akbar had now, in 1593, ruled for thirty-seven years.
empire included Kábul, Kándahár and the whole of Hindustán
76
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
with Sind and Guzárát. On the East of India, Oudh,
Bengal and Orissa owned his sway. The Rájputs too, though
under their own chiefs, were mostly connected with the em-
pire by marriage, and were thoroughly loyal to it. But the
ambition of Akbar was deeply mortified at the return of his
envoys from the Deccan with the news that each of the kings
evaded or refused his demands; and he ordered an army
southwards to enforce his authority. The army marched
through Malwa and Khándesh, the ruler of which state placed
his submission in the hands of the general and joined him with
6,000 horse. At Galna additional forces from Guzárát, under
Akbar's son Murád, the viceroy of that province, formed a
junction with the main body, and the united armies marched
upon Ahmadnagar.
To women is assigned but a scanty rôle in the drama of
Indian history, but every now and then one has stood forth to
show what splendid deeds her sex is capable of. Such a
one was Chánd Bibi of Ahmadnagar, who now opposed the
imperial forces. This celebrated lady, who is still the heroine
of Deccan story and Deccan song, was the daughter of
Hussein Nizám Sháh of Áhmadnagar. She had been given in
marriage with the long disputed fort of Sholapur as her
dower to Ali Ádil Sháh of Bijápur, in 1564, in order to
cement the alliance of those two states which was formed to.
crush the Hindu kingdom of Bijanagar. Her husband died.
in 1579, and Chánd Bibi was left as regent on behalf of her
little son Ibráhim Ádil Sháh. In a time of incessant
turmoil she ruled wisely and well, though she was more than
once deprived of power by rival factions in the state. In
1584 she returned to Ahmadnagar and took up her abode-
there. This noble queen succeeded in uniting together the
discordant factions that raged in the Nizám Sháhi capital;
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
77
and inspired by her enthusiastic courage they offered a bold
front to the enemies of Akbar. Chánd Bibi was the life and
soul of the defence. With the valour of Joan of Arc she put
on armour, and sword in hand led the defenders against the foe.
Again and again the Moghals were beaten back with immense
loss, and the vast ditch of the fort was filled with dead (1595).
The crisis was passed and the state for a time saved. Allies
came up from Bijapur and Golkonda, and prince Murád was
compelled to withdraw his troops and to be contented with
the cession of Barâr. For a short period indeed it seemed
that the rival Deccan States were to form a confederacy
which would drive the Moghals from Western India
for good and all. On the excuse that prince Murád had
annexed other districts besides Barár the confederate
troops of the three states marched to expel the invaders
from the province. It was, in fact, a national contest for
supremacy between two Muhammadan races. The battle was
fought at Supa on the Godáwari. After horrible slaughter
on both sides the Moghals were left in possession of the field,
but they found themselves too weak to follow up their
advantage. Murád proceeded to subdue Gáwilgahr and
other forts in Barár, but he died in 1599, having made little
permanent impression on the troops of the Deccan kings. A
few more united efforts against the Moghals might have
changed the history of the Deccan. But party spirit was
stronger than patriotism. With nothing short of insanity
the late confederates recommenced their favourite pastime of
cutting one another's throats, while the enemy collected his
forces for a final spring upon bis victim. The Muhammadan
kingdoms were doomed, and when the Moghals were
driven from all but a comparatively small portion of the
Deccan it was not by them but by the Maráthas.
78
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
+
Dissatisfied with the progress that had been made Akbar
himself took the field, and Áhmadnagar was a second time
besieged. The queen defended the fort with her former
bravery, but treachery was at work and her ungrateful troops.
put her to death. The besiegers pressed the siege with greater
vigour than ever. Their mines were sprung and the breaches
stormed and scant mercy was shown to the garrison. Having
taken the fortress the emperor consolidated under one govern-
ment Ahmadnagar, Barár, and Khándesh. His favourite son
Daniel was made viceroy and wedded to the daughter of the
king of Bijapur. Akbar was not happy in his sons. Murád
was dead, Daniel died soon after his marriage from excessive
drinking; and now his eldest son Silim who was also a
drunkard raised a rebellion against him in the North of India.
To quell this Akbar had to leave the Deccan without abso-
lutely extinguishing the vitality of the Ahmadnagar State.
The fort was held by the imperial troops, but an Abyssinian.
noble named Málik Ambar, one of those who little better than
savages in their own country developed in the Deccan into
soldiers and statesmen, established the capital of the Nizám
Shahi kingdom at Daolatábád, of which city he had been
governor. Ostensibly in the name of the young king but
practically on his own behalf he formed a bulwark against the
Moghal invaders almost till his death in 1626. This great
man not only defended the frontier and even for a time re-
covered the fortress of Áhmadnagar, but he found means to
reduce the finances of the kingdom to a complete and admir-
able system. The assessment of the land revenue was made
fixed instead of fluctuating. At first it was made payable in
kind, but latterly commuted to a money payment, and the
amount of assessment was moderate. He abolished revenue
farming, and appointed Brahmans who were rapidly increas-
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
79
ing in importance to collect the revenue under Muhammadan
supervision. Altogether the districts under his rule became
thriving and populous. The Golkonda State had suffered less
from war and schism than its two rivals in the Deccan. In
1589 the king moved its capital to a healthier site, and built
the city which is now called Hydarábád, but which he named
Bhágnagar. Many noble buildings still survive to attest the
splendour of his reign. But to the South of his kingdom
there were still a number of petty Hindu States, and Moslem
rule was not firmly established between the Krishna and Cape
Comorin.
Hastened by grief at the conduct of his sons Akbar's death
took place in 1605 after a reign of 51 years. His possessions
in Bombay consisted of Sind, Guzárát including Káthiáwár,
Khandesh, Barár, the fort of Ahmadnagar and some neigh-
bouring districts. With the Portuguese his troops had not
come into collision. That nation, unlike those that followed
it, had refrained from all interference with the new empire,
except for a short period, when, in order to obtain possession
of Diu, they assisted the king of Guzárát against Humayun.
But before the first century of Portuguese conquest was com-
pleted a new power began to despatch ships from Europe to the
East. In 1595 two Dutch vessels were sent to the Indian
Archipelego; and the naval supremacy of the Portuguese
was first disputed and then destroyed by the Dutch and
their successors the English. The first defeat of the Portu-
guese in Indian waters by an English fleet took place at
Surat in 1612.
Thus before the English reached India the greatest of the
Moghals had passed away. Weaker at the beginning of his
reign than former Muhamadan rulers, Akbar had brought hist
empire to a pitch of greatness that none of his predecessors
80
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
had attained, No mere ambition for success in battle, no
mere lust of empire or plunder actuated him; he had no wish
to slay his prisoners of war by the thousand to attest his
greatness, it was no pleasure to him to sell their women and
children into slavery. Such deeds, on the contrary, were
absolutely forbidden. Conquered chiefs had no need to fear
death or torture or forcible conversion to Muhammadanism;
they had only to submit and they were sure to be exalted to
a high position in the imperial nobility. In many cases all
their possessions were confirmed to them. Akbar anticipated
the edict of Lord William Bentinck that abolished Sati, only
permitting it when the widow deliberately chose it herself.
He allowed the remarriage of widows, and, what the British
Government has not yet dared to do, he forbade the marriage
of little children. He abolished the jazia or capitation tax
that was levied on all Hindus. They were unmolested in the
ordinary practices of their religion; their priests, temples
and endowments, were vigilantly protected. Rajput princes
were numbered among his courtiers and soldiers; and his
great finance minister, Todar Mal, whose revenue settlement
of the country has been maintained as a basis upon which
the existing system has been built up, was a Hindu. Not
only were Hindus allowed the exercise of their own faith but
even the administration of their own laws, and they were
employed in all branches of the public service except as
judges. Akbar drew up a code of laws relating to the army,
justice, police, and general state policy, known as the Ayn
Akbari. Its ordinances are eminently practical, and in them,
from beginning to end, justice is tempered with mercy.
It could not be expected but that Akbar's liberal senti-
ments and breadth of view should escape opposition from the
bigoted and intolerant Moslems, who formed his subjects.
FOUNDATION OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
81
The very fact that he could overcome their opposition and
silence the lying charges which said that he persecuted the
followers of the prophet makes the picture of his life more
wonderful than ever. His perfect tolerance is the more
admirable when it is remembered that at the same era the
Christian churches of Europe were burning and torturing all
whom they deemed to be heretics, and in England and Scot-
land men and women were being drowned and hanged on
ridiculous charges of witchcraft. The fact is that Akbar
was in reality not a Muhammadan. There was no God but
God, he declared, and Akbar was his caliph; and as all men
are liable to err no creed or ritual propounded by man was
infallible. Akbar was a theist in whose sight all seekers after
God were of equal worth as long as they sought to live
righteously and do good to their fellow-men. Whatever may
be said on behalf of a somewhat vague belief in a benevolent
providence with but few characteristic points to seize the
imagination of the multitude, it is quite certain that it is not
Muhammadanism. Beautiful as the system may have been,
it began with Akbar, and even he can have hardly hoped
that it would endure after he had passed away. On
his deathbed he repeated the confession of faith and
died in the forms of a good Mussalmán. As with his
religious convictions so it was with his political reforms. They
were his and his only; they belonged to the man and not
to the age.
It cannot be reiterated too often that there can
be nothing permanant in the reforms of a benevolent despot.
If it is possible to impart a firm and lasting character to
reforms forced upon a people without reference to their will
it must be by their belonging to a system and not depending
upon the idiosyncracies of a single man. The English love of
law and order which embues generation after generation of
6
82
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
administrators has given to the inhabitants of India almost
all that was given them by Akbar, only very much more has
been added. The ranks of the civil service are open to
Europeans and Natives alike, if only they can pass the
competitive examination in London; and if natives cannot
command British brigades they can rise to be judges in the
High Courts of Calcutta, Bombay and Madras.
In Akbar's reign beautiful buildings sprang up in the cities.
of India, and his court was one of the most magnificent in
the world. In jewels and decorations, in cloth of gold and
velvet, in the equipage of the camp and the trappings of the
army, splendour could hardly go further. In ability of
character, in breadth of view, in genius and ability Akbar
has few rivals in any country, while in the history of India,
the great Moghal emperor stands out absolutely unique and
unrivalled.
( 83 )
UPO
VII. COMING OF THE ENGLISH.
PON the death of Akbar, his eldest son, Silim was
crowned at Agra under the title of Jahángir, or con-
queror of the world (1605). Gifted with a keen political
discernment he was able to carry out some useful reforms,
but the mantle of his father did not fall upon his shoulders.
He adopted to the letter the orthodox formulas of Islam,
and the jazia or poll-tax was replaced upon Hindus. The
love of drink ran strong in his family, Akbar alone having
withstood the temptation; and the effect of the vice upon
Jahangir was to render him a cruel and sullen tyrant. The
stern edicts which he issued forbidding the use of wine to
others were never binding on himself. He was capable of
the most revolting cruelty. His eldest son Khosru rebelled
against him in the Panjáb but was taken prisoner; and
Jahangir caused 700 of his followers to be impaled in a line
from the gate of Láhur. While they were writhing and
shrieking in their death-agony he had his son placed on an
elephant and carried down the line. Such was the successor
of Akbar. The change was indeed startling, and it demon-
strates the futility of building up reforms unless the rulers
themselves are subject to the reign of law.
Jahangir had reigned three years when there arrived at his
splendid court at Agra the first representative of the future.
rulers of an empire greater than bis own; and Captain
Hawkins, the commander of the first English ship that
reached India, came from Surat to crave the emperor's per
mission to establish a factory at that port.
84
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
The nation which was to surpass all other European
peoples in the contest for supremacy in the East was slow
to commence its task. The brilliant success that attended
carly Portuguese enterprise was not vouchsafed to it. The
Portuguese had been lords of the Indian seas for a
hundred years, and the Dutch had firmly planted their
footing on the rich islands of the Indian Ocean before the
first English mariners sailed to the shores of India. A few
attempts had latterly been made to reach India or China by
the North-west passage. In striving to make his way to India
by sailing round Cape Horn Sir Francis Drake's little fleet
circumnavigated the world for the first time, but never reached
the country to which it had been sent. His expedition how-
ever called for remonstrances from Spain against his inter-
ference with the fancied rights of its flag. But Queen
Elizabeth stoutly declared that the sea like the air was com-
mon to all men, and her subjects were free to sail where they
pleased. Several expeditions were now sent, but owing to
the mismanagement and want of enterprise of their com-
manders no success was achieved. One captain named Lan-
caster managed to reach Ceylon, but his vessel was lost and
he eventually returned home alone in a French ship. The
Dutch were altogether more fortunate, and in 1599 several
rich cargoes were brought to Holland. Three years later the
various companies which had been engaged in the venture
united under a single charter.
A like method was adopted in England. A company was
embodied by royal charter in 1600, under the title of "The
Governor and Company of the Merchants of London trading
to the East Indies"; and a letter was drawn up by the Queen
recommending her subjects to the care of all monarchs and
peoples whose shores the expedition might visit.
Five
COMING OF THE ENGLISH.
85
ships were despatched in 1601 under Lancaster, who was
destined never to reach India. But he obtained a valuable
cargo at Sumatra, and added to the wealth thus obtained by
the capture of a Portuguese ship laden with spices. Queen
Elizabeth did not live to see his return, but a second expedition
under Admiral Middleton to Sumatra in 1604 was even more
successful. The Dutch, however, though they received the new
arrivals with friendly greetings, showed unmistakably that they
meant to keep the monopoly of the spice traffic to themselves.
However, by collecting their cargoes at other islands the
English gave no room for interference. The ships returned
in 1606 without having as yet visited India proper.
The success of these enterprises led the company to under-
take a third venture, and early in 1607 three ships were des-
patched under David Middleton. The goal aimed at was
still the spice islands of the Indian Archipelago, but one of
the ships named the "Hector," under Captain Hawkins, part-
ed from her consorts and sailed to Surat. The "Hector"
was thus the first English ship to reach India. Hawkins re-
mained at Surat to make arrangements for future commercial
operations, but despatched his vessel to Bantam in Sumatra ;
and the three ships reached England with large profit.
Two vessels despatched from England before their return
were wrecked; but nothing daunted the company sent an-
other expedition to Bantam which resulted in a profit that
surpassed their highest expectations. They considered it ad-
visable to strengthen their positions by obtaining from
James I. a new Charter which confirmed their existing pri-
vileges. Upon this three ships were despatched under Sir
Henry Middleton, one of them the "Trades' Increase" being
of 1,000 tons burden, a very different vessel from the
slender craft of the earlier attempts. The "Trades' Increase"
86
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
had an adventurous voyage. She visited Aden and Mocha,
and at the latter port was run ashore by an Arab pilot, and
her crew and commander imprisoned. By extraordinary good
fortune they obtained their release. The "Trades' Increase"
was floated, only for the crew to find à considerable Portu-
guese fleet waiting to oppose them. Force on this occasion
was not used; but Middleton let the Portuguese know that
their opinion as to their sole right to trade in those waters-
hardly coincided with his own, and that he meant to trade
where he liked. From the Red Sea he made his way to.
Surat. However at the Guzárát emporium he found the
native authorities so impressed with the fear of the Portu-
guese that for the time being trade was impracticable. He
therefore followed the advice given him at Surat and sailed
to Gogo, some miles northward on the Káthiáwár coast,
where he was less likely to be interfered with.
He took with him Hawkins, the Captain of the "Hector,"
who had just returned from Ágra with an Armenian wife
bestowed upon him by the emperor. Hawkins had a won-
derful tale to tell. When he despatched his ship to Bantam
he speedily found that he would be unable to establish a
factory or create a trade without the emperor's sanction.
Taking King James' letter addressed to the Great Moghal he-
adventured on the long journey to Agra, travelling hundreds-
and hundreds of miles where the face of no Englishman had
yet been seen. Jahangir received him with every attention and
courtesy; he lodged him sumptuously and bestowed on him
high marks of favour. The emperor showed himself well
disposed to the stranger who sought his aid, and expressed
a wish to welcome an ambassador from the Court of London.
For the present however the imperial permission to trade was-
not granted, but Hawkins went away astounded at the magnifi --
COMING OF THE ENGLISH.
87
cence of the court life of Jahangir and the civilized nature
of his rule. What stood in the way of more substantial results
was the presence at the imperial court of some Portuguese
Jesuits, who frustrated his efforts to obtain a firmán; and
even contrived to prevent the payment of a handsome salary
promised him by the emperor. These narrow-minded priests
did not even hesitate to attempt the life of a man who was
interfering with the commercial monopoly of their nation.
Failing to obtain his object Hawkins, not without considerable
difficulty, made the long and hazardous journey back to Surat.
Sir Henry Middleton had been sent to trade by the East India
Company. This errand he had no intention of leaving un-
accomplished merely because circumstances stood in the
way of peaceful commerce by land. He betook himself to the
mouth of the Red Sea and there seized vessels laden with
Indian produce. He placed their cargoes on board his ships
and gave the masters in return the goods that he had brought
from England, whether the exchange was to their liking or
not. The result was a rich gain to the Company. About
this time an English ship sailing up the Eastern coast of
India found the Dutch established at several native ports by
permission of the king of Golkonda. The English captain
managed to plant a small factory at Másulipatam.
From Sir Henry Middleton's voyage the English learnt the
lesson that in the face of the superior strength of the Portu-
guese the only way to establish a trade with India was by
force. Accordingly in 1612 a fleet of four ships fully armed
made direct for Surat, and were about to open trade, seem-
ingly, by permission of the local authorities. At that moment
four Portuguese men-of-war and a convoy of merchant ships.
entered the harbour. Best, the British Commander, had a
fair show of argument on his side; but preferring deeds to
88
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
words he promptly threw himself upon the Portuguese fleet.
The Portuguese were utterly defeated. No argument is so
convincing to the Oriental mind as physical force, and the
effect of this victory was at once apparent. Jahangir con-
cluded a treaty with the English which gave them permission.
to trade on payment of customs duties at 3 per cent., and to
establish factories at Surat, Cambay, Gogo and Áhmadábád.
An ambassador from the English court was to be permanently
resident at the imperial capital. Captain Best received this.
treaty at Surat in February 1613, and the event must be
regarded as a famous one in the annals of the English in the
East.
They were now firmly established and their desul-
tory proceedings at an end.
Meanwhile Jahangir's affairs in the Deccan were not pro-
gressing satisfactorily. His army had been defeated by Málik
Ambar, the great Ahmadnagar general and minister, who ruled
in the name of a fainéant king. The fort of Áhmadnagar
had been recaptured in 1610 and the emperor's troops driven
back to Burhanpur the capital of Khándesh. The rebellion
of Jahangir's son Prince Khosru enabled Málik Ambar to con-
solidate his power, and carry out his administrative reforms.
He rallied round him the chiefs of many Marátha families
which were steadily rising in importance, and conferred upon
them high military positions. He was playing with edged
tools; and the Hindu chieftains were not always to use on
behalf of their Mussalmán rulers the high powers with which
they were entrusted. The emperor sent an additional force
from Guzárát to assist Khán Jahán Lodi his viceroy in the
Deccan in 1612, but the spirited resistance of Málik Ambar
drove the united armies from his frontiers.
Jahangir determined to take the field in person against the
rebels; and in 1616 he appointed his son Prince Kharrám
COMING OF THE ENGLISH.
89
In a
who succeeded him as Shah Jahán, to be comm ander-in-chief
of the Deccan. But before this there had arrived at Ágra
Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambassador from James I.
long residence at Constantinople Roe had acquired a thorough
knowledge of Eastern character and manners; but the
pomp of the Turkish court had altogether failed to prepare
him for the magnificence that he beheld at Ágra. In accor-
dance with the Oriental custom by which no one comes
before a monarch empty handed he came provided with gifts.
But he could hardly smother a feeling of humiliation when
he placed before the emperor the presents sent from England;
for all the jewels of the British crown would not compare
with those which adorned the throne and robes of Jahán-
gir. Roe, like Hawkins, was admitted to intimacy by
the emperor, and the diaries kept by him during his
three years' residence at the Moghal Court give a most
interesting and valuable picture of the times. Roe left
nothing undone to promote the interests of his country. He
induced the emperor to extend the permission to trade to
the whole of India, and drew up a series of articles regu-
lating the English traffic, most of which were confirmed by
the emperor. He was as bold as he was diplomatic, and he
sent to the Portuguese viceroy at Goa a document which
considerably enlarged that potentate's views on the subject of
freedom of trade. The viceroy was plainly told that any
attempt to interfere with the English commerce would inevi-
tably bring forth war, revenge and bloodshed. The English
intended nothing but free trade open by the law of nations
to all men. It was not the purpose of the English to root
out or hinder the trade of the Portuguese; and it was strange
that people of that nation should dare to infringe upon the
free commerce between others. On these liberal views it
90
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
must be confessed that the policy of the great company for
nearly two centuries forms a startling commentary.
Ambar was driven out of
Akbar's conquests were
1620 Málik Ambar again
In 1616 Sir Thomas Roe accompanied the Inperial army
on its march against the Deccan. The emperor himself
went no further than the fort of Mándu in Málwa, but his
proximity infused energy into his commanders. An alliance
was made with Bijápur, and Málik
the city and fort of Ahmadnagar.
for the time re-established, but in
defeated the imperial forces and carried his movements so
far to the North as the fortress of Mándu itself. Amongst
the Maráthas conspicuous in Málik Ambar's service was an
officer named Sháhji Bhonsle. His family had risen into
notice under his father Málloji Bhonsle, who held a
command of horse in the Áhmadnagar army. Prince
Shah Jahan was again sent against Málik Ambar, but it
required well-nigh the full power of the empire to bring him
to submission. This was at last done in a general action to
the north of the Ahmadnagar territory, in which Sháhji
Bhonsle greatly distinguished himself.
Jahangir died in 1627, a year later than his formidable
opponent Málik Ambar. That great man was a foreigner,
and as such regarded with jealousy both in Ahmadnagar and
Bijápur. Had he been an Indian Muhammadan his admin-
istrative talent and military genius might have created an
impregnable barrier against the Moghal forces. But alike
among Hindus and Muhammadans in India political union
has always been shipwrecked by private feuds and party
feeling. For Jahangir the last year of his life had been
embittered by struggles between his own sons and the son
of his beautiful and imperious wife Nur Jahán, by her first
husband, whom she desired to be proclaimed heir.
( 91 )
SHA
VIII-RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
HAH JAHÁN surpassed in magnificence all the former
emperors of India. He devoted himself to the
pursuit of architecture, and it is to him that is due the
erection at Delhi of some of the most beautiful buildings in
the world. To Delhi he transferred the seat of Government
from Ágra; but it was at the latter place that he built in
memory of his wife Mumtaz Mahal, the Táj Mahal, the
most noble of Indian buildings, alike in its gracefulness and
simplicity. European travellers spoke with marvel of the
peacock throne, so called from the outspread tail, whose
colours were wrought in diamonds and rubies and the cost-
liest of gems. His dominions stretched from Bengal to Persia ;
and he ruled them with ability and judgment. Without the
absolute tolerance of Akbar he was yet free from the narrow
orthodoxy of Jahangir, and the fanaticism of Aurangzib.
Sháh Jahán had no liking for Khán Jahán Lodi, the com-
mander-in-chief of his forces in the Deccan. That officer
had long been bent on making himself independent. His
suspicions being aroused by the emperor's treatment of him
he openly took up arms against his new master with the aid
of the local Marátha authorities. It had taken immense
efforts to partially subdue Áhmadnagar. Bijapur and Gol-
konda had not yet come under the empire. Rightly estimat-
ing the efforts that the union of these powers under Lodi
might produce, Shah Jahán proceeded to the Deccan in person
'92
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in 1629 and directed the policy of the campaign. A hitherto
staunch adherent of Lodi was Sháji Bhonsle who had suc-
ceeded to much of the weight and influence of Málik Ambar.
He excelled in the art of knowing when to trim his sails, and
deeming that Lodi was no match against the emperor now
that he had himself come to the Deccan he betook himself to
Shah Jahán. On making his submission he received a patent
of nobility and the confirmation of his estates. Other Marátha
chiefs followed his example; and the immediate result was to
considerably strengthen the cause of the emperor, and pro-
portionately weaken that of Lodi and those who were disposed
to aid him. The rebellion was quelled and Lodi slain, after
fighting bravely to the last.
Lodi had ineffectually besought the aid of Bijapur to resist
the Moghal encroachments, but the Bijapur king was en-
grossed in the work of adorning and beautifying his city, and
he refused to break through the alliance which had been
made in the time of Akbar. That alliance had been ratified
during the wars of Málik Ambar; and the Bijápur king had
entered into a secret treaty with the emperor, by which in
return for his co-operation against Áhmadnagar he was
to receive the Konkan territory of that state and the
fort of Sholápur. But alarmed at the emperor's occupation
of the country after his defeat of Lodi, the Bijapur
king entered upon an offensive and defensive alliance with
Áhmadnagar against Shah Jahán, receiving from that
state the districts which the emperor had formerly
engaged to give him. The alliance achieved nothing. The
Bijapur army was at once defeated, and the city besieged
by the Moghal forces. The siege was not successful but
Áhmadnagar was now made over to the emperor by Fatte
Khán, the son of Málik Ambar, who was confirmed as regent
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
93:
of the state. This disgusted Sháhji Bhonsle who joined the
Bijapur forces against the emperor. Fatte Khán also
changed sides and defended himself at Daolatábád, but
before long he had to surrender, and was again received into-
the Moghal service. The last fainéant king of Áhmadnagar,
a mere boy, was sent as a state prisoner to Gwalior, and so in
1633 the Nizám Shahi kingdom came to an end. But Bijápur
was unsubdued, and none of the Deccan was really pacified.
The emperor was obliged to return to his capital to see after-
the affairs of the Panjáb, and in his absence his commanders-
withdrew to Burhanpur.
Sháhji Bhonsle was not slow to take advantage of this
opportunity. He proclaimed another prince as lawful heir to
the Nizám Sháhi kingdom; and calling himself his guardian
collected troops, garrisoned the forts, and occupied the
districts of the late kingdom as far as the sea. This insolence
could not be tolerated by Shah Jahán. In 1635 he returned
to the Deccan. The country was mercilessly plundered;.
and though a second siege of Bijapur failed, the king had to
sue for peace.
He was granted favourable terms and enrolled
as vassal of the empire on payment of about £800,000 a
year, and the forfeiture of a considerable portion of his
dominions, including Sholápur. Sháji had deserted Lodi
for Shah Jahan, on thinking that course to be favourable
to his interest. He left the emperor's ranks when he
thought himself able to hold his own in an independent
position. He now determined once more to turn with the
tide; his submission was received, and he was re-admitted
into the imperial service. The Deccan was now for the time-
being fairly settled, and Shah Jahan returned to his capital
in 1637 leaving his son Aurangzib as viceroy. But Muham-
madan rule in that part of India rested upon very insecure
94
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
foundations. It was composed of elements which not even
common interests and a common religion could succeed in
uniting. On the one side was the emperor of Delhi, amongst
whose forces contention often ran riot, his own sons striving
with one another for the mastery. On the other, until the
recent extinction of the Nizám Sháhi kingdom by Sháh
Jahán, there were the three Muhammadan States of Áhmadna-
gar, Bijapur and Golkonda who, it has been seen, only laid
aside the pleasing occupation of cutting one another's throats
for occasional union against a common foe. Meanwhile each
was more and more inclined to pamper the Marátha chieftains
and soldiery that were ranged under their banners. The
movement was steadily gaining strength which brought
Shiwáji the son of Sháhji into prominence as a champion
of the Hindu faith and a Hindu empire, which should smite
down and drive out of the Deccan its Mussalmán rulers,
emperors, and kings alike.
Meanwhile English trade was on the whole progressing
favourably though not without some fluctuations; and in 1628
a factory was established at Ármagur a town on the eastern
coast of India which is memorable as being the first place
fortified by the English in the country. At Surat the Dutch
entered upon a severe competition with the London mer-
chants. For a time the English commercial supremacy
was eclipsed, but the Company's vigour soon reasserted itself.
In 1632 important privileges were obtained from the king
of Persia for trading in the Persian Gulf, and two years
later under a firmán from Sháh Jahán a factory was opened
at Pipli near the mouth of the Hughli in Bengal. Less to
the liking of the Company than the rivalry of the Dutch was
the competition of a new Company from England. King
Charles I. did not approve of many of the original Company's
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
95
actions. He charged them with violation of their privileges,
and through under-payment of their servants with conniving
at a large amount of private trade. The Company, he con-
tended, had established no permanent forts, and had done
nothing towards extending the greatness and wealth of the
empire. The real truth was that the king sorely needed the
money which the new Company, under Sir Thomas Corten,
was prepared to supply. He signed the new charter in 1634,
and before the representatives of the original Company at
Surat were informed of the transaction, their rivals were at
their doors. The time was indeed an ill-chosen one for weaken-
ing the East India Company. The Dutch and Portuguese
had just agreed to come to terms and strengthen each other's
hands. The Corten Company commenced operations brilliantly
but its success did not last long, and their predecessors had
undoubtedly the advantage in the struggle. In 1646 Fort
St. George was founded at Madras to protect a new factory
that had been established on the Eastern coast. In 1650 the
English Parliament decided that one Company alone was to
carry on the trade; but an actual settlement was postponed
by war breaking out with Holland. Three ships were cap-
tured by the Dutch in the Persian Gulf and the trade of
Surat was seriously checked. On the conclusion of peace in
1654 the rival claims of the English and Dutch companies
were submitted to the arbitration of the Swiss Cantons.
Decision was given in favour of the English, and they were
awarded a sum of £88,000, an amount very much smaller than
they had claimed. An intense struggle now continued between
the two English companies. Finally, under Cromwell, it was
determined that the Company and the "Merchant Adven-
turers" should form one joint stock company, and the
amalgamation seems to have been carried out without diffi-
96
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
culty. Surat was made the Presidency of Western India
with control over the Persian Gulf; while the authority of
Madras extended over Hughli, Patna, Kásimbázár and
Bálásur.
The submission of Sháh Bhonsle was followed by an inter-
val of peace in the Indian empire of Shah Jahan. He was
nevertheless engaged in sending expeditions to Kándahár
and Balkh, but these left him leisure to improve his revenue
system and general administration. His son Aurangzib, who
had been employed with the army in Kándahár was appointed
viceroy of the Deccan. He made his court at the city which
Málik Ambar had built near Daolatábád, and changed its
name from Kirki to Aurangábád. Under Aurangzib's vice-
royalty Todar Mal's revenue system was to some extent
introduced into the Deccan. Sháhji meanwhile was permitted
to leave the direct service of the emperor for that of his vassal
the king of Bijapur, and his talents and genius found him.
constant employment. In 1627 there had been born to him
at Junnar a son named Shiwáji. He was left at Puna with his
mother to be brought up under the guardianship of Dádáji
Konedew. Dádáji was one of those Brahmans whom all
Maráthas of importance retain in their service as writers and
men of business. This man showed great skill in the manage-
ment of Shahji's estates near Puna, most of which were in the
wild valleys of the Western Ghats. As the boy Shiwáji grew
up he made friends with other young Marátha chiefs like him-
self. Animated with an intense hatred of Muhammadanism he
and his friends led wild and lawless lives, and issued on plunder-
ing raids on the rich lands below the Ghats. An inspiration
seized the young Shiwáji that he might smite the Moslem
hip and thigh, and bring back the palmy days when the
children of Bhawani and Indra possessed the land, and had
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
97
not to bow down beneath a foreign yoke. He scorned to
learn to read or write, but he attained high skill in all mar-
tial exercises. He was equally proficient in the use of the
spear, the sword, and the gun, while like most of his countrymen
he excelled in horsemanship. He delighted to listen to tales of
Hindu chivalry that were recited to him out of the Rámáyana
and Máhábhárat. All the religious ideas of a Hindu were
strongly developed in his nature, and he was rigidly strict in
all caste ceremonies and observances. His mother was a
remarkable woman. To her he confided all his aspirations,
and she worked up his hopes to the highest pitch by telling
him of revelations which she had received from the goddess
Bhawáni foreshadowing his future greatness as the upheaver
of the Muhammadan creed. By the death of his guardian,
Shiwáji became the manager of his father's estates. During
his life time Dádáji had urged him to give up his schemes
and faithfully serve Bijápur. On his death-bed he exhorted
him to achieve independence, and protect Brahmans, kine,
and cultivators. These dying words were
were not only an
encouragement to Shiwaji, but they gave a sanction to his
designs in the eyes of his followers. From his father's
estates he gained the means which enabled him to enter
upon the mission of his life, while he was daily acquiring a
more and more powerful influence over the wild inhabitants
of the mountains. Bold and determined as he was he
saw the need of caution and wariness. By his politeness
and conciliatory manners he gained the good will of the
respectable Maráthas of Puna; but his occasional absence
into the Konkan were followed by rumours of robberies and
dacoities, and it was whispered that Shahji's son shared the
profits.
In his wanderings about the wild highlands where he after-
7
98
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
wards established himself he not only grew familiar with the
paths and tracks, but made himself thoroughly acquainted
with the hill forts. These forts had been easily taken by the
Muhammadans, and their value being in consequence much
under-estimated they were generally neglected. Shiwáji saw
that they could be turned to good account. He managed by
some means, the particulars of which are not known, to induce
the killidár or governor of Torna, a fort about thirty miles to
the West of Puna, to give over the place to him. This was in
1646 when Shiwaji was in his twentieth year. He now sent
word to the Bijápur authorities of what he had done. He
undertook to pay for the tract which he had taken a higher
rent than had been received for it in the ten years that
it had belonged to Bijápur. No notice was taken of his
request, and he proceeded to strengthen and repair Torna.
While busied with this task he discovered in the fort a
hoard of gold which he attributed to a miracle worked on
his behalf by the goddess Bhawani. This enabled him to
purchase arms and ammunition and to build another fort
near Torna which he named Rájgahr or the royal fort.
Both of them are situated in what is now the Bhor State or
Pant Sachiw's territory. The attention of the Bijapur
Government was at last attracted. References were made
to Sháhji, who replied that doubtless his son was working.
for the improvement of the estates which he held under
government.
Shiwáji next proceeded to win over to his views the Hindu
officer in charge of the fort of Chákan, and by a large bribe
he secured the important fort near Puna to which he gave or
restored the name of Singahr (Shiwagahr) or the lion's den.
For his father's estates he was bound to pay revenues to
Bijápur. By various excuses he contrived to keep them in
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
99
his own hands, and use them for his own purposes. A little
later by craft and stratagem he occupied Supa, and got
possession of Purandhar, another important fortress near
Puna. Hitherto these acquisitions were made without stir
or bloodshed. Little heed was given to what was being
done on or about Sháhji's estates, while Sháhji himself
was serving in the immediate presence of the Bijapur
king. And so, without let or hindrance, Shiwáji made for
himself a splendid base of operations in the fastnesses of
the Western Ghats. When his progress attracted attention,
and concealment was no longer possible, he could spring
out from his strongholds with a force as irresistible as it was
unexpected.
Cautious as he was not to strike before he was sure of his
strength, two years had not passed from his occupation of
Torna before he was able to show his hand. He had
kindled such faith in his followers that he ventured to attack
a large convoy of Government treasure on its way from
Kályán to Bijapur, and disperse the escort. He divided
the treasure amongst his horsemen and conveyed it with all
speed to Rájgahr. Rightly judging that this open defiance
could not be disregarded by the Bijapur court, Shiwaji
at once proceeded to strengthen the position that he had
taken up.
Such was his activity that before the news
could reach the capital he had made himself master of
no less than ten forts on the borders of the Deccan and
in the Konkan. Some of these were held directly by the
Bijapur Government; others were in the little state of Janjira
or the island, so called from its fort in the harbour of
Danda Rájápuri. The early kings of Áhmadnagar had
established Abyssinians as captains of this part of their
territories. The appointment became hereditary, the chief
100
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
being commonly known as the Sidi, a vulgar corruption of
Syad, a term of respect for descendants of the prophet. In
the ordinary speech of the Deccan Sidi is an equivalent for
African, and is used in a contemptuous sense. The Sidi of
Janjira was subsequently appointed to be admiral of the fleet
of the Moghal empire.
Shiwaji's action had been bold, but his next exploit was
still more daring. He pushed his forces on to Kályán, took
the governor prisoner, and obtained the surrender of several
forts in its neighbourhood. He at once revived ancient
Hindu institutions. Endowments were made to temples
and assignments to Brahmans. Two new forts were also
commenced for the protection of the frontier against the Sidi,
who was by no means an unformidable neighbour. Incensed
as the Bijapur Government was at being thus defied by
Shiwaji the king could not believe that he was acting inde-
pendently of his father Sháhji. The latter was therefore
seized and imprisoned. Sháhji with perfect truth insisted
that he had nothing whatever to do with his son's achieve-
ments, and advised the king to reduce him to obedience by
force. But enraged at what he considered Sháhji's obstinacy
the king placed him in a dungeon in which he was all but
walled up; and told him that if he did not shortly procure
the submission of his son the few remaining bricks would be
closed. Shiwaji, seemingly with the deliberate intention of
playing the rival Muhammadan powers one against the other,
had refrained from any interference with the emperor's terri-
tory or subjects; and he now appealed to Shah Jahán against
his vassal king of Bijapur. With a like notion of making
use of this daring young Marátha as a check upon his stiff-
necked subject, Sháh Jahán admitted Shiwáji into his service,
and obtained the release of his father from the dungeon.
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
101-
$
Sháhji however was detained at Bijápur for two years. Dur-
ing this period Shiwáji was busied with endless schemes, but
committed few aggressions. But no sooner was Sháhji
allowed to leave the capital and return to his duty in the
southern districts than he took to his old courses. He
seized fort after fort, and in 1656 made for himself an
impregnable stronghold at Pratápgahr, near the heights of
Máhábleshwár.
Aurangzib meanwhile, as viceroy of the Deccan, had been
waging war against Golkonda, and after sacking Hydarábád
he forced the king to pay a fine of £1,000,000 sterling. The
death of Muhammad Adil Sháh of Bijápur, under whose
reign the city was one of the finest and most populous in
India, formed sufficient excuse for interference in that quarter.
Aurangzib chose to say that the selection of a king lay with
the emperor. The young king Ádil Ali Shah offered to pay
a sum equal to that exacted from Golkonda, but Aurangzib
determined once for all to annex the kingdom to the
imperial dominions. The city was invested in 1567, and its
capture was only a question of time, when a message reached
Aurangzib of the supposed mortal illness of his father. He
hurried off to Delhi to secure his succession to the throne
and quash the claims of his three brothers. Shuja and Murád,
in whom the family vice of drunkenness ran riot, assumed
royal titles. Aurangzib cajoled Murád by promising to help
him against their eldest brother Dára, a prince who would have
been a worthy successor to Akbar. Their combined armies
defeated Dára who was forced to flee. Murád, having been
used as a tool, was now put aside, and Shuja's efforts were
fruitless. On failing to conciliate the emperor, whose ill-
ness was after all not mortal, Aurangzib seized the throne in
1658, and kept his father prisoner within the walls of his
102
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
palace until his death eight years later. Dára and Murád
were killed and Shuja only escaped to perish in Arrakhan.
Shah Jahán left no less than £24,000,000 sterling in the
public treasury. He had governed his immense dominions
wisely and well. The great Deccan kingdom of Bijapur was
bound more closely to the empire during his reign than it
ever had been before.
Shiwaji had kept a watchful eye on all the movements of
Aurangzib. On the commencement of the prince's operations
against Bijapur he entered into correspondence with him.
Aurangzib listened to his overtures, and consented to his
retaining what he had wrested from Bijápur. He even
handed over to Shiwáji the port of Dábul and its dependen-
cies on the Ratnagiri coast which were directly under the
government of the emperor. Aurangzib was anxious for an
interview with the Marátha chief in order to impress upon
him how closely their interests were allied. But Shiwáji had
no wish to place himself in an equivocal position, being per-
fectly well aware that the alliance of their interests would last
no longer than might seem good to himself. That limit was
soon reached, and while writing conciliatory letters Shiwáji
made a raid upon Junnar and carried to Rájgahr revenue
collections of the Moghal Government worth £120,000.
The principle that money is the sinews of war was a maxim
that he invariably recognised. But the army of Aurangzib
obtained unexpected success at Bijápur, and Shiwáji thought it
better to temporise. He wrote in a humble strain begging for
forgiveness for what was past; and when Aurangzib journeyed
northwards on the news of his father's illness he offered to pro-
tect the imperial dominions during his absence. At the same time
he pressed his claims to some hereditary estates in the Moghal
districts, and solicited the imperial sanction to the transfer-
RISE OF THE MARÁTHAS.
103
of all the Konkan to himself. Aurangzib had no wish that his
troops should risk a collision with Shiwáji during his own.
absence. He judged it best for the time to comply with his
arrogant demands, and even deemed it good policy to
encourage the Marátha upstart at the expense of Muhammadan
vassals. The result showed how fatal was the mistake of
allowing an avowed enemy of Islam to consolidate his power,
as a means by which the more effectually to bring Bijapur
and Golkonda beneath the Imperial sway.
( 104 )
IX.-EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
AUR
URANGZIB was forty years old when he dethroned his
father and became emperor under the title of Álamgir,
and he was to reign like Akbar for half a century (1658-1707).
Both were indefatigable workers, both were prompt in action,
and both to a certain extent skilful in dealing with emergen-
cies. But Aurangzib had none of his illustrious ancestor's
love of righteousness and breadth of sympathy. A bigoted
and intolerant follower of the prophet, he has been described
as a Puritan Muhammadan monarch. The toleration of Akbar
had ended with his life. But it had left a kind of contemp-
tuous half-belief in the state religion among those who carried
out its ceremonies to the letter. A period of immorality and
licence had sprung up at the court. The great object of
Aurangzib's life was to crush this infidelity and licence, to
bring Hindus down to their proper level and to subdue the
heretical Muhammadan kingdoms of the Deccan. Aurang-
zib was a Sunni or orthodox Muhammadan; the Deccan kings
supported the Shia heresy which refused to recognise as
caliphs the first three followers of the prophet who had
assumed that title.
Aurangzib loved to enter into the minutest details of
his administration. He was fascinated by the individual
features of the work of government. He could not throw
his gaze over the vast surface of his empire so as to ob-
tain one comprehensive view of the political horizon. His
method of rule in Hindustán is not within our consideration
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
105
here. But his whole history in the West of India with regard
to the Maráthas and the Mussalmán kingdoms of the Deccan
cannot but fill us with amazement at the praise that has
been bestowed on his ability and administration. Daring as
he was his boldness was exceeded by his hypocrisy. To
advance his ambitious aims no dissimulation was too low to
stoop to. He strove to build up a reputation for wisdom;
and his successful usurpation of the throne, his close atten-
tion to business, the simplicity of his personal habits amidst
a court of unparalleled splendour, and the extent of his
scholastic attainments sufficed to obtain it for him. That
he lacked the affection which Akbar felt for all his subjects
is not wonderful; his failure to see that the strongest
foundation which his empire could rest upon would be a
fusion of all alike into one nationality makes the wisdom of
Akbar stand out in yet more vivid relief. In Bijápur and
Golkonda he possessed powerful bulwarks which a wise
statesmanship might have incorporated into the empire, and
bound to it by as warm ties of devotion and interest as those
which hold the modern princes of India in allegiance to
Queen Victoria.
In most parts of his dominions he smote with an iron rod
those who were not followers of the Prophet. The capitation
tax on all infidels was stringently collected, and a mass of
clamorous petitioners for exemption from the impost were
trampled to death by his elephants. Customs duties for
Hindus were twofold what they were for Muhammadans, and
Hindus were excluded from all public offices except a few
military posts. Far from desiring to be a benefactor of mankind,
Aurangzib's wish was to establish his title as a Muhammadan
saint. Akbar had allied himself to the Rájputs, and Aurangzib
had Rajput blood in his veins. But Aurangzib treated this
106
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
race as enemies of his faith, and goaded them into a rebellion,
which was put down with all the ferocity of Islam. The country
was laid waste, the men slain, the women and children made-
slaves. And yet in spite of this mischievous and intolerant
bigotry such was his suspicion of the Muhammadan kings in the
Deccan who would not bow their heads to the Moghal yoke that
he encouraged the rise of the bitterest foe of his and their
mutual faith in order to weaken the powers that he should have
cherished as the buttresses of his empire. His eyes were partially
opened when the mischief was done. But even then, emergent
as the crisis was, such was his suspicion and obstinacy that he
would not trust his generals with sufficient forces to quell
the Marátha power whose growth his policy had stimulated.
And at the end, when he himself came to the Deccan for his
final efforts at its subjugation, his armies were hampered by
their unheard-of pomp and gorgeous equipment, and his
treasury exhausted in fruitless display.
When Aurangzib went off from the Deccan to seize the
throne at Delhi, Shiwáji promptly went on with his system of
conquest. One of his expeditions met with unexpected
failure, and an army that he despatched under his Peshwa or
chief officer against the little African State of Janjira
was signally defeated by the Sidi's forces. Every exertion
was used to repair the disaster; and an event shortly occurred
which raised Shiwaji's power to the highest pitch. Attracted
to his doings in the Konkan and on the Ghats the Bijápur
Government, putting aside for a time its endless internal
distractions, became sensible of the necessity of subduing the
marauder. A splendid army was despatched against him under
Afzul Khán, an officer of high rank, who proudly vaunted
that he would soon return to his sovereign with the insignifi-
cant rebel in chains.
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
107
{
Shiwaji had no intention of risking a battle in the open
field. He took up his position at Pratápgahr, and sent
pretended offers of submission to the Bijápur commander.
Afzul Khán, notwithstanding his contempt for his enemy,
was fully aware of the natural difficulties of the country.
Halting at Wai he despatched a trusted Brahman named
Pantoji Gopinath to receive Shiwáji's submission. Shiwájí
gave the Brahman an honourable reception, but assigned
him quarters apart from his suite.
Secretly in the night
he went to him and represented that all that he had done
was on behalf of the Hindu faith. It was Bhawani herself
at whose bidding he was making war against the enemies of
their religion, the violaters of their temples and gods. It
was his mission to free his countrymen from their yoke and
to give protection to kine and Brahmans. It was therefore
Pantoji's duty to assist him in the divine work. He seconded
these arguments with costly gifts, and the Brahman could not
resist the appeal.
In order to accomplish their design the false envoy now sent
messages to Afzul Khán that Shiwaji was in fear for his
safety at the hands of the Bijapur army, but that the per-
sonal assurances of the Khán would induce him to surrender.
With blind confidence the vain-glorious general took the
bait. He led his army into the mountains and walked into
the trap that Shiwaji had prepared for him. Shiwaji made
ready for the accomplishment of his purpose as though
the deed that he proposed to do was the most sacred act of
patriotism. He solemnly performed his religious obser-
vances, and laid his head at his mother's feet to receive
her special blessing on his righteous deed. Under his
turban he placed a steel cap, he put' on chain armour beneath
his cotton gown, and concealed a crooked dagger in his
108
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
right sleeve. On the fingers of his left hand he fixed a
favourite Maráthi weapon known as a wágnak or tiger's
claws. His guest was introduced to him. In the midst of
the customary embrace Shiwáji stuck the wágnak into his
bowels and followed up the blow with his dagger. It was the
work of a moment. Afzul Khán's head was severed from his
body, and preconcerted signals were given upon which
Shiwaji's troops started up from the dense vegetation in
which they had been lying in ambush. They mowed down in
hundreds the Bijapur soldiers, who never suspected the
presence of an enemy, and who had not time to mount their
horses or stand to their arms.
The rout of the Bijapur army and the capture of its
valuable camp and siege train greatly raised Shiwáji's fame.
His subsequent career was by no means unchequered, but he
may be fairly said from this date to have created the Marátha
nation. He had dealt a deadly blow at Muhammadan
power, Delhi and Bijapur alike, and the year of the victory,
1659, is an important date. Almost exactly a hundred years.
later the battle of Plassey forms another memorable epoch in
Indian history. Plassey established as rulers the merchants
who for so long had barely sustained a struggle for existence.
on the sea-coast; and just a hundred years after that the
rule of the Company ended in the thunderstorm of the great
mutiny only to spring into new life in the mightier rule of
the British Crown.
The Bijapur king now took the field in person against
Shiwaji and besieged him at Panálla, a strong fort twelve
miles from Kolhápur, which the wily Marátha had secured by
corrupting its Bijápur commander. Shiwáji escaped from
wear itself out in in-
Panalla, and left the king's army to
effectual efforts to come up with him, while he occupied
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
109
himself with plundering and robbing right and left. Early
in 1661 he appeared before Rájápur on the Ratnagiri coast,
plundered the English factory, and imprisoned for several
years some of the merchants on the excuse that they had
assisted the Bijápur troops against him. Some of his forts
were taken by the Bijápur army, but he built new ones,
especially near the sea. Observing too the great advantage
that the Sidi of Janjira gained from his ships he proceeded
to establish a fleet of his own, while he obtained guns and
military stores from the Portuguese on condition of leaving
them unmolested. The demand it need hardly be said was
frequently renewed.
About this period Shiwáji received a visit from his father
Shahji, who was still in the Bijapur service. Shiwáji treated
him with profound respect and high distinction. He sent
him back to Bijapur with presents for the king, and by his
intervention secured an amnesty from the state. The amnesty
lasted till Sháhji's death in 1664, and was then not broken
by Shiwaji. It was probably at the suggestion of Sháhji
that Shiwaji at this time moved his head-quarters from
Rájgahr to an impregnable position at Rairi, nearer the sea,
in what is now the Kolába district. He changed its name to
Raygahr, or the regal fortress, and erected upon it a complete
set of public buildings. Shiwáji now possessed a compact
territory with a coast line extending 160 miles from Kályán
to Goa, and a breadth of 100 miles. His army was a formid-
able one of some 50,000 foot and 7,000 horse, and his truce
with Bijapur enabled him to use it against the Moghals.
The English all this time were steadily improving their
position, and a new charter granted them by Charles II. in
addition to extending their trading privileges gave them
important political and judicial authority. They were
110
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
empowered to choose their own governors, and to administer
British laws within their settlements. They were allowed
to make war with any power not Christian—a proviso
honoured in the letter rather than in the spirit-to build
fortifications, and to suppress the trade of interlopers or
unauthorised persons. This greatly raised the status of
the Company's settlement at Surat. But a city that was to
become the second city of the British empire when the
greatness of Surat was well-nigh forgotten was now to come
into the Company's hands. In 1661, by the marriage treaty
of Charles II. with Catharine of Braganza, the princess of
Portugal, the island of Bombay was ceded to the British
Crown. The British engaged in return to defend and
protect the subjects of the King of Portugal in those parts
from the power and invasion of the States of the United
Provinces. An expedition was sent to take possession of the
island in 1662 under the Earl of Marlborough, The Earl
was instructed to convey the Viceroy of Goa from Lisbon to
India, and from him to receive the island in possession.
He was also directed "to make the most exact observations
he could of all advantages which may be secured to His
Majesty or his subjects in those parts where he should go,
either by treaties with the several Princes of those countries,
or by planting of spices in any places which may be or shall
be in the king's possession, and of the means of advancing
trade and securing navigation in those parts." But owing to
a claim to the islands near Bombay which were not speci-
fically named in the concession negociations ensued. The
Earl returned to England for instructions, leaving his
troops, 500 in number, under the command of Sir Abraham
Shipman, on the pestilential island of Anjidiwa near Goa.
Sir Abraham and most of his men perished from the
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POwer.
111
climate. However, in 1664 Mr. Cooke, his Secretary, signed
a convention accepting Bombay alone, and the island was
taken possession of by the crown. Charles II. protested
against the action of the Portuguese, and demanded the
islands and £100,000 compensation for the loss suffered
by the expedition, but nothing came of the remonstrance.
Four years later Bombay was transferred to the Company
with all the powers of local government. The Company
undertook to pay the crown £10 a year rent for the island,
and "all persons born in Bombay were to be accounted
natural subjects of England." Excepting its magnificent
position, which was however greatly reduced in value by the
separation of the neighbouring islands of Colaba (now joined
to Bombay), Karanja (now mainland), Salsette and Elephanta
from its rule, there was little but a few native fishing villages
and some small and crumbling Portuguese forts to be taken over
by the English. But the fortifications were enlarged and prac-
tically rebuilt; and, while Aurangzib was massacring Rajputs,
Shiwaji slaying Muhammadans, and the Portuguese allowing
none but Christians to sleep within the walls of Bassein, Chául
and Goa, a wise policy of religious toleration, freedom of trade.
and encouragment of native industry, attracted to Bombay
persons of all nations. A cosmopolitan population of Euro-
peans, Pársis, Muhammadans and Hindus of all castes rapidly
sprang up; each enjoying their own rites and customs and not
interfering with each other. Its beautiful and spacious
harbour, defended by the powerful fort built for its protection,
soon made Bombay a centre of trade. And in spite of attacks
from the Moghal, the Dutch, the Sidi, from Marátha and
even from English pirates, and a climate whose virulence
rested chiefly on an absolute ignorance of sanitary principles,
its prosperity steadily increased,
112
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
But for the time Surat was the seat of the English adminis-
tration, and its wealth formed an attraction to the restless-
Shiwaji. He had been ravaging the Moghal districts in all
directions, plundering the villages and levying contributions.
from the towns. Once, when camped at Singhar, his fort over-
looking Puna, a town at this time rising into importance,
he performed an exploit which his countrymen for long
after his life-time talked of with delight. With a small band
of followers he left his fort and slipped into the town,
unobserved by the Moghal garrison. He made his way to the
general's house, slew his guard and his son, and before it was
possible to interrupt him made his way back to Singahr. The
glare of torches on the fort expressed to the Moghals at Puna
the bravado and defiance of their enemies. Turning aside for
a moment from the Moghals the Marátha ruler early in 1664
assembled an army at Kályán, giving out that he meant to
attack the Portuguese and once for all reduce the Sidi. His
real design was Surat, upon which he made a rapid march.
He plundered it for six days and conveyed his spoil to Ray-
gahr. The plunder was great, but would have been greater
had not the English under the Governor, Sir George Oxenden,
manfully stood on their defence. Shiwáji had on a pre-
vious occasion plundered their factory at Rájápur; but he
was so impressed by their resistance at Surat that for the
future he sought to conciliate them, and on a subsequent raid
upon Surat left their factories unmolested. The emperor, on
his part, as a mark of his appreciation of their valour, granted
the English a remission of a great part of his custom.
duties.
Not long after this Shiwáji heard of the death of his father..
He now assumed the title of Rája, and struck coins in his
own name. Some months were spent in arranging the affairs-
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
113
But he obtained fresh acces-
of his government at Raygahır.
sions of power. His fleet seized Moghal vessels bound for
Mecca, and the rich pilgrims had to pay costly ransoms for
their release. He surprised and plundered Aurangábád
and Ahmadnagar, and thoroughly defeated a Bijapur army
sent against him in the Konkan. In fact, as the English
records of the times state, he seemed to be every where and to
be prepared for every emergency. His success during this
year was astonishing. He levied exactions from the seaports
for thirty miles south of Goa, experiencing scarcely any
resistance except at Kárwár, from which he had barely time to
exact a contribution (1664).
The emperor had no objection to Shiwáji battering to
pieces his Muhammadan vassals. But the attack on his own
pilgrim ships roused his indignation. A large army under
two of his chief generals, one of whom was a Hindu named
Rája Jay Singh, was sent to avenge the outrage upon the
faith and the insult to the empire. A Hindu of the Hindus,
Shiwaji was a slave to superstition. Warned in a dream by
the goddess Bhawáni that he could not prevail against this
Hindu prince, he entered into negociations with him.
Shiwaji ceded a large number of the forts to the emperor on
condition of the rest of his acquisitions being confirmed to
him as a jéghir or estate dependent on the emperor. He
then joined his forces to the imperial army and fought with
such valour that he was invited to Aurangzib's court at
Delhi. He arrived there with his son Sambháji in March
1666. He looked for a reception in accordance with the
ideas that he entertained of his own importance. But he felt
himself slighted, if not insulted by the position assigned to
him, and even in the emperor's presence he could not
suppress his resentment at the indignity. He was thereupon
8
114
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
placed under guard, and kept in confinement for some
months. He at last contrived to escape, and after extraordi-
nary adventures reached Raygahr towards the close of the year.
Shiwáji rapidly repossessed himself of his relinquished
forts and of the northern Konkan, and Aurangzib in conse-
quence recalled his Hindu general, Rája Jay Singh. The
Rája died on his road to Delhi. From Bijapur and Golkonda
Shiwáji obtained tribute on condition that he abstained from
enforcing his demands for chauth, or a fourth part of the
revenue due to Government. At this stage there was
comparative peace and quiet in the Deccan; and Shiwaji
applied himself steadily to the regulation of his army and
civil government. In each of these branches he showed
wonderful skill and ability which reached down to the
minutest details. His military discipline was excessively
strict, especially in the forts; and his troops were punctually
paid. The judicial system was founded on that of the
panchayet or village council; but as compared with the
revenue department the judicial was of slight importance.
But though tranquillity existed in the Deccan Shiwaji would
not altogether restrain his hands from war. He made some
attempts, which however were not successful, on Goa, and
the inpregnable Sidi stronghold at Janjira. The Sidi in his
need applied for aid to his new neighbours in Bombay. So
little value did the English attach to their island that they
actually suggested to the council at Surat the advisability of
moving their settlement from Bombay to Janjira. The
suggestion was treated with the contempt that it deserved.
From the time of Shiwaji's escape from Delhi, there is no
doubt that Aurangzib looked with some misgivings upon the
rise of the Maráthas which in his folly he had encouraged. He
made several changes among his officers in the Deccan. But
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
115
he wholly trusted none; for he had reason to believe that not
a few of them, including his own son Prince Muázim, were in
collusion with Shiwáji. There was in truth cause for anxiety.
The period of inactivity was past and Shiwáji increased his
marauding expeditions to an unprecedented extent. In 1672
he totally defeated in the open field a new army sent against
him by the emperor. The army retreated to Aurangábád,
and but little was attempted by the imperial forces for
ten years. At the end of that time Aurangzib came to
command them in person. Shiwáji meanwhile was still at war
with the Portuguese and the Sidi, and frequent engagements
took place in Bombay harbour. The English deemed it
prudent both to further strengthen their defences and
to form a treaty with the Maráthas. They endeavoured to
secure indemnification for past losses at Rájápur and Surat,
and mutual advantages for the future. But Gerald Aungier,
the President, a man of great judgement and firmness, refused
to enter into any agreement with Shiwáji or the Sidi which
would entangle the infant settlement in their quarrels; and
only one not very successful attempt was made to dislodge
the Maratha fleet from their position near Khánderi (Kenhery)
Island off the mouth of Bombay harbour. The plunder of
Hubli in Dharwár in 1673, in which the English factory
suffered greatly at the hands of the Maráthas, increased their
desire for a definite treaty. Shiwaji, however, protested that
in this case his troops had not molested the English. Bom-
bay was seriously threatened in the same year by a Dutch
fleet of twenty-two sail, but President Aungier, with the aid of
some French ships, made such a brave defence that the attack
was abandoned.
Aungier was one of the great men who have helped to create
the fabric of the British Indian Empire. When he had built
116
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
up the fortifications of Bombay he laid out the town, the first
street being occupied by silk weavers from the decaying city
of Chául. He quelled a mutiny among English soldiers, and
under the impartial British law the first man to suffer death
on the island was an Englishman. Seeing the mischief that
had resulted to the Portuguese by mixed marriages he sent
home for English wives for his English subjects. He secured
the lives and property of the Company's servants at Surat
when a second attack was made by Shiwáji. Bombay
became an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, where all
might enjoy the free exercise of their religion. All might
dispose of their dead with whatever ceremonies they pleased,
and none of any nation were to be compelled to embrace
Christianity. He secured for Bombay what was then the
separate island of Colaba. When confronted with the
difficulty of governing the motley population that sprang
up he embraced the system of the panchayet, and upon its
basis worked up a system of self government. On his death,
the judgement of the Council at Surat was, that “amid a
succession of difficulties he preserved the English trade
for sixteen years." At this time the Company separated
their officers into four grades, the junior of whom were
writers whose salary together with board and lodging was
£10 per annum after three years' service. They rose to be
factors, junior merchants, and senior merchants, designations.
which continued to the last.
Shiwaji had long struck coins and styled himself Rája, but
he now determined on having a magnificent coronation at his
capital of Raygahr. On the 6th of June 1674, after many
solemn rites, the ceremony took place. He openly declared
his independence; and assuming the insignia of royalty
established the date as an era of his dynasty. His aged
EXPANSION OF MARÁTHA POWER.
117
mother lived to see this event. The coronation was witnessed
by Mr. Henry Oxenden, who had been sent from Bombay
on a mission to Shiwáji for the conclusion of the long-
wished for treaty. The treaty was signed, and by it
Shiwaji gave permission to trade all over his dominions on
an import duty of only 2 per cent.; coins were to pass
reciprocally and wrecks to be restored. Indemnification was
promised for the losses at Rájapur, and factories were permit-
ted at several new places. The embassy and the adminis-
tration of Aungier produced a favourable impression; the
immediate successors of that able president, who died in 1676,
had neither his talents nor his weight.
Shiwaji continued to hold his power for the remainder of
his life. The monotonous record of wars and intrigues
between the emperor, Shiwáji, and Bijápur, lasted with little
intermission to the end. It is varied by an extraordinary
expedition that the ever-restless Marátha chief took to the
shores of the Bay of Bengal, in which he took Tanjáwar
(Tanjore); and by the temporary desertion of his son Sambháji
to the Moghal Sidi. When his fortune was still unclouded
Shiwaji was taken ill at Raygahr with a painful swelling of
the knee joint. This caused a high fever, and he died on the
5th of April 1680 in his fifty-third year.
If he had not altogether realized the dreams of his mother,
or literally fulfilled the bidding of Bhawáni, he had risen
from a small landholder to be the monarch of a mighty
nation which he himself had called into being. He had
taught his followers the method by which they were finally
to subdue the Moghals. Whenever fortune might for a time
desert them, they were to return to their hills leaving their
baffled pursuers in despair of finding them. On a favourable
opportunity they would dash down upon the plains with the
118
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
force of a hurricane. And so, when the hand that framed
the plans was dust and ashes, the design could bring about
its own accomplishment. Shiwaji was a born ruler of men.
All can recognise his wonderful genius and admire his
undaunted perseverance. But the world cannot endorse the
verdict of his nation, who speak of him as an incarnation of
the deity, setting an example of wisdom, fortitude and piety.
His ruling passion was a love of money, War to him meant
plunder; and on his death at Raygahr he left several
nillions sterling.
( 119 )
X.-DECLINE OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
AMBHAJI succeeded to his father's throne. He possessed
SAMB
to the full Shiwáji's audacity and courage, but lacked
his discretion. On his successiou to power he roused the
indignation of his followers by wholesale executions of those
whose personal devotion to himself he doubted. Amongst
the number of these was the Peshwa or chief minister.
As in all Indian dynasties, the system of Shiwáji's rule
was a personal one. During his life he maintained it in its
integrity; on his death it melted way. The idea of any
constitutional form of government, which should pass down
unchanged from one ruler to another, is one that is alien
to Indian soil. Shiwaji had attached the utmost import-
ance to giving the army regular pay, and to the maintenance
of rigid discipline. Under Sambháji, instead of pay the
army appropriated as much plunder as they could lay
hands on, and discipline was a thing of the past. Shiwaji
had been the mainspring of all Marátha action, and he was
feared no less by his countrymen than by his enemies.
Nothing was done but by his orders. But now the more or
less independent Marátha chiefs were a law unto themselves,
and each followed his own devices. Yet it will be seen that
what looked like weakness became with this singular people
a source of strength. But the diverse nature of the Marátha
movements and policy makes it impracticable in a limited
120
HISTORY OF THE POMBAY PRESIDENCY,
space to narrate in detail the history of the period that fol-
lowed the death of Shiwaji; nor would it be profitable to
give a circumstantial account of all the events of the time.
The country became more and more unsettled. Bitter
quarrels sprang up between rival Hindu families as to here-
ditary rights. National patriotism frequently proved weaker
than self-interest, and there are even instances of one party
becoming a Muhammadan in order to promote his interests at
the expense of his adversary.
Wars went on with the Maráthas and the Sidi. A severe-
naval engagement in which the latter was victorious took place
in Bombay harbour and the Thána creek. Sambháji vowed
vengeance against the English for refusing him aid; and he
made war against the Portuguese at Chául and Goa. The
Viceroy at Goa was not inclined to remain on the defensive.
In 1683 he invaded Sambháji's territory; he carried fire and
sword through defenceless villages, equalling the Maráthas in
cruelty. Those who were taken prisoners were converted to
Christianity. The Deccan was thus in anarchy, and Aurangzib
determined on a final effort to reduce to obedience both the
wild Maráthas and the Mussalmán kingdoms of Bijapur and
Golkonda. The emperor was sixty-three years old when he
set out from his northern capital, which he was never to
see again. The remaining twenty-seven years of his life were
to be spent on the march, or in the camp, in a hopeless strug-
gle to bring the Deccan under his control.
Notwithstanding some strange vicissitudes, the last quarter
of a century brought considerable advancement to the English
in Western India. IIowever in 1683 an extraordinary event
occurred which might have lost Bombay to the hostile powers
that surrounded it. The president still had his head quarters.
at Surat and a deputy resided at Bombay. On account of a
DECLINE OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
121
reduction in pay and allowances there was wide-spread discon-
tent amongst the servants of the Company at the latter settle-
ment. While the president, Sir John Child, was at Surat,
the deputy governor was seized and imprisoned by Captain.
Richard Keigwin, the commander of the troops and a member
of council. He proclaimed the island the possession of the
crown and refused obedience to the authority of the Company.
Keigwin ruled Bombay for the crown from December 1683 to
November 1684. He proved himself a bold and determined
man: he obtained from Sambháji not only the confirmation of
the agreement made with his father, but considerable ad-
ditional privileges. After ruling resolutely and well he surren-
dered the island to Sir Thomas Grantham on condition of a
free pardon. Sir Josiah Child was now the head of the Company
in England, and he originated a new line of policy which was
carried out by his brother Sir John Child. Of the judicious-
ness of his first proceedings there can be no doubt whatever.
From its defenceless position at Surat the Presidency was
removed to Bombay where the factors could show a bold
front to any who might molest them. But with little regard
to the paucity of the means at their disposal, the Childs
determined upon a spirited foreign policy. A powerful
expedition was sent from England to Bengal; and when it
was heard in Bombay that Hughli had been cannonaded and
the Moghal viceroy of Bengal repulsed, Sir John Child
threw off the mask. The very existence of the English
depended upon the Great Moghal. But nevertheless a fleet
of Moghal vessels in Bombay was seized, and the emperor's
sacred vessels conveying pilgrims to Mecca captured.
The result soon showed the folly of this suicidal policy.
The English were driven out of Bengal. The factory of Surat
was seized and the goods found there confiscated. The Sidi
122
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of Janjira, at the emperor's bidding, occupied a portion of
the island of Bombay to the great annoyance and loss of
the garrison. For nearly a year his troops held Mazagon,
Siwa (Sion) and Mahim, but they could make no impression
upon the fort. The English were convinced of their rashness.
The President of Bombay dispatched two envoys to the
emperor's camp at Bijápur to sue for peace. Their submis-
sion was accepted, but to obtain a fresh firmán they had to
pay a sum of £15,000. The emperor also demanded the
dismissal of Sir John Child who had created this disturbance,
but his death occurred before the arrangements were con-
cluded. The Company had indeed enough to do apart from
meddling with war. They had to meet severe competition
from ships of foreign nations; and rival English traders,
known as interlopers, caused them considerable embarrass-
ment. Not content with underselling the Company in the
open market the interlopers laid hold of their officers at
Surat and handed them over to the Moghal Governor. A
Scotch Company which had been founded by James I.
issued licenses for free trade. As a natural consequence
English markets were glutted with Indian products. The
home merchants clamoured for high import duties. The
only way to solve the difficulty was to amalgamate the
whole of the British traders to India into the "United East
India Company." This was done in 1702, and a fresh
charter was granted by Queen Anne. Rivalry had been
ruining the Company; union and the introduction of fresh
blood renewed its strength and prosperity. The reverses in
Bengal were repaired, and in 1670 Calcutta was founded by
Job Charnock on the little fishing village of Chutanati.
Thus the three Presidency towns of modern India are
entirely of European origin. In Bengal, in 1698, an Afghán
DECLINE OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
123
noble rebelled against the Moghal viceroy. In the dis-
turbances that arose the European settlers were told to
protect themselves. This event greatly raised their position,
and gave them an unassailable precedent for erecting
fortifications whenever they liked. Bombay possessed an
impregnable stronghold and an unrivalled position for trade.
Its subordinate factories of Surat, Broach, Áhmadábád and
Suáli in Guzirát, and Kárwár in Kánara, were all in a
flourishing condition.
But to the merchants, into whose hands his empire was
eventually to fall, Aurangzib gave but scant heed. It was
on the conquest and settlement of the Deccan that his vast
energies were concentrated. With the flower of his army,
a vast array of men and horses splendidly armed from all the
provinces of his dominion, he took up his position at
Áhmadnagar in 1683. The luxury and magnificence of his
camp were almost inconceivable, and formed a remarkable
contrast with his simple personal habits. But while this
display was designed to strike awe upon all beholders, its
extent hindered the movements of the army; and its
expense was an insupportable financial burden, Infatuated
with the belief in his divine mission of conversion and
conquest the emperor proceeded to excite against himself
the most intense hostility of the Hindus. He ordered
the collection of the poll-tax on infidels to be as strictly
enforced in the Deccan as in the North of his dominions.
But his designs were in the first place directed to the
subjugation of the Muhammadan states. Against the
turbulent Maráthas, for whom eren yet he entertained a
senseless contempt, he neglected the most 'ordinary precau-
tions. They took advantage of his immoveability, and by a
rapid movement sacked Broach and Burhanpur.
124
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Deferring operations against the Maráthas the emperor
moved to Bijápur. In 1686, after a brave defence, the city
was forced to capitulate. The king was taken prisoner and
shortly afterwards died, probably poisoned by Aurangzib.
So ended the brilliant Adil Sháhi dynasty. Bijápur ceased
to be a capital, and its inhabitants soon deserted it. Its
lofty walls, domes and minarets might still lead the traveller
to believe that he was approaching a flourishing city, but
within there was nothing but ruin and desolation. Now,
after an interval of two centuries, Bijapur is once more rising;
not indeed to its former splendour, but to be the centre of
a thriving population as the head-quarters of a British district.
Its beautiful buildings are carefully preserved, and some of
the most suitable have been converted into courts, offices, and
dwelling-houses for British officers. And hard by the mighty
dome of Sultan Mahmud is heard the shriek of the iron
horse.
Within a year Golkonda too fell before the emperor's army,
and the last of the dynasties that had risen on the ruins of
the Bahmani kingdom came to an end. But for Aurangzib it
was one thing to destroy two kingdoms, another to build up
his own power. Rebellions of Hindus and Mussalmáns
sprang up in every direction. Had Sambháji but possessed
his father's genius he might have swept the Moghal forces.
off the face of the land. But he was wasting his days in
debauchery and the people attributed his condition to witch-
craft. In fact, as an organized state, the Marátha power
appeared coming to an end, and there was thus far some
colour for the contempt which it inspired in the emperor.
But the form only was changing, the power was still growing.
Their military organization might be gone, but their predatory
habits, their pride in the memory of Shiwáji, their belief in
DECLINE OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
125
Far from
the strength of their forts was as strong as ever.
depending on the existence of any regular or consolidated
system, their strength absolutely increased as the system of
Shiwáji crumbled away. Their army as a military unit
might no longer exist, but their operations took new shapes
no less formidable than the old. It booted little if the
hydra was deprived of one head when it had a thousand
others; and a guerilla war arose, in which chieftains and
adventurers led their warlike followers from every quarter
against the host of the Moghals. When the odds were too
heavy against them they disappeared into the fastnesses of
the mountains. One party beaten off it was succeeded by
another. Against these foes the unwieldy army of the
emperor was of little avail. In fact he had steadily played
into their hands. He had destroyed the local powers that
had for generations kept them under control, and his bigotry
led him to adopt a course of measures which effectually
roused their detestation of his rule. He was increasing
in years; and, while he trusted none of his subordinates,
he could exercise less and less personal control over his
colossal administration. His ministers were negligent and
corrupt; intrigue ran riot through every department. A
partial success was achieved when in 1689 Sambháji fell into
his hands, and was led a prisoner into the imperial camp.
Overcome with shame at his condition Sambháji longed for
death. He was offered life on the condition of embracing
Islam. He scornfully replied that the emperor had better give
him his daughter, and then he would become a follower of the
Prophet. In his rage and impotency he launched furious
invectives upon the founder of the faith. Such an insult
to the Muhammadan religion had to be avenged with the
utmost severity. By Aurangzib's orders, a red-hot iron
126
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
was drawn across his eyes, his tongue was cut out, and his
head severed from his body. The Maráthas had been
much estranged from Sambhaji, but they were filled with fury
at this brutal execution of the son of their great leader.
Rájárám, the half brother of Sambháji, was declared regent
on behalf of Shiwaji, commonly known as Sáhu, the son of
Sambhiji, a boy only six years old. Rájárám was formally.
seated on the throne, and active preparations were made to
man the forts and resist the Moghals. The fleet was not
neglected. Its admiral Sidoji Guzar was ably assisted by
his second-in-command named Kánhoji Ángria, whose father
Tukáji Ángria had early distinguished himself in Shiwaji's
nary. The Ángria family subsequently gave immense trouble
to the Government of Bombay, by its organised system of
piracies.
Rájárám possessed no small share of his father's ability.
He carried on with marked success the war against the
emperor. He even gathered together for a time a larger
number of troops under one flag than the great Shiwáji
himself. Aurangzib moved against Sátára which he besieged
and took. But the Maráthas went about collecting chauth,
and plundering and burning towns and villages that resisted
them. No Moghal force could overtake or cut off the lightly
equipped Marátha horsemen. The emperor might capture
some of their forts, but there was an almost endless number
to fall back upon. Nearly every hill top in the land was
scarped down and protected with bulwarks. In 1700
Rájárám died, but his death was of no more advantage to the
emperor than the capture and execution of Sambháji. His
eldest son Shiwaji was declared Rája under the-regency of his
mother Tárábai, and the struggle was carrried on as keenly
as ever. The national spirit was roused in earnest. Aurangzib
DECLINE OF THE MOGHAL EMPIRE.
127
had exhausted the revenues of the Deccan; the Maráthas
intercepted his caravans of treasure from Hindustán. The
Maráthas had sometimes to bow before the storm, but they
were never broken; and they resisted his final efforts with
constantly renewed vitality. Their numbers multiplied and
they extended their operations in all directions, plundering
wherever their demands were refused. Khándesh and Guzárát
were overrun; and over the whole face of the country were
seen slaughtered soldiers, homeless ryots, and burning crops.
The Emperor's strength was broken, and the final acts of
the tragedy approaching. His empire was unwieldy and
rotten to the core, ready to fall to pieces of its own weakness.
The Maráthas gave his army no rest, ever baffling the
imperial troops. They cut off their supplies, re-captured the
forts, and even worsted them in the open field. At last, in
1707, after a quarter of a century of strife, Aurangzib died at
Áhmadnagar, hemmed in within his starving camp while the
Maráthas feasted around it.
So ended Aurangzib. There is little interest in the history
of his successors to the throne of Bábar. Their roll continued
until the last was sent across the sea by the English in 1858.
Their story is a record of swift ruin. The Hindu martial
races closed in upon the empire. Mussalmán viceroys made
themselves independent kings. Devastating hosts swept into
India from the North, while the merchants on the coast
found themselves, almost without knowing it, rulers of the
Moghal and Marátha realms alike.
( 128 )
XI. RISE OF THE PESHWAS AND THE GREAT
MARÁTHA HOUSES.
THE
HE Marátha power had a strange habit of constantly
shifting its local position and character. It might
centre round Shiwáji, forming for a time a real and compact.
nationality. It might be disintegrated into thousands of pre-
datory bands, each under its petty chieftain. It might amal-
gamate these miniature communities into a few powerful and
independent states. The power might be exercised by the
actual king or by an independent minister in the name of a
nominal Rája. But in all its changes it never while it lasted
ceased to be formidable. In fact, the versatility of its nature
added to the difficulties of its opponents. What had seemed
the very mainstay of the power might be destroyed; but
another head would spring up elsewhere, and the work be
no nearer its end than before. For a time after the death
of Aurangzib, the form which the strength assumed was that
of two great rival parties.
From the time of Akbar, the death of each emperor had
been followed by a desperate struggle for the sovereignty
between his sons. Aurangzib had hesitated at no iniquity to
seat himself on the throne. During his life time his own
sons were incessantly at war with each other. His empire
was beginning to fall to pieces, and if one thing more than
another was needed to preserve its existence, it was that the
government should remain in the hands of one strong man.
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
129
Notwithstanding all this, Álamgir left behind him a ridiculous
and impossible will, dividing his empire between his three
sons. The natural consequences followed. Muázim slew his
brothers Ázim and Kambaksh, and at the age of sixty
ascended the throne as Bahadur Sháh. When Sambháji, the
son of Shiwaji, had been captured by Aurangzib, his little son
Shiwaji had been taken with him. The boy was brought up
in the imperial court under the name of Sáhu, given him by
way of a coarse pun by Aurangzib himself. The English,
with the astonishing indifference to native languages which
marked their early career, chose to regard this name as a title ;
and they spoke of each successor to the throne as the Sáhu
Rája. Ázim set him free, thinking that some of the Marátha
chiefs would take up his cause and their temporary union
cease. The notion was judicious, but it was Bahadur Shih
who reaped its fruit. Sáhu rowed allegiance to Delhi, and
soon gathered round him a large number of adherents who
were discontented with the rule of Tárábai, the widow of
Rájárám, on behalf of her son Shiwáji. Sáhu obtained
possession of Sátára, and was formally enthroned there.
in 1708. Tárábai continued a fruitless struggle on behalf
of her son, taking Kolhápur and Panálla as her base of
operations. But her son Shiwáji, who was an idiot, died
in 1712 and she was placed under restraint. The party
was subsequently revived by a younger son of Rájárám
named Sambháji. In 1729 this Sambháji was finally defeated
by Sáhu and resigned his pretentions to the Marátha
throne. He was allowed to retain the title of Rája of
Kolhápur.
During his contest with Tárábai, Sáhu made an application
to Sir Nicholas Waite, the governor of Bombay, for a supply
of guns, ammunition, European soldiers and money. But a
9
130
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
}
recollection of the result of Sir John Child's foolish policy
fortunately led to the request being refused.
The Moghal viceroy of the Deccan, or such of the
Deccan as the Maráthas had left to the empire, was at this
time Dáud Khán. Seeing the impossibility of resisting the
Marátha demands for chauth he adopted the wise policy of
admitting them, but he arranged to collect the dues himself
and hand them over to the Maráthas. They on their side
refrained from plunder, and remained true to the allegiance
promised by Sáhu. Thus for a time there was secured in
the Deccan a less intolerable state of things than had of late
existed.
Bahadur Shah died in 1712, and the usual contest at once
arose between his sons. Jahándár Sháh seized the throne
with the aid of Zulfikar Khán, a general who had greatly
distinguished himself in Aurangzib's Deccan wars, and who
had held the post of viceroy before Dáud Khán. Jahándár
Shah was a typical Eastern tyrant. He immediately mas-
sacred all his near kinsfolk, with the exception of his nephew
Farokhsir, who managed to escape. Farokhsir's cause was
taken up by Syad Hussein Ali, governor of Bahár, and his
brother Syad Abdulla, governor of Alláháhád. These two
brothers were aided by a famous man, Chin Khilich Khán,
who under the name of Nizám-ul-Mulk Asuf Jáh, founded
the dynasty of the Nizams of the Deccan at Hydarábád.
Zulfikar Khán and his protégé Jahándár Sháh were slain, and
Farokhsir reigned in his uncle's stead. Nizám-ul-Mulk was
made viceroy of the Deccan, Dáud Khán being transferred to
Guzárát. The Maráthas pretended to consider that the ar-
rangement which they had made with Dáud Khán ceased with
his transfer to another province. But his successor managed
to keep them under a general control, and prevented any
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
131
dangerous combination by fanning the flames of the struggle
between Sáhu of Sátára and Sambháji of Kolhápur. The
two Syad brothers ruled at Delhi in the name of Farokhsir,
who was, however, by no means a willing tool in their hands.
When one of the brothers, Hussein Ali, was nominated viceroy
of the Deccan, the emperor sent a secret message to Dáud
Khán to intercept him and kill him. The result was Dáud
Khan's own death. Hussein secured the viceroyalty of the
Deccan, Nizám-ul-Mulk being sent to Morádábád in the
North of India. Hussein Ali considered it advisable to
side with Sáhu as being the stronger of the rival claimants
for power, and as having consistently shown a disposition of
friendship to the Moghals. The Peshwa, or prime minister
of Sáhu, was now a Brahman named Báláji Wishwánáth,
who had risen from the humble position of a hereditary
accountant in a village of the Kenkan. By his advice, Sáhu
demanded from Hussein Ali a recognition of his claims to all
the territory that had belonged to Shiwaji, together with his
right to chauth and other charges on the revenue. On his
part, Sáhu promised to pay tribute amounting to £100,000
a year, to maintain a body of 15,000 horse for the emperor's
service, and to clear the country of all depredators. The
demands were enormous, but they were admitted by the
viceroy who hoped thus to consolidate the power of a ruler who
seemed a staunch and strong supporter of the imperial
interests. Hussein hardly realised the nature of the power
of which Sáhu was the head. By thus consolidating the
Marátha power he was pulling down and not building up the
edifice of the empire.
The Moghal concessions were brought about at the in-
stance of the Peshwa; and the general energy instilled by the
astute and able Brahman into the government of Sáhu
132
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
placed the Maratha affairs in a more favourable condition
than they had lately worn. The struggle between the
Sátára and Kolhapur parties, encouraged by the Moghal
viceroys, who first favoured one faction and then the
other, had increased the usual anarchy of the country to an
unendurable extent. Many petty depredators had allied
themselves to Sambháji. Of these the most formidable
was Kánhoji Ángria. After succeeding to the command of the
Marátha fleet this officer, by a series of daring and extensive
piracies, made himself practically master of the coast from
Bombay to Sawantwári, near Goa, in his own and not in the
Rája's interests. His head-quarters were at the island fort
of Kolábá off the town of Alibág, twenty miles south of
Bombay. After an ineffectual expedition against this upstart,
in which Angria imprisoned the Peshwa Bairu Pant, Báláji
Wishwánáth had been deputed to deal with him. By shrewd
diplomacy, the Brahman raised a quarrel between Ángria and
the Sidi; then co-operating with the latter he invaded Ángria's
territory and compelled him to submit. It was for his services
on this occasion that Báláji was promoted to the office of Peshwa
in 1714. But Angria made common cause with Sambháji or
with Sáhu only so long as it suited his own convenience.
Sáhu was not destitute of ability, and under his autho-
rity and the guiding hand of Báláji Peshwa, the Marátha
power steadily expanded. The legitimate head of the
Maráthas, he always styled himself king of the Hindus.
But he invariably acknowledged himself a vassal of Delhi,
and the importance of his nation was increased by the
consideration shown him by the Moghals. Nor was his
influence weakened by the fatuity of the emperor, who plotted
with the Maráthas against his own viceroy. But in an age of
plots, conspiracies, suspicion, and intrigues overtures came from
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
133
men.
all who had anything to gain to those who had anything to
give. The emperor declined to ratify Hussein Ali's treaty
with Sáhu. The viceroy therefore promised still greater
concessions to the Marátha king if he would but lend him an
army to enforce his demands at Delhi. The opportunity was
too good to be lost. The Peshwa himself was placed in
command of the Marátha forces. He was instructed by
Sihu to obtain the right of collecting tribute in Guzárát and
Málwa besides other important privileges. The combined
armies marched to Delhi in the year 1720. A tumult arose
in the imperial city and the Maráthas lost no less than 1,500
But Hussein Ali gained his object. The emperor was
first blinded and then strangled by the Syads, who set up in
succession two princes each of whom died of consumption
in a few weeks. Their third choice was less unlucky, and
Ráoshan Akhtar, a son of Jahándár Shah, was crowned as
Muhammad Shah and reigned till 1748. One of his first acts
was to send back the Maráthas to the Deccan, and with them
Sáhu's mother and family who all this time had been
retained at Delhi. The Marátha soldiers were well paid for
their work, and imperial patents were issued confirming all
the agreements between Hussein Ali and Sáhu. The Marátha
desultory claims, which had hitherto rested on mere force,
were thus legalized as a permanent national institution by the
imperial government. The amount of tribute which they
were entitled to demand from outlying provinces was never
exactly defined. The difficulty was easily smoothed over by
the simple expedient of exacting as much as they could.
But though Báláji had no desire for an exact definition of
the rights thus conferred, he devised a singularly ingenious and
systematic method for the collection and appropriation of the
revenues. Its intricacy and elaboration rendered the Brahman
134
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
accountant ever more and more necessary to the illiterate
Marátha chief, and so increased the power of the Peshwas.
At the same time, it was so contrived that by the sub-division
and partition of revenue in each province, or charge, which of
set purpose was made to lap over and include one or more
others, each chief had an interest in the increase of the whole
as well as that which he himself collected, a portion of which
he was entitled to retain for the maintenance of his troops.
The system was a bar on the independence of each while it
encouraged their common encroachments on the Moghal power.
Thus a common interest was created and for some time sus-
tained between the Marátha chiefs; and the increasing sub-
jection of Sáhu to the master mind of Báláji Wishwánáth
paved the way for the supremacy of the Peshwas. But with
all this, although the Maráthas undoubtedly formed a nation.
in a way that no other body of people in India, except
perhaps the Sikhs, ever did, yet their constitution had in
it all along the seeds of ultimate dissolution. Their nationality,
in order to continue at all, had to be not only aggressive
but predatory. Any notion of settling down to the dull life
of ordinary farmers or merchants was foreign to their nature.
The object of their existence was organised robbery. It
could only be a question of time for resistance to arise to
such a system and cast off its intolerable burden.
For the time, however, they had their way. The empire.
was rotten to the core, and the English at Bombay had not
yet the strength to oppose them. The English merchants were
at present little concerned with the doings of the rulers of
Sátára or Delhi. Bombay harbour continued to be the scene
of
many a fight between the Sidi of Janjira and the Peshwa of
king Sáhu, but the policy of discreet neutrality remained
unaltered. Their settlement meanwhile flourished almost
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
135
He
beyond their expectation. But though they took care not
to interfere with others they could not prevent others from
molesting them, and for many years their commerce suffered
greatly at the hands of the pirate Kánhoji Angria. While
admiral of the Marátha fleet he had shown himself a daring
and adventurous leader. He had not hesitated to turn his
arms against his master and put the Peshwa in chains.
was the scourge of the Western Coast. His head-quarters
alternated between Kolába and Wijay drug, or Gheria, an
impregnable port on the Ratnagiri coast, that has been called
the Gibraltar of the east. The decay of the Portuguese power
encouraged this daring pirate, and for many years he proved
a thorn in the flesh of the English at Bombay. In 1717 he
seized the British ship "Success" and beat off an attack
upon Gheria. He held the island of Khánderi off Bombay
harbour, and a British fleet that sailed against him had
to return unsuccessful. In vain did the British and the
Portuguese combine to attack him both at Gheria and Kolába.
He managed to contrive an intrigue with a Brahman named
Ráma Kumpti, who was employed in duties of a confidential
nature by Mr. Charles Boone, the governor of Bombay, and
who was in command of some native retainers. In reply to
despatches from this governor, entreating him to leave off his
habits of piracy, Ángria wrote derisive and sarcastic letters. He
pointed out that God gives nothing immediately from himself
but takes from one and gives to another. As to his government
being founded on violence and piracy, he retorted with undeniable
truth that Shiwaji's government had commenced in the self-
same way, and that, His Excellency would see, seemed likely
to endure. In the war between himself and the English there
had been loss on both sides, for victories depend upon the
hand of God. The governor had told him that he who
136
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
follows war will find cause to repent. To this Angria con-
tented himself with replying that he supposed that His
Excellency Charles Boone spoke from experience. Encouraged
by his successes, Ángria proceeded to take another richly
laden Company's ship; and though in 1718 he seemed inclined
to come to terms with the English, in the following year he
captured the royal galley "King William." His death in
1731 was welcomed as a relief, but though his sons fought
with each other for the pirate kingdom, yet the Ángria
family did more mischief to the English than ever; and the
cost of the fleet that was built to protect the Company's trade
amounted to £50,000 a year.
While the fabric of the empire at Delhi was being shaken
by revolts in the Panjab and Kashmir, Nizám-ul-Mulk was
adopting a course of action fraught with yet greater danger
for his master. Deeply hurt at receiving from the Syads in
return for all his services only the governorship of Málwa, he
determined to take for himself what he considered due to him.
from others. He marched south of the Narbada, seized
Burhanpur and Asirgahr, and at Bálápur defeated the im-
perial army that was sent against him. Hussein Ali now
determined to march against Nizám-ul-Mulk in person and
to take the emperor with him. But the power of the in--
famous Syads was at an end. With the aid of a courtier,
named Muhammad Amin, the emperor procured the assassina--
nation of Hussein. He overcame the opposition of Abdulla,
whom he imprisoned, and marched back to Delhi which he
entered with splendid rejoicings. Muhammad Amin was made
minister but almost immediately died. Nizám-ul-Mulk,
whose successful revolt was the primary cause of this
happy revolution, was summoned from the Deccan to
succeed him. Congratulations came to the emperor from all
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
137
sides, including Sáhu and the chiefs of the European factories,
who sent complimentary addresses.
Nizám-ul-Mulk, in accepting the office of Wazir or minister,
had been permitted to retain his viceroyalty of the Deccan.
His object in accepting office at Delhi had been to bring
about sweeping reforms; but the only changes that the
emperor cared for were from one form of vice and sensuality
to another. Nizám-ul-Mulk was thoroughly disgusted with
the state of things in the capital; and finding that a rival
had arisen in Hydar Kuli Khán, the late governor of Guzárát,
he obtained permission to return to the Deccan, and together
with that viceroyalty he received the governorship of
Guzárát. He took charge of both provinces, not without
opposition in the latter. Then not choosing to remain out of
sight, and still half hoping to receive favour at court, he re-
turned to Delhi. Here he found his position insupportable, and
once more returned to the Deccan. This act was considered
by the emperor as virtually a declaration of independence,
and he ordered the governor of Hydarábád to send him the
Nizam's head as that of a rebel. A head was sent, but
it was that of the Hydarábád governor; and the Nizám
offered his congratulations at the suppression of a rebellion
which the emperor had not avowed to be of his own making.
Nizám-ul-Mulk took possession of Golkonda and Hydarábád.
At this place he took up his residence and founded the
practically independent dynasty of the Nizams of Hydarábád
which has lasted until now. But the dominions of this
house were to be greatly reduced in extent by the Maráthas
and the English. Aurangzib had destroyed two great
Muhammadan kingdoms in order to plant his own authority
in the Deccan. And now, before twenty years had passed
after his death, the power of the empire in the Deccan was
138
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
extinguished, and an independent Muhammadan ruler held
a small and decreasing part of the broad dominions that
in that part of India had once been subject to Islam.
From time to time, however, Nizám-ul-Mulk sent gifts to
the emperor whom it suited him to consider nominally his
master.
Nizám-ul-Mulk thought to carry on his former system of
securing himself by sowing dissension among the Maráthas,
but he found a considerable change in the condition of the
Hindu power. Báláji Wishwánáth was dead. In his son
Báji Rao, who succeeded him in the office of Peshwa, he found
a yet more skilful and formidable opponent. Sáhu had to all
intents and purposes delegated his power to his minister, and
with the rise of what may be fairly called the Brahman
dynasty of the Peshwas there rose to power the great Marátha
families of Sindia, Holkar, the Gaikwár of Baroda, and the
Rája of Barár.* In the battle of Bálápur an officer named
Dámáji Gaikwár, serving among the Marátha allies of Nizám-
ul-Mulk, had greatly distinguished himself; and the collec-
tion of the chauth in Guzárát was made over to him and his
lines as an hereditary right. Such is the origin of the reigning
family of Baroda. The name Gaikwár is a common one amongst
Maráthas and signifies cow-herd. Holkar was a Marátha
Dangar, or shepherd, who showed his gallantry in the com-
mand of some bodies of horse. He also received the right to
collect chauth, and founded the reigning family of Indore.
Sindia, though of old family, rose from a still humbler personal
position, having attracted Báji Rao's notice by the way in
which he filled the office of slipper-bearer. He received a
* I have, in accordance with popular usage, written "the Gaikwár."
It is incorrect, and should be simply Gaikwár, as Sindia and Holkar.
His surname was Gaikwár, and his title Rája of Baroda.
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
139
similar distinction, and his family became the powerful rulers
of Gwalior. Raghoji Bhonsle, the Rája of Barár, obtained
like privileges.
Báji Rao was an abler son of an able father. He was not
only a statesman but a soldier, and could himself execute
the products of his brain. What Báláji had planted, Báji
Rao watered. He developed and extended to an extraor-
dinary degree his father's daring plans. He worked out
and elaborated his financial schemes, with especial reference
to concentrating upon a common object the predatory
hordes of Máhárástra. In fact, the wise precautions of the
two Peshwas had strongly united the Maráthas; and
their common interest in the collection of the revenues
bound them together to an extent unsuspected by Nizám-ul-
Mulk. Rapidly grasping this fact he proceeded to turn it
to his own advantage. While losing no opportunity of
creating dissensions among the Maráthas he took care to
preserve his general connection with them. He was ready
to secure the integrity of his own kingdom by aiding the
Peshwa in pulling down the dominions of their common lord.
The Peshwa did not stand in need of much encouragement.
He understood the materials that he had to deal with. He
saw that it was no time for bringing into better order the
possessions that the Maráthas had acquired. He could guide
but he could not hold in the masses of wild Marátha horse-
men who covered the whole country. He pointed out to
Sáhu the imbecility of the Moghal authorities and the
degeneracy of the empire. Appealing to the name of
Shiwaji, he urged him to spread his power over the imperial
domain itself. "If we can strike the withered trunk," he
said, "the branches will fall of themselves." Sáhu's enthusiasm
was kindled. The Nizám received assurances of the Peshwa's
140
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
good-will as long as he did not interfere with the Marátha
invasion of Hindustán. The work was promptly taken in
hand. Holkar plundered and ravaged Bengal and Oudh,
and Baji Rao himself took the field and marched against
Delhi. Striking terror into the emperor, he extorted from
him £130,000 for the expenses of the campaign and also
the sovereignty of Málwa. But the Nizám had not been true
to his agreement. The emperor seeing that his dominions
were seriously menaced by the Maráthás had, by profuse
promises, induced the aged viceroy once more to operate on his
side. Leaving his son Násir Jang in the Deccan, Nizám-ul-
Mulk marched to the aid of his nominal master. But he
was out-generalled by the Peshwa, and forced to recognise the
cession in perpetuity of all the country between the Narbada
and the Chambal. He was compelled to purchase exemp-
tion from further action against himself by the payment of
half a million sterling (1738).
Nor were the operations of the Maráthas confined to the
Moghal empire. An army from Goa had assisted Ángria
against the Peshwa, and the Portuguese had to pay the penalty.
The Maráthas under Chimnáji, the Peshwa's brother, attacked
them in the island of Salsette, or Shásthi, between Bombay
and the mainland. In 1737 they captured its chief town
Thána, and in 1739 drove them out of the island which they
had held for more than two hundred years. In the same year,
after a brave defence, the fort of Bassein, the Portuguese
capital of the North, capitulated to the Maráthas; the Por-
tuguese losing 800 men in killed and wounded and the be-
siegers 5,000. The English, under the governorship of
Mr. John Horne, professed neutrality. But they sold shot and
shell to the Maráthas; and, in spite of the danger to their own
settlement that the success of the Maráthas might bring, their
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
141
:
sympathies evidently lay with them and not with their Euro-
pean rivals. Salsette was the most important of the islands
that the English considered had been promised by the Por-
tuguese crown to England with Bombay in 1661, and they
had not ceased to resent the non-fulfilment of the contract.
The Bombay citizens however hospitably entertained the un-
successful garrison of Bassein. Thus ended the power of the
only formidable European rival to the English that set
foot on the western shores of India. The Portuguese
strength was broken. They could no longer hold Chául and
the fort that they had built for its protection on the opposite
rock of Korlai. They handed them over to the English who
passed them on to the Maráthas. The Christian population,
for the most part, migrated to Bombay and Goa. But the
English were awakened by the events at Salsette and at
Bassein, to the strength of the Maráthas, and were fully de-
termined not to come to blows with them. They sent a double
embassy in the person of Captain Inchbird to Chimnaji at
Bassein, and Captain Gordon to Sáhu at Sátára. The latter
found that he should have rather addressed himself to the
Peshwa who was the real ruler. Both embassies were favour-
ably received and the right of free trade in the Marátha
dominions confirmed.
An event now occurred which laid Delhi in ashes and filled
the world with horror, and for a moment kindled a flash of
national patriotism in the breasts of Maráthas and Mussal-
máns alike. Nádir Sháh, king of Persia, came down through.
the Afghan passes and invaded the plains of India, defeat-
ing the imperial army beneath the walls of Delhi. But
the inhabitants murdered the guards that he had placed in
charge of the city. Incensed beyond measure at this act, the
Persian king gave the signal for a general massacre. The
142
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
slain amounted to no less than 30,000. The whole city was
plundered, and the royal jewels and the peacock throne, itself
worth several million pounds, carried away.
Báji Rao and his army were far from Delhi. Had they been
nearer the Persian historians might have had another tale to
tell. For the completeness of the catastrophe made them
forget their quarrels with the Moghals, and realise that there
was but one enemy against whom all the inhabitants of Hin-
dustán and the Deccan alike must unitè. But patriotism was
a plant that could not reach maturity on Indian soil until it
grew up later on in loyalty to the British crown. When
Nádir Shah marched away, the old dissensions were renewed.
Increasing demands were made by the Maráthas, and Báji
Rao was on the point of leading another expedition to Hin-
dustán when in the year 1740 he died. He had spread the
Marátha predatory system from province to province till it.
included the grearter part of the empire. He had built up to
be the most powerful people in India a nation whose existence.
depended upon the confusion of other states. A century
before they had not even been heard of and now their name
was a terror as far as Delhi and Orissa, Madras and Trichi-
nopoli. The Marátha nation was a tremendous engine of
destruction that in Báji Rao's hands was skilfully directed.
The Moghal empire was at their mercy. The Portuguese.
were humbled. The English and French, as yet unaware of
their own strength, only sought to increase their trade and
privileges by humble submission and the offers of bribes and
presents to the native courts. For a time the artificial
divisions of revenue cemented with almost unexpected success
the union of the Maráthas. But the system was as likely as
not in course of time to create rivalry and hostility. Each
officer interpreted the amount of his master's claims accord-
RISE OF THE PESHWAS.
143
ing to his own pleasure and enforced them according to the
extent of his own ability with little reference to their abstract
justice.
The Peshwa was succeeded by his eldest son Báláji Báji
Rao, better known by the common Marátha name of Nána
Sahib. His second son was Raghonáth Rao, who was after-
wards so well known to the English as Raghoba. The
new Peshwa not without some difficulty crushed the opposi-
tion of Raghoji Bhonsle the head of the Barár family and
of some other. headstrong Marátha chiefs. He obtained
greater concessions than ever from the emperor as to the
collection of chauth. He sent plundering expeditions from
sea to sea. In one expedition alone no less than two and a
half million sterling were extorted from the great banking
house of Jagat Shet at Murshidábád, the seat of the Moghal
viceroy of Bengal. In 1748 Nizám-ul-Mulk was gathered to
his fathers at the wonderful age of 104, a few months after
his nominal master Muhammad Sháh. The Nizám left a
number of sons and was succeeded by the eldest, Násir Jang,
who had rebelled against him but been forgiven. The
successor of the emperor was his son Áhmad Sháh, and the
dynasty became a mere shadow. The following year saw
the death of Sáhu. His indolence had not allowed him to
use his natural ability. He had come to rely on the Peshwa
in every detail of the administration, and in his last years he
was in a state of mental imbecility. He partially recovered
before he died, and having no sons he adopted as his heir
Ráma, a grandson of Tárábai who was still alive. Rámá or
Rám Rája had been born in 1712 after the death of his
father Shiwaji, the idiot son of Rájárám, in whose name
Tárábai had attempted to govern the Maráthas from
Kolhapur. One other important act was done by Sáhu before
144
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
his death. He gave the Peshwa a deed empowering him to
manage the whole government of the Marátha empire on
condition of his perpetuating the Rája's name, and keeping
up the dignity of the house of Shiwáji through the grandson
of Tárábai and his descendants. Kolhapur was to continue a
separate state. The Peshwa had power to conclude such
arrangements, with the jágbirdárs or holders of estates under
the Rája as might be advantageous for extending Hindu
power. In this way the dominions that Shiwaji had created
passed from the hands of his family to the Brahman
minister who now became hereditary ruler of the nation.
But in deference to popular tradition it was expedient to
maintain one of his lineage as a nominal king.
:
( 145 )
IT
XII. STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE ENGLISII
AND THE FRENCH.
T was now (1748) close on a century and a half since
Hawkins had landed at Surat, and nearly ninety years.
since the cession of Bombay by the Portuguese. The
English had built up a vast trade, but their sole territorial
possession was the island of Bombay itself. Far from
having any idea of creating an empire and conquering the
lands upon which they gazed from their factories, their
energies were concentrated on the preservation of peace with
the Moghals, Maráthas, and Portuguese. They saw the
forces of those nations dashing themselves to picces against
cach other, and realised how easily they might be turned
against their own island. But on the other side of India the
keen eye of Dupleix had grasped the possibility of forming
a powerful European empire in India. The method to be
employed was that of ostensibly working on behalf of rival
native princes. And a greater than Dupleix had arisen in
Robert Clive, the young English merchant who exchanged
the ledger for the sword, and who, by working out the
Frenchman's idea, added a continent to the British empire.
The decaying Moghal organisation provided an admirable
machinery for the purposes of conquest. The empire was ruled
by viceroys who were practically independent princes. It was
easy to treat them as vassals of the empire which they were
de jure, or as sovereign powers which they were de facto,
10
146
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
whichever might be most convenient. Alliances might again
be made with a genuine viceroy or a pretender to the throne,
according as one or the other could offer the greater
advantages. In fact the ruler, whoever he might be, could
be used as an instrument to cloak the real designs of the
encroaching foreigner. Besides this, the unwieldy armies.
of native kings were no match for a few disciplined European
troops. But Dupleix saw that there existed in the native
soldiery magnificent material out of which a judicious military
training might elaborate regiments but little if at all inferior
to Europeans themselves. So Dupleix raised the first sepoy
regiments, and Clive instantly perceiving their value worked
out the system with greater success than its originator. Thus
in southern India commenced the struggle which was to be
fought for the English or French supremacy. While England
and France were at war their representatives in India fought
for the quarrels of their nations at home. When peace was
concluded they ranged themselves on opposite sides under
the banners of native princes.
South and West of the dominions of Nizám-ul-Mulk lay
the province of the Carnatic. A succession of intrigues, mur-
ders and battles had been taking place for years to decide
who was to possess its throne, and the English and French
supported rival candidates. Nizám-ul-Mulk and the Peshwa
had been actively concerned in the dispute. Marátha hordes,
under the redoubtable Raghoji Bhonsle, had over-run the
country and placed their own partisan on the throne.
Chanda Sahib, who was supported by the French, was a pri-
soner for some years at Sátára. But though the Peshwa
and the Nizám were concerned in the struggle, and the Eng-
lish in Bombay were closely watching its course, yet the
events of the war in the Carnatic occurred almost entirely
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
-147
beyond the limits of the Bombay Presidency, and it would be.
foreign to my purpose to describe them in detail. The
English and French both achieved, with unexpected facility,
successes over native armies. Their fortunes alternated, but
the English under Clive attained a great military reputation,
especially after the famous siege of Arcot in 1751. Under
Dupleix and his successor Bussy, the French acquired in the
Northern Sirkárs, on the coast of the Bay of Bengal, a ter-
ritory whose revenue was £500,000 per annum. Dupleix
indeed achieved for a while a greater success than he could
ever have ventured to hope for. He had made his protégé
Chanda Sahib Nawab of the Carnatic. His measures had
overcome Násir Jang, the young Nizám of the Deccan, and
he placed his own candidate Mozaffar Jang, son of Nizám-ul-
Mulk's daughter, on the throne. He himself was made
governor of all India south of the Krishna on behalf of the
Emperor of Delhi. But in 1754 he was recalled and thrown
into the Bastille; a fate reserved for Labourdonnais and
Lally, two more of France's greatest sons.
Mozaffar Jang
meanwhile had been killed in battle and Gházi-ud-din, a
son of Nizám-ul-Mulk, poisoned. Another brother, Salábat
Jang, was placed on the throne by aid of the French. The
Peshwa too had taken advantage of the rival claims on the
viceroyalty of the Deccan to add some large slices of territory
to his own dominions. In 1753 an agreement was come to
between the French and the English which was slightly
favourable to the latter. The possessions of each were equali-
sed, and they agreed to refrain from further interference with
native powers. At this juncture, Colonel Clive returned to
England on furlough. But he came out in 1755 more
anxious than ever to dispute the mastery of the Deccan with
M. Bussy; for, as he said, "So long as there was one French-
148
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
man in arms in the Deccan or in India there would be no
peace." He probably fully saw that all India must go to the
conqueror. But Clive was first to be employed in Bombay,
and then after a brief tenure of the governorship of Fort St.
David in the Madras Presidency, he had in 1756 to leave
M. Bussy in as strong a position as ever in order to repair a
tremendous catastrophe that had occurred in Bengal. But
before following the adventurous career of Clive it will be
convenient to revert to the doings of the Maráthas.
The original capital of Shiwaji's empire had been Raygahr.
Under Sambháji it was, if anywhere, Sangameshwár, on the
Gháts to the South of Raygahr. Under Sáhu it had been
moved to Sátára, Kolhápur being the rival seat of Marátha
power. Upon the death of Sáhu and the formal transfer of
power to the Peshwa, the seat of empire was transfered to Puna,
which remained the capital of the Maráthas to the last. All
the chief officers of the state who had been appointed by the
Rája were confirmed in their possessions by the Peshwa.
Ránoji Sindia died and his son Jyápa succeeded to his
jághir. The two houses of Sindia and Holkar divided be-
tween them nearly the whole of Malwa, with a revenue
of a million and a half sterling. The Gaikwár of Baroda
came next in importance of those chiefs whose possessions
formed an integral part of the empire. Áhmadábád whose
possession had been disputed between the Maráthas and
Moghals was finally taken possession of by the former in
1755. The revenues were to be equally divided between the
Peshwa and the Gaikwár. The latter's share included the
dues from Broach, the port on the Narbada. But he had to
content himself with a moiety of the revenues of Surat for
the exclusive possession of which city opposing claimants in
rain contended. In fact Guzárát was never completely
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
149
settled by the Maráthas, and the strangely irregular
appearance on the local maps of the possessions of the
British and Baroda states at the present day points to the
undecided claims to the ownership of the territory. But a
more powerful man than the Gaikwár was Raghoji Bhonsle
of Barár who carried his arms from one end of India to the
other. He collected tribute from the Carnatic and swept
yearly into Bengal which he looked upon as his own peculiar
property. In 1751 the English had to dig a ditch round
Calcutta to protect themselves against his depredations;
and the Marátha forts at places so distant as Katak and
Saharanpur attest the power that they attained. To collect
revenue and make war were with the Maráthas synonymous
terms. If a village resisted its officers were tortured till they
came to a settlement, and bankers' bills, payable on any part
of India, given up to the marauders. If a fort was unsuccess-
ful in defying them the garrison was put to death with
savage cruelty.
Báláji Báji Rao or Nána Sáhib was, if not less able, at all
events less active in disposition than the preceding Peshwas.
He placed the charge of his military arrangements in the
hands of his brother Raghonáth Rao, and the civil adminis-
tration devolved upon his cousin Sidáshiwa Chimnáji, the son
of Chimnáji Apa who had defeated the Portuguese.
Through all the years of robbery and plunder the system of
village communities had secured some degree of justice for
the people. But it had been supplemented by little
else. The present Peshwa now aimed at a more regular
system, and set his hand to the task of creating a more
orderly administration.
Under Nána Sahib the Marátha power reached its zenith,
and seemed likely to hold permanently within its grasp the
150
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
whole of the Indian Peninsula. In the reign of Muhammad
Shah, the last emperor of Delhi, on whose behalf the most
ordinary pretensions of respect could be urged, the invasion
of Nádir Sháh had been followed by an inroad of the Áfghán
Áhmad Shah Abdali. The Abdali had been driven back by
Prince Áhmad who was now the Emperor Áhmad Shah.
In his reign the Rohillas or descendants of old Áfghán in-
vaders of Bengal rose up in Rohilkand, and the emperor
adopted the dangerous course of summoning Sindia and
Holkar to his aid. The rebellion was quelled, but the Mará-
thas who had fought for the emperor plundered his country
on their own account. This event was followed by another
invasion of the Áfghán Áhmad Abdali, to whom the emperor
was forced to cede the Panjab. To this misfortune civil war
was added, and the streets of Delhi were deluged with blood.
The Marathas were again summoned to the imperial city,
this time against the emperor. It mattered little to these
professional robbers on which side they fought. The emperor
was deposed and blinded, and another prince raised to the
throne in 1754 under the title of Álamgir II. The emperor
was a puppet in the hands of his despotic and violent minis-
ter Shaháb-ud-din. Under his régime an attempt was made
to free the Panjab from the troops of Áhmad Abdali. The
Áfghán promptly came down from his mountains to avenge
the insult. He plundered Delhi and the rich city of Mathra,
and mercilessly slaughtered thousands of Hindus who were
collected there for a religious festival. But the miserable.
emperor sought from the Áfghán robbers and murderers a
defender against his own over-ruling minister, and in 1757
the Rohilla Najib-ud-Daula was left as commander-in-chief of
the imperial army.
But not even thus could Álamgir escape
the tyranny of his minister. Shaháb-ud-din called on the
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
151
Maráthas, and Raghonáth Rao in obedience to the summons
led his forces against the emperor. In 1758 he entered Láhur
in triumph, and the prophecy of Shiwaji was accomplished
which said that the Maráthas should water their horses in
the Indus and the Hughli. Raghoba left his new possessions
in charge of Sindia and Holkar, and himself returned to Puna.
But the next year the Áfghán Abdali advanced to recover the
Panjab, and Sindia and Holkar were unsuccessful in their
resistance. Áhmad Abdali might have once more placed
Álangir in power. To prevent this possibility his minister
murdered him and set up a prince of his own choosing. The
real heir Sháh Álam was a fugitive in Bengal. The empire was
to all intents and purposes at an end, and the struggle was
now directly between the Maráthas and the Áfgháns. Had
the warriors from the Deccan driven out the Abdali forces,
the emperor of India would have been Máhádaji Sindia, the
famous son of Ránoji and the only surviving brother of Jyápa.
News of Sindia's and Holkar's reverses reached the Peshwa
at a time when things at home had been greatly prospering.
He had been watching the rival candidates for power in the
viceroyalty of the Deccan. He had laid plans for obtaining
concession of territory by aiding whichever party might
from time to time seem stronger. The result was entirely
successful. After a short struggle with Nizám Ali, who had
put to death his brother Salábat Jang the nominee of the
French and made himself Nizám, the Peshwa obtained pos-
session in perpetuity of the important forts of Áhmadnagar
and Asirghar, the entire province of Bijápur, and much of
Aurangabád with a revenue of £620,000. The Moghal
possessions in the Deccan were thus reduced to small dimen-
sions, and the Peshwa's army was free to march upon the
Panjáb.
152
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
The flower of the Marátha army was accordingly despatched
to Hindustán. It was commanded by Sidáshiwa Rao the
Peshwa's brother and Wishwás Rao the Peshwa's eldest son.
Marátha armies had hitherto been distinguished for the
lightness of their equipment and their extraordinary movea-
bility. But success had induced luxury and magnificence;
and the army that marched to Delhi rivalled in the splendour
of its tents and the magnificence of its equipment the
gorgeous camp of Aurangzib. Nor were the Maráthas with-
out allies in their struggle with the Afgháns. The cause
seemed the national one of all Hindus. Rájputs, Pindháris and
irregulars of all descriptions flocked to the Marátha standard.
The time had come when Hindu authority should reassert itself
over the vast empire in which for so many centuries they had
been a conquered people. The remembrance of the exploits
of Shiwáji, pride in their recent successes in the Deccan, and
the hope of extensive plunder in Hindustán, stimulated the
various Hindu tribes to join for the moment in a common
cause. Not that the Maráthas had any unselfish aims for
the advancement of their countrymen. They carried in their
sway destruction and rapine. The freedom that they
brought to Hindus was limited to that of opinion and the
unfettered enjoyment of their religious ordinances. All
alike had to pay tribute to the insatiable Maráthas and bow
down beneath their yoke.
The army arrived before Delhi in the hot weather of 1760
and took up its quarters there for the rainy season, plundering
everything upon which they could lay their hands. They
stripped the hall of audience of its silver ceiling which
produced £170,000. After the monsoon Áhmad Abdali
advanced towards Delhi. The Marathas moved out to meet
him, and the contending forces entrenched themselves op-
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
153
posite each other at Pánipat, the field of so many battles.
For nearly three months the armies lay opposite to each other
without a decisive engagement being fought. But provisions
became scarce in the Marátha camp, and dissension ran
high between their leaders. This style of warfare was totally
unsuited to them. In January 1761 they were unable any
longer to endure their privations. They begged to be led
out against the enemy and the generals at last gave the
signal for battle. It was a struggle between religions.
The fierce shouts of the Muhammadans' "Allah, Allah,” and
Din Din," were met by the Hindu "Har Har Mahadew."
The battle was furiously contested, but after varying
fortune the Afgháns prevailed and the Maráthas broke
and fled. Vast numbers of them were made prisoners.
The men were butchered in cold blood the day after the
battle, and the women made slaves. The corpse of Wishwas
Rao was taken to Áhmad Abdali who said that he
would have the body of the king of the unbelievers stuffed
and taken back to Kábul. The question of Hindu supremacy
over India was decided once for all. Hindustan was
freed for a time from the ravages of the insatiable Marátha
plunderers; and when ten years later Máhádaji Sindia inter-
fered to place Sháh Álam on the throne, he found that he
had only done so to benefit the English merchants of Cal-
cutta. But it is now time to return to events elsewhere,
which have been passed over in order to give continuity to
the doings of the Maráthas in Northern India.
The Maráthas were a nation of plunderers, reaping where
they had not sown, carrying fire and sword, desolation and
rapine, wherever they went. But all the worst features of
the race were reproduced and intensified in the pirate family
of Ángria. This detestable brood had established themselves
154
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in well-nigh impregnable positions along the coast at
Kandheri, Kolába, Sawarndrug and Gheria. Kánhoji Ángria
was dead, but his sons Sambháji, Manáji and Tuláji, although
they were in disagreement with one another, carried on their
father's profession with equal success. From time to time
they endeavoured to further their individual aims by induc-
ing the Portuguese, the Sidi, and the Peshwa to interfere in
their quarrels; but they took care to give but little in return
for the aid which thy sought. They feared neither God nor
man. In the foulest treachery and the most bloodthirsty
cruelty their history stands unrivalled. The English had
not been altogether successful against Kánhoji. The time-
had now come to try their hand against his sons.
Mr. Richard Bourchier became president or governor of
Bombay in November 1750. He at once strove to secure a
more intimate intercourse with the Maráthas, for the purpose-
both of completing arrangements as to Surat and of suppress-
ing the depredations of the Ángria family, especially Tuláji
Ángria at Gheria. No ship was safe from these ubiquitous
pirates. Not only did the Ángrias follow the vocation, but
the Rája of Kolhápur from his fortress Sindidrug or Málwán
and the Sáwants of Wári followed their example. From
Málwan the English spoke of the pirates indiscriminately as
Málwáns. Their general ignorance of native terms was ex-
traordinary. The case of Sáhu has been noticed. Maráthas
were commonly styled Shiwájis and latterly Murattoes.
Hindus were known as Gentoos, and Mussalmáns as Moors or
Moormen, while Bhonsle was written Bouncello. Several
years elapsed after Mr. Bourchier's accession to office before
operations were commenced, and it was not till the month of
March 1755 that an expedition was despatched. It was
commanded by Commodore James of the Company's marine,
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
155
and was to be supported by the Marátha fleet. The support
was of the feeblest; but by his judgement and enterprise,
Commodore James succeeded in taking the four distinct forts
of Sawarndrug. Upon this several forts in the neighbour-
hood surrendered to the land forces of the Maráthas. That
of Bánkot, known as Fort Victoria, at the mouth of the
Sáwitri river, together with five villages was handed over to
the English in perpetuity. The expedition had been entirely
successful; but the monsoon coming on James had to take
shelter in Bombay, and further operations were deferred
pending the arrival of additional forces under Admiral
Watson and Colonel Clive. In the latter part of the year
the reinforcements arrived. The force had been sent from
England with the object of entering into alliance with the
Maráthas for the expulsion of the French from the dominions
of the Nizám and the Nawab of the Carnatic. But the
Bombay Government considered that the truce drawn up
with the French at Madras precluded this employment of
Clive's forces until the views of the home Government
should be known. They therefore took the opportunity
of sending an expedition to reduce Tuláji Ángria at Gheria.
Clive and Watson started in February 1756. It was
agreed that Gheria was to be handed over to the Maráthas,
but the English determined to divide the prize-money-
amongst themselves. Throughout the expedition there was
a want of cordiality between the English and their allies which
might have endangered its success. It was enjoined upon
Clive in the most emphatic manner by the Council in Bombay,
that he was to make no terms with the Ángrias. Tuláji, they
wrote, was on a footing with no prince in the known world,
but a pirate in whom no confidence could be put, who not only
robbed and burnt the ships of all nations but even those of
156
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
his own countrymen to whom he had given passes. He had
caused the Company to keep up a fleet to protect their trade
at a cost of more than £40,000 a year, and had destroyed
innumerable small vessels besides eleven rich ones, the names
of which were given in the instructions. On no account was
Tuláji to be handed over to the Maráthas who might let him
go at some future time.
The fort was bombarded and taken. A shell bursting in
the "Restoration," a British ship which Ángria had seized,
set her on fire; and the flames spread to Angria's own fleet,
which was totally destroyed. About £100,000 of prize-
money was divided between the victors. But the Maráthas
secured Tuláji, and Mr. Bourchier waived his objection
to that proceeding on the condition that he should never
receive any territory within forty miles of the sea. The
Maráthas kept their word, and Tuláji died in captivity at
Sholapur. The English wished to keep Gheria instead of
Bánkot, but after prolonged negociations a treaty was con-
<cluded at Puna in October 1756 by Mr. John Spencer and
Mr. Thomas Byfield of the Bombay Council by which Gheria
was given up, but additional villages were ceded towards
defraying the expense of maintaining Fort Victoria. Certain
commercial privileges were granted, and the Dutch were
excluded from trade within the Marátha dominions. After
the taking of Gheria Admiral Watson sailed to Madras, and
Clive reverted for a short time to the subordinate position of
governor of Fort St. David.
He was not to be left there long, and it is necessary for a
moment to leave Bombay and fellow him to the other side of
India. Early in 1756 the great Bengal Nawab Aliwardi
Khán, who had steadfastly resisted the Marátha invaders, not
always without success, had passed away. He was succeeded
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
157
by his grandson Suráj-ud-daula. The new Nawab was a
mere boy, but at his early age he was already an eastern
despot of the worst type. He was brought up with an ex-
travagant idea of the wealth of the English, and he had for
them an unbounded detestation. In the furious heat of June
he invaded Calcutta. He overcame the resistance of the
few who opposed him; and placed in what is known as the
Black Hole of Calcutta a hundred and forty-six English
men and women, of whom all but sixteen died in the course of
the night. The event was a too ordinary one in Indian history
to find mention in the annals of native historians. The
English presidency in Bengal was for a time destroyed. But
the triumph of Suráj-ud-daula was not to last long.
Early
in 1757 Clive reached Calcutta, cannonaded the fort, and the
English flag was once more flying over Fort William. The
Nawab called on M. Bussy from Madras to help him drive out
the English from Bengal. Clive anticipated the consent to
this appeal by driving the French out of that province. The
English flag was planted at their settlement of Chandanagar,
and Clive remarked that his standards must advance yet fur-
ther. In one short year after the horrors of the Black Hole-
Clive had with the aid of Mir Jáfar, the commander of the
Nawab's forces, won the battle of Plassey, and expelled the
miserable Suráj-ud-daula from his capital of Murshidábád..
The tyrant was killed by Miran, the son of Mir Jáfar,
and Mir Jáfar himself was placed on the throne. A
hundred boats conveyed to Calcutta silver worth £800,000
sterling. The battle of Plassey made the English practi-
cally, if not in name, masters of Bengal, Bahár and Orissa.
The legal possession was to come, not much later. At
the time of the battle of Pánipat Sháh Álam the rightful
heir to the throne of Bábar fled to Bengal. He made a
158
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY,
hopeless attempt to recover that province for himself, but
was defeated by the English. He was allowed to return to
Delhi after he had offered them the Diwáni or financial
management of Bengal. The arrangement was subsequently
accepted by Cve in 1765, the Company pledging itself to pay
to the emperor an annual tribute of £300,000. The family
of Mir Jáfar continued to hold the title of Nawab Názim of
Bengal till 1883, but the power was soon separated from
the title. Nor was the suzerainty of the emperor over the
English regarded by them any further than was convenient.
Shah Alam turned to the Maráthas to seat him on his
throne, and in 1771 Máhádaji Sindia placed him with great
pomp on the seat of his ancestors. But it was one thing for
the English to pay tribute to the emperor and another to
pay it in his name for the benefit of the Maráthas; and
Sindia was bitterly disappointed to find that that was not a
condition of the bargain. He had hoped to rule Bengal in
the name of the emperor; he had only put a large sum into
the hands of the English merchants.
Clive had conquered Bengal and driven the French out of
it. But his services to his country were not yet ended.
Under his directions Colonel Forde defeated the French in
successive actions in Madras and the Northern Sirkárs in
1759, and in the next year Colonel, afterwards Sir Eyre,
Coote defeated them at Wándiwás. Before the year was out
Pondicheri capitulated and its fortifications were razed to
the ground. With supreme indifference to the claims of the
Nizám Clive obtained from the puppet emperor Sháh Álam
a firmán conferring the Northern Sirkárs to the English.
The treatment by the Madras Government of this arrange-
ment will be seen later on. In the same year a Dutch fleet
of seven ships appeared in the Hughli and began to seize
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
159
English vessels. The English promptly resisted, and the
Dutch were signally defeated and all their ships taken. But
they had landed 700 Europeans and 800 Malays who made
their way to their settlement at Chinsura. Colonel Forde
asked for instructions. Clive was playing cards when the
letter reached him. He wrote on one of the cards, “Fight
them at once, I will send you the order in council to-morrow."
Before the order in council reached Forde he had engaged and
defeated the enemy; and the Dutch were subsequently only
permitted to keep 125 Europeans in Bengal for the protection
of their factories.
Clive's work of conquest was done. But the country was
full of marauding bands of Maráthas and Áfgháns, and it was
beyond the power of the Company to arrange for a satis-
factory settlement. Clive therefore proposed to Pitt that
the nation should take over the sovereignty of Bengal,
Bahár and Orissa. The proposal was rejected, and the de-
-cision not altered until, a century later, there arose a terrible
crisis which might have wiped out British rule altogether
from India. But Clive left the Company a power more solid
in its foundations than that of the Moghal empire before its
decadence began.
Terrible was the grief in Máháráshtra when the fatal news
arrived from Pánipat. The first despatch was written in
the figurative style not uncommonly used in India when
caution is necessary. "Two pearls," it said, "have been dis-
solved, 27 gold mohurs lost, and of the silver and copper the
amount cannot be added up." From these words the Peshwa
learnt the fate of Sidáshiwa Rao his brother, and Wishwás
Rao his son, together with that of the officers and army. One
of the first of the fugitives who confirmed the news was
Báláji Janárdin, nephew of Sidáshiwa Rao, who was afterwards
160
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
famous as Nána Farnáwis. The Peshwa never recovered the
shock. It affected his mind and his constitution rapidly
sank. He died at the temple of Párbati, a building which he
had erected a short distance from Puna. It commands a
beautiful view of the city and surrounding country, and from
it the last of the Peshwas was to witness the defeat of his
army by a British force. Báláji Rao had done something
to improve the condition of his subjects, and Marátha power
under him had reached its zenith. But it received a shock
at Pánipat which negatived the possibility of Hindu supre-
macy over India.
Still the Maráthas remained for a time-
the most powerful people in the country.
The empire of Delhi had passed away. All that remained
to Shah Alam were a few small districts in the neighbourhood
of his capital. The Panjab had fallen into the hands of the
Áfghán Áhmad Abdali. The Rohillas, or descendants of
former Áfghán settlers in Bengal, were powerful in Rohilkand.
Oudh nominally a viceroyalty of the empire was really an
independent kingdom, and a close ally of the British. In
the name of Mir Jáfar the Company was supreme in Bengal,
Bahár and Orissa. The Rajput states had long separated from.
the emperor, and though the Maráthas had imposed upon
them demands for chauth they were irregularly paid. The
territories of the Nizám or Subadár of the Deccan were
considerably reduced in extent. The French power was
broken, that of the Dutch destroyed, and the Portuguese
reduced to insignificance. In the short space of time-
from 1755 to 1761 the English, from merchants who
maintained a struggle for existence on the coast, suddenly
found their strength recognised, and their alliance courted
by powers who had regarded them with contempt. In
Bengal they were on the high road to the conquest of
THE ENGLISH AND THE FRENCH.
161
India. But as yet in the West they possessed only the
island of Bombay, Fort Victoria with a few villages at
Binkot, and the fort or castle of Surat, of which they
obtained independent possession after a desperate struggle in
1759, The Maráthas held the Konkan, the Deccan, and
Guzárát, with claims over Káthiáwár, Málwa, Khándesh and
Barár, Bijapur and most of Aurangabád, and the old Hindu
kingdom of Tanjáwar (Tanjor). Besides this their demands
for chauth extended over the greater part of India, and they
held the town and fort of Katak in Orissa. But Sindia and
Holkar, the Gaikwár and the Rája of Barár were serious
ivals to the power of the Peshwa. The most important, how-
ever, of the late political changes was the fact that it was to be
the English and not the French who were to rule in India.
The directors in England of the East India Company
looked with no favour on any territorial acquisition. In 1763
they wrote to their representatives in India a despatch which
after enumerating their present possessions went on to say:-
The protection of them is easily within the reach of our
power, and they may easily support each other without.
any country alliance whatever.
If we pass these bounds we
shall be led on from one acquisition to another till we shall
find no security but in the subjection of the whole, which by
dividing our force would lose us the whole, and end in our
extirpation from Hindustan."
11
( 162 )
O N
Ο
XIII. FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
N the death of Báláji Rao shortly after the shock of
the terrible news from Panipat in 1761 where his
eldest son perished, he was succeeded as Peshwa by his
second son, Máhdu Rao, a boy seventeen years old. Máhdu
Rao was invested with the insignia of office by the descen-
dant of Shiwaji, who was a state prisoner at Sátára. Raghoba,
the brother of the late Pesh wa, assumed the regency, and
created general discontent by his arbitrary and high-handed
proceedings. The young Peshwa was a boy of spirit and
determination, and he attempted to enforce his claims to a
share in the administration. He showed his good sense by
selecting as one of his officers Báláji Janárdan Bhanu or
Nána Farnáwis, the future great Marátha minister. Raghoba,
ambitious and unscrupulous, turned to two powers for assist-
ance in his schemes. The Government of Bombay, under
Mr. Crommelin, was in the hands of men with clear heads
and stout arms. Their gallantry had lately enabled their
ally the Sidi of Janjira to hold out against a combined attack
of Maráthas and Portuguese. They hoisted the British flag
at Janjira and compelled the Maráthas to respect it. Stimu-
lated by the magnificent success of their countrymen in Ben-
gal, and beginning to feel something of their own strength,
they cast longing eyes on the island of Salsette which lay
between Bombay and the mainland. The Maráthas had con-
quered it from the Portuguese and the English thought that
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
163
Raghoba might hand it over to them as the price of their aid.
Raghoba offered to cede territory of greater value in Guzárát,
but that was not what the Company wanted and negociations
for the time fell through. With the Nizám his overtures
were more successful. The Nizám was a far-seeing politician.
The flower of the Marátha army had been destroyed at
Pánipat, the nation was being torn asunder by rivals for power
at home. There could not be a more favourable opportunity
for restoring the Muhammadan power in the Deccan. The
Nizám at once sent an army to support Raghoba, and the new
allies attacked the forces of his nephew Máhdu Rao. With
remarkable patriotism the young Peshwa grasped the fact
that dissension between himself and Raghoba meant ruin for
both. He gave himself up to his uncle who placed him
in confinement, and the Nizám's forces were for the present
withdrawn. The Nizám was only awaiting a more suitable
occasion, and he thought that he had found one in the
renewal of dissension in 1762. He led his army to Puna, and
the capital of the Peshwa was plundered and burnt. But
the Maráthas, indignant at his presumption, threw aside
their mutual differences. Raghoba released his nephew, and
the Gaikwár and Holkar brought up their forces. The
Nizam's army was driven off from Puna, and it sustained a
crashing defeat at Aurangábád in 1763.
While the Maráthas were thus occupied in the Deccan there
had arisen a new power in Mysur which threatened to be-
come more formidable in India than that created by Shiwáji.
Hydar Naik was a man of the same type as the Marátha chief.
He could neither write nor read, but he was gifted with great
physical strength and activity, and he possessed a commanding
nature. He had been a sepoy in the battalions of the French.
He left their service and gathered round him a body of men
:
164
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
who pledged themselves to follow him on. condition of
sharing equally in his plunder. With these retainers he
served under the Hindu Rája of Mysur at the siege of Trichi-
nopoli. He was to receive a certain sum of money for each
soldier and a gift for each man wounded. He doubled the
amount thus due to him by making false muster-rolls and
bandaging sound limbs. With Hydar, as with Shiwáji,
money was power. The Hindu Rája rapidly became one of
the fainéant kings that sat on Indian thrones. As Hydar's
power grew he dispensed with his nominal master and
assumed the title of king. He was to prove himself one of
the most powerful antagonists that crossed swords with the
English in India. But his first opponents were the
Maráthas. He had gradually encroached on their territories,
including the fort of Dharwár, and they were extremely
jealous of his power. In 1765, the young Peshwa led an
army against the upstart adventurer and defeated him in a
severe campaign. Hydar had to release the Marátha districts
that he had occupied and pay for the cost of the war.
There now arose a strangely involved series of alliances and
confederacies, the threads of which are inextricably entangled
with the histories both of Bombay and Madras. The
English, the Maráthas, the Nizám, and Hydar Ali were
constantly making engagements with and against each other.
Besides these factors in the history of the epoch, there was
also the party of Raghoba which was in rivalry with that of
the Peshwa. There were further the great houses of the
Gaikwár, Sindia, Holkar, and Bhonsle of Barár, who were now
practically sovereign princes, and who made war or friend-
ship with one another, or any one else, just as it might suit
their convenience. The permanent aim of each was his
own supremacy. Common danger might for a time bind some
FIRST MARATHA WAR.
165
of them together; with the need for union the coalition invari-
ably ended. In name the Marátha states continued to be mem-
bers of one empire. They all acknowledged the supremacy of
the Raja of Sátára, whose chief interest in life was to watch
the movements of dancing-girls in his state prison. All too
recognised the authority of the Peshwa, the only difficulty
being to decide whether the youthful heir to the throne, or his
uncle Raghoba, had the higher claim to the authority vested
in that office.
The
To follow out the whole cource of this constantly shifting
drama would be tedious and useless. Some of the more
important scenes only need be lightly sketched.
emperor had conferred on the Company the Northern Sirkárs
as a free gift. They had belonged to the Nizám of the
Deccan, and the claims of this potentate Clive treated with
contemptuous indifference. The Government of Madras,
ever distinguished for weakness and incapacity, adopted
a contrary policy. They agreed to pay the Nizám a
considerable tribute, and concluded with him an offensive
and defensive alliance on account of this territory. The
Court of Directors commented upon the feebleness and ab-
surdity of this treaty; but it was too late, and its disastrous
consequences had to follow. The Nizám chose to make war
upon Hydar Ali. The Madras Government joined in the
struggle and, in the words of the Directors, plunged into such
a labyrinth of difficulties that extrication from them seemed
almost impossible. The campaign opened favourably for the
English. Hydar, in anticipation of an alliance between the
Maráthas and the Company, offered terms. But the Madras
Government made such inflated demands that they were
rejected with scorn. The fortunes of war turned in Hydar's
favour, and the Nizám who had provoked the war changed
166
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
sides to the stronger. Hydar again made proposals for
peace, pointing out that his overtures had been already once
rejected. The Council was irresolute and incapable, and made.
no definite reply. Hydar marched 130 miles in three days.
and a half; and, camping beneath the walls of Madras, had
the Council at his mercy. In fear and trembling they
executed a treaty in April 1769 by which mutual conquests
were restored; the English were saddled with the expenses
of the whole war, and an offensive and defensive alliance was
made with the Mysur chief. So ended the first Mysur war,
and the prestige of the English sensibly deteriorated. The
best excuse that can be made for the action of the Madras
Council was that put forward by themselves, that they made
peace because they had no money to make war. No sooner
was peace concluded with the English than Hydar turned
his arms against the Maráthas. But these he found more
formidable antagonists. His army was defeated with terrible
slaughter in 1771, and he was pursued to Saringapatam and
besieged there. In virtue of his treaty, Hydar called on the
English for aid. He offered £100,000 for an English brigade,
but his request was unheeded in Madras, and he threatened
as an alternative to call in the French. Hydar never forgave
what he termed the treacherous and cowardly abandonment
of him by the English. The English had undoubtedly
broken their word. But the treaty had been forced upon
them at the point of the sword, and the disgrace was less
in breaking than in making the agreement.
During the Mysur war the Bombay Government had sent
an envoy to Puna in the person of Mr. Mostyn in 1768. He
was instructed both to ascertain the Peshwa's views and,
by encouraging domestic dissensions, to prevent the Mará-
thas joining Hydar and the Nizám. As to their views, the
·FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
167
Marátha court candidly stated that they meant to be
guided by circumstances. But Mostyn's task of fomenting
dissensions was a sinecure. Raghonáth Rao again rebelled
against his nephew, this time unsuccessfully, and was con-
fined as a prisoner at Puna. Wars, plots, counter-plots,
cabals, and intrigues between the Peshwa and the great
Marátha houses were the order of the day. But young as
he was the Peshwa was able, by strength of mind and ability,
to hold his own; and the attack by Hydar created a powerful
if evanescent union of the Marátha houses. Neither, however,
were dissensions at home nor wars with Hydar sufficient to
employ the restless Maráthas. Undiscouraged by the defeat
at Pánipat, Máhádaji Sindia, with some help from the house
of Holkar, was busy at Delhi propping up on his crumbling
throne the miserable successor of Aurangzib, and trying to
rule Hindustán in his name.
As a ruler, Máhdu Rao Peshwa is entitled to much praise.
He strove for justice and equity, and in a rough age sup-
ported the weak against the strong, and put down oppressors
with a firm hand. But it cannot be repeated too often that
the work of a benevolent despot is useless. Something more
is needed for good government than the will of one man,
whose good deeds may be swept away by his successor. A
system is needed and not a person; and that system has
reached India from without in the shape of British law.
1
Máhdu Rao died of consumption in November 1772 at
the early age of 28. He left no children and his brother
Nárayan Rao came to the throne. Raghoba had been released
by Mahdu Rao before his death. But he was again made pri-
soner at the instance of the new Peshwa's ministers Sakhárám
Bápu, an old and tried officer, and Náná Farnáwis who was
now rising into fame. The new Peshwa had not long to
168
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
enjoy his power. In August 1773 a mutiny took place
amongst his soldiers, and he was himself put to death by a
man whom he had once ordered to be flogged. The credit
of causing this murder was generally, though unjustly, given
to Raghoba. Raghoba was present when it took place and in--
terfered to prevent it. He had, however, previously given a
written order that Nárayan Rao should he "seized" and this
had been altered to "killed" (dharáwe to máráwe). There
was now no heir to the Peshwaship, and Raghoba assumed the
title as the rightful successor to his nephew. But a posthu-
mous son was born to Nárayan Rao in April 1774, and was
installed as Peshwa when he was forty days old. Raghoba
declined to acknowledge his legitimacy, and two great
factions sprang up, that of Raghoba who called himself
the Peshwa, and that of Nána Farnáwis and other ministers
who represented the cause of the son of Nárayan Rao.
While these parties were engaged in watching each others'
movements, Hydar Ali plundered the Southern Marátha
provinces unchecked. Raghoba sought aid from Sindia and
Holkar, and again entered into negociations with the English..
The Government of Bombay were ready enough to nego-
ciate. They were bent upon securing Salsette, Karanja, and
other islands near Bombay. They were, moreover, fully
supported in this attempt to gain thus much extension of
territory by the Directors at home. In accordance with the-
Court's instructions Mr. Mostyn had again been sent on an
embassy to Puna, where he arrived shortly before the death
of Mahdu Rao Peshwa in November 1771. The deliberate-
object of this mission was to find means of obtaining
possession of the islands, the just importance of which
to Bombay was indisputable. Bombay is the finest
harbour in India. It was already becoming famous for
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
109
its dockyard, and it was essential for its protection that
the English should be the sole possessors of its shores and
islands. Nor were the designs of the Bombay authorities
confined to Salsette and its neighbourhood. They had
already attained the lion's share of the sovereignty of Surat.
Surat was paramount over Broach, and the Nawab of Broach
disputed certain claims which were made on him. In 1771
an expedition was sent to enforce them which was not
altogether successful; but further operations were for a time
deferred by the arrival of the Nawáb in Bombay. The
English insisted upon terms which were by no means to the
Nawab's taste; and though he signed the treaty he returned
to Broach only to grossly insult the chief of the English
factory. This could not be tolerated. A force was sent, and
Broach taken by storm on the 18th November 1772, the very
day of Mahdu Rao's death. But the brave and accomplished
General David Wedderburn was killed, when directing the
attack, by a shell shot from the walls of the city.
Mr. Mostyn's first business at Puna was to negociate an
exchange of Broach for Salsette. But nothing definite was
decided, and upon Nárayan Rao's murder in August 1773,
having reason to believe that Raghoba had fallen in his wars
with the Nizám, the English determined to possess themselves
by force of the long-coveted islands. But Raghoba was
not dead, and his applications for aid were welcomed. After
a prolonged negociation the Bombay Council, under the
presidency of Mr. Hornby, offered in September 1774 to assist
Raghoba with all the troops that they could spare which,
including some artillery, amounted to about 2,500 men, on
condition that he should advance 15 or 20 lakhs of rupecs,
£150,000 or £200,000, and cede in perpetuity Salsette and
the other islands with Bassein and its dependencies. At
170
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
this memorable meeting of the Council a doubt arose on
an important subject. Hitherto the English settlements in
India had been independent of each other. But in 1773 an
Act of Parliament placed Bombay and Madras in subordina-
tion to Bengal; and the Governor of Bengal became the
Governor-General of India. Peace or war could not be made
without the concurrence of the Governor-General in council.
But no intimation had reached Bombay of the arrival of the
officers who had been sent out as the members of council;
and it was decided that Bombay might act on its own respon-
sibility. But as before, Raghoba refused to give up Salsette
or Bassein. He offered other concessions of very considerable
value, and the Council were half disposed to accept them, when
they received news which at once made them alter their minds.
The Portuguese government had sent a strong expedition.
from Europe to recover these very islands together with Bassein
on the mainland. Prompt measures were necessary. Would the
Marátha officer at the fort of Thána, the chief town in Salsette,
consent to be bribed? Mr. Hornby offered one lakh. The
officer required more, and the Council saw that nothing re-
mained but to use force. By the middle of December 1774
the Portuguese fleet was anchored off the mouth of the
harbour, and in answer to the remonstrances of its com-
mander at the aggressive policy of the English, batteries were
opened upon Thána. After one unsuccessful attempt, in which
100 Europeans were killed or wounded, the fort was carried
by assault; and, incensed at the loss that they had suffered,
the soldiers put the greater part of the garrison to the sword.
Among the English losses was Commodore Watson, a gallant
and experienced officer. Colonel Keating was sent to take the
fort of Warsowa on the north of Salsette; and by New Year's
day 1775 the whole of Salsette and Karanja were reduced.
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
171
The English were now in a position to make what terms
they pleased with Raghoba. He had been negociating with
Sindia and Holkar without much success, and he now pro-
ceeded to Guzárát to obtain the aid of Gowind Rao Gaikwár,
who was at war with his brother Fatte Sing at Baroda. In
anticipation of the conclusion of a treaty with him the
English despatched a force to Guzárát in February 1775
under Colonel Keating, with instructions to aid the Peshwa, as
they called Raghoba, against the ministerial forces. He was
in sore need of their help. He had been defeated by the
ministerial army
army and had fled to Kathiawár, whence he sailed
to Surat, where he was joined by the British forces. It is
difficult to see what value Governor Hornby and Colonel
Keating could now set upon his aid, or how he could expect
to fulfil his promises. But a treaty was signed at Surat by
which Bassein and the islands were ceded in perpetuity to-
gether with Jambosi and Ulpár in Guzárát, the revenue of
which with other assignments amounted to over 19 lakhs
(£190,000). A junction was effected near Cambay with
what remaimed of Raghoba's army, and in accordance with
his wish the forces marched northwards towards Áhmadábád.
The Bombay Council, however, expressed in the strongest
terms their opinion that the destination of the forces should
be altered to Puna. Their course was accordingly changed,
and after ten days' march in the new direction, on the 13th May
1775, they were suddenly attacked near a village called Aras
while marching through a narrow road between two high
milk-bush hedges. The attack was resisted with spirit, and
the enemy three times driven back with great slaughter. The
British troops were fighting with splendid courage when
some one blundered; the wrong word of command was given
and an unintelligible panic ensued, the officers deserted by their
172
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
troops dying where they stood. But in spite of this deplor-
able incident, which Colonel Keating frankly described in his
despatch, the enemy, as they themselves admitted, sustained
a severe defeat. On the 10th of June another opposing force
was beaten off with greater success and compelled to throw
its guns into the Narbada, Colonel Keating having grasped
the secret of success against Maráthas and commenced the
attack. Guzárát was now cleared of the enemy; and an agree-
ment was made which patched up the quarrel between Gowind
Gaikwár and his brother Fatte Sing, and united them both
to the cause of Raghoba. . To the English was granted addi-
tional territory with a revenue of 3 lakhs (£30,000). Nor
were the operations confined to land. The Marátha navy
consisted of six men-of-war mounting from 26 to 46 guns
each, and ten smaller armed vessels. This fleet was met at sea
by Commodore John Moor in the "Revenge" frigate, and
the "Bombay" grab. Moor instantly attacked the Marátha
fleet which set sail and made off; but he singled out their
largest ship the "Shamsher Jang" or Sword of War, and
at last brought him to action. After an engagement of three
hours the "Shamsher Jang" blew up.
Thus Raghoba's prospects in a few months rose from the
lowest to the highest, while those of the young Peshwa seemed
correspondingly gloomy. Great promises were made by
Nána Farnáwis to Sindia and Holkar to keep them on his
side; while the Nizám took advantage of the civil war to
extort a cession of nearly 18 lakhs of annual revenue. But
Raghoba was personally unpopular and his alliance with the
English regarded with dislike and distrust.
The Bombay Council had held that they were at liberty
to act independently of the Governor-General and Council
at Calcutta. The Council were of a different opinion.
FIRST MARATHA WAR.
173
When they heard of the proceedings undertaken by the
English in Bombay they peremptorily required that
the forces should be withdrawn to garrison in whatsoever
state affairs might be, unless safety was endangered by an
instant retreat. "You have imposed on yourselves," they
wrote, "the charge of conquering the whole of the Marátha
empire for a man who appears incapable of affording any
effectual assistance in it." The war was pronounced impolitic,
dangerous, unauthorised and unjust. The despatch bore the
signature of Warren Hastings. But bitter diversity reigned
at the Council board, and at that time the great proconsul
was hampered and shackled by his colleagues. His personal
views were very different. The war had been undertaken
without sufficient definiteness of aim, but he held the capture
of Salsette an act of necessity and good policy. But, as he
himself says, he was not in a position to dictate, and all he
could do was to qualify the order with some provisoes.
The Bombay Government accordingly ordered a cessation
of hostilities and Colonel Keating and Raghoba encamped
about twenty-five miles east of Surat. But they were bitterly
indignant at the way in which they had been over-ruled.
They sent a report to the supreme government defending
their conduct, recapitulating their reasons, and dwelling on
the shame and degradation of not fulfilling their solemn
agreements. They also sent Mr. William Taylor, a member
of their own Council, to Calcutta to advocate their cause.
Mr. Taylor ably carried out his instructions. He had an un-
usual knowledge of the real character of the Marátha empire.
He represented that Parliament in arming the Council at
Calcutta with controlling powers had no intention that the
subordinate presidencies should be made to appear degraded
and contemptible in the eyes of the native government. But
174
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in spite of the Governor-General's remonstrances the Council
insisted upon exercising with the utmost indiscretion their
new authority. If the Bombay authorities had been rash
it was not by timidity and caution that Bengal had been
won. But the Calcutta Council oscillated between rashness
and timidity in their Bombay policy, and threw the affairs
of that presidency into confusion. One of the members,
Mr. Francis, wrote that territorial acquisition on the West of
India was inconsistent with the Company's true interest.
Treating with contempt the spirited representations from
Bombay, the Bengal Government sent one of their own
officers, Colonel Upton, to make terms with the Maráthas.
His mild remonstrances were naturally taken for weakness,
and the ministers made preposterous demands. Raghoba's
cessions were to be void and Raghoba himself given up.
Colonel Upton hereupon considered his task at an end.
Advice from Bombay had been rejected with scorn at Cal-
cutta, but suggestions from their own officer were received in
a different spirit. In February 1776 the Governor-General
and Council determined to support Raghoba's cause with vigour,
and sent troops and treasure to Bombay. But before the letter
could reach Colonel Upton, he had on the 1st March signed
the treaty of Purandhar which confirmed most of the cessions
to the English, and allowed Salsette to be retained or exchanged
for other districts at the pleasure of the Governor-General
and Council. The treaty of Surat however was formally
annulled; Raghoba's army was to be disbanded and himself
to reside as a pensioner at Kopargaum near Áhmadnagar.
It was impossible that this arrangement could secure
peace. The English at Bombay were intensely disgusted.
They expressed their scorn that a British envoy should suffer
the Marátha ministers to secure a peace, on the principle of
FIRST MARATHA WAR.
175
Hydar Ali at Madras, by saying that in case of a renewal of
the war they would carry fire and sword through all the
Company's possessions. Mr. Hastings, though he disapproved
of the treaty, was compelled to ratify it. Raghoba could not
understand the nature of the interference from Bengal. He
offered greater cessions than before, and wrote an appeal to
the Court of Directors at home. The Court was in an
unusually aggressive mood. In a despatch which reached.
Bombay in August 1776 they approved under every circum-
stance of the treaty of Surat, and recommended that the
Bombay Government should retain possession of the districts
ceded by it. Colonel Upton was after some time recalled to
Bengal. Not at all to the liking of the Marátha ministers
Mr. Mostyn returned to Puna, and negociations proceeded.
The negociations were considerably protracted. The
kaleidoscopic politics at Puna were constantly changing. A
rival to Nána Farnáwis had sprung up in his cousin Morába,
and the latter had been joined by the veteran minister,
Sakharam Bapu, who was jealous of his young colleague's
increasing influence. This party was supported by Holkar,
and thus consolidated they deemed it advisable to forward their
interests by appealing to Bombay to once more assist Raghoba.
Thus the phase of affairs was greatly changed, and in
October 1777 Mr. Hornby, the Governor of Bombay, re-
corded in an able minute on Marátha affairs that "They were
fast verging to a period which must compel the English nation
to take some active and decisive part in them or relinquish for
ever all hopes of bettering their own situation on the West of
India." In truth, as Clive had said after the the capture of
Chandarnagar, the English standards could not wait where
they were. But an event now occurred which vastly accele-
rated the inevitable interference.
176
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
A
Undefined as their views might be concerning their own
ultimate position in India, the English were quite clear on one
point that other European nations should not predominate.
The British empire was undergoing a formidable crisis.
miserable war was being waged with, the American colonists,
who were supported by the French. Without allies, England
was shortly to carry on a struggle with France, Spain and
Holland; and the British flag was with difficulty to protect
the English channel. The course of events was not unforeseen
even in India. Fortunately in Warren Hastings India possessed
a ruler keen to see and prompt to act. Some months before war
was declared between England and France a French adven-
turer named St. Lubin landed at Chául and proceeded to
Puna. He had already imposed on the Government of Madras
as a man of quality. He even subsequently deceived the
French Government so far as to obtain from them an authority
to proceed to India. He at once made offer of an alliance with
Nána Farnáwis on the part of France. He offered to bring
2,500 Europeans for the support of the ministry and to raise
and discipline 10,000 sepoys. Nána may or may not have
been deceived as to the authenticity of his credentials and
the genuineness of his pretensions to act for France; but he
thought him at all events a useful tool to be employed
against the English. He hardly realised the danger to which
he rendered himself liable by this choice of instruments.
Hastings recognised the gravity of the situation and
determined to strike the first blow. The only difference
between the new and old policies was that Raghoba was
to be considered Regent on behalf of the young Peshwa.
News had arrived of the declaration of war with France, an
event that was not likely at such a juncture to occasion regret
at Bombay or Calcutta. Hastings resolved to support the
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR,
177
Bombay Government with a large body of troops, and six
native regiments with artillery and cavalry marched across
India under Colonel Leslie, a feat never before attempted by
a British force. At the same time an alliance was made
with the great Marátha Raghoji Bhonsle of Barár. The
French factories in Bengal were seized, and orders sent to
Madras that Pondicheri was to be instantly occupied.
On November 23rd 1778 the British troops at Bombay
crossed the harbour to Panwel. They were commanded by
Colonel Egerton, a man whose weak health unfitted him for
active service, and who was totally unacquainted with Indian
warfare. He had on a former occasion been set aside in
favour of Colonel Keating; but at this juncture Mr. Hornby
most unfortunately thought that it was his due to be given the
command. The expedition was accompanied by Mr. Carnac
of the Bombay Council, Mr. Mostyn, whose services would
have been invaluable, having just died. The expedition was a
miserable failure. Colonel Egerton and Mr. Carnac wasted
time in petty disagreements; and it was not for a month
that the army, about 2,500 strong, reached Khándálla at
the top of the Bhor Ghát, a distance from Panwel of some
forty miles. Thence the advance was slower. On January
9th 1779 they arrived at Talegaum, sixteen miles from Puna.
A force of 50,000 Maráthas disputed their advance, and
clouds of horsemen harassed their camp. The hearts of their
leaders failed them. The guns were thrown into a tank, the
stores burnt, and a retreat commenced. On the 11th, at
Wargaum, they were surrounded. On the 12th they were
attacked. But the soldiers were more valiant than their
commanders. Splendidly led by Captain Hartley, his men-
Europeans and sepoys alike-fought with steadiness and en-
thusiasm. The next day the attack was again withstood,
12
178
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Captain Hartley showing himself the life and soul of the
force. But the army got into confusion with its baggage;
many European officers were killed, and a large number of
sepoys deserted. Further retreat was deemed impracticable.
Raghoba, seeing how things were going, had already given.
himself up to Sindia, and the English came to terms with that
chieftain, who acted as representative of the Maráthas. The
army was allowed to depart, but an unconditional surrender
was made of all acquisitions obtained since 1773. The
Bombay Council ignored this shameful convention. They
recorded their sense of its disgraceful nature by dismissing Mr.
Carnac, Colonels Egerton and Cockburn; while, for his
splendid gallantry, Captain Hartley was promoted to the
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.
The Bombay Government had failed. They had attempted
a great task without counting the cost. Their irritation at the
authority exercised over them from Calcutta had actuated
them with the desire of showing what they could do without
the assistance that was coming from Bengal. They had learnt
the lesson; and though humbled by their misfortunes, their
army defeated, their treasury empty, and their reputation
dimmed, they set to work under the firm and able leadership of
Governor Hornby to retrieve their fortune. This admirable
spirit was met by Warren Hastings with the treatment that it
deserved. He deprecated the expression of any want of con-
fidence in the Bombay authorities, and preferred to incite
them to fresh exertion for the retrieval of their affairs, and to
arm them with means adequate to the end.
The Bengal forces, commanded by Colonel Leslie, had pro-
crastinated. Hastings at once superseded him by a dashing
officer, Colonel Goddard; but Leslie died before Goddard could
relieve him. Goddard soon showed what stuff he was made of.
FIRST MARATHA WAR.
179
He marched from Bandalkand to Surat, 300 miles, in twenty
days, an achievement which critics in England spoke of as a
frantic military exploit. The Bombay Government expressed
their gratitude for his activity by offering him a seat in their
Council. Mr. Hastings' instructions to Goddard were that
he should negociate a new treaty with the Maráthas on the
basis of the treaty of Purandhar, with an additional article
excluding the French from the Marátha dominions. Nána
Farnáwis dallied with these proposals, and vouchsafed no
reply until October 1779. Reports were then current of an
alliance between the Nizám, Hydar Ali, and the Maráthas,
who were binding each other to simultaneous attacks on the
English settlements in Bombay, Madras and Bengal. Then
the Marátha minister demanded the relinquishment of
Salsette, and the abandonment of Raghoba who had thrown
himself on English protection. There was no alternative
but to recommence the war, and the campaign opened in
Guzárát. At the beginning of 1780 Goddard occupied the
Peshwa's districts in that province, and in February of that
year he made an alliance with Fatte Sing, the brother and
rival of Gowind Gaikwár, and proceeded to take Áhmadábád.
The wall was breached; the Bombay grenadiers rushed into
the opening; and, in spite of a determined resistance by the
garrison, which did not cease till 300 of their number lay
dead, they made good their entrance.
Máhádaji Sindia and Holkar now advanced, and well-nigh
wore out Goddard's patience, first by empty negociations,
and, when these came to nothing, by evading all his attempts
to bring on a general action. He suggested to the Governor-
General the advisability of detailing a force into Málwa to
draw them off in that direction, and so leave his divi-
sion free to advance into the Konkan. He had already
180
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
sent Colonel Hartley to deal with the Maráthas who
were active on the borders of Salsette, and who con-
stantly annoyed the post newly established by the English at
Kályán under Captain Campbell. The result was most
successful. Captain Popham, the officer selected for this
employment, crossed the Jumna and carried on a brilliant
campaign. In August, with equal daring and skill, he cap-
tured the celebrated fortress of Gwalior, hitherto considered
to be impregnable, while a series of dashing and for the most
part successful engagements took place in the Konkan. An
attempt to take the two strong forts of Malangahır or Bhau
Malan—now known from their fanciful shape as the Cathedral
Rocks-by Captain Alington partially succeeded. The lower
fort was captured, but the upper, an absolutely perpendicular
rock, defied all efforts to take it.
During the monsoon the Bombay Government had time to
consider their position. They were in great difficulties for
want of funds, for which they had looked to Bengal. But
in lieu of funds came despatches informing them that the
threatened invasion of Hydar had swept over Madras. The
Mysur ruler, encouraged by French promises, and his troops.
drilled by French officers, was stimulated in his disputes with
Madras by the Maráthas at Puna. He was ready to accept
their help in his crusade against the European settlers; but
he meant when he had disposed of the English to make
short work of the Maráthas also. France and England were
again at war, and there was every possibility of a naval
attack upon Bombay. The Bengal Government could give
further assistance.
"We have no resources," says
Governor Hornby in his minute of the 1st August, "but
such as we may find in our own efforts." Whatever brave
men could do they did. They raised ten lakhs of rupees by
no
FIRST MARATHA WAR.
181
the sale of copper in their warehouses, they managed to
negociate loans, and they anticipated the Maráthas in the
collection of their own revenues.
The master mind of Hastings perceived that the new
struggle with Mysur presented a more formidable danger
than immediately pressed on the English from the Maráthas.
His plans regarding the Marátha empire were for the time.
set aside, when they seemed, but for this interruption, not
unlikely to be crowned with success. He set himself to
break up the confederacy. He detached the Nizám from it
by telling him that the emperor of Delhi had granted
to Hydar the territories which the Nizám ruled as the
Moghal viceroy of the Deccan. By protracted negocia-
tions he contrived to obtain the neutrality of the Bhonsle
Rája of Barár. The newer and more formidable danger
rendered it necessary to make peace with the Peshwa, but
not peace at any price; at all extremities there must be
no peace not accompanied with honour. With this
object in view the Marátha war was rigorously continued.
Towards the end of 1780 Goddard took Bassein, which
fortified by the Portuguese possessed unusual strength, while
Hartley, after covering the siege by six weeks' incessant
fighting, repulsed a bold attack of 20,000 Maráthas and
killed their commander. After the siege the British forces
united.
The Governor-General was ansious that overtures for peace
should come from the Peshwa. He suggested through
Mudáji Bhonsle, who had succeeded his father Raghoji as
Rája of Barár, and who consented to become a mediator,
certain conditions which he would accept if the Peshwa's
Government would enter upon an offensive and defensive
alliance with the Company against Hydar and the French.
182
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
But on the news that came from Madras Mudáji declined to
continue his friendly offices except on terms that could not
possibly be accepted. The news was most alarming. Sir
Hector Munro commanded one force, Colonel Baillie another.
Instead of uniting and presenting a formidable front to Hydar,
they suffered him to attack them separately. Baillie's army,
after a brave defence, was almost totally destroyed, the remnant
owing their lives to the intervention of Hydar's French
officers. Munro was within hearing of the cannonade. He
abandoned his equipage, destroyed his stores, threw his
guns into a tank, and fled in confusion to Madras. It
was a great triumph for Hydar, who decorated his palace
at Saringapatam with pictures of the carnage of one English
army and the flight of another. The English empire in the
south-east of India was within immediate danger of annihila-
tion. But Hastings was equal to the emergency. He sus-
pended the incapable Governor of Madras, and sent the
veteran soldier, Sir Eyre Coote, to take command of the
army. He soon gave a different character to the operations.
Goddard now considered that an advanced movement,
threatening Puna, would be likely to bring about the Governor-
General's object. He overrated his ability to menace in
sufficient strength. He occupied the Bhor Ghát, and his
troops were encamped at Khándálla where the British had
been quartered three years before. He thence sent proposals
to the Puna ministers for defence and alliance. But Hydar
was at that time triumphant. Nána Farnáwis judged him to
be more powerful than the Company, and he plainly hinted
that he preferred Hydar's friendship to that of the English.
It was useless to attempt a treaty with a man in this frame
of mind. But the Maráthas were not content with refusing
terms. They put forth all their strength, and sixty thou-
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
183
:
sand troops were in readiness to destroy the British army.
It was clear that Goddard's movement had failed. The
Bombay Government recognised the fact, and Goddard pre-
pared to obey their earnest request that he would withdraw
his troops. On the 15th of April a convoy under Colonel
Browne, which had fought its way with extreme bravery from
Panwel joined his army, and the united forces withdrew
towards that town. The movement was conducted with
great skill. The enemy swarmed on every side and gave
the English no rest. The whole retreat was in fact one pro-
tracted battle. Goddard reached Panwel in eight days. He
lost in his retreat 461 in killed and wounded of whom eighteen
were European officers. He had extricated himself with
credit from the dangerous position in which his rashness
had placed him, but the Maráthas considered the operations
one of their chief victories. The army after halting at Pan-
wel was quartered at Kályan for the rains.
The tide now altogether turned in Madras. Sir Eyre Coote
had obtained a magnificent success over Hydar at Porto
Novo on July 1st, and with a loss of only 300 destroyed
10,000 of his men. In September he inflicted another ter-
ribly severe defeat upon him at Sholinghar, and the campaign.
was brought to a successful close. The English being at war
with Holland, an attack was made on the Dutch settlement of
Negapatam; and the garrison, which numbered upwards of
6,500 men, a force greatly exceeding that of the besiegers,
capitulated on November 12th- In Málwa too Captain
Popham's successes had been followed up by Colonel Camac ;
and Sindia, effectually excluded from the Deccan, found him-
self unable to continue operations. In October he made ad-
vances for peace. Hastings secured the neutrality of the Rája
of Barár by purchasing his forces, and the Rája again offered
184
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
his services as a mediator. His offer was accepted and he
was despatched by the Governor-General to Sindia's camp.
Negociations now opened on a wide basis and Hastings, at the
beginning of 1782, deputed Mr. David Anderson, in the capacity
of Agent to the Governor-General, to the camp of Máhádaji
Sindia. On the 17th May a treaty was concluded at Sálbai
with the English by Sindia on behalf of the Peshwa, Nána
Farnáwis and the whole of the Marátha chiefs. The treaty
was ratified by Nána Farnáwis, but not before he heard of
Hydar's death in December 1782; nor was it finally exchanged
until February 1783. By this treaty the English gave up
Bassein and other acquisitions made since the treaty of
Purandhar, but they retained Salsette, Elephanta, Karanja,
and Hog Islands, with absolute possession of the city of
Broach. The English were to cease giving assistance to
Raghoba, who was to be allowed 25,000 rupees a month if
he would reside with Sindia. Hydar Ali was to be made to
surrender his conquests from the English and their allies.
No factories of any European uations besides the English
were to be allowed in the Marátha dominions, except those of
the Portuguese already established. The territory of the
Gaikwár family, as well as Guzárát in general, was to remain
on the same footing as before the war.
The English gave
Broach to Sindia in recognition of his generous behaviour to
their troops after the convention of Wargaum. Raghoba died
shortly after the conclusion of the treaty.
The first Marátha war thus ended. The Bombay Govern-
ment had undertaken it rashly, against a people who, if but
united, could have driven all the English of Bombay with
ease into the sea. They had been hampered by ill-advised
and inconsistent orders of the Bengal Council; but
Mr. Hastings from the first personally held that their
FIRST MARÁTHA WAR.
185
determination to obtain Salsette and the other islands was
indisputably right, and his views were subsequently shared by
his Council and by the Court of Directors at home. They had
entered upon the war as allies of Raghoba. His aid was
altogether inadequate; his faction steadily lost popularity, and
long before the close of the war the English were not allies
but principals. Their generals had on one occasion disgraced
the English name by a cowardly surrender. The Bombay
Council dismissed their unworthy officers and another army
was sent into the field. For funds they were to great extent
dependent on Bengal. When supplies from that Government
ceased, by stupendous efforts they raised them for themselves.
For seven years they had carried on the war with indomit-
able fortitude and perseverance. They had been cheered by
brilliant successes; reverses had only excited them to
renewed exertions. There was none of the cowardice and
incompetence of Madras, none of the incredible meanness
which in 1756 led the chiefs of the Bengal factory to
sail down the river and leave their colleagues to the terrors
of the Black Hole. Mr. Hornby and his Council, in dangers
and difficulties, displayed the undaunted courage of Warren
Hastings himself. Dangers more formidable than that of the
Maráthas had compelled them to bring the war to a close before
they had achieved the brilliant termination which they hoped
for. But on the eve of an alliance of the Peshwa with Hydar,
backed up by French influence, against themselves, they won
over their Marátha foes as allies against Mysur, and induced
them to exclude the French from all their territories. They
obtained from the Maráthas in perpetuity the ownership of
Salsette and the other islands which they rightly deemed
indispensable to Bombay. Salsette was taken under the
direct management of the Company. No attempt at double
186
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
government in the name of any Oriental ruler was made, such
as led to confusion and misery in Bengal.
During the war a marked change had been coming over
the Maratha empire. The great houses of Sindia, Holkar,
the Gaikwár, and Bhonsle of Barár were rapidly growing into
independent states, little if at all less powerful than the
Peshwa himself. Thus, instead of a single empire, the English
had to do with a more or less lax confederacy, each of whose
members was actuated by his own personal interests rather
than by any spirit of national patriotism. To these factors
in the political combination of Western India were to be
added the Nizám and Hydar Ali.
(187)
XIV. THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
THE
HE Marátha war had been brought to a premature con-
clusion on account of pressing danger in another
quarter. That danger was by no means at an end. The
fact was that British power had so far advanced that it must
either perish or be supreme in India. The scenes of the
long struggle might shift and change; the combatants might
vary; and when one enemy was crushed another appear in
the field. But for the English there could be no rest, and
the general war in India continued with scarcely a break
until their supremacy was established.
For the present
the struggle lay between the English, the Maráthas, and the
Muhammadan kingdom of Mysur. There might be conven-
tion and truces, but until one or the other emerged as sole
victor from the contest they could be only hollow and tem-
porary. The most urgent danger was from the Sultán of My-
sur, under cover of whose influence the French were making a
determined effort for the recovery of their former ascendancy.
Sir Eyre Coote's campaign in 1781 had been signally success-
ful, and the year 1782 opened with like results. But Coote's
shattered health compelled him to return to Bengal, and the
war with Hydar continued with brilliant actions, but little
permanent advantage to either side. The peace with the Mará-
thas enabled the English to send reinforcements of both troops
and ships from Bombay. The ships were greatly needed, for
a powerful French fleet under Admiral Suffrein had come to
188
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
the aid of Hydar. The fleet was altogether stronger than that
of the English under Admiral Hughes, but in several hard-
fought actions it could obtain no advantage. December
brought the death of Hydar, and his son Tipu succeeded to
his power. Tipu might not have his father's ability, but he
possessed his insatiable ambition and a yet more implacable.
hatred of the English. When Hydar died Tipu was conduct-
ing some distant operations against a detachment of Bombay
troops; and, with a capable commander, the Madras army
might have inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mysur forces
before Tipu could join them. But nothing was done; and
Sir Eyre Coote, who was once more despatched by Hastings,
died shortly after his arrival, worn out by old age and in-
firmities. The aspect of affairs was not favourable. The
country was ravaged by continual wars, and desolated by
famine and hurricanes. And the news came that Bussy was
returning to India with strong reinforcements from France.
Bussy reached India in April 1783, and assumed command
of the French forces. But the Madras commander, General
Stuart, succeeded in preventing him from co-operating with
Tipu; and in June Bussy was defeated in a general action,
though not without a loss of 920 Europeans to the British
army. Bussy was strengthened by a large number of marines.
and sailors from Admiral Suffrein's fleet, and he again
attacked General Stuart's camp at night. But he was beaten
off with heavy loss, and Bernadotte, the future king of
Sweden, who was serving with him as a sergeant, was made
prisoner. Shortly afterwards peace was signed between France
and England, and Bussy agreed to withdraw the French
troops in the Mysur service.
The English were thus left to deal with Tipu alone. But
the task was no light one. He possessed an army of 100,000
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
189
men. He first reduced, by a siege that lasted five months,
the fort of Bednur on the Mysur table-land, which had been
gallantly taken by General Mathews with a detachment from
Bombay. The garrison made a splendid defence, but were
compelled by want of supplies to capitulate. Tipu engaged
to send the survivors to the coast. Instead of this he plunged
them into the dungeons of Saringapatam. He next marched
against Mangalur, which held out nobly until January 30th
1784, when the defenders, who were reduced to the last
extremities by famine, were permitted to march out with all
the honours of war. Hastings was intent on a vigorous
prosecution of the campaign until he could obtain an
honourable peace.
Two powerful British armies were ad-
vancing, and the brutal cruelties of Tipu to Hindus and his
forcible conversion of thousands of them were raising against
him bitter enemies in his own dominions. Sindia, on behalf of
the Maráthas, engaged to join the English, hoping to make
Tipu a Marátlia tributary. There was every reason to hope
that a continuance of the struggle would soon bring a
successful ending to the second Mysur war. But the
ever-incapable Council of Madras thought otherwise, and
determined to sue for peace. In vain did the Governor-
General insist that they should imitate the example of Hydar,
who had dictated peace under the walls of Fort St. George.
Tipu grossly insulted the English Commissioners, and it is
impossible to read without shame and humiliation how they
stood before him with their heads uncovered, and the treaty
in their hands, for two hours, using every form of flattery
and supplication to induce compliance; and how their abject
entreaties at length softened the Sultán into assent. By the
treaty mutual conquests were restored, and the prisoners
made by Tipu given up. These included 130 officers, 900
190
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
English soldiers, and 1,600 sepoys. Many, including General
Mathews, had been murdered, while all had been subjected to
most outrageous treatment. There was no element of finality
in the convention of Mangalur, and when five years later
Tipu once more determined upon war with the English, the
only matter for surprise was that he had chosen to observe
the agreement for so long. There was no reference in it to
Sindia or the Maráthas, an omission regarded by them as
singularly offensive. The Governor-General expressed the
strongest disapprobation of this humiliating treaty. But
as much of it had already been carried into effect before the
arrangement was communicated to him, he did not consider
himself justified in annulling it.
In April 1783, shortly after the final exchange of the treaty
of Sálbai, an unprovoked attack was made by the Peshwa's
fleet on a British vessel, which but for the urgent necessity for
peace would have probably caused a renewal of the war.
Lieutenant Pruen was in command of the "Ranger," a brig
carrying twelve guns, which was bound for Kálikat. He was
an officer in the Company's service, and he had on board as
passengers General Norman Macleod and other officers of the
king's service.
There was always more or less jealousy be-
tween officers of the two services, and Pruen welcomed the
opportunity of showing his passengers how a Company's cruiser
could fight. He met the Marátha attack of eleven ships with
heroic courage. Their shot swept his decks, and their sailors
boarded in hundreds. At last, when all his men were killed
or wounded, he asked the king's officers if the crew of the
Ranger" could fight, and then struck his colours in order to
save the lives of those who still survived. General Macleod
was himself desperately wounded while mingling bravely in
the fight. The British Government strongly remonstrated
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
191
at this violation of the treaty; but upon a restoration of the
Ranger" the Peshwa's apologies were accepted.
The treaty of Sálbai had been negociated by the interven-
tion of Sindia. He conceived an exaggerated idea of the value
of his services on this occasion, and his ambition rapidly grew.
His interests diverged more and more from those of the
Peshwa. He had on a previous occasion taken under his
patronage the representative of the house of Bábar, and he
again turned his attention towards Delhi. His object was to
found a great Marátha State between the Ganges and the
Jumna. He engaged the Frenchman De Boigne, one of the
ablest military adventurers of the time, to discipline his troops;
and in accordance with the existing custom in India, by which
the name of authority was so often separated from its substance,
he sought to make himself master of Delhi by the ingenious
contrivance of obtaining for the Peshwa the title of Wakil-i-
Mutluk, or supreme deputy of the empire. The title
may have been gratifying to the Marátha national vanity
at large; but while it gained for the usurpation of Sindia
the nominal authority both of the emperor and the Peshwa,
it created no small amount of jealousy at his proceedings on
the part of Nána Farnáwis, Holkar and other Marátha
chiefs (1784). For himself he secured the appointment.
of deputy to the Peshwa in Hindustán, the command of
the emperor's army, and the management of the provinces
of Delhi and Ágra. In spite of his jealousy the 'Peshwa
considered it advisable to send off a small body of his troops
to preserve the appearance of union between himself and
Sindia. In 1785 a Rohilla chief, Gholám Khadir, rebelled
against the emperor with temporary success; he put out
Shah Alam's eyes, and brutally outraged his family. Sindia
stepped in, and with great ceremony reseated the blinded
192
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Warren
emperor on his throne. The imperial dominions in
Hindustan now practically belonged to the great Máhádaji
Sindia. He was inebriated by his own success.
Hastings had sailed to England in February 1785, and in
the emperor's name Sindia demanded from his successor,
Mr. Macpherson, the chauth of the British provinces of Bengal.
But the acting Governor-General insisted upon the absolute
and immediate withdrawal of the demand, and Sindia found it
wiser to obey. The incident showed the English the danger
of Sindia's ambitious policy. Considerable attention was
paid to other Marátha chiefs, and it was determined
again to send an envoy to the Peshwa's court at Puna.
Since the treaty of Sálbai Sindia had chosen to regard him-
self as the political agent between the English and the Peshwa,
and his jealousy was accordingly aroused at this proceeding.
But Mr. Malet, the officer selected, was sent to Sindia at Ágra
to obtain his consent. A tardy acquiescence was obtained from
him to a compromise, which arranged for the despatches of
Mr. Malet to his Government being sent through Mr. Anderson,
the resident at the Court of Sindia, for the information of
the Marátha ruler. But Sindia was too busily occupied in
Hindustan to be able to pay much attention to affairs at
Puna.
Lord Cornwallis, the permanent successor to Warren
Hastings, reached Calcutta in September 1786. He found
Sindia all powerful in Hindustán; while in the Deccan, the
Maráthas under the Peshwa, the Nizám, and Tipu Sultán of
Mysur, were the chief actors in the political crisis that he had
to deal with.
The power of Tipu was fast becoming intolerable to the
Maráthas and the English alike. His father, Hydar Ali, had
not been a strict Mussalmán and had left the Hindus un-
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
193
molested. But Tipu was an orthodox upholder of the faith,
and a master of the methods of fanaticism and persecution.
Ile was busily engaged in forcibly converting Hindus to
Muhammadanism; he carried off the people of Kurg (Coorg)
into slavery, and established a universal reign of terror.
Two thousand Brahmans on the borders of the Marátha terri-
tory died by their own hand to preserve the purity of their
caste. The Peshwa applied for aid to the English, but the
treaty of Mangalur had placed them in a neutral position and
he had to be content with the alliance of the Nizám. A cam-
paign was opened in 1786, but little was gained on either side,
and peace was concluded a few months after the arrival of
Lord Cornwallis.
sent out to
The new Governor-General was a soldier as well as a states-
man. He grasped the political situation, and realised that
the English could not long remain a neutral power. But his
hands were not altogether free. He was
avoid war and to improve the internal administration of the
Company's territories. Mr. Pitt's bill of 1784 had forbidden
alliances with native princes. Personally, Lord Cornwallis
preferred peace, but with admirable statesmanship he prepared
everything for war should war be forced upon him. He
had not long to wait. By the treaty of Mangalur the state
of Travancore was declared to be under British protection.
Tipu demanded the submission of the Rája, and in December
1789 he attacked the forces of that state. Lord Cornwallis
saw that the time for action had come. If he observed the
directions of Mr. Pitt's bill in the letter he certainly broke
through them in the spirit. He might not make alliances,
but he made treaties to have effect during the continuance
of the war.
Before Tipu's invasion was an accomplished fact,
he had informed him, through Mr. Holland the Governor of
1.
13
194
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Madras, that he meant to uphold by force the integrity of
Travancore. Holland first proceeded to extort money for
himself from the Travancore Raja; and when Tipu's attack
was made, he deserted his post and sailed for England. On
learning of these events, Nána Farnáwis immediately pro-
posed joint action with the English against Tipu. Terms-
were drawn
up in March 1790, and in July of that year the
Nizám joined the coalition.
The war was opened with spirit under General Medows,
Commander-in-Chief, and now Governor of Madras. He com-
menced operations in May, and by September he had captured
some forts which were deemed impregnable, and possessed.
himself of the low country of Mysur. In Malabár, Colone!
Hartley of Bombay defeated the Mysur general Hussein
Ali; and General Abercrombie reduced Kánnanur and secured
the coast territory. The Maráthas had given valuable aid,
and they captured from the Mysur forces the strong fort of
Dhárwár. But the highlands, in which rested the chief
strength of Tipu, were in vain attempted; and, disappointed
at the result of the first campaign, Lord Cornwallis deter-
mined himself to take command in the second. In January
1791 the Governor-General placed himself at the head of the
army. The campaign again opened brilliantly, and Lord
Cornwallis defeated Tipu in several engagements. The
Nizám's forces joined him, but their aid was of little value.
The troops were picturesque in appearance but useless ex-
cept for plunder. Finally, after a splendid victory at Arikera
in April, Lord Cornwallis found his supplies to be so scanty
and defective that he was compelled to retreat. He had to
destroy his batteries and heavy stores, and was only saved
from serious disaster by the speedy arrival of his Marátha
allies. He took up his position at Bangalur for the remain-
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
195
der of the year, leaving nothing undone to complete his pre-
parations for the overthrow of Tipu in the next campaign.
The subsequent operations were crowned with complete.
success. After capturing several stupendous mountain fort-
resses Lord Cornwallis advanced on Saringapatam, aud on
the 5th of February 1792 proceeded to invest it. A few
days later he was joined by the Bombay army under General
Abercrombie. Saringapatam was now completely isolated, and
Tipu felt an alarm at the might of the British power which
he had never before conceived. When Lord Cornwallis des-
troyed his stores and guns after the battle of Arikera he
dreamt of no second supply in reserve; and when he saw a
more powerful armament than ever brought against him he
exclaimed that it was not what he saw of the English that
he feared but what he did not see. Convinced of the over-
whelming might of the forces arrayed against him he saw
that his only course was that of complete submission; and
the third Mysur war was concluded by a treaty in accordance
with which the Sultán ceded half his dominions to the allies,
and paid the expenses of the war. The Madras Presidency
thus gained a large increase of area, including the district of
North Kánara with the port of Kárwár, which was handed over
to Bombay in 1861. It was subsequently discovered that
the British success was no more anticipated by the Nizám
and the Maratha troops than by Tipu; and traitorous
correspondence was found which showed that only the un-
daunted vigour and ability of the Governor-General prevented
their taking part with the Mysur king against the English.
This triumphant success immensely raised the prestige of
the British arms. There is no doubt that they formed the
only serious obstacle in the way of Tipu's ultimate conquest
of all India. But the most important result of the war was
196
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
its effect upon the English policy. The system of complete
isolation from the other powers of the Peninsula was for the
future out of the question. Self-effacement was impossible.
The idea of absolute supremacy was indeed not yet come.
People in England looked on Native rulers as holders of
ancient monarchies, and failed to realise that the Maráthas, the
Nizám, and the Sultán of Mysur, not only owed their sovereignty
to usurpation and violence, but were no older in the field
than the English themselves and had no better right to their
conquests. But facts were stronger than preconceived theories.
Isolation was dropped and a new theory of a balance of power
came in, by which the British Government should hold the
scales between the rival candidates for supremacy. This
theory soon proved impracticable, but it was an immense step
in advance of what preceded it.
Lord Cornwallis sailed for England in October 1793. His
reputation rests less on his military achievements than on his
courageous reform in the civil service. He bestowed ade-
quate salaries on the Company's servants and put an end to
the system of perquisites; and he insisted upon a tone of
honour and rectitude which has been the glory of the service
ever since. But in making a permanent settlement of the
land tenure of Bengal he made a vast mistake, which led to
abuses that have not yet passed away. During his tenure of
office a change was introduced into the charter of the East
Indian Company. A limited amount of free trade was con-
ceded to outsiders, and missionaries and school-masters allowed
admission into the Company's territories.
While these events were occurring at Mysur, further changes
were taking place amongst the Marátha leaders. Sindia had
not joined the Peshwa in his alliance with the English, but.
he managed his possessions in Hindustan with singular
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
197
ability and success. His prosperity was the cause of intense
jealousy to his great rival Holkar, who was used by Nána
Farnáwis as a check upon Sindia's power. Holkar took into
his service the Chevalier Dudrenec, and proceeded to raise a
disciplined force on the model of Sindia's. Sindia by no
means approved of this. He petitioned for Holkar's recall,
and himself proceeded to Puna with the ostensible object of
investing the young Peshwa with the insignia of his office
which he had obtained from the emperor. His ulterior
motive was to increase his influence and popularity with the
Maráthas of Máháráshtra, from whom his long absence
might have in some degree estranged him. He reached Puna
in June 1791 and pitched his camp with magnificent state
on the Sangam, or junction of the rivers Muta and Mula.
Nána Farnáwis intensely disliked Sindia's proceedings, and
dreaded his increasing influence; but the ceremony was
carried out with regal splendour. The Peshwa was now a
high-spirited youth of seventeen. He was greatly attracted
by the frank and soldierly manners of Sindia, and the influence
of his stern guardian Nána proportionately waned. Sindia
utilised to the utmost the Peshwa's liking for him. He had
extended at his own risk the dominion of the Maráthas to
Hindustán, and he now put forth a request that he might be
reimbursed for the costs which he had been compelled to
incur. Nána Farnáwis retorted that he had now held the
conquests for some time, that the territories were wealthy,
and that he ought now to render an account of his steward-
ship to his master the Peshwa. While Nána and Sindia were
thus intriguing at the Peshwa's court, news reached Puna
that Sindia's army in Hindustán had inflicted a crushing
defeat on the forces of Holkar. The triumph of Sindia
seemed assured, and in the crisis that ensued Nána Farnáwis
198
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
besought his master to let him retire to Banáras. But
Sindia almost immediately died of fever near Puna, and
his nephew, Daolat Rao, a boy of fifteen succeeded to his
sovereignty.
Máhádaji Sindia was one of the most daring and able men
of his age. He was held by a great proportion of the
Maráthas in almost as great veneration as Shiwaji himself.
He was a consistent opponent of the ascendency of the
Brahmans. While striving for his own independence, he
aimed at a Marátha confederacy of which he should be the
leader. At one time, when defeated by Popham and Camac,
his fortunes seemed at a low ebb. But the English, by
accepting his mediation at the treaty of Sálbai, recognised
his independent position, and from that time he surmounted
every difficulty and achieved a task that his enemies might
well have held impossible. The progress of the English
he viewed with alarm; and he was hostile to the entire
demolition of Tipu's power, as he considered it a bulwark
against English aggression. But he had in reality by spread-
ing Marátha power over so vast an area considerably sapped
its strength; and his system of organising regular infantry
and artillery on the European system ultimately led to the
ruin of his nation's power. The strength of the Maráthas
lay in their irregular cavalry, who could fight or flee as
might be most expedient. Infantry and guns might compel
them to stand their ground when retreat was more judicious.
The Maráthas were a martial rather than a military people.
Every member of a peasant's family had carried arms, but
of discipline and technical skill they had little. Pitched
battles and regular warfare were unsuited to their style
of fighting. What gave them their tremendous power was
their surprising activity and mobility. These qualities were
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
199
destroyed by the introduction of a more cumbersome or-
ganisation. Their courage was never a very conspicuous
· quality.
-
1
There was a change, too, at this time in the reigning
house of Baroda. Fatte Sing Gaikwár, the regent, died;
and, after some intrigues and disputes his brother, a former
rival, Gowind Rao, was accredited by Nána Farnáwis as his
successor.
Throughout the Mysur war the curse of piracy had clung
to the western coast. Raghoji Ángria of Kolába professed
submission to the Peshwa, but practised it only so far as
suited his convenience. The Sidis of Janjira plundered the
ships of all nations with the exception of the English, nor did
this exception always hold good. Nána Farnáwis attempted
to take advantage of revolutions in this petty state and annex
the unconquerable island to the Peshwa's territory. In 1791
an agreement was actually signed by which the heirs
relinquished their right in favour of the Peshwa. But the
island fort was never reduced. The empire of the Peshwas
has perished, but the principality of Janjira has endured,
The pirates also of Málwán, Sawantwári and Kolhapur
swarmed along the coast. An armament was made ready
against Kolhapur in 1792; but it was not despatched as
pardon was asked, an indemnity promised, and a treaty con-
cluded. But little result came of the agreement, and it was
not till 1812 that the Bombay Government finally put an
end to piracy. The pirate strongholds now contain English
life-boats; and the rock of Kándheri, in lieu of a nest of
robbers ready to plunder the mariner, now bears a lighthouse
to warn him off the reefs and shoals.
After the death of Sindia, Nána Farnáwis managed the
affairs of the Marátha States. Daolat Rao Sindia was too
200
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
young to interfere, and Nána kept the Peshwa in rigid tutel-
age. His first measures were taken against the Nizám, upon
whom the Maráthas considered that they possessed no small.
claims. Whatever just claims they may have had, the
demands urged were preposterous, and the Nizám appealed
to Calcutta. Sir John Shore, who was afterwards Lord
Teignmouth, had succeeded Lord Cornwallis. But war had.
again broken out between France and England. Hostilities.
were again proceeding before Pondicheri, and French influence-
pervaded many native states. Shore was by no means devoid
of courage; but he was not equal to the complications and
difficulties of the task before him, and he declined to
interfere. A stronger man would have at all events mediated
between the contending parties. The Governor-General was
fully aware of the dangerous predominance that the defeat of
the Nizám would give to the Maráthas. But he held to the
policy of non-intervention. The Nizám increased his forces,
and with the aid of a French officer named Raymond dis-
ciplined twenty-three battalions of infantry and a park of
artillery. His efforts were futile. In the battle of Khardla,
in March 1795, the troops disciplined by Raymond aloue
stood their ground; the rest were utterly routed. The Nizám
had to surrender frontier districts, including Daolatábád, of
the annual revenue of £350,000, and to pay three millions
sterling in payment of all the Marátha claims. Nána
Farnawis was now at the height of his ascendency. The
young Sindia and Bhonsle of Barár were favourably disposed
to him; Tukáji Holkar had grown mentally and physically
incompetent to take any part in public affairs. His only
anxiety was lest the Peshwa should insist on receiving
the authority which was his due. He meant in fact to
play the same part with the Peshwa that the early Peshwas
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
201
had played with the successors of Shiwaji. The fainéant
Rája at Sátára might be an instrument that would thwart
his plans. He consequently increased the severity of his im-
prisonment and prohibited his relations from going near him.
The family of Raghoba was a greater source of danger,
especially his elder son Báji Rao. Báji Rao was a graceful
and accomplished youth, and his manners gained him the
good-will of all who saw him. The young Peshwa was taken
by the attractive disposition and the accomplishments of his
cousin. Nána Farnáwis therefore had him immured in a
hill fort. He treated the Peshwa with extraordinary harsh-
ness and severity, but his policy defeated its own object.
Rendered desperate by this tyranny, Máhdu Rao Peshwa was
overwhelmed with grief and despair. He sank into a fixed
melancholy, and in October 1795, in the 22nd year of his age,
he threw himself from a terrace in his palace and in a few days
expired, living long enough to express a wish that Báji Rao
should suceeed him. This catastrophe brought an end to
Nána's successful career, and during the remainder of his life
misfortunes crowded upon him with but few alternations of
prosperity.
Nána had no intention of allowing Báji Rao to succeed.
He held that the widow of the late Peshwa should adopt a
son, and that son should be Chimnáji Apa, the younger
brother of Báji Rao, who would be a more pliant tool in his
hands. The extraordinary series of plots, counterplots,
assassinations, and massacres which ensued, clearly went to
show that the power of the Maráthas was drawing to a
close. Báji Rao appealed to Sindia to aid him in securing
the throne. Dreading Sindia's power Nána reversed his
policy. With the help of Parashrám Bhau, the commander-
in-chief, he determined to forestall Sindia, and himself
202
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
promote the cause of Báji Rao. An objection was now raised
by Sindia's minister, and Nána reverted to his original
scheme. But growing suspicious he remained aloof; and
then, making a fresh departure, he endeavoured to regain his
power by setting up the fainéant Rája of Sátára. Mean-
while, Parasbrám Bhau took Chimnáji Apa to Puna where
he was invested as Peshwa in May 1796, Parashrám Bhau
being at the head of the Government. This was sufficient
to attract Nána's sympathies to the cause of Báji Rao. He
contrived to enlist Sindia on his side and gained over Raghoji
Bhonsle, the son of Mudáji, Rájá of Barár, and he made a
treaty with the Nizám at Máhár, by which he cancelled the
balance of arrears due to the Maráthas by the Nizám. He
also obtained the recognition of the English to the claims of
Báji Rao. The adoption of Chimnáji Apa was declared
illegal and was therefore revoked; and Báji Rao was pro-
claimed Peshwa in December 1796.
Beneath his engaging manners Báji Rao concealed the
ferocity of the tiger. He bore no love to Nána Farnáwis,
and anxious to rid himself of his control he plotted against
him with Sindia. In December 1797 he placed him in close.
confinement in Sindia's fort of Ahmadnagar. Báji Rao had
but freed himself from one thraldom to find himself subject
to another. Daolat Rao Sindia inherited his father's ambi-
tion and love of power. His interference in the state affairs
of Puna became more arbitrary than that of Nána himself
had been. Tukáji Holkar had died. He left two legiti-
mate sons, one of whom was an idiot. Sindia put the
idiot on the throne and murdered the other, and the house
of Holkar became for the time subservient to him. But
Tukáji left two illegitimate sons, Yeshwant Rao and Wituji;
the former of these proved a formidable antagonist, not only
THEORY OF THE BALANCE OF POWER.
203
Amongst Sindia's
capture of the fort
to Sindia but to the British power itself,
acts of interference the grossest was his
of Kolába, the imprisonment of Mánáji Ángria, and the
cnstalment on his throne of Bábu Rao Angria, a connection
of Sindia's own house. His headstrong and turbulent fol-
lowers kept Puna in a perpetual state of uproar and confu-
sion. He married in March 1793 the daughter of Shirji
Rao Ghatge, one of his officers. The expenses of the mar-
riage were enormous; and he pressed Báji Rao for a reimburse-
ment of the costs which he had incurred in his efforts to
place him on the throne. Báji Rao could not raise the
amount himself, but he replied that if Sindia would make
Ghatge his diwán or minister he might levy his demands
upon the rich inhabitants of Puna. The offer was accepted,
and in Ghatge there was let loose upon the people of Puna
a monster of cruelty whose name is remembered to this day
with loathing and execration. His first victims were the for-
mer partisans of Nána Farmáwis. He next went to the
merchants and bankers, and other rich inhabitants of the city,
and by unspeakable tortures, which in many cases ended in
death, compelled them to give up their wealth. Báji Rao,
whose true character was understood by the British resident,
was the real cause of these brutalities; but the popular rage
was directed against Sindia, and Báji Rao took advantage of
it to plot his assassination. He worked out his plan with his
half-brother Amrat Rao, whom he had made his minister in
succession to Nána; but at the last moment his courage failed
him, and Sindia escaped death by flight.
The plot upon this became more and more involved, and it
is almost impossible to follow it out through its intricate.
twistings and turnings. The whole Deccan became a scene
of intolerable disorder. The rupture between Sindia and the
204
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Peshwa widened, and then was healed and opened again.
Sindia released Nána Farnáwis and Báji Rao took him back
as his minister. The Rájas of Sátára and Kolhapur- were
incited to aid the rival and ever-shifting parties; fire and
sword desolated the country. Each faction sought the aid
alternately of the English, Tipu, and the Nizám. The
resident at Puna, Colonel Palmer, declined intervention, but
endeavoured to mediate, and his advice was not without some
effect.
( 205 )
XV.-SECOND MARÁTHA WAR.
WHILE
HILE things in the Deccan were going from bad to
worse, a new Governor-General arrived in India.
Lord Mornington reached Calcutta in May 1798. He came out
full of Lord Cornwallis' theory of the balance of power. His
first efforts were directed to the renewal of the alliance with
the Nizám and the Peshwa against Tipu, and to the driving
of the French out of India. With the Nizám the English
concluded a most favourable treaty, by promising to mediate
on his behalf with the Maráthas. Nizám Ali consented to
dismiss his French troops, and to receive in their stead six
battalions of English sepoys and a force of artillery, for
which he agreed to pay annually twenty-four lakhs of rupees.
A similar treaty was offered to but declined by the Maráthas,
the Peshwa alleging that previous treaties were sufficient.
He however volunteered to assist in the inevitable war with
Tipu. But the usual stream of intrigue was in full force.
The Peshwa was in his heart of hearts much more inclined to
side with Tipu, and he prepared a scheme with Sindia by
which the latter should attack the Nizám. Lord Mornington
had full information of what was going on and took measures
accordingly.
Affairs with Tipu were fast coming to a crisis. His pre-
vious lessons had taught him nothing, and he was still bent
on driving the English out of India. England and France
were as usual at war, and the French were busily engaged
206
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in directing the armies and training the troops of Indian
princes. Tipu had sent envoys to the Mauritius to bring
about an offensive and defensive alliance with France against
the English; Napoleon Buonaparte had landed in Egypt
with the deliberate intention of invading India.
It was
generally believed that a French fleet was in the Red Sea
on its way to Bombay. It was no time for dilly-dallying.
Lord Mornington demanded from Tipu, by Colonel Doveton,
a full explanation. Tipu sought time in vain for negociations,
and begged immediate aid from the French; and he wrote
to Zemán Sháh, the Afghán prince who had crossed the
Indus and reached Láhur, to join him in a war of extermi-
nation against the infidels. In vain did Lord Mornington
assure him that the French fleet had been destroyed in the
bay of Aboukir by Admiral Nelson; Tipu was inflexible,
and the fourth Mysur war began.
A magnificently equipped army advanced against Mysur
in February 1799, under the command of General Harris.
Tipu was astonished at the mighty forces arrayed against
him. He remembered his former fear of these people who
brought their operations to a conclusion by means which he
could not see. His generalship deserted him. His army was
defeated; the English crossed the Káwari by an unknown
ford, and invested him in Saringapatam. On the third day
he sued for peace, but the English terms were enormous;
and with the brief reply that it was better to die a soldier
than to live a puppet king, he prepared to fight to the death.
The siege recommenced. On May 2nd the breach was prac-
ticable; and on the next day the fort was stormed by troops
taken from the three Presidencies in the face of a terrible
resistance. It was not easy to restrain the English troops
from indiscriminate vengeance, for Tipu had a
way of
SECOND MARATHA WAR.
207
murdering his prisoners, and twelve had been slaughtered
the night before. Tipu died a soldier's death, and his body
was found beneath a gateway. Crashing peals of thunder
mingled with the roar of the English guns that were fired
in salute over his grave.
The Governor-General expressed to Mr. Jonathan Duncan,
the Governor of Bombay, his appreciation of the merits of
Generals Stuart and Hartley and other Bombay officers.
He wrote that the distinguished part which the Presidency
of Bombay had borne during the late crisis in the labours
and honours of the common cause, had repeatedly claimed
his warm approbation, and would ever be remembered by
him with gratitude and respect. "In your liberal and
voluntary contribution," his letter proceeded, "towards the
exigencies of your native country and towards the defence
of the Presidency under whose government you reside, in the
alacrity with which you have given your personal services
for the military protection of Bombay, I have contemplated
with pleasure the same character of public spirit, resolution
and activity which has marked the splendid successes of the
army of Bombay from the commencement to the close of the
late glorious campaign."
The home Government had fully approved of the policy of
Lord Mornington. The title of Marquis of Wellesley was con-
ferred on him, and General Harris was raised to the peerage.
The family of Tipu was pensioned. So much of his dominions
as had formed the ancient Hindu kingdom of Mysur was ruled
by the English in the name of the real Rája of the country, a
boy five years of age, whose descendant now holds his do-
minions. The rest was divided between the English and the
Nizám, the Nizám's portion reverting shortly to the English on
condition of their strengthening their contingent at Hydarábád
*
208
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
and protecting him from all oppression. The Peshwa and Sindia
ivere astounded at the magnitude of the English success.
The former anticipated a share of the partitioned kingdom,
and made excuses for the inactivity of his troops in support
of the English. The Governor-General was prepared to
gratify the Peshwa's wishes; but, as he would not abate his
claims on the Nizám, and only proposed to accept his share as
a discharge of his claims for chauth on Mysur, Lord Wellesley
brought the matter to a simple ending by the annulment of
all the Peshwa's claims.
The Marquis of Wellesley's carcer in India, short as it had
been, was already long enough to convince him of the hope-
lessness of the theory of balance of power. Things had
come to such a pass that the permanent existence of the
English in India depended upon their absolute supremacy.
Lord Wellesley henceforward steadily acted on the assumption
that in return for British protection each state must surrender
its independence. All these incessant and intolerable wars
were to be brought to a close; no state was to make wars or
alliances, nor employ Europeans, not English, in their service.
without the consent of the paramount power. For the French
intrigues were still rampant and French military adventurers.
abounded. Lord Wellesley's singularly clear military insight
led him rather to over-estimate than under-value danger from
this source, for his own splendid achievements led him to see
what determined perseverance could effect. He may have
also unduly dreaded the power of the Áfghán Zamán Khán,
who had prayed him for help to drive Sindia out of Hindustán.
To counteract the schemes of Napoleon Buonaparte and of
the Áfghán prince there must be a united India, and where
was the possibility of such a union apart from the absolute
predominance of British rule? The Governor-General's plan
SECOND MARÁtha War.
209
then was that each of the larger states should maintain a
force commanded by British officers, and cede in full sove-
reignty an assignment of territory for its maintenance. The
Nizám had accepted the position. The Peshwa and Sindia
had yet to be convinced of its necessity.
Both these potentates steadily behaved in a manner that
hastened the day when their backs should bow beneath the
British yoke. In March 1800 Nána Farnáwis died. "With
him," wrote Colonel Palmer the British resident, "has de-
parted all the wisdom and moderation of the Marátha govern-
ment." He had been a great statesman, and shown him-
self a worthy and honourable foe of the British Government.
He watched with a keen and jealous eye the progress of
their arms, and had consistently opposed the admission of
a body of English troops. For twenty-five years he had
conducted with ability the internal affairs of the Peshwa's
empire. But the last portion of his life was embittered
by the intrigues which hurled him from power; and, though
he died in harness, his reputation was sullied and his
influence dimmed. Weakened as his power was, its loss
soon made itself felt. Disorder was supreme in the Deccan.
Ghatge was pursuing his brutal cruelties wherever it pleased
him; the Rája of Kolhapur was at war with the Peshwa,
while a military adventurer of the time named Dhondia
Wág, who had passed from Tipu's service to that of Kolhápur,
was now plundering on his own account.
Dhondia Wág's proceedings passed the bounds of all
endurance. The Peshwa was too much occupied with Sindia
to be able to check him. A British force was therefore
sent after him--with scant recognition of the Peshwa's inde-
pendent sovereignty—under Major-General Arthur Wellesley,
brother of the Governor-General, who had already fore
14
210
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
shadowed the reputation that he was to gain at Waterloo-
as a Colonel in the last Mysur war. He pursued Dhondia
Wág for four months; and at last, in September 1800,
brought him to an action in which he was cut down in a
charge of the 19th Dragoons.
Since Nána's death Sindia exercised complete control over
the Peshwa, and Báji Rao watched with secret joy the rise
of a rival in Hindustan whose progress would inevitably
summon his oppressor away from Puna. This was Yesh-
want Rao Holkar, the half-brother of the idiot whom Sindia
had placed on the throne of Tukáji, and of the other brother
whom he had murdered. Yeshwant Rao betook himself to
the jungles, and rapidly gathered around him a horde of such
as delighted in war, and scorned to work when it was possible
to plunder. He soon had an army of 20,000 men, and he
was joined by the Chevalier Dudrenec and his battalion. It
was not long before he directed his energies against the
dominions of Sindia, and Sindia was compelled to leave
Puna for the defence of his own districts. An obstinate war
ensued, and numerous bloody battles were fought with
varying success. At last, in October 1802, fortune favoured
Holkar, who attacked Sindia's possessions in Khandesh, and
extended his operations almost to Puna; and he gave out
that as head of the house of Holkar he meant to protect the
Peshwa from the usurpation of Daolat Rao Sindia.
Baji Rao had been delighted at getting rid of Sindia. But
when left to himself he showed that other occupations were
more to his taste than so serious a business as the administra-
tion and consolidation of his empire. He preferred to pass.
his time in destroying and robbing all such families as
he believed to have been at any time opposed to his interests.
Among his victims was Wituji, brother of Yeshwant Rao,
SECOND MARÁTHA WAR.
211
who had been taken prisoner during the war. Wituji was
brought before the Peshwa and tied to the foot of an
elephant, and Báji Rao looked on gleefully as the animal
dragged off its shrieking victim to a lingering death in the
public streets. He was therefore hardly prepared to welcome
Yeshwant Rao when he appeared before his capital.
In his consternation he besought the aid of the British Gov-
ernment; but the only terms on which they would give it
were those prescribed in the case of the Nizám, and these he
refused to accept. It only remained to fight; and when the
united forces of the Peshwa and Sindia marched out for
battle on October 25th, Báji Rao felt that he might yet be
saved. The combat was terrific. Holkar himself headed
charge after charge; the impetuosity of his attacks at length
broke through Sindia's disciplined battalions, and the rest
of the army fled. The spoil was immense, the victor obtain-
ing the whole of the guns and stores of the defeated army.
Báji Rao fled to the fort of Singahr; and in his despair sent
a letter to Colonel Close, the new resident at Puna, profess-
ing his willingness to conclude a treaty with the English for
the maintenance of six battalions of sepoys. He then went
to Máhár, near the old English settlement of Dasgaum, and
applied to the Presidency of Bombay for ships to take him
and his followers to that Island. Mr. Jonathan Duncan,
who was Governor from 1795 to 1811, possessed a clear and
acute intellect. He had been a civilian in Bengal; and had,
as Commissioner of Bauáras, done valuable service in checking
the prevailing social crime of infanticide of female children.
As Governor of Bombay he continued this useful work in
Kachh, Guzárát, Málwa and Rájputána ; and though the cruel
rite was by no means stamped out, the thin edge of the wedge
was introduced by which it has since been eradicated, and many
212
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
children were preserved by Governor Duncan's efforts. He saw
the importance of this crisis. Báji Rao went to Rewadanda,
a modern village on the site of Chául, and thence sailing to
Bombay was received by Mr. Duncan on December 6th. After
a few days' stay he proceeded to Bassein, where he was followed
by Colonel Close, and by December 31st 1801 the treaty of
Bassein was completed. Lord Wellesley considered that the
state of things afforded a most favourable opportunity for the
complete establishment of the interests of the British power in
the Maratha empire. The Peshwa was no longer in a position
to discuss the terms which the English offered him. Like the
Nizám he professed his readiness to cede territory for the
maintenance of a force of 6,000 regular infantry, together with
proportionate artillery, to be stationed in his dominions. He
was to allow no Europeans, not English, within his territories,
and to have no intercourse with native states without
the consent of the Governor-General. His claims on the
Nizám and on the Gaikwár were to be settled by the
British Government, and with regard to the latter he
recognised the convention lately drawn up between the British
and Anand Rao Gaikwár. The increasing disorder through-
out Guzárát had compelled the interference of the Governor
of Bombay. In 1799 the Nawáb of Surat died. The Eng-
lish had long held the castle; but the revenues and posses-
sion of the city had been for many years shared between
the Nawab, the Maráthas, including the Gaikwár and the
Peshwa, and the English. Commissioned by the Governor-
General, Mr. Duncan proceeded to Surat, assumed sole charge
of the city, and pensioned the Nawab's brother who was the
heir to the Nawabship. Gowind Rao Gaikwár assented to
this arrangement, merely provising that the Peshwa's consent
This was now obtained. But meanwhile
was necessary.
SECOND MARÁTHA WAR.
213
Gowind Rao died, and the English supported his eldest son,
Anand Rao, against various claimants to the throne who
took the field in support of their claims. Considerable force
had to be exercised to reduce the insurgent forces. The Arab
mercenaries, who had for some time ruled at Baroda, made
extravagant demands for arrears of pay and seized the person
of Ánand Rao. A European regiment was sent from Bombay
to Baroda. The town was invested by Colonel Woodington,
and taken after a ten days' siege. The finances of the
Baroda Government were in hopeless confusion, and the whole
province was in a state of anarchy. The result was inevitable.
The Bombay Government took the matter in hand. Five
battalions were subsidised; and, like his master the Peshwa,
Ánand Rao Gaikwár became a vassal of the British Govern-
ment, and his dominions were speedily brought into order.
This arrangement was ratified by Báji Rao in the treaty of
Bassein. In short, he yielded up his authority and his
suzerainty over the great Marátha houses in order to be
secured in the semblance of his ancient dignity. The cup
was a bitter one. In his humiliation he had to drain it;
should fortune change, he meant to cast it from him.
Sindia was deeply mortified at the execution of the treaty
of Bassein. The treaty of Silbai had been negociated by the
late head of his house. Here was a treaty in which his ex-
istence had been absolutely ignored, and which was in defiance
of the old Marátha policy that come what might they would
have no foreign intervention. He was still more incensed
when Lord Wellesley proposed to form a similar arrangement
with himself, and he perceived that the encroachments of the
English threatened the very foundations of Marátha power.
Raghoji Bhonsle of Barár was imbued with similar sentiments.
Both of them gave evasive replies to the Governor-General's
214
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
overtures, while they endeavoured to form a wide confederacy
against their common foe. If Yeshwant Rao Holkar would
join them their way would be clearer. But Yeshwant Rao
prepared to watch the course of events, and throw in his lot
with the winner. Bíji Rao, however, alarmed at the action of
the vast machinery which he had put in motion, entered into
secret correspondence with Sindia and Barár, encouraging
their plans at the very moment when a British force was
about to replace him on his throne.
The conspiracy was formidable enough, but its gravity was
immensely increased in the Governor-General's view by the
presence of French intrigues and French officers. An intense
hostility to the designs of France, the danger of which he
possibly over-rated, was the keynote of Lord Wellesley's
policy. Napoleon had in 1800 landed in Egypt, and there
was no reason why the attempt should not be repeated.
Lord Wellesley had himself sent an expedition of 7,000 troops
from Bombay to Suez under Sir David Baird, who made a
memorable march across the desert and descended the Nile to
Rosetta. The conclusion of peace with France prevented
their meeting the French troops in action, but the fame of
the expedition increased the estimate of British power in
India. Bombay had been in no little excitement and alarm;
and, stimulated by the supposed urgency of the danger, the
patriotism of the citizens had provided Government with
the money needed for its operations. The revenues of the
Doab, or land between the Ganges and the Jumna, were still
collected by French officers for the maintenance of the
French battalions of Sindia under Perron; and Broach, the
port at the mouth of the Narbada, was in Sindia's possession.
Lord Wellesley pictured to himself the possibility, if not the
likelihood, of a French army landing at Broach, and co-
SECOND MARATHA WAR.
215
operating with Perron at Agra to achieve a French conquest
of Hindustán.
Lord Wellesley had complete information as to the doings
of Sindia and his allies. They would not ratify the treaty of
Bassein; so he proceeded to put it in force with a strong.
hand without reference to their pleasure, and to replace the
Peshwa at Puna. The Hydarábád subsidiary force, under
Colonel Stevenson, accompanied by 1,500 of the Nizám's
regular troops, took up a position on the river Sina that formed
the eastern boundary of the Peshwa's dominions. Major-
General Arthur Wellesley was detached from the Madras
army that was guarding the borders of Mysur. He marched
towards Puna with 8,000 infantry and 1,700 cavalry, adding
to his strength on the way 10,000 horse contributed by the
feudatories of the Southern Marátha Country, to aid in the
Peshwa's restoration. The length of his march was nearly six
hundred miles, in the worst season of the year, through a
country which had been destroyed by Holkar's army. But
he travelled with heavy guns an average of thirteen-and-a-half
miles a day. Holkar meanwhile, and his son Amrat Rao,
whom he chose to proclaim as Peshwa in Báji Rao's absence,
had been mercilessly plundering the unfortunate inhabitants
of Puna, and the country round was devastated. But
neither of them awaited the arrival of the British troops,
Holkar retreating to Málwa and his son to Násik. General
Wellesley however, hearing that they were likely to burn
Puna, made a forced march of sixty miles in thirty-two hours
up to the city; but on his arrival on April 20th he found it
evacuated. Amrat Rao subsequently joined the British
troops.
On May 13th 1803 the Peshwa, escorted by British
troops, reached Puna from Bassein, and was placed upon his
216
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
throne with every ceremony of rejoicing. To mark the happy
occasion, a salute of nineteen guns was fired at Bombay and
the principal military stations of the Company.
The
While Holkar was watching the issue of events from a
distance, and rejecting overtures from Sindia and the English
alike, the attitude of the confederates Siudia and Barár became
more and more threatening. The Governor-General called upon
Sindia for a definite explanation of his intentions, and at the-
same time made every preparation for war. He replied that
he could not make an explicit declaration until he had met
the Raja of Barár; after meeting him he would, inform the
resident at his court whether it would be peace or war.
reply was sufficiently menacing; but commentary was needless
when Sindia's army advanced to the borders of the Nizám`s
territory and Bhonsle's forces took up a position near his
camp. But a further period of grace was accorded the con--
federates. Colonel Stevenson crossed to the north of the
Godawari and General Wellesley moved to within a few miles
from Ahmadnagar. The Governor-General appointed his
brother plenipotentiary for all political and military matters in
the Deccan; and between General Wellesley and the Marátha
chieftains a prolonged series of negociations ensued. They pro--
fessed friendly intentions which their conduct belied; and in a
remarkably able document General Wellesley told them that if
they meant anything by their professions of good will they must
withdraw their troops within their own borders, upon which he
promised in like manner to withdraw the British troops.
The only answer to this proposal could be "yes" or "no;
a subterfuge attempting to evade compliance could not but be
regarded as a refusal. General Wellesley's reply speaks for
itself. "Your Highness," he wrote, "will recollect that
the British Government did not threaten to commence-
93-
SECOND MARATHA WAR.
217
hostilities against you; you threatened to commence hostilities
against the British Government and its allies; and when
called on to explain your intentions, you declared it was
doubtful whether there would be peace or war; and in
conformity with your threats and declared doubts you
assembled a large army in a station contiguous to the
Nizám's frontier. On this ground I called upon you to with-
draw that army to its usual station if your subsequent
pacific declarations were sincere; but instead of complying
with this reasonable request you propose that I should
withdraw the troops which are intended to protect the territories
of our allies against your designs; and that you and the Raja
of Barár should be suffered to remain with your troops assem-
bled in readiness to take advantage of their absence. This
proposition is unreasonable and inadmissable, and you must
stand the consequences of the measures which I find myself
compelled to adopt in order to repel your aggression. I offered
you peace on terms of equality, and honourable to all parties;
you have chosen war and are responsible for the consequences.”
The Governor-General was fully prepared for war and he
resolved to strike his enemy on every side at once. Те
General Lake he intrusted the task of occupying Sindia's
possessions between the Jumna and the Ganges, and of crushing
the battalions disciplined by De Boigne and his successor
Perron. Colonel Woodington was sent against Broach and
Sindia's forts in the direction of Guzárát; on the other side
of India, Colonel Harcourt invaded Katak and the remainder
of the Barár Rája's territories, while General Wellesley and
Colonel Stevenson had to deal with the main body of Sindia's
army in the Deccan. Lord Wellesley had led a splendidly
equipped force against Mysur. His present forces were
arrayed on a more stupendous scale, and his armies were sent
218
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
into the field with resources hitherto unknown in Indian
warfare. His wise selection of leaders, and his confidence in
his agents, roused the enthusiasm of all to the highest pitch.
The various British forces amounted to 55,000 men, of whom
8,930 were under the personal command of General Wellesley
and 7,920 under Colonel Stevenson. The armies opposed to
them were about double their number.
On the 3rd of August the resident withdrew from Sindia's
camp, an act equivalent to a declaration of war. Wellesley
was encamped at Wálki, eight miles south of Ahmadnagar;
and, after a few days' delay caused by heavy rain, he marched
against the city of Áhmad on the 8th of that month. He
first took the town, which was surrounded by a mud wall and
obstinately defended by Sindia's troops. The promptness of
this proceeding filled the enemy with consternation.
“Who
could withstand a people," they said, "who came and looked
at the city wall, walked over it, killed the garrison, and
returned to breakfast?" On the 10th a battery was opened
on the fortress which since the time of Chánd Bibi had the
reputation of being almost impregnable. The firing was tre-
mendous, and the commandant desired that it might cease
while he treated for terms. He was told that what he chose
to say would be heard, but that the firing would only cease
when the fort was taken or surrendered. On the 12th it was
surrendered. A large tamarind tree is still shown on the
glacis under which General Wellesley breakfasted after the
fort was given up. The general considered Ahmadnagar,
from its strength and position, an excellent base of operations.
Sindia's intention was now to plunder the Nizám's dis-
tricts towards Hydarábád, but General Wellesley's advance
through Aurangábád prevented him from carrying out his
plan. Neither Bhonsle nor Sindia were experienced or
SECOND MARÁtha war.
219
skilful strategists; and their views as to their operations.
clashed. The consequence was a series of feeble and incon-
sistent movements. When Wellesley moved down the Godá-
wari the Maráthas moved up; and while he was forced to
await supplies Stevenson was equally unsuccessful in
endeavouring to bring on an action. But on the 21st of
September the whole of the Marátha army was encamped near
the village of Bokardan; and the two English generals meeting
on the same day agreed that they should move separately
and attack the enemy on the 24th. On the 23rd Wellesley
was about to encamp at the village of Nálni, when he learnt
from his spies that the whole of the Marátha army was lying
on the Kaitna river, not six miles from where he was. The
force with him was only 4,500 men, but it included the 19th
light Dragoons and the 74th and 78th Highlanders. This
handful of men was opposed to more than ten times their
number. But Wellesley knew that there was but one way
to meet an Indian foe, and without waiting for Stevenson he
instantly attacked the united armies of Sindia and Barár.
Had he not done so, he said, he must have been surrounded
by the superior cavalry of the enemy, his troops would
have been starved, and he would have had nothing left, but
to hang himself to his tent-poles. Sindia's cannon and in-
fantry, which Wellesley meant to destroy, were on the Marátha
left, near the village of Assaye, his cavalry on their
right, his whole force in the angle between two streams,
the Kaitna and its tributary the Jua. The Kaitna was
"This is he that far away,
Against the myriads of Assaye,
Clashed, with a fiery few, and won!"
-Tennyson's "Ode on the death of
the Duke of Wellington."
220
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
between Wellesley and the enemy; the English therefore
had to cross that stream and cut their way to Assaye
on the Jua. The confined space between the streams would
be more suitable to the movements of a small body of troops
than the enormous forces of the Maráthas, who were obliged
to diminish their front when Wellesley threw his ariny across
the river. As the British lines were forming in their new
position a terrific cannonade was opened upon them. The
cattle that drew their guns were killed and the guns disabled.
To the officer that sent this information Wellesley coolly
replied that he must manage to get on without them. The
execution in the British ranks was fearful, and the 74th was
almost annihilated by the cannonade and a charge of the
Marátha horse. For the moment the outlook was gloomy.
But Wellesley ordered his cavalry to advance; and with a
British cheer the 19th Dragoons, followed closely by the 4th
Native cavalry, who proved themselves worthy comrades,
dashed at the Marátha horsemen. Cheered by the very
wounded of the 74th, they utterly routed the horse and
pressed on to the infantry and guns. The British infantry
followed them well; the enemy gave way, and were thrust
into the Jua at the point of the bayonet. One of the fiercest
battles in Indian warfare was won. The result was as decisive
as that of Plassey; but the fight was won over an enemy
infinitely superior, and the British general lost a third of his
forces in killed and wounded. Sindia and Barár fled from
the field and left their troops to their fate.
Close to the general in this fight was a young civilian in
the Company's service named Mountstuart Elphinstone, who
by his coolness in action and thorough knowledge of the
native languages attracted Wellesley's notice. He had been
assistant to Colonel Close, the resident at Puna; and he was
SECOND MARATHA WAR.
221
in that city when Wituji Holkar was murdered by Báji Rao,
and at Bassein when the treaty was signed with the Peshwa.
He subsequently had a most distinguished career, finally
becoming Governor of Bombay; and he lived long enough
to hear from his nephew Lord Elphinstone in 1858, the result
of the Indian mutiny.
As soon as Stevenson joined Wellesley he was despatched
in pursuit of the enemy towards the North. He took
Burhanpur and reduced Asirgahr without much loss by
October 21st, and officers from Hydarábád took charge of
the Khandesh districts which thus fell to the disposal of the
Company. Meanwhile, Colonel Woodington was equally
successful in Guzárát. Broach was stormed and taken
before the end of August, and the town and fort of Champaner
by the middle of September. General Lake, too, won victory
after victory over Sindia's forces in Hindustán under their
latest leader Louis Bourquin; Perron having been ousted
by intrigues and permitted by the English to retire to
Chandarnagar, the French settlement near Calcutta. The
fort of Aligahr was taken by extraordinary efforts. Lake
defeated the Maráthás under the walls of Delhi and entered
in triumph the city of the Great Moghal. Shah Alam the
aged emperor, who for fifteen years had been sightless,
received the conqueror in the faded remnants of imperial
state, and a second time received the protection of the
Company. Lake's work was not yet done. He marched on
Ágra and took it on October 18th, and in the most obsti-
nate engagement of the campaign defeated the enemy
at Laswári. The victory cost the English army 824 men
in killed and wounded; but it overthrew the brigades
of Sindia, and the British Government was supreme over
Delhi and Agra, and all Sindia's possessions north of the
222
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Chambal.
General Lake became Lord Lake of Delhi and
Laswári. The conquest of Katak was effected with equal
celerity.
General Wellesley followed up his great victory with spirit
and enterprise. Raghoji Bhonsle turned to his own domi-
nions, pursued by the British forces, whose object was to
capture the great hill fortresses of Narnálla and Gáwilgahr.
Stevenson after his operations in Khándesh rejoined Wellesley
in the Deccan; and Sindia now deemed it advisable to sue
for a cessation of arms until a permanent arrangement could be
entered into. Wellesley granted an armistice until the 22nd
of November on condition that Sindia should move consider-
ably to the eastward. To the Rája of Barár no terms were
granted. Sindia accepted the truce, but promptly broke its
conditions; and the remnant of his forces united with Raghoj
Bhonsle. It was necessary at once to crush their resistence,
and Wellesley determined to attack them as soon as possible.
On the afternoon of November 29th, when at the close of a
long march he was halting to pitch his camp, he found him-
self suddenly opposed by the confederate forces. It was late
in the day, but Wellesley declared that there was time enough
before night to take the Marátha guns. When night fell
thirty-eight of their guns and all their ammunition were in his
hands. The defeat of the enemy was complete, and had day-
light lasted an hour longer not a man would have escaped.
But the English were at one time during the fight in serious
danger. "The Native infantry were panic-struck," Wellesley
wrote, "and got into confusion when the cannonade com-
menced. What do you think of nearly three entire
battalions who behaved so admirably in the battle of
Assaye, being broke and running off when the cannonade
commenced at Árgaum, which was not to be compared to
SECOND MARATHA WAR.
223
that at Assaye? Luckily I happened to be at no great distance
from them; and I was able to rally them and re-establish the
battle. If I had not been there, I am convinced we should
have lost the day. But as it was, so much time elapsed before
I could form them again that we had not daylight enough
for everything that we should have certainly performed."
Elphinstone was again close to Wellesley throughout the
fight, and during the subsequent laborious operations by which
the stupendous fortress of Gáwilgahr was captured. At this
siege Wellesley told him that he had mistaken his profession
and ought to have been a soldier. The Maráthas were now
thoroughly disheartened and negociations opened in earnest.
On December 17th Raghoji Bhonsle Rája of Barár ceded
Katak including Bálásur, the whole of Barár lying west of the
Warda river, and resigned all claims on the Nizám. Elphin-
stone, who was only twenty-four, was appointed resident to the
Rája, such was the confidence that General Wellesley had
in his tact and judgment. Daolat Rao Sindia endeavoured
in vain to resist the English demands. On being told
that failure to comply with them would be followed by
the annexation of all his dominions, he agreed, on December
30th, to accept the terms offered. He relinquished the ter-
ritory between the Ganges and the Jumna and all but two
districts in Rajputána. The forts of Ahmadnagar and Broach
with their districts and his possessions on the Godáwari all
went; and he resigned all claims on the Moghal emperor,
the British Government, the Peshwa, the Nizám, the Gaikwár,
or other allies. He agreed to esclude Europeans other
than English from his dominions. Major Malcolm, another
future Governor of Bombay, was appointed resident. Burhán-
pur and Asirgahr were restored to Sindia, and he still held a
large and compact territory in Central India centring on
224
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
1
Gwalior. In the month of February 1804, by a new article
in this treaty, he accepted a defensive alliance.
The first Marátha war had lasted seven years. The whole
of the operations in the second were completed in four months
and four days. It had been carried on simultaneously in four
parts of India, hundreds of miles away from each other with
steady and brilliant success. The British Government obtained
a vast increase of territory, but chiefly in the North and East
of India, a few districts near Surat and Bánkapur in the
Southern Marátha Country being ceded to the Peshwa in
return for his claims on the new acquisition of Bandalkand.
The Nizám gained greatly by this war, the province of Barár
being assigned to him as a free gift. But the Peshwa,
having failed to furnish the aid which he could have afforded,
and having otherwise gained immensely by the campaign,
received only the fort and district of Áhmadnagar.
On the 13th of March 1804 Major-General Wellesley
made a triumphant entry into Bombay, arriving in the Gov-
ernor's yacht from Panwel. Mr. Duncan and his Council
made splendid preparations to welcome the successful soldier.
Bombay had passed through an anxious time. For years
past her citizens had been incessantly on the alert for the
arrival of a French fleet in their harbour. The period of
suspense was at last gone by, and the dream of a French
empire in industán was passed and gone.
A great
storm had wrecked every ship in the harbour and
destroyed hundreds of lives; a fire had made havoc
of their city; famine had raged in their midst; and in
1802 one of the English sepoys had shot dead the
Persian ambassador in their streets. But prosperity was
returning to the city and Arthur Wellesley had delivered
them from all possibility of danger from without. In reply
SECOND MARÁTHA WAR.
225
to the congratulations on his successful campaign, he informed
the citizens of Bombay that it was peculiarly gratifying to
him to have been instrumental in renewing the benefits of
peace to a settlement, from the resources and public spirit of
which the departments under his command had derived the
most essential aids during the prosecution of the war.
The Duke of Wellington, as he was to be, has left on
record some memorable words on the condition of the
country. It was a time of misery and oppression, deceit and
subterfuge. "From the Peshwa," he wrote, "to the lowest
cooly in the bazaar in Puna, there is not a Marátha in whom it
is possible to rely that he will perform any engagement upon
which he enters unless urged to the performance by his
fears." Puna he described as a country which deserved the
name of a desert. Famine raged in the Deccan. Habits of
industry were out of the question and men had to plunder
for subsistence, be destroyed or starve. “There was no law,"
he said, "no civil government, and no army to keep plunderers
in order. No revenue could be collected; no inhabitant
could or would remain to cultivate unless protected by an
armed force stationed in his village." Báji Rao's government
was that of a robber, the Peshwa being callous to everything
except money and revenge. In fact, as Sir James Mack-
intosh, the recorder of Bombay, expressed it, it is difficult
to see for what taxes were paid except to bribe the sovereign
not to murder or rob the inhabitants. There was no justice
save what the system of village communities supplied. The
disorder at that time was only an exaggerated phase
of its usual and ordinary state. Of Bombay Wellesley
wrote, on the other hand, oblivious of some disagreements
that he had had with its Government, "This island has now
(1804) become the only place of security, in this part of
15
226
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
:
India, for property and for those who are the subjects of the
Peshwa's enmity and vengeance, a circumstance equally
honourable to the character of the British nation and advan-
tageous to their interests, and affording the strongest proof
of the confidence which the natives repose in the justice and
wisdom of our policy and our laws.”
In addition to the advantages gained by the war, a further
subsidiary treaty of general defensive alliance was concluded
at Baroda in April 1805 with Anand Rao Gaikwár. By
various agreements, in 1802 the Guzárát chief had agreed to
maintain a contingent of 2,000 men.
The force was now
raised to 5,000, and districts yielding nearly 12 lakhs of
rupees (£120,000) assigned for their support. The districts
included Chawrássi, Chikli and Kaira, together with the share
of the revenues of Surat which the Gaikwár had received
before. Further, no European was to be received into his
service, and no act of aggression to be committed against any
other power without the sanction of the British Government.
Colonel Walker, the resident, directed the affairs of Baroda
with singular ability. Thus, at the close of the war, the
Bombay Presidency was still very small as compared with
Bengal and Madras. The Company's frontier to the east was
the fort of Thána on the borders of Salsette, not twenty-five
miles from Bombay. In the Konkan they only possessed Fort
Victoria at Bánkot, and a few villages for its maintenance
which they had held for more than half a century. Above the
Ghats they possessed nothing in what is now Bombay. In
Guzárát they had obtained a considerable number of places,
but the districts were scattered and far apart. In the South
the Company held Kánara with the port of Kárwár, but it
formed part of the Madras Presidency.
¡
( 227 )
WE
XVI.—BRITISII SUPREMACY.
HEN the second Marátha war broke out Holkar had
declared his intention of standing aloof from either
side. His proceedings afterwards were singularly short-
sighted, and foreshowed the insanity which seized him in
1808 and lasted till his death in 1811. Far from taking warning
at the crushing defeat inflicted en Sindia, and avoiding a like
fate himself, he openly rejoiced at his rival's discomfiture.
He determined, as he expressed it, "to fight Lake,” and take the
place of Sindia in Hindustán. His army was a nucleus for
all the disbanded soldiery of the defeated confederates; and
they reaped a golden harvest of plunder in Málwa and the
Rajput States. Yeshwant Rao had therefore to be put
down. General Lake moved into Rájputána and a success-
ful beginning was made before the rainy season. But
Colonel Monson, who had gained a great reputation in the
previous campaign, wished to effect a junction with Colonel
Murray, who was advancing from Guzárát. He proceeded
without due caution into Holkar's territory, only to find that
Murray was retiring towards Guzárát, and that Holkar was
advancing against him in great force. His own supplies were
exhausted and could not be replenished. Monson's sole
chance of extricating himself from his difficulty was at once to
attack the superior forces of the enemy. But he adopted that
course which invariably fails, retreat before an Asiatic foe.
His retrogade movement stimulated the courage and ardouz
228
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of Holkar's troops, who attacked him on every side. For
three days he retreated in fair order with his baggage and
guns, bravely repelling the overwhelming numbers of the
enemy. But the rains had set in, and the ground was soft;
he was compelled to abandon his baggage, spike his guns,
and destroy his ammunition. The wearied troops pursued
their retreat, but were allowed no rest by the jubilant
enemy; and during their march, on a dark night, they were
thrown into hopeless confusion. The retreat became a flight,
and the shattered remains of the British force reached Agra
by the end of August.
Lord Wellesley was amazed when he heard of the disaster.
As usual in India, the slightest reverse to the British arms
raised a host of enemies on every side; and the protected.
princes began to think that they might yet break the bonds
of British supremacy. Yeshwant Rao, who was compared to
Shiwaji, marched against Delhi; but his attempt in October
to take it and seize the emperor was gallantly resisted
by Colonel Ochterlony. Holkar left Delhi and burst into
the Doáb harrying and wasting the country. But General
Lake was on his track, and his pursuit was as persistent
and effective as that of Monson by Holkar had been
vindictive. At the battle of Dig, Holkar's forces were routed
with a loss of 2,000 men and 87 guns, while the British loss
was 643. General Monson, by his splendid bravery in the
battle, restored to his name the lustre which his former
retreat had sullied. Holkar's troops moved eastward to
Farakábád, but Lake overtook them and routed them with
a loss of 3,000 of their number. Holkar threw himself into
the fort of Dig by December 13th, but Lake took the fort.
Holkar himself escaped; and instead of pursuing him, which
might have been the wiser course, Lake, in January 1805,
1
BRITISH SUPREMACY.
229
laid siege to the strong fort of Bhartpur, whose Rája had
signed a treaty that made him a vassal of the British Govern-
ment, but who had broken through it on the news of Monson's
defeat. A large number of Holkar's guns and the remnant
of his army were within the fort. Four months were wasted
before its huge mud walls, into which the cannon-balls sank
harmlessly. In February the Bombay division, under General
Jones, joined the Bengal army; and in furious assaults, be-
fore and after their arrival, the English lost 3,200 in killed
and wounded. The walls were unshaken, but the Marátha
troops were incessantly defeated without the fortress. The
Rája of Bhartpur realised that he had made a mistake, and
seing that their failures were only stimulating the English
to fresh exertions he offered terms. He was readmitted into
the number of protected princes on payment of £200,000.
Lake moved in pursuit of Holkar, who seemed likely to
be joined by Sindia at the urgent entreaties of his brutal
father-in-law Ghatge. But Sindia's heart was not in the
work; his troops fell back to Ajmir, followed by those of
Holkar, over whom Lake was winning victory after victory.
Lord Wellesley would in fact have shortly brought the
whole war to a triumphant conclusion. But while his suc-
cesses had silenced the rising murmurs of the Directors
against his forward policy, his first failure was followed by
an overwhelming opposition; and in July 1805 the aged Lord
Cornwallis arrived at Calcutta with instructions to undo all
that the brave and far-seeing Wellesley had done.
The rule of Lord Wellesley was a memorable and glorious
one. While India in no sense formed a country or a nation,
so neither did the ever-changing states and powers within its
borders form nations or powers that could be compared to
those of Europe. Some of the reigning Rájput families had
230
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in truth ruled for generations prior to the coming of
Alexander, three centuries before the Christian era. But
such a state of things was entirely exceptional. The
empire of Bábar was not yet 300 years old and it had long
since crumbled into dust. The viceroys of his empire had
formed themselves into independent princes and in their turn
were set aside by subjects stronger than themselves. Whatever
the origin of European kingdoms, they as a general rule
formed societies, in which for a long series of generations the
rulers and the people had been one in interest, race, religion,
and custom; and to greater or less extent the rulers were
the representatives of the people. In India there was nothing
of the kind. The existing powers had one and all sprung up
since the coming of the English themselves. They were all
founded on wrong and robbery, on the simple principle of the
spoils to the strongest. Their dominions extended as far as
their arms could be carried, their subjects were as many as
they could compel by force to obey them. The idea of a
government existing for the benefit of its subjects would have
been altogether ludicrous. These rulers were ever engaged
in war and plunder, and for the very existence of the East
India Company it was necessary that this anarchy on its
borders should cease. Non-intervention had failed, the
balance of power between such seething and shifting forces
was absurd and preposterous. Lord Wellesley saw that one
course only was possible, and that the English must recognise
themselves as the paramount power and with a strong
hand put down aggressive warfare and tumult among the
rest.
But the Court of Directors at home thought otherwise.
They were criminally ignorant of the real condition of
India; they shut their eyes to palpable facts.
British
BRITISH SUPREMACY.
231
supremacy was to them a bug-bear. They preferred to
remain merchants, dwelling on sufferance on the coasts of the
Arabian sea and the Bay of Bengal, to building up a vast
empire by expensive military operations. Lord Wellesley's
policy was to be reversed; but it was not to be replaced by
the balance of power-that humiliation was insufficient-and
absolute non-intervention was again to come into force. It is
difficult to read of such madness and cowardice without a
feeling of shame and indignation. But if the Court of
Directors stand condemned at the bar of history, what can
be said of Lord Cornwallis, who condescended to do their
bidding, who himself as Governor-General had taken com-
mand of a magnificent British army and crushed the robber
chieftain of Mysur?
Fortunately for India Lord Cornwallis only lived two
months, but in that short period he did his best to shatter
his reputation as a statesman. He was succeeded by the senior
member of Council, Sir George Barlow, who ruled for two
years. He had supported Lord Wellesley's policy. He had
now no choice except between resigning his office or reversing
that policy. He preferred the sweets of office to the interests
of the empire, and carried on Lord Cornwallis's retrogade
work.
It is not pleasant to linger on the doings of Lord Corn-
wallis and Sir George Barlow. Sir John Malcolm was in-
structed to draw up a treaty with Holkar restoring him all
his territories except the fort of Tonk Rámpura. But to the
upholders of the new regime there was the gall of bitterness
in this exception, and Tonk Rámpura was handed over to
Holkar too. The alliances with the Rájas of Jaypur and
Bundi were dissolved in spite of the earnest remonstrances of
Lord Lake, who prophesied the punishment that would fall
232
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
upon them for their services to the British.
Sindia was
conciliated by the restoration of Gohad and Gwalior, and all
his territory except the Doáb. Delhi was an incumbrance to
the British; and Lord Cornwallis proposed to give it up to
Sindia and withdraw the emperor to Calcutta. All the
sovereign states were to be left to themselves to fight with
and plunder each other as they pleased while the English
looked on at the imposing spectacle. As Sir George Barlow
himself had formerly said, "The national interests of
England in India are to rest upon the certain operation of
contending and circumscribed interests among the states,
whose independence will admit of the individual views of
rapine, incroachment, and ambition.”
Holkar felt like a prisoner released from his chains. He
at once set to work to extort enormous sums from our ally the
Rája of Jaypur. In vain could the Rája appeal to Lord Lake..
His hands were tied by non-intervention, and in his disgust
he resigned his political functions. Lake had promised pro-
tection to the Rája of Bundi if he withstood the advance of
Holkar. The Rája had resisted him gallantly; but when
Holkar ravaged his lands, the fetish of non-intervention pre-
vented the English fulfilling their promise. Lake had to
look on with folded hands, and eat his heart with rage and
shame. Holkar in fact had a glorious opportunity of indulg-
ing the tastes of a wild beast, and he took advantage of it
to the utmost. He put his own nephew and brother to
death. He cast cannon and greatly increased his army. It
was impossible to say to what extent his vagaries might not
take him, when his excesses brought on furious madness,
and he was placed in restraint until his death in 1811.
Tulsi Bai, his mistress, became regent in the name of
an adopted child, Malhar Rao Holkar; and bloodshed and
BRITISH SUPREMACY.
233
anarchy prevailed in the provinces, bribery, intrigue, and
murder at the court.
Sir George Barlow had probably some difficulty in digest-
ing the dish that he had prepared. But not even he had
drunk to the dregs the Company's policy of self-effacement,
and the Directors declared that they would be satisfied with
nothing less than the restoration of all territories conquered
during the war. This was more than even Barlow could
stomach, and be pointed out that such a course would let
loose Marátha hordes who would make a desperate struggle
to overturn British power in India. The remaining Native
chiefs on their part thought it only their due to receive
the same liberal treatment granted to Holkar, and the
Rája of Barár now generally known as the Rája of
Nágpur, from the name of his capital, was bitterly ag-
grieved that Barlow would not restore him Katak, which
the Governor-General deemed essential to the defence
of Bengal. One and all, they considered it expedient to
open new schemes. At the instigation of the Nizám, the
Peshwa, whose very existence depended on the English,
plotted with Sindia and Holkar to get rid of their control.
Sir George Barlow's eyes were opened to the suicidal nature of
his policy, and the new league was promptly suppressed. He
did not much longer hold his great office. A horrible
mutiny occured at Vellore in Madras, involving the slaughter
of the European garrison while they were asleep. Lord
William Bentinck, the Governor of Madras-whose injudicious
measures had paved the way for it was recalled, and Sir
George Barlow took his place.
( 234 )
XVII.-PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
WITH
ITH hardly an exception, all Governors-General of
India have come out intent upon a peaceful policy.
The great majority of them have been compelled to make war.
Lord Minto, who arrived in July 1807, was no exception to the
rule. He found disorder and anarchy ripe in Bandalkand.
Barlow had let things take their course. Lord Minto allowed
his common-sense to assert itself; and, declaring that the
British Government had no resource but to interfere for the
suppression of intestine disorder, sent General Martindell
to subdue the fortresses and suppress the banditti. Nor was
Bandalkand the only scene of the revival of an intelligent
policy. Amir Khán, a Pathán, or Áfghán, and a decendant
of the Afghán soldiers of the empire prior to the Moghals, was
a chieftain who had allied himself to Yeshwant Rao Holkar in
his marauding expeditions, and now had great influence with
Tulsi Bai, the regent for his successor. Besides a large number
of his own tribe, he had gathered together a body of irregular
horsemen known as Pindháris. The origin of these men
is veiled in obscurity; but they were to the Maráthas what
the carrion-crow is to the vulture. Their ranks were open
to men of any and every caste, and their only bond was that
of plunder. They had fought, in large numbers, on the side
of the Maráthas at the fatal field of Pánipat. Ranging
themselves under the great chiefs, they were known as
Sindia and Holkar's Pindháris; and it was often convenient to
despatch them on errands of murder and rapine, and then
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
235
disown responsibility for their actions. The Pindháris were
fiends in human shape. Their very name was a terror to the
peaceful population. Marching in bands, thirty or forty miles
a day, they burnt, plundered, ravished, and slew in every
direction. Acting on a regularly-devised plan, their various
parties spread over the country, each in its allotted direction,
to unite when their work was accomplished and carry
home their booty. To extort money, they invented the
most awful tortures. The head of their victim was thurst
into a bag for feeding horses filled with red-hot ashes, or oil
was smeared over his clothes and fire set to them. Sindia
and Holkar might be at peace, but these wretches devastated
the unhappy country; and Sindia and Amir Khán began to
look to them as the basis for building up a new predatory
power. The Peshwa's sole idea was to gain all that he could
for himself from the combination. In 1809 Amir Khán,
having exhausted his preserves nearer home, led his
marauding hordes into the territory of the Rája of Barár;
and there was no likelihood that his ravages would be
limited to that territory. The state of things was intolerable,
and Lord Minto put it down. Amir Khán was checked and
driven back to Holkar's territory; but Lord Minto's conscience
smote him for having disobeyed the non-intervention policy,
and in that territory the Pindháris were still allowed to
work their will. The Court of Directors, however, with strange
inconsistency, censured the Governor-General for leaving his
work undone.
He had done something, if not enough. In another case he
did nothing. A horrible and desolating war raged between.
the Rajput kings of Udaipur and Jaypur. The former in
his distress applied to the British for aid, using the very
argument of Lord Wellesley, that without a paramount power
236
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
in India there could be no peace, and that no one but the
English could act as such a power. But non-intervention
stood in the way of granting the prayer, and a great tragedy
caused indignation through Western India.
England was still engaged in the long struggle with
France. The chimera of a French empire in India was dis-
solved ; but France had occupied Portugal and overrun
Holland. So Goa and the other Portuguese settlements in
India were garrisoned for the time by British troops, and
Lord Minto led a successful expedition against the French in
Java, and took possession of the island. The orders of
the Court of Directors were that the island should be
abandoned in the event of its capture. Lord Minto, with
the courage which he frequently but not invariably
showed, declined to comply with the request. On his return
to India he again found himself compelled to deal with
the Pindháris. Emboldened by their success, these loath-
some ruffians had spread into British territory plundering un-
checked as far as Gáya. Lord Minto, in his bitterness, asked
the Court of Directors if he was still to observe neutrality
and "refuse to listen to the calls of suffering humanity, and
interfere to protect weak native states who call upon us for
assistance." Year by year these savages had been increasing
in numbers and daring, and spreading desolation over more
and more distant countries. The Directors had paid little
heed to them, but the invasion of their own provinces opened
their eyes to the necessity of at least checking their irruptions.
But it was reserved to the Governor-General's successor to
stamp them out. Lord Minto left India in 1813, after an
efficient administration of the British provinces, and in the
belief that there was not a cloud in the sky except the
Pindháris.
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
237
But Lord Minto was deceived. For there was then rolling
up and gathering force a thunderstorm which was shortly to
dash down from its pedestal the throne that Shiwáji had
founded. Ever since his restoration by their armies, Báji
Rao's chief occupation had been to plot against the British.
He kept secret agents at the courts of the chiefs who had
formed the confederacy against the English; and ascribed his
connection with that Government to a deplorable necessity
which he trusted would soon come to an end. He had a
passion for intrigue and was an adept in the acts of deceit.
His engaging manners exercised a persuasive influence over
those with whom he had to do, and wormed from them a
confidence which he bestowed on none. After dissimulation,
his greatest passion was revenge. With short-sighted policy
he incited to internecine struggles his feudatory chiefs in the
South, who had incurred his dislike or whose loyalty to him-
self be doubted. He even stirred up the independent Rája
of Kolhapur against the vassals of his own empire. The
result was an incessant warfare that desolated the whole
country. The wild tribe of Bhils had given some trouble in
the north of Ahmadnagar. Finding it impossible to reduce
them by force, Báji Rao on pretence of a settlement had the
whole tribe enticed to an interview at Kopargaum where
they were seized and thrown into wells. The Bhils of
Khandesh in revenge ravaged the rich plains in the valley of
the Tápti. This was only an instance of the treatment con-
stantly extended to the Bhils by the Maráthas. A similar
atrocity was perpetrated at Dharamgaum in Khándesh.
Hundreds were enticed into a building, of which the doors
were closed, and fire set to it and its living contents.
As far as outward appearances went the relations between
the British resident and the Peshwa's court were of the most
238
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
cordial nature. Báji Rao professed warm gratitude to the
British Government and friendship to Colonel Close. But
he never ceased to engage in plots and conspiracies to free
himself from their toils. It is probable that Colonel Close
was not thoroughly aware of what was going on. In 1810
he was transferred to the important charge of Hydará bád;
and Mountstuart Elphinstone, who had been his assistant in
1802, and had since been on an important mission to Kábul,
was after a short interval appointed to succeed him in 1811.
With an intimate acquaintance with the native languages,
Elphinstone possessed a thorough knowledge of the Marátha
character, and he proved himself eminently capable of dealing
with the hot-bed of intrigue around him.
One of the first questions that Elphinstone had to settle
was the relation of the Peshwa to his feudatory chiefs of the
South, whom he was doing his best to rob and ruin. A
tolerable settlement was arrived at by the resident's firmness.
Some of the chiefs were not unnaturally averse to acknow-
ledging obedience to such a master as Báji Rao; and
Elphinstone had to assemble an army at Pandharpur and
march to the neighbourhood of the Krishna before they could
be brought into any degree of order. The service of their
troops as due to the Peshwa was enforced, lands that they
had usurped were restored, and they were secured in the
enjoyment of their just rights.
In 1812 it was resolved to make a final effort to stamp out
once for all the pirates on the Western Coast. The chief
offenders were the Rájas of Kolhapur and Sawantwári.
Baji Rao secretly encouraged the Rája of Kolhapur to resist
the English demands, and in order to create delay informed
the resident that the Raja of Kolhapur was his subject, a
statement absolutely untrue. The Raja was compelled to
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
239
cede the harbour and fort of Málwán on the Ratnagiri
coast, and to renounce piracy for good and all, the British
Government guaranteeing his possessions. The chief of
Sawantwari by a similar engagement delivered up the fort of
Wingurla, and the curse of piracy came to an end. In
securing this result admirable work was done by the Indian
Navy as also subsequently in the task of rooting out the
pirates that infested the Persian Gulf and Red Sea. This
navy, which formed the police of the Indian seas, was
abolished after the mutiny, when the Imperial Navy under-
took the duties which it had performed.
The southern feudatories of the Peshwa had been com-
pelled to bow their necks to his yoke, and Báji Rao, to cease
from ruining them; but he had no liking for the troops that
they were bound to provide for him. He applied to the
English Government to be allowed to raise a brigade of
infantry to be disciplined by English officers and regularly
paid like sepoys in the British service. The proposition was
readily accepted, and Captain Ford who had commanded
Colonel Close's escort, was selected as commandant. The
force was cantoned four miles to the north-west of Puna.
One brigade of British troops was stationed close to the city,
while the rest of the subsidiary force was at Sirur, half way
between Puna and Ahmadnagar. Baji Rao's action in raising
this brigade did not appear inconsistent with good faith to
the English. But it was designed to aggrandise his position
with them, and pave the way for his ambitious schemes. He
gained a further occasion for improving his position by the
action of Mr. Elphinstone himself, who pressed upon his
attention the inadequacy of the force maintained to protect
the country from the Pindháris. It happened that about
this time a low retainer of Báji Rao by name Trimbakji
240
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Dainglia, who was originally a spy, had gained the confidence
of the Peshwa, and secured his favour by pandering to his
vices. This man detested the English. He had risen to be
chief director of the Peshwa's councils, and was now ap-
pointed his minister in his relations with the British Govern-
ment. Báji Rao trusted this man as he never trusted anyone
else; and beneath his influence his designs against the English
gained strength and definiteness. Trimbakji, unscrupulous,
treacherous, and violent, gained complete mastery over the
Peshwa's mind, and secured immunity for whatever villainy
he liked to perpetrate. He even killed with his own hand a
rich and respectable Brahman banker, but no notice was
taken of the action. By the advice of Trimbakji, Báji Rao
prepared his way for rebellion against the English by greatly
increasing his army, and consolidating his position as head
of all the Maráthas. He was at this time possessed of
immense wealth. All his revenue was farmed out, and he
saved annually 50 lakhs out of a total of 120. With a
strange inconsistency he aspired to a character for sanctity,
while at the same time he indulged in the grossest debauchery.
Like most of his countrymen, he was a slave to superstition,
and he scrupulously observed the ordinances of caste and
religion. To complaints of his subjects he gave a deaf
ear; and if a villager dared to approach his palace he was
lucky if he got away with a whole skin. In a nominal
court of justice at Puna, cases were decided by the simple
method of giving judgement in favour of the suitor who
would pay most to the judge.
Báji Rao's object was two-fold, to revive the old Marátha
policy which would make himself the lord over Sindia,
Holkar, and other chiefs, and to shake off the British yoke.
In fact one plan involved the other, for the fulfilment of the
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
241
first was incompatible with the relationship which existed
between himself and the English. Báji Rao was fully bent
upon a course which involved his own destruction. He
negociated a secret treaty of general confederacy and support
with Sindia, Holkar, and Bhonsle of Barár, and actually with
the Pindháris. Their plans were not as yet definitely
matured, but a crisis was taking place in Bengal towards
which all their eyes were strained.
In 1813 Lord Minto had been succeeded by Lord Moira,
or, as he may at once be called by his more familiar name,
the Marquis of Hastings. Like his predecessor, he came out
imbued with the notion of the merits of non-intervention.
Like his predecessor, he speedily learnt the folly of the idea;
but unlike him he consistently acted upon his opinions. Lord
Minto had left him a hard task to accomplish in the moun-
tain-kingdom of Nepál; and for a time the success of the
British arms was doubtful. As usual on similar emergencies.
enemies showed themselves broadcast. Danger threatened
from Ranjit Sing and his Sikhs in the Panjab, from the
Maráthas and the Pindháris. But fortune once more smiled
on the Company's forces; Nepál was subdued, and the hostile
combination sank for a short time into masterly inactivity.
But Lord Hastings realised that the Pindháris at all events
must go; and he wrote an earnest despatch to the Court of
Directors in September 1815 to impress upon them the
absolute necessity for action. There are none so blind as
those who refuse to see; and the Directors, while ordering the
protection of their own dominions, replied that the Governor-
General was not at liberty to engage in operations with the
Pindháris either with a view to their utter extirpation or in
anticipation of expected danger. So for the moment they
were spared, only to await the destruction destined at once for
16
242
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
them and the Peshwa who lured them on. The Peshwa, mean-
while, turned his attention to Guzárát. The government of
Baroda had practically fallen into the hands of the resident,
Colonel Walker. This able officer had done much to settle the
affairs both of that province, and of the adjacent peninsula
of Káthiáwár, whose Rajput States paid tribute to the
Gaikwár. In 1804 an arrangement had been made by which
the Gaikwár paid for ten years an annual revenue of five-and-
a-half lakhs to the Peshwa for the district of Áhmadábád.
The ten years had now expired, and the Peshwa resolved to
take the opportunity of extending his influence in Guzárát.
He accordingly made considerable claims on the Baroda.
state, while the Gaikwár on his part raised counter-claims.
It was at last determined to send a confidential agent to
Puna to negociate the whole matter with the Peshwa. The
officer deputed was Gangadhar Shastri, a man of great shrewd-
ness and talent, who in conjunction with Colonel Walker
had kept the whole state of Baroda in high order. Though
a learned Shástri, he affected English manners-walked fast,
talked fast, and mingled colloquial English words freely in his
speech. The envoy found the Peshwa in no disposition to
arrive at the settlement for which he had pressed. He had
not started on his mission with a light heart. He dreaded
Trimbakji, and had taken the precaution of obtaining a
direct guarantee of safety from the British Government.
Realising that he had come on a fool's errand, he determined
in June 1815 to return to Baroda, and leave the matter at
issue to the arbitration of the British Government.
This was not what the Peshwa wanted, and he induced
the envoy to postpone his departure. Báji Rao used his most
alluring wiles to bind the Shastri in his own interest
and so gain an influence at the Baroda court. He told
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
243
him that he meant to make him his minister at Puna;
and in proof of his sincerity he proposed a marriage between
his sister-in-law and the Shástri's son. Preparations were
made for the ceremony, when the envoy in sudden dread
at losing the favour of his own sovereign broke off the
engagement. He gave more deadly cause of offence by re-
fusing to let his wife go near the Peshwa's palace and witness
the scenes of debauchery which constantly took place in
its precincts. For a time the Peshwa disguised his resent-
ment; and Gangadhar Shástri, not dreaming of danger,
accompanied him in blind confidence on a pilgrimage to
Pandharpur. On the night of the 14th of July the Peshwa
admitted him to unusual intimacy, and parted with him with
the heartiest greetings. But the Shastri stepped into the
streets only to be hacked to pieces by the agents of Trim-
bakji Dainglia. Elphinstone was at Ellora. He immediately
hurried to Puna; and, on ascertaining the facts, demanded of
the Peshwa the prompt apprehension of Trimbakji.
foreign ambassador," he wrote,
midst of your Highness' court.
sacred almost in the temple
solemnities of your religion." The public voice of Máhá-
rashtra, shocked at the murder of a Brahman in a place of
sanctity, supported the resident in the steps which he took to
vindicate the broken guarantee of the British Government.
A
"has been murdered in the
A Brahman has been mas-
during one of the greatest
After a prolonged course of evasion and shuffling, which
made it clear that Baji Rao's sympathies lay with Trimbakji,
Elphinstone brought matters to a head by saying that if
Trimbakji was not given up he would order the subsidiary
force to the city, where it would remain till his bidding was
accomplished. Trimbakji was at last surrendered at the
end of September (1815.) He was confined in the fort
244
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of Thána, against the advice of Elphinstone, who recom-
mended that he should be sent to Alláhábád. A year
had hardly passed when he contrived to escape, and betook
himself to the fastnesses of the mountains (September
1816). The Peshwa did his best by his friendly demeanour
to free himself from the suspicion of having aided in his
escape; but from this time his plans for a Marátha con-
federacy against British rule steadily assumed a more definite
form. The plot rapidly thickend. There were gatherings
of armed men unchecked by the Peshwa's government.
Trimbakji was traced from point to point, and Báji Rao
openly had an interview with him a few miles from Puna.
Remonstrances from the resident were received first with
erasions, latterly with impudent denials that troops were
assembling, or that the Peshwa had any knowledge of
Trimbakji's movements. Elphinstone was told that if he
believed in the absurd report of an insurrection he might
suppress it himself. In this way the hot weather of 1817
arrived. The Peshwa's object was to gain time while he
added to his army, plotted with his confederates, and
supplied Trimbakji with money; but he carefully avoided
open rupture with the English.
This was not the only portion of Western India where
important events were occurring. The state of Kachh was
in utter confusion with internal dissensions, and the Rao, or
chief, was a confirmed drunkard. Under his rule constant
depredations were made by his subjects upon British and
protected Gaikwári territory. Remonstrances produced no
effect, and force had to be applied. An expedition was
accordingly sent in 1816 under Colonel East, and the ad-
ministration of the state taken in hand by the British
Government.
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
245
The Peshwa, meanwhile, took no steps to quell the rising
which was taking place. Detachments of the subsidiary
force under Colonel Lionel Smith, which had been keeping off
the Pindháris, were therefore directed against the insurgents.
Some Madras troops surprised and killed a party of them,
but not before they had seized and murdered Lieutenant
Warre of the Madras artillery. The insurgents gained
ground in Khandesh, and a fort fell into their hands. It
was now palpable that the Peshwa was in the most open
way raising levies, repairing his forts, and aiding Trimbakji.
Communication with the Governor-General was cut off by a
disturbance in Katak, but not before it was known that Lord
Hastings insisted on the surrender of Trimbakji. Elphinstone
had to act on his own responsibility in the crisis. But he was
equal to the emergency. In accordance with his instructions,
he insisted on the surrender of Trimbakji, and was not deceived
by Báji Rao's warm protestations that he could intend no
harm to the British Government to which he owed everything.
He distinctly told him that a refusal to give up this cause of
all trouble would involve the necessity of immediate hosti-
lities. Twenty-four hours were allowed the Peshwa to decide
whether he would accept the terms offered or fight. The
conditions were the seizure and surrender of Trimbakji within
a month, and the instant delivery of the forts of Singahr,
Purandhar, and Raygahr as a pledge of his good faith. On
the 7th of May the terms were accepted, and the order for
the surrender of the forts placed in the resident's hands.
Three days later there arrived instructions from the Governor-
General exacting a heavy punishment for the Peshwa's acts
of barely disguised warfare. The Peshwa had now to bind
himself to hold no communication with any power except
the British; he had to admit the guilt of Trimbakji as the
246
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
murderer of Gangadhar Shastri, the accredited agent of the
Gaikwár, residing at Puna under the guarantee of the British
Government. All future demands on the Gaikwár were to be
relinquished. Instead of furnishing the contingent of 5,000
horse and 3,000 infantry laid down in the treaty of Bassein, he
had to cede territory yielding 34 lakhs of revenue. This in-
cluded Dhárwár and other districts near it that were not
clearly defined, the Konkan north of Bombay, and all the
Peshwa's revenue in Guzárát, as well as the fort of Áhmad-
nagar. In the following November, as it was found that the
Gaikwár's contingent was inefficient, fresh arrangements were
made for a British garrison, territory being assigned for their
maintenance.
These were hard and humiliating terms. They reduced
Baji Rao's position to so low a degree that he could have
continued as the head of his state in name alone. When he
learnt them he renewed his preparations for armed resistance,
and prepared to leave Puna and join the insurgents. His
courage again failed, and he at last sullenly affixed his signature
to the treaty. Elphinstone recorded his opinion that if we
insisted upon the conditions of this treaty we must be fully
prepared for his open hostility should the state of India here-
after favour it; and it is hard to believe that the Marquis
of Hastings either expected or wished for any other result.
In a despatch of April 12th he had declared his conviction that
the Peshwa was engaged in a conspiracy hostile to British
honour, and that henceforward our aim must be to strengthen
our military position in his territory. He observed:-
"An enforced compliance would be sure to leave a rankling
animosity; our foresight must then be directed to the
augmentation of the force in the country in our own interests,
reform of a part of the establishment, and placing it under a
FINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR,
217
!
British officer independent of the Peshwa." The treaty has
been condemned as being calculated rather to drive the Peshwa
to despair than to assure him a permanent supremacy in his
dominions. The fact was that to all intents and purposes he
had been at war with the English, and the treaty was such
as an unsuccessful combatant might expect. Nor was the
question of its observance likely to depend upon its stringency.
The Peshwa had shown by a long course of deception, from
the date of the treaty of Bassein, that the terms of no con-
vention would be binding on him longer than he could be
kept to them by force.
However, the treaty was concluded, and Lord Hastings
could turn his attention to the Pindháris, and the Pathans
of Amir Khán, who differed from them little but in name.
Mr. Canning was now at the head of the Board of Control,
and the Governor-General was at last free to act boldly
against these incurable savages. He was given authority
to repel invasion and chastise the offenders.
We can no
longer abstain," added Mr. Canning, "from a vigorous exer-
tion of military power in vindication of the British name,
and in defence of subjects who look to us for protection."
The Calcutta Council, on their part, resolved that vigorous
measures for the suppression of the Pindháris had become
an indispensable act of public duty. A defensive alliance
was made with Apa Sáheb, who was Regent of Barár, on
behalf of Parsáji, who had succeeded Raghoji Bhonsle. It
was consequently hoped that the Peshwa and Barár would
stand aside; but it was well known that under pretence of
suppressing them, Sindia and Holkar were openly counte-
nancing the Pindháris. Military operations, therefore, were
taken upon an immense scale, calculated to meet all emer-
gencies. The plan was simple, but rast. The Pindháris
248
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
were to be completely suppressed by assembling armies round
the territories of Holkar and Sindia, and the states of
Rajputána, Bhopal, and Bandalkand. Sir Thomas Hislop,
Commander-in-Chief of the Madras Army, took command of
five divisions prepared in the Deccan; another division
was made ready in Guzárát, under General Grant Keir; and
the Marquis of Hastings himself took command of four more-
from Bengal, with two in reserve. Somewhat to the dis-
appointment of Elphinstone, who considered his claims un-
dervalued, Sir John Malcolm was appointed Agent to the
Governor-General with the army in the Deccan. The whole
British army in the field was not less than 115,000 men, with
300 guns.
It was palpable from the magnitude of the
forces that Lord Hastings had more in view than the task of
eradicating the Pindháris. Nor did he wait until that task
was done to deal with those who chose to use them as
instruments.
The first to be dealt with was Sindia. Daolat Rao was
altogether in the dark as to the immense scale of the British
campaign. He was not prepared for operations that caught
him as in a net from every side, and when he was requested
to issue orders for the free ingress and egress of British troops
through his territory he was astounded. He sought to
evade compliance, and urged that he had not given up his-
intention of punishing the Pindháris himself. The contention
was treated with contempt. The Governor-General's plans
were unfolded to him in detail, and when in open darbár, or
council, Captain Close, the British resident, placed in his
hands his own intercepted letters to the Nepálese chiefs,
proposing a combined attack on the English, he was speech-
less with confusion. He had little time for consideration.
Lord Hastings was rapidly advancing, and in October 1817
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
249
Sindia concluded a treaty, which removed the Rajput states
from his authority and placed them under British protection,
and bound him to maintain a contingent under British officers
for the suppression of the Pindháris. As security for the
fulfilment of the terms the forts of Hindia and Asirgahr were
to be given up. Siudia's forces were closely watched until
the end of the contest, and their neutrality assured.
The campaign that had been thus opened against the
Pindháris was continued in a similar method. One by one
their protectors were humbled to the dust, little being left to
be done with the savage Pindháris themselves. The wisdom
of the Governor-General's plans in preparing an invincible
force and guarding against danger from every quarter was
soon manifest. Sindia was accounted for; but the Peshwa,
Holkar, and the Rája of Barár were fast hastening to
combine.
In the month of July, the Peshwa went on his usual
pilgrimage to Pandharpur (page 243). He ostentatiously dis-
banded a large portion of his cavalry and some infantry; but
he advanced his men seven months' pay, and gave them orders
to hold themselves in readiness for early recall. From Pand-
harpur he proceeded to Maholi, near Sátára, and was there
met by Sir John Malcolm, who, as Agent to the Governor-
General, had visited all the courts of the Deccan, both
to consult the residents and to put himself into personal
communication with the chiefs. To Sir John Malcolm
the Peshwa enlarged on the humiliating conditions of the
late treaty.
He indignantly denied that he had ever entered
into any intrigue against the British Government; and by
his cordial professions, and his air of candour and good sense,
he completely deceived Sir John Malcolm. That officer
returned to Puna convinced that Báji Rao would prove a
250
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
faithful ally. His forts were restored to him in August
and he was encouraged to raise troops. Elphinstone made no
secret of his very contrary opinions, but could not oppose
this liberal system. But he did not disguise his anxiety at
the exposed state of the handful of troops at Puna, after the
advance of General Smith's division to the frontier. He
therefore requested that the Company's European regiment
from Bombay should join the detachment at Puna. The
Peshwa did not return to Puna till the end of September.
Trimbakji had been succeeded in the post of general adviser
and confidant to the Peshwa by a man named Bápu Gokla;
and by his counsel Báji Rao determined to enter upon open
hostility as soon as his designs were prepared. The recommen-
dation of Sir John Malcolm that he should recruit his army
against the Pindháris was an excellent cloak under disguise
of which he could increase his forces against the English.
Gokla was the leader of all his measures, and he received an
advance of nearly a million sterling to complete his warlike
preparations.
But the Peshwa's pet schemes were the assassination of
the resident and the corruption of his native troops, and
even of their European officers. He commissioned a man
named Yeshwant Rao Ghorpure, who was intimate with
these officers, to carry out this plan. Yeshwant Rao had no
objection to receiving an advance of 50,000 rupees. But he
kept the money, and warned Elphinstone of what he was
likely to expect. Gokla, too, much as he detested the English,
disdained to commit sɔ base a crime as that proposed by
Báji Rao, that he should entrap the resident to a conference
and murder him. But Báji Rao was bitterly hostile to
Elphinstone, and he endeavoured to get Trimbakji, with
a body of Bhils, to surprise the residency by night and
1
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
251
carry out his infamous design. On the 14th of October an
interview took place for the last time between the Peshwa
and the resident. The Peshwa was still profuse in his
professions of loyalty, and repeated his assurances that his
troops should be promptly sent against the Pindháris.
On the 19th of October the festival of the Dassara took
place. In every Hindu state it is the regular time for the
annual muster of troops, being as it is at the close of the
rains, and the commencement of the season for military opera-
tions. It is also an occasion for military display as the
anniversary of the mythical capture of Ceylon by king
Ráma. A magnificent gathering of troops was held by the
Peshwa, no ceremony that could add to the pageant being
omitted. The resident was treated with marked discourtesy,
and a large body of cavalry galloped up as if to charge the
British troops, but wheeled aside at the very moment when
the charge seemed about to be delivered. It was a piece of
swagger, which may have been called to mind on both sides,
when a few months later one of the three weak battalions
then present repulsed the whole Marátha army. It was a
time of intense anxiety. The Peshwa's troops were crowding
into Puna. General Smith was at a distance, and the Euro-
pean regiment from Bombay could hardly arrive before
the 5th of November. Parties of the enemy hustled and
crowded on the British troops in their cantonments. The
Peshwa knew of the coming reinforcements from Bombay,
and deliberated on the advantage of attacking the resident
before their arrival. On the night of the 28th his guns
were yoked, horses saddled, and infantry under arms.
At midnight Elphinstone received the information. Should
he not anticipate the attack? But he knew that
directly the Peshwa engaged in open hostilities, Sindia and
232
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
others would at once show their true colours. It was advis-
able to wait unless compelled to fight. While Elphinstone
stood thus deliberating on his terrace the din in the city died
away; the Peshwa's attack was postponed. The next day
the crowding of the Marátha cavalry upon the English
brigade was more offensive than ever. Elphinstone sent a
message to the Peshwa, pointing out the intolerable nature of
these proceedings, and confined his own men to their quarters
to prevent any premature contest. To Gokla the message
seemed one of insufferable insolence. He wished to attack
the English at once while the European regiment was still at
a distance. But the Peshwa hesitated. A night was wasted in
consultation; and at four o'clock, on the morning of the 30th,
the European regiment under Major Wilson, who was
apprised of the crisis, by incredible exertions marched into
the cantonment. The English at Puna could once more
breathe freely. But the position which they occupied was
bad, and on November 1st they moved out to Khirki, a
village four miles off. The Maráthas promptly plundered
the old cantonment, and commenced their former tactics of
pressing upon and hustling the British in their new position.
Elphinstone remained for the time at his residency on the
Sangam. Meanwhile, General Smith had been informed of
the impending struggle. He therefore sent back his light
battalion to Sirur, and concentrated his force at Phultamba
on the Godáwari. On the 3rd Elphinstone summoned the
light battalion to Puna. The Peshwa at last made up his
mind to attack. By the morning of the 5th his preparations
were made. Even then he once more attempted to negociate.
He sent a message to Elphinstone, desiring him to send away
the European regiment and reduce his native battalion, as such
a large assembly of troops near Puna was offensive to him.
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
253
Elphinstone's sole reply was that a removal of troops must.
commence on the Peshwa's side. Báji Rao therefore warned
him of the consequence of his proceedings, and threatened
that he himself would leave Puna and never return should
the resident continue obstinate. The conversation was pro-
longed as far as possible by the Marátha messenger. At last
he withdrew. The Peshwa's officers left their quarters at
the palace and placed themselves at the head of their troops.
Baji Rao proceeded to the temple of Párbati, which his
ancestor had built, whence he could from a safe distance
command a view over the undulating plain of Khirki.
Elphinstone and his party left the residency and joined the
British forces at Khirki. The Marátha army was between
the residency and the camp. He therefore crossed the river
Mula by a ford which then existed-the present dam at
Puna not having been built-marched up the left bank of
the river, and recrossed it at Khirki by a bridge.
It was the afternoon of a sultry Deccan day. The heat
was almost stifling. There was not a breath of wind to blow
aside the clouds of dust. The Marátha army poured out
from Puna in the direction of Khirki through fields where the
rich grain stood ready for the harvest. The spectacle was
most imposing. The low hills that edged the plateau were
covered with infantry. Endless streams of horsemen issued
from the city, and covered the whole surface of the plain.
The air was filled with the trampling of horses and the
rumbling of cannon. The peasants fled from their work in
the harvest fields. Their bullocks broke off from their yokes
and raced away in terror. The mighty wave of soldiers
moved onward in all the pomp of war with apparently irre-
sistible force. But the battle was not to be to the strong.
Nothing daunted at this vast host, which out-numbered

254
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
them almost twelve to one, the English force of 2,800, of
whom 800 only were Europeans, was eager for the fray. At
the earnest advice of the resident they did not wait to be
attacked. Gallantly led by Colonel Burr, they dashed at the
advancing enemy. The Maráthas were astounded by this
act of daring. Their spirits were already damped by an
evil omen, for the staff of their Jári Patka, or national
standard, had broken in twain ere they left the city. Gokla
did all that a brave soldier could do to encourage his troops,
and he led in person a brilliant cavalry charge. But before
a company of the European regiment could come near, the
heroic Seventh Bombay Native Infantry, under Colonel Burr
himself, hurled back the ranks of the horsemen beneath the
hill of Ganesh Khind. The battle was won. The Marátha
army was utterly disconcerted by the unexpected onslaught
of the British forces. The guns were driven off, and the
field of battle was cleared. The British loss was trifling, that
of the Maráthas 500 men. The British returned after night-fall
to their position at Khirki, and the next morning the light
battalion and some auxiliary horse joined them from Sirur.
While the battle was being fought the residency, by Báji
Rao's orders, was plundered and burnt; of the resident's own
apartments and library not one stone was left upon another.
The families of sepoys in the English ranks were robbed and
mutilated, trees torn up, and graves demolished. Two
British officers, brothers, named Vaughan, taken prisoner at
Talegaum, were barbarously hanged.
Bitter was the despair of the Peshwa as he witnessed the
battle of Khirki from his temple at Párbati, and he poured
out terrible upbraidings on those who had urged him to
defy the British power. The Marátha empire was at an
end. It had been founded by the massacre of Afzul Khán
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
255
at Pratapgahr; it fell with the attempted massacre of the
British resident at Puna.
battle.
Elphinstone hardly realised the momentous result of the
With the movements of troops during the action he
had not interfered. But it was he who had insisted upon the
necessity of commencing the battle by attacking the enemy,
and by general consent the honour of the day was his. But
from his own description of the battle, it would be supposed
that it was solely to Colonel Burr, a gallant but still crippled
old soldier, who was suffering at the time from an incurable
disease, that the victory was due. In moving a vote of
thanks to Lord Hastings and the army at the close of the
the war, Mr. Canning said that "Mr. Elphinstone--a man
distinguished in the literature as well as the politics of the
East-exhibited on that trying occasion military courage
and skill, which though valuable accessories to diplomatic
talents, we are not entitled to require as necessary qualifica-
tions for civil employment."
General Smith was now rapidly returning to Puna, and
Elphinstone, as he wrote, fully expected that before his arrival
the Peshwa would give them another field day. The Peshwa
did not afford them that gratification, and on November 13th,
three days after General Smith's return, the Peshwa fled
to Sátára and his army evacuated Puna. The city was taken
possession of, and the pursuit of the Marátha army commenced.
Great exertions were made to come up with the Peshwa, but
he continued his flight from place to place amongst the
mountains of the Western Ghats; and for some months he
evaded pursuit. He sent his wife and much of his property
to the fort of Raygahr.
Meanwhile, a small force from Bombay under Colonel
Prother was employed in reducing the Konkan; and
256
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
General Smith, afraid lest the Marátha army, driven by the
English in that direction, should cut off Colonel Prother's
detachment, sent reinforcements to him from Puna, and
directed the 2nd detachment of the 1st regiment to strengthen
Colonel Burr at Puna. This order led to the most vivid
episode of the campaign. On the last day of the year the
battalion marched from Sirur at eight o'clock in the evening
It consisted of 500 men, supported by two six-pounders,
manned by twenty-four Europeans of the Madras Infantry.
There were also 300 of the newly-raised irregular horse, the
whole under the command of Captain Francis Staunton. They
marched all night, and on the morning of the New Year's
Day the detachment reached the village of Korygaum on
the river Bhima, and found encamped before it the whole of
the Peshwa's army of 25,000 horse and a large number of
Arabs under Báji Rao in person. Captain Staunton took
up his post in the village and placed his guns where they
could do the greatest execution. The Maráthas endeavoured
to storm the English position, and they obtained possession
of a strong square enclosure commanding the village from
which they could not be dislodged. A terrible struggle
was then waged. Captain Staunton's men had marched all
night. They were cut off from the river; they had neither
food nor water. But in vain did the Marathas and the fiercer
Árabs hurl themselves time after time upon the devoted band.
Every foot of ground was disputed. Hardly any of the
European officers were unwounded. The wounded men and
officers were in agonies of thirst which could not be relieved.
The surviving combatants were fainting and nearly frantic for
want of water. Some of the gunners, all of whom fought
heroically, proposed to sue for terms. But Captain Stauntor
pointed out to them the dead body of their officer
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
257
وو
Lieutenant Chisholm, who had been shot, and whose head the
enemy
had then severed from his trunk. "Such was the way,'
he told them, "in which all would be served who fell dead or
alive into the hands of the Maráthas." They replied that
they would die to a man, and the unequal conflict was continued
all that terrible day. Towards sunset their plight seemed
well nigh desperate, but their efforts were not slackened. As
night fell the attack became less fierce. By nine o'clock the
artillery fire ceased, and the village was evacuated by the
Peshwa's troops.
The men were able at last to alleviate
their intense thirst. The next day the Peshwa's troops re-
fused to fight, and gradually withdrew. Captain Staunton had
lost 175 men besides a portion of the auxiliary horse. The
Marátha loss was between 500 and 600 men. A monument,
erected upon the spot, tells the traveller of the fierce fight
that was waged where he stands; and Marátha minstrels, be
it told to their credit, sing of the glory of the defence.
The Peshwa, as at Khirki, surveyed the battle from a
listance. He had brought with him the Rája of Sátára,
his nominal master. A screen had been erected to ward off
the rays of the sun. The Raja begged that it might be
taken down, "Otherwise the English would send a cannon-
ball through it." Gokla and Trimbakji directed the Marátha
attacks, and the Peshwa impatiently asked his commanders,
"Where were their boasts of defeating the English if they
could not overcome one battalion ?”
on
The Governor-General shortly afterwards conferred
Captain Staunton the important command of Áhmadnagar,
and repeated the observation of General Smith, that the action
at Korygaum was "One of the most brilliant affairs ever
achieved by any army, in which the European and Native
soldiers displayed the most noble devotion and most romantic
17
258
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
-
bravery, under the pressure of thirst and hunger almost be-
voud human endurance." And two years afterwards, in
presenting to him a valuable sword voted by the Court of
Directors, he said, "In that hour of difficulty and danger,
surrounded by implacable enemies, and cut off from all hope
of succour, it was your firmness that afforded to your brave
companions an opportunity of displaying that devotion and
gallantry which terminated in their triumph over the vast
forces opposed to them, and not only established for ever their
own reputation, but threw a lustre over their own establish-
ment, and added to the glory of the Indian army." In the
House of Commons Mr. Canning extolled the glory of the
little band which had kept at bay the Peshwa's 25,000 horse
and masses of Arab infantry.
The Marquis of Hastings resolved that the Peshwa should
be the last of his line. To appoint a successor would be only
to revive the old pretensions to Marátha confederation and
supremacy, which experience had shown to be incompatible
with the very existence of the English as a power in the land.
The dynasty was to be done away with, and the dominions
annexed to the Company's possessions. But with con
summate statesmanship the Governor-General resolved to
conciliate the Marátha nation by a graceful concession
and the imprisoned Rája of Sátára, the descendant of
of
Shiwaji, was to be given the nominal sovereignty of the
district of Sátára. Mr. Elphinstone was wisely selected to
carry out this policy and settle the annexed territory, and
two divisions of the Deccan army under Generals Smith and
Pritzler were withdrawn from Sir Thomas Hislop's contro
and placed at his disposal. Captain Grant Duff, the talented
historian of the Maráthas, was made resident at Satárá, which
was taken on February 10tb, 1818, by General Smith with
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
259
little difficulty. The British flag was hoisted on the fort;
but the day after replaced by the Bhagwa Jenda, or standard
of Shiwáji. A manifesto was at the same time published by
the Commissioner, setting forth the intentions of the British
Government and stating the reasons which had rendered their
action inevitable. The document was admirably calculated
to promote the end in view. "There was to be no inter-
ference," it said, "with religion, gifts of Inám or rent-free
land, or allowances from the state, provided that those con-
cerned accepted the sovereignty of the Company." Farming
of the revenue was to be abolished, and a moderate assessment
collected by British officers. Thus the petty chiefs and land-
holders were confirmed in their possessions which became
an invaluable security for their allegiance to the new régime.
The campaign had, however, yet to be concluded. General
Smith continued the pursuit of the Peshwa. General Pritzler
attacked and took the hill-forts of Purandhar, Singhar and
others south of Puna. General Thomas Munro, from Madras,
aptured the strong hill-fort of Badami in the district of
Bijápur, and then marched on Sholapur and took that fort
after a short siege. In the Konkan, General Prother took
fort after fort, including the stronghold of Raygahr the
ighty fortress-capital of Shiwáji. After a rapid march, in
furious heat, through Indapur and Máhár, he got his guns
in position on an almost inaccessible mountain-ridge opposite
Raygahr. The bombardment was opened with spirit. The
firing was extremely accurate, and nearly every building in the
fort was laid in ruins. At last a shell burst over the citadel
and set fire to the houses; and the Peshwa's wife induced the
Arab commandant to surrender. Fifty thousand pounds
sterling was found in the fort. The Peshwa's wife was escorted
to Puna and subsequently to Wai. In the Ratnagiri district
260
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Colonel Kennedy, with a detachment fitted out by Sir Evan
Nepean, the Governor of Bombay, was occupying the country
with equal success. All over the country fortress after fort-
ress fell in a few weeks, most of which, with Shiwáji as a
master, would have withstood the whole British army.
General Smith, though unsuccessful in his pursuit of the
Peshwa, managed to overtake a large part of his army at Ashta,
and with hardly any loss. put them to flight. At Ashta, Gokla,
whose personal valour was undaunted, fell fighting bravely.
He had pledged himself to die sword in hand, and he kept his
word. The Maráthas were pursued for miles, and the engage-
ment hastened the termination of the war. On this occasion
General Smith, who was himself wounded, captured the Rája
of Sátára and his family. They expressed unbounded joy at
the rescue from their Brahman masters. They were placed
in charge of Mr. Elphinstone, and the Peshwa continued his
flight towards Nágpur. At Nágpur, Apa Sahib the regent
had made a subsidiary treaty with the English. He promptly
proceeded to break it. He murdered the boy on whose behalf
he was ruling, plotted with the Peshwa, sent his family and
treasure out of the city, and ordered his troops to attack
Mr. Jenkins' small detachment of sepoys. Owing to the
heroic courage of Captain Fitzgerald, who was in command
of some Bengal horse, and the enthusiasm which he instilled
into his men, the attack, although made by numbers that
appeared overwhelming, was beaten off; and Marátha singers
mingle with the fame of Korygaum the magnificent exploit (of
Sitabaldi, Apa Sahib disavowed any share in the attack,
but refused to disband his troops. Another action was
required; his guns were taken, and he surrendered uncond-
tionally. For the murder of his nephew he was sent
prisoner to Alláhábád; but he escaped on the road, and after
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
261
nine years' misery in the Windhya mountains, found at
length a refuge with the Rája of Jodhpur, and was there left
undisturbed. An infant grandson of Raghoji was placed
on the throne. Mr. Jenkins administered Barár during his
minority, and Nágpur ceased to be a cause of trouble.
Holkar, too, had been effectually dealt with. Tulsi Bai,
widow of Yeshwant Rao, was conducting the affairs of the
State as regent for the young Malhar Rao, her husband's
illegitimate son. Her turbulent soldiery were beyond her
control. She was not herself anxious to join the Peshwa,
and even made secret proposals to the Governor-General to
place herself and the young prince under his protection.
But events were too strong for her; and before the end of
December 1817 she found herself with her army near
Mehidpur on the Sipri river. Here she attempted to nego-
ciate with Sir John Malcolm and Sir Thomas Hislop,
whose united forces lay in her path. Incensed at this, her
officers beheaded her and cast her body into the stream. A few
days afterwards, on December 21st, the army of Holkar was
utterly destroyed, and sixty-three guns captured with all the
military stores and camp equipage. But the British loss was
778 in killed and wounded, of whom thirty-eight were
European officers. The submission of the young Holkar was
tendered on the 6th of January, and the usual subsidiary treaty
entered into. Sir John Malcolm remained as Agent to the
Governor-General for the Marátha States of Central India.
Their supporters thus humbled to the dust, the Pindháris
could offer no formidable resistance to the invincible British
arms. They were struck with terror when they found
Sindia compelled to abandon them. They could get no
help from any of the Maráthas, and they were unable
to protect themselves from Lord Hastings' combinations.
262
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
They strove desperately to avoid the retribution that was
coming upon them, but their enemies enclosed them on every
side. It was in vain that they fled to the North, for the
Bengal army was ready for them there; they turned to the
South only to lose all their baggage and be worsted in con-
tinual small encounters. They were completely dispersed,
and most of them came to a miserable end in the jungle-
the peasantry showing no mercy after the infamous cruelties
which they had formerly undergone at their hands. One of
their leaders, Chetu, was hunted first through Guzárát and
then through Málwa, and at last his body was found near
Asirgahr half eaten by a tiger. Another, Wasil Muhammad,
betook himself to Sindia, who surrendered him to the
English; and, thinking death preferable to captivity, he put
an end to his life by poison. Another, named Karim, withi
leniency altogether undeserved, received an estate in British
territory. Amir Khán remained, and as he offered to surrender
it was deemed expedient to accept his proposal. Sir David
Ochterlony, with no little address and firmness, effected a
settlement with his Pathán retainers and obtained their
artillery without bloodshed. Pindhári raids were a thing of
the past.
Those of these banditti who survived, mingled
with the population, and many of them became decent and
orderly citizens.
There were still a few sieges before the campaign was con-
cluded. Asirgahr was surrendered to Sir John Malcolm in
April and garrisoned by British troops. In Tálner, the
former Pathan capital of Khándesh, there was a strong forde
of the Peshwa's Arabs. The commandant surrendered to Sir
Thomas Hislop; but when Major Gordon and Captain
Macgregor entered the fort they were cut down and killed.
The exasperated British troops rushed in; and, of a garrison
FINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR,
203
of 300 men, one only escaped with his life by leaping
over the wall. The commandant was hanged-a fate that he
richly deserved. At Málegaum in Khándesh, now in the
subsequently formed district of Násik, a contrary policy was
adopted. The fort was strongly garrisoned by Arabs, who
offered to surrender if they were guaranteed arrears of pay and
a free passage to Arabia. The offer was accepted, but the
generosity was not unnaturally taken for weakness. The
Arabs considered that they had achieved a success over
British troops, and much harm at Hydarábád and other
places resulted from the occurrence.
The war thus came to a triumphant issue. A brief cam-
paign had sufficed to shatter a most formidable confederacy
against the British Government. It was owing to the
baneful policy of non-intervention that the confederacy had
ever been allowed to raise its head. British power was now
stronger than ever. There was no longer a question of
balance of power. There was to be one supreme authority in
India before which all must bow. The Court of Directors
denounced the extension of territory, but their words were not
followed by action, and they recognised accomplished facts.
But even the Directors appreciated the "promptitude and
vigour with which Lord Hastings had dispersed the gather-
ing elements of a hostile conspiracy." The verdict of pos-
terity has justified the measures of the statesman, who by a
strong hand delivered Central and Western India from the
curse of anarchy, which could never cease while rival armies
carried fire and sword throughout the land. It is to the
Marquis of Hastings that the Bombay Presidency owes
almost all its territory.
The pursuit of the Peshwa was carried on with infinite
perseverance. Hunted from place to place it was in vain
264
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
that he applied to his late confederates for succour; and he
at last made overtures to Mr. Elphinstone and other officers,
but he was told that the only terms that could be accepted
were unconditional surrender. He turned his course north-
wards, intending to cross the Narbada; but the fords and
passes were guarded, and he was forced to remain with the
8,000 mcn who were left to him near Asirgahr in a state of
utter despair. Hence he despatched an agent to Sir John
Malcolm at Mau. Sir John Malcolm was fully cognizant of
Lord Hastings' instructions to Elphinstone—that no condi-
tions were to be made with Báji Rao. His arrest was only a
question of time. But Sir John Malcolm, regardless alike
of the Governor-General's instructions and the ill-effect
which the deputation could not but have on military opera-
tions, sent two officers to treat with him. His terms were
that Baji Rao should resign his sovereignty and give up
Trimbakji and the murderers of the Vaughans. This much
being promised, Báji Rao was to separate himself from the
remnant of his followers and advance to meet Sir John
Malcolm, who undertook to obtain for him from the British
Government an ample allowance in any holy city that he
might select. Before formally surrendering himself, he
had an interview with Sir John Malcolm, and with his usual
adroitness and eloquence appealed to him as the last of his
three earliest and best friends. Malcolm sank the politician
in the man. He remembered the regal splendour in which
Baji Rao had lived; and when he saw him now as a
hopeless and weary fugitive, he forgot that the Peshwa had
rushed upon his fate with his eyes open and that Malcolm
himself had been made one of his tools. So when Báji Rao
promised to give himself up if he should receive an allow-
ance of £80,000 a year, Sir John Malcolm gave his assent.
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARATHA WAR.
265
The Governor-General was justly indignant at this contempt
of orders. But he could not go back from the word of a
British officer; and the Peshwa went to reside at Bitkur,
near Cawnpore, with his stipulated income. The result was
disastrous. The largeness of the sum hindered to some
extent the liberality that the British Government wished to
show in its new territories; and while the agreement ob-
tained favourable terms for many of Báji Rao's people that
deserved condign punishment, it also created a spurious and
dangerous importance for the dethroned potentate in the
eyes of the Maráthas. The full danger of the step was to
manifest itself nearly forty years later in the infamous Nána
Sahib of Cawnpore. The surrender of Trimbakji was evaded,
but he was finally captured and confined in the fort of
Chunar till his death.
He
In the month of April, Pratáp Sing, the Rája of Sátára-a
well-meaning, but weak and vain prince-in his 27th year, was
seated on his throne with great pomp by the Commissioner.
He issued two proclamations, announcing his connection with
the British Government, and putting the entire administration
of his kingdom into the hands of Mr. Elphinstone.
dwelt on the injuries that he had received from the Peshwa,
and produced an order signed by Báji Rao to put the Raja
and his family to death sooner than let them fall into the
hauds of the English. But circumstances showed that,
though the experiment of restoring the Sátára royal family
was a wise temporary expedient, it was useless as a permanent
measure. The only gratitude shown by the Rája was
treachery and plots against the hand that raised him from
the dust.
The military operations were no sooner completed than
the work of civil administration was taken in hand. Under
266
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Mr. Elphinstone's supervision, Puna was managed by Captain
Robertson; Khandesh by Captain Briggs; the central part
of the Deccan by Captain Pottinger, and the south by
Mr. Chaplain, a Madras civilian. Native officers from the
Peshwa's service became their assistants on liberal salaries,
and the whole population submitted promptly to the new
order of things. So readily did the troops transfer their
allegiance to the conquerors, that in many instances soldiers who
had been fighting for Báji Rao were within twenty-four hours
bearing arms on behalf of the new Government. The first
business of the Commissioners was to see that the revenues
were duly collected and handed over to the British authorities ;
to protect and conciliate the people; to show them that no
innovation was intended, but that a proper administration of
the existing law would be insisted on. It was of the utmost
importance to gain the confidence and not to excite the alarm
of the natives, and the wise experience of Mr. Elphinstone
effectively secured this result. The Maráthas were not dis-
armed, but armed parties were not allowed to travel without
passports; and after the first year this precaution was dropped
except in the case of bodies of over twenty-five armed men.
Military stations were established at Puna, Sirur, Junnar,
Áhmadnagar, Sholápur, Málegaum, Sátára, Karár and Kaladgi.
The wild Bhils of Khandesh for a long time could not be
reduced to tranquillity, and the steps taken to deal with them
will be related further on. One conspiracy only was detected,
at Puna, for the murder of all Europeans of that place and
of Sátára, and the seizure of the Rája by some Brahmans and
men of desperate fortunes. The Brahman ringleaders were
blown from guns, an example which had a permanent effect
upon that intriguing race. Sir Evan Nepean, the Governor
of Bombay, approved of Elphinstone's action; but when he
PINDHÁRI OR THIRD MARÁTHA WAR.
267
suggested an application for indemnity, Elphinstone replied
that if he had done wrong he ought to be punished, if right
there was no need of an indemnity.
But
The Rája of Kolhapur had espoused the British cause, and
he was rewarded by the gift of the districts of Chikur and
Manáwli, which he had long coveted. Every promise made
as to the continuance of pensions, allowances, and free-rent
lands was strictly observed. The Pant Sachiw had joined
the British cause after the proclamation of Sátára, and he
was confirmed in the possession of his territories in the wild
mountains above the Bhor Ghát where Shiwaji's power had
arisen. Other such chiefs were the Pant Pratinidhi and the
Rája of Akalkot near Sholápur. For the decision of civil suits
Elphinstone continued the system of panchayats. In the
neighbourhood of Sátára criminal cases were settled in the
same way; but in most of the new territories individual judges
were continued or introduced for this class of work.
Elphinstone knew that the people were not prepared for the
elaboration of English law. He gave them its justice without
its intricate regulations. By preserving the influence of
village officers, he gave the millions under his rule that
immense blessing-a simple, cheap, and speedy administration
of justice. His plan could be hardly more than a temporary
one. The English love of order down to the minutest details
could not fail to prevent its being so. But perhaps, with the
perfection of the machinery, the element of its adaptability to
the conditions of life of a primitive people has to some extent
been lost sight of. So liberal was the settlement of the con-
quered territory that there was little if any saving to the
British Government from the Peshwa's revenue; but in a few
years, owing to the tranquility and safety of the country,
fortunate seasons, and the improvements in agriculture, the
268
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
revenues largely increased. On the 1st of November 1819
Mr. Elphinstone handed over his commissionership to Mr.
Chaplain for the higher sphere of Governor of Bombay. He
had endeared himself to the inhabitants of Máháráshtra, who
reverence his name to this day. He respected not only the
privileges of the people, but even their prejudices, as long as
they were not iniquitous or unjust. To Lord Hastings he
wrote:-"It is to be remembered that even just government
is not a blessing if at variance with the habits and character
of the people."
Three years later saw the retirement of Lord Hastings. In
spite of his costly wars, his budget had always shown a
large surplus. He had followed the footsteps of Lord
Cornwallis in purifying the lives and habits of English officers
both civil and military. He had devoted himself to the
well-being of the natives of India. He set up schools, which
were thronged with children, and spared no steps to spread
education and knowledge. He allowed the missionaries of
Serámpur, near Calcutta, to issue a newspaper, which formed
the foundation of the present Native press. Could he have
foreseen the existence of newspapers over the length and
breadth of the land, steeped in treason and execrating every-
thing that the Government does, he might have hesitated to
confer this gift.
The Bombay Presidency had now assumed its present
form, with the exception of Sind, Sátára, Ángria's territory
of Kolába, and Kánára, which latter belonged to Madras.
( 269 )
XVIII-MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
ALIK
LIKE as Commissioner of the Deccan and Governor of
Bombay, Mountstuart Elphinstone's whole heart was
in the work of restoring order to the new provinces. Tran-
quillity could not be attained in a day, and there were from
time to time disturbances from isolated bands of Pindháris
and other marauders. But no native power dared to draw
sword against the English. The task that Elphinstone had
before him was in truth no light one. He had to spread
civilization over a land desolated by anarchy, to afford se-
curity to life and property, to usher in a reign of law where
law was almost unknown. Sir James Macintosh, who was
Recorder or Chief Justice of Bombay from- 1804 to 1812,
and who made an extended tour in the Deccan, stated it to be
his "firm conviction that the first blessing to be wished to
the inhabitants of India was that a civilized conqueror might
rescue them from their native oppressors, and that they
would find better masters in the worst Europeans than in
the best of their own countrymen." The Peshwas had done
nothing to commemorate their existence. The architecture of
the Deccan, that of the fortresses that crowned the heights
of Máháráshtra, was of an earlier age. The splendour of
Bijapur and the beauties of Ahmadábád raised in the
Maráthas no desire to reproduce them. Puna, on the down-
fall of the Peshwas, did not possess a building worthy of the
name. To evade the Pindháris the houses of well-to-do land-
holders were built so as to resemble on the side from which
270
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
they were approached the huts of the poorest peasant; and
the ryot as he ploughed his field carried his matchlock on
his shoulder. Land fetched higher rent in out-of-the-way
glens than anywhere near the tracks that were used for
roads. As for the common people, Shiwaji contemptuously
observed that if they had a dhotar (a waist-cloth) it was all
that was needed.
•
Force might bring peace for the time. Mr. Elphinstone
had wider views for the creation of a more far-reaching and
lasting reform. He deemed it not impossible to raise the
natives by education and public trust to a level with their
new rulers. Striving to build up a desire for knowledge, he
felt it wisest to begin with the highest classes. To any
mingling of religion, even in the slightest degree, with his
plans for education, he absolutely and entirely objected. "To
introduce Christianity into their schools would be to sound
the alarm, and to warn the Brahmans of the approaching
danger
the danger would involve not only failure
of our plans of education, but the dissolution of our empire.”
Missionaries found the lowest castes the best pupils.
Elphinstone was careful of offering special encouragement.
to those castes who were not only the most despised but the
least numerous of the divisions of society. To identify
education with them would be to make it odious to those
who were more fit for it. The soundness of his views are
manifested in the result of the labours of missionaries, who
are content to take into their fold the lowest of the low
in the vain hope that Christianity may spread upwards.
Education cannot be expected to flourish without encourage-
ment, and Mr. Elphinstone wished to introduce natives to
offices of high rank and trust. But he held at the same
time, that very strict supervision was requisite, and that
MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
271
many Europeans were necessary for that purpose. The same
spirit of prudence led him to record his emphatic condem-
nation of the introduction of a free press in a country where
freedom has ever been synonymous with license.
The way was thus paved for a system of legislative and judi-
cial reforms. Deprecating a large number of acts, he drew up
a code of regulations at once simple and comprehensive, and
framed to bring matters to a speedy issue. The language of the
court was made the language of the district, the evidence of
witnesses taken in their own vernacular. Under the Peshwas
there was no prescribed form of trial. A rebel would be
executed at once on the ground of notoriety; any Bhil found
in a neighbourhood where Bhils had been plundering would
be immediately hanged. In doubtful cases, the prisoner was
flogged to make him confess. No particular punishment was
laid down for particular offences. Where one officer would
flog, another would hang, and a third fine. Punishment
varied rather with the caste of the prisoner than with the
nature of his offence. Mutilation was commonly inflicted.
The Hindu law-officer of Ahmadnagar sentenced one man to
be thrown from a height upon a spike, and another to be
fined a nominal sum for the same offence; because in one
case the stolen property had been accidentally recovered, and
in the other it had not. The police often shared in the
profits of the thieves. Considering this miserable parody of
law and justice, and the moral character of the people, whose
ranks from the highest to the lowest were pervaded with
falsehood, the wonder is not that crime was so great but
that it was not infinitely greater.
That European officers should settle every petty dispute
and detail of revenue was impracticable. While the status
of the village pátil was carefully preserved, equal pains were
272
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
taken to place on an honourable foundation the position of the
Mámlatdár, or subordinate native magistrate and revenue
officer, who had charge of a táluka or petty division of a
district.
During his tenure of office as Governor of Bombay,
Elphinstone twice made a tour through every district in the
Presidency. He saw everything for himself, and wrote copious
minutes on the condition of each part of the country. These
tours were the pleasantest parts of his governorship. He
thoroughly enjoyed the bustle and change of camp life. A
first-rate horseman, he was an ardent pursuer of the sport of
pig-sticking or hog-hunting; and when he was in camp, and
heard of any boars being in the neighbourhood, he would
proclaim a holiday and devote one or two days to the
chasc.
Of all the districts in the Presidency, that which most.
needed regeneration was Khándesh. An extensive plain,
watered by the Tápti and surrounded by broad chains of
mountains, covered with noxious vegetation, where none but
forest tribes can live-Khándesh is rather a province than a
district. In area it is to other districts what Yorkshire is to
the ordinary counties of England. Its forests are peopled
by Bhils, who used to gather together in their inaccessible
jungles and burst upon their prey in the plains. Under
its Muhammadan rulers the province had been a rich and
flourishing garden; under the Maráthas it steadily declined.
In 1802 it was ravaged by Holkar's army. A famine
followed, and its ruin was completed by the rapacity
and misgovernment of the Peshwa's officials. Bhils, Arabs
and Pindháris alike robbed and murdered the peaceful inha-
bitants of the country. On the occupation of the province
in 1813, anarchy and oppression had reached a fearful
MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
273
height. Fifty Bhil leaders commanded bands numbering
upwards of 5,000 followers, whose subsistence depended
upon the fruits of pillage and plunder. The former Native.
Government had systematically violated its pledges to forest
tribes, and they were more than ever suspicious of the foreign
The Arabs and Pindháris were rapidly sup-
conquerors.
pressed; the Bhils were longer a source of trouble. Many
of them were the most uncivilized of all aboriginal tribes.
With forms stunted by the deadly climate, they had barely
sufficient intellect to comprehend anything beyond the most.
simple communication. Slaves alike to superstition and
drunkenness, they held it degrading to cultivate or labour for
wages; no employment was tolerated which interfered with
their carrying the long bow and sheaf of arrows. Under the
Muhammadans, Bhils had to some extent been employed as
village watchmen. That system had been broken up, and
no police of any kind existed. In the single táluka of
Nandurbar there were, in one month, a hundred cases of
murder and robbery.
For several years Colonel Briggs, the political agent,
attempted to restore order by a combination of coercive and
conciliatory measures. The policy failed; and it was not till
banishment, imprisonment, and cognate devices were put aside
for ever, and a new system introduced, which gently and
kindly persuaded the forest tribes to enter upon a civilized
life, that peace was restored to the province. Officers were
selected with the title of Bhil Agents, who were to
endeavour to inspire these wild men with confidence in the
Government, redress all grievances, and in every way ameliorate
their condition. Lands were allotted rent-free for those who
could be induced to settle on them; and advances of money
made for the purchase of seed and cattle, as well as for
18
274
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
clothes and food, until they could support themselves. They
were still, however, to be restrained-by persuasion if possible;
if not, by force-from assembling in masses. The bold idea
was conceived of forming these predatory tribes into an irre-
gular corps; and Captain, afterwards Sir James Outram, was the
main instrument of carrying out this policy. He delighted
the Bhils by joining them fearlessly in the chase in their own.
wild forests; he entrusted his life to their keeping, and by
his hearty sympathy with them, won their confidence first in
himself, and then in the Government which he represented.
He contrived to raise from their number a body-guard of nine
men, and with these marched round the province recruiting
more. In a few months he had a corps of sixty men armed
with bows and arrows; and subsequently they were all armed
and dressed like the Sepoy regiments of the Company. The
work progressed beyond expectation. But one of those
strange rumours, so common in India, took possession of them.
They believed that the Government had formed them into a
corps only with the sinister object of linking them in a line,
and at one stroke extirpating their race; and their blood was
said to be in high demand as medicine in the country of their
English conquerors. But time and illimitable patience over-
came this and other difficulties; and, though inveterate habits
were not changed in a day, by 1826 three hundred ploughs
had been established, and the Bhil corps numbered 300 men.
A year later it reached twice that number, and a small border
disturbance showed that the members of this corps were ready
to shed their blood at the bidding of their new masters. In
course of time the Bhils were not only able to take the post of
village watchmen, but they guarded the Government treasuries
and jails; and the regiments of the line were entirely removed
from Khandesh. This wise and liberal policy subjected Govern-
MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
275
ment to a considerable outlay and some loss by the non-
payment of advances made to Bhils. But very many more
repayments have been effected than might have been antici-
pated, and the same system is still in force. The refor-
mation of this tribe, which no amount of force could subdue,
is too inestimable a blessing to be weighed in the scale with
pecuniary sacrifice. If British rule had nothing better to
show for it than the suppression of the Bhil banditti of
Khandesh, and the Angria pirates of the western coast, it
would not have existed in vain.
Lord Hastings was succeeded after-a short interregnum by
Lord Amherst in August 1823. Though Bombay was in a
state of profound peace, the clang of arms soon resounded
in other parts of India; and the echoes, rolling to the West,
at one time kindled a vein of sympathy that showed a
strong hand as well as a just administration to be absolutely
indispensable. The catastrophe that had overwhelmed the
Pindhari and the Marátha confederacy had taken the light
out of the life of thousands and thousands who preferred
plunder to industry, and who would have welcomed a return
of the anarchy which would follow a reverse to the British
arms. Such a reverse they hoped might come from the
first Burmese war. The expedition was unpopular with the
Sepoys of whom three regiments mutinied; and one, the 47th,
was struck off the list of the Company's army. Both to
them, and to the natives of India who watched their course,
the thought of the power of Burmese magic bore with it a
strange terror. The expedition was checked by heavy rains;
but the popular belief went abroad that the English were
powerless before the Burmese witches, whose incantations
prevented them from raising their feet from the ground.
A strange crisis of feeling spread over a great portion
276
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of India, and it came to a head at Bhartpur. This fortress
had been fiercely assailed, but never taken, by the English
under General Lake. The ramparts of the Hindu
stronghold still rose proudly, and presented an emblem of
final victory for the inhabitants of the land. The boy Rája
of Bhartpur had been recognised by the British Government:
and when a usurper put him aside and seized the throne,
Sir David Ochterlony, the resident at Delhi, issued orders for
the immediate attack of the fort. Lord Amherst, with a
strange infatuity, countermanded the order; and the indig-
nity broke the heart of the gallaut soldier, who with a hand-
ful of men had defended Delhi against the overwhelming
hosts of Holkar after Monson's fatal retreat. As a matter
of course, the natives believed that the order resulted from
fear. The whole country was in a ferment. Twenty-five
thousand men engaged themselves "to fight the Company
behind the walls which had defied Lord Lake, the conqueror
of Hindustan." There was abundant evidence that Sindia,
Holkar, and all the other chiefs were prepared to support the
rising if it should meet with any success. Ochterlony was
right, and Lord Amherst had been wrong. But he rapidly
grasped the emergency of the crisis; and prepared to scatter
the delusion which might carry a fire-brand through the
peninsula. With stupendous efforts, and a loss of 1,000 meu,
the fort was taken and its walls razed to the ground.
After the pacification of the Bhils, the only disturbance of
any importance which troubled Bombay was an insurrection
of the Rámoshis, another aboriginal tribe, in the district of
Puna, under Umáji Naik in 1826-27. The Rámoshis were
so enterprising and successful that force could not put them
down, and the method which had been so successful with the
Bhils was applied on a smaller scale to the Puna tribes.
An
MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
277
amnesty was granted to all concerned except Umáji, and
many were given grants of land and employed as hill-police.
Umáji escaped for a time, but was apprehended at Pandhar-
pur and paid the penalty for his crimes.
With two foreign countries the Government of Elphinstone
had some dealing. Sind still ranked in that category, and our
relations with it were of slender importance. But the frontier
was unsettled, and marauders encroached upon British terri-
tory. Steps were taken in return to restrain the subjects of
the Amirs who ruled in Sind, but for the time the difference
was amicably settled. With Persia matters were more serious.
The Persian Gulf was infested with pirates, and these had
to be put down. A British force, moving inland to capture
a pirate stronghold, fell into an ambuscade and was cut to
pieces. Another expedition was immediately despatched
which avenged the fate of the first and effectually secured
its object.
On the 14th of November 1827, Mountstuart Elphinstone.
sailed from Bombay, after an unbroken service in India of
over thirty years. No name is so identified as his with the
building up of the Bombay Presidency. Of his Govern-
ment he was able to write, "It has repelled predatory in-
vasion, restrained intestine disorder, administered equal and
impartial justice, and has almost extirpated every branch of
exaction and oppression." Writing at Bombay in 1825,
Bishop Heber said :-" On this side of India there is really
more zeal and liberality displayed in the improvement of the
country, the construction of roads and public buildings, the
conciliation of the natives and their education than I have
seen in Bengal... . . His policy, so far as India is
concerned, appears to me peculiarly wise and liberal; and he is
evidently attached to and thinks well of the country and
278
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
its inhabitants. Ilis public measures, in their general
tendency, evince a steady wish to improve their present
condition. No Government in India pays so much atten-
tion to schools and public institutions for education. In
none are the taxes lighter; and in the administration of justice
to the natives in their own languages, in the establishment
of panchayats, in the degree in which he employs the natives
in official situations, and the countenance and familiarity he
extends to all the natives of rank who approach him, he
seems to have reduced to practice almost all the reforms
which had struck me as most required in the system of
Government pursued in those provinces of our Eastern
empire which I had previously visited." He so distinguished
himself in his career that he was twice offered the post of
Governor-General; but he felt that his work was done, and
that his strength was unequal to the task. Nor could he be
prevailed on to accept the peerage which was offered to him.
A statue was raised to him in the Town Hall of Bombay, and
the Elphinstone College and Elphinstone High School form
an eloquent tribute to his name. His views on Indian politics
showed a singular foresight. IIe held that if our Indian
empire was to die a violent death, the seeds of its ruin would
be found within the native army-a delicate and dangerous
machine which a little mismanagement might easily turn against
us. "The most desirable death it should die would be," he
said, "the improvement of the natives reaching such a pitch
as would render it impossible for a foreign nation to retain
the government;" but this he acknowledged seemed at an
immeasurable distance. He urged always a timely con-
sciousness of danger. And apart from the army, he wrote
words of emphatic warning against another danger of yet
more tremendous import. "I have left out of the account
MOUNTSTUART ELPHINSTONE.
279
the danger to which we should be exposed by any attempt
to interfere with the religious prejudices of the natives.
Our strength consists in the want of energy and the disunion
of our enemies. There is but one talisman that, while it
animated and united them all, would leave us without a
single adherent-this talisman is the name of religion, a
power so odious that it is astonishing our enemies have not
more frequently and systematically employed it against us."
He did not fear any direct attempt of Government to convert
the natives; what he dreaded was the suspicion arising
from ordinary and indifferent actions that it was disposed to
encourage such an object. Prophetic words, that alas! were
but too truly realised! The consciousness of danger was
ignored, the army by mismanagement turned against us in the
name of religion, and well-nigh the whole work of a century
of conquest had to be done over again after the tempest
of 1857.
Notwithstanding his conviction of the mighty foundations
upon which the British empire in India rested, Elphinstone
did not regard as an axiom its absolute permanency. In his
earlier days he spoke of it as ephemeral, but his opinion con-
siderably altered as he grew older. When he heard of the
mutiny of the sepoys ordered to Burma, he wrote " I used
to think our empire made of glass; but when one considers
the rough usage it has stood, both in old times and recent,
one is apt to think it is made of iron. I believe it is of
steel, which cuts everything if you keep its edge even; but it
is very apt to snap short if it falls into unskilful hands."
He deprecated entirely all extension of territories beyond
India; and from a man who had conducted an embassy to
Kábul, and made that country his study, his words are of the
utmost weight. As to the native princes of India, "You may
280
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY,
leave them to their natural fate. Every Indian Govern-
ment expires after a short existence. When there are no
Europeans at hand, the country passes from the Ghúznevies
to the Ghoories, from the Affghans to the Moguls, from the
Moguls to the Mahrattas. When there is a stable Govern-
ment, such as Europeans alone can found, it must necessarily
swallow up all the ephemeral governments around it.”
His writings, though not brilliant in narrative, give lively
and realistic pictures of Indian scenes. Of a Marátha army
he writes:- Camp presents to a European the idea of long-
lines of white tents in the trimmest order. To a Mahratta.
it presents an assemblage of every sort of covering, of every
shape and colour, spreading for miles in all directions, over
hill and dale, mixed up with tents, flags, trees and buildings.
In Jones'' History' march means one or more columns of
troops and ordnance moving along roads, perhaps between
two hedges; in the Mahratta history, horse, foot, and
dragoons inundating the face of the earth for many miles on
every side; here and there a few horse with a flag and a drum,
mixed with a loose and struggling mass of camels, elephants,
bullocks, nautch-girls, fakeers and buffoons; troops and
followers, lancemen and matchlock men, banyans and moota-
suddies."
Mountstuart Elphinstone lived till 1859, in a pleasant and
genial old age, mixing with old friends, and what were
scarcely less than friends, his books. Ile had long since
written a history of the Hindu and Muhammadan periods
of Indian history. He continued this after his retirement to
the period of English rule, but this part of his work was never
published.
( 281 281)
)
IT
XIX. -POLICY OF SELF-EFFACEMENT.
T was a bitter blow to Sir John Malcolm when Elphin-
stone and not himself was appointed Governor of
Bombay in 1819. When Elphinstone retired in 1827, Mal-
colm, who was then fifty-three years of age, accepted the
office in the vain hope that it might serve as a stepping-stone
to the Governor-Generalship of India. But he lived to
regret that he had undertaken duties which the force of cir-
cumstances rendered entirely uncongenial to him.
On July 4th 1827, there arrived at Calcutta, as successor
to Lord Amherst, Lord William Bentinck. The eloquent
inscription on his statue at Calcutta, by Lord Macaulay,
has been read by thousands. "This statue," it runs, "is
erected to William Cavendish Bentinck, who, during seven
years, ruled India with eminent prudence, integrity and
benevolence; who, placed at the head of a great empire,
never laid aside the simplicity and moderation of a private
citizen; who infused into Oriental despotism the spirit of
British freedom; who never forgot that the end of Govern-
ment is the welfare of the governed; who abolished cruel
rites; who effaced humiliating distinctions; who allowed
liberty to the expression of public opinion; whose constant
study it was to elevate the moral and intellectual character of
the Government committed to his charge;-this monument
was erected by men who, differing from one another in race,
in manners, and in religion, cherish with equal veneration and
gratitude the memory of his wise, upright, and paternal
administration."
282
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Twenty-one years previously he had been roughly recalled
from the Government of Madras. If he was harshly dealt
with then, his reputation as Governor-General has been on
the other hand altogether over-estimated, and the eloquence
of Macaulay is singularly misleading. Of Lord William
Bentinck's integrity and benevolence there can be no doubt
whatever. Of his prudence there are the gravest doubts, un-
less it be said that his folly in returning to the policy of
non-intervention is removed beyond the regions of all doubt
whatsoever. In no land can outward show and the trappings
of office be less profitably laid aside than in India; and in
scrupulously observing the simplicity of a private citizen he
deprived his great office of a dignity which rightly belonged
to it. To infuse into Oriental despotism the spirit of British
freedom is a task absolutely impossible. Lord William
Bentinck did what other Governors-General had done
before him, he rooted up the one to make way for the other.
Two sentences of the inscription set forth with absolute truth
the real glory of his administration. The end of his Govern-
ment was the welfare of the governed, and he abolished cruel
rites. But it cannot he admitted that in the first of these
two works his predecessors had not already done much,
though it was left to him to do vastly more. In the abolition
of cruel rites he stood alone. The effacement of humiliating
distinctions refers to his action in the creation of native
judges, with primary jurisdiction over civil suits, to whose
authority Europeans were subjected. The act excited the
most vehement controversy. The fact was that it effaced no
humiliating distinction whatever; and its sole effect was
gratuitously and needlessly to humiliate Europeans in the eyes.
of themselves and of natives. It was a small thing that the
conquering race, while subject to the same law as their con-
POLICY OF SELF-EFFACEMENT.
283
quered fellow subjects, should have the privilege of being
tried by judges of their own race. It was a privilege that
not a native in the land would dream of objecting to; his
feeling on the subject being limited to surprise that the
conqueror should apply to himself the same rigid justice that
he enforced upon others. In his efforts to elevate the moral
character of the Government-without depreciating what he
did it is due to at least two of his predecessors, Lord Corn-
wallis and Lord Hastings, to say that they made no feebler
efforts in the same direction at a time when their efforts were
of immeasurably greater difficulty.
Lord Amherst's wars had been excessively costly, and Lord
William Bentinck had to effect retrenchments. Reforms of
this nature are never pleasant. But the measures adopted
were in the highest degree objectionable both to natives and
Europeans. Both were alike dealt with in a spirit of harshness
and unreasonableness to produce results utterly inadequate
to the discontent that was caused. Europeans cannot be
expected to pass their lives in the banishment of India without
a remuneration that in some degree makes up for the
privations inseparable from the country and its climate.
What are luxuries in England are necessities in India; large
establishments have to be kept up, constant transfers entail a
corresponding expenditure, wives have to be sent home for
their health, children for their education. Some Indian
officials can save money; many more can, with the exercise
of care, live in reasonable comfort on their pay; not a few end
their career in the bonds of debt. Very few can be called
rich. The expenses of all are heavy. Several times before
attempts to cut down their allowances had been met with by
action that amounted to mutiny. Knowing all this, in order
to save the trivial sum of two lakhs (£20,000) a year for all
284
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
India, pay and allowances were cut down in every direction.
The measure was met with intense disgust and wide-spread
resistance. The retrenchment could not be enforced; and it
ended in a miserable compromise, by which stations within
400 miles of Calcutta only suffered while those beyond it
were exempted.
While this injudicious course had been adopted with
Europeans, natives were incensed by new orders as to
rent-free land, The alienations of land under native
governments had been large; and on the country coming
into English hands a certain amount had been sanctioned
hurriedly without due inquiry or the ratification of higher
authority. Undoubtedly injustice had thus been done to
the state. The fiat now went forth that all such settlements
were to be revised, and those persons only would be confirmed
in the possession of rent-free lands who could establish their
rightful claims. Under Eastern Governments an undoubted
title to land is often incapable of documentary or even legal
proof. But the order was insisted upon; wide-spread dis-
content was caused, and some substantial injustice done to
save the state £300,000 a year.
The carrying out of these two measures brought vexation to
the soul of Sir John Malcolm at Bombay. A man who had
all his life been of the most social disposition, who loved
gaiety and revelry, found himself in his declining years looked
upon as an enemy by every European; and the retrenchments
came with an ill grace from an officer who had needlessly laid
on the country the burden of paying £80,000 a year to
Báji Rao. On other subjects of legal interest he found him-
self at variance with the judges of the Supreme Court,
especially with Sir John Peter Grant, afterwards Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal, who tried to push the power of the
POLICY OF SELF-EFFACEMENT.
285
Court so far as to bring the Executive Government into con-
tempt. Malcolm accordingly bitterly condemned himself
for having accepted the Bombay Governorship. But though
he had no great opportunity of displaying his capacity for
Government, and circumstances prevented his being popular,
yet in an unpretending way he did much good; and his name
in Malcolm Peth, the settlement on the range of Máháblesh-
wár, must always be remembered with gratitude by Europeaus
who breathe the pure air of the hills.
In other respects the internal administration of Lord
William Bentinck was upright and fearless. The rite of
Sati, by which the widows of high-caste Hindus burnt them-
selves on their husband's funeral pyres, was an abomination
to him. In vain did his councillors tell him that to abolish
the rite would be dangerous in the extreme. The thing was
shameful, and it must go. What previous Governors-General
had feared to do was done. Those implicated in Sati were
deemed to commit murder; those present were held to abet
the act. The law was at once put into force; and all honour
is due to the courage of Lord William Bentinck. He did not
know that the verse in the "Rig Wed," which the Brahmans
used as an authority for the infamous custom, was garbled;
and that the real meaning of the text was deliberately mis-
interpreted by the unscrupulous priesthood to sustain their
own importance. But to the Governor-General the genuine-
ness or falsehood of the authority for such an iniquity would
have mattered little. The success of this reform enabled
the Court of Directors a few years later after his retire-
ment to take a further step which might have offended
orthodox Hinduism. Scrupulously avoiding all appearance.
of religious persecution, the Company had erred in the other
extreme; and their troops had been paraded, and offerings
:
286
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
made to idols, at great festivals. This bowing down in the
house of Rimmon was not only useless but pernicious.
It
was put an end to once for all in 1840, under the rule of
Lord Auckland; but it was Lord William Bentinck's action
that paved the way for its abolition.
Sati was done away with in 1829. The following year
brought a deliverance from another curse of a very different
nature. Over the whole of India there existed a mighty
secret society which, like the Pindháris, embraced Hindus and
Mussalmans alike. Taking their name from the verb thagna,
to cheat, the Thags banded themselves together in the name of
the goddess Bhawáni to reduce murder and robbery to a system.
Such was their skill that though the association had existed
from time immemorial the English had scarcely any know-
ledge of its existence before the year 1810. But their sus-
picions were aroused by the disappearance of a large number
of Sepoys on furlough. Inquiries were being made in various.
quarters; and it may have been the consciousness that the
English were on his track that induced the leader of one of
their bands to give himself up in 1829 to Major Sleeman,
the deputy-commissioner of Saugar in the Central Provinces.
A strange and terrible tale was unfolded. As the merchant
or banker journeyed from one city to another to sell his
wares or negociate his bills, or as the soldier proceeded to his
native village to enjoy his hardly-earned furlough, they met
with other travellers going on similar errands, whose com-
pany was gratefully welcomed both for companionship on the
journey and for protection on dangerous routes. Charmed
with their fascinating manners the travellers journeyed on,
delighted with the friends that chance had thrown in their
way. But as they sat eating their meal in the shade of the
way-side trees by the refreshing stream, the handkerchief of
POLICY OF SELF-EFFACEMENT,
287
each Thag was round his victim's neck, and in a few short
moments their bodies were buried in graves already prepared
for them. In the very place where Major Sleeman's tent
was pitched, his informant told him that the bodies of many
murdered travellers lay concealed. The ghastly tale was
only too true. The gang was taken; many more turned
informers; and a searching investigation brought to light
the immense organisation of, the league, and a system of
signs and counter-signs used by its members from one end of
India to the other. A new department was created for the
complete suppression of Thagism, and Major, afterwards Sir
William Sleeman, placed at its head. Within six years more
than 3,000 Thags were brought to justice, and Thaggi became
extinct.
While a great change was introduced into India in 1830 by
the navigation of the Ganges by a steamer built at Calcutta,
fitted with engines from England, the Court of Directors dis-
couraged steam communication between England and India,
which the Governor-General endeavoured to promote. Their
nominal objection was the score of expense; but there is no
doubt that they strongly disliked a policy which would bring
India nearer to England and take its exclusive possession out of
their own hands. Their narrow-minded views however could
not be sustained ; and though regular steamers did not run for
some time afterwards, yet when Sir John Malcolm retired
from Bombay in 1830 he sailed up the Red Sea in the
steamer "Hugh Lindsay," the pioneer of steam navigation in
those waters. India was no longer to be a sealed book to all
but the servants of the Company. On the renewal of its
charter in 1833 it was deprived of the monopoly of its trade
to China; and the Court of Directors became an adminis-
trative body subject to the Board of Control in England.
288
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
In spite of its jealousy of interlopers, the Company was com-
pelled to allow Englishmen generally to reside in India, and
hold lands there and develope the resources of the country
by their capital and enterprise. Much credit has been given
to Lord William Bentinck for sanctioning the admission.
of natives of all castes, including native Christians whose
employment had been expressly prohibited, into the public
service. It is difficult to see what change the order effected.
To the present day only members of a few higher castes ever
fit themselves by education and training for the position of
magistrates and other responsible posts, while as messengers
and subordinate servants, unless men of inferior caste were
chosen, the places could never have been filled. A more
salutary measure was that which substituted the vernacular
dialects for Persian in the law courts, and encouraged the
knowledge of the language and literature of England
throughout India. Nor was the spread of English knowledge
confined to mere book learning. A medical college was
established at Calcutta, and European medical science brought
within the reach of the people of India. Hitherto the
barber had been the surgeon; and physicians were little but
gatherers of simples, while the study of anatomy was un-
known.
Much praise, though some blame, is therefore due to Lord
William Bentinck for his internal administration. But his
policy towards native states was miserably deficient. Each
state for good or for evil was left to itself, as though British
power were non-existent. In the Nizám's dominions a
minister impaired the revenue, and created a horde of
usurers and Arab and Pathan free-lances, whose extortions
for loans advanced to the minister rendered the life of the
people an intolerable burden. Even the Court of Directors
POLICY OF SELF-EFFACEMENT.
289
remonstrated. "They could not," their despatch ran, "re-
main indifferent spectators to the disorder and misrule
which had so long prevailed in the Nizám's territories." But
the Governor-General left the remonstrances to be heeded or
not as the minister liked, and the minister treated them with
disdain. Anarchy was allowed to grow up and spread in
Bhopál. In Sindia's dominions there was a struggle for
power between the widow of Daolat Rao and her adopted
son Jánkoji, which threatened to disturb the peace of all
India. Lord William Bentinck, though he visited Gwalior,
declined to interfere. In Jaypur a judicious interference
would have checked a commotion which assumed large pro-
portions, and culminated in the murder of Mr. Blake, the
assistant resident. Lord William Bentinck may have been
actuated by the best intentions. But he desired to make
the rulers of native states responsible to their subjects, an
idea absolutely unintelligible to the Oriental mind. It is
only one instance out of many in which the application of
European ideas and systems to India brings out in the
strongest relief the impossibility of grafting on the native
mind methods for which it is by nature entirely unfitted.
India above all places must be dealt with in accordance
with facts and not with theories; it is the last country in the
world to submit to the experiments of the faddist and
the book-worm. The liberty of the press in England degene-
rates into license in India; a superficial acquaintance with
literature is mistaken for knowledge; the clap-trap of pro-
fessional agitators passes muster for politics. The cause of
the "Indian people" is taken up by a band of self-serving
graduates who consistently revile the Government to which
their class owes its very existence, while contact with the
castes whom they designate the people of India means for
19
290
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
their self-styled champions contamination. Of all ideas
perhaps the most inapplicable was that of the moral responsi-
bility of the ruler to his people, and the hypothesis that a
Government existed for the benefit of its subjects. But
Lord William Bentinck was convinced of the righteousness
of his political creed; and for the sake of his theory anarchy
and disorder were suffered to grow up unchecked in one state
after another. The British Government had become supreme
arbiter in India. Of the duty of that Government to its
subjects, the natives states included, there was no doubt
whatever; and for his obstinate inaction Lord William
Bentinck stands condemned,
( 291 )
WHE
XX. THE AMIRS OF SIND.
HEN Lord William Bentinck retired to England the
north-west frontier of India was a very long way
within its present limits. The Panjab and Sind were as much
foreign countries as Kábul. But a glance at the map will
show that geographical necessity made it only a question of
time for the incorporation of the Panjab and Sind into the
British dominions. And in spite of his non-intervention in
the affairs of states that already formed part of the empire,
Lord William Bentinck took steps in the case of both the
Panjab and Sind the consequences of which he little antici-
pated. In 1831 there was seen a magnificent spectacle on
the banks of the Satlej when the Governor-General advanced
to meet Ranjit Sing, the Lion of the Panjáb. This mighty
chieftain had welded into a compact body the loose con-
federacy of the Sikhs; and the British Government considered
him a potentate whose good-will it was advisable to secure.
The two rulers parted with mutual expressions of friendship,
and Ranjit scrupulously observed the faith which he plighted.
In the following year an embassy was sent to Sind under
Major Pottinger, who remained as political agent; and a
treaty was signed with its rulers the Amirs which precluded
the passing of military stores or troops along the line of the
Indus by land or water.
In March 1836, Lord Auckland, the new Governor-General,
arrived at Calcutta. He had no intention of being bound
292
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
down by the observance of non-intervention; the errors which
led to his calamities were of a very different nature. A year
after his arrival a dispute as to the succession of the kingdom
of Oudh led to civil war in that state. Lord Auckland
promptly revealed his political principles.
He took the
matter into his own hands, and the crown was placed on the
head of Nasir-ud-daula.
In 1839 he was compelled to interfere with a strong hand
in the little kingdom of Sátára which Lord Hastings and
Mr. Elphinstone had created in 1819. The Rája had for
some time reigned quietly and inoffensively. But his weak
intellect and extravagant ideas of his own importance were
worked upon by the intrigues of Brahmans and the ladies of
his court to such an extent that he actually proposed to
re-establish the Marátha power, and drive the English out
of the country.
He was detected on several occasions
attempting to corrupt the sepoys of British regiments, and
other intrigues were brought home to him. His folly and
presumption made warnings useless, and on September 5th
1839 he was finally deposed and sent to reside at Banáras.
The state might fairly have been annexed, but a brother of
the ex-Rája was invested with his sovereignty on the same
conditions as his predecessor. It was owing to the advocacy
of Sir James Carnac, Governor of Bombay, that the rebellious
prince received such lenient treatment.
But matters of greater import were now being dealt with
by Lord Auckland. Sháh Suja the Amir of Kábul had been
driven ont in 1809, and Dost Muhammad reigned in his stead.
The exiled monarch resided under British protection at
Ludhiana in the Panjab. His successor, Dost Muhammad,
diligently sought the alliance of the English on condition
that they would not attempt to restore Shah Suja, and would
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
293
aid him in recovering Peshawar which had been seized by
the troops of Ranjit Sing. But Lord Auckland had no
wish to quarrel with the Lion of the Panjáb for the sake
of Dost Muhammad, and the dispute between those chieftains
continued to smoulder. Meanwhile, Dost Muhammad had
received at Kabul, as an envoy from the Governor-General,
the accomplished Alexander Burnes. Burnes was empowered.
only to negociate a commercial treaty; but, judging English
by the standard of Oriental diplomacy, Dost Muhammad enter-
tained hopes that trade was merely a screen behind which
the politics of the Panjáb and Afghánistán could be discussed.
While he was chafing under the loss of Peshawar, and vainly
seeking the aid of the English to recover it, there arrived at
Kábulin 1837 a Russian envoy named Captain Vicovick. Dost
Muhammad perceived that the English entertained the gravest
anxiety about the Russian advance towards India through
Khiva, and he determined to play off one envoy against the
other. He hoped that when they saw his alliance sought
by a hostile power the importance of his friendship would be
magnified in the eyes of the English, and that by dangling
with the Russian offers he would stimulate the Governor-
General to form the much-desired convention with himself.
But Dost Muhammad was playing with dangerous tools. The
Russian scare, not without grounds, caused grave uneasiness
to Lord Auckland and his Council. Herat was the northern
gate of India; and the king of Persia in alliance with Dost
Muhammad's brother was laying siege to it with the aid of
Russian money and Russian officers. The siege failed owing
to the vigour and judgement of Eldred Pottinger, a young
artillery officer who happened to be travelling in Central
Asia. The result of Dost Muhammad's policy was not what
he looked for. Lord Auckland made up his mind to expel the
294
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
chief who sought his alliance by flaunting the Russian over-
tures in his face; and, by restoring Sháh Suja to his
throne, he hoped to secure a friendly Áfghánistán as a barrier
against Russian aggression. At the same time all risk of a
struggle between the Afgháns and Ranjit Sing, which might
involve the English, would be done away. In April 1838
Burnes returned to India, and Vicovick remained for the
present triumphant.
It was necessary to demonstrate to Persia that no inter-
ference at Herat or elsewhere would be tolerated, and Lord
Auckland instructed the Bombay Government to send an
expedition to Karrak an island in the Persian Gulf. The
Persian king understood the warning thus conveyed, and a
treaty was signed which guaranteed Herat from any further
molestation from that quarter. It was urged upon Lord
Auckland and his Council that Russia could only act through
Persia, and that Persia being now dealt with nothing further
need be done, and Dost Muhammad should be left in peace
at Kábul. Subsequent events have shown what Russia can
do without aid from Persia; and of the ultimate Muscovite
aims upon India there can be no manner of doubt. But that
does not justify Lord Auckland for restoring by force an un-
popular king whom his subjects had expelled from the
throne, and whose repeated attempts to regain it they had
invariably resisted. The war was condemned by Lord
William Bentinck, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Wellesley,
and Mountstuart Elphinstone; but the die was cast, and in
November 1838 a magnificent army assembled at Ferozpur on
the borders of the Panjab, and was there inspected by Lord
Auckland and Ranjit Sing. Ranjit Sing had a very clear
idea of what was likely to be the final extent of the British
possessions in India. On seeing a map of India with the
=
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
295
Company's possessions coloured red, he is said to have ex-
claimed-" Sab lál hojáega!" it will all become red. But he
was not going to hasten the inevitable process, and not a
British regiment was to march through his territories.
Through the Panjáb the line to Kábul would have
measured 500 miles, or from Átak on the Indus 300.
But the Bengal army assembled at Ferozpur was to
march to the south of the Panjáb, down the valley of the
Satlej and the Indus to Rori. Thence it was to cross the
river, and advance through the furious heat of the Sind desert
and the terrific defiles of the Bolán pass round to Kándahár
and Ghazni, a route not less than 1,500 miles. Ranjit Sing
was strong and his territory had to be respected. The
Amirs were supposed to be weak, and the troops were sent
through their dominions. The details of the Áfghán campaign
are without the limits of Bombay history. But the invasion
brought in its train the conquest of the province of Sind.
The course of Bombay history had for many generations
separated itself from Sind, a land which historically and
geographically belongs to the Panjab. From the time of its
conquest by the Muhammadans it had been ruled by a suc-
cession of foreign governments. In the beginning of the 18th
century the Kalloras, military fanatics from Persia, obtained
the sovereignty and for a time retained hereditary power under
the title of Mias. In 1771 the Beluch tribe of Tálpuris settled
in the plains of Sind. They obtained the chief offices of the
state and became the soldiers of the country. The Kallora
prince jealous of their power put the chief of the tribe to
death. A terrible series of murders, assassinations and mas-
sacres ensued. At length the Tálpuris made themselves rulers
of the land, and drove the son of the last Kallora into exile
in the Panjab. The first Tálpuri chief was forced to share
296
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
his possessions with his brothers. He died in 1800, and his
brothers again divided the country, but unequally, and called
themselves the Amirs or Lords of Sind. From this division
sprang the Kyrpur Amirs of Upper Sind, the Hydarábád
Amirs of Lower Sind, and the Mirpur Amirs. By a strange
order of succession the Rais Pagri, or Turban, of superior rule
passed in each family to the brother and not to the son. The
Hydarábád family was to some extent obeyed by the others.
The Amirs soon called down more of the hill Beluchis,
giving them land on military terms; and with their aid they
considerably extended their frontiers. From the Afgháns
they took Shikárpur, and the fortress of Bakar that was built
on a rock in the middle of the Indus. In few places has
Oriental despotism assumed a more terrible aspect than under
these rapacious usurpers. "Give the poor a dhotar, it is
enough," Shiwaji had said, "What are the people to us,"
observed the Amir Nur Muhammad to Lieutenant Eastwick in
Sind. The policy of William the Conqueror of England was
imitated; and the most thriving villages were depopulated to
make Shikárgáhs or hunting-grounds. Slavery existed in
the most repulsive form, while the Amirs collected from their
subjects the uttermost farthing to pile up their swollen
coffers.
In 1775 an English factory was established at Tatta on the
delta of the Indus. It was abandoned in 1792 owing to the
pressure of the Tálpuris, but in 1799 Lord Wellesley made an
effort to restore it. The reigning Tálpuri prince appeared
favourable to its maintenance, but the influence of Tipu from
Mysur and the jealousy of traders at Hydarábád were too power-
ful to be resisted, and Mr. Crowe, the superintendent of the
factory, was in 1800 peremptorily ordered to quit the country.
In 1807 the Amirs were prevailed on to execute a treaty
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
297
which provided for intercourse with the English by envoys,
and for the exclusion of the French. This was renewed in
1820 for the purpose of settling border disputes with Kachlı,
where it had been necessary to send an army from Bombay
in 1816. In 1831 a closer communication was made with
Sind at the express wish of Lord Ellenborough, then Presi-
dent of the Board of Control; and, for the ostensible purpose
of conveying presents to Ranjit Sing, Alexander Burnes was
sent to explore the Indus and ascertain its commercial capa-
bilities. He succeeded with great difficulty, and the advan-
tages of the trade route became known. What was likely
to come of this exploration by the English, in the interests of
commerce, was speedily realized. "The mischief is done; you
have seen our country!" cried a Beluchi soldier, when Burnes
entered the river. "Alas! Sind is gone, since the English
have seen the river which is the high road to its conquest,”
was the observation of a wealthy Muhammadan near Tatta.
The following year Captain Pottinger was sent to survey the
course of the lower Indus, and to negociate the treaty that
has been already referred to. He found the lower country
governed by the Amirs of Hydarábád, the chief of whom was
Ali Murád.* In Kyrpur, the capital of Upper Sind, Mir
Rustam was chief, and practically independent, though he
faintly acknowledged the superiority of Hydarábád. Identical
treaties were formed with Ali Murád and Rustam. Free pas-
sages were granted through Sind for travellers and merchants;
but no vessel of war was to float on the Indus or military stores.
to be conveyed by it. A reasonable tariff was to be proclaimed.
In 1834, by another commercial treaty, the tariff was fixed.
and Colonel Pottinger appointed political agent for Sind.
*Not the well-known Ali Murád of Kyrpur.
298
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
The tolls taken at the mouth of the Indus were to be shared
by the British Government; for did not their own river the
Satlej flow to the sea mingled with the waves of the great
river of Sind? A year later a steam-boat from Bombay
navigated the Indus.
In 1836 Ranjit Sing threatened an invasion of the Amir's
territory. Lord Auckland welcomed this opportunity for in-
terference. His whole policy turned on counteracting the
increasing influence of Russia in Central Asia. That policy
it has been seen, was to be effected by obtaining control over
the intervening country of Áfghánistán. The ruler of the
Panjab was too wary to be coerced into furthering this
project; Sind was another affair altogether. Lord Auckland
pressed the Amirs to receive a British force in their capital
to protect them against the Lion of the Panjáb, and Colonel
Pottinger went to Hydarábád to negociate the proposition.
The peculiar constitution of the Amirs rendered all negociation
with them difficult. The chief Amirs of each branch was
always willing to consent, but there was invariably a strange
difficulty in obtaining the compliance of the inferior nobles,
each of whom was independent of the rest. The territories
of the three chiefs were mixed and confused in the most be-
wildering way, and this labyrinthine system they had no wish
to disentangle for the benefit of the encroaching foreigner.
Colonel Pottinger reached Hydarábád in September 1836;
but, though he reported in December that his negociation
was successful, no ratified treaty appears to have been con-
cluded until a year and a half later. It was then made only
in consequence of significant hints that Ranjit Sing would,
to say the least, not be discouraged from working his
pleasure in Sind. The argument did not lose force from the
anotorious fact that the connection between Ranjit Sing and
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
299
the Governor-General had been cemented by a personal inter-
view. Thus was obtained the ratified treaty of April 1838,
providing for the mediation of the Indian Government and
the permanent residence of a British political agent at
Hydarábád; and that officer was to be at liberty to move
about the country attended by such an escort of troops as
his Government should consider suitable. In other words,
the county was to be occupied by British troops. Lord
Auckland believed, not without grounds, that Russian agents
were busily engaged in combining the nations of Central
Asia against the British empire in the East. The Persians,
he knew, were besieging Herat with their assistance. Whether
by appealing to the self-interests of those races-cultivating
the good-will of the Afgháns, Sindis, Turkmáns, Persians-he
might have counteracted the Muscovite designs it is im-
possible to say. Lord Aucklaud's proceedings, whatever else
they did, succeeded in rendering the English name odious to
one and all of these peoples.
In June 1838 a tripartite treaty was drawn up between
the English, Ranjit Sing, and Sháh Suja, part of which had
reference to Sind, whose rulers were not consulted in the
matter. The Amirs of Sind were considered to be vassals of
the kingdom of Kábul. As de jure ruler of Áfghánistán,
Shah Suja had long-standing claims against them to su-
premacy and tribute. By the treaty he now relinquished these
claims, on condition of the payment of a sum of money to be
determined by the English. The Shah, the Amirs were
told, would arrive at Shikárpur in November supported by
a British army. The money must then be paid, or in lieu
of payment the Sháh would take military possession of the
town and district of Shikárpur. The amount was left.
undetermined, but it was significantly observed "the Amirs
300
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
must be wealthy." The claim was obsolete, and the Amirs
retorted plainly that it was not made by Sháh Suja, but that
the demand was entirely that of the English by whom he
had been supported for twenty-five years. The Amirs were-
also told that the article of the former treaty, which forbade
the transmision of military stores up the Indus, must be
suspended in favour of the English. As regards this parti-
cular measure, it is manifest that in drawing up the former
treaty an exception was intended in favour of those who
had the provision inserted.
Whatever the Amirs might think of the proceedings of the
English it must have been clear to them that arguments were
useless. Five thousand men were ready to sail from Bombay,
and the Bengal army was coming down the Satlej, without
the form of asking leave, to occupy their territories. It was
chiefly the Amirs of Lower Sind who were pressed for money
for the Shah's army, and for the admission into their country
of a subsidiary force, with the certain result of the whole
of their dominions being subdued. But it was in Upper
Sind that the Bengal army would cross the Indus. In the
middle of the river was the rock and fortress of Bakar. Sir
Alexander Burnes was ordered to negociate a treaty with the
Kyrpur Amirs for the loan of the rock and fortress. It was
now said, and undoubtedly not without some reason, that
the Sind authorities had violated the commercial treaties.
Lord Auckland displayed intense indignation, and at the same
time pity, for the distracted government; and declared that
5,000 troops should seize Shikárpur, and such other strategical
positions as might be necessary. Those of the Amirs who
had shown any unwillingness to aid the invasion of Afghán-
istán were to be displaced from power; but they were all
assured that the seizure of their territories meant nothing
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
301
injurious to their interests. Menaces, flattery, promises,
and evasions were alike in vain. The Amirs then offered
personal violence to Colonel Pottinger, and this failing to
intimidate him was followed by abject apologies. The iron
screw was indeed being twisted on Hydarábád by Pottinger,
and Kyrpur by Burnes. From one demand indeed Pottinger
recoiled. How could he demand money from the Amirs, on
a claim due to Shah Suja, when they produced formal dis-
charges of all claims written in Koráns duly signed and
attested? His scruples were set at rest by instructions that
that part of the transaction would be arranged by another
officer. The whole course of the negociations was in fact
sickening, and it is needless to follow it through its humili-
ating details. Both Burnes and Pottinger advised open war
in preference to this diplomatic hypocrisy.
In December 1838, Sir John Keane arrived at the mouth
of the Indus, and in January 1839 marched up to Hydarábád.
Driven to despair, the Kyrpur chief, Rustam, gave up Bakar,
or, as he phrased it, "the heart of his country," and admitted
Upper Sind to be a British dependency. The Amirs of the
lower provinces, exasperated beyond endurance, plundered the
stores collected at Hydarábád, chased Lieutenant Eastwick
ignominiously from the residency, and put 20,000 Beluchis
in motion against the Bombay army. Karáchi was instantly
seized by the English and an advance ordered, when the Amirs,
quailing at the storm which they had raised, signed a new
treaty, and for the indulgence paid £200,000, half of it on
the instant. The treaty brought Sind as entirely into the
British power as was possible without absolute annexation.
Stringent as the document was it did not satisfy Lord Auck-
land. Without the slightest reference to the Amirs he
retained - Karáchi, and altered the treaty to that effect.
302
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
The treaty had been made in the names of Hydarábád and
the Indian Government. But that implied a paramount
chief of Sind. A separate treaty was therefore made with
each Amir, and they were told that "they must consider
Sind to be, as it was in reality, a portion of Hindustán, in
which the British were paramount, and entitled to act as they
consider best and fittest for the general good of the whole
empire."
The only palliation of these negociations is the score of
necessity. If the invasion of Áfghánistán was an act of self-
preservation the injustice in Sind may be condoned as pardon-
able, though even then it would have been less ignoble to
seize the country without the miserable pretexts that were
stooped to. As to the facts about self-preservation, they need
not be considered in the history of the Bombay Presidency.
But one consideration cannot be too strongly insisted on. Bad
as all this was, the transgression was not against a nation;
it was against Amirs who had usurped the country within
the memory of living men, and who were the most atrocious
tyrants that can possibly be imagined. The British camps.
offered an asylum to thousands; and of the Queen's subjects
in India none have gained more from the British Government
than the peaceable inhabitants of Sind. The Amirs and the
fierce Beluchi warriors, who lived on the spoil of the Sindis,
suffered. But even this defence cannot be pleaded on be-
half of Lord Auckland, for his treaties left the people in the
absolute power of their rulers.
The armies now passed on to Kábul; the subsidiary force
entered Sind, and the Amirs passively recognised the
treaties. Colonel Pottinger, created a baronet, continued
resident in Sind until the beginning of 1840. He was then
replaced in the lower country by Major Outram, Mr. Ross
THE AMIRS OF SIND.
303
Bell taking charge of the upper country. This officer died
in 1841, and Major Outram became agent for the whole of
Sind and Beluchistán. But while the Amirs continued
apparently submissive they evaded payment of the tribute.
Territory is more valuable than tribute, and Lord Auckland
in 1841 seized Shikarpur, then the largest city in Sind. Bakar
was theirs already; and with these places in the North and
Karachi, the only good port in the South, the English held
the Amirs in a grasp of iron.
In
Nor were the military operations then going on confined
to India itself and countries connected with it by land.
1837 a ship was wrecked at Aden, and the crew plundered
by Arab subjects of the Sultán of Laling. The demands of
the Indian Government were evaded, and Aden was therefore
bombarded and taken. Peace was made in 1843, but Aden
was retained and strongly fortified, and it is garrisoned by
the Bombay army. It is curious to note that in the time of
Lord Wellesley, he and his Council recorded their opinion
that the proposed measure (to occupy Aden) was in no
respect eligible (1800). The overture of the Sultán of Aden
was therefore declined in conciliatory terms. Perim, too, the
island at the mouth of the Red Sea was stated not to possess
the advantages expected of it, and it was not thought proper
that it should be occupied by British forces.
(304)
XXI.-CONQUEST OF SIND.
NTIL the beginning of 1842 Sind reposed in apparent
British stores passed up the river un-
UNquietude.
molested, for none dared meddle with the irresistible British
strength. But the fire of revenge smouldered in the hearts
of the humiliated Amirs, and the blast was springing up to
fan it into flame. A terrible tragedy had occurred at Kábul.
England's generals had blundered-her soldiers had forgot-
ten of what race they sprang. In January 1842, the whole
army at Kábul capitulated; and 4,500 soldiers and 12,000
followers marched back towards India. Of these only one,
a doctor named Brydon, survived to tell of the awful catas-
trophe by which every soul but himself perished in the defiles
of the Khyber Pass.
Lord Auckland was stricken down in mind and body when
he heard the miserable news. But a new and more vigorous
man was fortunately on his way; and on the 28th of
February his successor, Lord Ellenborough, who had already
been President of the Board of Control, arrived at Calcutta.
He found the public mind confused with terror at the Kábul
vicissitude. Nothing was being done to retrieve the misfor-
tune. The soldiers were depressed in spirit, and smarting
under the deprivation of their just allowances. But the sky
was not all gloomy. Apart from Sind, and the country
beyond the frontier, India was in profound peace. No con-
quered state lifted its head; no chief attempted to rally
CONQUEST OF SIND.
305
round him the thousands of unquiet spirits that ever exist in
Oriental states, or drew his sword against the supreme
power. Ranjit Sing was dead, but the Sikhs as yet continued
his friendship with the English; the Maráthas, under a firm
and liberal rule, had turned their swords into ploughshares.
So Lord Ellenborough could concentrate his entire energy on
remedying the evils that his predecessor's policy had brought
upon the empire.
A heavy blow had been struck at British supremacy. It
was absolutely necessary to show the Eastern world that a
reverse did not mean defeat. The English arms must for the
safety of the empire be borne triumphantly through Áfghánis-
tán, and the British hold on Sind must be maintained. Lord
Ellenborough had not come out to pass judgement on his
predecessor's political morality; he had to accept accom-
plished facts, and to insist upon the observation of existing
treaties. It was as much beyond the range of practical
politics to retire from Sind because Lord Auckland had
seized it under a guise of friendship, with a velvet glove on
an iron hand, as to give up Bengal on account of Clive's deal-
ings with Mir Jáfar and Umáchand. He sent a solemn
warning to the Amirs. On the day," he wrote, on which
you shall be faithless to the British Government, sovereignty
will have passed from you; your dominion will be given to
others." Major Outram at an early period informed Lord
Ellenborough that “ He had it in his power to expose the
hostile intrigues of the Amirs to such an extent as might be
deemed sufficient to authorise the dictation of any terms to
those chiefs, or any measure necessary to place British power
on a secure footing;" and he advised the assumption of the
entire districts to render British power invulnerable. Major
Outram's deliberately expressed opinions are noteworthy in
CC
20
306
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
view of the embittered controversy which subsequently sprang.
up between himself and Sir Charles Napier, whom he accused
of intentionally bringing on an inexcusable war. Outram's
proofs of the hostile disposition of the Amirs were ten in
number. They were undoubtedly numerous and strong; they
showed positive violations of the treaties made with Lord Auck-
land, and a wide-spread conspiracy to destroy the British
troops in Sind. It has been said that some of the papers prov-
ing the conspiracy were forgeries. That tolls were being levied
and other articles of the treaties broken was beyond dispute.
In forwarding his report Outram recommended a new treaty
of very stringent terms. Lord Ellenborough accepted the
facts, but drew up a milder treaty. He proposed to punish
the Amirs for their infidelity by taking from them the dis-
tricts of Sabzalkot and Bhung Bhara in the north of Sind,
and restoring them to the chief of Bahawalpur, from whom
they had been wrested thirty years before by Rustam and
the other Amirs. The right of cutting fuel for the steamers
on the banks of the Indus was insisted upon. Instead of the
tribute, Sakar, Rori and Bakar in Upper Sind, and Tatta and
Karachi in Lower Sind, were to be ceded in perpetuity.
This secured the absolute military command of the Indus and
freedom of trade on its course. Arrears of tribute were to be
forgiven.
It was hardly to be supposed that the Amirs would yield
to these terms without a murmur. The progress of the
avenging army through Kábul might cause them to bide
their time, but the final desertion of that country in Septem-
ber 1842 appeared to them a proof of weakness. The vic-
torious Áfgháns reminded them that they were feudatories of
the Afghán kingdom, and incited them to act boldly in the
common cause; and the Amirs consulted together how they
CONQUEST OF SIND.
307
might best act against the English. At this juncture Major
Outram was replaced in political charge of Sind by Sir
Charles Napier. "I will present your treaty to the Amirs,”
Sir Charles Napier wrote to the Governor-General; "I will
spare no pains to convince them that neither injury nor in-
justice are meditated, and that by accepting the treaty they
will become more rich and more secure of power than they
are now. If they refuse to listen to reason, if they persist in
sacrificing everything to their avarice and hunting-grounds,
they must even have their way, and try the force of arms
at their peril, if they are so resolved." Among the many
Amirs of the three branches it was unlikely that all would
be actuated by patriotism. Rustam of Kyrpur was an old
His younger brother, Ali Murád, determined to obtain
for himself the Kyrpur turban of supremacy; and with this
view he threw himself into the arms of the English. Sobdár
of Hydarábád adopted a somewhat similar course, Ali Murád
induced Rustám to come to him at his strong fort of Diji,
and there resign to him the pagri or turban of command,
with all the rights and lands attached to it. Sir Charles
Napier had meanwhile crossed the Indus with a considerable
body of troops in the middle of December, and was proceed-
ing to take possession of Sabzalkot and Bhung Bhara.
was now close to Diji; and, seemingly entertaining some doubt
as to the voluntary nature of this cession, he proposed to
Rustam to visit him, and offered to restore him to his dignity
if he had been coerced. Rustam would have nothing to do
man.
He
with the English leader. He fled into the desert with his
treasure, two guns, and several thousand followers. From
this flight the Sind war may be said to be dated.
In order to conduct the details of the new treaties, the
Governor-General had permitted Sir Charles Napier to name
308
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
a commissioner. He selected Major Outram, and Lord
Ellenborough, in spite of his having no personal predilection
for that officer, sanctioned the nomination. Major Outram
was accordingly recalled to Sind. He had to deal with the
three sovereign families of Kyrpur, Hydarábád, and Mirpur,
and the separate members of those families who claimed
more or less independent power. The flight of Rustam
secured the alliance of Ali Murád; and while it forced the
other princes of the Kyrpur family to display their hostility,
it effectually prevented their union whether with one another
or with the chiefs of Lower Sind. Of their hostility there was
no doubt. It might have been unreasonable to expect any-
thing else. Rustam denied his cession of the turban to Ali
Murád, but refused to meet Sir Charles Napier. The English
general's first step was to disperse the armed bands which
had gathered in clouds around Kyrpur. A strong demon-
stration effected this without the need of striking a blow.
But the crisis was only deferred. The whole country was
rising, and it was known that the Amirs counted on having
70,000 men and thirty pieces of cannon. The slightest ad-
vantage to their cause would bring down in myriads the
Áfgháns and Beluchis from the mountains. Besides these
forces, they counted on the fierce heat of their climate, their
arid deserts, and the deadly miasma of the swamps along the
Indus as allies whose aid could not fail them. And they had
two stupendous fortresses at Hydarábád and Imámgahr.
By the beginning of January 1843 it was evident to the
English general that while the Amirs were amusing them-
selves with protracted negociations they had no intention of
signing the treaty. They were with rapidity and energy
concentrating their forces to attack him at the close of the
cold weather. But while he gave them every opportunity
CONQUEST OF SIND.
309
of signing the treaty, he had not the least intention of letting
the cold weather pass, and be compelled to carry on a cam-
paign under a sun more formidable than the weapons of the
enemy. A son of Rustam, named Muhammad Khan, had
thrown himself with 3,000 men and treasure into Imámgahr,
which he had stored with grain and gunpowder, and was
making the basis of operations for the army of Upper Sind.
The fortress was in the heart of the desert. Its exact
position was not known, and no European had ever set eyes
In
on it. It was said to be eight long marches distant.
several of the marches there was no water. The Amirs had
absolute faith in the desert and believed the fort to be im-
pregnable. Sir Charles Napier's political career in Sind has
been bitterly attacked. But on his daring courage and
military genius no doubt whatever has been cast. The
Amirs had not realised the nature of their opponent.
resolved to capture Imámgahr.
He
But
The task was hazardous for his army of 3,000 men.
a native agent brought such a tale of arid sand and dried-up
springs that the general accepted the impossibility of moving
his whole army through the desert. He selected 250 irregular
cavalry, put 350 of the 22nd Queen's Regiment on camels,
loaded ten more camels with provisions and eighty with water
and plunged into the desert. The march began on the evening
of the 5th of January. Ali Murád, as the chief of Kyrpur
in alliance with the British, accompanied the force. The
night was dark, the sand deep, and the guide missed his way.
But before they halted the troops had moved twenty-five miles.
The next day's march was shorter; forage failed, water was
scanty, and three-fourths of the cavalry was sent back.
Nor was the march unmolested. Rustam and his armed
followers were on the flank of the English with seven
310
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
guns. Major Outram was sent to bring him to reason,
while Napier pushed on with his fifty horsemen, two
howitzers, and his 350 Irish infantry. The country
through which their route lay was a succession of sand-
hills, some so steep that the howitzers could only be
dragged up by men. The solitude of the waste was un-
broken. They were not even sure of the right course;
food and water were doled out in scanty portions, but they
marched on with unimpaired energy. On the eighth day they
reached Imámghar to find that Muhammad Khán, in spite of
having a strong fortress, abundant supplies, and a garrison
six times as numerous as the little band coming against him,
had fled with his treasure. The fortress belonged to Ali
Murád the ally of the English. But it might again be seized
by a hostile party. The general therefore determined to
destroy it utterly, and Ali Murád fired the first gun against its
walls. The grain was distributed to the troops, the stores of
powder employed to load twenty-four mines for the blowing
up of the fortress. This work was carried out by Major
Waddington, the chief engineer. The matches were all lighted
and the assistant engineer took refuge behind some cover, but
he perceived his chief bending over the train of one mine. He
eagerly called out to his chief to run as the other mines
were about to burst. "That may be," was the reply, "but
this mine must burst also." Major Waddington deliberately
arranged his match to his satisfaction and walked away,
marvellously escaping injury from the huge fragments which
the bursting mines hurled around him. Flushed with suc-
cess, the gallant band marched back to the Indus without
the loss of a man; their object was completely attained, the
enemy's plan of campaign baffled. In the House of Lords
the Duke of Wellington thus described the exploit. "Sir
CONQUEST OF SIND.
311
Charles Napier's march upon Imámghar is one of the most
curious military feats which I have ever known to be per-
formed. He moved his troops through the desert against
hostile forces; he had his guns transported under circum-
stances of extreme difficulty, and in a manner the most ex-
traordinary, and he cut off a retreat of the enemy which
rendered it impossible for them ever to regain their positions."
no
On the 23rd of January the general brought his troops.
to Pir Abu Bakr, in the valley of the Indus. He had already
invited the Amirs of Lower and Upper Sind to send envoys
to Kyrpur with full powers to sign the treaty. From Upper
Sind none came; from Lower Sind the envoys sent by only
one of the Amirs had the requisite powers. By the end of
January there was no change in the situation. The general
knew that the hot season was rapidly approaching and no
time was to be lost. While he hoped for peace he had
10 reason to expect it. The conduct of the Amirs was
suspicious. Armed men were gathering from every quarter.
It was beyond all manner of doubt that the Amirs of all
Sind were making common course. Major Outram held that
he could bring the Amirs to submission, and was therefore
allowed to proceed to Hydarábád while the general slowly
moved his forces in that direction. Everything was done
to delay his movements. The Amirs imagined that by
continually promising to sign the treaty, and then by delaying
on all possible pretexts, they could procrastinate till their
fierce sun drove the British troops out of the field to take
shelter in cantonments. They protested that if the general
advanced southwards they could not restrain their Beluchi
warriors, whose very existence they had previously denied.
They sent a secretary to Outram to sign a promise to accept
the treaty, and at the same time assembled a large army four
312
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
miles north of Hydarábád. By the 12th of February
that army amounted to 60,000 men, but
but on that
day the Amirs signed and sealed the new treaty with great
formalities. The result proved that the Amirs were right
in one thing. They could not restrain their wild Beluchi
warriors. Whether they had any wish to restrain them:
is another question. Their subsequent behaviour hardly
warrants the supposition that they did. But Outram, quite
inconsistently with his policy in Lord Auckland's time,.
would see or hear nothing to their disadvantage, and he
besought Sir Charles Napier to leave his army and come
alone to Hydarábád and settle the whole matter. The advice
was fortunately not accepted. On the 14th of February the
Amirs bribed Outram's native secretary into giving them the
treaties which they had solemnly signed and sealed; they
tore them to pieces and trampled them under foot in the
darbár in which they had signed them. But the wild.
Beluchis were furious at the disgrace which had accrued to
their rulers by the signature of the treaty, and were not to be
pacified by its destruction. Incensed beyond measure, they
attacked the Residency on the 15th; and Outram, a magni-
ficent soldier if a doubtful diplomatist, after making a
spirited resistance, took refuge in a steamer which the general
had sent in anticipation of danger.
Both sides prepared for battle. The forces of the Amirs
took up a splendid position at Miáni, a few miles north of
Hydarábád. On the night of the 16th the British army.
marched to meet them, and at eight o'clock next morning the
advanced guard discovered the Amirs' camp. Their front
was upon a natural rampart, formed by a sand-bank lining
the nullah or dry bed of the river Falaili, a connection of the
Indus. Their wings rested on large Shikárgáhs, or wooded
CONQUEST OF SIND.
313
hunting-grounds, dense with jungle and trees. The natural
strength of the position was increased by skilful military
appliances. The enemy numbered thirty-five thousand,
the British less than twenty-four hundred, and from this
small number a guard had to be taken to protect the
followers and baggage. Sir Charles Napier had twelve guns
flanked by fifty Madras Sappers and Miners, the 22nd Queen's
Regiment of impetuous Irishmen, the 1st Grenadiers and
the 22nd and 25th Bombay Infantry, the 9th Bengal
Cavalry, and the Sind Horse led by Captain Jacob.
A plain, a thousand yards wide, separated the armies,
and the Beluchis' cannons were already firing across it.
The advance was ordered full against the enemy's front. In
the Shikárgáh, on their left, the general detected an opening,
which had been prepared to allow the Beluchis to pour out
on the flank and rear of the advancing British line. The
inspiration of genius seized him. He ordered Captain Tew
with eighty men of the 22nd to block up the entrance, and
if need be die at his post. He did die at his post; but the
opening was defended, and the action of 6,000 men paralysed
by that of eighty.
A magnificent spectacle was now seen. Dashing across
the plain, swept by the Beluchi cannon and matchlocks,
the British troops pressed eagerly on to close with the
numberless masses of the enemy. When they were within
a hundred yards of the high sloping bank, over which the
heads of the Beluchis could be seen, they wheeled into line.
The voice of the general, shrill and clear, commanded the
charge; with a British shout the guns were brought into
position and the infantry rushed up the sloping bank. For
a moment they staggered back at what they saw beyond it.
Far as the eye could reach the wild Beluchi warriors
314
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
covered the ground, brandishing their sharp swords. With
wild yells and frantic gestures they dashed with awful
ferocity at the devoted band that dared to fling itself against
them. But a moment later the Irish, and the Bombay sepoys,
with cheer upon cheer, met their charge and sent their fore-
most masses rolling back in blood. For three hours and a
half the furious contest raged. Never more than three yards
apart, the adverse ranks were borne this way and that, as
Barbarian might and British discipline for a time swayed the
scales. The savage Beluchis, with unabated but vain fury,
tried to drive back the English troops. They leaped upon
the guns and were blown away by twenties at a time; the
bayonet and small arms sent the dead in hundreds down the
slope-ever more and more came on. The English general
seemed everywhere, cheering and rallying his men.
Nearly all the English officers were slain or wounded,
and victory had not yet shown itself. Napier saw that in
another twenty minutes the battle must be lost or won. He
had hitherto kept in reserve his Bengal and Sind horsemen
under Colonel Pattle, the 2nd in command. These he ordered
to turn the enemy's position on their right. So rough was
the ground over which the cavalry had to advance, and so
cut up by ditches, that fifty of the Sind troopers were thrown
from their horses by the leaps. But rapidly mounting, they
crossed the bed of the nullah, gained the open plain beyond,
and charged with irresistible fury. At last the Beluchi
swordsmen wavered. The 22nd saw their masses shake;
they hurled themselves upon them with the shout of victory;
the gallant sepoys by their side pushed their opposing forces
into the ravine and renewed the fierce struggle. The battle
was won. Doggedly and slowly the Beluchis retreated,
glaring with fury as the victors poured in volley upon
still
CONQUEST OF SIND.
315
volley into their ranks till they were weary of slaughter. The
carnage on both sides was awful. The enemy lost 6,000 men,
or three to each man of the British force. Napier lost 270,
including twenty officers of whom four were field-officers.
The next morning at daybreak the general sent to the
Amirs to say that he would immediately storm Hydarábád
if they did not surrender. Six sovereign princes entered his
camp and offered themselves as prisoners, laying their swords
at his feet. Out of pity for the fallen their swords were
restored to them. On the 19th the army took possession of
Hydarábád, the Amirs being left in full enjoyment of their
palaces and gardens, while the conquering general contented
himself with a small field-tent. His work was by no means
over. The chiefs of Kyrpur and Hydarábád were settled
with. There remained Sher Muhammad of Mirpur, who was
only six miles off from Miáni with 10,000 more men whom
he was bringing up to the aid of the other Amirs. Napier in-
tended to suppress opposition from this quarter immediately
after the occupation of Hydarábád. But Outram begged
leave to negociate with Sher Muhammad, whose temper he
understood thoroughly and who, he affirmed, never meant
to fight. Napier gave a reluctant consent, and the Amir
promptly rallied round him the Beluchis who had escaped
from the late battle. Ele soon had 25,000 men, and prepared
to begin the war again. The captive Amirs did their utmost
to aid him by plots and intrigues, so the general put them
on board his steamer on the river.
Sher Muhammad was anxious to induce the general to
follow him into his deserts, and so have the English troops
at his mercy. But Napier was prudent as well as dashing.
His army was decimated, more troops were on their way to
join him, and while awaiting their arrival he formed a strong
316
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
intrenched camp not far from the field of battle at Miáni.
For more than a month he remained inactive, baffling his
enemies' plans and filling them with false hopes that inactivity
meant weakness. Napier, meanwhile, obtained six months'
provisions, and reinforcements of every kind; and by enticing
Sher Muhammad close to his position he saved his men from
long marches and was able to choose his own field of battle.
Sher Muhammad was totally misled. He sent a message to
the general that his army must yield or it would be utterly
destroyed. By the 23rd of March Napier had 5,000 fighting
men and his preparations were complete. "Tell the Amir
Sher Muhammad," he said to the envoys who had brought
the insolent message, "that if he chooses to surrender him-
self a prisoner when I march to attack him to-morrow at
the head of my army, without any other conditions than that
his life shall be safe, I will receive him."
On the morning of battle, when the British troops were
drawn up in line, a messenger reached the General with des-
patches from Lord Ellenborough. All posts had been inter-
cepted for two months. With an eager hand the general
broke the seals, and read the heart-stirring words in which
the Governor-General expressed his thanks to the army for its
past conduct, and the victory at Miáni, and assured them
that honour and rewards would wait on that great battle.
Instantly the general made known the despatches to his men,
and a great shout rose up to heaven of pride and exultation,
and of honour for the leader who had not forgotten to name
the private as well as the officer to the Government whom
they all served. The shout was the cry of victory, and each
man's heart was full as he marched to meet the foe.
The army marched ten miles and came upon the enemy at
eight o'clock in the morning near the village of Dabba, not far
CONQUEST OF SIND.
317
from Miáni; but the action that followed is generally known
as the battle of Hydarábád. The attack was instantly com-
menced by the artillery on the British left; and on the
enemy's side there was a rush of men from their left to
strengthen their right wing that was thus menaced. Napier's
cavalry was on his right, and he suddenly perceived
them dashing full speed against the enemy opposite them,
whose movement towards the centre they had taken to
be a flight. The advance at that moment was in entire
disregard of Napier's plan. He gallopped off to stop it;
but it was too late to remedy the error, and he resolved to
utilise it. After watching the cavalry for a moment careering
wildly against the foe, whirling their swords above their heads
and pealing their war cries, he turned back to his own left,
put himself in the frout of his foremost ranks, and in a clear
high-pitched voice gave the word to charge. The bank
before them was steeper than that of Miáni, but the fiery
soldiers were over it in a moment, and with a mighty
cheer leaped into the midst of the swordsmen. For three
hours the battle raged desperately, but at last the enemy
were driven back, their infantry fighting valiantly to the
last. Their cavalry were less plucky, and were pursued by
the Bengal and Puna horse for several miles into the desert.
The number of killed and wounded on either side were
much the same us at Miáni.
With Sir Charles Napier, nothing was done while anything
remained to be done. The dreadful heat was daily increas-
ing. Sher Muhammad had still a force of four to one, and
he had two fortified towns Mirpur and Umarkot on which to
fall back. Mirpur was forty miles from the field of battle.
The next day the Puna horse were at its gates, which were
opened by the Sindis, who welcomed their deliverers from the
318
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Beluchi yoke. Sher Muhammad had fled from Hydará bád to
Mirpur. He now fled on to Umarkot. He was not left
undisturbed there. Within ten days after the battle, Umarkot
was reduced and garrisoned by a British detachment, though
one hundred miles distant in the heart of the desert. The
exertions required to effect this were indescribable, but Sher
Muhammad again anticipated the arrival of the troops and
fled into the desert. On the 3rd of April Sir Charles
Napier marched back into Hydarábád master of Sind, having
in a short campaign fought two such battles as are without
parallel in the history of the Bombay Presidency.
Lord Ellenborough annexed Sind, and made Sir Charles
Napier Governor, independent of the Presidencies and respon-
sible only to himself. He was instructed to abolish slavery
and ameliorate the condition of the people as far as possible.
The captive Amirs, eleven in number, were transferred to
Bombay. The highest rewards and honours were liberally
apportioned by Lord Ellenborough to all who had shared
in the arduous campaign. Outram considered the final
attack on the Amirs inexcusable and declined to receive
his share of prize-money. The Kyrpur family, on account
of the loyalty of Ali Murád to the British, were confirmed
in possession of a considerable portion of territory as
a dependent state. Ali Murád himself, whose conduct
has been stigmatised as base and treacherous to his own
people in the highest degree, was subsequently convicted
of perjury and forgery, and was punished for his offences;
but the punishment has been condoned and he still lives in
Upper Sind. Sher Muhammad was pursued relentlessly till
June, when the remnant of his forces were dispersed by
Jacob and his Sind horse, and the Amir fled into Beluchistán
with only ten followers. "We have taught the Beluchi,”
CONQUEST OF SIND.
319
said the general, "that neither his sun, nor his desert, nor his
jungles, nor his nullahs can stop us; and he will never face us
more.”
The policy of Lord Ellenborough and the exploits of Sir
Charles Napier were vindicated and accepted by the sovereign
and both Houses of Parliament. Whatever be the in-
justice of Lord Auckland-who coerced the Amirs for the
purpose of his Afghán war and compelled them to sign
treaties which destroyed their independence-Lord Ellen-
borough had no choice when, after acquiescing in the treaties
for three years, the Amirs proceeded to violate them
and prepared to drive the English troops out of the
land. He was compelled for the safety of the empire to
punish the transgression of the treaties and impose new con-
ditions. After every kind of evasion, the Amirs signed the new
treaty only to tear it in pieces as soon as it was signed, and
attack the British troops, not in despair, but in every con-
fidence of destroying them. Sind had to be conquered. The
only people who have suffered for it are the Amirs and their
Beluchi retainers. The peaceable Sindi population have not
lost, but immeasurably gained. Sind did not long continue
a separate province. The Bengal sepoys strongly disliked
garrisoning the valley of the Indus, and the task was handed
over to troops from Bombay, and Sind became part of that
Presidency.
But while the Bombay Maráthas had been loyal and quiet
during the warfare in Sind and Kábul, the same could not be
said for Sindia's state at Gwalior. Jínkoji Rao Sindia had
died without a male heir, and the usual course of intrigue
and rivalry ensued. The Queen-mother dismissed the regent
who had been recognised by the Governor-General. This
was an insult to British authority and the resident left the
320
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
court. The affairs of the state fell into unutterable con-
fusion, and the regent, who was supported by the army,
showed a defiant attitude to the British Government. The
Sikhs of the Panjab were plotting with the men of Gwálior;
and Lord Ellenborough, after earnest remonstrances, in which
he stated that the friendly intercourse which had existed for
forty years with the house of Sindia could not be allowed
to be interrupted, led an army to Gwalior. The Maráthas
attacked the English at Máhárájpur, but were defeated,
after a desperate battle, by Sir Hugh Gough; the British loss
being nearly 800. On the same day at Panniár, twelve
miles off, another Marátha army was defeated by Colonel
Grey. The Queen-mother was deprived of her regency. The
splendid army, which had been disciplined by De Boigne,
was reduced to 9,000 men, and a contingent placed in the
charge of British officers, a certain amount of territory being
ceded for its maintenance. Lord Ellenborough's prompt
action against the rebellious army of Gwalior was the
salvation of that State. It prevented a coalition with the
Sikhs of the Panjab, whose enmity towards the English was
ceasing to be a matter of doubt (1843).
Besides Sind, Lord Ellenborough's rule brought another
small addition to the Bombay Presidency. In December
1838 died Raghoji Ángria, the descendant of the pirate
princes of Kolába. The family had learnt nothing since.
Lord Clive battered down the walls of Gheria, and the
cruelty and oppression of Raghoji was such that his people
remembered his rule as that of Angárak, or Mars, the planet
of evil influence. A posthumous son was born to him, who
died in 1840, and the legitimate line of the Angria family
became extinct. The Kolába State was annexed and at first
administered as an agency, and afterwards formed into the
CONQUEST OF SIND.
321
Kolába district. In the island of Underi (Henery) there was
found a loathsome dungeon in which were confined twenty-four
prisoners in the most abject misery. They had been denied
water except for drinking. They were loaded with fetters,
and covered with filth and disease. They had been impri-
soned for from three to twenty years. No term of imprison-
ment had been fixed, and no one knew what offences had been
committed. They were of course set free.
An expedition was also needed against the state of Kolhá-
pur. In 1817 the reigning prince had cordially aided the
British Government. His successor Báwa Sahib was a typi-
cal eastern tyrant and more than once the Bombay Govern-
ment had to interfere with force. This Rája died in 1842
leaving two sons, both children. The misrule became so
intolerable that the British authorities assumed the manage-
ment of the state, and a native minister was appointed under
the control of the Political Agent at Belgaum. Many re-
forms were at once introduced, including the abolition of the
hereditary garrisons of the strong forts of the state. These
measures were resented, and in 1844 an insurrection took
place in which the Sawantwári people joined. So serious
was it that it took a force of 10,000 men under Outram to
quell the disturbances above and below the Ghats. The fort
of Panálla was bombarded and taken, and part of the fortifica-
tions demolished. A separate Political Superintendent was
then appointed for Kolhápur.
21
( 322 )
IN
XXII. THE LAW OF LAPSE.
July 1844 Lord Ellenborough was succeeded by Sir
Henry, afterwards Lord Hardinge, who reduced the
armies of the Panjáb in the first Sikh war. Indian politics
centred without Bombay, and the general development of the
Western Presidency continued without any specially notice-
able events. There was some trouble in 1845 with the warlike
Kolis of the Ghats, and an outlaw named Raghoji Bhángria,
of Násik, wandered through the Násik and Ahmadnagar
districts robbing and mutilating the moneyed classes. The
country was in terror of his name, but the police pursued
him with such vigour that he broke up his band and dis-
appeared. He was not himself captured till 1847, when
Lieutenant (afterwards General) Gell caught him at Pandhar-
pur. He had been guilty of several murders and he paid the
penalty on the gallows.
In March 1848 Lord Hardinge returned to England, and
Lord Dalhousie succeeded to his post. The second Sikh war
soon took place; the army of the Khálsa invading British
territory, the Panjab was again conquered and this time annexed
by the proclamation of March 29th 1849. Another addition
was also made to Bombay. At the close of the Marátha war
of 1817 Lord Hastings had placed on the throne of Sátára, out
THE LAW OF LAPSE.
323
But
of sympathy for native feeling, the powerless descendant of
Shiwaji. The Rája thus set up by the English had plotted
against those to whom he owed everything and was sent to
reside at Banáras. His successor died without issue in April
1848. As he lay on his death-bed he adopted a boy, who though
distantly connected with him, had no direct claim to the succes-
sion of the state. That the boy by Hindu law could become
heir to the Raja's private property and perform the necessary
ceremonies for the dead there was no manner of doubt.
the state was of English creation, and it was argued that the
Rája had no right to adopt an heir to the throne without the
consent of the paramount power. Consent had neither been
obtained nor asked, and Lord Dalhousie held that the state
in consequence lapsed to the British crown.
The theory
was no creation of Lord Dalhousie's. Under the Moghal
empire, viceroys who had carved out in all else an abso-
lute independence, invariably obtained from the suzerain
sanction to adoption and succession. Apart from the
abstract question of right to annex the state its expediency
was unmistakable. The Rája had created no enthusiasm
amongst the people of the Deccan; and they were not likely
to trouble themselves any more about a boy adopted from a
distant family to keep up an empty name. It was altogether
beneficial for the Maráthas of Sátára that they should
come under a rule which had done so much for the rest of
their countrymen. Two succeeding Governors of Bombay,
Lord Falkland and Sir George Clerk, argued that the adoption
could only be considered applicable to the personal property;
and Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Willoughby, a member of
the Bombay Council, reviewed the whole subject in au
exhaustive minute.
that of Bombay.
Lord Dalhousie's opinion coincided with
"The Government," he remarked, "on
324
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
such occasions is bound to act with the purest integrity and
the most scrupulous good faith. Whenever a shadow of
doubt can be shown the claim should at once be abandoned;
but when the right to territory by lapse is clear, the Govern-
ment is bound to take that which is legally and justly its
due, and to extend to that territory the benefit of our
sovereignty present and prospective." The question was
referred to the Court of Directors. On January 24th 1849,
the Court, which was supported by the Board of Control, wrote
as follows:-"By the general law and custom of India a
dependent principality, like that of Sátára, cannot pass to
an adopted heir without the consent of the paramount
power. We are under no pledge, direct or constructive, to
give such a consent; and the general interests confided to
our charge are best consulted by withholding it." In accord-
ance with this opinion Sátára was annexed. While the royal
line of Shiwáji thus came to an end that of the Peshwa was
soon to follow. Báji Rao had been sent to Bithur, near Cawn-
pore, on a magnificent pension of £80,000 a year. In 1853 he
died childless, having adopted as an heir Dhondu Pant, the
infamous Nána Sáhib of the future massacres of English
women and children at Cawnpore. Dhondu Pant inherited
the personal property of Báji Rao, whose private hoards were
acknowledged to be more than a quarter of a million sterling,
and were proved to exceed half a million. In addition to
this private property, Nána Sáhib received the town and
territory of Bithur for his lifetime. But he regarded him-
self as one of the most injured of mankind, because the
Government would not continue to him the absurdly lavish
pension which Sir John Malcolm had obtained for Báji Rao.
He in vain besieged the Indian Government with his com-
plaints, and when that plan failed he sent an agent to
THE LAW OF LAPSE.
325
London to obtain redress for his wrongs. The mission was,
of course, futile; but the rejection of his claims led to un-
expected consequences.
Such were Lord Dalhousie's actions in affairs that con-
cerned Bombay. In other parts of India he acted with no
less decision. The Panjáb had been annexed. A fresh
céssion of territory in Barár was made by the Nizám-in
whose dominions law, justice, and government had degenerated
into the merest farce-in payment of accumulated debts to the
Government of India on account of the contingent force and
to provide for the maintenance of that force in future. In
Madras, the Nawab of the Carnatic dying childless, his family
was provided for; but, as at Sátára, the sovereignty, nominal
as it long had been, came to an end. The states of Jhansi
and of Nagpur, the seat of the Rája descended from Raghoji
Bhonsle, lapsed to the Government for want of heirs; and
tired out with the monstrous abuses in the kingdom of Oudh,
Lord Dalhousie annexed that country to the British Govern-
ment. Another Burmese war ended in the dethronement of
the king and annexation of a large part of his territory.
On the 6th of March, 1856, Lord Dalhousie sailed from
India after recording a celebrated minute as to the events of
his term of office. He left India with the full assurance that
it was in a state of profound and, as he hoped, lasting tran-
quillity. He was only forty-four years old, and toil had so
told on a frame naturally weak that he lived but four years
longer. Throughout his career he had laboured incessantly
for the bettering of all classes and all ranks in India. The
rule of native princes, if the expression can be legitimately
applied to lawlessness and anarchy, was miserably bad. He
was determined that the British Government should not con-
tinue responsible for the upholding of this misgovernment
326
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY,
and tyranny; and therefore naturally concluded that the
only way to increase the happiness of oppressed millions
was to extend the blessings of British rule. An article in
the London Times ably summed up what he had done.
"He, Lord Dalhousie, could point to railways planned ou
an enormous scale, and partly constructed; to 4,000 miles
of electric telegraph spread over India, at an expense of
little over £50 a mile; to 2,000 miles of road bridged and
metalled, nearly the whole distance from Calcutta to Pesha-
war; to the opening of the Ganges Canal, the longest of its
kind in the world; to the progress of the Panjab Canals, and
of many other important works of irrigation all over India, as
well as to the reorganization of an official department of public
works. Keeping equal pace with these public works, he could
refer to the postal system which he introduced in imitation of
that of Rowland Hill, whereby a letter from Peshawar to Cape
Comorin, or from Assam to Kurráchee, is conveyed for three
farthings, or one-sixteenth of the old charge; to the improved
training for the Civil Service, Covenanted and Uncovenanted;
to the improvement of education and prison discipline; to
the organization of the Legislative Council, to the reforms
which it had decreed-such as permitting Hindoo widows to
marry again, and relieving all persons from the risk of
forfeiting property by a change of religion. Many more-
items might be added to the list, were it necessary, to prove
the largeness and benevolence of the views of this great states-
man; and there is no doubt from his recorded opinions, that
the annexation measures so bitterly urged against him, were
founded on the conviction that in effecting them he had
relieved millions from the irregularities and oppressions of
native governments, and secured for them the prospective
advantages of protection and peace. No one can record, for
*
*
THE LAW OF LAPSE.
327
few know, of his daily toil, or how, with a delicate frame,
he overcame it; toil which overworked and destroyed his
physical powers, and in 1860 sent him to his grave. 'I
have played my part,' he said sadly, in reply to an address
from the people of Calcutta, and while I feel that in my
case the principal act in the drama of my life is ended, I
shall be content if the curtain should now drop on my public
career."
(323)
XXIII. THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
HEN Lord Canning succeeded Lord Dalhousie as
WHEN
Governor-General, the British army in India con-
sisted of 45,000 European troops and 235,000 sepoys-that
is, a proportion of about one-fifth. And in all the battles.
which the English had won in India, the proportion of sepoys.
to white troops had been about the same. The discipline,
which proved so irresistible against undisciplined hordes of
Asiatics when it was confined to Europeans, was just as
efficacious when imparted to native troops. An eminent
Professor has therefore argued that our conquest of India
is a misnomer. The theory which attributed our successes
to any superiority of race is now repudiated. Nay more,
according to the same authority, our English writers in de-
scribing the English battles in India seem unable to discern
the sepoys. The assertion is astounding. From Macaulay's
description of the siege of Arcot to Lord Tennyson's siege of
Lucknow; at Assaye, Khirki, Miáni and Hydarábád, histo-
rians delight to record the exploits of the sepoys who
fought side by side with their European brethren. But the
difference of the conquerors and conquered, if there were any
conquered, is said to lie more in discipline and military
science than in difference of race. The English undoubtedly
rule India. But the process by which they attained this
* Professor Secley, "Expansion of England.”
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
329
proud position was not the conquest of one state by another;
it was merely an internal revolution in Indian society,
and is to be compared to one of those sudden usurpations, or
coups d'état, by which a period of disturbance within a com-
munity is closed.
We may suppose, we are told, that a
number of Parsee merchants in Bombay, tired of the
anarchy which disturbed their trade, had subscribed together
to establish fortresses and raise troops, and then that they
had had the good fortune to employ able generals. In that
case, it is said, they too might have had their Plassey and
their Buxar; they too might have extorted from the great
Mogul the dewannee or financial administration of a pro-
vince, and so laid the foundation of an empire which might
in time have extended over all India. Parsees are most
loyal and exemplary subjects of the Empress of India, but
the idea of their merchants trading in a hostile country with
their sword in one hand and ledger in the other, and leading
sepoy battalions to victory against overwhelming numbers.
involves an unique power of imagination. In fine, the
natives of India were quite capable of receiving European
discipline, and learning to fight with European efficiency.
This then was the talisman which the Company possessed,
and which enabled it not merely to hold its own among the
powers of India, but to surpass them-not some incommu-
nicable physical or moral superiority, as we love to imagine—
but a superior discipline and military system, which could be
communicated to the natives of India.
The contention is wholly false. England did conquer
India, or the various powers that occupied the Indian Penin-
sula, in a series of operations that lasted a century. She
conquered it, not by that which she could impart to another
race, but by that which could not be imparted. She con-
330
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
quered India by downright hard fighting against enormous-
odds. True, the king of England did not declare war upon any
Nawab or Rája in India. But England happened to be repre-
sented, not by the king, but by the East India Company, and
the Company did declare war against both Nawabs and Rájas,
though it was generally spared the necessity by Nawabs and
Rájas making war upon its armies. But India was conquered
by Indians in English pay, just as though at Waterloo-
the Duke of Wellington led bands of Frenchmen against
Napoleon. Again the view is incorrect. There is no India
as there is a France; and when Clive led his Madras sepoys at
Plassey and Napier his Maráthas at Miáni, the sepoys were as
much foreigners to the enemy as the English themselves. It
would be idle to discuss the subject further. The English did
conquer India, and not solely or in chief part by a superior
military system, but by stout hearts and strong arms, and a
refusal to acknowledge that they were ever beaten. The
military discpline was an admirable, nay an indispensable
means to the end; but the means without the instrument
were vain; the letter only, not the spirit, could be imparted
to the natives of India. The brain that could create was
even more powerful than the brain that could merely receive
and imitate; the skill that could repair the machinery
more valuable than the mere rule-of-thumb knowledge that
could put it in motion or stop it when the works were in
perfect order. The race with whom military tactics and
formations were only the instrument by which the mind that
directed them worked its will, could not but prevail over
adversaries who looked on military evolutions as possessing
in themselves an inherent and all-sufficing virtue.
Already, in wild Marátha battles, the British troops had
fought against soldiers disciplined by the skill and genius of
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
331
Frenchmen; in the crowning struggle of all, in which the
hundred years' conquest had to be well-nigh all done over
again, they were to contend with the sepoy troops whom
they had themselves taught, trained, and led to victory;
troops who possessed to the full the talisman of discipline and
military system by which it is stated the Company surpassed
the native powers of India, and which would have been no
less efficacious in the hands of Parsees.
ઃઃ
66
The Duke of Wellington was of a very different opinion.
"The English soldiers," he wrote, are the main foundation
of British power in Asia. They are a body with habits,
manners and qualities peculiar to them in the East Indies.
Bravery is the characteristic of the British army in all
quarters of the world; but no other quarter has afforded
such striking examples of the existence of this quality in
the soldiers as the East Indies. Those particularly who
have been for some time in the country, cannot be ordered
upon any service, however dangerous or arduous, that they
will not effect, not only with bravery, but with a degree of
skill not often witnessed in persons of their description in
other parts of the world. I attribute their qualities, which
are peculiar to them in the East Indies, to the distinctness
of their class in that country from all others existing in it.
They feel that they are a distinct and superior class to the
rest of the world which surrounds them; and their actions
correspond with their high notions of their own superiority..
Add to these qualities that their bodies are inured to climate,
hardship and fatigue-by long residence, habit and exercise-
to such a degree, that I have seen them for years together
in the field without suffering any material sickness; that I
have made them march sixty miles in thirty hours, and
afterwards engage the enemy; and it will not be surprising-
332
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
that they are respected as they are throughout India. Their
weaknesses and their vices, however repugnant to the feelings
and prejudices of the natives, are passed over in the contem-
plation of their excellent qualities as soldiers, of which no
nation has hitherto given such extraordinary instances.
These qualities are the foundation of the British strength in
Asia and of that opinion by which it is generally supposed
that the British empire has been gained and upheld. These
qualities show in what manner nations consisting of millions
are governed by 30,000 strangers."
The great storm that burst over India in 1857 at first con-
fined itself to Bengal; and the awful tragedies, the work of
vengeance, and the final victories occurred beyond the limits
of Bombay. But the tail of the storm spread to the
Western Presidency, and Bombay armies won mighty victo-
ries over the insurgents in Central India, and the causes that
led up to the mutiny must be told here.
These causes were extremely manifold and complex. It is
impossible to this day to mention any one particular event
which prepared the conflagration, or the absence of which
would have prevented it. That the affair of the greased
cartridges caused the mutiny is true in no sense whatever.
That it was the spark which kindled the mine that was
already laid, and whose explosion was only a question of
time, there can be no manner of doubt.
The Government of India had grown up in the form of
three Presidencies, and with this disposition of the civil power,
there had arisen the three separate armies of Bengal,
Bombay, and Madras. Of the 45,000 European troops in
India, some 10,000 were soldiers enlisted by the Company
for its local European regiments of Bengal, Bombay, and
Madras Fusiliers, who had nothing to do with the Queen's
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
333
army. The native armies, each under its own commander-
in-chief, differed widely in their constitution and discipline.
The Bengal army was composed for the most part of
Brahmans and other high-caste men, while in the other
armies men of lower castes predominated. The sepoys of
Bengal generally left their wives in their native villages;
while in the remaining armies their families were carried
about with them, and formed a very weighty guarantee for
their good behaviour. But the high-caste men of Oudh and
the North-West who filled the ranks of the Bengal army,
ready as they were to face any danger, were above the
humble duties of the soldier, while their brother sepoys of
Bombay and Madras, for whom they had no little disdain, were
altogether more amenable to discipline. In the early days of
the sepoy army, natives of good family were chosen as officers
and trusted with a large amount of authority which their
birth and habits of command enabled them to wield. Their
position was honourable, their self-respect assured; native
officers and privates alike regarded with a devoted enthusiasm
their European officers who led them to a succession of vic-
tories and respected their caste and religion. But even from
the first, incidents occurred which showed how delicate was the
link that bound the sepoy army to its masters. Seven years
after Plassey five Bengal battalions were discontented with
their share of prize-money. They showed a threatening attitude
and received their claims; but they had learnt their strength,
and a few months later the oldest regiment broke out into
open mutiny. The ringleaders were blown from guns and
the battalions taught a severe but salutary lesson; the
number of English officers with each regiment was increased,
and the real power gradually concentrated in their hands.
But for many years the command of a native regiment was
-
334
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
a coveted appointment, and picked men were chosen for the
posts who could keep their men in hand by fear as well as
by love. In 1796 there was a further change in the organiza-
tion. It was a legitimate source of complaint of the veteran
officers of the Company that they were superseded and
passed over by younger men from the regiments of the
King's as opposed to the Company's army. In order to
remove this grievance, one regiment was formed out of each
two battalions of sepoys, the number of officers assimilated
to that of the king's regiments, and all took rank by the
date of their commissions. The system of promotion by
merit undoubtedly gives rise to occasional jobbery; but still
the best man will, as a rule, come to the front, while in the
seniority system he is weighed down by an unbending rule
which reduces all to a dead level of equality. Thus the
command of regiments often fell into the hands of men
unfitted for the task; and the decrease in the number of
native officers lowered the position of those who remained,
The doors of ambition were closed to the sepoy, be he a rival
of Hydar Ali in military genius. And at the present day, it
may be said, that while the position of the Hindus is on an
infinitely higher level under the English than under Akbar
himself, that one prospect of high military command, which
be trusted to them, is now absolutely precluded. With the
new organization the sepoy found that the pay of a
boy ensign, just from England, was higher than that
of a subadúr who had served the Company faithfully for
thirty years. Still they were flushed with victory, and had
not at first leisure to brood over their grievances. But in
Madras that leisure came with the destruction of Mysur;
and while the ties of personal devotion which bound the
sepoys to their officers were weakened, the evil star of that
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
335
overrated statesman Lord William Bentinck, who was then
Governor of Fort St. George, prompted him to sanction, if
he did not originate, some ridiculous orders which interfered
with the sepoys' religious prejudices. They were forbidden
to appear on parade with caste-marks or earrings; they
were to shave off their cherished beards, regulate the length
of their moustaches, and exchange their old turbans for
leather cockades, which resembled that object of aversion to
Orientals the European hat. The leather, made of skins of
hogs or cows, was abominable to them; the likeness of the
hats to that of Christians not unnaturally made them believe
that the change was a preliminary to forcible conversion.
What had been done by Aurangzib, Tipu, and the Portuguese
was not impossible from the English. Dispirited by their
grievances, they were ready to believe anything against their
rulers; they gave a ready ear to the tales of religious fanatics
who went about the country and told them of the intolerant
fanaticism of their conquerors. In Ceylon, they were told,
the general had already marched his whole corps to church
parade, and they believed that a like fate would soon be
theirs. At Vellore was the residence of the pensioned family
of Tipu who, state prisoners as they were, still hoped for
their restoration to their father's dynasty. Here were the
very means to their hands. It is probable that they excited
the sepoys to mutiny; that they encouraged their plans, when
once formed, is certain. They ridiculed the European appear-
ance of the sepoys, and assured them they would soon have
to receive the baptism. The consequence was a horrible out-
burst at Vellore, which involved the slaughter of the Euro-
pean garrison when they were asleep; and symptons appeared
at other places. The mutiny was promptly suppressed
and a terrible vengeance accomplished. Lord William
336
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
Bentinck managed to quell the storm that he had raised, and
persuade the native soldiery that the Government had no
thought of interfering with their religion; and the Directors,
after recalling the Governor, placed on record a stringent
censure of the new generation of commanding officers who had
not, like their predecessors, won the confidence of their men.
This part of the lesson was taken to heart, and the advan-
tages of a sepoy's career, under officers who were proud to
command him and who treated him with paternal kindness,
were sufficient to tempt a steady supply of good men. The
sepoy received regular pay, an advantage unknown in native
states; he retired on a comfortable pension, where a native
ruler would let him die in a ditch. He was still a great man
in his own family, and he had, what amongst a litigious
people was no small privilege, the right of being heard in
our courts before other suitors. And a series of victorious
campaigns, in which he fought side by side with his
European comrade, identified him in no slight degree
with the conquering race. But the successful cam-
paigns brought accession of territory, and able men
were needed to manage the new acquisitions. Thus the
ablest officers were drafted from the regiments to act
as political agents and fill other important and lucrative-
posts; and again the sepoys were quick to see that the for-
tune of the officers that left the regiments was envied by
those who remained. A growing tendency to reduce every-
thing to rules was also springing up, and the paternal and
patriarchal power which a colonel possessed was interfered
with by a system which centralised military authority at
head-quarters, and frequently reversed the decisions of regi-
mental officers. The sepoy was naturally the very last man
to mutiny. He entered the army with no rights of his
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
337
own; he was ready to reverence his colonel as an absolute
ruler. But written law, as opposed to personal rule, was
unintelligible to him; and when he heard of the articles of
war framed in a way which seemed to expect him to break
them, and when he learnt the subordination of his colonel
to head-quarters in every petty matter, the spell that bound
him was broken. And so when the order came to cross the
Black Water" to Burma it came to hearts that were already
hardened. Under any circumstances the order would have
been distasteful. To cross the sea was against the rules of
the higher castes, and of the powers of Burmese magic they
had heard strange stories. An exaggerated account of a
reverse to some regiments which had already arrived at
Burma was credulously swallowed. Three regiments refused
to parade for inspection in marching order before proceeding
on the voyage. Sir Edward Paget, the Commander-in-Chief,
knew that leniency in mutiny means cruelty; that to spare
a few lives is to lose many. The sepoys were forced on to
the parade-ground, and told to choose between marching or
grounding their arms, They refused to do either. Instantly
the artillery opened fire upon them with grape-shot; numbers
fell dead, and the rest fled. The 47th Regiment was disbanded,
the offence of the other two condoned. The lesson was taken
to heart, and for years none dared to mutiny.
Lord William Bentinck had done enough harm at Madras.
Ee was to do more as Governor-General. He bitterly of-
fended and aggrieved officers of all ranks by depriving them
of a portion of their allowances. In Lord Clive's time such
a step was followed by mutiny. To Lord William Bentinck
the officers sent a temperate statement of their grievances,
which, except in the case of those near Calcutta, was
ignored. The futility of the officers' resistance gave another
22
338
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
*
Here
blow to their weakened authority over their men. Not
content with this, Lord William Bentinck abolished corporal
punishment in the army in defiance of universal military
opinion. The native officers, who had all risen from the
ranks, were vehemently against it. Well-behaved men had
nothing to fear from flogging, the black sheep, who must
exist in every regiment, only suffered the punishment if they
deserved it. If flogging was abolished, the native officers
said, the army will no longer fear and there will be a mutiny.
Orientals are excellent judges of their own character. They
have a very wholesome regard for fear, and severity based on
justness. Of flabbid humanitarianism they have but one
opinion, and that is that it proceeds from weakness.
Then came the Afghan war and its terrible disaster.
were the ever-victorious soldiers of their masters forgetting
that they were British troops, and a whole army capitulating
to barbarians. True, the glorious victories that followed over
the Amirs of Sind, the rebellious army of Gwalior, and the
Sikhs of the Panjáb might well be regarded as more
than sufficient to restore the honour of the British arms
to its pristine splendour, but the possibility of a British
army bowing down before an Asiatic foe was a matter
within their actual experience. More than this, they had
never received with good grace the orders that sent them
beyond the Indus. For the gloomy defiles and barren
mountains of Áfghánistán they felt an invincible repugnance.
Their hearts burned with indignation against their masters.
who had led them to defeat in this unknown land, where the
bodies of their kinsmen lay unburnt and unburied, food for
vultures and beasts of prey, with none to perform funeral
rights for the repose of their souls. When Nott and Pollock
led the avenging army against Kábul, several regiments refused
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
339
point blank to enter the dreaded passage of the Khyber Pass,
and it was with the utmost difficulty that the mutiny was
quelled. Again, as Sind and the Panjab were annexed to our
dominions, new difficulties cropped up. To the sepoy mind
the lands beyond the Indus were a foreign country, to garri-
son which meant for him banishment to distant and often
unhealthy places. In a foreign land he was accustomed to
receive extra allowances to encourage him to fight the battles
of his Government; the annexed countries were no longer
foreign, and the extra allowances ceased. When ordered
to take their turn of duty in Sind as an ordinary province
of India, the 14th Bengal Native Infantry, the 34th and
the 61st, the 7th Cavalry, and some artillery mutinied;
and the insubordination gained its object, for Bombay troops
were sent to Sind. With Madras troops Sind was no more
popular, and under the dread of being sent there and to Kábul
regiments at Sikandarábad, Nágpur, and other places were
within measurable distance of mutiny. But there was as
yet no general conspiracy, and an inconsistent policy
of punishment and concession was held sufficient to deal
with the matter. Of the frightful seriousness of the evil
it cannot be said that the Government was not warned.
Sir Charles Napier succeeded Lord Gough as Commander-
in-Chief of India, and feeling convinced that the native army
was in a state of covert mutiny and treachery, he lost no
opportunity of impressing his views upon Lord Dalhousie.
Napier had failed in Sind to work in harmony with Outram.
He failed equally to do so with Lord Dalhousie. Both he
and the Governor-General were men of commanding minds
not unapt to resent advice or interference; and his argu-
ments failed to take effect. Napier's service had been with
the Bombay army, which had a stricter internal discipline
340
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
than that of Bengal. In the Sikh wars the Bombay sepoys
were taunted by the high-caste Brahmans of the Bengal army
with performing ordinary duties which had never been im-
posed upon them. This did not escape Napier's eye. But it
was the difficulty about the pay that for the time was more
pressing than that of caste. Four regiments refused to ac-
cept the reduced rates, and many soldiers were tried and
punished. The 66th Bengal Native Infantry, which partially
mutinied, was disbanded, and a Gurkha regiment of Nepál
Highlanders raised in its place. Sir Charles Napier, on his
own responsibility, raised the pay of the army in the Panjáb;
but an acrimonious correspondence ensued between him and
Lord Dalhousie, and Napier resigned his appointment de-
termined not to be a passive spectator of the ills that he
foretold. His opinion may have been exaggerated when he re-
ported to Lord Dalhousie that twenty-four regiments were
only waiting an opportunity to rise, but the disaffection of the
Bengal army was a notorious fact. As Napier said, to pamper
high-caste is to encourage mutiny, and in Bengal it was encour-
aged to a dangerous extent. It was not that in the other armies
the sepoys were free from caste prejudices, but they were
not given inte. Even in Bengal the caste was not especially
obtruded, except when the spoilt sepoys found it could be
used as an instrument by which they could exaggerate their
own importance or gain their particular ends. Lord Dalhousie
may, indeed, be blamed for not going to the root of the
matter. But in his busy reign he had a multitude of weighty
tasks to do that engrossed the whole of his time; and, while
the very existence of the evil was denied by many whose
position entitled their opinion to deference, those who re-
cognised the disease proposed diametrically opposite schemes
for effecting its cure.
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
341
not see.
And while their loyalty was undetermined, the disparity of
British troops to their own numbers gave them an over-
weening idea of their own power. Tipu had said that it was
not what he saw of the English that be feared, but what he did
That his opinion had been handed down shows that
it was by no means an ordinary one. The sepoys, unfortunately,
judged England by what they saw, and of her vast resources
they had no notion whatever. They believed that the whole
population of the British Isles amounted to merely a hundred
thousand souls. Their notions were not likely to be dispelled
by the action of the Home Government, which withdrew
two regiments from India for service in the Crimea; and they
listened with absolute credulity to stories of the exhaustion
of England in the Russian war, and the disease and death
of her soldiers in the trenches at Sebastopol. Nay more,
with the endless inconsistency of the Oriental mind, Muham-
madan sepoys exulted in the reported annexation of England
to Russia, though they believed the war to have been under-
taken by the Queen of England as a vassal of the Sultán of
Constantinople. Against the denuding India of British
troops, when many more were urgently needed to guard the
new conquests, Lord Dalhousie strenuously protested. But
his recommendations were not adopted; and the sepoys,
inflated with the idea of their own power, were developing
plans, as yet misty and hazy, of taking the government of
the country into their own hands.
But if Lord Dalhousie on sailing from India had no notion
of the whirlwind that was gathering, there was little likeli-
hood that Lord Canning should suspect it. He was not a
weak man, but he was cold and impassive; and he could not
bring himself to pass judgement on any question until he had
scrutinised it and reviewed it from every point of view with
342
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCt.
minute carefulness. He wanted the quick insight of the
general, who on the field of battle could instantaneously note
and resist each movement of his enemy. But, when he had
grasped the position, he was keen in judgment and strong in
resolve.
The sum of the sepoys' grievances had not yet come.
Originally they had been enlisted for service in India alone.
The conquest of Burma, and the difficulties of inducing native
soldiers to cross the sea, had led to the raising of six regi-
ments for general service. It happened that soon after Lord
Canning's arrival none of these were available to relieve
those whose time of duty at Pegu had expired. Lord Can-
ning determined to be master of his own army, and in July
1856 issued an order that in future no recruit should be
accepted who would not undertake to march wherever he
might be wanted. High-caste men at once began to shrink
from entering the service, while old sepoys were full of fear-
ful surmises that the oaths of new recruits might be binding
upon themselves. With this new order came another, that
sepoys declared unfit for foreign service should no longer, as
of yore, be retired on invalid pensions, but should be kept
on for cantonment duty; and a privilege, which allowed
sepoys to send their letters free, was brought to an end upon
the completion of the new postal regulations. Another
grievance sprang up from the annexation of Oudh, which was
a prolific recuiting-ground of the army. Under Muhamma-
dan rule, every complaint of oppression or injustice to the
family or kindred of an Oudh sepoy was forwarded to the
British resident at Lucknow and promptly redressed by him.
This system conferred a valued prestige upon the sepoy as the
great man of his family or village. With the introduction
of British rule, and the concomitant theory of equality of
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
343
persons-so unintelligible to the native of India-the family
of the sepoy was referred to the ordinary courts; and the
sepoy looked on the abrogation of his privilege as a grave
indignity.
The sepoys were thus in a mood to believe any lie; the
more incredible it might be, the more eagerly would it be
gulped down. They were to be superseded by a Sikh army
of 30,000 men. Lord Canning had been specially selected by
the Queen to convert them all to Christianity, and the
General Service Enlistment Act was the first step in the
policy of persecution. Missionaries had been becoming for
some time past more and more active, and had a year or so
before published a manifesto foretelling that the new railways
and steamships were destined to accomplish the spiritual
union of England and India under one faith. The Com-
missioner of Patna reported to Government the dangerous
feelings which this had caused in his division; a reassuring
proclamation from the Bengal Government appeared only a
false statement to hide the suspicious that had been raised.
Earnest Christian officers unwittingly hurried on the danger
by preaching the gospel to the men under their command.
The preposterous notion gained strength by the new law
which removed legal obstacles to the marriage of Hindu
widows, and dealt a direct blow to the integrity of their
religious system. Nor did the sepoys fail to supply a reason
for the proceedings which they ascribed to Government. Their
masters intended to take away their caste and make them
Christians in order that they might eat the strengthen-
ing beef and drink the commissariat rum of English
troops; that they might then embark in ships and go
forth with renewed vigour on the endless task of conquest.
And while the whole army was seething with agitation, yet
344
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
still afraid to strike, the slumbering fires that were to
burst forth into conflagration had spread beyond the sepoy
ranks.
The English were availing themselves of all the resources
which the advance of civilization was placing in their hands.
The native of India had served many dynasties; but hitherto
they had looked on their masters-whether Moghal, Marátha,
or English-as people who had vast armies and could use
them as they would. Now they had a new and strange expe-
rience. The land itself was being bound down in iron bands,
over which the fire-chariot sped along at a speed greater
than that of the swiftest Marátha horseman. And the
lightning posts and wires, set up along the roads, enabled their
rulers to know in some mysterious way what was happening
at a distance of hundreds of miles. On their rivers, ships
moved against the strongest current without oars or sails.
That all these devices were new to their rulers they never
dreamt. Their own power of invention had been dead for
centuries; and they believed that the English had kept
hidden these wonderful resources all these years in order to
use them the more effectually when the time had come. A
yoke was to be fastened upon the land which would never be
shaken off, which would destroy their ancient customs, their
caste, and their religion. Everything pointed in the same
direction. In the Government schools, while their heredi-
tary faith was not directly assailed, the growing generation
was filled with a learning which to their parents was new
and dangerous, and at variance with their time-honoured
notions. The English were altogether changing, and it
was impossible to live under their sway. Hitherto the
priestly caste of Brahmans had held the keys of knowledge.
But they could no more explain the new contrivances.
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
345
as the
than the most ignorant ryot; their supremacy,
learned class, was threatened; their implacable jealousy was
aroused.
By a strange coincidence, this period of their agitation was
close to the end of the hundred years which followed the
battle of Plassey. By a people, credulous and superstitious
in the highest degree, the astrologers were implicitly believed
when they prophesied that the anniversary of Clive's great
victory would bring to an end the Ráj or rule of the Com-
pany. In the most ordinary affairs of life natives consult the
astrologers as to a favourable conjunction of the planets;
and when it was told them that the year before the end of the
Company's ráj there would be terrible outbursts of cholera and
flood, and the cholera and floods came, how could they
doubt the speedy downfall of the English?
But even yet the tale of the causes that led up to the
great tragedy is incomplete. The palace of the Emperor
Bahadur Shah, at Delhi, was a focus of perpetual intrigue.
It was also a strategical position of immense value. Lord
Dalhousie determined that its possession was essential to the
Indian Government, and he bitterly offended the family of
the emperor by arranging that Bahadur Shah should
remove his residence to the Kutab, and give up his palace for
British troops. Action was, however, deferred for the lifetime
of the aged emperor; but before his death the last vestige
of the Moghal empire had ceased to be. Bahadur Sháh was
an old man; but in the veins of his queen, Zinat Mahal, flowed
the blood of Nádir Sháh, and, inspired by her fiery will, the
princes of the house of Bábar planned the revival of the
Muhammadan empire. The princes, on apparently innocent.
pretexts, had been allowed by Government to travel about
India; and they journeyed hither and thither securing adherents
346
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
to the throne of Delhi. It was a repetition, very awfully in-
tensified, of the history of Vellore; an army saturated with
treason; a royal family encouraging and utilising the treason
to further its own ends. A more powerful monarch joined in
the fray. In November 1856, an English army had sailed
from Bombay against the king of Persia, who had molested
Herat; and Sir James Outram, with the Puna Horse and 3rd
Bombay Infantry, brought the war to a rapid and successful
termination. But it added another element to the danger in
India. The Shah of Persia fomented disaffection in Hindus-
tán; and a proclamation-whether genuine or not-was posted
on the walls of Delhi in March 1857, in which he stated that
a Persian army was coming to expel the English, and called
on all the Muhammadans to put on their armour and join the
invaders. The representative of another dynasty, too, was
wandering about watching the signs of the times, and seeing
how best he could make his profit out of them. This was
Dhondu Pant, or Nána Sáhib, the adopted son of Báji Rao,
the last of the Peshwas. But he veiled the bitter resentment
that he felt at the discontinuance of the enormous pension
granted to Baji Rao, and mixed freely in English society.
His agent, Ázim Ulla Khán, who had pleaded his cause in
London, returned to India after visiting the Crimea, and
poured into his master's willing ears exaggerated tales of
England's weakness.
Early in the year 1857, many Englishmen were warned by
native friends to be on their guard and, if possible, retire
from India-at any rate to send away their wives and children.
Nothing definite was ever stated, and the advice was always
received with scorn. At the latter end of February a remark-
able anonymous document was received by Lord Elphinstone,
nephew of Mountstuart Elphinstone and Governor of
.
THE SOWING OF THE WIND.
347
Bombay, containing a solemn announcement of treason, and
enumerating reasons for a general discontent. One of the
reasons given was the proceedings of the Commission that
was investigating the tenures of Inám or rent-free land, and
showing the harshness and cruelty of their measures. It
was evidently a well-meant warning.
Another strange incident occurred in the early months of
1857. From village to village were passed along chapáties,
or flat cakes of flour. Their origin has never been discovered,
nor was the token professedly understood even by the
natives; but it may have answered to the sending of the
Fiery Cross over the Scottish Highlands, and it was at least a
signal that grave troubles were impending. Week by week,
as the year wore on, the people of Hindustán were more and
more carried away by an excitement that was not far removed
from madness. At one and the same time, they were over-
powered with fear of the yoke that was being imposed upon
them, and exulting with triumph at the success that they
expected to win. It has been said that it was the duty of
the English to take steps to rid the people of the monstrous
falsehoods which they accepted as truths. But, on the
other hand, India is never free from some absurd ideas of the
kind. In Lord Auckland's time, a rumour spread about Simla
that the blood of hillmen was wanted to restore him to health,
and all the coolies on the hill ran away. When the census
was taken at the beginning of 1881, it was widely believed
that all the men were to be put in a row and shot, and the
women sent up to Kábul as wives of English soldiers.* One
* In 1883, when I was in charge of the police on the Southern
Maratha Railway, then being constructed, it was rumoured that
the English engineers required persons to be buried alive under the
foundation of the Málaprabha bridge, and natives would not go near
the river except in bodies and in broad daylight.
348
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
rumour there was, however, more dangerous than all the rest,
which ought to have been dealt with at once. The cartridges
of Enfield rifles, then introduced, were in England greased
with beef and pork-fat. The order went forth in India that
they were to be greased in like manner there. But the pig
is abominated by the Muhammadan, the cow sacred to the
Hindu. The order brought defilement to both, and it was
proof conclusive to all that the cartridges were the means by
which the sepoys were to be made Christians, and the
conversion of the people speedily brought about. In deadly
fear, the sepoys refused to take the cartridges. Yet such
is the wonderful inconsistency of the native mind, that the
cartridges were used without hesitation or thought of defile-
ment against the English; conspirators took their seats in
the trains and sent their messages by the wires that were to
bind down the country in bonds of iron.
نیم
(349)
A
XXIV. THE REAPING OF THE WHIRLWIND.
THE
HE first mutterings of the storm were at Barhampur,
near Murshidábád. The 19th Bengal Infantry broke
into open mutiny on parade; and, though the sepoys were
restrained from violence, they were marched to Barrackpur,
near Calcutta, and disbanded. The only effect of this
measure was to increase the ferment and hasten the evil
day.
To the story of the greased cartridges was now added the
more horrifying news that the public wells and the flour
and butter sold in the markets, in fact, everything had been
defiled by bone-dust and that the salt had been polluted
by the blood of swines and cows. Now, to a certain extent,
but not sufficiently alarmed, Lord Canning issued order
after order to satisfy the sepoys; and on the 10th of May
he addressed the people at large warning them against false
reports and denying that any attempt was being made
to interfere with their caste. It was all useless. The
documents were looked on as part of the scheme. The
fever was at its height and the disease must run its course.
Nothing but a fearful lesson could bring the people to their
senses; and yet even in the Bengal Army there were regi-
ments found faithful to their masters in the hour of need
and darkness.
On the 10th of May, the very day of Lord Canning's
general proclamation, the storm burst in earnest at Mirat.
It was subsequently discovered that the sepoys had formed
350
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
a plot to rise together on the last day of that month, but
an accident interfered with their preconcerted plans. On
the 9th of May some sepoys had been sentenced to
imprisonment for refusing to use the cartridges. On the
10th, which was Sunday, at the time of evening-service,
the native troops released the convicted mutineers and other
prisoners from the jail, rushed through the station cutting
down every European whom they met-man, woman, and
child. They set fire to the houses; and, to prove the
definite and widespread nature of the plot, hurried off to
Delhi. There were European troops at Mirat. The
imbecility of their commanders allowed them to do nothing,
not even to pursue the flying sepoys. At Delhi there were
no European troops; but there were three native regiments,
and a magazine with immense stores of powder and
ammunition in the charge of Lieutenant Willoughby. The
sepoys joined the mutineers, and the whole city was in an
uproar. The crowd surged about the magazine, and
messengers, in the name of Bahadur Sháh, Emperor of India,
demanded its surrender. But Willoughby knew his duty.
When he and his few comrades could no longer hold out,
he gave the command; the train already prepared for
the emergency was fired, and with the contents of the
magazine and its heroic defenders, some fifteen hundred
rebels were blown into the air.
It was this premature rising at Mirat that was the
saving of the English. Instead of a simultaneous throw-
ing down of the gauntlet, which would have produced a
crisis well nigh desperate, there came a running fire of
mutinies; and the telegraph, which Lord Dalhousie's wis-
dom had spread over the land, warned every station of what
was happening. Thus more or less preparation could be
THE REAPING OF THE WHIRLWIND.
351
made to ward off the coming blow. But the conflagration
spread from place to place, and the same horrid drama
was repeated. In station after station, the sepoys
mutinied, loosed the prisoners from the jails, plundered
the treasury, murdered the Europeans, and made off to
Delhi. Treacherous as the sepoys were, their treachery
was exceeded by that of the princes. At Jhansi, the Ráni
pledged herself by a solemn oath that she would send in
safety to another station fifty-five Europeans who had
taken refuge in the fort, but who had no store of food.
They were to leave the fort two by two, and each couple
on coming out was murdered.
It was soon seen that the rebels had no common aim
or object. There was no master-mind to direct their
efforts, and their leaders soon began to strive after different
goals. Muhammadans wished to restore the glories of the
Great Moghal. Hindu sepoys had no intention of trans-
ferring to Bahadur Sháh the allegiance that they had with-
drawn from the English. And Nána Sáhib, at Bithur,
meant to strike a blow for himself and renew the Marátha
empire of the Peshwas. Had he succeeded, the old story
would have been repeated, and Tántia Topi, the only
general that the mutiny produced, would have ruled the
Peshwa as Nána Fárnáwis ruled Máhdu Rao Nárayan.
Until the beginning of June he kept the sepoys at Cawnpore
quiet, and was lavish in his professions of friendship to
the English. At length, on the 4th of June, the native
regiments, burst into revolt, and set off on the road to
Delhi. This by no means fell in with Nána Sáhib's plans.
The sepoys already at Delhi would soon bring about the
collapse of British power; he wanted an army with
which to seize for himself the throne of which his adoptive
352
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
father had been unjustly deprived. Promising them
abundant plunder from the cantonments of Cawnpore he
lured back the regiments that had started for Delhi, and
on the 6th of June the siege of the British garrison was
begun. For nineteen days the English, under Sir Hugh
Wheeler, endured fearful sufferings in a heat that even in
profound peace, in spite of every comfort, renders life
well-nigh unendurable. The numbers of the small garrison
were sadly reduced by the enemy's incessant fire; their
barrack, which formed their hospital, was burnt ; the women
and children were stricken with fever and starving for want
of food. Were the men only to be thought of, they
might have cut their way through the enemy. But the
thought of the suffering women and children induced Sir
Hugh Wheeler, almost against his better judgement, to
accept Nána Sáhib's offer that he would convey safely to
Alláhábád all who should lay down their arms. On the
27th the survivors, numbering in all 450, were marched
down to the boats which had been prepared for them.
No sooner had they taken their places than a murderous
fire was opened upon them from the river banks, and the
thatched roofs of the boats set on fire. The greater
number were killed or drowned; but 122 were carried
back to Nána's house, reserved for a more awful fate.
Four only escaped to join Havelock's avenging army.
Nána Sahib now thought that his success was assured.
He proceeded to Bithur, and had himself proclaimed Peshwa
with magnificent coronation ceremonies. He then returned
to Cawnpore where the Muhammadans were already plot-
ting against him. Here he gratified his appetite for blood
by murdering all the men out of a party of fugitives from
Fatigahr; and he added the women and children to his
THE REAPING OF THE WHIRLWIND.
353
1
prisoners, who now numbered over 200. In the mean-
time, General Havelock was hastening on with strenuous
exertions from Alláhábád, winning victory after victory
on the road. On the evening of the 15th of July, when
he had bivouacked for the night, he heard that the prisoners
at Cawnpore were yet alive. He instantly marched four-
teen miles further, and was only eight miles from the city
when the newly-crowned Peshwa anticipated his arrival
by hacking his victims limb from limb and throwing them
dying or dead into a well. After issuing proclamations that
the infidels had been overwhelmed and sent to hell, he
ordered out his troops to meet General Havelock, and a
fierce battle was fought. The terrible charge of the British
and their Sikh comrades bore down all before them and
the sepoys fled. The next morning the British forces
beheld the signs of the fearful tragedy, and no one can say
that the vengeance was incomplete. The well of Cawnpore
is now enclosed with a rich screen carved in stone; and
on it the figure of an angel in the attitude of perfect rest,
signifies the joyful hope of resurrection to eternal life.
The main features in the struggle in Bengal were now
the rescue of the English garrison besieged in Lucknow,
and the siege of Delhi by the English armies. After
stupendous efforts, a relieving force under General Havelock
and Sir James Outram threw itself into Lucknow on
the 25th of September. Outram had been sent to super-
sede Havelock, but he proved himself worthy of the title be-
stowed on him by Sir Charles Napier, of the Bayard of India,
by waiving his rank and accompanying the force as a volun-
teer. This relief proved to be little more than a reinforcement
of the garrison; but by the middle of November Sir Colin
Campbell fought his way to the capital of Oudh and with-
23
354
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
drew its gallant defenders. It was not, however, till
February 1858 that there was strength enough to once more
capture and this time to hold Lucknow, and from it begin
the conquest of Oudh, the only country in India in which
the population as a whole had risen against us.
But it was at Delhi that the bitterness of the struggle
was concentrated, and at Delhi that political interest centred.
The eyes of all India were turned on the imperial city, in
which 30,000 men, trained and disciplined by England,defied
the efforts of the 4,000 British troops that attempted to
besiege them from their cantonments on the Ridge which
overlooks the town. While Delhi remained in the
hands of the rebels, the Princes of India looked on be-
wildered, and the enemies of England exulted; its capture
was of the most vital importance to the re-establishment
of the British Government in Hindustán, and to the prestige
of the English arms. By July 5th two British Commanders-
in-chief had died; a fortnight later a third was compelled
by ill-health to resign his position, and the command devolved
upon General Wilson of the Bengal Artillery. For a time
the English were less besiegers than besieged. Assault
after assault was made on their lines, and on June 23rd,
the hundredth anniversary of the battle of Plassey, the
enemy attacked the British position with exceeding
courage and skill. But though they were superior in
numbers, though they were perfect in discipline and in the
inferior details of their military movements, yet the master
mind to which military evolutions are but the means to
the end was wanting; their fierce onslaughts were of little
avail against the indomitable resolution and unattainable
military genius of those that had trained them. They
realised that the prophecy which had thrilled their blood
THE REAPING OF THE WHIRLWIND.
355
was at all events not literally fulfilled. As week followed
week, the numbers of the besiegers increased; John
Lawrence denuded the Panjáb of British troops to
hasten the fall of Delhi, and sent his legions of newly-
conquered Sikhs to aid their conquerors in the hour of need.
On the 6th of September a siege-train arrived from Firoz-
pur, and before dawn on September 14th the assaulting
columns were formed in the trenches. Then began a
fierce struggle, which was not ended until six days of
hard fighting. But before a single soldier of the many
hastening from England had set foot in India the climax
of the struggle was past. The power of England
was again revealed. The head was cut off the rebellious
body; waverers were restrained from outbreaks. There
was a large dinner given that week at Government House
at Puna. A telegram was put into the hand of the
Governor while the guests were seated at table. Rising
from his chair, Lord Elphinstone read out to the assembled
throng the welcome news that Delhi was at length taken
and the rebels fled. A deafening cheer of delight and
triumph burst from the Europeans, but the scowling faces
of native servants in the very house of the Governor of
Bombay showed what might have happened had Delhi
not fallen. In January 1858 the sovereign to whom the
mutineers had sworn allegiance was brought to trial for
waging war against the British Government; and with
the banishment of Bahádur Sháh into exile in Burma the
curtain fell on the great drama of Moghal sovereignty.
If the English had ever doubted of their ultimate
success the time for doubt had passed away, and their
absolute and complete reconquest of the country was only
a question of time. Nor could the blindest of fanatical
-356
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
rebels venture to hope for the restoration of the empire
of Delhi. But no small efforts were still to be made to
place once more Dhondu Pant, Nána Sáhib, on the throne
of the Peshwas at Poona. The causes that gave birth
to the Indian mutiny cannot be omitted in a history of
Bombay. But the great events of the struggle in Hin-
dustán can only be sketched in the thinnest possible out-
line. An exception however must be made in the career
of the man who attempted to revive the empire that
Shiwaji had created. Havelock had scattered the troops
of Nána Sáhib at Cawnpore, but they were by no means
destroyed. It was impossible to follow them up while
matters of more momentous consequence remained to be
handled, and for the present they remained unmolested.
Defeated as he was for the time, Nána Sáhib did not yet
despair of success, and he had the invaluable aid of the
Marátha Brahman Tántia Topi, who had superintended
the massacre of Europeans in the boats at Cawnpore. The
two great Marátha chiefs, Sindia and Holkar, were faithful
to the British Ráj; but they could not control their
troops, who were smitten with the prevailing contagion.
Sindia's troops mutinied in June and shot several of their
officers; but Sindia had managed to keep them in a sort
of hostile neutrality till after the fall of Delhi. They
could then be held down no longer; and, accepting the
offer of Tántia Topi to lead them against the English, they
marched to join the rebel forces under Nána Sáhib and
his brother Bála Sáhib. The Gwalior contingent was one
of the finest bodies of men in India; and Tántia Topi, with
20,000 soldiers now under his command, marched against
Cawnpore. He was at no great distance from that city
when Sir Colin Campbell arrived from Alláhábád on his
THE REAPING OF THE WHIRLWIND.
357
way to relieve Havelock and Outram at Lucknow. Out
ram, with characteristic unselfishness, wrote to him from
the besieged city begging him to effectually destroy the
Gwalior rebels before he advanced to their relief. But Sir
Colin Campbell persisted in his original intention; and on
the 9th of November marched into Oudh, leaving General
Windham with a small force to protect Cawnpore. Before
he succeeded in his task and returned to Cawnpore, on the
28th of November, amazing events had taken place.
Tántia Topi had been biding his time; and no sooner had
Sir Colin Campbell started for Lucknow, than-leaving a
strong detachment at Kálpi-he crossed the Jumna and
moved on towards Cawnpore, occupying the most important
posts on the line of march. Windham was thus cut off from
communication with the country which furnished him with
most of his supplies. Windham applied for and received
permission to detain reinforcements that were reaching
Cawnpore from Bengal. But, though his force was slightly
increased, he was in serious danger; and information
reached him which led him to believe that Sir Colin's force
was surrounded by the enemy. Definite action was
necessary, and he determined upon a skilful plan for
foiling Tántia by taking the initiative against him. The
carrying out of the plan involved disobedience to the instruc-
tions which Sir Colin had left. He applied for permission
to act according to his judgement; but the permission could
not reach him, and he shrank from the responsibility of
executing in its entirety the plan which he had conceived.
The result was half measures and failure. On the 24th he
broke up his camp, and left the entrenchment, covering the
town on the West, which he had been specially directed to
keep, and marched out six miles. The next day Tántia
358
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
drew near, and on the 26th Windham defeated him, but fell
back on Cawnpore. Tántia fully appreciated the necessity
of his withdrawal to defend Cawnpore; and on the 27th
Windham found that he had been cleverly outflanked, and
was assailed by an artillery stronger than his own. The de-
fence was mismanaged. He withdrew in confusion, and the
retreat was well-nigh a panic. The tents, camp equipage,
and stores fell into the enemy's hands, and Tántia Topi
became master of the city. The entrenchment, on which
Sir Colin set so much value, was in the greatest danger
of suffering the same fate, but that and the bridge of boats
across the river to the Oudh shore were saved. Had the
bridge, by which alone Sir Colin's force could gain Cawnpore,
been cut off it would have gone hard with Windham's force;
but hearing the firing of heavy artillery Sir Colin marched
on with the utmost speed, regardless of his wearied troops,
and arrived in time to prevent this crowning disaster. The
non-combatants and wounded were sent off to Alláhábád,
and on the 6th of December was fought the third battle
of Cawnpore which for a time checked the activity of the
wonderful Brahman general. He was to be dealt with later
on by Sir Hugh Rose from Bombay. The victory was a
brilliant one. The British loss was small. The enemy
was pursued for a great distance; and General Hope Grant
overtook them at a ferry, twenty-five miles above Cawn-
pore, and won another success. In these two victories
the Gwalior contingent lost thirty-two guns.
It is now time to return to events that disturbed the
peace of the Western Presidency, and then follow up the
brilliant campaign of the Bombay army under Sir Hugh
Rose (Lord Strathnairn) in Central India, against the rebel
forces under the Ráni of Jhansi and Tántia Topi..
(359)
XXV. THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
IR JOHN LAWRENCE had, with magnificent un-
SIR
selfishness, subordinated the defence of the Panjáb
to the defence of the empire, and denuded his own pro-
vince of troops to hasten the capture of Delhi. Lord
Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, adopted the same
spirited policy. He was a statesman of real ability and
possessed a long experience of Indian affairs. Twenty
years before he had been Governor of Madras, and had
there perhaps distinguished himself as a leader of society
rather than as a ruler. But he had since become a wise and
enlightened administrator, and by his singular tact and
judicious encouragement of merit he had created among
his subordinates an enthusiastic confidence for the head of
their government. When the news of the outbreak at
Delhi reached him he at once directed his efforts to
supplement from a two-fold source the British forces in
Northern India. The troops which Outram had led to
victory in Persia had not yet returned to Bombay. In-
stead of ordering their return to his own Presidency, he
despatched them rapidly to Calcutta; and, promptly grasp-
ing the fearful magnitude of the crisis, he enabled Bartle
Frere, his lieutenant in Sind, to reinforce Sir John
Lawrence in the Panjáb, and helped Colonel George
Lawrence, when mutiny broke out at Nimach and Nassirá-
360
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
bád in Rajputána to save that province by the aid of Bom-
bay troops from Disa. But the revolt at Nassirábád showed
the danger to which the grand trunk road from Bombay
to Agra, through Gwalior and Central India, was exposed.
This communication must at all hazards be secured. Lord
Elphinstone's resources were not great, but he equipped a
column and despatched it to Mau (Mhow), under General
Woodburn, with instructions to place his forces at the
disposal of Colonel Durand, the Agent to the Governor-
General for Holkar's territories at his capital of Indor.
His arrival was sorely needed. Holkar was loyal, but
his troops could not be trusted. Not only at Nassirábád
and Nimach had the conflagration broken out, but at
Jhansi and Mehidpur; and communication between Indor
and Ágra was cut off by the mutiny of Sindia's contingent
at Gwalior. Durand's hopes centred in the prompt arrival
of Woodburn's column from Bombay, and the mutinous
troops hearing of its approach veiled for a time their dis-
loyalty. But Woodburn was not coming. He had found
it almost impracticable to get on to Mau at that season
of the year; and, on the summons of the British resident
at Hydarábád, he turned aside to suppress a disturbance
which had broken out at Aurangábád, and remained there
even after he had accomplished his purpose. On the
28th of June Lord Elphinstone was forced to tele-
graph to Durand that the column could not advance. As
is always the case in India, such news spreads with mys-
terious rapidity; and the sedative influence which an
unfounded rumour of the fall of Delhi had exercised on
the people of Central India being removed by the know-
ledge that Delhi was still untaken mutiny broke out at
Indor. Durand was compelled to flee. He hastened by
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
361
forced marches to Asirgarh in order to hurry up Wood-
burn's column to Mau, for the rescue of Central India
from anarchy and the restoration of the line of communi-
cation. On his way he heard that the column was at last
actually advancing under Brigadier Stuart, who had
succeeded Woodburn, and the line of the Narbada was
fairly out of danger. On July 22nd, Stuart's column
arrived at Asirgarh and was there joined by Durand. The
force marched to Mau and arrived there on the 1st of
August. Heavy rains detained it there for three months.
At last the weary season of inaction passed away, and
Durand was able to set out with a little army of 1,400
men, of which a large proportion was cavalry and artillery,
on a brilliant and successful campaign in Central India.
The first place which he moved against was the fort of
Dhár, two days' march from Mau. The defendants offered
a vigorous resistance, but there was no disputing the
advance of the assailants. The 25th Bombay Native
Infantry covered themselves with glory, and the fort
was taken and destroyed. In November, the little
army was reinforced by a detachment of the Hydarábád
contingent; and the combined forces defeated the rebels
in successive actions at Mandisur and Gurária. This last
victory was decisive. Durand marched back to resume
his position at Indor, while Stuart's forces returned
to Mau, there to await the arrival of a great captain who
was advancing from Bombay with an invincible army
to war down the hostile forces that still dared to hold up
their heads.
But before despatching Sir Hugh Rose to Central India,
in December 1857, Lord Elphinstone had had weighty
duties to perform in the territories under his charge.
362
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
In the recently-annexed province of Sátára, although there
was no popular rising or even agitation, there was yet a
party which personally favoured the claims to the throne
of the adopted son of the late Raja's brother. A wakil,
or agent, named Rango Bápuji, who had travelled to
England after the annexation of Sátára to advocate the
claims of the Rája's brother, plotted in connection with
Nána Sáhib of Cawnpore, to release the prisoners in the
Sátára jail, plunder the treasury and attack the canton-
ment. This plot was discovered by Mr. Rose, the district
magistrate, on the 12th of June. He at once sent for
European reinforcements. The conspiracy was nipped
in the bud; Rango Bápuji disappeared; his followers were
dispersed by Lieutenant Kerr with a party of the
Southern Marátha horse. Seventeen of the conspirators
were tried and executed, while the family of the late Rája,
who were implicated in the plots, was deported.
There was more serious danger in the districts south of
Sátára and the state of Kolhápur. At Kolhápur, Belgaum,
and Dharwar there were native troops. At Belgaum
there were about four hundred European women and
children, while the British force was limited to a battery
of artillery and some thirty infantry. Considerable dis-
affection, not altogether without reason, had been caused
in the Southern Marátha country by the proceedings
of the Inám commission. The lapsing of estates consequent
on the absence of male heirs, and the refusal to allow
adoption, had created wide-spread jealousy and suspicion.
Kolhapur was still smarting from the rebellion of 1844,
the costs of which the state was ordered to pay to
Government together with interest at 5 per cent. Pend-
ing the payment in full, the affairs of the state were
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAT.
363
under the management of a Political Agent. Repayment
of so large a sum seemed hopeless, and native rule never
likely to be restored. Mr. Seton-Karr, the magistrate of
Belgaum, was aware that in his own district-which then
included part of Bijapur, as well as in Kolhápur and
Dhárwár-considerable excitement had been created among
the people by the news of the triumph of Nána Sáhib at
Cawnpore, and that the three regiments at Belgaum,
Kolhápur, and Dhárwár were intriguing together It was
afterwards proved conclusively that they had plotted to
rise on a fixed date; but the sepoys of the 27th Bombay
Native Infantry at Kolhápur, discovering that the native
adjutant of the regiment, a Jew, was sending away his
family, believed that this was preliminary to betraying
them, and they resolved to rise at once.
On the night of July 31st, in the height of the monsoon,
the outbreak took place, and the native adjutant had
barely time to warn the European ladies to flee for their
lives when the sepoys came up and poured volleys into
their bungalows. Some of the officers escaped into the
country, but were caught and shot, and their bodies thrown
into the river. Others took refuge in the Residency,
about a mile from camp, but not far from the lines of
another military body, the Kolhapur Local Corps, com-
manded by Captain John Schneider. The sepoys plun-
dered the treasury and the station, and then proceeded
to the town where they evidently expected to be let in.
But the forethought of Colonel Maughan, the Political
Agent, had closed the city gates, and this measure checked
any movement in their favour on the part of the townspeople.
The majority then returned to their lines, but two hundred
of them took up a position in an outwork near the town;
364
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
and, after repelling the local corps which Colonel Maughan
at once led against them, marched off the next day to join
a detachment of their regiment at Ratnagiri. On the way,
they unexpectedly met with some European troops, and
the bulk of the mutineers betook themselves to the jungles
of Sawantwári. But forty, all natives of Hindustán,
returned to Kolhápur, and threw themselves once more
into the outwork adjoining the town. Here they were
attacked on the 10th of August by Lieutenant Kerr, who
had marched in twenty-four hours from Sátára, a distance
of more than seventy miles, by volunteers from their own
regiment and some of the local corps, all under Major
Rolland of the 27th. A. desperate conflict ensued, almost the
whole number of the mutineers being killed. Lieutenant
Kerr received the Victoria Cross for his gallantry on this
occasion.
The European population of Bombay was seriously
alarmed at the news from Kolhapur. Many residents placed
their families for safety on the ships in the harbour,
and volunteer horse patrolled the streets at night. The
anxiety was not lessened by the fact that Mr. Forjett, the
energetic superintendent of police, had discovered some of
the sepoys in Bombay to be untrustworthy. But Lord
Elphinstone, with admirable unselfishness, would not detain
troops for the defence of Bombay when they were more
urgently wanted elsewhere. He despatched two detach-
ments of the 2nd Europeans by sea to Ratnagiri, a
feat hitherto unattempted in the teeth of the monsoon;
and he directed them, after taking what measures might
be needed to deal with the detachment at that station, to
march up the Gháts to Kolhápur. A further detachment
was sent by sea to Goa, and ordered to march thence to
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
365
Belgaum. And Colonel George Le Grand Jacob, a soldier-
politician of great experience, who had just returned with
Outram from Persia, was depatched to Kolhápur to restore
order, with full authority to act on his own judgement.
Jacob started at once; and, after a journey of extraordinary
difficulty, in torrents of rain, through a country which
then had no roads, he reached Kolhápur on the
14th of August. Order he found had been restored; but
the mutinous regiment was still unpunished. A day or
two later the European troops arrived from the coast.
They had marched over wild mountains, they had crossed
swollen rivers, and plodded through deep mud. Their
clothes were worn to rags. Some horse artillery also
arrived from Sátára, and Jacob determined on the 17th to
disarm the native regiment. He made his arrangements
admirably. The mutinous 27th was drawn up on the
parade-ground with the Europeans and loyal natives on
two sides of them. Jacob then addressed the sepoys,
appealing to every motive that could lead them to reproach
themselves for their conduct, and assured them that none
would be punished but those whose guilt should be proved
on a fair trial. Before he had finished speaking he ob-
served tears on the faces of some of the sepoys, who are, as
he himself states, but children of a larger growth. The
order was then given to pile arms, and after a slight but
ominous pause it was obeyed. Court-martials were
promptly held. The next day twenty-one prisoners were
convicted, of whom eight were blown from guns, eleven
shot, and two hanged. It was subsequently discovered
that the regiment had been in close correspondence with
the Bengal sepoys; and that the Bombay regiment was in
deadly fear lest the obnoxious cartridge-that powerful
:
366
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
fulcrum used by the movers of the revolt-should be served
out to them.
The news of the mutiny at Kolhapur was telegraphed
to Belgaum, and so was known to Seton-Karr before it
was to the sepoys at that station. There had been greater
anticipation of danger at Belgaum than at Kolhapur; but
Seton-Karr was well acquainted with the designs of the
sepoys, and knowing that a certain man had been selected
as leader, he sent him off on special duty to a distant
town. The absence of their leader paralysed the sepoys,
and no outbreak occurred. The detachment of Europeans,
despatched by the careful forethought of Lord Elphin-
stone by way of Goa, arrived on the 10th of August, like
their brethren at Kolhápur, in tatters, shoeless, and nearly
kitless. Seton-Karr and General Lester then felt them-
selves strong enough to arrest the conspirators, of whose
guilt they had sufficient evidence to bring them to trial.
The chief of these was a munshi, a favourite amongst the
officers, whom he instructed in Hindustáni. He was a
disciple of the head of the Wáhábi sect in Western India,
who lived at Puna. Letters were found, which showed
the existence of a wide-spread Muhammadan design for a
rising in that part of the country, and communications
were intercepted between the 29th Bombay Native
Infantry and the 74th Bengal Regiment. The plot
was mainly brought to light by the Faujdár, or native
head of the Belgaum police, whose services were rewarded
by the grant of a village. Jacob, meanwhile, remained
at Kolhapur, where there were vague rumours of
coming disturbance; and the strange movement of the
mutineers on the night of July 31st to the town was yet
unaccounted for.
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
367
•
The anxiety in Bombay itself was by no means ground-
less. With a European force of only 400 Europeans,
under Brigadier Shortt, there were three regiments of
sepoys. The native troops were implicitly trusted by their
officers, and the chief danger apprehended by the Govern-
ment was from the Muhammadans of the town who num-
bered no less than 150,000. Besides the troops, there were
a number of native and sixty European police, under Mr.
Forjett, the superintendent. Forjett was born and bred
in India, and could disguise himself as a native and
mix with the people without any chance of detection. He
was convinced that the townspeople would not stir with-
out the sepoys; but he knew that the sepoys were planning
mutiny, and much to the disgust of the Brigadier he made
no secret of his views. The Muhammadan festival of the
Moharam was approaching, always an occasion of anxiety
in Bombay even during times of peace. The plans made
by Government to keep order involved the splitting up of
the European troops and police into small parties; and
Forjett by no means approved of an arrangement by which
there would be no Europeans to oppose a mutiny of the
sepoys at the place where it was likely to begin. As re-
gards the troops he could do nothing, but he told the
Governor that he felt obliged to disobey orders as to the
location of the police. "It is a very risky thing,"
said Lord Elphinstone, "to disobey orders, but I am sure
you will do nothing rash." Forjett did disobey orders,
whether it was risky or not. Going round the city
in disguise every night of the Moharam, whenever he heard
any one sympathising with the success of the mutineers in
other parts of India, he at once whistled for his men,
some of whom were sure to be near. The badmáshes and
368
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
scoundrels of the town were so alarmed at these mysterious
arrests, which seemed to show that the authorities knew
everything, that they remained quiet. But close at the
end of the Moharam, a drunken Christian drummer be-
longing to one of the sepoy regiments insulted a religious.
procession of Hindus, and knocked down a god that they
were escorting. He was at once arrested and placed in
custody; but the men of his regiment, incensed at the
action of the police, whom they detested on account of
Forjett's hostility to themselves, hurried to the lock-up,
rescued the drummer and took him with two policemen
to their lines. A European constable and four natives
went at once to demand that their comrades should be re-
leased and the drummer given up. They were resisted by
force; a struggle ensued, and the police fought their way
out, leaving two sepoys for dead. The sepoys were in the
utmost fury and excitement, and Forjett was summoned
by his police. Forjett was equal to the emergency. He
ordered his European police to follow him, and galloped to
the scene of the mutiny. He found the sepoys trying to
force their way out of the lines, and their officers with drawn
swords with difficulty restraining them. On seeing For-
jett their fury could hardly be controlled. "For God's
sake, Mr. Forjett," cried the officers, "go away!" "If
your men are bent on mischief," he replied, "the sooner
it is over the better." The sepoys paused while Forjett
sat on his horse confronting them. Soon his assistant
and fifty-four European constables arrived, and Forjett
cried, “Throw open the gates-I am ready for them!"
The sepoys were not prepared for this prompt action; and
in the face of the Europeans judged discretion to be the
better part of valour.
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY,
369
A few days later, Forjett erected a gallows near the
police-office, summoned the chief citizens whom he knew
to be disaffected, and pointing to the gibbet told them
that on the slightest sign that they meditated an outbreak
they would promptly be hanged. The hint was taken.
But there was still danger from the sepoys. Forjett learnt
that a number of them were systematically holding secret
meetings at the house of one Ganga Prasád. He imme-
diately had this man arrested, and induced him to confess
what he knew. The next evening he went to the house, and
through a hole in the wall gathered from the sepoys' con-
versation that they meant to mutiny during the Hindu fes-
tival of the Diwáli in October, pillage the city and then.
leave the island. His report of this to the officers was
received with incredulity; but Forjett persuaded Major
Barrow,the commandant of one of the regiments, to go with
him to the house, and he was aghast at seeing there his
own men whom he trusted. "Mr. Forjett has caught us
at last," said Brigadier Shortt when this was told to him.
Court-martials were held, the two ringleaders executed,
and six accomplices transported for life. The Diwali
passed off quietly; and, by the prescience and persistence.
of the superintendent of police, Bombay was saved.
But in various parts of the Presidency there was still
occasion for anxiety. In September, plots to mutiny at
Ahmadábád, and Hydarábád in Sind, were nipped in the
bud; and at Karáchi the 21st Bombay Native Infantry and
three Oudh recruited regiments showed a mutinous spirit and
were disarmed. Apart from those mentioned, the Bombay
regiments remained staunch during the crisis; those in
their ranks who, having been recruited in Hindustán, might
have liked to aid their brethren of Northern India being
24
370
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
weighed down by the loyalty of the Maráthas. But at
Kolhápur, and throughout the Southern Marátha country,
where the Inám commission had caused wide-spread
disaffection amongst an armed population, there was for-
midable danger. At Kolhápur Jacob was on the alert
for coming disturbance. The Rája was loyal, but indolent.
His younger brother, Chima Sahib, was a man of energy,
with the spirit as well as the blood of Shiwáji in his veins;
and emissaries from Nána Sáhib stimulated his thoughts of
rebellion. On November 15th the Rája acquainted Jacob
with a rumour that there was an intention of attacking the
camp, and patrols and pickets were doubled. The European
force, too, had by this time been increased. On the night
of the 5th of December, Jacob was roused from sleep by
the clatter of horses' hoofs. Rushing out he met the
Rissáldár, or native officer, in command of the Southern
Marátha Horse, who told him that suspicious cries had
been heard in the town. Jacob directed the Rissáldár
to sweep round the city and if possible secure one of the
gates, while he himself galloped into the camp and
sounded the alarm. Soon after the troops had
assembled, the Rissáldár returned to say that the town
was in hostile possession and the gates closed against
the English. All the gates had evidently fallen into.
the enemy's hands without opposition; and Jacob con-
cluded that the younger Rája at least was implicated
in the plot, and that the camp would be immediately at-
tacked. He determined to forestall the attempt. Leaving
the 27th under surveillance, he moved to the city with
all available forces. A storming-party was formed. By
dawn of day one of the gates was gallantly blown in, and
with slight resistance the place was in Jacob's hands. But
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
371
in the palace there were hundreds of armed men, including
a large number of the hereditary garrison of the Panálla fort.
These it was who had taken the town by escalade during
the night. They had attempted to seize the treasure-chest
kept in the palace buildings; but it was guarded by a party
of the local corps, who with commendable loyalty fired
at the mutineers and killed their leader. All these men
were promptly disarmed; thirty-six were there and then
tried by a drum-head court-martial, and on their own con-
fession convicted, condemned, and executed. The rest were
reserved for subsequent procedure. Jacob's prompt action,
while Chima Sahib was still hesitating to openly commit
himself, prevented the full execution of a plot which
would have spread mutiny over the whole of the Southern
Marátha Country. The explanation of the occurrence
was gradually elicited. Chima Sahib was acting in de-
liberate collusion with Nána Sahib. He had had frequent
interviews with the native officers of the 27th, and with
a deputation of sixty men from Gwalior, whose ostensible
object was to congratulate the Rája on his marriage with
the daughter of the Gaikwár. A sword had also been
received from Lucknow. Chima Sahib was sent as a state
prisoner to Sind, and the Kolhápur fortifications were
dismantled. The Rája was cleared of all suspicion and
confirmed in his sovereignty; but he did not long survive,
and was succeeded by his kinsman Rájárám, a promising
and amiable young man, who subsequently died in Italy
on his return from a journey to England.
In the Konkan, the remant of the Sawantwári in-
surgents of 1844, who had been for a while confined and
subsequently given land by the Goa Government, created
some agitation, though they got no recruits in Sawantwári
372
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
itself. Under Bába Desai, who had been the prime mover in
the former insurrection, they broke into revolt in February
1858, harried the country and levied war in the name of
the Peshwa Nána Sáhib. But they were hotly pursued, and
their depredations confined to a small tract of country. The
police in this, as in other operations throughout the Presi-
dency, gave most valuable and efficient assistance. At an
outpost at Talliwára, near the Portuguese frontier, a
police sergeant and twelve constables defied successfully an
attack by a large body of rebels, who actually seized their
families and swore that they would murder them unless
the place surrendered. The only reply was that the British
Government would avenge their deaths, and the threat was
not carried out. In the Southern Marátha States a suc-
cession of petty outbreaks occurred in the cold weather of
1857-58, owing to the disarming of the people necessitated
by their attitude; and Government deemed it advisable
to place under one man the turbulent population of the
several districts and states. Jacob was accordingly placed
in charge of the whole in May 1858, as Commissioner
of the Southern Marátha Country; and Charles Manson,
who had been assistant to Seton-Karr, was appointed to
act under Jacob. Manson had been connected with the
Inám commissions; and so was regarded with suspicion by
the native chiefs who were up in arms at the assumed right
of our Government to disallow succession by adoption.
He was thus identified with the harsher features of the policy
of the British Government. The principal states were
Sángli, Miraj, Kurandwár and Nargund, the last of which
was annexed to Dhárwár at the close of the mutiny. The
families of Miraj, Sángli and Kurandwár were Brahmans,
and related by marriage with Nána Sáhib. The ablest chief
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
373
was Bába Sáhib of Nargund, and he considered himself
grievously wronged by the Inám commission. Others
might bide their time till they could see who was winning;
he, more daring, threw himself into the insurrectionary
movement when its chances of success were at a minimum.
On the 26th of May, a few hours after Manson had left
Jacob at Kolhápur on his way to visit the northern states of
the country, news of the outbreak of the Nargund chief
reached the commissioner. Jacob immediately sent a
mounted messenger to Manson with the news. He
informed him that he had telegraphed to General Lester
to send a force to Nargund; and he recommended
Manson to return to Kolhápur and consult with himself
before joining the forces, with which his proper position.
would now be. But Manson was blindly confident in
his own influence, and replied that he would hasten to
Nargund and nip the revolt in the bud, or at any rate
save Bába Sáhib's brother, the chief of Rámdrug, from
joining in it. He wrote to Colonel Malcolm, commanding
at Kaladgi, requesting aid; but Malcolm had gone off to
quell a rising elsewhere, and so Manson reached Rámdrug
with only twelve wearied troopers. Here he found
that he had arrived too late. The Nargund chief had
committed himself past hope of recovery. But he saved
the chief of Rámdrug, who showed him his brother's
letters urging co-operation. He urged Manson not to go
to Nargund, as in that case he could not answer for his
life; so, after writing to Jacob to throw a garrison into
Miraj, or Sángli, Manson went off to join Malcolm. He
started that evening, May 27th, and halted at a village on
way, he and his men alike wearied out with marching.
In the night the Nargund chief sallied out with 700 or
the
374
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
800 followers, killed the sentry on guard, and rushing
upon Manson-who had time to wound one of his assailants
with his revolver-killed him and cut off his head, which
they suspended over the gateway at Nargund. Bába
Sáhib's triumph was short. Malcolm turned back from the
rebels in the south, who were disposed of by a Madras force,
and with some artillery and infantry from Dhárwár at-
tacked Nargund on June 1st, defeated Bába Sáhib's force
with great slaughter, and carried the town by assault.
The next day they seized the citadel, a strong place of
resistance, but on forcing the gates it was found deserted.
The chief had escaped during the night. His track was
followed up with extraordinary energy, perseverance and
skill by Mr., now Sir Frank Souter, K. C.S.I., Commissioner
of Police in Bombay, and in spite of his various devices
for throwing the pursuers off the scent, was discovered
the same evening with six of his principal followers,
disguised as pilgrims. He was soon afterwards tried, con-
demned, and executed. On hearing of Manson's death, Jacob
threw an English garrison into Sángli; and by a skil
ful negociation induced Bába Sáhib, chief of Miraj, to give
up his munitions of war, which consisted of eleven tons of
gunpowder and rockets, with arms and cartridges for many
thousand soldiers. Part of his fortifications, too, which
were of great strength, were dismantled. Mr. Manson was
succeeded in his post by Captain Frederick Schneider.
Besides the places already referred to, there was consider-
able disturbance in the hills of Áhmadnagar and it ex-
tended more or less into Násik and Khándesh. A man named
Bhágoji Naik, who had been dismissed from the Ahmad-
nagar police, gathered together a number of Bhils and took
up an offensive position in September 1857. In October, his
THE MUTINIES IN BOMBAY.
375
men killed Lieutenant Henry, the superintendent of police,
in an action, and the whole Bhil population was greatly ex-
cited. In order to check the growing disorder, Captain
Nuttall raised a corps of Kolis, hardy mountaineers and
hereditary rivals of the Bhils, with eminent success.
But the movement was not entirely suppressed for a
considerable time, and as late as October 1859 Bhágoji
plundered the village of Korkála, in Ahmadnagar, and
carried off property worth Rs. 18,000. He was closely
pursued by Captain Nuttall, but by rapid and secret marches
he managed at first to baulk his pursuers. At last, on
November 11th, Mr. Souter, who had been appointed the
police superintendent of Áhmadnagar, came upon him in
the Násik district; and, in a hand-to-hand combat, Bhágoji
and most of his followers were killed and the rebellion
brought to an end.
( 376 )
XXVI.-EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
IT
Tis now time to relate the doings of the Bombay army
under Sir Hugh Rose, which Lord Elphinstone in
spite of the danger in his own Presidency nobly sent off to
Central India. The plan for the restoration of order in
Central India, approved by Sir Colin Campbell, the Com-
mander-in-Chief, was that a Bombay column should start
from Mau and march by way of Jhansi to Kálpi, while a
Madras column starting from Jabalpur should march
through Bandalkand to Banda. The two columns were
to support each other, and form part of a general combina-
tion, and, besides pacifying Central India, draw off the
pressure of the Gwalior contingent and other rebel forces
from Sir Colin's own army.
The Madras column was
commanded by General Whitlock.
Sir Hugh Rose was a soldier of thirty-seven years' dis-
tinguished service. Nor had his career been solely a mili-
tary one. Besides fighting at the Alma, at Inkerman, and
before Sebastopol, he had proved himself a statesman of
keen foresight and ripe judgement at Beyrout and as
chargé d'affaires at Constantinople. Daring in the field, he
was a man of polished manners, foremost alike in society
and war.
But in India he had not served, and there were
some who doubted if he would succeed in the conditions of
Indian warfare. By Christmas 1857, he was at Mau, and
he resolved to begin his march early in January. His
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
377
operations had to be conducted in one of the most rugged
portions of India. He had to traverse the dense jungles
and impenetrable mountains and ravines of the Windhya
range, and the fastnesses of Bandalkand, whose hardy
populations had for centuries defied the efforts of Muham-
madan emperors. Sir Hugh's army was divided into two
brigades; the first under Stuart at Mau, the second under
Stewart at Sihor. There were altogether two regiments
of European Infantry, one of Cavalry, four of Native
Infantry and the same number of Cavalry, with Ar-
tillery, Sappers and Miners, and a siege-train. His first
task was to relieve the garrison of Saugar, which was
hard pressed. Sending the first brigade against Chan-
dári in Sindia's dominions, he started for Sihor with Sir
Robert Hamilton as political officer. On the 16th of
January he marched out of Sihor with the second brigade,
and after toiling for a week across rivers, hills and jungle the
force arrived at Ráthgahr, a fort in the Saugar district, and
at once proceeded to bombard it. On the 28th, while the
guns were still thundering at the wall, a large force of
rebels was seen approaching, and the army of the Rája of
Bánpur marched up to relieve the garrison. Without in-
terrupting the bombardment, Sir Hugh sent a detachment
to crush his new opponents. Cavalry and artillery dashed
against them, and the Bánpur troops flung down their
muskets and fled for their lives. By the evening the breach
seemed practicable, but ere the assault could be delivered in
the morning the garrison had let themselves down by ropes,
and eluded the troops that should have intercepted them.
The fort was demolished. While the siege was still going on,
Sir Hugh heard that the rebels had rallied at a place called
Barodia, some fifteen miles off. A portion of the force was
378
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
detached against them; and, after a difficult march through
a dense forest, they scattered the enemy and returned to
Ráthgahr. On the 3rd of February, without meeting any
further opposition, he succeeded in relieving Saugar. The
district was still, however, threatened by the mutineers,
who had taken up their position in an almost impregnable
fort at Garakota. But they dared not even here await the
English; the fort was taken, but the garrison escaped.
The general's object was to press on with all speed to
Jhansi, where the rebellious Ráni had not yet been inter-
fered with. After some delay, for the collection of supplies
and for awaiting news of the Madras column, Sir Hugh
resumed his march on the 27th. His route had to lie
through one of two passes, Nárat or Madanpur. Believing
that he would choose the first, the Rája of Bánpur occu-
pied it with the greater part of his forces, but both
passes were strongly defended. Making a feint at Nárat, Sir
Hugh made his real attack on Madanpur. At five o'clock
on the morning of 4th March he moved against the pass,
and after a few miles' march entered a deep wooded glen
which lay beneath it. Instantly the roar of artillery was
heard from the gorge, and a desperate resistance was made
to the Bombay column. So strong was the enemy's position,
and so stubbornly did they fight, that it required all the
efforts of the British force to dislodge them. But the
fury of the attack was more than they could endure, and
at last they fled, vigorously pursued by the cavalry. The
effect of this action was so considerable that none of the
forts, nor the river Betwa that lay between the Bombay
column and Jhansi, were defended. On the 17th of March
the column crossed the Betwa. The next day news came
that the first brigade, under General Stuart, had captured
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
379
Chandári. General Whitlock, too, after some delay, was
now advancing with the Madras force.
Early on the morning of the 21st the column arrived at
Jhansi. The walls of the fort were 16 feet thick, and armed
with powerful ordnance. On three sides it was protected
by the city, which was surrounded by a granite wall 25 feet
high. The place was almost impregnable, but the general
saw a point on the southern side where it might be
possible to breach the fortification. The cavalry of the
first brigade arrived the same day; and on the 22nd, in
order that the garrison, 12,000 in number, should not, as at
Ráthgahr and Garakota, escape his clutches, he invested
the city and fort with his cavalry. By the evening of the
22nd, four batteries were thrown up. On the 25th they
opened fire; and the remainder of the first brigade arriving
on that day, fresh batteries were thrown up on the 26th.
A struggle now began which rivalled in its intensity the
fierce contest that had been waged beneath the walls of
Delhi. The besiegers, having always to be ready for
action, never took off their clothes. They were almost
stifled by the intolerable heat, and they had to fight with
wet towels tied round their heads. But their general
shared their hardships, and was ever present to cheer them
on, and the thought of the awful massacre of English
men and women within the walls was constantly in their
minds. The defenders, on their part, knew that they could
expect no pardon for their crimes, and that the cause of
the rebels in Central India depended upon their efforts;
and their guns ceased working only at night.
But on the 31st of March the operations on both sides
for a moment flagged, when it became known that Tántia
Topi was close at hand to relieve Jhansi. Sir Hugh had
380
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
now to confront not only 12,000 desperate rebels in one
of the mightiest fortresses in India, led by their Ráni
Lakshmi Bai, a woman of unbending will and relentless
cruelty, but also an army of 20,000 men led by a com-
mander who had defeated a British general at Cawnpore
and taken that city from him. Few things in the annals of
the British army are more splendid than Sir Hugh Rose's
achievements at this crisis. The bombardment was
kept up more vigorously than ever, but all the men that
could be spared were collected from the two brigades
to attack Tántia on the next day. Tántia had de-
tached a portion of his force to relieve the city on
the north; the main body was on the right flank of the
British, and between them and the river Betwa. The
English general also divided his small forces; and the first
brigade marched out after it was dark, and lay down to rest
unobserved on the right flank of the enemy. The second
brigade remained in camp. The enemy swarmed near the
English lines, and took up a threatening position. Their
sentries kept telling the British that on the morrow they
would all be sent to hell, while the garrison shouted, fired
salutes and beat their drums. On the morning of 1st April,
while the work of bombardment went on as usual in spite
of volley upon volley of musketry from the walls, the battle
began. The British infantry were ordered to lie down,
and the artillery opened fire on the advancing enemy. But
the fire was insufficient to check them. Seeing this, Sir
Hugh sent his horse artillery and some dragoons against
their right flank, and himself led the charge of his remain-
ing cavalry against the left. The flanks gave way before
the fierce onslaught; the centre halted in bewilderment;
the British infantry leaped to their feet, fired a volley, and
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
381
put the whole of the first line to flight with the bayonet.
A moment later, and the force which Tántia had detached
the night before came rushing back, pursued by the first
brigade, and the rebel army was in full retreat. Even
then Tántia displayed his generalship. He set fire
to the jungle to hinder pursuit, and took his troops
across the Betwa, covering their retreat by an artillery
fire. But the British cavalry and horse artillery dashed
through the flames, galloped through the
the river,
and when at sunset they returned from the pursuit
they had captured twenty-eight guns. In the day's
fighting 1,500 of the enemy perished. The next day the
breach in the wall was reported practicable; and on the
3rd, at three o'clock in the morning, the men were in
their places for the assault. At length the order to ad-
vance was given. But silently as their movements had
been executed, the gleams of their weapons in the pale moon-
light betrayed them; the garrison was prepared, and fierce
showers of shot, bullets, and rockets were poured down upon
the assaulting columns. As they drew near to the walls,
trees, blocks of wood, stones, and pots full of pitch were
hurled down with fearful effect. For a moment the
troops wavered, but the stormers again pressed on, climbing
the ladders which the sappers planted. Three of the
ladders snapped, but the check was only momentary.
Lieutenants Dick and Meiklejohn, of the Engineers, sprang
on to the walls. Their men followed, and dashed into the
rebels; but Dick and Meiklejohn fell dead. While the
enery were vainly endeavouring to repel this attack,
another party fought their way in on the left; the two
bodies joined on the ramparts, and the mutineers fell back.
A terrible struggle then took place for the possession of the
382
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
town. The infuriated soldiers fought their way through an
obstinate resistance to the fort, from which a cannonade
was still kept up, and put every man in it to the sword.
By next morning 5,000 of the rebels were slain; for, re-
membering the massacre of the English, the soldiers gave
no quarter. But the Ráni escaped on horseback, with a
small escort, and joined Tántia Topi at Kálpi.
The rebel army at Kálpi again concentrated, and num-
bered 20,000 men. They had thrown up strong intrench-
ments on the road from Jhansi, at a place called
Kunch. Kálpi, therefore, must be taken. But fierce as
the rebel resistance had been, the British troops had
a deadlier enemy in the tropical sun at the summer
solstice; and the hardships of the campaign had filled the
hospitals. For nearly three weeks Sir Hugh had to re-
main at Jhansi to recruit his men, and collect supplies and
ammunition. On the 25th he set out for Kálpi, leaving
Jhansi in charge of some reinforcements that had come
from Rajputána. Before daybreak, on the 6th of May, he
began his march against the stockade at Kunch. The
men were wearied out by want of sleep; and, as the
sun rose higher and higher in his fiery chariot, they
cried hysterically for water and almost broke down with
excitement and nervousness. At length, after marching four-
teen miles, they halted two miles off Kunch, and recruited
their flagging strength with food and rest. Their strength
revived, and in the battle that followed the infantry compelled
thể enemy to retire; the cavalry and horse artillery shat-
tered their ranks; and the 52nd Bengal Infantry, which had
mutinied in September, was almost annihilated. The
men had marched and fought for sixteen hours with the
thermometer at 115° in the shade. More were stricken
:
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
383
down by sunstroke than by the enemy; Sir Hugh Rose
having four successive attacks of sunstroke during the
day. The infantry were much too exhausted to pursue
the rebels, but the cavalry followed them for three miles.
A final advance was now to be made for Kálpi, where a
nephew of the Nána, known as Rao Sáhib, and the Nawáb
of Bánda had joined the forces of Tántia and the Ráni.
Kálpi was a fort on a lofty rock on the southern bank of
the Jumna, protected by five strong lines of defence. The
rebels also fortified the road by which Sir Hugh was
expected to advance. But their calculations were vain.
Sir Colin Campbell had detached a force from his army in
Hindustán, under Colonel Maxwell, to co-operate with the
Bombay column; and Maxwell was now at Goláwli on the
Jumna, six miles east of Kálpi. Sir Hugh left the forti-
fications on one side, and effected a junction with Maxwell,
on May 15th; by this movement turning the five lines
of defence of Kálpi. The troops were terribly exhausted.
For five days after reaching Goláwli the enemy harassed
them daily; their leaders having issued a general order
that, as the European infidels either died or had to go
into hospital from fighting in the sun, they were never to
be attacked before ten o'clock in the day, in order that
they might feel its force." Meanwhile, Sir Hugh repulsed
the attacks while making his preparations for dealing
a crushing blow. But the enemy resolved to anti-
cipate his attack. On the 22nd they hurled themselves.
against him at Goláwli, after swearing on the sacred
waters of the Ganges to destroy his force or die. The
result was as decisive as in the previous actions. The
British troops, exhausted as they were, had strength left
to put the enemy to flight, and their vow on the holy water
(C
384
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of the Ganges was broken. Throughout the night Kálpi
was shelled by Maxwell's artillery; and when on the
morning of the 23rd Sir Hugh's forces entered the city,
pigs and dogs were fighting over corpses in the streets,
but not a sign of the enemy could be seen. Fifty guns
and a large amount of stores and ammunition were found
in the rebel arsenal. The enemy were pursued and over-
taken by the cavalry; the sepoys cut down by hundreds,
and all their remaining guns captured.
(6
Sir Hugh Rose had fulfilled his instructions unaided by
the Madras column, which arrived a few days later; and,
deeming that his labours were over, he issued a farewell
order to his army.
Soldiers,” it said, "you have marched
more than a thousand miles, and taken more than a
hundred guns, you have forced your way through moun-
tain passes and intricate jungles, and over rivers; you
have captured the strongest forts and beat the enemy, no
matter what the odds, wherever you met him; you have
restored extensive districts to the Government, and
peace
and order now reign where before, for twelve months, were
tyranny and rebellion; you have done all this, and you
have never had a check. I thank you with all my sincerity
for your bravery, your devotion, and your discipline.
When you first marched, I told you that you, as British
soldiers, had more than enough of courage for the work
which was before you, but that courage without discipline.
was of no avail; and I exhorted you to let discipline be your
watchword. You have attended to my orders. In hard-
ships, in temptations, and in dangers you have obeyed
your general, and you have never left your ranks. You have
fought against the strong, and you have defended the
rights of the weak and defenceless, of foes as well as friends.
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
385
I have seen you, in the ardour of combat, preserve and
place children out of harm's way. This is the discipline
of Christian soldiers; and it is this which has brought
you triumphant from the shores of Western India to the
waters of the Jumna, and established, without doubt, that
you will find no place to equal the glory of your arms.”
The order was issued on the 1st of June. On the 4th,
Sir Hugh was astounded by the news that Tántia Topi
had formed a new and unlooked-for combination by which
to retrieve his fortune and prolong the struggle. Making
for the fortress of Gwalior, with the Ráni and Rao Sáhib,
he stirred Sindia's men to revolt. Sindia marched out
to attack the armies that the three leaders brought into
his dominions, but his whole army, with the exception of
his body-guard, went over to the enemy, and he himself
fled to Ágra. His city and fortress fell into the hands
of the mutineers, who once more proclaimed Nána Sáhib
under the title of Peshwa. The act was not only of
unexpected daring, but of consummate military skill.
Tántia had cut in two the line of communication between
Bombay and Agra, gained immense stores and muniments
of war, and raised his prestige to an unprecedented height.
Fully recognising the magnitude of the emergency, Sir
Hugh made his preparations instantly to resume the
campaign. On the 6th of June he left Kálpi, and, making
forced marches, arrived in ten days at the Cantonment of
Morár, near Gwalior, and on the day of his arrival fought
another brilliant engagement which made him master of
that place. (June 16th).
The next day, June 17th, Sir Hugh Rose learnt that
*This was Sindia's own army, distinct from the Gwalior con-
tingent, which had long since revolted.
25
386
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
General Smith's column, which had been holding Jhansi,
was advancing to reinforce him. Smith's advance was stub-
bornly resisted, and an obstinate engagement was fought
at Kota-ki-Serai, south of Gwalior. In the last charge by
the 8th Hussars, a trooper cut down a woman dressed in
male attire, who was no other than the daring Lakshmi
Bai, Ráni of Jhansi, whom Sir Hugh esteemed as “the best
and bravest military leader of the rebels.
.་
On the 18th, Sir Hugh marched to join Smith, who had
camped not far from Gwalior, leaving General Robert
Napier, now Lord Napier of Magdála, who had succeeded to
the command of his 2nd Brigade, to hold the Morár
cantonment. Late in the evening the troops halted near
Smith's position, after a march of twenty miles, in which
in one regiment alone the sun struck down no fewer
than eighty. Sir Hugh determined to attack the enemy
on the 20th. But early on the 19th he saw them moving
out from Gwalior against him, and according to his usual
custom he attacked them first. The charge was ordered,
and the ever-victorious army hurled the rebels back in
confusion on the city and vigorously followed up their
success. That very day Gwalior was reconquered, and
an order sent to Napier to pursue the fleeing enemy. But
the mighty fortress of Gwalior, the Gibraltar of India,
that loomed 300 feet above the city, still held out, and
its guns re-opened fire. Hearing the fire, Lieutenant Rose
of the 28th Bombay Native Infantry and Lieutenant
Waller, a brother-officer, determined on a daring deed.
Taking a blacksmith and a few sepoys, they crept silently
to the first gateway, burst it open and passed five more in
the same manner. At last the alarm was given, and a fierce
struggle took place. The two officers gathered their men
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
387
together and made a rush that gave them victory. Rose fell
dead; and, for his bravery, Lieutenant Waller gained the
Victoria Cross. On that day, Sindia was restored with
all ceremony to his palace and capital; but the rebels had
plundered his treasury of half a million sterling. Napier,
meanwhile, overtook the flying rebels at Jura Alipur, slew
nearly 400 of them, and took twenty-five guns. Tántiá
Topi and Rao Sáhib fled into Rájputána.
It would be tedions to follow the flight and pursuit of
Tántia from place to place. From Rájputána to Barár
the pursuit never slackened, and the last efforts of his
resistance were seen in his junction with the Moghal
prince Feroz; but they were hunted down with unsparing
efforts, and at last, in April 1859, Tánti was caught during
sleep in a Málwa jungle. His military genius had made him.
a formidable opponent; personal courage he lacked alto-
gether. He had, however, not feared to superintend the
massacre of the English on the river at Cawnpore, and he was
at once tried, convicted, and hanged. Nána Sahib and his
brother, Bála Sáhib, had been driven into the Terai jungles,
at the foot of Nepál, with the remains of their armies.
Bála Sáhib, Azim Ulla, and many of the rebel sepoys
perished miserably from the pestilential climate. It is
probable that Dhondu Pant, Nána Sáhib, who called him-
self Peshwa, shared the same fate, but nothing has been
known for certain of his end. Thus practically ended the
rebellion in which, as Sir Colin Campbell recorded, 150,000
native troops had been subdued. The provocation to
the English had been terrible; that the punishment was
disproportionate none can say.
Peace was proclaimed by Lord Canning on July 8th, 1859,
and the 18th of that month was fixed as a day of general
-
388
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
thanksgiving "A humble offering of gratitude to Almighty
God for the many mercies vouchsafed." But long before
this, people in England made up their minds that the
Government of the Company must cease. The Company
had had a unique history, and under it had been built
up a vast empire. But the mutiny had shown that the
empire was too vast to be ruled by a body of merchants;
and on the 1st of November 1858, a proclamation
was read in every station in India, in the English
and the native languages, that the Company was
abolished and India brought under the direct rule of
the British Crown. From the steps of the Town Hall in
Bombay the proclamation was read out to thousands
and thousands, who listened to it with demonstrative enthu-
siasm. In the Bombay Presidency the spirit of the
proclamation was carried out first by Lord Elphinstone.
and then by Sir George Clerk, who for a second time
became Governor. Rebellion was pardoned and despairing
chiefs allowed to adopt sons. In this way the prophecy
was fulfilled which foretold the extinction of the Company's
Ráj. Lord Canning, the Governor-General, became the first
Viceroy of India. All existing dignities, rights, usages
and treaties were confirmed, and the people were assured
that the British Government had neither the right nor
the desire to tamper with their religion or caste. With
the exception of those who had been implicated in the
murders, an amnesty was granted to all mutineers. And
since the mutiny, no state within the limits of India has
been annexed to the British crown, though occasions, which
under the old régime would have been promptly followed
by annexation, have not been wanting. The present High
Courts at each Presidency were created by the amalgama-
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
389
tion of the Company's Courts of Sadar Adálat with the
Supreme Courts, whose judges were sent out from England.
The wisdom of one step that was taken in connection
with the transfer of the Government to the Crown
has been keenly debated. The Company possessed a
European army of 10,000 seasoned veterans. These men
would have gladly re-enlisted in the Queen's army for a
small bounty; but they were transferred from one service
to the other without any reference to their wishes, as
they themselves expressed it, like so many cattle. They
evinced serious discontent; and one regiment, the 5th
Bengal Fusiliers, broke into open mutiny. Fortunately
this disturbance was soothed without a resort to force.
But they all demanded their discharge, and were sent
home to England with a free passage. There, however,
they were mostly absorbed into nine new regiments of
royal infantry, three of cavalry, and additions to the
engineer and artillery corps.
It has been seen that the origin of the mutiny must be
ascribed to a combination of causes and not to any one
cause in particular. It cannot even be said how far it
originated within the ranks of the army, or how far it was
due to political intrigues, which worked on men already
disloyal. The inhabitants of India as a general rule, except
in Oudh, were neutral. The rebellious princes and chiefs-
among whom were the Emperor of Delhi and his family,
Nána Sahib, the Ráni of Jhansi and the Rája of Bánpur-
were altogether in the minority compared with those
who remained loyal, including the great Marátha chiefs,
Sindia, Holkar, and the Gaikwár. England had passed
triumphantly through the fiercest ordeal that her arms had
ever met with in the East. The loyal classes, if they wanted
390
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
any further proofs of the beneficial nature of English rule,
had an ample demonstration of what the rule which it
supplanted was like, in the insecurity for life and property
that at once sprang up wherever her authority for a
time ceased to be. The old class of hereditary robbers
and marauders helped the propertied classes to realise what
they gained from the Paz Britannica. Shattered as was
the hostile combination by the iron hand of the supe-
rior race, signs were not wanting that success would have
severed its discordant elements as surely as failure. The
Muhammadans longed to restore the magnificence of
the empire of Aurangzib, and the standard of Bahádur
Sháh was a useful rallying-point for all who wished to
shake off a foreign yoke. But Nána Sáhib had his own
ends in view, the successful accomplishment of which
would have soon brought him into conflict with the repre-
sentatives of Akbar. Nor with the revival of Shiwaji's
empire could the Hindus of Northern India have the
slightest sympathy. Their historical associations returned ·
to the old condition of things, before Muhammadans had
interfered with the Aryan race in India. The lesser Rájas
merely wanted an overthrow of the system which pre-
vented them from indulging their taste for tyranny and
plunder. The inhabitants of India are singularly wanting
in a historical sense, and they looked for the restoration
of an imaginary golden age which, as far as is known to
us, was a dismal era of aggression, violence and murder.
Not even under the far-reaching tolerance of Akbar was
there anything like a national administration; nor did
either the rulers or the ruled ever contemplate the exis-
tence of a Government for the benefit of the people.
Splendid palaces and forts were built, and roads were
EXPLOITS OF THE BOMBAY ARMY.
391
created for the sake of royal processions; neither roads,
bridges, nor harbours were made for the general interest
of the people at large. Not even under Akbar could the
law hold in cheek the evil-doer; nowhere was there any
real security. On the grinding poverty, which from the
very nature of things must always exist in India by the
side of great wealth-poverty which we have at all events
attempted to ameliorate-they bestowed no care what-
ever. We hear much nowadays of India for the Indian.
Imagine for a moment, under Aurangzib, the cry of India
for the Hindu !
( 392 )
IN
XXVII.—INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
N 1830, Sir John Malcolm wrote, "I do hope this
steam navigation will be pushed through." But
the Bombay Government seemingly did not agree with
its chief as to the value of this communication. The
promoter was informed that "the Government did not
look for similar advantages from his success as the other
presidencies.” But the opening of steam navigation
has made Bombay the principal commercial city in India.
In 1838, monthly communication between Bombay and
England, by the overland route, was established; but the
steamers of the Indian Marine, that carried the mails
between Bombay and Suez, were often irregular. This
arrangement continued till 1855, when the Peninsular and
Oriental Company entered into a fortnightly contract for
the service. In 1868 Bombay was made the port of
arrival and departure for the English mails for all India;
and since the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, all
Government troopships with reliefs from England for
India disembark their men at Bombay. In 1865 telegra-
phic communication was established between England and
Karachi by way of the Persian Gulf, and in 1870 between
Bombay and Suez. Important as communication with
England was, internal communications were scarcely, if
at all, less so. In the Marátha wars the difficulty of
marching through the Konkan and up the Ghats into the
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
393
Deccan was almost insurmountable. In 1803 General
Wellesley made a rough track up the Bhor Ghát to Khán-
dálla, but it was subsequently pulled up by the Peshwa. In
1830, Sir John Malcolm opened an excellent road up the
same Ghát, and that and his discovery of Máhábleshwár
are the principal achievements of his rule. In 1863 Sir
Bartle Frere, Governor of Bombay, at the opening of
the Bhor Ghát Railway incline-which for fifteen miles.
takes the locomotive up nearly 2,000 feet, by a series of
viaducts and tunnels, through wild and beautiful scenery—
quoted Sir John Malcolm's congratulatory address
on the completion of the road, and said:-"When I
first saw the Ghát, some years later, we were very proud in
Bombay of our mail-cart to Puna; the first, and at that time
I believe the only one running in India, but it was some
years later before the road was generally used for wheeled
carriages. I remember that we met hardly a single cart.
between Khándálla and Puna; long droves of pack-bullocks
had still exclusive possession of the road; and probably
more carts now pass up and down the Ghát in a week
than were then to be seen on it in a whole year. But the
days of mail-cart and bullock-cart, as well as the Brinjári
pack-bullocks, are now drawing to a close." Bombay
can boast that she took the lead in introducing railways
into India. The Great Indian Peninsula Railway was pro-
jected in 1844. The first twenty miles to Thána were opened
in 1853; and in the mutiny Jacob was able to travel by
rail to the foot of the Ghats below Khándálla. Through
communication was established with Calcutta in 1870, and
with Madras in 1871. By the Bombay, Baroda and Central
India Railway there is through communication with Delhi;:
and from Karachi, by the Indus Valley State Railway, with
394
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
the Panjáb; while railway enterprise is busy in the Káthiá-
wár Peninsula, the Quetta territory, and the Deccan.
Excellent ordinary roads cover the country. The sepoys
of the Bombay army, unlike that of Bengal, have never
been unwilling to cross the sea. They have distinguished
themselves in many an expedition abroad, whether in
China, at Aden, in Abyssinia, Burma or Egypt; while for
its extraordinary promptness in despatching troops from its
dockyards, at almost a moment's notice, Bombay has
achieved no small reputation.
Bombay itself has grown into a city of which its citizens
may well be proud. Its beautiful natural position hast
been embellished by magnificent public buildings, and
substantial private dwelling-houses. The view from
Malabar Hill over the waters of Back Bay to the Fort has
been compared to Neapolitan landscapes, and Bishop
Heber's lines-
66
Thy towers, they say, gleam fair, Bombay,
Across the bright blue sea,"
pay a graceful compliment to the beautiful outlines. The
population of Bombay is about 775,000 and is rapidly
increasing. It forms a cosmopolitan society of the most
striking varieties of race, nationality and religion. Of
the total number there are 48,000 Pársis, and 10,000
Europeans; the latter, however, including many who are
hardly literally entitled to that designation. The Pársis
are an enterprising commercial race. They are sprung
from the fire-worshipping Persians, who left their country
in the seventh century on its conquest by the Muhammadans.
They first took refuge at Ormuz, in the Persian Gulf,
and afterwards migrated to the Káthiáwár Peninsula and
thence to Guzárát. Settling in the country, they adopted
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
395
many Hindu customs and learnt the Guzáráti tongue. On
the arrival of the English they at once attached themselves
to that nation. They rose to great importance in Surat;
and, when the Company's Government was moved to
Bombay, in that island also. A large share of the trade is
in their hands, and they own most of the hotels in
Western India.
Since the mutiny, considerable advance has been made
in the general administration of the Presidency. The
administration is carried on by a Governor and three
members of Council, one of whom is the Commander-in-
Chief of the Bombay Army. Next in the scale come the
four Revenue and Police Commissioners, one for Sind and
three for the Presidency proper. The unit for adminis-
trative purposes is the district which in many respects
corresponds to the English county, but is generally the
size of Yorkshire. A group of five or six districts is
called a division, and placed under a commissioner, who
is a supervising and not an executive officer, and who
forms a link between the district officers and Government.
The executive head of the district is the Collector and
District Magistrate. The designation of Collector has been
described as unfortunate, since the distribution of the
revenue is a more important part of his duty than its
collection. He is practically responsible for everything
that goes on in the district, and to the great bulk of the
population for all intents and purposes he is the govern-
ment. The magisterial working of the district is entirely
under his charge; the strictly judicial work alone is
assigned to the district and sessions judge, an officer who
has occasionally two districts to work. "Nothing can pass,"
it has been said, "in the district of which it is not the
396
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
duty of the Collector to keep himself informed, and to
watch the operation. The vicissitudes of trade, the state-
of the currency, the administration of civil justice, the
progress of public works, must all affect most materially
the interests of those classes of whom he is the constituted
guardian."
What the district is to the State, the village is to the dis-
trict; and there is a complete series of links from the village
pátil, or headman, to the Collector. A certain number
of villages, say 200, constitute a táluka, which is under the
charge of a native officer called a Mámlatdár, who has
revenue and magisterial powers, and in his smaller sphere
possesses in the táluka the position that the Collector holds
in the district. A district generally contains nine to twelve
tálakas. Three or four tálukas form a sub-division (of the
district) and are administered by an assistant or deputy-
collector. The various departments are represented in
each district by officers, who work under the direction
or in co-operation with the collector, but are yet controlled
by the heads of their own department. The police are
in charge of a District Superintendent, who is responsible
to the District Magistrate for the efficiency of his force,
and is likewise in more professional matters under the
orders of the Inspector-General of Police for the whole
Presidency. The forests are in charge of a District
Forest Officer, who has similar connections with the
Collector and the Conservator of Forests. So with the
Public Works Department, there is an Executive Engineer,
who is responsible for public buildings, roads and
bridges; and sometimes a separate officer for irrigation.
The Executive Engineer is controlled in technical matters
by the Superintending Engineer, and in general matters
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
397
by the Collector.
The health of the district is looked
after by a Civil Surgeon, who is controlled by the
Surgeon-General with the Government of Bombay. The
Educational Department has a Deputy-Inspector, who
works with the Collector, and yet under the Director of
Public Instruction; and so with other departments, such as
the Salt, Telegraph and Post-office.
The system of land tenure has already been referred to
(page 30). It is founded on the existing native system,
but brought into a more regular and uniform shape by the
Survey Department. The Survey Settlement was begun
in 1836, and ten years later the various existing surveys
were systematised in a regular and definite form. In 1847
a Joint Survey Report was made by Mr. Goldsmid of the
Civil Service, Captain (now Sir George) Wingate, and
Captain D. Davidson, and these joint rules, which were
extremely concise and simple, remained the authority on the
subject till 1865. In that year they were again issued, but
with considerable modifications; and under the present
Land Revenue Code the system has become more intricate
and elaborate. Almost the whole of the Presidency has
been measured out by the department into "Survey
Numbers," and boundary marks, which are carefully pre-
served, set up between each individual field, and maps of
each village prepared in detail. The land having been
measured out, it is classed according to the authorised rules
with reference to soil, position and other considerations,
and its assessment thereby fixed for a term of thirty years.
The Forest Department is of later origin. The first Con-
servator of Forests was created in 1847, but no staff was
appointed for many years later; and the department
practically dates from 1865, when it was handed over from
398
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
the Military Board to the Revenue Department. With the
increase of population and the clearance of land for cul-
tivation, it was found that the wasteful use of wood and
the indiscriminate cutting down of trees by the land-
holders and villagers was denuding the country of forests,
and even affecting the climate. Forests are now strin-
gently preserved, and the check on the former lavish waste
of wood has created considerable discontent. The prin-
ciples of the department have been thus laid down by
Government:- "The true objects for which the Forest
Department is organized and maintained are--
(1st.) To guard and preserve from wasteful destruc-
tion the timber growing on defined tracts of land, which
may properly be withdrawn from private occupation; and
by good management to ensure the supply from those
tracts in time to come of the timber needed to meet the
wants of the country.
"(2nd.) To combine with the above the realization, by
reasonable means, of such a revenue as the Government is
fairly entitled to expect from its possession of such valu-
able property.
"But in striving to attain these ends, Government are
bound to pay due regard to the habits and wants of
perhaps the poorest class of the population; and they
strongly deprecate vexatious and excessive interference
with their daily life, for the purpose of enforcing in petty
details the so-called rights of the Forest Department."
The forests now bring in a handsome revenue to Govern-
ment.
Wherever Englishmen govern they will make roads and
bridges, and nowhere was there more needed in this way
than in the empire that we won from the Peshwa. Public
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
320
buildings, roads, bridges, wells, or tanks of Marátha origin
were, it may be said, non-existent. Their predecessors, the
Muhammadans had, on the other hand, left not a few useful
memorials of their rule, but their object was almost entirely
the convenience of the rulers. Where the king was likely to
travel, there would be roads, wells and rest-houses-elsewhere
none. The Nawabs of the Deccan made bridges, roads and
wells, and planted avenues near their own country seats.
The first efforts of the English in this direction were of
imperial rather than local convenience; to ensure military
communications and advance similar indispensable objects.
But as the process of administration ripened into greater
completeness, attention was given to the providing means
for internal communication in all rural districts as they
came under survey. In 1852 Major Wingate submitted
a scheme for the creation of local funds for this purpose,
and for village schools, which was finally brought into force
in Sind in 1865, and in the rest of the Presidency in 1869,
The following are the main provisions of the scheme :-
I. "That there should be local funds for the promo-
tion of education in the rural districts, and for the forma-
tion and repairs of local roads.
II. "That this fund should be in part at least provided
by a local cess, imposed in addition to the ordinary assess-
ments where no pledge expressed or implied to the
contrary has been given, and when such a pledge has been
given, deducted if Government permit from the land
assessment, or levied by a voluntary rate from the payers
of land tax.
III. "That the tax-payers should have an influential
voice in the disposal of the funds.”
It was arranged that the cess should be in the proportion
400
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
of one anna to a rupee of the assessment, and that two-thirds
of this should go to roads and one-third to education. Other
funds, too, were added, such as the surplus from toll and
ferry and cattle-pound funds, and the management of these
works handed over to the Local Fund Committee. The
system has now developed to large proportions.
While self-governing village communities have existed
in India from time immemorial, the unit under native rule
never ceased to be the village. But besides the system
of Local Fund Committees, the British Government has
created Municipalities in all towns above a certain size
for the management by the citizens in conjunction with
the district authorities of the local affairs of the town,
such as roads, education, water-supply, and sanitary ar-
rangements.
In order to ensure the proper working of this elaborate
system of administration, the Bombay Government insists
on District Officers spending a large part of each year on
tour. The Collector is on tour in his district for at least
four months annually; but directly the dry weather of each
year is thoroughly established at the end of October, each
Assistant Collector, Superintendent of Police, Forest and
Survey Officer moves into camp, and lives in tents till the
following June, when the rains drive him into the station.
Pitching his camp in one village after another, talking to
the people and listening to their grievances, each Dis-
trict Officer gets a thorough acquaintance with the wants
of the country, and the state of feeling of the people. He
makes the acquaintance of the influential inhabitants of
the country, and the lower and more ignorant classes have
easy access for the purpose of making known their com-
plaints. Even when the grievance is an imaginary onė
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
401
and it cannot be remedied, it gives immense gratification
to the simple ryot to be able to tell his story to the sahib
in his own language, and obtain a patient hearing. Thus
English officials go everywhere and see everything; they
actually live among the people, and see them in their most
attractive guise when carrying on their agricultural opera-
tions in their villages, and not by any means only when
exercising their inimitable talent for swearing that black
is white in our law courts.
How far the British system of Government has really
affected the mass of the people and taken a hold upon
them, whether they are thriving and happy, or poor and
miserable under our rule, is a vast subject, and one that can
hardly be answered in a moment. It has been reiterated
over and over again of late years, by those who dash
through India in a flying cold weather tour, or who seek
to gain a notoriety by sensational writing, that the condi-
tion of the people is getting worse year by year; that
under British rule they will soon be all ruined; that they
are at present undergoing miseries which are but premoni-
tory to absolute bankruptcy, and that our system is wholly
alien to their wants and requirements. Unfortunately,
writers of this class generally prove too much, and the
mere continued existence of the Anglo-Indian system in
spite of their prophecies is enough to demolish their case.
But we who live among the people, and week after week
never see the face of a fellow-countryman, may at all
events have a claim to be heard as to what we are
doing.
To compare the position of the ryots and cultivating
classes in general with that of corresponding classes in
Europe is necessarily futile. They belong to different
26
402
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
worlds.
An English labourer is extremely badly off
on two shillings a day. But a labourer in India is well
off on three or four pence. Food is cheap and plentiful;
clothes, beyond a girdle round his loins for the greater
part of the year, are superfluous encumbrances. From
the physical conditions of the country, the rate of wages-
has been from the earliest times extremely low and the
labour market abundant, while interest and rent were
always high. And so, from the first, the wealth of the
upper classes was excessive; the poverty of the lowest
great. That the cultivator can ever be actually wealthy is
impossible. Government cannot alter the natural condi-
tion of things. But it nevertheless can do, and has done
no little for the ryot. It has given him an ábsolutely fixed
tenure, with freedom over his land, such as exists in no
other part of the world; it accepts a moderate rent, which
is assessed for thirty years in advance; a rent which in fair
seasons leaves an ample profit, and in poor seasons enough
to live on. In bad seasons, in order to prevent borrowing
at high interest from the money-lender, Government makes
loans to the ryots for the purchase of seed and cattle, and
for assistance under particular distress; and at any time-
advances money for the construction of wells and improve-
ment of land. If by death, or otherwise, a survey number
ceases to be occupied, there is always considerable compe-
tition for its lease; and the rent being fixed and unalter-
able, the right of occupancy is put up to auction for a
lump sum, the land at the assessed rent passing, to the
highest bidder. Judging them by the physical conditions
of the country, and taking into consideration the limited
extent of their requirements, and not losing sight of their
improvident habits, no one who has lived among and
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
403
known the peasantry of Western India, seen their houses
and their fields and their cattle, can say that they do not look
well and comfortably off. Apart from their land assessment,
the only tax that they need pay is that on salt. Tobacco is
untaxed; on their clothes imported from Manchester there
is no duty. There are no signs whatever that the people
were ever better off than they are now; that they were worse
off when the Pindháris burnt their houses and plundered
their hardly-gained earnings, when armies devastated the
country, and flocks and herds and crops were seized for
the soldiery, there is no doubt whatever. And it must be
borne in mind that, thrifty and frugal as he is, the ryot is
extremely improvident. If people in England marry with-
out an income their conduct is regarded as well nigh
criminal by their friends and relations. In India, on the
contrary, the question of future provision for the children
whose marriages their parents arrange is one that is never
so much as thought of. By their religion marriage is
necessary for final salvation; and, with perfect trust in
Providence to provide, marriages are recklessly contracted,
and enormous debts incurred in ceremonies and fees to
priests. And so land, which could support two or three
families in comfort, has often to support double that num-
ber in comparative discomfort. For such a state of things
no Government can be blamed, and no ruler be held re-
sponsible for its results. In any other country, such reck-
less increase of population among a people who detest
leaving their native villages would infallibly cause utter
ruin in a few generations. The native of India is essen-
tially a borrower. It is nothing more to him to be in the
money-lender's hands than to an Englishman to know that
his country has a national debt. Indebtedness is looked
404
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
upon as a matter of course. There is no golden road by
which to remedy this disease. Improvement may come in
time by the spread of education, but the process is neces-
sarily slow. Thus while the standard of prosperity cannot
be very high, yet when food is cheap, clothing hardly needed,
houses amply suited to the climate built at slight labour
and cost, where improvidence recklessly squanders natural
advantages, the population are, considering all things, well to
do, and most assuredly do not looked starved or unhappy.
The people of the roughest lands in the Deccan contrast
favourably in appearance with the peasantry in the rich
plains of Bengal under the permanent settlement and
zemindári system.
That these people have the slightest ambition for any-
thing beyond having enough to eat and drink and giving
their sons and daughters in marriage is a supposition
which, if entertained at all, is altogether imaginary. What
Shiwaji and the Sind Amirs thought of the common
people has been recorded. They have always counted for
nothing; the idea of their ever having a voice in the
management of the state or even of the affairs of their
own district, always excepting their villages, would have
seemed ludicrous and absurd. They have for century
after century toiled and obeyed, giving allegiance to their
rulers whoever they might be, and taking little interest
in who they were. Therefore, any comparison of them with
the English peasant, who wears boots and clothes, reads the
newspapers and records his vote for his county or borough,
is utterly impossible and misleading. In real truth, the
condition of the ryot has steadily improved and is
still improving. Whether he realises that fact is quite
another thing. The native of India has little historical
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
405
sense or recollection; and, while he forgets all about the
Pindháris, he may talk of the good old times, which exist
only in his imagination. There are plenty of designing
people who are ready to tell him that never before
was he so badly off, and that his misery is entirely
due to a foreign Government. Natives of the higher and
more educated classes are found who, to secure political
advancement, journey to England and prate to audiences,
who have no means of verifying their statements, of their
being the representatives of 250 million people, and incite
pity for the wretched peasant who only earns three pence
a day and wears only a cloth round his loins. That on
three pence he can support his family, and that more
clothing would merely be troublesome, they omit to men-
tion. To raise the burden of caste superstition and
priestly tyranny these self-dubbed advocates lift not so
much as their little finger; and they could not, without
being defiled, touch these people whom they profess to
represent.
That shortcomings are necessarily incidental to a
foreign rule needs no demonstration. The manners of
European officials may not always be in consonance with
Hindu tastes, but any wish
wish to offend in such a
way is a thing almost entirely unknown. "The British
Government," a Muhammadan gentleman writes, "and the
Europeans employed in carrying it on are foreigners,
between whom and the natives there is no social sympathy
and fellow feeling. But is that Government tyrannical, or
are its servants tyrants? as some persons assert.
This
question can only be answered comparatively. A compa-
rison instituted between the British and native rule is
very much to the advantage of the former. I know a great
406
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
deal of the British rule, and also of the administration of
some native states. We know what the political, moral,
and material condition of India was before the British
rule. Does any one pretend to say that there were good
laws, that there was protection of person and property,
that the poor had any remedy against the great and the
rich, that there was liberty of action and opinion, that
there was peace, that education was provided for the
people ?
"The administration of many Native States in India
has considerably improved of late. But to whom is
this due ? Surely to the British Government and their
Political Agents. I personally know that in certain states
even such improvements as good communications, efficient
police, equal justice, removal of oppressive taxes, opening
of a few schools, and so on were adopted by the chiefs
after years of pressing from the Government and its agents;
and at last they were adopted to please the British
Government.
"It is true that the masses of people in India, both in
British India and in the Native States, are poor, ill-fed and
ill-clad. But who can say that this is due to the British
rule ? Their condition was never better; it was perhaps
worse before."
A few points may be noticed which demonstrate the im-
proved condition of the people. Men have perished in
masses in India from famine, at the very time when in other
parts of the country there was a superabundance of food
which could not be brought to them. Now railways pour
grain by tons into starving districts, and where famine
raged a few years ago there remains no sign of the misery
that was undergone. But of a great famine that occurred
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION.
407
in Khandesh at the beginning of the century the traces, in
deserted villages and overgrown fields, have not yet passed
away. The financial statements of the Government of
India show that the exports and imports of merchandize
and treasure increased, from an annual amount of fourteen
millions sterling in the early part of the century, to sixty
millions in 1859 and 154 millions in 1884. This enormous
increase of trade cannot have taken place without an improve-
ment in the purchasing as well as producing-power of the
people. This is shown by the increase of imports of cotton-
goods from nineteen to twenty-five millions in five years.
One noticeable increase in the standard of comfort is, that in
a single year nearly four million umbrellas were imported,
and sheet glass is wanted more and more for windows in
native dwellings. As by railways the wealth of the
country can be distributed, so by irrigation works its pro-
ductiveness is immensely increased. In short, while
optimism may be dangerous, yet the pessimist views of
ignorant and designing writers are altogether to be
deprecated.
I cannot close this sketch better than by an extract from
the writings of Sir Henry Lawrence.
Though compelled in candour to admit that without
sword-government the British in India could not maintain
their position, we feel strong in our hearts the conviction
that one good magistrate may be better than a regiment;
one sound law well administered better than a brigade; that a
happy mixture of a just civil administration with the strong
hand will retain the country in peace and happiness as
long as it is good that we should hold it. It is not by
believing either ourselves or our laws all purity or all
corruption that we are likely to come to a right under-
408
HISTORY OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY.
standing of what is best for India, but by a close study of its
past history; and then by setting ourselves down, each in
his own sphere, and honestly working out the details of
a code honestly and ably prepared, not shifting and chang-
ing from day to day, but founded on experience and suit-
able to a rude and simple people who, like all people under
the sun, prefer Justice to Law !”
THE END.
INDEX.
A
PAGE
PAGE
Abdulla Syad
Abercrombie, General
130
194
Aboriginal tribes..
Aden captured...
303
Ádil Shahi dynasty...
2822
10
Raghoji
Anjidiwa
Ángria-Kánhoji, 126, 132, 135 ;
Tukáji, 126; Tuláji, 154, 155;
52 Apa Sáheb, regent of Barár...247, 260
320
..59, 110
Áfghán war, first.
294
Aras, battle of
171
Afzul Khán
106
Arcot, siege of
147
Áhmad Shah
43
Árgaum, battle of
222
Áhmad Shah Abdali
150
Arikera, battle of
194
Áhmad Shah, Emperor
150
Ashta, battle of
260
Áhmadábád, 44; taken by the
Asirgahr
46
Maráthas, 148; by the English 179
Áhmadnagar, 52, 54; end of the
kingdom, 93; Wellesley at
216
Asoka...
21, 28
Assaye, battle of
219
...
Auckland, Lord
291
Akbar.....
69, 71
Aungier, Gerald
115
Álamgir, Aurangzib
101
Aurangábád, 96; battle of......... 163
Álamgir II.
150
Albuquerque
61
Aurangzib, Viceroy of the Dec-
can, 96; usurps the throne,
Alexander
26
Alibág
132
101 war in the Deccan
Ázim Ulla Khán .............
127
.346,387
Ali Murád of Hydarábád
297
Ali Murád of Kyrpur
307
B.
Alington, Captain
180
Aliwardi Khán
156
Bába Desai of Sawantwári
.... 372.
Alla-ud-din, conqueror of the
Bábar
47, 67
Deccan
40
Almeida
Amherst, Lord.
.....
62
Bahadur Shah of Guzárát......... 65.
Bahadur Shah, Emperor
129-
275
Bahadur Sháh, last Emperor, 345, 353 -
Amir Khán
Amirs of Sind
234, 262
Bahmani, kingdom of the Deccan 42
296
Bahrám Khán
71
Anand Rao Gaikwár ...212, 213, 226
Anderson, Mr., envoy to Sindia. 184
Baillie, Col., his defeat
182
Baird, Sir David
214
410
INDEX.
Bairu Pant, Peshwa
Báji Rao (1)
Báji Rao (2), 201; flight to
Bombay, 211; treaty of Bassein,
212; battle of Khirki, 253; sur-
renders to Malcolm, 264; sent
to Cawnpore, 265; death 323
Bakar, fort of
296
Báláji Báji Rao, 143, 149; death. 160
Báláji Janárdin (Nána Farnáwis 159
Bolan Pass
Bombay, ceded by Portuguese,
110; proposal to remove from
to Janjira, 114; becomes Presi-
dency, 121; growth of the city 394
Boone, Governor..
Bourchier, Governor
PAGE
PAGE
132
Black Hole of Calcutta
157
138
Blake, Mr., murdered
289
295
135
154
Bourquin, Louis
221
Báláji Wishwánáth
131
Briggs, Capt......
266, 273
Bánkot, or Fort Victoria
155
British Supremacy
230
Balance of power.
231
Broach, taken by the English,
Bápu Gokla
250, 254, 257
169; given to Sindia
184
Barár, 53, 138; ceded to the Nizam 224
Browne, Col.....
183
Barlow, Sir George..
231
Brydon, Dr.
304
Baroda, 3; taken by English... 213
Buddha
20
Bassein, 70; taken by the Eng-
lish, 181; treaty of
Burhanpur
46
212
Burmese war
275
Bassora
36
Burnes, Alexander...... 293, 297, 301
Báwa Sáhib
321
Burr, Col
254
Bednur
Bell, Mr. Ross
Bentinck, Lord William, 233
Governor-General, 281, etc.;
meeting with Ranjit Sing, 291;
Bernadotte
189
Bussy
147, 188
303
Byfield, Mr
156
>
C
335, 337
Cabral
59
188
Calcutta founded.
122
Best, Captain
87
Camac, Col... ……..
183, 198
Bhágoji Naik
374
Campbell, Capt.
180
Bhagwa Jenda.
259
Campbell, Sir Colin
353
Bhartpur, siege of...
229, 276
Canning, Mr.
247, 255, 258
Bhils, 11, 237; pacification of
273
...
Canning, Lord, 328,
341; be-
Bhopal, anarchy at
289
comes first Viceroy
388
Bhor Ghát...
177
Carnac, Mr., 177; dismissed...... 178
Bidar..
42, 44, 53
Carnac, Sir James
292
Bijanagar
56
Carnatic..
...
155
Bijápur, 52, 55; its buildings, 57;
taken by Aurangzib.
Caste
13
124
Chánd Bibi
76
INDEX.
411
PAGE
PAGE
'Chanda Sahib
Chandra Gupta
146
Dámáji Gaikwár
138
28
Dára
101
Chaplain, Mr.
266
Darius.
26
Charnock, Job
122
Dassara, festival of
251
Chául.
51, 64, 141
Dáud Khán
130
Chauth
114
Daulat Khán Lodi
47
Chetu, Pindhári
262
Davidson, Capt......
397
Child, Sir John.
121
De Boigne
191, 217
Child, Sir Josiah
121
Deccan
3
Child-marriage, forbidden by
De Nuera
59
Akbar...
80
Deshmukhs
33
Chima Sahib of Kolhápur
370
Deshpands...
33
Chimnáji
140
...
Chimnáji Apa…...
Dhárwár, ceded
246
201
Dhondia Wág
209
....
Chin Khilich Khán
Chisholm Lieut
Clerk, Sir George
130
Dhondu Pant (see Nána Sáhib)
257
Diaz
52
323, 388
Dick, Lieut..
381
Clive, 145; at Gheria, 155; at
Dig, fort of
228
Plassey
157
District officers..
395, 400
Close, Capt.
248
Diu, 65; siege of
66
Close, Col...
211, 238
Dost Muhammad, 292, etc.
Columbus
52
Drake, Sir Francis
St
Companies, East India, final
Dudrenec
197
union of
122
Duncan, Governor
207, 211, 224
Confederacy, Marátha
186
Dupleix
145
Coote, Sir Eyre, 158, 182; at Porto
Durand, Col.
360
Novo, 183; death..
188
Dutch, the, 79; attack Bombay 115
Cornwallis, Lord 192, etc.;
second term of office....……….. 229
Corten's, Sir Thomas, new Com-
E
pany
Crowe, Mr.
9.5
296
East India Company, 84; aboli-
shed...
3SS
D
Dabba...
Da Gama...
316
.51, 60
Dainglia (see Trimbakji)
Dalhousie, Lord ……………….. 322, 326, 340
Eastwick, Lieut.
Education
Egerton, Col., 177; dismissed
Egypt, Bombay troops in
Ellenborough, Lord, 297; Gover-
nor-General
296, 301
270
178
...
214
304
412
INDEX.
PAGE
PAGE
Elphinstone, Mountstuart, 220,
223; resident at Puna, 238, 252;
at battle of Khirki, 253; com-
missioner of the Deccan, 258;
Governor of Bombay, 269; his
love of sport, 272; policy and
views, 279; retirement
Elphinstone, Lord
280
346, 359, 361
European army of the Company. 389
European officials, their position, 283
Ghazni
Gheria, 135; Clive at
Ghatge, Shirji Rao......203, 209, 229
Ghaznevide dynasty
37
36.
155
Gholám Khadir
191
Goa, 63; garrisoned by British
troops
236
Goddard, Col.
...
178, etc.
Gokla (see Bápu)
Goláwli, action at.
383
Goldsmid, Mr.
397
F
Golkonda, 53; taken by Aurang-
zib
124
Falkland, Lord
323
Gordon, Capt.
141
Famines
407
Gordon, Major....
262
Faroksir.
130, 135
Gowind Rao Gaikwár.
171, 199
Fatte Sing Gaikwár
171, 199
Grant, Sir John Peter.
284
Feroz, Prince
387
Grant Duff, Capt.
258
Fitzgerald, Capt., at Sitabaldi ... 260
Grantham, Sir Thomas
121
Ford, Capt.
239
Gurária, battle of
361
Forde, Col., defeats French and
Gujárát, 3; becomes a Muhamma-
Dutch....
158, 159
dan kingdom....
44
Forest Department
397
Gujáráti language
7
Forjett, Mr......
364, 367
H
Francis, Mr., his views
On
Bombay...
174
Harcourt, Col.
217
Free press
268
Harding, Lord ……..
322
Free trade.....
196
Harris, General
206
Frere, Sir Bartle
359, 393
Hartley, Capt.
177, 194, 207
Hastings, Marquis of
.241, 268
G
Hastings, Warren, 173, 176, 179,
etc.; retires
192
Gaikwár, origin of.
138
Havelock, Sir H.
352
Gama da Vasco
51
Hawkins
.83, 85
Ganga Prasád
369
Heber, Bishop
277, 394
Gangadhar Shástri
242
Hemu
72
...
Gáwilgahr.....
77, 222, 223
Henery Island
321
Gell, General
322
Henry, Lieut.
375
Gháts, Western
3
Herat, siege of
293
INDEX.
413
PAGE
PAGE
Hijira
35
Jahándár Sháh.
130
Hindustan
1
Jahángir, 83, etc.; treaty with the
Hindustani Language..
Hislop, Sir Thomas 248;
Mehidpur…....
8
English
SS
at
Jagat Shet
143
261
Jains
22, 29
Holkar, origin of
138
Janies, Commodore
154
""
Tukáji
200
Jangiz Khán
39
Yeshwant Rao, 202, 210,
""
Janjira, 99; attached by Shiwáji,
214, 227, 232
114; never conquered
199
دو
Wituji, 202;
death...... 211
Jári Patka
254
Amrat Rao
215
Jay Singh, General...
113
""
Malhar Rao
""
232, 261
Jaypál, King...
37
Tulsi Bai
232, 261
Jazia
80, 83
Holland, Governor
193
Jenkins, Mr.
260, 261
Hornby, Governor, 169, 175, 178, 180
Jhansi, Rani of, 351, 378, 386;
Horne, John
140
siege of
379
"Hugh Lindsay," the
287
Hughes, Admiral.
ISS
K
Humayun
68, 69
Hussein Ali of Mysur
194
Kábul, capitulation at
304
Hussein Ali, Syad,
130
Kachh, 3; expedition against
244
Hydar Ali, 163, 182;
death...... 188
Kaira
226
Hydar Kuli Khán
137
Kálikat
51
Kallora, in Sind
295
I
Kánara
3, 195
Kánarese language
8
Imámgahr, Napier's march
Kanhoji (see Ángria.)
against
Inám Commission..
Inámdárs
Inchbird, Capt
309
Karáchi, taken
301
.362, 372
Karanja, taken
170
31
Karim, Pindhári
262
141
Karrak, expedition to
294
Indus
Infanticide
3
Kásim conquers Sind..
36
211
Katak, Marátha fort at
149
Interlopers
288
Káthiáwár.
3
Keane, Sir John
301
J
Keating, Col.
170, 172, 177
Keigwin's rebellion..
121
Jacob, Capt
313
Kennedy, Col.
260
Jacob, Col...................365, 370, 372
Kerr, Lieut.
362, 364
&
414
INDEX.
'મ
PAGE
M
PAGE
Khándálla..
177, 182
Macgregor, Capt.
262
Khánderi (Kenhery)
115
Khándesh, 4; Mussalmán king-
Mackintosh, Sir James…………..
Macleod, General
.225, 269
190
.....
dom of, 46; reclamation by the
Macpherson, Mr., Governor-Gene-
British
272
ral
... 192
Khán Jahán Lodi
SS, 91
Madanpur, battle of
378
Khardla, battle of
200
Madras, founded
95
Khirki, battle of
253
...
Máhábhárat
13.
Khiljy dynasty
39
Máhábleshwár
.4, 28.5
Khizr Khán
47
Máhádaji Sindiá, 151 (see Sindia).
Kolába, 132; annexed..
320
Máhárájpur, battle of...
320:
Kolhápur, Rája of, 129; a sepa-
Máháráshtra....
7
rate state, 144; war with
321
Máhdu Rao Peshwa
...
.162, 167, 201
Koli rising.....
322
Málabár..
3.
Korygaum, battle of
256
Malcolm, Sir John, 223, 231, 248;
Kota-ki-Serai, battle of
386
at Mehidpur
261
Krishna
1
Governor of Bombay
...281, 393
Kulbarga
44
Malcolm, Col.
.373, 374:
Kulkarnis
32
Malcolm Peth
285
Kutab-ud-din
38
Malet, Mr.
192
Kutab Shahi dynasty.
53
Málegaum, surrender of
263
Málik Áhmad
54
Málik Ambar
78.
L
Mámlatdárs
272, 396
Mandisur, battle of
361
Mándu, fort
90.
Lake, General, 217; at Laswári,
221; war with Holkar
Mangalur, siege of, 189; Conven-
227, 232
tion of
190.
'
Lancaster, Capt.
84, 85
Manson, Mr., 372; murdered
37.4
...
Land tenure
30, 397
lings
32
Laswári, battle of
221
Manu, institutes of
15.
Lawrence, Col. George
359
Marathi language
7.
Lawrence, Sir John
355
Marlborough, Earl of..
110
Lawrence, Sir Henry, his views. 407
Mathews, General, 189; murdered 190-
Leslie, Col.
177
Maughan, Col.
363
Lester, General,
366, 373
Maxwell, Col.
383
Lingayats
22
Medicine, college of, at Calcutta. 288
Local funds
399
Medows, General
194
Lodi dynasty
47
Megadha
2S*
INDEX.
415.
PAGE
PAGE
Megasthenes....
28
Mysur wars-
Mehidpur, battle of..
261
1st
165.
Meiklejohn, Lieut.
381
2nd.
180, 189.
Mhárs
32
3rd
19.1
...
Miáni, battle of
312
4th
203:
Middleton
S5
N
Minto, Lord
231, 236
Mirás dárs
30
Nádir Sháh at Delhi
111
Mir Jáfar
157
Najib-ud-daula...
150
Mir Rustam of Kyrpur
297
Nána Sahib 265, 324, 346, 352,
Missionaries
.196, 270
356, 387
Moghals.....
38
Nána Sáhib Peshwa...
143
Moira, Lord
241
Nána Farmáwis... 153, 162, 200,
Monson, Col....
227, 228
etc.; death...
209
Mongols......
3S
Napier, Sir Charles, 307, etc.
339
Monsoon
10
5
Napier, Sir Robert..
.386
Moor, Commodore
172
Napoleon Buonaparte
206
Morába
175
Nárayan Rao Peshwa.
167
Morár, battle of
385
Narbada...
4
Mornington, Lord
205
Nargund, Bába Sahib of
373
Mostyn, Mr., at Puna, 163, 168,
Narnálla Fort
222
175; death....
177
Násir Jang..
.140, 147
Mozaffar Khán of Guzárát
H
Native States..
406
Muázim, 115; becomes Emperor. 129
Nary, Indian.
239
Mudáji Bhonsle of Barár
181
Negapatam, Dutch driven out
Muhammad
35
of
183
Muhammad Amin
136
Nelson, Lord..
206
Muhammad Ghori
37
Nepál, conquest of
241
Muhammad of Ghazni
37
Nepean, Sir Evan…..
260, 266
Muhammad Khán
309 etc.
Nizám Ali....
151, 207
Muhammad Sháh, 133; Emperor 150
Nizams of Hydarábád
137
Muhammad Toghlak
41
Nizam Shahi dynasty
52
Munro, Sir Hector's flight from
Nizám-ul-Mulk
51
Hydar Ali.....
182
Nizám-ul-Mulk
130, 136
Munro, General Thomas
259
Non-intervention
231
Murád
101
Northern Sirkárs
147
Murray, Col.....
227
Nott, General
338
Murshidábád
143
Nuttall, Col......
375
416
INDEX.
0
PAGE
PAGE
Ochterlony, Col. .....
..228, 262, 276
Pirates, 154; stamped out, 239 ;in
Omar
Outram, Sir James, 274, 302; his
35
Persian Gulf, 277 (sce Ángria).
Plassey
157
war with Kolhápur,321; in Per-
Police, bravery at Talliwára
372
sia, 346; at Lucknow
353
Pollock, General
338
Oxenden, Sir George
112
Popham, Capt.
180
Oxenden, Henry
117
Porto Novo, battle of...
183
Porus
23
Pottinger, Capt., 266, 291, 297,
P
301,
302
Pottinger, Eldred
293
Paget, Sir Edward ...
Pratáp Sing, Rája of Sátára 322, 323
Prophecy about the mutiny
337
Palmer, Col.
204, 209
Pritzler, General
Panálla
108
Pánipat, battles of
47, 67, 153
Panjáb
2
Panniár, battle of
320
Panwel, Egerton's advance from,
Goddard's retreat to ..... 183
Prother, Col.
258
345
255, 259
Pruen, Lt., and the " Ranger" 190
Puuá, becomes the capital of the
Maráthas, 148; burnt by the
Nizám, 139; taken by Holkar.. 211
Purandhar, 99; treaty of
174
177;
Parashrám Bhau....
201
Párbati
160
Pariahs
17
R
Parsáji Bhonsle
247
Parsees
329, 394
Patils
32
Pattle, Capt.
314
Raghoba, 143, 162; his unpopula
rity, 172, 174; his surrender 178:
death
184
Peninsular and Oriental Company 392
Perron ...
Raghoji Bhángria
322
214, 221
Raghoji Bhousle 139, 146, 149;
Persia, expeditions to, 277, 294, 346
Persian Ambassador killed in
his alliance with English
177
Raghonáth Rao
143
Bombay
224
Railways
393
Persian language....
S
Rais Pagri of Sind
296
Peshwa, origin of the dynasty,
Rájápur
109
138; rendition of the Govern-
ment to
Rájárám, son of Shiwáji
126
144
Rájárám of Kolhápur.....
371
Pilgrim ships of Aurangzib
Rájgahr
98
seized by Shiwáji, 113; by the
Ráma Kumpti
13,5
English
121
Rámoshis, rising
276
Pindháris
234, 241
Rám Rája
143
INDEX.
417
PAGE
"Ranger," action with Marátha
fleet
190
Sánskrit
Ranjit Sing
241
his meeting with Lord William
Bentinck, 291, 298; death
305
...
Sangameshwár
PAGE
148
S
Saringapatam, siege of....166, 182
Sátára, Rája of 258, 235; exiled
292: annexation of the state
Rango Bápuji
362
Sáti...
Rao Sahib
.383, 387
Sawarndrug, fight at
...
Ráoshan Akhtar
133
Ráthghar, action at.
377
Raygahr
.109, 259
Scotch East India Company
Schneider, Capt. John......... 363, 366
Schneider, Capt. Frederick
374
323
...
80, 285
155
122
•
Raymond
200
Seleukos.
28
Retrenchment
283
Sepoy regiments, first raised...... 146
"Revenge," the frigate...
172
Seton-Karr, Mr.
363
Revenue, Marátha system.
133
Shaháb-ud-din
150
Robertson, Capt.
266
Sháh Beg Árghun
53
Roe, Sir Thomas
$9
Shah Alam... 151, 153, 157, 191, 221
Rohillas
150, 160
Sháh Jahán
91
Rose, Sir Hugh
..358, 376, etc.
Sháji Bhonsle
90, 93
Rose, Lieut.
386
Sháh Suja, 292, etc.; his claims
Rose, Mr.
362
on Sind
299
Russian aims on India...293, 294, 299
"Shamsher Jang," destruction
Ryots, condition of the
401
of the
172
Ryotwár tenure
30
Shastri, Gangadhar
242
SherSháh Sur, or Sher Khán
...
68, 69
Shias
S
104
Shipman, Sir Abraham
110
Sabuktagin
37
Shiwáji, 94, 96, etc.; coronation,
Saharanpur, Marátha fort at
Sáhu (Shiwáji) son of Sam-
149
116: death
....
117
Shiwaji, son of Rájárám...... 126, 129
bháji
.126, 129, 143
Sholinghar, battle of
183
Sakhárám Bápu
167
Shore, Sir John...
200
Salábat Jang..
147
Shortt, General..
367, 369
Sálbai, treaty of
184
Shuja
101
Salsette, 65; taken by the Eng-
Sidáshiwa Chimnáji..
...
149
lish, 170; retained
181
Sidi of Janjira
100
Sambháji, son of Shiwáji, 113;
Sidoji Guzar
126
his desertion to the Sidi, 117; war
with Portuguese, 120; killed... 125
Sambháji, son of Rájárám………………….. 129
Sikh wars
Silim (Jahangir)
Silviera
322
78
65
27
418
INDEX.
PAGE
PAGE
Sind 2, 36; the Amirs of 277, 291,
Syads, the
130
etc.; annexed..
Sind controversy
318
305, etc.
T
Sindi language
7
Taimur the Tártár
47
Sindia, origin of
138
Talegaum, retreat from.
177
Sindia-
Tálner, siege of
262
Ránoji
148
Tálpuris in Sind
295
Jyápa
148
Tamerlane...
47
Máhádaji 151, 167, 191; de-
mands chauth from English,
192; at Puna 197; death and
character
198
Daolat Rao .198, 200, 203, 248
Tántia Topi... 351, 356, 379, 385, 387
Tápti
Tárábai, wife of Rájárám... 126, 129
Tatta, factory at.
4
296
Taylor, Mr., sent to Calcutta... 173
Jánkoji
.289, 319
Tew, Capt.
313
Singhar
..98, 112
Thags, repression of
286
Sion
122
Thána, 65; taken by Maráthas,
Siwa
122
140; by English....
170
Slave dynasty
38
Timoja of Kánara.
64
Sleeman, Sir William
286
Tipu Sultan
.188, 193, 206
Smith, Col. Lionel……….
.245, 260
Todar Mal
SO
Soarez.
62
Toghlak dynasty
40
Souter, Sir Frank.
374, 375
Tonk Rámpura, fort of
231
Spencer, Mr.
156
Torna
98
Staunton, Capt.
256
Travancore
193
Steam Navigation...
Stevenson, Col.
287, 297, 392
Trimbakji Dainglia... ...240, 243, 257
.215, etc.
Tripartite treaty
299
Stewart, General
377
Tulsi Bai Holkar
232
St. Lubin
176
Turban of Sind.
296
Stuart, General
188, 207
Stuart, General
.361, 377, 378
U
Suffrein, Admiral
187
Sunnis.
104
Umáji Naik
276
Supa, battle of
Underi Island
321
77
Sur dynasty
Upton, Col.
174
69
Surat, Hawkins at, 83; plundered
Upris
30
...
by Shiwaji, 112; castle taken
V
by English, 161; city taken
212
...
Suráj-ud-daula
Survey system
157
397
Vaughans, murder of ……………………………………. 251
Vedas (see Weds).
千
​INDEX.
419
PAGE
PAGE
Vellore, mutiny of
Vicovick at Kábul
233, 335
293
Willoughby, Sir John .......
323
Willoughby, Lieut.
350
Village communities
29
Wilson, General
354
Windham, General
357
W
Wingate, Sir G.
397, 399
Wishwás Rao.....
.152, 159
Waite, Sir Nicholas....
129
Woodburn, General
360
Wakil-i-Mutluk
191
Wooddington, Col....... 213, 217, 221
Walker, Col
225, 242
Waller, Lieut.
386
X
Wargaum, convention of
177
Xavier
71
Warre, Lieut., murdered
245
Warren Hastings.
173, 176
Y
Warsowa fort
170
Wasil Muhammad
262
Yeshwant Rao Holkar (see Hol-
Watson, Admíral, at Gheria...... 155
kar).
Watson, Commodore
170
Yeshwant Rao Ghorpure
250
Wedderburn, David....
Yusuf Ádil Sháh
169
55
Weds (Vedas)
13
Z
Wellesley, Major-General, 209,
215; his opinions of the Mará-
Záffar Khán, Alla-ud-din Hassan
thas, 225; of the English sol-
Gangu Bahmani.
42
diers..
331
Zámorin of Kálikat.
59, 61
Wellesley, Marquis of
207
Zemán Khán...
206, 208
Wheeler, Sir Hugh
352
Zemindárs, or landlords......
31
Whitlock, General
376
Zinat Mahal....
345
Wijaydrug....
135
Zulfkar Khán...
130
BOMBAY; PRINTED AT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA.

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 02705 5808
DO NOT REMOVE
OR
MUTILATE CARD
كنية